第 24 回フィリピン研究会全国フォーラム抄録集
Proceedings of 24th Young Scholars’ Conference
on Philippine Studies in Japan

June 22-23, 2019名古屋大学大学院国際開発研究科
Graduate School of International Development,
Nagoya University, Nagoya, Japan.

Table of Contents*Each title is based on actual presentation title at the conference. Please note somepresenters changed their title for the proceedings.
1. Local Development……………………………………………………………………………..1- Marjorie D. Resuello (Nagoya University) Local Economic Development and Disaster
Risks in the Philippines- Carl Milos R. Bulilan, Colleen Gayle Coquilla, Zessa Mae Paredes (Holy Name
University) Reclaiming Culture: Innovating Traditional Religious Performance forTourism in the Philippines
2. Japanese Occupation………………………………………………………………………….8- Roman R. Sarmiento Jr.II (Far Eastern University) The Natural Calamities in the
midst of the Japanese Occupation in the Philippines (1942-1945)- John Lee Candelaria (Hiroshima University) Arguing for Japanese technologicalsupremacy and modernity through Japanese “propaganda in the Philippines during
the Pacific War"- Joselito M. Ebro Jr. (UP-Diliman) Parades as Propaganda: Japanese-Sponsored
Parades and the Greater-East Asia War
3. Language, Literature, Education………………………………………………………….16- Edgar Calabia Samar (Ateneo de Manila University) The Function of Sight in the
Incitement of Fear: Notes on Types of Philippine Creatures of Lower Mythology- Satoshi Miyawaki (Osaka University) Emergence of Bible Translation into
Heterogeneous Language: New Testament Pinoy Version and the Development of
Tagalog/Filipino/Taglish Bible Translations- Kimi Yamoto (Osaka University) Error Analysis among Beginner Filipino Major
Learners in Japan: Focus on Errors before Introducing Verbs in Filipino Language"
4. Filipinos in Japan 1……………………………….…………………………………………25- Kakehashi (NGO) A Study on Support Services to Help Children with Filipino Rootsin Japan Integrate to Japanese Society- Jhemarie Chris Laboy Bernas (Ritsumeikan Asia and the Pacific University)
Community Union-Civil Society Groups Coalition: Cases of Temporary MigrantWorkers in Japan
5. Filipinos in Japan 2…………………………………………………………………………..31- 堀巴美（社会福祉法人ならやま会）EPA 介護福祉士候補者の学習等支援体制の実際と課
題②- 川口智（日本 IBM）フィリピン IT エンジニアの活躍- 金春喜（京都大学卒）フィリピンから来日した児童がなぜ「発達障害」になるのか- 本間桃里（京都大学）フィリピン系ニューカマー母親にとっての学校福祉
6. American Colonialism……………………………………………………………………….42- Kenneth S. Reyes (University of Tokyo) The Sweetness of Power: Human Capital
Accumulation in America's Philippines- Okada Taihei (University of Tokyo) Two Modernities and Education--The Philippines
and the United States at the Turn of the Century- Lorenzo S. Hipolito, Jr (Centro Escolar University) The Historic Return of Balangiga
Bells A century Journey of War, Struggle and Reconcilliation- Byron de Leon (Kyushu University) Popular Uprisings in Early 19th Century
Philippines and Guatemala in Comparative Perspective
7. History of Minorities…………………………………………………………………………54- Arnel E. Joven (University of Asia and the Pacific) Revisiting Culion: History,
Heritage, and Community- Jopol Alvin C. Ancheta (UP, Diliman) Godparenthood, Ethnicity, and Status: A Late
19th-Century Case Study of Molo, Iloilo- Myfel Dapar Paluga (UP, Mindanao) Where is the Pantaron Manobo ‘economy’located? Three heuristic points for studying the late-19th century/early-20th century
Manobo of the Bukidnon and Davao del Norte highlands of Mindanao- Andrea Malaya Ragragio (UP, Mindanao) The Pantaron highlands and theManobo/Bagobo societies/civilizations in the transition period of the Philippine
colonial powers, 1849-1909: An ethnohistorical study
8. アメリカの世紀から中国の世紀へ………………………………………………………….66- 芹澤隆道（京都大学）台北帝国大学南洋史講座再訪- 向正樹（同志社大学）明治と現代のモンゴル襲来をめぐる言説・イメージ・国民意識- 岡田雅志（防衛大学）東洋史と東南アジア史の間：日本のベトナム前近代史研究から見えるもの

9. Social movement……………………………………………………………………………..72- Ferth Vandensteen Manaysay (Waseda University) Global Climate Justice Norms andLocal Indigenous Movements: Collective Action Framing of Cordillerans in thePhilippines- Harmond Marte (Hiroshima University) Development Aggression in Panay: A Studyon the Impact of Dam Projects to the Tumandok Indigenous People in the Philippines- 瀬名波栄志（東京外国語大学）スミフル・フィリピン労働者による社会運動ユニオニズ
ム(SMU) ―現代の比労働運動と日比労組連帯の考察
10. Urban Studies……………………………………………………………………………….82- 矢ケ崎孟 (藤女子大学) Some Findings on the Residents of Extreme Poverty in SlumDistrict in Cebu City- 藤原尚樹（神戸大学）再編される歴史、空間、「危険地域」─マラボン市を事例に- Aron Jayson L. Garchitorena (Miriam College) Interrogating Mabini Street in Ermita,
Manila as Foucault's Heterotopia
11. Family and Migration…………………………………………………………………….100- 濱口徹（神戸大学）出稼ぎ労働者と移民者それぞれの故郷との関係- 長坂格（広島大学）再生産労働の国際分業における男性移住者の移住経験：イタリアの
フィリピン人男性移住家事労働者の事例から- Ayumi Akase (IBM Japan) The Relationship between Overseas Filipino Worker(OFW) and Their Families Based on the Report of Field Work Survey in the
Municipality of Bustos, Bulacan
12. Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines…….105- Yoneno-Reyes, Michiyo (University of Tokyo) Interrogating “Vanaw” towards
Indigenous Studies: Ethnic Category, Agency, and Power Relation Revisited- Scott Magkachi Saboy (Nasser Vocational Training Center, Bahrain)
Jalipóng: The Village Hearth as an Articulation of an Indigenous Relational Worldview- Ruth Tindaan (UP-Baguio) The Politics of Language Documentation: Fieldwork
Among the Vanaw of Northern Philippines
13. Thinking of the Past and Future of Bangsamoro…………………………………….115- Masami Mori（Kyoto Bunkyo University）Managing the Plural Legal Dimensions in
Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM): A Perspective fromthe Observation in Maranao Society- Asuna Yoshizawa (Kyoto University) Everyday Inter-religious Negotiation between
Muslims and Christians in Iligan: Conversions and Intermarriages
14. Filipinos in Japan 3……………………………………………………………………….121- 小北采佳（所属無表記）東日本大震災後のフィリピン女性たちの生活再建 ―日本人の家族からもたらされる資源と制約に着目して- 永田貴聖（大阪国際大学）フィリピン人移住者による複数ナショナリティ・エスニシテ
ィ関係の形成―カトリック関係施設での活動に関連して- 中島弘象（フリーライター）フィリピン人の妻と出会ってから気づいた、本当のこと
15. パネル：日本の離島におけるフィリピン人結婚移民…………………………………128- 野入直美（琉球大学）島嶼におけるフィリピン女性たちのネットワークとリーダーシッ
プ－徳之島、宮古島、石垣島の比較- 高畑幸（静岡県立大学）離島におけるフィリピン人結婚移民の定住と職業生活─1990 年
代に来日した女性たちの介護職への従事- 矢元貴美（大阪大学）徳之島に暮らすフィリピン人女性の子どもたちの進路とフィリピン文化の継承16. Literature and Theater…………………………………………………………………...133- Ma. Corazon N. Sedeño (Silliman University) Emergence of Protest Theatre
Movement in Negros Occidental, Philippines- Timothy Dacanay (De La Salle-College of Saint Benilde) Ang Di-Bumibitiw na BITAW:
Ang Mapanlikhang Pedagohiya ng PETA mula Martial Law Hanggang sa
Kasalukuyan
17. Politics………………………………………………………………………………………140- Karl Gerrard Tiu See (Nagoya University) At a Crossroads: The Story of Two baseCommunities- Saho Matsumoto （ Nagoya City University ） Religious Conflicts and Conflict
Resolutions: Comparative Studies in the Case of the Northern Ireland and Mindanao
18. 医療・性・生殖…………………………………………………………………………….143- 宮脇聡史（大阪大学）性と生殖をめぐるフィリピン・カトリック教会の言説と政治- 久保裕子（東京大学）プレグナンシーロスの経験と二つのスローガンに基づくネットワークが作る「明日」への社会的紐帯

- 島薗洋介（大阪大学）フィリピンにおける親族関係と腎臓移植
19. Migration……………………………………………………………...……………………152- 鈴木美香（国士舘大学）カリブ地域のフィリピン人移民─トリニダード・トバゴの事例
から- 辻本登志子（青山学院女子短期大学）Is the Cross-Border Regulation of “Offloading”
Paternalistic?: Inquiry from the Study of Irregular Migration of Filipino Women to
South Korea- Maria Cynthia Barriga (Waseda University) Pacific at War: Shifting Social Spaces ofJapanese Residents of Davao Settler Zone
20. Anthropology………………………………………………………………………………160- 辻貴志（佐賀大学）フィリピン・パラワン島におけるワニの民話- 師田史子（京都大学）「仕事＝賭博」の成り立ち方―フィリピンにおける闘鶏のエコノミー- 小瀬木えりの（大阪国際大学）イロイロにおけるアシロ・デ・モロと西ビサヤ・サニタ
リウムの刺繍について
21. Music and Art………………………………………………………………………………167- 藤野秋郎（MIA MUSIC&BOOKS）フィリピンのポップ音楽についてーフィリピン・エ
ンターテインメントの輸入業者からの視座- Gerard Jacinto (Hiroshima University) Special Program in the Arts (Music) in Baguio
City National High School: A Case Study of Performance-based Music Learning in
Junior High School Students- 稲垣立男（法政大学）Balay Sugilanon VIVA EXCON CAPIZ 2018 における地域コミュ
ニティとのアートプロジェクト

LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
AND DISASTER RISKS IN THE PHILIPPINES
Marjorie D. ResuelloGraduate School of International Development
Nagoya University

1. Introduction
If natural disasters create tremendous negative impacts on both economic activities
and people’s livelihood, and with the recurring and increasing magnitude of these events,
how should we be prepared for them? There are various ways to tackle this question but thisstudy focuses on the role of local governments. The Philippines is known as the third mostdisaster-prone country in the world with high risk from natural disasters such as typhoons,flooding, earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions. As a decentralized country, local governments
should act as protagonists in disaster risk reduction and management (DRRM) and climatechange adaptation (CCA). In the context of Philippine decentralization, local governments
are seen as the prime movers for LED and the frontlines to respond to natural disasters intheir jurisdiction. The national law vests them with devolved corporate powers and CCADRRM mandates.
With increased magnitude and frequency of disasters affecting economic development
and foreign investment to country, the burden is overwhelming with disaster after disaster has
struck the Philippines and rehabilitation in one area was hardly past the first stage yet anotherdisaster strikes again (Bankoff, 2003). Various literature have established the link between
poverty and vulnerability; that is, poor is the most vulnerable to impacts of disasters.
Poverty reduction is a central theme of development policy of the Philippines which
tap the increasing roles of local governments. While climate change is a global issue, theimpacts are highly localized. Such necessitates local initiatives in order to adapt to climatechange and disaster risks, particularly that these functions are devolved to local governments.
LED has emerged as an intervention for poverty reduction with territorial approach in thesense that local governments act as enablers, building up on local knowledge andinterventions towards improving the local economy and quality of life.
This study explores the case of Ormoc City in the Eastern Visayas Region in thePhilippines. After being devastated by a tragic flashflood in 1991 and by the super typhoon
Haiyan in 2013, among other disasters that struck the city, Ormoc City was able to rise up
and become the richest city in the Eastern Visayas Region in 2017 and 2018. In this context,
the study aims to identify how vulnerability can be seen as an opportunity to transition
towards being a transformed local government. The study identifies the conditions for the
performance of LED and CCA-DRRM mandates of Philippine local governments in the lensof LED as transformational politics.
2. The Corporate and CCA-DRRM Mandates of Philippine Local Governments
The enactment of the Philippine Republic Act No. 7160, otherwise known as the
Local Government Code of 1991 (LGC of 1991), institutionalized the reform that emphasizes
the greater role of local governments in advancing local development, harnessing theentrepreneurial spirit to transform the public sector. While there is a global recognition of the11

indispensible role of local governments in economic development, the enactment of the LGC
of 1991 has amplified this role by providing local governments with mandates and powers to
pursue LED.
The LGC of 1991 Chapter II Sections 15 and 22 enshrined the political and corporate
powers of the local governments as both body politic and corporate entity (LGC of 1991).
This serves as the opportunity for transformations in the governmental systems and processes
that leads to what Javier (2002) labeled as the emergence of public entrepreneurship in thePhilippine local governments. LED is a notable local governance reform in the Philippines
which highlights the corporate power of local governments.
Moreover, some of the LED-related regular functions of local governments include
policy-making, planning, budgeting, tax regulation, enterprise promotion, service andfacilities provision, and information dissemination. LED is not a new concept to local
governments as it is part and parcel of their regular functions, but LED rather is atransformed or new mindset of performing these regular functions (LGSP, 2003). It can beseen from the lens of creation of wealth and opportunities – economic development will spur
local economic activity, which expands the local government’s tax base resulting to improved
internal revenue generation and can be translated to better social services. A healthy,
educated citizenry due to better social services delivery enhances the reputation of the local
government and the image of its officials in the country and in the international community,
thereby, boosting their chances to attract investors, and politically, of continuing their stay inoffice (LGSP, 2003).
Recognizing the vulnerability of the Philippines to climate change and disaster risks,
Republic Act No. 9729, or the Climate Change Act of 2009, was enacted to mainstream
climate change into government policy formulations. Likewise, Republic Act No. 10121, or
the Philippine Disaster Reduction and Management Act, shifts the policy environment frommere response to preparedness. Also, international commitments of the country to the
Sustainable Development Goals and Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, among
others, as well as the emerging good governance frameworks were given high regards to thecurrent national thrusts and strategic directions as reflected in the Philippine Development
Plan 2017-2022. As local governments are the forefront of CCA-DRRM in the Philippines,
they are compelled to come up with strategies and lead the community towards a resilient
local economy.
3. Vulnerability to Climate Change and Disaster Risks
The formidable impact of climate change and disaster risks on development include
socio-economic losses, loss of job, physical capital loss, and reallocation of funds fromongoing programs to finance relief and reconstruction assistance (De Waal & Amartya Sen,
1997; Haque & Etkin, 2012; The World Bank, 1999). As poverty, disaster vulnerability andenvironmental degradation are integrally linked, natural hazards have played an importantrole in reinforcing poverty (Benson, 1997).
The continuing increase in both the magnitude and frequency of such events has led
some scholars to evaluate societies in terms of their vulnerability: hazards may be physicalphenomena but disasters occur as a result of a community’s political structure, economic
system, and social order that adversely affect the physical environment, progressively
rendering populations more vulnerable to natural hazard and increasing the incidence ofdisaster (Bankoff, 2003).
The frequent disasters hinder the Philippine Government’s efforts to reduce theincidence of poverty and reduce the number of people and assets vulnerable to these hazards(The World Bank, n.d.). This situation indicates linkages between poverty and vulnerability22

to natural disasters and of their mutually re-enforcing effects, which is exacerbated by theincreasing risk of environmental disasters, rapid urbanization, and environmental degradation,
whether as a result of direct human impact and/or climate change (The World Bank, n.d.).
Poverty is the single most important factor determining vulnerability, thus poor communities
tend to be the most vulnerable (The World Bank, n.d.). Bankoff (2003) illustrated not justhow disasters affect the poor but also how its cost is not shared by society as a whole but
disproportionately falls on those least able to bear them through his cycle of poverty andhazard: The poor suffer most and the poverty of their subsequent condition often drives themto actions that further degrade their environment and which in turn only increase theirvulnerability to such events. The magnitude and frequency of disasters caused by natural
hazards can affect both economic development and a nation’s ability to attract foreign
investment (Bankoff, 2003).
4. Understanding Local Economic Development (LED)LED is a collective and multi-stakeholder process within a geographical area thatmakes the best use of local resources for economic development, employment generation,
income growth, and ultimately, poverty reduction and improved quality of life (Javier, 2010
& LGSP, 2003).
The term local in LED signifies the territorial approach to build up the economic
capacity of a locality with the local governments as the prime movers. According to Mbassi(2015), LED is “a way of territorializing development” wherein local governments serve as
central authorities providing leadership in economic development of their territory in order tocreate wealth and jobs.
Theoretically and in practice, by advantage of proximity and better access to local
information, local governments are ideally positioned to understand and respond to theeconomic situation in their locality, harness their comparative and competitive advantages, toserve as center of coordination at the local level, and to be both initiators among all
stakeholders. Moreover, this is where the crucial role of local governments comes in wherein
they can play an instrumental role in wealth creation while mitigating hazard (Prater and
Lindell, 2000).
5. Transformational Politics
Transformational politics emerged from a rethinking of political condition that moves
beyond the constraint of a paradigm that has been inadequate for understanding the world in aperiod of radical changes – transformational politics (Woolper, Slaton, & Schwerin, 1998).
Transformational politics places major change at its core in which we are involved on a daily
basis in accelerating processes of profound and interconnected change in political institutions
and policies.
While there are no complete roadmaps, creating transformational politics necessitates
new ways of thinking – ability to transcend apparent paradoxes and enfold them into a higher
unity and whole systems thinking wherein parts of a system are actually not separated but
rather interrelated and interdependent (McLaughlin, 1992). Transformational politics offers
guide to discover where we have been, where we are, and where we are going. This involves
addressing symptoms of fundamental discontinuity between past and future in political affairs
such as multiplying responsibilities and accelerating environmental degradation.

33

6. Methodology
This study employed mixed methods research to explore and investigate theexperiences of Ormoc City towards becoming able to perform its LED and CCA-DRRM
mandates.
Primary information were from key informant interviews with the Ormoc City local
government particularly the local chief executive, city councilors and concerned department
heads (City Planning and Development Office, City Disaster Risk Reduction Management
Office, Local Economic Investment Promotions Office, and Business Permits and Licensing
Office), as well as the business organizations including Chamber of Commerce, and private
businesses.
Secondary information included desk review of relevant international, national andlocal policies and interventions as well as published researches and journals related to theimplementation of LED, CCA, and DRRM in local governments.
7. The Case of Ormoc City, Leyte
Ormoc City is a port city located in the Province of Leyte in the Eastern Visayas
Region. It is the largest city in Leyte by land area and the second largest in Eastern Visayas.
Having a population of 215,031 people (based on the 2015 Census of Population), it is themost populous city in the region.
In November 1991, the City was devastated by flashflood as a consequence of theheavy rain brought by Typhoon Uring. This devastation resulted to about 5,000 deaths, morethan 3,000 missing and injured residents, 14,000 houses destroyed, 12 bridges partiallydamaged, and 600 million pesos property damage; thus making it known as the Ormoc
Tragedy. In November 2013, another strong typhoon struck the city, the Typhoon Yolanda.
While it caused 38 deaths due partly to massive pre-emptive evacuation and early warning
the city have initiated before the typhoon impact, it still damaged 90% of the city’s
infrastructures and around two billion pesos of to infrastructure, agriculture and economy of
the city.
Despite the wrath brought by natural disasters, Ormoc City has been recognized as therichest city in the Eastern Visayas Region for two consecutive years in 2017 and 2018. The
city has sustained its economic growth by harnessing its comparative advantage of abundantsource of geothermal energy for power generation in the Philippines. Its accessible location
as a port city and having its airport makes it connected to the provinces, which serves as oneof the city’s competitive advantage to attract investments and business developments.
Business growth in Ormoc City has continued to flourish even after the onslaught of
Typhoon Yolanda in 2013. Based on the data from the Business Permits and Licensing Office,the business registrants in Ormoc City consistently increased and reached 38% increase in
2018. These businesses generated growing job opportunities for the residents reaching to
54% increase in employment in 2018. In order to attract investors, the Ormoc City local chief
executive takes the lead on focusing on peace and order as the main thrust of the city.
Securing peace and order in the city is seen as a strategy to provide business-friendly
environment to investors and businesses which in turn will spur economic activities andemployment generation in the city. These economic opportunities are necessary to uplift the
majority of population who are poor from state of vulnerability to disaster risks.
Moreover, the local chief executive also recognizes the greater role of the private
sector in pursuing local economic development, such as in participatory decision-making andproject implementation, which promotes transparency and builds up trust between the local
government and the private sector.
44

8. Conclusion
This study shows the conditions for local government to be transformed in performing
LED and CCA-DRRM because these two tasks are interrelated. In the Philippine context, theconstitution has mandated local governments with the devolved functions of wealthgeneration and CCA-DRRM. The geographical location of the country makes it vulnerable tonatural disasters exacerbated by climate change, which impacts are localized rendering thepoor population most vulnerable.
Hence, local governments have to be entrepreneurial in attracting investors andstrengthening businesses which will generate employment opportunities for their constituents.
This necessitates the role of the local chief executives as entrepreneur in the lens of LED tolead and sustain the development of the localities and overcome vulnerability to disasters.

References
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Benson, C. (1997). The economic impact of natural disasters in the Philippines. ODI.
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Dill, G. 2000. The Political Dimensions of Local Government Management Reform: Major
Aspects and International Experience. Local Government Development Foundation.
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Hood, C. 1991. “A Public Management for all Seasons?”. Public Administration69 (1), pp.319
Javier, A. B. 2002. The Emergence of Public Entrepreneurship in the Philippines; A Local
Governance Perspective. Graduate School of International Development, Nagoya
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Javier, A. B. 2010. State of Local Economic Development (LED) in the Philippines. Local
Governance Support Program for Local Economic Development (LGSP-LED)
Philippines.
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Development. Third World Forum on Local Economic Development. 13-16 October
2015, Turin.
55Meniano, S. (2018, November 7). Region 8 shows post-‘Yolanda’ economic gains. Philippine
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6

6

Reclaiming Culture:
Innovating Traditional Religious Performance for Tourism in the Philippines
Carl Milos R. Bulilan, Colleen Gayle Coquilla, Zessa Mae Paredes
Holy Name University

This paper examines cultural innovations by a local community in the reinventing of its
traditional performance for both tourism and religious purposes. Elements of culture havebecome tourism products and attractions. Local people actively showcase their arts andcreative performances to visitors. In the process, tourism activities may result in culturalpreservation, change, and degradation. Although scholars have examined the active role ofthe local people in the production of traditional performances for tourism purposes, theprocess of reclaiming the right of local communities to reshape their own culture has been
given less attention. Using ethnographic case study approach, this paper examines a local
religious festival in the island of Bohol in the Philippines. The case study illustrates how local
communities transform devotional performance into a tourist attraction without losing its
religious value. In the process, local people reclaim control over their own culture.

7

7

DELUBYO: The Climatic Calamities in the midst of the Japanese Occupationin the Philippines (1942-1945)
byRoman R. Sarniento Jr. II
rsarmiento@feu.edu.ph
This research explains how the Japanese colonizers demonstrate and take advantage of thenatural calamities in the Philippines to promote their political and cultural ideals. Specifically, it
will recount the climatic calamities such as deluge, typhoon, storm and flooding in the Philippinesfrom the different primary source documents (diaries and news papers).
Upon entering the wet season in the Philippines, a heavy rain came in and caused high andextensive flooding in Metro Manila on July 19, 1942. According to the Philippine Weather
Bureau it recorded 534.90 mm of rain in almost four days of rain and the final day was able torecord 332.30 mm which said to be the second strongest rain in 77 years. After the deluge, only
two people are the recorded casualties. The disaster has also recorded in the diary of John
Labrador on July 21, 1942:
Our situation is not ordinary only because there is war, butalso the nature is also extraordinary. I also lost as to how
many days it rains; I feel that the continuous rainfall will
result in extraordinary flooding and eventually recorded as
the greatest deluge in Philippine history.
Knee deep water in Espanya St., Sampaloc, Manila(The Tribune July 26, 1942)

On the 15th of November 1943, a month after the declaration of independence of thePhilippines under the Japanese Occupation, one of the worst disasters experienced came in andwas classified as "The Great Typhoon of '43 ". Before reaching the 15th of November, there werefour days of pouring rain in Metro Manila and in the provinces around it and the fifth day cameand a great rain storm and powerful winds resulted to high and widespread flooding. Thistyphoon is considered as the most documented calamity in the Philippines during the Japanese
occupation, and the different experiences was recorded by the different people during that time.
A diary of Pacita Pestano dated November 17, 1943 narrated:
People experienced the first flood since the Japanese occupation and were mildly thrilled
by it… A doctor and a nurse, summoned for an emergency, decided to take chance. They droveout in a carretela, thinking a horse would stand the current. The sick woman lived at the foot of
San Juan Bridge. The horse plunged through the water… a piece of wood knocked against his
knee. The horse buckled, as the animal fell, the doctor and the nurse were thrown out of the rig…
the did not come up until two days later, bloated corpses.
All over the city, people have not eaten regular meals. Sellers of dried fish, monggo
beans, canned foods have put up their prices…

8

Another diary narrated by Marcial Lichauco dated November 15 and 17, 1943 and Benito
Legarda in the 18th of November:
November 15, 1943 Monday - The middle of November is usually bright and clear but
today we are in the throes of the worse flood Manila has experiences in forty years. When we
awoke early this morning, we found that the Pasig River had overflowed into banks. Since thenthe river has been steadily rising and although houses in the Philippines are built a few feetabove the ground that has not been enough to save us from the advancing waters… There is, ofcourse, no electricity, no gas, and no telephone service. We are completely cut off, even from ournext door neighbor as the current is so fast it is dangerous to go out into the garden and into thestreets where the water is several feet deep.
November 17, 1943 Wednesday – The rains continued nearly all day yesterday and whena friendly neighbor came to visit us with his banca (dugout canoe) to see if we were getting along,
he paddles straight into our living room

One of the responses made by Japanese and Filipino officials toraise money to help the victims of this disaster, they released threecommemorative stamps printed with "Flood 1943" thru the Bureauof Communications under the Post Office. The first postage stamps
was 21 cents shows the Mayon Volcano (Philippines) and Volcano
Fuji (Japan) that sold for 61 cents, the second has bahay-kubo (nipahut) design with a value of 20 cents and sold at a cost of 56 cents,
and postage stamps design of Vinta (Filipino Muslim boat) worth 12
cents and sold at a cost of 33 cents. The stamps is sold in the 8th ofDecember 1943, a month after the deluge and the proceeds will buy a food, medicine and otherbasic needs of those affected disaster especially the poor.
This step of the Japanese show how they can help the victims while also pursue their culturalaspirations. In issuing this, it extended their political and cultural propaganda like the stamp with
the image of Mayon Volcano and Mt. Fuji which pursue the beautiful scenery in their country andalso expresses the unity of the Philippines and Japan.
To further advance their propaganda, the newspaper Tribune controlled/censored by theJapanese published different images and articles.
Activities during the Rainy Season (The Tribune, July 26, 1942)
This picture shows a shoe factory and the male employee
making a bakya. It includes an article that recommends activities,
foods and products during the rainy season and centered on thepro-Filipino and pro-Asian culture. They took advantage of thestorm and flood that came to convey that we should enjoy ourown identity as Asians especially in such disaster. The picture iscompelling to better wear bakya (wooden slippers) especiallywhen in flood than expensive shoes or slippers that are madeabroad. It also narrated the good Filipino food especially during
the rainy season like okoy(stalk), lumpia(egg rolls) and maruya(pancakes).

9

Rationing of rice DANAS despite of flooding (The Tribune, July 26, 1942)
This photo shows that DANAS or (District andNeighborhood Association), a Japanese organized group
distributed rice despite the flood.
But the DANAS was used by the Japanese as a spy
propaganda-system, so during calamities it continues
their services over rationing of food and the pursuit tocapture suspected members of
HUKBALAHAP(Hukbong bayan Laban sa Hapon). The Japanese used
these calamities as a war secret, after the heavy rain thenext day, July 22, 1942 a research was conducted by theJapanese (military police) in the different homes and residents in Manila. They took advantage ofthe heavy rain leaving the residents in their house to search and confiscate of anti-Japanesethemed leaflets and documents, weapons, radio transmitters and other equipment that might berelated with the enemy (the Americans). After this there were 18 persons arrested and condemnedof death for having military weapons and other documents that promotes American and Western
belief and culture.
As a whole, Filipino or Japanese need to respond and cope with the motion of nature broughtby the disaster based on the demands of the situation and opportunities. For the Filipino, theirvulnerability and resiliency for every calamity, contributing to lack of basic needs (food, housing
and transportation). For the Japanese, changing and advancing their strategies to use thecalamities as propaganda for their own interests and political and cultural purposes.
In the end the displaying pictures and the narratives from news articles was not enough tocompletely overcome the Japanese to promote their propaganda. Yes, it was successful but only
through paper but it is not translated into reality, consciousness and mentality of the Filipino
people.
REFERENCES
Armea, Greg. Weather Bureau: 97 Years of Service Under 4 Government. 1962.
[2] Bankoff, Greg. Cultures of Disaster: Society and Natural Hazard in the Philippines London: Routledge 2003.
Benito Legarda Jr. Occupation: The Later Years. Quezon City: Filipiniana.net. 2007.
[3] Chua, Karl. “The Stories they Tell: Komiks during the Japanese Occupation, 1942- 1945, in Philippime Studies
vo. 53, no.1. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2005.
[4] Deppermann, “No Weather Reports Today.” Jesuits Mission Vol. 19 no 6. (1945): 149- 151.
[5] Jacinto, Pacita. Living with the Enemy: A Diary of the Japanese Occupation. Manila: Anvil, 2002.
[6] ___________. “The Visual Propaganda in the Philippines during the Second World War and Japanese
Occupation” Sa Teow, See Heng, eds. Japan and Southeast Asia: Continuity and Change in Modern Times.
Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 2014.
[7] Lichauco, Marcial. Dear Mother Putnam: A Diary of the Second World War in the Philippines. Quezon City:VJ
Graphic Arts Inc., 2005.
[8] Nichi Nichi Shimbun Sha. The Official Journal of the Japanese Military Administration Volume I – XIII.
Manila, 1942-1943.
[9] Orillos-Juan, Maria Florina. “Kasaysayan at Vulnerabilidad: Ang Kabihasnan at Lipunang Pilipino sa Harap ng
Pananalanta ng Balang, 1569- 1949.”Manila:University of the Philippines – Diliman, 2010.
[10] The Philippine Tribune (Manila). 1942-1945.
[1]

10

Arguing for Japanese technological supremacy and modernity through Japanese
propaganda in the Philippines during World War II

JOHN LEE P. CANDELARIA
Hiroshima University

This research aimed to show the discourse of technological supremacy and modernityof Japan in their propaganda in the Philippines. Using visual sources from The
Tribune, a major daily in the Philippines that was co-opted to become the primaryorgan of propaganda by the Japanese Imperial Army, it was evident that the discourse
surrounding technology and modernity was one of the pillars of Japanese propaganda.
It was important for the Japanese to position themselves as superior to the UnitedStates during the war, and that the Filipinos now have a new and more dependable
ally that they may turn to for support.
Propaganda on Japanese technological supremacy built on the level of developmentthat Japan has reached on its own, and that Filipinos need not look towards the Westfor a model to follow, and that in Asia, Japan stands as the most advanced nation, able
to conquer gigantic powers and to develop technology that is unparalleled anywhere
else. The Tribune regularly featured the latest Japanese innovation on medicine andagriculture. It was frequently highlighted that Japan reached this level of developmenton their own, without the assistance of the West.
Advancements in military technology also frequented the newspaper. Coupled withnews of Japanese victories in particular battles are descriptions and photographs ofthe latest tanks, jets, cannons, and other implements that were positioned to be
integral to the Japanese winning the war. It was highlighted that while military tactics
and strategy matter in the war, what gives Japan the advantage is its level ofindustrialization.
Modernity in terms of technology was also paired with a modern mindset: it is crucial
in the propaganda to highlight that together with advances in technology, Filipinos
should embrace the change and set aside traditions embedded by hundreds of years of11

western colonialism. To do this, propaganda focused on making the Filipinos realizethat their “Asian” values need to be appreciated more. Colonial mentality was also
negated, in favor of a brand of “love of country” that is made apparent through thepatronization of local products, among others.
This research found out that the discourse on technology and modernity in Japanese
propaganda in the Philippines is rooted on the development of Japan as a power
before the war, and in their attempt to entice the Filipinos to transfer loyalties, theyhighlighted the only commonality they have with the Philippines: the Asianconnection. However, it must be noted that Filipinos have been under the colonial
power of the West for almost four hundred years prior, and it is difficult for Filipinos
to dig deep and find a connection with Japan especially while they suffered the direconsequences of the war.

BionoteJohn Lee Candelaria is a research student of the Graduate School for International
Development and Cooperation, Hiroshima University. He graduated with degrees of
Bachelor of Arts (cum laude) and Master of Arts in History from the University of thePhilippines Diliman and taught history at the University of the Philippines Los Baños.
His research interests include Philippine history, Southeast Asia, conflict
management, and peacekeeping.

12

Parades as Propaganda: Japanese-sponsored Parades and the Greater East Asia War
Joselito M. Ebro Jr., International School of Myanmar
Abstract
Early years into the Second World War, the Japanese embarked on a cultural
campaign to reconstruct the spiritual and material lives of Filipinos. Studies on the
topic, however, seldom mentioned parades as a tool in promoting the war intentionsof Japan. The presentation analyzes how the staging of parades served as apropaganda tool of the Japanese in support of their war campaign in the Pacific. By
exploring the organization of parades, its participants, and the messages carried inthese events, it aims to addresses the question: How did Japanese-sponsored parades
contribute to the promotion of war activities by the Japanese?
During the Second World War, the Japanese Military Administration staged public
events and celebrations to promote their cause. As rules and public policies proved to be
insufficient in maintaining order, the Japanese resorted to their cultural campaign to win
Filipino cooperation and sympathy. In these events, multiples values were promoted such therebuilding a new Philippines and the acceptance to Japanese leadership and culture. From 1942
to 1943, the military administration Japanese sponsored nine major parades which can beclassified into four groups: military, commemoration, independence, and cultural parades.
First on the list were the two military parades organized to showcase the militarystrength of the Imperial Japanese Forces. The earliest organized parade happened when the IJF
displayed their military might as lines of tanks and heavy artillery vehicles paraded in major
thoroughfares such as Dewey Boulevard and the Ayala Bridge. Five months later, on June 3, theJapanese Army organized a military parade to celebrate the Fall of Corregidor and Bataan. Lt.
General Masaharu Homma led the celebration along with his military staff, members of the
Executive Commission, and the Japanese community in Manila. In sum, these parades showedthat Japan had superior military strength to lead the GEACOPS.
In contrast, civic parades were organized to commemorate war victories of Japan andparticipated in by Filipinos. For instance, the Japanese victory in Corregidor and Bataan inspired
the staging of two public parades. First was the Victory Parade staged on May 18, 1942. As
participants from the government and private firms were required to participate, a massive
crowd of 100,000 participants joined the parade. One year after, the Fall Parade was staged on
April 11, 1943. An estimated 30,000 participants, mostly from the civic groups such as the District
and Neighborhood Associations (DANA) and the KALIBAPI participated in the event.
Similarly, the anniversary of the beginning of the Great East Asia War gave rise to a civic
parade on December 8, 1942, where 100,000 participants paraded on the grounds of New Luneta.
Overall, these parades displayed Japanese superiority over Western powers. Despite theseclaims, some Filipino participants remained doubtful of the success of the Imperial Army.
On the other hand, the Independence parades were mostly inspired by the gratitude andthankfulness to Japan’s generosity in granting Filipinos the honor of independence. For instance,
when Premier Hideki Tozyo’s pledged the granting of independence to the Philippines in thesoonest possible time, Filipino officials felt the need to hold a civic parade. Staged on February
8, 1943, an estimated 300,000 participants along with thirty-four allegorical floats from various
government departments, bureaus, and private firms, paraded on the grounds of Luneta.
Consequently, when the premier visited the Philippines on May 6, 1943, a parade was organized
to welcome the premier joined by an estimated 100,000 participants formally. The gratitude andthankfulness expressed in previous parades later materialized when the Philippines celebrated

13the declaration of independence on October 14, 1943. The celebration culminated through thestaging of the military and civic parade. In sum, these events promoted the Japanese as generous
and noble, Filipino officials in turn utilized independence parades to gain favor from the Empireof Japan to hasten the granting of Filipino independence.
Another method of showing support to the empire was through the celebration ofJapanese annual holidays. The Empire of Japan celebrates four major holidays namely the New
Year on January 1, Kigensetsu or the Empire Day on February 11, Tentyosetsu or the Emperor’sbirthday on April 29, and the Meizisetsu or the Harvest Festival on November 3. Of the fourcelebrations, it was only during the Tentyosetsu in 1943 that the civil government organized aparade. The parade featured 200,000 participants, including children from various public andprivate schools. Not only did these parades celebrated the culture of Japan, but also showed
acceptance of Japanese leadership.
Sponsored parades, however, were more than public events meant to observe Japanese
victories, strength, generosity, and culture. Despite their different shapes and sizes, similar
qualities can be formed that warrant a deeper understanding of the parade-making processduring the Japanese occupation.
First, the sponsored parades operated on a systematic process borne out of the organizedframework set by the organizers. Parades during the occupation worked like a well-oiled
machine capable of gathering thousands of participants. Despite the presence of Filipino
officials that served as members of the parade committee, the Japanese maintained an upper
hand in directing the flow of the spectacle from assembly areas to parade program. In these
representations, organizers orchestrated a display of Japanese prowess, reverence to theEmperor, and active collaboration to the Empire of Japan. As a result, these spaces served as
perfect venues to implant messages of propaganda in the bigger goal of redefining the national
identity of Filipinos.
Second, these spectacles served as pieces of machinery of propaganda that promote
Japanese intentions to Filipinos. This form appears in a two-fold approach.
The first strategy operated on internal means where the participants were required toconform into a series of practices and set of behavior in order to show acceptance of Japaneserule. Rules and policies, along with the following of Japanese rituals operated during parades.
Contrary to the actual practice in streets, the rituals such as saluting and bowing wererepresented as spontaneous and genuine participation of the people. Further, the formation ofparade habits illustrated attempts to incorporate bodily practices to display Filipino
collaboration to Japanese rule. By requiring Filipinos to perform actions based on theprescriptions set by the parade organizers, the people were indirectly manipulated to accept thevalues and attitudes promoted by the Japanese.
Consequently, the Japanese-controlled media highlighted the grand and impressive
ceremonies to show active collaboration from the people. The media carried the stories andimages of the parades in an impressive, colorful, and grand manner. The style of journalism
utilized by the Japanese-controlled media highlighted the victories of Japan over the realities ofthe present war. As a result, the media also served to contribute to the goal of promoting theintentions of the Japanese. In sum, the propaganda present in parades tends to manipulate boththe participants and the audience through rules and policies and the Japanese-controlled media.
Third, sponsored parades served as venues to appropriate a Filipino identity acceptable
to the standards set by the Empire of Japan. These intentions appeared in discourses offorgetting and remembering that advocated the removal of US influences, accepting Japaneserule, and reviving the oriental roots of the people. These selective presentations of memory,
however, highlighted Japanese military and cultural superiority over the exploitative qualitiesof the United States. Further, these practices promoted the unfounded connections between
the Philippines and Japan in an attempt to capture the minds of the people to fit into theJapanese standards of being a responsible Orientals.

14

Overall, this presentation serves as an initial attempt to understand the relationships
between parades, propaganda, and identity and brings light to how these seemingly different
concepts overlap into a public performance. By focusing on the organization, route, participants,
rules, rituals, and messages formed out of these public performances, this research presents how
parades intersect with propaganda and identity in producing meanings that further theintentions of the Empire of Japan.

15

TAKOT, PANINGIN, AT TATLONG NILALANG NG DILIM
Edgar Calabia Samar, PhD
Associate Professor
Osaka University / Ateneo de Manila University

Hindi pambihira na matakot sa isang bagay na hindi pa natin nakikita. Lalo pa ang
katulad ng aswang na kung tutuusin ay napakapopular ng larawan dahil napapanoodnatin sa mga pelikula, sa mga palabas sa telebisyon. Pero alam din po natin na bago pa
man nagawa ang mga palabas na ito, napakalaganap na ng mga kuwento tungkol sa
mga nilalang na ito sa ating mga kuwentong bayan dahil sa simula’t simula, ang
aswang ay isang salita, at bilang isang salita, maaari itong maging bahagi ng anumang
kuwento. Ibig sabihin, makikita natin kung paanong iyung mga kuwento, iyung mga
salita, may bisa upang kumatha ng mga partikular na pakiramdam sa atin. Iisipin natin,
salita lang, kuwento lang, pero kayang lumikha ng matinding takot mula sa loob natin.
May bisa ang mga salita. May bisa ang mga kuwento na ito para sa mga takot na iyan.
At puwede nating itanong: kung mayroong ganitong epekto pala sa atin ang mga
kuwento na iyan, bakit ang hilig nating makinig, lumikha, at magbahagi ng mga kuwento
ng katatakutan. Iyung mga kuwento na ito tungkol sa katatakutan ay napakahalaga sa
atin dahil ang mga nilalang na ito ang nagsisilbing urian ng ating pagkatao. Sabi nila,
lahat ng akdang pampanitikan ay sumasagot sa isang batayang tanong. Iyung mga
kumukuha ng mga klase rito sa panitikan, isa lang naman talaga ang tanong na
sinasagot ng mga akdang pampanitikan: ano ang ibig sabihin ng maging isang tao? Sa
bandang huli, ito ang sinasagot ng mga akda, at napapahalagahan natin ang mga tula,ang kuwento, ang nobela dahil sa palagay natin, may naiaambag ang mga akdang ito
sa pag-unawa natin sa kahulugan ng pagiging tao. Kaya kahit na humaharap tayo sa
mga nilalang na ito ng dilim, ang inuunawa talaga natin ay kung ano tayo. At malaki ang
ambag ng mga kinakathang takot ng mga nilalang na ito sa pag-unawa natin sa mga
sarili natin bilang tao dahil nakikita natin na natatakot tayo sa mga nilalang na ito sa
napakasimpleng dahilan: sa lahat ng kuwento tungkol sa aswang, buhay natin ang
nakataya. Buhay natin bilang mga tao ang nakataya. At patuloy tayong kumakatha ng
mga kuwentong ito dahil ang mga kuwentong ito ang susukat ang susukat sa kung ano
ang hanggahan ng ating pagkatao.
Sinubok kong unawain ang iba’t ibang nilalang na ito, kasi’y sasabihin natin: kung takot
lang pala ang kinakatha, bakit napakaraming iba’t ibang nilalang sa mga kuwento natin?
Sigurado ako na napakaraming nilalang na pamilyar sa inyong lahat. Hinati ko sa tatlo
ang mga nilalang na dilim na mayroon tayo, at ang paghahati na ito ay sang-ayon sa
relasyon ng ating paningin dahil hindi po ba, iyung matatanda na nauna sa atin,
madalas, ang tanong nila, kaugnay ng mga nilalang na ito: may nakikita ka ba? At1

16

kapag tinanong nila tayo kung may nakikita ka ba, alam natin na hindi karaniwang
paningin ang kailangan nating paganahin. Pero bukod sa tanong kung may nakikita ka
ba, iyung paningin din natin ay sumasagot sa tanong ng pananaw, ng pagtataya. Kapag
tinanong tayo kung anong tingin mo sa isang bagay, may kinalaman sa pagtataya. At
dito po, gusto kong unawain itong tatlong uri ng nilalang na ito sang-ayon sa relasyon
nila sa ating paningin: ang mga lamanlupa, ang mga halimaw, at ang mga aswang.
Iyun pong mga lamanlupa, ito iyung mga nilalang na kung wala nga tayong kakayahang
makakita, hindi natin makikita. Ibig sabihin, maaaring nandiyan sila, pero wala tayong
kapasidad para makita ang mga nilalang na ito. Ang pinakakaraniwan siguro, ang
pinakapopular sa ating uri ng lamanlupa ay ang mga nuno sa punso. Pamilyar po tayo
sa mga nuno sa punso? Huwag po kayong tumingin sa akin. Ang mga nuno sa punso
po ang isa sa pinakakaraniwang uri ng lamanlupa at dapat ay hindi natin nakikita ang
mga ito. Pero sila ang dahilan kaya kapag pumupunta tayo sa isang ilang na lugar,
halimbawa, kahit hindi ka naman naniniwala sa nuno sa punso, marami sa atin ang
nagsasabi pa rin ng “tabi po.” Segurista tayo e. Hindi ka naniniwala, pero kung sakaling
meron nga, pakiramdam mo ay ligtas ka na dahil nag-tabi po ka. Pero itong mga
lamanlupa na ito ay kumakatha sa atin ng takot sa hindi nakikita. Itong takot sa hindi
nakikita na ito ay nauuwi nga sa pag-iingat, tulad noon. Pero may panganib na mauwi
rin sa pagbabalewala. Ibig sabihin, sa pagtagal-tagal na hindi natin nakikita ang isang
bagay, nagkakaroon tayo ng tingin, ng ilusyon na hindi naman talaga sila umiiral. Na
wala naman talaga ang mga bagay na ito. At sa palagay ko, ang patuloy nating
pagkatha ng mga kuwentong may mga lamanlupa ay isang uri ng paalala para sa atin
sa panganib ng mundong lubhang pragmatiko. Isang mundo na umiiral lamang sa isangmateryal na realidad, sa isang konkretong realidad, at isang uri ng panganib iyon na
hindi mo isipin na mahalaga rin ang mga bagay na hindi agarang nakikita, hindi agarang
dinaranas ng mga pandama. Muli, ang mga lamanlupa ay paalala sa atin na
mapanganib ang pananatili sa isang mundong lubhang pragmatiko.
Samantala, mayroon namang mga halimaw. Itong mga halimaw, iba naman ang mga ito
sa mga lamanlupa. Kung hindi natin nakikita ang mga lamanlupa, iyun namang mga
halimaw, kitang-kita natin, pero ang nakikita natin sa kanila ay ang kanilang pagiging
iba. Kagaya po halimbawa ng tikbalang, kalahating tao’t kalahating hayop, at maraming
iba pang nilalang na nauuwi sa pandarahas. Halimbawa po, kung pamilyar tayo sa
Darna ni Mars Ravelo na naunang iginuhit ni Nestor Redondo noong 1950 sa Pilipino
Komiks: sino ang kauna-unahang kalaban ni Darna? Si Valentina. At kapag binasa natin
ang komiks na iyan, tungkol talaga kay Valentina ang kuwento dahil siya ang may
pagbabagong dinaranas sa loob ng kuwento. At ano si Valentina? Isang tao sanamaliban sa mayroon siyang mga ahas sa ulo sa halip na buhok. Kaya kinailangan niya
itong itago sa mga tao. Dahil noong sandaling nakita nga ng mga tao ang mga ahas na
ito sa ulo niya, ano ang ginawa sa kaniya? Sinubok siyang patayin. Sinaktan siya ng
marami. Madalas, ang pagiging iba ay nauuwi sa pandarahas. Sabi ng ilang pilosopong
pangkultura, isa isa pinakamatinding karahasang idinulot ng sibilisasyon sa kasaysayan
ay ang pagtatatag ng nosyon ng karaniwan dahil lahat ng hindi pumapasok sa hulma ng
karaniwang ito ay itinuturing nating kakaiba. Nagiging marginal. Naisasantabi.
2

17

Ikinukulong. Pinipigilan. At ang pagkukuwento natin tungkol sa mga halimaw na ito ay
pagpapaalala sa atin tungkol sa panganib ng isang mundong puro karaniwan lang.
Isang mundo ng singularity, walang espasyo para sa pagkakaiba.
At ang huli, ito po iyung mga aswang. Ang kaibahan naman po ng mga aswang salamanlupa na hindi natin nakikita at sa halimaw na nakikita nating iba sa mga
inaasahan nating kategorya, ay na ang mga aswang ay may kapasidad na magbagonganyo. Hindi po ba? Kaya lahat ay puwede nating pagdudahan bilang aswang. Isang
karaniwang aswang po ay nagbabagong-anyo bilang isang hayop, hindi po ba? Isang
mabangis na hayop. Malaking baboy-damo. Malaking uwak. Pero, itong mga aswang
po na nagbabagong-anyo, tulad ng isang manananggal na nagbabagong-anyo aylumilikha sa atin ng takot sa kawalang-katiyakan dahil maaaring ang isa palang nilalang
ay iba pang nilalang. Hindi na tayo sigurado sa mga bagay kaya maaaring mauwi ito sa
mga hindi pagtitiwala. Na wala ka nang mapagkatiwalaan dahil lahat ay maaaring
pagdudahan. Pero ang panganib po nitong mga hindi pagtitiwala na ito ay na isipin
natin na ang mundo ay mundo ng katiyakan. At ito po ang isa sa pinakamatinding
panganib na gusto kong puntahan ng pagtalakay na ito.
Mapanganib ang pag-iisip na nananahananan tayo sa isang mundo ng katiyakan.
Mapanganib ang katiyakan dahil nagbibigay ito sa atin ng ilusyon ng katatagan at
kaligtasan. Kapag tiyak na tiyak tayo sa mga bagay, pakiramdam natin, maayos ang
lahat. Walang mangyayari sa atin. Hindi tayo mapapahamak. At sa sandali ng katiyakan
tumatalas ang ating mga pandama. Hindi po ba, kapag nandoon tayo sa isang lugar na
hindi natin kilala, mas aktibo ang senses natin, ang pandama natin. Mas may kapasidad
tayong magtaya. Mas nagtataya tayo tungkol sa paligid. At iyang mga bagay na iyan
ang nawawala kapag masyado tayong tiyak sa mga bagay-bagay sa paligid.
Dahil sa mga takot na ito, dapat nating higit na linangin ang ating kapasidad na maging
matapang, ang ating katapangan, ang ating paninindigan. At higit na masusukat ang
tapang at paninindigan natin sa harap ng mga takot na ito. At alalahanin po natin na sa
mga kuwento tungkol sa mga nilalang na iyan, sa mga aswang at iba pa, hindi kumilosnang mag-isa ang mga tao na ito. Itinulak sila ng pagharap sa mga halimaw na ito
tungo sa pagkakaisa. Nagtayo ng mga pamayanan, nakilala ang kapwa at ang iba,
naitatag ang mga bayan dahil sa pagtugon sa mga takot na hinaharap ng bawat isa.
Iyon po ang isang mahalagang kailangan nating isipin. Paanong ang takot na ito ay
lumalampas sa personal na karanasan patungo sa pagharap ng mga suliraning higit sa
indibidwal lamang.
Sana po, pag-isipan natin na ang mga takot na kinakatha, hindi na lamang ng mga
nilalang na ito, kundi ng bagong mukha ng mga nilalang na nasa paligid natin, ay
pagkakataon para maging mas mapagmatyag, at nang sa gayon ay mas makialamtayo, mas manindigan, para sa sarili nating buhay, para sa buhay ng mga mahal natin,
at para sa buhay ng lahat ng mga kababayan natin. Sa harap ng mga takot na ito, anggusto ko pong itanong natin sa isip natin ay kailan huling totoong natakot at kailan tayo
huling totoong may ginawa sa kabila ng takot na ito.
318

Panel: Language, Literature, Education“Emergence of Bible Translation into Heterogeneous Language – New Testament Pinoy
Version and the Development of Tagalog/Filipino/Taglish Bible Translations”
Satoshi Miyawaki
Associate Professor
Osaka University
1. How/Why Taglish Ecumenical Bible from the Philippine Bible Society?
The publication of Pinoy Version New Testament was phenomenal in that this is the very first Taglish
translation of the Bible. It may somewhat explain 1) eagerness of the Bible translators to communicate as
best possible way to many people, 2) how unsatisfactory either the past English or Tagalog translations canbe seen, 3) formidable task of the Bible translation as not only communicative but also authoritative andstandardized text making in not only the Christian sense but also literary and linguistic senses.
This presentation deals briefly, in a very preliminary and temporary manner, with the overall picturearound this historic publication. Chapter 2 deals with the brief history of Tagalog related version of the
Bible and the changing intent and content. Chapter 3 deals with broader and more recent trend of Tagalog
and Taglish publication especially from evangelical protestant publishers (typically OMF literature).
Then Chapter 4 looks into the translators’ and publishers’ intent on the translation mentioned in the prefaceof the Pinoy Version, and preliminary analyses on certain texts and designs.
By doing these this presentation tries to show the new trend of the Bible translation as well as precarious
nature of the “heterogeneous translation” that focuses on the youth, in this present age of globalization andswift changes of youth culture.
2. Development of the Tagalog Versions
Since the coming of Protestantism at the beginning of the 20th century, endeavors for translation,
publication, distribution of the Bible into local languages have been taking place, and especially in either
Tagalog (or Filipino, national language based mainly on Tagalog language). One curious trend in recent
translation is that, though translated from the original Hebrew and Greek texts, they were very muchinfluenced by specific English translations.
Ang Biblia, published first in 1905 under American Bible Society and revised several times in 1915, 1033,
1978, and 2001 (now published by Philippine Bible Society), was originally based on American Standard
Version of 1901, and known among the main users, Protestant evangelicals, as highly formal translation.
Magandang Balita Biblia, published first in 1980 (New Testament version in 1973), is the first
ecumenical translation, meaning that both Catholic and Protestant translators took part and officiallyrecognized by Catholic Church as well, by the PBS as well. This uses the “dynamic equivalence principleof translation”, which was the reflection of the Today’s English Version (1976 (New Testament 1966)).
Ang Salita ng Diyos, published in 2012 by Touchstone Global Foundation, the publisher of the now

19popular New International Version, naturally reflects the direction of NIV, that is just between strict formaltranslation and dynamic equivalent method. And one more curious aspect is that the translation tries tointroduce different mode of speech depending on the different contexts, and along this line, some English
words are introduced into the translation.
In this trend of moving from the translation oriented more to the verbal translation to the way moresensitive to the culture of the translated language, and more casual expressions, it may be easier to see thecoming of the Taglish translation.

