A New Study of Ratnākaraśānti’s Prajñāpāramitopadeśa .............................................................. 3
Approaches to the Bodhicaryāvatāra .............................................................................................. 7
Bell Inscriptions across the Buddhist World ................................................................................ 10
Buddhist Brahmins........................................................................................................................ 13
Buddhism and the Information Network in Medieval East Asia .................................................. 16
Buddhism from the Margins: Using Manuscript Sources to Re-examine the Rituals and Routinesof Medieval and Early Modern Buddhist Communities in Japan, Korea, and China ................... 18
Buddhism in the Sātavāhana Age ................................................................................................. 22
Buddhist Conceptions of History .................................................................................................. 26
Buddhist Cosmology and Astral Science ...................................................................................... 32
Buddhist Studies and the Scientific Study of Meditation ............................................................. 37
Buddhist Tourism in Asia: Sacred Sites within Global Networks ................................................ 41
Buddhist Ways of Reading ........................................................................................................... 44
Concepts and Techniques of Prognostication ............................................................................... 48
Conventional Reality, Conventional Truth ................................................................................... 51
Deeds of a Buddha ........................................................................................................................ 53
Dhāraṇī Literature and Textual Cultures ...................................................................................... 57
Discipline, Agency, Inquiry: Vinaya Reception in Women’s Monastic Communities Past andPresent ........................................................................................................................................... 60
Does Candrakīrti offer any Epistemology (pramāṇa)? ................................................................. 65
Early Buddhist Manuscripts from Gandhāra: New Discoveries and Research ............................ 67
Images and Practices of Buddhist Kingship across Asia .............................................................. 70
Insights into Gandhāran Buddhist Narratives through Art and Texts........................................... 75
Literatures of Contemplation ........................................................................................................ 79
Monastic Espionage in East Asia in the Age of Isolationism, 14th to 19th Century .................... 83
Monastic Espionage in East Asia (III): Modern Period ................................................................ 85
New Approaches to Wŏnhyo and His Thought – A Panel in Commemoration of the 1400th
Anniversary of His Birth ............................................................................................................... 88
New Research on Newar Buddhism ............................................................................................. 91
New Trajectories in the Study of Buddhism and Law .................................................................. 94
Recent Approaches in Vinaya Studies .......................................................................................... 97
Recent Research on the Dīrghāgama .......................................................................................... 100
Reconstructing the History of Late Indian Buddhism (Part III) ― Relationship between Tantricand Non-tantric Doctrines ― ...................................................................................................... 102

Ritual, Doctrine, and Monasticism: Buddhist Practices in Dunhuang........................................ 106
Stories Behind the Story: Revisiting the Buddha’s Hagiography ............................................... 110
The Avadānaśataka: The Uses of Narrative................................................................................ 115
The Buddha’s Footprint in Asian Cultures ................................................................................. 119
The Manuscript Tradition of the Pali Texts in South and Southeast Asia .................................. 120
The Roles of Iconic Imagery in South Asian Buddhist Architectural Contexts: Reconstructions
and New Perspectives ................................................................................................................. 124
Transmission and Transformation of Buddhist Logic and Epistemology in East Asia (I): Dignāga
and Pre-Dignāga Logic ............................................................................................................... 128
Transmission and Transformation of Buddhist Logic and Epistemology in East Asia (II):Dharmapāla, Bhāviveka, Xuanzang, and their impact on East Asian Buddhism ....................... 132
Transparent, Translucent, or Opaque: Chinese Translations of Indic Texts as Windows onto
Indian Buddhism ......................................................................................................................... 136
Travel, Transmission, and Affiliation: Lineage in the Buddhist Crossroads of Inner Asia........ 140
Vinaya Commentaries ................................................................................................................. 144
What makes a monastery a Great Monastery? Textual, art historical, and archaeological evidence
from India to [the borders of] China ........................................................................................... 148
Yogācāra Across Asia: India, Tibet, and East Asia .................................................................... 151
Zones of Contact: Facets of Buddhist Interactions in Eastern Central Asia during the 9th-14th
Centuries ..................................................................................................................................... 154
Abhidharma Studies .................................................................................................................... 159
Abhidharma Studies .................................................................................................................... 161
Buddhism and Its Relation to Other Religions ........................................................................... 163
Buddhism and Medicine ............................................................................................................. 168
Buddhism and Society ................................................................................................................ 169
Buddhist Art and Architecture .................................................................................................... 175
Buddhist Art and Architecture .................................................................................................... 183
Buddhist Hermeneutics, Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques.................................... 185
Buddhist Hermeneutics, Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques.................................... 189
Buddhist Literature ..................................................................................................................... 195
Buddhist Places ........................................................................................................................... 200
Contemporary Buddhism ............................................................................................................ 205
Early Buddhism .......................................................................................................................... 208
Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism ........................................................................................ 213
Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism ........................................................................................ 220
Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism ........................................................................................ 224

Information Technologies in Buddhist Studies........................................................................... 225
Mahāyāna Buddhism .................................................................................................................. 229
Mahāyāna Buddhism .................................................................................................................. 232
Mahāyāna Sūtras ......................................................................................................................... 236
Mahāyāna Sūtras ......................................................................................................................... 239
Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy................................................................................... 242
Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy................................................................................... 245
Tantric Buddhism........................................................................................................................ 248
Theravāda Buddhism .................................................................................................................. 253
Vinaya Studies ............................................................................................................................ 255

A New Study of Ratnākaraśānti’s Prajñāpāramitopadeśa
Katsura, Shoryu (Hiroshima University)
Luo, Hong (China Tibetology Research Center)
Panel Abstract
Ratnākaraśānti, the eleventh century great Buddhist scholar, wrote three manuals on the late
Yogācāra philosophy, which had been available only in Tibetan translation. Of them Dr. Luo
Hong of China Tibetology Research Center identified two Sanskrit manuscripts of the
Prajñāpāramitopadeśa; he transcribed and edited the text that is to be published soon. I once readthe text in Tibetan translation with a team of scholars in Kyoto about 40 years ago and with akind permission of Dr. Hong Luo I have been reading the same text in Sanskrit original with a
new generation of Buddhist scholars in Kyoto. At the panel we would like to analyze the text
from different backgrounds.
Katsura, Shoryu (Hiroshima University)
The Four Yoga Stages of the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa
The Prajñāpāramitopadeśa of Ratnākaraśānti is a manual of Buddhist practice of meditation.
According to him a practitioner who took a refuge in the three jewels, who is full of faith andcompassionate, and who produced mind for enlightenment and took Bodhisattva precepts,
having obtained the wisdom derived from both learning and contemplating (śrutamayī &cintāmayī prajñā), should cultivate the Perfection of Wisdom (prajñāpāramitā) in order toaccumulate the provisions of merits and knowledge and to increase them. Furthermore, heshould learn and contemplate upon two kinds of truth (tattva), viz., the truth related to all thatexist (yāvadbhāvikatā) and the truth related to how they really are (yathāvadbhāvikatā).
Thus, the text consists of five sections: (1) Wisdom derived from learning the truth related to allthat exist, (2) Wisdom derived from contemplating upon the truth related to all that exist, (3)Wisdom derived from learning the truth related to how they really are, (4) Wisdom derived fromcontemplating upon the truth related to how they really are, and (5) Cultivation of the Perfectionof Wisdom.
Ratnākaraśānti discusses the four yoga stages in the fifth section, which indicates that he regards
the four yoga stages as representing the culmination of Buddhist practice. According to him,
cultivation consists of three stages, viz. (1) concentration (śamatha), (2) observation (vipaśyanā)and (3) the simultaneous cultivation of both concentration and observation (śamatha-vipaśyanāyuganaddha). After describing those three stages, he goes on to elaborate the four yoga stages,
which are variously called in this text. Namely,(1) dharmāṇām iyattā, vastuparyantatā-/yāvadbhāvikatā-ālambanā yogabhūmiḥ
(2) dharmāṇāṃ cittamātratā, yathāvadbhāvika-cittamātratālambanā yogabhūmiḥ
(3) dharmāṇāṃ sanimittā śūnyatā, yathāvadbhāvikatāyāṃ sarvadharmatathatālambanāyogabhūmiḥ
(4) dharmāṇāṃ nirnimittā śūnyatā, nirālambanā/nirābhāsā yogabhūmiḥ
The first yoga stage takes as its object the truth that all that exist are the 18 dhātus. The second
yoga stage takes as its object the truth that all that exist are mere names and that there being no
external objects, there exists mind only (cittamātra). The third yoga stage takes as its object thetruth of all dharmas, i.e., emptiness of the object and the subject (grāhyagrāhakaśūnyatā) or‘illumination-only’ (prakāśamātra). And the fourth yoga stage takes no object at all, which isthe stage of unconditioned emptiness (nirnimittā śūnyatā). In this connection it is to be notedthat Ratnākaraśānti explaines the fourth stage by extensively quoting from and commenting
upon the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī (sections 8-10). Before completing this treatise he justifies
his interpretation of the four yoga stages by quoting three verses from the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra(X.256-258) and one verse from the Guhyasamāja-tantra (XV.135). It is well known that
Kamalaśīla quotes the same three verses of the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra in his Bhāvanākrama I.
Towards the end of my presentation I shall briefly touch upon Ratnākaraśānti’s view that at the
fourth yoga stage Yogācāras and Mādhyamikas share the same view. I shall examine whether
he becomes a Mādhyamika at the final stage or not.
Shiga, Kiyokuni (Kyoto Sangyo University)
On some common scriptural sources cited by Ratnākaraśānti and Kamalaśīla
Since ancient times, Buddhist philosophers had made it a rule to prove the validity of their own
views mainly through two methods: formulating logical reasoning (yukti) and citing a passage
from the scripture (āgama). Even after Dignāga (ca. 480–540) and Dharmakīrti (ca. 600–660)
had established the so-called Buddhist logic and epistemology and accepted only two validmeans of cognition, i.e., direct perception and inference, Buddhist philosophers continued thepractice of quoting passages from the scripture as supportive evidence for their opinions.
Ratnākaraśānti (ca. 970–1030), like others, cites or refers to various passages from the scripture
in his Prajñāpāramitopadeśa (PPU). Kamalaśīla (ca. 740–795) also quotes a number ofpassages from various Buddhist scriptures or sūtras in his works such as theTattvasaṃgrahapañjikā (TSP), Bhāvanākrama, Nyāyabindupūrvapakṣa-saṃkṣepa (NBPS),
etc. to offer proof of scriptural authority and link his views with tradition. We can find the same
passages quoted both in Ratnākaraśānti’s and Kamalaśīla’s works. When comparing the texts
quoted in their works, we see the difference in the contexts or intentions of the quotation as wellas the textual disaccords.
The aims of this presentation are, mainly, by using Ratnākaraśānti’s PPU and Kamalaśīla’s TSP,
to (1) compare the texts of the common quotations found in these two works, (2) observe how
and in what contexts they are quoted and used, (3) examine how those texts have beentransmitted and what the original text was, and (4) consider the basis of the philosophicalpositions of these two masters.
For example, Ratnākaraśānti quotes a verse that deals with momentariness of all conditioned
things. It is introduced as a scriptural statement that supports the view that momentary thingscannot have actions (kriyā). Although he recognizes the source of this quotation as theLaṅkāvatārasūtra, this verse is not found in that sūtra. Kamalaśīla, on the contrary, quotes thesame verse in his TSP and NBPS to confirm his propositions that permanent things do not exist(TSP) and that the effect of pramāṇa characterized by an action (kriyā) is not different frompramāṇa itself (NBPS). Kamalaśīla views this source as the Buddha’s words (uktaṃ bhagavatā,
TSP) or as a sūtra (mdo las, NBPS). This verse is also quoted in the Bodhicaryāvatārapañjikā,Dravyālaṃkāra, and others. Since it has been reported by some scholars that it originates fromthe Paramārthagāthā ascribed to Asaṅga, I would also like to consider why Ratnākaraśānti
attributed its source to the Laṅkāvatārasūtra.
Nishiyama, Ryo (Ryukoku University)
Mādhyamikas in the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa
The aims of this presentation are to identify Mādhyamika sub-schools that appear in the
Prajñāpāramitopadeśa and to clarify their particular thoughts, based upon the Sanskrit text
prepared by Dr. Luo Hong. Especially I shall focus upon a certain Mādhyamika sub-school that
admits external reality on the level of the conventional truth. Possible candidates for scholars
who might have held such a view are Bhāviveka and Candrakīrti, but their theories of theconventional truth are not particularly clear. I shall first clarify their theories of the conventional
truth, and then compare them with the theory of external reality held by a certain Mādhyamika
sub-school that is referred to and criticized by Ratnākaraśānti in the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa. In
this connection, I shall take into consideration that the theory mentioned by Ratnākaraśānti could
have been fabricated, not representing the actual theories of external reality held by Bhāviveka
and Candrakīrti. Towards the end of my presentation I will discuss a passage of the
Prajñāpāramitopadeśa that refers to the difference between Mādhyamika and Yogācāra, andoffer a novel perspective on the late Indian Buddhist history of ideas.
Hayashima, Satoshi (Ryukoku University)
The Theory of Three Natures in the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa

In the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa Ratnākaraśānti presents both the traditional and his own original
interpretations of the theory of Three Natures (trisvabhāva). There are different interpretationsof the theory of Three Natures in the treatises of the traditional Yogācāra school. Ratnākaraśānti
refers to particular Yogācāra texts such as the Sandhinirmocanasūtra and the Madhyāntavibhāga
and shows an influence of the other Yogācāra texts. Hence, I would like to clarify how
Ratnākaraśānti understood the traditional Yogācāra theory of Three Natures.
Furthermore, I would like to elucidate the relation between the traditional theory of Three
Natures and Ratnākaraśānti’s original interpretation of it by his new concepts such as‘illumination’ (prakāśa) and ‘form/image’ (ākāra). According to the traditional interpretation,
Dependent Nature (paratantrasvabhāva) is identified with Imagination of the Unreal(abhūtaparikalpa) but Ratnākaraśānti reinterprets the latter on the basis of ‘illumination’ and‘form/image’, which is his unique contribution.
In this presentation I would like to elucidate Ratnākaraśānti’s interpretation of the theory ofThree Natures from the view point of the traditional interpretation and that of his own original
interpretation.
Kataoka, Kei (Kyushu University)
Ratnākaraśānti on Prakāśa
In his Prajñāpāramitopadeśa Ratnākaraśānti claims that all dharmas are essentially cognition
alone (vijñānamātrasvabhāvāḥ). This view is based on his theory of illumination (prakāśa). He
regards illumination or appearance of all dharmas as possible only when illumination is accepted
as their essential nature (prakāśamānānāṃ dharmāṇām ... ātmabhūtaḥ prakāśaḥ). Only
something essentially luminary can illuminate itself. An object, if it did not have the nature ofbeing luminary, could not illuminate itself (sa ced atadrūpo na tarhi prakāśate). Thus, for him,essentially luminary dharmas, which have the very nature of cognition, are precisely cognitionin nature. Whereas Ratnākaraśānti regards illumination as cognitions’ own nature (jñānātmā),Bhāṭṭa Mīmāṃsakas regard it as an additional property produced on top of an object (grāhyasya
dharmaḥ) as a result of a cognizing action (jñānakārya). Naiyāyikas, etc., regard it nothing morethan the occurrence of cognition (jñānasyotpattiḥ). They need no separate category called
illumination. When cognition of blue arises, blue appears to mind. Another theorist, whomRatnākaraśānti designates merely as aparaḥ, claims that an essentially non-luminary object isilluminated by essentially luminary cognition (arthaḥ punar atadrūpo jñānavaśāt prakāśate).
In other words, illumination of objects are possible not because illumination is the nature ofobjects but because they are connected with an illumination of cognition. Ratnākaraśānti refutes
these three heretic views one by one. The present paper aims at clarifying Ratnākaraśānti’s
arguments against these views.
Luo, Hong (China Tibetology Research Center)
Ratnākaraśānti’s sketch of self-awareness in the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa
Self-awareness (svasaṃvedana / svasaṃvitti) plays a central role in Ratnākaraśānti’s doctrinal
system, especially in his establishing of vijñaptimātratā. Focusing on the six summarizing

verses at the end of the Yathāvadbhāvikatāyāṃ cintāmayī prajñā section in the
Prajñāpāramitopadeśa, this paper aims to present Ratnākaraśānti’s understanding of selfawareness as sketched by himself in these verses and trace tentatively the possible sources of
his sketch.

Approaches to the Bodhicaryāvatāra
Gold, Jonathan C. (Princeton University)
Panel Abstract
The Bodhicaryāvatāra (BCA) by Śāntideva (8th c.) is one of the most widely studied works of
Buddhist literature. Countless commentaries from classical India and Tibet share the shelf witha growing library of modern translations and interpretations. In recent decades a variety of new
readings of the BCA have arisen from scholars working on its relation to the Śikṣāsamuccaya
and other sources of Mahāyāna scripture; questions of authorship and genre; the body in Indian
Buddhism; contemporary ethics, phenomenology and cognitive science; and Tibetan
appropriations of the work in distinct stages from the premodern to the literal present. These
analyses are reshaping our understanding of this ubiquitous text—ubiquitous across academicclassrooms and dharma centers—and testify to its continuing importance as an object of study.
The present panel will take the temperature of current research on the BCA and attempt tosynthesize multiple scholarly perspectives.
Gyatso, Janet (Harvard University)
Seeing Oneself from the Outside, and its Moral Work
This paper will study the striking moments when the narrator of the Bodhicaryāvatāra assumes
the perspective of other beings and sees their perceptions of himself. It will ponder how thismove develops the program of moral cultivation pursued throughout the rest of the book. It will
also probe the precise nature of the vision that the narrator has of others’ perception of himself,and compare that to two other examples in world literature in which such a seeing of the selffrom the outside is integral to profound moral and artistic cultivation, one from European
phenomenology and the other from Japanese aesthetic tradition.
Carpenter, Amber (Yale-NUS)
Reason and Knowledge on the Path
This paper considers the progress of the Bodhicaryāvatāra as a distinctive and detailed accountof what ‘using the conventional to attain the ultimate’ actually looks like. Śāntideva begins theBodhicaryāvatāra presuming an ‘ordinary outlook’, and offers reasons for thought, feeling or
action which speak to that outlook. The thoughts, feelings or actions thus engendered, however,are sensitive to a new range of considerations, which are then offered for a subsequent
modification of thought, feeling and action. Śāntideva’s ambition is not to offer the definitive
statement of Buddhist or Madhyamaka ethics or metaphysics. His aim, rather, is protreptic –appeals to reasons and concepts are designed to ‘turn the soul’ progressively from one outlook
to another, until finally one inhabits the understanding that any outlook is, after all, just anoutlook. Close attention to the sorts of reasons appealed to over the course of theBodhicaryāvatāra, and in particular to the points at which distinctively Buddhist notions(dependent arising, no-self), or distinctively Madhyamaka understandings of these notions arebrought into play, will reveal how constructive use can be made of the intellect in the trajectory
towards enlightenment.
Ohnuma, Reiko (Dartmouth College)
Embodiment in the Bodhicaryāvatāra
While the Bodhicaryāvatāra is rightly celebrated for its intense focus upon the mind and mental
training and its careful attention to a complex moral pscyhology, this paper seeks to
acknowledge the significant role that the body and embodiment also play within Śāntideva’s
text. Indeed, throughout Śāntideva’s work, the language of the mind cannot stand alone, but isconstantly intertwined with and expressed through the language of the body. Yet the “body” inquestion is multifarious and constantly shifting.
This paper will argue that the Bodhicaryāvatāra’s twofold classification of bodhicitta, as themind resolved on awakening and the mind proceeding toward awakening, can be equally applied
to the body—in other words, the body as goal and the body as path, the body one is aiming forand the body as a tool to get there. Neither of these two conceptions is singular in nature,
however, but is presented in multiple ways to appeal to multiple practitioners and to speak toaspiring bodhisattvas at every level of the path.
For the body as goal, the Bodhicaryāvatāra affirms a complex hierarchy of different bodily
goals, ranging from avoiding the suffering that afflicts the worst kinds of bodies, to attaining
the most advantageous bodies available within samsara, to transcending bodily existence
altogether in the state of liberation, and finally, to acquiring the glorious, golden bodies of
buddhas and bodhisattvas. The body is not only the goal, however, but also the path that leads
to the desired goal—or, as Śāntideva puts it, an “implement of action” or a “tool for the task”(karmopakaraṇa, BCA 5.66). Again, the tool is a multi-purpose one (a veritable Swiss armyknife)—for throughout the text, Śāntideva deploys the tool of the body in multifarious ways:
The body is worthless and disgusting and should be repudiated and abandoned; the body is anecessary evil that should be cared for and maintained; the body either should or should not begiven away to others; the body should not be identified with—unless we identify with the bodies
of others; and the body is the ultimate metaphor that illustrates the truth of emptiness.
Ultimately, however, path and goal merge together—just as mind-and-body transform
together—as the successful reader of Śāntideva’s text uses the “magical elixir” of bodhicitta tochange his filthy and “impure image” into the “jewel-like image of the Buddha” (BCA 1.10).
Harris, Stephen (Leiden University)
Demandingness and Shaping the Self in the Bodhicaryāvatāra
At first glance, Śāntideva’s articulation of the bodhisattva path in the Bodhicaryāvatāra appears
to require enormous sacrifices from its adherents: (s)he renounces ordinary pleasurable pursuits

such as family life and material prosperity, willingly sacrifices his or her body for others and iseven willing to take rebirth in the hell realms to minster to beings there. In this paper, I argue
that lessening moral demandingness is one of the deepest themes of Śāntideva’s text. In
particular, I show how many of the meditations he employs, through which the bodhisattva
nurtures positive qualities (kuśala-dharma) and disidentifies from vice (kleśa) can beunderstood as tools to craft a conventional self that is highly resistant to the kinds of suffering
the bodhisattva will endure. This makes more intelligible Śāntideva’s initially puzzling claimthat following the bodhisattva path is in one’s own interest, even when compared to early
Buddhist practices focused on attaining liberation for oneself. It also lets us draw a stronger
connection between the Bodhicaryāvatāra and early Buddhist classics like the Dhammapada,
for whom the development of a (conventional) self that is highly resistant to suffering is afrequent theme. Likewise, it suggests a philosophical affinity between Śāntideva andcontemporary philosophers, and in particular consequentialists, for whom lessening thedemands of their moral system is a prime concern.
Goodman, Charles (Binghamton University-SUNY)Can We Know Whether Śāntideva was a Consequentialist?
This essay considers the consequentialist interpretation of Śāntideva’s ethics in light of theinteresting critiques recently offered by several scholars. While considering arguments due toBarbra Clayton and Gordon Davis, the essay focuses mainly on the sophisticated objections ofStephen Harris. While agreeing that impartial benevolence plays a central role in Śāntideva’s
ethical thought, Harris is skeptical about whether we can know the theoretical structure ofŚāntideva’s overall ethical view, or even whether it has such a structure. Some of Harris’
concerns can be satisfactorily answered with textual evidence. But his most important worry is
inseparably intertwined with deep and difficult issues about the role of no-self in Śāntideva’s
Madhyamaka.
Chien, Gloria I-Ling (Gonzaga University)
The Vision and Moral Formation of a Bodhisattva Practitioner
The moral transformation of a Bodhisattva practitioner, as addressed in Śāntideva’s A Guide to
the Bodhisattva’s Way of Life (Bodhicaryāvatāra, hereafter called BCA), has been attracting
scholarly attention. Using the BCA as an essential reference, the Tibetan Buddhist
contemplation method
Lojong(blo
sbyong), or‘mind
training,’ helps
devotees remove destructive emotions and develop universal compassion towards all sentient
beings. Despite associating the BCA with visualization practices described in the Lojong
literature, how the Lojong tradition integrates the BCA’s principles into practices has yet toreceive significant academic discussion. This paper hopes to address this gap by exploring theinterplay between visionary experiences and ethical dimensions in Lojong texts and the BCA.
First, this paper analyzes how concepts such as “equalization of self and other,” explained in
the BCA, contribute visionary elements to “giving and taking” (gtong len) practices in the
Lojong tradGlorition. Practitioners of “giving and taking” visualize the presence of theirmothers and cultivate loving kindness and compassion for her. Then practitioners recall her deep

kindness and think of taking away all her suffering during her cyclic existence. The giving partof this practice is to imagine unconditionally offering one’s wealth, life, and virtue to one’s
beloved mother. The second level of this giving and taking practice is to apply the same process
toward all sentient beings. These texts have similar approaches to this “giving and taking”:
Atisha’s Seven-Point Mind Training, Eight Sessions Mind Training, and Sé Chilbu’s (1121-89)
commentary on Chekhawa’s (1102-1176) Seven-Point Mind Training. They are all included in
Mind Training: The Great Collection (Theg pa chen po blo sbyong brgya rtsa). This work is thefirst Lojong anthology, which appeared in the fifteenth-century. This paper will discuss thesetexts and other related examples.
Second, this paper explains that visualization techniques described in the aforementioned texts
do not have, to borrow Eric Greene’s term, “verificatory visions.” Verificatory visions are
spontaneously arising visual phenomena and are used to verify whether meditators havesucceeded in their trainings.
Third, this paper argues that, without referring to verificatory visions as criteria of success, theLojong literature emphasizes that by actively generating visions, some practitioners will
eventually lessen their self-centered concerns. They then extend the domain of the “self” inorder to encompass those who were previously understood to be outside of its sphere. The goalof these visualization techniques is for Lojong meditators to build an essential foundation for
cultivating the awakening mind, bodhicitta—the altruistic aspiration to attain perfectenlightenment for the benefit of all beings.
In conclusion, this research illuminates how contemplation concepts analyzed in the BCA
become references for visualization techniques in the Tibetan Lojong meditation manual. Thesevisualizations help practitioners change their former habitual patterns and learn to transformtheir ethical and spiritual dimensions. This transformation is a prerequisite for a devotee who
embarks on a bodhisattva’s journey.

Bell Inscriptions across the Buddhist World
Bretfeld, Sven (Norges Teknisk-Naturvitenskapelige Universitet)
Doney, Lewis (British Museum)
Panel Abstract
From at least the time of the Sarvāstivādavinaya and the Gaṇḍīstotra, bells have formed a partof daily ritual practice and rites of passage in the Buddhist temples and monasteries in South
Asia. Yet it is in the countries to which Buddhism spread that we find the most evidence of
inscribed bells. China exported this technology to Central Asia, Korea, and Japan from about
the seventh century, to Tibet from about the eighth, and to Southeast Asia from the tenth. Manybell inscriptions proclaim state sponsorship and the foundation of new Buddhist institutions,while others blend the genres of historiography and prayer. Later indigenous histories andprayers then creatively recast these bells to serve new narrative purposes.
This panel will bring together regional specialists from a number of fields to address the dates,
influences, innovations, and history of bell production. The panel will also compare thephraseology of Buddhist bell inscriptions across Asia to the scriptures that they quote and thereligious and royal self-representations expressed in contemporaneous media. It is hoped thatan interdisciplinary analysis, crossing epigraphy, art history, and technology, will lead to a better
understanding not only of bells, but of Buddhist institutional, ritual, and material culture.
Willis, Michael (British Museum)
Buddhist Bells in the British Museum
Bells are a ubiquitous feature of Buddhism and Buddhist ritual practice in Asia. As a result,bells have come to form a significant element of the Asian collections at the British Museum.
The Asian bells have not been studied as a group, although some of the most significant single
items with inscriptions have been researched and published. By way of looking at bell typologies
in a comparative and pan-Asian context, this paper will present a wide-ranging sample of thebells in the British Museum, looking at items of various dates from Japan, China, Tibet, Nepal,
India, Sri Lanka and the countries of south-east Asia. While the scope is wide, andcorrespondingly superficial, a number of patterns emerge with regard to bells and theirtechnologies that invite comparison to other aspects of Buddhist material culture and its
transmission in Asia.
Burdorf, Suzanne (Universiteit Ghent)
Read the Bell: Tracing the Cultural and Social History of Monastic Bells ThroughInscriptions from Song (960–1276) China
Despite the disappearance of the majority of bells from Song China, in the Complete Collectionof Song Prose (Quan Song wen 全宋文; compiled in 2006) we find fifty-seven inscriptions thatwere composed on the occasion of the casting of a new Buddhist temple bell. Although thesubstrate of these inscriptions is not always obvious – they were carved onto stone steles as wellas cast or carved on bells themselves –, these texts contain valuable information about thesymbolic value of bells and at the same time offer us insights into the temple’s social networks
that facilitated the casting.
Using Song inscriptions as guides, this paper aims to shed light on the cultural history of bells
during this period, and traces the reasons behind people’s involvement in the casting of a newbell. Which (symbolic) functions did bells have according to the inscriptions? Who contributed
to the casting of a new bell, and why? How was the casting organized and who was involved in
the process? To what extent did the government engage in the project? Although the inscriptions
do not tell us much about the technical side of the story, some of them do give us an almost
mythologized report of the casting and its preparations, describing it as a major social event,which in itself is relevant for our understanding of the symbolism of bells. Moreover, theanswers to the foregoing questions do not only concern bells and their casting, but also provide
information on the status of Buddhist temples and their patrons.
Apart from using these inscriptions as sources for exploring Buddhist material culture and social
networks, the paper will also pay attention to the characteristics and functions of the inscriptions

as literary compositions. Which features are shared among the inscriptions, and in what ways
are they different? How do they relate to other texts found on monastery grounds? What was
the background and motivation of the authors of these texts? And why were these inscriptions
preserved, even long after the bells had disappeared?
Doney, Lewis (British Museum)
Large Tibetan Imperial Bells and Their Epigraphy
The study of inscriptional evidence for Buddhism’s introduction to Tibet has recently once again
come under the academic spotlight. While examples of epigraphy on bells have played a role in
the analysis of inscriptions in general, this type of support has so far not been compared acrossthe Buddhist world. China exported the technology for founding large bells to Tibet from about
the eighth century, at the height of the latter’s imperial period (c. 600–850 CE). A handful ofTibetan bell inscriptions exist from this period, mentioning Tibetan emperors and also mixing
historiography and prayer genres in their texts. Recently published photographs of bells andtheir epigraphy, including hitherto unknown examples, allow us to reappraise the early Tibetan
tradition of bell casting and epigraphy. The dates of some of these bell inscriptions remain
uncertain, and more can be done to address the phrases contained in their epigraphy from awider perspective as religious and often royal self-representations. The bells themselves are also
in need of comparative art-historical description, in order to assess influence and innovation
occurring across Central and East Asia.
This presentation will outline how the tradition of bells and gongs in monasteries along the Silk
Road, focusing on Khotan, met Chinese bell-casting technology. The main part of thepresentation will compare the bells discovered in bSam yas Monastery, Khra’ ’brug Monasteryand Yer pa cave complex in Central Tibet with those photographed in Bumthang in Bhutan anddPa’ ris in Qinghai. The design of the imperial Tibetan bells and their epigraphy tell us about
their form and function, their links with songs and praise, and their relation with Buddhism andpower in Tibet. Finally, the epigraphical and art-historical analyses can come together in a better
understanding of Buddhist ritual, institutional and material culture in imperial Tibet.
Martin, Dan (Institute of Tibetan Classics)
The Tibetan Bell in Armenia and its Inscription: An Account of a Quest to Account for it
For a little over a decade now I have been now and again trying to learn more about a peculiar
Buddhist bell in a peculiar place. It is a Tibetan bell, in itself not all that peculiar, but a bellwith an inscription in Tibetan letters that is not an expected one, since I do not know of if being
found on other bells. It is supposed to be located in what is surely an unexpected place, in a
famous church, and not just any church, but in the most important cathedral of the Armenian
Church called Etchmiadzin. The obvious questions, and the ones we will entertain in this paper,
are: Who made it? How did it get there, and when? What significance does it, or should it,
bear? Beyond discussing some supportable probabilities — largely based on clues found here
and there, including testimonies of some pre-eminent Armenianists — at this point I am unable
to offer a definite solution to the historical problem. I do think the quest is worthwhile, and theso-far rather meagre results worthy of consideration or, rather, reconsideration.

Bretfeld, Sven (Norges Teknisk-Naturvitenskapelige Universitet)
Buddhist Bells and the Study of Religious Materiality: Some Theoretical Reflections
In recent years the study of religions underwent numerous so-called “turns.” One of these is thefocus on material aspects of religions. Frequently this approach is characterized by a decided
programmatic neglect of textual sources of religions. Religion, so the basic idea, is less a “beliefsystem” constituted by propositional statements (doctrines) but rather a matter of “embodied”
practices shaped by the handling of material objects, sensual perception and bodily activity.
In this paper I am going to fathom some aspects of this approach for Buddhist Studies, using thestudies of Buddhist bells presented in the panel as starting points. In the paper I plead for an
integrative approach combining textual studies with the pragmatic aspects of Material Religion.

Buddhist Brahmins
Walser, Joseph (Tufts University)
Panel Abstract
From Śāriputta, Mahākāśyapa and Maitrayāṇīputra to Aśvaghośa and Nāgārjuna to the Brahmin
Saraha and Maitrigupta in the late medieval period, Buddhist history is populated with Buddhist
Brahmins. Despite the common perception that Buddhism died out in India in the 14th century,it also appears that Buddhism persists among Brahmins in Tamil Nadu as late as the early 17th
century and even later in Bengal. Today there are lineages of Buddhist Brahmins serving priestly
roles in Sri Lanka, Thailand and in Myanmar, not to mention the Bauddha Brahmins ofIndonesia and the Newar Vajracāryas. So how do we come to grips with what some might think
to be a contradiction in terms? Is a Buddhist Brahmin merely a Buddhist head on a Brahminbody? Do Buddhist Brahmins define an ideological/ritual niche or interest group within thelarger Buddhist community? What roles and services did/do Brahmin Buddhists provide for the
rest of the Buddhist and non-Buddhist populations? Is there a special affinity between Brahmin
Buddhists and Mahāyāna Buddhism? This panel seeks papers on the vicissitudes of Brahmin
Buddhist identity and identity formation in the ancient, medieval or modern periods from anyof the countries in which Buddhist Brahmins have played a distinctive role.
Bausch, Lauren (Dharma Realm Buddhist University)
The Kāṇva Brāhmaṇas and Buddhists in Kosala
The Buddha was no stranger to the region of Kosala, where thrived the Vedic school of theKāṇvas. The Kāṇvas’ philosophical influence on early Buddhism is evident in the Buddha's
teachings to brāhmaṇa followers. The Suttanipāta in particular depicts the Buddha as familiar
with many doctrines of the Kāṇva Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Even the Buddha’s critique onbrāhmaṇa identity and ritual efficacy seems to presuppose Yājñavalkya’s interpretation of thesame. At one point in the Suttanipāta, the Bhagavan neither confirms nor denies that he is abrāhmaṇa. The Suttanipāta makes an interesting case study because, as Jayawickrama
observed, a separate Buddhist identity is not expressed explicitly in the general Indian context
of the earliest stratum of the text. Alexander Wynne convincingly argued that two brāhmaṇas,one of which was from Kosala, taught the Buddha a form of brāhmaṇical meditation. This paper
further explores evidence for the close relationship between the Kāṇva brāhmaṇas and the early
Buddhists.
Bronkhorst, Johannes (University of Lausanne)
Were Buddhist Brahmins Buddhists or Brahmins?
This paper emphasizes the asymmetrical relationship between being a Buddhist and being a
Brahmins in classical India: one can become a Buddhist but one cannot become a Brahmin. It
then points out that being a Brahmin during that period meant primarily that one occupied acertain position in society, whereas it was less clear what it was to be a Buddhist for those who
had not become monks, bodhisattvas or the like. The paper finally raises the question, supported
by some evidence, that the relative fluidity between the categories ‘Buddhist’ and ‘Brahmin’
may have disappeared over the years, so that one finds ever fewer Buddhist Brahmins toward
the end of the first millennium.
Chudal, Alaka (University of Vienna)
Brahmin Buddhists in Northern South Asia
The intertwinedness of Hinduism and Buddhism in India and Nepal resulted in the Buddha being
declared the ninth avatar of Vishnu. Hindus often place a statue of the Buddha in their worshiproom, while many monasteries or Buddhist temples feature similar statues of Hindu gods andgoddesses. Buddhists have long felt the strong influence of Hinduism owing to their close
contacts with the Hindu castes and because they themselves were integrated into the caste
system. Many of them eventually adopted Hinduism. As the king was regarded as an incarnate
form of Vishnu, the Nepalese monarchy had the strong support of Hindus, while the status
attributed to the Buddha at least served to keep Buddhists loyal to it. Nepal’s rulers, in short,treated Buddhists and Hindus, who shared many festivals and much iconography, largely onequal terms. But many Buddhists have strong reservations about this and reject the Hindu
appropriation of the Buddha as the ninth avatar of Vishnu and accuse Hindus of annexing
Buddhism to Hinduism.
Against this background, this paper will focus on the acknowledgement of converted Brahmin
Buddhists (Indian & Nepalese Brahmins) among the Buddhists and Hindus in Nepal. It willanswer the questions such as: How are the converted Buddhist Brahmins received by the
Nepalese Buddhists and Hindus? What roles and services did/do Brahmin Buddhists play in thesociety? What was the motivation factor for the conversion?
McGovern, Nathan (Franklin and Marshall College)
Buddhist Brahmans: Taking Early Buddhist Claims to Brahmanhood Seriously
Scholars have long been aware that the early Buddhists, as reflected in the early Buddhist texts,
referred to the Buddha and his Awakened followers as Brahmans. This is found, for example,
in the likely early Aṭṭhaka Vagga and Pārāyaṇa Vagga of the Sutta Nipāta, but also in othertexts, such as the final chapter of the Dhammapada, in which each verse ends with the pada

“He’s what I call a Brahman.” Often, references to the ideal Buddhist person as a Brahman are
made, either explicitly or else implicitly through context, as criticisms of the people we now
usually think of as “the Brahmans”—namely, the Vedic Brahmans, those who claimed
Brahmanhood on the basis of birth. For this reason, modern scholars have typically interpreted
the Buddhist use of the category “Brahman” as a polemic against the “actual” Brahmans, whowere their rivals. This theory is perhaps best captured by the term “marketing,” which was
adopted by Baily and Mabbett in their Sociology of Early Buddhism.
In this paper, I argue that it is methodologically fruitful to take the early Buddhist claims to
Brahmanhood a bit more seriously than they have been hitherto. Implicit in the “marketing”
theory is the assumption that the Vedic Brahmans were in fact the “real” Brahmans, and ipso
facto the Buddhist claims to Brahmanhood cannot be taken at face value, but only as a marketingor polemical strategy. But this assumption amounts to an uncritical acceptance of the polemicsof the Vedic Brahmans—namely, that they were the true Brahmans on the basis of birth. Recent
scholarship by Patrick Olivelle, Tim Lubin, Johannes Bronkhorst, and others has increasingly
shown that much of the Brahmanical orthodoxy that became standard within classical Hinduism
was not of great antiquity, but was still in formation during the time “between the empires,” toborrow a useful phrase from Olivelle’s book of the same name. I argue that scholars’ previous
assumption of the metahistorical priority of Brahmanism in Indian history has blinded them toa real debate in the late first millennium BCE over who could be considered a Brahman, engaged
in by Buddhists, Jains, and those who claimed Brahmanhood on the basis of birth, the outcomeof which was by no means certain.
I argue that the early Buddhists had a real, substantive claim to being Brahmans, even if, in theend, they lost the debate. Their conception of Brahmanhood was rooted in brahmacarya, which
they (in common with the Jains) understood as lifelong celibate studentship. There is indeed
precedent for this vision of Brahmanhood in the Vedic literature, which refers in some places tobrahmacarya, a state of celibate studentship, as making one a Brahman. If the early Buddhists
considered themselves Brahmans, then, the total opposite of a Brahman would be a householder.
It is for this reason that the early Buddhist texts are so critical of the Vedic Brahmans—because
they made a set of claims, themselves in some ways novel, that enshrined the householder ideal
as the basis of Brahmanhood.
Walser, Joseph (Tufts University)
Buddhism and Brahmanism: Who made the distinction (and who refused)?
It is a commonplace in introductory textbooks to treat Buddhism as a competitor religion to
Brahmanism, with the borderline between the two marked by the doctrine of anatman. This
paper examines whether these assumptions hold up for one of the earliest sources of our
information about Buddhism, the Pali canon. Using statistical analysis of a sample of 5126
suttas, I argue that there is little evidence that the doctrine of soullessness was preached torepresentatives of the Brahmanical tradition in order to convert them to Buddhism. On thecontrary, it would appear that early Brahmin Buddhists had their own canon-within-a-canon that
simply avoided the topic of soulessness. As a result, for a Brahmin to become a Buddha-

enthusiast would not necessarily have entailed a change in status, but rather would have been
seen as the fulfillment of a Brahmanical ideal – especially among the Yajurvedic lineages.
Freiberger, Oliver (University of Texas at Austin)
Respondent

Buddhism and the Information Network in Medieval East Asia
Chen, Jinhua (University of British Columbia)
Panel Abstract
As a tradition that crossed communities, borders, and cultures, Buddhism and Buddhist monks
in particular have been recognized as transmitters of religion and culture across territories.
Exploring the ample evidence for monastic espionage in these contexts, this panel calls attention
to the need to address the multiple roles Buddhist clerics in East Asia played in their interactions
with local parties and international communities.
As spies, monastics had a number of advantages. These included their local and dynasty-wide
networks and their reputation as “saintly” figures whose outsider status allowed them to serveas mediators among conflicting parties. Monastic espionage at the “international” level was ahighly complicated affair. It has much to teach us about the unique nature and functions ofmonks as spies.
Bauer, Mikael (McGill University)
The Chronicle of Jōe: The murder of a young Fujiwara monk in 7th century Japan
Around 760 the enigmatic courtier Fujiwara no Nakamaro (706-764) was closely involved in
the creation of a clan history called the Tōshi Kaden (藤原家傳) or the ‘History of the Fujiwara
House.’ This text contained the biographies of several people, starting with the family’s
patriarch Nakatomi no Kamatari (614-669). This presentation focuses on the
History’s biography of the monk Jōe (貞慧;?-665), one of Japan’s earliest Hossō monks andenvoy to Tang China.
Born the son of Kamatari, and as brother of the highest official Fujiwara no Fuhito (659-720),
Jōe was sent to Tang China at an early age. His biography describes his virtuous character andapparent aptitude for Chinese Learning in general and the Buddhist law in particular. It is clear
he played an important role during the mission, but what happened afterwards suggests that his
involvement might have transcended his monastic study. Shortly after his return to the Japanesecourt in 665, he suddenly fell ill and passed away. It was clear this did not concern a natural
death, and that in fact he had been murdered.
This presentation looks at Jōe’s case to determine the extent to which the early Japanese
Buddhist community was involved in the ‘international’ political and institutional struggles thattook place between the Tang, the Japanese court and the Korean kingdoms. Why was it
necessary to eliminate Jōe and what was the consequence of his demise for the early JapaneseBuddhist community’s role in the following decades? Was Jōe involved in political intrigue, orsuspected of forms of monastic espionage, entangled in the conflict between the Tang Empire
and the Korean kingdoms? Through a reading of the Tōshi Kaden in general and the Chronicleof Jōe in particular, we will look at this young monk’s family background, the institutional andpolitical significance of his function as a Fujiwara Hossō monk and the role of monks as politicalactors and ambassadors.
Carlton, Kelly (University of Oxford)
Monastic Spies, Secret Envoys, and Cross-Border Rendezvous: Buddhist Monk
Deokjang 德昌 and His Contemporaries in Three Kingdoms Korea
A Buddhist monk-general, Sinseong 信誠 (dates unknown), bound to protect the Goguryean
capital of Pyongyang from a joint Tang 唐 (618–690, 705–907)–Sillan 新羅 (57 BCE–935)
siege in 668 CE, secretly colluded with Tang General Li Ji 李勣 (594–669) to open the city
gates to the invading forces. The formidable martial kingdom subsequently fell, and with itconcluded a curious line of Goguryean monks who acted as spies and secret envoys, flitting
across Silla, Baekje 百濟 (18 BC–660 AD), and Sui 隋 (581–618)–Tang China borders to shapeforeign diplomacy and martial conflicts. Although Sinseong contributed to the downfall of his
patron state, the clandestine monks who came before him often worked at the behest of the king;for instance, the monk Dorim 道林, under orders from King Jangsu 長壽 (r. 413-491), goaded
Baekje King Gaero 蓋鹵 (r. 455–475) into undertaking ambitious projects that sapped state
coffers and diverted manpower. Of particular interest, however, is the understudied monk-spy,
Deokjang (also Tŏkch’ang) 德昌, who warned Goguryeo of an impending Sillan attack in 642
after negotiations—spearheaded by Gim Chunchu 金春秋, the future King Muyeol 武烈 of Silla(r. 652–661)—deteriorated.
This paper will endeavor to ascertain Deokjang’s role in Goguryeo-Silla relations, expanding
upon his mention in the Samguk sagi biography of Gim Yusin 金 庾 信 (595–673) tocontextualize his espionage within the larger Goguryean Buddhist framework. Close attention
will be given to those factors influencing monks’ employment in such roles: 1) the client-state
relationship between the Buddhist institution and Goguryeo; 2) the fluidity with which monks
were able to traverse religious, social, and political spheres; and 3) the advantages supplied bya pan-Asian Buddhist network, maintained through the cross-border exchange of scholarship,
scripture translation projects, and pilgrimages. Thus, by considering Deokjang and his Three
Kingdoms contemporaries in these terms, this paper seeks to contribute to current scholarshipon the relationship between Buddhist monks and espionage in the wider East Asian sphere.
Chen, Jinhua (University of British Columbia)
Monastic Espionage in Sui-Tang and Song dynasties
Thus far scholars have primarily focused their attention on Buddhism’s involvement inespionage during several periods of time in which China was politically and militarily divided
into two or more fighting regimes. The example of monastic espionage par excellence isprovided by two monk-spies who helped the Northern Song (960-1127) army to cross theYangzi river and annex the Southern Tang kingdom (937-976). In addition to this inter-statelevel of monastic espionage of this type, this article will carefully study three more types of thesame practice (1) between two or more rival Buddhist groups; (2) between two political cliques
within a single government; and (3) between Chinese and non-Chinese states. As for the first
type of espionage, the Platform Sutra, arguably the Bible for Chan Buddhism, describes how a
Northern Chan monk was asked to spy on the rival group. This deceitful act, somewhat
ironically, occasioned his enlightenment. The decade between 704 and 713 supplies rare
glimpses into a complex of sociopolitical machinations that led to the involvement of Buddhist
monastics in power struggles among the elite. This was thanks, in part, to monks’ adroitness inhandling information transactions.
Doell, Steffen (Hamburg University)
Undercover dharma: Chan Masters in the Kamakura period
The time of the Mongol attacks on Japan in the years of 1274 and 1281 mark the escalation ofa political conflict that had been going on (and continued to do so) for several decades. Recordsof open hostilities and military operations on the one hand are, however, counterbalanced byindividual biographies set before this tumultuous background -- portraying religious leaders that
refuse to take sides and stay aloof from the tribulations of policy-making -- on the other.
While previous scholarship has evaluated Chinese Chan masters coming over to Japan in the
13th century in terms of the respective individual's spiritual authenticity, sense of mission anddestiny, as well as refugee status, recent analyses have provided evidence of a complex andhugely heterogeneous group of persons. From Lanxi Daolong (1213-1278) disembarking on theJapanese coast in 1247 until the arrival of Yishan Yining (1247-1317) as official envoy of theYuan dynasty government in 1299, the Chan Buddhist emigré monks reveal a multitude ofintentions, assignments, aims, and means to such ends. In China, they were minor figures in thereligio-political realm at best; in Japan, they commanded the attention of the high and mighty
as well as the low-born but ambitious. Such a rise to prominence and power came at a cost,
however, and each and everyone of the emigrant masters was accused of espionage or sabotage
and threatened with exile or execution at one point or another.
Apart from outlining representative biographies and highlighting their defining features, thispaper will argue that an all-too bipolar concept of espionage -- separating hidden politicalintentions from authentic religious motivations -- hinders our ability to understand thesebiographies in the way they understood themselves: namely as drawing in their actions on a setof nuanced options in an attempt to realize the dharma and bring to fruition a religious
community that was no longer delimited by the boundaries of nations, cultures, and geographies
but succeeded in integrating the political and religious spheres.

Buddhism from the Margins: Using Manuscript Sources to Re-examine
the Rituals and Routines of Medieval and Early Modern Buddhist
Communities in Japan, Korea, and China
Keyworth, George A. (University of Saskatchewan)Panel Abstract
The papers presented on this panel investigate manuscript sources, rather than transmitted
printed editions of Buddhist texts, to reexamine the rituals, routines and practical programs that
operated beyond state, sectarian, clerical, and canonical frameworks during the medieval andearly modern periods in Japan, Korea, and China. Each of the five papers seeks to redress thecenter-periphery model of East Asian Buddhist transmission, which has been subjected to
criticism by Antonino Forte, CHEN Jinhua, and Evelyn Rawski. Papers by Goodman, Lowe,and McBride move the inquiry even closer to the ground and into the hands of individuals,
where many of the boundaries we often consider sacrosanct were irrelevant. Papers by Lin andKeyworth give special attention to important sources from the Japanese Tendai tradition thathave been otherwise inaccessible or obscured due to seemingly impregnable boundaries. Taken
as a group, these papers tell us a great deal about why manuscript sources from the traditional
periphery of East Asian culture—China’s northwest, Korea, and Japan—can fill in substantial
lacunae in our collective knowledge of the history of Buddhism that is anything but marginal.
Goodman, Amanda (University of Toronto)
Recycled and Read: Reflections on the Personal Uses of Ritual Handbooks in Late
Medieval DunhuangThis paper will explore the practice of everyday writing in late medieval Chinese Buddhist
circles from the vantage point of several personal handbooks recovered from the Dunhuang cavesite. The sample handbooks can be dated to the second half of the tenth century, are often
autographed, and contain combinations of liturgical texts, diagrams, and miscellaneous
notations. The paper will endeavor to answer basic questions about the production andconsumption of these manuscripts, including who copied and made use of the handbooks, thetypes of textual and iconographical material contained in the handbooks, and the circulation
histories of individual handbooks.
Keyworth, George A. (University of Saskatchewan)
Recovering Medieval Shintō-Buddhist Rituals at Matsuo Shrine through Eighth-Century
Manuscripts from Bonshakuji, Fushimi, and Mt. Hiei
Colophons for many of the scriptures preserved in the Buddhist manuscript canons ofNanatsudera 七寺 and Matsuo Shintō 松尾社 shrine tell us they were copied during the twelfthcentury on behalf of deities from scriptoriums at Bonshakuji 梵釈寺, Fushimi 伏見 and Kamo
賀茂 shrines, Mt. Hiei 比叡山, and temples in the old, southern capital, Nara. By focusing onseventeen specific scriptures with lengthy colophons that tell us who vowed these scriptures andfor what ritual occasions between 1115.6.2 and 1117.7.15, and again once in 1558, this paper
will explore both how we might be able to significantly expand our understanding of ShintōBuddhist religion in medieval Japan and some of the ritual uses Buddhist scriptures wereactually good for in practice. In the first part of the paper I address where we might place theMatsuo shrine scriptures within the context of other manuscript Buddhist canons in Japan andon the East Asian continent. Then, I address the comparative abundance of colophons to manyof the Matsuo scriptures, which tell us where these texts were copied from. The majority comefrom Tendai scriptoriums. Because Tendai patronage of indigenous Japanese deities—kami—
and shrines where they are venerated remains a topic not particularly well documented in any
western language, I address how the Matsuo scriptures ought to lead to several reassessments
of premodern religious networks in Japan still referred to as “Shintō” by many scholars in Japanand beyond.
Lin, Pei-ying (Fu Jen Catholic University)
The Tendai Undertaking of Travelogues to Ninth-Century China
Through an investigation of travel records brought back to Japan by several Tendai monastic
pilgrims to ninth-century China, this study explores the genre known as official documents(gong wenshu 公文書) of the Tang dynasty, and especially the fate and function of these Tang
documents in Japan. Focusing on records of travels to China by Saichō 最澄 (767–822), Ennin
圓 仁 (794-864), and Enchin 圓 珍 (814-891), this paper discusses the use of the official
documents in a Japanese Tendai context. I analyze their catalogues, poetry (at banquets), andpassports as proof of legitimate pilgrimages in search of the Dharma, and shed light on how
Tendai manuscripts were used during the ninth century in China and Japan.
Lowe, Bryan (Vanderbilt University)
A Sermon on Verso, A Preacher in the Provinces: Re-centering the Study of Heian
Buddhism
Preachers in the provinces have played a peripheral role in most studies of ninth-century
Japanese Buddhism. This is because scholars tend to tell sectarian stories. In the typicalnarrative, Kūkai and Saichō introduced new teachings and practices to the court and founded
sects that would drastically alter the course of religious history in Japan. As such, scholars,particularly those in the Anglophone world, know little about the Buddhism of an entire century
beyond the activities of two rather exceptional individuals. The goal of this paper is to use
manuscripts to spin a different tale, one that treats marginalized provincial preachers as central
protagonists. Such a project requires new sources and, in line with the goals of this panel, mypaper will focus on a hitherto largely ignored manuscript to recover “Buddhism from themargins.” The text, which modern scholars have titled “Draft of Tōdai-ji Homilies (Tōdaiji
fujumon kō 東大寺諷誦文稿),” records the notes of an unnamed cleric who traveled from thecapital to the provinces to perform sermons and conduct rituals. The original manuscript, which
was written on the back of another text—a scholarly commentary on Buddhist scripture—wasdestroyed in the firebombing of Tokyo in 1945, but collotype editions are still available. These
notes preserve the teachings and rituals that a provincial preacher participated in, as well as hisannotations, glosses, and on-the-fly editing. Manuscripts such as these offer a unique window
into the day-to- day acts of little-known priests who spread Buddhism across the Japanesearchipelago via liturgical and homiletic activities but have been marginalized in traditional
accounts of Japanese Buddhism.

My paper will first explore the broader context of provincial preaching in early Japan throughevidence internal to the “Draft of Tōdai-ji Homilies” and from data gleaned from archaeologicalexcavations, doctrinal treatises, narratives, legal codes, and official histories. It will show how
preachers from the capital conducted rituals and delivered sermons at provincial temples andsometimes even in the homes of lay patrons. Textual clues reveal that audiences sometimes
included villagers of few financial means. The second part of the paper will focus on theteachings delivered in sermons, as recorded in “Draft of Tōdaiji Homilies.” It will assess how
the preacher appealed to the impoverished members of his audience through discussions of thehardships of poverty and tax burdens and by advocating simple practices including meditationand charity. The paper will conclude with reflections on how manuscripts can highlight thepeople and places marginalized in published editions, sources often laden with canonical andsectarian agendas. It will argue that we sometimes need to turn to the verso of a manuscript andto activity in the provinces to re-center scholarly narratives on Buddhism in ancient Japan.
McBride II, Richard D. (Brigham Young University)
How Did Buddhists Venerate the Avataṃsaka-sūtra in Late Premodern Korea? Insightsfrom Two Manuscript Rituals Texts
This paper examines two manuscript ritual manuals titled Hwaŏm yemun 華嚴禮文 from thelate Chosŏn period preserved in the Old Book Collection of the Dongguk University Library.
The first is dated to 1767 with the name Pak Chinhae 朴震海 on the cover, and the second wasassembled by an unknown hand in 1891. The differences between the texts suggest theevolution and amplification of Hwaŏm-oriented liturgy in the late premodern Korea. By
examining the ritual procedures delineated in these two documents, we gain a clearer picture of
how the Avataṃsaka-sūtra was worshipped in Korean Buddhism as the capstone or culminationof the monastic curriculum for Sŏn monks—and also venerated by Confucian literati. In
addition, these texts further our understanding of how ritual functioned as a means of articulating
doctrinal and devotional classifications, as a procedure for reinforcing mainstream Mahāyāna
doctrines and aspirations, and as a malleable framework for making of vows and invocations,performing penance, and chanting efficacious spells.
Zhai, Minhao (Princeton University)
Faces of Power: A Reexamination of the Foshuo qiqianfo shenfu jing 佛說七千佛神符經
This article focuses on a batch of manuscripts of Foshuo qiqianfo shenfu jing mainly found in
Dunhuang. Previous scholars usually take the perspective of Buddho-Daoism and take them asa proof of interaction among Buddhism, Daoism, and popular religion. Instead, I take a
codicological perspective in this article. I argued that the same text can display different facesby existing as different forms (exists on its own, coexists with other texts, partly exists),
especially in an era of manuscripts. No matter what the initiate purpose the original author had,when a text gains popularity, it will soon transform into different versions of that same text.
Different excerpts and combinations reveal how different copyists and editors adapt the text tofulfill their own concerns at present. Thus, the copying process is not a verbatim process, butwith revision, edit, and even reinvention.

Robson, James (Harvard University)
Discussant

Buddhism in the Sātavāhana Age
Ollett, Andrew (Harvard University)
Panel Abstract
The first two centuries of the Common Era might be described as a Golden Age of Indian
Buddhism, if ever there was one. This was the time of the construction, or reconstruction, of
massive stūpas throughout the subcontinent, and literally hundreds of rock-cut caves for
Buddhist monks to live and worship in. It was the time in which the Mahāyāna movement began
and when the familiar “schools” of Buddhism were just starting to emerge from the linguistic,
regional, doctrinal and disciplinary divisions in the ever-growing saṃgha. With Nāgārjuna,
Buddhist philosophy took some of its most decisive steps in this period, and so did Buddhist
literature. And throughout this period, Buddhism enjoyed a very close relationship with royal
power: rather than flourishing despite Sātavāhana rule, it now appears that the Sātavāhanas
patronized Buddhism in a number of ways. This panel will bring together specialists of a varietyof aspects of the first and second century Deccan—inscriptions, literature, history, philosophy,
art, and architecture—in order to better understand how Buddhism was practiced, what its
cultural horizons were, how it interacted with the social and economic spheres, and in particular,
what relationship it had to political power and the historical significance of that relationship.
Collett, Alice (Nalanda University)
Women under Sātavāhana Rule
When assessing the position of women under Sātavāhana rule, there are various possible
avenues of investigation to explore – the Sātavāhana matriline, for instance, inscriptions of
Sātavāhana queens, or the portrayals of, as compared to poems by, women in Hāla’s Sattasaī.
In this paper, I will focus upon one aspect of one part of the available evidence – assessing
women’s relative freedom of movement during Sātavāhana times. I will do this by examining
distances travelled by women (as compared men) to make donations/inscriptions/haveinscriptions engraved, at Buddhist sites. Thus, the investigation will be of women who wereactive at Buddhist sites, some of whom we can call ‘Buddhist women’, but in relation to others
I want to question-mark this designation. I will assess women’s freedom of movement in thisregard both at sites that were under Sātavāhana rule and at sites in other regions such as, forinstance, Amarāvatī, Kanaganahalli, the western cave complexes, Sāncī, Bhārhut and Mathurā.
I will locate the inscriptions historically/ chronologically, as much as is possible and thus
attempt - again, as much as is possible - an analysis of relevant data that stretches back to theMauryans and forward to the Guptas.
Ollett, Andrew (Harvard University)
Sātakarṇi and Nāgārjuna: Buddhism as a Public Religion under the Sātavāhanas

For a brief moment under the Mauryas, Buddhism was something like a “state religion”—areligion which the state commits its own resources to actively promote, more or less exclusively.
Under the Sātavāhanas and their successors, it had a very different role. It was a “public
religion,” meaning that its monuments and its communities were publicly visible and situated at
nodes of trade and pilgrimage, and as such rulers used it to disseminate an ideology of power.
All the while, the Sātavāhanas continued to represent themselves as staunch adherents ofBrahmanism and defenders of the Brahmanical social order. The instrumental use of Buddhism
as a “public religion” had feedback effects on the rulers and on Buddhism itself. The rulers
developed patronage into a key political strategy, and they developed a secular “poetics ofpower” that appealed to broadly-accepted ideals, presented in an aesthetically compelling way.
Under this arrangement, royal power cultivated close ties with religious communities, but was
not beholden to communitarian visions of politics. The arrangement that the Sātavāhanas
worked out with Buddhist communities would prove to outlast both parties. Buddhist
communities, for their part, cultivated their publicity, since it proved to be such an asset in theirrelations with political power. They actively pursued the support of public figures, from local
notables to emperors, and gave greater importance to lay worshippers, and specifically, thepowerful elites who supported Buddhism in an occasional and non-exclusive way. These trends
were not unique to the Deccan, but the Deccan provides some of the most important evidence
for them. The most concrete example of them, even if it takes some imagination to put together
from the available evidence, is the relationship between the Sātavāhana king GautamīputraŚrīyajna Sātakaṛni and the Buddhist philosopher Nāgārjuna.
Efurd, David (Wofford College)
The Satavahana-Ksaharata War and Early Buddhist Patronage
Buddhist rock-cut architecture in the western Deccan provides material, artistic, andepigraphical evidence of monastic communities and donors during the historical period typicallyreferred to as the Satavahana era. This paper seeks to define more precisely the political,
economic, and social conditions surrounding the development of Buddhist cave sites in the first
century CE, including the relationship of the conflict between the Satavahana and Ksaharata
empires to the flourishing patronage and extant rock-cut remains at these sites. Most notably,
the agency of the Satavahanas as patrons and maintainers of societal order for the developmentof Buddhist sites will be questioned, as well as their relationship to the appearance of a so-called“hiatus” in rock-cut architecture followed by rapid building/excavation during this era.
Epigraphs from caves at Karli, Nasik, and sites at Manmodi and Sivneri in the vicinity of Junnar
record donations from foreign ethnic groups, specifically sakas and yavanas, alongside novel
iconographies and innovations in artistic style. These remains correlate with inscriptions by theKsaharata family and the minister of Nahapana, the mahaksatrapa, found at Nasik andManmodi, respectively. Shifts in patronage between the early Satavahana era, the period inwhich the Ksaharatas exert their presence in the region, and the succeeding Satavahana
restoration demonstrate competing allegiances among donors at Buddhist cave sites asinternational mercantile networks emerge and the flow of trade through coastal ports negotiate
contested geography. Rather than an oversimplification of the Satavahanas as providing societal
and economic stability for Buddhist sites to flourish, a much more complex accounting forBuddhist sites emerges, demonstrating distinct patterns of patronage and competition for control
of lucrative trade routes leading to a Satavahana victory.
Shimada, Akira (SUNY New Paltz)
Royal and Non-Royal Buddhist Patronage in the Early Deccan
In studies of early Indian art, Buddhist painting, sculpture and architecture in the Deccan dated
to between the 1st century BCE and the 3rd century CE are often referred to as “Sātavāhana” artand architecture. As indicated in this term, the Sātavāhana dynasty which controlled a large partof the Deccan around the same period has been assumed to be responsible in some way for theflowering of Buddhist art and architecture of the region. Despite this common assumption,
however, it remains largely unclear how this imperial dynasty, and royal authority in general,
contributed to Buddhist architectural and artistic programs As is well known, inscriptions of thisperiod attest to a model of “collective patronage” that allowed a wide range of urban citizens tocontribute to monastic projects, particularly the construction work. While these records include
abundant donations by merchants, householders, artisans and monastic figures, donations bypolitical authorities, particularly kings themselves, are limited. Although the recently-foundKanaganahalli inscriptions and sculpture do suggest that the Sātavāhanas actively supported
stupa worship, they tell us little about how royal and non-royal patronage interacted over thelong history of this site. How, precisely, did various levels of royal authority—namely theimperial Sātavāhanas and their feudatories—interact with non-royal donors in financing, andpossibly directing, Buddhist construction activity in the Deccan? Were there any differences
between the royal patronage and non-royal patronage in terms of the quantity and quality of
support to the monasteries? If so, how did the distinctive character of royal patronage manifest
in the Buddhist art and architecture to which they contributed? I address these questions mainly
by examining early rock-cut caves (Junnar, Karla, Nasik, Mahad, Karad) in the west Deccan,
where Sātavāhanas, Kṣaharātas, local political authorities—mahārathis and mahābhojas—andtheir subjects donated monastic buildings and other gifts to the sangha, together with non-royal
donors.
Visvanathan, Meera (Shiv Nadar University)
The Idea of the ‘Perpetual Gift’: The akṣaya-nīvi in the inscriptions of the Early Historic
DeccanThe Sanskrit term ‘akṣaya’ is understood to mean ‘undecaying’ or ‘exempt from decay’. It isalso, in that sense, ‘permanent’. In the Brāhmī inscriptions of early historic India, an akṣayanīvī was a ‘permanent endowment’, given on the condition that the principal of the endowment
would be maintained in perpetuity and the donee could only make use of the income accruing
from its interest. In the Buddhist context, rather than a gift of requisites for immediate needs, it
represented a long-term investment of capital for the benefit of the saṃgha. It not only provided
material resources to the saṃgha in perpetuity, but also served as a permanent source of meritfor the donor. In contrast, the gifts of specific items (food, robes, bedding or medicine), would
have had more limited lives.

In recent times, a number of scholarly contributions have sought to nuance our understandingof this term. Of particular importance is the work of Gregory Schopen, who has edited andtranslated a literary account of the origins of the akṣaya-nīvī, found in a passage from the
Vinayavibhaṅga of the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya. 1 In addition to this, there are useful
discussions of the practice in the work of Harry Falk2 and Akira Shimada. 3 This paper will seek
to review this scholarship, even as it seeks to contextualize the term in the Brāhmī inscriptionsof the early historic Deccan.
The first inscriptional reference to an akṣaya-nīvī occurs in the second Nasik inscription ofUṣavadāta, which records the endowments he has placed with two different guilds.
Subsequently, it occurs with considerable frequency in the donative records at Buddhist cavesites (although it is not limited only to them). What do these transactions tell us about the socioeconomic context of early historic India? How do they help us better understand the networksof patronage that linked saṃgha and society? With regard to the transaction, what is it that was
put down in writing and what was not? Such an analysis is necessary because although the broad
outlines of this practice are well-known, many of its specific details have not been fully worked
out. Through an analysis of the inscriptional record, I hope to locate the akṣaya-nīvī in its
religious, economic and social contexts as well as understand the changing meanings of thisterm.
Zin, Monika (University of Leipzig)
Kanaganahalli in the Satavahana Art and Buddhism
The massive, magnificent, and mostly very well preserved slabs of the stupa at Kanaganahalli
are already exceptional in terms of their uniformity and in terms of the reconstructible sequenceof the reliefs, which allows us to perceive a sophisticated iconographic programme. A selectionof the narrative representations of Kanaganahalli have direct counterparts in other examples ofart from the same period the choice of topics, their positions in the pictorial programme, and themethods in which they were depicted. There are, however, also many singular features, such as
representations of contemporary kings, or the lack of the established iconography of theBrahmins, which has been widely applied in Bharhut, Sanchi, and Amaravati. This pattern ofshared and unique features is to be expected, given that Kanaganahalli seems to stand at thecrossroads of several distinct traditions of Buddhist art (vel sim.)
These reliefs offer insights into Buddhism as it was practiced in southern India, enhancing theview already available from the abundant Buddhist art of Andhra. The literary basis of the lifestory of the Buddha which is represented here, as is true for all of Andhra, is not known, butsome episodes, like the presentation of the new-born Bodhisatva to the yaksa Sakyavardhana,

Gregory Schopen, 2010 [1994], ‘Doing Business for the Lord: Lending on Interest and Written Loan Contracts in
the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya’, in Indian Monastic Buddhism: Collected Papers on Textual, Inscriptional andArchaeological Evidence, Vol.II: Buddhist Monks and Business Matters, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.45-90.
2Harry Falk, 2008, “Money can buy me heaven. Religious donations in late and post-Kushan India,”
Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan (40), p.145.
3
Akira Shimada, 2013, Early Buddhist Architecture in Context: The Great Stūpā at Amarāvatī (ca. 300 BCE-300
CE), Leiden: Brill, pp.156-157.
1

are totally unfamiliar to Pali literature and appear only in the vinaya of the Mulasarvastivadins.
A characteristic feature is the depiction of the four daughters of Mara, which has its only
counterpart in an early version of the Lalitavistara that is preserved today only in Chinese.
In comparison with the Buddhist art of Andhra, the reliefs at Kanaganahalli use a rather limited
repertoire of forms, and seem to rely on descriptive labels to make the scenes clearly legible. At
the same time, however, the sculptors developed a sophisticated visual language composed ofhand gestures, seating positions and furniture, headdresses, and so on. These features allow us
to situate Kanaganahalli in an intersecting history of south Indian sculpture and the visuallanguage of Buddhist art.

Buddhist Conceptions of History
Thompson, Luke Noel (Columbia University)
Panel Abstract
This panel explores the ways in which Buddhists have understood Buddhist history and theirown position therein. There are four particular themes that it highlights. The first is the way inwhich the Buddhist past have been linked to political regimes to legitimize the latter. Balkwill
looks at the way in which the sixth-century scholar Wei Shou portrayed the non-Chinese rulersof the Northern Wei dynasty as instrumental in bringing Buddhism to China. By positioning
these rulers as transmitters of Buddhism, Wei was able to depict them as bearers of high culture,a depiction that was central to their attempt to legitimize their governance of China.
Turning to Tibet, MacCormack draws our attention to the relationship between political thought
and historical thinking by focusing on the case of the fifth Dalai Lama and his government. He
argues that the fifth Dalai Lama linked his own rule to the preservation and flouring of
Buddhism, an association that he expressed through both word and image. This paper speaks
specifically to the question of how certain forms of historical thinking enable particular formsof political thought and action, and vice versa.
The second discernable theme is the way in which certain East Asian Buddhists linked
themselves to the Buddhist (and often specifically Indian) past in order to demonstrate that their
specific traditions were part of Buddhist history more broadly. Stortini’s paper examines theway in which Japanese Buddhist historiographers of the late-nineteenth and early-twentiethcenturies sought to position Japanese Buddhist traditions within a larger Buddhist history.
Focusing on the monk Nanjō Bunyū, Stortini argues that central to this project was the linking
of Japanese Buddhism to Indian sources, and he raises a question central to the meeting of
Buddhist and modern historiography: does a scientific or modern view of history entail a denialof a Buddhist one?
Also looking at Japan, Thompson examines historical thinking as found in myths associatedwith the rebuilding of a set of temples after their destruction in 1180. Noting that in Buddhism
one finds both a model of historical progress and a model that emphasizes decline, Thompson
argues that in the Japanese case on which he focuses we find a model of progression andoptimism about the future, but that this model and attitude depended upon the creation of new
myths that rendered the newly-repaired temples and their environs sacred by linking them to the
Buddhist past.
A third theme is the way in which certain historical models inform Buddhist sotieriology.
Focusing on thirteenth-century Japan, Stone shows that the Japanese monk Nichiren understood
the Final Age of the Dharma to be one during which the Lotus Sūtra was the only teaching bywhich humans could achieve buddhahood. His linking of the final age to the Lotus Sūtra led
him to view himself and his followers as the only ones who truly understood history and its
implications for Buddhist soteriology.
Finally, there is the theme of prophecy and omens, and specifically the interest in such signs of
the future that many East Asian Buddhist historiographers exhibited. Kieschnick draws ourattention to this topic, looking specifically at Chinese Buddhist historians’ recording ofprophecies about events that had already occurred. These past predictions did not serve any
obvious purpose, as they did not usually aid a particular character within the historiographicalwork, which leads to Kieschnick’s guiding question: why where Chinese Buddhist
historiographers interested in these prophecies?
Kieschnick, John (Stanford University)
Dreams, Omens and Prophecy in Chinese Buddhist Historiography
Whether Buddhist or not, historians are primarily concerned with the past, even in cases inwhich their ultimate goal is to use the past to understand or affect the present. Scholars ofhistoriography naturally focus their attention on how historians construct the past, and even how
they employ the “plupast” (the distant past as recounted by historical figures in the past).
Buddhist notions of rebirth and karma render the plupast especially important since the historiancan draw on the historical record to demonstrate the workings of karma, and can, conversely,
employ karma to vault from one event to a much earlier event to explain historical causation.
But rather than focus on the past, in this paper I turn instead to the ways in which Buddhist
historians in China played with the future, and in particular, foreknowledge or signs that could
be read as indicators of the future. In fact, in Chinese Buddhist writings, prolepsis(“foreshadowing”) is much more common that analepsis (“flashbacks”). In an attempt to outline
the dynamics involved in referencing the future in Buddhist historical writings in China, I
examine omens, dreams and prophecy. For the most part, the focus in Chinese Buddhist
historiography is on predictions that have already run their course. In other words, whether inomens, dreams or prophecy, historians recount intimations of events that took place later, but
before the historian’s time. This is not to say that Buddhist historians were unconcerned withpredicting the future beyond the present—all of them believed, for instance, in the inexorable
decline of the Dharma stretching far into the future—but in their historical writings, they for themost part only discussed the decline of the Dharma as it was useful in explaining the past. In
other words, the search for clues in the past to subsequent events—overlapping at times withcausation—was the bread and butter (rice and turnip?) of the Chinese historian.

Buddhist historians in China were fascinated by ancient prophecies, fortune‐tellers, prophetic
dreams, and omens. Rare is the case (if any exist) in which a Buddhist historian records a
prediction of the future that turned out to be wrong; as soon as the reader encounters an omen
or a prophetic dream, its fulfillment is inevitably just a few lines away. But curiously, in thestories themselves, foreknowledge of the future seldom helps the subjects of the story. Thatbeing the case, what was the point? In short, why were signs of the future—whether omens,
dreams or prophecies— already realized in the past of special interest to historians and theirreaders?
Stortini, Paride (University of Chicago)
Promulgating the Law through History: What is Modern in Nanjō Bunyū’s A ShortHistory of the Twelve Japanese Buddhist Sects?
Recent scholarship has shed light on the complex relation between the birth of Buddhist studies
in Japan and issues of modernization, Orientalism and nationalist reactions to Westernimperialism. Some of this research has focused on Japanese Buddhist historiography, themodern version of which appeared during the Meiji period (1868-1912) and placed Japanese
Buddhism within a global trajectory of historical development. Nanjō Bunyū (1849-1927), a
scholar-priest of the Higashi Honganji sect of Pure Land Buddhism, was among the pioneers ofmodern Buddhist studies in Japan, where he is considered the father of Indology and Sanskrit
Studies.
Today he is mostly remembered for his philological work, developed after studying under the
Oxford professor Friedrich Max Müller. While Nanjō’s contribution as a philologist to the birthof modern Buddhist studies has been recognized, his work as a historian of Japanese Buddhism
has received less attention. In this paper I focus on Nanjō Bunyū’s ideas about the history of
Buddhism, stressing his reception and reconception of European scholarship on Buddhism, butalso on his redeployment of Japanese pre-Meiji Buddhist views of history. The paper will focus
on the innovations found in Nanjō’s narrative of Buddhist history. It will question thesignificance of Nanjō’s presentation of his work modern, academic historiography and of the
Buddhist views expressed therein, thereby presenting a question that brings this paper into
conversations with the others on the panel: does a scientific or modern view of history entail adenial of a Buddhist one?
Nanjo’s knowledge of European scholarship on religion and Buddhism influenced his views of
the history of Buddhism in Japan, as can be seen in his historiographical work A Short Historyof the Twelve Japanese Buddhist Sects (1886). Of particular importance was the new role thatIndian Buddhism played through the mediation of Western scholarship and throughcontemporanoues study of Sanskrit and Pāli sources. I will argue that, in line with the earliest
developments of modern Buddhist historiography in Japan, Nanjō’s work sought to include
history of Japanese Buddhism within a trajectory of global civilization, and that the link between
Japanese Buddhism and Buddhism’s Indian origins was essential to achieving this purpose.
Short History constitutes the fruit of an inter-sectarian collaboration, woven together in Nanjō’s
English translation, which places Japanese Buddhist sects within the larger framework of Asian
Buddhist history, stressing the link between Indian sources, Chinese mediation, and Japanesedevelopments. The use of Western chronology and the addition of an index that links Sino-Japanese Buddhist terms to their Sanskrit counterparts represent further elements of the global
dimension of Nanjō’s narrative of Japanese Buddhism. This history also responds to European
views of East Asian Buddhism as a degenerate form of the original Indian tradition.
Balkwill, Stephanie (University of Southern California)
Who Owns the Buddhist Past?: The Northern Wei as Bearers of High Buddhist Culture
in Medieval China
Having been tasked with the responsibility of authoring the dynastic history of the Northern
Wei 北魏 (368-534 CE), Wei Shou 魏收 found himself in a difficult predicament: how torepresent the non-Chinese rulers of the dynasty from the perspective of his current employers,
the Northern Qi 北齊 (550-577 CE), who considered themselves the rightful successors to their
non-Chinese but fully Sinified predecessors? His solution was masterful. Depicting the
Tuoba 拓跋 people of the Northern Wei as heroic nomads who took on high Chinese culture
and who thus became a hybrid people and government, Wei Shou also posits that it was thesebi-cultural rulers who were the transmitters of Buddhism to China. The narrative of thisBuddhist past of the Tuoba people is written in the final chapter of the Book of the Wei, a uniquetreatise on religion entitled, “The Annals of Buddhism and Daosim” (釋老志). That text tells usthat although the teachings of the Chinese sages had already been written down, the teachingsof the Buddha had not yet been clarified. He then undertakes this task with special attention to
the role that the “barbarian” North played in the bringing of the “barbarian” religion to China.
My paper will explore the historiographical intent of the text, arguing that ownership of the
Buddhist past allowed the Tuoba to position themselves as bearers of high culture—an important
strategy in their bid for power.
Stone, Jacqueline (Princeton University)
Time, History, and the Lotus Sūtra in Nichiren’s Thought
The Japanese Buddhist teacher Nichiren (1222-1282), known for his message of exclusive
devotion to the Lotus Sūtra, grounded his polemics against rival schools in a unique view of
Buddhist history. Nichiren drew on standard Buddhist historical tropes of his day—such as theDharma’s eastward transmission through the three countries of India, China, and Japan, and theadvent of the Final Dharma age (mappō) as marking the nadir in a presumed decline in humanreligious capacity—and assimilated them to the Lotus-centered doctrines of the Tendai schoolin which he had trained. Central to his argument was the Tendai division of the Buddhist
teachings into the “provisional,” which are incomplete, and the “true” or perfect, that is, theLotus Sūtra, which alone instantiates the “seed” or initial cause for realizing Buddhahood.
Nichiren claimed that people who lived during the roughly 2,000 years after the Buddha, when
the Dharma had spread in India and China, had been able to achieve liberation throughprovisional teachings because they had already “received the Buddha seed” by hearing the Lotus
Sūtra from Śākyamuni Buddha in prior lifetimes. But people living now in Japan in the Final
Dharma age did not have this prior connection and thus could not realize buddhahood throughprovisional teachings, any more than one could reap a harvest from a field that had never beensown. At this time, Nichiren asserted, the Lotus Sūtra must be taught exclusively to plant theseed of Buddhahood in the minds of the majority, who had never before received it.

In Nichiren’s narrative, the Japanese Tendai founder Saichō (767-822) had already establishedthe Lotus in Japan as the teaching appropriate for all persons of the mappō era. But not longafter, Buddhist teachers had begun perversely to neglect the Lotus in favor of the esotericteachings, Pure Land, Zen, and other provisional teachings, whose soteriological efficacy had
already expired. In promoting such teachings, Nichiren argued, they blocked the sole path ofliberation viable in this age; the problem of mappō, in his eyes, was not moral decline but
rejection of the Lotus Sūtra. To this fundamental error he attributed the violent events of therecent past, notably the Genpei and Jōkyū wars that had initiated the shift from courtier towarrior rule; similarly, he understood the Mongol attacks as Japan’s collective karmic
retribution for abandoning the Lotus. This conviction underlay the aggressive proselytizing forwhich Nichiren is well known. Once reestablished as the sole teaching for the present era, hemaintained, the dharma of the Lotus Sūtra would spread west, back to China, India, and beyond,reversing the trajectory of Buddhism’s earlier, eastward dissemination and establishing Japanas the center of the Buddhist world. As the leader of a marginal movement, Nichiren articulated
his historical thinking against the religious and political center. His understanding of history
both legitimized his Lotus exclusivism and in effect placed his followers in the vanguard of
history, as those who alone discern its operative principles and can accordingly shoulder thetask of saving humanity.
MacCormack, Ian James (Harvard University)
Buddhist Rule and Historical Thinking in Seventeenth-Century Tibet
After assuming power over central Tibet in 1642, the fifth Dalai Lama undertook a number ofactions tied to the onset of a new reign. Among these were the authoring of an official historyof Tibet and the construction of a palace in Lhasa. His history, styled as a song heralding thearrival of a new spring, is exemplary both for its poetic renderings of the past and its emphasis
on prophecy for understanding political change. In the main assembly hall of the palace, hecommissioned a set of narrative murals depicting major events of that history, to show what hecalled the “linked progression of causes” between Tibet's genesis and his own ascension. In bothwords and images, the advent of this authority was not merely a moment in history but a revisioning of how past and future were understood and expressed.
It is sometimes claimed that the fifth Dalai Lama and his government took an instrumental
approach to history, appropriating it as a passive object in service of what has been called his“dual temporal and spiritual legitimacy.” Still deserving attention is the question of how
authority and historical thinking shape one another. My paper takes up this question, focusing
on the case of the fifth Dalai Lama and his government.
The fifth Dalai Lama (and his protégé and successor, the Desi Sangyé Gyatso) situated rule interms of the preservation and flourishing of the Buddhist dispensation, encapsulated in the ideaof ushering in a new “Perfected Age.” As a political concept and an example of what Reinhart
Koselleck calls a “vision of the future,” the idea suggested a new orientation in time: a reset ofthe cosmic clock, an acceleration towards a once-distant horizon, with messianic andmillenarian connotations.

Knowledge of how kingship is constituted was closely entwined with historical thinking, as in
the temporality accompanying the cakravartin ideal, the periodization of the dispensation's
decline, or the calculation of recurrent astronomical conjunctions. Building on Buddhist Studies
scholarship by Jan Nattier and Jonathan Walters, I look at the fifth Dalai Lama's historiography
and the palace murals as a local instance for thinking about the broader phenomenon of Buddhist
history. I consider the possibilities opened up by thinking about Buddhist history as enabling
particular forms of political thought and action, even as it was itself the outcome of the active
process of creating, understanding, and expressing rule.
Thompson, Luke Noel (Columbia University)
Japanese Buddhist Optimism about the Future, as seen in the Rebuilding of Nara and theFabrication of New Myths
In 1180 Buddhist temples in the Japanese city of Nara were burnt to the ground in retaliation
for their partisan support of one faction within the then-raging civil war. Rebuilding began thefollowing year, and attracted the support of retired emperors, aristocrats, charismatic monks,
and military rulers. While this rebuilding entailed the reconstruction of physical structures, there-imagining of the recently devastated Buddhist world of Nara was equally central to thisproject. Buddhist clerics achieved this re-imagining by transforming pre-existing myths andcreating new ones. The final product was a new, optimistic vision of Japanese Buddhist history
and an affirmation that Buddhism could continue and even thrive in Nara.
This paper focuses on this new vision of Buddhist history as it appears in the Kenkyū gojunrei
ki, an account of a 1191 imperial pilgrimage to Nara written by the Kōfukuji monk Jitsuei. One
might imagine that the destruction of Nara, along with the then current belief that Japan had
entered Buddhism’s final, degenerate period, would lead to pessimism about the future andBuddhism’s prospects in Japan. However, I show that the Kenkyū gojunrei ki and related works
exhibit instead a deeply optimistic view of the future. I suggest that this optimism can be
explained in part by considering two factors or developments.
The first is the tension found in Buddhism between pessimistic and optimistic historical models.
All Buddhist traditions share a theory of decline, whereby after the death of Śākyamuni
conditions are thought to degenerate over time. However, the Mahāyāna belief in something
akin to progressive revelation suggests that access to the higher Buddhist teachings increases
with time. The fact that the Mahāyāna scriptures were only revealed well after the Buddha’s
parinirvāṇa reflects this understanding of history. While both models existed in medieval
Japan, the texts that I examine were inclined to emphasize the optimistic model, even if theyrarely ever dismissed the theory of degeneration.
The second factor I consider is the development in Japan of medieval mythology (chūsei
shinwa), a genre that borrowed elements from older Japanese, Chinese, and Indian myths inorder to create new stories about the origins of temples, of mountains, and even of Japan.
Through this fabrication of myth new institutions were linked to ancient, authoritative figures,and local deities were identified as buddhas and bodhisattvas. This development provided thelogic of association that enabled Japanese Buddhists to imagine a future that was populated byprotective deities and benevolent buddhas, and to link themselves to a pristine past that existed
prior to Buddhism’s initial decline.

