Can HCI Replicate the Intangible Gainsof International Exposure?
A Case Study in Rwanda
Tsuyoshi Kano

Abstract

University of Michigan

What do developing country residents gain frominternational exposure? And, is it possible that suchgains could be learned over the Internet, such as
through MOOCs? We seek to answer an aspect of thesequestions by investigating the expectations andexperiences of two groups of Rwandans: those planningto go abroad to study, and those who already had
experience abroad. In contrast to knowledge or skills
that participants before study abroad expect to gain,participants with experience abroad highlight significant
shifts in attitudes, such as an appreciation of focusing
on quality. They also note an increase in theirmotivation to work and to change Rwandan society. We
discuss how the difference between the two groups ofparticipants can be explained in the context of brain
circulation and self-efficacy. Afterward, we discuss
whether technology and HCI can substitute for or
mitigate the need for physical international exposure.

Ann Arbor, MI 48109, USAtkano@umich.edu
Eric Obeysekare
Pennsylvania State University
University Park, PA 16802, USA
Eric.obeysekare@gmail.com
Kentaro Toyama
University of Michigan
Ann Arbor, MI 48109, USA
toyama@umich.edu

Author Keywords
MOOCs; Rwanda; brain circulation; international
exposure; HCI; self-efficacy; motivation;

ACM Classification Keywords
H.5.m. Information interfaces and presentation (e.g.,HCI): Miscellaneous;

Introduction
A key factor in the growth of the ICT industry is humanresource development. One major impediment to thistalent development is “brain drain.” Ng'ambi [9] writes
that Africa in particular is challenged by massive brain
drain of higher education graduates who go on to apply
their skills in other locales. By some estimates, 37.4%of Silicon Valley software engineers were born outside
the United States [6]. For developing countries whodesire high-quality human capital to assist in thedevelopment of their economies, the effects of brain
drain are especially acute.
Contrasting with this loss of talent are the foreign-bornor second-generation engineers who decide to return totheir country of origin bringing with them broad skills
and business networks. This return of cultivated talentis called “brain circulation,” and can play a critical rolein some countries’ IT-sector development—particularly
countries such as India, Israel, and Taiwan [12].
Saxenian [12] asserts that the conditions of brain
circulation are 1) governments that have invested
heavily in higher technical education, and 2) stability ofpolitics and economy. The second condition includes
policies around investment and entrepreneurship, suchas openness to foreign investment and a conducive
business environment.
While the brain drain of educated citizens is a challenge
in many African countries, brain circulation is also
evident in some countries in Africa, where individuals
have begun to return home because of increased

opportunities in the technology sector. Avle [1]interviewed 14 returnees who manage small-size or
medium-size companies in Ghana, finding that
returnees work as a catalyst for economic growth. Theybring up-to-date technical knowledge and financial
capital for business back to burgeoning economies. She
also points out that international exposure is integral inorder to obtain management and strategic skills thatcan make individuals competitive on a global scale.
Rwanda is one example of a developing country thatfeels the effects of both brain drain and brain
circulation. In a desire to transform itself into a middleincome country, Rwanda is currently pursuing an ICTbased economic development strategy. To accomplish
this, the Rwandan government strongly encourages
entrepreneurship and innovation as a means to create
jobs and expand the ICT market [8, 11]. As an
indication of all it has already achieved, Rwanda isranked second in Africa in the ease of doing business[15] and lack of government corruption [13]. However,Rwanda’s economy and ICT industry are still immature.
The country is ranked 159th in the HumanDevelopment Index [14] overall and with respect toeducational achievement. The ICT Readiness index,
based on ICT access, use, and skills, also ranks Rwanda
150th [5]. These rankings are among the world’s
lowest 15%. Rwanda still has a long way to go and thus
stands to benefit from increased brain circulation.
But, what exactly do developing-world residents gainfrom their time abroad? In an age of global digitalcommunication, is physical travel required to gain theknowledge and experience necessary to grow an
economy? For example, Massive Open Online Courses(MOOCs) allow anyone with an Internet connection toaccess content taught by strong teachers at the world’s
best institutions. Zhenghao et al. [16] claim thatMOOCs have benefits for students in both educationaland career development, especially in developing
countries. Bezy [10] proposes that MOOCs can improveteaching by professors around the world, as well.
Maitland & Obeysekare [7] suggest that theparticipants of the American MOOC Camp program indeveloping countries obtained global exposure capitalthrough being exposed to foreign ideas and different
ways of learning and doing. These studies suggest that
digital tools, like MOOCs, stand to benefit developing
countries in ways beyond just technical skill transfer.
So, can the benefit of physical brain circulation,
especially international exposure, be facilitated bytechnologies? We seek to answer an aspect of thisquestion by investigating the expectations andexperiences of two groups of Rwandans: those planningto go abroad to study, and those who already hadexperience abroad. After presenting our findings, we
discuss potential entry points for Human-Computer
Interaction (HCI) research.