New Testament Pinoy Version, published in 2018, is the first

ecumenical and “heterogeneous” Taglish translation.
But, as we naturally guess and shall see in Chapter 4, this is not only the natural development: it should
be seen as more of a kind of big leap in the history of Bible translation, even posing the question about
whether this is a great historic accomplishment or reckless and blasphemous blunder. Therefore, we may
well broaden the perspective and see what seems to be at the background of this, by looking briefly at theshift of publication in Christian bookstores, especially the evangelicals, who are the main consumer of the
Bible.
3. Development of Christian Tagalog and Taglish Publications
Most of those who read has been quite used to reading in English.

Like other fields, most Christianbooks have been written in English, though gradually, especially since 1990s, some popular books, especiallythose thin books on daily life or meditational matters written by Filipinos or Foreigners began to betranslated into Tagalog/Filipino. Some authors with nationalist intent began trying to write in Tagalog aswell, especially in 1990s and 2000s.
But new trend began to appear as more and more writers feel more comfortable in writing in the national
language in a much more casual manner. They are not necessarily comfortable in communicating either
pure English or Tagalog/Filipino, and see the mixed use of English and Tagalog as not the corruption of
languages but a natural daily use of languages in communication, began to find Taglish as appropriate tools
not only for conversations or chats in SNS but also in serious discussion in blogs and even books.
Beginning typically from the books in sermons series by Pastor Ed Lapis, Taglish Christian publication
began to come inroads into the mainstream Christian publication like OMF literature, by young writers like
Pastor Rei Crizaldo.

Now this endeavor became so popular that more and more books are following.

Actually Crizaldo’s sister is involved in the Pinoy Version project – indicating a clear connection with thisproject.
4. New Testament Pinoy Version – A Preliminary Analysis
According to the Preface (Ano nga ba ang Pinoy Version?), this is a translation by “heterogeneous
language”, which itself in general may be already very new feature in the world of Bible translation. It
explains that this means not only one but two languages is used so that we may express the content of the
Bible. And it shows an example as follows, so let us also make the examination of this quote a kind of
tentative introductory consideration:20

Sobrang na-shock ako sa inyo. Ang dali-dali nyo namang tinalikuran ang Dioys. Imagine, sobrang bait
nya at pinadala nya si Christ sa atin. Ang Diyos mismo ang pumili sa inyo, tapos ngayon, ine-enternatin
nyo ang ibang gospel? (Galatians 1:6)
(You shocked me too much.

How so easily you turned back from God indeed. Imagine, he was so kindand he let Christ be brought to us.

God himself is who chose you, then now, you are entertaining a

different gospel? – translation mine)
Radical Introduction of English vocabularies
Many vocabulary, mainly Christian vocabulary widely accepted in the Church, are English terms.
Names of the characters are English like Jesus Christ (not Hesus Kristo), Matthew (not Mateo), Peter (notPedro), Lake Galilee (not Lawa ng Galilea), etc. But not only that.

Even for some very basic words,

depending on the situation, English words are chosen flatly or part of Filipino verbs: i-entertain, magpreach, mag-serve, mag-fast, etc.

“My mga prophets and teachers sa church sa Antioch”. “Mga sirs!” isquite a halo-halo of vocabulary.
Casual expressions
Casual expressions, formally avoided, are widely introduced. “nyo”(not ninyo), “sya” (not siya), “niya”(not niya), kesa (not kaysa), frequent use of “kasi” rather than “dahil”.

“Imagine” is English, but thenuance seems somewhat different from English.
Possible future?
I will focus on demonstration of example in the presentation but anyway it will be tentative. We are
expected to deal with these translations in a more systematic way. And what about the future of this typeof translation or that? Naturally it will be up to the development of language in the Philippines in a morenationalistic but at the same time even more globalized and more deeply influenced by English. And youth
culture can soon become old and new “generation” comes up – and if this translation aims at establishing
new standard, what will that be, and if not, how long it will endure and what can be the prospect of futuretranslation for future youth? Many issues are waiting to be researched.
References

Magandang Balita Biblia (1980) Philippine Bible Society.
Magandang Balita Biblia (2005, 2009) Philippien Bible Society.
Ang Salita ng Diyos (2010) Touchstone Global Foundation.
New Testament Pinoy Version (2018) Philippine Bible Society.
“Ang Biblia: Version Information” (checked on May 25, 2019)https://www.biblegateway.com/versions/Ang-Biblia-1978-ABTAG1978/#vinfo

21

Error Analysis among Beginner Filipino Major Learners in Japan:
Focus on Errors before Introducing Verbs in Filipino Language
Kimi Yamoto
Assistant Professor
Osaka University
1. Objective and Background of Study
This paper aims to analyze the errors in spelling and grammar in Filipino language before
introducing verbs among beginner Filipino major learners, who are Japanese native speakers, in Osaka
University, leading to the development of teaching methods.
In Japan, Filipino major classes are offered in Osaka University and Tokyo University of Foreign
Studies. Some public and private universities and senior high schools set Filipino classes as electiveclasses. Even though the human resources with Filipino language ability have been more needed inJapan, teaching methods, teaching materials etc. of Filipino have not been much studied compared tothe other foreign languages that have a quite long history of the second language education like French,
German, Chinese and Korean.
Oue (1997) and Takano (2009; 2010) studied on Filipino language education to Japanese native
speakers. In these studies, their difficulties in studying Filipino, the points in teaching and the causesof the errors are discussed. This paper focuses on more concrete grammatical errors and specificproblems.
Verb is the most difficult grammatical item for the learners whose native language is Japanese. Ifthey cannot acquire the learning contents before introducing verbs, they feel more difficulties instudying verbs. It is important to analyze the errors before introducing verbs to let them understandthe contents much better.
2. Research Method
In this paper, the errors of the learners studying in the presenter’s Filipino class for beginners in
School of Foreign Studies, Osaka University are analyzed. The class was offered in academic year2017 through a whole year as one of five required subjects for the first-year Filipino major students.
The objective of the class was that students acquire vocabularies and basic grammar rules so that they
could actively communicate in Filipino language. This class placed importance on translation fromJapanese to Filipino and composition in Filipino.
The thirteen students in this class graduated from senior high school in Japan. Their first language
is Japanese and they studied English in junior and senior high school. Two of them have Filipino
mothers and they had opportunities to be exposed to Filipino but they did not have knowledge ofgrammar and construction. The other one had Filipino lessons by a Filipino when she was in seniorhigh school and had some patchy knowledge about conversational expressions. The other students
learned Filipino for the first time at university.
In this paper, only the errors in spelling and grammar are analyzed. The data of the errors is basedon the quizzes and the final exam of the first semester. The errors in grammar are analyzed by reference
to the types of the surface structure (Dulay, Burt and Krashen 1984: 106-117).

22

3. Errors in Spelling
The learners tended to make mistakes in spelling the words with pronunciations that do not exist
or are not distinguished in Japanese.
As there is only “ン” in Japanese to write the nasal consonant while there are three in Filipino:“n”, “ng” and “m”, the learners often made mistakes among these three. Especially, they tended towrite “n” before velar plosives “g” and “k”. They also miswrote “n” as “ng” and vice versa at the endof a word. The second most common errors was the confusion of “l” with “r” because there is only
one kind of liquid related to “l” and “r” but they are distinguished in Filipino.
In rare instances, they confused bilabial plosive “p” with “b” and velar plosive “g” with “k”. The
cause of these errors is thought to be due to the similarity in the movement of mouth when they are
pronounced. In Filipino, the sound at the end of a word is weak when each of the plosives “p”, “b”,
“t”, “d”, “k” and “g” is there. Therefore the learners tended to omit to write the last consonant because
they did not recognize the sound.
4. Errors in Grammar
On the topic of grammar, the errors in markers (ANG, NG, SA forms), linkers and orders ofelements in a sentence were noticeable.
(1) Marker
The learners confused about which nominative word should be accompanied by “ang” and whichshould not. When the Ang-form demonstrative pronoun is placed before the modificand adjectivally
like “itong”, “iyang” and “iyong”, the learners often placed unnecessary “ang” before thedemonstrative pronoun. And in the sentence with “mayroon”, “marami” or “wala”, they often placed
unnecessary “ang” to properties.
The learners also made mistakes in the sentences where ANG-forms need not be included. When“may” is used to express existence, “ang” should not be put on the existing things and people but theerrors with “ang” were noticeable. Adverbs like “kahapon”, “ngayon” and “bukas” are notaccompanied by “ang” but the learners often put “ang”, affected by the Japanese translation like “明日は” with “は” indicating topic.
If the learners do not acquire ANG, NG and SA forms, they confuse much. They sometimes useda different case, put two markers on one word, and forgot to place one of the markers when two or
more markers were needed in one sentence.
The common function of NG-form and SA-form personal pronouns is to mean possession. When
SA-form is put before the modificand, “sa” should be taken off. In some errors, “sa” was not taken off
and the marker “ang” was not put on the subject. In some cases, the learners confused about therelations between the position of the modificand and that of a SA-form or a NG-form that indicate
possession.
(2) Order of Elements
The learners often made mistakes in the sentence with two or more enclitic words because it wasquite difficult for them to remember the orders of the enclitic words with the same syllable number.

23

In the negative sentence with “hindi” at the beginning of the sentence, the enclitic words including
the Ang-form personal pronoun need to be transferred to the position after “hindi”. If the number of
elements was small, they rarely made mistakes but as the sentence structure was getting more
complicated, the errors were getting more noticeable.
In the sentence with “mayroon”, “marami” or “wala”, an ANG-form subject should be placed after
properties. But if the subject is an ANG-form personal pronoun, it should be transferred to the second
position in the sentence and the linker “-ng” that should be placed on “mayroon”, “marami” and “wala”
need to be transferred to the end of the personal pronoun. This rule was forgettable. Likewise in thesentence with “nasa”, the learners forgot to transfer the personal pronoun to the second position of thesentence.
(3) Linker
The linker that should be placed after the word with consonant at the end is “na” and after the wordwith vowel at the end is “-ng” but the learners sometimes confused “na” with “-ng” and vice versa. It
is necessary to place “na” after the word with “ng” at the end but it was not placed in some cases
because they misunderstood that the word already had the linker “-ng”.
When a NG-form personal pronoun is placed after a modificand to mean possession, the linker do
not need to be put on the modificand. But many cases with linkers were commonly seen. On the other
hand, when a SA-form personal pronoun is placed before a modificand to mean possession, the linker
should be placed but the learners often forgot to place it.
The Ang-form demonstrative pronoun can be placed before or after the modificand to be usedadjectivally. The demonstrative pronoun and the modificand should be connected by a linker but thelearners tended to forget to place it. There were also some errors where the linker was placed insteadof “ng” to indicate possession of a common noun and instead of “ni” to indicate that of a person.
When “may”, “mayroon”, “marami” and “wala” are used to express possession or existence,“mayroon”, “marami” and “wala” should be accompanied by linkers but “may” should not. In someerrors “may” also was accompanied by a linker. And the other common error was that two or more
linkers were placed in the sentence with “mayroon, “marami” and “wala”.
This paper is based on the research note, Kimi YAMOTO (2016) “Error Analysis among Beginner
Filipino Major Learners in Japan: Focus on Errors before Introducing Verbs in Filipino Language” in
EX ORIENTE, 25, 191-214. (in Japanese).
References
Dulay, H., Burt, M. and Krashen, S. (1982) Language Two, Oxford University Press, New York.
Oue, Masanao (1997) “Ang Pagpapahusay sa Pagtuturo ng Filipino sa mga Estudyanteng Hapones”,
Daluyan: Journal ng Sentro ng Wikang Filipino sa Talakayang Pangwika, 8(1-2), 21-33.
Takano, Kunio (2009) “The Teaching of Filipino: A Case Study of Filipino Language Classes at
Takushoku University” Takushoku Language Studies, 120, 295-314. (in Japanese)
Takano, Kunio (2010) Error Examples in Filipino Composition: A Case Study of Filipino Writing
Class at Takushoku University” Takushoku Language Studies, 122, 185-198. (in Japanese)24

A Study on the Best Practices to Help Children with Filipino Roots in Japan Integrate Into Japanese Society
Kakehashi
I.

Background of Study

Majority of Kakehashi members have lived long-term in Japan and with their direct encountersthrough their jobs with these children and young adults, noticed that the common factors in most of the cases
are usually as follows: No place to belong to, language barrier, lack of communication with the family, lack ofknowledge of the Japanese culture.
From informal discussions about this concern, the authors of this paper, a small group of colleagues
decided to form a group, which we called Kakehashi, which means “linking” in Japanese. Kakehashi officiallybegan its work in July 2017 and now, in keeping with its name, through this project, members are networking
with leaders of various Filipino groups here in Japan with similar goals.
II.

Study Goal/Objective

Many studies about the said children have identified their struggles with acceptance and/or identity
crises amid Japan’s concept of multiculturalism as one of the main reasons affecting the survival and conditionof foreign children in Japan. However, this study investigates the different services and support being offeredby both the Philippine and Japanese governments from the time these children with Filipino roots depart thePhilippines to the time they arrive in Japan and adjust to their new environment. From the result of interviews,
focus group discussions (FGDs) and a survey questionnaire, this study aims to come up with a list of contents
that can be included or considered for the services and support being provided to children with Filipino roots.
III.

Review of Related Literature

From the late 1980s to 2000, many Filipinas came to Japan as entertainers and some of them formed
relationships with Japanese men. While some of them were fortunate enough to marry, settle and raise theirchildren in Japan, others ended up as single mothers who did not have any choice but to bring their children
back home to the Philippines where family members helped raise them while they themselves worked hardin Japan to earn a living to support them. When they finally got a chance to marry in Japan, they would findways to bring their children, who by then were already in their teens, to join them. We have been seeing awave of these young people coming to Japan in this manner, especially after the Nationality Act was amended
in 2008 allowing Filipino children below the age of 20 to be recognized by their Japanese fathers even after
birth, and to acquire Japanese citizenship, making it possible for their mothers to obtain long-term residence
visas as a custodial parent of Japanese minors (Nukata, 2015).
However, many of these children found it difficult to adapt to even their own homes especially living
without their biological fathers, to adapt to the Japanese culture of which they had little or no familiarity with,and simply to find a place where they could really belong. Moreover, with the language barrier and the gap inthe standards of education between the Philippines and Japan, most of them have also been unable to copein Japanese schools (Nukata, 2015; Jabar, 2011).
Often, their Filipina mothers have remarried and are busy working sometimes two jobs, both during
the daytime and night. They have little or no time to be with their children, who then drop out of school, only
to get bored staying in the family home (which is usually very small). Eventually, they seek company elsewhere
until they finally find it in the form of friends who are in the same situation as they are and with whom they
can identify and relate.
There is another lesser-known wave of Filipino migrants to Japan who could claim descent from atleast one Japanese grandparent. Because of their Japanese ancestry, these Filipinos are able to bring their25

entire families with them resulting in large communities, especially in Aichi Prefecture. But some of them run
into the same problem of how to successfully integrate into Japanese society.
As of 2017, the White Paper on Crime reported that the Philippines was second only to Brazil in termsof the most number of foreign minors brought before the Family Court for offenses (129 incidents or 19.2%).
However, this figure does not include youth with roots in the Philippines but are now Japanese citizens.
While there are, of course, young people who have adjusted very well to their circumstances here in
Japan despite the hurdles they had to overcome, the question now is, what could be done to address theneeds of these young people who find themselves living in Japan but are lacking in the knowledge of theJapanese language and Japanese culture.
IV.

Methodology

In preparation for our study, we worked with sociology professors to define its scope. Then we
contacted various agencies of the Philippine Government such as to determine the existing services andsupport they offered and provided to the said target of this study prior to their departure and upon theirarrival in Japanese soil. Next we gathered pamphlets, brochures, manuals, and other information on services
and support being offered and provided by the Japanese government. We then organized two focus group
discussions (FGDs), one for children and young adults and one for mothers, to elicit direct feedback from them
about their situations here in Japan and what they perceive could and should be done to improve them. We
developed and launched a Japan-wide survey in 3 languages to assess their needs here in Japan, which theauthors have been disseminating to Filipino communities in and around Tokyo.
V.

Findings

According to the respondents of the FGDs, Commission on Filipino Overseas (CFO) offers apredeparture orientation to parents and children with topics on the weather and climate, manners on enteringa Japanese house and riding a train, etc. Whereas for the services and support gathered from several Japanese
local government institutions provided to foreigners, which differ from prefecture to prefecture include thefollowing: (1) Schedule of both free and paid Japanese language classes, (2) Schedule of professional
consultations, (3) Guide on how to enroll one’s child to a public elementary or junior high school, (4) Filipino
or Japanese volunteer who “shadows” or assist a newcomer to his/her class.
Thus far, the data gathered from the survey made in 3 languages have been:
•
•
•
•
•

•

•

Total responses: 189 (as of 24 May): Japanese: 12, Filipino: 86, English: 91;
Most of the respondents are aged 18-30 and are from the Metro Manila (NCR) area;
Around 65 per cent of respondents have Philippine nationality and for those who answered survey inJapanese, 37 per cent have Philippine nationality;
Most of the respondents are based in the Kanto (Tokyo, Kanagawa, Saitama) and Aichi (Nagoya) areas,
and around 68 per cent were brought to Japan by their parents;
Around 30 per cent of respondents came on a “spouse or child of a Japanese national” visa, whileothers came on a “dependent” visa (kazoku taizai)--Those who answered the questionnaire in
Japanese came on this class of visa.
Around 93 per cent of those who answered the questionnaire in English and Tagalog, came to Japanbetween the ages of 11-20, while half of those who answered in Japanese came at a very young age(0-5 years old);Among the challenges faced by the respondents in their everyday lives, the following were mostsignificant: Language, Culture, Employment, Education, and Climate;

26

•
•

•

When faced with problems, they usually seek help from friends (67 per cent), and some turn to thechurch and their workplace for assistance;
Majority of the respondents said that their move to Japan would have been much smoother if they
had: (1) Lessons about Japanese culture, (2) Japanese language lessons, (3) Pamphlets, brochures withinformation on Japan, everyday living in the country, etc.
The following are their answers with regards to the assistance they need to improve their current
situation: (1) Seminar about living in Japan, (2) 24-hour emergency hotline, (3) Materials on Japan(pamphlets, brochures), (4) Support in obtaining information regarding visa-related matters

Comments from participants of an FGD for youth:“Para sa akin, bago pumunta dito dapat may kaunting language, basic Japanese language. Maski
kapiranggot lang…super-basic lang. Writing, kahit katakana, kahit hiragana lang sana. As in super-basic na
conversation.” (Youth 1) [Summary: Before coming to Japanese one should have even the most basic
knowledge of the Japanese language writing system and conversation.]“Siguro po, Filipino community po siguro ang kailangan. Kasi mahirap po na ipinunta ka sa isang lugar na
wala kang kaalam-alam kung paano ka mag-adapt, mag-adjust. Maski sa maliliit na bagay. Halimbawa, pupunta
ka ng ospital, ano po yung hoken. Siguro po, Filipino community na puwedeng mag-assist sa kanila. Parang
magme-mentor din sa kanila.” (Youth 2) [Summary: Maybe the assistance and mentoring of the Filipino
community is needed, like when one goes to a hospital and needs to know what hoken is.]VI.

Analyisis

Even when the Philippines government provides a pre-departure seminar on Japanese culture andthat the Japanese institutions provide consultation services and assistance on enrolment, respondents of thesurvey show that what would have made their move to Japan smoother or what they need to improve theirsituation now are “materials like pamphlets on brochures on Japan or living in Japan.” From this we can inferthat the content of the services and support provided are not enough or appropriate to the needs of Filipino
migrant children and/or there is a need to improve dissemination of the said needed information.
VII.

Conclusion and Recommendations

What have emerged thus far as the biggest barriers to the inclusion or integration of Filipino children
and youth in Japan into Japanese society is their unfamiliarity with the Japanese language and culture, andthat it would help if there were materials such as brochures and pamphlets and seminars about these thatwere readily available to them before they left for Japan and, once they were already in Japan, more of thesame to help them navigate daily life in Japan.
While the results of our survey are far from final, what we are seeing here is a need for a wider range
of information dissemination as well as more institutions where these young Filipinos can avail of and turn tobefore they migrate to Japan and once they are already in Japan, to include even counselling. We at Kakehashi
would like to work with the Japanese government (GOs) other like-minded organizations (NGOs) to help fillthis need. By giving these children and youth, as well as their mothers, proper assistance and guidance on how
to adjust and integrate int the Japanese society, through providing not only knowledge of the Japanese
language but contents on understanding the heart and core values of Japanese culture, hopefully, they will
eventually become responsible citizens of Japan where they can contribute for the betterment of Japan society
as a whole.
VIII.

Bibliography

Jabar, Melvin (2011). Educational Challenges of a Japanese-Filipino Child in a Japanese Classroom. The Asia-

27

Pacific Education Researcher 20:2, pp. 364-372.
Ministry of Justice [JP] (2017). White paper on crime. Retrieved May 24, 2019 from Ministry of Internal
Affairs and Communication: http://hakusyo1.moj.go.jp/en/66/nfm/mokuji.html
Nukata, Sena (2015). Multicultural Coexistence in Japan-- Japanese Filipino Students and Overcoming Their
Difficulties. Retrieved April 30, 2019 from http://www.kuasu.cpier.kyoto-u.ac.jp/wpcontent/uploads/2015/10/Multicultural-Coexistence-in-Japan.pdf

28

Community Union-Civil Society Groups Coalition:
Cases of Temporary Migrant Workers in Japan
Jhemarie Chris L. Bernas, Graduate Student
Ritsumeikan – Asia Pacific University

The current changing social landscape of Japan in terms of its demography and shrinking labour
force has lead its government and its citizens, to recognize the need for allowing low-skilled
foreign workers in maintaining various economic activities in the country. Japan has long beenaccused of taking-in such workers through its side-door immigration policies (Kingston, 2014).
Indirect labour immigration policies for low-skilled contract workers such as those under theJapan Technical Intern Program, creates ambiguous working status. In effect of such policy
loophole, migrant workers experience insufficient welfare and labour protection, lack ofintegration support, and vulnerable terms of employment.
It is under these general contexts that I developed my research in search of support mechanisms
from the Japanese civil society’s engagement to this issue of temporary migrant workers. Mainly
those under the Japan Technical Intern Training Program and those with ‘Dependent visas’working in the service industry. I researched, how community unions and migrant support
organizations use coalition building as a strategy to engage and advocate for the rights andwelfare of temporary migrant workers in Japan?
I documented alternative social support organizations and networks that endeavours activities
promoting labour protection, welfare, integration initiatives, and dispute settlement support forthese workers. But with this in mind, I had to also consider another important context. That civilsociety in general has been deemed weak in Japan and culturally had been known to be exclusiveand homogenous (Chie, 1976; Ogawa, 2014; Pekkanen, 2006), a major contrast to otherdeveloped societies (Brody, 2002).
Thus, my research contributes to both labour migration and community unionism literature that
focuses on unconventional form of unions and civil society organizations in Japan that defies theirmainstream counter-parts. I focused on Japanese initiated (a) community unions and (b) labour
migrant support organizations. Particularly their coalition building activities that enabled themto engage and advocate for the rights of temporary migrant workers in Japan.
Using a qualitative descriptive approach through interviews and participant observations, I
documented the coalition’s activities and captured their stories to which their relationship andnetwork became an advantage for their respective organizational and situational goals.
My research analysed the coalition between: (a) Zentoitsu Workers Union (ZWU) and Solidarity
Network for Migrants Japan (SMJ) from Tokyo; and (b) Scrum Workers Union and various
grassroots Support Group for Filipino Technical Trainees from Hiroshima. The cases used involved

29

Filipino trainees and those working in the service industry with dependent visas. Cases areanalysed using the framework of Community Unionism (Black, 2005) that gives emphasis to thecoalition and relationship building between unions and labour migrant support organizations inachieving common goals. I argue that Japanese community unionism draws its strength in its
flexibility and fluidity, as well as the individual personalities and leaders involved in eachorganizations. These attributes portrays community unionism both as a process and as anorganizational structure to which a coalition may exhibit both characteristics defined by Black(2005) at the same time. That there are certain circumstances that calls for coalition building asa strategy to be the most plausible option for a higher chance of success in handling labour cases.
In addition, I also argue that although in practice the coalitions analysed in the study satisfies thedefinition and characteristics of community unionism (Black, 2005), the element of “community
building” in terms of shared identity and solidarity remains underdeveloped. The context ofJapanese society (Suzuki, 2012; Takasu, 2012) and their engagements with temporary labour
migrants provides this nuance in the community unionism framework (Black, 2005; Tattersall,2010).
References:
Brody, Betsy (2002). Opening the Door: Immigration, Ethnicity, & Globalization in Japan. New York &London, Routledge.
Black, S.J. (2005). ‘Community Unionism A Strategy for Organizing in the New Economy’, New Labour
Forum, 14 (3).
Pekkanen, Robert (2003). “Molding Japanese Civil Society; State-Structured Incentives and thePatterning of Civil Society,”. Schwartz, F. & Pharr, S., eds., The State of Civil Society in Japan, pp. 116134. New York, Cambridge University Press.
Kingston, J. (Ed.). (2014). Critical issues in contemporary Japan. Abingdon, United Kingdom, Routledge.
Ford, Michele (2004). Organizing the Unorganizable: Unions, NGOs, and Indonesian Migrant Labour.
International Migration Vol. 42 (5). Oxford, Uk.
Nakae, Chie (1970). Japanese Society. Louisiana, Pelican Publication.
Ogawa, Akihiro (2009) The Failure of Civil Society? The Third Sector and the State in Contemporary
Japan, Albany, NY: SUNY Press.
Suzuki, A. (ed.) (2014). The Limits and Possibilities of Social Movement Unionism in Japan in the Context
of Industrial Relations Institutions. Cross-National Comparisons of Social Movement Unionism:
Diversities of Labour movement revitalization in Japan, Korea, and the United States. Bern, Switzerland,Peter Lang AG.

30

EPA 介護福祉士候補者受け入れ支援体制の実際と課題
社会福祉法人ならやま会
奈良県奈良市奈良阪町 2532-3
法人本部

堀 巴美

インドネシア、フィリピン、ベトナム各国との EPA に基づく介護福祉士候補者受け入れは 10 年を超え、日本における国家的な外国人労働者受け入れ態勢の確立に向けての動
きとあいまって、過渡期を迎えつつあります。そこで、昨年に引き続き、フィリピンとのEPA に基づく介護福祉士候補者受け入れ施設現場において、どのような現状があり、どのような課題があるのかを共有させていただきながら、今後日本でもますます増加し、深化するこれまで以上に身近で親密な国際交流を円滑に進めるために何が求められるのかということを検討できればと考えています。
「社会福祉法人ならやま会」は、奈良市で、入所、通所、ホームヘルプ等障がい者福祉を中心に 15 の事業所を展開する社会福祉法人です。今から 26 年前、養護学校を卒業したのちの日中の行き先を模索する保護者の声を受け設立した法人です。初代大津美恵子理事
長のお考えを踏襲し長く、利用者に生きがい、とくに働きがいを持っていただくために、
努力を続けてきました。
この「ならやま会」の中で、平成 29 年度より「障害者支援施設いずみ園」（奈良市奈良阪町 249、障がい者の入所施設、40 名定員、14 床ショートステイ併設）で 4 名、平成 30
年度より「特別養護老人ホーム光の桜」（奈良市石木町 715-1、50 名定員、10 床ショート
ステイ併設）において 2 名の計 6 名のフィリピン人 EPA 介護福祉士候補者を受け入れています。昨年は、申請と、受け入れ態勢の構築までを皆様にお話しさせていただくことができましたので、本年は、学習支援体制を中心とした受け入れ態勢についてお話させていただくとともに、候補者が口にする「差別」、「仲間に入れない」と法人内での試行錯誤とのせめぎあいを乗り越え、両者にとり、ウィン・ウィンの受け入れ態勢を作り上げるために何をすべきか、考えてみたいと考えております。
① 受入れ 1 年目の候補者たちの様子と学習スケジュール
候補者の受け入れは、横浜研修センターでの研修閉講とともにスタートします。彼らを施設まで連れていくことは、契約で決められた義務です。期待に膨らむ候補者を連れ、夕方に横浜を出発すると、施設近くの宿舎まで送れば、夜遅く。それでも、新しい生活に期
待いっぱいの候補者は疲れを見せません。
しかし、1 か月を過ぎて、徐々に様子は変わります。同期とのやり取りでも「自殺者が出た」というような噂を耳に（噂であることは確認しました。）するなどで、不安を増大

31

させ、また、日々の業務もなんとなく慣れてくることにより、フィリピン人よりも公私共に親愛の情を表現することの少ない周囲の日本人がそっけないことに気づき、ストレスをため始めます。
「差別」されているのではないか、「仲間に入れていないのではないか」と考えます。自責他責がパーソナリティに応じて現れてきます。結果、現場での問題が起こりやすくなると言えます。さらに、食事が口に合わないなどの生活上の日比両国の相違点を感じることになります。例えば、「いずみ園」では、利用者と共に飲むお茶が問題になったことがありました。お茶が口に合わず、水を用意してもらっていましたが、職員間では「特別」は問題じゃないかと話題になりました。仕事内容でも、「いずみ園」には、「プール支援」があり、水着での支援に難色を示すこともありました。このように、生活や労働観、人生観の違いが色濃く見えるようになります。このころから盛んに希望、要求、クレームが増えます。候補者のパーソナリティによりますので、一切こうした発言のない子もいて、施設側は混迷してきます。もちろん、日本語でのコミュニケーションに不慣れであったり、不得手である候補者もいます。
1 年目の学習内容は一冊のテキストを使用し、二か月に一度のペースで通信添削式のテストが実施されます。介護施設に関わる内容の単元が並び、それぞれにかなりの数の漢字が配置され、ひたすら練習し、記憶を促すタイプの教材です。EPA 介護福祉士候補者は大卒が必須の為、勉強する姿勢や自分なりのスタイルは確立しています。面白味は少ないですが、この教材の成果が非常に顕著に現れます。また、この教材の必要性は、二年目になったときに、痛いほど気づかされます。このテキストは、10 月に終了し、その後、翌年 6月の国家試験の内容に関する通信添削試験の開始まで、漢字から実際の試験内容へシフトするための教材を 2 冊と JICWELS による集合研修を経ます。
「ならやま会」での学習支援体制としては、現場を優先にしながら、法人内講師による、個別指導方式で行ってきました。しかし、受け入れ 1 カ月目以降は「仕事が忙しくて勉強できない」という候補者が散発的に発生し、宿題もおぼつかない時期も出てきて、受け入れ前に他の施設で聞いた「モチベーション管理」の難しさを痛感します。悪い点数を取ったり、宿題をしないことが常態化すれば、3 年から 4 年と短いプログラム期間中に国家試験「介護福祉士」を取得することが叶わず、施設側はロスになります。
② 2 年目の候補者たちの様子と学習支援者の問題
2 年目になるちょうど 12 月で初めての一時帰国を希望する子が多いです。1 年半ぶりになる故郷で、日本に戻りたくなくなるのかと思い不安になりますが、そこは、OFW の国の方々です。きちんと戻ってきます。この時期に JICWELS による集合研修が行われ、強く引き締めが行われます。さらに、JICWELS による巡回指導が来ますので、コミュニケーション力の日本語を JICWELS の日本語教師にテストされ、候補者によってはかなり辛辣な指導を受けます。もちろん、候補者側ばかりではなく、法人も同一賃金等厳しく指導を受けます。

32そして、新年度を迎えると、満を持して、国試テキストが送付されてきます。進捗管理表も付いたもので、JICWELS ホームページにおける動画教材もあります。日本語の難易度は上がりますが、本人たちにとってはなじみのある内容ですので、漢字だけのときよりは、入りがいいように感じています。彼らにとっては、日本語で介護福祉士の試験を受験することが問題なのであって、内容はよく理解しています。1 年目の語彙習得はこのためのものであったのだと思います。
このような特殊な日本語教育ですので、教員はどのような出自のものがいいのかと考えてみますが、純粋な日本語教師では、「介護福祉士」試験の内容が非常に専門的で、面食らいますし、現場職員では、「教育する」という素養がなく、難しいです。現在、「ならやま会」では、外部講師として、フィリピン滞在経験のある大学講師と、内部講師として、同じくフィリピン滞在経験と教育経験のある「介護職員初任者研修」受講、「行動援護従業者研修」受講の法人職員を配置しています。ただし、喀痰吸引等医療ケアに関しては、専門性が高く、実技が伴うため、法人内「介護福祉士」を活用するか、県主催の研修を利用するか、外部業者に委託するか現在検討中です。
③ 組織、候補者にとってウィン・ウィンな受け入れ態勢、学習支援体制とはどのようなものか。
これまでの 2 年の経験を経て考えるのは、そもそもどのような出自の候補者たちなのかということを理解する必要があるということです。そして、その上で考えなければならな
いのは、一緒に働く日本人がどのような人たちなのかということだと思います。
日本で介護職として働く日本人は、乱暴に分けても、2 種類います。福祉系の学校でみっちりと勉強してきた「インテリ派」と、様々な人生経験を経て介護施設に流れ着いた「人生経験ボーナス派」です。日本人との同一労働同一賃金で日本での生活を行い、送金する生活は、物価の高さのわりに低い介護職の給与を考えれば、他の出稼ぎ受け入れ国に比べて、候補者にとっては予想に反して過酷なものとなります。他方、現場で共に働く日
本の介護職員は、多くが外国人と身近に接することのなかった人たちであり、国家的な「処遇改善」が必要な元来低賃金で過酷な労働に従事する人たちです。「インテリ派」は意見を控えますが、「人生経験ボーナス派」は、「仕事が忙しくて勉強できない」というよ
うな発言や日本人には理解のできない言動には強く反発します。厳しく意見する人も出てきます。
候補者たちが感じた「差別」や「仲間に入れない感じ」は、候補者、現場がおのおのの国で属する「階級」に起因した非常に根深いものだと考えています。このことを明らかにすることができれば、組織、候補者にとってウィン・ウィンの受け入れ態勢、学習支援体
制に近づけるのではないかと考えています。

33

フィリピン IT 技術者のアプリケーション開発現場での活躍
川口 智
日本IBM 株式会社、グローバル・ビジネス・サービス、ADMイノベーション事業部
Email: e20248@jp.ibm.com, Telephone: +81-80-6706-9178.
赤瀬 歩
日本IBM 株式会社、グローバル・テクノロジー・サービス、ソリューション事業部
Email: ayuaka@jp.ibm.com, Telephone: +81-80-6685-1655.
IT大国フィリピン
IT革命、情報技術が進展する先進諸国では、多くの企業間および国家間競争のなかで途上国からのIT技術者等の受け入れが進み、技術と英語力等を備えた専門性の高い人材育成は、主にインドや中国、フィリピンで90年代後半から急速に行われてきた。21世紀を迎えた日本の外国人労働者の新たな受け入れ分野の兆候としても、グローバル化における日本の情報サービス分
野において重点課題とした、IT分野での労働力不足に対応するための受け入れ業種拡大がある（赤瀬 2014:53）。
本稿で扱うフィリピンは、電話で顧客に対応するコールセンターをはじめ、顧客企業の経理や人事業務、またITサービス領域ではシステムの運用保守・ソフトウェアのウォーターフォー
ル型開発の下流工程に従事する業務に代表される世界のBPO（ビジネス・プロセス・アウトソーシング）市場として、インド、中国に次いで世界第3位の市場シェアを誇っている。また、電子機器関連はフィリピンの輸出額の約5割にも達するフィリピンでは、情報処理技術を学ぶ
上で英語が障壁となることがほぼない技術者を多数輩出することができる点から、インドに次ぐIT産業大国として知られている。多くのフィリピン人IT技術者は米国のソフトウェア開発に従事しており、国内でも米国企業を顧客とするソフトウェア産業においても成長は著しい（日本貿易振興機構 2002:76-77）。
日本におけるフィリピン人IT技術者
2018年の在留フィリピン人数は27万1289人と、全体の外国人登録者の約1割を占めており、フィリピンは中国、韓国・朝鮮、ベトナムに次いで4番目に多い国籍となった（法務省 2019）。
在留フィリピン人は80年代の「興行」ビザで来日するホステスや、日本の超高齢社会や女性の社会進出に備えた再生産労働分野に取り込まれる「介護士」や「家事代行」の印象が強く残るが、近年積極的に受け入れが進む職種として、多くの「IT技術者」も存在する。
日本におけるIT技術者に相当する在留資格は「技術（2015年から「人文知識・国際業務」に統合された）」・「企業内転勤」である。国籍別統計の公開がインターネットで始まった2006
年以降の在留資格別フィリピン人の入国者数（図1）をみても、2012年の高度ポイント制導入
から「技術・人文知識・国際業務」は増加傾向にある。
図1：在留資格別

技術者の入国数（2016-2017）

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出典：法務省2017を元に筆者作成
こうしたホワイトカラーとして就労するフィリピン人IT技術者は、流暢な英語やITスキルを十分に活かせる職種でもある点で、従来に定着した単純労働者や再生産労働分野の外国人差別の国民的意識を払拭し、日本におけるフィリピン人高度人材のイメージアップにも貢献している。
アプリケーション開発現場におけるフィリピン人IT技術者の活躍
途上国のITサービスは海外への輸出傾向が大きく、オンサイト方式とオフショア方式という2つの異なる提供形態を使い分け、発展してきた。海外の顧客先にIT技術者を送り出して現地で業務を実施する場合は、「オンサイト・サービス（以降、オンサイトに省略）」に該当する。
これに対して、フィリピン国内から通信回線を利用して海外顧客にサービスを提供する形態は「オフショア・サービス（以降、オフショアに省略）」と呼ばれる。オフショアはオンサイトと異なり、国境を超えた移動を必要としないため、コストがかからず、より安くサービスが提供できる（赤瀬 2019:50）。
アプリケーション・システムの開発現場においては、まず日本オンサイトでのプロジェクトに従事している技術者の活躍が見られ徐々に拡大している。業務領域ではより高い品質が求められる銀行業務を支援するシステム開発において、その高い技術力を示し、かつ日本人技術者の働き方にも適合していく柔軟さが高く評価されている。
従来日本オンサイトでのプロジェクト参画は、日本語でのコミュニケーションが必要となり、かつ開発工程を、1.要件定義、2.基本(外部)設計、3.詳細(内部)設計、4.コーディング(製造)、5.
単体テスト、6.統合テスト、7.システムテストとした場合、特に上流工程の 1.要件定義、2.基本設計においては高い日本語力が必要となるため、多くの中国人技術者が活躍していた。しかし
3.詳細設計、および 4.コーディング工程においては、日本語力よりもむしろプログラミング言語を中心としたより高い技術力が求められるため、フィリピン技術者の活躍も拡大して来たと言える。更に下流工程の 5.単体テスト、6.統合テストにおいては、より緻密な検査と実直に作業を遂行する事が求められるが、この工程においても多くの実績が出て来ている。
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また日本オンサイトだけではなく、このオンサイトでの活躍が評価される事で、オフショアでの開発・テストも拡大して来た。
オフショアでの主な活動工程はオンサイトと同じく、3.詳細設計、4.コーディング、5.単体テストが中心ではあるが、オフショアであるが故に、必要とされる人材はIT技術力を持った人材だけではなく、プロジェクトマネージメント力を有した人材も必要となる。この点においてもその能力の 1)リーダーシップ、2)コミュニケーション力、3)メンバー育成力、4)メソドロジー
知識、5)リスク管理、6)スケジュール管理 といったプロジェクトマネージメントで必要な能力の中で、特に 1)リーダーシップ、2)コミュニケーション力、3)メンバー育成力においては、多くの人材においてその高さが見られる。また英語力の高さがIT技術の習得速度を高めている事と同様に 4)メソドロジー知識についても習得の速さも実感できる。
日本におけるより決めの細かい 5)リスク管理、6)スケジュール管理の経験値が高まることにより、更にプロジェクトマネージメント力が強化される可能性が高まって来たと言える。
アプリケーション開発プロジェクトでのオフショア開発はコスト削減、リソースの有効活用を目的に、インド・中国を中心として2000年以降拡大し発展してきた。一方では一般的に、文化・言語の壁・プロジェクト推進方法の違い等々による品質低下懸念が依然存在している。
このような環境下で、マニラおよびセブのオフショア開発センターにおいて、フィリピン人
技術者と共に、日本から来た日本人技術者だけでなく、インド人、中国人、韓国人が共同でプ
ロジェクトに参加している光景を見ると、多文化、他文化への適応性が高く、チームワークを尊重し、そしてIT技術の習得が早いフィリピンは、今後日本がより一層グローバル化を進める
上でも、また今後の日本でのIT技術者の労働力不足を解消するためにも、より重要なパートナーとなることは間違いないと確信する。

参考文献
赤瀬 歩, 2014,「フィリピン海外出稼ぎの母国家族問題―在日フィリピン人を事例として―」（http://soc.meijigakuin.ac.jp/uploads/2014/03/essay2013_s01.pdf）2019.5.19 閲覧.
赤瀬 歩, 2019,「インド人IT技術者の海外就労と仮想就労の構造的連関―米国就労者の二面性システムの検討―」（https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331530329_xiushilunwen_indoren_IT_jishuzhenohaiwaij
iulaotojiaxiangjiulaonogouzaodelianguan-miguojiulaozhenoermianxingshisutemunojiantao-）
2019.5.24 閲覧.
日本貿易振興機構(JETRO), 2002, 「情報革命とIT戦略 フィリピン 日本に照準,情報処
理技術者試験がスタート--JITSE-Phil(ジッセ・フィル)財団 マリア・コラソン・アコール会長 」『ジェトロセンサー』52(622): 76-77.
法務省, 2017,「出入国管理統計 : 国籍別入国外国人の在留資格」（https://www.e-stat.go.jp/statsearch/files?page=1&layout=datalist&toukei=00250011&tstat=000001012480&cycle=7&year=2017
0&month=0&tclass1=000001012481&stat_infid=000031724898）2018.10.8 閲覧.
法務省, 2019, 「平成３０年末現在における在留外国人数について」（http://www.moj.go.jp/nyuukokukanri/kouhou/nyuukokukanri04_00081.html）2019.5.19 閲覧.
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フィリピンから来日した児童がなぜ「発達障害」になるのか―フィリピン人母子が日本で経験する困難の把握と対処のねじれに着目して―

金春喜1

フィリピンから来日し、日本の学校に通うようになった児童が、「発達障害」と見なされるようになる。そして、特別支援学校に進学する。これは、実際の出来事だ。
では、なぜ、その児童は、「発達障害」とされることになったのだろうか。この出来事をただ眺めるのではなく、いったん立ち止まり、その理由を丹念に考えていこうとするのが、本研究の試みだ。この検討を通して、日本の学校教育と現代の日本社会の姿を再考していきたい。
これまで、外国人児童が「発達障害」と見なされた事例を対象とした先行研究を見てみると、それらは、そういった児童たちへの支援方法を検討するものだったりする。素朴に、その児童たちが「発達障害」であると受けいれたところから始まる先行研究では、なぜ、彼らが「発達障害」とされるようになったか、その理由や過程は明らかにされてこなかった。本研究は、この見過ごされてきた部分に着目し、外国人児童が「発達障害」とされる過程で「外国人であること」と「障害児であること」のそれぞれの論理がいかにして展開され、たたかい、折衝したかを検討した。
具体的な調査方法としては、フィリピンから来日し、「発達障害」と診断され、特別支援学校に進学することを決めたきょうだい 2 人にかかわった保護者や教育者、通訳など合計 10 人を調査協力者として、インタビュー調査を実施した。
調査を通して、（1）教育者たちが何をきょうだいの困難として捉えていたか、（2）
教育者たちがきょうだいの困難に対処するために、何を支援として選んだか、（3）
その支援が選べるようになる条件は何だったか、を明らかにしようと試みた。
（1）教育者たちは、きょうだいの困難として、日本語の習得、文化の違いにもとづくつまずき、家庭環境（母子世帯、貧困）を挙げた。これらは、「外国人
1

