Etymological Dictionary of Basque
R. L. Trask

edited for web publication by
Max W. Wheeler

University of Sussex
2008© the estate of the late R. L. Trask

{Contents}{Editor’s preface}3

Guide to the dictionary
1. General introduction
a. The language and its external history
b. Documentation and texts
c. Historical workd. The modern language
2. The phonemes of Pre-Basque3. The aspiration
4. {Phonotactics and} morpheme structure {in} Pre-Basque5. The structure of verbs in Pre-Basque
6. Phonological changes
7. {Rules applying in} word-formation
8. Some morphological {observations and} problems
9. The sources of the Basque lexicon
10. {Phonological} treatment of loan words
11. Expressive forms
12. Ghost words
13. The structure of entries
14. List of abbreviations {and symbols}

6
7
9
11
14
16
18
21
25
39
44
49
52
{caret}55
59
63

The Dictionary

70{Morphemes cross-referred to but not listed in The Dictionary}384

The native lexicon{1. English−Basque}385{2. Basque−English}

391{Supplementary native lexicon}{3. English-Basque}396{4. Basque-English}

398

Bibliography

400

Basque index{caret}English index{caret}Index of botanical names
Index of zoological names
Subject index{stub only}

415{caret}417

Etymological Dictionary of Basque3{Editor’s preface
R. L. (Larry) Trask died in March 2004 at the age of 59, leaving unfinished his
Etymological Dictionary of Basque. In 2000 he had been awarded a Major Research
Fellowship by the Leverhulme Trust to support this project, to which he devoted
much of his time between October 2001 and his death. As a colleague of Trask’s fornearly twenty-five years, now in retirement, I agreed, with the encouragement ofother colleagues and of his widow, Jan Lock, to prepare and edit his unfinishedtypescript for web publication.
What is offered here is in no sense a completion of Trask’s project, a task for which I
am not qualified. Rather my aim is limited to making available to the world ofscholarship, in as useful a form as possible, the results that he had achieved, as atribute to the memory of a distinguished Vasconist and a long-standing friend.
Trask’s own presentation of the objectives of the Etymological Dictionary of Basquecan be seen best in section 1 (General introduction) and section 13 (The structure of
entries). It is clear that his aim was to provide a single-volume work, in English, ofvalue to scholars such as comparativists, who may not have been Vasconists. It
might also be seen as a companion volume to his History of Basque (1997), now
with a special focus on the history of the Basque lexicon.
It is likely that the list of items with dictionary entries is in large measure complete.
There are a certain number of lexemes that are cross-referred to in The Dictionary or
mentioned in sections 1-14 (Guide to the dictionary) but are missing from the list of
entries as Trask left it. I have included these in the section ‘Morphemes crossreferred to but not listed in The Dictionary’ on page 425.
Section 13 explains the indentation structure of the dictionary entries, with headwords aligned left, and derivatives and compounds indented below the relevant headwords. Derivatives of derivatives have a further indent. In the editing process it wasnecessary to reconstruct this indentation pattern which had been lost in the transferof the text between different word-processing and operating systems. For the mostpart, this structure could be recovered by observing deviations from strictalphabetical order, and, of course, from the sense of the etymological information
itself, though in some cases it was necessary to add missing glosses and makeguesses about the etymological relationships Trask understood.
Trask considerably helped the editor’s task by indicating with ** or **** gaps where
he intended to add information. These asterisked gaps are of the following kinds:
glosses to dictionary entries, localization of dialect forms, Latin names for flora andfauna, cross-references to other entries, references to sources, references to thephonological changes, morphological and word-formation rules, and phonologicaltreatment of loan words that are discussed in sections 6-8 and 10, and etymologicaldiscussions. There are also some evident gaps in sections 6−8 and 10 of the Guide
the dictionary where I have done no more here than supply, as Trask had himself
done in several cases, a few references to Michelena’s works where the missing
points are discussed.
I have dealt with the asterisked gaps in the following way. I have attempted to supply
a gloss or glosses for most of the words mentioned, in order to make evident thesemantic relationships Trask had in mind. The glosses supplied editorially, between{ } as with all other editorial material, are derived in the first place from Michelena

4

R. L. Trask(1961a/1977a) which is one of Trask’s major sources, and secondly from Azkue(1905) and Aulestia (1989). In a few cases, the sense of a word is so specialized thatthe source reference is probably more use than an English gloss; and in a few
cases, such as of homonyms, one cannot tell which sense Trask intended to
discuss. Only occasionally have I attempted to supply missing dialect localization for
the various forms of an entry, especially where the information is mentioned inMichelena (1961a/1977a), or where it helps to make sense of the entry as a whole.
After Michelena, the source used is Azkue (1905). The gaps in the scientific Latin
terminology for flora and fauna remain as they stood, as do the planned indices ofthese elements. This kind of information is available in Michelena & Sarasola(1989−). I have supplied all missing cross-references; where the item is not in fact tobe found I add ‘{not in The Dictionary}’. As for the references to the work of other
scholars, I have managed to trace nearly all of them, I hope accurately. Arbelaiz(1978) was very useful in the case of Michelena’s works, though there remain some‘Michelena (****)’ that I have not been able to identify. Some 40 entries contain areference to ‘MT entry’ as a source. Despite help from various Vasconists, for which I
am grateful, I have not so far been able to identify ‘MT’. A considerable number of
items have been added to the Bibliography, in which I have also attempted to supply
the titles of articles when these were not already included, and missing details ofeditors and publishers. Some gaps remain. The references in The Dictionary to thephonological, morphological, and word-formation rules listed in sections 6-8 and 10
have been added where absent. Not being a Vasconist, I have not attempted to go
beyond my expertise in filling in gaps in the etymological discussions. Thus, aconsiderable number of entries remain without etymology. Occasionally I havesupplied a detail or an observation relating to a Romance etymon or comparandum
that Trask mentions. The contents list makes clear that Trask would have suppliedan alphabetical index of Basque words and English glosses. Since the electronic text
here made available will be searchable, such an index does not now seem
necessary.
As mentioned previously, I have added (425), a list of morphemes cross-referred to
but absent from The Dictionary itself. There is no doubt that Trask would haveincorporated these, with etymological discussion, in The Dictionary if he had beenable to complete it. To the section The native lexicon I have added items listed in
The Dictionary where the discussion makes clear that Trask regarded them asnative. I have compiled a Supplementary native lexicon consisting of other words
mentioned as ‘pre-Basque’ in sections 4-5 or described in The Dictionary as ‘OUO’(‘of unknown origin’) and which therefore also seem likely to be ‘native and ancient’(see section 9). No entries have been added to the Subject index, but I haveendeavoured to fill out the entries already there with items from The Dictionary
where the indexed term occurs.
Typographical errors and errors in alphabetical order have been silently corrected.
Short editorial deletions are marked with strikethrough. Editorial additions (including
elements moved from elsewhere in the text) are enclosed in braces { }. Elements tobe suppressed (for example, because of duplication), or combined with other entries,
are indicated with {[} at the beginning and {] ... } at the end. This somewhat inelegant
device is needed because Trask uses brackets [ ] for other purposes: for numbering
different sense of homonyms, for references, particularly ‘[FHV]’ = Michelena(1977a), and for notes to himself concerning matters needing further attention. A
certain number of editorial modifications have been made to resolve internal

Etymological Dictionary of Basque5

inconsistencies, when I give preference to that form or relationship where Trask
offers the best supporting evidence.
I hope Trask’s Etymological Dictionary of Basque, though incomplete, will be founduseful and that its web publication will encourage others to follow Trask in theinvestigation of the history and structure of the Basque lexicon.
Max W. Wheeler
Falmer, February 2008}

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R. L. Trask

Guide to the dictionary
1. General introduction
1a. The language and its external history
Basque is spoken today by about 660,000 people at the western end of the Pyrenees, along
the Bay of Biscay. The Basque-speaking region extends for about 160 kilometres from east
to west, and for about 50 kilometres from north to south. It now excludes the cities of Bilbao(Basque Bilbo), Bayonne (Baiona) and Pamplona (Iruñea), all formerly Basque-speaking, but
it includes the city of San Sebastián (Donostia). South of the Pyrenees, this region covers
most of the Spanish province of Vizcaya (Basque Bizkaia), all of the province of Guipúzcoa
(Gipuzkoa), the northern part of Navarra (Nafarroa), and a small northern corner of Alava(Araba). To the north, it covers most of the historical French territory of Labourd (Lapurdi),
all of Basse-Navarre (Nafarroa Beherea), and all of Soule (Zuberoa); these territories losttheir separate existence after the French Revolution, when they were combined with nonBasque-speaking Béarn into a new department now called Pyrenées-Atlantiques. The numberof speakers on the French side was estimated at 80,000 in 1991, but is declining rapidly, andis now perhaps closer to 50,000. In the south, speaker numbers are remaining stable for thepresent.
History in this part of the world begins with the Roman conquest of Spain and Gaul in thefirst century BC and the first century AD. The Romans reported the presence of a number ofnamed peoples occupying the area of the historical Basque Country. North of the Pyrenees,
they found the entire southwest of Gaul, from the Garonne to the Pyrenees, occupied by a
non-Celtic people who they called the Aquitani, or Aquitanians, with several sub-tribes. By
good luck, we possess about 400 Aquitanian personal names and about 70 divine names
embedded in brief Latin texts, most of them votive or funerary, and in most cases the sex of
the name-bearer is noted.
The phonological structure of Aquitanian, so far as we can recover this from the slightly
defective Roman orthography, is remarkably similar to the phonology reconstructedindependently for the Pre-Basque of around 2000 years ago by Luis Michelena (Michelena
1961a) (Michelena did not use the Aquitanian materials in his reconstruction). Moreover,there are quite a few recurrent morphs in the Aquitanian names which can be readily
identified with known Basque words. Examples include the female name NESKATO (Basqueneskato ‘girl’), the female name ANDERE (andere ‘lady’), the male element CISSON- (gizon‘man’), the male element OSSO- ~ OXSO- (otso ‘wolf’), the male element HERAUS- (herauts‘boar’), the second element -CORRI (gorri ‘red’), the second element -BERRI (berri ‘new’),and the second element -BELEX (beltz ‘black’), though there are many others. Just such
personal names are known to have been used in Basque in the early medieval period.
Moreover, the patterns of formation and the order of elements are identical to what we find in
Basque. Accordingly, since the publication of Michelena (1954**{a}), summarizing thisevidence, it has been generally accepted that Aquitanian represents an ancestral form ofBasque.
South of the Pyrenees, evidence for Basque speech in Roman times is confined to only three
inscriptions, all of them found in eastern Navarra. One of these, the famous Lerga stele,contains the striking male name VMME SAHAR, which is clearly Basque ume ‘child’ plus
zahar ‘old’. These inscriptions were found in territory assigned by the Romans to a people

Etymological Dictionary of Basque7

they called the Vascones (singular Vasco), and it is this name which is the source of Spanish
vasco, French basque and English Basque. The rest of the historical Basque Country was
divided by the Romans among the Varduli, the Verones, the Caristii and the Autrigones.
There is no record of Basque speech in any of this territory, and the numerous personalnames that are recorded here are beyond question Indo-European and probably Celtic. Since
the western part of the modern Basque Country retains a number of toponyms which are nonBasque, probably Indo-European and very likely Celtic, we may wonder whether Basque wasalready spoken in its historical region at this time, or whether it spread westward only after
the collapse of Roman power in the west.
However, toponymic evidence shows that Basque was spoken at some point as far east in the
Pyrenees as the Valley of Aran, in territory which has in historical times been occupied by
Spanish, Catalan and Occitan. Indeed, the very name Aran appears to continue Basque(h)aran ‘valley’.
1b. Documentation and texts
Apart from the Aquitanian materials, the earliest written evidence of Basque appears to be a
set of lead tablets, dating from the Roman period, pertaining to a medicinal spring in
Roussillon, in which the local nymphs are invoked with the word NESCAS or NISCAS, whichappears to represent Basque neska ‘girl’ (recorded in the Aquitanian texts as its diminutive
NESCATO) (Corominas 1975).
Otherwise, the earliest records of Basque are personal names recorded in early medieval
manuscripts and inscriptions, first in Latin, later in Spanish. The single earliest such name is
Momus, a Latinized form of Mome, a name no longer in use but well attested in medieval
Bizkaia; this occurs in a Latin inscription in the celebrated (apparently pre-Christian)cemetery of Argiñeta in Elorrio (Bizkaia), usually dated to 883.
The earliest known connected phrases are the well-known Emilian Glosses, two phrases
added to a Latin manuscript found at the monastery of San Millán in the Rioja; themanuscript is usually dated to around 950, though some scholars prefer a slightly later date.
These phrases, jzioqui dugu and guec ajutu-ezdugu, are obscure in sense, but they contain theauxiliary verb-form dugu ‘we have (it)’, the negative ez ‘not’, and probably an odd variant ofguk, the ergative of the pronoun gu ‘we’. The remaining items appear to be the participles ofverbs, but are not certainly interpretable.
From the tenth century we begin to find documents recording Basque personal names andplace names in some numbers. Most of these are recordings of bequests, tithes or donations,or the founding charters of religious establishments. The earliest of these come from Alava,
the Rioja and Burgos, areas from which Basque was soon to disappear, and most are alsopreserved at the monastery of San Millán. The document called the Reja de San Millán,
dated to 1025, lists a large number of Basque toponyms in Alava, most of them in remarkably
archaic forms.
The earliest known glossary of Basque is a list of a dozen words recorded by the Frenchpilgrim Aimery Picaud in the 12th century. Practically all of these words are instantly
recognizable, though see ortzi in the dictionary for a curious case.
From the early 12th century on we find an increasing number of Latin and Romance texts
containing Basque personal names, place names, words and phrases. These include thefueros (the charters granted by the Crown to provinces, cities and towns) and many otherlegal documents of various kinds, as well as a few personal letters.

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R. L. Trask

The 13th-century Castilian poet Gonzalo de Berceo, who was raised in the Ebro valley,
included a number of Basque words in his poems.
The earliest known connected text longer than a couple of words is a magical charm
discovered in 1957 in the cathedral of Pamplona and usually dated to the 14th century.
At the end of the 15th century, the German pilgrim Arnold von Harff recorded another brief
glossary; his transcriptions are garbled but mostly interpretable. In the early 16th century, theItalian humanist Lucius Marineus Siculus published an account of his travels in Spain; thiscontained a list of several dozen Basque words collected from an unidentified source but
clearly western in form.
From the 16th century on, we find a growing number of brief Basque texts: songs, poems,
prayers, epitaphs, personal letters. The songs and poems are particularly important, because
they record political events that took place during the 14th and 15th centuries, and they musthave been composed centuries earlier than our records of them.
All of the material discussed above is catalogued in M. (1964**{b}).
By far the longest text preserved from the period before publication began is a lengthy
personal letter written in 1537 by the first Bishop of Mexico to his brother; see Otte (1979)
and Michelena, Tovar and Otte (1981).
The first printed book in Basque was a collection of poems published in 1545 by the French
Basque Beñat Etxepare (whose name is spelled also in several other ways).
In 1562, the Italian diplomat Niccolò Landucci compiled the earliest known Basquedictionary; since he was stationed in Vitoria (Gasteiz), the chief city of Alava, we assume thatthe highly distinctive variety of Basque which he recorded was the local Basque of Alava,
which disappeared before linguistic work on Basque began in the 19th century.
In 1571, the French Basque Ioannes Leizarraga published a Basque translation of the New
Testament. The closing years of the 16th century saw a few more publications in Basque,mostly religious and mostly minor. The first Basque book published in the south was theRefranes y Sentencias, a collection of proverbs published in Pamplona in 1596. These
proverbs are written in a uniquely archaic version of the Bizkaian dialect, and this text
represents our single most archaic Basque text of any size. Around the same time thehistorian Esteban de Garibay compiled two more collections of proverbs, also in Bizkaian,but these were not published until centuries after his death.
From the early 17th century on, publications in Basque became slowly more numerous andmore varied; though most continued to be religious texts, there were also some practicalhandbooks and miscellaneous works. The works of the 17th-century French Basque Arnaut
Oihenart, the first layman to write in Basque, are particularly important, since he wrote on avariety of topics, and thus provided us with a richer vocabulary than can be found in thereligious texts.
The 18th century saw the engaging figure of Padre Manuel Larramendi, who published thefirst grammar of Basque and a remarkable dictionary; unfortunately, Larramendi’s dictionary
contains a large number of neologisms of his own devising, which are not identified as such,thus creating headaches for etymologists ever since. The first literary works (apart from
Etxepare) began to appear in the early 19th century. The end of the Carlist Wars in Spain in
1876 brought about a flowering of in Basque culture and language, the Berpizkundea, orBasque Renaissance; since then publication in and on Basque has been continuous andEtymological Dictionary of Basque9

copious, though it was badly interrupted by the Spanish Civil war and the subsequent Fascist
oppression in the south.
1c. Historical work
No historical work worth mentioning was done on Basque before the late 1880s, when theGerman linguist Hugo Schuchardt began his historical studies of the language. A brilliant but
exasperating scholar, Schuchardt is better known as a Romanist, as a pioneer in creole
studies, and as an opponent of the Neogrammarians, but he created Basque historicallinguistics almost single-handedly. In his first publication on Basque, he concluded that noBasque word beginning with /p/ can possibly be ancient in the language – a conclusion which
has stood up. His etymological work was highly variable: some of his etymological
proposals are accepted today, some are taken seriously but regarded as not established, andsome are dismissed as untenable. Schuchardt also attempted to demonstrate the Basquenature of Iberian, but this project was a disaster: the Iberian script had not yet been
deciphered, and his readings were grievously in error; moreover, he failed to distinguish thetexts written in the Celtic language Celtiberian from those in Iberian, leading to absurdities.
It is now accepted that the uninterpretable Iberian texts represent a language which is notdiscoverably related to Basque.
In the first half of the 20th century, Schuchardt’s lead was followed by the great Basquelinguist R. M. de Azkue, by the Dutch scholars W. van Eys and the two Uhlenbecks, by the
French linguists Henri Gavel and Georges Lacombe, by the Basque linguist Pierre Lhande(although the dictionary bearing his name was largely compiled by a group of younger
scholars), and by a number of other figures. All of these workers were chiefly interested in
descriptive work, but all of them at times essayed etymological proposals, and again these
proposals are very much a mixed bag – though van Eys’s proposals are almost always
forgettable, since the Dutchman played fast and loose with such trivia as voiceless plosives.
All of this work suffered from two serious shortcomings: a word-by-word approach which
failed to recognize the Neogrammarian contribution, and a lack of acquaintance with theideas of structural linguistics, which produced a habit of dealing with absolute sounds, rather
than with phonological systems.
These intolerable shortcomings were rectified by the appearance on the scene in 1949 of thegreatest scholar the Basque language has ever seen: Luis Michelena (in Basque, Koldo
Mitxelena). To his unsurpassed knowledge of the language, Michelena added complete
familiarity with Neogrammarian thinking and with structuralist ideas.
In the 1950s, Michelena undertook a complete reconstruction of the Pre-Basque of about
2000 years ago. To achieve this, he relied upon internal reconstruction, taking advantage ofthe many alternations visible in the lexicon, as well as comparative data drawn from theseveral divergent dialects, the Basque forms of words borrowed from Latin and Romance,and scrutiny of the medieval and early modern texts. Michelena published a brief summaryof his reconstruction in 1957, and a complete account in his magisterial 1961 book Fonética
histórica vasca. In spite of a few quibbles over some of the details, this reconstruction has
not been challenged, and it is accepted by all Vasconists today as valid.
Continuing to work until his death in 1987, Michelena produced a huge body of historical
work on Basque, including a larger number of excellent etymologies than has ever been put
forward by any other specialist. Michelena’s contribution will be quickly recognized by any
reader of this dictionary, since his proposals appear on almost every page. It was also

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R. L. Trask

Michelena who finally demonstrated, in 1954, that the ancient and sparsely recorded
Aquitanian language was an ancestral form of Basque. This idea had in fact been put forwardin the 1870s by the French historian Achille Luchaire, but it had languished in obscurity
before Michelena’s work, while most scholars pursued the ultimately fruitless goal of trying
to establish the better-recorded Iberian as an ancestor or relative of Basque.
Also making important contributions to the subject from the late 1940s onward were three
Spanish linguists: Antonio Tovar, Juan Corominas and Manuel Agud. The Catalan
Corominas made especially important contributions to unravelling the prehistories of words
shared between Basque and Romance.
In 1988, Tovar and Agud began the publication, in fascicles, of what was meant to be the firstserious etymological dictionary of Basque (an earlier effort, Löpelmann 1968, is best passed
over in silence). But Tovar’s death interrupted the work, and as a result the dictionary ceased
publication in 1995 after covering only A-orloi. It is far from clear that this work will ever becompleted. In any case, it is quite different in nature from the present book: it omits words
for which the editors could find no useful discussion in the literature; it omits boundmorphemes; it omits compounds and derivatives whose formation the editors consider
obvious to specialists; it provides no phonological or morphological background for a nonspecialist reader; it has little to say about the numerous expressive formations; it devotes anenormous amount of space to reporting pointless resemblances between Basque words andmiscellaneous look-alikes in implausible languages; and it provides thin coverage of work
done since the early 1960s – though its coverage of earlier work is magisterial.
This more recent work is of some consequence. Michelena’s younger contemporary, the latephilologist Alfonso Irigoyen, produced a large number of superb etymological proposals,
many of them for ordinary words, though his main emphasis was on proper names, notcovered in this dictionary. Further important contributions to Basque prehistory have been
made by the Basque linguists Joaquín Gorrochategui, Henrike Knörr, Joseba Lakarra, J. I.
Hualde, Ricardo Gómez, Koldo Sainz, Jabier Alberdi, María Teresa Echenique and Gontzal
Aldai, by the Dutch linguist Rudolf de Rijk, by the French linguist Georges Rebuschi, and by
the Americans William H. Jacobsen, Jr., and R. L. Trask, among others too numerous tomention.
Today Basque historical linguistics is flourishing. Even though many younger Basquelinguists have been seduced into following the Chomskyan theoretical programme, and eventhough a number of others have chosen to pursue descriptive, dialectological or
sociolinguistic work, there remains a secure core of philologists and historical linguists.
The state of play is as follows. The phonological history of the language during the last 2000
years or so is immensely well understood, except for the ancient word-accent, which remains
a lively topic of investigation, and except to some extent for the aspiration, whose origins are
only partly understood. The phonotactics and the morpheme-structure rules of the earlylanguage are tolerably well understood, though more work remains to be done. A hard coreof some hundreds of seemingly native and ancient Basque words of unknown origin has been
identified; these are marked in this dictionary as ‘OUO’. Earlier patterns of word-formation
are clearly understood. Alongside the thousands of utterly transparent compounds andderivatives, we have identified many more whose origins are superficially opaque but still
recoverable. Almost all of the vast number of borrowings from Latin and Romance havebeen identified as such, and for most of these (not all) a specific source has been found. We
have securely identified a tiny number of borrowings from Celtic and from Arabic, but othercases of possible borrowings from Celtic remain controversial. We have somethinginteresting to say about the origins of most of the bound morphemes occurring in word-Etymological Dictionary of Basque11

formation, and about the origins of more than half of the bound morphemes occurring in
nominal and verbal inflection. We know a good deal about the prehistory of non-finite verbforms, and a more modest amount about the prehistory of finite forms. The origins of mostcase-suffixes are opaque, though we can say something about the markers of the local casesand of the comitative. However, the prehistory of the morphology is still in many respects a
closed book, though progress continues to be made, and almost nothing can be recovered of
the syntax before the historical period. Most of the many expressive formations have been
identified as such; surprisingly little work has so far been done on these, but this dictionary
attempts (for the first time, I think) to organize these items into groups united by common
patterns of formation, so far as this can be done.
1d. The modern language
Basque is an SOV language with almost all of the familiar typological features of suchlanguages. The unmarked order {of phrasal constituents in a transitive clause} is
S{ubject−}O{bject−}V{erb}, but the order of phrases is in practice rather free, and varying
orders are used for thematic purposes – for example, a focused element must immediately
precede the verb. However, the order of elements within phrases is rigid.
Basque is head-final, and every modifier, regardless of size, complexity or internal structure,must precede its head – with the exception of lexical adjectives, which follow their heads.
Some determiners precede head nouns within noun phrases, while others follow. Genitives,
finite and non-finite relative clauses, and syntactically complex adjectivals all precede headnouns. In a periphrastic verb-form, the non-finite lexical verb precedes the finite auxiliary,
and a modal auxiliary precedes a primary auxiliary. Adverbial subordinate clauses andcomplement clauses may precede or follow their main clauses, though a complement clauseattached to a head noun must precede that noun. In comparisons, the order is standard–pivot–
comparative. The language is strictly postpositional, and most (not all) postpositions arecase-inflected nouns.
The language is predominantly dependent-marking. For example, in a possessive phrase,
only the possessor NP carries a marker of possession (the genitive case), and, in a
postpositional phrase, only the NP which is the object of the postposition carries a marker (agoverned case-suffix) showing the link. But argument NPs are double-marked: an argument
NP carries a case-suffix, and the finite verb also agrees with it in a way that displays its
grammatical role.
Basque has no grammatical gender or noun classification, except that southern varieties haverecently acquired a tiny amount of sex-based gender marking from Spanish. Bare nouns
cannot be inflected at all, but noun phrases are highly inflected. There is a rich case system
for noun phrases, consisting of about a dozen case-suffixes with both grammatical andsemantic functions. With just one exception, all noun phrases are inflected identically. The
exception is animate noun phrases, which in most varieties form their local cases (only)
somewhat differently from inanimate noun phrases.
Every noun phrase must contain a determiner. Most determiners are grammaticallyindefinite, and noun phrases containing these cannot be grammatically marked for number.
Four determiners are definite: the three demonstratives and the so-called definite article,
which is historically derived from the distal demonstrative. The definite determiners
obligatorily mark number, singular or plural. Basque has no trace of a dual.

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R. L. Trask

The language is strongly agglutinating and overwhelmingly suffixing, though a handful offossilized inflectional prefixes occur, mostly in the verbal morphology. But most verb-forms
are periphrastic: all verbs have periphrastic forms, and most verbs have only periphrastic
forms. Only a handful of verbs have any synthetic (non-periphrastic) forms: about a dozen in
the modern spoken language, though 16th-century texts show about sixty verbs with synthetic
forms. A few of these verbs are used as finite auxiliaries in constructing periphrastic forms,
and some of these now have no other function in the language.
Basque morphology is entirely ergative: both case-marking on noun phrases and agreement
within finite verb-forms are exclusively ergative. Ergative morphology is used with all types
and combinations of noun phrases, in all tenses, aspects and moods, in main and subordinate
clauses, and in finite and non-finite clauses. There is no split.
*****
The segmental phonemes of modern Basque are as follows. Most varieties have the fivevowels /a e i o u/. Most also have the six diphthongs /ai ei oi ui au eu/; these are not distinct
from the corresponding vowel sequences, but they count as single syllables for allphonological purposes. The recently extinct Roncalese dialect had contrastive nasalizedversions of all five vowels. The Zuberoan dialect adds a sixth vowel, front rounded //,notated <ü>, and it also has contrastive nasalized versions of all six, though nasalized /õ/ isabsent from some varieties. Nasalized diphthongs /ãu ẽu ãi õi/ also occur in R, but not in Z.
Nasalized vowels are notated in this dictionary with a tilde: <ã>.
All varieties have the voiceless plosives /p t k/, unaspirated. Eastern varieties add a palatal
plosive /c/, notated <tt>, while western varieties have phonetic [c] only as an allophone of /t/
after /i/. Northern varieties also have aspirated plosives /ph th kh/, notated <ph th kh> in the
traditional northern orthography, retained in this dictionary for citing northern forms.
All varieties have voiced plosives /b d g/, though these are realized phonetically as voiced
approximants in most positions. A few varieties add the extremely rare voiced palatal plosive/J/, notated as <dd>.
All varieties have the nasals /m n N/, the last notated <ñ>.
All varieties historically have a voiceless lamino-alveolar sibilant, notated <z>, a voicelessapico-alveolar sibilant, notated 
, and a voiceless palato-alveolar fricative /S/, notated <x>.
They also have the three corresponding voiceless affricates, notated <tz>, <ts> and <tx>. In
recent centuries, many western varieties have lost the laminal/apical contrast, though this isretained in writing. Most varieties have a fricative /f/, though a few Gipuzkoan varieties lackthis. B has a voiced laminal affricate, notated <dz>, in one or two expressive words, such as
dzast! ‘bang!’, and Z has a voiced apical affricate, notated <ds>, in a handful of loans from
Bearnese, such as edsénplü ‘example’.
Northern varieties have a phonemic aspiration /h/.
All varieties have two laterals, /l/ and /L/, the second notated <ll>. All historically have two
alveolar rhotics, a tap // (notated <r> between vowels) and a trill /r/ (notated <rr> between
vowels but <r> elsewhere). In many northern varieties, however, one or both of these rhotics
have become a uvular /ʀ/; this development is ignored in the dictionary.
Finally, Basque has the extraordinary diaphone |j|. According to region, this has six different
phonetic realizations: a {palatal} glide [j], a voiced {palatal} plosive [J] (merging with therare /J/), a voiced {palato-alveolar} affricate [dZ], a voiced {palato-alveolar} fricative [Z], avoiceless {palato-alveolar} fricative [S] (merging with the existing /S/), and a voicelessEtymological Dictionary of Basque13{uvular} fricative [χ]. In this dictionary, following established practice, |j| is notated <j>except when it is {realized as} [S], when it is notated <x>.
The word-accent varies enormously according to region. Many western regions have a pitchaccent. In these varieties, word-forms are divided into two groups: accented and unaccented.
An accented form has a sharp drop in pitch at some point in the word, while an unaccented
form does not. Most other regions have a stress accent, with prominent stress on one syllableof each word-form. For both types of accent, the details vary substantially from one region toanother. On the whole, the stress accent has been gaining ground in the historical period at
the expense of the pitch accent. The stress accent in Zuberoan and Roncalese is sometimes
etymologically important, and it is then marked with an acute accent: <á>.
Word-initial rhotics are prohibited. Initial affricates are strongly disfavoured, except thatmany varieties prefer /tS/ to /S/ initially. Otherwise, a word can begin with any consonant,vowel or diphthong. Initial clusters are limited to two consonants and are entirely confined toloans from Romance and to expressive formations. Any consonant can occur word-medially,
especially intervocalically, though |j| is vanishingly rare here. There are quite a few medialclusters, though three-consonant clusters are rare. A word-form can end in any vowel ordiphthong or in one of the consonants <t k z s tz ts l r n>. There are only a handful of final
clusters, always of two consonants.
In the middle of the 19th century, Bonaparte classified Basque into eight regional dialects.
At the beginning of the 20th century, Azkue reorganized Bonaparte’s system into sevendialects. In the 1950s, Michelena further reorganized the system into nine dialects: Bizkaian(B), Gipuzkoan (G), High Navarrese (HN), Aezkoan (A), Salazarese (S), Roncalese (R),
Lapurdian (L), Low Navarrese (LN) and Zuberoan (Z), plus the extinct and sparsely recordedSouthern (Sout) dialect of Alava. Though Basque dialectologists have recently proposed a
sweeping reorganization of this traditional system, Michelena’s system is used in this
dictionary because almost all of the information in the literature on the regional occurrence offorms is classified within this framework.

14

R. L. Trask
2. The phonemes of Pre-Basque

The name Pre-Basque is given here to the earliest stage of the language for which significant
information can be obtained. This is the period when Basque first began borrowing words
from Latin, and so it must represent a time of about 2000 years ago. The phonemes of PreBasque were magisterially reconstructed by Luis Michelena (1961a). The reconstructed
segments are as follows, where the symbols are chosen to reflect the most usual continuationsof the segments in the modern language, and should not be taken as phonetically precise. The
consonants fall into two groups, called fortis and lenis by Michelena.
fortis:(p) t k tz ts N L R

lenis:b d g z s n l rvowels:i e a o u

The consonant *p was at best rare, and its existence is not certain. The segments *tz and *z
were lamino-alveolar friction consonants, while *ts and *s were apico-alveolar friction
consonants, as in the modern language. So far as we can judge, the two consonant series
were distinguished phonetically as follows. First, the fortes were long, while the lenes wereshort. (The liquid *R was probably a trill, like its modern descendant rr, while *r wasprobably a tap, like its modern descendant r.) Second, the five fortis obstruents werecompletely occluded, while the five lenes were often incompletely occluded – always so for
the friction consonants. Third, the segments *p *t *k were usually voiceless, while *b *d *gwere usually voiced. Fourth, the segments *p *t *k could bear the aspiration, while *b *d *g
could not.
Note that no *m can be reconstructed for Pre-Basque. The modern m was introduced into thelanguage by the phonological changes P**{2}, P**{3} and P**{7}, described in section 6.
Early borrowings also often contained m; see especially L**{6} in section ***{10}. The
modern consonants f and j were also absent from Pre-Basque; their origins are given in
section {6: P72, P36}.
The aspiration was undoubtedly present in Pre-Basque, but it seems to have been a nonphonemic suprasegmental feature; see section 3.
The modern palatal and palatal-alveolar consonants tt, dd, tx, x, ñ and ll were probably
present in Pre-Basque, but these never occurred in ordinary lexical items: instead, theyoccurred only in expressive variants of these items. See section {11}.
The modern diphthongs ai, ei, oi, au and eu were very likely present in Pre-Basque, but they
were not distinct from the corresponding vowel sequences. They differed from other vowel
sequences only in that they could constitute single syllabic nuclei for such purposes asaspiration assignment. The rare modern diphthong ui was probably absent: this diphthong
seems to have developed since Pre-Basque. Other vowel sequences, if these occurred at all,seemingly could not form single syllabic nuclei.
There were extensive neutralizations of fortis/lenis consonant pairs. The fortis and lenis
members of each pair contrasted only word-medially, and mostly only intervocalically.
Word-initially, only lenis consonants occurred, and only six of them: *b *d *z *s *l *n.
Word-finally, only fortis consonants occurred, and only five of them in lexical items (*tz *ts

Etymological Dictionary of Basque15*L *R *N), though two more, *k and *t, were perhaps possible in inflected forms. See
Section 4 below for more information.

16

R. L. Trask
3. The aspiration

The prehistory of the Basque aspiration is largely a mystery. In the Aquitanian texts, theletter H is very frequent, and we may suppose that the aspiration was correspondingly
frequent in Pre-Basque. As explained under P**{29} in Section **{6}, the aspiration was
lost from the central varieties of Basque too early to be recorded; it survived in the westernvarieties of Bizkaia and Araba long enough to be abundantly recorded in the early medieval
period, but disappeared before the first texts in the 16th century; and it still survives today inthe northern (French) varieties, except that it has very recently been lost from ordinary speech
along the coast of Lapurdi. Among those northern varieties, the aspiration is decidedly more
frequent in the Zuberoan dialect than in the others. In particular, the aspiration generally
occurs in Z on every monosyllable which can bear it, excepting only ar ‘male’; this may be aconservative feature but is more likely a Z innovation.
In the modern varieties retaining the aspiration, the position of the aspiration is very strange:
it is neither predictable nor contrastive. Some words are pronounced with an aspiration,
while other words are not. We cannot predict which words will contain the aspiration, oreven, in general, in which position it will occur if it is present. Yet there are few minimal
pairs, and pronouncing a word with the “wrong” value of the aspiration usually gives only aless usual pronunciation of the word, or sometimes a non-word, but not a different word.
Moreover, quite a few words can be pronounced either with or without the aspiration, or withthe aspiration in either of two different positions, without harm.
In the historical period, the aspiration in the northern dialects is generally subject to several
constraints, as follows:(1) There can be no more than one aspiration per word. This is true even in acompound both of whose members bear the aspiration in isolation. For example, thecompound of hil ‘dead’ and herri ‘inhabited place’ may be either hilerri or ilherri‘cemetery’, but never *hilherri.
(2) The aspiration cannot occur later than the onset of the second syllable. (A tiny
handful of exceptions, with an aspirated plosive in the third syllable, is reported for Z;
it is hard to know what to make of these cases.)(3) The aspiration can only occur on a syllable with one of certain onsets. Wordinitially, it can occur only if the word otherwise begins with any vowel or diphthongor with a voiceless plosive /p t k/. At the onset of the second syllable, it can occur
only on a syllable which otherwise begins with any vowel or diphthong, with one of/p t k/ not preceded by a sibilant, or with any liquid or nasal except /m/. In no
circumstances can the aspiration ever follow any voiced plosive, any fricative oraffricate, /m/, or any plosive preceded by a sibilant.
(4) If both the first two syllables begin with voiceless plosives which might inprinciple bear the aspiration, then the aspiration, if present at all, will fall on the first.
In other words, the structures kheke and keke are permitted, while kekhe is not found,and khekhe is of course prohibited. However, words like ikhatz ‘charcoal’ and ikhusi‘see’ are commonplace.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque17

Examples from northern dialects:
ari progressive particle (but alsohari in places)

alhaba ‘daughter’ (but alaba inplaces)hari ‘thread, fibre’urrhe or urre ‘gold’ahari ‘sheep, ram’behar ‘need, necessity’zahar ‘old’

inhurri ‘ant’

harri ‘stone’erhi ‘finger’

haran ‘valley’eri ‘ill, illness’arhan or aran ‘plum’

herri ‘inhabited place’piper or phiper or pipher ‘pepper’kholko or kolko or golkho or golko‘bosom’ (as hiding place)thu ‘spit’
khorotz or korotz ‘dung’khe or ke ‘smoke’hilerri or ilherri ‘cemetery’ (fromhil ‘dead’ + herri ‘inhabited
place’)

ethorri or etorri ‘come’
There is just one circumstance in which the presence of the aspiration is predictable: in a
lexical item of at least two syllables, the aspiration always separates two otherwise adjacentvowels which cannot form one of the six recognized diphthongs. Examples: behar ‘need’,bihar ‘tomorrow’, behor ‘mare’, zahar ‘old’, zuhur ‘prudent’, bahe ‘sieve’ (though bae issparsely recorded for this one), ihes ‘flight’, ihintz ‘dew’, liho ‘flax’, aho ‘mouth’, ohe ‘bed’.
The sole exception is the highly anomalous verb joan ‘go’, whose extremely irregularimperfective participle johan merely adds to the anomaly, but perhaps it is relevant that thefirst form descends from *eoan, with three syllables. Between vowels which can form adiphthong, the aspiration is unpredictable: sehi ‘servant’ but sei ‘six’; lohi ‘mud’ but goi‘high place’; xahu ‘clean’ but gau ‘night’.
The constraints given above are not always obeyed in the Aquitanian and medieval written
forms. *****
In his publications, Luis Michelena developed the view that the Basque aspiration is largelyof suprasegmental origin, possibly having something to do with the location of the wordaccent in some ancient form of the language. This account is supported by the observationthat words borrowed from Latin and early Romance frequently bear an aspiration
representing nothing in the source language. Examples: ****.
However, Michelena left open the possibility that certain instances of the aspiration,
particularly in word-initial position, might constitute reflexes of lost earlier consonants, most
likely */p t k/. He noted the interesting point that an element TALSCO- occurs in male namesin the northern part of the Aquitanian region, while an element HALSCO- is similarly foundin the southern part. This at least suggests that one or more of word-initial */p t k/ might
have been recently lenited to [h] in the southern varieties of Aquitanian ancestral to Basque.
But, of course, this evidence is too slender to permit any firm conclusions.
See Lafon (1948), Michelena (1951a) and Michelena (1961a: ch. 11).

18

R. L. Trask
4. Phonotactics and morpheme structure in Pre-Basque

The following account applies to all lexical items except verbs. Verbal roots in Pre-Basquewere morphologically different from all other items, and they are described in Section 5
below.
Native and monomorphemic Pre-Basque lexical items were overwhelmingly disyllabic,
though we can reconstruct about fifty which were monosyllabic, some of them grammaticalitems like pronouns, and also a few which were trisyllabic. We begin with the disyllabic
items.
A disyllabic lexical item had the general structure (C1)V(C2){.}(C3)V(C4). Any vowel ordiphthong could appear in either nuclear position, but we can reconstruct no item with two
diphthongs. All the consonants were optional, but, when C2 and C3 were both absent, theaspiration [h] was obliged to separate the two vocalic nuclei. There were severe restrictions
on the consonants which could appear in each position, and these restrictions were mademore severe by the existence of the neutralizations described above.
Only six consonants could appear in the C1 position: *b *g *z *s *l *n. The first three were
frequent, the next two less frequent, and the last rather uncommon. In something like fifty
per cent of lexical items, the C1 position was empty, though in some of these cases theaspiration [h] occurred initially.
In the C4 position, the only possibilities were probably *tz *ts *R *N *L. But note that thehistorical language possesses a handful of items with final tapped /r/; possibly Pre-Basquealso allowed final *r, but it seems more likely that it did not, and that the word-final tapped/r/ of the modern language is a later development. In this dictionary, for simplicity, wordfinal *R *N *L are represented as *r *n *l unless there is some reason to do otherwise.
Again, the C4 position was frequently empty.
When C2 was absent, then C3 could be any one of the sixteen reconstructed consonants,though *p was at best rare, as observed above.
When C2 and C3 were both present, producing a cluster, there were severe constraints. Only
the following patterns can be safely reconstructed, and examples of some of the permitted
individual clusters appear to be wanting:one of *r *n *l plus one of *p *t *k *b *d *g *z *s *tz *ts{[+sonorant][−sonorant]}
one of *z *s plus one of *p *t *k{[sibilant, +continuant][−continuant, −delayed release, −sonorant]}
Here the symbols *r *n *l represent the neutralizations of the sonorant pairs in syllable-final
positions, and *p *t *k in the second group represent the neutralizations of the plosive pairs
after a voiceless sibilant. Given the heavy neutralizations of Pre-Basque, the retention of thefricative/affricate contrast in the first group seems surprising, but there is good evidence for
this, at least after *r. [MORE: FHV 362-363]
The existence in the historical language of such words as ernai ‘awake, alert’ and erle ‘bee’
suggests that a very few other clusters may have been possible in Pre-Basque, but these otherclusters are so rare that I hesitate to assign them to Pre-Basque. These clusters may havearisen by phonological developments such as syncope, as is commonly thought to be the casein one or two other odd cases, such as modern esne ‘milk’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque19

It is barely possible that Pre-Basque permitted a handful of word-final clusters, perhaps atleast *-rtz, *-ltz and *-ntz. The evidence for these is considered below.
Below are some examples of disyllabic Pre-Basque lexical items.
First, with no consonants:*a[h]o ‘mouth’; *o[h]e ‘bed’; *o[h]i ‘custom’
With C1 only:*na[h]i ‘desire’; *be[h]i ‘cow’
With C3 only:*ate ‘door’; *oso ‘whole, complete’; *[h]ori ‘yellow’; *ogi ‘bread’; *[h]aRo ‘proud’;*oLo ‘oats’; *otso ‘wolf’; *atzo ‘yesterday’; *uRe ‘gold’; *[h]aRi ‘stone’; *[h]obe‘better’; *euri ‘rain’; *euLi ‘fly’; *etse ‘house’ {In The Dictionary harro ‘proud’ istreated as derived from har ‘worm’.}With C4 only:*e[h]un ‘100’; *ei[h]ar ‘dried up’; *oi[h]an ‘forest’With C1 and C3 only:*bide ‘road’; *zoRi ‘louse’; *gali ‘wheat’; *suge ‘snake’; *zuzi ‘torch’; *lepo‘neck’; *lotsa ‘shame, fear’; *buru ‘head’; *beso ‘arm’; *begi ‘eye’; *sagu ‘mouse’;*bini ‘tongue’; *baRe ‘laughter’; *bare ‘slug’; *bete ‘full’; *luze ‘long’With C1 and C4 only:*be[h]or ‘mare’; *be[h]ar ‘need, necessity’; *za[h]ar ‘old’; *le[h]er {[2]} ‘pine’;*bi[h]otz ‘heart’; *bi[h]ar ‘tomorrow’; *be[h]in ‘once’
With C2 and C3 only:*aste ‘week’; *arte ‘interval’; *[h]andi ‘big’; *azpi ‘space below’; *urzo ‘pigeon’;*erbi ‘hare’; *argi ‘light, bright’; *eltze ‘cooking pot’; *esku ‘hand’; *unbe ‘child’,*ardi ‘sheep’, *urte ‘year’, *urde ‘pig’, *alte ‘side’; *ortzi ‘sky’; *[h]ertze‘intestine’
With C3 and C4 only:*azal ‘skin, bark’; *[h]agin ‘yew’; *eder ‘beautiful’; *ibar ‘valley’; *izen ‘name’;*izar ‘star’; *itzal ‘shade, shadow’; *odol ‘blood’; *egun ‘day’; *aker ‘ram {billygoat}’; *[h]aran ‘valley’; *aran ‘plum’
With C1, C2 and C3 only:*garbi ‘clean’; *barda ‘last night’; *neska ‘girl’; *golde ‘plough’; *gazte ‘young’;*zortzi ‘eight’; *zaldi ‘horse’; *senbe ‘son’, *burki ‘birch’, *zazpi ‘seven’; *giltza‘key’
With C1, C3 and C4 only:*sagar ‘apple’; *bizar ‘beard’; *bigun ‘soft’; *zabal ‘wide’; *banats ‘grapes’;*guren ‘edge’; *lizun ‘mildew’; *leizar ‘ash tree’; *sudur ‘nose’; *zakur ‘dog’;*gizon ‘man’20

R. L. Trask

With C2, C3 and C4 only:*indar ‘force’; *astun ‘heavy’; *urdin ‘green, blue’; *ergel ‘stupid’; *ezker ‘left(hand)’; *izter ‘thigh’; *ezpain ‘lip’
With all four C positions filled:*bazter ‘edge’; *bizkar ‘back’; *gordin ‘raw’ {treated as bimorphemic in The
Dictionary: see *gorr-} ; *laster ‘fast’; *beldur ‘fear’; *zintzur ‘throat’
Monosyllabic items conform to the restrictions for C1 and C4 given above, though initial *b iscuriously rare here. Examples:*ni ‘I’; *gu ‘we’; *[h]i ‘you’ (sg.); *zu ‘you’ (pl.); su ‘fire’; *laur ‘four’; *[h]aur‘child’; *gatz ‘salt’; *[h]itz ‘word’; *[h]uts ‘empty’; *gain ‘top’; *bits ‘spume’;*zotz ‘stick’; *sats ‘ordure’; *gau ‘night’; *nor ‘who?’; *zer ‘what?’; *ur ‘water’;*[h]ur ‘hazelnut’; *ui ‘pitch’; *sei ‘six’; *gaitz ‘bad’; *on ‘good’; *zur ‘wood’; *ar‘male’; *oin ‘foot’; *[h]otz ‘cold’; *[h]ots ‘cry, shout’; *bel ‘dark’; *bil ‘round’
Trisyllabic items are like disyllabic ones with an extra vowel added at the end. In general,
only a single consonant can occur between the second and third vowels, and that consonantcannot be a plosive. In a few cases, {the nature of} this last consonant has been lost beyond
recovery, though its former presence can still be detected. Examples:*ardano ‘wine’; *gaztane ‘cheese’; *aRaNo ‘eagle’; *itsaso ‘sea’; *ituRi ‘spring,
fountain’; *anari ‘ram’; *aiNala ‘swallow’; *[h]iguni ‘disgust’, *burdina ‘iron’,*buztaRi ‘yoke’; *eztaRi ‘throat’; *beraRi ‘ear’; *[h]odeCi ‘cloud’; *iz{e}Ci ‘fir’
There are almost no certain examples of trisyllables ending in a consonant, but one likely
case is *enazur ‘bone’. Two possible exceptions to these constraints are ipurdi ‘buttocks’
and izerdi ‘sweat’, but these are perhaps bimorphemic in origin, if now opaque. Also
problematic is gorosti ‘holly’, but there are good reasons for suspecting this of being either
non-native or bimorphemic. There are quite a few trisyllabic adjectives ending in /i/, such as
itsusi ‘ugly’ and egarri ‘thirsty’, but these are probably bimorphemic, containing theadjective-forming suffix -i.
Perhaps the only candidates for four syllables are the common goroldio ‘moss’ and the purely
Bizkaian arerio ‘enemy’. But the first of these is suspect for several reasons, while thesecond is too limited in distribution to be safely assigned to Pre-Basque.
Finally, there remain a few items, all monosyllabic, which have final clusters in the historicallanguage: beltz ‘black’, (h)artz ‘bear’, gantz ‘fat, lard’, bortz ‘five’, ertz ‘edge’, and perhaps a
few others. It is not clear how we should regard these. For beltz, there is good evidence that
we should reconstruct *beletz, and anyway the word is surely bimorphemic. For (h)artz, apossible IE source has been much discussed. For the others, we must take seriously thepossibility that a vowel has been lost, most likely a final /a/ by the process given as M**{4}in Section 8. Note, for example, that the word for ‘alder’ is well recorded both as (h)altza
and as (h)altz, with the second form undoubtedly resulting from such vowel loss.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque21

5. The structure of verbs in Pre-Basque
In Pre-Basque, verbal roots were sharply distinguished from all other roots. A verbal root
was not a free form, and it could never stand alone. A verbal root was always accompanied
by at least one prefix, and in most forms by at least one suffix.
The majority of verbal roots which can be securely assigned to Pre-Basque weremonosyllabic, though a modest number were disyllabic. The most frequent structure for a
verbal root was -CVC-, though a fair number of roots had other structures. Verbal roots were
not subject to the morpheme-structure constraints described in Section 4, and a verbal root
could begin or end with virtually any consonant in the language – though reconstructibleroots with initial *l or *n are at best very rare, perhaps because these consonants have notsurvived in intervocalic position; see P**{22} and P**{1} in section 6. Here are a few
examples, but note that, for reasons explained below, it is difficult to distinguish *N from *nin root-final position, and also *L from *l.
First, roots with -CVC- structures:*-ban- ‘give’*-kas- ‘learn, study’*-be{N}- ‘put’*-kus- ‘see’*-bil- ‘be in motion’*-ror- ‘fall down’*-dan- ‘drink’*-ros- ‘buy’*-dun- ‘have’*-Run- ‘lay (eggs)’*-gin- ‘do, make’*-sur- ‘pour out’*-gon- ‘wait, stay’*-toR- ‘come’*-gos- ‘boil, cook’*-tzaun- ‘lie down’ (vocalism
uncertain)*-gotz- ‘throw’*-kaR- ‘bring’*-zaR- ‘put’

And some roots with other structures:*-an- ‘eat’*-izan- ‘be’*-augin- ‘come’*-oa{n}- or *-oCa{n}- ‘go’*-au{(}t{)}s- ‘go down’, {‘fall’}*-os- ‘sew’*-auz- ‘jump’*-utz- ‘leave’*-ba- ‘cut’
As a general rule, it appears that every ancient verbal root bore a rigidly fixed transitivity,
either intransitive or transitive. But later developments, mostly localized, have at times
disturbed this pattern, allowing a verbal root to appear with the “wrong” transitivity.
It seems highly likely that, at some ancient stage, a dative object could be added to thediathesis of any verb, transitive or intransitive, by incorporating into the forms of that verb an
additional morph, a “dative flag”, whose function was to mark the additional presence of adative object. This pattern is still clearly visible in some verbs, but later developments have,on the whole, obscured this ancient pattern greatly. See M**{15} for discussion of this.

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R. L. Trask

Every non-finite form of a verb bore the prefix *e-. This prefix is of unknown function,
though Trask (1990) suggests that its function was to nominalize the verbal root, producing averbal noun. The simplest possible free form of a verb consisted of this prefix attached to theroot, producing the form called the “radical infinitive” or “radical” by Basque grammarians.
This form survives in speech down to the present day in northern varieties, where it has avariety of syntactic functions, including serving as the object of a postposition and serving as
the non-finite part of a non-indicative periphrastic form. In southern varieties, the radical isnow, apart from a few fossilized expressions, confined to elevated styles, and its syntactic
functions have been taken over by the perfective participle. The radical also functions
everywhere as the stem of a verb in word-formation; in this position it behaves like any otherlexical item, and it can be followed by word-forming suffixes or by other lexical items incompounds. This was (and is) the only way for an ancient verbal root to appear inside a nonverbal lexical item.
The prefix *e- has developed variously in the historical period, yielding any of e-, i-, j- orzero, according to the phonological nature of the following material, as described in****{section 6: P36}.
The next simplest form is the perfective participle, which consists of the “radical” followedby the suffix -i, which in origin is probably the same ancient suffix -i which forms adjectives
from nouns. The perfective participle is the syntactically central form of a verb in allvarieties throughout the historical period: it is the most frequent form, and the one with thegreatest number of functions, even in northern varieties retaining the radical. Almost all
native speakers take the perfective participle as the citation form of a verb, and the same
choice is usual in linguistic and lexicographical work, including this dictionary – though notethat a few eastern speakers prefer the radical as the citation form. Accordingly, thereconstructed form of an ancient verb is cited in this book in the form *e-Root-i.
Certain ancient verbs exhibit peculiarities in their forms. These are mainly the verbs whose
participles end in /n/ or in /o/; for discussion of these, see M{11} and M{12} in section**{8}.
No other non-finite forms can be confidently reconstructed for Pre-Basque. In the historicallanguage, the perfective participle gives rise, by suffixation, to a large number of further nonfinite forms of varying functions, but these formations, all of which are transparent, may beof no great age.
In the historical language, there is a future participle, formed variously by suffixing either -ko
or -en (both of obvious origin; see the dictionary) to the perfective participle, but the regionalvariation in the choice of suffix (in the west only -ko; in the east only -en; in the centre -ko
after a vowel but -en after a consonant) points to recent formations.
The other vastly important non-finite form in the historical language is the gerund, which isformed by adding a suffix to the radical (the stem), and which retains the verbal syntax of its
source verb. But there are several reasons for supposing that the gerund is a recent creationin the language: (1) the very substantial regional variation in the choice of suffix for thispurpose (western -te; west-central -keta; far eastern -ta; otherwise -tze and -te incomplementary distribution according to various phonological and morphological criteria);(2) the transparent origins of these suffixes as noun-forming suffixes of known functions; (3)the observation that these suffixes can also be added to verb-stems to produce ordinary verbal
nouns with no verbal properties; (4) the observation that, in northern dialects, the gerund
retains, in certain circumstances, the nominal property of taking its logical object in theEtymological Dictionary of Basque23

genitive, rather than in the usual object case, the absolutive. We may surmise, with Trask(1990), that these new gerunds have largely taken over the functions of the ancient radical.
Like the perfective participle, the gerund too can take any of a large number of transparent
further suffixes to produce a number of other non-finite forms of varying functions.
Particularly important among these is the imperfective participle, which is obtained bysuffixing the locative case-ending -n to the gerund.
Let us apply the label prefixing verbs to these ancient verbs bearing the prefix *e- in their
non-finite forms. But we must now recognize two further classes of prefixing verbs whichappear to depart from the canonical pattern *e-Root-i in their perfective participles. The firstgroup consists of those verbs whose participles end in -n, while the second group consists ofverbs whose participles end in -o. Both groups appear to be verbs which once conformed tothe canonical pattern but whose forms have been disturbed by phonological changes followedby some analogical reorganization; see ****{section 8: M11, M12} for discussion of thesecases.
Basque verbs exhibit two kinds of inflected finite forms: synthetic and periphrastic. A
synthetic form is one word-form, consisting of the verbal root plus a number of prefixes andsuffixes marking tense, mood and agreement. A periphrastic form is two word-forms: a nonfinite form of the lexical verb, marked at most for aspect, and a finite auxiliary carrying allother marking. Only the prefixing verbs ever exhibit any synthetic forms, and not all of them
are attested in such forms. Of the several hundred prefixing verbs, only about sixty arerecorded in our earliest texts, from the 16th and 17th centuries, with any synthetic forms at
all. Some of these verbs present rather full synthetic paradigms, but most are recorded with
only a limited number of synthetic forms, most often the present and past indicative. Since
the 16th century, the number of verbs with synthetic forms in use has been declining steadily,
and today only about a dozen verbs have synthetic forms which are still in everyday use,though the Basque Language Academy recognizes synthetic forms of another two dozen or
so verbs for literary use. All Basque verbs have periphrastic forms, and most verbs have only
periphrastic forms. It is impossible to guess whether, at some very ancient stage of thelanguage, every verb could be inflected synthetically.
In modern Basque, the finite auxiliary-forms for intransitive verbs are provided by izan ‘be’in the indicative forms and by the defective and now otherwise non-existent verb *edin in the
non-indicative forms. For transitive verbs, the auxiliary forms are provided by the defective
verb *edun ‘have’ for indicative forms, and by the defective and otherwise non-existent verb
*ezan for non-indicative forms in most dialects, but by egin ‘do’ in the Bizkaian dialect.
However, our earliest texts show a greater variety of auxiliary verbs, and it appears that themodern use represents a selection from what was earlier a larger number of possible auxiliary
verbs, perhaps with distinctions of function now lost.
There are only four possibilities for the non-finite element in a periphrastic form: the threeparticiples (perfective, imperfective, future) in indicative forms, and the radical (typicallyreplaced in speech by the perfective participle in southern varieties) in non-indicative forms.
In Pre-Basque, it was also possible to derive the perfective participle of a verb from anominal or adjectival stem by adding to it the perfective-participle-forming suffix -i; an
example is hauts ‘dust, powder’, hautsi ‘shatter, break’. Such formations are well recorded
but not especially numerous.
For many centuries, however, the native participle-forming suffix -i has been wholly
unproductive, and its verb-forming function has been taken over by a new suffix -tu,borrowed from Latin. It appears that Basque borrowed verbs from Latin in the form of their

24

R. L. Trask

participles, with the usual Latin ending -tum, and that the morph -tu thus obtained supplanted
the native suffix. For many centuries now, all new verbs entering the language from
whatever source have formed their participles only with -tu. This applies both to verbs
borrowed from Latin and Romance and to verbs created within the language from non-verbal
stems. Verbs in -tu never exhibit any synthetic forms at all. But note that native verbs in -i
have occasionally been transferred to the -tu class, as explained in {section 8} M**{14}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque25

6. Phonological changes
The information presented here is taken chiefly from Michelena (1961a; 2nd ed. 1977a), with
supplementary material as appropriate from many other sources. On the whole, thephonology of Basque during the last 2000 years has been rather more conservative than thatof its Romance neighbours. Basque toponyms and personal names recorded as far back as
the Roman period are not dramatically different from their modern forms, and loan words
taken from Latin are more conservative in form in modern Basque than in Romance.
[NOTE that a following /h/ never prevents a C from being intervocalic: FHV 223 fn]
P1. Intervocalic /n/ loss (Michelena’s Law)
In the early medieval period, intervocalic */n/ was categorically lost, except when this loss
was blocked by the competing P2. The medieval evidence suggests that this loss wascomplete by the beginning of the 11th century. The loss was normally blocked by a clear
morpheme boundary, so that, for example, gizon ‘man’ + -a article yields gizona ‘theman’, and no such forms as *gizoa are recorded. However, in B we occasionally find /n/loss even at a morpheme boundary. Loss of /n/ left behind nasalization on the adjoining
vowels. The nasalization later developed in several different ways.
P1.1. Loss. Nasality was simply lost. So, for example, *zunur yields zuhur, zuur, zur‘prudent’ in most varieties. In central varieties, nasality was lost too early to berecorded. Nasality survived in B until the 16th century, when it is expressly noted by
two writers, but was lost soon after. In Z and R, loss is only sporadic, and the nasal
vowels usually survive today, especially in R, which preserves more nasal vowels
than Z (though R itself has recently gone extinct).
P1.2. Retention. The nasal vowels have generally (though not invariably) survived to thepresent day in R and Z. So, for example, *zunur yields Z zũhũr, R zũr ‘prudent’.
P1.3. Reinterpretation I. The nasality is reinterpreted as a following /n/. For example,
Latin granum, borrowed as *garanu, developing to *garãũ, yields modern garaun
alongside garau.
P1.4. Reinterpretation II. In B, the sequence */inV/ developed first to a sequence ofnasal vowels, as usual, but this sequence was then reinterpreted as /iñV/. The firststage is well recorded in the earliest B literature, while the second is the norm during
the last couple of centuries. For example, original *burdina ‘iron’ gives old B burdĩã
but modern B burdiña, {cf. P2}.
P1.5. Feature shift. Very sporadically, nasality is transferred to a preceding /d/ or /t/,converting it to /n/. For example, *ardano ‘wine’, developing to *ardãõ, *ardõ,yields L LN arno, and *gaztane ‘cheese’, developing to *gaztãẽ, yields L LN Z R
gazna.
P2. Assimilation of /n/
P1 was competing with another change, which sometimes won out. Intervocalic */n/ wassporadically assimilated to a preceding high vowel: to /ñ/ after /i/, to /m/ after /u/. The

26

R. L. Trask
first was very frequent, the second uncommon. For example, Latin pinum ‘pine’ wasborrowed as *pinu, which developed to piñu, and Latin cunam ‘cradle was borrowed as*kuna, which yields modern kuma in some varieties, alongside kua. This development,
where it occurred, protected the nasal from loss by P1.

P3. /nb/ reduction
The cluster */nb/ is usually reduced to /m/. For example, *senbe yields common seme‘son’, and *unbe yields common ume ‘child’.
P4. Final /n/ loss{[FHV chap. 7]}
P5. Fortition of /m/[FHV 276]
P6. Plosive voicing after sonorants
At some time in the medieval period, plosives were voiced when immediately preceded by/l/ or /n/ (but not /r/). This voicing never applied at all in Z or R, but it is categoricalelsewhere, except that it occasionally fails to happen in B. For example, alte ‘side’,preserved in Z and R, is elsewhere alde. And Latin incudem ‘anvil’, borrowed as *inkude,
is today ingude in most varieties. This voicing seems to have persisted somewhat later in
L LN than elsewhere: compare common elkar ~ alkar ‘each other’ with L LN elgar, andsouthern zanko ‘leg’, from Romance, with L LN zango. M. (1961a: 354) suggests that thisvoicing sometimes fails in the specific configuration */lk/, but it is possible that his
examples are simply words that entered the language too late to participate.
This voicing is not triggered by /n/ resulting from P1.3 [FHV 360-361]
Ref. to local voicing after /r/: [FHV 355].
[generalization of voiceless variants of certain suffixes: FHV 353; ref. to Azkue]
P7. /b/ nasalization
Original */b/ has almost invariably changed to /m/ in the configuration */bVn/, by aprocess of nasal assimilation. This process clearly preceded P1. For example, original*banats ‘grapes’ has developed to *manats and then to mahats; original *bini ‘tongue’has
developed *mini > mihi (and other variants); and Latin sabanum ‘covering’, borrowed as*sabanu, appears today as zamau in some varieties. In rare cases, mainly in loan words,*/b/ developed to /m/ even in the absence of a conditioning nasal, as in *zubel ‘holm oak’
> B zumel.
P8. Plosive voicing fluctuation
The consonant /b/ sporadically devoices to /p/ or to /f/, especially in a second syllable,
occasionally word-initially. For example, common ebaki ‘cut’, with suffix -ki, has aEtymological Dictionary of Basque27

variant epai, without the suffix, and common barre ‘smile’ has variants parre and farre.
The circumstances of this devoicing are not understood. [REWRITE: FHV 231]
P9. Initial /b/ loss
Initial */b/ was almost always lost before a following /o/, and occasionally before afollowing /u/. For example, Latin buccella was borrowed as *bokeLa, yielding modern
okela ‘morsel’, ‘meat’, and native buztarri ‘yoke’ appears widely as uztarri. This change
seems to have been persistent: Romance forma is still recorded in the 17th century as
borma ‘wall’, ‘ice’, but the modern form is (h)orma in both senses. In native words, thislost initial */b/ is often unrecoverable.
P10. /g/-/b/ fluctuation
Particularly next to the rounded vowel /u/, though not only here, there is sometimes
regional fluctuation between /g/ and /b/. For example, common gurdi ‘cart’ appears inparts of B and HN as burdi, and common guraso ‘parent’ appears in L and HN as buraso.
In rare cases, /d/ may also participate in this: common agor ‘barren’, localized L ador.
P11. Plosive voicing assimilation
When the first syllable begins with a voiced plosive, and the second syllable begins with avoiceless plosive (or occasionally a voiceless affricate), then leftward voicing assimilation
may apply sporadically and regionally. For example, common gurpil ‘wheel’ appears in G
as kurpil, eastern goipe ‘grease, oil’ appears in B and G as koipe, common girten ‘handle’
appears in B and parts of G as kirten, and common bitxi ‘ornament’ appears in manyvarieties as pitxi. Leftward assimilation to a voiced plosive is not well attested, but apossible example is common kedarra ‘soot’, local B gedarra.
P12. Place dissimilation
When a word contains two plosive or nasal consonants with the same place of articulation,then sporadically but frequently one of them is dissimilated to a different place ofarticulation. For example, aitatu ‘mention’ is aipatu in many varieties, and the loan word
mobitu ‘move’ is mugitu in many varieties.
P13. Place assimilation
Far more rarely than we find the last process, we see assimilation of place. For example,
paradisu ‘paradise’ is L parabisu, and common guz(t)i ‘all’ is localized B duzti.
P14. Initial velar loss or gain
Very sporadically, an initial /k/ or // is either lost or added. For example, Latin cūnam‘cradle’ appears as ua in some varieties, and Castilian acero ‘steel’ is borrowed as bothaltzairu and galtzairu (with other developments).

28

R. L. Trask

P15. Plosive–sibilant fluctuation
FHV 296-297
P16. Intervocalic plosive loss{[FHV 226-227]}
P17. /d/ ~ /r/ fluctuation
Between vowels, there is sporadic fluctuation between /d/ and the tapped /r/. For example,
common edan ‘drink’ and euri ‘rain’ appear in places as eran and as eudi, and the verb
meaning ‘seem’, ‘resemble’ appears as both irudi and iduri in various parts of the country.
Michelena (1961a: 227) reports that historical /d/ shifts to /r/ between vowels almost
regularly in certain varieties of B G HN. In Z, earlier /r/ becomes /d/ quite consistently
after a diphthong, as in atxeidü ‘steel’, from earlier atxeirü.
P18. Apical assimilation I
The laminal sibilant /z/ sporadically changes to the apical /s/ before a following consonant,especially before /t/. Example: ***P19. Apical assimilation II
The cluster /rz/, with laminal /z/, often develops to apical /s/, and the cluster /rtz/ often
develops to /st/. This change is most frequent in the west, where it nearly always occurs,
and least frequent in the east, where it rarely occurs. It is favoured by the presence ofanother /s/ in the word. For example, in some eastern varieties, in which the the abstractnoun-forming suffix is usually -(t)arzun, we find -(t)asun in words containing /s/, such as
osasun ‘wholeness, health’, from oso ‘whole’. Special cases aside, original /rz/ survives in
Z R S and in the Mixe variety of LN, but becomes /s/ elsewhere (M. 1961a: 362). For thesecond change, M. (1961a: 367) proposes the pathway */rtz/ > */rzt/ > */rst/ > /st/.
P20. Dissimilatory sibilant loss
[FHV 291]
P21. Sibilant merger
In the west, laminal /z/ and apical /s/ have merged as the apical, and laminal /tz/ and apical/ts/ have merged as the laminal. From the textual evidence of spelling confusion, thismerger began in B in the 17th century, and it has been slowly spreading eastward. In
recent years, the merger has gone to completion in almost all of Bizkaia, in western
Gipuzkoa, and in some urban areas of central Gipuzkoa. Recently, however, there has
been an educational campaign to restore the lost contrasts, and western speakers who do
not natively have the contrasts now often attempt to produce them. This merger has
generally been ignored in western writing, and it is ignored in this dictionary, except that
we should be aware that some western forms recorded with the “wrong” sibilant areprobably only spelling errors resulting from the merger.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque29

P22. Rhotacism {of */l/}In the early medieval period, intervocalic */l/ shifted categorically to /r/, merging
unconditionally in this position with inherited */r/, except in Z, in which this change did
not happen. For example, Latin colum ‘distaff’ was borrowed as *golu, which yields
modern goru ‘distaff’. This change means that modern intervocalic /r/ is often ofindeterminate origin. Thus garo ‘fern’ might be from *garo or from *galo. [FHV 314]
P23. Lenition of fortes
The inherited fortes */N/ and */L/, which had contrasted with lenis */n/ and */l/ only
between vowels, no longer contrasted with these after P1 and P{22}, and they therefore
became lenis, merging with the instances of */n/ and */l/ surviving in other positions. For
example, Latin castellum ‘castle’ and annōnam ‘provisions’, borrowed as *gazteLu and*aNona, appear today as gaztelu and anoa. In medieval toponyms, the graphs <nn> and<ll> are frequent for modern <n> and <l>: see M. (1961a: chs. 15, 16).
P24. Rhotic dissimilation
In the sequence /rVrr/, the first (tapped) rhotic is unstable, and commonly dissimilates to/l/, /d/ or zero; if zero, P{35.1} may apply to break up the hiatus. For example, original*berarri ‘ear’ appears today as all of belarri, bedarri, biarri and begarri. Much lessfrequently, any rhotic may dissimilate to /l/ or be lost if the word contains any second
rhotic, as in the widespread adore ‘ardour’, from earlier ardore.
P25. Sporadic /r/ loss
Intervocalic /r/ is sporadically lost in all varieties. This loss is especially frequent in
inflectional endings, as when dative singular -ari is pronounced -ai, but it can also occur inlexical items, especially those with a grammatical function, as when the common
aspectual verb ari izan ‘be engaged in’ is pronounced ai izan. Such variants are given in
the dictionary when they have found literary use. [PREVIOUS] [ASS{ADD} LOSS OF
FINAL /-r/, AS IN LAUR]
P26. Zuberoan /r/ loss
In Z, intervocalic tapped /r/ is lost, at least in ordinary speech, though it may be variably
retained in careful speech. For example, common buru ‘head’ is Z bü(r)ü. A following/h/ does not prevent the loss: for example, earlier érhi ‘finger’ is modern éhi. In this
dictionary, the lost /r/ is indicated as shown, with a parenthesized (r).
P27. Uvularization
In L LN, the two rhotics /r/ and /rr/ have been undergoing uvularization for some time
now; the resulting sound is typically a voiced uvular fricative, decidedly “scrapier” than
the standard French /r/, but rather more similar to the typical southern French
pronunciation of /r/. This development appears to be very recent, since d’Urte’s
description of L pronunciation in the early 18th century presents only the historicalcoronal articulations of both phonemes. The facts are quite various: in some varieties,

30

R. L. Trask
only the trill is uvularized; in others, chiefly or only the tap; in still others, both. In at least
some varieties, there is fluctuation between coronal and uvular versions of a single word.
According to variety, then, such pairs as hura ‘that one’ and hurra ‘the nut’ may or may
not become homophones. This development is never represented in writing, and it isignored in this dictionary.

P28. Vocalization of /l/
In a tiny handful of cases, syllable-final /l/ has seemingly developed to /u/. [FHV 311].
P29. Aspiration loss
We may be confident that the aspiration was pervasive in Pre-Basque, as it clearly is in the
Aq. names. In the central dialects, G, HN and the Pyrenean varieties, the aspiration was
lost so early that there is no record of it. In the west, the aspiration is abundantly recordedin Bizkaia and Alava in toponyms and personal names in the medieval period, but it hadvanished by the 16th century, the time of our first texts in these varieties. In the north, theaspiration survives down to the present day, except that it has very recently been lost fromcolloquial speech along the coast of Lapurdi, where the aspiration was still regularly
written in the 17th century. The aspiration is clearly more frequent in Z than in L and LN;
it may be that Z has simply retained more of the inherited aspirations than the othernorthern varieties, but equally it may be that Z has extended the aspiration to words which
formerly lacked it. We cannot tell. This change is not expressly noted in individual
entries.
P30. Automatic palatalization
In B, and to some extent in G Z R, the coronal consonants /z s tz ts t l n/ are automaticallypalatalized to /x x tx tx tt ll ñ/, respectively, in the configuration */iCV/ (and sometimes
also in word-final */iC/). In order to save space, this palatalization is not overtly
represented in this dictionary. So, for example, mila ‘1000’ should be read as representing
milla in these dialects. If the preceding /i/ is part of a diphthong, it often disappears, as in
the development of noiz ‘when?’ to B nox, and of (h)aize ‘wind’ to B axe. In R, wordinitial */in-/ frequently develops to /ñ-/.
There is good reason to believe that such palatalization was once general in the language,
but that it has been lost in central dialects; see P**{32}.
P31. Spontaneous palatalization of /n/[FHV 306-307]
P32. Depalatalization
In L LN A, and in parts of HN, all palatal consonants other than those arising fromexpressive palatalization (see ***{section 8: M9}) were depalatalized at some point. For
example, piñu ‘pine’, arising by P**{30} from Latin pinum, appears today as pinu or pinoin these varieties, and the Gascon word grigne ‘preoccupation’, ‘passion’, borrowed as
griña, is today grina in these varieties (but still griña elsewhere). [FHV 184, 195, 521]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque31

P33. Cluster reduction [first of three]{[FHV 367-368] loss of sonorant from [sonorant][sibilant][plosive] clusters}
P34. Sporadic /n/ or /l/ insertion
Very occasionally, an unetymological /n/ or /l/ is inserted before a plosive or a sibilant.
For example, common ikatz ‘charcoal’ has a variant inkatz, and Castilian acero ‘steel’appears in some varieties as altzairu or as galtzairu.
P35. Treatment of hiatus
Hiatus is strongly disfavoured, and there are several strategies for dealing with it when it
arises. Hiatus arises extensively in nominal and verbal inflection, not treated here, but also
from the loss of an intervocalic consonant (especially /n/), and at morpheme boundaries inword-formation.
P35.1. Consonant insertion. A consonant is inserted between the vowels. The dialects
retaining the aspiration use /h/ for this purpose where /h/ can legally appear (between
the first two syllables). Otherwise, the favoured consonant is /g/, though wesometimes find /b/ instead next to a rounded vowel, and occasionally /d/ or /r/. For
example, northern bihar ‘tomorrow’ and aho ‘mouth’ appear in some westernvarieties as bigar and ago; original *anate ‘duck’, from Latin anatem, became *aateby P1, and appears today as ahate in the north but as agate in some western varieties.
Castilian suerte ‘luck’ is borrowed into some varieties as suberte.
P35.2. /i/ insertion. Occasionally a hiatus is resolved by the insertion of /i/. This solution
is more usual in inflection, and is very rare in lexical items. For example, da ‘is’ plus
the L LN question particle -a produces archaic daia? ‘is it’, modern dea, and thenoun-forming suffix -tza plus the article -a occasionally appears as -tzaia. This
process feeds P**{55}.
P35.3. Vowel loss. One of the two vowels may be lost: usually the first one, occasionallythe second one. For example, original *ukaondo ‘elbow’ appears today as bothukondo and ukando, and original *daen ‘which is’ yields western dan, eastern den‘all’. {And see W14 below.}
P35.4. Vowel dissimilation. Sometimes the hiatus is retained, but the first vowel
dissimilates in height from the second. For example, behar ‘necessity’ appears as
biar in some western varieties. This process is frequent when the article -a is added
to a stem, as in bide ‘road’, bidia ‘the road’; see M**{6} in **{section 8} for someconsequences. However, the rare stem-final sequence /-aa/ develops in B to /-ae/, asin *eLana > *elaa > elae ‘swallow’ (bird).
P35.5. Vowel coalescence. If the vowels in hiatus are identical, they commonly coalesce
into a single vowel. For example, *zunur ‘prudent’ became *zuur in some varieties,
coalescing to modern zur.
P35.6. Diphthong formation. Certain vowel sequences may form diphthongs. Most
obviously, such sequences as /au/ and /ai/ immediately form diphthongs when theyarise: for example, northern ahuntz ‘goat’ and nahi ‘desire’ appear as auntz and nai inthe varieties which have lost the aspiration. Moreover, /ae/ and /ao/ may be converted
to the diphthongs /ai/ and /au/, respectively. For example, (h)aren, genitive of *har

32

R. L. Trask‘that’, was reduced to (h)aen (attested), modern (h)ain ‘so (much)’. Less obviously,/ee/ often becomes /ei/, as in zeren, genitive of zer ‘what?’, reduced to *zeen, modern
zein ‘which?’.
Sequences of three vowels are treated variously, but in a sequence of the form /ViV/ it isusually the last vowel which is lost. For example, jaioterri ‘homeland’ is jaiterri inplaces.

P36. Treatment of initial /e/ in participles
Word-initially, the vowel /e/, which occurred in all ancient non-finite verb-forms as theprefix *e-, has developed variously according to the nature of the following segments.
P36.1. Loss. Before a following high vowel /i/ or /u/, /e/ is lost: *eizani > izan ‘be’; eutzi(attested) > utzi ‘leave’.
P36.2. Glide formation. Before a following non-high vowel /a/ or /o/, /e/ becomes a glide/j/: *eaRi > jarri ‘sit down’; *eosi > josi ‘sew’. This process feeds P**{56}. There isno certain case of /e/ before /e/, but a possible instance is the verb jalgi ~ elki ‘go out’,
which perhaps results from *eelki, with glide formation in one form but coalescenceof the two /e/s in the other (M. ****{1977a: 515}).
P36.3. Raising. When the /e/ is followed by a consonant followed by a high vowel /i/ or/u/, and a third syllable exists, /e/ is raised to /i/: ebili (attested) > ibili ‘be in motion’;ekusi (attested) > ikusi ‘see’. This is part of the more general process P**{37}.
In all other circumstances, /e/ remains unchanged: ekarri ‘bring’, egosi ‘cook’, *egini >egin ‘do, make’.
P37. Raising of first-syllable /e/In the first syllable of a word of three or more syllables, /e/ is frequently raised to /i/ if thesecond syllable contains a high vowel /i/ or /u/ separated by a consonant. For example,
common eguzki ‘sun’ is iguzki in some varieties, and the word for ‘onion’, borrowed from
Lat. cepulla(m), has everywhere /i/ in the first syllable: tipula, gipula, etc. This process ispervasive in verbs: see P**{36.3}.
P38. Syncope
Syncope occurs occasionally in all varieties. For example, common andere ‘lady’ appears
as andre in some varieties. Syncope is pervasive in the Pyrenean dialects (R S A). Here it
even occurs in disyllables, so that, for example, common zara ‘you are’ appears as zra,
producing an initial cluster otherwise unknown in the language. {Cf. P64.}
P39. Metathesis of /oi/Metathesis is frequent but unsystematic, and in general no rules can be given. But an
exception occurs in A, S and part of HN, in which word-final /-oi/, from earlier */-one/ by
P1, consistently metathesizes to /-io/. For example, common arratoi ‘rat’, from Lat.
ratone(m), is arratio in these varieties.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque33

P40. Loss of final vowels
Word-final /a/ or /e/ is very occasionally lost, with consequent devoicing of any now-final
plosive. For example barda ‘last night’, preserved in the east, has become bart in thewest. And the first-singular ergative verb-agreement suffix -da becomes -t everywhere(except in R) when word-final.
P41. Initial vowel loss
Very sporadically, a word-initial vowel is lost in some varieties. For example, common
etorri ‘come’ appears as torri in some local varieties. These local forms are not usually
included in the dictionary, but exceptions are made in one or two cases where this process
appears to be involved in otherwise problematic etymologies, as in common ke ‘smoke’,
alongside regional eke.
P42. Vowel loss after /rr/
In a polysyllabic loan word containing a prothetic vowel followed by the trill /rr/, afollowing vowel is often lost. For example, Lat. renegare ‘renounce’ appears as ernegatu
id.
{[}P43. Bizkaian vowel harmony {] Duplicates P64.}
P44. Bizkaian /a/-raising [aa > ea, possibly ia]
P45. {Diphthongization of /a/} /a/ diphthongization
Very frequently, /a/ in the first syllable of a polysyllabic word diphthongizes to /ai/ before
a following coronal cluster. For example, Rom. santo ‘holy’, borrowed as *santu, is today
everywhere saindu ‘holy’, ‘saint’, and laster ‘fast’, which predominates in the early texts,
is today more usually laister. This development seems to have been persistent.
[DUPLICATE{= P50}]
P46. Diphthong reduction I
Sporadically but frequently, the diphthong /au/ develops to /ai/ or to /a/ when the next
syllable contains /u/, and the diphthong /ai/ is sometimes reduced to /a/ when the next
syllable contains /u/ or /i/. For example, For example, Latin caucu(m) ‘wooden bowl’appears as kaiku ‘wooden cup’, and itaundu ‘ask’, from itaun, is itandu in some varieties.
At some stage, diphthongs lost their second elements before a following cluster. This led
to alternations in the forms of certain words, and, as a result, the original diphthong wassometimes restored. For example, ***** [+ RESTORATION] [FHV 95]

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R. L. Trask

P47. Diphthong reduction II
Sporadically, the diphthong /ei/ is reduced to /i/. This change is almost categorical inword-initial position. For example, leizar ‘ash tree’ is more commonly lizar, and eihar‘dried up’ appears much more widely as ihar ~ igar. {cf. P37}
P48. Diphthong nucleus raising
The two diphthongs /ai/ and /au/ develop sporadically to /ei/ and /eu/, respectively,
particularly in word-final position. For example, common jai ‘festival’ is jei in somevarieties, and gaun ‘spider’s web’ appears in parts of B as geun. In a few cases, thechange may be in the other direction: for example, there is evidence that gei ‘material’ ismore conservative than the more widespread gai.
{[}P49. Diphthong dissimilation [au] > [ai] before /u/ [DUPLICATES P{4}6] {]}{[}P50. Diphthongization of /a/Sporadically but frequently, the vowel /a/ in the first syllable of a polysyllabic word
diphthongizes to /ai/, especially when followed by a coronal cluster. For example, earlier*santu ‘holy’, ‘saint’ is usually saindu today, and laster ‘fast’, which predominates in theearly texts, is today more commonly laister. This development seems to have been
persistent. [DUPLICATE {=P45}] {] P50 in The Dictionary changed to P45.}
P51. Bizkaian /ai/ reduction
In a final syllable, even in a monosyllable, the diphthong /ai/ is reduced to /a/ in B when
followed by /n/. Examples: common gain ‘top’, ezpain ‘lip’, B gan, ezpan. Less
frequently, /ui/ is reduced to /u/, as in common biguin ‘soft’, B bigun. [ADD -oin > -uin >-un: FHV 507, 488]
P52. Roncalese diphthongization
R exhibits a curious diphthongization in certain words. For example, common diru‘money’ and zeru ‘sky’ appear in R as deuri and zeuru, respectively.
P53. Vowel fortition
The rounded vowels /o/ and /u/ are frequently strengthened to [w], the details dependingon the variety. This phonetic fact is not represented in this dictionary. However, in B G,
this [w] is, when intervocalic, strengthened further to an allophone of /b/, and this is often
represented in writing. For example, B G ao ‘mouth’ and gau ‘night’ combine with thearticle -a to produce aba ‘the mouth’ and gaba ‘the night’. These combining forms arenoted in the dictionary.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque35

P54. Glide insertion I
In B, G and the Pyrenean varieties, a glide is inserted between a high vowel and afollowing non-high vowel. For example, egia ‘truth’ and the loanword suerte ‘luck’ areoften pronounced egi[j]a and su[w]erte, respectively. These pronunciations are notovertly represented in this dictionary, but they often feed P**{55}.
P55. Glide strengthening I
Glides resulting from P**{53, P54} frequently undergo strengthening, [j] to any of [J], [Z]or [dZ], and [w] to [ß], an allophone of /b/. These pronunciations are regularly represented
in the traditional spelling of the varieties {in which this occurs}, such as egiya for egia
‘truth’ and suberte for suerte ‘luck’. Such spellings are recorded in this dictionary only
when they might render the identities of words obscure.
P56. Glide strengthening II
Word-initial /j/, usually resulting from P**{36.2}, undergoes some kind of strengthening
in almost all varieties. Depending on variety, the result may be any of [J], [dZ], [Z], [S] or[χ], with the last development, typical of G, apparently borrowed from Castilian. So,
words like jan ‘eat’ and jaun ‘lord’ exhibit a wide variety of quite different local
pronunciations, but this dictionary follows the usual convention in Basque work of writing<j> In all cases, except where /j/ is [S], when <x> is written.
P57. Glide strengthening III [eu] > [eb]P58. Glide insertion II

euli > ebli euri > ebri

zuek > zuiek

P59. Bizkaian /e/ lowering
In B, /e/ is often lowered to /a/ before a following trilled rhotic. So, common berri ‘new’and gerri ‘waist’ appear in B as barri and garri. In one case, this also happens before /l/:common beltz ‘black’, B baltz. Though typical of B, this lowering is found sporadically inother varieties, above all in the widespread bardin ‘same’ for common berdin, from thestem ber- ‘same, self’. The lowering never occurs in word-initial position: such words as(h)erri ‘country’ and erdi ‘half’ never undergo lowering.
P60. High-vowel lowering
Very sporadically, /i u/ are lowered to /e o/ before a following sequence /rC/ or, lesscommonly, /lC/. For example, irten ‘go out’ is G erten, and common bi(h)urtu ‘twist’ is B
biortu, while beldur ‘fear’ is western bildur. {S.v. beldur Trask decides beldur is theoriginal form, with bildur by vowel height assimilation.}

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R. L. Trask

P61. Raising of /e/ before /n/Sporadically, /e/ is raised to /i/ before /n/. For example, earlier *(h)arena ‘sand’, from
Latin arena(m), became Z *harina, leading to modern Z hariña, and earlier *enor‘anybody’ developed to *inor in many varieties, leading to modern iñor.
P62. Raising of /e/ before a palatal
Sporadically, /e/ is raised to /i/ before a following palatal consonant. For example,
common etxe ‘house’ is itxe in places, and common (h)ertsi ‘squeeze’ and eutzi ‘leave,
developing to *etxi in B, have become modern B itxi. Very rarely this raising occurs
before an ordinary sibilant, perhaps by mediation of a palatalized form, as in pisu ‘weight’,from Cast. peso.
P63. Lowering of /e/ in trisyllables {(dissimilation)}Sporadically, the vowel /e/ is lowered to /a/ in the second syllable of a trisyllable whichcontains /i/ in the first and third syllables. For example, common igeri ‘swimming’ has avariant igari. {Cf. P64}
P64. Bizkaian vowel harmony
In B, and also in a small area of HN, /a/ is raised to /e/ when the preceding syllable
contains a high vowel /i/ or /u/. This change mainly affects inflected forms, but
occasionally it shows up in a lexical item, as in iteun ‘confession’ for itaun. {Cf. P63.}
P65. Bizkaian /i/-backing {(backness dissimilation)}
In many cases, word-initial /i/ appears in B as /u/. This process appears to be confined todisyllables in which the second vowel is /i/ or /e/. Examples: common ile ‘hair’, igel‘frog’, (h)iri ‘town’, regional B ule, ugel, uri. The reason is unknown.
P66. Fronting of /u/ before labials {(labial dissimilation)}Sporadically, /u/ is fronted to /i/ before a labial consonant. For example, common umore‘humour’ is G imore, and common ubi ‘ford’ is ibi in places.
P67. Fronting of /u/ before a vowel
Sporadically, /u/ is fronted to /i/ before a vowel. For example, egubakoitz ‘Friday’,‘Saturday’ becomes eguakoitz in some varieties, developing to egiakoitz. In Z and R, thisprocess is pervasive with word-final /u/, where it has apparently proceeded via P**{69}.
When the article -a or another vowel-initial suffix is added, the original sequence /-ua/
develops to Z /-üia/ > /-üa/ or /-ia, R /-uia/ > /-ia/. Reanalysis can then produce a free form
with final /-i/ for original /-u/.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque37

P68. Fluctuation between /i/ and /u/Sporadically, we find regional variation between /i/ and /u/ in a variety of positions. In
many cases, but not in all, it is clear that /u/ is conservative. For example, common
mut(h)il ‘boy’ is Z R imit(h)il, and common zubi ‘bridge’ is localized R zibi. {Cf. P66.}
P69. Zuberoan fronting of /u/
In Z, and in some eastern varieties of LN, /u/ is fronted to /ü/ (phonetic []) in all
circumstances except before a following tapped /r/, before apical /s/, or before a cluster /rt/
or /rd/. (Note that a following trilled /rr/ or a sibilant /ts z tz/ does not prevent the change.)
Examples: common gu ‘we’ but Z gü; guri ‘to us’ and Z gu(r)i; hirur ‘three’ (with a tap)
and Z hirur; hur ‘nut’ (with a trill) and Z hür; guzi ‘all’ and Z güzi; urr(h)e ‘gold’ and Z
ürhe; urde ‘pig’ and Z urde; huts ‘empty’ and Z hüts; burk(h)i ‘birch’ and Z bürkhi. In
eastern LN, the fronting is also blocked by a following /k/ or /nk/, and in places also by afollowing /g/ or /n/.
However, this regular pattern is disturbed by complex mutual assimilations among /i/, /ü/and /u/. Examples: common irun ‘weave’, but Z ürün for regular *irün; common iduri‘seem’ but Z üdürü for regular *iduri; and so on {P70}.
In Z, as part of the same process, the diphthongs /au/ and /eu/ develop to /ai/ and /ei/ or /ü/,respectively: common gauza ‘thing’, Z gaiza; common leun ‘smooth’, Z leñ (via *lein);common euskal- ‘Basque’, Z üskal-. This change happens everywhere except before oneof /r/, /rr/, /s/ or /ts/.
In R, the diphthongs /au/ and /eu/ change to /ai/ and /ei/, respectively, as in R gai ‘night’,
gaiza ‘thing’, ein ‘100’ for common gau, gauza, e(h)un.
These changes affect only ancient instances of /au/; instances of /au/ developed more
recently from other sources, such as */aCo/, do not undergo the change.
See Lafon (1962a, 1962b) for discussion; Lafon sees this fronting as resulting fromcontact with Bearnese.
P70. Zuberoan and Roncalese high-vowel assimilation [see above]
In Z and R, there is assimilation among high vowels. In Z /i/ is rounded to /ü/ in a word
also containing /ü/ (from P**{69}), while in R /i/ is rounded and backed to /u/ in a word
also containing /u/. For example, common il(h)un ‘dark’ is Z ülhün (via *ilhün), R ulun,
while common irun ‘spin’ is Z ürün (via *irün), R urun.
P71. Zuberoan raising of /o/
In Z, the vowel /o/, including nasalized /õ/, is raised to /u/ in circumstances which are hardto define. This raising always occurs before syllable-final /n/, but otherwise its occurrence
seems erratic. For example, common gizon ‘man’ appears in Z as gizun. This raisingfollows P**{69}, the fronting of /u/. M. (1961a: 55) suggests that this raising may havebeen borrowed from Bearnese. A similar raising occurs far more rarely and sporadicallyin L and LN, as in L LN untzi ‘container’ for common ontzi. M. (1961a: 56) suggests that
confusion of /o/ and /u/ before syllable-final /n/ may have been an ancient feature of thelanguage.

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R. L. Trask

P72. Irregular coalescence
Certain sequences may give rise to irregular coalescences. For example, auhari ‘dinner’has become afari in many varieties (/uh/ {[wh]} > /f/); common joan ‘go’, which is[xwan] in G and some B varieties, has become fan in places ([xw] > /f/); and the sameword, which is [Jwan] in L LN, has become gan in places ([Jw] > /g/).
P73. Zuberoan stress shift
In Z (and apparently also in R, though the facts are less clear here), the inherited wordaccent was at some stage replaced by an invariable stress on the penultimate syllable. This
shift clearly happened before certain vowel sequences in the last two syllables underwent
coalescence. So, for example, common gizon ‘man’ is Z gízun, while its definite form
gizona ‘the man’ is Z gizúna. Common neska ‘girl’ is Z néska, while its definite form
neska is Z neská, with final stress, reflecting an earlier form *neská-a. Because of this, aZ form with final stress often points to a lost consonant, as in Z izéi ‘fir tree’, which must
continue an earlier *izeCi, with an unidentified consonant.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque39

7. Rules applying in word-formation
The rules given below represent phonological processes which are typical of older
formations, both compounding and suffixation. These rules are often not respected in more
recent formations. For example, ur ‘water’ has the regular combining form u- in older
formations, like uhalde ‘waterside’, but often ur- in more recent formations, like urtxakur‘otter’. But even recent formations may occasionally show the older combining form, by
analogy. And some words have clearly undergone re-formation. For example, ardo ‘wine’,
whose older combining form is ardan-, yields both ardandegi ‘tavern’ and ardotegi, with thesame meaning, the second being a re-formation. Examples of hiatus arising in wordformation are handled by the processes described in P**{35} above. The principal source of
information in this section is Michelena (1961a). {Trask (1997: 183−192) gives a somewhat
fuller account of these phenomena.}
W1. Trisyllabic final-vowel loss
If the first element is three or more syllables long, and ends in a vowel, that vowel is lost.
For example, itsaso ‘sea’ has the combining form itsas-, as in itsasalde ‘seaside’ (alde‘side’) and itsasgizon ‘sailor’ (gizon ‘man’), and iturri ‘spring, fountain’ has the
combining form iturr-, as in iturburu ‘fountainhead’ (buru ‘head’).
W2. Disyllabic final-vowel changes
If the first element is two syllables long, and ends in a vowel, that vowel is treated asfollows.
W2.1. /i/ loss. A final /i/ is lost, except after /b/, when it remains. For example, harri‘stone’ has the combining form har(r)-, as in hargin ‘stonecutter’ (-gin ‘maker’) andharbel ‘slate’ (*bel ‘dark’). But zubi ‘bridge’ has the combining form zubi-, as inzubiburu ‘bridgehead’ (buru ‘head’). A handful of items, including hiri ‘town’ andhegi ‘hill’, are consistent exceptions to this rule.
W2.2. Non-high vowel neutralization. Final /a/, /e/ and /o/ are all neutralized as /a/. For
example, aza ‘cabbage’ has the combining form aza-, as in azalore ‘cauliflower’ (lore‘flower’); lore ‘flower’ has the combining form lora-, as in loratu ‘bloom, blossom’(-tu verb-forming suffix); asto ‘donkey’ has the combining form asta-, as in astakeria‘foolishness, stupidity’ (-keria noun-forming suffix of vices).
W2.3. Variable treatment of /u/. Final /u/ behaves variably. It may remain unchanged, it
may be lowered to /a/, or it may be lost. On the whole, loss is most frequent in theeast, while lowering is most frequent in the west. For example, buru ‘head’ hascombining forms buru- and bur-, as in buruko ‘cap’ and burko ‘pillow’ (-ko nounforming suffix), while katu ‘cat’ has combining form kata-, as in katakume ‘kitten’(-kume ‘offspring’). M. (1961a: 128, note 5) suggests that lowering to /a/ results from
Romance influence, with pairs like kantu ‘song’, combining form kanta- derivingfrom Rom. canto, canta-. The item sagu ‘mouse’ is unusual: it shows loss of /u/ in all
old formations in all dialects.

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W3. Final-plosive neutralizationIf, by W1 or W2 or otherwise, a plosive is final in the first element, this plosive becomes/t/. For example, begi ‘eye’ has combining form bet-, as in betile ‘eyelash’ (ile ‘hair’) andbetazal ‘eyelid’ (azal ‘skin’). The labial plosives /b p/ never occur in this position, and sonever undergo this process. [+ h]W4. Plosive-cluster reduction
If, by the preceding rules or otherwise, a plosive cluster arises, then the second plosive
becomes voiceless and the first drops. For example, begi ‘eye’, combining form bet- by
W2.1 and W3, combines with buru ‘head’ to yield bepuru ‘eyebrow’, and with gain ‘top’
to yield bekain ‘eyebrow’. And errege ‘king’, combining form erret- by W1 and W3,
combines with bide ‘road’ to yield errepide ‘highway’. See also L***{?}.
It is clear that this process proceeded historically in stages, as follows. First, the firstplosive changed uniformly to /t/. Second, this /t/ then devoiced the second plosive, if it
was voiced. Third, the /t/ dropped. For example, the word errepide ‘highway’, just cited,is recorded in ****{the Fuero General de Navarra} as erret bide.
W5. Treatment of final /h/[FHV 222] {When, as a result of W2.1 /h/ in the first element is final, it becomes /t/ justlike a plosive (W3), with cluster reduction as in W4: behi ‘cow’, combining form bet-,
combines with gorotz ‘dung’ to give bekorotz ‘cow dung’; zohi ‘turf, clod’ combines withberri ‘new’ to give zoperri ‘recently worked plot’.}
W6. Affricate formationIf, by any process, /t/ stands before a fricative at a morpheme boundary, the two segments
coalesce into the corresponding affricate. For example, ardi ‘sheep’ plus *-zani‘guardian’, via *art-zãĩ, yields artzai(n) ‘shepherd’.
W7. Plosive-sonorant cluster reduction
If a plosive comes to stand before a sonorant, the plosive is lost. For example, the verbal
prefix -bait- (several functions) combines with the finite forms naiz and luke to produce
bainaiz and bailuke, and bat ‘one’ combines with distributive -na(n) to yield bana(n) ‘one
apiece’.
W8. Treatment of sibilant-sibilant clusters[FHV 351]
W9. Sibilant-sonorant cluster reduction
eluke, enaiz, etc; not many others; [FHV 351]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque41

W10. Final /n/ alternations
A final /n/ in the first element changes to /r/ or is lost. On the whole, change to /r/ is usual
before a vowel, and loss before a consonant, but there are exceptions. For example, egun‘day’ has combining forms egur- and egu-, as in eguraldi ‘weather’ (aldi ‘time’), eguzki‘sun’ (-zki noun-forming suffix), and eguerdi ‘noon’ (erdi ‘middle’). [ADD nasal clusters:
FHV 355 fn, nonnahi] [FHV 355 fn for /nm/]
W11. Final /r/ loss
If a first element ends in /r/ (whether tapped or trilled in the historical language), that /r/ islost in word-formation. For example, ur ‘water’, zur ‘wood’ (both with taps), izter ‘thigh’and adar ‘branch’ have the combining forms u-, zu-, izte- and ada-, respectively: ubil‘whirlpool’ (*bil ‘round’), zubi ‘bridge’ (bide ‘way’), iztegi ‘groin’ (-egi ‘place’), adabegi‘knot’ (begi ‘eye’).
W12. Rule inversion
By P**{22}, intervocalic */l/ changed to /r/, but, by W1 and W2, the vowel following the*/l/ was often lost in word-formation before P**{22} occurred. This produced
alternations like gari ‘wheat’ (from *gali), galburu ‘head of wheat’. Original */r/ did notalternate. But, in many cases, the alternation has been reinterpreted, with the secondary /r/taken as underlying and the original /l/ still appearing in word-formation taken as resulting
from a rule. In effect, P**{22} has been inverted. This can be seen in cases like eastern
zamari ‘horse’, borrowed from Latin sagmarium ‘pack-horse’, with original /r/, whose
combining form is now zamal-, as in zamaldun ‘horseman’.
W13. Haplology
Haplology is pervasive. Whenever word-formation produces two consecutive syllables
which are identical or similar, one of them is lost. For example, sagar ‘apple’ plus ardo
‘wine’ “should” yield *sagar-ardo, but the form is sagardo, and uko ‘forearm’ plus garai‘high’ “should” yield *ukagarai, but the form is ukarai.
W14. Hiatus resolution
If for any reason two vowels come together at a morpheme boundary, then there is a
powerful tendency to eliminate the hiatus. Most commonly, this is done simply by losing
one of the vowels, most often the first one. For example, the compound of uko ‘forearm’(combining form uka-) and ondo ‘bottom’ was originally ukaondo, recorded in one early
text, but today the word is ukondo in most varieties, though a few western varieties haveukando. On the whole, B preserves the hiatus longer than other varieties. However, if thefirst element is monosyllabic, then the varieties retaining the aspiration commonly insert/h/ to break up the hiatus, as in gauherdi ‘midnight’, from gau ‘night’ plus erdi ‘middle’.
[ALSO W13] {Cf. P35.3.}

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R. L. Trask

W15. Neutralization {of affricate−fricative contrast}
The ordinary neutralization processes of the language apply in word-formation. In
particular, only a fricative /z/ or /s/ can occur before a following consonant, and not anaffricate, while only an affricate /tz/ or /ts/ can occur in most varieties after anotherconsonant, and not a fricative. Moreover, only a voiceless plosive can follow a (voiceless)sibilant. So, for example, hitz ‘word’ plus -dun ‘having’ yields hiztun ‘eloquent’, withneutralization of the sibilant to the fricative and devoicing of the plosive after a sibilant.
Note that the orthography does not always represent this devoicing: for example, itsaso‘sea’ plus gizon ‘man’ yields itsaskizon ‘sailor’, which is customarily written itsasgizon.
These predictable neutralizations are not expressly noted in the entries.
W16. Sibilant harmony
A Basque lexical item may contain only laminal sibilants (/z tz/) or only apical sibilants(/s ts/). When, by word-formation or borrowing, both orders of sibilant arise in a single
word, the laminal assimilates to the apical. For example, zin ‘truth’ combines with -etsi‘consider’ to yield archaic zinetsi, modern sinetsi ‘believe’, and Castilian francés ‘French’,
originally borrowed as frantzes, is today usually frantses. [SEE FHV 282, 284 fn]
W17. /a/-addition
A few monosyllabic nouns occasionally exhibit a mysterious final /a/ in their combining
forms. For example, ke ‘smoke’ shows a combining form kea- in keatu ‘smoke (meat)’(-tu verb-forming suffix), and or ‘dog’ shows a combining form ora- in orakume ‘puppy’(-kume ‘offspring’). The origin of this is unknown in general, though in a few cases thereis evidence that this extra /a/ continues an earlier vowel: for example, ke ‘smoke’ has asparsely recorded B variant kee, whose combining form would regularly be kea-.
W18. Plosive insertion
Not infrequently, when two vowels come together at a morpheme boundary in wordformation, a plosive is inserted; this may be either /t/ or /k/. For example, su ‘fire’combines with alde ‘side’ to yield sukalde ‘kitchen’ and with ondo ‘side’ to yield sutondo‘fireside, hearth’. The origin of this is not known. The /t/ might result from generalizationof the result of W3. But all of this is doubtless bound up somehow with the phenomenon
discussed under M**{2}.. [SEE ALSO FHV 249, 250]
W19. Final-element reduction
In word-formation, a final element may undergo various irregular reductions. Most
obviously, /h/ cannot survive in a third or later syllable, and must drop. But otherintervocalic consonants may also drop, and the resulting vowel sequences may be reducedin one way or another. Lastly, medial vowels may occasionally be lost. Such a reduced
form is occasionally generalized to the free form. Examples: gabe ‘without’ is often -ge
as a final element; bahe ‘sieve’ becomes -bae or -be; bide ‘road’ may become -bi; biga
‘two’, formerly postposed, becomes first bia and then bi as a free form; beltz ‘black’,always postposed, appears to derive from earlier *beletz.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque43

W20. Aspiration
If both members of a compound contain the aspiration, then one aspiration must drop. For
example, hil ‘dead’ plus herri ‘inhabited place’ can yield either hilerri or ilherri‘cemetery’, but never *hilherri.
More generally, compounds and derivatives need not respect the aspiration of sourcewords. For example, neke ‘tired’ plus -tu verb-forming suffix yields nekhatu ‘get tired’.

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R. L. Trask
8. Some morphological observations and problems

Collected here are some morphological and word-class observations and some morphologicalpuzzles which show up in several words.
M1. Pyrenean initial velars
Words with initial /h/ in the dialects retaining the aspiration consistently have initial zeroin the remaining dialects. The same is largely true of the several demonstrative stems, allof which have initial /h/ in the aspirating dialects, but the three Pyrenean dialects (R S A)
frequently have instead initial /g/ or /k/ in these stems, and only here. For example, ****
M2. Fluctuating plosives
A number of word-forming suffixes exist in two forms: one with initial /t/ or /k/, the otherwith no initial consonant. Examples include -tar / -ar ethnonymic, -keta / -eta activity,and -kume / -ume ‘offspring’. In addition, some suffixes with initial voiceless plosives
appear to be cognate with independent lexical items lacking the plosives: -koi ‘fond of’,ohi ‘custom’. The reason for these alternations is not known. Some of these may once
have contained initial voiced plosives which have dropped after a vowel and devoiced
after a consonant, producing the observed variants. For example, -tar / -ar may derivefrom *-dar.
M3. Extraction of suffixes{**** See the entries under extraction of suffixes in the Subject index.}
M4. Loss of final /a/This is not a phonological change, but an analogical one. The Basque article is -a(singular), -ak (plural): gizon ‘man’, gizona ‘the man’, gizonak ‘the men’. When thissuffix is attached to a word ending in /a/, then, in all varieties but B and Z, the two vowels
simply coalesce: neska ‘girl’, neska ‘the girl’, neskak ‘the girls’. This has often led to
uncertainty about whether a given word does or does not end in /a/, and hence a final /a/has sometimes been analogically removed. For example, gorotza ‘dung’, whose definite
form is also gorotza, has been re-formed to gorotz in some varieties, and katea ‘chain’,
from Lat. catena(m), is kate in some varieties.
M5. Bizkaian final /e/ lowering
This is not a phonological change, but an analogical one. In B, the addition of the article-a to a word ending in /a/ causes the first /a/ to raise to /e/, by P34: hence, with neska‘girl’, the definite form is neskea, rather than common neska. The alternation between
definite neskea and indefinite neska has, in B, often been extended to words originallyending in /e/. So, for example, common lore ‘flower’ and ote ‘gorse’, definite forms lorea
and otea, appear as lora and ota.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque45

M6. Final stem-vowel fluctuation
Process P**{35.4} merges stem-final /e/ with /i/ and /o/ with /u/, as in bide ‘road’, bidia‘the road’. As a result, the form occurring before the suffix is sometimes generalized, andwe find fluctuation like that in eize ~ izi ‘hunting’.
M7. Loss of affixes before -ko
Loss of loc, com before -ko
M8. Extraction of forms with final /e/
The local case-suffixes, such as locative -an (from earlier *-Can), ablative -tik and allative-ra, all require the insertion of the unmarked vowel /e/ when they are added to consonantfinal stems. For example, (h)aran ‘valley’ has locative (h)aranean, ablative (h)aranetik
and allative (h)aranera. When the noun in question is a spatial noun whose local forms
function as postpositions, then quite frequently a new form of the noun is extracted with afinal /e/ attached, and where necessary with a new meaning. For example, (h)atz ‘track,
trace, trail’ forms postpositions like atzean ‘behind’, and from these forms a new baseform atze ‘back’ has been extracted.
In northern varieties, the frequent occurrence of toponyms in the local forms has led to theaddition of a final /e/ to every single toponym which formerly ended in a consonant, as in
Miarritze ‘Biarritz’ and Urepele (from ur ‘water’ and epel ‘tepid’).
M9. Expressive palatalization****
In which intrinsically connected with smallness, expressive palatalization is practically
universal. For example, earlier tipi ~ tiki ‘small’ is now seldom found outside elevatedstyles, and the palatalized forms ttipi, txipi, txiki are the only ones found in ordinary
speech.
Personal names: [FHV 189]
Rare process: addition of initial sibilant: [FHV 292]
Important stuff: [FHV 191]
M10. Replacement of base forms by diminutives
As explained in M9, Basque forms an expressive or diminutive variant of a lexical item bypalatalization. Not infrequently, this diminutive displaces the original as the unmarked
form of the word. In such a case, the original may remain as a more formal variant; it may
be specialized to another meaning; or it may disappear. For example, guti ‘not much, notany’ is usually replaced as the ordinary form by its diminutive gutti or gutxi, while guti
remains in the language as a formal or elevated counterpart of the same meaning. And
original zakur ‘dog’ has been everywhere displaced as the ordinary word by its diminutive(t)xakur, while zakur is either specialized to ‘big dog’ (in most of the country) or lostaltogether (in B).

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R. L. Trask

M11. Verbs in -n
Most ancient verbs built on verbal roots have a perfective participle (citation form) of thestructure e-Root-i, where the prefix e- is of unknown function but appears in all non-finite
forms of ancient verbs, and the suffix -i marks the perfective participle. Examples: etorri‘come’, ikusi ‘see’. But quite a number of verbs are exceptional. Their participle has theform e-Root[-n], in which the suffix -i is absent and the root ends in an -n whichsometimes behaves like part of the root and sometimes not. Examples: joan ‘go’, egin ‘do,make’. As a rule, the /n/ remains in the perfective participle and in the radical, but it
disappears in the synthetic finite forms (where these exist), and in word-formation when asuffix or a following lexical item is added. Trask (1990) proposes that these were once
verbs of ordinary form whose roots happened to end in /n/, and that the loss of intervocalic/n/ by P1 produced anomalous forms which then underwent analogical reorganization.
This analysis is supported by the observation that the participles of the two verbs eman‘give’ and igan ‘go up’ are each recorded once in the early texts as emai and as ikai.
M12. Verbs in -oThere are also a number of ancient verbs whose citation forms end in -o, such as jo ‘hit’,ito ‘drown’ and ero ‘kill’. These verbs exhibit a number of peculiarities, some of themshared with the verbs in -n, and indeed there are verbs variably belonging to both groups,
such as igan ~ igo ‘go up’. It seems likely that the verbs in -o are historically verbs in -n
which have undergone further complex developments, but the history of these verbs
cannot at present be recovered.
M13. Exceptional stems with an extra /i/{****}

M14. Shift from the /-i/ class to the /-tu/ class
In a number of cases, verbs have been shifted from the -i class to the -tu class. Examples:
old sarri, modern sartu ‘enter’, ‘insert’ (from an unknown stem); old aberatsi, modern
aberastu ‘get rich’, ‘enrich’ (from aberats ‘rich’); ****. This process can also affect theunusual verbs in -n and in -o described in the next two sections: old (and still current) jario~ jarion ‘flow’, regional variant jariatu.
When this shift happens, sometimes the old participle remains fossilized in the language as
an adjective. Examples: ezagutu ‘be acquainted with’ (verb), ezagun ‘familiar, wellknown’ (adjective and old participle); ****
M15. The dative flags
There is a good deal of evidence for the former existence of two suffixes, of the forms -ki
and -ts-, occurring in both finite and non-finite forms of verbs. The function of eachsuffix was to increase the valency of a verb by adding a dative object to its diathesis.
When -ki is added, the participial suffix -i is suppressed; when -ts- is added, this isfollowed by the usual -i in the participle. There is a modest amount of evidence from old
B that -ki was once added to intransitive verbs and -ts- to transitive verbs, but thisEtymological Dictionary of Basque47

distinction is not generally observed. Examples: ****. We cannot tell whether theseelements arose in finite forms by the incorporation of non-verbal elements and were thenextended analogically to non-finite forms, or whether they arose first in non-finite forms;
the first seems more likely.
The problem of pairs like ikasi / irakatsi: see FHV 289 fn. Three solutions: ancient
alternation; addition of /ts/ dative flag; generalization of word-final variant.
M16. Fossilized compound verbs
A compound verb consists of two parts, a simple lexical verb and a second element which
is most often a bare noun, sometimes a bare adjective, occasionally a suffixed noun.
Basque forms compound verbs freely, and has clearly done so for a long time. But thepatterns used have varied over the centuries – in particular, the choice of lexical verb toprovide the verbal element. In the historical language, egin ‘do’ is by far the mostfrequent choice, though we also find compounds involving eman ‘give’, *edun ‘have’,
izan ‘be’, and the item -etsi ‘consider’, now specialized as a suffix-like item but in origin
clearly the independent verb etsi, today with multiple senses.
But other verbs were possible in the distant past, and the language retains a number ofancient fossilized compound verbs whose formation is often obscure. These things behave
today like single lexical verbs, but they are distinguished from other verbs in several
respects: (1) unusual length; (2) unusual phonological forms; (3) enormous regionalvariation in form. These verbs are entered normally in the dictionary, together with ourbest guess as to the etymology, if we have one. Examples include eguriki ‘wait for’,
itxadon ‘wait for’, eskaini ‘offer’, jaurtiki ‘throw’, ihardetsi ‘resist’, ihardun****{‘spend time, be busy’, not in The Dictionary, but see iharduki under *ihar},jardun ****{‘be busy with’}, ****.
M17. Nouns and adjectives
In the historical period, adjectives are sharply distinguished from nouns, and a stem can beshifted from one class to the other only by the use of a suitable word-forming suffix,
which normally adds semantic value.
Examples: mendi ‘mountain’, menditsu‘mountainous’; labur ‘short’, laburtasun ‘shortness’. The existence of the clearly ancientadjective-forming suffix -i, as in gatz ‘salt’, gazi ‘salty’, appears to suggest that thenoun/adjective distinction is ancient.
However, there exist some two dozen seemingly ancient items which can function
indifferently as nouns or as adjectives. Examples: gose ‘hunger’ or ‘hungry’; ilun
‘darkness’ or ‘dark’; hotz ‘cold’ (noun) or ‘cold’ (adjective); gizen ‘fat’ (noun) or ‘fat’(adjective). This observation has led some specialists to suggest that, at some very ancient
stage, the language did not systematically distinguish nouns and adjectives. [FHV 512]
M18. Sex-marking
Generally speaking, Basque has no grammatical gender. Sex-marking is severely limited;
when present, it is handled lexically (behi ‘cow’, zezen ‘bull’), by compounding with eme‘female’ and ar ‘male’ (katu ‘cat’, katar ‘tomcat’), or by affixation (jainko ‘god’, jainkosa‘goddess’). But the Spanish Basque varieties have recently imported a limited amount ofsex- or gender-marking from Spanish, as in the adjective majo ‘nice’, borrowed together

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R. L. Trask
with its female form maja; the second form is applied only to females, while the first is
used in all other circumstances. Very sporadically, this sex-marking has been carried over
into native words. For example, B G gixajo ‘poor fellow’ has acquired a female form
gixaja ‘poor woman’, by analogy with the Romance gender-marking.

M19. Motion verbs
As a rule, Basque verbs of motion incorporate path but not manner. Alongside thefundamental verbs of deictic motion, joan ‘go’ and etorri and jaugin ‘come’, there aremany verbs like igan ‘go up’, jautsi ‘go down’, irten and atera ‘go out’ and sartu ‘go in’,and there is a dedicated verb of undirected motion, ibili ‘be in motion’. But there arepractically no lexical verbs corresponding to English verbs like ‘walk’, ‘ride’, ‘swim’ and‘crawl’. Apart from one or two borrowed verbs, like kurritu ‘run’, the exceptions arecompound verbs constructed with the light verb egin ‘do’ plus an adverbial of manner,such as hegaz egin ‘fly’, from hegaz ‘on wing’ (from hega ‘wing’). Otherwise, manner ofmotion must be expressed by combining a suitable motion verb with an adverbial, such as
oinez ‘on foot’ or zaldika ‘on horseback’. So, where English has ‘He walked down’,
Basque has Oinez jautsi zen, literally ‘He descended on foot’.
M20. Absence of certain consonants from the morphology
Certain consonants – those which were absent or marginal in Pre-Basque – play little or nopart in Basque morphology.
The consonant /m/, absent from Pre-Basque, plays no role at all in the inflectional
morphology, and no role in word-formation except in the noun-forming suffix -men ~-mendu, borrowed from Lat. -mentum. A partial exception is the expressive syllable ma-,apparently created precisely because the rarity of /m/ in the language conferred upon it a
special expressive value.
The consonant /p/, very rare or even absent in Pre-Basque, has no morphological role
except occasionally as a conditioned variant of /b/ or of /m/, as in the suffix -pe ‘under’,from behe, and in the variant -pen of the suffix -men just mentioned. It is wholly absent
from the inflectional morphology.
The consonant /j/, absent from Pre-Basque, has no morphological role, apart from its
marginal role as one reflex of the ancient and fossilized prefix *e- in non-finite verbforms.
The consonant /h/, present in Pre-Basque but apparently non-phonemic, has nomorphological role except that, in the varieties retaining the aspiration, the absolutive
agreement prefix in finite verbs is h- for the second-person singular pronoun hi.
The several palatal consonants, of uncertain status in Pre-Basque but assuredly not present
in ordinary lexical items, continue to have practically no morphological role apart fromtheir use in constructing expressive and diminutive forms. Perhaps the sole exception is
the intensive suffix -xe {not in The Dictionary}.
Finally, the consonant /f/, absent from Pre-Basque, has no morphological role.
Every other modern consonant has a more or less prominent role in the morphology,
though the apical sibilants /s/ and /ts/ are less frequent than the others.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque49

9. The sources of the Basque lexicon.
Many hundreds of morphologically simple Basque words appear to be clearly native andancient. These are the words which cannot be sensibly related to words in any neighbouring
languages and which have phonological forms consistent with our reconstruction of the PreBasque of some 2000 years ago. This group includes nouns like buru ‘head’, adjectives likehandi ‘big’, numerals like zazpi ‘seven’, grammatical words like edo ‘or’ and ni ‘I’, and verbs
like etorri ‘come’. Not all of these words are necessarily 2000 or more years old in thelanguage, but all of them are strong candidates for such age.
This native lexicon includes pronouns and most grammatical words, numerals, many bodypart names, most basic adjectives (including some colour terms), a sizeable number of namesof wild and domesticated plants and animals (though quite a few such names are borrowed),almost all words for weather and natural phenomena like the sun and the moon, most namesof geographical features, some tool names, a few names of metals, names of familiar
materials like wood and stone, most kinship terms, all the words like ‘man’ and ‘girl’, ascattering of agricultural and pastoral terms, and the great majority of basic verbs.
Unsurprisingly absent from the native lexicon are words pertaining to law and administration,
to religion, to education, to literature, and to commerce. More surprisingly absent are
nautical terms: in spite of the long seafaring traditions of the Basques, there is perhaps not asingle nautical term which is native. There are also very few native words pertaining tosocial organization or to cooking, and there are almost no native words for weapons.
In addition, there are thousands of compounds and derived words constructed from native
elements. Some of these are surely or even unquestionably very ancient, while others havebeen coined during the last 2000 years, and of course still more are being coined today. To
some extent, we can distinguish older from newer formations by their phonological forms,
but we cannot do this unfailingly.
But Basque has been in intense contact with a number of identifiable neighbouring languages
for well over 2000 years, and these languages have had an immense effect on its lexicon.
(There must have been earlier neighbours, of course, but about these we know nothing.)
During much of the first millennium BC, Basque was largely surrounded by Celtic languages.
These languages have bequeathed a sizeable number of certain or probable toponyms, butalmost no ordinary words. We are confident that arrau(n) ‘oar’ and mando ‘mule’ are of
Celtic origin, and cases of varying degrees of persuasiveness have been made for maite‘beloved’, adar ‘horn’, andere ‘lady’ and hartz ‘bear’, among others, but on the whole theabsence of Celtic words in Basque is striking, given the centuries of contact.
Around 2000 years ago, the Romans conquered the Basque-speaking region, and the impactof Latin on the Basque lexicon was as enormous as the Celtic influence had been slight.
Latin words began passing into Basque from a very early date, to judge by the highly
conservative forms of Basque words like errege ‘king’ and gerezi ‘cherry’.
As spoken Latin developed into Proto-Romance, further borrowings into Basque exhibit
Romance developments in pronunciation, as in zeru ‘sky’ (from earlier *zelu), and insemantics, as in abere ‘large domesticated animal’ (from a Romance development of Latinhabere ‘have’).
After the collapse of Roman power in the west, the Basques found themselves in contact withspeakers of two Germanic languages, Frankish and Visigothic. But there exists no single
clear instance of a Germanic loan directly into Basque, without Romance mediation. To be

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R. L. Trask

sure, though, Basque relations with Franks and Visigoths were uniformly hostile, and anyway
it is far from clear that the Franks, and more especially the Visigoths, continued to speak their
Germanic languages for any great length of time after settling in France and Spain. In any
case, Basque words of undoubted Germanic origin, like hanka ‘haunch’, have all entered thelanguage directly from Romance.
In contrast, the Arab conquest of most of Spain produced a handful of Basque words ofArabic origin. Some of these, like azoka ‘market’1 and gutun ‘letter’ (epistle) (and othersenses) are not attested in Romance, and may have entered Basque directly. Others, likeazenario ‘carrot’, are shared with Romance, and may or may not have entered via Romance.
With the eventual break-up of spoken Latin into a number of divergent local varieties,
Basque found itself in contact with the following: the Gascon and Bearnese {and otherGascon} varieties of Occitan to the north, Aragonese (particularly its Navarrese sub-variety)to the east, Castilian to the south, and Asturian to the west. But the ensuing flood of
Romance words into Basque was rather unevenly distributed: Gascon, {or specifically}
Bearnese, and Castilian contributed huge numbers of words, Aragonese a much smaller
number, and Asturian perhaps none at all. (This generalization is based on the clear cases,
but of course there are many Romance words in Basque whose precise source cannot be
identified with confidence.)
Before the French Revolution, Basque was scarcely in contact with French, and earlyborrowings from French are rare to non-existent. Since the Revolution, borrowings from
French have become steadily more numerous, and the modern French Basque varieties
contain many hundreds of French words, but hardly any of these have penetrated south of the
Pyrenees. In the south, of course, the steadily growing prominence of Castilian has meantthat practically all newer borrowings are taken from this variety.
There appears to be no other language which has contributed directly to the Basque lexicon.
Words originating in other languages, such as antxoa ‘anchovy’, of Italian origin, and therecent gay ‘gay’ (homosexual), of English origin, have entered via one of the neighbouring
Romance varieties. A rare exception, though, appears to be the word porlan ‘cement’, fromEnglish Portland; this word is unrecorded in Spanish and appears to be a direct borrowing.2
Naturally, Basque writers have never hesitated to coin neologisms whenever they saw fit todo so, and those neologisms which have found a place in the language are entered normallyin the dictionary. But there are two large groups of proposed neologisms which require
special attention.
In 1745, the Basque grammarian Larramendi published one of the first Basque dictionaries,
but one with a curious feature. Whenever Larramendi found no native Basque equivalent fora Spanish word, he invented one, with no clue to the reader that he was doing so. Some ofthese neologisms were constructed according to the ordinary patterns of the language, likesudur-hauts ‘nose-powder’, for ‘snuff’, while others seem to have been coined out of thin air,like godaria ‘chocolate’. Though some of Larramendi’s inventions were occasionally pickedup and used by later writers of puristic bent, hardly any of them have found a secure place inthe language, and his coinages are accordingly omitted from this dictionary.
A second large-scale intervention was made in the 1890s by the Basque nationalist Sabino
Arana, who proposed a large number of neologisms, all but a few of them intended to
1{NB however OCast. azogue (1279), Old Cat. açoc (1315).}{Though it is not in the Diccionario de la Real Academia Espanola, porlan ‘concrete’ is, in fact, attested in
Spanish since 1942 (Camilo José Cela, La familia de Pascual Duarte). Spanish Porlan ‘(the isle of) Portland’ isattested since 1449.}

2

Etymological Dictionary of Basque51

replace everyday Basque words of non-native origin. Arana was a purist, but one with ashaky command of the language. Some of his coinages, like eratorri ‘derive’, were
technically correct in form, but many more, like his ingi ‘paper, gotzain ‘bishop’ and gaztedi‘youth’, were ghastly things doing violence to the ordinary rules of the language. A few of
his creations have found a secure place in the language, though not always in the form or in
the sense that he proposed, and these are entered normally here. A few others maintain aghostly existence on the margins of the language, used self-consciously by a few enthusiasts
but by nobody else. And the rest are no more than museum pieces. These others are notentered in the dictionary.

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R. L. Trask
10. Phonological treatment of loan words.

Basque began borrowing words from Latin very early, and the forms it borrowed were in
most respects the classical Latin forms, except that there is no trace in Basque of Latin /h/(probably lost from popular Latin speech by the first century BC) or of Latin word-final /m/(probably also lost early, or at least reduced to nasalization of the preceding vowel).
Thanks especially to the medieval data, we can often distinguish the forms of earlyborrowings from later ones. For example, Latin fagum ‘beech’ appears today as both bagoand pago, but the medieval toponymy shows only bago, apparently confirming that this was
the form borrowed early, while pago is a later development. See M. (1961a: passim).
Naturally, the strategies used in assigning phonological forms to borrowed words havechanged over the centuries, as the phonology of Basque has gradually been assimilated to thatof its Romance neighbours.
L1. Latin plosives
Latin word-medial /p t k/ are borrowed as /p t k/, and word-final /t/, when borrowed at all,is borrowed as /t/. Latin medial /b d g/ are usually borrowed as /b d g/, but see *** and*** for complications. Medial /d/ may appear as /r/, by P**{17}. The Latin medialclusters /pp tt kk/ are borrowed as /p t k/, and the rare medial clusters /bb dd gg/ are alsoborrowed as /p t k/, presumably because of their duration.
Latin word-initial /p t k/ are usually borrowed as /b d g/, since Pre-Basque had no otherinitial plosives. Initial /b d g/ are also borrowed as /b d g/.
Borrowed /p t k/ are subject to aspiration in the aspirating varieties, by the usual rules (see***{section 3}).
L2. Romance plosives
As a rule, Rom. /p t k b d g/ are borrowed as /p t k b d g/ in all positions, but there aremany exceptions word-initially, and it must be said that the voicing of Romance plosives
is not consistently respected in this position. Original /d/ may appear between vowels as/r/, by P**{17}.
Rom. /p t k/ are subject to aspiration in the aspirating varieties, by the usual rules (see***{section 3}).
L3. Labials
In line with P**{7-10}, there are complications in the borrowing of Latin and Romance
labials. Almost any Latin or Romance labial may on occasion be borrowed as almost any
Basque labial. See also ***.
L3.1. /w/, /f/ and /v/. All of Lat. /w/ (orthographic <v>), Lat. and Rom. /f/ and Rom. /v/
are usually borrowed as /b/ (occasionally as /p/ for /f/), but there are complications
introduced by ***. [ALSO as /f/, zero]Etymological Dictionary of Basque53

L4. Sibilants
Latin /s/ is usually borrowed as laminal /z/, except word-finally, where it usually appears
as /tz/. This suggests that Latin /s/ was laminal ; see M. (****{1961a: 280−281}). But
there are a very few exceptions, in which Lat. /s/ appears as apical /s/, such as soka ‘rope’,
from sōcam id.
The Cast. and Occ. apical /s/ is usually borrowed as apical /s/, or as /ts/ word-finally. Fr.
laminal /s/ is borrowed as /z/.
Very rarely in early borrowings, but commonly in recent ones, a final sibilant is borrowed
as /z/, as in arroz ‘rice’, from Cast. arroz id.
L5. Liquids
Latin and Romance liquids are usually retained. Thus original /L (<ll>) r rr/ are borrowed
as /L (<ll>) r rr/. But, in early borrowings, intervocalic /l/ appears today as /r/, by
P**{22}, while /r/ between vowels may appear as /d/, by P**{17}.
L6. Nasals
Latin and Romance /m n N/ are usually borrowed as /m n N/, but the borrowing of /m/ issubject to the complications of ***{?L7}, and that of /N/ to P**{32}. In rare cases, /m/is borrowed as /nb/ as in [FHV 360], apparently by hypercorrection for the cases in which
Rom. /nb/ has become Basque /m/ by P**{3}.
L7. Resolution of /mn/
The Latin and Romance cluster /mn/ is always reduced in Basque, but the result may beeither /m/ or /n/. Examples: Lat. autumnum ‘autumn’ > Bq. autono ‘September’, while
Gasc. hemne ‘female’ > Bq. eme ‘female’. So far, it has not proved possible to tie either
outcome to any particular times or places.
L8. Plosive-liquid cluster elimination [FHV 347 ff.]
loss of plosive
insertion of echo vowel
lenition of plosive
L9. Lambdacism
Occasionally, at least in loan words, an initial /d/, /t/ or /n/ appears as /l/. For example, Fr.
danger appears as lanjer in some varieties, Lat. thēcam ‘pod’ as leka ‘pod’ in somevarieties, and Cast. naranja ‘orange’ as laranja in many varieties.
L10. Vowels
Latin short /i e a o u/ are borrowed as /i e a o u/. Latin long /ī ē ā ō ū/ are also borrowed as/i e a o u/. Basque therefore preserves the quality of Latin vowels, but ignores quantity.

54

R. L. Trask
Lat. /au/ is borrowed as /au/. There is no trace in Basque of Lat. /ae/ or /oe/, which always
appear as /e/, as in *baLena ‘whale’ (> modern balea) from Lat. ballaenam.
The Latin sequence /-iu(m)/ is always reduced in Basque, usually to /-i/, occasionally to/-u/. For example, mercātārium ‘merchant’ is borrowed as merkatari.
Romance /i a u/ are borrowed as /i a u/. Rom. /e/ and /E/ are both borrowed as /e/, andRom. /o/ and /O/ are both borrowed as /o/. But there is an exception for Romance wordfinal /o/, which is commonly borrowed as /u/. This perhaps arises because the medieval
Basques noted many cases in which their own word-final /u/ (taken from Lat. /u/)corresponded to Rom. /o/, as in Bq. liburu ‘book’ (from Lat. librum) beside Cast. libro,
and concluded that /u/ was the appropriate rendering of Romance final /o/. Rom. /y/ isusually borrowed as /u/.
The Romance diphthongs /ie/ and /ue/ are usually borrowed as /e/, as in leku ‘place’, fromsome Romance development of Lat. locum of the approximate form *lueco. Other
Romance diphthongs are usually retained.

