The 49th Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society
April 18-20, 2013

Contents
Welcome . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Schedule
Day 1 (Thursday, April 18, 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Day 2 (Friday, April 19, 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Day 3 (Saturday, April 20, 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Invited talks
Karlos Arregi (University of Chicago): The syntactic and postsyntactic derivation of agreement . . 12
Daniel Harbour (Queen Mary University of London): Morphosemantics as a foundational branch of
cognitive science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Idan Landau (Ben Gurion University): Predication vs. logophoric anchoring: A two-tiered theory ofcontrol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Roumyana Pancheva (University of Southern California): Quantity superlatives: The view from Slavic
and its cross-linguistic applications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Sharon Rose (University of California, San Diego): Phonological restructuring and long-distance interaction: implications for typology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16
Judith Tonhauser (The Ohio State University): What’s at issue? Exploring content in context . . . 17
PapersLobke Aelbrecht and Will Harwood (GIST-Ghent): It wasn’t elided, but it could have been: Optionaldeletion of auxiliaries in VP ellipsis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Eli Asikin-Garmager (University of Iowa): Hanunóo metathesis: A test case for an OptimalityTheoretic approach to left-edge metathesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Rebekah Baglini (University of Chicago): Expressing property concepts without adjectives: New evidence from Wolof . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Andrea Beltrama (University of Chicago): Presupposing scalarity from Latin to Italian: The suffix-issimo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Lev Blumenfeld (Carleton University): Quantifying external factors in metrics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20
Dustin Bowers (University of California, Los Angeles): Phonological restructuring in Odawa . . . . . 20
Samuel Bowman (Stanford University): Two arguments for vowel harmony by trigger competition 21
Elena Castroviejo-Miró (CCHS-CSIC) and Isabel Oltra-Massuet (Universitat Rovira i Virgili): An
emphatic abilitative modal: Ser capaç vs. be able . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Litong Chen and Tsz-Him Tsui (The Ohio State University): Chongqing Mandarin as a contour
tone-only language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Tsung-Ying Chen (University of Alberta): Slope-based tonal phonology: A case study of Hakha Lai
e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Rachel Dudley, Naho Orita, Morgan Moyer, Valentine Hacquard and Jeffrey Lidz (University of Maryland): Three year olds’ understanding of know and think . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Karthik Durvasula and Jimin Kahng (Michigan State University): Allophonic features modulate perceptual epenthesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
3

Emily Elfner (McGill University): Locality conditions on syntax-prosody Matching (in Conamara Irish)
24
Gillian Gallagher (New York University): Exploring ejective phonotactics and the identity preferencein Cochabamba Quechua . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Ángel J. Gallego (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona): Object agreement asymmetries in Romancee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Thomas Graf (University of California, Los Angeles): The syntactic algebra of adjuncts . . . . . . . . . . 25
Peter Graff1 , Zoe Snape1 , Morris Alper1 , Jeremy Hartman2 and Edward Gibson1 (1 Massachusetts
Institute of Technology; 2 University of Massachusetts at Amherst): What makes us communicate
efficiently . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Ciro Greco (University of Milan at Bicocca): A puzzle about subject positions in Wh-questions . . . 26
Vera Gribanova (Stanford University) and Lev Blumenfeld (Carleton University): Russian prepositions
and prefixes: unifying prosody and syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Boris Harizanov (University of California, Santa Cruz) and Vera Gribanova (Stanford University):
Number mismatch in Bulgarian nominal coordinate structures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Mark Harvey1 , Benjamin Davies2 , Susan Lin2 , Myfany Turpin3 , Alison Ross4 and Katherine Demuth2(1 University of Newcastle; 2 Macquarie University; 3 University of Queensland; 4 Northern Territory
Government Department of Education): Two types of pre-stopping in Kaytetye . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Semoon Hoe (Seoul National University): On the 1st/2nd person restriction of Korean anaphor caki
and its implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Brian Hsu (University of Southern California): Constraining exceptionality as prosody-morphology
mismatch: A study of French nasal vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Yuki Ito (University of Maryland): Asymmetric A-movement within vP: A case from coordinated
ECMs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Meredith Johnson (University of Wisconsin-Madison): Ellipsis is derivational: Evidence from Hoçak
VPE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Magdalena Kaufmann and Ting Xu (University of Connecticut): Almost or almost not? The interaction between chadian ‘almost’ and negation in Mandarin Chinese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Gregory Kierstead (Ohio State University): The shifted indexical behavior of Tagalog sana “wish” 31
Vadim Kimmelmann (University of Amsterdam): Multiple tiers, multiple trees: Weak hand in Russian
Sign Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Nataša Knežević (Université de Nantes): On paucals in Serbian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Florian Lionnet (University of California, Berkeley): Mid-tone lowering in Laal: the phonology/syntax
interface in question . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Giorgio Magri (CNRS, University of Paris 8) and Benjamin Storme (Massachusetts Institute of Technology): A closer look at Boersma and Hayes’ (2001) simulations: extensions, analyses, implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Fabienne Martin (Universitaet Stuttgart): Antecedent under discussion in French past subjunctive
conditionals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Troy Messick (University of Connecticut): Assessing the role of competition in MaxElide . . . . . . . . .34
Patrick Muñoz (University of California at San Diego): That’s not art: Backhanded sentences anddistant worlds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Alexander Podobryaev (Massachusetts Institute of Technology): Interpretation of agreement morphology in Mishar Tatar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Bryan Rosen (University of Wisconsin–Madison): Prenoun hierarchies in the Ojibwe DP . . . . . . . . .36
4

Jelena Runić (University of Connecticut): Cliticization phenomena in non-standard Serbian and Slovenian dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Jerry Sadock (University of Chicago): Morphological and semantic properties of negation in Kalaallisut
e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Gary Thoms1 , Matthew Barros2 and Patrick Elliott1 (1 University of Edinburgh;2 Rutgers University):More variation in island repair: the clausal/non-clausal island distinction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Neda Todorović (University of Connecticut): (Im)perfect(ive) VP: Aspect-sensitive VP-ellipsis in Serbian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Cheng-Yu Edwin Tsai (Harvard University): On a proper treatment of interrogative scope in Chinese
Wh-in-situ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Erica J. Yoon and Junko Shimoyama (McGill University): Testing the two-grammar hypothesis for
Korean: Scopal interaction of object QPs and negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Masaya Yoshida1 , Tim Hunter2 and Michael Frazier1 (1 Northwestern; 2 Cornell): Parasitic gaps licensed by elided syntactic structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Suyeon Yun (Massachusetts Institute of Technology): Prosody of right dislocation in head-final languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Vera Zu (New York University): Probing for conversation participants: A case of Jingpo . . . . . . . . . 40
Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Author Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

5

Welcome
Welcome to the 49th Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society. We are very fortunate
this year to have so many eminent presenters including our invited speakers: Karlos Arregi, Daniel
Harbour, Idan Landau, Roumyana Pancheva, Sharon Rose, and Judith Tonhauser.
In all, we have seventeen stimulating sessions covering a broad spectrum of current topics,
with special parasessions on the Semantics-Morphology Interface, the Syntax-Phonology Interface,and Slavic Linguistics.
The conference is being held 18-20 April, 2013, in Ida Noyes Hall at the University of Chicago(1212 E. 59th St., Chicago, IL 60637). Registration is at 8:00 am each day, with opening remarks
scheduled for 9:30 am Thursday. We cordially invite all graduate students to attend our Graduate
Student Mixer at 7:30 pm Thursday and we sincerely hope to see everyone at the closing banquet,
7:00 pm Saturday, which will feature the ever-popular karaoke with some interesting performances.
This year at our book table, CLS is pleased to offer a great assortment of topical books
and journals at discounted prices; publications are from John Benjamins, the MIT Press, theCambridge University Press, the University of Chicago Press and Springer. Also available are
editions of previous CLS proceedings.
Lastly, to our invited speakers, all presenters and attendees, welcome, thank you for coming,and enjoy the conference!

6

Schedule
Day 1 Schedule (Thursday, April 18)
All events held in Ida Noyes Hall Theater (1212 E. 59th St., 3rd floor).
Note that no talks on phonology will be held on Day 1. We encourage interested CLS participants
to attend the Workshop on Sound Change Actuation taking place concurrently. For information, see
http://lucian.uchicago.edu/blogs/phonlab/sound-change-actuation/
8:00-9:30
9:30-9:45
9:45-10:15
10:15-10:45
10:45-11:15
11:15-11:30
11:30-12:30
12:30-14:00
14:00-14:30
14:30-15:00

Registration
Opening Remarks
Parasession: Morphology-Semantics Interface
Semoon Hoe (Seoul National University): On the 1st/2nd person restriction of
Korean anaphor caki and its implications
Alexander Podobryaev (MIT): Interpretation of agreement morphology in
Mishar Tatar
Nataša Knežević (Nantes): On paucals in Serbian

Break
Invited Speaker: Daniel Harbour (Queen Mary University of London):Morphosemantics as a foundational branch of cognitive science
Lunch
General Session: Semantics
Patrick Muñoz (UCSD): That’s not art: Backhanded sentences and distant worlds
Magdalena Kaufmann and Ting Xu (UConn): Almost or almost not? The
interaction between chadian ‘almost’ and negation in Mandarin Chinese

15:00-15:15
15:15-15:45
15:45-16:15
16:15-16:30
16:30-17:30
19:30

Break
Special Session: Agreement
Vera Zu (NYU): Probing for conversation participants: A case of Jingpo
Ángel Gallego (UAB): Object agreement asymmetries in Romance
Break
Invited Speaker: Karlos Arregi (University of Chicago):
The syntactic and postsyntactic derivation of agreement
Graduate Student Mixer: Pub in Ida Noyes Basement

7Day 2 Schedule (Friday, April 19)
All events held in Ida Noyes Hall (1212 E. 59th St.).
Left column and invited talks: West Lounge, 2nd floor

Right column: East Lounge, 2nd floor

Special Session:Experimental Methods
Peter Graff1 , Zoe Snape1 , Morris
Alper1 , Jeremy Hartman2 and Edward Gibson1 (1 MIT; 2 UMass Amherst):

General Session: Syntax (1)9:00-9:30

Thomas Graf (UCLA): The syntactic algebra of adjuncts

What makes us communicate Efficiently?

9:30-10:00

Erica Yoon and Junko Shimoyama(McGill): Testing the two-grammar hypothesis
for Korean: Scopal interaction of object QP’sand negation

10:00-10:30

Rachel Dudley, Naho Orita, Morgan
Moyer, Valentine Hacquard and Jeffrey Lidz (UMD): Three year olds’ under-

Ciro Greco (Milan-Bicocca):

A puzzle
about subject positions in Wh-questions

Vadim Kimmelman(UvA): Multiple
tiers, multiple trees: Weak hand in Russian
Sign Language

standing of know and think

10:30-10:45
10:45-11:15

BreakSpecial Session: Ellipsis (1)Gary Thoms1 , Matthew Barros2 andPatrick Elliott1 (1 Edinburgh;2 Rutgers):
More variation in island repair:clausal/non-clausal island distinction

11:15-11:45

11:45-12:00
12:00-13:00
13:00-14:15
14:15-14:45

14:45-15:15

15:15-15:30

15:30-16:00

General Session: Phonology (1)Dustin Bowers (UCLA): Phonological restructuring in Odawa

the

Lobke Aelbrecht and Will Harwood

Lev Blumenfeld (Carleton): Quantifying(GIST-Ghent) It wasn’t elided, but it could
have been: Optional deletion of auxiliaries in
VP ellipsis

external factors in metrics

Break
Invited Speaker: Sharon Rose (University of California at San Diego)
Phonological restructuring and long-distance interaction: implications for typology
Lunch
General Session
General Session: Syntax (2)Eli Asikin-Garmager (UIowa): Hanunóo Bryan Rosen (UW-Madison): Prenoun himetathesis: A test case for an OT approach toleft-edge metathesis
Cheng-Yu Edwin Tsai (Harvard): On
a proper treatment of interrogative scope in
Chinese Wh-in-situ

erarchies in the Ojibwe DP

Yuki Ito (UMD): Asymmetric A-movement
within vPBreakParasession:Special Session:
Syntax-Phonology Interface
Fieldwork in Semantics
Emily Elfner (McGill): Locality condi- Rebekah Baglini (UChicago): Expressing
tions on syntax-prosody matching (in Conamara Irish)

