Photo, courtesy of CHO Hyun Sook, Songgwang-sa

19th Congress of
the International Association of
Buddhist Studies

Aug 15-19, 2022
Seoul, South Korea

19th Congress of
the International Association of
Buddhist Studies

Abstracts

Aug 15-19, 2022
Photo, courtesy of CHO Hyun Sook, Songgwang-sa

Seoul, South Korea

Abstracts
Panel 3: Buddhist Materials Excavated in Inner Asia - Latest Research
Results on the Otani Collections in South Korea, China and Japan
Convener: Mazumi Mitani (Ryukoku University)

Panel Abstract
Among the international expeditions sent to Inner Asia at the beginning of 20th century, theOtani Expedition is distinguished through its specific, religious aim - to investigate the processof the transmission of Buddhism from India to Japan. Under the direction of Count OTANI
Kozui, the 22nd abbot of the Nishi-Hongwanji Temple, the research activities of the Otani
Expeditions covered wide areas of China, India, and Tibet from 1899 to 1923, with the special
focus on Inner Asia in 1902 to 1914.
Buddhist materials excavated in Inner Asia by the Otani Expeditions are presently divided inJapan, China, and South Korea; major collections are kept at Ryukoku University, Tokyo National Museum, Kyoto National Museum, Lushun Museum, National Library of China, andSeoul National Museum. By providing opportunity for international scholars to present latest
research results on Buddhist manuscripts and art objects of each collection, this panel sheds a
new light on Buddhist materials of the Otani Expeditions for understanding the history of Buddhism across the Silk Road.

Otani Expedition and Its Collection - Outline and Its Contribution to Buddhist
Studies
Mazumi Mitani (Ryukoku University)
The Otani Expedition was the only systematic expedition sent from Japan to Inner Asia. It was, 1876-1948), the 22nd abbot oforganized under the initiative of Rev. OTANI Kozui (the Jodo-Shinshu Hongwanji sect. Kozui was a man who lived through the historical turbulenceof Japan through the Meiji, Taisho and Showa periods. His father OTANI Koson dedicatedhimself to the modernization of Japanese Buddhism in the early Meiji period; Kozui and his
expeditions were given birth under such special historical conditions.
The word ‘Otani Expedition’ usually refers to three expeditions focused on Inner Asia during
1902-1904, namely a survey of the historical Silk Road in a narrow sense. In a broader sense,
however, the activity of the Otani Expedition also covered the areas of Asia including India,
Tibet, and Southeast Asia. In a series of surveys from 1899 to 1923, Kozui and his expedition
members explored traces of the spread of Buddhism and documented their present conditions
at that time.
These expedition activities resulted in the formation of the Otani collection, including a richamount of manuscripts, art and archaeological artefacts that are presently kept in China, Korea

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and Japan. This paper will provide an outline of the historical background of the Otani Expedition and its collection and will present the latest results on the Otani collection materials
preserved in the Lushun Museum, the National Museum of Korea, and Ryukoku University.
Special focus is given to joining fragments and some case studies will demonstrate how fragmentary manuscripts kept in different collections can be virtually rejoined, leading to the identification of the original texts.
This collaborative work underlines the importance of international cooperation in reaching aproper assessment of the importance of the Otani collection materials for Buddhological studies.

Interpretation of the Hell Scenes in Subashi East Temple Documented by
the First Otani Expedition
Koichi Kitsudo (Ryukoku University) and Satomi Hiyama (Kyoto University)
The first Otani expedition explored the massive monastic ruins at Subashi near present Kuchecity (Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, China) in July 1903. The site is generally associat, where Kumārajīva’s mother listened to
ed with the Great Monastery of Zhaohuli
the sermons and Xuanzang praised its majestic décor – there is no doubt that this is one of themost important sites bearing witness to the great prosperity of Buddhist culture of Kucha Kingdom. Rich photographic documentation of the Subashi site by the first Otani expedition has not
drawn much attention from scholars to date. They contain, however, several interesting featuresthat failed to be reported by other international explorers reaching the site a few years later.
• Abstracts

59This paper focuses on the wall paintings of the hell scenes in a squarish chamber placed aroundthe stūpa at Subashi East, about which only the first Otani expedition ever mentioned. Among
three photographs of this chamber, two were published in “Shin-Saiiki-Ki” (the collection ofreports by Otani expedition members) in 1937, through in a low resolution. The glass plate
photographs kept in Ryukoku University enable us to elucidate more precise information about
its iconography and inscription written within the pictorial representation. The cross-referenceof the glass plate photographs and the report by Rev. Tesshin Watanabe allows us to identify the
textual sources most relevant to this representation and add a new corpus to the hell illustrations
in Central Asian Buddhist art.