L11. Prothetic vowel
Basque has never tolerated word-initial rhotics. In loan words of all periods, a borrowed
word containing an initial rhotic in the source language acquires a prothetic vowel, usually/e/ (the unmarked vowel in Basque), occasionally /a/ when the following vowel is /a/ or/o/. Examples: Lat. regem ‘king’ > errege; Lat. rosam ‘rose’ > arrosa; Lat. Roma ‘Rome’> Erroma.
Basque has also never tolerated word-initial clusters of the form /sC-/. When such a word
is borrowed, it acquires a prothetic vowel, almost always /e/, though this /e/ may develop
to /i/ by other processes. Examples: Lat. stupam ‘oakum’ > iztupa; Lat. spatham ‘sword’> ezpata. Since the same process applied in all of western Romance, it is not always easy
to tell whether the direct source of a Basque word is Latin or Romance
L12. Aspiration
Basque introduces the aspiration into loan words without regard for its presence orabsence in the source. For example, we have hira ‘anger’ from Lat. or Rom. ira, hauzu ~haizu ‘permitted’ from Lat. ausus, hezkabia ‘ringworm’ from Lat. scabies, phike ‘pitch’
from Lat. picem, and so on. As a rule, in a borrowing from Latin, the aspiration occurs, if
at all, only on the syllable which was stressed in Latin, though there exist a couple ofexceptions. [FHV 218]
L13. Treatment of thematic vowels in verbs [see FHV 495 for an idiosyncrasy of
Capanaga’s]
L14. First-syllable loss [FHV 157]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque55

12. Ghost words
Vasconists have at times inferred the former existence in Basque of words or affixes which
are nowhere recorded as such but for which they have thought they could present goodevidence for a former existence. Some of these proposals, such as those for *bel ‘dark’, *bil‘round’, and *har ‘that’ are so well supported that their former existence is not in doubt, andthese are entered normally in the dictionary. Others, such as *ez- ‘tree’ and *-ar collective
suffix, are far from secure but are sufficiently intriguing to merit inclusion in the dictionary,with suitable cautions. Still others, such as *margo ‘colour’ and *lagi ‘law’, are certainly or
almost certainly errors, but these ghost words have nevertheless entered the language to atleast some extent, and so they must be included in the dictionary with explanations of their
dubious origins.
But there remain a few proposals which have been widely accepted by my predecessors andcolleagues as plausible, but for which I judge the supporting evidence to be wholly
inadequate. In my view, these proposals are no more than phantasms. Nevertheless, sincesome of these items have been widely discussed, not least by hopeful comparativists, who
often seem to find them more beguiling than real Basque words and affixes, I provide below
a list of these items, together with my reasons for dismissing them.
In addition, I include here a number of non-existent forms which have somehow crept into
the literature but which have been identified as ghost words by my predecessors.
*adarnatu ‘lop, prune, trim’.
I follow M. (****{1970a: 139} Arb) in rejecting this hapax cited by A. (1905) from
Araquil {Araquistain}. This is very likely a typo for intended adarratu (q.v. s. v. adar).
{adarratu not in The Dictionary.}*afantua ‘wall’.
Given in the Supplement to Larramendi, 436, this is a misreading of asentua, written witha long S (M. ****{1970a: 105} Arb).
*ageru An error in Lh. for intended aieru.
*akoipezerrea ‘tortilla’.
In Araquil {Araquistain}. A misreading of a coipez errea ‘fried in oil’, with Rom. a +koipe ‘oil’ + -z instrl./advbl. + erre ‘burn’ + -a article.
*anigua (Arbelaiz) ****{M. 1970a: 140, misreading of añegua in Araquistain.}*arnari ‘fruit’.
A misreading by Azkue of the R ending -arnari, for standard -arenari ‘to the one ofwhich’ (M. ****{, 1958d; 1970a: 45} Arb).
*aroldea ****{M. 1970a: 140} (Arb)*atangala ‘frog’. A blunder in Araquil {Araquistain}. (M. ****{1970a: 141} Arb).
*axorbe ‘insect’.
Another one of Araquil {Araquistain}’s, non-existent {words} according to M. (1970{a:141} ****)

56

R. L. Trask*b(e)- body-part prefix
Uhlenbeck (19227), noticing that a number of body-part names, often especially names ofpaired body parts, begin with a morph be- or bi- or at least b-, proposed the former
existence in Basque of a supposed body-part prefix *be-, now fossilized within certain
body-part names. He suggested a possible connection with bi ‘two’, though theobservations that this word derives from (attested) biga, and that this item was anciently
postposed (not preposed) are not obviously helpful. Michelena (****{1958a}) took this
proposal seriously, but preferred to see a possible origin in ber- ‘self’, ‘same’, the stem
used to construct reflexives, supposing that the alleged prefix might represent a fossilized
marker of inalienable possession, roughly ‘one’s own’. Indeed, few Vasconists have seen
fit to query the reality of this prefix.
However, the evidence for the reality of this former prefix is slender indeed – so slender, I
suggest, that its existence cannot plausibly be defended. Here is a list of all the body-partnames which begin, or formerly began, with /b/, omitting obvious compounds andderivatives, but including marginal words: bare ‘spleen’, begi ‘eye’, belar ‘forehead’,belaun ‘knee’, *berarri ‘ear’, beso ‘arm’, *bini ‘tongue’, bizar ‘beard’, bizkar ‘back’,birika (formerly biri) ‘lung’, bihotz ‘heart’, bular ‘chest’, and buru ‘head’, to which wemight conceivably add behazun (and variants) ‘bile’ (almost certainly not
monomorphemic) and buztan ‘tail’. Observe that only a few of these denote paired bodyparts, and that not all of them exhibit be- or bi-.
In contrast, among native and possibly monomorphemic body-part names which do notstart with /b/, we have the words for ‘blood’, ‘body’, ‘bone’, ‘(female) breast’, ‘buttocks’,‘finger’, ‘foot’, ‘forearm’, ‘hair’, ‘hand’, ‘heel’, ‘intestines’, ‘kidney’, ‘lip’, ‘liver’,‘mouth’, ‘neck’, ‘nose’, ‘palm’, ‘pancreas’, ‘penis’, ‘stomach’, ‘thigh’, ‘throat’, ‘tooth’,‘vulva’, and ‘waist’. There is no recorded native word for ‘cheek’, ‘chin’ or ‘leg’, and allother body-part names are transparently bimorphemic or borrowed.
The question, then, is whether a collection of scarcely more than a dozen body-part nameswith initial /b/, in the face of more than twice as many lacking initial /b/, constitutes goodevidence for the putative prefix. And I believe that it does not.
The problem is that word-initial /b/ is extremely frequent in the native lexicon anyway.
Only six consonants could begin lexical items in Pre-Basque – */b g z s l n/ – and, of
these, /b/ and /g/ are by far the most frequent in the surviving vocabulary, even though thetwo phonological processes P**{7} and P**{9} have removed a significant number ofword-initial /b/s that were formerly present. If we look at any section of the native
lexicon, we find /b/-initial words in profusion. For example, four of the first ten numeralnames begin with /b/, and initial /b/ is inordinately frequent among the grammatical wordsof the language: baina(n) ‘but’, baino ‘than’, bezala ‘like, as’, bezain ‘as...as’, bai ‘yes’,
ba- ‘if’, ba verbal clitic, ber- reflexive stem, bait- verbal prefix, and others. Among
common native adjectives and adverbs we find baldar ‘clumsy’, baratz ‘careful’, barda‘last night’, bare ‘calm’, behin ‘once’, beltz ‘black’, ben ‘serious’, berandu ‘late’,berdin ‘same’, berezi ‘special’, bero ‘hot’, berri ‘new’, bertze ‘other’, bete ‘full’, beti
‘always’, bigun ‘soft’, bihar ‘tomorrow’, bihurri ‘crooked’, biluzi ‘naked’, and bizi
‘alive’, among others, not to mention the reconstructed *bel ‘dark’, *bera ‘soft’, and *bil‘round’, plus numerous derived adjectives like bakar ‘solitary’, bakoitz ‘unique’, andbizkor ‘energetic’.
Everywhere we look, the story is the same: numerous native lexical items with initial /b/.
This being so, any case for the supposed body-part prefix would have to show that initialEtymological Dictionary of Basque57/b/ is significantly more frequent among body-part names than it is elsewhere in the native
lexicon. No such demonstration has been attempted, and I do not believe it is possible.
Basque has a number of body-part names with initial /b/, not because there is a fossilized
prefix in these words, but merely because initial /b/ is so frequent in the language
generally. No other explanation is called for.
Finally, we might note that no one has ever proposed a “body-part prefix /b-/” for English,
and yet English has at least as many body-part names with initial /b/ as has Basque – eventhough English permits many more word-initial consonants. Compare the following list
with the Basque list above: back, belly, bile, bladder, blood, body, bollocks, bone, bosom,
brain, breast, brow, and buttocks, at least.
The case for the alleged “body-part prefix *be-” looks unsustainable to me.
*eka or *ika ‘one’
Extracted from hamaika ‘eleven’ (old B amaeka), built on hamar ‘ten’ with an opaquesecond element. See the entry for hamaika (under hamar) for discussion of possible
etymologies. An ancient word for ‘one’ cannot be sensibly extracted.
*igali ‘fruit’
Recorded only in Larramendi’s dictionary and in those who have taken it from there.
Undoubtedly one of Larramendi’s creations (M. ****{1958d}).3*iz ‘water’Azkue (1905, ****), following a suggestion of the writer Mogel, argued for the former
existence of this item on the basis of the words izerdi ‘sweat’ (possibly erdi ‘half’),
izurde ‘dolphin’ (urde ‘pig’), ****{izotz ‘frost, ice’, izokin ‘salmon’}, and the place
names Izpazter (bazter ‘edge’) and Izaro, both denoting places by the sea. But thisputative stem was demolished by Michelena (1961a: 116 fn. 13), who showed that most ofthese items had other and better etymologies. For example, izurde ‘dolphin’, found onlyin B and G, and marginally in old L, stands alongside L gizaurde, which is transparently acompound of gizon ‘man’ (regular combining form giza-) and urde. The unusual loss of
initial /g/ is paralleled by the toponym recorded early as Giçairudiaga but modern
Izurdiaga. Accordingly, there is no case for the reality of the putative *iz. {See also
Trask 1997: 328.}*mameana ‘inexcusable’An error in Larramendi’s Suplemento 337. The intended form is maemana, from R&S
307; this is a version of the verb-form *ba-eman-a (M. ****{1970a: 95}).
*na ‘anybody’
A simple blunder. A. (1905) observed the following entry in Fita’s dictionary:alguno, na, ihor N
He mistakenly took Fita’s abbreviation of the Spanish feminine form alguna as a Basquegloss of alguno (M. ****{1970a: 146}).
3{Michelena loc. cit. actually says this word is attested neither in Larramendi nor in Azkue, and that he(Michelena) is unable to document it.}58

R. L. Trask*orraiturria ‘water or spring’.
An error in Fita for intended oraiturria, representing ura-iturria, with ur ‘water’ anditurri ‘spring’, both with the article attached (M. ****{1970a: 147).
*-tzi num.
Extracted from zortzi ‘eight’ and bederatzi ‘nine’ and assigned some numerical meaning.
Indefensible, since we can clearly reconstruct *bederatzu for ‘nine’, with common
bederatzi resulting from contamination from zortzi, which is unanalysable.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque59

13. The Structure of entries
The headwords are entered in the dictionary in alphabetical order. As is usual in Basquelinguistic work, the letter <h> is ignored in the alphabetical ordering; so, for example, ahabia
precedes aba, and ehun occurs between euli and euri. The letter <ñ> follows <n> in thealphabetical order.
Wherever possible, the headword is an attested form, but occasionally this is not possible,
and the headword is a reconstructed form, marked by an asterisk. These reconstructed forms
sometimes contain the reconstructed consonants *L, *N and *R; these are treated exactly likethe ordinary consonants /l/, /n/ and /r/ for alphabetical purposes. So, for example, thereconstructed item *iLe is entered as though it were ile.
For an item which is not a verb, the headword is normally the bare free form of the item, withno affixes. When two or more words appear to be derived from a common but unrecorded
stem, the reconstructed stem serves as the headword. For a verb, as is usual in Basquelinguistic work, the headword is the perfective participle, the usual citation form of a Basqueverb. For a defective verb for which no perfective participle is recorded, the reconstructedparticiple is used, if possible: an example is *edun ‘have’. Where no participle can bereconstructed, the bare root is entered, as with -io- ‘say’.
In most cases, a word is recorded in two or more variant forms. The variant selected as theheadword in such a case is the one which matches the modern standard orthography, if theword has a modern standard written form. Otherwise, the most widespread form is chosen, if
there clearly is one. If there is not, the form selected as the headword is the one whichappears to be most conservative in form, if such a choice is possible. When all of this fails,
the choice of headword is arbitrary. But all variant forms are entered in the Basque index
near the end of the dictionary, and a reader looking for a particular form is advised to consult
this index, which will refer him to the appropriate headword.4
The orthographic conventions for presenting entries are those used in Luis Michelena’s
publications and in most philological work since. The conventions of the modern standard
orthography are used as far as they will go to represent the pronunciations. The aspiration is
written as <h> wherever it occurs. Nasalized vowels are marked with a tilde, as in <ã>. The
Zuberoan front rounded vowel is written <ü>. The prominent stress accent of Zuberoan andRoncalese is marked with an acute accent whenever its position is known with certainty, as inbürhézur ‘skull’; the absence of such an accent in a Z or R form means that the position of
the accent is not certainly known. The voiced sibilants corresponding to voiceless /z/ and /s/are not overtly marked, since the voicing here appears never to be of any historical interest.
The exceedingly rare voiced affricates corresponding to /tz/ and /ts/, however, are written<dz> and <ds>. The glide [j] is written <y> whenever it occurs in a form in a variety inwhich the historical /j/ has developed to some other sound.
The intervocalic tap /r/ is consistently written in the earliest Zuberoan texts, but has
disappeared from Zuberoan speech within the last couple of centuries. Relevant Z forms are
therefore given with the <r> presented in parentheses, as in bü(r)ü ‘head’, showing that theearlier Z form was bürü, while the modern one is büü. Since the tap was also lost before /h/,I likewise write é(r)ho ‘kill’, representing earlier érho but modern ého. In contrast, a Z
spelling like ǘrhe ‘gold’ shows the presence of a trill which has never been lost.
4{These indices were not compiled, but the whole electronic text of Etymological Dictionary of Basque issearchable.}60

R. L. Trask

Forms from older texts using obsolete orthographies are automatically converted into theorthography used here whenever this can be done with complete confidence, as in most cases
it can. But a form which is a hapax or close to it, and whose orthography is ambiguous or
doubtful, is left in its original spelling, with annotations as appropriate.
Bound morphemes are entered normally, with hyphens as appropriate. Where necessary, afree form precedes a bound morpheme of identical form, and a prefix precedes a suffix.
When two or more identical headwords of differing origin are entered, these are given
numbers in square brackets. Where possible, a more widespread item precedes lesswidespread one. So, for example, the widespread ardi [1] ‘sheep’ precedes the localizedardi [2] ‘flea’. When this criterion is useless, the order is arbitrary. So, for example, -ki [1]
AdvFS precedes -ki [2] dative flag, which precedes -ki [3] NFS.
Each variant form is followed by an indication of the dialects within which that form isrecorded. As explained in section **{1}, the dialects recognized here are the ten
conventional ones recognized by Luis Michelena in his writings and by most others since,
including the long-extinct Southern and the recently extinct Roncalese. Note that the mentionof a given dialect means only that the form is recorded somewhere within that dialect area,and not necessarily in every local variety of that dialect. The notation “Old” before a dialectlabel means that the form is recorded in early texts from that dialect but has not been in use
for a long time. The notation “(c.)” (“common”) means that the form appears to be recorded
throughout the language, while a notation of the type “(c. exc. B)” means that the form isrecorded everywhere except in the named dialect(s). The notation “(?)” in this positionmeans that the form is recorded only in one or more sources which fail to provide a
provenance; this most typically happens with a hapax which is found only in an old
dictionary. A hapax is marked “[hapax]”.
A part-of-speech label usually follows the dialect information, but this label precedes whenthe meaning of the item is quite different in the several dialects. The abbreviations for theparts of speech are listed in section 14; these are mostly obvious. But note that adjvl. is used
for a peculiarity of Basque: a class of syntactically complex adjective-like modifiers which
precede their head nouns (ordinary lexical adjectives follow their nouns). Determiners arelabelled according to whether they are preposed or postposed to their heads within nounphrases. Postpositions are labelled for the case they govern. When a word exists as morethan one part of speech, the noun use is usually given first, unless there is some good reason
to prefer another order.
Verbs require special attention. A verb is labelled ‘intransitive’ or ‘transitive’, as appropriate.
A verb which is syntactically intransitive but which requires transitive morphology is marked“vitm.” Obligatory or optional dative arguments are marked with a “d”. Thus, vi. marks asimple intransitive verb; vt. a simple transitive one; vid. an intransitive verb with an
obligatory dative argument; vt(d). a transitive verb with an optional dative argument; andvitm(d). an intransitive verb which takes transitive morphology and an optional dativeargument. A copular verb, always with intransitive morphology, is marked vcop.
A complement-taking verb is marked vic. if it takes intransitive morphology, and vtc. if ittakes transitive morphology. The nature of the complement required is given in following
square brackets: thus, “[+ Ger]” means that the verb takes a gerund VP, while “[+ -la]”means that it takes a complement clause with the complementizer -la, and so on.
Under each part of speech, the recorded meanings are listed. Sometimes it is clear that somemeanings are central and original, while others result from semantic transfer; in such cases,
the later meanings are marked “TS”, for “transferred sense(s)”. If a transferred sense belongs

Etymological Dictionary of Basque61

to a different part of speech, this is noted. Names of animals or plants are marked “(zool.)” or“(bot.)”, and Latin names are provided wherever possible.
Many words show distinctive forms when they occur as first elements in word-formation(either compounding or suffixation). For each such word, the special form is listed as its“CF” (“combining form”). Note that these combining forms are typical of medieval
formations, but that they often fail to be used in more recent formations, where the free formof the word is used instead.
For a verb, the main part of the entry is followed by the stem of that verb (the form which is
obtained in most cases by removing the suffix of the perfective participle, and whichfunctions as its combining form in word-formation). For a verb containing the ancient prefix*e-, the root is also given; this is obtained by the further removal of the prefix, and it
represents the verbal morpheme in its bare form. The root is also the form which appears inthe synthetic (non-periphrastic finite) forms of that verb, if it has any. A verb for which any
synthetic forms are recorded at all is labelled “Synth.”. See section **{5} for an account of
the peculiarities of certain classes of verbs.
When a date of first attestation is available, this is usually given at the end of the head entry.
However, when different dates are available for the several variant forms or senses of an
entry, these dates immediately follow the relevant forms or senses. When no date appears,
this usually means that the word is first recorded only in the 20th century, most usually in
Azkue’s 1905 dictionary. When a word is first recorded in Larramendi’s 1745 dictionary,
which contains many unidentified neologisms, or in that book’s 1746 supplement, the date of
the second attestation is also given. When a word is first recorded in the medieval period, themedieval date is followed by the date of first attestation in the later connected texts.
If a word has any diminutive (“expressive”) forms, as described in section **{this section isabsent from Trask’s typescript, but see M9 in section 8, and m- in The Dictionary}, these arelisted at the end of the head entry, together with any necessary comments.
The head entry is followed by the information on the etymology of the item. Given first in
most cases, where relevant, is an explanation of forms in terms of the phonological changes
listed in section **{6}; an annotation like “by P7” means that rule 7 in section **{6} hasapplied. A few of the most frequent changes are so obvious that they are not expressly
mentioned in the entries; these are noted in section **{1d}. In the case of a loan word, thedevelopments listed in section **{10} are expressly noted, and an annotation like “by L4”means that process 4 listed in section **{10} has applied. For a verb containing the prefix*e-, the structure of the verb is displayed in the form Prefix-Root-Suffix: for example, ikusi‘see’ is shown as *e-kus-i. At some convenient point, the combining form is explained, if
necessary; so, for example, “CF by W6” means that process 6 in section **{7} explains the
combining form. The frequent notation “OUO” (“of unknown origin”) means that the originof a form is entirely unknown; such an item is usually a strong candidate for native andancient status in the language.
In the cases in which we can tell, nouns borrowed from Latin were usually borrowed in theaccusative singular, and adjectives were usually borrowed in the accusative singularmasculine. Accordingly, the policy here is to cite every Latin etymon in this form unless theLatin source is plainly some other form. A handful of nouns were taken from a Latin
nominative, vocative or genitive case-form; a few nouns were taken from Latin plurals; andone or two adjectives were taken from a feminine form. These forms are cited and identified
where necessary.

62

R. L. Trask

Under each main entry are entered, indented, the compounds and derivatives of that item, inalphabetical order. The structure of each such sub-entry follows that of a main entry, in mostrespects. The additional material present in each such formation is given with a precedingplus sign: thus, for example, “+ berri ‘new’” means that we are looking at a compound
whose second element is the cited word, while one of the form “+ -tsu AFS” means that weare looking at a derivative containing the adjective-forming suffix -tsu. If the additional item
cited is not listed in its alphabetical place in the dictionary, a cross-reference is supplied: so,for example, “+ -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar)” means that the suffix -tasun is listed in the
dictionary under the headword -tar, of which it is a derivative.
As a rule, each compound or derivative is listed under its first element. But there are two
exceptions. First, words containing prefixes are listed under their second elements; forexample, berrogei ‘forty’, which contains the prefix berr- ‘twice’, is entered under hogei‘twenty’. Second, Basque has a few nouns which occur frequently as first elements incompounds with specialized senses, and formations containing these are also listed under
their second elements. For example, otso ‘wolf’ often means ‘wild’ as a first element, and sootsokume ‘wolf cub’ is listed under otso, but otsolizar ‘mountain ash’ is entered underleizar ‘ash tree’.5 The elements treated in this way are baso ‘woods’ (but ‘wild’), otso ‘wolf’(but ‘wild’), larre ‘pasture’ (but ‘wild’)6, and sasi ‘blackberry bush’ (but ‘pseudo-’). ***There are some etymologists whose work is cited so frequently that I have abbreviated theirnames. These are as follows: “M.” is Luis Michelena; “A.” is R. M. de Azkue; “Lh.” isPierre Lhande (1926); “C.” is Juan Corominas; “CP” is Corominas and Pascual (1980); “ML”
is Meyer-Lübke (1935); and “AT” is Agud and Tovar (1988–95), {Sch. is Hugo Schuchardt}.
Names of other scholars are given in full.
Expressive formations call for special comment. Those which are derived from ordinary
lexical items are simply listed normally under their source words. But most such words havebeen coined out of thin air. Many of these are constructed according to identifiable patterns,
and these items are grouped together in the dictionary under suitable headings. The
headwords for these groups are m-, m-reduplications, panp-, pot-, and t/k reduplications.
*** The remaining expressive formations, those which fall into no pattern, are enterednormally as headwords.
5
6{Actually otsolizar is s.v. otso.}{No words with larre as first element are listed in The Dictionary.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque
14. List of abbreviations and symbols(The symbol # represents a number.)A

Aezkoan dialect of BasqueA.

R. M. de Azkue

a.

adjectiveAbl.

ablative case (‘from’, ‘away from’, ‘out of’)Abs.

absolutive case (intransitive subject, direct object, vocative)acc.

accusative case (of Latin)

adjvl.

preposed adjectival modifier

adv.

adverbadvbl.

adverbial

AdvFS adverb-forming suffix
AFS

adjective-forming suffixAll.

allative case (‘to’, motion)anat.

anatomical

app.

apparently

approx. approximate(ly)Aq.

Aquitanian (ancestral form of Basque, sparsely recorded in Roman times)

Arag.

Aragonese{Arb

Arbelaiz (1978)}arch.

archaic

Ast.

AsturianAT

Agud and Tovar (1988–95){Aul.

Aulestia (1989)}{Ax

Axular; see Villasante (1973)}{Az.

Azkue (1905)}

B

Bizkaian (Vizcayan) dialect of BasqueBearn. Bearnese dialect of {(Gascon)} Occitanbot.

botanical name

Bq.

BasqueC.

Juan Corominas {= Joan Coromines}c.

common (to all dialects)ca.

approximately

63

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R. L. Trask

Cast.

Castilian Spanish

Cat.

Catalancent.

centuryc. exc. common to all dialects except the following
cf.

compareCF

combining form (form assumed when standing as a first element in word-formation)

Com.

comitative case (‘with’, accompaniment)

conj.

conjunction

CP

Corominas and Pascual (1980−91)

Dat.

dative case (indirect object, ethical dative, some idiosyncratic objects)

det.

determinerCScase-suffixDest.

destinative case (‘for’ an object)dimin. diminutive{Duv.

Jean Duvoisin, manuscript dictionary}EBeuskara batua (Unified Basque, standard Basque)Eng.

EnglishErg.

ergative case (subject of transitive verb)

esp.

especiallyfn.

footnote

Fr.

FrenchG

Gipuzkoan (Guipuzcoan) dialect of Basque

Gasc.

Gascon dialect of Occitan

Gen.

genitive case (possessor, object of many postpositions)

Gk.

Greek

H.

recorded in Harriet’s 19th-cent.dictionary, provenance not given

Hb.

recorded in Hiribarren’s 19th-cent. dictionary, provenance not given

HN

High Navarrese (Alta Navarra) dialect of Basque

Ib.

Iberian (ancient language of eastern Spain, apparently unrelated to Basque)id.

with the same meaning

IE

Indo-European

ImpfP

imperfective participle

instr.

instrumental (‘by means of’, ‘with’ (as instrument), miscellaneous uses)

intj.

interjection

L

Lapurdian (Labourdin) dialect of BasqueEtymological Dictionary of BasqueL#loan-word process number # in section 10

Lat.

Latin

Lh.

Lhande (1926).

lit.

literally

lit.

literary use only

LLat.

Late Latin

LN

Low Navarrese (Bas-Navarrais) dialect of BasqueLoc.

locative case (‘in’, ‘on’, ‘at’ (rest), also ‘into’ (motion))

M.

Luis MichelenaM#morphological statement number # in section 8

med.

medievalML

Meyer-Lübke (1935)

mod.

modernMúg.

Múgica’s ****{?(1981)} dictionaryneol.

neologism

n.

noun

neg.

negative

NFS

noun-forming suffix

Norunspecified northern varieties (L LN Z)

NP

noun phrase

NPI

negative polarity itemnum.

cardinal numeral

OCast. Old Castilian
Occ.

Occitanorig.

originally

OUO

of unknown originp.

postpositionP#phonological rule number # in section 6

part.

partitive (part of a whole, direct object of negated verb, adverbial uses)

p.c.

personal communication

pcple.

participle

PerfP

perfective participle

PIE

Proto-Indo-Europeanpl.

pluralpl. tm.

plurale tantum (plural form only)

65

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R. L. Trask

Port.

Portuguese

pron.

pronounprp.

preposed (to a following head)prt.

particle (grammatical word not readily assignable to any word-class)psp.

postposed (to a preceding head)q.v.

which you should consult

R

Roncalese dialect of Basque (extinct in the late 20th cent.)

Rom.

RomanceRSrelational suffix forming preposed adjectivals

R&S

Refranes y Sentencias, a 1596 collection of proverbs in archaic B

S

Salazarese (Salacenco) dialect of BasqueSard.

SardinianSch.

Hugo Schuchardts.o.

someone

Sout

Southern (Alavese) dialect of Basque (long extinct, but recorded in 1562)

sp.

species

S.P.

Sylvain Pouvreau’s unpublished 17th-century dictionary of L

spec.

specificallySubj.

subjunctives.v.

under the words.vv.

under the words

Synth. synthetic (non-periphrastic) forms of this verb are recordedTStransferred sense(s)ult.

ultimately

v.

verb

vcop.

copular verb

VFS

verb-forming suffix

vi.

intransitive verb

vic.

complement-taking verb with intransitive morphology

vid.

intransitive verb taking a dative object

vitm.

intransitive verb taking transitive morphology

vitmd.

intransitive verb taking transitive morphology and a dative object

vitm(d). intransitive verb taking transitive morphology and an optional dative object
vt.

transitive verb

vtc.

complement-taking verb with transitive morphology

Etymological Dictionary of BasqueW#

word-formation rule # in section 7

Z

Zuberoan (Souletin) dialect of Basquezool.

zoological name+contains?

doubtful or unknown>

gives rise to<is descended from

67

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R. L. Trask

ITEMS TO BE SORTED:-kide etc. {see -kide}-zain ‘guardian’ etc. {see zain [1]}-ki, -to suffixes [see -ki [1], [2], [3]; -to [1], [2]}-egi, -tegi, etc. {see hegi}gai, -gai {see gai}-eta, -keta {see -eta toponymic suffix; -keta is not in The Dictionary}-ari, -kari meal suffix {see -ari [2]}-rean or -ean? {see -rean}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque69

The Dictionary
As is usual in Basque linguistic work, the letter h is ignored in the alphabetical order.
-a [1] (c.) Allative CS: ‘to’ (motion)
This CS exists everywhere alongside the more widely used -ra. It is found in threecircumstances. First, it occurs with place names: Zarautz town name, Zarautza ‘toZarautz’. Second, it occurs with the demonstrative stems: hona, huna ‘hither’, horra‘thither’, hara ‘thither’, from the three oblique demonstrative stems hon-, horr-, har- (seehau, hori {[1]}, *har). Third, it occurs after the element -gan, both in the western
animate allatives like gizona(ren)gana ‘to the man’ and in the northern postposition gana‘next to’, as in L LN gizonaren gana ‘next to the man’ (speaking of movement to thisposition). In L LN, it can optionally take a following -t, just like -ra: hunat ‘hither’,gizonaren ganat ‘next to the man’. After a vowel, we find only -ra, but we usuallycannot tell whether this represents -ra or whether it represents -a with the usualphonological -r- inserted: Bilbo ‘Bilbao’, Bilbora ‘to Bilbao’; L LN gizonaren baithara‘to the man’ (see baitha-). In the north, by M8, there are no place names ending in aconsonant, and so we find only allative -ra with toponyms here. The use of -a in place
names suggests that it may be older than -ra.
-a [2] (L LN) Yes-no question particle.
This particle is suffixed to a synthetic finite verb-form, where it induces certain vowelchanges. Examples: Manex dator ‘Manex is coming’, Manex datorra? ‘Is Manex
coming?’; Ingelesa da ‘S/he’s English’, Ingelesa dea? ‘Is s/he English?’; Ibanek ikusi du‘Iban has seen it’, Ibanek ikusi duia? ‘Has Iban seen it?’ This particle is normallyaccompanied by falling intonation. OUO, and not recorded in any other variety.
-a [3] (L LN) Suffix in finite verb-forms.
This suffix is found in L and LN in certain synthetic finite verb-forms, immediately
following the verbal root but preceding any agreement suffixes or tense suffixes.
Examples: nabila ‘I’m going’, dabila ‘s/he’s going’, zabilan ‘s/he was going’, forcommon nabil, dabil, zebilen, from ibili ‘be in motion’; dakarrat ‘I’m bringing it’,dakarra ‘s/he’s bringing it’, zakarran ‘s/he was bringing it’, for common dakart, dakar,
zekarren, from ekarri ‘bring’. Other verbs exhibiting this suffix include erasi ‘chatter’and ikusi ‘see’, at least. But not all verbs exhibit it: for example, etorri ‘come’ forms
nator ‘I’m coming’ and dator ‘s/he’s coming’, as in other varieties, and not *natorra or*datorra. This suffix is not recorded outside L and LN. Its origin is unknown, though it
may conceivably result from analogy with finite forms like darama ‘s/he is taking it
away’ and dauka ‘s/he holds it’, in which the final -a is part of the verbal root.
ahabia (Z) (19th cent.), ãhã́be (Z), ahabi (?), abi (B G HN R) (1746), afi (B), arabi (B)(1802), gabi (B), kabi (AT), aabale (Múg.) n. ‘bilberry, whortleberry’ (bot.)(Vaccinium myrtillus).
From *anabi(a), OUO, by P1 (M ****{1950d: 467f.; 1953e: 572; 1961a: 300 and fn.
4}). The *arobi occurring in Mogel’s Peru Abarka is a typo for arabi. The original

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form is retained as anabia in Riojan Spanish. What appears to be the same word is
widely recorded in nearby Rom. varieties, esp. in the Pyrenees; see AT (s.v. ãhãbe) for alist. No one knows whether the word is Bq. or Rom. in origin.

ahaide (L LN), aide (B G HN) n. ‘relative’. 1545.
OUO, but surely contains -ide ‘fellow’ (see kide) (M. 1961a: 245). Vinson(****{?1908} R{evue de} L{inguistique et de} Ph{ilologie} C{omparée} 41: 92 ff.)
proposes that the first element is anaia ‘brother’, by P1; this is rejected by Bähr (1935),
but taken seriously by M. (1961a: 306 fn. 12), who notes the parallelism with Old Cast.
cormano ‘relative’ from *co-hermano ‘co-brother’. Possibly contains the hypothetical*ana- {[1]}. Bähr (ibid.) proposes aho ‘mouth’ as the first element, and hence ‘mouthcompanion’, but no one has taken this seriously, for lack of parallels.
ahaidego(a) (L LN), ahaikoa (old L) (1643), ahakoa (old LN) (1571), ahaiko (L)(1855), aiko (**) (1783) n. ‘relationship, kinship’, ‘relative’. + -goa collective NFS.
Common variants from *ahaide-goa > *ahaid-goa (by W**{1}) > *ahait-goa (byW**{3}) > *ahait-koa > ahaikoa (by {W}**{4}) (M. 1977a: 487). Loss of final /a/by M4. Leizarraga’s ahakoa is probably a hapax and may be an error.
aide nagusi (old B G) n. ‘clan chief’. Ca. 1600. + nagusi ‘principal’.
ahakar (L), akar (HN S), ãkar (R), aaka (Múg.) n. ‘quarrel, dispute’. 1643.
The R form leads M. (**** BAP 6: {1950b:}499) to propose *anakar, OUO, by P1. But
AT (s.v.) prefer a derivative of aho ‘mouth’, and see the R nasalization as secondary;
they cite in support an adverbial ahakan ‘arguing’ from S.P. See aharra.
ahakartu (old L), ahakatu (S.P.) v. [diathesis unrecorded] ‘dispute, argue’. + -tu VFS.
ahal (L LN Z), aal (B), al (B G HN R S) n. ‘power, ability’. 1571.
OUO, but probably from *anal, by P1, if the proposed derivative below is correct. (M.
****{1961a: 214, 411 fn. 7}). M. (**** BAP 6 {1950b}: 452) presents a summary of
the regional distribution of variants.
ahal bezanbat (old L) det. ‘as much as possible’. + bezainbat (see ****{*bez(a)-}).
ahalez (old L) adv. ‘as far as possible’.+ -z instrl./advbl.
ahalke (L LN) (1571), ãhã́lke (Z), aalke (HN), ãlke (R), álke (R), alke (HN LN S),
ahalge (L LN) (1657) n. ‘shame’, ‘shyness, timidity, modesty’. + -ge ‘without’ (seegabe) (M. **** BAP 6 {1950b}: 457, 1961a: 354). This etymology is not certain, but
it is widely accepted, and it provides the evidence for *anal above.
ahalge-gabe (old LN), ahalkegabe (**) a. ‘insolent’. 1630. + gabe ‘without’. An
interesting example of a second occurrence of the same final item. [FHV 412 fn.]ahalkeizun (old L old LN), ahalgeizun (old LN) n. ‘infamy’. 1545. + -kizun NFS.
al (G) Yes-no question particle. 1761?, late 19th cent. By some unidentifiable process ofgrammaticalization.
alba- (old L old LN) ‘if perhaps’, ‘if possibly’. 1545. Expresses a remoter condition
than ba- alone. + ba- ‘if’ (M. 1961{a}: 214).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque71

albait- (old LN), albeit- (old LN) Verbal prefix expressing a kind of imperative
which is subordinate to a condition, called the “prescriptive” by Lafon (1944{3}).
1545. + -bait (M. 1961{a}: 214). [FHV 214, 214 fn., 411 fn.]albait (B G HN) ****{adv. ‘as .. as possible’ Aul.}ahantzi (L LN) (1571), ahanzi (old LN), aantzi (HN), antzi (HN), ahatzi (LN Z), ahatze(LN), ãhã́tze (Z), ahanze (old LN), ãtze (R), átze (R), antzitu (B), anztu (old B,
R&S 156), aaztu (B G HN), aztu (B G HN Sout) (1562), atzendu (Múg.) vid.
‘forget’.
From *anatzi (OUO), or possibly *anantzi, or just possibly *ena(n)tzi, by P1 (Uhlenbeck****{1947}; M. ****{1950b: 449; 1961a: 303}). Forms in -tu by transfer of the verbfrom the -i class to the -tu class (M14); the variant antzitu interestingly carries bothparticipial suffixes. The mysterious last form not recorded outside Múg. This is a rare
dative-subject verb: that which is forgotten is absolutive, while he who forgets is dative.
In practice, however, its diathesis varies greatly, depending on both region andconstruction. Often, he who forgets is absolutive, while that which is forgotten is
instrumental or comitative. Esp. in northern varieties, and esp. in imperatives, it may
function as a simple transitive: he who forgets is ergative, while that which is forgotten isabsolutive.
ahantz-arazi (old L **) ** ‘make (someone) forget’. + -erazi causative.
ahanzkor (** old LN), ãhãzkór (Z) a. ‘forgetful’. **** + -kor ‘tending to’.
ahatzehi(n) (Z) a. ‘easy to forget’. + ehi [1] ‘easy’.
ahazgaitz (Z) a. ‘hard to forget’. + gaitz ‘difficult’.
*erahatzi (old LN) vt. ‘make (someone) forget’. Synth. **** Not recorded as such, but
required to provide the finite form derahatza ‘he makes him forget’, recorded once inOihenart.
[MORE IN Lh.]ahardi (L LN Z), ãhãrdi (Z), aardi (B HN), ardi (G HN) n. ‘sow’ (female pig), TS ‘woodenscrew in a wine-press’. 1571.
OUO. Often postposed to urde ‘pig’ as an adjective. The G variant ardi has sometimes
been confused with ardi [1] ‘sheep’, but M. (1961a: 110 fn. 2) reports a difference inword-accent. A personal name Belasco Ahardia in Villabáscones around 950.
ahari (L LN) (13th cent., 1636), ãhã́(r)i (Z), aari (B HN), ari (B G S) (1596), ári (R), adari(B) n. ‘ram’ (male sheep), (L LN Z) also ‘sheep’ (in general). CF a(h)al-.
From *anari, OUO, by P1 (M. ****{1961a: 303}), or conceivably from *anali, by
P**{22}. CF by W**{1} or W**{12}. A connection with Lat. ariēs id. is out of thequestion. AT suggest a link with ar ‘male’. See ardi [1].
aalzain (HN) n. ‘shepherd of rams’. **** + -zain ‘guardian’ (see zain {[1]}).
ahariki (L LN), ãhãrki (Z), aariki (B), ariki (B G HN), ahalki [neologism] n. ‘mutton’.
Ca. 1760. + -ki [3] NFS.
ahartzartz (Z), aharzatz (S.P.), ahazartz (Z), ahazatz (LN), ahazartz (L) **** [AT]‘ram’ **** + -zartz ‘male’?

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aharra (L LN Z) n. ‘quarrel, dispute’. 1657.
OUO. M. (****{1950b: 457}) believes that this is the same word as ahakar id., but, if
so, the relation in form is wholly obscure. Lh. sees this as a derivative of aho ‘mouth’
with an opaque second element. Attempts at deriving it from Occ. words like Bearn.
ahaa {i.e. ahà = Occ. afar} are unconvincing, since these words have unhelpful
meanings like ‘affair’ and ‘process’ (AT s.v. ahakar).
arrats (HN) n. ‘quarrel’. + hats ‘anger’ (AT s.v. aharra). [CHECK: not in Lh.]aasa (B) n. ‘a two-handled plane used by coopers’.
Corominas, cited in AT (s.v.), sees this as an Arabism, from an Arabic ‛asa ‘axe handle’(and other senses).
ahate (L LN), ãhã́te (Z), agate (B), arate (B), arata (B), areta (B), aate (B G HN S), ate (BG HN), ata (B G), ataa (G) n. ‘duck’ (zool.) (Anatidae), (B) also ‘goose’. 1657.
From Lat. anatem id., by P1 (Uhlenbeck **** Bask. Stud. {1891:}198; M. 1961a: 300).
Variants by P35, M5.
ahats (S.P. H. old L) a. ‘filthy, obscene’. 17th cent.
OUO.
ahaskeri(a) (L) n. ‘filth’, ‘clumsiness’. + -keria NFS of vices.
aba (B), abaa (old B), abai (B), abe (B), abao (B), abau (B) n. ‘honeycomb’. 1596.
From Lat. favum id., plus an unidentified second element (M. ****{1955c: 290}).
abaiko (B) n. ‘honeycomb’. + -ko NFS.
abaraska (G) (1745, 1842), aberaska (1905) n. ‘honeycomb’. Second element obscure;possibly oraska ‘mixture’{(not in The Dictionary)}. Second form possibly
contaminated by abere ‘animal’.
abatorrazi (LN R S), abatorraze (S) ****{n. ‘honeycomb’} [AT]abauts (B), abarauts (B) n. ‘honeycomb stripped of honey’. + huts ‘empty’.
ababor (?) n. ‘port side (of a ship)’. 1677.
From Cast. a babor ‘to port’.
abade (c.) n. ‘abbot’, (B G) ‘priest’. 1562. [Ax] **** CF abat-.
From Old Cast. *abade ‘abbot’. [AT] It is clear that an earlier borrowing *apate must
once have existed, taken directly from med. Lat. abbātem, by L**{1}, since this isrecorded in toponyms like Apatamonasterio (Bizkaia) and Aphat-Ospital (Nafarroa
Beherea). The historical abade is therefore a re-borrowing.
abatei (B), abateri (B) n. ‘tolling of the bell to summon a clergyman to a burial’. 1905.
+ dei ‘call’ (see deitu) (M. 1961a: 345). The development is *abade-dei > *abad-dei(by W**{1}) > abatei (by W**{4}). The second form is peculiar.
abatetxe (B) n. ‘parish priest’s house, presbytery’. 1897. + etxe ‘house’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque73

abadiñau (B) n. ‘kind of chestnut’.
OUO.
abadote (HN L), abadota (HN L) n. ‘wasp’ (zool.) (****) 17th cent. [AT]OUO. Sch. (**** ZRPh 36 {1912}: 34) proposes habe [2] ‘horsefly’ + tuta ‘trumpet’,
noting that Bearn. tute ‘trumpet’ has a derivative tutane ‘hornet’. Doubtful.
abagadaune (B), abagadune (B), abagune (B G), abadune (B), abagadaldi (B) n.
‘propitious occasion’ (1800), ‘interval’ (1898).
The second elements are clearly une ‘interval’ {(see gune)} and aldi ‘occasion’. The
first element, apparently *abagada-, is unidentifiable, but it hardly looks like native Bq.,
and it must be borrowed from some unknown Rom. source (M. ****{1964a: 99}).
{Possibly Occ. vegada, glossed ‘circonstance, conjoncture, occasion’ in Palay (1980);
and/or Old Cast. vegada ‘time, occasion’.} The western variant abogadu of abokatu‘lawyer, advocate’ is phonologically acceptable but semantically mysterious.
abail (B G), abailla (B), habailla (LN), habel (LN), abill (B), habal (L LN Z), abrailla (B),afrail (HN), aibel (B), aiule (B), angaila (G), obal (HN), ufrail (HN), ubal (G HN)**** [many variants] [AT] n. ‘sling, slingshot, (child’s) catapult’. **** [AT] 1643.
Obscure. The word does not look native, and it bears a resemblance to Lat. fundībalumid., but the Lat. word cannot be a straightforward source.
abaildu (B G HN) vi. ****{‘tire’}, abaindu (HN) **** ebaindu (**) [AT]abakondo [1] (B), abakando (B G) n. ‘lobster’ (zool.) (****) ****
From **** [AT]abakondo [2] (B) n. ****{‘tree knot’ Az.} [AT]abalaio (B), abario (B), abalu (G) n. ‘a certain marine fish’. **** [AT]abantail (**{old L}) n. [Ax]abar n. (c.) ‘branch’ (of a tree), ‘branches’ (collectively), (HN) ‘bare branch without leaves’,
TS ‘branch’ (of anything), (B HN R) ‘sticks of firewood’, (B G) ‘residue, remains’.
1746, 1905.
OUO. There are many questions about this word. It is scarcely recorded before the 20thcent., and yet it is found almost everywhere, and it gives rise to many certain or possible
derivatives. It is not clear whether the ‘residue’ sense represents the same word, but
most commentators think it does, and a transfer from something like ‘lopped-off
branches’ to ‘residue’ does not seem implausible.
A further difficulty is the absence or rarity of the expected CF *aba-, by W11. And thepartial synonymy with adar ‘horn’, ‘branch’ also clouds matters.
Uhlenbeck (****{1891: 200}) proposes an original *kabar on the basis of xixkabar‘twigs for burning’, but this is dismissed with good reason by AT (s.v. abar). More

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interesting is the suggestion that the word is derived from habe ‘tree’ with the
hypothetical collective suffix *-ar (Uhlenbeck ****{1909: 7}; Trombetti ****{1925:127}; López Mendizábal ****; M. ****{1967f: 608}).
AT (s.v.) note the apparent presence of the same word in Rom.: Santander abarra ‘long
slender branch’, Navarrese and Santander abarra ‘kind of oak’, ‘woody shrub’, Gascon(Gers) auàrro ‘small bits of firewood’.
abarka (B Sout G HN LN R) n. ‘rustic sandal’, in historical times of rawhide with solesof rope. 11th cent., 1562. Probably + -ka [**] NFS {(not in The Dictionary)}. Thisetymology, first proposed by Astarloa (****{1803: 292}), has been endorsed by mostcommentators, and AT (s.v.) consider it to be substantially supported by evidence.
Indeed, Astarloa defines the word as “especie de calzado que se componía de ramitasde árbol” [“a kind of sandal made from small branches”], which may reflect thepractice of his day. Van Eys’s proposal that the second element is -gai ‘material’ (seegai) is properly dismissed by AT. The word occurs first in the name of the 11th-cent.
king of Navarra Sancho Abarca, the epithet presumably reflecting his humble origins;
this epithet is repeated in the title of Mogel’s 1802 novel Peru Abarka, whose title
character is a rustic but shrewd countryman presented as “Professor of Basquelanguage at the University of the Countryside”. The semantic basis is presumably thelong-standing European practice of making sandals from bast, the fibrous inner layerof tree-bark (phloem), a practice which is documented by AT. AT report that thesame word is widespread and fairly ancient in the Iberian Peninsula, and recorded also
north of the Pyrenees: Hispano-Arabic pargha ~ bargha ‘sandals’, sg. parghat (mod.
Arabic and Berber bálgha ‘slipper, shoe’), Mozarabic probable *parca, Portuguese
alparca ‘sandal’, an apparent Old Cast. alparga ‘sandal’, Arag. and SE Spain albarcaid., Valencia abarca {avarca}, Bearn. abarque id. Cast. alpargata id. derives fromthe same ult. source via Arabic. This is thus apparently a rare case of a Bq. wordborrowed widely. The Bq. word is absent north of the Pyrenees, where espartin is
used.

abatitu (**) **** ???? [FHV 399] [AT]abatz (**), apatz (B G **) ****{n. ‘dish, bowl’} [FHV 233]
habe [1] (**), abe (**) **** n. ****{‘beam, pillar, support’ Aul.}{OUO.}
habe [2] (LN Z) n. ‘horsefly’ (zool.) (Tabanidae). 1664.
OUO.
abendu (B G HN S), abendo (HN L LN), abéntü (Z) n. ‘December’, abendu (LN R),
abentu (LN), abéntu (R) ‘November’. 1501.
From Lat. adventum ‘approach, advent’ (M. 1961a: 131), apparently in the Christiansense of the four weeks before Christmas. In R and in part of LN the name is used
indifferently for December and November.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque75

abenitu (**{old L}) [Ax]abenikoa (**{old L}) n. ‘agreement’. **** [Ax] [FHV 345 fn.] From *abenitu-goa (M.
**** BAP 17 {1961b}: 359).
abere (c.), abre (old L S) n. ‘large animal’, ‘domesticated animal’, (G) ‘equine’, (HN)
‘bovine’. CF abel-. 1562.
From some Rom. development of Lat. habēre ‘have’. The semantic development isRom., not Bq.: the word is widely attested in Ibero-Romance with meanings like‘domesticated animal’, ‘cattle’, ‘bovine animal’ (CP s.vv. haber, ganar). CF by W12.
abelburu (?) (1905), abelbürü (Z), abereburu (1858) n. ‘head of cattle’. + buru ‘head’.
abeletxe (B G HN) (1746), aberetxe (B G L) (1897) n. ‘sheepfold’. + etxe ‘house’.
abelgorri (B G HN Z R) n. ‘bovine’, ‘cattle’. 1847. + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.
abeltegi (L LN), aberetegi (L LN Z) n. ‘stable’, ‘animal quarters’. 1759. + -tegi‘place’ {(see hegi)}.
aberats (c. exc. S), abrats (S) ‘rich’. 1571. Final element obscure, but the developmentof ‘wealth’ from ‘cattle’ is a familiar one among pastoral peoples: cf. Lat. pecūnia‘property, wealth, riches’, from pecus ‘cattle’, ‘domesticated animals’. A toponym
Haberasturi in Alava 1025.
aberastasun (**) n. ‘wealth, riches’. ****. + -tasun NFS (see -tar).
aberatsi (old LN) vi. ‘get rich’ (1657), aberastu (c.) vi. ‘get rich’, vt. ‘enrich’ (1562).
First form + -i [1] VFS, second form + -tu VFS. The verb has been transferredfrom the -i class to the -tu class (M**{14}).
abratsale (old LN) a. ‘making rich’. [FHV 351]
aberekeria (c.) n. ‘bestiality’, ‘brutal behaviour’. 1664. + -keria NFS of vices.
*abarresku **** **** [hapax] 1746.
Larramendi’s Supplement 587 cites abarescu, but M. (****{1970a: 122}) interprets thisas a typo for the form entered here, and proposes Cast. a berrisco ‘all together, without
distinction’.
habia (Z), abia (B) (1596), abi (B), kabi (G HN), afia (Sout) (1562), kabia (** G), kafia(HN L LN), aapi (G) n. ‘nest’.
From *kabia, from Lat. caveam ‘enclosure, cage’ (M. 1961a: 51, 219). Variants by P14,
P8, M4. The last form is curious. M. (1961a: 251) suggests that initial /k/ was restored
under Rom. influence.
abiatu (**{old L}) [Ax] {vi. ‘be ready to, start’ Aul.}
abiadura (**{old L}) [Ax] {n. ‘start’}*abixeta, *aixubeta (**) n. ‘stiffness’. ****
Inferred by M. (****{1970a: 139}) as the intended reading of the erroneous *abireta,*airubeta in Araquil and A. (1905). From Cast. agujeta id. or a related Rom. form.

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R. L. Trask

habuiñ (L), habuina (S.P.), hagun(a) (LN), águn (R) n. ‘spittle, dribble, slobber’. (**)**** [FHV 150, 150 fn.]
From Occ. bavün {i.e. bavum} id. (Sch. ****{1906a: 30} Arb). M. (****{1961a: 150})
proposes an intermediate form *babune, with P1.
aburdiko (1803), aurdiko (1745), ardiko (1580) (B) n. ‘(large) pillow’.
This appears to contain bururdi ‘pillow’, ‘duvet’ (see buru) and -ko. M. (**** BAP 20{1964e}: 26) proposes that the first element is oa-, the CF of ohe ‘bed’: hence *o(h)abururdi-ko.
adalko (R), alko (R), anko (R), oko (HN A S) n. ‘****{‘bunch, cluster (of fruit)’ Az.} [FHV340] [MOVE?] {See golko [2].}adar (c.) n. ‘horn’ (of an animal) (1545), ‘horn’ (musical instrument) (1562), ‘(drinking)horn’ (1692), ‘branch’ (of a tree) (1571). CF ada-. Dimin. addar (R) ‘devil’.
OUO. CF by W**{11}. It is not clear that the last sense represents the same word; seeabar ‘branch’. Many people have proposed a link with Old Irish adarc id. (modern
adharc), which has no IE etymology. Most Vasconists have seen the Bq. word as a loan
from Celtic, even though the word is not recorded in Celtic outside Irish. But Buck
(1949) sees the Irish word as borrowed from Bq., a position which requires some fancy
footwork to account for the final /k/ in Irish.
adabegi (B G) (1905), adarbegi (1912) n. ‘knot (in a tree)’. + begi ‘eye’.
adaki (B G HN LN) n. ‘branch’, ‘firewood’. **** + -ki {[3]} NFS.
adardun (LN?) n. ‘cuckold’. 18th cent. + -dun ‘who has’ (see *edun).
adar egin (LN Z?) vitm. ‘commit adultery’. 18th cent. + egin ‘do’.
adar ezarri (Z) [diathesis unrecorded] ‘commit adultery’. 19th cent. + ezarri ‘put’.
adegi (B) n. ‘temple’ (of the head) (anat.). 1653. Probably from *ada-egi, + -egi NFS‘place’ (see {h}egi) (M. 1961a: 338 fn. 18).
adondo (old B) n. ‘forehead’ (of an animal). 1657. + ondo [1] ‘beside’ (M. 1961a: 338).
adin (**{old L}) n. ‘age’, ‘contemporary’ **** [Ax] (B) ‘understanding’, ‘judgement’ {cf.
adi s.v. aditu}**** An element -ADIN(N)- occurs in the Aq. female name DANNADINNIS (gen.).
[Sarasola thinks two words]
adiskide (**), aixkire (G) n. ‘friend’ **** From *adinez-kide, -z instrl./advbl. + -kide‘fellow’ (Lafon ****{1935, 1936} RIEV 26: 651; 27: 625), by P1, P**{?} [FHV 122,
368]
-aginian (B) ‘on the point of’ [FHV 534]
adinon (**) n. **** a. ****{‘middling, ordinary’ Az.} [FHV 352 fn.]
adiuntza (**) ****{n. ‘occasion, opportunity’ Az.} [FHV 352 fn.]aiutu (B), aiotu (B), adiutu (old B) ****{a. ‘fitting, appropriate’ Az.} [FHV 352 fn.
{13}, 561]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque77

adio (**{old L}) n. [Ax]aditu (**), aittu (B G) vt. ‘hear, listen’, TS ‘understand’. ****. Stem adi-.
From Lat. audītum, part. of audīre ‘hear’ (M. 1961a: 95), with irregular reduction of thediphthong.
adi (**) n. ‘attention’, ‘intention’, ‘intelligence’. ****
adierazi (**), adirazi (HN) ****{vt. ‘interpret’ Az.}adimendu (**{old L}) [Ax] {n. ‘power of reason, intelligence’ Aul.}adore (B), ardore (old G) n. ‘vital force’. **** ****
From Lat. ardōrem ‘burning’ (Castro Guisasola 1944: 61; M. ****{1957a: 21} Arb)adreilu (**), ****, adrillu (B L), adrallu (B L), adarallu (L), ardillu (old L) ****
[Sarasola] n. ‘brick’. ****
From Cast. ladrillo id., with loss of initial /l/ perhaps by dissimilation (M. 1961a: 323).
Old L form by metathesis.
ahetz (**) **** n. ‘lees, dregs, sediment’ (of wine) [FHV 211 fn.]
From some Rom. reflex of Lat. fae{cem} id., probably from Gasc. ahèts id. (Rohlfs****{1935 §}185, p. 40 {2nd ed. §242, p. 80}; M. 1961a: 211 fn. 16).
afari (B G L LN) (1545), apari (B G), aphari (L), abari (old HN S) (13th cent., 1415),
auhari (LN), aihá(r)i (Z), aigári (R) n. ‘dinner’. CF afal-, aihal-, etc.
The conservative form is *au[h]ari or *au[h]ali (M. 1961a: 221). Variants by P72, P8,
P35, P69. CF by W1 and possibly W12. The word surely contains the meal suffix -ari[2]. The first element may well be gau ‘night’, with loss of // by P**{14} (M. 1961a:
246 fn. 38). M. (1957c) rejects Schuchardt’s proposal of a Lat. *apparium. The variant
abari, today only S, occurs in the Fuero General of Navarra, and in a Navarrese text
from the early 15th cent.: & jaunatiçula abarion (= eta Jaunak dizula abari on ‘May
God give you a good dinner’) (M. 1977a: 526). {Cf. apario}
afaldu (**) ****{vt. ‘have dinner or supper’ Aul.}bariaku (B), barieku (B), bariku (B) n. ‘Friday’. 1653. M. (1977a: 504) proposes*abari-ba(ga)ko-egun ‘day without dinner’, + baga ‘without’ (see gabe) + -ko +egun ‘day’.
-aga (c.) Toponymic suffix.
OUO. This suffix is extremely common in toponyms and in surnames, where it appears
to mean ‘place (of)’, but it is not recorded in any ordinary lexical items, and there is no
reason to suppose that it ever occurred there. Sometimes the preceding elements aretransparent: Iturriaga (iturri ‘spring’), Mendiaga (mendi ‘mountain’), Arrigorriaga(harri gorri ‘red stone’). Sometimes they are opaque: Nabutxaga, Altzaga. The
suggestion that the suffix means ‘abundance (of)’ cannot be supported by any evidence,and the proposed link with the absolutive plural suffix -ak (see *har) is fanciful. This

78

R. L. Trask
suffix shares with -eta the property that the phonological changes typical of wordformation, those collected in § **{7}, never occur with it (M. 1977a: 528). See M.
(1973**{a: 36}), s. v. [FHV 238, 238 fn.]

agaraz (Sout), agaratz (S.P.), agraz (S.P.) ****{n. ‘sour grape’} [FHV 158]
agian (**{old L}) adv. {‘maybe’, int. ‘I wish’ Az.} [Ax]hagin [1] (**), agin (**) n. ‘molar tooth’. ****
OUO.
agika (old B, R&S 270) adv. ‘with one’s teeth’. 1596. + -ka AdvFS.
hagin [2], **** n. ‘yew’ (bot.) (****). ****
OUO.
agindu (**) {vt. ‘order’ Aul.}
agintari (**{old L}) n. ‘chief’. [Ax]agiraka (B), agidaka (B) ****{n. ‘reprimand’ Aul.} [FHV 228]**** Second form by hypercorrection of P**{17}.
agiri, agertu etc. [FHV 62] [Ax] agertu (old LN), agértü (Z), agirtu (**) {vi. ‘appear’Aul.} [FHV 475]**** [Arbelaiz ager-: WORK] M. (****{1973a: 37f.}) rejects Gorostiaga’s suggestionof Lat. agger ‘pile, heap’ (nom.) as semantically intolerable; it is also phonologicallybad, since Lat. <-gg-> should yield a Bq. <-k-> by L**{1}.
agerri (**) n. ‘presence’. **** [FHV 62]
desagertu (**) ****{vi. ‘disappear’ Aul.}-ago (c.) Comparative suffix. ******** R and old B exhibit a striking construction: the object of baino or baizen ‘than’stands in the genitive (M. 1977a: 525).
agor (c.), ador (L) a. ‘barren’, ‘sterile’, ‘exhausted’, ‘dried up’. 1627. TS n. (B G) (1761)‘September’, TS n. (ca. 1760) ‘drought’, TS n. (17th cent.) ‘fasting, going without
food’.
OUO. L variant by P10. The word is applied to land which does not produce crops, tosprings which have ceased to flow, and to women or female animals that fail to produce
young. It does not mean ‘dry’ (‘not wet’), and the several sources that give this meaning
are in error.
agorril (HN L LN R) n. ‘August’. **** + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque79

agortu (B G HN L LN Z R) vi. ‘dry up’, ‘become exhausted’, ‘run out’, vt. ‘dry up’,
‘exhaust’. 1571. + -tu VFS.
agot (**), agote (**) n. ****{‘member of an ethnic group of unknown origin who settled inNavarre’ Aul.} [FHV 252]
From Fr. cagot id. or a related Rom. form (M. 1961a: 251).
aguazil(l) (G) n. ‘constable, bailiff’. ****
From Cast. alguacil id., with dissimilatory loss. {Aguazil ~ aguacil is widely attested inCast. from the Poema de Mio Cid (1207) onwards.}
agudo (**), audo (G), aguro (G) ****{a. ‘quick, diligent’ Aul.} [FHV 228]
hagun (**), agun (**), habuin (**), haboin (L), gahün (Z) ****{n. ‘foam, froth’ Aul.}agur (**) {n. ‘greeting’ Aul.}agur egin (**{old L}) [Ax]agurtu (**), gurtu (**), gurthu (old LN) **** various senses
agure (**) (1627), agura (old B) (1596) n. ‘old man’.
Probably from *agule, by P**{22}, P**{10}, from Lat. avule, voc. of avulum‘grandfather’ (M. ****){? Corominas 1972: 326-329}. B form by M**{5}. Addressing
an old man as ‘grandpa’ is a common practice.
aguretu (**) (1745, 1803), aguratu (**) (1653) vi. ‘grow old’, vt. ‘age’. + -tu VFS.
ai- (**), ei- (old B) **** votive suffix {prefix}[FHV 104]
-aia (c.) NFS.
From Rom., probably from some development of Lat. -aticum. See -aje.
aihen (L LN Z), aien (G HN **) {n. ‘branch of the grapevine’ Aul.}aiher (****{old L}), áiher (Z) [Ax] same word? {‘inclination’, ‘resentment’ Az.}[FHV
215]
aieru (**), paieru (**) n. ****{‘conjecture, assumption’, ‘sign’ Aul.} [Ax] [FHV 211 fn.,
252] [Arb ageru] , paxeilu **** [Arb]aiezka (R), aienez (R) aiez oiez (S) ****{‘groaning’ Az.} [FHV 175]-ain Toponymic suffix. {M. 1973a: 18}[MITX 73]

80

R. L. Trask{[}ainhara (L), ainhera (LN), añhá(r)a (Z), añhera (LN Z), añera (LN), enara (B Sout G
HN L), enada (S.P.), inara (HN), iñara (HN), inhara (L LN), iñare (HN A), añari(R S), kiñuri (S), elae (B), elai (B G) n. ‘swallow’ (zool.) (****); but in places ‘swift’(zool.) (****). [BUT SEE NOW FHV 534 ON kinuri]
From *aiNala, OUO, by P22, P23. Last two variants from a remarkable metathesized
form *eLane (M. ****{1961a: 326}), by P1, P23. S form by P**{14}. [FHV 326]
txenara (G) n. ‘swallow’ (zool.). **** Possibly a dimin. of the above, by M**{9}, but
M. (1977a: 511) suggests a compound whose first element is etxe ‘house’, withexceptional loss of the initial vowel. {] Entry overlaps with enara. Moved andcombined there.}
aingeru (B G HN L LN), angeru (B Sout), aingiru (old HN old L A), ainguru (LN R),
aingǘ(r)ü (Z), aingeri (HN), aingru (R S) n. ‘angel’. 1545.
From *angelu, by P22 and P45, from late Lat. angelum ‘angel’. The form of the wordpoints clearly to an early borrowing, before the 5th century, which is curious, since theBasques remained resolutely pagan until the 10th century, at least. M. (1961a: 159 fn. 8),
citing Lafon, dismisses the añgueru of Oihenart as a curiosity.
aingura (G HN old L **), angura (old LN) n. ‘anchor’. ****
aintzi (**), ****
aintzigar (B G) (****), antziar (?) (1897), antzigar (B G) (1905), antsigar (B G) (****),
intziar (G) (1745, 1855), antzier (Múg.) (1958), intzigar (Múg.) (1958) n. ‘frost’,
spec. ‘faint, almost imperceptible coating of frost on leaves’, also (B) ‘crust of ice’.
Obscure and much discussed. The first element might be intz ‘dew’ (see ihintz) (M.
****{1955c: 289}), and the second might be igar ‘dry’ (see eihar). In fact, intz igar isperfect B G for ‘dry dew’, which fits the sense admirably, but the variant intzigar is rare
and recorded only very late; it might be a folk-etymology. Possibly related to the aintzi
cluster. The word has no early attestations; see izotz.
aintzin (L LN), ainzin (LN), aitzin (HN L LN Z), aitzine (Z), antzin (R), altzin (LN S) n.
‘front’, ‘space in front’ (1545), TS adv. ‘forward’ (ca. 1660). [MUCH MORE: FHV
339]
Probably from Rom. M. (****{1954b: 145}) cites an Old Cast. anzes, not found in CP,
and an Old Fr. ains. {Old Cast. anzes glossing Lat. prius occurs in Glosas emilianenses
and Glosas silenses; Old Occ. ans and anceis ‘before’. But all these are temporal insense.} [ATTENTION] This spatial noun is found precisely in the regions in which thesynonymous western word aurre is absent but ahur ‘palm of the hand’ is present; see*aur.
aitzinean (**), aitziní(a)n (Z),**** antzinian (R), ailtzinean (A), al(t)zinean (S) {p.
‘in front of’}aitzin-gibel (**{old L}) n. [Ax]aintzira (**{G HN L}) n. ‘lake’ ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque81

haiotz (old L), aihotz (Z) *** n. ****{‘billhook’} [FHV 215, 508]
aire (**), aide (G) n. ‘air’. **** CF aira-.
airatu (**{old L}) [Ax] x 2
aireager (R) n. ‘place exposed to the wind’ [Arb ager-]peko-áide (Z), peko-aire (R) n. ‘south wind’ (lit., ‘air from below’). + behe ‘below’ +-ko.
aísa (Z) a. ‘easy’, adv. ‘easily’. **** [FHV 280]
aise {(old L)}****{n. ‘ease’} [Ax]aita (c.), aite (old B), aitxa (B), atta (G) [hapax] n. ‘father’. 15th cent.
Of nursery origin. It is conceivable that Aq. ATTA-, as in the male personal name
ATTACONIS Gen., represents this item, perhaps with subsequent expressive
palatalization, by M9, to *atta, and then depalatalization, by P32, to aita (Holmer (1950)****{: 404}) [FHV 218 fn.]. Second form by P43. In medieval Cast., the word is often
cited as a personal name Eita {from 938 CORDE}.
aipatu (**), aiphatu (**), aiphátü (Z) aitatu (**), aifatu (HN), attatu (G) ****{vt.
‘mention’, vi. ‘become a father’ Aul.} [FHV 258]
aipamen (**), aiphamen (**) n. ‘mention’. **** + -men NFS {(see -mendu)}.
aitabitxi (B L LN) n. ‘godfather’ + -bitxi ‘god-’ (see bitxi). {M. 1969c: 121f.}
aitaborze (S) n. ‘godfather’, ‘uncle’. + ****{-borze} (see *berr-). {M. 1969c: 121f.}
aitaginarreba (**), aitagiarreba (G) n. ‘father-in-law’. **** ****{See ginharreba.}
aitagutxi (**), aitautxi (**{HN}), aitaatxi (**), aitatxi (**) n. ‘godfather’. **** +-gutxi **** (see guti). [CHECK SENSES] {M. 1969c: 121f.}
aitajéin (R), aitajín (R) n. ‘father’ (as vocative). + jaun ‘lord’. ****
aitamak (c.) n. pl. ‘parents’. ***. + ama ‘mother’ + -ak det. pl. (see *har).
aitatasun (**) n. ‘fatherhood, paternity’. ****. + -tasun NFS (see -tar).
aittelume (**), aittenume (**) n. **** From *aita-onen ume ‘child of good fathers’, +on ‘good’ + -en {[1]} Gen. + ume ‘child’ (M. **** BAP 24 {1968a}: 14).
aiton (**) n. ‘grandfather’. **** [FHV 149]
aitonen seme (B G L), aitoren seme (L LN Z) n. ‘hidalgo’, ‘gentleman’. Lit., ‘son ofgood fathers’, + on ‘good’ + -en {[1]} Gen + seme ‘son’. Second form by
dissimilation. The second form looks as if it might be *Aitoren seme ‘son of
Aitor’, where Aitor is a name, and so the 19th-cent. Romantic writer Augustin
Chaho extracted this previously non-existent name and created the myth of Aitor,
the shepherd who was supposedly the father of the Basques. As a result, Aitor is
now a common male given name. Note: the *aitorren seme of A. (1905) is anerror. [FHV 149]: MORE] {M. 1968a: 14}
aitor-alaba (**) n. ‘noblewoman’. **** + alaba ‘daughter’, by analogy.

82

R. L. Trask

aitor [1] (**), aithor (**) n. ‘confession’ **** [FHV 92]
aitortu (**), aithortu (**), aithortü (Z), autortu (B) {vt. ‘acknowledge, grant’}[FHV
92]aitor [2] (G HN), jator (G) a. ‘fertile’ (of land). **** [FHV 178, 517] [Arbelaiz; twowords?] {M. 1968a: 17 n. 37}
ahitu (** old L) [Ax], aitu (**), attu (G) **** vi. ‘run out’, ‘become exhausted’. ****
akaitu (HN R S) ‘tired’, akhitu (L LN) **** [FHV 234, 528] [MAYBE TWO
VERBS?] [Arbelaiz]
haitz (L LN), aitz (G HN L LN Z), atx (B L) n. ‘crag’, ‘stone’. 1187, ca. 1620.
OUO. B form by P30. By far the most widespread sense for this word is ‘crag’, and thisis also the sense it has in the numerous toponyms and surnames containing it. In
contrast, the sense of ‘stone’ is only sparsely recorded in LN, but this sense is also
prominent in the compounds containing the word. The possibility that *(h)aitz- {v.
infra} is the same item suggests a reconstruction *anetz, by P1, but this is far fromcertain.
atxarrano (B), txerrano (B) n. ‘a certain bird of prey, larger than a kite’ **** (zool.)[species unidentified] [FHV 157-158] + arrano ‘eagle’.
(h)aitzarte, (B) atxarte n. ‘pass betwen two crags’. Ca. 1800. + arte {[1]} ‘between’.
(h)aitzulo n. ‘cave’. Ca. 1760. + zulo ‘hole’.
(h)aitzurdin, (B) atxurdin n. ‘marble’. + urdin ‘blue’ (see ur).
haizatu (L LN) vt. ‘throw stones at, stone’, TS ‘frighten (birds)’. + -tu VFS; -a- by
W**{17}.
haizkatu (L LN) vt. ‘throw stones at, stone’, TS ‘frighten (birds)’. + -ka adverbial + -tuVFS.
*(h)aitz- Hypothetical stem possibly underlying certain tool-names.
OUO. Very many have wanted to see this as haitz ‘stone’, and hence as representing atime when the Basques had a Neolithic culture and made their tools from stone. This ispossible, but far from certain. First, why should a tool-name be based on the name of thematerial it is made from? Second, are stone shears and stone pincers really plausible?
Some of the forms suggest a possible reconstruction *anetz, by P1. Note that haizkora‘axe’ does not appear to belong to this group.
haitzur (L LN Z), aitzur (G HN L LN S Z), háitzür (Z), atxur (B), haintzur (L LN) n.
‘mattock’ (a kind of short-handled heavy hoe). B form by P30. Final element
obscure.
aizturtu (old LN **) ****{? l. aitzurtu vt. ‘dig’ Az.}
aizto (R), ainzto (R HN) n. ‘knife’. Final element obscure. {Monomorphemic <*anezto? See § The native lexicon.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque83

haiztur (L LN Z), aiztur (HN LN R), (h)aixtur (L LN Z; usually in pl.), ainzter (R),aizter (R) n. ‘large shears’, ainztur (R) ‘pincers, pliers’. Final element obscure, as is
the R distinction in form and sense.
aizterko (R) n. ‘small shears’. + -ko dimin. {Not in The Dictionary.}{[}aiutu (B) ****{a. ‘suitable, fit’} [Arb] {M. 1961a: 352 fn. 13} {] Duplicate, see underadin.}
aizatu (**), aizátü (Z) **** [may need work]
haize (**), aize (** old LN), áize (Z), axe (B Sout) n. ‘wind’. ****
OUO. Last form by P**{30}. **** See aire.
bengo axe (Sout) n. ‘north wind’ (lit., ‘wind from below’). **** [FHV 267 fn.]peko-aize (R) n. ‘south wind’ (lit., ‘wind from below’). + behe ‘below’ + -ko.
aizina (old LN R), aizína (Z), aizna (S) **** [FHV 163, 280]
From Bearn. aysine {Occ. aisina} ‘facility’, ‘favourable occasion’ (M. ****{1958d: 6}
Arb)haizkora (L LN Z), aizkora (B G HN R), axkora (R Z Sout), (h)aixkora (Z), aizkola (Z),axkola (Z), haskora (Z) n. ‘axe’. CF (h)aizkol-. 1562.
From *azkola, by P22, P45, from Lat. asciolam ‘hatchet’ (Gorostiaga 1958 {[EUSKERaIII]}: ****{61}). CF by W1. Contrary to popular belief, this word does not appear to beconnected to the other Bq. tool-names in *(h)ai(t)z-. [FHV 319 fn.]
haixkolta (LN), aixkolta (Z) n. ‘hatchet’. + an otherwise unknown dimin. suffix.
(h)aizkolari n. ‘woodchopper’, ‘lumberjack’. + -lari professional NFS (see -ari {[1]}).
aizkolbegi (HN Z), aizkorabegi (L LN R), aizkolbegite (Z) n. ‘hole in an axehead forthe handle’. + begi ‘eye’ (+ -te {[1]} NFS).
aizkorol (G) n. ‘wooden plank cut and trimmed with an axe’. 1847. + ohol ‘plank’.
azkoltxo (Sout) n. ‘adze’. 1562. + -txo dimin. (see -to {[1]}).
ahizpa (L LN), aizpa (G HN), ahĩzpa (Z), aĩzpa (R), aizta (B) n. ‘sister (of a woman)’.
1571.
From *anizpa, OUO, by P1. Possibly contains the hypothetical *ana- {[1]}, andcertainly contains -ba kinship suffix. B form by irregular assimilation.
{[}haizu (L LN), háizü (Z) {(h)auzu (HN LN)} a. ‘licit, permitted’. ****
From Lat. ausus sum **** (M. ****{1961a: 91; 1974b: 190}} Arb)
haizu izan (**), háizü izan (Z) ****{vi. ‘dare’} [REORGANIZE? BACKFORMATION?] {] Partly duplicates hauzu. Moved there.}84

R. L. Trask-aje (c.) NFS.
From Rom. -aje, -age, ult. from Lat. -aticum.
akabatu (**) **** ‘finish’ ******** See also akhabo [Arb].
akabantxa (R) n. ‘end’. **** [FHV 287]
akain (**), akañ(a) (G), lakain (L) **** n. ‘tick’ (zool.) (****) ******** Cf. Gasc. lagagno {Occ. laganha} id., and see CP s.v. legaña. [see MT entry]
akal (HN) a. ‘empty’ (of a chestnut). ****
M. (1961a: 272) suggests that mokol (under m-) and koskol ~ oskol might be expressive
variants of this word.
sokal (LN) n. ‘chestnut burr’. App. an expressive variant of unusual form (M. 1961a:
273).
akats (B G) n. ‘cut, nick, notch, scratch’ (1745, 1847), **** TS ‘defect’ (1855) ***makatz (G) n. ‘nick, scratch’. App. + ma- expressive syllable with an anomalous sibilant(M. 1961a: 272). See makets (under m-).
aker (B G HN), akher (L LN), ákher (Z) n. ‘billygoat, male goat’. 1074, 1571.
OUO. Aq. AHER BELSTE is the name of a god, and many have seen the first element as
representing aker, but M. (****{1954a: 415}) rejects this on phonological grounds: how
could Bq. /k/ show up in Aq. as /h/? But Gorrochategui (****{?1984}) is neverthelesssympathetic to this reading, and M. (1961a: 256) also takes a more sympathetic view.
akelarre (B G HN), akhelarre (L) n. ‘gathering of witches’. 1686. + larre ‘pasture,meadow’. A much discussed word. Akelarre is also the name of a plain in Navarra,
between Urdax and Zugarramurdi, and A. (1905) suggests that the plain was
popularly regarded as a gathering place for witches, and that its name became
transferred to the gathering. Popular imagination has seen the akelarre as a black
Sabbath of the familiar kind; many apologists have seen it as a remnant of the ancient
Basque pagan religion; clerical writers (like Azkue) have tried to play down the wholething as a trivial modern fantasy born of superstition. Nobody really knows what theakelarre involved, or even if anything ever happened at all – though the Basque belief
in witches is well documented, in spite of the outraged efforts of the Church atstamping it out.
akitrai (G) n. ‘tar’. ****
From Cast. alquitrán id.
akula (G) n. ‘garfish’ (zool.) (***). ****
From Rom.; cf. Cast. aguja id. {Occ. agulha}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque85

akullu (B G HN R S), akulu (B LN), akhulo (L), akilu (L), akillo (B), akhǘllü (Z), gakulu(LN) n. ‘goad’. ****
From some rom. reflex of Lat. aculeum id. (M. 1961a: 196), probably from Arag. (M.
****{1964a: 110} Arb). Last form by P**{14}.
akullada (Sout) n. ‘blow with a goad’. + ****
*al- ‘side’?. Hypothetical stem seemingly underlying albo, alde and alme.
albo (B G HN) n. ‘side, flank’ (1596), (B) ‘rib’ (anat.) (1656). App. built on *al-.
Second element opaque.
alboreango, alborengo, alboriengo, alboringo (B) n. ‘pneumonia’. **** + -rean
Abl CS + -ko NFS (M. 1961a: 120).
alde (** Z), halde (old LN), alte (R), álthe (Z) n. ‘side’, TS ‘region, area’, TS ****, TS
p. [+ Gen.] ‘in favour of’, on behalf of’. 15th cent. CF alda-. App. built on *al-.
Second element opaque. CF by W2.2. See also talde {‘group’ (not in The
Dictionary).}
aldaka (**), altaka (R), alteka (R) **** [FHV 354]
aldapa (**), altapa (R) **** ‘slope’. [FHV 354]
aldaratu (**) vi. ****, vt. **** [many senses] ****
aldats (B G) n. ‘slope’. **** The variant *aldatz cited by A. (1905) is an error (M.
****{1973a: 43} Arb).
aldatu (B G HN L LN), althátü (Z), altatu (R) vi., vt. ‘change’, (B) vt. ‘transplant’,****{althátü (Z) vi. ‘get dolled up, make one’s toilet’, vt. (Z) ‘adorn’}. Stemalda-. + -tu VFS. {And see below ãltatu.}
aldakor (B G LN R) a. ‘changeable’, ‘inconstant’, ‘capricious’. 1745, 1749. +-kor AFS ‘tending to’.
aldakuntza (B HN) n. ‘change’. 1828. + -kuntza NFS (see {*}-kun).
aldiri (**) n., aldiriak (old LN) n. pl. ‘outskirts, suburbs, vicinity’. **** + -iri NFS(M. 1961a: 116). [BUT SEE FHV 533]
alteskú (R) adv. ‘to the right’. + esku ‘right hand’. [FHV 149, 419 fn.]alme (L) n. ‘flank (of an animal)’, ‘flank steak’ (cut of meat), ‘loin’ (of pork). App. built
on *al-. Perhaps + mehe ‘slender’.
ala [1] (c.), ála (Z) conj. ‘or’ (typically exclusive). 1545.
OUO, but presumably from *aLa, by P23. Postposed in examples like Nun ibili zara?
Lapurretan ala? ‘Where have you been? Among thieves, or what?’ See edo.
ala...ala (c.) ‘either..or’. 1571.
alabainan (**), alabaiña (**), ** prt. ‘however, nevertheless’, ‘in fact, indeed, ofcourse’. **** + bainan ‘but’ {(see *bain-)}.

86

R. L. Traskala [2] (c.) prt. Introductory particle used in oaths, as in Ala jainkoa! ‘By God!’. 1545.
Probably from old Cast. a la, which had the same use, as in A la he! ‘By the faith!’ (M.
****BAP 11 {1955c}: 291), or from a related Rom. form. But M. (1977a: 525) takes
seriously the idea that this item may be merely hala ‘thus’ (see *har-). See alafede.
ala [3] prt. **** [FHV 585]
ala [4] (**), alha (**), álha (Z) **** ‘grazing’ [FHV 207, 320]
alagune (**), another sense **** Az., alaune (old B, R&S 152) ‘sheepfold’.
alaba (c. exc. Z), alhaba (L LN), alhába (Z), alába (R) n. ‘daughter’. 1545.
OUO, but contains -ba kinship suffix. The spelling allaba is frequent in some L writersof the 17th cent., but is of unknown significance. An app. dimin. *alabato, with -to[**{1}] dimin., in a med. personal name Allauato Ortiz in Navarra, 1080 (M. 1977a:
550).
al(h)ababitxi (L), alabitxi (L), alabixi (L) n. ‘goddaughter’. 17th cent. Short forms by
P**{W13}. + -bitxi ‘god-’ (see bi{tx}i).
alabaizun (L), alhabaizun (Z), alabaxün (Z), alabaxun (R) n. ‘daughter-in-law’. 1657.
+ -(k)izun NFS. ****
alaba-orde, alaba-ordeko (B G) n. ‘daughter-in-law’. 19th cent. + orde ‘substitute’ (+-ko NFS).
alabaso, alhabaso (Z) n. ‘granddaughter’. + -so kinship suffix.
alabatxo (LN) n. ‘small daughter’. 1571. + -txo dimin. (see -to {[1]}).
alafede (**) intj. ‘By faith!’ ****
This could be constructed from ala [2] + fede ‘faith’. Equally, it might be borrowed
intact from Rom.: cf. Cast. a la he! (M. **** BAP 11 {1955c}: 291).
alaga (**) n. ‘bread wheat’. ****
From Cast. ****{álaga} [Arb] {M. 1950a: 194.}
alai a. (old G HN) ‘vigorous, spirited, passionate’ (1745), (G HN L) ‘merry, happy, gay’
(1808).
Possibly from some Rom. source akin to Lat. alacris {alacer, acc. alacrem} ‘brisk,
eager, happy’ and its adverbial derivative alacer. CP suggests that a Rom. reflex akin to
old Fr. aleigre was borrowed as alaikiro (attested; see below), and that the adjective alai
was then back-formed from this by removal of the adverbial suffix, though AT regard
this as suspect. M. (**** BAP 10 {1954e}: 375) proposes instead a direct borrowing
from Cast. alhaja ‘treasure, gem’, as *alaia, with loss of the final vowel by M4. The
first is better semantically, the second phonologically.
alaiki (1852), alaikiro (1870) (G HN) adv. ‘happily, merrily’. + -ki [1] AdvFS (+ -ro
AdvFS {not in The Dictionary}).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque87

alargun (**), alhargun (** old LN), alhárgün (Z), alargún (R), elhargun (old LN) **** n.
‘widow, widower’. **** [FHV 562: proposed etymology] [FHV 570]
alarguntsa (**), ****, alhargüntsa (Z) **** ‘widow’. **** + -sa female NFS.
alharte (**), alhartze (**), **** [+ many] [Az.] [Lh.] **** ****
alayo(a) [hapax] (?) a. ‘similar’. ****
An item of uncertain reality. M. (****{1970a: 123} Arb) notes that it might be a typofor (h)alako ‘of that kind’ (see *har). If real, it might consist of hala ‘thus’ (see *har)and the participle of jo ‘hit’ (M. ibid.).
alberdau (old B, R&S 482) [hapax] ****{‘merry, joyous’} [FHV 509]
aldare (**), althá(r)e (Z), altare (R), altara (B) n. ‘altar’. ****
From Lat. altārem id., by P**{6}. B form by M**{5}.
aldi (**), aldia (old G old L) n. ‘time, occasion’. ****
OUO. The second form is puzzling. [FHV 500]
aldra (B), alra (B) n. ****{‘group’} [FHV 367] [derivative?]ale (**) ****{n. ‘grain, seed’}{OUO.}
aletegi (**) n. ‘granary’. **** + -tegi ‘place’ (see ****{hegi}).
alor (**), álhor (Z) ****{‘field’}alfer (**), alper (**), afer (A), arpel (B), auher (LN), áuher (Z), aurér (R), auger (S),aguer (S), auer (S), aufer (S) **** a. ‘lazy, idle, good-for-nothing’, ‘barren, sterile’,****. **** [FHV 94, 221]
OUO. Following a suggestion of Schuchardt’s, ML (§ 4002) identifies this word with
Occ. aufo, aufié ‘idleness’, ‘idler’, derived from Arabic halfa ‘esparto grass’. But CP(s.v. alfalfa) attack this proposal savagely, arguing that the evidence is overwhelmingly
against it. They go on to consider another eight possibilities, all of which they regard as
unconvincing. Perhaps the most interesting of these is proposal (e). This depends upon
the western variant arpel, upon the widespread sense of ‘barren’ attached to the word,
and upon the claim, presented here as fact, that the word in this sense is most typicallyapplied to ewes. They therefore propose that *arpel is the conservative form, with
common alper etc. resulting from metathesis, and that ‘barren’ is the conservative sense.
In fact, they propose *ardi-berri, with berri ‘new’, but this is scarcely likely. Much
better is *ardi-bel, with *bel ‘dark’, which would yield arpel regularly: *ardi-bel >*ard-bel (by W2.1) > *art-bel (by W3) > *artpel (by W4) > arpel. In this interpretation,
the common application of the word to idle people would be a metaphor comparable to
English ‘black sheep’ and Cast. oveja negra.

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R. L. Trask
alferrik (**), alperrik (**), ****, ailperrik (G) adv. ‘in vain, uselessly’. **** + -ik
AdvFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}alperkeria (old B) n. ‘idleness’. 1596. + -keria NFS of vices.

algara (**) n. ‘loud laugh, guffaw’. **** [Arb] {M. 1954e: 375}
alkabuz (**), alkhabuz (**) n. ‘arquebus’. **** [FHV 314 fn.]
alkandora (**) n. ‘shirt’. ****
alkate (**) n. ‘mayor’. **** [DATE: FHV 360]{ãlkatu See ãltatu.}
alkixella (**) ****{n. ‘bench} [Arb] {M. 1970a: 140}
allauda (old L), llaudeta (Z) **** n. ‘lark’ (zool.) [FHV 93, 183]
almute (**) ****{‘almud, a certain dry measure’} [FHV 134 fn.]alphore (LN Z), alphó(r) (Z), alfore (LN) n. ‘heat given off by the ground’ [FHV 253] ,bafore (G) n. ‘steamboat’ ****
From Lat. vapōrem ‘steam, vapour’, with intrusive /l/ and dissimilatory loss of the
expected initial */b/ (M. ****{19}56{a}: 317; 1961a: 253).
alprageta (G) n. ****{‘espadrille’} [FHV 367]
alproja (G) n. ****{‘saddlebag, pannier’} [FHV 367]
halsarrak (old LN) n. pl. ‘entrails, bowels’. **** [FHV 365]ãltatu (R), althatü (Z) vi. ‘get dolled up, make one’s toilet’, vt. (Z) ‘adorn’. **** Stem alta-.
**** M. (****{1954b: 129} Arb) argues that both the form and the sense {for the Rword} are erroneous, and that the correct form is ãlkatu ‘change one’s clothes’.
{Actually, M. loc. cit. [1988 reprint] says “En Azk. [Particularidades del dialectoroncalés] hay sin duda que corregir ãltatu, separarse» [sic] en ãlkatu, pues segun sus
propias indicaciones el primero significa «mudar(se)».” That is, M. says that Azkue’s
gloss “«separarse»” ‘come apart, leave’ does not properly belong to ãltatu, whose sense
is given elsewhere by Azkue as «mudar(se)» ‘change’ but rather to ãlkatu. Trask’s
althatü (Z) here duplicates the item already mentioned under aldatu (see *al-), to whichshould be added the R form ãltatu (or altatu, if the nasality properly belongs only toãlkatu). The intended entry that belongs here is thus: ãlkatu (R) vi. ‘come apart, leave’.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque89

altxatu (**), ailtxatu (old L **), altxa (**) [FHV 115] ****{vt. ‘raise’} [Ax]**** Axular’s graphy ailchatu seems to represent a perceived alltxatu (M. 1977a; 523).
{[}altxeter (?) n. ‘doctor, physician’.
From Lat. archiater id. (nom.) (M. ****{1974b: 201f.} Arb). M. does not cite a source
for this word, which he merely labels ‘old’. [REWRITE: FHV {339}] {] Duplicatesatxeter. M. does not mention the form altxeter, nor does Az., though Arbelaiz (1978:28) has altxeter as his entry.}haltza (L LN Z), altza (B G HN), altz (B G HN L LN S), haltz (Z), saltza (S.P.) n. ‘alder’(bot.) (Alnus glutinosa) 1643.
Short variants by M4. OUO. Last form curious. Many have seen this as connected
somehow to the IE word represented by Lat. alnus, Proto-Germanic *aliza, and others,
but the details are obscure.
alu (B G HN L), ale (Z) n. ‘vulva’, TS n. ‘jerk, twit, bloody thing’, TS a. ‘stupid, damned,
bloody’, TS (L) (hapax) n. ‘sea anemone, actinia’ (zool.) (order Actiniaria). 1562.
Polite alteration (a.) alix(a) (1916).
Apparently from *aLu, OUO, by P23. The Z variant is mysterious. Some sources gloss
the word as ‘vagina’, but this sense is not well supported by the data. In its anatomical
sense, the status of the word varies: it is regarded as very coarse by some but as perfectly
respectable by others. As a term of abuse, it may be freely used by anyone, even by ayoung woman.
ama (c.) n. ‘mother’. 15th c.
Of nursery origin. There is no trace of it in the Aq. texts.
ama handi (L) n. ‘grandmother’. Possibly calqued on Fr. grand’mère.
amabargo (old B) n. **** [Az.], TS (B) ‘slattern’. **** bargo ‘young pig’.
ama besoetako (B G) n. ****
amabisaba (G) n. ‘great-grandmother’ **** M. (****{1969c: 121} Arb) proposes*ama-bir-asaba, + berr- ‘again’ (see bihur) + asaba ‘ancestor’, and he rejects Sch.’ssuggestion of a hypothetical Rom. *bisava.
amabitxi (B HN L), {[}amabutxi (**),{] Moved to amagutxi}, amaatxi (LN), amatxi(**), amitxi (L) n. n. ‘godmother’ {+ -bitxi (see bitxi).}
amaborze (S) n. ‘godmother’, ‘grandmother’ **** + -borze **** (see *berr-).
amagiñarreba (B G HN L Z), ama-giharreba (Z), amagiarreba (G R), amaiarreba(L), amaierrea (LN), amamiarreba (HN), amiarreba (HN) n. ‘mother-in-law’. ****
+ -ginarreba (see ****{ginharreba}).
amago (old Z) [hapax?] n. ‘motherhood’. **** + -goa NFS.
amagoin (old B G HN) n. ‘grandmother’. **** ****
amagutxi (HN){, amabutxi (**)} n. ‘godmother’. **** + gutxi ‘small’ (see guti).
amaidin (G), amaindin (G), amaidi (HN) n. ‘godmother’. ****

90

R. L. Trask
amaizun (L LN R), amaixun (Z R), amaxun (R), amizun (LN), amaizuma (LN) ****
‘stepmother’ (LN form also ‘stepfather’ !) *** + -kizun ****{NFS} Last form by
P**{2}.
amako (B) n. ‘doting mother, mother who spoils her children’, ‘young lady who is veryfat’. **** + -ko NFS, prob. with dimin. sense.
amakotzar (B) n. According to A. (1905, s.v. amako), something like ‘big little
mother’ or ‘big little girl’. + -tzar augmentative (see zahar). The word is unusual
in containing both dimin. and augmentative suffixes.
amakoi (R) n. ‘child strongly attached to its mother’, ‘mama’s boy’. + -koi ‘fond of’ (seeohi).
amakunde (R) n. ****{‘godmothers’ day’ [Az.]amama (B) n. ‘grandmother’. **** + a second occurrence of ama. The word is not
restricted to a maternal grandmother.
amanagusi (old B) n. ‘grandmother’. **** + nagusi ‘principal’.
amaorde (B G), amorde B G) n. ‘stepmother’. **** + orde ‘substitute’.
amaso n. (L LN) ‘grandmother’, (Z) ‘great-grandmother’. 1571. + -so kinship suffix.
amatar (B L) n. ‘child resembling its mother’. **** + -tar. {?Not = -tar ethnonymic
suffix.}amatxi (L LN), amitxi (L) n. ‘grandmother’. Ca. 1924. + -txi dimin. suffix. {Not in The
Dictionary.} Commonly used without the article, like a proper name.
amatxo (HN) n. ’grandmother’. **** + -txo dimin. (see -to [**{1}]).
amatu (c.) vi. ‘become a mother’, ‘give birth’. 1777. + -tu VFS. A literary word.
amazorro (G HN) n. ‘child strongly attached to its mother’, ‘mama’s boy’. **** + zorro‘sack’.
amazulo (B), amazillo (L LN Z) n. ‘child strongly attached to its mother’, ‘mama’s
boy’, amazulo (B G HN) ‘homebody’, ‘man who seldom leaves his house’. **** +zulo ‘hole’.
amiña n. (G S R) ‘grandmother’, (S R) ‘very old woman’. ****
amon (G HN) n. ‘grandmother’. **** + on ‘good’.

-ama Toponymic suffix. [MITX 73] {M. 1973a: 44.}
amamerua (?) [hapax] n. ‘constable’. ****{M. 1970a: 58}
A hapax of unknown provenance and uncertain reality, cited by Iztueta (****{n.d.:228}).
hamar (L LN Z), amar (elsewhere) num. ‘ten’. CF (h)ama-. 1537.
OUO. We should probably reconstruct *[h]anbar, by P3. CF by W11. M.
(****{1972g: 80f.} Arb) rejects the proposal of Tovar to take amai ‘end’ (see below) as
basic and to derive hamar from it.
hamabi {num. ‘twelve’}Etymological Dictionary of Basque91

amaitu (B) vt. ‘finish’. **** + -tu VFS, with dissimilatory loss of /b/ (M.
****{1972g: 82} Arb; 1977a: 496).
amai (B) n. ****{‘end’ Aul.} By back-formation. {M. 1972g: 80}
hamabortz (**), hamaborz (old L old LN) ****, amorz (old L old LN) ****{num.
‘fifteen’}hamaika (EB), amaika (B Sout G HN L), amaka (B), hameka (L LN), ameka (B HN),
haméka (Z), améka (R), hameika (L), hamaka (old LN), amaeka (old B) ******{num. ‘eleven’} From *(h)ama-eka, with an obscure second element (M. 1961a:
117). **** [FHV 496]
hamahiru (**), amairu (**), amirur (HN) num. {‘thirteen’}hamalau {num. ‘fourteen’}
amalauzaku (G) n. ‘bogeyman’, mythical creature invoked to frighten children. ****
hamarren (**), amarren (**) n. ‘tenth’, ‘tithe’. **** **** [FHV 391]
hamasei {num. ‘sixteen’}hamazazpi {num. ‘seventeen’}
hemeretzi {num. ‘nineteen’} ****{+ bederatzi} with dissimilatory loss of /b/ andreduction.
hemezortzi {num. ‘eighteen’}
amatu (old B G) vt. ‘love’. 1596.
From Cast. amar id. The word is elevated and chiefly confined to religious senses.
amerikano, -u (c.?) n. ‘a Basque who has returned from the New World to retire in theBasque Country’. **** ****
amets (G HN LZ R), ames (B) n. ‘dream’. 1545.
****
amets egin (**) vitm. ‘dream’ (‘about’ = Comit.).
ametz (**) n. ‘gall-oak’ (bot.) (Quercus tozza or Q. pyrenaica) 17th cent.
OUO. We should probably reconstruct *anbetz, by P**{3}. A toponym Hamezaga in
Alava 1025. [More in MT entry]
amildu (**), anbildu (**) **** [FHV 358]**** The *amuldu of the Supplement to Larramendi is an error (M. ****{1970a: 140}Arb).
amilla (B G) n. ‘overcoat’, ‘waistcoat, (US) vest’
From Cast. almilla ‘bodice’, with dissimilatory loss of /l/ (M. 1961a: 339).

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R. L. Trask

amilotx (B G) n. ‘bluetit’ (zool.) (****) ****
txamilotx (B) n. ‘tit’. **** Possibly a dimin. of the above, by M**{9}, but M. (1977a:
511) suggests a compound whose first member is etxe ‘house’, with exceptional loss of
the initial vowel.
amizione (H.) n. ‘ambition’. **** [FHV 357]
amodio (B G HN L LN), amudio (old B), amorio (G Z) n. ‘love’.****
amore (B G L LN Z) n. ‘love’, TS (LN Z) ‘mistress’, ‘(female) lover’. CF amol-. 1536.
From Lat. amōrem id. CF by W1, W12. [SPECIAL SENSE WITH -gatik] [FHV 120]amoltsu (**), amolsu (**), amultsu (**) a. ‘affectionate’, ‘lovable’. **** + -tsu AFS.
amorratu vi. (G HN) ‘be furious, rage’, a. (B LN) ‘furious’. **** Stem amorra-.
Obscure. Possibly from Lat. abhorrēre ‘abhor’ (M. **** BAP 20: 337{?}).
amorrazio (B G Duv.) n. ‘rage, fury’. **** + -zio NFS.
amu (**) n. ‘hook’. ****
From Lat. hāmum id.
amuarrain (B), hamuarrain (S.P.), amurrain (B G L), amurrai (G L), amorrai (GHN), amorra(i)ñ (B), amarrain (LN Z) n. ‘trout’ (zool.) (****) {+ arrain q.v.}[FHV 122]-an (c.) Loc. CS.
**** From *-Can, probably *-gan. Old B, and even later B, often shows forms likeelexaan ‘in the church’ (the Viva Jesús catechism) and guisaan ‘in the manner’ (Mogel)(M. 1961a: 112–113).
*ana- [1], *aNa- Hypothetical stem in kinship terms.
There are several kinship terms which certainly or probably contain an initial sequenceof the form *ana- or *aNa-. Among these are ahizpa ‘sister of a woman’ {q.v.} (from*anizpa), anaia ‘brother of a man’ {q.v.} (from something like *aNa(n)e-) and ahaide‘relative’ {q.v.} (possibly from *anai-). The reality of this stem is far from secure, andthe required fluctuation in form is troubling, but M. (****{1977a: 583-584}) proposes an
original *ana- with “expressive strengthening” to *aNa- in some cases. [FHV 583-584]*ana- {[2]}, *ano- [MITX 73: 46, 357] {M. 1973a: 45, 112.}-ana, -ano Toponymic suffixes. [MITX 73] {M. 1973a: 45-46.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque93

anaia (B Sout L) (1104, 1562), anaie (B LN) (1157, 1571), anáie (Z), anaje (B) ([<j> = []),anaxe (LN R), anae (B), anai (B G L LN Z) n. (B) ‘brother of a man’, (c. exc. B)‘brother’.
OUO, but contains -ba kinship suffix {??}. Possibly contains the hypothetical stem*ana- {[1]} ~ *aNa-. It is not clear whether the Sout def. form anaya represents anaia
or anai. The conservative form is clearly something like *aNaea, which may descendfrom *aNanea, by P1. Loss of final /a/ in some forms by M**{4}. In the 11th and 12th
centuries, the word was written with <nn>: mea annaia senior Enneco Sangiz (1104),
Dominici Annaye, Iohannis Annaye (1223) (M. 1961a: 306). Ib. exhibits an element
ANAI-, of unknown meaning.
anaiatasun (B) (1627), anaietasun (old LN) (1571), anaetasun (G) (ca. 1808),
anaitasun (B G HN) (1853), anaitarzun (L LN Z), anaietarzun (LN Z) n.
‘brotherhood’. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
-anda (**) Diminutive or female suffix. [FHV 258]
andere (LN R) (1085, 1545), andé(r)e (Z), andre (G HN L LN Z) (12th cent., 1545), anre
(HN) n. ‘lady’ ‘young lady’, TS (HN G LN Z) ‘doll’ (1802), TS (Z) ‘queen bee’, TS(Z) ‘concubine’, andra (B Sout) (15th cent.), anra (B), andera (old B) (1596) ‘lady’,TS ‘woman’, TS ‘doll’. Dimin. anddere (G HN) ‘doll’. (A. 1905 reports that part of
LN distinguishes andre ‘lady’ from andere ‘young lady’.)
OUO, and much discussed. Short variants by syncope {P38}; B variants by M5. The
sense of ‘lady’ predominates in the earliest texts, and is regarded by probably all
specialists as the original sense. The word is recorded in Aq. as the female name
ANDERE and as the element ANDERE- in other female names (M. ****{1961a: 161 fn.
14, 356}). Many have proposed a link with the Celtic word represented by Old Irish
ander ‘young woman’; see Vendryes (****{1959: s.v.}). But Gorrochategui(****{1984: 129ff.}) makes a fascinating proposal. He notes the existence in Aq. ofmale personal names built on a stem ANDOS(S)-, alongside the female names in
ANDERE-. He further notes the presence in Bq. of the apparent suffix -(d)ots, occurringin animal names, on occasion in names of male animals, as in ****. Then he proposes
an Aq. stem *and-, which he suggests as the source of a word *andots ‘lord’, with themale suffix, and of andere, with an otherwise unknown female suffix. This is consistent
with the observation that the historical word for ‘lord’, jaun, not only is absent from our
Aq. texts but looks like the participle of a verb pressed into service as a noun; see jaun
for discussion.
anderauren (LN old Z), andrauren (old B) n. ‘lady of the house’, ‘young lady of goodfamily’, ‘serving girl, maid’. 1657. + guren ‘favourite’ (see gura), by P16 (M. 1961a:
116). A good deal of confusion surrounds this word. It famously occurs in
Oihenart’s proverb 173: Urruneko neskak anderauren hots ‘Serving girls from far
away are said to be ladies’. A number of scholars have taken Oihenart’s form as atypo, and “corrected” it to *anderaurren, as though the second element were aurren‘first, principal’ (see ahur), by an apparent folk etymology. Further, A. (1905)
mistakenly takes this anderauren as containing the genitive case-suffix -en {[1]}(with inserted /r/ by P**{35.1}), and extracts an erroneous *anderau, which heglosses as ‘lady’. AT dismiss the putative anderaurren as a fiction, yet Lh. cites theword only in this form, attributing it not only to Oihenart (wrongly) but to otherwriters as well.

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andereder (LN), anddereder (L), anderejer (Z) , andderejer (Z), armindderi (A) n.
‘weasel’ (zool.) (****). + eder ‘beautiful’. Cf. Fr. belette, Port. Gal. doninha,
donicella, all id. (M. ****{Michelena & Agud 1968: 80} Arb).
andereño n. ‘unmarried woman’ (used as a title) (1852), TS ‘female schoolteacher’(1922). + -ño dimin. (see -no).
andregai (G HN L LN), andregei (L), anderegai, anderegei n. ‘heiress’, ‘daughter who
will inherit her parents’ house’ (17th cent.), ‘fiancée’ (1664). + -gai ‘destined for’ (seegai).

handi (L LN), hándi (Z), andi (B G HN), ándi (R), haundi (L LN), aundi (B) a. ‘big, large’‘tall’, TS ‘great’, TS ‘chief, principal’, TS ‘lots of’, TS ‘strange, surprising’. 1262,
15th cent.
OUO. Cannot contain -ti [**{1}] AFS, because, by P6, this would predict *(h)anti in Z
and R. Unlikely to contain -i [**{1}] AFS, since *and- looks an impossible stem. The
forms in /au/ are mysterious. There are three proposals: (1) an original /au/ has been
widely reduced to /a/ because of the following cluster (by P46); (2) an original /a/ hasbeen expanded to /au/ by a misapplication of P46; (3) the forms in /au/ are augmentative
forms of unique formation. M. (1961a: 96; 1977a: 488) points out that (h)andi
predominates so completely in the medieval and early texts that (h)aundi is probably
nowhere recorded before 1700, and perhaps not even before the 19th century. The
surname or sobriquet Andia is well recorded in the med. period. A. (1905) reports that, inthe B of his day, aundi was an augmentative form of andi, though this is not so today.
M. (****{1954a: 437} Arb) notes a possible link with the ANDOSS- of Aq. male names
like ANDOSSUS, but see andere for another proposal.
handi-mandi (L), haundi-mandi (L) n. ‘big shot’, ‘pompous, self-important person’, a.
‘pompous’, ‘self-important’. Commonly used as pl. ha(u)ndimandiak. 1759. An mreduplication.
handirasun (old LN) n. ‘greatness’. **** + -tasun NFS (see -tar).
hantu (**), antu (**) vt. ‘blow up, inflate, enlarge, swell’. **** + -tu VFS. [FHV 423]
hantura (**), antura (**) n. ‘swelling’. ****
hantuste (**), antuste (**) n. ‘arrogance’. **** + uste ‘opinion’ {(see etsi)}.
andur (old B) ****{a. ‘low’} [FHV 563]
angelu (Sout), angulu (B) ****{n. ‘garret’, ‘landing’ Az.}
From Lat. angellum ****{n. ‘small angle’} (M. 1961a: 160 fn. 9).
angio (B), angia (B), angi (B) n. ‘pasture, meadow’. Dimin. xangio (LN).
**** A toponym Angiozar in Gipuzkoa.
hanka (L LN Z) n. ‘haunch’, TS (L) ‘leg’, anka TS (R) ‘ham’, TS (B Sout G HN) ‘leg’,‘foot’, ‘paw’. 1562.
From Rom. (probably Occ.) anca ‘haunch’, ultimately from Gmc. (probably Frankish)*hanka ‘haunch’. This word is widespread in Romance: Occ. Cat. Cast. It. anca, old andEtymological Dictionary of Basque95

modern Fr. hanche, all ‘haunch’ but with TSs like ‘ham’, ‘leg’. The absence of P6 points
to a rather late borrowing.
ano(a) (G HN **), anhoa (L LN), anhúa (Z) n. ‘provisions’ (for a shepherd or a traveller),‘rations’, ‘share’, ‘food for animals’. 17th cent.
From *aNona, by P1, P23, from Lat. annōnam ‘provisions’ (M. 1961a: 305). Shortvariant by M4. (SEE ARBELAIZ)
ansia (**), ansi (**) n. ****{‘care, importance’} [FHV 500]
antzar (B Sout G), antzara (G HN L), antzare (S), antzera (LN Z), anzara (L), ansara (L),anzarea (HN), n. ‘goose’ (zool.), TS anzera (LN Z) ‘duck’ (zool.) 1397, 1562.
From Lat. anserem id. [FHV 335]anu (HN), auga (LN) n. ‘weakness’. **** [FHV 491-492]
OUO. Little recorded as an independent word, but frequent in derivatives. The originalform is not easy to determine, but probably something like *auNo (M. 1961a: 307).
anu egin (**), anhu egin (old L), ano egin (**), auno egin (B) vitm. ****{‘faint, be
weak’, aun egin (G HN) ‘be unable to carry a load’. + egin ‘do’.
aunatu (G HN), anotu (HN), unhatu (L LN), oñatu (old B, R&S 365) ****, unhatü(Z), augatu (LN) ****{be tired, be weary’} + -tu VFS. [FHV {103,} 307 fn., 492]
eñhe (Z) a. ‘tired{, fatigued}’. **** [FHV 307]
{eñhatü (Z) ****{v. ‘get tired’} [FHV 222] (from *aun-, *eun-)}[SORT THIS MESS OUT] M. (1977a: 492) proposes a source in {late} Lat. caumare****
añharba (LN), añhárba (Z) n. ‘spider’ (zool.) (****). ****
añegu (A), añagu (S), añai (R) n. ‘rye’ (bot.) (****) ****
aho (L LN Z), ao (B G HN R), ago (B G HN R Z) n. ‘mouth’. CF aha- (L LN Z), ao- (***),ab- (B G). 11th–12th cent., 1562.
From *a{[h]}o, OUO. Last variant by P35.1. First CF by W2.2, last by P55.
ahaire (L LN Z), ahaide (Z) n. ‘melody, tune’, ‘song’. 1627. + aire ‘air, melody’ (M.
****{1955c: 286}). Second form by P17. M. (**** BAP 6 {1950b}: 447) takes
seriously the idea that the word is taken straight from Rom. aire, with “vowel
doubling” or with contamination from aho, but M. (**** BAP 11 {1955c}: 286)
rejects this, as do AT.
ahalusain (S.P.) [hapax]; corrected by AT to *ahaluzain n. ‘yawn’. The second element
is probably luze ‘long’, which is why AT alter the form. The last element is obscure;AT suggest egin ‘make’.
ahamen (old L), aamen (**), aomen (HN R), amen (HN) n. ‘mouthful’. + -men NFS{(see -mendu)} (Sch. BuR 26). {= Schuchardt 1906a: 26.}

96

R. L. Trask
ahamihikatu (L) vi. ‘murmur’. + mihi ‘tongue’ + -ka AdvFS + -tu VFS.
ahape (**) {adv. ‘whispering’} etc.
ahapaldi (**) n. ‘injury’, ‘couplet’. ****. aldi ‘occasion’.
aharai (L) ‘song of happiness’, ‘mockery, ridicule’. ****
ahatara (L), ahatra (L), ahartara (L), aharta (L), aháta (Z), auta (R), aotara (L LN)
n. ‘mouthful’. **** Second element obscure.
ahazabal (old L **) n. ‘blabbermouth’. 1643. + zabal ‘wide’.
abets n. ‘voice’. ca. 1896. Aranist neologism; + eresi ‘dirge, song’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
ahogain (**) n. ‘palate’ (anat.). **** + gain ‘top’.
ahoganga (**) n. ‘palate’ (anat.) **** + ganga ‘vault’.
ahogozo (L LN Z), aogozo (G), *ahagozo (LN) n. ‘saliva’. **** + gozo ‘juice’. The LN
form is cited in error by S.P. as *ahagozi.
ahosabai (LN Z S), aosabai (B R), aasabai (L), aosapai (B G HN), ausapai (G),ausabai (R), agosabai (HN S A), agosapai (G), abosabai (Múg.), aosagailla (HN) n.
‘palate’ (anat.). Ca. 1780. + sabai ‘ceiling’. Last variant mysterious.
ahots (EB), aots (B) (1891), abots (B G) (1745, 1896) n. ‘lip-smacking’, TS ‘voice’. +hots ‘noise, cry’. Neologism in second sense.
ahoskatu vt. ‘pronounce’. 1944. + -katu VFS (see -ka). Neologism.
ahozeru (**) n. ‘palate’ (anat.). **** + zeru ‘sky’.
ahoz-pez (old L **) adv. ‘face down’. ****. ****

ahotz (**), áhotz (Z), aotz (**), agotz (S **), autz (R), alkotz (G HN), algotz (B) **** n.
****{‘chaff’ Aul.} [FHV 94, 340]
apaindu (B Sout G HN), aphaindu (L LN), aphaindü (Z) vi. ‘prepare (oneself), get ready’,‘get dolled up’, vt. ‘prepare’, ‘adorn’. 1562.
From Cast. apañar ‘prepare’ (M. ****{1974b: 204} Arb), by P32.
apain (B G L), aphain (L LN Z) n. ‘ornament’ (1745, 1804), a. ‘elegant’ (ca. 1860). By
back-formation.
apainduri (**) ***{n. ‘ornament, elegance’} [FHV 132]
apaiz (G HN), apez (G HN LN), ápez (R), aphez (L LN), aphéz (Z), apaez (old G Sout) n.
‘priest’. 1562.
Apparently from Lat. abbās ‘abbot’ (M. 1961a: 229), by L1, a rare case of a Lat. noun
borrowed in the nominative. Final /z/ instead of /tz/ is unexpected and puzzling. The
Lat. acc. abbātem is frequent in toponyms, as in Apatamonasterio; see M. (1961a: 229).
See also aphatía, iphizpiku.
apaizgai (G), aphezgei (L LN Z) n. ‘seminary student’. 1785. + -gai ‘destined for’ (seegai).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque97

apaizgo (HN), apezgo, aphezgoa (L LN Z), aphezkoa n. ‘priesthood’. 1627. + -goacollective NFS.
apaiztegi (G) n. ‘rectory’. 1265, 1745. + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi)}.
apaiztu (G), apheztu (L LN Z) vi. ‘become a priest’, vt. ‘ordain’. 1745, 1782. + -tu
VFS.
apaiztxori (HN) n. ‘peewit’, ‘lapwing’ (zool.) + txori ‘bird’ (see zori).
apaizurren (old G) n. ‘deacon’. 1745, 1785. + hurren ‘next, nearest’.
apetxaun (HN), apetxona (S) *** ‘señor priest’ ****
apal (B HN), ápal (R), aphal (L LN), áphal (Z) a. ‘low’ (1063, ca. 1660), TS ‘humble’(1712), (HN LN) adv. ‘down’.
Uncertain. Schuchardt (1899) and Bouda (**** EJ 4 {1950}: 52) suggest Lat. ad vallem‘to the valley’, parallel to Fr. and old Occ. aval, Cat. avall ‘down’. From this the likely
sequence */db/ in a Bq. borrowing would yield /p/ by W4. This proposal is cautiously
noted with approval by M. (1961a: 229), but it is far from certain, and a native origin
cannot be ruled out.
ap(h)aldu (c.) vt. ‘lower’, ‘abase, humble’. 1657. + -tu VFS.
ap(h)alkeri(a) (**) n. ‘servility’, ‘false humility’. + -keria NFS of vices.
aphalkuntza (L) n. ‘humiliation’. + -kuntza NFS of action (see *-kun).
aphaltar (LN) n. ‘lowlander’. + -tar ethnonymic suffix.
aparaxu (**) n. ‘toolkit, set of tools’. **** [FHV 517]
From some Rom. source akin to Cast. aparejo ‘gear, equipment’ (M. 1977a: 517).
apario (R), apáirü (Z), apáidü (Z) n. ‘meal’. **** [combine? {with afari}]
From Lat. {*}apparium **** (M. ****{1957a: 18} Arb).
hapataka (Z) **** ‘gallop(ing)’ ? Expressive.
aphatía (Z) n. ‘abbey’, ‘castle’. ******** See Cast. abadía. (Arb) {M. 1957c: 125}
apeio (R) n. ‘plough’. ****
Probably from Cast. apero ‘ploughing team’, ‘farm implement’, or a related Rom. word
(M. ****{1953b: 143} Arb).
apendu (old G) vi. ‘avenge oneself’. ****
M. (****{1951b: 579f. n. 5}) diffidently suggests Lat. appendere ‘weigh out’.

98

R. L. Trask

apika (G), apike (G R) prt. ‘maybe, perhaps’. ******** The *apuca of the second Supp. to Larramendi is an error (M. ****{1970a: 140}Arb).
apiriko (L), aperiko (L) n. ‘atrium’, ‘portico’. ****
From Lat. aprīcum ‘exposed to the sun’ (M. 1961a: 158)
apiril (G L Z), aphiril (L LN Z), apiribil (G), april (B G old LN), apríl (R) n. ‘April’. 1501.
From Lat. aprīlem id. The expected final /e/ has been lost, doubtless on the analogy of all
the other month names ending in -il representing *iLe ‘month’ (Knörr 2000{1}). The
third form is curious.
apo (**), apho (**), ápho (Z), afo (LN), zapo (**) **** n. ‘toad’ (zool.) (****)
From Cast. sapo id. **** Common form perhaps by the mishearing of Cast. los sapos as*los apos (M. 1961a: 292).
afo armatu (LN) n. ‘turtle’ (zool.) (****). + armatu ‘armoured’ (see arma).
aponnto {l. apontto} (G) n. ‘toadstool’, amonto (**) ‘a certain dark-coloured
mushroom’, amoroto (**) ‘a kind of red mushroom’, anboto (G) ‘a certain
mushroom’ **** + onddo ‘mushroom’ (Wasson 1956: {?6}11; M. **** BAP 23{1967d}: 116; M. 1961a: 118).
sapelaitz (B G), sapelatz (B G), aphalatz (LN) [different birds] [Arb] ****
apoñu (B) n. ‘humidity’, ‘storm’, afoñu (B) ‘odour’. ****
From Lat. favōnium ‘west wind’ (M. ****{1974b: 201 n. 94} Arb).
apostolu (**), apostru (**), aprostu (ol B) **** n. ‘apostle’. **** [FHV 160 fn. 69, 399]
apukadu (old B) vi. ‘happen, occur’. **** Stem apuka-.
OUO. Clearly borrowed, from its form, but no source is known. {M. 1964a: 140.}
apur (**) **** n. ****{‘crumb’ Aul.}apurtu (**) ****{v. ‘crumble’ Az.}
aphǘrxe (Z) **** [FHV 290]
*har (c.), a (B) det., pron. ‘that’ (distal), ‘that one’ (distal). Sg. stem (h)ar-. Pl. stem(h)ai(e)-. Postposed.
OUO. The absolutive sg. form *har survives in B as a; elsewhere, it has been
supplanted by the suppletive form hura. All varieties retain the oblique sg. stem and thepl. stem. See hau, hori [1]. [FHV 331]
-a (sg.), -ak (pl.) (c.) det. (definite) article. By phonological reduction of absolutive sg.
*har and absolutive pl. hai(e)k. The oblique sg. stem is -ar-; the oblique pl. stem is-e-. Old B, and even later B, often shows pl. forms like errekaak ‘the streams’ (R&S

Etymological Dictionary of Basque99214) and gauzaak ‘the things’ (Mogel) (M. 1961a: 112). Though commonly called the‘definite article’, this determiner is of broader application than a true definite article.
[FHV 238, 238 fn.]hain (L LN Z), ain (**), aen (old B) prt. ‘so’, ‘that’ (in forms like ‘so big’, ‘that big’).
15th cent. From haren, Gen. sg., from stem har- plus Gen. -en {[1]}, withphonological reduction (Gavel ****{1929: 194 n. 3}, M. 1961a: 66). See also*bez(a)-.
hainbat (**), ainbat (**), hanbat (**), anbat (**) **** ‘so much, so many’ ***halan (**), hala (**), hála (Z) **** adv. ‘thus’, ‘in that way’. **** See ala [2].
alegia (**) prt. ‘certainly’, **** + egia ‘truth’ (M. 1977a: 525).
han (**), an (**) adv. ‘(over) there’. ****
anartean (**), han artean (**{old LN}), anhartian (**), anarteraiño (**{old L}),
anarteraiño (**) ****{‘meanwhile’ Aul.} [FHV 525]
ararteko (**), anarteko (**) n. ‘mediator’. + arte {[1]} ‘interval’ (probably reduced
from artean ‘between’ {(cf. arte [1])}, + -an Loc. {CS}) + -ko (M. 1961a: 317 fn.
10). Second form by dissimilation. [BUT FHV 525 seems to disagree]are (**) prt. ‘even’, as in ‘even bigger’. **** + -e Gen. (M. 1977a: 503{, 525}). The
literal sense is ‘bigger than that’.
arean (B Sout) adv. ‘from there’, TS ‘any’. 1562. + -rean Abl CS (M. 1961a: 120).
[FORM?] [FHV 525] The TS is illustrated by B Arean ez dau ‘He doesn’t have any’,lit. ‘He doesn’t have from there’ (M. 1977a: 525).
arik (**) adv. ‘from there’. **** + -ik Abl. CS.
arrezkero (G) adv. ‘since then’. **** [FHV 331]
asostian (B) adv. ‘after that’. From *az-ostean, + -z instrl. + ostean ‘after’ (seeoste{[2]}), by P**{W16} (M. 1961a: 283).
elkar (G HN L LN) (1571), elkhar (L LN), alkar (B G R) (1537), álkhar (Z), álgar (Z),elgar (LN Z) (1545), arkal (**) pron. ‘each other, one another’. Probably from*hark-har, erg. and abs. of *har (Uhlenbeck **** 1928 RIEV 19: 168; M. 1961a: 69),
with dissimilation of the first rhotic (P24). Last variant by P6. The unexpected // insome Z forms points to diffusion, by P**{6} (M. 1961a: 230 fn. 10).
elkarrekin (**) adv. ‘together’. ****. + -ekin Com. CS (see ****{-kide}).
har (L LN), hãr (Z), ar (**), aar (old B, R&S 400 **), ãr (R) **** n. ‘worm’ ****
From *anar, by P1{, OUO.} (M. ****{1950b:, 451; 1954b: 147} Arb).
harjo (**), arjo (**), artxo (HN), arxo (R) a. ‘worm-eaten’, harro (**), arro (**) a.
‘***** proud’ **** [FHV 175, 175 fn. {15}, 234 fn. {19}]armin (B) (B), arbin (B) n. ‘predicament’, a. ‘restless’, har miñak (L) n. pl. ‘sorrow’,‘remorse, regret’. + min ‘pain’ (M. 1961a: 276).

100

R. L. Trask*-ar Hypothetical NFS with a collective sense.
Its reality is not certain, but, as first pointed out by *****, Bq. has many nouns ending ina morph -ar which denote things commonly encountered in bunches, rather than
individually, and in fact M. (****{1958a}) describes this *-ar as “well documented”.
Examples include abar ‘branch’, belar ‘grass’, hondar ‘sand’, ‘residue’, ilar ‘pea’, izar
‘star’, negar ‘tears’, sagar ‘apple’, and possibly adar ‘horn’, ohar ‘advice, warning’,
zatar ‘rag’ and bizar ‘beard’ (if this originally meant ‘whiskers’). The numeral-namehamar ‘ten’ may also be relevant. Against this, it must be noted that Bq. has manynouns in -ar for which a collective reading is, at best, difficult: behar ‘necessity’, bihar‘tomorrow’, ibar ‘valley’, indar ‘force’, leizar ‘ash tree’, zilar ‘silver’, ***** {On -arin tree and plant names see M. 1973a: 60.}ar (** Z) **** {a.} ‘male’****{OUO.} AT suggest a link with ahari ‘ram’.
arrezko (**) adjvl. ‘male’. **** + -zko (see ****{-z Instrumental/adverbial suffix}).
-ara **** ‘heat (of an animal)’.
[Az.] **** Not recorded as an independent word.
haragi (**), aragi (**), a(r)ági (Z) n. ‘meat’. ****
haragikoi (**), a(r)akhói (Z) a. **** ‘fond of meat, carnivorous’, TS ‘fond of sensualpleasures’, ‘lascivious’, TS (Z) n. ‘dog’. **** + -koi ‘fond of’ {(see ohi)}.
arakin (**) n. ‘butcher’. **** + -gin ‘maker’(see egin) (M. 1961a: 423).
aratsu (old LN) ****{‘fleshy’ Az.} [FHV 560]
aragorri (**), ahago (**) **** [messy] [AT]arai (Sout) n. ‘mastiff’. 1562.
From some Rom. form akin to Cast. alano id., by P**{22}.
arhamenta (Z), ahamenda-(belhar) (LN Z) n. Sense disputed: A. (1905) and Múg. give‘absinthe, wormwood’ (bot.) (Artemisia absinthium), while Lh. and Daranatz give‘mint’.
The second element can hardly be other than Rom. menta ‘mint’. The first is lessobvious, but Lh. proposes arhan ‘plum’ (see aran), and this is endorsed by AT (s.v.
ahamenda): the sense of ‘plum-mint’ is to be taken as ‘wild mint’. Corominas, cited inAT, suggests a development from Rom. absenta ‘absinthe’, as follows: *absenta >*asbenta > *asmenta > *ar(a)menta. But this ingenuity appears misplaced.
haran (**), aran (**) *** n. ‘valley’. ********{OUO.} A CF (h)ara- in the surname Araluce (luze ‘long’) (M. 1977a: 562).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque101

aran (**), arhan (**), á(r)han (Z) n. ‘plum’. ****
OUO. There have been attempts to relate this to the Rom. word represented by Arag.
arañón and to the Celtic word represented by Irish áirne and Welsh eirin, but M.
(****{1964a: 140 and n. 133, n. 134} Arb) points out that the Rom. forms require an
original *agraniō (CP s.v. arándano), while the Celtic ones require *agrinja. Seearhamenta.
basaran (**) n. ‘sloe’. **** + basa- ‘wild’ (see baso).
patxaran (**) n. ‘pacharan’, a liqueur made from anisette flavoured with sloes. An
alteration of the preceding. {? Cf. paitar, pattar ‘alcoholic liquor’.}á(r)hatü (Z), inferred from stem a(r)ha-. vt. ‘rake’.
Obscure. M. (1961a: 211) diffidently suggests Lat. arāre ‘till, plough’.
arau (**) **** n. ‘rule, norm’, ‘association’. [FHV 94, 119]
OUO. M. (**** BAP 10 {1954e}: 375) suggests a Rom. origin in some form along thelines of *alau, by P**{22}.
arbazta (**{G B}), garbasta (**), karbaza (**), arba (**) n. ****{‘rafter’, ‘branch’}[FHV 251 fn. {46}] [Sarasola] [Arb]arbuiatu (L LN), arbuiatü (Z) **** vt. ‘despise, scorn’. ****
From some Rom. reflex of Lat. repudiāre ‘reject’ (M. 1961a: 164).
ardi [1] (c.) n. (southern varieties) ‘sheep’ (zool.) (****), (L LN Z) ‘ewe’. CF art- 1545.
OUO. CF by W2.1, W3. In the south, this is the generic word for ‘sheep’, and ahari is
only ‘ram’; in the north, it means specifically ‘ewe’, while ahari is both ‘sheep’ and‘ram’.
altxirri (B G HN), altxirra (HN) n. ‘sheep droppings’. + zirri [2] ‘dung’ (M.
****{1968g: 482} Arb), with dissimilation of the rhotic.
arkume (B G HN) n. ‘lamb’, esp. one that is still being suckled. Ca. 1620. + -kume‘offspring’ (see ume) (M. 1961a: 246).
arpiga (B), arpigae (B), arpigai (B), arpigera (B), arpiento (B) n. ‘one-year-old ewe
which has not given birth’. + bigae ‘two-year-old heifer’. **** [FHV 146, 345]
arpin (old LN) n. ‘plantain’ (bot.) (Plantago maior). 17th cent. + *bini ‘tongue’ (seemihi), by W**{2.1, 3, 4}: literally, ‘sheep-tongue’ (M. 1961a: 276). Cf. ancient
Greek arnóglosson ‘plantain’, lit. ‘lamb-tongue’.
artalde (**), arthálde (Z) n. ‘flock of sheep’. **** + talde ‘group’ ****{Not in The
Dictionary.}
artegi (B G HN L LN R) (1571), artei (Sout) (1562), arthégi (Z) n. ‘sheep pen’. + -tegi‘place’ ****{(see hegi).}
artile (L LN R), arthile (L LN), artille (G HN L LN), artillhe (Z), artule (B) n. ‘wool’,‘fleece’, TS ‘yarn’. 1802. + ile (and variants) ‘hair’.

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R. L. Trask
artizkuma (G) n. ‘place for milking ewes’. **** + jeitz- {root of jeitzi} ‘milk’ + -gune‘place’ (see ****{gune}), by P**{2} (M. 1961a: 304 fn. 9).
artxaun (HN) n. ‘shepherd’. **** + jaun ‘lord’. [FHV 174]
artzain (B L LN Z) (1545), artzãi (old B), artzáñ (Z), artzai (G HN) (1183), arzai(Sout) (1562), artzái (R), artzaĩ (R) n. ‘shepherd’. CF artzan-. + -zain ‘guardian’(see zain {[1]}). CF by W1. [FHV 290]
artzango (LN), artzaingo (HN L LN S Z) n. ‘sheepherding’. ****. + -goa NFS.
artzantza (G), artzaintza (B G HN) n. ‘sheepherding’. 1745, ca. 1760. + -tza NFS.
azuri (B) n. ‘newborn lamb’. + zuri ‘white’. The development is probably *ardi-zuri >*ard-zuri (by W2.1) > *art-zuri (by W3) > *atzuri > azuri.
axuri (**) n. ‘young lamb’. [MT entry]

ardi [2] (**) n. ‘flea’ (zool.) (****).
**** See kukuso.
arkakuso (G), ardikuso (G) n. ‘flea’ (zool.) (****) **** + kukuso ‘flea’ (M. 1961a:
345). A curious blend of eastern and western words for ‘flea’.
ardít (Z) ****{n. ‘ardite (coin)’} [FHV 207, 345]
hardit (** old LN) {a. ‘daring’}, hardít (Z) ****{a. ‘healthy’} [FHV 207]
ardo (G HN S A), ardao (B Sout), ardau (B), ardão (old B), arno (L LN), ano (LN), ardṹ(Z), ardáũ (R) n. ‘wine’. CF ardan-. 1498, 1545.
From *ardano, OUO, by P1, P**{35.3} (Altube ****{1923: 518ff.}, M. 1961a: 151).
CF by W1. The form ardum is recorded by Aimery Picaud in the 12th cent. for an
unknown variety; this probably represents [ardũ]. The curious phrase ardan bustia ‘wet
wine’ occurs in the magical charm found in a manuscript in the cathedral of Pamplona,usually dated to the 14th century and published in Gifford and Michelena (1958) and in
M. (1964**{b}: 57–59); this is surely to be interpreted as a compound containing the
CF. Landucci (1562) {in Agud & Michelena (1958)}does not list the independent word
for Sout, but cites ardaoan bodegu[ea], glossed as ‘bodega de vino’, with an apparent
genitive -an (< -aren), pointing to *ardao for Sout. The CF ardan- is recorded insurnames as early as the 1{3}th cent., for example Sancho Ardanburu in 1283, and the
toponym Ardanui, apparently ‘vineyard’, is recorded in Ribagorza (C. ****{1994 s.v.}).
As an independent word, this means ‘wine’ in almost all citations, though a few earlytexts have it in the sense of ‘any fermented beverage’ (Agud ****{1983}, Sarasola
1996). It occurs as the final element in compounds denoting a range of alcoholic
beverages, though A. (1905)’s proposal of ‘any kind of beverage’ seems unjustifiable.
See gari, sagar, mahats for examples of such compounds.
Many scholars have wanted to see a possible link with Albanian ardhi ‘wine’ and with
Armenian ort, frequently glossed as ‘wine’ in the comparative literature but in fact
meaning ‘vineyard’. These comparisons, which would apparently require the Bq. word
to be a compound, are questionable. [FHV 127]
ardanbera (G) n. ‘finest variety of a beverage, esp. cider’. + bera ‘soft’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque103

ardanberri (**) n. ‘new wine’. **** + berri ‘new’ (see *berr-). [FHV 499]
ardandegi n. (B G old L) ‘wine cellar’, (B) ‘tavern, inn’, (G) ‘communal wine store’,ardantegi (B) ‘larder, pantry’, arnotegi (old L) ‘larder, cellar’. 1643. + -tegi ‘place’{(see hegi)}. Last variant by re-formation.
ardandu, arnotu vi., vt. ‘ferment’. + -tu VFS.
ardanetxe (B) n. ‘tavern, inn’. 1802. + etxe ‘house’.
ardangela n. (B) ‘wine cellar beneath the stairs’, (B G HN) ‘larder, pantry’. + gela
‘room’.
ardankoi (B old L), ardaukoi (R), ardũkhói (Z) a. ‘excessively fond of wine’. 1643.
Also ardanoi (Z) ‘drunk’. + -koi AFS ‘fond of’ {(see ohi)}.
ardanoi (Z) n. ‘drunkard’. Probably + ohe ‘bed’.
ardantza (LN R), ardantze (G old L old Z?), ardanza (HN) n. ‘vineyard’. 1164, 1627.
+ -tza NFS.
ardantzale, ardanzale (B HN), ardozale (G), arnozale (L LN), ardaozale (B) n.
‘drunkard’. 17th cent. + -zale ‘fond of’ {not in The Dictionary}. Last three variants
are re-formations.
ardaomindu (B) vi. ‘go black and blue’ (of the skin). + min ‘pain’ + -tu VFS.
ardausopatu (R) vi. ‘go black and blue’ (of the skin). + sopa ‘soup’ (see zopa) + -tu
VFS.
ardogin, ardogile n. ‘winemaker’. 1816. + -gin, -gile ‘maker’ (see egin).
arnozun (old L) a. ‘looking for wine’. Hapax in Axular 1643. + -zun ‘in search of’.
{Not in The Dictionary.}
hardo (** L), kardo (HN L) n. ‘tinder’. **** Dimin. harddo (L), karddo (L) ‘tinder’.
From Lat. cardu(u)m ‘thistle’ (M. 1961a: 251). It appears that thistles were once
commonly used as tinder.
ardagai (G), ardai (LN Z), erdai (B), kardakai (HN) **** n. ‘tinder’. **** + gai‘material’.
ardura (B G HN L) n. ‘care, attention’, ‘diligence’. [more senses] ****
From Old Cast. ardura ‘anguish, anxiety, discomfort’ (M. **** BAP 9 {1953d}: 569).
harea (L **), area (**), are (**), ha(r)íña (Z), ãria (R), ária (R), aréa (R), ãre (R) n.
‘sand’. **** CF (h)aren-.
From Lat. (h)arēnam id., by P1 (M. 1961a: 300). CF by W**{1}.
arerio (B) n. ‘enemy’. 1596.
OUO, and a word of very strange form. See etsai.

104

R. L. Trask{[}arestian (**), araxtian (**) **** adv. ‘a short time ago’, ‘just now’. ****
M. (****{1957a: 21; Agud & Michelena 1958: 42} Arb) proposes Lat. hōra est jam ‘thehour is now’. {] Combined with ora(i)xtean (see orast).}arezta (HN L LN), aresta (HN), ahasta (L), abrasta (L), ahazta (LN), alasta (LN), harezta(LN), (?) arazka (Z), arazta (Z), harazta (Z), ahetz (Z), aazta (Z) , aletza (HN G?),
alesta (G?). ‘waste material, esp. from processing flax’. 1746, 1783.
From a Rom. *aresta, from Lat. aristam ‘top of an ear’, ‘beard of corn’ (M. ****{1961g:357}). {Old Occ. aresta, but in senses similar to Latin.} M. (**** BAP 17 {1961g}: 357)
is not sure that the Z form {arazka} cited is real.
arestabar (G), abastar (G), aaztar (G) n. ‘waste material from processing flax or wool’.
+ abar ‘residue’ (M. ****). {AT}argi (c.), árgi (Z) n. ‘light’, a. ‘bright’. 1545. CF art-.
OUO. CF by W2.1, W3. Many have proposed a link with the PIE root *arg- or *h2erg‘shine, bright’, but no suitable source for the Bq. word is attested in any IE language
known to have been in contact with Bq.
argitaratu (**) vt. ‘publish’. 1747. + -ta- {not in The Dictionary} + -ra All. CS + -tu
VFS. A neologistic variant argitaldu is recorded in 1897.
{[}arthatsean (old LN) ****{‘dawn’} [FHV 237] {] Moved below, reflecting M.’s
etymology.}
artizar (** old LN) n. ‘morning star’. **** + izar ‘star’ (M. 1961a: 237).
arthatsean (old LN) ****{‘dawn’. + hatse ‘beginning’. (M . 1961a: 237).}ari (**), á(r)i (Z) ****{vi. ‘be occupied’ Aul.}{OUO.}
ari izan (**) ****{vi. ‘be occupied’ Aul.}
aritu (**) ****{vi. ‘be busy with’ Aul.}artze (**) n. ‘state of being busy’. **** + -tze NFS (see -tza). [FHV 126]
hari (**), há(r)i (Z), ari (**) n. ‘thread’ ****
-ari [1], -kari, -lari (c.) Professional NFS.
From Lat. -ārium id. (M. 1961a: 135), by L10. It appears that Bq. borrowed enough Lat.
pairs like merkatu ‘market’ (from Lat. mercātum) and merkatari ‘merchant’ (from Lat.
mercātārium) that -ari was extracted and pressed into service as a Basque suffix.
Second form by W**{18}. Third variant unusual. Even though Bq. surnames are
seldom derived from professions, there exists a handful of surnames with this suffix, likeDendaria, from dendari ‘shopkeeper’, ‘tailor’, from denda ‘shop’, ‘tailor’s shop’ (M.
1973**{a: 53}).
-ari [2] {, -kari NFS} meal suffix [CF -al] [possibly move to -kari: FHV 221]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque105

arima (B HN L Z), anima (G) n. ‘soul’. 15th cent.
From Lat. animam id., with the common form possibly via *alima, by dissimilation and
P22 (M. 1961a: 317 fn. 10), or perhaps by direct dissimilation. {cf. Occ. arma, Cast.
alma}
amezkilla (G), aimezkilla (G) n. ‘ringing of a church bell to announce the death throesof a sufferer’. + ezkila ‘bell’ (M. ****{1962a: 56} Arb).
arin (**), arhin (**), á(r)hin (Z) a. ‘light’. ****
arhizki (old LN) adv. ‘lightly’. 1545. + -z advbl. + -ki [**{1}] AdvFS.
haritz (**), aritz (**), há(r)itx (Z), areitz (G), araitz (G HN), aretx (old B Sout R) n. ‘oak’(bot.) ****
{OUO.}
arlinga (G) n. [fogonadura] ****
From Cast. carlinga ‘cockpit, cabin’, by P**{14} (M. ****{1967f: 606} Arb; M. credits
Griera).
arlo (B G **) ****{n. task, matter’} [FHV 366]
arlote (**), arlot (**) n. ‘vagabond’, **** **** [FHV 366]
arma (**), harma (**) n. ‘weapon’. ****
From Lat. arma ‘weapons’.
harmadura (**) ****
harmatu (**) ****{vti. ‘arm’}
armiarma (G HN) (1745, 1749), armiarmo (L), armierma (?) (17th cent.), armarma (GHN L), armirmau (?) (1783), miarma (?) (ca. 1800), armarabilla (G), armarmio(LN), armamoi (HN), amiamo (LN), armirimao (G), amauma (HN), amama (GHN), amalma (HN), abaraun (**), amaraun (**), amalaun (**), amañ (**), abañ(Z) n. ‘spider’ (zool.) (order Araneae). [Az.: also ‘web’ in places] [AT] [CHECK: I
think I’ve put in some words for ‘web’ only]
Of expressive origin. Lat. arāneam id. {‘spider’s web’, ‘spider’} is too remote in form
to provide a source.
arnegatu (B G HN L LN), arnegatü (Z), ernegatu (G HN) ****{vt. ‘curse’} [FHV 164]
From Lat. renegāre *** or a Rom. reflex of this (M. 1961a: 164). The syncope might be
Rom.: cf. Gasc. arnegà id.
aro [1] (**), haro (**), há(r)o (Z) n. ‘time?’, ‘weather’ ****

106

R. L. Traskaro [2] (old B), haro (LN) n. ‘circle, ring’. ****
From Cast. aro ‘ring’ (M. ****{1959c: 525} Arb).
haro (L) n. ‘lighthouse’. ****
From Cast. faro id.
arra (Sout G HN), arraa (B) n. ‘palm’. **** [FHV 129 fn.] [Arb]M. (1961a: 129) proposes Arabic raħa ****{‘palm of the hand’}.
arragoa (**) n. ‘crucible’. ****
M. (****{1956f: 371; 1973a: 55} Arb) proposes Cast. fragua ‘forge’, or at least somereflex of Lat. fabricam ‘workshop’.
arrain (HN L LN **), arrai (old B Sout G HN A S), ‘fish’, *** arráñ (Z), arrai (A S),
arraĩ (R), arrái (R) ‘trout’ (zool.) (****) CF arran-.
From *aRani, OUO, by P1 (M. 1961a: 414). CF by W**{1}. The word is recorded asaraign in Picaud. **** suggests that the word might be an old verbal participle in -i[**{1}] {VFS (see -i [1] AFS).} See also ehiza. [ARB]
arrandegi (**) n. ‘fishmonger’s, fish shop’. **** + -tegi ‘place’ (see ****{hegi}) (M.
****{1949b: 200} Arb).
arrantzale (**) n. ‘fisherman’. **** + -zale ‘fond of’. {Not in The Dictionary.}arraio (**), erraxo (R) ****{n. ‘lightning, thunderbolt’} [FHV 184 fn.]arrano (c.?) n. ‘eagle’, esp. the golden eagle (zool.) (Aquila chrysaetos) (1056, 1571), also
applied in places to various vultures, TS prt. euphemism for arraio (ca. 1805).
From *aRaNo, OUO, by P23. The proposed link with Hittite hara(n)- id. is too remoteand vague to be impressive.
arrano gorri n. ‘bearded vulture’ (zool.) (Gypaeus barbatus). 1923. + gorri ‘red’{(see*gorr-)}.
arranokume n. ‘eaglet’. 1803. + -kume ‘offspring’ {(see ume)}.
arrantza (G) n. ‘braying’. **** [FHV 385]
harrapatu (**), arrapatu (**), arpatu (HN) ****{‘seize, catch’ Aul.} [FHV 164]
From Rom. (perhaps Arag.) arrapar **** (M. 1961a: 209). [Arb]{[}arrastalo (G HN), arrastelu (LN R S) **** n. {‘rake’} [FHV 155] {] Combined witharraztelu.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque107

arratoi (**), arratoin (** old L), arrotoin (**), arrathṹ (Z), arratoĩ (R), arratói (R),arratio (**), garrathoiñ (LN) n. ‘rat’ (zool.) (****) **** [FHV 148]***** Last form by P**{14}.
arrats (**), arts (A S), aats (L), ats (L) n. ‘evening’, ‘night’. ********{OUO.} Possibly from arre ‘grey’ (M. ****){? Campión, 1899: 316. AT}. The last
two forms cannot be regularly derived from arrats, and may point to an unrecorded
variant *arats.
arratsalde (**), artsalde (A S), atsalde (B HN L) n. ‘afternoon’. **** + alde ‘side’{(see *al-)}.
atsaldaskari (old L) n. ‘mid-afternoon meal’, ‘snack’. + -kari meal suffix {(see -ari[2])}. **** [FHV 513]
askari (**{LN R}) n. ‘afternoon snack’, {haskari (LN), askari (LN Z) n. ‘lunch’}. CF
askal- by W**{12}. **** + -kari meal suffix (M. **** Arb). Clearly contains themeal suffix -ari [2]. The first element may be arrats ‘grey’ (M. 1961a: 246 fn. 38).
askaldu (**) ****{v. ‘have lunch’, ‘have tea’}astiri (old L) n. ‘nightfall’. **** [FHV 513]
arraultza (**), arraultze (**), arrautza (B G HN), arrautze (B G HN), arráutze (Z),arraunza (Sout), arrauntza (B), arroitze (A), arrol(t)ze (HN LN S), arrultze (LN),
arrontza (G) **** n. ‘egg’. **** [FHV 94]**** It has been suggested that this is a derivative of errun ‘lay (eggs)’; M. (1977a: 490)
attributes the idea to Bouda.
arraun (G HN), arrau L LN Z R) **** n. ’oar’. **** [FHV 152]
From *arranu or *arrano, taken IE and probably from Celtic: cf. Old Irish ram(e) id. (M.
*****{1957c: 156 n. 68} Arb; M. credits Nils Holmer).
arrausi (B G HN S A), aharrausi (**), ãhãrrausi (Z), aharrosi (LN), aarrausi (B),agorrosin (B), arrause (old HN), arrausin (B G HN), arrauzi (B), arreusi (B),arrosin (B LN), arrosi (LN), arrosoin (HN), harrosin (L LN Z), arrosinka (G),errausin (HN L), errosin (old B), arroste (HN), arrosti (LN) **** [Az.] n. ‘yawn’.
****
Obscure. The first element might be aho ‘mouth’, a suggestion attributed to van Eys by
AT (s.v. aarrausi). The second is probably hautsi ‘break’ (M. 1961a: 289) (see hauts).
[FHV 96]arraza (**) n. ‘race’. **** [FHV 155]
arrazoin (HN L LN), arrazoi (G HN), errazoi (G HN), errazoẽ (old B), errazue (old B),
errazoi (Sout), arrazoĩ (R), arrazṹ (Z) n. ****
From *arrazone, by P1, from some Rom. reflex of Lat. ratiōnem id. **** [FHV 155]

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R. L. Trask

arraztelu (L LN S), arraztalu (HN) {arrastalo (G HN), arrastelu (LN R S)}, {garraztulu(**), arrastélü (Z) ****} n. ‘rake’. ****
From Lat. rastellum id.; see CP s.v. rastro. [FHV 155] {[FHV 79]}
arre (**) a. ‘grey’.
****{OUO.}
arreba (c.) n. ‘sister of a man’. 1537.
OUO, but contains -ba kinship suffix. M. (****{1961a: 310 n. 20 + AT}) diffidently
suggests a derivative of ar ‘male’; see neba. See also ahizpa.
arreba-erdi (B G), arreberdi (B G) n. ‘half-sister’ (of a man). + erdi ‘half’.
arreba-orde (B G), arreborde (B G) n. ‘stepsister’. + orde ‘replacement’.
arrenkura (**), arrenkǘ(r)a (Z) ****{n. ‘affliction’, ‘complaint’ Aul.}arres (LN Z R S) n. ‘wool-bearing animal’, ‘sheep’. ****
arresdún (R) ****{a. ‘flock-owning’} [FHV 396 fn.]arreta (B G), artha (L LN Z) n. ‘care, attention’. **** [FHV 165]
harri (L LN), hárri (Z), arri (B Sout G HN A S R) n. ‘stone’. CF (h)arr-. ****.
OUO. Many, such as M. (1961a: 219), have seen this as representing the pre-IE stem*karr- ‘rock’ which is attested in Rom. and possibly in Celtic, but the identification is
not certain. See ****. CF by W2.1. [FHV 251 fn.]harbel (**), arbel (B **) n. ‘slate’. ****. + *bel ‘dark’ (M. 1961a: 63).
hardi (old LN) n. ‘stony place’. **** + -di NFS.
har kantoin (old LN) n. ****{‘cornerstone’.} [FHV 125]
harlauza (**), arlauza (**) n. ‘slab’. ****{+ lauza.} [FHV 366]
harpe (**), kharbe (LN), karbe (S) n. ‘cave, cavern, grotto’. **** [FHV 251]
arralasta (G) n. ‘piece of smoothed stone’. **** + lasta ‘ballast’ (M. ****{1953d: 567}Arb), with assimilation.
arraska (B G HN) n. ‘stone manger’, ‘basin, sink’. **** + aska ‘manger’{, ‘crib’} (M.
****{1955d: 459} Arb).
(h)arritu (c.) vi. ‘turn to stone’, vt. ‘petrify’, TS vi. ‘be surprised’, vt. ‘surprise’. 1545 (inTS). + -tu VFS. The expected *hartu (by W2.1) is perhaps blocked by the existenceof hartu ‘take’.
harroin (L), arroin (B) n. ‘stone column’, ‘footstone’. **** + oin ‘foot’.
harxede (S.P.) n. ‘pile of stones’. **** + xede ‘limit’.
harxílo (Z) n. ‘grotto’. + xilo ‘hole’ (see zulo). [other forms?] ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque109

arrisku (B G HN), irrisku (L LN), {errisku (**), } n. ‘danger’, ‘risk’. **** [FHV
{66,}155]
arroda (**) n. ‘wheel’. **** {(See errota.)}[see MT entry]
arroil (**) n. ****{‘gorge’, ‘excavation’} [Arb] [funny business here] {M. 1973a: 57.}
arroitu (HN R), *****{n. ‘noise’} [FHV 156]
harroka (Z), arroka (old LN) n. ‘rock’. ****
From Cast. roca id. {or Occ. ròca.} The /h/ perhaps by contamination from harri ‘stone’(M. 1961a: 209 fn. 10).
arrosa (**), larrosa (B **) n. ‘rose’. ****
arroz (**) n. ‘rice’. ****
From Cast. arroz id. See erris.
arruga (B) ****{n. ‘market’, ‘(market) square’ Az.} [FHV 156]
arrunt (**), arront (**) a. ‘common’. **** [FHV 235: loan]****arrontkide (**), arronkide (old LN) n. ‘comrade’. **** + -kide ‘fellow’ (see ****).
[FHV 367]
arruta (L) n. ‘route’. ****
From Cast. ruta id. {or Gasc., Fr. route.}
arte (**) [1], erte (HN) ****{n. ‘space, interval’, prep. ‘until’, ‘between’ Aul.} [FHV 70]****{OUO.} Gavel (****{1920: 77} Arb) proposes an original *aurte, which might bebuilt upon *aur ‘front’, but there is little direct support for this, apart perhaps from thesurname Recaurte (M. ****{1973a: 58} Arb).
artega (B **) a. ‘restless’. **** + -ga ‘without’ (see gabe).
tarte (G L **) n. ‘space between’ ****
arte [2] (**) n. ‘ilex, holm oak’. **** CF arta-.
OUO. CF by W**{2.2}.
artazĩ (R) n. ‘ilex acorn’. **** + zi ‘acorn’.