8

property concepts without adjectives: New evidence from Wolof

16:00-16:30

Vera Gribanova (Stanford) and Lev Blu-

Jerry Sadock (UChicago): Morphological

16:30-17:00

menfeld (Carleton): Russian prepositions
and prefixes: unifying prosody and syntax
Brian Hsu (USC): Constraining exceptionality as prosody-morphology mismatch: A
study of French nasal vowels

and semantic properties of negation in Kalaallisut
Gregory Kierstead (OSU): The shifted
indexical behavior of Tagalog sana “wish”

17:00-17:15
17:15-18:15(THEATER)

Break
Invited Speaker: Judith Tonhauser (The Ohio State University)
What’s at issue? Exploring content in context

9Day 3 Schedule (Saturday, April 20)
All events held in Ida Noyes Hall (1212 E. 59th St.).
Left column and invited talks: West Lounge, 2nd floor

9:00-9:30

9:30-10:00

10:00-10:30

10:30-10:45
10:45-11:15

Special Session:
Scalarity and Modality
Fabienne Martin (Stuttgart): Antecedent
under discussion in French past subjunctive
conditionals
Elena Castroviejo (CCHS-CSIC) and Isabel Oltra-Massuet (Universitat Rovira i
Virgili): An emphatic abilitative modal: Ser
capaç vs. be able
Andrea Beltrama (UChicago): Presupposing scalarity from Latin to Italian: The suffix -issimo

Masaya Yoshida1 , Tim Hunter2
and Michael Frazier1 (1 Northwestern;
2

Cornell): Parasitic gaps licensed by elided
syntactic structure

11:45-12:00
12:00-13:00
13:00-14:30

14:30-15:00

15:00-15:30

Special Session: Tone
Tsung-Ying Chen (UAlberta): Slopebased tonal phonology: A case study of Hakha
Lai
Litong Chen and Tsz-Him Tsui
(OSU): Chongqing Mandarin as a contourtone only language

Florian Lionnet (UC Berkeley): Mid-tonelowering in Laal: the phonology/syntax interface in question

BreakSpecial Session: Ellipsis (2)General Session: Phonology (3)Meredith Johnson (UW-Madison): Ellip- Samuel Bowman (Stanford): Two argusis is derivational: Evidence from Hoçak VPE

11:15-11:45

Right column: East Lounge, 2nd floor

ments for vowel harmony by trigger competition
Giorgio Magri (CNRS, Paris 8) and Benjamin Storme (MIT): A closer look atBoersma and Hayes (2001) simulations: extensions, analyses, implications

Break
Invited Speaker: Idan Landau (Ben Gurion University)
Predication vs. logophoric anchoring: A two-tiered theory of control
Lunch
Parasession: Slavic Linguistics
Special Session:Experimental Phonology
Jelena Runić (UConn): Cliticization phe- Gillian Gallagher (NYU): Exploring ejecnomena in non-standard Serbian and Slovenian dialects
Boris Harizanov (UCSC) and Vera
Gribanova (Stanford): Number mismatch in
Bulgarian nominal coordinate structures

tive phonotactics and the identity preferencein Cochabamba Quechua

Mark Harvey1 , Benjamin Davies2 ,Susan Lin2 , Myfany Turpin3 , Alison Ross4 and Katherine Demuth2(1 U Newcastle; 2 Macquarie U; 3 U Queensland; 4 Northern Territory Gvt. Dept. Education): Two types of pre-stopping in Kaytetye

15:30-16:00

16:00-16:15
16:15-17:15
19:00

Neda

Todorović
(UConn):(Im)perfect(ive) VP: Aspect-sensitive VPellipsis in Serbian

Karthik Durvasula and Jimin Kahng(MSU): Allophonic features modulate perceptual epenthesis

Break
Invited Speaker: Roumyana Pancheva (University of Southern California)
Quantity superlatives: The view from Slavic and its cross-linguistic applications
Dinner Banquet (Theater, 3rd Floor)
10Alternate Speakers
Troy Messick (UConn):
Suyeon Yun (MIT):

Assessing the role of competition in MaxElide
Prosody of right dislocation in head-final languages

11

Invited Talks
The syntactic and postsyntactic derivation of agreement
Karlos Arregi (University of Chicago)
Thursday, 16:30-17:30, Theater
Recent work on agreement with coordinated DPs has largely converged on the hypothesis thatagreement is established in two steps. Adopting the terminology in Arregi and Nevins (2012), we canrefer to these as Agree-Link, or the syntactic establishment of an Agree relation between Probe andone or more Goals, and Agree-Copy, or the postsyntactic (PF) copying from Agree-Linked Goal(s)onto the Probe. Evidence for this split of Agree into two separate steps comes from the fact thatthey can be derivationally intercalated by postsyntactic operations such as Linearization in Hindi andSlovenian (Bhatt and Walkow, to appear, and Marusic, Nevins and Badecker, to appear) postsyntactic
morpheme displacement in Bulgarian (Arregi and Nevins, to appear), and Vocabulary Insertion inWest Germanic (van Koppen 2005).
In this talk, I offer evidence for this two-step analysis of agreement from a different empirical domain, namely, the interaction of agreement with case syncretisms due to postsyntacic impoverishment
in Basque and Indo-Aryan. In both cases, variation in the possibility of agreement with non-nominative
case-marked arguments (dative in Basque, ergative in Indo-Aryan) is due to a uniform establishmentof syntactic Agree-Link relations, coupled with dialect- or language-particular differences in the application of Agree-Copy and its derivational interaction with postsyntactic impoverishment rules.
The interaction of agreement and case syncretism in these languages thus converges with crosslinguistic coordination patterns in providing evidence for a strongly derivational theory of Agree inwhich the latter is established in two steps, the second of which is postsyntactic and can interact indifferent derivationally defined ways with other postsyntactic operations. The variation found is thus
largely reduced to familiar feeding and counterfeeding interactions among operations in a derivational
theory.
Karlos Arregi is an Associate Professor of Linguistics at the University of Chicago. He received
his Ph.D from MIT. A native of the Basque Country, his interests span syntax, the syntax-semantics
interface, the syntax phonology interface, morphology, and Basque and Romance linguistics. His new
book (with Andrew Nevins) Morphosyntactics: Basque Auxiliaries and the Structure of Spellout, waspublished in 2012.

12

Morphosemantics as a foundational branch of cognitive science
Daniel Harbour (Queen Mary University of London)
Thursday, 11:30-12:30, Theater
In this talk, I make the case that morphosemantics — a discipline that has been steadily gaining
momentum within linguistics — should be regarded as a fundamental enterprise of cognitive science.
This claim arises naturally within various conceptions of Generative Grammar. If we narrowly construe
syntax as just a combinatorial engine with interface conditions then the inventory of features, though
universal, is not part of language in a narrow sense. Feature semantics, then, is the study of thebuilding blocks offered to syntax by other areas of cognition.
As a case study, I argue that the same set of semantic primitives underlie three disparate areasof language and cognition. These are (1) the aspectual distinctions that underlie the Vendlerianclassification of event types and its later refinements, (2) the rather limited set of grammatical numbers
used with nouns and pronouns, and (3) the unlimited set of integers. There are clear connections
between these areas: aspect interacts with singularity versus plurality, and integers like ‘one’, ‘two’
and ‘three’ register distinctions akin to the grammatical numbers singular, dual and trial. However,minimal and (unit) augmented, or paucal and greater paucal, though core semantic distinctions tostudents of (pro)nominal number, have been understudied by aspectual semanticists or psychologists
studying the acquisition of the integers. Nonetheless, I claim that the same semantic primitives
underlying aspectual distinctions give rise to these numbers and to the numerals.
To establish these results, I posit three features: [±atomic], responsible for the singular/pluraldistinction; [±minimal], concerned with things have subparts of the same kind as themselves; and[±additive], concerned with whether two combined instances of an event count as an event of the samekind. Applying these features to (pro)nominal structures, [±atomic] yields a singular/plural distinction, [±minimal] yields minimal/augmented, [±additive] yields plural versus an approximative number(e.g., paucal versus plural, or plural versus greater plural). In combination, these features yield familiar
number systems in a straightforwardly compositional fashion. E.g, [±atomic, ±minimal] gives singular/dual/plural (e.g., Sanskrit), and [±atomic, ±minimal, ±additive], singular/dual/paucal/plural(e.g., Yimas). This establishes the shared semantic foundations of aspect and number.
The less frequently analysed trial, unit augmented, and greater paucal can be characterized interms of one feature acting on itself (one value acting on its opposite). If we allow this mechanism
to recurse, we generate the natural numbers: the integer-generating function is constructed in several
discrete stages, distinguishing: first, one versus many; then one and two versus many; then one, two,and three versus many; and not yielding the full set of integers until five is reached, corresponding to
the much documented phases of ‘1-knowing’, ‘2-knowing’, and so on that precede knowledge of thefull counting principle. This approach to the integers, then, has significant psychological plausibility.
The picture that emerges, therefore, is that applying standard analytic tools of morphology andsemantics yields a set of primitives that are fundamental to a range of cognitive capacities. This iswhat we would expect, if morphosemantics reveals the building blocks of cognition.
Daniel Harbour is a Reader in the Cognitive Science of Language at Queen Mary University, London. He received his Ph.D in linguistics from MIT. Primarily interested in morphological applications
to semantic and syntactic theory problems, he has also worked on language documentation and publicawareness of science. His books include Morphosemantic Number: From Kiowa Noun Classes to UG
Number Features.
13

Predication vs. Logophoric Anchoring: A Two-Tiered Theory of Control
Idan Landau (Ben Gurion University)
Saturday, 12:00-13:00, West Lounge
There is a persistent intuition running from the earliest to the most recent works on the topic, thatobligatory control (OC) complements fall into two distinct types. In this talk I recast this intuitionin terms of the semantic distinction between attitude and non-attitude complements. I argue thatthe latter establish control by simple predication (“predicative control”) but the former establish itby variable binding, where the bound variable is a projected coordinate of the embedded context
of evaluation (“logophoric control”). I offer an explicit syntax-semantics analysis of the two types,
utilizing the idea that logophoric control structures are constructed as a second tier above predicative
control structures. In both, PRO figures as a minimal, featureless pronoun, which functions as ana−abstractor upon movement.
The analysis derives the obligatory de se reading of OC PRO as a constructional property of
attitude complements without ascribing any inherent feature to PRO (a minimal pronoun). It fares
better than the prominent semantic alternatives the property theory and the indexical shift theory of
OC in various respects, theoretical and typological. Importantly, it is capable of deriving a striking
universal asymmetry between OC in attitude and non-attitude contexts: the fact that agreementon the embedded verb blocks the former but not the latter. This is handled by reference to thedifferential agreement properties of predication and variable binding. Further contrasts between the
two types of OC follow, some of which unnoticed before, such as the visibility of implicit controllers
and the [±human] value of PRO.
Idan Landau received his Ph.D. at MIT and is currently an Associate Professor of linguistics at
Ben-Gurion University. In addition to influential theoretical work on control, he has contributed tothe expansion of an experimental basis for the theory with empirical studies on partial control, control
into finite clauses, and psychological verbs. He has also done extensive work on Hebrew, including
work on possessor raising, negative complementizers, VP-fronting, subjecthood, left dislocation, copy
raising and predication.

14

Quantity superlatives: The view from Slavic and its cross-linguistic applications
Roumyana Pancheva (University of Southern California)
Saturday, 16:15-17:15, West Lounge
Proportional most and quantity superlative most, as in (1a-b), have been analyzed as the resultof a structural ambiguity involving the superlative operator -est and the quantity expression many
(Hackl 2009, Gajewski 2010, Kotek et al 2011, Szabolcsi 2012, a.o.). Specifically, the ambiguity is said
to result from the different LF position of -est: DP-internal for proportional most and DP-external
for quantity superlative most. This uniform analysis of quantity most further unifies quantity andquality superlatives, given that the same structural ambiguity with a DP-internal or DP-external -est
has been argued to underlie the absolute-relative ambiguity observed with superlative adjectives, asin (2a-b) (Heim 1985, Szabolcsi 1986, a.o.).
(1)

a.
b.

Mary read most (of the) articles.
Mary read the most articles.

(2)

Mary read the long-est articles.
a. ‘Mary read the articles that were longer than any other articles.’b. ‘Mary read longer articles than anyone else did.’