きん・ちゅに。京都大学大学院文学研究科修士課程修了（社会学）。現在は全国紙の記者。chunfi222@gmail.com
137

としての困難」と捉えられるものである。特に家庭環境については、日本に渡る
フィリピン人女性に特有の背景を持つ困難として捉えられることから、フィリ
ピン人に特有の困難と言える。
（2）教育者たちは、きょうだいへの支援として、特別支援学校に進学するた
めに療育手帳を取得する、すなわち、「発達障害」児になることを選んだ。教育者たちは、来日まもなく日本語での学習に困難を抱えるままに高校受験をするには課題が多いと感じていた。さらに、家庭環境も不安定なことも考慮すると、職業学科のある特別支援学校に進学し、確実に職を得られるようにすることが児童や母親のためになると、教員たちは考えた。だからこそ、きょうだいたちへの支援として「障害児としての支援」を選んだのだった。
（3）（1）で明らかになった「外国人としての困難」や「フィリピン人母子としての困難」に「障害児としての支援」が充てられるという、ねじれたやり方は、
いかにして可能になったのか。これは、（ⅰ）教員の温情、（ⅱ）
「発達障害」概念のあいまいさ、（ⅲ）フィリピン人母子の立場の弱さという、3 つの条件が揃って実現したものだった。
こうして、フィリピンから来日したきょうだいは「発達障害」になった。この一連の過程を通して、きょうだいの抱える問題は「発達障害」という医療の問題
として、個人の問題として捉えられるようになり、2 人が直面した「外国人としての困難」や「フィリピン人母子としての困難」を取り巻く社会的な問題は見えづらくされていった。それとともに、彼らが直面した困難に対処するための「外国人としての支援」が明らかに不足する日本の学校教育や現代の日本社会の状
況は、見えづらくされていくこととなった。
以上を踏まえ、フィリピンから来日した児童が「発達障害」になるのは、教育現場において、教員たちが外国人児童たちの「外国人としての困難」のために「障害者としての支援」を選ぶしかないという窮状があったからだと結論した。さらに、この一連の営みは、日本人だけのための学校教育システムを保護しようとする現代の日本社会の意図と、教育現場における教員たちの善意と温情の結託という、（教員たちの）意図せざる結果として実現したことも明らかとなった。
以上を踏まえ、発表では、具体的な政策提言も試みる。

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38

図１

「外国人としての困難」が「障害児としての支援」で対処される過程

339

フィリピン系ニューカマー母親にとっての学校福祉

京都大学人間・環境学研究科

共生人間学専攻 修士 2 回 本間桃里

<研究背景>
1970 年代後半以降，グローバル化によりアジアや南米から来た労働者や結婚移民はニューカマー
と呼ばれ，90 年代には住民としての彼らと共生していく上での課題が研究者から意識されるようになった(石井 2003). ニューカマーに関して教育学では，異文化な学校生活(志水 2008; 児島 2009)や不就学(佐久間 2006;小島 2016)に着目した研究が蓄積されてきた．これらは主にニューカマーの教育・進路保障について議論しているが，近年，貧困・特別支援学級児童生徒数の増加・不登校・
児童虐待など教育保障論のみで捉えられない様々な問題とされる事象が顕在化している．その結果学校は制度面でも 2008 年の「スクールソーシャルワーカー活用事業」の導入や 2014 年の「学校をプラットフォームとする貧困対策の拡充」，虐待通告の義務づけ等，「拡大・拡散化」した福祉の領域に関わらざるを得なくなった (倉石 2018).欧米諸国でも見られるこの現象は「学校機能の福祉化」(倉石 2014:56)の概念で捉えられ，ニューカマーもこの現象の中にいる．つまり，教育保障を第一
義的に位置づけるのではなく生活保障(宮本 2009)の一部として捉え，学校を通じたニューカマーの生活保障について論じる必要性から本研究の着想を得た．
<問題と目的>福祉国家の限界を教育に負わせる発想ではなく，教育現場だからこそ実現できる包括的な生活保障の構築が求められる一方，教育と福祉は方法や考え方に矛盾を抱えている (圓入 2013)．例えば，教育学研究者は「教育活動をすすめる前提条件として貧困や社会的孤立という福祉的課題への対応を考える」一方，児童福祉やソーシャルワークの研究者は「子どものウェルビーイングを実現する」
要素の一つとして教育を捉える(高田 2019:174). 仁平(2018)は教育の論理が無条件の生存保障を否定することを，シティズンシップ教育が福祉から自立した市民を目指すことから指摘した．福祉の実践者の間では学校が持つ集団維持の志向性や指導性が個々の児童生徒や家族のニーズに対立的になってしまうことも指摘されている (日本学校ソーシャルワーク学会 2008). 教育と福祉の結節点を探るため，ニューカマーの生活保障に資する学校の関わり方を明らかにすることが求められる．
ニューカマーのなかでも申請者が着目するのは日本に住むフィリピン系ニューカマーの子どもと母親である．日本人男性との間に産まれた子どもと共にフィリピンから日本へ移住した母親に関して，生活保護世帯が増加傾向にあり，その 70%近くが母子世帯で，職種がブルーカラー職に偏り失業率が高いこと(高谷 2017)，日本的母親役割遂行に困難が生じること(原 2018)等，生活課題が指摘されている．よって本研究は，小学校がフィリピン系ニューカマーの子どもと母親の生活保障にどのように関わっているのか実態を明らかにし，教育と福祉の接続の議論に新たな知見を与えることを研究目的とした．なお，宮本(2009)は「排除しない社会」の実現に向けて雇用と社会保障の関係

1

40

を再設計し，他者との結びつきを可能にする「生きる場」を確保する為の枠組みとして生活保障の概念を用いた．宮本(2009)が国家によるマクロレベルの生活保障を示したのに対し，本研究では学校が家庭の経済状況や健康・生活習慣・養育など日常生活に関わりながら，ミクロレベルで「生きる場」を守ろうとする営みを生活保障とした．
<方法>
京都市立の小学生に通う子どもがいるフィリピン系ニューカマーの母親 5 名に半構造化インタビューを実施した．京都市では教育委員会による「生徒福祉課」の設置が 1962 年から開始され，教育と福祉をつなぐ組織的な実践が早期に着手された全国でも珍しい歴史がある(大崎 2012)ことや，改正入管難民法の施行を受けて多文化共生プロジェクトチームが立ち上がった(京都新聞 2019)こと
からも多様な文化的背景がある子どもの教育と福祉の接点を見いだすのは妥当である．
<結果>
学校が生活保障の機能を担う様子が明らかになった．例えば，担任や日本語教員，母語支援員が子どもの些細な様子の変化に気づき，子どもの心身の健康を守ろうとしていた．また，児童扶養手
当申請や病院の付き添いなど，生活と直結する事項にも取り組んでいた．
一方，教育論理の強い学校が福祉的な領域に関わる複雑さがより鮮明になった．具体的には，教員が生活に介入するとき，それは母親にとって「福祉的な働きかけ」よりも「教育的な指導」としての意味合いが強かった．教員に理解を示しつつ，自身の生活実態や価値観と噛み合わない「指導」に応えられない場合に葛藤していた．例えば子どもの肥満傾向が指摘され生活習慣の改善と入院を勧められたことに対するストレスや，夜遅くの教会出席が子どもの生活リズムを乱すとする学校の懸念に対する反発があった．また，教員は子どもの長時間のインターネット利用を注意したが，母親の就労環境の都合上，留守番時間が長いことから指導に応える困難さが語られた．さらに，教員
は母親が子どもを放任していると感じていた一方，複数の母親が子育てで自立を重視していると語ったように，そこには子育ての文化的差異がある可能性も示唆された．
子どもと母親にとっての生活保障とは何を指すのか，かれらの主体的な生活に学校福祉がどのよ
うに関わっていけばよいか，教育と福祉の接続について分析を進めていく必要がある．

<主要文献>
圓入智仁，2013, 『子どもの虐待と学校:新しい教育福祉論』櫂歌書房．倉石一郎, 2014, 『アメリカ教育福祉社会序説史:ビジティング・ティーチャーとその時代』春風社． 倉石一郎，2018，「生活・生存保障と教育のむすび直し・再論: 公私融合の現実にどう立ち向かうか」『教育学研究ジャーナル』,22: 35-41.高田一宏，2019, 『ウェルビーイングを実現する学力保障: 教育と福祉の橋渡しを考える』大阪大学出版会．宮本太郎，2009, 『生活保障: 排除しない社会へ』岩波書店．

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The Sweetness of Power:
Human Capital Accumulation in America’s Philippines
Kenneth S. Reyes
Graduate School of Economics
The University of Tokyo
May 24, 2019

1

Background

The Philippines underwent great political, economic, and social change during the period of American
occupation (1898–1941). There was political change in that the U.S., keen to install a democratic formof government in the colony, facilitated the creation of an elected Assembly in 1907, an elected Senate
in 1916, and finally, an elected Executive in 1935. This gave increasing power to native politicians.
There was also economic change in the form of the interwar sugar boom. This was partly an Americanengineered phenomenon as it granted the Philippines tariff-free access to its markets beginning 1909,
which spurred massive investments in sugar processing facilities (called “centrals”) in the 1920s. However,almost all “sugar barons” were Filipinos, and it was they who benefited from the boom.
Finally, there was great social change arising from the American-led push to extend formal education
to the colony, beginning with the arrival of 600 American teachers on the USS Thomas in 1901. The
literacy rate shot up from 18% in 1903 to 49% in 1939, while the enrollment rate among the school-age
population went from 15% to 41%. A legacy of this became the widespread use of English that persists
today.

2

Hypothesis

Our main argument runs as follows. Sugar plantations require mere unskilled labor, so those that
benefited from the sugar boom had no incentive to encourage the extension of formal education. Indeed,
they would have actively opposed it since a more educated labor force meant higher real wages. While
the Americans held power, landlords could do little to halt the expansion of schooling, but as government
was increasingly opened to native control, landlords became able to steer policies to their liking.
Landlords were not strong everywhere, however. Due to variations in geography, the prevalence ofthe plantation industry was different across provinces. We therefore argue that where landlords could
influence government policy, increases in their power (measured by landownership inequality) led to theslower accumulation of human capital.

3

Research design

To test our hypothesis, we employ a difference-in-differences (DD) approach. Though an Assembly wasestablished in 1907, an American legislative body held true power until the Jones Law of 1916 created a
Filipino Senate. Executive control remained with an American Civil-Governor until the Commonwealth142was established in 1935, but power at least at the local level was effectively indigenized after 1916.
We exploit this break in history by dividing the study period into an Occupation period (1903–1918),
where Americans held power, and a Democratic Period (1918–1939), where Filipinos held power. These
dates were chosen as they coincide with census years, but their correspondence to actual events are
sufficiently close.
We run the regression
Human Capital Growthit = β0 + β1 · ∆Giniit + β2 · t + β3 · t · ∆Giniit + β4 · Xit + εit ,(1)

where i indexes provinces and t = 1 for the Democratic Period. ∆Giniit is the average annual change
in the land Gini between 1903 and 1918 for t = 0 and between 1918 and 1939 for t = 1, while Xit arecontrols.
The logic of the DD approach can be seen from the following table:
Continuous treatment: ∆Gini
Occupation Period
β0 + β4
β0 + β1 + β4
Democratic Period β0 + β2 + β4 β0 + β1 + β2 + β3 + β4
Difference-in-difference

Difference
β1
β1 + β3
β3

The parameter of interest is β3 , which gives not just the impact of landlord power on human capital
accumulation, but also verifies the proposed mechanism of landlords capturing the apparatuses of representative government to keep labor inexpensive. We theorize β3 to be negative; that is, more landlord
power under a democracy dampened the rate at which human capital grew.

4

Data

Data are taken from the censuses of 1903, 1918, and 1939. Our measure for human capital accumulationis the annual growth rate of the literate population.
Landlord power is measured by the concentration of land ownership. While the censuses provide a wealthof data on farm sizes, a fundamental change in definition makes the 1939 data incomparable to the 1903
and 1918 data. Various scraps of land under the same owner are counted as one farm in 1939 but arecounted as several farms in previous years. To address this, we employ the Gini, which is a summary
measure of the distribution of farms for the year, making intercensal comparisons more justifiable.
Three controls are used. First, to take into account past accumulations of human capital, we use theinitial literacy rate, defined as the number of literate persons divided by the population aged 10 andabove. Second, we control for population growth. Finally, we employ provincial fixed effects.

5

Results

Table 1 presents our results. We first discuss the controls, none of which present any surprises. The
impact of the period dummy t is consistently large and negative, indicating that human capital accumulation was unambiguously slower in the Democratic Period. Meanwhile, a convergence effect is present
in that provinces with higher initial human capital saw lower rates of human capital growth. Finally, we
find that the coefficients on population growth are close to unity.
“Change in Gini” appears to have a mildly positive impact on human capital accumulation, though this isindistinguishable from zero in some specifications. The main variable of interest is “t × Change in Gini”,
which has the expected negative sign and is significant in all specifications. A one standard deviation
increase in the annual change in Gini during the Democratic Period decreased the contemporaneous
growth rate of the literate population by 1.26–1.90 percentage points when using the full set of controls(columns 3 and 6). This accounts for about 40–60 percent of the standard deviation.
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43

Table 1: Wealth inequality, democracy, and human capital accumulation

Change in Gini

Dependent variable: Literate population growth p.a. (%)
OLS
OLS
OLS
OLS
OLS
OLS
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
0.960
1.109
0.753
2.278∗
2.099∗∗
1.566∗(0.680)(0.683)(0.461)(1.280)(0.965)(0.811)t−6.645∗∗∗(0.780)−3.413∗∗∗(0.585)−3.877∗∗∗(0.593)−7.548∗∗∗(0.967)−4.139∗∗(1.669)−3.286∗∗(1.388)t × Change in Gini

−2.326∗(1.335)−3.280∗∗∗(1.000)−2.818∗∗∗(0.879)−4.541∗(2.566)−4.841∗∗(1.987)−4.258∗∗(1.890)−0.144∗∗∗(0.0258)−0.127∗∗∗(0.0252)−0.139∗(0.0728)−0.172∗∗(0.0646)

No
86
0.733

1.016∗∗∗(0.176)
No
86
0.839

Yes
86
0.862

0.979∗∗∗(0.308)
Yes
86
0.907

Initial literacy rate (%)

Population growth (%)
Province fixed effects
Observations
R2

No
86
0.490

Yes
86
0.823

Robust standard errors in parentheses. Dummy variable t = 1 for Democratic Period (1918–39) and 0 otherwise.
∗ p < 0.10, ∗∗ p < 0.05, ∗∗∗ p < 0.01

6Conclusion

We find evidence in support of our hypothesis that more landlord power under democracy resulted inslower rates of human capital accumulation. These findings are significant for three reasons. First,
they contribute to the literature on the consequences of colonialism for post-war development outcomes.
The Americans in the Philippines were unique among colonizers in their zeal to set up representative
government. Though seemingly benign, this may have had the unintended consequence of handing
power to landlords who preferred to maintain the extractive plantation economy rather than facilitate
investments in human capital.
In this regard, we also contribute to the literature on the controversial question of democracy’s causal
impact on economic growth. If human capital accumulation is a prerequisite for growth, then democracy may be bad for growth if elites use it to capture the state and pursue policies that hinder thisaccumulation.
Finally, our findings contribute to the quantitative study of Philippine economic history. We havegathered a panel dataset from census information featuring province-level Ginis that, to our knowledge,
have been calculated for the first time. We also provide econometric support to long-standing views in
the literature.

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44

Taihei Okada
okada@ask.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp
Two Modernities and Education--The Philippines and the United States at the Turn of the Century-In this presentation, the very concept of colonial education is interrogated. Studies
on colonial education start with the establishment of the colonial regime and its
implementation of education policies. Then, they usually end with the lasting influences of
the colonial education, whether it is good or bad. In this narrative, the start of the colonial
period is a new era for education, in that a public-school system gets established, the state
controls education, standard curricula get implemented, teachers are trained, school
administration becomes more professionalized and so forth. Inevitably, colonial educationis considered to be “modern” and the US colonial education in the Philippines is especiallyregarded as such. By extension, because of this narrative structure, modernity starts withthe colonial regime and whatever modern is brought by it.
Modernity is a complex and contested term. It is historicist in the sense that thepresent is always better than the past. It is also universal in that it applies and renders auniform measure to any human society.

Colonialism in the eyes of colonial masters was

supposed to bring the modernity of the imperial metropole to the colony. However, thisformulation ignores the fact that the late 19th century was modern anywhere worldwide.
Needless to say, I take the stance that both the United States and the Philippines were as
modern as each other.
In this presentation, first, I would like to argue that there was an educationalmodernity both in the Philippines and the United States albeit the fact that this modernity
manifested differently at two different societies. Especially, the notion of reflexivity or selfassessment is examined. Second, as the United States turns into a trans-Pacific empire, its
educational ideas and system acquired a new facet that made its educational tradition
applicable to the newly acquired territories. My finding suggests that the US colonial rule in
the Philippines was an imposed intermission for the Filipino’s modern progress but madeappear US colonialism indispensable for such progress via colonial education.
As for the United States, its colonization of the Philippines at the turn of the century
was precisely the period in which many academic societies were born and developed. This wascertainly influenced by the shift of reformist movements from farmers and laborers to theurban middle-class. Among them was the professionalization of school administration.
Departments of education were founded at leading research universities and histories of45

education were written as college-level textbooks. Elwood E. Cubberley’s History of Education
published in 1920 was the pinnacle of this history writing, in which Cubberley found the US
public education as the rightful inheritor of the Western tradition and insisted on the West’s
inevitable path towards democracy. I would like to trace the genealogy of this narrative of US
education in the preceding texts of the early 20th century.
As for the Philippines, the friar-controlled public education certainly had limitations
and many of the educated Filipinos considered such limitations as backward. First, despite
these limitations, the Filipino society seemingly had rather developed primary educationaccording to the previous studies as well as travel accounts. Second, early manifestations of
the Filipino’s opinions on education were published in La Solidaridad, the newspaper
contributed and edited by the Filipinos in Spain. They criticized the friar rule in thePhilippines from their modernist perspective. I will trace their arguments on education.
Moreover, if possible, I would also like to see the development of these educational ideas in
the later two phases of the Filipino revolution, i.e. in the ideas of Katipunan and writings
during the revolutionary war leading up to Article 23 of the Malolos Constitution.
In the end, I would like to argue that the form and content of history writing on thecolonial education in the Philippines basically followed those of the American writings on thehistory of education. Their narrative echoed the writings of the Filipino educational scholars
from the University of the Philippines in the 1930s, who in turn replicated the American
writings. These reflections on colonial modernity developed from the presumption that the
Spanish colonialism did not contribute at all to modern education and that, until the arrivalof the Americans, the Filipinos were dormant on their own education. I would like to pointout that these two presumptions are not tenable and that the US colonial education reallyresembled the reformist ideas before the revolution, resemblance not so uncanny given thatboth the American educators and Filipino reformists were modern in their own lights.

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THE HISTORIC RETURN OF BALANGIGA BELLS: A CENTURY JOURNEY OF WAR, STRUGGLESAND RECONCILLIATION
Lorenzo S. Hipolito, Jr Ph.D
Associate Professor
Centro Escolar University
Manila, Philippines
Balangiga Massacre, Howling Wilderness, War Booty, Historic Return, Reconciliation

Introduction
On July 24, 2017 State of the Nation Address of President Rodrigo Duterte. He asked theUnited States government “Give us back those Balangiga bells. They belong to the Philippines.
They are part of Philippines national heritage. The bells are reminders of the gallantry andheroism of our ancestors who resisted to the American colonizers and sacrificed their lives in
the process.” The Three church bells were taken by the US Army from the town of Balangiga,
Eastern Samar in 1901 as “war booty”
The Philippines has been waiting for over a century for the United States to free its lastprisoners from the 1899-1901 Philippine-American War—the Balangiga bellls. For Filipinos, thebells are not only sacred, religious relics. They symbolize the country’s aspiration and struggle
for freedom and national independence.
Philippines – American War
The colonial motives of the United States over the Philippine were economic, politicomilitary and religious. Contrary to the expectations of the Americans, the occupation of thePhilippines and its control took more time and violence to accomplish. The Filipinos, thoughlacking in arms and ammunition, fought valiantly throughout the country. But the Filipinos ably
sustained the resistance through guerrilla warfare. The US responded with repressive andviolent measures to end the war using water cure, re-concentration, and scorched-earth tactics.
The people, threatened by starvation and disease that were related to the war, opted for peace.
In the summer of 1901, Brigadier General Robert P. Hughes, who commanded
the Department of the Visayas and was responsible for Samar, instigated an aggressive policy offood deprivation and property destruction on the island. The objective was to force the end ofFilipino resistance. Part of his strategy was to close three key ports on the southern coast,
Basey, Balangiga and Guiuan.
Samar was a major centre for the production of Manila hemp, the trade of which was
financing Filipino forces on the island. At the same time United States interests were eager tosecure control of the hemp trade, which was a vital material both for the United States Navyand American aggro-industries such as cotton.

47

The capture of the bells traces its roots to the war between America soldiers and Filipino
guerrillas on September 20, 1901 in the coastal town of Balangiga in Eastern Samar. The bells
were taken as war trophies from the Church of Balangiga, following a surprise attack byhundreds of local Filipino residents on the US war veterans of Company C, 9th US infantry
Regiment. The attackers, were protesting the starvation forced on them by the destruction andseizure of their food stocks, the rounding of about 80 villagers for forced labor and detained incrowded cells with little food and water, and their having been humiliated by the foreign
intruders. They disguised as women, carrying coffins with bolo and machete-like knives when
they attacked the army base.
The bloody conflict became popularly known in history as the “Balangiga Massacre,”described by the US military as its “worst single defeat” in the Philippines and among the worst
defeats in its entire history. The Americans were initially driven off with heavy losses. However,they counter-attacked with vengeance over the next few weeks. General Jacob Smith
instructed that Samar be converted into a “howling wilderness.” All persons over 10 years ofage who have not surrendered and were capable of carrying arms were to be shot. This
directive caused the deaths of ten of thousands of Filipino civilians and the total destruction of
the town.
After razing the town of Samar, the church bells in Balangiga, which were used the signal thesurprise attack by Filipino guerrillas were seized, together with the 1557 Queen Mary Tudor
canon, as war booties in 1901 by the US 11th Infantry Regiment, known as the “Wyoming
volunteers”. The two bells were used to be enshrined at the Trophy Park of the Francis Warren
Air Force Base in Cheyenne, Wyoming. The third bells was put on view at the US Army unit in
Tongduchon, South Korea. All these bells belong to the same set of three bells taken from thechurch belfry of Balangiga in 1901.
Initiatives for the Retrieval of the Bells
Since 1950s and after the country gained independence from the US, the Philippine
government, religious organizations and several groups and individuals (both in the Philippinesand US) have been working assiduously to gain US support for the return of the bells. The bells’
widely covered and highly emotional return marked a bittersweet moment for the two allies,
which have been at loggerheads in recent years. Unlike any of his predecessors, the toughtalking Philippine president, Rodrigo Duterte, made the return of the bells a centrepiece of his
anti-American tirades.
The following were the viewpoints raised as bases for the retrieval of the Balangiga bells.
It is a religious artifact as inappropriate Trophies of War. The US previously returned war
booties of World War II, rightfully belonging to other countries. In the 1899 Hague Convention

48

on the Laws and Customs of War specifically states that an army of occupation can only takesome possession of State which may be used for military operations. The Lieber Code of 1863
states that all captures and booty belong primarily to the government of the captor. Several
laws give authority to the US President to return the Balangiga Bells to its rightful owner. The
US should return the bells, in the spirit of more than hundred years of friendship between the
US and the Philippines.

The historic Balangiga bells were on displayed for public viewing on December 12 and 13, 2018
Philippine Air Force (PAF) Aerospace Museum at Villamor Air Base, Sales Road, Pasay City.

Reconciliation
The “historic return” of the bells should express a final closure to a painful episode of war
and serve as a symbol of friendship and cooperation, and not of unfortunate misunderstanding
and conflict between the US and Philippines. More than a hundred years hence, Balangiga bells
ring again from the place of its origin, and the bells are rightfully belong – in Balangiga, Samar,
Philippines. The turnover of Balangiga bells on December 15, 2018 which was handed over tothe municipal mayor. Moreover, it was returned to the church of San Lorenzo de Martir. It
was witnessed by President Duterte and during his speech he said: “ The credit goes to theAmerican people and to the Filipino people”. “Nobody can claim a singular credit for thegenerous act of the American. The bells are returned and it was really because of the fervent
prayers of the entire Filipino nation.

49

Student: Byron de León
Kyushu University
24/05/2019

Popular Uprisings in Early 19th Century Philippines and Guatemala. The cases of theApolinario de la Cruz and Rafael Carrera

Introduction
The beginning of the 19th century saw the attempts of Spain, its colonies and its former colonies
to modernize their economic models. Both the Philippines and the former Kingdom of Guatemala
were at critical junctions where their political systems were attempting to adapt into aninternational economic order shaped in great part by English imperialism, an order based on the
globalisation of modern capitalism. The social conditions inherent in Philippine and Guatemalansocieties, these being the heterogeneity of society, and the need to modernize their economies,
were transforming each state into rapacious dictatorships that needed to enact tougher fiscal andlabor policies to build the sought after export-based economies in a globalizing world. Thus
creating the environment in which popular rebellions would rise. This paper focuses on two
representative cases, the popular uprising led by Apolinario de la Cruz in the Philippines, and theother by Rafael Carrera in Guatemala (part of the then United Provinces of the Center of America).
The most likely instigators of popular uprisings in 19th century Philippines and Guatemala weretaxes, taxes which themselves had an impact on forced labour. In Guatemala, the incapacity ofan impoverished indio to pay the daily wage that would release him from the obligation of carrying
out labor required by law, meant labor by force. In the Philippines, channels for the avoidance oftribute were available for those who served in the military or in religious orders for the avoidanceof forced labor. When either channel for the avoidance of tribute was obstructed, the colonial staterisked spurring anger and increased the chances of suffering uprisings. This paper argues thatthe role of taxes and labor and their effect on the masses of peasants are the most possible
explanations as sources of popular uprisings in early 19th century Philippines and Guatemala.

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Of galleons and estancos, the economies of early 19th century Guatemala andPhilippines

During the last decades of Spanish rule in the Kingdom of Guatemala (the kingdom comprised
what are today the republics of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica),
the state of the economy was under a serious depression. Locust plagues had a significant impact
on most crops, chief among them indigo, whose exports decreased. British smuggling inneighboring Belize was also affecting adversely the local economies of the isthmus. Indian revolts
were becoming more common, and since the government of the Kingdom could not finance its
own government, dependence on subsidies from the Viceroyalty in New Spain (Mexico) ensued,a financial dependence shared also by Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines.
The primary sources of revenue for the kingdom shortly before independence from Spain in 1821
were four: the church tithe; income from the government monopolies (estancos) on tobacco andalcohol; Indian tribute; and taxes on sales (alcabala) and a customs tax (almojarifazgo). The mostimportant of these sources were the income generated from the monopolies, which on 1815 to1819 accounted for more than fifty percent of state revenue (Hawkings 2011, 41).
Once independence was reached and the rise of the liberal party had been completed, the liberal
government’s plans for modernization called for an extensive network of roads and ports for the
expansion of agro-exports, which depended heavily in Indian labour. Indios could avoid this labour
by payment of the low daily wage, which for the masses of Indios who couldn’t afford the payment,
meant basically forced labour. (Woodward 2012, 50)
For the Philippines, after the loss of the Spanish possessions in the American continent, it becameof crucial importance for Spanish officials to achieve self-sufficiency in Manila. Commerce would
be the way to achieve the sought after self sufficiency, but due to the slow progress of commercein the Philippines, the colonial state became the main economic agent, capable of developing themarket and the bases needed for the production and distribution of certain mass-consumed goods.
It was on this basis that the state participated on the archipelago’s economy through an economy
based on estancos, which became the key existential link between colony and metropole
throughout 19th century Philippines (Fradera 1999, 28).
Philippine income from estancos in 1839 were at around 67.5% of the total. The percentage would
keep increasing throughout the years. The second most important source of income was indiantribute, which in 1839 represented 20.3% of the total and 19.8% in 1852. (Ibid) Thus a common
dependence of economic estancos and Indian tribute and labor existed in both locations during
the first part of the 19th century. Channels for the avoidance of Indian tribute existed, such as
military service, particularly so in the case of the Philippines (Mawson, 2016), or belonging in
religious organizations such as cofradías to avoid forced labor (Di Tella 2001, 24).
Bibles and rifles, peasant rebel leadership2

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Both uprisings, in 1841 Philippines, and in 1838 in Guatemala, were lead by charismatic leadersfrom humble origins that had participated however indirectly in two of the most important politicalinstitutions of the 19th century, the church and the military. Apolinario de la Cruz (or Hermano
Pulé) was born in 1815, in Lucban, Tayabas province. Encouraged by churchmen, Apolinario
attempted to have a clerical career, which was ultimately denied to him by the Spanish authorities.
He worked as a lay brother in the Hospital San Juan de Dios, Manila, and was later fired after
authorities began to be suspicious of his attempts to create a cofradía that excluded Chinese and,particularly, Spanish from membership. The denial of the recognition of Apolinario’s religiousorganization and the chain of events it caused, led to the revolt that caused the Manila authorities
to act militarily against the group, ultimately capturing and executing the leader.
Rafael Carrera was born in 1814 in what is today Guatemala City. Of Mulato, Mestizo and Spanish
descendancy, Carrera had the resemblance of an indian. Born from a humble family, Carrera
enlisted in the federal Army when he was 12 years old as a drummer, and rose ranks until
reaching the title of sergeant. After his time in the army he did many odd jobs, from cochineal
planter to becoming a pig farmer in the eastern town of Mataquescuintla in 1832. Motivated bymembers of the church to fight against the government’s anti-clerical policies and theimplementation of forced labor, he led the rebellion that eventually saw the collapse of thegovernment and participated in the creation of a conservative government overseen by Carrera
himself.

Dictatorships and violence
During the 1830s, the rise of power of the Captainship General, over the Audiencia and theCorregimiento in the Philippines, Cuba and Puerto Rico introduced what can be regarded as acentralized military dictatorships, that unified the rule of politics and the military, elements thatwould be the fundamental characteristic of the Spanish political model for its remaining colonies.
(Fradera 2005, 229) A formerly light colonial regime evolved into a more oppressive and invasivecolonial state. (Sturtevant 1976, 36) Likewise, in Guatemala, political polarity and violence
accelerated the evolution of the political regime from a pseudo-republic with disguises of legality
into a personalistic dictatorship. Among the common structural elements among both cases are,heterogeneous traditional societies, undergoing processes of capitalistic development toagricultural export based economies exerting pressure to populations already pressed by poverty,labor and tribute. There seems to be a link, connecting these social and economic conditions withthe emergence of political structures with strong centralized regimes, led primarily by military
members.

3

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Reference List

Ben III, V. 2004. “Articulating Space: The Free-Colored Military Establishment in Colonial Mexicofrom the Conquest to Independence.” Callaloo, 27, No. 1: 150-171.

Fradera, J.M. 2005. Colonias para después de un imperio. Barcelona: Bellaterra.

Fradera, J. M. 1999. Filipinas, la colonia más peculiar: la hacienda pública en la definición de lapolítica colonial, 1762-1868 (Vol. 38). Editorial CSIC-CSIC Press.

Di Tella, T. S. 2001. Latin American politics: A theoretical approach. University of Texas Press.

Hawkins, T. P. 2011. José de Bustamante and Central American Independence: Colonial
Administration in an Age of Imperial Crisis. The University of Alabama Press.

Mawson, Stephanie. 2016. "Philippine Indios in the service of empire: indigenous soldiers andcontingent loyalty, 1600–1700." Ethnohistory 63, no. 2: 381-413.

Sturtevant, D. R. 1976. Popular uprisings in the Philippines, 1840-1940. Ithaca: Cornell University
Press.

Sweet, D. (1970). “A proto-political peasant movement in the Spanish Philippines: the Cofradia
de San Jose and the tayabas rebellion of 1841”. Asian Studies, 8(1): 94-119.

Woodward Jr, R. L. 2012. Rafael Carrera and the Emergence of the Republic of Guatemala,
1821–1871. University of Georgia Press.

453

Revisiting Culion: History, Heritage, and Community
Arnel E. Joven
University of Asia and the PacificAt the start of the American Colonial Period in the Philippines, the Bureau of Health embarked
on a police-style enforcement of hygiene and sanitation policies. For Filipinos, especially for
those who lived in Culion, the island’s name has become synonymous to suffering and death.
Exiled “settlers” were forcibly relocated into this remote island which was then neither humane
nor habitable. At a time when leprosy was considered incurable, “Culion” meant death sentence.
Yet, even decades after the Multi-Drug Treatment (MDT) was introduced, leprosy sufferers“voluntarily” travelled to Culion. Despite treatment and rehabilitation, many leprosy patients have
opted to remain and settle in Culion. Gradually, Culion grew into a thriving agriculturalcommunity. This paper examines this social history and the present-day efforts of at least two
NGO groups: Culion Foundation Incorporated and Fundacion ANESVAD (to assist the Culion
population in socioeconomic development.

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Godparenthood, Ethnicity, and Status: A Late 19th-Century Case Study of Molo, Iloilo
by Jopol Alvin C. Ancheta
University of the Philippines Diliman
Catholicism has certain longstanding traditions that are prevalent and even relevant today. Oneof these is godparenthood. As a Church tradition, godparenthood underwent many changes
throughout its 2000-year history. Originally, the Church allowed multiple godparents but it was
eventually prohibited by the Council of Trent in 1563 wherein the Church prescribed a
godparent depending on the sex of the child, or at most two godparents, one is the actual
godparent and the other one was his or her spouse. This couple model of godparenthood wasintroduced in the Philippines by the Spaniards during the early colonial period as an essential
part of conversion particularly baptism, the first sacrament. Basically, along with catechism,
godparenthood became a colonial tool by the colonizers to pacify the natives and embrace the
new faith.
In relation to this, this study intends to contribute to the study of godparenthood in thePhilippines and social history. It would try to look at the selection of godparents in late-19th
century Molo, a colonial pueblo that became part of Iloilo City. Using historical demography,
this study analyzes the choices of godparents in 19th-century Molo, Iloilo and its connection withethnicity and political status. The primary sources that will be used in this paper are parish
registers, the most abundant sources in Philippine historical demography.
In the 1883 Molo baptismal registers, the ethnicity was provided in all of the essential charactersin the entries such as the parents, the godparents, and the child. Terms such as indio, mestizo/asangley, chino cristiano, mestizo espanola, and espanol peninsular were used in the registers tocategorized individual ethnicity. The term, however, was not only a cultural classification at thetime but also a connotation of one’s legal status. The categories were also used in the taxation
system that definitely evolved throughout the Spanish colonization. The most familiar andpopulous among all these categories was the term indio which refers to the native Filipinos bornand baptized in the pueblo. Another category is the chino cristiano. They were the Chinese that
resided in the Philippines and converted to Catholicism. They were different from the chinos
infieles who were non-Christian Chinese who paid higher taxes. Among all identifiedclassification, the espanol peninsular was the highest since they were the Spaniards born in
Spain and served or visited the Philippines. Meanwhile, the term mestizo was the lastclassification to be created (18th century) and applied in colonial records. They were two types

55

of mestizo: mestizo sangley and mestizo espanola. The first one refers to the people with“mixed Chinese-native ancestry” or an individual with Filipino and Chinese parents. This
category was established due to the frequent intermarriages between Chinese merchants andthe natives. The Chinese mestizo became very influential and prominent in the 19th century as
exemplified in the second chapter which was a just glimpse of their impact in Philippine history.
Miscegenation was also the case for mestizo espanola wherein an individual has a SpanishFilipino ancestry. However, their population was not as sizeable as their Chinese counterpart.
Despite the institutionalization of ethnic identities into legal categories, Wickberg argues that thisdid not hinder interaction between groups and individuals because of the presence ofCatholicism as a cohesive force. The said interaction and cohesion is obviously manifested intheir mere presence in Molo baptismal registers.
Political title as a category is also included in 1883 Molo baptismal entries. Those who had titles
are called Don (for male), and Doña (for female, usually the spouse of a Don). For the purposesof this study, those who had the honorific title “Don” signified their membership as political elitein the community. Historically, as a rule, the title was only given to Filipinos who held
government positions such as cabeza de barangay and gobernadorcillo. It was also extended toother members of local council such as the teniente mayor, the school teacher, and jueces
mayors. The title was also given to persons who previously held the said positions. However,
the rule regarding the use of the title Don varied across parishes and time periods as noted by
Owen in different registers he examined. Aside from the usual granting of the title to local
government positions, the title was also used in the past as a reward to people in the pueblo or
those who were active in the parish. It was estimated that the local political elite which
comprised people with the title Don and their families represented less than 10% of allhouseholds in a community. With all these in mind, the 1883 Molo registers suggest that thosepeople possessing the title were part of the political elite because only a few held the title and acabeza de barangay was one of those.

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Where is the Pantaron Manobo ‘economy’ located?1
Myfel D. Paluga (University of the Philippines Mindanao and Leiden University)
Andrea Malaya Ragragio (University of the Philippines Mindanao and Leiden University)

Abstract. Through simple inventory of objects transferred from person to person, six (6)spheres of object-transfers are identified. Of these, there is a set of objects labelled as tamukand variously reported as ‘gifts’, ‘borrowed’, or ‘trade’ objects. We note that tamukpractices figure in two of the six spheres and show critical elements of an indigenous‘money system’ (‘a system of credit and clearing’) that is operating in the context ofhighland communitarianism. This system is mediated by two important Manobo
categories—bansa (‘honor’), and goynawa (‘breathing’ and ‘love’)—and specific forms of
discursive codes (like select images and ‘beautiful words’ invoked during tamuktransactions) to facilitate good social and economic relations in the Pantaron highlands.
We argue that tamuk is better defined as ‘objects asked-or-borrowed’ as initiated by aperson (the ‘asker’) ‘in need of help’, in contrast to that of the bountiful ‘giver’ in classic
Maussian ‘gift prestations’. (150 words)

Mapping the distribution of tamuk and its meanings
Tamuk (or tamok) is an intriguing indigenous concept present in various ethnolinguistic groups
in Mindanao.2 From the available documentation that we have tracked so far, the category ispresent in the following Manobo and Manobo-related language groups: Maranaw (‘property,
wealth, riches’; ‘wealth’, ‘treasure’, ‘money and other kinds of gifts’); Maguindanao(‘property, valuables’); Ilianen Manobo (‘possessions, goods, wealth’); Erumanen Manobo(‘token, property’ or ‘property or items exacted as penalty’, or even ‘peace offering’); Calinan‘Manuvus’ (‘property’, or more specifically, ‘trade items,’ a ‘development marker in theevolution of the concept of property among Manuvus’); Arakan Manobos (‘gifts’, ‘material
goods and wealth’, ‘things paid as damages’; panamok [pang-tamok] is ‘raising of thebridewealth’); Western Bukidnon Manobo (‘items/payment/property given during marriage’);and in Obo Manobo of Mt. Apo (in the form totamuk, ‘one that deals with tamuk’ through‘bartering, bargaining, and trading’).
A mode of ‘object transfer’
Nothwithstanding its varied range of meanings in diverse settings, one can see that at its mostminimal, tamuk refers to a certain set of ‘objects’ that are ‘transferred’ from one person to
1

The broader working-paper on which this short paper is based was first presented as a lecture in “3P Talk:
Pagpapasalamat, Pagpupugay, Pagpapahalaga” (Lecture Series in honor of Dr. Francisco A. Datar, Anthropology
Department, University of the Philippines Diliman), March 9, 2019, entitled, “Saan nakapook ang ‘ekonomiya’ng mga Manobo ng Pantaron? Balangkas ng mga larangan at mga lohika ng ‘pagpapasang-bagay’ (objecttransfers) at ang mga kategoryang bansa/tamuk/goynawa sa kaayusan ng ‘ekonomiya’ (pamumuhay) ng mga
Manobo ng bulubunduking Pantaron noong huling bahagi ng ika-19 siglo”.
2

A possible Bikol cognate, tamoq, broadens the interest of this term beyond the confines of Mindanao (Zeus A.
Salazar, personal communications, April 2019).

1

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another; the ambiguity or divergence of meanings lies on the mechanism of the transfer,whether it is understood as a mode of ‘returning an incurred debt’, ‘payment for trade goods’,‘borrowing’, ‘imposing a penalty’, ‘offering’, ‘gifting’, or ‘asking for an object that is expected
to be freely given’ (which is different from giving an object away). Whatever the case is, weendorse tamuk as an important but understudied ‘economic’ category among
Mindanao/Philippine indigenous groups, which we expect to be especially salient whenreconstructing late-19th century/early-20th century contexts of Manobo life in the Bukidnon andDavao del Norte highlands. Among the Pantaron Manobos, tamuk objects usually involve
domestic animals, specifically chicken, pigs, and horses (in increasing order of valuations). But
what is really tamuk as an ethnographic, cognitive and sociological Pantaron Manobo reality?
Six spheres of object-transfers and the locus of tamuk
As a frame for guiding our ethnographic, ethnohistorical, and comparative (ethnological) 3
research on the ‘logics of object-movements’ (or the guiding concepts operating in objecttransfers) in the Pantaron, we present some heuristic claims which are meant to clarify theconcept of tamuk. Placing the term in its ethnographic context, we start by identifying thespecific spheres of object-movements observable in Pantaron Manobo activities. If one simply
inventories the objects that are transferred from person to person in the Pantaron highlands,
one can distinguish six (6) spheres of locally named and distinguished activities and objectmovements,: (1) ‘food production’—‘farming’ and ‘tending animals’, ‘hunting’, ‘gathering’(kamot, ponganup, and many related categories); (2) ‘exchange/sharing’ (saliyo) of objects atthe village-scale (like in acquiring knives for farm-works); (3) ‘intra-highland barter’ (labot)
and upstream-downstream ‘buying and selling of products’ (boli/boligya); (4) ‘raiding forslaves’ (pangayaw for oripun); (5) ‘settling of conflicts’ (husay); and (6) ‘marriage and divorce
practices’ (kasal and ongkoroy). These spheres are the direct contexts within which mosttransfers of objects in the Pantaron highlands occur. The last two spheres of object transfers—‘settling conflict’ (husay) and ‘marital/divorce transactions’ (kasal/ongkoroy)—are the proper
locus of Pantaron Manobo’s tamuk.
The initiative comes from the ‘asker’ as a person needing help
As a heuristic claim, we argue that the set of objects categorized as tamuk are better defined as‘objects asked-or-borrowed’ initiated by a person ‘in need of help’ and not by the figure of the‘giver’, as in the context of ‘gift prestations’ in the classic Maussian description. From all thecases we have gathered, tamuk transactions are always precipitated by a social (meeting animposed penalty for a crime) or socio-economic need (meeting a wedding obligation) that is ofsuch weight that the burdened agent feels the need to ‘go out and ask for help’ from another3

The main source of data for this study, aside from tracking and gathering the published and unpublisheddocumentations (historical, lexicographic, and ethnographic accounts) mentioning tamuk/tamok and related
categories and practices, is from our own ethnographic fieldwork activities (starting from the years 2014-2017
but more intensively, from October 2018 to May 2019, in Davao City and Davao del Norte): we conducted (a) aseries of in-depth field interviews with several key individuals from at least four major river systems of thePantaron (Salug, Talomo, Simong, and Kapalong)—usually accounts of conflicts and its settlement and maritaltransactions and the roles of tamuk and duwad objects—and (b) analysis of varied epic narratives (olaging andgungutan forms) which usually involved idealized descriptions of Manobo life-world practices.

258

person who can mobilize and transfer to him/her the needed items of value. Tamuk, as acategory, is precisely distinct among conventional terms of object-transfers for not explicitly
clarifying if the object is ‘asked freely’ or ‘borrowed and will be paid later’: our dataconsistently shows that it is a category of its own.
‘Beautiful words’
In their actual settings in the husay and kasal spheres, tamuk and duwad (respectively)transactions are facilitated by specific forms of conversations (maroyow nu lalag, ‘beautiful
words’) and codes of behavior that reflect a familiarity and training in the figures, images,
idioms, and phrasings found in their epic and other oral narratives.
Tamuk and duwad as like two sides of a coin
In the context of the Pantaron, the object that is usually targeted or desired for tamuk is thehorse. Most horses that figure as duwad objects (things transferred between two parties—mostprobably to mark or seal a ‘debt of breath/love’4—during marriage contracts) are also acquiredor produced via tamuk. In what follows, there will be many sections wherein tamuk and duwad
will be discussed in tandem. Even though these two terms have distinct meanings (like ‘asking’and ‘giving’ an item) they share similar rules in their respective spheres (‘a transaction is to bemarked by an object of value’) and the object of value mostly dealt with in their spheres isusually the same, like the horse.
Bansa and goynawa
As a complex cognitive concept, tamuk and duwad are more closely linked by our Manobo
consultants to notions of bansa (‘honor’, ‘pride’, ‘dignity’, one’s ‘capacities’ and ‘substance’)and the ubiquitous and expansive category of goynawa (‘breathing’, ‘thinking’, ‘love’)5 thanto ‘trade’ and ‘pricing’ (as emphasized, for example by Manuel, for tamuk, and by Elkins, forduwad, and so the latter’s translation of a synonymous term sunggud in ‘Western Manobos’ as‘bridewealth paid during weddings’). As one individual explained to us, ‘bansa means that if
someone in need of help asks you for one peso, you should openly give ten pesos.’ Anothercultural consultant, a prominent bai (female leader) who is well-known for conducting tamuk,
said that tamuk ‘is not debt because it is given out of concern for the person needing help’.
How tamuk relates to ‘trading’
It is this idealized schema and discursive ability demanded by the spheres of husay and kasaltransactions (which handles tamuk and duwad objects) that may also make one ‘preadapted’,Here are two comparable conceptualization of ‘money’ outside the present modern form: as ‘substitute for life’,by Philippe Rospabe, as discussed in Henaff, 2010; and as ‘recognition of life-debt’, by Graeber, 2011.
5
The importance of goynawa in binding relational categories has been noted before, namely in the Pantaron
Manobo tattooing practice called pangotoeb (in Ragragio and Paluga, forthcoming). Specifically, goynawa is oneof the delimited set of categories in our ‘tattooing schema’ that links (a) the body (with the central importance ofthe ‘abdomen’ and ‘navel’, both as literal areas of the body and as narrative figures), (b) the ‘homeland’ (and thefigure of the ‘house’ and its ‘ridgepole’), and (c) the cluster of categories that might be labelled as ‘cosmological’or ‘spiritual’ (the gimukod ‘soul’, the Ologasi ‘giant’, and the idea of Somulow or ‘the other world one goes toafter dying’).
4

3

59

so to speak, to the ‘bargaining’ skills demanded in the barter-and-trading sphere. This might
explain why in some communities where the trading (boligya) sphere has become a major
preoccupation, that the ‘person dealing with tamuk objects’ (the totamuk of Obo Manobo, forexample) has become synonymous with ‘trader’ and, consequently, tamuk objects have cometo mean ‘trade objects’ (as reported by Manuel).
Non-equivalence as ideal in object transfers
It is important to underline that tamuk and trading have an organic connection inconversational/bargaining skills and in the role of ‘objects of value’ (as tamuk/duwad objects
or ‘trade goods’) in the transaction. However, while ‘trading’, or the Manobo sphere oflabot/boligya, is governed by the logic of ‘exchanges of equal value’ and ‘reciprocity’, tamukand duwad involves ‘non-equal’, or even the ‘non-reciprocal’ transfers of objects. For
example, one elder who had helped a village mate acquire a horse through tamuk shared that
simply inviting him (the elder) to the marriage feast of the person who asked for help would
be enough ‘payment’ to write off the tamuk. We take this principle of non-equivalence to be
indicative of an individual and communitarian ethos in which bansa and goynawa prevail.
Tamuk and duwad as categories of ‘money’
Sociologically, we propose that the practices of tamuk and duwad, and the logics underlying
them, are better understood if we align them not with the popularly understood concepts of‘barter’ and ‘trade’ or ‘market exchange’, but with the cross-cultural/civilizational
phenomenon of ‘money’. Money, in most recent anthropological and theoretical studies, isapproached from the perspective of ‘debt’ (Graeber, 2011), and is considered as a ‘system ofcredit and clearing’ (Martin, 2013); we also draw on Keynes’ (1930) seminal work to tease out
comparable aspects of tamuk and money. Viewing tamuk from the perspective of ‘money’gives insight as to tamuk’s institutional nature.
With the proviso that tamuk works under the logic of non-equivalence, the following areendorsed here as our reading of the money-comparable elements of the phenomenon of tamuk:(a) labelling a particular object-transfer transaction as tamuk (or duwad, as the case may be)serves to ‘mark’ it as subject to a particular type of ‘accounting’ or, more apt in the Pantaron
context, to a particular type of ‘remembering’ (comparable to the concept of ‘money ofaccount’, or ‘contract for a deferred payment’, of Keynes [1930: 3]); (b) the number of horses,
as an item of high tamuk or duwad value, owned by anyone in a community or river system/s
represents a kind of ‘wealth bank’ within a domain—which is again comparable to what
Keynes called as ‘money itself’, ‘the delivery of which debt contracts are discharged’; (c) the‘authority figure’ (datu/bai/igbujag) functions as a ‘sovereign’ that is assigned the ‘rights andpowers’ to ‘guarantee the integrity’ of such kind of transactions, to move around and transfer
horses or any such item considered as a kind of ‘legal tender’ (at any given time and contexts);(d) the availability of horses (or any ‘legal tender’ and ‘items of value’) and the ‘management’of tamuk and duwad transactions in their respective spheres significantly affect the functioningof all the other spheres, even that of ‘food production’, especially as such tamuk items (as thechicken, pig, and horse) are also the items for ‘offering to the spirits’ during planting andharvest rituals.
460

Conclusion: Beyond ‘exchange’ and ‘equal values’ in social relations
In conclusion, looking at a possible import of this study, we think that the practices and ideas
underlying tamuk and duwad in the Pantaron open the need to: (a) study spheres of indigenous
post-production economic activities that is not covered by popularly-defined ‘barter’ and‘trading’ types of object-transfers: tamuk shows a unique civilizational mode of object transfer
that is either lost or under-emphasized as a social phenomenon when Philippine
indigenous/pre-modern ‘distribution and consumption’ is simply assigned to trading and eventhe so-called ‘gift economies’; (b) explore indigenous practices and ideals beyond the framingof exchange—as operative in the notions of ‘trade’, ‘redistribution’, ‘gift’, and/or ‘reciprocity’;and (c) reasses the view that ‘equality’, as exchange of equal values (however it is measured)is the predominant ideal and logic operating in Philippine societal dynamics, either in modern
or non-modern periods. (2,027 words)
Bibliography
Graeber, David (2011). Debt: The First 5,000 years. Brooklyn, NY: Melville House
Publishing.
Henaff, Marcel (2010/2002). The Price of Truth. Translated by Jean-Louis Morhange.
Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Keynes, John Maynard (1930). A Treatise on Money. London: Macmillan.
Martin, Felix (2013). Money: The Unauthorized Biography. London: Random House.
Ragragio, Andrea Malaya; Paluga, Myfel (Forthcoming). “An ethnography of Pantaron
Manobo tattooing (pangotoeb): Towards a heuristic schema in understanding Manobo
indigenous tattoos”. To appear in Southeast Asian Studies (Kyoto University).