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R. L. Trask

arto (B G HN), artho (L LN Z) n. (fomerly) ‘millet’ (bot.) (Setaria italica), (today) ‘maize’(bot.) (Zea mays). CF arta-. 1562.
CF by W2.2. OUO. The word is well attested as ‘millet’ in the early literature, but, withthe displacement of millet by maize as a staple cereal in the 16th–17th centuries, thename was transferred to the somewhat similar-looking maize.
artatxiki (B G) n. ‘millet’. 1745, 1847. + txiki ‘small’ (see tipi).
hartu (**), artu (**), hártü (Z) ****{vt. ‘take’}{Root *har-, OUO.}
hartz (L LN Z), artz (B Sout G HN S) n. ‘bear’ (zool.) (Ursus). 1330, 1562.
OUO. Possibly attested as Aq. HARS- in male names like HARSUS (M. 1961a: 219).
Scholars from Schuchardt onward have tried to see this as a loan from Celtic, but theprobable Celtic nom. *artos should have yielded *(h)artotz, not the observed form.
artz eme (Sout) n. ‘she-bear’. 1562. + eme ‘female’.
artzaiera {(G)}****{n. ‘reception, admission’} [Arb]harzara (**), harzá(r)a (Z), arza (**), artsa (**), arsa (**), astra (R) adv. ‘again’. ****
[FHV 162, 162 fn., 364]
has (L LN Z) a. ‘bare, uncovered’. 1657.
OUO.
asaba n. (B G) ‘ancestor’ (1761), (old B HN) ‘grandparent’ (1596), (HN) ‘greatgrandparent’.
OUO, but contains -ba kinship suffix.
asago (B) a. ‘far, distant’. **** [Arb]ase (**) vi. ‘be satisfied’, vt. ‘satisfy, sate’. 1562.
OUO.
asete(a) (Sout) n. ‘plenty’. 1562. Probably + -te {[1]} NFS, though M. (****{Agud &Michelena 1958: 36ff.} Arb) oddly prefers -eta (see ****).
aski (**) *** ‘enough’. ****
asko (**) **** ****{a., adv. ‘many’, ‘much’.}asentsio (B G), asensio (old G?), asentsio-belar (**), asentsio-bedar (**) n. ‘wormwood’(bot.) (****) ****
From Lat. absinthium id., with unusual assimilation of the /t/; sometimes reinforced bybelar {[1]} ‘plant’ (M. 1961a: 283).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque111

hasi (**), asi (**) vi. ‘start, begin’ (‘on’ = Loc. CS), vic. [+ Imperf.Part.]****
hasiera (**) **** n. ‘beginning’. **** ****
hatsarre (old LN **) n. ‘beginning’. **** [FHV 351] + -zarre ****{(NFS).}asikun(a) (B), asikuren (B), asikor (B), asikontxo (G) n. ‘glanders, goitre’. ****
M. (****{1957a: 22} Arb) sees the first element as hazi ‘grow’, by P**{21}.
aska (**), arska (**) n. ‘crib’ **** [FHV 368] [Arb] [AT]{[}askari (**) n. ****{‘lunch, tea’.} CF askal-.
Clearly contains the meal suffix -ari [2]. The first element may be arrats ‘grey’ (M.
1961a: 246 fn. 38). CF by W**{12}.
askaldu (**) **** {] Partly duplicates askari under arrats. Moved there.}askatu (B G HN), eskatu (B HN) **** ‘let go of, loose, untie’, TS ‘free, liberate’, lazkatu(G) **** ‘loosen, slacken’ ****
From Lat. *lascāre ‘untie’ (M. 1961a: 324). [FHV 551: important] [Arb]aske (**) a. ‘free’. ****
asmo (**), asmu (**) n. ‘idea’. **** CF asma-. [FHV 350]
From Old Cast. asmo id., ult. from Lat. ****{aestimāre ‘assess, reckon’, see CP s.v.
estimar} CF by W**{2.2}.
asmatu (**), asmau (**) vt. ‘think of’. **** + -tu VFS.
aspaldi (** Z R) n. ‘a long time ago’. ****First element obscure. The second is aldi ‘time’ (M. 1961a: 356).
aste (c.), áste (Z) n. ‘week’. CF asta-{?? see below astearte}. 1545.
CF by W2.2. OUO. May contain -te {[1]} NFS of duration. A connection with hasi
‘begin’ has often been suggested but cannot be supported.
astagaitz (L), astegaitz (Z) n. ‘menstruation, period’. 1857. + gaitz ‘bad’.
astearte (**) n. ‘Tuesday’. 1636. + arte [1] ‘interval, between’. Together withastelehen and asteazken (below), this name has often been taken as meaning that theBasques once recognized a three-day week, but such an arrangement seems
inconvenient and implausible. Moreover, the absence of the expected combining
form *asta-, the absence of any resolution of the hiatus (P**{35}) and the apparent
retention in the second of the aspiration in an illegal position (P**){§3} all indicate
strongly that all three words are late formations, though of wholly obscure motivation.
asteazken (**) n. ‘Wednesday’. 1621. + azken ‘last’. See astearte (above) for
comments.

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R. L. Trask
astebete (**) n. ‘week’. **** + bete ‘full’. [FHV 412]
astelehen (**), astelen (**) n. ‘Monday’. + lehen ‘first’. See astearte (above) for
comments.

astigar (**), aztigar (**), gaztigar (**), txastegiar (S) **** n. ‘maple’ (bot.) (****). ****
[FHV 253]
The second element is probably ihar ‘maple’. The first might be **** (Arb). {M.
1973a: 60.}
astin (**) a. **** ****{‘spongy, soft’}Obscure. M. (1977a: 487) proposes hauts ‘powder’ + -din ‘resembling’ (see *edin).
astindu (**) ****{vt. ‘inflate’, ‘shake’}
asto (c.), arsto (R old Z?) n. ‘donkey, ass’ (zool.) (****). CF asta-. 1562. [FHV 368]
OUO. CF by W2.2. A derivation from Cast. asno id. would be without parallel, andwould leave the R form unexplained. A. (****{Euskera 1: 5}) proposes hartz ‘bear’ +-to {[1]} dimin. This is semantically odd but phonologically perfect: *arzto > arsto (byP18) > asto (by P{19}). Possibly represented by Aq. ASTO-. (Arb)asteme (Sout **) n. ‘female donkey’. 1562. + eme ‘female’.
asto-ume (** old LN) n. ‘young donkey’. + -kume ‘offspring’ (see ume).
astun (**) a. ‘heavy’. **** ****
{OUO.}
asturu (** old LN), astru (**) n. ‘luck, fortune’. ****
From Lat. astrum ‘star’ (M. 1961a: 158).
asturugaitz (old LN **) a. ‘unlucky, unfortunate’. **** + gaitz ‘bad’.
asturutsu (old LN **) a. ‘lucky, fortunate’. **** + -tsu AFS.
asturuz (old LN) adv. ‘by chance’. **** + -z advbl./instrl.
hasuin (**), asuin (**), asuñ (**), asun (B {G LN}), ásün (Z) n. ‘nettle’ (bot.) (****).
[FHV 140 fn.]
atal (**) n. ‘segment, portion, fragment’. ****
atapa (B), atape (B) n. ‘covering of moss or [argoma] placed over a pile of wood to beconverted into charcoal’. ****
Probably from old Cast. atapar ‘cover’ (mod. tapar) (M. ****{1953c: 482; 1961g: 357}
Arb).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque113

ate (**) n. ‘door’. **** TS p. ‘outside, except for’. CF ata-.
OUO. CF by W2.2. The CF Ata- is abundantly recorded in toponyms in Navarra andAlava from the 11th cent. (M. 1961a: 126).
at (**) p. [+ Abl.] ‘outside, except for’. **** 1916.
ataarte (old B, R&S 238) n. ‘doorway’. 1596. + arte {[1]} ‘interval’.
ataoste (old B, R&S 222) n. *** [FHV 118]
atari (B G HN S) n. ‘****{‘doorway’} + -iri ****{NFS} [FHV 91]
atera (**), atara (B), etara (B), atra (HN A) ****{vti. ‘take out’, ‘go out’}
athe (Z) n. ‘pile’. ****
ateri (**), athé(r)i (Z), ****, aterri (B) n. ‘fine weather’, ‘refuge’. **** [FHV 61, 335]
[SEE AT]
aterbe (G L), atherbe (L LN Z), aterpe (B G HN), atarbe (old HN) n. ‘refuge’.
[AZKUE] [FHV 61] [A MESS; SEE AT]
atertu (**), athertu (**) vi. ‘clear up’ (of weather). ****
atizatu (R), atxezatu (R) v. [diathesis unknown] ‘take communion’. ****OUO, but certainly not native (M. ****{1964a: 99; 1965c: 119 n3} Arb).
atomau (B) v. [diathesis unknown] ‘dare’. **** [Arb]atorra (B G HN L LN), athorra (L LN Z) ‘shirt’, ‘blouse’. 15th cent.
From Arab. ad-durrā‛a ‘kind of wool shirt’, by L1 (M. 1961a: 229). Old Cast. adorra‘shirt’ derives from the same source, but cannot be the direct source of the Bq. word,
since a borrowing from Cast. would have produced *adorra. In the north, the word isusually applied to a man’s shirt; in the south, to a woman’s blouse. [Arb]hats (**), ats (**) n. ‘breath’. ****{‘anger’}arnasa (B G), asnasa (G HN), asnase (G HN) n. ****{‘breath’} [FHV 294]
haserre (**), aserre (**) n. ‘anger’, **** **** + erre ‘burn’ (M. ****{1953a: 140}
Arb; 1961a: 289). M. dismisses Lafon’s objections as phonologically indefensible.
hatsalbo (Z) a. ‘winded, out of breath’. Second element opaque: albo ‘side’ (see *al-)makes no sense and is not recorded in the east.
atseden (**), hatseden (**) ****{n. ‘rest’} [Az.] [Arb] {M. BAP 9: 141.}
atsekabe (**) ****{n. ‘affliction, grief’} + gabe ‘without’ (M. 1977a: 584). The
development is *atsede-gabe (by W**{10}) > *atsed-gabe (by W**{1}) > *atsetgabe (by W**{3}) > *atsetkabe (by W**{4}) > atsekabe.
atsegin (**) n. ‘pleasure’. **** [FHV 210]
atsegindasun (old L) n. **** [FHV 353]

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R. L. Trask

atso (**) n. ‘old woman’. ****
OUO.
atsotitz (**) n. ****{‘proverb’ Az.}
atsólbü (Z) n. ‘prayer for the dead’. ****
From Cast. **** [FHV 346]
atsülütóki (Z) adv. ‘at all costs’. ******** [FHV 346]
hatu (L LN), hátu (Z), atu (R) n. ‘baggage, belongings, effects’ ****
From Rom.: cf. Cast. hato, Port. fato ‘bundle’ (M. **** BAP 7 {1951a}: 545; 1961a:
214).
atun (**), áthün (Z) n. ‘tuna’ (zool.) (****). ****
atxaki(a) (B Sout L) (1562), atxaiki(a) (Sout) (1562) [CHECK], atxeki (Z), atxekia (HN),
aitzaki(a) (G HN L) (1627), aitzeki (Z) n. ‘pretext, excuse’.
From Old Cast. achaque id. (M. ****{1961a: 184}). Last two forms by back-formation:
reversal of the apparent expressive palatalization, M**{9}. Sources are variable inrecognizing the final /a/ or not.
atxeter (old Z) n. ‘doctor, physician’. ****
From *artxeter, by P**{24}, from Lat. archiater id. (M. 1961a: 339{; 1974b: 201}).
atxiki (** L LN), {atxeki (R),} etxeki (L LN), etxéki (Z) ****{vi. ‘stick, adhere’} Synth.
[FHV 286]****
eratxeki (** Z) ****{vt. ‘cause to adhere’}hatz [1] (L LN Z), atz (B Sout S R) n. (L LN Z S R) ‘paw’ (of an animal), (B) ‘finger’,‘thumb’, (L LN Z) ‘footprint’ (of an animal or a person), (L LN Z?) ‘track, trail’,‘trace, vestige’. 1562.
OUO. The original sense is app. ‘paw’, with the development ‘paw’ > ‘finger’ on one
hand and ‘paw’ > ‘footprint’ > ‘track’ > ‘vestige’ on the other. See the further
developments below.
atzamar (B) n. ‘finger’, atzapar (**), aztapar (**), haztapar (**) n. ‘claw’ (of a bird),‘paw’ (of an animal) ****. This word commonly occurs in the pl. as atzamarrak etc.,
and most scholars have followed the 18th-cent. writer Mogel in seeing this as *hatzhamarrak ‘the ten fingers’, with hamar ‘ten’. The problem is the order: the numeral
hamar always precedes its head noun, and the order required here is anomalous.
[Arb] {M. 1961a: 276 and fn. 29.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque115

atzean (B G HN?) p. [+ Gen.] ‘behind’. + -an Loc. {CS.}atzera (B G HN) adv. ‘backward, to the rear’, TS (B G HN) ‘again’. + -ra All. {CS.}[FHV 162, 162 fn.: IMPORTANT] {(Cf. harzara ‘again’.)}atzeraingo (Sout) ****{a. ‘last’} [FHV 118]
atzetik (B G HN?) p. [+ Gen.] ‘from behind’, ‘from the rear (of)’. + -tik Abl.
atze (B Sout G HN) n. ‘rear’, ‘space behind’, TS (B) ‘result, consequence’. 1562. By
extraction from the preceding, by M**{8} (M. 1961a: 133; ****{1971f: 248}
Arb). See gibel (under *gi-).
atzimur (B G), atximur (B G), itximur (B G), imurtxi (B) n. ‘small amount, pinch’.
**** + zimur ‘wrinkle, crease’ (M. 1961a: 291 fn. 18).
azkazal (**), ezkazal (HN) ****{n. ‘hoof’ Az.}{azkordin (**) {‘chilblain’ Aul.} [FHV 54]}azterren (B), aztarna (G) **** n. ‘trace, vestige’ [FHV 165]
behatz (**{LN Z}) ****{n. finger’, (L LN S Z) n. ‘thumb’, (L) n. ‘nail’, beatz (B) n.
‘toe’, (G HN) n. ‘finger’, (G HN Z) n. ‘thumb’, (L) n. ‘nail’ Az.} [put here?]{See also azken.}hatz [2] (Z), az (B) n. ‘lineage, breed, race’. ****
OUO.
hazi (**), azi (**) vt. **** ****{‘raise, bring up’ Aul.} (M. 1961a: 289). {(See hazi
‘grow’.)
hazaro (**), azaro (**) n. ‘November’. **** (M. 1977a: 526).
hazil (**), azil (**) n. ‘November’. ****
azkar (**), hazkar (**) **** a. ‘sturdy, vigorous’. [FHV 71]
azkor (B L R) ****{a. ‘fast growing’ Aul.} [FHV 71]
azkura (**), azkure (G) **** [FHV 115] {? two words here: azkure belonging s.v.
hatz [3]}hatz [3] (L LN Z **) n. ‘itch’. ****
-atz, -ats Toponymic suffix. [MITX 73] {M. 1973a: 62.}
atze (c.) n. ‘stranger, outsider’, ‘one outside the family’. 1627.
OUO.
atzerri (B G old LN old Z) n. ‘foreign country’, ‘foreign people’. 1596. + herri‘country’.
hatzeman (**), atzeman (**), hatzaman (**), atzaman (**) ****{vt. ‘catch’} [under hatz?
{[1]}]

116

R. L. Trask{[}atzera (G HN) adv. ‘again’. **** [see Arb] {Duplicate, see under hatz [1]}atzo (**) ad., n. ‘yesterday’. ****
OUO. [rel. to atz ‘back’? {i.e. hatz [1]}]hau (L LN Z), haur (LN Z), au (B G HN), gau (A HN), kaur (R), kau (S R) det., pron.
‘this’, ‘this one’. Oblique sg. stem (h)on-. Pl. stem (h)au(e)-, except in B, which has
generalized on(e)-. Abs. pl. hauk (**), hauek (**), auek (**), abek (G), oek (GHN), onek (B), gebek (A), **** Forms with velars by M**{P14}. 16th cent. See
hori [1], *har, hura. [FHV 56, 70!]
OUO. The conservative form is (h)aur, with the (tapped) final /r/ generally lost by P25.
This /r/ might conceivably represent the hypothetical formative *-r. The sg. stem
appears to be suppletive. M. (1961a: 384 fn. 10), attributing the point to Altube, derives
the pl. forms like B onek from earlier *oneek.
-au (** HN) det. **** [FHV 247 fn.]
hemen (L LN), emen (B G HN), amen (G), heben (old LN), hében (Z), eben (old BSout), keben (S), kében (R), geben (A), gen (A), kemen (LN R) adv. ‘here’. 1545.
From *hauen, consisting of hau plus -n {[1]} locative (M. 1961a: 70). Common
vocalism by P48; the /b/ by P57; common /m/ by P7.
hoin (L LN), oin (G HN) det., prt. ‘so’, ‘so much’ (as in ‘so big [that]’). From *(h)onen,+ Gen. -en {[1]}, by P1 (M. 1961a: 66).
hola, honela **** adv. ‘thus, in this way’. **** A remarkable honla in Belapeyre (M.
1961a: 470).
hona (**), ona (**) adv. ‘hither, (to) here’. **** + -a All CS.
oneren (Sout) adv. ‘from here’. 1562. + -rean Abl CS (M. 1961a: 120).
-or (old LN **), -ok (**) det. proximate article sg. and pl., as in gazteor ‘this young
person’, gizonok ‘you men’ (etc.). **** By reduction of haur, hau(e)k. [FHV 213
fn.]aube (B) n. ‘mother-in-law’.
OUO. A. (1905; s.v.) suggests an earlier *auba, by P64, in which case the word contains-ba kinship suffix.
auburo (G) adv. ‘at once, quickly’.
From Cast. agudo ‘sharp, lively’, by P10 (M. 1961a: 259).
auhen (L LN), auen (G L) n. ‘lament’. ****{[}auher (LN), áuher (Z), auer (S) a. ‘lazy’. ****{] Duplicate; see alfer.}
augadera (**), auga (**), augatze (Z) ****{n. ‘wild osier’} [Arb]{[}auger (S), aguer (S) ****{n. ‘lazy person’} [FHV 177] {] Duplicate; see alfer.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque117

auka (B) ****{n. ‘lichen’} [Arb] {M. 1956f: 370.}
áuka (R) n. ‘goose’ (zool.) (****) [FHV 94]
ahul (L LN), áhül (Z), aul (B G HN L Sout), abol (G), arol (B G) a. ‘weak, feeble’; B arol
also ‘spongy, porous’. 1562. Dimin. txaul (B) ‘feeble’.
From old Cast. ávol ****{a. ‘low, bad’} (M. 1961a: 94, 221). {Or from Old Occ. avol ~aul.}aultu (R) **** ‘weaken, enfeeble’. **** + -tu VFS.
aulki (B G), alki (LN), alkhi (L LN), aurki (B), arki (LN) n. ‘chair’, (old B, LN) also‘bench’. 15th c.
Obscure. By P**{6}, /lk/ should not survive, and it seems probable that the peripheral
forms with /r/ are conservative, while the central forms with /l/ are innovations. AT(s.v.), citing Corominas, suggest that the word is identical in origin to aurki ‘right away’(see *aur); this view requires an enormous amount of semantic work, but a derivationfrom *aur ‘front’ is perhaps not unreasonable. The final element might easily be -ki [3]concrete NFS.
ahuntz (**), auntz (**), ahǘntz (Z), aintz (R) n. ‘goat’ (zool.) (***) ******** [from *anu-]{OUO.} The surname Anuncibay appears to continue the conservative
form (M. ****{1950b: 454; 1961a: 115f} Arb).
aguña (S), auña (S), ahuña (LN), ahüñe (Z), añe (R), aume (B), auma (B) n. [FHV 88,492] ****{‘kid’ Az.} B forms by P**{P2}, M**{?}. [from *anu-; see refs in MT]
aintzaĩ (R) n. ‘goatherd’. + -zain ‘guard’ (see zain {[1]}).
auntxume (Sout HN), antxume (B G) n. ‘baby goat’, ‘kid’. + ume ‘child’.
*aur n. ‘front’. Reconstructed source of the items below (M. ****{1961a: 133}). The
literature often derives these items directly from aurre, listed below, but in mostcases there seems no objection to deriving them instead directly from *aur.
{OUO.}
ahur (L LN), ahür (Z), agur (R) n. ‘palm (of the hand)’. [FHV 221] [Arb] [‘fist’?] {M.
1971f: 249f.}
ahurtara (**) n. ‘handful’. **** [Arb] {M. 1970a: 118.}
aurka (L) n. ‘front’, ‘vicinity’ (1571), (B G) p. [+ Gen] ‘against’ (1916). App. + -ka
AdvFS. The noun occurs only as a postposition bearing a local case suffix andgoverned by a genitive or a -ko phrase. The sense of ‘against’ is a neologism, now
widespread.
aurkaz (S.P. Duv.) (17th c.), aurkez (B) (1745) p. [+ Gen.] ‘in front of, facing’,‘against’, adv. ‘face to face’. + -z instrl./advbl.

118

R. L. Trask
aurkeztu (B G) vi. ‘appear, turn up’, ‘introduce oneself’ (1745, 1847), vt. ‘present,
introduce’ (1847). + -tu VFS.
aurkaz aurk (old LN) **** [FHV 237]
aurki (**), aurkhi (**) ****{adv. ‘soon’, ‘close’, ‘undoubtedly’ Aul.} [FHV 95, 314
fn.]aurkitu (B HN LN), arkitu (G), aurkindu (HN), aurkendu (HN) vt. ‘find’ (byaccident), ‘stumble across’ (early 15th c.), ‘find’ (what one is looking for) (1783),
aurkhitu (L) vt. ‘present’. + -tu VFS. The HN forms, from the writer Beriain,
contain an extra element of uncertain nature: *aurki-en-tu.
aurkientza (old L), aurkintze (LN R S), aurkhintza (L) n. ‘region, district, place’(1621), arkuntza (B) ‘occasion’ (1792). + -tza NFS, again with the extra element-en.
aurpegi (B G HN LN R) (1596), ahurpegi (Z), arpegi (B G Sout) (1562), harpegi(S.P.), aorpegi (HN), ahorpegi (old LN), arpei (1516), aurtegi (**) n. ‘face’ (anat.),
TS ‘face’ (of an object), TS ‘form’, TS (R) ‘bags under the eyes’. + begi ‘eye’, with
unexpected devoicing. The formation is morphologically and semantically unusual.
Since ‘mouth-eye’ is a very common formation for ‘face’ in the world’s languages, it
is conceivable that the first element might have originally been aho ‘mouth’, and thatthe attested forms represent some kind of contamination or reanalysis, but there exists
no evidence for such an account. [FHV 95 fn.] [MUCH MORE: FHV 490] [FHV535] [Arb]aurrean (B G) p. [+ Gen.] ‘in front of’. + -an Loc. {CS.}aurrera (B G), abrera (HN) adv. ‘forward, ahead’. +-ra All. {CS.}aurretik (B G) p. [+ Gen.] ‘from the front of’, ‘ahead of’. + -tik Abl.
aurre (B G) n. ‘front’. By reanalysis of the preceding items by M**{8}; see M**{?}.
See aintzin.

haur (** Z), aur (** R) n. ‘child’.
****{OUO.}
haurhabe (S.P.) n. ‘tutor’. **** [FHV 82 fn.]haurride (** old LN), aurride (** old LN), aurhíde (Z) n. ‘full brother or sister,
sibling’. **** + -ide (see ****{-kide}).
haurzain (??), haurzáñ (Z) n. **** {‘babysitter’, ‘nurse’ Aul., Az.}
aurba (Sout G) n. ‘great-grandfather or ****{ancestor}’ [FHV 488] [FIRST ELEMENT?][Arb]
OUO, but contains -ba kinship suffix.
arbaso (L) n. ‘great-grandparent’, ‘ancestor’. **** + -so kinship suffix.
aurrede (L LN) n. **** [Arb] [see also augadera]
From Gasc. {(Bayonne)} aubredé **** (Lh. s.v.).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque

119

aurri [DUBIOUS: Arb] {M. 1958e; 1959c.}
ausart (**), ausarta (**), absarta (old HN) ****{a. ‘brave, bold’ Az.} [FHV 90, 235: loan]{Occ. ausard ‘bold, daring’.}ausarki (HN **) adv. ****{‘boldly’} [FHV 367]
ausartgoa (old LN) ****{n. ‘daring’}[FHV 367]
ausartu (**), ausártü (Z), ausartatu (old L), azartu vi. ‘dare’ **** [Lh; look carefully][more in Arb under azartu] {M. 1970a: 65.}
ausiki (G L LN **), autsiki (old L), asiki (L), esugi (old B, R&S 372), isugi (Sout), usiki (Gold Z), utsiki (old G), usigi (B), usúki (Z), isuki (Z), usuki (Z), üsüki (Z) vt. ‘bite’.
1571. ** n. **** 1627.
OUO. The huge regional variation in form points to a fossilized compound verb, but thecomponents are unrecoverable. AT (s.v.) report that Corominas proposed a derivationfrom hautsi ‘break’ (see hauts), but this seems unlikely.
auskalo (B G?) intj. ‘let’s see!’.
From Cast. a buscarlo id.
auso (LN S) n. ‘snowstorm, blizzard’, ausadoki (A) ****, usin (R) ****, lauso (HN) ****,(B G HN), lausoro (G) **** **** [FHV 323]**** From Lat. lapsum ‘falling’ (M. 1977a: 493). [CHECK lauso: same word?] [FHV
550: MORE] {M. 1961a: 101 fn. 21. See also lauso.}
hauspo (**), auspo (**), hausko (**), ausko (**), aspo (B G) ****{‘bellows’ Aul.} [FHV92]**** M. (1977a: 535), attributing the idea to Azkue, suggests that the variants in -ko may
represent a dimin. in -ko. {Not in The Dictionary.}
hautatu (**), autatu (**), haitátü (Z) vt. ‘choose’. **** [FHV 209] [Arb]hauteman (**), auteman (**) **** ateman (**) ****{‘observe’, ‘investigate’ Az.,‘choose’ Aul.} [FHV 487, 529] **** M. (1977a: 529) suggests that the form
hauteman, as opposed to *autheman, points to a recent formation.
autono (B) n. ‘September’.
From Lat. autumnum ‘autumn’, or from an early Rom. reflex of this, by L7 (M. 1961a:
93).
hauts (** Z), auts (** R) n. ‘dust, powder’, ‘ash’ ********{OUO.}
hautsi (**), autsi (**), ausi (B G), háutse (Z), áutse (R) vt. ‘break, shatter’. **** + -i[**{1}] VFS {(see -i [1] AFS).} [SEE FHV 289]

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R. L. Trask
hauskór (Z) a. ‘fragile’. **** + -kor ‘tending to’.
hautsaille (old L) n. ‘one who breaks’. **** [FHV 351]

ahutz (**), autz (**), pautza (**) **** n. ****{‘cheek’ Aul.} [FHV 211 fn.] [Arb]auzo (** old LN), hauzo (L **), áizo (Z). Also R stem aiz(a)-. **** {n. ‘neighbour’,‘neighbourhood’ Aul.}
auzetxe (HN) n. ****{‘town hall’} [FHV 157 fn.]
auztore (old LN **) n. ‘goshawk’ (zool.) (***) ****
From some Rom, form akin to Old Occ. austor id. (M. 1961a: 96 fn. 13).
hauzu (LN), auzu (HN), haizu (LN), háizü (Z) ****{v. ‘be permitted, dare’ M.} [FHV 91][Arb]{{(h)auzu (HN LN)} haizu (L LN), háizü (Z) a. ‘licit, permitted’. ****
From Lat. ausus sum **** (M. ****{1961a: 91; 1974b: 190}} Arb)
haizu izan (**), háizü izan (Z) ****{vi. ‘dare’} [REORGANIZE? BACKFORMATION?]}háxe (Z) n. ‘sheaf, bundle’. ****
From Cast. haz id. ****{or rather Gasc. hash id.}
axola (B HN LR S), axól (Z), ajola (** G), ajol (**) n. ****{‘care’ Aul.} [FHV 132, 500]{[}axuri (**) n. ‘young lamb’. [MT entry] {] Moved to azuri (see ardi [1]).}azaga (?) [hapax] ****{‘outcome, end’ Az.} [Arb] {M. 1964a: 129.}azai (Z), akai (old L) n. ‘woodcock’ (zool.) (****) ****
From Lat. acceiam ****{‘snipe’} or from a Rom. continuation of this (M ****{1950a:194} Arb).
azal (**), kaxal (R) **** n. ‘skin’, ‘bark’, **** Dimin. (H.) axal ‘crust’. **** [MT entry]{OUO.}
azantz (HN LN Z) n. ‘noise’. 1571.
OUO.
azao (B G HN L), azau (B), azáu (Z) n. ****, alzau (LN) ‘sheaf, bundle, bunch, handful’[FHV 340] Dimin. azauto (old LN).
{[}azaro (**) n. ‘November’. **** + **** (M. 1977a: 526). {] Duplicate; see hatz [2].}Etymological Dictionary of Basque121

azefrae (old B), azefrai (Sout) n. ‘saffron’. ****
From Cast. azafrán id.
azenario (G HN) (1905), azanario (?) (1860), azenori(a) (LN) (1867), azanaio (?) (1907),
azenaio (?) (1905), zainhori (S.P., H.) (17th cent.), zaiñori (?) n. ‘carrot’ (bot.)(Daucus carota).
From Hispano-Arabic as-safunāriya id., OUO, or more likely from some Rom.
borrowing of this, such as Old Cast. çahanoria (mod. zanahoria). The last two variants
show a clear folk etymology, as though from zain [**{2}] ‘root’ + hori {[2]} ‘yellow’,with the /a/ analysed as the Bq. article.
azeri (B G HN L LN Z), hazeri (L LN), haze(r)i (Z), azari (B G HN), azeari (old B S.P.),
azebari (old B), azagari (B), azegari (B), ‘fox’; dimin. axeri (B L R), axé(r)i (Z),exé(r)i (Z), axari ‘fox’. 1562.
From *azenari, by P1, P35, from the attested Lat. personal name Asenarius (M. 1949a,
1956a). A Rom. personal name Acenari is recorded from 972 {Azenari 921 CORDE},
and a Bq. personal name Aceari (occasionally Azari) from the 11th cent.; the Bq. forms
yield patronymics Aceariz and Azariz, with -iz patronymic. The use of personal names todenote ‘fox’ is well attested in Gallo-Romance and Ibero-Romance. See luki.
azeri-belar n. ‘a certain straw-producing plant’ (bot.) (Alopecurus pratensis). 1905. +belar {[1]} ‘grass’.
azeribuztan n. ‘foxtail’ (bot.) (Equisetum hiemale). 1745. + buztan ‘tail’.
azeri dantza n. ‘a certain lively folk-dance’. 1745. + dantza ‘dance’ {(see dantzatu)}.
azerikeria n. ‘slyness, cunning’. 1745. + -keria NFS of vices.
azerikume, azeari ume n. ‘fox cub’. 1167 (Azeari ume, personal name), 1749. + -kume‘offspring’ (see ume).
azeritegi n. ‘foxhole’. Late 19th cent. + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi).}.
hazi (**), azi (**) n. ‘seed’, ****, vi. ‘grow’. **** [MT entry] {(See hazi vt. ‘raise’ underhatz.)}**** See also asikun(a).
azienda (c.), azinda (HN) n. ****{‘livestock’ Aul.}
azieta (**), zieta (**), zita (**) n. **** [FHV 281]
From Fr. assiette id.
{[}azkar (**) a. ‘sturdy, vigorous’. **** {] Duplicate. See under hatz [2].}azken (**), azkan (B R), azkein (G) ****{a. ‘last’, n. ‘end’ Aul.} [2nd by assim] [FHV
159]****{OUO.} Possibly a superl. of atze ****{see hatz [1].} [FHV 219]

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R. L. Trask

azkoin (L LN), azkoĩ (R), askoĩ (R), azkon (HN L LN A), hazkon (LN), azkuin (L), azkuñ(Z), aizkon (HN), aizkona (HN), aixkon (HN), aixkona (HN), axkon (S), harzkṹ(Z), azku (Z), hazkṹ (Z), askũ (Z), hazkü (H.), azkona (HN L), arsko (Z), azkonar(B G HN), azkunar (B), azkonarro (old L), azkenarro (L), azkanarro (L),askanarro (hapax), akomarra (hapax) n. ‘badger’ (zool.) 1745, ca. 1755.
OUO. Most of the variants can be traced back to an original *azkone, by P1 (M.
****{1949a: 486}). This might be borrowed from {late} Lat. taxōnem id. (M.
****{1964a: 193}). The treatment of Lat. /ks/ is highly variable in Bq., and zk is not an
implausible rendering, though there is no clear parallel for this. Loss of the initial /t/would be unusual, but see P14. It is also possible that the word is native and derived
from hartz ‘bear’ with an unidentifiable second element. The final -ar or -arro found insome variants appears to be an addition, probably of expressive origin, though ar ‘male’
perhaps cannot be entirely ruled out.
{[}azkordin (**) {‘chilblain’ Aul.} [FHV 54] {] Moved to hatz [1] ‘paw’.}
azmantar (G), azmantal (B), azmandar (G), azpantar (B G), azpandar (G), aspantar (**)
n. ‘gaiter, legging’. Usually n. pl. azmantarrak etc. ****The second element is mantar ‘gaiter’. The first is obscure. The word hatz {[1]} ‘paw’
is phonologically perfect, but this word is not commonly applied to the human leg or
foot.
azpi (**) ****{n.‘thigh’, ‘space below’, p. ‘below’}; many other senses in Az.}
aztal (**) n. ‘claw, talon’. **** [rel to hatz {[1]}?]
azti (G HN L LN Z), aztu (B), azturu (B), aiztu (B), aaztru (B), aaztu (B), asdru (B: sic),
aaztube (B) n. ‘fortune-teller, soothsayer’ – in places, specifically female (1213,
1545), ‘witch’ (1775).
Puzzling. The common /-i/ is hard to reconcile with B /-u/. Castro Guisasola(****{1944} 235) and Gorrochategui {?l. Gorostiaga (1982: 121)} (**** FLV 39: 121)
see this as taken from Lat. astrum ‘star’, with semantic shift, but there are large
obstacles.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque123ba- (c.) Verbal prefix ‘if’. ********{OUO.}
baldin (**{(c.) (1545)}), bardin (B), balin (**) {(1545)}, barin (HN) prt. ‘if’. ****
[FHV 314 fn., 356, 584] [MOVE to *edin?]balinba (**), balima (**) prt. ‘****{‘would that’ (desiderative)} [FHV 356-357]-ba (c.) Kinship suffix.
Of unknown function. Occurs in many kinship terms for close kin, attached to unknown
stems: see ahizpa, alaba, arreba, asaba, aube, aurba, iloba, izeba, neba, osaba, andalso ugazaba (under ugatz). The final *-be of ume ‘child’ (< *unbe) and seme ‘son’ (<*senbe) might be a variant. Because of ugazaba, AT (s.v. -aba) take the suffix to be*-aba, but the evidence is against this.
aba n. ‘father’. 1891. Aranist neologism, constructed by a fanciful interpretation of thepreceding, esp. in asaba ‘ancestor’, ‘grandparent’. Not in use today, though some ofits derivatives are.
aberri n. ‘fatherland’. CF aberr-. 1896. + herri ‘country’. CF by W1.
aberkide n. ‘compatriot’. 1896. + -kide ‘fellow’.
abertzale n. ‘patriot’, narrowed sense ‘Basque nationalist’, a. ‘patriotic’,‘nationalist’. 1896. + -zale ‘fond of’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
abertzalekeria n. ‘jingoism, chauvinism’. 1916. + -keria NFS of vices.
abizen n. ‘surname’. Dimin. abixen. 1895. + izen ‘name’.
baba (c.), aba (R) n. ‘broad bean’. 13th cent.; 1562.
From Lat. fabam ‘bean’, by L3. See baberruna, indaba (under Indiak).
babazuza (L LN), abazuza (B G HN), baazuza (L) **** n. ‘hail’. ****
baberruna (**), baberrun (**{G, HN}), baberruma (**{G, HN}) n. ****{‘(white)bean’ Aul.}bahe (L LN), báhe (Z), bae (B Sout G R S), bai (G **), bage (HN) n. ‘sieve’. ****
From *bane, by P1, from a Rom. form akin to ***{Occ.} van, from Lat. vannum id.
{‘winnowing basket’} (M. 1961a: 135,414). Commonly reduced to -be as a second
element, by W**{19}, in the eastern dialects; see examples under gari, olo and ondo [1].
bago (**), pago (**), phago (**), fago (**) **** n. ‘beech’ (bot.) (****) *****
From Lat. fāgum id., by L3 (M. 1961a: 51). The form bago predominates in the med.
texts (M. 1961a: 265).
pagauso (B), paguso (B), baguso (Sout) n. ‘wood pigeon’ (zool.) (****) {+ uso}
pagaxi (HN) n. ‘beechnut’. **** From *baga-zi, + zi ‘acorn’ (M. 1961a: 297); theoriginal is preserved as metathesized gazabi in the Spanish of Alava.

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R. L. Trask

bai (**) prt. ‘yes’. ****
baietz (**) prt. ‘(that) yes’. **** + -etz.
baimendu (**) (1643), baimen (**) (1733) n. ‘permission’. + -mendu, -men NFS.
baimendu (**) vtd. ‘give permission, permit’. **** + -tu VFS.
baita (**) *** ‘also’ *** + eta ‘and’ (M. 1961a: 123). Etxepare has bayetare, with ere‘also’.
baizen (LN), baxen (B) **** + ez ‘not’ + -n **** (Lafon 1957–58; M. 1961a: 123).
{baizen (does it exist?), baxen (old B, R&S 281) [hapax?] prt. ‘than’. **** [FHV
525]}
baizik (**), baizi (**), bezik (**), bezi (**), {beizi (old LN),} baiezi (old LN) **** +ez ‘not’ + -ik advbl. {Not in The Dictionary.} (M. 1961a: {104,} 123)
baxona (S) intj. ‘yes sir’ ****
*bain- Hypothetical stem possibly underlying the following items.
It is far from clear whether we are looking at two distinct formations or only at variantsof a single formation, and scholarly opinion varies on this point. For example, C. prefers
to see two forms, while AT prefer to recognize just one. [NOTE the B use of baizen:AT]bainan (**), baina (** old LN), béna (Z), baña (G HN), bañan (G HN), bana (old
LN), baea (old B), baia (old B R A S) ****{prt. ‘but’, ‘though’} [FHV 200 fn.]
baino (** old LN), baño (B G HN **), béno (Z), bano (old B old LN), beino (R A),
beño (S), bino (R), baindo (G HN) ****{prt. ‘than’} [FHV 184 fn., 360]
bainu (**), baño (**), mañu (** HN), máñü (Z), mainu (L LN), mainhu (**) n. ‘bath’,‘bathtub’. ********, main(h)atu (L LN), mañhátü (Z), bainatu (R) **** ‘take a bath’. + -tu VFS.
bait- (**) Verbal prefix ****{‘because’ Aul.}-bait (c.), -beit (**) Indef. suffix. This suffixed is attached to a question word to derive
an indefinite, as in nor ‘who?’ and norbait ‘somebody’, non ‘where?’ and nonbait‘somewhere’. See no- and ze- for examples.
baita (**) prt. ****{‘also, even’ Aul.} + da ‘it is’, finite form of izan ‘be’ (M. 1961a: 345).
{?Belongs s.v. bait-.}baithan (**), beithan (**) ****{p. ‘inside’ Aul.}bahitu (**), baitu (**) ***{vt. ‘pledge, pawn’} [FHV 143]****bahi (L LN Z), bai old B Sout G HN) n. ‘pledge’. **** By back-formation (M. 1961a:
143 {and} fn. {9}).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque125{[}baizen (does it exist? {Yes, A. 1905 with citations.}), baxen (old B, R&S 281) [hapax?]
prt. ‘than’. **** [FHV 525] {] Duplicate, see under bai ‘yes’. Combined there.}{[}baizik (**), beizi (old LN **) *** prt. [COMBINE WITH baino?] {] Duplicate, see
under bai ‘yes’.}baka(i)llao (G L), bakaillau (?), bakailau (L), bakallau (B S.P.), bakallo (G HN), bakaillo(HN), bakalau (L Z), bakalaa (L Z), makaillao (B), makallao (L LN), makallau(L? LN?), maka(i)llo (B) n. ‘cod’ (zool.) (Gadus morhua). 1653.
Probably from old Cast. bacallao id. (mod. bacalao). The Cast. word is of unknown andmuch-discussed origin. A Bq. origin has been proposed, but is highly implausible: theword does not look like a native Bq. word, and anyway CP report (s.v. bacalao) that theword is recorded in the Low Countries centuries earlier than anywhere in the Iberian
Peninsula. It is conceivable that the Basques, who in the Middle Ages had strong trading
links with the Low Countries, might have brought the word back to Spain, but the
linguistic forms are more consistent with a Cast. loan into Bq.
bakant (**), bakan (**) ****{, bekan (**old LN), békhan (Z) a. ‘rare’ , adv. ‘seldom’}[FHV 477] {M. 1961a: 70, 477.}
bakatu (old LN) (1657), pakatu (R), phakátü (Z), pagatu (c.), phagatu (?), pagau (B)(1545) vt(d). ‘pay’.
First forms from unrecorded Lat. *pācāre id., the ancestor of Cast. pagar and of Fr.
payer, by L1. Remaining forms re-borrowed from that word’s Cast. continuation pagar.
bake (B HN L LN S R) (1545), báke (Z), pake (G R) (1713), fake (HN) (ca. 1620) n.
‘peace’, TS (G) a. ‘peaceful’.
From Lat. pācem id., by L1 (M. 1961a: 51), though P11 may have played a part.
bakeoso (B) (1653), bakeso (B) (1656) a. ‘peaceful’. + -oso AFS (see -os).
baketsu (B G L) (1749), paketsu (G) (1766) a. ‘peaceful’. + -tsu ‘full of’ (see -zu [*]).
{[}baldin (c.) (1545), balin (**) (1545) prt. ‘if’. {] Duplicate, see ba-.}****balea (c.?) (1627), bale (B G HN L LN), balei (B G HN), balena (old LN) (1571) n. ‘whale’(zool.). CF balen-.
From *baLena, by P1, P23, from Lat. ballaenam id. (M. 1961a: 320). Last form perhaps
reborrowed from, or contaminated by, Rom. CF by W1.
balenodeiak (B G) n. pl. ‘clouds’. **** + hodei ‘cloud’.
baleztari (**) ****{n. ‘crossbowman’} [FHV 135]

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bapo (B G) (1886), buapo (1762), goapo, guapo (1802) a. ‘handsome’, ‘lovely’, ‘excellent’,‘splendid’.
From Cast. guapo ‘handsome’, ‘pretty’, with variable treatment of the alien [w-] cluster.
Only the first form is in use today.
barandalla (LN), ba(r)anthálla (Z) n. ‘February’. 1657.
From Lat. parentālia ‘festival for dead relatives’ (Gorostiaga ****{1958}). [FHV 216]
{M. 1974b: 202 and n. 96.}
baratu (**{HN LN L R Z}) ****{v. ‘stop’} [FHV 246 fn., 533]
barazkari (**), bazkari (**) **** n. ‘lunch’. **** CF barazkal-, bazkal-. [{-(k)ari}
meal suffix: FHV 221, 246 fn., 533] M. (1957c) rejects Schuchardt’s proposal of aLat. *pascuārium. CF by W**{12}. [MAY NEED WORK]
barazkaldu (**), bazkaldu (**), bazkáltü (Z), bazkaltu (R) ****{v. ‘have lunch’}baratze (** R), bartze (R) ****{n. ‘garden’}barau (B G), baraur (L LN Z R), bareu (old B Sout), baru (B HN), barur (L LN Z R)
[tapped /r/] n. ‘fast’. **** [FHV 336]
barurtü (Z), barutu (**) ****{v. ‘fast’} [A{z}] **** + -tu VFS.
barda (L LN Z R), bart (B Sout G HN) adv. ‘last night’. 1562.
OUO. Second variant by P40. Oihenart curiously writes the word as bard.
berdantza (**), berdantzat (**) **** ‘the night before last’ [FHV 132]{[}barau (B G), baraur (L LN Z R), bareu (old B Sout), baru (B HN) n. ‘fast’ ****{] This item now moved up, replacing these four forms, given unlocalized, with baraur
as the first item.}bare [1] (B G HN L), barhe (Z) n. ‘slug’ (zool.) (Limax, Arion, etc.) 1596.
OUO.
barraskillo (B), marraskillo (B), marrakurrillo (G), barakurkullo (G HN),
barakurkullu (G HN), bare kurkullu (S.P.), marikurkullu (old L) n. ‘snail’ (zool.)(****). **** [see MT entry]
barauts (B G L), báhüts (Z) n. ‘drivel {l. dribble}, slobber’. ****
barhanka (Z) ****{‘slug’ Az.} [FHV 329 fn.]bare [2] (**), nare (**) a. ‘calm, peaceful’ (often esp. of the sea). ****
bare [3] (**), barhe (**), are (B) n. ‘spleen’ (anat.) **** [= [1]?]Etymological Dictionary of Basque127

bargo (B G L LN) n. ‘shoat’, ‘young male pig’ (3–6 months). 1847.
OUO. The word resembles half-a-dozen ‘pig’ words in western European languages, butcannot be plausibly related to any of them.
barkatu (**), barkhatu (**), parkatu (B R S **), pharkatu (**), ****, pharkátü (Z) vt.
‘forgive, excuse, pardon’. ****
From Lat. parcere id. (M. 1961a: 239).
barkakizun (**), barkhakizun (**) a. ‘which must be pardoned’. **** [FHV 245]
*barra- Stem of unknown sense app. appearing in the following formations.
barrabil (c.) n. ‘testicle’. Ca. 1692. + *bil ‘round’.
barrasaket n. (L) ‘sterile cow or ewe’, (G HN) ‘hermaphrodite’. Second element
opaque.
barratta (LN) n. ‘man with only one testicle’. Second element opaque.
barret (Duv.) a. ‘sterile’. Opaque.
barre (B Sout S), parre (B G), farre (G HN), barra (LN R), parra (G), farra (G HN L) n.
‘smile’, ‘laughter’. 1562.
OUO, but very likely imitative. Variant initials by P8. The several attempts at deriving
this from Arab. fárah ‘be happy’, or a related word, are dismissed by most specialists.
CP consider Cast. farra ‘noisy celebration’ to be an independent imitative formation,
though they regard Cast. parranda id. as possibly borrowed from Bq.
barregarri (**), ****, farragarri (old G) a. **** ‘ridiculous’.
barregéi (R) a. ‘ridiculous’. **** + -gei (see gai).
barru (B Sout G) n. ‘interior’. ********{OUO.}
barren (B G HN LN) ****{n. ‘bottom’, n., p., ‘inside’ M. 1973a: 66.}
barrenean **** barnean ****{adv. ‘inside’}barne (HN L LN R), barné (Z) ****{n. ‘interior’} [FHV 133]barruti (**) n. ‘interior, inside’ ‘enclosure’ **** + -ti [3].
bartz (**) n. ‘nit’. **** [see MT entry]{[}barur (L LN Z R) [tapped /r/], baru (B HN) n. ****
barurtü (Z), barutu (**) **** [Az.] **** + -tu VFS.
{] This item now moved up, combined with barau.}

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baso (B G HN old Z) n. ‘woods’, ‘wilderness’, ‘mountains’. CF basa-. 1284, 1562.
OUO. CF by W2.2. As Sarasola (1996 s.v.) points out, the defining characteristic of thebaso is not so much that it has trees but that it is uninhabited and devoid of farmland:hence ‘wilderness’ appears to be the central sense, even though this has become the usual
western word for ‘woods’, alongside eastern oihan (baso is sparsely recorded in the east
but has died out there). It is merely that, in the Basque Country, which lacks sandy or
rocky deserts, wilderness is always wooded, apart from a few bare rocky mountaintops.
The CF basa- has become a pseudo-prefix meaning ‘wild’. *****
Basajaun (**) n. ‘the Old Man of the Woods’, a figure of folklore, generally depicted asa wild and dangerous hairy man or man-like creature living in the woods andthreatening passers-by. 1847. + jaun ‘gentleman’. The late attestation does notsupport any great antiquity for the figure. In some accounts, Basajaun is given amate, Basandrea, + andere ‘lady’.
basati (B L), basoti (old G?) a. ‘savage’, ‘wild’. 1745, 1808. + -ti {[1]} AFS.
baserri (B G), basarri (B), basaerri (old B) [hapax] n. ‘sparsely inhabited area far fromtown’ (17th cent.), TS ‘farmhouse’ (1745, 1760). + herri ‘inhabited place’. B formby P**{59}. Today this is the usual western word for a Basque farmhouse; see eastern
borda.
bat (c.) num (psp.) ‘one’; TS det. ‘a certain’, ‘a, an’. 15th cent.
From *badV, probably *bade (M. 1961a: 134), OUO, by P40. In conservative varieties,
the determiner retains the sense of ‘a certain’, but in most varieties it has become an
indefinite article. It is not clear to what extent this is an internal development and towhat extent it results from the influence of Rom.
bakan (**) **** [FHV 70, 70 fn.] {But see bakant; M. proposes a Romance origin.}bakar (B G HN L), bakhar (L LN Z) a. ‘unique’, ‘lone, alone’,TS ‘pure, unmixed’. 15thcent. Final element obscure, but apparently *-gar or *-kar.
bakardade (G), bakartade (B G HN), bakardare (G) n. ‘solitude’. 1745, 1800. +-dade NFS.
bakarrik (**) adv. ‘alone, by oneself’ (15th cent.), TS prt. ‘only’ (1653). + -ik
instr./advbl. {Not in The Dictionary.}
bakarti (B R) a. ‘misanthropic, antisocial’. + -ti {[1]} AFS.
bakoitz (G L), bakhoitz (L Z), bakotx (B R), bakhotx (L LN) det. ‘each one, each’,bakhoitz, bakhotx (L LN Z) a. ‘unique’, bakotx (Sout) n. ‘ace’ (at cards). Ca. 1561.
+ -koitz AFS {(not in The Dictionary)}. Variants with tx by P**{30}.
bakotxi (LN), bakhotxi (Z) a. ‘odd’ (not even, of a number). **** [Lh.]bana (**), banan (**) det. ‘one each, one apiece’, banan-banan adv. ‘one by one, one
at a time’. ****
batasun (B HN L LN), batarzun (**) n. ‘unity’, ‘unification’. 1571. + -tasun abstract
NFS (see -tar).
bat bedera (**), bapedra (HN) ****{pron. ‘each one’; see bedera below} [FHV 345,
399]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque129batera (c.) adv. ‘together’. 1653. + -ra allative.
bateratu (**) vi. ‘unite’, vt. ‘unite, unify’. 1782. + -tu VFS.
bat ere, batere, batre (HN G L old LNZ R), bapere (B), bape (B) prt. ‘even’ (innegative contexts: ‘not even’). 1545. + ere ~ bere ‘also’.
batez beste (B G Z), batez bertze (L LN) adv. ‘on the average’, ‘on the whole’, ‘all inall’. 1808. + -z instr./advbl. + bertze ‘other’.
batik bat, batipat adv. ‘especially, particularly’. 1760. + -ik instr./advbl. {Not in The
Dictionary.}batori (old LN) pron. ‘the one’. + hori {[1]} ‘that’. [FHV 213 fn.]
batsu (G) a. ‘almost the same’. + -tsu AFS.
batu (B G) vi., vt. ‘gather, collect’, batu (R), bathu (LN S), batü (Z) vt. ‘meet,
encounter’, (c.) vi. ‘unite’, vt. ‘unite, unify’. Stem bat-. 1545. + -tu VFS.
batxo (1803), batto (1867), batxu (B) (1905), batño (1858), det. ‘just one’; ‘even one’(in negative contexts). + -txo, -tto, -txu, -ño dimin. (see -to [1], -no).
batze (Z) n. ‘gathering’, ‘get-together’, ‘reception’. + -tze NFS (see -tza).
batzaldi (L LN Z) n. ‘contest, competition’. + aldi ‘time’.
batzar (B), batzarre (G L LN Z), batzarren (Z LN) n. ‘assembly, meeting’(especially one called to discuss matters and reach decisions); TS ‘group of people
assembled at such a meeting’. 1545. Final element obscure. {[FHV 351]}
batzoki n. ‘meeting place of the Basque Nationalist Party’. 1894. Aranist neologism,of irregular formation. + -oki ‘place’ (see -toki).
{[}batzarre (**), batzar (**) n. ‘get-together’, ‘assembly, council’. **** + -zarre****. [FHV 351] {] Duplicate of batzar, see batze above.}batzu (L LN Z), batzuk (B HN R), batzuek (HN G) det. ‘some, several’. 1545. + -zu
indefinite plural {(see -tsu)} (+ -k [1] plural).
batzutan (HN G L), batzuetan (B G HN L) adv. ‘sometimes’. 1571. + -ta- indefinite{not in The Dictionary} + -n {[1]} locative {CS.}bedera (L LN Z R) det. ‘one each, one apiece’, (L LN Z) ‘each one, each’. Final element
obscure; possibly -ra allative or era ‘way, manner’.
bederatzi (B G HN L LN), bedratzi (HN LN A S), bederatzu (R), bedrátzu (R),bede(r)átzü (Z) num. ‘nine’. 1562. The common form points to *bederatzi; the R Z
forms to *bederatzu. There are two views. One, the form is *bederatzu, with
common -tzi resulting from contamination by the preceding zortzi ‘eight’ in counting(M. ****). Two, the form is *bederatzi, and the R Z form results from reanalysis, by
P67, of the forms in which final /u/ is fronted to /i/ before a vowel-initial suffix (M.
****). I prefer the first, since this word is more frequent in isolation than with
suffixes. The final element is unidentifiable; we may perhaps surmise somethingalong the lines of ‘one left’.
bataiatu (**), bateiatu (** A), batheiátü (Z), bateatu (S), batixatu (R) vt. ‘baptize’. ****.
bathi (L LN Z) n. ****{‘resolution, resignation’ M.} Lh. [FHV 208]

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baxera (L LN Z), bagera (L), bajera (B G HN) n. ‘crockery, dishes’. 1643.
From Gasc. bachère id. (M. ****{1955c: 286; 1957c: 120}).
baziña (old B) n. ‘font’. **** [FHV 147]
baztanga [1] (G) n. ****{‘smallpox’ Aul.} [Az.] ********
baztanga-pikatu (G?) a. ‘pock-marked’. **** [FHV 528]
{baztanga [2] (HN, B, L) n. zool. (a fish similar to a ray or skate) Aul.}bazter (**), baztar (**) n. {‘corner, edge’ Aul.}****{OUO.}
baztertu (**) vt. {‘corner, exclude’ Aul.}**** + -tu VFS.
be- (or possibly b-) (c.) Third-person imperative (optative) prefix in finite verb-forms.
OUO. Still frequent in the early literature, this prefix is now fossilized in a handful offorms, as in bedi ‘let him..’, ‘let it..’, the third-singular intransitive auxiliary from *edin,and bego ‘let him be’, from egon ‘be (in a state)’, mainly in the expression Goian bego
‘R.I.P.’, lit. ‘may he be on high’. See da- and le-.
behar (**), bear (**), **** n. ‘need, necessity’. ****OUO.
be(h)ar *edun (**) vt. ‘need’, vtc. [+ PerfPart] ‘have to, must’. **** + *edun ‘have’.
bear-leku (**), bialeku (B) n. ****{‘work’} [FHV 366]
behartu (**) **** vtd. ‘compel, oblige’. **** + -tu VFS.
ezbehar (**) a. ‘unfortunate, unlucky’. **** + ez- ‘not’ (see ez).
behatu (**), beatu (** R S) ****{v. ‘look’, ‘listen’ Az.}**** Possibly related to belarri ‘ear’.
{[}behatz (**) n. ‘toe’. **** {] Duplicate, see under hatz.}
behatzun (**), **** n. ‘bile, gall’. **** [see MT entry] See bedamin.
beaza (Sout) n. ‘threat’. 1562.
From Cast. amenaza id., by L**{3, ?14} and P1 (M. 1961a: 268).
bedamin (**) n. ‘bile, gall’. **** See behatzun.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque131

bedezĩ (Z) n. ‘physician, doctor’. ****
From ****{Gasc. medecĩ < Fr. médecin}, by L**{3}.
bedoi (Z), pedoi (LN) ****{n. ‘billhook’} [FHV 508]
From some development, undoubtedly Gasc. {sc. bedoùy, Palay (1980)}, of {late} Lat.
vidubium ****{id., ML §9320} (M. 1977a: 508). [CHECK V LENGTH {Done.}] M.
rejects Schuchardt’s proposal of Cast. podón ‘billhook’ on phonological grounds.
behe (LN?), bee (B), be (B G) n. ‘bottom’, **** CH be(h)e-, bea-, be-, behei-. 1196, 1643.
OUO. The form behe is virtually unrecorded as an independent noun, though Sarasola(1996 s.v.) cites a solitary example from an unidentified religious text. However, allvarieties exhibit numerous derivatives of this word. The last CF, found in several
derivatives in L and LN, is puzzling, as is the absence of the expected CF *beha-, byW2.2. In parts of G, the def. form of be is beia, reflecting earlier bee (M. 1961a: 110). A
toponym Olabe(h)e çahar in Elorrio (Bizkaia) in 1053.
-be, -pe ****{‘under’}pe (Z R S) n. ‘bottom’. **** By generalization of the suffix (M. 1961a: 254).
beatu (**) vt. ‘bury’. **** + -tu VFS. [FHV 110]
beheiti (**) ****{adv. ‘below’} + -ti [3].
beeko (B), **** **** adjvl. ****{‘lower’}behera (**), beera (**), bera (**) adv. ‘down’, p. [+ Loc.] ‘down’. + -ra All. CS.
behere (**) a. ‘lower’. ****
begi (c.) n. ‘eye’ (anat.). CF bet-, beta-. 1080, 1545.
OUO. First CF by W2.1, W3. The rare second CF is irregular and puzzling. See also
bigira.
begiluze (B L R) a. ‘envious’, begiluze (L), begiluz (R) ‘curious’. **** + luze ‘long’.
Last form by W**{19?}. The form *begiluz must once have been more widespread,to account for the existence of Alavese Spanish biguilúz and Navarrese Spanish
birilúz, both ‘curious, nosy, meddlesome’ (M. 1961a: 411).
beginini (B G Z R), begininiko (L) n. ‘pupil of the eye’. + nini ‘child, pupil’ {(not in
The Dictionary, but see ñiñika)} (+ -ko NFS).
begipe (G Z R) n. ‘bag(s) under the eyes’. **** + -pe ‘under’ (see behe).
begira (**), bigira (**),**** {int. ‘look!’, adv. ‘watching’.} {Moved up.}begiratu (**), beiratu (**), beitu (G **) {v. ‘look at’, ‘look after’ Aul.} {Movedup.}begirune (**), begiraune (**) n. {‘respect’} [FHV 116] {Moved up.}begitarte (B G HN R), begitharte (L LN), begithárte (Z), betarte (?), bertaite (LN) n.
‘face’. 1545. + arte {[1]} ‘between’; /t/ by W18. M. (1961a: 417) suggests that theanomalous aspiration in some variants points to a recent formation, incompletely
compounded.

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R. L. Trask
begite n. (B) ‘buttonhole’, ‘(ornamental) bow’, (Z R) ‘link of a chain’, gibita (B),gibizta (B), txibita (G), txibista (G), txibistin (G), txibistillo (G), tximistillo (G),txibistun (G) ‘(ornamental) bow’. + -te NFS (??) **** [FHV 188]
begizta (**), gibizta (B) n. ‘(ornamental) bow’. ****
bekain (L LN G HN B), bekhain (**), bekan (B), betagain (G HN) n. ‘eyebrow’. 1746.
+ gain ‘top’ (M. 1961a: 345–346). B form by P51.
bekhaizteria (old LN) n. **** [FHV 258]. + -keria NFS of vices, with dissimilation.
bekar (B), makar (G HN) n. ‘rheum’. ****. M. (****{1961a: 242 n. 33}) sees the odd
second form as resulting from plosive dissimilation, but it is simpler to see this as an
instance of the insertion of the expressive syllable ma-. [FHV 70]
bekarai (old G) n. ‘eyebrow’. + garai ‘high’ {(see *gara-)}.
bepelar (HN A) n. ‘eyelash’, ‘eyebrow’. **** + belar [2] ‘front’.
bepuru (HN), bephuru (LN), bepü(r)ü (Z) n. ‘eyebrow’. 1627. + buru ‘head’.
betagin (B G), latagin (B HN), letagin (**) ‘eyetooth, canine tooth’. **** The forms
with /l/ perhaps by an assimilated form *detagin followed by L**{9} (M. 1961a:
256). The unexpected <aa> of the old B hapax lataaguina is dismissed by M. (1961a:
112) as a mere orthographic flourish without justification. ****
betalasto (Duv.) n. ‘eyelashes’. ****
betargi (B G) a. ‘lively’. **** + argi ‘bright’.
betarro (Z R) n. ‘stye’. ****
betarte (old B) n. ‘countenance, face’. ****
betatxo (G) n. ‘stye’. ****
betaurreko (B) ****{n. ‘spectacles’}betazain (L) n. ‘interior membrane of the eyelid’. **** + zain **** {betzain (LN R) n.
‘ocular nerve’, ‘inner membrane of the eyelid’. **** + zain [2] ‘nerve’.}betazal (B G HN L LN R), bethazal (L) n. ‘eyelid’, (LN R) ‘cataract’ (of the eye). 1562.
+ azal ‘skin’.
betazpi (B G) n. ‘bag(s) under the eyes’. **** + azpi ‘under’ (****).
beteraztun (HN) n. ‘eyebrow’. **** + eraztun ‘ring’. ****
beteri (B L LN), betheri (L LN) n. ‘eye ailment’, ‘rheumy eyes’. + eri {[1]} ‘sickness’.
betheriatsu (old L) a. **** [NOTE CF!!], beteritsu (B L Z) n. ****
beterre (B HN) a. ‘with irritated eyes’. 1745, 1893. + erre ‘burn’.
betertz (G) ****{n. ‘corner of the eye’}betexkel (G) ****{a. moist-eyed’ Az.}
betezkel (B) a. ‘cross-eyed’. ****
betezpal (L LN Z), betespal (LN) n. ‘eyelid’. 17th cent.+ ezpal ‘chip’. Second form by
P18.
betikara (B) n. ‘constant blinking of the eyes’. **** + ikara ‘trembling’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque133

betile (c.), betule (B) n. ‘eyelash’. 17th cent. + ile ‘hair’.
betilun (B G LN) n. ‘sadness’, a. ‘sad’. Ca. 1760 (as begi illun). + ilun ‘dark’.
betondo (B G L LN), bethondo (L LN Z), begi-ondo (L LN Z R) n. ‘area around theeyes, esp. just above the eyebrows’, ‘eyebrow’, TS (B G)’frown, scowl’. 1745, ca.
1850. + ondo [1] ‘side’.
betsein (B) n. ‘pupil of the eye’. 1746. + sein ‘child’.
{[}betzain (LN R) n. ‘ocular nerve’, ‘inner membrane of the eyelid’. **** + zain [2]‘nerve’. {] Moved up to betazain.}betzulo (B) n. ‘eye socket’. Late 19th cent. + zulo ‘hole’.
behi (L LN), béhi (Z), bei (G HN A S R), pei (HN) n. ‘cow’ (zool.) CF bet-. 1562.
OUO. The peculiar last variant is confined to a single village. CF by W2.1, W5.
Lhande (1926, s.v.) suggests a possible link with behor ‘mare’; this cannot be evaluated.
A toponym Betolhazaha in Alava 1025.
beilegi (B), beillegi (B) a. ‘bright yellow, orange-yellow’. 1653. Second element
obscure. AT suggest ile ‘hair’ plus an unidentified suffix.
bekorotz (**), pekorotz (**) n. ‘cow dung’. ****. + gorotz ‘dung’.
betesegi (**) n. ‘cow which has a two-year-old calf’. **** [FHV 237]
betzain (B old LN) n. ‘cowherd’. **** + -zain ‘guardian’ (see zain {[1]}).
behin (L LN Z), bein (B G HN S R) adv. ‘once’ (‘on one occasion’), ‘once’ (‘formerly’,‘once upon a time’). 15th cent. *****
OUO.
beinik-bein (**), beñipein (G HN), biñipin (G HN), **** adv. ‘at least’. ****
behintzat (**), beintzat (**), bentzait (HN) ****{adv. ‘at least’} [FHV 178]
beinke (B) prt. ‘although, even though’.
From Cast. bien que id. (M. 1961a: 178).
beira (L LN) n. ‘glass’ (material). **** loan Lh. many variants {Occ. veire.}bekatu (**), bekhatu (**), pekatu (** G), bekhátü (Z) **** n. ‘sin’. ******** From Lat. peccātum id.
bekatari (old B **) n. ‘sinner’. **** M. (1961a: 239 fn. 29) notes that old B consistently
has pekatu but bekatari.
ekhatore (**) n. ‘sinner’. **** [FHV 470]
beko (**), bekho (**) {point’, ‘beak’ Aul.} [FHV 82, 82 fn.: consider] [MT entry]**** See moko (under m-).
bekoki (**) n. ****{‘forehead’ Aul.} [MT entry]

134

R. L. Trask*bel or *beL (c.) a. ? ‘dark’.
OUO. This item is nowhere recorded as an independent word, but its former existence isassured by its many derivatives, as both a first and a second element. For examples of its
use as a second element, see harri, goi, orri, ur, *****.
belatz (**), belátz (Z) n. ‘sparrowhawk’ (zool.) (****). ****
bele (**), béle (Z), bela (B) n. ‘crow’ (zool.) (****)
beltz (c. exc. B), baltz (B) a. ‘black’. 1072, 1545. + an obscure second element. Verylikely contracted by W19 from earlier *beletz, represented by Aq. BELEX, BELES(S)etc. (M. 1961a: 416). B form by P59. The item is very frequent in medieval personalnames, and even seemingly occurs as a name on its own, as in Don Belcho de Yrurre(Lacarra ****{1930}; see -o [*{2}]). We have Nunno Balza in Alava in 984, andNunno Balza de Seroiana in 1022. The word occurs uniquely as faltz in thecelebrated passage in uilla Nunnofalzahuri ‘in the town of Nuño the Black’ (Alava,
1078), where huri ‘town’ (see hiri) duplicates Lat. uilla. Ib. -BELES (and several
variants) is of unknown sense but may represent the same item.
beltzil (L?) [hapax?] n. ‘January’. **** + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe). The order of
elements here is strange; see ilbeltz id. (under *iLe).
beltzuri (**) ****{n. ‘frown’ Aul.} [FHV 290]
belztu (**), beztu (G) vt. ‘blacken’. **** + -tu VFS.
belar [1] (**), belhar (old LN **), berar (old B Sout), bedar (B **) n. ‘grass’, ‘plant, herb’.
****{OUO.}
belahazi (L LN), belazi (L LN), belarrazi (R) n. ‘grass seed’. **** [FHV 338]
belagai (HN), belai (HN) n. ‘fenced-off pasture, meadow’. ****
belhagíle (Z), beragín (R) n. ‘witch’. **** + -gile, -gin ‘maker’ (see egin).
belategi (**) ‘meadow’, ****{+tegi ‘place’ (see hegi)} [FHV 338]
belar [2] (Sout old LN Z S), **** n. ‘forehead’, belaar (B) **** [FHV 372] ****
belarri (B G HN L), belaarri (**), beharri (L LN Z), begarri (HN S), bearri (HN LN S R),
biarri (HN), biárri (R) n. ‘ear’ (anat.) 1562.
OUO. The conservative form is probably *berarri, with the attested variants by P24,
P35 (M. 1961a: 339). [FHV 589: ‘to hear’?]belaun (B G HN), belhaun (L LN), bélhañ (Z), belháñ (Z), belaiñ (Z), beláin (R), beléin(R) n. ‘knee’ (anat.) (1562), TS (B G HN old L) ‘(individual) generation’ (1643), TS(B G HN R S) ‘degree of kinship’. CF belaur-.
OUO. Z R forms by P69. CF by W10.
belaingorri (R) a., adv. ‘stark naked’. + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.
belaunaldi (**) n. ‘(individual) generation’. **** + aldi ‘time’.
belaurikatu (**), belhaurikatu (**) ****{v. ‘kneel’} [FHV 309]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque135

beldur (G HN L LN R) (1545), béldür (Z), bildur (B G Sout) (13th cent, 1415), billur (**),
illddur (B) n. ‘fear’. [FHV 356]
OUO. The east/west contrast in form is long established: the personification Don Bildur‘Mr Fear’ appears in the work of the 13th-cent. Castilian poet Berceo, and bildurra ‘fear’is recorded in Alavese Spanish. Second form probably by vowel-height assimilation[REWRITE: RULE {i.e. P60, where beldur is derived from bildur, an example oflowering of [i] to [e] before /lC/.}]
bildura (R) n. ‘nervous trembling’. Surely the same word, but with curious features:
western /i/ in place of eastern /e/, and a tapped /r/ in place of the trilled /rr/ of the baseword.
belena (B S), melena (?) n. (S) ‘space between houses’, (B) ‘latrine’.
From some Rom. source akin to Fr. venelle ‘alley’ (M. ****{1956f: 368}) {NB Old
Navarrese venela 1237}, with metathesis.
beleta (HN), pleta (HN) n. ‘Swiss chard’ (bot.) (****) [FHV 347]
benedikatu (**), bedeinkatu (**), bedeikatu (**) vt. ‘bless’. **** [FHV 304]
beno (B) intj. ‘okay’, ‘fine’.
From Cast. bueno ‘good’, used as an intj., with reduction of the alien /bw-/ cluster.
benüsér (Z) n. ‘cabinetmaker, carpenter’. ****
From ****{Gasc. menusèr} , by L**{6, nasal dissimilation}.
behor (L LN), beor (B Sout G HN S R), bóhor (Z), beur (R) n. ‘mare’. 13th cent., 1562. CF
be(h)o-.
OUO. CF by W**{11}. Lh. (s.v.) suggests a possible link with behi ‘cow’; this cannot
be evaluated. Oddly, no Bq. word for ‘stallion’ is attested.
beozai (Sout) n. ****{‘mare-keeper’} [FHV 338]bohǘllü (Z) n. ‘horsefly’. **** + euli ‘fly’.
ber- ‘same’, ‘self’. Intensive/reflexive stem underlying the formations below.
bera (**), bé(r)a (Z) {‘the same’ + -a (see *har).}berau (**) **** {‘this same’ + hau.}berber (**) a. ‘same, very same’. Reduplicated. *****
berdin (G HN L LN R) (1627), bardin (B L LN R) (1545), bárdin (Z), berdi (old LN)[hapax] a. ‘same’, ‘smooth’, TS prt (B) ‘since, as’, (G) ‘nevertheless’. + -din AFS(see *edin). The second sense is puzzling, as is the widespread appearance of thesecond form, apparently by P59, outside B.
berdindu (**), bardíntü (Z) ****{vti. ‘level, equal’ Aul.}
bere (**), bé(r)e (Z) {‘his/her/its own’ Aul.}

136

R. L. Traskbe(r)hañ (Z) prt. ‘however, nevertheless’, beregainki (L) adv. ‘especially’. **** +gain ‘top’ (+ -ki {[1]} AdvFS) (M. 1961a: 222).
beredin (G HN), berein (B) det. [preposed] ‘lots of, many, much’. **** + -din AFS(see *edin) (M. 1961a: 475). [CHECK THIS]
berez (**), be(r)héz (Z) adv. ‘separately’ **** ****
berezi (**), berhezi (** old LN), be(r)hézi (Z) ****{vt. ‘separate’ Az.} + -i {(see-i } [**{1}] {AFS} [FHV 83 fn., 159, 517]
berori (**) ****{‘that same’ + hori [1].}bera (**) a. ‘soft’. ****
berandu (B G HN **), berant (L LN R), bé(r)ant (Z), belu (B) **** ‘late’ ** CF berant-.
**** CF by W1, W3. The B form is mysterious.
berantarbi (B G) n. ‘late turnip’. **** + arbi ‘turnip’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
berantarto (G) n. ‘late maize’. **** + arto ‘maize’.
beran(t)kor (**) a. ‘late’. **** **** [FHV 367]
berde (c.), perde (LN), pherde (old LN), ferde (LN) a. ‘green’. CF berda-. 14th cent.
From Cast. verde or a related Rom. word. Variants by P8. CF by W2.2. See musker{(under m- expressive)}, orlegi (under hori [*{2}]), urdin.
berekatu (**), ferekatu (HN L), ****, frikatu (Sout) ****{vt. ‘rub’, ‘stroke’} [FHV 348]
bereter (**), better (L LN), belaterra (**) ****{n. ‘priest’} [FHV 158, 334]
berme (old HN) ****{n. ‘bail’, ‘guarantor’} [FHV 265]
berna (B G HN **) n. ‘leg’ (anat.) ****
bernatzaki (**), bernazaki (**), bermatzaki (L) n. ‘shin, tibia’ (anat.). + -zaki.
bero (c.) a. ‘hot, warm’, n. ‘heat’. 1213, 1545. Dimin. (Z R) béllo, (S) bello.
OUO. Could be from *bero or from *belo, by P22. But an imitative origin cannot be
ruled out, since items of the approximate form ber(ber) are frequent in languages as
onomatopoeias for the sound of boiling, and these often acquire transferred senses like‘burn’, ‘hot’, ‘fire’ and ‘cook’. In places, the dimin. has displaced the original as theordinary word, by M**{10}.
*berr- Hypothetical stem possibly underlying the following items.
berri (c. exc. B Sout), barri (B Sout) a. ‘new’. CF berr-. 1061, 15th cent. Possibly + -i
AFS. B form by P59. CF by W2.1. The R&S has seven examples of barri against
two of berri. In B, the free form is barri, but we often find -berri as a second
element.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque137

bertze (**) (1545), berze (LN), beze (LN) beste (** LN), béste (Z R) (15th cent.) adjvl.
‘other’. {Fourth and fifth} form{s} by P19. Final element unknown.
bestalde (**) prt. ‘on the other hand’. **** + alde ‘side’ {(see *al-)}.
-borze (S) ‘god-’ ****
berretu (**), berratu (**), berrhetu (old LN) vt. ‘increase, augment’. **** [FIX THIS]
berro (L), berho (Z) n. ‘field which has been sown’. ****
bertso (**) n. ‘verse’, ****
bertsolari (**) n. ‘bard’. **** + -lari professional NFS (see -ari [1]).
bertute (**), berthute (old LN **), birtute (**) , berthǘte (Z) **** n. ‘virtue’. ****
bertz (HN LN Z R) n. ‘cauldron’ ****
bertzoin (HN **), bertzuin (HN **), [AZKUE; several], bertzun (G), pertzun (G),bartzun (B), barzuin (Sout) ‘badil {fire shovel}’ + oin ‘foot’ (M. 1977a: 507).
berun (c.), beraun (B) n. ‘lead’ (metal) (Pb). ****
besigu (**), bixigu (**) ****{n. ‘red bream’ (zool.)} [FHV 78]
beso (c.) n. ‘arm’ (anat.) (1545), TS ‘cubit’ (1571), TS ‘foreleg (of an animal)’ (1803). CF
besa-.
OUO. CF by W2.2.
besape (**), besápe (Z) n. ‘armpit’ (anat.). **** + -pe (****{see behe}).
besaurre n. ‘forearm’. 1989. + aurre ‘front’ (see *aur). See uko [**{1}].
bete (**) a. ‘full’, TS (**) vt. ‘fill’.
****{OUO.}
betheginzarre (**) n. ‘perfection’. **** + egin ‘do’ + -zarre ****{(NFS)}. [FHV 351]
beti (c. exc. Z), bethi (L LN Z) adv. ‘always’ (‘at all times’; see derivatives below for theother senses of English ‘always’). 1545.
OUO.
betidanik (**) adv. ‘(since) always’. 1571. + -danik Abl. with adverbs.
betiko [1] (**) adjvl. ‘eternal, everlasting’. 1596. + -ko.
betiko [2] (**) adv. ‘for ever’, ‘(for) always’. 16th cent. + -ko Dest. *** with adverbs.

138

R. L. Trask*bez(a)- Hypothetical stem, of unknown sense, possibly underlying the following items.
bezain (c.), bezin (G HN), baizen (**), baxen (B), bekain (**), bikain (**), bikin (R)prt. ‘as...as’. 1545. + hain ‘so much’, ‘that much’ (see *har). [FHV 105, 178, 297] [A
MESS: SORT] [MORE: FHV 544]
bezainbat (**), bezanbat (**) **** ‘as much as, as many as’ ****
bezala, bezela (c.), bekala (**), bikala (**) p. [+ any] ‘like, as’. 1545. Possibly + -lacompletive.
bezatu (B G), bezau (B), zebatu (**) *****{v. ‘train, accustom’} [FHV 297]****{From Cast. avezar/Occ. avesar ‘accustom’, Gasc. besat ‘accustomed’.} Last formby metathesis.
bézino (R) n. ‘neighbour’. ****
From Cast. vecino id.
ezinotxe (R) n. ****{‘town hall’} [FHV 157 fn.]bi (c.) (1545), biga (L LN) (1545), bida (HN LN S) (1759), bia (old L) (17th c.) num. (psp.
or prp.; see below) ‘two’.
OUO. It is clear that biga is the conservative form, with bida by P10 and the otherforms by reduction. Lafon (1959{b}) and M. (1961a) attribute the reduction to W19,
since this numeral was anciently postposed: it is sporadically postposed in early easterntexts (Lafon 1959{b}), and still postposed today in B, though in other varieties today it ispreposed. In L and LN today, biga is the form used in counting and when the word
constitutes a noun phrase all by itself, while bi is used as part of a larger noun phrase; allother varieties have generalized bi to all contexts. See -garren. [FHV 413 fn.]
biaka (Z), biakin (Z), biaxkin (Z), biraxkin (Z), bibiro (HN), bibitxi (L), bikarro (B;also Castilian of Alava), biratx (R), biratxo (R), birazkako (LN), biritx (L LN),
biritxi (L LN), birki (L), biroki (G) n. ‘twin(s)’. All of these numerous local forms
are built upon bi, with various extensions, mostly unidentifiable but sometimes
containing recognizable elements, such as bitxi; some of them apparently contain areduplication of bi. See also biki and bizki below. It appears that words for ‘twin(s)’have been unstable and frequently re-formed, though always on the base bi.
bika (c.) adv. ‘in twos’, ‘in pairs’. + -ka AdvFS.
biki (B) n. ‘pair of twins’, ‘twin’, TS a. ‘twin’. 1745, 1808. + -ki [3] NFS. The usual
sense is ‘twin’, though a few early attestations seem to require ‘pair of twins’. {Cf.
bizki below.}
bikoitz (B G) (1905), bikotx (B L) (c. 1808) a. ‘double’. + -koitz AFS {(not in The
Dictionary)}. Second form by P30. One source cites an L variant bikotz, which isprobably an error, and a second reports the sense ‘twin(s)’ for L, a sense notsubstantiated elsewhere.
bikonde (B G) a. ‘double’. Final element opaque. Uhlenbeck (****{1909}) suggests a
derivative of bikun (below) with a further unknown suffix.
bikor (G) a. ‘double’. 1905 + -kor AFS.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque139

bikun (old LN) n. ‘pair’, a. ‘double’. 1627. + -kun AFS.
bikhundu (old L) vt. ‘double’. 1859. + -tu VFS, by P**{P6}.
birden (HN LN) **** ‘second’. **** [FHV 341]
biritxi (**) [Lh.] **** ‘even’ (not odd, of a number) [Lh.]bitan (B G HN R), bietan (L LN Z) adv. ‘twice’. 1571. + -ta- {not in The Dictionary} +-n {[1]} Locative {CS.}.
bitarte (B G HN), bitharte (LN) n. ‘interval’, ‘space between’, TS ‘intermediary’, TS‘mediation’, ‘influence’, ‘support’, TS ‘juncture’. 1643. + -tarte (see arte [1]).
bitartean (c.) p. [+ Gen.] ‘between’. 1571. + -an Locative.
bitarteko (**) n. ‘mediator’. ****
bitartez (B G HN) p. [+ Gen.] ‘by means of’. Ca. 1701. + -z instr./advbl.
bizki (G HN), bixki (G) n. ‘twin(s)’. + -zki NFS (see -ki [3]). {Cf. biki above.}bizkitartean (**) ****{adv. ‘meanwhile’} [FHV 534] From *bizpitartean, by
dissimilation, from *biez bitartean ****{‘in the interval of the two’} (M. 1977a:
534).
bizpahiru (Z), bizpahirur (L LN Z), bizpur (S), bizpor (R) det. ‘two or three’ ‘a few’.
1785. From *bi ez bada hiru(r) ‘two if not three’, + ez ‘not’ + ba- ‘if’ + da ‘it is’(finite form of izan ‘be’) + hiru(r) ‘three’ (A. 1905).
bizpalaur (Z) det. ‘a few’, ‘several’. From *bi ez bada laur ‘two if not four’, as in thepreceding, + lau(r) ‘four’.
biaje (c.?) (1545), bidaje (c.?) (1571) n. ‘journey, trip’.
From Cast. viaje id. or a related Rom. form. Second form by contamination from bide‘road’. See also biaia (under bide [1]).
biao, biago, bidago, bigao, bixao (B) n. ‘siesta’, ‘mid-day nap’. 1596.
M. (1964a: {100; 1974b: 196}}) derives this specifically B word from Lat. meridiānum‘pertaining to the middle of the day’, or from some Rom. development of this. The
phonological reduction is unusually extensive, but M. proposes the following
approximate development, some of which may have occurred in Rom. before the word
was borrowed: meridianum > *meidiano > *meyano > *miano > *mião (by P1) > *bião> biao, with the variants deriving from P35 and P54, P55. The semantic development isRom., not Bq. Reflexes of the Lat. word occur widely in Rom. with similar senses:
Sardinian meriacru ‘shady place where cattle gather during the heat of the day’,
Santander mediaju id., old Occ. meliana ‘noon’, ‘siesta’, and others.
biao-leku (B) n. ‘shady place where cattle gather during the heat of the day’. + leku
‘place’.
bihar (L LN Z), biar (B Sout G LN R), bigar (G), bixar (B) adv. ‘yesterday {tomorrow}’.
1562.
OUO. The severely localized third form by P35.1. Last form by P54, P55.

140

R. L. Trask
biharamun (**), biaramun (**), bihámen (Z) n. ‘next day’. **** + egun ‘day’ (M.
1961a: 335). M. proposes *bi(h)aregun > *bi(h)arebun (by P**{10}) > *bi(h)aremun(by P**{7}).

{[}bidaia (**), pi(d)aia (LN) n. **** [FHV 240] {] Duplicates bidaia s.v. bide.}{[}bidaide (**) n. ‘travelling companion’. **** + -ide ‘fellow’ (see ****{-kide}). [FHV245] {] Duplicates bidaide s.v. bide.}bidali (1809) (G HN LN Z), biali (HN) (1783), birali (HN) vt. ‘send’, bidali (LN S) ‘find’,‘get hold of, obtain’.
Probably from Cast. enviar ‘send’, with loss of the prefix (L14), irregular treatment of/r/, and folk-etymology from bide ‘road’ in the common form (Schuchardt ****{1906a:26}). If so, a late example of the use of -i {(see -i} [**{1}] {AFS} in a borrowed verb.
bidaldu (B HN L) (15th cent.), bialdu (B) (1785), bealdu (B), bildu (B), biraldu (B G),
bigaldu (G) vt. ‘send’. By transfer to the -tu class (M**{14}).
bide (c.), bire (G) n. ‘road’, ‘way’. 1090, 14th cent. TS (G HN L LN) prt. ‘apparently’,‘probably’, ‘undoubtedly’ (1545). CF bida-.
OUO. CF by W2.2. The often-proposed derivation from Lat. viam id. appears
indefensible. As a final element in word-formation, it often has the sense ‘means’, as inogibide ‘job’ (ogi ‘bread’). In this position, it is occasionally reduced to -bi, by
W**{19}; see examples under zur, ur and orbide.
The modal use has occasioned some speculation. In a document of ****, we find asingle instance of bide used as deontic ‘must’, in bide dela ‘as one must’, and in adocument of **** we find a single instance of bide used as epistemic ‘must’, in eratu ni
bide naiz ‘I must have gone crazy’. Together with bide izan ‘be proper’ (below), all thissuggests a semantic development along the following lines: ‘way’ > ‘(proper) way (ofdoing something)’ > deontic ‘must’ > epistemic ‘must’ > ‘undoubtedly’ (I am indebted toAlexis Manaster Ramer (p.c.) for suggesting this).
bidagin (B) (ca. 1760), bidagile (ca. 1760), bidegile (1958) n. ‘road-builder’, bidagin(B) ‘courier’. + -gin, -gile ‘maker’ (see egin).
bidagintza (B) ‘road maintenance’, ‘courier’s job’. + -tza NFS.
bidagiro n. (G) ‘good time for a journey’, (HN) ‘journey, trip’, ‘state of the road’. + giro
‘temperature’.
bidagurutze (HN), bide-khurutze (LN), bidekurtze (B) n. ‘crossroads’. + gurutze‘cross’.
bidaia (L) (1852), biaia (L) (1627), piaia (L) (1635), {pi(d)aia (LN)} n. ‘journey’. +-aia NFS. See also biaje. {[FHV 240]}
bidaide (old LN) n. ‘fellow traveller’. 1657. + -kide ‘fellow’ (see ****). {[FHV 245]}
bidaldi (B G HN) n. ‘walk, stroll’, ‘long walk’. 1745, 1802. + aldi ‘occasion’.
bidari [1] n. (B) ‘fare’ (for travel), ‘provisions’ (for a trip). ****. + -ari [2] or [3]. {No-ari [3] in EFD.}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque141

bidari [2] n. (R) ‘traveller’, (B) ‘guide’. ****. + -ari [1] NFS of profession.
bidarte (B) n. ‘crossroads’. + arte {[1]} ‘interval’.
bidean (old B) p. [+ Gen.] ‘in place of’, ‘instead of’. 1596. + -an Loc. CS.
bidegabe (G L LN Z) n. ‘injustice, wrong’ (1545), adv. ‘unjustly’ (1545), a. ‘unjust’(1761). + gabe ‘without’.
bide izan (L) vi. ‘be permitted’, ‘be licit’. + izan ‘be’, with obscure semantics.
bide-ondo (L) n. ‘fatigue’ (from travelling). + ondo [**{1}] ‘after’.
bider (old B Sout G HN L), bidar (B) n. functioning as adv. ‘time, occasion’ (= Cast.
vez, Fr. fois), as in hiru bider ‘three times’. 1562. Variant by P59. Cannot be usedwith bat ‘one’; ‘once’ is behin. Second element obscure, but M. (1961a: 62 fn.) notes
several semantic parallels for such a formation in Celtic, Gothic and Catalan. See aldi.
bideratu vt. (B G) ‘direct, guide’, (B) ‘obtain, procure’. 1745, 1763. + -ra All. CS + -tu
VFS.
bidez (B G HN) p. [+ Gen.] ‘by means of’. ****. + -z instrl./advbl.
bidezain (B LN R), bidezai (G) n. ‘road worker’. + zain ‘guardian’.
bidezko adjvl. (c.) ‘just, equitable’ (1571), (B) ‘legitimate’, n. (B) ‘traveller’ (on foot),‘passer-by’ (ca. 1760). + -zko (see -z).
bidezorro n. (old B) ‘satchel’, ‘travelling bag’, (HN) ‘keen walker’. + zorro ‘bag’.
bigae (B), biga (G), miga (HN LN) n. ‘two-year-old heifer’. CF bigan-. 1571. Dimin. (G)miatxo.
From *bigana, by P**{1} {P7}, from Lat. {*}bimānam, app. ‘two-year-old heifer’, app.
with contamination from bi(ga) ‘two’ (M. 1961a: 145). Note: this Lat. word, app. aderivative of bīmus ‘two years old’, I can find in no Lat. dictionary, but M. cites it
without asterisk or comment. [MORE: FHV 508] {M. 1974b: 201 n. 94.} {*Bimana has
an asterisk in M. 1977a: 508, and in M. 1974b: 201, at least according to Trask’s English
version (fn. 77).}
bigantxa (B G HN LN Z R), bigaintxa (old G), migatsa (L) n. ‘ten-month-old heifer’.
1745, ca. 1800. + -txa dimin. (see ****) {Not in The Dictionary.}. The old G variant
probably represents the intermediate form *bigãe for the base word.
{[}bigira (**), begira (**) ****{[}begiratu (**), beiratu (**), beitu (G **){[}begirune (**), begiraune (**) n. [FHV 116] {] All moved s.v. begi}
biguin (G L) (1745, ca. 1760), biguiñ (G), biguñ (G), bigun (B G LN) (1596), bihun (LN)a. ‘soft’, ‘gentle’.
OUO. The first variant appears to be the conservative form, but LN bihun (according to
AT also biun, not elsewhere confirmed) is difficult. Lh. cites bihun only in the sense of‘compassionate’, not elsewhere confirmed. Lh. proposes an etymology from *bihotz on

142

R. L. Trask‘good heart’, but this seems implausible. A nominal sense of ‘force, vigour’, ‘courage’is given in {attributed to} Oihenart (****), but its reality is doubted by many specialists.
If the sense is real, it must represent a distinct word.
bigundu (**) ****{vti. ‘soften, mitigate’}bihi (**), bigi (**) **** ****{‘grain’} CF bit-.
****{OUO.}
bikain (**), pikain (** old L old LN) ****{n. ‘best bit’, ‘tithe’} [FHV 217-218, 218
fn.] {M. 1957a: 20.}bikor (**), bikhor (**), pikor (G HN), mikor (HN R S) n. ‘(individual) grain’. ****
bike (HN L) (ca. 1620), bikhe (L LN), pike (c.) (1745, 1757), phike (**), phíke (Z) n.
‘pitch’ (tar-like substance).
From Lat. picem id. (M. 1961a: 51, 219). See ui.
*bil or *biL (c.) a. ? ‘round’.
OUO. This item is nowhere recorded as an independent word, but its former existence iscertain because of the item’s frequent presence as a second element in compounds. See
examples under gurdi, uko [1], ur, *****.
biribil (**), borobil (**) ****{a. ‘round’ Aul.}biribilgatu (old LN) **** [FHV 353]
bilhaka (old Z) n. ‘hatred, enmity’ ?, ‘quarrel, argument’ ? ****
OUO. The sense of this rare and obsolete word is extracted as far as possible from its
context.
bilhakatu (old L **) vt. ‘ruin, destroy’. **** [FHV 521]{[}bilarrauzi (old LN), bilharrozi (LN), bilarrozi (S), bilarruzi (HN), bilortxe (A) ****
‘calf’ [FHV 96] {] Duplicate, combined under bular. }bilatu (** Sout S), billatu (old B ** HN), bilhátü (Z), biletu (**) [FHV 521] **** vi. ‘turninto’, vt. ‘look for, seek’. ****
M. (1961a: 200 fn. 36) proposes Cast. pillar ‘catch’. But M. (1977a: 521) withdraws thisand prefers a Rom. source akin to old Galician filhar ****.
bila (**), billa (**) **** adv. ****{‘in search of’ Az.}bilakatu (**), bilhakatu (**) **** v. ‘turn into’. **** [FHV 521]
bilaun (**), bilau (**), billaun (**), billau (**{HN, B, G}) **** n. {‘villain’, ‘traitor’}****{From Cast. villano.}The expected Z form would be *biláñ, which is not
documented (M. 1961a: 152).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque143

bildu (**) vi. ‘assemble’ (1571), vt. ‘collect, gather’ (1545). Stem bil-. ****
OUO. The stem is apparently non-verbal. Attempts at linking it to *bil ‘round’ are notso far persuasive, though the idea perhaps cannot be ruled out. [MT]billur (**), bilhur (**), bǘllhür (Z), bulur (R) {n. ‘tether made of twigs’} [FHV 79;
Azkue] [move?] [see FHV 481-482 for comments and a proposed etymology] [ANDFHV 521]bilo (** old LN R S A), bilho (LN), bílho (Z), **** n. ‘(a single) hair’. ************ billuzi (old LN) **** a. ‘naked, nude’. ****
biluzi etc. **** [FHV 80 fn.] {Same item as preceding. also v. ‘strip naked’ Az.}{[}bintza (**), pintza (**) **** ‘membrane’. **** [MT entry] {] Duplicate, see mintz.}
bihotz (L LN Z), biotz (B G HN R) n. ‘heart’ (anat.), TS ‘central part’, TS ‘ardour,
enthusiasm, determination’. 1545.
OUO, but possibly recorded as Aq. BIHOXUS.
bihotz-beltz (Z) n. ‘cruelty’. + beltz ‘black’ {(see *bel)}.
bi(h)otz-bera, bi(h)ozbera (c.) a. ‘kind-hearted’, ‘merciful’. 1617. + bera ‘soft’.
biotz-eri (R) n. ‘middle finger’. + eri {[2]}‘finger’.
biotz-erre (B G HN) n. ‘heartburn’. 1897. + erre ‘burn’.
bihotz-gabe, bihozgabe (c.) a. ‘cowardly’ (1657), ‘heartless’ (1858). + gabe ‘without’.
bihotz-gutun (L?) n. ‘religious object worn around the neck’. + gutun ‘talisman’.
biotz-igarra (HN) n. ‘henbane’ (bot.) (Hyoscyamus niger). Final element obscure.
biotz on! (G) intj. expression of encouragement. + on ‘good’.
biozkanpo (R LN) a. ‘of poor quality’, ‘disagreeable’. + kanpo ‘outside’.
bihozmin (L LN Z) n. ‘sorrow’, (R) n. ‘palpitation of the heart’, (B R LN) n. ‘epilepsy’.
1750. + min ‘pain’.
bihoztun (L LN Z), bioztun (B G R) a. ‘valiant’. Ca. 1660. + -dun ‘having’ (see*edun).
bipildu (** HN), biphildu (L LN), thipíltü (Z) ****{vt. ‘pluck’, ‘pull out (hair)’} [FHV 64][MT entry pipil]
From Lat. dēpilāre (Gavel ****{1920: 429}; M. 1961a: 258) ****
bipil (**), **** thípil (Z) a. ‘nude, naked’, ****
birao (**{B G}), ****{n. ‘curse’} [FHV 74, 119]biri (**), birika (**) n. ‘lung’. ****

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Birjina (**), Birjiña (**) n. ‘Virgin’. ****
biru (HN S R), piru (HN LN S), phiru (LN {HN}), firu (B {LN}), iru (B) n. ‘thread, fibre’.
[FHV 264]
From Lat. fīlum id., by L3, P22 (M. ****{1951b: 578:}).
bits (**) n. ‘spume, foam’. ****
{OUO.}
bitxi (B R), pitxi (B G HN) n. ‘jewel, ornament, pretty little thing’, (B) ‘pearl’, (HN) ‘pair’,a. (B G L) ‘pretty’, (L LN) ‘original, unusual, striking’, ‘extravagant’, ‘graceful’,‘singular’, ‘funny’. Nursery word in some senses. 15th cent. (n.), 1858 (a.)
OUO, but possibly a palatalized form of bizi ‘alive’ (M. ****). Variant pitxi perhaps by
P11. Very likely a nursery word in origin, but some modern senses are no longer nurserywords. This item serves very commonly as a stem in expressive formations.
-bitxi (B L) Suffix meaning ‘god-’ in kinship terms, as in aitabitxi ‘godfather’. Possibly
calqued on Rom. formations like Fr. beaupère ‘godfather’.
bitxilore, pitxilore, bitxilora n. ‘daisy’, ‘camomile’ (bot.) (Bellis et al.) 1745. + lore
‘flower’.
bitxilote (B), pitxilote (B), pitxilota (B), pitxoleta (B), pitxeleta (B), mitxeleta (B G),
mitxelot (B), mitxilote (B), mitxoleta (B?), tximilot (B), tximeleta (B G),{tximirrika, tximirrita (G)} n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera) + an arbitrary
expressive continuation, with various unsystematic alterations (as usually in
expressive formations), and sometimes metathesis. Only mitxeleta (1745) is recorded
before the 20th cent. and the now predominant form tximeleta is nowhere recorded
before 1912. M. (1977a: 520) prefers to see the forms containing /m/ as derived fromthe personal name Mitxel ‘Mike’ and hence as unrelated to the other variants; this isquite possible.
pitxikula (G) n. ‘caprices, whims’, ‘extravagances in dress or in eating’.
{[}tximirrika, tximirrita (G) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera). {] Moved up
under bitxilote.}bihur (EB), biur n. (B G HN), bühür (Z), bior (B **), mur (R) ‘****’, (B) ‘fold in a rope’,a. (B L LN R) ‘twisted’, TS (B) ‘perverse’.
OUO. The expected northern variant *bihur is not attested for this word, though the CF
bihurr- is common in the north. [NEEDS WORK] [FHV 62-63]
berr-, birr-, biorr- (Sout) ****{prefix ‘re-’, ‘again’, ‘twice’} [FHV 122, 411]
bihurri (L LN Z), biurri (B G HN S R) a. ‘twisted’, ‘tangled’. **** + -i [**{1}] AFS.
bihurtu (**), ****, murtu (R) ****{vt. ‘convert, return’} [FHV 537]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque145

bixtika (L LN) (1692), bixiga (Sout) (1562), pixika (HN), pisika (HN), puxika (B) (18thcent.), puxiga (old B), bisiga (HN) n. ‘bladder’ (anat.), ‘boil’ (on the skin).
[IMPORTANT: FHV 78]
From Late Lat. vessīcam ‘bladder’ (M. ****{1961a: 78}), variant of classical vēsīcam.
The rounded vowel of the B variant has Rom. parallels, as in Arag. vo(i)xiga, vuixiga(CP s.v. vejiga). See CP for a survey of Rom. forms of this widespread word.
bizar (c.) n. ‘beard’, TS ‘beard’ (of certain fish and certain cereals), TS (LN R) ‘chin’, TS (L)‘edge of a knife’. 15th cent.
OUO. Conceivably contains *-ar, hypothetical collective suffix. The word is not related
to Cast. bizarro ‘gallant, brave’ or to Fr. and English bizarre. The origin of these words
in Bq. bizar was suggested by the Basque writer Baltásar de Etxabe in 1607; this waslater picked up by Friedrich Di, who popularized this etymology, which as a result ispresented as gospel in a number of reference works. But more recent investigation has
demonstrated beyond dispute that the Spanish, French and English words are borrowed
from Italian, in which the word occurs earlier by centuries than anywhere else (it evenoccurs in Dante); see CP (s.v. bizarro) for the details.
bizardun (c.) n., a. ‘bearded (person)’. 1562. + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).
pixar (G) n. ****{‘strand, wisp’} [FHV 241]bizi (c.) a. ‘alive, living’, n. ‘life’, TS a. ‘lively’, ‘mobile, moving’, ‘running’ (of water). CF
biz-. 1545.
OUO. If the more frequent adjectival sense is original, may perhaps contain -i [**{1}]AFS. CF by W2.1. See bitxi.
bizi-alargun (B G L R) n. ‘divorced or separated couple’. Sources differ as to which
sense is usual. 1855. + alargun ‘widow(er)’.
bizibehar (old LN) n. ‘necessities of life’. 1571. + behar ‘necessity’.
bizibete (**) a. ‘active, vigorous’. **** + bete ‘full’. [FHV 422]
bizibide n. (B LN R) (1745, 1785 ‘job, profession’, bizipide (HN L LN Z) (1880) ‘trade,
profession’, ‘pay, wages’. + bide ‘way’.
bizi *edun (L LN) vt. ‘give life to’, ‘keep alive’. 1545. + *edun ‘have’.
bizi izan (c.) vi. ‘live’ (‘be alive’), ‘live’ (‘reside, dwell’). 1545.
biziarazi (old L) (1636), bizi erazi (old LN) (1571) vt. ‘keep alive’, ‘make more
alive’. + -erazi causative.
bizikai (B old LN), bizigai (?) (1924), bizigei (?) (1888) n. ‘food, nourishment’. + gai‘material’.
biziki (HN L LN Z R) adv. ‘in a lively manner, vivaciously’, TS deg. ‘enormously, very,
really’. 1571. + -ki [**{1}] AdvFS.
bizikide (old B HN) (1596), bizikida (?) (1741) n. ‘spouse’. + -kide ‘fellow’.
bizilagun (B G HN) n. ‘spouse’ (1657), ‘member of one’s household’ (1808),‘inhabitant’ (1905). + lagun ‘companion’.
bizitza (c.) n. ‘life’. 1596. + -tza NFS.

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R. L. Trask
bizkor (B G HN L LN R) a. ‘agile, nimble’, ‘active, vigorous’. 1745. + -kor AFS.
bizkorrean (G) adv. ‘in the nude’. + -an Loc. {CS.} Motivation obscure.
bizkortxa (B) a. ‘active’, ‘restless’, ‘fussy’. + -txa {dimin. Not in The Dictionary.}
biztanle (EB) n. ‘inhabitant’. 1745, 1847. A neologism coined by Larramendi in his
1745 dictionary, of opaque formation, though the final syllable must be intended torepresent -le, agentive NFS. The word is not recorded before Larramendi, and it is
not recorded again until the works of the writer Iztueta, who was a formidable user of
Larramendi’s neologisms. It is absent from Azkue’s 1905 dictionary and from
Lhande’s 1926 dictionary, and it hardly occurs anywhere before the 20th cent.
Taking the word to be popular, Corominas (****{AT s.v.}) proposes a derivationfrom Cast. habitante id., along the lines of *abitante > *bitante > *biztanle, with two
folk-etymologies, but the historical record makes this piece of ingenuity unnecessary.
biztu (B HN LN R) (1571), piztu (G HN LN L) (1545), phiztü (Z) vt. ‘light, kindle,
ignite’, ‘revive, resuscitate’, ‘conceive’ (a child), TS ‘arouse, excite’ (sexually),‘make (a penis) erect’, vi. ‘germinate’ (of plants), ‘turn sour, go off’ (of fermented
drinks). + -tu VFS. Second form by P**{11}.

bizkar (c.) n. ‘back’ (of a human or an animal) (anat.), ‘high place in mountains, esp. a highplain’. 1571.
OUO. Commonly thought to be the source of the province name Bizkaia.
boka- (**), mokado (G HN), kopa(d)u (B) ****{n. ‘mouthful’} [FHV 260]
bolu (B) n. ‘mill’. **** [FHV 123]
From Lat. molīnum id., **** A CF Borin- appears in toponyms, such as Borinivar inmedieval Alava, mod. Bolivar. [FHV 314]
bonet (LN), bunet (Z) n. ‘hat, cap’ (1657), ‘beret’ (ca. 1760).
From some Rom. development of med. Lat. abonnem ‘cap’, akin to Fr. bonnet ‘bonnet’.
Z form by P71. Mod. Cast. Cat. Port. boina ‘beret’ is widely thought to derive from an
unrecorded Bq. development of this Rom. word; CP (s.v.) propose an old Cast. or Arag.
*boñe, leading to a Basque *boina, by P**{32}, borrowed into Rom. and then lost in Bq.
Cp also note that several Basque writers conclude that the beret was not widely worn in
the Spanish Basque Country until the time of the First Carlist War, in the 1830s. See
also kapela.
borda n. (old L old LN) ‘shepherd’s hut’, (B G LN R) ‘sheepfold’, ‘corral’, ‘stable’, TS (LLN Z) ‘farmhouse’. 1571.
From Occ. {[}borde{]}, bòrda ‘hut’, ‘covered sheepfold’, ‘stable’, also ‘farmhouse’ inplaces (Unamuno ****{1893: 142}), a word variously suspected of being of Germanicor Celtic origin, and widespread in Gallo-Romance (and also in Ibero-Romance, perhaps
by diffusion). In the 17th and 18th centuries, growing population forced the French
Basques to convert high pastures into new farms; the existing shepherd’s huts served as
the nuclei of new farmhouses, and the name was transferred.
bordalde (L), bordalte (Z) n. ‘tenant farm’. 1873. + alde ‘side’ {(see *al-)}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque147

bordari (HN G L) n. ‘tenant’. CF bordal-. 17th cent. + -ari {[1]} professional NFS. CF
by W**{12}.
bordaltu (R) vi. ‘get married’. + -tu VFS. Cf. Cast. casarse ‘get married’, from casa
‘house’.
bordal-berri (R) a. ‘newlywed’. + berri ‘new’ {see *berr)}.
bordalgei (R) n. ‘fiancé’. + -gai ‘destined for’ (see gai).
bordarigo(a) (L?) n. ‘tenancy of a farm’. + -goa collective NFS.
borondate (B G HN L LN S), bo(r)ontháte (Z), borontate (R), boruntate (old Z),
borundate (old Z) n. ‘will, desire’. 16th cent.
From Lat. voluntātem id, by P22 (M. 1961a: 216).
boronde (LN S **), borónte (Z R) n. ‘forehead’ (anat.) ****
From Lat. frontem id., by **** (M. 1961a: 353).
bortitz (**), borthitz (**), portitz (**) a. ‘strong’. ****
From Lat. fortis id. (nom.).
bortu (LN R), bortü (Z), portu (HN LN), mortu (HN L), maurtu (old B; hapax) n. ‘desert’,in pl. (bortuak etc.) ‘Pyrenees’.
From Lat. portum ‘harbour’, ‘haven’, developing in Pyrenean Rom. into ‘mountain pass’(A. 1905; M. 1961a: 96 fn. 13). The curious last form perhaps by contamination frommauru ‘Moor’ (see mairu).
bortxa (HN L LN Z) n. ‘force, violence’.****{Occ. fòrça.}bortxatu (**) vt. ‘rape’. **** **** + -tu VFS.
bortz (**), bost (**) num. ‘five’. ********{OUO.}
bostarrika (**), uztarrika (G HN) adv. ‘game!’ (in mus), amastarrika (S), amaxarri(S) n. ‘children’s game played with five pebbles’. **** + harri ‘stone’ + -ka AdvFS.
The second item is preceded by Rom. a and has undergone vocalic assimilation andP**{7} (M. **** BAP 20 {1964f}: 307–311). The /z/ of the second form ismysterious, and queried by M. (1977a: 531).
bota (**) vt. ‘throw’. ****
{Occ. botar id.}boteila (L LN), botoila (L LN), botella (G **), botilla (**) n. ‘bottle’. ****

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botere (**), bothere (**) **** n. ‘power’. ****
From Lat. poterem id. [CHECK] {l. *potere analogical form of infinitive posse ‘to beable’, > Sp. Occ. poder.}botz ****{l. bótz (Z) ‘satisfied, happy’} [FHV 55] {Cf. poz ‘happiness’.}boz (**), bótz (Z) n. ‘voice’ **** [FHV 55, 289]
branka (**{B G HN L}) ****{n. ‘prow’} [FHV 348]
brasil (Sout) ****{n. ‘coal dust’} [FHV 496]
bular (B **), bulhar (**), búlhar (Z), buler (old B) [hapax], búrar (R), búdar (R) n.
****{‘chest’} {M. 1961a: 315.}[more stuff FHV 471]****{From *burar OUO.}
bilarrauzi (old LN **) n. ‘calf’, bilharrozi (LN) ‘male calf a few months old’, bilortxe(A) ‘one-year-old calf’, bilarruzi (HN) ‘young bullock’, bilorrazi (HN) ‘beginner,tyro’. **** + erauzi **** (see jauzi) (M. 1977a: 481). {[FHV 96]}
burdina (L LN), burdiña (B HN), burdĩa (old B), burdin (??), bürdün (Z), bürdǘña (Z),burriña (HN), burnia (old B Sout), burni (G), burduña (R), burruña (R), burña(R S) n. ‘iron’. CF burdin-. 1562.
From *burdina, OUO, by P**{1}, P**{1.4} and P**{?} (M. 1961a: 197). Z forms by
P70.
burruntzali (G) ****{n. ‘ladle’} [FHV 357 fn.]burduntzi (B G), burruntzi (B G) n. ‘spit’. **** + zihi ‘pin’. [FHV 357 fn., 413]
burgu (Hb), bürgü (Z) n. ‘hamlet’. From Cast. burgo id., by L**{10.} (AT).
{[}burki (**), urki (**), turki (**) n. ‘birch’ (bot.) (****) ****{] Duplicate, see underurki.}
burla (**) n. ‘joke’. 1562. [FHV 366]
From Cast. burla id.
buro (L), burho (**), burhau (Z) n. ‘curse, oath, blasphemy’.****
burtzi (old B) [hapax] n. ‘spike, lance, spear’. ****
buru (c. exc. Z), bǘ(r)ü (Z) n. ‘head’ (anat.). CF bur-. 1042, 1545.
OUO. CF by W2.3. Very common as a final element in compounds, with TS like ‘chief’,‘leader’, ‘on top’, ‘round thing’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque149

burbuñoka (R) adv. ‘with one’s head trembling’. Contains -ka AdvFS, but the second
element is obscure.
bur-hezur (old LN **), bürhézür (Z) n. ‘skull’. 1571. + hezur ‘bone’.
burgain (HN Z) n. ‘skull’, ‘mountaintop, summit’. + gain ‘top’.
burgoi (LN R), urgoi (L LN S), argoi (G) a. ‘arrogant, haughty’. **** + goi ‘high’ (M.
1961: 252). [REWRITE: SEE AZKUE urgoi; also AT]
bü(r)ialatü (Z) vt. ‘inspire’. + -la All CS + -tu VFS (Lh).
bü(r)iazpi (Z) n. [hapax] ‘presumption, supposition’. + azpi ‘below’.
burko (B) n. ‘pillow’. 1632. + -ko.
buruhas (L LN), bürhás (Z) a. ‘ bareheaded’. 1749. + has ‘bare’ (AT).
buru eman (G), buru emon (B), bü(r)ü eman (Z) vitm. ‘confront’, ‘resist’. + eman‘give’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
buruil (HN L Z), burula (old LN) (1647) n. ‘September’. **** + il ‘month’ (see *hiLe).
Motivation unknown. There are four proposals. 1. ‘prohibition of winter’ (Schuchardt****); generally rejected as indefensible. 2. ‘first month of the year’, implying thatthe ancient Basque calendar began with September (****{Vinson 1910: 32};
endorsed by Caro Baroja ****{1973: 82}). 3. ‘last month of the year’(****{Campión 1931: 323). 4. ‘month when ears (in Basque, ‘heads’) of grain areripe and prominent’ (Lh). M. (Word 15 {1959c}: 526 ****) notes the parallel ofSardinian kapudánnu ‘September’. C. (****){CP}, following von Wartburg(****{FEW 1, 645}), notes Arag. boira ~ guaira ‘fog’, and hints at a folk etymology.
buruille (B) n. ‘linen of ordinary quality’. ****
buru-iope (Duv. Hb.) n. ****{‘headache’, ‘presumption’}buruiska (?) n. ‘little head’. ****
buruka (**) ****{n. ‘ear (of wheat)’}buruki (?) n. ‘meat from the head of an animal’. + -ki [3] NFS.
bürülats (LN) n. **** {AT}burumoztu vt. (B G L) ‘decapitate’, (B G R) ‘cut one’s hair’. + moztu ‘cut’ (see motz).
burumuin ( LN), **** n. ‘brin(s)’. **** + muin ‘marrow’.
bururde (S) n. ‘summit’. ****
bururdi n. (L) ‘pillow’, (B LN) ‘bolster’, (B G HN L LN Z S) ‘eiderdown’. 1571.
Second element opaque. M. (**** BAP 20 {1964e}: 26) suggests erdi ‘middle, half’,
which is not appealing. [much more AT]
bururki (L) ****{n. ‘pillow’}burusi (B G LN), ****{n. ‘blanket’}burutxa (B) n. [see AT buruxa]
buru-xahal (LN) n. ‘tadpole’. ****
buruxi (B), **** [LOTS] {AT}

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R. L. Trask
buruz (B G) adv. ‘word for word, literally, verbatim, by heart’ (1802), (LN Z S) adv.
‘judiciously, prudently’ (1853), (L LN Z) p. [+ Dat] or [+ All] ‘looking at, facing’,‘toward’, ‘against’ (ca. 1800), (HN L LN Z S) p. [+ Dat] ‘addressing, speaking to’, (BG) p. [+ Dat] ‘about, concerning’ (ca. 1850), (R) p. [+ Instrl] ‘after’. + -z Instrl.
buruzagi (L LN R HN), bü(r)üzági (Z), búrzegi (R), bústegi (R) n. ‘chief, leader’.
1167 (as ‘chief shepherd’), 1617. Second element obscure, but possibly -zain‘guardian’ (see zain [1]).
buruzagisa (old Z) n. ‘female chief’, ‘schoolmistress’. + -sa female NFS.
burzoro (old LN **) a. ‘crazy’. **** + zoro ‘crazy’. {Not in The Dictionary.}

burúllo (R), brüllo (R) ****{n. ‘cream cheese’} [FHV 161 fn. {13}]bürzüntz (Z), buzuntz (R), müsǘnts (Z) n. ‘trembling aspen’ (bot.) (****). ****
busti (c.), musti (HN), busta (LN Z) n. ‘moisture’ (1666), a. ‘wet, moist’ (14th cent., 1562).
From Lat. musteum, originally ‘fresh’ but later ‘moist’, or from one or more Rom.
reflexes of this, such as Occ. musti, by L**{6}. Last variant puzzling. [FHV 53: verb?,
500]
buztan (c. exc. Sout Z) (1571), bǘztan (Z), buztain (Sout) (13th cent., 1562) n. ‘tail’ (of ananimal or a bird), TS (B G) ‘penis’.
OUO. M. (1961a: 141) sees the curious Sout form as the result of expressive
palatalization, in spite of the existence of a med. personal name Pero Buztayna.
buztarri (B LN Z R), uztarri (G HN L LN Z R), n. ‘yoke’. (other senses) TS (B)‘rainbow’.******** The geographical distribution points to buztarri as the conservative form, with thecentral form by P**{9} (M. 1977a: 532).
uztargi (G HN), uzterku (B), uzterpu (B), uztrauku (B?), uztai (G), uztadar (HN) n.
‘rainbow’. Variously + argi ‘light’, + adar ‘horn’, with obscure phonologicaldevelopments. {Some of these forms are also cited under ortzarku (see ortzi); blendsof two separate words?}
buztin (G HN L LN Z), buztiña (B), büztin (Z), buztun (R) n. ‘clay’. **** [FHV 80]
buztindoi (S), buztindui (?), buztundoi (R) n. ‘place with deposits of clay’. + ****
buztin gorri (B) n. ‘red ochre’. + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque151

d- (or possibly da-) (c.) Present-tense prefix in finite verb-forms, as in dator ‘he/she/it iscoming’ and du ‘he/she/it has’. Now fossilized.
OUO. It is likely, though not certain, that the prefix is d- rather than da-, since we findd- alone in forms like ****{diraki ‘boils’}, and -a- alone in forms like nator ‘I’m
coming’. De Rijk (****{1992}) makes an interesting case for an origin in an ancientmorpheme *da- meaning ‘the present moment’, but a difficulty is that no Pre-Basquelexical stem ever begins with /d/. This prefix occurs only in present-tense verb-forms
which have no first- or second-person agreement prefix. Consequently, it was long taken(wrongly) as a third-person agreement marker, in spite of the obvious difficulties that it
appears only in present-tense forms and that it appears even when no third-person
absolutive NP is present in the sentence at any level of representation, as in diraki ‘boils’(intransitive with transitive morphology; the subject stands in the ergative case, which isagreed with by a suffix, not by a prefix). See {Oregi Aranburu} (****{1974}) and Trask(****{1977}) for the demonstration that this is a present-tense suf{pre}fix. {Also Trask
1997: 218-226.}
d- Initial element in surnames.
From Rom. de ‘of’. Esp. in the French Basque Country, this element is often fused toBq. surnames, producing variants like Duarte (common Uharte, Ugarte) and Daguerre(common Agerre, Agirre). The very first Basque writer, whose name was Etxepare,signed himself Dechepare.
-da-, -t (c.) first-singular agreement suffix in finite verb-forms.
The original form is *-da. This is reduced to -t when word-final, by P40, but remains as-da- when another suffix follows, producing alternations like dut ‘I have it’ (from*duda), but relative form dudan ‘which I have’, with relative suffix -n. A few varieties
of B have reanalysed the alternation, producing forms like dot ‘I have it’, relative form
doten. OUO, but clearly not related to ni ‘I, me’, which provides the agreement prefixn-. Possibly a remnant of an ancient stem-alternation in the pronoun? Compare *-ga.
-da Suffix in surnames.
This suffix occurs in a few surnames, like Larrinda and Legarda. It is of unknown
origin and significance. M. (****{1973a: 78}) wonders whether Legarda might
represent a variant of Legarreta, with the familiar suffix -eta, with Rom. mediation.
-dade, -tate, -date, -dare (c.) abstract NFS. From Lat. -tātem or from its Old Cast.
continuation -dade. Since the predominantly eastern -tate seems to appear only informs borrowed wholesale from Lat. in literary works, it is likely that -daderepresents the earliest form to be borrowed as a functioning suffix.
daguenil or dagenil (old B) [hapax] 1596, dagonil (1897) n. ‘August’.
OUO. It is not clear whether the daguenil of the text is meant to represent daguenil ordagenil. The final element is surely il ‘month’ (see *iLe). M. (****{1970b: 90 n. 49})
suggests two possibilities. First, it may be *uda-go[i]-en-il ‘month of highest summer’,from uda ‘summer’ + goi ‘high’ + -en {[1]} superl. + il. Second, it may be *dagoen-il‘the month which is’, ‘the current month’, from dagoen ‘which is’, from dago ‘it is’,

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finite form of egon ‘be’, + -n [**{3}] relative. The first makes more sense, but M.
protests against the unusual loss of initial /u/ and suggests that the gloss ‘August’ may be
a misinterpretation of a half-understood proverb. The last form is an Aranist neologism.

daillu (LN R Z), dallu (?), daila (LN Z), dalla (LN Z), dalü (Z), dalu (LN), dali (?), tallu(S) n. ‘scythe’. 1666.
From various Rom. reflexes of Lat. daculum id. Some variants descend from a ProtoRom. *dailo ~ daLo {cf. Gasc. dalh ‘scythe blade’, ‘scythe’ Palay (1980)}, others from
{Gasc.} Bearn. dalha.
damu (B G HN L LN Z R) n. ‘regret, contrition,’ (1545), ‘injury, damage’ (1643), ‘slur’(1775), ‘pity’, ‘envy, jealousy’, ‘ill humour’, ‘prejudice’, a. ‘regrettable, deplorable’,‘touchy, easily offended’.
From Lat. damnum ‘hurt, harm, damage, injury’, by L7 (M. 1961a: 348).
dantzatu (c. exc. Z), dantzátü (Z) vi. (traditionally), vitm. (often today in B G) ‘dance’. Stemdantza-. 1571.
From a Rom. source akin to Old Fr. dancier (modern danser), {Occ. dançar,} Cast.
danzar (borrowed from Old Fr.) id., ult. OUO. Throughout most of the historical period,
strictly vi., but in recent times commonly vitm. in B G, by assimilation to other verbs ofthis semantic class, including the verb dantza egin (below).
dantza (c.), lantza (R) n. ‘dance’. 1545. Probably by back-formation from the above, butconceivably from a Rom. form akin to Fr. danse id. R form by L9.
dantza egin (B Sout G) vitm. ‘dance’. 1562. + egin ‘do’.
daraturu (**), daratulu (**), taratulu (**), daratelu (L), deatulu (LN), da(r)atürü (Z),datü(r)ü (Z), daatu(r)i (Z), deatu(r)i (Z), garatulu (R), laratro (B) **** n. ‘drill’.
****From LLat. taratrum id., ult. of Celtic origin.
dardo (**) n. ‘spear, dart’. **** CF darda-.
From Cast. dardo id. CF by W**{2.2}. [FHV 126, 324 fn.]
dardai (**) n. ****, nardai (B G) ****, lardai (HN L LN) ****{‘wagon pole’} [FHV
324 fn., 552]
lardaka (HN), erdoka (B G) n. **** [FHV 552]
dastatu (L LN), ddastatu (L LN), jastatu (HN LN), téstatu (R), txestatu (R), txastatu(HN), txestatu (S R), txestátü (Z) vt. ‘taste, sample, try’. 1545.
From the unrecorded late Lat. *tastāre, the source of {Occ. tastar}, Old Fr. taster ‘taste’,thought to derive from Lat. taxāre ‘appraise’ (M. 1961a: 187). The palatalization of theinitial /d/ is unusual.
deabru (**), débrü (Z), débru (R){, deurru (LN)} n. ‘devil’. **** {AT}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque153

debeku (G HN LN S) (1636), debetu (old LN) (1571) n. ‘prohibition’.
Probably from Old Cast. deviedo ‘prohibited’, ult. from Lat. vetāre ‘prohibit, veto’ (M.
****{1974b: 201 n. 90}). Common form by P12.
debekatu (G HN L LN) (1643), debekau (B), debetatu (old LN), debetatü (Z) (1571),
bedeka(t)u (B) vt. ‘prohibit’. + -tu VFS. B form by metathesis.
deblauki (old LN) adv. ‘resolutely, with determination’. ****
From ****{Rom. de plano +-ki.} (M. 1961a: 347). {Cf. plaun, lau [2].}deinhu (old L), jeinhu (old L) n. ****{‘skill’} [FHV 519]
deithoratu (L), deithoratü (Z) vt., vitm. ‘mourn’, ‘offer condolences’. 1643.
From Rom. An Old Bearn. verb deytorar ‘mourn’ (mod. deitoura) is cited by Mistral(****{1879}), and an Old Bearn. derived noun deytoradores ‘mourners’ is cited from1414 by Lespy and Raymond (1887). This must be the direct source of the Bq. verb (M.
****{1970a: 126 n. 60}). {It is possible that Mistral constructed the infinitive lemma“deitoura (rom. deytorar)” exclusively from the 1414 example of the noun deytoradoresthat he also cites.}deithora (L LN Z), deithore (L LN Z) n. ‘lamentation’. 1571. Probably back-formed
from the verb, since no such noun is attested in Occ.
deitu (B G L LN), deittu (B G), deithu (LN), déithü (Z), geitu (B) vt. or vid. ‘call’; TS‘name’. Stem dei-. 1571.
From some Rom. development of Lat. dictum ‘said’, of the approximate form *[deico](M. 1961a: 104). B form by dissimilation.
dei (c.) n. ‘call’. 1562. By back-formation (removal of -tu VFS).
deiadar (**), deadar (B Sout G HN), deihadar (L), dehadar (L), gedar (B) ****
‘cry, shout, clamour’. **** + adar ‘horn’ (M. 1961a: 176).
dei egin (c.) vitmd. ‘call, summon’. 17th cent. + egin ‘do’.
dei eman (arch.) vitmd. ‘call, summon’. + eman ‘give’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
deiez (R S **) adv. ‘calling’. ****. + -z instrl./advbl.
deithatu (LN) vt. ‘call, name’, a. ‘renowned, celebrated’. Stem deitha-. + -tatu VFS(see -ta). {Rather: -ta- {not in The Dictionary} + -tu VFS.}
deitura n. ‘by-name’, ‘sobriquet’ (1775), TS ‘surname’ (1831). + -tura NFS. {Not in
The Dictionary, but see -dura.}
dekuma (R A), tekuma (S), detxema (old LN), detxuma (old L) n. ‘tithe’. 1869. [CHECK:FHV 239, 421]
Second variant probably by P11. From Lat. decimam id., or, perhaps more likely, froman unrecorded variant *decumam (M. ****{1974b: 189}). {The variant decumam isclasscial Latin; see Glare 1982.} Cf. Sardinian dékuma, déguma, Welsh degwn.

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R. L. Trask

denbora (G HN L LN R A), denbó(r)a (Z), denpora (B), ténpra (R), tenbra (S) n. ‘time’(in the general sense of ‘duration’), TS ‘weather’. 1545.
From Lat. tempora, pl. of tempus ‘time’ (the use of the pl. as a sg. was already common
in classical Lat.) (M. 1961a: 353). R form by P38. The unexpected {, by P**{6}} /b/ in
the Z form points to diffusion (M. 1961a: 230 fn. 10). The sense of ‘weather’ isuncommon and largely confined to Navarra and the north; it is perhaps calqued on theRom. use of ‘time’ for ‘weather’. The archaic form of the word points to an earlyborrowing, but M. (****{1974b: 193, 201}) and others argue that the word isnevertheless probably borrowed from ecclesiastical Lat. in the Middle Ages. See aldi,
eguraldi (under egun).
denda [1] (B G L LN) (1627), tenda (old LN) (1571) n. ‘shop, store’ (B G L LN), ‘tailor’s
shop’ (old LN).
From late Lat. tenda{m} ‘shop’, by L1, or from some Rom. development of this. The
eastern specialization to ‘tailor’s shop’ is interesting.
denda [2] (**) n. ‘tent’. 1627.
From late Lat. tenta{m} id., by L1, P6, or from a Rom. development of this.
dermio (HN) n. ****{end, limit’} [FHV 239, 546]
derrigor (B G) adv. ‘necessarily’, ‘forcibly’. Ca. 1920.
From Cast. de rigor ‘necessarily’.
derrigorrez (B G) adv. ‘necessarily’. + -z instr./advbl.
derrigortu (B G) vtd. ‘compel, oblige’. 1959. + -tu VFS.
des- (c.) ‘dis-’, word-forming prefix expressing separation, reversal or negation.
From Rom des- id., ult. from Lat. dis-. In spite of the general absence of prefixes in Bq.,
this one is recorded steadily in texts from 1562 on, and there are dozens of formations
containing it. Some of these have been borrowed intact from Rom., but others have beencoined within Basque, like desberdin ‘different’ from berdin ‘same’ (see ber-).
deskana (G) n. ****{‘faint’} [FHV 231]
destaña (B), erdeiñu (old LN **) n. ****{‘scorn, disdain’} [FHV 231, 294]****{From Occ. desdenh, Cast. desdén.} With variable treatment of the alien /sd/cluster.
{[}deurru (LN) ****{‘devil’} ????? [FHV 332 fn.] [move?] {] Moved to deabru AT.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque155

deus (L LN B G R), jeus (L LN), deüs (Z), dieus (R), daus (A) pron. ‘anything’ (innegatives and questions: NPI) (1545), TS (L LN) ‘thing’ (1627).
Obviously borrowed, but the source has been much discussed. By far the mostpersuasive proposal is that of M. (1977a: 519), who sees the source as Lat. genus ‘kind’,by P1. The Bq. forms suggest that the word was borrowed at a stage when the Rom.
palatalization had produced something like *[jenus], with the alien palatalized velar
rendered variously into Bq.
deusdún (R) a. ‘well off, well-to-do’. **** + -dun ‘having’.
deus ez or deusez (L LN) pron. ‘nothing’. 1751. + ez ‘not’.
deuseztatu (**) vt. ‘destroy’, ‘annihilate’. 1785. + -ta- {not in The Dictionary} + -tu
VFS.
deztatu (G L), eztatu (**) n. ‘a certain measure of land’ **** [FHV 252]-di (**), -doi (**), -dui (**), -dei (B) Collective NFS usually added to plant names, as inelordi ‘hawthorn grove’, from elorri ‘hawthorn’, and arantzadi ‘cluster of thorn
bushes’, from arantza ‘thorn’.
OUO. The conservative longer variants are confined to peripheral varieties, east andwest, while the contracted form is usual in the central area. The contraction is confirmedby the place name (in Navarra) cited as Ezpelduia in 1056 and 1093, but modern
Ezpeldia (ezpel ‘box tree’; see *ez-). This suffix is frequent in toponyms and in
surnames, where it must be distinguished from variants of -ti [**{3}] and of -tegi {(seehegi)}. In a few surnames, the first element does not appear to be a plant name, as in
Berridi (berri ‘new’) and Guridi (first element unknown). [FHV 107-108]
M. (1961a: 257–258) proposes that this suffix is in origin the same morpheme as thenoun lohi ‘body’, and takes this as evidence that an original word-initial */d/ changed to/l/ at some early stage of the language.
This suffix was much favoured by the Basque nationalist Sabino Arana, who used it
promiscuously as an all-purpose noun-forming suffix in his neologisms. Among his
many coinages are ludi ‘world’ (lur ‘earth’), gaztedi ‘young people’ (gazte ‘young’),Euskadi ‘the Basque Country’ (euskara ‘Basque language’), and Euskaltzaindia‘Basque Language Academy’ (euskara + -zain ‘guardian’; see zain [**{1}]).
digante (L LN) n. ‘giant’. ****
From Cast. gigante id., with unusual treatment of the initial consonant.
diru (c. exc. Z R), dihã́(r)ü (Z), dihauru (LN), deiru (R), déuri (R) n. ‘money’. 1562.
From Lat. dēnārium ‘denarius’, by P1 and P35. First R form by P52; second perhaps bymetathesis (M. 1961a: 100). The semantic shift is Rom.: cf. Cast. dinero ‘money’.
dirualdi n. ‘time for payment’ (e.g., in a game or after a bet). 1745. + aldi ‘time’.
dirubide n. ‘way of earning money’. 1858. + bide ‘way’.
dirudun (B G HN L LN) a. ‘rich’. 1653. + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).
dirugile , dirukin (H.) n. ‘coiner of money’. + -gile, -gin ‘maker’ (see egin).

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R. L. Trask
dirugose (Hb.) a. ‘avaricious’. + gose ‘hungry’.
diruketa n. ‘wealth’. 1852. + -keta NFS {not in The Dictionary}.
dirukoi a. ‘avaricious’. 1852. + -koi AFS ‘fond of’ {(see ohi)}.
dirukoitasun n. ‘avarice’. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
dirutegi n. ‘place for keeping money’, ‘cashbox’, ‘treasury’. 1745. + -tegi ‘place’ {(seehegi)}.
dirutsu a. ‘rich’. Ca. 1760. + -tsu AFS ‘full of’.
dirutu vt. ‘exchange for money, cash in, sell’ (17th cent.), vi ‘get rich’ (1886). + -tu
VFS.
dirutza, dirutze n. ‘sum of money’, ‘wealth’ (1775), TS ‘capital’ (ca. 1930). + -tza
NFS.
diruzain n. ‘treasurer’. 1715. + -zain ‘guardian’ {(see zain [1])}.
diruzaintza, diruzaitza, diruzaigo n. ‘office of treasurer’. 1916. + -tza, -goa NFS.
diruzale a. ‘avaricious’. 17th cent. + -zale AFS ‘fond of’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
diruzalekeria n. ‘avarice’. 1932. + -keria NFS of vices.
diruzaletasun n. ‘avarice’. 1899. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
diruzaletu vi. ‘become avaricious’, vt. ‘make avaricious’. 1800. + -tu VFS.
duhulate (old LN), dihülate (Z), dühülate (Z) n. ‘pile of money’. **** + athe ‘pile’(M. 1961a: 128).

ditare (HN) (1562), dithare (L LN Z), ditara (B), titare (B G S), tutare (R) (1745, 1886) n.
‘thimble’.
From *ditale, by P22, from some Rom. development of Lat. digitālem ‘for the finger’; cf.
Cast. dedal id., Ast. didal id., etc. Third form by M5; last form by P11. [LONG V?
{Done.}]-do (c.) NFS.
Rare, and of uncertain meaning, but possibly something like ‘bad thing’. See examples
under ezker and mokor (under m-).
doe (B Sout old G) (1562), dõe (old B), due (old B), doha (L LN Z), doa (B G HN), n. ‘gift’(talent), ‘grace, favour’, ‘destiny, fate’, ‘luck’. CF doha-, don-.
From *done, by P1, from Rom. done ‘gift’ (M. ****{1974b: 191}). Second CF by
W**{P1.3}.
dohain (LN Z) (1571), doain (S), doháñ (Z), doai (B G HN) **** [FHV 147]
dohakabe ****{a. ‘unfortunate’ AT} [combine with donga?]dohakaitz ****{a. unfortunate’}dohatsu **** ‘lucky’. **** [FHV 147]
donga (B), deunga (B) a. ‘bad’. **** + -ga ‘without’ (see gabe) (A. 1905 s.v.; M.
1961a: 412).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque157

doi *****{‘so much’} [FHV 107]
doilor, doillor, dollor (B Sout G L), dolor (L) n. ‘evil’, ‘ruin’, ‘grief, sorrow’, ‘fear’, a. ‘vile,
treacherous, evil’. 1562. Perhaps also (B) doillior, dolior n. ‘person given to
worrying’.
OUO, but, from its form, assuredly a borrowing (M. ****{1964a: 99}). The obvious
choice of Rom. dolore ‘pain’ is made difficult by the presence in Bq. of dolore ‘pain’.
doinu (**), doñu (G HN), tonu (old LN) **** n. ‘tune, melody’. ******** Probably influenced in form by soinu ‘music’ (M. 1961a: 307–308).
dolamen (** HN) n. [Az.] ****{‘lament, sorrow’ AT}
dolare (HN L) (1321, 17th cent.), dolhare (Har.), dolhara (Har.), dolara (B G) (1596),
tolare (G) (1083, 1745, 1808), tolara (B) (1802) n. ‘wine-press’.
From some Rom. reflex of Lat. torcularem id., of the approx. form *tor(c)lare (M.
****{1955c: 290}). M. dismisses Lat. dolarium ‘wine-cellar’, suggested by Rohlfs(****{1933: 340}).
domeka (B Sout), domeeka (old B) [hapax] n. ‘Sunday’. 1562.
From Lat. (diem) dominicam ‘(day) of the Lord’, by P1 (M. ****{1956c: 340}). The
second form is recorded only in the 17th-cent. B catechism known as the Viva Jesús,
where it occurs in the pl. form Domeecaac ‘the Sundays’. The personal name Domeca iscommon in Navarra from the 12th cent., always with a single <e> (M. 1961a: 112). See
igande, under igan.
dominu (H.) n. ‘reliquary’, domiña, domiñu (?) n. ‘medal’.
From Old Cast. nómina ‘reliquaries on which are written the names of saints’, from Lat.
nōmina ‘names’ (M.****{1959c: 527}), with irregular denasalization of initial /n/ by
dissimilation.
done (c.) n. ‘saint’, a. ‘holy’. 1596 (but earlier as an element in toponyms).
From some Rom. development of Lat. domine, voc. of dominus ‘lord’, of theapproximate form *domne, by L7 (M. ****{1961a: 348}). Common as a first element inhabitation names, as in Donostia ‘San Sebastián’ and Donibane ‘St.-Jean’. Cf. deun,
under deunga. {Not in The Dictionary.} ***** [FIX THIS: doe]dorpe (**), thórpe (Z) **** [FHV 218] a. ‘awkward, clumsy’. ****
From Cast. torpe id.
dorre (HN L LN S) (1202, 1571), torre (B G LN R) (15th cent.), thorre (Z) n. ‘tower’.
From Rom. torre id. (M. ****{1956g: 93f.}).