Methodology
Face to face semi-structured interviews were conductedwith two groups: 1) Rwandans who were planningstudy abroad, and 2) Rwandans who had someexperience studying abroad.
The first group was composed of ten Rwandan
participants (eight men and two women) who wereabout to depart for master's programs abroad. They
were the candidates of a Japanese government-funded
program, which consisted of a two-year master’s
program and a six-month internship in Japan. They

were in their twenties with bachelor’s degrees in ITrelated majors. Henceforth, this group will be called“Group 1.” Group 2 is comprised of nine Rwandan
participants (seven men and two women) who had
graduated from or are pursuing master's programs in
the United States, South Africa, Belgium, and Japan.
Three of them had already come back to Rwanda, andsix of them were still studying in Japan at the time of
the interviews. All of them majored in IT-related
subjects. The interviews consisted of open-ended
questions regarding the expectations of studyingabroad and, for Group 2, the gains in studying abroad.
The participants were chosen through contacts withboth the Rwandan and Japanese governments andsnowball sampling. Interviews in Rwanda were held at
the Rwanda ICT Chamber’s kLab—an innovation hub inKigali—or interviewee offices. Participants interviewed
in Japan, were interviewed in their university in Kobe,
Japan. Interviews were transcribed and thematicallyanalyzed for recurring themes.

Findings
We first make a general remark that all the participants
responded that they planned to come back to Rwanda
after their studies. This is somewhat surprising, andresponses may have been influenced by the fact thatsomeone affiliated with a donor organization for theirprograms was asking the questions, but the Rwandan
government has also cultivated a culture of citizens
contributing to the country. In any case, we interpret
their responses to mean that the participants have atleast some intention to gain something from studying
abroad that they would like to bring back to Rwanda.

The remainder of the findings are organized around thethree most salient issues that emerged in a comparisonof Group 1 and Group 2 participants.
Types of skill learned: Group 1 participants tended tohighlight technical skills—either in engineering orbusiness—as an anticipated learning. For example, one
participant noted, “I want to develop my capacity sothat I can have solutions that can affect more people.”On the contrary, Group 2’s answers highlighted nontechnical attitudes toward their work, such as theimportance of punctuality, work quality, or customer
service. One participant said, “When I had a task inRwanda, I gave all my effort to finish that task as soon
as possible. But here in Japan, the process is important.
The quality of what we deliver is very important, so wemust have time to think again and again.” One
returnee from South Africa concluded that the higher
education in Rwanda was overly theoretical, and that
Rwanda universities could teach more practical skills.
Crucially, many of these non-technical insights camefrom cross-cultural comparisons that participants madein their daily life, and not necessarily in their formal
education. A current student in Japan was impressed by
the country’s customer service: “When I went to a postoffice, I saw how they treat customers. Even if they'rebusy, they come and tell you what they are doing andsay, ‘Please wait.’ This small effort makes customers
feel good.” A returnee from Japan says, "Even the small
restaurants, even the small bars, they're veryinnovative. If you want to order a beer, you don't needto ask. You just press buttons ... There are innovations
in everything.”

Increased motivation: Many Group 2 participants
noted an increase in their motivation to work and tochange Rwandan society. The same participant who
was impressed by innovation in small bars said, “WhenI came back here (to Rwanda), I want to focus oninnovation. [Studying in Japan] changed me." Anotherstudent still studying in Japan answered, “When I go
back there, I change my working style. I meet mydeadlines, and I improve the quality of work that I do. I
think they will see huge change because of the switchof my working style.” Yet another student studying inJapan said, “What I can bring to Rwanda is to try toimprove our behavior more. Try to get organized.
People should be humble.”
At least from the interviews, it is not entirely clear whatcaused these increases in motivation. We hypothesize
two possibilities that are hinted at in participant
comments. First, the encounter with a foreign culture
makes people aware of new possibilities, which they
perceive to be exciting. Second, there may be amechanism similar to that which people feel when theyencounter role models: “If this country can do it, weshould be able to do it, too!”International social capital: Both Group 1 and Group2 participants noted the importance of meeting others
and growing their networks. Here students’
expectations are matched by their experiences abroad.
A strong network is also one of five factors required for
ICT export success according to Heeks & Nicholson [4].
One Group 1 participant said, “I'm looking forward to
having different connections with different people. The
connection is very important with maybe companies orindividual people.”One Group 2 participant noted an increase in social
self-efficacy, which is defined as people’s belief about
their capabilities to organize and accomplish required
tasks with a designated level of performance [3]: “I cancooperate with many people, even Japanese included.
I’m still focusing on developing my start-up withpartnering with other peoples.” Internships can further
boost these kinds of interactions. Another Group 2participant has already started a company based on arecent study-abroad experience, funded by hisinternship host company: “We wanted to develop
applications around the Internet of Things, data-driven
solutions. We found out that to be able to get good
partners, like Japanese companies, or to get clients, it
was good to have a business together rather thanindividually.”