5

61

The Pantaron Highlands and the Manobo/Bagobo societies/civilizations in the transition
period of the Philippine colonial powers, 1849-1909: An ethnohistorical study
Andrea Malaya M. Ragragio (Paper presenter, University of the Philippines-Mindanao and Leiden
University)
Myfel D. Paluga (Co-author, University of the Philippines-Mindanao and Leiden University)
Abstract. Using anthropological data from our work with the Tagabawa Bagobo of Mt. Apo and
the Pantaron Manobo (firsthand ethnographic fieldwork and interviews, genealogicalreconstruction, analysis of epics and local literature), and historical sources, this paper explicatesthe nature of the varied responses of diverse native lumad populations in the Davao area (with a
special focus on Mt. Apo and the Pantaron Mountain Range) to events associated with the critical
period of transition from Spanish colonial rule to American imperial incursion from the years 18491909. The central thesis of this paper is that the themes of these responses revolve arounddemographical movement, ethnic consolidation, and indigenous integration of external influencesfrom the colonial state. In particular, the native populations of the Davao region devised four
civilizational responses derived from their own local categories: (1) the panow of the Manobo, orwithdrawing away from colonial centers both for safety and in order to cultivate their knowledges
and practices according to their own directions; (2) the ginawa of the Tagabawa Bagobo, a twofaced/trickster (pilandok) approach to protect the banwa as cultural and geographical core; (3) thepolitico-religious ‘dance’ as assertion and performing the individual and collective loob (selves) of
the Mandaya/Kalagan/Tagakaolo; (4) and outright armed uprising. It is within these ambits ofstruggles that the (in)famous revolt of Mangulayon (the indigenous chieftain) against Americancolonial authorities in 1906 must be located, contextualized, and understood.
Paper
1906, Mangulayon
On the 6th of June, 1906, Davao District Governor Edward C. Bolton was hacked to death by
Tagakaolo 1 Tribal Ward Deputy Mangulayon on the coast of Malita in what is now Davao
Occidental province. The American colonial authorities considered this a treacherous act, as
Mangulayon was deemed a trustworthy figure, and Bolton had a good reputation among the native
population of Davao. A massive manhunt was launched to capture Mangulayon, until reports werereceived that he had been killed somewhere in the Dimolog mountains.
This is the version most Filipinos familiar with the story know today. While Bolton has a bridge
named in his memory in Davao City, Mangulayon remains a mysterious, if not threatening,historical figure. This presentation revisits Mangulayon’s revolt and the broader cultural context
in which it took place. It will tackle Mangulayon’s legacy separate from official historicalnarratives, specifically local narratives that assert that Mangulayon was not killed and in fact lived
to a ripe old age (Tiu 2003). It will assert that Mangulayon’s “inexplicable” revolt fits in the overall
milieu of native responses to colonization in the crucial period of transition from Spanish to
American colonization.
The geographical focus of our paper is the Pantaron Mountain Range and Mount Apo, where thetwo indigenous (lumad) groups – the Pantaron Manobo and the Tagabawa Bagobo – we will closely
discuss live. Our discussion will also broach neighboring lumad groups such as the Mandaya and
1

The Tagakaolo is one of the indigenous or lumad, groups of Mindanao.

62

Kalagan, Muslim populations on the coast, and Bisaya-Christians located in urbanizing centers like
Davao poblacion. The various links between these groups have already been established byprevious historical work (see Arcilla 1998, Benedict 1916, Cole 1913, Corcino 1998, Garvan 1931,
Gloria 1987, River-Ford 2010, and Tiu 2005 & 2003). Our contribution is an anthropologicalperspective in reconstructing the historical experiences of the lumad not just as historical episodes,
but as broad civilizational phenomena.
Plantation life in coastal Davao Region
Despite establishing the town of Davao (later Davao City) in 1847, for much of Spain’s 300-yearcolonial rule southern Mindanao remained unconquered. Settlement and interaction were
dominated by Muslim traders on the coast and lumad from upriver. Though Jesuit missionaries
were able to establish nominal parishes, these efforts were overtaken by the Americans in the early
1900s. The Americans followed a different tact by turning vast parts of the island into a “whiteman’s country” via plantations. Following a rapacious capitalist drive, the American expansion
was driven not by religious or monarchic glory but to generate profits as quickly as possible. But
like the Spanish, American authorities also resettled native residents to turn them into plantationlaborers. The Tribal Ward system was instituted to facilitate this process. However, being resistant
to resettlement and experiencing discrimination and short-changing of wages, many lumad foundplantation life disagreeable. It is under such conditions that many lumad first experienced foreign
rule: a taking over and redefining the banwa (homeland or domain) to fit different values andimperatives.
The Pantaron Manobo of the Pantaron highlands
Lumad life in the highlands of Pantaron both in the past (and to a certain extent the ethnographic
present) was characterized by a high degree of mobility – at the level of individuals, families, andentire villages. Rotational swiddening – their primary means of subsistence – requires some degreeof transference of villages, as well as the mobility of families who tend farms farther out from theirhome villages. In times of crisis, their strategic response has been avoidance of perceived causes.
A death may trigger the whole village to move its location. In violent conflict (whether with fellow
Pantaron lumad or with outsiders) families may seek refuge (ili) in the upper Pantaron for weeks
or months at a time (note a similar observation for the Buid highlanders by Gibson 1990). Other
cultural practices reflect this mobile tendency, such as the development of a mobile metal forge
that can be carried by the metalsmith like a backpack (not found in other Mindanao groups), as
well as in their oral traditions which often conclude with the hero and his village-mates travellingor fleeing towards idealized “places-where-there-is-no-death,” (e.g. Bajo 2004).
The Manobo word panow (to travel, to move away, and connoting mobility) captures this responsethat we think the Pantaron Manobo mobilized during this crucial period of transition. The Pantaron
Mountain Range served as the vast geographic space that allowed these Manobo, up until the 1980s,
to largely avoid State hegemony and conserve traditional practices (such as epic chanting andtattooing) that have largely disappeared in other areas.
Tongkaling, Bitil, and the Tagabawa Bagobo
Lower areas closer to the coast had more intensive experiences in dealing with external actors. In
the Davao region, the Tagabawa Bagobo were familiar with Muslim traders from whom they
availed products like salt and raw metal for smelting. The first Christian chapel was also built on
Tagabawa territory in the 1870s. By this period Tagabawa society was what could be considered
as a complex chiefdom. If we map different Tagabawa settlements in the late 19th century, we can63identify three linked levels of settlement: the Tagabawa of the coast (in what is now Astorga andSta. Cruz), the Tagabawa of the mid-uplands (in Sibulan) and in the highlands (in Tudaya).2
The coastal Tagabawa were the first to intensively experience colonization through the Jesuit
missions. At the beginning of American colonial rule, officials reached Sibulan and spoke highlyof its ruler Datu Tongkaling, whom they considered the supreme ruler of all Tagabawa. The
sophistication of the Sibulan Tagabawa (with their impressive architecture, material culture, andrituals) reinforced the Americans’ view that this was the seat of Tagabawa power. They therefore
concentrated their administrative efforts on Tongkaling and his retinue, who in turn accommodated
their overtures.
Almost completely absent from Spanish and American documentation was the highland Tagabawain Tudaya, save for scattered mentions of a mysterious figure called “Bitil”. Based on our
genealogical reconstruction, Bitil is recounted as a prominent leader who was alive at around thesame time as Tongkaling, and who governed over Tudaya. Colonial authorities also failed to trackthe development of a socio-political-religious formation called the Lanahan that centered in Tudaya.
The first study of the Lanahan was a dissertation by anthropologist Kenneth Payne (1985) who
wrote that the Lanahan had “grown into the dominant organizing principle in the community” andformed the foundation of Tagabawa Bagobo ethnic identity. These are expressed in periodic ritual
climbs up the peak of Mount Apo, and in their development of a unique script that only membersof the Lanahan understand. The latter is an example of “concept borrowing” wherein the conceptof linking sounds to symbols were “poached” from the outside and made their own.
We surmise that the Tagabawa response to American incursion had been to devise a two-faced
trickster (pilandok) move – Tongkaling and the Sibulan midlands served as a buffer zone that
dissuaded American authorities from pressing higher into Tudaya, the true geographical core of the
Tagabawa banwa where Bitil and his people most probably cultivated the earliest seeds of theLanahan. That no external observer (colonial authorities or ethnographers) was able to fully track
this essential dimension of Tagabawa Bagobo life until the late 20th century (despite many otherstudies and accounts about the Tagabawa, e.g. Benedict 1916, Gloria 1987) indicate theformidability of the two-faced strategy and the Tagabawa’s fidelity to it. This fidelity is reflectedin the Tagabawa term ginawa, frequently mentioned in Lanahan prayers, which means bothbreathing and love. Is it too stretched to say that their two-faced response to colonialism is borneout of love (ginawa) for self and community, and in the trickster’s secretive move of breathing(ginawa) in and out?
The Dance of the Mandaya/Kalagan, and armed uprising in Davao poblacion
In the years 1905 to 1910, the eastern portion of the Davao region saw the emergence of waves of“dances of resistance” among the lumad Mandaya and the Muslim Kalagan. These were collective
performances that American authorities strongly suspected was linked to Mangulayon’s actions,which they proceeded to suppress. Tiu’s book (2003) is devoted to this, and in it he argues that it
is in these areas to which Mangulayon escaped after killing Bolton. He says that oral narratives
and genealogies prove that American authorities failed to capture the chieftain whose legacy was
guarded by the local families who claim lineage to Mangulayon.
What we seek to add to his study is that this “dance of resistance” not only was an expression ofpolitical sentiment, but was also an expression of strengthening the goynawa/ginawa or loob, of
2

All in present-day Davao del Sur province.

64the inner self (individual and collective). It is from this broad or interlinked consolidation, thisturn-of-the-century atmosphere of resistance, from whence its political significance springs.
The fourth civilizational response we track is outright armed uprising (which would most probably
be understood as a collective pangayaw or warfare, by any lumad group). The most significant totake place in this period was the mutiny by native recruits of the Davao Constabulary in 1909 in
the bourgeoning town of Davao (now Davao City), which, by design or not, occurred on the third
anniversary of Bolton’s death. They launched an attack on the evening of June 6, 1909, but werequickly scattered and most were captured within a month’s time. The mutineers consisted of both
lumad and non-lumad personnel, and American authorities observed that the Davao residents
seemed to sympathize with them. The mutiny was an example of inter-group solidarity againstcolonial authorities. The Americans did not miss this point as they responded by installing an allAmerican battalion instead of relying on local recruits.
Conclusion
The panow of the Pantaron Manobo, the ginawa of the Tagabawa Bagobo, the loob-reinforcing
dance of the Mandaya and Kalagan, and the armed uprising of Filipinos of different ethnic
affiliations are the four civilizational responses of various native groups in the Davao region during
the period of transition from Spanish to American colonial rule. Each response correspond tointernal categories that remain salient until the ethnographic present. They resulted in cultural
innovations that have become identity markers they continue to adopt today. If we situate
Mangulayon’s actions and legacy within this creative world of struggle, his “brash” act and“mysterious” fate become more understandable and rooted in fact. Most importantly, these
responses as civilizational schema of complex ‘resistance’—marked by the categories panow,
pilandok, goynawa/ginawa, sayaw, and pangayaw—give us a deeper appreciation of the unwritten
history of the lumad.
Selected References
Arcilla, J. S. (1998, Ed.). Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao: Davao Mission. Quezon City:
UP-CIDS.
Bajo, R.O. (2004). The Ata-Manobo: At the Crossroads of Tradition and Modernization.
Kapalong City: CARD-Davao.
Benedict, L.W. (1916). A Study of Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and Myth. Annals of the New York
Academy of Sciences, 25, 1-308.
Cole, F-C. (1913). The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao. Chicago: Field Museum of
Natural History.
Corcino, E. I. (1998). Davao History. Davao City: Philippine Centennial Movement.
Garvan, J.M. (1931). The Manobos of Mindanao. Washington, DC: National Academy of
Sciences.
Gibson, T. (1990). Raiding, Trading and Tribal Autonomy in Insular Souhteast Asia. In J. Haas
(Ed.), The Anthropology of War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gloria, H. K. (1987). The Bagobos: Their Ethnohistory and Acculturation. Quezon City: New Day.
Payne, K. (1985). The Sulphur Eaters: Illness, its Ritual and the Social Order among the Tagabawa
Bagobos of south-central Mindanao, Philippines. Unpublished dissertation. Department of
Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley.
Rivera-Ford, A. (2010). Oyanguren: the Forgotten Founder of Davao. Mindanao Foundation for
Culture and the Arts.
Tiu, M. (2003). Davao, 1890-1910: Conquest and Resistance in the Garden of the Gods. Quezon
City: UP-CIDS.
Tiu, M. (2005). Davao: Reconstructing History from Text and Memory. Davao City: ORP-AdDU.

65

「アメリカの世紀から中国の世紀へ──フィリピン史、ベトナム史、モンゴル史研究の過去、現在、未来」
芹澤隆道
アメリカ人歴史家アルフレッド・マッコイの近著『アメリカの影の中で』は、第二次世界大戦後およそ 80 年に渡りアメリカ合衆国が継続してきた戦争が、アメリカ人の性格形成にどのような影響を与えてきたのか、自身の生い立ちを振り返るところからはじまっている。
「アメリカの世紀」のはじまりである 1945 年に生まれたマッコイは、第二世界大戦の退役軍人であった父を持つ。彼の父、父の友人たちは、戦闘体験のトラウマから逃れるためにア
ルコール中毒、麻薬中毒、ギャンブル依存や自殺に陥った。軍人を支えてきた妻たちの人生
は、夫のこうした行為によってもたらされた自己破産、離婚、家庭崩壊の犠牲となってきた。
マッコイは、自身の周りに起こったこうした出来事は例外ではなく、アメリカ合衆国を繁栄させるために生み出された影であり、現在に至るまで多くのアメリカ人が経験してきたと述べる。
マッコイの視座は過去だけでなく、未来にも向けられている。2030 年を境に中国が米国の GDP を抜くことを指摘し、2050 年前後に中国と米国の間で第三次世界大戦が起きるというシナリオを描いている。彼は 5 つのシナリオを用意しているが、いかなる戦略を取っても米国が敗北すると予想する。
「アメリカの世紀から中国の世紀への移行」というマッコイの問題提起を受け止めるな
らば、フィリピン史研究は岐路に立たされているのではないだろうか。すなわち近年行われてきた主なフィリピン史研究は、アメリカ植民地支配やアメリカ帝国をどのように評価す
るか、アメリカ合衆国のヘゲモニーの下で生きる私たちの現在の視点に立ってアプローチ
されてきたからである。アメリカから中国へのヘゲモニーの変遷は、フィリピン史をめぐる知や叙述をどのように組み替え、新しいヘゲモニーを支持する／に抵抗する歴史叙述として生まれ変わるのだろうか。
本パネルの目的は、日本におけるフィリピン史研究の展開を改めて振り返ることによって、変化の時代であっても自分たちの足元を見失わないフィリピン史研究の未来を探ることにある。アメリカ合衆国におけるフィリピン史研究が、アメリカ帝国史研究の一端として始まったのに対し、日本におけるフィリピン史は、中国およびその周辺国の前近代史を研究してきた東洋史研究に端を発した。日清・日露戦争勝利後に京都帝国大学と東京帝国大学に立ち上げられた東洋史講座は、帝国日本の領土支配と結びついてきたという点で、帝国アメリカのフィリピン史研究との共通性を上げることができる。
とはいえ戦時期の日本人研究者によって行われたフィリピン史研究は、アジア・太平洋戦
争における日本の敗戦によって、戦後のフィリピン史研究者たちからは帝国日本の「負の遺産」として敬遠されてきた。さらに戦後日本のフィリピン史研究が、アメリカ合衆国やフィリピン本国で行われた研究に多大な影響を受けてきたことによって、この傾向にいっそう66

の拍車がかかった。
本パネルは、戦後日本のフィリピン史研究が抱えたこの断絶の経験を、東洋史研究者である向正樹（モンゴル中世史）と岡田雅志（防衛大学）（ベトナム近世史）との対話を通じて、明るみに出す。向、岡田、芹澤が共有しているのは、他者の歴史を研究することによって露呈されてしまう自身の認識基盤の限界や問題から逃げないという姿勢である。向は「元寇」というモンゴル襲来像が明治期に作られた「日本の国民」の誕生と結びついていたこと、岡田は漢籍資料に基づいた日本のベトナム史研究がこれまで批判してこなかった中華ヘゲモ
ニーにまつわる問題を、芹澤は戦後フィリピンや東南アジア史研究からほぼ忘れ去られてきた台北帝国大学で行われた前近代の日比関係史研究を取り上げる。
アメリカ帝国の植民地であったフィリピンの歴史、中華帝国の周辺国であったベトナムとモンゴルの歴史を研究する際に浮上してしまう自身の立場性を、時代区分や地域を越えて議論することによって、知と権力を掌握するヘゲモニーに対して、どのような抵抗拠点を作ることができるのか摸索する。

67

台北帝国大学南洋史講座再訪
アメリカ合衆国におけるフィリピン史研究が、同帝国史の一端として始まったのに対し、日本におけるフィリピン史・南洋史研究は、中国およびその周辺国の前近代史を研究してきた東洋史に端を発した。日清・日露戦争勝利後に、京都帝国大学と東京帝国大学に立ち上げられた東洋史講座は、帝国の領土拡大と密接に結びついてきたという点で、帝国アメリカの
フィリピン史研究との共通性を上げることができる。
東洋史学の薫陶を受けた村上直次郎、岩生成一、箭内健次が担当した台北帝国大学文学部
南洋史講座（1927 年誕生）もまた、帝国日本の野心と無縁ではなかった。第一次世界大戦の勝利国として、ドイツの植民地であった南洋諸島を委任統治することになった帝国日本
が、西洋でもなく東洋でもない新たな海として「南洋」を発見したからである。
本発表は、村上、岩生、箭内の 3 人の歴史学者が、主に西洋言語で書かれた資料を用いて、17 世紀の日本とフィリピン・東南アジアの関わり（「対外交渉史」）を解明した事実に着目する。彼らは宗主国であったスペイン、ポルトガル、オランダだけでなく、インドシナ、タイ、ベトナム、インドネシアなど東南アジアに残された宣教師日記、商人日記、貿易・軍事レポートに基づいて、前近代における日本と東南アジアの交渉史を描いた。彼らが前近代の日本の交渉史に着目した理由は、日本の近代化を遅らせた「負」の遺産として江戸幕府の鎖国体制を批判的に捉えたからである。
彼らが描いた歴史の特徴は、資料がヨーロッパの言語に基づいている以上、皇国史観など
本土で吹き荒れていた当時の帝国日本を中心とした歴史観に回収されなかったことである。
言い換えれば、帝国日本の最前線であった台北帝国大学に着任し、ヨーロッパ言語の資料を用いたことによって、帝国日本の歴史観を相対化することができた。
1945 年敗戦と共に、台北帝国大学は GHQ/SCAP によって解体された。本報告では、日本における戦前の南洋史研究と戦後のフィリピン・東南アジア史研究の断絶、およびアメリ
カ合衆国における植民期から戦後に連なるフィリピン史研究の連続についても注意を払いたい。

68

明治と現代のモンゴル襲来をめぐる言説・イメージ・国民意識
向 正樹（同志社大学グローバル地域文化学部）
本報告では、「元寇（モンゴル襲来）」をキーワードに、ヒストリオグラフィー（歴史叙述・歴史研
究）と歴史像、歴史認識をめぐる言説、国民意識形成などとの関係性について論じてみたい。明治維
新後の日本では、国民国家としての体制を整えるとともに、国歌や国旗の制定をはじめ、国民意識強化のための様々な施策が行われた。同時に、「元寇」というトラウマの歴史も新たに掘り起こされ、国民の団結を促すために利用された。そうして作られた歴史像は多方面に深く刻印を残している。
日本では 1990 年代以降、モンゴル語・ペルシャ語文献を駆使した研究が進み、従来の主として漢籍に基づいて組み立てられたモンゴル帝国に関する歴史像を大きく刷新した。特に杉山正明は多くの一般向けの著作を発表し、NHK の TV 番組を通じて新しいモンゴル像を積極的に発信してきた。このア
カデミアからの新たなモンゴル像が、明治以来の刻印を残す国民レベルのモンゴル像との間で衝突を生じている。そこには、どのような国民意識のありようが関わっているのだろうか。
まず、明治期のモンゴル像の例として、洋画家矢田一嘯 (1859－1913)の一連の大油絵「蒙古襲来絵図」を取り上げ、その制作背景をみてみたい。矢田のこの作品は、明治 21 年(1888)1 月、福岡警察署
長の湯地丈雄が個人で義捐金募集広告を出して開始した元寇記念碑建設運動と深く関わっている。湯地は矢田が描いた一連の大油絵を並べたり、彩色ガラス板に描かれた絵を幻灯器というスライド装置を用いてスクリーンに投影したり、視覚的手法を駆使して日本各地を遊説して回り義捐金を募った。
矢田の大油絵には明治当時の知識層の歴史認識を探るうえで興味深い点がいくつかある。例えば、
フランシスコ派修道僧のような恰好をした (ヴェネツィア商人である)マルコ・ポーロが描かれている。
湯地は「蒙古襲来絵詞」のほか、国内外の図書を考証し、湯地と矢田が相携えて「元寇」史跡の踏査を行い、そして得られた情報をもとに大油絵の原案を作成したという。明治日本の黎明期の東洋史学では、那珂通世が校注した『元史訳文証補』（1902）、同じく訳注した『成吉思汗実録』（1907）がモンゴ
ル帝国研究の嚆矢といえる。蒙古襲来については、池内宏の『元寇の新研究』（1931）が土台を築いた。
ところが、これらはいずれも矢田の大油絵制作(1896 年)より後に発表されたものなのである。じつは
湯地は、蒙古襲来など外敵の襲来に関する史料をまとめた重野安繹・山田安栄『伏敵篇』（1891）の刊行に関わっていた。湯地らの元寇史跡踏査の知見もそこに活かされた。マルコ・ポーロの書についてはすでにフランス語・英語で抄訳や翻訳が出版され、ヘンリー・ユール『中国および中国への道』(英語)にも収録され明治 31-32 年(1898-1899)に日本で出版されている。海外の学術動向に敏感な人々の間では関心がもたれていたに違いない。 日本の東洋史学がまだ黎明期であったにもかかわらず、明治 26年(1893)、湯地丈雄が高橋熊太郎とともに著した『元寇―日本と蒙古の対戦―』には、チンギス以来のモンゴル帝国の歴史についてかなり詳細な記述がある。
こうして明治期にアカデミアに先行し、その外部で構築されたモンゴル襲来像は、その後、日本でどのような変遷を辿ったのだろうか。1980 年代以降の学習漫画でのモンゴル軍の描写の変遷や最近の少年漫画作品の例を比較してみたい。また、比較材料として、ベトナムの蒙古襲来を描いた現代の油
絵や書籍の挿絵、中国の歴史テーマパークにおけるモンゴル軍の描かれかたなども紹介してみたい。
共通するのは、専制君主・火薬兵器・海洋艦隊である。これらの帝国イメージは、今日の中国の海洋進出と重なる。モンゴル襲来の歴史記憶は明治期に国民的カタストロフとして再構成された。そしてこ69

んにち、中国台頭への不安感とリンクしつつあるのではないか。その一例として、アカデミア外の言論空間における、メディアを通したアカデミア発の言説への抵抗についても触れてみたい。

70

東洋史と東南アジア史の間：日本のベトナム前近代史研究から見えるもの
岡田雅志（防衛大学校）
日本においてベトナム前近代史は東南アジア史研究においてある種特別な意味を持ってきた。それは、いわゆる江戸期漢学にルーツを持ち、漢文史料の解釈をディシプリンの中心におく東洋史学の系譜を色濃く引き継いでいるという点である。古来漢文を書記言語として用いてきたベトナムの歴史研究は、それゆえに日本の研究者が強みを生かせるフィールドであり、そのことが東南アジア史におけるベトナムの独自性を際立たせてきたともいえる。そのこと自体はベトナム史研究者にとっては自明のことであり、これまでの日本のベト
ナム（史）研究のレビュー、ヒストリオグラフィーでも繰り返し指摘されていることである
が、中国を中心とする政治文化圏の中で構築されてきた漢文という書記文化体系の中で史料が生産され、それを利用して歴史像を構築することがどのような意味を有するのかについて十分な議論が行われてきたとはいえない。そこで、本報告では、漢文史料の利用という特徴に注目して、日本のベトナム史研究とその歴史叙述を振り返り、日本における東南アジ
アの他地域の歴史研究やベトナム国内の自国史研究とも比較しながら、いかなるパラダイ
ムが形成されてきた／されてこなかったのかを検討したい。
ポール・A・コーエンが、その著書『知の帝国主義―オリエンタリズムと中国像』において、アメリカの中国史研究に内在する（大部分において東南アジア研究においても共通する）
西洋中心的なパラダイムに対する痛烈な批判を突きつけてからすでに 35 年の月日が経った
現在、アメリカから中国へのヘゲモニーの移行が現実のものとなるかもしれない時代とな
り、今度は中国において、あるべき中国を過去に投影させながら、周辺地域を含めた歴史研
究を大量に生産されるようになっている。このような時代において、中華世界の中で自画像を形成してきたベトナム史研究の来し方と行く末を議論することには大きな意味があるはずである。特に、スペイン・アメリカの影響下で自画像を形成し、過去を語らざるを得なかったフィリピンはベトナムと多くの点でパラレルであり、ポストコロニアル論争が示すよ
うに、研究者の立場性に強い自覚を有するフィリピン史研究者との議論を通じて多くの示唆が得られるだろう。

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Global Climate Justice Norms and Local Indigenous Rights Movements:
Collective Action Frames of Cordillerans in the Philippines
Ferth Vandensteen Manaysay
Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, Waseda University
This presentation seeks to analyze how the establishment of global climate change norms has contributed to the strategic anddiscursive framing processes of local indigenous peoples‟ rights movements. It aims to answer questions such as these: How doglobal climate justice norms combine with the existing frames of contention of local indigenous people‟s movements to produce
new forms and variations of political claims-making? What aspects of the global climate justice norms and frameworks have beenused by local indigenous rights movements to heighten their impact and legitimize their goals and tactics? This presentation
mainly aims to combine and build on two different theoretical models, which are the world society approach and the social
movement framing, to examine the relationship between global climate change norms and local indigenous rights movements.1
In particular, the presentation seeks to examine the distinct experiences of an indigenous social movement from the Philippines,
where local movement actors initially conceived based on their resistance to „development‟ projects have grown to include
broader environmental issues such as the global climate justice resistance. It argues that the engagement of indigenous rights
movements in the Philippines with global norms have given them new sources of vocabularies and resources which enhanced
their capacity towards framing and resource mobilization. More specifically, the presentation aims to explore how climate change
norms serve as a binding mechanism for the framing capacity of local indigenous social movements in the Philippines. It is largely
interested in how global climate change norms are interpreted and transformed at the local level to produce novel frames for themobilization of indigenous movements. In this regard, the local indigenous movements are conceptualized based on their framing
processes or the set of principles, beliefs, and meanings that inspire and legitimate their collective action. The presentationsuggests that global climate justice norms have progressively provided local indigenous rights movements with material support,
alliance-building, strategic advice, and vocabularies for effective framing on climate justice. On the flip side, the presentation also
posits that indigenous climate justice activists in the Philippines have framed against global climate change norms by espousing
their own sense of indigeneity and criticizing the adherence of global and national political actors to the dominant political andeconomic structures, which operate against the specific political claims they have produced about their rights, goals, and needs.
Indigenous Rights and International Advocacy of Cordillerans
The Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA) started in June 1984 in line with the expansion of the global indigenous people‟s
movement, which originated from the alliances of the „First Nations‟ from the Northern and Southern America. The movement
began as a loose organization of different tribal groups which reside within the Cordillera region of Northern Luzon in thePhilippines. As an umbrella organization for different indigenous peoples in the Northern Philippines, the CPA has beencharacterized by the members‟ „pan-identity‟ due to the efforts of the movement actors to bridge across different smaller
constituent units. The movement emerged with about 27 organizations and 150 members during the Cordillera Peoples‟ Congress,
which was mainly composed of indigenous leaders and activists who opposed the World Bank-funded Chico dams project andthe commercial logging operations of the Cellophil Resources Corporation in the region. The grassroots-based advocacy
programs of the movement were initiated during the dusk of the oppressive Marcos dictatorship when the Philippine government,along with the private sector, pushed for destructive „development‟ projects in the region. These projects started theenvironmental resistance of the movements along with others agendas such as the human rights violations and politically
repressive activities of the state. The Cordillerans were initially part of the communist resistance against the government, and thiswas the time when the movement tried to cast themselves as a nationalist group, although this was eventually unsuccessful.2
The initial failure of the Cordillerans, however, did not stop the movement actors from pursuing another strategy, which was totap into the growing international discourse on indigenous rights especially the recognition of their globally- recognized rights toancestral lands and self-determination. Much of the advocacy of the CPA focused on information drives, advocacy activities,
campaigns, and direct actions regarding the struggles of the indigenous peoples for their rights. Internationally, the movement
1 For more discussion about world society and social movement theories, see for example: Tsutsui, Kiyoteru, and Hwa Ji Shin. “Global Norms,

Local activism, and Social Movement Outcomes: Global Human Rights and Resident Koreans in Japan.” Social Problems 55, no. 3 (2008): 391418; Lin, Scott Y. “The Evolution of Food Security Governance and Food Sovereignty Movement in China: An Analysis from the World
Society Theory.” Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 30, no. 5 (2017): 667-695; Frank, David, Wesley Longhofer, and Evan Schofer.
“World Society, NGOs and Environmental Policy Reform in Asia.” International Journal of Comparative Sociology 48, no. 4 (2007): 275-295.
2 Bertrand, Jacques. "„Indigenous peoples‟ rights‟ as a strategy of ethnic accommodation: contrasting experiences of Cordillerans and Papuans in
the Philippines and Indonesia." In Ethnic and Racial Minorities in Asia, pp. 107-126. Routledge, 2014.

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made its first attendance before the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations (UN WGIP) in 1984. The fact that the
movement started on the same year as the Cordillerans appeared in the abovementioned UN body means that there was really astrategic attempt from the part of the indigenous activists to find an alternative venue to voice out their grievances, which weresilenced at that time because of the repressive authoritarian government in the Philippines. As part of the global movement, theCordillerans, along with indigenous peoples from different regions all over the world, lodged hundreds of statements andcomplaints to the UN WGIP, which mainly covered the different cases of physical dislocation, massive plunder of land andresources, economic displacement, political discrimination, social marginalization, violations of cultural integrity and denial ofcollective identity. In addition, in the case of the Cordillerans, the movement has also actively protested the lack of adequate rights
to ancestral domains and resources and the militarization of the region.
The movement‟s alliance-building began in 1987 when it hosted the first ever Asian Indigenous Peoples Solidarity Conference,
which also then led to the formation of the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP). The AIPP is still one of the most influential
organizations when it comes to indigenous peoples‟ rights in the region. It is also worth noting that in January 1990 theCordillerans also organized the First Asian Indigenous Women‟s Conference which led to the formation of the Asia Indigenous
Women‟s Network (AIWN). The movement is also one of the founding members of the International Alliance of Indigenous or
Tribal Peoples of the Tropical Forest, which was organized in 1993. The movement has also been actively maintaining relations
with different advocacy groups in the countries based in the global North. More importantly, the Cordillerans have been actively
engaged with the international sessions of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues since the forum ever since it wasformed in 2001. Most notably, the movement also hosted a workshop in Asia after the the adoption of the UN Declaration on
the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) by the UN General Assembly in 2007. The Cordillerans also heavily campaigns
against large dams and commercial mining project as part of their advocacies, linkages, and partnerships at the local, regional, andinternational levels. In addition, the movement has also sought linkages with indigenous peoples from other parts of the world
based on their assumption that the problems confronting the sector are similar regardless of the national borders separating them.
The indigenous rights-based framing of the Cordillerans has therefore provided an opportunity for the movement actors to
improve their international solidarity work by taking advantage of the different networks and alliances available within theinternational community. From an environmental standpoint, the movement, however, has struggled with market-based approachof the government, which runs in contrast with the ideas encompassing their indigenous rights.
Cordillera Peoples’ International Engagement with Climate Change
The Cordilleran movement has undergone a gradual period of re-framing to intensify their advocacy on indigenous peoples‟ rights
in the recent years. Although the movement was instrumental in the passage of the indigenous peoples‟ rights in the constitution
and the passage of the landmark legislation protecting the rights of the indigenous peoples, the community leaders still felt that
their success has remained only in the paper because of the presence of state-sponsored private entities, which have threatened
their rights to their ancestral lands and access to resources. The passage of land-related issues in the Conference of Parties (COP)
13 as part of the UN Framework on Climate Change in 2007, however, provided an opportunity for the global indigenous
movement to participate in the new cycle of negotiations, which included the reduction of emissions from deforestation andforest degradation as one of the mechanisms to solve the environmental concern. This was later known as the UN‟s REDD
(Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) program, which quantifies credits from reduced emissions.
Although the movement saw an opportunity to re-frame their advocacy to include climate change, the program has also beenchallenging for the indigenous leaders because of the relatively new concepts accompanying the issue.
Climate justice issues became more prominent within the advocacy programs of the Cordillera Peoples Alliance after theformation of the International Conference on Indigenous Peoples' Rights, Alternatives and Solutions to the Climate Crisis and theInternational Indigenous Peoples' Movement for Self Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL), which is a network of indigenous
leaders and advocates across world with the goal of fighting “for the recognition and respect of all our inherent rights as
indigenous peoples to land, life, self-determination, liberation and social justice.” The participation of the Cordillerans in UNsponsored conferences on climate change, of course, has also largely contributed to their advocacy. In this case, the alliances of
the Cordillerans have provided them with political opportunities and resources to support their local climate advocacy.
There is a resistance from the part of indigenous peoples, for example, against such concepts as the “green economy” which
purportedly supports a market-based approach to climate action. In addition, one of the statements, for instance, largely contend
that the Cordillerans reject UN‟s REDD “because of its market-based context, that would further entrench existing global
economic system, that benefits a few to the detriment of the majority, including indigenous peoples, and undermine their selfdetermined development.” In their international and regional engagements, along with the Asian Indigenous Peoples Pact, forexample, the Cordillerans raised that the indigenous peoples have the least carbon footprint even though they are in the frontlinesof the sectors facing the impacts of climate change. The diagnostic frames of the indigenous peoples related to climate change are

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deeply rooted in their inherent rights to self-determination and collective ownership over land, territory and resource knowledge,
and to freely determine their political status and to define their own course of development appropriate to their particularsituations and cultures. From the prognostic and motivation framing standpoints, the indigenous peoples believe that the real
solutions for climate change should include cutting emissions at source drastically, taking a paradigm shift in terms of thesustainable production, consumption, and development, leaving fossil fuels in the ground, promoting renewable energy,
promoting food sovereignty and security, and ensuring rights-based conservation. There are, however, some contradictions within
the movements, for example, on the mainstream solutions pushed by the global community, which have been purportedly usedby the Philippine government to justify the acceleration of “development” projects, which have been linked to greater
militarization of ancestral lands without free, prior, and informed consent of indigenous peoples. In effect, the ability of the
movement to bind together the indigenous rights frame with the climate justice norms have been a strategy at the national andglobal level to formulate a common ground with other diverse networks, especially with other movements in the Global South,
which provide the movement with better bargaining power to participate in the global discussions about the changing climate.
In recent years, the most concrete form of CPA‟s resistance against global institutional mechanisms on climate change has been
within the context of promotion of REDD+ (Reduce Emissions through Deforestation and Forest Degradation Plus) as the new
solution of the United Nation Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to address the different challenges ofclimate change. It was jointly organized by the Center for Development Programs in the Cordillera (CDPC) and the Departmentof Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) which gathered around 100 representatives from different government and nongovernmental organizations. The program was part of the consultation of the Philippine government regarding the country‟snational REDD+ strategy. One of the most active organizations during the event was Cordillera Peoples‟ Alliance (CPA) which
released a statement with the CDPC regarding the position of the indigenous peoples of the Cordillera region regarding the above
program. From a motivational framing viewpoint, the CPA and CDPC have a direct call for social and collective action regarding
the proposed climate change program of the UN, which includes the network‟s recommendations, contentions, and agendas forcollaboration between the government and civil society. The positions of the movement shows that climate change has been
constructed within the said program along three frames: (1) REDD+ as a “market-based” climate change program within the
global capitalist system; (2) REDD+ as a “capacity building” tool for the promotion of indigenous peoples‟ rights; and (3)REDD+ as a mechanism for “bottom-up” participation among the stakeholders. For the most part, the government has framed
the program in terms of supporting regional development while at the same time ensuring environmental sustainability. Under the
proposed program, businesses from different parts of the country are expected to pour in millions of pesos to the forest owners
to support forest conservation while maintaining the economic development in the mountainous regions of the Philippines.
Although the ideas of mitigating climate change, conserving the environment, and promoting local economic development soundideal, the position of the indigenous peoples regarding the program is mostly characterized by resistance especially in terms of
how the “global” objective of reducing carbon emission can undermine the rights of the indigenous peoples to their resources andself-determination: Indeed, there have been arguments related to the fear that indigenous groups are particularly vulnerable fromlosing their access to the forest under the proposed program. It particularly reflects the view that the program is likely to increase
the marginalization of indigenous people from accessing the forest, triggering land disputes, and increasing state and “expert”
control over forests. In this case, however, the indigenous peoples attempt to open the possibility of shifting the power relations
by representing themselves as indigenous environmentalists possessing valuable local knowledge of resources. This brings to thesecond framing theme of the indigenous peoples‟ openness towards possible changes in the REDD+ program. The movement
draws from such identity claims to assert their territorial claims and rights over resources. Most notably, the indigenous peoples
perceive this program as an opportunity to engage formal political channels, which available to promote indigenous and local
communities‟ rights over resources and land reform. Indeed, this is deeply reflected, for example, in the organizations‟ call for
greater consultations at the grassroots level and more local-based information, education, and communications campaigns forindigenous communities based on their needs and priorities. It includes the civil society‟s demand for a bottom-up process ofparticipation and decision-making, which should be based on such indigenous rights as self-determination and free, prior, andinformed consent. It also suggests that there is a need for such programs to document the indigenous systems of governance andviable traditional knowledge in forestry and biodiversity management, ecological conservation, and sustainable development.

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[Type here]

Development Aggression in Panay: A Study on the Impact of
Dam Projects to the Tumandok Indigenous People in the Philippines
Harmond Marte
Hiroshima University
harmondmarte@gmail.com

The United Nations Development Programme in the Philippines has recorded a total of 110
ethnolinguistic groups throughout the country representing approximately 10-15% of the national
population. These groups are homogenous communities identified by self-ascription or ascription ofothers based on a distinct set of culture and have retained possession of their traditionally owned
land since time immemorial. 1 Natives, locals, or aboriginals are synonymous words to describe
these traditional communities. The term ‘Indigenous People’ or IP, however, provides a genericdescription of the original inhabitants, and subsequently, this term has been used in various
international platforms. The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues argued that IPs
are those with strong link to their territories and form a distinct social system, among others.2 More
importantly, IPs link their ownership of land, commonly called ancestral land, to cultural survival.
Background
Ancestral land is rich in natural resources and have become a religious dwelling place forindigenous communities. According to the field of Human Geography, concepts such as culture andlifestyle flourish with the interaction to one’s land. This spatial relation has influenced humanbehavior, as well as created a sense of identity to distinguish one’s group from the other. This longstanding importance of ancestral land and the need to uphold cultural dignity of indigenous
communities are supported in both international and national domains. A leading document is theUnited Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP) where it articulates therights of IPs, including their rights to utilize resources within their traditionally owned land. The
Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples adopted by the International Labour Organization(ILO) further stressed the obligation of the state to guarantee ownership of traditionally owned lands
to the IP. In Asia, the ILO has also recognized the Philippines, along with Nepal and Cambodia, for
its commendable performance in adopting a contemporary understanding on the concept of IP andrecognizing the IP’s attachment to their territory.3 In terms of national legislations, the Philippines
enacted the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997(IPRA) that recognizes IP rights in acomprehensive manner and subsequently creates the National Commission on Indigenous People(NCIP) with the mandate of promoting the well-being of IPs.4 These ancestral lands are generallyrich in natural resources that has attracted domestic and international economic activities.
Industrialization and development projects within these lands create jobs and contribute heavily in
1 Republic of the Philippines, Congress of the Philippines. The Indigenous Peoples Right Act of1997, Republic Act No. 8371. Tenth Congress. October 29, 1997.
2 United Nation Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, "Who Are Indigenous Peoples?" news
release, United Nations, http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/5session_factsheet1.pdf.,
accessed July 31, 2018.
3 Errico, Stefania. The Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Asia. Human Rights-based Overview of
National Legal and Policy Frameworks against the Backdrop of Country Strategies forDevelopment and Poverty Reduction, report, Gender Equality and Diversity Branch, International
Labour Organization. 2017.
4 National Commission on Indigenous Peoples. “Vision, Mission, and Mandate”.
http://www.ncip.1gov.ph/index.php/agency-profile/vision-mission-and-mandate, accessed July 31,
2018.
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14 T H SINGAPORE GRADUATE FORUM ON SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDI ES | 22 -26 JULY 2019
Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore

increasing national revenue. This is perceived as progress by the general public. On the other end
is the impact of these projects have on the IPs. Alleged dispossession of property and coercion are
widely reported, such as the cases of land-grabbing from Afro-Colombian communities in Colombia5and cultural assimilation issues of the Cree Nations in Canada.6
Approach
The Tumandok Indigenous People community residing mainly in the provinces of Panay, anisland located at central Philippines is the focus of this research. As of this writing, this IP groupfaces ongoing issues with the government and private companies. The state approved two megadam projects that would allegedly submerge ancestral lands and uproot IPs from their homes. These
projects namely the Jalaur River Multi-Purpose Dam Project and Panay River Basin Development
Project, are presented as development projects promising inter alia year-long irrigation and flooding
hazard mitigation. It is critical to bring to the fore the perspectives of the IPs in relation to thesedevelopment projects. Despite the absence of apparent conflict in Panay, the livelihood and cultural
integrity of the Tumandok community have reportedly been placed at a vulnerable position with theentry of these projects. This research links the development in the Tumandok community to theglobal phenomenon of development aggression, where land dispossession and loss of traditional
livelihoods occur in the name of development. As argued by Doyle and Gilbert, development
aggression take shape when IP’s perspective on development are ignored, meaningful consultation
fails to take place, and impact among the lives of IP translate to violation of rights.
The research is carried out using the principles of grounded theory. According to sociologists
Blumer, Dey, and Jeon, grounded theory posits that meaning is negotiated and understood throughinteractions with others through social processes. These processes have structures, implied or
explicit codes of conduct that circumscribe how interactions unfold and shape the meaning thatcomes from them. With this in consideration, I adopted a qualitative research approach in order tocapture the exploratory and bottom-up nature of tracing development aggression from theperspectives of the IP. In-person interviews were conducted to a total of 15 key informants, whichwere selected based on their position in the community. The interview was semi-structured to allow
participants to self-reflect and at the same time be guided to the objectives of this research. Prior to
the actual interview, administrative approval and meetings with the civil organization first took placefrom the 9th until the 14th of September 2017. Upon receiving the approval from the National
Commission for Indigenous People, the fieldwork commenced in Barangay Tapaz from the 15 th up
until the 21st of September 2017. The second fieldwork in Barangay Alibunan was scheduled fromthe 9th up to the 12th of October 2017.
Findings
Prior to these dam-related activities, the Tumandok communities have been exposed toconstant threat. Militarization appeared to be one of the recurring issues that the respondents raised.
It can be inferred that militarization for IPs is defined both as the presence of military personnel
within their ancestral land and the actions done against IPs that disrupt their way of life.
Approximately 33,000 hectares of land in Jamindan and Tapaz in the province of Capiz in Panay
Island became a military reservation camp through Presidential Proclamation No. 67 decreed by
5 Gilbert, Jérémie, “Land Grabbing, Investments, & Indigenous People's Rights to Land andNatural Resources: Case Studies and Legal Analysis”. International Work Group for Indigenous
Affairs. 2017. p. 30.
6 Randhawa, Selena, "'Our Society Is Broken': What Can Stop Canada's First Nations Suicide
Epidemic?". The Guardian, August 30, 2017,https://www.theguardian.com/inequality/2017/aug/30/our-society-is-broken-what-can-stopcanadas-first-nations-suicide-epidemic, accessed July 31, 2018.