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R. L. Trask
torre-etxe (1918), dorretxe (1977) n. ‘fortified house’, of the kind built during the clan
warfare of the 15th cent. + etxe ‘house’. One or two of these still stand.

dotore (B G) a. ‘elegant’, (R) n. ‘doctor, physician’. ****[FHV 134]dragatz (B), tragatz (B G), tragaza (HN old L) n. ‘knife for cutting up gorse’.
From some Rom. source akin to Cast. tragacete **** (AT s.v.).
dündü (Z) a. ‘cloudy, gloomy, dark’ (of the sky), dundu (R) ‘blue’.
Expressive. The Z sense is probably conservative.
-dura (**), -duria (**), -duri (**) NFS [FHV 132]
durduri (G HN), urduri (B G HN?) a. ‘restless, nervous’, ‘lively, energetic, audacious’.
15th c.
OUO. Possibly contains -i [**{1}] AFS. Looks like a reduplication, perhaps of an
expressive stem. Second form by irregular loss of initial plosive.
-duru, -duri Suffix in surnames. {M. 1973a: 79.}
[MITX 73 191]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque159

e- [1] (c.) Prefix in non-finite verb-forms.
OUO. This prefix occurs in all non-finite forms of all ancient verbs built on verbal roots.
It is still present in hundreds of ancient verbs today, though it has sometimes developed
to /i/, /j/ or zero, by P36. Examples: ekarri ‘bring’ (< e-karr-i), ikusi ‘see’ (< *e-kus-i),
josi ‘sew’ (< *e-os-i), utzi ‘leave’ (< *e-utz-i). Since this is the only affix attached to theverbal root in the morphologically simplest form of an ancient verb, the so-called radical(ekar, ikus, jos and utz in our examples), since the radical is identical to the stem of sucha verb, and since both the radical and the stem of a verb exhibit nominal properties,
Trask (1990) concludes that this e- must have served to derive verbal nouns from verbal
roots. In any case, the very presence of a grammatical prefix is surprising in Bq., whichis generally exclusively suffixing. Even if Trask’s account of the function of this prefix
is correct, its origin is still a great mystery.
e- [2] (c.) Prefix deriving indefinites from interrogatives.
OUO. This prefix is attached to any of a range of interrogative items to derive thecorresponding indefinites with meanings corresponding to English items in ‘any-’, whenthese are negative polarity items. For example, zer ‘what?’ yields ezer ‘anything’, andnor ‘who?” yields *enor, historical iñor (and other variants) ‘anybody’. Nothing is
known about its origin, and the presence of a grammatical prefix is again very surprisingin a language that generally lacks prefixes. See no- and ze- for the forms containing e-.
-e {[1]} (c.) Genitive CS. **** [entry for B -e = -te?]**** This -e is possibly attested in the med. documents. In 1125 we find Lope Jaun
Ortire semea ‘the son of Lope Orti’, and in 1110 we find Orcire çorita, a name which in
1284 is written Orçiren çorita (M. 1977a: 504–505). But these might be only abbreviatedgraphies for -en.
{-e [2] (B) = -te Plural marker in verbs.}-e- (c.) Phonological vowel with no morphological value.
In Bq., /e/ is the unmarked vowel, and, in both word-formation and inflection, a vowel /e/
is automatically inserted to break up any impermissible consonant clusters which arise.
This process is so regular and frequent that the inserted /e/ is not expressly identified in
the numerous formations containing it in this dictionary.
eausi (LN), ẽháũsi (Z), erauntsi (LN Z), eusi (old B), aausi (B), ausi (B), auxi (B?), adausi(old LN), iãunsi (R), ñaunsi (R), xausi (R?), aunsi (R), dausi (S) n. ‘barking’ (of adog). ******** Looks like an old verb. Lh. suggests a variant erausi. Possibly related to erausi‘murmur, gossip’? The nasalization in the Z R forms points to an original *ena-, by P1.
AT (s.v. aausi) and Corominas (cited ibid.) suggest a link with saunka ‘braying’, butthere seems little reason to see anything other than certain or possible onomatopoeia inboth words.

160

R. L. Trask*eba- ****{Root -ba-.}**** Apellidos 329 {M. 1973a: 106. M. discusses a suffix -eban ‘place where X is cut’and proposes the root *eba- lying behind this suffix and the verb ebaki.}; [FHV 275]
ebaki (**), ebagi (B), ebáki (Z) **** vt. ‘cut’ **** Stem epai- ‘cut’ [FHV 231] [FHV
233 fn] M. (1977a; 527) takes the 14th-cent. toponym Euagui in Navarra as evidence
that western ebagi formerly occurred as far east as Estella.
epail (B G), efail (?) n. ‘March’. **** + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe). Second form from
Caro Baroja (1973: 76).
epaille (G), epailla (B), ephaile (LN Z), phaile (LN) **** n. ‘cutter’ **** {+ -leNFS.}epaitza (S.P.) n. ‘reaping, harvest’. + -tza NFS.
erabaki (**) {vt. ‘decide’ Aul.}ebatsi (**) vt. ‘steal’, vtd. ‘rob’ **** [FHV 159]
ephaskoa (old L) n. ‘theft, robbery’. ****{[}epai (B) a. ‘cut’, ‘cut off’. **** {] Move under ebaki ?}epaixka (old LN) adv. ‘stealthily, on the sly’. ****
ebatzi (B) vt. ‘resolve, settle’. **** [ebatsi?]
edan (c.), eran (B G R) vt. ‘drink’ (1562), TS (L LN) n. ‘drinking’, ‘beverage’ (1571). Stemeda[n]-, Root -da[n]-.
OUO. Second form by P17. No synthetic forms of this verb are recorded in theliterature, and the finite form dadat ‘I drink (it)’, found in a poem by the 20th-cent. poet
Lizardi, is strictly a neologism. [look at FHV 250]
edari (**), edaari (old B) n. ‘beverage’. **** [FHV 113]
edateko (**), edaateko (old B) ****
hede [1] (**) **** ‘strap’. ****
hede [2] (**) ****, ede (HN) n. ‘tanner’s pit’, **** [SORT SENSES: Az.]OUO, but probably from Rom. M. (****{1953c: 482}) diffidently notes Logudoresekeìa (and variants) ‘pit’, and cites L**{?: loss of initial dorsal stops.}.
edeki (**), edegi (old B), ideki (**) vt. ‘remove, take away’. [FHV 82 fn{. 19}] [this willtake some sorting] {Cf. idoki ‘remove’.}**** M. (1961a: 229) concludes that this verb has become much confused with ireki‘open’.
etekin (G) n. ****{‘usefulness’} [FHV 231]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque161

eder (c.), éder (Z) a. ‘beautiful’. 15th cent. Dimin. edder, ejer, eijer, éjer ‘beautiful’,‘pretty’.
OUO.
edertu (**), edértü (Z) ****{vti. ‘beautify’}*edin (c.) vi. ‘become’. Stem *edi[n]-, root *-di[n]-. Synth.
No non-finite forms of this verb are recorded, and it is attested only as an auxiliary
serving to form the non-indicative forms of intr. verbs, suppletive to izan ‘be’ in theindicative forms. The sense of ‘become’ has been suggested, but this is a guess.
[REWRITE]-din (c.) AFS. ‘resembling’?. Probably in origin a finite form + -n {[3]} Rel: something
like ‘which resembles’, comparable to -dun ‘having’, from *edun. This suffix is long
unproductive, but it appears in a number of formations, in which the sense typicallyappears to be ‘resembling’. See examples under ber-, *gorr-, *****{lohi, urdin,
astin}.
edo (c.), ero (B) conj. ‘or’ (typically inclusive). 1571.
OUO. M. (****{1964a: 129f.}) quite properly dismisses the similarity to Old HighGerman eddo ‘or’ as a chance coincidence. Postposed in examples like aita edo ‘Father
or someone of the sort’. [FHV 420 fn] See ala [1].
edoski (**), egoski (**) *****{vt. ‘suck (milk)’} [FHV 260]
eradoski (**), eredoski (old LN) ****{vt. ‘suckle’}edsamen (Z) n. ‘examination’.
From Cast. examen id. [BUT FHV 347] {The realization of Latin <x> as [dz] in this andthe two following words implies transmission via Occitan, which is reasonable for Z.}
edsaminatü (Z) vt. ‘examine’. From Cast. examinar id. [BUT FHV 347]
edsénplü (Z) n. ‘example’.
From Old Cast. ****. [BUT FHV 347]
*edun (c.), eun (Sout). Also a verbal noun eute- in old B (Betolaza, Capanaga). vt.
(defective) ‘have’, also tr. aux. Stem *edu[n]-, root -du[n]-. Synth.
OUO. No non-finite forms of this verb are recorded, these being provided suppletively
in the historical period by ukan (below) or izan ‘be’. A gerund edutea is a hapax in an
inscription of ****{18th-century Vizcaya} (Irigoyen ****{1971}), but this may be aform of eduki (below). But the verb still has a full set of finite forms in all varieties. In
the east, this is still the ordinary lexical verb for ‘have’. In the west, this use is now
elevated, and lexical ‘have’ is usually rendered by eduki (below). In all varieties, this is
the auxiliary used with all transitive verbs, and with VITM verbs (see ****), in theindicative forms, while irrealis forms are provided suppletively with *ezan (mostvarieties) or egin ‘do’ (B). [REWRITE: See Mitx essay on Landucci in Knörr{Michelena 1998}]

162

R. L. Trask-dun (c. exc. Z), -dün (Z), -dún (R) NFS ‘one who has’, ‘one which has’, AFS ‘whohas’, ‘which has’, ‘having’. Reduced form of duen ‘who/which has’, from du ‘has’(finite form) + -n {[3]} relative.
eduki (** old LN), iduki (G HN L old LN S), edugi (old B), iruki (G?), iuki (G)****{vt. ‘have, hold’} Also an impf. part. ituten in old B (R&S 375). [FHV 231]
eutsi {(**) vt. ‘maintain, hold’}
ukan (**), ukhan (**), ǘkhen (Z), ukhen (old LN), ékun (R). {vt. ‘have’} And Sout
verbal noun eukaite. [FHV 84]
ukhantsu (**), ukansu (old LN) a. ‘rich’. **** + -tsu AFS.

hegal (L LN Z) (1571), egal (HN L R), ega (B G HN L LN), hega (L LN), ego (B G HN)(1596) n. ‘wing’, TS (B HN) ‘edge’ (of a roof or a table, for example), TS (L LN Z)‘hem’ (of a garment), TS (B L LN Z) ‘brim’ (of a hat), TS (B G L LN Z HN) ‘fin’ (ofa fish), TS (B) ‘plank suspended on the windward side of a fishing boat to prevent
capsizing’, TS (B) ‘flank, loin’ (part of an animal or a cut of meat), TS ‘one of theblades of a windmill’, TS ‘one slope of a mountain’, TS ‘secondary height on the sideof a mountain’, TS ‘direction, compass point’, TS (L LN) ‘page’. CF (h)egal- (for the
first two forms), (h)ega- (for the last three).
OUO. The variation in form exhibited is unique to this word, and it may be that thevariants in /l/ contain a second morpheme (M. ****{1953d: 567}). The TS are mostly
obvious, but note in particular the apparent development ‘wing’ > ‘edge’ > ‘hem’.
hegala hautsi (LN Z) ‘lose one’s virginity’. + hautsi ‘break’.
egan (B G), hegan (EB) adv. ‘flying’. 1745 (as egaan), 1747. + -n {[1]} locative {CS}:lit., ‘on wing’. The 1745 variant is curious.
egatz (B G LN), egats (G HN L LN Z) n. ‘long feathers’ (on a bird), ‘fin(s)’, ‘quill pen’.
Apparently + hatz ‘finger’ (Campión ****{1900, 1902}), though the second variant
is curious.
hegazkin n. ‘airplane’. 1911 (as egazki). Aranist neologism, with arbitrary suffix.
The word is widely used.
egazti (B G), egaztin (HN L LN), erazki (HN), hegaxti (Z), hegasti (LN), hegaztina(LN) n. ‘bird’. 1571. The nature of the suffix is obscure. M. (1961a: 259) suggests-ki [**{3}] NFS, with dissimilation of /k/ to /t/ in most variants.
hegastiño (LN) n. ‘little bird’. + -ño dimin. (see -no).
egazabal, egatxabal (G) n. ‘lark’ (zool.) (Alauda arvensis). 1891. + zabal ‘wide’.
magal (R LN) n. ‘wing’, TS (B R) ‘hem’ (of a garment), TS (B G R) ‘lap’, TS (B)‘protection, refuge’, TS (B G) ‘flank’ (cut of meat), pl. tm. (G) magalak ‘skirts’ (of agarment). 1591. + ma- expressive syllable. The sense development ‘wing’ > ‘edge’> ‘hem’ > ‘lap’ > ‘refuge’ is straightforward, and largely parallelled by Cast. regazo‘lap’, from old Cast. regazar ‘tuck up one’s skirts’. It is curious that no variant *mago
appears to be recorded, only magal being found even in the varieties in which thebase word is ega or ego.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque163

egari (LN Z R), egarri (** old LN) vt. ‘carry’, ‘support’, ‘put up with, endure, suffer’, (Z)‘use’, (Z) ‘confirm’, (R) [diathesis unrecorded] ‘walk, go’. Stem egar-. Root -gar-.
********* Possibly also the strange eguarria of old B (R&S 481).
egarri (c.) n. ‘thirst’, a. ‘thirsty’. 1545 (a.), 1610 (n.). CF egarr-.
OUO. If the adjectival use is original, may contain -i [1] AFS. CF by W1.
egarbera (B) ****{a. ‘thirsty’} [FHV 127]
egarti (HN) n. ****{a. ‘thirsty’} [FHV 127]
egartsu (HN L LN S) ****{n. ‘raging thirst’} [FHV 127]
hegi (**), hégi (Z), egi (**) *** n. ‘edge, border’ [other senses] ****[FHV 64] [COMBINE
WITH -tegi? {Not in The Dictionary, but Trask has already placed tegi here. See M.
1949b.}]**** A toponym Eguiluz in Alava, + luze ‘long’, by W**{rule reversal of M8?}.
hegigo(a) {‘hatred’} [FHV 64]
higitu (**{c.}) ‘move’ [FHV 64]
tegi (**) n. ‘place’. **** [FHV 250]
egia (c.) n. ‘truth’. 16th cent.
OUO. The hiatus /ia/ is unusual, and may point to a lost consonant: *egiCa, possibly*egina, by P1. But there is no evidence for such a form.
egiaz (c.) adv. ‘truly, in truth’, ‘really’. 1545. + -z instr./advbl.
egiazko (c.) adjvl. ‘true’, ‘genuine’. 1545. + -ko.
egileor (B G HN), egillor (B G), eillor (B G), ellor (B G) **** n. ‘hut, cabin, shack’. ****The second element is lehor ‘dry’ (M. 1961a: 197). The first is obscure. It cannot be
egin ‘make’ directly, since such a formation would be impossible, but it might be aderivative of this verb.
egin (c.), égin (Z) vt. ‘do, make’. Stem egi[n]-. Root -gi[n]-. Synth. Ca. 1393.
Probably from *e-gin-i or *e-giN-i. This common verb serves in B as the auxiliary for
non-indicative periphrastic forms of transitive verbs, alongside the *ezan of othervarieties. It is also exceedingly common as the verbal element of compound verbs:
barre ‘laughter’, barre egin ‘laugh’. Such compound verbs are usually vitm.
egidamu (B), {egitamu (B), eitemo (B)}, egiluma (B), egieramon (B), egiaamon (B)n. {‘form, structure, arrangement’}, egiramu (**) **** [FHV 507]
egile (c.) n. ‘doer, maker, creator’. 1571. + -le agent NFS.
eginahal (L LN Z), eginal (R) n. ‘as much as possible’. Usually pl. ahaleginak. Ca.
1627. + ahal ‘ability’. Cf. ahalegin, under ahal. [OOPS!] {ahalegin not in The
Dictionary.}

164

R. L. Trask
eginarazi (N) vtd. ‘make (somebody) do’. 1571. + -arazi causative (see -erazi).
eginkizun (c.) n. ‘task’, TS ‘future’. 1651. + -kizun NFS (see -ki [2]).
egirai (old L) n. Of unknown meaning. **** [FHV 506–507]{[}egiramu (**) n. **** [FHV 507] [combine with above?] {] Combined withegidamu.}egite (**), eite (**) n. ****, ‘deed’, ‘resemblance’ **** [FHV 105]{[}egitamu (B), eitemo (B) n. ‘form, structure, arrangement’. **** [FHV 507] {]Combined with egidamu.}
itaune (**), itaun (**) {n. ‘question’ Az.}, itun (**) ****{n. ‘agreement’, ‘advice’
Aul.} + -une (see ****{gune}) (M. 1977a: 489). The development is *egite- >*egita- (by an odd application of W**{2.2}) > *eita- > ita-.
itaundu (B Sout), iteundu (old B), itandu (B G) ****{vt. ‘ask’}egitura (**), egittura (G) **** n. ‘structure’. ****
egiune (B) n. ‘contract’. **** + -une (see ****{gune}).
ek(h)ai (old L old LN), ekhei (LN), ekhéi (Z) n. ‘material (for making something)’,‘task’, ‘material cause’. 1643. From *egi-gai, by W2.1, W4. + gai ‘material (M.
1961a: 103).
eragin (c.) vtd. ‘make (somebody) do’. TS vt. ‘bring about, produce’, ‘construct, build’.
1571. + -ra- causative. Also serves to construct the causative of compound verbs with
egin: barre egin ‘laugh’, barre eragin ‘make (somebody) laugh’.
-gin (c.) NFS ‘who does, who makes’, ‘doer, maker’. + -n [3] relative, apparently
attached to an obscure finite form.
-gile (c.) NFS ‘who does, who makes’, ‘doer, maker’. + -le agent NFS.

hego (L LN Z), ego (B G HN), egoe (B G), egoi (B G) n. ‘south’ (1627), hegoa (L LN Z),
egoa (B G HN LN) n. ‘south wind’, ‘south’ (1571).
OUO, and much discussed. The form (h)ego could perfectly well be native, but theforms with an additional vowel look less native, and the word is widely suspected ofbeing borrowed. A Rom. source is not obvious, but perhaps the most interestingsuggestion is that of ****{Schuchardt 1906a: 54}, who propose{s} Occ. eigau, Bearn.
agau ‘south wind bringing rain’, from Lat. aqualem ‘watery’. Certainly the Bq. namesof the compass points are not in general ancient, and common mendebal ‘west’ isunquestionably derived from a Rom. name of a wind, while native ipar ‘north’ is also
possibly derived from the name of a wind, so the etymology proposed here is plausible inprinciple. And it may be interesting that our earliest texts use the word only for ‘south
wind’, though this could be an accident of recording. As for the odd-looking source in aword meaning ‘watery’, it is true that the south wind is wet in the Pyrenees, and indeed
the Basques have a proverb: Hegoak hegala urean du ‘The south wind has a wing in thewater.’ The frequently proposed link with egun ‘day’ is supported by no evidence, andlooks unlikely.
ego-aize (B) n. ‘south wind’. + haize ‘wind’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque165

hegoalde (L LN Z), egoalde (B G HN), egoialde (old G) (1745, 1847), egoa-alde (oldG) (1842) n. ‘south’, ‘southern part of a region’, today commonly the southern(Spanish) Basque Country. + alde ‘side’ {(see *al-)}.
egoaxuri (Z) n. ‘wind from the southeast’. + xuri ‘white’ (see zuri).
egon (**) vi. ‘wait, stay, remain’, TS ‘be (in a place or in a condition)’. **** Stem ego[n]-.
Root -go[n]-.
****{OUO.}
egoki (**), egogi (B) [CHECK] vid. ****{‘suit, fit’ Aul.}, egoki (**), egogi (old B) a.
‘suitable, appropriate’, ‘adequate’. **** [FHV 527]
egosi (c.) vt. ‘boil, cook’, (B R) ‘digest’, TS (B S) vi. ‘be eaten away’. Stem egos-. Root -gos. Ca. 1570.
OUO.
egosari (B), ekosari (B), egoskari (B G HN) n. ‘bean’, ‘pulse’, ‘vegetable’. + -ari [**].
{? Not -ari [1] or -ari [2].} Second form by P8.
txegosi (G HN?) vt. ‘digest’. 1745, 1842. Apparently a dimin. of the preceding, by
M**{9}. An unusual formation.
egotzi (**{c.}) **** vt. ‘throw’. [FHV 159]
{OUO.}**** Also a verbal noun ekoiztera ‘to abort’ in old L. [FHV 232]
ekoizte (old LN) n. ‘fruit, product’. **** [FHV 232]
egun (c. exc. Z), égün (Z) n. ‘day’, (L LN Z HN G old B) adv. ‘today’, egu (A) adv. ‘today’.
CF egur-, egu-. 14th c.
OUO. CF by W10. Often reduced to -en or -un, by W19, when a final element in acompound. The sense of ‘today’ survives in the east; in the west, this sense has beentaken over by gaur, originally ‘tonight’ (see gau). A uniquely contrasts egun ‘day’ withegu ‘today’. Knörr (1990, 2001) suggests an original noun *egu, with the final /n/
resulting from incorporation of -n {[1]} locative {CS}. Barandiarán (1972) suggests an
original sense of ‘sun’, ‘light’, which is possible but beyond checking. See also eguriki.
[FHV 138 fn]
eguargi (G **) n. ‘daylight’. **** + argi ‘light’.
eguarte (B G), eberte (B) n. ‘afternoon’, (G) also ‘late morning’. **** + arte {[1]}‘interval’.
eguazten (B), eguasten (Sout) n. ‘Wednesday’.**** + azken ‘last’, with dissimilation(M. 1961a: 258). Cf. asteazken, under aste.
egubakoitz (B L), egubakot{x} (B), egiakoitz (old LN), ebiakoitz (LN), irakoitz (LNZ) *** n. (B) ‘Friday’, (L LN Z) ‘Saturday’. 1746, 1761. + bakoitz ‘unique’ (seebat). [FHV 121]

166

R. L. Trask
eguberri (c. exc. B), egubarri (B), eguerri (G HN L LN), eguarri (G) n. ‘Christmas’.
1571. + berri ‘new’ (see *berr-). Knörr (2001) suggests that the word might once
have meant ‘winter solstice’.
eguen (B) (1653), eguun (B), eguaun (B Sout) (1562) n. ‘Thursday’. + a second
occurrence of egun. We may surmise *egu-egun ‘day-day’, or *eguren-egun ‘day’s
day’, + -en {[1]} Gen. (M. ****{1961a: 92, 309; 1971b: 584). The motivation is
obscure.
eguerdi (**), eguardi (G **), egüérdi (Z), eguérdi (R) n. ‘noon’. ****
egundaino (**), egundaño (**) ****{adv. ‘ever’}
egundañotikako (old L old LN) adjvl. ****{‘since always’} [FHV 237]
eguraldi (B G HN LN) n. ‘weather’ (in LN sometimes specifically ‘good weather’).
1545. + aldi ‘time’.
eguras (B G) n. ‘airing’??? **** [FHV 309]
egurastu (B G) vt. ‘air (out), ventilate’. **** + -tu VFS.
eguzari (**{B Sout), eguzeri (**) n. ‘fiesta’. **** [FHV 309]
eguzki (B G HN L), iguzki (G HN L S Z R), egúzki (R), iduzki (HN), iruzki (G HN A),
iuzki (HN **), egúzku (R) n. ‘sun’. 1545. + -zki NFS (see -z). Variants by P37, P10,
P17, M6.
ekaitz (c.), ekhaitz (L LN Z), ekatx (B L), nekaitz (LN), nekatx (R) n. ‘storm’. 1596.
From *egu-gaitz, by W2.3, W4 (M. 1961a: 310). + gaitz ‘bad’. Forms with /n/perhaps by contamination from negu ‘winter’ (ibid.).
ekaizte (B G HN L LN) n. ‘long rainy spell’, ‘unusually long storm’. 1897. + -te{[1]} NFS of duration.
ekhi (Z LN), eki (LN R), ? iki (R) n. ‘sun’, TS (Z) ‘sunflower’. 1571. From *egu-ki, by
W2.3, W4 (M. 1961a: 65). + -ki [**{3}] NFS. The form iki, cited by A. (1905) as R,
is of doubtful reality: M. (1961a: 65 fn. 12) believes it has been extracted in error
from the compound ikialte.
ekain (EB), ekhain (LN), ekhaiñ (Z), ekein (LN), ekhaina (L) n. ‘June’. 1793. Also
‘summer solstice’ (1956) [hapax]. + gain ‘top’ (Lh.).
ekialde (S **), ikialte (R) n. ‘sunny spot’ **** + alde ‘side’ {(see *al-)}.
ek(h)i-begi (Z LN) n. ‘sunny place’. + begi ‘eye’.
ekhi-jalk(h)igi (Z) n. ‘east’, ‘rising sun’. + jalki ‘appearance’ (see jalgi) + -gu NFS
of location. {Not in The Dictionary, but cf. gune?}egur (c.) n. ‘firewood’, TS (B G) ‘wood’, TS (LN) a. ‘shabby’, ‘ponderous, clumsy’. 1571.
OUO.
egurrikatz (**) n. ****{‘charcoal’. + ikatz} [FHV 584]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque167

eguriki (LN), egu(r)uki (Z), egü(r)üki (Z), iguriki (L LN), iguruki (L old LN), eurki (R),orki (R) vitmd. (formerly), vt. (today) ‘wait for, hope for, expect’. Stem eguri- (andvariants). 1571.
Fossilized compound verb. Best guess is egun ‘day’ + eduki ‘hold’ (see *edun) (M.
1977a: 482, but ref to earlier publ), which would account for the earlier diathesis.
Variants with initial /i/ by P37. R variants by P38.
igurikatu (L), igurikitu (?) vt. ‘wait for, hope for, expect’. By transfer to the -tu class(M**{14}).
ei (B) prt. ‘they say’, ‘I hear’. 15th cent.
OUO. See omen.
ehi [1] (Z) a. ‘easy’. ****
eihar (L LN) (1571), éihar (Z), ihar (L LN Z) (1627), éxar (R), ear (HN S), igar (B G HN)a. ‘dried up, wilted, dead’ (of plants), ‘withered’ (of body parts), TS (L LN Z)‘enfeebled, emaciated’.
OUO. The conservative form is *ei[h]ar, with variants by P47, P35.1, P54, P55. This
word cannot be sensibly related to any of agor, idor, lehor.
ihartu (L), iñertu (HN) **** vt. ‘dry’. **** [FHV 521: that HN form is mysterious;
check it] {Michelena 1961a: 521, where palatal sonorants are at issue, gives iñertu
for Lecároz (HN). Azkue (1905) gives iñartu for Baztán (HN).}
ehiza (**) (1621), ihize (**), ihizi (L LN) (1627), ĩhĩze (Z), iĩze (R), ĩze (R), eizi (HN) (ca.
1620), izi (HN), eize (G HN S), eiza (B G HN), eiz (old B) (1596) n. ‘hunting’, ‘(a)hunt’, in places also ‘(piece of) game’.
From *enizV or perhaps *inizV, OUO, by P1 (M. 1961a: 105, 115). M. (1961a: 130)suggests that the word might be an old verbal participle in -i [**{see -i [1]}]. See alsoarrain.
ekarri (**), ekharri (**) ****{vt. ‘bring’. Synth.}{OUO.}
erakarri (**), erakharri (**), e(r)akharri (Z),****, erekharri (old LN) ****{vt.
‘attract’, ‘bring’, ‘cause’ Aul.} + -ra- causative. The anomalous aspiration bycontamination from ekharri (M. 1961a: fn. 23).
{[}ekhortu (old LN Z), egórdi (R) n. ‘sweeping’. ****{vt. ‘sweep’}
OUO. [FHV 233] {M. 1972g: 88ff.} {] Partly duplicates igortzi.}
heldu (**), eldu (**), héltü (Z) *** vi. ‘arrive’, ‘ripen, mature’. **** Stem (h)el-.
OUO.
ele (**), elhe (old LN **), élhe (Z) **** n. ‘word’ **** CF ela-.

168

R. L. Trask

eliza (c.), elíza (Z), eleiza (B old G), elexa (B Sout), eleja (B), el(e)iz (B) n. ‘church’(building or institution), TS ‘congregation’. CF eliz-. 12th cent.; 1545.
From Lat. ecclēsiam id. Third {Fourth} form by P30. Last form by M4. CF by W1.
elizari (A) n. ‘portico of a church’. + -iri ****{NFS} [FHV 91]
eliza-txori (L Z), eliza-xori (L LN Z), eliztxori (B) n. ‘sparrow’ (zool.) (****). 1635. +(t)xori ‘bird’ (see zori).
elkor (B G), elkhor (L) **** messy. [FHV 272, 361 fn]; Arbelaiz ****{1978: 57}[FHV 361 fn: two etymologies] {M. 1970b: 72}
malkor (G HN L) a. ‘barren’, [other senses] **** + ma- expressive syllable (M.
1961a: 272). {Duplicated unde m-.}elorri (**), elhorri (**), elhórri (Z) n. ‘hawthorn’ (bot.) (****) 1562. CF el(h)orr-.
OUO. CF by W1. Toponyms Elhorriaga and Elhorzahea in Alava, 1025. The toponym
Elgorriaga in the Baztán valley appears to represent a unique variant of the word (M.
1961a: 224).
elordi (**), elordui (**) n. ****{‘place full of thorn bushes’ Aul.} [FHV 127]
eltze (**) n. ‘cooking pot’. ****
{OUO.}
elur (G HN L LN R), elhur (L LN), élhür (Z), erur (B Sout), edur (B) n. ‘snow’. 1562.
OUO. The conservative form is probably *erur, by P24 (M. ****{1961a: 315}).
elhur-auso (**), elhauso (**) n. ‘avalanche’. **** + auso ‘blizzard’ (M. 1977a: 493)
eme (c.) n., a. ‘female’ (1562), TS a. ‘soft, gentle’ (1545). CF ema-.
CF by W2.2. From Gasc. hemne ‘female’ {recte ‘woman, wife’}, or a related Occ. form,
from Lat. feminam ‘woman’, by L7. The word occurs frequently as a final element in thenames of female animals: asto ‘donkey’, asteme ‘female donkey’.
emagaldu (c.) n. ‘whore, prostitute’. 1859. + galdu ‘lost’.
emagale (L? G?) a. ‘sensuous’, ‘luxury-loving’, ‘lascivious, lewd’. 1745. + -gale‘wanting’. {Not in The Dictionary, but cf. galdu.}
emagin (B G HN L LN Z R), emegin (LN) n. ‘midwife’. 1630. + -gin ‘who does’ (seeegin).
emagintsa (LN) n. ‘midwife’. + -sa female NFS.
emagintza (B G) n. ‘midwifery’, ‘confinement, labour’. 1808. + -tza NFS.
emagizon (L?) n. ‘effeminate man’, a. ‘effeminate’. 1859. + gizon ‘man’.
emajauzi (G? H.) vi. ‘fornicate’. 1745. + jauzi ‘jump’.
emakoi (L) n. ‘libertine’, ‘womanizer’, ‘skirt-chaser’, a. ‘lascivious’. 1643. + -koi ‘fondof’ {(see ohi)}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque169

emakoitasun (L) n. ‘skirt-chasing’, ‘lasciviousness’. 1617. + -tasun abstract NFS(see -tar).
emakume (c.) n. ‘woman’ (c. exc. S), ‘girl’ (S). 1627. + -kume ‘offspring’ (see ume)
(M. 1950d: 468). The original sense must have been ‘girl’, preserved in S. The word
has no early attestations, the earlier word for ‘woman’ being emazte (see below), and
it is not common before the 18th cent, since when it has been the usual word for‘woman’. See also andere.
emakumezale (L) n. ‘womanizer’, ‘skirt-chaser’, ‘libertine’. 1715. + -zale ‘fond of’.
{Not in The Dictionary.}
emakumezko (c.) adjvl. ‘female’. 1808. + -zko (see -z).
emakuntza (LN) n. ‘vulva’. 1905. + -kuntza NFS (see *-kun).
emakutsu n. ‘prostitution’, ‘sex for sale’. 20th cent. + kutsu ‘contamination’.
emalege (often pl. emalegeak) (c.) n. ‘menstruation’. 17th cent. + lege ‘law’.
emamintz, emapintza n. ‘hymen, maidenhead’. Late 19th cent. + mintz ‘membrane’.
emaro (LN R) adv. ‘slowly, a little bit at a time’. 1905. + -ro AdvFS. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
emasabel (B G Sout) n. ‘womb’. 1562. + sabel ‘belly’.
ematoro (G L) n. ‘whore, prostitute’. 1745. + expressive extension.
ematorotegi (G?) n. ‘brothel, whorehouse’. 1745. + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi)}.
ematu (HN LN) vi. ‘calm down’, vt. ‘calm, pacify’. 1545. + -tu VFS.
ematutu (c.) n. ‘vagina’. 20th cent. + tutu ‘tube’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
ematxot (Z) n. ‘whore, prostitute’. Final element obscure, probably expressive.
ematzar, ematxar (LN R) n. ‘woman of bad reputation’, ‘tart’. 1858. + tzar ‘bad’, txar
‘naughty’ (see zahar).
emazain (?) n. ‘pimp’. 20th cent. + -zain ‘guardian’ {(see zain [1])}.
emazakil, emaxakil (c.) n. ‘clitoris’. 20th cent. + zakil ‘penis’.
emazte (c.) n. ‘woman’ (earlier and S), ‘wife’ (modern exc. S). 1189, 1536. Probably
from *ema-gazte, + gazte ‘young’, by P16, P35.5 (Schuchardt 1906a: 9). This is theusual word for ‘woman’ before the 18th cent., since when it has been specialized as‘wife’ and displaced as ‘woman’ by emakume. The original sense was probably‘girl’ (unattested).
emaztegai (G HN L LN), emaztegei (B Z R) n. ‘fiancée’. 17th cent. + -gai ‘destinedfor’ (see gai).
emazteki (L LN Z HN) n. ‘woman’. 1643. + -ki [3] NFS.
emaxteki (L) n. ‘homosexual man’. 18th cent. Dimin. of preceding.
emazteorde, emaztorde (LN) n. ‘mistress, concubine’. 1905. + orde ‘substitute’.
emazteordekeria (?) n. ‘concubinage’, ‘state of being a kept woman’. + -keria
NFS of vices.
emazteto (?) n. ‘whore, prostitute’ (20th cent.?), (Z) ‘virago’, ‘domineering woman’.
1926. + -to {[1]} dimin.

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emaztetto (L LN Z) n. ‘petite woman’. 1926. -tto dimin. (see -to {[1]}).
emazte-urdin (R) n. ‘whore, prostitute’. 20th cent. + urdin ‘blue’
emazurtz (HN LN) n. ‘orphan’ (archaic), TS (old L) a. ‘posthumous’. 1617. + zurtz‘orphan’. Oddly, this word is not confined to girls.
emekeria (?) n. ‘homosexuality’. 20th cent. + -keria NFS of vices.
emeki (L Z), emekiro (G) adv. ‘gently’, ‘slowly, a little bit at a time’. 1571. + -ki {[1]}AdvFS (+ -ro AdvFS {not in The Dictionary}).
eme oparo (?) n. ‘whore, prostitute’. 20th cent.? + oparo ‘abundant’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}emetasun (c.) ‘smoothness’, (G) ‘sweetness of character’, ‘patience’ (1571), ‘femininity’(1930). + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
emetu (B) vi. ‘become effeminate’, (B L LN) vt. ‘calm, pacify’. 1818. + -tu VFS.
emezko adjvl. ‘female’. 20th cent.? + -zko (see -z).

en- Pronominal stem ‘I, me’. Base of the forms below.
OUO. Presumably connected somehow with ni ‘I, me’, but the formal relation is wholly
opaque. This must represent a remnant of some very ancient state of affairs in the
pronominal system, perhaps a stem-alternation.
ene (c.) pron. ‘my’, TS intj. ‘Oh, my!’. 15th cent. + -e {[1]} Gen. Obs. today as
possessive pronoun exc. in northern varieties, where it survives; other varieties now
use it only as the intj.
eni (old B Z) pron. Dat. ‘to me’. + -i [**{2}] Dat.
-en [1] [GEN, SUPERL] [FHV 117]**** M. (1961a: 390 fn. 19) reports that Campion’s respondent from Vera de Bidasoa
provided the form otsúbkin, ‘de los lobos’, which M. interprets as *otsoaken, with Gen.
-en remarkably attached directly to Abs. pl. otsoak.
-on [PROX GEN] [FHV 120]-en [2] Suffix in surnames.
[MITX 73] {M. 1973a: 83}
enara (B Sout G HN {L}) (1562), enada (B G HN L {S.P.}) (1660), enere (HN), ainhara(L Z) (1859), einhara (L), ainhera (LN), inhara (L LN) (1657), añhá(r)a (Z),añhé(r)a (Z), añ(h)era (LN), inhade (L), ernara (B), inara (HN), iñara (HN), iñare({HN} A), iñar (R S), aiñari (S), aiñara (LN), añari (R {S}), alñari (R), kiñuri (S),kinuri (S), , mañari (R); [BUT SEE NOW FHV 534 ON kinuri]
enabera (B HN), egabera (B HN), egabela (B HN);
elae (old B) (1596), elai (B) (1745, ca. 1808), alae (B), alai (B G) n. ‘swallow’(zool.) (Hirundo rustica) (in R and elsewhere, ‘swift’ (zool.) (Apus apus).
OUO. M. (1961a: 326) proposes that the common forms derive from *eNala, by
P**{22} and P**{23}, while the B forms {elae, etc.} result from *eLana, by P**{1.1}Etymological Dictionary of Basque

171

and P**{35.4}. {From original ainhara entry:} Last {four} variants from a remarkablemetathesized form *eLane (M. ****{1961a: 326}), by P1, P23. S form by P**{14.}These forms are related by a double metathesis: metathesis of nasal and liquid, andmetathesis of the fortis/lenis contrast. This is undoubtedly correct, though perhaps theoriginal forms should rather be *aiNala and *aiLana.
txenada (G), txenara (G), n. ‘swallow’ (zool.). **** Possibly a dimin. of the above, by
M**{9}, but M. (1977a: 511) suggests a compound whose first element is etxe
‘house’, with exceptional loss of the initial vowel.
aiñari zuri (R) n. ‘swallow’. + zuri ‘white’.
enbor (B G HN) (1897), enpor (B) (1912), anpor (B), onbor (B HN L) (1858), onpor (B?),
konbor (L), zonbor (Nor), zunpur (Nor), zenbor (Hb.) n. ‘tree trunk’, in places also
‘tree stump’. TS (G) ‘dead tree’, (HN) ‘stump of a vine’, (G L) ‘trunk of the body’(anat.) (literary only), (B) ‘clumsy oaf’, (H.) a. ‘drunk’, n. ‘drunkard’, (B) ‘big lie,
whopper’.
A mysterious word. Although it and its derivatives are frequent in the modern language,
and although the considerable variation points to a word of some age, there is no trace of
the word before 1858. We may cautiously suppose that the cluster /np/ is original, with
common /nb/ by P**{6}. M. (1961a: 296) concludes that initial /k/ is original, withinitial /z/ resulting from back-formation from an unrecorded diminutive of the approx.
form *txonbor. Common initial zero would then result from P**{14}. Initial /k/ shows aword of no antiquity, very likely of expressive origin.
endelega (** L LN) **** enthelegü (Z), endelgu (**) ***** n. ‘intelligence,
understanding’. **** [FHV 353] [BACK-FORMED? REVERSE?]
endelgamendu (**) n. ****{‘understanding’} [FHV 353]
endelgatu (LN), enthelegátü (Z), entelegatu (R) **** ‘understand’. **** + -tu VFS.
From Lat. intellegere ****{id.} (M. 1961a: 353).
enoiatu (HN), enhoiatu (**), enoitu (HN), enuxatu (R) ****{vt. ‘annoy’} [FHV 177, 307
fn, 547]
enhoiu (**) n. ****{‘bother’} [FHV 547]
enphatxu (LN), ephantxü (Z) n. ****{‘hindrance’} [FHV 553]
enpatxatu (**) ****{v. ‘hinder’} [FHV 553]
entzun (**) vt. ‘hear’. **** Synth. ****The B writer Mogel uses synthetic forms containing <aa>, like daantzut ‘I hear it’. [FHV
114 fn, 157 fn]
erantzun (**) ****{vt. ‘answer’}
mantxut (LN) intj. ‘What’s up?’. From the finite form badantzut ‘I hear’ (M. 1961a:
268).
{[}eñhatü (Z) ****{v. ‘get tired’} [FHV 222] (from *aun-, *eun-) {] Moved to under anu.}

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eho [1] (LN), ého (Z), eo (Sout G HN S), eio (B {R}), io (B), igo (B G HN) vt. ‘grind’.
1545?, 1562, 1571. Stem ehai-. [also ‘weave’? -- FHV 176]
OUO. Stem by M**{?12, ?13}.
eihera (L old LN Z), eihara (LN), eiara (LN S) n. ‘mill’. 1571. Second element obscure(M. ****{1958g: 476}).
ehortzi (L LN Z), egortzi (HN), ehortze (Z), eortzi (HN L), ohortzi (LN), ohortze (old
LN), ortzi (HN S), õrtzi (R) vt. ‘bury, inter’. Stem e(h)ortz-. Root -(h)ortz-. 1564.
Probably from *e-nortz-i, OUO, by P1 (M. ****{1950d: 473}), in which case the forms
with initial /o/ derive from contamination by ohore ‘honour’. But M. (****{1961a: 83
fn. 22}) takes seriously the idea that the word is a derivative of ohore, in which caseinitial /e/ must result from assimilation to the common verbal pattern e-Root-i, and theelement -tz- is inexplicable. [FHV 83 fn]ehórsle (Z) n. **** + -le Agent NFS.
ehórste (Z) n. **** + -te {[1]} NFS.
epe (**), ephe (**) n. ‘term’ **** ****
epel (B G HN), ephel (L LN Z) a. ‘tepid, lukewarm’, TS (B G L R) ‘feeble’, ‘insubstantial,
inconsequential’. 1571. Dimin. txepel (B G HN) a. ‘insipid’, ‘cowardly,
pusillanimous’, TS (HN) n. ‘empty chestnut’. 1905.
OUO. M. (****{1951b: 581}) diffidently considers a possible source in Lat. tepidum‘tepid’, with unusual developments. Dimin. by M9.
epeldu (**?{c.}), epildu (old B) ****{vti. ‘warm’, ‘be warm’ Aul.}eper (B G HN R), epher (L LN Z) n. ‘partridge’ (zool.) (Perdix and Alectoris sp.) Ca. 1620.
era (**) **** n. ****{‘manner’}{-era NFS.}-kara (**), -ara (**) ****{Adverb-forming suffix.} [FHV 245, 245 fn, 247: IMP]erantsi (**), eraatsi (B), eranzi (Sout), erantzi (B) [hapax] ****{vti. ‘add’, ‘stick’} [FHV285] {See iratsi; same item?}erausi (**), erasi (**), edasi (old LN) **** {vt.} ‘murmur’, ‘gossip’ [Ax] [FHV 229]
herauts{, herautx (LN S)} ****{n. ‘boar’}{OUO.}-erazi (G HN Z), -arazi (G L LN S R), -erazo (B), -arazo (B HN) {Causative suffix.}
OUO. In the historical period, this is the productive causative affix for all verbs,
replacing earlier -ra- in that function. Examples: egin ‘do’, eginerazi ‘cause to do’;etorri ‘come’, etorrerazi ‘cause to come’. As a rule, the causative of an intransitive verb

Etymological Dictionary of Basque173

is a simple transitive, while the causative of a transitive verb is a ditransitive verb with adative object representing the person caused to do something. This was surely once an
independent verb, but it not recorded as such. Not infrequently, this suffix is added to a
non-verbal stem. Examples: ****. Very likely the source verb *erazi is itself acausative in -ra- from a lost simple verb. Variants with initial /a/ probably by W2.2;
variants with final /o/ probably by M12.
herbal (**), erbal (**), elbar (**) ****{a. ‘weak’, ‘sick’, ‘crippled’} [FHV 340]
erbi (c.), érbi (Z) n. ‘hare’ (zool.) (Lepus). 1643.
OUO.
erdara (B G HN L LN Z R), erdera (B G) n. ‘foreign language’, ‘language other thanBasque’. 1300, 1562. CF erdal-.
OUO. CF by W1, W**{12}. This word is everywhere applied to the local Romancespeech: Occitan, Spanish or French. The second element is -ara ~ -era ‘way, manner’(see era). One proposal for the first element is erdi ‘half’ (****{M. 1968c: 196}), thus
something like ‘half language’, but this item’s CF is normally ert-. Another is erdu
‘come’, thus something like ‘language of the newcomers’, but this strictly B form
appears to be only a late and secondary local development of common heldu ‘arrive’.
erdaldun n., a. ‘(person) unable to speak Basque’. 1630. + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).
erdalkeria n. ‘feature of another language carried into Basque, when this is strongly
stigmatized. 1907. + -keria NFS of vices.
erdarakada (1953), erderakada (1897) n. ‘word or other linguistic feature of anotherlanguage used in Basque, especially one which is frowned upon’. + -kada NFS ****
{Not in The Dictionary.}
erdi (c.), érdi (Z) ‘middle, centre’, ‘half’. 15th cent. CF ert-.
OUO. CF by W**{2.1}, W**{3}.
erdietsi (HN L), ardietsi (HN L LN Z), ardiretsi (**), erdetsi (HN), erdetxi (HN),
erditsi (HN), jardiretsi (**{LN S}), {jardetsi (LN Z S)}, xardietsi (S), jadietsi (B),jaretsi (B), jadetsi (L), jaritsi (B), jaditxi (B), jaitxi (B), eretsi (B), iritsi (G), iritxi(G) vt. ‘reach, achieve, accomplish’. 1571. + -etsi ‘consider’ (see etsi), with the usual
irregular developments in old compound verbs (M. 1961a: 122). [FHV 341, 557:
IMPORTANT RETHINK] [Arb] {M. 1968a: 19 fn. 39 separates out the westernforms without -d- and relates them to a stem *jar-, q.v.}
ardiatsaille (old L) n. ‘one who accomplishes’. **** [FHV 351]
erbinude (B G) (1745, 1858), erbiñure (G) (1847), erbi-unide (HN), ergunide (**),
erbindori (Duv.) n. ‘weasel’ (zool.) (Mustela nivalis). + unide ~ inude ‘wetnurse’(M. 1977a: 483), though the last variant (a hapax) is puzzling. One of several playful
names for the creature, and perhaps a rough calque on Cast. comadreja id. The /b/
probably by dissimilation, though perhaps also by contamination from erbi ‘hare’.
The med. Sansa Erdinuriz is perhaps an early record of the word (M. 1977a: 483).
[FHV 534]
erditu (**) **** [birth]{vti. ‘give birth’} [FHV 557]

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erkide (**), erkhide (**) {n.} ‘participant’. [FHV 128 fn, 345]
hertu (old LN), hértü (Z) vt. ‘reduce, diminish’. + -tu VFS. This etymology, proposedby Lh., is not certain, but it looks plausible.
ertze (**{old LN}) n. ****{‘giving birth’} [FHV 126]

herdoilla (old LN), herdoil (L), erdoil (HN L LN Z R), erdólla (Z), erdoi (G HN), ordei (BSout), ordoi (G) n. ‘rust’ (on iron) (1571), ‘rust’ (on plants) (1842).
From some Rom. source akin to Gasc. arroudilho id., though this Gasc. form cannot be
the direct source (M. ****{1984: 84). [BUT FHV 84 fn]
ere (c. exc. B), bere (B) prt. ‘also’, ‘even’. ****The B form is surely conservative. M. (1961a: 253) suggests a link with bere ‘his/herown’ (see ber-).
erein (**), erain (**), ere(i)ñ (B), é(r)eñ (Z) vt. ‘sow’. ****
erearo (HN L), ereiaro (old B old LN), ereillero (HN) n. ‘June’ (but old B ‘season forsowing’). **** [FHV 176 fn]
heren (**), eren (**) **** {a.} ‘third’. ****
herenegun (**), erenegun (**), erenegu (HN A), arain egun (Sout) **** ‘the day
before yesterday’. **** + egun ‘day’. [FHV 118]
ergel (**), elger (**) **** a. ‘stupid, idiotic’. **** [FHV 340]
{OUO.}
eri [1] (**) **** a. ‘sick, ill’ ****{n. ‘sickness’}{OUO.}
eri [2] (** old LN), erhi (**), é(r)hi (Z) n. ‘finger’ (anat.) **** CF ert-.
OUO. **** The CF is anomalous, and appears to result from overgeneralization ofW**{3} (M. 1961a: 224).
eraztun (**), e(r)háztün (Z), eraztún (R), ereztún (R), erraztun (G), erreztun (old L),
eleztun (B G) n. ‘ring’ (for the finger). **** [FHV 331, 570]
erkhain (** old LN) n. ‘fingertip’. **** + gain ‘top’.
eriden (** old LN), ediren (**{LN L}), erden (R S), edí(r)en (Z) ****{vt. ‘find’} [FHV
85]****
eritheitze (old LN) n. ‘invention’. **** [FHV 231]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque175

erika (B) n. ‘heather’ (bot.) (Calluna vulgaris). 1905.
From Lat. erīcam id., of Greek origin. The appearance of this word in vernacular Bq. isastonishing: the word was, by all accounts, rare and elevated in Lat., and it is scarcely
recorded in Rom. Yet A. (1905) reports the Bq. word as in everyday use just a few miles
from his birthplace.
eritzi (**{G}), iritzi (**{G L}), eretxi (B) **** ‘be called’ ? Synth.
erle (c.) n. ‘bee’. 1562. CF erla-.
OUO. **** CF by W**{2.2}. In med. Navarra, the sobriquet Erlea is well recorded, anderle is frequent as a first element in toponyms (M. 1977a: 562).
erlakofoin (**) n. ‘beehive’. **** + kofoin **** [FHV 501]
erlasaski (**) n. ‘beehive’. **** + saski ‘basket’.
erlategi (**) n. ‘beehive’. **** + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi)}.
erlauntza (**{B}), erlauntz (**{B}), erlautz (**{B}) **** n. ‘beehive’. **** + ontzi‘container’ (M. 1977a: 501), with unexpected loss of /i/.
erlijio (**), relijiyo (G) **** n. ‘religion’. **** ****
erlikia (**), relikiya (G) **** n. ****{‘relic’ Aul.} [FHV 332 fn]
erloju (B Sout G) (1562), arlója (Z), erreloia (B) (1665), erloi (Hb.), orloi (H.), relojo (G)n. ‘clock, watch’, TS (B) ‘time of day’.
From Rom. reflexes of Lat. hōrologium ‘clock’, such as Cast. reloj (M. ****{?}). {AT}ermain (B), ermaiño (B) n. ‘physical defect’. ****
Obscure. Probably related somehow to orbain ‘mark’ (M. 1977a: 507).
ermitaun (**) ****{n. ‘hermit’} [FHV 152]
ernari (**c.) ****{n. ‘pregnant animal’} [FHV 366]
ero [1], erho (old LN **) a. ‘crazy’, (**) ‘stupid, foolish’ **** [FHV 526]
M. (1977a: 526) proposes that this is merely a specialization of the participle of ero [2],literally ‘killed’. M. draws attention to Italian matto ‘crazy’, related to Cast. matar ‘kill’.
But the parallel is not strong: CP (s.v. matar) cite Lat. mattus ‘stupid’ as the ult. source,and derive an unrecorded Lat. verb *mattare from this. Moreover, the Cast. verb meant
only ‘wound’ in the med. period. {Error here. Old Cast. matar meant ‘kill’ as well as‘strike’ from the earliest texts.}
erasun (old B **) n. ‘craziness’ **** + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).

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ero [2] (old B), é(r)ho (Z) vt. ‘kill’. CF er(h)a-, erai-. 1596.
OUO. CF by W2.2, M13. It appears that this was the earlier word for ‘kill’, now
displaced except in Z by hil. M. (1961a: 213 fn. 23) suggests that this might be acausative in -ra- of jo ‘hit’ or of eho ‘grind’.
eraile (c.), erhaile (Z), eralle (old B) n. ‘killer’. + -le agent NFS. This word is not
related to hil ‘kill’.
erori (**) vi. ‘fall, fall down’. **** Stem eror-. Root -ror-.
OUO.
erorkor (** old LN), erorkór (**) [FHV 401] a. **** **** + -kor ‘tending to’.
errabia (G HN L), arrabia (G) ****{n. ‘fury’} [FHV 155]
errai (**) ****{errái (Z)} [FHV 144] ‘innards’
errain [1] (**) ****{erráñ (Z)} [FHV 144-145] ‘kidney’**** Possibly from *arrene, by P1 and metathesis, from Lat renem ‘kidney’ (M. 1961a:
145).
erreiñazur (B) n. ‘sacrum’. **** + azur ‘bone’ (see hezur).
errain [2] (G), erran (B), erren (** old LN) **** ‘daughter-in-law’. **** [Sarasola]
OUO. The conservative form is *errain (M. 1977a: 507).
erraldoi (B G) n. ‘giant’. ****
From *erroldai, by metathesis, from *erroldane, by P1, from Roldán, the name of alegendary giant (M. 1961a: 84, ****{1965c: 118}).
herrátü (Z) ****{v. ‘wander’} [FHV 209]
erratz (c. exc. Z), ehátz (Z), erhatz (Z) [hapax] n. ‘broom’ (bot.) (Cytisus scoparius, Ruscus
aculeatus, etc.), in places ‘laburnum’ (bot.) (Laburnum), TS (B G LN) ‘small broom’(implement), TS (L) ‘fisherman’s creel’, TS (B) ‘suspended rack or shelf for hanging
cheese’. 1150, 1745, 1808.
OUO. [FHV 234: MUCH MORE]**** The {first} Z form is irregular, though the expected {second} Z form is recorded
once by Gèze (M. 1961a: 329 fn. 4).
erraz (B G HN L LN), errax (old LN **), errez (B G), errex (B G) a. ‘easy’. ****
From OCast. rahez ~ rehez (and other variants) id. (M. 1961a: 117); see also ML (§7013). The word is of Arabic origin.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque177erre (c.), erra (old LN) vi., vt. ‘burn’, TS ‘fry’, TS ‘smoke (tobacco)’. CF erra-. 15th cent.,
1545.
OUO. CF by W2.2. This item has a highly anomalous form for a verb, and it very likely
originated as another part of speech – perhaps as an adjective meaning ‘burnt’, which
sense its participle still has, of course.
errauts (**), errhauts (old LN), erháuts (Z), erráuts (R) n. ‘ash’, ****{‘dust’. +hauts} [FHV 94, 329]
erre-, arra- **** [= Rom. re-]erreal [1] (**) n. ‘real’ (Spanish coin). ****
elbiko (old B G) n. ‘peseta’ (Spanish coin). + bi ‘two’ + -ko (M. 1961a: 366).
errede (R) n. ‘net’. **** [FHV 155]
errefaua (old B) ****{n. ‘radish’} [FHV 152]
errege (c.) n. ‘king’. CF erret-. 12th cent., 1545.
From Lat. regem by L11 (M. 1961a: 51). CF by W1, W3. In referring to the current
king, often used without the article, as though it were a proper name.
errepide (**), erregebide (**), erret bide (old HN, Fuero General de Navarra) n.
‘highway’ **** + bide ‘road’.
erretate (old LN) n. ****{‘kingship’} [FHV 127]
erretatu (old LN) n. ‘kingdom’. **** [FHV 127]
erregela (**) n. ‘rule’ **** [FHV 158, 347]
erregina (L LN) (1545), erregia (Sout HN) (1364, 1562), erregiña (B G HN), erregíña (Z)n. ‘queen’. In referring to the current queen, often used without the article, as though
it were a proper name.
From Lat. rēgīnam id., by P1.
erregu (G HN R) n. ‘request’. ****
From Cast. ruego id., by ****{L10, L11}
erreinu (G), erre(i)ñu (**) n. ‘kingdom’. ****
From Cast. reino id.
erreka (**) n. ****{‘ravine’, ‘river bed’, ‘stream’ Az.}
From **** **** A toponym Erreka is recorded in 1093 [FHV 155]

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errekaitu (**), errekeitu (**) n. ‘provisions, food’. **** [FHV 91, 489]
From Rom.: cf. Cast. recaudo, recado ****{id.} (M. 1977a: 489).
erremedio (**) n. ‘remedy’. **** [FHV 155]
erremestia (Z) ****{v. ‘thank’} [FHV 365]
erremusiña (L) n. ‘alms’. ****
From Cast. limosna id., with curious treatment. M. (1961a: 332 fn. 9) suggests that theword has somehow attracted the element erre-. {Perhaps directly from Lat. eleemosyna.
Cf. liborna.}
erresiñol (**) (1848), erresiñul (**) (1780), errexinol (**) (1853), errexiñol (**) (1924),
erroxiñol (**) (1664) [MORE: AT], urretxindor (B) (1897). n. ‘nightingale’ (zool.)(Luscinia megarhynchos).
From Rom., prob. from Occ. rossignol {Mistral orthography roussignol, IEO rossinhòl}id. (Unamuno {1893} ZRPh 17: 146). B form by folk etymology, as though from urre
‘gold’ + txindor ‘robin’.
{(}er{)}resuma (**{old LN}) n. ‘kingdom, realm’. ****{[}erretatu (**) **** [FHV 332] [not sure what this is] {] Duplicates erretatu undererrege.}erreten (B G) n. ‘irrigation ditch’. **** [FHV 332]
From Cast. retén ‘reserve, store’.
erretore (**), erretor (L), errotor (L), ertor (L LN) n. ‘parish priest’. ****
erretxin (B G HN), arrotxina (L), arroxin (L), arrusina (L), errazia (R) **** n. ‘resin’.
**** [FHV 155]
errezatu (**) vi. ‘pray’. **** [FHV 390 fn]
From Cast. rezar id.
herri (**), erri (**) n. ****{‘people’, ‘town, inhabited place’, ‘country’} CF (h)err-.
OUO. CF by W2.1.
erbeste (B G) n. ‘foreign country’. **** + beste ‘other’ (see *berr-).
ergoien (B) n. ****{‘village’} [FHV 125]
herratze (old LN) n. ‘foreign country’. **** + atze ‘stranger’.
erribera (G **), erbera (B), erbere (HN) n. ****{‘shore’, ‘lowland’} [FHV 164]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque179

errierte (B G), errielta (old B), errieta (G HN), errita (G HN) n. ‘feud, vendetta’. ****
From Cast. reyerta ‘quarrel’ (M. 1961a: 123), with dissimilation.
errio (**), irrio (G HN) n. ‘river’. ****
From Cast. río id., by L11, P37.
erripa (B) ****{‘sloping ground’}From Lat. rīpam **** (M. 1961a: 155). [FHV 155-156]
erris (**), irris (**) *** n. ‘rice’. ****
From Fr. ris **** See arroz.
{]}errisku (**), arrisku (**), irrisku (L) n. ‘risk, danger’. **** [FHV 66] {] Duplicate, seearrisku.}erro (**) n. ‘root’. **** CF erra-.
OUO. CF by W**{2.2}.
errape (**), rapé (R) ‘udder’. + -pe {‘under’} (****{see behe}). M. (1961a: 332)
suggests that the R form results from hypercorrection.
erroi (** {c.} R), erroĩ (R), erroñ (**{R}) **** n. ‘crow’ (zool.) (Corvus ****) 1596.
[FHV 149]
erroka (HN S) n. ‘distaff’. **** [FHV 332]
Cast. rueca {or Gasc. ròca}erromeria (**) n. ‘pilgrimage’. ****
From Cast. romería id.
erropa (**), arropa (**) **** n. ‘article of clothing’. ****
errota (**) n. ‘mill’, ‘wheel’. **** See arroda.
erru [1] (B) n. ‘guilt, blame, fault’, ‘difficulty’. 1596.
Probably from Cast. yerro ‘mistake, error’ (M. 1961a: 61).
{erru [2]] ?}erruda (B G R), arruda (L) *** n. ****{‘rue’ (bot.)} [FHV 156]
errun (**), érrün (Z), erron (**) vt. ‘lay (eggs)’. ****

180

R. L. Trask{OUO.}

erskon (old LN) n. **** [FHV 368]
erskondu (**{old LN}) **** [FHV 368]
hertsi (L LN Z) (1545), ertsi (L LN Z HN), hersi (LN Z), hetsi (L LN), hesi (L LN Z), ertxi(HN), itsi (old B Sout) (1653), itxi (B G) (1656), etxi (?) (1610) vt. ‘squeeze,
compress, tighten’, ‘narrow’, ‘close’, vi. (L LN Z) ‘approach’, TS (Z) vi. ‘cling, stick’,a. (not B G) ‘tight, narrow’ (1571), TS (LN Z) ‘tenacious’. Stem (h)e(r)(t)s-.
OUO. The conservative form is *(h)ertsi, apparently containing a non-verbal root. TheB G form has apparently developed by two routes: *ertsi > *ertxi (by P**{?}) > etxi >itxi (by P**{62}) and *ertsi > *etsi > itsi > itxi. It is not clear whether the participle of averb has been pressed into service as an adjective, or whether an original adjective has
been pressed into service as the participle of a verb. But the apparently non-verbal
nature of the stem favours the second. Leizarraga has ertsi verb but hersi adjective;
Axular has hertsi for both. [FHV 563]
herstu (L) vi. ‘arrive’, erstu (R) vt. ‘squeeze, compress’, estu (B G Sout HN) (1562) a.
‘squeezed, compressed’, ‘restricted’, ‘narrow’, ‘rigorous, severe’, ‘tight’, TS‘nervous, anxious, worried’, adv. ‘tightly’, TS ‘anxiously’. By transfer of the verb to
the -tu class (M14). In this case, unusually, the adjective has also been shifted inform. [FHV 368]
estu(r)asun (B G) n. ‘predicament’. **** + -tasun NFS (see -tar).
estutu (**{G HN}) ****{v. ‘press’} [FHV 563]
ertz (**), eretz (LN), é(r)etz (Z) n. ****{‘side’, ‘edge’} [FHV 162, 416]
OUO. The common contracted form perhaps by W**{19}, from the word’s frequent
occurrence as a final element in compounds like itsasertz ‘seacoast’.
hertze (**), ertze (**), herze (**), erze (**), este (**), érxe (Z R) **** n. ‘intestine’. ****
[FHV 364]{[}érxe (Z) **** **** [FHV 330] {] Duplicate, see hertze.}esamina (**{B}) **** ‘examination’. **** [FHV 146]
esan (** Sout), erran (**), érran (Z) ****{vt.} ‘say’ **** Synth.
**** The variation in form exhibited here is unique to this word, and the origin is
mysterious. A plausible guess is two resolutions of a unique cluster, perhaps *esran(*ersan would not work), which in turn might represent the syncope of a longer form
along the lines of *eser(r)an. Southern (Landucci 1562) has only esan for the verb, as is
usual in western varieties, but remarkably gives mezarrale for ‘priest’ – lit. ‘masssayer’, with the other variant of the word, and this even though the same source gives
meza esan for ‘say mass’. The imperfective participle is L LN erraiten, Z erráiten, but
HN LN also show the contracted form erten (M. 1961a: 398).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque181

erraizun (** old L) n. ‘reproach, censure’. **** + -kizun NFS.
eseri (** G S), ****, xaseri (R), jasarri (B), jesarri (B) **** ‘sit down’, (S) ‘put’, ****.
**** [FHV {168,} 295 fn]
esfonja (G) n. ‘sponge’, ‘type of sweet’.
From Cast. esponja ‘sponge’.
eskarpia (Sout), eskarpiña (old B) n. ‘slipper’.
From Cast. escarpín id.
eskatu (**) ****{Two verbs eskatu in Az.: ‘ask’ and ‘set loose’.}eskaari (old B) n. ‘petition’. **** **** [FHV 113]
eskegi (B), esegi (B), exegi (B Sout), isegi (G HN) vt. ‘hang, put up’. ****
OUO. [FHV 350] Possibly related to atxeki ‘stick’ (M. 1961a: 350). {(See atxiki.)}eskeki (old B, R&S 197) n. ****{‘bunch of hanging fruit’} [FHV 350]
esker (**), eskar (**) ****{n. ‘thanks’} [FHV 62]
eskerga (old B, R&S 250) a. ‘difficult’. 1596. + -ga ‘without’(see gabe); the word isliterally ‘thankless’ (M. 1961a: 412). [FHV 62]
eskindantzák (Z) n. pl. ‘sore throat’. ****
From Bearn. esquinances id. (M. 1961a: 339).
eskolaun (**), eskolau (**) n. ****{‘schoolchild’} [FHV 152]
eskondu (old B, R&S 457) ****{vt. ‘reach’} [FHV 368]
eskribaun (B), eskibraun (B) n. ‘clerk’. ****
From Cast. escribano id. **** [FHV 509]
eskribitu (old LN) (1545), eskribidu (B) (1537), eskribatu (B G HN L) (1545) vt. ‘write’.
Stem eskribi-, eskriba-.
From Cast. escribir id; last variant by L13. See izkiribatu, iraatsi.
esku (c. exc. Z), eskü (Z) n. ‘hand’ (anat.), TS (R) ‘right hand’. 15th cent.
OUO.
eskaini (L LN), eska(i)ñi (G HN L), eskeiñi (G), eskini (B G) vt., vtd. ‘offer’, (L LN)‘threaten’. 1627. Fossilized compound verb. The first element is surely esku; thesecond is obscure but may be ipini ‘put’ (M. 1961a: 69).

182

R. L. Trask
eskaindu (LN S), eskindu (B G), eskentü (Z) vt., vtd. (L LN S) ‘offer’, eskaindu vtd.
(B) ‘ask for’. 1676. + -tu VFS, by transfer to the -tu class (M14).
eskui (G HN A S), eskuin (HN L LN), eskoin (old LN), eskoi (B HN), eskoĩ (R), eskun(?), eskǘñ (Z), eskui (old HN), eskubi (Sout G HN A S), eskuma (B), eskoa (B) n.
‘right hand’. 1545. Most variants from *eskune, by P1 (M. ****{1961a: 149}). The
second element is obscure, but might be on ‘good’; M. (****{ib.}) notes thesimilarity to the Bq. name of the village called in Fr. Bonloc, which is Lekhuine, app.
from *Leku-on ‘good place’.
eskuarki.(G) (ca. 1805) adv. ‘commonly’, eskierki (L Z) (1657), eskuiarki (old LN)(1545) adv. ‘certainly, undoubtedly, apparently’. + har- ‘take’ (see hartu) + -ki {[1]}AdvFS (M. 1977a: 496–497).
eskuarrai (**{B}), eskuarre (**{B}) n. ‘palm of the hand’. **** + arra ‘palm’ (M.
1961a: 129).
eskubarne (**) **** ‘palm of the hand’. ****{[}eskuin (** HN), eskuñ (HN), eskui (**), eskoi (A S) **** ‘right hand’. [FHV 149 x2] {] Duplicates eskui above.}esku-ojal (G) n. ‘towel’. + oihal ‘cloth’.
eskuren (old G) **** [FHV 120, 496] + -rean Abl CS. [CHECK ENTRY HERE]
eskuzeñu (R) n. ‘manual gesture’. + zeinu ****{[1] ‘signal}.

esnatu (**) **** ****, esenatu (HN), ernatu (**) ****{vti. ‘wake’} [FHV 294, 352, 366,
512] [MOVE TO er-?] [ALSO ernai] {SORT] [FHV 561: IMPORTANT] [SORT!!]esne (** HN), ezne (old B Sout old LN R S **), ezné (Z), esene (HN) ****{n. ‘milk’}Lafon (1959**{a: 109 ff.})**** [FHV 163-164 + 2 fn] M. (1961a: 282) concludes that laminal /z/ is original. [FHV
511-512] See zenbera.
espara (**), ezpara (**), espare (LN Z) ****{n. ‘gadfly’}**** [FHV 253]
espensari (L) n. ****{n. ‘butler’} [FHV 253]
espero (**) **** ****{n. ‘hope’ Aul.}****espa(r)ántxa (Z) n. ‘hope’. **** [other forms?] ****
esportzatu (**{old LN}) ****{v. ‘comfort’} [FHV 264, 350]
esportzu (**{old LN}) ****{n.} ‘solace, comfort’ [FHV 264]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque183

estali (**) vt. ‘cover’. **** **** [FHV 319-320]**** {[}See also estalpe. {] included below.}
estaldu (**) ****{vt. ‘cover’}
estalgune (S.P.) n. {‘cover’} [FHV 305 fn, 319]
estalki (**), estalgi (**{old B old LN}) ****{n. ‘cover’} [FHV 319, 353]
estari (**) **** [FHV 319]
estalpe (**){, estalbe (**)} n. ****{‘shelter’} , estaupe (Z) ‘partition’? [FHV 311]
Seemingly formed from estali ‘cover’ + -pe ‘under’ (see behe), but in fact probably from
Cast. estable ****, with metathesis and folk-etymology (M. ****{1957a: 14ff.}).
{M. in fact mentions Old Cast. establia ‘stable’ as the source of Bq. establia,
estalbi(a) ‘stable’ for which later estalbe, estalpe are folk-etymologized forms.}
estomak (** old LN), estumák (Z), estomake (R), estomaka (S) n. ‘stomach’ (anat.). ****
estrata (**), estarta (B) n. ‘road’. ****
From Lat. stratam id., with metathesis in the second form.
eta, ta (c.) conj. ‘and’. 15th cent.
Reduced form especially (but not only) after a vowel. OUO. A derivation from Lat. et‘and’ has often been proposed, and is possible, especially since SOV languages often
lack a word for ‘and’ and borrow one. A link with -eta looks improbable. Postposed inexamples like aita (e)ta ‘Father and the rest’. [FHV 420 fn]-ta (B G HN) Adverbial suffix attached to perfective participles, as in ikusi ‘seen’,ikusita ‘having (been) seen’. Often reinforced by gero ‘later’: ikusita gero. The
unreduced form ikusi eta gero is well attested and still in use.
-tako
-eta (c.) ****{NFS. Toponymic suffix.} [Add toponyms, [Mitx 73 {M. 1973a}: 235, 373]
Consider moving to -keta {not in The Dictionary} for consistency: think about thisproblem.] [FHV 247-248] This suffix shares with -aga the property that thephonological changes typical of word-formation, those collected in § ***{7}, neveroccur with it (M. 1977a: 528).
etorri (B G HN L), ethorri (L) vi. ‘come’. 1539. Synth. Stem etorr-. Root -torr-.
OUO. See also jaugin.
datorren (**) adjvl. ‘next’ (as in datorren astean ‘next week’). From dator ‘it iscoming’ (finite form) + -n [**{3}] Rel.
eratorri (EB) vt. ‘derive’. 1891. + -ra- Causative. An Aranist neologism, remarkablycoined with the otherwise dead affix -ra-.
ethorberri (L LN Z), etorparri (B) a. ‘recently arrived’. + berri ‘new’ (see *berr-).
et(h)orbide (B G Z) n. ‘origin’. + bide ‘way’.

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R. L. Trask
ethorbü(r)ü (Z) n. ‘beginning’ + buru ‘head’.
etorkizun (**), ethorkizun (**) n. ‘future’. **** + -kizun NFS.

etsai (G HN L LN R), etsái (Z) n. ‘enemy’. 1545.
OUO.
etsi (**) ****{‘consider’} ******** Clearly from *eutsi, by P**{35.4}, given the forms below (M. 1977a: 493).
esetsi (B G) ****{vt. ‘attack’ Aul.} + ez ‘not’. (M. 1961a: 283).
{[}-etsi ‘consider’. **** {] DUPLICATES etsi.}
uste (c.), úste (Z) n. ‘opinion’, ‘belief’. 1545. + -te {[1]} NFS (M. 1977a: 492).
uste *edun (c.) vtc. [+ -la] ‘opine, think, believe’ (1545), ‘hope’ (ca. 1800). + *edun‘have’.
etxe (c.), etse (B Sout R), etze (B), itxe (G HN) n. ‘house’, ‘household’, TS ‘building’. CF
etxa-. 12th cent., 14th cent.
OUO. CF by W2.2. The conservative form is app. etse, with common etxe by
expressive palatalization (M**{9}). B etze is either a back-formation or a written error
from P21. HN itxe by P62. The CF etxa- is abundantly recorded in toponyms, evenoutside the Basque Country (M. 1961a: 127).
etsajaun (old B Sout) n. ‘goblin, imp’. **** + jaun ‘lord’. [COMBINE {sc. with next}]
etxahun (**), etxagun (B), **** n. ‘master of the house’. ****
etxaguntza (B), etsagun(t)za (old B, R&S 58) ****{‘private house, house one
owns’} [FHV 176]
etx’iri (old LN) [hapax] n. ‘vicinity of a house’. **** + -iri NFS. The odd orthography
is presumably meant to represent a contraction of a longer form like *etxairi.
etxola (L LN Z), etxol (G HN), itxola (HN) n. 1630. ‘hut, cabin’. Probably from *etxaxola, by reduction, + txabola ‘hut’ (M. ****{1969c: 125 n. 32}). M. prefers this to across between etxe and txabola, and to the seemingly obvious compound of etxe withola ‘place’. Last form by M4. [MUCH MORE: FHV 476]
-etz (**) [as in baietz]
etzan (c.), etzin (G HN R), etzun (B), etxun (B) **** vi. ‘lie down’. Synth. ******** {OUO.}
eratzan (B HN old L), eratzin (HN), eratzon (HN), eratzo (B) vt. ‘put to bed’. ****
[Ax]
etzauntza (**), etzantza (**), etzautza (**), etzauntze (**) n. ****{‘resting place’Aul.} [Az.] ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque185

etzi (**) n., adv. ‘the day after tomorrow’.
****{OUO.}
etzidamu (**), etziridamu (**), etzilimo (B), etziluma (old B, R&S 410) n., adv. ‘theday after the day after tomorrow’. **** + biharamun ‘the next day’ (see bihar) (M.
1977a: 504).
etzikaramu (B), etzikaramon (B) n., adv. ‘three days after tomorrow’. **** M. (1977a:504) proposes *etzirik, + -ik Abl. CS (or *etziko, + -ko) + herenegun ‘third day’ (seeheren).
euli (B Sout G) (1562), eulli (S old B, R&S 123, 298), uli (HN L LN) (1571), üli (LN Z), ülli(Z), ülü (Z), üllü (Z), éllu (R), auli (A), elbi (G) n. ‘fly’ (insect) (zool.) (Musca), TS(B G) ‘coward’.
OUO. Presumably from *euLi, by P**{23, and cf. P36.1 eu- > u-}. Short variants by
P47. The forms with /ll/ are presumably diminutives in origin. {Last} G form bymetathesis from *ebli, by P**{57}.
eltxo (B G HN A), éltxo (Z), eltzo (L LN), elzo (LN S), eltxe (R), ulitxa (HN L LN) n.
‘mosquito’ (zool.) (****). + various dimin. suffixes.
uluzu (old LN) a. ‘fly-infested’. ****. + -zu AFS (see -tsu).
eultze (G HN), eultzi (HN S), aultzi (A), ultzi (**), ulzi (**), eltzu (R) n. ****{‘heap ofunthreshed corn’}eulzitu (HN), ulzitu (LN), eltzu(ka)tu (R) ****{vt. ‘thresh’}
ehun [1] (L LN), éhün (Z), eun (B Sout G HN), egun (B G HN S), ein (R) num. ‘100’. 1562.
OUO, but possibly from *enun, by P1. Fourth form by P35.1. Uhlenbeck (****{1910:70}) suggests a Gothic *ain hund id. (phonetic [enhund]), which is phonologically
excellent, but there exists no known instance of a Bq. word taken directly from Gothic orfrom any other Germanic language without Rom. mediation, and anyway I am told by
Rémy Viredaz (p.c.) that the putative Gothic item is not attested. Moreover, it seems
unlikely that the Basques would have borrowed such a word from Gothic but not from
Lat., when mila ‘1000’ was taken from Lat. Anyway, relations between Basques andVisigoths were uniformly hostile, and it is not even clear that the Visigoths continued to
speak Gothic for any length of time in Spain. Probably native. [FHV 56 fn] {M. 1950b:
455; 1964a: 129f.}
berrehun (L LN Z), berreun (**), berregun (LN) num. ‘200’. 1571. + berr- ‘twice’(see bihur).
ehun [2] [VERB] [FHV 56 fn] {‘weave’}euri (c.), eü(r)i (Z), uri (HN L LN), ebri (LN Z), ebi (G), ébi (Z), eudi (G) n. ‘rain’. 1562.
CF eul-.
From *euri, OUO. Variants by P47, P57. CF by W**{2.1, W12}. Attempts at linking
this to ur ‘water’ fail for lack of a parallel for any such formation.
eulantz (B) n. ‘fine rain’. **** + ****

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R. L. Trask
eulbera (B) n. ‘beneficial rain’. **** + bera ‘soft’.
euri(a) egin (c.) vitm. ‘rain’. + egin ‘do’.
euritako (B G LN) n. ‘umbrella’. + -ta- indefinite {not in The Dictionary} plus -ko
NFS.
eurite (c.) n. ‘rainy spell’. + -te {[1]} NFS of duration.
euritsu (c.) a. ‘rainy’. + -tsu AFS ‘full of’.
euritu (LN) vi. ‘rain’. + -tu VFS.
There are many local words for ‘drizzle’, consisting of euri plus some expressive
formation: euri-landur (B), euri-langar (G), euri-memel (B), euri-zarama (B), eurizirin (B), and doubtless others. See also zirimiri {under m-reduplication}.
Locutions for ‘it’s raining’:
euria da ‘rain is’ (da ‘is’, from izan ‘be’).
euria dihardu (B) ‘rain is busy’ (dihardu ‘is busy’, from ihardun ‘be busy’ {not in
The Dictionary, but see iharduki, jardun under *ihar-}).
euria egiten ari da ‘it is making rain’ (egin ‘make’ plus ari izan ‘be busy at’; seeari).
euria egiten du ‘it makes rain’ (egin ‘make’).

euskara (HN), heuskara (old LN), eskuara (L LN), euskera (B G), eskara (HN), eskera(Sout), uskara (HN A S), uskára (R), uskera (B), üská(r)a (Z), üská (Z) n. ‘Basquelanguage’. CF euskal- (B G HN), eskual- (L LN), heuskal- (old LN). 1545.
L LN form by an unusual (and recent) metathesis; B G form by an unusual vowelchange. Very likely from *euskala, given the CF. CF by W1. Much debated. The
ending is almost certainly -(k)era, -(k)ara ‘way, manner’ (see era). The obscure firstelement has long been thought to represent the name of the Ausci, an Aquitanian tribe
identified by the Romans, by P48: hence ‘to speak euskara’ would be ‘to speak in themanner of the Ausci’. But Irigoyen (1977, 1990b) argues instead for a lost verb *enautsi‘say’, by P1, containing the dative-marker -ts-, in support of which he adduces a variant
enusquera, used by two 16th-century B writers: hence ‘way of saying’. See -io-.
Euskadi n. ‘The Basque Country’ (conceived as a political unit), today the official nameof the territory administered by the Basque Autonomous Government. Neologism
coined by Sabino Arana, who spelled it Euzkadi, the official spelling of the shortlived Basque government during the Spanish Civil War. + -di NFS.
euskalari (c.) n. ‘linguist who works on Basque, Vasconist’. 1918 (but 1872 as
euskeralari). + -lari professional NFS (see -ari [**{1}]).
euskaldun (B G HN), eskualdun (L LN), heuskaldun (old LN), **** (Z), uskaldún(R) n. ‘Basque-speaker’, a. ‘Basque-speaking’. 1545. + -dun AFS NFS ‘having’,‘who has’ (see *edun).
euskaldun berri n. ‘person who has learned Basque as a second language’. + berri‘new’ {(see *berr)} (neol.)
euskaldundu vi. ‘learn Basque’, ‘become a Basque-speaker’, vt. ‘turn (s.o.) into a
Basque-speaker’. Stem euskaldun-. 1897. + -tu VFS, by P8.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque187

euskaldun zahar n.’native speaker of Basque’. + zahar ‘old’ (neol.)
Euskal Herri(a) (EB), Euskal Erri(a) (B G HN), Eskual Herri(a) (L LN), HeuskalHerri(a) (old LN) ‘the Basque Country’, the territory which is historically andethnically Basque, usually conceived as the Spanish provinces of Vizcaya,
Guipúzcoa, Alava and Navarra, plus the former French provinces of Labourd, Basse
Navarre and Soule – roughly the territory which is known to have been Basquespeaking in the Middle Ages. + herri ‘country, people’, plus -a article (see *har-).
euskalki n. ‘dialect of Basque’. Neologism (1920; as euskelgi 1897). + -ki [**{3}] NFS.
euskaltzain n. ‘member of the Basque Language Academy’. 1920. + -zain ‘guardian’{(see zain [1])}.
euskaltzainburu n. ‘President of the Basque Language Academy’. 1967. + buru
‘head’.
Euskaltzaindi(a) n. ‘(the) Basque Language Academy’. 1920. + -di NFS.
euskaltzale (1845), euskarazale (1872) n., a. ‘(one who is) devoted to the Basquelanguage’. + -zale ‘fond of’. {Not in The Dictionary.}euskarakada (1977), euskerakada (1922) n. ‘word or other linguistic feature of Basqueused in speaking another language, Vasconism’. + -kada NFS. **** {Not in The
Dictionary.}euskaratu vt. ‘translate into Basque’. Stem euskara-. 1802; 1751 as euskararatu, withadditional -ra allative. + -tu VFS.
eusko- CF ‘Basque’. Neologism coined by Sabino Arana, who spelled it euzko-; acapriciously altered form of the CF euskal-. Today eusko- is much favoured as a CF
meaning ‘(ethnically, historically or politically) Basque’, as opposed to euskal‘Basque-speaking’, ‘in the Basque language’. It is official in certain formations, suchas Eusko Jaurlaritza ‘the Basque Government’.
euskotar (c.) n., a. ‘ethnic Basque’. 1909 (but 1897 as euzkotar). + -tar ethnonymic.
Aranist neologism. This word is now commonly applied to a person of Basqueancestry born in the Basque Country, whether Basque-speaking or not.
euzk- Variant spelling used by the Basque nationalist Sabino Arana in the late 19th
century for both traditional words and neologisms: euzkera, euzkeldun, Euzkadi,
euzko, etc. From a fanciful relation with eguzkiko ‘of the sun’ (see egun). All of his
neologisms are today respelled with eusk-.
ez (c.), ze (old B) prt. ‘not’, ‘no’.
**** The old B variant ze is used only with imperatives and subjunctives. M. (1961a:
422) proposes an earlier *eze, with differential syllable loss depending upon theaccentuation of the following material.
etxauna (B HN S), ezkauna (A) intj. ‘no sir’. ****
ez- {negative prefix}
ezbai (c.) n. ‘doubt’, ‘uncertainty, indecision, hesitancy’. **** + bai ‘yes’.
ezetz (**) prt. ‘(that) no’. **** + -etz.

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R. L. Trask
ezin (**), ézin (Z) a. ‘impossible’. **** Second element obscure, but possibly egin‘do’, which is often reduced to ein or in in speech.
ezin *edun (**) vtc. ‘cannot’, ‘be unable (to)’. ****
ezta (**), ezeta (old LN) **** ‘nor’. **** + eta ‘and’ (M. 1961a: 123).

*ez- n.? ‘tree’? Apparent stem of several tree-names, not recorded as an independent word.
OUO. This might conceivably be a reduced form of (h)aritz ‘tree, oak’, but the generalinstability of Bq. words for ‘tree’ may indicate a word now otherwise lost.
ezki (c.), ezku (B) n. ‘poplar’ , ‘black poplar’, ‘linden, lime tree’, ‘basswood’ (bot.)
1745, 1847. The precise designation of this name varies considerably from place toplace. Final element obscure; possibly -ki [3] NFS?.
ezkur (B G HN LN), ezkür (Z), hezkur (L) n. ‘acorn’, also applied to certain other treefruits, such as the beechnut, ezkur (old B) ‘tree’. 1596. Final element obscure. The
old B sense of ‘tree’ (in a proverb) is striking.
ezpel (c.) n. ‘box tree’. 1745, 1847 (but recorded much earlier in the toponym Ezpeleta).
+ *bel ‘dark’.
ezabatu (**) ‘delete, erase’, (S) ‘forget’ **** **** [FHV 266]
From Lat. *effaciare id. (M. 1961a: 266), with metathesis. {Or rather from Occ. esfaçar‘delete, erase’.}ezagun (often contracted to ezaun) (c.) a. ‘familiar’, ‘well-known’, ‘obvious’, TS n.
‘acquaintance’ (person). 1562. [REWRITE]The Z form is presumably ?ezagün, by P69, but I cannot find this documented. It seems
clear that this is the participle of an old verb, which has been fossilized as an adjective by
M14, and that the verb has been shifted to the -tu class. See ezagutu below. [FHV 157
fn]ezagutu (**), ezagǘtü (Z) vt. ‘know (a person or a place)’, ‘be familiar with, beacquainted with’ (in the imperfective), ‘meet, become acquainted with, become
familiar with’ (in the perfective). Stem ezagu-. 1545. It seems clear that the verb was
originally *ezagun, with root -zagu[n]-, and that the verb has been transferred to the tu class by M14, leaving the old participle ezagun isolated as an adjective – thoughdeverbal derivatives commonly show the stem ezagun-, not ezagu-.
ezagutza (L LN), ezagutze (LN Z) n. ‘acquaintance’ (abstract), ‘familiarity’, TS‘recognition’, ‘gratitude’. 1545. + -tza, -tze abstract NFS.
ezain (B) (1653), ezãi (old B) (1596), ezaiñ (B) a. ‘ugly’. ****
*ezan (**) **** vt. **** {See *edin, egun.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque189

ezarri (**), ezari (**), isari (R) **** vt. ‘put’. ********{OUO.} Bouda (****{cited by Lafon (1944{3}: II, 153)}) suggests that this is analtered -ra- causative of jarri ‘****{put}’, ‘sit down’. If so, the existence of the second ra- causative below is without parallel. [FHV 295]
erazarri (**{LN S}), erezarri (old LN) ****{v. ‘admonish’, ‘assail’}
heze (L LN Z), eze (B G HN LN R) a. ‘fresh, moist, green’, TS (B HN L) ‘lascivious,
sensual’. **** [MT entry]
hezi (**), hézi (Z), zezi (**{G}) ****{vt. ‘tame’} [FHV 207, 292]ézi (Z) prt. ****{‘as’} [FHV 207]
hezkabia (Z) n. ‘ringworm’. ****
From Lat. scabies ‘mange’ (M. 1961a: 209). The /h/ perhaps by contamination from hatz[2] ‘itch’ (M. 1961a: 209 fn. 10).
ezker (c.), ezkér (R), ixkér (Z) n. ‘left (hand)’. ****
{OUO.}
ezkila (**), ezkilla (**), izkilla (**), eskla (S), ískla (R) ****{n. ‘bell’} [FHV 66, 368:
loan]ezko (**) n. ‘wax’. ****
{OUO.}
ezkondu (**), ezkúntü (Z) ****{vti. ‘marry’}ezkutari (**) {n. ‘squire, page’} [FHV 66, 135]
ezkutu (**{B G}), {izkutu (**{G})} **** {n. ‘hiding place’, a. ‘secret’} [FHV 66]****
ezkutatu (**{B G}), {izkutatu (**{G})} {vti. ‘hide’}[FHV 66]****
ezpain (**), ezpañ (**), ézpañ (Z), ezpan (B), ezpéin (R) n. ‘lip’ (anat.) ****
{OUO.} B form by P**{51}. Landucci oddly gives the Sout sense as beço ‘kiss’. {Notso oddly: beço is not beso. Cast. “bezo 1. m. Labio grueso. 2. m. labio (‖ reborde
exterior de la boca)” DRAE 2001, attested as beço 1255.}.

190

R. L. Trask

ezpal (Sout G HN L LN Z R) (1562), ozpal (B), ozpel (B), zozpal (old B; R&S 483) (1596),
zozpel (B) n. ‘chip of wood, splinter’.
Uncertain. Hubschmid (****1963: 24, 1965: 30-50) suggests Lat. *cuspellum ‘small
point’, dimin. of cuspem ‘point’ and ancestral to Fr. copeau ‘wood shaving’, and M.
(****1977a: 533) approves of this. But M. (1961a: 291) suggests a derivative of zotz
‘stick’, with loss of the first sibilant by P20. [FHV 533]
ezpata (**) n. ‘sword’. ****
From Lat. spatham id.
eztai (B G HN L), eztei (G HN L LN), eztéi (Z R) n. ‘wedding’. **** [MUCH MORE FHV
494]
eztegu (B) n. ‘wedding’. **** Probably + egun ‘day’ (M. 1961a: 103).
eztainu (EB), eztañu (R S), ezteinu (A), estainu (**), estañu (**), estáñü (Z) n. ‘tin’. Ca.
1620.
From Cast. estaño or a related Rom. form, ultimately from Lat. stannum. The presenceof the palatalized nasal, plus the absence of a variant *eztanu, points clearly to a loan
from Rom., not from Lat. But the absence of any Pre-Basque word for ‘tin’ seems
unlikely, and we may suspect that the Rom. loan has displaced either an earlier loan from
Lat., or a native word, or both.
eztañu-belar (HN) n. ‘foxtail, horsetail’ (bot.) (Equisetum hiemale). 1888. + belar‘grass’. According to A. (1905), so called from the former practice of using it to
scrub tin tableware.
eztarri (B G HN R) n. ‘throat’. 1571.
OUO. See zintzur.
ezten (**) ****, izten (G) ‘awl’. ****
ezti (**) n. ‘honey’, **** a. ‘sweet’.
****{OUO.}
basa-ezti (old LN), basezti (old LN) n. ‘wild honey’. **** + basa- ‘wild’ (see baso).
eztul (c. exc. Z), eztül (Z), heztul (L) n. ‘cough’. 1664.
OUO.
eztul egin, eztül egin vitm. ‘cough’. 1749. + egin ‘do’.
eztulka (**), eztulga (old B) adv. ‘coughing’. + -ka AdvFS.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque191

hezur (L LN Z), ezur (G HN L LN), ézür (Z), ẽzur (R), azur (B) n. ‘bone’ (anat.). 1643. CF(h)ezu-. Dimin. hexur.
From *enazur, or possibly *anezur, OUO, by P1, P35.3 (M. ****{1961a: 119 fn. 16).
CF by W**{11}. [FHV 119 fn, 210 fn]
hezueri (**), ezueri (**) n. ‘gout’. **** + eri ‘sickness’.
ezurmaxurrak (HN) n. pl. ‘leftovers, scraps’ (of meat and bones). An m-reduplication.

192

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fabore (**), fagore (L) n. ‘favour’. ****
faisai (Sout) n. ‘pheasant’ (zool.) (****) ****
From Cast. faisán id.
faltsu (**), falso (**), paltsu (**), paltso (**) a. ‘false’. **** [FHV 263]
faratila (HN) n. ****{‘latch’} [FHV 266]
From Cast. tara{b}illa id., with metathesis.
faun (**), fau (**) a. ****{‘spongy, soft’ Aul.} [FHV 266]
fede (**) **** n. ‘faith’. ****
From Lat. fedem id. {Recte from proto-Romance *fede, from Lat. fidem.} Interestingly,
variants in /p-/ are little recorded, though the prologue of the unpublished dictionary of
Fr. Bartolomé de Santa Teresa consistently writes pede, and Añibarro wrote in 1800 thatpede was frequent in Bizkaian (M. 1961a: 263–264).
felderako (S.P.) n. **** ‘greyhound’. **** [FHV 266]
feria (**), peria (**), héi(r)a (Z), héida (Z) n. ‘fair’, ‘holiday, festival’. **** [FHV 263]
festa (**), pesta (**), besta (**) n. ‘festival’ **** **** [FHV 263]**** An unrecorded earlier borrowing *bezta is suggested by M. (1977a: 494) to accountfor eztai (q.v.).
phestamu (L) n. ‘festival of joy’. **** M. (1977a: 504) suggests egun ‘day’ as thesecond element.
fidatu (**), fiyatu (G) ****{vi. ‘trust’}{[}fidel (**), fiel (**),{]} piel (old B) a. **** **** [FHV 263] {Actually M. only mentions
piel, glossed by Az. as ‘mayor’ (from Cast. fiel ‘official’).}fier (**), pier (**) ****{a. ‘strong, proud’} [FHV 334]
fin (**), pin (old B) n. ‘end’. **** [FHV 263]
fite (**) ****{adv. ‘at once’} [FHV 266]
fóltsü (Z) n. ‘pulse’ (of the body) [FHV 266]
From Cast. pulso id., by L**{3}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque193

frantses (L **), frantzés (Z) **** n., a. ‘French’. ****
From Cast. {Occ.} francés id.; first form by P**{W16}. Cf. Frantzia ‘France’
everywhere.
freu (Sout) n. ‘brake’. 1562.
From Cast. freno id., by P1. ****
frijitu (**) ****, prexitu (HN), prejitu (G) **** vt. ‘fry’. ****
frogatu (L **), porogatu (**), phorogatu (old LN **), borogatu (old LN) **** vt. ‘prove’.
****
From Cast. probar id. or a related Rom. word {old Occ. proar, provar}, by ****{L3,P12, L8}.
fruitu (**), pruitu (**), pruttu (G) **** n. ‘fruit’. ****

194

R. L. Trask-ga-, -k (c.) Second-person singular male agreement suffix in finite verb-forms. ****
gahatu (**) vt. ‘catch, get’. **** Stem gaha-.
gahamu (** LN) n. ‘fishhook’. **** + amu ‘hook’.
gabe (**), bage (B)?, baga (B), barik (B) ****{p. ‘without’}****{OUO.} Since the reduced form below is -ga etc. in B as elsewhere, it is safe toconclude that gabe is the conservative form, and that B bage etc. results from metathesis.
-ga, -ge, -ka, -ke ****
gabi (B G HN) n. ‘sledgehammer’. 1596.
OUO.
gabigun (G?) n. ‘handle of a sledgehammer’. **** + igoin ‘handle’ (M. 1961a: 140).
[BUT FHV 534] [NEEDS SORTING: igoin]gabirai (** Sout) n. ‘sparrowhawk’ (zool.) (****) **** App. dimin. txabirai (old G) [hapax](1619) (M. 1977a: 544).
From Cast. gavilán id., by P**{22, P4?}.
gai (G HN L LN), gei (B R Z) n. ‘material, matter’. TS (old B) ‘thing’, TS ‘topic, subject’,
TS a. ‘suitable, fit, worthy’, TS ‘unmarried, ready for marriage’. 1643.
OUO. Second form by P48, unless this is the conservative form, as suggested by thestem gehi- below (M. 1961a: 104). M. (1961a: 413) suggests that this noun has been
extracted from the suffix below.
-gai, -gei NFS ‘material for’, ‘person or thing suitable or destined for’, AFS ‘suitable for,destined for’. [NOTE Z R use like -garri](-)gaitik (B), (-)gatik (**), (-)gati (Sout old LN), -gatika (old LN) p. [+ Gen.],reanalysed in places as a CS ‘because of’. + -tik Abl. CS or + -ti ****{[2] Abl. CS}
gehi-, gei- Specialization of the above, serving as the stem of the following formations.
gehiago (**), geiago (**), geixa(g)o (B), geago (S), deago (S), geao (Sout) ****
gehiegi ****
gehien (**), geien (**) **** ‘most’, (LN Z R) a. ‘principal, premier, first-born’ ****
gain (c. exc. Z), gan (B), {gane (B),} gañ (Z) n. ‘top’. 15th cent. ****
OUO. [FHV 141] B form by P51. This is a spatial noun serving to form spatial
postpositions.
gaindi (**), gáinti (Z) **** [FHV 236] + -ti [3].
gainean (**), gainian (** LN R), gañan (HN LN S), gáñan (Z) p. [+ Gen] ‘on top of’.
****. + -an Loc

Etymological Dictionary of Basque195

gaineandu (old LN), gaiendu (HN LN), gallendu (G) vt. ‘surpass’. **** + -tu VFS.
An unusual case of a word-forming suffix following an inflectional suffix. [FHV
176 fn][BACK-FORMATION?]
gainera (**) adv. ‘moreover’, ‘in addition’. **** + -ra All. {CS.}{[}gane (B) **** [FHV 133] {] Variant of gain. Added there.}ginbárna (R) adv. ‘downward’. + **** [FHV 67]
kinber (S), khinber (Z), binper (LN), girbin (HN) n. ‘back, other side’ (of a cloth).
**** + behere ‘lower’ (or possibly behera ‘down’) (see behe), with assorted
irregular developments, including metathesis (M. 1961a: 412 fn. 9). R gimursi,
girmuzi id. M. (ibid.) sees as a cross of this word with inpersu.
gaitz (G HN), gatx (B L LN Z) n. ‘bad thing’, ‘source of grief’, ‘illness’, a. ‘bad’, ‘difficult’,‘enormous’. 1545.
Second form by P**{30}. OUO. Senses ‘difficult’ and ‘enormous’ are possibly TS fromthe suffixal use below. [FHV 563: in toponyms]-gaitz AFS ‘bad’, ‘difficult’, ‘enormous’.
gaizki (c. exc. B), geizki (**) adv. ‘badly’. + -ki [**{1}] AdvFS.
gaizto (c.), gaxto (B), gexto (B) a. ‘naughty’. The suffix looks like -to {[1]} dimin., but
M. (1961a: 259) notes the medieval personal name Gayzco, and proposes -ko, with
dissimilation.
gaizo (**), gaiso (?) (1745, 1896), gaixo (c.) (1545), gaxo (G?), gajo (G HN) a. ‘poor,
unfortunate’, (B G) ‘ill, sick’, (B G) n. ‘illness’. [SORT THIS]
gako n. (L), gakho (L LN Z) ‘key’, TS (L) ‘keystone’, kako (B G HN R) (1745, 1802),
kháko (Z) ‘hook’, (B) ‘two-pronged mattock’, (B) ‘pole’, ‘hanger’, (R) ‘secondarybranches’, (LN) ‘rustic ladder’, krako (L LN) (1890), kraka (L) (1857) ‘hook’, TSa. ‘aquiline’ (of a nose).
OUO, possibly expressive. Attempts at linking this to the widespread word represented
by Cast. gancho ‘hook’ are unpersuasive; see CP (s.v. gancho) for an account. [MTentry]
mako (G HN L) (1627), maku (?) (14th cent.) n. ‘hook’, ‘prong’, ‘pitchfork’. + maexpressive syllable.
{[}galai (G) n. ‘gallant’, ‘ladies’ man’, ‘suitor’. **** {] Combined with following entry.}
From Cast. galán id.
galant (**{c.}) ****{a. ‘elegant’}, galai (**{B} G) ****{n. ‘gallant’, ‘ladies’ man’,‘suitor’} [FHV 477]**** {galant from Occ., Fr. galant id.; galai from Cast. galán, itself from Fr. galant.}
galanki (G) adv. ‘in abundance’. **** + -ki [**{1}] AdvFS.
galanto (B) adv. ‘in abundance’. **** + -to [**{2}] AdvFS.

196

R. L. Trask

galde (**) **** n. ‘question’. ********{From *galte, OUO.}
galdegin (**), galtegin (R) ****{vt. ‘ask’.} + egin ‘do’.
galdera (**), galdeera (old G) n. ‘question’. **** + -era ****{NFS. See era.}galdetu (**), galdatu (**), galthátü (Z) ****{vt.} ‘ask’. **** + -tu VFS.
gáltho (Z) n. ‘request’. ****
galdor (**), galdurru (**), galdur (**), galddur (G), galluru (B), gallur (B) n. ‘roof
ridge’. **** [FHV 357]
galdu (c. exc. Z), gáldü (Z), galtu (R) vi. ‘get lost’, TS ‘disappear, vanish’, vt. ‘lose’. Stem
gal-. 15th cent.
OUO. The stem is probably non-verbal in origin. The unexpected /d/ in the Z form
points to diffusion, by P**{6} (M. 1961a: 230 fn. 10).
galera (**) n. ‘loss’. **** **** + -era ****{NFS. See era.}
galte n. (Sout R) ‘loss’ (1562), kalte (B G HN L LN), kalta (old B, R&S 510 [hapax])‘harm, damage, injury’ (1571), (L LN) ‘loss’. + -te [1] NFS. The common variant in/k/ is puzzling; perhaps by P11. [FHV 218]
kalte(a)k hartu (old L) ‘injured’, lit. ‘taken by injury’. + hartu ‘taken’.
galkatu (**), galkhatu (** old LN), kalkatu (**) **** ****{(Various senses in Az. andAul., not obviously related to one another.)} [FHV 354]
galtzairu (G HN L), kaltzairu (B), altzairu (**), alzairu (**), alzeiru (**), altzeiru (G **),
atxairu (R S), atxeiru (R), atxéirü (Z), atxéidü (Z) n. ‘steel’. **** [consider
moving?]From Cast. acero id. ****
galtzak (**) n. pl. ‘trousers’ **** gáltza (Z) ‘stocking’. ****
galtzerdi (**), kaltzerdi (**) ****{n. ‘stocking’} [FHV 117]
galtzar n. ‘lap’ (old L old LN), ‘chest, breast’ (L LN), ‘arm’ (B G HN L) (archaic), ‘side of
the body from the armpit to the hip’ (L LN), TS ‘armful’, TS ‘breast’ (fig.) 1630.
OUO. The range of senses of this chiefly northern word is startling. The earliest
recorded sense is ‘lap’, suggesting a possible link with altzo ‘lap’ {not in The
Dictionary}. A shift from ‘chest’ to ‘side of the body’ to ‘arm’ does not seemunreasonable, but ‘lap’ to ‘chest’ is harder to understand.
gamelu (**), kamelu (**), gamellu (Sout) **** n. ‘camel’. ****
-gan *****{Loc. CS.} See also -an. {“ both in the western animate allatives likegizona(ren)gana ‘to the man’ and in the northern postposition gana ‘next to’, as in L

Etymological Dictionary of Basque197

LN gizonaren gana ‘next to the man’ (speaking of movement to this position). In L
LN, it can optionally take a following -t, just like -ra: hunat ‘hither’, gizonaren ganat‘next to the man’.” Cited from -a [1].}-ganat (**), -ganát (Z)ganbara (B G HN L LN Z), ganbera (Z), kanbara (H.), khanbara (H.), khanbera (Z) n.
‘room’, ‘storage room’, ‘loft, attic’. 1617. Also ganbra (R) ‘alcove’.
From some Rom. development of Lat. cameram ‘chamber’, of the approx. form *cambra{Occ. cambra}, by L**{8}; cf. Fr. chambre ‘room’ (M. 1961a: 360). [FHV 360: more]ganbela (**) n. ‘trough, manger’. ****
From **** [FHV 360: Cast. gamella]*ganbo, *kanbo n. ? ‘hot spring, spa’ ?
Not recorded as an independent word, but seemingly reconstructible. There is a town in
Lapurdi called Kanbo (Fr. Cambo-les-Bains), which has a celebrated hot spring. And
there are several surnames containing this element, including Kanboa ~ Ganboa (Cast.
Camboa ~ Gamboa), Ganbarte (Fr. Gambart) and Kanboberri (Fr. Camboberry), among
others. The variants with initial /k/ point clearly to a loan word, but no good Rom.
source exists. M. (1973**{a: 91-92}) diffidently suggests either Lat. campus ‘field’ or a
Celtic *cambos ‘curve’, attested in Gaulish toponyms like Cambodunum andCamboritum, and ancestral to Irish, Breton camm, Welsh, Cornish cam ‘curve’. CP (s.v.
cama II) note a document of 1211 from Buñuel with the startling graphy in cambo novo
for Lat. in campo novo ‘in the new field’, and cautiously suggest interference from theCeltic word. All these suggestions imply that the name of Kanbo was given for otherreasons, and that the sense of ‘hot spring’ arose from the presence in Kanbo of such aspring.
ganbour (HN) n. ‘sulphurous water’. + ur ‘water’.
ganga (L LN S.P.) n. ‘vault’ (19th c.?), TS ‘sky, heavens’ (lit.), TS (L) ‘palate’ (anat.)(1664), TS ‘la cahuette’ (see below), TS ‘cupola’ (1925).
From Rom. canga, of various senses (CP s.v. canga). CP derive the word from a Celtic
source meaning ‘curved’. The word occurs widely in the Iberian Peninsula with astartling variety of senses: ‘yoke’, ‘yoking of two animals’, ‘collar for an animal’,‘handbarrow’, ‘type of plough’ and ‘narrow mountain pass’, at least.
The sense of ‘palate’ is the earliest recorded, though this is unquestionably secondary.
Both Duvoisin and Azkue state expressly that ‘palate’ is more usually the compoundahoganga ‘mouth-vault’ (see under aho, and see also there the numerous compounds ofthe same type for ‘palate’), and they therefore imply that ganga alone for ‘palate’ is no
more than an occasional reduction.
The 17th-c. lexicographer Pouvreau provides a mysterious entry: Ganga eroria lacahuette. Ganga erori zait. The first phrase is ‘fallen ganga’, glossed with theunidentifiable French word cahuette. The second example is a sentence: ‘My ganga has
fallen down.’ It seems impossible to make any sense of this. Azkue (1905) takes
cahuette as an error for cahute ‘hut, shack’, and so glosses ganga, but according to198

R. L. Trask
Pouvreau a cahuette, whatever it is, is not a ganga but a fallen ganga. The writer J. B.
Archu took cahuette instead as an error for luette ‘uvula’, which seems indefensible.

ganibet (**), gaminta (S) n. ‘(table) knife’. **** [FHV 163] {Occ. ganivet id.}ganora (B) n. ****{‘skill’}, kanore (old L), khanore (old L) ****{n. ‘basis’} [FHV 561]
gantz (**) n. ‘fat, lard’. ********
gan(t)xi(n)gor (HN L LN Z), txantxigor (**) n. ‘pork crackling’. + txigor ‘toasted’{(not in The Dictionary)} (M. 1961a: 188). [FHV 351]
gazkeza (HN) n. ‘unmelted butter’. **** + geza ‘insipid’ (M. 1961a: 368).
gapirio (** old LN), kapirio (**) **** ‘beam, rafter’ [FHV 348]
gar (B HN LN Z R) (1545), kar (LN), khar (L LN) (1617) n. ‘flame’, TS ‘fervour, zeal’, TS‘heat, rut’ (of a female animal), TS ‘anxiety’.
OUO. The variants with /k/ are utterly mysterious. One possibility is that a devoiced
variant *-kar of gar, arising regularly when this word is the second element of acompound, or a devoiced variant *kar-, arising by P11 when a voiceless obstruent
follows in word-formation, might have been extended to the independent word, butevidence to support this suggestion is at best sparse. See also lama.
garmendi n. ‘volcano’. 1857. + mendi ‘mountain’. The word is chiefly literary, rather
than popular. This is hardly surprising: there have been no active volcanoes anywhere
near the Basque Country since modern humans settled the area. But seemingly
contradicting the neologistic nature of the word is the widespread presence of asurname Garmendia since the medieval period. M. (1973**{a: 92} : s.v. gar)considers the possibility that this might represent only a syncopated form of anothersurname, Garramendia, not related to gar, but also notes the parallelism offered byanother surname, Sumendiaga (see sumendi, under su).
gartu (c.) vi. ‘burst into flame’, TS ‘become zealous’, vt. ‘set alight’. Apparently + -tu
VFS. But Charenc{e}y (****) notes a hapax gahar(tu) ‘burst into flame’, which mustderive from gar + hartu ‘take’: lit., ‘take flame’. Perhaps the modern verb derives
from both sources. Oddly, the expected northern variant *k(h)artu is not reported inany of my sources, all of which report only gartu even in the varieties having k(h)arfor the noun – even though the development of gartu to *k(h)artu not only would beunremarkable, by P11, but would provide an obvious source for the form k(h)ar.
*gara n.? Hypothetical stem, meaning something like ‘height’, ‘high place’, not attested as
an independent word, but present in several derivatives. In some cases, it appears todenote something like ‘head’ or ‘skull’. It sometimes shows the irregular combining
form gar-. This element is frequent in surnames, such as Garate and Azkarate, and it
is possibly present in several opaque toponyms, like Bergara in Gipuzkoa. The
reconstructed form should perhaps be *gala, by P22. M. (1973{a}; s.v.) notes that the
town in Alava today called Vírgala in Spanish appears as Birgara in the Reja de San

Etymological Dictionary of Basque

199

Millán in 1025, showing the same Bq.-Rom. correspondence as Cast. Alava, Bq.
Araba.
garai (c.), gara (B) a. ‘high’, n. ‘height’. 1571. + -i {[1]}AFS. B form perhaps by anunusual application of P51. The nominal use is largely confined to the literarylanguage, and probably represents a nominalization of the adjective.
garate (Z) n. ‘mountain pass’. + ate ‘door’. Though not found outside Z in the historicalperiod, this word is the obvious source of the common Spanish Basque surname
Garate. M. (1973{a}; s.v. gara) notes the following passage from the Bizkaian writer
Iturriza in 1418: “...é seyendo garate desde el bado de Vzabal fasta Arguenaen, ...écon el dicho apeamiento, é garate, é todo la ganancia...” ‘and being garate from theford of Uzabal as far as Arguenaen,...and with the said boundaries, and garate, and all
the earnings...’ All this suggests that garate was once widespread in the language,
since Z and B represent the eastern and western extremities of the language. But M.
(1973{a}: s.v. gar) notes that garate might derive directly from garai (above), rather
than directly from *gara.
garaun, karaun, garun, garuin, garoiñ (B) n. ‘brain(s). Usually pl. 1653. + un ‘pith,marrow’ (see muin). [Azkue] [FHV 150-151, 151 fn]
gargaite (L LN) n. ‘summit’. Final element uncertain, but probably igaite, the verbal
noun or gerund in -te {[2]} of the verb igan ‘go up, ascend’: lit., then, something like‘elevation-ascent’.
garkola (LN), garkhora (L S) n. ‘nape’, ‘back of the neck’. Uncertain, but probably +Cast. cola ‘tail’, or a related Rom. form.
garkotze, garkotz, garkhotxe (Z) n. ‘nape’, ‘back of the neck’. Late 19th cent. + khotxe‘hollow’.
garmazu (H.) n. ‘hair (of the head)’, ‘mane (of a horse)’. Final element obscure.
garondo, garaondo (LN), garhondo (old LN), garando (**), garrondo (B HN R) n.
‘nape’, ‘back of the neck’. + ondo [1] ‘bottom’. [FHV 331]
garaizuma (**), garizuma (**), gorexima (R), go(r)oxíma (Z), go(r)ozema (Z),go(r)oxüma (Z) ****** n. ‘Lent’. **** [FHV 78, 168]
garaun (B), garau (B), karaun (B), krau (old B Sout) **** n. ‘grain’, **** CF garan-.
[FHV 152, 348]
From *garanu, by P1, from Lat. granum id. CF by W**{1, P1.3}.
garandu (B) ****{vt. ‘take seeds out’} [FHV 301]
garangorri (B) n. ‘fruit of the arbutus (strawberry tree)’. + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.
garazia (**), gerazia (Sout) n. ‘grace’. **** [FHV 158]
garba (B G HN), kharba (LN), barga (Z), darga (R), garga (R) ****{n. (implement for
beating flax, hemp)} [FHV 535]
garbatu (B G HN), kharbatu (LN), bargatü (Z) ****{vt. ‘dress (hemp)’, ‘card(wool)’} [FHV 535]

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garbai (B) ****{n. ‘repentance’} [FHV 535]
garbaitu (B) ****{vi. ‘repent’} [FHV 535]
garbi (c.) a. ‘clean’, TS ‘pure’, TS ‘free of sin’, TS ‘chaste’ (of a woman). 1537.
OUO.
garbitasun (c. exc. Z), garbitarzün (Z) n. ‘cleanliness’, ‘purity’, ‘chastity, virginity’ (ofa woman). 1617. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
gari (B G HN L) n. ‘wheat’ (bot.) (Triticum aestivum). CF gal-. 12th cent., 1596.
From *gali, OUO, by P22. CF by W2.1. See ogi.
galbae (B old G HN), galbai (G **) [FHV 118], galbe (R), galbahe (EB) n. ‘fine sieve’.
1596. + bahe ‘sieve’.
galbera (B) n. ‘wheat sp.’. + bera ‘soft’.
galburu (**) n. ‘ear of corn’. **** + buru ‘head’.
galsoro (G HN) n. ‘field of wheat’. + soro ‘field’ {(see sorho)}.
galtzuri (B?), galzuri (B), galtxuri (HN) n. ‘wheat sp.’. 1745, 1858. + zuri ‘white’.
garagar (c.) n. ‘barley’ (bot.) (Hordeum distichon). 1562. Apparently a reduplication ofgari, though both the semantics and the phonology are puzzling.
garagardo (1896), garardo (1896), gararno (1745), garardao (ca. 1800) n. ‘beer’. +ardo (and variants) ‘wine’, ‘fermented beverage’. Apparently a Larramendian
neologism, but now widespread in the south.
garilar (R) n. [arvejana] **** + ilar ‘legume’.
garitxa (**), garitx (**), garitxo (**), garijo (B), gari (B), kalitx(a) (HN LN) n. ‘wart,
verruca’. ****{M. 1961a: 314.}
garo (G) n. ‘fern’ (bot.) **** CF gara-.
****{OUO.} CF by W2.2.
gareban, garaman, garamen (G) n. ‘place where fern is cut’. **** The second element
is a form of ebaki ‘cut’ (M. 1961a: 275; 1973{a: 106} § 329); it appears to be anotherwise unattested participle *eban. {See *eba-.}
garrantzi (1902), garransi (1745) n. ‘value, importance, interest’.
Larramendian neologism, later picked up by the Basque nationalists in an altered form.
garrantzitsu a. ‘important’. 1932. + -tsu AFS ‘full of’.
garratz (**) a. ‘rough’, ****{‘sour’ Aul.} , ni. **** [FHV 512]{[}garraztulu (**), arrastélü (Z) ****{n. ‘rake’} [FHV 79] {] Partly duplicates arraztelu.
Combined there.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque201-garren (**), -gérren (Z) **** ordinal suffix [2nd by assim]
garro (HN L) n. ‘tentacle’ (of an octopus etc.). 1905.
OUO.
gatz (c.) n. ‘salt’. 15th cent.
OUO.
gatzaga (B G) n. ‘salt mine’. 1745. + -aga NFS of place.
gatzagi (B G L LN Z R) n. ‘rennet’, ‘curd’. Final element obscure.
gatzandel, gatzadel (B G) n. ‘salt deposit’. + -andel NFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}gatzarri n. (c.) ‘rock salt’, (G)’underground salt deposit’, (B LN) ‘a certain white stone
found in limestone deposits’, (R) ‘a certain rough whitish stone used to rub the
tongues of sick animals’, (?) ‘salt lick’ (for animals). 1842. + harri ‘stone’.
gatzartu (B G HN L) n. ‘dried and salted meat’. 1746. + ihartu ‘dried’ {(see eihar)}.
gatzatu (B Z R) vi., vt. ‘curdle’ (1571); vt. ‘salt’ (1745, 1928); vi. ‘become pregnant’, vt.
‘become pregnant with’. + -tu VFS, by W17.
gatzatu (B) n. ‘sweet dessert made from rennet’. Ca. 1800.
gatzemaile ‘person who prepares meals in a foundry’. Ca. 1802. + emaile ‘donor’ (seeeman {not in The Dictionary}): lit., ‘salt-giver’.
gatzil (R), gatzhil (LN Z) a. ‘insipid’. 1905. + hil ‘dead’.
gatzontzi n. ‘salt-cellar’. 1657. + ontzi ‘container’.
gatzotz a. ‘unsalted, insipid’. Ca. 1840. + hotz ‘cold’.
gatzoztu (Z), gatzotzi vi. ‘lose its flavour’, ‘lose its sparkle’. 1856. + -tu VFS, + -i
[1] VFS {see -i [1] AFS}. The second form is a rare example of a denominal verb
formed with -i.
gatzozpin n. ‘salad prepared with salt, vinegar and oil’. 1816. + ozpin ‘vinegar’.
gatzu n. ‘saltpetre’. 1745. Larramendian neologism of obscure formation, used only
occasionally and now probably obsolete.
gatzun, gasun n. ‘brine’ (especially for preserving food). 1860. Final element obscure.
gazgabe, gazbage (B), gazbaga (B), a. ‘unsalted’, TS ‘insipid’. Ca. 1750. + gabe‘without’.
gazgabeko, gazbako (B) adjvl. ‘unsalted, insipid’. 1802. + -ko RS.
gazi (c.) a. ‘salty’. 15th cent. + -i [1] AFS.
gaziantz, gaziantx (B G) a. ‘slightly oversalted. + -antz AFS ‘-ish’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}gazi-belar (G) n. ‘sorrel’ (bot.) + belar ‘grass’.
gazigarri n. ‘appetizer’. Ca. 1820. + -garri NFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}gaziki [1] adv. ‘in a salty manner’. 17th cent. + -ki [1] AdvFS.
gaziki [2] n. ‘salted food’. 1888. + -ki [3] NFS.

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R. L. Trask
gazitasun n. ‘saltiness’. Ca. 1760. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
gazitegi n. ‘vessel for keeping salt in a house’. 1881. + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi)}.
gazitu (c.), gatzitu (B) vi. ‘become salty’, vt. ‘salt’ (food in the pot or at the table, ordried food for storage). Stem gazi-. 1571. + -tu VFS. B form by contaminationfrom gatz ‘salt’.
gazitzaile n. ‘person who salts’ (dried food for storage). Late 19th cent. + -tzaile
agent NFS (see -tza).
gazkaragar (HN) n. ‘hail’. + garagar ‘barley’ (see gari): lit. ‘salt-barley’.
gazkari (LN S Z) n. ‘salt-seller’. + -kari professional NFS (see -ari {[1]}).
gaztun a. ‘salty’ (of food), TS ‘salty’ (as of language or stories). 1745, 1837. + -dun‘having’ (see *edun).
gazur (**), gatzur (**), gaxúr (Z R) n. ‘whey’. 1745. + ur ‘water’. M. (1961a: 334)
remarks that the R form has the “strange” /r/ of dur ‘I have it’.

gau (c. exc. Z R), gai (Z R) n. ‘night’. 15th c. CF sometimes gab- before a vowel in B G.
OUO. Z R form by P69. See also afari.
gaiháldi (Z) n. ‘(period of one) night’. + aldi ‘time’.
gau bele n. ‘nightjar’, ‘goatsucker’ (zool.) (****) 1924. + bele ‘crow’ {(see *bel-)}.
gauerdi (**), gauherdi (old LN), gaihérdi (Z) n. ‘midnight’. **** + erdi ‘middle’.
gau-iñara (HN), gau-inhara (S.P.), ma(i)ñari (R) n. ‘bat’ (zool.) (****). + variants ofainhara ‘swallow, swift’ {(see enara)}; the development of the last form is *gaiañari > *bai-añari > maiñari (M. 1961a: 268).
gaur (** Z R) adv. (***) ‘tonight’, TS (***) ‘today’. **** + haur ‘this’ (see hau) (M.
1961a: 336).
gargero (HN), gargio (L), gargeroz (R) adv. ‘from now on’. + gero ‘later’ (+ -z
instrl./advbl.) (M. 1961a: 95).
gauza (c. exc. Z R), gáiza (Z R) n. ‘thing’. 1545.
From Lat. causam ‘cause’ (M. 1961a: 93). The semantic change is Rom., not Bq.: cf.
{Occ. causa}, Cast. cosa, Fr. chose, etc., all ‘thing’.
gauza izan **** vi. ‘be suitable, be just the thing’. 1745, 1763. + izan ‘be’.
-gaz (B) Com. CS, pl. -kaz **** [FHV 346]
gaztai (B), gaztaẽ (old B) (1596), gazta (Sout G HN S) (15th cent.), gázta (R), gã́zta (R),gasta (R) (1591), gazna (HN L LN R), gazná (Z) n. ‘cheese’. CF gaztan-.
From *gaztana, OUO, by P1, P35.3, P18 (M. 1961a: 145). CF by W1.
gaztanbera n. (LN) ‘curd’, (B G) ‘fromage frais’, (HN A R) ‘soft cheese resembling
cottage cheese’. 1745, 1802. + bera ‘soft’. [FHV 164 fn]
gaztanur (B) n. ‘whey’. **** + ur ‘water’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque203

gaztanzuku (R) n. ‘soup made with cheese’. **** + zuku ‘soup’.
gaztaina (**), gaztaña (**), kastaña (B Sout) n. ‘chestnut’. ****
gazte (**) a. ‘young’, n. ‘youth, young person’. **** CF gaztaOUO. ****
gaztarasun (old L) **** n. ‘youth’. **** + -tasun NFS (see -tar).
gaztelu (**), gaztélü (Z), gaztulu (?) n. ‘castle’. ****
geben- (old B) ****{v. ‘forbid’} [FHV 266 fn]
gedexa (HN), gedeja (HN) n. ‘plait, braid’. **** [FHV 227]
gela (**) n. ‘room’. ****
From *geLa, by P**{23}, from Lat. cellam ‘chamber’ (M. 1961a: 239).
gelhá(r)i (Z) n. ‘maidservant, governess’. **** AT
From Lat. cellārium **** (M. 1961a: 210).
geldi (**), guldi (HN) **** a. ‘quiet, tranquil’. ****
gelditu (**) ****{vti. ‘remain, stop’ Aul.}{[}geñhatu (**), geñhatü (Z) vtt. ‘save’, other senses {]. Partly duplicates jeinhatu.
Combined there.}geratu (B Sout G HN) ****{vi. ‘stop, stay’}
From Cast. quedar ****{id.} [FHV 259]
gereta (HN L), keleta (R) n. ‘rustic gate’.****
From Lat. cletam id. (M. 1961a: 312), by L**{8}, P**{22}.
gerezi (G HN LN Z R), keriza (B G), kereiza (HN), kerexa (B Sout HN), gerexa (HN) n.
‘cherry’ (bot.) 1664.
From LLat. ceresiam id. (M. 1961a: 239). [CHECK V LENGTH {Done.}]gernu (HN L LN), garnu (B) n. ‘urine’. 1643.
OUO, and difficult. B form by P59. The cluster /rn/ is unusual in a native word. Even
with P14, Cast. orina id. does not look a plausible source, while German Harn id. is outof the question. Probably native, with an unrecoverable phonological history.

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R. L. Trask
garnur (L) ‘urine’. App. + ur ‘water’, though the form of the stem is puzzling, and thereality of this word (attested only in the 19th-cent. Romantic writer Chaho) must be
doubted.

gero (c.) adv. ‘later’ (1545), TS n. ‘future’ (1643), TS prt. ‘really!’, ‘I can tell you!’,
postposed to an utterance (ca. 1800).
OUO. Possibly contains -ro AdvFS {not in The Dictionary} (M. 1961a: 413 fn. 12); thisseems preferable to the suggestion of Oregui (1950) of aro ‘age’. The nominal use isstrictly literary. See also -z gero (under -z) and (e)ta gero (under eta).
geroago adv. ‘later’. 1656. + -ago comparative. Pleonasm.
gero eta ...-ago ‘...-er and ...-er’, as in gero eta handiagoa ‘bigger and bigger’. + eta‘and’ + -ago comparative.
gerra (**), gerla (**) n. ‘war’. ****
gerri (B Sout G L LN Z), garri (B) n. ‘waist’ (anat.). 1621.
OUO. Second form by P59.
gerriak (**) [FHV 144] EH? {Apparently plural of gerri.}gerruntzeak (**) ****{‘waist, hips’ Az.} [FHV 144] EH?
gertu (B **), gerthu (**) a. ‘certain’, ‘ready, prepared’ **** CF gerta-.
From Lat. certum ****{‘certain’} (M. 1961a: 51).
gertatu (**) ****{vi. ‘happen’ Az.}}
gesal (**), kresal (B) n. ‘sea water’, ‘salt water’. **** [FHV 349]
The word is frequent in toponyms, and a toponym Kessalla in Alava, 1025.
getaria (G?) n. ‘watchtower from which smoke signals are sent’. 1745.
From Gasc. guetari ‘watchtower’, ‘watchman’ (Gavel ****{The ref. “RIEV 15 (1924)
544n.” given in M. 1973a: 53 and AT s.v. is incorrect.}). This sparsely attested word has
nothing to do with ke ‘smoke’.
geza (**), gaza (B) a. ‘tasteless, insipid’. **** [FHV 70] [gatz?]
gezatu (** old LN) ****{vti. ‘desalinate’, ‘lose flavour’}gezi (**) n. ‘dart’. ****
From Lat. gaesum ~ gesum ‘Gaulish javelin’ (M. 1961a: 104, 239).
gezur (**), gizur (B), guzur (B) n. ‘lie, falsehood’. [FHV 68]*****{OUO.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque205*gi- n.? ‘meat’? Hypothetical stem app. underlying the following (M. ****).
{ginharre (LN Z),} giharre (Z) {?l. gĩharre}, g{ĩa}rre (R), gihar (?), giharra (?),
{giarra (B G HN), gigarra (B)} giñar (G{? HN L}) n. ‘lean meat’, TS (B G) giarre‘rancour, bitterness’, TS ‘muscle’, a. ‘slender, spare’. 1643. Opaque, but the G R
forms point to *ginarre. {M. 1950b: 456}
gibel (c.), bigel (HN) n. ‘liver’ (1562), TS (L LN Z HN) ‘(space) behind’ (1545). + *bel‘dark’. Second form by metathesis.
[COMPOUND{S}: FHV 144-145] [FHV 241]
gizen (c.){, gízen (Z)} n. ‘fat’, a. fat’, TS (L LN Z R) n. ‘fertile land’. 1562. Second
element obscure.
gidatu (**), giyatu (G) ****{vt. ’guide’}
From {Old}Cast. Occ. guidar id. (M. 1961a: 226).
gider (**), kider (**) n. ‘handle’. **** [FHV 508]
{OUO.}
girtain (L), girthain (**), girten (**), kirten (B G), kirtain (HN), kerten (G) **** n.
‘handle’. **** [FHV 62, 296] + oin ‘foot’ (M. 1977a: 508). See igoin, zirtoin.
gilbor (B G HN), bilgor (**), bilgorra (**) n. ****{‘lard’} [FHV 260]
giltza (old B G HN), giltz (**) n. ‘key’. ********{OUO.}
giltzatu (c. exc. Z), giltzatü (Z) vt. ‘lock’. ****
giltzurrun (**), gultzurdin (G), gultzurdun (G), gultzurrin (G), gultzurrun (B),gültzürrün (Z), kuntzurrun (B), beltzurrin (R), beltzarrún (R), beltzurrún (R),geltzurrin (G L), giltzurdin (**), giltzurrin (**), **** [FHV 75] ‘kidney’ (anat.)ginharreba (old LN), giñarraba (B), n. ‘father-in-law’. 1571.
OUO, but appears to contain arreba ‘sister of a man’, which is mysterious. Sarasola(1996; s.v. ginarreba) reports that the word is also attested as ‘mother-in-law’.
-ginarreba (c.), -giarreba (G) ‘-in-law’, in kinship terms; see examples under aita,
ama. It is far from clear what has happened here, and it may be that the noun citedhere as the headword represents merely an extraction of the suffix. If so, then the firstelement might be -gin ‘who makes’ (see egin), and the force of amaginarreba‘mother-in-law’ would apparently be ‘sister who makes mother’.
giputz, kiputz (B) n., a. ‘Gipuzkoan’. 15th cent. Dimin. giputx, kiputx.
OUO. Second form by P11. The word looks like a back-formation from the province
name, but M. (****{?1969b: 28}) suggests that the province name itself may consist of
giputz + -goa collective NFS.