Discussion
We begin by discussing how the difference between ourtwo groups of participants can be explained in thecontext of brain circulation and self-efficacy. Afterward,
we discuss whether technology can substitute for ormitigate the need for physical international exposure.
Reassessing development: Group 1 participantstended to expect short-term or direct benefits fromtheir studies abroad. They emphasized knowledge,
skills, and human connection. Many Group 2participants, however, remarked on the gap between
their home and host countries, and did so in a way thatsuggested internal changes as a result. International
exposure and life in a different culture seems to grant
several types of epiphanies: (1) an outside perspectiveof their home country; (2) a recognition of themagnitude of the gap between the developed anddeveloping world; (3) a sense for the social

characteristics associated with economic development;and (4) new approaches to encouraging development,
based on host-country examples. In contrast to Avle[1], who found that technical knowledge, financialcapital, and global-level business skills are the benefitsof brain circulation, we propose that a reassessment ofwhat development means, as well as sensitivity to theeveryday attitudes and customs that might be a causeof developed-country status are also critical benefits ofbrain circulation.
In addition, as we saw with Group 2 participants whoreturned with increased motivation to change theirhome country, the experience of international exposure
seems to improve self-efficacy. Bandura [2] theorizes
that there are four ways to increase self-efficacy—through personal success, vicarious experience,encouragement, or positive mood. Studying abroad
could be enforcing a sense of personal success, while
seeing the everyday strengths of a developed country
could provide vicarious experience.
HCI and physical brain circulation: What are thekey differences between the physical experience ofstudying abroad and learning on the Internet, such as
through MOOCs? It seems clear that technical skills andknowledge can be learned online. Unlike othereducational contexts where lack of student motivation
is a hurdle, there is plenty of motivated talent in
Rwanda as our Group 1 participants demonstrated. The
fact that few of our Group 2 participants emphasizedtechnical skills or knowledge also suggests that either
they did not see what they learned abroad technicallyto be beyond what they could have learned at home orthat they recognized the greater importance of the newattitudes they gained abroad.

With respect to the non-technical knowledge and skills
mentioned in our findings, however, we believe it is noteasy to replicate the experience digitally. First, there
are some crucial experiences that are not readily
turned into online experiences. Consider even thesimple case of the participant who was impressed byJapanese customer service. In a sense, the mundaneness of an everyday transaction was required as astage on which a striking customer service event wasexperienced. Purchasing goods from Japan online, orteleconferencing with a merchant overseas cannot
easily convey this combination of the everyday with theexotic. And attempts to contrive such an experience
digitally would be just that—contrived.
Second, it is salient that none of our Group 1participants mentioned any expectation of this kind oflearning. Simple online searches link to considerable
information online about foreigners’ experiences livingand working in Japan (for example), but suchinformation was not sought by any of our Group 1
participants. They did not know even to ask.
Third, it is not clear that even with the foresight to seekout such information, that it would have anything likethe power of direct experience. Some of our Group 2participants seemed to return from their study-abroad
programs with a tinge of religious conversion. They hadexperienced a different world; they had newconvictions; and they wanted others to feel what theyfelt. In our global age, all of us have seen video footageof life abroad in many countries, and with virtual reality,
those experiences will be further heightened. But, they
will still not allow us to shake hands with locals, smell
scents wafting in the air, or feel the loss of balance thatcomes when one is not anywhere near home.

For HCI, we believe that this means that the focus
should not be on attempts to replace or substitute forexperiences abroad. Following Maitland & Obeysekare[7], maybe digital tools and online courses can beapplied to support and buttress overseas experiences.
How can the new attitudes, social capital, and soft skills
gained abroad be best maintained at a distance andover time? Are there ways to nudge people abroad toexperience more frequent epiphanies while there? Whatmight online courses do to best prepare a person for astudy-abroad experience, such that people gain themost from their precious time overseas?
In the end, good brain circulation seems to requirephysical travel… but there may be many ways in which
digital technologies can add value to time abroad.

Conclusion
A comparison between Rwandan participants before
and after study abroad shows that the intangible gains
from international exposures are shifts in attitude
toward professional work, new motivation to change
society at home, greater self-efficacy, and internationalsocial capital. While it seems difficult to reproduce
these benefits of direct international exposure online,
technology seems likely to be able to augment offlineexperiences. Future research could consider how theInternet and other technological tools could better
prepare people for international experiences, or how
they could augment the value of such experiences
during or afterward.

(2005), 35–61.

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