Reexamining Paintings from Dunhuang at the National Museum of Korea
Haewon Kim (Gyeongju National Museum) and Yoon Ah Hwang (University of Southern California)
Along with mural paintings from Kizil, Bezeklik, and Miran, the Ōtani collection at the National Museum of Korea features ten paintings on paper or textile from Cave 17 (Library Cave)of the Mogao Caves in Dunhuang, China, which were allegedly acquired during the Third
Expedition (1910–14). These paintings, featuring either an itinerant monk or a series of bodhisattvas, not only represent unique thematic expressions through their material and pictorial
format but also reveal the significant religious practices of the medieval northwestern regionof China from the ninth to tenth centuries. Moreover, from the perspective of overall painting
materials from the Library Cave, the entire picture cannot be completed without discussing
those in the National Museum of Korea’s Ōtani collection, which has been paid less attention
than major collections in London and Paris. In this respect, it is important to contextualize thesepaintings according to the historical meanings behind both Buddhist art and the collection.
Therefore, after reviewing how the paintings became part of the Ōtani collection in Seoul, theauthors examine two examples—Itinerant Monk (Bon 4018) and Long Banner of Bodhisattvas(Bon 4025)—as each represents unique characteristics of Dunhuang’s visual culture in termsof its rare subject matter and artistic form. The authors ultimately propose new interpretations
on the paintings’ meaning, function, and Buddhological significance. As a first case study, theiconography of Itinerant Monk is reexamined in relation to the tradition of xingdaoseng (monkcircumambulating or practicing the Dharma) paintings and the function of cloud motif, and theauthor proposes that the mobile quality of the figure is critical in understanding the painting.
In the case of Long Banner of Bodhisattvas, by focusing on its materialistic qualities, such as
the extremely long length, paired configuration of silk support, and monetary value, the author
suggests that vernacular religious rituals, which encompass both the Buddhist and Daoist funerary-related practices of ordinary people, were responsible for such a peculiar painting format.
This study emphasizes the fact that studying the materialistic aspects of the artwork yields a
feasible scenario of its artistic production along with the religious practices of the time.

Restoration of the Stele of Kang: A Sogdian Buddhist Layman’s Sutra-copying
Project in Turfan during the Wu Zhou Period
Youngwoo Kwon (National Museum of Korea)
The Buddhist Votive Stele of Kang, a Buddhist Layman of Wu Zhou (hereafter The Stele of60

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Kang) in the National Museum of Korea is a set of fragments of a Tang-dynasty stele. It was
created during the Wu Zhou period (690-705) and unearthed from Turfan’s ancient city of Gaochang in 1912, during the third Ōtani expedition. The Stele of Kang is a Buddhist votive steleon which a Sogdian Buddhist layman (jushi) named Kang engraved a list of hand-copied scriptures after transcribing a complete collection of the Buddhist canon (Tripiṭaka). Because theinscription includes the Zetian characters mandated by Empress Wu, the Stele of Kang waspresumably created during the Wu Zhou period.
This stele was first brought to attention by the scholar Luo Zhenyu, who inspected it and produced a transcription and rubbing of the inscription. In 1996 and 2016, scholar Rong Xinjiang
not only advanced an understanding of the stele, but also discussed in depth the political context
surrounding its making.
This paper presents a reconstruction of the Stele of Kang, informed by existing literature andthorough examination of the stele, and provides the historical context surrounding its production. First, among the fourteen fragments of the Stele of Kang, I discovered that the fragments
B and F, on which the list of scriptures is written, can be joined together. Then, I successfully located each fragment within the original stele and restored most of the engraved list of scriptures
on missing parts of the stele. I have come to a conclusion that Kang’s hand-copied scriptures
presumably amounted to more than 818 sets and 4,039 volumes, far above an estimate of 44
sets and 858 volumes suggested in previous studies. The titles of all the scriptures were likely
engraved on the first to 69th lines of the original stele.
The scriptures were categorized into the Sutra, Vinaya, Sastra, and Preaching, and the Newly
Translated Sutras and Commentaries of the Tang Dynasty. First, the structure of the Sutra,
Vinaya, Sastra, and Preaching and the titles of the entire scriptures correspond to the structure
and titles in the catalogue of Buddhist scriptures in Ximing Monastery, which was compiled by
Dao Xuan and included in the eighth volume of his “Great Tang Record of Sutras” (Da Tang
Neidian lu). Second, the list of scriptures in the Newly Translated Sutras and Commentaries of
the Tang Dynasty draws from and complements the Catalogue of Scriptures, authorized by theGreat Zhou (Da Zhou kanding zhongjing mulu), which was promulgated by decree of Empress
Wu during the Wu Zhou period.

