報告： 2020 年 10 月 26 日、オンラインの国際シンポジウム“Performing the Self andPlaying with the Otherness: Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”を開催しました。
・日時：10 月 26 日（月）15：00 – 18:00
・会場：zoom 開催
・参加者：92 人（うち外国人 75 名 講演者含む）
本シンポジウムは、Covid-19 の感染拡大をうけて 2019 年度 3 月より延期になっていたものです。当初のジャカルタのインドネシア科学院における開催という計画を変更し、オンラインで開催しました。コスプレから、民族性を象徴する「伝統的な」衣装まで、多様な衣装や衣服を纏う実践について、日本とインドネシアの研究者が考察しました。
「装う」という営みにみるアイデンティティの表出や形成や交渉、そして普段の自分とは全く異なる外見与える、他者性をもった衣装を纏うことの遊戯性や効果などについて議論がなされました。また昨今のインドネシアにおけるイスラームの影響力の増大を反映して、ムスリム女性たちの装いにおけるイスラーム的規範の影響や、それらの規範と折り合う女性たちの葛藤や創意工夫などが重要なトピックとなりました。現在は
本シンポジウムの E プロシーディングスを作成中です。（文責：吉田ゆか子）

各発表者の要旨は以下の通り
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Clothing as an Extension of the Body: A phenomenology of clothing undertranscultural conditions
Tetsuya KONO (Rikkyo University)
In this paper, I discuss what clothing means for human beings from theviewpoint of phenomenology. Why do humans wear clothes? In other words, what isthe function of clothing?
There appear to be three main functions. The first is the utility to protect
the body from damages, such as from low/high temperature, heat, poison, acids,shock, and slashing. The second is to reveal social roles or positions. The third is,according to Kiyokazu Washida, a Japanese phenomenologist, metamorphosis. Ouridentity, our sense of selfhood, does not come only from our sense of agency as
Descartes stated; our experience of being seen also contributes to it. Therefore,
wearing different clothes changes one’s own selfhood.
However, wearing clothes for metamorphosis is not, in reality, “possession
by others” but rather an experience of “double-voicedness” as articulated by Mikhail
Bakhtin, the Russian philosopher. According to him, all our utterances are filled withothers’ words, with varying degrees of otherness, “our-ownness,” awareness, anddetachment. Wearing clothes for metamorphosis is to be conscious of our double ormulti-voiced existence. Clothes are an expression of the fact that human beings arecapable of living a life of repeated births and nurturing themselves.

Clothing and Identity in Indonesia and Japan
Momo SHIOYA (The University of Shimane)
Clothing is used as an important method of self-expression of identity. In Japan,
the kimono, which is the country’s traditional clothing, is hardly worn. However,Indonesia’s traditional clothing that include the batik and adat clothing aresometimes worn in schools and offices. The schools and some offices in Japan also
have uniforms but they do not reflect the attribute of traditional clothing. It seems
that historical differences in the national policy concerning a country’s clothing haveresulted in this situation. This study aims to compare clothing and gender in eachcountry, to explore the relation between clothing and identity.
From the Meiji period (1868~1912), the Japanese government promoted
modernization and Westernization of thought, education, and daily life, including
2clothing. The male government officials, soldiers, and students started to wear
western uniforms and this trend spread among the ordinary people. Graduallykimono became worn only on very rare occasions. Contrarily, after the Declarationof Independence in 1945, the Indonesian government recognized batik and kebaya
as national clothing. Diverse adat clothing, which is the ethnic clothing that
represents the Indonesian motto “The Unity in diversity,” also became more valuable.
Nowadays, in the daily life, people of both countries mainly wear western clothing
and the decision to wear this kind of clothes are based on personal preferences.
On the other hand, some “Ruled-clothing” exists in both countries. This
primarily refers to the uniforms for schools and offices that are required to be wornat specific locations, with strict rules. In addition, there are some rules aboutcustoms, concerning clothing for specific occasions, such as rite of passage. In theseoccasions, people are required to wear the “correct clothing.”
In Indonesia, “Semi-ruled clothing” or “Semi-traditional” clothing also exists.
“Semi-ruled clothing” is sometimes required to be worn in schools or offices, but there
is freedom of choice regarding the motifs and models. It is easy to wear for regularuse, and it shows the characteristics of traditional clothing. A few examples of suchclothes include the batik shirts that are worn on the batik day, sewn wrapped skirts,
trousers that resemble a wrapped skirt, etc. Clothing that is based on religious rules
can also be placed in this category. An example would be the Muslim dress code basedon which the Muslims can choose what kind of clothing to wear.
The Semi-ruled clothing in Japan differs from that in Indonesia because it lacks
such variety in choices. At present, the existence of such clothing has made theIndonesian traditional clothing lively and appealing.