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giro (**) n. ‘atmosphere, ambience’.
**** {OUO.}
gisu (L LN), khisu (L LN Z) n. ‘lime’. 1627.
From Lat. gypsum id. The rendering of Lat. /s/ with the apical /s/ is unusual.
{[}gizen (c.) ****, gízen (Z) {] Duplicate, see under *gi-.}gizon (c. exc. Z), gixon (B G), gízun (Z LN). n. ‘man’, ‘person’. CF giza-. 15th cent. Dimin.
gixon (B HN LN S).
OUO. Second form by P30. Last form by P71. CF by W10, W2.2; this is the only wordin the language which undergoes both these processes. Probably attested in Aq. as
CISON- in male names. [CHECK THIS {See e.g. M. 1961a: 50}]
gizagaiso (c.), gizagaizo (ca. 1800), gizagaixo (1842), gizagaixo (ca. 1808), gizagaxo(**), gixaxo (?), gizagajo (G) (1761), gizajo (B) (1847), gixajo (B G), gizaixo (B G),
gizarajo (G) n. ‘poor fellow’. + gaiso ‘unfortunate’ (q.v. for the /j/), often with
reduction.
gixaja (B G) n. ‘poor woman’. By M18, replacement of final /o/ by a Rom.-stylefemale /a/.
gizagaldu (?) n. ‘dissipated man’. 1840. + galdu ‘lost’.
gizaki n. (B HN LN R) ‘human race’, (R) ‘human being, person’, (HN) ‘male, man’, (G)‘sex’ (male or female). 1759. + -ki [**{3}] NFS.
gizakoi (old L) a. ‘fond of men, man-chasing’ (of a woman). 1643. + -koi ‘fond of’ {(seeohi)}.
gizakume n. (B G HN) ‘man’, (L) ‘person, human being’, (LN R) ‘male child’. 1627. +-kume ‘child’ (see ume).
gizaurde (L), izurde (B G), izurda (B) n. ‘dolphin’ (zool.) (Delphinus). 1627. + urde‘pig’. Loss of // perhaps by P14. Last form by M5. [FHV 116 fn]
gizerhaile (old LN) n. ‘murderer’. **** + eraile ‘killer’ (see ero [**{2}]).
gizotso (LN) n. ‘goblin, elf’, gigotso (L) ‘unsociable or semi-savage man’. **** + otso
‘wolf’. Second form by a curious alteration.
-goa, -go, -oa (c. exc. Z), -gúa (Z) Collective NFS.
OUO. The form -(g)oa predominates in older formations, while -go, apparently byM**{4}, predominates in more recent formations. The unusual hiatus suggests a lost
consonant, and hence *-goCa. It is possible that this suffix is present in the threeprovince names Gipuzkoa, Nafarroa and Zuberoa (M. ****{?1969b: 28}), and perhaps
also in a few habitation names, like Ondarroa (ondar ‘sand’; the town has a sandy
beach).
godalet (Z), godale (Z) n. ‘drinking glass, wine glass’. Ca. 1840.
From Fr. gobelet id.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque207

gogo (c.) n. ‘mind’, ‘memory’, ‘soul’, ‘spirit’, TS ‘desire, appetite’, TS ‘intention’, ‘will’. CF
goga-. 1545.
OUO. Possibly a reduplication. CF by W2.2.
gogaide (**) n. ‘co-religionary’, ‘like-minded thinker’. **** + -ide ‘fellow’ (see****{-kide}). [FHV 245]
gogabera (old LN **) n. ‘merciful’. **** + bera ‘soft’.
gogaide (old LN) n. ‘co-religionary’. **** + -kide ****{‘fellow’}gogamen (B) n. ‘thought, idea’. **** + -men NFS {(see -mendu)}.
gogoanbehar (**) ****{n. ‘suspicion’} [FHV 120]gogotsu (**), gogatsu (old LN) a. ****{‘eager’} [FHV 126] [Az.]gogor (**) ****{a. ‘hard’ Aul.}goi (c.) n. ‘high place’, ‘height, elevation’ (15th cent.), (L LN Z) a. ‘high’ (1729).
OUO.
goialde (B) n. ‘upper part, top’. 1847. + alde ‘side’ {(see *al-)}.
goiartu (B R) vt. ‘defeat, vanquish, overcome’. 1745, 1802. + hartu ‘take’.
goibel (G HN L LN), hobiel (LN), obiel (S), hobil (LN) n. ‘darkness, gloom’ (of thesky) (1627), a. ‘dark, gloomy’ (of the sky) (1664), n. (HN A) ‘cloud’, TS (G L LN) a.
‘sad’. + *bel ‘dark’. [FHV 178]
goibeldu (G HN L LN R) vi., vitm. ‘darken’ (of the sky), TS vt. ‘depress, lower’(spirits etc.). + -tu VFS.
goibelki adv. ‘darkly, gloomily’. + -ki [**{1}] AdvFS.
goien (** R), goihen (**) [FHV 220] *** ‘highest’. ****
goiherri (L LN Z), goierri (B G HN) n. ‘high country’, ‘highland’. 1842. + herri‘country’.
goiko (c.) adjvl. ‘high’ (1627), TS n. ‘God’ (1897), (R) n. ‘moon’ (1905). + -ko.
goiti [1] (LN S Z R) adv. ‘up, upward’. 1545. + -ti {[2]} Abl. CS (q.v. for the sense).
goiti [2] (LN Z R) n. ‘residue, remains, refuse’. 1627. + -ti [3] NFS. [FHV 236]
[CHECK]
goitu (**), góithü (Z) ****{vt. ‘overcome’ Az.}gora (c.), goira (B) adv. ‘up, upward’ (15th cent.), a. (L LN) ‘high’ (15th cent.), TS (BG) prt. ‘up with...’, ‘long live...’. + -ra All. CS, with irregular reduction of thediphthong from frequent use. The adjectival function must be of later origin.
goithatu (** old L) **** ****{a. ‘prudent’} [FHV 531]
From Lat. cogitare ‘consider, ponder’ (M. 1977a: 531).
goiz (**), gox (B Sout R) **** n. ‘morning’, adv. ‘early’. ****

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golardo (L) ****{n. ‘reward’} [FHV 168]golhare (Z) **** , gollare (R) **** n. ‘spoon’. **** Lh.
golde (c.) n. ‘plough’, TS ‘area of land which can be ploughed in one day’. CF golda-. 1562.
OUO. CF by W2.2. M. (****{1961a: 230 fn. 10}) proposes as a source Lat. culter‘ploughshare’, but this is awkward: by P**{L1}, this should have yielded at best *golte
in Z and R, but these varieties too have only golde, and the Lat. source therefore requires
an unusual diffusion of the common form into Z R. The word is very likely native.
According to the archaeologists, ploughs first appeared in or near the Basque Countryaround 2000 BC.
goldatu (B G), goldeatu (G Hb.), goldetu vt. ‘plough’. 1745, 1855. + -tu VFS.
goldatz (HN) n. ‘furrow made by a plough’. 1934. + hatz {[1]} ‘track’.
goldelari (G L), goldalari (B G HN), goldari (L?) n. ‘ploughman’. 1643. + -ari {[1]}professional NFS.
golko [1] (**), golkho (**), kolko (**), kholko (**), {golgo (R)} n. **** {‘chest’, ‘bosom’}[FHV 354] [MT entry]
golko [2] (**) **** [and many other forms {golkho, gokho (L LN), molko, molkho (L LN),
mólkho (Z), mulk(h)o (**)}] n. ‘bunch, cluster’. **** [FHV 272]**** M. (1961a: 272) suggests that southern malko ‘tear(s)’ may also belong here. {Seealso adalko.}
golko [3] (**) n. ‘gulf, bay’. **** [same as 1?]
gomitatu (**) vt. ‘invite’, **** [FHV 561]
gomitu (**) n. ‘invitation’, *** [FHV 561]
gomutadu (B) ****{v. ‘remember’} [FHV 562] {M. 1965c: 118 and n. 3; 1969c: 117 n. 8;
1974b: 208f.}
gonga (HN), gonka (R), unga (LN), onka (Z), gongari (S) n. ‘a certain measure of grain,
about 28 litres’ (= Cast. robo).
From Lat. concham ‘bivalve shellfish’ (M. 1961a: 55). Such shells were used as vessels.
gontza (LN) (1746, 1885), ontza (G HN L), guntz (LN Z), kontza (HN L) (1745), gonde(L) (1627) n. ‘hinge’.
From Old Cast. gonce id. (mod. gozne), or a related Rom form, ult. from late Lat.
gomphum ‘nail, pin’, of Greek origin (M. ****{1955c: 293}).
gor (**) a. ****{‘hard’, ‘deaf’}****Etymological Dictionary of Basque209

gortasun (**), gortharzun (old LN) n. ‘deafness’ **** [FHV 417, 549]
gortu (**), górthü (Z) ****{vt. ‘deafen’}gorde (c.) vt. ‘keep’, ‘preserve’, ‘save’. 1545. CF gorda-.
From Cast. guardar id., with unusual developments (M. ****{1961a: 168}). CF by
W2.2.
gordatu (**) {vt. ‘keep’}gorde-leku (**) {n. ‘treasury, store’} [FHV 56 fn]{[}gordin (c.), górdin (Z) a. ‘raw’, ‘sturdy, robust’, TS (Z) ‘merciless, cruel’{, ‘obscene’Aul.}. 1562. Possibly the hypothetical *gorr- + -din AFS (see *edin). {] Moved to*gorr-.}
gori (**) a. ‘fiery, flaming, incandescent’. **** [FHV 549]
goritu (**), gortu (**), gortü (Z) **** [FHV 549] [Lh.] {Different words here? For Z,
M. and Az. give only the verb root gort with the sense ‘inflame’.}gorthasun (old LN), gortharzun (old LN) n. ‘ardor’, **** **** [FHV 549]
goroldio, oroldio, oroldi (G HN L) n. ‘moss’ (bot.) 1643.
OUO, but conceivably connected with gorosti ‘holly’. The form of the word is highly
anomalous, especially with that final /io/. Variants by P14.
gorosti (**) n. ‘holly’ (bot.) (****) ****
gorotz (c.) (1571), korotz (B Sout HN L LN) (1562), khorotz (LN Z), korotza (?) n. ‘dung’(esp. of cows), ‘manure’.
OUO. The sparsely recorded variant korotza is probably conservative, with the common
forms lacking the final /a/ by M4. The widespread fluctuation in the voicing of the initial
plosive (variants in // and /k/ are found side by side in many areas) points clearly to aloan word, by L2. CP (s.v. coroza) suggest a borrowing of Old Cast. croça ([krotsa])‘dun-coloured rustic cap or cloak’, from Lat. croceam ‘saffron-coloured’, from crocum‘saffron’, by L8.2. CP draw attention to the former rustic practice of covering haystacks
with a yellowish mixture of cow dung and hay to keep them dry, and propose that theword developed in Bq. from ‘dung used to cover a haystack’ to ‘dung’ in general. This
proposal is very plausible, and phonologically perfect, and there exists no other plausible
proposal. CP go on to suggest that Cast. coroza ‘conical cap’ and Old Cast. corocha‘type of long coat’ may derive from the same source, perhaps via Bq. mediation toaccount for the unexpected forms.
gorotzil (Z) n. ‘November’. + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe). 1780. M. (****{1959c: 526})
notes the similarity in formation to Sard. kapudánni ‘September’. {??}

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gorputz (B G HN L), gorphutz (LN), gorphitz (LN Z), gorpitz (old Z), korputz (G S),
kórpitz (R), khórpitz (Z) n. ‘body’ (1545), TS ‘corpse’(1858). TS found only in
predicate position. Also (B) gorpu ‘corpse’ (ca . 1800). See also soin.
From Lat. corpus ‘body’ (M. 1961a: 51). The last form is puzzling, but may result froma cross between gorputz and Cast. cuerpo, or from a re-borrowing of Old Cast. *corpo.
gorputzaldi (B G HN L LN R) n. ‘general state of the body’, ‘how one feels’. 1816. +aldi ‘time’.
gorputzez izan (old L) vi. ‘fornicate’. 1643. + -z instr./advbl. + izan ‘be’.
gorpuzgabe a. ‘having no body’, ‘disembodied’, ‘non-corporeal’. 1571. + gabe‘without’.
gorpuztu vi. ‘assume a bodily form’, vt. ‘assume as one’s bodily form’. 1803. + -tu
VFS.
*gorr- Hypothetical stem underlying gordin and gorri: perhaps something like ‘flesh’ (A.
****, but A.’s additional example of gorputz ‘body’ is an error).
gordin (c.), górdin (Z) a. ‘raw’, ‘sturdy, robust’, TS (Z) ‘merciless, cruel’{, ‘obscene’Aul.}. 1562. Possibly the hypothetical *gorr- + -din AFS (see *edin).
gorri (c.), górri (Z) a. ‘red’, TS ‘stark’, ‘bare, naked, nude’. 15th cent. Possibly the
hypothetical *gorr- + -i [**{1}] AFS.
gorrhats (old LN), górhats (Z), górhall (Z) a. ‘reddish’. [FHV 223, 329]
gorribeltz (LN) a. ‘dark red’, ‘copper-coloured’. + beltz ‘black’ {(see *bel)}.
gorrimin (HN L LN Z R) n. ‘scarlet fever’. + min ‘pain’.
gorringo (**), korrinko (Sout) n. ‘yolk of an egg’. ****
gorroto (B G HN) n. ‘hatred’. Early 15th cent.
From OCast. corroto id., by L2, ult. from Lat. corruptum ***. The OCast. form is a
hapax in Berceo, and CP (s.v. corroto) suggest a Galicianism. {There are, in fact, six
13th-century examples of Cast. corroto in CORDE.}
gorroto *edun vt. ‘hate’. 1656. + *edun ‘have’.
gorta (B), korta (B) n. ‘stable, pen, corral’ (for animals), ‘public square’. 1745.
From some Rom. form akin to Cast. corte ‘stable, corral’ and Fr. cort ‘court’ {Gasc.
court ‘(sheep)fold’} from Lat. cohortem ‘corral’, {[}‘group of people’. {] ‘farmyard’.}
gortaits (B), kortaits (B G) n. ‘dung, manure’. Ca. 1800. + sits ‘dung’ (see sats), by
P**{20} (M. 1977a: 543). The word occurs in written B as gortaitz ~ kortaitz, and isso cited in A. (1905) and elsewhere, but these forms perhaps reflect only the
confusion caused by P21.
goru (**) n. ‘distaff’. ****
From Lat. colum id., by P22 (M. 1961a: 51). {Cf. kulu.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque211

gose (c.) n. ‘hunger’, a. ‘hungry’. CF gosa-. 1545.
OUO. CF by W2.2.
gosari (**), gosaari (old B) n. ‘breakfast’. CF gosal-. 1619. + -ari {[2]} NFS of meals.
CF by W1.
gosaldu (B G L), gosaltu (H.) vitm. (B G), vi. (L) ‘eat breakfast’. 1596. + -tu VFS.
gosalondo (B G L) n. ‘(time) after breakfast’. 17th cent. + ondo {[1]} ‘after’.
gosete (c.) n. ‘famine, time of hunger’. 1571. + -te {[1]} NFS of duration.
gozo (**) a.’sweet’, TS ‘delicious’. **** Dimin. goxo.
OUO. In some areas, the dimin. has replaced the original as the unmarked form, byM**{10}.
greü (Z) n. ‘repugnance, disgust’. ****
From Bearn. grèu id. (Lh.; M. 1961a: 99).
gréügàrri (Z) a. ‘repugnant’. + -garri AFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}gréüthü (Z) vt. ‘disgust’. + -tu VFS.
grina (**), griña (**), krina (**) n. ‘preoccupation’, ‘passion’. ****
From **** griña id. {l. Gasc. grigne Palay (1980), Foix (2003) ‘inimitié, ressentiment’}gu (c. exc. Z), gü (Z) pron. ‘we, us’. 9th cent.
OUO. Old B shows a rare variant guek, with a pleonastic plural -k, probably by analogy
with zuek ‘you’ (pl.) (see zu) {(M. 1977a: 489)}. [ESSAY ON CASE FORMS] By P69,
Z has Abs. gü but Gen. gu(r)e and Dat. gu(r)i.
g- (c.) first-plural agreement prefix in finite verb-forms. Presumably by incorporation ofa cliticized pronoun.
geu (B) (1596), guhaur (LN) (1545), guhauk (LN), guaurek (LN), guhaurk (old LN),
guhonek (L), geurok (B), gerok (old L) (1635) pron. ‘we ourselves’ (intensive). +hau(r) ‘this’, sometimes in its oblique singular form hon- or in a plural form likehauk. The last two forms contain -ok proximate plural {(see hau)}. [FHV 93]-gu (c.) first-plural agreement suffix in finite verb-forms. Presumably by incorporationof a cliticized pronoun.
{[}guek (B) pron. ‘we, us’. By analogy with zuek ‘you’ (pl.) (see zu) (M. 1977a: 489).
{] Duplicates point made s.v. gu]}
gure (c.) ‘our’. + -e {[1]} genitive.
guraso (c.), guratso (HN), buraso (HN L), burhaso (Z), buratso (HN) n. ‘parent’.
1571. + -so kinship suffix.HN L Z form by P**{10}, or possibly contaminated byburu ‘head’. [BUT FHV 223 fn][INTENSIVES, REFLEXIVE]

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R. L. Trask

gudu (old B HN LN) n. ‘combat’. 1571.
OUO. The word means ‘combat’, and not ‘war’, as sometimes asserted. Attempts at
seeing this as a loan from some Gothic or other continental Germanic word cognate with
Old English guth, OHG gund-, ON gunnr ‘war, battle’ are dismissed by M.
(****{1973c: 152}, ****{Michelena & Hoz 1974: 22 n. 1}), on the ground that all the
relevant Germanic languages have an /n/ in the word, and that loss of /n/ before /d/ is
unknown in Bq. Several people have pointed to an Ib. stem as a possible cognate, but thedefective Ib. script does not allow us to determine whether that stem is *gudu-, *gutu-,*kudu- or *kutu-, and in any case its meaning is unknown.
gudari (c.), gudalari (old L) n. ‘soldier’. 1715. + -ari {[1]} professional NFS. The word
was applied to the Basque soldiers in the Spanish Civil War, since when it hascommonly meant ‘Basque soldier’.
gune (**), ***, gǘne (Z) ‘place’, ****, une (**{B G HN}) ****{n. ‘moment’, ‘interval’}[LOTS OF WORK] [FHV 305 fn] { M. 1961a: 305 fn. 11}{-gune, -une NFS.}**** As a final element in toponyms and surnames, frequently appears as -gue ~ -kue
[FHV 305 fn] [MT entry]
gúnian (R) adv. ‘then’. + -an Loc. {CS.}gura (B G HN L LN) n. ‘desire’. 1562. See nahi.
From *gula, by P22, from Lat. gulam ‘appetite’ (M. 1961a: 239).
gura *edun vt. ‘want’, vtc. [+ PerfP] ‘want (to)’. 16th cent. + *edun ‘have’.
guren (B) a. ‘favourite’. + -en [**{1}] superlative.
guraizeak (G HN), guraizak (G HN), piruxeak (HN), purexak (HN), purtxak (HN) n. pl.
‘shears’. ******** Variation by P**{8, 10}. So great is the variation in form that M. (1977a: 535)
concludes that Lat. tō(n)sōrias id. or one of its Rom. continuations cannot be ruled out as
the source. [CHECK LATIN{Done.}]gurdi (B G HN L), burdi (B HN) n. ‘cart, wagon’. CF gurt- 1562.
OUO. Second form by P10. CF by W2.1, W3.
burdetz (B) n. ‘axle of a cart’. Second element obscure, but perhaps a reduced form ofardatz ‘axle’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
burtigun (B) n. ‘shaft’ (of a cart). **** + igoin ‘handle’ (M. 1961a: 140). [BUT SEE
FHV 534] [SORT THIS igoin]gurpegi n. (G)’hole in a cartwheel for the axle’, (R) ‘crupper’ (for a mule). + begi ‘eye’,by P**{W2.1, W4}. The R sense is mysterious.
gurpil (** G), kurpil (B G), burpil (B?) n. ‘cartwheel’, ‘wheel’. 1745. + *bil ‘round’.
Second form by P11.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque213

gursarta (B) n. ‘pole linking a cart to a draught animal’. + sarta ‘pole’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
gurtaga (B) n. ‘pole linking a cart to a draught animal’. + haga ‘pole’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
gurtardatz (B G) n. ‘axle of a cart’. + ardatz ‘axle’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
gurtede (B G HN), burtede (**), urtede (HN) n. ‘straps connecting a cart to a draught
animal’. + hede [1] ‘strap’.
gurtesi (G) n. ‘sideboard on a cart for carrying bulk materials’. + hesi ‘fence’. {Not in
The Dictionary.}
gurtetxe (HN) n. ‘floor of a cart’. + etxe ‘house’.
guren (**) n. ‘edge’.
**** {OUO.}{[}gureso, guresa (**) **** [FHV 560] {These seem from M. (1977a: 560) to be Spanish
words (grueso, grueso) with Basque phonological interference.}
gureto (**), kuleto (**), kuletro (**), kurinto (**) n. ‘species of mushroom’. ****
From Lat. bōlētum (M. 1961a: 260). ****
gurin (**{G HN}) {, gurhi (Z)} n. ‘butter’, urin (**{HN L LN}), ú(r)in (Z), úrin (R), urín(R) guri (**{B LN S}), gurhi (Z), n. ‘fat, grease’, {guri (c.)} a. ****{‘robust’, ‘soft,
tender’} [FHV 512] ****
gurtu (**), gurthu (**), kurtu (HN) **** ‘kneel’, ‘bow’, ‘revere’. ******** See makur (under m-).
gurutze (L) (1217, 1617), gurutz (G HN L), kurutze (B G LN S) (1545), krutze (old LN)(1571), khurutze (LN), khü(r)ǘtxe (Z), krutxe (R), kurze (B) n. ‘cross’.
From some Rom. development of Lat. crucem id., of the approx. form *[krutse], by L8.2.
**** Last form by metathesis.
{[}gusu (L **) *** n. ‘cousin’. [FHV 123] {] Duplicate, see under kusu.}
guti (c. exc. Z) (1562), gǘti (Z) a. ‘small’ (medieval and 16th cent.); TS (c.) det. ‘few, little,
not many, not much’. Dimin. gutti (L LN), gutxi (Sout G HN) (1537), gitxi (B).
OUO. Since the word was originally an adjective, it may contain -ti [**{1}] AFS. The
sobriquet or surname Gutia ‘the Small’ is frequent in the Middle Ages, esp. in Navarra.
And the final element -guchia is not uncommon in toponyms.
gutiago etc. (c.) det., pron. ‘less’, ‘fewer’. 1571. + -ago comparative. Some writers havepressed this word into service to provide a comparative of inferiority, otherwise nonexistent in Bq., as in gutiago ederra ‘less beautiful’, but this use, though now by nomeans rare, is widely disliked.

214

R. L. Trask-gutxi **** {‘god-’} (in kinship terms)

gutizia (**), guthizia (**), kutizi (G HN), güdizia (Z) n. ‘desire, craving’. ****
From OCast. cobdiçia ****{‘desire, greed’} (M. 1961a: 65, 229).
gutun (**), guthun (**{old LN}), butun (**) n. ‘letter’ (‘epistle’),****{‘talisman’},{kut(t)un n. ‘amulet’} ****
From Arabic kutub ‘books’, with exceptional treatment of the intolerable final /b/ (M.
****{1971h: 287; 1973a: 117). {Cf. REW 4796a.} {Third} form by P10.
guzti (B G old L) (15th cent.), duzti (B), guzi (G HN L LN S), gǘzi (Z) (1545) a. ‘all’.
OUO. The variation in form exhibited by this item is unique. We may be looking at two
different formations: an unidentifiable stem *guz- + -ti {[1]} AFS or -i [1] AFS. B form
by assimilation.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque215

hi (L LN Z), i (B G HN A S), yi (R) pron. ‘you’ (marked sg.). 1545.
OUO. It is clear that this was once the only second-singular pronoun in the language, but
its function has in the historical period been almost wholly usurped by the formerly
plural zu (q.v.). Today hi is confined to an extraordinarily limited range of functions.
Though details vary somewhat from place to place, the general rules are roughly as
follows. This pronoun is obligatory (1) between siblings, and (2) between close friendsof the same sex and roughly the same age who grow up together. It is usual (3) inteasing or abusing people or animals. It is optional, but not especially usual, (4) inaddressing children, one’s own or someone else’s, and (5) in certain styles of writing. It
is never used in addressing an adult of the opposite sex, except a sibling (not even a lover
or a spouse); it is never used in addressing animals (except when abusing them); it isnever used in addressing a significantly older person (not even a parent); it is never usedin addressing a person of markedly superior status; and it is never used in addressing
God. In Bq., it is not usual to change from zu to hi for any reason at all. Hence it ispossible to find a 70-year-old man who addresses his 55-year-old neighbour as hi but
receives zu in return, because long ago a 20-year-old man chose to address his five-yearold neighbour with hi. [ESSAY ON CASE FORMS]
h- (L LN Z), zero (elsewhere) Absolutive agreement prefix in finite verbs with hi.
Presumably by incorporation of the free pronoun. In fact, even the varieties retaining
the aspiration have agreement prefix zero in certain circumstances, at least variably.
See also *-ga, -na.
[INTENSIVE FORMS], ĩháũ (Z) [FHV 102] , euror (old LN) [FHV 210] From *hihaur or *hi-hor (M. 1961a 210 fn. 12). The unexpected nasalization in the Z form bycontamination from first-singular niháũ (M. 1961a: 299 fn. 1).
heure (**), eure (** old LN), yore (R), ore (old Z), ere (**{G}) ****{‘your’ (markedsg.)} [FHV 100](h)ika (c.) adv. ‘using the pronoun hi’, TS n. ‘use of the pronoun hi’. + -ka AdvFS. The
shift of adverbs in -ka to nouns is a common process.
(h)iketa (c.) n. ‘use of the pronoun hi’. + -keta NFS of activity {not in The Dictionary}.
(h)ire (c.), hí(r)e (Z) ‘your’ (marked sg.) Genitive of hi. + -e [1] genitive.
[INTENSIVES, REFLEXIVE]-i [1] (c.) AFS.
Long unproductive and fossilized, this suffix is still clearly visible in a few cases: gatz
‘salt’, gazi ‘salty’. Its presence is almost as clear in other cases: *gara ‘elevation’, garai‘high’. It is probably also present in many other adjectives whose stems are no longer
identifiable: gorri ‘red’, berri ‘new’, itsusi ‘ugly’, egarri ‘thirsty’, and others.
-i (c.) Suffix forming perfective participles of verbs. This is the suffix which derives
perfective participles of ancient verbs built on verbal roots, as in ikusi ‘see’, ibili ‘bein motion’, etorri ‘come’ and egosi ‘cook’. It was formerly also used to derive theperfective participles of verbs from nouns and adjectives: hautsi ‘break, shatter’(hauts ‘powder, dust’), aberatsi ‘get rich, enrich’ (aberats ‘rich’). In this function it
has been entirely displaced by the suffix -tu, borrowed from Latin. In spite of the
doubts of Lafon (1943), there seems no reason not to conclude that the participleforming suffix and the adjective-forming suffix have the same origin.

216

R. L. Trask-i [2] (c.) Dative case-suffix. [FHV 501]
OUO. A dative case-ending -NI appears to be attested in Aq. (M. ****).
-ér (Z) Dative plural case-suffix. From *-eri, with vowel loss, from common -ei, with an
unusual insertion of /r/.
ia (B), ya (G), iya (G), ja (L LN Z) prt. ‘already’ (1545), TS ‘almost’ (1800), TS (L LN) intj.
‘enough!’. [FHV 167-168; separate? - Sarasola] [R xa ‘already’]
From Lat. jam ‘already’, or from that word’s Cast. reflex ya (M. ****{1957a: 21;
Michelena & Agud 1958: 42}). But pronounced as two syllables in some varieties.
jadanik (**) prt. ‘already’. 1617. + -danik (see -dan).
jagoiti (**)
ihar (**) n. ‘maple’ (bot.) (Acer hispanicum). ****
OUO. See astigar.
*ihar- or *ihard- Stem occurring as a first element in compound verbs.
OUO, and of opaque sense. From *inar(d)-, by P1.
ihardetsi (L LN), ĩhãrdetsi (Z), ñardetsi (R) *inhardetsi (old LN; inferred from thederivative below) vitmd. ‘resist, oppose’, ‘defend oneself, make excuses’, ‘answer,
reply’, jardetsi (LN Z S) vt. ‘obtain, get’. Stem ihardets-, jardets-. TS n. ihardetsi(L LN Z), ĩhardetsi (Z), jardetsi (HN) ‘response, reply’. 1571. App. + -etsi‘consider’ (see etsi) (M. 1977a: 547).
iharduki (**), ihardoki (**), jardoki (**) ****{vt. ‘dispute, discuss’, ‘be busy with’Aul.}. App. + eduki ‘hold’ (M. 1977a: 547).
jardun (B G HN), iñardun (old B) (1596), jardu (B). *****{vt. ‘be busy with’} Synth.
App. + *edun ‘have’ (M. 1977a: 547).
iharrausi (**), ĩhãrráusi (Z), iharrosi (**), iñarrausi (G), iñaurrasi (G), iarrosi (**),
iñardausi (B), iardausi (B), irardausi (B), ligurdausi (B), iñarro(t)si (HN),
inharrosi (LN), il(l)arrosi (HN A) vt. ‘shake’. **** App. + hautsi ‘break’ (seehauts) (M. 1961a: 316). [FHV 96, 289, 340]
ihaurri (**) **** et many al. v. [diathesis?] ‘spread out, lay out’, ‘lay out an animal’s bed’,i(r)aurri (Z) vt. ‘spill, scatter, knock over’. [FHV 316 big stuff] [Sarasola] [Lhande],iñaurri (HN) n. ‘bed for an animal’, ilaurri (R) n. ‘common heather, plant used as
fodder and for making an animal’s bed’. {For R form, cf. ilharre.}
ihaurki (S.P.) n. ‘bedding used as fertilizer’, iraurgi (LN S) ‘plant remains used asanimal bedding and later as fertilizer’. ****{iraurkhei (Z), iaurgéi (Z) n. ‘plantmatter used as bedding’ **** }iraur bedar (B) n. ‘sedge’ (bot.) (****). **** + bedar ‘grass’ (see belar).
{[}iraurkhei (Z), iaurgéi (Z) n. ‘plant matter used as bedding’ **** {] Moved up.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque217

ihaute (**) **** et many al **** {iñauteri (G **), **** [many variants: ihau-] n.
‘Carnival’. **** [FHV 546: IMPORTANT] } [FHV 97]
iaz (HN L LN S) (1536), ihaz (?), jaz (L), igaz (B G HN) (1596), igez (B), ijaz (B), ijez (B),iez (B), xaz (S R) adv. ‘last year’.
OUO, but possibly contains -z advbl. Variants with // by P35.1.
igalenean (B), igelenean (B) adv. ‘last year’. + lehen ‘first’ + -an Loc (M. 1961a: 351).
ibar (B G L LN) n. ‘valley’, ‘fertile low-lying land between mountains’, íbar (Z) ‘broad
grassy plain’. 1077, 1596. CF iba-.
OUO. Possibly contains *-ar (M. ****{1958a: 38f.}). CF by W**{11}. This is the usual
western word for ‘valley’, but A. (1905) and Sarasola (1996) report it as meaning more
specifically ‘fertile low-lying land between mountains’, equivalent to Cast. vega, andsomewhat distinct therefore from haran (q.v.). Indeed, the Cast. word is OUO, and CP(s.v.) propose a derivation from a pre-Roman *(i)baika, a derivative of this Bq. word. A
link with barru (and variants) ‘interior’ has often been proposed but is phonologicallyand morphologically difficult. See also ipar.
ibai (B G HN L LN Z), hibai (L LN) n. ‘river’. 1533. + *-i [**] NFS {Not in The
Dictionary.} (M. ****{1958a: 38ff.; 1972g: 81}). See uhaitz (under ur).
ibili (B G HN L LN) (1627), ebili (old B Z R) (1545), ebli (S) vi. ‘be in motion’ ****. Stem
ibil-; root -bil-. Synth.
From *e-biL-i, OUO; common form by P36.3. This is the Bq. verb of undirected motion,with no good English equivalent. Like any motion verb, it can take an adverbial ofmanner to express movement of a particular kind, as in igeri ibili ‘be swimming’, withigeri ‘swimming’ (adv.), or as in oinez ibili ‘walk’, with oinez ‘on foot’. It cannot besensibly related to *bil ‘round’, a non-verbal stem or to bildu ‘collect, gather’.
erabili (c.) vt. ‘put into motion’, TS ‘use’, TS (L) ‘cultivate’. Synth. 1545. + -racausative.
ibiltaun (B), ibiltau (B), ibildaun (L?) n. ‘restless person’, ‘person who goes here andthere’. 1741. From *ibilte-dun, + -te {[1]} NFS + -dun ‘who has’ (see *edun); thedevelopment is *ibiltedun > *ibiltadun, by W**{?P16} > ibiltaun (M. 1977a: 506; M.
credits A. Zatarain with the idea); last variant by P**{6}.
idi (c.) n. ‘ox’. CF it-. 1562.
OUO. CF by W2.2, W3. An Aq. divine name IDIATTE is recorded but is wholly
opaque.
idibegi (Hb.), n. ‘camomile’ (bot.) (Anacyclus clavatus). 1715. + begi ‘eye’.
itaurlari (B), itulari (G) n. ‘oxherd, drover’. ****. + aurre ‘front’ (see *aur) + -lari
NFS (see -ari [**{1}]) (M. 1961a: 97).
itaurreko (B) n. ‘oxherd, drover’. ****. + aurre ‘front’ (see *aur) + -ko NFS.
itegi (LN) n. ‘stable’. + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi)}.
iteuli (B), txeuli (B) n. ‘horsefly’. (zool.) **** + euli ‘fly’.

218

R. L. Trask
itohoin (L LN) n. ‘the Plough’, ‘the Big Dipper’ (asterism), lit. ‘ox thief’. + ohoin‘thief’.
itzain (B HN L LN), itzai (Sout G), itzáñ (Z) n. ‘oxherd’, ‘drover’. + -zain ‘guard’ (seezain {[1]}).

idoi n. (HN) ‘pool, puddle’, hidoi (Har.) ‘mud’, idói (R) ‘bog, marsh’. 17th cent. (but 1027 as
R toponym Idoia).
OUO, but, by the R form, clearly from *idoCi, with a lost consonant (M. ****{1961a:397}).
idoki (**) vt. ‘remove, extract’. [FHV 82 fn] [this will take some sorting] {Cf. edeki‘remove’.}**** An impf. part. itoiten in old LN [FHV 231]. [MT entry itoi]
iradoki (**), eradoki (**), e(r)adóki (Z) ****{vt. ‘cause to leave’}idun (B Sout) (1562), irun (B) n. ‘neck’, ‘pole connecting a draught animal to a plough or acart’, igun (B) ‘pole connecting a draught animal to a plough or a cart’. [earlier senses
FHV 507]
OUO. It is not clear whether we are looking at one or two words here, though AT
believe these are one word. See lepo, sama. {[}REWRITE.{]} M. (1977a: 508)
proposes *edun ‘have’+ oin ‘foot’, somewhat comparable to Lat. capulus ‘handle’ fromcapere ‘grasp’, but this looks implausible: there is no parallel in Basque for such aformation. See igoin.
ihes (L LN Z), ies (B HN S), iñes (old B), ĩes (old B R), ĩhẽ́s (Z), iges (B G HN), igas (HN)n. ‘flight, fleeing’. 1545.
From *ines, OUO, by P1, P35.1 (M. ****{1961a: 304}). The final fricative is unusual.
ihes egin (**), ies egin (**), iges egin (**) vitm. ‘flee’. 1571. + egin ‘do’.
ihesi [1] (L LN), iesi (**), igesi (B G HN), igasi (HN) adv. ‘fleeing’, n. ‘flight’. 1571.
Perhaps + -i [**{1}] AFS.
ihesi [2] (**) (ca. 1800), iesi (**), igesi (**) (1804), inesi (G?) (1745), ihetsi (?) (1780)vi. ‘flee’. + -i [**{see -i [1] AFS}] VFS.
ihestu (L) vi. ‘flee’. By transfer to the -tu class, M14.
ifernu (**), iférnü (Z), inpernu (**{B G HN}), eburni (R), iburni (R) **** n. ‘hell’. ****
[FHV 263]
igan (B HN LN R) (1545), igañ (Z), ikan (S.P.), ikhan (LN), ien (HN), igon (B), igo (B G
Sout) (1562), iyo (B G), io (B) vi. or vitm. ‘go up, ascend, climb’. CF igai-, iga[n]-,igo-. [IKAI]Probably from *e-gan-i, OUO, by M11, M12. Variants with /k/ by PP8. First CF by
M13. The verb is historically a simple intransitive, and still so in the east. In the west itEtymological Dictionary of Basque219

is recorded with transitive morphology from 1853, and this use is now normal there. A
complement is usually allative, occasionally locative.
igande (G HN L LN), igánte (Z R) n. ‘Sunday’. 1545. + -te {[1]} NFS (M. ****{1971b:
586 n.12}). Though phonologically perfect, this etymology is semantically odd, and
it is not certain, but it seems likely. The original sense was app. ‘ascension (day)’. Cf.
Russian voskresén’e ‘Sunday’, originally ‘resurrection’. See domeka.
ikai (old LN) n. ‘ascent’. **** [FHV 232]
ikaitza (S.P.) n. ‘(action of) climbing’. + -tza NFS.
iragan (L LN Z) (1545), igaran (L LN Z), iragon (L), irago (B), igaro (B G) (15thcent.) vi., vt. ‘pass, pass over, cross’, ‘carry across’. + -ra- causative, with various
semantic shifts and with frequent metatheses.
igel (G HN L LN Z R), igal (LN), ugel (B), iel (old L), ingel (old G), negel (HN), negal(HN), legen (HN) n. ‘frog’ (zool.), TS (Z) ‘locust’ (zool.) (****). 1571.
OUO. B form by P65. Old G form by P34. The HN forms are curious, as is the TS in Z.
It is conceivable that the initial /n/ is original but lost in most varieties. Possibly related
somehow to igeri ‘swimming’, but the relationship, if any, is obscure.
ugaraxo (old B) n. ‘frog’ (zool.) (****) [FHV 73, 73 fn]igeltsu (B G L Z), ieltsu (**), yelso (Sout) n. ‘gypsum’, ‘plaster’. 17th cent.
From some Rom. form akin to Leonese Asturian yelso id., Santander Burgos Rioja yelsu
id., ult. from Lat. gypsum (M. 1961a: 168; see CP s.v. yeso). The // by P35.1. See also
gisu. [FHV 340]
igeri (**), uger [trilled /r/] (B) [FHV 68] ****{adv. ‘swimming’, n. ‘swimming’ Aul.}igerri (G HN), igarri (B G) ****{vt. ‘guess, ascertain, realize’ Aul.} [FHV 69]
iragarri (**) {vt. ‘notify’, ‘predict’ Aul.} [FHV 69]
igitai (B G HN L LN), egitai (B G HN S) (1596), egitái (R), igitei (old LN) (1571), egitei (BG), igitei (B L), igitéi (Z), igatéi (Z), igiti (B HN), iriti (B), itai (G HN) n. ‘sickle’.
TS igita (HN), egita (R) ‘reaping, harvest’, but commonly only in local expressions
like igitara ‘(go) to the reaping’, igitan ‘in reaping’.
OUO, but clearly bimorphemic. The R form points to *egitaCi, with a lost consonant(M. ****{1981a: 397}). Possibly contains gai ‘material’ as a final element (M. 1961a:
104). Variants with /i-/ by P37. Last main form by contraction.
igoin (R), igúñ (Z), huguin (S.P.), hugun (S.P.) n. ‘handle’ (of a tool, in Z other than aknife). ****
Probably a compound whose second element is oin ‘foot’ (M. 1961a: 140). See girtain{under gider}. [IS THIS A DUPLICATE?] [B irun] [see idun] [FHV 507-508] [SORT!]

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R. L. Trask

igorri (HN L LN Z), egorri (L LN Z) vt. ‘send’. Synth. 1545. Stem igorr-; Root -gorr-.
OUO. The second form must be conservative. A single synthetic form occurs in a poemby Oihenart, but M. (1961a: 480) concludes that this form is an artificial creation,required to get a rhyme, and not a popular form. See bidali (under bide), irten.
igortzi (**), iyortzi (G) ****, igordi (B), ****, egórdi (R), {ekhortu (old LN Z),} ekhortü(old Z) vt. ‘sweep’ LOTS MORE [FHV 69, 190, 477, 527-528] SORT{OUO. [FHV 233] }{M. 1972g: 88ff.}
igortziri (**), igorziri (**) n. ‘thunder’. **** [FHV 583] {Cf. ortziri ‘thunder’ (see ortzi).}higuin (**) (1627), iguin (**), iguiñ (**), iguñ (**), iguĩ (old B) (1596), igui (G), higun(LN), hügü̃  (Z) n. ‘disgust, repugnance’.
From *(h)iguni, OUO, by P1 (M. ****{1961a: 150}). [FHV 150, 150 fn]
igurain (HN), igurai (G? HN), iguri (L?) n. ‘forester’, ‘guard, sentinel’. 1233, 1746.
The second form is a hapax. OUO. A connection with eguriki seems doubtful. Possibly
egur ‘firewood’ + -zain ‘guardian’ (see zain [**{1}]). [SORT] Unusual loss of thesibilant, as in urdain (see urde).
igurika (L LN Z) adv. ‘on the alert’, ‘watching (for)’, ‘waiting’. + -ka AdvFS.
igurikatu, idurikatu (L LN) vt. ‘wait for, await’. 1745, 1848. + -tu VFS. Second
form by P**{12} or by contamination from iduri ‘seem’.
igurtzi (**) [Az.] ****{vt. ‘rub’ }igurtziri (Z) **** [FHV 290] ****
ihi (L LN), ĩhĩ (Z), ii (B G), i (B Sout HN), zii (B), zi (B) n. ‘reed, rush’ (bot.) (Juncus).
1562.
From *ini, OUO, by P1 (M. ****{1950b: 449}). Last two forms curious.
ihintz (L), ihitz (LN), intz (G HN R S), ĩ́hĩtz (Z), euntz (B), iñontz (B), iruntz (B), irauntz(B), iun(t)z (Sout) n. ‘dew’ (1630), TS ‘drop’ (1777).
M. (****{1950b: 449; 1961a: 305}) proposes *initz, OUO, by P1, though the B Sout
variants seem to complicate things somewhat.
iunztadu (Sout) a. ‘dewy’. ****
ijeztu (B), ijetzi (old B) **** vt. ‘roll (iron) to reduce its thickness’. **** Stem ije(t)z-.
**** First form by transfer to the -tu class (M**{14}).
igela (G HN), iyele (G), yele (G), igela (old B) n. ‘foundry worker who rolls iron’. ****+ -le Agent NFS, by P**{W9}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque221

ijito (G) (1597?), ijto (old L) [hapax] (1643), zito (S R), xito (R S) n. ‘Gypsy’. ****.
From Cast. Egypto ‘Egypt’ or a related Rom. form (M. ****{1955c: 293}). The second
form is possibly a typo.
-ik **** **** Abl Part {CS.} [often extended to -ika(n): FHV 237]
-ika, -aka, -eka Toponymic suffixes.
[MITX 73] {M. 1973a: 42, 81, 103-4.}
ikasi (**) **** vt. ‘learn’, ‘study’. **** Stem ikas-. Root -kas-. ****OUO.
irakatsi (**), **** e(r)akátsi (Z) vtd. ‘teach’. **** + -ra- causative. [FHV 289 fn]
ikatz (B HN LN R) (1571), ikhatz (L LN), inkatz (B Sout) (1562), ínkhatz (Z) n.
‘charcoal’.
OUO. Variants with /n/ perhaps by P34. However, the peripheral distribution of these
forms suggests conservatism, and M. (1961a: 340), following a suggestion by MeyerLübke, therefore suggests an original *enikatz or *inikatz, with syncope.
ikaztobi (**) **** [FHV 250 fn, 364] A toponym Incastobi in Alava (M. 1977a: 557)
ikertu (**), ikhertu (**), ikhértü (Z), ikhartu (**) ****{vt. ‘investigate’ Aul.} [FHV 61]
ikusi (B G HN LN), ikhusi (L LN), ikhúsi (Z), ekusi (B G R), ekosi (B), ukusi (B), inkusi(old LN) vt. ‘see’. Stem ikus-. Root -kus-. Synth. 1545.
From *e-kus-i, OUO, by P36.3. Last variant perhaps by P34.
erakutsi (**), irakutsi (**), i(r)akútsi (Z), eratsuki (R) ****{vt. ‘show’} [FHV 52 fn,
289 fn] R form by metathesis.
erakusle (**) n. ‘tutor, teacher’. + -le agent NFS. [Ax]erakuspen (**) n. ‘teaching, instruction’. + -pen NFS (see -men{du}). [Ax]ikuzi (**), ikhuzi (**), ekuzi (R **), ükhüzi (Z), ukuzi (B) **** ‘wash’
ikuzka (old B), ukuzka (old B) a. ‘dirty’. + -ga ‘without’ (see gabe).
ikuzkatasun (old B) n. ‘filth’. **** + -tasun NFS (see -tar).
ikuzkatu (old B) vt. ‘make dirty, dirty’. **** + -tu VFS. [FHV 482]
hil (L LN Z), il (B G HN LN R) n. ‘death’, a. ‘dead’, TS vi. ‘die’, TS vt. ‘kill’. 15th cent.
OUO. The wholly non-verbal form of the word shows that the verbal uses aresecondary. No other word for ‘die’ is recorded, but see erho for ‘kill’.
il-aginian (B) adv. ‘on the point of death’. **** + -aginian ‘on the point of’ (see adin).
ilhaur ****, ilaur (LN), ilhor (L LN) n. ‘abortion’. [FHV 97, 212] { + (h)aur ‘child’}222

R. L. Trask
ilaurtu (LN), ilhortu (L LN) vt. ‘abort’. + -tu VFS.
hilerri (**), ilerri (**), ilherri (**), ilhérri (Z) n. ‘cemetery’. **** + herri ‘inhabited
place’.
hilkizun (** old L) a. ‘mortal’. **** + -kizun AFS.
ilhots (old LN) n. ‘lament, dirge, elegy’. + hots ‘sound’.
{hílhotz (Z) a. ‘stone dead’. + hotz ‘cold’.}híltzèñü (Z) n. ‘funeral bell’. + zéñü ‘bell’ {(see zeinu [2])} (M. 1961a: 290).

ilar (L LN), ilhar (Z), illar ({G} HN L LN), irar (B Sout), idar (B) n. (L LN Z) ‘any
leguminous plant, esp. an edible one’ (1692), ‘any edible bean or pea, sometimes esp.
the haricot bean’, ({B G} L) ‘type of vetch’, (B G) ‘pea’ (bot.) (Pisum sativum)(1745, 1847). [CHECK PLACES {Checked in Az.}]
OUO. The conservative form is hard to determine; perhaps *irar, by P24.
irar baltz (Sout) n. ‘rosemary’ (bot.) (****)
ilharre (** Z), hilarre (S.P.), ilhar (**), elhar (**), illar (B HN), gillar (**), ilharrazki(**), iñarra (B G), giñarra (B), gindarra (B), kiñar (B) n. ‘heather’ (bot.) (Erica).
Dimin. (G) txillar ‘heather’. [TOPONYMS FHV 316]****
ilaun (**), ilhaun (**), ílhañ (Z), ilain (R) n. ‘piece of ash’. ****
hildo (L LN Z), ildo (HN Z R), illo (**) n. ‘furrow’, TS ‘path’. 1643.
OUO. [FHV 356]
ildautsi (LN Z) v. [diathesis unrecorded] ‘plough (the land)’. + hautsi ‘break’ (seehauts).
ildoerreka (HN R), ilderreka LN Z S), hilterreka (Z) n. ‘furrow’. + erreka ‘ravine’.
ile (** R S), ille (** old LN), ilhe (**), ílhe (Z), elle (HN) ‘wool’, eile (A) ‘wool’, ule (BSout), ulle (B) **** [eile by depal] [ref: FHV 74 fn]{From *iLe, OUO.}
ilari (L R S) ****{n. ‘wool selvage’} [FHV 74]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque223*iLe (c.) n. ‘moon’, ‘month’. Cf (h)ila-, (h)il-.
OUO. First CF by W2.2. This is the approximate form of the reconstruction, though thedetails are uncertain (M. ****{1961a: 411}). The item is not attested as an independent
word, but is frequent in compounds. For ‘moon’, all varieties have the compound
hilargi (below) or another word (****). For ‘month’, all varieties have hilabete(below). As a final element, the item usually appears as -il; see the month names in the
English index. According to M. (1961a: 412), this variant has been extracted to serve as
an independent word il in places, but I can find no confirmation of this, though M. cites acurious form illi from a manuscript of Oñate. This word cannot plausibly be related tohil ‘dead’.
hilabete (L LN Z), hilebete (old LN), hilebethe (old LN), ilabete (LN R), illabete (B G
HN L), illebete (B G), illhabethe (old L) n. ‘month’. 1545. + bete ‘full’. The original
sense must have been ‘full moon’. See ilbete below. The anomalous {second,} third{and sixth} form{s} either by analogy with the free forms or because the compound
was not yet firmly bound.
hilargi (L LN Z), ilhargi (L LN Z), ilargi (HN L LN A S), illargi (B G), illergi (HN),
irargi (B Sout HN), idargi (B) n. ‘moon’. 1545. + argi ‘light’. The original sensemust have been ‘moonlight’. Last two forms by P**{?}, P**{17}.
iretargi (B) n. ‘moon’. + a second instance of argi. The development is *irargi-argi> *irart-argi by W1, W3 > *iratargi by dissimilatory loss of the second /r/ >iretargi by vowel-height assimilation (M. 1977a: 556).
ilaski (S) n. ‘moon’. Second element obscure. The sibilant is wrong for some kind ofparallel with eguzki ‘sun’ (see egun). Note: the *ilazki of A. (1905) is an error.
ilbeltz (G HN), ilbaltz (B?) n. ‘January’. 1746. + beltz ‘black’ (see *bel). Second form
not in A. (1905) but cited in Caro Baroja (1973: 76). See urtarril (under urte).
ilberri (G HN L S R), hilberri (L), ilbarri (B) n. ‘new moon’. 1745, ca. 1800. + berri‘new’ {(see *berr-)}.
ilbete (B), hilbete (L) n. ‘full moon’. 1745, 1905. + bete ‘full’. Preserved or re-created;
see hilabete above.
ilen (B Sout) n. ‘Monday’. 1562. Probably + egun ‘day’, with reduction, calqued on Lat.
lunae dies id. See astelehen (under aste).
{[}hílhotz (Z) a. ‘stone dead’. + hotz ‘cold’. {] Moved to hil.}ilinti (**), ilindi (**), iliti (**), ileti (**), itxindi (L LN), itxendi (LN) **** n. ‘firebrand’.
**** dimin. (B) itxindi [FHV 520] [MT entry]****-illa Suffix in surnames. [MITX 73] {M. 1973a: 105.}
illhantza (old LN S.P.), ilhaintxa (S.P.), ülhántx (Z) n. ****{‘kite’ (zool.)} [FHV 74 fn]{Dimin of ilhain (Z) id., not in The Dictionary.}

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R. L. Trask

iloba (**), illoba (**), lloba (B Sout), llóba (Z R), lioba (S), iloa (**), eiloba (A) ****
‘niece, nephew’, ‘grandchild’ ****OUO, but contains -ba kinship suffix. ****
arrallóba (Z) n. ‘grandchild’. * ***birloba (**), billoba (B) ‘grandchild’ **** + bir{r}- ‘twice’ (see bihur).
ilobaso (old LN **) n. ‘grandchild’. ****
llobaide (Sout) n. ‘first cousin’. + -ide ****{see -kide ‘fellow’}{[}iltze (G), itze (HN L LN R S), ítze (Z), ilze (Sout), ultze (B), untze (B) n. ‘nail’. ******** The /l/ perhaps by contamination from giltza ‘key’ (M. 1961a: 74 fn. 3).
itzatu (old LN **) vt. ‘nail’. {] Partly duplicates itze. Moved there.}ilun (HN A S), illun (B G HN), ilhun (L LN), ulún (R), ǘlhün (Z), iluñ (Sout) n. ‘darkness’,
TS (HN LN S) ‘night’, (B G HN L LN) a. ‘dark’, TS ‘obscure’, TS ‘depressed,
discouraged, sad’. 1545.
OUO, but apparently from *iLun, by P23. Possibly identical to Aq. ILUN(N)-, but wewould have expected orthographic LL, though in fact LL is virtually non-existent in Aq.,
perhaps merely by orthographic convention. An element -ILDUN, (-)ILLUN , of
unknown meaning, is frequent in Ib., and M. (1961a: 359) takes seriously the idea that
this might be the same word. Bonaparte (cited in A. 1905; s.v. illun) proposes a sourcein *iLe ‘moon’, and this is considered not implausible by M. (****{1954a: 438f.}). The
palatal nasal in the Sout form is mysterious. [ADD FHV 358]
ilundu (**), ilhundu (** old LN), iluindu (Sout) vi. ‘get dark’. 1562. + -tu VFS.
imajina (**), imajiña (**) n. ‘image’. **** [FHV 146]
imiña (B), imia (G), ipiña (G) n. ‘a certain measure of grain’, about 0.4 bushel.
From Lat. hēmīnam ‘a certain measure of grain’, by P1, P37 (M. 1961a: 64, 276).
imillauren (B), imillaun (B) n. ****{‘a certain measure of grain’. + lauren ‘quarter’(see lau [1]).} [FHV 366]
imintxa (B), imitxa (?), tximitxa (**), ximitx (**), imutxa (**), tximutxa (**) **** [FHV
78, 291] n. ‘bedbug’ (zool.) (****). ****
imintzione (**) n. ****{‘invention’} [FHV 357]
imutu (**), imitu (**) n. ‘funnel’. ****
From Late Lat. imbūtum id.
indar (c.), iñddar (B), iñdder (B) n. ‘strength, force, power’, TS (B G) ‘violence’. 1545.
OUO.
indartsu (**), indarzu (LN) a. ‘strong, powerful’. **** + -tsu AFS.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque

225

Indiak (c.) n. pl. ‘the Indies’ (in practice, ‘America’). Place name serving as a first element;
stem indi-.
indaba (B), inddaba (B), indiaba (**), indibaba (**) ‘haricot bean’, ‘kidney bean’.
**** + baba ‘bean’.
indioilar (L), indiollar (B G HN) n. ‘turkey’ (zool.) (****). **** + oilar ‘chicken’ (seeoilo). [MORE IN Az.]
indirar (B) n. ‘kidney bean’. **** + irar ‘legume’ (see ilar).
indiano (c.) n. ‘a Basque who has returned rich from the New World to retire in the BasqueCountry’. **** ****
induria (L) n. **** [FHV 519]
From Cast. injuria ****
ingude (HN L), ingudio (Duv.) [hapax], ungide (LN), yungude (B), yungure (B) n. ‘anvil’.
1643. Also ünkhǘde (Z) ‘kitchen block’. Dimin. txingure (G HN), txingura (B),xinguri (HN) ‘anvil’.
From Lat. incūdem id. (M. ****{1974b: 188}). LN form by metathesis; other variant
forms puzzling. Dimin. by M9, P17, M5.
inguma n. (HN L old LN) ‘succubus’ (1664), (HN) ‘useless person, idler’, (G) ‘butterfly’(zool.) (****) (1745, 1808).
App. from an unrecorded med. Lat. *incuba, a feminine form of incubus, by L**{3}.
inguru (c.), ingiru (B Sout), üngü(r)ü (Z), ingǘ(r)ü (Z), unguru (R) n. ‘neighbourhood,surroundings, vicinity’, adv. ‘around, about’. 1571 (both functions).
From Lat. in gyru ‘in a circle’, ‘on the circuit’ (M. ****{1961a: 79-80; 1974b: 194 n.
55}}). This is a spatial noun giving rise to postpositions.
inguruan (**) p. [+ Gen] ‘around, in the vicinity of, near’. ****. + -an Loc. {CS.}[FHV 80]inpersu (old LN), inprensu (old LN), inprentzu (old L) **** [FHV 361]
From Lat. inversum ‘upside-down’, with unusual development. M. (1961a: 361)
suggests that this word was taken as an expressive formation. See kinber (under gain).
insensu (L), intsentsu (L), intséntsü (Z) n. ‘incense’. **** ****
intxaur (**), intsaur (**), untxaur (B), unsaur (Sout), insaur (old B) (1596), untxaur (B)[hapax], intzáur (Z), hel(t)zaur (L LN), el(t)zaur (HN), giltza(g)ur (HN LN S),
etxabur (A), itzagur (R) ****{‘walnut’} ******** Surely contains hur ‘hazelnut’, but the first element is opaque. M. (1977a: 480)
diffidently suggests itze ‘nail’. A personal name Domicu Insauspeeco in Navarra in
1147, and toponyms Ysahurr Chipia (1321) and Ylçaurr Chipiburua (1397).

226

R. L. Trask
intzáurtze (Z) n. ‘walnut tree’ (bot.) (****). **** + -tze NFS {(see -tza)}.
intsausti (**), insausti (**) n. ‘walnut tree’. + -di NFS **** [FHV 286]

intxixu (HN) n. ****{‘imp, goblin’} [FHV 67-68] ****{[}intzigar (**),**** {] Duplicat, see aintzigar.}intzura (?), lintzura (G) n. ‘swampy or muddy place’. 1745, 1905.
From Lat. insulam ‘island’, by P**{22} (M. ****{1973a: 99}). The /l/ is unexpected.
inurri (**), inhurri (**), üñhǘrri (Z),***** txingurri (**), **** n. ‘ant’ (zool.) (****)**** M. (1961a: 191) reports that an otherwise unrecorded form Zingurri is used as anickname in G; this perhaps derives from txingurri by back-formation (M**{?}).
iñatazi (old B), linatasi (**), atats (HN) **** {n. ‘hail’} [FHV 323] [MOVE?]
iñausi (B G) vt. ‘lop, prune, trim’. ****{[}iñauteri (G **), **** [many variants: ihau-] n. ‘Carnival’. **** [FHV 546:
IMPORTANT] {] Moved and combined with ihaute.}{[}iñude (B G), unide (**), unhide (**), enhǘde (Z) n. ‘wetnurse’. **** CF iñut-.
OUO, but we may be confident that unide is the conservative form and that it contains kide ‘fellow’ attached to an unknown stem (M. ****{1969c: 129}). Western variant by
metathesis. CF by W1, W3.
iñutu (B) vt. ‘put (a child) with a wetnurse’. **** + -tu VFS. {] Partly duplicated atunide. Combined there.}-io- (G HN L), -iño- (B) vt., vtd., vtc. [+ -la] ‘say’. 1545. Synth.
The root of a defective verb with no non-finite forms. In modern work, esan ~ erran‘say’ is often taken as its citation form, but this is an entirely different verb. Irigoyen(1977, 1990b) proposes a stem *enau-, by P1, whose dative-marked form *enautsi, with
-ts-, he sees as the source of euskara ‘Basque language’.
ipar (B G HN LN R), iphar (L LN Z), ifar (B G HN) n. ‘north’, ‘north wind’, (B G HN L)(particularly among fishermen) ‘east’, ‘east wind’. 1627.
Obscure. M. (****{1961a: 267 n.11}) suggests a variant of ibar ‘valley’, by P8,
resulting from a combination along the lines of *ibar-haize ‘valley wind’ > ‘north wind’(+ haize ‘wind’), parallel to Rom. formations like Fr. vent d’aval.
iparralde (B G) n. ‘northern region, north’, in modern times spec. the northern (French)
Basque Country. 1745, 1848. + alde ‘side’ {(see *al-)}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque227

ipini, ipiñi (B G HN) (1713), ibini (old B) (1596), ibeni (old L) (1617), ifini (Sout old B)(1562), ifiñi (B HN), ifeñi (old G) (1610), ifeni (old G) (1713), ifeini (old L), imiñi(B LN S) (1653), imeni (old LN) (1545). Plus a verbal noun imeite- in old LN(Etxepare). vt. ‘put’. Stem ipin- (and variants); root -pin- (and variants). Synth.
OUO. The original form is probably *e-beN-i, though this is far from certain, and one
variant suggests an even earlier *e-baiN-i. Variants by P36.3 and vowel-heightassimilation. Since the 18th c. in the north, and since the 19th c. in HN, the word has
dropped out of use in favour of ezarri. [MORE: ACAD]
iphizpiku (old L old LN), ipiztiko (old G), epistiko (Sout), aphezpiku (L LN), aphezküpü(Z) n. ‘bishop’. 1562, 1571.
From Lat. episcopum, with various consonant alterations (M. 1961a: 64). In spite of its
archaic aspect, M. (****{1974b: 201} Arb) sees the word as a medieval loan. Last twovariants by contamination from aphez ‘priest’ (see apaiz).
ipuin (B G) (1745, 1785), ipoin (B G), ipui (?) (ca. 1740), ipoi (**), upuin (B), upoin (B),upin (B) n. ‘story, tale’. [FHV 76, 150]
OUO. At first glance, the B variants in u- look like examples of P**{65, for upin}, but
M. (1961a: 76) takes seriously the idea that these forms are conservative, with variants in
i- by P**{66}.
ipurdi (B G HN LN S), iphurdi (L) (1613), ipirdi (old B) (1596), epurdi (HN), eperdi (B),purdi (HN LN) n. ‘buttocks, arse’ (anat.). CF ipurt-, ipur-. ****
OUO. The conservative form is probably *epurdi, with the common forms by P37.
Probably bimorphemic in origin. CF by W1, W3.
iphurbegi (H.) n. ‘anus’. + begi ‘eye’.
ipurbeltz (G) n. ‘black-arse’ (a common insult). + beltz ‘black’{(see *bel)}.
ip(h)urdiko (B G L LN) n. ‘smack on the arse’. + -ko NFS.
ipurkankar (G) n. ‘hindquarter, rump’. **** + kankar ****{(see zangar underzanko)} [FHV 367]
ipurñauska (**) ****{adv. ‘skipping, romping’} [FHV 367]
ipurterre (G) a. ‘impatient, restless’, ‘ill-tempered’. + erre ‘burnt’.
ipurtzulo (G), iphurtzilo (Duv.), ipurzilo (LN S), ipurtxulo (?) n. ‘anus’. 19th cent. +zulo ‘hole’. Probably much older than its late attestations suggest.
ipuru (G) (1745, 1905), epuru (G) (1930), unpuru (R), ünpü(r)ü (Z) n. ‘juniper’ (bot.)(Juniperus).
From Lat. jūniperum id. (M. ****{1954b: 131). R Z forms by P70. See orre.
hira (old LN Z **) n. ‘anger’. ****
From Lat. īram or Rom. ira id.

228

R. L. Trask

ira (**) n. ‘fern’.
****{OUO.}
iradallu (**) n. ‘****{sickle for cutting ferns’} [FHV 561]. + dallu ‘scythe’ {(seedaillu)}.
irasail (**) n. ****{‘place where ferns grow’} [FHV 561]
iratze (**) n. ‘fern’. + -tze NFS (see -tza). [FHV 561]
iraleku (L) n. ‘place where fern grows’. + leku ‘place’, by P**{loss of sibilants
before sonorants} (M. 1961a: 351). [FHV 561 queries this account {and suggests
the more obvious ira + leku.}]
iraatsi, eratsi (old B) vt. ‘write’. 1802.
OUO. This appears to be a -ra- causative of a simpler verb, but there is no attestation ofsuch a verb, nor any other attestation of this one outside of its two occurrences inMogel’s Peru Abarka. See izkiri{b}atu, eskribitu.
idatzi vt. ‘write’. Stem ida(t)z-. Also formerly written iratsi, iratzi. Aranist neologism:
arbitrary alteration of the preceding. 1894 (iratsi), 1902 (idatzi).
irabazi (c.), idabazi (HN LN), erabazi (old G), irapazi (old B, R&S 155) vt. ‘earn’ (money),‘gain’ (an advantage), ‘win’ (a competition’ (all 1545), ‘defeat’ (an opponent) (1643),
TS ‘deserve, merit’, TS (LN) ‘satisfy’. Stem irabaz-. Root -rabaz-. TS (c.) n. ‘gain,
profit’ (1571), TS (c.?) ‘merit’, TS (B HN) ‘property’.
This looks like a -ra- causative, but no source verb is recorded, unless we take seriously
ebatzi ‘resolve, settle’. The R&S has just one example of irapazi against four of
irabazi. But old Z (Onsa) has derivatives irapaizteco and irapaizliac, against participle
irabacia.
irabazle (**) n. ‘winner, victor’. 1745, ca. 1800. + -le Agent NFS.
iraitzi (old LN **), ireitzi (old LN **) ****{v. ‘throw’} [FHV 104]
hiraka (old LN **) n. ‘rheum’. ****
From Arag. biraka id. or a related Rom. form (M. 1961a: 209).
irakin (**), ****, iraakin (old B), erakin (old LN), he(r)áki (Z) vitm. ‘boil’. Synth. ****The <aa> is retained in the synthetic forms used by the B writer Mogel, as in diraaquit‘it boils’ (M. 1961: 114). This is almost certainly a -ra- causative of a lost simpler verb,
and it must have undergone a shift in meaning while retaining its transitive morphology.
irakurri (c.), i(r)akurri (Z) vt. ‘read’. Stem irakurr-. Root -rakurr-. 15th cent.
OUO. The form looks for all the world like an old causative in -ra- of a simpler verb of
the approximate form *ikurri, but no such verb is recorded, and it is far from obvious
what it might have meant: for what sense of V might ‘cause to V’ yield ‘read’? [FHV 52
fn, 523]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque229

ikurrin (c.) n. (originally) ‘flag’, (today) ‘Basque flag’. 1897. Aranist neologism, arrived
at as follows. From irakurri, Arana extracted the hypothetical source verb *ikurri,
and assigned to this the arbitrary meaning ‘signify’, on the ground that reading a text
is causing it to mean something. From this he extracted a stem *ikurr-, to which headded a suffix *-in of his own devising. He intended the word to denote ‘flag’ in
general, replacing the Cast. loan bandera in this function, but it quickly came to be
applied specifically to the Basque flag, itself designed by Arana and originallyintended only as the flag of Bizkaia. Outside Bq. the flag is commonly known by thename ikurriña, with the Bq. article attached and the usual B G palatalization ofcoronals after /i/ applied.
iratsi (HN), iraatsi (B) **** ‘stick, adhere’. ****{See erantsi; same item?}**** Possibly a -ra- causative of itsatsi ‘stick’, via something like *iratsatsi, by
P**{W13} (M. 1961a: 293).
irauli (**), iruli (B G), iralli (Z) ‘turn’ **** ****
OUO. The Z form from *iraili, by P**{69} (M. 1961a: 97).
iraun (**), i(r)áñ (Z), irain (R), irin (R) vitm. ‘last, endure’. 1545.
OUO. This looks like a causative in -ra- of a simpler verb, possibly egon ‘wait, stay,remain’: hence *e-ra-gon. The Z accentuation points in any case to a lost consonant, by
P**{73}, and hence to something like *eraCun (M. 1961a: 151 fn 20).
irazi (**) **** ‘strain, filter’. ****
ireki (G LN), iriki (B G LN R), edeki (L LN), ideki (HN L LN S), idéki (Z), idiki (G R),
iregi (Sout), irigi (old B) vt. ‘open’. Stem ireki- (and variants), also irek- (andvariants). 1545.
OUO. Probably from *e-re-ki or *e-de-ki (can’t tell which, though forms with /r/predominate in the early texts), with -ki [2], or, given the alternative stem, possibly from*e-rek-i or *e-dek-i. There seems to be no way of deciding. [REWRITE: FHV 82 fn.
{19}] [much sorting] M. (1961a: 229) concludes that this verb has become much
confused with edeki ‘remove’.
iretsi (G HNL LN Z), irentsi (G HN **), iruntsi (B), irauntsi (old B) [hapax] ****{‘swallow, devour’} [FHV 90]
hiri (L LN), hí(r)i (Z), iri (HN S R), uri (B G) n. ‘town’. 1545 (but see below).
From *ili, OUO, by P22. Last form by P65. The Romans reported a town called Iliberrisin south-central Spain, and this name looks remarkably like a Bq. formation meaning‘new town’ (berri ‘new’). But there is no other evidence for Bq. speech so far south,
and we must suppose either coincidence or an undocumented settlement in this area by
Basque emigrants. A second Iliberris (modern Elna) is recorded in ***{Rosselló(Pyrénées-Orientales) (Coromines 1995 s.v. Elna)}, which was almost certainly Basquespeaking until ****{The claim that Rosselló was ever Basque speaking is not supported
by evidence other than this and a handful of other placenames. A reasonable density of

230

R. L. Trask
place names with good Basque etymologies is found as far east as Cerdanya, but nofurther.} The form (h)uri is well recorded from the 11th cent. onward in the toponymy ofAlava and the Rioja, while iri is equally well recorded from the 11th cent. in Navarra.

-iri, -ari NFS app. meaning ‘near’.
OUO. The form -iri, which appears to be original, is generally found only in toponyms
and surnames, as in Mugairi (muga ‘boundary’), Mendiri (mendi ‘mountain’) andZubiri(a) (zubi ‘bridge’), though see aldiri (under *al-) for a possible exception. The
variant -ari, which occurs in lexical items, such as atari ‘doorway’ from ate ‘door’,
seems to have arisen by reduction of the sequence *-a-iri when the base ended in /a/ (M.
****{1961a: 533}). [FHV 533]
irin (c. exc. B) (1562, 1571), urun (B Sout) (1562, 1596), írin (R), í(r)in (Z) n. ‘flour’.
OUO. Sout oddly has both forms. Second form perhaps by P65 followed by vowel
assimilation, or perhaps both forms by assimilation of an original *urin or *irun. M.
(1961a: 81) dismisses Lat. farīnam id. as a phonologically impossible source.
birrin (**) **** + birr- ‘twice’ (see bihur) (M. ****{1961a: 122, 411}).
irla (L LN) (1677), isla (B? G?) (ca. 1500) n. ‘island’.
From Cast. isla id.; first form with alteration of the alien cluster.
iro (B G) n. ****{‘tinder from the interior of a tree’} [Az.]-iro- **** Aux root
irri (**) n. ‘laughter, smile’.
****{OUO.}
irri egin (**) vitm. ‘laugh, smile’. **** + egin ‘do’.
errigéi (Z) a. ‘ridiculous’. **** + -gei (see gai).
irten (Sout G) (1562), urten (B) (1596), erten (G) vi. (in G), vitm. (in B) ‘go out’.
OUO, and much discussed. The oddly varying vocalism suggests an original diphthong,perhaps *eurten (M. 1961a: 75), though note P65. Attributing the idea to Nils Holmer,
M. (1977a: 479–480, ****{1972g: 90ff.}) considers the possibility that this verb derives
from a verbal noun of eastern igorri ~ egorri ‘send’, with which it is geographically incomplementary distribution. A verbal noun *igorten ~ *egorten of ordinary formation
might, by P16, produce the required form *iurten ~ *eurten, but there are difficulties.
First, the tense and aspect are wrong: igorten du ‘he sends it’ is present and imperfective,
while irten da ~ urten dau ‘he has gone out’ is perfective (B dau = common du).
Second, igorri is transitive and requires a transitive auxiliary, while irten is intransitive
and takes an intransitive auxiliary; true, urten takes a transitive auxiliary in B and in G
of Goierri, but this is widely thought to result from Rom. influence. M. diffidently
suggests a possible “missing link” in a hypothetical reflexive *bere burua urten dau ‘hehas sent himself out’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque231

irun (**), ürün (Z), urun (R) vt. ‘spin’. ****
hirur (L LN old Z) [tapped /r/], irur (S A), írur (R), íror (R), iru (B G HN), hiru (LN EB),hí(r)u (Z), idu (B) num. ‘three’. 14th cent.
OUO. Final /r/ lost by P25. Last form by hypercorrection of P**{17}.
isats [1] (c.), itsats (L HN), jats (L LN), iats (LN), gisats (B) n. ‘broom’ (bot.) (Cytisus
scoparius), ‘broom’ (implement), (L LN Z) also ‘sorghum’. 1643.
OUO. Third and fourth forms from isats by P20. B form puzzling and possiblyconservative, by P14.
isil (**), ixil (**) **** ‘silent’. ****
isilik (**), ixilik (**), ixilika (old LN) adv. ‘in silence’. + -ik ****{advbl suffix. Not in
The Dictionary.}
ispillu (**) ****{n. ‘mirror’} [FHV 66]
istant (**) **** n. ‘instant’. ********
istant-batean (**), ixtanpatean (G HN) adv. ‘in an instant’. ****
istribor (?) n. ‘starboard side (on a ship)’. 1677.
From Cast. estribor id.
isuri (B G HN L LN Z), ixuri (**), usuri (R), esuro (old B, R&S 353, 420) vt. ‘pour, pourout’, TS vitm. ‘ejaculate’. Stem isur-. Root -sur-. 1571.
From *e-sur-i, OUO, by P36.3. Contrary to what is reported in some sources, the verb
does not mean ‘flow’, and it is not intr.
-it- (c.) Abs. pl. affix in finite verb-forms.
OUO. This affix appears solely in the verbs *edun ‘have’ and -iro-, and it remarkably
appears to precede the root: dut ‘I have it’ (< *da-du-da), ditut ‘I have them’ (< ? *da-itdu-da).
itain (**) **** ‘tick’. **** [MT entry] [maybe amalgamate? {sc. with akain}]{[}itaixur (**), itaxur (**), utaxúr (R) **** [Azkue] {] Moved to ito-.}ito (B G HN Sout), itto (B G), itho (L LN), ítho (Z) vi. ‘drown’, ‘suffocate’, vt. ‘drown’,‘strangle, suffocate’. Stem ****. Root ?. 1562.
OUO. This item seems to have a complex history, probably involving M12.
irato (**{old B R&S}) {v. ‘drown’}232

R. L. Trask

ito- words for ‘gutter’: sort out. **** ittotti (G) ‘gutter’ ********{ itaixur (**), itaxur (**), utaxúr (R) **** [Azkue]} {n. ‘exterior gutter,drainpipe’. But the forms Az. gives are itaitz (L), itaitzur (L), itaizur (G HN), ithaizur
Ax., in adddition to the R form.}
itoitz (**), ****, zitoitz (L LN) n. ‘eavestrough’. ****
itoi (**) **** ‘drop’. **** [MT entry] {Belongs with ito-?}itsaso (c.) n. ‘sea’, itxaso (**). 1562. CF itsas-. Dimin. itxaso (1545).
OUO. CF by W1.
[DERIVATIVES: FHV 127-128]
itsasertz (**) n. ‘seacoast’. **** + ertz ‘edge’.
itsatsi (**), itsasi (**), itxatxi (**), itxaatsi (old B) ‘stick, adhere’ **** [FHV 114]**** See also iratsi.
itxatxeki (**) ****{v. ‘stick’} [Ax] {Blend of itsatsi and atxeki id.?}
itsu (B HN L LN S), itxu (G), utsi (R) a. ‘blind’, ǘtsü (Z) vi. ‘go blind’. 1545.
OUO. The conservative form is itsu, with the G form by P30, the Z form by P70 and the
R form by M6 from an assimilated *utsu (M. 1961a). The development of this word intoa verb in Z is unusual. Some derivatives point to a Z adjective *utsu, but no such form
appears to be recorded.
itsumutsuka, itsumustuan (B G HN LN) adv. ‘groping one’s way’, ‘unexpectedly’. An
m-reduplication, + -ka AdvFS or + -an Loc. {CS.}ütsüeria (old Z) n. ‘blindness’. **** + -keria NFS of vices. [FHV 496]
itsusi (**), itxusi (**), itxúsi (Z), utsuts (R) a. ‘ugly’.
****{OUO.}
iturri (B G HN L S R), ithurri (L LN), üthǘrri (Z), uturri (R) n. ‘spring’, ‘fountain’. CF
iturr-. 1571.
OUO. CF by W1.
iturbegi (**), ithurbegi (**) ****{n. ‘spring’} [FHV 127]
iturburu (B G L), ithurburu (L LN) n. ‘fountainhead’, ‘source of a spring’, TS‘source’, ‘origin’. 1545. + buru ‘head’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque233

itxadon (B G), itxaron (B G), itxedan (HN), itxeden (B G), itxedon (B G), itxodon (G),itxogon (G), etxeden (old HN), itxoin (B G), itxon (B G), itxoon (G), itxoron (G),itxain (B), itxaran (B), itxaun (B) vitmd. ‘wait for, expect, hope for’. 1621.
Fossilized compound verb. Best guess is hitz ‘word’ + *edun ‘have’ (M. ****{1968d:
1433}). The variant *itxaro cited in some dictionaries appears to be a misunderstandingof the compound verb itxaro *edun cited below. See also eguriki.
itxura (c. exc. Z), ütxǘ(r)a (Z) n. ‘form, figure’, ‘appearance, aspect’. 1571.
From Cast. hechura id. (M. 1961a: 67).
hitz (L LN Z), itz (G HN L LN) n. ‘word’. 1545.
OUO. The only recorded sense is ‘word’, though the word might once have had a moregeneral meaning, like ‘speech’ or ‘language’. See also berba {‘word’, not in The
Dictionary}, ele, and see itxadon.
(h)itzaldi (H. G) n. ‘sermon’, ‘lecture’, ‘turn to speak’. 1745, 1761. + aldi ‘time’.
(h)itzaurre (G) n. ‘foreword, preface’. 1745, 1785. + aurre ‘front’ (see *aur).
(h)itz egin (L LN Z HN G) vitm. ‘speak’. 1622. + egin ‘do’.
(h)itz eman (L LN Z R HN G) vitmd. ‘promise’. 1630. + eman ‘give’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}(h)itzez (h)itz (L LN Z G) adv. ‘word for word’, ‘literally’. + -z instr./advbl.
hitzontzi (L LN Z), hitzuntzi (L LN Z), itzontzi (G) a. ‘garrulous, loquacious,
talkative’. 17th cent. + ontzi ‘vessel’.
hizka (L LNZ) adv. ‘arguing’, ‘using harsh words’. 1889. + -ka AdvFS.
hizka-mizka (L LN) adv. ‘gossiping’, ‘arguing’ (1913), TS n. ‘argument, dispute’(1945). An m-reduplication.
(h)izketa (G L LN) n. ‘speech, speaking’, ‘conversation’. 1643. + -keta NFS {not in The
Dictionary}.
izkune, izkuna (B) n. ‘cliché, conventional phrase’, ‘character, nature’, ‘custom’,‘example’, ‘language’. 1800. + -gune ‘interval’ (see gune). Second form by M5.
(h)izkuntza (G HN L LN Z) n. ‘language’. 1617. + -kuntza NFS (see *-kun).
hizkuntzalari n. ‘linguist’ (practitioner of linguistics). 1922. + -lari professional NFS(see -ari {[1]}).
hizkuntzalaritza n. ‘linguistics’. 1977. + -tza NFS.
hizmizti (L) n. ‘chatterbox’. **** An m-reduplication, + -ti ****{?[1] AFS} (Ax.) {Is
the Ax. example, in Az. s.v. hitzmizti an a. rather than a n.?}(h)izpide (Hb. G) n. ‘correct or rational position in a discussion’, ‘topic of conversation’,‘conversation’, ‘discussion’, ‘argument’, ‘opportunity to speak’. Ca. 1760. + bide‘way’.
(h)iztegi (B G HN L LN Z) n. ‘dictionary’. 17th cent. + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi)}.
(h)iztun (G L LN) n. ‘orator, good speaker’, ‘speaker’ (of a language), a. ‘eloquent’,‘garrulous, loquacious’. 1643. + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).

234

R. L. Trask-itz, -iz Toponymic suffix, also found in surnames, which are probably derived fromtoponyms. Examples: Aboitiz, Berriz, Gautegiz, Mandaluniz, Oloriz.
OUO, and much discussed. To begin with, it is highly likely that we are looking at morethan one distinct suffix here (M. 1973{a}: 108–110). At least the following proposals
are on the table. (1) This is a plural suffix *-itz, also present in hanitz ‘many, much’(Lafon 1943 I: 530). (2) This is the familiar collective suffix -tza (Gárate ****{1931}:
446–447). (3) This is a Lat. genitive in -ici, representing an ending -icus used in personalnames (Caro Baroja ****{1945}: 102–106). (4) This is the Cast. patronymic suffix -ez(Arana ****{1897}). (5) This is the Lat. ablative plural ending -is (Gorostiaga(****{1975}: 3, 66). Possibly also involved here is the patronymic suffix -iz. As M.
(1973{a}: 109) remarks, all of this is very obscure.
itzal **** n. ‘shade, shadow’. ****
{OUO.}
itzali ****{v. ‘extinguish, obscure’}itzarri (B G L) vi. ‘wake up’. ****
iratzarri (B G HN L LN Z), idatzarri (HN) vt. ‘wake up, rouse’. **** + -ra- causative.
[MORE]
itze (HN L LN R S), ítze (Z), iltze (G), ilze (Sout), ultze (B), untze (B) n. ‘nail’. ******** The /l/ perhaps by contamination from giltza ‘key’ (M. 1961a: 74 fn. 3).
it{s}asi (G) n. ‘cracking or chapping of the hands’, itzasi (G), itzautzi (G) ‘crack’. +hautsi ‘broken’ (M. 1961a: 283), by P**{W16}.
itzatu (old LN **) vt. ‘nail’.
itzego (Sout) vt. ‘ride’ (an animal). 1562. Stem itzegai-.
**** [FHV 249]
itzegaitabere (Sout) n. ‘mount’ (animal which is ridden). 1562. + abere ‘animal’.
itzungi (B), itzaungi (Sout) ****{vt. ‘extinguish’} [FHV 97, 97 fn]
itzuli (**), ützüli (Z), utzuli (R) ****{v. ‘turn’, ‘return’}itzuri (**) {vi.} ‘escape’, ‘flee’ ****
-iz, -itz Medieval patronymic suffix, ‘son of’, found in numerous patronymics, such as Ortiz‘son of Orti (= Fortún)’, **** Long dead except where fossilized in surnames, suchas Ortiz, and in toponyms, such as (perhaps) Biarritz, if Irigoyen (1990a: 71) iscorrect in seeing this name (Bearriz 1170, Beiarriz 1261) as a patronymic built on a
personal name *Beiar ~ Biar (only the second form is directly attested).
M. (****) sees this as probably continuing the Lat. genitive suffix -is, and rejects thesuggestion, made by many, that it is identical to the Cast. patronymic suffix -ez, as inEtymological Dictionary of Basque

235

Sánchez and López. But nothing is certain, and in any case it is difficult to disentangle
this suffix from the one or more other suffixes gathered here under the entry -itz.
izai (HN L R A), izei (HN S), izéi (R Z) n. ‘fir’ (bot.) (****) (also ‘black poplar’ in places).
1746, 1858.
OUO. The element is common in toponyms, which point to izei as the older variant, theearliest record being Içiçuloa (1307), modern Izeixiloa in Salazar. But there are several
toponyms, like Eceiza, which, if they contain the same element, suggest a still earlier*ezei. In any case, Z and R have izéi, with final stress, pointing clearly to a lost
consonant, by P73, and hence to *izeCi or *ezeCi (M. 1958a: 216, 1961a: 396).
izan (c.), ízan (Z), ixan (B), izen (old B) [hapax] vcop. ‘be’. Synth. 14th cent.
OUO. The verb is extremely irregular, and appears to exhibit suppletive stems. A
plausible guess for the participle is *e-izan-i, by P36**{.1}. Second form by P43. Somelocal varieties of L G HN have moved it to the -tu class as izatu or izandu, by M14. It is
used everywhere as the auxiliary in the indicative periphrastic forms of intransitive
verbs. It also appears as the verbal element in a few intransitive compound verbs; seeari, bizi, laket, ***balizko (old B) (1596), balizkako (old LN) (1741) adjvl. ‘hypothetical’. From balitz ‘if
it were’, finite form, + -ko; second form + -ka AdvFS. An unusual case of a -ko
derivative of a finite form.
delako (**), ****{a. ‘so-called’ Aul.}den (L LN Z R HN G), dan (B G) pron., det. ‘all’. 1761. From *da-en, by P35.3, fromda ‘is’, finite form, + -n [3] relative: hence ‘which is’.
dena, dana (c.) pron. ‘everything’. 1761. + -a article (see *har).
dena dela, dena den (c.) adv. ‘anyway’, ‘in any case’. 1800 + da ‘is’ (finite formof izan ‘be’) + -la or -n [2] complementizer. {i.e. -n [3] Relative.}denak, danak (c.) pron. ‘everybody, everyone’. + -ak pl. article (see *har).
zen (L LN Z R HN), zan (B G HN) a. ‘late’, ‘deceased’. 1858. From zen ~ zen ‘was’,
finite form, + -n [3] relative: hence ‘who was’.
izar (c.) n. ‘star’. 1545.
OUO. Possibly contains *-ar, hypothetical collective suffix.
izarrihitz (**) n. ‘dew’. **** + ihitz ‘frost’. [FHV 482]
*ize- Hypothetical stem of the following items. Like all kinship terms, both of these occur
frequently without the article, as though they were proper names.
izeba (G HN LN S Z), izaba (L LN Z), izea (LN), izoa (HN L LN) n. ‘aunt’. 1657. + -ba
kinship suffix. Loss of /b/ in some forms by P16. Second form by contaminationfrom osaba ‘uncle’. The /o/ of the last form by rounding from the lost /b/ (M.
****{1969c: 118 n. 11}).
izeko (B G) n. ‘aunt’. Dimin. itxeko. 1596. + -ko NFS. M. (****{1969c: 120 n. 18})
suggests a reduction of *izeba-ko. The *izko of Arbelaiz (1978) is a typo.

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R. L. Trask

izeki (**), iexeki (old LN), exeki (old B; R&S 399) vid. ****{‘burn’} Synth. ********{From *e-ze-ki, root *-ze-, OUO.} This verb has an unusual diathesis: that whichburns is dative, while the absolutive slot is empty, or sometimes filled by the redundantsu ‘fire’. As a rule, this verb and its causative never exhibit an affricate, being thus
distinguished from atxiki ‘stick’, but the 17th-century Lapurdian writer Etxeberri of
Ziburu regularly writes an affricate: berceari su datcheca ‘the other one burns’, suffre
iratchaqui ‘burnt sulphur’ (M. 1961a: 286–287).
{irazeki (G),} iraixeki (**{old LN}), iraxeki (**), eraxeki (**{old LN}){, eratxeki(L)}, eraxegi (old B), iraxegi (old B), iratxaki (old L) ****{vt. ‘ignite’}izen (c.), ízen (Z), uzen (B) n. ‘name’. TS (c.) ‘reputation’, TS (L LN) ‘little bit’, ‘(a) taste’.
1545.
OUO. B form by P65. With reference to a person, the word commonly means ‘given
name’, though in L LN Z it often means ‘surname’.
izelonbreak (G HN) n. pl. ‘first name and surname’. By dissimilation from *izennombreak, + Cast. nombre ‘name’.
izengilatuki (old LN) **** **** [FHV 353, 561: etymology]
izerdi (**), izardi (B) n. ‘sweat’.
****{OUO.}
izerleka (old LN **) n. ****{‘sticky sweat’} [FHV 367]
izki (B) n. ‘little bit’, ‘trace, vestige’, ‘pretext’, ‘hope’. Probably expressive.
izki-mizki n. (B HN) ‘gossip, tittle-tattle’, (B) ‘titbit’, (G) ‘an early-ripening apple’, adv.
(B HN R) ‘going hither and thither looking for news’, (R) ‘having fallen out’, ‘on bad
terms’. An m-reduplication. A. (1905) sees this as a derivative of hitz ‘word’, but
this seems unlikely, since this word is not recorded in B.
izkilinba (**), iskilinba (**) n. ‘pin’ **** [FHV 66]
izkina (**), etc. {n. ‘corner’} [FHV 66]
izkiribatu (L), izkiribatü (Z), izkribatü (Z), izkiriatu (L LN), eskiribatu (old L) vt. ‘write’.
1696.
From Lat. scrībere id., by L8.2, L11. See eskribitu, iraatsi.
{[}izkutu (**{G}) **** [FHV 66]
izkutatu (**{G}) **** [FHV 66] {] Moved to ezkutu.}
izokin (B HN L LN) (17th cent.), izoki (G) (1745, 1847) n. ‘salmon’ (zool.) (Salmo salar).
From some LLat. development of Lat. esox id. of the approx. form *esocina (M.
****{1964a: 144; 1968g: 485}). M. dismisses the often-suggested Celtic origin as
unnecessary.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque237

izorra (c.), izor (**) a. ‘pregnant’. 1562.
OUO. Second form by M4. The word is little used today, as are its derivatives.
izorro (R) n. ‘root’. ****
izotz (c.) n. ‘frost’, ‘ice’, (R) ‘dew’, (L R) ‘mist’, TS a. (S.P.) ‘impotent’ (of a man). 1562.
OUO. The word surely contains hotz ‘cold’; the first element might be ihintz ‘dew’ (M.
1961a: 411; attributed to a long series of unnamed earlier workers). [discussion of sense
FHV 482]
izotzil (HN S) n. ‘January’. **** + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe).
izpiliku (**) ****{n. ‘lavender’} [FHV 66]
izpiritu (**) **** {n. ‘spirit’}[FHV 66]
izpizatu or izpitzatu (can’t tell which; original is yzpiça-) (old B) [hapax] vt. ‘renounce,
repudiate, disown’. 1596.
From some Rom. reflex of Lat. despicere ‘look down on’ (M. ****{1970a: 120}).
izter (B L S), iztar (B G), ixter (old LN) n. ‘thigh’ (anat.).1627. CF izte-, izta-.
OUO. CF by W**{11}, W**{2.2}. See also izterbegi.
istape (**), ixtape (**), istarpe (**), iztape (**), iztarpe (**) ****
iztapeka (LN) [MORE] adv. ‘astride’. **** + -pe ****{‘under’ (see behe)} + -ka
AdvFS.
iztarte (**), istarte (**), ixtarte (**) n. ****
iztazain (LN R S), ixtezáñ (Z) ‘back of the knee’ (anat.). ****
iztegi (old B), iztei (B), iztai (B), istai (B), istei (?) n. ‘groin’ (anat.). 1905. + -egi
‘place’ (see {h}egi).
izterrondo (L) n. ‘groin’ (anat.). + ondo ‘side’.
izterbegi (old LN **), ixterbégi (Z) n. ‘enemy’. **** **** **** + begi ‘eye’. [FHV 62,
338, 476]
iztupa (old LN), istupa (old LN), eztupa (**), üztüpa (Z), uztupa (R) n. ‘oakum’. 1643.
From Lat. stuppam id., by L11, P37 (M. ****{1974b: 188}). [MAYBE MOVE THIS?]
izu (B G **), izi (**), uzu (B) ****{n. ‘trembling’; ‘panic, fright’ Aul.} [FHV 80]****{OUO.}
iziapen (old LN **) n. ‘fright’. **** + -tzapen NFS (see -tza), by P**{20} (M. 1961a:
293).
izior (** old LN) a. ‘timid’. **** + -kor AFS.

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R. L. Trask
izitu (**) ****{vti. ‘frighten’, ‘be frightened’ Aul.}izugarri (**), izigarri (**) ****{a. ‘terrifying’, ‘terrible’}Etymological Dictionary of Basque239

jaboi (B G HN), jaboe (B), xaboĩ (R), xabói (R), xabon (LN S), saboi (L LN), xabṹ (Z),saboin (L LN Z), salboin (L LN) n. ‘soap’. Ca. 1640.
From Rom. reflexes of Lat. sāpōnem id., often by P1; probably borrowed more thanonce. The last variant, the earliest recorded, is curious. [CHECK V LENGTH {Done.}]jagon (B), jabon (B) vt. ‘guard, protect’. ******** Second form by P10.
jai (B G HN L), jei (Z), xei (R S A) n. ‘festival’, (L) ‘religious feast day’. 1596.
Uncertain. With its initial /j/, the word looks nothing like a native noun, and M.
(****{1955c: 293}) proposes a borrowing from Occ. jai ‘happy’, ‘enjoyment’, noted by
CP with approval. Variants by P48, P56.
jai alai n. ‘pelota’, ‘jai alai’, the Basque national game, a member of the squash family,
esp. the form of it played with a long wicker basket strapped to each player’s handand called cesta punta in Cast. Late 19th cent. + alai ‘merry’. A neologism proposedby the Romantic writer Serafín Baroja as an alternative to the established name pilota.
Curiously, this name has been little used in Bq., though it has passed into Spanish andEnglish.
jaialdi n. ‘festival’ (as a public occasion), ‘musical or dance performance’. 1894. + aldi
‘occasion’.
Jaiberri n. ‘Corpus Christi’. 1918. + berri ‘new’ {(see *berr)}.
jaidura (L) n. ‘inclination, propensity’. 1627. + -dura NFS.
jai egin vitm. ‘take a day off’. + egin ‘do’.
jaiegun (B G HN L), jeiegün (Z) n. ‘holiday’. 1621. + egun ‘day’.
jaiera (G) n. ‘inclination’, ‘devotion’ (esp. to religious matters). 1745, 1747. + era‘manner’.
jaietxe (B) n. ‘holiday cottage’, (EB) ‘recreation hall’. + etxe ‘house’.
jaioso (H.) n. ‘holiday’. + oso ‘whole’.
jeihanditan (Z) adv. ‘in full regalia’, ‘in full fig’. + handi ‘big’ + -ta- {not in The
Dictionary} + -n {[1]} locative {CS.}jeigei (old LN), jaigai (G) n. ‘day before a holiday’, ‘holiday eve’. 1657. + -gai ‘suitablefor’ (see gai).
jaiki (**), jáiki (Z), jeiki (**), jéiki (Z), jaigi (**), jaki (**), jeki (**), jagi (B Sout), jegi(**), xági (R) **** [FHV 91] vi. ‘arise, get up’eraiki (G L Z), eraki (G), eregi (B Sout), erigi (old B, R&S 79) ****{vt. ‘set up, build’Aul.}jainko (c.), jeinko (old LN), jinko (HN LN S Z) n. ‘God’, ‘god’. 1545.
OUO. Many have seen this as an irregular contraction of Jaungoikoa ‘God’ (see jaun);
if so, it is certainly very irregular indeed. Others have tried to see it as an ancient Bq.

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word for ‘god’, but the cluster /nk/, by P6, points clearly to a late entry into the language,at least in this form. The popular derivation of English by jingo! from this word cannot
be sustained; see the Oxford English Dictionary.
jainkoaizun (L Z R) n. ‘false god’, ‘idol’. 1657. + aizun ‘false’ (see -kizun).
jainkoetsi vt. ‘regard as a god’, ‘deify’, ‘worship’. 1749. + -etsi ‘consider’ (see etsi).
jankoilo (G), jinkollo (?) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera) (Hb. ‘largebutterfly’). 1842. + oilo ‘hen’.
jainkojale (L) n. ‘one who adheres to the forms of religion but not to the spirit’. + jale‘eater’, from jan ‘eat’ + -le agent NFS: lit., ‘god-eater’.
jainkorde (old L) n. ‘idol’. + {-}orde ‘substitute’ {(see orde ‘compensation’}.
jainkosa n. ‘goddess’. 1664. Literary, not popular. + -sa female NFS.
jainkotu vi. ‘become a god’, vt. ‘deify’. 17th cent. + -tu VFS.

jaio (**) vi. ‘be born’. **** Stem jaia-, or sometimes jaiat- in old L old LN, reduced to jaitin old HN. [FHV 249 fn]
jaiakera (old B) n. ‘birth’. **** + -kera **** {Not in The Dictionary, but see era.}
jaiat etxe (old L) n. ‘house in which one is born’. **** + etxe ‘house’.
jaiatza (old B) n. ‘birth’. **** + -tza NFS.
jaiotegun (**), jaitegun (HN), jaiat egun (old LN) n. ‘day of birth’. **** + egun ‘day’.
****jaioterri (**), jaiterri (HN), jaiat herri (old LN), jait-erri (old HN) n. ‘fatherland’.
**** + herri ‘country’. ***jaiparri (old B) a. ‘newborn’. **** + berri ‘new’ (see *berr-). [FHV 249 fn]
jaitzi (Z), jeitzi (**), deitzi (HN L LN) vt. ‘milk’ (a cow). ******** Last form by reversal of palatalization, M** [FHV 184]
jaka (G **) n. ‘jacket’. **** [FHV 194]
jakin (c.), jákin (Z) vt. ‘know (a fact)’ (in the imperfective), ‘find out’ (in the perfective), TS
n. (S Z) ‘knowledge’. Stem jaki[n]-. Root -aki[n]-. Synth. 1545. See ezagutu, underezagun.
From *e-akin-i, OUO (M. 1961a: 408). This trisyllabic origin is probably the reason that
this word is nowhere recorded with an aspirated /k/. Lafitte (****{1944: 280}) suggests
a derivation from jan ‘eat’, somewhat parallel to the development of Lat. sapere ‘taste’
into Rom. verbs meaning ‘know’.
etxakin (Z R) ‘I/we don’t know’, lit. ‘not to know’. **** + ez ‘not’.
jakinduri (**) **** [FHV 132]
jakintsu (**), jakintsun (L) a. ‘knowledgeable’, ‘wise’. **** + -tsu AFS. L form by an
extraordinary spread of nasality.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque241

jalgi (LN), jalki (G HN), jálkhi (Z), jaulki (**), elki (S), élkhi (Z), ilki (L LN S), ilkhi (LLN), érkin (R) vi. ‘go out’, vt. ‘take out’. ****. [FHV 361]
OUO. Quite possibly from *e-elki, with variable treatment of the unusual initial /ee/:mutual dissimilation or coalescence (M. 1977a: 515). [FHV 63 fn. 7: IMPORTANT]
ilkitbide (** old LN) n. ‘outcome, result’. **** + bide ‘way’. [FHV 249]
jalgite (**) n. ‘sunrise’, ‘diarhhoea’. **** {+ te [1] NFS} [FHV 515]
jan (c.), jaan (**), xan (R) vt. ‘eat’ (1545), TS n. ‘food’ (1617). Stem ja[n]-, jai-. Root-a[n]-.
OUO. Last CF by M13.
jaki (**), jaaki (old B) ****{n. ‘food’}janari (**), janhari (** old LN Z) n. {‘food’}
jateko (**), jaateko (old B) n. ‘food’. ****. + -te {[1]} NFS + -ko.
jatordu (Sout **) n. ‘meal’. 1562. + ordu ‘hour’. [add FHV 250 fn]
jatoste (B) n. ‘time after eating’, ‘afternoon’. **** + oste {[2]} ‘after’.
jantzi (B G LN R), jauntzi (HN L LN Z), jáuntsi (Z) *** ** ‘get dressed’ [FHV 285]
erantzi (B G), erauntzi (HN LN S), erontzi (B Sout) *****{‘undress’} [FHV 98]
DERIVS: [FHV 285]
*jar- First element in compound verbs; of unknown significance.
jaramon (**) **** {v. ‘take notice’} [FHV 557]
jaregin (**) ****{v. ‘free’} [FHV 557]
jaretsi {(B), jaritsi (B), jaditxi (B), jaitxi (B), eretsi (B), iritsi (G), iritxi (G) vt. ‘reach,achieve, accomplish’}**** [take from erdietsi {Done.}] [FHV 557]
jarri (**), xarri (A **), xasi (R) **** ‘put’, ‘sit down’ **** [FHV 295] [SORT THESE sit
AND put WORDS {i.e. eseri, ezarri}]**** The last form perhaps contaminated by R xaseri ‘sit down’ (see eseri) (M. 1961a:
295).
jasan (HN L LN), jaso (**), jason (B), jauso (old B) **** [FHV 92], jésan (Z) ‘borrow’**** [FHV 515]
jaugin (LN) (1545), jin (L LN Z R) (1545), xin (R S), jen (L) vi. ‘come’. Stem jaugi[n]-;Root -augi[n]-. Synth. ****
OUO. Second form by irregular contraction, since /j/ never otherwise precedes /i/ in
native words.
daugin (old L) adjvl. ‘next’ (as in ‘next week’). From a finite form, approximately*daugi ‘it is coming’, + -n {[3]} relative. [FHV 516]

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R. L. Trask

jauki (** old LN), jáuki (Z) **** vt. ‘attack’. ****
jaulki (G) ****{vi. ‘fall’}eraulki (G), eralki (B G), eralgi (B G) **** {vt. ‘sift’}[FHV 89-90]
jaun (c.), xaun (S), jain (LN Z R), jein (R), jin (Z R) n. ‘lord’, TS ‘gentleman’, ‘sir’,‘mister’. CF jaur-. 14th cent.
OUO. Variants by P56, P69, P48, P47. CF by W10. The word has a strange form for anoun, and it is very likely the participle of a lost verb, meaning something like ‘exalted’.
See the discussion under andere ‘lady’.
jabe (**), jaube (old B, R&S 54, 286 **) n. ****{‘owner’ Aul.}
jaundone (G), jaundoni (L), jondone (L), jondoni (LN), jondane (Z), jandone (old B)
n. ‘Saint’, in the name of a male saint, as in Jaundone Johane ‘Saint John’. 1596. +done ‘saint’.
Jaungoiko (B Sout G HN), Jaingoiko (?), Jangoiko (?), Jangeiko (?), Juangeiku (R) n.
‘God’. Ca. 1500, 1562. Always takes the article: Jaungoikoa. + goiko ‘who is on
high’, from goi ‘high place’ + -an Loc. {CS.} + -ko, with the regular suppression of-an before -ko. The unusual order of elements suggests a calque on a Rom. formation;
we might have expected *Goikojaun. See jainko.
jauregi (c.) n. ‘palace’, ‘castle’. 1571. + -tegi ‘place’ ****{(see hegi).}jauretsi (old LN Z) vt. ‘pay homage to’, ‘adore’. 1657. + -etsi ‘consider’ (see etsi).
jaur-gehien (old LN) n. ‘sovereign’. **** + gehien ‘most’ (see gai).
jaurgoa (old LN) n. ‘empire’. **** + -goa NFS.
jaurtiki (G HN) (19th cent.), jaurdiki (?), jaurtigi (B) (1802), jaurti (B) (1818), jaurtin(B), aurdiki (L LN) (1571), aurthiki (L LN) (1571), aurtiki (G), aurdigi (L LN)(1571), artiki (G L), arthiki (L), urthiki (Z), urthúki (Z), ithuki (Z), eurtiki (GHN), urtigi (old B), also jaurtu (B), jaurt egin (B) vt. ‘throw’.
Leizarraga has impf. part. aurthite- and aurthiquite-. Fossilized compound verb of
opaque formation. Possibly original *eau- (M. 1961a: 102). Last two variants re-formed,
with -tu VFS and egin ‘do’.
jautsi (**), jaitsi (*** old LN), jatsi (old B Sout), jeutsi (**), deutsi (LN), jausi (**),
sauntsi (**), sautsi (**), jatxi (G HN), jetxi (G HN), xatxi (R) **** different
meanings: go down, fall [FHV 94]****{From *e-au(t)s-i, root *-au(t)s-, OUO.} Form with /d/ by reversal of palatalization,
M**{9} [FHV 184]
erautsi (**), {erauntsi,} eriatsi (**), caus e(r)áitxi (Z) [FHV 94 fn]
jauzi (**), jáuzi (Z), xauzi (R), zauzi (R) **** ** ‘jump’{OUO.}
erauzi (**), e(r)áuzi (Z) causative [many senses]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque243

jeinhatu (old L) {vt. care for’}, geñhátü (Z){, geñhatu (**)} vt. ****{‘accumulate’, ‘save’}[FHV 519]
From Gasc. ganhà ****{‘gain’, ‘earn’} (M. 1977a: 519).
jela (G HN) n. ‘ice’ **** [FHV 194]
jende (** G HN), jente (B **), jénte (Z), génte (R) **** n. ‘people’. ******** plurality
jendalde (old LN **) n. ‘crowd, multitude’. **** + talde ‘group’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
jentil (**) **** {‘Gentile’} [FHV 230]
jera (B), txera (B), jira (old B) **** {‘welcome’} [FHV 71, 174]
jaramon (B) vt. ‘pay attention to’, **** TS n. ‘attention’ **** [FHV 71, 174]
etxaramon (B) vt. ‘pay no attention to, ignore’. **** + ez ‘not’.
jaramon egin (B) vt. ‘pay attention to’. ****{]}jesan (Z) vt. ‘borrow’. **** {] Duplicate, see jasan.}{[}jesarri (B), jasarri (B) **** {vi. ‘sit’ Aul.} [FHV 168] {] Duplicate, see eseri.}jipoi (G), ****, jipon (HN) ‘jacket’ *** [FHV 194]jo (c.), xo (R) vt. ‘hit, strike, beat’ ***********
joera (**), fuera (HN) n. ‘inclination’. ****
joka (**), jokha (**) adv. ‘hitting’. ****
jokhatu (LN) [diathesis unrecorded] ‘copulate (with)’ (of a male) (M. 1977a: 583
says this verb is used specifically of birds). **** + -tu VFS.
joan (c.), fan (B G HN R S A), fuan (B), gan (L HN), goan (HN L), joan ([xwan]) (R),xoan ([wan]) (R) vi. ‘go’, ‘go away’, vid. ‘go away from’, ‘leave’, vt. (L LN) ‘takeaway’. Stem joa[n]-, also (L LN) joai-. Root -oa[n]-. 15th cent.
From *e-oan-i, OUO. This is an /n/-verb; see M11. Variants by coalescence: /f/ from/w/, // from /w/ (P72). For the second stem, see M13. The exceptional form of theroot suggests a lost consonant, and hence *e-oCan-i, but there is no evidence. The
occurrence of joan, in place of the regular *johan, in L LN is extraordinary. Even more
extraordinary is the existence of the L LN imperfective participle johan, alongside theregular joaiten, producing a phonological and morphological contrast without parallel inthe language. This is the Bq. verb of directed motion, and, like all motion verbs, it takes

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R. L. Trask
accompanying adverbials to express the manner of motion. In most varieties, it is strictly
intransitive, but in L LN it has acquired a transitive use as ‘take away’, a sense moreusually rendered by its causative eraman (see below).
eraman (G HN LN S R) (1545), e(r)áman (Z), ereman (G HN L LN) (1785), erman(S), eroan (B Z) (16th cent.), eramo (**) vt. ‘take away’, ‘carry off’. TS ‘suffer,
undergo’. TS vitmd. ‘overcome, defeat, conquer’. + -ra- causative. Original *e-ra-oan
yields B Z eroan by P35.3; the common form as follows: *e-ra-oan > *era[w]an (byP53) > *eraban (by P55) > eraman (by P7) (M. 1961a: 119, 177).

joare (HN LN Z R), joale (**), fare (G A), gare (HN L) n. ‘bell’. **** CF joal- etc. A[**** bustaliza] named Ioal eguieta is recorded in Roncesvalles in 1284 (M. 1961a:
317).
****
falko (A) n. ‘little bell’. **** + -ko dimin. {Not in The Dictionary.}
galdun (**) n. ‘bellwether’. **** + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).
juálte (Z) n. ‘collar holding an animal’s bell’. ****
joko (**), joku (**), jókü (Z) n. ‘game’. ****
jokatu (**), jokhátü (Z) ****
jornada (**), jornaa (**), jorrada (**{HN}), jorraa (HN) n. **** [FHV 366-367]
josi (**) **** ‘sew’. ****{(< *e-os-i), OUO.}
jostatu (**), dostatu (old LN) **** {.v ‘play’} [FHV 184]
From old Occ. jostar **** {‘joust’} [FHV 184] [second by reversal of palatalization]
jostailu (**), jostallu (G) **** n. ‘toy, plaything’.****
tosta (R) n. ‘diversion’. **** [FHV 184]
judu (**), judegu (B) n. ‘Jew’. **** [FHV 100]
justuri (B), fusturi (B) n. ‘thunderclap’. **** **** [FHV 173] {Cf. igortziri ‘thunder’.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque245-k [1] (c.) absolutive plural suffix.
OUO. Generally, speaking, this suffix occurs only in the absolutive case, and only in theseveral demonstrative stems (plus the plural article -ak, itself derived from the absolutive
plural of the distal demonstrative *har). It is also often added pleonastically to theindefinite plural suffix -zu.
Since all oblique forms of the demonstrative stems exhibit an apparent plural marker ofthe form -e-, it has often been proposed that this -k derives from *-g, that thephonological vowel -e- was therefore automatically inserted before a following casesuffix, and that this *-g-, being often intervocalic, consequently dropped, leaving the -eas the sole marker of plurality. This is plausible, but not certain.
-k [2] (c.) ergative CS. 9th cent. [in the Emilian Glosses].
OUO. Since no other suffix can ever follow this one, there is no possibility of recovering
an earlier form. Attempts at linking it to -ki [**{1}] or to -ka, both AdvFS, areunpersuasive and unsubstantiated. [FHV 117]-ka (c.) AdvFS.
OUO. Forms adverbs from nominals, as in zaldika ‘on horseback’, from zaldi ‘horse’,and in harrika ‘(while) throwing stones’, from harri ‘stone’. [FHV 237: possibly sourceof /k/ in -tik]kabale (L LN), kabále (Z), kabala (LN), kabal (L LN Z) n. ‘(any) domestic animal’. 1666.
From some Rom. descendant of Lat. capitalem ‘chief, principal’ (M. ****{1968a: 7});
cf. old Arag. cabdal, capdal ‘capital, fund’, Gasc. cabale ‘mare’. {But the last is Occ.
cavala < Lat. caballum with -a feminine gender suffix. M. says that Gasc. cabale is notcognate with Bq. kabale.}kable (**) ****{‘cable’} [FHV 348]
kabra (B), kraba (G HN), krabarroka (G HN) n. ‘a certain spiny red fish’ (zool.) ****
[FHV 348]kai (**) n. ‘wharf, quay’. ****
kamingañ (G) n. ‘sea wall of a wharf’. + mingain ‘tongue’ (see mihi) (M. 1961a: 91).
kaiku (B G HN L) n. ‘wooden mug with a handle’. 17th cent.
From *kauku, by P{46}, from Lat. caucum ‘wooden bowl’ (M. 1961a: 91).
kain (B) ****{‘fog, vapour’} [FHV 141 fn]
kaiola n. (B G HN L LN Z), kaloi (Z) ‘cage’, (B) ‘nest’, (?) ‘jail, prison’. 1745, 1804.
From Bearn. cayole ‘cage’, ult. from LLat. *caveolam ‘small enclosed place’ (Lh.). See
also txabola.

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R. L. Trask

kalamu (HN **), khalámü (Z), kallamu (B) **** {n. ‘hemp’} [FHV 183 fn]
kamaña (**), amaña (G) n. **** {n. ‘bunk’} [FHV 251-252]
kamarra (**), amarra (G) ****{n. ‘crab’} [FHV 252]
kamelu (** old LN), kamélü (Z), ganbelu (B) **** n. ‘camel’ (zool.) (****). ****
kamiño (B G), kamio (G HN) n. ‘road’. ****
From Cast. camino id., by P1. There is a surname Camio ~ Gamio.
kana (**) **** n. ‘cane’. ****
kanabera (** old LN), kanabé(r)a (Z) **** n. ****{‘cane’} {[FHV 217]}
kandela (HN **), kandera (LN), kandra (R S), khandé(r)a (Z) *** n. ‘candle’. ****{[FHV 160-161, 217]}
kankano (**) ****{n. ‘large fruit stone’ Az.} [MT entry]
kanpai (**), kanpae (**), kanpa (B) n. ‘bell’. **** CF kanpan-.
**** CF by W**{1, P1.3}.
kanpanburu (B) n. **** + buru ‘head’. [FHV 301]
kanpantorre (B G) n. ‘bell tower, belfry’. **** + torre ‘tower’ {(see dorre).}kanpantxu (B) n. ‘small bell’. **** + -txu dimin. (see -to {[1]}).
kanpo (**) **** ****{n. ‘outside’ Aul.}kantitu (**), tankitu (HN) vt. ****{‘disturb’} [FHV 260]**** Second form by metathesis.
kantoin (** old LN), kantṹ (Z) n. ****{‘corner’} [FHV 217]
kantu (**) n. ****{‘song’ Aul.}kantatu (c. exc. Z), kantatü (Z) vt. or vitm. ‘sing’. 1545. Formally + -tu VFS, but inpractice from Cast. cantar or a related Rom. form.
kantxoĩ (R) n. ****{‘song’} [FHV 287]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque247

kapela n. (B G) (15th cent.), gapelu (LN) ‘hat’, kapelu (HN L) (1640) ‘hat’, ‘beret’. Dimin.
txapel (1621), xapel (ca. 1620) (L LN Z R) ‘hat’, (B G HN) ‘beret’. [FHV 191]
From med. Lat. cappellam ‘cloak’, later ‘hat, cap’ (M. ****{1974b: 193}). It isinteresting that that most famous Basque artefact, the beret, should have a Rom. name;see bonet.
txapeldun (1916), xapeldun (1858) ‘one who wears a hat’, ‘middle-class person’(1858), ‘champion’ (1916). The second sense from the custom of awarding a beret to
the winner of a competition. + -dun ‘who has’ (see *edun).
txapelketa (**) n. ‘contest, competition, championship’. 1937. + -keta NFS of activity{not in The Dictionary}; see txapeldun above.
kapellau (old B Sout) ****{n. ‘priest’} [FHV 152]
kapitae (old B), kapitai (Sout old G), kapitañ (old Z) n. ‘captain’. ****
kaprestu (L) n. ‘halter’. ****
From Lat. ****{capistrum}, with metathesis. [Cast. cabestro] [FHV 369]{[}karats (**) **** [MT entry] {] ?Duplicate, see under keru}
kardu (**), kardo (**), khardo (**), karlo (L) n. [various -- sort] ****{‘tinder’, ‘thistle’Az.} [FHV 366]
kardabera (**) ****{n. ‘thistle’ Az.}
kare (**) **** ‘lime’ ****
From *kale, by P**, from Old Cast. *cale (mod. cal) id. [Corominas s.v.]
karobi (G), karabi (**), karaubi (B) n. ****{‘lime kiln’} [FHV 118] {+ hobi ‘pit’}karena (G) n. ‘dwarf’. [FHV 227]
kaden-txarri (old B) **** [FHV 227]
karrika (**), kharrika (old LN), kharríka (Z) n. ‘street’. ****
karroin (L LN R), karroĩ (R), kharroin (LN) n. ‘ice’. 1657.
From *karrone, by P1 (M. 1961a: 199). **** [FHV 482]
kási (Z) prt. ‘almost’. **** [other forms?]
kasko (**) **** [MT entry]

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R. L. Trask

katabut (**{A HN R), katabuta (**{A HN R}), gathabute (**{L}) ******** From Cast. ataúd id. (M. 1961a: 252).
Katalin (B G HN L) n. ‘Catherine’ (proper name). The source of several formations.
katalingorri n. (HN LN L) ‘ladybird’ (zool.) (Coccinella septempunctata), (B) ‘brandy’,
often especially ‘fruit brandy’. + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.
katea (** old G), kate (G **), gatea (Sout), gathea (**), gathe (L), gate (**), khatíña (Z) n.
‘chain’. **** CF katen-.
From Lat. catenam id., by P1 (M. ****{1961a: 67}). CF by W**{1, P1.3}. M. (1961a:
212 fn. 19) dismisses the hapax cathiña of Leizarraga as an error, with its anomalous
aspiration.
katenbegi (B) n. ‘link of a chain’. **** + begi ‘eye’.
katenbiur (B) n. **** [FHV 301]
katentxu (B) n. ‘small chain’. **** + -txu dimin. (see -to [**{1}]).
katibu (**), katigu (B G) n. ‘captive’ **** [FHV 259]
katu (c. exc. Z) (1562), gatu (LN) (1657), gathu (H.), gathü (Z) n. ‘cat’ (zool.) (Felis catus).
CF kata-.
From Lat. catum, or more probably from that word’s popular variant cattum id. The
absence of a northern variant *khatu is curious. CF by W2.3.
katagorri (G HN) n. ‘squirrel’ (zool.) (Sciurus). + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}. The nameis not confined to the red squirrel.
katakume (B) n. ‘kitten’. + -kume ‘offspring’ (see ume).
katakux(a) (B) (1905), gataguxa (G?) (1746) n. ‘marten’ (zool.) (Martes martes).
Second element obscure; B guxa ‘cot’ is possible but semantically mysterious.
katamalo, katamalu (B G) n. ‘mask’, ‘person in disguise’. App. + Cast. malo ‘bad’.
katanarru (**{B}) ***{n. ‘catskin’ Aul.}
katapurtxintx (**), katajoxintxa (**), katakuxantxa (**) n. ‘squirrel’ (zool.) (****).
The first continuation is burtxintx ‘squirrel’ (see urtxintx). The others are obscure,though perhaps only altered versions of the first. [FHV 293]
kausitu (** R), khausitu (**) vt. ‘find’. **** [FHV 93-94, 423 fn]
ke (B Sout G HN S R), khe (L LN Z), kee (B), kei (R), ki (G HN), ge (old G, H.), eke (B HN
A LN S R), ike (L) n. ‘smoke’. 1562. [SEE EUSK for TS] CF ke-, kea-.
OUO, and very mysterious. This is virtually the only native and ancient lexical item
beginning with /k/, and we may suspect a complex history. Very likely the widespreadvariant eke is conservative, and most varieties have undergone an irregular loss of theinitial vowel. Such loss, while not normal, is certainly more appealing than the arbitrary
addition of an initial /e/ in the two-syllable forms. Note that the definite form is often

Etymological Dictionary of Basque249

keia in B G R, even though the free word is commonly reported as ke – though M.
(1961a: 156) cites the base form in these varieties as kee. Surprisingly, M. (1961a: 255)
sees kee as the conservative form, taking the view that initial /k/ was lost in general atsome ancestral stage of the language but preserved in this word because of its supposedly“expressive” character. But this account is not persuasive, and it fails to explain thevariants eke, ike. [REWRITE: EUSK] The CF kea- perhaps continues the variant kee,by W**{2.2}. Perhaps we need to reconstruct an earlier *ekee.
gedarre (**), ***** n. ‘soot’. **** M. (1961a: 255 fn. 50) is satisfied that the firstelement here is ke.
keatu (B), ketu (B), khetu (S.P.), keetu (B G), keitu (HN), kiatu (?) vt. ‘smoke’ (meat,cheese, etc.). **** + tu VFS.
keztu (**), keztatu (**) vt. ****{‘smoke’}
kehélla (Z) n. ‘rustic song’. **** [FHV 213] {NB M.’s gloss cancilla rústica is rather ‘rustic
gate’.}
keinu (**), kheinu (L LN), keñu (B G HN), khéñü (Z), kiñu (B G) n. ‘wink’, ‘sign’. ******** [FHV 196]
kendu (B G HN L LN), khendu (LN), khéntü (Z), gendu (HN S), gentu (R), ekendu (HN
LN A) vi. ‘remove oneself, leave, get out of the way’, vt. or vid. ‘remove, take away,
depose, abolish’, ‘subtract’, vt. ‘annul’, ‘exclude’, ‘charge, get’ (money, in exchange
for something). Stem k(h)en-, gen-, eken- 1545.
OUO, but apparently from a non-verbal stem. Common k(h)endu, with its initial /k/, isanomalous, and the variant ekendu is perhaps conservative, with loss of initial /e/ inmost varieties. Alternatively, the Pyrenean forms with initial // are possiblyconservative, with /k/ perhaps then resulting from the application of P11 to original
gentu. [FHV 156-157]-keria (c.), -keri (B G), -eria (sporadic) NFS of vices.
Second form by M4. This suffix coexists with common -tarzun ~ -tasun ‘-ness’ (see-tar), but it is always preferred in deriving names for qualities seen as morally wrong or
bad. When the stem is morally neutral, we get two derivatives: handi ‘great’;handitasun ‘greatness’; handikeria ‘boastfulness’, ‘conceit’. When the stem is morally
bad, we get only a form in -keria: lizun ‘lewd, lascivious’; lizunkeria ‘lewdness,lasciviousness, depravity, filth’. Added to the name of a creature, the suffix derives thename of a bad quality associated with that creature: oilo ‘hen’, oilokeria ‘cowardice’.
There are two views. It was first proposed by Humboldt that this is the same element aseri ‘illness’ {cf. eri [1] ‘ill’}, by M**{2}; this is semantically good, but it suffers fromthe observation that the expected variant *eria is nowhere recorded for the noun. M.
(1961a: 247) and Múgica (1978; s.v.) argue instead for a Rom. origin, noting that thecommon Cast. noun-forming suffix -ería sometimes gives rise to similar formations, as
in Cast. porquería ‘filth, rubbish’, from puerco ‘pig’. This suffers from the observationthat the variant -eria is rare and found only sporadically in a pejorative sense; anyway,
Rom. -eria also occurs in Bq. as a seemingly distinct suffix (see -eria {not in The
Dictionary}). Múgica also claims a variant *-teria, but his sole example of umeteria,

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R. L. Trask
glossed as ‘childishness’, appears to be an error, since A. (1905) gives this word only as
meaning ‘group of children’, and the word for ‘childishness’ is normally the expectedumekeri(a) (see ume).

kermen (B) **** {n. ‘timber’ skill’}, kirmen (B) ****{a. ‘faithful, loyal’} [FHV 62]
keru (G HN LN S), khino (**), kino (**), khíño (Z), kio (R) n. ‘odour’, ‘stench’. ****
[FHV 67, 240] ******** M. (1961a: 255, 67) proposes an original *keno, OUO {by P1, P35.1.}
kerats (**{G HN}), {karats (BN R), khá(r)ats (Z), kirats (B HN L R), khirets (HNLN)} ****{n. ‘stench’} [FHV 67]-ki [1] (c. exc. B) AdvFS forming adverbs of manner from adjectives. Examples: ederki‘beautifully’ (eder ‘beautiful’); ongi ‘well’ (on ‘good’).
OUO. See also -to [2].
-ki- [2], -k-, -i- (c.) Dative flags: cluster of suffixes occurring in finite verb-forms,
immediately after the verbal root and preceding a dative agreement-marker.
Examples, all preceding -o, marker of third-singular dative: G dizkio ‘s/he has them tohim/her’, B jako ‘it is to him/her’, G zaio ‘it is to him/her’.
OUO. It is not clear how many different suffixes are represented here, but both -ki- and-i- can readily be derived from an original *-gi-, with loss of the // between vowels anddevoicing of // after a sibilant, followed by some redistribution of the resulting variants,
an interpretation possibly favoured by the following entry. But -k- is harder to accountfor in this way. Azkue (1905) notes an apparent tendency in old B for -ki- to be usedwith intransitive verbs, while transitive verbs use -ts- for the same purpose. Old B may
thus preserve remnants of an ancient functional distinction already lost in the earliest
texts in other varieties. We might conceivably see these flags as resulting from theincorporation into the verb of either an ancient preposition or an ancient independentverb, but neither proposal sits well with the historical nature of Bq. as a head-final andexclusively postpositional language.
-ki (c. exc. B), -gi (B). Suffix apparently added to a verb-stem in order to allow theaddition of a dative argument to the diathesis of that verb. There are some rather clear
examples of this: egon ‘be (in a state)’ (a simple intransitive verb), egoki ‘fit, suit,correspond to’ (an intransitive verb taking a dative complement). Others can bereadily reconstructed: *edun ‘have’ (a simple transitive verb), eduki ‘grasp, hold onto’ (a simple transitive verb today, but in early texts it takes its object in the dative). It
is noteworthy that many verbs which apparently contain this suffix but which have noknown simple verbs as sources take dative objects, such as the archaic izeki ‘burn’.
Still other verbs taking dative objects appear both with and without -ki, such as
jarrai(n) ~ jarraiki ‘follow’. The proposal here is that this suffix has been extracted
from the dative flag discussed above: for example, egon acquired finite forms likedagokio ‘it corresponds to him/her/it’, from which a new lexical verb egoki was
extracted by reanalysis. If so, the B variant -gi for this suffix would support the
proposal in the last paragraph that the dative flag derives from *-gi-. The absence of adative object with certain verbs in -ki, such as ebaki (B ebagi) ‘cut’, may beEtymological Dictionary of Basque251

explained by noting the existence of an attested variant epai, lacking the suffix, andassuming that the diathesis of the suffixed form changed from dative to simple
transitive before the time of our earliest texts, parallel to the change in diathesis
observed for eduki within the texts.
-ki [3] (c.) NFS forming concrete nouns. ********* This suffix also forms names of meats, as in txahal ‘calf’, txahalki ‘veal’. AT
constantly interpret -ki in this function as a reduced form of haragi ‘meat’, which I
consider indefensible.
-kide, -ide (c.) NFS ‘fellow’, ‘mate’. Variation by M2.
ide (B) n. ‘fellow’, ‘equal’. 15th cent. By extraction of the suffix, M**{3}.
kide (c.), khide (L LN Z) n. ‘fellow’, ‘colleague’, ‘companion’, (G HN LN Z)‘contemporary’, ‘coeval’, (B) ‘size, volume’, ‘class’. 1571. By extraction of thesuffix, M**{3}.
ekila (**) Com. CS. ****
-ekin (c.), -eki (**), -ekiñ (**), -ekien (**) Com. CS. The source is a postpositional
phrase of the form *-e(n) kide(a)n ‘in the company of’; this consists of the Gen. -e[**{1}] (or conceivably Gen -en [**{1}]) + kide (possibly + -a article) + -n {[1]}Loc. CS (M. 1961a: 122, 413). See -gaz. [FHV 346]
kideko (**), kireko (G) n. ‘contemporary’. + -ko NFS.
kilker (**), kirkil (**), kirkir (**), zirzill (old B) n. ‘cricket’ (zool.) (****). **** [FHV
296]
kima (G), kuma (HN), khuma (LN) n. ‘mane’ (of a horse), {‘horsehair’,} zima (G) ‘shockof hair’. **** Dimin. txima (B G) ‘shock of hair’, xima (LN) ‘sprouts, shoots’. [FHV
296]
-kin [**] (L LN Z R) AFS ‘fond of’.
Forms adjectives from nouns. OUO. Possibly a development of one of the other suffixesof this form.
{[}khiño (**) n. ‘stench, stink’. **** [FHV 240]**** M. (1961a: 255) proposes an original *keno, OUO. {] Moved and combined withkeru.}
kirikiño (B G), kirikio (B G) n. ‘hedgehog’ (zool.) (****). ****
From Lat. ēricium id. (M. 1961a: 252), app. to introduce reduplication. [possibly to be
combined with triku?] [FHV 497] [BUT FHV 534 WITHDRAWS THIS {derivationfrom ēricium}: IMPORTANT] {See M. 1971f: 259ff.}

252

R. L. Trask{[}kirisailu (** old LN), **** girisellu (old HN) n. ‘oil lamp’. ******** M. (1961a: 239) notes that an original voiced initial plosive seems to have given
way to a voiceless one. {] Partly duplicates kriseilu. Moved there.}{[}kirten (B G), kirtain (HN), kerten (G) **** [FHV 62] {] Partly dupicates girten (seegider). Combined there.}kiskail (HN L LN) a. ‘overcooked, burnt, toasted’. ********
kiska(i)li (**), kiska(i)ldu (**), zizka(i)ldu (old LN S.P.), xixka(i)ldu (LN S),
suskuldu (old B) **** ‘overcook, burn, toast’. **** [FHV 296]
kito (**), kitto (B G) ****{a. ‘finished, quit(s)’}-kizun, -izun (c.) NFS, AFS.
Fluctuation in form by M2. This suffix forms mainly nouns, esp. but not only fromverbs, with a variety of mostly abstract senses, centring around ‘activity’. However, in L
LN Z, it can be added to kinship terms to denote ‘step-’, as alabaizun ‘stepdaughter’,from alaba ‘daughter’. It also forms adjectives, mainly from verbs, usually in the senseof ‘-able’. The suffix is clearly compound in origin. The first element is presumably oneof the suffixes -ki cited above, but we can’t tell which. The final element is {*}-zun.
-aizun (L LN Z R) AFS ‘false’. Extracted in error from formations like alabaizun‘stepdaughter’ (M. 1961a: 250 fn. 43).
aizun (L) a. ‘false’. By extraction of the suffix (M**{3}).
-ko (c.) Syntactic suffix; also NFS.
OUO. This suffix is of enormous and central importance in Bq. syntax, and it also plays
a role in word-formation. Syntactically, it can be added to virtually any adverbial,
regardless of structure, to form a preposed adjectival modifier. Except in Z and R, it isvoiced to -go after /n/ or /l/ by P6. In this function, the suffix is fully productive, andsuch modifiers can be created at will In the historical period, a locative ending -n or -an
is suppressed before -ko, as is the /n/ of comitative -ekin (see kide), which is in fact thelocative -n in origin. Examples: atzo ‘yesterday’, atzoko egunkaria ‘yesterday’s
newspaper’; zirt edo zart ‘decisively’, zirt-edo-zarteko gizona ‘a decisive man’; Bilbon‘in Bilbao’, Bilboko kaleak ‘the streets of Bilbao’; etxean ‘in the house’, etxeko teilatua‘the roof of the house’; mendira ‘to the mountain’, mendirako bidea ‘the road to themountain’; mendietan ‘in the mountains’, mendietako haitzuloak ‘the caves in themountains’; non ‘where?’, nongo jendea ‘the people from where?’; gurekin ‘with us’,gurekiko neskak ‘the girls (who are/were) with us’; izarra agertu zitzaienean ‘when thestar appeared to them’, izarra agertu zitzaieneko garaian ‘at the time when the starappeared to them’. But the ****{15th-century text in M. (1964b: §3.1.7, 32} exhibits
the unique form barruangoak ‘those inside’, from barruan ‘inside’, locative of barru‘interior’, with no suppression of the locative ending; the historical language requires
barrukoak here. [ADD FHV 505–506: hetangoak etc.]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque253

In a second function, -ko can be added to an N-bar, a nominal expression lacking adeterminer, to create a preposed adjectival modifier. The N-bar must be at least twowords long, and there are obscure semantic constraints. Examples: beso eder ‘beautifularm’, beso ederreko pilotaria ‘a jai-alai player with a great arm’; bihotz on ‘good heart’,bihotz oneko neska ‘a girl with a good heart’. In certain cases the indefinite -ta- {(not in
The Dictionary)} must be inserted: hiru urte ‘three years’, hiru urtetako umea ‘a threeyear-old child’. These cases differ from the preceding in that they have no adverbial
source. In this function the suffix is also productive.
In a third function, -ko serves as a noun-forming suffix with various functions. Again
the indefinite -ta- {(not in The Dictionary)} is sometimes required. A common functionis ‘pertaining to’, ‘found at or near’. Examples: gerri ‘waist’, gerriko ‘belt’, ‘sash’; buru
‘head’, buruko or burko ‘cap’, ‘pillow’; belarri ‘ear’, belarritako ‘earring’. Anotherfunction is ‘blow (to)’. Example: ipurdi ‘buttocks’, ipurdiko ‘smack on the buttocks’. A
third function, quite rare, is diminutive. Example: mando ‘mule’, mandako ‘little mule’.
In this function the suffix is now only weakly productive at best.
The suffix has further functions when it follows certain other suffixes, notably the gerundsuffixes -tze (see -tza) and -te {[2]}, the allative ending -ra, and the instr. ending -z; seethose entries. See also the use of -ko as a future marker below. When -ko follows asuppressed locative ending, the resulting form appears to contain no suffix other than-ko, and such forms have traditionally been counted by Basque grammarians asconstituting an additional and distinct nominal case-suffix, the “locative genitive”, but
this analysis is historically wrong, and probably not synchronically advisable.
The Aq. suffix -C(C)O possibly represents this Bq. suffix.
Tovar (****, ****, ****{1954}) argues that Bq. -ko must share a common origin with
PIE *-ko, a suffix with various functions, the most important of which was the formationof lexical adjectives from nouns, as in Greek physikós ‘natural’ from physis ‘nature’ andin Latin civicus ‘civic’ from civis ‘city’. But this proposal faces huge difficulties. First,
the functions of PIE *-ko are not very similar to those of Bq. -ko. Second, the suffix *ko is of PIE date, and it is almost impossible to see how an early form of Bq. could havebeen in intense contact with PIE.
-ko (c. exc. Z R) Future. In all but the eastern varieties, -ko is added to the perfective
participle of a verb to derive the future (prospective) participle. In B and G, this is the
only suffix so used, while in L and LN it exists alongside -en, which is used
exclusively in the east. In these central varieties, -ko is used after a vowel and -en
after a consonant. So from ikusi ‘see’ (perfective) the future participle is ikusiko in
the west and the centre, but ikusiren in the east, while from egin ‘do’ the future
participle is egingo in the west but eginen in the centre and the east. This regionalvariation suggests that the future participle must be a rather late formation.
kobla (**) ****{n. ‘sung verse’}
koblakari (**) ****
kobratu (**) ****{vt. ‘collect (money)’}kobretxe (R) n. *****{‘town hall’} [FHV 157 fn]

254

R. L. Trask

kodaña (B), koraña (B), kodeña (old LN) n. ‘scythe’. ****
From Cast. guadaña id.
kofoin (**), khogáñ (Z) ****{kofau (old L [Ax]), khobañ (Z)} n. ‘beehive’. **** [FHV
152, 259, 414]
kokot (**) n. ‘nape of the neck’. **** [MT entry]
kokotz (**), okotz (**) n. ‘chin’ (anat.) ****{[}kolko (** G), **** n. ****{] ‘chest’, ‘bosom’ Aul. Duplicates golko [1].}{[}koloka (L), kolka (**), kloka (**), loka (**) n. ‘broody hen’. ****
From Cast. clueca id. {or Occ. cloca}, by ****{L8}. {] Duplicates loka.}koloma (**) n. ‘column, pillar, post’. **** [FHV 560]
kolore (c.) n. ‘colour’. 1562.
From Rom. *colore id.
khólte (Z) n. **** {‘stake’} [FHV 212]
komeni (**), konbeni (**) **** {vi. ‘be convenient, suit’} [FHV 357]
komentu (**), konbentu (**) n. ****{‘convent’} [FHV 357]
konfesatu (**), kofesatu (**), kobesatu (**), kobesátü (Z) vt. ‘confess’. ****
kontent (**) ****
kontra (c.) p. [+ Gen.] ‘against’. 1545.
From Cast. contra id., or from a related Rom. form: a rare instance of a preposition
borrowed as a postposition.
kontu (** old LN), khúntü (Z) n. ‘attention, care’. ****
kopor n. (G HN), gopor (L LN), gophor (LN), khopor (Z), opor (G HN L LN), ophor (?)‘bowl, basin’ (sometimes esp. ‘earthenware bowl’) (but ‘cup’ in Z). 1571.
Uncertain. M. (****{1951b: 577}) diffidently suggests a derivative of late Lat. cuppam‘cup’, with an opaque second element.
-kor (**), -or (**) AFS ‘tending to’.
****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque255

korapilo, korapillo (B G HN), orapilo, orapillo (B G LN S R), orapin (Sout), moropil (B),poronpil (B) n. ‘knot’, TS ‘problem’, TS ‘remorse, regret’. 1627.
**** [FHV 251, 259]
kornadu (**), korradu (HN) n. **** [FHV 366]
koroa (**), khoroa (**), khoro (**), koroẽ (old B), koro (**), koroi (**), koroia (**) ** n.
‘crown’. ****
From Lat. coronam id., by P1 (M. 1961a: 300).
korrale (L), korle (S) ****{n. ‘sheepfold’} [FHV 165]
korronka (B G), korronga (old LN), zorronka (R), zurrunda (**), zurrunga (**) n.
‘snore’, korroka (HN L LN) ‘death rattle’. **** [FHV 297]{[}kósino (R), kosíno (R) n. ‘first cousin’. **** [FHV 395] {] Moved to kusu.}
koska (**), kozka (**), kúzka (Z) **** ‘blow’koskol (HN) n. ‘chestnut burr’, oskol (B) n. ‘shell’, a. ‘empty’ (of a chestnut). ****
M. (1961a: 272) suggests that these might be expressive variants of akal ‘empty’.
kotxiña (old B) n. ‘pillow’. **** [FHV 147]
kriseilu (**), krisallu (**), krisellu (**), kruselu (**), girisellu (old HN), giriselu (oldHN), kirisailu (old LN), kurzellu (B) n. ‘oil lamp’. [FHV 158, 348]**** M. (1961a: 239) notes that an original voiced initial plosive seems to have given
way to a voiceless one.
kristau (**{G L HN}), khi(r)istĩ́ (Z) *****{kristiñau (B), kristiau (Sout), kristio (A HNZ), giristino (L LN), kristiái (R)} **** ‘Christian’. **** [FHV 153]
kukuso (G HN L LN), kükǘso (Z) n. ‘flea’ (zool.) (****). ******** See ardi [2].
kulu (**), khulu (**) etc. kühüllü (Z) n. ‘distaff’. **** [FHV 78, 242 fn]**** The curhullu of Gèze appears to be a hypercorrection (M. 1961a: 330). {Cf. goru.}kuma [1] (B G HN) (1638), khǘña (Z), kuia (G), guia (Sout), kuba (HN) (1746), kui (G),ua (S) (1562), guia (Sout) (1562) n. ‘cradle’. [CHECK DATES]
From Lat. cūnam id., or from that word’s Rom. reflex cuna (M. 1961a: 197). Common
form by P2. Variants by P1, P31, P35.2, P14.

256

R. L. Trask{[}kuma [2] (**), khuma (**) n. ‘mane’, ‘horsehair’. **** [MT entry] {] Duplicate, seekima.}*-kun Unattested but hypothetical word-forming suffix apparently present in the following
two items.
-kunde (c.) NFS forming abstract nouns with a variety of senses, mainly acts, conditions
and states, from both nouns and verbs. The second element cannot be -te {[1]} NFS
of duration, since this analysis wrongly predicts *-kunte for Z and R, where P6 has
never applied, yet these varieties also have -kunde.
-kuntza (c.) NFS forming nouns denoting acts or actions, mainly from verbs but also
from nouns. The second element is -tza NFS.
künkǘño (Z) n. ‘tree weighed down with fruit’. **** [Lh.]kurel (Sout) a. ‘cruel’. 1562.
From Cast. cruel id., with metathesis (M. 1961a: 348).
kurilloe (B), kurloe (B), gurrigoi (HN), burrigoi (G), garraio (L), karrajo (L), kurroe(old L old G?) n. ‘sparrow’ (zool.) (****) (1802).
From Cast. gorrión id (M. ****{1955c: 293}), itself OUO. Variants in -goi by P35.1.
Variant with initial /b/ by P10. First {two} variants possibly contaminated by kurlo [1]‘crane’. An ultimate origin in Bq. gorri ‘red’ is proposed by Schuchardt (****{1906b})
but considered dubious by CP; see CP (s.v. gorrión) for an essay.
{[}kurlo [1] (**), khǘrlo (Z) n. ‘crane’ (zool.) (***) **** {] Combined with kurrillo.}
kurrika (**), korrika (**), orrika (**), porrika (**) n. , usually n. pl. kurrikak etc.
‘pincers’, ‘tongs’. ****
M. (1977a: 535) prefers Lat. forfices ****{‘tongs, pincers’} to Lat. forcipes ‘tongs,
pincers’. [CHECK LATIN {Done.}]kurrillo (B G), kurlo (B), khurlo, khǘrlo (Z) n. ‘crane’ (zool.) (****) **** [MT entry]****
khurlo-belhar (Z) n. ‘geranium’ (bot.) (****) ****{[}kurzellu (B) n. ‘oil lamp’. **** [FHV 348] {] Moved to kriseilu.}
kusu (L LN), kusi (L LN), kusin (old L), gusu (L LN) n. ‘cousin’ kósino (R), kosíno (R) n.
‘first cousin’. 1627. [FHV 395]
{First four forms} from Rom. *cusinu, by P1 (M. ****{1961: 123}). Fourth form
perhaps by extraction from the compound lehengusu (see lehen), where // appears by
P6. The expected female form *kusina ~ *gusina is not recorded as an independent word
but occurs in the compound lehengusiña (see lehen).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque257-kute [MITX 73] {M. (1973a: s.v.)}
kutsu (B G HN L), kotsu (LN), khotsu (LN), kozu (R S), khózü (Z) ‘contagion’,‘contamination’. ******** The variation in form possibly reflects the two forms of the AFS -tsu (-tsu andearlier -zu) (M. 1961a: 286). [FHV 543: MORE]
kutsadura (**) n. ‘pollution, contamination’. ****
kutsatu (**), khotsatu (old LN) ****
kutxa (**), utxa (B), hütxa (Z) **** n. ‘chest’. ****{[}kühüllü (Z) n. ‘distaff’. **** [FHV 242 fn]**** The curhullu of Gèze appears to be a hypercorrection (M. 1961a: 330). {] Movedto kulu.}

258

R. L. Trask-la [1] (**) **** {?Complementizer suffix.}****-lako (c.), -laso (old B), -lasoko (B) **** [FHV 297 fn]-la [2], -lan (c.) AdvFS
This suffix forms adverbs of manner from demonstrative and interrogative stems. OUO.
Nobody has proposed a common origin with -la [1], for lack of a detectable semantic
connection. But Gavel (RIEV 12: 211 ****{1920: 211}) suggests a possible link withthe variant -la of the All. CS -ra. The origin of the nasal in the longer variant is
unknown.
lahar (L LN Z) (1643), laar (B G HN L), lagar (HN), lapar (B LN R) (1745, 1852), kapar(B Z) (1657), khapar (**), gapar (LN) (1657), n. ‘blackberry, bramble’ (bot.)(Rubus fruticosus), (LN Z) sapar ‘thicket, scrub’. Dimin. ñar (R S) ‘bramble’,‘thistle’. [FHV 296, 324: LOTS MORE]OUO. Third form by P35.1, but otherwise the variation in form is mysterious. However,it seems likely that the forms with /p/ represent a distinct word, perhaps a back-formationfrom txapar (below), and that lapar is a cross between the two words.
txapar (R) n. ‘kermes oak, evergreen oak’ (bot.) (Quercus coccifera), ‘scrub, brush,undergrowth’, txaparro (S) ‘scrub of evergreen oak or holm oak’. App. a dimin. of
the above. [SEE CP; COMPLICATED]
labain (**), laban (B) a. ‘slippery’. ********
labaindu (Sout **) v. [diathesis unrecorded] ‘slip’. 1562.
{[}labana (G HN), labaña (B G HN), nabéla (Z), nabla (S), ñabla (R) n. ‘knife’. **** {]Duplicates nabéla. Combined there.}labe (G HN L LN Z R), laba (B Sout?) n. ‘oven’, ‘furnace’. 1562.
OUO. B form by M5. It is not clear whether Sout labea, with the article, represents labeor laba.
labur (**) a. ‘short’. **** Dimin. llabur (HN R S), llábür (Z), txabur (B)****{OUO.}
labu(r)a(r)ísa (Z) n. ****{‘female peasant’} [FHV 290]
lagun n. (c. exc. Z), lágün (Z) ‘companion’, (B G HN L R) ‘person, individual’. 1545.
OUO.
lagun-abar (B G HN) a. ‘common, commonplace, usual, ordinary’. App. + abar‘branch’, though the semantics is odd.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque259

lagundu (c. exc. Z R) (formerly) vid., (today) vt. or vtd. ‘help, aid, assist’, ‘accompany’,‘sympathize with’, (G) ‘consent to’, (B) vi. ‘establish good relations’. 1571. The
expected Z and R forms would be *lagüntü and *laguntu, respectively, but these
forms are not recorded.
lagun *edun (B? G?) vt. ‘help, aid, assist’. + *edun ‘have’.
lagun egin (B? G?) vtd. ‘help, aid, assist’, ‘accompany’. + egin ‘do’.
lagungarri (H.) a. ‘able to accompany or to help’, ‘suitable for accompanying or for
helping’. + -garri AFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}
lagungin (B) a. ‘pleasant, nice’. + -gin ‘which makes’ (see egin).
lagüngo (Z), lagungo (R), lagungu (R) n. ‘society, company’ (organized body), TS ‘aid,
assistance’. + -goa collective NFS.
lagun izan (B G HN) vid. ‘help, aid, assist’. + izan ‘be’. Now little used.
lagunkide n. (B HN) ‘companion’, (B) ‘ordinary and undistinguished worker’. + -kide‘fellow’lagunkin (L LN), lagunkoi (L LN) a. ‘sociable’.+ -kin [**] AFS ‘fond of’, + -koi AFS‘fond of’ {(see ohi)}.
laguntari n. (B HN L) ‘helper, assistant’, (L) ‘companion’, ‘protector’. + -tariprofessional NFS (see -ari [**{1}]). {But -tari is not mentioned under -ari [1].}laguntza (c.), laguntze (G HN L LN), laguntxa (LN) n. ‘help, aid, assistance’ (1571),(B) ‘gathering, crowd’ (1802). + -tza NFS.
laguntsu (G) a. ‘well-attended’ (of an event). + -tsu AFS.
laia (**), laixa (B) *** n. ‘laia’ (a certain agricultural tool, a large two-pronged fork) ****
laido (HN L LN) n. ‘affront, dishonour’. ****
From Old Cast. laido ‘ignominious, ungainly’ (M. 1961a: 104).
laino (L), lano (HN), lanho (L LN), lanhṹ (Z), laño (G HN S A), llano (A), año (old B) n.
‘fog, mist’. **** {?cf. kain}
laiotz (G) a. ‘shady’, n. ‘shady place’. **** [FHV 307 fn]laka (B G HN LN S R), lakha (Z) n. ‘fee paid to a miller for grinding grain’ (1745, 1802), ‘acertain measure of grain’, about 2.5 litres (Cast. almud) (1777).
OUO. ****.
laket (L LN Z R HB), lakhet (L LN Z) a. ‘pleasant’. 1571 (in compound verbs), 1895 (asindependent word).
From Lat. placet ‘it is pleasing’, by L8.1, a unique instance of the borrowing of a finite
verb-form (M. 1961a: 347).
lakeleku (L LN) n. ‘nice place’. + leku ‘place’.