On the Kharoṣṭhī and Brāhmī Wooden Documents Housed in the National
Museum of Korea
Chao-Jung Ching (Kyoto University) and Hirotoshi Ogihara (Ryukoku University)
This paper is a brief report on the wooden items with Kharoṣṭhī and Brāhmī inscriptions presently housed in the National Museum of Korea (Seoul). A part of these items have similar physical characteristics, common paleographical features and identical site signatures with a part ofthe ones kept in the Omiya Library, Ryukoku University (Kyoto) and Tokyo National Museum.
As such, it is probable that all the wooden items of this kind housed in the National Museum of
Korea were collected by the Otani Expeditions around the Tarim Basin in the early 20th century
just as were the ones in the latter two collections. In this paper, we provide preliminary statisticsof these wooden items together with our brief description of their scripts, languages and general
purposes as a result of a collaborative investigation between the Ryukoku University and the
National Museum of Korea.
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Panel 4: Buddhist Networks in Gandhara and Beyond
Convener: Jessie Pons (Ruhr University Bochum)

Panel Abstract
This panel proposes to investigate the networks of interaction that connected ancient Buddhist
monasteries within and beyond Gandhāra. It will essentially concentrate on the period that spansfrom the early spread of Buddhism in Gandhāra during the first centuries BCE to the demiseof Buddhism in the region from the 5th century CE onward. Beginning with Alfred Foucher,scholars have attempted to retrace complex networks of overland itineraries that linked majorancient cities and Buddhist centres based on meticulous review of literary accounts, epigraphical sources, and archaeological materials. Building upon these researches, this panel aims at
shedding further light on the nature of the ties that connected the different centres located along
this network and at the intersection of its main arteries. Are these ties the result of shared belief
systems? of patterns of patronage? of groups of religious specialists or craftsmen working at/
for specific monasteries? This panel will bring together scholars from complementary disciplinary backgrounds (i.e. textual studies, epigraphy, numismatics, archaeology and art history) to
unravel the rationales behind the connections between the diverse Buddhist communities within
ancient Gandhāra and neighbouring regions.

Epigraphical Links and Literary Gaps in Networks of Buddhist Transmission
beyond Gandhāra to the Upper Indus
Jason Neelis (Wilfrid Laurier University)
Inscriptions and petroglyphs in the Upper Indus region of northern Pakistan mark pathways
across the Western Himalaya, Hundu Kush, and Karakoram mountains taken by Buddhist travellers beyond Gandhāra. Epigraphical formulae and Buddhist imagery belonging to ca. first– seventh centuries CE reflect intertwined economic and religious rationales of long-distancemobility. Epigraphical links with Gandhāra are apparent in relatively earlier first – third century
Kharoṣṭhī / Gāndhārī graffiti concentrated at Chilas, Alam Bridge near Gilgit, and Haldeikish in
the Hunza valley. Utilizing a networks approach, results of recent fieldwork on inscription andpetroglyph sites will be presented in order to address questions about geographical, historical,
and cultural links with Gandhāra, Swat, and the trans-Indus regions of Hazara and Kohistan.
How do shifts between Gāndhārī graffiti (and related rock drawings) and the majority of Brāhmī
inscriptions (approximately eighty percent) and Buddhist petroglyphs from approximately the
fourth – seventh centuries CE relate to inter-regional patterns of Buddhist transmission? I havepreviously proposed that Erik Zürcher’s hypothesis of long-distance transmission as an alternative heuristic model to assumptions about the gradual diffusion of Buddhism in the transit zoneof Xinjiang in the first three centuries CE can help to explain uneven distribution of Buddhist
monasteries beyond Gandhāra and Swat along a network of Upper Indus capillary networks,
where archaeological evidence for residential Buddhist monasteries is also lacking. Despite theapparent absence of an institutional monastic presence, the extent to which it may be possible
to fill literary gaps in determining languages of Buddhist transmission between earlier collec-

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tions of Gāndhārī manuscripts (including the Khotan Dharmapada, probably circulated beyond
Gandhāra via this network) and Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts produced by a scribal atelier
with the patronage of the Gilgit Palola Ṣāhi dynasty in the late sixth to early eighth centuries
CE can be investigated on the basis of regional epigraphical other sources.