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Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore

then President Diosdado Macapagal in 1962.7 Part of this proclamation is the construction of the 3rd
Infantry Division of the Philippine Army and establishment of military detachment all over the marked
land.8 One of its known base camps is Camp Peralta where military exercises and weapons training
were conducted. The military camp is considered as one of the biggest military camp outside Luzon(Philippines’ biggest island) with responsibility over 16 provinces and mandate to contain insurgency
problem in the Visayas region, among others. 9 Declaring the land of Tumandok as part of anancestral domain thus continues to become a complicated process. The livelihood of the IPs was
further threatened during the Martial law period when military personnel have erroneously tagged
IP members as part of the New People’s Army, the arm-wing of the Communist Party of thePhilippines. Others claim that their crops were forcibly taken from them whenever they encounter
armed men, pregnant women were asked to raise their clothes to prove that they were not carrying
guns.
The process of acquiring consent conducted by the State has been viewed problematic by
the participants of this research. Allegations of deceit and inducing one to agree to the terms ofcertain projects were among the concerns brought by the Tumandok people. According to the
respondents, development projects that would impact their ancestral land undergo consultation
process carried out by the state agencies, such as the NCIP, NIA, or the Department of Environment
and Natural Resources (DENR). This entailed reaching out of government entities to an elected
Barangay Captain or to members of ISPS in order for the consultation to commence its course. After
which, IP members or representatives of the household would gather in an assembly and listen to
the presentation about the development project.
Probing the participants of their view of development pieces together the two previous
findings. With the history of violence in their ancestral land and accounts of deceit during theconsultation process, one must investigate how development is viewed by the IPs. Despite thestigma in cooperating with state agents, the Tumandok community remains part of the jurisdictionof the local and national government. More importantly, the state is mandated to alleviate theconcerns of this marginalized sectors of society. Investing on agriculture-related projects, ranging
from crops, equipment, and irrigation were the kind of development that the IPs wish to experience.
However, when asked the type of social welfare initiatives carried out in their communities, a numberof the participant point to projects provided by NGOs instead of those from the local government.
Caritas Luxembourg and the Panay Center for Disaster Response (PCDR) have reportedly
constructed a hanging bridge over a certain portion of Jalaur River, which helped ease the accessof Tumandoks in Barangay Tapaz down to low-lying plains. PCDR also has provided relief anddisaster training to the IPs following the effects of Typhoon Haiyan in 2013. The data suggested that
impact of social development projects is placed at a higher importance for the IPs than infrastructurerelated projects, such as the mega-dams. Nonetheless, the government has not abandoned theirrole in introducing social projects to the community. Government-initiated aid such as conditional
cash transfer program (locally known as 4Ps) and livelihood projects are some of the programs
enforced in IP communities. In addition, a political party with seats in the Congress have reportedly
donated school buildings and a town hall in Barangay Tapaz. In short, state development projects
are implemented in indigenous communities, and yet it is not being perceived as development. The
case of the mega-dam projects highlights this distinction that IPs have created when looking at
development projects. Some respondents argue that when a project has ruined one’s ability to growtheir crops, then it should not be viewed as development.

7 "Tumandok People's Struggle for Their Ancestral Lands," Philippine Network for Food Security

Programs, Inc. https://www.pnfsp.org/single-post/2013/03/02/Tumandok-Peoples-Struggle-fortheir-Ancestral-Lands, accessed July 31, 2018.
8 ibid.
9 "3ID’s HISTORY AND LEGACY," Spearhead Troopers, November 2, 2014,
http://www.spearheadtrooper.com/unit-history/, accessed July 31, 2018.

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Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore

Conclusion
The case of the Tumandok links to the global phenomenon of development aggression
experience by vulnerable groups. As economic globalization heightens, unused resources becomea new target of the expanding capitalist market. The Philippines have enacted laws and supported
international norms that in theory should promote the rights of indigenous communities. However,the struggles of the Tumandok is placed in a continuum of struggle for IP rights . State-led
development projects in the ancestral land of Tumandok has thus limited them in the full enjoymentof their rights. As farmers, the access to their traditionally-owned land faced roadblocks, ranging
from the presence of the military to the introduction of projects that underwent questionable
procedures. presenting the story of Tumandok contributes to the narrative of how indigenous
communities defend their livelihood and their land. It is a narrative of active resistance not for thesole purpose of antagonizing other stakeholders, but for the purpose of claiming their position in thegreater society.

78戒厳令下ミンダナオ島における労働運動の変容―スミフル･フィリピン争議の事例から―
瀬名波栄志 （東京外国語大学 国際社会学部 4 年）
Email: senaha.eishi.p0@tufs.ac.jp

1.

はじめに
2018 年 11 月 10 日､比国軍参謀総長は記者会見で｢戒厳令がミンダナオ島の経済を改善させた｡｣と述べた一方､ミンダナオ島の戒厳令が企業による労働運動弾圧に大きく与し､労働者の人権を侵害している事実はあまり知られていない｡
ミンダナオ島でバナナ農園を経営するスミフル･フィリピン(住友商事系列､甘熟王バナナで知られる)の比人労働者による正規労働組合: NAMASUFA-NAFLU-KMU(以下 NAMASUFA)は､従業員の正規雇用化や賃上げ等を求める労働争議を開始した(2018 年 10 月 1 日に初ストライキ)｡しかし､この運動は本社と軍隊による直接的弾圧を受けたために､労働雇用省への訴えを中心とする法的闘争と路上デモの拠点をミンダナオ島から首都マニラに一時的に移動することとなった｡
本論では 80 年代から続く地方の労働運動が労使関係の制約を飛び越え、社会制度の改革を志向
する都市型運動へと移行せざるを得なかった現状に着目し､マラウィ市でのテロ以後布告された
戒厳令(2017 年 5 月～)下のミンダナオ島情勢に目を向ける。以下ではマニラ市のリワサンボニフ
ァシオ公園の抗議キャンプにおける労組メンバーを含む 200 名余りの共同生活のエスノグラフ
ィーを通して､戒厳令下であることを利用した多国籍企業と政府の強権化､直接的暴力を用いた労働組合弾圧､そしてミンダナオ島の労働運動の存立が危機的状態であることを明らかにする｡

2.

調査の概要
調査はマニラ市のリワサン･ボニファシオに位置する NAMASUFA の抗議キャンプで行った｡

調査期間は 2019 年 2 月 15 から 17 日である｡他にも複数の労働組合員に現在に至るまでメッセ
ンジャー上でのインタビューを行っている｡

3.

労働組合 NAMASUFA の成立､運動背景
スミフル･フィリピンは 1960 年代初めごろに輸出用バナナ産業を目的としてミンダナオ島に進出した主な 4 つの多国籍企業の一つが母体となった企業である｡進出当時からスミフルが保有するプランテーションの過酷な労働条件は問題となっており､1984 年には労働者による労働条
件改善のための山猫ストが行われたこともあった(中村､2006)｡ただ､現在に至るまで労働条件の根本的な解決には至っていない｡そこでスミフルの梱包工場の 8 つの労働組合が集合する形で
NAMASUFA が結成され､2018 年 8 月には正規の労働組合として労働雇用省に認められた(登録コード:R1100-0508-UR-248)｡その後､団体交渉を本社に求めたものの本社側がこれを拒否したた
め NAMASUFA は 2018 年 10 月 1 日から 3 日にかけて 900 名あまりの梱包工場労働者よるスト

79

ライキを決行したが､警察と軍による過激な弾圧を受けることとなった｡他にも 10 月 21 日､デモ隊が州都ダバオで抗議活動を行おうとした際､サラ･ドゥテルテ市長の指示を受けた治安部隊に
よってダバオに入ること自体が妨害された上､10 月 31 日には組合員の一人が何者かに銃殺され､11 月 28 日には組合の事務所や幹部の家が放火の被害に遭った｡未だ犯人は捕まっていない｡こうしたテロ対策を名目とした戒厳令下ミンダナオ島の国家権力と､戒厳令を利用した企業による直接的な暴力を用いた労働運動弾圧が増加し､運動と労働組合員に危機が迫ったことが､運動が首都マニラへと移動することになる一つの契機であった｡

4.

NAMASUFA のマニラ市での抗議運動様式
本論で対象にするのは NAMASUFA のメンバー200 名余りがマニラ市の抗議キャンプへと 11

月 24 日に移動して以降行った抗議運動である｡NAMASUFA の代表や主要メンバーとその家族､
左派系労組連合 KMU(Kilusang

Mayo

Uno､5 月 1 日運動)の運動オーガナイザーは KMU が予め設営しておいた抗議キャンプで共同生活を送っていた(2019 年 3 月 13 日に撤収､ケソン市のフィリピン大学内の敷地へと移動｡2019 年 5 月現在で運動参加組員は 100 人程度まで半減)｡
キャンプ自体が様々なイシューを訴えるポスターで彩られた公共空間を利用した運動活動になっていた上に､ここを拠点としながら直接抗議行動:路上デモや労働雇用省(DOLE)での座り込
みと法的手続き:労働雇用省へのスミフルの人権侵害､労働者弾圧に関する訴えが同時並行的に行われていた｡路上デモで扱うイシューは多岐に渡り､スミフルに関する問題のほか反ドゥテル
テデモや現行の雇用形態(ENDO1)批判､税制改革(TRAIN

LAW)反対､ミンダナオ島での戒厳令反対も盛り込んでいた｡ただ一方､NAMASUFA 自身の権利を求めた法的闘争は 2 月 14 日に労働雇用省からかなり遅れて返答を貰ったものの内容が難解だった上に運動への協力を示すような
返答ではなかったため組合員の中では落胆が広がっていた。
キャンプ生活自体の居心地は良いという意見が多くあり､衣食住にこれといった不満はないようであった｡事実､キャンプにおいて組合員同士のいさかいやトラブルが起こったという話は一切聞くことがなかった｡一方､集団生活におけるストレスよりは運動の先行きが見えず漠然とした不安があるいう意見が多く聞かれた上に､｢帰りたい｣､｢運動を止めたい｣といった声も多いと組合幹部の一人から聞かされた｡家族を故郷に残して運動に参加する組合員がほとんどだった上に､積極的動機から首都での運動に参加した組合員よりも消極的要因:ミンダナオ島での労働運動が難しくなったため首都での運動展開を志向した､による参加者が多かったためだと思われる｡
そうした消極的な動機から運動が首都へと脱出し､並行して雇用に関する要求と現行の制度的枠組みへの異議申し立てを行うことは組合員に大きな負担を強いることになっているため､本労働運動は存立危機状態であると言える｡

1

雇用側が労働者の正規雇用化を避けるための雇用形態｡具体的には企業側には６か月で正規雇用化が義務付けられているため､雇い直しが行われるケースのことを指す｡

80

5.

NAMASUFA の運動がマニラへと移った要因
・政治的機会構造要因
A. 社会･政治背景(政治機会構造)要因:

世界レベルでの途上国における多国籍企業の強権化 (ここでは労働交渉の拒否)､労働組合の団体交渉力の相対的弱体化
B. ミンダナオ島という空間要因:

テロ対策を名目とした戒厳令下の警察･軍そして企業によ

る運動弾圧
･資源要因
A. 左派系労組連合 KMU(Kilusang

Mayo

Uno､5 月 1 日運動)の抗議運動支援､資金援助(抗議キャンプの設営費負担､NAMASUFA メンバーの生活支援､etc…)
B. 80 年代から続く運動史:なにか別の運動をしなければ労働条件が変わらないという現状認識C. NAMASUFA 内の強固なメンバー同士の連帯

上記に挙げた政治機会構造要因と資源要因の中でも過去の比の運動論では KMU といった左派系労組の役割が強調されてきたが､NAMASUFA の運動成立においても KMU の手厚い支援は大きな役割を果たしていた｡事実､地方の運動を支援して首都へと移動させ､上部政治への抗議運動へと参加させるスタイルは KMU が長きにわたって採用し続けてきた運動様式であり特異なものではない｡ただ一方､NAMASUFA はこうした既存の運動様式を自身と運動の存続と将来的なイシューの達成のための運動資源として利用していた｡

6.

今後の課題
NAMASUFA の運動を参照することはミンダナオ島の労働運動の危機的状況､ついには戒厳令と多国籍企業の共犯関係を暴くことに繋がるかもしれない｡だが､運動を成立させた背景要因を説明したものの､首都へ運動が移動して以降の変化:政治機会構造､資源､フレームワーク､そして運動当事者の個人的動機の変化に関する検証､考察はまだ行えていない｡そしてミンダナオ島での実地調査も未だ行えていない｡

主要参考文献Gay Seidman (1994) Manufacturing Militance: Workers' Movements in Brazil and South Africa, 1970-1985
鶴見良行

1982

｢バナナと日本人―フィリピン農園と食卓のあいだ｣ 岩波書店

中村洋子

2005

｢フィリピンバナナのその後―多国籍企業の操業現場と多国籍企業の規制｣

七つ森書館､

pp32
Niels Beerepoot & Juan Manuel Hernandez-Agramonte (2009)
Organizing displaced workers

Social movement unionism in the Philippines:

from the garments industry

AFP: Martial Law helped improve Mindanao’s economy

by Vince Angelo C. Ferreras November 16,

https://www.bworldonline.com/afp-martial-law-helped-improve-mindanaos-economy/

81

2018

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第 24 会フィリピン研究大会：名古屋大学
報告題目：再編される歴史、空間、「危険地域」：マラボン市を事例に
報告者：藤原尚樹
所属：神戸大学大学院国際協力研究科博士後期課程

本報告の目的は、マニラ首都圏・マラボン市を事例に、マラボン市の歴史的再編過程を捉えたうえで、近年の都市再開発と再定住政策の関係性を問い直すことである。本報告ではまず、「空間の合理化」を鍵概念として援用しながらマラ
ボン市における植民地主義時代の土地利用の変化と、第二次世界大戦後の外資による工業化の歴史を整理する。ここでいう「空間の合理化」とは、資本主義社
会の変化に応じて土地利用が合理的・画一的に再編されることを指す。スコットによれば、「以前は森林や計量、測量、徴税、工場などに適用されていた画一化や合理化は、いまでは社会全体としてのデザインに適用されるようになった」という(Scott 1998:91)。そのうちのひとつが「上から」の都市計画である。それは、資本主義社会の変化に応じて「上から」の都市計画も同時に作り直され、都市空間を画一化・合理化していく過程を意味する。

92

本報告が事例とするマニラ北西部に位置するマラボン市の土地はスペイン植民統治期にプランテーション型の魚の養殖池として開発された。スペイン植民期には公共物として使用されていた養殖池はアメリカによる植民地支配のもとでその所有形態が私的所有へと移行された(Magno 1993:207-209)。こうした植民地主義時代に形づくられた土地利用は第二次世界大戦後もマラボン市の産業として残された。しかしマラボン市の資料によれば、1980 年時点でマラボン市の総土地面積 1571.4 ヘクタールのうち養殖池が 229.52 ヘクタールを占めていたが、2002 年のデータでは 20 ヘクタールを占めるに過ぎず、植民地期に開発された養殖池は別の土地利用へと急速に変容された。
他方、第二次世界大戦後には外資による工業化が導入された。マラボン市の中でも特に工業地帯として発展したポトレロ地区の資料によれば、第二次世界大戦後の中国における共産党の取り締まりを忌避した資本家たちがフィリピンへ
渡り、ポトレロ地区を含むマニラ北西部の一帯に工場を建設したことがその背景にある。実際、マラボン市の土地利用に関するデータに基づくと、1980 年時
点ですでに市の総土地面積 1571.4 ヘクタールのうち工業利用が 144.27 ヘクタールを占めていた。さらに 1997 年には工業利用された土地は 529.56 ヘクター

93

ルにまで増加した。しかし、2002 年には 516.99 ヘクタールへと減少に転じた。
背景には、一方でマラボン市が工業ではなく「水の都」をめざした都市再開発に重点を置いており、他方でマニラ北西部における都市再開発の過程で工場を分
譲マンションへ変容する再編が起きていることがある。
このように、植民地時代に形成された魚の養殖池の土地は別の土地利用へと急速に変容されるとともに、第二次世界大戦後に急速に進んだ外資による工業化も近年の都市再開発では推奨されず、資本主義社会の変化に応じて都市空間が再編されているといえる。
こうしたこれまでのマラボン市の都市開発に取って代わり、21 世紀に入ってからマラボン市を含むマニラ北西部では不動産開発が起きる一方で、都市貧困層を対象とする再定住政策が急速に増加している。それはマニラ首都圏全土でも同様に起きており、マニラ首都圏の都市再開発とマニラ周辺で建設される再定住地といった２つの空間の合理化ないしは画一化が急速に同時進行している
ことを示している。留意すべきは、後者の再定住政策は単に都市貧困層に対する「住宅政策」を意味するだけでなく、それは「インフォーマル」な住居を経済の新たな成長エリアとして取り込むことをも含んでいる点である(Buban 2015)。

94つまり、経済成長による貧困削減というよりもむしろ、住宅政策を通じて貧困層を包摂的に取り込みながら経済成長をめざすことが重視されている。
だが、こうした近年のマニラ首都圏の都市再開発と再定住という「上から」の都市計画が引き起こす空間の合理化は必ずしも成功するとは限らない。近年の大規模な再定住政策はアキノ政権期(2010-2016)に実施されたが、それ以前の政権が実施した再定住政策の中にはすでに廃墟となった再定住地も見受けられ、「上から」の都市計画がつくりだす矛盾を回避しようとする人びとの移動によって、合理化・画一化していく「上から」の都市計画が頓挫し、機能不全に陥っている再定住地もある。
(参考文献)
Buban, Charles E. 2015. "Informal Settlements as New Growth Areas." Philippine

Daily Inquirer, 2015, B2-3.
Magno, Francisco.A. 1993. "Politics, Elites, and Transformation in Malabon."Philippine Studies 41 (2): 204-216.
Scott, James C. 1998. Seeing Like a State How Certain Schemes to Improve the

Human Condition Have Failed. New Haven: Yale University Press.

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Garchitorena, Aron Jayson L.
The ‘Other’ Side of Manila: Mabini as Foucault’s Heterotopia
Mabini street in Ermita, Manila is in the center of Philippine history's many events(Cordero-Fernando & Ricio, 1978). It was filled with affluent homes since the Spanish colonial
period until the American colonial period (Guerrero-Nakpil, 2006). After the Second World War,
Mabini emerged as an arts and entertainment center. Often called "cheap art", artworks made, andantiques found in Mabini were sold to many offices and homes in Manila and parts of thePhilippines during the reconstruction (Ira, Medina, & Ricio, 1977). The continuous influx of GIs
did not only bring art patrons (Yusi, 2016) but also dollars to be pooled in the new entertainment
center of post-war Manila. In the seventies up until the early nineties, new businesses, arts andentertainment centers opened elsewhere (Nakano, 2017). Today, Mabini has less than a handfulart spaces left. Entertainment places are still open but for a different type of clientele. Old buildings
are being demolished to make space for new ones. This changes the landscape of Mabini as it
adapts to the changes in time.
Using Foucault's heterotopia (1984), this paper interrogates and documents Mabini street
as a space for the "other" and an "other space". Using hermeneutics, the six principles of aheterotopia as specified by Foucault and other authors (Bevilacqua, 2017; Vizereanu, 2012; Bigell,2007; Rossetto, 2006) are juxtaposed to parts and aspects of Mabini to create a new perspectiveon the changing landscape of the said place.
The first principle of a heterotopia states that there is no single culture in the world thatfails to constitute a heterotopia, thus no singular form of it can be found. It has two main categories– heterotopia of crisis (privileged, sacred, and forbidden places) and of deviation (spaces where
people with deviant behavior are placed). Mabini is a heterotopia of crisis during the different
facets of history as it was a place for the affluent in pre-war Manila (privileged) but a battle ground
during the month-long siege of Manila in the final days of the war (sacred). Today, Mabini is a
red-light district littered with night clubs and health spas (forbidden).
The second principle of a heterotopia is that societies can make existing heterotopias
function in a different way. Each heterotopia has a precise and determined function within asociety; it can have one function or another according to the culture which it occurs. Mabini haddifferent functions in the different epochs of Philippine history, and this is highlighted using thebifurcation made by the progression of time. As mentioned, once a place where professionals andacademics live, Mabini transformed into this “other” part of the city where current residents

97Garchitorena, Aron Jayson L.
resorted to tourism-related businesses. Today, there are souvenir shops selling art and antiques,
hotels and motels, and money exchanges. It is, again, known to have a red-light district with‘health’ spas and night clubs.
The third principle is about contrasting places existing in the same space. In other words,
a heterotopia is a juxtaposition of real several spaces and sites that are incompatible. Nothing canrepresentative this than the money exchanges that are found in Mabini. Inside a money changer,in a single cubicle, different currencies – actual money – exist side by side with one another. Thesepaper money and coins – objects that are charged with the experiences and memories of all its pastowners from all over the world – desires, wants, needs, social status – exist with one another in asingular space, only to be exchanged again.
As mentioned in the second principle, a heterotopia relates to the passage of time, and thefourth principle is about heterotopias of “forever gathering time”. Foucault mentions libraries andmuseums that have “all times, all epochs, all forms, all tastes” (1984) by accumulating andorganizing objects in order to preserve them. In Mabini, this example of a heterotopia wasidentified in art galleries, souvenir shops, and antique shops. Objects found in these spaces are likethe ones found in some museums; the knowledge accumulated with their representations make thesaid spaces also a sort of library where ideas were suspended in the time of a specific object’s
inception.
The fifth principle of a heterotopia talks about a system of opening and closing that bothisolates and makes it penetrable. One can be hard to enter, and a person must know certain customs
such as gestures or rituals. On the other hand, a heterotopia can have simple openings but hidecurious exclusions. Mabini can be both, at different times: the first can be applied to Mabini when
one has to know how the street operates in order to traverse it – where to look for what or whom;
the last applies to certain establishments such as hotels or motels where unseen, assumingly illegal
or unacceptable, transactions occur.
Lastly, heterotopias have specific functions in relation to other spaces: it can serve as anillusion of a real space (illusion), or it can create a space other than the real one (compensation).
Mabini used art and tourism as a way of “escaping” from the horrible aftermath of the war(illusion), but after a few decades, businesses moved to other places, replicating and enhancing thebusiness models (compensation), thus creating another heterotopia.

98Garchitorena, Aron Jayson L.
To sum up, analytical findings exhibit how Mabini gained different functions in different
parts of history, and how places such as art and antique shops, money changers, motels and hotels
in the said street (re)create Mabini as a heterotopia. The continuing rise of other parts of thegrowing metropolitan Manila has made Mabini as an “other(ed)” space, thus a space for the“other”. It is, although, important to know this aspect of Manila as it enriches the identity, culture,and heritage of the part of the city people are already familiar with. It gives residents of Manila,
and Filipinos in general, a glimpse of what can transpire in the future as all spaces also adapt tothe test of time.
Works Cited
Bevilacqua, M. G. (2017). Between Utopian Image and Heterotopic Reality. Thinking/Imagining
Participatory Planning (and also Hospitality) Starting from Reality. International andInterdisciplinary Conference IMMAGINI? Image and Imagination between Representation,
Communication, Education and Psychology. Brixen, Italy: Multidisciplinary Digital Publishing
Institute.
Bigell, W. (2007). Cultural Significations of Heterotopian Spaces of Nature. American Studies in
Scandinavia, 1-13.
Cordero-Fernando, C., & Ricio, N. (1978). Turn of the Century. Quezon City: GCF Books.
Foucault, M. (1984, October). Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias. Architecture /Mouvement/
Continuité, 1-9.
Guerrero-Nakpil, C. (2006). Myself, Elsewhere. San Juan, Metro Manila: Circe Publishing.
Ira, L. B., Medina, I. R., & Ricio, N. (1977). Streets of Manila. Quezon City: GCF Books.
Johnson, P. (2018). Michel Foucailt's Ideas on Heterotopia. Retrieved from Heterotopian Studies:
http://www.heterotopiastudies.com/whats-itabout/?doing_wp_cron=1557065362.8938579559326171875000
Nakano, S. (2017, January ). Methods to Avoid Speaking the Unspeakable: Carmen Guerrero Nakpil, theDeath of Manila, and Post-World War II Filipino Memory and Mourning. Hitotsubashi Journalof Social Studies, 27-41. Retrieved from http://doi.org/10.15057/28300
Rossetto, M. (2006). Heterotopia and its role in the lived experiences of resettlement . International
Education Journal, 446-454.
Vizureanu, V. (2012). A critical analysis of the Foucauldian heterotopias. ANNALS of the University of
Bucharest: Philosophy Series, 125-152.
Yusi, L. (2016, April 16). The Development of Art Galleries in the Philippines. Retrieved from National
Commission on Culture and the Arts: http://ncca.gov.ph/subcommissions/subcommission-onculturalheritagesch/art-galleries/the-development-of-art-galleries-in-the-philippines/99

第 24 回フィリピン研究会全国フォーラム
海外出稼ぎ者と移民、それぞれの金の使い方から見た故郷との関係―-中東、オーストラリアに暮らすフィリピン人の事例から
神戸大学大学院国際文化学研究科
博士後期課程濱口 徹
本発表では、中東で契約に基づき出稼ぎ経験を持つフィリピン人、オーストラリアで国籍を取得して暮らすフィリピン人、それぞれが就労から得た稼ぎを出身地との関係に
おいて、どのように使っているのかを、彼らとのインタビューに基づき検討する。
フィリピンでは、国家が 100 年以上前からフィリピン人の海外就労・居住を管理しつづけ様々な制度を設けてきた。その結果として現在、国民の約１０％にあたる人口がフィリピン以外で暮らしている。
彼らの海外における就労・居住に至る過程は多様である。その過程は、国家が設けた制度にしたがって正規に就労・居住をなしたもの、制度に規制されることを嫌い正規と非正規の狭間で独自なルートを開拓したもの、親族の伝手を頼るもの、日本で見られるようにホスト国の人間（その多くは男性だが）と婚姻関係を築き、それを足掛かりとして滞在し親族呼び寄せを実施するものなど、海外居住・就労の戦略は多様性に富んだものである。
これらの戦略と並行して選択されるのが、海外での生活・就労の形である。当事者の置かれている状況、偶発的な出来事などにも左右されながら、短期的契約に基づき海外で就労する出稼ぎ者となるか、ホスト国で国籍を取得して生活・就労を続けていくかということを選択していく。
先行研究では、海外で暮らすフィリピン人のおこなう留守宅家族、親族などへの送金が、受け取る側の海外送金に依存した近視眼的な行動により、生産的な投資に向けられないことが指摘されている。また、出稼ぎ者を取り巻く社会との関係で、必ずしも経済性をともなった使われ方はされていないが、出身地での社会資本の形成に寄与しているとするものなどがある。

本発表では、どのような人たちが、どのような目的を持ちながら送金を行い、出身地との関係を考えるかを、いつかは出身地に帰ることを前提にしている出稼ぎ者、短期契約を繰り返しながら出稼ぎを続け出身地に帰ってきた出稼ぎ者、帰らないことを前提としてオーストラリアで国籍を取得して暮らす移民二組とのインタビューに基づき見る。

1100

再生産労働の国際分業における男性移住者の移住経験：
イタリアのフィリピン人男性移住家事労働者の事例から
長坂格
広島大学
経済的に豊かな国における女性の社会進出や人口構造の変化は、家事労働や育児、高齢者のケアなどの再生産労働の担い手の不足をもたらし、それを担う労働者の国際移住を拡大させてきた。
「再生産労働の国際分業」が急速に拡大していく中で、国際移動とジェン
ダーは、近年の移住研究における最重要トピックの一つとなった。しかしそれらの研究のほとんどは移動する女性について論じたものであり、第三世界諸国の男性が、女性とともに国際移住し、家事労働や高齢者介護などの再生労働に従事してきたことに注意が向けられることは少なかった。本発表では、トランスナショナリズム、男性性、男性移住者、およびフィリピン社会における男性性に関する研究に立脚しつつ、イタリア在住のフィリピ
ン人移住家事労働者の移動経験とアイデンティティの再編過程を考察することを試みる。

2

101

The relationship between Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) and their home families according toa fieldwork survey report in the municipality of Bustos, Bulacan
Ayumi Akase
Graduate School of Social Sciences, Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo, Japan (2019 Graduated). Global
Technology Services - Solution, IBM Japan Ltd.
Email: annintohu@gmail.com, Telephone: +81-8066851655.

Abstract
This content is based on the result of “The HaroHaro Projecti,” which was created by a group of Japaneseexchange students and Filipino students at the University of the Philippines Diliman during 2012-2013.
The project was designed to explore the relationships between Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) andtheir families in the home country. This report mainly focuses on the family-related findings of a fieldwork
survey conducted in the Municipality of Bustos, Bulacan.
Research Background and Purpose
The term “overseas worker” is often used in the Philippines, which is known as one of the largest countries
for emigration ii . Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) are temporarily allowed to work, while Filipino
immigrants who are allowed to stay abroad after obtaining permanent visas or citizenship are referred toas Overseas Filipinos (OFs). OFWs were originally differentiated from OFs (i.e., immigrants) because
they only emigrated for about two years while working under the terms of their labor contracts. However,some OFWs have worked abroad for many years on extended contracts or as repeat workers.
Going abroad for work may greatly affect the relationship between OFWs and their families residing in
the Philippines, a country where big families are part of the culture. Communication gaps may also occur
between OFW parents and their children. For instance, a parent may not be able to attend family events in
the home country. This can cause trouble because people in the Philippines place high importance onfamily ties and gatherings. We therefore believe that the increasing rate and establishment of long-term
overseas employment may depreciate the big-family culture of the Philippines. This survey was conducted
to deepen our understanding of the present conditions for OFW families in the local region, from which
many overseas workers are sent out. This study’s research question was as follows: Will family relationsin OFW households deteriorate due to the extension and establishment of regular overseas employment?

Research Method
This study’s field survey was conducted on November 30, 2012 in several barangays in Bustos, Bulacan,iii
where project owner had existing connections with city office staff. It should be noted that the survey
location was selected for ease of implementation. The sample size was limited to 50 OFW familiesiv. We
used the snowball and quota sampling methods. This consisted of non-probabilistic sampling that was
conducted by setting a quota (i.e., 50 households in this study). Families were subjectively chosen to reachthat quota. This was done due to the absence of a complete frame or list of all OFW households in the area
as well as the lack of randomization when selecting respondents for interviews. This survey’s results
Page 1102

should thus be taken cautiously and should not be interpreted as generally representative of society in thePhilippines. For instance, the sampling size for family was set at 50; this is very small compared to theactual number of OFW families residing in the Philippines.

Research Findings
The following family-related items were included in the questionnaire: 1. Reason for becoming an OFW,
2. Family concerns about OFWs, 3. Frequency of contact with OFWs, 4. Ideal frequency at which OFWs
return home, 5. Frequency of stories shared by OFWs, 6. Concerns about OFWs, 7. Impact of OFW
absences on their children, 8. Financial changes from before and after overseas work, 9. Family
relationship changes from before and after overseas work, and 10. Remittances. Responses of “noanswer” and “not applicable” were excluded from the analysis as missing values.
A total of 28% of participating OFWs in household were unemployed before the OFW moved abroad.
Thus, the most common reasons for working abroad were “to support family (50.0%)” and “financial
reasons (38.6%).” Family concerns about OFWs included “family relationships (59.6%)” and “safety,
health, and living conditions for OFWs (27.7%).” The most common frequency of contact with OFWs
was “more than a few times each week (39.6%),” followed by “about once each week (34.9%).”Statistical analysis results revealed that family relationships were significantly better when the OFW
more frequently contacted their home family (more than once each week). For ideal return frequency,
54.3% of OFW households answered “more than once every 1.5 months,” while 32.6% hoped “OFWs
would stay with the home family every day.” A total of 61.7% of OFW households frequently listened tostories OFWs told about the host country. “Safety and health (74.5%)” was the most common concern
about OFWs, followed by “sickness (10.6%)” and “working conditions (10.6%).” Households with
OFWs working fewer years were particularly more likely to worry about their working conditions with astatistically significant probability. 20.0 % of OFW households told about impacts on children included“OFWs make their children feel lonely (32.0%)” and “OFWs affect their children's education (8.0%).”Items regarding changes in the family financial situation before and after working showed that 62.2% ofhouseholds were “improved,” while 20.0% saw “no change.” Most households received remittancesfrom OFWs monthly or regularly; 62.0% received more than 50% of their household income from such
remittances, while 44% received more than 80%. Regarding changes in family relationships before andafter working abroad, 65.9% saw “no change,” 11.4% had “deteriorated,” and 22.7% were unexpectedly“improved.”
Conclusion
The need to support family has taken root in the Philippines in a sociocultural sense. There is no doubt thatthe remittances provided by OFWs are vital sources of income for the survival of home families. It is also
possible that home families may maintain better relationships with OFWs by regularly showing themgratitude for these remittances. On the other hand, home families with concerns about the efforts andloneliness of OFWs while in these hard-working environments may provide warm support by expressing
their love over the phone or on social media. Of course, there are different situations among households
depending on the number of working years and type or conditions of employment in the host country.
Statistical results indicated that home families always want to stay with OFWs and that there are often
concerns about their relationship with and the health of OFWs. Results also suggest that support from thehome family is an essential element for OFWs while abroad. Leaving the home country to be apart fromPage 2103

family while working abroad increases the chance that both parties with miss one another.
While necessary, it is clear that overseas work does not always have negative effects on family
relationships. However, 20.0% of the households in this study stated that such work had some effect onchildren. It should be possible to look at these impacts by paying particular attention to parent-childrelationships. The “feminization” of overseas employment is especially common among families in thePhilippines. Here, the absence of mothers has a negative impact on child development. It may reduce thefrequency of contact between children and their mothers abroad and is a common topic in a variety ofcircumstances. Disruption and misunderstanding may also occur.
The original way of family life may be the result of maturing through sharing the same space. Thus, the“ideal family form” should be pursued separately from the results of this study. It is undeniable that theties maintained or encouraged during family separation caused by overseas employment make the resulting
physical separation even more emotional. Many short-term contract workers are willing to return to theirhome countries, but may extend their contract periods or sign new contracts (i.e., work as repeaters) if theirtarget income was not achieved or when the home family is reliant on income that is obtained abroad.
What happens to these relationships when the “link” of remittance is lost? In addition to the economic
benefits of working abroad, cultural influences (e.g., family issues) are often dependent on working
conditions, personal feelings, and private circumstances in both the sending and receiving countries. It ishighly important to clarify any related sociocultural problems (e.g., social and qualitative changes in thecultural structure) not only in the Philippines, but also when considering international labor migration in
future contexts.
References:
Bustos Bulacan National Census, 2009-2010. SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE of the Municipality of
Bustos, Bulacan.
Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) “2010 OFW Statistics.” Accessed December
12, 2012. http://www.poea.gov.ph/ofwstat/compendium/2010.pdf.
Sentral Bangko ng Philipinas, n.d. “Economic and Financial Statistics Overseas Filipino’s' Remittancesby Country and by Source.” Accessed December 29, 2012.
http://www.bsp.gov.ph/statistics/efs_ext3.asp.
Acknowledgements:
I would like to thank AC,DESIGN Ltd. for providing research funding.
Endnotes:i “HaroHaro” is derived from two names (i.e., a desert called “halo-halo” from the Philippines and the Japanese term “IroIro,” meaning“mixed”). The term “HaroHaro” indicates that the project itself is composed of various members with different specialties and interests.
ii Based on statistical data recorded over the past 10 years, about 10% of Filipinos currently live abroad. Most are Overseas Filipino
Workers (OFW). Their existence is essential to the Philippines due to the billions of remittances they send home. These remittances
comprise more than 10% of GDP in the Philippines.
iii The Municipality of Bustos is located in the Midwest of the Province of Bulacan, about 50 kilometers away from Metro Manila. The total
population was approximately 7,000 in 2011. According to the “DEPLOYMENT DATA BY PROVINCE” provided by the POEA, 299
OFWs left Bustos in 2011 (about 0.5% of the total population).
iv OFW families are those with at least one member who used to live in the family house but is now working abroad for their benefit. The
member working abroad should have sent at least one remittance to their family living in the Philippines.

Page 3104

Panel: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines

Panel Title: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines
Organizer: Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes

パネル「フィリピン研究における先住民学ー言説の多様化へ向けて」(発表と討論は英語で行う)

代表

米野 みちよPanel Abstract:
Indigenous Studies is an emerging field which studies indigenous peoples and communities
from multi-/interdisciplinary perspectives. This panel explores the potential of the research
on a small-scale community in the Philippine periphery to enrich Philippine Studies throughalternative perspectives and to contribute to the development of Indigenous Studies, which
has been developed in such countries as the United States, Canada, and Australia, at large.
All members of the panel belong to ethnic minorities in the Philippines. They do not
adjust themselves comfortably in the Tagalog/ lowland-culture dominated discourse. Inspiredby the empirical knowledge acquired from ethnographic research in the Vanaw community inthe northern Philippine highlands, this panel particularly attempts to challenge
existing cultural categories and conventional methodologies.

Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes interrogates a question of ethnic names by reflecting on the
narrative of a Vanaw indigenous researcher and Vanaw folk tales vis-à-vis anthropologicaldebates on indigenous studies and engaged anthropology.

Scott Mágkachi Sabóy reflects on the relation between academic research and indigenous
worldview beyond the dichotomy of insider-outsider perspectives through an examination of
the Vanaw’s jalipóng (hearth) in connection with related terms and socio-cultural
implications.

Ruth M. Tindaan seeks new meanings in documentation of language in a Vanaw indigenous
community as interdisciplinary research beyond conventional linguistic research by reflecting
on the politics of research among stakeholders.

Lawrence A. Reid discusses the above-mentioned three papers based on his six decades offieldwork in the northern highlands (Cordillera), the high command of the local languages in
the region, and deep understanding of cultural milieu.

1105Panel: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines

Panel Title: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines
Organizer: Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes

パネル「フィリピン研究における先住民学ー言説の多様化へ向けて」(発表と討論は英語で行う)

代表

米野 みちよパネル要旨 （発表と討論は英語で行う）
先住民学は比較的新しい学際的研究領域で、先住民とその社会を対象とする。本パネルでは、フィリピンの辺境にある小さなコミュニティの研究が、既成概念にとらわれない新たな視点をフィリピ
ン研究にもたらす可能性、および、フィリピンの先住民研究が米加豪などを中心に発展してきた先住民学の発展に貢献しうる可能性を探る。
パネルメンバーは、それぞれが、フィリピン社会におけるエスニック・マイノリティで、タガロ
グ・低地文化中心主義に馴染めずにいる。フィリピン北部のヴァナウと呼ばれる人々のコミュニティ
における民族誌的フィールドワークを振り返って、従来の文化的カテゴリーや方法論への批判的見地とそれを克服する術を提案する。

米野みちよ (Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes) は、人類学における先住民学と関与的人類学に関する議論を踏まえて、ヴァナウの在野の研究者の語り口や民話の考察を通して、文化カテゴリーとしての民族の名前について問う。

サボイ (Scott Mágkachi Sabóy) は、学問的調査と先住民の世界観の関係に、インサイダー・
アウトサイダーの二項対立の枠組み以上のものを見出し、先住民学の文脈化を図る。特に、ヴァナウの「かまど」について、それにあたる語 jalipóng とそれに関連する語彙と、文化的な意味を考察する。

ティンダアン (Ruth M. Tindaan) は、ヴァナウ語の調査における、様々な関係者間のポリティク
スを振り返りながら、言語調査を言語学のみならず他の領域を巻き込んだ学際的研究として行うことに意義を見出す。

2106

Panel: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines

リード (Lawrence A. Reid) は、60 年にわたるコルディレラでのフィールドワークの経験、現地の諸言語についての卓越した知識、およびその文化的背景の深い造詣に基づいて、上記三編の発表について討論する。

3107Panel: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines

Interrogating “Vanaw” towards Indigenous Studies: Ethnic Category and
Representation Issues Revisited
Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes, PhD
University of Tokyo
Abstract
The Vanaw is a group of people who reside across the provincial border of Kalinga and Abra,
northern Philippines. The name Vanaw has hardly appeared in official documents and anthropologicaland linguistic studies since the nineteenth century despite their existence and recognition by theneighboring communities.
This paper interrogates a question of ethnic names as a cultural category, by comparingarchival materials, academic publications, local narrative and folk tales, and by revisiting rather oldfashioned but not-yet-solved “crisis of representation” debates. It illustrates that there are obvious
gaps between formal/ outsiders’ view and informal/ insiders’ view; the former overlooks the latter’s
emic notion of differentiating the selves and the others, with the illusion of national agenda in dealing
with ethnicity as a means of categorizing people. The paper suggests the potential of Indigenous
Studies to enrich the discourse in Philippine Studies as it brings in the perspectives the formal,
modern academic discourses have overlooked.
Key words: Indigenous Studies, crisis of representation, anthropology of category, Vanaw (Banao),
Kalinga, Abra==================================================================
1. Fluidity of “Vanaw” as a Cultural Category
I have been conducting intermittent ethnographic fieldwork since 2001 in a community in
Kalinga, near the provincial border between Abra and Kalinga. There villagers identify
themselves as “Vanaw” (often spelled “Banao” too). In my archival research and literature
review on “Vanaw/ Banao” to supplement my participant observation I came to realize thatthe word “Banao” or “Vanaw” hardly appears in ethnographic/ ethnolinguistic materials(studies, maps etc.) and official documents mention, except for the 1903 Census conductedby the United States (United States Bureau of the Census, 1905: 469). Contemporary
materials generally assume that people who live in the area are Kalinga people and thelanguage they speak is a variant of “Kalinga” (e.g. CCP 1994, Jocano 1994, McFarland 1980,
SIL 2003), while historical materials imply that the areas where the Vanaws live today havebeen considered part of “Abra”, “Bontoc”, and “Kalinga” (Fry 1983, Scott 1974, Finin 2005)
since at least the mid-19th century. Blumentritt’s map of 1890 marks the area with
“Guinaanes .”In my ethnographic observation, the word “Vanaw” is generally used to refer to an
upper-Saltan River area in the Province of Kaliga, a group of people who reside in that area
4108

Panel: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines(and their descendants), and a language that group of people speaks. But the coverage of what
the word designates varies. Generally speaking, in Kalinga, the Vanaws are usually described
as a sub-tribe of the Tingguians (also called Itneg) of Abra, while in Abra, Vanaws are often
considered as a group of Kalinga. In 2004, I encountered a small incident:

A high school teacher instructed the students who were attending an event in Abra toprepare “Banao costume” with Abra style. The next day she changed the instruction
to prepare Banao costume with Kalinga style because “when we go to Abra, we are(seen as) Kalinga.
A Vanaw elder Elpidio told me that “it is not that the Vanaw is a sub-tribe of Tinguian but
the Tinguians belong to Vanaw.” Another elder Panabang told me that sub-tribes of the
Tinguians are mostly descendants of Vanaw migrants toward the west, although thisassumption is not necessarily supported by other groups.
2. “Panabang Project”: Indigenous Knowledge and Social Sciences
The episode above implies not only conflicting views on an ethnic name as a cultural
category but also suggests a gap between indigenous knowledge and academic approach.
There is no way of proving that the former is always “authentic” and reliable, nor the latter isalways more reasonable than the former. Also, indigenous knowledge is not monolithic.
Moreover, Panabang, a locally-respected story teller, complained that researchers for whom
he provided information as informant often twisted his words in publication. Inspired by thestill-ongoing “Writing Culture” debate in anthropology then (e.g., Clifford et al. 1986,
Marcus et al. 1986, Pertierra 1994, Vergara 1995), I conducted a collaborative research with
Panabang to compile his view on Vanaw (Toyota Foundation D04-I-029, 2004-2006).
Panabang had a clear notion of the contour (bugis) of the Vanaw territory demarcatedby forty-eight landmarks such as rivers, creeks, waterfalls and mountain ridges across theAbra-Kalinga border. He visited dozens of villages which he considered Vanaw
communities, located inside the contoured territory, on the assumption that residents thereof
are descendants of Vanaw migrants. He tried to confirm his knowledge on the history of
migration of Vanaw ancestors with folks of distant villages, that had been largely shaped byoral tradition; folk tales, epics and other oral tradition in his home village of Vanaw in Abraand his matrilocal village in Kalinga. He was aware that many communities in Abra are also
inhabited by non-Vanaw population. But he could not reconcile his own contradictions; he5109Panel: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines

narrated about bugis, the Vanaw territory, as though no non-Vanaws do reside inside the
Vanaw territory. Sometimes his worldview was supported; sometimes it was confronted byanother view; sometimes it was neither supported nor denied. Moreover, when Panabang
wrote “History of Banao” in English for the project, it turned out that his worldview had also
been influenced by school lessons, especially works of Zaide. Panabang considered alllegendary events took place “before the arrival of Spaniards” and the “original” Vanaws, whoused to live near a lake (banao in ancient Ilokano) along the upper Saltan River in today’s
Kalinga, came from Malaysia. He assumes from Malaysia to the upper Saltan area. He traced
the genealogy of the major clans of Vanaw from the figures in folk tales and interviews forfour to seven generations. He has no story to support that the early Vanaws possibly lived
some time in the 18th or 19th century, not before the Spanish era.
Meanwhile, I attempted to reconstruct the history of Vanaw through literature review.
Due to the absence of Vanaw/ Banao materials, I drafted the history of Balbalasang, one ofthe prominent Vanaw villages in Kalinga, instead: “Balbalasang” first appears in Spanish
record as a Banao village in its reference to a Spanish attack on the village in May of 1842
(Scott 1977, 131). In 1846, Balbalasang became an outpost of a politico-military province ofCentro del Abra upon its creation, and by 1960 it had become the capital of the politicomilitary district (Scott 1977, 198). So and so forth. The two scripts were far from being
similar. In order to maximize the benefit of Panabang’s indigenous knowledge, we decided to
document the Vanaw folk tales as they are. Thus we recorded thirty Vanaw folk tales. We
transcribed them in the alphabet and provided rough English translation. However, the script
remained unpublished due to short of fund to establish the orthography of Vanaw language
and provide accurate English translation.

3. Vanaw Project Expanded
In 2018–2020, we are conducting a new research project (Research and Information Center
for Asian Studies, University of Tokyo) with Saboy, Tindaan, Lazaga and Reid. Integrating
the findings of Vanaw dictionary project of the Cordillera Studies Center, University of thePhilippines Baguio (Tindaan, Saboy) and with the advice of Reid, we are revising the Vanaw
text of the transcription of thirty Vanaw folk tales. Members of this panel reflect on the issues
encountered in the process of the research. The voice and transcription shall be madeavailable online shortly (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s42jAgsHUfo ; for a test
video). We seek to develop Cordillera Studies along with the discourse of with Indigenous
Studies and rich Philippine studies by bringing in alternative perspectives and methodology.
6110Panel: Diversifying Discourse: Exploring Indigenous Studies from the Philippines

Academic Research and Indigenous Worldview: Reflections from a Village Hearth(Summary)
by Scott Mágkachi Sabóy
Material culture inventory is inextricably tied to language documentation andrevitalization.

More than just a listing of tangible properties, however, this inventory

eventually lends itself to an exploration of the intangible cultural heritage of the community.
In this author’s ongoing dictionary-making project among the Vanaw people of northern
Philippines, for instance, discussions with local residents on the names and descriptions ofobjects or structures often invoke aspects of the local indigenous knowledge systems andpractices associated with these materials.
This paper centers on an iconic household fixture in the Vanaw community, thejalipóng (hearth), around which this researcher often interacted with Vanaw culture bearers
and/or language experts. Usually set approximately in the middle of the kitchen floor, it has
traditionally served not only as an area for cooking and dining, or drying firewood and meat,but also as a hub for various interpersonal transactions. This work proposes that the jalipong
can serve as a platform for a discussion on the interface of academic research and “Indigenous
Relational Worldview” -- particularly the notions of “Communitism” (i.e., a sense of beingof one family), and “Respectful Individualism” (i.e., mindfulness about one’s behavior in
relation to others). This it does by first presenting several terms encapsulating values andpractices which are referenced by native speakers when explaining the features of the jalipong,and then drawing insights from these local terms to articulate the methodological and ethicalaspects of an indigenous research paradigm. Such a paradigm reveals points of both harmony
and tension, as it were, when the urban, academic rubber meets the rural, indigenous road.