Buddhist Cosmology and Astral Science
Mak, Bill (Kyoto University)
Panel Abstract
Cosmological concepts, from the structure and evolution of the world to the notion of space andtime, form an important backdrop to many Buddhist texts. However, within the pan-Indiancultural and religious milieu, similar but often subtly varied cosmological concepts areembedded within a vast body of literature belonging to the Brahmanical, Jaina, or otherheterodox traditions. Even amongst the Buddhist sources, there is an array of differingcosmological concepts from Abhidharma to the Tantric tradition. In some cases, cosmologicalnotions may bear features of a particular cultural group or substratum. In other cases, hybridized
notions may result from the contact among different traditions and cultures. How do all theseconverging and diverging concepts relate to each other? To what degree, if any, have they
influenced each other? In this panel, specialists from different regions, traditions and periods,
examine and compare cosmological concepts in Buddhist literature with similar, and sometimes
competing ideas from other contemporaneous traditions. By adopting a multifaceted,interdisciplinary approach, we hope to turn a new chapter in understanding the rich sources of
Buddhist cosmological thinking and the multivocality within the Buddhist tradition which
continues to impact our world and societies.
Huntington, Eric (Princeton University)
Cosmology as a Framework for Expression in Text and Image
Although texts are often cited as “authoritative sources” for cosmological models, they are
actually individual instances of cosmological thought expressed for particular purposes. In thispaper, I problematize the scholarly use of such sources to represent broader traditions on two
fronts. First, I analyze certain key cosmological texts from Buddhism and Hinduism to showthat each is adapted to the specific purposes of its context and authorship, resulting in notable
modifications to the cosmic model for particular goals, along with restrictions in broader
applicability. Second, I argue that “non-authoritative” expressions of cosmological thinking canprovide a much broader view of the many ways that cosmological models actually function
within religious thought. The end result is an alternative to viewing a particular cosmologicalmodel as a shared backdrop for varied aspects of a religious tradition, rather seeing it as an open
framework around which central features of a religion can be constructed and expressed.
The loci classici for Buddhist cosmology are generally systematic textual accounts, such as
Vasubandhu’s scholastic Abhidharmakośa or the all-encompassing tantric system of the
Kālacakra corpus. In other traditions, descriptions of the cosmos may form only small parts ofdivergent projects, such as Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga or, in Hindu literature, certainpurāṇas. These “sources” do not straightforwardly express the cosmological models of theirtraditions, but rather employ cosmological thinking oriented towards particular agendas.
Vasubandhu’s articulation of the geographic cosmos expresses key arguments about causality
and karma for his philosophical project, while Buddhaghosa describes a subtly different cosmos
understood within the meditative practices leading to enlightenment. The radically different
models of the Kālacakra system and the purāṇas, in turn, articulate cosmoses that are explicitly
shaped towards particular ritual and social agendas, respectively. These textual portrayals,
viewed in context, present remarkably varied ways of thinking about the role of cosmology inreligion, as well as ways in which cosmic models can be suited to particular purposes. Further
comparison of even the most detailed “source” texts with other textual and visual representationsof the cosmos also reveals that these texts simply cannot be the only foundations for even thecosmological traditions that claim them as such.
Beyond these commonly cited sources are vastly numerous other expressions of the Buddhist
cosmos in text, artwork, and material culture. Relationships between the Buddhist cosmos andthe architecture of the stūpa, for example, are well studied. Perhaps less thoroughly considered
are unsystematic or incomplete examples, such as the use of cosmic elements in literary
metaphor, their appearances in narrative illustrations of the Buddha’s life story and certainavadānas, and many other cases in text, art, and ritual. Like the “authoritative” sources, all ofthese expressions of the cosmos emphasize particular ways of thinking about the structure andparts of the Buddhist world towards particular effects. Viewing them collectively provides new
ways of thinking about the role of cosmology in religion more broadly as well as the particular
relationships between individual cosmic models.
Satinsky, Ruth (University of Lausanne)
Untangling the historical relationship between the concepts of Mount Meru in early
Buddhist, Jaina, and Brahmanical literature
There is a long-standing bias amongst scholars that early Brahmanical cosmology forms thebasis of Buddhist and Jaina cosmology, including the important concept of Mount Meru, which
all three traditions share. For example, Willibald Kirfel (1920/1990:2), in his major study ofIndian cosmology, Die Kosmographie der Inder nach den Quellen dargestellt, states: “Dieältere Epoche der brāhmaṇischen Kosmographie ist aber nicht nur für die jüngere
Voraussetzung und Grundlage, sondern auch für die Systeme der Buddhisten und Jaina, die erstin späterer Zeit entstanden und auf den gegebenen Vorstellungen weiterbauen mussten.” Morerecently, Suzuko Ohira (1994: 22, §69), in her study of the Viyāhapannatti (= Bhagavatīsūtra,the fifth aṇga (“limb”) of the Jaina Śvetāmbara canon) concurs with Kirfel’s hypothesis andstates: “[...] both Jainas and Buddhists built their own cosmographical features after the modelsof the Hindus;” and Akira Sadakata (1997/2009: 28), in his comprehensive study, Buddhist
Cosmology. Philosophy and Origins, claims: “Buddhism no doubt adopted the name [Meru]
from that source [the Mahābhārata].”
Contrary to Kirfel and others, this paper will argue that there is strong evidence to suggest thatthe concept of Mount Meru (here defined as “the golden mountain at the center of the universearound which the heavenly bodies revolve”) may have entered early Brahmanical literature
under the influence of the culture out of which Buddhism, Jainism, and Ājīvikism arose, theculture that Johannes Bronkhorst (2007) calls “Greater Magadha.” This hypothesis is based on
three main observations:1) The cosmological concept of Mount Meru is prominent in the earliest Buddhist and Jaina
literature, but not in Brahmanical literature prior to the Mahābhārata.
2) Its late introduction into Brahmanical literature marks the shift from Vedic to epic and Purāṇic
cosmology at a time when Brahmanical contacts with Buddhism, Jainism, and their region oforigin, Greater Magadha, were possible and presumably established.
3) “The number eighty-four and its multiples,” a special group of numbers associated withcosmological phenomena and entities of importance, is prominent in the earliest Buddhist andJaina literature, and in Ājīvikism, but absent from Brahmanical literature prior to the
Mahābhārata. The first occurrence in Brahmanical literature of a number from this group withcosmological purport is found in Mahābhārata (Mbh 6.7.10), which states that Mount Meru
rises 84,000 yojanas above the earth.
Thus, the introduction of the concept of Mount Meru into Brahmanical literature in the
Mahābhārata may be the result of a different and more complex historical reality than thatwhich Kirfel and others perceive, that is to say, one that illustrates the syncretic nature of early
Brahmanical literature and cosmology.
Hiyama-Karino, Satomi (Ryukoku University)
Iconography of Sumeru in the Buddhist Art in Central Asia
A strong interest in visualizing the Buddhist cosmology can be observed in the mural paintings
that decorated the inner space of the Buddhist monasteries in the oasis kingdoms alongside theNorthern Silk Road. Especially remarkable are the Indo-Iranian style mural paintings of theKucha Kingdom (ca. 5-7th centuries), which contain particularly detailed representations ofSumeru. They can be found in 1) the scene concerning the story of King Mandhātar (in Kizil
Cave 118), 2) the scenes about the destruction and recreation of the world at the end andbeginning of a kalpa (in Kizil Cave 161 and 207), and 3) the scene illustrating Ajātaśatru's
resurrection after hearing the announcement about the Buddha's mahāparinirvāṇa (in Kizil Cave4, 219, 224 etc.). While the former two representations serve for displaying the geographicaland chronological axis of the Buddhist's worldview by using the three-dimensional inner spaceof the caves, the image of a collapsing Sumeru is employed to indicate the Buddha's physicaldeath in the last instance.
All of these depictions contain illustrations of the X-shaped Sumeru, which became a popular
iconography in Chinese Buddhist art of the medieval period. Remarkably, earlier representationsof this type of Sumeru have not been known so far; the representations in Kucha are the earliest
material witnessing the presence of this type of iconography. Then how did this intriguing imageof the X-shaped Sumeru originate?
This paper casts light on the following questions about early Sumeru images in Central Asia,
which had been less studied in the field: 1) which kind of textual and visual tradition (bothBuddhist and non-Buddhist sources) may have influenced for shaping these early Sumeru

images? 2) for which kind of function did this icon of "the world" serve in the narrative sphereof the Buddhist iconographic world in Central Asia?
To seek for answers, the early Sumeru representations, recorded in documentations of several
Central Asian expeditions at the beginning of the 20th century, are analyzed both from thephilological and art-historical points of view.
Mak, Bill M. (Kyoto University)
The Buddhist transmission of Grahamātṛkādhāraṇī and other planetary astral texts
Early Indian Buddhists adopted and followed a cosmology characterized by Sumeru as the world
axis, and a set of astral beliefs based on lunar/nakṣatra astrology. By the middle of the firstmillennium C.E., a different form of astral science of ultimately Greco-Babylonian origin,characterized by Zodiac, horoscopy and planetary worship emerged and became the salientfeature in a variety of Buddhist texts, from Āgama to Abhidharma, and from Mahāyāna sūtras
to later Tantric works. While the old and new astral materials continued to interact with eachother, they remained largely discernible in terms of both how the cosmos was envisioned, as
well as the techniques and jargons employed. Among the new Indic Buddhist texts which carrieda conspicuous planetary theme is the Grahamātṛkādhāraṇī, a short magical ritual text whichenjoyed great popularity in the oasis kingdoms on the Silk Road throughout the latter half of thefirst millennium, and is still extant in Nepal down to the present day.
In this paper, I examine the transmission of this text by first comparing the content of its extant
Sanskrit redaction and the Chinese translations (T1302, 1303) with the grahaśānti materials
found in other Indian traditions, such as those in the Śivadharmaśāstra,Viṣṇudharmottarapurāṇa, Bṛhatsaṃhitā and Navagrahapūja. Secondly, I attempt to position
this text within the Buddhist corpus in connection with other planetary works such as the Xiuyao
jing (T1299) and the Tejaprabhā texts (T963, 964, 966). Lastly, I discuss the transmission ofthis text within the context of the eastward transmission of Greco-Babylonian astral science.

Okada, Masahiko (Tenri University)
The emergence of Buddhist astronomy and Buddhist science in nineteenth century JapanThe Jesuit priests who visited Japan in the sixteenth century attacked the flat world system of
the Buddhists, and insisted upon the supremacy of the theory of spherical earth. However, they
never tried to compare the celestial systems and astronomical knowledge in the Christiantradition with those in the Buddhist tradition, for they did not possess sufficient knowledge ofastronomy to employ the principles of physics in order to ascertain the nature of the heavenly
bodies yet. Their debate was a religious debate based on the conflict between teleologicalinterpretations of the world in each tradition. This debate between the Jesuit priests and theJapanese Buddhists scholar-monks on cosmology gradually due to the closed-door policy of
Tokugawa government.
However, after the eighth Shogun, Tokugawa Yoshimune, relaxed the closed-door policy in
1720, new Western knowledge started to be introduced and became popular in Japan. The newscientific knowledge included astronomy after the Galileo trial in 1633. Within this historicalcontext, a Buddhist monk, Fumon Entsu (1754~1834), tried to establish his Buddhist astronomy
based on the flat-world universe, in order to compete with the new scientific cosmology (butnot with Christian cosmology). Even within the Western intellectual traditions, cosmology andastronomical knowledge were already separated from the Christian theological and teleologicalworldview, and mechanistic explanations of the universe were sought after in this period.
Under such new intellectual conditions, Japanese intellectuals in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries started to reconfigure their traditional worldview within their respective intellectual
traditions. Entsu’s reconfiguration of the Buddhist worldview and his new style of Buddhist
astronomy became one of the front-runners and leading cosmological and astronomical theoriesof the time.

Since the period of Abhidharma, the astronomical knowledge in the Buddhist scriptures had
never been combined with the Buddhist worldview directly, just as the teleologicalinterpretation of the world had nothing to do with a mechanistic explanation of universe in theChristian tradition. The existence of Mount Sumeru was not an objective fact that should beverified by a scientific research and observation. Only after the Copernican revolution, amechanistic explanation of universe started to challenge a teleological interpretation of theworld.
Fumon Entsu and his followers developed a unique intellectual movement called Bonreki undo(“Indian astronomy movement”) within this context. They published books to propagate their
theories, organized public lectures using miniature mechanical models of the flat world system,
ran local science classes, and circulated Buddhist calendars and medicine widely. In essence,
they established a Buddhist science following the intellectual framework of nineteenth century
Japan.
In this paper, I would like to introduce the history of this unique intellectual movement andconsider the meaning of their activities in the history of Japanese religion and science.
Yano, Michio (Kyoto Sangyo University)

Discussant

Buddhist Studies and the Scientific Study of Meditation
Braun, Erik (University of Virginia)
McMahan, David (Franklin & Marshall College)
Panel Abstract
This panel will assess modern scientific approaches to Buddhist and Buddhist-derived
meditation from the interdisciplinary perspective of Buddhist Studies. Meditation, particularly“mindfulness” meditation, has garnered enormous attention in recent years as the object ofscientific study, to the point of redefining its very conception in the popular imagination and theacademy. In contrast to the traditional focus on meditation to achieve a better rebirth, if notawakening, contemporary practice often focuses on practical matters, such as health,relationships, and work life, with little consideration of the beliefs, values, or cosmologies that
underpin practice from the Buddhist point of view. Supporting this shift has been meditation’s
move to some of the most powerful secular institutions in the world, including universities,
hospitals, multinational corporations, and the US Military. The plethora of scientific studies
conducted in recent years have, in fact, not only undergirded these transformations, but helped
to create them. The panel participants will seek to understand these changes within their broader
historical, cultural, and institutional contexts and show the complex interrelations between
Buddhism and the scientific study of meditative practices. The goal is to foster incisive critiquesthat remain open to mutual enrichment between scientific and humanistic modes ofunderstanding.

Braun, Erik (University of Virginia)
Mindful but not Religious: Meditation and Enchantment in the Work of Jon Kabat-Zinn
In this presentation I explore how John Kabat-Zinn’s vision of meditation, above all in his
writings about his Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction program, conveys a profound sense of
enchantment—in other words, a deep sense of life’s “fullness” or value. A goal here is to draw
attention to how fundamental conceptual categories, such as the secular and the scientific, arereworked in popular practice to change culture. In Kabat-Zinn’s mindfulness practice, meaning
and worth are formulated as flowing naturally from mindful observation of everyday life,
especially of painful experiences. The therapeutic goals and scientific framing of MBSR and
mindfulness place practice explicitly outside any religious setting. Seen as experientially andempirically validated, the practice is taken to reveal a given reality available to all. Thisnaturalizing approach, drawing on science, metaphysical religious roots in American culture,
and Buddhist teachings, makes mindfulness occupy many registers at once: Buddhist yet
ecumenically inclusive, secular yet spiritual, scientific but revealing a larger sense of meaningand purpose. This multi-modal character of mindfulness, always available through simple
awareness, explains its popularity, which is helping to reshape—to “Buddhify”—American
culture.
Davis, Jake (Brown University)
The Value of Mindfulness
Mindfulness-Based Interventions (MBIs) have been remarkably successful in reaching nonBuddhist populations in clinical, educational, and military settings. And a substantial body ofrecent research appears to indicate physiological and psychological benefits of these practices.
Yet Sharf (2015) rejects the notion that the psychological benefits of MBIs are “born out by
centuries of Buddhist experience” (Sharf 2015). As he rightly notes, meditation practitioners inmore traditional Asian settings may not “aspire to our model of mental health in the first place”.
Moreover, he suggests, the notion of “bare awareness” is itself a departure from much of
Buddhist tradition. Here, Sharf can draw support from a number of the articles in a recent issueof Contemporary Buddhism (January, 2011) contrasting evaluative aspects of sati in various
Buddhist textual characterizations of “right mindfulness” with contemporary presentations of
mindfulness MBIs as “non-judgmental present-centered attention”.
In this talk, I aim to explore what is at stake in such debates, which kinds of questions they turnon most fundamentally.
The controversy over the possibility of a ‘mindful sniper’ serves to highlight an ethical aspectof definitions of ‘right-mindfulness’ (see e.g. Ricard 2009). In the Buddhist context, to say thatthe mindfulness of a sniper does not amount to right mindfulness is to say that human beings
ought to cultivate other qualities instead of or (more likely) in addition to the kinds of focused
attention that are important for being an effective sniper. Likewise, if one thinks that thedevelopment of a non-judgmental present-centered attention is (one of) the most valuableway(s) human beings can develop themselves, then that will play a central role in one’s
presentation of mindfulness practice. On the other hand, some individuals and practice traditions

might hold instead that such a non-judgmental present-centered attention is not sufficient, or
perhaps not even necessary, for a human being to cultivate what is most valuable. If so, theirpresentations of mindfulness practice are likely to stress other aspects, such as analytical andevaluative contemplative practices. Thus, meditation teachers may often be using the term
‘mindfulness’ to present aspects of the vision of human flourishing that they and their own
tradition endorse. In this vein, Kabat-Zinn remarks that in certain contexts he has used
‘mindfulness’ not as the name of a particular kind of attention, but rather as a placeholder for a“universal dharma that is co-extensive, if not identical, with the teachings of the Buddha, theBuddhadharma” (Kabat-Zinn 2011, 290).
The debate around traditional and modern uses of the term mindfulness presents itself ostensiblyas a debate within the domain of history and textual analysis. I suggest, however, that some ofthe driving questions behind these historical arguments may be more accurately understood as
ethical questions, about what qualities are best for a human being to cultivate. I close with somereflections on what sorts of approaches might more directly address these philosophical debates– between competing ethical visions, competing values, and competing ideals of mental health– that have arisen around the modern presentations of mindfulness.
Wilson, Jeff (University of Waterloo)
The New Science of Health and Happiness: Investigating Buddhist and Non-Buddhist
Engagements with the Scientific Study of Mindfulness
My paper aims to examine the uses of scientific studies of Buddhist-derived mindfulness
meditation techniques by Buddhists and non-Buddhists in North America. Specifically, I am
concerned with analyzing how rhetoric around “scientifically-proven benefits” of mindfulness
meditation are consumed, deployed, and resisted by various groups involved in the mindfulness
movement. By looking at several sources, the different strategies and agendas underlying their
engagement with science and meditation come into focus.
The mindfulness movement is, as I argue in my book Mindful America (2014), the single largest
influence of Buddhism on North American culture. It is multi-faceted, but the most importantsource is reformist Vipassana traditions originating in Southeast Asia (see Erik Braun, The Birthof Insight, 2013). However, mindfulness and its associated techniques have been partiallywrested away from Buddhism, with the rhetoric of science and medicine utilized as the mosteffective tool for the secularization of meditation practices. This evolution is complex, as it
involves not only non-Buddhists appropriating Buddhist elements for their own ends, but also
active efforts by some Buddhists to market their traditional techniques as scientifically-verified
and available to all.
In my book, I acknowledge the diversity of the mindfulness movement but primarily focus onlarge-scale phenomena and attitudes common throughout the whole of the movement. In thispaper, I wish to complicate the vision of a relatively united mindfulness movement by displaying
the range of subtle and significant differing approaches to the relationship of science,
meditation, and Buddhism. As I will show, typologies can be produced that categorizeapproaches based on how meditation studies are treated. These in turn uncover contestations atwork within the mindfulness movement.
My primary sources are publications (including audio and visual media) produced by playerswith a stake in the mindfulness movement. First, I examine Time magazine, a secularmainstream magazine with no connection to Buddhism, but which frequently presents articles
and even special issues on mindfulness. Second, Mindful magazine, an advocate of secularized
meditation for the LOHAS (Lifestyles Of Health And Spirituality) demographic, which takes
care to hide the Buddhist associations of its authors, editors, and content. Third, Shambhala
Sun/Lion’s Roar and Buddhadharma, pan-sectarian Buddhist magazines (from the same
publisher) with strong connection to Mindful. Fourth, The Mindfulness Bell, the journal of a
Buddhist community best known for its mindfulness practices. And finally, the Mindfulness
Center of the Orange Country Buddhist Church, a Buddhist counseling program established at
a temple in a non-meditation lineage. Each of these engages with the rhetoric of scientific studyof meditation, but each does so in ways that reflect their own positions and agendas.
In developing my study, I will consider Benjamin Zeller’s useful analysis of how New Religious
Movements use rhetoric around science to establish their identities and achieve their goals(Prophets and Protons, 2010). I will consider how we may see similar patterns among thisrange of Buddhist and non-Buddhist responses to scientific studies of mindfulness meditation,
as well as look to expand upon Zeller’s typology to show additional possible relations to science.
Edelglass, William (Marlboro College)
Buddhism, Happiness, and the Science of Meditation
The science of meditation and happiness is now cited frequently in contemporary discussionsof both happiness and meditation. Meditation is introduced in positive psychology courses thatteach people how to increase happiness and scientific studies on meditation and happiness are
introduced in dharma talks to inspire Buddhist practice. The widespread discourse of happinessand meditation is part of a “happiness turn” in contemporary Western Buddhism, in which
meditation is presented as a path to happiness, in which happiness is the promise of Buddhist
practice. This turn is justified, in part, by empirical research on happiness, which appears to bea straightforward scientific inquiry into the causes and conditions of happiness. But thisempirical research presupposes a very different project, a philosophical account of the nature ofhappiness such that it can be measured. For example, the two most widespread methods formeasuring happiness, life satisfaction questionnaires and random experience sampling, are eachcommitted to a particular theory of happiness: implicit in the random experience sampling
method is a hedonic conception of happiness as positive affect or pleasure; implicit in the life
satisfaction questionnaire is an account of happiness as being satisfied with one’s life. Scientists
using both of these methods have demonstrated correlations between mindfulness andhappiness. While there is little reason to doubt the results of these studies, I argue that they do
not merely provide us with objective facts about human beings. The rhetoric of the science of
meditation and happiness makes meditation meaningful as a path to personal happiness, a kindof exercise practice to maintain mental health and increase happiness that doctors tell us weought to be doing—not unlike working out at the gym. Drawing on Śāntideva and otherBuddhist thinkers I suggest that we may be in error regarding whether or not we are actually
happy and only some kinds of positive affect or satisfaction are part of a happy life. In contrast
to positive psychologists, Śāntideva and some other Buddhists defend a normative conceptionof happiness also made possible by meditation. But Śāntideva’s rhetoric makes cultivating
mindfulness and awareness meaningful as a relinquishing of self, wisdom, attending to others,
and increased skill in addressing their needs. While the scientific study of meditation andhappiness has justified making mindfulness practice, for example, accessible to many more
people, I argue that it is not value neutral; the scientific discourse reframes the meaning of
meditation in ways that are significant but often hidden.
McMahan, David (Franklin & Marshall College)
Epistemic Presuppositions in the Scientific Study of Meditation
Recent attempts to study Buddhist and Buddhist-derived meditation practices scientifically rest
on a modern history of reconfiguring meditation as a means to ascertain a kind of internal
objective reality leavened with Buddhist concepts. Such research presupposes two intertwining
views of the human being, along with associated epistemologies. One view of the human being,
derived from the European Enlightenment, is that of the free, autonomous subject who can betrained to neutralize his or her biases, presuppositions, and cultural conditioning to attain a kindof judgment-free access to the raw data of the mind. In this model one observes the contents ofconsciousness with clarity and distinction, then has the freedom as an autonomous subject tochoose which ideas, desires, and impulses upon which to act. The second view is of the humanbeing as what Ortega and Vidal have called the “cerebral subject.” This view is a powerfulcontemporary picture of the human being as essentially identical with the brain and its functions.
In this view, the brain can be trained and developed to produce various “mental states” that can,in turn, be modeled by fMRI and other technologies, such that we can determine these states byobserving their neurological correlates. Both of these perspectives tend to neglect the crucialrole of context and social existence and contain problematic Cartesian presuppositions. This
paper attempts to elucidate some of the history of changing views of the human subject and its
purposes and to show how the scientific study of meditation has tracked—and perhaps been
trapped by—these views. It then offers preliminary steps towards a course-correction: rather
than seeing meditation primarily in terms of interior mental states that can be mapped in neuralimaging technologies, meditation might be better understood as an array of technologies of self
involving the cultivation of attitudes, ethical orientations, values, judgments, strategies, andbehaviors grounded in particular cultures’ repertoires of possible ways of being in the world.

Buddhist Tourism in Asia: Sacred Sites within Global Networks
Schedneck, Brooke (Chiangmai University)
Bruntz, Courteney (Doane University)
Panel Abstract
With Asia becoming one of the top tourism destinations and recent trends such as Myanmar
opening to tourism and increased numbers of Chinese travelers, there is a need to analyze thecontemporary realities of tourism in this region regarding sacred sites of Buddhism. SacredBuddhist sites are marketed as cultural heritage attractions, religious festivals transform into
tourism promotion opportunities, and difficult pilgrim routes turn into physical, spiritual andcosmopolitan achievements. Across Asia, Buddhists, government organizations, businesscorporations, and individuals participate in re-imaginings of Buddhism by patronizing sacred
mountains, temples, and Buddhist practices. Advertising for Buddhist tourism promotes
markers of belonging, so that tourists are not traveling to a particular nation-state but to a
Buddhist world. We will investigate the ways these Buddhist worlds are evoked for targeted
audiences, both Buddhist and non-Buddhist. This panel will generate a comparative
investigation of Buddhist spaces, identities, and practices as dynamic entities that shift
significance along with networks of travelers and international relationships. This panel is not
only concerned with mapping the networks and circuits of Buddhist travel but also in
determining the relationship between Buddhism and tourism.
Geary, David (University of British Columbia)
Performing Love: Tourism and Transnational Courting at the Place of Buddha’s
Enlightenment
This paper explores stories of transnational courting that were told by Japanese women andIndian men at the place of Buddha’s enlightenment in the north Indian state of Bihar. In thecontext of a burgeoning Buddhist revival movement and growing cross-border religious flows,
I show how contact with Buddhist pilgrims and tourists can offer an array of economic, socialand romantic opportunities that are not generally available to other Indians in other parts of thecountry. This is particularly the case in Bodh Gaya, where Buddhist tourism provides animportant source of livelihood as well as a potential strategy for migration through theperformance of love. As a transnational meeting ground between East and East, I examine how
tourism and the service sector provide jobs with a high degree of interaction that can lead tomarriage and new forms of geographical dowry. At the same time, I explore some of theemotional entanglements and cultural constraints that underlie these romantic ties and interAsian connections in the early twenty-first century.
Lau, Ngar-Sze (Lancaster University)
Constructing Burmese meditation communities in mainland China through Buddhist
TourismThis paper explores how Chinese travellers who learn meditation in Southeast Asian Buddhist
countries have impacted the diversity of meditation practices available in mainland China. In
the past two decades, there has been an increasing number of Chinese monastics and lay people
from Taiwan and mainland China visiting Buddhist sacred sites and meditation centres in
Burma, Thailand and Sri Lanka. With the influence of Buddhist modernization, they are
attracted to various kinds of transnational meditation practices in the Theravāda tradition, suchas samādhi and vipassanā, by staying in meditation centres for a few months and even a few
years. Like many yogis from all over the world, some Chinese ordain as short-term monks ornuns in the Theravāda tradition. These are new experiences to many Chinese. A few active
Chinese travellers make this possible through organizing retreats in China led by teachers fromBurma and Thailand. For example, in the past few years, U Paṇḍita Sayādaw and ChanmyaySayādaw from Burma, disciples of the world-renowned insight meditation teacher Mahāsī
Sayādaw, were invited to teach meditation in retreats at Chinese Buddhist monasteries in
Beijing, Wenzhou, and Jiangxi Province. Secondly, Pa Auk Sayādaw, who is famous forteaching samādhi meditation following the Visuddhimagga, was invited by his Chinesemonastic students to officiate a newly established meditation centre at Xishuangbanna in 2013.
The new centre, which organizes annual pilgrimage to Burma and India, has explicitly
established a transnational network with the Pa Auk headquarters and other centres in Southeast
Asia.
Various Theravādin meditation communities of specific teachings or traditions have been
rapidly developed by travellers through cyber technologies in mainland China. Information
about teachers and teachings, photos audio clips of Dhamma talks, and electronic books, havebeen shared on websites. Popular mobile apps spread announcement of recently organized
retreats and regular weekly practice groups in different provinces of China. Special events ofmeditation centres in Southeast Asian countries, updates of teachers in Burma or Thailand,
especially their health conditions, are shared and exchanged within the digital communities.
Fund-raising schemes are also launched within the virtual communities by activists forconstruction of new meditation centres in China and Southeast Asian countries. Discussions anddebates about various practices in Theravāda and Mahāyāna traditions are commonly found in
the communities. Yet strong identities of specific teachings or teachers in Theravāda tradition
have formed among the virtual communities. Drawing from ethnographic study in mainland
China of two meditation centres and participant/observation in virtual communities, this paper
examines the significant role of Buddhist tourism in the recent lay meditation movement of
Theravāda tradition in mainland China.
Marchman, Kendall (Young Harris College)
Buddhism and the Bottom Line: The Nanshan Group and Buddhist Culture Parks
Recognized as one of the most powerful and profitable corporations in China, the NanshanGroup (南山集团), is a global conglomerate based in Longkou, Shandong Province. AlthoughNanshan originally began as an aluminum company in the early 1980s, it has since diversified
into a wide variety of different businesses, including fashion, real estate, aviation, and tourism.
This presentation highlights the Nanshan Group’s tourist “scenic spot” in Longkou, built by thecompany and opened in 2004. The tourist property features luxury hotels, waterslides, andamusement rides, along with a “Religious History and Culture Park.” The park contains gift
shops and temples designed to resemble a medieval Chinese village. Two especially importantparts of this village are the active nunnery (Xiangshui Nunnery 响水庵) and museums exhibiting
Buddhist relics. Towering over the entire tourist resort—including the golf course named
Buddha’s Light (佛光)—is the so-called Nanshan Buddha, which Nanshan claims as the tallest
bronze statue of a seated Buddha in the world. The park is designed so that its visitors experiencea sense of nostalgia that promotes a Chinese identity that is interwoven with Buddhism.
The presentation introduces the Nanshan Group and explores their involvement and motivations
for the creation of their Religious History and Culture Park. Recent scholarship has

demonstrated the role of the Chinese Communist Party in the revival of religious tourism; thispresentation will consider the corporatization of Buddhist tourism. Are corporations like theNanshan Group simply emulating the success of state-led tourism efforts, or are there alternate
explanations for their expansion into the tourism business? Given its background, how does thepark—including its relics, temples, statues, and even monastics—seek authenticity? These
questions shape this examination of the intermingling of Buddhism and Big Business in China.
Friedrich, Daniel (Hosei University)
Recreational Buddhists: Travel and the construction of contemporary Japanese Buddhist
identities
This paper explores how temple sponsored travel functions within contemporary Japanese
Buddhist communities to create bonds among temple members, instill an appreciation of sects’teachings and history, and provide opportunities for women and men to embody gendered roles
with the intent of bettering themselves, the temple, the sect, and society. Ethnographic research
at Buddhist temples makes clear how communal travel to sects’ head temples, sites in India
associated with the historical Buddha, and participation in regional, national, and international
gatherings combines leisurely travel and religious activities. This combination appeals to temple
members at specific stages of life and with varying levels of commitment to their local temple
and Buddhist teachings. Utilizing data gathered from ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, andwritten reports from temple newsletters and other publications, I provide detailed accounts of
Buddhist travel and travelers’ moods and motivations. I then conclude by exploring andanalyzing how travel provides insight into how sectarian leaders, priests, tour guides, and temple
members engage with questions of what it means to identify as a Japanese Buddhist and theimplications of claiming this identity. Beyond this, I also make explicit the fluidity of theseidentifications and how Buddhist identity is shaped through encounters with other individuals—
Buddhist and non-Buddhist—in a variety of local, national, and global contexts.
Bruntz, Courtney (Doane University)
Schedneck, Brooke (Chiangmai University)
Discussion: Buddhist Tourism in Asia

Buddhist Ways of Reading
Gummer, Natalie (Beloit College)
Heim, Maria (Amherst College)
Panel Abstract
In Buddhist studies, we read texts as sources for history more often than we look to history as asource for how to read texts. But the two are very directly connected: what we learn—whether
about history or about textuality—depends on how we read, and how we read is itself historicallyconditioned. If that is the case for any body of literature we might study, how much more so forbodies of literature composed in times and places remote from our own, in which reading
practices and even basic assumptions about the nature and function of language surely diverged
significantly from present practices and assumptions. The presenters on this panel seek toexplore Buddhist ways of reading, as illuminated by commentarial literature, ritual practices
involving texts, and aspects of the texts themselves. Our aim is not simply to chart a history ofsuch practices, as important as that might be. We also seek to investigate how contemporary
scholarly practices might be challenged and enriched through the cultivation of alternativemodes of interpretation, modes that in turn have the potential to transform our interpretation of“Buddhism.”
Hallisey, Charles (Harvard University)
Reading Buddhist Texts for Texture and Density
The teachings of the Buddha are frequently described in Pali canonical and commentarial
literature as being a dhammam savyañjanam sa attham, a teaching with form and texture as wellas with meaning and purpose. This paper takes up and develops the guidance and example of
Buddhaghosa, the fifth-century Theravadin commentator, for how to read a text with focused
attention on its form and texture. The paper also explores what emerges from reading texts withthe sort of focused attention on form and texture that Buddhaghosa commends, to argue that theform and texture of a Buddhist text is an important part of the very expressivity of the text.
Buddhaghosa’s attention to form and texture is manifold. It includes attention to how words areformed; how the meanings of words change according to context and linguistic relevance; how
the structure of a text generates significant secondary meanings; and how word-choice is often
actually allusion and emerging connections, such the whole of the Buddha’s teachings are foundin every part. Moreover, Buddhaghosa’s example as a model reader makes it clear that focused
attention to the form and texture of a text leads a reader to attend to new phenomena within atext and also to develop new capabilities as a reader; in other words, Buddhaghosa displays for
us how engaging the form and texture of a text changes the capabilities of a reader andconsequently enlarges what a reader is able to engage in a text.
Engaging the complex expressivity in Pali texts leads a reader to an awareness and appreciationof an ever-increasing depth and density within Pali texts. With this in view, this paper concludes
with a comparison of Buddhaghosa’s exploration of the density and depth with the processes of“indensification” that Yigal Bronner and David Shulman have described for later Sanskrit
literature, most notably the messenger poetry of late-medieval south India.
Derris, Karen (Redlands University)
Sharing Time: The Importance of Community Across Cosmic and Historic Time in Pāli
Commentaries
This paper presents intertextual interpretations of the figure of the paccekabuddha in Pāli suttas
and commentaries, particularly focusing upon the Khaggavisāṇa Sutta from the Sutta Nipāta,
the Paccekabuddha Apadāna and the Dhammapada, as well as theircommentaries. Additionally, I draw upon a 19th-century visual program at Wat Suthat in
Bangkok that engages these commentaries in mural paintings. These commentaries reveal amethod for reading the canonical suttas that prioritizes the communal and community
dimensions of paccekabuddhas. This is a significantly different imagination ofpaccekabuddhas from the dominant arguments in scholarship that depict paccekabuddhas asdisengaged and disinterested in communal life. The commentaries teach us a method of tracing
the origin and meaning of these suttas beyond the confines of our own historic time—asstructured in Theravada worldview around the presence and absence of our Buddha— into thebroader framework of cosmological time.
In this expansive temporal framework,
paccekabuddhas are reimagined as forming and sustaining communities with one another.
Paccekabuddhas live in the world, Jambudīpa, when it is empty of a buddha, empty of hissāsana, and thus empty of a saṅgha. Paccekabuddhas are therefore always situated in a mythic
time, as they cannot co-exist in the world with a sammāsambuddha whose sāsana defines theperiods of historical time. However, unlike Buddhas, who cannot share time with one another,paccekabuddhas can and do. As this paper will explore, the Pāli commentaries assert that whentime is left empty by the absence of a buddha and his sāsana, the world is full of
paccekabuddhas living in community with one another. These commentaries explore thebridges between mythical and historical time built by paccekabuddhas whose patterns ofcommunal life mirror those of the historic saṅgha. If the historical temporal patterns of thesaṅgha’s rituals are a means for envisioning the patterns of life of paccekbuddhas in mythicaltime, what can the relational life of paccekabuddhas help us learn about historical time broadly
and the time in which we live in particular? In learning to read as a means of cultivating an
imagination that moves between the mythic and the historic, the locatedness of historic time andthe expansiveness of cosmic time, these commentaries encourage us to engage with the ethicaldimension of temporality by attending to the ways in which the place of community is filled incosmic time that is empty of a buddha
Shulman, Eviatar (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem)
The Buddha's Death as a Literary Event
Questions regarding the relation between Buddhist sutta-literature and historical fact have
perplexed scholars since the beginning of the academic study of Buddhism. The Buddha’s“philosophy” and “soteriology” have also received much ink. Perhaps it is time now to let the
texts be what they are – good, powerful, emotionally potent stories. The Mahāparinibbāna-sutta
is perhaps the prime example of a text that is not designed to relate facts, but rather to cultivatea meaningful, heart-gripping picture of the Buddha in the emotional days of his demise. One of
the techniques this text employs is to couple two diametrically opposed conceptualizations of
the Buddha – he is both the omnipresent, omnipotent, omniscient Lord and teacher, and acomposite being who will naturally fall apart. Moving between these extremes may bephilosophically puzzling, but is existentially satisfying, and helps the Buddha’s followers deal
with the loss of fully embodied dharma. This text was composed by drawing together manypotent elements from Buddhist narrative – a sort of “Buddha’s greatest hits” – in order to guide
Buddhists in a visualization of the founder’s death.
Enigma is also dominant in another important formulation of the Buddha’s death. The Aggivacchagotta-sutta of the Majjhima Nikāya, as an prime discourse that deals with the theme of
the “unanswered questions,” asks what happens to the Buddha after he dies and insists that heneither exists, non-exists, both or neither. Scholars have tried to solve this riddle by adopting

one of these four extremes, understanding the answer as complete non-existence, as pureexistence in utter beatitude, as some mix of the two, or by taking the question itself as a
misguided linguistic formulation. All approaches appear to have some truth in them, so here wewill propose that this is precisely the point – the aesthetic effect of the enigma tells more than
the sorting out of the philosophical paradox. The Buddha’s death, the acme of his career, is afigment of Buddhist imaginative storytelling, and in this sense is similar to the philosophicalplay of the Mahāparinibbāna-sutta. When we read these texts without being open to theirnarrative faces and to the emotional spaces they generate, we miss a great deal of what they areabout. The Buddha’s death is one more narrative option for picturing the Buddha’s unique being
and profound state of mind.
Gummer, Natalie (Beloit College)
Speech Acts of the Buddha
Scholars of early Mahāyāna sūtras face a dilemma: precious little exists outside the words ofthe sūtras themselves to suggest how they may have been interpreted and used in the context ofancient South Asia. In this paper, I explore why and how we should (at least sometimes) read
Mahāyāna sūtras as forms of performative utterance. I argue that the cosmologies, temporalities,
and views of language that inform the sūtras, so different from those of the contemporary
academy, encourage us to develop these alternative methods of interpretation. This is not todevalue contemporary historical and philological approaches to the sūtras, but rather to insist
that we miss something crucial about the sūtras if we do not also try to imagine, with help fromthe sūtras themselves, other ways of reading. Of course we can glean (with considerable
difficulty and uncertainty) historical insights from these texts; still, the sūtras were not written
to be read as historical evidence. Inquiring (with considerable difficulty and uncertainty) into
the modes of interpretation that the sūtras assume and encourage promises not only to deepen
our understanding of what the sūtras are and do, but also to shed new light on questions ofhistorical concern.
I read the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka and related sūtras in light of Buddhist and broader South Asianviews of the relationship among language, imagination, and reality. If, as such views would
suggest, the world of experience is an illusion generated in no small part through language, thenlanguage can transform the world of our experience, can create alternative imaginative realms,
can make the eternal body of the Buddha present in and through his speech. The sūtras harness
this potential. In the process, their self-referential speech acts offer a form of autocommentaryon their own interpretation, and articulate thereby a distinctively Buddhist theory of
performative utterance. Central to that theory is a conception of linguistic agency as radicallyconditional and diffused through a network of actors: sūtra, Buddha, dharmabhāṇaka, audience.
As a consequence of this interdependence, the success of the speech acts of the Buddha that
constitute the sūtras depend not only on the eloquence and memory of the preacher, but also on
what might be called the active patiency of the listener. The sūtras anticipate, articulate, andmanipulate this dependency as a crucial element in their theory and practice of performativeutterance.
Based on this analysis of the sūtras, I trace the contours of a theory of performative utterance,and consider how reading with an awareness of these strategies might enhance ourunderstanding of the sūtras as historical documents as well as performed and performative texts.
I also explore active patiency as a possible model for scholarly reading.
Nance, Richard (Indiana University)
Reading as Yielding: Passages of Reception in Indian Buddhist Literature
In thinking about Indian Buddhist reading practices, one quickly gets the sense that there is atonce far too much, and far too little, to go on. Too much, in that there are so many different
terms (not to mention different textual contexts and different languages) used to mark what wemight count as forms of reading. Too little, in that it is hard to know what to rule in and what torule out, as the English terms "read" and "reading" may be used to refer to actions or tooutcomes; to silent interpretation, noisy declamation, and much else besides. When one
considers that a similar polysemy is shared by terms in our source languages (e.g., terms derived
from anu +√vac mayberendered
not
only
as reading,
but
also
as
speaking, reciting, repeating, imitating, learning, studying, or calling (Apte 1965 [1890]: 73)),
it's hard not to feel overwhelmed. Where to begin? One starting point may lie in an additional—
and perhaps surprising—sense that Apte buries among his definitions for anu + √vac: the senseof yielding (Ibid.) Beginning with the notion of reading as yielding—a notion that, it issuggested, does not require assent to what is read—the paper develops an account of Buddhist
reading as demanding exposure to the voice(s) of (an)other(s) (cf. MN i.294), as well as acommitment to finding ways of going on with, and potentially being changed by, their words.
While opportunities for such reading extend well beyond encounters with written texts, written
texts from Buddhist traditions may profitably be read as at times describing—or performing—
the work of reading as yielding. The paper takes up a selection of such descriptions andperformances, and considers their implications for traditional Buddhist readers and for scholarsof Buddhism today.
Heim, Maria (Amherst College)
DiscussantConcepts and Techniques of Prognostication
Guggenmos, Esther Maria (FAU Erlangen-Nuremberg)
Scheuermann, Rolf (IKGF, FAU Erlangen-Nuremberg)
Panel Abstract
The aim of this panel is to investigate Buddhist concepts regarding prognostication and related
approaches for coping with the individual and collective futures that emerged from joint
research trajectories at the Research Consortium in Erlangen (Germany) that deals with “Fate,
Freedom, and Prognostication.” Divinatory techniques play a role in the Buddhist canonicalliterature, and are also developed to varying degrees in different Buddhist traditions throughout
Asia. Common practices include both inspired as well as uninspired techniques, ranging from
divination, astrological calculations, medical prognosis, examinations of signs and dreams,
geomancy and spirit-possession to prophecies. Papers to be included in this panel discuss (butare not limited to) issues such as case studies and taxonomies of divinatory practices, semantics,

underlying concepts such as fate and the future, the social dimension (e.g. the relationshipbetween agents and their clients), ritual dynamics, material objects, and cultural exchange
processes.
Scheuermann, Rolf (IKGF, FAU Erlangen-Nuremberg)
What can we learn from Tibetan Buddhist divinatory manuals?
Throughout the history of mankind, questions regarding the future have always moved people
in the East and in the West, and still continue to do so even today. Different prognostic methods
fulfill an important function by providing answers to inquiries regarding the uncertainties oflife—in this way, they support people in the process of decision-making. In Tibet, mantic
practices, inspired and uninspired, are used both in secular as well as religious contexts, thus
playing an important role in the everyday lives of individuals. This is reflected in Tibetan
Buddhist literature, which offers a great array of divinatory manuals and other texts dealing withprognostication. While the majority of literature authored by Buddhist scholars are intended forreligious trainees and an educated elite, the target audience of divinatory manuals is a moregeneral one, and they address the problems that individuals encounter in daily life. Hence, eventhough these texts intend to tell us something about the future, they also contain interesting
information about the past and the society in which they appeared. With the help of a few
examples from divinatory manuals, this paper therefore attempts to answer the question of what
insights can be gained through a study of these materials.
Maurer, Petra (Ludwig-Maximilians-University)
Diagrams on Astrology and Divination
Chinese divination (nag rtsis) played a major role in Tibetan societies and was used for different
forms of prediction and calculation. To calculate a person’s future in a more general sense orwith regard to special events like marriage (bag rtsis), diseases (nad rtsis) or choosing the rightplace for construction (sa dpyad) certain entities or dimension were used, that are basically ofChinese origin. According to the historical sources, the Chinese princess Wencheng brought adiagram (gab rtse) to Tibet in the middle of the 7th century when she went there to marry King
Songtsen Gampo. Her diagram is said to show the main elements of Chinese divination used to
calculate the right places for the construction of buildings (sa dpyad).
These thangkas are quite rare and their shape and illustrations vary: some show divinatory
dimensions others include astrological elements.
In my paper I would like to introduce a selection of these thangkas.
Smith, Alexander (École Pratique des Hautes Études)
Prognostic Structure and the Question of Efficacy
Relative to the prevalence and diversity of divination practices in Tibetan cultures, the study of
divination remains grossly underrepresented in Tibetological literature. Though there are anumber of excellent publications on the subject, the majority of these have tended towards

explorations of Imperial history and the origins of Tibetan divination traditions. There are, ofcourse, several valuable ethnographic works in which divination has been discussed; however,a reflexive anthropology of divination has not taken root under the aegis of Tibetan Studies.
This disciplinary lacuna remains pronounced and, in my opinion, has restricted the developmentof the broader interdisciplinary discourse on Tibetan ritual practices. With these issues in mind,
this paper will discuss the structure of the prognostics offered in a form of lithomancy (pebble
divination) common to the Bon religion of Tibet. The discussion will be drawn primarily froman eighteenth century treatise written by Kun grol grags pa, as well as two later commentaries
published in the nineteenth century. It will be shown that this particular form of divination uses
a system of 'trumps' that significantly complicates the distillation of prognoses. In this respect,
it can be argued that certain lithomantic techniques stand apart from other forms of Tibetan
cleromancy (e.g. divination by dice, bones, stones, lots, etc.), many of which use similar numeral
systems, though lack a mediating structure of 'major' and 'minor' results. In exploring thisconcept, the paper will briefly examine the prognostics found in a number of common forms of
divination, focusing in particular upon forms of dice and rosary divination. By way ofconclusion, it will be argued that prophylactic rites —which feature in the majority oflithomantic prognoses— are integral to the perceived efficacy of pebble divination practices.
Guggenmos, Esther-Maria (FAU Erlangen-Nuremberg)
The Availability of the Future – A Reflection on the Adaptability of Mantic Practices in
Chinese Buddhism
This paper explores Chinese Buddhist techniques of prognostication under the aspect of thevariability of their sensual perception and material basis. In a first step, it overviews the modes
in which mantic techniques are applied in the Chinese Buddhist context. It then traces a)alterations of mantic techniques once they are applied in the Chinese Buddhist tradition and b)
alterations and variances of Buddhist mantic practices within the tradition itself. By doing so,
special emphasis is laid on the changes that affect the sensual perception of the ritual. This
includes alterations of the material basis of the techniques. In a third step, the paper reflects onthese alterations and analyzes the possible modes of change in the sensual realm as well as theritual and technical adaptations underlying it. By doing so, the background for the adaptability
and flexibility of the Buddhist mantic traditions is elucidated.
Seymour, Kelsey (University of Pennsylvania)
Child Idols: Possession, Purity, and Prognoses in Accounts of Child Mediums in Medieval
Chinese Buddhism
In Indian and Chinese sources, children have been known to take on a role in which they reveal
hidden knowledge to adults in their communities. In early Chinese sources in particular, we see
children used as vessels for the spirits of deceased ancestors in rites involving “personators” (shi尸), as well as revealers of political prophecies through children’s songs.
The Buddhist iteration of child mediums gained recognition in the Tang dynasty with thetranslations of three scriptures describing the ritual process. The practice grew in popularity
throughout the Tang and into the Song, appearing in hagiography, accounts of the strange, andother sources from these periods. This paper examines the creation and use of child mediums
through the ritual process, the topical range and nature of their prognostications, as well as thereasons behind their efficacy. Scholars have previously emphasized the possession of the childby a spirit or deity akin to the early Chinese precedents and the role of the tantric master’s
association with a particular deity. I argue that there is an additional layer that lends Buddhist
identity and efficacy to the ritual: the purification of the children mirrors the cleansing of imagesof the Buddha for the celebration of the Buddha’s birthday, and both of the cleansing of the
Buddha image and the creation of a child medium symbolically mimic the events of the
Buddha’s birth. For the case of child mediums in particular, just as the child Buddha was imbued
with prescient knowledge of his life after taking his seven steps, so too are child mediums
granted with knowledge of all past, present, and future experiences.

Conventional Reality, Conventional Truth
McClintock, Sara (Emory University)
Panel Abstract
The aim of this panel is to continue and deepen the ongoing research into the nature ofconventional reality or conventional truth (saṃvṛti-satya) in Mahāyāna Buddhist philosophicaltraditions. Responding to the call of the Cowherds in Moonshadows: Conventional Truth in
Buddhist Philosophy (2010) to “take conventional truth seriously,” this panel will seek toexplore the nature of the conventional for a variety of Buddhist thinkers and traditions from
India, Tibet, China and beyond. In undertaking this exploration, the panel will pose suchquestions as: What does it mean to say that something is conventionally true? Does this differ
from saying that it is conventionally real? What are the processes whereby the conventionalcomes into and goes out of existence? Is the conventional primarily a property of the linguistic
and conceptual domains or might there be material aspects of the conventional as well? If theconventional is not finally different from the ultimate, what are the implications of this for
epistemology, science, ethics, and religion? Does taking the conventional seriously mean
resolving all paradoxes or might it mean embracing paradox? Our panelists address suchquestions in relation to diverse Buddhist philosophers and texts.
Prueitt, Catherine (Emory University)
Conventional Truth When There Is No Conventional Reality: Understanding
Dharmakīrti on Conventional vs. Ultimate Means of Trustworthy AwarenessThis paper examines Dharmakīrti’s brief but crucial statements on the distinction between
conventional (sāṃvyavahārika) and ultimate (pāramārthika) pramāṇas within the broader
context of his complex presentation of truth and reality. In the Autocommentary on verses 1.981.99ab of his Explanation of the Means of Trustworthy Awareness (Pramāṇavārttikasvavṛtti)and at the very end of the first chapter of his Ascertainment of Trustworthy Awareness(Pramāṇaviniścaya), Dharmakīrti makes the startling claim that perception (pratyakṣa) andinference (anumāṇa), which he generally presents as being trustworthy forms of awareness, arein fact ultimately erroneous. Because both perception and inference are necessarily afflicted by
the internal distortion (antarupaplava) of subject/object duality, they present a conventional

world within which subjects and objects appear to be real even though, ultimately, they are not.
All practical activity within the conventional world proceeds on the basis of this mistaken
apprehension: conventional truth depends fundamentally on a necessary global error thatascribes reality to what is ultimately unreal. This paper argues that Dharmakīrti’s statements
here are not as paradoxical as they may seem, and that drawing a distinction between truth andreality provides a useful heuristic for understanding his position. Using this distinction,
Dharmakīrti may be understood to provide a complex picture of the relationship between truth
and reality that allows him to hold together two statements: 1) within the conventional world,
ultimate truth is constituted by causal efficacy (arthakriyā); and 2) even causally efficacious
things are ultimately unreal because they cannot withstand a neither-one-nor-many analysis(ekānekavicāra). It is true that the conventional pramāṇas are trustworthy in that they either
reveal a causally efficacious object or lead to the obtainment of such an object. However, theseeming reality of these objects pertains only to deluded sentient beings; ultimately, they are no
more real than the seemingly external hairs that a person with ocular floaters perceives drifting
through his or her visual field. Heuristically, then, reading causal efficacy as the criterion fortruth and noncontradiction as the criterion for reality may shed significant light on Dharmakīrti’s
position on the relationship between conventional and ultimate pramāṇas. In short, conventional
truth is neither founded in nor a reliable guide to ultimate reality, but even so, it does reveal
what is real within its own domain.
Arnold, Dan (University of Chicago)How ‘Conventional’ is Conventional Truth?
Thoughts on the Divergent Intuitions of Candrakīrti and Śāntarakṣita
Candrakīrti, whose philosophical predilections are akin to those of “ordinary language
philosophers,” puts great stock in his avowed deference to conventional truth, which is often
epitomized for him by the conventional usage of Sanskrit terms; it seems that what is“conventionally true” for Candrakīrti, then, just is conventions. Śāntarakṣita, in contrast, heldthat central arguments of Yogācāra – arguments whose counter-intuitive upshot seems to be thatexternal objects are not finally real – represent the best account of conventional truth that canbe given. Given the counter-intuitive nature of the kind of view Śāntarakṣita thus endorses as“conventionally true,” it’s worth considering whether he and Candrakīrti understandconventional truth in anything at all like the same way. This paper explores the question of how
or whether Candrakīrti and Śāntarakṣita have the same kind of thing in view when it comes toconventional truth, and suggests some ways to think about what the differences reveal withregard to possible understandings of Madhyamaka.
Sharf, Robert (University of California, Berkeley)
Two Truths, Dialetheism, and Chan
Some modern scholars have argued that certain Indian Buddhist philosophers, notably those in
the Madhyamaka tradition, allowed for the possibility of paradox. Other scholars insist that the
supposed paradoxes that show up in Madhyamaka and Prajñāpāramitā works can beparameterized through the application of the doctrine of two truths, which defuses the apparent
contradictions. But what if the two truths are themselves paradoxical? In that case they couldnot be used to parameterize other paradoxes. In this paper I will argue that the two truths areindeed paradoxical, and that while the Indian exegetical tradition may not have countenanced
contradiction, many in the Chinese Chan tradition recognized, endorsed, and elaborated on the
dialetheism implicit or explicit in Madhyamaka thought. Specifically, I will look at the way thatparadox is used in the Wumen guan, an important Song Dynasty collection of Chan "public
cases" (gong'an).

Deeds of a Buddha
Tournier, Vincent (SOAS, University of London)
Luczanits, Christian (SOAS, University of London)
Sernesi, Marta (SOAS, University of London)
Panel Abstract
This panel aims at investigating the notion of buddhakārya (Tib. sangs rgyas kyi mdzad pa, Ch.
fóshì 佛 事) as it is expressed in a wide range of media, and how it reflects and shapes
conceptions of Buddhahood throughout history.
The semantic field of the word is extremely rich, subsuming the notion of “duty”, i.e. what mustbe accomplished by a Buddha before his parinirvāṇa, of “deed”, i.e. his remarkable feats, aswell as of “salvific agency”. Therefore, its study is a gateway to explore the intimate relationshipbetween the evolution of discourses about the/a Buddha’s actions, and the transformation ofconceptions regarding his status and qualities. Shifting paradigms in the description of the/aBuddha and his deeds may be traced through a comparative survey of narrative and devotional
texts, artistic representations, and philosophical speculations.
The contributions and discussions of the panel will seek to uncover important aspects of the
Buddhist imaginaire, and especially the understanding, conceptualization, and representation of
Buddhahood. Therefore, we welcome contributions engaging with the category of thought of
buddhakārya throughout pre-modern Buddhist Asia.
Tournier, Vincent (SOAS, University of London)
What a Buddha Must Do: Spread and Scope of the Notion of buddhakārya in Indian
Buddhist Narratives of the Middle Period
Around the turn of the Common Era, an array of factors––probably including the doctrinal
speculations about the parinirvāṇa as a period in the/a Buddha’s Vita, the multiplication of the
figure of the founder, and the growing analogies between Buddha and king––led to theidentification of the “duties” that any (re-)discoverer of the Dharma has to accomplish before
passing away. This paper explores how the complex of notions defining such duties of the/aBuddha (e.g. kārya, kṛtya/kicca, avaśyakaraṇīya) became pervasive in Indian scriptures andtreatises in the ensuing centuries of the Middle Period.
These notions arguably played a critical role (1) in the design and revision of the “architecture”of (especially) Śākyamuni’s life-story and (2) in the conceptualisation of the/a Buddha’s salvificactivity on Earth beyond his (apparent) Extinction. To support the first suggestion, I will
examine closed lists of Buddha-duties––generally recording between five and ten items––
transmitted in Āgama and Vinaya literature. The purpose of this exercise in Listenwissenschaft
is to explore the logic of composition and the Buddhological underpinning of such lists, and tohighlight how they adjusted to and influenced their respective narrative contexts, functioning as“matrices” (mātṛkā) of sorts for (part of) the Buddha’s life. In relation to the second suggestion,
I will then examine passages less concerned with Śākyamuni’s biography, to explore how thenotion of buddhakārya/°kṛtya was applied to an array of substitutes of the Buddha, be theypotent objects (e.g. stūpas, bodhi trees, sūtras) or persons (e.g. Arhants, Bodhisattvas,
dharmabhāṇakas).
Luczanits, Christian (SOAS, University of London)
Variations on a Theme: The Buddha’s Deeds in the āyaka Reliefs at Kanaganahalli
Although excavated since the 1990ies, the site of Kanaganahalli, near Sannati in the Gulbarga
district of northern Karnataka, is still a very fresh site for research. While I documented the site,rather than all its art, in the first days of the new millennium,4 its excavation report was only
published three years ago.5 Not unexpectedly, the report has considerable shortcomings, someof which are made up by other works that appeared around the same time.6
In terms of art, mostly consisting of narrative relief panels, the bulk of the material is to be
attributed to the 1st century CE. These are panels that covered the drum, including the verticalsurfaces of the āyaka platforms, and the dome of the stūpa. But there are also later additions,among them four massive stones with reliefs of the Buddha’s life apparently placed along thefront side of the four āyaka platforms. Even though considerably later than the panels, thenarrative depictions on these stones are still aniconic. They may thus precede the Buddha images
that were placed around the stūpa on top of the āyaka and drum sometimes in the 3rd century.
There are four such stones, each of them representing the Buddha’s life in a sequence to be readfrom right to left, the direction of circumambulation. If their presumed location is correct, they
were confronting the visitor entering through one of the four gates approximately on eye level.
Not surprisingly then, each of these reliefs represents a closed narrative, but the events depictedchange from one example to the next. In my presentation I will reflect on these differences froma variety of perspectives, among them their relationship to the earlier reliefs, their location and

4This documentation is available online on http://www.luczanits.net.
K.P. Poonacha, ed., Excavations At Kanaganahalli (Sannati) Taluk Chitapur, Dist.gulbarga, Karnataka, First ed.,Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, vol. 106 (New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 2011).
Actually, the book was only available in 2013.
6
The most important among these are Noritoshi Aramaki, ed., A New Approach to the Origin of the Mahāyānasūtra
Movement on the Basis of Art Historical and Archaeological Evidence. A Preliminary Report on the Research,(Kyoto: Kyoto University, 2011 March), presenting the reassembled early narrative panels, and Maiko Nakanishi
and Oskar von Hinüber, Kanaganahalli Inscriptions, Annual Report of the International Research Institute forAdvanced Buddhology At Soka University for the Academic Year 2013, vol. XVII, Supplement (Tokyo: The
International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology, Soka University, 2014), focusing of the available
inscriptions of the site.
5textual sources, the different notions of the Buddha’s life they communicate, and what they tell
about the Buddha.
Ciurtin, Eugen (Institute for the History of Religions, Romanian Academy)
The Deed of an Earthquake: The Seismic Web of a Buddha and the Cāpāla Shrine
Narrative Cycle
A wealth of Buddhist texts associate parts of the classical and progressive list of ‘deeds of a
Buddha’ with the robust manifestation of earthquakes (bhūmicāla). In order to placate, anchor
and solve the inscrutable saṃsāra, a Buddha has to perpetually operate through a standardized
and fully cosmographic Vita (or ‘bio-blueprint’). Scriptures and treatises of the various nikāyas
hence elaborate lists of deeds a Buddha must accomplish, which more often than not intersectwith earthquakes.
In his Magna Carta of Buddhist Studies of 1844, Eugène Burnouf already discussed “the deeds
that mark the mission of a true buddha”. However, one century since a meticulous—and littleknown—booklet by Alfred Foucher (Une liste indienne des Actes du Bouddha, Paris, 1908) andirrespective of the higher philological contributions by his fellow colleagues Jean Przyluski,
Ernst Waldschmidt, Erich Frauwallner, and especially André Bareau, the progress in discerning
the meaning and function of earthquake lists was at best scarce and inconsequential (cf. Ciurtin2009). The very narrative link between the cycle from birth to bodhi, and the nirvāṇa cycle of a
Buddha’s Vita was by no means established earlier or irrespective of the means of earthquakes:
both cycles are linked into a ‘Catalogue of earthquakes’ spoken by the Buddha.
The list of the ‘twelve grand deeds’ so influential in Tibet generally includes 5 of the 6earthquakes traditionally catalogued by the Buddha himself in e.g. the systematic
Bhūmicālasutta and its parallel in the Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra. The one biographical episode(and quake) that is missing in most lists, is particularly difficult to interpret and received noproper attention from scholars of Buddhism. In fact, the two main narrative cycles of the Vita—
birth to bodhi and nirvāṇa, i.e. traditionally the first 35 years and the remaining 45 years, thelatter concentrated in the last three months and half a day—are unified first and foremost by the
canonical trope located at the Cāpāla shrine, in Vaiśālī. There, the Buddha explains precisely
why and how the earth quaked: “when the Tathāgata mindfully and with full awareness gives
up the force of life (Pā. āyusaṅkhāraṃ ossajj[at]i vs. Skt. jīvitasaṃskārān adhiṣṭhāya
āyuḥsaṃskā[rān utsṛjati]), then the earth is disturbed, it shakes, shudders, and quakes.”
This presentation, focusing on this rare episode, will attempt to offer suggestions as to themassive doctrinal and narrative divergence in Buddhist sources: contrasting the Buddha’s Vita
as highlighted by schemes such as the buddhakārya with the Buddha’s Vita as construed byearthquakes. It will also endeavour to situate the sixfold earthquakes outside any past or present
scholarship on ‘Buddhist miracles’, precisely because their character as a deed was vastly
misunderstood. As one passage from the Saṅghabhedavastu puts it, such deeds “are ready tocascade out like a flood” (oghavat).

The present research completes two previous instalments: “On Water: Earthquakes andSeaquakes in Buddhist Cosmology and Meditation, with an Appendix on Buddhist Art” (Studia
Asiatica 10 (2009), pp. 59-123), and “‘Thus Have I Quaked’: The Tempo of the Buddha’s Vita
and the Earliest Buddhist Fabric of Timelessness” (in Figurations of Time in Asia, ed. by D.
Boschung and C. Wessels-Mevissen, München-Paderbord, 2012, pp. 21-54) as preliminaries ofa forthcoming book, Earthquakes of the Buddha.
Schmid, Neil (University of Vienna)
The Corporeality of Buddha’s Deeds: Visual Depictions from Mogao and Yulin
The deeds of the Buddha foshi 佛事 are depicted across a wide variety of media found in the
Mogao Caves and Yulin Caves near Dunhuang that range from popular narratives and canonicalscriptures to images and liturgical programs. Primarily dating from the 10th and 11th centuries,
these materials establish a remarkably coherent paradigm for understanding the historical
Buddha whilst setting clear precedents for contemporaneous adherents’ belief and praxis.
Indeed, although supramundane, this is “our Buddha” and “our monk,” presented as a prince inChinese garb with family concerns, jealous relations, and at times strikingly mundane behavior.
This paper examines this extensive corpus of Dunhuang resources in order to understand exactly
what constituted the experiences and salvic powers of the Buddha thus portrayed. A thoroughexploration of key canonical scriptures (e.g., Taizi Xudana jing 太子須大拏經, T171; Fobenxingji jing 佛本行集經, T190; Genben shuo yiqie youbu pinaiye zashi 根本說一切有都因此奈耶雜事, T1451, etc.), popular narratives (“Story of Prince’s [Siddhārtha] Practicing theWay” Taizi chengdao jing 太子成道經 and “Eight Aspects [of Buddha’s Life]” Baxiang
chengdao 八相成道, etc.), and liturgical texts (e.g., Lichan wen 禮懺文) frame our analysis of
the 63 painted panels in the form of folding screens (pingfeng 屏風) located in Mogao caves 61& 454 and Yulin cave 36. This extensive set of visual depictions, at once episodic,
interconnected, and – within the architectural space of the caves themselves – contextuallyprogrammatic, stand as invaluable non-verbal elaborations of the deeds of the Buddha uniqueamong medieval Chinese art. This paper closes with a discussion of how such an assemblage
foregrounds the distinctly corporeal aspects of Buddhahood at medieval Dunhuang whilereferencing analogous developments in South and Southeast Asia.
Almogi, Orna (University of Hamburg)
Tibetan Scholars on the Mahāyāna Concept of buddhakārya/buddhakriyā against the
Backdrop of Madhyamaka Philosophy in 12th–15th Century Tibet
Theoretical reflections on the nature of Buddhahood generated various controversies in various
phases of Buddhist history. One of the most heated debates in this regard concerned the question
as to how the Buddha, or a buddha, is able to act in the world for the sake of sentient beings
once he had attained his parinirvāṇa, an issue that is not only relevant but in fact crucial to the
Mahāyāna doctrine. The immediate question that arose in this connection has been whether amental element, which has been commonly considered a prerequisite for any activity, exists at
the Stage of a buddha. Debates as to whether a buddha possesses a mental element, that is, inthe form of gnosis (jñāna: ye shes), gained popularity particularly among later Indian Yogācāra-Madhyamaka and Madhyamaka scholars, and Tibetan scholars have continued these debateswith much enthusiasm for centuries to follow.
In my talk I shall present various positions by several Tibetan authors from various schools as
to whether a buddha possesses gnosis and how he, according to these diverse positions, is able
to carry out his salvific deeds, particularly in the context of the question as to whether a mental
element is at all necessary. A particular emphasis will be made on some developments in
Madhyamaka thought in Tibet and their influence on the various positions held by the Tibetan
authors presented, from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives.
Sernesi, Marta (SOAS, University of London)
The Buddha’s Twelve Deeds and Eight Places in Early Tibetan Historiographical Sources
It is well known that in the Tibetan tradition the Life of the Buddha Śākyamuni is usuallyreferred to as the fulfilment of “Twelve Deeds” (mdzad pa bcu gnyis). However, the choice of
episodes to be grouped together into this set remained variable over time, and it was influenced
by the widespread tradition of the Eight Great Places (gnas chen brgyad), which in Tibet
eventually gave rise to the formation of the group of the Eight Commemorative stūpas (mchodrten brgyad).
The reception history of literary narratives relating the life story of the Buddha, and the culturaldynamics leading to the arrangement of the Vita in twelve deeds and eight stūpas are still mostly
unexplored. This paper will analyse learned discussions of the issue in Tibetan historiographicalsources of the 12th–14th centuries, exploring their sources, concerns, and modes ofclassification. In particular, an acute awareness of the fluid composition of the set of twelve oreight deeds, and the recognition of the implications of this multiplicity of configurations,emerges from these accounts. Comparing this material with visual narratives, devotional
compositions, and later sources, this talk aims at shedding some light on the formative processof the categories that by the 15th century became pervasive, determining the understanding of a
Buddha’s status and range of action.

Dhāraṇī Literature and Textual Cultures
Davidson, Ronald M. (Fairfield University)
Panel Abstract
Ubiquitous in Buddhist Mahāyāna traditions at least since the third century, whether inphilosophical literature or ritual performance, dhāraṇīs represent ritual, linguistic and canonicalchallenges to previous Buddhist categories. Dhāraṇīs were aggregated into collections(dhāraṇī-saṃgraha), inscribed on birch bark, paper, wood, stone or other media, and were
employed as no other linguistic or graphic element of Buddhist literature. The panel proposes
to look at these literary, epigraphic and ritual phenomena through a variety of media. The
scriptural and commentarial literature associated with dhāraṇīs brought together ritual systems
and vocalizations from both Vedic and non-Vedic sources, even while reaffirming their
specifically Buddhist purposes and traditions. While recent work has rightly investigated thematerial applications of dhāraṇīs, other dimensions were evident as well—intellectual,performative, apotropaic, medical and so on. At the same time, dhāraṇīs followed andstimulated Buddhist missionary activity, whether as a means to establish the authority oflineages or as a vocal component of medical treatment. Their reception in non-Indic language
speaking areas appears culture and time specific, so that much variation in the translation andtransmission of dhāraṇī-related practices may be seen.
Harrison, Paul (Stanford University)
Remarks on the Sanskrit text of the Viśeṣavatī Dhāraṇī in the Schøyen Collection
Hitherto unknown in Sanskrit, the Viśeṣavatī Dhāraṇī is one of the more unusual finds among
the Sanskrit fragments from Afghanistan in the Schøyen Collection, which are thought to comefrom the Bamiyan area. This paper, drawing on an unpublished study of this text which I cowrote with two graduate students (Rafal Felbur and Simon Wiles), will present a brief report on
this singular work, which originally occupied folios 21–27(or 28) of a composite manuscript
also containing the Bhaiṣajyaguru Sūtra and two other short texts of great interest. From thescript (Gilgit-Bamiyan Type I) we can date the manuscript approximately to the 6th or 7th
century CE. The Viśeṣavatī Dhāraṇī proper, a series of invocations of Buddhas and bodhisattvas
with accompanying mantras, is housed in a narrative frame with a number of strange andpuzzling features which merit discussion, but the placement of the text as a whole in thisparticular manuscript and the company it keeps also raise questions about the use of such texts
by the communities which produced and preserved them.
Hidas, Gergely (The British Museum)
Weather Control and Agriculture: The Vajratuṇḍasamayakalparāja
With recent identifications of Sanskrit sources there are three Nepalese exemplars of the
Vajratuṇḍasamayakalparāja now available, one palm-leaf and two paper manuscripts, whichenables us to prepare the first critical edition along with a translation. While no Chinese version
seems to survive, this piece of dhāraṇī literature is included among those Buddhist texts
translated into Tibetan around 800 CE and the narrative and ritualistic characteristics point
towards the first half of the first millennium as a likely period of emergence. This scripture, as
it comes down to us, contains six chapters with accounts how spells to control and overpower
Nāgas, mythical serpent beings responsible for both the scarcity and excess of precipitation,
were taught in the presence of the Buddha. Those with a principal role in these sections include
Vajrapāṇi, Agastya Ṛṣi, the Four Great Kings, various Yakṣas and Nāgas, the Garuḍa King,
Brahmā, Viṣṇu and Maheśvara. Across this text there are detailed ritual instructions whichshould be followed by the vidyādhara or spell-master officiant. By successfully subjugating
Nāgas favourable weather and good crops are guaranteed for the region, which subtly links thisincantation tradition to economic power and state affairs parallel with the implicit potential ofgaining worldly support for Buddhists from the highest places.
Holtz, Katherin (University of Lausanne)
The Bhadrakarātrī-sūtra: A Buddhist apotropaic text from Central Asia

The Sanskrit Bhadrakarātrī-sūtra of the Sarvāstivādins, found in two manuscripts from Central
Asia, is one important example of the early Indian rakṣā literature. A special feature of the texts
ascribed to this literary genre is the fact that they partly employ older canonical texts and build
new compositions, including mantras and apotropaic prescriptions, around that already existingcore. Thus mantras often appear only in the texts from Central Asia and cannot be found in the
canonical Pāli or Chinese parallels. The Bhadrakarātrī-sūtra concentrates on four verses
common to all recensions included in the Pāli, and in the Chinese Canon, in the Tibetan
Kangyur, and in the Sanskrit manuscripts. The Sanskrit text, however, shows a marked
difference in the narrative frame, which differs largely from all other recensions and seems tostem from a different line of development. While mantras were inserted right into the main
textual body of the Sanskrit Bhadrakarātrī-sūtra, the Chinese and Tibetan translations wereendowed with an appendix containing dhāraṇīs.
This paper will present the Sanskrit manuscripts of this text, describe their content and structure,and discuss the value of this sūtra for the early evolution of the Buddhist rakṣā literature. A
special focus will be given to the relationship between the Sanskrit text and the translations into
Chinese and Tibetan.
Overbey, Ryan Richard (Wesleyan University)
Envisioning the Buddhist abecedary in the Amoghapāśakalparāja
Throughout the vast corpus of dhāraṇī literature we find theoretical reflection on the meaning
and function of individual syllables. By framing syllables as “gateways” or “doors” (Skt.
akṣaramukha, Ch. zìmén 字門) to key doctrinal concepts, Buddhists established a one-to-many
relationship between letters on a page and teachings in the heart. Other analyses would stressthe interpenetration of all syllables, allowing the one-to-many abecedary to explode into a manyto-many network of universal emptiness.
Both Janet Gyatso (1992) and Ronald Davidson (2009) have fruitfully explored the complex
semiotics of the Buddhist abecedary in dhāraṇī literature, demonstrating the productive interplayof the doctrines of emptiness and the technologies of literacy. But the history of the Buddhist
abecedarydoes not end here. In the second half of the first millennium CE, Buddhist ritual
manuals began to use the syllabic gates as tools of invocation, seeds for the visualization of
deities.
In this paper I explore the uses of syllables in the Amoghapāśakalparāja, a vast ritual corpus
translated into Chinese in the early eighth century CE. In the Amoghapāśakalparāja we findboth lists of syllables correlated with doctrinal keywords and the use of syllables as seeds forconstructing elaborate visualizations of deities in the maṇḍala. Careful exploration of this
corpus will allow us to trace a line of development from the Perfection of Wisdom literature
through the dhāraṇīsūtras and into the tantras, revealing profound continuities in the Buddhist
ritual uses of the abecedary.
Davidson, Ronald M. (Fairfield University)
Dhāraṇīs and the Sanctification of PaintingThe use of painting in Buddhist archaeological sites has been noted for quite some time, part ofa larger discussion of the origin of the Buddha’s image in India, most recently explored by
DeCaroli. Still there has been less attention to the distinction between painted and sculptural
images, particularly in the area of dhāraṇī texts. It is dhāraṇī texts that affirm the sanctificationof Buddhist painted surfaces in a manner not seen before.
Shinohara’s examination of texts on painting in the Chinese canon has underlined the textualbasis for dhāraṇī-associated paintings in Buddhist history. But the related issue of the Indian
context of Buddhist painting has not been pursued. Yet within India, the painted surface was
known to invoke simultaneously intimacy and sexuality, so much so that Buddhist scripturesprior to the Gupta period were ambivalent towards the use of painted images, as Soper’s data
demonstrates. In distinction, much later scholarship does not mention the different attitudes
exhibited in Buddhist texts over painting as opposed to sculpture.
Seeking clarity, the paper will look at Buddhist dhāraṇī texts in light of literary works from theworld of Indian drama and from Jainism formulated in the Gupta and pre-Gupta eras. These
non-Buddhist texts describe paintings in a manner that illuminates the Indian world of visual
representation on cloth or on walls. The paper will observe that the earliest Buddhist text
articulating a ritual for the painting of images, the *Mūlamantra, said to have been translated
between 502-557 CE, has linguistic and thematic convergences with sections of the
Mañjuśriyamūlakalpa that were not treated by Lalou or Kapstein. The *Mūlamantra describes
an elaborate painted surface, its preparation, the distinction between the painter—evidently alayman—and the patron, certainly a monk, as well as other factors like color, medium, andiconography. Since its language may be shown to be coincident with that of a pericope in the
Mañjuśriyamūlakalpa, we can also understand something of the factors of formulation in thislengthy Buddhist tantra.
Most interesting, the *Mūlamantra painting text appears to have been formulated in the area inwhich Buddhist and Atharvana brāhmaṇas were in proximity. Based on inscriptions of theperiod, this was most probably in the area of Ajanta, as the Vatsulgama Vākāṭaka kingdom
occupied the area in which Atharvana brāhmaṇas were known and also included Ajanta, thepremier surviving Buddhist site of painting. Consequently, the earliest Buddhist painting ritual
text may have originated in the area of Ajanta at approximately the same time as Hariṣena wasengaged in the dramatic revival of the site in the late fifth century CE.

Discipline, Agency, Inquiry: Vinaya Reception in Women’s Monastic
Communities Past and Present
Langenberg, Amy Paris (Eckerd College)
Panel Abstract
Scholars, whether monastic, academic, or both, read classical Buddhist Vinaya texts variously
as normative statements about monastic ideals, religious narrative, or descriptive accounts of
the ancient monastic practice “on the ground.” This is so in part because of the historicallylayered, complex, and multivalent nature of the texts themselves. Reading – and practicing –Vinaya is inevitably an interpretive dynamic process involving choice-making, analysis, andethical discernment. Moreover, scholarship on ancient women’s monastic communities, someof which focuses on Vinaya accounts, indicates that the ethical and social environment of femalemonasticism was not the mirror image of its male counterpart, but responsive to social
conditions of a gendered nature. In other words, ancient female monastics and their malesuperiors were involved in a dynamic and interpretive process of negotiation between the ideal
and the real, a process that is reflected in Buddhist legal literature. Contemporary Buddhist
women’s monastic communities are involved in a similar process of negotiation, albeit withinmuch altered and diverse social environments. Starting from the position that female monastic
discipline is agentive and interpretive, this panel examines the reception of Vinaya texts andnegotiation of Buddhist monastic disciplinary ideals in women’s monastic communities pastand present.
Langenberg, Amy Paris (Eckerd College)
The Textual Community of the Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin Bhikṣuṇī-vinaya
The Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin Bhikṣuṇī-vinaya is a unique nuns’ disciplinary text
containing vivid images of the nuns’ community. Focusing on particular features thatdifferentiate it from other nuns’ vinayas as well as certain differences between nuns and monk’s
discipline generally, this paper approaches the Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin Bhikṣuṇī-vinaya
as an historically layered text reflecting a community of nuns (and monks) connected by lineage,
and possibly by regional tradition, who creatively interacted with and performed a shared bodyof texts. This body of texts would have included vinaya and sūtra, but also texts or oral teachings
not located in the Buddhist canon.
The reading of the Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin Bhikṣuṇī-vinaya undertaken here is
influenced by Anne Blackburn’s idea of a “textual community,” defined as “those who
participate in shared practices of reading, writing, listening, interpretation, and performance,with reference to the same body of texts (perhaps, but not necessarily, a formal curriculum).”
While we may not have much independent information about the ancient community ofMahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin female ascetics, the text itself depicts a textual community inaction, while presumably also acting as the focal point of one.
As has been noted previously by Roth and Hüsken the Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin Bhikṣuṇīvinaya has a number of unusual features, including the fact that the story of founding of nuns
order and eight gurudharmas are placed before the bhikṣuṇī-vibhaṅga as an introduction andthat Mahāprajāpatī interacts directly with the Buddha when reporting the nuns’ concerns,
circumventing the male saṃgha entirely. General features of nuns’ vinayas that distinguish themfrom monks’ vinayas are many. This paper will focus in particular on a few rules related to theregulation of women’s sexuality and reproductive functions as examples of these differences.
Considering differences (rather than similarities) between the Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādinBhikṣuṇī-vinaya and other male and female vinaya traditions highlights the dynamic andinnovative nature of the textual community whose imprint it received and which it helped toreproduce. It’s differences, I will argue, also raise the intriguing question of female agency andinnovation in its formation.
Dhammadinnā, Bhikkhunī (Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Arts)
The legal status of the sikkhamānā & the contemporary re-establishment of the Theravāda
bhikkhunī lineage
The requirement of sikkhamānā / śīkṣamāṇā training for two years prior to the full acceptanceof women candidates into the saṅgha (upasampadā) is one of several conspicuous differencesthat set apart the female vis-à-vis the male ordination protocols, rules, models of training anddaily lives of the Indian Buddhist monastic communities.
The sikkhamānā / śīkṣamāṇā requirement features as one of the eight garudhammas /gurudharmas whose acceptance most Vinaya traditions reckon as the legitimate ordination of
the first Buddhist nun, Mahāpajāpatī Gotamī / Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī. This institution impinges
on several aspects of the Vinaya: the legal protocol of the ordination procedure (set forth in the
Khandhaka / Skandhaka section of the Vinayas), the arising of offences for an uncompliant
ordaining saṅgha and preceptor (sanctioned and discussed in the pātimokkha / prātimokṣa andVibhaṅga), and the overall training and community structure, based on a distinctly coenobiticmodel.
In the context of the contemporary re-establishment of the Theravāda bhikkhunī lineage in Asiaand the West, the prevalent choice has been not to implement the sikkhamānā period of
training. Such a choice has legal and ideological implications that are in turn related to larger
patterns of contrasting perceptions, frames of interpretations and, ultimately, sources ofauthority in the context of the re-establishment of the Theravāda bhikkhunī-saṅgha and ofcontemporary globalised Buddhist monasticism at large.
This paper will first survey the relevant jurisprudence and casuistry in the Pali Vinaya and in
the commentarial literature of the Theravāda tradition, including a review of the position ofearlier scholarship on the status and relative chronology of the institution of the sikkhamānā /śīkṣamāṇā and its inclusion among the garudhammas / gurudharmas. It will then procced to theposition of the sikkhamānā within the contemporary re-establishment of the Theravāda
bhikkhunī lineage in Asia and the West, and highlight parallelisms as well as differences in the
dynamics of prestige and legitimacy of ordination platforms including or excluding thisrequirement observed in the context of the Vinaya revival in contemporary China and Taiwan.
Heirman, Anne (Ghent University)
Chiu, Tzu-Lung (Ghent University)
Body Movement and Sport Activities for Buddhist Nuns: A Normative Perspective from
India to China
Physical activities are part of daily life, and this has not remained unnoticed to the early Buddhist
disciplinary masters in India. In an attempt to protect the good reputation of the monastic
community, their normative texts (vinaya) encourage monastics to control their bodymovements, and to strictly remain decent. Still, body movement is not totally banned. On thecontrary, walking is warmly welcomed for health reasons. It strengthens the body and the mind.
This utilitarian aspect is not unimportant. It is even essential. As soon as physical activities arelinked to ‘useless’ leisure, they are no longer allowed. Even worse is when monastics expose
themselves to all kinds of bodily games, entertaining the public. This is strongly rejected, all themore since the community risks to lose donors. Apart from this economic reasoning, it is also
very clear that Buddhist disciplinary masters consider this behavior to be morally wrong. It
ridicules monastic life and the teachings it symbolizes.
This paper investigates what this framework of social control and morally good behavior implies
for Buddhist monastics in China, and particularly in nuns’ communities, past and present. How
were Indian normative texts interpreted, and what became emphasized in the new context ofChinese Buddhism? And secondly, how are Chinese normative guidelines of the past
implemented today?
As we will see, in Medieval China, where Mahāyāna Buddhism became popular around thesame time vinaya rules were fully introduced, the link between the body and the outward world
became even more visible. Virtue takes bodily forms and bodily forms express virtue, at leastin the ideal normative context. In addition, social control and, to a lesser extent, attention for
health issues increase the pressure on body and bodily expressions. It does not mean that the
body remains motionless or heavily restricted in its articulations. On the contrary, Mahāyāna
guidelines prompt Buddhist monks and nuns to use the body for fruitful ends, showing correct
behavior to inspire others, particularly the lay community. This is also the reasoning behindmonastics’ participation in games of chess or in martial arts. A beneficial use of the bodycommitted to guiding both oneself and sentient beings towards the Buddhist Dharma is or should
be at stake, not leisure, desire or greed to win. It allows monastics to both physically train theirbody, and engage in intellectual games. And it inspires modern masters, of whom Xingyun(°1927) is a prime example, to promote sport as an expedient means aiming at bringing people
to Buddhism. Still, women, more than men and, sometimes even contrary to men, are expected
to express virtue by hiding the body. This implies that body movement, sport activities and thebenefits that could potentially derive from them, need to be carefully balanced, in an attempt toremain within the social standards of monastic life and lay society.
Hüsken, Ute (Oslo University)
Therī, Tathālokā (Bhikkhunī Vibhaṅga Project)
Coming into Our Own: The Re-making of the Bhikkhunīsaṃgha in Transcultural
Contexts
This two-part paper, as a dialogue, looks at “the re-making of the bhikkhunī sangha intranscultural contexts” from the external perspective of a scholar studying the bhikkhunī revival
and the internal perspective of the bhikkhunīs’ “coming into their own” from one of the firstwave of active Theravāda bhikkhunī preceptors.
Part I: The Re-making of the Bhikkhunīsaṃgha in Transcultural Contexts

In the USA the third generation of bhikkhunīs receives Upasampadā, whereas the firstordination in Germany - maybe even the first in Europe – took place in 2015. This part of thepaper explores the ways individual women monastics and communities deal with complications
and challenges of their everyday lives, for which more often than not the Theravada monastic
discipline is resorted to. I shall show how solutions are always individual and specific to thesituation at hand, determined by the historical and local contexts, and how at the same time theVinaya proves to be an important tool connecting the individual bhikkhunīs andbhikkhunisamghas not only with each other, irrespective of their physical location, but also
bridges historical distance.
Part II: “Coming into Our Own: Perspective of a Bhikkhunī Preceptor on Discipline, Agency &Inquiry Amidst the Renascent Theravāda Bhikkhuni Sangha/s”
This part of the paper offers internal perspective on how Dhamma and Vinaya studies arebrought into and inform bhikkhunīs’ monastic community life (with highlights on the role of
the Bhikkhunī Vibhaṅga Project), together with offering a look at some of the puzzles orproblems that bhikkhunīs are working with the tradition in working out. The author draws fromher experience with ordinations and bhikkhunīs’ individual and community life including but
not limited to California, Australia and Thailand over a 30 year period, from approximately thelast decade of the 20th century to the second decade of the 21st. Topics of active interest andwork center on a dynamic and creative tension or fusion between ideals and vision, and striving
and attainments or lived practices in the renascent bhikkhunīs’ community. These include:- from past to present—the dynamic interplay between envisioned past (or pasts) and present;- from “ordination” to “full acceptance”—forms of dual ordination and one-sided ordination;
upasampadā as “full acceptance” or “fully sharing in the training and way of life” and theactuality in the contemporary greater Sangha; questions of belonging, lineage and saṃvāsa;- from text to congruence in cultural context/s—the gārudhammas and sikkhamāna; theposition of senior teaching bhikkhunīs with regards to ovāda, and bhikkhunī teachers’ andcommunity leaders’ position in Buddhist monastic teaching and leadership structures;support, living with Vinaya, and religious alms mendicancy in the contemporary West;- from renascence to renaissance—bhikkhunīs’ discipline and developing bhikkhunī sangha/s
as optimal container or the most optimal conditions for supporting and effecting the Buddhist
intention and aim of women’s liberation, ceto-vimutti.
Ng, Zhiru (Pomona College)
Rethinking Vinaya Practice in Urban Buddhist Architecture and Space: A Female
Buddhist Community in South Taiwan
When we think of female observance and exegeses of the vinaya in contemporary Chinese
communities, the Incense Light Buddhist Nuns Order in Taiwan and their abbess the vinaya
teacher Wuyin 悟因 (b. 1940) often come to mind. The Incense Light Buddhist Nuns Order isalso known for reshaping female monastic education and roles, including promoting nuns as
preachers and teachers. Lesser known to the Western audience is their building of modern
Buddhist architectures to accommodate Buddhist urbanization and the needs of urban laity. The
most famous of their urban architectures is the Vihāra of the Purple Bamboo Grove 紫竹林精
舍 in Gaoxiong (South Taiwan), the design of which intended as a metaphorical mapping of theLotus Sūtra. Since this Mahāyāna scripture focuses substantially on the preacher-image andpreaching activities, the Lotus Sūtra is an appropriate text for scriptural endorsement of newsocial and religious roles for female monastics. However, my concern in this paper is not withthe use of Lotus Sūtra in architecture; instead, I explore how urbanization of Buddhistarchitecture and the prescription of “new” social roles to female monastics complicate their daily
observances of the monastic vinaya. I will examine the need to inscribe on to the new urban
Buddhist architecture clearly demarcated spiritual spaces for vinaya observance, and how thesearchitectural and spatial imaginings can be understood as on-going commentarial interpretationsof the vinaya.
Mrozik, Susanna (Mt. Holyoke College)
DiscussantDoes Candrakīrti offer any Epistemology (pramāṇa)?
Thakchoe, Sonam (University of Tasmania)
Westerhoff, Jan (Oxford University)
Panel Abstract
The debate whether Candrakīrti’s Madhyamaka endorses any epistemology (pramāṇa) is far
from over. Some have argued in the past that Candrakīrti is committed to rejecting all pramāṇas
in virtue of the rejection of the epistemological system of Dignāga and Dharmakīrti. Others
have taken different perspective, arguing that Candrakīrti accepts Mādhyamika pramāṇas anddevelops a cogent account of their roles in our epistemic practices. This panel is dedicated to
studying the findings of contemporary scholarship on this specific debate. To be sure, whicheverdirection the current research findings point us concerning this problem, the discussion will
nevertheless also help us to shed some important light on another vexed but related
epistemological question: Is the epistemological system of Dignāga and Dharmakīrti the only
one Buddhism offers? There is a general assumption that this is the case, although some mightquestion its validity and might point out arguments to the contrary.
Garfield, Jay L. (Smith College)
Prāsaṅgika, Pramāṇa and the Problem of Foundations
Candrakīrti rejects foundationalism, but appears to accept all four pramāṇas: perception,
inference, testimony and analogy. He clearly argues that we can know, but rejects pramāṇavādinaccounts of knowledge. Tsongkhapa, in his effort to synthesize Candrakīrti's Madhyamaka andDharmakārti’s pramāṇavāda, restricts the pramāṇas to perception and inference and adopts afoundationalist understanding of knowledge coupled with a Madhyamaka ontology. Takstangtakes him to task for this, arguing that no Prāsaṅgika can adhere to a pramāṇavadin
epistemology. I explore Takstang's understanding of how a Prāsaṅgika can talk aboutknowledge, showing that he follows Candrakriti more closely than does Tsongkhapa, and that
he offers a more compelling approach to epistemology.
Powers, John (Deakin University)

’Jam dbyangs bshad pa’s Polemical DoxographysTag tshang’s attack on Tsong kha pa’s presentation of the two truths threatened the foundationsof his philosophical project, and it prompted heated responses from some of the leading figuresof the dGe lugs order. Paṇ chen bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan attempted to rebut sTag tshangwith detailed philosophical arguments, but ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa dKon mchog ’jigs med dbang
po mainly resorted to invective and ad hominem attacks, repeatedly accusing his opponent ofself-contradiction and bad philosophy. My paper will examine ’Jam dbyang bzhad pa’s
methodology and the rhetorical devices he employs to denigrate sTag tshang.
Duckworth, Douglas (Temple University)
Truth or Consequences: Implicit Commitments and the Logic of Prāsaṅgika
In the first chapter of his Prasannapadā, Cāndrakīrti famously defended Buddhapālita against
Bhāviveka’s criticism that he had failed to formulate Nāgārjuna’s critique of causality in terms
of probative arguments, but rather left the arguments in the form of reductios. This debate iswell known to be the starting point of the “Prāsaṅgika-Madhyamaka” interpretation in Tibet.
Indeed, Tsongkhapa (1357-1419) has said that “an autonomous probative argument is notsuitable to generate the view of thusness in an opponent” in the context of explaining
Candrakīrti’s Prāsaṅgika (dgongs pa rab gsal, 226). In his critique of Tsongkhapa’s synthesis
of Prāsaṅgika-Madhyamaka and epistemology (pramāṇa), the fifteenth-century Sakya scholar,
Daktsang (stag tsang), accused Tsongkhapa of “eighteen great contradictions,” including acontradiction that “the presence of inference contradicts the absence of probative arguments.”
That is, Daktsang argued that a robust notion of inference - that is, inference qua pramāṇa - isantithetical to the “logic” behind Candrakīrti’s denial of probative arguments in this context.
This paper discusses some of the issues driving this debate, and shows how this debate sheds
light on the place of epistemology in an anti-realist interpretation of Madhyamaka.
Doctor, Thomas (Rangjung Yeshi Institute)
Madhyamaka Dynamics: Early Tibetan Attitudes to Knowledge and the Problem of
Emptiness.
Madhyamaka philosophy arguably emerges based on the tensions that inhere in a simultaneousaffirmation and denial of “dependent origination” (pratītyasamutpāda). With such problematic
foundations the Madhyamka can hardly be coherently explained as a circumscribedphilosophical position. Because of its equal commitment to immanence and transcendence,
traditionally associated with means (upāya) and insight (prajñā), the Madhyamaka is poorly
suited to be a position of philosophical rest. Requiring both an exact acknowledgement of theway things appear as well as a universal relinquishment of all claims to ultimate truth, theMadhyamaka is perhaps instead better understood as a program–hermeneutical, cognitive, andtransformative–that is effectuated based on assuming a stance. Yet while neither appearance nor
emptiness can be understood in isolation, the two nevertheless remain mutually conflicting.
Therefore, the stance that is formulated by combining the two must at best be a point of
departure–a practical orientation that will carry concrete consequences.