In Slavic, as well as in other languages, however, quantity superlative most does not have a proportional reading (Živanović 2008), seemingly threatening the compositional superlative analysis of
proportional most and the parallels between quantity and quality superlatives. One attempt to explain this cross-linguistic difference is offered by Bošković and Gajweski (2009), who propose thatin languages without the definite article the quantity superlative obligatorily moves into the clause,preventing the proportional (absolute) reading.
I will suggest that the reason for the missing proportional reading cannot be the obligatory
DP-external movement of -est. I argue, following Pancheva and Tomaszewicz (2012), that relative
readings obtain with a DP-internal -est in certain cases in Slavic, in both quantity and quality
superlatives. I propose instead that the source of the cross-linguistic variation is the syntax ofquantity many that underlies quantity most. In some languages it is a quantity adjective modifying
a null number (as in Kayne 2005), i.e., -est-many articles is in fact -est-great number of articles.
The syntax constrains the comparison class for the quantity superlative, precluding a proportional(absolute) reading. This analysis maintains the uniformity of the two readings of quantity most andthe parallels with quality superlatives.
Roumyana Pancheva is an Associate Professor of Linguistics and Slavic Languages and Literaturesat the University of Southern California. She received her Ph.D. in Linguistics from the Universityof Pennsylvania. Her research interests include syntax, semantics, and their interface (among othertopics, degree syntax and semantics, tense, aspect, evidentiality, relativization phenomena), as well as
historical syntax of South Slavic languages (pronominal clitics, tense and aspect, determiners). The
major focus of her research is on Slavic languages, both from theoretical and experimental perspective.

15

Phonological restructuring and long-distance interaction: implications for typology
Sharon Rose (University of California, San Diego)
Friday, 12:00-13:00, West Lounge
Typological studies of long-distance harmony and dissimilation have revealed asymmetries in termsof the nature of patterns and their frequency (Hansson 2010, Rose & Walker 2004, Bennett 2013).
Although perceptual and articulatory planning explanations are often given for these cases (Hansson
2010, Gallagher 2010a,b, Walker 2011), questions remain as to whether all such systems arise fromthe same mechanisms (Hansson 2004,a,b, 2007) and are subject to the same analytical devices. Thisis particularly true of locality, transparency, and positional effects. In this paper, I address twolong distance cases from Moro, a Kordofanian language of Sudan, one involving transparency in vowel
harmony and the other [-voice] dissimilation. Both patterns appear to have resulted from phonologicalrestructuring, and suggest that a consideration of the origins of harmony and dissimilation may provide
insight into the optimal formal analysis.
Moro vowel harmony is a one-step dominant-recessive height harmony in which lower vowels /e ao/ are raised to higher counterparts [i 2 u]. The vowel [@] co-occurs with both sets of vowels, giving theappearance of transparency. Yet, some [@] trigger raising, whereas others do not. Acoustic analysis
of F1 values reveals that the [@] that occurs with lower vowels and the [@] that occurs with higher
vowels are significantly different. The two schwas appear to have originated from centralization ofsome peripheral vowels /i e o u/, with height distinctions maintained. Centralization has introduced
new lexical contrasts, creating an eight vowel system. This can be observed synchronically, but isalso determined by comparison with related dialects and languages. This study adds to the cases of‘apparent’ transparency (Benus 2005, Benus & Gafos 2007, Gick et al 2006, Kenstowicz 2009, Hansson & Moore 2011) and raises questions about how transparency should be addressed typologically.
A consideration of the source of transparent vowels (merger? reduction?), in addition to phonetic
analysis, may shed light on their behavior and formal treatment.
Moro also has a productive [-voice] dissimilation pattern, in which the first of a sequence of two
voiceless obstruents with an intervening vowel is altered to [+voice]. This pattern is also attested
in some northeast Bantu languages (Dahl’s Law: Davy & Nurse 1982), but is otherwise not common cross-linguistically (Bennett 2013). Related Kordofanian languages have an array of positional
voicing restrictions and alternations in obstruents, and I hypothesize that the Moro pattern arose
through phonologization of these alternations. For example, in Koalib (Quint 2009) and Lumun(Smits in prep.), voiceless consonants appear preferentially in word-initial and word-final position,
but are voiced intervocalically. This gave rise to a phonotactic pattern of voiceless-voiced-voicelessdue to the structure of words. Such a proposal is similar to the analysis Coetzee (2012) offers fora phonotactic pattern of [+voice] co-occurrence in Afrikaans. The perceived coarticulation hypercorrection account of dissimilation (Ohala 1981, 1993) predicts that [voice] should not participate indissimilation (Alderete & Frisch 2007, Bye 2011). Gallagher’s (2010a,b) perceptual distinctivenessmodel focuses on ejectives and aspirate co-occurrence in roots; [voice] is generally not implicated inwider laryngeal restrictions. Thus, if [voice] restrictions arose through separate pathways than otherlaryngeal restrictions, and behave differently from them, this suggests an alternate formal analysis.
Sharon Rose is Associate Professor in Linguistics at the University of California at San Diego, witha PhD from McGill University. Based on her fieldwork with speakers of Ethio-Semitic and Kordofanian
languages, she has worked on tone, metrical structure, and long-distance interactions such as consonant
harmony, as well as experimental and computational perspectives on modeling phonotactics.
16

What’s at issue? Exploring content in context
Judith Tonhauser (The Ohio State University)
Friday, 17:15-18:15, Theater[Based on collaborative research with David Beaver, Rachel Burdin, Cynthia Clopper, Craige Roberts,
Mandy Simons and Rory Turnbull]
Cross-linguistic research over the past 20 years has made great strides in exploring the natureand extent of variation in how languages convey comparable meanings (e.g. Bach et al 1995,
Chierchia 1998, Matthewson 2001, Bittner 2005, Tonhauser 2011). Much of this research is couchedin static frameworks of interpretation that emphasize the contributions of conventionally coded
content and syntactic structure to sentence-level interpretation, with context playing a comparatively
minor role. In this talk, I draw on results from research on meaning in English and Paraguayan
Guaranı́ (Tupı́-Guaranı́) to argue for the effectiveness of dynamic models of interpretation in the
cross-linguistic study of meaning. In particular, I show that including questions under discussion(Roberts 1996/2012) in the contexts that are updated by utterances provides insight into strong
cross-linguistic tendencies in how languages organize content.
Judith Tonhauser is Associate Professor of Linguistics at The Ohio State University. She received
her Ph.D from Stanford University. She has worked extensively on Paraguayan Guaranı́, particularly
investigating focus, presupposition and other projective content, and temporal reference. She also isvery active in teaching empirical methods for semantics and pragmatics research.

17

Papers
It wasn’t elided, but it could have been: Optional deletion of auxiliaries in VP
ellipsisLobke Aelbrecht and Will Harwood (GIST-Ghent)
Friday, 11:15-11:45, West Lounge
Are non-finite auxiliaries under English VP Ellipsis (VPE) overt like the finite auxiliary, or do they
disappear together with lexical V? Akmajian & Wasow (1975) and Sag (1976) observed that not all
auxiliaries behave alike. Non-finite have is never elided, whereas being always is. Been and be display
optionality: they can either be deleted or remain overt. This paper presents an account capturing
these data. We assume the maximal verbal structure in (Harwood 2011, Bošković 2012), and takeauxiliaries to raise to check their inflectional features and avoid a crash at PF (Lasnik 1995). VPE
targets as much as the progressive layer (vPprog ), not just vP/V P .
(1)[T Pshould [ModP tshould [InfP have [vPperf thave [PerfP been [vPprog tbeen [ProgP being [vP tbeing [VoiceP[VP ...

This captures the auxiliary pattern: being’s landing site is included in the ellipsis site, so it is always
deleted. Have’s base position is already higher than vPprog , so it will never be included in the ellipsis.
As for be and been, their base positions are inside the ellipsis site, but they raise outside of it. We
claim that under VPE, they only raise optionally. If they raise, they check their inflectional featuresand survive ellipsis. But if they remain inside the ellipsis site with the features unchecked, ellipsis
prevents a PF violation by deleting them, and the unchecked features along with them. Moreover,
we extend our analysis to phenomena involving movement of the verb phrase, and explain auxiliary
behaviour there as well.

Hanunóo metathesis: A test case for an Optimality-Theoretic approach to left-edge
metathesis
Eli Asikin-Garmager (University of Iowa)
Friday, 14:15-14:45, West Lounge
Hanunóo, an Austronesian language spoken in the Philippines, exhibits both CC and CV metathesis, which has been noted elsewhere (Gleason 1955, Schane 1973, Kenstowicz & Kisseberth 1979,
Mielke & Hume 2000).
(1)

a.
b.
c.

Pusá ‘one’kasPa ‘once’Púpat ‘four’kapPat ‘four times’
kalima ‘five times’
tigílma ‘five apiece’

Hanunóo metathesis is unusual because, in a survey of 54 languages, Mielke and Hume (2000) foundmetathesis occurring at the left-edge of roots in only 4 of the languages. The authors of the survey posit18

that this asymmetry is due to the fact that left-edge metathesis may interfere with word recognition.
While Hanunóo metathesis is restricted to a closed class of words, thereby minimizing the disruption toword recognition, I propose an Optimality-Theoretic analysis of CC and CV metathesis that seeks to
explain what drives metathesis in this position. I argue that, in addition to a number of highly-ranked
phonotactic constraints, CC metathesis is also driven by perceptual optimization of the phonetic
saliency of the glottal stop. In this sense, metathesis can alter the left-edge of roots, thereby potentiallyaffecting word recognition, but in order to increase the perceptual saliency of the roots first, or leftmost,segment. In addition, certain typological predictions of OT are borne out, one of these being that
epenthesis is subsumed to metathesis as a repair strategy, operating only on a last-resort basis.

Expressing property concepts without adjectives: new evidence from Wolof
Rebekah Baglini (University of Chicago)
Friday, 15:30-16:00, East Lounge
Property concepts (PCs) are consistently lexicalized as adjectives in languages which have thiscategory (Dixon 1982). Two recent papers explore the fact that in languages which lack adjectives,
PC constructions often involve possessive morphology/syntax (Koontz-Garboden and Francez 2010;
Francez and Koontz-Garboden 2011; henceforth F&KG). F&KG argue that this split reflects variationin the semantics of PC lexemes; some denote PC predicates (encoded as adjectives or verbs), others
denote properties (encoded as non-predicative nouns or roots).
I show that the Niger-Congo language Wolof exemplifies both strategies discussed by F&KG andargue that the data support an analysis which treats lexicalized and possessed states as the same
type of semantic object. Consistent with F&KGs theory, a PC noun like doole ‘strength’ cannot be
predicated directly of an individual like verbal PC predicates, but instead must combine with theverb am have, thus patterning with possessed NP constructions. Although formed compositionally,
possessed properties in Wolof otherwise pattern like regular gradable adjectives with respect to polar
opposition (antonyms of possessed properties are formed with the stative verb ñàkk ‘lack’ and thesame PC lexeme), degree modifiers, measure phrases, comparatives, and the formation of degree
achievements.

Presupposing scalarity from Latin to Italian: The suffix “-issimo”
Andrea Beltrama (University of Chicago)
Saturday, 10:00-10:30, West Lounge
From Classical Latin (1) to Old Italian (2) to contemporary Italian (3), the distribution of theintensifier -issimo expands from being restricted to gradable predicates to including certain nongradable ones, and, finally, nouns.
(1)

In altissimam turrem ascendit animo (100 A.D., LatinLibraryText)‘He climbed the tall-issimo (extremely tall) tower courageously’(2)

Un sì fatto poema riuscirà di assai più giovamento che nessunissima storia (1700 A.D, LIZ)
‘Such a poem will be much more useful than any-issima (any story at all) story.’(3)

E’la partitissima, la sfida cruciale come nel settimo incontro del baseball (1987, LaRepubblica)‘It’s the game-issimo (huge/crucial/awaited/spectacular game), like the World Series’ game 7.’19This paper analyzes the diachronic change in terms of a change in the source of the scalar dimension
targeted by the suffix. While a lexically supplied scale is necessary in Latin, a scale of pragmatic
precision is sufficient in Old Italian, and any contextually inferred scale can work in Contemporary
Italian. Focusing on the source of this scalar dimension shows how the new contexts of use constitutea natural class in light of the semantics of the suffix. Each of them represents a different, graduallyless lexical and more pragmatic way of supplying the scale that is targeted by -issimo. Moreover,the shift from lexical to inferred scales is consistent with general models of meaning change such as
Traugotts subjectification, suggesting that the evolution of intensifiers might constitute an additional
instance of the phenomenon, together with the more renowned cases involving tense and connectors.