7

111

The Politics of Language Documentation: Fieldwork Among the Vanaw ofNorthern Philippines
Ruth M. Tindaan
University of the Philippines —Baguio

From school year 2012-2013, the Mother Tongue Based-Multilingual Education(MTB-MLE) policy was implemented in the Philippines. This involves use of local mothertongues as the language of instruction in Kindergarten to year three (K -3), with the official
languages (Filipino and English) being introduced as the language of instruction after grade
three. Previously, the early years of schooling used Filipino and English as the language of
instruction, with local languages being used to assist teachers and students in the classroom.
With the implementation of this new language policy in the Philippine educational system,
many teachers in basic education were at a loss for instructional materials in the local
languages. This new language policy occasioned the widespread realization that many local
languages in the Philippines are not well-documented therefore teachers had many concerns
such as the lack of written references and lack of sanctioned orthography.
As an attempt to help teachers in the Cordillera Administrative Region cope with thedemands of the new language policy in national education, I and three colleagues at the
Department of Language, Literature and the Arts of the University of the Philippines Baguio
proposed a language documentation project for funding under the Program for Local
Languages and Literatures of the Cordillera Studies Center (CSC), our university researcharm. This project aimed to gather data on a language in the Cordillera which had no prior or
only minimal documentation. We looked into the Ethnologue and other information from theUnited Nations and noted the status of languages in the Cordillera. We then decided topropose a language documentation project on Iwak, a language spoken in rural Benguet
villages bordering the province of Nueva Vizcaya and which is listed as a “threatened”
language in terms of language use status. Our project was approved and we were ready forfieldwork but we met certain challenges. In our initial approach with the Iwak community
through community leaders, we were met with reluctance because of what these leaders
pointed out as “unethical practices” by earlier researchers from no less than our own
university. Our research team was therefore required by the community to go through theprocess of Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) as provided by the Indigenous Peoples Rights
Act, a national legislation which charts the rights of indigenous people in the Philippines
including their right to determine all activities by external parties in their ancestral domain.
On inquiry with the Cordillera office of the National Commission on Indigenous People(NCIP), my team figured out that securing an FPIC from the Iwak community required a big
amount which we did not factor in the budget of our project. This amount includes honoraria
and travel expenses for NCIP staff facilitating the process, travel and food expenses forcommunity members attending the consultations and expenses for other requirements of thecommunity such as the performance of rituals. The completion of our project was also112scheduled for one year and yet the time frame for processing the FPIC was uncertain
depending on the preferences of the community.
At that point, my colleagues and I were frustrated with the impact of the actions ofother researchers in communities which we cannot undo despite our efforts to present
ourselves as different, more ethically-bound kinds of people from the academe. So werealized that as researchers, we often see ourselves in relation to our good intentions and ourreadiness to work, to the extent that we are baffled with the unwillingness of a community toallow us to do a project that will benefit them. We understand that indigenous communities
are now using legal resources to protect themselves from traumatic encounters in the conductof research and yet we also see how such legal instruments might possibly become too
prohibitive and stall knowledge production in and about indigenous communities.
Because of budget and time constraint, my team decided not to pursue the FPIC
process with the Iwak community and work instead in another community. Our original
intention to work on a threatened language had to be tempered with pragmatic considerations.
One of our members suggested that we work in his Vanaw community in Kalinga because theteachers were, at that time, in the process of preparing instructional materials for the local
elementary schools. The team agreed that our project may be able to help strengthen theinitiatives of these teachers. In additional to this practical motivation, we also attempted toplace our choice under a theoretical argument, thus, employing the UNESCO-sanctioned“Language Vitality Assessment” tool, the team determined that while there is an active
intergenerational transmission and use of Vanaw, the language still has to find fullfunctionality in educational and political discourses through various media. A primary root of
the problem is the dearth of language materials. Our project therefore aimed to systematicallycollect, record, transcribe and analyze primary language data including linguistic practices
and traditions (e.g. folklore, life stories, indigenous artistic forms) and ethnographic
information on the speech community and to prepare a collection of literary forms withcorresponding translations to English and/or Filipino for possible publication and distribution
to schools in the target community.
Our access to the community was facilitated by the membership of our colleague who
activated his connections to make the community appreciate the objective of our project. In
contrast to our earlier experience with the Iwak community, our entry to the barangays ofPantikian, Talalang and Balbalasang in Kalinga was welcomed by the community members
because of earlier notices from the network of neighbours, friends and relatives especiallyfrom those who reside in Baguio City whom we approached first prior to our actual trip to
Kalinga. On our arrival, we had lengthy conversations in homes where we were invited forcoffee and meals and in farms where we stopped to talk to resting farmers. During our one week stay, we also attended social events and community meetings which gave us occasion
to be participant observers.
On our second trip to Kalinga, we arranged a general meeting of the community
where we presented the initial data we gathered. We were grateful to find that even without
our request, barangay officials allocated budget for the meals of teachers, elders and other113

community members who attended the meeting. Although we were appreciative of theoverwhelming support extended by the community, somehow it crossed our minds whether
such support was indeed an expression of interest in the project itself or a fulfilment of
obligation to a member of the community. But despite this subtle doubt, we considered thecooperation of the community as a show of will towards the development of their language.
Because the teachers already had some language data out of their own efforts to startdeveloping instructional materials, my team asked the teachers to also present their data andit was around such data and ours that community members gave further inputs, had collective
recalling, made corrections and expressed different opinions. Among the most debated issues
are those which have to do with variations in pronunciations and the matter of adopting astandardized orthography. During these discussions, we observed community dynamics,
where, for instance, older, more educated members can be more insistent but those who are
considered to be “clowns” in the community are also accommodated when they do indicate adesire to speak. These discussions impressed on us the gains of collective decision making.
On the other hand, we also realized how indigenous communities are constrained by systems
in place such as the teachers’ insistence for standardized forms to enable ease in instruction
despite their recognition that variations from other places would have to be marginalized. As
language documentors, our role was to facilitate this community negotiation rather than
impose our academic will, besides, as outsiders, and non-speakers of the language, we felt we
had no authority to intervene. Part of the result of our project was therefore a firmed up
orthography of Vanaw based on the agreements of the community members. Although wehave not been able to track whether this community sanctioned orthography got hold with the
Department of Education or the Komisyon ng Wikang Filipino which are the gatekeepers oflanguage policies in the Philippines, we have supported the use of these agreements by theteachers to promote a bottom-up approach in the determination of language use such as
orthography which so often is cascaded from the decisions of institutions and which may also
carry with them the differences among those who occupy positions in these institutions.
In this brief discussion of our experience in our language documentation project, I
wish to have illustrated that language documentation is a processual web of practicalknowledge, legal and methodological considerations, linkages and community negotiation.
In all these processes, the researcher inevitably engages in or is subjected to the exercise ofpolitics.

114

Panel Title
Thinking of the past and future of Bangsamoro: Impact on/from the grassroots society and people
Panel Abstract
In the Southern Philippines, separatist movement by Muslim anti-governmental groups has continued
since the 1970s. After many disputes, the plebiscite asking whether to participate into the Bangsamoro
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) were held in January and February 2019 andBARMM is scheduled to be established in 2022. The purpose of this panel is to reconsider the peace
process in the Southern Philippines from the perspective of grassroots society and people while
previous studies have focused on the highly technical discussions regarding institutions and trend ofelites. The presenters who have conducted field work mainly in Lanao del Sur and Iligan will discuss
the theme focusing on the possibility of pluralism and cohabitation of Muslims and Christians.

115Managing the plural legal dimensions in Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao(BARMM): A perspective from the observation in Maranao society
Masami Mori
Kyoto Bunkyo University
masamimi@po.kbu.ac.jp
Abstract
Muslim society in the Philippines has interacted with the colonial, national and global world both in
the political and legal spheres and developed the present plural legal and political constellation.
Through the long struggle, realization of their own legal rights based on their religious and cultural
heritages has been one of the compelling desires among Muslims in the Philippines. Based on thefieldwork since 1990s in Lanao del Sur and the review of related materials, the author would like todescribe how plural the legal and political dimensions in Philippine Muslim society, especially in
Maranao society. Customary, religious, national and global normative orders are utilized by the people
according to the circumstances. And the author will argue how this plural dimensions
function/disfunction in conflict resolution of different natures with complicated contexts. The
prospective changes of status of Islamic law (Shari’a) after BARMM’s establishment and the obstacles
related legal pluralism in the rehabilitation process after Marawi siege will be also discussed.
Legal Pluralism in Philippine Muslim Society
In the legal system of the Republic of the Philippines, custom and tradition is considered as its part.
The members of certain ethnic groups have shared customary laws and the laws bind the collective
and ethnic identities of the group. As for the religious laws, being a Catholic majority country, Canonlaw has occupied a very powerful position to regulate the family and marital matters, such as
prohibition of abortion and non-existence of divorce. Muslims have observed Shari’a or Shari’a
influenced customary laws as their own rules.13 ethnic groups and each group have formed thecustomary laws and transcended them in their daily life. Customary laws are basically orallytranscended and embedded in the practice of everyday life. The Islamic influences on the formationof customary laws are evident in such names as tartib ago igma: the name of customary laws ofMaranao. Tartib means order and igma comes from Arabic word ijma, which means consensus. In
1977, during Marcos’ administration, “The Muslim personal code of the Philippines” was codified
based on the knowledge of Islamic law (Shari’a). The rights of Muslims on marriage, divorce, custodyof children, and inheritance were taken into legal consideration in the Philippine state legal system.
Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) in BARMM
The Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) has provisions for the creation of a Sharia High Court for
the Bangsamoro region. The high court shall have exclusive appellate jurisdiction over sharia districts

116within the autonomous region. The application of Shariah’ will be limited only to Muslims in BARMM
and shall not apply to Christians and Lumads. However, they can volunteer to submit to Shariah’ courts.
Prospective reform of Islamic law in BARMM
In accordance with the power of Supreme court, Shari’a reform will be conducted in BARMM. It was
originally proposed to include some criminal elements such as Hudhud and Hadd to the practice ofIslamic laws in the Philippines. However, only Ta’zir (minor offenses) is mentioned after somemodification into BOL. Shari’a is confirmed as “part of Philippine judicial system subject tosupervision of the Supreme Court’”.
Rehabilitation of Marawi after 2 years and obstacles
People from Lanao feel frustrated with the slow pace of the rehabilitation described as snail pace.
Right after October 17, 2017, the beautiful image of New Marawi such as lakeside walk and park was
distributed in the area though, the rehabilitation process has been very slow. People are worried andpreparing to avoid the conflict over the land in Most Affected Areas (MAA) of Marawi City. The landis communally owned by families and clans and very difficult to designate to the individuals. If theywould divide the land individually, the severe conflict will arise among family and clan members. This
would be the worst scenario to fight among relatives since it may cause the new feuds, rido.
References
Bangsamoro Transition Commission 2017 Bangsamoro Basic Law 2017 Draft (House Bill No. 6475)
Reyes., Celina, Christian D. Mina and Ronina D. Asis

2017 Inequality of opportunities Among

Ethnic Groups in the Philippines. Philippine Institute of Development Studies.
森正美 1996「フィリピン・マラナオ社会における慣習・国家・イスラーム―法制度と紛争処理を通して―」綾部恒雄編『国家の中の民族：東南アジアのエスニシティ』明石書
店 ，171-216
2009 「フィリピン・ムスリム社会における多元的法体制と法実践の交渉―パラワン島
南部のバランガイにおける婚姻手続き過程」角田猛之・石田慎一郎編『グローバル世界の法文化』 131-154
2011「フィリピンにおけるイスラーム法制度の運用と課題 ―離婚裁判事例を中心に」床
呂郁哉、福島康博編『東南アジアのイスラーム』東京外国語大学出版会 173-193
2015 The Controversy of Universal Human Rights versus Local Perceptions and Muslim Gender
Practices in the Philippines in Tokoro, Ikuya ed. Islam and Cultural Diversity in Southeast Asia. 東京外国語大学アジアアフリカ言語文化研究所.135-152 頁

117

Everyday Inter-Religious Negotiation between Muslims and Christians in the Southern Philippines:
Conversions and Intermarriages

Asuna Yoshizawa
Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University
yoshizawa@asafas.kyoto-u.ac.jp

Abstract
The Purpose of this paper is to reconsider the peacebuilding in the Southern Philippines from thegrassroots cohabitation. While armed conflict has occurred since the 1970s in the southern Philippines,
ordinary people of different faiths have cohabited as neighbors, lovers, and families. After noting
dilemma of peacebuilding efforts at the state level, the author analyzes the arts of everyday
cohabitation practiced by ordinary people based on ethnographic research in Iligan City. Contrary to
the peacebuilding by the state that has strengthened the boundary between “Muslim” and “Christian”,
the everyday practices such as mutual assistance in a Muslim-Christian mixed settlement community,
religious practices of Balik-Islam (Muslim converts) and dispute/resolution among multi-religion
families blur the boundary. This paper argues that it is necessary for BARMM to reflect the arts ofeveryday cohabitation in order to consolidate peace.

Dilemma of Peacebuilding by the State
Peacebuilding in the Southern Philippines has certainly progressed in recent years, but the author
would like to highlight the risk of that peacebuilding by the state could destabilize the grassroots
cohabitation by clarifying boundaries between religious/ethnic groups. The armed struggle of Muslims
for secession and independence of Southern Philippines emerged since around 1970. In the peace
process, the government of the Philippines (GRP) and MNLF/MILF have negotiated for theestablishment of autonomous region in Muslim majority areas. Various adjustments were maderegarding the scope of autonomy, and consequently, new autonomous region “BARMM” is about toestablish. It means GRP and autonomous movement organizations came to an agreement on the statusof “Moro” as ethnic/national minority that constitutes the Philippines nation state, and they realized amodel for the inclusion of minority and peaceful coexistence of people in a multi-ethnic/religious
country.
However, their peace process has a dilemma that the political claim by secession/autonomous
movement organizations tends to simplify the diverse situations of local people because theseorganizations needed to insist a historical experience common in “Moro” and a socio-economic
inequality between Muslims and Christians to legitimate their movement. Establishment of theautonomous region also partially legitimated and embodied the collective identity of “Moro”

118distinguished from the Christianized Filipinos. As a result, the peace process at the state level has
strengthened the boundary between Muslims and Christians. However, contrary to the peacebuilding
by the state, everyday practices of ordinary people blur the boundary.
Because of the contradiction between political efforts at the state level and people’s realty at thegrassroots level, establishment of the autonomous region which draws clear boundaries between
inhabitants and defines a territory has destabilized the grassroots cohabitation especially in mixed
settlement areas. The author insists that it is important for BARMM not to destabilize thereligious/ethnic cohabitation at the grassroots level in order to consolidate peace. While previous
studies on peacebuilding in the Southern Philippines have focused on the highly technical discussions
regarding institutions and trend of elites, this paper present an alternative perspective from thegrassroots society. For the purpose, this paper examines why Muslims and Christians in Iligan can
cohabit despite frequent exchange of prejudiced discourses and family disputes due to difference ofreligion.

Mutual Assistance in Depressed Community
Among various practices of cohabitation, the most frequently encountered is mutual
cooperation between poor people of different faiths for everyday survival. When Muslims andChristians encounter as strangers and form new relationships, their sense of vigilance warningthem “not to trust” is mixed with the feeling that “not all people of different faiths are bad.” Whilethey remain cautious and may gossip about each other, everyday needs trigger a small exchangethat soon develops into friendship and mutual assistance. Since the state does not provide
sufficient social welfare, human relationships and mutuality are the most important resources
for ordinary people in securing their survival and obtaining opportunities. In addition, because
Iligan is a community of transients for work and schooling, Muslims and Christians can become
relatively autonomous from their clan groups and engage in mutual assistance for everyday survival.

Reconstruction of Religious Boundaries through Practices of Balik-Islam
Religious Practices of Balik-Islam erode the boundaries of the dichotomy of Christians andMuslims and neutralize the sense of otherness. Missionary seminars held by Balik-Islam groups
emphasized the similarity and continuity between Christianity and Islam’s shared world view (i.e.,
one God, Heaven, and Hell) while pleading the superiority of Islam and referencing Christ and theBible. It should be noted that various Protestant groups in Iligan also insist that they are morefaithful to the Bible than Catholic. Their missionary discourses are similar to that of Balik-Islam.
For the people who are searching for “true religion” and considering conversion, Balik-Islam andChristian Protestant groups are equal in appealing faithfulness to the Bible and Christ. In that sense,
meaning of becoming Balik-Islam from Christian is focused on whether to choose more correct119religious practice.
Even after conversion, Balik-Islam are still curious about Christianity, especially when
Christians with deep religious knowledge offer information concerning “true teachings.” Suchpersistent uncertainty of one’s faith and curiosity regarding different teachings weaken theotherness of different faiths. However, Balik-Islam can also reproduce the “we/they” hierarchicaldifferences according to the criterias such as piety and ethnicity.

Everyday Negotiation in Multi-Religion Families
When a multi-religion family created by intermarriage or conversion is pressed to choose one religion
for its children’s faith and its ceremonial style, it avoids the rupture of family relationships through“ambiguous implementation” which forces the two religions to obscurely coexist. Even when women
married to Muslim men face polygamy without their consent, they do not attribute the unfaithful
behavior of their husbands to Islam, but instead often blame the patriarchal culture of their ethnic
group. Such intersection of various differences prevents religion from becoming an absolute point ofconflict.

References
Canuday, Jowel J. 2009. Bakwit: The Power of the Displaced. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University
Press.
石井正子. 2018.「モロと非モロ先住民の平和へのポテンシャル：フィリピン南部におけるバ
ンサモロ新自治政府設立をめぐって」『文化人類学』82(4) , pp.488-508.
Lacar, Luis Q. 2001. Balik-Islam: Christian converts to Islam in the Philippines, c. 1970-98. Islam &Christian Muslim Relations 12(1): 39-60.
吉澤あすな 2013「南部フィリピンにおけるムスリム－クリスチャン関係の歴史と言説―インターマリッジの理解に向けて―」『アジア・アフリカ地域研究』13(1), pp.24-48.

120

2019 年６月 22 日、23 日 フィリピン研究会
報告：小北采佳（Ayaka Ogita）
東日本大震災後のフィリピン女性たちの生活再建―日本人の家族からもたらされる資源と制約に着目して－
1．はじめに2011 年に発生した東日本大震災により、東北地方の太平洋沿岸地域は多大な被害を受けた。この震災により生活に影響を受けたのは日本人だけではない。被災地である岩手県・ 宮城県・福島県は、地域の定住外国人の人口比率が全国と比較して非常に少ない地域である1。とはいえ、1970 年代ないし 80 年代から、東北地方における外国人登録者の中に、日本人と婚姻関係にある東アジア・東南アジア出身の女性が多いという特徴が顕著になってきた（武田2011）。

この背景としては、1980 年代から東北地方での嫁不足・後継者不足の解消をねらいとして行政や民間業者の仲介によって「ムラの国際結婚」と呼ばれる事業が行われてきたことや、特に「エンターテイナー」として来日し、日本人男性と結婚したフィリピン女性が増加したことがある。東日本大震災の被災地となった三県には、このようにして来日した移住女性が散住している。
日本における災害とフィリピン女性に関する先行研究は多くないものの、東日本大震災後の宮城県気仙沼市に居住するフィリピン女性たちが他地域のフィリピン人や被災地の外国人支援を目的とした団体との間にネットワークを形成し、震災によって失業した女性たちの就労機会の拡大を目的とした取り組みを行った事例がある（土田 2016）。また宮城県以外でも、東日本大震災後にフィリピン女性たちは各地でグループを形成し、震災後の生活再建過程で必要となる様々な資源の提供を行ってきたことが報告されている。
本報告では、2011 年の東日本大震災で被害を受けた岩手県大船渡市・陸前高田市に居住するフィリピン女性たちを調査対象とする。当該地域在住のフィリピン女性たちも、震災後に「パガサ会」というグループを形成し、グループを介して様々な資源や機会の提供を行ってきた。一方でこれらのフィリピン女性たちは、「エンターテイナー」や「ムラの国際結婚」として来日し、日本人男性の配偶者として移住した背景を持つ。この移住の背景と、東北地方の外国人が散住している状況は、女性たちが日本人の家族の一員として地域で生活をすることを促した。すなわち、震災前の大船渡市・陸前高田市では、個人差はあるものの、フィリピン女性たちは日本人の家庭の規範を実践したり、地域の中で近隣の日本人と関わったりしながら日本人の家族の一員として生活してきたのである。これらのフィリピン女性たちにとっては、災害時においても、フィリピン女性グループなどを通して、フィリピン人であることで得られる資源だけではなく、日本人の家族の一員であることによって得られる資源や制約もあったといえる。本報告では、震災後の生活再建の過程で、彼女たちが日本人の家族の一員であることによってどのような利益や制約を受けたのかに焦点を当て、分析を行っていきたい。

2．調査方法
文献調査に加え、筆者が収集した一次資料に依拠して主に分析を行った。これらの一次資料は、筆者が実施したインタビューとフィールドワーク、および参与観察を通して収集した。具体的には、対象地域に居住するフィリピン女性 7 名と、震災後にフィリピン女性の支援に関わった日本人とフィリピン人計 7 名に対し、それぞれ 1 時間から 2

11990 年代から東北地方に住む移住女性の割合は増加している。しかし 2010 年時点では、全 国の外国人人口比率が 1.67％であるのに対し、被災した岩手県、宮城県、福島県の外国人人口 比率はそれぞれ 0.47％、
0.69％、0.56％であった（鈴木 2012）
。
1

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2019 年６月 22 日、23 日 フィリピン研究会
報告：小北采佳（Ayaka Ogita）
時間程度の半構造化インタビューを行った。また、フィリピン女性たちが通っているカトリック大船渡教会で開催されるミサに参加し、そこでの参与観察を行った。聞き取りを行ったフィリピン女性たちの属性は以下の表の通りである。

表 インタビューを実施したフィリピン女性について
名前

インタビュー時のインタビュー時の結婚年と結婚時の年齢
年齢
配偶者の年齢

インタビュー実施日

Aさん

53歳

1995年（31歳）

54歳

2017年3月22日、8月9日

Bさん

54歳

1989年（26歳）

62歳

2017年8月12日、10月24日

Cさん

49歳

1996年（28歳）

55歳

2017年8月20日、8月24日、10月27日

Dさん

30代

2007年（20代）

50代

2017年8月20日

Eさん

43歳

2004年（30歳）

55歳

2017年8月24日

Fさん

48歳

2009年（40歳）

56歳

2017年8月26日、10月25日

Gさん

37歳

2004年（24歳）

62歳

2017年8月26日、10月25日

出典：インタビューデータより

3．考察・結果
以下では、フィリピン女性たちが日本人の家族の一員であることによって得られた資源と制約について、震災後の避難生活（震災直後～約 3 か月間）と、その後の生活再建の過程に分けて見ていきたい。
フィリピン女性たちは震災後にいかなる困難に直面したのか。まず、発災後から約 3 か月間続いた避難生活においては、災害後の避難生活において一般的に生じる生活問題として、生活機能の確保、精神的な不安、経済的な不安があった。また、フィリピン女性特有の生活問題としては、言語的問題、制度的制約、母国の家族への安否確認や一時帰国の問題に加え、フィリピン女性に対する偏見、避難所での生活ルールに関するトラブルがあった。避難生活後の生活
再建期に入ると、彼女たちとその家族にとっての最も大きな課題は、住まいの再建と職の再建にシフトしていった。

（1）

日本人の家族の一員であることによって得られる資源

日本人の家族の一員であるということは、災害時とその後の生活再建の過程で女性たちに多くの機会や資源を与えた。まず発災後の津波からの避難時には、調査を行ったフィリピン女性たちは迅速に避難をしている。これを可能にしたのは、日本人の家族と生活を共にする中で女性たちが身につけた日本語能力や、津波に関する知識、また家族から適切な避難場所や避難方法の指示があったことが挙げられる。津波に関する知識の伝達や、非常時の避難場所・方法の指示などは、本研究の場合は女性たちの家族がその役割を担っている場合が多く、非常時の避難行動において、日本人の家族から得られる情報が女性たちのスムーズな避難を可能にしている側面があるといえる。また、避難生活においては、自宅が流失した場合には、日本人の家族や親戚から一時的な住まいを提供してもらえることがある。さ
らに、特に避難所での生活ルールに関するトラブルが発生した際に、日ごろから日本の文化や規範を日本人の家族から教えてもらっていることでそのようなトラブルを回避できる場合があることが分かった。

21222019 年６月 22 日、23 日 フィリピン研究会
報告：小北采佳（Ayaka Ogita）
生活再建時においても、女性たちの多くは自宅が流出しており、新たな土地に自宅を再建しなければならなかった。
その際、親戚から土地を提供してもらえた女性は比較的住まいの再建が迅速にできている。また、配偶者の年齢や収入などにより、行政などから融資を受けることができた場合があった。

（2）日本人の家族の一員であることによる制限
一方で、日本人の家族の一員であることによって、女性たちは様々な負担や制約を受けることがあった。例えば津波から避難する際には、特に高齢者や子どもを含む家族と共に避難しなければならない場合が多く、女性たちが家族のケアという負担を負っている。さらにその後の避難生活においては、避難先となった親戚宅などで、家族や親戚からフィリピン女性に対する偏見を向けられたりする場合があった。そのような場合には、家族が女性たちの精神状態を不安定なものにしてしまう。
その後の生活再建過程では、家族が女性たちの選択を制限する場合がある。例えば、調査対象の女性たちの多くは被災地にとどまり、そこで生活再建をするという選択をしている。これは①家族の再就労の可能性の維持、②家族が持つ社会関係資本の維持、③配偶者の家族規範に従うこと、という 3 つの理由があるからである。震災直後は被災地から離れることを希望していた女性たちも、結局はこれらの理由で被災地に残っている。フィリピン女性個人の希望
よりも、 家族全体にとってどういう状況が望ましいかを女性たちは優先しているということができる。また、震災後に教会から支援を受けて介護ヘルパー2 級の資格を取った女性たちがいるが、資格を取ったとしても、家族のケアのために柔軟に休みが取れる単純労働の現場に戻る女性もいる。このことからは、女性たちに求められる嫁・妻・母親役割が彼女たちの就労を制限しているともいえる。

4．結論・今後の課題
これまで述べてきたように、日本人の家族の一員であるということは、災害時とその後の生活再建の過程で女性たちに多くの機会や資源を与えた。一方で、女性たちの震災後の居住地や就労先の選択など、日本人の家族の一員であることによってもたらされた制約もあったといえる。
また、例えば女性たちの日本語能力は、個々人が持つ言語能力に加えて、家族がどれだけ日本語を学ぶ機会を与えていたか、または日本語を教えていたかで違いが出ることが考えられる。このことからは、フィリピン女性たちが得られる資源の質も日本人の家族によって左右されるものであったといえる。
今回の調査では、被災したフィリピン女性たちにしか聞き取りができていないが、移住女性たちの家族に対しても聞き取りを行うことによって、より多角的な調査結果が得られるであろう。

5．参考文献鈴木江理子，2012，「東日本大震災が問う多文化社会・日本―『共に生きる』ために」鈴 木江理子編『移民・ディアスポラ研究 2
東日本大震災と外国人移住者たち』明石書店， 9-32．
武田里子，2011，『ムラの国際結婚再考―結婚移住女性と農村の社会変容』めこん．
土田久美子，2016，「『弱者』から『地域人材』への移行は可能か―気仙沼市在住フィリピン出身者グループによる生活再建の試み」
長谷川公一・保母武彦・尾崎寛直編『岐路に立つ震災復興：地域の再生か消滅か』東京大学出版会，263-288．

3123

フィリピン人移住者による複数ナショナリティ・エスニシティ関係の形成―カトリック関係施設での活動に関連して
永田貴聖1NAGATA, Atsumasa
atsumasangt@yahoo.co.jp
１、本報告の目的
本報告の目的は、日本在住のフィリピン人移住者たちがカトリック教会に関連する社会福祉法人によって運営されている国際交流事業においてさまざまな社会活動を展開し、地域に住むさまざまな「ナショナリティ・エスニシティ」を備えた人びとと関係を広げつつある状況を明らかにすることである。カトリック教会にあるフィリピン人
コミュニティの人びとが教会や「フィリピン人」の枠にとどまらず社会関係を形成する状況について考察する。特に、ここではカトリック系社会福祉法人が運営する国際交流事業での活動実践を通じて、地域につながっていく過程について議論する。

２、複数ナショナリティ・エスニシティ関係の形成へ
日本において、世界中に多くの信徒がいるカトリック教会は、複数の国・地域からの移住者が混在する「マルチエスニックな宗教組織」となりつつある［白波瀬・高橋 2012］。フィリピン人移住者側からみたとき、教会は「フィリピン人コミュニティ」の拠点となっているとともに、地域社会や、受け入れ社会の支援者などと関係を形成す
る媒介的な役割を果たしている。つまり、教会が「モノナショナリティ・エスニシティ」に基づく関係と「マルチナショナリティ・エスニシティ」に基づく関係が同時に獲得できる場として機能している。これまで、フィリピン
人海外移住者、特に、教会や宗教施設などを基盤するフィリピン人コミュニティに関連する研究や宗教実践に関する研究が多く行われてきた［Mateo 2000, Tondo 2014 など］。これらはフィリピン国外においてフィリピン人の社
会関係形成の場として、さらにフィリピン人アイデンティティが形成される場として注目されてきた。つまり、「マ
ルチナショナリティ・エスニシティ」の状況があるにも関わらず、「モノ」の側面への検討に重点が置かれてきた。
だが、フィリピン人移住者たちが「モノ」と「マルチ」双方の「ナショナリティ・エスニシティ」関係を同時に獲得する状況があることを想定する必要がある2。

３、京都市におけるカトリック教会を基盤とした活動から地域への関係の広がり

1 大阪国際大学非常勤講師／国立民族学博物館外来研究員
2 さらに詳しい状況は永田（2018）を参照されたい。また、非宗教系の地域に密着した国際交流施設のでの「マルチエスニシティ・ナショナリティ」関係に関連する内容としては永田（2019）がある。

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フィリピン人たちが京都駅南部を拠点に活動する京都市地域多文化交流ネットワークサロンにおいて活動し、日本人や地域に多く住む在日コリアンなどと関係を広げることに焦点を当てる。京都市や周辺に住むフィリピン人の多くが国際結婚した女性である。1980 年代から、その女性たちが中心となり結成したカトリック教会を基盤とす
る PAG-ASA（以下パグアサ、タガログ語で希望の意味）フィリピン人コミュニティが存在している。パグアサは日
本全国にあるフィリピン人コミュニティの中でも古参のグループの一つとして知られている[永田 2017]。
近年、カトリック教会を基盤として活動するパグアサのメンバーが中心となり、フィリピン人たちがカトリック
教会と深く関係している社会福祉法人が運営する委託事業である京都市地域・多文化交流ネットワークサロンで活動をはじめることになる。パグアサでは、多くの人が集まるイベントで教会の施設が使えないことが多く、会場の確保に頭を悩ませていた。その時、京都駅の南側、東九条地域を拠点に活動する京都市地域・多文化交流ネットワークサロン（以下、サロン）は、パグアサがサロンの登録団体となり、施設を利用することを提案した3。
2011 年以降、サロンは京都市から委託を請け、カトリック系の社会福祉法人「希望の家」によって運営されている。希望の家が拠点とする当該地域は、在日コリアンと被差別部落の混住地域であり、インフラ整備の遅れや貧困などさまざまな問題を抱えてきた。そのため、多くの社会運動が生活環境向上や差別の解消のために努力をしてきた。長年、希望の家は地域を活性化させてきたと言えるだろう。そして地域に住む日本人と在日コリアンのための活動が多く展開されている。

４、地域で活動するフィリピン人移住者たち
2012 年以降、コミュニティの活動に参加するフィリピン人たちや近隣に住むフィリピン人たちを中心として、
フィリピン人たちがサロンに集まるようになった。それは、登録団体となった時期にコミュニティの委員会メンバーであった 2 名がこの地域に居住し、事情をよく理解していたことが大きい。彼女たちは頻繁に希望の家のバザーや夏まつりに参加していた。サロンで開講されている日本語教室は受講生の大半がフィリピン人たちである。通っていたフィリピン人たちが中心となりギター・コーラスグループが結成され、登録団体となった。日本語教室には、国際結婚した女性たちだけではなく、就労や技能実習生として来日したフィリピン人男性たちも集まっている。彼らは日本語教室だけではなく、サロンの料理教室などの企画にも参加するようになる。ランチルームでは、フィリ
ピン料理メニューが登場したこともある。サロンで開催されている季節ごとのまつりではそのギターグループが必ず演奏を披露し、パグアサはフィリピン料理などの出店販売を行っている。
地域には、サロンの登録団体の活動や、フィリピン人コミュニティになどどこにも属さず、表面上はなかなかみ3

この経緯については永田（2017）を参照されたい。

125

えにくいフィリピン人たちや、その二世のこどもたちがいることもわかってきた。サロンの職員たちや、地域住民の一部の中にはこのような人びとの存在を気づくようになった結果、フィリピン人母子の困難性などの問題に向き合おうとする意識が形成されてきた。
在日コリアンが人口の 2 割程度いるこの地域は、他地域と比較すると、社会運動が実践されてきたため、マイノリティである多様な背景を備えた人びとへの理解は一定程度あるだろう。だが、地域に住むフィリピン人たちへのより幅広い理解が進むのはこれからであると考えてよい。実際、地域に住む在日コリアンの多くは、フィリピン
人たちがサロンの季節まつりや東九条マダンに参加して初めてその存在を認識しはじめたところである。それは、フィリピン人と同じ信仰をもつ地域のカトリック信徒や、他のキリスト教徒にとっても同じである。宗教が包摂の「橋」となり異なる「ナショナリティ・エスニシティ」を持つ人びとが出会う起点として作用するとき、地域における社会関係の広がりがみえてくるだろう。

（参考文献）
Mateo, Ibarra 2000 “The Church’s Nonreligious Roles Among Filipino Catholic Migrants in Tokyo.” In C. J-H. Macdonald&
G.M. Pesigan.(eds.),Old Ties and new solidarities: studies on Filipino communities. Ateneo de Manila University Press, 192205.
永田貴聖．2017「巻き込まれてゆくことからみえる在日フィリピン人移住者たちの社会関係」『異貌の同時代―人類・学・の外へ』渡辺公三 石田智恵 冨田敬大（編）、pp.309-338、以文社。
永田貴聖．2018「宗教関係施設を通じたフィリピン人移住者たちのネットワーク―京都市・希望の家を事例に」『現代日本の宗教と多文化共生―移民と地域社会の関係性を探る』高橋典史 白波瀬達也 星野壮（編）、pp.155-179
明石書店。
永田貴聖．2019「国流に集まる人びと」『外国人と共生する地域づくり―大阪・豊中の実践から見えてきたもの』
牧里毎治（監修）、公益財団法人 とよなか国際交流協会 （編）pp.125-139、明石書店。
白波瀬達也・高橋典史 2012「日本におけるカトリック教会とニューカマー―カトリック浜松教会における外国人支援を事例に」三木英・櫻井義秀編『日本に生きる移民たちの宗教生活―ニューカマーのもたらす宗教多元化』
ミネルヴァ書房、55-86。
Tondo, Josefina S. C. 2014 “Sacred Enchantment, Transnational Lives, and Diasporic Identity: Filipina Domestic Workers as
St. John Catholic Cathedral In Kuala Lumpur." Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 62(3-4):445-470

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フィリピン人の妻と出会ってから気づいた、本当のこと

ノンフィクションライター
中島弘象
nakasimakoushou@yahoo.co.jp
ベストセラー『フィリピンパブ嬢の社会学』（2017 年、新潮社）の著者が、フィリピン人女性との国際結婚を通して得たリアルな経験について語る。

＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊「アイシテルヨ～」の笑顔のかげに、凄まじい人生があった。フィリピンパブを研究するうちに、あるパブ嬢と付き合うようになった筆者は、その奴隷同然の暮らしを目の当たりにする。月給 6 万円、偽装結婚、ゴキブリ部屋に監視付、休みは月に 2 回だけ……そしてある日、彼女に懇願されて、雇い主のヤクザのところに、なぜか乗り込む羽目に！ 前代未聞、ノンフィクション系社会学。
（新潮社ウェブサイト：書籍詳細「フィリピンパブ嬢の社会学」より抜粋）＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊

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島嶼におけるフィリピン女性たちのネットワークとリーダーシップ－徳之島、宮古島、石垣島の比較
野入 直美（琉球大学）
本報告の目的は、島嶼におけるフィリピン女性のネットワークとリーダーシップの特徴
を、沖縄県の先島地域に位置する石垣島、宮古島、そして鹿児島県の徳之島の比較によって明らかにすることである。
筆者は、共同研究によって島嶼に在住するフィリピン女性たちの調査を行ってきた。石垣
島では 2013 年に、宮古島では 2014 年にアンケート調査とインタビュー調査を実施した。
徳之島では 2016 年に予備調査を、2018 年に本調査を行った。
石垣島では、カトリック教会内部において地元信徒との間に豊かな関係性が結ばれており、フィリピン女性たちのフォーマル・グループとインフォーマル・グループが絶妙のバラ
ンスで編まれている。宮古島では、婦人会を介した地元女性との関係性があり、ダンスチー
ムと教会模合というグループ活動に重点がある。これに対して、徳之島では、明確なグルー
プとリーダーをもたない、ユニークな集い方が見いだせた。報告では、これらの島々の相違点とともに共通点についても考察を試みる。

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離島におけるフィリピン人結婚移民の定住と職業生活～1990 年代に来日した女性たちの介護職への従事
高畑 幸（静岡県立大学）
本報告の目的は、徳之島在住のフィリピン人結婚移民の介護職への従事に関する考察を通して、離島および都市部における結婚移住者の定住のありかたと職業選択を再考することにある。具体的には、①徳之島におけるフィリピン人の人口動態的特徴は何か、②彼女ら
はなぜ介護職に従事するのか、③そこから見えてくる「離島の結婚移民」の特徴は何か、を明らかにしたい。
先行研究および現地調査（2016 年・2018 年）から明らかになるのは、以下のとおりである。上記の①については、徳之島においては 1990 年代、興行労働を経て結婚移民となるフィリピン人女性が急増した。その結果、フィリピン人が徳之島で最も多い外国人となった。
その後、紹介婚や家族の呼び寄せがあるが、2010 年代以降は人口の増減が少ない。技能実
習や留学など、結婚移民以外での外国人の来住はきわめて少ないからである。②については、
2010 年、島外から来た日本人女性講師が外国人女性向けホームヘルパー２級講座（当時の名称）を開いたことから介護資格取得者が増えた。農業や第三次産業でのパート労働に比べ、正社員雇用も可能で社会保険と年金に加入できる介護職は数少ない安定職である。③については、2013～2015 年の先島諸島、2016～2018 年の徳之島での調査から、「特定の時期に来住し流動性が低い女性たちの定住と家族形成、紹介婚による家族・親族の呼び寄せ、加齢・高齢化」を指摘できる。

129

徳之島に暮らすフィリピン人女性の子どもたちの進路とフィリピン文化の継承
矢元 貴美（大阪大学）
I. 研究の目的と背景
本報告の目的は、鹿児島県の徳之島に暮らすフィリピン人女性の子どもたちの教育に着目し、彼らの中学校卒業後の進路と、母親から子どもへのフィリピン文化の継承の実態を明らかにすることである。具体的には、①フィリピン人女性の子どもたちが中学校卒業後にどのような進路を選択しているのか、②フィリピンの言語や習慣が子どもたちへ継承されているのか、を明らかにする。
II. 調査方法と調査対象者
調査方法は徳之島で 2016 年 8 月と 2018 年 8 月および 11 月に実施した、アンケート調査
およびインタビュー調査である。アンケート調査の対象者はフィリピン人女性 14 名、インタビュー調査の対象者は徳之島町と伊仙町の職員各 2 名、カトリック教会の神父 2 名とシスター1 名、フィリピン人女性 10 名である。フェイスブックでのやり取りから得た情報や、
2016 年 8 月と 2018 年 8 月 5 日に行われたバーベキュー、および 2018 年 11 月 24 日に徳之島町生涯学習センターで開催されたフィリピン・クリスマス・フェスタで得た情報も用いた。
III. 調査結果
１．フィリピン人女性の子どもたちの中学校卒業後の進路
定住している成人女性のうち，子どもを持つことが分かった方は 22 名であった。年齢と学校種が判明した子どものうち、小学生以下は 10 名、中学生は 3 名、高校生は 3 名、専門学校生は 1 名であった。中学生 3 名のうち 2 名は島内の中学校、1 名は鹿児島の私立中学校に、高校生 3 名のうち 2 名は鹿児島の私立高校、1 名は島内の私立高校に通っていた。
既に高校を卒業した人で出身校が分かった人は 7 名で、5 名が島内の高校、2 名が鹿児島の高校を卒業していた。鹿児島の専門学校に通っている人が 1 名おり、過去に専門学校を卒業した人は 2 名で、1 名は奄美、1 名は福岡で卒業していた。大学を卒業したことが分かった人は 2 名で、1 名の大学は熊本、もう 1 名の大学は大分にあった。就職・結婚などをした
人では、島外で暮らす人の方が多いが、島内で暮らす人も 2 名おり、1 名は U ターンしていた。フィリピンやアメリカで進学・就職した人はいなかった。他に、自衛隊に入隊した人、医療系の専門学校へ進学した人、音楽活動に関わる人が多いことも特徴として挙げられる。
２．フィリピン人女性の子どもたちへのフィリピン文化の継承
１）カトリックの教えの継承
徳之島の 10 か所の教会では、月に 1 度または 2 週間に 1 度、ミサが執り行われており、それ以外の週には信者が中心となって毎週礼拝式を行っている。ミサは過去には英語でも130

行われていたことがあるが、現在は日本語のみで行われている。沖縄県の石垣島のフィリピン人女性たちの間で実践されているロザリオは、徳之島では行われていない。
フィリピン人女性たちのカトリックの実践は様々である。B さんは、子どもたちは幼児洗礼を受けておらず、自宅にはマリア像も置いていないが、聖書で神様とつながっていると語った。F さんは自宅の祭壇にサント・ニーニョ像やマリア像を祀り、毎日祭壇に祈りを捧げ、日曜日には教会に通っている。F さんは子どもに日本名をつけることに反対し、聖書に由来する名前をつけ、子どもの名前に漢字表記はなくカタカナ表記のみである。F さんの子ども
は幼児洗礼を受け、教会にも通っていたという。A さんの子どもたちも幼児洗礼を受け、教会にも通っていたが、中学生の頃から、部活動で忙しくなったり、教会に通うことを友人た
ちに知られるのが恥ずかしいと感じるようになったりして通わなくなった。
２）地域や家庭におけるフィリピン文化の継承
1990 年代、天城町に「フィリピン村」と呼ばれる施設が作られた。A さんは当時フィリピン村で年 1 回開催されたフィリピン祭りで計 4 回ほど、民族舞踊を踊ったと語った。しかし、フィリピン祭りが行われなくなってからは、踊りを披露する機会もなくなったという。
伊仙町の職員によると、島内の学校では、外国から客人が訪問した際にその国について学
ぶことはあっても、フィリピン人女性の子どもが学んでいる学級でフィリピンについて学
ぶ機会はないということであった。小学校でフィリピン人女性たちを講師としてフィリピンについて学ぶ授業が行われた事実もあるが、そのような機会も、頻繁に、または定期的に持たれることはないものと推測される。
フィリピン関連のイベントが長年開催されていなかった中、2018 年 11 月 24 日に「フィリピン・クリスマス・フェスタ」が開催された。このイベントは独立行政法人国立青少年教育振興機構の「子どもゆめ基金」の助成を受け、徳之島町子ども会育成連絡協議会主催、徳之島町教育委員会後援で開催され、徳之島内 3 町のフィリピン人女性たちがボランティア
で企画や運営にあたった。M さんと小学生の子ども同士が友人である徳之島町の職員が、島で暮らす外国人の中で最多であるフィリピン人の母国のことがあまり知られていないと感じており、フィリピンについて教えてもらえるイベントを企画したいと考えて A さんらに相談したことから実現したものである。
内容は、料理の試食、歴史や言語や民族衣装の紹介、子どもの遊びやパロール作り等の体
験、民族舞踊やクリスマスの歌など盛り沢山であった。来場者は小学生以下の子どもと母親らが多く、地元の中高生が運営を手伝っていた。フィリピン人女性の子どもも、小学生以下の子どもたちに加え、中高校生も参加していた。民族衣装を着て参加した小学生の女の子は、民族衣装を着たのは初めてだということであった。
フィリピン人女性たちは、フィリピンに関するイベントが開催されるのはフィリピン村でのフィリピン祭り以来であり、これほど多くの人が集まるイベントは初めてだと喜んでいた。F さんは、子どもたちにフィリピンのことを知る機会や国際交流の機会を作るのはとても大事なことだと語り、A さんらは来年以降も毎年開催したいと語った。

131

言語の継承はあまり実践されていない。A さんは子どもが小さい頃には一緒にフィリピ
ンへ里帰りしており、フィリピンの公用語である英語を教えたこともあるが、子どもは母親に教えてもらうことを恥ずかしがり、教えてもらいたがらなくなったという。B さんの子どもたちはフィリピン語も英語もできず、フィリピン語で理解できるのは「ゴキブリ」と「シニガン」だけであるという。
IV. おわりに
徳之島に暮らすフィリピン人女性の子どもたちの中学校卒業後の進路については、①高校進学時に島内で進学する人と島外で進学する人に分かれること、②就職・結婚などをした人の大半は島外で暮らしていることが明らかとなった。フィリピン文化の継承について明らかとなったのは、①カトリックの教えの継承は主に子どもが幼い頃に実践されているが、限定的であること、②地域や学校でフィリピン人女性たちが料理や民族舞踊などを披露することは稀であり、石垣島や宮古島と比較すると、子どもたちへ文化を継承する機会が少ないことである。
しかし、フィリピン人女性たちはフィリピン・クリスマス・フェスタで、自身の子どもや地域の子どもにフィリピンについて紹介できることを喜び、このような機会を持つことは大切であると考えている。このイベントは国際交流の機会であるとともに、フィリピン人女
性の子どもたちへの継承の機会にもなっていた。
このイベントは町が主催し、公の場で開催されたことから、子どもたちにとっては、母親の国の文化を恥ずかしいと感じることなく、誇りを持って友人に紹介することができ、さらに知りたい、学んでみたいと思う契機になることも考えられる。来年度以降も継続される可能性があるため、このイベントが子どもたちのフィリピン文化の継承や進路選択にどのような影響を与えるのか、今後の展開に注目したい。
謝辞
本研究に快くご協力くださいました、徳之島の皆様に心より感謝申し上げます。本報告は
平成 28-30 年度科学研究費補助金（基盤研究 C）「島嶼への結婚移住をめぐる比較研究――
フィリピン人を中心に」（研究代表者：野入直美、共同研究者：高畑幸、永田貴聖、松田良孝、矢元貴美、課題番号：16K04073）による成果の一部であり、本報告の詳細は、矢元貴美（2019）「徳之島に暮らすフィリピン人女性の子どもたちの進路とフィリピン文化の継承」『移民研究』第 15 号、3-14 に掲載されています。

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The Emergence of Protest Theatre Movement in Negros Occidental (1970s-1980s)
by Ma. Corazon N. Sedeño
Silliman University“Rice, not bullets!”, The chants of the placard-bearing sugarcane workers echoed in the hall.
The military men started to throw tear gas; the workers dropped on the pavement. The soldiersthen started shooting at the workers and when the shooting ceased, a father found his son (faceddown) on the pavement, lying in a pool of blood. He picked the lifeless body of his son and sadly
sang “Ili-ili”, a local lullaby, and slowly walked off the stage.
This is one of the scenes in a play performed by Negros artists to protest the killing ofsugarcane workers on that tragic day of September 20, 1985 known as the Escalante Massacre.
Protest theatre as [a] general theatrical/political term refers to all kinds of theatre utilized toprotest [the] political and economic inequalities and social problems. Generally speaking, it refers totheatre used to protest against and call for defiance to any political, economic and social conditions andchanges in the system of government. It usually includes a wide variety of forms and approaches, fromrather ambiguous political plays and plays of testimony to highly militant plays of the agitationpropaganda (so-called agit-prop) kind, aimed at inciting revolt and action (ESAT, 2014, p. 1).
In Negros Occidental, the protest theatre movement started in 1971 when students in
Bacolod City started their own street theatre groups as a result of First Quarter Storm, a youth and student
movement against the oppressive regime of the late Philippine dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos. Gintong
Silahis (Golden Rays), the cultural arm of the Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan or Democratic Youth
League was formed during this time. Performances were presented in the streets during rallies throughsongs and scripts coming from Manila. However, when Martial Law was declared on September 21, 1972,
most members of Gintong Silahis, were arrested along with more than 100 student leaders. Others went
underground (van Ervin, 1992). There was a lull in staging protest theatre. Curfew was imposed. Even
the Church of Negros was caught by surprise and did not know how to play their role vis-à-vis the newsituation. Everybody was caught by fear and felt immobilized (Empestan, 2017).
When feudalism became common in the haciendas, the number of discontented masses
slowly grew not only in Negros but also in the whole country which fuelled social unrest and later actual
militant protests. The peasants’ struggle for land and life was met with harassment and persecution by the
military and Negros was described as a social volcano ready to erupt. In 1971, sugar workers at Victorias
Milling Company, the largest sugar milling company in the country, held a workers’ strike that eventually
led to the first ever Lakbayan (37 km long march) from Victorias City to Bacolod City. Around this time,
unionism was slowly gaining strength in different haciendas, however, the members were met withdifferent forms of harassments and curtailment of their democratic rights at every turn.
Amidst Martial Law, thru the leadership of Catholic priest, Fr. Allan Abadesco, a churchbased militant protest theatre, Teatro Pangkatilingban (TP) was born in 1978. The formation of TP was a
product of the series of dramatic workshops conducted by PETA (Philippine Educational Theater
Association) in Iloilo and later in Negros. Parish and community based youth were organized andmobilized in the formation of Teatro Pangkatilingban. The youth’s theatrical skills were seen throughallegorical plays with social and evangelical relevance. The plays expressed the sufferings, fears, dreams,
and aspirations of the people (Abadesco, 2012). TP was conscious of its three-pronged tasks: core groupbuilding, theatre building, and alliance building with Basic Christian Communities (BCCs), and people’sorganizations (POs). Hence, in 1981, when sugar workers at Central Azucarera de La Carlota (CAC)
staged a strike, TP members immersed with the workers and performed at the picket line. They also133

conducted dramatic training with the workers and their children and involved them during theperformance. (van Erven, 1992, p. 76)
PETA returned to Bacolod to conduct Advanced Trainors` Training in 1983. It was during
this time that Abadesco contacted Arbolario (formerly with Gintong Silahis) to join the training andformed the Negros Theater League (NTL) where he (Arbolario) became its first chairperson and soon
started doing productions and workshops (van Erven, 1992). With renewed determination, on December
1983, NTL participated in the MAKIISA-I Festival, a national gathering of cultural groups in Manila toperform Sakada. One of the scenes shows a progressive church service followed by a scene where themilitary men arrest people and bury them alive. The final scene shows a people’s organizer covering his
face and taking up arms. He takes a position behind a group of government soldiers. He cocks his rifle
and one by one the soldiers fall. The Manila audience went wild. This was the first time that the armed
struggle was ever projected on a Filipino stage (van Erven, 1992, p. 77).
Back in Negros, the National Federation of Sugar Workers (NFSW), in its desire toorganize and mobilize the youth sector of the sugar workers, requested members of the Negros Theatre
League to conduct massive dramatic/cultural trainings in its chapters. And on April 7, 1984, Teatro
Obrero (TO), the cultural arm of the National Federation of Sugarcane Workers, was formally organized.
TO as a cultural group, had presented the misery of the sugar workers thru various creative plays inhaciendas. The group was also instrumental in social and political consciousness of the sugar workers. TO
was immediately engaged in its theatrical, organizational and expansion work.
On the other hand, NTL together with the Confederation of Teatro Pangkatilingban,
organized “MAKIISA-Negros.” It presented simultaneous and coordinated street plays during thelakbayan (long march) which culminated with a big rally at the Bacolod City Public Plaza during thecommemoration of the International Human Rights Day in 1984 (Abadesco, 2012).
In the same year, Concerned Artists of the Philippines (CAP) - Negros was organized withthe late Lino Brocka as guest speaker during its launching (Abadesco, 2012). It became an umbrellaorganization of cultural activists and progressive artists working in theatre, music, literature and visualarts. CAP’s vision was to promote a nationalist and pro-people cultural agenda. CAP and its regionalcounterpart CAP-Negros became active members of the national democratic movement aligned with
progressive people’s organizations from the different sectors of Philippine society. The political turmoil
in Negros Occidental during this period had placed CAP-Negros at the forefront of protest actions in theprovince. CAP-Negros was leading a cultural movement not only against the Marcos dictatorship but also
against a semi-feudal system that has persistently oppressed and exploited sugarcane workers for several
generations in the island (VIVA EXCON Capiz, 2018, p.1)
Unfortunately, there was always a price for siding with the poor and the oppressed and fortelling the truth. Actors and cultural workers involved in protest theatre movement were not spared fromharassments, surveillance, communist-tagging, and other forms of repressions but these did not deter themfrom continuing their tasks.1 In the case of Fr. Abadesco, he opted to go underground upon learning that
he was targeted to be arrested or salvaged.
The 1986 EDSA brought euphoria to most Negrenses including protest theatre actors who
thought that the fight was over. But in September 1986, a new stage production was shown. Dubbed as
Negros after February ’86, it featured the prevalence of militarization in the countryside and worsening
economic condition of the people.
This was also the time when NTL and TO made a covenant that the latter’s work would bein the countryside while the NTL would focus in the cities. To align and strengthen the national134

democratic movement of cultural workers, the Federation of Concerned Artists in Negros (F-CAN) was
organized in 1987 with Manigpasin as its music group, Hulag for dance group, Dihon for the visual arts,
and NTL – Negros Theater League (van Erven, 1992).
As cited by Empestan (2017), Negros faced another challenge in 1989 when 39,000 people
were forced to leave their homes due to military operations in the hinterlands. It was considered as theworst human rights violation in the history of Negros. Shocked with the miserable condition of theevacuees who stayed at the seminary grounds, the NTL was quick in gathering data and conceptualizing
plays where some evacuees also performed with the group.
The Negros protest theatre movement adapted the Brechtian theatre2 as manifested in theuse of direct address or speaking directly to the audience, placards, multi-roling, symbolic andrepresentational props, song and dance, mural painting, etc. (Epic Theatre and Brecht, 2019). The theatre
movement could be characterized as massive, creative-situational, multi-forms, and agitation-propaganda:
it reflected and mirrored the indigenous, participative and socio-transformational movements in the
church and society at that period of our nation’s political history (Abadesco, 2012).
The Negrense Society’s Response
Protest theatre was an effective tool in educating and organizing the basic sectors. Amongthem are hacienda workers who offered their humble huts for the organizers to stay and even encouraged
their children to participate in community presentation, some of them doing fulltime organizing work. On
the other hand, the enlightened intelligentsia and the progressive sectors of the landed families in Negros
were moved and supportive of the movement, but the powers that be were disturbed and worried that it
might destroy the status quo.
Conclusion:
The misery of sugar workers of Negros as presented in cultural plays prevails as the Negros
hacienda system continues to exploit them. Thirty-three years after the infamous Escalante massacre, thesugar workers continue to call for social, economic, and political advancement.
Evidently, protest theatre movement was not made overnight. There were several factorsthat led to its conception, formation, and eventually its full participation and connection with the basic
sectors of Negros society. It was born during the turbulent times of Martial Law when a number ofmarginalized masses felt the rampant social inequalities and injustices. It was the time when oppression
was becoming common among them. Teatro Obrero, as the cultural arm of the sugar workers, played an
important role in educating and explaining the rights and demands of the workers through culturalpresentation. The youth, as catalysts for change, played a significant role as they served as the
propagandist of the people’s hope and aspiration presented through theatrical performances. However,protest theatre movement was not only about theatrical performance but also a social tool of empowering
oppressed and suppressed sectors of the society aspiring better living conditions free from any harm or
threat. The establishment of this movement was made possible by closely linking with the basic sectors of
Negros society: sugar workers, farmers, urban poor settlers, youth, etc.
Generally, it was a social, cultural, and political presentation that echoed people’s
participation and call for justice, equality, and emancipation during the nation’s political turmoil.