260

R. L. Trasklak(h)et izan (L LN Z) vid. ‘be pleasing (to)’, (functionally) ‘like’. 1571. This is theusual way of expressing ‘like’ in these varieties.
lak(h)etu (HN) vid. ‘be pleasing (to)’, (L LN Z R) vi. ‘amuse oneself’, (L LN) vi. ‘getused to’, (B) vid. ‘permit, allow’, (B) vt. ‘grant, confer’. 1636. + -tu VFS.

lakio (**{B BN Z}), lakirio (**{B}) ****{‘hunting net’ Az.}
From Lat. laqueum ****{‘snare, trap’} (M. 1961a: 287 fn. 14).
lako (** old LN), ****, láko (Z) n. ‘winepress’. **** [Latin] {M. (1961a: 218).}
laku (**), lakhu (** Z) n. ‘lake’. ****
From Lat. lacum id. (M. 1961a: 51).
lama [1] (B G L LN Z), lanba (L), lanbo (L) n. ‘flame’, TS ‘ardor, zeal’, TS (B) ‘glare’ (ofreflected sunlight). 1686.
From Lat. flammam, by L8.1. The curious L variants may result from an unusual
resolution of Lat. /mm/, or from a hypercorrect reversal of P3. Unlike its nativesynonym gar (q.v.), this word has given rise to no derivatives, and it never appears in
toponyms or surnames.
lama [2] (B G) n. ‘piece of iron for reinforcing a cartwheel’. ****
Perhaps from Lat. lam(i)nam ‘thin slice{sheet of metal}’ (M. 1961a: 348 fn. 7).
lan (c.) n. ‘work’. 1545.
OUO.
lanbide (L LN Z) n. ‘vocation, profession, occupation’, ‘job’. 1830. + bide ‘way’
landu (B G), lantu (**), lánthü (Z) vt. ‘work’ (stone, land, etc.). 1571. + -tu VFS.
lan egin (c.) vitm. ‘work’. + egin ‘do’.
lanegun n. ‘working day’, ‘weekday’. Ca. 1760. + egun ‘day’.
langabe a. ‘unemployed’. 1926. + gabe ‘without’.
langabezia n. ‘unemployment’. Ca. 1982. + -zia NFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}langela n. ‘workroom, workshop’. 1918. + gela ‘room’.
langile (c.), langin (B G) n. ‘worker, workman’. 1571 (langile), 1596 (langin). + -gile,-gin ‘who does’ (see egin).
langiletasun n. ‘labour movement’. 1884. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
langilezain, langilezai n. ‘supervisor, overseer’. 1745, 1918. + -zain ‘guardian’ {(seezain [1])}. {see zain [1]}.
langintza (B G HN) n. ‘job, employment’. 1802. + -tza NFS.
lankide (c.) n. ‘workmate’. 1657. + kide ‘fellow’.
lanpetu a. ‘overworked’. 1929. + -pe ‘under’ (see behe) + -tu VFS.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque261

lantegi n. ‘workplace’, ‘factory’. 1745, 1759. + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi).}lanabes (L B), lanabas (L), lanibes (H.) n. ‘tools, toolkit’. 1627. Obscure. The word does
not look native, and attempts at relating it to lan ‘work’ are unconvincing. Most
likely, it derives from the Romance ‘knife’ word represented by Castilian navaja‘knife’, ultimately from Latin novaculam via an unrecorded variant *navacula. A
possible source is the Old Bearnese cognate naves ‘(large) knife’, a back-formation
obtained by removing the diminutive suffix. This is a hapax recorded in the Judyats
de la Cort de Morlaas, one of the texts of the Fors of Béarn, though ML (***{§5965})
and CP (s.v. navaja) record the word as nabes. A hypothetical plural *las naves
would be a phonologically perfect source for the Bq. word, with incorporation of theRom. article, and its plural nature could account for the collective sense of the Bq.
word. {See nabéla and variants.}
landa (**) n. ‘field, piece of land’, sometimes esp. one which is arable, **** TS p. [+ Abs,
Part, Instr] ‘except, outside’. 1545.
From ****{Occ. landa, Cast. landa}, ult. from Celtic *landa ‘heath’.
landatu (**) vt. ‘plant’. **** [FHV 347]
bir-landatu (old L) [Ax] [FHV 366] ****
langa (B G) n. ‘crossbeam’, ‘bar’ (on a window), ‘rustic gate’. ****
From. ****{Lat.} planca ****{‘board’} (M. 1961a: 347).
lanjer (**) n. ‘danger’. **** [FHV 534]
lañeza (G) ****{‘bad upbringing, spoiling’} [FHV 200] {M. seems to mean that lañeza isderived from laño, or perhaps rather that both Cast. llano and its derivative llaneza
suffer metathesis of palatalization in Bq. borrowings.}
laño (L LN) a. ****{‘frank, amiable’}
From Cast. llano ****{‘plain, frank’}, with metathesis of palatalization (M. 1961a: 200).
lapiri (Z), llapĩ (Z), llapei (Z), lleproĩ (R) n. ‘rabbit’ (zool.) (****) **** {Occ., Fr. lapin id.}lapur (B G HN L), laphur (L), {napur (old G)} n. ‘thief’, TS {napur} (L) ‘animal whichstrays onto someone else’s land’. 1596. Dimin. ñaphur (L LN), ñápür (Z), ñapur(R) ‘animal which strays onto someone else’s land’, ‘man who chases his neighbour’s
wife’, a. ‘greedy’, ‘fond (of)’. See ohoin. [MORE: FHV 324, 551]
OUO. The dimin. is unusual in form.
lar [1] (B Sout) a., adv. ‘too’, ‘too much’. 1562.
OUO.

262

R. L. Trask
larregi (B) a., adv. ‘too’, ‘too much’. 1656. + -egi excessive {not in The Dictionary}(pleonasm).

larderia (L LN Z) n. ‘fear’.
From Rom. ladre ****, with metathesis (M. 1977a: 511). {It is not clear what Rom.
word M. had in mind here. There seems to be nothing of that form, or of the ladrería that
he mentions, in Cast., and Occ. ladre means ‘leprous’ or ‘mean’.}larderiatu (L) vt. ‘threaten, intimidate’. **** + -tu VFS.
larrain (**), larrin (B) **** ‘small square’{‘threshing floor’}. [FHV 165, 165 fn, 195]
Dimin. llarne (R).
larraindu (**), larrindu (B Sout) *** [FHV 105]
larre (Sout G HN L LN Z), larra (B) n. ‘pasture’, (LN) ‘heather’ (bot.) (****), (Duv.)‘uncultivated land, wasteland’. 13th cent., 1562. CF larraOUO. B form by M5. CF by W2.2. As a first element in compounds, often means‘wild’.
larrauti (LN), larrautte (LN), ***, llarhote (Z) n. ‘grasshopper, locust’ [FHV 118] ***+ oti ‘locust’ (M. 1961a: 417–418).
larri (**) a. **** ****{‘large’, ‘anxious, urgent’ Aul.}
larru (G HN L LN R) (1545), lárrü (Z), narru (B Sout) (1562) n. ‘hide, skin, pelt’ (of ananimal), ‘skin’ (of a person). CF larr-.
OUO. The last variant is curious; M. (****{1961a: 325}) suggests that it may havearisen by some phonological development when the word served as the second element
in compounds. But M. rejects Uhlenbeck’s proposed *rarru. CF by W2.3.
larhárgi (Z) a. ‘clear-skinned’. **** + argi ‘bright’.
larléñ (Z) a. ‘fine-skinned’. **** + leñ ‘smooth’ (see leun).
larrua jo (G) vitm. ‘copulate, have sex’. + -a det. + jo ‘hit’.
larru-gorrian (G) adv. ‘stark naked’. 1761. + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)} + -an Loc.
{CS.}
lar-xuri (old LN **) a. ‘white-skinned’. **** + xuri ‘white’ (see zuri).
laru (B) a. ‘pale yellow’. ****
From Lat. clarum ‘clear, bright’, by L**{8.1} (M. 1961a: 347).
larunbat (G HN L LN), laurenbat (old B G), laranbate (old LN **) *** n. ‘Saturday’. ****
[FHV 95, 491, 501] Many have seen this as laurden ‘quarter’ (see lau [1]) + bat ‘one’,since Saturday completes the week, and a week is roughly one quarter of a month. But
M. ****{(1971b),} (1977a: 491) cautiously suggests a derivative of lagun ‘companion’,Etymological Dictionary of Basque263

perhaps *lagunen bate ‘gathering of companions’, + -en {[1]} Gen. + a verbal noun frombatu ‘get together’ (see bat). Cf. neskanegun (under neska).
lasa (**), lasai (G HN) a. ****{‘calm, relaxed’, ‘wide, comfortable’}, nasai (B L LN), násai(Z) ‘wide, ample’ , nasái (R) n. ‘woman’s blouse’. [FHV 324, {397,} 552: MORE][Azkue]****{OUO.} M. (1961a: 325) doubts that this word can be connected with ****{laxo},of clear Rom. origin, and he notes that the presence of initial /n/ in the west and in theeast suggests that this is the conservative form.
lasta (G) n. ‘ballast’. ****
From Rom.; cf. Cast. lastre id.
lastaira (HN LN), lastra (R) ****{‘straw mattress’ Aul.} [FHV 161]
laster (c.), laister (G L LN), laixter (L LN), laxter (**) n. ‘speed’, ‘race’, TS ‘current (ofwater or of air)’, a. ‘quick, fast, speedy’, TS ‘active, hard-working, industrious’, adv.
‘quickly, fast’, ‘soon’. 1562.
OUO. The form laster is the only one recorded before 1700; second form by P45, or
perhaps by P**{32} from the dimin. form laxter.
latz (**) ****{a. ‘rough, harsh’ Aul.}
OUO.
laztu (**) ****{vi. (of hair) ‘stand on end’, vt. ‘make (hair) stand on end’ Aul.}lau [1] (c.), laur [tapped /r/] (L LN) num. ‘four’. 15th cent.
OUO. The form laur is original, since all varieties have laur- with vowel-initial
suffixes, as in laurak ‘all four’. Common form by P25. Top. Laureiereta, Navarra 1174.
Possibly recorded in Aq. LAURCO and LAURINA.
lauburu (c.) n. ‘Basque swastika’ (a traditional good-luck symbol resembling fourcommas joined at their points). 1745, 1818. + buru ‘head’. In the past, the word wassometimes strangely applied to the Christian cross. But attempts at linking it to Lat.
labarum ‘banner of Constantine’ are absurd.
lauetan-hogei (LN Z), lauetan-ogei (HN) num. ‘eighty’. + -ta- {not in The Dictionary}+ -n {[1]} Loc. {CS} + hogei ‘20’.
lauka (Z) adv. ‘crawling on hands and knees’. + -ka AdvFS.
laukatu (LN Z) v. [diathesis unrecorded] ‘crawl on hands and knees’, TS ‘help,
assist’. + -tu VFS.
lauren (**), laurden (**), laun (B) *** n. ‘quarter’ **** [FHV 340-341] The form
laurden perhaps by contamination from birden ‘second’ (see bi) (M. 1961a: 341).
[FHV 557: IMPORTANT RETHINK]
laurdenegun (** R), laurdenegu (HN) **** ‘three days ago’. **** + egun ‘day’.
laureun (**), lareun (B G HN), lauren (**) num. ‘400’ **** [FHV {95,} 516]

264

R. L. Trask
laurogei (**), larogei (B G HN) **** num. ‘eighty’. ****

lau [2] (B L Sout), laun (old B), leun (B), leu (B) n. ‘plain’, TS ‘plane’, a. ‘flat’, TS ‘plain,
featureless, unremarkable’. 1562.
From *lanu, by P1, from Lat. plānum ‘flat, plain’, by L8.1 (M. 1961a: 101). Last formby P48. [CONSIDER leun] See plaun. The B writer Micoleta has lau but ablative
launti ‘via the plain’.
laudatu (L **), laidátü (Z) **** vt. ‘praise’. **** [FHV 93]
laudorio (**) **** n. ‘praise’. **** [FHV 211]
lausengu (**) ****{n. ‘flattery’} [FHV 101, 211]
lausku a. (**) ‘crosseyed’, lüzko {(Z)} ‘short-sighted’. ****
From Lat. luscum ****{‘one-eyed’} (M. 1961a: 96 fn. 13)
lauso (**{G HN L}) ****{n. ‘film in the eye, cataract’, ‘bran’, ‘squall’}, leuso (**{B})****{n. ‘mist’}, keuso (**{B}) ***{n. ‘film in the eye’, ‘chaff, fluff’}, geuso(**{B}) ***{n. ‘chaff’} [FHV 101 + fn: much more] {See also auso ‘snowstorm’.}laustro (LN) n. **** ****{‘shelter under the eaves’}
From Lat. claustrum ‘barrier’, by L**{8.1} (M. 1961a: 347).
lauza (S) ****{‘flagstone’} [FHV 93]
lauzatu (old B) ****{‘roof’} [FHV 93]
laxo (**), {lazo (L LN)} ****{a. ‘loose’} [FHV 325]
laxatu (**), ****, lazatu (Sout HN) **** ****{v. ‘loosen, untie’.} Last form by
reversal of palatalization, M**{9} [FHV 184, 325]
-le (c.), -ile (L LN B) NFS forming agent nouns from i-class and n-class verbs of any
transitivity, though it is far more frequent with transitive verbs, and may once havebeen confined to these. Examples: erosi ‘buy’, stem eros-, erosle ‘buyer’; eman‘give’, emale ~ emaile ‘donor’, joan ‘go’, joaile ‘traveller’.
OUO. Trask (1990) proposes that the variant -ile derives from reanalysis: after *emani‘give’, for example, stem eman-, developed regularly to emai (attested), this emai- wastaken as a stem, and the addition of -le yielded the observed emaile, then reanalysed asema- + -ile. See also -tzaile (under -tza), -te [1].

Etymological Dictionary of Basque265

lehen (L LN), léhen (Z), leen (old B), lein (R), le(i)ñ (B), len (B G HN L), *lenen (B?),*lelen (B?) adjvl. ‘first’, adv ‘before, formerly’. 15th cent.
OUO. Possibly contains -en {[1]} genitive CS. The last two forms, apparently attested
only in suffixed forms, are extended by -en, possibly superlative, and the last shows anassimilation/dissimilation.
lehenengo (**), lenengo (**), lenaingo (Sout), lenaengo (old B) **** [FHV 117-118]
lehengusu (**)
leher [1] (L LN Z) n. ****{?‘explosion’} **** [Lh.]****lehertu (**) ****{vti. ‘explode’ Aul.}
leher [2] (Z), ler (S R) n. ‘pine tree’ (bot.) (****). 1905.
OUO. This eastern word perhaps represents the native word for ‘pine’, displaced in mostvarieties by the loan pinu. See lerden.
llerko (R) n. ‘small pine’. + -ko NFS.
lega (G HN), lera (G HN L S), lia (LN), lĩã́{k} (Z), liña (LN) n. ‘sledge’. ****
From *lena, by P1, from **** [FHV 414 fn: borrowed] [FHV 67]
legamiña (** G), legamia (** G), lamiña (**), lemamia (L) n. **** ‘yeast’ [FHV 146, 258]
legatz (G HN L), lebatz (B) n. ‘hake’ (zool.) (****) ********* Second form by P10.
lege (**) n. ‘law’. ****
From Lat. lēgem id. (M. 1961a: 51).
lagi ****{n. ‘law’. See Az. s.v. }lei (B) n. ‘ice’. **** [FHV 176-177] [see notes in A.]
lehia (**), leia (**) n. ‘haste, hurry’, other senses ****
leial (c.) a. ‘loyal, faithful’. 1545.
From Cast. leal id.
leialki (**) (1571), leialkiro (**) (1745, 1847) adv. ‘loyally, faithfully’. + -ki [**{1}]AdvFS (+ -ro AdvFS {not in The Dictionary}).
leialtasun (**) n. ‘loyalty’. 1686. + -tasun NFS (see -tar).
leialtate (**) (1571), leialdate (**0 (1545), leialtade (**) (1803) n. ‘loyalty’. + -dade
NFS.

266

R. L. Trask

leinu (** old LN) **** ‘tribe’ [FHV 115, 222]
leiho (L LN), leio (**), léiho (Z), léxo (R), lego (S), leo (S) n. ‘window’.
****{OUO.}
leizar (c.), lizar (B G HN L) (1627), leixar (L LN Z), lexar (B Z) (14th cent.) n. ‘ash tree’(bot.) (Fraxinus).
OUO, but leizar appears to be the more conservative form.
lizardi (B G HN L) n. ‘ash grove’. 1745, 1842. + -di ‘grove’.
leize (**{old LN}), leze (**), lexe (B), lexa (B) ****{n. ‘chasm’ Aul.} [FHV 159, 159 fn]leka (**), théka (Z) n. ‘pod’ (of a vegetable). ****
From Lat. thecam ‘sheath’ {better ‘case, box’}, by L**{9} (M. 1961a: 257).
lekabiur (HN) n. ****{‘stick for shelling beans’}, nekabiur (B G), nekabiurkai (B G)**** [FHV 552]
lekoa (** old LN) n. ‘league’ (unit of distance). **** [Latin]{From Lat. leuga id. See CP s.v. legua; and M. 1956f: 367.}
leku (B G HN R), lekhu (L LN), lekhü (Z) n. ‘place’. 1545.
From some Rom. reflex of Lat. locum, of the approximate form *lueco. [FHV 167]
lekhu egin (L LN Z) vitm. ‘make room’. + egin ‘make’.
leku eman/emon (B) vitmd. ‘give consent’. + eman ‘give’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
lekuko, lekhuko (L LN) n. ‘witness’. 1617. + -ko NFS.
lekukotasun (L LN) n. ‘testimony’. 1643. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
lek(h)uratu (c.) vi. ‘arrive at a place’. 1897. + -ra allative + -tu VFS.
leñhǘ(r)ü (Z) n. ****{‘ray, brightness’} [FHV 222]
lehoi (EB), leoi (B Sout? G HN), legoi (G), leoe (B G HN), lehoin (L LN), leoin (?), lehoñ(old L), lehṹ (Z), lehuñ (Z), leon (HN R S A) n. ‘lion’ (zool.) (Panthera leo). CF
le(h)on-. 1562.
From *leone, by P1, from Lat. leōnem id. Z forms by P71. The standard form lehoi is
occasionally cited as L LN, but I find no evidence to substantiate this. The Sout form isrecorded only as the definite leoya, which might represent either leoi or leoe.
lehor (L), leihor (L LN Z), leior (**), leor (Sout), legor (B G), ligor (**), lior (**) a. ‘dry’(but ‘sterile’ in Sout), TS n. ‘land’ (as opposed to sea), ‘dry land’. 1562. [FHV {197,}
475]
OUO. Last form by P**{35.4}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque267

lepo (G HN R Sout), lepho (L LN Z) n. ‘neck’, lepo (B) n. ‘shoulder’. 1562.
OUO. The divergent B sense is curious. See idun, sama.
{[}lera [1] (**), lega (**), etc. [FHV 67] **** ‘kind of rustic sledge’. {] Duplicates lega.}
lerde (**), elder (**), helder (**) **** n. ‘drivel {l. dribble}, slime’ ?? [FHV 340]
lerden (c.) a. ‘straight’, ‘slender’. 1627; zerden (B G) a. ‘straight’, ‘erect’, ‘slender’, derden(R) a. ‘idle, negligent’.
Obscure. It is not clear that all three are the same word. M. (****{1970b: 69}) suggeststhat the final -den is a variant of the common AFS -din ‘resembling’ (see *edin). If so,then leher ‘pine tree’ looks plausible for the first element, though the absence of avariant *leherden is troubling. However, M. diffidently suggests instead dissimilation ofan original *den-den, of obscure formation.
lerro (**) n. ‘line, row’. ****
lertxun (B G HN) n. ‘quaking aspen’ (bot.) (Populus tremula), (HN L) ‘crane’ (zool.) (****),TS (B) ‘misanthrope’. 1847. *****
leun (**), legun (**), leñ (Z) a. ‘smooth, polished’. ****
OUO. The surname or sobriquet Leuna is recorded in Navarra from the 13th cent. CP(s.v. ****leme, tenue) propose an origin in Occ. teun(e) ****{‘thin, slim’}, by L**{9}.
[FHV 372] [BUT CONSIDER: MIGHT BE SAME WORD AS lau(n) ‘flat’]léinthü (Z) vt. ‘polish’. **** + -tu VFS. [other forms?]{[}leze (**) n. **** **** [Az.] {] Duplicates leize.}libera (**) n. ‘pound’ (£), ‘French franc’. ****
libersio (**) n. ‘diversion’. **** [FHV 534]
libertitu (**) ****{v. ‘enjoy onself’} [FHV 534]
liborna (R) n. ‘alms’. ****
From Cast. limosna id., with alteration of the awkward /sn/ cluster and nasal
dissimilation (M. 1961a: 339). {Cf. erremusiña.}
liburu (c. exc. Z R), lübǘ(r)ü (Z), librü (Z), libru (R) n. ‘book’. 14th cent.
From Lat. librum id., or from some Rom. descendant of this, by L8.2.
lilluratu (**), llilluratu (**), luluratu (old LN) ****{v. ‘dazzle, fascinate’} [FHV 80]

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limur (**), linbur (**) ****{a. ‘slippery’} [FHV 358]
liho (**), lũ (R), lĩ (Z) n. ‘flax’ ****
From Lat. līnum id., by P1 (M. 1961a: 51). M. (1961a: 123) suggests that the Z form
may be taken directly from Bearn.
lipizta (LN) n. ‘dispute’. ****
From Cast. disputa id., by L**{9} and metathesis (M. 1961a: 297).
lixu (HN S) n. ‘lye, bleach’. ****
lixuede (HN) n. ‘lye, bleach’. **** + ede **** (see hede {[2?]}).
lizifrina (**) n. ‘discipline’. **** [FHV 534]
lizifru (G?), n. ‘enclosure, stable, pen {manger, feeding trough}’, trisipu (G) ****{‘manger’
from Lat. praesepem id.} [FHV 258, 534]
lizun (B G HN) n. ‘mould, mildew’, a. ‘filthy’, TS ‘lewd, lascivious, depraved, obscene’.
17th cent.
OUO.
lizunarazi (L) vt. ‘corrupt’, ‘prostitute’ (a person). 19th cent. + -erazi causative.
lizundu (**), luzindu (HN) vi. ‘become mouldy’, ‘mildew’, TS ‘go to the bad’, ‘become
lascivious’, ‘become immoral’, vt. ‘make mouldy’. 1617. + -tu VFS. Second form bymetathesis.
lizunkeria (B G HN L LN) n. ‘filth’, ‘lewdness, lasciviousness, depravity, obscenity,
pornography’. Ca. 1640. + -keria NFS of vices.
lizunki (G HN L LN) adv. ‘dishonestly’. 1664. + -ki {[1]} AdvFS.
lizunkhoi (L) a. ‘shameless, lewd’. 1749. + -koi AFS ‘fond of’ {(see ohi)}. The
aspiration is anomalous, if real, but may be purely orthographic.
lizunsunda (B) n. ‘musty odour of a house long closed up’. 1905. + sunda ‘stench’.
lizuntasun (B G HN L LN) n. ‘filth, depravity’. 1617. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
lizuntsu a. ‘mouldy’. 1958. + -tsu AFS ‘full of’.
lizun-usai (HN), lizun-uxain (G) n. ‘mouldy smell’. + usain ‘odour’.
lizunzale (H.) a. ‘shameless’. + -zale AFS ‘fond of’. {Not in The Dictionary.}lláp{h}ar (Z) n. ‘rheum’. **** {Az. has l̃apar, M. (1961a: 195) has lláphar.}llollu (R S) n. ‘darnel’ (bot.) (Lolium).
From some Rom. reflex of Lat. lolium id.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque269

lo (c.) n. ‘sleep’. TS adv. ‘asleep’. 1545.
OUO.
loak hartu (L) (1635), lohakartu (L) (1643), loakhartu (L) (ca. 1660), lokartu (B G
HN LN S), lokhartu (LN Z) vi. ‘fall asleep’, ‘become sleepy’. + -a article (see *har)+ -k {[2]} ergative + hartu ‘take’: lit., ‘be taken by sleep’.
loaldi (c.) n. ‘sleep’, ‘nap’. 1802. + aldi ‘time’.
loarazi (L), loerazi (Z B?) vtd. ‘put to sleep’. 1696. + -erazi causative. An unusual
formation, with -erazi suffixed to a noun.
lo-belar (G L LN R), lo-bedar (B) n. ‘opium poppy’. 1745, 1852. + belar ‘grass’.
lo egin (c.) vitm. ‘sleep’. + egin ‘do’.
lo eragin vtd. ‘put to sleep’. + eragin causative of egin.
lo egon (B G) vi. ‘be asleep’. + egon ‘be (in a state)’.
loerdi (LN) a. ‘half asleep’, ‘sleepy’. + erdi ‘half’.
logale (B G HN L LN Z R) n. ‘sleepiness’, a. ‘sleepy’. 1571. + -gale ‘desirous’. {Not in
The Dictionary, but cf. galdu.}
logela (c.) n. ‘bedroom’. 1902. + gela ‘room’.
logose (HN L Z) a. ‘wanting to sleep’. + gose ‘hungry’.
logura (B G HN L) n. ‘sleepiness’, a. ‘sleepy’. 1745, ca. 1760. + gura ‘desire’.
loill (**), also L def. form llolla n. ‘January’. **** + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe).
lo kuluxka (L LN) n. ‘nap’. + kuluxka ‘nap’. {Not in The Dictionary.} ****
lolo (B G L R) n. ‘sleep’ (nursery word), lolo (LN) (usually n. pl. loloak), olo (HN L)(usually n. pl. oloak) ‘temple’ (of the head) (anat.). By reduplication; last form by
dissimilation (M. 1961a: 323 fn. 21); cf. German Schläfe ‘temple’, from Schlaf‘sleep’.
lotan (c.) adv. ‘asleep’. + -ta- {not in The Dictionary} + -n {[1]} locative {CS.}loti (c.) a. ‘sleepy, drowsy’, TS n. ‘sleepyhead’. 1636. + -ti [**{1]}] AFS.
loben (old B, R&S 429) ****{‘cornado’ (old Spanish coin)} [FHV 551]
From Cast. (cornado) novén ****{lit. ‘horned ninth’} (M. 1977a: 551).
lodi (c.), lori (G) a. ‘thick’, ‘fat (of a person)’, TS ‘low, deep (of a voice)’, TS adv.
‘abundantly’. 1562.
OUO. Unlikely to contain -i [**{1}] AFS, because the stem would be implausible.
loditu (**), lodittu (G) ****{vti. ‘thicken’, ‘fatten’ Aul.}lohi (**), loi (**), logi (HN) n. ‘mud’. **** formerly ‘body’. **** CF lot-. [FHV 206, 323]{[FHV 108 fn.]}**** Possibly present in Aq. LOHITTON. See -di.
lokorotz (**) n. ‘filth’. **** + gorotz ‘dung’ (M. 1961a: 346). [FHV 346]

270

R. L. Trask
lotin (B) **** ****{n. ‘damp earth’. + -din AFS (see *edin).} [FHV 475]
lotu (**), lothu (**), lóthü (Z) vt. ‘tie (up), bind’. **** Stem lot-. + -tu VFS (M.
1961a: 423). {Here and 1961a: 128 fn 26, M. explicitly connects this verb with lohi
‘body’, ‘mud’, but the sense connection is not evident.}
lokarri (**) **** n. ****{‘cord, lace, tie’ Aul.}loka (B G L Z R), koloka (HN L), kolka (G HN), kloka (HN) n. ‘broody hen’. ****
From Cast. clueca id. {or Occ. cloca}, by ****{L8.1, L8.2}. [FHV 347]lor (**) n. ‘log which is dragged’. ****
lorratz (**) n. ****{‘track, trace, footprint’ Aul. + hatz} [MT entry]
loragiño (B) n. ‘oregano’ (bot.) (****) ****
From Cast. orégano id. M. (1961a: 324) suggests contamination from lore ‘flower’.
lore (G HN L LN Z R), lora (B Sout), flore (Sout old LN) n. ‘flower’. CF lora-. 1562.
From Lat. flōrem id., by L8.1 (M. 1961a: 51). B form by M5. Last form by reborrowing or by contamination from Rom. CF by W2.2. [FHV 347 fn]
lorail (B?) n. ‘May’. **** + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe). The motivation is perhaps the Roman
festival of Floralia, which began on 27 April (Caro Baroja 1973: 77; attributed to
Meyer-Lübke). Cf. Romanian floral {florar} ‘May’.
loria (**) n. ‘glory’. ****
From Lat. gloriam or Rom. gloria id., by L**{8.1}.
lortu (B) vt. ‘achieve, accomplish’, ‘get, obtain, acquire’. Stem lor-. Ca. 1800.
OUO, though the stem is presumably non-verbal.
lotsa n. (B G Sout) ‘shame’, ‘disgrace, dishonour’, ‘modesty’ (1562), (L LN Z R)
‘nervousness, apprehension, fear’ (1657), (B) ‘respect, deference’.
OUO. ****.
lotsari (B), lotsaariak (**) n. pl. ‘genitals, pudenda’. **** [FHV 113]
lotsaritu (B) vi. ‘strip oneself naked’. + -tu VFS.
lotsati (**) a. ‘ashamed’, ‘timid’. **** + -ti [1] AFS.
lotsatu (** old LN), ****{vti. ‘embarass’, ‘be embarassed’}lotsor (** Z) ‘timid’. **** + -kor AFS. [FHV 118, 245]{[}lotu (**), lothu (**), lóthü (Z) **** Stem lot-. **** {] Duplicates lotu (see lohi).
Combined there.}{[}lohi **** [FHV 108 fn] [eh?] {] Duplicates lohi.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque271

loxindau (**), loxentxatu (**), lorinjau (B) ****{v. ‘flatter’} [FHV 293] {Cf. lausengu.
Probably belong together.}lukainka (B G HN L R) (1653), lükháinka (Z), lükhañka (Z), lukaika (L LN) (1804),
lukarika (Sout LN) (1562) ‘a certain type of long pork sausage’ (= Cast. longaniza).
From Lat. lucānicam id. (M. 1961a: 82 fn. 21). The development is *lukanika >*lukãika > lukainka, lukaika, last three forms by P1. The usual plosive voicing of P6 is
not induced by the secondary /n/.
luki (B) n. ‘fox’ (zool.) (Vulpes vulpes), TS a. ‘cunning, astute’. 1596.
From the Lat. personal name Lūcius (M. ****{1956a: 314f.}). Words for ‘fox’ arecommonly taken from personal names in this part of the world. See azeri.
lukuru (HN L LN) ***** ‘interest’ ****
From Lat. lucrum ‘profit’, by L**{8.2} (M. 1961a: 51), by L8.2.
luma (c. exc. Z), lǘma (Z) n. ‘feather’, ‘pen’ ****
From Lat. plumam id. (M. 1961a: 51), by L8.1.
lumero (G HN) n. ‘number’. ****
From Cast. número id, with nasal dissimilation.
lunbratu (old G) vt. ****{‘name’} [FHV 340 fn]
lupia (**) **** n. ‘sea bass’ (zool.) (****)
From the same Rom. source as Cast. lubina id., probably *lupina by P1 (see CP s.vv.
lobo, róbalo.
lupu (Sout) [hapax] n. ‘wolf’ (zool.) (Canis lupus). 1562.
From Lat. lupum id. All other varieties have only native otso, and the presence of thisword in Sout, in a form pointing to a direct borrowing from Lat., is curious.
lur (c.) n. ‘earth’. TS ****. CF lu-. 14th cent.
OUO. CF by W11.
luharbil (S.P.) n. ‘clod’. ****
luhartz (L) (17th cent.), luartz (G L), lugartz (B G HN), luhertz (L) (1886) n. ‘molecricket’ (zool.) (Gryllotalpa gryllotalpa). + hartz ‘bear’. Third form by P35.1. A.
(1905) gives the sense of ‘scorpion’, but this is not supported by other sources.
lubizi (G) n. ‘landslide’. **** + bizi ‘living’.
ludi n. ‘world’. 1896. Aranist neologism, now little used. + -di NFS.
luebaki (G HN) *****{n. ‘trench’} [FHV 122]

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R. L. Trask
lühidorrez (Z) adv. ‘by land’. **** + idor ‘dry’ {not in The Dictionary} + -z
instrl./advbl. (M. 1961a: 338).
lupe (**), luphe (** old LN) {n. ?}‘lowland’ {?? glosses in M., Az., Aul. are rather‘cellar, tunnel, cavern’} ****{ [FHV 262, 337]
lupil (L) n. ‘heap of earth’. + *bil ‘round’.
lurbel (R), norbel (HN), lurmen (B G), lurbeltz (S) n. ‘place free of snow’. **** +*bel ‘dark’ or its derivative beltz ‘black’. The B G form by P**{7} from adissimilated form *lurben (M. 1961a: 339).
lur jo vitm. ‘collapse’, ‘fail’. + jo ‘hit’.
lurralde n. ‘region, area, territory’. 1901. + alde ‘side’ {(see *al-)}.
lurrikara, lurrikhara (L LN Z), luikhara (L LN Z) n. ‘earthquake’. 1745, 1761 (but averbal noun lur ikharatze in 1571). + ikara ‘trembling’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
lursagar, lutsagar, lusagar (L LN) n. ‘potato’. + sagar ‘apple’. Calque on Fr. pommede terre.
lurta (Z R S), lirta (R) ****{n. ‘landslide’} [FHV 81]
lurtar (**) (1745, 1821), lurtiar (**) (1858), lutar (LN) a. ‘earthly’, ‘land-dwelling’,‘terrestrial’. + -tar AFS.
lütho (Z) ****{a. ‘deep’}, lito (R) ****{n. ‘deep place’.} {+ ito ‘suffocate’} [FHV 81,
81 fn]

lurrin (G), lurrun (B), lurruñ (Sout), urrin (G HN L LN) n. {‘odour’,}‘steam, vapour’,ǘrrin (Z) ‘odour’ **** [SEE AZKUE]**** M. (1961a: 142 fn. 6) rejects a link between this word and usain ‘odour’, favoured
by Lafon{, and suggests a proto-form *lurruin.}.
luze (c. exc. Z), lǘze (Z), lúze (R) a. ‘long’. CF luza-. 1571.
OUO. CF by W2.2. As a final element, often reduced to -luz by W**{19}; see
examples under mihi, hegi and begi.
luzabide (B G LN R) n. ‘postponement, delay, prolongation’. Ca. 1760. + bide ‘way’.
luzagarri (B G) n. ‘delay’, ‘extension’, a. ‘dilatory, causing delay’. 1627. + -garri AFS,
NFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}
luzakeria (R Z) n. ‘delay’, ‘tardiness’, ‘delinquency’ (of a person’s behaviour). 1757. +-keria NFS of vices.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque273

m- A cover entry for a class of expressive formations. Among the numerous expressive
formations in Bq., there exists a rather distinctive subset, with conspicuousphonological and semantic characteristics. Phonologically, the canonical form is two
syllables, beginning with /m/, followed by one of /a o u/, followed by a velar or
coronal plosive, followed by any vowel (though /i/ is rare), followed by a liquid.
Semantically, the word is usually an adjective denoting a moral or physical defect, or
sometimes a noun, often denoting some kind of hump, bump or projection. Canonicalexamples include makur ‘twisted’, motel ‘insipid’, makar ‘scrawny’, moker ‘hard’,and mukur ‘clumsy’. Often another consonant precedes the medial plosive, as inmozkor ‘drunk’, malgor ‘numb’, margul ‘faded’, and mazkor ‘empty’. Somewords exhibit variation in form, like mutur ~ mustur ‘extremity, snout’. Quite a few
words depart from this canonical pattern in one respect or another, and it is not always
clear whether a given word should be included in this group or merely regarded as an
expressive formation adhering to no particular pattern.
It is quite possible that some of the words in ma- may represent originally expressive
variants of ordinary lexical items in which the expressive syllable ma- has replaced
the original first syllable, but, when the original word is not recorded, we cannot tellthis.
With only a handful of exceptions, each of these words is confined to a small area,and few are recorded before the 20th century. A list of these formations is gathered
here for convenience; in all likelihood, there exist many others which have not so far
been recorded. [SEE FHV 275-276]
magalo (LN) a. ‘weak’.
maiskar (G) a ‘vile, despicable’.
makal (B G HN), a. ‘weak’, ‘ill’, mekel (B) ‘weak’.
makar (B) a. ‘skinny’, ‘scrawny’.
maker (old B) a. ‘counterfeit’, ‘fake’, (HN?) a. ‘surly, disagreeable, rude’.
maket (B) n. ‘heavy club’.
makets (G) n. ‘deformed or defective thing’. M. (1961a: 272) suggests that this may be ama- derivative of akats ‘nick, scratch’. {Cf. markets below.}
maketx (L G) a. ‘vile, despicable’.
makur (B G HN), makhur (L LN) a. ‘crooked, twisted, bent, curved’, TS ‘false’ (often
esp. of a of a voice or manner), ‘mistaken, erroneous, wrong’, TS (old LN) ‘knockkneed’, TS (G HN) ‘mischievous’, ‘villainous’, TS (L HN B) ‘perverse’, TS (L LN
HN) n. ‘adversity, obstacle’, TS (L HN) n. ‘disagreement’, ‘discord’. 1571. One of themost widespread of these words, and the earliest one attested. M. (1961a: 271–272)
suggests that this is a ma- derivative of the stem represented by the verb gurtu ‘kneel,bow, revere’.
makurtu (**), makhurtu (**) ****{vti. ‘bend, incline’} [FHV 272]
malato (B) a. ‘sickly, ailing’.
malats (B) a. ‘robust’, ‘fertile’ (of land), TS n. ‘charming person’.
malder (HN) a. ‘impoverished, destitute’.
males (LN) a. ‘treacherous’.

274

R. L. Trask
malet (L HN) a. ‘loose, limp, slack’.
malgor (LN Z ) a. ‘numb’, ‘stiff’, TS (LN) n. ‘hollow tree’.
malgu (L) a. ‘soft, spongy, flabby’, ‘effeminate’, (G) ‘smooth’.
malino, mali (LN S) a. ‘weak, feeble’.
malkar (G HN), malkhar (L), maldar (H.) n. ‘steep, rugged, barren terrain’. Last
variant possibly contaminated by malda ‘slope’.
malkatx (G) a. ‘rugged, rough’.
malkor (HN G L) a. ‘sterile, barren’, (G HN) n. ‘precipice, cliff’, (HN) n. ‘boulder’,(HN) n. ‘hump, bump’. {See malkor ‘barren’ under elkor.}
malmutz (B HN), marmotz (G) a. ‘pudgy, spongy, flabby’, (B) (also malmoz) ‘sly,
shifty, deceitful’.
maloka (B HN L) a. ‘dried out and powdery inside’ (of a tree), TS (B) n. ‘illness,
indisposition’.
malputz (Z) a. ‘pudgy, spongy, flabby’.
malso (G LN) a. ‘mild, meek’.
maltxor (G) a. ‘sterile, barren’.
maltzur (B G HN L) a. ‘sly, shifty, deceitful’.
malutz (B) a. ‘chubby, plump’, ‘fertile’ (of land).
mandil (HN) a. ‘lazy, good-for-nothing and spendthrift’. Possibly doesn’t belong here,
since it departs from the usual pattern in form.
mangel (L?) a. ‘crippled, maimed’. Hapax. Bears a striking resemblance to maingu‘crippled’, but cannot be derived from this in any known way. Perhaps anassimilation of the last word to the usual expressive pattern.
mangelo (G) a. ‘clumsy’.
mankarro (L) n. ‘very steep terrain’.
mantxar (G) n. ‘slowpoke, straggler’.
mantzar (G) n. ‘lazy and slatternly woman’.
mantzarda (B) n. ‘lazy and slatternly woman’. Possibly plus an otherwise unknown
female suffix (A. 1905), or perhaps a Romance-style female form of the following
item.
mantzardo (B) n. ‘insignificant man, milktoast’. + -do {NFS}?
mantzur (HN G) a. ‘greedy, avaricious, miserly’, (G) ‘unsociable’.
manzin (B) n. ‘nonentity, inconsequential person’.
maratz (B) a. ‘hard-working, diligent’.
maraz (B) a. ‘crumpled’, ‘spoiled’.
mardo (LN Z R) a. ‘soft, smooth’, (B LN Z R) ‘robust, sturdy’.
mardul (G B) a. ‘substantial, robust, sturdy’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque275

margul (B) a. ‘faded, washed out, colourless’. 1905. The attempt of A. (1905) to derive
this from the dubious margo cannot be sustained: there is no evidence for any such
suffix as the required *-ul, and the word has an ordinary form and sense for an
expressive.
markets (L), makets (L LN HN), markits (LN), markhitx (LN S) a. ‘defective,
deformed, imperfect’; ‘dull (in sound)’, ‘clonking’ (as of a counterfeit coin).
markol (G) n. ‘type of large chestnut with a very hard shell’.
maskal (B G) a. ‘spoiled, ruined’, ‘weak, feeble’, n. ‘mud collected on the bottom edgesof clothes’. {Cf. mazkal.}maskar (B G HN) a. ‘drooping, weak, impaired, in decline, deteriorating’.
maskelu (B) a. ‘clumsy’. {Cf. mazkelo.}
maskin (HN) a. ‘tearful, snivelling’, n. ‘crybaby’.
maskor (L G?), maxkor, maxkur (L) n. ‘shell’ (of a shellfish).
maskulo n. (G) n. ‘heat blisters’, ‘bubbles’ (of water or soap), maskullu, maspulo (G)‘blisters’, (G HN) n. ‘bubbles’ (of water or soap), maskur (L? LN?) ‘callus’,maskuri (L LN) ‘swelling’ (on the skin, produced by a prick or a bee-sting),
maskurio (L) ‘pimple’. {Cf. mazkulu.}
matxar a. (B) ‘vile, despicable’, (B) ‘shrunken, shrivelled’, (L) ‘thick-lipped’,‘scowling, grumpy’, (L) ‘deformed, defective’, n. (B) ‘corncob’, (B) ‘chestnut
containing no meat’.
matzer (L) a. ‘deformed, defective’.
maxkur (R) n. ‘badly made bread’.
mazal (B), martzal (B), masal (B), marzal (LN) a. ‘honest, of good character, noble’.
mazkal, maskal (G HN) a.‘enfeebled’, ‘deformed’, ‘downcast’. {Cf. maskal.}mazkar (G) n. ‘gnarled tree’, a. ‘pock-marked’.
mazkara (B) a. ‘insolent, brazen, shameless’.
mazkaro (Z) a. ‘piebald, brindled’, (R) ‘blackened, stained’, (Z?) ‘dirty’.
mazkelo (B) a. ‘clumsy, ungainly’. {Cf. maskelu.}
mazkor (L) a. ‘empty’ (of a nut).
mazkulu (G), mazkuri (L LN HN), mazkurio (L) n. ‘swelling on the skin produced byan insect bite’. {Cf. maskulo}
mazo (B) a. ‘clumsy’, ‘chubby, plump’, n. ‘club for breaking up sod’.
memel (B) a. ‘insignificant’.
mirrin (B G) a. ‘feeble, stunted’.
mogarra (G) n. ‘upper (branching) part of a tree trunk’.
moker (HN) a. ‘hard’ (of earth, bread or people).
mokil (B), sokil (B G), soki (B G) n. ‘clod’. ****
moko (HN G), mokho (L LN Z), mosko (LN Z) n. ‘beak, bill’ (of a bird), (G HN L LN)
n. ‘point, extremity’, (L) n. ‘tiny amount’. 1571. CP consider that this item might be276

R. L. Trask
related to a messy complex of somewhat similar Rom. words; this is possible, but it
cannot be demonstrated. M. (****{1961a: 82) suggests that it is an expressive form of
beko ‘forehead’.
moko-belar n. ‘geranium’ (bot.)
mokodun (c.) a. ‘pointed, pointy’. + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).
mokoka (c.) adv. ‘pecking each other’ (of birds), TS (HN G L) ‘quarrelling,
scrapping’, ‘scolding’, TS (G HN L LN Z) n. ‘reprimand, reproach, scolding’. {+-ka AdvFS.}
mokokaldi (HN G L LN Z) n. ‘dispute’. + aldi ‘time’; /k/ by P***{W18}.
mokokari (c.) n. ‘squabbling bird’, TS (L LN HN) n. ‘one who reprimands’, TS (HNG L) n., a. ‘quarrelsome (person)’, ‘rowdy’. {+ ari [1] NFS.}
mokhoz mokho (L LN) adv. ‘face to face’. + -z instr./advbl.
moko-zorrotz (LN HN) a. ‘irascible, of bad character’. + zorrotz ‘sharp’.
moko-zuri (L LN) n. ‘person who refuses to eat any but the finest food’. + zuri
‘white’.
mokol (B) n. ‘shell’ (of a nut or an egg), ‘thing which is spongy, flabby or rotten’. M.
(1961a: 272) suggests that this might be an expressive variant of akal ‘empty’ (of anut).
mokor n. (B) ‘tree trunk’, ‘main branches of a tree’, (B G) ‘buttock’, mokhor (L LN Z)‘clod, lump of earth’ (1745, 1853), ‘breadcrust’, a. (L LN) ‘sullen, grim, belligerent’(1853), (L) ‘perverse’. **** One of the most widespread and earliest attested of thesewords, and one of the few with numerous derivatives, though we may be looking at
more than one formation. Possibly related to okor ‘slice’ (M. 1961a: 273). See
moskor below, and see hordi.
mokordo, mokhordo (c.) n. ‘turd’. 1745, ca. 1880. + -do NFS (?)
mokorka (B) adv. ‘smacking on the arse’. + -ka AdvFS.
mokorkada (B) n. ‘smack on the arse’. + -kada NFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}
mokhorkeria (L?) n. ‘brutality’. + -keria NFS of vices.
mokhorki (L?) adv. ‘brutally’. + -ki {[1]} AdvFS.
mokhorraldi (L LN) n. ‘flash of ill humour’. + aldi ‘time’.
mokhortasun (L?) n. ‘coarseness of character’. + -tasun abstract NFS (see -tar).
mokhortsu (L?) a. ‘full of clods’. + -tsu AFS ‘full of’.
mokortu, mokhortu (LN) vt. ‘intimidate, cow’, vi. ‘go numb’, ‘clump together’ (ofearth), (LN) a. ‘antisocial, wild’, (R Z) a. ‘pudgy, chubby’. + -tu VFS.
sokor (B G) n. ‘clod’. App. an unusual expressive variant (M. 1961a: 273).
mokoru (G) n. ‘height, summit’.
mokote (HN) a. ‘antisocial, wild’.
mollko (R) n. ‘crest’ (of a bird).
morgil (B) n. ‘growth on the skin’, ‘jumble, tangle’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque277

morkil (B) n. ‘tangle of thread’, ‘broken vessel’, a. ‘clumsy’.
morko .....
.....
moskor (**{B G HN}) ****{‘tree trunk’} [FHV 272] Possibly a variant of mokor(above).
motel (**), mothel (**) a. ‘insipid, lifeless’ **** See totel (under t/k reduplications).
mukul (B) a. ‘timid, shy’.
musker (**), süsker (Z) n. ‘lizard’, TS a. ‘green’. ****
muker (B G HN) a. ****{‘hard’, ‘aloof’} [FHV 275]
murritz (HN L LN S) a. **** M. (1961a: 276) suggests a connection with urri [1]‘rare’.
mutur (**), muthur (**), mustur (B) n. ****{‘snout, tip’}m-reduplication Bq. makes frequent use of a process called here m-reduplication. In this, anitem is reduplicated, with /m/ replacing its initial consonant (if any) in the second
occurrence. The reduplicated item may be either an ordinary lexical item of thelanguage, or an expressive formation having no existence outside the reduplication.
Those of the first type are listed in the dictionary under their source words: see, forexample, handi-mandi (under handi), hizka-mizka (under hitz), zokhota-mokhota(under zoko), zomorro-mamorro (under zomorro), and ikusi-mikusi (under ikusi).
The others are gathered here for convenience. Note that, instead of /m/, weoccasionally find /b/ or /p/ instead. We include a few words which depart slightly
from the canonical pattern. Few of these words are recorded before the 20th century.
aiko-maiko (B) n. ‘pretext, excuse’, ‘indecision’, a. ‘indecisive, irresolute’.
karramarro (B HN) n. ‘crab’ (zool.)mara-mara (**) adv. ‘gently, smoothly’ (as of snowfall). ****
marmario (**), marmar (**), murmuria (**), murmur n. ‘murmur, rustle’. ****
txintaminta (Z) adv. ‘whispering’.
txirimiri (LN) n. ‘large number of children’ (in a family), (G) n. ‘trifles, trivia’.
tximist (**), txist-mist (**), txismista (LN), tximista (B G), xixmixta (L), ximixt(a) (L
LN HN), zimizta (L LN Z), xistmist (old LN) n. ‘lightning’, ‘lightning flash’, (G?)‘hail’. 1745, 1785.
*txoromoro (B) a. ‘cheerful with drink’. Only recorded in its verbal derivative
txoromorotu ‘become cheerful with drink’, + -tu VFS.
txorroporro (B) n. ‘informality’.
tzitzi-pitzi (L) adv. ‘looking for news’.
tzutzu-putzu (LN) n. ‘gossip, tittle-tattle’.
zarramarra (B) n. ‘residue, remains’.
zarraparra, zarramar (B G) n. ‘tumult’.
zirimiri n. (B LN) ‘drizzle’, (B) ‘trifle’.

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R. L. Trask
zurruburru (L LN) n. ‘confusion’, ‘disagreement’.
zurrumurru (B G) n. ‘rumour’.
zurrupurru (B) n. ‘snore’. [move to zurru {‘snore’, not in The Dictionary}]ma- (c.) Expressive syllable?
Bq. has a number of words with two variant forms, of which the second shows a syllable
ma- in place of the other first syllable, whatever that may be: hegal ‘wing’, magal; gako
‘hook’, mako; udare ~ udari ‘pear’, madari. There is usually no semantic difference
between the two forms. We may surmise that this ma- was once used to constructexpressive variants of words, but that this process died out, and that the surviving
instances of it lost their expressive force. It seems likely that some of the numerous
words in ma- which have no etymologies represent fossilized instances of this process inwhich the original form has been lost. [SEE FHV 271-272]
mahain (L LN Z) (1571), mahai (LN) (1617), mahi (LN), mai (B Sout G HN S R) (1562) n.
‘table’.
From something like *manai, by P1, from *banai, OUO, by P7, though the precise form
is uncertain, and something like *banane would also be possible.
mahanga (L LN), mahanka (Z), mauka (c.), mahuka (Z), mahunga (L LN), mainka (L R)n. ‘sleeve’. 1562.
From Lat. manicam id., by P1 (M. ****{1950b: 447, 454; 1974b: 189}).
mahats (L LN), máhats (Z), maats (B S), mats (B G HN R LN) n. ‘grapes’. 1562.
From *manats, by P**{7}, from *banats, OUO, by P**{1.1} (M. ****{1950a:}).
mahasti (L LN Z), maasti (B HN), masti (B G HN) n. ‘vineyard’. + -di NFS of place.
maatsadar (HN L), mahatsaien (L) n. ‘vine shoot’. + adar ‘horn’, + aihen ‘shoot’.
mahatsardo, matsardo, matsardau, mahatsarno, mahatsano (old LN) n. ‘wine’.
1800. + ardo ‘wine’. [SORT PROVENANCE] [FHV 367]
ma(h)ats-lapa (HN L) n. ‘residue of grapes after pressing’. + lapa ‘residue’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}ma(h)atsondo (HN L LN) n. ‘grapevine’. 17th cent. + -ondo {[2]} ‘tree’.
{[}madarikatu (**), maradikatu (**) vt. ‘damn, condemn’. ****
From Lat. maledicere ‘speak ill of’ (M. 1961a: 312). Common form by metathesis. {]Duplicates maradikatu.}*madina n. ?
Unrecorded as a free form, and present only in a handful of surnames, like Madinabeitia(apparently ‘from the low part of the madina’) and Madinagoitia (‘from the high part ofthe madina’). Arabic madina ‘city’ is tempting, and has been proposed, but there is noEtymological Dictionary of Basque279

parallel for the presence of an Arabic word in surnames, and there is no confirming
evidence (M. ****{1973a: 124}).
maestru (**), maistru (**) n. ‘teacher’. [FHV 390]
From Cast. maestro id.
magina (L) (1571), magiña (Z), magi(a) (G?) (1745, 1761), bagiña (old B) n. ‘sheath’,‘pod’, magina (LN) ‘vagina’, TS (Z) ‘virago’. CF magin-.
From Lat. vāgīnam ‘sheath’, by L3, P1, M4 (M. 1961a: 268). CF by W1.
magintxa (LN), maginxa (LN Z), magitxa (LN Z), magutxa (LN Z R) n. ‘pod’, TS (Z)‘brazen woman’. 1571. + -txa dimin. {Not in The Dictionary.}maiastru (LN), maiesturu (**), maiastǘ(r)ü (Z), maiastri (L LN), maistru (LN), maisturu(L), maistü(r)ü (Z) n. ‘carpenter’.
From Lat. magistrum ‘master’ (Lh.; M. ****{1973a: 125}). Cf. old Logudorese maistru
de aschia ‘carpenter’ (M. ****{1961a: 211, 368). See maizter.
maiatz (c.), maihatz (old L), maetz (S) n. ‘May’, TS (Z) ‘may tree’ (hawthorn) (bot.)(****). 1501, 1571. See lor{a}il {‘May’ under lora.}****.
arramaiatz (Z) n. ‘June’. ****
maiatz-andere (L) n. ‘May Queen’. + andere ‘lady’.
maiatz-bazko (L), maiatz-pazko (B HN), maiatzeko-bazko (R) n. ‘Pentecost,
Whitsun’. (+ -ko) + bazko ‘Easter’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
maiatz-belar (HN L) n. ‘first grass cutting of the season’. + belar ‘grass’.
maiatz-berri (L) n. ‘June’. + berri ‘new’ {(see *berr)}.
maiatz-haritz (Hb.) n. ‘may tree’ (hawthorn) (bot.) (****) ****
maiatz-len (G R), maialen (B) n. ‘first of May’, ‘May Day’. + lehen ‘first’.
ma(i)llebatu (LN) (1571), mailegatu (L LN) (17th cent.), mailegatü (Z), mailetatu (L LN),
maileatü (Z), palagadu (old B) (1596) vt. ‘borrow’. [+ FHV 258]
From {[}Old{]} Cast. manlevar id. or a related Rom. form (M. ****{1961a: 258}).
mailegu (L LN), mailegü (Z), mailebu (Har.), mailleba (old G) (1745) n. ‘borrowing,
loan’. Possibly from the sparsely recorded Rom. noun manlieva id. {i.e. Cast.
manlieva several 13th- and 14th-century attestations on CORDE}; otherwise by backformation.
mailu (L LN), mailü (Z), ma(i)llu (B Sout G HN LN S Z) n. ‘hammer’. 1562.
From Rom.; probably from Arag. (M. ****{1964a: 110}).

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maindira (G) (ca. 1760), mandira (G), maindire (G HN) (1745, 1802), maindre (HN)
(1621), maindere (HN), mantre (R), mandre (S) n. ‘sheet’ (for a bed).
From Lat. mantelem ~ mantilem ‘{hand} towel’{, ‘tablecloth’} (M. 1961a: 160{; 1974b:191}), by P6, P22.
maingu (HN L LN S), maingi (G HN), mainku (R), maki (G), txáinkü (Z), txainkuru(HN) a. ‘lame’, mangu (B G) ‘numb’. 1571.
From Lat. mancum ‘crippled’ (Lh.; M. 1961a: 160, 188), by P{45}. Forms in tx- by
M**{?9}.
maira (**) n. ‘trough’. ****
mairakondar (G), mairaondar (HN L) n. **** [FHV 248] ****
mairu (HN L LN old Z S) (1617), mauru (old B HN) (1621), maru (G) n. ‘Moor’, a.
‘Moorish’, mairiak (?) n. pl. ‘certain mythological beings of antiquity and power’.
{(M. 1957a: 19; 1973a: 127).}
From Lat. Maurum id. (M. 1961a: 91); common vocalism by P{46}.
maite (c.), moite (R) n. ‘love’, a. ‘beloved’, TS n. ‘beloved, sweetheart’. 1545. Cf maita-.
OUO, but unlikely to be native. The adjectival sense is far more frequent at all periods.
Specialists have long suspected a source in the Celtic word represented by Old Irish
maith ‘good’ (< *mati-), possibly by palatalization and then depalatalization (by P32) of
the /t/ (Holmer 1950 **** FHV 218 fn]). M. (****{1964a: 145 and fn. 152}) notes aparallel between the verb maite *edun (below) and the Old Irish construction in is maithless ‘he likes it’ (lit., ‘he considers it good’). M. (1977a: 526) suggests, on the basis ofcertain fixed expressions, that ‘good’ was the original sense of the Bq. word. CF by
W2.2.
maiz [1] (B G HN L LN), maes (B) adv. ‘often, frequently’, (B) a. ‘faded, withered’. 1571.
From Lat. magis ‘more’ (M. 1961a: 268, 289). The adjectival sense is mysterious.
*maiz [2] n. ‘maize, sweet corn’.
From Cast. maíz id. Apparently not recorded as an independent word, but present inseveral compounds and derivatives. See arto.
mailasto (HN), ma(i)llasto (B), ma(i)llasko (B) n. ‘dried cornstalks’ (of maize). + lasto‘hay’, by P**{W9} (M. 1961a: 351).
maizter (1745, 1847) (old G H.), maister (G HN LN) (ca. 1760), maistar (B), maiztar (G)(but a compound unamaizter from a HN document of 1167; see unai) n. ‘master’(1167 ‘master shepherd’), ‘landlord, owner’. *****
From Lat. magister ‘master’ (nom.) (M. 1961a: 62). Variant forms by P18, M5. See
maiastru.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque281

majo (G) n. ‘gallant’ (ca. 1880), adv. ‘well’, majo, maja (B G) a. ‘nice’ (20th cent.)
From Cast. majo ‘nice’. The word is popular, not literary, and it is interesting that thenominal and adverbial uses are recorded earlier than the adjectival use, even though theCast. word is an adjective. For the use of the adjectival forms, see M***.
makaka-orroe (B), makakarrao (B), makakorro (G) n. ‘bleat’. Imitative, + orroe ‘animal
noise’.
makhíña (Z), maki(a) (S), makhia (?), makhiba (?), n. ‘wooden manger for pigs’.
From Lat. baccinum ‘basin’ (M. ****{1974b: 188}). [FHV 268]
makila (c.), makilla (B G), makhila (L), makhilla (L LN Z) n. ‘stick’, ‘walking stick’.
1562. CF mak(h)il-.
From Lat. bacilla, pl. of bacillum ‘rod’ (M. 1961a: 51). CF by W1.
maku [hapax] (old HN) n. Late 14th cent.
This word , of unknown meaning, is recorded solely in the phrase macu onac ‘good
makus’ in the magical charm found in a manuscript in the cathedral of Pamplona andpublished in Gifford and Michelena (1958) and in M. (1964**{b}: 57–59). In medieval
Navarra, Maku was a common surname or epithet.
makulo (B G S) n. ‘staff, stick, prop, crutch’.
From Cast. báculo id., by L**{3}.
malko (**) n. ‘tear(s)’. ******** M. (1961a: 272) suggests that this word may belong to the cluster of northern forms
collected under golko {[2]}.
malma (B G R) n. ‘mallow’ (bot.) (****). ****
From Cast. malva id., by L**{3}.
mama (**) n. ****
mami (**), mamia (**), mamin (B) n. ‘meat’, ‘soft part’ (of bread, etc.). ******** B form by an extraordinary spread of nasality.
mando (c.) n. ‘mule’, (L LN) a. ‘barren, infertile, sterile’ (chiefly of women and female
animals). CF manda-. 1591. Dimin. manddo (**), maño (**). mana (B) ‘barren,
infertile, sterile’ (chiefly of female animals). 1905.
Directly from IE, possibly from Celtic. A stem *mand-, *mann- is widely attested in IE
languages with senses ranging over ‘mule’, ‘sterile’, ‘kind of horse’, ‘small animal’, andalmost all authorities agree that the Bq. words are derived from this stem, probably via
Celtic or Latino-Romance mediation. The form *mand- is often thought to be282

R. L. Trask
specifically Celtic, e.g. by Gorostiaga (1982). Of the same origin are thought to be Lat.
mannus ‘type of small Gallic horse’, Bearn. Gasc. mano ‘barren woman’, old Cast.
mañero ‘sterile’, and many other words. The B mana is thought to derive from late Lat.
*manna ‘barren’ (of a woman or a female animal, usually in the feminine). For
discussion, see AT s.vv., ML 5307a, CP s.v. mañero. The original stem is OUO, andcommonly labelled ‘pre-Roman’ or ‘Iberian’ by Romanists.
mandabelar, mandobelar (HN Z) n. ‘knapweed’ (bot.) (thistle-like plant, fam.
Centaurae). 1905. + belar ‘grass’.
mandako (B G HN), mandoko (HN), mandoka (L?) n. ‘little mule’. 1653. + -ko, -ka
dimin. {Not in The Dictionary.}
mandategi, mandotegi (B G HN LN) n. ‘stable for mules’. 1782. + -tegi ‘place’ {(seehegi)}.
mandazain, mandazai, mandozain, mandoin (c.), mandazãi (old B) n. ‘muleteer’.
1652. + -zain ‘guardian’ (see zain {[1]}). Fourth variant irregular.
mando-perrexil (HN) n. ‘herb Robert’ (bot.) (Geranium robertianum). 1905. + perrexil‘parsley’ {(see perexil)}.
mandotu (HN L LN) vi. ‘become hard’, ‘go numb’. 1853. + -tu VFS.

mangedera (old LN), majadera (G) n. ‘manger’. ****
mantar (G) n. ‘gaiter, legging’ [many other meanings] ****
From Cast. manta id., with a second element, ****.
manteliña (G HN), mantellina (old G?), mantelina (old LN) n. [varying senses] [FHV 522]
From Cast. mantellina ****{‘mantilla’}, with metathesis of palatalization in the firstform and depalatalization in the second.
manu (**), mánü (Z) **** n. ‘order, command’. **** CF mana-.
manatu (L LN), manhátü (Z), manhetü (Z) vt. ‘command, order’. [Lh. says Bearnese]
maradikatu (L LN Z) (1545), madarikatu (B Sout G HN L LN S) (1562) vt. ‘damn’, a.
‘damned’.
From Lat. maledīcere id., by P22 (M. ****{1961a: 312}); second form by metathesis.
marbalo (**), marmarrao (**), mamu (**), mozorro (**), momorro (**), momoxo (**)**** n. ‘creepy-crawly’. [SORT]
margo n. ‘colour’, TS ‘paint, pigment’. CF margo-. ca. 1800 (see below); 1891.
A word of doubtful reality. It was reported by the early 19th-century Spanish polymath
Hervás y Panduro, but it appears in no Bq. text or dictionary before the 1890s, when theword was picked up from Hervás by the Basque nationalists. Since than it has becomecommon and has given rise to several derivatives. Curiously, I am told by a native
speaker that margo is used in one area to denote the coloured mark placed on a sheep toEtymological Dictionary of Basque283

identify its owner, but there is no documentary record of such a use. See margul, underm-.
margodun a. ‘coloured’. + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).
margolari n. ‘painter’. + -lari professional NFS (see -ari {[1]}).
margotu vt. ‘paint’. + -tu VFS.
Mari [1] The name of a semi-divine figure of folklore, an austere and awe-inspiring woman,associated with certain places, such as the mountain Anboto, who requires certain
types of behaviour and punishes those who fall short. The figure is of unknown
antiquity but is decidedly non-Christian, though the name can hardly be native Bq.
and probably represents an accretion from the Christian Virgin.
Mari [2], Maria (c.) n. ‘Mary’ (proper name).
From Rom. María, Marie. This serves as the first element in a number of formations.
mari(a)bide(e)tako (G?) n. ‘whore, prostitute (esp. streetwalker)’. + bide ‘road’ + -eta +-ko NFS.
maria-gonagorri (G HN) n. ‘ladybird’. + gona ‘skirt’ {(not in The Dictionary)} + gorri‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.
maria-gora (B) n. ‘type of large shellfish’. + gora ‘up’ (see goi).
mariatalako (B) n. ‘starfish’ (zool.) Probably an alteration of *mariataleko, + atal
‘segment’ + -ko NFS.
maribandera (B?) n. ‘hussy’, ‘shameless woman’. + bandera ‘flag’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
maribarna (R) n. ‘black pudding’, TS ‘paunch, pot belly’. + barna ‘deep’. {Not in The
Dictionary, but cf. under barru?}
maribero (B) n. ‘man-chaser’. + bero ‘hot’.
mariburduntzi (B) n. ‘dragonfly’. (zool.) + burduntzi ‘metal spit’.
mari-erdiko (B) n. ‘cabin boys on half-rations or half-pay’. + erdi ‘half’ + -ko NFS.
marigordin (B) n. ‘whore, prostitute’. + gordin ‘indecent’ {(see*gorr-).}marigorri (B LN), marigorringo (B) n. ‘ladybird’ (zool.) + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)};second version with -ko NFS.
marikaka (B) n. ‘type of seagull which vomits on other gulls’ (zool.). + kaka ‘shit’.
{Not in The Dictionary.}
marikorkoila, marikurkuilu (L) n. ‘snail’. + an expressive element related to Cast.
caracól ‘snail’. See also bare [1].
marimaisu (B) n. ‘(female) know-it-all’. + maisu ‘schoolteacher’. {Not in The
Dictionary; cf. maestru.}
mari-matraka (B G) n. ‘loud and disputatious woman’. + matraka ‘altercation’. {Notin The Dictionary.}mari-mondronga (B) n. ‘man-chaser’. + expressive extension (?).

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R. L. Trask
mari-motraillu (G B) n. ‘mannish woman, butch woman’. + motraillu ‘mortar’(grinding vessel). {Not in The Dictionary.}
marimutil, marimutiko (L LN) n. ‘tomboy’, (Z) ‘young woman of doubtful morals’. +mutil, mutiko ‘boy’. Calque on Fr. marie-garçon.
mari-orratz (B) n. ‘dragonfly’ (zool.). + orratz ‘needle’.
maripanpalona (L LN) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera). + expressive
continuation (see panp-).
maripoliza, maripulisa (L LN) n. ‘certain type of man’s jacket’. + Fr. police ‘police’.
maripurtzil (H.) n. ‘slattern’. + purtzil ‘disgusting’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
mariskira (H.) n. ‘shrimp, prawn’. Final element obscure, but perhaps related to Cast.
quisquilla ‘shrimp’.
marisorgin (old B) (hapax) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera). + sorgin ‘witch’.
maritxu (B) n. ‘male homosexual’, ‘effeminate man’. + -txu dimin. (see -to {[1]}).
maritxukeria (B) n. ‘effeminate behaviour’. + -keria NFS of vices.
mariurdin (L LN) n. ‘slattern’. + urdin ‘blue’.
marizikin (L LN) n. ‘slattern’. + zikin ‘dirty’.

marka (old B) n. ‘ship’. 1596.
From Cast. barca id., by L**{3}.
marra (**) n. ****{‘line, stripe’ Aul.} [FHV 269]
App. from Rom. barra (M. 1961a: 269).
marraska (**), marraka (**) n. ‘bleat’. Expressive.
marroi (B G) a. ‘brown’. 1977.
From Cast. marrón id., by L**{?; treatment of final [n] by analogy with e.g. arratoi
corresponding to Cast. ratón.}.
marru (G), maurre (S) n. ‘roar, bellow’. Imitative.
marrubi (G), marrobi (old L), marubi (HN L), maguri (HN), maidubi (HN), ma(i)llugai(B), ma(i)llugi (B), ma(i)lluki (B G), malubi (HN S), maulubi (A), ma(i)llubi (?),
margu (R) (but a pl. margiuak), maurgi (S), mauri (HN) n. ‘strawberry’ (bot.)(Fragaria vesca). 17th cent. TS (G) marrubi ‘female breast’ (usually in pl.).
Apparently from Lat. marrubium ‘hoarhound’, even though the two plants are notsimilar. [MT entry]
Martin (c.) n. ‘Martin’ (proper name). Dimin. Matxin. In B G, the dimin. is commonly usedin calling to a ram.
From Rom. This name serves as a base in the formations below.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque285

martin-arrantzale (G) n. ‘kingfisher’ (zool.) + arrantzale ‘fisherman’ (see arrain).
matxinada (B G L) n. ‘rebellion, insurrection’. Ca. 1800. + -ada NFS. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
matxingorri (B) n. ‘ladybird’ (zool.) + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.
matxinsalto (B G HN), matxinsaltari (B), matxinsaltalari (G), matxinsaltulari (B) n.
‘grasshopper’ (zool.) + salto ‘jump’ {(not in The Dictionary)} (+ -ari {[1]} NFS).
matxinsukalde (B G), matxinsuzale (B G) n. ‘person who sits constantly in front of thehearth’, ‘homebody, person who rarely leaves home’. + sukalde ‘hearth’ (see su); +su ‘fire’ + -zale ‘fond of’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
matxita (G) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera). + an arbitrary expressive
extension.
martitzen (B Sout) n. ‘Tuesday’. 1562.
The first element is Lat. Martis ‘of Mars’. The second is probably egun ‘day’ (M.
1977a: 491; M. here rejects his own earlier suggestion of -en {[1]} Gen.). The whole ishalf borrowed from, and half calqued on, Lat. Martis dies ‘day of Mars’.
martoopil, martopil (G) n. ‘presents given to a woman who has just given birth’.
M. (1961a: 269) suggests Cast. parto ‘birth’, by L**{3}, + opil ‘small cake’ (see ogi).
martxo (G HN L LN Z R), marti (B) n. ‘March’. 1501.
From some Rom. reflex of Lat. Martium id. B form directly by L**{10}.
maru (B) n. ****{‘post’ Az.}
From Lat. pālum ‘post, pole’, by L3, P22 (M. 1961a: 269). {Cf. paru ‘pole’.}maruaga (B) n. ****. + haga ‘pole’ {Not in The Dictionary.} (M. 1961a: 269).
marhüka (Z), marhünka (Z) n. ‘wart’. ****
From Lat. verrucam id.
masusta (B G), masustra (B G), marzuza (R), marzoza (S), martosa (S), masǘsa (Z),matsuts (A) n. ‘bramble’, ‘blackberry bush’ (bot.) (****) **** [FHV 284]
mataza (**), mathaza (**), mataxa (**), mathaxa (**) n. ‘hank, skein’. **** [FHV 225]
From some Rom. source akin to Cast. madeja id; cf. Bearn. matàcho, matàsso, madàsso(M. 1961a: 268).
matoĩ (**{R}), {matói (R), matio (S)} ****{n. ‘curds’} [FHV 148]
{From Navarrese matón id.}
matxite (G HN **), martxite (**) n. ‘machete’. **** [FHV 68]

286

R. L. Trask{[}mahuka (**), mauka (**), mahunga (**) n. ‘sleeve’. **** {] Duplicates mahanga.}maustin (Sout) n. ‘mastiff’. 1562.
From Rom.: cf. old Arag. maustín, mostín, Cast. mastín (M. 1977a: 488).
mazela (G HN L LN), masa(i)lla (G), masail (old G), maxela (S Z R), matra(i)lla (B L),
matel (HN L LN), matela (LN S), mathela (LN Z) n. ‘cheek’ (anat.), mathela (Z),matela (S R) n. ‘large cheek’ (contrasting here with mazela ~ maxela ‘cheek’),matraila (L) n. ‘jaw’ (anat.). 1745, 1785.
From Lat. maxillam ‘jaw’, or perhaps better from its Rom. reflex *maxella, with variable
treatment of the alien /ks/. The semantic shift is Rom.: cf. Cast. mejilla ‘cheek’. See M.
(1961a: 188 fn. 21) for a discussion of the phonological history.
mea (B G L), me (HN) n. ‘mineral’. 1627.
Obscure. We may suppose an earlier *mena, by P1, which may derive either from Cast.
mena ‘ore’ or from Lat. vēnam ‘vein (of ore)’, the second either directly by L3 orindirectly via *bena, by P7. M. (1977a: 546) prefers the Lat. source. Last form by M4.
meatze (**) n. ‘mineral’. ****
mehatxu (**), meatxu (**), mehátxü (Z) n. ‘threat’ **** [FHV 287]
mehatzatu (**), meatxatu (**) vt. ‘threaten’. ****
mediku (old LN **), midiku (L), miriku (** L) n. ‘doctor, physician’. ****
From ****{Lat. medicum}. Variants by P37, P17.
mehe (L LN), mẽ́hẽ (Z), mee (B HN), me (B G HN S R), be (Sout) a. ‘thin, slender’,‘shallow’ (of water), TS (HN) ‘short of resources’. CF me(h)a-. 1627.
From *mene, by P1, from *bene, OUO, by P7 (M. 1961a: 146, 269). Landucci
remarkably gives a def. form vea, representing a variant *be, though a second hand hascorrected this to mea. CF by W2.2. Commonly reduced to -me or occasionally -pe as a
final element, by W**{19}; for examples see zur, *al- and ogi.
mehar (**), mear (**), berar (B) a. ****{‘tight, narrow’}meatu (**) ***{v. ‘become thin, make thin’} [FHV 110]men ****{n. ‘power, capacity’ Aul.}mende (HN L LN), mente (Z R) n. (HN L LN Z) ‘century’, (L? Z R) ‘time’, (Z R) ‘life’.
1571.
OUO. Lat. mentem ‘mind’ is phonologically perfect but semantically bizarre (M.
****{1965c: 118), and we may suppose a native *bente, by P6 and P7, possibly
containing -te {[1]} NFS of duration attached to an unknown stem. M. (****{1984b:200}) takes seriously the idea that mende ‘dominion’ is the same word in origin; seemen.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque287

mendebal (B G HN L), mendeal (L) n. ‘west wind’, TS (B G L) ‘west’. 1643. From someRom. form akin to Fr. vent d’aval ‘valley wind’, by P7 (M. ****{?}) {AT}. {Gasc.
Bayonne ben de bau ‘west wind’ Palay (1980), though Gasc. bau is not cognate withval ‘valley’.}mendealxori (L) n. ‘phalarope’ (sp.) (zool.). + xori ‘bird’ (see zori).
mendebalde n. ‘west’. 1977. + alde ‘side’ {(see *al-)}, by W13.
mendekatu (HN L LN R), mendekatü (Z), bendekatu (?) vi. ‘avenge oneself’, (HN) ‘getwhat one deserves’, vt. ‘take vengeance on’, ‘earn’. 1545.
From Lat. vindicare ‘claim as one’s own’, ‘take vengeance on’ (M. 1961a: 268), possibly
via P7.
Mendekoste (**) n. ‘Pentecost’. **** [FHV 268]
mendi (c.) n. ‘mountain’. 1545.
OUO. Probably from *bendi, by P7. The word cannot be related to Lat. montem id. in
any orderly manner. As a final element, it appears uniquely as -pendi in the name casa de
Auzpendi (for Auzmendi) (M. 1977a: 539).
mendu (B G), mentu (**), enphéltü (Z) ****{n. ‘graft’} [FHV 157]
-mendu (**), -mentu (R), -méntü (Z), -men (**), -pen (**) NFS **** [FHV 271 fn, 346,
360]
From Lat. -mentum (M. 1961a: 353). A variant -ben is recorded nowhere except innabarben, a variant of nabarmen (see nabar) (M. 1961a: 277).
meniak (old B) n. pl. ‘respite’. ****
Probably ult. from Lat. veniam ‘indulgence, remission’ (M. 1961a: 268), by L**{3, P7},
though the details are obscure.
merkatu (c. exc. Z), merkhatu (L LN), merkhátü (Z) n. ‘market’. 1571.
From Latin mercātum id.
merkatari (B G HN L LN R) n. ‘merchant’. CF merkatal-. 1562. From Lat.
mercātārium id., but now formally + -ari {[1]} professional NFS. This is one of theloans which led to the introduction of the NFS -ari into Bq. CF by W12.
merkatalgoa (L LN Z HN) n. ‘commerce’. 1571. + -goa collective NFS.
merke (c.), mérke (Z) a. ‘inexpensive, cheap’. 1591. Generally thought to be from Lat.
mercem ‘merchandise’ (M. 1961a: 268). The semantics is odd, though French bonmarché ‘cheap’, literally ‘good deal’, may offer a parallel. A back-formation cannot
be ruled out.
merk(h)atu (c. exc. Z), merkátü (Z) vt. ‘reduce in price’. **** + -tu VFS. Z
distinguishes merkátü ‘reduce in price’ from merkhátü ‘market’.

288

R. L. Trask

mertxika (G HN L LN) (1853), merxika (?) (1864) n. ‘apricot’ (bot.) (****) (in places,‘peach’), muxika (B G HN) (1745, 1847), muxilka (G) n. ‘peach’ (bot.) (****).
From med. Lat. persicam ‘peach’, from earlier Lat. malum Persicum id. (M. 1961a: 78).
mesede (B G Sout L), mertxede (**) n. ‘grace’, ‘favour’. 1562.
From Cast. merced id., or possibly from an unrecorded Old Cast. *mercede, by P19.
mesedez (B G) prt. ‘please’. + -z instr./advbl, probably calqued on Cast. por favor.
meta (**), méta (Z) n. ‘pile’, (Z) ‘hayrick’ **** ****
From Lat. mēta{m} ****{‘cone’} (M. 1961a: 268).
meza (**) n. ‘mass’ (religious service). ********
mezarrale (Sout) n. ‘priest’. 1562. + erran ‘say’ (see esan) + -le Agent NFS: lit’, ‘masssayer’.
mezpera (** Z) n. ‘eve’. **** [FHV 269]
meztidura (**) n. ‘shroud’. **** [FHV 270]
From Cast. vestidura ‘clothing’, by L**{3}.
mezu (**) n. ****{‘message’} [FHV 281]
mihi (L LN), mĩhĩ (Z), mĩ (R), mĩi (old B), mĩ (old B), mii (G), mi (HN R), min (B G) n.
‘tongue’. CF min-. 1571.
From *mini, by P1, from *bini, OUO, by P7 (M. 1961a: 269). CF by W2.1. As a final
element in word-formation, it appears as -bin ~ -pin; see ardi [1], ortzi. See also milika{adv. ‘tasting’, n. ‘licking’ (not in The Dictionary)}. M. (1961a: 200) reports thatwestern varieties of B distinguish miña ‘the tongue’ from mina ‘the pain’.
miaztu (B G), miztu (B G), miazkatu (B G), mizkatu (B G) vt. ‘lick’. **** (+ -a
article) + -z instrl./advbl. (+ -ka AdvFS) + -tu VFS.
mihiluze (L LN), mihilǘz (Z), milúz (R), minluze (B) a. ‘indiscreet, gossipy’. + luze
‘long’. Z R forms by W**{19}.
mingain (G) ‘tongue’, TS ‘clapper’, TS ‘bolt’ (of a lock). 1671. + gain ‘top’.
mingaingaizto (G) a. ‘gossipy’. + gaizto ‘naughty’ (see gaitz).
mingainluze (G) a. ‘indiscreet, gossipy’. + luze ‘long’.
mingainzikin (G) a. ‘back-biting, speaking badly of others’. + zikin ‘dirty’.
mingainzorrotz (G) a. ‘sharp-tongued’. + zorrotz ‘sharp’.
mingainzuri (G) a. ‘sycophantic’. + zuri ‘white’.
mingatu (Z) vt. ‘pronounce’. Stem minga-. Second element obscure. + -tu VFS.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque289

mingapen (Z) n. ‘pronunciation’. + -pen NFS (see -men{du}).
mingor (B) n. ‘snipe’ (zool.) 1802. + gor ‘hard’.
minondo (B LN) n. ‘base of the tongue’. **** + ondo [1] ‘bottom’.
mintzo (L LN Z R HN) n. ‘word, speech, conversation’. CF mintza-. 1635. + apparent
NFS *-tzo, not otherwise attested. CF by P2.2.
mintzaira (L LN Z S), mintzara (L LN), mintzaera (HN), mintzo-era (L LN Z) n.
‘way of speaking’, ‘speech’, ‘language’. 1643. + era ‘way’. Last variant by reformation.
mintzaldi (L LN Z) n. ‘speech, conversation’. + aldi ‘time’.
mintzatu (L LN R HN G) vi. or vitm. ‘speak’. 1545. + -tu VFS. Always a simple intr.
verb in the early texts (?)
mintzo izan (L LN Z) vi. ‘speak’. + izan ‘be’ (as aux.)
mintzura (LN) ‘discourse, speech’, (G) ‘voice’. Ca. 1800. From *mintza-dura, bycontraction, + -dura NFS.
minzorrotz (B) a. ‘sharp-tongued’. + zorrotz ‘sharp’.
mizto (B G) n. ‘sting’ (of a bee), ‘bite’ (of a snake). + -zto dimin. [(see ****)]. {Not in
The Dictionary.}
mihimen (LN Z), mimen (B LN R), maimen (B) n. ‘osier willow’ (bot.) (Salix viminalis).
1782.
From Lat. vīmen id., by L3 or P7. The extraordinary “doubling” of the vowel in the firstvariant perhaps results from contamination by mihi ‘tongue’ (M. ****{1950b: 447}).
Last variant unexplained.
mihise (L LN Z), miisa (G), miesa (B) **** n. ‘fabric, tissue’. ********
mihistoihalez (old LN) **** [FHV 250 fn]
mika (B G), phíka (Z) n. ‘magpie’ (zool.) (Pica pica). 1596.
From Lat. pīcam id., by L3 (M. 1961a: 51).
mila (** Sout Z S), milla (** HN R), mile (**) [FHV 521] **** num. ‘1000’ ****
From Lat. mīlia (M. 1961a: 200), ****
mimitx(a) (S.P.) [hapax] n. ‘weasel’ (zool.) (Mustela nivalis).
Expressive. M. (****{Michelena & Agud 1968: 81}) suggests a reduplication of mitx, aword used to call a cat.
min [1] (**) n. ‘pain’. ********{From *bin, OUO.}

290

R. L. Trask
minbera (**), minbere (G) ****{a. ‘painful’, ‘sensitive’}
minbizi (G HN L R S) n. ‘cancer’, (L) ‘ulcer’. 1745, 1758. + bizi living’.
mindu (**), mintu (**), mínthü (Z) ***** ‘go sour, go off’ **** + -tu VFS.
mingi (old LN) adv. ****{‘bitterly’} [FHV 353]

min [2] (B **), muin (B G), **** n. ‘seed’, ‘cutting’ ********
mintegi (**), muintegi (G), muntegi (old B), mindegi (**) n. ‘nursery, seedbed,
hothouse, greenhouse’, TS ‘seminar’. **** R&S 207 has the def. form ninteguia,which may be a typo. {+ tegi ‘place’ (see hegi)}
minatze (Z) **** [FHV 290]
mintz (B G HN LN R), mintza (H.), {bintza (**)}, pintza (LN), phintza, pintz, pinz n.
‘membrane’, TS ‘hymen’, TS ‘skin’. 1802. {[MT entry]}
From Rom., probably from Arag. binça ‘membrane’, by L3, P7 and M4.
mintzurratu (**) vi. ‘lose one’s virginity’ (of a woman), vt. ‘deflower’ (a woman). Stemmintzurra-. + urratu ‘tear, break’.
mintzurradura n. ‘deflowering’ (of a woman). + -dura NFS.
mintzurraketa n. ‘deflowering’ (of a woman). + -keta NFS {not in The Dictionary}.
mira (**) n. ‘admiration’. **** [FHV 268]
mirakulu (L LN), mirakullu (G HN L), mi(r)akǘllü (Z), mirakuru (old B Sout) n.
‘miracle’. ****[FHV 183]
miru (c. exc. Z), mirü (Z) n. ‘kite’ (zool.) (Milvus migrans). 1562.
From *milu, by P22, from Lat. miluum id. (M. 1961a: 312).
miserak (L) n. pl. ****{‘spectacles’} [FHV 269]
mistrio (**) n. ‘mystery’. **** [FHV 368]
Mitxel ‘Mike’, male personal name, dimin. of Mikel ‘Michael’. See bitxilote (under bitxi)
for a possible derivative.
mizpira (**), mesmeru (B) n. ‘medlar’ (bot.) (****) ****
From Cast. {níspera,} níspero id. ****
molde (**) ****, múlde (Z) ‘manner’ ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque291

morla (G HN) n. ‘tassel’.
From Cast. borla id., by L**{3}.
morroin (HN LN), morruñ (Z), morraña (R S) n. ‘borage’ (bot.) (Borago officinalis). ****
From Rom. (Cast. borraja{; Arag. borraina}). ****
morrolla (**) ****{morroill (L HN), morroil (B G L), morrollo (B), barróll, barrolla(Z)} [FHV 83, 269] [many more forms {supplied from M.}] ****{n. ‘lock’}mortaldasun (**) **** **** [FHV 353]
mota (G HN L LN), mueta (B), moeta (old B G) n. ‘kind, sort’, TS (L LN Z HN) ‘breed,
race’. 1571.
From Lat. monētam ‘coin’, by P1 (M. 1961a: 120). The semantic shift is Rom., not Bq.:
Cast. moneda is used for ‘kind’ by the 12th-cent. Castilian poet Berceo (see CP s.v.
moneda). The absence of a northern variant *moheta is curious.
moto (**) **** [MT entry]
motz [1] (**), mutz (Z) a. ‘short’, TS (B) ‘ugly’, TS (?) ‘bare’. 1627.
From some Rom. source akin to Cast. mocho ‘blunt’, ‘short’, ult. from an unrecorded Lat*mutium ‘blunted’ (M. ****{1950a: 195}).
motz(a) [2] n. ‘vulva’, ‘female genitals’, motzak n. pl. ‘male genitals’. 19th cent.
Sources disagree on the form. Widespread but little recorded, because of its generally
obscene status. Possibly a TS of motz [1]; otherwise of expressive origin.
mutxurdin (B L LN Z), motz urdin (S.P.), mutz urdin (S.P.) n. ‘old maid’. 1848. +urdin ‘grey’ (M. 1961a: 65).
moxal (B G) n. ‘foal, colt’ (horse of either sex under one year). 1808.
From Cast. bozal ‘raw’, ‘untamed’ (M. ****{1958c: 7}), by L3.
mu (c.) ‘moo’ (cow noise). Imitative.
muga (**) n. **** ****{‘boundary’}mugarri (** old LN) n. ‘boundary marker’. **** + harri ‘stone’. {M. 1961a: 416-7.}
mugitu (G HN L LN), mubítü (Z), mobitu (old LN R), mogitu (HN S), mobidu (Sout)****{v. ‘move’ Aul.}

292

R. L. Trask

muin (LN), muiñ (G HN L), mun (G HN L), muña (S), fuiñ (L), huiñ (L), hun (LN), hün(Z), un (B LN R), gun (B), uña (Sout) n. ‘pith, marrow, medulla, inner part’, ‘whitish
material inside a horn’, TS ‘brain’. 1617.
OUO. The word is applied to the pith of plants, to the marrow of human and animalbones, and to a variety of other internal substances. Very frequently more specificmeanings are obtained by compounding, as in bizkarmuin ‘spinal cord’ (bizkar ‘back’),bur(u)muin ‘brain(s)’ (buru ‘head’) and garun ‘brain(s)’ (*gara ‘head’). An original*bune would account for most variants, by P7, P1 and P9, but this would produce an
expected *(b)uhe in the north. Schuchardt (****{1906a: 51}) proposes Lat. fūnem‘rope’, which is possible. S remarkably contrasts muña ‘pith, marrow’ with unak‘brains’. [FHV 150-151, 151 fn]
muino (**), muno (G **), munho (LN), muño (G HN), mono (S), monho (LN) n. ‘hill’,muna (B), mun (B) **** [FHV 307, 307 fn]
muki (**), muku (**) n. ‘mucus’. ****
mukizu (**) a. ‘full of mucus’. **** + -zu, older form of -tsu AFS.
mukurru (** old LN) {n. ‘abundance’ Aul.}, mukuru (**), gonburu (B), bonburu (B)**** n. {‘top, limit’} [FHV 218, 331, 332 fn]
From Lat. cumulum ****{‘heap, top’} (M. 1961a: 218).
mulo (L), mulho (**), n. ‘stack’, mollo (B) **** [FHV 307 fn] [MT entry]
multzo (L LN) (1571), multzu (HN L S) (1643) n. ‘group, bunch’, ‘pile’. Dimin. multxo.
OUO, but unlikely to be native. Bouda (****{cited in M. 1950a}) proposes Lat. multum‘many’, but this looks phonologically impossible. {M. 1950a: 199f.}mun (B), muin (Sout G), muñ (G) n. ‘kiss’ (according to A. 1905, in B, not on the face).
****mun egin, muin egin vitmd. ‘kiss’. **** + egin ‘do’.
mundu (c. exc. Z), mündü (Z) n. ‘world’. 1545.
From Lat. mundum or Cast. mundo id. The word gives rise to few derivatives, and mostof those are literary.
murru (LN), mürrü (Z), murralla (** old LN old Z), morroll (old L) n. ‘wall’ **** [FHV
331] [more in FHV 332 fn]**** From Rom. In Navarra, an item muru is frequent in toponyms: **** [FHV 331332]
murtxatu (LN), murtxatü (Z) ****{v. ‘suck’, ‘taste’} [AZKUE]
Obscure. Perhaps ult. from Lat. mors-, mordere ‘bite’ (M. 19{77}a: 473). See muxkau.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque293

mus (**) n. ‘mus’, a certain card game. ****
mustela (B), musterle (B) n. ‘weasel’ (zool.) (Mustela nivalis).
From Lat. mustēlam id., but not directly, since we should have had *muztera or*mustera, by P22. M. (****{Michelena & Agud 1968: 76f.}) proposes an unrecorded
Lat. variant *mustella, with replacement of the ending by the more frequent -ella. {Thevariant mustella is included in Glare 1982: s.v.} The strange second form perhaps bycontamination from erle ‘bee’.
musu (**), musin (**) **** [MT entry] {? Different words in Az. musu ‘face, kiss on theface’, musin ‘mould (on bread)’.}muthatu (old LN) (1545), mudatu (**) (1610), mudadu (Sout) (old B 1562) vt. ‘change’.
From Lat. mutare id. and its Cast. reflex mudar: borrowed more than once.
mutil (c. exc. Z), muthil (L LN), müt(h)il (Z), m{í}thil (Z), mítil (R) n. ‘boy’, TS (B G HN)‘apprentice’, TS (L LN Z) ‘worker, artisan’, TS (HN L LN Z R) ‘servant’, TS (L LN
Z) ‘(mechanical) support’. 1562, but a variant motil, of unknown provenance, in the
15th cent.
From Lat. putillum ‘little boy’ {or rather a. ‘tiny’ (Glare 1982)}, by L3 and unusual lossof the final vowel (M. ****{1961a: 323, though the Lat. source is not mentioned there}).
mutilko (**), muthilko (**), mutiko (**), putiko (**) n. ‘boy’, (HN) ‘servant’. + -ko
dimin. suffix. {Not in The Dictionary.}
mutiri (**), muthiri (**), mithí(r)i (Z) ****{‘insolent’ Aul.} [FHV 77]
mutu (** old LN), mǘtü (Z) a. ‘mute’ ****
From Lat. mūtum id. (M. 1961a: 51).
muxkau (B) ****{v. ‘suck’} [FHV 473] {(See murtxatu.)}294

R. L. Trask-n [1] (c.) Locative CS: ‘in, on, at’. Also ‘among’ with animate NPs: lapurretan ‘among
thieves’.
-n [2] Past-tense suffix.
[FHV 137: reduced to zero]-n [3] Relative and subjunctive suffix.
[FHV 137: reduced to zero]-na- [1], -n (c.) Second-person singular female agreement suffix in finite verb-forms. ****-na [2] (**), -ná (Z), -nan (**) Distributive suffix. ****
nabar [1] (**) **** [FHV 182] **** Dimin. ñabar (**) ****, ñábar (Z R) ‘grey’****{‘multicoloured’ Aul.}****nabarreri (G **), nafarreri (G HN) n. ‘smallpox, pockmarks’. [FHV 266]
nábar [2] (Z) n. [FHV 195] ****{‘ploughshare’}****nabarmen (**), nabarben (**) **** [FHV 259] {a. ‘manifest’; not evidently related toeither nabar [1] or [2], though M. (1973a: 132) suggests a derivation of nabari‘manifest’ from nabar [1].)}nabaza (B) n. ‘fodder’.
OUO, and recorded only in the village of Angiozar. M. (****{1964g: 486}) diffidently
suggests Cast. nabiza ‘turnip greens’. {See also nabo.}nabéla (Z), nabla (S), ñábla (R), labana (G HN), labaña (B G HN) n. ‘penknife’. *****[FHV 398, 552] [check senses {Variously ‘knife’, ‘pocket knife’ Az.}]
nabo (**) n. ‘turnip’ (bot.) (****) **** Dimin. ñábo.
****nafar (**), napar (**) n., a. ‘Navarrese’. ****
nagi (**) **** a. ‘lazy’. ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque295

nagusi (B G HN L LN Z) (16th cent.), nabusi (LN) (1571), nausi (L **) n. ‘master of thehouse’, ‘boss’, ‘proprietor, owner’, ‘master’, ‘teacher’, a. ‘chief, principal’, TS (B) a.
‘eldest’ (of siblings).
OUO. Second variant by P10. If the adjectival sense is original, may contain -i [**{1}]AFS.
nahi (L LN Z), nai (B G HN L R) n. ‘desire’. 1545.
OUO. See gura.
-nahi ‘any...you like’, ‘any...at all’. Suffixed to interrogatives, as in nor ‘who?’, nornahi‘anybody you like’. Possibly a calque on Rom. formations like Cast. -quiera in forms
like quienquiera ‘anybody you like’, from quien ‘who?’ + quiera ‘want’.
na(h)iago *edun (old B, R&S 40 L LN Z G HN) vt., vtc. [+ PerfPart] ‘prefer’. + -agocomparative + *edun ‘have’.
na(h)i *edun (L LN Z G HN) vt., vtc. [+ PerfP] ‘want’. 1545. + *edun ‘have’.
na(h)ikeria (HN LN Z R) n. ‘lust, (unhealthy) passion’. 1757. + -keria NFS of vices.
naiko (B G HN), nahiko (EB) adjvl. 1868. ‘enough’. + -ko RS.
na(h)iz (old B, R&S G HN L LN Z) prt. ‘although’, (G HN) adv. ‘deliberately,
voluntarily’. 1643. + -z instr./advbl (M. 1961a: 116).
narea (old B) [hapax] n. ‘lineage’. 1596.
OUO. Conceivably from Cast. ralea ‘kind, sort’, by P22, with exceptional treatment ofinitial /r/, but M. (****{1965c: 119}) points out that there is no parallel for such aphonological development. Also difficult are the late attestation of the Cast. word
(1325), and the fact that its earliest sense was ‘prey’, ‘capture (of prey)’. {Two 1250
examples in CORDE.} The *nerea of Arbelaiz (1978) is a typo. [FHV 552]{[}nasai (**) [many senses -- all one word?] násai (Z) ‘wide, ample’, násai (R) ‘woman’s
blouse’ **** [FHV 397] {] Partly dupicates lasa. Combined there.}nazkatu (**), lazkatu (HN) ****{vti. ‘disgust, be disgusted’} [FHV 552]
neba (B) n. ‘brother of a woman’. 1745, ca. 1800.
OUO, but contains -ba kinship suffix. Bähr (****{1935: 12f.) suggests a derivative of
anaia ‘brother of a man’, while M. (****{1961a: 310 fn. 20}) suggests instead aderivative of eme ‘female’; see arreba. In the historical period, B is alone among thedialects in possessing a word for ‘brother of a woman’ contrasting with anaia ‘brother ofa man’; all other varieties use anaia in both senses. [FHV 310 fn]
nebarrebak (B) n. pl.‘brothers and sisters’. + arreba ‘sister of a man’ + -ak det. pl. (see*har).
negar (**), nigar (**) n. ‘tears’.
****{OUO.}
negar egin (**), nigar egin (**) vitm. ‘weep, cry’. **** + egin ‘do’.

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R. L. Trask

negu (c. exc. Z), negü (Z) n. ‘winter’. 1562.
OUO.
neke (** old LN), néke (Z) n. ‘work’, ‘fatigue’ ****
nekatu (**), nekhatu (** old LN) *****{v. ‘tire’} [FHV 51, 409 fn]
neska (c.) n. ‘girl’, TS ‘unmarried young woman’, TS (LN) ‘serving girl’, TS ‘fallen
woman’, TS ‘iron bar in a fireplace from which a cooking pot is suspended’. 1562.
Dimin. nexka (L LN).
OUO, but see neskato below.
neska galdu (L LN Z) n. ‘fallen woman’, vitm. ‘engage in debauchery’. + galdu ‘lost’,‘lose’.
neskakoi (L LN Z) n. ‘womanizer, skirt-chaser’. + -koi AFS ‘fond of’ {(see ohi)}.
neskama (H.) n. ‘unmarried mother’. + ama ‘mother’.
neskame (L) n. ‘serving girl’. Apparently + eme ‘female’.
neskaso (LN) n. ‘(female) virgin’. Apparently + -so kinship suffix, but the motivation is
obscure.
neskatilla (B Z) n. ‘girl’, TS (LN) ‘badly behaved girl’. 1656. + -tilla dimin. {Not in The
Dictionary.}neskato (old HN L LN), neskáto (Z), néskato (R) n. ‘little girl’, TS (R) ‘old maid’, TS(G HN LN Z) ‘serving girl’, TS (HN LN R?) ‘girl’; dimin. (HN) nexkatto ‘little girl’.
1571. App. recorded as the Aq. female name NESCATO. + -to {[1]} dimin. Dimin.
nexkato.
neskato zahar (L) n. ‘old maid’. + zahar ‘old’.
neskatxa (HN G L LN) n. ‘girl’, ‘young lady’. 1571. + -txa dimin. {Not in The
Dictionary.}neskatzar (HN LN Z) n. ‘tart’, ‘whore, prostitute’. + -tzar ‘bad’ (see zahar).
neskazar (B G HN) n. ‘old maid’. Ca. 1880. + zahar ‘old’.
neskanegun (LN R), neskanegün (Z), neskenegün (old Z) n. ‘Saturday’. + -en {[1]}genitive plural + egun ‘day’. The first form is literally ‘girls’ day’, and the
motivation is unknown. Among the suggestions are *Neskaren egun ‘day of theVirgin’, for which no motivation seems to exist, and an alteration of *azken egun ‘lastday’.
neskuts n. ‘(female) virgin’. 1897. + huts ‘empty’.
netxale (LN) n. ‘young mule, around six months old’. ****
App. from Cast. lechal ‘suckling’ (M. 1977a: 551).
neurri (**), negurri (**), leurri (HN), lebri (HN), horri (LN) **** n. ‘measure’ ******** [FHV 551]
neurtu (** old LN) **** {vt. ‘measure’ Aul.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque297

ni (c.) pron. ‘I, me’. 15th cent.
OUO. [ESSAY ON CASE FORMS]n- (c.) First-sg. agreement prefix in finite verb-forms. Presumably by incorporation of
the free pronoun. See -da.
nihaur (LN Z) (1545), nihau (LN), niháũ (Z), niaur (S), nerau (G), neuror (old LN),
neu (B LN Z) (1745, 1802), neur (1643, as Erg. neurk), ñaur (R) pron. ‘I myself’. +hau(r) ‘this’ (see hau). G form perhaps directly from nere ‘my’ (see below). Last
forms by contraction.
neure (c.?), ñore (R), nore (S R) pron. ‘my own’, TS ‘my’. 1545. + -e [**{1}] Gen.
nere (G HN L LN Z R), nore (old Z R S), ñore (R), nure (old Z), nire (c.) pron. ‘my’.
****. By reduction. Last form by analogy with ni (M. ****{?}). See ene, under en-.
nerabe (HN LN S) (1627), neabe (R), nerrabe (L), norhabe (LN) (1657), nidabe(HN), nidebe (HN), nirabe (HN) mirabe (old B G) (1596) n. ‘child’, ‘servant’, a.
‘young’. + habe {[1]} ‘support’ (M. 1961a: 82 fn. 19). This etymology is notcertain, but it looks plausible; see Bähr (1935) for other possibilities. M. (1977a:
482) also considers jabe ‘owner’ as a second element, but dismisses this as
semantically intolerable. [FHV 82 fn]
nereganatu, nireganatu (**) vt. ‘take to myself’, ‘appropriate’. ****. + {-}gan + -a{[1]} All. {CS} + -tu VFS. Requires a first-sg. subject.
noharroin (old L) n. **** ‘beggar’. 1643. + harroin ‘support’ (see harri) (M.
1977a: 482).
neurdin (**{B}) [FHV 61] {‘since, as’. Cf. berdin.}neure burua, nere burua (c.) NP serving as pron. ‘myself’. + buru ‘head’ + -a det. (see*har). Like all reflexives in Bq., this one cannot serve as a subject, and therefore it
cannot stand in the Erg. case.
no- (c.) interrogative stem.
OUO. This is one of the two interrogative stems, the other being ze-. Raised to nu- in Z
by P71, and more widely in nun.
noiz (c. exc. B Z), nox (B Sout), nuiz (Z), noz (B), nos (B) adv. ‘when?’ 1545. {First} B
form by P**{30}. Second element obscure. Possibly contains -z instrl./advbl., but
this does not explain the /i/. [SECOND SENSE A]
edonoiz (L LN) **** {+ edo- indef. (see edo).}iñoiz (B G HN) (ca. 1740), inox (old B **) (1596), iñox (**) (ca. 1638), nehoiz (LLN), neoiz (HN), nihoiz (L), nioiz (HN), ñoiz (R) adv. ‘ever’ (in negatives andquestions: NPI). From *enoiz,+ e- [2] indefinite, by P1, P61, P2. Initial n- in someforms by analogical addition of the n- of noiz (M. ****).
iñoiz ez etc. (c.) ‘never’. + ez ‘not’.
noiz arte (**), noiz arteo (**), noiz artio (**) **** Often written as a single word:
noizarte etc.
noizaz geroz (**) ****

298

R. L. Trask
noizbait (**), noizbeit (L), noizpait (LN), nosbait (B) adv. ‘some time’. ****. +-bait indef. (see bait-).
noizbaiko (**), noizbaisteko (Z), noizbaiteko (S), noizbeiteko (L), noizpaiko (LLN), nuzpaiko (Z) ****
noizbaikotu (**) ****
noizdanik (**), nozdanik (old B) ****
noizdino (**) ****
noizean behin (**), noizean bein (**), nozean bein (B), noizbeinka (**) adv. ‘once
in a while’. ****. (+ -an Loc. {CS}) + behin ‘once’ (+ -ka AdvFS). Possibly
calqued on Cast. de vez en cuando.
noiz edo noiz (**), noz edo noz (B), nos edo nos (B), noz edo nozko baten (B), nos
edo nosko baten (B), noz edo arren (B), noz edo bein (B), ****
noizetik noiz (LN), noizetik noizera (L), noizik noiz (B), noizik noizera (B) ****
noiz-ezkero (**) **** {nozezkero (old B) **** }noizik bein (**), noizik beiñean (B) ****
noizko (c.), nozko (B) adjvl. ****
noiznahi (**), noiznai (**) ****
noiznaiko (HN B?) ****
noiz nola (**) **** {nuiz nula (Z) **** }noiztanka (**), noiztenka (**), noiztinka (**), , noizeanka (S) **** {nuiztenka(Z) **** }noiztarik as (R) ****
noiztsu (HN) ****
nuiztaril nuiztara (Z) ****
nuizere (Z) ****
nola (G HN L LN R), núla (Z), nulaz (Z) adv. ‘how?’ 1545. + -la [2]. Last form + -z
instrl./advbl.
iñola (G), nehola (LN), neola (HN), nihola (L), niola (HN) adv. ‘anyhow’, ‘in any
way’ (in negatives and questions: NPI). ****. From *enola, + e- [2] indefinite.
iñola ez etc. (c.) ‘in no way’, ‘not at all’. + ez ‘not’.
nolabait (G HN L LN R) adv. ‘somehow’. ****. + -bait indef. (see bait-).
nola hel (LN), nola gerta (HN) ****
nola ere (G) [hapax?] ****
nolako (G HN L LN R) adjvl. ‘what kind of?’. 1545. + -ko.
nolakoabait (G HN L LN) ****
nolakoa dan ****
nolakoa nai ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque299

nolakoxe (L LN R) ****
nolakotu (L LN) ****
nolanai (G HN LN R) ****
nolaxe (LN R) ****
nolaxeko ****
nolatan (G L LN) ****
nolatsu ****
nolaz ****
nolazbait (**), nolazpait (**) ****
nolerebait (G) ****
nula hala (Z) ****
nulaerebait (Z) ****non (B G HN L R), nun (B G LN Z) adv. ‘where?’ 1545. + -n [**{1}] Loc. {CS.}[MORE: A]edonon (**) {+ edo- indef. (see edo).}iñon (B G HN **), eun (R), ñon (R), ehonere (old LN) ‘anywhere’ (in negatives andquestions: NPI) **** From *enon, +e- [2] indefinite. Some forms reinforced byere ‘even’, often leading to contracted forms like Z ĩhuné.
iñon ez etc. (c.) ‘nowhere’. + ez ‘not’.
nonago (S) ****
nonbait (**), nunbait (B) adv. ‘somewhere’, TS ‘probably’, nunbeit (LN) ‘more or
less’, nunebeita (Z) ‘probably’.. ****. + -bait indef. (see bait-).
nonda (B) ****
nondik (**), nundik (**), nontik (old LN old Z), norik (B) adv. ‘where from?”,‘whence?’ 1545. + -tik Abl.
non edo non (HN LN S), nun edo nun (B LN S) ****
non ez (L) ****
nongura (B) ****
non-nai [LOTS MORE], nunnai (B), nunnahi-beita (Z) ****
nontsu (**) ****
nonziela (S) ****
nundi edi andi (B), nundi edo nundi (old B) ****
nundik nora (B) ****
nunti (Z) adv. ‘where from?’, ‘whence?’ + -ti [**{2}] Abl. {CS.}nun-ze-barri (B) ****

300

R. L. Trask
nor (c. exc. Z), nur (Z) pron. ‘who?’. Sometimes reduced to no in B and G, by P25, andvery commonly reduced to no- in B G before a consonant-initial suffix, as in nok for
ergative nork. Late 15th cent. Possibly contains hypothetical *-r absolutive.
edonor (B L) pron. ‘anybody at all’. 1745, 1816. {+ edo- indef. (see edo).}iñor (B G HN) (ca. 1740), ior (old HN S) (1626), ẽũr (R), eur (R), ĩhur (Z), nehor(L LN) (1571), ehor (old LN), nihor (L), nior (HN), ñor (R), ñeur (R), yor (A)‘anyone’, ‘anybody’ (in negatives and questions: NPI). From *enor, + e- [2]indefinite, by P1, P61, P2 (M. 1961a: 67). Initial n- in some forms by analogicaladdition of the n- of nor (M. ****). Often reinforced by ere ‘even’, sometimes
leading to contracted forms like Z ĩhũẽ́.
iñor ez etc. (c.) pron. ‘nobody, no one’. + ez ‘not’.
iñor gutxi (B G) pron. ‘hardly anybody’. + gutxi ‘few’ (see guti).
norbait (c.), norbeit (L), nurbait (Z) pron. ‘somebody, someone’. 1545. + -bait
indefinite (see bait-). Today this word inflects like any other NP, for example with
Erg. norbaitek, but, in the 16th cent., we find forms like norkbait, with the CS
preceding -bait, reflecting the late addition of this element.
norbaitzuek (G) ****
norbera (B G R), nobera (B), nopera (B LN), nurbera (Z) ****
norberagandu (B G) ****
nor edo nor (B G HN L), noonor (B) pron. ‘somebody, someone’. 1802. + edo ‘or’.
nornahi (L LN), nornai (HN R), nurnahi (Z) pron. ‘anybody you like, anybody atall’. 1665 (but nor nahi den in 1643). + -nahi ‘any...at all’ (see nahi ‘desire’). Also
longer forms nor ere nahi (+ ere ‘also’), nornahi den (+ den ‘all’; see izan).
Possibly calqued on Rom. formations like Cast. quienquiera.
nortzuk (B G) pron. ****
nur-ere (Z) ****
nora (c. exc. Z), nura (Z), norat (HN) adv. ‘whither?’, ‘where (to)?’ 1571. + -ra All.
{CS.}
edonora (B) **** {+ edo- indef. (see edo).}iñora (**) ‘(to) anywhere’ (in negatives and questions: NPI) **** From *enora, + e[2] indefinite.
norabait (B G HN LN), norapait (HN LN Z) ****
noradino (L), noragiño (B), noraino (L), noraiño (B G HN) ****
noraez (**), norez (B) ****
noraezean (B), norezean (B) ****
noraezeko (B) ****
noranahi (**), noranai (**) ****
noraxe (R) ****
norontz (G) **** [surely other forms?]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque301-no (c.) Dimin. suffix. [MITX 73: 461, 470] [Lh.] Dimin. -ño. ******** See -to [1].
no (c.) intj. word using in calling to a woman; also (HN L LN Z R) in calling to a female
domestic animal. It can represent a simple ‘Hey!’, or it can mean more specifically‘Take this!’.
ño, ñotto (R) a. ‘small’, ‘tiny’. ****
norrondo (S.P.) [hapax] n. ‘an unidentified species of tree’.
Surely contains ondo [**{2}] ****, but the first element is opaque.
noski prt. (G HN) ‘of course, undoubtedly’, (B L?) ‘perhaps, maybe’. ****
nothatu (**) vt. ‘mark, stain’. ****
From Lat. notare ‘mark’, ‘censure’ (M. 1977a: 524).
notha (**) n. ‘stain, spot’, ‘defect’. **** By back-formation.
ñaflatu (old G?) [hapax] **** ‘eat enthusiastically’. **** [FHV 552-553]
ñaño (**) n. ‘dwarf’. **** [Rom]ñau (L LN) intj. ‘meow’.
Imitative.
ñíka (Z) n. ‘wink’. ****
ñiñika (HN L), ñiñiko (HN L) n. ‘pupil’ (of the eye). ****
ñirñir (LN Z) [tapped /r/] n. ‘sparkle’, adv. ‘sparkling’.
Expressive.
ñirñir egin (LN Z) vitm. ‘sparkle’. + egin ‘do’.
ñirñirka adv. ‘sparkling’. + -ka AdvFS.

302

R. L. Trask-o [1] (c.) Third-singular Dat. agreement marker in finite verb-forms.
OUO. M. (****) proposes a derivation from hon-, the oblique sg. stem of the proximal
demonstrative hau ‘this’, which is plausible. See also -a [**] and -e [**] for evidence insupport of this proposal. {Neither in The Dictionary.}-ote (L LN) Third-plural Dat. agreement suffix in finite verb-forms. + -te {[3]} pl. {Notin The Dictionary.} Other varieties use -e [**{2}] {pl.}.{Not in The Dictionary.}-o [2] (B LN) Apparent suffix of obscure function found in a few words and names, including
nabaro ‘public’, ‘notorious’ (see *nabar-), an apparent *beltxo in the med. personalname don Belcho de Yrurre (beltz ‘black’), the surnames Garaio(a) (garai ‘high’);see *gara), Zabalo (zabal ‘wide’) and Chourio (Txurio) (txuri, dimin. of zuri
‘white’), and perhaps the B toponyms Berrio (berri ‘new’) and Elorrio (elorri‘hawthorn’). It is not always easy to distinguish this item from the toponymic suffix-o [3], and it may be the same item as the toponymic suffix -io (M. ****{1973a: 133135}).
-o [3] (**) {Toponymic suffix.}-oa Toponymic suffix. [MITX 73: 489 {1973a: 138-9}]
hobe (L LN Z), obe (B G HN LN R), oba (B) a. ‘better’. CF (h)oba-. 1545.
Irregular comparative of on ‘good’, the only irregular comparative in the language.
OUO. CF by W2.2. Not directly recorded in Sout, but its presence there may be inferredfrom the existence of the adverb obato below.
habo(r)o (Z), aboro (S), oboro (LN), hoboro (old L), obro (R) prt. ‘moreover’. From*hobaro ‘more’, + -ro AdvFS {not in The Dictionary}, with various vowel
assimilations and metatheses (M. 1961a: 161 fn. 12).
obaasun (old B) n. ‘improvement’. **** [FHV 113]
hobeki (L LN Z), obeki (G HN) adv. ‘better’. 1571. + -ki [**{1}] AdvFS.
obeto (B G), obato (Sout), hobeto (EB) adv. ‘better’. Ca. 1740.. + -to {[2]} AdvFS.
hobetu (L LN) (1621), hobetü (Z), obetu (B G HN), obatu (B) (1537) vi., vt. ‘improve’.
+ -tu VFS.
obeditu (L LN) vt. (earlier), vitmd. (later) ‘obey’. 1545.
From Lat. oboedire id. (Lh., M. ****{1974b: 193}). B Sout obedezidu (1562),
obedezitu (1800) derives from Cast. obedecer id.
hoben (L LN) (1617), oben (B G HN S R), hogen (L LN) (1545), ogen (B LN), ogén (R),ógen (Z) n. ‘injury’, ‘offence’, ‘deception’, ‘guilt, blame, fault’.
The source is Lat. offendere ‘make a mistake’, ‘give offence’, ‘suffer damage’ (M.
****{1974b: 204}), by **{L}3, P10, but the details are obscure. Possibly back-formed
from the verb below. [SEE ALSO FHV 266 fn]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque303

obendu (B G) (1802) vi. ‘lean’, ‘bend’, ‘yield’, ‘become warped or perverted’, vt.
‘bend’, ‘warp’, vi. (G) ‘become damaged’, ‘get hurt’, ogendu (Sout) (1562) vi. ‘bend,
stoop’, vt. ‘bend, twist’. + -tu VFS, unless borrowed directly from Lat. offendere (seeabove).
ogendant (Z) ****{‘guilty’} [FHV 537]
oberenda (Z), oberta (Z) n. ****{‘offering’} [FHV 266]
From Cast. ofrenda id. {The second form rather from Occ. ofèrta, Cast. oferta id.}hobi (L LN Z), obi (B G HN) n. ‘cavity’, ‘pit’, ‘hole in the ground’ (sometimes esp. for agrave), ‘ditch’. 15th cent.
From Lat. fovea{m} ‘pit’ (ML REW 3463; M. ****{1961a: 133}), by L3. Cf. Gasc.
hobi, Cat. obi. {But Cat. obi ‘trough, basin’ cannot be from fovea but must be < Lat.
albeum ~ alveum; see DECLC s.v.}
obitxiu (S.P.) n. ****{‘prayer for the dead’} [FHV 266]****
obitxiatu (S.P.) **** [FHV 266]
obrada (LN), obradatze (LN) n. ‘species of willow’ (bot.).
From some Rom. form akin to Gasc. aubredé id. (M. ****{1958e: 405}). Second form
by addition of -tze {NFS} (see -tza).
obu (B) n. ‘circle’, ‘iron ring’.
Probably from Cast. huevo ‘egg’ (M. ****{1961d: 17 fn. 25}). The *obo of A. (1905) isan error.
hodei (LN), hodéi (Z), odei (B Sout G HN L LN S R), odéi (Z R), odai (B G), hedoi (L LN
Z), edoi (B HN L LN), odoi (B S), oroi (G), orai (G), orei (B HN), hode (old L), ore(HN), otei (Sout) n. ‘cloud’ ****. 1562.
OUO. The most conservative of the attested forms is (h)odei, with the variants by P17
and vowel metathesis or assimilation. The Sout form otei is mysterious, but note that
Landucci gives odei for ‘cloud’ and a derivative oteiak only for ‘cloudy’ – if not a typo,perhaps by P8. The final stress in Z points clearly, by P73, to a lost consonant, andhence to *(h)odeCi, or more likely *(h)odeCe, since the article -a is not raised to -e inthis word in the west (M. ****{1961a: 397 fn. 28}). This consonant cannot be
identified; */n/ is possible by P1, but not supported by evidence. [MUCH MORE: FHV
397 fn]odia, odi n. (B G) ‘gutter’, (HN old LN Z) ‘gully, ravine’, (HN S) ‘wooden cradle’. 1657.
Doubtful. M. (****{1973a: 135}) diffidently suggests a derivative of Lat. fodere ‘dig’,possibly fodīna ****{‘mine’}.

304

R. L. Trask

odol (c.) n. ‘blood’.
****{OUO.}
odoleste (B Sout), odoloste (B G) n. ****{‘black pudding’} [FHV 83]
ohe (L LN), óhe (Z), oe (B Sout old G HN), oi (B G R), hoe (L? LN?), obe (HN), ofe (LN),oge (B G L) n. ‘bed’. CF o(h)a-. 1537.
OUO. CF by W2.2. Variants by P35.1. The hapax spelling oghe in old L by
Dasconaguerre is either an error or an Italian-style spelling. Commonly reduced to -oi,by W**{19}, as a final element in word-formation. See aburdi.
ohaide (old LN) (1657), oakide (old G), ohekide (?), ohaideko (LN?) n. ‘bedmate,‘sexual partner’ (to whom one is not married), sometimes esp. ‘concubine, mistress’.
+ -kide ‘fellow’ (+ -ko).
ohaidego (LN) ‘concubinage’, ‘living in sin’. + -goa NFS.
ohatze (LN), oatze (HN? A S) n. ‘bed’ (in part of LN strictly ‘bed for an animal’, and A.
1905 s.v. cites from Salaberry the meaning ‘pallet’, ‘rude bed’), (L) ohatze ‘nest’, TS(c.) ‘act of going to bed’, TS (?) ‘layer’. 15th cent.?, 1571. + -tze NFS (see -tza).
oatzestalki (old HN) n. ‘bed cover’. + estalki ‘cover’ (see estali). (The source,
Araquistain, has *oatzestalguia, a typo for oatzestalquia, repeated in A. 1905.){Acording to Arbelaiz s.v. the typo is Azkue’s and Araquistain gives
oatzestalquia.}
oazal (B Sout G HN) n. ‘bedspread’, ‘blanket(s)’. 1562. + azal ‘skin’ (M. ****{1964e:
26}).
oelagun (G?) n. ‘concubine’. + lagun ‘companion’.
ogárt (R), guart (**) ****{‘notice’} [FHV {423, }586]
hogei (LN), hógei (Z), ogei (B G HN), ógei (R), ogéi (R), hogoi (L LN), ogoi (L) num.
‘twenty’. 1571 (1537 in compounds).
OUO. Last two forms by an irregular vowel assimilation. Attempts at linking this to theBrythonic Celtic word represented by Welsh ugain (Middle Welsh ugeint), Cornish
ugens ~ ugans, Breton ugent are dismissed by M. (****{1952: 550; 1964a: 137}) as
untenable: the Celtic forms must derive from *wikanti, and the resemblance is only to themodern forms.
berrogei (c. exc. L), berrogoi (L LN), biorrogei (Sout) num. ‘forty’. ****. + berr‘twice’ (see bihur).
ogi (c.), obi (B HN) n. ‘bread’, (HN L LN Z) ‘wheat’. CF ot-. 12th cent, 14th cent.
OUO. CF by W2.1, W3. Variant by P10.
ogigaztae (B), ogigaztai (B) n. ‘weasel’ (zool.) (Mustela nivalis). 1745, 1804. + gaztai‘cheese’. Calqued on Cast. paniquesa id. (M. ****{Michelena & Agud 1968: 204}).
okin (old B Sout G HN LN R), okhin (LN Z) n. ‘baker’. 1562. + -gin ‘maker’ (see egin)(M. 1961a: 237).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque305

ok(h)insa (LN S) n. ‘female baker’. + -sa female.
okuntza (**) n. ‘sown field’. **** + -kuntza NFS {(see *-kun).} (M. 1977a: 533).
ope (old B G) n. ‘type of slender cake’. 1745, 1808. + *bene ‘slender’ (see mehe) (M.
1961a: 276).
opeil (old B) [hapax], ope (old B {R&S}) [hapax] ‘April’. 1596. + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe).
Both A. (1905) and M. (****{1964a: 113f. and fn. 86}) suggest that the form ope
must be an error.
opil (B G HN S), ophil (L LN) n. ‘maize cake’, ‘wheat cake’, ‘small bread roll’. 13thcent., 1591. + *bil ‘round’ (M. ****{1955c: 284}).
otondo (old B, R&S 534) n. ‘crust of bread’. 1596. + ondo {[2]} ‘bottom’ (M. 1961a:
237).
ot orde (old B) ‘in exchange for bread’. + orde ‘exchange’.
otordu (HN **) n. ‘meal’. + ordu ‘hour’.
otron (S) n. ‘meal’. + oren ‘hour’. The development is *ot-oren > *otoron (by vowel
assimilation) > otron (by P38).
othorenza (old LN), othoranza (old LN), otrontze (HN){, ot(h)orontze (HN LN, L
Z), otoruntza (G HN), otruntza (L)} ****{‘food’, ‘meal’ Az.} [FHV 83, 162]
{M. 1967c: 169}
otsein (B) n. ‘servant’. + sein ‘child’ (M. ****{1961a: 346).
otzara (B) n. ‘breadbasket’, ‘basket’. + zara ‘basket’. {Not in The Dictionary.}ohi (L LN Z), oi (B G) n.? ‘custom, habit’, adv.? ‘usually, customarily’. 1545.
OUO. This item is not really attested as an independent lexical item except in ellipticalforms like ohi baino tristeagoa ‘sadder than usual’, but it occurs in the compounds andderivatives below.
-koi (**), -khoi (**), -khói (Z), -oi (**), -ói (Z) AFS. ‘tending to’, ‘fond of’. By M2.
[FHV 250 fn, 414]
koi (S.P. **) a. ‘desirous (of)’, khoi (Z) ‘fond of’. **** [FHV 250 fn, 415 fn]
o(h)i *edun vtc. [+ various], o(h)i izan vic. [+ various] *****{‘be accustomed to’,
‘do/be usually’}
ohitu (**), oitu (**), oittu (B G) ****{vti. ‘be used to, get used to’ Aul.}
ohitura (**), oitura (**), oittura (B G) **** ‘custom, habit’.
oihal (**), óihal (Z), oial (old B **), oxal (R) ****{n. ‘cloth’ Aul.}oihan (L LN), óihan (Z), oian (G HN) n. ‘forest, woods’, (old B) oian ‘desert’, (old HN)oian ‘mountain’. CF oi(h)ar-. 1545.
OUO. CF by W10. The evidence suggests that the word was once general in thelanguage, and that it originally meant something like ‘wilderness’, ‘desert’, but today it isconfined to the east, where it has become the usual word for ‘forest’. See baso.

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oiher (L LN) a. ‘crooked, twisted, winding’, ‘slanting’, TS ‘unjust’, TS ‘sinister, dangerous’,
TS n. ‘sheltered piece of land’. 1636.
OUO. Possibly related somehow to the synonymous oker {[1]}, though M. (1977a: 528)
categorically rejects any such link. It is not clear that the last sense represents the same
word.
oiheski (LN), oeski (S), {oiezki (A)}, oxezki (R) n. ‘shady place’. + -zki NFS (see -z)(M. ****{1961a: 1745}).
{[}oiheski (LN) **), oeski (S), oiezki (A), oxezki (R) **** [FHV 175]{] Largely duplicatesprevious entry.}oilo (B HN L LN A) (1571), ollo (c.), óllo (Z R) (1562) n. ‘hen’ (zool.). CF oila-, olla-.
From Cast. pollo ‘chicken’, or a related Rom. form (****). The development wasprobably *bollo > ollo (by P9) > oilo (by P32). CF by W2.2. [FHV 320 fn]
oilaki, ollaki (c.) n. ‘chicken’ (as meat). 17th cent. + -ki {[3]} NFS.
oilanda ( LN), ollanda (B G HN LN), ollanta (Z R) n. ‘pullet’, {ollánta (Z) n. ‘chick’}.
1562. + -anda NFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}ollandaki (c.) n. ‘chicken’ (as meat). + -ki {[3]} NFS.
oilar (L LN A) (1571), ollar (c.) (1562), ollár (Z R), ollaar (old B) n. ‘cock, rooster’. +ar ‘male’.
oilarite (old LN) (1571), ollarite (S), ol(i)larrite (S.P.) (17th cent.), ollareta (HN) n.
‘dawn’. + jaite ‘(a) strike’, consisting of jo ‘hit’ + -te {[1]} NFS (M. 1961a: 68);
cf. Lat. gallicinium, ML § 3658.
oilaritza (Har.) (1749), oilariza (?) (1895) n. ‘dawn’. + -tza NFS.
oilasko, ollasko (c.) n. ‘young chicken’, ‘chicken’. 1562. + -sko dimin.
oilo-busti (L LN Z R) n. ‘coward’. + busti ‘wet’.
oilokeri(a), ollokeri(a) (c.) n. ‘cowardice’. + -keria NFS of vices.
{[}ollanda (**), ollánta (Z) n. ‘chick’. + -anda **** ] Largely duplicates oilanda
above.}
ollategi (HN LN), ollatei (Sout), oilotegi (**), ollaltegi (Z?), ollautegi (Z) n.
‘henhouse’. 1562. + -tegi ‘place’{(see hegi).} (M. ****{1949b: 200}). ****
olloarri (B), ollari (B) n. ‘pebbles swallowed by chickens’. + harri ‘stone’.
oin (c. exc Z), hoin (**), huñ (LN Z), oñ (B), uin (S) n. ‘foot’ (anat.), TS ‘foot’ (unit oflength), TS ‘foot, base’ (of a mountain or a tree). 15th cent. CF or-, ort-.
OUO. Variants by P71. First CF by W11; second [FHV 250]. Since no native word for‘leg’ can be reconstructed, this word may once have meant also ‘leg’. See zanko,
hanka.
oñatz (B G) n. ‘footprint’. **** + hatz ‘footprint’.
orbide (**), hoinbide (**), oinbide (**) n. ****{‘path’} [FHV 352] {Cf. orbide‘gallop’.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque307

orkhei (LN Z), orkhe (LN), orkhoi (L), orkoi (HN L) n. ‘shoemaker’s last’. 1643. +-gei ‘material’ (see gai) (M. 1961a: 106). Variants by vowel assimilation.
orpheko (Z) n. ‘pedal’. **** + -pe ‘under’ (see behe) + -ko.
ortuts (**), orthuts (**) a. ‘barefoot’. **** + huts ‘bare’.
urtuxi (R S), urtustu (L LN) ****{v. ‘take shoes off’}oinaztarri (**), oñetzitu (B), oñezitu (B), oñaztu (B), oñeztu (B), oñaztura (G HN),
oñeztura (**), oñaztar (**), oñazkar (**), oinaztura (A), iñaztura (R), ñaztura(R), iñhã́zi (Z), inhazü (Z), irastu (B Sout), irestu (**) n. ‘lightning’, ‘flash oflightning’, ‘meteor shower’. **** [Sarasola] ****
Obscure, but probably a compound. The first element might be oin ‘foot’, though thesense is puzzling. Some forms contain -dura NFS. [FHV 302] [FHV 547: MORE] A
toponym Iñastuaga in Alava (M. 1977a: 547).
oihu (**), oiu (**), óihü (Z), oju (G) *** n. ‘shout’. ****
okailla (B G) or okallea (B G) (sources differ), okaila (EB) n. ‘a certain disease of sheep
akin to goitre’. 1847.
M. (****{1964a: 113}) derives this from a Lat. fōcālem {(a kind of scarf)}, a derivativeof Lat. *faux ‘throat’ (recorded only as abl. fauce {and plural fauces}), and surviving in
Sardinian {(focale, fogale, -i ‘a disease of pigs’)} and in some Italian dialects, as in
Venetian fogada.
okela (B L Z), okhela (L), okheli (L) n. (L Z) ‘morsel’ (of food), ‘piece’ (of meat, cheese,etc.), (B L) ‘meat’. 1596.
From *bokeLa, by P9, P23, from Lat. buccellam ‘mouthful’ (M. 1977a: 531; 1965c:
111). Note: the *ok(h)eia of Arbelaiz (1978) is a typo.
okelu (Sout) n., okellu (B G?), okolo (B), okolu (B), oko(i)llu (B) ‘corner’, okolu (G LN),
okholü (LN Z), okullu (G), ukukku (G?), ikullu (G?) ‘yard’ (of a house). Also many
local senses, such as ‘stable’ (for animals) (widespread), ‘hallway’ (B), ‘particularpart of an oven’ (B). 1562. [ADD FHV 482]
From med. Lat. locellum ‘small place’, dimin. of locum ‘place’ (in preference to Lat.
loculum) (M. ****{1969b: 28f.}, ****{1973a: 168; 1977a: 482}), with dissimilatory
loss of the initial /l/. [FHV 83 fn]
okendu n. (old B G), ukendu (G), ünküntü (Z) ‘unguent’, okendu (L) ‘perfume’, okendu(HN) ‘material which is grafted’. 1763.
From Lat. unguentum ‘unguent’, with unusual treatment of the cluster /n/ (M.
****{1957c: 128; 1961a: 229).
oker [1] (**), okher (**), ókher (Z) **** a. ‘twisted, crooked’. **** Possibly related to thesynonymous oiher, though M. (1977a: 528) rejects any such link. [FHV 234] A
toponym Okerhuri in Alava in 1025.

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R. L. Trask

oker [2] ****, óker (Z) n. ‘belch’. ****{[}hóki (Z) n. ‘stool’, TS ‘normal state’. **** [FHV 526] {] Partly duplicated under -toki.
Transferred there.}{[}-oki NFS ‘place’. [MITX 73] {] Duplicated under -toki.}okor (G) n. ‘slice’. ******** Possibly related to sokor ‘clod’, ‘crust’ (under m-) (M. 1961a: 273).
ola (B G HN), olha (LN) n. ‘forge’, ‘foundry’ (1537), TS ‘factory’ (1905), ola (L) ‘wooden
cabin’, ‘small building in the remote countryside’, ólha (Z) ‘shepherd’s hut’.
From *oLa, OUO, by P23. Lh. proposes Lat. aulam ‘yard, court, palace’, but this is
impossible by P22. The word is a common element in toponyms and surnames, where it
frequently means only ‘place where something is done’, or even just ‘place’.
{[}olabe (R) n. [FHV 118] {] Duplicated under olo.}{[}olabior (HN), olabeor (R S), olabeur (R) n. ‘darnel’ (bot.) (Lolium temulentum). +bi{h}ur ‘twisted’ [SORT] (M. 1961a: 120). {] Moved to olo.}olagarro (B G) n. ‘octopus’ (zool.) (Octopus). 1745, 1808.
Obscure. The second element appears to be garro ‘tentacle’. For the first, M.
(****{1953c: 481}) very diffidently suggests ora-, the stem of the verb oratu ‘grasp’{not in The Dictionary}, with rhotic dissimilation.
olata (B Sout G HN) n. ‘bread offered in church to a deceased person’, (B G HN) ‘small
bread roll for children’. 1562.
From Lat. oblata ‘offering’ (A. 1905; M. ****{1974b: 192}). But the presence of /l/,rather than /r/, shows by P22 that the cluster /bl/ must have been originally borrowed as
something more complex than /l/, unless the word was borrowed late from Church Lat.
olio (G HN L LN), olío (Z), orio (B Sout R S) n. ‘oil’. ****olo (**), olho (**), orlo (B) n. ‘oats’ (bot.) (****) [FHV 366]****{From *oLo, OUO.}
olabae (S), olabai (S), olabe (R) n. ‘sieve’. **** + bahe ‘sieve’.
olabior (HN), olabeor (R S), olabeur (R) n. ‘darnel’ (bot.) (Lolium temulentum). +bi{h}ur ‘twisted’ [SORT] (M. 1961a: 120).
hólla (Z) n. ‘leaf’. ****
From Bearn. ****{hoélhe Palay (1980)} (M. 1961a: 219).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque309

ollera (G?) n. ‘bottle for oil’.
From Cast. oliera bottle for holy oil’ (M. ****{1970a: 58}). The *oillerea of A. (1905)
is an error.
omen (HN L LN) n. ‘reputation’, ‘fame, renown’. 1627. TS omen (G HN L), emen (G),emon (R) prt. ‘reportedly’, ‘they say’, ‘I hear’. 17th cent.
OUO. Lh. suggests Lat. ōmen ‘omen’, but the semantics is not good. G variant of theparticle perhaps by vowel assimilation. If the word is native, we may reconstruct *oben,
by P**{7}.
on (c. exc. Z), hon (old LN), hun (Z) a. ‘good’. 13th cent., 1415.
OUO. Z form by P71. An original *bon is possible, by P9, and is perhaps supported by
the occurrence of -BON(N)- in Aq. This has led several linguists to suggest a borrowing
from Lat. bonum ‘good’, but there are serious problems with this: the loss of the second
Lat. vowel would be irregular, its presence in Aq. would require an astoundingly earlyborrowing, and the Lat. word itself is late in that language. The form on is abundantly
recorded in the Fuero General de Navarra, and Ona ‘the Good’ is a frequent medieval
sobriquet or surname, esp. in Navarra. This is the only adjective in the language thatcompares irregularly; see hobe. [SEE FHV 56 FOR A LIST OF DERIVS]
oasun (old B), ogasun (old B) n. ‘goods, property’. 1596. From *onasun, + -tasun NFS(see -tar), by P1, P35.1 (M. ****{1956c: 342; 1957c: 150 fn. 56}). P1 here applies
across a morpheme boundary. [FHV 245: MUCH MORE]
onak (c.) n. pl. ‘goods’. + -ak pl. article (see *har).
onaldi (L LN) n. ‘good mood’. + aldi ‘time’.
onartu (G HN), onhartu (L LN Z) vt. ‘approve of, agree to, accept’. 1741. + hartu‘take’.
onbehar (L) n. ‘want, poverty, indigence, misery’, a. ‘needy, poor, indigent, miserable’.
1571. + behar ‘need’.
ondo (B) adv. ‘well’. 15th cent. + -to {[2]} AdvFS.
ondo ibili (B) intj. ‘goodbye’ (esp. to someone who is leaving). + ibili ‘fare’.
ondo lo egin (B) intj. ‘good night’ (to someone retiring). + lo egin ‘sleep’ (see lo).
ondu (B G HN), ontu (R), onthu (old LN), húntü (Z) vi. ‘improve’, ‘get better’ (inhealth), TS ‘ripen’, vt. ‘improve’, TS ‘cure’ (meat or cheese), TS ‘manure’ (land).
1643. + -tu VFS. Z form by P70.
on egin (c.) vitmd. ‘benefit, profit’. TS onegin (B) n. ‘profit, benefit’. + egin ‘do’.
onen (**) ****, onaen (old B) {a. ‘best’}[FHV 118]
oneritzi (L), onheritzi (L LN), oneretxi (old B), oneritxi (B) vt. ‘love’, ‘approve of’. TS(old B) n. ‘love’, TS (old B) n. ‘lover’, ‘enthusiast’. + -eritzi ‘consider’ (see eritzi).
onherizte (old LN) n. ‘love’. + -te {[1]} NFS.
onherran (old LN) vt. ‘bless’. **** + erran ‘say’.
onetsi (HN L LN), honetsi (old LN) vt. ‘love’. 1545. + -etsi ‘consider’ (see etsi).