Quantifying external factors in metrics
Lev Blumenfeld (Carleton University)
Friday, 11:15-11:45, East Lounge
While generative metrics has been primarily concerned with characterizing the formal properties of
metrical grammars, usage-based factors are also known to shape metrical systems. For example, metersoptimize the use of a language’s vocabulary, and create maximal variability in a meter’s realization(Hanson & Kiparsky 1996). In this talk I quantify the intuitive notion of the “easiness” of a meter,
which relates to the likelihood that a random string of prose satisfies the constraints. More precisely,
given a meter of n slots (metrical positions), its easiness is given by p1/n , where p is the probability
that a string of prose text of length n satisfies the meter’s constraints. In this talk I report on
the calculations of easiness in a number of English and Russian meters, and investigate the interplay
between easiness and the formal system. The analytical strategy is to (a) establish the range of easinessin a number of observed meters, and (b) to compare the easiness of actual to potential meters, to see
whether potential but unattested meters are ruled out by usage-based factors. This comparison canbe applied both to unattested but theoretically possible meters, and to systems predicted not to exist
by a formal theory. I show that a number of key properties of both English and Russian meters,such as line-initial and line-final effects, iambic-trochaic asymmetries, and the patterning of stressedmonosyllables cannot be directly attributed to usage factors.

Phonological restructuring in Odawa
Dustin Bowers (University of California, Los Angeles)
Friday, 10:45-11:15, East Lounge
Metrically conditioned syncope has featured prominently in arguments for serial derivations inphonology, because it requires reference to an intermediate level of representation. An overlookedfact in this debate is that children have difficulty learning metrically conditioned syncope. When alanguage develops metrically conditioned syncope, children restructure the language to have a nonserial grammar. This is underlined by the development of Odawa (Algonquian, United States andCanada) over the last century. Adult speakers of Odawa developed metrically conditioned syncope inthe early part of the twentieth century, which sparked a major restructuring of the language by children.
A survey of languages that developed metrically conditioned syncope shows that restructuring is a
general response to metrically conditioned syncope. These facts indicate that theories of phonologythat do not incorporate serial derivations may be more adequate models of phonological knowledge.
20

Two arguments for vowel harmony by trigger competition
Samuel Bowman (Stanford University)
Saturday, 10:45-11:15, East Lounge
I present two phenomena in front-back vowel harmony which are difficult to account for in standard
theories, and argue that with some necessary elaborations, Trigger Competition (TC, Kimper 2011) isbest suited to account for both. TC is a new harmony framework based on a positive constraint (imperative) set in Serial Harmonic Grammar, and allows for agreement between non-adjacent segments.
The constraint considers both the distance between trigger and target and the nature of the trigger
in assigning rewards, allowing for a fairly sophisticated approach to non-participating segments.
Hungarian vowel harmony shows a pattern of optionality (Benus, Gafos, and Goldstein 2003) in
its handling of phonetically front transparent vowels in harmonically back contexts: Back suffixes areused after single transparent vowels, either front or back suffixes after the semi-transparent vowel /e/or after pairs of transparent vowels, and front suffixes after transparent vowel–/e/ sequences. Under
TC, this emerges readily: Distance and trigger strength conspire to produce these additive effects.
In Seto, the transparent vowels /i/ and /e/ can appear in back vowel contexts without interactingwith harmony. Remarkably, these vowels’ back equivalents, /1/ and /7/, also appear in the inventory.
Both conventional approaches to transparency in local harmony systems (neutralization and underspecification) require that neutral vowels be un-paired, but TC does not require this: if any constraint
prevents a vowel from alternating, it will be neutral; if it is a weak trigger, it will be transparent.

An emphatic abilitative modal: Ser capaç vs. be able
Elena Castroviejo-Miró (CCHS-CSIC) and Isabel Oltra-Massuet (Universitat Rovira i Virgili)
Saturday, 9:30-10:00, West Lounge
We provide a semantic analysis of Catalan modal ser capaç (and Spanish ser capaz ) (henceforthSC) ‘be able/capable’ which elegantly accounts for the following two properties: (i) the inference
associated with SC is stronger than be able’s “effort component” (Bhatt 1999), (1), and (ii) thisinference is reversed with the presence of negation and ni (‘not even’), (2).
(1) #/? A pesar de l’accident, la Maria és capaç de respirar.
‘Despite the accident, Mary is able to breathe.’(2)a.

En Pere no és capaç de creuar el Llac Michigan nedant.
‘Peter is not capable of swimming across LM.’b. #En Pere no és capaç ni de creuar el Llac Michigan nedant.
‘Peter isn’t even capable of swimming across LM.’c. En Pere no és capaç ni de rentar-se la cara.
‘Peter isn’t even capable of washing his face.’

Our main claim is that the use of SC triggers a scalar presupposition analogous to that of ‘even’. We
propose that SC contains a modal meaning, ABLE, plus a hidden EVEN. The scalar presupposition
comes the denotation of the VP being the least likely thing the subject is capable of doing (bottomof-scale presupposition). Under negation, if NPI ni is overtly realized, the scalar presupposition isreversed to the most likely thing the subject is capable of doing (top-of-scale presupposition).
21Chongqing Mandarin as a contour tone-only language
Litong Chen and Tsz-Him Tsui, (The Ohio State University)
Saturday, 9:30-10:00, East LoungeThis paper argues that Chongqing Mandarin (CM) has only contour tones in the underlying representation, and thus a potential exception to the claim that level tones are more basic than contour
tones (Maddieson 1978, Zhang 2001, Yip 2002).
Our data consist of the four CM tones produced by four native speakers, both in citation form andin frame sentences. In the citation environment, the CM tones are all phonetically rising or falling
tones, and involve more than 70% change in F0 . However, the CM tones are leveled in the frame
sentences, with less than 40% change in F0 . In addition, the high “falling” and “rising” tones arephonetically merged in frame sentences.
Figure 1: F0 track of four CM tones in isolation (left) and frame sentence (right).

We suggest that the CM tones are underlyingly contour tones; leveling and merging of the contour
tones in frame sentences in fast speech are phonetically motivated (Xu and Wang 2001). The competing
hypothesis that the level tones in frame sentences are the underlying forms we judge unlikely, as thisrequires very specific rules to account for the alternations.

Slope-based tonal phonology: A case study of Hakha Lai
Tsung-Ying Chen (University of Alberta)
Saturday, 9:00-9:30, East LoungeThis paper proposes a tonal phonology model that computes tonal complexity with phonetic tonalslopes i.e. F0 changes over a given tonal duration (cf. Hsieh 2007). Each tonal slope is equal to a
tonal unit T whose phonological representation is composed of four phonetic parameters: F0 onsetof a falling/rising slope (F0 Ons), F0 offset of a falling/rising slope (F0 Off ), the difference between
F0 Ons and F0 Off (F0 Diff ), and the duration of the slope (Dur). A simple contour tone has one T ,and a complex contour tone (falling-rising and rising-falling) has two T s. The tonal complexity of a T
can be calculated with the formula (1) below, for the angle between a slope and a perfect level tone.
(1)

CT = 90 deg − arctan(Dur/|F0 Diff |)/(π/180)

An Optimality-Theoretic (OT) approach is proposed with markedness constraint families referring to
CT and faithfulness constraint families preserving each phonetic parameter in the input. The former
can be formalized as *(CT , D), where the domain D can be mora, syllable, or foot, and in the same D
22

if CT 1 > CT 2 , ∗(CT 1 , D) intrinsically outranks ∗(CT 2 , D) (cf. Curve in Chen 2008 and Zhang 2002).
With the phonetic data in Maddieson (2004), the slope-based model provides a unified account of two
tonal restrictions in Hakha Lai (Hyman and Vanbik 2004): (i) the longest and steepest tone (falling)on the shortest syllable (CVO) is forbidden due to a high CT in a monosyllabic domain and (ii)continuous tonal ups and downs are avoided to reduce CT in a disyllabic domain.

Three year olds’ understanding of know and think
Rachel Dudley, Naho Orita, Morgan Moyer, Valentine Hacquard and Jeffrey Lidz (University of
Maryland)Friday, 10:00-10:30, West LoungeThis study investigates three year olds’ representations of the attitude verbs think and know. Past
studies find that children do not have an adult-like understanding of these verbs before the age offour. However, these studies involved complicated tasks that either require children to make complex
inferences, or to make explicit comparisons of sentences with think and know. We designed a newinteractive game to implicitly evaluate children’s knowledge of these verbs in a much simpler task.
Our results show that some three year olds are able to distinguish think and know, in ways thatsuggest they understand that know presupposes the truth of its complement while think does not.
The remaining three year olds, however, do not distinguish the verbs, treating both as nonfactive.
This suggests that early representations of know may be nonfactive, and raises the question of how
children come to distinguish the verbs.

Allophonic features modulate perceptual epenthesis
Karthik Durvasula and Jimin Kahng (Michigan State University)
Saturday, 15:30-16:00, East Lounge
Perceptual epenthesis of illusory vowels has been claimed to be sensitive only to phonologicallycontrastive features, and not to allophonic features (Kabak & Idsardi 2007). Contrastingly, we argue
it is also crucially modulated by allophonic features of a language.
Inspired by Bayesian models of speech perception (Feldman & Griffiths 2007; Sonderegger & Yu
2010), we claim that the task of the listener in speech perception is to identify the target production
given information at multiple levels of representations: the acoustic level, the surface phonologicallevel and the underlying phonemic/contrastive information. Therefore, both contrastive and noncontrastive phonological features are expected to trigger perceptual epenthesis in an illicit phonotactic
environment, along with the phonetic characteristics of the language.
We ran an identification task on 16 native Korean speakers, and 23 native American English
speakers as controls, to ensure the effect was not driven by specific phonetic properties of the tokens
themselves. For native Korean speakers, we show that in coda positions, the phonotactically illicit,
but non-contrastive, voiced stops trigger illusory vowels to a much higher degree than their allophoniccounterparts, the voiceless unaspirated stops. In contrast, English speakers, for whom both voiced
and voiceless stops are phonotactically licit in coda positions, show little to no perceptual epenthesis
in such contexts. More generally, we show that the phenomenon of perceptual epenthesis is also
modulated by non-contrastive allophonic features.
23

Locality conditions on syntax-prosody Matching (in Conamara Irish)
Emily Elfner (McGill University)
Friday, 15:30-16:00, West LoungeThis paper examines prosodic phrasing in Conamara Irish (CI) in light of Match Theory. I argue that the distribution of two phrasal pitch accents, L-H and H-L, provides evidence in favourof this theory on two levels: first, that prosodic structure is fundamentally recursive, and secondly, that mismatches between syntax and prosody may be accounted for under the assumptionthat prosodic markedness constraints interact directly with the violable Match constraints governing
syntax-prosody correspondence, as in an OT framework. However, in CI, some predictions of Match
Theory appear to be too strong: because constraints are strictly ranked in OT, it is predicted that a
low-ranked Match constraint may be violated any number of times if doing so would help to satisfy
a higher-ranked prosodic markedness constraint. Through an examination of sentences in CI, I showthat this assumption, in certain cases, predicts unattested radical non-isomorphism between syntax
and prosody. I propose that this issue may be remedied by imposing a locality condition on syntaxprosody mismatches in Match Theory, which I define in terms of structural adjacency in the syntax.
This suggests that while syntax-prosody mismatches may be accounted for under the assumption thatprosodic markedness interact directly with Match constraints, the strict ranking mechanism in OT is
probably too powerful: the degree to which syntactic and prosodic constituents may be non-isomorphic
appears to be, at least in CI, restrained by a condition on structural locality.