Keywords: Protest Theatre, Protest Theatre Movement, local protest movement

135

References:
Abadesco, Vicente Allan. (2012). The protest theatre movement in negros. Unpublished.
CAP-Negros and the “Welgang Bayan” banner 1986 Retrieved from:https://vxcapiz2018.info/1986-1989
Empestan, Romeo E. (2017). The struggles of the people and the church of the poor in Negros inthe 70s to 90s/a memoir. Bacolod City, Philippines. St. Ezekiel Printery and PublishingHouse
Encyclopaedia of South African Theatre and Performance (ESAT) Retrieved fromhttps://esat.sun.ac.za/index.php/Protest_theatre
Epic Theater and Brecht. (2019). Retrieved from:https://www.bbc.com/bitesize/guides/zwmvd2p/revision/1
van Erven, Eugene. (1992). The playful revolution/theatre and liberation in Asia. Bloomington
and Indianapolis, USA. Indiana University Press
1

Interview with Deoma, Alejandro S., former Coordinator, Teatro Obrero136

Ang di-bumibitiw na BITAW: Ang malikhaing pedagohiya ng PETA
ni Timothy Dacanay
Mula pa sa pagsisimula nito noong 1967, inilahad na ng Philippine Educational Theater
Association (PETA) ang dalawang larangan patungkol sa paglikha ng isang minimithing
pambansang kilusang panteatro (national theater movement). Ang isang larangan ay
makasining at ang kabila ay pang edukasyon. Inilahad ng tagapagtatag na si Cecile Guidote na
kinakailangan di lamang ang isang repertory na para sa mga artistang gaganap sa mga
palabras—ang resulta nito ay ang pagtatag niya ng PETA Kalinangan Ensemble o PETA-KE—
kinakailangan din ang isang instituto sa pagtuturo ng iba-ibang aspekto ng teatro. Ito ang naging
Central Institute for Theater Arts in Southeast Asia (PETA-CITASA).
Nang lumipad si Guidote patungong America upang takasan ang batas militar binuo ng
mga naiwang miyembro ang bagong PETA. Magiging mapanghimok ang mga dulang ipalalabas
ng PETA-KE sa panahon ng batas militar. Labing-siyam na produksyon nito ang iluluklok sa CCP
Encyclopedia of Philippine Arts (1998) at karamihan ay tatawaging “committed” play—mga
dulang dedikado sa panlipunang pagbabago. Sa PETA-CITASA naman, sa larangan ng
pagsasanay, ay uusbong ang isang worksiyap na ipakakalat sa buong Pilipinas, ang Basic
Integrated Theater Arts Workshop o BITAW.
Ang BITAW ay isang workshop na nai-ugat sa integrated arts o arts integration approachsa pagtuturo sa paaralan. Unti-unting nahulma ito sa PETA, una, bilang integrated arts
workshop (IAW) at, sa kalaunan, bilang Basic Integrated Theater Arts Workshop (BITAW) na
namayagpag noong dekada 80. Naimpluwensiya ito ng aktibismo ng panahong iyon laban sa
Batas Militar—mga pinaghalong panunuligsa mula sa simbahan, unibersidad at lansangan. Maiimpluwensiya ang PETA sa sulatin ni Dr. Nicanor Tiongson kung saan sinipat niya ang mga

137

dulang Filipino bilang “repleksiyon ng pangangailangan ng nakararami.” Hiniram din ng PETA, sa
pakikipagkolabora sa Mindanao-Sulu Pastoral Conference drama desk ni Karl Gaspar, ang
pamamaraan ng pagsusuring panlipunan (structural analysis) at ang pagplano at pagpuna gamit
ang freymwork na Oryentasyonal-Artistiko-Organisasyonal (OAO).
Sa BITAW workshop daraan ang tagalahok sa mga proseso ng paglikha ng palabas gamit
ang mga aktibidad na group dynamics, exposure trip para sa pagpapamulat, mga iba-ibang
sining tulad ng pagtula, sining biswal, awit at sayaw, at pagsasadula ng mga anyong dula-tula,dulang realistiko at dulang alegorikal. Dinamiko at malikhaing improbisasyon ang pamamaraan.
May produksyon para sa komunidad ng manonood sa katapusang araw. Bukod dito may
isinasakatuparang echo workshop ang mga tagalahok kung saan sila naman ang magiging gurong mini-worksiyap sa ibang komunidad.
Sa pagtanggap ng malaking pondo mula sa Interchurch Organization for Development
Cooperation ay sistematikong napakalat ang BITAW sa buong Pilipinas mula 1983. May inassign pang miyembro ng PETA sa mga rehiyon para mamatnubay ng ilang taon. May naitalang
400 na grupong panteatro ang nabuo noong panahon ng batas military dahil sa BITAW. Nagamit
ang BITAW di lamang sa pagbuo ng isang grupong panteatro kundi na rin sa pag-oorganisa ng
komunidad. (Itinuro rin ang BITAW sa mga komunidad sa ibang bansa tulad ng Malaysia,
Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Thailand, Hapon at Singapore. Ang prinsipyo ng BITAW ay
hinangaan ng mandudulang Hapon na si Gen Yamamoto, kung saan binansagan niyang “duratura” ang isa niyang akda.)
Maaring aralin ang BITAW sa lente ng mga dimensiyon ng pag-unlad o development.
Lalo na’t iminumungkahi ng mga pantas tulad ni Clammer na ang kultura ay nasa sentro ng

138usaping development na kadalasa’y pang-ekonomiya lamang ang sipat. Iminumungkahi pa na
isama ang mga larangang mahalaga sa buhay ng tao at intindihin pa nga ito ayon sa paghihirapng tao. Ang panahon ng pagbusilak ng BITAW ay panahon ng matinding kahirapan ng
taumbayan sa ilalim ng batas militar. Sa “kultura ng pananahimik” (culture of silence) ng
rehimeng Marcos ay naisagawa sa sining ng teatro ang pinakamasidhing pagtuligsa. Bahagi ang
BITAW rito dahil nabigyan nito ng boses ang karaniwang tao. Nagiging mahalaga ang konsepto
ng “ganap” na una nang nailahad ni Atienza. Bukod sa ito ay salitang ginagamit sa dulaan(“gumanap,” “mga nagsiganap,” atbp.) ay angkop din ang paggamit nito sa mga kaisipan sa
pag-unlad ng tao dulot ng BITAW. Sa indibidwal na antas ay inaasam na sa pamamagitan ng
worksiyap ay makamit ang ganap na pagkatao na maligaya at malikhain. Sa antas ng pangkat ay
inaasam na makamit ang ganap na pakikipagkapwa-tao at pagkakaisa, at sa pagpapalabas ay
mamulat ang manonood ukol sa kalagayan ng komunidad. Dahil ang implementasyon ay sabuong sangkapuluan nakikita ang hangarin ng PETA na gawing ganap ang pambansang
pagbabago.
Humina man ang BITAW sa pagkawala ng batas militar ang diwa nito ay nagpapatuloy sa
mga artista-guro ng PETA. Sa pagtawid sa bagong milenyo lumikha ang PETA ng ispesyalisadong
worksiyap sa mga aspeto ng kaunlarang pantao, tulad ng karapatang pambata at karapatang
pangkababaihan. Pati ang psycho-social debriefing workshop kamakailan para sa mga biktima
ng Typhoon Yolanda/ Haian ay may kontribusyon ang mga artista-gurong nagbi-BITAW.
`Nagbabadya pa nga ang muling pagkabuhay nito bilang tugon sa paninindak at pananahimik ng
kasalukuyang panahon.

139

AT A CROSSROADS: THE STORY OF TWO BASE COMMUNITIES
Karl Gerrard Tiu See
Nagoya University
Subic Naval Base in Olongapo, Philippines and Kadena Air Force Base in Okinawa, Japanare two such examples of the indelible mark left behind by US defence relations. Bases suchas these irreversibly affect their host communities and not always for the better. The twocases show differing stories: the Philippines nationalized all its US bases in 1992. Japan, on
the other hand, chose to keep its US bases. Despite this, the two countries remain crucial to
US strategy today. This brings to question how different strategies on military bases(removing or keeping them) affected these bases’ host communities. The similar outcomesin both countries beg a re-examination of these locales’ base experiences. Moreover, studies
on US military basing tend to see it as a top-down problem, as a balancing act between
states. This study will thus use a qualitative approach to present an alternative way to thistrend.

140

Religious conflicts and conflict resolutions:comparative studies in the case of the Northern Ireland and Mindanao.
松本佐保
Saho Matsumoto
名古屋市立大学人文社会学部
My presentation is comparative studies between the Northern Ireland and the Mindanao
peace process by using conflict resolutions theory, and attempt to examine how to make thepeace process work and how to counter terrorism.

141

フィリピン政治・社会・経済の最新情勢について
石山永一郎
日刊まにら新聞
日刊まにら新聞編集長として、日々の紙面作りを通じて感じているフィリピン政治、社会、経済の最新情勢について報告する。就任から３年を迎えるドゥテルテ政権がなお支持
率 79%を保っている背景を中心に全体状況を俯瞰しつつ、まにら新聞記事を題材に興味深
い細部の動きなども紹介したいと考えている。

142

パネル「医療・性・生殖」「性と生殖をめぐるフィリピン・カトリック教会の言説と政治」
宮脇聡史（大阪大学言語文化研究科） miyawaki@lang.osaka-u.ac.jp
１．問題：生命問題／性と生殖の問題に関する法制への教会の非妥協・政治介入の動機
フィリピンにおける平時のカトリック教会の政治関与は、いくつかの重要な事柄を例外として、原則論を声明として提示することにほぼ限られるようになってきた。その例外の中で最も重要な位置を占めるのが生命、性、生殖、家族に関する法制である。なぜそうなるのか。
これを二つの位相を交差させて検討する。一つはこの問題に関するグローバルな動きとナショナルな動きの対比と関係である。もう一つは法制の推進運動と、これに反対する教会の動きである。つまり、推進運動にも反対運動にも、国政レベルでの関心とグローバルな動静が交差している。これを、ここでは特にフィリピンの教会から見ることで、これらの問題がカトリシズムを絡めて政治化する要因をできるだ
け立体的に明らかにしたい。
２．動機 1：グローバルな教会の主張
カトリック教会の近代化の歴史は、帝国の庇護と宣教会の独自の活動によって拡散してきた各地の教会や宣教活動が、バチカンを頂点とする位階制の下に次第に強くまとめられていくプロセスでもあった。特に 1960 年代の第 2 バチカン公会議以降、フィリピンの教会も世界教会全体の流れと加速的に連動するようになっていった。その世界教会における性、生殖、生命、家族に関して、1970 年代以降に確立・強化されていった基本方針は何か。
第 2 バチカン公会議において、特に避妊をめぐっては賛否両論があったが、1968 年の教皇回勅『フマネ・ヴィテ』によって、性交は夫婦関係の中で、生殖を目指して行うことが自然法にかなう（つまりカトリック信者でなくとも要求される道徳観である）と定められた。そして禁欲と「自然家族計画」（避妊器具や手術に依らない、体温やカレンダーに基づいた妊娠抑制方法）のみを正当とし、それ以外は生命倫理に反するものとして退けた。教会内には現在に至るまで異論が強く残っているものの、これが『カトリッ
ク教会のカテキズム』や『教会の社会教説要綱』においても継承された教会の公式見解となっている。
つまり、教会の性に関する議論は、特有の家族観（夫婦が子を産み育てることに向けられている場合のみ性行為は正しいという考え）と生命観（生み出されようとするものは天与のいのちであり、これを妨げ損ねることは大罪であり、むしろ妊娠出産につながるようにするのがあるべき姿、という考え）の組み合
わせを中軸としている。そこから、婚外の性、離婚、避妊、中絶、同性愛に反対するのみならず、各国の法律がこれらを有罪とする法を定めること、あるいはこれらを促進する法制を阻止することを求める。
興味深いのは、こうした生命至上的、家族至上的な性と生殖に関する考えの背後に、しかしそうした「天来の賜物」を享受することを犠牲にして神の国に奉仕する献身をした、自ら性と生殖の当事者であることを放棄した聖職者が、その宗教権威の高みからこうした道徳を定めていることである。また、次第に強まってきた女性や性的少数者の自己決定権や地位向上の主張、開発途上国の経済政策の一環として人口政策、性感染症をはじめとする保健衛生上の取り組み、家族をめぐる新たな社会動向などと衝突する考えともなる。
もちろん、こうした宗教権威者の当事者性の弱さ、及び社会変動の中で生み出される新たな状況への硬直した反動的対応の問題については、カトリック教会内でも異論があり続けている。それは主に、１）基143

本的な神学の一部（特に性の目的や聖職者に強硬な処罰・介入の特権を許す考え）についての批判、２）
教理上の善悪と別に柔軟で配慮ある司牧的な対応の必要性の主張、の二つに分けることができそうである。現教皇は離婚者の陪餐停止解除や性的少数者への配慮など、特に２）の立場に同調的であり、教会内の保守派と進歩派のせめぎあいの中、進歩派の路線に基づく修正的な対応に開かれている。また、この司牧的実践に関してはかなり現場に任されており、これらは国レベル、教区レベル、小教区レベルなどで、聖職者の意向次第で多様な個別対応の可能性に開かれてもいる。
では、フィリピンの教会はこうした背景と枠組みを前提に、性と生殖、さらには生命と家族をめぐる動向に対して、どのような態度を見せたのであろうか。
３．動機 2：グローバルな敵へのナショナルな教会の闘い
フィリピン・カトリック司教協議会（CBCP）が、性と生殖の問題に本格的に取り組むようになるのは1990 年代以降である。1960 年代以降のバチカンや欧米の動きから政策的に遅れていたこと、またマルコス時代に人口抑制政策への批判を打ち出していたものの、より大きな権威主義体制への対応全般に追われていたことなどがあり、取り組みがこの時期までずれ込んだという面もある。と同時に、CBCP の主要公文書である司牧声明から伺えるのは、世界大の女性会議や人口会議が国内政策に影響を及ぼすことへの強い警戒感であり、声明も 1990 年代の国際会議に触発されるように始まっている。
そこから伺われるように、
CBCP の声明や司教たちの動きに見られるのは、「グローバルな敵との闘い」という姿勢である。避妊帝国主義(contraceptive imperialism)、反生命のメンタリティ(anti-life mentality)、
唯物主義的・消費主義的な諸価値、世俗主義的かつ時に扇情的なサブリミナルなイメージと明白に唯物的なメッセージ、唯物主義的、商業主義的、世俗主義的な文化の侵入、コンドーム産業、等など「諸民族の未来を金銭によって屈服させ決定していくそのようなタイプの帝国主義」が外から侵入している、というイメージである。
「世界の強力な諸組織が傲慢に、イデオロギー的にそのような計画を促進し、資金提供
し」ているというイメージである。
反面として、教会はこのフィリピンという国を防衛する闘いを呼び掛けている。つまり、教会は「本来のフィリピン」の擁護者として、外来者の侵略を論難し排斥しようとするナショナリズムの論理を、ここで用いている。教会が守ろうとしているものは「フィリピン人家族(Filipino Family)」「フィリピン人のキ
リスト教家族（Filipino Christian Family）」「家族の価値観をゆがめ、我々の結婚、家族、人間の生命への伝統的な評価」「時の初めに神が計画した通りのキリスト教家族の聖書的、教会的な中核的諸価値」である。それは「人口の 80％が所属する教会の教え」とも言い換えられている。教会が守ろうとしているのは現実の家族というよりも、フィリピンの家族が従っているはずの、カトリック教会が推奨する家族のあり方」である。これがこの国の正統な社会の根本原理である、と世間に向けて、教会は繰り返し訴えてきた。
この論理で隠されているのは、まず第 1 に、カトリック教会こそ、外部からの侵略者としての歴史を持ち、その性、生殖、家族、声明をめぐる価値観も外来の側面があることである。第 2 に、ここでは多くの国民が今や支持し、政治家が支えている性と生殖をめぐる法制化について、あたかも国内における主体的な支持を、無視していい、あるいは侵略者に騙され買収されている者として扱っているということである。つまり、キリスト教こそ本来のフィリピン文化であり、それに反するものは外からの悪い文かによる悪影響である、という、カトリック教会が長年保持しようとし続けてきた言説が、極めて強い形で表れている。そしてその言説を支えるために隠されてきたこと、つまり教会の言説もまた外部由来のものであり、また国内の教会批判やリプロダクティブ・ヘルス促進への賛同は主体的なものであって騙されている144というのは適切とは言えない状況である点は、なおも隠し続けようとしていることも分かる。
しかし、既にこの点で、教会はヘゲモニーを失いつつある。一方で教会は激しい抵抗勢力を形成し、リプロダクティブ・ヘルス法（RH 法）の制定を阻み続けてきたが、法律は制定され、政権を超えて推進されつつある。教会内部では例えば法において認められた避妊薬について憲法で禁止された「中絶的なもの(abortifacient)」であるという主張、さらにそれを「RH 法は中絶を合法化させている」と捻じ曲げた言説が関係者の中で流布しているが、マスメディアにおいても制作レベルでも、また世論調査などに見られる人々の意識においても、こうした言説が強い影響力を持たなくなっている。2013 年の中間選挙では、
一部聖職者が、RH 法に賛同した政治家を「死のチーム(Team Patay)」として投票しないよう呼びかけたが、有意な影響が出たとは言い難い。つまり、カトリック教会は、一方で国民多数者の教会であり続けつつ、その中核部分は既に少数派宗教集団としての姿を明らかにしてしまっている。この分裂、つまり多数派の教会とは仮の姿であって、実は外来のごく特殊な思想を掲げた宗教集団が多数派代表の装いで、国民を代表するかのような政策主張を繰り返している、という姿が、この性と生殖をめぐるこの 20 年ほどの動きの中で、よりはっきり見えるようになっている。
４．教会が守勢となる中での家族・性・生殖をめぐる政教関係、また社会との関係
21 世紀に入ってから、カトリック教会の聖職者による広範な性暴力及びこれに対する黙認への告発が広がり、フィリピンでも複数の聖職者が告発されてきた。性と生殖をめぐる強硬な対応の背後には「家族」があったはずだが、教会のケア（いわゆる「司牧」）のレベルで教会と多くの国民との間に大きな亀裂があり、教会に司牧者としてそのようななかなか従順になれない「群れ」を「牧する」権威、人材、意思が本当にあるのかどうかが、根本的疑問にさらされている。教会が推奨し、教会に協力的だったグロリ
ア・マカパガル＝アロヨ政権時代に推奨されてきたはずだった自然的出産調整法についてすら、熱心に取り組んでいるのはごく一握りの聖職者に過ぎず、この点についての内外の批判が繰り返し聞かれる。
そうした中で、法制や戒規よりも司牧的なケアを教会の中心的な課題ととらえるフランシス教皇の登場、同様の立場のタグレ・マニラ大司教／枢機卿の登場は、新しい方向性を予感させるものがある。RH
法の可決の後、性的少数者に対する反差別法、離婚、同性婚（同性パートナーシップ）などの提案がさらに続く状況で、これに比較的好意的なドゥテルテ大統領の人気と、彼の教会に対する繰り返される道徳的攻撃もまた、政教関係、社会における教会の立場、そして教会主流派の方向性の転換の可能性などと相まって、新しい変化を予想させる。
但し、同性婚に関する最近の世論調査は同性婚では「家族／親族」を形成できない、という考えが広範にあることが、賛成が広がらない重要な要因となっていることを示しているが、このようにフィリピン社
会における「家族観の維持」は、教会が考えるものとはずれていても、なお強固なものがあり、フィリピ
ン国家もそうした家族的つながりというものを大きな前提として運営がなされている。ここには同床異夢ではあっても教会の「フィリピン人家族の重要性の強調」がなおも一定の政治的・社会的な影響力を持
ち、そこに教会が性と生殖の問題に強くかかわり続ける大きな余地が保たれているようにも見える。
主要参考資料宮脇聡史「フィリピン・カトリック教会にとっての「性をめぐる価値観の外来性」と「政治」」（2017 年
度アジア政経学会春季大会

自由応募分科会 1「アジアにおける性的マイノリティの政治：家族･宗教･国家」（2017 年 6 月 24 日、一橋大学））
CBCP Statements https://cbcpwebsite.com/documents.html

145プレグナンシーロスの経験と二つのスローガンに基づく
ネットワークが作る、「明日」への社会的紐帯
久保裕子
東京大学大学院 総合文化研究科
Social Ties toward “Future” Based on Experience of Pregnancy Loss,
and Two Slogan Networks
Yuko Kubo
Graduate School of Arts and Science, The University of Tokyo
Email: kubo.yuko@anthro.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp

はじめに
本研究の目的は、政策や法制定に関する議論を通して形成される外在的な胎児概念と、女性のプレ
グナンシーロスの経験の、内在する痛みを通じて身体的に得る胎児像との間の相互作用が、女性の倫理的価値を形成するプロセスを分析することである。後述するように、フィリピンでは中絶は女性の性と生殖の問題ではなく、政治的、社会経済的問題であり、貧困女性の責任や権利という文脈のもと論じられきた[Tan 2004]。
本研究では、中絶を他の喪失経験と区別せず、痛みなど感覚的経験に焦点を当てる。この時、社会的階層では区別されない、プレグナンシーロス経験者という枠組みでのみ分析が検討される。
女性たちの経験は、二つのスローガン：プロライフとプロチョイスが、胎児の解釈をめぐって今なお女性たちを二分し、その信念のもと階層や地域や家族とは異なる密やかな社会的紐帯の存在を示す一方、いずれのつながりからも断絶した状況も表す。こうした状況を感覚と当事者性の関係から検討する。

フォーマルな文脈における女性の性と生殖の問題と胎児メトロマニラにおけるプレグナンシーロスに関する研究は、これまで貧困層の女性に焦点が当てられていた。特にそれは中絶に関するもので、政策議論の中で間接的に議論されてきた。1968
年から 80 年代までの政策討論は人口増加と貧困問題の因果関係をめぐる議論を背景に、人口統制策として家族計画が議論された。80 年代後半のコリー政権下ではカップルが望むだけの子供を持
つ権利を認め、人口統制から人口管理へと方向性を転換させるとともに、「親としての責任」を担う理想的な市民像が家族計画に盛り込まれる。2012 年の RH 法の制定をめぐる論争は、そうした
既存の人口対策の問題と女性の性と生殖の権利の問題が、宗教的解釈を背景にプロライフとプロチョイスの文脈に組み込まれ、社会経済的な要素を包摂しながらの議論を展開した[Natividad
2012]。
RH 法制定に関する研究は、教会と NGO における政策対立の背景分析が展開され、そこでは植民地

146

時代以降、教会と国家の特殊な歴史的関係のなかで発展してきたフィリピンにおいて、生殖に関する政策決定が開発目標と宗教的規範の両方に応答する形で展開し、それが女性の日常において生の意味に脅迫的な影響を与えていることが指摘された[Dañguilan 2018]。
以上のことから、フィリピンの「胎児」は 68 年から 80 年代までは経済指数の一つであり、負債のメタファーとして議論され、88 年以降それは親の責任／選択という権利の帰結として表象された。つまり、胎児はいずれにしても「隠喩的かつ受動態の胎児」であった。政策議論は性と生殖の問題とは直接関係のない
政治的、社会経済的問題に関するものが中心であった。高い出生率は貧困の原因であり、コミュニティや国家の福祉に不都合な、逆効果をもたらすものとされ、出生率の低下のための対策として教会の意向を反映した「自然な家族計画（親の責任、出産間隔、命の尊重）」が重視される。そこには、「あるべき姿としての親の責任」が強調される、性と生殖へのネオリベラルな統治性の浸透が見いだされた。

インフォーマルな文脈における女性のプレグナンシーロスの感覚的経験
女性たちは、死児を「何でもない wala na」、「まだ血だった parang dugo pa lang」などの定型句で表現し、その状況もプロセスも一見類似してみえた。しかし、個別のモノや空間、身体的痛みとの微細な関わりを見ていくと、胎児との関係は多様化している。それは出産頻回、妊娠週数、痛みの感覚、痛みを感じたタイミング、他者のまなざしの差異によってもたらされる多様性であり、それは当事者意識のズレにも作用した。熾烈な痛みを伴っての流産や中絶だとしても、その経験の最中や直後に第三者（母親やパートナー）からのサポートが強ければ強いほど、心無い言葉をかけらた場合や無関心（bahala ka）の場合と異なり、はるかに出来事に対する自己解釈に齟齬が生じにくい。流産の場合は、それが神の思し召しとされ、中絶の場合は、選択の権利と認識することで、出来事に対する当事者意識が薄れた。死児に対する態度は、母親よりもパートナーの態度によって変化した。同調が死児の人格を生み出し、沈黙が存在を無にさせる。
また、「予想不可能な痛み」を経験した女性たちは、過去の経験に基づく痛みのイメージでは対処できず、不安が当事者性の感度を高めた。流産・中絶が、感覚的に不確実性を伴えば伴うほど、当事者意識は深化し、トラウマとなる。特にそれは、陣痛よりも分娩時であり、娩出にかかる時間と比例し、不安も拡大する。強い当事者意識は、出来事、胎児両方に対し働いた。特筆すべきは、以上のような感覚的経験において、社会的階層の差異は見当たらないという点にある。そういった点から、プレグナンシーロスの現象は、社会経済的指数で左右されない倫理的価値が身体を通して生成されるといえる。

経験後の女性のアイデンティティを支える二つのスローガンに基づくネットワーク
中絶した女性のなかには、生まれても養っていく余裕はなく可哀想なだけだから、ある種の責任をもって決断したと説明するものもいる。自律や自己監理といったネオリベラルな統治性を機能させる諸概念を通して、フォーマルな文脈で向けられる親の「責任」は、このように、リスク回避のために負うべき個の「責任」と翻訳される。こうした解釈や認識のズレ、当事者性と感覚の差異が生じる社会の中で個を支える場
が、プロライフとプロチョイスのスローガンから成るネットワークである。それぞれのイデオロギーは日常的なやり取りの中で、密やかに徐々に構築されるものだろう。RH 法案制定後、そういった主張は表立っては存在していないし、対立してもいない。しかし、プレグナンシーロスの経験を通して、突然であれ、意図的147

であれ、一度自己解釈に混迷した女性たちは、いずれかのスローガンの加護によって再帰的にアイデンティティを形成する。そして、それによってプレグナンシーロスの経験においてもある種の倫理的価値が付与されることになる。しかしながら、そうしたネットワークからも孤立し、救われずにいるままの女性たちも多くいることも確かだ。

おわりに本研究はプレグナンシーロスの経験を事例に、実践的理性に基づく道徳性や義務に従わなければ悪という宗教的判断に基づく道徳ではなく、単に善を所有することが己の良い運命につながるという価値観に基づく倫理を、身体的、感覚的経験を通してどう人は築き上げるのか、そのプロセスを考察するものであった。本発表においては、倫理的価値の形成にあたって関係する痛みの複数性を示すことができ、また必ずしも痛みと当事者意識が相関しつつも、因果関係にあるわけ
ではないことが明らかになった。

参考文献
Dañguilan, Marilen. 2018. The RH Health Bill Story. The Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Natividad, Maria. 2012. Reproductive politics, religion and state governance in the Philippines. Ph.D.
dissertation, Columbia University.
Tan, M 2004. “Fetal Discourse and the politics of the womb”, Reproductive health matters, 12(24): 157- 66.
Laidlaw. James. 2002. “For an anthropology of ethics and freedom”, Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute 8(2): 311- 32.

148

発表要旨
フィリピンにおける親族関係と腎臓移植
島薗洋介（大阪大学グローバルイニシアティブ・センター講師）
はじめに
フィリピンでは、年間、数百件に及ぶ臓器移植が行われている。この数字は、人口あたりの臓器移植の件数は日本に匹敵するものである。フィリピンにおける臓器移植の大半は腎臓移植であるが、死後の臓器提供数は伸び悩んでいることから、圧倒的多数を占めるのが生体ドナーからの腎臓を移植する生体腎移植である。一時期は、臓器売買が盛んに行われていたが、2007、8年に、政府がより厳格な取り締まり方針を打ち出したのを期に減少傾向に転じつつある。
欧米や日本では、生体腎移植では、患者の親や子ども、配偶者がドナーの大半を占めるが、フィリピンでは患者の兄弟姉妹、そしてイトコが大半を占める。この発表では、こうしたフィリピンにおける腎臓移植の特徴にかんするデータを提示したうえで、腎臓移植が兄弟姉妹、イトコのあいだの関係の民族誌的事例を提示する。そのうえで、フィリピンの親族関係に腎移植がどのような影響をもたらすのかを腎移植を人類学における贈与論および親族論の観点から明らかにするとともに腎移植というレンズから、フィリピンの親族関係のどのような特徴が明らかになるのかを考察する。
1. フィリピンにおける腎臓移植の現状
保健省の統計によれば、フィリピンでは年間数百件におよぶ腎移植が行われてきた。その件数は2001年ごろから急速に増加し始め、2007年にピークに達した。当時は、非血縁ドナーが生体腎移植件数1017件のうち、844件(83.0%)を占めていた（腎臓売買が横行していたた
めである）が、この割合が2012年には、現在では、283件中142件と全体のほぼ半数に低下した。
4. 2% 11. 7%
親子

39. 3%

キョウダイ
4. 3%
9. 6%

90. 6%

オイ・メイ
オジ・オバ
イトコ

図 1 フィリピンにおける腎臓移植のドナー（患者との関係による分類）(n=157 2004)

フィリピンの生体腎移植のドナーに関するデータを日本や北米、ヨーロッパのそれと比較してみると、いくつかの顕著な特徴が浮かび上がる。まず、フィリピンでは、親から子への、子から親への臓器の提供は、驚くほど少なく、大多数の腎臓提供が患者のキョウダイによってなされている。さらに、とくに注目されるのは、患者のイトコ（統計では第一イトコだけでなく、第二イトコ、第三イトコもおなじ「イトコ」と分類されている）がド149

ナーとなる場合も多い点で際立っていることである（図1）。こうした臓器移植に関するデータから、フィリピンにおける腎臓移植が、キョウダイ同士やイトコ同士の間の相互扶助と密接な関係をもっていることが示唆される。
2. 低地フィリピン社会における親族関係とキョウダイ集合
先述のようなフィリピンにおける腎臓移植にかんするデータをどのように理解すればよいのだろうか。ここで示唆に富むのは、アトキンソンとエリントンによる東南アジア島嶼部社会の親族関係をめぐる議論である(cf. 島薗 2016)。
アトキンソンとエリントンは、東南アジア島嶼部の社会をCentrist Archipelago SocietyとExchange Archipelago Societyに区別する。 Centrist Archipelago Societyは、地理的には、マレー半島、カリマンタン島、フィリピン諸島、インドネシア諸島の大部分に見られ、Exchange
Archipelago Societyとは、地理的にはインドネシア東部の社会をカバーする。Exchange
Archipelago Societyでは、単系出自集団、あるいはそれに類する集団が形成され、それらの集団間で婚姻や貴重なものの儀礼的交換が重要な社会文化的意味をもつ。Centrist
Archipelago Societyにおける親族関係の特徴は、しばしば「双方制」という言葉で特徴づけられてきたが、アトキンソンとエリントンによれば、そうした社会は、キョウダイ集合を軸とした関係が根本的重要性をもつ社会として捉えなおされるべきである(cf. Cannell 1990)。
東南アジア島嶼部の多くの社会では、人びとは、常になんらかのキョウダイという集合(sib ling set)の一部と見なされており、親族関係は、キョウダイ集合が世代によって層を成しているものとして捉えられている。お互いを「親戚」とみなしているAとBというふたりの人がいるとしよう。彼らは、上の世代のキョウダイ結合を同定することで自分たちの間柄を同定しようとするだろう。二人の親同士がキョウダイの関係にあれば、彼らは第一イトコである。祖父母同士がキョウダイの関係にあれば、親同士が第一イトコであり、当人
たちは、第二イトコの間柄にある。AとBは、互いがどのような親族関係にあるのかを認識するために、系譜を遡り、二人の共通の祖先を個人として同定する必要はない。互いの父
母や祖父母がそれぞれキョウダイなのか、第一イトコなのか、第二イトコなのかが分かれば互いの関係を同定するには十分である。
先述したフィリピンにおける親族間の生体腎移植の特徴は、こうしたキョウダイ集合を軸とした方的な関係の重要性（あるいは、系的な関係にたいする方的な関係の優位）という観点から理解されうるように思われる。
3.生体腎移植におけるキョウダイとイトコ
さらに、アトキンソンとエリントンによるCentrist Archipelago Societyの特徴付けは、フィリピンにおけるイトコ間の生体腎移植の在り方を理解する上で示唆に富んでいる。フィリ
ピンにおけるイトコ間の生体腎の移植は、たんにイトコ同士の関係にある二者間で生じる贈与交換であるというよりも、キョウダイ集合によって媒介された贈与交換として生じるからである（Shimazono 2008; 2013）。イトコ同士の腎臓移植がキョウダイ集合によって媒介される仕方には、大きく分けて以下の二つの様式がある。
第一に、腎臓提供が、患者（レシピエント）の親とドナーの親のキョウダイ関係を介して行われることがある。たとえば、あるケースでは、患者（レシピエント）Sの父Fは、腎臓提供が兄弟姉妹の健康を害すること、そして、腎臓提供することで仕事を失い患者に対する経済的援助ができなくなることを恐れていた。そこでFは彼の弟たちを介して、患者の150イトコからドナーを探そうとした。長兄であるFに対して、それまで仕事の世話をしてもらうなど多大な恩恵を受けていた弟たちは、腎臓提供によって自分の子どもの健康が損なわれることを恐れながらもそれを承諾した。数人のイトコたちが組織適合性の検査を受けた
後、一人のイトコがドナーに選ばれ、これまで世話になったオジへの「恩返し」として腎臓提供を承諾した。
第二、しばしば、腎臓という「命の贈り物」の贈り手に対する返礼の義務を担うのは、患者（レシピエント）個人ではなく、患者（レシピエント）の兄弟姉妹全体である。経済的、身体的に負担を強いる腎臓提供をしたドナーに対して、レシピエントは、なんらかの返礼をすることが期待される（失職した、もしくは貧しいドナーやその家族に対して、経済的援助をする）。しかし、多くの患者（レシピエント）は、末期腎不全による失職、人
工透析や移植手術、免疫抑制剤等によって多大な経済的負担を負っている。経済的苦境にある患者本人は、ドナーに対して満足に返礼できない場合がしばしばある。この場合、ドナーを援助するのは、患者の兄弟姉妹である。
さらに、キョウダイ間の腎臓移植にともなう贈与関係が、イトコ同士の関係に受け継がれるケースもある。たとえば、筆者が知るある裕福な華人と結婚した女性は、弟から腎臓提供を受けたあと、長年にわたって弟に対して経済的援助をしていたが、その女性の子どももまた、母を救ってくれたことへの「感謝のしるし」として、ドナー（オジ）の子ども（イトコ）の学費を負担していた。このケースでは、腎臓移植に伴うキョウダイ集合の成員同士の関係が、次世代のキョウダイ集合同士の関係に引き継がれていると言える。
4. 結語
本稿では、フィリピンにおける腎臓移植の特徴を、フィリピン社会における親族の在り方という観点から検討した。本稿で示されたのは、フィリピンにおけるキョウダイやイト
コ同士の腎臓移植にともなう社会関係の在り方が、東南アジア島嶼部におけるいわゆる「双方制」社会にかんするアトキンソンとエリントンの理論を援用することでよく理解されう
るということである。このことは、ひるがえって、これまで「双方制」と呼ばれてきた東南アジア島嶼部の社会を、キョウダイ集合を軸とした関係が根本的重要性をもつ社会として捉えなおされるべきであるという彼らの主張を裏付けるものである。
Shimazono, Y. 2008‘Repaying and Cherishing the Gift of Life: Gift Exchange and Living-Related
Kidney Transplantation in the Philippines’, Anthropology in Action 15(3): 34-46.
———— 2013‘Accommodating a "foreign" organ inside the body: Post-transplant bodily
experiences of Filipino kidney recipients', Ars Vivendi Journal No.3 (February 2013): 24-50.
Atkinson, Jane M. and Errington, Shelly (1990) Power and Differencce: Gender in Island Southeast
Asia, Stanford, California: Standrod University Press.
Cannell, Fanella (1990) Power and Intimacy in the Christian Philippines, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.

151

カリブ地域のフィリピン人移民～トリニダード・トバゴの事例から～
鈴木 美香（国士舘大学）

海外フィリピン人労働者（OFW）の渡航先は世界各地に及び、中でもサウジアラビア、ア
ラブ首長国連邦、クウェートといった中東諸国、香港やシンガポールなどのアジア諸国は、全体の 8 割以上を占める。彼らはホスト国の経済・社会に不可欠な存在となっている。これに対し、米州に派遣される OFW は全体の 5％程度に過ぎず、渡航先は米国及びカナダのシェアが圧倒的に高いが、2000 年代後半にはカリブ地域に向かう OFW も増加の一途を辿った。
このうち東カリブ地域の経済大国として知られるトリニダード・トバゴ（TT）は、従来米国、カナダ、英国への移民の送出し国であった。しかし、高学歴保持者および専門知識を有する層の頭脳流出により、深刻な労働力不足に直面した。特に、医療、建設、サービス分野
での人材不足が顕在化した。TT 政府は 2000 年代に突入すると、近隣のカリブ諸国からの労働者受入れを拡大、フィリピンに対しても 2005 年に門戸を開放した。
当初 TT に派遣された OFW は看護師と薬剤師のみであったが、OFW の派遣が軌道に乗るとともに OFW の存在が TT 社会で知られ受容されるにつれ、建設労働者や料理人、ホテルの従業員といった職種にまで広がった。契約更新が続き TT での滞在が長期化した者、TT
人と恋愛・結婚をした者の大半は、TT への移住、TT 市民権の獲得を選ぶようになっていった。また、OFW、永住移民およびその子弟の交流促進、相互扶助を目的とした親睦団体も誕生した。駐 TT フィリピン名誉総領事によれば、これまでに TT に派遣されたフィリピン人
医療関係者は約 500 人に及び、2018 年の時点で約 1,000 人の OFW 及び永住移民が TT に在留している。
フィリピン・TT 間の OFW 送出し／受入れの特徴としては、フィリピン・サウジアラビ
ア間、ラテンアメリカ・カリブ地域やアフリカに医療人材を派遣しているキューバ TT の間で見られるような政府間協定がなく、個別の募集・応募・採用が一般的となっている点が挙げられる。フィリピンが労働者送出しのノウハウに長けており、特に TT が求める医療人材の送出しの経験が豊富であること、フィリピン人の大半が TT の公用語となっている英語での意思疎通が可能であることが TT にとって魅力的な点として映ると言える。OFW にとっては、母国で取得した資格に適した職探しを円滑に進められることに加え、新たな言語を学ぶ必要がないこと、TT 側のニーズがある限り契約更新、それに伴う長期滞在が比較的容易
であること、フィリピンや他国に居住する家族・親族呼び寄せのハードルが低いこと、TTでの職務経験が英語圏先進国での就職に有利に働く可能性が高いこと、既に TT 国内にフィリピン系社会が形成されていること、TT の文化や気候がフィリピンのものと似ていることが TT での就労・長期滞在を後押しする要因になっていると考えられる。
2014 年後半以降の国際石油価格の低迷は、エネルギー産業に依存する TT を直撃した。こ152

れに 2015 年の政権交代も加わり、エネルギー部門、公共部門で労働者の解雇や雇止めの動きが拡大、その影響は外国人労働者にまで及んだ。公的機関に勤務する OFW の中には帰国や転職を余儀なくされる者が相次いだ。また、近年 TT では、ベネズエラの政治・経済・社会的危機を受けてベネズエラからの避難民が急増し、地元社会に大きなインパクトを与えている。これを受けて TT 政府は 2019 年 4 月、ベネズエラ避難民に対する恩赦実施（1 年限定）を発表した。認定を受けたベネズエラ人に対し TT での就労を許可する決定を下した。
TT の人材不足は依然として続いているとはいえ、上記の理由から当面は OFW の新規受入れは伸び悩むとともに、TT に就労中の OFW が解雇、雇止めに直面するリスクは増すであろう。
さらに、日本政府が 2019 年 4 月 1 日より 14 職種での外国人材受入れに踏み切ったことにも留意する必要がある。制度・待遇面で改善の余地は残るものの、フィリピンから近く、
既に 30 万人近くのフィリピン人人口を抱える日本が外国人労働者受入れ拡大に本腰を入れたことを歓迎する声は多い。こうした状況の中、OFW の間で相対的に TT の魅力が薄れていく可能性が高い。

153

Is the Cross-Border Regulation of “Offloading” Paternalistic?
Inquiry from the Study of Irregular Migration of Filipino Women to South Korea
Toshiko TSUJIMOTO
Aoyama Gakuin Women’s Junior College
kamatis818@gmail.com
1. Introduction
This oral presentation aims at contemplating the so-called “offloading” operation
implemented by the Philippine Bureau of Immigration, which deters suspicious passengers (ex.
potential victims of human trafficking and illegal recruitment), especially female nationals, fromembarking on a journey abroad at the international airports in Manila and other regional cities of
the Philippines. Specifically, I interrogate a scholar’s claim of offloading as paternalism based on
the study of the irregular migration of Filipino women who intended to work as “entertainers” inthe entertainment establishments catering to US military service men and male migrant workers
in the suburban cities of South Korea.
For this purpose, first, I pay attention to the “realpolitik” (Miller and Baumeister 2013)
in which the irregular migration of Filipino women to South Korea is operated and where frequentcases of human trafficking have been reported. Second, I show the different faces of the paternalist
state that clandestinely facilitates the smuggling of these women in tandem with illegal brokers.
Contrary to the existing discussion of the border controls of the Philippines as paternalism, I
demonstrate the absence of care and protection, which are the integral elements of paternalism,
for those Filipino women who have crossed the borders through an irregular route of emigration.
2. Reconsidering the Labelling of Paternalism on “Offloading” in the Philippines
Feminist scholars of migration have critically assessed the offloading adopted by thePhilippine Bureau of Immigration as a paternalistic scheme because it hinders one’s freedom of
movement and pursuit of better job opportunities abroad, which are quite limited in thePhilippines (Oishi 2017; Hwang 2018). While a considerable amount of heated debate overpaternalism often revolves around the subjects of gender and sexuality (Barnett 2016: 17),scholars determine that the offloading causes ill effects upon female migrants, as intensified
border regulation renders their migratory paths more precarious vis-à-vis their desperate need toearn a living for their family (Hwang 2018).
However, aside from the accounts of offloading as paternalism based on a patriarchal
and gender discourse that suppresses the out-migration of women, the “realpolitik” intrinsic in
the border controls of the sending state, which bears a Janus-faced mission to maintain bordersecurity while simultaneously protecting the rights of their nationals, has hardly been examined154

(Miller and Baumeister 2013).
Michael N. Barnett (2016: 32) defines paternalism as “the substitution of one person’s
judgement for another’s on the ground that it is the latter’s best interest”. Therefore, paternalism
comes with “care and control” by suppressing another’s liberty for his or her own good (Barnett
2016: 27). Along with Barnett’s accounts, a nation-state in the contemporary world displays to agreater or lesser extent the nature of paternalism, and the surveillance over migrant women at the
point of departure cannot be entirely equated with the malicious intension of a paternalist state.
The right to limit the freedom of one’s movement is exceptionally allowed to a sending state by
the international law in order to keep national security and defend their nationals against humantrafficking, when they exit their own country through an unauthorized route, such as smuggling(Harvey and Barnidge 2007: 14). In other words, if a sending state fails to block the irregularemigration, the state will be blamed for the negligence of safeguarding their nationals frompotential harm brought by the illicit transgression of the borders (Barnett 2016: 25-26).
On the other hand, the opposite side of paternalism – whereby the state clandestinely
joins hands with illegal brokers to facilitate smuggling – needs further attention. Although it is
widely acknowledged that smuggling and trafficking are intrinsically interconnected (Ottonelli
and Torresi 2013), smuggling also occurs when free will/coercion and legal/irregular emigration
complexly intersect. Contrary to the assumption that smuggling is caused by the migrants’ own
volition, many Filipino women in my study were unaware of their involvement in smuggling ora specific migratory route until just before they reached the point of departure.
Finally, I raise a question: what will happen to those who transgressed the national
borders where paternalism is a norm? Although transgressing the border does not only bring about
economic profit for migrant women, but can also drive them into the precarious conditions where
the care and protection of the sending states are out of reach (Kusakabe and Pearson 2016).
Moreover, Valeria Ottonelli and Tiziana Torresi (2013: 805) argue that researchers tend tooverestimate the migrant’s autonomy and voluntary choice at the entry level, without elaborating
one whether voluntary choice would bring about a voluntary “exit option”. While autonomy andchoice are the central ground for rejecting paternalism, which harms the liberty and human dignityof an individual, Ottonelli and Torresi (2013: 791) contend that the “consequences and costs canbe legitimately imposed on people as a result of their voluntary choice”. In fact, irregularemigration that becomes conflated with voluntary and coerced smuggling is likely to disable the“exit option” (Ottonelli and Torresi 2013) for Filipino women even though they face unexpected
and unmanageable problems abroad.
I demonstrate how Filipino migrant women moved from the borders of paternalism tothe opposite end, where they are excluded from the state’s care and protection; instead, selfresponsibility was imposed on them. After all, such a condition dissuaded them from reporting155

the damage and proactively seeking help from the Philippine Embassy in South Korea.
3. Conclusion
Based on an analysis of the research data, I cast doubt on the existing claims ofoffloading as the patriarchal and gendered regimes of paternalism. My argument is supported by
the lack of care at the exit point (repatriation of migrants) rather than the entry point (departure),even though paternalism should be “based on a forward-looking consequential ethic” (Barnett
2012: 494). I conclude that regarding offloading as paternalism overlooks the lack of care andprotection for those female or male migrants who have voluntarily or inevitably become involvedin smuggling and fallen victim to human trafficking after having crossed the national borders.
(Acknowledgement)*This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Numbers JP16K02034, JP16KT0008.