310

R. L. Trask
ongailu (HN L), *****, hunkállü (Z) n. ‘condiment’. ****
ongaitzak (L LN) n. pl. ‘ups and downs’, ‘pros and cons’, ‘virtues and vices’. 1635. +gaitz ‘bad’ + -ak pl. article (see *har).
ongarri (c.), ungarri (old LN) n. ‘manure, fertilizer’, (B G HN) ‘condiment’, hongarri(old LN) a. ‘agreeable’. + -garri NFS, AFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}
ongi (HN G L LN), hongi (old LN), ungi (L LN), onki (R), hunki (Z) adv. ‘well’, TS‘in good condition’, ‘in good health’. 1415. + -ki {[1]} AdvFS.
ongi et(h)orri (c. exc. B) intj. ‘welcome’. + etorri ‘come’.
ongisko, ongixko (L LN) adv. ‘rather well, fairly well’, TS ‘in rather good measure’.
+ -sko dimin.
ongose n. (old LN) ‘avarice’, (H.) ‘miser’, (L) ‘gourmet’. + gose ‘hunger, hungry’.
on-on (L LN) n. ‘bonbon, sweet’. From on-on, ‘very good’, reduplicated intensive form.
Probably calqued on Fr. bonbon.
ontsa (LN), onsa (LN old Z), unsa (LN), úntsa (Z) adv. ‘well’. 1545. + the AdvFS -sa[2], unique to this word.
ontzat (h)artu (c.) vt. ‘approve of, accept, agree to’. + -tzat essive + hartu ‘take’.
ontze (Sout) n. ‘friendship’. 1562. + -tze NFS (see -tza).
húnki (Z) n. ‘benefit’. + -ki [**{3}] NFS.

-oña, -oño Toponymic suffixes. [MITX 73: 492] {M. 1973a: 140}
onddo (B G HN) (1905), ónddo (Z), ondo (1664), onjo (1928), hondo, honddo (L) (1905),
konddo (L), ontto (1745, 1966), ondio, oindo, honjo, ondio, ontio, onio, onto
(1745, 1847), fongo, fungo (R) n. ‘mushroom’, ‘fungus’.
From one or more Rom. reflexes of Lat. fungum ‘fungus’, akin to Cast. hongo, often withexpressive palatalization (M. ****{1961a: 54 fn. 10}).
ondo [1] (c.), hondo (L) n. ‘bottom’, ‘space below’, TS ‘side’, ‘space beside’, TS ‘tree’ (onlyin compounds), TS (L) ‘tree trunk’, TS ‘foot of a tree’, TS ‘time after’ (only in
postpositions), TS (HN LN) ‘consequence, effect’, TS ‘residue’, TS (HN L LN) ‘ex-’,‘former’. 1571.
From Cast. hondo ‘bottom’, or from *bondo, by P9, from Rom. *fondo, by L3, from Lat.
fundum ‘bottom’. This is a spatial noun, and it occurs in some very frequent
postpositions. It is also very frequently the final element in compounds, such as ukondo‘elbow’, from uko ‘forearm’. Such compounds can take the RS -ko to render ‘post-’:gerra-ondoko ‘post-war’ (gerra ‘war’). The sense of ‘tree’ occurs only in compounds
whose first element denotes the fruit of the tree: sagar ‘apple’, sagarrondo ‘apple tree’.
Eastern vareties use it in compounds to mean ‘ex-’: alkate ‘mayor’, alkateondo ‘exmayor’. See also ohi.
ondar (c.), hondar (L LN Z), úndar (Z) n. ‘residue, remains’, ‘sand’, (L LN Z) ‘bottom,
deepEtymological Dictionary of Basque311

part, depths’ (as of the sea), TS (B G) ‘beach’, TS (L) a. ‘persistent’ (as of pain). 1617.
App. + hypothetical *-ar collective NFS (M. ****{1973a: 139}). This word isperhaps the strongest piece of evidence for the reality of this suffix. [FHV 56]
kondarrak (G) n. pl. ‘remains, residue’. **** [FHV 248] ****
ondarbe (R) n. ‘sieve’. **** + bahe ‘sieve’. [FHV 118]
hondarreko (L) adjvl. ‘which has passed’, as in hondarreko astea ‘last week’. + -ko.
(h)ondarmondarrak (L R S) n. pl. ‘residue’. An m-reduplication.
ondoan (c.) p. [+ Gen.] ‘beside’. + -a article (see *har) + -n {[1]} locative {CS.}: lit., ‘atthe side (of)’.
ondoko (c.) adjvl. ‘near, close, next to’, TS ‘following, next’, TS n. ‘successor, heir,descendant’. + -ko RS.
ondora (c.) p. ‘to the side of’, ‘toward’. + -ra allative.
(h)ondoratu (c.) vi. ‘go to the bottom’, ‘sink’ (often esp. of a ship), vt. ‘send to thebottom’, ‘sink’ (often esp. of a ship), vi., vt. ‘approach’. + -tu VFS.
ondoren (c.), ondore (**) [FHV 138] p. ‘after’, TS n. ‘consequence, outcome,aftermath, repercussion’. + -rean Abl CS (M. 1961a: 119–120).
ondorio (L LN Z HN) (1775), ondore (G L LN R) (1627) n. ‘consequence, outcome,aftermath, repercussion’. Final element(s) obscure. The second form might be a
reduced form of ondoren (above)
ondotik (c.) p. ‘from under’, ‘under’; ‘from behind’, ‘behind’, ‘following’, adv, (L LN
Z) ‘immediately’. + -tik ablative.
ondo [2] **** (tree trunk etc)
ondra (**) n. ‘honour’. ********
ondradu (**) ****{a. ‘honourable’} [FHV 366]
onil (B G HN), honil (L LN), unil (S.P.), unhil (S.P.), umil (L) n. ‘funnel’. 1802. Dimin.
txonil (B).
From Cast. fonil {or Occ. fonilh} id. (M. ****{1961a: 189}), perhaps via *bonil, by P9.
The ult. source is Late Lat. *fundiculum, from infundere ‘pour (a liquid into a container)’(CP s.v. fundir). Dimin. by M9. Last form {(umil)} by P**{2}.
ontz (G **), hontz (S.P.), hüntz (Z) *** ‘owl’
ontza (**), úntza (Z) n. ‘ounce’. ****
ontzi (**), untzi (**), úntzi (Z) n. ‘container, vessel’.
****{OUO.}

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R. L. Trask

ohoin (L LN) (1545), ooin (HN), ũhúñ (Z), uuñ (old B) (1596), oñ (Sout) (1562) n. ‘thief’.
From *onoin, OUO, by P1 (M. ****{1950b: 460; 1961a: 140, 303}). The Sout form is
extracted from a def. form oña, and should perhaps be oin. The old B form is writtenuhun or huhuñ, but the <h>es here are purely orthographic. See lapur.
ohorgoa (H. **) n. ‘theft, robbery’. **** + -goa NFS.
ostu (B Sout G) (1562), onstu (old B) (1656), oostu (B) vt. ‘steal’, vtd. ‘rob’. + obscuresecond element + -tu VFS (M. ****{1961a: 140, 303}).
ohol (L LN Z) (1643), ohola (old L) (1636), ogol (HN), ol (G HN S), õl (R) n. ‘board, plank’.
From *onol(a), OUO, by P1 (M. ****{1950b: 461; 1954b: 147; 1961a: 303}). HN formby P35.1.
ohore (L LN), oore (HN), ore (R), ũhṹ(r)e (Z) n. ‘honour’, õre (R) n. ‘funeral honours’. CFo(h)ora- 1545.
From *onore, by P1, from Lat. honōrem id. (M. 1961a: 300). The R split is interesting.
CF by an unusual application of W2.2. See also ehortzi.
ohoragarri (L), ooragarri (HN) a. ‘honourable, possessing honour’, ‘conferring honour,
admirable’. 1686. + -garri AFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}ohoratu (L), ooratu (HN) vt. ‘honour’. 1545. + -tu VFS.
oputz (R), opus (R?) n. ‘effort’, ophütz (Z) ‘result’. ****
From Lat. opus ‘work’ (M. 1961a: 288).
or (old B L LN Z), hor (LN), ho(r) (Z) n. ‘dog’. CF usually ora-, occasionally o-. 1562.
OUO. The variant *ora cited by A. (1905) appears to be an error. CF by W17, W11.
Largely displaced by zakur.
ozar (L Z) n. ‘(big) dog’ (17th cent.), TS a. ‘insolent’, ‘cynical’, ‘pompous’ (1664). +zahar ‘old’ (M. ****{1964a: 95; 1968g: 487}).
ozargizon (S.P.) n. ‘dog-man’. + gizon ‘man’.
ozar izar (L) n. ‘scorching heat’, ‘heat wave’. 17th cent. + izar ‘star’.
orain (B Sout G HN L LN Z), orai (G HN L LN Z R), oin (B G) adv. ‘now’. 1571.
From Lat. hōram ‘hour’ plus the Loc. in -n of some demonstrative or other item which is
no longer recognizable (M. ****{1971b: 591 fn. 38; 1972f: 309 fn. 17}): lit. ‘at the hour’or ‘at this hour’, a common way of expressing ‘now’ in the world’s languages. The
second variant is probably derived by back-formation from the derivatives below inwhich the stem orai- results from the regular loss of Loc. -n before certain endings. Last
form by contraction.
orast (Sout) adv. ‘now’, ‘at present’. 1562. From Lat. hōra est ‘it is the hour’ (M.
****{1957a: 21; Agud & Michelena 1958b: 42). The derivative below suggests thatthe word was formerly widespread. The *ozatz of A. (1905) is an error.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque313

ora(i)xtean (L LN) (17th cent.), arestian (B G HN) (1745, ca. 1755), araistian (?)(17th cent.), {araxtian (**)}, oroxtian (LN), oxtian (LN), oxtixan (LN),
oxtixotan (LN), orextian (H.) adv. ‘a short time ago’, ‘recently’. {[+ -an Loc.
CS.]} {M. (**** {1957a: 21; Agud & Michelena 1958: 42} Arb) proposes Lat.
hōra est jam ‘the hour is now’.} Lh. (s.v. oroxtian) suggests an alternative origin in*orai-ostean, from orain ‘now’ + ostean ‘behind’ (see oste{[2]}), but thisotherwise plausible suggestion suffers from the problem that oste is not recorded in
the northern dialects.
aresti (B G HN), areisti (B G HN) n. ‘moment’, oraxte (S) n. ‘very recent past’.
Back-formation, by removal of Loc. -an.
orbain (**), orban (B), orbeñ (Z) n. ‘mark, scar’. ****
Obscure. Probably related somehow to ermain ‘defect’ (M. 1977a: 507).
orbide (**{oldB}), orbi (**{old LN}) n. ****{‘gallop’} [FHV 412 fn]
Clearly contains bide ‘way’, by W**{19}, though the first element is obscure. {Seeorbide under oin. Are these the same word?}
orde {n. ‘compensation, replacement, substitute, exchange’-orde NFS ‘step-’, ‘vice-’, ‘substitute’}
ordea [1] **** prt. {‘but, however’ Aul.}
ordea [2] (**) n. ‘(religious) order’. **** [FHV 146]
hordi (**), ordi (**), órdi (Z) a. ‘drunk’. ******** ordi mokor (R) ‘blind drunk’. + mokor expressive (see m-).
ordu (c. exc. Z), ordü (Z) n. ‘hour’, ‘time’ (of the clock), ‘time’ (at which something
happens), (B) ‘time’ (in general, ‘duration’), (Z) ‘occasion’, ‘circumstance’. Ca. 1500.
OUO. Since the hour is a Roman invention, we may suppose either that the word isborrowed or that a native word has been loan-shifted in sense. Schuchardt (****{1922})
suggests an origin in the Lat. nom. ordo ‘order, series’, with the sense of Lat. hōram‘hour’, but few have found this appealing. Several have wanted to relate the word tooren ‘hour’ and to orain ‘now’, both of which likely derive from Lat. hōram, but theformal obstacles are formidable. A. (1905: s.v.) appears to report that the word is
attested in the Baztan (HN) in the sense of ‘clock’, a report not confirmed elsewhere.
The same source notes that Bonaparte reports the word as having in R the “strange” /r/,the one otherwise derived from */t/.
orduan (c. exc. Z), ordüan (Z), orduen (old B) [hapax] adv. ‘then’, (B G HN L)‘therefore, consequently, then’. 1545. + -an Loc. {CS.} Last form by P43. Lit., ‘atthe hour’, a common way of forming adverbs meaning ‘then’ or ‘now’ in the world’s
languages.

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R. L. Traskore (**), orhe (old LN **), ó(r)he (Z), õre (R), orre (G A) **** ‘dough’ [FHV 83, 331]
[Azkue]****oramai (**), ****, olamai (R) n. ‘{kneading} trough....’ ****
orantza (G HN L R S), orrantz (G) n. ‘yeast’. **** [FHV 331]
orein (** Sout), ore(i)ñ (B), oreñ (Z), oren (LN) n. ‘deer’ (zool.) (Cervus elaphus). 1562.
OUO.
oren (L LN R), ó(r)en (Z), oron (HN S), oon (LN) n. ‘hour’ (1545), TS (L LN) ‘clock’,‘watch’ (1715).
Probably somehow from Lat. hōram id. (Schuchardt ****{1922}). M. (****{1957a:20}) suggests a genitive origin, with Gen. -en {[1]}, in a locution like Zer oren da?
‘What time is it?’, comparable to Lat. Quota hōrārum est?
orga (HN L LN), orgã́ (Z), n., usually orgak pl. tm. ‘cart, wagon’. 1643. CF organ-.
From *organa, OUO, by P1 (M. ****{1961a: 145, 396}). Gavel (****{1958}) suggests
Lat. organa, pl. of organum ‘instrument’, esp. ‘musical instrument’. This isphonologically perfect but semantically awkward, though at least it helps to explain thecommon use of the Bq. word in the pl. CF by W1. [FHV 146 fn] {The semantics is
satisfactory from base sense of organum ‘mechanical device’.}organhága (Z) n. ‘pole used to hold hay or the like on a wagon’. **** + haga ‘pole’.
{Not in The Dictionary.}organbíde (Z) n. ‘cartpath’. **** + bide ‘road’.
organtsábel (Z) n. **** + sabel ‘belly’. [FHV 301]
hori [1], kori (R S), go(r)i (HN A) **** Abs. pl. horiek (**), oriek (**), oiek (G **), orrek(**?? - FHV 384 fn] M. 1961a: 384 fn. 10), attributing the point to Altube, derives thepl. forms like orrek from earlier *orreek. DEMONSTRATIVE {‘that’ (proximal)}[SEE FHV 247]
{OUO.}hor (**), or (**), kor (R S), gor (A) **** adv. ‘(just) there’. ****
orreren (Sout) ‘from there’. 1562. + -rean Abl CS (M. 1961a: 120).
hortik (**), ortik (**), ordik (old HN) {‘from there’} [FHV 355]ori (** R) pron. ‘you’. The R pron. is ori even though the det. is kori.
-ori (old LN **) det. **** [FHV 213 fn. {21}]hori [2] (L LN), ho(r)i (Z), ori (**) a. ‘yellow’. 1562. Dimin. (Z) hólli.
OUO. Possibly contains -i [1] AFS. A. (1905) suggests a stem or ‘dog’, in which casethe original sense would have been ‘tawny’. [FHV 182]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque315

orlegi a. ‘green’. 1897. Aranist neologism, whose second element is taken from beilegi‘bright yellow’ (see behi).
horitz (L LN Z), oritz (B G HN), oreitz (B G), oratz (B), olitz (LN) n. ‘colostrum’(secretion from nipples).
OUO. Schuchardt (**** Ib Dekl {1908:} 5) proposes a Lat. *colestrum, variant ofclassical colostrum id.; this is not impossible but not appealing.
horma (L LN), orma (B G HN L LN Z), borma (old LN) n. ‘ice’ (all but B) (1643) (in old
LN, ‘thin coating of ice’), ‘crust of ice’ (L LN), TS (L LN) ‘bitter cold’, ‘wall’ (B L)(1656), ‘shoemaker’s last’ (L H.)
From Rom. forma, from Lat. formam ‘form’ (M. 1961a: 51). Most of the semantic
developments are Rom., not Bq.: the Rom. word acquired various senses pertaining tooutlining, and most of the Bq. senses are well attested in Rom. See, e.g., Cast. horma‘form’, ‘drystone wall’, Fr. forme ‘form’, ‘shoemaker’s last’. Apparently forma wasborrowed by L3 as borma, the form found in the 17th-cent. writer Oihenart for both ‘thin
coating of ice’ and ‘wall’, while common (h)orma results from P9. The earlier sense of‘thin coating of ice’ has been generalized to ‘ice’. [FHV 482]
horma-haize (L), orma-aize (HN) n. ‘icy wind’. + haize ‘wind’.
ornitu (**), hornitu (**) vt. ‘furnish, provide’. ****oro (old B HN L LN Z R) det. ‘all’. 1545.
OUO, and today confined to the eastern dialects. This item exhibits unusual behaviour
for a determiner: it follows a full NP containing the plural of the ordinary determiner -ak(see *har), and any case-marking on that NP is repeated on oro. Examples: mendiak oro‘all the mountains’; mendietan orotan ‘on all the mountains’.
-ero (**) AdvFS ‘every’. Forms adverbs from nouns of time, like egunero ‘every day’from egun ‘day’. ****
orobat (G HN L LN Z R) adv., prt. ‘in exactly the same way’, ‘equally’, (HN LN) prt.
‘moreover’, (HN S.P.) a. ‘of no importance’. 1627. + bat ‘one’.
orobatsu (HN L) a. ‘about the same’. 1643. + -tsu AFS.
oroit (HN), orhoit (L LN Z), orhit (Z) n. ‘memory’. 1571.
The final /t/ points to an Occ. origin. Noting the A derivative below, M. (****{1961a:
106, 211 fn. 13}) proposes an earlier *oreit, by vowel assimilation, from an unrecorded
Gasc. *coréit, the regular outcome in that variety of Lat. collectum ‘gathered together’,by P14.
oroipen (G HN L LN) n. ‘(a particular) memory’, ‘recollection’. 1745, ca. 1760. + -men
NFS (see -mendu) (M. 1961a: 346).
oroit izan (G HN), orhoit izan (L LN) vi. [+ Instrl.] ‘remember’. 1571. + izan ‘be’.
oroitu (G HN) (1564), orhoitu (L LN), oreitu (A), orhitu (old LN) (1545), orhitü (Z),oritu (S) vi. [+ Instrl.] ‘remember’. Stem or(h)oit- etc. + -tu VFS.

316

R. L. Trask

orots (L LN Z R) a. ‘male’ (of an animal). 17th cent.
OUO, but clearly connected to -(d)ots ‘male’. See ordots (under urde).
orratz (**), orraatz (B), orrátz (Z R) n. ‘needle’. ****
orrazi (B Sout G) (1562), orraze (HN Z R S) (1627) n. ‘comb’. **** [FHV 130 fn; 289]
orre (LN) n. ‘juniper’ (bot.) (Juniperus). 1859. CF orra-.
OUO. CF by W2.2. Localized and recorded late, but probably ancient. The word
famously occurs in the toponym Orreaga, the Bq. name of the celebrated pass ofRoncesvalles (Roncesvaux), where the Basques ambushed and annihilated the rearguardof a Frankish army in 778. Generally displaced by the loanword ipuru.
orradi (HN) n. ‘juniper grove’, orredi (old L) n. ‘bunch of juniper’. + -di collective
NFS.
horri (L), orri (B Sout L) n. ‘leaf’, orri (G HN) ‘large leaf’. TS ****{‘page’}. 1562. CF(h)orr-.
OUO. CF by W**{2.1}.
horbel (**), orbel (B **) n. **** + *bel ‘dark’ (M. 1961a: 63).
hosto (L LN Z), osto (G HN S R), orsto (old LN), horsto (**), ostro (HN) n. ‘leaf’.
1643. In G HN this is specialized to ‘small leaf’, with orri (above) for ‘large leaf’. +-zto dimin. {Not in The Dictionary.} *** The fifth form shows an unusual metathesis.
orroe (**), orro (**) , **** n. ‘roar’, ‘noise made by an animal’. ****
ortu (B Sout) n. ‘kitchen garden, vegetable garden’. 1562.
From Lat. hortum id.
hortz (L LN Z), ortz (B Sout G HN L LN R) n. ‘incisor tooth’ (anat.) (1562), TS ‘tooth’ (ofa saw etc.) (1596).
OUO. Bq. distinguishes this word from hagin [**{1}] ‘molar tooth’, and it commonlyuses the compound hortz-haginak (below) for ‘teeth’. There is no generic word for‘tooth’, though hortz is sometimes so used, and always in the TS.
ozki (G HN L), oski (G) n. ‘having one’s teeth on edge’. + -ki [**{3}] NFS, by P33, P18(M. ****{1955a: 273 fn.2}).
ortzi n. (L?) ‘sky’, (LN) ‘thunder’, ‘storm’, (LN) ‘storm cloud, thundercloud’, (L LN)‘daylight’, ‘brightness of the sky’, ‘starlight’, (old Z) ‘atmosphere’, hortzi (L LN)‘lightning’, ortze (Z) ‘storm’, orze (old Z) (sense obscure), osti (B G) ‘thunderclap’,‘storm’, a. ‘cloudy’, ozti (L G B?) ‘thunderstorm’, hortz, holtz (H.) ‘cloud’, ‘sky’,orz (old LN S) ‘cloud’. CF or(t)z-, ost-, oz-. A form urzi (12th cent.; see below); avariant orze ca. 1650 (provenance unknown); otherwise 1859.
Original form probably *ortzi, OUO, since *ortze would not account for the CF (M.
1961a: 130). B form by P33. CF by W2.1. A puzzling word, the object of much

Etymological Dictionary of Basque317

discussion. Apart from one medieval and one 17th-century attestation, the independent
word is not recorded before the 19th century, yet its numerous derivatives, some of themrecorded early, point to an ancient word. The first attestation is that of the 12th-century
French pilgrim Aimery Picaud, who, in a brief but otherwise accurate glossary, cites
Urçia (apparently with the article -a attached) as the word for ‘God’. This has led many
writers to conjure up a pagan Basque sky-god with the name *Ortzi or *Urtzi, but there
is no other evidence for a deity of this name – apart perhaps from the day-names; seebelow – and M. (1964a: 51) suggests that Picaud, when requesting the Bq. word for‘God’, may have pointed to the sky, and that the Basques, mistaking his intention, may
have given him their word for ‘sky’. [FHV 130: MORE]
The original sense is hard to determine, since, both as an independent word and in its
numerous derivatives, the word exhibits all of the meanings ‘sky’, ‘cloud’, ‘storm’ and‘thunder’. The sense of ‘sky’ is attested for the independent word only in a single
proverb recorded in the 19th century.
ortzadar (HN), hortzadar (L LN), orzadar (HN LN Z), orziadar (LN), ozadar (L Z),
holtzadar (L LN), ol(t)zadar (HN), ostádar (Z), otsadar (A), ortzeder (?) n.
‘rainbow’, TS (HN) ‘frown’, ‘scowl’. 1571. + adar ‘horn’. Last variant apparently
contaminated by eder ‘beautiful’.
ortzaizki, hortzazki, orzaizki (LN) n. ‘brightness of the sky or of the stars’,‘moonlight’. Final element obscure.
ortzantz (L LN), orzantz (Z LN), ozantz(a) (Z) n. ‘thunder’, ‘storm’. + azantz ‘noise’(M. 1961a: 293; credited to Sauguis), with dissimilatory loss of the medial sibilant by
P**{W13}.
ortzargi (L LN Z), ostargi (B G HN L), orzargi (R), ozargi (R Z), oztargi (G B HN) n.
‘dawn’, ‘daylight’, oztargi (B) n. ‘sunbeam’. + argi ‘light’.
ostargitu (L) vi. ‘clear up’ (of the sky). + -tu VFS.
ortzegun (L LN HN), orzegun (L LN), ostegun (G HN LN), ostégün (Z), ostégun (R),orzégun (R) n. ‘Thursday’. 1617. + egun ‘day’. This word, which looks so much
like a calque of Lat. Jovis dies ‘Thursday’ (lit., ‘day of Jupiter’), possibly provides
some support for the idea, discussed above, that the first element might once havebeen the name of a sky-god or a thunder-god. But a calque along the lines of‘thunder-day’ also appears plausible. However, M. (1972f: 307) points out that aderivation from bortz ~ bost ‘five’ + egun ‘day’ would be formally perfect, by P9,
and semantically acceptable if the days of the week are counted from Sunday. See
also ortzirale, below, and see eguen (under egun).
ortzegun/ostegun gizen (L LN HN G) n. ‘Thursday before Mardi Gras’. + gizen ‘fat’{(see *gi-)}. Calque on Fr. jeudi gras, Cast. jueves gordo.
ostegun aizaro (HN old B) n. ‘Maundy Thursday’. + aizaro ‘Maundy Thursday’.
{Not in The Dictionary.}ostegunkari (L LN) n. ‘person who works or travels on Thursday’. + -kariprofessional NFS (see -ari [1]).
ortzeko (L) adjvl. ‘celestial, heavenly’. + -ko RS.
ortzikara (L) n. ‘stormy weather’. + -kara NFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}

318

R. L. Trask
ortzirale (L LN), ortzilare (L LN R), orzirale (L), orzilare HN LN R), ostirale (LN),
osti(r)ále (Z), ostrále (R), orziláre (R), ostiral (G) n. ‘Friday’. 1622. Final element
obscure. See also barikua {~ bariaku under afari.}
ortzirale (etc.) saindu n. ‘Good Friday’. + saindu ‘holy’.
ostiralekari (LN) n. ‘person who works or travels on Friday’. + -kari professional
NFS (see -ari [1]).
ortziri (L LN Z) n. ‘thunder’. Final element obscure. {-iri NFS? Cf. igortziri‘thunder’.}ortzitsu (L) a. ‘stormy’. + -tsu AFS ‘full of’.
ortzitu, hortzitu (L LN) vi. ‘thunder’, ‘be stormy’. + -tu VFS.
ortzi zuria! (L) intj. ‘bloody hell!’ + zuri ‘white’ + -a article (see *har). I have neverseen this phrase documented, but I have heard it myself. It appears to be literally‘white sky’ or perhaps ‘white thunder’.
ortzondo (Z LN), orzondo (LN R) n. ‘dawn, daybreak’. + ondo [1] ‘side’.
ortzoski, orzoski (old LN), orzaizki (S), orzozki (S.P.), orzezki (old Z) n. ‘calm air,clear air’. 17th cent. Final element obscure.
orzgarbi (L LN Z), ozkarbi (B G), oskarbi (B G) n. ‘clear sky’. + garbi ‘clean’.
ozkarbi-une (B) n. ‘brief periods of sun peeping through the clouds’. + une ‘interval’{(see gune)}.
orzgorri (LN), horzgorri (LN), ozkorri (B) n. ‘reddish cloud’, ‘red sky’, ozkorri (Z)‘dawn’, ‘dusk, twilight’. + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.
{[}orzondo (LN R) n. ‘dawn’. + ondo [1] ‘side’.{] Duplicates ortzondo above.}ostarku, oztarku, ostriku, oztriku, ustarku, ustruku, uztrauku, uzterpu, sustruku(B) n. ‘rainbow’. + arku ‘arc’ {(not in The Dictionary)}, with irregular developments.
{Some of these forms are also cited at uztargi (see buztarri); blends of two separate
words?}
ostarte, oztarte (B G) n. ‘brief periods of sun peeping through the clouds’. + arte {[1]}‘interval’.
ostrallaka (HN G), ostralika (G), ostreilaka (G), oztralika (HN G), oztrellaka (G) n.
‘rainbow’. Final element obscure.
ostil, oztil (G) n. ‘rainbow’. Final element obscure; *iLe ‘moon’ is phonologically goodbut semantically curious.
ostots (Z HN), oztots (HN G), ortots (HN), otsots (A) n. ‘thunder’. + hots ‘noise’ (M.
1961a: 293).
oztosari (HN) a. ‘thundering’. + -ari [**]? {Not -ari [1] or -ari [2]. Cf. ortziri
above.}
oztosketa (HN ) n. ‘rumbling of thunder’. + -keta NFS {not in The Dictionary}.
ostroi, oztroi (B) n. ‘thunder’. Obscure.
ozkar (B), ozkarri (G) n. ‘thunder’. Obscure.
ozme (LN) n. ‘lightning bolt, thunderbolt’. + mehe ‘slender’, by W19.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque319

ozpin (L LN), orzpin (L LN), ozmin (G? HN?), ozme (S), ozpirin (L), ozpriñ (L)‘lightning bolt’, ‘thunderbolt’, ‘thunder’. 17th cent. + *bini ‘tongue’ (see mihi) (M.
1961a: 276, 350). Last two variants puzzling; possibly *-bini > *-bĩĩ > *-bĩrĩ > -birin,
or possibly by an unusual metathesis, as preferred by M. (1961a: 368).
ozpinarri (HN G), ozminarri (HN), ozmiarri (HN), oxmearri (S) n. ‘thunder’.
App.+ harri ‘stone’, with puzzling semantics (M. 1961a: 276).
oztrontz (B) n. ‘beam of light’. Obscure.
oru (B G) (1847), orue (G) (1745, 1955), orube (B G) (1824) n. ‘building site’, ‘place wherea house is to be built’, TS ‘perimeter of a house, including its attached land’.
Probably from Lat. forum ‘open space’ (M. ****{1973a: 143}), either directly by L3, orindirectly via *boru, by P9. Extension obscure; possibly -be ‘under’ (see behe).
-os, -oso AFS.
osaba (c.), oseba (LN Z), osea (LN Z) n. ‘uncle’, TS (LN Z) ‘stepfather’. ****.
OUO, but contains -ba kinship suffix. Last two forms by contamination from izeba‘aunt’. Loss of /b/ by P16.
osin (c.), hausin (**), ausin (**), hasuin (**), asuin (**) (1657) n. ‘deep place in a river orin the sea’, ‘(water) well’, TS (G) ‘sea’, TS (G) ‘eddy, whirlpool’ (in a river), TS (B)‘bedpan’, TS (B) ‘urine’, TS (S) ‘winter wind bringing snow’, hosin (L) (1643)‘abyss’. [FHV 107]
OUO. Possibly from *sosin, by P20. M. (****{1955a: 143}) notes a merely formal
parallel with Ib. SOSIN, of unknown meaning, but points out that, in plausible
correspondences, Bq. /s/ corresponds to Ib. s, not to Ib. s. Uniquely, ****{Juan deTartas, Onsa hilceco bidia, Orthez, 1666} consistently writes ocin (= ozin), but M.
(1961a: 286 fn. 12) takes this form as resulting from the constant association {on thesame page} in this book with the synonymous leze {<lece>}.
{[}oskol (**) n. **** [MT entry] {] Duplicates part of entry under koskol.}oso (c.) a. ‘whole, complete’, TS ‘healthy’, TS deg. ‘very’. 1545. CF osaOUO. CF by W2.2.
osagarri (**), osagárri (Z R) (Z R ’good health’) [senses] *** + -garri *** {Not in The
Dictionary.} [FHV 126]
osagile (EB), osagille (B), osagilla (B) n. ‘physician, doctor’. 1745, 1800. + -gile ‘whodoes’ (see egin). Last form by M5.
osasun (B Sout G HN L LN S) (1562) n. ‘good health’, osotasun (c.) (17th cent.) n.
‘wholeness, completeness’. + -tasun NFS (see -tar). S has osasun by ***{P19},
even though the NFS is normally -(t)arzun in this variety (M. 1961a: 284).
osatu (**) (B) ‘cure’, (**) ‘complete’ ‘castrate’? + -tu VFS [FHV 126]
osoro (B), oso-osoro (B) deg. ‘wholly, entirely’. + -ro AdvFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}

320

R. L. Trask{[}ospe (**), hospe (Old LN) n. ‘fame, renown, reputation’. **** {] Duplicate of ospe underhots.}
ospel (B G HN), uspel (L LN), suspel (HN), nospel (HN) n. ‘shady place, dark place’, (LLN) other senses. **** [FHV 310]
Surely contains *bel ‘dark’, though the first element is obscure.
mospel (G HN), nospel (HN) n. ‘shady place’, ‘chilblain’. Expressive variant of unusual
formation; second form by dissimilation (M. 1961a: 272).
ostalérsa (Z) ****{‘landlady, female boarding-house keeper’} [FHV 290]
oste [1] (HN? L LN Z) (15th cent.), ozte (old L) (1627) n. ‘host, army’, ‘crowd, multitude’.
From Lat. hostem ‘host’ (M. ****{1974b: 188}). Common form by P18.
{oztera **** [FHV 249]
ozterate (old HN) n. ****{‘tax equivalent to war service’} [FHV 249]}
oste [2] (B G) n. ‘part behind’, ‘rear part’, TS [in compounds] ‘aftermath, consequence’, TS‘contrary part’, TS ‘hangover’. 1596.
From Lat. post (M. 1961a: 251), probably via *bost-, by P9. Final /e/ extracted from thep. below, by M8. Frequent as a final element in compounds like afaloste ‘period after
dinner’ (see afari).
ostean (B) p. [+ Gen.] ‘behind’, ‘after’.
ostiko n. (c.) ‘heel’ (anat.), (B G HN L? LN R) ‘buttress’, (old B Sout G HN LN) ‘kick’.
1562.
From *bostiko, by P9, from Lat. postīcum {a.} ‘behind’ (M. 1961a: 251).
ote [1] (G HN), othe (L LN Z), ota (B) n. ‘gorse, furze’ (bot.) (Ulex europaeus). 17th cent.
CF ota-.
OUO. B form by M5. CF by W2.2.
ote [2] (**), othe (**), ete (B) prt. ****{‘maybe’ Aul.}oti (G? old B), othi (LN) n. ‘locust’ (zool.) (****) Dimin. (LN) otte ‘locust’.
otoi (HN S L R), othoi (L LN Z) intj. ‘I beg you!’ (1545), otoi (S R), othoi (L LN Z) n.
‘request, supplication’ (1545). [FHV 106]
Obscure. M. (****{1967b: 32}) suggests a derivative of Lat. votum ‘pledge’; see otu.
otoi egin (R) vtd. ‘request, ask for’. + egin ‘do’.
othoiez (LN Z) adv. ‘begging’, ‘praying’. + -z instrl./advbl.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque321

othoigü (Z) n. ‘oratory, chapel’. + -gu NFS of place. {Not in The Dictionary, but cf.
gune?}
otoikatu (R) v. [diathesis unrecorded] ‘ask for, request’, ‘pray’. + -ka AdvFS + -tu VFS.
otoitu (S R), othoitü (Z) vt. (but sometimes vi. in R) ‘ask for, request’, ‘pray’. 1545. +-tu VFS.
otoitz (HN), othoitz (L LN), othoitze (Z) n. ‘request, supplication’. 1545. + -tze NFS,
with irregular vowel loss.
otoitz egin (HN), othoitz egin (L LN), othoitze egin (LN Z) vitm. ‘pray’. + egin ‘do’.
otoizka (HN), othoizka (L LN) adv. ‘praying’. + -ka AdvFS.
othoizle (Z) n. ‘supplicant’. 17th cent. + -le Agent NFS.
otoizte (HN? old B) n. ‘rogation’, ‘period of public prayers after a calamity’. + -te{[1]} NFS of duration.
othoiztegi (S.P.) n. ‘oratory, chapel’. + -tegi ‘place’{(see hegi)}.
otoiztu (HN L), othoiztu (L LN) vt. ‘pray’, vtc. [+ Subj.] ‘pray for, beg for’. 1545?,
1571. Stem ot(h)oi(t)z-. + -tu VFS.
hots (**) n. ‘noise’, ‘cry, shout’. ****
OUO.
ospe (**), hospe (old LN) *** n. ‘fame{, renown, reputation’}. **** [FHV 215]
otso (c. exc. Sout), ótso (Z) n. ‘wolf’ (zool.) (Canis lupus). 1545. CF otsa-.
OUO. CF by W2.2. Probably recorded as Aq. OXSON-, OSSON- in male personal names(M. ****{1954a: 434; 1961a: 50; 1964b: 17, 19}). As a first element in names of plants,
often means ‘wild’. See lupu.
otsail (old B G HN L S R), otsaile (?), otsil (B G HN? L LN Z R) n. ‘February’. ****. +-il ‘month’ (see *iLe). The motivation is unknown. Second variant cited by Caro
Baroja (1973: 76).
otsalizar (G) n. ‘rowan, mountain ash’ (bot.) (****). ****. + lizar ‘ash’ (see leizar).
otsaporru (G R) n. ‘wild leek’ (bot.) (****). + porru ‘leek’.
otsaputs {(L)} ****{n. ‘puffball’ (bot.)}.
otserri (old LN old Z) n. ‘wolf country’. **** + herri ‘country’. [FHV 417]
otso-gizon (S.P.) n. ‘werewolf’. **** + gizon ‘man’.
{otsokume n. ‘wolf cub’. + -kume ‘offspring’ (see ume). }otu vid. (old B old LN) ‘request, ask for, beg for’ (1596), TS ‘occur to’, ‘come to mind’ (ca.
1800). Stem otu-.
From Lat. votum ‘vow, pledge, promise’, pcple. of vovere ‘pledge’, ‘desire, wish for’ (M.
1977a: 531), possibly via *botu, by P9. {Cf. otoi.}

322

R. L. Trask

hotz (**), otz (**) a. ‘cold’, n. ‘cold’. ****
OUO.
otzautsi (**), otzausi (**), otzasi (**) a. ‘lukewarm, tepid’. **** + hautsi ‘broken’{(see hauts)} (M. 1961a: 283).
txakil (B) a. ‘weak, sickly’, ‘good-for-nothing’. **** M. (1977a: 511) endorses the
proposal of A. (1905: s.v.) that this is from *otzak il ‘dead of cold’, + -a article + -k{[2]} Erg. CS + hil ‘dead’, with dimin. formation and exceptional loss of the initial
vowel.
ozen (**) a. ‘sonorous’, **** ****
ozengi (old LN) adv. ‘sonorously’. [FHV 353]
ozpin (c.) n. ‘vinegar’. 1596.
OUO. Probably contains -min ‘bitter’ (see min). For the first element, hotz ‘cold’ ispossible but far from certain.
{[}ozte (**) n. ‘host’, **** ********
oztera **** [FHV 249]
ozterate (old HN) n. ****{‘tax equivalent to war service’} [FHV 249] {] Partly
duplicated under oste. Combined there.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque323

padura (B), fadura (B), madura (B) n. ‘salt marsh’, ‘mud flats’.
From Lat. padūlem {metathesized form of classical Lat. palūdem} ‘stagnant pool, marsh’(M. ****{1973a: 145; 1974b: 191}). Final /a/ by M5; variants by L3.
pagotxa (G), txabotxa (HN) n. ‘clover’ (bot.) (****).
From Fr. farouche ‘timid, wild’ (M. 1961a: 188).
paitar (B G), patar (G), pattar (G HN) n. ‘spirits, hard liquor’. ****{[}palagadu (old B) ****{v. ‘borrow’ A.}
From Cast. manlevar ~ manllevar **** (M. 1961a: 258). {] Duplicate, see underma(i)llebatu.}
palatu (**) ****{‘rampart’ A.}
From Lat. vallātum ‘fortified’ (M. 1961a: 320).
panp-, pinp-, punp- (L LN Z R HN G) expressive stems.
Largely confined to northern varieties and to adjoining areas of HN and G, these stems
give rise to a variety of expressive and nursery formations, mostly with arbitrary
continuations. Such expressive stems are highly unusual in Bq., and they appear to beborrowed from Gasc., which has a number of expressive formations in pVmp-. Indeed, afew of the individual formations may be directly borrowed from Gasc. In some cases,
this pVnp- appears to replace the initial syllable of another form.
panp, (L LN Z), panpa, phanpa (H.) intj. n. ‘thud’, ‘sound of a blow, a fall or acollision’; TS ‘blow’, ‘heavy fall’; TS (Z) ‘heartbeat’. Late 19th cent. Imitative. See
also zanpa.
panpa, panpan (Z R LN HN), panpatu (L) v. ‘play pat-a-cake’ (nursery word).
panpaka (Z) adv. ‘with one’s heart pounding’; (L LN Z R) ‘banging’, ‘hitting’,‘belting (someone)’; TS (R) n. ‘fight (between men)’. 1905. + -ka AdvFS.
panpakari (L?) n. ‘brawler’, ‘rowdy’, ‘thug’. + -ari {[1]} professional NFS.
panpakatu (L) vt. ‘hit’, ‘strike’, ‘punch’. + -tu VFS.
panpakada (L? LN?) n. ‘banging of a door’. + -kada NFS of activity. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
panpako (N) n. ‘blow’. 1889. + -ko NFS.
panpaldi (N) n. ‘beating’. 1934. + aldi ‘time’.
panpalaharra (L LN Z) adv. (of a fall) ‘with a crash’.
panpatu (N) vt. ‘hit’, ‘fight with’. + -tu VFS.
panpotsa, panpotza (L LN) n. ‘heartbeat’.
panpa (L?) n. ‘rag doll’.
panpala (LN), palpara (L) n. ‘chatterbox’, ‘blabbermouth’.

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R. L. Trask
panpalakeria (LN) n. ‘garrulousness’, ‘hot air’. + -keria NFS of vices.
panpalina (LN HN) n. ‘(small) bell’; TS (LN) ‘uvula’; TS (HN) ‘male genitals’. 1746.
Cf. Cast. campanilla ‘small bell’.
panpalo (G) n. ‘old tree with large leaves’.
panpanduja, panpandoja (HN) n. ‘a certain variety of apple’. 1746.
panpano (G) n. ‘shoot’, ‘sprout’.
panpa-panpa adv. (L LN Z) ‘taking long strides’.
panparreri (HN G B) n. ‘blustering’, ‘boasting’, ‘big talk’. Probably + -keria NFS ofvices.
panparriko (Z) n. ‘blow’. + -ko NFS.
panpina (L LN) n. ‘doll’, TS ‘baby’; TS (L LN Z) ‘polite and well-turned-out person’.
1853.
panpinatu, panpindu (N) v. ‘doll oneself up’. Ca. 1880. + -tu VFS.
panpoiñ (G) n. ‘coin’ (nursery word).
panpots (old LN) a. ‘neat, tidy’, ‘honest, upright’, ‘splendid’.
panpotsa, panpotza a. (L LN) ‘well-dressed’, ‘well-turned-out’, (old L) ‘gallant’.
panpox, panpoxa (c.?) a. ‘pretty, well-turned-out’ (of a woman). 1934.
panpoxa (?) n. ‘vulva’.
panpoxta, panpotta (L LN) a. ‘small, plump and pretty’ (of a woman). 1905.
panpun, papun (L) n. ‘large mushroom with a broad cap’ (but cf. Cast. papo id.)
pinpa (L) n. ‘bounce (of a ball)’.
pinpalet (L LN) n. ‘gimlet, boring tool’.
pinper, binper (LN) n. ‘reverse’.
pinperrez (LN) adv. ‘inside out, the other way round’. + -z instr./advbl.
pinpili-panpala (L) n. ‘favourite’.
pinpillun-punpullun (G) adv. ‘head over heels’, ‘tumbling’.
pinpin [1] (G) n. ‘wagtail’ (zool.) (family Motacillidae).
pinpin [2] (R) n. ‘reed whistle’.
pinpin [3] (HN) ‘a certain children’s finger game’.
pinpina [1] (LN) n. ‘bud (of a flower)’. {Cf. pinpirin below}
pinpinatu, pinpineratu (LN) vi. ‘come into bud’. + -tu VFS; second variant with -ra
All. CS. {And cf. pinpirinatu under pinpirin below.}
pinpina [2] (HN) a. ‘elegant, graceful’.
pinpiñeka (H.) n. ‘garfish’ (zool.)
pinpingaratxa (HN) n. ‘bluetit’ (zool.).
pinpinka (B) adv. ‘hopping’, ‘playing hopscotch’. + -ka AdvFS.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque325

pinpino, pinpiro (G) n. ‘garfish’ (zool.)
pinpintxori, pinpinxori (L LN) n. ‘bluetit’ (zool.)
pinpi-panpa (HN L) ‘sound of a blow or a gunshot’.
pinpirin (L) n. ‘garfish’ (zool.)
pinpirin, pinpirina, (L), pinpirineta (H.), pinpilinpauxa (L HN), pinpilinpoxa (HN)n. ‘butterfly’ (zool) (order Lepidoptera). 1664 (first two forms), 1905 (last two forms).
The long forms apparently contain a Rom. form akin to Cast. posa- ‘perch’; cf. Cast.
mariposa ‘butterfly’.
pinpirinatxa (H.) n. ‘little girl dressed up in her finery’. + -txa dimin. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
pinpirin, pinpin (L LN) n. ‘bud (of a flower)’. {Cf. pinpina [1] above}
pinpirinatu (LN) vi. ‘come into bud’ (of flowers). + -tu VFS.
pinpirindu (L) vi. ‘grow again’ (of flowers). + -tu VFS.
pinpirinakeri (S.P.) n. ‘putting on airs’. 17th cent. + -keria NFS of vices.
pinpirrindu (HN) vi ‘revive’, ‘return to activity’ (of animals, after winter); TS ‘fall in
love’ (of newlyweds). + -tu VFS.
pinpoil (L) n. ‘somersault’. Lh. describes this as a variant of anpoil, a word of which I
can find no other documentation.
pinpoilka, pinpulka (L LN) adv. ‘somersaulting’, ‘tumbling’, {‘head over heels’}. +-ka AdvFS.
pinport (B) n. ‘small flakes of skin’.
{[}pinpulka (LN) adv. ‘head over heels’.{] Duplicate, see pinpoilka above.}punp (L G HN), punpa (L LN Z R) intj. ‘thud’, ‘bang’, ‘sound of a heavy fall or of agunshot’. Imitative.
punpatu (L Z) ‘fall down’ (nursery word); (LN Z) ‘bounce’ (of a ball). + -tu VFS.
punp(a) egin (G L LN Z) vitm. ‘fall down’ (nursery word). + egin ‘do’.
punp, phunpe (L LN Z) n. ‘bounce of a ball’.
punpa (H.) n. ‘medium-large bell’.
punpilitaka (Z) adv. ‘hammering’. + -ka AdvFS.
punpoillo (L) n. ‘tuft, plume’.
punpula n. (L) ‘blister’, (LN) ‘tear’.
punpulla (L, R) n. ‘bubble’, (L LN) ‘teardrop’, (L LN) ‘dewdrop’, (HN) ‘bump on
the head’.
punpullka (L) adv. ‘head over heels’. + -ka AdvFS.
punpullo (L) n. ‘bubble’, (G) ‘bump on the head’.
punpullu (Z) n. ‘clog’ (type of shoe) (nursery word).
punpun (H.) n. ‘poppy’ (bot.) (****).

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R. L. Trask

pantika (R), mandika (S), mardika (LN) n. ‘rennet’, ‘stomach of a ruminant’. Dimin.
manddika (S) ‘stomachs of a sheep’.
From an unrecorded Lat. *pantica{m}, variant of panticem ‘paunch’ (M. ****{1974b:
191 and fn. 40}).
paper [tapped /r/] (**), papel (B), papé(r) (Z) n. ‘paper’. **** ****
para (B G L), bara (Sout) n. ‘spade’. ****
From Cast. pala id., by P**{22}.
paradisu (** old HN) (1610), ****, baradisu (A), baradizu [hapax], parabizu (old LN **),
paradisu (old L **), paradiso (old LN), paradizu (old HN) (1609) [hapax],
parabisu (old L), pha(r)adüsü (Z) n. ‘paradise’. **** [FHV 239, 285]**** M. (1961a: 239) notes that an original voiced initial plosive seems to have given
way to a voiceless one.
pareta (**) **** {‘wall’} [FHV 134 fn]
paridu (old B) [hapax] vt. ‘suffer’. 1764.
From {Old} Cast. padir {id.}, with dissimilation (M. 1977a: 527).
parte (**) n. ‘part’. ****
partitu (** old LN), phartitü (Z) **** {vi. ‘set out’} [FHV 217 fn]
partza (**{old Z}) n. **** [Lh. II] [FHV 290]
paru (**), phau (Z) n. ‘stick of wood, pole’. **** [MT entry] {Cf. maru ‘post’.}pastana (HN LN), phastana (Z), pastena (LN), phastena (LN), pastan (?) (1957),
phastenari (LN), pastanada (LN), pastanaga (Z) (1905), pastenaga (?) (1897),
pastanagre (L) (1864), pastenagre (L) (1858), phastanagre (Z), phastanera (Z) n.
‘carrot’ (bot.) (Daucus carota).
From some Rom. descendant of Lat. pastinacam ‘parsnip’, probably from Occ. Note
Occ. pastenaiga, pastanarga, pastanaga, and many variants, ‘carrot’ (variously wild or
cultivated), and note also Cat. pastanaga (and variants like pastamagre) ‘carrot’ (M.
Wheeler, M. Carrasquer Vidal, p.c. {, DECLC s.v.}). Orange carrots were created onlyin the 17th cent., in the Netherlands, and earlier European carrots were typically white orpale yellow. Confusion in naming parsnips and carrots is widespread in European
languages.
pataxa (HN) n. **** [MT entry]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque327

pauma (LN S) n. ‘peacock’ (zool.) (****). ****
From *pauna, by P**{2}, from some development of Lat. pavonem id. (M. 1961a: 304
fn. 9).
pauso (B G) n. ‘step’. ****
From Cast. paso id., perhaps conatminated by pausu ‘pause’ (M. 1961a: 95).
pausu (** old LN), pháusü (Z) n. ‘calm’ ****
pausagune (**) n. **** {‘place of calm’} [FHV 305 fn]
pausaleku (**) . **** {‘place of calm’} [FHV 305 fn]
paxeilu (A) ****{(tailor’s measure)} [FHV 211 fn]
peitu (LN) n. ‘lack, absence’, a. ‘lacking’, ‘devoid’. 1545. Also degaitu (B) a. ‘feeble’,‘lifeless’.
From *debeitu, from some Rom. reflex of Lat. defectum a. ‘enfeebled’, n. ‘failure’ (M.
****{1974b: 190 and fn. 37}). First syllable lost in LN form by L14; devoicing of /b/ by
P11, accounting for the absence of the aspiration.
pelat (old LN), **** , pelát (Z) ‘punch, slap’. **** [FHV 217]
peligro (**), *****, pelleguru (B), pelleburu (B), peiliguru (Sout) n. ‘danger’. **** [checkdialects]
peiliguratu (Sout) **** {‘endanger’} [FHV 183 fn]
pena (**), phena (**), phéna (Z) n. ‘sorrow’. ****
From Rom. **** {Cast., Occ. pena id.}
pentsatu (**), pensadu (Sout), **** **** Stem pentsa-.
pentze (LN), euntze (HN) **** n. ‘pasture’. **** [FHV 251 fn, 492]
Very likely from *penu ~ *enu, {by} P1{.3}, from Lat. foenum ~ faenum ~ fenum ‘hay’,by L**{3}, + -tze NFS (see -tza) (M. 1977a: 492). The toponym Beunza in Navarra may
be of the same origin (M. 1977a: 509).
peña (R S **), peina (A) n. ‘crag’. ****
From Cast. peña id. Last form by P**{32}.
pé(r)a (Z) n. ‘pear’ (bot.) (****).
From Cast.{, Occ.} pera id.

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R. L. Trask

peretxu (LN) n. ‘esteem, respect’. **** [FHV 287]phe(r)etxatü (Z) **** ‘make a profit’. **** [FHV 287]
perexil (**), *****, perrexil (HN **), perrejil (G) n. ‘parsley’. **** [FHV 331]
persegitü (Z) **** {vt. ‘pursue’} [FHV 290]
pertika (**), phertika (**), phartika (Z) **** [FHV 61]
From Lat. perticam [check {Done}] {‘rod’} (M. 1961a: 61).
pertsona (**), presuna (old L **) n. ‘person’. **** [FHV 348]
perusits (B) n. ‘guano’. 1905.
From Peru ‘Peru’ + sits ‘ordure’. Note: the *peruzitz of A. (1905) is an error.
petatzu (**{HN}) **** n. ****{‘patch, piece’} Dimin. petatxu (** G {HN}), petatxo(**{G}) ****{id.} [FHV 287] [two words?]
peza (**{L LN Z}) n. **** [FHV 287]
From Cast. pieza id. {or Occ. pèça.}pikarrái (Z) a. ‘naked, nude’. **** [FHV 212]
piko (B G HN L) (1692), phiko (LN Z), piku (B?) (1591), fiko (L old LN) (1571), fiku
(Sout) (1562), iko (B) (1653), biku (old HN A), figo (R) n. ‘fig’, ‘fig tree’ (bot.)(****).
From Lat. fīcum id. (A. 1905), or from various Rom. reflexes of this.
pinu (HN L LN Z) (17th cent.), piñu (B G), pino (Sout L LN Z) (1562) n. ‘pine’ (bot.)(****)
From Lat. pīnum id., or from that word’s Rom. descendant pino. Preservation of /n/ by
P2, P32, but possibly borrowed more than once. See leher.
piñu zi (S.P.) n. ‘pine cone’. **** + zi ‘acorn’.
piper (**), phiper (**), phíper (Z), biper (**), bipher (**), pipar (B G) n. ‘pepper’. ****
From Lat. piper id. (M. 1961a: 62). [FHV 334]
piperrada (**), bipherrada (**) n. **** [FHV 334]
pipi (**) n. ‘woodworm’. **** Expressive.
pipíta (Z) n. ‘pip’ (of a fruit).
From Cast. pepita id. {or Gasc. pepite Palay (1980).}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque329{[}piru (**), phiru (**), biru (**), firu (**) **** **** [FHV 264] {] Duplicated underbiru. Combined there.}
pisti (**), pistia (**), pristia (B) n. ‘pest, vermin’. ****
pisu (B G HN L), pizu (HN L), phezu (**), pezu (**), phézü (Z) n. **** {n. ‘weight’}[FHV 68, 476]
pitin (B G) n. ‘a little’, (B) ‘little thing’, dimin. pitxin. Expressive.
pitxer (**), phitxer (**), pitxar (**), pitxarro (**), pitxel (**) **** [CP s.v. pichel] {M.
1961a: 62}
plama (L), plame (H.), plamu (L) n. ‘sheet of paper, page’. **** [FHV 277, 304 fn]
plater [tapped /r/] (** Sout) n. ‘plate’. ****
plaun (old L) a. **** [Ax]**** See lau [2], deblauki.
plaundu (**) [Ax] [FHV 347]
plaza (**), pláza (Z), plazta (R) n. ‘town square’. ****
From Cast. plaza id. {or Occ. plaça.}
plazént (Z) a. ‘pleasant’. ****
pobre (**), probe (old L **) a. ‘poor’. **** [FHV 348]
polit (B G HN) a. ‘pretty’, ‘graceful’. 1657. Dimin. pollit (G L Z R).
From Occ. polit ‘pretty, gentle, polite’, from Lat. politum ‘polished, polite’.
poliki (G HN), polliki (HN G L LN Z R) (often reduplicated), polikiro (G) adv.
‘prettily, gently, slowly’. 1745. + -ki {[1]} AdvFS (+ -ro AdvFS {Not in The
Dictionary}).
polito (B) adv. ‘prettily, gently, slowly’. 1803. + -to {[2]} AdvFS.
politu (B G HN), pollitu (HN L LN Z R) vi. ‘get dolled up’. 1746. + -tu VFS.
poltsa (**{B G}), ****, mulsa (old LN **) n. ****{‘purse, handbag’ Aul.} [FHV 269]
populu (** old LN), popǘlü (Z) n. ‘people’. ****

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R. L. Trask

porlan (B G) n. ‘cement’. 1977.
From English Portland, the trade name on the sacks of cement imported from England.
Though not recorded in writing before 1977, the word is probably a good deal older. It is
the only certain case known to me of an English word borrowed directly into Bq.,
without Rom. mediation: the word appears to be unrecorded in Spanish.
{Though it is not in the Diccionario de la Real Academia Espanola, porlan ‘concrete’ is,in fact, attested in Spanish since 1942 (Camilo José Cela, La familia de Pascual Duarte).
Spanish Porlan ‘(the isle of) Portland’ is attested since 1449.}
porlandegi (B G) n. ‘cement factory’. + -tegi ‘place’{(see hegi)}.
porru (c. exc. Z), phorru (L LN), porrü (Z), phorrü (Z) n. ‘leek’ (bot.) (Allium porrum)
1596.
From Lat. porrum id., or from a Rom. development of this.
pot [1] (HN L LN Z) n. ‘kiss’. 1545.
From Gasc. pot id., ult. from Lat. pōtum ‘(a) drink(ing)’. {Or rather, ult. from an
expressive formation. See DECLC s.v. petó ‘kiss’; and pot- below.}
potari (HN), pothari (L) n., a. ‘(one who is) fond of kissing’. + -ari {[1]} professional
NFS.
pot egin (HN L LN Z), pot eman (HN L?) vitmd. ‘kiss’. + egin ‘do’, + eman ‘give’.
{Not in The Dictionary.}
pot [2] (B) n. ‘exhaustion’.
Expressive.
pot egin (B) vitm. ‘take a break from work because of exhaustion’. + egin ‘do’.
pot-, potx-, pox- Expressive stem.
These stems are shared with Rom. and are probably of Rom. origin. Formations are
numerous, highly variable, usually severely localized, and often poorly recorded. Someof them are labels for small animals or are related endearments, but many are sexualterms whose vulgar nature means that they are seldom recorded by lexicographers, manyof whom are clerics. For the sexual terms, the principal source is Etxezarreta (1983).
potikoka (HN L) adv. ‘on all fours’. Contains -ka AdvFS.
potin (B), potxingo (B), potxolo (B), potxongo (B) n. ‘puddle’.
potzozulo (G) n. ‘puddle’. + zulo ‘hole’.
potingo (L) a. ‘diminutive, tiny’.
potoko, poton(a), potro (B L?), potroi, potrokil, potroskil, potto, pottu, poxpolin(a)n. ‘testicle’. Some of these are recorded only in the plural.
potramin (G?) n. ‘hernia, rupture’. + min ‘pain’.
potrazal n. ‘scrotum’. + azal ‘skin’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque331

potolo [1] (HN L LN Z), potzolo (B G HN L R), potzolote (G), potzorro (Duv.) n., a.
‘(one who is) fat, obese’. Dimin. pottolo (HN L LN Z), potxolo (B HN) a. ‘small andfat, chubby’, n. ‘chubby little thing’ (used as an endearment).
potolo [2] (B) n. ‘child’s hiding place for nuts’. Dimin. potxolo.
potor (G) n. ‘small ball’.
potorra, potorro, potota, pottotta, pottotto, pototina, pottotina, potta, pottor, potxa,
potxin (B), potxola, potxolina, potxona, potxor (B), potxotxa, poxpolina, putxeron. ‘vulva’. The exceptional last form is doubtless taken from Cast. puchero ‘cooking
pot’.
pottean ari izan vi. ‘engage in sexual intercourse’. + -n {[1]} Loc. {CS.} + ari izan
‘be busy (at)’ (see ari).
pottoan egin, putzuan egin vitm. ‘engage in sexual intercourse’. + -n {[1]} Loc.
{CS.}+ egin ‘do’.
pottorbero a. (of a woman) ‘randy, horny’ (permanently). + bero ‘hot’.
potorro (B) n. ‘cormorant’ (zool.) (****), (S.P.) ‘stormy petrel’ (zool.) (****).
potote (G) n. ‘bud (on a tree)’.
potots (L) a. ‘fat, thick’.
potox [1] (B), pototxa (HN) n. ‘pine marten’ (zool.) (****).
potox [2] (B) a. ‘chubby, fat’.
potroska (LN S) n. ‘filth, ordure’ (also used as an insult).
potto (HN), pottoko (HN) n. ‘colt, young horse’.
pottoka (L LN) n. ‘pony’, (G) a. ‘chubby’.
potxit (B) n. ‘fop, dandy’.
potxo (LN?) n. ‘puppy’.
potxor (HN) a. ‘swollen’.
potxua (B) intj. ‘word used to call a woman’. App. not offensive.
potzo (L LN), photzo (L) n. ‘big dog, mastiff’.
potzuak n. pl. ‘genitals’.
poxelu, phoxelu, poxolu, phoxolu (L LN), puzelu (LN) a. ‘pregnant’.
poxelatu (L LN) vi. ‘become pregnant’. + -tu VFS.
puzelatu, puztu vt. ‘make pregnant, knock up’. + -tu VFS.
poz (B G HN), boz (**), botz (**) n. ‘happiness’. 1596. [FHV 289]
OUO, but certainly not native. M. (****{1957c: 116}) diffidently suggests a derivationfrom some Rom. reflex of Lat. gaudium ‘joy’, with irregular phonological developments.
bozkario (**) ****
boztario (**) **** [same as above]
pozik (B G HN) adv. ‘happy’. 1745, 1761. + -ik advbl. {Not in The Dictionary.}

332

R. L. Trask
poztu (**), boztu (**) ****{‘be happy’} {Cf. botz ‘happy’.}pozoi (**), pozoin (**), phozṹ (Z), pozio (HN) n. ‘poison’. ******** HN form by P**{39}.
prakak (**{B G}), frakak (B **) n. pl. ‘trousers’. **** **** [FHV 348]
premia (**{B G HN L}), premiña (B) n. ‘urgent necessity’. ****
From ****. [FHV 348]
prestu (**{Old L [Ax]}), perestu (**{old LN}), pherestü (old Z) ****{a. ‘honourable’}[FHV 158]
probestu (G) n. ‘constable’. *****
From Cast. preboste ‘provost, chief’, with metathesis (M. 1961a: 84).
probetxu (L), progotxu (L), protxu (L) **** n. ****{‘advantage, profit’} [FHV 258]
puldamentu (G HN) n. ****{‘foundation’}
From Cast. fundamento, with nasal dissimilation (M. 1961a: 340).
puta (c. exc. Z), püta (Z) n. ‘whore, prostitute’. 1562.
From Cast. puta id. or related Rom. forms {Occ. puta}. The derivatives below aremostly vulgar and are sparsely recorded in dictionaries; the main source is Etxezarreta(1983).
putakeria n. (of women) ‘whoring, working as a whore, prostitution’. + -keria NFS ofvices.
putakume n. ‘bastard’, ‘son-of-a-bitch’. + -kume ‘offspring’ (see ume).
putanagusi n. ‘madame of a brothel’. + nagusi ‘chief’.
putañero, putaner, putaper n. ‘man who pursues whores’. From Cast. putañero id.
putaneria n. ‘sex with whores’. + -keria NFS of vices.
putar n. ‘man who frequents whores’. App. + -tar AFS.
putaseme (L LN), pütaseme (Z) n. ‘son-of-a-bitch’. + seme ‘son’.
putaska n. ‘loose woman, tart, scrubber’. + -ska dimin. {Not in The Dictionary.}; calqueon Cast. putilla id.
putateria n. ‘group of whores’. + ****.
putati n., a. ‘(man) spending time with whores’. + -ti {[1]} AFS.
putatxulo n. ‘pimp’. + Cast. chulo ‘pimp’.
pütaxe n. ‘whore’. + ****.
putazain n. ‘pimp’. + zain {[1]} ‘guardian’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque333

putazale a. ‘fond of whores’, ‘who pursues whores’. + -zale ‘fond of’{Not in The
Dictionary.}.
putetxe n. ‘brothel, whorehouse’. + etxe ‘house’.
puto a. ‘goddamned, bloody’.
From Cast. puto id.
putre (G), futre (HN) n. ‘vulture’ (zool.) (****). ****
From Cast. buitre id., by L**{3}. See sai. {Not in The Dictionary.}putz (**), butz (**), hütz (Z){, utz (R)} **** n. ‘puff of air’, ****{‘fart’} [AZKUE]
Imitative. See uzki.
puzkar (G HN LN), puzker (HN L), uzkar (B R S), uzker (BL LN Z R) n. ‘fart’. ****
putzu (** HN old LN), putzo (G **), phǘtzü (Z), butzu (HN), pozu (B G) n. ‘well’, mutio(HN) n. ‘{salt pit’} [FHV 287 fn] **** [FHV 217, 287]**** See also zupu.
pühüllü (Z), mühüllü (Z), mirillu (old B), miillu (B), meillu (B), millu (G HN), mihuli(LN), múllu (R), mehula (LN) n. ‘fennel’ (bot.) (****).
From some Rom. development of Lat. fēniculum, or perhaps better of an unrecorded
variant *fēnuculum (M. 1961a: 78), by P1. The probable Rom. form was approximately*fenullo, yielding a Bq. *penullu, whence *peullu > *piullu. Some of the variants have
perhaps been contaminated by mihura ‘moss’ {not in The Dictionary}. The putative
variant *pukullu cited by {Azkue from} Gèze (1875{: 308}), which has long perplexed
etymologists, is dismissed by M. (****{1966a: 24}) as a simple typo {in Azkue} forintended {Gèze’s} puhullu, a French-style spelling of Z pühüllü.
puxeta (B), pujeta (B), puiata (Sout) **** [FHV 177]

334

R. L. Trask*-r Hypothetical formative which may possibly be present in nor ‘who?’ (from interrogative
stem no-), zer ‘what?’ (from interrogative stem ze-), and perhaps haur ‘this’ (seehau) and *har ‘that’ (distal) (M. 1961a: 336). These /r/s are always tapped. Thereappears to be no further evidence for such a formative, nor any identifiable function if
the formative is real. However, we may note two points. First, these /r/s appear only
in forms which are singular or at least non-plural. Second, in Bq. nominal
morphology, a tapped /r/ is regularly inserted into a non-plural form to break up avowel sequence arising when a vowel-initial suffix is added to a vowel-final stem, but
no such /r/ is normally inserted in plural forms, in which the vowel hiatus is either
retained or reduced. It is conceivable that this phonological /r/ derives fromgeneralization of a fossilized /r/ formative.
-ra (c. exc. Z), -la (Z), -rat (L LN), -(r)át (Z), -rát (R), -(a)lat (Z) Allative CS. TS ‘for’, ‘inorder to’ (purpose).
Today, with the partial exception of Z, this is everywhere the ordinary allative casesuffix. It has possibly replaced an earlier -a, the allative commonly found with place
names. When following a verb in the gerund -te {[2]} or -tze, it expresses purpose:
erostera ‘in order to buy (something)’. [FHV 245, 245 fn] [MORE]-rantz (**), -rontz (**), -runtz (**) ****
-ra- (c.) Causative prefix.
OUO. It is clear that, at some ancient stage, this -ra- was the productive causative affix
in Bq., for both transitive and intransitive verbs. This is surprising, since it is prefixed to
the root of the corresponding simple verb, and prefixes are extremely rare in Bq. In
some cases, verb-pairs are still readily identifiable: ibili ‘be in motion (< *e-bil-i),
erabili ‘put into motion’ (< e-ra-bil-i); egin ‘do’ (< e-gin-i), eragin ‘cause to do’ (< era-gin-i). In other cases, apparent pairs exhibit unexpected semantics: jantzi ‘getdressed’ (< *e-antz-i), erantzi ‘get undressed’ (< *e-ra-antzi-i). A number of old verbs
look like ancient causatives whose simple verbs are lost or doubtful: irakurri ‘read’, nosimple verb recorded; iraun ‘last, endure’ (intransitive, but with transitive morphology),
perhaps egon ‘wait, stay’? This affix occasionally appears as -re- by vowel
dissimilation, esp. in the writer Leizarraga: [FHV 71]. In the historical period, theproductive causative affix is the suffix -erazi, which is surely an independent verb in
origin, and very likely also a -ra- causative of an unknown verb.
-rean (old B) Abl. CS. ****
M. (1977a: 504) suggests that this consists of -e Gen. + -an or -n [**{1}] Loc. {CS.}[MOVE?]-reango (**) [FHV 120]
repattán (R) n. ‘young shepherd’.
From Arag. repatán id. (M. 1961a: 183). R is unique in permitting an initial rhotic inloan words.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque335-sa, -tsa Female NFS.
**** [FHV 290]
sahats (L), saats (B HN LN), sagats (B G HN), sarats (B G HN) n. ‘willow’ (bot.) (Salix).
1802.
From *sanats, OUO, by P1, P35.1 (M. ****{1950d: 474}). The word cannot be sensibly
related to Lat. salix id.
sabai (**), sapai (**{G}), **** sapaio (HN), sapallo (HN) ****{n. ‘ceiling’, ‘palate’}[FHV 233]
sabel (**) n. ‘stomach’, ‘belly’. ********{OUO.}
sagar (c.) n. ‘apple’. 15th cent.
OUO. Possibly contains *-ar collective NFS. As a final element in compounds, thisword has various TSs centring on ‘round part’, ‘thick part’.
sagasti (**), sagastui (Sout) **** n. ‘apple orchard’. **** + -di NFS. [FHV 286, 286
fn]
sageratü (Z) vt. ‘seal’. ****
From Bearn. {sagerà id. Palay (1980).} (M. 1961a: 281).
sagetta (Z) n. ‘seal’. ****
From Bearn. {sagèth. id.} (M. 1961a: 281). See zigilu.
sagu (c. exc. Z), sagü (Z) n. ‘mouse’ (zool.) (Muridae). CF sat-. 1596. Dimin. xagu (G).
OUO. CF by W2.3, W3.
saguzar (B G), saguxar (G?) n. ‘bat’ (zool.) (Chiroptera). 1745, ca. 1800. + zahar ‘old’.
satandere (L LN), satandera (B) n. ‘weasel’ (zool.) (Mustela nivalis). 1746, 1935. +andere ‘lady’.
satero (B) n. ‘shrew’ (zool.) (Sorex). Second element obscure.
satitsu (G HN) n. ‘shrew’ (zool.) (Sorex). 1745, 1780. + itsu ‘blind’.
sator (B G HN LN R), sathor (L LN) n. ‘mole’ (zool.) (Talpidae). 1653. Second element
obscure, but possibly or ‘dog’.
satsuri (old LN) n. ‘mole’ (zool.) (Talpidae). **** + zuri ‘white’, by P**{W3, W6,
W16} (M. 1961a: 283).
saiatu (**), sailatu (B) **** {v.} ‘try’ [FHV 176 fn]

336

R. L. Trask

saihets (**), saiets (**), seihets (**), seiets (**), saets (**) n. ‘rib’ (anat.) ****{‘side’}[FHV 176]
saiheski (old LN) n. ****{‘field on a hillside’} [FHV 235 fn]
sail (B HN LN Z S) n. ‘field’ (demarcated for ploughing), TS ‘task’, TS ‘section’, ‘division’,‘department’. 1643.
From some Rom. form akin to OFr seil ‘furrow’ (cf. mod. Fr. sillon) (M. ****{1968g:
481 fn. 21}).
sain (B), saiñ (B) n. ‘fish oil’. **** {From Cast. saín or Occ. saïn ‘animal fat’.}[FHV 141]
saindu (HN L LN) (1545), sandu (HN R S A), sáintü (Z) (1676), sáintu (R), santu (B),seindu (L LN) n. ‘saint’, a. ‘holy’, ‘sacred’.
From Cast. santo id. or a related Rom. form, ult. from Lat. sanctum ‘holy’, by P6, P45,
P48. M. (1961a: 360) concludes that B santu results from re-borrowing.
sakon (**{B G}) a. ‘deep’.
****{OUO.}
saldu (c. exc. Z), saldü (Z) vt. ‘sell’, TS ‘betray’. 1545. Stem sal-.
OUO, but very likely related to sari ‘payment’. The resemblance to English sell is
undoubtedly accidental. Lh. gives the Z form as the unexpected saldü, but this is perhaps
only a typo for the expected ?saltü, by P6. [CHECK]*salsa- Obscure stem found only in the surname Salsamendi (mendi ‘mountain’).
OUO. Conceivably from Lat. salsum ‘salty’ (ML 7550a). {M. 1973a: 148}
saltsa (**), sáltsa (Z), salsa (**) ***** Dimin. xálsa (Z) [FHV 290]
sama (B) n. ‘neck’, ‘throat’. Ca. 1800.
OUO. See lepo, idun, eztarri, zintzur.
samin (**) a. ‘bitter’. **** {Cf. min [1].}samur (**) ****{a. ‘tender’ Aul.}samurtu (** old LN) ****
santan (**) **** in sekulan santan.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque337

sarde [1] (G HN L LN Z), saharde (L), saarde (L), sardei (LN), sarda (B) n. ‘pitchfork’.
1745, 1808.
OUO. B form by M5.
sardeska (**) n. ‘table fork’. ****.
sardina (**) n. ‘sardine’. **** 1562. Dimin. txardína (Z).
sare (c.) n. ‘net’, **** 1571.
OUO.
saroi (**), saroe (**), saroĩ (R), sario (HN S), saure (S) ‘sheep pen’ ****
[ARBELAIZ {1978: 128}] [FHV 121, 148, 177] + ohe ‘bed’ (M. 1961a: 121, 413).
Last{Fourth} form by P**{39}. R form by analogy with common -oĩ (M. 1961a:
149).
sargori (B G HN), sargoi (G HN) n. ‘oppressive heat’. 1745, 1930.
Obscure. In spite of its late attestation outside Larramendi’s dictionary, the word ispopular. It appears to contain gori ‘fiery’, but the first element is opaque.
sari (**) n. ‘payment’, ‘toll, tax’, ‘value’, ‘prize, reward’, TS ‘punishment, just desserts’.
****
OUO. possibly from *sali, by P**{22}, in which case very likely related to saldu ‘sell’(M. 1961a: 318).
sartu (**), sarthu (** old LN), sárthü (Z) **** {v. ‘enter’, ‘insert’}{OUO.}
sasi (B G HN L LN), zarzi (old LN) n. ‘bramble, blackberry bush’ (bot.) (Rubus fruticosus).
1658.
The conservative form is zarzi, recorded as a hapax in the writing of Oihenart in thepassage “çarci vel sassi” (Notitia 52); common form as follows: zarzi > *zasi (by P19) >sasi (by W16). The word must share a common origin with Cast. zarza id. (earlier
sarça), itself OUO and presumably “pre-Roman”; see CP (s.v. zarza) for an account. CP
also mention a putative Bq. variant ?sartzi, not otherwise recorded.
sasi- pseudo-prefix ‘wild’, ‘false, pseudo-’. The sense of ‘wild’ is obvious enough from aword meaning ‘bramble’. The further sense of ‘pseudo-’ must have developed along
the lines of ‘wild’ > ‘disorderly’ > ‘irregular’ > ‘pseudo-’. Established compoundswith the sense of ‘wild’ are listed below. Those with the sense of ‘pseudo-’ arecoined freely and are far too numerous to list here; a few prominent ones are listed in
the dictionary under their second elements. Typical examples: sasi-ezkontza‘cohabitation’, ‘living in sin’ (ezkontza ‘marriage’); sasi-poeta ‘poetaster’ (poeta‘poet’).
sasiko n. (B G) ‘natural child’, ‘bastard’, (HN) ‘misanthrope’. + -ko NFS.

338

R. L. Trask
sasi-ohoin (L) n. ‘highwayman’, ‘outlaw who preys upon travellers in remote areas’. +ohoin ‘thief’.

saski (G HN L LN Z R) n. ‘basket’. ****
sasoi (**), sasoin (**), sasṹ (Z), sazoi (Sout), zazoĩ (R), zazói (R) **** {‘season’} [FHV
148, 283]
sats (**) n. ‘ordure’ . Perhaps also xats (R) ‘vice, corruption’. **** [also sits?] sits (B G) n.
‘ordure’, ‘manure’. 1905.
OUO.
satsu (**) a. ‘filthy’. Probably also txatxu (G) ‘foolish’. **** + -tsu AFS, probably in
its earlier form -zu (M. 1977a: 542–543). ****
saunka (B G), sanka (R) n. ‘braying’, sainga (HN), aunka (G), zaunk (G), zauk (G), sanga(G), sanka (Z) ‘moaning noise made by an animal’. ****
Imitative, with -ka AdvFS.
segail (G HN), sekail (L LN) a. ‘slim, slender’. ****
OUO.
segalla (R S) n. ‘one-year-old goat’. **** [FHV 233]
sei (c.) num. ‘six’. 1415.
OUO. Attempts at deriving this from Rom. have failed, since all neighbouring Rom.
varieties have a final sibilant in their word for ‘six’, and hence a borrowing should haveyielded a Bq. *seits or *seis, at best.
seiaste (B), seillaste (B) *** n. ‘week with no holiday’. **** + aste ‘week’. [FHV 176
fn]{sein (EB),} seiñ (B) (1653), seĩ (old B) (1596), segi (Sout) (1562) n. ‘child’, (Sout also
‘doll’), sei (G L), sehi (L LN) (1635) ‘servant’. CF sen-.
From *seni, OUO, by P1 (M. 1961a: 414). CF by W2.1. Possibly recorded as Aq. SENIin male names like SENICCO and SENIPONNIS.
sehaska (L), seaska (G HN) n. ‘cradle’. **** + aska ‘cradle’. M. (1961a: 322 fn. 18)
sees this as a very recent formation.
sein egin (B) vitm. ‘give birth’. **** + egin ‘do’.
senide (**) ****{‘sibling’, ‘relative’} ****
seniparte (G HN) n. ‘inheritance, legacy’. **** + parte ‘part’ (M. 1961a: 345).
sekretu (**), sekeretu (**{Ax.}), segretu (**) ****{n. ‘secret’} [FHV 158]
sekula (**) ****, zekuru (old Z) n. ‘century’. ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque339

seme (c.) n. ‘son’. 15th cent. CF sema-.
From *senbe, OUO, by P3 (M. ****{1954a: 432}). App. attested as SEMBE- in Aq.
male names. It is possible that the word contains *sen-, the CF of *seni, mod. sein (andvariants) ‘boy’, as suggested by Bähr (****{1935: 10}). If so, then either the Aq. item isunrelated or we are looking at an extraordinarily early application of W**{2.1}, since theword-formation processes listed in section **{7} are not normally visible in the Aq.
names. The final *-be would also be obscure, though it might be present also in ume‘child’, from *unbe, and it might be a variant of the kinship suffix -ba. CF by
W**{2.2}.
semebitxi (B HN L), semaatxi (LN) n. ‘godson’. + -bitxi ‘god-’ (see bitxi).
semeizun (L?), semaizun (LN S), semizun (LN), semexun (R) n. ‘stepson’. +****{-izun (see -kizun.)}semelora (B?) [hapax] n. ‘filipendula’ (bot.) (Filipendula hexapetala). + lora ‘flower’(see lore).
semeorde (B G) n. ‘stepson’. + orde ‘substitute’.
semeponteko (G) n. ‘godson’. + ponte ‘font’ {not in The Dictionary} +-ko NFS.
semeso (Z) n. ‘grandson’. + -so kinship suffix.
semin (LN S) n. ‘labour pains’. + min {[1]} ‘pain’, with haplology.
senar (**), senhar (**), sénhar (Z) n. ‘husband’.
****{OUO.}
sendo (B G HN L LN), séntho (Z), sento (R), sonto (R) a. ‘sturdy, robust’. 14th cent., 1545.
CF senda-.
OUO. M. (1961a: 157 and elsewhere) proposes Lat. exemptum ‘excepted, freed,
released’. A personal name Urraca Sendoa is attested in Navarra in 1107, and thesurname or sobriquet Sendoa is rather frequent in medieval Navarra. CF by W2.2.
sendatu (**) **** {v. ‘heal’, ‘strengthen’}{[}senide (**) n. ‘sibling’, ‘relative’ **** **** [PUT IT UNDER SOMETHING?] {]Duplicates senide under sein.}señale (**), senalle (B), sellane (B), selañe (B), zeñhare (Z) n. ‘signal’. ****
From Cast. señal id., with various metatheses (M. 1961a: 326). [ADJUST FOR Z
FORM?]
senton (**), sentana (**) **** [MT entry]
seta (**), sepa (**), sepha (**) **** n. ****{‘obstinacy’} [FHV 258]
From ***{Rom.} se(c)ta ****{from Lat. sectam ‘course of action, philosophy’} (M.
1961a: 258 {; 1957a:24}).

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R. L. Trask

siku (B) a. ‘dry’. 1653.
From Cast. seco id., or conceivably from that word’s Lat. etymon siccum. [FHV 476]
sirats (**) **** [MT entry]
sits (**) n. ‘moth’. **** [also sats?]-sko Dimin. suffix. [MITX 73] {M. 1973a: 149}so (**) n. ‘glance, look’. ****
OUO.
sorotsi (old B), zorotzi (B) ****{v. ‘watch’} **** + egotzi ‘throw’ (Bouda 1955) [FHV
286 fn]-so Kinship suffix [MITX 73] {M. 1973a: 150}**** See examples under aurba, gu, iloba, ****{seme, neska}
sobera (HN L LN Z) det. ‘too much’. ****
From Cast. {or Occ.} sobra ‘excess’ (M. 1961a: 158).
soberna (old LN), zopherna (old L) **** [FHV 233]
soil (c.) (1621) a. ‘bald’, ‘bare’, ‘mere, pure, simple, plain’, ‘sad’, (G HN) ‘sterile’, (HN)
‘sole, only’, TS (LN) n. ‘day labourer’. Dimin. xoil (old LN) (1571).
OUO.
soilik (G HN) adv. ‘unaided, unassisted’, prt. ‘only’. 1800. + -ik advbl. {Not in The
Dictionary.}soin (** R) ****, soñ (Sout), suñ (Z) ‘shoulder’ **** ‘body’ **** ‘shoulder’****{OUO.}
soinegi (A), soñegi (S) n. ‘shoulder’ (anat.) **** {+ -egi ‘place’ (see hegi).}so(i)ñeko (B **) n. ‘clothing’, ‘(woman’s) dress’. **** + -ko NFS.
sorbalda (**), solbarda (**) n. shoulder’. **** [FHV 486]
sorburu (B) n. ‘back’ (anat.). **** + buru ‘head’.
soinu (** L LN), ****, soñu (B G HN **), soindu (HN), sonddu (HN), sonu (B R S), sónü(Z) n. ‘sound’, ‘music’. ******** [FHV 307-308 for etym.] See doinu.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque341

soka (**), sóka (Z) n. ‘rope’. ****
From {late} Lat. sōcam id. (M. ****{1961a: 219, 408}), with unusual treatment of Lat.
/s/.
sokamutur (**) n. ‘activity in which a small bull is allowed to roam the streets while
controlled by a rope’. **** + mutur ‘snout’(see m-).
solas (**), solhas (**) n. ‘conversation’, solaz (old LN) (1545), soláz (Z) n. ‘pastime’, jolas(B G) ‘game, pastime, recreation’, (HN) ‘conversation’ **** ****
From Cast. solaz ****{Occ. solaç} (M. 1961a: 284). Common form by P**{W16}.
Schuchardt sees the last form as involving a cross with joko ‘game’, a conclusion
dismissed by M. (1961a: 284 fn. 7) as “not entirely necessary”.
solharu (L), solleru (old LN) **** n. {‘granary’ Occ. solièr, soliar.} [FHV 210]soraio (**), sorhaio (**), so(r)háio (Z) a. ‘lazy’ [more senses]. **** [FHV 329, 516] [Az.]**** FHV 516 offers two etymologies.
sorgin (c. exc. Z) n. ‘witch’. Dimin. xorgin. 1562.
OUO. Almost certainly contains -gin ‘who makes’ (see egin), but the first element is
obscure. Neither zori ‘omen, luck’ nor zorte ‘luck’ is phonologically possible, while sor‘indolent’, ‘deaf’ {(not in The Dictionary)} is phonologically fine but semanticallyawkward (M. 1970b). Cf. belhargile (under belar).
sorgin-afari (B) n. ‘dinner eaten by women celebrating the last social gathering of thewinter’, sorgin-apari (G) n. ‘light midnight supper eaten while building a lime-kiln’.
+ afari ‘dinner’ (see gau).
sorgin-aize (B G) n. ‘whirlwind’. + haize ‘wind’.
sorgin-baratxuri (HN) n. ‘wild garlic’. + baratxuri ‘garlic’{not in The Dictionary}.
sorginbelar (L) n. ‘dandelion’ (bot.). + belar {[1]} ‘grass’.
sorgin-bitxi (B) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera). + bitxi ‘ornament’ (see bizi).
sorgindara (B) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera). + expressive extension.
sorgindasun (old B) n. **** [FHV 353]
sorgindu vi. ‘become a witch’, vt. ‘bewitch’, ‘enchant’. 1745. + -tu VFS, by P7.
sorgingo, sorginko (L LN) n. ‘witchcraft’ (as a profession). 1777. + -go collective NFS(see -goa).
sorgin-gosari (L) n. ‘light meal eaten shortly after midnight’. + gosari ‘breakfast’ (seegose).
sorgin-ira (B) n. ‘species of fern whose leaves are covered in down’. + ira ‘fern’.
sorginkeria, sorgineria (c.) n. ‘witchcraft’. 1562. + -keria NFS of vices.
sorgin-luma (B) n. ‘down on baby birds’. + luma ‘feather’.
sorgin-mandatari (B) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera). + mandatari‘messenger’ (see mandatu). {Not in The Dictionary.}

342

R. L. Trask
sorgin-oilo (LN HN) n. ‘butterfly’ (zool.) (order Lepidoptera), ‘seeds of the knapweed’(a thistle-like plant whose seeds are blown by the wind). + oilo ‘hen’.
sorgin-orratz (B) n. ‘dragonfly’ (zool.) (order Odonata). + orratz ‘needle’.
sorgin-piko (G) n. ‘wild fig(s)’. + piko ‘fig’ (see biko). [CHECK]
sorgintxori (LN) n. ‘tree creeper’ (zool.) (family Certhiidae), (L LN) ‘owl’. + txori‘bird’ (see zori {[1]}).
sorgintza n. ‘witchcraft’. 1808. + -tza NFS.

sorho (L **), só(r)ho (Z), solo (B) n. ‘field, meadow’, soro (Sout) ‘estate, farm’ **** [FHV
210, 549]
From Lat. solum ‘ground, earth, soil’ (M. 1961a: 312), by P**{22}.
sortu (**), sorthu (** old LN), sórthü (Z) ****{v. ‘be born’, ‘engender’}{Root sor-, OUO.}
su (c. exc. Z), sü (Z) n. ‘fire’. 15th cent.
OUO.
suár (R) n. ‘firefly’ (zool.) (****). ****
suharri (**), suarri (**), itsu arri (Sout) n. ‘flint’. **** + harri ‘stone’. [FHV 157]
sukalde (**), sükálte (Z), sukálte (R), sutalde (old B) n. ‘kitchen’. **** + alde ‘side’{(see *al-)}. **** [FHV 248]
sukopil (**) n. **** [FHV 248]
suberte (B **), suerte (G) n. ‘luck, fortune’. ****
From Cast. suerte id., by ***{P35.1}
sudur (G HN L LN R), südür (Z), suur (B), sur (c.) n. ‘nose’ (anat.). 1562.
OUO. Reduced forms by P16.
sudurpil (1627), sudupil (1635) n. ‘nostril’ (of an animal)’. + *bil ‘round’.
südürxílo (Z) n. ‘nostril’. + xilo ‘hole’ (see zulo). [other forms?]
suge (c.), suga (G), sube (**) n. ‘snake’. CF suga-. 1562.
OUO. CF by W2.2. The form reported as G would more typically be B, by M**{5}.
Last form by P10.
Sugaar The name of a mythical serpent in folklore. Probably + ar ‘male’.
suge-utsu (R) n. **** [FHV 79]
suin (B), sui (G HN), suhi (L), sü̃hĩ (Z), sü̃hü̃ (Z), sũ (R), sĩ (R) n. ‘son-in-law’. Ca. 1620.
From *suni, OUO, by P1 (M. 1961a: 150, 414).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque343

sunda (B) n. ‘stench, stink’. Ca. 1800.
OUO.
sundatu (B) vi. ‘go bad, go off, become spoiled’ (of water). + -tu VFS.
surgu (B), jurgu (G) n. **** [FHV 561]
From Lat. sulcum **** {‘furrow’, ‘narrow ditch’} (M. 1977a: 561).
susmo (B G) n. ‘suspicion’. **** [FHV 292, 350]****
sumatu (B), susmau (B), sumatu (G), sumau (B) **** ‘suspect, guess’, usmatu (HN LS A), usnatu (HN L LN) ****. **** +-tu VFS. [FHV 292, 350]

344

R. L. Traskt/k reduplications Bq. has a number of expressive formations corresponding broadly to thefollowing pattern: tVtV- or kVkV-, sometimes with an extra consonant, especially /n/,after the first vowel. These formations are listed below. Most of them have typicalexpressive senses, centring on ‘bump, hump, projection’ or ‘fat, thick, stupid’. Backvowels are strongly favoured in these formations.
kokorro (B) a. ‘stupid’, ‘brutish’.
konkor n. (c. exc. L LN), kunkur (HN LN Z R) ‘hunchback’, (HN) ‘hump, bump’, (L
LN Z) ‘bump on the head’, (Z) tuntor ‘bump, hump’, (B) tuturo, tuturumillo,
tuturrusko, tuturruxko ‘bump on the head’, a. (L LN) konkor, (R) kunkur, (HN)
tuntur ‘bent, crooked’. Dimin. n. (L LN) ttonttor, (HN) ttunttur ‘hunchback’.
tontor n. (B G HN L), tontorro (L), tuntur (B), tuturru (HN LN), kokor (old L),
kukutz (B) ‘peak, summit, pinnacle, prominence’.
totel (G HN S) a. ‘stuttering, stammering’. See motel (under m-).
tutur (old B), kukur (B HN), kukurin (L), kukurrin (L), kukurusta (L), kukurrusta(LN) n. ‘crest (on a bird)’, sometimes more specifically on a cock.
tahárna (Z) **** {‘inn’} [FHV 213] {Cf. taberna.}
taberna (B G L), taferna (S.P., H.), tafarna (H.) n. ‘tavern, bar’, ‘inn’. 1643.
From Cast. taverna id. or a related Rom. form. {Occ. tavèrna} Second form by L3. Now
little used.
tabernari, tafernari n. ‘barman’, ‘tavern-owner’. 1643. + -ari {[1]} professional NFS.
Now little used.
taika (HN R), ttauka (LN) **** n. ‘a certain headdress formerly worn in church by young
ladies’. [FHV 93]
From a Rom. source akin to Cast. toca, Port. touca, etc., ‘headdress’. CP (s.v. toca) trace
all these words back to an ancient “Hispanic” word *tauca.
thailu (**), **** thallu (old LN) **** n. ‘kind, sort’. **** Lh. taxu (**), taju (G), {taiu(EB) ‘aspect’, ‘ability’, ‘adaptation’} *****
taxutu (HN **) ****{vt. ‘arrange, adapt’} [FHV 193, 517] [2 senses; one from taxu;
sort]talaja (G){, talaia (B G)} n. **** ‘watchtower’ [FHV 177]
From Cast. atalaya id.
talo (B G HN L LN) n. ‘a kind of flat round maize-cake’, formerly a Basque staple, TS (LLN) a. ‘flat, flattened, squat’. 17th cent.
From Rom.: CP (s.v. tallo) reports a sparsely recorded Galician talo ‘maize cake’, app.
from Lat. thallu{m} ‘stalk with leaves’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque345

tamal (B L) n. ‘misfortune’, ‘bad luck’, ‘regret’, ‘compassion’. 1596.
App. from Lat. tam malum ‘what a misfortune!’, or from a Rom. development of this(Lh. s.v.). The word was somewhat rare and archaic before the 20th cent., when it was
revived.
tanda (**) ***** **** Dimin. txanda ‘turn’ (of a person in sequence, as in a game) ****
[FHV 188]
tanta (**), tanto (G) **** n. ‘drop’, **** **** ttantto (** G)-tar, -ar (c.) Ethnonymic suffix forming nouns and adjective: ‘(who is) from’. Examples:
lapurtar ‘(who is) from Lapurdi’; donostiar ‘(who is) from Donostia (San Sebastián)’.
OUO. Usually we find -tar after a consonant or a diphthong and -ar after a vowel,suggesting perhaps an original *-dar. Aq. -T(H)AR, -TARRIS may represent the same
suffix. Ib. appears to exhibit a suffix -TAR which is attached to place names and perhaps
also forms ethnonyms (M. ****{1961a: 50, etc.}).
-tarzun, -arzun (LN A S R), -tárzün, -árzün (Z), -tasun, -asun (B G HN L LN) NFS
forming abstract nouns. Example: eder ‘beautiful’, edertarzun, edertasun ‘beauty’. +*-zun. Last two variants by P19. In some Pyrenean varieties, the suffix is normally-(t)arzun, but is -(t)asun when the stem contains an /s/: hence edertarzun ‘beauty’,but osasun ‘wholeness, health’, from oso ‘whole’. Sometimes appears as -rasun, by
dissimilation, when the stem contains a /t/ or a /d/. See -keria.
tastabin (B), tastafin (B), gaztabin (G), lastabin (G), laztabin (G), xastagin (HN),
txasta(g)in (HN) **** {‘small drill’} [FHV 187, 187 fn]
thatxa (old LN **) n. ‘defect’. ****
{From Cast. tacha id.} [FHV 217]
thatxatü (Z) **** [FHV 217]{[}taxu (**), taju (G) ***** [same as t{h}ailu, I guess]taxutu (HN **) **** [FHV 193, 517] [2 senses; one from taxu; sort]{] Moved to
thailu.}-te [1] (c.) NFS of duration; NFS making verbal nouns.
OUO. This suffix makes nouns of duration, mostly from nouns, occasionally fromadjectives: gose ‘hunger, hungry’, gosete ‘famine’; euri ‘rain’, eurite ‘rainy spell’; legor‘dry’, legorte ‘drought’. Added to a verb-stem, it produces a verbal noun: egin ‘do’, egite‘deed, action’; ikusi ‘see’, ikuste ‘act of seeing’. The second function is presumably
derived from the first, and it supports the conclusion of Trask (1990) that the radical (theverb-stem functioning as a free form) was originally nominal; see e- [*].
-te {[2]} [GERUND]-teko-tekotan

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R. L. Trask-ten-tera , -tra (S)-terakoan

teila (**), tella (** HN) n. ‘roof tile’. **** [FHV 521]
From **** {Arag. tella id. from Lat. tegulam id.}teilatu (c.) (17th cent.), te(i)llatu (c.), telladu (Sout) (1562) n. ‘roof’.
From some Rom. development of late Lat. *tegulātum ‘tiled, covered with tiles’ (of aroof), from Lat. tegulam ‘roof tile’. The word is akin to Cast. tejado id., but the formof the Bq. word shows that it cannot be borrowed from Cast., and the likely source isArag. (M. **** {1964a: 110}).
théiü (Z), texu (R) a. ‘dirty, impure, obscene’.
From Lat. taedium ‘loathing, disgust’ (M. 1961a: 175, ****{1954b: 142; 1972f: 316f.;
1974b: 190}).
tenda (** old LN) **** n. ‘pruning’. **** [FHV 217]
tenore (**) n. ‘occasion, time’, ‘hour of the clock’. ****
tentatu (**), tentatü (Z) vt. ‘tempt’. ****
From Cast. tentar id. or a related Rom. form. {Gasc. tentà Palay (1980).}
tente (**) a. ‘erect’, ‘standing up’ **** dimin. ttentte ***termiño (L), dermio (HN), termañü (old Z) n. **** [FHV 303]**** Cast. término.
testamentu (** old LN), testaméntü (Z) n. ‘testament’. ****-ti [1] (c.) AFS.
OUO. Forms adjectives from nouns. Examples: beldur ‘fear’, beldurti ‘fearful’; ****.
-ti [2] (old B) ‘via, by way of’, (c.) Abl. CS.
OUO. In our most archaic Bq. text, the R&S, this suffix is used exclusively to mean ‘via,
by way of’, which is presumably its earlier function. Example: ao ‘mouth’, aoti ‘bymouth’. Otherwise, it occurs only as an Abl. case-suffix. As an Abl., it is frequent inearly texts, and it is still perhaps used in a few varieties today, but it has been generally
superseded by -tik (q.v.), which may or may not be derived from -ti.
Ablative: [be sure to include the directional sense of goiti etc.] [FHV 236: important]Etymological Dictionary of Basque347-ti [3] (c.) **** As in beheiti, urruti, barruti, etc. *** [FHV 236] M. (1961a: 236) takes thisas identical to -ti [2]. [FHV 236 fn: Lafon identifies it with -ti [1].]-tik (c.) Abl. CS. [FHV 236-237: important] [often extended to -tika(n)] [FHV 237 fn]
tilet (EB) n. ‘(any) punctuation mark or diacritic’. Late 19th cent.
Neologism; arbitrary alteration of Cast. tilde ‘tilde’.
tilista (old B, R&S 50), dilista (Sout old G?), txilista (B) **** ‘lentil’ [FHV 187]**** See also txintxila.
tínta (Z) n. ‘ink’.
From Cast. tinta id. {or Occ. tinta} (Lh.).
tipi (**), tiki (**) **** Dimin. ttipi (HN LN), ttípi (Z), txípi (Z), txipi (old B Sout L), xipi
(L old LN Z), ttiki (HN L), txiki (B G HN LN), xiki (L) ‘small’, txíki (R) ‘few, little,
not many, not much’.
**** The surname or sobriquet Chipia is frequent in Navarra.
txiker (B), txikar (B G), txikir (Sout) [hapax?] ‘small’ ****
tipula (L LN A R G HN), kipula (B G), gipulla (Sout), kinpul(l)a (B), túpla (R), tipla (S)n. ‘onion’ (bot.) (****). 1562.
From Lat. cepullam id. (M. 1961a: 65). First vowel by P37. Fourth variant by P34. R
form by P70, P38. An otherwise unrecorded variant dipula in the name Maria de
Dipulatçe (Pamplona 1350). The unusual variation in the initial consonant suggests thatthe word was borrowed at a time when Lat. /k/ had palatalized to [kj], and that theBasques, having no such sound, interpreted this variously as a velar or as a coronal.
[FHV 183 fn] M. (1961a: 239–240) notes that an original voiced initial plosive seems tohave given way to a voiceless one.
tireso (LN Z S) a. ‘stiff, rigid’. ****
From Cast. tieso id., by ***{P35.1} (M. 1961a: 167).
tiro (c.) n. ‘gunshot’, ‘sound of a gunshot’. 1562.
From Cast. tiro id.
tiro egin vitm. ‘shoot’, ‘fire (a gun)’. + egin ‘do’.
tiroka (c.) adv. ‘by shooting’, ‘with shots’, ‘while firing’. + -ka AdvFS.
tirokatu vt. ‘shoot (at)’, ‘fire (at)’. + -tu VFS.

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titi (B G HN LN Z R) (1745), thiti (Z), diti (LN S) (1545), dithi (L LN) n. ‘(female) breast’,TS ‘mother’s milk’ (nursery word in this sense).
Of nursery origin, but possibly borrowed from Rom.: cf. Cast. {, Occ.} teta ‘nipple,
udder’, Fr. téton ‘(female) breast’, etc., all of nursery origin.
ditiburu (**), titiburu (**), ditimoko (**), titimoko (**), ditimutur (**), titimutur(**), ditipunta (**), titipunta (**), titimusko (**) n. ‘nipple’. + buru ‘head’, +moko ‘beak’, + mutur ‘extremity’, + punta ‘point’, + musko ‘summit’.
titijorra (?) n. ‘sexual fondling of the breasts’. + jorra ‘hoeing’.{Not in The
Dictionary.}
tititsu (G), thititsu (L) n., a. ‘(woman) having large breasts’. + -tsu AFS.
-to [1] (c.), dimin. -tto (L LN Z), -txo (B G HN L), -txu (B L). NFS forming diminutives.
OUO. Apparently recorded in the Aq. female name NESCATO (see neskato ‘little girl’,under neska ‘girl’), and perhaps more generally as Aq. -T(T)O. As is usual withdiminutive suffixes, this one is almost always palatalized. [MITX 73 {(M. 1973a: 152)}]
However, in spite of the straightforward phonology, M. (1961a: 186–187) is not sure that-to and -txo represent the same suffix, since Aq. exhibits two distinct suffixes -T(T)O
and -X(S)O. See -no.
-to [2] (B) AdvFS forming adverbs of manner from adjectives. Examples: ederto‘beautifully’ (eder ‘beautiful’); ondo ‘well’ (on ‘good’).
OUO. B alone uses this suffix, all other varieties using -ki [1] instead.
to (c.) intj. word using in calling to a man; also (HN L LN Z R) in calling to a domestic
animal. It can represent a simple ‘Hey!’, or it can mean more specifically ‘Take this!’.
tobaja (G) n. ‘towel’, tahálla (Z) ‘tablecloth’, ‘napkin’. ****
From Cast. toalla ‘towel’. {tahálla (Z) rather from Occ. toalha ‘tablecloth’.}-toki (**), -oki (**) NFS: ‘place’. *** {M. 1973a: 136-7}**** A toponym Olotoqui near Leire 1056.
toki (** L) n. ‘place’, hóki (Z) ****{n. ‘stool’, TS ‘normal state’}. [FHV 214{, 526}]
By extraction of the suffix (M**{3}).
toletiko (B) n. ‘large fig’. ****
From *Toledo-iko ‘Toledo fig’: > *toled-iko (by W1) > tolet-iko (by W3) (M. 1961a:
128). See piko.
tortaka (Sout) adv. **** {‘trotting’} [FHV 348]
toska (**) n. ‘kaolin, white clay’, toxka (Z) **** 1746, 1858.
From a Rom. word akin to Cast. tosco ‘coarse, crude’. CP (s.v. tosco) note that this word
is found throughout Ibero-Rom., and that attested Rom. formations like Cat. pedra tosca

Etymological Dictionary of Basque349‘pumice stone’ (lit. ‘coarse stone’) can account for the final /a/ in Bq. CP also suggeststhat the coarse, lumpy appearance of kaolin is the reason for the label.
tratu (**) n. ‘dealing(s)’, ‘traffic’, ‘commerce’. ****
From Cast. trato ‘deal’.
tresna (**), tresen(a) (HN) ****, tresenak (HN) n. pl. ‘clothes’. **** [FHV 512] [CP s.v.
tresnar]**** [FHV 164]
tresnatu **** [FHV 164]
trikatu (HN L LN) vi. ‘pause, stop, rest’. 1643.
From Occ. {Gasc.} tricar ****{‘wait, delay’}.
triku (G HN) n. ‘hedgehog’ (zool.) (****). **** [possibly to be combined with kirikiño?][FHV 497] [SEE NOW FHV 534: COMBINE WITH kirikiño] {See Michelena
1971f: 259 ff.}
trinitate (R), trintate (S A), trintete (HN) n. ‘trinity’. ****{[}trisipu (G) **** [FHV 258] {] Duplicate, see under lizifru.}-ts- Dative flag.
-tsu, -zu (B G HN L) AFS ‘full of’.
The original form is clearly -zu, since this form alone occurs in toponyms, such as
Arantzazu (arantza ‘thorn’). But, as a rule, only -tsu appears in ordinary lexical items,with rare exceptions like mukizu ‘full of mucus’, from muki ‘mucus’. M. (1977a: 542–
543) suggests that this variant arose by reanalysis of cases like satsu ‘filthy’, from sats‘ordure’ plus -zu, in which the phonological development is regular, by W8.
-zu (c.) Indefinite pl. suffix. [FHV 542]
ttoko-ttoko, ttuku-ttuku (H.) adv. ‘in small halting steps’.
Expressive.
ttokol (L) n. ‘insignificant person’, ‘(a) nobody’.
Expressive.
ttok-ttok-ttok (LN) adv. (of a person) ‘looking for something’.
Expressive.

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ttortoila (LN), ttorttola (R) n. ‘turtledove’ (zool.) (****)
From Cast. tórtola id., by M**{10} (M. 1961a: 185).
ttotta (G L) n. ‘spirits, hard liquor’. ****
Probably from Cast. gota ‘drop’, by M**{??} (M. 1961a; 185).
tu (HN Sout), thu (L LN), thü (Z), to (G). n. ‘spit, saliva’, ‘gob of spit’. 1562, 1571. Dimin.
ttu (HN), txu (B).
Imitative. Words for ‘spit’ of the form [tu-] are widespread in the world’s languages.
See also txistu.
tu egin etc. vitm. ‘spit’. 1571. + egin ‘do’.
-tu (c. exc. B), -du (B) VFS.
The variant -du in most dialects after /n/ or /l/, by P6, but generalized in B, perhaps
under Rom. influence. From the Lat. participial suffix -tum (M. 1961a: 233). It appears
that early Bq. borrowed Lat. verbs in the form of their participles (e.g., aditu ‘hear’ fromauditum), and that so many were borrowed that -tu came to be taken as the ordinary
suffix for deriving verbs from other parts of speech, displacing native -i [1] in thisfunction. [MITX 73 {M. 1973a: 153}] [B: often -du, or -u between vowels]
tupina (L LN), tupin (L LN), tupiñ (L LN), thüpiña (Z), thipíña (Z), thipiñ (Z), dupin (old
LN), duphin (L LN), dipiña (LN), dipidia (old G?), topina (?) n. ‘cooking pot’. 17thcent.
From Gasc. toupin id. or a related Rom. form. {Occ. topin id.}
topinagile (old LN), tupinagile (old LN) **** {‘potter’} [FHV 77]
txahal (Z), txaal (B), xahal (L LN), xáhal (Z), txal (B G), xãl (R), xal (S) n. ‘calf’. 17thcent.
From *xanal, by P1, from an unpalatalized original *zanal or *sanal (can’t tell which),OUO (M. 1949a). The apparent variant *xamal cited in Arbelaiz (1978: s.v.) is a typo.
txabola (B G) (1762), txaola (G) (1745, 1842) n. ‘hut, cabin’ (esp. a shepherd’s hut),txabola (S R) ‘customs man’s hut’.
From Old Cast. javola ‘cage’ (mod. jaula), ult. from Lat. *caveolam ‘small enclosed
place’ (Castro ****{A. 1933: 60-61}). The word is not related to etxe ‘house’ or to ola‘place’. See etxola under etxe. See also kaiola. {M. 1953d: 566}
txalma (c.) n. ‘pack saddle, light saddle’, ****. 1745, 1808.
From Cast. enjalma id., by L**{14}. {M. 1961a: 194}
txantxiku (B G) n. ‘frog’ (zool.) (****), ‘toad’ (zool.) (****) **** [FHV 520: from apersonal name]Etymological Dictionary of Basque351

txapia (Sout) a. ‘bow-legged’. 1562.
From Cast. chapín id.
txara (**) **** [FHV 194]
Txarran (B), Txerren (B G) n. ‘Satan, the Devil’, TS (B G) txarran n. ‘ploughshare with 5,
7 or 9 points’.
From the med. personal name Txerran, dimin. of Cast. Fernando (M. 1961a: 70).
txarro (**) ****{n. ‘jug’} [FHV 194]
txatiko (G) n. ‘kingfisher’ (zool.) (****) [FHV 520: from a personal name]txertatu (**{G HN}), xertatu (**{G HN}), xarthatu (LN), xartatu (old LN) ****{v.
‘graft’}From Lat. insertare **** (M. 1961a: 61), by L14.
txerto (**), xerto (**) ****{n. ‘graft’} [FHV 157] [merge with preceding?]
txilibitu (B G) n. ‘type of small end-blown flute’, ‘whistle’ (1745, 1816), TS ‘cuckoo wrasse’(zool.) (Labrus bimaculatus) (1847), TS ‘penis’.
Expressive. {Cf. Cast. silbido ‘whistling’.}
txilin, txintxilikario, txipilin, txipilito, txitil, txitxara, txitxarro, txitxi, txitxil, txitxilino,
txitxilinotxo, txitxo n. ‘penis’ (sometimes spec. of a child). {Cf. txilibitu.}
Expressive.
tximinía (Z) n. ‘chimney’. ****
From Cast. chiminea id. {Gasc. chiminèyo Palay (1980).}tximino (**), tximíno (Z), tximinoi (B), ximino (L), tximio (HN), tximu (HN?) *** n.
‘monkey’. ****
From Cast. simio id. or a related Rom. word.
txindor (B) n. ‘robin’ (zool.) (Erithacus rubecula). Ca. 1800.
OUO. If not expressive, perhaps a dimin. of an unrecorded *zindor or *sindor.
txinizta (R) **** {n. ‘broom’ (bot.)} [FHV 193]
txintxila (R), txingla (S), txingilla (S.P.) **** n. ‘lentil’. [FHV 187 fn]**** See also tilista.

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txipiroi (**), txibi(a) (B HN) n. ‘squid’ (zool.) (****). ****
From OCast. xibia id. (M. 1961a: 194). {For the first, cf. Cast. chipirón.}txiriboga (G), txiribogin (old B), txiologa (old B) n. ‘tavern’. 1596.
From some local Rom. form of the word represented by Cast. sinagoga ‘synagogue’ (M.
****{1957a: 14 and 23 fn. 7}), with dissimilation of the first //. Apparently a joke inorigin.
txirla (B G) n. ‘clam’ (zool.) (genera Tapes, Venus, Mytilus), TS ‘vulva’. 1745, ca. 1800.
Expressive. It is possible that the sexual sense is earlier than the zoological one. In
compounds, the word strangely means ‘oyster’, though this sense is not recorded for the
independent word.
txistu (B G), xistu (L LN), xixtu (L LN), hixtu (L LN?), fixtu (L LN?), listu (HN), lixtu(HN), ixtu (G HN), istu (L LN?), huxtu (L LN), hüxtü (Z) n. ‘whistle’ (sound),‘whistling’, ‘saliva, spit’, ‘traditional small end-blown flute’, (HN L) ‘speed’. 1653.
Imitative.
txiz (B G) n. ‘urine, piss’.
Imitative.
txit [1] (G Z), xit (L) deg. ‘very, completely’. 1658.
Expressive.
txita (B G LN), txito (G L LN), txitxa (LN Z R), txitxo (G HN Z) n. ‘chick’ (baby chicken).
Imitative.
txitxirio (G HN) n. ‘chickpea’ (bot.) (Cicer arietinum) 1746, 1847.
From some Rom. development of Lat. cicerem id. The details are obscure.
txoloma (G HN) n. ‘young pigeon’. ****
From Cast. paloma ‘pigeon’, by M**{9}.
txopa (B G HN), xopa (L) n. ‘poop’ (of a boat). ****
From Cast. popa ‘poop’, by M**{9}.
txotxo (B G) n. ‘penis’. ****
Probably of expressive origin, but perhaps a dimin. of zozo ‘blackbird’.
txotxoka adv. ‘engaging in sexual intercourse’, n. ‘sexual intercourse’. + -ka AdvFS.
txotxoka egin, txotx egin vitm. ‘engage in sexual intercourse’. + egin ‘do’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque353

txukatu (** R), xukatu (**), txükátü (Z), ixukatu (old LN), üxükatü (old Z) ****{v.
‘dry’} [FHV 157, 216, 583] [Lh. under ixukatu]
txukun (B G) a. ‘neat, tidy, clean’. Ca. 1740.
OUO, possibly expressive. Note: the widely disseminated suggestion that Cast. chacona(the dance), whence French and English chaconne, derives from this Bq. word isuntenable.
txunditu (G HN) vi. ‘be astonished’ ***** [FHV 188 fn]-tza, -tze (c.) NFS forming nouns of abundance and abstract nouns, mainly of activity.
Examples: jendetza, jendetze ‘crowd, throng’ (jende ‘people’); jaiotza ‘birth’ (jaio ‘beborn’).
OUO. Modern -tza is attested several times as -zaha in the Rejas de San Millán, 952. It
is not certain that -tza and -tze are the same suffix in origin, but their behaviour is sosimilar that they can reasonably be treated together. [FHV 111, 111 fn, 500: disagrees]-tzaile (c. exc. Z), -tzale, -zale (Z) NFS forming agent nouns from verbs of the -tu class,of any transitivity. Example: lagundu ‘help, assist’, laguntzaile ‘helper, assistant’. + ile, variant of -le, the agent suffix with ancient verbs. It appears that, at some earlystage, verbs derived from non-verbal stems with the borrowed suffix -tu could nottake -le directly, but had to first form a nominal derivative in -tza. This supports theconclusion of Trask (1990) that ancient verbal stems, derived from verbal roots withthe prefix e- [1], were nominal in nature, not verbal.
-tzapen ****{NFS + -pen (see -mendu)}-tze (c. exc. B R) Suffix forming gerunds from verbs of the -tu class. A
grammaticalization of the noun-forming suffix above. As proposed in Trask (1990), it
appears that verbal nouns of activity formed with this suffix were originally strictly
nominal in nature, but that they came to be reinterpreted as non-finite verb-forms
taking ordinary verbal arguments with ordinary case-marking. This development isstrongly comparable to the origin of the English gerund suffix -ing, which likewisederives from a suffix forming verbal nouns (Jespersen 1948: 205–210). The lateorigin of this gerund suffix is consistent with its absence from the two peripheral
dialects, B in the west and R in the east. See also -te {[2]}, -keta {not in The
Dictionary}.
-tzeko-tzekotan-tzen-tzera , -tzra (S)-tzerakoan-tzat (**) **** {Essive CS.}

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uhain (**), uhin (**) ****{n. ‘wave’}uda (c. exc. Z), ǘda (Z), euda (old B), udara (G) n. ‘summer’. ****
OUO. The old B variant euda is extracted from the hapax def. form eudea in Micoleta.
udahaste (LN) n. ‘spring’ (season). **** + haste ‘beginning’ (see hasi).
udazken (B G L), udaazken (L), udatzen (B) n. ‘autumn’, udazken (HN S R) ‘end of
the summer’. **** + azken ‘last’.
udaberri (G L LN), udabarri (B) n. ‘spring’ (season). **** + berri ‘new’ (see *berr-).
udabihotz (L), udabiotz (HN) n. ‘dog days’, ‘height of summer’. **** + bihotz ‘heart’.
udagoien (B), udaguen (B) n. ‘autumn’. **** + goi ‘high part’ + -en {[1]} superl.
udalein (R S) n. ‘beginning of summer’, udalen (HN) ‘spring’. **** + lehen ‘first’.
udamin (HN LLN Z R) n. ‘dog days’, ‘height of summer’, (old B) ‘tertian fever’. **** +min ‘pain’.
udaor (?) a. ‘pertaining to the summer’. ****
udaraitzen (G) n. ‘autumn’. ****
udarbi (B?) [hapax] n. ‘beetroot’ (bot.) (***). According to A. (1905), reported by F.
Segura. + arbi ‘turnip’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
udaro (c.) n. ‘summertime’, (HN) ‘good time for the harvest’. **** + aro {[1]} ‘time’.
udasiera (G) n. ‘spring’. **** + hasiera ‘beginning’ (see hasi).
udati (B? G? HN?) a. ‘pertaining to the summer’. **** + -ti [**{1}] AFS.
udatxori (B?) n. ‘swift’ (zool.) (****) **** + txori ‘bird’ (see zori {[1]}).
udare (G HN L LN), udari (L LN) n. ‘pear’, TS (L LN) ‘fruit’ (in general). 17th cent.
OUO. The TS is found where ‘pear’ is usually madari (see below).
madari (B Sout HN L LN Z) n. ‘pear’. 1562. + ma- expressive syllable.
ugari (B G HN) a. ‘abundant’, ‘numerous’, adv. ‘in abundance, abundantly’, jori (**{LHN}) ****{‘chubby’}, heuragi (old LN), heuregi (old LN) a. ‘much’. CF ugal-.
1596.
OUO. Could be from *ugari or from *ugali, by P22. Very likely contains -i [**{1}]AFS. The CF ugal- is modern, not attested before 1880; older formations show ugar(i)-.
[REWRITE: FHV 99, 492-493] Last two forms + -egi excessive. {Not in The
Dictionary.}ugatz (**) n. ‘female breast’.
****{OUO.}
egüz- (Z) ‘god-’ (in kinship terms) [FHV 84]
egüzaita (Z) n. ****{‘godfather’} [FHV 351]
ugaseme (A), egütséme (Z) n. ‘godson’. **** [FHV 351]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque355

ugazaba (**) n. ‘boss’. **** + asaba ‘ancestor’ (M. 1977a: 543). {by W13}
ui (B) n. ‘pitch’ (viscous sticky material). Ca. 1800.
OUO. A word of extraordinary form. M. (1964a) notes the curious resemblance to Old
Irish bí ‘pitch’ (< *gwiw-), but is reluctant to identify the words. He does, however,conclude that this word is probably older in the language than the synonymous bike.
ukitu (G HN L), ikutu (B G), ikuttu (B G), ukutu (B), hunkitu (L LN), hunkitü (Z),onkitu (R) **** vt. ‘touch’. ********. Given the lack of voicing of the /k/ by P**{6}, the /n/ must be secondary, by
P**{34} (M. 1961a: 215 fn. 27).
uko [1] (old LN) (obsolete) n. ‘forearm’ (anat.). CF uka-. 17th cent.
OUO. CF by W2.2. It is possible that the word originally meant ‘elbow’, and shifted to‘forearm’; see Buck (1949: §4.32) for numerous parallels.
ukabil (B G HN L), ikubil (B) n. ‘fist’. 1745, 1802. + *bil ‘round’.
ukhabizi (Hb.) n. ‘stiletto, dagger’. + bizi ‘living’.
ukhaldi (L LN Z) n. ‘blow’. + aldi ‘time’.
ukarai (LN), ukarái (R), ukharai (LN L?), ükh(ar)ái (Z), uk(h)ari (L), ukhare (LN),
ukha(r)i (Z) n. ‘wrist’ (anat.). CF ukal-. 1657. From *uka-garai, + garai ‘high’ (see*gara), by P**{W13}. CF perhaps by W12. A toponym Ucaray Uacoyçça in 1339.
ukalondo (G) n. ‘elbow’ (anat.). + ondo ‘bottom’. (M****{1971f: 265}).
ukaur, ukhor (Hb.) n. ‘elbow’, ‘forearm’ (anat.). + *aur ‘front’.
ukondo (B HN LN), ukhondo (L LN), ukaondo (old B, R&S 250), ukando (B) n.
‘elbow’ (anat.); TS ‘angle’, ‘bend in the road’. 1596. From *uka-ondo, + ondo [1]‘bottom’, by W14.
uko [2] (c.), ukho (L LN), ǘkho (Z) n. ‘refusal’, ‘denial’, ‘negation’, ‘weakness, faintness’,(L LN) ‘renunciation’. CF uk(h)a-. Ca. 1660.
OUO. CF by W2.2.
uk(h)atu (c. exc. Z), ukhatü (Z) vitm(d). ‘refuse, deny’. 1562. + -tu VFS.
uk(h)o egin (c.) vitm(d). ‘refuse’, ‘deny’. 1643. + egin ‘do’.
ume (c.), hume (LN), hǘme (Z), ime (B) n. ‘child’, ‘young of an animal’. 1562.
From *unbe, apparently recorded as Aq. OMBE- and VMME in male names. {OUO.}
Possibly bimorphemic, involving the same element *-be as seme ‘son’ (< *senbe).
{[}imuntzi (Z) n. ‘womb’. + untzi ‘vessel’ (see ontzi). {] Info moved below toumunzi.}-kume NFS ‘offspring’, ‘young’ (of an animal). The /k/ by M2. This suffix is veryfrequent, and it forms the normal way of deriving names for young animals; see, forexample, ardi [1], katu and zakur.

356

R. L. Trask
kume (B) n. ‘young of an animal’. By extraction of the suffix {M3}. In B, this word
contrasts with ume, which means only ‘child’.
umealdi, umaldi (c.) n. ‘lying in’, ‘birth’, (B) ‘generation’. 1745, 1855. + aldi ‘time’.
umedun (B G HN L) a. ‘pregnant’. + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).
umegin, umagin, umegile (**) n. ‘woman with many children’. 1596. + -gin, -gile‘maker’ (see egin).
umekeri(a) (B G) n. ‘childishness’. 1745, 1816. + -keria NFS of vices.
ume-laztan (B) n. ‘person who adores children’. + laztan ‘caress’. {Not in The
Dictionary.}
umerri n. (LN S) ‘newborn young of an animal’, (HN) ‘lamb’, (B) ‘sheep or goat morethan two years old’. 17th cent. From *ume-berri, by W**{13}, + berri ‘new’ {(see*berr)} (M. 1961a: 117).
umetxo (**) n. ‘little child’. 1664. + -txo dimin. (see -to [1]).
umezurtz (B G HN L LN) n. ‘orphan’. 1653. + zurtz ‘orphan’.
umoi (HN), hümói (Z) n. ‘womb’, ‘cradle’. + ohe ‘bed’, by W19.
umunzi (old LN), imuntzi (Z) n. ‘womb’. ****. + untzi ‘container’(see ontzi) (M.
1961a: 116).

umil (c. exc. Z), ümíl (Z) a. ‘humble’. ****
umo **** etc. {‘ripe’} [FHV 76, 119]
umore (**), imore (LN), imúr (Z) n. ‘humour’, ****
imore otz (HN) n. ‘scrofula’. + hotz ‘cold’.
unai (G HN LN R), unhai (LN), unain (B), ulhain (old LN) n. ‘cowherd’. **** [FHV 479]
Obscure. Surely contains -zain ‘guardian’ (see zain [**{1}]), with the same treatment
seen in urdain ‘swineherd’ from urde ‘pig’, but the first element is opaque.
*unaitxipi n. + txipi ‘small’ (see tipi). Not recorded, but required as the source of
Alavese Spanish (1661) unaichipi ‘cowboy’ (M. 1977a: 479).
unamaizter (**) n. ‘chief cowherd’. **** + maizter ‘master’ (M. 1961a: 355 fn. 15).
{[}unatu (**), unhatu (**), aunatu (**), ****, eñhe (Z) a. ‘tired, fatigued’ **** [FHV 103]
Also anu egin (**), anhu (**), aunatu (B G), auno egin (B) .... [SORT] {] Largely
duplicated under anu, combined there.}ungendu (**), ünkhüntü (Z) n. **** [FHV 399 fn, 527] [move?] {Cf. onkendu.}
ungenstatu (old LN) ****{‘anoint’} [FHV 368]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque357

unide (**{L LN}), unhide (**), iñude (B G), inude (old B), ünhüde{, enhǘde} (Z), unúde(R) n. ‘wetnurse’. **** {CF iñut-.}{OUO, but we may be confident that unide is the conservative form and that it contains-kide ‘fellow’ attached to an unknown stem (M. 1961a: 84, ****{1969c: 129}). Westernvariant by metathesis. CF by W1, W3. }. A casa de Unidea in 1168 (M. 1977a:483).
iñutu (B) vt. ‘put (a child) with a wetnurse’. **** + -tu VFS.
untxi (G? HN), untxe (R), entxe (HN) **** n. ‘rabbit’ (zool.) (****). ******** [FHV 492]. The R form is untxe, not untxi, as given in A. (1905).
{From *untzi or *untsi, OUO, with expressive palatalization M9.}
untz (**{B G}), huntz (**{L LN}), hüntz (Z) **** ‘ivy’ [FHV 57]uñhṹ (Z) n. ‘onion’. ****
húpa (Z) intj. **** [FHV 214]
upa (B), kupa (R), dupa (L LN), dupha (L LN), upel (B G), kupel (G HN), dupel (L LN)**** n. ‘barrel’. **** [FHV 253, 260]ur (c. exc. Z) [tapped /r/], hur (Z) n. ‘water’. CF u-. 12th cent., 1562.
OUO. CF by W11. Though Z has hur by P69, the CF in Z is ü- (M. 1961a: 53). See
also urdin. [FHV 556 for funny stuff]{uhaitz} (LN), üháitz (Z), ühátx (Z), ugaitz (**{LN}), ugatx(a) (R), egutxa (R),eguatxa (R) n. ‘river’**** [AZKUE, FHV 53, 178, 337]
ubera (old B, R&S 299) n. ‘ford’. **** [FHV 76]
ubi (L LN), übi (Z), ibi (old B old LN) (17th cent.), hibi (LN), ibide (L) (1630) n.
‘ford’. + bide ‘way’, by W**{19} and vowel assimilation (M. 1961a: 412 fn. 8). The
word cannot sensibly be related to ibar ‘valley’ or to that word’s derivative ibai
‘river’. [MUCH MORE FHV 76]
ubil (B) n. ‘eddy’. **** + *bil ‘round’. ****
ugabere (B), ugadera (B L), ügadera (Z), uadera (L?), ubegara (B), uagara (B),udagara (LN S), uhadera (H.), uragre (A), ugara (S), igaraba (G HN), igarabi (B),igarabire (B), igabera (G) n. ‘otter’ (zool.) (Lutra). 1745, 1802. From *u-abere, +abere ‘animal’ (M. ****{1961a: 75-76}) First form by P35.1; others by various
irregular phonological developments. [REWRITE: FHV 75-76]
ugalde (HN A S), ugelde (**), ubelde (**) n. ‘flood’, ugalte (R) ‘river’.**** + alde‘side’ {(see *al-)}. Third form by P10. [FHV 337]{[}ugaitz (**), ****, üháitz (Z), ühátx (Z), ugatx (R), egutxa (R), eguatxa (R) n.
‘river’. **** [FHV 178] {] Combined with uhaitz above.}urlaño (**) **** [FHV 366]
urlaster (**) **** [FHV 366]

358

R. L. Trask
urlazun (**) **** [FHV 366]
urlepo (**) **** [FHV 366]
urleze (**) **** [FHV 366]
urraza (B) n. ‘lettuce’. **** + aza ‘cabbage’{not in The Dictionary}, with unusual
strengthening of the rhotic (M. 1961a: 331).
urte (**), **** húrte (Z) n. ‘rainy spell’. **** + -te {[1]} NFS of duration.
urtu (**), húrtü (Z) **** ‘melt’. **** Stem sometimes urt-. + -tu VFS.
urtxakur (B G) n. ‘otter’ (zool.) (Lutra), (B G HN L LN R) ‘poodle’ (type of dog).
1905. + txakur ‘dog’ (see zakur).
us-tinta (G) n. ‘a little water’. **** [FHV 556]
uzabal (G) ****{‘ford’. + zabal ‘wide’} [FHV 76]

hur (**{L LN}), hür (Z)**** {, ur (AN B G), ũ {[1]}r (R)} ‘hazelnut’****{OUO.}
urritz (**{B G}), urretx (B), ǘrrütx (Z), ürrüts (Z), urrutx (R) n. ‘hazelnut’. ****
[FHV 80]hura (**), hú(r)a (Z), ura (**), kura (R S), gura (HN A) det. **** , pron. ‘he, she, it’.
**** The R pron. is ura even though the det. is kura.
urde (c.), úrde (Z) n. ‘pig, hog, swine’, TS (B G HN LN R) a. ‘dirty, filthy’. CF urda-.
1562.
OUO. CF by W2.2. See zerri.
basurde (** Sout) n. ‘wild boar’. + basa- ‘wild’ (see baso).
ordots, ordotx, ordotz (c.) n. ‘boar’, ‘male pig’. 17th cent. + orots ‘male’ (M.
****{1969b: 13 fn. 47}), with vowel assimilation {and haplology of [doro]}.
Dimin. ordotx.
urda-belarri (Sout) n. [FHV 126]
urdain (**{LN Z}), urdazai (Sout) n. ‘swineherd’. **** + -zain ‘guardian’ (see zain{[1]}), with unusual loss of the sibilant in the common form. {Cf. unai}*urdazaitxipi n. + txipi ‘small’ (see tipi). Not recorded, but required as the source of
Alavese Spanish urdazaichipi [no gloss] (M. 1961a: 479).
urdaki (HN LN Z S) n. ‘bacon’. **** + -ki [**{3}] NFS.
urdanga (L LN S) n. ‘sow’, urdanda (LN) **** **** [FHV 258]
urdari (Sout) n. ‘sow’. 1562. + ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque359

urdin (B G HN L LN Z) a. (originally) ‘green, blue, grey’, (today) ‘blue’, but ‘grey’ (of hairor beards), (B HN LN) n. ‘mould’, (LN S R) a. ‘dirty’, (Z R S) n. ‘turbid water’, (B)a. ‘smooth, fine, white’ (of skin or complexion). 1627. Also (Sout) ‘grey-brown’[hapax] 1562.
This looks for all the world like ur ‘water’+ -din AFS ‘resembling’ (see *edin), which issemantically perfect for the historical sense, but, by W11, we would have expected*udin. The original broader sense is not directly attested, but it is confirmed bygibelurdin (see gibel), the name of a mushroom with a bright green cap. And S.P.
glosses the word as “grison, moisi” (“gone grey, mouldy”). The restriction to ‘blue’ waspresumably induced by Rom. borrowings like berde ‘green’ and gris ‘grey’. Today theword means ‘grey’ only with respect to human hair and beards; see also mutxurdin(under motz [2]).
But the early Sout sense of ‘grey-brown’ (Cast. pardo), combined with the eastern senseof ‘turbid water’, points to a still earlier value (see Trask ****{??}). This earlier valuelends some support to the proposal of Charenc{e}y (1898) to derive the word from urde‘pig’. But perhaps we cannot rule out the possibility that the earliest sense of urdin was
the attested ‘mould’, and that all the other senses have been derived from this.
urdin-belar (HN), urdin-bedar (B), urdin-berar (G) n. ‘woad’ (bot.) (Isatis tinctoria).
1745, 1847. + belar {[1]} ‘grass’.
ürgaitz (Z) n. ‘aid, help, assistance’. **** ****
ürgaitzi (Z), ürgatzi (Z), ürgaiztü (Z) [diathesis unrecorded] ‘help, aid, assist’. ****
urka (**), ürkha (Z) ****{n. ‘pitchfork’, ‘gallows’ Aul.}
From Lat. furcam id. (M. 1961a: 51), by L3.
urkatu (**), urkhatu (**), ürkhátü (Z) ****{vt. ‘hang’ Aul.}urki (B G HN), urkhi (L), burkhi (LN), bǘrkhi (Z), epurki (G), turki (B) n. ‘birch’ (bot.)Ca. 1800, but attested much earlier as an element in surnames and in toponyms, such
as Urkiola in Vizcaya.
Probably from *burki, OUO; common variant by P9. The last variant is mysterious,
though M. (1961a: 260) suggests an assimilated intermediate form *kurki or *gurki. A
link has often been suggested to the Germanic word represented by English ‘birch’, butthere is no certain case of a Germanic word taken into Bq. without Romance mediation.
****
urpo (**) {‘heap of grain’ A.}, ǘrp{h}o (Z) n. ‘pile of dung’ [FHV 52]
hurr- (c.) **** ‘near’ ********
hurbil (**{L LN Z}) ****{adv. ‘near’}ürhéntü (Z) vt. ‘finish, complete’. + -tu VFS. Stem ürhen-. [FHV 410]
urhentze (old LN){, ürhentze (Z)} n. ‘end, completion’. + -tze NFS (see -tza).

360

R. L. Trask
hurko (old LN) {‘next’} [FHV 410]
hurran (** old LN) **** ****{‘near’} Dimin. (Z) hǘllan. [FHV 182, 410]
hurren (**) **** ‘nearest’, ‘next’ **** + -en {[1]} superl. (M. 1961a: 410).
hurreneko (old LN), hurrenengo (old LN) **** [FHV 410]****
hurrentsu (S.P.), hurrensu (old LN) **** prt. ‘almost’. ****{[}ürhentze (Z) n. ‘end’. **** + -tze NFS (see -tza). {] Moved to urhentze above.}urrats (** HN R), ürháts (Z), urrhets (old LN) n. ‘step’. ****
urratu (**) vt. ‘rip, tear’, **** **** Stem urra-.
urre (c. exc. Z), urhe (L LN), ǘrhe (Z) n. ‘gold’. CF urra-. 1545 (but CF 1538).
OUO. CF by W2.2. This word cannot possibly be linked to Lat. aurum id., from old
Lat. *ausom.
urragin (old B Sout) n. ‘silversmith’. **** + -gin ‘maker’ (see *egin). See urre zuri
below.
urregorri (B), urhegorri (L) n. ‘gold’. + gorri ‘red’ {(see*gorr-)}.
urre zuri (B Sout) n. ‘silver’. **** + zuri ‘white’.
urri [1] (c.) a. ‘rare, scarce’. ****
urri [2] n. (B G HN L LN) ‘October’, (B HN LN) ‘September’. 1571.
OUO. Attempts at linking this to urre ‘gold’ are not persuasive.
urriki (G HN L LN S), erruki (B G) n. ‘compassion’. **** [FHV 84, 84 fn]{[}urrin (G HN L LN), ürrin (Z) n. ‘odour, smell’. **** [SEE AZKUE] {] Partly
duplicated under lurrin. Combined there.}urrun (B HN L old LN S **), hǘrrün (Z), urrin (B R) ** a. ‘far, distant’.
****{OUO.}
urruti (Sout G **), irruti (G) **** [FHV 80, 236] + -ti [3]. In medieval Navarra, theword appears to have meant ‘beyond’, ‘on the other side (of)’, as in the toponymÇubiurruti (M. 1977a: 482).
urte (c.), urthe (L LN), úrthe (Z) n. ‘year’. 14th cent. CF urt(h)aOUO. Possibly contains -te {[1]} NFS of duration. CF by W2.2.
aurten (B G HN S R), aurthen (L LN Z) adv. ‘this year’. 1596. From *hau(r)-urte-n, +hau ‘this’ + -n {[1]} Loc. {CS}: lit. ‘in this year’ (M. ****{?; Gavel, 1920: 45 n. 1
[AT]}), but with the demonstrative surprisingly preposed.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque361

aurthenbehin (**), aurtenbein (**), aurtemein (B), aurtemin (B), aurtemehin(LN), arthemein (LN S), arthemehin (**), artemen (HN), aurten-beitan (A)adv. ‘a short time ago’. + behin ‘once’ (M. 1961a: 95). [FHV 357, 490-491]
geurtz (**), geurz (**) adv. ‘next year’. **** The final element is -z instrl./advbl. The
first element is obscure, but M. (1961a: 413 fn. 12) suggests that this is the same firsr
element found in gero ‘later’.
urt(h)ats (L LN Z), urthatse (Z) n. ‘beginning of the year, first of the year’. **** +haste ‘beginning’ (see hasi).
Urteberri (G HN), Urtabarri (B) n. ‘New Year’, ‘New Year’s Day’. 1630. + berri‘new’ {(see *berr)}.
urtarril (B G HN L R), urtharril (**), urtaril (LN), urtha(r)il (Z), urteberril (G) n.
‘January’. + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe) (M. 1977a: 513).
urtebete (B Sout G HN), urtabete (G?) n. ‘a full year’, ‘anniversary’ (sometimes spec.
birthday’). 1562. + bete ‘full’.
urtebetegun (R) n. ‘birthday’. + egun ‘day’.
urtebetetze n. (G HN) ‘birthday’, (HN) ‘anniversary’. + -tze NFS.
urteide (old B) n. ‘contemporary, coeval’ (person). + -kide ‘fellow’.
urthume (** old LN) n. ‘animal born during the current year’. **** + ume ‘child’.
urtxintx (HN L LN), ürxántx (Z), burintx(a) (HN), burtxintx (A S) n. ‘squirrel’ (zool.)(****) **** Fita, followed by A. (1905), reads burincha in thewriter Ariquistain, but
M. (1961a: 293 fn. 22) suggests that this is an error for buxincha, representing
buxintx(a).
**** See also the forms under katu.
usain (B HN L LN) (1571), usai (old B Sout G) (1562), usein (HN), usna (G HN L LN) n.
‘smell, odour’. ****
From *usani OUO (M. 1961a: 144), by P1. **** [FHV 352]
usario (**), usadio (G) n. ‘custom, usage’. ****
usatu (** old LN) vt. ‘use’. **** [FHV 423 fn]
usin (B G) (1802), uxin (B G), usain (Sout) (1562), ürsáñ (Z), usái (R), usai (S), urzintz (LLN), burzintz (L) n. ‘sneeze’, perhaps also (G) uxi ‘grunt’. ****OUO, but possibly imitative. [REWRITE: see urzintz.]
urzindu (**) {v. ‘sneeze’} [FHV 363]
usin egin (B G), usain egin (Sout) vitm. ‘sneeze’. + egin ‘do’.
uso (**), urzo (**), ǘrzo (Z) n. ****{n. ‘pigeon, dove’} CF usa-.
OUO. First form by P**{19}. CF by W2.2.
usakume (old B Sout) n. ‘young pigeon’. 1562. + -kume ‘offspring’ {(see ume)}.