The introduction of Candrakīrti’s Nāgarjuna interpretation into Tibet spawned radical
reformulations of the Madhyamaka stance. Some saw Candrakīrti’s critique of foundationalist
epistemology as nihilist deception and produced substantialist doctrines in response. Others
understood themselves as faithful Candrakīrti followers and rejected any appeal to the notion of
epistemic instruments (pramāṇa, tshad ma). Others again sought to integrate Candrakīrti’s flat
denial of mind and mental states at the level of awakening with a robust account of knowledge
acquisition. Tsongkhapa’s highly influential Candrakīrti interpretation appears organicallywithin this continuously emerging, intellectual framework. In this paper I explore such early
Tibetan work to restructure the basic elements in the Madhyamaka stance, thus providing acontext for Tsongkhapa Losang Drakpa and Taktsang Sherab Rinchen.
Thakchoe, Sonam (University of Tasmania)
The Problem of No-mind and Buddhahood: Taktsang and Tsongkhapa on Candrakīrti’s
Epistemology
Does Candrakīrti offer any alternative non-foundationalist epistemology? One possible ways ofaddressing this question is to find out what Candrakīrti has to say about the nature of Buddha’s
epistemic processes. We know that Candrakīrti has made some very puzzling remarks about theepistemic characters of buddhahood. On the one hand he claims a buddha has an “omniscientinsight” and that this insight is the “only epistemic authority” that there is and that this insightis exclusively perceptual (MABh VI.214a-b). On the other hand, somewhat inconsistently,
Candrakīrti claims that a buddha does not have mind and mental processes for, according to his
view, an attainment of true and complete awakening with respect to all things must be theculmination of a complete cessation of all the “motions of mind and mental processes” (MABh
XI.1; 155a) from which, he says, attains an embodiment. (MABh XI.17d ) Now how are we tomake sense of these two seemingly contradictory statements? Do these statements reflect any
deeper conflicting epistemological issues within Candrakīrti’s system or is there a coherent way
to understand these statements? This paper is my attempt to answer these questions from two
Tibetan interpretative approaches each of which employs very different epistemologicalarguments which they bring to bear upon its interpretative strategy of Candrakīrti’s
epistemology.
Yi, Jongbok (Stockton University)
Discussant

Early Buddhist Manuscripts from Gandhāra: New Discoveries andResearchBaums, Stefan (University of Munich)Strauch, Ingo (University of Lausanne)
Panel Abstract
The earliest Buddhist manuscripts, discovered in the 1990s and 2000s in Pakistan and
Afghanistan, continue to enrich our knowledge of a formative phase in Buddhist history. From
the time of Aśoka to the reign of the Kuṣāṇas, the northwestern region of Gandhāra occupied anincreasingly central place in the Buddhist world. It was here that a local Buddhist literature in
Gāndhārī language began to take hold, written on birch‐bark scrolls in Kharoṣṭhī script, that
communicated Buddhism to Central Asia and ultimately formed the basis for the first Buddhist
translations into Chinese. The study of these Gāndhārī Buddhist manuscripts, now numbering
about a hundred and covering the full range of Buddhist literature, received new impetus inrecent years with the establishment of new research projects and a new generation of Gāndhārī
scholars entering the field. While translations of early Buddhist canonical texts occupied theattention of scholars from the beginning, the scope of research has now broadened to theflourishing Gāndhārī literature of Buddhist scholasticism and the emerging Mahāyāna as wellas the formation of a comprehensive Gāndhārī Buddhist canon. This panel, the first dedicatedto the topic since the 2011 IABS in Taiwan, presents the most recent developments in the field.
Baums, Stefan (University of Munich)Manuscripts from Gandhāra and Gāndhārī Texts: History and State of the Field
This paper offers some reflections on the history and state of Gāndhārī studies, a comparatively
new subfield of Buddhist studies and Indian philology, as an introduction to the panel. Researchon Gāndhārī texts in the last two hundred years has had a peculiar trajectory: at first, only aslowly growing number of coin legends and Buddhist inscriptions in an obscure script ofnorthwestern South Asia were available to scholars; then around the turn of the twentiethcentury, one single Buddhist manuscript and many hundreds of secular documents were foundon the distant Silk Road; and finally in the closing years of the century, the discovery of abouta hundred more Gāndhārī Buddhist manuscripts revolutionized the field again. Scholarly
understanding and approaches to the study of Gāndhārī language and literature changed
radically with each of these turning points, and the two greatest challenges of the field are now
the edition and timely publication of the numerous but difficult manuscript texts, and thereunification of the three main corpora of Gāndhārī texts under a common approach. In thispaper, I illustrate how the Gāndhārī inscriptions, secular documents and Buddhist manuscripts
shed much valuable light on each other in terms of language, content and physical features. I
then provide an update on the work of Andrew Glass and myself on the Dictionary of Gāndhārī,in which we analyze all published Gāndhārī texts on common terms and compiled a unified,critically re‐edited corpus of the language. The paper concludes with a consideration of thechanged and broadened landscape of Gāndhārī studies today, and a report on new arrangements
for the ongoing publication of the early Buddhist manuscripts from Gandhāra.
Strauch, Ingo (University of Lausanne)
The Prātimokṣasūtra Fragments of the Bajaur Collection of Kharoṣṭhī Manuscripts
Among the numerous Buddhist texts that could be identified among the growing corpus of earlymanuscripts from northwestern South Asia, only two belong to the genre of canonical Vinaya
texts. Both are part of the so-called Bajaur Collection. One of these manuscripts contains two
different versions of the first decade of the Naiḥsargika Pātayantika rules of the BhikṣuPrātimokṣasūtra. On the basis of paleographical analysis, both versions were written by the samescribe. At the 2008 IABS conference 2008 in Atlanta, I presented the first preliminary results of
my study of this unique manuscript which seemed to indicate that both versions are related todifferent Prātimokṣasūtra traditions. While the version on the recto appeared to be closely
related to the text of the Theravāda Pāli tradition and the Prātimokṣasūtra of the Dharmaguptaka
school preserved in Chinese translation, the version on the verso showed many features peculiar
to the Sarvāstivāda recension of the Prātimokṣasūtra. My presentation will revisit my previous
assumptions and discuss the complete evidence now available from a comprehensive study ofthe texts and their parallels in the Vinaya traditions preserved in Indic languages and Tibetan
and Chinese translation. Special attention will be paid to the circumstances that determined thepreservation, use and transmission of Prātimokṣasūtra texts in a Buddhist monastic environmenton the basis of the evidence of the Bajaur manuscript.
Marino, Joe (Cornell University)
Burning, Blazing, Glowing: “The Great Conflagration Hell” and Other Problems in a
Gāndhārī Sūtra of the Senior Collection
In this talk, I present the Gāndhārī Mahaparaḍaha-sūtra, or “Great Conflagration Sūtra” (PaliMahāpariḷāha-sutta), the second sūtra on Scroll 20 of the Robert Senior collection of Kharoṣṭhī
manuscripts. In the text, the Buddha tells of a hell (ṇirea) called Mahaparaḍaha – “Great
Burning,” or “Great Conflagration” – which, outside of this text and its semi-parallels in Pali,
Sanskrit and Chinese Saṃyutta-nikāya/Saṃyuktāgama collections, is named nowhere else inearly Buddhist literature. But the Gāndhārī version offers us clues as to whether and where theGreat Conflagration Hell fits into the larger system of Buddhist hell cosmography. In particular,
it contains a uniquely situated simile of the red-hot iron ball, which alludes to a wide networkof hell imagery in texts concerned with sexual purity, gluttony, discipline, and both infernal andearthly punishment. By considering this text in the context of its semi-parallels and early
Buddhist hell literature in general, I suggest that the Great Conflagration may be among theoldest conceptions of Buddhist hell. As a secondary consideration, I also address a problematic
passage that seems to have infiltrated the text: half of a popular verse – and only half – from theDharmapada/Udānavarga sits upside down in the middle of the sūtra. Was it written prior tocopying the sūtra? Why is it (apparently) incomplete? And what does it have to do with the othertexts on the manuscript?
Cox, Collett (University of Washington)
Commentarial Entanglements: The Case of the University of Washington Scroll
Extant early Indian Buddhist Gāndhārī manuscript collections include a variety of exegeticaltexts, and several employ familiar commentarial techniques that might support theirstraightforward identification as commentaries. However, their status as simple commentaries,
equivalent to exemplars of the genre within the later collections, must be called into question
especially in light of the range of interpretive techniques and stylistic features that the full
spectrum of early exegetical texts display. This is particularly true of the University ofWashington (UW) scroll, which was acquired by the UW in 2002 and is part of the UW Libraries
special collections. Despite exhibiting characteristics typical of commentary, its original identityand function remain unclear. Thus, it presents a particularly interesting test case of problematicgenre identification that challenges common notions of early Buddhist textual development andpotentially undermines certain presuppositions of canonical categorization. After examining the

UW scroll and its contents, this paper will investigate possible connections with other sūtras andabhidharma texts. Rather than situating the UW scroll securely among more familiar
commentarial or exegetical texts, this paper will support the conclusion that the relationships
among early Buddhist texts and their genre classification were more fluid than the retrospective
application of traditional categories would suggest.
Schlosser, Andrea (University of Munich)
The Bajaur Mahāyāna Sūtra in Relation to Other Buddhist Texts“Bajaur Mahāyāna Sūtra” is the conventional name for a text written on a long birch‐barkmanuscript in Kharoṣṭhī script and Gāndhārī language. Based on its paleographic features, we
can date it to the second century CE. The core of the text is a teaching given by the BuddhaŚākyamuni to a group of 84,000 gods who aspire to become bodhisattvas. The gods are predicted
to become buddhas with their own buddha field, which is said to resemble Akṣobhya’s Abhirati.
Within this frame story, the teaching of the Tathāgata, the explanation of the training of abodhisattva, and the teaching of the future buddhas constitute the theoretical background of thesūtra, focussing on nonperception and nonconceptualization and emphasizing that one should
not hold a notion of anything. The content of the Bajaur Mahāyāna Sūtra now being securely
established, this presentation will more closely investigate its relationship to other Buddhist
texts, especially the Aṣṭasāhasrikā and Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā, but also a numberof other Mahāyāna texts, on the background of early Buddhist literature as represented by thePali canon. Parallels exist both in regard to expression and doctrinal content. The comparison
will show the modular composition of the Bajaur text, with borrowings from canonical sources
as well as from later Buddhist literature associated with the Mahāyāna.
Ching, Chao‐jung (Kyoto University)
Gāndhārī Manuscripts and Documents from Kuchean Buddhist Monasteries
Kucha was one of the main stations on the Silk Road transmission of Buddhism from Gandhāra
to China. In Kumārajīva’s childhood around the middle of the fourth century, Buddhism had
been highly developed in this kingdom. Local Buddhist communities were led by fivemonasteries of monks and three monasteries of nuns, as described in the preface of a Chinesetranslation of bhikṣuṇī pratimokṣa written in 372–396 CE. However, most manuscripts
unearthed in this region are written in the Brāhmī script, and an overwhelming majority of them
are to be dated from the fifth century and on. In this paper, I will explore the rise of local
Buddhist literature in Kucha from a historical perspective. Attention will be paid to various
Kharoṣṭḥī material collected in this region. In particular, several newly deciphered wooden
fragments will be selected from the Paris, Berlin, St. Petersburg and Otani collections in order
to compare different usages of Brāhmī and Kharoṣṭhī in Kuchean monasteries, in addition to abrief paleographical analysis of two types of “Kučā-Kharoṣṭhī” based on the definition of Dr.
Klaus T. Schmidt in 2001.

Images and Practices of Buddhist Kingship across Asia
Berkwitz, Stephen C. (Missouri State University)
Dotson, Brandon (Georgetown University)Panel Abstract
Scholarship in Buddhist Studies has examined the institution of kingship largely in terms ofspecific historical figures and important actors in the development of Buddhism in particularplaces. As a result, we often know a great deal about certain Buddhist kings in specific historicalcontexts. We tend to be somewhat less aware, however, of the doctrinal and theoreticalunderpinnings of Buddhist kingship apart from the well-known paradigm of Aśoka, which itself
has been thoroughly scrutinized in recent years. With the dual aim of documenting further casestudies of Buddhist kingship throughout Asia and relating these to larger comparative andtheoretical questions concerning Buddhism and kingship, this panel will bring together scholars
who work in different parts of the Buddhist world in order to explore equally the continuities
and the differences in various iterations of Buddhist kingship across Asia. This expansive
approach to the subject of Buddhist kingship allows for different images of power and patronage
to emerge and to be analyzed cross-culturally. Giving attention to representations of Buddhist
kingship in various literary and material cultures from Asia, this panel will seek to move beyond
the Aśokan paradigm and locate Buddhist kingship in the intersections of different mediationsof religious, political, and cultural power.
Zimmermann, Michael (University of Hamburg)
On Buddhas, Kings and Bodhisattvas: Spiritual and Worldly Rule in Indian Mahāyāna
Buddhism
The paper will deal with the question in which ways the parallelism between the worldly ruler
on the one hand, and a buddha or a bodhisattva as the spiritual ruler on the other, has beendeveloped and portrayed in the writings of Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism. As has been shown for
the early tradition of Buddhism in India, one of Aśoka’s roles is that of being an exemplary
layman, to be emulated by all Buddhist followers. But he is also portrayed as the ideal ruler par
excellence: the righteous monarch who establishes justice and peace on earth and promotes
Buddhist virtues among his subjects. The parallelism between Aśoka as the universal temporalruler and the Buddha as the paramount leader in the spiritual realm are clearly formulated in the
Pāli sources of Indian Buddhism. How is this analogy continued in the scriptures of Indian
Mahāyāna Buddhism? Do the Mahāyānist ideas of becoming and acting as a bodhisattva inspire
further elaborations of this juxtaposition? And if so, what major strands of this development canbe identified?
The paper will focus on Indian Mahāyāna sources and their translations that touch on theseissues in both normative and narrative perspectives. While, depending on the source, different
visions of the status and juxtaposition of buddhas, bodhisattvas and the monarch will besuggested, it will also become evident that innovative Buddhist concepts of kingship, wheneverdivorced from the Brahmanic mythological background of divine regality, had to negotiate newmodes of legitimizing royalty..
Berkwitz, Stephen C. (Missouri State University)
What is a Bodhisattva King? Sri Lankan Perspectives on Buddhist KingshipA famous eleventh-century statement from the Jētavanārāma Slab-Inscription of Mahinda IV
states that only bodhisattvas can be kings of Sri Lanka. Based largely on this statement, both Sri
Lankan and Western scholars have long held that that the medieval era in Sri Lanka was marked
by the popular view wherein the kings of the island were perceived as “bodhisattva kings.”
However, little attention has been given to understanding what the concept of a “bodhisattva
king” actually meant in premodern Sri Lanka, and how this idea functioned in these historicaland cultural contexts. This paper will examine the epigraphical and literary evidence for thenotion of the bodhisattva king in order to understand its significance and relevance to medieval
Sri Lankan society. This paper will focus on several textual portrayals of the “bodhisattva king”
in Pāli and Sinhala literature. Sources include written accounts of the renowned King
Sirisanghabodhi in the Mahāvaṃsa and, more extensively, in the Hatthavanagallavihāra-vaṃsa
and its Sinhala adaptation Eḷu Atvanagalu-vaṃśaya. The accounts of Sirisanghabodhi, widely
regarded as a bodhisattva king for his remarkable act of self-sacrifice, offers one influential
paradigm for Buddhist kingship in Sri Lankan society. The depiction of this virtuous king willthen be compared with late medieval accounts in Sinhala praise poetry of King Parākramabāhu
VI in works such as Pärakumbā Sirita. Poetic descriptions of this king from the fifteenth century
yield a different vision of the bodhisattva king, one that departs from the extraordinary virtues
modeled in the Jātaka stories by the future Buddha himself. In these works, the identity of abodhisattva appears to be applied more liberally, and functions as eulogistic trope to exalt the
reputations of later kings who competed for fame and power with their royal counterparts inSouth Indian kingdoms.
In sum, a comprehensive view of the idea of bodhisattva kings raises questions both over how
prevalent this notion was in premodern Sri Lanka, and over what qualities were sufficient toearn this title. It will become clearer based on our survey of Sri Lankan materials that thebodhisattva king could mean different things to different authors, and may not have been therequisite criterion for Buddhist kingship that many scholars have long assumed. To revise theidea of the bodhisattva king, especially its characteristics and customariness, enables us todevelop a better understanding of Buddhist kingship in Sri Lanka.
Pranke, Patrick (University of Louisville)
The King who would be Buddha: King Bodawpaya’s Critique of Burmese Buddhist
Origins and His Quest for the True Teachings
The most famous and influential origin myth in Burma today tells of how, in the 11th century,a Mon monk named Shin Arahan converted the Myamma king of Pagan, Anawrahta, to the
Theravāda, thus establishing this form of Buddhism as the foundation of Burmese religious lifeand civilization from that time onwards. The legend itself, which in its present form dates toperhaps the 16th century, represents a hybrid of, among other things, elements taken from the
Mahāvaṃsa account of the Indian emperor Dhammāsoka and an indigenous conquest narrativethat tells of how Anawrahta captured the Mon kingdom of Thaton. As is well known, Pali
textual tradition portrays Dhammāsoka as the premier paragon of Buddhist kingship—as theideal royal patron, protector and propagator of the religion—and following this lead, Burmese
chroniclers depict King Anawrahta as the perfect native instantiation of the Asokan model—amodel that for centuries Burmese kings sought to emulate in their own display of good deeds

and royal acts of merit. But the legend of King Anawrahta and Shin Arahan is not without its
contradictions or anachronisms, and it is not the only Burmese foundation myth that competed
for attention. These facts were to play a significant role in the religious thinking and policies of
one of Burma’s most well-known and religiously active monarchs, King Bodawpaya (r.17821819), who, early on in his reign in 1783, sponsored a far-reaching reform and reorganizationof the Burmese sangha, some of the effects of which are discernable even today. Contemporarymonastic chronicles portrayed Bodawpaya’s reform as a near complete re-enactment of the
Asoka legend and as but the latest iteration of pious royal deeds carried out by good Burmese
kings since the founding of the religion at Pagan. Yet, in the latter part of his reign Bodawpaya
was to turn violently against these very reforms he once sponsored, and taking aim at thelegendary founding fathers of Burmese Buddhism, blame Shin Arahan and King Anawrahta for
destroying the Buddha’s true teachings and foisting upon future Burmese generations a false
religion. In this presentation I will examine the legend of Shin Arahan and Anawrahta, givinga brief account of its contents and evolution, and explore Bodawpaya’s reasoning for rejecting
it—reasoning which ultimately was to lead him to ponder whether he himself might be the future
Buddha Metteyya, born into the world to undo the old religion and found a new dispensation.
Bryson, Megan (University of Tennessee)
Humane Kings on the Border: The Renwang jing in Dali Buddhism
The Prajñāpāramitā Scripture for Humane Kings to Protect their Countries (Chn. Boreboluomiduo huguo renwang jing) became an important part of Tang-dynasty (618-907)
Buddhism thanks to the monk Amoghavajra’s (Chn. Bukong; 704-775) new version of the text
for Emperor Xuanzong’s court. As Charles Orzech has shown, the Scripture for Humane Kings
worked on different levels to advocate Buddhist governance by correlating king and bodhisattva,
rulership and awakening, political and religious advisor. The scripture’s promises of divine
protection appealed to Tang emperors, but also to the rulers of Japan, Korea, the Tangut Xi Xia
empire, and the Dali kingdom (937-1253). This paper explores how the rulers of the Dalikingdom (and their regional predecessors) used texts and art based on the Scripture for Humane
Kings to establish themselves as a Buddhist regime. Among the surviving sources from the Dalikingdom are two manuscript copies of the scripture with Liang Bi’s (717-777) commentary; the1052 Compass for Protecting the Nation Subcommentary (Huguo sinan chao) that has not beenfound elsewhere; images of the scripture’s “kings of sixteen great countries” and a “countryprotecting pillar” in the 1170s long painting Roll of Buddhist Images; and a section on the“Country-Protecting Prajñā Buddha Mother” in an 1136 esoteric ritual text with a diagram of
Siddham characters that perfectly matches part of a Humane Kings dhāraṇī ritual text attributed
to Amoghavajra. By considering each of these materials in turn, I will construct a cohesive
image of Buddhist rulership in the Dali kingdom centered around the Scripture for Humane
Kings. On one level, the Dali court appealed to this scripture in presenting themselves as
preeminent Buddhist rulers, which fit into their increasing independence from the Song dynasty(compared to the relations between the preceding Nanzhao kingdom, Tang, and Tibet). For
example, Dali rulers called themselves emperors while demoting the Song ruler to the level ofking or prince (wang). However, I argue that the Scripture for Humane Kings also played aspecial role for the Dali kingdom’s Duan rulers who increasingly lost political authority to theGao prime ministers in the second half of the period. As Duan power faded, they turned to the
Scripture for Humane Kings to boost their image as divinely supported Buddhist monarchs.
Dotson, Brandon (Georgetown University)
Debasing the God: Buddhism and Kingship in the Tibetan Empire
The ontological and positional status of the Tibetan king underwent various changes over thecourse of the Tibetan Empire (c.608–866), and in the centuries that followed its collapse, when
Tibetan cultural and religious memory coalesced around a highly mythologized cast of
characters including kings, queens, and adepts, and within which the kings were notably
refigured as incarnate bodhisattvas. Looking at the earlier strata of changes in the depictions ofTibet’s kings, dating to the imperial period itself or to shortly after, one can draw on pillar
inscriptions and written records from Dunhuang and elsewhere dating from the 8th to the 10th
centuries. Examining these sources, one of the most interesting changes in the Tibetan kingshipis the attitude toward the king vis-à-vis his status as a god. In particular, there are two somewhat
congruent movements that point to the king’s dual nature but which simultaneously erode thisduality.
In the first place, there is the more or less “official version” of the royal cosmogony, in which
the king is a god who descends from the heavens to rule men and beasts. Referred to as “thegod, the emperor” (lha btsan po), the king has one foot in both worlds, and travels between
heaven and earth via a magical cord or ladder. Fundamentally, however, he is a god who has
been enticed down to earth, where he is bound to his human subjects in a social contract thatmandates his death should he fail. The king is in this sense a divine captive, and his position onearth makes him something less than a god in the heavens.
This ambivalence of referring to the king with a divine title, e.g. “god,” while interacting withhim via a contractual relationship that belies his mortality is also relevant to another, related
royal title. This is “son of gods,” (lha sras), corresponding to the Sanskrit title “devaputra,” usedof kings across the Buddhist world. In fact, “son of gods” co-occurs in many sources with theroyal title or designator “god.” This perhaps reflects a similar dual nature of the king to that
expressed by his movement between heaven and earth. Additionally, the synchronic use of“god” and “son of gods” probably encodes a negotiation between Tibetan and Buddhist
cosmologies. Although the challenge was variously deflected and moderated, Buddhism
fundamentally contested the ontological status of gods and their place in Tibet’s ritual economy.
The prestige of the king’s status as a god was probably thereby eroded, and it would seem that“son of gods” presented an alternative title with an attractive Buddhist legacy.
The coexistence of these ostensibly contradictory titles, and the positional and ontologicalstatuses that they imply, attests to the polyvalence of kingship and its uncanny ability to not only
embrace, but to effectively wield contradictions. Here, however, we also observe a slow erosionof some facets of Tibetan kingship, notably the notion of the king as a god against the backdrop
of a coalescing of Tibetan and Buddhist cosmologies.
Sango, Asuka (Carleton College)

The Emperor Dreamed of Golden Light Lectures in Heian Japan (794–1185)
In the ninth month of 1025, the Japanese courtier Fujiwara Sanesuke (957–1046) recorded in
his diary Shōyūki a strange dream that Emperor Goichijō (1008–1036) had had. Possessed byevil spirits, several thousand women invaded his palace. A mysterious man then warned that the
only solution to this was to hold the Saishōkō, the lectures on the Golden Light Sūtra (Ch.
Jinguangming zuisheng wang jing, J. Konkōmyō saishō ō kyō; T no. 665, 16). After having
awakened, the emperor intended to do so, but Sanesuke disagreed and claimed that, as stated inthis sūtra, if the emperor ruled righteously, such a calamity would be eliminated, and there would
be no need to hold the lectures.
Thus while Sanesuke referred to the Buddhist ideal of kingship expressed in this sūtra to criticize
Emperor Goichijō, the emperor expected the apotropaic power of the sūtra to protect his palace(i.e., the symbol of his body and government). This episode reveals that in the Heian period(794–1185), the members of court society appropriated the ideas of kingship expressed in theGolden Light Sūtra either to contest or to support the emperor.
Behind Sanesuke’s and Goichijō’s expectations and anxieties over the imperial authority was a
crucial political shift in the mid-Heian period. The leaders of the early Heian state had adopted
the discourse about kingship in the Golden Light Sūtra and the Chinese bureaucratic system ofritsuryō to invent the Japanese ideal of emperor-centered government with Buddhist court rituals
as its embodiment. However, the emperor-centric structure was severely challenged around thetenth century when the Fujiwara regental family dramatically increased its influence byrepeatedly marrying its daughters to the emperor (as reflected in Goichijō’s fear for thepossessed women’s intrusion into his palace).
This paper will reveal that the ascendance of Fujiwaras did not cause the decline of the emperor’sauthority, as some scholars have assumed, but contributed to the development of new ritualexpressions of the emperor’s centrality such as the Saishōkō. To demonstrate this point, I will
study the rite’s history and format by examining diaries and ritual manuals written by courtiers
such as Sanesuke, as well as the prayers, lectures and debates performed by monks, such as the
Tōdaiji monk Sōshō’s (1202–1278) record of the Saishōkō (Saishōkō mondōki).
Furthermore, in order to demonstrate how the Saishōkō reinvented and reasserted the figure of
the emperor, this paper will analyze its ritual space while focusing on the placement ofemperor’s body—the issue that has tended to escape historians who primarily focused on textual
evidence. For this purpose, the paper will utilize visual material such as the Pictorial Scroll of
Annual Court Rituals and the Illustrated Manual of Court Rituals (Nenjū gyōji emaki andUnzushō; both dated the twelfth century). Being held in the emperor’s residential quarter, theSaishōkō presented the physicality of his body that ate, slept and procreated thereby contributing
to the reinvention of the imperial authority based more on the person of the emperor than his
office.

Insights into Gandhāran Buddhist Narratives through Art and Texts
Neelis, Jason (Wilfred Laurier University)Panel Abstract
Participants in this panel seek to share insights into Buddhist narratives transmitted in
Gandhāran visual and written sources. Building on interdisciplinary collaborative research byart historians and textualists on jātaka images in Gandhāran sculptures and avadānas andpūrvayogas in Gāndhārī manuscripts, presenters will address an extensive range of questions
and issues about relationships between Gandhāran art and texts pertaining to previous-birthnarratives as well as widely-depicted events connected with Śākyamuni’s hagiography. The
panel’s purpose is to explore how new evidence of Gandhāran literary cultures and otherdiscoveries of early Buddhist manuscripts from neighboring regions featured in IABS panels
relate to regional visual cultures also belonging to the early centuries CE. The extent to which
ongoing studies of Gāndhārī texts can contribute to understandings of Gandhāran art history
will be investigated through comparisons and contrast of narrative corpora. In addition to
elucidating selective appropriation and transformation of literary and visual elements indifferent media, the scope of the panel extends to localization of narrative episodes connectedwith various types of life-story genres in the ritual landscape of Gandhāra and the Northwest.
Neelis, Jason (Wilfrid Laurier University)
Regional Diversity and Doctrinal Standardization in the Transmission of Gandhāran
Narratives
Among over fifty original compositions of narrative summaries labeled as avadānas andpūrvayogas in the British Library collection of Kharoṣṭhī manuscripts, several stories set inŚākyamuni’s own times or in the period of Aśoka in northern India can generally be associatedwith recognizable Buddhist narratives. Other “homegrown” avadānas and pūrvayogas
belonging to ca. first century CE Gandhāran contexts, however, are more difficult to link withpreviously known narratives. This paper will focus on Gandhāran narratives localized in thenorthwestern borderlands (Taxila, Puṣkalāvatī, Kashmir) which incorporate figures who are
known from Indo-Scythian coins and inscriptions (such as Jihoniga and Aśpavarman),characters with Indo-Iranian ethnonyms and names (Śaka/Saga, Kardamaga, Zadamitra,
Spadu, Yola), and titles (Kṣatrapa, Mahākṣatrapa). Through intratextual and intertextual
analysis of selected examples, I will propose that local specificity and narrative complexity
diminish as doctrinal motifs become more prominent and the stories are tied to stock figuresand locations. The process of standardizing stories with locales restricted to the Buddhist
heartland in northern India, casts of eminent characters, and a growing emphasis on doctrines
may also be related to patterns of standardization in Gandhāran art in which a relatively
limited corpus of jātaka images is eclipsed by hagiographical episodes of Śākyamuni’s
lifestory in the early centuries CE.
Allon, Mark (University of Sydney)
Accounts of the Buddha’s life in the Senior Kharoṣṭhī Manuscript collection and theircounterparts in the art of Gandhāra and ancient India

The Senior Kharoṣṭhī manuscript collection, which was apparently interred in a stūpa in theancient Gandhāra in the 2nd century CE as a pious act, contains several texts that preserve
accounts of episodes of the Buddha’s life that were depicted in artwork in Gandhāra as well
as at sites such as Bharhut and Amaravati, most commonly found in narrative reliefs
associated with stūpas. This includes the account of the merchants Tripuṣa and Bhallika (touse Sanskrit forms) offering the Buddha his first meal after his awakening and the Buddha
receiving four bowls from the gods of the four directions for receiving the food, which hereduces to a single bowl; the brahman youth Nāla and the nāga serpent Elāpattra visiting theBuddha; and King Ajātaśatru visiting the Buddha on a full-moon night, which forms the
beginning of the Sāmaññaphala-sutta/Śrāmaṇyaphala-sūtra.
The narrative stone panels depicting episodes of the Buddha’s life that appeared on theexterior of stūpas or their accompanying railings made manifest and gave a visualperformance of the life of the Buddha whose relics were preserved in the interior of the stūpa,
enlivening the presence of the Buddha to the faithful as they performed the pradakṣiṇā aroundthe stūpa and facilitating their participation in his life. It is thus an intriguing possibility thatthe stūpa that housed the Senior manuscripts, these dharma relics, may have been adorned
with the very episodes of the Buddha’s life that were preserved in the manuscripts that had
been interred at its heart, perhaps in conjunction with the Buddha’s physical relics.
In this paper the texts in the Senior collection that have visual counterparts in the art of
Gandhāra and other ancient Indian sites will be discussed and the relationships between the
textual and visual accounts revealed. The implications of the stūpa that housed thesemanuscripts being the site of the convergence of textual and visual accounts of the same
episodes of the Buddha’s life, and these with the Buddha’s physical relics, will also be
explored.
Lenz, Timothy (University of Washington)
What is the Buddha’s Gandhāran Game?
In 1900, a corroded mechanism, the likes of which had not previously been seen, wasdiscovered by sponge divers in the waters off the coast of the Island Antikythera. The geared
mechanism now known as the Antikythera Mechanism, could calculate and display celestial
information, especially cycles such as the phases of the moon and a luni-solar calendar(Freeth, T. et al. Nature 444, 587-591 (30 November 2006) | doi:10.1038/nature05357). This
unique and as yet not completely understood mechanism was apparently constructed
sometime near the end of the second century BC, a time that roughly corresponds to the
explosion of developments of Buddhism in Gandhāra that are only now coming to light withthe many recent discoveries of Gandhāran manuscripts. The Antikythera Mechanism can betaken as symbol for or reminder of the long road to solving some of the interesting, beguiling,
unsolved problems posed by our ever increasing knowledge of how the teachings of the
Buddha flowered in ancient Gandhāra. One such problem has to do with the interdependenceof text and art. Like the Antikythera Machine which stands uniquely as a representation of atechnical marvel that is far more advanced than was considered possible for production in thecivilization of its time, analysis of our recently discovered Gandhāran texts and recently
compiled catalogue of previous-birth representations in Gandhāra seems to suggest a unique,not-yet-fully understood, early developmental emphasis in the Gandhāran brand of
Buddhaśāsana. What is the Buddha’s game in Gandhāra?
Pons, Jessie (CERES, Ruhr University Bochum)
Two Ascetics between Gandhāra and Dunhuang and back: Transformations in the
Depiction of the Śyāma and the Dīpaṃkara Jātakas
This paper will take the Śyāma-Jātaka and the Dīpaṃkara-Jātaka and more specificallyillustrations of the two stories on Gandhāran narrative reliefs as starting point of a discussion
on the concepts of domestication and creation, often put in opposition in the discourse aroundthe diffusion of Buddhist narratives. While the Śyāma-Jātaka finds visual precedents in theart of Bharhut and Sanchi, illustrations of the Dīpaṃkara-Jātaka appear to be a Gandhāraninnovation. In light of material from Bharhut, Sanchi, Gandhara and oases on the Silk Road,
this paper will examine sources and developments in the depictions of the stories of Sumedhaand Śyāma and will explore how the lives of the two ascetics have been invented andreinvented as they were disseminated across South and Central Asia.
Giuliano, Laura (National Museum of Oriental Art, Rome)
The Archery Competition of Siddhārtha in Gandhāran art
On the Gandhāran reliefs some scenes of the competitions organized for the svayaṁvara ofYaśodharā are represented. This particular kind of svayaṁvara characterized by public
competitions to obtain the hand of the princess, where the warriors prove their skill andcapability in the art of war, was confined mostly to the royal families, and it is well known
from the Buddhist texts, from the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata. In the Buddha’s legend
the archery competition is, among the trials, the crucial test to marry the girl. The supremacy
during this contest, possibly more than in other cases, refers to the royal and warlike valuesof the winner. It is in his capacity as a kṣatriya that the Bodhisattva can perform his feats ofarchery.
In this paper we will deal with the representations of this event of Buddha’s life in Gandhāranart. Special attention will be given to the comparison between the textual and the figurative
traditions to consider if and how they are interrelated, or if, at leastin some cases, we should hypothesize the influence of an oral tradition that reveals
connections with the story narrated in the Rāmāyaṇa.
Zhu, Tianshu (University of Macau)
Reassessing the Iconography of the Request of Brahmā and Indra from Gandhāra
The representations of a Buddha flanked on either side by Brahmā and Indra displaying theañjali mudrā from Gandhāra have been for long known as a narrative depiction of an episodein the Buddha’s life. After he obtained enlightenment, Śākyamuni planned to enter thenirvana. Brahmā and Indra came to stop him, persuading the Buddha to teach the Dharma forthe sake of sentient beings. Narratives of the Buddha’s life have been a major subject matter
in Gandhāra Buddhist art. However the iconography of the request of Brahmā and Indra isdifferent from other narratives in many ways. For instance, it appears among a group ofearliest anthropomorphic representations of the Buddha. If this identification is true, in a way
it is virtually the first event singled out from the Buddha’s life to be represented with theimage of the Buddha; whereas this event does not glorify the Buddha, if not contaminates his
imagery. And later in Gandhāran art, the pairing Brahmā and Indra also appeared in othericonographies, such as to attend the Buddha seated on the lotus flower. This type of images
has been identified either as Amitābha Buddha or as Śākyamuni performing miracles at
Sravāstī. Overall the iconography of the request of Brahā and Indra has fewer narrative
elements than other depictions of the Buddha’s life. This study reassesses this well-known
iconography in both visual and textual traditions. Challenging the current identification in thefield, the author suggests the possibility that this iconography represents an iconic image of
the Buddha, to glorify the Buddha by subordinating the top two Brahman gods as his
attendants.

Literatures of Contemplation
Andrew Quintman (Yale University)
Kurtis Schaeffer (University of Virginia)
Panel Abstract
Contemplation is often articulated in literature. Meditations, visualizations, reflective inquiries,
and various forms of personal, interpersonal, and philosophical exercises are described, defined,
and taught in and through texts, even in cases where the contemplative practice is held to be
distinct from the work of literature, either because the practice is claimed to be ineffable, gained
only through a particular form of experience, or because the learning process is said to occur inhuman relationships outside of texts. This panel asks What are relationships between literatureand contemplation in Buddhist traditions? How do literary forms, aesthetic qualities, andlinguistic properties shape the instruction, practice, and even perhaps the construction ofcontemplative activity? Papers explore form and style as they relate, either implicitly or
explicitly, to contemplative practices and claims regarding contemplative experience. Using“literature” and “contemplation” as a capacious yet focused pairing, the essays explore larger
relationships between aesthetics and experience in Buddhist traditions.
Crosby, Kate (Kings College)
Traces of Experience: the texts of traditional Theravada meditation (borān
kammaṭṭhāna/yogāvacara)
The system of meditation that dominated practice at court and within Sangha hierarchies
throughout much of the Theravada region in the 18th century is almost extinct today. While the19th century reforms of Theravada and the rise of Vipassana played their part in its
disappearance, changes in technologies, worldview, politics and warfare were decisive.

Documents that attest to its disappearance at the start of the 20th century termed it the borān
kammaṭṭhān ‘old/ancient meditation method’. The practice was transmitted from teacher topupil through the teacher’s one-to-one guidance in response to the pupil’s reports of theirexperience. Secrecy was important for several reasons, including false reporting of experience.
Such means of transmission neither relied on nor generated manuals beyond brief lists of nimitta(eidetic experiences) to prompt the teacher’s memory. There are no texts of the entire practiceon the basis of which one might reconstruct the method. However, at points of crisis and feared
disjuncture of various kinds, practitioners committed memory prompts and other aspects towriting. This paper will look at the variety of these texts. It will explore what they can andcannot tell us about the range of methods and experiences entailed in boran kammatthan, as
well as the relationship between the meditation methods and other aspects of Theravada practiceand culture.
Bentor, Yael (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem)
Awakening in the Present Body
As one of its unique characteristics the tantric tradition offers the possibility of awakening inthis very life. Still the notion of reaching enlightenment in the present body—the product ofprevious karma, comprised of impure aggregates—has been problematic for most Buddhist
thinking. Hence often a distinction has been made between two types of nirvāṇa, with andwithout ‘remainder’. The notion of the impurity of the ordinary body is exemplified by thecommon Buddhist meditation on the ‘foul’ [Skt. aśubha-bhāvanā], intended to counter theafflictive emotion of desire. Meditators on the ‘foul’ develop mindfulness of thirty-some foul
aspects of the body, such as the intestines, feces, urine, blood, fat and mucus.
Against such a background, it was not easy for the tantrikas to suggest that the yogi’s ordinary
human body produced by previous karma and afflictions can transform into a Buddha Body. So
how can enlightenment be attained in the present life? If the present body were abandoned anda Buddha Body obtained by taking on a new birth, then the premise that one is awakened in thislife would be vitiated. On the other hand, if the present body is abandoned and a Buddha Body
is attained without taking on a new birth, then how does the Buddha Body arise?
In my paper I will examine possible answers to this question found in some tantric works of theearly Dge lugs school.
Greene, Eric (Yale University)
What exactly are “meditation texts” and what should we do with them?
Scholars interested in the practice of Buddhist meditation have a wealth of surviving textual
material with which to work. This is no surprise – the paradigmatic nature of meditation as thevehicle through the Buddha himself achieved awakening has ensured that discussions of this
topic are well represented within many different kinds of Buddhist literature. Yet despite thediversity of literary forms and genres within which Buddhist meditation is discussed, there has
been little systematic consideration of how, if at all, this diversity should be taken into accountmethodologically when we use such texts as sources. The documents that modern scholars haveoften labeled as “meditation texts” have thus generally been interpreted as primarily prescriptive

in nature, as serving, or at least as intending ideally to serve, as instructions for practice. In thispresentation I will suggest that another possible way of reading at least some ancient Buddhist
meditation texts. I will take as my key example the obscure fifth-century Chinese meditationtext known as the Essential Methods of the Five-gate Meditation Scriptures (Wu men chan jing
yao yong fa 五門禪經要用法; Five Gates). Framed as a dialog between a meditator and his or
her master, the Five Gates presents an account of meditation in which the most significant“work” of meditation involves not the controlled manipulation of the mind, but rather theinterpretation of meditative visions whose arising is simply assumed to take place. The Five
Gates, I will suggest, should be understood not as a manual for meditation practice, but as ahandbook for the interpretation of meditative experience. In this case, at least, the “meditationtext” serves not so much as a set of instructions for the practitioner, but rather as the authority
through which individual experience can be linked to sanctioned canonical categories. Buildingon this idea, I will then consider how this reading of pragmatic function of so-called meditation“manuals” might be applicable to a wider range of texts whose subject is meditation, and how
this kind of approach to the “literature of contemplation” might offer a way of thinking about
the role of personal experience within Buddhist meditation and Buddhist societies that neither
dismisses its importance nor assigns it undue or anachronistic epistemic authority.
Kachru, Sonam (University of Virginia)
Overhearing Śāntideva
Philosophers find in Śāntideva’s Introduction to the Practice of Awakening a concern almost
unique in South Asia: ethics as a philosophical topic on which one can bring reasons andarguments to bear. Given a sufficiently capacious sense of ethics on which it is not alone theexplication of moral principles but the evaluation and transformation of what one might callcharacter that is at stake, such praise is not unwarranted. But this is surely not Śāntideva’s only
claim on our attention. In this generically novel work, "an anatomy" of a person's mind,Śāntideva has given us the chance to overhear, as it were, someone talk to their own mind,
practice analysis and visualization (to name only two of a range of practices), and reason
themselves into a normatively valued transformation of subjectivity. Along with an inventive
array of arguments and range of practices, and the astonishing acknowledgment of the range ofmoods and psychological resistance therapy can invoke, we are given an inside view on what
Steven Collins once called the “socioreligious theater of transformation” which Buddhist
practices of the self have long promoted, but which are not always made discursively available
to us from the inside, as philosopher's like to say. What does sustaining a discursive environment
in which, to quote Steven Collins once more, the “‘subjectivized’ interiority inculcated bymeditative practices can take place” involve? My remarks will be concerned to highlight theliterary and philosophical achievements involved in Śāntideva's bringing into being for us ananonymous, first-personal, contemplative persona, whose practice we can overhear.
Quintman, Andrew (Yale University)
Illuminating Carefree Awareness: Tibetan Poetry Collections and the Landscape of Self
Tibetan commentators frequently describe the poetic form of mgur / nyams mgur as a medium
for recording the process of contemplative practice while illuminating subsequent moments oftranscendent awakening. This echoes the normative view that mgur affords spontaneous
opportunities to express profound meditation experiences that would otherwise remain ineffable
if not altogether inaccessible. Since at least the twelfth century in Tibet, this poetic form became
associated with masters of the Kagyu sect, including Marpa the Translator and his disciple
Milarepa. Anthologies of their poetry, collected songs (mgur ’bum), would become a primarysignifier of Tibet’s great meditation traditions. By the seventeenth century, the Kagyu polymath
Karma Chakmé (1613–1678) would refer to collected songs as the “central pillar of the PracticeLineage traditions.” In recent years, scholars have paid increasing attention to the literary forms,
functions, and aesthetic qualities of mgur. The processes through which mgur collections werecompiled and edited, and the structures and functions of the resulting autonomous works,
however, remain largely unaddressed.
This paper examines one such poetry anthology as a preliminary investigation of the moreprogrammatic functions of mgur, that is, the ways in which song collections may serve as
markers of an author’s identity and his sense of belonging in a particular locale. The primarysource used here is the mgur ’bum of the nineteenth-century author Chokyi Wangchuk (Choskyi dbang phyug, 1775–1836), reincarnate master and abbot of Drakar Taso Monastery situatedon Tibet’s southern frontier. The collection, entitled Songs Illuminating Carefree Awareness(gu yangs rig pa’i snang glu), anthologizes forty poems composed between 1797–1825, mostof which conclude with a descriptive colophon documenting the circumstances of composition,
including time, occasion, underlying motivation, and location. Poetry collections may present
an author’s visionary and emotional experiences while simultaneously performing other kindsof work. Chokyi Wangchuk’s collected songs record glimpses of the abbot in a largely
autobiographical register. In doing so they self-consciously construct the author’s publicpersona as a resident of Tibet’s southern borderlands by mediating and emphasizing his
relationship to place. In anthologized form, this poetry illustrates the reciprocal relationships
between literature and landscape, personhood and place—relationships in which place shapes
Chokyi Wangchuk’s life while his poetic compositions valorize and thereby reshape certain
locations in the Himalayan terrain. The songs recorded in the collection Illuminating Carefree
Awareness may have been composed in a carefree register. But their execution and compilation
indicate careful planning.
Schaeffer, Kurtis (University of Virginia)
Nature Imagery in Tibetan Contemplative Poetry
Tibetan poetry dedicated to contemplative practice often makes use of imagery drawn from thenatural world. Landscape features become tropes for states of mind, animals figure for emotions,while atmospheric phenomena and celestial bodies evoke soteriological aspirations and ideals.
Vocabulary drawn from the natural world is both rich and extensive, and plays a role in at least
two ongoing projects in Tibetan contemplative literature, the expression of contemplative
experience and the philosophical justification of such experience. This paper endeavors to
identify, categorize, and analyze some of this language as part of a more general effort tounderstand the role of figurative language in contemplative literature, especially as it is used inpoetic descriptions and prescriptions of contemplative practice. The paper will use Jikmé
Lingpa’s (1730-1798) large autobiography to explore these ideas. Containing some eightypoems on meditation, visionary experience, philosophy, ethics, and emotional life, Jikmé
Lingpa’s sprawling memoir makes an excellent source from which to collect poetic imagery
drawn from the natural world, and to see it in action within the context of a narrative selfpresentation of an influential thinker’s life and works that utilizes in about equal measure bothprose and verse. Jikmé Lingpa was a prolific poet, though unlike other writers his verse wasnever collected into an anthology of poetry. Rather, it is threaded through his narrative, didactic,
ritual and philosophical writings. Why this is the case is not clear. What is clear, however, isthat he had a keen sense of nature imagery’s capacity to convey both affect and idea, and awillingness, if not even eagerness, to use figurative language to render his own life an allegory
for spiritual growth, albeit a punctuated and at times uneven and even uncertain process ofgrowth. Some poems in the autobiography use stock phrases to epitomize mind and emotions(clear sky is an open, calm mind; cloudy sky is emotionally troubled mind); others use imagery
from both the natural and social realms to hammer home the necessity for contemplatives todisengage from the business of the world; still other poems appear to be reaching for an effective
language to convey experience in meditation, a satisfactory and stable vocabulary for which heseems to acknowledge remains elusive even for a writer whose identity, works, and reputation
are based upon the presumption of just such experience. The paper will conclude with somethoughts on how poetic language might be constitutive of contemplative experience, oraffectively laden ideas about what contemplation is..

Monastic Espionage in East Asia in the Age of Isolationism, 14th to 19th
Century
Bingenheimer, Marcus (Temple University)
Panel Abstract
After the fall of the Yuan dynasty the international relationship between China, Japan and Korea
declined from a period of relative interconnectedness to one of relative isolationism. In the 15th
century, China, which until then had maintained a large navy, withdraw from the sea-faring age
and began to rebuild the Great Wall. Events during the 16th (the various "ocean-embargoes"(haijin 海禁), the pirate wars, the Japanese invasion of Korea) further prevented peacefulinternational contact. In the 17th century the military rulership of Japan decided to pursue a
strategy of strict isolationism (sakoku 鎖国) while the Manchu invasions of Korea diminished
Korean independence. After the stability of the long 18th century, when official diplomatic andcultural contacts were extremely limited, the arrival of Western colonial powers in the 19th
century changed again the way nations in East Asia interacted. Compared to earlier centuries,
and in spite of increasing population and trade, the period from the 14th to the 19th century saw
fewer Buddhist exchanges between China, Korea and Japan, the late Ming introduction of the
Huangbo/Obaku School to Japan being an obvious exception. In this climate where official
contact beyond small scale border trade was exceptional, almost every form of international
communication could be framed as spying.
Ming and Qing China, not threatened by its eastern neighbors, was worried less about spies fromthe outside than about "inner enemies" that might move freely and anonymously disguised as
monks (Bingenheimer). When Yinyuan went to Japan in 1654 effecting the last majortransmission of Buddhism from China to Japan, he was promptly suspected to be a spy (Wu).
This distrust might have been partly due to the fact that the Japanese themselves had used monks
to gather information about China right up until the closing of their borders in 1639 (Olah).
Wu, Jiang (University of Arizona)
Was Yinyuan a Chinese Spy? Buddhism during the Ming-Qing Transition in Early
Modern East Asia
This paper investigates the suspicion over the identity of the Chinese Zen monk Yinyuan Longqi
after he landed in Japan in 1654. At first, Yinyuan was asked to stay in Fumonji 普門寺 in
Osaka for six years. One explanation for this long detention was that he was suspicious of beinga Chinese spy, either working for the Manchu, or for Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功, whose ships
escorted him to Nagasaki. This spy theory may have been first insinuated by the Confucian
scholar Mukai Genshō 向井元升 who criticized Yinyuan in his Chishihen 知恥篇. He knewthat Yinyuan had sent his disciples to contact his teacher Feiyin Tongrong who was in the
Hangzhou area around that time. He surmised that because the Hangzhou area was occupied by
the Manchus, their frequent communications must have divulged information about Japan.
Another Japanese scholar Kumazawa Banzan 熊沢蕃山 shared a similar view. My study showsthat the Japanese in the early Edo period were alert about possible espionage attempts from
China carried out by Chinese monks. Meanwhile, the Japanese bakufu kept an effective
intelligence program to collect information on China during the Ming-Qing transition.
Olah, Csaba (International Christian University, Tokyo)
Gozan monks and the gathering of domestic and international intelligence in the 15-17th
century Japan
Japanese Buddhist monks, who have spent several years in China during the Tang and Song
period with the purpose of studying Buddhism and visiting religious places (such as the famous
En’nin or Jōjin), gathered important information during their stay about religion, everyday life,
local administrative system and various events in China and recorded them in their diaries. Afterthey returned to Japan, they were required to submit a report – principally based on these diaries– about their stay to the court. We may say, with some exaggeration, that these monks were akind of “source of intelligence” for the Japanese Heian court that stored these reports andeventually used them for diplomatic or political decision-making.
It is however less known, that few centuries later Zen monks of the Five Mountains (Gozan)
had the similar role. As diplomatic advisers of the Ashikaga shogunate during the Muromachi
period Gozan monks were responsible for diplomacy in Japan: they prepared the necessary
diplomatic documents, organized the diplomatic missions and participated as diplomats in thesemissions. Few records on these missions are still extant in form of diaries or collection of
documents prepared by Gozan monks during their stay in China.
What do we know about the activities of these monks in the 15-17th century China? What kindof information did they gather? How did they or the shogunate use the collected information?
While focusing on these questions, I will demonstrate in my paper that monks played animportant role in the Japanese intelligence on East Asia in both the ancient and medieval period,but – because of the political and diplomatic circumstances – the purpose of information
gathering and its focus, and the use of information was different in both periods. For comparison
I will also refer to the Gozan diplomatic tradition in the first years of the Tokugawa shogunatethat helps further understand the role of Buddhist monks as “sources of intelligence” and as
indispensable part of the central government in Japan from the ancient to the beginning of theearly modern period.
Bingenheimer, Marcus (Temple University)
Disguised as Monks in Ming and Qing China: Glimpses and Anecdotal Evidence
Late imperial China, the five centuries between the fall of the Yuan and the end of the imperial
system, was a time when Buddhism was marginalized in the intellectual sphere. Its institutional
development was constricted by the Ming and Qing legal codes, which asserted tight control ofreligious establishments and monastic ordination. Nevertheless Buddhism managed to maintainits presence both in the expanding cities and the countryside. It also managed to hold onto acharacteristic practice that was disliked by the authoritarian rulers of the Ming and Qing, andfully ordained monks still traveled from temple to temple as part of their training. The guest
halls that sheltered itinerant monks traveling between monasteries did not always keep a registerand monks therefore enjoyed more anonymity and freedom of movement than most other socialgroups. With few outside enemies, the Ming and Qing court had little reason to use monks as
spies, but there was a recurrent concern that dissidents and bandits were able to roam freely
disguised as monks. At the beginning of the Ming stood the Hongwu emperor’s ambivalentrelationship with Buddhist monasticism, having himself been a Buddhist novice when young.
One generation later the deposed Jianwen emperor was rumored to have escaped the burning of
his temple in the guise of a Buddhist monk. This trope, that “enemies of the state” disguisedthemselves as monks, surfaced at various times during the Ming and Qing. The presentation will
demonstrate how these worries were expressed in literature and strategic writings of the period.

Monastic Espionage in East Asia (III): Modern Period
Brose, Benjamin (University of Michigan)
Panel Abstract
This panel considers examples of Buddhist espionage and intelligence work during the first halfof the twentieth century. The five papers investigate the covert activities of foreign Buddhist
monks within China and the intelligence gathering missions of Chinese monks in India andTibet. The first paper, “Monk-spies? The Activities of Chinese Monks in South Asia in the Early
Twentieth Century,” examines British Indian intelligence reports housed at the West Bengal
State Archives in Kolkata, India, in order to outline facets of Buddhist connections between
India and China in the 1930s and 1940s related specifically to intelligence gathering. The second
paper, “Ignatius Timothy Trebitsch-Lincoln (1879-1943): International Spy and First Westerner
Ordained as a Buddhist monk in China,” considers the multiple identities of the Hungarian secretagent who lived as an ordained cleric in China. “Japanese Buddhism and Military Intelligencein North China – The Case of the Sino-Japanese Society for the Study of Esoteric Buddhism,”the third paper, traces the relationship between Japanese Buddhism and the Japanese military
intelligence network on the Chinese mainland during the 1930s with a focus on the SinoJapanese Society for the Study of Esoteric Buddhism. A fourth paper, “Missionary or Mole?
Mizuno Baigyō’s Forty Years in China, 1904–1944,” considers allegations that an influential
Japanese missionary in China was in fact a Japanese spy. Finally, “Ouyang Wuwei 歐陽無畏(1913˗1991): a Han monk working for the Chinese intelligence service in Tibet” is a study ofthe life and work of the Chinese cleric Ouyang Wuwei, with a particular focus on the influenceof his Tibetan travelogues on the formation of KMT border policies.
Hamar, Imre (Eötvös Loránd University)
Ignatius Timothy Trebitsch-Lincoln (1879-1943): International Spy and First Westerner
Ordained as a Buddhist monk in China
Ignatius Timothy Trebitsch-Lincoln, born to a rich Hungarian Jewish family, became one of themost famous and controversial adventurers of the twentieth century. His excellent earlyeducation and his talent for gaining the confidence of other people served him well as a
Presbyterian missionary, an Anglican priest, and as an agent for the English, German, American,
Chinese, and Japanese secret services. In China, Trebitsch-Lincoln was ordained as a Buddhist
monk, and in that capacity went to France to recruit disciples. Yet he continued his work as a
spy even within Buddhist monasteries. Several biographies have been written about himemphasizing his role as a multinational spy. However, the Buddhist monk Juzan 巨贊, who was
ordained together with Trebitsch-Lincoln, also recorded his biography from a Buddhist
perspective. In this paper, we discuss Trebitsch-Lincoln’s double identity as a spy and as a
Buddhist monk in China.
Schicketanz, Erik (University of Tokyo)
Japanese Buddhism and Military Intelligence in North China –The Case of the SinoJapanese Society for the Study of Esoteric Buddhism
This paper examines the relationship between Japanese Buddhism and the Japanese military
intelligence network on the Chinese mainland during the 1930s by focusing on one particularorganization, the Sino-Japanese Society for the Study of Esoteric Buddhism (J. Chūnichi
mikkyō kenkyūkai, Ch. ZhongRi mijiao yanjiuhui). The Society was a joint Chinese-Japaneseorganization dedicated to the study and practice of esoteric Buddhism that was founded in theearly 1930s in Tianjin by the young Japanese Shingon priest Yoshii Hōjun. The Society had avaried membership consisting of members of the local Japanese business community, military
personnel from the Japanese garrison in Tianjin, prominent retired Chinese political figures suchas Duan Qirui and Wang Yitang, Chinese artists, as well as the Panchen Lama. The group wasthus a complex meeting point of varying religious, political, and economic interests. This paper
employs the case of the Society for the Study of Esoteric Buddhism to questions the applicabilityof such notions as espionage to Japanese Buddhist activities in China – a charge leveled by somescholars – while simultaneously paying due attention to Japanese Buddhism’s relationship toJapan’s political designs on the Asian mainland. As such, I argue that while the Society for the
Study of Esoteric Buddhism was deeply embedded in the wider social and political context ofNorth China in the 1930s, it cannot be merely seen as a tool to further Japanese strategicinterests. Furthermore, although there is no evidence that the Japanese Buddhists involved in
the Study Society engaged in any outright espionage activities, the group was gradually drawn
closer into the orbit of Japanese military intelligence operatives and co-opted for their purposes.
Against the backdrop of escalating Sino-Japanese relations, it thus provides ample material toexamine and define the relationship between Japanese Buddhist activities in China to military
intelligence activities beyond such limiting monikers as “espionage.”
Brose, Benjamin (University of Michigan)
Missionary or Mole? Mizuno Baigyō’s Forty Years in China, 1904–1944
Mizuno Baigyō 水野梅曉 was one of the most prominent Japanese missionary monks in China
during the first half of the twentieth century. A prolific author and organizer, Mizuno worked
tirelessly to preserve and promote Chinese Buddhist culture and was on close terms with many
influential Chinese Buddhist clerics and several leaders in the Guomindang government. He
also may have been a spy. Because of Mizuno’s close collaboration with Japanese political andmilitary initiatives in China during the 1930s and 1940s, and because of his strong support for
the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo, some Chinese scholars have concluded his Buddhist
activities on the mainland were merely a cover for his primary goal of gathering intelligenceand generating propaganda. This paper examines the arch of Mizuno’s career in China in orderboth to assess accusations of espionage and to arrive at a better, more nuanced understanding of
the complex and constantly evolving motivations of Japanese missionary monks in China before
and during the Second Sino-Japanese War.
Jagou, Fabienne (École française d’Extrême-Orient)Ouyang Wuwei 歐陽無畏 (1913˗1991): a Han monk working for the Chinese intelligence
service in Tibet
Ouyang Wuwei 歐陽無畏 (1913˗1991) was a Han Chinese who went to Tibet for almost ten
years (from 1934 to 1941, then from 1949 to 1951) and stayed within Drépung monastery, oneof the three famous Gélukpa monasteries located nearby Lhasa, the capital of Tibet. There hetook the novice monk vows and received the Tibetan Dharma name Chöpel Jikmé. He was thensupported by the National Central University which considered him as a resident researcher in
Tibet. Besides studying Buddhism, he travelled to Nepal through Tibet from July 1937 toJanuary 1938, and to Tawang in July 1938. He then authored two travel accounts for internal
circulation within the Nationalist government ˗which remained unpublished until many years
later˗ and many articles and poems about the Chinese border policies. In these reports, hefeatured elaborated maps and detailed geographical descriptions, traveling miles, temple
settlements, as well as local culture and customs, and carried out investigation to understand theimportance of Tawang for the British who overpowered it after the Simla Convention was
written (but not ratified by the Chinese) in 1913. He also proposed policies for the future controlof Tibet, as such these books were important references for KMT border policymaking. After
he went to Taiwan in 1952, he recieved a few academic positions: he became one of the firstmembers of the Department of China Border Area Studies, which was just founded within the
National Cheng-chi University, teaching Tibetan language, culture, and history, and continued
to write reports on China’s borders. As a matter of fact, Ouyang Wuwei looks like an estimatedmonk thanks to his studies in Lhasa and to the Buddhist teachings he gave later in Taipei, andalso as a political agent working for the Nationalist government in Tibet from the 1930s to the1970s. This state of affairs is even more obvious as he used to wear a monk robe while in Tibet
and to take it off as soon as he arrived in Taiwan to wear it again while returning to Lhasa!
As far as I know this controversial role of Ouyang Wuwei has not yet been analyzed and reallyput into evidence. The aim of this paper is to clarify his position and opinion about Tibet and as
a way of extension about the border policy he advised the KMT government to conduct. His
books, articles, poems, and personal correspondence (and archival documents from theAcademia Historica) allow an analysis of his personal experience and the official reports hewrote during his career as a monk and an official. On the another hand, it is interesting tounderstand how much Chinese KMT patriotism was at stake in the Ouyang Wuwei’s adoptionof these two positions because of the contemporary historical context which was mainly a stateof wars and of foreign threats.

New Approaches to Wŏnhyo and His Thought – A Panel in
Commemoration of the 1400th Anniversary of His Birth
Buswell, Jr., Robert E. (UCLA)
Cho, Eun-su (Seoul National University)
Panel Abstract
The year 2017 marks the 1400th anniversary of the birth of Wŏnhyo (元曉, 617–686), one of
the towering figures of the Korean Buddhist tradition. Although Wŏnhyo has received agreat deal of scholarly attention, with scores of books and thousands of articles written
about him in both Asian and European languages, recent advances in the field of Buddhist
Studies have allowed us to view his works from enhanced perspectives. His frequent use ofterminology drawn from Abhidharma texts, Vinaya and Chinese preceptive materials,
Madhyamaka, Chinese Dilun/Yogacara materials, Huayan, and the Nirvana Sutra demands
that we no longer approach him just within the narrow confines of Korean Buddhism. Instead,the breadth and depth of his scholarship requires us to approach his work from similarly broad
regional and disciplinary perspectives, contextualizing the various threads of thought
within the developments going on around him in East Asian Buddhism. The vast store ofideas found in his extant works needs to be viewed within the confluences of the disparate
streams of thought in 7th-century East Asian Buddhism: a situation of which he was fully
aware and made distinguished efforts to understand. We welcome papers pertaining to any
aspects of Wŏnhyo’s thought in order to understand the many facets of his thought. We expect
this panel will bring out new and innovative approaches to interpreting Wŏnhyo.

Buswell, Jr., Robert E. (UCLA)Wŏnhyo (617-686) as CommentatorWŏnhyo (617-686) is best known within the Korean tradition as pilgrim, philosopher, mystic,thaumaturge, proselytist, and even touchstone of Korean unification ideology. But all these roles
pale next to his importance as a commentator. In this proclivity, Wŏnhyo emulates intellectuals
active within most traditional civilizations, where much of spiritual and religious understanding
was conveyed through commentarial writing. Wŏnhyo’s range of scholarly endeavor covered
the whole gamut of East Asian Buddhist materials and the some one-hundred works attributed
to this prolific writer, over twenty of which are extant, find no rivals among his fellow Korean
exegetes. The vast majority of Wŏnhyo’s works are explicitly commentaries, and even thosewritings which are not are still strongly exegetical in character. The East Asian tradition itself
also treats Wŏnhyo principally as a commentator, as seen, for example, in the Song Gaoseng
zhuan’s (Song Biography of Eminent Monks) listing of Wŏnhyo’s biography in the section for“doctrinal exegetes” (yijie), together with a number of other Korean scholiasts who played
important roles in the development of the learned schools of Sinitic Buddhism. In his virtuosity
at manipulating the commentarial form, Wonhyo may be viewed not simply as a paragon of
Korean scholarly achievement but as someone who was emblematic of the highest achievementsof the Sinitic Buddhist tradition as a whole. This paper will explore some of the general featuresof Wŏnhyo’s approach to Buddhist commentarial writing and examine the question of whyWŏnhyo used scriptural exegesis as the main vehicle for conveying his philosophical andspiritual insights.
Cho, Eun-su (Seoul National University)
Approaching Buddha-Nature in a Mādhyamika Way - Wŏnhyo’s Commentary on the
Nirvana SutraWŏnhyo’s Yŏlbangyŏng chongyo 涅槃經宗要 (Thematic Exposition of the Nirvana Sutra)
provides an interesting example of the insights that may be gleaned from further scholarship onWŏnhyo. The Yŏlbangyŏng chongyo has received surprisingly little attention from the scholarly
community, even though it contains bountiful implications on par with the Awakening of Faith.
This is likely due to the huge challenge of making sense of the many different streams of thought
embedded within this relatively short text. Because the Nirvana Sutra underwent several
different iterations from the time of its composition in India to its introduction into the very
complex intellectual environment in China, its tangled content often ends up contradicting itself.
This complexity is compounded by its numerous and diverse commentaries by such renowned
Chinese scholars as Jizang, Huiyuan, and Zhiyi, which have placed the text beyond the scopeof a single scholar’s research and make it difficult to grasp its full range. If one recalls thecontributions the different commentators’ interpretations on the AMF have had in shaping thedevelopment of Chinese Buddhism, it is not a stretch to imagine the impact of these various
commentaries on the Nirvana Sutra. In this presentation, I will focus on debates on Buddhanature found in the Yŏlbangyŏng chongyo, where Wŏnhyo equates Buddha-nature with the Onemind, Wŏnhyo’s signature hermeneutical concept, and argues that existence and emptiness canbe reconciled. In constructing the arguments, he utilizes Mādhyamika narratives and Two truth
logic, demonstrating his well-known fluidity by approaching truth from both apophatic andkataphatic perspectives.
Guerra-Glarner, Monika (University of Geneva)

Tankuang’s Commentary on the Dasheng Qixin Lun: Evidence of Wonhyo’s influence
Tankuang is a Chinese monk born at the very beginning of the 8th century. After studying in
Chang’an and travelling from one monastery to another, he finished his life in Dunhuang under
Tibetan domination. His texts where found there at the beginning of the 20th century, and only
then included in the Taishō.
Tankuang wrote several commentaries on numerous Mahayana sutras; two of these texts arecommentaries on the Dasheng qixin lun. The first (who is the subject of my thesis) was written
around 761 in five fasciculi, of which only the last three are extant. In this very detailed
commentary, Tankuang is, among others, comparing the two “translations” of the QXL, the one
ascribed to Paramārtha (on which his commentary is based) and the second one, ascribed toŚikṣānanda during the 7th century, and, possibly, still popular during the 8th century inChang’an.
It is not clear who influenced him or under which master he studied during his stay at the Ximing
monastery of Chang’an, approximately one century after Xuanzang. But it seems clear that there
were two parallel lineages of the Faxiang school (or Chinese Yogācāra) in Northern China; the“orthodox” Ci’en lineage of Kuiji, and the “heretical” Ximing lineage that traces itself to the
Korean teacher Woncheuk. The assumption I’m working on is the Tankuang’s affiliation to thesecond lineage, whose teachings seems to have survived the An Lushan Rebellion and werebrought to Dunhuang by Tankuang, together with Woncheuk’s commentary on theSaṃdinirmocana Sūtra.
But the principal assumption I want to focus on in my paper is the influence of another Koreanmonk on Tankuang’s commentary of the QXL, namely Wonhyo’s writings. Beside the fact thatboth are frequently quoting --and often the same--Mahāyāna sūtras, it seems that Tankuang is
also taking over some of the concepts introduced by Wonhyo. There are some clear textual anddoctrinal evidences of this influence that I will present in this paper.
Lee, Sumi (Dongguk University)
Interpreting the Awakening of Faith: Wŏnhyo (617-686) and Fazang’s (643-712) Distinct
Readings of the Tathāgatagarbha in the Awakening of FaithWŏnhyo (617-686), a Silla Buddhist exegete, is one of the representative commentators on the
Awakening of Faith, along with Jingying Huiyuan (523-592) and Fazang (643-712). A majorityof the research on Wŏnhyo’s commentaries on the AMF so far have included comparisons
between Wŏnhyo’s commentaries and Fazang’s, since it is known that Fazang’s commentarysignificantly relies on Wŏnhyo’s. In fact, both exegetes’ commentaries commonly attempt toreconcile such doctrinal tensions as that between Madhyamaka and Yogācāra. As scholars haveconsistently noted, however, Fazang excludes Wŏnhyo’s explanations in some specific parts,
thereby suggesting that the two exegetes’ fundamental doctrinal positions are distinct from, oreven opposed to, each other despite the seeming commonalities of their commentaries. As astudy on this ongoing issue, this paper explores Wŏnhyo and Fazang’s distinct positions in theirinterpretation of the AMF in resolving tentions between Madhyamaka and Yogācāra and also

discusses the text’s doctrinal significance within the East Asian Buddhist tradition. To do this,
this paper compares Wŏnhyo’s doctrinal perspectives on the AMF to Fazang’s by analyzing
their explanations of such notions as “One Mind and Two Aspects” (一心二門) and “synthesisof tathāgatagarbha and ālayavijñāna,” and then traces the distinction between Wŏnhyo andFazang’s scholastic positions to the previous Dilun 地論 Buddhist scholiasts.
Muller, Charles (University of Tokyo)
The Role of Wonhyo's "System of the Two Hindrances" (Ijang-ui) in East Asian Buddhist
Hindrances Discourse
Buddhism, especially in its meditative forms, is unique among religious traditions for theattention that it pays to the psychological aspect of human problems, and for the extent to which
it distinguishes these problems into the categories of emotional and cognitive. While the general
patterns of this distinction between these two aspects of mental function are discernible in early
Buddhism, and become clearer in Abhidharmic scholasticism, it is not until the maturation of
Mahāyāna that afflictive and cognitive obstacles to liberation are formally organized under the
rubric of the two hindrances—the afflictive hindrances (kleśa-āvaraṇa 煩惱障, 煩惱惑) andthe cognitive hindrances (jñeya-āvaraṇa; 智障, 智惑, 所知障). While discussions that haveoccurred heretofore have tended to cast the pair as being a fundamentally Yogâcāra
construction, in fact, a significant portion of their development—at least in the East Asian
context—occurred in the works of scholars who are usually seen as being more closely
identified with the Dilun or Tathāgatagarbha flow of thought. The scholar who probably brought
the greatest single influence to bear on the understanding of the two hindrances was the Koreanscholar Wonhyo (617–686) who made his impact in the form of a treatise titled Ijang-ui 二障義 ("System of the Two Hindrances"). This essay deeply informed the later work done on thehindrances by Faxiang, Tiantai, and Huayan scholars in China, Korea, and Japan. At the sametime, Wonhyo's work took into consideration the positions on the hindrances established in
Yogâcāra texts such as the Fodijing lun, Tathāgatagarbha texts such as the Śrīmālā-sūtra, andworks of earlier scholars such as Jingying Huiyuan 淨影慧遠 (523–592). The present article
will map out the history of hindrance theory in East Asia, placing Wonhyo's work at the center.

New Research on Newar Buddhism
Bühnemann, Gudrun (University of Wisconsin-Madison)
Panel Abstract
This panel will bring together scholars working on different aspects of Newar Buddhism. They
will present new research from different disciplinary angles (history, anthropology, religious
studies, art history).
Emmrich, Christoph (University of Toronto)
Lists of Things in Newar Buddhist RitualMost rituals require things. Ritual manuals, apart from specifying who does, says, or visualizes
what, when, where, with the participation of whom, and involving the use of which things, may
include, - similar to food recipes, - a separate section listing which materials are required and inwhich quantities. It is hence no surprise that these lists (anukramaṇikā, nāmāvali, or parigaṇanā
in Sanskrit, dhalaḥ in Newar and tapsil in Nepali) of ritual materials (sāmagrī or sāmagrya) arealso found in the rich ritual literature authored by Buddhist Newars, particularly as part ofmanuals (vidhi, paddhati). While these lists may take various sizes and shapes, from theperfunctory to the micromanaging, from the scriptural to the shopping list, all are locatedsomewhere between the aim for liturgical completeness, on the one hand, and the compelling
nature of the handy, on the other, thus forming the basis for a compromise between the required
and the available, between the two bodies of the ritual item as both substance and commodity.
This paper will present a small selection of lists from manuals for domestic rituals and otherrelated ritual literature from 17th century to contemporary Nepal, asking which forms thesepassages may take, which principles of selection and organization their compilation may follow,
how to understand the modalities and purposes of their usage, what their place, time, andfunction in the composition and the intertextuality of the manual as a whole may be, and whatrole they may play in the preparation and the staging of the ritual event. Apart from trying tobetter understand lists as texts in Newar Buddhist ritual manuals, this paper is an attempt tobetter understand the role of things in ritual through a better understanding of words for things
as lists.
Shakya, Miroj (University of the West)
The Worship of Mañjusrī in Nepal
In Nepal, the cult of Mañjuśrī has influenced Buddhist practices in many different ways.
Mañjuśrī is portrayed as a founder of the Kathmandu Valley in the Svayaṃbhū Purāṇa, where
he is shown playing a vital role in initiating the Nepalese Buddhist tradition. The Svayaṃbhū
Purāṇa, which is believed to be one of the most important texts attributed to Śākyamuni Buddha,
focuses on the origin of the Svayaṃbhū Stūpa and the formation of the Kathmandu Valley. The
Svayaṃbhū Purāṇa is still widely popular and the Nepalese people read and recite it even today.
Because of Mañjuśrī’s heroic deeds in the Svayaṃbhū Purāṇa, Nepalese Mahāyāna Buddhists
have strong faith and devotion for him and thereby worship him as a sacred personage. They
recite devotional songs and hymns of Mañjuśrī in their multifaceted versions early in themorning. Among these hymns, the Nāmasaṅgīti is one of the best known in the Newar Buddhismof Nepal. People chant the name of Mañjuśrī in many Buddhist monasteries. There are also
numerous Mañjuśrī shrines that people visit on special days, like the full moon day, the halfmoon day and so on. As a result, a large number of related ritual texts and sacred shrines
associated with Mañjusrī have come into existence in Nepal. There are festivals also, which areassociated with Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, like Mañjuśrī Pañcamī or Śrī Pañcamī and Sakimanā
Punhī. These two festivals are among the most popular festivals in Nepal. Śrī Pañcamī isobserved on the fifth day of the waxing half of the month of Māgha (of the lunar calendar). On
this day, if anyone wants to start teaching or learning skills like playing musical instruments,
they worship Mañjuśrī in any of his shrines. Similarly, Sakimanā Punhī is observed on theauspicious day of the full moon of the month of Kārtika. After the arrival of Bodhisattva

Mañjuśrī in the Kathmandu Valley, as the Svayaṃbhū Purāṇa narrates, he worshipped theSvayaṃbhū Jyotirūpa. On this day, there is a tradition of displaying cereals (halimali) andreciting hymns in front of the Svayaṃbhū Mahācaitya and the Mañjuśrī Shrine. In this paper,an attempt is made to analyze these ritual texts, festivals and sacred shrines in order tounderstand the extent to which the cult of Mañjuśrī has permeated Newar Buddhism. They havenot been systematically compiled or studied so far.
Alexander, James O’Neill (University of Toronto)
Intraparatexts: The Agency of Texts in Newar Buddhism
This paper attempts to understand how the ritual recitation and other text-related practices of
Buddhist texts by Newar Buddhists (e.g. the Navagrantha) in the Kathmandu Valley are related
to prescriptions within those texts themselves. Buddhist discourses on ostensibly philosophical
topics, such as the Prajñāpāramitā literature, contain within them self-referential injunctions
for the practitioner to ritually recite, worship, and study the texts in question.
In the Buddhist context, this investigation explores the boundaries between Buddhist textual
genres: sūtra, mantra, vidyā, dhāraṇī, and ritual manuals. In the anthropological context, thisinvestigation explores the subject of materiality, wherein it is asked: to what extent can objects
be said to have agency in the same way that humans have agency? In the context of literary
theory, it explores the boundary between text and paratext (materials surrounding a text, butreferring to a text, e.g. commentaries, ritual manuals, etc.), and suggests that Mahāyāna
Buddhist texts utilize the strategies employed by paratexts, moving their location into the midstof the text.
Bangdel, Dina (Virginia Commonwealth University in Qatar)
Durgatiparishodhana Tantra in Newar Buddhism
The important Yoga tantra text, Sarva Durgatiparishodhana Tantra (SDT)“Eliminating Bad
Rebirths” contains the descriptions of twelve Vairocana-cycle mandalas, centering around theSarvavid Vairocana surrounded by the four directional Buddhas. In the Newar Buddhist
tradition, the recitation of the Durgatiparisodhana Dharani and the creation of the Durgati
Parishodhana Mandala, based on the SDT are of paramount importance in the Newar Buddhist
dead rituals and subsequent purifications for the elimination of lower rebirths.
This paper will highlight the ritual practice and imagery of the Durgatiparishodhana Mandala in
the Newar Buddhist tradition, specifically the creation of the ephemeral powder (raja) mandalaand the worship and distinctive iconography of Sukhavati Lokesvara, as characteristic of the
Newar Buddhist tradition. These rituals will be discussed in light of the recent passing of the
Newar Buddhist Vajracarya master, Pandit Badiratna Bajracarya in October 2016 and thespecific rituals performed based on the Durgatiparishodhana Tantra. These death andpurificatory practices of this historic event will provide fresh insights into contemporary Newar
Buddhist practice.

New Trajectories in the Study of Buddhism and Law
Lammerts, D.C. (Rutgers University)
Schonthal, Ben (University of Otago)
Panel Abstract
The past decade has seen a significant rise in academic research and publications that examine
the intersections between Buddhism and law from a variety of disciplinary and interdisciplinary
perspectives, including (but not limited to) anthropology, history, philology, codicology, andliterary, religious, and gender/sexuality studies. While not attempting to represent the full scopeof these contributions, this panel brings together scholars concerned with differing aspects of
Buddhist legal studies to reflect on the direction of their current projects and to discuss emergent
empirical, methodological, and theoretical trajectories which ought to be considered further infuture work. Each panelist is asked to address, in Rumsfeldian fashion, what they regard as themost pressing "known unknowns" in the study of Buddhism and law, based on their own sitespecific projects. The overall goal of the panel is to collectively probe the "unknown unknowns"
and, following Žižek, the "unknown knowns"—that is, the "unconscious beliefs andprejudices"—of the developing field. The panel will therefore offer an opportunity to situate ourongoing inquires within a broader context of the study of Buddhist legalisms and/or comparative
legalisms more generally. It is hoped that this format will stimulate lively cross-disciplinary
discussion among scholars immersed in different sites, archives, eras, and regions.
French, Rebecca (University of Buffalo)
Why “Buddhism and Law” Now?
This paper notes the growth of the field of Buddhism and Law and interrogates four different
possible interrelated reasons. One of the primary causes has been a questioning of the basic
hermeneutic of the Christian religion model that positions the Buddhist Vinaya as neither a formof valid religious law nor a religious influence on secular law. This will be explored with several
historical examples. A second possible reason is the growth of Asian Studies and Buddhist
Studies post World War II, that increasingly emphasized individual countries and individual
language studies leading to a balkanized view of Buddhism as country specific. The waning of
postmodernism and its emphasis on uniqueness, non-universalism and the local has allowed fora reconsideration of ideas about what might be the larger connections between Buddhist
societies and legal systems. And last, the opening of several areas and countries that were notreally available, Tibet over fifty years ago and Mongolia and Burma in just the last twenty years,
along with the younger scholars who have begun doing long-term research on these areas andtheir texts, has revealed the profound historical influence of Buddhism on these societies andcreated questions about its influence in other societies. The conclusion will outline theexcitement and some of the many possibilities of this growing area of research.
Lammerts, D.C. (Rutgers University)
Ordeals in Buddhist Law"Certainly, the Buddhist religion did not formally condemn the ordeal. But Buddhism could not
patronize the ordeal because it is, like the Christian religion, unfavorably disposed toward thecult of spirits (génies) and magical practices (pratiques magiques). As we shall see, the Siamese
ordeal exclusively called upon the power of the spirits."
Robert Lingat, "Les ordalies au Siam" (1949)
In the seven decades since these words were written, scholarship has belied Lingat's conceit
concerning the place of "spirits" and "magical practices" in Buddhism and Christianity. Yet,
there has been little attention to the juridical ordeal as a central modality of Buddhist practice inhistory; rituals of law are still generally approached as distinct from those of Buddhism. This
paper will consider the genealogy, operation, and jurisprudence of trials by ordeal in Burmaduring the 13–19th centuries CE on the basis of Pali and vernacular epigraphic and manuscript
texts. The archive comprises several genres, including court case transcripts, dhammasattha
treatises, judge's manuals, depositions, and written guides to the performance of ordeals
themselves. It will focus on ordeals that circulated under the rubric of the "the four quarters of
the world" (kambhā. leḥ rap)—the ordeal by fire, the water ordeal, the rice-chewing ordeal, andthe ordeal by molten lead—attested in variant guises in other regional contexts, including South
Asian, Tai, and Cambodian dharmaśāstra, and pre- as well as post-Islamic law in Nusantara(modern Malaysia and Indonesia). The paper will offer an analysis of the Burmese procedures
and their associated oath-texts (adhiṭṭhāna, sapatha, saccakiriyā), discussing the disputecontexts in which they are employed (such as in cases of witchcraft and rape), while paying
special attention to how the ordeal is materialized through speech, recitation, gesture, and otherphysical strategies. Moreover, it will situate the Buddhist ordeal within a networked juridical
geography across the Bay of Bengal, asking how legal rituals circulated, and how they werevariously translated, during the 2nd millennium CE.
Kieffer-Pülz, Petra (Academy of Sciences and Literature, Mainz)
Local Disputes and Transnational Legal Decisions: The Globalization of Legal DecisionMaking Regarding Local Disputes of Buddhist Communities
For cases of disputes within a Buddhist monastic community (saṅgha), the various monastic
law codes (Vinaya) present detailed rules. The first steps to proceed towards a resolution are
generally to be taken within the local communities. Only if a dispute cannot be solved, external
local communities are to be consulted, committees are to be formed, etc. At the time of the
Vinayas even the external local communities and committees came from the closer or moredistant neighbourhood of the community in dispute.
The present contribution focuses on attempts of local monastic communities in 19th c. Sri Lanka
to receive neutral judgments for the resolution of local disputes from monastic legal experts ofother Theravāda countries, especially Siam (Thailand) and Burma. This is possible, since,
despite the diversity of their Buddhist monastic traditions, the monks of these countries follow
the same monastic law code (Vinaya), namely that of the Theravāda tradition. But the
involvement of foreigners in dispute settlements by one of the disputing parties resulted in a
potential new conflict. The opposing group could reproach their opponents for siding withforeigners to split the community, an act considered to be one of the five grave sins withimmediate retribution.

Jansen, Berthe (Universiteit Leiden)
Between Buddhism and Law: Tibetan Monastic Authors (?) and their Legal Texts
Monastic Buddhism influenced virtually every aspect of Tibetan society. Monks and themonastically trained were responsible for most of the vast Tibetan literature, primarily religiousor philosophical in nature, but including ‘secular’ topics as well. Through the texts theyauthored, then, monastic Buddhism exerted its influence on society. If monastic Buddhism
influenced all facets of society, what was its influence on the corpus of legal texts, and on issuesof legal theory within these texts? Conversely, what was the influence of this legal thinking on
Buddhist texts? Focusing on a range of – largely unstudied – Tibetan legal texts and monastic
guidelines from the 17th century onwards, this paper will look at the presumed Buddhist
monastic identity of texts that tend to be classed as legal works. Assessing the contents of thesematerials, identifying borrowings from Vinayic materials and other explicit and implicit
references to monastic Buddhism I will argue that through considering the authorship of these– often anonymous texts – we can better understand the Buddhist ideology that tends to underlie
these materials, which are otherwise often presented as being ‘secular’.
Thomas, Jolyon (University of Pennsylvania)
Public Good and Private Morality in Buddhist Contributions to the 2006 Revision of theJapanese Fundamental Law on Education
This paper examines conceptions of the public good and private morality in contemporary Japanby investigating Buddhist lobbying efforts in support of the 2006 revision of the JapaneseFundamental Law on Education (Kyōiku Kihon Hō, FLE below). As tax-exempt religious
juridical persons, Buddhist organizations' formal contributions to public life were largely
channeled through private humanitarian and cultural activities in the postwar decades.
Simultaneously, social changes such as urbanization diminished longstanding temple
connections with parishioner families and refocused Buddhist attention on developing
individuals as moral agents. Against this historical background, Buddhist groups turned to
public school education as a site for cultivating a type of individual morality that could also
address public concerns about problems such as compensated dating, violence, and other
antisocial behavior. Trans-sectarian Buddhist organizations aligned themselves with a range ofpolitical pressure groups that shared specific objectives related to these perceived problems:
fostering national pride, countering individualism and shallow materialism, and encouraging
respect for traditional culture. The 2006 reform of the FLE resulted from these collaborations.
The FLE had been initially enacted in March 1947 during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945–1952); it was the first major piece of legislation passed by Japanese lawmakers with minimal
Occupation intervention. While there was some disagreement about how the new law fit withthe constitution that had just been promulgated the previous year, in general the occupiers andJapanese lawmakers alike seem to have regarded the FLE as a model piece of legislation that
fostered desirable democratic tendencies and preserved healthy separation of religion from thestate. Despite such sanguine assessments, trans-sectarian groups like the Japanese Buddhist
Federation (Zen Nihon Bukkyō Kai) called for reform of the FLE, emphasizing the importantrole that religion had historically played in Japanese public life and advocating the introduction

of “religious sentiment education” (shūkyō jōsō kyōiku) that would encourage Japan’s youth todevelop healthy relationships with the mainstream sects the Federation represented. The Japan
Youth Edification Conference (Zen Nihon Seishōnen Kyōka Kyōgi Kai, or Zenseikyō) alsostressed religious education, but expressed misgivings about reforms that overemphasized
patriotism at the expense of critical thought. Despite these philosophical differences, these
Buddhist trans-sectarian groups collectively pushed for the implementation of a type of
education that could counteract the materialist and individualist trends that allegedly plagued
postwar Japanese society.
This paper investigates the discourse of moral degeneracy in Buddhist legislative activism while
showing how Buddhists strategically partnered with scholars of religious studies, revisionist
historians, and anti-“cult” activists in pushing for educational reform. While the new version of
the FLE that passed in November 2006 did not include a provision for the "religious sentimenteducation" Buddhist groups had sought, it did allow for the introduction of non-confessional“religious culture education” in the secondary curriculum, fulfilling longstanding dreams of theJapanese religious world, anti-“cult” activists, and scholars of religious studies in one stroke.