Exploring ejective phonotactics and the identity preference in Cochabamba
Quechua
Gillian Gallagher (New York University)
Saturday, 14:30-15:00, East Lounge
The results of a repetition task show that speakers of Cochabamba Quechua are sensitive to a cooccurrence restriction on ejectives, and support a latent bias in favor of identical ejective pairs. The
task requires speakers to produce pairs of transvocalic ejectives, which are unattested root-internallyin the language, and participants consistently de-ejectivized one of the target ejectives. Participantsde-ejectivized more often in non-identical ejective pairs (e.g., [k’ap’i] is produced as [k’api]) than in
identical ejective pairs (e.g., [k’ak’i] is produced as [k’aki]), reflecting the cross-linguistic preference
for identical ejectives. Identical and non-identical ejectives pairs are both categorically unattested
in Cochabamba Quechua, though many languages disallow only non-identical ejectives, e.g., Bolivian
Aymara (*[k’ap’i], but [k’ank’a] ‘rooster’ MacEachern (1999)).
The results of an AX discrimination task further show that speakers are sensitive to the restriction
against pairs of ejectives. Speakers correctly distinguish ejectives from plain stops in phonotactically
licit structures (e.g., [huk’a] vs. [huka]), but often fail to distinguish ejectives from plain stops inphonotactically ill-formed stimuli (e.g., [k’uk’a] vs. [k’uka] or [k’up’a] vs. [k’upa]). In the perceptiontask, no asymmetry between identical and non-identical ejective pairs is found, suggesting that thepreference for identical ejective pairs is articulatorily based.
24

Object agreement asymmetries in RomanceÁngel J. Gallego (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)
Thursday, 15:45-16:15, TheaterThis paper puts forward a unitary account for a series of object agreement asymmetries in Romance by parametrizing the vP field. Adopting a microparametric perspective (Belletti & Rizzi 1996,
Biberauer 2008, among others), and following numerous precedents on this topic, we claim that thevP can vary with respect to the feature-specification of an additional functional projection sandwiched
between v and V.
Romance languages manifest various asymmetries with respect to object-agreement phenomena.
We focus on four of them here (Belletti 2004, López 2012, Ordóñez 1998): (i) Differential Object
Marking, (ii) VOS sentences, (iii) VSO sentences, and (iv) participial agreement. Considered together,
the asymmetries have the category v as its locus. We formalize this as in (1) below, taking v to be
associated with a functional category (labeled α to be neutral as for its specific content) that is
responsible for the asymmetries.
(1)[vP DP v [P α [V P V DP ] ] ] microparameter → α = {φ/p}We further argue that α can have an agreement (φ) or prepositional (p) nature, as shown above.

The syntactic algebra of adjuncts
Thomas Graf (University of California, Los Angeles)
Friday, 9:00-9:30, East Lounge
I argue that the special behavior of adjuncts is a consequence of two properties that set themapart from arguments: optionality and independence.
Optionality: Adjuncts can be omitted.
(1)

a.
b.

Obviously I will ace this exam.
I will ace this exam.

Independence: Independently well-formed adjuncts can be combined.
(2)

a.
b.
c.

Obviously I will ace this exam.
I will easily ace this exam.
Obviously I will easily ace this exam.

These properties yield several grammaticality inferences that mirror the entailments of the logicalconnector and.
For instance, just like t = 0 implies t & a = 0 for propositions, the ungrammaticality of tree t
entails that the result of adding adjunct a to t is also ungrammatical. Intuitively, the grammaticality
entailments render adjuncts semi-permeable with respect to constraints — dependencies can “scopeout” of adjuncts and thus restrict the shape of the rest of the tree, but not the other way round.
In combination with standard assumptions about the feature-driven nature of Move, semipermeability derives the Adjunct Island Constraint while still allowing for parasitic gaps.
25

What makes us communicate efficientlyPeter Graff1 , Zoe Snape1 , Morris Alper1 , Jeremy Hartman2 , and Edward Gibson1 (1 Massachusetts
Institute of Technology; 2 University of Massachusetts at Amherst)
Friday, 9:00-9:30, West Lounge

Recent work has shown that speakers produce language in communicatively efficient ways (e.g,Jurafsky et al. 2001; Aylett & Turk 2004; Levy & Jaeger 2007). For example, Jaeger (2010) presents
a corpus study of complementizer that-mentioning (e.g., I said (that) John would come to the movies.)
showing that speakers preferentially mention that if the matrix verb is biased against appearing witha complement clause (CC-bias), thus keeping the information density of their utterances uniform
over time. However, whether such behavior derives from speaker-internal or listener-oriented factors
is still largely unknown (see Gahl et al. 2012 for discussion). Here we present evidence from two
online experiments that the efficiency of a speakers production choices with respect to that-mentioning
depends at least in part on her theory of mind. In Experiment 1 we show that participants with goodtheory of mind (as measured by the reading-the-mind-in-the-eyes test; Baron-Cohen et al. 2001)
exhibit a stronger effect of CC-bias on their preference for that-mentioning. In experiment two, wereplicate this result for a different theory of mind test (reading-the-mind-in-the-films; Golan et al.
2006), and show that purely speaker-internal factors in that-mentioning (Dell & Ferreira 2000) do notinteract with participants’ theory of mind. We argue that these results constitute evidence in favor of
listener-oriented accounts of efficiency in language usage (e.g., Clark et al. 1991).

A puzzle about subject positions in Wh-questions
Ciro Greco (University of Milan at Bicocca)
Friday, 9:30-10:00, East Lounge
Rizzi (1990) and Guasti (1996) proposed that in Italian subjects cannot appear between whelements and verbs because of Wh-Criterion violation:(1)a. *Cosa/Quale libro Gianni ha comprato?
‘What/Which book John has bought?’
b. *A chi Gianni assomiglia?
‘Who does John looks like?’c. *Dove/Come Gianni ha comprato un libro?
‘Where/How has John bought a book?’

However, this is not always true:
(2)

a.
b.
c.

Di quale città Gianni ha conosciuto il sindaco?
‘Of which city has John met the mayor?’
In quale città Gianni ha conosciuto il sindaco?
‘In which city has John met the mayor?’
In che modo Gianni ha conosciuto il sindaco?
‘In which way has John met the mayor?’(2) is a challenge for Rizzi (1990) and Guasti (1996) since one cannot reduce the contrast between
26

(1) and (2) to I-to-C verb movement. I explain (1-2) by the interaction of three factors: (i) a finegrained classification of wh-phrases (ii) the (non)-argumental status of the wh-phrases (iii) the syntax
of Criterial Subjects (Rizzi 2006). Given these factors, the constraint on pre-verbal subjects can betreated as a Relativized Minimality Effect on the wh-chain induced by an intervening Criterial Subject.

Russian prepositions and prefixes: unifying prosody and syntax
Vera Gribanova (Stanford University) and Lev Blumenfeld (Carleton University)
Friday, 16:00-16:30, West Lounge
In this talk we bring novel evidence from Russian to bear on the structure of the syntax-prosodyinterface. On the prosody side, we show that Russian prepositions fall into two prosodic classes, as
diagnosed by two independent phonological criteria, yer realization and stress retraction. Among thecomplex set of factors that separate the two classes of prepositions, we identify a syntactic effect:sequences of preposition followed by a word w where w is the sole complement of the preposition
behave differently from other cases, where w is either not the preposition’s complement, or is partof a branching complement. Structures with sole complements are prosodically tighter than otherstructures. On the syntax side, we show how such prosodic behavior can be derived from generalprinciples. Following Hankamer & Mikkelsen, we assume that, unlike full PPs, reduced PPs containing
a non-branching complement of a preposition (“Minimal X”) map to a reduced structure containing
only an N or NP, with no other maximal projection inside the PP. In turn, sisters of such Minimal
X undergo a different Vocabulary Insertion rule than prepositions in the general case. Hankamer &Mikkelsen’s “Extended Subset Principle” ensures that the correct variant of the preposition undergoes
lexical insertion. In addition, we show that the account correctly predicts the behavior of verbal
prefixes, which also fall into two prosodic types parallel to prepositions.

Number mismatch in Bulgarian nominal coordinate structures
Boris Harizanov (University of California, Santa Cruz) and Vera Gribanova (Stanford University)
Saturday, 15:00-15:30, West Lounge
Bulgarian allows singular coordinated adjectives to modify a plural noun:(1)bălgarsk-o-toigrăck-opravitelstv-a
bulgarian-n.sg-the and greek-n.sg government-pl‘the Bulgarian and Greek governments’ (two governments: a Bulgarian and a Greek one)

Two major questions arise concerning the syntax and morphology of this construction, and theirinteractions. First, what is the underlying structure of such examples, and how does it correspond totheir particular interpretations? Second, what is the mechanism by which number features on the two
adjectives may be mismatched with the noun they modify in this nominal concord language?
We argue that there are two coordinated NPs each containing identical nouns, each modified bya singular adjective. The nouns escape the coordinate structure via Across-the-Board movement,
resulting in the pronunciation of a single instance of the noun (cf. similar approaches to Right Node
Raising, e.g., Ross 1967). In this position, it gets marked as plural in the morphology, since thenominal phrase that contains it is plural.
27

This account explains a number of properties of this construction, including the prohibition on
certain types of mismatches in the two conjuncts, the behavior of pluralia tantum nouns, and irregularplurals, better than its predecessors (e.g., Arregi and Nevins 2013). Our proposal leverages theidea that syntactic structure feeds both concord (on the sound side) and semantic interpretation (onthe meaning side), but there is no direct link between concord and meaning. It also illuminates
the interaction between morphology (including number marking and concord) and Across-the-Board
movement.

Two types of pre-stopping in KaytetyeMark Harvey1 , Benjamin Davies2 , Susan Lin2 , Myfany Turpin3 , Alison Ross4 and Katherine Demuth2(1 University of Newcastle; 2 Macquarie University; 3 University of Queensland; 4 Northern Territory
Government Department of Education)
Saturday, 15:00-15:30, East Lounge
Kaytetye is an Arandic language of central Australia. It contrasts plain vs pre-stopped nasals: e.g.,an@-n”@ ‘sit-PAST’ vs. at@-n”@ ‘stand-PAST’. We show that Kaytetye also has non-contrastive lateralpre-stopping. We provide evidence that, synchronically, contrastive and non-contrastive pre-stopping
differ significantly. We also show that current diachronic hypotheses face issues with both contrastiveand non-contrastive prestopping.
We recorded seven speakers in an elicited imitation task. Speakers were presented with an image
and a pre-recorded carrier phrase containing a target word with one of the coronal nasals /n, ñ, n”, ï/,
pre-stopped nasals/t n, t ñ, t n”, t ï/, or laterals /l, í, ”,l L/, preceded by word-initial /a/ and followed by/a/ or /@/.
Synchronically, there are two principal differences between contrastive and non-contrastive prestopping: (1) Mean duration of plain vs pre-stopped realizations: Pre-stopped nasal realizations are
significantly longer than plain nasal realizations. Pre-stopped lateral realizations are not significantly
longer than plain lateral realizations. (2) Mean duration of initial closure: This is significantly longer
in pre-stopped nasal realizations (62ms), than pre-stopped lateral realizations (27ms).
Diachronically, current hypotheses propose that pre-stopping develops from post-tonic lengthening:[míl”l”a] > [mít l?a] (Hercus 1972). Pre-stopped laterals should therefore be longer than plain laterals,
which is not the case for Kaytetye. Current hypotheses also propose that contrastive pre-stoppingdeveloped from non-contrastive pre-stopping by initial consonant loss: e.g., ‘stand’ *[t”átna] > [atn@].
This hypothesis does not account for the lengthening of initial closure in contrastive pre-stopping.

On the 1st/2nd person restriction of Korean anaphor caki and its implications
Semoon Hoe (Seoul National University)
Thursday, 9:45-10:15, TheaterThis paper investigates why the Korean local anaphor caki cannot be covalued with a 1st/2nd person antecedent (1st/2nd Person Restriction, PR) except in certain environments (Obviation Context
of PR, OC). To explain PR and OC consistently, I suggest that local caki is generated with a 3rd
person feature and after feature transmission, 1st/2nd and 3rd person features coexist on it at PF. I
also assume that when 1st/2nd person and 3rd person features are competing at PF, one of them must
be selected along with semantic markedness. Given this, PR can be accounted for by adopting the28

morphological restriction (MR) on local caki : *[1st/2nd person], since 1st/2nd person features usually win over 3rd person features due to markedness. In contrast, MR cannot rule out the realizationof local caki in OC because the 1st/2nd person feature is no longer semantically marked comparedto the 3rd person feature, which can be selected in OC: OC is an environment where a 3rd personbound variable (BV) can refer to an author/addressee among the antecedents due to the implicatedpresupposition of the 3rd person feature whereas the 1st/2nd person BV cannot refer to 3rd persons
in the antecedents. As supporting evidence, I show that even in OC, when caki-tul (plural) is used,the 1st/2nd person feature must win over the 3rd person thus blocked by MR. Finally, I present that
local caki is different from long-distance caki ; thus PR cannot be explained by the logophoric natureof long-distance caki.