362

R. L. Trask
usatei (Sout) n. ‘dovecote’. 1562. + -tegi ‘place’ {(see hegi)}.
usatortola (B G) n. ‘turtle dove’. **** [FHV 126]

-usta Final element in surnames.
OUO. This occurs in a few surnames whose first elements are more or less recognizable:
Altzusta (perhaps altz(a) ‘alder’), Irazusta (iratze ‘fern’), and one or two others (M.
1973**{a} s.v.).
ustel (c. exc. Z), üstel (Z), bustel (L), pustel (L), phustel (L) a. ‘rotten’. ****
OUO. By P69, the Z form is unexpected. M. (1977a: 532) concludes from the variation
in form that this word must be borrowed from an unidentified source. [FHV 253]
husu (**), usu (**), urru (G) a. ‘thick’, ‘abundant’. ******** [FHV 296 fn.]huts (L LN), uts (B G HN S A R), hüts (Z) n. ‘absence’, ‘omission’, ‘gap’, TS ‘zero’, a.
‘empty’, ‘bare’, ‘plain’, ‘mere’. 1545.
OUO.
hustu (**), ustu (**{B G}) ****{v. ‘empty’}{[}hütz (Z), utz (R) n. {‘fart’} [AZKUE] {] Partly duplicated under putz. Combined there.}utzi (Sout G HN L LN **), ǘtzi (Z), eutzi (old G S), iutzi (HN), etxi (old B Sout), itxi (B),eitzi (old Z R), eitzu (R), útzu (R) **** vt. ‘leave’. ********{< *e-utz-i; see e- [1]}. {OUO.} It is interesting that old Z has exclusively eitzi,
while modern Z has ützi (M. 1977a: 493).
uzki (**) (1657), ǘzkü (Z), úzku (R), uskoi (old B) [hapax] (1653) n. ‘buttocks’, ‘anus’.
OUO. The B form probably in error for *uzkoi, by P**{21}. M. (1961a: 255 fn. 50)
suggests that this is a derivative of putz ‘puff of air’, presumably with -ki [**{3}] NFS.
See ipurdi. [FHV 255 fn]
uzkur (**) a. ‘bent’, **** **** Obscure. M. (1961a: 272) diffidently suggests uzki
‘buttocks’ + the stem of gurtu ‘kneel, bend’.
{[}uztarri (G HN L LN Z R), buztarri (B LN Z R) n. ‘yoke’. (other senses) TS (B)‘rainbow’.******** The geographical distribution points to buztarri as the conservative form, with thecentral form by P**{9} (M. 1977a: 532).
uztargi (G HN), uzterku (B), uzterpu (B), uztrauku (B?), uztai (G), uztadar (HN) n.
‘rainbow’. Variously + argi ‘light’, + adar ‘horn’, with obscure phonologicaldevelopments. {] Partly duplicated under buztarri. Moved there.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque363

uzta (G HN L LN Z R) n. ‘harvest’, TS (G) ‘July’. 1571.
OUO.
uztail (G L LN Z), üzta(r)il (Z) n. ‘July’. 1571. + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe) (Caro Baroja
1973). It is difficult to deny this etymology, but why is July harvest time? The Z
variant suggests that the direct source might rather be uztaro below.
uztaro (G HN L LN Z) n. ‘harvest time’. **** + aro ****{[1] ‘time’}.
uztatu (L R) vt. ‘reap, harvest’. 1859. +-tu VFS.
uzterina (LN), üztaria (Z), uzturia (R), buztarina (S.P.) n. ****{‘crupper’} [FHV 531]
From Lat. postilēnam **** (M. 1977a: 531{and 1965c: 117f.}). [CHECK V LENGTH{Done.}]

364

R. L. Trask

xahu (L LN), xau (HN R S A), txau (HN), xã́hü̃ (Z), xaĩ (R), xagu (S) **** a. ‘clean, pure’.
****
From *xanu, by P1, probably from Lat. sānum ‘healthy’ by palatalization (M. 1961a:
151).
txautu (**{G HN}), jautu (**), xaintu (R) vt. ‘clean, purify’. **** + -tu VFS. [FHV
517]
xede (L LN **), xéde (Z) n. ‘limit’, ‘goal, object’ ****
zedarri (** old LN), zedárri (Z) n. ‘boundary stone’. **** + harri ‘stone’. [FHV 183,
183 fn]xedé(r)a ({LN L} Z) n. ‘snare for catching birds’. ****
xeru (S), xeuri (R) n. ‘yellow pea, yellow vetchling’ (bot.) (Lathyrus aphaca).
From Cast. yero id. or a related Rom. form. R form by P**{52}.
xirmendu (old LN) n. **** {‘vine shoot’} [FHV 68]
xolxi (**) **** [FHV 290] [mysterious]{[}xukatu (**), ixukatu (** old LN) ****{v. ‘dry’} [FHV 216] [Lh. under ixukatu] {] Partly
duplicates txukatu.}
xuntatu (R S) **** {v. ‘join’} [FHV 193]
xunto (R) **** {‘next to’} [FHV 193]
xusto (HN) **** [FHV 193]

Etymological Dictionary of Basqueyayo (G HN) a. ‘graceful’, ‘skilful’.
Obscure. M. (1961a: 190) diffidently suggests Cast. dado ‘given’.

365

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R. L. Traskz- [1] Past tensez- [2], -tz- (in forms like zait, natzaizu) [FHV 173-174: from *di- ?]-z (c.), -s (HN A) Instrumental/adverbial suffix.
**** M. (1961a: 282) notes that A and part of HN use -s in place of the common -z.
OUO. Though commonly treated in grammars as a case-suffix, this suffix is in fact
poorly integrated into the case-system. In most instances it is attached, not to an NP witha determiner, but to an N-bar, a bare nominal with no determiner. Examples: esku
‘hand’, eskuz ‘by hand’; gau ‘night’, gauez ‘at night’; ardo ‘wine’, ardoz betea ‘full ofwine’. [about] [with both hands]
It is possible that this suffix once meant ‘with’, ‘in the company of’. [****].
-zki (c.) NFS. App. + -ki [**{3}] NFS.
-zko (c.) Suffix forming adjectivals: ‘made of’, ‘consisting of’, occasionally added
pleonastically. Examples: urre ‘gold’, urrezko ‘golden, made of gold’; eme‘female’, emezko ‘female’ + -ko.
zahar (L LN Z), zaar (B), zar (B Sout G HN R), zagar (**{HN}) a. ‘old’. 1164, 1562.
Dimin. (L LN Z) xahar ‘old’, ‘aged’, ‘used’. [FHV 413]
OUO. Apparently attested as Aq. SA.HAR in the male name VMME SA.HAR on the
Lerga stele (see ume).
-tzar (c.), -zar (c.) ‘old’, ‘big’, ‘bad’. By reanalysis of the above as a final element incompounds, with semantic shifts. Dimin. -(t)xar.
tzar (L LN Z) a. ‘bad, perverse, wicked, evil’. 1750. Dimin. txar (LN Z) ‘bad,
shoddy, of poor quality, unsatisfactory’, (L) ‘naughty’, (L LN Z R HN) ‘small’, (BG L LN) ‘delicate, weak, feeble’, (B G HN) ‘bad’. 1720. By extraction of thesuffix and use as an independent word (M**{3}) (M. 1961a: 413). See gaitz.
[FHV 190-191] M. (1961a: 191 fn. 26), citing A. Alonso, reports that the Bq. of
the Baztán valley distinguishes the following: gizon zaarra ‘the old man’, g. tzarra‘the wicked man’, g. txarra ‘the bad-tempered man’, g. xarra ‘the old fellow’, g.
ttarra or ttalla ‘the little fellow’, the last possibly being a nursery form.
zabal (c.), zábal (Z) a. ‘wide, broad’, TS (c.) ‘open’, TS (B) ‘public, well-known’, TS (BHN) ‘abundant, copious’ (esp. of food), TS (old B) ‘generous’ (of a person) (hapax).
15th cent. Dimin. xábal (Z).
OUO. This word is extremely frequent in toponyms and surnames.
zagi (B G HN R S) n. ‘leather container for wine or oil’, ‘wineskin’. ****
zato (B G HN), xato (HN) n. ‘small wineskin’. **** + -to [**{1}] dimin.
zail (** R), za(i)ll (B G **), zal (B), zall (Z) a. ‘tough’ *****
OUO. B form by an unusual application of P**{51}.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque367

zain [1] {n. ‘guard, watchman’} [SORT OUT],
From *zani, OUO, by P1 (M. 1961a: 414). {[FHV 143]}-zain (**), -zai (**), -zãi (old B), -záñ (Z), -zái (R), -za(i)ñ (B) [FHV 143, 414] n.
‘guard, guardian’. ****
zain [2] (** R), za(i)ñ (G HN), zan (B), zañ (Z) n. ‘vein’, ‘root’, ********
zanbide (old B, R&S 174) **** [FHV 139]
-zaki (c.) Final element in anatomical terms.
**** [Az.]zakil (B Sout G HN L LN), zakhil (L LN) n. ‘penis’ (anat.). 1562.
OUO.
zaku (c. exc. Z), zákü (Z) n. ‘sack, bag’. 1562.
From Lat. saccum id.
zakur (G?) n. ‘dog’ (zool.) (Canis lupus familiaris), TS zakur (G HN LN Z R), zakhur (LLN) ‘big dog’. 1745, 1761. Dimin. txakur (c.) (1562), xakur (HN L LN Z R) (1643),
txákür (Z) TS ‘dog’.
OUO. This word has displaced the earlier or from most of the country. The diminutive(t)xakur ‘little dog’ has now displaced the original zakur as the unmarked form innearly all the country, by M10, while zakur is now either specialized to mean ‘big dog’(in most of the country) or lost altogether (in B). The long-standing notion that Cast.
cachorro ‘puppy’ derives from Bq. txakur is dismissed by CP (s.v.) as unsustainable.
zaldi (c. exc. Z) n. ‘horse’ (zool.) (Equus caballus). (?) ca. 1470, 1562.
OUO. Often related to an ancient Hispanic t(h)ieldo ‘horse’ recorded in Pliny’s Natural
History 8: 166. See zamari. [FHV 356 fn]
zaldun (**) n. ‘gentleman’. *** + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun). [FHV 361]
zaltoki (old LN **) n. ‘saddle’. **** + -toki ‘place’. [see FHV 250]
zalke (G HN S), zalka (G), zalge (LN Z R), zalga (B) n. ‘vetch’ (bot.) (Vitia sativa). 1745,
1802.
OUO. The fluctuation in the form of the cluster is anomalous and puzzling.
zaltu (R) n. ‘grove where cattle forage’, *zaldu element in toponyms. [FHV 353] [muchmore]From Lat. saltum ‘woodland, wilderness’ (M. 1961a: 353).

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zalu (L LN), zalhu (L LN), zallhu (L LN), zauli (G HN L), zalhi (LN), zoli (B), zálhe (Z),zaloi (G HN A S), zalui (A), zalhui (L) a. ‘supple, flexible’, ‘obedient’, ‘agile,quick’, ‘determined, spirited’. 1627. zal(h)u (L LN) intj. ‘hurry up!, quickly!’
Obscure. M. (1961a: 107) cautiously suggests a derivation from zail ‘tough, tenacious’.
zama (c.) n. ‘load’. 1571. TS (1847) ‘a certain measure of weight’, about 300 pounds.
From Lat. sagma id., of Gk. origin.
zamari, zamá(r)i (Z), zámari (R) n. (B HN S Z R) ‘pack-horse’, TS (S R Z) ‘horse’ (ingeneral) (zool.) (Equus caballus). 1571. CF zamal-. Dimin. xamá(r)i (Z).
From Lat. sagmārium ‘pack-horse’, of Gk. origin (M. ****{1961a: 402, 1973a: 164,1974b: 191}). CF by W1, W12. In Z, this word has completely displaced native zaldi as
the word for ‘horse’. See zama.
xamalko (**) n. ‘colt’. **** + -ko. {Dimin. not in The Dictionary.} [FHV 318]
zamaldun (**), zamaldün (Z) n. ‘horseman, rider’, TS ‘gentleman’. **** + -dun ‘whohas’ (see *edun).
zamalzai (Sout) n. ‘muleteer, teamster’. + -zain ‘guardian’ (see zain {[1]}).
zamalzatz (**) n. ‘stud jackass’. ? + -zatz ‘male’ (see -zartz).
zamar [1], zamarra (?) n. (Sout HN Z S R) ‘thick lined coat or jacket’, often esp. a
sheepskin garment with the wool still attached as a lining (1562), (Nor) ‘jacket’ (ingeneral), (LN) ‘fleece’, (HN LN) ‘mass of wool cut from a single sheep’, (B)‘covering for the flax on a distaff’, (B) (also samar) ‘piece of soft leather placed overthe forehead of an ox’, (B) ‘glove’, (Z) ‘mane’ (1926), (Nor) ‘unruly mass of(human) hair’ (1961). Dimin. txamar (L) ‘jacket’, txamarra (B) ‘man’s jacket’, (LN)‘jacket’.
The 16th-c. attestations probably represent zamarra, with common zamar by M**{4}.
It is not certain that all these senses represent the same word. The word is hardly likely
to be native, and it is surely taken from Cast. zamarra ‘sheepskin jacket’, ‘sheepskin’,since ‘(sheepskin) jacket’ is the only sense recorded early. The Cast. word is itself OUO.
CP (s.v.) initially contemplate a Bq. origin, but then they note that what appears to be thesame word occurs in Portuguese, Catalan, Occ, Old Fr. and even Italian, and they note
further that the word is recorded in northern Languedoc in the first half of the 13th c.,and they conclude finally that the word is “pre-Roman”. CP present a number of fanciful
etymologies from Bq., Greek and Arabic, and they properly dismiss all of them as
indefensible.
Assuming these are all the same word, the sense of ‘sheepskin jacket’ has developed in
one direction toward ‘covering’ (in general) and in another toward ‘fleece, wool’. The
senses of ‘mane’ and ‘unruly hair’ are doubtless calqued on Fr. toison ‘fleece, mass ofwool’, which has the same TS.
zamargin n. (Sout) ‘dealer in hides’ (1562), (B) ‘producer of leather coverings for oxen’.
+ -gin ‘maker’ (see egin).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque369

zamau (B HN), zamu (B), zabau (old G Sout) n. ‘tablecloth’. 1745, 1802.
From Lat. sabanum ‘covering’ {better: ‘linen cloth’}, by P7, P1 (M. 1961a: 97).
zanko (B Sout G LN Z) (1562), zánkho (Z), zánko (R), zango (G HN L LN) (1571) n. ‘leg’(anat.), (L LN Z) also ‘foot’, ‘paw (of an animal)’, TS (L LN Z) ‘footprint’, ‘track (ofan animal)’. CF zanka-.
From a Rom. word meaning ‘long leg’ (as of a bird), preserved today as Cast. zanco‘stilt’, zanca ‘shank’ (of a bird or a person) and elsewhere in Rom. (M. ****{1950a:195}). Last form by P6. CP (s.v. zanca) report that the word is widespread in the
Mediterranean area, and propose a Persian origin. CF by W2.2.
zangar (L LN), kankar (L LN) n. ‘leg’, ‘paw’, ‘calf’, ‘tibia’. + an obscure second
element. Second form by P**{15}.
zapatu (B Sout G) n. ‘Saturday’. 1562.
From Lat. sabbatum ‘Sabbath’, by L1 (M. 1961a: 229). See larunbat.
zapore (**), zaphore (**) n. ****{‘flavour’ Aul.}-zarre (**) {NFS.}[FHV 351]
zartagin (**{B L LN}){, zartagia (G), zartagiña (Z), zartegia (R)} *****{n. ‘frying pan’}[FHV 146]-zartz, -zatz, -zauntz, -zontz, -zantz, -zerz NFS ‘male’?
OUO. This final element occurs in the names of several male animals; see examples
under ahari, aker and zamari (M. **** BAP 6: {1950b:} 452).
zata (G) n. ‘nightjar, goatsucker’ (zool.) (Caprimulgus europaeus). 1905.
OUO.
zatar (**{c.}) **** n. ****{‘rag’}zauri (**) **** n. ‘wound, injury’. ******** M. (1961a: 318) suggests that this may be an ancient participle in -i [**{see. -i [1]AFS}]. Possibly related to zorne ‘pus’.
zauritu (**), zaurtu (**), zaurthu (**) vt. ‘wound, injure’. **** + -tu VFS.
zazpi (c.) num. ‘seven’. 1571.
OUO. M. (****{1972f: 308 fn. 13}) very diffidently suggests *bortza-z-bi ‘two with
five’. This requires the original first syllable to have been lost (questionable), theoriginal form of bortz ‘five’ to have been *bortza (possible; see that entry), theinstrumental -z to have been originally a comitative (likely; see that entry), and original
biga ‘two’ to have been reduced early to bi (plausible).

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R. L. Trask
xaxpiki (G?) n. ‘baby born two months premature’. + -ki [**{3}] NFS.

ze- Interrogative stem.
OUO. This is one of the two interrogative stems of the language, the other being no-. L
and LN exhibit a variant form zo- in certain formations only, esp. when an /n/ follows;
this perhaps represents contamination from no- (M. 1961a: 82).
zelan (B) adv. ‘how?’ **** + -lan AdvFS (see -la [2]).
ezelan (B) **** + e- [2] indefinite.
ezelango (B), ezelako (B) ****
zelan-alango (B) n. ‘mediocre thing’. ****
zelanbait (B), zelanbaist (B) ****
zelanbaitako (B), zelanbaistako (B) n. ****
zelan dan (B) ****
zelan edo alan (B) ****
zelango (B), zelako (B) adjvl. ****
zelangura (B), zelan-nai (B) ****
zelanik (B) ****
zer [tapped /r/] (c.), ze (B G HN Z) pron. ‘what?’ Possibly contains formative *-r. Short
form by P25. Some varieties have specialized the short form for use in certain
circumstances, often esp. before a noun or before a following consonant in
inflected forms; see A. (1905: s.v. ze) for details. This item takes case-endings
normally, except that it requires -ta- indef. {(not in The Dictionary)} in the local
cases, as in Loc. zertan ‘in what?’ [ADD SPECIAL USES LIKE ‘thingy’]ezer [tapped /r/] (c.) pron. ‘anything’ (in negatives and questions: NPI) 15th cent.
+ e- [2] indefinite. See deus.
zein (c. exc. Z), zeiñ (Z), zeñ (B), zoin (LN R), zuin (Z), zuiñ (Z), zuñ (Z) det.
(prp.) ‘which?’. 1545. **** From *zeren, the Gen. of zer (which still exists), +-en {[1]} Gen. CS, by contraction (M. 1961a: 66). [MORE IN FHV, AZKUE]
zein baino zein (B G HN L) ****
zeinbat (B), zenbat (**), zonbat (LN), zumát (Z), zomat (R S) **** ‘how
much?’, ‘how many?’ ****
zeinbana (**), zenbana (**) det., pron. ‘how many each?, how many
apiece?’zeinbatasun (old B), zenbatasun (G?) n. ‘number, quantity’. + -tasun
NFS (see -tar). Neologism coined by Mogel; no other existence.
zeinbatere (LN) ****
zeinbatu (B), zenbatu (**), zenbatetu (G?) vt. ‘count’. ****
zenbakarren (**) ****
zenbatnahi (Duv.) ****

Etymological Dictionary of Basque371

zenbatsu (HN L LN) ****
zeinda (B) ****
zeiñen (G), zuiñen (Z) **** [same meaning?]
zein geiago (B G HN) ****
zein-lehen (HN L LN) ****
zein-nahi (**), zein-nai (**), zein-nahiden (**), zoinaiden (R) ****
zeintsu (HN L) ****
zeintzuk (B) ****
zenbait (**), zenbeit (L), zonbait (**), zonbeit (LN), zumáit (Z), zomait (RS) **** ‘some’, ‘several’ ****
zenbaitan (HN) ****
zenbaitrabeit (old LN), zenbatrebeit (old LN) **** [FHV 162]
zonbeiño (LN) ****
zuiña (Z) **** ‘than’. ****
zerbait (c.), zerbaist (B) pron. ‘something’. 1571. + -bait (see bait-). Dimin.
zerbaixki (Duv.), zerbaitto (?), zertxobait (G)zer edo zer (**), zeozer (B) ****
zeregin (B) n. ****
zeregintsu (B) ****
zeregintxu (B) ****
zeren (**) ****
zerendako (**), zerentako (Z) ****
zeren-eta (Z) ****
zerengatik (**), zergaitik (**), zergatik (G HN L LN), zaittik (B) adv.
‘why?’, ‘from what cause?’.
zer-ere (HN LN) ****
zerik (L S) ****
zerika (HN L) ****
zernahi (**), zernai (**) pron. ‘anything you like, anything at all’. ****. + -nahi‘any...at all’ (see nahi ‘desire’). [MORE: AZKUE]
zernahitako (**), zernaitako (**) a. ‘adroit, dextrous’. ****
zerren (old B) **** + -arren ****
zertan (**), zetan (B) **** [necessary?]
zetanbait (B) ****
zertarako (**), zertako (**) adjvl. ‘what for?’ **** + -ta- indef. {not in The
Dictionary} + -rako (or its adverbial variant -ko) Dest. (see -ra).
zertaz (**), zertzaz (Z), zezaz (B) ****

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R. L. Trask
zertazbait (R) ****
zertazko (**), zezazko (B) ****
zertsu (**) ****
zertu (c.), zertun (B) ****

zehar (**), zear (**), zeihar (**), ziar (**) ****{p. ‘across, through’}{OUO.}
zehatz (EB), zeatz (B G), ziatz (**) **** {a.} ‘exact’. ****
zehe (L LN), zẽhẽ (Z), zee (B G), ze (B G HN). CF ze(h)a-. Dimin. xehe (L LN) (1571),
xẽ́hẽ (Z), xẽ (R), xe (HN LN), txe (G) (1656) a. ‘tiny’.
From *zene, by P1 (M. ****{1950b: 450; 1961a: 146, 303}). CF by W2.2. In manyvarieties the dimin. has displaced the original as the unmarked form, by M10.
zearo (** G) adv. **** + -ro AdvFS. {Not in The Dictionary.}
zehatu (L? LN) (1571), zeatu (B G HN), zehetu (L LN Z), zeetu (B G), xehatu (L)(1627) vt. ‘crush, grind, pulverize’, ‘crumble’, ‘shred, mince’. + -tu VFS.
zehume (L), xehume (L LN), xehüme (Z) n. ‘small span’, distance from tip of thumb to
tip of index finger in maximally extended hand. + -une (see ****{gune}), by P**{2}.
zeia (old B, R&S 82, 253) n. ‘market’. 1596. **** [FHV 176]
zeinu [1] (**), zéñü (Z) **** (Z) ‘bell’ ****{Some error here; see zeinu [2]. No doubt zeinu[1] should be = ‘signal’.}zeiñatu (** R A), zeinhatu (LN), zeñatu (B HN S), ziñatu (B G), zeñhátü (Z) ****
‘make the sign of the cross’, **** **** M. (1961a: 196 fn. 31) concludes that old B
zigiñatu, zigiñedu was a learned form.
zeñhare (Z) n. ‘mark, signal’. [FHV 222]
zeñeta (R) n. ‘the sign of the cross’. ****
zeinu [2]{ (**), zéñü (Z)} (**) n. ‘bell’. ****
zekale (B? G HN LN Z), zekhale (Duv. ms.) [hapax], zekela (**), zekele (L), zikirio (B G),
txikiro (**) n. ‘rye’ (bot.) (****).
From Lat. ****{secale id.}zeken (**), zekhen (**) ****{‘stingy’ Aul.}zekenki (old LN), xekengi (old LN) **** [FHV 353]
zekor (**{c.}), zekhor (**{ L LN Z}), zokor (**) **** n. ‘bullock’. **** Dimin. txekor(**{G}), txokor (G, HN). [FHV 83, 191]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque373

zela (**{L EB}) n. ‘saddle’. ****
From Lat. sellam ‘seat’ (M. 1961a: 320).
zelai (**{c.}) n. ‘plain’.
****{OUO.}
zelata (old LN) n. ****{‘ambush’} [FHV 223]
zelemia (Sout) n. **** [FHV 147]
zemendi (B) n. ‘November’. **** [FHV 281]
zenbera (**), zenbé(r)a (Z), zénbra (R), zenberauen (**{old LN}), zendereben (HN)****{‘cream cheese’} [FHV 164 fn, 258, 511-512]****{[}zenberauen (**), **** [FHV 164 fn] {] Included in above entry.}zentzu (**), zentzun (B), senzu (old L) n. ‘sense, judgement’ **** **** [FHV 285]**** B form by an extraordinary spread of nasality.
zentzatüzerbitzu (L LN), serbitzu (B G HN), zerbutxu (R), zerbǘtxü (Z) n. ‘service’. ********{M. 1961a: 285 fn. 10, 287}
zerri (G HN L) (1745, 1802) n. ‘pig’ (zool.). Dimin. xerri (HN L LN Z), txerri (G HN L LN
Z) (1745, ca. 1760), txarri (B Sout) (1562).
OUO. In many varieties, the dimin. has displaced the original as the ordinary form, by
M10, and the original is little used except as an insult or as a nickname. Last variant by
P59. See urde.
zarritxo (Sout) {‘piglet’} [FHV 60]
zeru (B G HN L LN R S), zélü (Z), zéuri (R), zeuru (R) n. ‘sky’, TS ‘heaven’. 15th cent.
From *zelu, by P22, from some Rom. development of Lat. caelum id. of the approximate
form *[tselo]. R forms by P52. The few derivatives are all religious, not popular. See
ortzi.
zerurako (B) ****
zeruratu (**{c.}) ****{vi. ‘go to heaven’}
zeruratze (**{HN}) **** {n. ‘Ascension’, ‘salvation’}zerutar (B G HN) 1745, 1761, zerutiar (L LN) 1890 a. ‘heavenly, celestial’, TS ‘pious’.
+ -tar AFS.

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R. L. Trask

zeta (L LN R), zéta (Z) n. ‘silk’. ****
From Lat. saetam ~ setam ‘bristle’. The semantic change is Rom., not Bq.: cf. Cast. seda
‘silk’.
zetabe (HN), zethabe (L LN), zethábe (Z) n. ‘fine sieve’. **** + bahe ‘sieve’.
zetatxu (R), zethátxü (Z), zetatxe (R?) n. ‘coarse sieve’. **** Cast. cedazo id. ****
From some Rom. development of Lat. (cribrum) saetāceum ‘(sieve) made of bristles’;cf. Cast. cedazo. [CHECK V LENGTH {Done.}]zezen (c.) n. ‘bull’ (zool.). 1562. Dimin. (G HN L LN R) xexen.
OUO.
zezeil (B), zizeil (?) n. ‘February’. **** + -il ‘month’ (see *iLe), with an unusualapplication of P1 across a morpheme boundary. The motivation is unknown. Second
form from Caro Baroja (1973: 76).
zezensuzko (**) n. ‘papier-maché bull covered in fireworks’. + su ‘fire’+ -z instrl./advbl.
+ -ko. Calque on Cast. toro de fuego. The order of elements is unusual.
zi (LN S), zĩ (Z R) n. ‘acorn’. ****
From *zinV, OUO, by P1 (M. 1961a: 415). M. suggests that the variant -zi occurring as a
final element in word-formation has been generalized to the free form.
ziape (old B G HN LN), zeape (S LN), zĩape (R) n. ‘mustard’. 1745, 1846.
From *zenape, by P1, from Lat. senāpem id. (M. ****{1961a: 281; 1974b: 197}).
ziaurre (HN), ziaurdi (A), ziorri (B) **** n. ‘elder’ (bot.) (Sambucus ebulus).****[FHV 97]
zigilu (**), zigulu (old LN) **** {n.} ‘seal’. **** [FHV 80] {Cf. sagetta (Z).}zigilatu (**{old LN}) {vt. ‘seal’} [FHV 80] {Cf. sageratu (Z).}zigor n. (B G HN L) ‘staff, rod, stick’, (LN) ‘whip’, TS ‘punishment’. 1635.
OUO.
zigortu (**) vt. ‘beat with a stick’, ‘whip’, ‘punish, castigate’. 19th cent. + -tu VFS.
zihi (**), ziri (B G HN), zi (old B, R&S 182 **) n. ‘wedge’, ‘peg, pin’ **** [FHV 176, 413]
zikin (c.), zikhin (L LN Z), zikiñ (Z) a. ‘dirty’, TS ‘filthy, indecent, improper, lewd,
lascivious’. 1612.
{OUO.}
zikindu (B G HN), zikhindu (L LN), zikhindatu (LN) vi. ‘get dirty’, ‘become foul’, TS(B HN) ‘contract a venereal disease’, vt. ‘make dirty’, ‘befoul’. 1745, 1759. (+ -ta{not in The Dictionary}) + -tu VFS.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque375

zil (**), zill (**) n. **** [Az.] ****{‘navel’, ‘umbilical cord’}****zilbor (B G), zilbot (**) n. ‘paunch’. **** Dimin. txilbor (**), txilbur (**) ‘navel’,‘paunch’, bilgor (HN LN S), bilkor (A), bilgorra (R) ‘grease, fat’, gilbor (B G HN)‘paunch’, ‘grease, fat’. ****
zilar (L LN Z R G HN) (1571), zilhar (L LN Z), zirar (old B R) (15th cent.), zidar (B LN
R), zildar (G) n. ‘silver’.
OUO. All but the severely localized variant zildar can be derived from *zirar, by
P***{24}. Naturally, the word has long been suspected of being linked to the Germanic
and Balto-Slavic word represented by English ‘silver’, but nothing can be established.
[FHV 549]
zil(h)arbizi (G HN L LN) n. ‘quicksilver, mercury’. 1745. + bizi ‘living’.
zilargin (G L LN Z) (17th cent.), zilargile (HN G L LN Z) (1571) n. ‘silversmith’.. + gin, -gile ‘maker’ (see egin).
zilharki (L LN Z) n. ‘piece of silver’, ‘silver artefact’. 1907. + -ki [*{3}] NFS.
zilharreria (L LN Z HN) n. ‘silver (table) set’, ‘silver plate’. 1664. + -eria NFS. {Not in
The Dictionary.}zil(h)arreztatu (L LN HN), zilharztatu (L LN Z), zilharztatü (Z), zilarreztu (G),zilharstatu (old L). vt. ‘silver-plate’, ‘plate with silver’. 1657. + -z instrumental (+ ta- {not in The Dictionary}) + -tu VFS.
zilegi, zillegi (G HN L LN), zilhegi (L) a. ‘licit’, ‘permitted’. Ca. 1660. {FHV 586 corrects
the gloss to ‘free, set free’.}OUO. The form and sense point strongly to a borrowing, but no suitable Rom. form is
known. Lat. scīlicet ‘it is permitted to know’ does not look a plausible source, andanyway this word seems not to have survived in Rom. [REWRITE: SEE zil{??}][CORRECTION: FHV 586]
zilegi izan vi. ‘be permitted’. 1571. + izan ‘be’. In the 16th century, this verb could takea personal subject, as in ez naiz zilegi ‘I am not permitted’. Today it takes only animpersonal subject or a referential third-person subject (a gerund clause in the case ofa clausal subject), and an affected person must be expressed in the dative, as in ez zait
zilegi ‘it is not permitted to me’.
*zilhetu (old Z) vt. ‘permit’. **** + -tu VFS. Surmised from the imperative zilhet
nezazu ‘allow me’ in Sauguis (M. 1961a: 423). {FHV 586 corrects the gloss to ‘set
free’.}
zimur (**{c.}), ximur (**{c.}), xümür (Z), txumur (R) n. ‘wrinkle, crease’. **** [FHV
79]****
zimiko (G HN L LN) n. ‘small amount, pinch’. **** + -ko Dimin. {Not in The
Dictionary.} (M. 1961a: 291 fn. 18). ximiko (** old L old LN).

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zin (G L LN Z R) n. ‘oath’, ‘truth’ (1571), TS (L LN Z) a. ‘true’, ‘faithful’ (1627), TS (Z)deg. ‘very’.
OUO.
sinetsi (HN L R) (1571), sinhetsi (L LN Z), zinetsi (old LN) (1545), xinetsi (R), jinetsi(A S), all vt., sinistu (B G) (1596) vitmd. ‘believe’. + -etsi ‘consider’ (see etsi), by
W16. The forms with zin- are found in Detxepare. Last form by transfer to the -tu
class (M14) plus vowel-height assimilation. Some of the variants are irregular. The
variation in diathesis is interesting.
zinegotzi (**), ezinotzi (HN) **** {‘councillor’.} {**** + egotzi ‘throw, attribute’}[FHV 157, 157 fn]
zintzarri (**{G LN R Z}), zinzarri (**), zintzerri (G HN), tzintzarri (Z), intxarri (B)**** [FHV 69, 290] n. ‘bell’. **** Dimin. txintxarri (**{G}), {txintxerri (G HN),}
intxarri (B) ‘small bell’.
zintzur (G HN L LN Z R), züntzür (Z), tzuntzur (R), txuntxur (R) n. ‘throat’ (anat.), TS(L LN) ‘neck (of a bottle)’, TS (HN) ‘mountain pass’. 1627. Dimin. txintxur (HN)‘throat’, (G) ‘summit’, ‘goitre’, ‘stye’.
OUO. M. (****{1973a: 154} § 565) notes the modern toponyms Zizur (two occurrencesin Navarra; one recorded 1192 as Çiçur) and Zizurkil (Gipuzkoa), plus the medieval
toponym Çinçurrçu (1284; near Roncesvalles), and concludes that these contain the sameword. He suggests an original *zirzur, yielding *zizur by dissimilation, and this yielding
zintzur by P34. He notes without comment the suggestion of Gárate (****{Gárate, J.
Eusko-Jakintza 5: 54}) that the original sense was ‘small elevation’. See eztarri.
-zio NFS. ****
zipotz (B G HN) n. **** {‘plug, stopper’} [FHV 346]**** Perhaps from zihi ****{‘wedge, peg’} + motz {[1]} ‘short’ (M. 1961a: 346).
zirtoin (**), zirthoin (**), zorten (**), txorten (**) ‘peduncle of fruit’ *****’ [FHV 296,
508]**** M. (1961{a}: 296) sees this as a dimin. of girten ‘handle’ (see gider), but M.
(1977a: 508) rejects this analysis, and suggests that the first element might be zur‘wood’. The second is oin ‘foot’.
zital (**) **** ****{a. ‘mean, vile’ Aul.}
zitaldasun (old B) n. **** [FHV 353]
zitu (HN L) n. ‘reaping, harvest’ ****
From some Rom. reflex of Lat. sectum ‘cut’ of the approximate form *seito (M. 1961a:
106).
ziur (G **{B}), segur (**{L BN}), ****{a. ‘sure’} [FHV 334-335]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque377

zizain (LN Z), zizein (HN Z), zizeñ (Z), izaiñ (G HN) (1745, 1930), izai (G HN) (1745,
1842), uzan (B) (c. 1800), ikaiñ (G), zirein (HN), zirain (HN A) n. ‘leech’ (zool.)(Hirudinea). Dimin. xixain (L LN), xixaiñ (Z), itxain (L LN Z).
From *zizani, by P1, P20 (M. ****). B form by P65, P51. A. (1905) cites a supposed B*usan, but this is an error resulting from P21 (M. 1961a: 74). ***** The mysterious
ikaiñ perhaps by contamination from akain ‘tick’ (M. 1961a: 292 fn. 21). Last twovariants puzzling. CP (s.v. gusano) cite, without provenance, a variant zain, notelsewhere recorded. M. (****{1961a: 75 fn. 6}) diffidently suggests a derivation froman unrecorded Rom. *suge-sanguem ‘blood-sucker’, a proposal dismissed by CP as
phonologically unacceptable. See zizari.
zizallu (**) **** [FHV 78]
zizari (G HN L LN Z), zizare (HN L) n. ‘worm’ (in general) Dimin. xixari (L LN Z)‘earthworm’, ‘intestinal worm’, ‘angler’s worm’, txitxari (Z) ‘worm’, txitxare (G)‘intestinal worm’, ‘swamp worm’. 1571.
OUO. Probably related to zizain ‘leech’, and possibly derived irregularly from thatword’s earlier form *zizani.
zogi (G), zohegi (old LN), zoigi (B), ziogi (B), zoegi (old B), zuegi (HN) ‘prudent, discreet’[FHV 84-85] [SARASOLA]
zohi (**{L LN Z}), zoi (**{G}), zogi (HN) n. **** ****{‘turf’, ‘clod’} CF zot-. [FHV 330{88, 222}]
zoperri (G) n. ‘recently worked plot’. **** + berri ‘new’ (see *berr-) (M. 1961a: 345).
zoko (c.), zokho (L LN), zókho (Z) n. ‘corner’. 1571. Dimin. xoko, xokho, xókho, txoko.
OUO. The dimin. has largely displaced the original as the unmarked form in someplaces, while elsewhere it means ‘nook’, ‘cosy little place’.
{[}zokor (**) **** n. ‘bullock’. **** Dimin.txokor (G). [FHV 191] {] Moved to zekor.}
zola (**), zóla (Z) **** n. **** ‘bottom’. ****
zopa (**){, sopa (**)} n. ‘soup’. ****zor (**), zoor (old B) n. ‘debt’. ********{OUO.} Recorded as zor in the Fuero General de Navarra (M. 1961{a}: 114).
zori [1] n. (old B) ‘omen’, (today) (B G HN L LN S) ‘luck, fortune’, (c.) ‘propitious
moment’, ‘point at which something happens’. 1545.
OUO. It seems clear that the earliest (unrecorded) sense was ‘bird’, and that the sense of
the unmodified word shifted to ‘omen’ as a result of the practice of looking for omens in
the flight of birds (M. ****{1955a: 275 fn. 4; 1961a: 180 fn. 2}); cf. the shift of Lat.

378

R. L. Trask*avicem ‘bird’ to old Cast. auçe ‘luck, fortune’, and note also Lat. auspex ‘augur’ from*avi-spek- ‘observer of birds’. The sense of ‘bird’ was shifted to the dimin. (t)xori,
below. [FHV 180 fn]
txori (B G HN LN R), txó(r)i (Z), xori (HN L LN), xo(r)i (Z) n. ‘bird’, TS ‘penis’.
1571. Dimin. of zori.
txoriburu (B G HN), xoriburu (L LN) a. ‘scatterbrained’, ‘feckless’. 17th cent. +buru ‘head’.
txorierrege (R) n. ‘goldcrest’ (zool.) + errege ‘king’.
txorigari (B) n. ‘the finest variety of wheat’. + gari ‘wheat’.
txori-kafi (**), txofraki (G) n. ‘bird’s nest’. **** + kafi ‘nest’ (see ****{habia‘nest’}) (M. 1961a: 349).
txorikume n. ‘baby bird’. 1745, 1845. + -kume ‘offspring’ (see ume).
txorimalo (B) n. ‘scarecrow’, TS ‘mask, disguise’. 1890. + malo ‘ghost’,‘scarecrow’. {Not in The Dictionary.}
txorimats (B G HN LN R) n. ‘wild grapes’. + mahats ‘grapes’.
txori-negar (B G LN), txori-nigar (L), txori-ezti (G), txori-muki (G HN) n.
‘gummy resin produced by pines and other trees’. + negar ‘tears’, ezti ‘honey’,muki ‘mucus’.
txorisats (B G) n. ‘guano’, TS ‘(commercial) fertilizer’. + sats ‘ordure’.

zori [2] (**), zorhi (old LN **), zoli (B) *** a. ‘mature’. **** [FHV 319-320]****
zoldu (**), zolitu (**), zoritu (**), zorhitu (**) ****
zorne (G L LN), zorna (**), zaurne (S.P.) n. ‘pus’. ****.
OUO, but perhaps related to zauri ‘wound’ (M. 1961a: 98, 318, 492). M. (1977a: 492)
suggests *zaur-esne, with esne ‘milk’.
zorri (c.) n. ‘louse’ (zool.) (order Anoplura), (B HN) ‘plant louse’ (type of aphid), TS (B) a.
‘tiny’. 1562.
OUO.
zorro (c.) n. ‘bag, sack, pouch’, with many spec. senses in various regions, TS ‘cocoon’, TS‘belly, stomach’. 17th cent.
OUO. Dimin. xorro (L LN Z) ‘child’s belly’, TS ‘vulva’.
xorro-bero n. ‘man-chasing woman’, ‘randy woman’. + bero ‘hot’.
zorrotz (**) **** {a. ‘sharp, severe’}****zorraztarri (**{Sout c.}) ****{‘whetstone’} [FHV 250 fn]

Etymological Dictionary of Basque379

zorte (**), zorthe (**), sorte (HN) n. ‘luck’. ****
From **** {Lat. sortem id.} {[}(suerte){]}. [FHV 285]
zortzi (c.), zorzi (Sout) num. ‘eight’. 1562. [FHV 290]
OUO. Attempts at decomposing this word morphologically are without foundation. See*-tzi in section **{12}.
zotz (**) n. ‘stick’. **** Ca. 1400 [FHV 182] Dimin. xotx.
{OUO.}
zozo (**) n. ‘blackbird’ (zool.) (****) **** Dimin. xoxo.
{OUO.}zu (c. exc. Z), zü (Z) pron. ‘you’ (pl.) (formerly), ‘you’ (sg.) (today). 14th cent.
OUO. It is clear that this pronoun was originally strictly plural, contrasting with singular
hi. This is shown by the fact that it invariably requires plural agreement in a finite verb,
in a way entirely parallel to gu ‘we’: (ni) nator ‘I’m coming’, (hi) hator ‘you (markedsg.) are coming’, (gu) gatoz ‘we’re coming’ (with absolutive plural -z), (zu) zatoz ‘you’re
coming’. Moreover, A. (****{1905-6: 2.466}) reports that, in his day, there were still
places in Bizkaia where zu was in use as a plural pronoun. {Actually Azkue says that in
his childhood he and other children used the expression ene kaderak, ariñ egizu, in which
zu is understood as plural, rather than ...egizue.} But the entire historical period
otherwise shows this only as the unmarked singular pronoun, contrasting with the now
marked singular hi, and the singular use is the only one found in speech today. The
plural sense has been taken over by zuek (below). [MORE IN AZKUE UNDER ZER-]
z- Absolutive agreement prefix in finite verbs with zu, as in (zu) zatoz ‘you are coming’.
Presumably by incorporation of the free pronoun.
z...e or z...te (c.) Discontinuous absolutive agreement prefix in finite verbs with zuek.
Constructed by adding to z- (above) a further plural marker, variously -e [2] or -te[2{3}] {(neither in The Dictionary)}, according to verb and variety.
zeu (B LN) (1617), zuhaur (LN) (1545), zerori (G) (1617), zuhaurrori (LN) pron. ‘youyourself’ (intensive). First two + haur ‘this’, third + hori ‘that’, last + both.
zeuek (1617), zerok (G HN) (1636), zeurok (B) (1571), zuihauek, zuhaurrek (1902),
xaur- (R) ‘you yourselves’ (intensive). + plural of haur ‘this’.
-zu (c. exc. Z), -zü (Z) Ergative and dative agreement suffix in finite verbs with zuk, zuri,
ergative and dative respectively of zu. Presumably by incorporation of the freepronoun.
-zue (c.) Ergative and dative agreement marker in finite verbs with zuek, zuei, ergativeand dative respectively of zuek. Constructed by adding to -zu (above) a further plural
marker -e [2] {not in The Dictionary}.
zuek (c.), zuiek (old LN), ziek (**), xek (R), uek (R) pron. ‘you’ (pl.) 1545. Second
variant by P58. + -k [1] plural. Constructed to provide a new pl. pronoun when theoriginal zu became a polite sg.

380

R. L. Trask
zuen (c.) ‘your’ (pl.) Genitive case-form of zuek. + -en {[1]} genitive. This form takes
the historically regular genitive ending -en, as opposed to zure (below), the genitiveof zu, which takes the archaic genitive -e [1], as is usual with personal pronouns.
zuka (c.) adv. ‘using the pronoun zu’, TS n. ‘use of the pronoun zu’. + -ka AdvFS. It is
common for adverbs in -ka to be reinterpreted as nouns.
zuketa (c.) n. ‘the use of the pronoun zu’. + -keta NFS of activity {not in The
Dictionary}.
zure (c.) ‘your’. Genitive case-form of zu. + -e [1] genitive.

{-zu (c.) Indefinite pl. suffix. See -tsu.}
zuku (**) n. ‘broth, soup’, ‘juice’. ****
From Lat. {sūcum ~} succum **** ‘juice’.
zulo (B G HN) (1562), zilo (L LN B) (1627), zílo (Z), zillo (HN? LN?), zulho (L LN), zilho(L LN) n. ‘hole’. CF zula-. Dimin. (HN LN Z R) xilo, (Z) xílo.
OUO. Apparently from *zuLo, by P**{23}. CF by W2.2. The second variant is curious,
but perhaps by back-formation from the dimin. The northern variant zilho takes thecollective NFS -eta in the surname Zilhoeta ~ Zilhueta ‘(place with) the holes’, which
enters Fr. as Silhouette, the name of the French finance minister from which English
silhouette ultimately derives. M.(1977a: 481) tells us that only zul(h)o occurs in medieval
toponyms.
zulatu (**) vt. ‘dig’. 1562. + -tu VFS.
zulodun (**) a. ‘full of holes’, ‘leaky’ (of a vessel). 1745. + -dun ‘having’ (see *edun).
zumar (B G HN L) (1745, 1847), zuhar (L LN) (1833), zugar (HN L A S), zuar (HN),zunhar (LN) (1657), zǘnhar (Z) (though Gèze gives zunhar) n. ‘elm’ (bot.) (Ulmus).
From *zunar, OUO, by P2 in the common form, by P1, P35.1 elsewhere (M. 1961a:
317). This in turn may perhaps derive from *zurar, an apparent derivative of zur ‘wood’(ibid.). The restoration of the /n/ in the last form is extraordinary.
*-zun (c.) Apparent suffix.
Not attested as a single form, but seemingly present in two compound suffixes: -kizun(see -ki [**]) and -tarzun (see -tar).
zuntz (HN L LN) n. ‘thread, strand, fibre’. 1627?, 1745, 1759.
OUO.
zupu (**), zuphu (**) n. ‘ditch’, ‘well’. ****
Possibly a metathesis of putzu ‘well’ (M. 1961a: 297).

Etymological Dictionary of Basque381

zur (c. exc. R), zũr (R), zul (B) n. ‘wood’. CF zu-. 1562.
CF by W11. OUO. Though the Z form is zur, by P69, the Z CF is zü- (M. 1961a: 53).
See zumar, zirtoin.
zuhain (L LN), zuhai (L LN), zugai (HN S) n. ‘fodder’, zumai (HN) ‘hay’, züháñ (Z)‘tree’. **** {[FHV 53, 337]}
züháintze (Z) n. ‘tree’. ****
zuhaitz (L LN), zugatz (B G), zuatz (B G) n. ‘(wild) tree’. **** A toponym Zuhazu,
with the suffix -zu (see -tsu) Alava, 1025.
{[}**** n., züháñ (Z) ‘tree’ [FHV 53,337] {] Duplicate, see under zuhain. OR perhaps
rather both züháñ and züháintze ‘tree’ belong here under zuhaitz, distinct fromzuhain etc. ‘fodder’, ‘hay’. See M. 1961a: 304; M. 1973a: 169 treats the ‘fodder’ and‘tree’ words separately.}
zubaltz (B) n. ‘kermes oak’ (bot.) (****). **** + beltz ‘black’.
zubi (c.), zíbi (R) n. ‘bridge’. 1053, 1562. An apparent variant *zufi in the toponym
Zuffia, Alava 1025, and in the modern toponym Zufia, Navarra (M. 1961a: 266). Alsoa variant zupi in Erromako zupi (G) ‘rainbow’, lit. ‘Roman bridge’. + bide ‘way’, byW19 (M. 1961a: 412 fn. 8).
zübíhotz (Z) n. ‘woody central part of an oak’. + bihotz ‘heart’.
zuhirin (old LN), zuirin (HN) n. ‘wood powder produced by woodworm’. **** + irin
‘flour’. (M. 1961a: 337).
zume (**) n. ‘willow’. **** + mehe ‘slender’.
zumel (**{B}), zimel (**), zimil (**), ximel (**) [two senses {zumel n. ‘holm oak’,zimel etc. a. ‘withered’. Are these really the same word as M. (1961a: 77) implies?}]**** [FHV 77, 481] M. (1977a: 481) reports that only zumel and an otherwise
unrecorded variant *zubel occur in medieval toponyms. {On zumel see also M.
1956c: 186: zur + *bel ‘dark’.}
ximaldu (**) {v. ‘wither’} [FHV 77]
zumitz (B G LN), zimitz (G L), zimintx (B), zimintza (B) ****{‘iron hoop’} [FHV 77]
zurgai (L HN), zurgei (B Z) n. ‘splendid tree which should yield a great deal of wood’.
+ gai ‘material’.
zurgin (B G HN L LN R) n. ‘woodworker, carpenter, cabinetmaker’. 1643. + -gin
‘maker’ (see egin).
zurgintza (HN LN) n. ‘woodworking, carpentry’. 17th cent. + -tza NFS of
profession.
zurzai (old LN) [hapax] n. ‘tree’. Second element obscure.
zurda (**) [AZKUE] [FHV 52]
zuri (c.) a. ‘white’. Dimin. txuri (G), xuri (HN L LN), xú(r)i (Z). Ca. 1257, 15th c.
OUO. A. (****) suggests zur ‘wood’ plus -i [*{1}] AFS, which is possible. In many
regions, esp. in L LN Z, the dimin. has displaced the original as the unmarked form.

382

R. L. Trask
zuritu (**), xuritu (old LN **) ****{vti. ‘bleach, whiten’ Aul.}zurtz (**) n. ‘orphan’.
****{OUO.}
zut (**), txüt (Z) **** ‘erect’, ‘stiff’ ****
zutik (**) ****{adv. ‘upright’}
zuhur (L LN), zü̃ hü̃r (Z), zũr (R), zugur (HN), zuur (**), zur (**) a. ‘prudent, ****’ ****
[FHV 303]
From *zunur, OUO, by P1.
zuhur-hagin (L LN) n. ‘wisdom tooth’ (anat.). + hagin ‘molar’.
zuzen (c. exc. Z), züzen (Z) a. ‘straight’, ‘direct’, ‘right, proper, correct’, ‘honest’, TS adv.
(B) ‘straight’, ‘correctly’, TS n. (HN L LN Z) ‘right’, ‘justice’. 1545.
OUO.
zuzenki (??), xuxengi (old LN) **** [FHV 353]
zuzi (B G HN L LN), züzü (Z), zuzu (R) n. ‘torch’. 1571.
OUO.
zuzika (L LN) adv. ‘unsteadily, fickly, frivolously’. + -ka AdvFS.
zuzulu (R), züzülü (Z), xuxulu (R) n. ‘kitchen bench’. **** txisillu (**), isillu (B) ‘kitchenbench with a back’.
From Lat. subsellium ‘bench’ (M. 1961a: 196).
zuzun (B) n. ‘poplar’ (bot.) (****), TS ‘scatterbrain’. ****
OUO. Conceivably built on zur ‘wood’.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque
MESSY VERBS TO SORT OUT
Ax -erau- tr aux [FHV 92]
ZERO MORPHS

383

384

R. L. Trask{Morphemes cross-referred to but not listed in The Dictionary
Proto-Basque roots mentioned only in The Native Lexicon are underlined.
ahalegin, under ahal.
-ada NFS
haga ‘pole’aizaro ‘Maundy Thursday’-andel NFS-antz AFS ‘-ish’arbi ‘turnip’ardatz ‘axle’*-ario[n]- ‘flow’arku ‘arc’*[h]arotz ‘smith’aza ‘cabbage’*-ban- ‘give’ {see eman below}
bandera ‘flag’baratxuri ‘garlic’
barna ‘deep’bazko ‘Easter’*ben ‘serious, solemn’berba {‘word’}-e [2] or -te [3] {‘plural’}eman ‘give’ {see *-ban- above}
eresi ‘dirge, song’-eria NFS {from Rom.}hesi ‘fence’-gale ‘desirous’-gale ‘wanting’gona ‘skirt’*-gotz- ‘throw’ (section 5)-gu NFS of location.
*-i [**] NFS
ihardun ‘be busy’ {cf. iharduki, jardun}
idor ‘dry’-ik ****-ik advbl.
-ik AdvFS
ikara ‘trembling’ilhain ‘kite’
jorra ‘hoeing’-ka [**] NFS-kada NFS ****
-kada NFS of activity
kaka ‘shit’-kara NFS

-kera ****{NFS, see era}-keta NFS of activity-ko, -ka dimin.
-koitz AFS
kuluxka ‘nap’
lapa ‘residue’*lapitz ‘slate’
laztan ‘caress’
maisu ‘schoolteacher’malo ‘ghost’, ‘scarecrow’mandatari ‘messenger’ (see mandatu).
matraka ‘altercation’milika {adv. ‘tasting’, n. ‘licking’}
mihura ‘moss’
motraillu ‘mortar’nini ‘child, pupil’
oparo ‘abundant’oraska ‘mixture’ponte ‘font’purtzil ‘disgusting’-ro AdvFS*-ros- ‘buy’
sai {‘vulture’}salto ‘jump’sarta ‘pole’-ska diminsor ‘indolent’, ‘deaf’
talde ‘group’ ****
-te pl.
-tegi {NFS place; see hegi}-tilla dimin.
tutu ‘tube’-txa dimin. (see ****)-txi dimin. suffix.
txigor ‘toasted’-zale ‘fond of’zara ‘basket’*zati ‘piece’zoro ‘crazy’-zto dimin.
-zun ‘in search of’zurru {‘snore’}}Etymological Dictionary of Basque385

The Native Lexicon
This section presents all of the apparently native and monomorphemic lexical items which
can plausibly be assigned to the most ancient stratum of the lexicon. Each item is presented
in the earliest form which can be reconstructed for it. The abbreviation ‘NLR’ means that noancient and monomorphemic lexicalization of the given sense can be recovered for PreBasque: all attested words are obvious loans, obvious expressive formations, or obvious
compounds or derivatives, or else the sense is not lexicalized in Basque at all. {To theEnglish-Basque list, missing items have been added, in { }, from the Basque-English list,
and vice versa.}{1. English−Basque}ability: probably *anal{across: *ze[h]ar}after, later: *geroalive, living: *bizi
all: *guzti, *guzi (possibly both from*guz-){, *oro}
and: *eta
animal: NLR (only loanwords andderivatives)apple: *sagar
arm: *beso
ashes: see ‘dust’{atmosphere: *giro (but see inguru in The
Dictionary)}aunt: *izeba (contains kinship suffix *-ba)back (anat.): *bizkar
bad: *gaitz
badger: *azkone (possibly borrowed){bare: *[h]uts}
bark (n.): see ‘skin’barley: NLR (only a reduplication){barren: *agor}
be: *-(i)zan- (suppletive stem of theapproximate form *-a-){be born: *sor}
be in motion: *-bil- or *-biLbear (n.): *[h]artz (possibly borrowed)
beard: *bizar
beautiful: *eder{bee: *erle}
beech: NLR (only a loanword)
before: NLR (only compounds andderivatives)
belly: see ‘stomach’
below, under: *be[h]e{bent, twisted: *bi[h]ur}{better: *[h]obe}
big: *[h]andi

birch: *burki (possibly borrowed)
bird: *zori
bite (v.): NLR (only compounds)
black: *beletz (derivative of *bel ‘dark’){blackbird: *zozo}
blind: *itsu
blood: *odolblow (v.): NLR (only compounds)
blue: see ‘green’{boar: *[h]erauts}
body: *soin, though only in certain senses
boil, cook (v.): *-gosbone: *enazur
boy: NLR (only a loan word) *seni
brain: NLR, only compounds andtransferred senses{bread: *ogi}
breast (female): *ugatz
breathe: NLR (only compounds)
bridge: *zubi (probably a compound of*zur ‘wood’)
bright (a.), light (n.): *argi{bring: *-kaR-}bronze: NLR (only loanwords){broom (plant): *eRatz}
brother (of a man): *aNaia, or possibly*aNane {see *ana- and anaia in The
Dictionary}brother (of a woman): *neba
bull: *zezen
burn (v.): *eRe, *-ze{(}-ki-{)}{busy: *ari}
buttocks: *ipurdi (possibly bimorphemic){buy: *-ros-}cabbage: *aza
calf: *zanal or *sanal (can’t tell which){calm: *lasai}cart, wagon: *gurdi

386

R. L. Trask

cat: NLR (only loanwords)
centre: ‘see ‘middle’{charcoal: *ikatz}
cheek: NLR (only a loanword)cheese: *gaztane
cherry: NLR (only a loanword)
chest: *burar
chief (n.): NLR (only a compound)child: *unbe, *[h]aur{, *seni}chin: NLR (only loanwords andcompounds)
clean: *garbi
cloud: *[h]odei, probably from *[h]odeCi
cold: *[h]otz
combat: *gudu
come: *-toR-; *-augin{complete: see ‘whole’
container, vessel: *ontzi
cook (v.): see ‘boil’
copper: NLR (only loanwords andcompounds){corner: *zoko}{cough: *eztul}
count (v.): NLR (only compounds)
cousin: NLR (only loanwords)
cow: *be[h]i{crag: *[h]aitz or *[h]anetz}{create: *sor}{cry, shout: *[h]ots}
cut: *-badance (n. and v.): NLR (only a loanword
and compounds and derivatives of
this)dark: *bel or *beL; *iLun{darkness: *iLun}
daughter: *aLaba (contains kinship suffix*-ba)daughter-in-law: *eRain
day: *egun{(or possibly *egu)}{day after tomorrow: *etzi}
dead: *[h]il
debt: *zor
deep: *sakon
deer: *orein
die: NLR (only derivatives){difficult: *gaitz}
dig: NLR (only derivatives)
dirty: *zikin
do: see ‘make’

dog: *or (probably older), *zakur(probably younger)
donkey: *asto {(perhaps better *arsto)}(possibly a derivative of *[h]artz‘bear’){door: *ate}
dove, pigeon: *urzo
drink: *-dandry: *ei[h]ar, *lei[h]ordull, blunt: NLR (only loanwords)
dust, powder, ashes: *[h]auts
eagle: *aRaNo
ear: *beraRi
early: see ‘morning’earth: *lureat: *-an{edge: *bazter, *guren}
eight: *zortzi
elbow: NLR (only compounds)
empty: *[h]uts{evening: *aRats}
eye: *begi
fall (v.): *-ror-, *-au{(t)}sfar: *uRun
fat: *gizen
father: *aita (of nursery origin)fear, fearful: *beldurfeather: NLR (only a loanword)
female: NLR (only a loanword)
fern: *ira, *garo
finger: *eri{[}, *[h]atz {] moved to ‘paw’}{fir: *izeCi}
fire: *su
firewood: *egur
first: *le[h]en, or possibly *lenen,
possibly bimorphemic
fish: *aRanifive: *bortz (possibly shortened from alonger form){flame: *gar}
flow: *-ario[n]flower: NLR (only a loanword)
fly (n.): *euLi
fly (v.): NLR (only a compound)
foot: *oinforearm: *uko
forest: *oi[h]an{[}, *baso {] Moved to‘woods, wilderness’}forge, foundry: *oLa
four: *laurEtymological Dictionary of Basquefox: NLR (only loanwords)
frog: *igel
front: probably *a[h]ur
frost, ice: *izotz, probably bimorphemic
fruit: NLR (only a loanword)
full: *bete{furnace, oven: *labe}girl: *neska
give: *-bango: *-oan-, or possibly *-oCango in: *sar- (non-verbal stem?)go up: -gangoat: *anutz
gold: *uRe
good: *on{gorse: *ote}{grain: *bi[h]i}grandchild: see ‘nephew’grandfather, grandmother, grandparent:
NLR (only compounds)
grapes: *banats
grass: *berar
green (also blue, grey) : *urdin (probably
bimorphemic)grey: possibly *aRe, but see also ‘green’{guardian: *zani}
guts: *[h]ertze
hair (of the head): *iLe (approximately)
half: see ‘middle’{hammer: see ‘mallet’}hand: *esku{handle: *gider}
hard: *gor
{hard-working: see ‘busy’}
hare: *erbi
have: *-dunhe: NLR
head: *buru
heart: *bi[h]otz{heat: *bero}height, elevation: *goi, *gara{[}here: *hauen (derivative of *haur‘this’){]}
high: *garai (probably bimorphemic)
hole: *zuLo
honey: *ezti
horn: *adar
horse: *zaldi
hot: *bero
house: *etse {[}or *etze{]}387

hundred: *e[h]un, (or possibly *enun)
hunger, hungry: *gose
husband: *seNar (probably bimorphemic)
I, me: *ni
ice: see ‘frost’{if: *ba-}{ill: see ‘sick’}{inhabited place: *[h]eRi}
inside, interior: *baRu{insert: : *sar- (non-verbal stem?)}{interval: *arte}iron: *burdina
key: *giltza
kill: *ero{, *-ro (form uncertain)}king: NLR (only a loanword)
knee: *beLaun
knife: *anezto (approximately; probably
bimorphemic)
language: NLR (only derivatives)
last (a.): *azken, possibly bimorphemic{last night: *barda}
later: see ‘after’laughter: see ‘smile’lead (n.): *ber{(}a{)}un, or possibly*bel{(a)}un
leaf: *[h]oRi
leg: NLR (only loanwords){life: *bizi}{lie (n.) *gezur}
light (n.): see ‘bright’
lip: *ezpain
liver: *gibel, probably bimorphemic
living: see ‘alive’
long: *luze{lose: *gal-}louse: *zoRi
lung: *biri
make, do: *-ginmale: *ar{mallet, hammer: *gabi}
man: *gizon
mare: *be[h]ormaterial, matter: *gaimature (v.): see ‘ripen’me: see ‘I’meadow: see ‘pasture’
memory: see ‘mind’
middle, centre, half: *erdi
milk: something like *e{z}ene (precise
form uncertain)

388

R. L. Trask

millet: *arto
mind, memory: *gogo (possibly a
reduplication)month: see ‘moon’
moon, month: *{[i]}iLe (approximately)
morning, early: *goiz (probably
bimorphemic)
mother: *ama (of nursery origin)
mountain: *bendimouse: *sagu
mouth: *a[h]o{move, be in motion: *-bil- or *-biL-}
name: *izen
necessity, need: *be[h]arneck: *lepo
need (n.): see ‘necessity’nephew, niece, grandchild: *iLoba(contains kinship suffix *-ba)
net: *sare
new: *beRi (possibly bimorphemic)
niece: see ‘nephew’night: *gaunine: *bederatzu (probably bimorphemic)
not, no: *ez (or perhaps *ez{e})nose: *sudur
nut: *[h]uroak: *[h]aritz{oath: *zin}oats: *oLo
old: *za[h]arold man: NLR (only a loanword)
old woman: *atso
one: *badeor: *edo, *aLa
orphan: *zurtz
other: *bertze (possibly bimorphemic)
outside, exterior: NLR (only a loanword)
ox: *idi{pain: *bin}
pasture, meadow: *laRe{paw: *[h]atz}pea(s): *irar
pear: *udare
penis: *zakil
person: NLR (only loanwords andderivatives) {see ‘man’}{piece: *zati}
pig: *urde, *zeRi
pigeon: see ‘dove’{pillar, column: *[h]abe}

pine: probably *le[h]er
plain (n.): *zeLai
plant (n.): NLR (only loanwords)
plough (n.): *golde{population: *[h]eRi}
powder: see ‘dust’
proud: *[h]aRo
prudent: *zunur
question: *galte (possibly bimorphemic){quick, soon: *laster}
rabbit: possibly *untzi or *untsi, but
doubtful
rain: *euriram (zool.): *anari
rat: NLR (only a loanword)
red: *goRi (possibly bimorphemic){residue: see ‘sand’}ripen, mature: *[h]el- (non-verbal stem?)river: *ibai ({?}derivative of *ibar‘valley’)road, way: *biderough: *latz
round: *bil or *biL
salt: *gatz
same, self: *bersand: *[h]ondar {?bimorphemic}
say: something like *esran (reconstruction
uncertain); possibly also *-nausea: *itsaso
see: *-kus{seed: *aLe}
self: see ‘same’{serious, solemn: *ben}seven: *zazpi
she: NLR
sheep: *ardi{shoat (recently weaned pig) *bargo}
short: *laburshoulder: NLR (only a compound){sick, ill: *eri}{side: *alte ?bimorphemic}
silver: *zirar
sister (of a man): *aReba (contains
kinship suffix *-ba)
sister (of a woman): *anizpa *aniz-ba(contains kinship suffix *-ba)six: *seiskin, bark: *azalsky: uncertain, but most likely *ortzi{slate: *lapitz}

Etymological Dictionary of Basquesleep (n.): *losleep (v.): NLR (only a compound){slug: *bare}small: {*guti,} {[}*tipi (expressive
formation of dubious antiquity){]}{smell, odor: *usani}
smile (n.), laughter: *baRe, *iRi
smith: *[h]arotz
smoke: *ke (of anomalous form) {or*eke(e)}smooth: *leun
snake: *suge
snow: *erur{soft: *bigun}son: *senbe (possibly bimorphemic)
son-in-law: *suni{soon: see ‘quick’}{south wind, south: *[h]ego}
speak: NLR (all compounds or derivatives)
spear: *burtzi (sparsely attested)
star: *izar
stay: see ‘wait’stomach, belly: *sabel (possibly
bimorphemic)stone: *[h]aRi, possibly also *[h]aitz or*[h]anetz
straight: *zuzen
summer: *uda
sun: NLR (only derivatives of egun ‘day’){sweat: *izerdi}
sweet: *gozo{, *ezti}
table: *banai, or possibly *banane
tail: *buztan
take: *[h]artears: *negar
ten: *[h]anbar (probably)that (distal): *[h]ar {oblique sg. stem*[h]ar-, pl. stem *haithat (non-distal): *[h]ori, stem *[h]oR{[}there (distal): *[h]an (derivative of*[h]ar ‘that’){]}{[}there (non-distal): *hor (derivative of*[h]oR- ‘that’){]}
thick: *lodi
thigh: *izter
thin, slender: *bene
thirst, thirsty: *egaRi (possibly
bimorphemic)
this: *[h]aur, stem *[h]onthree: *[h]irur

389

throat: *zintzur, *eztaRi{throw: *-gotz-}
tin: NLR (only loanwords)
today: NLR (only derivatives)
toe: NLR (only derivatives andcompounds)
tomorrow: *bi[h]artongue: *bini
tooth: NLR, only *[h]ortz ‘incisor’ and*[h]agin ‘molar’
top: *gain{torch: *zuzi}{town: *[h]ili}
tree: NLR (numerous words, none securely
assignable to Pre-Basque){trembling: *izu}
truth: *zin, *egia (or possibly *egiCa)
twenty: *[h]ogei{twisted: see ‘bent’}
two: *biga
ugly: *itsusi (possibly bimorphemic)
uncle: *osaba (contains kinship suffix *ba)under: see ‘below’
us: see ‘we’valley: *[h]aran, *ibar
vessel: see ‘container’{vigilant, watchful: *zani}
vulture: *sai
vulva: *aLu
wagon: see ‘cart’waist: *geRi
wait, stay: *-gonwalk: NLR
water: *ur{wax: *ezko}
way: see ‘road’
we, us: *guweasel: NLR (only compounds)
week: *[h]ertze
wheat: *gali
white: *zuri (possibly bimorphemic)
who, what, etc.: interrogatve stems *no-,*zewhole: *oso
wide: *zabal
wife: NLR (only derivatives)wind (n.): *[h]aize
window: *lei[h]o390wine: *ardano (originally, perhaps, ‘any
fermented beverage’)wing: *[h]ego, *[h]egal
winter: *negu{without: *gabe}
wolf: *otso
woman: NLR (only derivatives of a loan
word, apparently with the original
sense ‘girl’)wood: *zur{woods, wilderness: *baso}
word: *[h]itz*******

R. L. Trask
work (n.): *lanwork (v.): NLR (only compounds)
worm: *anar
year: *urte (possibly bimorphemic)
yellow: *[h]ori (possibly bimorphemic)
yesterday: *atzo{yew: *[h]agin}yoke: *buztaRi
you (sg.): *[h]iyou (pl.): *zu
young: *gazte

Etymological Dictionary of Basque391{2. Basque-English}*-a allative CS*abar ‘branch’*[h]abe ‘pillar, column’*adar ‘horn’*[h]agin [1] ‘molar tooth’*[h]agin [2] ‘yew’*agor ‘barren, sterile, exhausted, dried up’*aita ‘father’*[h]aitz or *[h]anetz ‘crag’*[h]aize ‘wind’*aLa ‘or’*aLaba ‘daughter’*aLe ‘seed’*alte ‘side’ {?bimorphemic}*aLu ‘vulva’*ama ‘mother’*-an- ‘eat’*aNae {~ *aNaia ~ *aNane} ‘brother (ofa man)’ [form uncertain {see *anaand anaia in The Dictionary}]*anal ‘ability, power’*anar ‘worm’*anari ‘ram’ (sheep)*{[h]}anbar ‘ten’*andere ‘lady’*[h]andi ‘big’*anezto ‘knife’ (form uncertain)*aniz-ba ‘sister (of a woman)’*anutz ‘goat’*a[h]o ‘mouth’*ar ‘male’*[h]ar ‘that’ (yonder{distal}). oblique sg.
stem *[h]ar-, pl. stem *hai*[h]ar- ‘take’*[h]aran ‘valley’*aRani ‘fish’*aRaNo ‘eagle’*aRats ‘evening’*ardano ‘fermented beverage, wine’*ardi ‘sheep’*aRe ‘grey, dark’*aReba ‘sister (of a man)’*argi ‘light, bright’*ari ‘busy’, ‘hard-working’*[h]aRi ‘stone’*-ario[n]- ‘flow’*[h]aritz ‘oak’*[h]aRo ‘proud’{(but see har in The
Dictionary)}*[h]arotz ‘smith’*arte ‘interval’*arto ‘millet’*[h]artz ‘bear’ (animal)*aste ‘week’*asto ‘donkey’ (perhaps better *arsto)*ate ‘door’*atso ‘old woman’*[h]atz ‘track, trace, trail’ {‘paw’}*atzo ‘yesterday’*-augin- ‘come’*[h]aur ‘this’ (stem *[h]on-)*[h]aur ‘child’{[}*a[h]untz ‘goat’{] see *anutz}*a[h]ur ‘front’*-au{(t)}s- ‘fall (down)’*[h]auts ‘dust, powder{, ashes}’*aza ‘cabbage’*azal ‘skin, bark’*azken ‘last’{*azkone (possibly borrowed) ‘badger’}*b- third-person imperative marker inverbs*ba- ‘if’*-ba- ‘cut’*bade ‘one’*-ban- ‘give’*banai ‘table’ [form uncertain]*banats ‘grapes’*barda ‘last night’*bare ‘slug’*baRe ‘smile, laughter’*bargo ‘shoat’*baRu ‘inside, interior’*baso ‘woods, wilderness’*bazter ‘edge’*be[h]ar ‘need, necessity’*bederatzu ‘nine’*be[h]e ‘(space) below’*begi ‘eye’*be[h]i ‘cow’*bel or *beL ‘dark’*beLaun ‘knee’*beldur ‘fear{, fearful}’*beletz ‘black’392*ben ‘serious, solemn’*bendi ‘mountain’*bene ‘slender, slim’*be[h]or ‘mare’*ber- ‘same, self’*berar ‘grass’*beraRi ‘ear’*beraun (or possibly *belaun ‘lead’(metal)*beRi ‘new’*bero ‘heat, hot’
*bertze ‘other’{[}*berun ‘lead’ (metal) {or *belun. ]Duplicates *beraun.}*beso ‘arm’*bete ‘full’*beti ‘always’*bi[h]ar ‘tomorrow’*bide ‘road, way’*biga ‘two’*bigun ‘soft’ {or *biguin}*bi[h]i ‘grain’*bil or *biL ‘round’*-bil- or *-biL- ‘be in motion’*bin ‘pain’*bini ‘tongue’*bi[h]otz ‘heart’*biri ‘lung’*bi[h]ur ‘bent, twisted’*bizar ‘beard’*bizi ‘life, alive’*bizkar ‘back’ (anat.)*bortz ‘five’*burar ‘chest’*burdina ‘iron’*burki ‘birch’*burtzi ‘spear’*buru ‘head’*buztan ‘tail’*buztaRi ‘yoke’*-dan- ‘drink’*-dun- ‘have’*eder ‘beautiful’*edo ‘or’*egaRi ‘thirsty’*egia ‘truth’*[h]ego ****{‘south’} ‘south wind’*[h]ego, *[h]egal ‘wing’*egun ‘day’ (or possibly *egu)*egur ‘firewood’

R. L. Trask*ei[h]ar ‘dry’*eke(e) {or *ke} ‘smoke’*[h]el- ‘ripen, mature’*enazur ‘bone’*eRain ‘daughter-in-law’*eRatz ‘broom (plant)’*[h]erauts ‘boar’*erbi ‘hare’*erdi ‘middle, centre’, ‘half’*eRe ‘burn’*eri [1] ‘sick, ill’*eri [2] ‘finger’*[h]eRi ‘inhabited place’, ‘population’*erle ‘bee’{*ero ~ *-ro ‘kill’}*[h]ertze ‘guts, intestines’*erur ‘snow’*esku ‘hand’{*esran ~ *sVran ‘say’}*eta ‘and’*etse ‘house’*etzi ‘the day after tomorrow’*euLi ‘fly’ (insect)*e[h]un ‘one hundred’*euri ‘rain’*ez{(e)} ‘not’*e{z}ene ‘milk’ (form uncertain)*ezko ‘wax’*ezpain ‘lip’*eztaRi ‘throat’*ezti ‘honey’, ‘sweet’*eztul ‘cough’*gabe ‘without’*gabi ‘mallet, hammer’*gai ‘material, matter’*gain ‘top’*gaitz ‘bad, difficult’*gal- ‘lose’*galte ‘question’*gali ‘wheat’*-gan- ‘go up’*gar ‘flame’*gara ‘height, elevation’{*garai (probably bimorphemic) ‘high’}*garbi ‘clean’*garo ‘fern’*gatz ‘salt’*gau ‘night’*gaztane {or *gaztana in The Dictionary}‘cheese’Etymological Dictionary of Basque*gazte ‘young’*geRi ‘waist’*gero ‘later’*gezur ‘(a) lie’
*gibel ‘liver’ {(probably bimorphemic)
The Dictionary}{*gider ‘handle’}*giltza ‘key’*-gin- ‘do, make’*giro ‘atmosphere’ {but see inguru in The
Dictionary}{[}*girten ‘handle’{] see *gider in The
Dictionary}*gizen ‘fat’ {?bimorphemic}*gizon ‘man, person’*gogo ‘mind, memory’*goi ‘high place’*goiz ‘early’{, ‘morning’}*golde ‘plough’*-gon- ‘wait, stay’*gor ‘hard’*goRi ‘red’ {?bimorphemic}*-gos- ‘boil, cook’*gose ‘hunger, hungry’{*-gotz- ‘throw’}*gozo ‘sweet’*gu ‘we’*gudu ‘combat’*gurdi ‘cart’*guren ‘edge’*guti ‘small’*guz(t)i ‘all, every’*[h]i ‘you (singular)’*ibai ‘river’ {?bimorphemic}*ibar ‘water meadow, valley’*idi ‘ox’*igel ‘frog’ [form uncertain]*ikatz ‘charcoal’ [form uncertain]*[h]il ‘dead’*iLe [1] ‘hair (of the head)’ [formuncertain]*[h]iLe [2] ‘moon’ [form uncertain]*[h]ili ‘town’*iLoba ‘niece, nephew, grandchild’*iLun ‘darkness, dark’*ipurdi ‘buttocks’*ira ‘fern’*irar ‘pea’*iRi ‘smile, laughter’*[h]irur ‘three’393*itsaso ‘sea’*itsu ‘blind’*itsusi ‘ugly’*[h]itz ‘word’*-{(}i{)}zan- ‘be’*izar ‘star’*izeba ‘aunt’*izeCi ‘fir’*izen ‘name’*izerdi ‘sweat’*izotz ‘frost, ice’ {probably bimorphemic}*izter ‘thigh’*izu ‘trembling’*-k [1] absolutive plural*-k [2] ergative CS*-kaR- ‘bring’*-kus- ‘see’*labe ‘furnace, oven’*labur ‘short’*lan ‘work’*lapitz ‘slate’*laRe ‘pasture’*lasai ‘calm’*laster ‘quick, soon’*latz ‘rough’*laur ‘four’*le[h]en or *lenen ‘first’*le[h]er ‘pine’*lei[h]o ‘window’*lei[h]or ‘dry’{*lenen ‘first’ (see le[h]en)}*lepo ‘neck’*leun ‘smooth’*lo ‘sleep’*lodi ‘thick’*lur ‘earth’*luze ‘long’*-n locative CS*-nau- ‘say’ (form uncertain{: see -io- in
The Dictionary)*neba ‘brother of a woman’*negar ‘tears’*negu ‘winter’*neska ‘girl’*ni ‘I’{*no- interrogative stem}{[}*nor ‘who?’{]}*-oan- or *-oCan- ‘go’*[h]obe ‘better’394

R. L. Trask{[}*[h]obi ‘grave, tomb’{] Romance
etymology in The Dictionary}*[h]odeCi {or *[h]odei} ‘cloud’*odol ‘blood’*[h]ogei ‘twenty’*ogi ‘bread’*oi[h]an ‘forest’*oin ‘foot’*oLa ‘forge, foundry’*oLo ‘oats’*on ‘good’*[h]ondar ‘sand’, ‘residue’ {?
bimorphemic with Rom. root}*ontzi ‘container, vessel’*or ‘dog’*orein ‘deer’*[h]ori [1] ‘that’ (just there{non-distal},
stem *[h]oR*[h]ori [2] ‘yellow’*[h]oRi ‘leaf’*oro ‘all’*[h]ortz ‘incisor tooth’*ortzi ‘sky’*osaba ‘uncle’*oso ‘whole, complete’*ote ‘gorse’*[h]ots ‘cry, shout’*otso ‘wolf’*[h]otz ‘cold’{[}*-ro- ‘kill’ (form uncertain) {] Movedto *ero}*-ror- ‘fall (down)’*-ros- ‘buy’*sabel ‘stomach’*sagar ‘apple’*sagu ‘mouse’*sai ‘vulture’*sakon ‘deep’{*sanal or *zanal (can’t tell which) ‘calf’}*sar- ‘enter’, ‘insert’*sare ‘net’*sei ‘six’*seNar ‘husband’*senbe ‘son’*seni ‘boy’{, ‘child’}*soin ‘body’*sor- ‘be born’, ‘create’*su ‘fire’*sudur ‘nose’*suge ‘snake’*suni ‘son-in-law’{[}*-sVran- ‘say’ (form very uncertain){]Combined with *esran}*-toR- ‘come’*uda ‘summer’*udare ‘pear’*ugatz ‘(female) breast’*uko ‘forearm’*unbe ‘child’*untzi or *untsi ‘rabbit’*ur ‘water’*[h]ur ‘nut’*urde ‘pig’*urdin ‘green, blue, grey’*uRe ‘gold’*urte ‘year’*uRun ‘far’*urzo ‘pigeon, dove’*usa{ni} ‘smell, odour’{[}*uste ‘opinion’ {] bimorphemic in The
Dictionary s.v. etsi}*[h]uts ‘bare, empty’*za[h]ar ‘old’*zabal ‘wide’*zakil ‘penis’*zakur ‘dog’*zaldi ‘horse’*zanal or *sanal (can’t tell which) ‘calf’*zani ‘vigilant, watchful’, ‘guardian’*zati ‘piece’*zazpi ‘seven’{*ze- interrogative stem}*ze[h]ar ‘across’*-ze(-ki-) ‘burn’*zeLai ‘plain’ (flat land){[}*zer ‘what?’{] See *ze-.}*zeRi ‘pig’*zezen ‘bull’*zikin ‘dirty’*zin ‘truth, oath’*zintzur ‘throat’*zirar ‘silver’*zoko ‘corner’*zor ‘debt’*zori ‘bird’*zoRi ‘louse’*zortzi ‘eight’*zozo ‘blackbird’*zu ‘you (plural)’Etymological Dictionary of Basque*zubi ‘bridge’ {(probably a compound of*zur ‘wood’)}*zuLo ‘hole’*zunur ‘prudent’*zur ‘wood’*zuri ‘white’ {?bimorphemic}*zurtz ‘orphan’*zuzen ‘straight’

395

396

R. L. Trask{Supplementary native lexicon

This list consists of lexical words that are listed as ‘pre-Basque’ in sections 4-5, or identified
in The Dictionary main alphabetical list as ‘OUO’ (of unknown origin) and not suggested, or
not likely, to be polymorphemic, but that are not included in Trask’s section ‘The Native
Lexicon’. The head word and gloss from sections 4-5 or The Dictionary is given with a protoform if suggested.
3. English-Basqueacorn: zi *zinValder: haltza
ancestor: (contains -ba kinship suffix)
asaba
ash tree: leizar
assemble: bilbag, sack, pouch: zorrobald, bare: soilbare, uncovered: hasbe satisfied, satisfy, sate: ase
become: -dibed: ohebilberry, whortleberry: ahabia *anabi(a)billygoat: aker
board, plank: ohol *onol(a)bramble: lahar
bramble: sasi *zarzi
broom: isats
bury, inter: ehortzi *e-nortz-i
companion: laguncooking pot: *eltze
crooked: oiher
custom: ohi
deep place in a river or in the sea: osin
desire: nahi
dew: ihintz *initz
disgust: higuin *(h)iguni
edge: er(e)tz
elm: zumar *zunar
enemy: etsai
filthy, obscene: ahats
flight, fleeing: ihes *ines
flour: irin *urin, *irun
forget: ahantzi : *anatzi
furrow: hildo
gall-oak: ametz *anbetz
glance, look: so
go out, take out: jalgi *e-elki
great-grandfather, ancestor: (contains -ba
kinship suffix) aurba
grind: eho

hawthorn: elorri
hazelnut: hurheavy: astun
horsefly: habehunting: ehiza *enizV
ilex, holm oak: arte
jump: jauzi *e-auz-i
juniper: orre
know: jakin *e-akin-i
lap, chest, flank: galtzar
lay (eggs): errun {(root *-Run-)}learn: ikasi (root -kas-)leave: utzi *e-utz-i
left hand: ezker
lie down: etzanlineage, breed, race: hatz
maple: ihar
mother-in-law: aube
mould, filthy: lizun
noise: azantz
odour, stench: keru *keno
once: behin
open: ireki *e-re-ki, *e-de-ki, *e-rek-i, *edek-i
ordure: sats
pitch: ui
pitchfork: sarde
plum: aranpool, puddle: idoi *idoCi
pour: isuri *e-sur-i
pregnant: izorra
put: ezarri {*e-zaR-i}, ipini *e-beN-i, *ebaiN-iquarrel, dispute: aharra
reed, rush: ihi *ini
refusal, denial: uko
robin: txindor *zindor, *sindor
root: errosell: saldu (stem sal-)
send: igorri (root -gorr-)
sew: josi *e-os-i

Etymological Dictionary of Basqueshadow: itzal
skin: larru
sow: ahardi
spring: iturri
spume: bits
squeeze, compress, tighten: hertsi
staff, rod, stick: zigor
stench: sunda
stick: zotz
story, tale: ipuin
stranger, outsider: atze
strength, force, power: indar
stupid: ergel
suffocate, drown: ito

swallow: enara *aiNala
sweep: ekhortu (root -kor-?)they say: ei
thief: lapur
thief: ohoin *onoin
throw: egotzitime, occasion: alditoo (much): lartorch: zuzi
tough: zailturn: irauli
weakness: anu *auNo
willow: sahats *sanats

397

398

R. L. Trask
4. Basque-English

ahabia ‘bilberry, whortleberry’ *anabi(a)ahantzi ‘ forget’ *anatzi
ahardi ‘sow’
aharra ‘quarrel, dispute’ahats ‘filthy, obscene’
habe ‘horsefly’aker ‘billygoat’aldi ‘time, occasion’haltza ‘alder’ametz ‘gall-oak’ *anbetz
anu ‘weakness’ *auNoaran ‘plum’
arte ‘ilex, holm oak’has ‘bare, uncovered’asaba ‘ancestor’ (contains -ba kinshipsuffix)ase ‘be satisfied’, ‘satisfy, sate’
astun ‘heavy’hatz ‘lineage, breed, race’atze ‘stranger, outsider’aube ‘mother-in-law’aurba ‘great-grandfather, ancestor’(contains -ba kinship suffix)
azantz ‘noise’
behin ‘once’bil- ‘assemble’
bits ‘spume’-di- ‘become’egotzi ‘throw’ei ‘they say’ehiza ‘hunting’ *enizV
ekhortu (root -kor-?) ‘sweep’
elorri ‘hawthorn’*eltze ‘cooking pot’enara ‘swallow’ *aiNala
eho ‘grind’ehortzi ‘bury, inter’ *e-nortz-i
er(e)tz ‘edge’ergel ‘stupid’
erro ‘root’
errun {(root *-Run-)} ‘lay (eggs)’
hertsi ‘squeeze, compress, tighten’etsai ‘enemy’etzan ‘lie down’ *-tzaunezarri ‘put’ (*-zaR-}
ezker ‘left hand’galtzar ‘lap, chest, flank’ihar ‘maple’

idoi ‘pool, puddle’ *idoCi
ihes ‘flight, fleeing’ *ines
igorri (root -gorr-) ‘send’higuin ‘disgust’ *(h)iguni
ihi ‘reed, rush’ *ini
ihintz ‘dew’ *initz
ikasi (root -kas-) ‘learn’hildo ‘furrow’
indar ‘strength, force, power’ipini ‘put’ *e-beN-i, *e-baiN-i
ipuin ‘story, tale’irauli ‘turn’ireki ‘open’ *e-re-ki, *e-de-ki, *e-rek-i,*e-dek-i
irin ‘flour’ *urin, *irun
isats ‘broom’isuri ‘pour’ *e-sur-i
ito ‘suffocate, drown’iturri ‘spring’itzal ‘shadow’izorra ‘pregnant’jakin ‘know’ *e-akin-i
jalgi ‘go out’, ‘take out’ *e-elki
jauzi ‘jump’ *e-auz-i
josi ‘sew’ *e-os-i
keru ‘odour, stench’ *keno
lahar ‘bramble’
lagun ‘companion’lapur ‘thief’lar ‘too (much)’larru ‘skin’
leizar ‘ash tree’
lizun ‘mould, filthy’nahi ‘desire’ohe ‘bed’ohi ‘custom’oiher ‘crooked’
ohoin ‘thief’ *onoin
ohol ‘board, plank’ *onol(a)orre ‘juniper’
osin ‘deep place in a river or in the sea’sahats ‘willow’ *sanatssaldu (stem sal-) ‘sell’sarde ‘pitchfork’sasi ‘bramble’ *zarzi
sats ‘ordure’so ‘glance, look’
soil ‘bald, bare’Etymological Dictionary of Basquesunda ‘stench’txindor ‘robin’ *zindor, *sindorui ‘pitch’uko ‘refusal, denial’
hur ‘hazelnut’
utzi ‘leave’ *e-utz-i
zail ‘tough’zi ‘acorn’ *zinVzigor ‘staff, rod, stick’
zorro ‘bag, sack, pouch’zotz ‘stick’
zumar ‘elm’ *zunar
zuzi ‘torch’
}

399

400

R. L. Trask

Bibliography
Abbreviations
ASJU
BAP
BSL
FLV
REL
RIEV

Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo”
Boletín de la Real Sociedad Vascongada de los Amigos del País
Bulletin de la Société Linguistique de Paris
Fontes Linguae Vasconum
Revista Española de Lingüística
Revista Internacional de los Estudios Vascos{Agud, Manuel. 1983. [TITLE] ASJU 17: 27.}Agud, Manuel & Luis Michelena (eds). 1958. Edition, with an introduction, of N. Landuchio{[Landucci]}, Dictionarum Linguae Cantabricae (1562). San Sebastián:Publicaciones del Seminario “Julio de Urquijo”. {2nd edition in Knörr, Enrike &Koldo Zuazo (eds). 1998. Arabako euskararen lekukoak. Ikerketak eta testuak. El
euskara alavés. Estudios y textos, pp. 23−48, 201−334. Vitoria-Gasteiz: Eusko
Legebiltzarra/Parlamento Vasco.}{Altube, Sebero de. 1923. ‘De fonética vasca’. RIEV 14: 517–534.}{Arana Goiri, Sabino de. 1897. Tratado etimológico de los apellidos euskéricos. Tomo 1.
Bilbao. 2nd ed. Bilbao, 1930.}{Araquistain, Joseph de Jesus Maria, 1881. Suplementos al Diccionario trilingüe del P.
Larramendi [written 1746], ed. Fidel Fita, Barcelona:}{Arbelaiz, Juan José. 1978. Las etimologías vascas en la obra de Luis Michelena. Tolosa:Kardaberaz.}{Astarloa, Pablo Pedro. 1803. Apología de la lengua vascongada o ensayo filosófico de su
perfección y antigüedad sobre todas las que se conocen. Madrid:}{Aulestia, Gorka. 1989. Basque-English Dictionary. Reno and Las Vegas: University of
Nevada Press.}{Azkue, Resurrección María de. 1905–6. Diccionario vasco-espanol-francés/Dictionnairebasque-espagnol-français. Bilbao: Azkue/Paris: Geuthner.}Bähr, Gerhard. 1935. [TITLE] Euskera 16: [PAGES: includes p. 36]. {?}{?= Bähr, Gerhard. 1935. Los nombres de parentesco en vascuence. Bermeo:}{Barandiarán, José Miguel. 1972. Diccionario ilustrado de mitología vasca. Obras
completas, tomo 1. Bilbao: La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca.}
Bouda, Karl. 1950. ‘Étymologies basques’, Eusko-Jakintza 4: 51–63.
Bouda, Karl. 1955. [TITLE] BAP 11: [PAGES: includes p. 345].
{Buck, Carl Darling. 1949. A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal Indo-European
languages. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.}{Campión, Arturo. 1899. [TITLE] Euskal Erria 41: 316.}{–––1900. [TITLE] Euskal Erria 42: 260.}{–––1902. [TITLE] Euskal Erria 46: 131.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque

401{Campión, Arturo. 1931. Euskariana (décima serie). Orígenes del pueblo euskaldun...
Tercera parte. Testimonio de la lingüística (primer volumen). Pamplona:}{Caro Baroja, Julio. 1945. Materiales para una historia de la lengua vasca en su relación
con la latina. Salamanca: }Caro Baroja, Julio. 1973. Estudios Vascos. San Sebastán: Editorial Txertoa.
{Castro, Américo. 1933. [TITLE] Revista de Filología Española 20: 60–61.}{Castro Guisasola, Florentino. 1944. El enigma del vascuence ante las lenguas indoeuropeas.
Madrid: CSIC.}{Charencey, Hyacinthe G. de. 1898. ? Les suffixes péjoratives en basque. Fribourg:}{CORDE = REAL ACADEMIA ESPAÑOLA: Banco de datos (CORDE) [en línea]. Corpus
diacrónico del español. <http://www.rae.es>}{Corominas, Juan. 1972. Tópica hespérica. 2 vols. Madrid: Gredos.}{Corominas, Juan. 1975. ‘Les plombs sorothaptiques d’Arles’. Zeitschrift für Romanische
Philologie 91: 1−53. Catalan translation ‘Els ploms sorotàptics d’Arles’ in Joan
Coromines, Entre dos llenguatges, 2. pp. 142-216. Barcelona: Curial, 1976.}{Corominas, Juan & José A. Pascual. 1980–91. Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano ehispánico. 6 vols. Madrid: Gredos.}{Coromines, Joan. 1994. Onomasticon Cataloniae I. Barcelona: Curial/«La Caixa».}{–––1995. Onomasticon Cataloniae IV. Barcelona: Curial/«La Caixa».}{DECLC = Coromines, Joan. 1988–2001. Diccionari etimològic i complementari de lallengua catalana. 10 vols. Barcelona: Curial/«La Caixa».}{DRAE = Real Academia Española 2001. Diccionario de la lengua española. 22a edición.
<http://buscon.rae.es/draeI/>}{Etxezarreta, Ramon. 1983. Hiztegi erotikoa. Donostia: Hordago.}{FEW = von Wartburg, Walther. 1922–. Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Bonn:}{Foix, Abbé Vincent. 2003. Dictionnaire gascon-français (Landes). Bordeaux: Presses
Universitaires de Bordeaux.}{Gárate, Justo. 1931. ‘Sufijos locativos’. RIEV 21: 442–448.}{Gavel, Henri. 1920. Éléments de phonétique basque. Paris. Reprinted 1921 as vol. 12. of
RIEV.}{–––1924. [TITLE] RIEV 15: 544 n. according to M. 1973a: 53 and AT s.v. getaria, but theref. is incorrect.}{–––1929. Grammaire basque. Tome 1: Phonétique, Parties du discours autres que le verbe.
Bayonne: Imprimerie du “Courier”.}{Gavel, Henri. 1958. [TITLE] Via Domitia 5: 16ff.}{Gèze, Louis. 1875. Éléments de grammaire basque. Bayonne: Imprimerie de Veuve
Lamaignère.}Gifford, D. J. & Luis Michelena. 1958. ‘Notas sobre un antiguo texto vasco (Biblioteca de la
Catedral de Pamplona, Cód. 7, f. 142 v)’. Príncipe de Viana 19: 167–170.
{Glare, P. G. W. (ed.) 1982. Oxford Latin dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press.}

402

R. L. Trask{Gorostiaga, Juan de. 1958. ‘Los nombres vascos de los meses’. Euskera 3: 51–55.}{–––1975. ‘Toponimia de Vizcaya’. Zumárraga 4: 55–76.}{–––1982. ‘El fondo primitivo de la lengua vasca’. FLV 39: 105–132}{Gorrochategui, Joaquín. 1984. Estudio sobre la onomástica indígena de Aquitania. Bilbao:
Universidad del País Vasco.}{Holmer, Nils M. 1950. ‘Las relaciones vasco-celtas desde el punto de vista lingüístico’. BAP
6: 399–415.}{Hualde, José Ignacio, Joseba A. Lakarra & R. L. Trask (eds). 1995. Towards a history of theBasque language. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.}
Irigoyen, Alfonso. {1971. ‘Estudio de un texto arcaico del vizcaíno antiguo’. In [no editor] I
Semana de Antropología Vasca, pp. 455–474. Bilbao: La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca.}{–––1977. ‘Geure hizkuntzari euskaldunok deritazugun izenaz’. Euskera 22: 513–538.}{–––1990a. Sobre toponimia del País Vasco norpirenaico. Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto?}{–––1990b. Etimología del nombre vasco del vascuence y las vocales nasales vascas
descritas por Garibay, in A. Irigoyen, De re philologica linguae uasconicae III.
Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto.}{Iztueta, Juan Ignacio de. n.d. Vocabulario manuscrito en la Biblioteca de la Diputación de
Guipúzcoa. Apud M. 1977a.}{Jespersen, Otto. 1948. ? . Growth and Structure of the English Language. 9th edition.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.}{Knörr, Henrike. 1990. Review of Luis Michelena, Palabras y textos. FLV 22: 128.}{–––2001. ‘Astronomy and Basque language’. FLV 33.3: 403–416; also in César Esteban &Juan Antonio Belmonte (eds.) Astronomy and cultural diversity. Oxford VI and SEAC
99, pp. 183−193. La Laguna: Organismo Autónomo de Museos del Cabildo deTenerife, 2000.}{Lacarra, José M. 1930. ‘Onomástica vasca del siglo XIII’. RIEV 21: 247–254.}{Lafitte, Pierre. 1944. Grammaire basque (Navarro-Labourdin littéraire). Édition revue etcorrigée. Bayonne: Éditions des “Amis du Musée Basque” et “Ikas”.}
Lafon, René. {1935. ‘Basque adiskide “ami”’. RIEV 26: 651–652.}{–––1936. ‘Notes complémentaires sur “adiskide” et sur le suffixe casuel “-ekin”’. RIEV 27:
66–72.}{–––1943. Le système du verbe basque au XVIe siècle, 2 vols. Bordeaux: Delmas. Reprinted
1980, San Sebastián: ELKAR.}–––1948. ‘Remarques sur l’aspiration en basque’. In [no editor] Mélanges offerts à M. leProfesseur Henri Gavel, pp. [PAGES: includes 55], Toulouse: {Privat}.
{–––1957–8. ‘L’expression de la comparaison en basque’. BSL 53: 234–256.}–––1959**{a}. ‘Sur les noms du vin, du fromage et du lait en basque’. BAP 15: 107–111.
{–––1959b. [TITLE] BAP 15: 14.}–––1962a. ‘Sur la voyelle ü en basque’. BSL 57: 83–102.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque403

Lafon, René. 1962b. ‘Contact de langues et apparition d’une nouvelle voyelle: u et ü enbasque’. In [no editor] Actes du Xe Congrès International de Linguistique etPhilologie Romanes, pp. 901–909, Strasbourg: [PUBLISHER].
{Landucci, Niccolò. 1562. See Agud & Tovar (1958).}{Lespy, V. & Raymond, P. 1887. Dictionnaire béarnais. Montpellier: Imprimerie Centraledu Midi.}{Lhande, Pierre 1926. Dictionnaire basque-français. Paris: Gabriel Beauchene.}{Löpelmann, Martin. 1968. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Baskischen Sprache. Berlin: De
Gruyter.}{Meyer-Lübke, Wilhelm. 1935. Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. 3rd edition.
Heidelberg: Winter.}Michelena, Luis. 1949a. ‘Notas de gramática histórica vasca’. In [no editor], Homenaje a D.
Julio de Urquijo e Ybarra, vol. II, pp. 483–487. San Sebastián: ****{Real Sociedad
Vascongada de los Amigos del País}. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp.
445–447.
–––1949b. ‘Voces vascas. I. (h)egi, tegi. II. Vasco azari, azeri y azenarius. III. Sobre algunos
elementos latino-románicos en vascuence y otras voces vascas’. Emerita 17: 195–211.
Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 448–457.
–––1950a. ‘De etimología vasca’. Emerita 18: 1{9}3–203. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b),
vol. I, pp. 439–444.
–––1950b. ‘De fonética vasca. La aspiración intervocálica’. BAP 6: 443–459. Reprinted inMichelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 190–202.
–––1950c. ‘En torno a algunos aspectos del habla de Rentería (Guipúzcoa)’. BAP 6: 89–84.
–––1950d. ‘Notas etimológicas vascas’. Emerita 18: 467–481. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. I, pp. 458–466.
–––1950e. ‘Sobre el estado actual de la cuestión del genitivo vasco en -en’. Emerita 18: 221–
224.
–––1951a. ‘De fonética vasca. I. La distribución de las oclusivas aspiradas y no aspiradas’.
BAP 7: 539–549. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 212–219.
–––1951b. ‘De fonética vasca. II. La sonorización de las oclusivas iniciales. A propósito de
un importante artículo de André Martinet’. BAP 7: 571–582. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. I, pp. 203–211.
–––1952 [LEAVE FOR LATER]–––1953 [LEAVE FOR LATER]{–––1953a. Review of R. Lafon, Études basques et caucasiques. BAP 9: 139–141.}{–––1953b. Review of K. Bouda, Neue baskisch-kaukasische Etymologien. BAP 9: 141–
144.}{–––1953c. Review of J. Hubschmid, Sardische Studien. BAP 9: 479–483.}{–––1953d. Review of J. Hubschmid, Pyrenäenwörter. BAP 9: 565–570.}{–––1953e. Review of J. Séguy, Les noms populaires de plantes dans les Pyrénées
Centrales, BAP 9: 570–574.}

404

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Michelena, Luis. 1954a. ‘De onomástica aquitana’. Pirineos 10: 409–458. Reprinted inMichelena (1985b), pp. 409–445.
–––1954b. ‘La posición fonética del dialecto vasco del Roncal’. Via Domitia 1: 123–157.
Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 273–297.
–––1954c. ‘Nota sobre algunos pasajes de los Refranes y sentencias de 1596’. ASJU 1: 25–
33. Reprinted in BAP 10 (1954), pp. 191–199. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol.
II, pp. 792–798.
–––1954d. ‘Problemas teóricos y prácticos de la lingüística vasca’. Munibe 6: 194–209.
Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. II, pp. 630–644.
{–––1954e. Review of J. Corominas, Diccionario crítico etimológico de la lengua
castellana, vol. 1. BAP 10: 373–378 = ASJU 1: 113–118. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. I, pp. 466–470.}–––1955a. ‘Cuestiones relacionadas con la escritura ibérica’. Emerita 23: 265–284.
–––1955b. Spanish translation, Nombres vascos de las plantas, of K. Bouda & D. Baumgartl,
Baskische Pflanzennamen. Salamanca: Acta Salmanticensia VII, 3.
{–––1955c. Review of J. Corominas, Diccionario crítico etimológico de la lengua
castellana, vol. 2. BAP 11: 283–297 = ASJU 2, 13–28. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. I, pp. 470–481.}{–––1955d. Review of J. Hubschmid, Schläuche und Fässer. BAP 11: 458–460 = ASJU 2:
42.}–––1956a. ‘Algunos nombres vascos de animales’. In [no editor]. Homenaje a D. Joaquín
Mendizábal {Gortázar}, conde de Peñaflorida, 1886–1954, pp. 313–320. San
Sebastián: ****{Grupo de Ciencias Naturales Aranzadi}. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. II, pp. 509–515.
–––1956b. ‘Echaenne’. Euskera 1: 19–22.
–––1956c. ‘Introducción fonética a la onomástica vasca’. Emerita 24: 167–186, 331–352.
Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), pp. 555–580.
Michelena, Luis. 1956d. ‘La lengua vasca como medio de conocimiento histórico’.
Zumárraga 6: 49–70.
–––1956e. Review of J. Hubschmid, Schläuche und Fässer. Word 12: 314–317.
{–––1956f. Review of J. Corominas, Diccionario crítico etimológico de la lengua castellana,
vol. 3. BAP 12: 366–373. Reprinted in M. (1988b), vol. I, pp. 481–486.}{–––1956g. ‘Guipúzcoa en la época romana’. BAP 12: 69–94. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b). vol. I, pp. 138–155.}–––1957a. ‘Basque et roman’. Via Domitia 4: 12–25. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I,
pp. 107–115.
–––1957b. ‘El genitivo en la onomástica medieval’. Emerita 25: 134–148. Reprinted inMichelena (1988b), vol. II, pp. 595–603.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque405

Michelena, Luis. 1957c. ‘Las antiguas consonantes vascas’. In [no editor] Diego Catalán(ed.), {Estructuralismo e historia:} Miscelánea homenaje a André Martinet, vol. I,
pp. 113–157. ****{Tenerife, Canarias: Biblioteca Filológica, Universidad de} La
Laguna. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 166–189. {Translated as ‘The
ancient Basque consonants’ in Hualde, Lakarra & Trask (eds) (1995), pp. 101−135.}–––1957–58a. ‘A propos de l’accent basque’. BSL 53: 204–233. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. I, pp. 220–239.
–––1957–58b. ‘El hecho lingüística vasco’. Cahiers d’Histoire Mondiale 4: 918–933.
Reprinted (1967) in La gran enciclopedia vasca, vol. II, pp. 674–686. Bilbao:****{La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca}.
–––1958a. ‘Hispánico antiguo y vasco’. Archivum 8: 33–47. Reprinted (1967) in La granenciclopedia vasca, vol. II, pp. 76–82. Bilbao: ****{La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca}.
Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 99–106.
–––1958b. ‘Literatura en lengua vasca’. In G. Díaz Plaja (ed.), Historia general de lasliteraturas hispánicas, vol. V, pp. 339–438. Barcelona: ****{Barna}.
–––1958c. ‘Notes sur les éléments romans du basque’. Via Domitia 5: 6–11. Reprinted inMichelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 116–120.
–––1958d. ‘Unas observaciones al último número de Euskera. 1. Ronc. arnari ‘fruto’; 2. A.
Nav. euntze ‘belardi’ [‘prado’]’. Euskera 3: 5–10. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b),
vol. I, pp. 432–435.
–––1958e. Review of M. Wagner, Dizionario etimologico sardo 1–2. Word 14: 405–406.
–––1958f. Review of N. Lahovary, La diffusion des langues anciennes du Proche-Orient.
Word 14: 102 ff. [CHECK PAGES]{–––1958g. Review of J. Caro Baroja, Los vascos, BAP 14: 475–477.}–––1959a. ‘Sobre -a en los nombres vascos de persona’. Euskera 4: 5–10.
–––1959b. La obra de Padre Manuel de Larramendi (1690–1766). Cuadernos de la cátedra
Feijoo VI. Oviedo. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. II, pp. 900–911.
–––1959c. Review of M. Wagner, Dizzionario etimologico sardo 3–6. Word 15: 523–527.
–––1960a. Historia de la literatura vasca. Madrid: ****{Minotauro}.
–––1960b. ‘Guipuzcoano y vasco’. BAP 16: 236–238. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I,
pp. 320–322.
–––1960c. ‘Los dialectos indoeuropeos hispánicos’. Zephyrus 11: 245–248.
–––1960d. ‘Vasc. aitatu y aita izan’. BAP 16: 103–104.
–––1960e. ‘Prólogo’, E. Arriaga, Lexicón bilbaíno, Madrid: ****{Minotauro}. Reprinted inMichelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 414–415.
–––1960f. Translation, Introducción a la lingüística caucásica, of K. Bouda, Einführung in
die Kaukasische Sprachwissenschaft. Acta Salmanticensia XV: 1.
–––1960g. Review of P. Bosch-Gimpera, El problema indoeuropeo. Zephyrus 11: 263–268.
–––1961a. Fonética histórica vasca. San Sebastián: Publicaciones del Seminario “Julio deUrquijo”. [second ed. 1977; third ed. 1985.]–––1961b. ‘A propósito de done ‘santo’’. BAP 17: 222–224.

406

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Michelena, Luis. 1961c. ‘Comentarios en torno a la lengua ibérica’. Zephyrus 12: 5–24.
–––1961d. [as Koldo Mitxelena] ‘Euskal iztegigilleak XVII-XVIII.garren mendeetan’.
Euskera 6: 7–22. Reprinted in Michelena (1988a), vol. VII, pp. 47–66. Reprinted inMichelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 361–372.
–––1961e. ‘Los nombres indígenas de la inscripción hispano-romana de Lerga (Navarra)’.
Príncipe de Viana 22: 65–74. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 446–457.
–––1961f. Review of J. M. Blazquez, Religiones primitivas de Hispania I. Zephyrus 12: 197–
202.
{–––1961g. Review of J. Hubschmid, Substratprobleme, BAP 17: 355–360.}––– 1962a. ‘Apostillas de un renteriano’. Euskera 7: 54–58. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b,
vol. I, pp.423–425.
––– 1962b. [as Koldo Mitxelena] ‘Beharki Leizarragaren Testamentu Berrian’. Euskera 7:
59–60. Reprinted in Michelena (1988a), vol. III, pp. 83–85. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. I, pp. 426–427.
–––1962c. ‘Alcance de la penetración indoeuropea en el Pirineo occidental antes de laconquista romana’. Paper delivered to the IV Congeso Internacional de Estudios
Pirenaicos, Pau, September. Unpublished.
–––1963. Lenguas y protolenguas. Salamanca: Acta Salmanticensis XVII, 2.
–––1964a. Sobre el pasado de la lengua vasca. San Sebastián: ****{Auñamendi}. Reprinted
in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 1–73.
–––1964b. Textos arcaicos vascos. Madrid: Minotauro.
–––1964c. ‘El atlas lingüístico vasco’. In Presente y futuro de la lengua española. Actas de laAsamblea de Filología del I Congreso de Instituciones Hispánicas, vol. I, pp. 427–
442. Madrid: ****{Ediciones Cultura Hispánica}.
–––1964d. ‘Románico y circunrománico. Sobre la suerte de latín ae’. Archivum 14: 40–60.
Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 253–267.
{ –––1964e. ‘Notas y apostillas [a I. Zumalde, « Algunas palabras vascas del siglo XVI» BAP
20 (1964) 21–31]’. BAP 20: 22–31.}{–––1964f. ‘A propósito del salacenco amastarrika’. BAP 20: 307–311.}{–––1964g. Review of J. Hubschmid, Thesaurus Praeromanicus, BAP: 20: 484–487.}–––1965a {recte 1968g}. ‘Lat. s: el testimonio vasco’. In {Antonio Quilis et al. (eds.),} Actasdel XI Congreso Internacional de Lingüística y Filología Románicas, pp. 473–489.
{Madrid: C.S.I.C.} Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 282–295.
–––1965b. ‘Sobre la formación de los compuestos vascos’. BAP 21: 100–101.
–––1965c. ‘Vasco-romanica’. Revista de Filología Española 48: 105–119. Reprinted inMichelena (1985b), pp. 268–281.
–––1965d. ‘La actividad lingüística en el campo vasco’. In Communications et rapports du
Premier Congrès International de Dialectologie Générale, part 4, pp. 224–232.
{Louvain: Centre international de Dialectologie générale.}Etymological Dictionary of Basque407

Michelena, Luis. 1966a. ‘Azkue lexicógrafo’. In L. Michelena, J. Caro Baroja & A. Tovar(eds), Don Resurrección María de Azkue, lexicógrafo, folklorista y gramático, pp. 15–
37. Bilbao: ****{Junta de Cultura de Vizcaya}. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol.
I, pp. 373–384.
–––1966b. ‘La lengua vasca y la prehistoria’. In {Juan Maluquer de Motes (coord.),} IV
Symposium de Prehistoria Peninsular: Problemas de la prehistoria y de la etnología
vasca, pp. 271–285. Pamplona: ****{Institución Príncipe de Viana}. Reprinted inMichelena (1988b, vol. I, pp. 74–84.
–––1967a. ‘Estructuralismo y reconstrucción’. In Problemas y principios del estructuralismo
lingüístico, pp. 299–319. Madrid: ****{C.S.I.C.} Reprinted in Michelena (1985b),
pp. 9–22.
–––1967b. ‘De paremiología vasca’. ASJU 1: 3–45.
–––1967c. ‘Notas fonológicas sobre el salacenco’. ASJU 1: 163–177. Reprinted in Michelena(1987), pp. 221–234.
–––1967d. ‘Sobre nombres de setas’. BAP 23: 115–116.
–––1967e. ‘Tradición viva y letra muerta’. In Homenaje a don José Miguel de Barandiarán,vol. II, pp. 121–145. Bilbao: ****. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. II, pp. 729–
740.
–––1967f. Review of J. Hubschmid, Thesaurus Praeromanicus II. Zeitschrift für Romanische
Philologie 83: 602–609. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 321–328.
–––1968a. ‘Aitonen, aitoren seme “noble hidalgo”’. BAP 24: 3–18. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. II, pp. 516–527.
–––1968b. ‘Aspecto formal de la oposición nominativo/accusativo’. In Actas del III
Congreso Español de Estudios Clásicos, vol. III, pp. 145–158. Madrid; ****.
Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 229–239.
–––1968c. ‘La lengua vasca’. In La gran enciclopedia vasca, vol. III, pp. 486–492. Reprinted(1969) in Guipúzcoa (San Sebastián), pp. 191–222.
–––1968d. ‘L’euskaro-caucasien’. In A. Martinet (ed.), Le language, pp. 1414–1437. Paris:
Gallimard. Vol. XXV of the Encyclopédie de la Pléiade.
–––1968e. [as Koldo Mitxelena] ‘Sarrera-gisa’. Introduction to B. Dechepare, Olerkiak,
1545, pp. 5–15. Donostia: ****{Edili}. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. II, pp.
756–761.
–––1968f. Review of V. Väänänen, Introducción al latín vulgar. Emerita 36: 334. Reprinted
in Michelena (1985b), p. 309.
{–––1968g : see 1965a.}–––1969a. ‘Comparación y reconstrucción. A propósito de Sproget de Louis Hjelmslev’.
Emerita 37: 99–135. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 23–54.
–––1969b. ‘Notas lingüísticas a Collección diplomática de Irache’. [with an appendix, ‘Notas
sobre los nombres de persona en la Navarra medieval’]. FLV 1: 1–59. Reprinted inMichelena (1987), pp. 87–140.
–––1969c. ‘Sobre algunos nombres vascos de parentesco’. FLV 1: 113–132. Reprinted inMichelena (1988b), vol. II, pp. 492–508.

408

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Michelena, Luis. 1969d. Review of A. Álvarez Delgado, Inscripciones líbicas de Canarias.
Emerita 37: 201–204.
–––1969e. Review of J. Hubschmid, Die -asko- / -usko- Suffixe und das Problem desLigurischen. FLV 1: 397–401.
–––1970a. Estudio sobre las fuentes del diccionario de Azkue. Bilbao: ****{Centro deEstudios Históricos de Vizcaya}. Reprinted as an introduction to the 1985 edition of
Azkue (1905), pp. 17–104.
–––1970b. ‘Nombre y verbo en la etimología vasca’. FLV 2: 67–93. Reprinted in Michelena(1987), pp. 283–309.
–––1970c. Review of M. Mayrhofer (ed.), Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft und Kulturkunde.
Gedenkschrift für W. Brandenstein. Emerita 30: 455–459.
–––1971a. ‘Descubrimiento y redescubrimiento en textos vascos’. FLV 3: 149–169.
Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. II, pp. 713–728.
–––1971b. [as Koldo Mitxelena] ‘Egunak eta egun-izenak’. Munibe 23: 583–591. Reprinted
in Michelena (1987), pp. 269–282. Reprinted in Michelena (1988a), vol. VII, pp. 93–
110.
–––1971c. ‘Gramática generativa y lingüística histórica’. REL 1: 211–233. Reprinted inMichelena (1985b), pp. 55–72.
–––1971d. ‘Lengua y cultura’. In I Semana Internacional de Antropología Vasca {Bilbao,
6−12 de Abril de 1970}, pp. 305–340. Bilbao: ****{La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca}.
Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 143–162.
–––1971e. ‘Notas sobre las lenguas de la Navarra medieval’. In Homenaje a don José
Esteban Uranga, pp.199–214. Pamplona: ****{Aranzadi}. Reprinted in Michelena(1987), pp. 73–85.
–––1971f. ‘Toponimia, léxico y gramática’. FLV 3: 241–267. Reprinted in Michelena (1987),
pp. 141–167.
–––1971g. ‘Urquijo y la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos’. ASJU 5: 47–66. Reprinted inMichelena (1985b), pp. 97–112.
–––1971h. ‘La lectura en territorio vasco’. Zephyrus 21–22: 281–287.
–––1971i. [as Koldo Mitxelena] ‘Eleizaldez’. Euskera 16: 73–76.
–––1971j. ‘El indoeuropeo’. Universitas (Salvat) I (8–9): 157–163.
–––1971k. Review of A. Martinet, La Linguistique: guide alphabetique. REL 1: 195–202.
–––1972a. Zenbait hitzaldi. Bilbao: ****{Mensajero}.
–––1972b. Mitxelenaren idazlan hautatuak, P. Altuna, ed. Bilbao: ****{Mensajero}.
–––1972c. ‘A note on Old Labourdin accentuation’. ASJU 6: 110–120. Reprinted inMichelena (1987), pp. 235–244.
–––1972d. ‘Color y sonido en la lengua’. REL 2: 83–102. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b),
pp. 163–177.
–––1972e. ‘De la ambigüedad sintáctica’. REL 2: 237–247.
–––1972f. ‘Etimología y transformación’. In Homenaje a Antonio Tovar, pp. 305–317.
Madrid: ****{Gredos}. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 296–308.

Etymological Dictionary of Basque409

Michelena, Luis. 1972g. ‘Léxico vasco y etimología’. In {Harald Haarmann & MichaelStudemund (eds.),}Beiträge zur Romanistik und allgemeinen Sprachwissenschaft.
Festschrift Wilhelm Giese, pp. 79–95. Hamburg: ****{Buske}. Reprinted inMichelena (1987), pp. 337–348.
––––1972h. ‘Nota marginal sobre la huella latina en la lengua vasca’. FLV 4: 5–25. Reprinted
in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp.121–137.
–––1972i. ‘Notas de toponimia’. Estudios de Deusto 20: 282–285. Reprinted (19{7}3) in II
Semana Internacional de Antropología Vasca, pp. 385–386. Bilbao: ****{La Gran
Enciclopedia Vasca}.
–––1972j. ‘Pío Baroja’. Letras de Deusto 20: 191–196.
–––1972k. ‘Préstamos lingüísticos del latín al euskera’. Estudios de Deusto 20: 333–334.
Reprinted (19{7}3) in II Semana Internacional de Antropología Vasca, pp. 385–386.
{Bilbao: La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca.}–––1973a. Apellidos vascos, 3rd ed. [1st ed. 1953]. San Sebastián: Txertoa.
–––1973b. ‘Guillaume de Humboldt et la languge basque’. Lingua e Stile 8: 107–125.
–––1973c. ‘Sobre la posición lingüística del ibérico’. Anejos del Archivo Español deArqueología 7: 147–153. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 334–340.
–––1974a. ‘De lexicográfica vasca. A propósito de Axular-en hiztegia del Padre Luis
Villasante’. FLV 6: 103–121. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. I, pp. 385–399.
–––1974b. ‘El elemento latino-románico en la lengua vasca’. FLV 6: 183–209. Reprinted inMichelena (1987), pp. 195–219. {Translated ‘The Latin and Romance element inBasque’, in Hualde, Lakarra & Trask (eds.) (1995), pp. 137−169.}–––1974c. ‘Las lenguas y la política’. In Doce ensayos sobre el lenguaje, pp. 119–137.
Madrid: ****{Fundación Juan March}. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 178–190.
–––1975a. ‘Apostilla a RSEL 4, 1974’. REL 5: 195–196.
–––1975b. ‘El Brocense hoy’. In Homenaje a la memoria de don Antonio Rodríguez-Moñino,1910–1970, pp. 429–442. Madrid: ****{Castalia}. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b),
pp. 113–125.
–––1975c. ‘Distribución defectiva y evolución fonológica’. In {Dámaso Alonso (ed.),}Studia hispanica in honorem R. Lapesa, vol. III, pp. 337–349. Madrid: ****{Gredos}.
Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 240–252. {Originally in RLE 2, 1972, 337−349.}–––1976a. ‘Acentuación alto-navarra’. FLV 8: 147–162. Reprinted in Michelena (1987), pp.
245–260.
–––1976b. ‘Ibérico -en’. In {Francisco Jorda et al. (eds)}, Actas del I Coloquio sobre
Lenguas y Culturas Prerromanas de la Península Ibérica {(Salamanca, 27-31 Mayo1974)}, pp. 353–362. Salamanca: ****{U de Salamanca, Secretariado de
Publicaciones}. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 379–387.
–––1976c. ‘Lenguas indígenas y lengua clásica en Hispania’. In {D. M. Pippidi, ed.,Assimilation et résistance à la culture Gréco-Romaine dans le monde ancien, }Actes{Travaux} du VIe Congrès {de la Fédération} International{e} d’Études Classiques{(Madrid, Septembre 1974)}, pp. 41–45. Bucharest: ****{Editura Academiei}/Paris:{“Les Belles Lettres”}. Reprinted in Michelena (1985b), pp. 201–212.

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Michelena, Luis. 1976d. ‘Lexicográfica técnica’. In III Semana Internacional deAntropología Vasca, vol. II, pp. 357–371. Bilbao: ****{La Gran Enciclopedia
Vasca}.
–––1976e. ‘Onomástica y población en el antiguo Reino de Navarra: la documentación de
San Millán’. In XII Semana de Estudios Medievales 1974, pp. 49–71. Pamplona:****{Diputación Foral de Navarra}. Reprinted in Michelena (1987), pp. 59–72.
–––1977a. Fonética histórica vasca, 2nd ed. [1st ed. 1961]. ****{San Sebastián: Diputación
Foral de Guipúzcoa}.
–––1977b. ‘Notas sobre compuestos verbales vascos’. Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones
Populares 33: 145–271. Reprinted in Michelena (1987), pp. 311–335.
–––1985b. Lengua e historia. Madrid: Paraninfo.
–––1987. Palabras y textos. Vitoria–Gasteiz: Universidad del País Vasco.
{–––1988a. [Koldo Mitxelena] Euskal idazlan guztiak. Donostia: Euskal Editoreen Elkartea.}–––1988b. Sobre historia de la lengua vasca, 2 vols. J. A. Lakarra, ed. Donostia–San
Sebastián: Seminario de Filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo”.
{–––1998. [Koldo Mitxelena] ‘Introducción al Vocabulario de Landuchio’ (2nd ed. ofintroduction to Agud & Michelena 1958). In Knörr, Henrike & Koldo Zuazo (eds).
Arabako euskararen lekukoak. Ikerketak eta testuak. El euskara alavés. Estudios ytextos. Vitoria-Gasteiz: Eusko Legebiltzarra/Parlamento Vasco, pp. 23–48.}
Michelena, Luis & Manuel Agud. 1958. ‘Formas populares de topónimos del País Vasco
anteriores a 1900’. In {Actes et mémoires du} Ve Congrès International de Toponymie
et d’Anthroponymie. {Acta Salmanticensia (Filosofía y Letras) 11}, pp. 39–59. ****:
Salamanca. [CHECK PAGES {Done.}]–––1968. ‘Nombres de la comadreja (Mustela nivalis) en el País Vasco’. ASJU 2: 73–85.
Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. II, pp. 528–537.
Michelena, Luis & J. de Hoz. 1974. El bronce celtibérico de Botorrita. Salamanca:****{Universidad de Salamanca}.
Michelena, Luis & H. Polge. 1971. ‘Les appellations basques et gasconnes du marrond’Inde’. FLV 3: 11–14.
{Michelena, Luis & Ibon Sarasola. 1989− Diccionario general vasco/Orotariko euskal
hiztegia. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia/Desclée de Brouwer/Mensajero.}{Michelena, Luis, Antonio Tovar & Enrique Otte. 1981. ‘Nuevo y más extenso texto arcaico
vasco: de una carta del primer obispo de México, Fray Juan de Zumárraga’. Euskera
26: 5-14. Reprinted in Michelena (1988b), vol. II, pp. 748-755.
Michelena, Luis & A. Yrigaray. 1955. ‘Nombres vascos de persona’. ASJU 2: 107–127.
Reprinted in BAP 11: 405–425 (1955). Reprinted in {Actes et mémoires du} Ve
Congrès International de Toponymie et d’Anthroponymie. {Acta Salmanticensia(Filosofía y Letras) 11,} pp. 73–92, Salamanca: ****. Reprinted in Michelena(1988b), vol. II, pp. 581–594.
{Mistral, Frédéric. 1879–86. Lou Tresor dóu Felibrige ou dictionnaire provençal-français.
Reprint with preface by Jean-Claude Bouvier. La Calade, Aix-en -Provence :ÉDISUD, 1983.}

Etymological Dictionary of Basque411{Múgica, Luis María. 1978. Origen y desarrollo de la sufijación euskérica. Bilbao: Ediciones
Vascas.}{Mugica [Mujika] Berrondo, Plácido. 1981. Diccionario Vasco-Castellano. 3rd edn. Bilbao:
Mensajero. [1st edn 1965.]}{Oregi Aranburu, Josu. 1974. ‘Euskal-aditzaz zenbait gogoeta’. FLV 17: 265–283.}
Oregui, J. 1950. [TITLE]. BAP 6: [PAGES: includes p. 233].
{Otte, Enrique. 1979. ‘Juan de Zumárraga, vasco’. In [no editor] Les Cultures ibériques endevenir: essais publiés en hommage à la mémoire de Marcel Bataillon (1895-1977),
pp. 486-496. Paris: Fondation Singer Polignac.}{Palay, Simin. 1980. Dictionnaire du béarnais et du gascon modernes. 3rd edn. Paris:
Éditions du CNRS. [1st edn 1961.]}{Rijk, Rudolph P. G. 1992. ‘“Nunc” vasconice’. ASJU 26: 695–724. Condensed English
translation in Hualde, Lakarra & Trask (1995), pp. 295–311.}{Rohlfs, Gerhard. 1933. ‘La influencia latina en la lengua y cultura vascas’. RIEV 24:
323−348.}{––– 1935. Le Gascon: Études de philologie pyrénéenne. Zeitschrift für Romanische
Philologie Beiheft 85. Tübingen: Niemeyer. [2nd ed. 1970.]}{Sarasola, Ibon. 1996. Euskal hiztegia, 2nd ed. Donostia-San Sebastián : Kutxa Fundazioa.}
Schuchardt, Hugo. 1887. [TITLE]{‘ Romano-baskisches I’.} Zeitschrift für Romanische
Philologie 11{2}: [PAGES: includes p. 474]{474–512} [article on word-initial /p-/] .
–––1899. [TITLE]{‘Zum Iberischen, Romano-baskischen, Ibero-romanischen’. }Z{eitschriftfür }R{omanische }Ph{ilologie} 23: [PAGES: includes p.179]{174–200}.
{–––1906a. Baskisch und Romanisch. Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie Beiheft 6.
Spanish translation ‘Vascuence y romance’, BAP 13: 463–7, 15: 181–205; 16: 239–
263.}{–––1906b. ‘Roman. gorr-’. Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie 30: 210–213.}{–––1908. ‘Die iberische Deklination’. Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie derWissenschaften CLVII: 1–90 = Die iberische Deklination, Vienna: A. Holder.}{–––1912. ‘Romano-baskisches’. Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie 36: 33–41.}{–––1922. ‘Heimisches und fremdes Sprachgut’. RIEV 13: 69–82.}{Tovar, Antonio. 1954. ‘El sufijo -ko: indoeuropeo y circumindoeuropeo’. Archivio
Glottologico Italiano 39: 56–64.}{Trask, R. L. 1977. ‘Historical syntax and Basque verbal morphology: two hypotheses’, in
W. A. Douglass, R. W. Etulain & W. H. Jacobsen (eds), Anglo-American
Contributions to Basque Studies: Essays in Honor of Jon Bilbao, pp. 203–217. Reno:
Desert Research Institute Publications on the Social Sciences No. 13.}{–––1990. ‘The -n class of verbs in Basque’. Transactions of the Philological Society 88:
111–128.}{–––1997. The history of Basque. London: Routledge.}{Trombetti, Alfredo. 1925. Le Origini della lingua basca. Bologna: Memorie della Reale
Accademia delle Scienze dell’Istituto di Bologna.}

412

R. L. Trask{Uhlenbeck, C. C. 1891. Baskische Studiën. Amsterdam:}{–––1909. ‘Suffixes du basque servant à la dérivation des mots: pour servir à la connaissancede la formation des mots en basque’. RIEV 3: 1–16.}{–––1910. ‘Contribution à une phonétique comparative des dialectes basques’. RIEV 4. 65–
120.}–––. **** 19227. {‘Die mit b- anlautenden Körperteilnamen des Baskischen’. In Festschrift
Meinhof: sprachwissenschaftliche und andere Studien, pp. 351–357. Hamburg:
Friedrichsen & Co. Spanish translation} 1949, {‘Los nombres vascos de miembros delcuerpo que comienzan con b-’}. Eusko-Jakintza 3: 105{–111.} [body-part prefix]–––1928. [TITLE]. RIEV 19: [PAGES: includes p. 168] {Page not visible on
http://www.eusko-ikaskuntza.org/es/publicaciones/colecciones/riev/}{–––1947. ‘Les couches anciennes du vocabulaire basque’. Eusko-Jakintza 1: 543–581.}{[}Uhlenbeck, C. C. 1949. Eusko Jakintza 3: [PAGES: includes p. 105] [body-part prefix] {]Entry incorporated in Uhlenbeck (1927).}{Vendryes, J. 1959. Lexique étymologique de l’irlandais ancien. Lettre A. Dublin: Dublin
Institute for Advanced Studies.}{Villasante, Luis. 1973. Axular-en Hiztegia. Oinati: JAKIN.}{Vinson, Julien. 1910. ‘Le calendrier basque.’, RIEV 4: 32–40.}
Wasson, R. Gordon. 1956. [TITLE]{‘Lightning bolt and mushrooms: An essay in early
cultural exploration’.} In [EDITORS]{M. Halle et al.} (eds.) For Roman Jakobson:{Essays on the Occasion of his 60th Birthday, October 11, pp. 605–612. The Hague:
Mouton} [PAGES: includes p. 11] [PLACE: PUBLISHER].

Etymological Dictionary of Basque
Basque index

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English index

Etymological Dictionary of BasqueIndex of botanical names
Alnus glutinosa: haltza
Alopecurus pratensis: azeri-belar (under azeri)
Bellis et al.: bitxilore (under bitxi)
Calluna vulgaris: erika
Daucus carota: azenario
Equisetum hiemale: azeribuztan (under azeri), eztañu-belar (under eztainu)
Hyoscyamus niger: biotz-igarra (under bihotz)
Plantago maior: arpin (under ardi)
Setaria italica: arto
Triticum aestivum: gari
Vaccinium myrtillus: ahabia
Zea mays: arto

415

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R. L. Trask
Index of zoological names

Etymological Dictionary of Basque417

Subject index
References are to headwords under which one or more examples of a phenomenon can befound. Both certain examples and possible examples are listed.
adjective-forming suffixes *edin, *edun, -i [1], {gai, gaitz,} -kin, -kizun, {-kor, -kun} -o[2], {ohi,} -os, -tar, -ti [1], -tar, {-tsu,}
adverb-forming suffixes {-ka,}-ki [1], {-la,} {ontsa (see on), oro,} -ro {not in The
Dictionary}, -to [2], -z,
agreement markers in verbs : {-da, -ga, gu, hi, -na-, ni, -o, zu}
articles *har, {hau,} bat
aspect markers: see tense
blocking (h)arritu (harri)case-suffixes -a [1], {-an,} {-e,} -en [1], {gai, -gan, -gaz,} ide, -i [2], {-ik,} -k [2], {-kide,}{-n [1],} -ra, {-rean,} -ti [2], -tik, {-tza,} -z,
causative affixes -erazi, -racolour terms arre,*bel, berde, {dündü,}*gorr-, hori [**{2}], {marroi,} urdin, zuri,
comparative suffix -agocomparison, irregular hobe, oncompound verbs, fossilized {ausiki, eguriki, esku,} *ihar-, itxadon, jaurtiki,
contamination, crossing and folk-etymology {aba, aintzigar, andere, aho, harroka, *aur,
azenario, balea, bat, biaje, bidali, bigae, bizi, bortu, buru, gain, gorputz, egun,
ekarri, ehortzi, erdi, erresiñol, estali, etxe, hezkabia, gatz, gu, hi, igurain, iphizpiku,
itze, *ize-, jarri, kurilloe, lahar, lau, loragiño, lore, m-, mihimen, mustela, ortzi,
osaba, pühüllü, solas, ze-, zizain}
crossing: see contamination
dative flags -ki- [2], {-ts-}
demonstratives: {-a,} *har, hau, {-k [1], -la [2], orain,} hori [1], hura, {urte}
diminutive suffixes {-anda,} -ko {not in The Dictionary}, -no, -sko, -to [1],diminutives and expressive variants hegal, gako, [POSSIBLY TOO NUMEROUS TO
LIST?]
expressive formations: m-, m-reduplications, ma-, panp-, pot-,t/k reduplications, plus
many individual cases too numerous to list
expressive variants: see diminutives
extraction of suffixes {ginharreba, -kide, -kizun, kusu, -toki, ume, zahar}
folk-etymology: see contamination
grammaticalization ahal, aintzin, hatz, *aur, behe, ber-, *bez(a)-, bide, deus, *edin,*edun, egin, -erazi, gain, goi, gura, ide, irten, izan, joan, nahi, ohi, ondo [1], oso,
oste, {-tza}
haplology {seme, urde}interrogatives no-, {*-r,} zekinship terms {ahaide,} aita, ahizpa, alaba, ama, {*ana- [1], anaia} arreba, {asaba,}aube, {aurba,} -ba, ginharreba, {gu, guti,} iloba, *ize-,{-kizun,} neba, osaba, seme,-so, suinloanwords, unusual erika, laket, majo, martitzen, otu, porlan, txiriboga,
metathesis {adreilu,} {[}ainhara{]}, {alfer,} belena, {bezatu,} bitxi, {debeku, diru,
enara, errain, erraldoi, estali, estrata, euli,} euskara, {ezabatu, faratila, gabe, gain,*gi-, gurutze, ikusi,} igan, {ingude, iñude, kantitu, kaprestu, kurel, lañeza, laño,
larderia, lipizta, lizun, manteliña,} maradikatu, hobe, hodei, horri, ortzi, {probestu,
señale, zupu}

418

R. L. Trask

mood markers: see tense
neologisms {ahari, aho, *aur, -ba, bat,} bizi,{daguenil, edan, hegal, etorri,} euskara,{gari,} garrantzi, {gatz,} iraatsi, irakurri, {jai, lur,} margo, {hori, tilet, ze-}noun-forming suffixes -aia,{-aga,} -aje, {-anda,} *-ar, -ari [1], -ari [2], -ba, -da, -dade, di, -do, {-dura,}*edun, {egin, era, -eta, gai} -goa, -iri, -keria, -ki [3], {-kide,} -kizun,-ko, *-kun, -le, {mendu,} -no, -o [2], {orde, -sa,} -tar, -te [1], {-to [1], -toki,} -tza,{ume, -z, -zarre, -zartz, zio,} *-zun,
numerals bat, bi, hiru{r}, lau [**{1}], bortz, sei, zazpi, zortzi, bederatzi (under bat),hamar, hogei, ehun [**], milapatronymic suffix -iz,
personal name as source of word azeri, {bitxilote (under bitxi),} Katalin, luki, Mari [2],Martin, {txantxiku,} Txarran, {txatiko}personal pronouns en-, gu, hi, ni, zu
plural markers -it-, -k [1],postpositions aintzin, {*-al, ate, hatz,} *aur, azpi, {baithan,} barru, behe, {*bez(a), bi,bide, buru,} gabe, gai, gain, inguru, {-kide,} kontra, {landa,} ondo [1], oste, {zehar}prefixes {ahal, ai-, ba-, bait-, be-,} bihur, {d-, des-, e- [1], e- [2], ez, {gu, hi, ni, -ra-, zu}
question particles -a [2], ahalsuperlative suffix -en [1]surname suffixes -duru, -en [2], {gune,} -illa, {-iri, -itz,} -iz, -kute, {ola,} -usta
syncope {andere, arnegatu, esan, gar, ikatz}
synthetic forms, verbs with {atxeki, edan,} *edin, *edun, egin, {*erahatzi (under ahantzi),
ekarri, entzun, eritzi, esan,} etorri, {etzan,} {[}ezagun{]}, jardun (under *ihar-),ibili, erabili (under ibili), igorri, ikusi, {-io-, ipini, irakin,} izan, {izeki,} jakin,{jaugin}syntactic suffix -ko
tapped /r/, words with final {hau(r), barau(r), hirur, lau(r), ñirñir, paper, plater, *-r, ur,zer (under ze-)}tense/mood/aspect markers ari, bide, ei, ohi, omen, {Other than at bide, this grammaticalphenomenon is not discussed in The Dictionary.}
toponymic suffixes -aga, -ain, -ama, -ana, -atz, -eta, -ika, -itz, {-o [3],} -oa, -oña
transfer of verbs to the -tu class {ahantzi, aberatsi (under abere), bidali, eguriki, hertsi,
eskaini (under esku), ezagun, ihesi (under ihes), ijeztu, izan, sinetsi (under zin)}
verbal affixes -a [3], be-, d-, -da-, e- [1], -it-, -o [1], -ra-, -te [1], {and see prefixes above}verb-forming suffixes -i [1], -tu,
Suffix *-r ??{see entry *-r in The Dictionary}