Recent Approaches in Vinaya Studies
Borgland, Jens W. (McMaster University)
LaRose, Joseph (McMaster University)
Panel Abstract
This panel will examine a number of recent approaches in Vinaya Studies, focusing specificallyon advances in the study of canonical Indian Vinaya texts preserved in the Pāli canon, Sanskrit
manuscripts, and Tibetan and Chinese translations. Specialists will discuss a range of topics,
such as the kappiya rules for purifying or making allowable otherwise impure objects, rules
related to allowable food, the identification of various strata in canonical Vinaya texts, the roleof avadānas and other narratives in the monastic law codes, and recently discovered (oridentified) manuscripts and manuscript fragments of hitherto unstudied Vinaya texts such as the
Uttaragrantha fragments in the Schøyen collection.
Panelists will examine Buddhist monastic legal literature through a number of lenses, including
comparative studies (Pāli, Sanskrit, Chinese, Tibetan), palaeography and textual criticism, andwith a view to reading the framestories to monastic rules in new ways with insights from thenascent field of politeness studies.
Papers will throw further light on a number of issues including the historical development of
the canonical Vinaya texts, the relationship between the different recensions of the
Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya, the intertextual relationship between various parts of the Vinayas, andthe relationship between avadānas and Vinaya narratives.
Aono, Michihiko (University of Tokyo)
The Relationship between the Dantaponasikkhāpada and Its Introductory StoryBuddhist monks are forbidden to put into their mouths anything other than that which they havereceived from others. This proscription is laid down in the monastic rule of the Pātimokkhasutta
called Dantaponasikkhāpada, which is translated by K. R. Norman from the Pāli language to
English as follows: "if any bhikkhu should convey to the opening of his mouth food that has notbeen given, other than water and a tooth stick, there is an offence entailing expiation."
D. Schlingloff took note of this monastic rule in the study on the interpretation of the
Prātimokṣasūtra. According to his study, the monastic rule was originally intended to forbidmonks from stealing food (Mundraub), that is, themselves picking up foods such as wild fruits
and eating them. However, the original intention and purpose of the monastic rule became
ambiguous later when its introductory story in the Suttavibhaṅga was created. As a result, theintroductory story explained that the monastic rule was prescribed by the Buddha when somemonk ate the offerings to a grave and it was suspected that he ate the corpse.
This example was used by D. Schlingloff as one of the proofs that the introductory stories of the
Suttavibhaṅga were created later than monastic rules of the Pātimokkhasutta. Although his
conclusion is largely accepted today, it seems necessary to re-examine the relationship between
Dantaponasikkhāpada and its introductory story. Furthermore, it may be useful to examine
vinaya texts other than the Vinayapiṭaka of the Theravādins, since Schlingloff’s argument wasmade mainly based on the Theravāda Vinayapiṭaka. In this presentation, I will examine how theintention and the purpose of Dantaponasikkhāpada and the corresponding rules in the Shísòng
lǜ 十 誦 律 , Sìfēn lǜ 四 分 律 , Wǔfēn lǜ 五 分 律 , Móhē sēngqí lǜ 摩 訶 僧 祇 律 , andMūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya are described in their introductory stories in order to start to rethink
the relationship between the Pātimokkhasutta/Prātimokṣasūtra and introductory stories of the
Suttavibhaṅga/Sūtravibhaṅga.
Handy, Christopher (McMaster University)
Politeness and Propriety in Buddhist Monastic Law: Applying Face Theory to Vinaya
Texts
Indian Buddhist monastic law texts are replete with examples of ethical transgressions, andinjunctions to prevent their occurrence. These texts also describe many instances of improper
behaviors that are not immediately recognizable as unethical. These mundane offenses include
such actions as chewing food loudly, responding inappropriately to a sneeze, and urinating while
standing. Many rules of this kind are found in the sekhiya / śaikṣa section of the pātimokkha /prātimokṣas, the “confessional liturgies” of Buddhist monks and nuns. Others appear scatteredthroughout other law texts, often within the context of larger narratives. These ideals of
appropriate behavior correspond roughly to our contemporary notions of “politeness” and“etiquette.” In general, they have been disregarded by scholars of Buddhist law as too trivial to
be of any significance, or as too simple to require much investigation. Yet there is a great deal
we can learn by examining these mundane offenses more carefully, as they often clearlyoriginate in pre-Buddhist and pan-Indian conceptions about social convention. The ideals
presumed within these narratives find parallels in Brahmanical texts, yet are not always
universal to human culture at large. In other words, politeness is dependent on context, and wesee in Buddhist law a conscious appeal to the behavioral standards of Brahmins, Kṣatriyas, andother high-status groups of the early Indian Buddhist social sphere.
In the middle of the 20th century, sociologists and linguists began to describe social interactionsin terms of face and face-threatening acts. This concept later evolved into a subfield of
linguistics called linguistic politeness or face theory as a method for analyzing the types ofspeech considered to be “polite” in modern societies. More recently, scholars have begun to
apply the vocabulary of face theory to the study of ancient texts in a broadly-conceived method
called historical politeness, going beyond the analysis of linguistic utterances to include bodily
actions and other aspects of social interaction. The basic idea is that human propriety, whileheavily dependent on context, can also be generalized to a certain extent in the construction andmaintenance of social face.
A common feature of social face rituals involves the avoidance of disgust. While the specificsubstances and actions that promote disgust reactions are also dependent on culture, there arealso certain universal themes. For example, in many societies there are rules concerning proper
lavatory protocol, which arguably originate in anxieties concerning the spread of disease. These
rules are also frequently gender-specific, as for example with special injunctions for women to
be observed during their menstrual cycles.
In Buddhist legal texts, we find examples of each of the above general ideas within the uniquecultural atmosphere of the early Indian social world. Social face theory is likewise a suitable
method for analyzing these texts, revealing aspects of human interaction that may not always bereadily apparent using traditional philological methods alone. I aim to demonstrate theapplicability of this method to early Indian Buddhism, as well as to ancient texts in general.
Sasaki, Shizuka (Hanazono University)
Why Does the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya Contain a Large Number of Tales?
As is well known, the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya is much more voluminous than the otherversions of the Vinaya Pitaka. This is primarily due to the large number of stories and Jātaka
tales contained in it. Then why does the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya contain such a large numberof stories and tales? Research to date does not provide a clear answer to this question. This study
explores the reason why the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya contains a large number of stories andtales by comparing its monastic rules to those found in other versions of the Vinaya Pitaka. In
the conclusion, the study proposes the hypothesis that, in some cases, in order to legitimize therule changes that were independently initiated in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya, there was a needto insert new stories that served the purpose of providing an account of how such rule changes
came to be implemented.
LaRose, Joseph (McMaster University)
Cows, Leather, Sandals and Monks: Materiality in the Carmavastu of the
Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya.

Although much work has been done on the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya, or Law Code of the
Mūlasarvāstivādins (hereafter MSV), many parts of it remain relatively unstudied. Among theless studied parts of the MSV, we find the Carmavastu (Section on Leather). It is perhaps thecase that the Carmavastu is understudied because its opening avadāna, theŚroṇakoṭīkarṇāvadāna, takes up most of its contents (about seventy percent). This avadāna isclosely paralleled in the Divyāvadāna. The result, I think, has been a tendency to see theCarmavastu as not much more than this avadāna. There is, however, a great more to this sectionof the MSV. Its opening avadāna is followed by a series of rules on varying topics, sometimes
directly and sometimes only loosely related to the titular concern with leather. My paper willsituate these monastic rules on the uses of leather within the larger social and legal contexts ofClassical India, Buddhist and non-Buddhist. It seeks to understand the overarching orientationof the redactors of the MSV towards leather, as well as the ways in which the relationshipbetween Buddhists and their leather objects was shaped by the larger framework of Brahmanicsociety. To this end my paper includes a discussion of Brahmanic attitudes towards the use ofleather as they are found in their law codes. Some of my conclusions include the extent to which
the Carmavastu can be located in time and place.

Recent Research on the Dīrghāgama
Melzer, Gudrun (Ludwig-Maximilians Universität)
DiSimone, Charles (Ludwig-Maximilians Universität)
Choi, Jinkyoung (Ludwig-Maximilians Universität)
Panel Abstract
The panel focuses on different aspects of individual texts and the whole collection of the “Long
Discourses” of the Buddha. Of a main interest is the (Mūla-)Sarvāstivāda Sanskrit version aspreserved in a c. 8th century manuscript from possibly the greater Gilgit area. It was first noticed
almost twenty years ago. Sanskrit texts of the Dīrghāgama were otherwise mainly preserved infragments from Central Asia, and these usually covered only parts of a sūtra. With more andmore editions and studies on individual texts being now available, wider questions can be
discussed concerning the general structure of the collection, its arrangement, language, genre,
formation, and transmission. Apart from the (Mūla-)Sarvāstivāda version of the “Long
Discourses”, the panel also includes studies on different aspects of the collection as a whole astransmitted in other Buddhist languages (Gāndhārī or Pali) in different schools.
Hartmann, Jens-Uwe (University of Munich)
Which Daśottarasūtra? A Curious Fragment and its Manifold Problems
The Daśottarasūtra forms part of the “Long Collection”. Four versions of the sūtra are known:
no. 34 in the Pali Dīghanikāya, no. 10 in the Dīrghāgama preserved in Chinese translation andno. 1 in the Sanskrit Dīrghāgama manuscript from Gilgit and its counterpart in Central Asia;
the Chinese Canon also preserves a separate translation by An Shigao that is closely related to
the Sanskrit text from Gilgit and Central Asia. The Schøyen Collection contains a final folio ofa Daśottarasūtra in Sanskrit, and its colophon specifies that it is the tenth sūtra. This indication
would make sense only if it referred to the version in the Chinese Dīrghāgama (T 1), but theconcluding sentences do not at all correspond to T 1. However, while their phraseology isreminiscent of that of (Mūla-)Sarvāstivāda sūtra texts, their content is quite different from theversion of the sūtra in the Sanskrit Dīrghāgama.
Yao, Fumi (Waseda University)
The Mahāgovindasūtra and Mahāgovinda’s Stories: with the Focus on a Version in the
Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya
Although it is the first sūtra identified and reported in the Dīrghāgama manuscript, theGovindasūtra has not yet been fully studied. The folios are in a fragmentary state, with most ofthem still inaccessible to scholars. However, the core of this sūtra is extant in another text: theBhaiṣajyavastu of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. The story is about one of the Buddha’s former
lives in which he was a wise Brahmin minister named Mahāgovinda. This parallel story in the
Vinaya has attracted little scholarly attention, but it provides us with much information about
not only the Govindasūtra itself but also concerning a unique interpretation in the
Mūlasarvāstivādin tradition. This paper points out the characteristics of the story of
Mahāgovinda in the Bhaiṣajyavastu through comparison with parallel stories.
There are seven known parallel sūtras and stories to the Govindasūtra: The
Mahāgovindasuttanta in the Dīghanikāya; the Dadianzunjin 大 典 尊 經 in the Chinese
Dīrghāgama; an independent sūtra (Taisho no. 8 Foshuodajiangupoluomenyuanqijing 佛説大堅 固 婆 羅 門 縁 起 經 ); the Mahāgovindīyasūtra appearing in the Mahāvastu; the story of
Mahāgovinda in the Bhaiṣajyavastu; and the eighth story in the tenth chapter of theKarmaśataka. Among these parallels, the first four share a narrative structure: the story of
Mahāgovinda is narrated by a character in a report made by another character to the Buddha.
The Bhaiṣajyavastu version and the Karmaśataka version lack this framework of storytelling
and rather simply have the Buddha narrate the story of Mahāgovinda. In contrast to the narrativecomplexity of the other versions, the Bhaiṣajyavastu version has a particular context of its own:
it includes the story of Mahāgovinda in a series of stories of teachers in the past, all of who are
identified with the present Buddha. The names of these teachers were known in lists to Āgama
and Nikāya traditions. But the lists are not related to the story in which Mahāgovinda is theprotagonist, and there is no identification of any of these teachers with the Buddha, either. As
far as the presenter has ascertained, the Bhaiṣajyavastu is the only text which combines the listof teachers and Mahāgovinda’s story. Another peculiarity of the Bhaiṣajyavastu version lies in
its characterization of Mahāgovinda’s acts as the practice of the perfection of wisdom(prajñāpāramitā). This characterization is found also in literature of other genres, such as the
Mahāvibhāṣā of the Sarvāstivādin abhidharma and a Mahāyana treatise, theMahāprajñāparamitāśāstra.
This paper is also intended to show the correspondence between the reported text of theGovindasūtra in the Dīrghāgama and the story of Mahāgovinda in the Tibetan translation of theBhaiṣajyavastu and how the story appears or does not appear in the extant versions of theBhaiṣajyavastu (the newly found Sanskrit manuscript and the Tibetan and Chinese translations).
DiSimone, Charles (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München)Anyatīrthikaparivrājakas and Their Doctrines as Portrayed in the (Mūla-)Sarvāstivāda
Dīrghāgama
What does the death of Mahāvīra have to do with Śāriputra extolling Gautama? Upon firstglance the beginnings of the Prāsādika and Prasādanīya sūtras, now edited and translated forthe first time, appear to introduce texts with disparate themes and concerns, sharing similarity
only in their titles. However, these two paired sūtras from the Yuga-nipāta of the(Mūla-)Sarvāstivāda Dīrghāgama, set near the end of the Buddha’s career, are directly related
in setting forth the (Mūla-)Sarvāstivādin positions on what makes a teacher and his doctrines
successful. In the course of laying out these positions, Jainas, referred to as the Nirgranthas, areemployed as the chief example of a group of anyatīrthikas (adherents of another faith) whose
positions are well-founded but ultimately do not meet the standards of perfection set forth by
Gautama. This paper will examine the representations of the anyatīrthikas and their views as
they were interpreted — or perhaps misinterpreted — by the (Mūla-)Sarvāstivādins anddemonstrate how they were used as narrative foils to further the ends of the (Mūla-)Sarvāstivāda
tradition as it was preserved in Central Asia in the 7th and 8th centuries of the Common Era.
Matsuda, Kazunobu (Bukkyo University)
Choi, Jinkyoung (Ludwig-Maximilians Universität)
The Source and Structure of the Tridaṇḍisūtra
The Tridaṇḍisūtra is the first sūtra in the Śīlaskandha-nipāta, the third section in the
Dīrghāgama of the [Mūla-]Sarvāstivādin Buddhist order. It is considered as a unique and so-far
unknown sūtra with no parallel texts in the Pāli, Chinese, or Tibetan Buddhist canons. Yaśomitra
quotes, however, some śīlaskandha passages from this sūtra in his commentary to the
Abhidharmakośabhāṣya as a representative text of the Śīlaskandha section. This paper will
explore various kinds of interesting and mysterious features surrounding this text, such as thereason why, out of the two key texts in the Śīlaskandha-nipāta transmitting the sameśīlaskandha passages, only the Tridaṇḍi-sūtra was quoted by Yaśomitra, the structure of the
Tridaṇḍisūtra and its related sources, and so forth.
Melzer, Gudrun (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität)
The state of research on the Dīrghāgama manuscript and inquiries into the ŚīlaskandhanipātaThis presentation gives a summary on the current state of research on individual sūtras within
the Sanskrit Dīrghāgama (the “Long Discourses” of the Buddha) of the (Mūla-)Sarvāstivāda tradition and on the manuscript in general, which dates to around the 8th century
and possibly originated in the greater Gilgit area. The second part of the presentation focuses ona few observations on texts in the third and last section of the Dīrghāgama called theŚīlaskandha-nipāta.

Reconstructing the History of Late Indian Buddhism (Part III) ―Relationship between Tantric and Non-tantric Doctrines ―Kyuma, Taiken (Mie University)Panel Abstract
The main aim of this panel is to investigate the relationship between tantric and non-tantric
doctrines, focusing on the Vikramaśīla monastery, a center for late Indian Buddhism. These two
doctrines, as vital elements in the history of late Indian Buddhism, came to be integrated into
the whole system of thought and practice. Nevertheless, both of them seem to have been treatedmore or less independently of each other in the field of modern Buddhist studies. If we try todescribe the history of late Indian Buddhism more precisely, it is necessary to clarify how thesetwo doctrines are related to each other.
This third and final attempt under the same title is going to highlight the monastic tradition oflate Indian Buddhism as a framework of our discussion, in which some important issues, suchas the Vikramaśīla monastery’s role of a scriptorium, the relationship between monks andsiddhas, and the existence of programs for learning Buddhist doctrines, will need to be taken
into consideration. From the viewpoint of the monastic tradition, the present panel tries to shedsome useful light on doctrinal problems in late Indian Buddhism.
This panel proposal is based on our “Vikramaśīla project” funded by JSPS (the Japan Society
for the Promotion of Science).
Yiannopoulos, Alexander (Emory University)Abhiṣeka as Saṃskāra: Initiation and Meditation in Ratnākaraśānti’s TantricCommentaries
The necessity of ritual initiation (dīkṣā, abhiṣeka) for tantric practice is well-documented.
However, most of the secondary literature to date has focused on Śaiva initiation. This paper
will examine the late Indian Buddhist practice of initiation, specifically in relation to meditation
on suchness (tathatā) or the ultimate nature of reality. While Buddhist authors of tantriccommentaries maintain that initiation is required to engage in ritual and/or sādhanā practice,several—perhaps most notably Ratnākaraśānti (fl. ca. 1000)—also promulgated the view that
one could engage in the highest forms of contemplative practice, without first having received
tantric initiation. This is because for Ratnākaraśānti, in principle, there can be no difference
between the realization of nondual luminosity (prakāśa) arrived at through the exoteric means
of Yogācāra philosophy and practice, and the same realization arrived at through esoteric, tantric
practices. Thus, abhiṣeka in the context of at least certain traditions of Buddhist tantrism may
be considered a kind of saṃskāra or samayadīkṣā, that is, an initiation that authorizes the initiate
to engage in specific types of ritual and contemplative practice, but does not in and of itself
confer liberation.
Seton, Gregory (Dartmouth College)
Integrating Non-tantric and Tantric Doctrines Through Prajñāpāramitā at Vikramaśīla
during the mid-Eleventh Century
Late Tibetan histories present the 11th century Vikramaśīla monastic university setting as one
in which six famous scholar gatekeepers stood at the ready to debate philosophical viewpoints

with any adversarial passersby. However, the earlier, perhaps more reliable reports in the rNamthar-rgyas-pa Yong-grags and rNam-thar rgyas-pa Lam-yig, which appear to contain traces offirst hand accounts, portray Vikramaśīla’s monastic hierarchy instead as structured around theorthopraxy, rather than the philosophical debate prowess, of four tantric siddha-scholar-monks,
namely Ratnākaraśānti, Vidyākokila (the younger? a.k.a. Avadhūtipā?), *Hāsavajra, andNāropā. Although among the four Nāropā is presented as the royal guru and most charismatic
figure, Ratnākaraśānti is described as the head (dbu mdzad pa) of Vikramaśīla’s monastic
assembly, as the most senior student of the late gSer-ling-pa, and as Vikramaśīla’s most lauded
scholar of Prajñāpāramitā, whose realization and explanation of tantra influenced an entire
generation of seminal figures.
Ratnākaraśānti’s commentaries give us insight into the tantric and non-tantric atmosphere of
Vikramaśīla during his mid-eleventh century tenure there. Other prior Mādhyamika-oriented
Vikramaśīla scholars, such as Bhāvyakīrti, had held the pāramitānaya and mantranaya to differ
from one another only in terms of the speed with which they reach the same ultimate goal.
Ratnākaraśānti concurred with their notion of tantric and non-tantric Mahāyāna methods asequally effective, but he disagreed with them regarding the ultimate goal itself, which they had
identified with Prajñāpāramitā. For Ratnākaraśānti, Prajñāpāramitā is not the ultimate goal
toward which the pāramitānaya and mantranaya are aimed, but rather the quintessential
Mahāyāna path that formed the core of these two methods and gave them their efficacy.
This paper will explore Ratnākaraśānti’s reformulation of Prajñāpāramitā doctrine, its
grounding in conservative Yogācāra “three vehicle” values, its relationship to his explanationof sexual practice, and its possible influence on later scholars, such as Abhayākaragupta, who
held the mantranaya alone to be capable of leading practitioners to the ultimate goal.
Tanemura, Ryugen (Taisho University)
Kano, Kazuo (Koyasan University)
Kuranishi, Kenichi (Taisho University)
Ratnarakṣita on the Practice of Meditation—Its Validity and Fruit in Tantric Buddhism—
The meditation practice developed by tantric Buddhists is different from that of traditional, nontantric Buddhism in many respects. This leads us into supposing that tantric Buddhists had toprove that their meditation practice was valid and effective means to attain the goal which isreally “Buddhist”.
We see examples of how tantric Buddhists justified their meditation practice in the Padminī, acommentary on the Saṃvarodayatantra by Ratnarakṣita (ca. 1150 – 1250). Answering to theobjections of his opponents (most probably they are both tantric and non-tantric Buddhists),
Ratnarakṣita argues about the utpattikrama practice as effective means to attain Buddhahood,and about vajradharatva as the fruit of Buddhist tantric meditation practice, mainly in chapters
1 and 13 of the Padminī.
On the basis of Ratnarakṣita’s arguments, this paper deals with the above-mentioned two issues,the validity of the tantric Buddhist meditation practice and the fruit brought by them, shedding

light upon the relationship between tantric and non-tantric Buddhism, and between different
groups of tantric Buddhists, from the viewpoint of tantric meditation.
Miyazaki, Izumi (Kyoto University)
The Abhijñās and Preaching Dharma in the Bodhimārgadīpa-pañjikā
In Mahāyāna Buddhism, preaching Dharma is the most important element for accumulating
merit to benefit to others. Supernatural knowledges (abhijñā or ṛddhi) are sometimes mentioned
as prerequisites for preaching Dharma or composing a commentary. As a matter of course, Atiśa
regarded his direct teacher, Bodhibhadra, as having supernatural knowledges (mṅon par śes pabrñes pa), although it is unclear from his writings what he thought about himself regarding thispoint. In addition, he described his teacher as “one who made the intent of all the Tantra, all the
Sūtra and the entire Vinaya manifested in his mind simultaneously.” It apparently suggests that
his teacher was also a Tantrist. However, of course, the tradition of assuming supernatural
knowledges as prerequisites for preaching Dharma had already begun before Tantric Buddhism
flourished.
This paper aims to examine the teaching concerning supernatural knowledges in late Indian
Buddhism according to the Bodhimārgadīpa-pañjikā by Atiśa, and to clarify how the tradition
was transmitted to Atiśa. In the Bodhimārgadīpa-pañjikā, Atiśa warns against preaching
Dharma without supernatural knowledges (abhijñā) in a non-Tantric context and recommends
tranquility (śamatha) in order to obtain them. He elaborates on this by quoting several texts
including the Adhyāśayasaṃcodana-sūtra, the Ratnāvalī by Nāgārjuna, the Bodhicaryāvatāraby Śāntideva, and the Samādhisaṃbhāra-parivarta by Bodhibhadra. The citations from theBodhicaryāvatāra and the Adhyāśayasaṃcodana-sūtra which is also quoted in theŚikṣāsamuccaya suggest influence by Śāntideva, while the Samādhisaṃbhāra-parivarta might
indicate a connection with the Yogācārabhūmi, since the author, Bodhibhadra, knows the
Yogācārabhūmi well.
Such admonition against preaching Dharma without supernatural knowledges can be alreadyfound in Mahāyāna Sūtras like the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā. Some texts
belonging to the Yogācāra school also mention the necessity of supernatural knowledges. We
shall also examine the relationship between the teaching of Atiśa and their precursors.
Sferra, Francesco (University of Naples “L’Orientale”)
Adapting the Middle Path to the Vajra Vehicle: an Enquiry into the Doctrinal Settings ofthe Wheel of Time
Probably in order to effectively meet the new socio-cultural challenges that had arisen aroundthe eve of the second millennium (first of all the Islamic invasion in the Northern India and therevival of the Brahmanical traditions), the first authors of the Kālacakra sought to establish,
within a consistent framework, a new Buddhist orthodoxy and to close the Buddhist ranks
around the undisputed authority of the monastic community. With a particular emphasis on
doctrines, the paper will examine the most important passages of the first works of the Kālacakra
system (for instance, the Vimalaprabhā and the Paramārthasevā of Puṇḍarīka, theHevajratantrapiṇḍārthaṭīkā of Vajragarbha and the Amṛtakaṇikā of Raviśrījñāna) that seek todefine and characterize Buddhist Tantrism as a whole and in particular the Kālacakra school incomparison with other Buddhist and non- Buddhist traditions. The use and adaptation ofb
Mādhyamaka conceptions, sometimes in direct conflict with the Vijñānavāda, and quotations
from the Prajñāpāramitā literature will be examined in particular.
Wangchuk, Dorji (Universität Hamburg)
Is Tantric Meditation Like Imagining Oneself a Lion When Afraid of Dogs? The Issue ofthe Superiority Claim of Vajrayāna
In the proposed panel “Reconstructing the History of Late Indian Buddhism (Part III):
Relationship between Tantric and Non-tantric Doctrines,” I wish to present a paper on the topic“Is Tantric Meditation Like Imagining Oneself a Lion When Afraid of Dogs? The Issue of theSuperiority Claim of Vajrayāna.” One of the greatest challenges in the history of thetransmission and reception of Buddhism in Tibet seems to have been making sense of thetheories and practices of Mantranaya, particularly in relation to Pāramitānaya theories andpractices. While Mantranaya teachings came to be generally accepted as being superior to thoseof Pāramitānaya—despite some indications that some scholars in Tibet relegated Tantricteachings as having only a provisional sense or purport (neyārtha: drang ba’i don)—the issueof the identification and interpretation of the criteria of similarities and dissimilarities between
the two has always been contentious.
Two issues related to the topic seem to be particularly significant, namely, whether
Pāramitānaya and Mantranaya share the one and the same philosophical view (dṛṣṭi/darśana:lta ba) and whether Pāramitānaya teachings is self-sufficient for attaining the ultimate
soteriological goal of Buddhahood or whether Mantranaya (which involves sexual yogic
initiations and meditation) is indispensable for all those seeking to attain Buddhahood. The firstquestion touches the crux of the issue regarding the Pāramitānaya–Mantranaya relationship. The
second question is related to the doctrinal and practical difficulties faced by the Monastic
traditions in India and Tibet when receiving and practicing Mantranaya teachings and theinherent tension between what one might perhaps call “Mantric ecstaticism or sexualism” and“Monastic asceticism and celebatism.” The second question thus concerns the Monastic
tradition. Issues of this kind in Tibetan Buddhism can be perhaps largely seen as a continuationof those issues that have been either latent or patent in Indian Buddhism. It is thus hoped thatthe modest paper will shed some light on the history of the reception of Indian Buddhism inTibet, especially with regard to the Tibetan perception of the Pāramitānaya–Mantranaya
relationship.
Kyuma, Taiken (Mie University)
DiscussantRitual, Doctrine, and Monasticism: Buddhist Practices in Dunhuang
Liu, Cuilan (Emmanuel College)
Chen, Huaiyu (Arizona State University)Panel Abstract
The Dunhuang cave temples have witnessed the intense religious, cultural, and artistic
exchanges between the western regions and central China from the fourth to the fourteenth
century. The discovery of manuscripts and paintings there in the early twentieth century has
forced scholars to reconsider the history of Buddhism's development in China. This panel brings
together art historians and scholars working with manuscripts to shed light on the visual andtextual representations of how Buddhism was practiced in Dunhuang. By analyzing textual andvisual materials from the Dunhuang cave temples, presenters in this panel will discuss various
aspects of Buddhist practices in Dunhuang ranging from dialogues between Buddhism and otherreligious traditions to issues and challenges within the Buddhist community in Dunhuang.
Specific topics to be addressed include but not limited to devotional practices, image dedication,
Tantric liturgies, monasticism, and legal disputes.
Coleman, Fletcher (Harvard University)
The Buddha and the Brahman: Deciphering Ascetic Imagery in Early Medieval China
Bearded, gnarled, half-naked, and contorted in anguish—the Brahman ascetic embodies a senseof pathos unlike anything else in Chinese art. Emerging in the final decades of the 4th century,these emaciated ascetic figures make an appearance in virtually every type of Buddhist art
during the formative period for the rise of Chinese Buddhism. Despite their overwhelming
ubiquity and striking visual qualities, these figures have never before been systematicallystudied. Yet, I propose that the Brahman ascetic is an integral part of the syntax of early Buddhist
visual language.
The Brahman ascetic populates the earliest visual and literary accounts of the life of thehistorical Buddha. Encounters between the Buddha and these ascetics invariably highlight the
shortcomings of ascetic practice and result in conversion to the teachings of Buddhism. These
ascetic figures appear prominently in the Chinese Buddhist artwork of
the 4th-6th centuries, but previous scholarship generally treats the figure as little more than avisual illustration of life-story texts.
My work argues that the Brahman ascetic is a critical tool for deciphering poorly understoodaspects of Buddhist visual programs from the early medieval period in China. The ascetic is nota mere character reference to literary narrative. Rather, through understanding the consistentrole of the Brahman ascetic within artwork of the period, it is possible to gain access to theunderlying logic of Buddhist programs that have heretofore been treated as though they have no
structure. Moreover, one is able to better recognize the relationship between these programs andbroader developments in on-the- ground ritual practice during the time period.
My research suggests that the visual function of the Brahman ascetic is tied to the figure’s needfor religious transformation. Examining figures in cave chapels and on freestanding stone
sculpture, the Brahman ascetic consistently occupies a position of prominence within early deity
tableaus and representations of the Buddha’s life story. Their need for religious transformation
through the salvific powers of the Buddha provides an underlying structure and narrative driveto the imagery. Considering this structured role for the Brahman ascetic provides exciting
avenues for reinterpreting certain questions concerning early Chinese Buddhist imagery and its
ritual function.
In my presentation, I explore the themes outlined above within the context of Northern Wei cave
construction at Mogao, Dunhuang, and related sites. Particularly prevalent within the artistic
output of the Northern Wei, the Brahman ascetic appears in a number of guises in the visualprograms of the period. My talk will focus on the ascetic’s role as a liminal figure and visual
pivot within episodes from the life of the historical Buddha. It will also address the purpose andnature of certain unique iconographical configurations of the ascetic as depicted in these caves.
In doing so, I seek to elucidate the broader function of the ascetic figure and the impact of thisnew understanding on larger questions related to early Buddhist imagery and praxis.
Lee, Kwi Jeong (Princeton University)
Celebrating the Buddha: Dedication of Images in Medieval DunhuangThis paper closely examines a series of ritual formulas (zhaiwen 齋文) titled “Celebrating theImage” (tanxiang 嘆像 or qingxiang 慶像) or “Celebrating the Buddha” (tanfo 嘆佛). As thetitles suggest, these formulas were invoked at the ceremony of dedicating statues and paintingsof the Buddha. Having survived in four Dunhuang manuscripts (P. 2058, P. 2072, P. 2588, P.
3494), the formulas in question appear in a group with other prayers for the same purpose, thatis, for making votive offerings such as shrines, scriptures, and banners. The grouping of these
dedicatory prayers suggests that liturgists in Dunhuang performed the ritual of dedication in its
own right without associating it with other ritual programs pertinent to the use of sacred objects,
for instance, consecration.
Comprising seven sub-sections, the formulas for image dedication, albeit differing slightly indetail from one another, center around two concerns. One is the paradox between the ineffable
nature of the Buddhist Law and the need for rendering the transcendent Buddha into the worldly
form. The Dunhuang liturgists expressed this concern in the language of the Buddhist apologetic
tradition that grew in the capital region in the seventh century. The other concern is the donor.
Emphasizing meritorious rewards from image worship, the formulas praise the donor for not
only his profound understanding of Buddhist teachings but also his fulfillment of secular virtues
such as literary talent and military prowess. This implies that the protagonist of the ritual was
not the sacred object to dedicate but the person who paid to have it made. The prayers indeed
mention the physical beauty of the image and its likeness to the Buddha. However, theontological equation between the image and the Buddha, the result of image consecration, is notstated.
Analyzing the formulas for image dedication in Dunhuang, this paper demonstrates that politicaland social factors played a critical role in the formation of ritual for Buddhist icons. Previous
studies have thus far concentrated on the procedure of symbolically transforming the image intoa living embodiment or a proxy of the divine being that it depicts (Bentor 1996; Swearer 2004;
and Shinohara 2014). The series of formulas under consideration affords a glimpse into the ritualof concerns that lay beyond the realm of representation.

Ding, Yi (Stanford University)
Consecrating with Myths, Images, and Rituals: The Case of the Mogao Site
Although the etic term “consecration,” i.e. the action of making something sacred, has no direct
one-to-one equivalent in Buddhist vocabulary, the idea of making a thing or place sacred is notentirely missing in Chinese Buddhism. A place can be made sacred by becoming associatedwith prophecies (shouji 授記), hosting ceremonies and housing sacred objects on its ground. In
the case of Dunhuang, we have a plethora of texts and images that testify to the mechanics ofconsecration. Mogao shan 莫 高 山 (lit. The Superb Mountain), a site of great religious
importance (or efficacy”) in Dunhuang, where a large amount of images and manuscripts werelocated, was seemingly made sacred by the locals with a combination of approaches, including
myth-crafting, image-making and ritual-performing.
This paper starts with the story of Liu Sahe 刘萨訶 in both Dunhuang texts and images. This
prophecy story became localized in Dunhuang and served as a model for the Le Zun 樂僔’s
discovery of Mogao. It became the founding myth, as a related mytho-history was created by
the locals for the site. Second, the paper demonstrates that the completion ritual of grottobuilding evokes the idea that murals help to maintain the sacredness of an existing sacred site,with a detailed analysis of the related ritual texts. Ritual happens in a specific locale, upon whichmeaning is attached to repeatedly in order to actualize the prophecy. Third, the paper discusses
the control of sacred space and the access thereof in Dunhuang, regulated by priests, ritual
procedures and local Buddhist institutions, as the perceived sacredness accrued. Last, the paper
situates Mogao in the broader context of Chinese Buddhism and then discusses its larger
implication for the practice of grotto making as a time-honored practice in Buddhism.
Chen, Huaiyu (Arizona State University)
Liturgies for Creating Four Mandalas in Dunhuang Manuscripts
This paper aims to examine liturgies in Dunhuang manuscripts for creating four mandalas, such
as Zunsheng, Suiqiu, Guanyin, and foding. These liturgies often do not have clear titles, so only
their contents can help define their nature in the Buddhist history. This paper attempts toreconstruct the procedure and content of many liturgical rituals by a detailed reading of thesemanuscripts, bringing both traditional canonical texts and stone inscriptions from nonDunhuang sources. First, this paper will analyze the development of the pantheons in theseliturgies and look into the textual tradition in which these pantheons were created. It will also
analyze why gods and deities in these pantheons were honored. The occasions and their doctrinal
basis of honoring these gods will be discussed. Second, this paper will approach to these liturgies
from the perspective of social and cultural history for analyzing in what contexts four different
mandalas were created for what specific purposes. What social groups in Dunhuang local
community have sponsored the creations of different mandalas? What cultural meanings havebeen reflected from the creations of these mandalas? Third, this paper will compare themandalas shown in Dunhuang manuscripts with those as we see from the canonical texts andstone inscriptions and try to analyze the centers and peripherals of Buddhist rituals in medieval
China. Politically and culturally, Dunhuang was not the center of the Chinese empire in the
medieval period. The rituals shown in the manuscripts from this area might reflect some local

characters. Fourth, this paper will also discuss the items appearing in the rituals from theperspective of material culture. These items illustrate the mixture of materials from both Central
China and the Western Regions. The circulation of these materials will interest scholars who
work on materials culture in medieval Asia.
Zhanru (Peking University)
The Rituals and Rules for the Household Patrons in Medieval Dunhuang: With Special
Reference to the Manuscript P. 2984v.
This paper focuses on the Dunhuang manuscript P. 2984v by analyzing its content and its
targeted audience. This study first examines the order of the precepts and attempts to sort out
the targeted audience of the ordination ritual and precepts. Second, this paper reconstructs the
Ritual for Five Precepts as it was revealed in this manuscript and compares it with the ordination
rituals recorded in other similar manuscripts from Dunhuang for analyzing their differences.
Third, this paper also discusses the schedule of receiving precepts, the contents of the precepts,
and other issues. In sum, this paper will offer some new perspectives of our understanding of
the religious life of the household patrons in Medieval Dunhuang.
Liu, Cuilan (Emmanuel College)
Adoptive Mother or Slave Owner? Adoption and Slavery in Buddhist Monasteries andNunneries in Dunhuang
The Tibetan legal document P. T. 1080 records a Buddhist nun's petition for and success in
obtaining a court order confirming her ownership of a girl she had adopted twenty years ago.
The nun's testimony states that the girl's father gave her options to raise the girl either as adaughter (bu mo) or a slave girl (bran mo). Twenty years later, the nun' relationship with thegirl deteriorated. One major disturbance was the girl's attempts to severe their relationship. In
response, the nun filed a plaint in the court and requested a written confirmation of her
ownership of the girl. A judicial decision was made in favour of the nun. It prohibited the girlfrom choosing a different owner and ordered her to serve the nun as before. What was unclear
in the judicial decision was whether the girl was treated as the nun's adopted daughter ordomestic slave. This article discusses the complications of this judicial decision. I argue that the
Buddhist nun's victory in winning the desired written confirmation could have also led to her
conviction as a criminal guilty of enslaving a commoner, a crime punishable by strangulation(jiao) in the Tang Code. Examining Tang regulations on adoption and slave, this article also
discusses this legal case's significance for understanding the roles Buddhist monks and nuns had
played in the practice of slavery and adoption in Dunhuang from the seventh to the early
eleventh century.

Stories Behind the Story: Revisiting the Buddha’s Hagiography
Sasson, Vanessa R. (Marianopolis College)
Panel Abstract

There is no “right way” to read the Buddha’s hagiography. His life story has as many authors
as it has witnesses, with every reader, pilgrim, performer and audience member projecting theirown perspective onto the narrative. In this panel, we will explore some of the many stories
behind the Buddha’s story in the hope of fleshing out more of what seems to be an everlasting
wish-fulfilling jewel.
John Strong will continue his analysis of the Śrāvastī miracle narratives, focusing on thequestion of what the role of miracles might be in Buddhist hagiography; Vanessa R. Sasson will
explore the Buddha’s relationship with Yasodharā; Kristin Scheible will examine the role
women play in the Buddha’s life prior to his departure as they are described in the Buddhacarita
and Jātakanidāna; and Xi He will examine the Fo benxing jing as well as its intricate
relationship with the Fo suoxing zan and other Buddha biographies translated in the first few
centuries.

Strong, John S. (Bates College)
Buddhist Miracles and the Hagiography of the Buddha
It is sometimes thought that miracles are relatively late additions to the sacred lifestory of the
Buddha, the product of the pietistic imagination of Buddhist devotees. In fact, miracle tales are
there in the very earliest layers of the biographical tradition, whether literary or art historical.
Thus, in the “Discourses on Wonderful and Marvelous Things,” (“Acchariyabbhutadhammasutta”) in the Majjhima nikāya, Ānanda recounts some of the extraordinary, miraculous
occurrences in the Buddha’s life from the time of his conception and birth right up until his
enlightenment. Similarly, in the bas-reliefs at Bharhut (2nd century B.C.E.), we find, forinstance, depictions of the great miracle at Śrāvastī and the descent from Trāyastriṃśa Heaven.
Elsewhere in the canon, however, the Buddha is presented in a more down-to-earth ordinary
guise: he walks, he eats, he attains enlightenment by dint of his own efforts, he gets tired andsick, he dies. From the very start, then, we find, in the lifestory of the Buddha, a coexistence ofthe miraculous and the mundane.
This paper addresses a set of related questions: What role do the miracle stories have in theconstruction of the overall lifestory of the Buddha? Or, put differently: What biographicalfunction do miracles play in Buddhism? What aspects of the tradition do they emphasize?
There are doubtless many answers to these questions. In this presentation, I shall propose andfocus on only one of them: the hagiographical purpose of miracles, it seems to me, is to prepare
the way for the ongoing veneration of the Buddha after his parinirvāṇa. This ongoing venerationnecessitates addressing a number of issues: how does the hagiographical tradition deal withpotential human rivals (e.g., the so-called heretical teachers)? How does it deal with potential
divine rivals (e.g. Brahmanical gods)? How does it deal with the perceived absence of the
Buddha after his death? My contention is that all of these issues are dealt with, at least in part,by miracle stories.

This paper will illustrate this claim by looking at a number of accounts of miracles in Buddhist
literature. Some brief attention will be paid to two tales from the Avadānaśataka : the story
entitled “Dhūma” (“Smoke”) (ch. 9) which recounts a brief miracle-contest of sorts between the
Buddha and the non-Buddhist tīrthikas; and the story entitled “Prātihārya” (“Miracle”)(ch. 15)
in which the Buddha converts Brahmins by taking on the form of the god Indra. To some extent,these two stories may be seen as precursors to various Pali and Sanskrit narratives of the “Great
Miracle[s] at Śrāvastī,” and the related episode of the Buddha’s descent from Trāyastriṃśa
Heaven. To these I will turn next and devote the bulk of my presentation. Finally, I will end
with a consideration of a little-known episode in the Sanskrit version of the Mahāparinirvāṇa
sūtra: the story of the Buddha’s removing an obstacle (a huge boulder) from the path on his
journey to Kuśinagara.
He, Xi (Appalachian State University)
Behind the Stories: A Study of the Fo benxing jing
From the beginning of the Common Era to the twelfth century, Chinese translations from
Sanskrit and other middle Indic languages preserved a large number of hagiographical works
on the life of the Buddha and his disciples. This body of literature provides important textual,philological, doctrinal, and artistic perspectives for understanding the Buddha hagiographicaltradition, the translation and transmission of Buddhist texts between India and China, andBuddhist history and culture at the time. However, many of these texts, such as the Fo benxing
jing (T193), have not received adequate scholarly attention.
Traditionally, the Fo benxing jing and the Fo suoxing zan (T192) are considered to have beentranslated from different versions of the Buddhacarita, the former by Baoyun (376-449?) andthe latter by Dharmakṣema (385-433). The extant Sanskrit version of the Buddhacarita ends at
chapter fourteen, and the Fo suoxing zan has 28 chapters that begin with the birth of the Buddha
and end with the division of the relics. However, the Fo benxing jing begins with the nidānathat is followed by a chapter eulogizing the Tathāgata. It then describes the descent of theBodhisattva from Tuṣita Heaven. The poem ends at chapter 31 describing the division of relics.
Sengyou’s (445-518) Chu sanzang ji ji (T2145) clearly states that Fo suoxing zan was translatedby Baoyun, but the translator of the Fo benxing jing was unknown. It is unlikely that Baoyun or
Dharmakṣema translated the text (Zhou 1948; Ensho 1957; Goto 2007).
By examining the transcribed words in the Fo benxing jing, I add philological evidence that thistext was not translated by Baoyun or Dharmakṣema and argue that its original is not in Sanskrit.
Furthermore, a close comparison of the structure and content of the Fo benxing jing and the Fosuoxing zan reveals that they both were translated from two different texts in spite of certain
similarities. I assert that there exists intertextuality between these two texts and the Puyao jing
(T186), the Fang guangda zhuangyan jing (T187), and the Lalitavistara. Lastly, by examining
three episodes in the text, I argue that the Fo benxing jing indicates a close affiliation with the
Mūlasarvāstivādin tradition.
In conclusion, this article not only sheds new light on the original text of the Fo benxing ing andits translator, but also shows that intertextual analysis can provide new directions forunderstanding important issues, in this case, on the well-debated relationship between
Sarvāstivāda and Mūlasarvāstivāda.
Scheible, Kritsin (Reed College)“Behind Every Great Man”: Engendering the Mahāpuruṣa
In my work I have been most interested in how narrative structures and rhetorical devices reveal
stories of transformation within Buddhist narratives and serve to prime the reader outside them.
This paper will employ narratological tools to examine what I see as the driving force of womenin the Buddha’s biography, focusing on Aśvaghoṣa’s Sanskrit Buddhacarita and the Pāli
Jātakanidāna. It is my contention that the inclusion of female characters in Buddhacarita does
more work than to simply adhere to – or establish –aesthetic conventions of mahākāvya. In canto
3, women eagerly jostle for position to view the bodhisattva as he went out from the palace;might this episode enunciate more than his exceptional attractiveness? Similarly, female
characters represented in the Avidūre Nidāna of the later Pāli Jātakanidāna can be read asproviders of priming encounters for the bodhisattva just prior to his great departure andsubsequent Enlightenment. The dancing girls in the harem, asleep and repulsive to thebodhisattva, are the penultimate encounter catalyzing his impulse to leave and even in theirostensibly passive state engender the Buddha-to-be. I come to a different conclusion about theinclusion of, indeed focus on, women at key moments in the biography than most interpreters(for example, Liz Wilson (1996) states, “It is always the man who sees and the woman who isseen, the man who speaks and the woman who is spoken about.”).
The significant roles that particular, named women, such as Mahāmāyā, Mahāprajāpatī,Yaśodharā and Sujātā, play in the Buddha’s life prior to his departure have been well studied byscholars (for example, C.A.F. Rhys Davids, Bode, Horner, Paul, Bareau, Strong, R.
Obeyesekere, Walters, Blackstone, Ohnuma, Collett). Nuns, mothers, and seductresses have allreceived attention. My focus will be on the mainly anonymous clusters of women (in the harem
or in the upper balconies) who strain to see, and be seen by, the bodhisattva. Rather than employ
a feminist ethical hermeneutic or rehearse arguments for the valorization of women, symbolicor historical, in Buddhist texts, in this paper I consider the narrative role they play.
Shiri, Yael (SOAS)
Revisiting the Śākya clan as a marker of Indian monastic self-representation in the
Buddha’s Hagiographies
The life of the Buddha has played a central part in Buddhist tradition since a very early stage.
Being the fountainhead of the tradition and an archetype of a perfect Buddhist, details of his
hagiography have furnished Buddhist texts and monuments for monastics and laity to revere
and engage with. As part of this corpus, much has been dedicated to the description of the
Buddha’s clan – the Śākyas – and their capital Kapilavastu.
Although much ink has been spilled on the topic of the Buddha’s last life, not much of it has
been dedicated to the Śākyas themselves. Treatments of the issue, such as in the admirable worksof André Bareau, typically approached the topic through a “historicist” looking glass, trying touncover the historical truth beneath the narratives. As this paper suggests, perhaps a more
fruitful approach would be to recognise such narratives as “historical traditions”, rather thansimply mining them for factual “truths” (Thapar 2013).
Such historical traditions, while depicting a historicised view of a past, may in fact reveal much
more about the circumstances of their present. Particularly, one can identify in such narrativesof origin, a clear discourse of self-representation, by which a given tradition establishes itself in
its own eyes as well as in the eyes of other social and religious groups. In this paper, I will be
examining narratives related to the Śākya clan as a mirror of a Buddhist identity discourse in
the Middle Period of Indian Buddhism. This formative period in the history of Buddhism has
been a time of composition, compilation and crystallisation of many Buddhist scriptures andnarratives, and these are extremely rich with details on the Śākyas, their nature, their lives andtheir habitat. As can be deduced, for example, from the proliferation of the epithet Śākyabhikṣu
in epigraphical records from the 5th century CE onwards, the perception of the Śākyas played
an integral part in the representation of Indian Buddhist monastic identity.
By employing both narratological and philological tools, I revisit different episodes on theŚākyas in texts such as the Saṅghabhedavastu of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, the Mahāvastu
of the Mahāsāṃghika-Lokottaravāda Vinaya, and the Pāli commentarial corpus, in order to shed
new light on this so-far rather unattended side of the Buddha’s hagiography.
Sasson, V.R. (Marianopolis College)
Yasodhara’s story
Since Derrida’s first book, Of Grammatology (1967), the various fields of the humanities havebeen shaken with the realization that readers interact with texts more than was previously
appreciated. Although he was not as radical as some of his interpreters eventually became,
Derrida’s challenge has certainly changed the way we read.
The Buddha’s hagiography has been read from many different perspectives. Many of these havefocused on the renunciant aspect of his journey, but certainly other interpretations have emerged
as well. One reading that has not received much attention, however, is one that highlights therelationship between the Bodhisattva and his wife (or wives). The question this paper addresses
is whether it is possible to see in the Buddha’s hagiography a romantic narrative. Romance isobviously not at the heart of the story, nor could it possibly function as the only legitimate
reading of the tradition. Rather, the purpose of this paper is to ask whether a love story can also
be found in the pages of this many-layered tale.
This paper will address this question by looking at Yasodharā and her representation in some ofthe early hagiographic sources. Although other women in the Buddha’s life have been studied
quite rigorously at this point (such as Māyā and Mahāpajāpatī), the wife of the Buddha has notgarnered the same kind of attention (notable exceptions include Bareau (1982), Tatleman(1998), Obeyesekere (2009), and Strong (1997)). By looking at passages that describe
Yasodharā and the role she played through their multiple lifetimes together, this paper will

suggest that a lovestory in which heartbreak and loss feature prominently may prove a valuablelens through which to read some of these early narratives.
Nattier, Jan (University of California, Berkeley):
Discussant

The Avadānaśataka: The Uses of Narrative
Appleton, Naomi (University of Edinburgh)
Muldoon-Hules, Karen (UCLA/UCLA Extension)
Panel Abstract
After popular and successful panels on Jātakas (Taipei 2011) and Buddhist Narrative Genres(Vienna 2014), we propose a panel focusing on the underutilized Avadānaśataka, a Sanskrit
narrative collection dated c. 2nd-4th century CE. Fragmentary remains tie it to the northwest ofIndia, and translations attest to its presence in China and Tibet. The Avadānaśataka has
documented connections to the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya and Divyāvadāna, and Feer andSpeyer both saw it as a possible parent for several avadānamālās. Representing thus a node ofliterary development and transnational influence, the text can contribute much to ourunderstanding of early Indian Buddhist ideology and practice. This panel aims to bring together
scholars interested in the text and the stories within it, especially in its permutations as it moved
across time and space. The text’s varied topics, from pretas to pratyekabuddhas, female arhatsto Aśoka, promise a rich and wide-ranging panel, while the focus on a single text will allow for
deep engagement and scholarly exchange.
Fifield, Justin (Harvard University)
Bonds of Affection: Relationships and Group Solidarity in the Narratives of the
Avadānaśataka
In 1924 Sukumar Dutt proposed the bold thesis that the Prātimokṣa was the "bond" that held
together the nascent monastic fellowship and facilitated its development into a settled, domestic
community (what Dutt calls an Order).7 Even if his etymological explanation of prātimokṣa ismore nirukti than philological science, Dutt focused our attention on the important problem ofgroup cohesion in the history of Buddhist monasticism. As Mary Douglas explains in How
Institutions Think, the transformation of a social group from the "latent" stage to the"community" stage, where "individuals can disinterestedly collaborate with one another andconstruct a collective good," is not obvious or assured.8 It must be explained.
What is it that binds the Saṅgha together into a collective with an ethos? I will argue that bondsof affection and sentimentality play a prominent role in maintaining group solidarity. My
evidence for this, in the current paper, are narratives of the Avadānaśataka in which thegeneration of affect governs the structure of the plot. Actions are caused by affective states.
7
8

Sukumar Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism (London: Trubner, 1924), 75-98.
Mary Douglas, How Institutions Think (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse Univ. Press, 1986), 24.

The plot "advances" and characters "progress" in response to affect. Characters engage inaffective labor 9 towards others that results in new or strengthened relationships. Bonds ofaffection tie the community together.
The importance of affect in relationships is not unique to monastic communities. Daud Ali's
work on early medieval urban cultures demonstrates that same. Ali states: "Indeed, it would
seem that the people of the court viewed their entire lives primarily in terms of shifting affective
relationships with their environments. Men and women were expected to indicate openly theirinner dispositions towards one another at appropriate moments through the display ofcollectively recognised gestures and words."10 Ali argues, in a separate study, that monastic
cultures and urban cultures were cut from the same cloth. Their modes of discipline, whileaiming at different ends, were predicated on a shared understanding of the world.11 Gregory
Schopen, drawing on Ali's work on the Indian garden, has come to a similar conclusion using
the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. 12 Given the affiliation between the Avadānaśataka and the
Mūlasarvāstivāda, I tentatively conclude that the narratives of the Avadānaśataka participate in
the wider discursive practices characteristic of the early medieval period.
Muldoon-Hules, Karen (UCLA/UCLA Extension)Darśan (seeing) and the role of faith (prasāda) in the Avadānaśataka
The seventh varga (‘chapter’ or ‘decade’) of the Avadānaśataka, a highly structured set of one
hundred Buddhist stories dated 2nd to 5th century CE, is unusual in that almost every story
presents the seeing or darśan of the Buddha as the spark that gives rise to faith (prasāda). In
each of these cases, the vision of the Buddha, bearing all the marks of a great man, “adorned
with a radiance [that extended] a fathom surpassing the light of a thousand suns, wholly beautiful
like a moving mountain of jewels” (vyāmaprabhālaṃkṛtaṃ sūryasahasrātirekaprabhaṃ
jaṅgamam iva ratnaparvataṃ samantato bhadrakam) leads directly to a birth of faith(prasādajātas). However, in avadāna 61, darśan of the Buddha—expressed in the samestereotyped passage—breaks the youth’s infatuation with his own good looks so completely that
he decides to renounce. Each of the men in the 7th varga subsequently become monks andarhats. In a sense, the 7th varga is rather more formulaic than the 8th varga, which recounts thestories of a variety of women of very mixed backgrounds who become nuns and arhats. That
chapter features only three stories with this particular stereotyped passage of darśan of the
Buddha and its resulting prasāda. One more story in the 8th varga could also be said toincorporate darśan, albeit quite a different presentation of it, and there the very sight of the
Buddha functions as a transformative agent both internally and externally. This description of
the Buddha as an object of darśan occurs in at least one story in every varga of the9

Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, M.A.: Harvard University Press, 2000).
Daud Ali, Courtly Culture and Political Life in Early Medieval India (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ Press, 2004),
183.
11
Daud Ali, "Technologies of the Self: Courtly Artifice and Monastic Discipline in Early India," Journal of the
Economic and Social History of the Orient 41:2 (1998): 159-184.
12
Gregory Schopen, "The Buddhist 'Monastery' and the Indian Garden: Aesthetics, Assimilations and the Siting ofMonastic Establishments," Journal of the American Oriental Society 126 (2006): 487-505.
10

Avadānaśataka and in fully half of the stories in the 9th and 10th chapters, suggesting theimportance of this recurrent thematic motif in the collection.
According to Hiraoka, this stereotyped description of the Buddha is also known in the closely
related Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya and the Divyāvadāna (2002, 173) and in these two texts, it canalso function as a catalyst for the arisal of faith. In Thus Have I Seen, Andrew Rotman analyzes
the role of faith (prasāda or srāddhā) in the Divyāvadāna, noting in passing that prasāda works
differently in that text than in the Avadānaśataka, which he felt showed “less systemization” in
its use of the term (2009: 231, n. 6). The 7th varga provides a useful set of stories to examine
how notions of darśan and prasāda are deployed in this middle-period Indian Buddhist
collection.
Appleton, Naomi (University of Edinburgh)
On the Pratyekabuddhas of the Avadānaśataka
The third decade of the Avadānaśataka, nestled between two chapters of jātaka stories, contains
ten tales of pratyekabuddhas. Eight concern people predicted by the current Buddha to become
pratyekabuddhas in the future, on the basis of an act of merit and – often – a vow or aspiration.
Two others stories concern past pratyekabuddhas and their karmic backstories in the time ofpast buddhas.
Usually the term pratyekabuddha is translated as ‘solitary buddha’ or ‘lone buddha’. Suchfigures are said to attain awakening without access to teachings, like a samyaksambuddha, but
unlike a samyaksambuddha they do not go on to teach communities of followers. In narrative
terms they are often found in times between buddhas, usually associated with the path of asolitary ascetic, and often depicted as affected by signs indicating the importance ofrenunciation. The place of pratyekabuddhas in the threefold typology of awakening, somehow
sitting between samyaksambuddhas and arhats, presumably affects their placement in the
Avadānaśataka, alongside stories of other types of awakening.
This paper will explore how pratyekabuddhas are portrayed in this series of tales, examining
them within two different types of context: Firstly, it will ask what role these stories ofpratyekabuddhas play in relation to the other categories of story in the Avadānaśataka, and inparticular what the pratyekabuddha decade shares – or does not share – with stories of othertypes of awakening. Secondly, it will ask how these tales relate to stories of pratyekabuddhas
found in other early Buddhist texts, and thus what they add to our understanding of these figures
as narrative characters.
Rotman, Andy (Smith College)
Hungry Ghostbusters: Lessons on Ethics in the Avadānaśataka
My paper examines the fifth decade of stories in the Avadānaśataka, which chronicles thetorments of hungry ghosts in great scatological detail—many of them, for example, are forced
to feast on their own feces. These stories also explain the mental states and deeds that lead tothese particular torments and what can be done to alleviate them. In particular, these stories offer

a nuanced account of mātsarya—“stinginess” or “miserliness”—explaining the logic of its
development, the actions it engenders, the misery it induces, and the ways it can be eradicated.
This discourse of mātsarya also helps us understand a perverse worldview and practice thatgenerates terrible karmic consequences: seeing Buddhist monastics as freeloaders and punishingthem. One interesting parallel that offers insight into this karmic pathology is the tradition ofkarnī bharnī (“reap as you sow”) images; these images were imported from Jain soteriology
into mainstream Hinduism in the late 19th century and are still a staple of Indianchromolithography. Lastly, my paper will discuss who can help hungry ghosts and how, and thesteps and stages that can lead hungry ghosts out of their misery.
Fiordalis, David (Linfield College)
How Avadānas Work, or the Work of the Avadāna: Reflections on Stories from the Last
Two Decades of the Avadānaśataka
The Avadānaśataka has a well-deserved reputation for repetition. Not only does it containnumerous stereotyped passages, which often seem inserted into particular stories in a rather
mechanical fashion. Many of its stories also seem to possess a common, overarching narrative
structure, on the basis of which scholars have drawn general conclusions about the genre of theavadāna. This common structure has also led scholars to develop “structuralist” readings of thetext and its narratives.
Yet even a cursory survey of the contents of the Avadānaśataka reveals a great deal of variation,
too. Taken as a whole, the hundred narratives exhibit not one, but several different narrative
structures. For instance, the narratives of the second chapter contain what Naomi Appleton has
called “jātaka-avadānas,” while the narratives of the fourth chapter feature jātaka tales more
properly so called. Looking at individual stories, the hundredth tale of the collection differs fromthe other nine stories in its decade insofar as it presents a story about the fruition of good karma,
rather than overcoming bad karma, like the others do, and in its extant Sanskrit and Tibetan
iterations, it differs from all other stories of the collection by shifting the narrative context fromthe time of the Buddha to the time of Aśoka.
Given this play of sameness and difference, which is something all narratives possess to varying
degrees, we may do well to ask: how do avadānas work, or what work do they accomplish? By
addressing this question, we may find ourselves in a better position to identify distinguishing
characteristics of the avadānas in general, and of particular avadānas, and to consider in whatways avadānas are simply stories. In the process, we may also discover new ways to think about
the role of narrative in the development of Buddhism. Drawing upon a sample of stories fromthe last two decades of the collection, this essay will show how avadānas narrate karma doctrine– the doctrine that actions become meaningful in relation to other actions – and thereby create
meaningful worlds for implied audiences.
Discussion: The Uses of Narrative: Structure, Purpose(s), and Function(s) of the
Avadānaśataka’The Buddha’s Footprint in Asian Cultures
Handlin, Lilian (Independent Scholar)
Panel Abstract
Two panels, representing diverse disciplines, specializations, time frames and geographicalsettings will examine the subject of the Buddha’s Footprints in various Asian contexts. Their
papers will also engage textual and visual aspects of the subject, all together echoing theenormous resonance this trace of the Buddha’s presence sustained. Several papers will deal
with the Pali textual traditions, to show how in the Thai, Myanmar, and Sri Lankan settings, invernacular, Pali and ritual contexts, the Footprints reflected local readings of the dhamma. One
paper will deal with the 12th and 13th century interest in pilgrimages to Sri Pada (Adam’s Peak)drawing on Lankan inscriptions, vaṃsa and the Samantakūṭa Vaṇṇanā. Another will compare
descriptions of the maṅgala(s) as they appeared on the Buddha Footprints in Central Thailand
and their description in various texts. A scholar of South Asian art, will examine how theFootprint was visualized in a Magadha setting during the 9th and 10th centuries, when comparedto other Indic equivalents. Another panelist will focalize docetic ideas, articulated in Sanskrit,
Tibetan and Pali texts, regarding the Buddha’s gait and footprints. The convener’s paper will
analyze a late 18th century Burmese vernacular text, composed by the quirky monk Uttamasika
who explicated several of the 108 Footprint signs – a list most likely compiled by his
Arimadanna predecessors centuries earlier.
Skilling, Peter (École française d'Extrême-Orient)
Symbols of Power and Fortune in Early India
The Buddha was marked for greatness from birth. His body bore the thirty-two distinctive
features of a Great Man, one of which was that the soles of his feet were marked with a thousandspoked wheel. The marks lived on in lists, in technical literature, in narratives, and in art: oneof the most enduring was the wheels on the feet, which were represented both in early narrativeart and as autonomous supports for veneration. The early footprints soon attracted a retinue –parasols and victory banners, vases of plenty and sovereign thrones, conches and lucky marks.
In time, the soles of a Buddha’s feet became complex icons, repositories of all things of good
auspice.
Tokens of majesty, the Buddha’s footprints dot the map of ancient South Asia, amplified byrecent discoveries like Phanigiri in Telangana and Kanaganagalli in Karnataka. But theauspicious marks have a deep context, beyond the feet of Buddhas and beyond Buddhism.
Drawn from a pool of signs of good fortune , they are pan India – neither quite religious norquite secular, but integral motifs in the fabric of Indian thought and art. The mark of fortune
were represented on ornaments and on coins, they were carved in stone and fashioned fromprecious metals and gemstones; they participated in the dynamics of ritual and symbolism. The
paper examines the signs during the period of about the second century BCE to the third century
CE, as they appear from Gandhara to Suvarnabhumi, from Bharhut in Madhya Pradesh to Bhhon
and Adam in Maharashtra. It traces the footprints and signs as embles in a holistic culture of
fortune and power.

Analayo, Bhikkhu (University of Hamburg)
The Buddhapada and Early Buddhism
In the first part of this presentation, I will examine the description of a Buddhapāda in a Gāndhārī
fragment in the light of its Chinese and Pāli parallels; in the second part I will relate this casestudy to my other Āgama research and its bearing on our understanding of early Buddhism.
Blackburn, Anne M. (Cornell University)
Buddha Footprints in Lankan and Indian Ocean Networks
Samantakūṭavaṇṇanā, a 13th century Lankan Pāli text, offers the first extended treatment of the
Buddha footprint in the southwestern mountains of Laṅkā. The work writes this location into
the biography of Gotama Buddha, departing in striking ways from the early 6 th century
Mahāvaṃsa’s account of Gotama Buddha’s visit to the island. This paper reads outwards from
Samantakūṭavaṇṇanā to the Buddhist and non-Buddhist literary, devotional and mercantile
networks of the early second millennium Indian Ocean region. Samantakūṭavaṇṇanā help us
see how literary forms and Buddhist devotional emphases circulated in the region, and inparticular, the relationships between the Lankan southwest, upper Burma and north-central Tai
ands.
Handlin, Lilian (Independent Scholar)
Uttamasikkha and his Discontents
Sometime in the late 17th century in Pagan, a Burmese monk compiled a treatise on the Buddha’s
Footprint. In it, Uttamasikkha displayed great learning, a sharp tongue and a combative nature,
fit for guardians of the Pali Dhaw. If his Pagan predecessors were more concerned with what
the dhamma did than what it was, Uttamasikkha thought otherwise. Shortly before he was born,
hitherto lost, now a rediscovered Buddha Footprint, renewed interest in what this Burmese
validator of the Tathagatha’s authenticity was about. The Footprint’s symbols were a concern –an able commentator in his own right, Uttamasikkha skillfully deconstructed images as well aswords, awed by their “thousands of meanings.” Unfortunately, as Uttamasikkha saw it, hisworld was full of cretins – obtuse commentators, misguided painters, misinformed poets andothers. To correct a plethora of errors the rarely modest Uttamasikkha donned many hats –scholar, mathematician, physician, physiologist, poet and artist, in addition to master of the Pali
Dhaw. Uttamasikkha has re entered historical consciousness recently through the pioneeringscholarship of Ashin Sadhina, Christian Lammerts and Alexey Kirichenko. This paper
investigates how a highly literate monk hoped to make the dhamma live in his ideationallyconflicted late 17th century setting.
Kim, Jinah (Harvard University)
Discussant

The Manuscript Tradition of the Pali Texts in South and Southeast Asia
Yamanaka, Yukio (Dhammachai Tipitaka Project)

Panel Abstract
The panel approaches the transmission of Pāli texts from various angles, providing a space for
specialists of Pāli literature to share data and observations related to the editorial activity andpractice of philology from medieval to modern South and Southeast Asia.
Two main issues will be discussed in the panel:(1) The manuscript tradition of the Pāli canonical text in South and Southeast Asia.
(2) The Pāli literary heritage from South and Southeast Asia.
Despite the importance and richness of the Pāli manuscript tradition, its research remains stillat the beginning. Furthermore these two issues provide details of philological practices andtextual approaches displayed in premodern and early modern editions of Pāli texts, either inmanuscripts or in printed books. Namely, they reflect on the dynamics of textual transmission
and its relations to wider dynamics of cultural transmission, thematizing also the transition frommanuscripts to printed books. Presenting individual philological practices in a wider framework,
the panel will contribute to observing and understanding the impact of such practices on the
texts, their variables and constants, and the textual representations that they reflect, in view of areconstruction and appreciation of philological practices in South and Southeast Asian monastic
traditions.
von Hinüber, Oskar (University of Freiburg)
The Wonderful World of Artificial Words in Pāli: An Editor’s Nightmare and a Linguist’s
Delight
As almost all Theravāda Buddhist texts preserved in Pāli can be traced back to those of the
Mahāvihāra in Anurādhapura, it seems to be the natural goal of any edition to attempt
reconstructing this wording, which was largely fixed at the time when Buddhaghosa and others
composed their commentaries.
However, before and after Buddhaghosa the wording of the Pāli texts was shaped and reshaped
and thus “modernized” perhaps continuously and deliberately over a long period, beginningeven before Aśoka and for now ending in the Chaṭṭhasaṅgāyana edition prepared to mark (thewrong) date of the 2500th return of the Nirvāṇa. The ultimate result is a to a certain extent
floating wording.
These developments allow the historical linguist important insights into the history of Pāli, butposes serious obstacles to the editor who is forced to make a choice when he fixes the text. It
will be demonstrated by the help of various examples of artificially created words and forms
that it is much easier to solve the linguistic problems than to overcome the editorial difficulties.
Shimizu, Yohei (Otani University)
Report on the Pāli Manuscript Tradition and Transmission in Central Thailand

In Southeast Asian countries, a great number of Buddhist texts can be found in palm-leaf
manuscript and folding book-form, many of which are kept in the storehouses of Buddhist
temples. But except a few cases, the lack of proper attention is causing severe damage to them,
gradually leading to complete destruction of vast numbers of these invaluable texts. Several
individual scholars as well as research organizations are tackling this problem and putting efforts
into investigation, collection, or cataloging of these manuscripts. I also have been working on
the investigation and collection of the palm-leaf manuscripts kept in the royal temples of Central
Thailand since 2008.
In this panel, first, I would like to give a brief presentation of my work done so far in this fieldwith the help of some photographs. Next, I would like to discuss some general features of thesemanuscript collections. Finally, I would like to focus on a few points of doing research with atextual / philological approach using digital photos of some of the manuscripts.
This presentation is an attempt to inform scholars on how to treat the primary source materialsof the Buddhist literature, particularly created in Southeast Asia.
Kodaññakitti, Venerable (Dhammachai Tipitaka Project): Selection of Burmese Pāli
Manuscripts at the Dhammakaya Tipiṭaka Project
Despite the large number of Pāli texts critically edited by the Pali Text Society, most of these
editions are based on a relatively small number of manuscripts. This reduced number ofmanuscripts does not necessarily represent the manuscript archive that is present in monastic orlibrary collections in Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand and other countries of the Theravāda
tradition. The goal of the Dhammakaya Tipiṭaka Series is to make use of these archives andincrease the representation of manuscript families in the critical edition of the Pāli texts. Thisentails a complex process of selection based on manuscript families.
Generally, the initial number of around fifty manuscripts is reduced to around five
representatives in each manuscript tradition. The families are determined through several
methods that will be described in this paper, using as an example the Burmese Pāli manuscript
selection. Paratextual information which is hardly available in our present editions of the Pālitexts, such as colophons indicating editors, sponsors, commissioners, dates, and so on, will be
included in the Dhammakaya Tipiṭaka Series.
Kasamatsu, Sunao (Sendai National College of Technology)
On the Jinālaṅkāra and its ṭīkāThe Jinālaṅkāra, “Embellishments of Buddha”, is a well-known Pāli poem attributed to
Buddharakkhita. It delineates the story of the Buddha’s life from the time of the BuddhaDīpaṅkara to his attainment of the bodhi.
Although J. Gray published an edition with English translation in 1894, little attention has been
paid to the text. Unfortunately there are some errors and questionable readings in his edition. A
Sinhalese version was published by Dīpaṅkara and Dhammapāla in 1900 and Dubey issued acorrected edition in 2014. But there is some room to examine chaptering as he followed the
Gray’s table of contents.
We have no details concerning the manuscripts they used. Gray simply says that he did not findany important variants in the manuscripts he used. It suggests that all manuscripts he used arein same tradition.
The text had held in high esteem in the field of Pāli poetry. There are a large number ofmanuscripts inherited in the south-eastern Asian countries. The purpose of this presentation is
to examine the newly-found Myanmar mss. to explore their usefulness for the new, criticaledition of the text. A detailed study of the Jinālaṅkāra will contribute greatly to understanding
the world of Southern Buddhism.
Scott, Tony (University of Toronto)
Buddhist Commentary, Discourses of Modernity, and the Political in Post/Colonial
Burma: The Milindapañha-aṭṭhakathā of Mingun Zetawun Sayadaw
One of the primary factors underlying the political upheaval and social instability of post-war
Burma is the ambivalence inherent in the double project facing it, that of “simultaneously
adapting to and overcoming modernity” (Nak-Chung 68). This paper is an introductory
investigation of whether Buddhist commentary performed this double move in mid-twentiethcentury Burma. My case study is the Milindapañha-aṭṭhakathā of monk Mingun Zetawun
Sayadaw (Miṅ‘” Kun‘” Jetavan‘ Sayāto‘, or Ū” Nārada) (1868-1955), who composed the first
known aṭṭhakathā on the Milindapañha (Questions of King Milinda) in 1948. The aṭṭhakathā
genre is the most authoritative of all exegetical genres on the Pali canon, the last set of which
was composed at the end of the first millennium in Sri Lanka. My talk will introduce this text
by examining the first chapter of the Mingun’s commentary on the Pubbayogakaṇḍa section of
the Milindapañha, the “Chapter on the Previous Connections.” This chapter deals with theprevious lives of the two protagonists of the root text, King Milinda and Nāgasena. Referring tocontemporary discussions on the remembrance of past lives (pubbenivāsa) and other psychic
abilities (iddhis), the Mingun states that such powers should not be discounted as an“impossibility” (aṭṭhāne); he goes on to lament the existence of those who are “ignorant”(appassuto), numerous in contemporary times when the “teaching of the Buddha is in the
decline” (sāsane parihīne) (Mingun 7). The Mingun states that these ignorant ones “have nofaith” (na saddahati), and do not even want to discuss the possibility of psychic powers.
In classic commentarial fashion, these antagonists are left anonymous, but such statements
imply that the Mingun might be writing against western trained, Burmese intelligentsia who
attempted to “demythologize” (McMahan 42) Theravāda doctrine and praxis. Such anobservation could suggest that the Mingun was a traditionalist who eschewed modernity
altogether, but simple dichotomies do not represent the contradictions inherent in the double
project of modernity. Kate Crosby positions the Mingun as one of the founders of a “modernised
reform method of meditation” that he formulated from the “normative account of meditation
derived from and authorised by the 5th century CE commentator Buddhaghosa” (12). Elsewherein the Milindapañha-aṭṭhakathā, the Mingun argues for the full ordination of women as nuns
(bhikkūnī), though he bases his argument on the omniscience of the Buddha and the Buddha’sability to foretell the future. In the introduction to his transliterated edition of the Milindapañhaaṭṭhakathā, Madhav Deshpande labels the Mingun as a “religious reformer” who “couched thesereformist ideas as doctrines passed on [by the Buddha] to future monks (anāgatabhikkūnaṃ esa
nayo dinno…)” (Deshpande 7). Are these tensions between “modernity” and “tradition”
examples of the Mingun performing the double move of modernity, resisting the hegemony ofrationality and science while adapting to liberal notions of equality? Or does the Mingun fit themold of Ledi Sayadaw, who used traditional Buddhist genres of learning and praxis to frame a“vision of modernity in [uniquely] Buddhist terms” (Braun 146)? My talk will thus introduce
the Milindapañha-aṭṭhakathā and explore whether this text contains its own discourses ofmodernity, examining what it means to be a modern Buddhist commentary in Burma.
Braun, Erik. The Birth of Insight: Meditation, Modern Buddhism, and the Burmese Monk Ledi
Sayadaw. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2013.
Crosby, Kate. Traditional Theravada Meditation and its Modern-Era Suppression. Hong Kong:
Buddha Dharma Centre of Hong Kong, 2013.
Deshpande, Madhav. Introduction. Milindapañha-Aṭṭhakathā. 1948. Ed. Madhav Deshpande.
Tokyo: International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1999.
Nak-Chung, Paik. “The Double Project of Modernity.” New Left Review 95 September/October(2015): 65-79.
McMahan, David. L. The Making of Buddhist Modernity. Oxford, New York: Oxford
University Press, 2008.
Mingun Zetawun Sayadaw. Milindapañha Aṭṭhakathā. Rangoon: Hamsavati, 1948.
von Hinüber, Oskar (University of Freiburg)
Discussant
Yamanaka, Yukio (Dhammachai Tipitaka Project)
Discussant

The Roles of Iconic Imagery in South Asian Buddhist Architectural
Contexts: Reconstructions and New Perspectives
Morrissey, Nicolas
Panel Abstracts
The extant material record from South Asia conveys with some clarity that the articulation ofarchitectural space at Indian Buddhist monastic sites underwent a continuous process of change
during the first millennium C.E. What is less clear, however, is the extent to which thesetransformations can be understood to correspond with coincident changes in ritual anddevotional practices engaged in by different historical Buddhist communities. In many
instances, non-architectonic features, such as sculptural – and to a lesser extent painted –embellishment can provide an efficacious evidential basis for accessing the religious orientationof the community that sponsored and utilized a given architectural form. A fundamental problem
in this regard, though, is that a significant proportion of Buddhist monastic architecture has beenquite poorly preserved or inadequately documented, thereby obscuring the variegated ways inwhich sculptural forms were integrated within different Buddhist architectural spaces. Thispanel will include a series of case-studies of iconic sculptures with a focus on contextual analysis
from a diverse range of South Asian Buddhist sites. By establishing and analyzing the in situ
architectural contexts of this imagery, the papers in this panel aim to demonstrate the evidential
value of art historical approaches in reconstructing the lived religious world of Buddhist sitesthat remain at present poorly understood.
DeCaroli, Robert (George Mason University)
Snakes and Gutters: Nāga Imagery as an Aspect of Water Control at Buddhist sites in theWestern Deccan
Visitors to early (2nd c. BCE- 2nd c. CE) Buddhist monastic sites across South Asia quickly
become aware of the prominent figural nāga images that adorn many such locations. This typeof sculpture is among the earliest figural art associated with Buddhist Monasteries. Such images
are commonly identified as guardians and, in some cases, have been correctly linked to nearby
water systems, such as ponds, tanks, and rivers. Yet, these images have not been studied as an
aspect of water regulation within the monasteries themselves. This paper will first consider thewater-related challenges that faced both monks and architects involved with rock-cut
monasteries in the Western Ghats. Then, methods of hydraulic engineering designed to regulate
the flow of water at the sites will be considered in relation to the placement of nāga imagery.
Their proximity to gutters and tanks reveals the Buddhist reliance on supernatural forces as an
aspect of water control. Furthermore, the highly visible nature of this arrangement helps to
explain the existence of ritual texts, primarily emerging after the 4th century CE, in which
members of the samgha adopt the role of rainmakers. These texts describe elaborate rituals inwhich monks attempt to control the weather on behalf of themselves and the wider community.
In each case, they call upon a special relationship with the nāgas whom they implore andcommand to intervene. This connection between image and text reveals a centuries-long process
by which the monastic community developed a surprising association with weather regulationthat was contingent on a cultivated and highly public relationship with Buddhist-friendly nāgas.
Rhi, Juhyung (Seoul National University)
Images in the Showcase: The Architectural Placement of Images and its Bearings on their
Significance in Gandharan Monasteries
Gandharan Buddhist monasteries, especially those in the Peshawar valley, had a distinctivemode of installing images. Images were frequently placed inside multiple small shrines
constructed in horizontal alignment surrounding a stupa court. This seems to indicate theidiosyncratic nature and function of Buddhist icons dedicated at Gandharan monasteries. This
paper will explore this issue in comparison with the modes of Buddhist image installation inother parts of South Asia.
Huntington, Susan (Ohio State University)
The Origin of the Buddha Image and the Buddha Image Hall: Some Thoughts on the
Aniconic Theory

The artistic record of Buddhism over time and across the various philosophical schools
demonstrates that representations of Śākyamuni Buddha are a hallmark of the religious tradition.
Yet, scholars of Indian Buddhist art have long hypothesized a lengthy “aniconic” period after
the Buddha’s lifetime during which no figurative representations of him were created. The lackof surviving examples in the early archaeological record would seem to support this claim.
However, the earliest known Buddha images are made of stone, a technologically challenging
and expensive material, and now-lost examples made of wood and other perishable materials
must surely have preceded the emergence of the stone imagery in the archaeological record.
Assuming that we might never find the earliest Buddha images, we must look elsewhere forpossible clarification of the date of such representations. An examination of the architecturalevidence suggests that there might have been early structures created to house Buddha images.
If this is the case, the date of the origin of the Buddha image can be placed earlier than iscommonly believed, and the theory of aniconism, which is predicated on the absence of
figurative depictions of the Buddha, is undermined.
This paper proposes that the image house was not only an early feature at Buddhist monasteries
but that it was modeled after the gandhakuti, that is, the designation used for the Buddha’s
residences, particularly that at the Jetavana monastery near Śrāvastī. Understanding the Buddha
image hall as the Buddha’s residence, and not what we have come to call a temple, further
suggests that the inhabitant who dwelled within, that is, the vivified, consecrated image of the
Buddha, was not a mere work of art but the Buddha’s living presence as chief resident of themonastery even after his parinirvāṇa. Indeed, when devotees visit the image hall and see theconsecrated figure of Śākyamuni Buddha, they do not conceive themselves as encountering awork of art. Rather, they stand, bow, and sit in veneration of the Buddha himself, who welcomesthem into his residence as he did during his lifetime.
Behrendt, Kurt (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)The Rise of Esoteric Buddhism and the 7th c. rock-cut sites of Dhamnar, Binnayaga andKolvi
The innovative temples and chaitya halls preserved at the little known Buddhist sites of
Dhamnar, Binnayaga and Kolvi in northern Madhya Pradesh are historically important as theyclearly reflect significant changes in Buddhist practice and quite possibly provide material
evidence for the emergence of esoteric Buddhist practices. These major Buddhist complexes
were located along a vital trade route connecting the Deccan plateau with the urban centers andBuddhist monastic institutions of the Ganges basin. In one sense, therefore, Dhamnar,
Binnayaga and Kolvi can be recognized as having a foundation in the architectural traditions of
the Deccan plateau yet chronologically anticipate temple formats that later developed atimportant Buddhist sites such as Nalanda, Antichak and Paharpur. Focusing on the 7th and 8thc. expansion of these sites, my paper will address the new configurations of their respective
sacred areas and consider how imagery was specifically distributed within these rock cutmonuments. I contend that the juxtaposition of relic structures, new types of chaitya halls, andimage temples sheds light on the relationship between relics and images of Shakyamuni during
the medieval period. I believe these sites offer insight into how later temples housing depictions

of the celestial Tathagata Buddhas relate to longstanding relic practices that emphasized theimportance of the historic Buddha Shakyamuni.
Morrissey, Nicolas (University of Georgia)
Observations on the Terracotta Plaques from Nandhadīrghika-vihāra, Jagjivanpur, West
BengalIn 1987, a chance discovery near Jagjivanpur village located in the northern area of Malda
District, West Bengal revealed a sizeable copper-plate inscription in pristine condition. Oncethe inscription was translated, its historical significance was immediately recognized. Dating to
the ninth century CE, the inscription recorded a grant of agricultural land as a permanentendowment to a Buddhist monastery by a previously unknown ruler named Dharmapaladeva.
Ascertaining the identity of this royal benefactor in turn resulted in the significant emendationof the dynastic history of the Pala Dynasty. Additionally, however, the importance of thiscopper-plate grant has also come to reside in its reference to a Buddhist monastic institution as
the recipient of a royally decreed gift. This reference resulted in the organization of several
campaigns of archaeological exploration in the area of the copper-plate find, which haveuncovered a sizeable Buddhist monastic complex now identified as Nandadīrghika vihāra,
Significantly, amongst the excavated remains is a large cache of singularly well-preserved
sculpted terracotta plaques. These plaques exhibit an eclectic myriad of motifs, including
representations of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, astral deities, zodiac symbols, auspicious
emblems, as well as, intriguingly, instantiations of Vedic and Hindu deities such as Surya, Agni
and Shiva. This paper seeks to argue that, far from being anomalous, the eclectic imagery onthese terracotta plaques from Jagjivanpur conforms to a consistent pattern of representation
discernible at a range of Indian Buddhist monastic institutions during the medieval period,
which may, in turn, reflect a remarkably porous ritual and artistic environment.
Dhingra, Sonali (Harvard University)
Beyond the vihāra and the stūpa: locating Bodhisattva steles from Odisha, eighth to tenthcenturies CE.
During the last quarter of the first millennium CE, Buddhist establishments were continuously
evolving amalgams of stūpa-structures, monastic compounds, temples, votive objects, and nonarchitectonic sculpture. This paper analyzes the role of iconic images of bodhisattvas such as
Avalokiteśvara, Amoghapāśa, and Tārā that were often created in colossal proportions in Odisha
between the eighth and tenth centuries. The appearance and increased popularity of bodhisattva
images signals a new locus of ritual activity at Buddhist establishments, previously thought tobe centered almost solely on mahāstūpas or contained within monastic walls. Usingarchaeological plans and reports, the present study situates this body of imagery within thephysical expansion and renovations of Buddhist sites during the period. Investigating the natureof these new modes of devotional activity, this paper suggests that iconic images were closely
tied to the performance of cultic rituals at Buddhist sites. Furthermore, it considers the functionof these sculptures within the context of interactions between monks and laity at medieval Indian
Buddhist sites.

Transmission and Transformation of Buddhist Logic and Epistemology
in East Asia (I): Dignāga and Pre-Dignāga Logic
Ono, Motoi (Tsukuba University)
Inami, Masahiro (Tokyo Gakugei University)
Panel Abstract
The aim of this panel is to reevaluate the yinming/inmyo (hetuvidyā) tradition of East Asia incomparison with its original thoughts in Indian Buddhist pramāṇa tradition. As is well known,
one of the most significant achievements of this decade of pramāṇa studies was the publicationof the Sanskrit text of Jinendrabuddhi’s commentary on Dignāga’s Pramāṇasamuccaya. Thanks
to this excellent editions by E. Steinkellner, H. Krasser, and H. Lasic, we are now in a better
position not only for clarifying the details of Dignāga’s innovative theories of logic andepistemology but also for having a fresh look at his Nyāyamukha and several important works
on Buddhist logic before Dignāga, including the Tarkaśāstra and the Upāyahṛdaya, which exist
only in Chinese translations. In this panel, we will discuss on the most recent results of studiesof those works from both philological and philosophical perspectives.
Ono, Motoi (Tsukuba University)
A Reconsideration of Pre-Dignāga Buddhist Texts on Logic (the *Upāyahṛdaya, thedialectical portion of the Spitzer Manuscript, the *Tarkaśāstra and the Vādavidhi)
The *Upāyahṛdaya and the *Tarkaśāstra, both of which are extant only in Chinese, are regarded
important texts for understanding the history of Buddhist logic before Dignāga. Together withthese two texts, the dialectical portion of the Spitzer manuscript, of which content have been
recently examined by Prof. Franco. is also important for the same purpose. These three texts
show several remarkable similarities. This paper aims to examine the relationship among thesethree texts.
Despite the fragmentary condition of the material, Prof. Franco has succeeded in clarifying thatthe last chapter of this portion of the manuscript explains several jātis. Connected to this, hestates that the *Tarkaśāstra “displays the strongest similarity to the Spitzer fragments”. Thisview is, of course, true for the first chapter of the dialectic portion of the manuscript. Indeed,
the similarity between this chapter and the first chapter of the *Tarkaśāstra is remarkable, asFranco successfully shows. For the last chapter on jātis, however, I believe the *Upāyahṛdaya
is quite relevant. Although Franco mentions that there are parallels between the Spitzer
manuscript and the *Upāyahṛdaya, this observation might be expanded upon. The following
points should also be taken into consideration: 1) In the Spitzer Manuscript, jātis that are clearly
similar to ahetusama and vikalpasama of the later period are explained. Both of these, however,also correspond to correct rejoinders as described in the *Upāyahṛdaya, i.e., 時同/時因 and 因同, respectively; 2) As Franco points out, the reason (hetu) of the initial proof criticized by the
jātivādins in the Spitzer manuscript is not same as the reason commonly used in jāti theories ofthe later period, i.e. not “prayatnānantarīyakatva” (or “kṛtakatva”), but “aindriyakatva”. As amatter of fact, the latter is the opposite of the reason of the non-Buddhists’ proof criticized in
the twenty correct rejoinders of the *Upāyahṛdaya; 3) Clearly attested in the Spitzer Manuscript

is a false rejoinder that corresponds to the *Upāyahṛdaya’s third correct rejoinder “同異”.
Moreover, this false rejoinder is not found in lists of jātis in other texts. These facts suggest thepossibility that the jāti theory in Spitzer manuscript was influenced by the theory of correct
rejoinders in the *Upāyahṛdaya.
Gillon, Brendan S. (McGill University)
The emergence of the canonical Indian syllogism as revealed by early Chinese Buddhist
texts
The aim of the paper is to trace out the history of the emergence of the canonical syllogism inclassical India as revealed by early Chinese Buddhist texts. The paper is based on a forthcomingtranslation of Fāng biàn xīn lùn (Upāya-hṛdaya) by S. Katsura and me and on a draft translationof Rú shí lùn (Tarka-śāstra) done by Chen-Kuo Lin and me.
Lasic, Horst (Institute for the Cultural and Intellectual History of Asia (IKGA), OEAW)How Dignāga treats his opponents - observations from the Pramāṇasamuccaya, chapter
twoDignāga's Pramāṇasamuccaya, the foundational text of the Buddhist epistemological tradition,exerted considerable influence on Buddhist and non-Buddhist philosophical schools in India
and was held in high esteem by Tibetan Buddhist scholars as well. Unfortunately, this important
text has not yet been found in its Sanskrit original. The most important sources of informationthat we have at our disposal are two Tibetan translations of the Pramāṇasamuccaya, one Tibetantranslation of Jinendrabuddhi's commentary thereon, a few Tibetan commentaries as well as
quotations and other references in a few Sanskrit texts. Only recently another source joined thisgroup, a Sanskrit manuscript of Jinendrabuddhi's commentary that has been preserved in the
TAR for centuries. An international team of scholars, among them the present author, is working
on both a diplomatic and critical edition of this material. The first two chapters have alreadybeen published in 2005 and 2012.
Jindendrabuddhi’s text not only helps the student of Indian philosophy contextualise many ofDignāga's statements, but provides the philologist with a fair number of literal quotations fromthe Pramāṇasamuccaya.
Taking advantage of these new circumstances, the present author, who is working on areconstruction of Pramāṇasamuccaya, chapter two, will try to gain a more precise picture of thecompeting positions Dignāga was dealing with and thereby improve our understanding of his
contribution to the field of inference.
Muroya, Yasutaka (Austrian Academy of Sciences)
On a fragment of Dignāga’s Nyāyamukha
The Nyāyamukha (NMu) of Dignāga (ca. 480–540), the founder of the Buddhist epistemologicaltradition, was composed prior to his magnum opus, the Pramāṇasamuccaya (PS), whichcontains a full-fledged system of logic and epistemology elaborately developing on the NMu.

The text of the NMu, today available only through its Chinese translations by Xuanzang 玄奘and Yijing 義浄, was studied and commented upon by East Asian Buddhist scholars, but mostof their important works, written especially during the Tang era, are now lost. The famousstudies on the NMu (1977–1987) of Prof. Shōryū Katsura, including a Japanese translation, adetailed and insightful comparison with the PS and an overview of earlier research results, haveoffered the most reliable philological investigation into this text undertaken until now. But since
the monumental discovery and the various publications of parts of Jinendrabuddhi’s (ca. 8th
century) Pramāṇasamuccayaṭīkā (PSṬ), a fresh evaluation of certain passages seemingly
parallel to the PS in text and context is now possible. Jinendrabuddhi’s commentary is not only
crucial for interpreting the PS; his text is also highly relevant in interpreting the NMu, andclarifies a great deal about the context of both. Jinendrabuddhi’s glosses in Sanskrit directly or
indirectly enable readers to approach the NMu from a perspective that is different thanpresupposed until now. The PSṬ’s section on “sophisticated or false rejoinders” (jāti), found in
the second half of the NMu and the sixth chapter of the PS, has revealed their close relationshipand many parallels. Indeed, the Sanskrit re-translation of the PS currently in preparation will
enable a still more detailed analysis of their relationship by means of the Sanskrit terms andpassages shared by both. This comparative approach will be demonstrated in the present paper.
Also presented will be Sanskrit fragments of the NMu that have been newly identified in
Uddyotakara’s Nyāyavārttika, whereby selected dialectical topics marking this earlier phase of
Buddhist logic will be taken into consideration.
Watanabe, Toshikazu (Austrian Academy of Sciences)
On the concept of nyūna in Dignāga’s theory of fallacy
The paper will present Dignāga's views on the concept of nyūna in the theory of fallacy anddiscuss its development in Indian and East Asian Buddhist literature.
Dignāga (ca. 480-540) defines a fallacy of a proof as being nyūna. As for the meaning of thenyūna, however, in his two works on logic he gives different interpretations. While in his earlier
work, the Nyāyamukha, nyūna is explained as (1) the lack of any of the three members of proof,i.e., the thesis (pakṣa), reason (hetu) or example (dṛṣṭānta), in the third chapter of the
Pramāṇasamuccaya Dignāga offers new interpretation. It says that nyūna means (2) the lack of
any of the three characteristics of a logical reason, i.e., being a property of the subject of thethesis (pakṣadharmatva), or the positive (anvaya) or negative concomitance (vyatireka).
Although the difference in the interpretations of nyūna between Dignāga's two works has
already been pointed out in earlier studies, it should be noted that Dignāga does not discard his
earlier interpretation but still uses it in some parts of the Pramāṇasamuccaya.
A similar interpretation of nyūna can be found in the Shun zhonglun (順中論), which is extant
only in Chinese translation and is attributed to the Yogācāra teacher Asaṅga (4th century) or his
younger brother Vasubandhu (ca. 350-430). There, a Sāṅkhya opponent offers, like Dignāga,
two interpretations of nyūna: the lack of any of the three members of proof and the lack of anyof the three characteristics of a logical reason. This shows that early Sāṅkhya theories on proof
had some influence on Dignāga's introducing the trairūpya theory and applying it to his theoryof fallacy.