Constraining exceptionality as prosody-morphology mismatch: a study of Frenchnasal vowels
Brian Hsu (University of Southern California)
Friday, 16:30-17:00, West LoungeThis paper argues that certain exceptional patterns of allomorphy may be derived and constrained
without lexically-indexed constraints, if analyzed as a type of prosody-morphology mismatch. Givena regular mapping from morphological to prosodic structure (Selkirk 2003), morphological structuresensitivity can be derived in parallel OT (Prince & Smolensky 1993) by indexing markedness constraints to apply within levels of the prosodic hierarchy. When such constraints are ranked differently
relative to faithfulness, as in M P W d >> F >> M P P hr, segmental co-occurrence restrictions are
weakened across larger prosodic boundaries. I argue that certain cases of morpheme-specific phonology emerge when exceptional items are reanalyzed with a smaller prosodic structure, where a different
pattern of constraint interaction applies. Empirically, this predicts that exceptional patterns are identical to regular ones at lower morphological boundaries. The proposal is illustrated in an analysis of
French nasal vowels across morphological contexts, accounting for several patterns which have previously eluded a uniform account. Nasal vowels are increasingly marked as the following segment
becomes more sonorous, implemented by markedness constraints *Ṽ[son] and *Ṽ[-cons]. The regularweakening of these co-occurrence restrictions at affix and word boundaries is shown to follow from the
proposed schema of indexed markedness constraints. Three patterns which have been characterized
as exceptional, allomorphy of the in- prefix, liaison with and without vowel denasalization, are further
shown to be derivable by reanalyzing the triggering item within a lower prosodic constituent.

Asymmetric A-movement within vP: A case from coordinated ECMs
Yuki Ito (University of Maryland)
Friday, 14:45-15:15, East Lounge
Recent studies on gapping have proposed that gapping involves asymmetric A-movement of thesubject. That is, gapping is taken to involve vP coordination and movement of the subject fromwithin the first conjunct (Coppock 2001, Johnson 2009, Lin 2002). Based on the observation that
determiner sharing, which is characteristically found in gapping, is also possible across objects, several
authors (Johnson 2000, Kasai 2006, Lin 2000) have suggested the existence of asymmetric A-movementof objects. This paper provides evidence for asymmetric A-movement in the vP domain, based on29data from coordinated ECMs. Specifically, building on Bošković’s (1997) analysis of coordinated ECMs
which postulates coordination of AgroP, across-the-board movement of V, and raising of both ECM
subjects, I argue that there exist coordinated ECMs that must be analyzed as involving coordinationof VP rather than AgroP, across-the-board movement of V, and asymmetric movement of the ECM
subject from within the first conjunct. The arguments utilize height diagnostics developed in the
ECM literature. I also show that this asymmetric A-movement of the ECM subject is subject to the
LF-representational Coordinate Structure Constraint, as is discussed by Lin (2002) for gapping.

Ellipsis is derivational: Evidence from Hoçak VPE
Meredith Johnson (University of Wisconsin-Madison)
Saturday, 10:45-11:15, West LoungeThis paper presents data from Hoçak verb phrase ellipsis (VPE) that provide a new argument fora derivational analysis of ellipsis à la Aelbrecht (2010). In Hoçak, object (but not subject) agreementis bled with VPE, which I show is incompatible with an analysis of ellipsis in which deletion occurs at
the end of the derivation, such as Merchant (2001, 2004, 2007). Merchant argues that ellipsis results
when a so-called ‘[E]-feature’ on the licensing head “instructs the post-PF phonological interpretative
component not to parse its complement” (Merchant 2004: 671). Aelbrecht (2010) argues, on the basisof data from Dutch modal complement ellipsis, for a revision of Merchant’s theory in which ellipsis
occurs immediately after the merger of the licensing head. Thus ellipsis occurs throughout the courseof the derivation, rather than at the end of it. Under Aelbrecht’s account, the effect of ellipsis is
two-fold: first, the ellipsis site is targeted for non-insertion of lexical items at PF. Second, the ellipsis
site is “frozen” and thus inaccessible for future syntactic operations. The data from Hoçak VPE areproblematic for Merchant’s theory of ellipsis licensing, as it predicts that object agreement should still
be possible. Regardless of whether agreement takes place in the narrow syntax or post-syntacticallyat Morphological Structure, object agreement is predicted to take place prior to PF, and thus should
not be affected by ellipsis. In contrast, Aelbrecht’s derivational ellipsis analysis can account for thedata, provided that agreement takes place post-syntactically.

Almost or almost not? The interaction between chadian ‘almost’ and negation in
Mandarin Chinese
Magdalena Kaufmann and Ting Xu (University of Connecticut)
Thursday, 14:30-15:00, TheaterAt first glance, Mandarin chadian behaves like English ‘almost’. Chadian φ conveys that φ does
not hold and that things came close to φ being true. However, with a negated prejacent, chadian cansometimes convey the opposite, namely that the prejacent Neg φ is true, but that things came close
to Neg φ being false. So it seems that chadian can sometimes license expletive negation, in whichcase chadian φ and chadian Neg φ have the same meaning. Zhu (1959) observes this is only the caseif φ describes a state of affairs that is undesirable from the speaker’s point of view.
We derive the interaction between chadian, negation, and desirability by assuming an ambiguity
between chadian 1 , which is exactly like English ‘almost’, and chadian 2 , which expresses roughly‘almost not manage to’. With both elements, the negation in the prejacent is interpreted canonically.
But the meaning of chadian 2 ‘almost not manage to’ cancels out the negation in its prejacent, creating30

the illusion that the overt negation is merely expletive. As chadian 2 can only occur with a negatedprejacent, we argue that, like NPIs in Japanese and Korean, it has to be licensed by negation in its
scope. ‘manage’ in the paraphrase indicates that we take chadian 2 to come with the presupposition
that its prejacent describes a desirable course of events. Combining it with a prejancent Neg φ, where
φ itself is speaker-desirable or neutral, would result in a presupposition failure and disambiguates infavor of chadian 1 .

The shifted indexical behavior of Tagalog sana ‘wish’
Gregory Kierstead (Ohio State University)
Friday, 16:30-17:00, West Lounge
Recent work on indexicals, items whose meanings depend on contextual parameters (e.g., who the
speaker is, time of utterance), has shown that indexicals in some languages can shift (Schlenker 2003,
Anand and Nevins 2004, Deal 2012). E.g., the Amharic pronoun ññ ‘I’ refers to the speaker in rootlevel utterances, but when embedded under a verb of saying, it can refer to either the speaker, or thematrix subject; the latter is called a shifted reading.
I present original fieldwork data on the Tagalog modal sana ‘wish’ that exhibits a pattern not
captured by previous analyses (Schlenker 2003, Anand and Nevins 2004, Deal 2012). Sana ‘wish’
depends on two parameters of context (speaker and utterance time) which both have a shifted readingwhen embedded: at the root level it expresses a wish of the speaker at utterance time, but whenembedded under sinabi ‘say’ it expresses a wish of the matrix subject of sinabi ‘say’ at the time ofher utterance. However, other Tagalog indexicals, e.g. ako ‘I’, cannot shift. I show that this datarequires an analysis with more than one context (cf. Anand and Nevins 2004, Deal 2012), but thatthe introduction of more than two contexts (cf. Schlenker 2003) overgenerates. I propose a doubleindexing analysis (Kamp 1971) with two contexts: a static global context, and a local context thatchanges with embedding. Thus by considering a broader range of indexicals–e.g. a modal, dependent
on multiple indexical parameters–we gain further insight into the nature of indexicality.

Multiple tiers, multiple trees: Weak hand in Russian Sign Language
Vadim Kimmelmann (University of Amsterdam)
Friday, 10:00-10:30, East Lounge
Sign languages (SL) are different from spoken languages because they are non-linear in many aspectsof the grammar, including the fact that they have two major partially independent articulators, namely,
hands. It has been claimed that only one hand is an independent articulator while the other hand(the so-called weak hand) is subordinate. However, some simultaneous constructions as well as somecases of weak hand holds allow arguing for the independent role of the second hand.
Examples from a corpus of Russian SL show that it is necessary to acknowledge the existence of
two separate tiers on which the lexical units can be linearized, namely a separate tier for each hand.
In this presentation I demonstrate that examples involving simultaneity can be analyzed with the helpof multi-dimensional trees (or grafts). The node that is shared by several subtrees is linearized on thesecond tier that becomes active specifically for this purpose, while the other nodes are linearized on thefirst tier according to general principles. In spoken languages multi-dimensional trees are linearizedon the only available tier. However, since sign languages have two tiers it is only natural that thelinearization can take advantage of this additional tier exactly for the cases of multi-dimensional trees.
31On paucals in Serbian
Nataša Knežević (Université de Nantes)
Thursday, 10:45-11:15, Theater
In an experimental study based on Musolino (2009), we tested the range of scope (in)dependentinterpretations of paucal cardinals in Serbian children and adults.
Despite the underlying assumption in the literature that collective construals of numerals are easier to acquire, our results provide evidence that Serbian children have a preference for distributive
readings, since, unlike both English children and (Serbian/English) adults, they strongly reject collective readings. To account for this surprising finding, we discuss the rich morphosyntactic typology
of Serbian numerals found in other Slavic languages. While paucal numerals take a singular (ordual ) nominal restriction, triggering plural verbal agreement, collective numerals take a plural nominal restriction triggering either singular or plural verbal agreement. Our hypothesis is that non-plural
nominal restriction favors individual representation and therefore distributive readings of a paucal inchildren. Furthermore, collective cardinals should favor collective interpretations.
Nevertheless, adults showed a preference for collective readings of paucals. Serbian has a distributive marker po that can operate on subject or object to yield a distributive interpretation of a NP.
Adults prefer to use the distributor under distributive conditions. Children’s non-adult readings of
paucals might be due to the fact that they have still not acquired the meaning and the distributionof the operator po.

Mid-tone lowering in Laal: the phonology/syntax interface in question
Florian Lionnet (University of California, Berkeley)
Saturday, 10:00-10:30, East Lounge
Many phonological processes in various languages have been shown to depend on syntactic structure, e.g., French liaison, Italian raddoppiamento or Yoruba L-raising. However, Crysmann (2005)
convincingly shows that one such process—Hausa Final Vowel Shortening (FVS)—is actually a caseof morphosyntactic marking. The presence in situ of an object NP changes the form of the transitive
verb, making Hausa a language with extraction-sensitive morphology. This prompts the question:
could phonology/syntax interface phenomena sometimes be simply hidden morphosyntax?
This paper aims to show that Crysmann’s analysis of Hausa FVS is supported by what appears to
be a syntactically governed tonal alternation in Laal (unclassified, Southern Chad). In this three-tone
language, Mid-toned verbs and nouns become Low-toned when they head a [Verb + Object NP]V P
transitive structure, or a [Nounhead + NP]N P genitive structure respectively, as in (1) and (2) below.
(1)já nyāg > já nyàg mèr1́m
I eat > I eat:T meat
‘I eat.’ > ‘I eat meat.’(2)

dōrūm > dòrùm hólrope > rope:G bark(sp.)‘rope’ > ‘bark (sp.) rope’

Based on recently collected data, I show that this alternation, like Hausa FVS, is not a case ofphonology/syntax interaction, but one of extraction-sensitive morphology: in transitive and genitive32

structures, the presence in situ of a complement is marked by a Low-tone suffix onto the head. Laal
and Hausa thus seem to be showing the way towards a morphosyntactic re-appraisal of some of theprocesses that have been analyzed as cases of phonology/syntax interaction.

A closer look at Boersma and Hayes’ (2001) simulations: extensions, analyses,
implications
Giorgio Magri (CNRS, University of Paris 8) and Benjamin Storme (Massachusetts Institute ofTechnology)
Saturday, 11:15-11:45, East Lounge
OT error-driven ranking algorithms (EDRAs) maintain a current hypothesis of the target ranking,which is slightly updated whenever found to be inconsistent with the current piece of data. We
consider four implementations of EDRAs: Tesar and Smolensky’s (1998) (gradual) EDCD; Boersma’s(1998) GLA and GLAmin; Magri’s (2012) calibrated EDRAs (CEDRAs). They differ for the amountof constraint promotion performed (null, small or large) and for which loser-preferrering constraints
are demoted (all or just the undominated ones). Boersma and Hayes (2001; BH) add gaussian noise
to the ranking entertained by the GLA and GLAmin, obtaining a learning algorithm for Boersma’s
stochastic OT. (Gradual) EDCD and CEDRAs can likewise be turned into algorithms for stochastic
OT. BH consider three test cases of variation and observe that the GLA outperforms GLAmin and
EDCD. In this talk, we take a closer look at BH’s simulations. First, we make the new observation that
CEDRAs’ little promotion is equivalent to EDCD’s no promotion on BH’s test cases, so that the GLA
outperforms CEDRAs as well on these test cases. Second, we offer a complete analytical explanationof all (BH’s and ours) simulation results, explaining in detail the success/failure of different EDRAs.
Finally, we argue that, although BH’s test cases on variation require a large promotion amount andthe demotion of all loser-preferrers, diametrically opposite conclusions are reached when EDRAs areevaluated from the perspectives of efficiency, convergence and restrictiveness, thus leading to a paradox
for the theory of EDRAs.