Travelling Artists, Patronage Patterns or Itinerant Devotees: Assessing Stylistic
Links between Buddhist Sculptures from Gandhāra
Jessie Pons (Ruhr University Bochum)This paper will draw upon a stylistic study of Gandhāran sculptures to trace networks connecting Buddhist monasteries in Greater Gandhāra. Attention to the geographic logics underlying
the variation of iconographic and formal motifs allows highlighting shared stylistic patterns
between certain monasteries. These might result from the use of a common repertoire of motifs, from the importation/exportation of statues and reliefs, or from the circulation of craftsmen working for several monasteries. While the artistic evidence allows mapping ties between
Buddhist centres, the nature of these ties largely remains unclear. In order to shed light on thelatter, this paper will consider two case studies. The first case study will concentrate on theartistic production from Sahri-bahlol in relation to those of Takht-i-Bahi, Muhammad-nari and
Loriyan-tangai and will underline the role of the Sahri-bahlol in the diffusion of Mahayana imageries and ideas across the Peshawar Basin. The second case study will turn to the production
from the cluster of sites in the Tamra-Haro valley (region of Taxila) and will argue that the eclectic character of the material can be accounted for by the localisation of the sites at the majorintersection of routes connecting Gandhāran with South and Central Asia. Taken together, thetwo case studies will show how religious and economic rationales of the connections between
Buddhist centres in Greater Gandhāra intertwine.

Kharoṣṭhī Letters on Gandhāran Sculptures with Inscribed Years
Satoshi Naiki (Kyoto University)
In a former article, the present author suggested that stylistic features of sculptures were shared
between the Gandhāra (Peshāwar basin) and Uddiyāna (Swāt valley) regions in the early firstmillennium (Naiki 2019). There was a close relationship among craftsmen in these two regions.
And from this fact, we can assume that networks among several regions in the North-western
Indian subcontinent were active at that time.
However, this idea differs from J. Rhi’s opinion suggesting that there were regional variations
at diverse technical levels inside the Gandhāra region (Rhi 2018). The suggestion was madewhen he assigned a Buddha statue with inscribed year “318” found in Loriyan Tangai into thefirst half of the second century CE. In order to judge whether there was a close network amongcraftsmen within and beyond the Gandhāra region, we have to date sculptures with inscribed
years more correctly.
The inscriptions including years on sculptures do not mention their era. That is why we could
not have solved easily the question of when they were made. For example, the suggested date
for a relief depicting “a meditating Buddha in the Indraśaila/Indraśala cave” found in Mamāne• Abstracts

63

Dherī with inscribed year “89” varies from 134 CE to 432 CE (ex. Biver 1970, Ingholt 1957).
If there is a possibility that there were different regional levels in techniques among craftsmen,
we cannot use stylistic features on sculptures to consider their dating. In this case, the Kharoṣṭhī
letter is almost the only clue to solve this problem.
Many scholars have mentioned that forms of Kharoṣṭhī letters had gradually changed over 500
years. Majumdar mentioned that there are several forms in Kharoṣṭhī letters especially in theletter “s” and they can be indicators of date for inscriptions (Majumdar 1937). Many scholars
have agreed with his idea and assigned dates to each form of letters. On the other hand, Das
Gupta denied Majumdar’s idea, for several forms of a letter are usually seen simultaneously on
one Kharoṣṭhī inscription (Das Gupta 1958).
Based on these former researches, Salomon concluded that the letter “s” can be a reliable test
letter, but other letters should be analyzed at the same time when we date inscriptions (Salomon1998). When we actually see some Kharoṣṭhī inscriptions, we find several forms of letters, as
Das Gupta mentioned. However, if we observe inscriptions carefully, we notice that there is amajor letter form among several forms. There is a possibility that we can date inscriptions basedon the ratio of forms of each letter, not on presence or absence of a certain form.
The present paper tries to construct a more detailed chronology of Kharoṣṭhī letters in order todate Gandhāran sculptures with inscriptions. If we can date them more correctly, we may judge
whether close networks among craftsmen existed within and beyond the Gandhāra region.