The discrepancy in Dignāga's interpretations of nyūna caused a difference in views among later
Indian and East Asian Buddhists. Among Indian Buddhists, probably after Śāntarakṣita (ca. 725788), the view that the meaning of nyūna should be understood consistently as the lack of anyof the three characteristics of a logical reason becomes more dominant. Although the
Pramāṇasamuccaya was not translated by Xuanzang (玄奘, 600/602-664) into Chinese, his
disciples, such as Shentai (神泰, ca. 650) and Kuiji (窺基, 632-682), introduced some of thetheories found in the Pramāṇasamuccaya into their interpretation of the passages of the
Nyāyamukha whereby transmitting Dignāga's new theory to East Asian Buddhists. Shentai
understood nyūna as the lack of either of the two members of proof, i.e., reason or example.
Here he follows Dignāga's theory that the statement of the thesis is not a means of proof, astatement that can only be found in the Pramāṇasamuccaya. Kuiji also introduce this theory,
but he understands nyūna, like Śāntarakṣita, as the lack of any of the three members of proof.
Inami, Masahiro (Tokyo Gakugei University)
Pre-Dharmakīrti Interpretations of Dignāga’s Theory of pakṣābhāsa
As is well known, Dignāga is the first Indian logician who clearly set up the theory ofpakṣābhāsa (fallacious thesis) in relation to the definition of pakṣa (thesis). According to him,a thesis should not be refuted by what is well established by perception and other means ofcognition. A thesis that is refuted as such is regarded as a pakṣābhāsa, and is rejected as a clearlywrong proposition. Dignāga enumerated five types of pakṣābhāsas in Nyāyamukha or four types
in Pramāṇasamuccaya. Dharmakīrti explains Dignāga’s theory of pakṣābhāsa in detail in his
early logical works, such as Pramāṇavārttika IV.
When explaining Dignāga’s theory of pakṣābhāsa, Dharmakīrti sometimes mentions andcriticizes earlier interpretations of the theory. Presumably, Dignāga’s theory was interpreted byothers before Dharmakīrti. Some interpretations received severe criticism from Dharmakīrti andwere thus not accepted by his followers. This paper explores pre-Dharmakīrti interpretations of
the pakṣābhāsa theory in the following two cases: first, Nyāyamukhaṭīkākāra’s understandingof śābdaprasiddhanirākṛta and, second, a different enumeration of pakṣābhāsa from Dignāga’s.
In the first case, Dignāga regarded a thesis refuted by śābdaprasiddha (What is well establishedby verbal convention) as a form of pakṣābhāsa and gave the following example: “the moon(śaśin) is not [called] candra.” According to Dignāga, this thesis is refuted by verbal convention,
not by inference, because inference never occurs in this case. Dharmakīrti explains thatśābdaprasiddha means the fitness (yogyatā) of objects to be designated by any words.
According to Dharmakīrti, anything can be designated by any words at the speaker’s will.
Therefore, the thesis stating that “the moon is not called candra” would conflicts with such averbal convention. In his explanation, Dharmakīrti mentions an earlier understanding of thispakṣābhāsa. That is, some commentator understands that the moon cannot be inferred to becandra because candra is one and only, and, thus, the commentator concludes that this thesis isrefuted by the use of the word “candra” for the moon. This understanding is attributed to
Nyāyamukhaṭīkākāra by Dharmakirti’s followers.

In the second case, Dignāga enumerated five types of pakṣābhāsa in his Nyāyamukha. However,it seems that some Buddhist logician added three other types of pakṣābhāsa, namely
aprasiddhaviśeṣaṇa, aprasiddhaviśeṣya and, aprasiddhobhaya. In Pramāṇavārttika IV,
Dharmakīrti insists that although any fault of proof, such as hetvābhasa (fallacious reason), canobstruct the thesis from being proved, the fault in connection with pakṣa alone should be
regarded as pakṣadoṣa (fault of the thesis); Dharmakīrti then concludes that hetudoṣas (faultsof reason), such as aśrayāsiddha, are not faults of the thesis. Dharmakīrti’s followers interpretthat here, Dharmakīrti criticizes the pre-Dharmakīrti Buddhist logician who added the threeother types of pakṣābhasas. Interestingly, we can find these three other types inŚaṅkarasvāmin’s Nyāyapraveśaka, which is a post-Dignāga manual of logic that is essentiallybased on Dignāga’s logic.
Dharmakīrti’s interpretation of Dignāga’s logic exerted a strong influence on later Buddhist
logicians. However, some other interpretations were not supported by Dharmakīrti and therefore
do not belong to the main current of Buddhist logic continued from Dignāga to Dharmakīrti’s
followers. In distinguishing Dignāga’s own intention and Dharmakīrti’s advanced theory and inclarifying the historical development of Buddhist logic in India, considering pre-Dharmakīrti
understandings of Dignāga’s logic is important.
In addition, interestingly, some of pre-Dharmakīrti understandings survive in Buddhist logicalworks written in East Asia. Only two Indian works on Buddhist logic, namely Nyāyamukha andNyāyapraveśaka, were translated into Chinese. In East Asia, Buddhist monks have intensively
studied Buddhist logic based on these two works without any information of Dharmakīrti’s
theory. Therefore, investigating pre-Dharmakīrti understandings of Dignāga’s logic is importanteven in considering the development of Buddhist logic in East Asia.

Transmission and Transformation of Buddhist Logic and Epistemology
in East Asia (II): Dharmapāla, Bhāviveka, Xuanzang, and their impact
on East Asian Buddhism
Moriyama, Shinya (Shinshu University)
Moro, Shigeki (Hanazono University)
Panel Abstract
The aim of this panel is to reevaluate the yinming/inmyo (hetuvidyā) tradition of East Asia incomparison with its original thoughts in Indian Buddhist pramāṇa tradition. For considering thedevelopment of Buddhist logic after Dignāga, the significance of Dharmapāla and Bhāviveka
should not be underestimated. The two representative Buddhist scholars of sixth century appliedDignāga’s system of logic and epistemology for establishing the Yogācāra and the Mādhyamaka
doctrines, respectively, and for criticizing their opponents’ claims in debates. The use of
Dignāga’s logic in Buddhist apologetics is also found in the yinming/inmyo tradition found by
Xuangzang, who studied Buddhist logic in India at the same time of sixth century. While
examining details of Xuanzang’s translations of Dignāga’s Nyāyamukha and Śaṅkarasvāmin’s
Nyāyapraveśaka, together with East Asian commentaries and sub-commentaries on these texts,

we will discover some traces of intermediate stage of Buddhist logic between Dignāga andDharmakīrti.
Lin, Chen-kuo (National Chengchi University)
Allegory and Logic in Dharmapāla’s Commentary on the Viṃśikā
Scholars have been increasingly attracted by the strategy of argumentation in Vasubandhu’sViṃśikā (Kellner & Taber 2014, Kellner 2015). In this paper, I will pursue the similar line ofresearch by focusing on Dharmapāla’s Commentary on Viṃśikā (Cheng weishi baosheng lun,
CWSBSL), a difficult text that allows us to see how logic is applied in the Yogācāra exegesis.
Unlike the Indian logical texts that is always insulated from the concrete philosophical debate,
in CWSBSL Dharmapāla deliberately employs hetu-vidyā as an exegetical tool to refute thecriticism from the alleged opponents while aiming to disclose the intended meaning (abhiprāya)of the text. In this text the various kinds of logical fallacy, such as contradiction (viruddha),inconclusive (anaikāntika), and non-established (asiddha), are ascribed to the opponents inorder to clear the way for establishing the proponent’s thesis of consciousness-only. For
Dharmapāla, hetu-vidyā is mainly employed as an efficient tool to refute the wrong views heldby those opponents who are also skillful in logical argumentation. Conversely, Dharmapāla
spends a considerable space to develop a theory of allegory (abhiprāya), a typical Yogācāra
hermeneutics found in the Saṃdhinirmocana Sūtra, by which the thesis of consciousness-only
can be defended. The main goal of this paper is examine the hermeneutical relationship between
allegory and the art of reasoning in Dharmapāla’s CWSBSL.
He, Huanhuan (Zhejiang University)
Can the Emptiness and the Existence be Proved by the Trairūpya?
The 6th century Indian Buddhist philosopher Bhāviveka is probably the first Mādhyamika
consistently to have used an inference in the format of trairūpya to prove emptiness in a positive
way. In his Jewel in the Hand (Dasheng zhangzhen lun, 大乘掌珍論), Bhāviveka used the socalled *hastaratna inference that consists of two trairūpya arguments to prove emptiness, albeit
by making use of a qualifying restriction, i.e. the “restriction of the thesis” (*pratijñāviśeṣaṇa).
Xuanzang 玄奘, in turn, most probably borrowed Bhāviveka’s idea – as a Yogācāra scholar, theJewel in the Hand is the only Mādhyamika text that he translated even though it severely
criticizes Yogācāra thought. He did so by employing a similar qualifying restriction to set up a
trairūpya argument, in this case a *vijñaptimātratā inference, to prove the consciousness-only
theory of the Yogācāra. As a matter of fact, the success of Dignāga’s logic enabled bothBhāviveka to prove the “emptiness” of Mādhyamika, and Xuanzang to prove the “existence” of
Yogācāra. These two inferences were very influential in the development of Buddhist
philosophy and led to methodological innovations in Buddhist philosophy.
In this paper, I begin my discussion with an analysis of Bhāviveka’s *hastaratna inference andhis refutation of other philosophical schools within the framework of trairūpya. I discuss
whether the argument Bhāviveka has validity for what he intends with it and I do the same with
Xuanzang’s *vijñaptimātratā inference. I then briefly consider their influence in China, Japan

and Korea. That is to say, I will discuss the influence of Dignāga’s logic via Xuanzang’stranslation of Bhāviveka’s Jewel in the Hand in East Asia.
Moro, Shigeki (Hanazono University, Kyoto)
Was there a dispute between Dharmapāla and Bhāviveka? East Asian Discussions on their
Proofs of Śūnyatā
Xuanzang’s proof of vijñaptimātratā, which was introduced by Ji’s great commentary of
Niyāyapraveśa, caused some disputes on the interpretation of the proof of śūnyatā in the
beginning of Dasheng zhangzhen lun 大 乘 掌珍 論 written by Bhāviveka. Some scholars
discussed whether or not the restriction zhengu 眞 故 (*tattvatas or *paramārthatas) of
Xuanzang’s proof was identical with zhenxing 眞性 used by Bhāviveka. In order to criticize
Bhāviveka’s proof and the Sanron sect which supported him in Japan, some scholar monks of
the Japanese Hossō sect claimed that Lengyan jing 楞嚴經 was apocryphal, since it had thealmost same formula of Bhāviveka’s proof.
One of the topics was the comparison between Bhāviveka’s proof and the similar proof foundin Dharmapāla’s Dasheng guangbailun shilun 大乘廣百論釋論. According to Seongyusingnon
hakgi 成唯識論學記 edited by Daehyeon 大賢, Sungyeong 順憬 regarded these two proofs asconsistent. Zenju 善珠 states in his Yuishiki bunryō ketsu 唯識分量決 that Wonhyo 元曉 and
Sinbang 神昉 regarded these two proofs as same, while Dojeung 道證 and Gyeongheung 憬興thought them different. These discussions were also related to whether or not the dispute
between Dharmapāla and Bhāviveka really happened.
Kobayashi, Hisayasu (Chikushi Jogakuen University)
Xuanzang’s Argument for vijñaptimātratā and Its Indian Sources
Mahāyāna Buddhists, either Madhyamakas or Yogācāras, have traditionally adduced various
types of illusions as examples to illustrate their thesis that everything in the world is unreal. In
my previous paper “On the Development of the Argument to Prove vijñaptimātratā” (Kobayashi2011), taking into consideration Indian Buddhist and non-Buddhist philosophers, I have traced
a historical development of the formal argument (prayoga) in which an illusory cognition serves
as an illustration (dṛṣṭānta) from the point of view: who was the first to formulate this kind ofargument? The conclusion I arrived at was that it is likely Vasubandhu who first introduced theformulation in question.
It is interesting to note, however, that Xuanzang, who studied in India under the guidance ofIndian traditional monks, put forward somewhat different type of argument from that of Indianphilosophers. Why did Xuanzang venture to give such an argument? In the present paper, I shallreview the historical development of the argument to prove vijñaptimātratā in Indian tradition
once again, in order to trace its sources to India.

Tang, Mingjun (Fudan University)
Dignāga’s Words on acandraḥ śaśī, A Survey of Its Interpretation in the hetuvidyāTradition
In his Nyāyamukha and Pramāṇasamuccayavṛtti, Dignāga (ca. 480–540) explained the thesis
candraḥ śaśī (śaśin is the moon) as well as an inference against it, i.e., acandraḥ śaśī sattvāt(śaśin is not the moon because it exists), with the words that yatrāpy asādhāraṇatvād
anumānābhāve śābdaprasiddhena viruddhenārthenāpodyate, yathācandraḥ śaśī sattvād iti.
Dharmakīrti (ca. 600–660), in his Pramāṇavārttika and Pramāṇaviniścaya, mentioned threeinterpretations of Dignāga’s words. Of them, Dharmakīrti advocated the first two whilecriticized the third one, which was ascribed to a Nyāyamukhaṭīkākāra by followers ofDharmakīrti.
Around the middle 7th century, Nyāyamukha was translated into Chinese by Xuanzang 玄奘(600–664) and commented on by his disciples. In hetuvidyā literature extant today, we find threecommentaries on Nyāyamukha which were written by early disciples of Xuanzang, i.e. Shentai
神泰 (–645–), Wǒnch’ǔk 圓測 (613–696) and Wenbei 文備, and which had an interpretation of
Dignāga’s words. The interpretations given by them agree with each other, and also basicallywith the Nyāyamukhaṭīkākāra’s interpretation. Later scholars like Kuiji 窺基 (632–682) and his
followers in China and Japan advocated a different interpretation. Although the newinterpretation is free with regard to Dignāga’s own words, evidence shows that the interpretation
mentioned by their predecessors like Shentai is also known to them. Furthermore, Dharmapāla(ca. 530–561), in his Da cheng guang bai lun shi lun 大乘廣百論釋論, once discussed a thesis
similar to candraḥ śaśī (śaśin is the moon) in logical structure. His interpretation of the thesis
also agrees with the interpretation of candraḥ śaśī ascribed to the Nyāyamukhaṭīkākāra.
Therefore we know the historical existence of the Nyāyamukhaṭīkākāra’s interpretation. It canbe traced even to Dharmapāla. Such a kind of interpretation must be widely known and accepted
at some historical stage between Dignāga and Dharmakīrti.
By proving the antiquity of this interpretation, we call into question the actual intention of
Dharmakīrti’s rejection to the so-called Nyāyamukhaṭīkākāra in this connection. The issue
behind is significant because it concerns questions like whether and how far propositions in theform X is X can be rationally justified. The paper is the outcome of cooperating with Prof.
Masahiro Inami. He works on the same topic on the basis of Sanskrit and Tibetan materials, andme on the basis of materials preserved in China and Japan.
Moriyama, Shinya (Shinshu University)
Kuiji on the four kinds of contradictory reasons (viruddhahetu)
The so-called “four kinds of contradictory reasons” (四相違) has been counted as one of themost difficult notions of the Nyāyapraveśaka / Yin ming ru zheng li lun《因明入正理論》 thatis translated by Xuanzang 玄奘, and a number of commentaries and independent treatises werewritten in the yinming/inmyō (hetuvidyā) tradition of East Asia. Among them, the mostauthoritative commentary is the Yin ming ru zheng li lun shu《因明入正理論疏》by Kuiji 窺
基, where he analyzed and glossed each text passage and added his own understanding toŚaṅkarasvāmin’s original explanation. To this, some modern scholars who read the
Nyāyapraveśaka within the context of Indian Buddhist epistemology and logic, such as Hakuju
Ui and Hajime Nakamura, criticized Kuiji’s interpretations to be incorrect because of his lackof knowledge of Sanskirt and the essence of Dignāga’s logic. In Ronri to rekishi (2005), themost recent, significant study on Xuanzang’s inference of consciousness-only, Shigeki Moropointed out that the modern Japanese tendency to consider Western tradition more important
than East Asian tradition was reflected in such modern Japanese Buddhist studies. Now, if we
overcome the tendency and evaluate not only the direct transmission from India but also its
transformation in East Asian Buddhism, there will be a possibility to find out the value of Kuiji’s(mis)understanding of the text as an interesting enterprise to read the text not for the rational
analysis of inference but for the practical knowledge of debate and its application. The sectionof the four kinds of contradictory reasons is a good example, where we find his unique idea to
use the “contradiction” as a practical debate technic to defeat his opponents. In this presentation,
I will examine the section by focusing on some portions where the difference of Kuiji’s
interpretation from other interpretations by his predecessors such as Wengui 文軌 and Jingyan
浄眼 becomes clear. In addition, I will also argue on some methodological problems to connect
the results of studies of Indian Buddhist logic to the East Asian yinming/inmyō studies.

Transparent, Translucent, or Opaque: Chinese Translations of Indic
Texts as Windows onto Indian Buddhism
Witkowski, Nicholas (University of Tokyo)
Panel Abstract
The collections of Chinese translations of Buddhist texts originally produced in Indic languages
have tremendous potential as a resource for scholars working on Indian Buddhism. As theprovenance of many of the texts within these traditional Chinese Buddhist canons has not been
firmly established, it is essential to consider the possibility that individual texts from thesecollections were composed in China, edited in China, or that the translations are inaccurate.
However, having considered these possibilities, if we are able to verify that a given text, or setof texts are, indeed, translations of Indic language originals, there can be no doubt that these
Chinese translations become absolutely essential for our understanding of Indian Buddhism.
This panel will include both methodological and case studies, which utilize Chinese translationsof Indian Buddhist texts produced during the first millennium of the Common Era. The
methodological studies will offer new approaches to the traditional Chinese Buddhist canons
for assessing the authenticity of translations, and will include the use of translations into Tibetanof texts previously translated into Chinese. The case studies will utilize Chinese translations of
Buddhist texts for the study of the so-called “Mahāyāna” traditions, “Theravāda” traditions, andvinaya traditions.

Zacchetti, Stefano (University of Oxford)
The Many Shades of Retranslation
We usually assume that translations are made directly from their putative originals. However,in the history of Chinese Buddhist translations we often find translators referring extensively toearlier versions of the “same” texts. The best known case is probably that of straight
retranslations, a category officially sanctioned by traditional Buddhist bibliography to record
different versions of nominally identical Indic originals. This paper will try to look at otherinstances of translations involving a pre-existing Chinese version, such as cases when the same
original passage happened to be translated more than once by the same translator (or, rather,translation team). For example, the Larger Prajñāpāramitā commentary known as Da zhidu lun
大智度論 (*Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa, translated by Kumārajīva in the early 5th century)
contains some quotations from scriptures which were later translated in their entirety by
Kumārajīva and his team, such as the Mūlamadhyamakakārikās (see Saito 2003) and theSaddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra. These quotations are of particular interest, as they can provide us
with a unique insight into the development of translation technique within a specific team. A
different typology of retranslation (which we could provisionally call “internal retranslation”)
is constituted by passages or formulas which, while they appear repeated verbatim in theavailable Indic parallels, are rendered in different ways within the same translated text. Notable
examples of internal retranslation are provided by Dharmarakṣa’s corpus (3rd century CE). I willargue that a correct understanding of the complex dynamics of retranslation, in all its various
forms, is crucial for our understanding of Chinese Buddhist translations as a whole, and hence,
ultimately, also for their use as sources for the study of Indian Buddhism.
Shimoda, Masahiro (University of Tokyo)
Chinese Translations and a Pali Commentary to Bridge a Gap between the “Northern”
and the “Southern” Traditions
Thanks to a couple of works (S. Zacchetti, M. Shimoda, etc.), it has become acknowledged that
Pali commentaries on suttas in the four Nikāyas and Chinese translations of sūtras in the fourĀgamas, which has long been regarded as mutually irrelevant by reason of their affiliation withdisparate traditions, may work in some cases highly effective in combination for the purpose ofrestoring the textual history of Indian Buddhism. Here in this presentation will be given as acogent example the Aṅglimālasutta and its commentary by Buddhaghosa in association with thecorresponding Chinese translations of the sutta (Taisho no. 118 佛説鴦掘摩經, Taisho no. 119
佛 説 鴦 崛 髻 經 ). Collating the texts of these two sources, being in comparison with the
Mahāyāna version of this scripture, will clarify the continuity and discontinuity in environment
for the production of scriptures.
Radich, Michael (Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand)
New Computer-Assisted Techniques for Assessing Internal Evidence of Questions ofAscription in Chinese Buddhist Canonical Texts

This paper will address a fundamental methodological question preliminary to many of the otherquestions addressed by this panel. The use of Chinese Buddhist texts as windows in Indian
Buddhism can only proceed on the basis of accurate understandings of the nature, ascriptions
and dates of texts presented to us by the tradition as translations of Indic source texts. However,that tradition is fraught with many problems and errors. Generally speaking, critical studies ofsuch problems can avail themselves of two main sets of evidence: external (in catalogues,
biographies, other historiographic sources, the manuscript record, etc.) and internal (translation
terminology and phraseology, or intertextual relationships such as citation, allusion, influence,etc.). It is true that a handful of scholars have produced some excellent studies of such questions
on the basis of internal evidence, which have significantly altered our understanding of key partsof the tradition. However, speaking very generally, external evidence has to date been more
systematically and effectively exploited than internal. Meanwhile, the digitisation of the entire
canonical corpus has also opened up powerful new possibilities for types of computer-assisted
analysis, which would simply be impossible for scholars working with their human faculties
alone; but with a few striking exceptions (once more), this potential has thus far been scarcely
realised. My programmer colleague Jamie Norrish and I have developed a new suite ofconceptually simple free software tools which enable new methods in the analysis of certain
types of internal evidence. In this paper, I will present a subset of these methods, focused inparticular on the discovery and exploitation of internal evidential markers for attribution(authorship/translatorship). I will demonstrate that they enable the discovery of sets of strong
stylistic markers in quantities tens or hundreds of times more numerous than those deployed inprior comparable studies, which enable the construction of arguments for re-attribution of an
unprecedented order of rigour. I will contend that methods based upon these tools, if carefully
and broadly adopted by the field, promise to enable a new phase in the critical reassessment oftraditional attributions, with the potential to radically alter our understanding of the shape of thecanon, and thereby set the use of Chinese evidence for Indian Buddhism (and other questions)on a much sounder footing. These points will be illustrated with reference to findings for several
case studies in the (traditionally defined) corpora of translators such as Dharmarakṣa, Zhi Qian,
Zhu Fonian, Dharmakṣema, and Baoyun.
Silk, Jonathan (Leiden University)
Chinese Sutras in Tibetan: Tapping the Guidance of Contemporary Readers of Buddhist
ChineseBoth canonical collections (Kanjurs) and the manuscript finds at Dunhuang preserve Tibetantranslations made not, as is most usual, from Sanskrit, but from Chinese. Among the many
virtues of these materials, this presentation focuses on one, namely their utility for learning
about the ways that contemporary educated readers understood medieval Chinese Buddhist
texts. Every translation is a commentary. While traditional and conventional Chinese Buddhist
commentaries on such texts may be plentiful, almost without exception these address themselves
centrally to doctrinal issues; they rarely, if ever, clarify in detail issues of grammar, syntax,
vocabulary or the like. In contrast, translations cannot avoid implicitly offering a commentaryon the grammar and vocabulary of their Vorlagen. While scholars have a good idea of thelanguage of medieval Buddhist Chinese, and further progress is being made rapidly thanks tocomputer-aided research, contemporary translations by educated scholar-monks would provide

an unparalleled and unprecedented window into the way these scriptures were understood, notonly doctrinally but also linguistically. If we wish to make the best use of Chinese translations
as sources for the study of Indian Buddhism, it is of course essential that we learn to read themas accurately as possible. By studying contemporary Tibetan translations, executed by educatedreaders, we gain a unique tool to improve our understanding of these sources.
Baba, Norihisa (University of Tokyo)
Language Ideology of Pāli by the Mahāvihāra
Through comparative research of Chinese materials and Pāli texts, this paper discusses thedevelopment of the language ideology of Pāli within the Mahāvihāra school of Ancient South
Asian Buddhism. In 5th century Sri Lanka, Mahāvihāra commentators such as Buddhaghosainsisted firstly that Pāli is the natural language innate to all living beings and secondly that theTipiṭaka, or Buddhist canon, should thus be transmitted only in this primal language. This article
serves as a corrective to Peter Skilling’s suggestion that the language ideology of “innate
language” “appears to be unique in Buddhist tradition to the Mahāvihāra, or more accurately to
Buddhaghosa.” The fact that treatises such as the Mahāvibhāṣā of the Sarvāstivāda school
express views on “innate language” which echo Pāli commentaries suggests that this concept
was not conceived of by Buddhaghosa, but had circulated in continental India before it arrived
in Sri Lanka. Rather, the Mahāvihāra adopted the idea of “innate language” from continental
Buddhism and developed the language ideology of Pāli by adding to it the idea that the languageof the Buddhist canon should be Pāli. Moreover, the paper elucidates that the establishment oflanguage ideology of Pāli encouraged the Mahāvihāra monks to translate commentaries on theTipiṭaka from Sinhalese to Pāli in the 5th century.
Witkowski, Nicholas (University of Tokyo)
The Practice of Aśubha-bhāvanā in the Indian Buddhist Monastery: A Presentation of New
Evidence from Vinaya Traditions Preserved in Chinese
Throughout the history of Buddhist Studies, the Vinaya traditions preserved in Indic languages(and the Pāli Vinaya tradition in particular) have received the bulk of scholarly attention. Thispanel was organized with the intention of showcasing the value of texts translated into Chinese(which were originally produced in an Indic language) for the study of Indian Buddhism. The
value of Chinese language materials to the study of Indian Buddhist textual traditions isparticularly apparent in the case of Buddhist legal codes, as the Chinese preserves versions of
Vinaya material no longer extant in an Indic language. In this paper, I will illustrate the value of
Vinaya traditions preserved in Chinese for the study of Indian Buddhism focusing on the ascetic
practice of taking the decomposing corpse as an object of meditation, or aśubha-bhāvanā. Oftentranslated as “meditation on impurity,” aśubha-bhāvanā is, generally speaking, regarded as apurely interior contemplation, in which the practitioner simply imagines the stages ofdecomposition of the corpse. I will argue, on the basis of a number of Vinaya texts preserved in
Chinese, that the term aśubha-bhāvanā (Chin. bujing guan 不淨觀) was also utilized to refer tothe practice of direct observation of a corpse. These Chinese translations of Indic Vinaya
originals testify to the presence of monks practicing aśubha-bhāvanā in the cemetery, orśmaśāna, where these practitioners treat the physical corpse as an object of contemplation.

Based on this new evidence, I propose a corrective to scholarly conceptions of this ascetic
practice in Indian Buddhism.

Travel, Transmission, and Affiliation: Lineage in the Buddhist
Crossroads of Inner Asia
King, Matthew (University of California, Riverside)
Panel Abstract
As part of the Qing imperial formation (1644-1911), Mongols gradually adopted the Géluk
Buddhist tradition in lineal relations with “mother monasteries” in Central and Eastern Tibet.
Eventually, immense networks of Géluk monastic colleges extended across the Himalayan
plateau, north China, and Mongol cultural regions into Siberia and even St. Petersburg. Teachersand students, knowledge practices, ritual technologies, commodities, artistic and medical
techniques, among other things, moved through these channels, connecting and reshaping (anderasing, in many cases) myriad Eurasian ethnic and political localities. In addition, Buddhist
scholastics supplemented this Qing-era topography with earlier memories of affiliation andmovement: those associated with the Sakya patriarchs at the Yuan court, for example, but also
those connected to Uyghurs, the Khotanese, and Chinese pilgrims like Faxian and Xuanzang.
This panel includes papers that explore lineage, place making and affiliation in Inner Asianzones of contact as continually formed through shifting politics and practices, as well as mobile
models and logics. Our emphasis is on new research that compares spatializing andtemporalizing work in such fields of affiliation that were not just representational (for example,
lineage charts, historical narratives, or astrological reckoning) but also material (for example,
statues, medicine, sacred sites, ruins, and relics) and institutional (for example, college
networks).
Wallace, Vesna (University of California, Santa Barbara)
A Formation of the Lineage of the Lordly Incarnations (Noyan Khutukthus) of the Gobi
and Its Affiliation with the Kagyu Tradition of Tibet
Taking as an example the formation and development of the lineage of the Khalkha’s Lordly
Incarnaitons (Noën Khutagts Classical Mong. Noyan Khutukhtus) of the Gobi, this presentation
aims to show the continuity and divergences of the Tibetan Kagyu tradition that took place in
the Mongolian cultural and religious environment. The presentation consists of two main parts.
The first part includes the following: a brief introduction to the formation of the lineage of
Lordly Incarnations of the Gobi, which asserts its origin in India and in the Tibetan Kagyu
tradition, and the unique features of the lineage that became perceived as characteristic of theMongolian “Red Religion” (Ulaan Shashyn) that encompasses more than a mere Kagyu
tradition. It will also point to its relation with the predominant Geluk tradition in Mongolia andhow that relation is echoed in the present time. The second part of the presentation concerns
itself with efforts taken to preserve the lineage during the Socialist period and with therevitalization of the lineage, which once again tends toward inclusivity through its affiliation
with different Tibetan Kagyu and Nyingma centers and teachers in India and in the West andthrough the Geluk training of the new lineage holder.

Tsultem, Uranchimeg (University of California, Berkeley)
The Mighty dGe lugs: their Emergence and Domination in Khalkha Mongolia
After the Sakya (Sa skya) alliance with Mongols in the 13th-14th c., the Tibetan-Mongol
relations have been seen primarily from the perspective of a successful Gelug (dge lugs)
conversion. A commonly held belief is that the First Jebtsundampa Khutuhtu Zanabazar (sprul
sku 1635-1723) brought Gelug Order to Mongolia, where it was established through his
religious activities and direct connection with the Tibetan Gelug teachers. Some modern
scholars support this claim by reading Zanabazar’s hagiographies written by his disciple Zaya
Pandita Luvsanprenlei (Zaya paṇḍita blo bzang ‘phreng las 1642-1715) and by later writers.
While this corpus of literature is certainly useful in providing many important details into
Zanabazar’s work and his relations with Dalai and Panchen lamas allegedly from his young age,
many questions still remain open and controversial. The entire issue of Zanabazar’s
reincarnation of a Tibetan historian Tāranātha (1575-1634) is a rich and provocative tale which
has been often cited and reiterated in Zanabazar hagiographies and the secondary scholarly
literature. This paper initiates an examination of another body of materials that include
Zanabazar’s own writings compiled in one-volume gsung gtor, his splendid art works that
include sculptures and paintings and which have been substantially augmented by on-goingarchaeological excavations of Zanabazar’s Dharma seat Ribogejai Gandan Shadublin (ri bo dge
rgyas dga’ ldan bshad sgrub gling) in Mongolia. This paper will show and argue that among
several Tibetan orders that vied for power and beneficial alliance with the later Mongols it was
Zanabazar whose life and deeds were artfully constructed in Gelug terms to secure a successful
Gelug stride for their stable domination in Khalkha Mongolia.
King, Matthew (University of California, Riverside)
Making and Unmaking Monastic, Scholastic, and Tantric Subjects in Late and PostImperial Inner Asia
This paper compares a variety of narratives written by Buddhist scholastics that sought to map
continuity and difference along the Sino-Mongolian-Tibetan frontier during the late-and postQing and Tsarist periods. In the cosmopolitanism of the high Qing and its aftermath especially,certain prominent Tibetan and Mongolian scholars reckoned not only with discerning andrecording routes of “Buddhist” lineage transmission across the ethno-linguistic-territorial
mosaic of Eurasia’s heartland, but also with an almost ethnographic attention to continuities anddifferences in inhabiting monastic, scholastic, and tantric bodies, institutions, and communities.
Topics of reoccurring concern included food practices, the spatial organization of monasteries,
clothing styles, wealth retention, and the curricular and ritual foundations of scholastic colleges
across various Chinese, Buryat, Mongol, and Tibetan groups. In addition to summarizing someof the differences that mattered in such texts, my interest in this paper is to highlight the ways
their authors distinguished between the agents, techniques, and associated models ofsovereignty—all of them connected to tiered, masculine discourses of reproduction andproximity—necessary to continually generate monastic, scholastic, and tantric persons andnetworks across time and space. It was precisely such imperial-era models of reproduction andaffiliation that were thrown into crisis after the collapse of the Qing and Tsarist empires. I

conclude by offering samples of the ways revolutionary-era leaders struggled to repair, extend,
re-imagine, or simply abandon monastic, scholastic, and tantric formations in a post-Qing world.
Van Vleet, Stacey (University of California, Berkeley)
How Medical Technologies Travelled across Qing Imperial Cultures
The expansion of the Qing Empire (1644-1911) over Inner Asia fostered both a proliferation of
Gelukpa Buddhist monasteries across the region and a significant shift in these monasteries'
curricular emphasis. While the great Gelukpa monasteries of Central Tibet maintained their sole
focus on sutra and tantra studies, newer monastic hubs in eastern Tibet, Mongolia, Manchuria
and Beijing added colleges (grwa tshang) for medical and astral learning. By the end of thedynasty, a Gelukpa network of medical colleges covered roughly fifty percent of Qing territory,
yet its impact has never been seriously considered within Qing history. What role did thesecolleges play in the circulation of medical technologies within the Empire? In what ways didmonastic colleges structure medical exchanges between Buddhist and non-Buddhist experts?
And what part might these institutions have played in legitimizing governance within animperial formation that was not exclusively or even primarily Buddhist?
Recent historiography has begun to emphasize the plurality of "Chinese" medicine under the
Qing Dynasty, recognizing the significance of different ethnicities and languages within court
medical institutions. But while the Manchu sources of the imperial center portray an idealized
medical syncretism, medicine was taught in very different and competing institutional contexts
in other parts of the empire. In particular, the Qing rulers encouraged two major networks of
medical training: Confucian medical temple-schools (miaoxue), and the medical colleges ofGelukpa Buddhist monasteries (sman pa grwa tshang). While Chinese medical literature formed
the basis for training in the former, Tibetan served as the lingua franca and literary basis of thelatter. In both of these institutional contexts, moreover, the defining factor shaping transmissionof medical technologies was not ethnicity, but lineage.
Within early Chinese and Tibetan contexts, medical teachings passed down through teacher-tostudent (and often family-based) lineages, with students requiring ritual authorization from theirteachers in order to engage in medical practice. Scholars of Chinese medicine have examined
the institutionalization of Confucian rituals within medical temple-schools. In this paper, I will
look at similar processes of ritual institutionalization reflected within the “monastic guidelines”(bca’ yig) of Gelukpa medical colleges. Comparing ritual debates within medical institutions
during the Qing period, a major issue at stake in both Confucian and Gelukpa Buddhist contexts
is the claiming of an authoritative medical lineage. Historical narratives of the culturalprogenitors of medical knowledge, such as the Yellow Emperor and the Medicine Buddha,
served as templates for ritual practice and frameworks of legitimacy. I argue that institutional
debates about the correct medical progenitor to venerate reflected the selective incorporation of
medical lineages and technologies, and constituted a negotiation of the boundaries of medicine
as a discipline. Within the Qing imperial context of competing scholarly networks, the creationof distinct ritual systems served to formulate boundaries between medical cultures. As an
example of how medical technologies travelled across these boundaries, we can point to scholars

like the Mongolian Buddhist Jambaldorj, who separated his medical writing into exoteric andesoteric genres, the former travelling more easily between imperial cultures.
Ujeed, Sangseraima (Oxford University)
The Biography of Lineages: the "thob yig gsal ba'i me long" of Khalkha Dza-ya Paṇḍita
(1642-1715)
Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las (1642-1715) was and is still today one of the mostimportant Dge-lugs-pa monk scholars from Khalkha Mongolia. Having studied and lived in
Tibet, Northern Mongolia, Southern Mongolia and parts of the then Qing Dynasty, he was avery “cosmopolitan” individual of the 17th century Central Asian world. Despite his ideal
positioning to enter into matters of state owing to royal patronage and his reincarnation lineage,
he dedicated his life to religion – in his case the Dge-lugs-pa school of Tibetan Buddhism. His
masterpiece the “Thob yig gsal ba'i me long” (the clear mirror of records of teachings received)is the second largest of its genre to date and is a huge encyclopedic treasury of transmission
lineages of teachings and practices which he received throughout his life. As well as clearly
documenting vast numbers of transmission lineages, this work is rather unusual for its genre
given that is it structured around a backbone of hundreds of rnam thars (biographies) of Indian,
Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhist masters as well as Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. The subjects ofthe biographies range of 6/7th century Mahasiddhas, Bodhisattvas such as Avalokiteśvara,
Buddhas such as Amitayūs to his own masters from the 17th century such as the Khalkha
Jebtsundamba Blo-bzang bstan-pa'i rgyal-mtshan (1635-1723), the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngagdbang blo-bzang rgya-mtsho (1617-1682) and the Sde-srid Sangs-rgyas rgyamtsho (16531705). Through a skillful weaving together of these biographies with other information such as
historical accounts, his own first hand experiences, transmission lineages and exposition on
practice etc., Dza-ya Paṇḍita succeeded in compiling a unique work that reflects the Dge-lugspa Tibetan Buddhist world as it was understood by the tradition in the 17th century. Althoughconsciously aimed to be purely religious, reading between the lines of this work reveals thecomplex and delicate situation faced by the Tibetan Buddhist traditions competing forrecognition and power in the Qing dominated 17th century Central Asian world with which theauthor was personally very familiar with. This paper will take some of the biographies Dza-yaPaṇḍita wrote of his own masters both Tibetan and Mongolian as examples to demonstrate howthese biographies function as part of a larger narrative – the “lineage biography” of the Dgelugs-pa tradition during a controversial and chaotic period of Tibetan Buddhist history.
Sullivan, Brenton (Colgate University)
Instituting Right Religious Practice from Afar: The Celestial Sands of Alashaa, Inner
Mongolia and the Monastery of Pendé Gyatso Ling
This paper examines the place of Alashaa (Alashan) in the history of Tibeto-Mongol andMongol-Chinese relations. By examining the history of the most important monastery in thisInner Mongolian banner—Pendé Gyatso Ling (“Monastery of an Ocean of Benefit andHappiness”), known colloquially at Baruun Kheid (“South Monastery”)—this paper reveals thepolitical and religious ties that it shared with Buddhist hierarchs and leaders as far away as Lhasa
and Beijing. Close attention is given to an eighteenth-century monastic charter composed forthe monastery by the Dynastic Preceptor Changkya Rölpé Dorjé and a later nineteenth-century
charter composed for the monastery by the head of Drepung Gomang College in Lhasa and theimplications of these charters written from afar for the daily life within and operation of themonastery.

Vinaya Commentaries
Clarke, Shayne (McMaster University)
Panel Abstract
Although significant progress has been made in the field of Vinaya studies with regard to ourknowledge and understanding of canonical Vinaya texts, to date very little attention has been
paid to the study of Vinaya commentaries. Despite the fact that most of the Pāli canon has beentranslated into English (and other languages), only a handful of Vinaya commentaries areavailable in translation in any modern language (and none from Pāli). This panel aims to provide
an introduction and overview of the corpus of extant Indian Buddhist Vinaya commentaries,
including those preserved in Sanskrit, Pāli, Tibetan, and Chinese. Particular attention will be
paid also to previously unidentified or misidentified commentaries extant in the corpus ofTibetan Dunhuang manuscripts and the commentarial traditions of Guṇaprabha, Śākyaprabha,and Bu sTon, with special reference to the quotations of canonical material in their respective
autocommentaries for what they might tell us about the canonical Mūlasarvāstivādin traditionsin India.
Yonezawa, Yoshiyasu (Taisho University)
A Survey of the Vinayasūtra: With Reference to the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya
The Vinayasūtra (VS) attributed to Guṇaprabha has been known as the basic textbook for
Vinaya studies in the Tibetan monastic education system. The Vinayasūtra consists ofsometimes rewritten rules and other materials from the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya (MSV). In thissense, the Vinayasūtra can be considered to be a commentary on the MSV and, as such, may beutilized to great profit in Vinaya studies.
In order to emphasize the significance of the Vinayasūtra, although limited to a part of the firstchapter called Pravrajyāvastu, the present paper briefly surveys the contents based on
descriptions in the Vinayasūtravṛtty-abhidhāna-svavyākhyāna (VSS) with reference to theembedded MSV. Concerning the Sanskrit text of the Pravrajyāvastu section of the VSS, twomanuscripts are available:
1) an incomplete 38-folio manuscript discovered at Sa skya monastery, which is the basis of
Bapat & Gokhale’s edition of the Pravrajyāvastu and a series of editions by Nakagawa of theinitial part of the Vibhaṅga;2) an incomplete 36-folio manuscript discovered at Zha lu ri phug monastery, included in the“Facsimile Edition of a Collection of Sanskrit Palm-leaf Manuscripts in Tibetan dBu-med
Script.”The present paper is intended to introduce Sanskrit text of the latter, which is missing in theformer.
Furthermore, the present paper points out a stylistic feature of the Vinayasūtra, according towhich the title “Vinayasūtra” is deemed to be a peculiar usage for the title of a Buddhist
scripture.
Nietupski, Paul (John Carroll University)
Studying Buddhist Beliefs and Practices through Vinaya Commentaries
This paper begins with the hypothesis that the Vinaya must be understood in the context of the
Tripiṭaka, with the Sūtras and the Abhidharma, and that all three associated precepts, ethics,
wisdom, and concentration must also be understood together. The foundations of Vinaya ethicalprinciples are in epistemology and concentration, exercised in both individual and community
behavior. Vinaya principles and practices are not isolated. This is made evident in passages inGuṇaprabha’s (ca. 550–630) Vinayasūtra and Autocommentary, in Dharmamitra’s Ṭīkā, and in
related works by Śākyaprabha (ca. seventh century), Vinītadeva (c. 630–700), and Prajñākara.
The focus in this paper is the topic of how and the extent to which, according to the texts understudy, Buddhists distinguished themselves from non-Buddhist tīrthikas and other groups. The
many references to relevant Buddhist self-definitions in the texts under study help us understandthe Buddhist and brahmanical societies and worldviews of the day, and how these groups coexisted in the same space, often in competition for royal and local community sponsorship.
Emms, Christopher (McMaster University)
Canonical Vinaya Quotations in the Work of Śākyaprabha
According to tradition, the Buddhist monastic law code, or Vinaya, of the Mūlasarvāstivādinschool is divided into four sections: Vinayavibhaṅga, Vinayavastu, Vinayakṣudraka, andVinaya-uttaragrantha. Despite its position in this fourfold categorization of the canonical
Vinaya, the importance of the Vinaya-uttaragrantha (hereafter Uttaragrantha) has been largely
neglected. Although the Uttaragrantha has often been incorrectly considered only an appendix,
recent scholarship has shown that the contents of the Uttaragrantha were considered canonicalby the authors/redactors of the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya. In the proposed paper, I will focus
upon the use of canonical Vinaya quotations from the Uttaragrantha in the work ofŚākyaprabha.
Śākyaprabha (ca. 7th–8th c. CE), an Indian specialist in monastic law, composed two Sanskrit
Vinaya commentaries that both survive in Tibetan translation. In hisĀryamūlasarvāstivādiśrāmaṇerakārikā, or Verses for Novices of the Noble Mūlasarvāstivādins,Śākyaprabha outlines his views on proper behaviour for new male recruits (śrāmaṇeras) to themonastic order in roughly 230 verses. Śākyaprabha also produced his own commentary upon
his verse root-text, the Āryamūlasarvāstivādiśrāmaṇerakārikā-vṛttiprabhāvatī, or Illuminating
Commentary of the Verses for Novices of the Noble Mūlasarvāstivādins. In this autocommentary, Śākyaprabha provides over 250 quotations from the Mūlasarvāstivādin Vinaya inorder to clarify and give authority to his verses. Not only do the majority of Śākyaprabha’sVinaya quotations come from the Uttaragrantha, but the content of these quotations often
differs significantly in comparison to the Uttaragrantha preserved in the Tibetan canon.
In the proposed paper, I will provide evidence for a distinct Mūlasarvāstivādin Uttaragrantha
textual tradition on the basis of the Uttaragrantha quotations contained within Śākyaprabha’s
Illuminating Commentary of the Verses for Novices of the Noble Mūlasarvāstivādins. I will doso by means of a comparative analysis of Śākyaprabha’s quotations with extant Uttaragrantha
passages in a variety of sources. These comparative sources include the canonical Tibetantranslation of the Uttaragrantha, as well as two Indic Vinaya texts with parallels to the
Uttaragrantha that are preserved in Chinese translation, the Sapoduobu pini modeleqie (T.
1441) and the Shisonglü (T. 1435). In addition to these texts, which are attributed to the Buddha,
I will also consult Mūlasarvāstivādin Vinaya commentaries such as Guṇaprabha’s
Vinayasūtravṛtty-abhidhāna-svavyākhyāna and Dharmamitra’s Vinayasūtraṭīkā, both of whichcontain quotations from the Uttaragrantha.
Kishino, Ryoji (Otani University)
The Implications of Bu ston’s Doubts about the Authenticity of the Vinaya-saṃgraha
Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290–1364), a Tibetan Buddhist monk and well-known polymath andprolific writer, wrote at least eight works concerning the monastic law code (Tib. 'dul ba; Skt.
vinaya) that was brought from India to Tibet, the so-called Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya (MSV).
Recently, modern Buddhist scholars, especially those who study the MSV, have focused onthese works in an effort to better their understanding of the extensive Mūlasarvāstivādinmonastic code. The 'Dul ba spyi'i rnam par gzhag pa 'dul ba rin po che'i mdzes rgyan ('Dulspyi) is one of the eight works. As the title suggests, it includes brief overviews of the MSV andrelated Indian texts with which Bu ston was familiar. In his overview of *Viśeṣamitra's (Chin.
勝友; Tib. Khyad par bshes gnyen) handbook of the MSV, the *Vinaya-saṃgraha (Chin. 根本
薩婆多部律攝; Tib. 'Dul ba bsdus pa) (no later than 7th century CE), Bu ston asserts that five
Vinaya issues mentioned in the handbook conflict with those that appear in the MSV andGuṇaprabha's handbook, the Vinaya-sūtra (ca. 5–7th century CE). He concludes that*Viśeṣamitra might have been confused or unfamiliar with the MSV, and thereby dismisses the
Vinaya-saṃgraha as unreliable. A close examination of these five Vinaya issues based on the
texts of the MSV, the Vinaya-sūtra, and the Vinaya-saṃgraha as it has come down to us,
however, does not completely support Bu ston's assertion. There does not appear to be as strong
a disagreement as Bu ston notes between the MSV, the Vinaya-sūtra, and the Vinaya-saṃgraha.
In my presentation, I investigate Bu ston's controversial assertion about the five Vinaya issues
in the 'Dul spyi and note that his analysis seems to us to be problematic. Furthermore, I discuss
the implications of the discrepancy in understanding of these issues between Bu ston and us.
Newhall, Thomas (University of Tokyo)
Daoxuan’s Vinaya Commentaries: An Overview of Materials Available, the Current Stateof Research, and Some Important Topics

Although Vinaya texts have been fruitfully used to understand the social history of Buddhism
and Buddhist monastic traditions of India, works that depict how these texts in translation werereceived and understood by their Medieval Chinese audience have received relatively lessattention, though they may reveal similar insights on Buddhist culture there.
In this presentation, I will give an overview of the Tang-dynasty monk Daoxuan’s 道宣 (596–668) commentaries on the Vinaya in order to get a foothold on one important aspect of thistradition. A contemporary and collaborator of Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664), and the author of theContinued Biographies of Eminent Monks, Daoxuan is certainly one of the most prolific andinfluential commentators on the Vinaya, having written at least twenty works on the subject,many of which are still extant.
I will begin by giving a brief overview of his corpus, how it fits into Daoxuan’s life and work
as a whole, and discuss what research is available on these works.
I will then focus on some important themes that can be found in his most comprehensive
commentary, the Xingshi Chao 行事鈔 (“Commentary on Conduct and Procedure”), and his
Jiemo Shu 羯磨疏 (“Exegesis on Karman”), a text that deals with monastic rituals, which,
together with his Jieben Shu 戒本疏 (“Exegesis on the Prātimokṣa”) make up the so-called"three great works of the Nanshan Vinaya Tradition" (Nanshan lüzong sandabu 南山律宗三大部). These works became the basis for several later sub-commentaries, such as those by theSong monk Yuanzhao 元照 (1048–1116). I will point to a few themes that can be foundthroughout these Vinaya commentaries, and discuss how these themes relate to important pointsof debate in the Vinaya commentarial tradition in general.
On the whole, I hope to show what kind of insights into Chinese Buddhism and the developmentof the saṅgha in China can be gained by looking at Daoxuan’s Vinaya commentaries, and moregenerally, the Chinese Vinaya commentarial tradition as a whole.
Clarke, Shayne (McMaster University)
On the Nun-Friendly Vinaya Manuscript Traditions of Bhutan and their Relationship to
Indian Vinaya Commentaries
It is well known that Bu ston rin chen grub (1290–1364) concluded that the Tibetan translationof the Bhikṣuṇī-vibhaṅga preserved in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya is in fact not
Mūlasarvāstivādin at all. The basis for this conclusion seems to be solid when, for instance, theTibetan Bhikṣuṇī-vibhaṅga is compared to Guṇaprabha’s comments concerning which rules arecommon to both bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs. Indeed, most extant editions of the Tibetan Bhikṣuṇīvibhaṅga—Basgo, Derge, “Dragon Sūtras,” Hemis, Kawaguchi (Tokyo), Lhasa, Lithang,London, Narthang, Peking, Phug brag, and Ulanbatar, for instance—include a number of rules
for nuns that Guṇaprabha specifically excludes as unshared rules; they also lack rules thatGuṇaprabha tells us are held in common between bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs. Curiously, in a number

of places the sTog Palace and Shey Palace manuscripts—and four manuscripts Kanjurs from
Bhutan—follow Guṇaprabha’s instructions relatively closely, much more closely than any otheredition regularly used for Vinaya Studies in general or Bhikṣuṇī Vinaya Studies in particular.
In this paper, I will investigate the connection between the Bhutanese manuscript traditions andGuṇaprabha’s commentarial tradition, and the implications of this connection for thoseinterested in matters related to the Bhikṣuṇī saṅgha.

What makes a monastery a Great Monastery? Textual, art historical, andarchaeological evidence from India to [the borders of] China
Forte, Erika (Ruhr-Universität Bochum, CERES/KHK)
Panel Abstract
In the accounts of the Chinese pilgrims we find descriptions of the monasteries they came acrossduring their journey from China to India and back. Many of them have been referred to as dasi
大寺 (“great monastery”) or dasengqielang 大僧伽藍, possibly the Chinese rendering of the
Sanskrit terms mahāvihāra, mahallaka/mahallika vihāra and mahāsangharama. These
monasteries were regarded as special and outstanding and their characteristics are, among
others, a great number of monks, their large size, a certain wealth due to the support of thepolitical authorities. Stories of miraculous statues hosted within them or of epiphanic events
explaining their origin often complement their description. While previous research has
contributed to elucidate the role and history of the Great Monasteries (大寺 daiji or dasi) in East
Asia, the same can not be said about ancient India and Central Asia where the function andcharacteristics of those special monasteries yet remain largely unclear.
The panel is to function as a receptacle of evidence originating from different fields of research
and aims at providing a platform toward the definition of factors related to the concept ofmonasteries that are identified as “great” from various points of view (size, fame, state funding,or simply denominated thus in the sources…) and the inquiry into possible relations to the East
Asian developments of similar institutions.
Scherrer-Schaub, Cristina (École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE), Paris and Université deLausanne)
Indian Monastic Residences in Historical Perspective
The terminology related to the monastic residences varies and differs according to historical andgeographic contexts, and this is amply evidenced in epigraphical records, as well as in normative
texts.
The identification of two particular periods of Indian history will serve here as a pretext toinvestigate the role of mahāvihāras that were considered predominant centers of their time, incontrast with minor or far-distant monastic residences.
Brancaccio, Pia (Drexel University)

A Mahāvihāra in the Living Rock: The Later Horizon of the Kanheri Caves
Inscriptions from caves 11 and 12 at Kanheri (ancient Krishnagiri) refer to the Buddhist rockcut complex as being a Mahāvihāra. These donative epigraphs dating to the Rashtrakuta times
allude to the far reaching connections of the caves beyond the region of Konkan. The present
paper intends to explore the context in which the term Mahāvihāra was used at Kanheri, thearchitectural and artistic evidence associated with this particular horizon of life of the site, andits possible connections with a long distance network of monastic establishments.
Amar, Abhishek S. (Hamilton College)
Telhara: What does it mean to be a ‘Mahavihara’ in the Early Medieval MagadhaThis paper will study the nature of a smaller but important monastic center of Telhara in theearly medieval South Bihar (Magadha). Previous studies have focused exclusively on the studyof major Buddhist monastic centers such as Nalanda and Bodhgaya, ignoring the importanceand role of smaller monastic centers in penetrating rural landscapes and forging links with
communities. The importance of Telhara is reflected in the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang’s accountof his visit as well as recently discovered monastic structure, artifacts, sculptures and royal anddonative inscriptions in recent excavations by the Directorate of Archaeology, Bihar (2012-14).
The seals discovered from the site use the title ‘mahāvihāra’ to refer to the monastic
establishment of the place, a title that was also used for Nalanda and Bodhgaya establishments.
Study of epigraphic materials from other smaller monastic centers such as Ghosrawan andKurkihar also attest this pattern. This raises an interesting question: why these centers claimed
to be ‘mahāvihāras’ despite their smaller size and lesser number of inhabitants. Are ourparameters based on size and number of inhabitants modern presumptions that have been
applied anachronistically to these centers? What parameters qualified a monastic center to be a‘mahāvihāra’? Was it based on links with royalty or royal patronage? Did these centers draw
their position/claims on the basis of socio-religious standing of senior monks and teachers or
their long history? If it was based on a long cherished history of a center, what role did theexisting material assemblages (sculptures, images, seals) and social networks play in making
and validating those claims? Through a study of archaeological, epigraphic and textual
materials, this paper will investigate the above raised questions to define the meaning of a‘mahāvihāra’ in the early medieval Magadha region.
Filigenzi, Anna (University of Naples “L’Orientale”)
Early Buddhist monasteries in South Asia: Archaeological Mapping as cultural-historicalinquiry
Although archaeology has only partially succeeded in mapping the Buddhist sacred landscapeof ancient South Asia, the picture that has emerged so far is astonishing. The present
contribution will deal in particular with a distinct cultural region stretching from North-West
Pakistan to Eastern Afghanistan, where the pre-Muslim archaeological panorama is dominatedby Buddhist remains.

Apart from very few exceptions, written sources do not account for the magnitude, topographic
distribution, economic dimension and social and political engagement of the Buddhist
monasteries of this area, nor they inform us about their possibly being – at least partially –dependent on hierarchically organised networks. As for archaeology, we need to think ofarchaeological sites in their wider environmental and cultural context if we want to understandwhether and how ancient Buddhist settlements were connected to each other, and how such links
relate to the intersection of local and trans-regional routes, to the active role in developmental
economy, and to the construction of new landscapes which partly expropriated and transformed
pre-Buddhist holy places as well as economically strategic centres. Moreover, such a global
view of the ancient Buddhist topography may help us identify possible core sites(Mahāvihāras?) and their distinguishing features and functions, although we must avoid easy
cultural biases and acknowledge that a special holiness, and even remoteness, may have earned
a special status also to apparently modest sacred areas.
Based on archaeological evidence from both modern-day Swat (ancient Uḍḍiyāna) andAfghanistan, some case studies will be analysed in order to start outlining some possible
interpretive approaches.
Forte, Erika (Ruhr-University Bochum)
Defining Greatness: Monasteries of the Tarim Area Oases
Thanks to documents found during archaeological investigations in the Tarim and to Buddhist
literary sources concerning the "Western Regions" (Xiyu 西 域 ) (mainly biographies andtravelogues in Chinese) a series of important or famous monasteries from the time of the spreadof Buddhism in the area are known today. Among them some are defined as Great Monasteries(dasi 大寺), some as mahāsangharama (dasengqielan 大僧伽藍), or as mahāvihāra, dependingon the sources. Their particular role seems to have been explained through and justified by avariety of individual factors: the number of residing monks, and consequently the size of thestructures; their economic wealth due to private, state or royal benefactors; their excellence inlearning and translation; their association to specific miraculous stories and events and theresulting importance as pilgrimage places, and so on.
Today, some of these institution could be identified again based on available archaeologicalevidence, for some others possible identifications are being discussed.
This paper seeks to shed light on the different typologies and possible common characteristics
of Great Monasteries in the Tarim area by examining the available material. Here thearchaeological and artistic data is of great importance and has to be analysed together with andcompared against the literary sources.
In particular, the paper will examine if and how such institutions were connected to each otheras the patterns of naming, common references to foundation legends and their iconographic
programs hint at.

Yogācāra Across Asia: India, Tibet, and East Asia
Yao, Zhihua (The Chinese University of Hong Kong)
Bayer, Achim (Kanazawa Seiryo University)
Panel Abstract
This panel is intended to present the periodical research results of an international research
project on “Traces of Reason: The Korean Approach to Logic and Rationality and Its Relation
to Buddhist Traditions from India and China” funded by the Korean Research Foundation.
Earlier research results were presented at the IABS 2014 in Vienna in a series of consecutive
panels on “Pramāṇa across Asia” convened by Eli Franco and Jeson Woo. Seventeen highly
qualified papers were presented, and they attracted a large audience. Subsequently, a selectionof these papers has been edited and will be published in the WZKS in 2016.
For the current panel, we plan to work in the same spirit with a focus on “Yogācāra across Asia.”
Yogācāra was one of the most influential Buddhist schools in East Asia and has fundamentally
shaped people’s ways of thinking in China, Japan and Korea. It was also influential in Tibet,
although to a lesser degree, through the translated writings of Indian Yogācāra masters and of
the great Korean monk Wonchuk. We are inviting experts from different sub-fields of Buddhist
studies to join the members of research project to examine the rich and complex Yogācāra
doctrines and their historical development across India, Tibet and East Asia.
Franco, Eli (Leipzig University)
On the Arising of Philosophical Theories From Spiritual Practice
In his The Genesis of Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda, Responses and Reflections (Tokyo 2014),
Lambert Schmithausen has substantially modified his thesis about the origin of whole-defining
philosophical theories in Buddhism, such as the anātman theory, Mahāyāna illusionism andYogācāra idealism. In my lecture I will try to show how the newly revised thesis differs fromthe old one and raise a few questions about its applicability.
Woo, Jeson (Dongguk University)
On Dharmaphāla’s Caturbhāga Theory
In Xuanzang’s Proof of Vijñaptimātratā (成唯識論), Dharmapāla (ca. 530-561) is credited witha theory of the fourfold division of consciousness (vijñāna), viz., the “seeing part” (見分), the“seen part” (相分), the “self-awareness part” (自證分), and the “awareness of self-awarenesspart” (證自證分). Nonetheless, as Masaaki Hattori indicates in his Dignāga on Perception, later
Sanskrit sources do not refer to this theory. Even the Sanskrit term is not ascertained in the caseof the fourth part, the “awareness of self-awareness”. In this paper, I shall attempt to uncovertraces of Dharmapāla’s fourfold division theory in the treatises of the Indian Pramāṇa tradition.
In addition to explicating this theory and how it developed in Xuanzang’s Faxiang school (法相宗), the following issues in particular will be explored: 1) Is the fourfold model based on theidea of the non-distinction of pramāṇa, prameya, and pramāṇaphala, which Dignāga (ca. 480540) presented in order to establish his analytical structure of cognition? 2) Is there anypossibility that the “awareness of self-awareness” is related to the concept of “ascertained
cognition” (niścayapratyaya), which Dharmottara (ca. 750-810) introduced when he analyzed
the cognition of “blue” (nīla) in his Nyāyabinduṭīkā?
Yao, Zhihua (The Chinese University of Hong Kong)
Self-emptiness versus Other-emptiness: A Madhyamaka-Yogācāra Debate
In Tibetan Buddhism, the concept of emptiness is interpreted in two different ways: empty-ofself (rang stong) and empty-of-other (gzhan stong). There is a long history of conflict between
advocates of these two types of emptiness in Tibet, and the mainstream of Tibetan Buddhists
today treat the idea of other-emptiness as heterodox. My study attempts to show that the twosenses of emptiness can be traced back to early Yogācāra sources in India, and that these
doctrines form an important background for the Madhyamaka-Yogācāra debates. I will examine
in particular Bhāviveka’s response to the Yogācāra critique of emptiness, and discuss the two
types of emptiness as understood by Indian authors and their Chinese and Tibetan
commentators.
Park, Jin Y. (American University)
Yogācāra, Chan, and the Paradox of the Mind
Zen Buddhism has long been identified by a definition attributed to the alleged founderBodhidharma (達磨大師, active 520). According to that definition, Zen/Chan/Sŏn (禪) is, “A
special transmission outside of scriptures,/ Without relying on words and letters,/ Directly
pointing at the human mind,/ Sees the nature and attains Buddhahood.” (敎外別傳不立文字 直
指人心見性成佛. )Scholars generally agree that Bodhidharma is not the author of this passage, and that these verses
underwent a process of augmentation and revision before reaching the format in which we recitethem today. Still, the passage seems to reflect the core of Zen Buddhism with regard to (1) its
relation to earlier Buddhist traditions, (2) its use of language, (3) the Zen mode of training, and(4) the importance of the mind (心) in Zen discourse and practice. This paper reexamines theseissues, with special attention to the mind, in the context of Zen’s relation to Yogācāra Buddhism.
The mind plays a significant role in the Korean Zen Buddhist tradition. Pojo Chinul (普照知訥
1158-1210), the founder of Korean Zen Buddhism, declared that the mind is the Buddha (心卽佛). But what is this mind? How is it different from consciousness or cognition (識)? And why
is it that the mind in Zen Buddhism and consciousness in Yogācāra are not essentialist
approaches to Buddhism? Or are they? What does the Zen Buddhist modification of Yogācāra
Buddhism tell us about the Zen Buddhist understanding human experience, Buddhist practice,and the Zen proposal for self-transformation? These are some of major issues I discuss in thispaper.
Bayer, Achim (Kanazawa Seiryo University)

Cittamātra and Dependent Origination: As Treated in the Abhidharmasamuccaya,
Candrakīriti’s Madhyamaka-avatāra and the Venerable Seongcheol’s Sermon of a
Hundred Days
While the classical Yogācāra treatises of Asaṅga and Vasubandhu teach that the material world
is a mere mental projection, the respective technical term, cittamātra, has not always been usedin this way. In some cases, it appears to designate specific events or factors that are merely
mental, without implying that the phenomenal world as a whole is a mental (mis-)conception.
A possible borderline case can be found in the Abhidharmasamuccaya, some sections of whichlack the teachings on cittamātra and the ālayavijñāna that would be expected in a classicalYogācāra treatise. The Abhidharmasamuccaya’s position will be explained and compared with
Vasubandhu’s commentary on the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, the Madhyamaka-avatāra, and amodern interpretation presented by the Venerable Seongcheol (性徹, 1912–1993) in his Sermonof a Hundred Days (百日法門).
Keng, Ching (National Chengchi University, Taiwan)Wŏnch’ŭk as a Traditionalist Yogâcāra Thinker
This paper aims at exploring where Wŏnch’ŭk (613-696 CE) stands in the development of
Yogācāra thought. Together with Kuiji (632-682), Wŏnch’ŭk is regarded as one of the foremost
disciples of Xuanzang (602-664). But tradition has it that, unlike Kuiji, who is regarded as thetrue heir of Xuanzang, Wŏnch’ŭk did not truly understand Xuanzang’s teaching. For this reason,
there arose heated disputes between the disciples of Kuiji and Wŏnch’ŭk. This traditional
account was prevalent at least since the Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (“The Hagiography of
Eminent Monks edited in the Song dynasty,” edited around 982 CE). Recently, the Japanesescholar Tomoaki Kitsukawa 橘川智昭 has challenged this view by suggesting that there was no
significant doctrinal disagreement between Kuiji and Wŏnch’ŭk. Rather, conflict between theirdisciples led to later superimpositions on the relation between these two masters.
This paper seeks to evaluate whether the traditional account or Kitsukawa’s view represents themore accurate historical understanding. I provide two case studies: (1) the issue of whether the
dependent nature (paratantra-svabhāva) can serve as a pure cognitive object (*viśuddhyālambana; qingjing suoyuan 清淨所緣); (2) how many moments of mind does it take to reacha complete understanding of a sentence consisting of four words such as “Zhu xing wu chang
諸 行 無 常 ” (“All compounded things are impermanent”)? In the former case, Wŏnch’ŭk
answers no but Kuiji answers yes; in the latter case, Wŏnch’ŭk thinks it takes sixteen momentsof mind but Kuiji thinks twelve moments of mind are enough. I further show that the reason
why Wŏnch’ŭk held different views from those of Kuiji is that Kuiji represented the newly
developed Yogācāra teaching by Dignāga and Dharmapāla but Wŏnch’ŭk still partly stuck to
the old Yogācāra doctrines of the Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra and of the Madhyāntavibhāga, eventhough he did receive remarkable influence of the new teachings via Xuanzang.
With these two case studies, I argue that Wŏnch’ŭk stands halfway between the old and the newphases of Yogācāra. Hence I consider Wŏnch’ŭk a more traditionalist Yogācāra thinker thanKuiji. In so far as there are significant doctrinal differences between Wŏnch’ŭk and Kuiji, I
agree more with the traditional account than with Kitsukawa’s recent proposal.

Zones of Contact: Facets of Buddhist Interactions in Eastern Central
Asia during the 9th-14th Centuries
Meinert, Carmen (CERES, ERC project “Dynamics in Buddhist Networks in Eastern Central
Asia (6th-14th c.),” BuddhistRoad, Ruhr-Universität Bochum)
Panel Abstract
Eastern Central Asia (the area from the westernmost limits of the Taklamakan desert in the Westto Mount Wutai in the East) was the pivotal zone where the eastward vector of Tibetan
Buddhism met the westward vector of Sinitic Buddhism during the 9th-14th centuries. Thisculminated in the simultaneous transfer of Sinitic and Tibetan versions of Buddhism in theregion, which was then occupied by the Uyghur Khanates, the Tangut Empire, and the Liao and
the Jin Empires, and gave rise to local forms of Buddhism. Current research indicates to acorrespondence in the repertoire of the Buddhist texts and various practices among the peoplesof Eastern Central Asia: such as Tibetan Tantric practices, Chinese Abhidharma, Huayan/Chan
Buddhism are attested among Tanguts, Uyghurs, Khitan and other people. The panel intends to
explore the models and particular forms of this complex relationship, which was crucial for theformation of such entities as Tangut and Uyghur Buddhism as well as of the Sinitic Buddhism
during the Yuan Dynasty. Our topics will include Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism among theTanguts, Uyghurs and Khitan, transfer of the traditional and emergence of the new forms ofartistic representation.
Meinert, Carmen (Ruhr-Universität Bochum)
Buddhist Localisations in Pre-modern Eastern Central Asia within a Transcultural
Buddhist Network
My presentation will present as an introduction to the panel “Zones of Contact” aspects of a
research programme I aim to persue over the next few years: namely to create a new framework
to enable understanding (i) of the dynamics of cultural encounter and (ii) Buddhist networks oftransfer in pre-modern Eastern Central Asia—the vast area extending from the Taklamakan
desert to Northeast China. This region was the crossroads of ancient civilisations. Buddhism
was one major factor in this exchange; its transfer predetermined the transfer of adjacent aspectsof culture. The religious exchange involved a variety of cultures and civilisations, which weremodified and shaped by their adoption of Buddhism. The spread of Buddhism overrode theethnic and linguistic boundaries in Eastern Central Asia creating a civilisational whole, which
despite its diversity, shared a set of common ideas originating from Buddhism. One specificaspect of this process in Eastern Central Asia was the rise of the local forms of Buddhism. The
research programme intends to investigate such Buddhist localisations between the 9th–14th
centuries. For the first time the multi-layered relationships between the trans-regional Buddhist
traditions (Chinese, Indian, Tibetan) and those based on local Buddhist cultures (Uyghur,
Tangut) will be explored in a systematic way.

Kasai, Yukiyo (Ruhr-Universität Bochum)
The Old Uyghur Abhidharma Texts Containing Brāhmī Elements
Amongst the Old Uyghur fragments preserved in the Berlin Turfan Collection there are somewhich are mainly written in Uyghur script, but in which only for some chosen terminologies orsentences Brāhmī script is used. The contents of those fragments are various, although all ofthem have a Buddhist characteristics. Through the editiong work of those fragments, a certain
number of the Abdhidharma texts could be identified. The Old Uyghur Abhidharma texts werealready known, but many of them rather contain Chinese characters. In the lecture the newidentified Abhidharma texts containing Brāhmī elements are presented and the different
characteristics between those two types Abhidharma texts are discussed.
Sørensen, Henrik H. (Ruhr-Universität Bochum)
A Padmapāni Dhāraṇī-Amulet from DunhuangThis presentation will seek to throw light on a somewhat unusual example of a dhāraṇī-amulet,
which features the imprint and creative design reflecting both Tibetan and Chinese cultures.
While not unique among the Dunhuang material, it is a fascinating example of how Buddhism
served as a common denominator for Buddhist practitioners of both cultures during the periodof the Tibetan Occupation of Shazhou 沙州, i.e. roughly between 782–848 CE. The amulet,
which has been drawn on cloth, represents developments in Esoteric Buddhism during the late
Tang characteristic of local Buddhism in Dunhuang during this period.
Turek, Maria (Universität Bonn)
Formation of the Tibetan Kingdom of Nangchen as Zone of Contact
The area of Eastern Tibet (in today’s Southern Qinghai Province) that was to become theKingdom of Nangchen (1300-1951) was located in a strategic point where various supralocal
and foreign forces and actors met and contributed to the emergence of Nangchen as an organizedpolity. According to local sources, its history starts with the Tantric master Tishi Repa (11641236) who acted as imperial chaplain at the Tangut court and passed away on Nangchen soil.
His death was commemorated by disciple Repa Karpo (1198-1262), himself of Tangut origin,by founding of a monastic complex of Kumbum. Its construction in grand style was supported
by artisans from the Tangut realm. Kumbum became Nangchen’s first power center when
Mongol armies of Genghis Khan’s grandson Godan Khan halted there in 1240 on their way toCentral Tibet and appointed Repa Karpo the religious ruler of Nangchen. In 14th century, when
Kumbum had lost much its importance, a new influential monastery of Kyodrak was
constructed. It was financed by the Yuan dynasty and erected in a hybrid architectonic stylewhich reflected Nangchen’s contacts with Mongol China, Lijiang and Central Tibet. Althoughwith time, Kyodrak’s political significance waned, its vital role in the preservation of the Barom
Kagyu school cannot be overestimated.
SECTION PAPERS

Compiled by:
Anthony Scott
Academic Coordinator

Abhidharma Studies .................................................................................................................... 159
Abhidharma Studies .................................................................................................................... 161
Buddhism and Its Relation to Other Religions ........................................................................... 163
Buddhism and Medicine ............................................................................................................. 168
Buddhism and Society ................................................................................................................ 169
Buddhist Art and Architecture .................................................................................................... 175
Buddhist Art and Architecture .................................................................................................... 183
Buddhist Hermeneutics, Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques.................................... 185
Buddhist Hermeneutics, Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques.................................... 189
Buddhist Literature ..................................................................................................................... 195
Buddhist Places ........................................................................................................................... 200
Contemporary Buddhism ............................................................................................................ 205
Early Buddhism .......................................................................................................................... 208
Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism ........................................................................................ 213
Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism ........................................................................................ 220
Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism ........................................................................................ 224
Information Technologies in Buddhist Studies........................................................................... 225
Mahāyāna Buddhism .................................................................................................................. 229
Mahāyāna Buddhism .................................................................................................................. 232
Mahāyāna Sūtras ......................................................................................................................... 236
Mahāyāna Sūtras ......................................................................................................................... 239
Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy................................................................................... 242
Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy................................................................................... 245
Tantric Buddhism........................................................................................................................ 248
Theravāda Buddhism .................................................................................................................. 253
Vinaya Studies ............................................................................................................................ 255

Abhidharma Studies
Thurs., Aug. 24th, 9:00-12:30
Toleno, Robban (Columbia University)
Theories of Nourishment in Premodern Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedias and the Limitsof Consilience
Four Foods doctrine in Abhidharma thought constitutes a set of theories regarding nourishment,
including forms of nourishment feeding the body and the mind. Using modern terminology,
these can be understood as nourishment from materials, from sensory engagement, fromthoughts, and from consciousness. Taken at face value, these Buddhist theories of nourishment
show points of resonance with work in cognitive science that highlights the importance ofunderstanding the mind and emotions as embodied phenomena (e.g.Varela et al. Embodied
Mind; Damasio, Feeling of What Happens). They furthermore seem to anticipate work inaesthetic theory that returns the appreciation of beauty from an ineffably spiritual space toembodied faculties shaped through social and biological processes (Bourdieu, Distinction;
Mandoki, Everyday Aesthetics; Stafford, Echo Objects; Mandoki, Indispensable Excess of the
Aesthetic). Do these Buddhist theories of nourishment, then, demonstrate a point of“consilience” (cf. Slingerland and Collard, Creating Consilience) between religion andcognitive science, demonstrating that Buddhism has long anticipated the scientific thought ofour present era? Using evidence on Four Foods doctrine from premodern Chinese Buddhist
encyclopedias and Abhidharma literature, I argue that Buddhist theories of nourishment offer
only limited consilience with modern perspectives. Confounding the proto-science view of these
theories are such doctrinal elements as karma, a negative valence for being, notions of ritual
purity, and a cosmological framework associated with rebirth in multiple realms. Despite thesedisjunctions, Buddhist theories of nourishment provide compelling points of reference forcomparison with modern theory, though they are best understood within the context of theirelaborate cultural framework.
Hanner, Oren (Hamburg University)
An Abhidharmic View on the Relation between Agents and Actions Based on the
Abhidharmakośabhāṣya of Vasubandhu
From the point of view of action theory, the Buddhist critique of the self raises various
philosophical difficulties. Perhaps the most basic of them concern the nature of the relation
between agents (kartṛ, kāraka) and their actions (karman, kāra): Given that living beings lackan enduring self, who or what carries out actions? How is karman, as a force that leads to future
results, practically generated? Do actions occur independently of agents, and if the two arelinked, in what way are they connected? While a substantial amount of scholarly work hasstudied the ways in which actions constitute the person and its experience through the ripeningof karman, in the present paper my aim is to illuminate the relations between the two by focusing
on the process through which actions come into being. In an attempt to address this question,
the paper will examine Vasubandhu’s exegesis of the theory of karman in the fourth chapter ofthe Abhidharmakośabhāṣya with close reference to Yaśomitra’s commentary on this chapter inthe Abhidharmakośavyākhyā.

The paper will open with an analysis of Vasubandhu’s notion of action, particularly temporally
continuous action, when reduced under the conceptual framework of the Abhidharma. One
important aspect of this analysis is that reduced temporally continuous actions involve threeessential elements: “Conceptual volition” (saṃkalpa-cetanā), “volition of doing” (kriyā cetanā)and the action itself. These elements serve as necessary conditions for the action to take place
and participate in the constitution of the agent. Following this examination, I turn to investigate
the causal process which leads to the occurrence of action. This process, similarly, involves twocauses – “causal origination” (hetu-samutthāna) and “origination in the moment” (tatkṣaṇasamutthāna) – which correspond to the two volitions and determine the moral quality of theaction. The volitional and causal schemas of action explain how an action may occur without an
enduring self, and at the same time, I argue, clarify the place of the agent in the formation ofaction. I conclude my talk by demonstrating how exactly Vasubandhu’s overall account ofaction sheds light on the relation between agents and actions, and in fact, clarifies the nature of
the agent who carries out the action.
Yi, Kyoowan (Seoul National University)
The Theories of Buddhist Atomism- the Ultimate or the Conventional?
I will discuss in this paper that the atomic theories of each school elucidate the differences in
the interpretation of the notions of the five aggregates, 12 sense bases, 18 basic elements, andalso other concepts in their philosophical systems, loosely corresponding to realism,
representationalism, and phenomenalism. Sarvāstivādin was one of the leading schools that left
us a tremendous amount of literatures, such as the encyclopedic treatise, Mahāvibhāsā, where
the objects of their investigation are described as ‘all thing (sarvam)’ including the fiveaggregates (5 skandhas), 12 sense bases(āyatana), and 18 basic elements (dhātu), which had
been developed in the different theoretical contexts. The theories of atom(paramāṇu) came into
the Buddhist scholastic system in order to provide a common ground to combine those three
concepts of ‘all inclusive things.’ It is the concept of atom, however, that becomes thetouchstone to distinguish the unique characteristics of major players in the development of the
Buddhist philosophies from Sarvāstivādin the realists, Sautrānstika the representationalists, andto Yogācārin the phenomenalists. Here comes the question about the reality: Atoms are real?
The Sarvāstivādin accused the other two schools of building their philosophies on the vanitythat does not exist, while the Yogācārin criticized the Sarvāstivādin and the Sautrāntika as therealists who deviate from the fundamental teachings of impermanence and non-existence of theself. The Sautrāntika, the radical innovators, argue that the basic elements, that is, the atoms, arethe only real, but transcending our perceptive ability, and the world that emerged through thesix sense organs and sense objects is the only world we can experience by our perception, whichis, however, not real. Vasubandhu, the author of Abhidharmakośa, took an eclectic approach tosuggest that the 12 sense bases, which are composed of a certain amount of atoms, and theirbasic elements (18 dhātu) are both real, but the aggregates (skandha) that can be divided into
smaller pieces are not real and therefore impermanent. It is interesting, though, that Vaiśeṣika
the Indian adamant realists judged that all of those Buddhist schools are phenomenalists or
representationalists because the objects of cognition in the Buddhism were consideredmomentary and mereologically reductive, and no Buddhist school acknowledged the reality ofan ordinary object.
In order to illustrate the points they contended, I will survey here on various issues related to theatomic theories: metaphysical atom and basic unit of matter, combination or accumulation of
atoms, the object of cognition and the emergent image as an object, etc. that were heavily
discussed by the Buddhist schools in the following centuries, but not so much appreciated by
the modern scholars.
Lin, Qian (University of California Berkeley)
What Is a Buddhist School? A Case Study of Harivarman and His Chengshi Lun
In Buddhist scholarship it is a common practice to label Buddhist teachers, texts, and doctrines
as belonging to or affiliated with certain historical groups or schools, such as Sarvāstivāda,
Sautrāntika, or Mahāsāṅghika, in a way that more or less follows the traditional accounts of thehistory of these groups as represented in doxographical works such as the
Samayabhedoparacanacakra (異部宗輪論) or the Śāriputraparipṛcchāsūtra (舍利弗問經), as
well as other Buddhist treatises and commentaries. However, the nature and history of Buddhist
groups are still not fully understood and are subject to disagreements and controversies. This
study takes Harivarman ( 訶 梨 跋 摩 ) and his Chengshi Lun ( 成 實 論 ) as an example todemonstrate the complicated historical situation in the period of sectarian Buddhism.
Harivarman’s school affiliation has been disputed since the translation of Chengshi Lun by
Kumārajīva in the early fifth century CE. A number of schools have been proposed by bothancient Chinese commentators and modern scholars, including Sarvāstivāda, Dārṣṭāntika,
Sautrāntika, Dharmaguptaka, and Bahuśrutīya, among others. Some suggest that he may have
had no specific school affiliation. The present study investigates Harivarman’s biography,
relevant Chinese Buddhist historical records, and doctrinal points mentioned in the Chengshi
Lun and other Abhidharma texts such as the Mahāvibhāṣā and the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, as
well as sūtra passages quoted in the Abhidharma texts. By comparing the corresponding
materials from different sources with one another and with the extant sūtras in the ChineseĀgama and Pāli Nikāya collections, it suggests that we should distinguish Buddhist groups interms of ordination lineage, textual lineage, and doctrinal lineage. The study also challenges the
traditional idea that takes a Buddhist “school” as a substantial historical entity; it suggests that
we should take terms used as designations of Buddhist groups such as Sarvāstivāda andSautrāntika as fluid concepts whose meanings change in different historical periods and different
circumstances, and which may or may not designate specific groups in different periods ofhistory.

Abhidharma Studies
Fri., Aug. 25th, 16:00-17:30
Kaji, Tetsuya (Otani University)
On the Groupings of Kleśa in the Sarvāstivāda School

There are a variety of groupings of kle śa (afflictions) in the Āgamas, for example, three āśrava,
three akuśaramūla, four yoga, four ogha, five nīvaraṇa, seven anuśaya, three, five, or ninesaṃyojana, etc. The Sarvāstivāda School, choosing from among these different groupings,
systematized kleśa in a theory of the ninety-eight anuśaya, extrapolated from the seven anuśaya.
In spite of the fact that the Sarvāstivāda were well aware that there is no discussion of a systemof ninety-eight anuśaya in the Āgamas, they chose the seven anuśaya as the conceptual
foundation for their theory of kleśa. Since they do not explain the reason for this choice
anywhere, we cannot know it for certain, but considering that reason is critical for understanding
their intention in creating the theory and the stance that the Sarvāstivāda took in interpreting theĀgamas.
Dr. Hajime Sakurabe’s explanation of the reason for this selection has long been the establishedtheory. He argues that the seven anuśaya were chosen because this grouping is not biased toward
any particular factor and well-balanced as compared with the other groups. But he does not
explain how the other affliction groups are biased or poorly balanced, nor does he discuss what
is well-balanced about this particular grouping. Recently, several scholars, from different pointsof view, have shown that there is room for reconsideration about his theory. For example, Dr.
Kyunghee Kim suggests one reason for the selection is that the seven anuśaya include dṛṣṭianuśaya and vicikitsā-anuśaya and further holds that by expanding dṛṣṭi-anuśaya into five dṛṣṭianuśaya, the Sarvāstivāda intended to connect their theory of kleśa with the three saṃyojana
and incorporate it into their theory of praxis.
If her explanation is correct, how should we understand the position of other groupings of kleśa
(āśrava, ogha, nīvaraṇa, etc.) in Sarvāstivāda doctrine? To date, there is no research on theconnection between anuśaya and the other groupings that are subsumed within the ninety-eightanuśaya theory. In this paper, I will clarify these connections based primarily on the descriptionin Abhidharma-Mahāvibhāṣā-śāstra. In the second chapter of this treatise, the authors explain
the significance, essence, attribution, and so on, of various groupings of kleśa by relating themwith the ninety-eight anuśaya and interpret the names for these groupings based on the Āgamas.
By examining this chapter, I will show the place of these other groupings vis-à-vis the sevenanuśaya and thereby elucidate the characteristic features of the role of the seven anuśaya in
Sarvāstivāda doctrine. This research will provide additional information that will help resolve
the question of the reason for the Sarvāstivāda’s selection of this specific grouping and provide
a basis for considering the intention behind their theory of kleśa, as well as the nature of its
systematization.
Smith, Sean (University of Toronto)
The Dynamics of the Subliminal Mind in Theravāda Buddhism: Two Readings of the
Bhavaṅga Citta
In the Theravāda abhidhammic model of the mind the bhavaṅga citta is a subliminal andprimitive form of consciousness. It is responsible for ensuring the kammic continuity of themental process in the absence of more ordinary forms of sensory and cognitive consciousness.
This paper focuses on two accounts of the bhavaṅga citta. Specifically, I argue that the Burmese
scholar monk Ledi Sayadaw has an alternative interpretation of bhavaṅga citta that isphilosophically superior to the canonical approach of Buddhaghosa. I argue that my reading ofLedi's view represents a plausible solution to philosophical difficulties faced by the standard
account of the bhavaṅga citta.
To begin, I analyse the nature and functional role of the bhavaṅga citta as it is developed by
Buddhaghosa. Utilizing some mental categories from contemporary philosophy of mind andcognitive science, I then argue that we should understand the bhavaṅga citta as a phenomenallyconscious rather than un-conscious mental event (Block 1995). That is, there is something it islike to live through the arising and passing away of bhavaṅga cittas (Nagel 1974). I then argue
that we should make a distinction between two types of mental continuity in Buddhist
conceptions of how the mind fills time. I call these diachronic and motivational continuity.
Diachronic continuity refers to the immediate causal connectedness of mental events. E1 andE2 are diachronically continuous just in case that the passing away of E1 is the cause of thearising of E2. Motivational continuity is something more robust. It refers to the fact that thecausal connectedness between mental events is driven by craving (tanhā) that permeates theconnections between many mental events, not just between two individual events that are
temporally continuous. Our deepest habits, needs, and wants drive the dynamics of our mental
lives in myriad ways.
My claim is that Buddhaghosa’s abhidhammic model of the bhavaṅga citta cannot fully explain
the complexity of motivational continuity. In particular, for Buddhaghosa, defilements occur
only at the kammically active stage of the arising and passing away of javana cittas. This is thestage in the perceptual process that comes after bhavaṅgas have subsided due to advertence toan object impinging the relevant sensory receptor and where the arising of cittas becomes
explicitly morally valenced. This is problematic as clearly the potential for defilement must be
carried on in bhavaṅga cittas so that potential defilements may or may be actualized by presently
occurring causes. This means that the bhavaṅga cittas must in some way be defiled, they mustbear the weight of our previous habits. Further, the mental continuity that their arisingguarantees is motivational in nature and not just diachronic. To concluded, I explore the viewsof Ledi Sayadaw, whose account of bhavaṅga citta lines up closely with my own.