[References]
Barnett, Michael N. (2012) “International Paternalism and Humanitarian Governance.” Global
Constitutionalism 1(3): 485–521.
Barnett, Michael N. (2016) “Introduction: International Paternalism: Framing the Debate.” In
Paternalism beyond Borders, edited by Michael N. Barnett, 1–43. Cambridge
University Press.
Harvey, Colin, and Barnidge, Robert P. (2007) “Human Rights, Free Movement, and the Right to
Leave in International Law.” International Journal of Refugee Law 19(1): 1–21.
Hwang, Maria Cecilia. (2018) “Gendered Border Regimes and Displacements: The Case ofFilipina Sex Workers in Asia.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 43(3):515–537.
Kusakabe, Kyoko, and Pearson, Ruth. (2016) “Working through Exceptional Space: The Case of
Women Migrant Workers in Mae Sot, Thailand.” International Sociology 31(3): 268–
285.
Miller, Rebecca, and Baumeister, Sebastian. (2013) “Managing Migration: Is Border Control
Fundamental to Anti-Trafficking and Anti-Smuggling Interventions?” Anti-Trafficking
Review 2: 15–32.
Oishi, Nana. (2017) “Gender and Migration Policies in Asia.” In The Politics of Women and
Migration in the Global South, edited by David Tittensor and Fethi Mansouri, 27–48.
Palgrave Macmillan.
Ottonelli, Valeria, and Torresi, Tiziana. (2013) “When is Migration Voluntary.” International
Migration Review 47(4) 783–813.

156

Pacific at War
Shifting Social Spaces of Japanese Residents of Davao Settler Zone
Maria Cynthia B. Barriga
Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, Waseda University

I. Introduction
Philippine historiography of the Japanese Occupation largely ignores the Japanese
residents who had lived in the Philippines for decades before the war. The few that mention
them describe them as friends who suddenly turned enemies in December 1941.1 Davao, wheremost of them resided, is mentioned (if at all) in relation the dreaded Filipino collaboration.2
Meanwhile, Japanese studies in the country view them as victims of postwar Filipino hostility
against Japan. With the organization of repatriates in Japan and their movement for recognitionin the 1980s, those hiding in the Philippines finally emerged and reclaimed their Japanese
identity.3 In scholarships following national frameworks, a person is either a Filipino for thePhilippines or a Japanese for Japan. Filipinos who collaborated with the Japanese, for example
Jose P. Laurel, had to justify their actions. Those who cannot, such as the Sakdalistas andRicartistas, are condemned as traitors to the nation.4 The Japanese residents and their FilipinoJapanese children, as people between two opposing sides, are either given conflicting images
or left out of history altogether.
Through the Japanese residents’ wartime experiences during various stages of the war,
my paper examines how the war transformed a Philippine locality, Davao. In doing so, it aims
to nuance conceptions of “Philippines” and “Japan.” As a social history, it concerns not withheroic acts but with daily lives of ordinary persons. It particularly focuses on prewar socialorganizations and the interpersonal relations these created, and analyzes how these relations
changed as the war progressed. Part of a larger project, the paper treats Davao as a case studyof a locality in the Pacific that was within the US empire with a large number of prewar
Japanese residents and was invaded and occupied by the Japanese military in 1941. In such
localities, Japanese residents had co-existed, interacted, and intermarried with other locals
since the early 20th century. At the outbreak of the war, they were declared enemy aliens by
the Allied forces; at the Japanese military invasion they became co-patriots of the new imperial
rulers; and at Japan’s defeat they were repatriated out of the locality.
Two concepts guide my analysis: a connectionist approach to Pacific history and a total
war view of the US-Japan imperial war in the Pacific. A connectionist history emphasizes
crossings and encounters within and across the Pacific and the role of those linkages in forming
localities in the region.5 In such a view, mobility of peoples, goods, and ideas is the norm, notthe peculiar; diversity of localities predates concepts of “nation,” “immigrant,” and “minority.”
Total war includes the participation the entire populace, not only the politico-military. Total
wars involve racial and nationalist discourses of self and enemy, mass participation in the war,and displacement of civilians from their homes.6 Through Japanese residents’ shifting social
spaces, my paper seeks (1) to flesh out characteristics of the Pacific War, and (2) to identify
qualities of Davao that allowed people to weather through the consequences of the war.

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II. Pacific War in the Davao Settler Zone
Prewar Davao. In the four decades before the War, Davao transformed into a settler zonethat had Filipinized governments, predominantly Filipino population with a multinational culture,indigenous Filipinos participating in the cash crop industry, and prosperous Japanese companies.7
Japanese businesses employed Filipinos, associated with politicians in Manila, and partnered withlocal officials and landowners. Together with these businesses, the Davao Japanese Association,other migrant associations, and Japanese schools facilitated the creation of a cohesive Japanesecommunity. Their economic dominance, non-assimilation, and collaboration with Filipinos
exploded into an issue “Davao Land Problem,” especially problematic as the Philippine nationstate-building climaxed in the 1930s. Racialized discourses created an image of the Japanesemenace threatening the Filipino nation. Yet, cohesive as the Japanese community might have been,a divide was evident among them: Okinawans were discriminated. Also, many of the Japanesepioneers, who arrived early in the century and long before the boom of the abaca industry, hadmarried indigenous Filipinas and resided far from bustling towns and Davao City Central.
In the eve of the war, news of the Japanese expansion in China fanned Filipino suspicions
against the Japanese in Davao. Neighbors were thought of as spies, plantation facilities wererumored to be for military use, and a discovered lantaka caused an uproar. In early 1941, mass
military training of Filipino males was instituted, later inducting many into the joint US-Philippinearmy. Meanwhile, Japanese residents, though they were generally as uninformed of Japan’s warplans as Filipinos, sensed the heightened tensions and were well-aware of the dangers of beingcaught in enemy territory. Families, or at least the sons, returned to Japan as a precaution and eventhe consul was recalled. District chapters of the Davao Japanese Association prepared schools andother buildings where they could seek refuge if a war broke out. In some district chapters,
preparation was done in collaboration with Filipino officials and officers.
At the outbreak of the war, Japanese residents were rounded up. Some, by coercion; theprepared, voluntarily. Food came from friends and Japanese executives negotiated for rationing.
Soon, the fear that they will assist Japan’s landing force led the Constabulary to order theirconcentration in Davao Central. Districts, together with their Filipino collaborators, tried to resist
but those accessible to Philippine troops immediately had their internees hauled to Central. With
concentration camps full to bursting, conditions became more abject. Plus, the growing visibilityof Japanese planes made tensed Filipino guards panicky and, at the invasion, civilian hostilities
broke out between internees and guards. After internment, Japanese residents returned to ransacked
homes. The import of these events is seen in the district chapters’ report to the Japanese military at
the start of the occupation. Those that suffered harsh internment declared their commitment toJapan’s bloody war; districts that did not advocated for a peaceful transition of imperial power.
Japanese Occupation. Japanese residents initially formed the volunteer guards to help the
military identify and mop-up anti-Japanese elements. During the occupation, this was replaced by
self-defense forces formed around the prewar district chapters and then sent in the countryside tobattle with remaining Filipino resistance. Filipino guerrillas, linked to MacArthur via radio, were
kept abreast with news of the war. Also, they were gaining grounds and support from Filipinos.
Increasingly, the two opposing sides drew in more residents, breeding further distrust amongneighbors and, with the mounting casualties, anger.
End of the war. This social divide was physicalized and reached a climax at the end of thewar. Japanese residents evacuated en masse with their military into the hinterlands. Through their

Maria Cynthia Barriga

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Draft for YSCPSJ (May 24, 2019)

grueling months in the upland jungle, those with connections to indigenous Filipinos were shelteredand fed. Meanwhile, as Filipino guerrillas gained leverage and as the US troops landed on Cotabato,
Japanese soldiers in the villages and the countryside took it out on civilian Filipinos, further fanning
Filipino wrath against Japan. At Japan’s defeat, Japanese nationals were repatriated out of Davao;
meanwhile Filipinos mourned their dead and grappled with the destruction of their homes. In thisFilipino anti-Japanese climate, Filipino-Japanese children suffered racial prejudices for their
Japanese parentage. Those with influential indigenous families were safeguarded from antiJapanese forces; those who did not had to hide their Japanese identity.
Postwar, a new influx of Filipino settlers arrived thus creating two separate histories of thewar in Davao. The war had so polarized Davao that repatriated Japanese could not return home
until two decades later. The postwar Philippine Nikkei Jin Kai did not see light until the 1970s.
Nevertheless, cordial and familial interpersonal relations built prewar (though few) persisted.
Letters were written in both countries, passed from hand to hand until they crossed the sea andreached their recipients. In the 1960s, repatriated Japanese started returning home in search fortheir families. In Japan, they formed Dabao-kai which organized annual pilgrimages to Davao. In
2013, a monument for peace between two peoples was erected in the former Japanese cemetery of
prewar Davao.

III. Conclusion
Davao was neither pro-Japanese nor Filipino because there was no singular Davao. Nor was
there a singular “Japanese” that switched sides at the outbreak of the war. Prewar racialized
discourses created an image of the militarist Japanese and the Filipino protecting Motherland.
During the war, civilian participation affirmed mutual suspicions, widening social fissions etchedprewar. Japanese displacement in 1945 and postwar influx of new Filipino settlers created separate
histories. Even as the war was heightening prewar ruptures, however, cross-national familial andcordial ties persisted. Amidst wartime mass participation, some still advocated for peace. Postwar,
Filipino-Japanese children were sheltered from racial prejudices. After repatriation, those in bothcountries waited, sought reunification, and once reunited served as bridge for reconciliation. Prewar
familial and cordial ties weathered through a total war and are far less fragile than they had beencredited. As a Philippine local history, my paper questions the current concept of the Filipino. Is it
but a racialization of self and other/enemy? If so, what of the people in between?
1 Ricardo Jose, The Japanese Occupation, in Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People (Asia Publishing Company

Limited, 1998), 22; Shinzo Hayase, “The Japanese Residents of ‘Dabao-kuo,’” in The Philippines under Japan: Occupation
Policy and Reaction, edited by Ricardo Jose and Setsuho Ikehata (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press), 272.
2 Ma. Felisa Syjuco, Kempei Tai in the Philippines, 1941-1945 (Quezon City: New Day Publishing, 1988), 49.
3 Example, Shun Ohno, Transforming Nikkeijin Identities and Citizenship: Untold Stories of Japanese Migrants and Their
Descendants in the Philippines, 1903-2013 (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2015).
4 Motoe Terami-Wada, “The Filipino Volunteer Armies,” in The Philippines under Japan: Occupation Policy and Reaction,edited by Ricardo Jose and Setsuho Ikehata (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999).
5 Connectionist is coined by Paul A. Kramer, “A Complex of Seas,” Amerasia Journal 42, no. 3 (2016): 36. For example,
Matt K. Matsuda, Pacific Worlds: A History of Seas, Peoples, and Cultures (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
6 Takashi Fujitani, Race for Empire: Koreans as Japanese and Japanese as Americans during World War II (Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 2011); Hidekazu Sensui, “Saipan-sen Hishi ni Miru Jinshusabetsu to Nashonarizumu,” inTeikoku to Nashonarizumu no Gensentsu Kūkan: Kokusai Hikaku to Sōgai Renkei, edited by Yoshiko Nagano (Tōkyō:Ochanomizu Shobō, 2018).
7 Patricio Abinales, Making Mindanao: Cotabato and Davao in the Formation of the Philippine Nation-State (Quezon City:
Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2000). Ernesto Corcino, Davao History (Davao City: Philippine Centennial Movement,
Davao City Chapter, 1998); Patricia Irene Dacudao, “Abaca: Socio-Economic and Cultural Transformation of Frontier
Davao, 1898-1941,” PhD Diss., Murdoch University, 2017; and Shinzo Hayase, “Tribes, Settlers, and Administrators on a
Frontier: Economic Development and Social Change in Davao, Southeastern Mindanao, The Philippines, 1899-1941,” Ph.D.
diss., Murdoch University, Western Australia, 1984.

Maria Cynthia Barriga

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フィリピン・パラワン島におけるワニの民話辻貴志（佐賀大学大学院農学研究科・特定研究員）

1.はじめにワニは、人間を襲い、死に至らしめるどう猛な生物である。2013 年にミンダナオ島で人間 3 名を喰い殺した 6 メートルを超えるイリエワニが捕獲されたことは記憶に新しい。
フィリピン・パラワン島では、こうしたワニによる人身被害が数年ごとに報告されている。フィリピンでは海水域及び汽水域に棲息するイリエワニ（Crocodylus porosus）と淡水域に棲息するミンドロワニ（C. mindorensis）の 2 種類が確認されており、パラワン島には
イリエワニが棲息する。
世界各地で、ワニやサメを含む水域のメガ・ファウナは人間に危害を加える存在として捉えられている事実が確認できる一方、その人知の及ばない力は霊的なものとして捉え、人間を守護すると考える信仰も存在する。実際にインドネシア、マレー世界では、ワニが人間の守護神とみなされている（後藤, 1999）。パラワン島では、ワニに加えてサメも守護神として扱われているが本稿ではワニに着目して議論する（辻, 2012）。
本稿では、パラワン島の先住民パラワンの間で採取できたワニの民話について報告し、本来、ワニと人間は対立する関係ではなく、共存する関係であることを明らかにする。そして、ワニが一方的に人間に対して危険な存在で排除の対象であるのか、今日生じている
ワニと人間の問題を検証しつつ、ワニと人間との関係を民話と現実世界の両面を照らし合
わせながら捉え直すことを目的とし、ワニと人間双方の福利について述べる。
２.調査地と調査の概要
本稿にかかる調査は、パラワン島南部バタラサ郡 B 集落において、主に 2010 年 10 月
26 日から 2010 年 11 月 4 日にかけて行った。調査対象は島の主要な先住少数民族である
焼畑漁撈民パラワンである。調査方法として、B 集落のパラワン、40 代〜70 代の男女 3
名にワニが人間の守護神として語られる民話について聞き取り調査を実施し、ボイスレコーダーに記録した。民話はパラワン語ではなく、タガログ語で話してもらったものを日本語に訳出した。
３. 調査結果
調査の結果、起承転結及びストーリーが類似した３種類のワニの民話を採取できた。いずれも人間にとって畏怖の対象であるワニが、人間の病気を治癒したり、長寿を保証する
結末に至る。本稿では、その内の１つを紹介する。
昔、パラワンの先祖は体の麻痺による痛みに長年苦しんでいた。先祖は死にたかった。する
と男が夢に現れ、「一体どうしたのですか」と先祖にたずねた。先祖は「痛みのせいで歩くこともできやしない。だから死にたいんだ」と答えた。「それなら明日の早朝、誰もいない時を見計らって川に行きなさい。その際、ヤシ殻に 7 粒の米を入れて持って行きなさい」と夢に現れた男は言った。「わかりました。こんな生活が続くようなら、むしろ死んだほうがましだ。
明日、川でお会いしましょう」と先祖は答えた。
先祖は翌朝、川に行った。すると大きく口を開けた大ワニが近づいてきた。「おお、きっとお前が私の夢に現れたのに違いない。私はもはや生きているのが嫌なんだ」と先祖は言った。

1

160そして、７粒の米が入ったヤシ殻を大ワニに投げつけた。先祖も同時にワニに向かって飛び込んだ。
先祖はワニに喰われたと思った。その時、意識はもうろうとしていた。それからワニは歩き出した。どこに行ったのかはわからない。しかし、先祖はワニに喰われなかったことを悟った。その時、ワニにまたがっていたような気がした。ずいぶん歩いた後、たくさんの家が見えてきた。
その村の長が先祖に食事をふるまった。そして、「何かお手伝いできることはありますか」と先祖にたずねた。「ここにいさせてくれませんか。そして、私の病気を治してくれません
か」と先祖は答えた。「わかりました。ではあなたに薬を与えましょう」と村の長は言った。
１週間ほど薬を飲むと、先祖の調子がよくなった。「調子がよくなったのでそろそろお帰りになられますか？」と村の長は言った。「はい。近所の人たちも私のことをいろいろ気にしているかも知れませんので」と先祖は答えた。「では、お送りいたしましょう。ただ、あなたの親族にこれから代々ワニを殺さないようお伝えください」と村の長は言った。「はい約束します。では私はここを去りますが、もしパラワンがワニを殺すようなことがあれば、どうぞご自由になさってください」と先祖は答えた。
村の長は先祖を船着き場まで送ると、ワニに姿を変えた。そして、「くれぐれもワニを殺さないでください」と要求した。以来、パラワンはワニを殺さなくなった。

４. おわりに–ワニと人間の今後の関係構築に向けて確認できた民話はいずれも異同（ヴァリアント）であると考えられるが、ワニと人間の本来的な関係を窺わせる。パラワンの先祖とワニの契約の民話のとおり、パラワンはワニ
を lolo（先祖）と呼び、自分たちの守護神とみなすため、一般的にはワニが定置網にかかっても決して殺さないという。また、ワニを食べると、肌がワニのようになるとも考えら
れ、ワニが人間を襲うようになったのは、ワニと人間の関係が崩れたからであるとパラワンは認識している。
例えば、1940 年頃にはムスリムを中心にワニ皮を採取する目的でワニ狩りがおこなわれるようになった。夜、懐中電灯を持って猟に出掛け、ワニを見つけて懐中電灯を当てるとワニは逃げないという。そして、銛で突いてワニを捕った。また、ダイナマイトもワニ狩りに用いられた。ワニ皮はボルネオ島に運ばれ、１枚あたり 30 ペソ程度（当時）で取引された。
1973 年になると、ワシントン条約が施行され、ワニ皮の取引は禁止されるようになるが、ワニと人間との契約はワニ狩りの過熱によって崩壊した可能性がある。ワニが人間を襲う事件は後を絶えず、特に近年は新聞やテレビで大々的かつセンセーショナルに事件が取り上げられ、人間はワニに強い忌避感を抱くようになり、ワニと人間との共存は困難になりつつある。
1987 年になると JICA の支援でパラワン島のプエルト・プリンセサ市にクロコダイル・
ファーム（Crocodile Farm Institute）が設立され、ワニの里親制度による世帯収入向上計
画が打ち立てられたが、人間はワニを嫌い計画は社会に根づかなかった（ Crocodile
Farming Institute, n.d.）。現在、クロコダイル・ファームはワニの保全と管理をおこなう

2

161

が、ファーム内のワニは飽和状態で赤字がひしめき合っている。一方で、プエルト・プリ
ンセサ市のレストランにはワニ肉を提供する所もある。ワニとパラワンの先祖が結んだ契約は、今日の社会において機能しておらず、民話に現れたワニの人間に対する加護は人間によって顧みられない、あるいは反故にされた状態にあるとみなすことができる。
ワニと人間の共存が可能かどうかについては、人身被害の面において難しい課題である。ワニによる人身被害は現代社会において到底容認されるものではなく、パラワンの民
話の中に現れた守護神としてのワニの肩身は狭まりつつある。しかし、人間側の注意によってワニによる被害が軽減できる余地がある。ワニとの契約を反故にした人間に対するワニの報復は今後も止むことはないだろう。こうした状況下において、ワニに関する文化と生態を人間がよく理解し、適正に保全を行っていくことが今後の望ましい施策のひとつである（van der Ploeg, 2013; van Weerd and van der Ploeg 2012）。
また、パラワンのワニを先祖とみなすような思考こそ、ワニと人間の共存のために必要だと考えられる。ワニと人間が共存していたという民話から、霊的存在としてのワニが人間の役に立っていたという関係の深さをたどることができる一方、その見返りに、ワニにとって安寧を担保された時代があったことを示している。ワニの信仰と人間社会の福利を対応させている民話に対して、ワニを敬う人間の心性はほぼ崩壊し、両者は居心地悪く対峙している現状はあまりにも乖離している。両者の関係の修復と再構築には、人間がワニ狩りに熱中した以上の時間と本稿で紹介したワニに対する民話の中に見られるような本来的な敬意が求められるであろう。
ワニと人間の関係を民話から再考する行為は、ワニに対する防御の意識を高め、棲み分ける上でも有益な手段であると考えられる。また、ワニをとおして人間社会を見ること
で、人間の取るべき態度や理想とする福利に新たな示唆をもたらすことも期待できる。
参考文献
Crocodile Farming Institute. n.d. The Beauty of the Beast: Conserving the Crocodiles of thePhilippines-Comprehensive Report (1987-1995). Palawan, Philippines: Crocodile Farming
Institute.
後藤明 1999 『「物言う魚」たち-鰻・蛇の南島神話』小学館
辻貴志 2012 「「守護神」としてのサメとワニ−フィリピン・パラワン島の事例」『万葉古代学研究所年報』第 10 号、万葉古代学研所、113−125 頁。
van der Ploeg, J. 2013. Swallowed by a Cayman: Integrating Cultural Values in Philippine
Crocodile Conservation. Leiden: Leiden University.
van Weerd, M. and J. van der Ploeg. 2012. The Philippine Crocodile: Ecology, Culture andConservation. Manila: Mabuwaya Foundation.

3162

「仕事＝賭博」の成り立ち方―フィリピンにおける闘鶏のエコノミー―
師田史子
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
Gambling as Work: An Economy of Cockfighting in the Philippines
Fumiko MOROTA
Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University
Email: morota@asafas.kyoto-u.ac.jp

本発表は、フィリピン・ミンダナオ島において闘鶏がいかに人々の間で「仕事」として成立しているのか、その組織的な構造を明らかにする。闘鶏とは、片足に刃物を付けた 2 匹の鶏の内どちらかが戦闘不能になるまで闘う賭博の遊戯であり、フィリピンにおいては「ナショナルスポーツ」として全国各地で催されている。規制付きで合法であるこの賭博の参与者は主に男性であり、
男性社会・男性性が指向されやすい世界である。
賭博と仕事を関連付けて論じている先行研究では、賭博運営ではなく、遊戯をすることで収入を得る者を「プロギャンブラー」と位置づけている。プロギャンブラーとして賭博で生計を立てている人々の多くは、ポーカーや競馬など、技術と運の両方を要する遊戯に従事しているという[Hayano 1984, Hing et al 2015]。しかし、各種生業が人為的・社会的不確実性にさらされる社会
では、純粋かつ機械的な偶然性のゲームが仕事とみなされうるため、宝くじが仕事になるという考察もなされている [荒木 2018]。上記をはじめとした、賭博を仕事に位置付けて論じる先行研
究の多くは、組織的な賭博ではなく個人プレーを前提とする遊戯を対象としてきた。また、調査地であるミンダナオ島中部の移民系キリスト教徒の居住地域において、闘鶏は「遊び・余暇」として興じられることもあれば、「金稼ぎ・仕事」として従事される側面も同時にもつ。よって、本発表では、個人ではなく組織的に参与される賭博である闘鶏に焦点をあてる。
「ビジネス」と「ギャンブル」、「仕事」と「余暇」の二元論では理解しえない連続性も加味しながら、この二面的な賭博の構造を、賭ける人々、鶏を飼育する人々、資本を提供する人々、そしてその家族といった諸アクターに着目して考察する。
参与観察と聞き取り調査を中心とした現地調査からは、闘鶏を生業とする人々は、闘鶏コミュ
ニティの内部において闘鶏家としての名声を維持することでその収入を確保していることが明らかになった。しかし、知識や技術だけではなく運や偶然性にも左右される賭博であるがゆえに、鶏の勝利や闘鶏からの収入には確実性がないことも認識されていた。この生業の確実性の低さに対して、「バラト」の慣行による金銭の分配や、出資者である「アモ」の複数化、「アモ」との深い信頼関係の構築、そして家族による生計多様化戦略などの対処がなされていた。このように闘鶏を仕事とする人々における賭博特有の不確実性は、少なからず克服されようとしており、これらの諸状況が闘鶏の営みの中に付随的にかつ重層的に展開されることによってはじめて、闘鶏は仕事として成立することが可能となっている。
1

163

参考文献
荒木健哉．2018．「希望の消費から希望の創造へ : ナイジェリア・ラゴス州における数字宝くじをめぐる人/数字のインタラクションに着目して」『文化人類学』83(1)，95-112．
Hayano, David M. 1984. The Professional Gambler: Fame, Fortune, and Failure. Annals of theAmerican Academy of Political and Social Science. 474, 157-167.
Hing, N., Russell, A., Blaszczynski, A., & Gainsbury, S. M. 2015. What’s in a Name? Assessing
the Accuracy of Self-identifying as a Professional or Semi-Professional Gambler. Journalof Gambling Studies, 31, 1799-1818.

2164

イロイロにおけるアシロ・デ・モロと西ビサヤ・サニタリウムの刺繍について
小瀬木えりのヨーロッパからの影響でスペイン～アメリカ時代に発達した低地キリスト教徒の間に伝わる刺繍の産地としては、フィリピンではルソン島ラグーナ州のルンバン(Lumban)が最もよく知られているが、イロイロ州でもカトリック系修道院のシスターらによって伝えられたベルギー刺繍を基礎とした精緻な手刺繍が行われている。
その拠点のひとつは、1912 年に聖ビセンシオ・ア・パウロの愛徳姉妹会が運営し始めた親のない子などを対象とした児童福祉施設であり、現在は高齢者福祉施設になっているアシロ・デ・モロ(Asilo de Molo)である。施設に保護されたりそこで養育されたりしてきた女性たちが施設内の作業場で制作に取り組んできたヨーロッパでも稀になった精緻な手刺繍は、国内での評価が高く、高額であったが、支援を兼ねてバロン・タガログやウェディングドレスなどの高価な衣装用の注文が政治家や富裕層を中心に寄せられていた。
近年、技術を習得した児童福祉施設時代の出身者が高齢化し、また児童の受け入れを原則止めたことから新たに技術を習おうとする人も減り、刺繍を施した古風な衣装の需要も減ったことから、
アシロ・デ・モロの刺繍生産は質・量ともに衰え、一部ミシンによる機械刺繍も採り入れられている。
もうひとつの拠点、西ビサヤ・サニタリウム(West Visaya Sanitarium)は、イロイロ州のサンタ・バーバラに位置し、1927 年にハンセン病患者の治療施設として発足し、2005 年以降は一般病院としての機能を拡大した歴史を持つ。同じ修道会の支援下にあるアシロ・デ・モロの出身者によって 1985 年に伝えられた刺繍制作が、病気の後遺症や社会からの偏見のために施設に支援を頼らざるを得ない元患者やその家族に生計手段を与えてきた。
その後 1991 年にベルギー人シスターによりボビン・レース作りも教えられ、刺繍より簡単なレース制作は手指の動きの不自由な元患者の人々に受け入れられていった。同シスターの主導で作られた生活協同組合 WUTHLE(Women United Through Handcrafted Lace and Embroidery)はマ
ニラをはじめ各地のバザーやトレード・フェアで製品を販売し、ここの製品のマーケティングに貢献してきた。
サニタリウムで制作されるボビン・レースは、コースターや花瓶敷、テーブルセンターや、十字
架・聖母子像といった飾りなど、多くは導入された当時の意匠が続いているが、刺繍の方は、ヨーロッパ風の花柄や幾何学模様の伝統から変化が見られ、近年アジア全域で流行しているベトナム風の写実的な刺繍が採り入れられるようになっている。フィリピンらしさは、ヨーロッパ起源の技術と意匠の伝承よりも、フィリピンに棲息する野鳥やマンゴーなどの動植や果物をモチーフにすることで表現しようとしているかのようである。
西ビサヤ・サニタリウムは一時最盛期にはアシロ・デ・モロが受注した刺繍生産の多くを実質的に請け負っていたが、ハンセン病への社会的偏見が強かったため、この事実はあまり公にはされてこなかった。現在でも市場で農産物が元患者の生産したものであるとわかると買い手が購入を渋るなどの偏見が根強く残っているという。威信財として評価の高いアシロ刺繍がサンタ・バーバラによって支えられてきたという事実はイロイロ刺繍の光と影を表しているかのようである。

165

抄録
2019年6月 藤野秋郎
最初に。
2000年頃に初めてフィリピンの音楽を聴き、2006年頃にフィリピンの音楽(CD)を日本に輸入して販売するオンラインショップを立ち上げました。
私自身は自分のやっていることを興味深いことだな、面白いことだなと全く思ったことがないので、それをお話しすることがどれほど聞いてもらう価値があるのか未だにわからずにおります。しかし、興味深いので発表してみればと声をかけていただきましたので、参加させていただくことになりました。
物を売る商売の経験もなく、フィリピンの音楽やそれにまつわることに研究対象として関わって
きてはいないので、自分の稚拙な商売ついての経験談を話すただの感想文になってしまいそうですが、お聞きいただければ幸いです。
■フィリピンのエンターテインメント作品を取り扱う商売を始めるに至った経緯
音楽との出会い、レコード会社との接触、輸入契約
1999年に初めてフィリピンへ渡航、ホテルのカフェ、レストランで流れているBGMや繁華街を歩いている時に飲食店や物販のショップから漏れ聴こえてくる音楽でフィリピンの音楽に出会う。
洋楽が結構多かったので、向こうの音楽を流しているのだろうと思っていた。
最初は自分用に渡航の度にCDを買う。
自分用と、ヤフオクで売る用に複数枚買うようになる。
そのうちCDを買うのが主な目的になってしまったので、渡航費用を勿体無く感じるようになりレ
コード会社から直接買えないか(送ってもらえないか)メールを送る。
1年ほど続けた頃、フィリピンのレコード会社で海外の小売業者に直接卸売りする部門を作ったところがあり、以前に出していたメールを見つけてコンタクトを取って来た。
輸入契約を結び、そのレコード会社のものは送ってもらう形で手に入るようになる。
この頃自前のオンラインショップを立ち上げ。
契約したレコード会社は、系列会社が映画製作も行い、テレビ放映・新聞なども発行していたので映画のDVDも勧められるままに輸入・販売するようになる。
同業他社を紹介してもらったので、フィリピン国内の大手レコード会社の全てから直接仕入れ出来るようになった。
・きっかけ
・実際のショップ運営について・気をつけたこと(フィリピン向け・日本向け)
・発生した問題・新規プロジェクトについて■フィリピンのポップ音楽について
・エンターテインメント
・パフォーマンス・外国の影響・クオリティ

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Special Program in the Arts (Music) in Baguio City National HighSchool: A Case Study of Performance-based Music Learningin Junior High School Students
Gerard Jacinto and Shin Ito
Hiroshima University
Abstract
Special Program in the Arts (SPA) was created by the Philippine Department of Education(DepEd) with goals of nurturing the artistic skills of students in the junior high school. Besides
the general music class, the special program has a performance-based component in the fieldof music that enhances music appreciation, knowledge, and skills. This paper focuses on the
SPA of Baguio City National High school which classifies students as ensembles namely Band,
Choir, and Rondalla (Philippine traditional string ensemble). SPA was analyzed through classobservation of activities and performances, and faculty interviews. Findings show that SPA,
which centers on ensemble playing, provides musical experience of performing which is rarely
provided in a classroom-type of music class. In addition to longer class time, the ensemble
setting of the program offers a mastery of instrumental and vocal competencies to the students.
1. Introduction
The Department of Education (DepEd) of the Philippines has reformed its core curriculum inthe elementary and high school levels in the form of the K-12 Curriculum in 2012. The new
curriculum involves revision of subjects’ orientation and values. In the case of Music, as a
subject, it is still incorporated inside the MAPEH (Music, Arts, Physical Education, and Health)class, which is offered one hour per week. The DepEd also created the Special Program in theArts (SPA) in 2000, a program designed for the junior high school curriculum to enhance theartistic skills and aesthetic experience of artistically-inclined students that is rarely offered in amusic class. SPA branches out into specialized fields: visual arts, media arts, literary arts, music,
dance, and theater. While the SPA program has been in implementation since 2000, researchconcerning the character of SPA in comparison with a classroom-type music class is stilllacking.
This case study considers the SPA Music of Baguio City National High School (BCNHS).
Together with 17 schools all over the nation, BCNHS was one of the pilot schools that started
the program in 2000. SPA Music in BCNHS has its SPA students classified into threeensembles: band, choir, and rondalla. Such ensemble-model is a practice in music classes ofsecondary schools in other countries being a core of their music education (Lee and Worthy2012). The ensembles function as laboratories for music performing and music-making classes
for students. In the school year 2018-2019, SPA Music has a student enrollment of 173, only
1.86% of the total student enrollment of 9313. Each ensemble consists of 56 students for band,58 students for choir and 59 students for rondalla. The focus of this study is given on thisensemble-model of music teaching, which is unique to BCNHS.

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2. Purpose
This research aims to define the character of the SPA (Music) of Baguio City National HighSchool in terms of goals, music performance-based activities and students’ background uponentering the program. The unique characteristics of SPA and its implementation from the pointof view of faculty, as ensemble conductors, is studied in comparison with a typical classroomtype of music teaching. Since researches related to the characteristics and effectiveness of SPA
music are limited, this research may bring an initiation for further research concerning SPA for
future improvement of the program.
3. Methodology
3.1 Data Collection and Analysis
The research was conducted using a semi-structured interview of three SPA faculty of theschool year 2018-2019. The interview lasted for 30-60 minutes, audio-recorded with thepermission of the participants with a follow-up interview conducted. The questions consistedof open-ended questions about the program’s goal, features, activities, and teaching strategies.
The participant's interview transcript was analyzed using Steps Coding and Theorization(SCAT) (Otani 2008). SCAT is a qualitative data analysis method developed to processtranscripts from codes into story-lines to be formulated into theories. Figure 1 shows anexample of SCAT Matrix of this research created from one interviewed faculty.
Figure 1 An example of Matrix of the analysis using SCAT from one interviewed facultyInterviewer

Teacher C

Text
What are the main
aims and goals of the
program?
“My main goal is tolet students
understand the
instruments and playthese instruments for
performance. Our
goal is to play music.
Recently, I have been
going to elementary
schools for rondalla
workshops andlectures. This activity
encourages young
students to enter our
program.”(1)
NotablePhrases(2)
Paraphrase of(1)(3)
Context outof (2)(4)
Themesfrom context(5)
Questions– TaskUnderstandand play the
instrumentfor
performance, Workshop,
Lecturesabout
rondalla inelementary
level

Program goal
is to play
instrumental
music,
Personal goal
is for student
to understand
music
and
introduce
rondallainelementary

Practical
music,
Applicationof music,
Ensembleplaying,
Performancelearning,
Ensemble
promotion

Learning
through
instrumental
performancein anensemble

Do these
students
haveexperienceininstrumental
playing
beforeentering
SPA?

3.2 Findings
Story-lines of the three faculty describe the goal of the SPA to develop the instrumental andvocal playing skills in performing of students. The orientation and class setting of SPA is aunique system which is only applied to their school. The class setting is a merge of Grades 7
and 8, and Grades 9 and 10, forming ensembles with a learning class time of two hours daily.
As an ensemble-based class, the program focuses on musical performances as their output.
Learning activities inside the program involves basic musical concepts teaching, which isconsidered necessary in ensemble playing, and instrumental and vocal rehearsals. SPA centers168

on practical learning by engaging in performance while a typical classroom-type music classfor both non-SPA and SPA students focuses on music culture appreciation. Since the students’levels of musical concept and foundation differ from the context of SPA curriculum, the facultymodified their curriculum correspondingly to the needs and situation of students. According to
the assessment by the faculty, improvements of students in instrumental and vocal playing
skills can be observed after SPA which can earn them an advantage of entering university
ensemble as scholars. Students of the program also face challenges in the form of time
management to fulfill both academic requirements and ensemble activities.
3.3 Analysis
SPA Music in BCNHS has a unique way of implementing the program by establishingensemble-model of music teaching. Such ensembles have a strength of providing opportunities
for students to perform music (Morrison and Demorest 2012). Incorporation of ensembles in
the music class, with a focus on music performance, is considered to be the core of the school’s
music education in other countries. Meanwhile, in the Philippines, this musical experience of
having ensembles is rarely visible in the secondary school general music class with topics
focusing on the appreciation of national and world cultural music (Jacinto 2019).
4. Conclusion
SPA Music in BCNHS attempts to develop students’ musicality through practical experienceof music performance. The SPA is an example of a music program where learning is carriedout through music ensembles with music performance as output. The program provides masteryand understanding of musical concepts through ensemble rehearsals with a longer class timecompared to a classroom-type music class where music appreciation is given focus. Follow-up
research on SPA is suggested, concentrating on the curriculum implementation and conditionsof music educators. Comparisons with other SPA schools may help understand the program’svalue in music education in the Philippines.
References
Lee, W. R., & Worthy, M. D. (2012). North American School Ensembles. Oxford Handbooks
Online. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199730810.013.0049
Otani, T. (2008). "SCAT" a qualitative data analysis method by four-step coding: Easy startable
and small scale data-applicable process of theorization. Bulletin of the Graduate School of
Education, Nagoya University,54(2), 27-44.
Morrison, S. J., & Demorest, S. M. (2012). Once from the Top: Reframing the Role of theConductor
inEnsemble
Teaching. Oxford
Handbooks
Online.
doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199730810.013.0050
Jacinto, G. (2019). Music education in the Philippines: Focusing on the Transition to the K to
12. The Bulletin of Music Culture Education. 31 http://doi.org/10.15027/47395

169

Balay Sugilanon （物語の家）
VIVA EXCON CAPIZ 2018 におけるコミュニティとのアートプロジェクト

アーティスト法政大学国際文化学部教授
稲垣立男

1. はじめに
私は、勤務する法政大学国際文化学部のサバティカル期間中の 2018 年の 4 月 1 日から 2019 年 3月末までの一年間、フィリピン大学ディリマン校芸術学部の在外研究員としてフィリピンに滞在した。滞在中の 2018 年 11 月 8-11 日にカピス州ロハス市で開催されたビサヤ地方のアーティスト
によるカンファレンス「VIVA EXCON CAPIZ 2018」に参加し、地元のアーティストと共同で地域
コミュニティとのアートプロジェクトを実施した。
私と地元アーティスト、地域の人々とのコラボレーションにより実施したプロジェクト「Balay
Sugilanon （現地のイロン語で物語の家）」において、ロハス市街の Ang Panubli-on Roxas City
Museum の隣の公園にあるカフェに集う人々に、地域での個人的な体験についてインタビュー
し、そのインタビューを基に仮設の博物館を制作した。このプロジェクトの制作には、アートによる社会貢献に興味のあるこの地域のアーティストや教育関係者が参加した。また、博物館の脇

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には小さなライブステージ「Turtle Stage」を併設し、多くの人々が地元の若いミュージシャンが演じるラップミュージックを楽しんだ。

2. VIVA EXCONVIVA EXCON は 1990 年にネグロス島バコロド市のアーティストグループ「Black Artists inAsia」によって始められた。2 年に一度開催されるフィリピンで最も歴史のあるアートビエンナー
レで、現在も継続して行われている。また、VIVA EXCON はビサヤ地方のアーティストが運営するアーティスト・ランによるイベントで、カンファレンスと展覧会で構成される。
私が最初に VIVA EXCON に参加したのは、1992 年にネグロス島バコロド市で行われた VIVAEXCON Bacolod 1992 である。その後、私は 2016 年の Iloilo での VIVA EXCON 2016 Iloilo にも参加している。 Iloilo での VIVA EXCON に参加した際に次回の VIVA EXCON への参加をフィリピンの友人のアーティスト達に伝えた。その時に VIVA EXCON の創立者の一人である Nobert Rordan の提案により、カピス州ロハス市での次回開催が決定した。
2017 年には何度かフィリピンへ行き、視察のために実行委員会メンバーと共にロハス市を訪れた。2018 年 5 月頃から具体的なプロジェクトの準備が始まった。しばらくしてロハス市内に宿舎を兼ねた実行委員会オフィスが設置され、私は 2018 年の 9 月以降そのオフィスに寝泊まりしてプ
ロジェクトを進めた。ディレクターの Nobert Rordan の次ぐらいにロハスに長く滞在していたので、他のプロジェクトを手伝う機会も多かった。また私のプロジェクトには地元からの参加アーティストのうちの延 60 名ほどが参加していたこともあり、私は準備期間の途中から参加アーティストであると同時に実行委員会メンバーにもなっていた。

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3. プロジェクトのアイディア
2018 年 5 月 19 と 20 日に、Gerry Roxas Training and Convention Center で VIVA EXCON 実行委員
会主催によるマニラや海外のアーティストをファシリテーターとし、地元アーティストを対象としたワークショップが行われた。最初にファシリテーターのアーティストがプロジェクトの提案の為のプレゼンテーションを行い、地元のアーティストは興味のあるプロジェクトを提案したアーティストとチームに分かれる。そのチームで議論を重ねて、VIVA EXCON で実施する企画案を発表するというのがこのワークショップの趣旨である。私もファシリテーターの一人としてこのワークショップに参加した。
ワークショップでは、私は地域コミュニティへのインタビューにより構成されるプロジェクトを提案したが、私のプランに興味を持った人々は、地元で活躍する画家などのアーティストであり、また小学校や大学の教員、デザイナーや刺青師として働いている人々が中心で、アートを通じた社会貢献への関心がとても高かった。また、その後 Pilar のアーティストグループである
Guban Handuraw のメンバーや Capiz State University in Pilar の学生も多く参加してきた。
Ang Panubli-on Roxas City Museum の隣の公園の中にはテントで簡易的に作られた近隣の人々の集うカフェがある。数年前にこのカフェはオープンしたが、その以前にはゴミなどが廃棄されてあまり美しい環境ではなかったそうだ。私たちのチームは、このカフェに集まる人々をテーマとしてプロジェクトを実施することを相談していた。カフェの人々をテーマにするアイディアは、
元々は VIVA EXCON 実行委員であり同展覧会キュレーターの一人である Marika B. Constantino と3172私が一緒にプロジェクトのブレーンストーミングをしている際に浮かんできたもので、そのアイディアを基にチームでより具体的なプランを練り上げた。

4. 制作のプロセス
4.1 カフェの人々へのインタビュー
カフェにいつも訪れる人の中から様々な年齢の 10 人をカフェのオーナーである Maricel Cuencaに頼んで選んでもらい、インタビューすることにした。
インタビューは 2018 年 10 月 23 日と 10 月 29 日の 2 日間に渡って行われたが、カピス州立大学
准教授の Jennifer Perez Benliro を中心とする数名の大学生のチームにお願いした。インタビューでは地域での個人的な体験や家族や友人のことについて語っていただいた。各 20 分ほどのインタビ
ューの中から重要な部分を抜粋して文字起こしをし、英語とイロン語に翻訳された。

4.2 インスタレーションの制作
博物館の建物については、この地域の伝統的な竹による建築を建設しようということになり、ロハスのアーティストで小学校教師の Jonard Villarde のアイディアを軸にデザインを考えた。
メインの展示物となるのはインタビューのテキストは英語とイロン語のバイリンガルのサイン
ボードはターポリンに印刷され、約 1 メートル四方に引き伸ばされた。また、テキストに加えてインタビューした人々のポートレートを画家であるプロジェクトのメンバーに依頼し展示することにした。インタビューを記録した記録映像も展示に加えられ、さらにメンバーからのアイディ

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アにより漁業の盛んなロハスを象徴する複数の小型ボートが展示され、全体のインスタレーションが完成した。
2018 年 11 月 8 日の VIVA EXCON のオープニングの日からプロジェクトは一般公開された。メンバーによる T シャツやキーホルダーなどのオフィシャルグッズ販売も行われ、この会場は展覧会全体の中でも最も多くの人々の集う場所のひとつになった。VIVA EXCON 会期後も展示は継続し、その年の年末まで公開され、Balay Sugilanon は多くの地域の人々の集う場となった。

4.3 もう一つの Balay Sugilanon
メンバーの一人である刺青アーティスト Jason Rufino のアイディアで、海亀の形を模したステージ「Turtle Stage」を Balay Sugilanon に隣接する形で制作するアイディアが加えられた。ここで地元ミュージシャンが VIVA EXCON 会期中にラップバトルを展開した。毎晩大勢の聴衆がこのラップバトルには詰めかけた。ラップによる若いミュージシャンからのメッセージは、もう一つのBalay Sugilanon である。

5. 考察
この作品の主体は地域の個人の日々の出来事であり、そのことが地元の人々の関心を誘う。人々の声を通じてこの地域と関連した個人の営みや地域や地域の人々の様々な愛情が示される。
また、毎日ここを訪れて友人に自分のことを語ることで、自分の心が救われている人々も多くいることだろう。そうした場所について、またこうした声を共有することでこの地域の個人を見つめなおす。それがこのプロジェクトとしての意義のひとつであると考える。

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6. 終わりに（謝辞）VIVA EXCON で実施したプロジェクト「Balay Sugilanon」は、こうして私にとって 2018 年のフィリピン滞在中で最も思い出深いプロジェクトとなった。

1992 年以来の友人で VIVA EXCON CAPIZ 2018 のディレクターである Nobert Rordan とその家
族、オフィスで朝から一緒に仕事をした Iris Ferrer、大抵私の隣のベッドに寝ていたルームメートの Merv Espina、展示会場が隣同士で設営の間楽しい時間を共に過ごした Marika B. Constantino や
Liby Limoso にはそれぞれ感謝したい。ロハスの実行委員会オフィスでの共同生活はエネルギッシ
ュで大変有意義であった。私はこのチームに大変馴染んでいたので、あまり外国人だとは意識されていなかったと思われる。
また、カフェのオーナーの Maricel Cuenca とそのご家族、インタビューに快く応じてくれたカフ
ェの人々、Gerry Roxas Foundation の Agnes Q. Villarruz や Ang Panubli-on Roxas City Museum のCheryl Anne del Rosario をはじめとするスタッフや守衛さんには本当にお世話になった。
最後に、チーム「Balay Sugilanon」でプロジェクトが実施できたことに感謝したい。このチームの有力なメンバーで Pilar のアーティストグループ Guban Handuraw の議長である Reden Aguadera
は素晴らしいリーダーシップを発揮した。またインタビューやテキストの翻訳などを担当した
Jennifer Perez Benliro と彼女の学生たちの協力なしにはプロジェクトを終えることができなかった。また、Turtle Stage は、Roxas のアーティスト Jonard Villarde や Jason Rufino と彼らの友人のアーティストやミュージシャンによる偉大な成果である。加えて、チームのメンバーである画家た6

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ちの提供してくれたインタビュー者の各肖像画もそれぞれ朴訥で大変秀逸なものあったことを述べておきたい。

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