Kebaya: Women Recode the Fashion, National Dress, and Identity inEveryday Life
Widjajanti M Santoso (Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI))
Fashion is a statement, not just clothes. It shows preferences, social class,and an ideology. Generally, fashion changes by climates, such as summer collection,by places, such as London or New York collections, and by events, such as during
Christmas or Idul Fitri. As mentioned previously, fashion speaks of and represents
the social class—glamorous, casual, and mimicking each other. However, it also
shows resistance, such as vintage against the new arrivals and so-called haute3couture. In the Third World, fashion is a complicated matter: in some part it is identic
with nationalism but the other placing fashion in geo politics, demonstrated by thechanging trends from traditional dress to western dress.
The study of the sharia’s daily lives, in Indonesia, shows the transformationin the society’s outlook toward Muslim fashion, where women are significant agentsof performing such a transformation (Hisyam, Turmudi, Purwoko, Santoso, 2019). It
collides with the changes in the political orders that flourished at the beginning of
the Orde Reformasi in 1998. As a dominant trend, how the other clothing styles,
except those in Muslim fashion, such as ethnic dress or traditional dress adapt tothis situation? Moreover, how does the Muslim dress code influence the fashion
trends?
As agents, women consume fashion and create new meanings from it, whichis represented by their daily lives. This article depicts the movement of “SelasaBerkebaya” – “Thursday Kebaya Day.” This movement was initiated by the womenby using the social media and other communication medium to convey their message
to the masses. They made video to show that the kebaya is simple, elegant, andwearable. It adapts nicely to age, activities, and other clothes, such as a pair of jeans.
This attracted a huge attention; however, does it recode fashion, and represent adeeper social change?
This movement started from nationalism—kebaya is more than just anational dress—and it shows Indonesia’s identity. Although, this women’s movement
began with a general urge to support the national dress, it has developed a wider
and deeper meaning. This is a preliminary study by using interviews and texts fromsocial media; it places fashion into the contexts of gender-related issues and socialand cultural changes.
The article describes the resistance, as the “Selasa Berkebaya” has been
considered to go against the conventional so-called Islamic dress. This article puts

kebaya in the historical background of Indonesian nationalism and the position ofwomen. Women have contributed to the growth of Indonesia’s nationalism from thetime that the nation was founded, but this has been seldom acknowledged. Thus, atpresent, they are recoding fashion by creating a new meaning out of the concept ofnationalism.

4Religious Democratization Through the Hijab: A Study on the Theater
Performance Entitled “Which Islam?”
Yustina Devi Ardhiani (Sanata Dharma University)
The focus of this research is the theater performance entitled "WhichIslam?." The theater performance was produced by the women's organization,
Fatayat Nahdatul Ulama Special Region of Yogyakarta (Fatayat NU DIY) at the69th Harlah Fatayat NU in Yogyakarta Cultural Park. This research discusses how
the women participating in Fatayat NU expressed their anxiety through theater
media. One of the anxieties voiced in the theater was that there were Muslims, both
men and women, who tried to impose certain ways of how wearing hijab on Muslimwomen. The situation is increasingly disturbing, because if a woman refuses toconform, she is vulnerable to various forms of bullying.
The organizational principles of Fatayat NU are the same as those of NU,
namely, the organization embodies tolerance and respect for differences, and strives
to uphold the tradition of observing and understanding Islamic teachings in thecontext of Indonesian culture. Therefore, the Fatayat NU organization does accept
the presence of differences in the way women wear their hijab. Women’s increased
vulnerability to becoming victims of verbal and non-verbal violence if they reject theimposition of certain beliefs, shows that despite the diversity of this country,
religious life is an urgent matter and warrants the close attention of citizens fromall walks of life.
This begs another question; why did the members of Fatayat NU choose toshare their anxiety through theater media? My experience of watching a theater
performance titled "Which Islam?" increases my hopes for the conception of apeaceful way of life that had previously almost disappeared. Seeing and feeling theproduction's message firsthand enabled me to perceive the staging of theater as a
medium of communication, presented to convey thoughts and hopes for a more
harmonious religious life. Therefore, I believe that the theater performance ofFatayat NU entitled "Which Islam?" is an important work that should be addressedin an academic research and disseminated to the wider community.