Buddhism and Its Relation to Other Religions
Mon., Aug. 21st, 9:00-15:30
Jenkins, Stephen (Humboldt State University)
Debate, Magic, and Massacre: The High Stakes and Ethical Dynamics of Battling
Slanderers of the Dharma in Indian Narrative and Ethical Theory
This paper examines Indian Buddhist debate narratives, royal historiographies, accounts ofChinese pilgrims, and hagiographies in conjunction with Buddhist systematic thought on wrongview, wrong-speech, slander and the sins of immediate retribution. It considers the crucial roleof kings as arbiters, and integrates consideration of the ethics of speech that shaped Buddhist
perceptions and responses to their opponents. Fierce interreligious contestation is a core featureof how Buddhists imagined themselves. Many, if not most, iconic figures remembered inhagiographies, from the Buddha to Dharmakīrti, are remembered for either being killed orattacked by religious competitors. This may have bearing on why contemporary Buddhists, evenwhen they are a dominant minority, tend to view themselves as threatened. Debate was integral
to the politics of money and power and affected regional identities. It informed the function,style and composition of texts. The demands of interreligious debate influenced monastic
culture, education, and the dynamics of social status and mobility. Hindu and Buddhist sources
concur that debates served kings as mechanisms for transferring wealth and power between andwithin religious groups, a mechanism that had the sanction of truth. Buddhist narratives are richwith examples of debates in which the wealth and estates of both monastic institutions and theirdonors were at stake. Losers and their followers might be forced to convert or fund newmonasteries. Not only their personal property, but also the landed estates of their institution, andtheir monasteries, temples, and sacred sites could be forfeit. Whole monastic lineages shifted
regions after kings decided against them. Winners were awarded landed estates and powerful
government posts. “Harsh speech” is the first example in Buddhist discussions of violence anddebates with “tīrthikas” were specifically exempted from the usual restraints. Slandering theDharma had a direct relationship to sins considered forms of harm to the Buddha, such asconfiscation of monastic property or desecration of sacred objects, and defined as the worst sins
leading directly to hell. Contentious Brāhmaṇas, nirgranthas and tīrthikas held a perilous placein Buddhist ethical theory. Although their responses to being reviled preclude anger, use of force
against enemies of Buddhism is validated in scripture and theory and modeled by the Buddha,
ideal kings, deities, and wizards. In narrative accounts Kings Caṇḍapradyota, Udayana, Aśoka,Ajātaśatru, Harṣa, Duṭṭhagāmaṇi, Indra [the idealized king], and Buddha in past lives as a kingare all remembered for mass violence against those who oppose the Dharma or harm its saints.
Jones, Chris (University of Oxford)
The Tīrthika in Mahāyāna Buddhism
This paper will present early findings in my current project, concerned with representations of
non-Buddhist teachers and traditions across Mahāyānist, predominantly sūtra, sources
originating from the first half of the first millennium CE. Specifically, I will attend to use of the
Indic tīrthika, commonly translated in English – somewhat confusedly – as ‘heretic’, andcognate terms. I will begin by discussing the background of this category in pre-Mahāyāna
Buddhist sources, for example reflected by the Pali titthiya, and its usage in the context of early
Buddhist literature.
I will go on to discuss attitudes towards the tīrthika that are found in Mahāyānist works as theysurvive in Sanskrit or in Chinese or Tibetan translations. This will include a review of attitudes
found in a number of texts, some of which are little studied, including apparent reference toparticular ascetical traditions – for example the Jains and Pāśupatas – in the narratives of sūtra
sources.
Some Mahāyānist works surprise us by stopping short of condemning the so-called tīrthika as
being simply wrong minded. My research thus far has shown that some Mahāyāna sources,
particularly within the milieu of the Lotus Sūtra and its doctrine of the one vehicle, were very
concerned with how to make sense of the presence in the world of non-Buddhist systems ofthought, given the great emphasis that they otherwise give to the power and influence of theBuddha. Some sūtras – for example (what is sometimes called) the Mahāyāna *Satyaka Sūtra– attempt to diminish the perceived challenge of confronting non-Buddhist systems by offering
accounts of their indebtedness to the Buddha, on occasion arguing that tīrthikas are products of
the Buddha who themselves operate, despite appearances, in accord with the saddharma.
I argue that this strategy for confronting the threat of the religious other is carried into the workof later Buddhist authors responsible for the composition of tantric texts, but I believe can beshown to have roots in a much earlier stage in the development of Mahāyāna thought in India.
Attention to whom the authors of Mahāyāna works considered the term tīrthika to designate,
together with the manner in which these apparent competitors were perceived, informs ourunderstanding both of the Indian religious landscape of this period and Mahāyānist authors’opinion of their place in it.
Neri, Chiara (University La Sapienza of Rome)
Pontillo, Tiziana (University of Cagliari)
A philological approach to comparative religious studies:
the case of yogakkhema/yogakṣema in Theravāda Buddhism and Brahmanism
Many Scholars have written about the relationship between Buddhism and Brahmanism. Our
study merely aims to study the connections between these two religious traditions using
historical and philological comparative methodology. We resorted to a linguistic andhermeneutic analysis of primary textual sources to gradually focus on several comparable
phrases, compounds and formulas occurring in the relevant sources. In particular, since 2012,
we have dedicated our research to rebuilding some linguistic patterns regarding the oldmeanings and the evolution of some “key words” found in Vedic texts and in the Theravāda Pali
Canon - cf. e.g. Neri and Pontillo (2016).
We should now like to present our work about the compound “yogakṣema/yogakkhema”. We
selected the specific subject of this paper from a famous list of “Brahmanical terms” used “in aBuddhist guise”, which Norman collected in 1991 (1993: 279), where he emphasized the
linguistic change occurring between the Vedic yogakṣema interpreted as a dvandva (“exertionand rest”) and the widely distributed Buddhist Theravāda compound yogakkhema-, analysed asa “rest from exertion” (see also Norman 1969: 128). By both focusing on peculiar features ofsome Pali formulas (which do not exclusively denote “the attainment of perfect peace” - Kumoi
1997: 409) and by expanding the repertory of Vedic occurrences to several Yajurveda passages
that have gone almost unnoticed until now, we have reconsidered the whole historicalbackground and usage of this combination of stems. We have tried to postulate a common
archetypal tatpuruṣa which might have denoted a quite material target of welfare from which
the two series of occurrences (Brāhmaṇic and Buddhist) sometimes developed independently
from each other in a definitely wisdom-oriented direction.
Our comparative methodology has been tentatively tuned to the line of reasoning explained forexample by Ruegg (2001: 738). Thus, on the one hand we rely on the so-called “substratum
model” (see e.g. Sanderson 1994: 93). On the other hand, we are persuaded that cultural

borrowing often takes place against a shared background and the protagonists of these sharedbeliefs are often aware that they belong to the same cultural milieu (cf. Sferra 2003: 59-61).
Just like the study of inscriptions or iconographic elements or material art, the research and therediscovery of some linguistic patterns and their evolution, namely the attempt to reconstructsome cases of loanword or of lexical reuse, has to be considered a crucial key of access to an
overall reconstruction of the dynamics that occurred between these two traditions.
We actually believe in the importance of studies aimed at reconstructing a “real and unitaryworld” around an object studied, as already theorized by Skilling (Carbine, Cicuzza,
Pakdeekham, and Skilling 2012: XXI) as regards the Theravāda Buddhism tradition.
Osto, Douglas (Massey University)
No-Self in Sāṃkhya: A Comparative Look at Classical Sāṃkhya and Theravāda
Buddhism
In a number of standard introductory textbooks on Indian philosophy, classical Sāṃkhya is
described as a Hindu philosophical school based on a fundamental dualism between a pluralityof selves, or spirits (puruṣas) and the material, or phenomenal world (prakṛti); whereas
Buddhism, on the other hand, is most often described as a system based on the radically different
position of “no-self” or selflessness (Sanskrit: anātman; Pali: anattā). However, such depictions
often obscure strong structural homologies between the two systems, which highlight thefundamental duality at the heart of both systems’ ontologies and their inherent pessimism toward
conventional reality. Building on some recent innovative studies, this paper begins with ananalysis and reinterpretation of some of the main ideas found in the Sāṃkhyakārikā, thefoundational text of classical Sāṃkhya composed by Īśvarakṛṣṇa. Next it demonstrates how
these new interpretations illuminate new points of contact between classical Sāṃkhya andTheravāda Buddhism as primarily represented by Buddhaghosa in his classic Visuddhimagga.
This paper then argues that the conceptual and soteriological universes of classical Sāṃkhya
and Theravāda Buddhism may be much closer together than previously realized. Both systems
tell a story about an eternal cycle of repeated birth and death which is characterized by suffering.
While not denying the phenomenal world’s reality, both maintain another reality beyond time,
space, causality and change, an unconditioned state. Thus, both systems possess dualistic
ontologies. Moreover, through a radical process of disassociating from every phenomenon as“I,” “me” or “mine,” both systems deny the ultimate value of the world, and seek complete
detachment from all things worldly. Thus by comparing classical Sāṃkhya and Theravāda
Buddhism in this manner we highlight the ontological and methodological homologies between
the two systems and transcend the simplistic “self” versus “no-self” oppositional model often
employed in standard introductions. This comparison also demonstrates the centrality of
Buddhaghosa’s ontological dualism for Theravādin orthodoxy; a fact that tends to be overlookedby some modernist practitioners and apologists, who wish to emphasize the “this worldly”
benefits of Buddhism.
From a philosophical point of view, one might question the rationality of asserting the existenceof a reality beyond all experience. However, as this paper demonstrates, the validity of theserenouncer traditions hinges on the belief that a trans-empirical reality lies beyond the saṃsāricrealm. The pessimism toward worldly life at the heart of both Sāṃkhya and Theravāda
Buddhism requires the unconditioned in order to avoid complete despair in the face of worldly
suffering. It is this unconditioned realm that allows for the possibility of escape; without it, thesystems are, as Friedrich Nietzsche claimed (Genealogy of Morals, 1956, p. 299), nihilistic.
Empirically-minded moderns might find such ontological dualism disagreeable. However, toignore, overlook or downplay these systems’ pessimistic assessment of conditioned existence
and their assertion of the soteriological necessity of the unconditioned is to do violence to thefundamental tenets of both religious philosophies.
Son, Jewongwan (Dongguk University)
Dual Structure of Funeral Rites in the Southern Song Period
Many intellectuals of the Southern Song criticized the practice of Buddhist funeral. Such afrequent criticism, however, implies that Buddhist funeral rites were rather widely accepted
across all social strata.
This paper will firstly consider the historical background and reasons for the proliferation of
Buddhist funeral rites during the Southern Song. After that, it will analyze the cases of the
Buddhist rite for the beings of water and land(水陸齋), which was performed to appease thegrudges of the dead. Those stories are introduced in Yijian zhi (or Record of the Listener, 夷堅志) by Hong Mai(洪邁, 1123-1202). This analysis will focus on the notion of Hell and therelationship between the living and the dead.
The meaning of the spread of Buddhist funeral rites is not limited simply to the rules of Li(禮)and formality. We should not miss the point that the idea of caring the dead could not be formed
without Buddhist funeral rites.
If funeral rites for the dead can be understood as a religious soteriological system, it should be
noted that two kinds of movements, that is, collectivity and individuality or salvation of thedeceased who are intimate and that of the deceased who are suffering, make a complex anddynamic relation between them.
In Chinese tradition, soothing grudges of the dead who have dissatisfaction, especially caring
malicious spirits(厲鬼) and lonely ghosts(孤魂) who are easily discontented, had long been
considered important. The concept of Hell itself and the notion of pain of the departed soul inthe underworld also need to be examined. Perhaps the Buddhist funeral rites for the dead in theSouthern Song provided a form to an important concern among the folk, namely, liberation of
the departed souls from suffering and discontent.
Welter, Albert (University of Arizona)
Literati Monks as Buddhist Junzi (“Confucian” Gentleman): Buddhist Administrators in
the Chinese Context
Throughout its history in China, Buddhism endured the vicissitudes of imperial politics,
courting the favors of the emperor and well-placed members of the cultural elite, on the one

hand, while inviting the wrath of its detractors, on the other. While policies toward Buddhism
often followed a consistent pattern as determined by the emperor and imperial bureaucracy’s
disposition, inconsistencies can also be detected during the course of a single imperial reignowing to changing personal and public circumstances. As a result, motivations for Buddhist
policies were complex, vascillating between pro- and anti-Buddhist. The imperial relationshipwith Buddhism in China, given ideological-theological differences between the emperor as Son
of Heaven, on the one hand, and as incarnate Buddha or high-level Bodhisattva, on the other,
was always potentially fraught with conflict. This paper explores a Buddhist response to thesechallenges through an examination of the Buddhist literati-monk Zanning’s (919-1001) TopicalCompendium of the Buddhist Clergy (sometimes translated as Brief History of the Sangha)
compiled in the Great Song dynasty (Da Song Seng shilue 大宋僧史略), written at the requestof Song emperor Taizong (r. 976-997). The study details Zanning’s argument for accepting
Buddhism as a Chinese (rather than foreign) religion, as reflecting and enhancing native Chinese
values rather than conflicting with them (as its detractors claimed). A number of subjects
addressed in the Topical Compendium are addressed–– the performance of Buddhist rituals atstate ceremonies, the inclusion of Buddhist writings in Chinese wen 文 (letters or literature),proper Buddhist customs and practices and their contributions to the aims of the Chinese state,
and the epitome of integration of Buddhist elite into the Confucian ideal of gentlemanly civility,
the Buddhist junzi 君子.

Buddhism and Medicine
Mon., Aug. 21st, 14:00-15:30
Bright, Jennifer (University of Toronto)
A Tibetan Buddhist Scientist: Gendun Chöphel in Contemporary Tibetan Medical
Literature
Gendun Chöphel (Dge ‘dun chos ‘phel, 1903 – 1951), a figure of considerable study amongmodern Western and Tibetan scholars, is known as the iconoclastic and eccentric twentiethcentury itinerant scholar who famously refuted the key Buddhist philosophical doctrines of his
elite Gelukpa teachers. Having left the order of Buddhist monks as a young man to pursue‘modern’ knowledge and languages, Gendun Chöphel authored a ‘modern’ work on sex, theTreatise on Passion, which he based on his own ‘experience’ with women, and crucially, his‘knowledge’ of the human body. Curiously, although he was neither a medical doctor, nor did
he write extensively on medicine, Gendun Chöphel has been established as an authoritative
source of medical knowledge about the body by contemporary Tibetan medical researchers,
textualists, and writers. For example, his Treatise on Passion is especially prominent incontemporary medical literature on women’s bodies and reproduction. This paper will examine
instances and arguments in contemporary Tibetan medical works that position Gendun Chöphel
as a figure of medical and scientific authority. Through looking at these, I suggest that thecontemporary portrayal of Gendun Chöphel as a ‘Tibetan Buddhist scientist’ speaks to what itmeans to be both ‘scientific’ and ‘Buddhist’ in the modern Tibetan medical tradition.
Sik, Hin-Tak (University of Hong Kong)
Diseases and Treatments in the Chapter on Medicine in the Vinaya Piṭakas.

Buddhist literature comprises not only information on Buddhist doctrines and practices, but also
other knowledges of ancient cultures. One such knowledge is medicine. Abundant data of
medicine – such as medical sciences, medicinal substances, diseases, therapies, and therapeutic
tools – are found in the Buddhist scriptures. This paper explores the diseases and their remedies
as recorded in the Vinaya Piṭakas, particularly those in the Chapter on Medicine. It illuminates
ancient Indian medical lore preserved in the Vinayas, and reveals diverse medical interventions
for illnesses in ancient India.
Six versions of the Chapter on Medicine of the extant Vinaya Piṭakas are utilised as the main
sources for this study. They are the Theravāda Bhesajjakkhandhaka, the DharmaguptakaBhaiṣajyaskandhaka,theMahīśāsaka
Bhaiṣajyadharmaka,the
SarvāstivādaBhaiṣajyadharmaka, the Mūlasarvāstivāda Bhaiṣajyavastu, and the relevant parts in the
Mahāsāṃghika Vinaya. The data on various diseases and their treatments are collected andcategorised under the medical specialties where they are treated. The findings in different
versions of the Chapter on Medicine are then reported and compared in this paper. They are alsointerpreted through Āyurvedic and modern medical knowledge. Numerous diseases andtreatments are noted in the Chapter on Medicine (and some in other parts of the Vinaya Piṭaka).
Illnesses are categorised into specialties of internal medicine, toxicology, ophthalmology,
dermatology, surgery, and psychiatry. In the area of internal medicine, there are autumnal
disease, wind diseases, disorders of humours/elements, fever, gastrointestinal disturbances,headache, jaundice, and malaria. For toxicology, cases of ingestion of toxic substances andsnakebites are found. For ophthalmology, non-specific eye disease and painful eye are
mentioned. There are itching lesions, carbuncles, wounds, and so on for dermatology. For
surgery, perineal diseases and foot ailments are recorded. There is also a case of possession or
insanity pertaining to psychiatry. Different remedies for these maladies are documented in thesources and are delineated in the paper.
Much information regarding sicknesses and therapies can be found in the Vinaya Piṭakas. These
details represent ancient Indian medical knowledge. By making the less organised facts in theversions of the Chapter on Medicine more systematic, this paper furnishes sorted material onancient Indian medicine preserved in the extant Vinaya Piṭakas of six Buddhist schools.
Furthermore, those data in the Chinese versions of the Vinaya Piṭaka are translated andpresented to Western Buddhist scholars. The findings in this paper also contribute to theknowledge of ancient healing belonging to the śramaṇic phase (about ninth century BCE to thebeginning of the Common Era) of the history of Indian medicine.

Buddhism and Society
Tue, Aug. 22nd, 9:00-15:30
Lai, Rongdao (University of Southern California)
Becoming Bodhisattva Citizens: Buddhist Citizenship Discourse in Republican China
Chinese Buddhists in the twentieth century actively sought to construct a “modern Buddhism”
that would contribute to the nationalist agenda. Although they did not produce a nationalism

equivalent to that in Japan, where Buddhist groups were explicitly supporting an expansionist
military agenda, reformers and young monks in China nonetheless defined Buddhism as anintegral element of Chinese culture, reformulated a Buddhist identity to justify Buddhist
participation in nation-building and national defense, and produced their own notion of rights
and obligations as members of the political community. Focusing on the student-monks in the
new-style Buddhist academies, this paper shows how Chinese Buddhists in Republican China
crafted a distinctive form of citizenship by combining various dimensions of existing citizenshipdiscourse with this-worldly interpretations of Buddhist soteriology to warrant the expression of
an identity firmly grounded in the language of Buddhism. I argue that they actively performed
citizenship through constant negotiation and compromise with discourses on the right to theprotection of property, participation in political activities such as voting and running for office,and by assuming the obligation to defend the nation, especially during the Sino-Japanese War.
Each of these three aspects of Buddhist citizenship loosely corresponds to a different phase ofinteraction between Buddhism and the Chinese state. Although one aspect of this Buddhist
conception of citizenship might be more dominant than others in specific socio-politicalcontexts, they were intertwined with and reinforced one another. Ultimately, I hope to expand
the scope of current scholarship on the discourse and practice of citizenship by adding to thediscussion the Chinese Buddhists and Buddhism as both the actors and arena in whichconfrontation between the “old” and the “new” was most apparent in the pursuit of modernity.
Keywords: Buddhism and society, Engaged Buddhism, Buddhist modernism, Buddhism andpolitics, Modern China
Lu, Lianghao (University of Pittsburgh)
Creating a Dharma Market: Advertisements in Buddhist Periodicals in Early 20 thCentury Shanghai
The modern print industry served as the nexus for the modernization and transformation ofChinese Buddhism, and Buddhist periodicals became a publishing phenomenon, a new medium
exploited by Chinese Buddhists in the modern age to assert their stands. Within those journals,
advertisements served as a particularly interesting indicator to understand the interaction andmutual support between those new Buddhist medium and propagating tunnels, and respectively
they revealed the image of Buddhism conceptualized in early twentieth century China. The
majority of journals focused in this study was published in Shanghai as well as its vicinity
because Shanghai was the center of modern Chinese print capitalism and most of those Buddhist
journals were published in and around the area. Advertisements printed in the Buddhist
periodicals can generally be sorted into four types: (1) Buddhist texts, pamphlets, sutras, andcommentary works that editors recognized and recommended, (2) works published by theprinting house, mainly Buddhist-related, as well as announcements of Buddhist services
including sutra lecture and training programs for Buddhist studies, (3) art works such as
calligraphy and painting, welcomed by Buddhist community, and (4) the commonly seencommercial ads promoting other social products such as secular journals, seasonings, medicines,
and so on. These advertisements reveal the scale of circulation, the intended readership, andissues discussed by the Buddhist community. By studying advertisements contained in Buddhist
periodicals published in Shanghai in the early Republican period, it suggests that (1) theBuddhist community tried to cultivate a wide readership so as to revive Buddhism and send an
orthodox message by promoting their approved works; (2) some advertisements were designed
to promote certain Buddhist monks’ or societies’ publications in order to either cultivate
authority and reinforce their roles as leaders in the Buddhist community, or indicate the position
and attitude of the particular periodicals that they concurred with; and (3) the competing images
and ideas about the modern form of Chinese Buddhism.
Xing, Guang (University of Hong Kong)
A Study of Qisong’s Xiaolun (Treatise on Filial Piety)
Qisong (1007-1072) is an eminent scholar monk lived in the early Song dynasty when
Confucian scholars attempted to restore the Confucian teaching which was started with Han Yu
in Tang dynasty. These Confucian scholars such as Ouyang Xiu and Li Gou, imitating Han Yu,
criticized Buddhism from economical, cultural and ethical aspects. Under such circumstances,
Qisong wrote the Xiaolun (Treatise on Filial Piety) in order to refute the Confucian scholars’
criticism from ethical point of view. The Xiaolun is an important work that synthesized theteaching of filial piety in Chinese Buddhism and further developed it. Qisong not only
summarized the ideas of filial piety discussed in the previous scholarly works, but also
developed his own theory with reference to both Buddhist and Confucian scriptures. Qisongasserted that the greatest filial piety is found in Buddhism. Qisong’s Xiaolun discusses theconcept and practice of filial piety from the following five points. (1) Filial piety is the root
source of human life and human nature. The greatest filial piety is in serving one’s parents withsincerity as parents give one’s life. (2) Filial piety is the beginning of Buddhist precepts and thefive precepts are the components in the practice of filial piety. (3) The Buddhist concept of filial
piety is greater than that of Confucianism because Buddhism advocates compassion to all
sentient beings including animals with the first of the five precepts of non-killing as they could
be our past parents. (4) Buddhism advocates the repaying the debts to parents by leading avirtuous life and teaching the same virtue to all people because supporting and serving parents
alone as advocated by Confucianism cannot repay their debts. (5) Buddhist monks should also
participate in parents’ funeral ceremonies and perform mourning rituals with an expression ofdeep remorse of loss in their hearts and minds. After its publication, Qisong’s Xiaolun won theadmiration from and influenced not only Buddhists but also Confucian scholars.
Kobbun, Pisit (Ubon Ratchathani University)
Buddhist Art and Politics: A Case Study of Paintings along the MekongThis research article is intended to examine mural paintings as Buddhist art as regards
relationship with religion and politics by examining mural paintings in the area along the
Mekong in the Northeast of Thailand. From the study, it is found that besides presenting
Buddhist stories, these paintings also have messages pertaining to the history and politics during
the time when they were created, that is, the paintings in the area of the temples along the
Mekong display soldiers battalion and senior government officials of the central section. This
conveys the declaration of the territory of Thailand and signifies Thailand’s political power overFrance during the time when France had seized the land on the left of the Mekong (a part ofLaos). Thus, the paintings are significantly related to historical events during the Franco-Siamese dispute (1893-1906). This study shows that besides religious and didactic functions,
Buddhist art has social and political functions as well.
Kawanami, Hiroko (Lancaster University)Mòpyar Gaing: a case study of a heterodox sect in modern Myanmar
The notion of orthodoxy is a theme that is not commonly discussed in reference to Buddhism inthe manner that it would be in a monotheistic tradition of Christianity or Islam. In Myanmar,
which is a majority Buddhist country, Theravāda Buddhism is a nominal part of her national
identity and the notion of Buddha sāsana has been actively disseminated by the state as a vehicle
for legitimation. Most discussions on ‘what is proper Buddhism or not’ have focused on the‘correct’ conduct of monks in accordance with the Vinaya rather than on its doctrinal
interpretation. This paper focuses on Mòpyar Gaing, an unorthodox Buddhist sect that gained
notoriety in the 1980s and attempts to understand its unique interpretation of the Buddhist
doctrine in the context of Myanmar Buddhism. Its founder monk U Nyarna is seen as a ‘heretic,’
not in the Judaeo-Christian sense of the word, but a titthika who has spent more than three
decades in prison due to preaching ‘false views.’ Its members, both monastic and lay wear skyblue colored robes, which is the origin of the sect name, and adhere to the concept of ‘thisworldly’ karma, which claims that everyone will be reborn as a human being regardless ofwhether one has engaged in merit-making activities or not.
U Nyarna was critical about the monks for practicing ‘meaningless’ ritual and soliciting
donations, and he preached about the futility of believing in the existence of future lives. In his
view, Buddhism had to be ‘scientific’ and practiced in a rational way so that it would be useful
to society in modern times. As many of its supporters were ex-socialists or socialist
sympathizers, perhaps his teachings appealed to their anti-spiritualist (not recognizing anafterlife) or materialist sentiments. On the other hand, U Nyarna boasted about having reacheda high level of spiritual development and perceived himself to be a Buddha-to-be, seen as oneof the four worst offences in the Pārājika.
Based on personal interviews with the monk recently released from prison and an examinationof sangha reports submitted to the tribunal, the paper examines key issues that are relevant to
the notion of Theravāda Buddhist orthodoxy in the modern history of Myanmar Buddhism. The
persecution of Mòpyar Gaing provides a unique case study in a traditional Buddhist country
where monastic members perceive themselves to be the ‘true’ custodians of Buddha sāsana,and understand why it has posed such a threat to sangha and the state in modern Myanmar.
Chakravarti, Ranabir (Jawaharlal Nehru University)
Negation of the Varna-Jati System: Gleanings from the Sardulakarnavadanam
Buddhism emerged and gained immense popularity and acceptance, along with other Sramanicgroups like Jainism and Ajivikism, from c. 6th-5th centuries BCE in the South Asian
subcontinent, by exposing the infallibility of the Vedas (Veda-apramanyavadi), the uselessnessof elaborate sacrificial rituals and the inefficacy of the varna-jati system of social organization.
By opening the door of the Samgha to any person irrespective of his/her birth and by allowing

anyone to renounce the world at any stage of life, Buddhism lay bare the hollowness of the twoplanks of the Brahmanical social ideology, namely the four-fold institutions of varna andasrama. Among many canonical and non-canonical Buddhist texts sharply denouncing theinstitutionalized inequality inherent in the varna-jati system is one particular Avadana text, theSardulakarnavadanam (belonging to the Divyavadanam) of c. 200 BCE—200 CE, that not only
negates the very basis of social discrimination on the basis of the varna ideology, but also
upholds the marriage between a matanga (equivalent to a chandala— assigned the lowest
position in the varna-jati system) male and the daughter of a learned brahmana named
Pushkarasarin. In terms of brahamanical social norms such a marriage is worse than the worst
pratiloma marriage, i.e. the marriage between a sudra male and a brahmana female, yielding achandala offspring.
The Avadana story in question demonstrates how the false vanity of the learned but impious
brahmana Pushkarasarin was exposed by the erudite matanga (chandala) chief (matangaraja)
Trisanku. The intense debate between the brahmana and the matanga, leading to the eventual
victory of the matanga, brings out in sharp focus the best traits of what Amartya Sen labels as
the ‘argumentative Indians’. What is striking here is that the Buddha, while narrating the taleduring his sojourning at Sravasti, identified Ananda, his favourite disciple as the son of thematanga chief in his previous birth and the daughter of the learned brahmana as Prakriti, amatanga maiden (matangadarika) in this birth. Prakriti offered water to the thirsty Ananda who
gleefully accepted the water to quench his thirst, thereby negating the very notion of purity andpollution as a principal plank of the varna-jati hierarchy. Prakriti was keen on marrying Ananda,
but on hearing the Buddha, renounced the world and was admitted to the Samgha as a bhikshuni.
When the elites in the city of Sravasti expressed their discomfort in the admission of a matanga
woman to the Samgha, the Buddha revealed to them the uselessness of the varna-jaticlassification the eradication of which was one of the pillars of Buddhist ideology. The Avadana
text further throws immense light on the question of gender, intricately linked with the rigoursof the varna-jati society, and spoke in favour of the admission of a matanga/chandala unmarried
woman to the Samgha. The paper will also discuss the remarkable appeal of this Avadana story
in areas outside India, demonstrated by three Chinese translations of the story before 5th century
CE and another Tibetan translation of the text by 9th century CE.
Lele, Amod (Boston University)
Disengaged Buddhism: The rejection of activism in classical South Asia
In recent years the term engaged Buddhism has gained widespread currency to describe a formof Buddhism that involves itself actively in social and political causes. The term’s popularity
suggests the question: is there a form of Buddhism that is not engaged? Engaged Buddhists
show a striking reticence to answer this question. Some beg it by claiming “all Buddhism isengaged”, even while using the term “engaged Buddhism” to describe only activist strains of
Buddhism (Hunt-Perry and Fine 2000); some say it would be impolite even to admit that other
Buddhists are “disengaged” (see Bell 2000: 401). The proposed presentation aims to get pastthis reticence, and ask and answer the question: what is disengaged Buddhism?

With Main and Lai (2013), the presentation explicitly rejects normative definitions of engaged
Buddhism that treat engagement as necessarily good (and therefore disengagement as bad).
Unlike Main and Lai, it aims at a definition that does not assume political engagement isnecessarily a modern phenomenon. To this end the presentation identifies disengaged Buddhism
as that form of Buddhism which rejects social activism, which is to say it rejects attempts tocreate systemic social or political change.
The presentation examines characteristic classical South Asian Buddhist texts (both mainstream
and Mahāyāna) that explicitly reject attempts to bring political change, including theŚikṣāsamuccaya of Śāntideva, the Catuḥśatakaṭikā of Candrakīrti, the Buddhacarita ofAśvaghoṣa and the Mūgapakkha Jātaka. It argues that the rejection of activism in these texts is
not merely a matter of silence or neglect, but a reasoned and considered stance that follows fromkey Buddhist principles. In so doing it suggests that Weber’s oft-maligned characterization of
Buddhism as an anti-political religion rings true for at least one major strain of South Asian
Buddhism, and that Buddhists of this strain consider this to be not a flaw but a virtue. In theireyes a refusal to engage in social activism is not a “vacuum” to be filled (Tanabe 2005), but aprincipled dharmic ideal.
Among them, the texts express several reasons for political disengagement. From the frequently
expressed Buddhist point that the causes of suffering are primarily mental, they argue for an
altruism that addresses those mental causes rather than not political or economic institutions.
They claim that social obligations are insubstantial given that one faces death. And they argue
that the power to change a social system, such as that possessed by a king, is dangerous because
it carries with it greater exposure to craving, anger and egotistical delusion. Together, thesearguments constitute an implicit retort to contemporary engaged Buddhists, and give pause to
the identification of engaged Buddhism as an obvious or natural outgrowth of traditional
Buddhist principles.
Works Cited:
Bell, Sandra. 2000. “A survey of engagd Buddhism in Britain.” In Christopher S. Queen (ed.)
Engaged Buddhism in the West. Somerville, MA: Wisdom. 397–422.
Hunt-Perry, Patricia and Fine, Lyn. 2000. “All Buddhism is engaged: Thich Nhat Hanh and theOrder of Interbeing.” In Christopher S. Queen (ed.) Engaged Buddhism in the West. Somerville,
MA: Wisdom. 35–66.
Main, Jessica L., and Lai, Rongdao. 2013. “Introduction: reformulating ‘socially engaged
Buddhism’ as an analytical category”. The Eastern Buddhist 44(2): 1–34.
Tanabe, George J., Jr. 2005. “Series editor’s preface” to Sallie King, Being Benevolence: The
Social Ethics of Engaged Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. ix.
Richard, Frédéric (Université de Lausanne)
Buddhism and the ‘secularized’ Tibetan government in exile
In Tibet, Buddhism, or more precisely Vajrayana Buddhism, deeply permeated the society at
different levels, including politics and the State. The Tibetan political regime founded by thefifth Dalai Lama in 1642 was generally characterised by the principle of ‘union of politics andreligion’, or chos srid zung ‘brel, where religion, or chos, refer mainly to Buddhism. This regime
remained in Tibet until 1959, having undergone some modifications under the Manchu
protectorate from the beginning of XVIIIth century to the beginning of XXth century.
Since its establishment in exile in Dharamsala, the Tibetan government has undertaken asecularisation process which is considered to have been finalized in March 2011, with the Dalai
Lama’s retirement from political duties, and the election of a president (srid skyong) of what isnow called the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA).
However, the principle of ‘union of politics and religion’ is still written in the Charter of the
Tibetans in Exile, which is the supreme law governing the function of the CTA. On theinstitutional level, Buddhist institutions are not completely separated from the CTA, since two
members of the Tibetan Assembly are elected by each of the five religious traditions recognizedby the CTA. Even if Buddhism is almost unanimously considered as an essential element ofTibetan cultural, or even national identity, the CTA is subject to criticism by different groups
and individuals among exile society, who consider Buddhist institutions or Buddhist ethicalprinciples as having too much influence within the politics of the CTA.
After having sketched the series of secularisation reforms undertaken by the CTA since 1960, I
will show how the Dalai Lama, through some of his speeches, has redefined the principle of the‘union of politics and religion’ in a modern perspective, legitimizing the role of Buddhism inmodern Tibetan society and politics. I will then present the main criticisms emanating from the
Tibetan exile society in relation to the lack of secularisation of the CTA. I shall argue that theselines of criticism are correlated with specific issues of Tibetan politics that go beyond mere
theoretical debate on secularisation. This will lead me to show that there is different underlying
conceptions of secularisation among the Tibetan exile society, and to open some reflections
about how to theorize secularisation in Buddhist-permeated societies.

Buddhist Art and Architecture
Wed., Aug. 23rd, 9:00-17:30
Bruneau, Laurianne (Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes)
Archaeology of Ladakh: new data for the history of Buddhism in the Western Himalayas
The introduction of Buddhism into Ladakh is traditionally associated with Rinchen Zangpo(958-1055). This famous translator is one of the main characters of the Second Diffusion of
Buddhism into Tibet that initiated in the kingdom of Purang-Guge.
In Ladakh the ruins of Nyarma are traditionally held to be the oldest Buddhist remains because
the temple is mentioned in Rinchen Zangpo’s biography as one of his foundations as well as in
the royal Chronicles (La-dvags rgyal-rabs). However, archaeologists and art historians assume
that numerous stūpa engravings and Buddhist stone sculptures seen throughout Ladakh predate
these written sources and therefore the Second Diffusion.

This hypothesis is now confirmed by the archaeological analysis of a large ruined stūpa at Tirisa(Nubra valley) done within the frame of the Franco-Indian Archaeological Mission in Ladakh(Mission Archéologique Franco-Indienne au Ladakh, hence MAFIL) in 2013. Morphologically,
the stūpa of Tirisa is reminiscent of monuments of Kashmir and Central Asia attributed to thelast quarter of the 1st millennium AD. Two wooden samples submitted for C14 analysis confirm
that the site of Tirisa was in use as early as the 6th century AD, making it so far the earliest
known Buddhist site in Ladakh and the Western Himalayas.
In 2015 and 2016 the MAFIL focused on the ruined Buddhist site of Khardong Choskor, northof Leh. After a brief geographical and topographical presentation of the archaeological site,where about 140 ruined structures and various earthworks were documented and mapped(chortens, temples and residential buildings mostly), we will present the results of excavations
carried out at one the temples whose layout recall one of the ruined temples of Nyarma.
Excavations of roofing and pillar elements at Choskor enable us to better understand the originalarchitecture of early Western Himalayan temples. Fragments of painted clay sculptures andmural paintings help us draw a picture of the iconographic programme and type of Buddhist art
once displayed, some elements echoing the still extant temple of Tabo (Himachal Pradesh).
Besides, objects (metal and stone objects, coins, pottery and tsa tsa) unearthened at the centreof the temple of Khardhong Choskor, alongside brick and stone structures, provide clues about
worship practices. Finally, wooden, charcoal and bone samples submitted for dating shall help
us to pin down the foundation of the temple (presumably 10th-11th centuries) and the period
during which it was in use.
As we will see the archaeological discoveries made at Choskor contribute to a better
understanding of early Buddhism in Ladakh since dozens of such ruined temples are scatteredthroughout the region. Moreover, Buddhist remains documented in the frame of the MAFIL
testify not only to the importance of the Western Himalayas for the diffusion of Buddhism fromits Indian homeland to Central Asia and Tibet but also to the undeniable contribution ofarchaeology to the religious history of an area where written sources are scarce.
Seegers, Eva (University of Hamburg)
The Decoration and Iconographic Program of selected Stūpas in Eastern Tibet after 1959
When traveling through Eastern Tibet (Khams), a striking number of stūpas catch one’s eye.
The stūpa is a visual representation of Buddhism said to express the dharmakāya (chos sku), theultimate state of enlightenment. The ‘Eight Great Location Caityas’ (Bagchi 1941),
commemorating central events in the life of Buddha śākyamuni, became very popular in Tibet.
The fact is, that most of these ancient stūpas have deteriorated over the centuries and that the
Cultural Revolution led to massive depredation and loss of religious architecture. After 1959
only a fractional amount of stūpas remained.
Today, Eastern Tibet is again very rich in stūpas in various sizes and forms. They stand alone
or in groups alongside of streets, on mountain passes, within or close to monasteries. The

majority had most likely not been erected before the 1980s, when the Chinese government
started its efforts to support the rebuilding and expanding of religious venues.
The paper provides a stylistic analysis of these newly built Buddhist monuments and aims toanswer the questions if they create merely a fantasy of the past or whether is it likely that they
still follow the required key-principles of stūpa construction? These are measurement, fillingand consecration rituals, which make a stūpa into a proper object of worship. To what extent
might contemporary building materials and construction techniques modify the traditional
methods?
The paper includes a general survey of Tibetan stūpas built after 1959 in the Tibetan culturalarea and the countries where the Tibetans took up residence after their diaspora. Unpublished
new data collected by field-work and textual sources will blend together in this presentation.
Anderl, Christoph (Ghent University)
The Development of Māra Iconography in China: Continuities and Transformations
The defeat of Māra’s 魔 army of demons by the meditating Buddha has been one of the mostpopular topics for iconographic representation in the context of Chinese Buddhist art, sometimes
subsumed under the label “Submission/Destruction of Māra Depictions” (破魔相, 破魔變相,降魔（變）相, etc.). In this paper I will trace the evolution of the topic to its antecedents inCentral Asia and the Tarim Basin (for an overview, see Anderl & Pons forthcoming: 256-313,
with further references). The main focus of the presentation will be on the development of Māra
depictions in China, and specifically in the Dunhuang area. Although the iconography became
codified to a great degree in the course of its evolution, new forms of representation appearedin the 9th and 10th century in the Dunhuang area, triggered by various factors, such as theappearance of new iconographic programs, as well as historical (the rise of esoteric/tantric
Buddhism) and political reasons (e.g., the strengthening of relations to influential cities in the
Tarim Basin such as Turfan and Khotan). Whereas the famous “Silk painting of Māra” (Musée
Guimet MG 17655) discovered in the Mogao Library Cave has received ample scholarly
attention (e.g., Giès & Cohen 1995; Russell-Smith 2005; Whitfield 1982-1985, vol.1; Li Jingxie
2002; etc.), a large tableau in Yulin 榆林 Cave no.33 has not yet been studied thoroughly. I will
introduce this painting as part of a complex iconographic program of this cave temple, with afocus on new iconographic and structural/compositional elements that characterize this tableau.
Of special interest is the function of the “side panels” (an iconographic feature appearing during
the late Tang) and the narratives depicted on them. They seem to have an “annotating” function
in relation to the main topic in the center of the tableau. I will argue that this development isprobably due to a variety of reasons that eventually led to an increased complexity of narrativevisual programs. Among them, the phenomenon of “re-textualization” plays an important role,i.e., narratives were adapted to conform to popular scriptural sources (many of them being “noncanonical”) which circulated during that time (Lu Jingxie 2002: 55; Anderl & Pons forthcoming:
297f.), as part of an overall development which brought textual and visual media into anincreasingly close relationship, at times nearly merging the two media with each other.
Lin, Nancy (Vanderbilt University)

Chou, Weng-shing (Hunter College)
Recalling the Past Lives of a Qing Ruler: An Album of the Qianlong Emperor's Previous
Incarnations
This paper examines a previously unstudied album produced in the eighteenth-century Qing
court, which depicts the preincarnation lineage of the Qianlong emperor (1711–1799). The
album features portraits along with quadrilingual verse inscriptions in Tibetan, Chinese,
Manchu, and Mongolian. It is closely related to two other unstudied albums of thepreincarnation lineages of the state imperial preceptor Lcang skya Rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786)
and the high-ranking Geluk lama Panchen Blo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780), also
produced in the Qing court. The albums represent a unique Qing Gelukpa reformulation of the
Tibetan practice of producing preincarnation lineages for high-ranking individuals throughimage, text, and ritual, which became especially prevalent in the courts of the Dalai Lamas andthe Panchen Lamas beginning in the seventeenth century. Through the pictorialization andmultilingual textualization of genealogies, they articulate in novel ways the layered andinterconnected identities between generations of lamas and rulers.
In this joint paper, we will perform complementary analyses of the visual and literary culture ofkingship in Chinese and Tibetan traditions. Wen-shing Chou, an art historian specializing in
Sino-Tibetan Buddhist art, will examine the ways in which the Qing courtly practice of imperial
portraiture and the veneration of the rulers of previous dynasties both inform and are challenged
by the Qianlong album, contributing to a new formulation of dynastic lineage in the imperial
court. Nancy Lin, a historian of religion specializing in Tibetan Buddhist literature and art, will
focus on the Tibetan context of constructing preincarnation lineages, comparing the Qianlong
album with images and textual sources regarding the preincarnations of Tibetan ruling figures
such as the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682), Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705), andMi dbang Pho lha Bsod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747). Together, they argue that the album
presents a skillful merging of the concepts of dynastic succession, reincarnation lineage, anddharmic transmission that were both generative of and deeply resonant with fundamental ideasof Buddhist kingship in China and Inner Asia.
Lin, Fan (Leiden University)
Dimensions of Non-duality and Liminality: Visual Images of Vimalakīrti in Medieval
China (500-1200)
In comparison to its scant traces in India, the Vimalakīrti Sūtra (Vimalakīrtinirdeśa) gainedmuch popularity in medieval China. Without any prototypes from India, commentaries andvisual representations proliferated after the third century. Popular as it was among the lay andmonastic Buddhists, it was seldom used as a devotional text or exclusively associated with adoctrinal school. In various doctrinal classification (panjiao 判教) systems, the Vimalakīrti wasfrequently considered an “entry sutra” into the Mahāyāna. As a transition to an advanced level,
it transcends the limits of duality adhered to by the “Hīnayāna” practitioners, and opens the pathleading to the final stage of nirvana.

This research explores the parallel between the liminal stage of the sutra in the panjiao system,
the pictorial logic of its transformation tableaux, and its spatial arrangement in the cavecomplex. Just as the sutra was never received as a devotional text, Vimalakīrti was neverportrayed as an iconic figure in visual imagery. In paintings as well as sculptures, he is usually
represented as a wealthy elite in profile without a halo, and never takes a central or frontal
position. Vimalakīrti as a medium connecting the lay and the monastic, and the Vimalakīrti
Sūtra as an intermediate phase in the panjiao system is also metaphorically reflected in its spatial
arrangement. During the Northern Dynasties (386-581), carvings depicting the debate between
Vimalakīrti and Mañjuśrī are commonly found on the lintels of caves at Yungang and Longmen.
After the early-Tang (618-906), placement of the Vimalakīrti transformation tableaux on the
cave entrances became the predominant format of the spatial arrangement at the Mogao cavesin Dunhuang. The entrance linking the outer and inner space of a cave, seen from the viewers’
perspective, can also function as a doctrinal and social threshold. I argue that Vimalakīrti wastransformed into a figure that local patrons could identify with, and the transitional stage of thesutra was materialized on the cave entrance to a deeper and sacred space embodying ultimate
reality.
Nakamura, Yuuka (Mukogawa Women's University)
The Spatial Composition of Buddhist Temples in Central Asia, Part 2: The
Transformation of Shrines
The aim of this study is to propose visually the transformation and the characteristic form of
Buddhist temples in terms of architectural spatial components based on bibliographic surveys
concerning 59 documented Buddhist temple remains (excluding cave temples) in Central Asia.
After we prepared a database of Buddhist temples and analyzed each temple, 38 components
were extracted such as a square base, mound, drum, freestanding columns, and corridor et al.
The database includes a construction years (centuries), dynasties, cultures, drawings, andphotographs of the Buddhist temple remains situated above the ground.
Then we analyzed the spatial composition of each temple by focusing on the extracted spatial
components. On the basis of their features, the spatial compositions are classified into fourfunction types: stupas, shrines, monasteries, and other inferior complexes. We created the threedimensional schemas of each type. As a result, the spatial compositions have been visuallypresented. The significance of schematizing spatial composition is to provide us with a common
understanding of the visual transformation of temples.
We considered comprehensively the transformation of main stupas for the wide areas between
Pakistan and Xinjiang Uighur autonomous region before. This article attempts to elucidate thefeatures type and the transformation of shrine spaces with showing concretely what kind ofarchitectural spatial component is followed, removed and added, in order to clarify the overall
transformation of our study areas.
Furthermore, on the basis of bibliographic surveys, we expressed the transformation and thespatial components of shrines in a flow chart with the constructed schemas. We used thedrawings and sketches of Buddhist temples to prove our considerations.

We defined the country included in Central Asia as the east-west Turkistan, Afghanistan andnorthern part of Pakistan, in this study.
Tuzzeo, Daniel (Stanford University)
To Steal the Sun and Moon: Notes on Cosmological Representation and Relationships
Between Word and Image at Mogao
For the entirety of the period of artistic activity at the Mogao Grottoes, from the fourth to thefourteenth century, there proliferated throughout the caves a cosmological motif depicting an
asura grasping the sun and moon while standing before a nāga-encircled Mt. Sumeru. Consistent
with canonical descriptions of the cosmos, Sumeru in these images is surrounded by concentric
mountain ranges beyond which sit island continents amid the Cakravāḍa-bounded sea. While
the first occurrence of this motif from the Western Wei (534-557) monopolizes the westernceiling slope at the heart of Cave 249, later depictions are much smaller in size and are often
located within a wider scene featuring several representations from the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa,particularly from the seventh to tenth century. Despite no extant version of the Vimalakīrti
depicting an asura-centric cosmological scene, artists and perhaps donors appear to haveappropriated this motif, reduplicating it in their representations of a single chapter of the text inwhich Vimalakīrti manifests Akṣobhya’s Abhirati world from his hand.
Prior attempts to propose textual referents for this cosmological asura motif have not resulted
in agreement and fail to convincingly account for the root source of the imagery. He Shizhe’s
賀世哲 study (1983) of Vimalakīrti murals at Mogao notes in passing that the asura narrative isfound in the Chinese Dīrghāgama (Chang ahan jing 長阿含經), but falls short of definitively
ascribing the image to this text. Angela Howard’s study (1986) of the sixth-century“Cosmological Buddha” argues that the source of the same cosmological asura motif is locatedin the Sutra on the Contemplation of the True Dharma (Zhengfa nianchu jing 正法念處經).
Judy Ho’s study (1987) of Cave 249 as a totalistic representation of the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa
points to several “external justifications” for the same motif, including “Hindu” creation myths,
the Sutra on the Contemplation of the True Dharma, the Sutra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi ofthe Visualization of the Buddha (Guanfo sanmei hai jing 觀佛三昧海經), Peculiarities of the
Sūtras and Vinayas (Jinglü yixiang 經律異相), and Chinese Buddhist commentaries.
In this paper, I provide preliminary notes on the multiple occurrences of the cosmological asura
motif at Mogao, from the earliest in Cave 249 to its later appropriation and conflation with
Vimalakīrti tableaux through the tenth century; I identify the four most likely canonical sources
for the narrative in the Taishō; and I conclude that the popular asura motif at Mogao is rooted
in a narrative originating in a body of early cosmological texts exemplified by the Sutra on the
Record of the Cosmos (世記經 Shiji jing), the final section of the Dīrghāgama, which came tobe referenced in later encyclopedic compendia such as the Peculiarities of the Sūtras andVinayas. Finally, I offer an exploratory explanation for why this motif depicting a foreign,ignoble protagonist’s defeat by local, morally superior forces may have endured at the cavecomplex, a site of persistent geo-political struggles.

Hirama, Naoko (Taisho University)
How to Make a Saint: Biographical Picture Scrolls in the Construction of Hōnen’s Identity
Medieval Japanese picture-scroll biographies of Buddhist monks (絵伝 eden) combine painting
and text in narrative form in often strikingly original forms. Having caused a paradigm shift inJapanese religious consciousness, the life of Hōnen’s (1133-1212) inspired about 30 such works
commissioned by his disciples. In addition to the role they played in the public construction of
Hōnen’s sainthood, they had a major impact on the picture-scroll (emaki) biography genre as awhole. The most famous is an early 14th century work that has been designated a nationaltreasure, the "Hōnen Shōnin gyōjō ezu (Illustrated Biography of Master Honen), which isunprecedented in its size (237 panels) and detail depicting the major events of Hōnen’s life. In
terms of content, however, the oldest extant picture-scroll biography of Hōnen, the Hōnen
Shōnin denbō’e, dated 1237, appears to have been the prototype for all later forms. There aremany differences in symbolism and semiotics in both picture and text emerge from a comparisonof these two forms of the genre. This paper presents what I have learned from a study of the twothat suggests significant developments during the intervening 80 years in the conceptions ofwhat and how things should be depicted. In that researchers in Buddhist Studies (and classicalJapanese literature) have not paid sufficient attention to this material, my paper will argue forthe historical value of this material in terms of doctrine, literature, and aesthetics.
The title, Hōnen Shōnin denbō’e suggests, "A picture scroll whose purpose is to convey theteachings of Honen to the people". It was created only the 25 years after the passed away Honen
by Tankū (1176-1253). Tankū was one of the leaders among the disciples of Honen in the
rapidly expanding religious movement that he founded. But Tankū was also highly skilled as apoet and one of unusual the features of this particular pictoral biography is the use of waka
poetry at critical moments in the narrative. Although the original of this work has been lost,
many copies were made, and revised versions of it appear at the heart of the many pictoral
biographies created afterward. In other words, the historical influence of the Denbō’e wasprofound, arguably unparalleled, as an archetype in the construction of Hōnen’s historical
identity.
This paper will also present interpretations of the variety of symbolic and semiotic information
presented in the pictoral portion, some of it with analogs in the textual portion of the work. For
example, the scene where Honen is born depicts a samurai about to shoot an arrow into the air,as well as flags of five colors dancing on top of the roof, both of which had symbolic meaningat that time, the Kamakura period. The former is a ritual of exorcism when boys are born in thehouse of samurai, the latter a statement that baby and mother are safe.
Matsunami, Fuki (The Jodo Shu Research Institute)
Arts of Japanese pure land Buddhism: The value of Hōnen Shōnin Gyōjōezu
Hōnen Shōnin Gyōjōezu is one of the pictorial biographies of Hōnen who is the founder of Jōdo
Shū, Japanese Pure Land Buddhist school. This biography is composed of forty-eight fascicles,
which is the largest in number among Japanese pictorial biographies. Each fascicle is made up
of several sentence parts and picture parts. The original pictorial biography owned by Chion-in

is a national treasure. It is regarded to have highly artistic values. Harper H. Coates and RyūgakuIshizuka translated all the sentence parts in this biography into English. Their translation was
published as "Hōnen, The Buddhist Saint: His Life and Teaching" in 1925. The picture parts,
however, were not published at that time.
Firstly, we present in this paper some of the pictures in this biography in order to understand thecharacter of Japanese pure land Buddhism. In addition, we confirm the value of Hōnen Shōnin
Gyōjōezu as a biographical text to study for not only Japanese culture and arts in the medieval
era, but also Japanese interpretation of Pure Land Buddhism.
Secondly, this paper criticizes part of the translation by Coates and Ishizuka based on the
recently published pictorial record of Hōnen Shōnin Gyōjōezu. Moreover, this paper showssome pictures that indicate the birth into the pure land (Ōjō 往生). According to those pictures,some sentences that were difficult to understand now clearly make sense. In this paper, we cancomprehend the actuality of Japanese pure land Buddhism that is not elucidated merely basedon the biographical text. The artistic side of Hōnen Shōnin Gyōjōezu provides the important
perspective to understand Japanese pure land Buddhism.
Saradum, Natpiya (Dhammachai International Research Institute)
The Earliest Style of Buddhist Stūpas in Thailand: A Study of the Evolution of the Buddhist
Stūpas of the Dvāravatī Period
The region of Thailand has been a fertile soil for Buddhism since before the country wasestablished by the Tai people. The earliest Buddhist evidence that has been discovered in the
country can be dated not later than 4th century CE.
More specifially, the earliest architectural evidence of Buddhist stūpas seems to suggest that it
began in the Dvāravatī period, between the 6th -12th centuries CE. Before creating a stūpa intheir own style, the Dvāravatī Buddhists received a Buddhist tradition from India. The stūpas
were a replica of the early Buddhist stūpa style from central and southern India, which isdistinguished by a hemispherical dome.
After that, the stūpas of the Dvāravatī period were innovated in a particular style. They are
subject to localized differences, completely consistent with the indigenous style, but having theIndian Buddhist stūpa style as the prototype. These unique Dvāravatī stūpas are called “kumbha
stūpa” (a pot stūpa). Their characteristics are derived from the hemispherical shape but tending
towards a pot shape. The stūpa generally consists of a base, a pot or circular body and a conicalspire. The innovation is assumed by some scholars to conform with the shape of an auspicious
pot, the pūrṇaghaṭa of Indian tradition.
However, this supposition seems doubtful when the pūrṇaghaṭa monument has been discoveredin only a few pieces from the Dvāravatī period. In contrast, the replicas of Indian stūpas in theform of a bas relief, especially in the Pāla style, have been found on many Buddhist votive
tablets. These stūpas, usually composed of a base, a circular body and a conical spire, often
correspond to the characteristics of the Dvāravatī kumbha stūpas rather than the pūrṇaghaṭa.

For a better understanding of the motivation of Dvāravatī Buddhists in creating the unique styleof their stūpas, this paper proposes to analyze the evolution of the Buddhist stūpas of the
Dvāravatī period and to delineate the earliest shape of the stūpas of Thailand. The research isbased on the Buddhist monuments of the Dvāravatī period and on relative topics discussed byother scholars.

Buddhist Art and ArchitectureFri., Aug. 25th, 9:00-10:30
Karetzky, Patricia (Bard College)
The Bronze Buddhist Sculptures of Nagapattinam
Buddhist bronzes produced in Nagapattinam district of Tamil Nadu, an active trading seaporton the eastern coast in southern India, are evidence of the survival of the religion in the south.
Buddhism, which had been in practice in this region since the time of Asoka (c. 268 to 232
BCE), was still flourishing in the twelfth century. Chola dynasty artists produced the icons,though they more frequently created Hindus ones, which are renowned for their great
spirituality, beauty and craftsmanship. The bronze Buddhist sculptures share stylistic
similarities with their Hindu counterparts, but many of the Buddhist bronzes are markedly
different in quality. There are single icons and complex figural groups, both large size and small.
Perhaps the Chola kings commissioned some of them for foreign traders who were followers of
Buddhism like the merchants of Srivijaya (Indonesia). There is evidence attesting to the Cholakings building a temple for them in Tanjore. During the period of the mid 19th century to thefirst quarter of the 20th over three hundred bronzes dating for the 10th-16th centuries were
unearthed in areas around Nagapattinam which are now housed in the museum in Chennai;
others, may be found in museums in Mumbai, Patna, and Chandigarh. Under more mysterious
conditions some were acquired by western museums in -—Paris, London, New York. Chicago
and Boston. This paper will assemble the examples of late Buddhist bronze sculptures produced
in Nagapattinam, consider their style and iconography and place them within the context of late
Buddhist worship in Eastern India.
Li, Charles (University of Cambridge)
The Mystery of the Monkey's Head: Architecture, Grief, and the Lexicographer's
ImaginaryThen, the venerable Ānanda entered the vihāra and stood leaning on the kapisīsa, crying, “Oh,I am still a student, with work still to do, and yet my teacher, who cares for me, is going to die.”Mahāparinibbāna Suttanta
The Pāli word kapisīsa, along with its Sanskrit cognate kapiśīrṣa, has an unusually wide andeclectic semantic range for a compound that seems so straightforward. It is sometimes used todenote a monkey's head – as seems natural from the analysis of the compound: kapi, “monkey”,
and sīsa, “head”–, but, most commonly, it refers to an architectural element. The Sanskrit term
has been mis-translated as a “coping” in the Monier-Williams dictionary, but Dieter Schlingloff
has convincingly argued from a passage in the Arthaśāstra that it refers to merlons spacedregularly on top of a rampart wall, resembling monkeys sitting on a wall. This is consistent withhow the term is used in other Sanskrit texts; however, it is completely at odds with the Pālievidence.
In Pāli, the word kapisīsa appears solely in the Mahāparinibbāna Suttanta, in a passage
describing Ānanda's reaction when the Buddha announces that he is about to die. It is clearly
not a feature of a rampart wall, but rather an architectural element of the vihāra. Three successive
Pāli-English dictionaries have sought to define this word, and all three disagree; in each case,the definition reveals how each lexicographer imagines the site of Ānanda's grief. Thomas RhysDavids saw Ānanda leaning on the lintel of the doorframe; the Critical Pāli-English dictionaryhas Ānanda entering the vihāra and leaning on a bed-post; and Margaret Cone's recent dictionary
understands kapisīsa to be the same as kapisīsaka from the Cullavagga, defining it as a socketthat receives a door-bolt. Ananda Coomaraswamy takes a different approach by drawing on his
experience with Sinhalese art and architecture rather than relying on the text alone, and heunderstands it as the door-bolt itself.
In this paper, I will explore these different interpretations by examining the extant textual andarchitectural evidence. But the evidence, fragmentary and mutually-contradictory as it is, canonly take us so far. Ultimately, since the word appears exclusively in a single context, thequestion of the identity of the kapisīsa is inextricably tied to a question of empathy: how wouldĀnanda react upon receiving the news of the Buddha’s imminent death?
Schmidt, Carolyn (The Ohio State University)
The Triśūla or Nandyāvarta Motif in South Asian Buddhist Art and Culture: New Insights
into the History of its Origins, Transmission, Values and Names
One of the most captivating and artistically significant motifs created in the expansive andeloquent symbolic language of ancient South Asian art and culture is a three-pronged symbol,
which has, over the decades, been referred to most frequently as a triśūla, triratna, or
nandyāvarta and, more recently, among a number of other names, as the w-motif. While almost
all of the early Buddhist art and architecture in ephemeral materials has been lost, there remains
a wealth of monumental works in stone, dating from circa the second century BCE. By thistime, the evidence displays an already, well-developed set of symbols, which were not defined
as separate from the primary currents of Indian religions and culture, and in which this threepronged symbol, in combination with a padma or cakra, played a notable role. In addition toboth material and spiritual wealth and good fortune, the interpretations most commonly ascribedto this motif and its amalgamated forms are of power, authority and protection, and, for the
cakravartin and the Buddha by this time, cosmic order.
The triśūla (triratna, nandyåvarta, w-motif, etc.) with a padma having been transmitted along
the routes for trade, communication, and movements of peoples, was extremely important
iconographically to a number of Buddhist centers across the South Asian landscape from at leastcirca 200 BCE to circa CE 300. In addition to chance findings of dazzling gold ornaments for
personal adornment, replicas of necklaces with triśūla pendants were incorporated into thebeneficent kalpalatā or creeper of the world-period, narrative-relief panels, and used to adorn astanding image of a yakṣī, an auspicious spirit of nature, at the Śuṅga period stūpa at Bhårhut innorth-central India. By the first century CE, this symbol had become important at Sanci,
Amaravati, and in greater Gandhåra, where it maintained its significance through the third
century in Buddhist narrative-reliefs as supports for the wheels of the Law, as a headdressemblem on independently sculpted images of Maitreya, and on culturally related functional
objects and jewelry of precious metals and pearls.
In an age when most individuals could not read or write, this extraordinary motif served very
notable didactic purposes. Symbols, such as this, were exceptional when it came to representing
or embodying the invisible or intangible, serving as an outward sign of things immaterial,
spiritual or not present, with perhaps a wide range of meanings, particularly in the religious
contexts of Buddhism. Although there appears to be a lapse of usage in the South Asian
Buddhist artistic repertoire following the downfall of the Kushans, it was transmitted acrossAsia and retains its viability to the present in the Buddhist esoteric traditions of Japan. Careful
indexing in relationship to time and context, as a corporal part of this research project, hasprovided new insights into the history of its origins, transmissions, values and names.

Buddhist Hermeneutics, Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques
Thurs., Aug. 24th, 9:00-12:30
Mathes, Klaus-Dieter (University of Vienna)
Karma bKa’ brgyud gZhan stong (“Empti[ness] of Other”) in the Works of the Third,
Seventh and Eighth Karma pa
The third Karma pa Rang byung rdo rje (1284-1339), the seventh Karma pa Chos grags rgya
mtsho (1454-1506), and the eighth Karma pa Mi bskyod rdo rje (1507-1554) maintain—withslight variations—a gzhan stong view,1 according to which both the basis of emptiness (stonggzhi) and the object of negation (dgag bya) are empty of an own nature (rang stong), likeanything else including ultimate truth. It is only the absence of adventitious stains from naturalluminosity or buddha nature, that is referred to as gzhan stong. The first Karma Phrin las pa(1456-1539) must have had such a moderate gzhan stong view in mind when he described thethird and the seventh Karma pa as gzhan stong pas. Such a view is in stark contrast to the wellknown gzhan stong position of the Jo nang pa, who advocate an ultimate permanent entity (rtagdngos) beyond space and time. This is made clear in a text with questions and answers (dris len)in which Karma Phrin las pa criticizes an eternalist gzhan stong perspective. In the same text,
the disciple of Chos grags rgya mtsho also takes issue with a gzhan stong position, according towhich buddha nature wanders in the six realms of saṃsāra. Karma Phrin las pa thus
distinguishes the third and seventh Karma pa’s gzhan stong from the views of the Jo nang pa
and ‘Gos Lo tsā ba gZhon nu dpal (1392-1481). Mi bskyod rdo rje, too, takes issue with the Jonang pa’s substantialist view of buddha nature as an ultimate permanent entity as well as withgZhon nu dpal’s full equation of buddha nature with the nature of an individual mind stream.
It will be shown that Rang byung rdo rje’s, Chos grags rgya mtsho’s and Mi bskyod rdo rje’s
gzhan stong views have in common to be more aligned with Asaṅga’s and Vasubandhu’s
description of the ultimate in terms of the Yogācāra theory of three natures, and thus the modeof emptiness resulting from this theory.

1With the restriction that Rang byung rdo rje does not explicitely calls his view gzhan stong.

Brambilla, Filippo (University of Vienna)
The path of preparation in the Jo nang tradition. Tshogs gnyis rgya mtsho on the views of
Nya dbon kun dga’ dpal and Tā ra nā tha.
The five paths (pañcamārga; lam lnga) model is one of the main frameworks adopted by Tibetan
scholars to present the Mahāyāna path to buddhahood in a gradual manner. Prior to the final
awakening in the path of no more learning (aśaikṣamārga, mi slob lam), the most fundamental
development is commonly maintained to take place with the transition from the path of
preparation (prayogamārga, sbyor lam), the second one, to the path of seeing (darśanamārga,thong lam), the third one. At that point, a nonconceptual direct realization of emptiness is said
to occur for the first time, and the practitioner is said to attain the first bhūmi, becoming an ārya.
This crucial passage constitutes one of the main issues covered by a late Jo nang scholar, Tshogs
gnyis rgya mtsho (1880-1940), in his Spyod pa’i spyi don rab gsal snang ba. Although making
it clear that the first bhūmi is only attained on the path of seeing, when all the confused
appearances of grasped and grasper are completely pacified, he points out that the wisdom of
the meditative equipoise of the path of preparation is associated with a clear appearance ofemptiness. In the present contribution, it will be shown how Tshogs gnyis rgya mtsho explainsthat such experience is presented in different ways by different scholars within his own tradition.
In fact, he lays out two distinct stances. Nya dbon kun dga’ dpal (1285-1364), of whom he wasconsidered the nirmāṇakāya, is said to maintain that the emptiness’ clear appearance must be
nonconceptual, and thus on the path of preparation there is a direct perception of emptiness. Tā
ra nā tha (1575-1634) and other renown Jo nang exponents, such as Sa bzang ma ti pan chen(1294-1376), are said to disagree with this position, downgrading the mind of the equipoise of
the path of preparation to a mere conceptual cognition, which grasps emptiness only on the basisof object-generalities (don spyi).
Draszczyk, Martina (University of Vienna)
A Glimpse into Mi bskyod rdo rje’s "Commentary on the Direct Introduction to the Three
Kāyas"The Sku gsum ngo sprod rnam bshad or the Commentary on the Direct Introduction to the Three
Kāyas is a good example for the elaborate writing style of the polymath Karma pa Mi bskyod
rdo rje (1507-1554). He wrote this treatise toward the end of his life and considered it to be acomprehensive presentation of the Buddha dharma encompassing the entire meaning of thesūtras and tantras. While The Direct Introduction to the Three Kāyas, i.e. the original text by
Karma Pakshi (1204-1283), contains succinct meditation-oriented instructions, Mi bskyod rdo
rje provides the context. In his lengthy commentary he goes into the theory and practice of the
Buddhist path, starting with a brief presentation of the Theravada and continuing with a detailed
discussion of the causal Pāramitāyāna and the resultant Tantrayāna. Mi bskyod rdo rjeemphasizes that accomplishing bodhicitta is the way to realize the buddha kāyas. Therefore helays out the ways to train in bodhicitta, presenting ultimate bodhicitta mainly according to theteaching systems of Atiśa (982-1054) and Śavaripa (10th c.).

The main theme for Mi bskyod rdo rje is to establish the view of the inseparability of the twotruths. In the course of these explanations—and even though he considers himself to be a
propounder of Candrakīrti’s Madhyamaka view—he rejects the position of Tsong kha pa (1357–1419). By the same token—and even though he wrote a number of gzhan stong associatedtexts—he criticizes the position of Dol po pa (1292–1361). By targeting these two authors Mi
bskyod rdo rje aims at putting two positions under discussion which—within the scope ofTibetan Buddhism—represent two extreme ends regarding views on buddha nature andconventional and ultimate reality. Having set forth the view, he gives a detailed account on themethods of calm abiding (śamatha) and deep insight (vipaśyanā) to actualize the view in thecontext of the Pāramitāyāna.
Then he proceeds with explanations on the Tantrayāna which makes the fruition the path. He
does so by ascertaining the three continua, i.e. the causal continuum, the path continuum andthe resultant continuum. Mi bskyod rdo rje’s focus lies on systems of the yoganiruttaratantras(rnal ’byor bla na med pa’i rgyud), emphasizing the Guhyasamāja-, the Hevajra-, and the
Kalacakra-tantra. While discussing the three continua he again rejects various views that do notfind his approval. The causal continuum concerns the topic of buddha nature. The path
continuum is presented starting with the gate of accessing tantric practice, i.e. empowerments,
through explanations on the generation and completion stages and the associated samayas andways of conduct, and the fruition continuum deals with the accomplishment of the buddhakāyas. These continua make up one continuum where there is nothing to be attained and nothing
to be relinquished, the ‘causeless primordial buddha’ realized through “Mahāmudrā the practiceof coemergence” (phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor).
Higgins, David (University of Vienna)Rong zom pa and Mi bskyod rdo rje on the Unity of the Two Truths from a
Nonfoundationalist (Apratiṣṭhāna) Madhyamaka Standpoint
Toward the end of his life, the Eighth Karma pa Mi bskyod rdo rje became an avid proponentof the Rnying ma master Rong zom Chos kyi bzang po’s Apratiṣṭhāna (Nonfoundationalist)
Madhyamaka views, in particular those maintaining the “inseparability of the two aspects ofreality” (bden pa rnam pa gnyis dbyer med par). In Mi bskyod rdo rje’s last major commentary,an explication of Karma Pakshi’s Direct Introduction to the Three Kāyas entitled Sku gsum ngo
sprod rnam bshad, he articulates and defends the view that the two realities are nondual
inasmuch as all phenomena, conventional and ultimate, have always been beyond discursive
elaboration (spros bral). In this regard, he argues that the unity (zung ’jug) of the two realities
is a shared doctrinal cornerstone of Mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka philosophies, having been
advocated by a long line of Indian Mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka masters including Saraha,Śavaripa, Nāgārjuna, Buddhapālita, Candrakīrti, Maitrīpa, Atiśa, and as well as by the 11 th
century Tibetan Rnying ma master Rong zom Chos kyi bzang po. Notably, he cites Rong zom
pa six times in this late commentary but not in any previous works. In this presentation, I will
examine these two authors’ views concerning the meaning and significance of this unity of thetwo truths doctrine in light of their shared Nonfoundationalist Madhyamaka philosophicalstandpoint.

Gentry, James (Kathmandu University)
Historiographical Skepticism in Seventeenth-Century Tibet: Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal
mtshan’s Text-critical Biography of Master Padmasambhava
Biographies of the eighth-century Indian tantric master Padmasambhava that highlight his rolein Tibet’s conversion to Buddhism are a foundational component of traditional Tibetan cultural
identity. Yet the precise nature of Padmasambhava’s involvement in king Khri srong lde’ubtsan’s establishment of Buddhism as the state religion of Tibet has not been uncontroversial.
Despite the many depictions in Tibet’s Treasure (gter ma) literature of this master’s extended
ritual care during the founding moments of Tibet’s first monastery bSam yas, critical Tibetan
scholars have sometimes pointed out the surprising dearth of information regarding this masterin the Testament of Ba/Wa (sBa/dBa bzhed) and other texts that also claim to be from theimperial period. Moreover, some have drawn attention to the fact that the early sources that dogive narrative space to Padmasambhava tell the story of a Tibetan king and court that are deeply
ambivalent about the master’s involvement in Tibet’s internal affairs. Such accounts stand in
sharp contrast to Treasure narratives of the master’s life, which notwithstanding a few
uncooperative ministers, depict an enduring and faithful friendship between Padmasambhava,
king Khri srong lde’u btsan, the royal family, and the court.
In his biography of Padmasambhava entitled Dispelling Mental Darkness: A Life Story of the
Master, the Second Buddha, Padmasambhava (sLob dpon sangs rgyas gnyis pa padma ’byunggnas kyi rnam thar yid kyi mun sel), Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan (1552-1624) devotes
several pages, interspersed throughout the text, to the critical assessment of the earliest strata ofliterary sources for the master’s life alongside the Treasure narratives. His hermeneuticalreflections revolve around widely divergent accounts of the duration of Padmasambhava’s stayin Tibet found in the Testament of Ba/Wa’s several versions, bKa’ ma histories, Treasurebiographies, and other miscellaneous sources such as inscriptions, testaments, and other early
documents. Sog bzlog pa’s professed purpose is to mediate between two extreme interpretationsof the historical record—the views of those who relied strictly on the Testament of Ba/Wa andother early sources as the only authoritative eyewitness accounts of the period; and the views of
those who rejected the validity of the Testament and dealt with narrative discrepancies ofPadmasambhava’s life by appealing to his mastery over time and space.
This paper is a presentation of the interpretative strategies and text-critical principles that Sog
bzlog pa enlists throughout these passages. It argues that these passages reflect his attempt toforge a compromise between the two orientations of text-based historical criticism and devout
traditionalism to present a vision of Padmasambhava that can be accepted by critics and acolytes
alike. The paper concludes with a comparative analysis of other, slightly later seventeenthcentury Tibetan attempts to address the discrepancies in Tibet’s historiographical record
concerning Master Padma’s role in Tibet. In so doing, this paper seeks to explore why suchconcerns might have surfaced when they did and what these reflections might tell us about thehistorical consciousness of Tibetan Buddhists from this and others periods.
Kantor, Hans (Huafan University)

“Root and Traces” (benji 本迹) in the exegetical traditions of Chinese Madhyamaka
Thought
Credited with the first Chinese translation of the most important of Nāgārjuna’s (c.150-c.250)
and Āryadeva’s (c. 3rd century) works, the Central Asian Kumārajīva (343-413) is considered
the historical figure that gave the initial impetus for the development of Madhyamaka thought
in China. Following his lead, three later Chinese thinkers and authors are especially noteworthy:(1) Kumārajīva’s influential disciple Seng Zhao (僧肇 374-414), (2) the famous Sanlun master
Jizang (吉藏 549-623), further developing Seng Zhao’s thought, and (3) Jizang’s contemporary
Zhiyi (智顗 538–597), the principal founder of the Tiantai-school.
One of their common as well as major concerns is to demonstrate that the linguistic strategies
in the textual transmission of the Buddha’s teaching give us access to a sense of “liberation”(vimokṣa, jietuo 解脫) which reaches beyond language. Based on the notion of “inconceivableliberation” (acintya vimokṣa, busiyi jietuo 不思議解脫) from the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra, thethree Chinese Madhyamaka masters develop the understanding that it is this inexpressible
accomplishment of the Buddha what grounds all linguistic expression of the teachings (jiao 教)
transmitted by the sūtras and śāstras. Hence, liberation is the “root” (ben 本) constituting theteaching, which embraces all the various “traces” (ji 迹) that in turn refer back to and reveal thisinconceivable root. The binary, “root and traces,” first mentioned in Seng Zhao’s commentaryon the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra, accounts for the circular mutuality and inseparability between
silence and speech, and has become an important hermeneutical device in Jizang’s and Zhiyi’ssūtra exegesis.
In my presentation, I shall clarify the textual background, development, and use of this binary,
and also try to outline its crucial philosophical significance in the works of these three masters,
which includes two major aspects: (1) “root and traces” as the code for their semantics andpragmatics exploring the various signifying functions in our use of language, and (2) “root andtraces” as what might be referred to as the hermeneutical approach that they develop in theirChinese exegetical works to unravel the sense of “liberation” in accordance with and reference
to the textual transmission of Indian Mahāyāna thought in China.
Keywords: root and traces, Madhyamaka, Seng Zhao, Jizang, Sanlun, Zhiyi, Tiantai

Buddhist Hermeneutics, Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques
Fri., Aug. 25th, 9:00-15:30
Keerthi Goigoda Gamage, Aruna (University of London)
Is Nibbāna Different from Arahantship? A Study of the Doctrinal Controversy between
Mahāvihārins and Vitaṇḍavādins Reflected in the Pāli Commentaries

This study is related to a part of chapter 5 in my envisioned PhD dissertation, and it criticallyexamines the heated debate on the issue of Nibbāna between the Mahāvihāra Buddhist School
and a non-Mahāvihāra Buddhist milieu, which is polemically labeled as Vitaṇḍavādin in theSaṃyutta-Nikāya commentary (S-a III 88) and the Vibhaṅga commentary (Vibh-a 51-54).
As these commentaries demonstrate, such Vitaṇḍavādins insisted that there is no separate entity
called Nibbāna; it simply means the cessation of defilements, and they further insisted thatNibbāna and Arahantship stand for the same phenomenon. Mahāvihārins, disagreeing
profoundly with these assertions, objected that Nibbāna is not only mere cessation of
defilements. They further insisted that there is a remarkable difference between Nibbāna andArahantship. However, this rigid dichotomy resulted in a bitter doctrinal controversy between
these two Buddhist groups.
This debate is complex and multifaceted. It is worth noting in particular that the Vitaṇḍavādins
drew scriptural evidence from the canon in order to strengthen their standpoint while the
Mahāvihārins tended to offer curious arguments to support their interpretations. In this context,
a brief quotation adduced by the Mahāvihārins to support their view, as a canonical statement,
appears to be an improvisation.
Buddhaghosa allots a significant amount of space to record Vitaṇḍavāda views along with hisvigorous refutations. Evidently, the majority of the Vitaṇḍavāda views often concern subtle
doctrinal matters of Buddhist thought. The noteworthy feature of their arguments is that they
consistently go against the Mahāvihāra perspective on some Pāli canonical teachings.
Reciprocally, Mahāvihāra responses to these views are typically replete with opprobrium.
Nevertheless, the Vitaṇḍavādins, as the commentarial exegeses demonstrate, had an impressivecommand of the Buddhist teachings. As a result, the views that are attributed to them are greatly
backed by canonical quotations and informed arguments.
Although a few scholars have examined the role of Vitaṇḍavādins depicted in the Pālicommentaries, no research has been done so far on this particular doctrinal debate, which isworth exploring. The purpose of this paper is to fill that lacuna, and to contribute to the broader
understanding of the identity and doctrinal orientation, and argumentative practices of theVitaṇḍavādins.
Kramer, Jowita (University of Munich)Sthiramati as a Commentator of Mahāyāna Sūtras: A Comparative Investigation of theAkṣayamatinirdeśaṭīkā and the Kāśyapaparivartaṭīkā
This paper will shed fresh light on the oeuvre of Sthiramati, a pivotal scholar in the developmentof Indian Yogācāra thought of the 6th century. The two works in focus of the presentation, theAkṣayamatinirdeśaṭīkā and the Kāśyapaparivartaṭīkā, are rare examples of Yogācāra
commentaries on non-Yogācāra Mahāyāna sūtras. The *Kāśyapaparivartaṭīkā, which isavailable only in its Tibetan and Chinese translations, is attributed to the author Sthiramati in its
Tibetan colophon. The commentary’s obvious Yogācāra perspective and its structural similarity
with the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī may be counted in favour of Sthiramati’s authorship. However,the fact that comments on the Kaśyapaparivartasūtra which are found in Sthiramati’sMadhyāntavibhāgaṭīkā differ substantially from parallel explanations in the*Kāśyapaparivartaṭīkā as well as the *Kāśyapaparivartaṭīkā’s rather early translation into
Chinese make the scenario of a single Sthiramati as the common author of both texts appear
doubtful. The authorship of the Akṣayamatinirdeśaṭīkā, an extensive work explaining the sūtrafrom the Yogācāra viewpoint (and extant only in its Tibetan translation), has been ascribed toSthiramati by Jens Braarvig in connection with his study of the Akṣayamatinirdeśasūtra.
Braarvig’s attribution is based on some passages in the Akṣayamatinirdeśaṭīkā which appear
similar to passages found in other works supposedly authored by Sthiramati. However,according to the Tibetan tradition the Akṣayamatinirdeśaṭīkā has been composed by the Indianscholar Vasubandhu (4th/5th c.) and Braarvig’s suggestion has to date not been scrutinized byother scholars. As Braarvig’s supposition is based on notable parallels between the texts underdiscussion, a thorough analysis of the similarities and divergences appears very promising.
Ueno, Makio (Otani University)
Word by Word: Commentarial Techniques in Vasubandhu's Vyākhyāyukti
The Vyākhyāyukti (VyY) is Vasubandhu's work which deals with the method of Sarvāstivāda'sāgama exegesis for future Dharma-preachers (dharmakathika), and which is not found theoriginal Sanskrit, not translated into Chinese but preserved in Tibetan translation.
VyY has five chapters, Chapters 1 to 4 are consisted of the method by five aspects, i.e.,prayojana, piṇḍārtha, padārtha, anusandhi, and codyaparihāra.
In dealing with padārtha, i.e. meaning of the [Buddha's] word, Vasubandhu categorizes it into
two categories: (1) a single word with multiple meanings, and (2) multiple words with a single
meaning. As for (1), he gives fourteen examples, each of which is illustrated by a brief citationfrom scripture. For example, the treatment of the term dharma is as follows:
The term dharma pertains to (1) that which is knowable, (2) path, (3) nirvāṇa, (4) an object ofmind, (5) merit, (6) [present] life, (7) scriptural teaching, (8) occuring, (9) restraint, (10) custom.
In this discussion, Vasubandhu focuses on collectively collating all-inclusive examples andindicating the proper meaning of the canonical word that conforms to each context (It seems
that this method is used in the Amarakoṣa), so that future Dharma-preachers might determine
the meaning of important canonical usages of words like dharma. From a different point ofview, this method shows that canonical words are polysemic and the descision about the correct
meaning is left to the individual interpreter. We should also note that the scope of the brief
citations from scriptures are limited to the Sarvāstivāda's āgamas and Vinayas. That is,
Vasubandhu is working on the assumption that one should interpret the Buddha's words by the
Buddha's words. For him, the proper meaning of the canonical words is determined by the
canonical sentences and their contexts.
As for (2), Vasubandhu deals with three types of multiple words with a single meaning:
1. Meaning to be expressed in each individual [term] (so so re re la brjod par bya ba'i don);
2. Summarized meaning (bsdus pa'i don);
3. meaning of Purpose (dgos pa'i don).

Regarding the third type, Vasubandhu divides “the purpose” that are contained in the Buddha's
words into two groups: purpose of “the meaning of synonyms” and “meaning of numerical
discourses.”
When we consider that the range of collation of examples are intensionally limited in
Sarvāstivāda-āgama and Vinaya, it is clear that Vasubandhu has intended that the meaning of
Buddha's word should be extracted from within these scriptures.
The Buddha's words do not only contain one single meaning but multiple meanings. The
answers to questions of how one should extract the single, correct meaning from the Buddha's
words possessing multiple meanings, or how should one interpret the Buddha's words that are
intended to maintain polysemy, are left up to each Dharma-preacher or Buddhist.
From Vasubandhu's perspective, the reason that Buddha's words possess multiple meanings is
because to Buddha was preaching to a variety of the listeners ( *vineya) with a variety ofcapacities.
Blum, Mark (University of California, Berkeley)
The Formation of Nianfo in Chinese Buddhism
The Chinese Buddhist term niànfó (nenbutsu, yombul) is understood today to designate a ritual
recitation of a phrase expressing homage to a buddha, most commonly Amitābha/Amitāyus. As
such nianfo is identified with Pure Land Buddhism. But insofar as this form of Buddhism is an
East Asian invention, it is so precisely because there is no Indian analog to the systems of belief
and practice included in the conceptions of niànfó that circulated throughout East Asia frommedieval times to the present day.
But if true, then how was nianfo/nenbutsu formed within the evolution of Buddhism in China
and Japan? This paper will outline six major streams of thought that contributed to this concept
in China and show that it’s unique development was a product of the interaction between the
ambiguities and vagaries in the translations of Indic and Central Asian texts into Chinese
combined with religious rhetoric and meditative practices native to China.
The “six streams” refer six layers of meaning that flowed into the core component of nianfo,
namely the character niàn 念. In other words, because niàn was used to translate a range of Indic
Buddhist terms, as a Chinese Buddhist term it became a highly compacted semiotic vehicle for
meditative and ritual usage. The five core Indic meanings relevant here aresmṛti/anusmṛti/smarana, manasikāra/manaskāra, citta, namas, and śaraṇa.
The sixth component comes from Daoist meditation techniques that predate the introduction of
Buddhism to China and pre-Buddhist usage of niàn. The meditations generally involve theintuition of the life force qi. Some of these are similar to prāṇāyāma breathing techniques in
Yoga, but others are quite different, such as “sitting in oblivion” (zuo wang) and “mental
fasting” (xin zhai). The pre-Buddhist meaning of nian in China is generally understood as either
directed thought, akin to manaskāra, recollection as in anusmṛti/smarana, or memory itself.
Although various forms of √smṛ allude to memory, the clear use of nian to represent this mental
function helped clarify how memory could be used in ritual practice as a resevoir of meaning.

What is missing from these six streams is what remains most enigmatic about nianfo: its use of
the human voice. Given that nianfo begins as a Buddhist term to translate buddhânusmṛti
practice, it is striking how the use of voicing came to dominate how it was practiced from theearly Tang period because this does not reflect an imperative in any of these six areas of semiotic
input. We can trace when the reading of nian as recitation began, at least in the context of nianfo
practice, but it is harder to know why. Whatever the origin of reading voicing into the use ofnian in Chinese translations of Buddhist texts, the key to understanding the appeal of recitation
nianfo is that these other 6 streams of meaning were retained rather than replaced, resulting in aform of practice so ripe with meaning that it became an object of faith itself.
Lee, Sangyop (Stanford University)
Lushan Huiyuan and the Soteriology of the Soul in Early Chinese Buddhism
This study starts from the suspicion that the accepted reading of Lushan Huiyuan (334-416) andother proponents of the imperishability of the soul (shen bumie) was negatively informed by ouranachronistic and anatopistic projection of modern conceptions of Buddhism onto their writings.
Pointing out that in early medieval China the “heretical” doctrine of the imperishability of thesoul could only have functioned as a perfectly orthodox teaching of the Buddha owing to theprevalence of translated sūtras that taught the doctrine, the study proposes to read the Chinese
Buddhist discourse on the doctrine as an legitimate, irreducible, and integral element of early
Chinese Buddhists’ inquiry into the Buddhist truth and without imposing modern Buddhologicalexpectations that have simplified and trivialized the discourse’s content. In particular, the study
attempts to reconstruct the soteriology of Huiyuan and his disciples only with reference to theclaims of their own and of their contemporary Buddhist scriptural literature. This experimental
approach to their writings will help us see that Huiyuan and his disciples developed an original
yet self-sufficient and comprehensive system of religious philosophy based on theunderstanding that the imperishable soul the translated sūtras spoke of was the transcendental,
incorporeal, and unchanging essence of the human being from whose incarceration in the bodily
senses and the resulting obscuration of its luminous reflection the phenomenal aspects of themind—sentience (qing) and consciousness (shi)—emerged. Based on this reading, the study
further argues that the early Chinese Buddhist theory of the imperishable soul as Huiyuan
articulated and propagated it, although its historical significance was discounted due to modern
preconceptions, profoundly influenced the subsequent generation’s exegesis of the universal
buddha-nature (foxing) doctrine and thus the shaping of the distinctively Chinese Buddhist
understanding of human nature.
Apple, James (University of Calgary)Atiśa and Ratnākaraśānti as Philosophical Opponents with attention to Yuktiṣaṣṭikā, verse
34.
This paper examines philosophical differences between Atiśa Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna (982-1054
CE) and Ratnākaraśānti (ca. 1000 CE) based on evidence from newly published Tibetan
manuscripts of The Collected Works of the Kadampas (bka’ gdams gsung ’bum). Atiśa is famousfor his journey to Tibet and his teaching there for thirteen years. His teachings on Mahāyāna

and Vajrayāna Buddhist thought and practice came to influence all subsequent traditions of
Buddhism in Tibet. Ratnākaraśānti (ca. 1000 CE), also known as Śāntipa in Tibetan sources,
was a formidable figure at Vikramaśīla monastery, renowned for his enormous breadth oflearning and prolific scholarship. Traditional Tibetan historians describe Atiśa as
Ratnākaraśānti’s student in the study of Mahāyāna works at Vikramaśīla. Ratnākaraśānti is also
recorded in these sources as being a tantric master in a number of lineages upheld by Atiśa. Yet,as this paper demonstrates based on newly published manuscripts, these two important Indian
Buddhist scholars had significant differences in their philosophical views.
Based on these newly available materials, the paper initially outlines how the Madhyamaka
teachings that Atiśa received in his youth were in conflict with the views of Ratnākaraśānti thatAtiśa learned while studying under him at Vikramaśīla. The paper briefly compares doctrines
found in the works of Ratnākaraśānti and Atiśa to clearly demonstrate how they differed on anumber of points of thought and exegesis. Although both Atiśa and Ratnākaraśānti claimed tofollow the Middle Way (madhyamā pratipat) of Nāgārjuna, Atiśa’s thought was influenced by
Candrakīrti, while Ratnākaraśānti expounded his system based on Yogācāra sources. The paper
outlines their differences in the application of the tetralemma, the use of negation in realizing
the ultimate, their understanding of conventional reality, the role of the means of valid cognition(pramāṇa) in the path, and their understanding of Buddhahood.
As a specific example to illustrate the differences between these two scholars, the paper focuseson the interpretation of Nāgārjuna’s Yuktiṣaṣṭikā (verse 34), where Atiśa posited mental qualities
as a mere appearance that dependently arise while Ratnākaraśānti framed the ultimate nature ofmental qualities as their “mere shining forth of non-duality” (advayaprakāśamātra).
Ratnākaraśānti criticized positions that advocated “mere appearance” (snang ba tsam≈*pratibhāsamātra) and Atiśa clearly articulated an interpretation of Madhyamaka emphasizing
mere appearances based on the interpretation of this verse.
The paper concludes that the philosophical differences between these two scholars provides
evidence that Atiśa’s Madhyamaka was a minority viewpoint at Vikramaśīla monastery, thatthese philosophical differences effected their master/disciple relationship in esoteric Buddhist
practice, and that these differences were influential, in part, upon Atiśa’s decision to leave
Vikramaśīla for Tibet.
Kawamura, Yūto (Kyoto University)
A Fresh Approach to Aṣṭādhyāyī 2.4.4: adhvaryukratur anapuṁsakam Presented by the
Buddhist Grammarian Śaraṇadeva.
In the domain of the non-Vedic language (bhāṣā), especially in poetic compositions (kāvya), a
great number of Vedic forms (chāndasa) can be observed. How do grammarians address thisissue? In discussing the word stryākhyau of A 1.4.3: yū stryākhyau nadī (MBh on A 1.4.3[I.313.10–22]), Patañjali (ca. 2nd c. BCE) explicitly says that it is undesirable that poets (kavi)
employ Vedic items in the realm of the non-Vedic language (chandovat kavayaḥ kurvanti | nahy eṣeṣṭiḥ), and that such employment is a flaw (doṣa). This view is echoed by the Kāśikāvr̥tti(ca. 7th c. CE), which attributes poets’ use of Vedic expressions to their carelessness (KV on A

4.1.151 [I.346.1–2]: venāc chandasīti paṭhyate | kathaṃ bhāṣāyāṃ vainyo rājeti | chāndasa
evāyaṃ pramādāt kavibhiḥ prayuktaḥ). Kaiyaṭa (ca. 11th c. CE) puts forth the opinion that
Vedic items given in the realm of the non-Vedic language are to be regarded as incorrect(Pradīpa on MBh to vt. 4 ad A 3.2.15 [III.233.19]: chandasīti vacanād bhāṣāyāṃ
giriśabdasyāsādhutvam āhuḥ).
It is the Buddhist grammarian Śaraṇadeva (ca. 12th c. CE) who first carried out a resoluteattempt to justify Vedic usage in non-Vedic works. From Pāṇini’s diction in A 2.4.4:
adhvaryukratur anapuṁsakam he deduces a unique principle:
chāndasā api kva cid bhāṣāyāṃ prayujyante ||‘‘Even those forms which are Vedic are occasionally used in the domain of the non-Vedic
language.’’
In his Durghaṭavr̥tti Śaraṇadeva invokes this principle seven times so as to account for
problematic expressions. It is evident that he holds the principle to be absolutely valid inPāṇinian grammar. This stimulating and thought-provoking principle merits close attention andis worthy of serious consideration.
In this paper I wish to clarify the logic underlying the deduction of the above-mentioned
principle, which to the best of my knowledge has never been examined. The fresh approach toA 2.4.4 shown by Śaraṇadeva will provide us a fascinating new perspective on Pāṇini’s wording
in his Aṣṭādhyāyī.
Beckwith, Christopher I. (Indiana University)
How did the Chinese actually first hear and transcribe Buddhist terms? The two kinds ofLate Old Chinese transcriptions and their significanceThe traditional understanding of how the Chinese first heard and transcribed Buddhist terms isbased more or less completely on the imposition of the doctrines of Historic Sinological
Reconstruction (HSR) on the data. HSR is founded on projection of the acknowledged largely
monosyllabic morpheme structure of Middle Chinese and Modern Chinese languages back to
the Classical period of Old Chinese, to Proto-Chinese, and beyond. However, the recent
discovery of two types of data relevant to this issue, one in Late Chinese itself (Beckwith 2014)
and one in Old Japanese (Osterkamp 2011), has demonstrated that many disyllabic Chinesemorphemes still existed even in Late Old Chinese times (Beckwith forthcoming). This calls forthe old theory of the primordial monosyllable to be abandoned. But it also means we must
reexamine and redo our transcriptions and reconstructions of early Buddhist linguistic material
to accord with the data that we actually have for them.