Panel 5: Buddhist Philosophy for Philosophers
Convener: Jan Westerhoff (University of Oxford)

Panel Abstract
One strand of the study of Buddhist philosophy that has received lively attention over the lastyears aims to link up specific problems or topics from Buddhist thought with related discussions
in the contemporary Western philosophical tradition. Some examples of such linkages include
accounts of the way the theory of emptiness and debates about grounding investigate questionsof metaphysical foundationalism (Priest 2016), how Buddhist ethics could be related to the
opposition between consequentialism and virtue theory (Goodman 2009), or how the idea of aworld shaped by karmic conditioning might give rise to problems analogous to those familiarfrom the free will debate in the Western intellectual context (Repetti 2016). Discussions of suchlinkages aim to be beneficial to both traditions, often pointing out how the Buddhist tradition
explores dialectical alternatives missing in the Western discussion, or how tools and techniquesdeveloped in the last century of analytic philosophy can help to analyze, define, or defend points
made in the Buddhist materials.
This panel intends to provide opportunities for early career scholars working on the interface
between Buddhist Studies and contemporary philosophy to present their work and establish
connections between their individual projects.

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Epistemic Closure Principles and Buddhist Accounts of Inference
Jonathan Stoltz (University of St. Thomas)
For the past fifty years there has been considerable philosophical debate about whether knowledge is closed under known logical implications. For example, if I know P, and I know that P
entails Q, do I thereby know Q? Proponents of the principle of epistemic closure believe the answer is ‘yes.’ It has only been in the much more recent past that the converse principle has beencalled into question. The principle of epistemic counter-closure affirms that, for example, inorder for a person to know inferentially that Q, he or she must both know that P and know that P
entails Q. Yet, some contemporary philosophers now argue that this principle of counter-closure
should be rejected. This paper examines these epistemic closure principles within the context
of the Buddhist tradition of epistemology and seeks to determine not just whether such closure
principles are accepted (or implicit) by Buddhist epistemologists in the post-Dharmakīrtian
tradition, but also whether there could be any philosophical grounds for rejecting epistemic
closure or counter-closure within the Buddhist tradition of epistemology.
Among the items addressed in this paper are the roles played by two faults known as an “unestablished reason” (Tib: rtags ma grub) and an “inconclusive reason” (Tib: ma nges pa’i rtags)
within the Buddhist tradition of inference. Drawing on recent criticisms of the principle ofepistemic counter-closure within contemporary epistemology, this paper seeks to problematize
Buddhist appeals to the faults of unestablished and inconclusive reasons.

The Logic of the Glimpse: ‘Transformative Experience’ in Eleventh-Century
Indian Buddhist Tantra
Davey Tomlinson (Villanova University)
This paper explores Buddhist contributions to current debates about the nature and rationalityof transformative experience. In her recent “Transformative Experience,” L.A. Paul insightfully
unpacks the idea as consisting of two separable components: a transformative experience, on
her account, must be epistemically transformative (that is, it must allow us to experience qualia
inaccessible without undergoing transformation; for instance, tasting durian for the first time)and personally transformative (that is, it must change the very foundation of one’s understanding of oneself and of one’s values; for instance, having a child). The problem, then, is how wemight rationally decide to undergo a transformative experience when we know neither what it’s
like on the other side of it nor what our values will be there.
As we might expect, Buddhist philosophers have much to say on this matter. This paper will focus on the contributions to be discovered in eleventh-century Indian Buddhist tantric works. On
the basis of an analogous soteriological debate concerning the nature of the higher initiations(in particular the relationship between the prajñājñānābhiṣeka and the caturthābhiṣeka), I willpropose what we might call a glimpse model of transformative experience, according to which
it is possible to attain a first-person glimpse of what it’s like to have undergone a transformative
experience before one has in fact done so. This experiential datum is held to be phenomenallysimilar to but normatively distinct from the true goal of the transformative experience. It must
be experienced for oneself, however, for rational inquiry into its nature to proceed; only thencan it be remade as truly transformative.
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Buddhist Action Theory
Nicolas Bommarito (SUNY Buffalo)
Much of contemporary ethical theory has been characterized by evaluating actions by appeal toeither the motives that produce them or the effects that follow. Attempts to understand Buddhist
ethics in terms of this debate, I argue, have been distorting and an obstacle in cross-culturalinteractions. I appeal to a particular Buddhist account of the nature of action to suggest a distinctive and philosophically attractive way of evaluating actions.