Antecedent under discussion in French past subjunctive conditionals
Fabienne Martin (Universitaet Stuttgart)
Saturday, 9:00-9:30, West LoungeThis paper focuses on past subjunctive conditionals (PSCs) in French. French PSCs have a
conditionnel 2 in the consequent. It is often assumed that French (like Greek) requires imperfective
aspect as a counterfactual (CF) marker in the antecedent. This should explain why we find in theantecedent of PSCs the plus que parfait, a double past combining an imperfective morphology to afirst layer of past. Non-imperfective past tenses, a.o. the present perfect, are supposed to be banned.
We start from the observation that this empirical picture should be refined: one easily finds occurrences of conditionals with a conditionnel 2 in the consequent and a present perfect in the antecedentin corpora, cf. e.g., (1):

33

(1)

Si un missile sol-air a effectivement été utilisé, il aurait été tiré partir d’ un bateau au large deLong Island.
If a missile ground-air indeed be-pres.pfct used, it be-cond.2 launched from a boat at coastof Long Island.
‘If a missile has indeed been used, it would have been launched from a boat off the Long Island
coast’

It is shown that conditionals of this type are (i) true subjunctive conditionals (ii) but differ from standard PSCs in several respects, among other the fact that they require the antecedent to be undecided
relative to the current context, and (iii) differ from standard past indicative conditionals, too. I argue
that the absence of the imperfective morphology on the antecedent signals that subjunctivehood is
obtained in other way than through the counterfactuality of the antecedent.

Assessing the role of competition in MaxElide
Troy Messick (University of Connecticut)
Alternate Talk
In this paper, I investigate so-called MaxElide effects in English and German. I present novel datathat cannot be accounted for by Merchant (2008)’s version of MaxElide that is based on competition
between two possible ellipsis targets. Under Merchant (2008)’s analysis, cases of larger Verb Phrase
Ellipsis (VPE) block the availability of smaller sluices and Possessor Stranding Ellipsis (PSE), shownin (1) and (2) respectively.
(1)a. Max knows who Sue invited, but Bill doesn’t <know who Sue invited>. (VPE)
b. ??Max knows who Sue invited, but Bill doesnt know who <Sue invited>. (Sluice)(2)a. Matt doesn’t like Rose’s boyfriend, but Jack does <like Rose’s boyfriend>. (VPE)
b. *Matt doesn’t like Rose’s boyfriend, but Jack likes Rose’s <boyfriend>. (PSE)

Under this analysis, it is predicted that if VPE were not available, then (1b) and (2b) should become
acceptable. I test this prediction in German, a language that does not have VPE. As shown in (3) and(4), even though there is no larger ellipsis site (i.e., VPE), the German counterparts of (1b) and (2b)are still unacceptable suggesting the cause of unacceptability is not competition with a larger ellipsis
site.
(3) ??Max weiss wen
Maria eingeladen hat, aber Bill weiss nich wen
Max knows who.acc Mary invitedhas, but Bill knows not who.acc‘??Max knows who Mary has invited, but Bill doesn’t know who <Mary has invited>.’(4)*Ich mag Marias Freund, aber du magst Marias nicht.
I like Maria’s boyfriend, but you like Maria’s not‘*I like Maria’s boyfriend, but you don’t like Maria’s <boyfriend>.’

I go on to show that an alternative version of MaxElide put forth by Takahashi & Fox (2005) andHartman (2011) also cannot straight forwardly account for all the data. To conclude, I propose apossible solution that relies on the interaction between movement out of ellipsis sites and the presenceof focus.
34That’s not art: Backhanded sentences and distant worlds
Patrick Muñoz (University of California at San Diego)
Thursday, 14:00-14:30, Theater(1)

If that’s art, then I’m a sperm whale.

(2)

Either that’s art, or I’m a sperm whale.

The meaning of (1) and (2), termed ‘backhanded sentences,’ involves an implication about the truthof the proposition denoted by their first clauses; the conditional (1) implies “that’s not art,” while
the disjunction (2) implies the opposite. Intuitively, this meaning arises as the result of the blatantfalsity, or ‘outlandishness,’ of the proposition denoted by their second clauses.
How this implication arises can be captured by introducing the Lewisian notion of distance between
worlds of evaluation: there are possible worlds that are close, and possible worlds that are distant,from the actual world or relevant world of evaluation. On the supposition that the ‘outlandishness’ of
the propositions denoted by the second clauses of these sentences consists not only in their falsity, butalso in their not being true in any close world of evaluation, an inference is yielded by the semantic
content of the sentences in conjunction with some basic pragmatic maxims that the first proposition is‘outlandish,’ in the case of conditionals, or that its negation is ‘outlandish,’ in the case of disjunctions.
This accords with the intuitive meaning of the ‘backhanded’ sentences, and accounts for several of theirfeatures that are inexplicable if they are treated either as logical inferences confined to a single worldof evaluation or as conventionalized syllogisms. The account further crucially depends on the logicalproperties of the sentences, semantically grounding a pragmatically inclined discourse maneuver.

Interpretation of agreement morphology in Mishar Tatar
Alexander Podobryaev (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
Thursday, 10:15-10:45, Theater
In this talk, I argue, based on the data from Mishar Tatar (Turkic), that agreement morphology may be directly semantically interpreted. The core evidence comes from indexical shifting in
finite embedded clauses where overt pronouns cannot get “shifted” interpretation, while null pronouns(including agreeing null subjects and null possessors) can.
The proposed account aims at explaining why null pronouns appear to have the same agreement
features as overt ones, despite the differences in interpretation.
The data favors an analysis that involves an optional monster operator in the left periphery of
the embedded clause. To capture the “non-shifting” property of overt pronouns, I suggest that overt
pronouns are context-dependent, and the monster operator manipulates not the context parameter,
but the assignment function (cf. Sudo 2012: 241-244; contra Schlenker 2003 and Anand and Nevins
2004), thus overt pronouns are left unaffected by the monster – they are always evaluated in thecontext of the speech act.
To explain why null pronouns agree just like overt pronouns, I propose that neither overt nor nullpronouns carry formal phi-features in MT – it is the agreement morphology that bears interpretable,and “shiftable” (i.e. assignment-dependent), phi-features. “Non-shiftability” of overt pronouns is a
result of a clash between interpretations of overt pronouns and agreement morphology in the presenceof the monster. Null pronouns are not interpreted at all, so there is no clash and “shifted” readings
become available.
35

Prenoun hierarchies in the Ojibwe DP
Bryan Rosen (University of Wisconsin–Madison)
Friday, 14:15-14:45, East LoungeThis paper evaluates Cinque’s (1994, 2010) and Scott’s (2002) universal functional hierarchy ofadjectival modification in the context of the Algonquian language, Ojibwe. Specifically, the paper
examines the ordering facts of “prenouns” (attributive modifiers) and shows that the data do notconfirm the predictions of Cinque or Scott. Instead, I argue that prenoun orderings are derived by thesame principles that restrict phrase structure. In order to achieve the correct orderings, I claim that
prenouns are divided into three types: N-type, A-type, and V-type. On the one hand, N-type and Vtype elements show syntactic parallels to nouns and verbs, and therefore, they carry the features [+N]
and [–N], respectively. On the other hand, A-type prenouns behave neither like nouns nor like verbs,
and thus bear the unspecified [±N] (cf. Baker 2003, “the essence of having no essence”). In line with
Svenonius’ (2008) analysis of adjectival placement in Jarawara, I propose that the functional structureof the DP takes prenouns as a complement; that is, nP selects for an AP. This means that prenouns
are entirely divorced from both a functional hierarchy and the notion that attributive modifiers arephrasal constituents of the NP. This study furthermore makes the novel claim that in the absence of
the UG dictated functional structure (cf. Cinque 1994), another area of UG will compensate. Since
there are no functional heads mediating prenoun orders, the principles that restrict phrase structure
also restrict prenouns.

Cliticization phenomena in non-standard Serbian and Slovenian dialects
Jelena Runić (University of Connecticut)
Saturday, 14:30-15:00, West Lounge
The aim of this talk is to account for clitic doubling and other related cliticization phenomena
found in Prizren-Timok Serbian (PTS) and Gorica Slovenian (GS), two non-standard dialects spoken
in Southeastern Serbia and Western Slovenia. First, as noted by Marušič & Žaucer (2009, 2010),
these are article-less languages with pronominal clitic doubling, which is problematic for the recently
proposed NP/DP Parameter, according to which only languages with articles may allow clitic doubling(Bošković 2008). Second, a thorough examination of the dialects in question reveals some additional
hitherto unnoticed properties, such as: (i) non-doubled pronouns can be modified, while doubled
pronouns cannot; (ii) doubling with full NPs is allowed with some speakers in both PTS and GS;(iii) a clitic and its associate cannot be separated by a verb—they must be adjacent. In this talk,regarding (i) and (ii), I argue that these are subject to an ongoing language change. Based on the data,
I claim that PTS and GS display both types of pronouns in their pronominal systems—D pronouns
and N pronouns. In line with Krochs (1994) account of syntactic change, I claim that such dual
behavior in PTS/GS is the reflection of an ongoing language change. As for (iii), it has been argued
extensively that a clitic and a doubled argument are located in the same phrase at some point during
the derivation (Kayne 2002, i.a.). PTS and GS then reveal evidence for the adjacency requirement.
Overall, the data from PTS and GS confirm several theoretical findings.
36

Morphological and semantic properties of negation in Kalaallisut
Jerry Sadock (University of Chicago)
Friday, 16:00-16:30, East Lounge
Negation in Kalaallisut, the Inuit language of West Greenland, is handled by a derivational affix-inngit- that can be attached to any verb stem to build a new, negated verb stem. I will show that avery simple grammar of word structure, combined with a simple grammar of semantic structure, canhandle the complex facts of negation in Kalaallisut.
These facts include: (1) a special “negative inflection” that is associated directly with the positionof -nngit-, and not with semantic negativity, (2) scope of -nngit-, that varies from propositional scope,
scope that is restricted to the predicate, scope that is restricted to the verb itself, and scope that is
associated with lexicalized combinations of stems and affixes.
To take just one example, the verb stem ajor- means “to be bad or ill”. Its negation, ajunngitis a lexical combination that means “to be good or healthy”, and the negation of that, ajunnginngitmeans “to be not good, not healthy.” At every stage, further derivation is possible: ajornerar- “tosay that he/she is bad, ill”, ajunnginnerar- “to say that he/she is good, healthy.” And the result of
these derivations can be further negated, e.g., ajunnginnnerar- “to say that he/she is not good, nothealthy.”
These and other complexities, as I will show, can be elegantly treated by accepting the autonomy
of morphological and semantic structure without the need for movement of any kind.