Buddhist LiteratureMon., Aug. 21st, 9:00-15:30
Wu, Hongyu (Ohio Northern University)

Sword and Lotus: The Buddhist Life of a Woman Warrior in the Late Ming Dynasty(1368-1644)
This paper examines the case of Liu Shu, a woman warrior turned Buddhist laywoman, toconsider how Buddhism helped women create meaningful religious and social lives. Liu Shu
was born to the family of a late Ming official. She was conversant in Confucian classics andBuddhist scriptures and martial arts as well. She recruited soldiers to reclaim the Ming capital
city when it fell into the hands of the rebels. After her plan was unfortunately aborted, Liu Shu
withdrew from the battlefield and spent the rest of her life as a dedicated lay Buddhist. Her life
story was collected in the Shan nuren zhuan (Biographies of Good Women), the biographicalcollection of exemplary Buddhist laywomen, compiled by Peng Shaosheng (1740-1796), aliteratus Buddhist layman of the Qing (1644-1911). This paper explores the life of Liu Shu as a
Buddhist drawing on her self-expressive poems and her religious biography complied by Peng.
By focusing on her poems, this paper analyzes how she interpreted Buddhist doctrines to makesense of her traumatic personal life and cope with the pain of witnessing the loss of loved ones
and homeland, and how she obtained solace and peace of mind from the unsecure and violent
world by leading a Buddhist life. This paper reveals the voice and life experience of Liu Shu asa Buddhist that was totally dismissed by the male biographer—who presented Liu Shu as awoman warrior and loyal subject to fit his own agend—to defend Buddhist against theaccusation of being socially irresponsible and undermining morality by the Confucian critics of
his time.
Stepien, Rafal (University of Oxford)
Chinese Buddhist Literature, Literary Theory, and Philosophy of Language: A Study of
Liu Xie & Chan
The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (文心雕龍) is China’s earliest surviving
systematic treatise of literary theory. In it, the Buddhist scholar Liu Xie (劉勰 c. 465-522) draws
on the full semantic range of the Chinese character wen (文) as ‘pattern, cultivation, word,
literature’, to propose that ‘literary patterns’ (言之文) are the very ‘mind of heaven and earth’(天地之心), the very manifestation of natural ‘suchness’ (自然). This last term is of prime
importance in Chinese Buddhist thought, where it is understood to embody the functioning ofthe ‘Buddha nature’ (佛性) or ‘original mind’ (本心) inherent in all human beings, by means ofwhich they are able to realize ‘emptiness’ (空) and thereby just be ‘truly thus’ (真如). Suchthusness is in turn understood by the Chan Buddhist tradition to necessitate ‘not depending onwords and letters’ (不立文字). Despite their avowed insistence on the transcendence of wen,
however, Chan philosophers and literati not only composed a great deal of literature, but
invoked what I argue is a distinctly logocentric approach to enlightenment fully in accord with
Liu Xie’s dictum that “When mind arises, language abides; when language abides, literatureenlightens” (心生而言立，言立而文明).

In this paper, I thus read Chan philosophy of language through Liu Xie’s Buddhist literary theory
to demonstrate that both are committed to literature, in the fullest sense, as itself the ‘original
embodiment’ ( 本 身 ) of Buddhist emptiness, and thus as an indispensable means toward
enlightenment. I focus especially on Liu Xie’s opening chapter, ‘The Source of the Way’ (原道), which includes the treatise’s richest theoretical elaboration of wen. My reading has two
immediate consequences for the study of Buddhist literature, literary theory, and philosophy:
Firstly, it goes some way toward substantiating the claim that The Literary Mind was a direct
historical source of certain Chan notions of language and literature. Secondly, it posits aphilosophical claim as to the pre-eminent importance of language and literature, 言 and 文，inthe Chan program of enlightenment. In this regard, I argue that the Chan disavowal of ‘words
and letters’ is itself a literary device aimed at the ultimate identification of literature withsuchness (文 with 如), form with emptiness (色 with 空). Ultimately, then, the Buddhist adept
cannot dispense with language and literature, and by extension remain ‘without thought andwithout concept’ (無思無念) as the Chan dictum goes, for these are precisely what convey wen,
the very pattern of reality.
Ponampon, Phra Kiattisak (SOAS, University of London)
Yi xin guan qi: Visualization Meditation in Early Chinese Buddhist Texts during the 5th
Century
Meditation was an important activity for Central Asian Buddhists as well as for Chinese
Buddhist during the first - sixth centuries CE. After Buddhist meditation texts were translated
into Chinese from the second century CE to the fourth century, Central Asian monks such as
An Shigao, Lokakṣema, Kumārajīva, Dharmamitra and others translated Buddhist meditation
texts into Chinese. The Buddhist meditative technique that requires the practitioner to singlemindedly observe one’s own navel 一心觀齊 at around the centre of the body was once
circulated in Central Asia and China but now it seems to have been abandoned. This technique,however, can be found in the Book of Zambasta (Martini 2011, Yamabe 1999, 2002, 2012), theYogalehrbuch (Yamabe 2002), the Visualization Manual 觀經 T85 (Yamabe 2010), Mongolian
Meditation Manual (Yamabe 2010), the Essence of the Meditation Manual Consisting of Five
Gates 五門禪經要用法 T619 (Yamabe 2010), including the Abridged Essentials of Meditation”
思惟畧要法 T617 (Yamabe 2010). In this paper I will survey the Buddhist meditative techniquein the fifth century that are present in these texts, particularly how the practitioner singlemindedly observes one’s own navel ( 一 心 觀 齊 ) at the centre of the body and what its
consequences are. In addition this paper considers some of the visual evidence for thismeditation technique in Chinese Buddhist iconography.
Yagi, Toru (Osaka Gakuin University)
A note on the Saundarananda 3.32d
According to Johnston’s edition, where the Paper Manuscript’s reading parama is emended
to paramam. by him, the present stanza runs as follows:vibhav￣anvito ’pi tarun. o’pi, vis.ayacalendriyo ’pi san/naiva ca parayuvat￣ır agamat, paramam. hi t￣a dahanato ’py amanyata//
His translation is:
And however rich a man might be, however young, however stirred in his
senses by passion, he never touched the wives of others; for he deemed themmore dangerous than fire.
Covill’s translation ‘for he considered them more dangerous than fire’ according to Johnston’sedition is substantially the same as that of Johnston. Adopting the emendation
param￣a by Hultzsch, Matsunami translates p￣ada d into “nazenareba karera-o (mi-oyakukoto) hi-yorimo suguretari to omoitareba [,i.e. ‘for he considered them superior to fire(in consuming, in the form of the fire of lust, him)’]”. On the other hand, basing himself
on the edition of Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, where both the Paper and the
Palm-leaf Manuscripts’ reading paramahit￣a is emended to paramahil￣a by the editor, Sentranslates the present p￣ada into ‘he thought of other’s women as (fiercer) than fire itself’,‘he regarded [all] women other [than his wife] worse than fire’ or ‘(he) thought of other’s
women as (fiercer) than fire’. In this essay, I would like to examine the present p￣ada fromthe syntactical viewpoint, mainly basing myself on the preceding studies of, among others,
Hultzsch, de la Vall´ee Poussin, Sen and Matsunami, especially on those painstaking
studies of Shastri and Johnston.
Daribazaron, Darima (Buryat State University)
Buryat annotations on Lamrim
Lamrim texts are well known to those who are interested in Tibetan Buddhism, both religious
adepts and academics. The impact made by the most popular work of the genre - “Lamrim
Chenmo” composed by Je Tsongkhapa in the early 15th century – on the development of
Buddhism in Tibet was profound. For not only it provided individual practitioners with the mapof the Buddhist path in accordance with Mahayana canonic literature, it also played an importantrole in the institutionalization of Tibetan Buddhism. The text was to become “the basis of the“Yellow Sect”… a kind of Bible for them, to which they constantly refer in the form of excerpts,
explanations and commentaries”13. In the centuries to follow all prominent Geluk teachers seemto have regarded it as a mandate to comment on Lamrim Chenmo. Overall there must be
hundreds of lamrim texts, among which «eight great commentaries» (lam rim khrid chenbrgyad) are distinguished. It must be noted that the authors of the latter enjoyed great religious
and political authority in the tradition.
The Center of Oriental Manuscripts & Xylographs in Ulan-Ude, Buryatia, Russia, houses atleast 35 titles of various lamrim texts by Tibetan Mongolian and Buryat authors. A roughanalysis shows that the collection is dominated by commentaries on “The Easy Path” by the
13 Guiseppe Tucci. The Religions of Tibet / Translated from German & Italian by Geoffrey Samuel. – Allied

Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Routledge & Kegan Paul, Bombay/London, 1980 - p. 37

First Panchen Lama, while the number of copies of the original text (13) is comparable to thenumber Lamrim Chenmo copies (~18). We are yet to find out why this text was considered to
be of such importance to the local Buddhists – perhaps it has to do with the particular emphasis
the text puts on tantric methods or historic connections between Panchen Lama and Mongolian
rulers.
One commentary on “The Easy Path” drew our special attention. “Nectar of the incomparable
teacher’s speech, notes made on the commentary revealing the essence of the easy path leading
to omniscience” (byang chub lam gyi rim pa’i dmar khrid thams cad mkhyen par bgrod pa’i
bde lam gyi zin bris yab rje bla ma’i zhal gyi bdud rtsi) presents notes made by a Mongolianlama, who introduces himself as Sherab Gyatso, of the oral commentary on the Panchen Lama’s
text received from his teacher, another Mongolian lama, in the beginning of the 20th century. Its
peculiarity is that while adhering to the traditional structure of lamrim works the text explains
the Buddhist doctrine through Jataka tales and oral folktales. The study of the text allows us tosee how the lamrim genre evolved over time and space – from monumental scholastic Lamrim
Chenmo to meditation manual of “The Easy Path” and to almost secular narrative of “Nectar of
the incomparable teacher’s speech”.
Mochizuki, Kaie (Minobusan University)
A Commentary on the Lotus sutra translated from Chinese into Tibetan
In the Tibetan tangyur we can find a commentary on the Lotus sutra translated from Chinese,
the Dam pa’i chos puṇḍa rī ka’i ’grel pa (D. 4017, P. 5517). The author Kuei-Chi (632-682) is
a disciple of Xuangzang. I have already considered the reason why it had been translated in
shortened version and pointed out that Tibetan translator had acknowledged Vasubandhu’scommentary on the Lotus sutra.
I will consider the background of its Tibetan translation in this presentation. We can find several
manuscripts of Chi’s commentary in Dunhuang and it was also translated into Uigyur. Thismeans that this commentary was widely used to study the Lotus sutra in western regions ofChina. In this area a commentary of the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra by Woncheuk (613-696) who
also belongs to the Fa-hsiang school in China was also translated into Tibetan. Though his viewson the teaching of mind-only are little bit different from those of Chi, it is very interesting toconsider a reason why these two commentaries were translated into Tibetan.
I will also consider the way how the Lotus sutra was accepted in this area. We can find a
Khotanese summary of it. It was reported that this summary was affected by Vasubandhu’scommentary. Though a Tibetan translation of the latter is put in one Tibetan catalogue ofscripture and one Chinese, it was lost in Tibet. Then it is needed to consider a possibility thatthe former knew the latter from the Tibetan translation of Chi’s commentary. Therefore, Chi’s
commentary must be an important commentary to elucidate an acceptance of the Lotus sutra in
inner Asia.
Sirisawad, Natchapol (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität)Comparative Studies of the Quotations in Śamathadeva's Abhidharmakośopāyikā-ṭīkā
Parallel to the Mahāprātihāryasūtra in the Tibetan translation of the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya and the Prātihāryasūtra in the Divyāvadāna
The Mahāprātihāryasūtra or the story of the great miracles at Śrāvastī is one of the Buddha’s
principal miracles and effectively the prototypical Buddhist miracle story. This narrative ispreserved in in a variety of languages. A version which has not yet been translated into any
modern language and has not yet been used in research is quotations from the
Mahāprātihāryasūtra preserved in the Abhidharmakośopāyikā-ṭīkā, a compendium of canonicalsources cited in Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakośabhāṣya compiled at an uncertain date by the
Nepalese monk Śamathadeva. The Sanskrit original is lost, but the complete text is preserved in
Tibetan translation. The objectives of this study are to provide annotated translations of theparallels in Śamathadeva's Abhidharmakośopāyikā-ṭīkā, and to study the relationships between
the contents of the Abhidharmakośopāyikā-ṭīkā, the Tibetan translation of the
Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya and the Prātihāryasūtra preserved in the Divyāvadāna. The study
reveals that the quotations in Śamathadeva’s Abhidharmakośopāyikā-ṭīkā, the Tibetantranslation of the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya and the Prātihāryasūtra from the Divyāvadāna are
related, although there are some slight differences in detail. In Śamathadeva’s
Abhidharmakośopāyikā-ṭīkā quote the verse and abbreviated the story from the
Mahāprātihāryasūtra which mostly parallels to the Tibetan translation of the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya.

Buddhist Places
Mon., Aug. 21st, 9:00-12:30
Coura, Gabriele (TU Dresden and University of Vienna)
A Buddhist Place of Education: dPal spungs Monastery from the 18th to the Early 20th
CenturyEver since its founding in 1729 by the Eighth Si tu Chos kyi ’byung gnas, dPal spungs monastery
in Khams was a place where monks could train in fields as diverse as meditation and ritual,
scriptural studies, medicine and painting. It was one of the largest bKa’ brgyud monasteries in
Eastern Tibet, with a population of 500 to 700 monks.
In my paper, I will look at dPal spungs as a structure that enabled education, with its various
necessary substructures, such as buildings, hierarchies and time schedules. Additional factorsthat contributed to monastic learning were for instance the charisma of Buddhist teachers, theauthority of their writings, the pedagogical strategies used and the systems of punishment
applied. From a diachronic perspective, the main focus will be on the two outstanding figuresof the period in question, the Eighth Si tu (1700-1774) and the First Kong sprul Blo gros mtha’yas (1813-1899), both of whom were polymaths and prolific writers. However, their diverging
emphases on certain subjects shaped the learning culture within the community: Si tu laid thefocus on scriptural studies, painting and medicine, whereas the importance Kong sprul attached
to meditation training becomes evident from his founding and running a three-year retreat center
above dPal spungs. Still, scriptural studies took place during his time, too, and becameintensified and more formalized through the establishment of a scriptural college (bshad grwa)
at the beginning of the 20th century.
It will be shown that monastic education took place in diverse contexts with a varying degreeof formality, ranging from the rigid temporal, spatial and organizational structures of a teaching
institution to mutual influence within the community, e.g. imitation of the good examples of
one’s fellow monks and rejection of the bad ones; and that a multitude of topics was taught,
ranging from the transmission of knowledge about scholarly subjects via training in meditationand practical skills up to enforcing behavior that is considered appropriate for members of amonastic community.
Sources used include religious histories (chos ’byung), several monastic guidelines (bca ’yig),
the autobiographies (rang rnam) of Si tu and Kong sprul, and the inventory (dkar chag) of theretreat center Tsā ’dra rin chen brag.
Namgyal, Tsetan (Jawaharlal Nehru University)
Lineage and linkages of Buddhism in Indian Trans-Himalaya region- A case study ofaffiliation between Stag na Lho Druk Monastery of Ladakh and Bhutan’s Drup pa
tradition
It says that the origin and development of all established lineages of traditional Tibetan
Buddhism in Ladakh have its origin from Tibet brought in at the different historical period.
However in the case of Stagna Monastery which is the historic symbol of Druk-pa Ka gyud pa(brug pa bka’rgyud) lineage in Ladakh as far as from the historical implication and paradigm isconcerned that has a direct connection with the land of thunder (Bhutan) than the land of snow
(Tibet). Hence, this is the only monastery in Ladakh where the lamas and regents used to comefrom Bhutan as in the same way where Tibetan lamas used to come in other major monasteriesin Ladakh for pilgrimage and as a religious convey, etc. The Stagna monastery was founded by
the religious king of Bhutan Zabs Drung Nawang Namgyal in 16th century AD under the
auspicious and commitment of Ladakh’s powerful King Jamayang Namgyal and later patronage
by his successor Singay Namgyal established the monastery at a hilltop that more look like a
Tiger nose hence it called Stag snga near Leh lies towards the bank of Indus river.
The proposed focal point of this paper is to represent the actual lineages and linkages that took
place through the homage of emperors and the concerned monk's sermon based on their active
different religious tradition and tenets. Thus, in the case of Drup pa Ka gyud they worked hardin spreading and transmitting the traditional ‘Lho Druk’ tradition of Tibetan Buddhism in
Ladakh and other adjacent areas through the long and hard steep corridor that connected all
through the mighty Himalayan mountain of Bhutan and Ladakh. The central part of the paper is
to bring out the critical study primarily focusing with on the cultural hub of this ancientmonastery of Ladakh (La dvags) while contrasting on the line of Ladakhi and the Bhutanese
primary and secondary Buddhist sources. Particularly the study will be based on the rare
manuscripts which I found from the Stagna monastery during my field work which written in
Tibetan u med letters with red seal of Bhutan’s head Lama Zabs Drung Nawang Namgyal andstag snga’s head Lama Nawang Dhonyod Dorje counterpart jointly and also separately during
their different historical correspondence period.
Keywords: Stag na, Lho Drug, Ladakh, Bhutan, Brug pa Bka’ Rgyud, Tibet, Namgyal
Wiles, Royce (Nan Tien Institute)
Ditrich, Tamara (University of Sydney)
Clark, Chris (University of Sydney)
Research on the Kuthodaw Pagoda marble-stelae recension of the Pāli canon in Mandalay,
Myanmar
Between 1860-1868 King Mindon (1853-1878) had the complete Theravāda Buddhist canon in
Pāli carved onto 729 marble stelae which were then housed at the specially constructed
Kuthodaw Pagoda in Mandalay, Myanmar. By transferring the Pāli texts from manuscript tostone King Mindon fulfilled one of the religious duties of Myanmar kings, namely to preserve
the Buddha’s teachings. In all likelihood he was also to some extent prompted by the annexationof lower Myanmar by the British in 1852. These inscriptions still preserve a complete andunified recension of the Pāli canon which is a unique textual witness of the Theravāda
manuscript tradition of Myanmar well outside the reach of Western textual methods andpractices. This paper reports on a project to conserve, photograph and study these previously
underutilised inscriptions, in an attempt to clarify how the texts as inscribed relate to earlier
manuscript traditions and to subsequent printed versions of the canon from Myanmar.
Despite the importance of these inscriptions and the monument in general (the Kuthodaw
Pagoda received UNESCO “Memory of the World” status only in 2013) there had notpreviously been any comprehensive study of this site or its texts, nor were there explicit plans
for the systematic conservation and protection of the inscriptions. From 2014-2016 a researchteam from the University of Sydney and Nan Tien Institute, Australia (collaborating with the
Myanmar Department of Archaeology) completed the first stage of a research project by
undertaking the conservation and photographic documentation of all the Kuthodaw Pagoda
inscriptions as well as beginning systematic transcriptions. With the first stage completed in2016 a comprehensive database of the images was then set up to make these inscriptions
available to interested scholars.
The second stage of the project is underway, namely a comparison of selected Pāli texts aspreserved on the stelae with both earlier local manuscript versions and later printings of thecanon, aiming to make clear how these versions preserved in stone relate to the broader printed
and manuscript transmission of Pāli texts both within Myanmar and the larger Buddhist worldof Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka.
In this paper we present a brief overview of the achievements of the project to date, including
some initial findings of research comparing the Kuthodaw recension of a range of Pāli texts
from the Tipiṭaka and earlier manuscript versions from Myanmar, as well as with the important“Sixth Council” and other editions of the Pāli Tipiṭaka used today in Pāli scholarship. The
clarification of the differences between these versions deepens scholarly appreciation of thealterations (major and minor) introduced over the past centuries into Pāli texts by documenting
editorial practices and conventions, which are as yet poorly known or understood.
Ouyang, Nan (The University of Arizona)
To Localize a Bodhisattva in Late Imperial China: Kṣitigarbha, Moutain Jiuhua andTheir Associations in Precious Scrolls (baojuan 寶卷)
In late imperial China, the identification of Mt. Jiuhua with the manifestation abode ofKṣitigarbha Bodhisattva, was referenced, utilized and promulgated by the so-called “precious
scroll,” a popular genre of vernacular religious literature. Among precious scrolls featuring awide range of topics, the Kṣitigarbha-related ones and the Maudgalyāyana-related ones wereparticularly instrumental in retailing and re-affirming the associations between Kṣitigarbha andMountain Jiuhua to a large audience of limited literacy.
Within these texts, the story revolving around Kim Gyo-gak (Jin Qiaojue 金喬覺), a legendary
Korean prince-turned-monk who resided on Mt. Jiuhua in the Tang as an emanation ofKṣitigarbha, was skillfully adapted and adopted into the narratives. By looking into themanuscript collections of precious scrolls composed in the Ming-Qing period, this paper covers
three related questions in terms of textual analysis. First, it traces when and how Mountain
Jiuhua, as a geographical factor of importance, first began to show up in Kṣitigarbha- andMaudgalyāyana-themed precious scrolls. Second, it analyzes the ways in which Mountain
Jiuhua became woven into the traditional narrative elements. Last, it examines the process inwhich forms of localized narratives developed and expanded.
With regard to the religious functions of precious scrolls, the paper also discusses the ritualized
reading of the texts (xuanjiang 宣講) in two specific scenarios, the mortuary liturgy thatinvolved the worship of Kṣitigarbha and the ceremony that constituted a ritual component ofmaking a pilgrimage to Mountain Jiuhua. In the dual process of textual production and ritual
iteration, the genre became a vibrant venue for the locals to construct the associations between
Mountain Jiuhua and Kṣitigarbha Bodhisattva, which contributed to the rising fame of Mountain
Jiuhua among the masses and helped to reshape the religious landscape of late imperial China.
Wenzel, Claudia (Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften)
Buddhist Places Evoking Prajñāpāramitā: Chinese Stone Sutra Inscriptions of theNorthern Qi in Shandong
A particular type of Buddhist places are polished cliff inscriptions 摩崖刻經, which flourishedin the second half of the sixth century in Shandong Province. Often located at remote mountainsites at some distance from monasteries, these sites present large Buddha names cut artfully into
the living rock, and a selection of sutra passages that focus on Mahayana topics like therealization of the six perfections of a bodhisattva and instructions on emptiness. The pervadingteaching found at all of the 21 known sites of various sizes—ranging from a single Buddha nameto large clusters of inscriptions—is prajñāpāramitā. The five Chinese characters forprajñāpāramitā, bore boluomi 般 若 波 羅 蜜 , were carved at some sites as independent
inscriptions, like evocations; or they were grouped together with Buddha names, ormonumentalized on a steep cliff in a phrase reading “The Great Perfection of Wisdom Spoken
by the Buddha” 佛說摩訶般若波羅蜜. In addition, the nature of prajñāpāramitā is also the topic
the most frequently carved sutra passage in Shandong, a passage in 98 characters taken from theSutra on the Great Perfection of Wisdom Spoken by Mañjuśrī (文殊師利所說摩訶般若波羅蜜
經, T#232, 8: 731a15-21), which was carved eight times on mountains and three times oncomplete stelae. It seems as if the patrons of the carving projects were almost obsessed with thispassage, as they presented it in various layouts of 7 times 13 characters, or 10 times 10
characters, with only 8 characters in the last column of the inscription. The wording of the 98
character passage is identical in all carvings, without any variant readings, thus providing strong
evidence for the cohesiveness of all sites and a common mind frame of their donors.
This passage also throws some light on how these particular “Buddhist places” with stone
carvings were understood at their times: Prajñāpāramitā is also a “Site of BodhisattvaMahāsattva Practice” 菩薩摩訶薩行處. However, “since it is neither a site of practice nor of
non-practice—all [Sites of Bodhisattva-Mahāsattva Practice] belonging to the One Vehicle—it
is named the Site of Non-Practice”. In addition to discussing the sites evoking prajñāpāramitāin their topographical contexts, I will also present two recent discoveries which help with tying
the polished cliff inscriptions to the general history of Buddhism as known from literary sources.
The first is Yanzhou 兗州 as the potential center of the carving activities, and the second is a
newly discovered colophon from former Mount Ziyang 嵫陽山 (also close to Yanzhou), whichnames, for the first time, a monk whose biography has come down to us: Sengfang 僧鳳 (554?–
630?), a disciple of the Shidilun master Sengcan 僧粲 (529–613).
Winfield, Pamela (Elon University)
Building Materials and Bodhi Mind at Eiheiji Temple, JapanIn 1243, Zen Master Dōgen (1200-1253) established the first halls of Eiheiji monastery inpresent-day Fukui prefecture, Japan. Here in this eponymous “Temple of Eternal Peace,” Dōgensought to transmit the full mind of Zen awakening to his lay congregants as well as to his
monastic disciples. The manner in which he did so, however, differed radically depending on
his audience.
This presentation will examine two fascicles, which scholars believe Dōgen successively
delivered to his lay and clerical audiences on the same day in early 1244 (e.g. Nishijima-Cross,
Masutani). It will take a distinctly materialist approach, and analyze Dōgen’s rhetoricalstrategies for either valorizing or renouncing the material world to fulfill his competing yet
complementary objectives. Specifically, Dōgen’s first fascicle for laity on Awakening theUnsupassed Mind (Hotsu mujōshin 発無上心) functions as an encouraging pep talk to his
construction workers engaged in his project of “building stupas and images,” while it also serves

as a fundraising appeal to obtain more resources from his lay patrons. By contrast, the second
fascicle on Awakening the Bodhi Mind (Hotsu mujōshin 発菩提心) delivered to his fellow
monks, initially explains the nonduality of matter and mind, but also subtly indicates that theirrenunciation of material goods can also be a vehicle for awakening bodhicitta, for thebodhisattva-like benefit of all.
The ongoing feedback loop of karmic exchange, in which laity and clergy give and get material
and immaterial boons for the mutual benefit of all, is well documented in studies of Mahāyāna
Buddhist economies. However, this investigation offers new insight into Dōgen’s rhetoricalstrategies for persuading each side of their importance to this exchange. Interestingly, Dōgenfundamentally structures both of his targeted arguments according to the ancient Chinesematerial theory of the five phases (wuxing 五行 of Earth, Water, Fire, Wood, and Metal). Thatis, as I have argued for his first monastic project at Kōshōji in 1233 (forthcoming), Dōgen again
itemizes a series of two-character compounds that roughly match up with these categories [e.g.
“soil and earth” (Earth), “grasses and trees” (Wood), “fences and walls” (Metal), “tiles andpebbles” (Fire) and “wind and water” (Water)]. As a result, he concretely invokes the mostadvanced material theory of his day to mobilize the entire world and engage each audience
individually in his project to literally build up his vision of a new Song-style Sōtō Zen monasteryin Japan. This paper thus reclassifies Dōgen as a savvy institution-builder (not just Zen
philosopher), who masterfully deploys Chinese material theory in the service of his fundraisingand recruitment efforts to establish his new monastic enterprise at Eiheiji.

Contemporary Buddhism
Fri., Aug. 25th, 9:00-12:30
Meister, Kelly (University of Chicago)
Righteous and Nefarious Uses of Buddhist Power within a Material Nodal Network at Wat
Phra Mahāthātworamahāwihān (Nakhon Si Thammarat, Thailand)
According to the chronicles of Nakhon Si Thammarat, stormy seas and Buddhist fateauspiciously marooned the bearers of the Buddha’s left eyetooth on the shores of Siam.
Eventually, the relic—the same tooth that the Dalidāmaligawa in Kandy, Sri Lanka lays claim
to—would become the treasure of Wat Phra Mahāthātworamahāwihān (hereafter: Wat Phra
Thāt), a Buddhist monastery beloved by locals of the bustling city in Thailand’s upper south,
and renown throughout country and beyond. In this paper, I argue that the Buddha relic functions
as a nexus of power, infusing nearby objects and people with its potency. Importantly, while therelic is enclosed in the principle chedi, and is indeed the epicenter of this power, forpractitioners, the relic is but one component in a complex space, and does not necessarily
function as the center of their devotion. Therefore, we must also look to supplemental, material
nodes of this potency and potentiality. To do so, we move outward from the relic in all
directions—to the on-site museums, large market, diverse structures, statues of local historicaland legendary figures, and countless objects and images, which make Wat Phra Thāt an idealsite for the study of how material culture shapes and is shaped by the practices of its visitors. I
further argue that as the nexus and nodes mutually reinforce each other, an expansive network

is created, sustained, and then utilized; not all components of this network contribute equally,
but they all actively participate in and reinforce the nodal complex. While the relic has innate
power because it was at one point physically connected to the Buddha, people who practice thedhamma within space sustain the network itself. Based on my ethnographic findings, I explore
how practitioners variously conceive of this Buddhist power—manifest via the nodal material
complex—as multifaceted (e.g., understood through the dynamic concepts of amnāt, itiphon nai
jai, saksit, and sirimongkhon), and accessible for personal use. For example, one’s proximity to
the relic or a node, and the more effortful a relationship one has with a material object, thegreater the potential for them to reap personal benefits. As such, devotees may enter into what
I call pacts (ko bon gae bon), or form long-lasting, personal relationships with various images.
Moreover, everyday acts of veneration and requests for blessings are common, and generally
considered righteous, or at least acceptable, Buddhist practice. Additionally, this power,
conceived of in ways different from Buddhist devotees, can also be petitioned for use by nonBuddhists (e.g., Muslims and Hindus). More nefarious uses include supplicating an object withthe explicit intention of inflicting harm on another, and subverting (or hastening) the law ofcause and effect (sābān). Thus, through exploring the various conceptions of power, analyzing
lived practices, and situating both with the nodal network of materiality, we can see howcontemporary practitioners conceive of and utilize monastic spaces.
Kawamoto, Kanae (Japan Society for the Promotion of Science)
Love Incessantly Flows: Mae Naak, A New Asian Opera Heroine Born out of a Thai
Buddhist Narrative
The folklore of Nak (Naak) or “Mae Nak Phrakhanong” (Mother Nak of Phrakhanong District)permeates Thailand as the most popular story of a ghostly haunting as well as of the ideal woman
loyal to her love. The story, originating in the nineteenth century, has been made into a plethoraof versions including a novelette, a radio drama, and more than twenty film adaptations. The
reasons for Nak’s popularity are worth researching because she embodies an inconsistency thatexists between “Thai” Theravada Buddhism and animistic beliefs, and such a universal
inconsistency cannot be explained by typical interpretations such as dichotomy oraccommodation between religious traditions. My research focuses on the 2003 opera Mae Naakcomposed by Somtow Sucharitkul. This contains two idiosyncratic traits different from otherversions. First, Sucharitkul’s libretto downplays the judgmental superiority of the Buddhist
monk who cures the ghost. Second, it emphasizes the feminine emotions, appealing to “truelove” with the dramatic advantage of opera. The fundamental Buddhist truths of impermanenceand detachment are undoubtedly valued by Thai Buddhists. Simultaneously, they holdambivalent feelings toward ghosts, characterized by both fear and intimacy. Mae Naak draws
on these multiple Thai feelings of horror, veneration, and finally emotional satisfaction.
Consequently, it creates a new modern Asian heroine in opera. The Thai woman Nak, unlike
Madama Butterfly, bears these powerful emotions of love and desire to live. The conclusion,
however, does not define the emotional aspect of the story as merely the unfortunate result of
ignorance of impermanence and attachment. Instead, the narrative helps each individual toconcretize and personalize the more abstract concepts of Buddhism. The story of the opera
depicts true love that never dies and continues through rebirths with her beloved in a karmicjourney. This apparently inconsistency contributes to an ongoing “Buddhist” culture in harmony
with local beliefs.
Zoric, Snjezana (Hankuk University of Foreign Studies)
Transformation of Ritual into the Theatrical Heritage Performance – a Korean Case
Since the times of its emergence from oblivion, the Yeongsanjae ritual has undergone varioustransformations regarding its meaning and function. In this paper I want to show the process of
said transformations of this ritual whose original purpose was to lead the ancestor’s souls to
Heaven. Starting with its performance in 1988 for successful Olympic Games that were held in
Seoul that year, we will see how it was conducted to bring about the Korean unification
throughout the 1990’s, then changing into a ritual for World Peace, and finally turning into anational heritage item performed for tourists as a means of representation of Korean Buddhist
culture. Eventually, the ritual even traveled beyond Korea’s borders, ending up at the Ford
Theatre stage in Hollywood, where it was utilized as a pragmatic tool to make Korean Buddhism
more known to the world.
The inspiration for the ritual stems from the text of the Lotus sutra. My objective is to elaborate
its relation to Yeongsanjae on two levels, the one being structural (related to textual sources andfield research data) and the other interpretive (speculative, related to the “cultural memory”
which I read as inscribed in the jakbeop dances and daenghwa painting). On the textual level, I
observe the Lotus sutra as an art of description, conveying the experience of Buddha’s
enlightenment. Yet Yeongsanjae is not only a ritualization of text, it also depicts its own
aesthetic world, signified by all ritual preparations, i.e. from arranging altars, making offerings,
singing, playing music, and dancing. Textuality is transfigured in the ritual in a kind ofoverwhelming sensuality, leading to the final experiences of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa being equal,
as it is understood by the performing monks. Yeongsanjae monks belong to the daego school ofmarried monks, which is a remnant from the era of Japanese colonization, and developed as an
opposition to the traditional Seon (Zen) school. On the interpretive level, I intend to show how
the ritual includes elements of Confucianism and shamanism, such as the emphasis on the virtueof filial piety (hyoshim) or the idea of feeding the hungry ghosts.
Ritualization of the text and textualization of the ritual will be examined within a theoreticalframe which includes differentiation of the concepts of ritual, performance and theatre.
Thévoz, Samuel (The Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation Program in Buddhist Studies)
The Making of a Modern Buddha: Global Buddhism and Theater
The rise of Buddhism on a global scale in the nineteenth century triggered responses not only
from scholars, thinkers, religious communities and spiritual seekers but also from artists ranging
from playwrights to poets, musicians and painters worldwide. Among the considerable amountof modern Buddha-art works which still need to be documented and studied, my paper analyzes
the underresearched case study of dramas staging the life story of the Buddha. The number of
Buddha-dramas―theatrical plays, operas, published, performed or only sketched―literally
exploded between 1890 and 1920 throughout Asia, Continental Europe, Great Britain and theUnited States. As they weaved together spiritual and artistic issues to make sense of an unsettlingand changing world, the Buddha-dramas highlight the aesthetic dimension of ‘modern
Buddhism’ (Lopez 2005): although this has rarely been shown by the critics, this aspect has
been a major factor of the spread of Buddhism worldwide up to this day.
In the scope of this general framework, my paper examines the construction of the image of the
Buddha on stage, as the Buddha-dramas actively gave shape to a modern Buddha and helped
forge a new spiritual icon. Indeed, the Buddha-dramas participated in creating a standardized
image of the Buddha in the public sphere, while responding to specific local cultural and artistic
issues. Nevertheless, when choosing the Buddha as a dramatic topic, the authors, stage-directors
and actors―as well as the audience―struggled with the difficulty of staging a very
unconventional and profoundly anti-dramatic character. Indeed, the Buddha’s main featuredeliberately was to be sitting on stage, motionless, expressionless, absorbed in meditation
throughout the performance. Other important concerns were the staging of the Buddha’s siddha,
expressing his psychic power acquired while meditating, as well as the representation of
Nirvana. Based on a selection of plays from various countries and multiple horizons in theperforming arts of the time, and on the press or audience responses when available, I show how
these theatre-related challenges ideologically-charged and in some cases led to significant
polemics in the public sphere. As they pertained to a more global shift in the cultural landscapeof the time, they offer a new insight into the complex and multi-faceted advent of global
Buddhism.

Early Buddhism
Mon., Aug. 21st, 14:00-17:30
Maes, Claire (University of Texas at Austin)
Early Buddhists and their Jain Ascetic other, an Examination
Early Buddhist monks knew their Jain ascetic other, and they knew them well. They displayeda knowledge that went beyond the clichéd features of Jain doctrine and practice; a type ofknowledge suggestive of an intense contact between early Buddhist and Jain ascetics. This is
not surprising when considering the facts that both ascetic communities originated anddeveloped in much the same region of north-eastern India, known as Greater Magadha, and thatwithin this region Buddhist and Jain ascetics wandered and resided in very close sociogeographical proximity. In fact, any daily activity of the Buddhist monk could give rise tocontact with Jain ascetics, and other śramaṇas too for this matter. When examining the various
contact opportunities, we observe how the basic and fundamental activities of alms begging,eating, wandering, bathing, and even resting and sleeping could bring Buddhist monks into
direct contact with their Jain ascetic other. A critical text-historical reading of both early
Buddhist and Jain ascetic texts show us how public festal events and many ascetic facilities,
such as rest houses, travel lodges, debating halls and, at times even vihāras, were not organized
or erected exclusively for the benefit of Buddhist ascetics, but for ‘everyone’ (Pāli: sabbe,savvajaṇa). As such, these places and events inevitably functioned as platforms for directcontact opportunities. By means of (1) a critical discussion of these direct contact opportunitiesand (2) an analysis of references to Jains and their ascetic practices in a selection of early Pāli

Buddhist texts, this paper examines what the contact and interaction with ascetic others, andJains in particular, meant for the early Buddhist community’s processes of othering andboundary negotiation. Throwing further light on the early Buddhist-Jain interaction, my
discussion will problematize the notion of the ‘Buddhist’ ascetic and the ‘Jain’ ascetic.
Problematizing the idea that difference (in however many different ways this could be
negotiated) between the ‘Buddhist’ and the ‘Jain’ ascetic was being negotiated in such a mannerthat the ‘Buddhist’ could indeed at all times be distinguished from the ‘Jain’, and vice versa, I
will conclude with some critical methodological reflections on how the interaction between
early Buddhist and other ascetic communities can be meaningfully analysed.
Kong, Man-Shik (King's College, London)
The way which flavour of and quantity of food are dealt with in Early Buddhism
Buddhism has a theoretical and practical system on flavour of and quantity of food, but it has
not been explored in Buddhist Studies. The issue of the flavor of and quantity of food has
significant importance mainly in two aspects: for Buddhist monks, food functions as the biggest
object of craving in everyday life; on the other hand, the attachment to the flavor of and quantityof food causes psychological and physical problems for lay people.
Pāli cosmological text, the Aggañña Sutta in the Dīgha Nikāya, explains the way which theuniverse evolved from the craving for the flavor of and quantity of the first food in the universe.
The Pāli commentarial text, the Visuddhimagga, defines the nature of food as avarice. These
two texts provide us with fundamental viewpoint of food in Buddhism.
The Vinaya texts deal with practical regulations to cope with the problems caused by the flavorof and quantity of food from the recommendation on food practice to compulsory regulations tocontrol the dangers caused by food.
The meditation practices in Early Buddhism suggest two meditation remedy to remove thecraving for the flavour of and quantity of food: the āhārepaṭikūla saññā in the lower stage; thesatipaṭṭhāna in the higher level.
In this study, the issue of the flavor of and quantity of food in Early Buddhism will be exploredthrough theoretical and practical angles provided by Early Buddhist texts and contemporary
psychological findings will also be used to obtain more explicit and vivid explanations of flavorof and quantity of food.
Li, Channa (Leiden University)
The Sixth Arhat and Multiple Buddhas: The Ambiguity of Arhatship and Buddhahood
Found in the Early Buddhist Texts
As recorded in the Pāli Vinaya, persuaded by Brahmā to preach the Dharma in the world, theBuddha chose the five bhikṣus (Skt. pañcavargika) as his first group of disciples. After these
five bhikṣus attained arhatship, the Pāli Vinaya concludes, “At that time, there were six arhats
in the world.” Who, then, was the sixth arhat after the five bhikṣus? If we understand the context,

it is crystal clear that the sixth arhat refers to the Buddha himself. However, the equal status
between the five recently converted monks and the Buddha is somehow surprising, especiallyfor those who take for granted an unbridgeable gulf between the Buddha and arhats (that is, his
enlightened disciples). While admitting that the early Buddhist texts generally place the Buddha
and his enlightened disciples under two rubrics, viz. buddha and arhat, I believe that through aninvestigation starting from the idea of the “sixth arhat,” we can see, albeit perhaps still vaguely,
a very early understanding of the figure of Śākyamuni himself and his relation with his disciples.
The expression of the Buddha being one of the six arhats occurs in many texts stemming fromthe Sthavira lineage, including the Mahīśāsaka Vinaya, the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya, the Fo
benxing ji jing 佛本行集經 [Sutra of the Collection of the Past Actions of the Buddha, ahagiographical account of the Buddha possibly stemming from the Dharmaguptaka School], theMūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, and the Guoqu xianzai yinguo jing 過去現在因果經 [Sutra on the
Past and Present Causes and Effects, another hagiographical text of the Buddha]. The Fo
benxing ji jing even claims that the Buddha was the only arhat, instead of the only buddha, inthe world at the moment he attained enlightenment.
As we investigate further, we encounter more cases in which the states of buddhahood andarhatship are not distinguished. I list possible cases—by no means exhaustively—in the early
Buddhist texts in which the Buddha is called an arhat, and is placed on an equal footing with his
disciples. Most cases appear in the Dīghanikāya, the Saṃyuttanikāya and in their corresponding
Chinese translations. Based on these cases, I attempt to clarify how texts, especially in the Pāli
tradition, understand the distinction between the Buddha and his disciples. I argue that the Pāli
tradition still somehow preserves a vestige of an ancient idea that Śākyamuni and his disciples
all attain arhatship as the ultimate goal and and Śākyamuni’s distinction is based on his position
as the founder and first teacher of Buddhism, rather than on his higher state of liberation.
At the same time, I look in an alternative direction to explore whether arhats, that is, theBuddha’s enlightened disciples, can be called buddhas. Based on previous scholarship, we canlocate several such cases in the Suttanipāta, the Udāna, and the Saṃyuttanikāya. If theenlightened disciples as a collective group could be called buddhas in the plural, can an
individual monk be called a buddha after enlightenment? In rare instances, we do find such a
usage. This occurs in a late Pāli text, Dasabodhisatta-uddesa, and a Jain text, Isibhāsiyāim, inwhich Śāriputra is described in a way identical to the Buddha. Nakamura Hajime’s argument(1996: 18-19) that the epithet “buddha” as an exclusive reference to Siddhārtha Gautama was alater Buddhist development accompanied and stimulated by the growing cult of Śākyamuni
seems, in this respect, reasonable.
The ambiguity between the terms “arhat” and “buddha” is not purely a Sthavira issue but also
appears in the Mahāvastu. However, compared to the Sthavira lineage offshoots, theMahāsāṃghika tradition does not contain as many cases, a fact that may be explained in severalways.
The discussions of the Buddha being the sixth arhat and the disciples being buddhas in the pluralare de facto two sides of the same coin: they possibly together reflect an ancient fusion of thestates of arhatship and buddhahood, which is sporadically preserved in texts of various

affiliations. The terms arhat and buddha do not always possess their technical meaning
respectively associated with the enlightened śrāvakas and Śākyamuni in early Buddhist texts,
and therefore there is no solid ground to read the dichotomy of arhatship and buddhahood in an
absolute sense, especially in the case of early texts such as those preserved in Pāli.
Levman, Bryan (University of Toronto)
Language Theory, Phonology, and Etymology in Buddhism
The Buddha considered names to be an arbitrary designation, with their meaning created byagreement. It was not until well after his death that the distinction between conventional andultimate naming developed, in the hands of his disciples. The early suttas show clearly that interalia, names, perceptions, feelings, thinking, conceptions and mental proliferations were allconditioned dhamma which led to the creation of an “I”, craving, clinging and afflictions.
Although names were potentially afflictive and “had everything under their power”(Nāmasuttaṃ), this did not mean that they were to be ignored or even neglected; words were tobe penetrated and thoroughly understood, and the Buddha’s words were an essential instrument
for liberation, even though eventually they too had to be discarded, along with anything elsethat one depended upon.
One of the problems of transmitting the Buddha’s teachings were the large number of disciples
who did not speak an Indo-Aryan language as their first language – i. e. Tamils, Munda, Tibetan,
Greek and Persian speakers – or spoke a dialect different from that of the Teacher. Constrainedby misunderstanding of phonemes that did not exist in their own language (like aspirated stops,or the distinction between voiced and unvoiced intervocalic stops), this also led to alteredtransmission of the Vinaya and Suttas. Hundreds of these anomalies are preserved in the
different editions of the canon, testifying to these transmission ambiguities. The passages
dealing with this problem provide a valuable insight into the phonological issues that the earlysaṅgha had to deal with to try and preserve the integrity of the sāsana, “with its meaning andits letters” (sātthaṃ savyañjanaṃ)At the same time the etymological practices of Brahmanism – deliberate elision, augmentationand mutation of letters in an attempt to derive the meaning of a word from multiple roots(dhātu)– were imported into Buddhism very early on, probably from the time of the Buddha
himself, to demonstrate the intellectual superiority of the Buddha and his teachings. And, despite
the Buddha’s teachings on the arbitrary nature of language, the commentarial and grammaticaltraditions developed a sophisticated theoretical framework to analyze, explicate and reinforce
some of the key Buddhist doctrinal terms. Bhagavā is one such example, and there are hundreds
more in the commentaries. Also, an elaborate classification system of different types of names(nāman) was developed, again to show that the language of the Buddha, his epithets andteachings were firmly grounded in saccikattha, the highest truth, even though such a concept –that words by themselves can represent truth – was quite foreign to their Founder. Saddanīti
introduced several classification schemes imported from Brahmanism including the notion of
the opapātika-nāma or the naturally given, spontaneously originating name borrowed fromMīmāṇsā theory, which asserts that a word has a natural, eternal connection with its meaning, aview which is quite un-Buddhist, but a core belief in Brahmanism.

Gruszewska, Joanna (Jagiellonian University)Puṇnā’s Verses (Therīgāthā 236-251) in the light of Buddhist criticism of Brahmins in
Early Buddhist Literature
The literature of the Pali Canon contains several examples of Buddha discussing matters ofsocial hierarchy with Brahmins. In many of them he presents his own definition of a Brahmin,stating that being a true Brahmin is not a matter of birth, but rather of proper conduct. Thisoccurs within the suttas with narrative framework (the Vāsettha Sutta, the Aggaññha sutta or
the Tevijja sutta, to name the most important ones) and is the topic of the verses collected in the
26th chapter of the Dhammapada – Brāhmaṇa vaggo.
Criticism of Brahmins is also present in the verses ascribed to therī Puṇnā, included in The
Collection of Verses of the Elder Nuns (Therīgāthā). The poem, in the form of a dialogue,
describes the encounter between a Brahmin and Puṇnā – a female servant, who challenges theBrahmanical notion of ritual purity. The aim of the paper is to present the means applied to
depict Puṇnā’s dialogue with Brahmin by analyzing the rhetoric and argumentation used in theverses and to compare them with other examples present in the Pali Canon.
Polak, Grzegorz (Maria Curie-Sklodowska University)
Can the ‘end of the world’ be reached by means of jhāna? A reexamination of the role andplace of saññā in early Buddhist jhāna meditation
Certain discourses contained in the Suttapiṭaka (e.g. SN 2.26) speak of ‘the end of the world’(lokassa anto), which needs to be reached inorder to put an end to suffering. In his recent
important paper, Alexander Wynne has shown that reaching the ‘end of the world’ can beconnected with cognitive deconstruction of the ‘world’ of normal experience. In this paper I
would like to put forward a hypothesis that such a deconstruction is possible in the meditative
state of jhāna (especially its higher stages) and attempt to explain the mechanism of suchdeconstruction on a cognitive level. Recent research by several scholars has shown that thetraditional orthodox vision of Buddhist jhāna (as presented in the Visuddhimagga) may not be
representative of the original doctrine, but rather be a result of later development. This opens up
the possibility of rethinking the nature and role of jhāna and reexamining its connection to otherimportant elements of early Buddhist soteriological doctrine. In this paper I would like to focus
in particular on the interrelation of jhāna and saññā – an important cognitive factor belonging
to the set of the five khandha-s. As it is the case with many other elements of early Buddhist
doctrine, the interrelation of jhāna and saññā is not explicitly explained in the suttas. However,it appears to function in an implicit way and thus can be inferred and reconstructed by means ofanalysis and comparisons of certain suttas. Proper analysis of the interrelation of jhāna andsaññā, will not however be possible without prior taking into account the role of saññā in normal
cognition and in the arising of cognitive errors. Just to what extent is our perception of reality
intermediated by cognitive and linguistic factors? I will draw parallels between some elementsof early Buddhist thought and that of Kant and late Wittgenstein. This will allow to better
understand the impressive (though not systematically presented) early Buddhist views on theinterrelation of cognition, language and reality.

I would like to point out the evidence contained in certain suttas, such as the Mūlapariyāya Sutta(MN 1), the Sandha Sutta (AN 11.9), and the Vihāra Sutta (SN 45.11), which has perhaps still
not received the attention it deserves. I would like to put forward a hypothesis, that in the higher
stages of jhāna, the functioning of saññā undergoes a radical change. This will shed light on
several important issues, including the problem of ineffability in early Buddhism. Why should
the range of jhāna not be thought about (acinteyyo – AN 4.77)? Does the account of jhāna-sactually describe the contents of the mind of a meditator? This hypothesis will also help toharmonize the passages describing liberation in terms of cessation of several factors constituting
an individual and those criticizing shutting down of senses and advocating liberation here andnow.

Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism
Mon., Aug. 21st, 9:00-17:30
Hayashi, Itsuki (Columbia University)
Rebirth versus Epiphenomenalism: Buddhist Theory of Ontological Dependence andPersistence
Dharmakīrti defends the Buddhist doctrine of rebirth by rejecting the Indian physicalists’ claimthat consciousness comes from body or that it requires body as ontological support. The strategyof the Buddhist is to adduce a special causal relation (upādāna-upādeya) that connects momentsof consciousness into a series (santāna) or an ens successivum, where the special causal relation
is such that the effect cannot change unless the cause is changed, and whenever the causechanges the effect must also change. Since for any moment of consciousness only a priorconsciousness can count as such a special cause, the very first moment of consciousness in thislife must be specially caused by, and forms a series with, consciousness prior to that, i.e. thefinal moment of consciousness in the past life.
Contemporary physicalists would demand that we revise the Buddhist conclusion in light ofwhat we now known about our bodies, particularly the brain. Since mental changes cannot occur
without neurological changes, it should be said that consciousness comes not from priorconsciousness but from the body. John Taber (2003) addresses precisely this problem andsuggests on behalf of the Buddhist (in agreement to Eli Franco (1997)) that the Buddhist viewof homogeneous series is theoretically more economical than the physicalist view that nonphysical things can come from physical things (i.e. as emergents or structural resultants), so
Dharmakīrti at least succeeds in showing that the notion of consciousness as independent ofbody is not inconceivable.
This paper does three things. First, it argues that the appeal to theoretical economy is notavailable to the Buddhist, due to Dharmakīrti’s own criteria of special causal relation being too
definitive to allow for such an appeal. Second, it extracts relevant arguments from Śāntarakṣita’s
Tattvasaṃgraha and advances stronger responses to the contemporary physicalist’s problem.
Third, it exposes an extreme implication of the Buddhist reasoning, that if consciousness turns
out to be specially caused by body, then it should be regarded as an epiphenomenon without any
direct causal connection with other moments of consciousness, be it across lives or within asingle life. Thus, if we follow the Buddhist criteria of series-constitution, it is either the Buddhist
argument succeeds and we should believe in rebirth, or it fails and we should believe in
epiphenomenalism. The arguments advanced in this paper will not only urge philosophers torethink the relationship between mind and body, but also to take rebirth seriously.
Keywords: Dharmakīrti, Persistence, Rebirth, Epiphenomenalism, Physicalism
References:
Eli Franco, Dharmakīrti on Compassion and Rebirth, Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie undBuddhismuskunde, vol. 38. Arbeitskreis fur tibetische und buddhistische Studien Universit¨atWien: Vienna, 1997.
John Taber, “Dharmakīrti against Physicalism”, Journal of Indian Philosophy 31, 479-502,
2003.
Nowakowski, David (Union College)
The Isomorphism of Time and Space in Buddhist Arguments for MomentarinessArguments for universal momentariness in the Buddhist epistemological tradition (among
Dharmakīrti and his successors) often display strong parallelisms in their accounts of space andof time, in ways that are strikingly similar to modern scientific conceptions. This paper
examines the lessons provided by these arguments for understanding theories of time andtemporal moments (kṣaṇa) in the Buddhist epistemological tradition.
The paper begins with a survey of the ways in which the Buddhist epistemologists take space
and time to be isomorphic. Such considerations relate both to (1) the similarities between thephysical atom as the smallest, indivisible unit of space and the moment (kṣaṇa) as the smallest,
indivisible unit of time, as well as to (2) the parallelisms between arguments by which the
Buddhist epistemologists deny the reality of ordinary entities which are commonly believed to
be extended through space, and those by which they deny the reality of entities commonly
believed to persist through time. The arguments of greatest interest here are those given by
Jñānaśrimitra in his prasaṅga and prasaṅgaviparyaya, in defense of Dharmakīrti’s inference
from existence (sattvānumāna), and which are followed by Ratnakīrti and Mokṣākaragupta.
Here, it is argued that the conflict between opposed properties at different times necessitates thedivision of what appears to be a single persisting entity into multiple separate moments, just as
a conflict between opposed properties necessitates the reduction of an entity which is seemingly
extended in space, into multiple separate physical atoms.
The second portion of the paper considers one attempt by Jñānaśrimitra’s opponent, Udayana,
to exploit this isomorphism between space and time in order to undermine the theory of
momentariness. After accepting the Buddhists’ tight parallelism between space and time,
Udayana attempts to draw a connection between the arising of effects in certain places, but notothers, and the arising of effects at certain times, but not others, to show that the possession ofseemingly opposed properties can be compatible with persistence through time. The paper thenconsiders Udayana’s unexamined assumptions about the nature of space and time which

underlie his argument, along with the ways in which Jñānaśrimitra and his tradition, both
explicitly and implicitly, avoid those assumptions.
The paper concludes by showing how this debate sheds light on Buddhist theories of time moregenerally, including (1) the ways in philosophers of the Buddhist epistemological tradition arecommitted to accounts of both space and time which are discontinuous, or “gappy,” rather thansmoothly contiguous, and (2) the fact that for the Buddhist epistemologists, neither space nor
time is available as a background framework into which entities may be placed in relation.
Sakai, Masamichi (Kansai University)
On the Time-Gap Problem in the Buddhist Theory of Momentariness
Various scholarly attempts have been made to understand how Buddhist philosophers following
Dharmakīrti solved the ‘time gap problem’ regarding perception (pratyakṣa) as a valid cognition(pramāṇa). That is, the problem that the thing we perceive and the thing we obtain are not
identical.
The Buddhist philosophers, on the one hand, hold that everything is momentary; on the other
hand, they characterize valid cognition as non-disappointing (avisaṃvādin), which means that
it is a cognition that dependably leads us to obtain the object we desire. Perception shows us anobject and motivates us to act toward it, thus allowing us to obtain it. However, since the very
thing perception shows us is momentary, it will already have perished when we actually reachit. If so, how can perception be a valid cognition, since it fails to let us obtain the same object
we saw?
Previous studies have reported that the Buddhist epistemologists offered two kinds of solution.
1) One is to assume that perception itself has the power (bala) to evoke or cause the grasping of
the time-continuum (santāna) of an object. Indeed, what perception grasps is a unique
momentary particular (svalakṣaṇa), but following perception there occurs a cognition of its
time-continuum. In this view, perception can be said to be valid, since the time-continuum
consists of unique momentary particulars, and thus the identity of the thing to be perceived andthe thing to be obtained is somehow secured. This is the view of Dharmottara. 2) The otherbelongs to Prajñākaragupta, who does not take recourse to the concept of a time-continuum. He
claims that the object of perception must be a future object (bhāvivastu) that will be obtained at
a later point in time; otherwise, perception can never be a valid cognition, since it is nothing but
a future object that we obtain. Of course, it is impossible for perception to grasp an object yet
to occur. Therefore, Prajñākaragupta admits that perception itself is erroneous (but nondisappointing).
However, it is still not entirely clear whether these solutions really make sense in the Buddhist
epistemological framework constructed by Dharmakīrti. In this paper, I concentrate on thisissue. It seems of vital importance to review their respective positions from a psychoepistemological point of view. Specifically, in the first case, we need to clarify how Dharmottara
understands the cognitive process from our first perception of an object to our grasping of its
time-continuum. As for the second case, Prajñākaragupta’s theory at the first glance seems tobe sophistry. So, it must be made clear what, in the context of Buddhist epistemology, it means
to say that perception has a future thing as its object. By doing so, I would like to clarify what
the fundamental problems are in both solutions.
Shida, Taisei (University of Tsukuba)
The Non-Comparative Type of pratyabhijñā[na] Referred to by Śālikanātha
As a technical term in Indian epistemology, pratyabhijñā[na] generally refers to a kind ofsynthetic cognitive event, which identifies two [or possibly more] objects in the typical form:‘this is [precisely] that (sa evāyam iti / so ’yam iti / sa iti).’ This identification is conducted
through the comparison of two experiences/aspects of a temporally extended object – regardlessof whether it is a substance or a property –, i.e. through comparing one which is currently
perceived, with the other which is recollected as previously observed by the same cognitive
agent.
In the Mīmāṃsā philosophical corpus, especially in the context of proving the eternality ofsound (śabdanityatā), this concept of pratyabhijñā[na] is applied as the grounds for proof ofthe continued existence of a temporally extended object, and furthermore in order to refute theBuddhist theory of momentariness.
In the treatises of the Bhāṭṭa school the concept of pratyabhijñā[na] is treated as outlined above:that is, as a synthetic cognitive event which identifies object(s) through the process of comparing
what is being perceived with what is recollected. Thus, for the Bhāṭṭa school, it seems that theprevious experience of the object is a prerequisite for pratyabhijñā[na].
On the other hand, the Prābhākara polemicist Śālikanātha seems to refer to another kind of
pratyabhijñā[na], which does not presuppose the previous experience of the object, because hestates that ‘there occurs pratyabhijñā[na] with respect to sound, precisely at the occasion of thefirst encounter.’In this presentation, I will investigate this type of pratyabhijñā[na] referred to by Śālikanātha,which can be apparently sorted into a non-comparative type, characterized by a kind of unity
rather than identity, with concern for Hume’s principle of individuation. I will then speculate
the reason why Śālikanātha employs this concept of pratyabhijñā[na] in the larger context ofproving the eternality of sound.
Siderits, Mark (Seoul National University)
Buddhism Naturalized?
As philosophers use the term, to ‘naturalize’ a theory or view is to make it compatible with themethods and findings of the natural sciences. At one time Buddhism was widely thought to beeminently naturalizable, but the pendulum has recently swung the other way. I look briefly atthe objections of a representative critic of naturalizing, Donald Lopez, as well as the views of arepresentative defender of the endeavor, Sasaki Shizuka. I then go on to discuss the specifically
metaphysical side of the debate: Is a recognizably Buddhist project compatible with

physicalism? Not surprisingly, the answer turns in part on what we take a (or the) Buddhist
project to be. I claim that at least one defensible answer to this question makes a naturalized
Buddhism seem more plausible. A key obstacle would seem to be the theory of karma andrebirth. While physicalism seems to render the theory more likely to be false, it can be argued
that the karma-rebirth ideology is less central to Buddhism than is commonly assumed. One key
issue then remaining is whether Buddhist accounts of consciousness and mind are compatible
with a physicalist metaphysics. I examine several arguments for the conclusion that they are not,and try to show that they all fail.
Forman, Jed (University of California, Santa Barbara)Pus, Blood, and Falling Hairs: Polemical Debates on Valid Perception
This paper explores a polemical debate instigated by Taktsang Lotsawa (tag tshang lo tsA bashes rab rin chen, b. 1405) in his Grub mtha’ kun shes specifically concerning his “eighteen
contradictions” ('gal ba'i khur chen bco brgyad). These eighteen points attempt to undermine
Tsongkhapa’s interpretation of valid perception (tshad ma, pramāṇa) within Madhyamaka
theory. The paper focuses on one of these eighteen, the seventh, comparing several Tibetan
theorists’ arguments on this single point, including—in addition to Taktsang himself—
Phurchok Ngawang Jampa (phur lcog ngag dbang byams pa, 1682-1762), Panchen Lama
Lobzang Chokyi Gyeltsen (blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1570-1662), and Khedrubje Gelek
Pelzang (mkhas grub rje dge legs dpal bzang, 1385-1438), all of whom directly or indirectly
rebuttal Taktsang’s contradictions. While debate around this seventh contradiction appears at
first to be inconsequential in its scope, we find that there are wide ramifications around its
seemingly small issue—including consequences for epistemology, ontology, and the often
unexplored mystery of how karma supposedly functions to affect one’s experiential reality.
The seventh contradiction reads, “To say that there is no falling hair, but that there is a river ofpus is a contradiction.” The “falling hairs” refer to what are nowadays called “floaters”—strandsof collagen that float on the eye lens, creating the appearance of a falling hair in the visual field.
The “river of pus” refers to the Buddhist theory that hungry ghosts (yid wags, preta) see pus andblood in place of water when they approach a river. Taktsang argues here that Tsongkhapa isarbitrarily deeming one illusion (the pus and blood) valid and the other (the falling hair) false.
He thus concludes that Tsongkhapa’s realism prevents him from identifying the illusions leading
to saṃsāra, since Tsongkhapa’s assertion that the pus and blood are real makes his denial ofother illusions incoherent.
Latent in Taktsang’s analysis of this point reveals a myriad of other ontological andepistemological presuppositions. Ontologically, Taktsang argues that because matter is nonobstructive—i.e. that one bit of matter cannot co-occupy the space of another bit of matter, andthereby conceal it—it is impossible for one object to be made of two things at once. This
presupposition has strong epistemological consequences. Per the example of the river, if ahungry ghost sees the river as pus and a human sees it as water, both perceptions cannot
simultaneously be correct: the river cannot be made of two things at once. Taktsang’s Gelug
opponents reject both these premises, arguing that one object can be composed of two
substances and thus both perceptions are correct relative to the individual substance it perceives.

This position introduces a nuanced discussion of how karma affects physical objects, physicallytransforming part of the perceived object into the basis for that valid perception. Exploring thisdebate thus reveals intriguing differences in the ontological and epistemological presuppositions
operating for each of these theorists, and even offers modern epistemology some guidance on
how to discern validity in the face of conflicting perceptions.
Hugon, Pascale (Austrian Academy of Sciences)
Are there any real universals in the epistemological works of Phya pa Chos kyi seng ge(1109–1169)? On the source of the moderate realist perspective on universals in the
Tibetan tradition
Dharmakīrti (7th c. or 6th c.), the forefather of the Indian Buddhist epistemological school, took
a clear stand on the question of universals, refuting their reality and reducing them to mere
fictions that are conceptually created via a process of exclusion. His Tibetan interpreters,
however, stand divided on this issue. Thinkers in the dGe lugs pa tradition as well as some Sa
skya pa scholars instead adopt a moderate realist position, arguing that not all universals are
non-existent. Some universals are held to exist, although not independently of or separately fromtheir instances. In contrast, Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dgaʾ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251) and his
followers adopt a strict antirealist position. Sa skya Paṇḍita, in particular, strongly criticizes themoderate realist position adopted by his Tibetan predecessors and contemporaries as not being
faithful to Dharmakīrti’s system.
Moderate realism is traditionally ascribed to the Tibetan logician Phya pa Chos kyi seng ge(1109–1169) and the interpretative lineage associated with gSang phu monastery in general.
However, explicit arguments in favour of real universals do not seem to be present in
epistemological works prior to the thirteenth century; the earliest examples of such arguments I
could trace so far are in the works of Chu mig pa Seng ge dpal (ca. 1200–1270).
The present paper investigates Phya pa Chos kyi seng ge’s position on this issue as found in his
two works on epistemology. In addition to considering the various types of universals that hementions and the associated terminology, I will pay a special attention to Phya pa’s discussion
on the scope of inferential cognition, in which he makes a claim that appears to match theposition criticized by Sa skya Paṇḍita for involving a reification of universals. Keeping in mind
that Phya pa was well aware of Dharmakīrti’s arguments against the real universals advocatedby the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika, and that Phya pa does not thematise the antirealist/moderate realist
issue, I will evaluate the extent to which the statements he makes in the above-mentioned context
can be viewed as conclusive evidence for his explicit adoption of a moderate realist perspectiveon universals.
Kellner, Birgit (Austrian Academy of Sciences)
How to read Dharmakīrti’s saṃvedana-inference
Scattered throughout the two main epistemological works of Dharmakīrti, the Pramāṇavārttika
and the Pramāṇaviniścaya, we find a considerable variety of arguments on the nature ofcognition and awareness. Some of these, most notably the sahopalambhaniyama-inference,become codified as “great inferences” in subsequent tradition, inspiring variegatedinterpretation and generating heated controversy. Others of these arguments remain obscure,and perhaps precisely for this reason have been historically subject to divergent readings. In thispaper I am going to revisit one of Dharmakīrti’s more obscure arguments about cognition,
dubbed saṃvedana-inference by Takashi Iwata. In one of its possible construals, the inference
proclaims that cognition is not of another object because it is by nature an “appearing-in-acertain-way” (tathāprathana), just like cognition’s awareness of itself (ātmasaṃvedana). While
sketching various readings of this inference, I also want to draw on analyses of awarenessdeveloped in the contemporary philosophy of mind in order to suggest possible avenues forreconstructing its philosophical import and appreciating its significance.
Nishizawa, Fumihito (Otani University)
On the Origin of Non-valid Cognitions (apramāṇa/ tshad min gyi blo)Non-valid cognition (apramāṇa/ tshad min gyi blo) is the opposite concept of valid cognition(pramāṇa/ tshad ma). In India, this concept did not receive great attention, althoughpratyakṣābhāsa, the opposite of pratyakṣa, and hetvābhāsa, the opposite of hetu, were
frequently discussed by Indian scholars. This concept was, however, taken as one of the mostimportant subjects closely related with the pramāṇa-theory by later Tibetan scholars. dGe lugs
pa scholars, for example, generally divided the non-valid cognition into five as follows: (1) bcad
shes, (2) yid dpyod, (3) snang la ma nges pa'i blo, (4) the tshom and (5) log shes. According toavailable documents, it is rNgog lo tsā ba Blo ldan shes rab (1059-1109) of gSang phu ne'u thogthat propounded this set of five non-valid cognitions for the first time in the Buddhist tradition.
This was widely accepted as the standard division of the non-valid cognition by Tibetan scholarsof later periods except Sa skya paṇ∂ita and his followers of Sa skya pa. However, the matter ofwhich non-valid cognition can be traced back to Indian original text and which was newly
created by Tibetan scholars remains unresolved. My presenation aims to shed light on the originof these five concepts, and would be drawn the following provisional conclusions:
1. Among these five non-valid cognitions, the tshom (saṃśaya/ saṃdeha), log shes
(viparyāsajñāna/ mithyājñāna) and bcad shes (i.e., bcad pa'i yul can, adhigataviṣaya) can betraced back to Indian original texts. On the other hand, yid dpyod and snang la ma nges pa'i blo
are not of Indian origin. According to my assumption, these two concepts are newly created by
the great Tibetan logician rNgog lo tsā ba based on Dharmottara's pramāṇa-texts, especially
Pramāṇaviniścayaṭīkā.
2. As for yid dpyod or its equivalent, Dharmottara regards it as a kind of the tshom (saṃśaya/saṃdeha), and does not set up it as the independent concept from the tshom in hisPramāṇaviniścayaṭīkā (cf. PVinṬ 5b3-6).
3. snang la ma nges pa'i blo means a cognition in which an object clearly appears ("snang la"),but is not ascertained ("ma nges pa"). In the epistemological system of Dharmakīrti, pratyakṣa
must be snang la ma nges pa'i blo, because pratyakṣa is not regarded as an object-ascertaining
cognition (cf. PVSV p. 31.21-22: na pratyakṣaṃ kasyacin niścāyakam/ tad yam api gṛhṇāti tan
na niścayena/ kiṃ tarhi/ tatpratibhāsena/). Nevertheless, rNgog lo tsā ba set up this concept asone of the non-valid cognitions. This is probably because rNgog lo tsā ba especially depends on
Dharmottara's pramāṇa-texts in which pratyakṣa is apparently described as the objectascertaining cognition (cf. PPar II. p. 1.14f.; NBṬ p. 84.5ff.; PVinṬ* p. 15.2ff., etc.).
Saccone, Margherita Serena (IKGA, Austrian Academy of Sciences)
Of Authoritativeness and Perception, the Sarvajñasiddhikārikā by ŚubhaguptaŚubhagupta (8th century) is a Buddhist philosopher connected with the logico-epistemologicalschool. Different from his Bāhyārthasiddhikārikā (Verses on the Establishment of an External
Object), which is highly critical regarding some of the main ontological and epistemologicaltheories of Dharmakīrti (as well as Diṅnāga and Vasubandhu), in the Sarvajñasiddhikārikā
(Verses on the Establishment of the Omniscient) Śubhagupta puts forward views which are inline with the logico-epistemological tradition (utilizing, for example, Dharmakīrti’s theories oflanguage) and addresses the Mīmāṃsakas as his opponents. The context is, therefore, that of aninterreligious debate rather than an intra-religious controversy. Moreover, theSarvajñasiddhikārikā represents a pivotal work for the development of the demonstration ofomniscience within Buddhism. In brief, this short treatise concerns: (i) the denial of theauthoritativeness of the Veda, unless an omniscient being is admitted as its author (kk. 1-12);
and (ii) the proof of the Buddha’s omniscience (kk. 13-25).
In this paper, I shall examine kk. 1-12, particularly the theme of the relationship between theauthoritativeness (prāmāṇya) of Scriptures and the perception of extrasensory objects(atīndriyārthadarśana) by their author. Additionally, I will explore the underlying theme of thelogical possibility of an omniscient being, which is intended as a being able to perceive
supersensible objects, i.e., soteriologically relevant truths. I shall investigate these themes byhighlighting the previous authors and works Śubhagupta refers to as well as delineating the way
he utilizes those views to demonstrate the equivalence between authoritativeness andextrasensory perception.

Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism
Tue, Aug. 22nd, 9:00-12:30
Stoltz, Jonathan (University of St. Thomas)
The Scope and Unity of “Mistaken Cognition” in the Epistemology of Phya pa Chos kyi
seng ge
The twelfth century Tibetan Buddhist epistemologist Phya pa Chos kyi seng ge (1109-1169;
henceforth, Chaba) argues (in his text Tshad ma yid kyi mun sel) that there are seven basic typesof cognitive episodes, two of which—perceptual knowledge and inference—are to be classified
as instances of knowledge (pramāṇa). While three of the other five types of cognition are said
to be “in accord with their objects,” the type called “mistaken cognition” (log shes) is not. Yet,
while the category of mistaken cognition is treated as one of the seven basic types of cognitive
episodes, Chaba contends that there are actually two sub-types of mistaken cognition—thosethat are mistaken with respect to their apprehended objects (gzung yul), and those that are
mistaken with respect to their intentional objects (zhen yul). He applies the term “mistaken

cognition” in several additional contexts as well, not all of which are easy to make sense of in a
unified way.
In this paper I will clarify the various ways in which Chaba applied the term “mistaken
cognition,” and will discuss the different ways in which several of Chaba’s successors definedand classified this type of cognition. It will be argued that there are very fundamental differences
between the sub-types of mistaken cognition that Chaba identifies, and that these differencessuggest that we should not speak of one overarching type of cognitive awareness called“mistaken cognition.” In order to support my claims on these matters, I will make reference tothe views expressed by a handful of Chaba’s Tibetan predecessors and successors, where someof these thinkers (a) articulated different and/or additional sub-classes of mistaken cognition,(b) claimed that these various types of mistaken cognition should be seen as fundamentallydifferent in kind, or even (c) argued that there cannot even be a single definition of “mistaken
cognition” that applies to all the various cases and “sub-types.”
Clarifying Chaba’s use of the category “mistaken cognition” is important, as it makes it possible
to gain a richer understanding of early Tibetan views of both the nature of cognition and thenature of knowledge, and also provides a snapshot of some of the historical disagreements that
can arise when trying to standardize philosophical terminologies that were likely imprecise
when first employed by epistemologists.
Zamorski, Jakub (Jagiellonian University)
What Remained of Pramāṇa Theory in China? “Direct perception” and “Inference” inthe Works of Early Modern Chinese Buddhists
Chinese reception of Buddhist epistemology has so far been discussed in two major contexts.
The first of these is transmission of early Buddhist theories about pramāṇas –“means” or“sources” of valid cognition –from India to China, a process which came to a halt soon after
brief flourishing of indigenous commentarial tradition in the early Tang period. The second
context is modern reconstruction of this tradition under the aegis of “hetu-vidyā studies”(yinmingxue 因 明 学 ) or “Buddhist logic” in the early twentieth century. The common
underlying assumption shared by these two perspectives is that Chinese Buddhists investigatedtheory of pramāṇas as a consequence of some external impulse (be it from India, Japan or theWest) rather than internal dynamics of their own tradition. For this reason, contemporary studies
have rarely investigated references to “sources of valid cognition” in Chinese works written in
medieval and early modern periods –the time when Sinitic Buddhism remained relatively
isolated from such influences.
In my paper I would like to address this particular gap. Specifically, I will be looking at how
prominent scholiasts active in the late Ming period, such as Hanshan Deqing (憨山德清, 1546
–1623), Zibo Zhenke (紫柏真可, 1543 –1603) or Mingyu (明昱, 1527–1616), understood theconcepts of “direct perception” (xianliang 現量) and “inference” (biliang 比量), as well as theirmutual relations. I will argue that the aforementioned authors used these categories in ways
specific to their own tradition and to large extent independent of the Indian system from which
they originated. Firstly, they often construed the concepts in question according to literalmeanings of Chinese compounds rather than original Sanskrit terms. Secondly, they interpreted
them in the light of their own concerns, which revolved around soteriology and hermeneutics
rather than epistemology and logic. Thirdly, they approached epistemological issues through thelens of distinctly Sinitic Buddhist thought (inspired, for example, by the Dasheng qixin lun 大乘起信論) and practice. As I will try to show, such tendencies dominated Chinese approaches
to Buddhist epistemology until the emergence of its modernized form.
Understanding these developments can help us to bring together the two aforementioned
scholarly perspectives. Early modern sources provide a much needed insight into the indigenoustransformations of pramāṇa theory which had begun already in the Tang period. At the sametime, they enhance our understanding of the subsequent modern Chinese revival of Buddhist
epistemology which involved a critical reassessment of this very legacy. Consequently, they canbe used to make a case for viewing the history of Buddhist epistemology in China as acontinuous process rather than disjointed episodes divided by a hiatus of hundreds of years.
According to this new perspective, theory of pramāṇas was neither completely abandoned nor
reintroduced from scratch–it was only reinterpreted according to shifting priorities ofcontemporaneous Chinese Buddhists.
Lo, King Chung (University of Leipzig)
Prāsaṅgika Mādhyamika’s Refutation of Self-awareness
The theory of self-awareness (svasaṃvedana) forms the cornerstone on which all theories inDignāga’s and Dharmakīrti’s epistemology and philosophy are based. Without thepresupposition of self-awareness, they are unable to explain how the cognition perceives theobject in their epistemology and how to establish the existence of the object in their philosophy.
Shortly after it was found in Dignāga’s epitemology, the theory of self-awareness was widely
rejected by many Indian religious scholars, including Buddhist scholars. Among those Buddhist
opponents, Prāsaṅgika Mādhyamikas (represented by Candrakīrti and Śāntideva) can beconsidered to reject self-awareness in both ultimate reality and conventional reality, namely,
they suggest completely refuting the existence of self-awareness in our world. Nevertheless,there is controversy over whether Prāsaṅgika Mādhyamika rejects the self-awareness at theconventional level.
According to Paul Williams (2000), Tibetan Nyingmapa and Sakyapa scholars suggest limiting
the interpretation of Prāsaṅgika Mādhyamikas’ refutations of self-awareness to the ultimate
reality while Gelugpa scholars consider their refutations to be applicable to both the ultimate
reality and the conventional reality. Based on a Nyingmapa scholar Mi Pham’s commentary onŚāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra (hereafter BA), Williams draws his conclusion that Śāntideva
must accept the conventional self-awareness. And according to his study of the commentaries
on BA, Williams criticizes the view of a Gelugpa scholar Gyaltsab and his followers for having
only “one short and controversial quotation” from Candrakīrti as their support. He even claims
that not a single commentary on BA prior to Gyaltsab’s commentary, Indian or Tibetan(including the commentary of Tsong Kha Pa who is the teacher of Gyaltsab and the founder of
the Gelugpa), explicitly states that Śāntideva’s refutation of svasaṃvedana is to reject it at theconventional level.

In this paper, I will introduce two pieces of evidence stated in two commentaries on BA by
Vibhūticandra and Tsong Kha Pa, which disprove Williams’s conclusion. Such evidence would
also show that it seems more convincing to consider that Śāntideva rejects self-awareness inworldly convention. Further, I will look into every step of the arguments over self-awarenessand depict the whole frame of the refutations of self-awareness in view of the Gelugpa, using
Candrakīrti’s Madhyamakāvatārabhāṣya 6.72-76 as the example. I will also examine whether
the “one short and controversial quotation” from Candrakirit’s MABh 6.73 is the only proof insupporting the argument that Candrakīrti refutes the self-awareness in conventional reality.
Finally, I will introduce how Gelugpa interprets Śāntideva’s and Candrakīrti’s theories ofmemory and the theories of the cognition of cognition without the notion of self-awareness.
Vose, Kevin (College of William and Mary)
When Did Svatantra Gain its Autonomy? An Investigation into the Indian Sources of a
Tibetan Claim
For Tibetan Mādhyamikas, use or disuse of svatantra inference became the central dividing linethat distinguished two interpretations of Nāgārjuna’s philosophy. While eleventh- and twelfthcentury Tibetans disagreed over a range of Madhyamaka issues, these disputes were tied to just
how one understands “svatantra inference.” Tibetan authors over the centuries came to readsvatantra as “autonomous”: a form of logic that has its “own power,” the ability to command
the assent of any reasonable person. This interpretation has in turn influenced a great deal ofmodern scholarship, particularly philosophically minded interpreters who attempt tocharacterize Candrakīrti’s version of Madhyamaka—with its rejection of svatantra—as thepreferred reading on any number of contemporary concerns.
When we turn to Indian Mādhyamikas, we find the term svatantra seldom used. This paper
briefly explores Candrakīrti’s characterization of it and then examines Kamalaśīla’sunderstanding of “svatantra proof” (rang kyi rgyud kyis sgrub pa). I will show that Jayānanda’s
twelfth-century rendering of Candrakīrti offers the strongest case for understanding svatantra
as “autonomous” and discuss his Tibetan interlocutors’ rejection of his views in favor of a
Madhyamaka that embraces svatantra inference. This paper aims to show that the “autonomous”
characterization of svatantra and, by extension, the “realist” characterization of “Svātantrika
Madhyamaka,” work only when skewing the historical data, a fuller consideration of which
provides a more vibrant, nuanced, and perfectly reasonable view.
Westerhoff, Jan (University of Oxford)
Madhyamaka and philosophy of language
In the contemporary secondary literature we sometimes find the claim that Madhyamaka adopts
a pan-fictionalist understanding of language, that is, roughly speaking, a view according towhich there is no substantial difference between the linguistic description of facts and thedescription of fictional entities as we find, for example, in a novel. In this paper I try to provide
a precise account of what pan-fictionalism involves, discuss whether it is a defensible position,
and whether conceiving of Madhyamaka thought about language along pan-fictionalist lines ishistorically plausible and systematically fruitful. In the course of the paper I will also addresssome of the background of the Madhyamaka philosophy of language in its dispute with Nyāya,
and the Madhyamaka conception of language as a tool for the coordination of behaviour, rather
than as a representation of reality.

Epistemology and Logic in Buddhism
Fri., Aug. 25th, 14:00-15:30
Matsuoka, Hiroko (Universität Leipzig)
Vinītadeva, Dharmottara, Kamalaśīla and Yamāri on the Initial Statement (ādivākya) ofa śāstraDharmakīrti (600–660) begins his Nyāyabindu by saying “Fulfillment of all human aims ispreceded by right cognition. Therefore that [right cognition] is explained [in this treatise]” (NB
I.1: samyagjñānapūrvikā sarvapuruṣārthasiddhir iti tad vyutpādyate//). When commentators
introduce the Nyāyabindu, they cannot shun away from explaining this initial statement(ādivākya). Vinītadeva (710–770) explicates in his Nyāyabinduṭīkā that ‘right cognition’(samyagjñāna=pramāṇa), `the explanation of that [right cognition]’ (tadvyutpatti) and‘fulfillment of all human aims’ (sarvapuruṣārthasiddhi) are regarded as the topic (brjod par bya
ba, *abhidheya), the purpose (dgos pa, *prayojana) and the purpose of the purpose (dgos pa'iyang dgos pa, *prayojanaprayojana), respectively. Dharmottara (740–800), who refutes theview that is attributed to Vinītadeva and Śāntabhadra (710–770), also argues that ‘rightcognition’ is the topic of the Nyāyabindu and that the whole sentence shows the purpose of the
topic (abhidheyaprayojana). Dharmottara's view became the most influential and was acceptedalso by the Śvetāmbara Jaina logicians. However, Kamalaśīla (740–795) refutes Dharmottara in
the beginning of the Tattvasaṅgrahapañjikā. According to Kamalaśīla, the word ‘rightcognition’ means the explanation of right cognition (samyagjñānavyutpatti) and the initialstatement indicates the purpose of the purpose (prayojanaprayojana). Furthermore, Yamāri(1000–1060) cites the relevant lines from Dharmottara's Nyāyabinduṭīkā and Kamlaśīla's
Tattvasaṅgrahapañjikā in his Pramāṇavārttikālaṅkāranibandha in order to criticize both ofthem. Yamāri argues that the initial passage indicates only the topic and merely implies the
purpose because there is a signifier-signified relationship (abhidhānābhidheyabhāva) between
the purpose and topic. The present paper attempts to explore this series of controversies on theinitial statement of a treatise (śāstra) and considers how the various views have been developed
and argued for.
MacKenzie, Matthew (Colorado State University)
Dual-Aspect Reflexivism in Śāntarakṣita’s Philosophy of Mind
The paper will pursue a contemporary philosophical reconstruction of the connections, bothconceptual and phenomenological, between reflexive awareness (svasaṃvedana) and thesubjective and objective aspects (svābhāsa, viṣayābhāsa) of experience in Buddhist
epistemology. Focusing on Śāntarakṣita, I argue that there is a deep connection between (1) the
rejection of the transparency of experience (viz. sākāravāda); (2) the dual-aspect structure ofexperience (viz. grāhakākāra-grāhyākāra); and (3) reflexive awareness as the distinguishing andineliminable core of conscious experience. Exploring these connections will demonstrate, I
argue, both the internal coherence of Śāntarakṣita’s view and its fruitfulness and viability incontemporary philosophy of mind.
Prets, Ernst (Austrian Acedemy of Sciences)Śāntarakṣita and the Naiyāyikas. On the references to “fragments” of the so-called “lostNaiyāyikas” in the Vādanyāyaṭīkā and the Tattvasaṅgraha.
Śāntarakṣita, in his Vādanyāyaṭīkā on Dharmakīrti’s Vādanyāya, quotes textual evidence fromvarious philosophical schools, including Vaiśeṣika, Sāṅkhya, etc. In addition to transmitted textsof the Nyāya such as the Nyāyasūtra, Pakṣilasvāmin’s Nyāyabhāṣya and Uddyotakara’s
Vārttika, he also refers to the so-called “lost Naiyāyikas,” of whom today only names, names ofworks, and fragments have survived. In the Vādanyāyaṭīkā, Śāntarakṣita frequently quotes
passages from works by Aviddhakarṇa and Bhāvivikta. Both are not only said to have written aNyāyabhāṣyaṭīkā, but also commentaries on the Bārhaspatyasūtra. Aviddhakarṇa andBhāvivikta are never mentioned in connection with the same topic in the Vādanyāyaṭīkā. The
same is the case in Śāntarakṣita’s Tattvasaṅgraha and in Kamalaśīla’s commentary, theTattvasaṅgrahapañjikā. Nor are they ever mentioned together. This raises the question ofwhether Aviddhakarṇa, seemingly some sort of nickname, and Bhāvivikta might have been thesame person. The paper includes an examination of Śāntarakṣita’s general style of citation incomparison with texts that have been transmitted through early Naiyāyika editions as well as
early manuscripts to evaluate the trustworthiness of his quotes of works that have not beentransmitted. In some cases it seems that the manuscript materials Śāntarakṣita used were better
than those of today’s critical editions, which have not made use of the material in Śāntarakṣita’swork. Another purpose of the paper is to compare the “quotations” of the two Nyāya authors inthe Vādanyāyaṭīkā with passages in Kamalaśīla’s commentary. Additionally, the chronologicalrelationship of the “fragments” of the “two” lost Nyāya authors’ works on Uddyotakara’s
Nyāyavārttika will be examined, since they hint at the possibility that Uddyotakara quotes a
passage of Aviddhakarṇa’s commentary on the Nyāyabhāṣya.

Information Technologies in Buddhist Studies
Mon., Aug. 21st, 14:00-17:30)
Hackett, Paul (Columbia University)
Experiments with E-text: On the Oral Commentary Embedded in the Tibetan CanonWith the advent of the complete e-text of the Tibetan canon, it has become possible to extract
various subsets of data and examine specific patterns and themes. This paper presents a casestudy in the analysis of the contents of the Tibetan Buddhist canon through selective data
extraction of subsets of data characterized by unique phrases. Using the syntax-tagged full-text
search-and-retrieval system developed by the author, all instances of identified oral commentary
have been extracted, categorized, and analyzed. This paper will discuss the resulting dataset,including the major figures listed as sources of oral commentary (such as Nāgārjuna, andothers), the number and types of statements attributed to these figures as sources of oral
tradition, the works they are embedded in, and their relationship to the overall corpus of formal

works attributed to those figures. The research is framed within a discussion of the methodology
and difficulties with selective extraction of data from (relatively) small data sets, and the limits
to the types of conclusions that can be drawn.
Lugli, Ligeia (Mangalam Research Center/King's College London/UC Berkeley)Corpus methods for Buddhist Sanskrit lexicography
Over the last couple of decades a number of powerful corpus query tools have emerged to assist
lexicographers in the investigation of lexical meanings and patterns. Most of these tools aredesigned for contemporary languages and work best with lemmatized, tokenized, PoS tagged
and syntactically parsed corpora. This raises some problems when we try to apply ready-madecorpus query tools to Buddhist Sanskrit corpora. Current language processing technology isinadequate to lemmatize, tag and parse Sanskrit texts (especially those written in the so called“Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit”) automatically. Thus, the pre-processing of corpora for Buddhist
Sanskrit lexicography is prohibitively time-consuming and expensive.
During my lexicographic work at the Buddhist Translators Workbench, I have devised a set ofstrategies for applying existent corpus query tools to Sanskrit corpora and making the most of
their powerful features without lemmatizing, PoS tagging and parsing the texts.
This paper presents some of these strategies. It focuses especially on aspects of semantic tagging
for Sanskrit lexicography and the exploitation of Sanskrit morphology and regular expressions
to model Sanskrit grammatical relations. A brief comparison between the results obtained using
these methods versus those derived from applying corpus tool to fully lemmatized, tagged andparsed corpora will follow. The paper will conclude by identifying some major desiderata in
Sanskrit language processing for corpus-based Sanskrit Buddhist lexicography.
McCrabb, Ian (University of Sydney)
READ Workbench – A collaborative corpus development framework
The Research Environment for Ancient Documents (READ) project commenced in 2013 with
development support from a consortium of institutions involved in the study and publication ofancient Buddhist documents preserved in Gāndhārī. The project brief was to develop acomprehensive research environment and publishing platform for ancient Sanskrit and Prakrit
texts. At IABS 2014 the underlying design and entity model was presented. READ has beenreleased and is currently in production on a range of corpus development projects.
Whilst this presentation will briefly precis the range of research outputs currently supported by
the platform, the focus will be on a related platform, READ Workbench (Workbench),developed at University of Sydney to ‘harness’ the deployment of READ.
Workbench is a comprehensive management framework that supports configuration
management, user access and database management and automation of corpus development
processes. Workbench manages an unlimited number of projects each with their own branding,
subdomain and language configuration; Gāndhārī, Pali or Sanskrit.