5Performing Self, Otherness, or “Ourness”?: Balinese dance and its costumes
in Jakarta
Yukako Yoshida（ILCAA）

The use of hijabs and batik shirts in Indonesia show how costumes work as
a media through which people perform their social identity. One can take off such“social” costumes and wear a costume that can make you look entirely different.
Cosplaying is an extreme example, along with many other instances. In Kyoto, forexample, many foreign tourists wear traditional Japanese costumes while walking
around town. Wearing costumes, therefore, has a bilateral character. While it isclosely related to self-identity, it also enables you to take a distance from youridentity and play with otherness.
Furthermore, a costume works as a sign that inevitably communicatessomething about its wearer. A costume you wear defines who you are and affects yoursocial relations. By wearing hijab, you become a modern Indonesian Muslim. By
wearing a fancy kimono and walking clumsily, you become a person of leisure withlove for Japanese tradition. Costumes also physically restrict or support yourmovements and thus influence your activities. In short, wearing costumes changes
and forms its wearer.
Having these capacities of costumes in mind, this paper focuses on thetraditional Balinese dance of Indonesia and its costumes. I am particularlyinterested in the cases in Jakarta, where the majority of the learners are nonBalinese and are mostly female. This paper examines the experience of non-Balineseperformers in learning and performing Balinese dances, which are originally
immersed in Balinese culture and Hindu practices. It discusses how their social,cultural, and religious identities conflict with, are compromised, or influenced by the“otherness” of Balinese dances and its costumes.
Each Balinese dance has its particular costume that reflects the story’ssetting and the attributes of the figures described in the dance. In a sense, for every
performer a costume contains “otherness,” and is a tool to become the “other.” By
wearing them, a performer can transform oneself into a prince, worrier, or paradise
bird. In addition, however, non-Balinese people encounter a particular otherness
within the costumes. For example, revealing costumes might appear as problematicfor Muslim female dancers. Nevertheless, in the course of the training and repeated6performance, the dancers get familiar with their costumes. For advanced performers,
they feel that dancing is an indispensable part of their lives and that the charactersthey often portray become a part of themselves. In addition, many of them feel thatthe Balinese dance is a part of their national heritage and is considered “our culture.”
This paper argues that, for them, the sense of self, otherness, and “ourness” co-exist
in the Balinese dance. It also shows that those three layers of senses will be
repeatedly renewed, as through dance and costume, a performer expands her senseof self, and are exposed to new social relationships

Hijab Cosplay: When Muslim Women Embrace Fan Culture
Ranny Rastati (Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI))
Almost one decade has passed, since the hijab cosplay was introduced. The
Hijab cosplay was performed in Muslim majority countries like Indonesia andMalaysia and in Muslim minority countries like the United Kingdom. Theappearance of hijab cosplay demonstrated that dawah (preaching Islam) could
include cosplay. At present, the old-fashioned style of dawah that was previously
delivered through mosques and formal institutions does not have sufficient appeal
for the youth. In the modern era, the dawah’s style has underwent several
adjustments and has begun to penetrate informal mediums of communication,
including the social media and pop culture products like animation and cosplay. The
wave of Islamization and the growing Muslim middle class inspire the concerned
Muslims to take control of the popular cultural production (Hariyadi 2010). It isessential that the dawah’s style adapts to the current generation. Dawah is not
limited to certain preaching actions, such as Islamic lectures and Quran recites—it
also includes activities that highlight the Islamic symbol in clothing, such as hijab(veil) for women and takiyah (cap) for men. This paper is an exploration of thelifestyles of hijab cosplayers and the community that surrounds them. Throughethnography, I argue that the religious values play a significant role in making
cosplay into an identity game and a vehicle of spreading Islamic values.

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Masking Culture and Associated Identities: The Case of Southern IranManami Goto (JSPS, ILCAA)
The female face mask has played an important role in the coastal societiesof the Persian Gulf for more than 500 years. For most of this period, women wereexpected to wear their first face mask at the age of puberty or on their wedding day,and continued to wear it throughout their lifetime. Each face mask is made by handto fit the wearer’s face, and the mask’s shape, colour, material, design, andembroidery are selected depending on the wearer’s age, origin, marital status,ethnicity, religious or tribal affiliation, the number of children, and socio-economicstatus. Wearing the face mask is also strongly associated with honour, piety, andpride. The face mask is, hence, not a simple concealment, but a visual symbol of awoman’s identity. However, this unique regional material culture has not beenstudied in depth, and its significant functions between women and the societies they
belong to have been underestimated. Moreover, as the generation of women using
the mask on a daily basis is diminishing, this long-existing practice is disappearing.
Today, the face mask is one of the most iconic representations of the local identity ofsouthern Iran, and is used in rituals, ceremonies, music videos, and advertisements.
This article briefly discusses the historical background of the face mask andintroduces its diverse meanings and usages in southern Iran. The aim of this article
is to shed light on the living relationships between the local communities, especiallywomen, and the face mask through data and research gathered by the author.

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