More variation in island repair: the clausal/non-clausal island distinction
Gary Thoms1 , Matthew Barros2 and Patrick Elliott1 (1 University of Edinburgh;2 Rutgers University)
Friday, 10:45-11:15, West Lounge
Clausal islands undergo repair by ellipsis more readily than non-clausal islands, due to the variableavailability of island evasion strategies.
‘Repair’ in non-repair contexts: Merchant (2004) argues that contrastive fragments (CFrs) do notexhibit repair effects. We show however that repair effects surface with because-islands and many
relative clause islands. Dutch also exhibits repair with CFrs (Temmerman, to appear), but neither
English nor Dutch allows repair of non-clausal islands, such as left branch islands and definite DP
islands.
Non-repair in ‘repair’ contexts: While Merchant (2001) has argued that sluicing repairs left branchislands, we show that repair fails whenever the targeted adjective cannot appear predicatively. We
propose that “left branch sluices” are only possible with an underlying, non-isomorphic “predicative
source” - Left branch extraction is not repaired in sluicing.
Double clausal ellipsis: Double clausal ellipsis (1) allows evasion of clausal islands, deriving becauseisland repair with CFrs.
(1)

No, [CP [CP SARAHi [C because [TP I offended ti ]]]j [TP they left tj ]]Outlook : Cross-linguistic generalizations about repair collapse to generalizations over kinds of islands.
Non-repair occurs whenever we run out of evasion strategies - this is because repair is always illusive.
37

(Im)perfect(ive) VP: Aspect-sensitive VP-ellipsis in Serbian
Neda Todorović (University of Connecticut)
Saturday, 15:30-16:00, West Lounge
VP-ellipsis in Serbian is aspect-sensitive, because only certain aspectual mismatches between theantecedent and the target VP allow for it. For instance, when the antecedent is the imperfective
counterpart of the perfective target, ellipsis is allowed (1). In (2), however, ellipsis is disallowed; thetarget is a root perfective (aspect is specified in the verbal root in Serbian), while the antecedent is a
derived perfective (a prefix being added to the root perfective stem, changing its lexical properties).
(1)

Aca je izbacivao
čizme, a Ana ni tada nije izbacila/ neće izbaciti
Aca is out.thrown-impf. boots and Ana nor then isn’t out.thrown-pf. / won’t out.throw-pf.
čizme.
boots‘Aca was putting the boots outside, while Ana didn’t/ won’t (put the boots outside) even then’(2)*Aca nije izbaciočizme, a ni Ana nije bacila/ neće bacitičizme.
Aca isnt out.thrown-pf. boots, and nor Ana isn’t thrown-pf. / wont throw-pf. boots‘Aca didn’t put the boots outside, and neither did/will Ana (throw the boots away)’

I argue that VP-ellipsis in Serbian is possible if the target: (a) is a phasal complement or a phase(Bošković in press); (b) matches in phasal status with the strict aspectual antecedent, i.e. either bothare phasal complements or both are phases.
In (1), the imperfective suffix -va changes only the aspectual properties of its perfective stem. If
the derived imperfective is in the viewpoint aspect domain (Borer 2005 a.o.), whereas root and derived
perfectives are in the situation aspect domain, I argue that, in Serbian, the derived imperfective is in
the AspP. I also suggest that, due to both the functional and the lexical nature of aspects in Serbian,
not all aspectual information is part of an extended VP domain; rather, situational and viewpoint
aspects are parts of two separate phasal domains.
In sum, seemingly unsystematic discrepancies in the availability of VP-ellipsis in Serbian follow
from an analysis relying on strict phasal identity between antecedent and target.

On a proper treatment of interrogative scope in Chinese Wh-in-situ
Cheng-Yu Edwin Tsai (Harvard University)
Friday, 14:45-15:15, West Lounge
In-situ wh-words in Chinese have been argued to have wide, island-free interrogative scope. This
paper proposes that the wide-scope interpretation actually results from a choice function variable
CH(f) being bound by an existential quantifier high in the matrix clause (following Reinhart 1997),
and that wh-words are simply predicates of type he,ti. Evidence of this analysis comes from theobservation that a wh-question with the wh-word inside an island is infelicitous in a scenario where
the reference of the wh-word is unique. For instance, the question You read [book [who wrote t]]? isinfelicitous when only one author is relevant in the discourse. This indicates that, contra the standard
assumption in the literature, Chinese wh-words do not have wide scope. Under the current analysis, theisland which contains the wh-word as a whole semantically denotes a set of properties and syntacticallyconstitutes the argument of CH(f). It will be shown that such CH(f) is very similar to the existential
38suffix -ka in Japanese in the sense of Hagstrom (1998) and many others, and thus the interpretationof such wh-questions in Chinese is parallel to that in Japanese, despite the morphological difference.
Overall, this paper argues for the view that Chinese wh-words are predicates without quantificational
force, but against the widely accepted position that they can obtain matrix scope out of an island(Huang 1982, Tsai 1994).

Testing the two-grammar hypothesis for Korean: Scopal interaction of object QPs
and negation
Erica J. Yoon and Junko Shimoyama (McGill University)
Friday, 9:30-10:00, West Lounge
We revisit Han, Lidz, and Musolino’s (2007) claim that each Korean speaker exclusively acquires
one of two available grammars, either the one that only generates the neg>object QP scope derived
by V-raising or the one that only generates the object QP>neg scope derived by I-lowering. The claim
is based on the observation that the acceptance of the neg>object QP reading (where Q is a universal
quantifier) in a Truth Value Judgment task yielded a bimodal distribution of speakers: each speakereither consistently accepted the reading, or consistently rejected it. We address two issues: first, the
QP>neg condition in their experiment yielded unexpectedly high acceptance rates, the cause of which
Han et al. attributed to an entailment relation between the two scope readings created by the use of
the universal quantifier. Also, participants were tested using a between-subjects design, which meanteach speaker was tested on only one of the two scope readings. We performed a new experiment withtwo main modifications: we used numeral quantifiers to remove an entailment relation between two
readings of test sentences; and we used a within-subjects design to test whether each speaker has
an exclusive access to one of the two readings. We found that the removal of an entailment relation
did not reduce the high acceptance rates of the QP>neg reading, and that some speakers acceptedboth scope readings. As our findings are inconsistent with the predictions of Han and colleagues’
two-grammar model, we propose some possible revisions to the original claim.

Parasitic gaps licensed by elided syntactic structure
Masaya Yoshida1 , Tim Hunter2 and Michael Frazier1 (1 Northwestern; 2 Cornell)
Saturday, 11:15-11:45, West Lounge
Because the licensing condition on Parasitic Gaps (PGs) crucially refers to a specific syntactic
configuration, with a licensing gap left by an overt A-bar movement not c-commanding the PG (Engdal
1983), PGs can be used to diagnose the internal structure of an ellipsis site. If a PG appears inside
an island domain without a licensing gap, it may be parasitic on an elided gap (Kennedy 2003). The
remnant in sluicing can host PGs (1a), where the first clause may, but need not, contain a correlate of
the remnant “how soon” phrase.
P G in (1a) is licensed by a real gap (RG) in the ellipsis site, which
thus must contain the licensing configuration for PGs. This is expected under PF-deletion analysesof sluicing, but problematic for LF-copying approaches.
(1)a.

The editor told me which book I must review(soon after receiving), but I don’t
remember exactly how soon after receiving
P G.
b. *The editor told me which book I must review , but I don’t remember exactly how soonafter receiving P G I must review it.
39

The PG in the remnant in (1a) has the diagnostic properties of a PG, but is not licensed by the gap
in the first conjunct, as the contrast between (1a), without the optional correlate, and (1b) shows.
This indicates that it is dependent on something in the ellipsis site. This supports the hypothesisthat ellipsis can repair island and ECP violations, and complicates LF-copying analyses of ellipsis andsingle-cycle models of syntax.

Prosody of right dislocation in head-final languages
Suyeon Yun (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
Alternate Talk
This paper proposes that right dislocation of an argument to the post-verbal position in head-final
languages involves two different syntactic structures, rightward movement and bi-clausal adjunction
following ellipsis, based on prosodic evidence. Focusing on Korean, I also argue that rightward movement is triggered by a focus effect, achieved by the movement of non-focused element bearing old
information, and bi-clause adjunction takes place to add afterthoughts.

Probing for conversation participants: A case of Jingpo
Vera Zu (New York University)
Thursday, 15:15-15:45, TheaterThis paper examines the phenomenon of speaker- and hearer-oriented agreement in Jingpo, aTibeto-Burmese language with an SOV word order. In declarative clauses (1), the agreement can target
either a third person plural, i.e., the grammatical subject jongma, or a first person plural, indicating
the speaker has a close relationship with the subject. Hearer-oriented agreement, in contrast, does nothave the plurality requirement, and can be either singular or plural, depending on the exact numberof addressees involved in the conversation. For instance, (2) is a question addressed to an individual.
(1)

Jongma du hkum ma-s-ai/sa-ga-ai/*sa-ng-ai.
student all arrive 3pl-cos-decl/cos-1pl-decl/*cos-1sg-decl‘Students have all arrived.’(2)

Hkying gadehtu s-aP-ni/s-@-ni?
how many point cos-3sg-q/cos-2sg-q
time‘What time is it?’This paper shows that in Jingpo agreement with the grammatical subject and agreement with theconversation participants involve the same set of morphosyntactic features, except that the latteris also context-linked. Hearer-oriented agreement targets the φ-features of the closest conversation
participant HEARER, whereas speaker-oriented agreement targets the φ-features of both SPEAKER
and HEARER, computed as the inclusive we, as a way of targeting SPEAKER without violating
MLC. Finally, it points out that the Jingpo data can be best analyzed in a framework where auniform structure is assumed for various clause types.

40

Acknowledgments
The Chicago Linguistic Society would sincerely like to thank the following sponsors for their generous
financial support of this year’s meeting:• The Office of the Reynolds Club and Student Activities• The Franke Institute for the Humanities
We are especially grateful to our keynote speakers for presenting their research and to all of thesession presenters for sharing their work with us. We appreciate the considerable effort involved in
preparing for, traveling to, and presenting at our conference, not to mention the demanding work that
their research entails. We are also very grateful to all who submitted an abstract for consideration but
did not have an opportunity to present. With a three-day schedule with only one track on the firstday, and nearly 200 submissions, it was necessary to leave out from the program many outstanding
pieces of research. If the Chicago Linguistic Society conference maintains high standards, it is due inlarge measure to the notable authors who submit their work for consideration. Special thanks mustalso go to the faculty and students in the Department of Linguistics who offered their valuable advice
and support from the very first to the very last stages of conference preparation. In addition, we want
to express our deep gratitude to all of our anonymous abstract reviewers—external and internal—
who provided helpful feedback to submitting authors. Thanks, too, to all the student volunteers whohelped us with the conference logistics. Finally, we would like to thank all conference attendees forjoining us here at the 49th annual meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, continuing the traditionof excellence.
Helena Aparicio Terrasa
Katie Franich
Gallagher Flinn
Asia Pietraszko
Tamara Vardomskaya
CLS 49 Organizing Committee

41Author Index
Aelbrecht, Lobke, 18
Alper, Morris, 26
Arregi, Karlos, 12
Asikin-Garmager, Eli, 18
Baglini, Rebekah, 19
Barros, Matthew, 37
Beltrama, Andrea, 19
Blumenfeld, Lev, 20, 27
Bowers, Dustin, 20
Bowman, Samuel, 21

Gribanova, Vera, 27
Hacquard, Valentine, 23Harbour, Daniel, 13
Harizanov, Boris, 27
Hartman, Jeremy, 26
Harvey, Mark, 28
Harwood, Will, 18
Hoe, Semoon, 28
Hsu, Brian, 29
Hunter, Tim, 39

Castroviejo-Miró, Elena, 21
Chen, Litong, 22
Chen, Tsung-Ying, 22

Ito, Yuki, 29

Davies, Benjamin, 28
Demuth, Katherine, 28
Dudley, Rachel, 23
Durvasula, Karthik, 23

Kahng, Jimin, 23
Kaufmann, Magdalena, 30
Kierstead, Gregory, 31
Kimmelmann, Vadim, 31Knežević, Nataša, 32

Elfner, Emily, 24
Elliott, Patrick, 37
Frazier, Michael, 39
Gallagher, Gillian, 24
Gallego, Ángel J., 25
Gibson, Edward, 26
Graf, Thomas, 25
Graff, Peter, 26
Greco, Ciro, 26

Johnson, Meredith, 30

Landau, Idan, 14Lidz, Jeffrey, 23
Lin, Susan, 28
Lionnet, Florian, 32
Magri, Giorgio, 33
Martin, Fabienne, 33
Messick, Troy, 34
Moyer, Morgan, 23
Muñoz, Patrick, 35

42Oltra-Massuet, Isabel, 21
Orita, Naho, 23
Pancheva, Roumyana, 15
Podobryaev, Alexander, 35
Rose, Sharon, 16
Rosen, Bryan, 36
Ross, Alison, 28
Runić, Jelena, 36
Sadock, Jerry, 37
Shimoyama, Junko, 39
Snape, Zoe, 26
Storme, Benjamin, 33
Thoms, Gary, 37
Todorović, Neda, 38
Tonhauser, Judith, 17
Tsai, Cheng-Yu Edwin, 38
Tsui, Tsz-Him, 22
Turpin, Myfany, 28
Xu, Ting, 30
Yoon, Erica J., 39
Yoshida, Masaya, 39
Yun, Suyeon, 40
Zu, Vera, 40

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