The design approach with READ was to build a comprehensive set of entities, mapped to realworld objects, in order to seamlessly model both physical and textual domains. The underlying
design principle was atomization of data to its smallest indivisible components and the linking
and sequencing of these entities up through scale. The same design approach has been takenwith Workbench when modelling the integration of resources and processes in the collaborative
development, maintenance and publishing of textual corpora.
The architecture adopted rests on the fundamental object being a single text/single database; adeparture from the conventional corpus model of a monolithic database. This approach allows
individual researchers to build, maintain and manage their own text database(s) independently,
in private and without the requirement for a database administrator or technical support.
Workbench acts as a self-service portal.
The adoption of a single text database model facilitates a range of automated import processes
and provides significant flexibility in terms of corpus development and publishingmethodologies. Rather than requiring researchers to command exacting mark-up schemas,
databases can be automatically generated from separate text, image and metadata inputs basedon familiar tools like Word and Excel. Workbench enables each of the specialist roles(paleographic, philological, lexical, analytical etc.) to work independently and theircontributions be separately managed and integrated. This approach ameliorates project risk byminimizing dependencies and bottlenecks.
Once image and text have been aligned, additional strata of analysis can be integrated.
Grammatical analysis and glossary development, translation, syntax and structural analysis can
all be independently developed and automatically imported. Researchers from diverse
disciplines (archaeological, historical etc.) can also contribute analysis strata to this substrate.
Critically, each of these strata are separately owned and attributed and their visibility to others
is controlled by the individual researcher.
Individual text databases may at any point be merged with other text databases to form flexible
collections. This approach allows individual researchers to work and innovate in private to thepoint where there text is ready for publishing and at that point merge their text with a canonicalcorpus.
Nagasaki, Kiyonori (International Institute for Digital Humanities)
Possibilities of SAT Taishōzō Image DB through IIIF
The SAT Database Committee (henceforth, SAT) released a new database “SAT Taishōzō
Image DB” (henceforce, SATiDB) (http://dzkimgs.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SATi/images.php) compliant
with IIIF (International Image Interoperability Framework) including Buddhist images such as
bodhisattvas, mandalas, rituals in June 2016. SATiDB is a digital surrogate of the Image Sectionof Taisho Tripitaka which consists of 12 volumes originally published in 1933. It provides hiresolution images under CC BY-SA license, where are embedded around 5,200 annotations
explaining their name, hair style, sitting style, type of chair, belongings, and so on. It also

provides search function of the images by use of the annotations. Its interface allows to search
the contents by inputting a keyword in the search window in English as well as Japanese. The
English search is powered by the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, by selecting a feature ofobjects of the images defined by a researcher of Japanese art history, Tetsuei Tsuda, and byincluding keyword in URL below (fig.1):
http://dzkimgs.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SATi/key:bodhisattva(fig.1)The search results are cropped by the IIIF Image API. From a result window, users can see large
images not only in a single window but also in parallel windows. By clicking a checkbox ofcropped images, the small thumbnail of the image is listed on a small cart. Users can add morethumbnails onto the cart in the same way. After that, when a user clicks the “reveal all inparallel” button, the listed images are shown in parallel in an IIIF compatible Web Viewer,
Mirador (http://projectmirador.org). The annotations are shown on each tagged region on a page
image. (fig.2)(fig.2)
The annotations are yet not completed, the proportion is about 20 percent of all images so far.
They were inputted by 42 researchers of art history to promote research of Buddhist images
from viewpoint of the field through a Web collaborative tagging system to generate IIIFcompliant annotations, which SAT developed for this workflow. Moreover, an example oftranscription of commentary of images is embedded according to the format of annotation of
IIIF as well as the images.
SATiDB enables wider collaboration with other projects and institutions due to its compliancewith IIIF, which provides a new research environment to connect and to easily manipulate hiresolution images and annotations stored in silos on Web by use of several standards of Web
technology. Not only SATiDB, but also various institutions in the world have been addressing
to implement IIIF on their own digital repositories, especially, gallica, the digital repository of
National Library of France releases most of their hi-resolution images including Dunhuang

manuscripts in the Pelliot collection according to IIIF. (fig.3) Most of other institutions covering
Western and Eastern areas are listed on the IIIF Web site (http://iiif.io/community/). Researchers
will be able to easily treat hi-resolution images of research materials on Web when IIIF will be
spread among digital repositories in the world. SATiDB as an implementation of IIIF will also
contribute the global scale project.
(fig.3)Mahāyāna Buddhism
Tue, Aug. 22nd, 14:00-17:30)
Ahn, Sungdoo (Seoul National University)
Paramārtha’s Concept of *Amalavijñāna and Tathāgatagarbha
It is well known that the concept of tathāgatagarbha is introduced in some Yogācāra texts, suchas the Mahāyānasũtrālaṃkāra. According to J. Takasaki (1982: 153-4), the reason for thisintroduction is due to the tendency of the Yogācāras to subsume all the Buddhist teachings into
their system.
But, interestingly, in some early Yogācāra texts, such as the Bodhisattvabhũmi,Madhyāntavibhāga-bhāṣya and -ṭīkā, one can find some parallel citations and similes with the
Ratnagotravibhbāga. By comparing and investigating these passages, one can expect toelucidate the point why and on what point the tathāgatagarbha idea – at least in the systematic
account of the Ratnagotravibhāga - has been deviated from the Yogācāra idea of the ultimate
reality, namely: tathatā. I have examined so far these points in the Indian Yogācāra texts, anddealt with the problems in my Korean articles.
But, when we turn our sight to the Chinese source, we can find some interesting materials, which
represent the early development of Indian Yogācāra ideas. It is the works of Paramārtha (499569) that shows clearly how to integrate these problematic into the system of thought: therelation of the suchness with the concept of absolute consciousness on the one hand, and withthe tathāgatagarbha idea on the other hand.
In my paper, I like to investigate the status of the tathāgatagarbha idea, and thereby contributeto the understanding of role of this idea in Paramārtha’s system.
Saito, Akira (International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies)Buddha-Nature or Buddha Within?: Revisiting the Meaning of tathāgata-garbha
The topic on what the compound tathāgata-garbha means has indeed a long history of researchin the field of Mahāyāna Buddhism. However, despite a number of studies executed to date withregard to this topic, it is most unfortunate for us to recognize that the above question still remains
unsolved. Therefore, for the purpose of reaching a convincing solution, the present paper tries
to hopefully settle the question through an analytical inquiry into the Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra
together with the Ratnagotra- vibhāga in rather a wide perspective.
Nelson, Barbara (Australian National University)Kṣāntipāramitā in the works of ŚāntidevaŚāntideva’s two works, the Bodhicaryāvatāra and the Śikṣāsamuccaya, each have a chapter
entitled Perfection of Patience (kṣāntipāramitā). The Bodhicaryāvatāra does not mention any
specific types of kṣānti; the Śikṣāsamuccaya states that there are three types, but explains only
two of them. Prajñākaramati uses extracts from the Śikṣāsamuccaya in his commentary,
Bodhicaryāvatārapañjikā, where he introduces sections of the Bodhicaryāvatāra with each of
the three types of kṣānti named in the Śikṣāsamuccaya. Establishing whether Śāntideva intended
to explain all three types of ksanti, as Prajñākaramati suggests, is complicated by the difficulty
in determining what constitutes patience as profound reflection on dharmas(dharmanidhyānakṣānti). One obstacle to ascertaining the precise meaning ofdharmanidhyānakṣānti is the varied treatment of kṣānti in Mahāyāna literature. A complex ofconcepts surrounds the term kṣānti in Mahāyāna texts of Indian origin that describe thebodhisattva path. The word kṣānti appears in several contexts associated with the practices ofbodhisattvas: perfections (pāramitā), stages (bhūmi) and paths (mārga). Kṣānti as a pāramitā isusually associated with the third bhūmi, and anutpattikadharmakṣānti (patient acceptance of the
non-arising of dharmas) with the eighth bhūmi. Yet, some texts state that
anutpattikadharmakṣānti is part of kṣāntipāramitā. Further, some texts divide kṣāntipāramitā
into three types of kṣānti and other texts divide kṣāntipāramitā into two types of kṣānti. Somescholars, including La Vallée Poussin and Lamotte, have suggested that
anutpattikadharmakṣānti is one of three types of patience of the third division ofkṣāntipāramitā—profound reflection on dharmas (dharmanidhyānakṣānti). Evidence tocorroborate this claim is extremely hard to find. In Indian Mahāyāna texts, the scope of kṣānti
changes depending on text and context, yet we observe a tendency to artificially fit later
structures to earlier content (as shown by Prajñākaramati).
In this paper, I argue that Śāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra does not describe the practice of three
types of kṣānti in the way suggested by Prajñākaramati’s commentary. The treatment of kṣānti
in the two texts is different and there is no evidence in Śāntideva’s verses in theBodhicaryāvatāra that he intended to follow a structure based on three types of kṣānti. The
paper is based on Sanskrit editions of Śāntideva’s and Prajñākaramati’s texts.
Kosaka, Arihiro (University of Tsukuba)
The Reading of śubhāśubhaviparyāsāḥ in the twenty-third Chapter
Mūlamadhyamakakārikā with a Special Focus on Candrakīrti’s Interpretation

of

the

The compound śubhāśubhaviparyāsāḥ consists of the three words, śubha (pure), aśubha
(impure), and viparyāsa (reverse / false conception). In the twenty-third chapter of Nāgārjuna’s
Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (MMK) entitled “Analysis of viparyāsa” (Viparyāsaparīkṣā / Phyin
ci log brtag pa / 観顚倒品), this compound appears in three verses including the first verse.
Because it is not the term of frequent occurrence, one can hardly decide what it means. The
earlier commentaries on the MMK, i.e., the Akutobhayā, Buddhapālita’s Madhyamakavṛtti, andBhāviveka’s Prajñāpradīpa, read it as meaning “viparyāsa of śubha and aśubha” (sdug dangmi sdug pa’i phyin ci log). In his Prasannapadā, Candrakīrti, in turn, interprets it as dvandva
compound, namely, as meaning “śubha and aśubha and viparyāsāḥ (in the sense of the four
false conceptions of permanence, enjoyment, self, and purity)”. Thus, Candrakīrti’s solutiondiffers from that of the earlier commentators. In this presentation, I would like to examine
Candrakīrti’s interpretation of the compound and his understanding of the entire chapter that is,in my view, formulated on the basis of the compound interpretation.
Candrakīrti considers the main subject of the twenty-third chapter to be kleśa (defilement).
According to him, the chapter aims to negate the existence of kleśa through five arguments: 1.
“niḥsvabhāvatā or self-naturelessness of kleśa, which arises in dependence on causes” (vv.1-2);
2. “the negation of the basis on which kleśa relies” (vv.3-4); 3. “the negation of simultaneous
occurrence of kleśa and citta” (v.5); 4. “the negation of the causes of kleśa” (vv.6-22); and 5.
“the negation of the measure to destroy kleśa” (vv.23-24). The fourth argument is based on his
interpretation of śubhāśubhaviparyāsāḥ. He identifies śubha, aśubha, and viparyāsa
respectively with the cause of three defilements, rāga (desire), dveṣa (hatred), and moha(delusion), which appear in first verse of the MMK.
Although Candrakīrti’s interpretation of the compound does not agree with the earlier
commentaries, the same interpretation is attested in the writings attributed to Nāgārjuna. In theŚūnyatāsaptati-vṛtti, one can see the same solution of the compound as dvandva. Moreover, one
may read the idea in the twelfth and thirteen verses of the MMK that śubha, aśubha, andviparyāsa are respectively the cause of rāga, dveṣa, and avidyā. Candrakīrti identifies avidyā(ignorance) with moha.
Candrakīrti’s view that the main subject of the entire chapter is kleśa as well deviates from thechapter title, “Analysis of viparyāsa”. However, this seems to be consistent with hisinterpretation of the compound śubhāśubhaviparyāsāḥ which, according to him, refers to thecauses of the three kinds of kleśa, viz, rāga, dveṣa and moha, for he understands that the chapter
aims to negate the existence of kleśa on the basis of the non-existence of these causes. By
examining his discussion in detail, I would like to clarify Candrakīrti’s intention underlying his
unique interpretation of the compound and the entire chapter.
Kanno, Hiroshi (Soka University)
Jizang’s View of the Nirvāṇa Sūtra: Focusing on the Niepan jing youyi
This paper takes up Jizang’s view of the Nirvāṇa Sūtra. To investigate this issue, Jizang’s
Niepan jing youyi 涅槃經遊意 and Da banniepan jing shu 大般涅槃經疏 (which is not extant,but whose fragments were assembled from some writings of Japanese Sanlun 三論 monks), arevery important. Further, the numerous references to the Nirvāṇa Sūtra in Jizang’s works arealso important. After introducing Hirai Shun’ei’s research and my own research, this paper takes
into consideration the structure and the thought of the Niepan jing youyi, which has, to date, notbeen sufficiently investigated. Jizang regarded “non-acquisition” 無所得 as the thematic thrustof not only the Nirvāṇa Sūtra, but also all Mahāyāna sūtras. This shows Jizang’s fundamental
Buddhist stance. Concerning various problems of the Nirvāṇa Sūtra, the Niepan jing youyi
introduces some theories of the preceding era, takes them up for critique, and shows Jizang’s
own ideas, which are also mainly based on the notion of “non-acquisition.” The manuscript of
the Niepan jing youyi is not of good quality and in terms of its content, it is not well organized,
which leads to difficulties in its interpretation. This paper clarifies only its outline. In the future,
I will aim for a more detailed level of research, including a comparative study with Guanding’s
灌頂 Da banniepan jing xuanyi 大般涅槃經玄義.

Mahāyāna Buddhism
Wed., Aug. 23rd, 9:00-12:30
Buckelew, Kevin (Columbia University)
How Chan Masters Became “Great Men”: Masculinity and the Aesthetics of Heroism in
Middle-Period Chinese Buddhism
The Chan Buddhist tradition is famous for investing its masters with the status of living buddhas
and “great men” (C. da zhangfu; Sk. mahāpuruṣa), ushering in a major turning point in Chinese
Buddhist history when textual authority began to shift away from the translated word of the
Buddha and toward the recorded words and deeds of native Chinese buddhas. This paper builds
on Miriam Levering’s analysis of the gendered “rhetoric of heroism” in Chan discourse records,
seeking to better understand the pivotal role of gender and tropes of masculinity in the textual
practices through which Chan Buddhists carried off this remarkable feat. In particular, it
explores the ways tenth- and eleventh-century Chan Buddhists appropriated and reinterpreted
the classical Indian concept of the “great man,” allowing them to co-opt the entire canonicalmythos of the Buddha Śākyamuni’s irreducibly gendered heroic personality. At the same time,
I argue that Chan Buddhists’ success depended on their ability to transform this canonical bodyof gendered imagery and refashion it for a new era, draping a novel aesthetic of everyday
rusticity over the traditional logical armature of heroism.
Jones, Charles (The Catholic University of America)
What is the Chinese Pure Land Tradition?
The study of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism has been hampered for many years by a lack ofclarity about the subject. The question, “What is Chinese Pure Land Buddhism?” has beenanswered largely in the negative as scholars have set out to demonstrate what it is not (Sharfand Getz) or have asserted that it is a vague entity pervading all of Chinese Buddhism (Nattier).
I will suggest that arguments such as the lack of a continuous set of “patriarchs” with direct
master-disciple relations and the lack of an institutional presence to not mean that there is nophenomenon to study. The paper will then propose a more positive characterization of Chinese
Pure Land Buddhism and give an account of its features.
In this presentation, I will propose that Chinese Pure Land is a tradition of practice. By “traditionof practice” I mean both the practices themselves and the explanations that legitimate them. I
will further propose that one main ingredient—the prospect of non-elite attainment—is thedefining feature of this tradition, and that this idea was formulated most powerfully by Shandao
during the Tang dynasty, justifying to some extent Mochizuki Shinkō’s assertion that he is thefounder of the tradition. I will show that Shandao’s achievement was to chart a new direction in
the understanding of how such as seemingly inconsequential practice as oral nianfo could
produce the great results of rebirth in the Pure Land and the attainment of the stage of nonretrogression. He accomplished this by shifting the focus from the unexpected power of thereligious practice itself to the power of Amitābha’s vows working on the devotee’s behalf.
By focusing on this defining feature, I hope thereby to be able to say why the study of Chinese
Pure Land Buddhism will attend to some figures (such as Shandao, Huaigan, Zhuhong, and the“patriarchs”), but not to every figure (e.g., Jingying Huiyuan or Kuiji) who wrote about the
Buddha Amitābha or his land of Sukhāvatī. I hope also to show that the word “tradition” is themost apt description of the sociological reality of Chinese Pure Land, as a tradition may bepassed on and kept by members of a religious community without setting up formal boundaries
or lineages.
Yasui, Mitsuhiro (Taisho University, Research Institute of Chisan Shingon)
Some remarks on the Akutobhayā and the Zhong lun
In this presentation, I shall focus on the Akutobhayā and *Piṅgala’s Chung-lun which are
regarded as the oldest commentaries of the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. These two commentaries
are known to have remarkable similarities in spite of the difference of the language. Thus, somepreceding studies assume that both commentaries are originally identical, but it is still unclear.
Therefore, the aim of this presentation is to re-examine the difference, and elucidate thebackground of them. The presentation mainly consists of the comparison of both texts, and also
refers to other commentaries when necessary.
The Akutobhayā is preserved only in the Tibetan translation. It is considerably simple comparedwith other commentaries because of its minimum annotations to the verses of the
Mūlamadhyamakakārikā.
The Chung-lun is preserved only in Kumārajīva’s Chinese translation. It also involves someproblems, especially its controversial origin. The only clue to know about it is written in the
preface of the commentary by Kumārajīva’s pupil Seng-Jui. According to the preface,
Kumārajīva revised the text of the Chung-lun when he translates it, since the annotations of theoriginal text of the Chung-lun were somewhat imperfect. Accordingly, it should be also
considered that there is an influece of Kumārajīva’s idea upon the descriptions in the Chunglun.

The Akutobhayā is quoted in other commentaries such as Buddhapālita’s Vṛtti, Bhāviveka’s
Prajñāpradīpa, and Candrakīrti’s Prasannapadā. Nevertheless, all of the commentaries do notmention the name “Akutobhayā”, and the quotations from the Akutobhayā are not even stated tobe the quotations.
Moreover, there are some cases that these three commentaries all quote the same passages fromthe Akutobhayā. Accordingly, it is concidered that the Akutobhayā’s interpretation was accepted
as tradional in Indian Madhyamaka.
Meanwhile, the Chung-lun tends to show different interpretations from the Akutobhayā in suchcases. It reflects the unique understanding of the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā established in China,
which may be an influence of Kumārajīva.
This issue requires a cautious examination, because it is fairly difficult to distinguish the originaldescription and Kumārajīva’s revision. As is commonly known, Kumārajīva changes expression
intentionally, rather than translating literally. Some verses of the Chung-lun are also translated
intentionally, and partly different from Sanskrit text of the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā.
Consequently, the annotations of those verses are likely expected to be revised by Kumārajīva
as well.
Therefore, the present paper intends to examine the origin of the unique interpretaions of theChung-lun, and cast a new light on the status of the Akutobhayā in Indian Madhyamaka.
Denis, Diane (Laval University)
Looking for the notion of trilakṣana in the Dharmadharmatāvibhāga and kārikā
This presentation examines the notion of trilakṣana as it pertains to theDharmadharmatāvibhāga and kārikā (DhDhVK). The fact that two usually reliable dictionaries(Cornu [2001] 2006; and Buswell and Lopez 2014) associate the DhDhV with the three
dimensions of experience even though the technical terms kun brtags (sk. parikalpita), gzandbang (sk. paratantra), yong grub (sk. pariniṣpanna) do not occur anywhere in the text nor in
Vasubandhu's vṛtti (DhDhVV) is a problem that our community of thinkers needs to address.
Although many Tibetan commentators and specialists have used this notion of trilak├ana todiscuss the provisional or definitive meaning of this text, there are still a lot of presumptions
about the way it is used or not within the text itself. So much so that the question should clearlybe asked. In the absence of the technical terms, is this notion present in the DhDhV or not? If it
is, where is it precisely? What are the definitions given? And can we identify the source?
Brunnolzl (2013) and Robertson (2006-08) are already debating with Mathes on the subject ofsources for this text, my study may bring yet another take on this.
These questions lead me to look at the fact that this text is often automatically associated with acertain understanding of Yogācāra and argue that this classification is helpful in some cases, but
is misleading in others. Although the notion of trilakṣana plays a role in this misperception, thefact that the term ālayavijñāna is not found in the DhDhV nor in its vṛtti should be taken very
seriously.

Moreover, since the composition of this text may very well precede the formulation of the
Yogācāra school of thought and its subsequent debates with the Madhyamaka school, it isimportant to look at the way in which the DhDhV does not quite fit the classic Yogācāra scheme.
As Anacker (in Potter 1999: 753, note 508) postulates, the position of Sthiramati (Ve) is
contradicted by the fact that what exists (dharmatā as non-duality) and what does not exist(dharma as the appearance of duality) are indifferentiable - they are neither one thing nor
different things. On the other hand, the positions of Dharmapāla and Hsüan-tsang arecontradicted by the fact that the real existence of vijñāna is refuted (also in Potter 1999: 753,
note 508).
Finally, when looking at research done to date, including the work of Mathes and Cha (bothavalaible since 1996), it is clear that most specialists follow the lead of Davidson (1985) who
postulates that the notion of transformation (sk. āśrayaparivṛtti ; tib. gnas gyur) is the central
theme of the DhDhV. My analysis of this text brings me to revisit this presentation and to argue
that putting an emphasis on this key notion without considering the structure of the text itself
can be misleading. In short, it is my hope that this presentation will help to correct past
misconception in and around this text.
Nemoto, Hiroshi (Hiroshima University)
Tsong kha pa on Dependent Origination and Emptiness
The idea of the inseparability of dependent origination (pratītyasamutpāda) and emptiness(śūnyatā) is the most characteristic feature of Madhyamaka philosophy. Nāgārjuna (ca. 150–250), in his Mūlamadhyamakakārikā XXIV.18, declares that dependent origination is noneother than emptiness. Furthermore, in the Vigrahavyāvartanī, he praises the Buddha as theteacher who taught that dependent origination, emptiness, and the middle way are one and thesame thing (ekārtha). This idea was further developed by later Tibetan Mādhyamika thinkers,
especially by Tsong kha pa blo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) and his successors of the Dge lugs
pa school.
According to Tsong kha pa, the unity of dependent origination and emptiness is realized onlyby the Mādhyamika thinkers, who have attained Madhyamaka insight (dbu ma'i lta ba). That
dependent origination and emptiness are one and the same thing (don gcig) does not mean thatthey are semantically equal. Instead, it means that, when the truth of dependent origination is
ascertained by one with Madhyamaka insight, that of emptiness is simultaneously realized byhim by observing the fact that things arise dependently on others and not by themselves. Tsongkha pa thus interprets the unity of emptiness and dependent origination from an epistemological
viewpoint. He places emphasis on the radical transformation of cognition that takes place whena practitioner attains the insight. What is important for Tsong kha pa is not merely to discuss thetruth of emptiness and dependent origination per se, but to clarify the process in which apractitioner realizes that truth. We may say that Tsong kha pa’s Madhyamaka exegesis isgoverned by such epistemological concerns.

Tsong kha pa’s view of the inseparability of dependent origination and emptiness is presented
in his commentary on the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā entitled Rigs pa'i rgya mtsho, as well as inhis small treatise on the stages of the path (lam rim) to enlightenment entitled Lam gtso rnam
gsum. This paper carefully examines Tsong kha pa’s texts, as well as commentaries by later Dge
lugs pa scholars, and offers a clear elucidation of Tsong kha pa’s account of dependent
origination and emptiness.
Shi (Lee), Fazhao (Hsu-Feng) (Sydney University)
The Tibetan uddāna in the Śarīrārthagāthā
The Śarīrārthagāthā (Chinese, Tǐyìqiétā 體義伽他; Tibetan, ‘duspa’i don gyitshigssubcad pa)
is a collection of canonical verses with an accompanying commentary in the Yogācārabhūmi(Yúqiéshīdìlùn 瑜伽師地論; rnal 'byorspyodpa'isa). A curious difference between the various
versions of the Śarīrārthagāthā is found in its concluding uddāna. A major function of thisuddāna is to classify the verses. Surprisingly, the uddāna in the Tibetan version is considerably
different from the Sanskrit and Chinese versions. In the Sanskrit and Chinese uddāna, the verses
are classified into fourteen divisions. The Tibetan version, however, does not include thefourteenth division called “specification” (lùnyì 論議, upadeśa) but instead provides a list of
twenty six divisions in its place. This is not the only difference between Tibetan andChinese/Sanskrit Yogacārabhūmi, e.g. their structuring of the Yogacārabhūmi, and the orderingof the four saṃgrahaṇīs are different. Thus far, the reasons for these differences have not beenadequately acquired.
At the beginning of this presentation, the Śarīrārthagāthā verses will be briefly introduced as
belonging to two groups (A and B). Then I will present evidence that the Tibetan uddāna wasmodified in response to the Tibetan translation, suggesting that these changes were not made by
the translator(s) themselves. The Tibetan complier(s) copied the pattern of the ninth and tenthsets of the Group A verses—which share the same title “two floods”—by naming the sixteenthand seventeenth sets of the Group B verses “two dwellings” (gnas gnyis). Thus, the Tibetanuddāna appears to represent a modification after the translation was completed. This conclusion
narrows down the time period in which these changes occurred and also possibly hints that thedifferences mentioned above in the Tibetan version might be made by the same complier(s).
Keywords: Śarīrārthagāthā, Tibetan uddāna.

Mahāyāna Sūtras
Wed., Aug. 23rd, 16:00-17:30
Jin, Tao (Illinois Wesleyan University)
The Role of the Fa-yi Structure in the Organization of Qixinlun
This paper examines the textual organization of an influential sixth-century Buddhist treatise,
entitled the Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna (or Qixinlun in its popular Chinese abbreviation).

Of the five chapters of the Qixinlun, the second, i.e, the Liyi chapter, is designed to synopsize –or, in its own words, to “define” (li) the “purport” (yi) of – the treatise. This synopsis consists
in a structure that implicitly outlines the major themes of the work, a structure summarized as
the “dharma and its significance” (fa-yi). In other words, the Liyi synopsis, in the form of the
fa-yi structure, outlines and in that sense organizes the text of Qixinlun.
There are, however, two problems in justifying this role of the fa-yi structure. For one, scattered
all across the treatise, the words “fa” and “yi” are ambiguous in meaning, not always forming
the conceptual pair of fa-yi as used in the Liyi chapter – we are thus faced with the problem ofexactly what organizes Qixinlun; for the other, in the sense that the “yi” purport summarized in
the Li-yi is fully elaborated in the Xian-yi, the theoretical section of the treatise, the fa-yi
structure seems to organize only a part of the treatise, rather than its entirety – we are thus facedwith the problem of the scope with which the fa-yi structure organizes the text.
While explanation of the fa-yi concept is a common task to most commentators of Qixinlun, therole of the fa-yi structure in the organization of the treatise, associated particularly with theclarification and thus identification of the two concepts, as well as the scope of their synoptic
and thus organizational application, remains largely unexplored. This article thus proposes toaddress this neglected issue in these two areas, aiming to clarify the meanings of “fa-yi” and, onthat basis, outlines the role of the fa-yi structure in the organization of Qixinlun.
Xiao, Yue (The Research Institute of Bukkyo University)
The vows of Amitābha in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha and the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka
The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationship of the vows of Amitābha in the Larger
Sukhāvatīvyūha and the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka. It is commonly believed that the vows of Amitābhaquoted in the Karuṇāpuṇḍrīka-sūtra are derived from those of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra,structured in a forty-eight vows system5F, nevertheless, some difficulties, which are quite
against this hypothesis, still remain (even though they had been discussed by scholars inprevious studies, they were ignored).
In fact, even though the formational period of the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka-sūtra was later than that of
the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha, it does not mean the vows quoted in the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka must belater than those of the Larger Sukhāvatīvvyūha. Meanwhile, this generally recognized hypothesis
is based on the prerequisite that the formation of the vows of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtraevolved from the first twenty-four vows in the Dà āmítuó jīng 大阿彌陀經 (T.12, No. 362), tothe second twenty-four vows in the Pingdengjue jing 平等覺經 (T.12, No. 361), and then to theforty-eight vows system in the Later Recension of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra. However,according to my recent research, it is unlikely that these two hypotheses are correct. The earliest
version of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha, the Da amituo jing which is generally recognized aspresenting the earliest form of the original Indian Pure Land Buddhism, is exactly the one which
was largely compiled by the Chinese translator based on cultivation of good merit andconfessing evils. It is necessary to reconsider the relationship of the vows of Amitābha between
the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha and the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka. In my recent paper, I indicated that thevows quoted in the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka were probably earlier than those of the Da amituo jing,based on the 2nd vow (women’s rebirth in the Pure Land). In this paper, I wish to present afurther discussion with new evidence based on the texts, indicating that a system of forty-eightvows had already been in existence before the period when the Da amituo jing was translated.
Yamabe, Nobuyoshi (Waseda University)
The Nine Similes of Tathāgatagarbha in Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra and the Six Similes of
Buddhānusmṛti in Guanfo sanmei hai jing
As is well known, Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra is one of the classical texts of the Tathāgatagarbha
doctrine. This text, discussed in detail by Michael Zimmermann (A Buddha Within: The
Tathāgatagarbhasūtra, The Earliest Eposition of the Buddha-Nature Teaching in India, 2002),
is again attracting scholarly attention with the publication of Michael Radich's recent book,entitled, The "Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra" and the Emergence of Tathāgatagarbha Doctrine(2015).
The core element of Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra is the nine similes for tathāgatagarbha, namely:(1) a tathāgata in a lotus; (2) honey shielded by bees; (3) kernels enclosed in husks; (4) a gold
nugget in excrement; (5) a treasure hidden beneath the house of a poor person; (6) a sprout inthe seed; (7) a tathāgata image wrapped in rotten rags; (8) a future universal emperor in thewomb of a poor woman; (9) golden figures within burned clay molds. These similes all seem
involve the image of a precious object concealed in a less auspicious element.
On the other hand, Guanfo sanmei hai jing (Sūtra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi of the
Visualization of the Buddha) compares the mind of a person visualizing the Buddha to thefollowing six items: (1) the fetus of a lion king; (2) a sandal tree surrounded by stinking trees;(3) a gem-like heart in the decaying carcass of a garuḍa king; (4) a medicinal tree in excrement;(5) fruit of a tree in the earth; (6) the Prajñāpāramitā mantra recited by Indra.
Although there is no exact correspondence between these two sets of similes, they have a very
similar tenor and seem to share a common background. However, to the best of my knowledge,
Guanfo sanmei hai jing has rarely been discussed in the context of tathāgatagarbha. This iswhat I intend to do in this paper.
Since the earliest extant Chinese translation of Tathagatagarbha-sūtra (early fifth century) is
attributed to Buddhabhadra, who allegedly translated Guanfo sanmei hai jing as well, thesimilarities between these two texts might seem natural at first glance. However, as I havediscussed in my doctoral dissertation (The Sūtra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi of the Visualizationof the Buddha: The Interfusion of the Chinese and Indian Cultures in Central Asia as Reflected
in a Fifth Century Apocryphal Sūtra, 1999), Guanfo sanmei hai jing does not seem to be a texttranslated from an Indic original. Thus, the relationship between these texts is far more
complicated.
In this paper, I shall examine in detail the relationship between these two sets of similes anddiscuss the significance of Guanfo sanmei hai jing in the context of the Tatāgatagarbha doctrine.

Mahāyāna Sūtras
Thurs., Aug. 24th, 9:00-12:30
Boucher, Daniel (Cornell University)
Are Mahāyāna Sūtras Forgeries?
In a seminal 1982 article on “inspired speech,” Graeme MacQueen asked a poignant rhetoricalquestion: “Is it simply a case of this religious community certifying its own productions by
putting concocted words into the mouth of the Buddha? Is it, after all, nothing but a case offorgery?” As if to answer this question more than two decades later, Alan Cole opened his
controversial Text as Father by declaring: “… I take these Mahāyāna sūtras to be knowingly
fabricated by wily authors intent on creating images of authority that come to fruition in thereading experience.” My presentation will consider what we might mean by fabrication,
deception, or forgery for Mahāyāna authors who composed new texts as buddhavacana so as toattract new forms of Buddhist identity. Did these authors engage knowingly in conscious actsof misdirection, as Cole suggests, or is it possible that they composed novel texts, perhaps
stemming from visionary experiences, that they took to be the words of a/the Buddha in a nondelusional, non-deceptive mannner? To ask this question is to reflect on what scholars might orshould mean by authorship with regard to revelatory claims. It also requires us to consider anew
under what conditions the materialization of these visionary revelations will be perceived asconvincing for an emerging textual community. In this regard a comparison with other New
Religious Movements, such as Mormonism, with its new revelations which completed rather
than replaced the existing canon, will help us think about the mechanisms by which new formsof authority are generated and made plausible to insiders, especially in the case of scriptures
purportedly long hidden but newly discovered (as in the case of the Book of Mormon).
Drewes, David (University of Manitoba)
How Mahayanists Became Bodhisattvas
Though it is often said that a bodhisattva is one who decides to pursue Buddhahood, for ancient
Buddhists it was not so simple. Going back to the Dīpaṃkara story, which formed the basis for
all later understandings of the bodhisattva path, it was generally understood that one becomes abodhisattva by making a vow and receiving a prediction of one’s future attainment of
Buddhahood from a living Buddha. Before reaching this point, aspirants to Buddhahood wereconsidered most likely to abandon the path, or simply forget about it, in a future life. Sectarian
texts, including the Mahāvibāṣā, Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, Buddhavaṃsa, and Theravāda
commentaries, explicitly state that one cannot be considered a bodhisattva until after one hasreceived a prediction and that it is impossible for anyone to become a bodhisattva in this life.
Although they use the term more broadly, early Mahayana texts share this understanding.
Several of what seem likely to be among the earliest surviving Mahayana sutras, such as theAṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā and Ugraparipṛcchā, refer to bodhisattvas as “beginners” or as“recently set out in the vehicle” almost solely as an insult, or as a way of criticizing those who
reject their authenticity. The Aṣṭasāhasrikā explicitly states in two passages that new
bodhisattvas can be expected to become śrāvakas or pratyekabuddhas. According to an
important Prajñāpāramitā commentary, until one has received a prediction one is a bodhisattva
in name only. Accepting the pan-Buddhist tradition that it is either absolutely or effectively

impossible to become a bodhisattva in this life, early Mahayana authors do not encourage theirlisteners to adopt the bodhisattva path. Instead, they present a variety of methods to enable themto determine that they have already become bodhisattvas, or even already received a prediction
to Buddhahood, in past lives. The presentation of such methods forms one of the most common
stock elements in what seem likely to be early Mahayana sutras, including such texts such as
the Aṣṭasāhasrikā, Pratyutpanna, Drumakinnararāja, Akṣobhyavyūha, Sukhāvativyūha andSūraṃgamasaṃādhi sutras. This paper explores this material and argues against the common
view that the bodhisattva path was seen as a “vocational option.” It suggests that Mahayana
sutras made it possible for Buddhists to identify as bodhisattvas in a plausible manner for the
first time.
Zhao, Wen (LMU)
The composition of the Sadāprarudita story in the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā basedon the Pratyutpanna Saṃmukhāvasthita Samādhi Sūtra: the basic structure and themetaphors
A series of similar elements between the two versions of Sadāprarudita story in theAṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā (henceforth AP) and their counterpart in the PratyutpannaSaṃmukhāvasthita Samādhi Sūtra (henceforth PSSS) are concerned in this study: most of theepisodes contained in the two versions can be compared with the Chapter 2 ‘Practice’ of T418,
the Chinese translation of PSSS by Lokakṣema (referring to Chapter 2 of Tibetan translation),and only part of the episodes is reminiscent of a brief story of the Buddha Satyanāma in Chapter
15 of T418 (corresponding to Tib. Chapter 23), which has a setting quite similar to that of the
Sadāprarudita story. In this manner, the course of the search for the Prajñāpāramitā in the
Sadāprarudita story evidentially follows the model of the practice of visualizing Buddha
represented by PSSS, although the formation of both texts is a highly complex procedure.
My interpretation of the intertextuality starts with the fact that the Prajñāpāramitā and theDharma-proclaimer (dharmabhāṇaka) of it are identified as the very existence of the Buddha in
the earlier layer of AP. This is supported by a wide range of textual evidence applying rhetoric
strategies and word play to build the authority of the Prajñāpāramitā literatures and Dharmaproclaimer. However, in tandem with the boom of statues and images of Buddha in northwestern
India, visualization practice becomes more and more popular. Thus, search for the
Prajñāpāramitā and the Dharma-proclaimer in Sadāprarudita story also follows the model ofvisualizing the ‘actual’ Buddha figure.
Although paying respect to the Dharma-proclaimer can be found in the earlier layer of AP, but
the unique description in the Sadāprarudita story is noteworthy: one apologetic paragraph for
the Dharma-proclaimer receiving donation occurs at the beginning of the second version, andin the later episode, when Sadāprarudita sought for the Dharma-proclaimer named
Dharmodgata, he even donated his own body. Furthermore, the course of the search for the
Prajñāpāramitā seems to be an involuntary practice of the Pratyutpanna Samādhi, but theultimate goal is to meet the Dharma-proclaimer in a miracle city which imitates the Buddhafield. In this way, the extraordinary emphasis on the importance of the Dharma-proclaimer andthe necessity of the donation is perfectly integrated into the story.

Nishi, Yasutomo (Chuo Academic Research Institute)
Research on krīḍāpanaka- / krīḍanaka in the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka
The Sanskrit Lotus Sutra (Saddharmapuṇḍarīka, Saddhp) is considered to be the source textsof Miaofa-lianhua-jing ( 『 妙 法 蓮 華 経 』 , Myohōrenge-kyō); however, there is not yet
unanimous agreement with regard to an original text. The biggest reason for this is because
individual research on each manuscript has not almost seen any progress.
In order to distinguish the Saddhp source texts for the Chinese translations and to verify
similarities and differences in transcribed words, vocabulary, word forms, and grammar
between manuscripts, it is necessary to have strict and literal translations for each edition in the
Romanized transcription of the Saddhp’s manuscripts against the Kern-Nanjio Edition (KN),
Saddhp’s revised text for the first time, which voluntarily had picked out different wordings thatappeared in different source manuscripts written in different eras. However, this has not yet
been done. Regarding vocabulary, word forms, and grammar, it would be expected that there
are similarities and differences in Saddhp manuscripts belonging to different groups; however,there are also similarities and differences in manuscripts within the same group. This factsuggests that there may have been various chances for change in the formative process and thetransmission of Saddhp. The language used in Saddhp is a mixture of Middle Indo-Aryan (MIA)and Classical Sanskrit.
In the Central Asian recension of the Saddhp, MIA, word formations and syntax are very
prevalent. Many scholars, including Hendrik Kern and Franklin Edgerton, advocate thehypothesis that, in its original form of the Saddhp manuscripts was in MIA, and that it waschanged to Classical Sanskrit during the process of compilation and editing. The Central Asian
manuscripts have not been subject to a strict word-by-word analysis. There was no concrete
basis for Kern and Edgerton’s hypothesis, but I found out an example in support of this thesis.
Kern, Naoshiro Tsuji and Kobun Toda point out how two synonyms meaning “toy” or“plaything” change between the MIA form, krīḍāpanaka-, in the Central Asian recension and
the Classical Sanskrit form, krīḍanaka-, in the Gilgit-Nepal recension. I have looked at all theexamples of the usage of these words, using a variety of indexes, and I have checked forparticularly high concentrations of these usages anywhere in the texts. It looks as if MIA formwords appear frequently in verse, based on the restrictions of poetic meter. However, in theCentral Asia recension, MIA language forms are common even in prose. It may be possible toexplain this as follows: the Saddhp was originally compiled using the form, MIA krīḍāpanaka-,
in both verse and prose. This format of the word was then retained, even though the Kashgar
manuscript, one of the Central Asian manuscripts is in prose.
I will present one example which supports Kern and Edgerton’s hypothesis in all Saddhp
manuscripts, especially O and KN.
Bogacz, Szymon (Jagiellonian University)
The Relation Between the Conventional and the Ultimate in Early Mahāyāna Sutras andin Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka

In the first half of 20th century, prominent Madhyamaka’s scholars S. Schayer, F. Th.
Stcherbatsky and L. de La Vallée-Poussin identified paramārtha-sātya with the Absolute whichis “beyond all predicates and communication” (de Jong, 1972, p. 8). To make a long story short,
this interpretation was successfully challenged by F.J. Streng, T.R.V. Murti and others who
argued for the dialectic interpretation of the relation between the two truths/realities. The
dialectic way of reading Madhyamaka sets up a single perspective for the two realities because
the “the ultimate truth is not taught independently of a common practice” (vyavahāramanāśritya paramārtho na deśyate) (Mūlamadhyamakakārikā 24.10). This trend appears to bestrong in the contemporary Nāgārjuna’s studies (cf. Siderits 2003; Garfield & Priest 2003,
Westerhoff 2009; Garfield 2015).
In my paper I will argue against this dominant trend and discuss the problem from theperspective of early Māhāyana understood primarily as a religious practice. I will provide a
textual and conceptual background for the thesis that in the context of early Mahayana the twoplanes, conventional and ultimate, are associated with two different sets of facts, linguistic rules,
karmic history, and states of practitioner’s mind. But, against the “old school” interpretation, I
will argue that the ultimate (the ultimate truth as a semantic parameter of sentences and theultimate reality as a collection of facts that render sentences true) is not beyond all predicates,
but beyond predicates associated with the conventional, i.e. pratītyasamutpanna dharmas. I will
also identify the conventional (truths and facts) with mental proliferations that are first andforemost consequences of clinging and ignorance and not common practices and habits
simpliciter.
I will analyse the relevant passages of Daśabhūmikasūtra (Kazunobu 1996, in consultation withŚikṣānanda's Chinese translation T10 No. 279), Akṣayamatinirdeśa (Braarving 1993a, b) andAṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā (Vaidya 1960, Sander 2000, Falk & Karashima 2012, 2013) –texts composed presumably around or before Nāgārjuna’s dates. I will reconstruct the meaningof saṃvṛtisatya and paramārthasatya and their relation in the selected sutras, describe thetransition between stages (bhūmi) corresponding to the conventional and the ultimate, thepractice behind the transition, and relate it to Nāgārjuna’s philosophy.

Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy
Tue, Aug. 22nd, 14:00-17:30
Long, Darui (University of the West)
A Study on the Colophons of Donors of Rock-Cut Buddhist Scriptures in Fangshan in the
Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)
The Rock-Cut Canon of Fangshan 房山, Beijing, was initiated by Monk Jingwan 靜琬 in theearly part of the Sui Dynasty (605-617). The major period of carving was done in the Tang (618
– 907), Jin (1115-1234) and Liao (907 – 1225) dynasties. The Liaos were particularly devoted
to Buddhism. The Liao rulers sponsored the project of the construction of the Khitan Canon andalso endorsed the rock-carving of Buddhist scriptures in Fangshan. The Yuan (1206-1368) saw
only two Buddhist texts carved on the stones. The Ming (1368-1644) witnessed the carving of
more than 12 scriptures, including one Daoist scripture.

The first scripture engraved in the Ming is The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch 六祖壇經.
This scripture was not included in other earlier editions of the Chinese Buddhist Canon. It was
the Yongle Southern Canon 永樂南藏 that collected this scripture for the first time. Zhao Qimei
趙琦美 (1563-1624), a native of Changshu 常熟, Jiangsu Province, donated money to engrave
this scripture with a unique colophon. Zhao and his father were well-known book collectors.
The author compares the Fangshan stone-cut rubbings of The Platform Sutra of the Sixth
Patriarch with the Rokuso dangyō shohon shūsei 六祖壇經諸本集成 (Collection of Different
Editions of the Six Patriarch Platform Sutra) compiled by Professor Yangida Seizan 柳田聖山.
Two editions that Yangida claimed to be chosen from the Yongle Southern Canon and the Yonge
Northern Canon are found to be problematic.
All donors left their names on the stones. Twenty-one of them were jinshi degree holders(successful candidates of the Imperial Examinations). They were scholar-officials in the court.
More than forty of them were natives of Zhejiang Province. Bao Shijie 包世傑, a scholar-official
involved in the construction of the Jiaxing Sewn Canon 嘉興方冊大藏經 in Zhejiang, wasactive in the Fangshan rock-cut Buddhist scriptures. More than 248 people donated to theproject. Some donated money more than once.
Four eunuchs donated money to cut Buddhist scriptures onto stones. Some were sent by
Emperor Shenzong or his mother Empress Dowager Li to ship the Yongle Northern Canon tovarious temples in Beijing and other parts of China. Their participation in the construction of
Fangshan stone carving shows other factors of religious beliefs and merit-making activities.
This paper deals with the social and cultural background of these donors. As they were rich andinfluential, their lives and works are recorded both in local gazetteers and in the History of the
Ming Dynasty. The author tries to examine sources about these people in the hope ofcontributing to a better understanding of the rock-cut Buddhist canon.
Miyazaki, Tensho (Otani University)
Relations among Old Japanese Manuscripts of Buddhist Scriptures and WoodblockPrinted Buddhist Canons: With Reference to the Puchao Sanmei Jing 普超三昧経
In recent years, it has become gradually possible for researchers directly or indirectly to accessvaluable old manuscripts of Buddhist scriptures, preserved in Japan, and various woodblockprinted Buddhist canons. This access makes it possible and necessary to carry out detailed
analysis on the relations among the available materials of Chinese Buddhist canons throughexamination of particular texts. This paper mainly investigates variant readings of the Pucha
Sanmei Jing 普超三昧経 (PSJ) translated by Dharmarakṣa (竺法護), one of the extant Chineseversions of the *Ajātaśatrukaukṛtyavinodana, to shed light on the relations among the Japanesemanuscripts and woodblock-printed canons. First, I examine how the scrolls of the Shogozo
Repository (聖語蔵経巻) are related to the other old Japanese manuscripts. Then I survey how
those manuscripts are related to the woodblock-printed canons. These include the first editionof the Korean canon (高麗蔵初雕本); the Fangshan stone sutras (房山石経), which are thought
to be based on the Qidan canon (契丹蔵); and some of the Jingnan (江南) canons.beNam, Dongsin (Seoul National University)
The Sound of Great Enlightenment: the Divine Bell of King Seongdeok of Silla and its
Inscription
The casting of the so-called "Divine Bell of King Seongdeok" was initiated by King
Gyeongdeok of the Silla Dynasty in memory of his father, King Seongdeok, in the mid-eighth
century and was completed by King Hyegong in 771. It was installed in his personal prayer
temple, Bongdeoksa in Gyeongju, and thus came to be called the "Bell of Bongdeoksa." Thebell, currently in the Gyeongju National Museum, measures 3.33 meters in hight, 2.27 meters
in diameter, and 19 tons in weight. It is the biggest bronze bell in Korea and considered as amasterpiece in form and sound among Buddhist bells in East Asia. Further notable in this bell
is a long inscription of 830 characters carved on its surface possibly by the order of King
Gyeongdeok. Written in a beautiful prose, its preface states the circumstances of the origin of
the bell and the list of participants in the great feat. It provides valuable information forunderstanding Buddhism and history of the period. This paper will examine the preface of thebell and explore the Silla royalty's attitude toward Buddhism.
Kirichenko, Alexey (Moscow State University)
The Role of Medium in History-Writing and the Construction of Identity of the Hnget-pittaung Monastery, Burma
The Hnget-pit-taung monastery near Nyaung U, Bagan, is the only monastery in Burmapossessing historiographic literature that has been worked on and updated for at least last threehundred years. The monastery has long claimed an exalted origin, tracing its establishment backto arrival of monk Arahan and the inception of Buddhist monastic tradition at Bagan. However,Hnget-pit-taung's prominence finds limited support in archaeological and art historical evidence
on the site as well as in epigraphic and textual sources originating outside of the monastery.
Putting inscriptions, manuscripts, and printed histories produced at Hnget-pit-taung in broader
historical context suggests that major instances when monastery laid or renewed its claims to anotable pedigree coincided with periods of political transition when new rulers or administratorssought for candidates for patronage in Bagan or looked for sources of information that could
help in recasting the country's past. At the same time, of particular importance was the
emergence in Burma of academic study of Buddhism, when defining the nature and history ofthat religion ceased being a task shouldered exclusively by the exponents of Buddhist tradition,and the transition from manuscript to printed circulation. Tracing the manuscript corpus of
Hnget-pit-taung and its circulation, the paper will explore the timeline of production ofhistoriographic manuscripts versus other kinds of texts recopied at Hnget-pit-taung and thedemand for these manuscripts among colonial and post-independence scholars of Burmese
history. Narrating how the shift to print technology has disproportionally enhanced historicalvisibility of the monastery, the presentation finds that factors that influenced major changes andtrends in modern Buddhist cultures worked similarly at the micro-level of a relatively obscure
Burmese monastery.
Acri, Andrea (EPHE)
The cult of Hevajra in Southeast Asia, 10th-13th century

A significant amount of epigraphic and art historical evidence suggests that Sumatra and the
Khmer domains were important seats of the cult of Hevajra from the 10th to the 13th century.
Besides the quotations from the Hevajratantra documented in Sanskrit inscriptions from Padang
Lawas in Sumatra, we also have the testimony of the Netravibhanga, an early commentary to
the Hevajra by Dharmakīrti from Suvarnadvipa. (This Dharmakirti taught Atīśa in Sumatra in
the early 11th century). The Hevajratantra itself mentions Suvarnadvipa.
A large quantity of Khmer bronze images of Hevajra has been recovered from archaeologicalsites in Cambodia and Thailand, especially during the reign of Jayavarman VII, who patronized
Tantric Buddhism. The 11th-century sanctuary of Phimai in modern Thailand was devoted to a'local' form of Hevajra (i.e. Vimāya).
On the basis of this multifarious evidence, I suggest to reposition Southeast Asia on the map of
the Buddhist world as both a crossroads and terminus of Tantric Buddhist cults. I also proposethat the Sumatran and Khmer developments might have contributed to give new impetus to thecult of Hevajra in South Asia.

Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy
Wed., Aug. 23rd, 14:00-17:30
Delhey, Martin (University of Hamburg)
The ‘Vanaratna Codex’: A Unique Witness of Indian, Nepalese and Tibetan Buddhism
For a long time, the manuscript Hodgson MS 35, kept since the 19th century at the Royal Asiatic
Society in London, hardly received any attention. This disregard can, among others, be
explained by the fact that in their catalogue, the 19th century Sanskritists Cowell and Eggelingclassified this codex erroneously as paper manuscript and as having been written in the end of
the 18th century. In the mean-time, Harunaga Isaacson has pointed out that the writing supportof this manuscript is palm leaf and that its paleographical features point to a significantly earlier
origin. Moreover, its colophon and other text passages leave no doubt that it is a multiple-text
manuscript closely linked to the Tantric master Vanaratna (1384-1468 CE), the ‘last Buddhist
pundit of Bengal’ (Pratapaditya Pal), who later in his life acquired much fame in both Nepal andTibet.
In the present paper, a full overview of the texts contained in this manuscript will be presented,
and the exact way in which the palm leaves are linked to Vanaratna and to certain of his activities
will be discussed. In particular, arguments will be put forward in favor of the hypothesis thatthe codex is—as regards the original compositions contained therein— an autograph of thispundit hailing from Chittagong. Moreover, the peculiar nature of the second half of themanuscript, which seemingly contains Vanaratna’s Sanskrit translations of oral instructions hereceived in Tibet, will be highlighted. In order to trace the origin of these teachings, thetransmission lineages from teacher to pupil (gurupāraṃparya) that are attached to several of thetexts will be analyzed. Finally, some later manipulations of the original text by a Nepalese hand
and their probable reasons will be briefly discussed.

Hori, Shin’ichiro (International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies)
Buddhism in 15th-Century Eastern India: Sanskrit Manuscript Evidence and Tibetan
Sources
The life of the scholar-monk coming from Eastern Bengal, Vanaratna (1384-1468), is describedin the Tibetan documents, the Deb gter sṅon po (The Blue Annals) and the Mkhas pa chen po
dpal nags kyi rin chen gyi rnam par thar pa, written by Gźon nu dpal, one of his Tibetan
disciples. According to both the Tibetan sources, Vanaratna learned Sanskrit grammar of the
Kātantra school during his stay in Magadha. I have recently identified a series of manuscripts
of Sanskrit grammatical texts belonging to the Kātantra school now in the possession of the
British Library, in whose colophons Vanaratna is mentioned as the owner of the manuscripts.
In addition to Vanaratna’s ownership, these colophons fortunately record the date, a village
name, a scribe name with his title and the purpose of copying. It is possible to establish andverify the date as in the 15th century CE on the basis of calendrical elements found in thecolophons as well as to identify the village as one in the Gaya District, Bihar State, using a
database of toponyms of contemporary India. The scribe name and the salutations at the
beginning of each text suggest that the scribe is a Buddhist concerned with the faith in Mañjuśrī.
In addition to the Sanskrit manuscripts owned by Vanaratna, there are some Buddhist Sanskrit
manuscripts dated in the 15th century and copied at villages in Eastern India: a Kālacakratantra
manuscript dated 1447 CE from the village of Kerki, Gaya District, a manuscript of Śāntideva’s
Bodhicaryāvatāra dated 1436 CE from the Nalanda District and so on. The colophons of thesemanuscripts clearly show that Buddhism was still alive especially in some rural areas in Bihar
until the middle of the 15th century.
Lee, Youngjin (Geumgang Center for Buddhist Studies)
The Oldest Nepalese Manuscript of the Daśabhūmikasūtram -focusing on its interpolations
I have edited the sixth Bhūmi of Daśabhūmikasūtram, Abhimukhī nāma Bodhisattva-bhūmiḥ,based on 6 sanskrit manuscripts with other materials such as two kinds of Tibetan translations
and 5 Chinese translations. Of the 6 sanskrit manuscripts, there are two oldest Sanskrit
manuscripts referred to as MS A (the oldest) and MS B (the second oldest) by Matsuda (1996),
which were not, at least not fully, consulted by the former editors such as Poussin (1913), Rahder(1926), and Kondō (1936).
Thanks to Matsuda (1996, ⅹⅸ—ⅹⅹ), we came to know that the most unique characteristicof MS A and MS B is that the two manuscripts consist of prose sections without verse sections,more accurately without any summarizing verses of the prose sections. In theDaśabhūmivyākhyānam, Vasubandhu neither cites the verses nor comments on the verses.
According to Matsuda (1996, ⅹⅹ), we cannot simply conclude that Vasubandhu was using theprose version of the Sūtra such as MS A and B, since there would be a possibility that he soughtto avoid the repetitive content of the summarizing verses.
While consulting the Tibetan translation in Mdo sde section which has not been throughly
studied by scholars though the Tibetan translation of the text in the Phal Chen section has been
examined, I found the former lacks the verses as is in MS A and MS B and this translation

literally matches the content of the Daśabhūmikasūtram quoted in the Tibetan translation of theDaśabhūmivyākhyānam. This fact indicates a high possibility that Vasubandhu, while he wascommenting on the Sūtra, used the prose version such as MS A and MS B, and the Sanskrit
manuscript[s] that the Tibetan translator[s] of Mdo Sde section consulted, all of which exclude
the summarizing verses.
Another feature that attracts the attention of scholars is that in MS A there are a few wordings,
which seem to be interpolated into the main text from their glosses based on commentaries suchas the Daśabhūmikavyākhyānam. Among these words, avaivarttika (irreversible), sahāya(companion), and vipula (vast) in the sixth bhūmi, which modify or qualify saṅga, bodhisattva,
bodhisattvacaryā that are repeated in all bhūmis, are unique in that all of them do not always
qualify the saṅga, etc in other bhūmis of MS A. This irregularity would indicate the probability
that these terms with other unique wordings of MS A had originally been marginal or interlinear
notes and then were inserted into the main text. In this presentation, I will examine the uniquewordings presented in other bhūmis of MS A and try to support my hypothesis on theinterpolation of the wordings.
Milligan, Matthew (Georgia College & State University)
Text and Epigraph, King and Monk: Comparing and Contrasting Patronage in Early
Indian Buddhism
Even though the nuance of how early Indian Buddhism spread from Magadha and rooted itself
as a multiregional institutional power may never be completely known due to a lack of securely
dateable and reliable historical records, much of the surviving information offers detailed insight
into several types of patronage patterns. The first available resource, literature in Pāli andSanskrit, depicted contemporary kings of the Buddha such as the famous Bimbisāra or
Ajātasattu as inspired devotees who gifted land and buildings to the burgeoning saṁgha. Despite
their generosity, these patrons were generally kept at a distance from the saṁgha by the Buddha
due to the inherent dangers of politics and governance. The royal patrons of Buddhist literature
were portrayed as possessing very limited influence over the saṁgha as members of the laity.
On the other hand, some royal patrons known from epigraphic records, such as Aśoka Maurya,
took on active roles in the saṁgha’s activities with their patronage. Further, other, non-royal
patrons of the saṁgha formed donative “collectives” to sponsor the construction of monuments
such as stūpa-s and vihāra-s. By surveying and analyzing data from literary and epigraphic texts,
this paper reconsiders the impact of a multiplicity of donor types and donor patterns on the early
history of the saṁgha. What were the goals of the different patrons? What were the outcomes,
if known, of the various patronage types? What can be determined from the hundreds of
epigraphic records revealing monks and nuns as patrons to their own institution? What were thevarious relationships between patrons, especially between royal donors and monastic donors?
In addressing these questions, I begin to effectuate the sorely needed interdisciplinary
perspective on early Indian Buddhist patronage, kingship, and territorial expansion. Moreover,I hypothesize that tracing patronage over time and literary genre may help to re-conceptualize
the historical trajectory of the Indian Buddhist saṁgha during its formative years Before theCommon Era.

Walter, Mariko (ACANSRS)
Greek Buddhists revisited: Early religious contacts in Greco-Bactria and Indo-Greek
Kingdoms according to donor inscriptions
Alexander the Great conquered the regions of present-day Afghanistan and India, and ruled
there for just a couple of years before his death in 323 BCE. After his death, some Greeks
settled in Central Asia and India, and Hellenistic influences spread in the region for over half amillennium. Greek colonizers brought their own religion centered with Greek pantheon toCentral Asia and India, where many different long-established indigenous religions such as
Zoroastrianism, Gnostic religions, Hinduism, Jainism, and Buddhism existed. According to theacademic consensus, converted Greek Buddhists existed at that time but they were just a few
exceptional cases and not a part of significant historical cultural movement, and considered a
Buddhist text like Milindapanha as a Buddhist propaganda. Is that really the case? As I dig
into the questions of Greek Buddhists, I am not at all sure if it was just few exceptional
individual cases of religious conversion. There seems to be enough epigraphical evidence forthe fact that Greek Buddhists contributed significantly to early Buddhism other than Hellenistic
artistic influence.
I look at mainly the donor inscriptions in Brāhmī and Kharoṣṭhī scripts found in cave temples
and others in Nāsik, Kārlī, Junnar, Taxīla, Swat, and other Buddhist sites. According to them
there were many evidence for Greek Buddhists in Hellenistic Central Asia from the second
century BCE to the fourth century CE. These inscriptions were found in present-day India,
Pakistan, and Afghanistan, where Greek kings ruled or merchant traders visited for pilgrimage.
Many Greek Buddhist donors resided in the Greek colonies, most of which existed in or near
the coastal cities of Arabian Sea in southwest India, close to the ancient trade centers nearpresent-day Mumbai. Some of these Greek merchants and colonists were earnest Buddhists anddonated funds to build vihāras, water basins, slate roof pieces, reliquaries, food hall, entrance
hall of a stūpa, pillars, caitya, etc. to the Buddhist sanghas. These Greek donors were kings,
local governors, merchants, and their family members as mentioned in the inscriptions, whichconvey their sincere faith in Buddhism. These inscriptions were to be examined in my paper.
Here is one example in Nasīk Cave 12.
“Success! (The gift) of Indrāgnidatta, son of Dhammadeve, the Yavana (Greek), a northernerfrom Dattāmitrī. By him, inspired by true religion, this cave has been caused to be excavated in
mount Tiraṇhu, and inside the cave a Chaityagṛīha and cistern. This cave made for the sake of
his father and mother has been, in order to honour all Buddhas, bestowed on the universalSaṁgha of monks, together with his son Dhammarakhita.” (Senart 1905, 90)
Most of the sources I use are published materials by Lüders, Būhler, Senart, Konow et al abouta century ago but I try to revisit them with fresh insights as they provide vital sources forstudying Greek Buddhists during the Hellenistic time as a whole in the region.

Tantric Buddhism
Wed., Aug. 23rd, 9:00-15:30

Wenta, Aleksandra (Oxford University)
The Making of Tantric Orthodoxy in the Eleventh Century Indo-Tibetan World:
Jñānākara’s Mantrāvatāra
The history of tantrism in Tibet functions as a narrative of conflict depicting areas of struggle
and obstructions set up against the proliferation of the tantras. Whenever tantrism crisscrossed
the axis of the hierarchical authority of the privileged groups, its practices became a highly
contentious issue that triggered a divisive debate over its suitability for the Tibetans and set up
a mechanism for its suppression by limiting its practices or by subjecting tantric scriptures tocensorship. The first attempt at suppression of tantrism took place during the First Diffusion of
Buddhism in Tibet (snga dar) when Khri lde’u srong btsan (776-815) issued the Imperial
Translation Decree that ordered to withdraw certain tantras, already translated and practiced,
from circulation among the general public, and, furthermore, forbid the translation of certain
tantric scriptures, in particular, the ones belonging to the class of the mother tantras (Karmay
2006:5). This tendency lingered on, though the mediaeval constructions and assaults on tantrism
had assumed different forms and emphasis (i.e. Atiśa’s Bodhipathapradīpa (The Lamp on thePath of Enlightenment) written in response to Byang chub ’od’s confusion regarding certain
tantric practices; ’Brom ston’s critique of tantric practice; Ye she ’od decree attacking the socalled ‘village tantrikas’; Zhi ba ‘od’s edict condemning rdzogs chen as influenced by hereticŚaiva masters, etc.
Among others, particularly the scholars of phyi dar period, supported by royal patronage,
worked diligently towards the construction of, what I call, ‘the orthodoxy of tantric practice’.
Motivated by polemical ends, the phyi dar scholars aimed at establishing their self-authenticity
and preeminence by contrasting their ‘correct tantric practice’ with the so-called ‘perverse
tantric practice’ promoted by ‘frauds’ and attributing to them, often pejoratively, erroneous or
willful misappropriation of tantric scriptures. The official ideology of phyi dar promoted by theleading intellectuals who had risen to the position of influence in that period, such as Rin chenbzang po and his collaborator Śradhākaravarman, Kashmiri Jñānākara, and ’Brom ston aimed
at establishing the normative contours of what they often called ‘the proper tantric conduct’ thatentailed deliberative attempts to restrict and modify certain controversial tantric practices.
In my paper, I focus on one of the most influential, but hardly explored, scholar of the phyi dar
period Jñānākara (11th century). Jñānākara’s Mantrāvatāra (An Introduction to the [Path of]Mantra) and his auto-commentary, Mantrāvatāra-vṛtti, which have been lost in the original
Sanskrit, but can be accessed in Tibetan translation as Gsang sngags la ’jug pa and Gsang
sngags la ’jug pa’i ’grel pa respectively, tries to establish legitimacy of certain tantric practices
in order to delimit “the orthodoxy of tantric practice”. This itself hinges upon establishing thepatterns of heretical refutation, conceived as the defense of orthodoxy, ‘the correct belief’.
Jñānākara takes pains to construct tantric heresy by identifying, describing and refuting “theother” through schematizing its harmfulness to the orthodox ways.
Nagasawa, Jake (University of California, Santa Barbara)

A Kadampa’s Defense of the Guhyagarbha Tantra: On Chomden Rigpé Reldri’s (Bcomldan rig pa’i ral gri) An Ornamental Flower for the Proof of the Guhyagarbha (Gsang snying
sgrub pa rgyan gyi me tog)
The validity of the Guhyagarbha Tantra (Gsang ba’i snying po), a text central to the Nyingma(Rnying ma) school of Tibetan, has been contested in Tibet since the time of Lha Lama YesheÖ (Lha bla ma ye shes ’od), the tenth to eleventh-century king of Western Tibet. Since then,Tibetan scholars of the Later Diffusion (phyi dar) of Buddhism in Tibet have been skeptical of
the practices of what would later become Nyingma school, particularly those associated with
the Guhyagarbha Tantra. Some, such as the eleventh-century translator Gö Khukpa Lhetsé(’Gos khug pa lhas btsas), suggested that the tantra was not of Indian provenance but was rather
forged in Tibet. Most often, it has been Nyingma apologists, such as Sokdokpa Lodrö Gyeltsen(Sog bzlog pa blo gros rgyal mtshan 1552-1624), who flew to the Guhyagarbha Tantra’s
defense. However, in one unusual case, which I propose to study in this paper, we find a scholarof the conservative Kadam (Bka’gdams) school accepting the Guhyagarbha Tantra’s validity—
the thirteenth-century intellectual Chomden Rigpé Reldri (Bcom ldan rig pa’i ral gri, 12271305, hereafter Chomden Rikrel). Among Chomden Rikrel’s collected works (gsung ’bum) is atext entitled An Ornamental Flower for the Proof of the Guhyagarbha (Gsang snying sgrub pa
rgyan gyi me tog). This version of the text is in an amalgam of passages from other texts thatthe editor of the collection put together into a single work. It includes, inter alia, a short defenseof the Guhyagarbha Tantra and a correspondence between Chomden Rikrel and a certain Shagé
Lotsāwa (Sha gad lo tsā ba) regarding a Sanskrit copy of the Guhyagarbha Tantra. This text
has received little scholarly attention. Previous studies of Chomden Rikrel’s work have focusedon his early text catalog cum history of Buddhism in Tibet entitled An Ornamental Sunbeam for
the Spread of the Teachings (Bstan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi nyi ’od), and his commentaries onDignāga’s A Summary of the Means of Correct Knowledge (Pramāṇasamuccaya) and theTreasury of Dohā Verses (Dohākoṣa) attributed to Saraha. Other studies of Guhyagarbha
apologetics have dealt with the work Nyingmapa scholars such as the eleventh-century masterRongzom Chökyi Zangpo (Rong zom chos kyi bzang po). Therefore, in this paper I will analyze
the structure and content of An Ornamental Flower for the Proof of the Guhyagarbha withparticular attention to the rhetoric that the author employs to establish the Guhyagarbha
Tantra’s authenticity. I will also attempt to verify whether the text is attributable to Chomden
Rikrel at all. In sum, this paper will, through closely examining this hitherto neglected apology
for a controversial scripture by an otherwise conservative scholar, call attention to a relatively
rare circumstance of a cleric writing in defense of a religious system with which he is nominally
unaffiliated.
Hammar, Urban (Stockholm university)
Chag lo tsa ba III Rin chen rnam rgyal (15th century) on the History of Kalacakra in
Tibet.
Since some years I have been working with texts on the doctrinal history of the Kalacakra
Tantra. The first was the history by Bu ston which I translated in my dissertation 2005. The
second was the Dus 'khor chos 'byung by Phyogs las rnam rgyal, a disciple of Dol po pa. It was
published in the Proceedings of the International Association of Tibetan Studies (IATS) in Bonn2006. Then I worked with the history of Kalacakra by Taranatha presented in the IATS of
Vancouver 2010. The latest was a text by the 16th century rNying ma master gZhan phan dbang
po presented at the IATS 2016 in Bergen. This text gave interesting information on the bKa'
brgyud pa and rNying ma traditions of Kalacakra.
Now I am working with a text from the 15th century by Chag lo tsa ba III Rin chen rnam rgyal(b.1447). It is entitled title Dus 'khor chos 'byung dpag bsam snye ma. Chag lo was part of therNying ma school and the third in the lineage of the Chag lo tsa ba's. Chag lo tsa ba Chos rje
dpal (1197-1264) wrote a famous text on a pilgrimage to India translated by George Roerich(1959).
The Chag lo tsa ba's formed a proper school of Kalacakra.
There is consequently much information on the schools of Kalacakra in this text, especially on
the rNying ma school.
The main schools treated in the text are the school of Gyi jo Zla ba 'od zer (p.102-107), the 'Bro
school (p.107-263), the Rva school (p.263-347), the Tsa mi school (p.347-404), the Shakya shri
school (p.404-427) and the Sha wa ra dbang phyug school (p.427-458). The former part of Chaglo's text (p.1-101) treats the tradition of Kalacakra in India, before its arrival to Tibet.
From p.212 the text is written in cursive which makes it more time-consuming to read. I will
mainly concentrate on the lesser known schools of Tsa mi, Shakya shri, Sha ba ra and Gyi jo.
The more well known traditions of Rva and especially the 'Bro school I have treated in the texts
by Bu ston, Phyogs las rnam rgyal and Taranatha. They are also treated more in detail in theBlue Annals (Deb ther mngon po) by 'Gos lo tsa ba in the 15th century.
I am comparing what I find in this text with the other texts. In this text there is also informationon the rNying ma tradition of Kalacakra. It is of importance for the research on the different
traditions of Kalacakra in Tibet to study what Chag lo tsa ba writes on the subject. I am planningto write a more comprehensive text on the history of the Kalacakra schools in Tibet based on
this research.
Payne, Richard (Institute of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley)Tendai Homa: Ritual Change and Ritual Invariance
The religious traditions of Japan contain many strains of Esoteric Buddhist praxis. The twolineages with the most explicit focus on Esoteric praxis are the Shingon (眞言) and the Tendai(天台). Proponents of the Shingon tradition present its Esoteric (mikkyō, 密教) praxis as theultimate development of the buddhadharma. In contrast, Tendai presents a twofold system,
balancing its Esoteric dimension with an exoteric focus on the Lotus sūtra. These two schools
were initiated in Japan at the beginning of the ninth century—Saichō ( 最 澄 ; 767–822)
established the Tendai school in 805 CE, and Kūkai (空海; 774–835) the Shingon school in 809.
This proposal continues to develop a project studying the transformation and adaptation of
Buddhist rituals over time. One of the critical situations leading to the transformation andadaptation of rituals is when one tradition adopts a ritual from another tradition. Such an instancetook place in early medieval Japan when Saichō was directed by the Emperor to integrate

Esoteric Buddhist practices into the newly formed Tendai lineage, alongside the focus on Lotus
Sutra teachings inherited from Tiantai.
While the praxis of Shingon has been largely informed by two texts, the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi
sūtra and the Vajraśekhara sūtra, the Tendai tradition added a third, the Susiddhikara sūtra,adding to the textual distinctions between the two traditions. The latter text was introduced toChina after visits there by Saichō and Kūkai, and brought later developments in Indian Buddhist
Esoteric praxis than what was previously found in the earlier texts. The Tendai tradition
integrated this later work into its own system of Esoteric praxis, which contributed to diverging
interpretations of practice between the Tendai and Shingon traditions. One of the rituals adopted
at that time was the homa (goma, 護摩), which therefore provides an important example bywhich these historical divergences can be examined.
The study of ritual praxes requires the study of a different kind of textual material from thedoctrinal texts that are often the first point of reference for the modern academic study of
Buddhism. This study will, therefore, start from a translation of a contemporary Tendai homa
manual, continue with a comparison of the Tendai homa with Shingon homas, examine thestructure of the two rituals, and conclude with a summary of differences and an evaluation of
their significance.
In addition to comparing the Tendai and Shingon homas, this study will seek to determine
specific differences that can be linked either to the Tendai tradition’s use of the Susiddhikara,or more broadly, its focus on the Lotus sūtra.
Kotyk, Jeffrey (Leiden University)
Sources of Japanese Buddhist Astrology
The proposed paper will trace the origins and development of Buddhist astrology in Japan fromthe ninth through to the fourteenth centuries. Japanese Buddhist astrology was of two types.
Firstly, Shingon 真言 and Tendai 天台 used the Xiuyao jing 宿曜經 (T 1299) as a means ofascertaining auspicious days for the execution of rituals from the beginning of Mikkyō 密教 inJapan. Secondly, there emerged a separate lineage of Buddhist astrologer monks called sukuyōshi 宿曜師, known collectively as the Sukuyō-dō 宿曜道, who were specialists in horoscopy
and astral magic throughout the Heian and Kamakura periods (tenth to fourteenth centuries),and often competing with the Onmyōdō 陰陽道.
To date there have only been a few studies on both developments.1 In present scholarship theJapanese developments are insufficiently linked to earlier developments in Tang China when
the bulk of foreign astrological literature and the associated materials related to astral magic
were produced.
The proposed study will identify the sources, texts, individuals and major developments related
to the introduction of Buddhist astrology in Japan, arguing that it played a significant role
throughout the Heian and Kamakura periods, both in Buddhist and aristocratic circles. It willfurthermore demonstrate that the origins of some elements of Sukuyō-dō horoscopy and Mikkyō

astral magic can be traced back to Near Eastern sources that had been transmitted throughIranians in the Tang dynasty, thereby showing that some elements of Buddhism in Japan havetheir original origins in hitherto largely unrecognized places outside India and China.
The proposed paper will draw on earlier discoveries documented in my PhD dissertation entitled“Buddhist Astrology and Astral Magic in the Tang Dynasty” while referring to a variety ofprimary and secondary scholarship from Japan, with a special interest in an extant horoscope
chart from 1113.2
Major studies include: Yamashita Katsuaki 山下克明, “Heian jidai ni okeru mikkyō seishinku
no seiritsu to dōkyō” 平安時代における密教星辰供の成立と道教, Nihonshi kenkyū 日本史
硏究 312 (1988): 37–61. Yano Michio 矢野道雄, Mikkyō senseijutsu 密教占星術 (Tōkyō:Tōyōshoin, 2013). Momo Hiroyuki 桃裕行, “Sukuyō-dō to sukuyō kanmon” 宿曜道と宿曜勘文, Risshō shigaku 立正史學 39 (1975): 1–20.
2
The Sukuyō unmei kanroku 宿曜運命勘錄 is a horoscope for an individual born on lunar 12/25
in year 3 of Ten’ei 天永 (1113). In Zoku gunsho ruijū 續群書類從, fasc. 908, ed. Hanawa
Hokiichi 塙保己一 (Tokyo: Zoku Gunshoruijū Kanseikai, 1958), 429–438.
1

Theravāda Buddhism
Wed., Aug. 23rd, 14:00-15:30
Stewart, James (University of Tasmania)
Revenge Literature in Contemporary Sinhala Buddhism
In Theravāda Buddhism karma is usually described as an apersonal law and is not driven bysome prior intentional force such as a deity. Therefore, while justice may be occasioned by thelaw of karma, it is non-intentional justice and the possibility of redirecting karma to serve
particular ends is usually considered heretical. Some ethnographic studies, however, have notedthat folk theories about karma are not always reconciled to this idea. This is most evident in thenotion of karmic transfer where the Buddhist can redirect their own karma to a loved one withthe hope they will have a better rebirth (Spiro 120; Holt 1). However, in the example of merittransfer, the karmic principle is driven by motives of kindness.
In this paper I will discuss the case of Sinhala revenge literature as an example where karma isseen as a force of punishment, and, unlike with merit transfer, the motive is malicious andintemperate. This revenge literature is a popular kind of material which appears in newspapers
or other similar periodicals. The authors are typically Buddhists.
This idiosyncratic body of revenge literature is built around the general thematic structure thata person violates a basic Buddhist moral principle and then is subject to various graphic
punishments, both on earth as well as in hell, as a result. The literature is typically concernedwith stereotypical subjects such as animal cruelty, infidelity, or the mistreatment of vulnerable
people. The violations are very often concerned with the five precepts.

The revenge literature is therefore a reversal of the merit transfer case study since the reader isinvited to delight in the harm caused to the perpetrator of the crime rather than engage the virtuesof sympathy and compassion that we normally come to expect in such cases.
In this paper I will provide a number of examples of this literature, discuss why they arecomposed as they are, consider how this vengeful vision of karma relates to basic Buddhist
ethical principles, and examine how this literature is supported by other Sinhala cultural
practices including black magic and the use of curses by invoking violent deities such as Devol
Deviyo.
Holt, John. Assisting the Dead by Venerating the Living: Merit Transfer in the Early Buddhist
Tradition. Numen, vol 28 (1), 1981, pp.1-28.
Spiro, Melford. Buddhism and Society: A Great Tradition and its Burmese Vicissitudes.
University of California Press, Berkeley, 1982.
Revire, Nicolas (Thammasat University)“In Times Yet to Come”: The Cult of the Five Buddhas and Ten Bodhisattas in mainland
Southeast Asia
In mainland Southeast Asia, the grouping of the five Buddhas of the present age or “good eon”
(bhaddakappa) is more important than any other. These five consist of four past (atīta) Buddhas,i.e., Kakusandha, Koṇāgamana, Kassapa, and Gotama, to which the next future (anāgata)
Buddha, Metteyya, is added.
This fivefold series is well evidenced in local Pāli and vernacular literature. Many ancientpainted or plastic examples, as well as architectural forms, also exist from approximately thesixth century up to this day. The separate cult of Metteyya is also ubiquitous in pre-modern
Thailand and neighboring countries. At a point that is difficult to date with precision, but whichmust post-date the emergence of the preceding fivefold Buddha scheme (pañcabuddha), a rare
list of ten future Buddhas (dasabodhisatta), beginning with Metteyya, was further elaborated
and extolled in the same religious context.
This paper aims to survey the artistic, epigraphic, and textual evidence for the cult of the five
Buddhas of the present age, and study the predictions of the ten Bodhisattas in Thailand properand other Theravāda countries of mainland Southeast Asia. It also briefly compares these lists
with material from India and Sri Lanka, and examines their importance in understanding theadvent and uniqueness of Theravāda across the region.
Carbine, Jason (Whittier College)
King Rāmādhipati, Prime Minister U Nu, and the Kalyāṇī SīmāThis paper compares two sets of Buddhist statements, a concluding set of poetic verses inKing Rāmādhipati’s famed 15th-century Kalyāṇī inscriptions, which provide the foundation
charter for the Kalyāṇī Sīmā, and an address by Prime Minister U Nu, which was delivered
during the staking ceremony for the rebuilding of the Kalyāṇī Sīmā during 1952–1954.

(Intrinsic to Theravāda traditions, a sīmā is a boundary within legal acts of the monastic
community must take place in order to be valid.) Though separated by centuries, bydifferences in style, by authorship and leadership, and by political organization, both sets ofstatements traffic in common patterns of thought and action concerning the Kalyāṇī Sīmā andits associated Sāsana (Teaching). In comparing these two statements, then, I suggest what
each seems to express as a form of Buddhist devotion, and about possible patterns in thehistories of sīmās.

Vinaya Studies
Fri., Aug. 25th, 14:00-17:30
Dewey, William (University of California, Santa Barbara)
The Tibetan Ganden Tripas and the Vinaya
Buddhist monks and nuns all follow the vinaya, but how is this monastic code actually put into
practice? It simply not a matter of following the prāṭimokṣa rules which were, so to speak,tacked up on the wall. In Tibet, although monks are bound to the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, andstudy its commentaries intensively in their scholastic curriculum, local customs and institutions
define monastic law on the ground. Geluk monasteries, from the small feeder branches to the
Big Three monastic universities, run their own affairs under their own constitutions (bca’ yig),
which draw some inspiration from the vinaya, while overarching leadership is provided by the
Ganden Tripas (or Ganden Throne Holders), the symbolic successors to Tsongkhapa, thefounder of the Geluk school. This position is sometimes said to be the true head of the Geluk
school (although no one can match the prestige and spiritual prowess of the Dalai Lama). It is
the highest position to which one can advance as an ordinary monk, on one’s merits as a scholar:“The Ganden Throne has no owner.” Although the tantric basis of Tibetan religious (andpolitical) leadership is more commonly recognized, Tsongkhapa himself emphasized monastic
discipline as the necessary basis for tantric practice. In my paper I will explore how the Ganden
Tripa position manifests the Geluk tradition’s ultimate reliance on vinaya and monastic
discipline.
I will examine the Ganden Tripa role through the career of Ngawang Tsültrim (the first
Tsemönling tülku, 1721-1791), whose life is covered in a long biography (namthar) and in ananthology of the lives of the Ganden Tripas. In an unprecedented concentration of political andreligious power in the hands of one person, Ngawang Tsültrim’s advanced to be Ganden Tripa
soon after he was appointed as regent. In my paper I will consider how, even as a tantric master,
his supreme position in the Geluk hierarchy depended on his mastery of the vinaya and monastic
discipline. I will first consider how Ngawang Tsültrim’s early career exemplified devotion to
the vinaya, with regard to his high degree of observance and his mastery of the curriculum. The
path to Ganden Tripa involved studies at the tantric colleges, but also leadership positions at thetantric colleges which gave him experience in monastic administration. I consider how theGanden Tripa position itself entailed supervision of monastic discipline, first of all in his
presiding over the prescribed vinaya rituals, such as the confession and the rains retreat. Perhaps
more importantly he would give sermons on monastic discipline on occasions such as the GreatPrayer Festival, criticizing practices that were against the vinaya, and exhorting monks to bediligent in their studies. I will consider how these sermons drew from vinaya sources and local
tradition. I will examine in particular his polemic against the Nyingma tantric practice ofGuhyajñāṇa, which he described as lacking a foundation of discipline and monastic celibacy(thus contradicting Tsongkhapa’s ideals)... Finally I will consider how devotion to vinaya waspresent in other aspects of Ngawang Tsültrim’s career, including his publication projects ofscholastic vinaya commentaries.
Johnson, Anna (University of Michigan)
Highland, Lowland, and Kashmiri: Historical Narrative and Identity Formation of Tibet’s
Three Vinaya Lineages
This paper explores the formation of three Tibetan pratimokṣa vow lineages and the resultant
identity-formation that both predates and continues alongside the formation of the traditional
four sects of Tibetan Buddhism. While the term pratimokṣa is often glossed as “monastic vows,”
this Christian term obscures their importance (albeit in abridged forms,) as a foundational set ofvows for tantric yogins and as a guiding principal for householders. I argue that the pratimokṣa
vows should instead be seen simply as those that restrain body and speech, and as such, arecentral to Buddhist identity within diverse Tibetan communities. The history of pratimokṣa
lineage identity is therefore much more than a history of monasticism. Like all vows, theirunbroken succession, passing across Tibet’s southern border and back in time to a sanctified
Indian past, both establishes a community’s Buddhist pedigree, and determines the legitimacy
and efficacy of those vows for a single practitioner. Although one Indian vinaya (theMūlasarvāstivāda) was translated and transmitted to Tibet, three distinct Tibetan vinaya groups
were formed, due, I argue, to consistent pressure to assert and maintain authenticity, defined inthis case as proof of a connection to an Indian preceptor (upadhyāya).
The three vow lineage groups are known as the Lowland, Highland and Kashmiri (or Middle)
Vinayas; the former and latter are said to persist as unbroken vow lineages, and are certainly
evoked as identities to the present day. This paper particularly explores the narratives that
initially construct a distinction between the Highland and Lowland. I argue that this narrative
essentially represents two ways to historically resolve Tibetan anxiety around authenticating
connections back to India using a three-fold periodization that must somehow accommodate thefact that contact with India disappeared during the middle phase. Unbroken streams of both an
explanatory lineage (bshad brgyud) and an ordination lineage (sdom rgyud) had to be accounted
for and defended against critics.
The source materials for this research are the narratives found in religious histories(chos ’byung) written beginning in the 12th century, and the lists of names of preceptors andpreceptees that form ordination reception records, or succession documents (sdom rgyun). These
documents cross several textual genres, being at once historical records, liturgies for recitation,
and authenticating certificates proving that one’s lineage can be traced back to an Indian, andultimately back to Śākyamuni. One such handwritten document (published in an anthology ofrare Tibetan manuscripts in 2011) is a short reception record of an explanatory lineage of the
Lowland Vinaya tradition, possibly a fragment of a larger work, supplying no author or date.

Setting this document alongside recent work by Dan Martin on a Highland Vinaya polemic
against the Lowland opens new questions and comparisons about the nature and chronology of
the Highland-Lowland divide, and the significance of the incorporation or exclusion of key
characters in the narratives of vow lineage preservation in Tibet.
Hu-von Hinüber, Haiyan (University of Freiburg)
What to do if the Vihārasvāmin is put in jail? A story from the Kṣudrakavastu of the
Mūlasarvāstivāda-Vinaya
The paper aimes to investigate an interesting text passage handed down in the Kṣudrakavastu of
the Mūlasarvāstivāda-Vinaya (根本説一切有部毘奈耶雜事,Taishō No. 1451, vol. 24, p. 207414), which was translated by Yijing (義淨) in the year 710.
This Vinaya text concerns the relationship between 住 處 (āvāsa), 供 濟 (dāna), 同 利 養(saṃbhoga) and 長凈 (poṣadha). The passage primarily contains guidelines for an exceptionalsituation, namely when a cloister man (寺主/造寺施主 vihārasvāmin), who as merchant (大長者 śreṣṭhin) has established a residence of monks and hitherto provided for the Saṃgha witheveryday alms et cetera, is unexpectedly arrested by the administrative body (被官拘執、爲王所執).
In this case, the Vinaya text of the Mūlasarvāstivāda school prescribes that the concerned monks
should preferably try to keep their Saṃbhoga-district around the Vihāra alive (隨縁乞食，守護而住) in order to preserve the cloister for a long time of five (五年之中) until ten years (乃至十年) so as to protect the monastery and the precious subjects of the Saṃgha (三寶物triratnadravya).
Furthermore, it will be pointed out that the monks belonging to this Saṃbhoga-district areallowed to hold the fortnightly Poṣadha-ceremony by themselves (同利養別長凈), what for theproceeding jñaptidvitīya karma （白二羯磨）must be carried out at first.
Wu, Juan (Tsinghua University)
Parallel Stories in the Jaina Āvaśyakacūrṇi and the Buddhist Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya: A
Preliminary Investigation
While it has been known for several decades that the Āvaśyakacūrṇi of the Śvetāmbara Jaina
tradition and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya of the Buddhist tradition share some common
narrative plots or motifs, so far no detailed study has been made to understand the different ways
in which parallel narrative material is handled in the two texts. Through a comparative study ofstories of three characters (Prince Abhaya, the physician Jīvaka, and King Udrāyaṇa) in the
Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya and their counterparts in the Āvaśyakacūrṇi, this paper demonstrates
that the Buddhists and the Jainas, who composed or redacted the two texts, exploited parallel
narrative plots or motifs along different lines and for different purposes.

In particular with regard to Jīvaka, who is widely known among Buddhists as a model of medical
skillfulness and religious faith, this paper argues that the fact that Jīvaka is prominently featured
in Buddhist literature but has no parallel in Jaina literature may be explained by the different
attitudes of the two religions to medical healing and to the role of secular physicians in general.
As for the stories of Uddāyaṇa/Udrāyaṇa in the Jaina and Buddhist versions, they serve different
didactic purposes. In the Buddhist tradition, the story is partly an illustration of a particular
working of karma, something totally absent from the parallel Jaina version.