Abhidharma and Ontological Pluralism: Are Conventional Objects Real?
Laura Guerrero (William & Mary)
In a recent article Kris McDaniel has suggested that a fruitful way to understand the Abhidharma distinction between conventional reality and ultimate reality is as a distinction between twomodes of being: a degenerate mode and a fundamental mode, respectively. On McDaniel’s
ontological pluralist view both conventional and ultimate entities are real, but they are real indifferent ways. McDaniel’s proposal, and his exchange with Andrew Brenner about it, raises
once again the question of whether or not conventional entities are real. Abhidharma texts generally are clear that conventional entities exist conventionally and that we can conventionallysay true things about them, but what it means to call an entity, or a truth about it, conventional
is unclear. Is calling something ‘conventionally real’ a polite way to say of something unrealthat it is useful? Or is calling something ‘conventionally real,’ like McDaniel suggests, a wayof indicating the particular degenerate mode of being that a real entity has? In this paper I will
explore the possibility that Ābhidharmikas were ontological pluralists by examining the debate
between Sarvāstivāda and Sautrāntika Abhidharma Buddhists about the existence of past andfuture dharmas.

Nāgārjuna and the Structure of Reality
Holder (University of Oxford)
For Nāgārjuna, any proposition asserting the existence or nonexistence of something is merely
a convention. That is his perspective on the supposed constituents of reality, but his perspectiveon the metaphysical and epistemic status of reality’s structure is less clear. I present an accountof what it means for a proposition to be a convention and argue that propositions reporting
phenomenological relations cannot be considered conventions, even if they are only cognizable
through the use of conventions. I argue that this is the key to understanding how Nāgārjuna canplausibly claim that only certain ultimately fictional discourses (Buddha’s teachings) and notothers are conducive to understanding reality: the structure formed by the relations describedin the teachings corresponds to the structure formed by phenomenal relations. In this way, we
can learn about the objective structure of experience even if there is nothing to be said about thenature of that or any other aspect of reality.

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Tribute to David Seyfort Ruegg
Cristina Scherrer-Schaub (Université de Lausanne)
The communication is intended to honour the memory of Professor David Seyfort Ruegg(DSR) who passed away in London on the 2nd of February 2021. Born in New York on thefirst of August, 1931 and formed as Indologist and Tibetologist, following at once the western
academic and the Indian and Tibetan traditions, DSR devoted his entire life to the study of
Buddhism. The heritage left by DSR’s work and his personal methodological approach to thesubject matter, favoring the art of rigorously posing questions — which is the hallmark of philosophy at large and, not least, the art displayed by some skilled Bodhisattvas — is particularly
pregnant and worth (re-)considering nowadays. While briefly illustrating some of the salient
points of David Seyfort Ruegg’s thought, attention will also be paid to the message that he left,
as former President of the IABS.

Panel 8: Buddhist Texts Written in Sets
Convener: Ruifeng Chen (Zhejiang University)

Panel Abstract
By examining Chinese and Japanese Buddhist manuscripts (5–10th century C.E.), this panel
explores the relationships between Buddhist texts written in sets. Each paper engages in thisproject by reconstructing the uses of specific manuscripts within their social and intellectual
contexts. Scholars have recognized the phenomenon of divergent Buddhist texts written within
a single manuscript, and have, in some cases, been able to demonstrate the coherency among
these texts. This panel intends to augment this type of analysis. The scope of our inquiry ranges from Buddhist texts written in the same manuscript to those copied in a cluster of separate
documents that share the same colophon. We interpret these texts with respect to their practical
functions, such as monastic textbooks, meditation guidebooks, works commissioned by thestate for political purposes, and scriptures copied by a Buddhist nun for her aspiration of gendertransformation. Our papers introduce new ways of reading Buddhist texts—interpreting themas relational rather than only stand-alone works, and assessing their roles for contemporary users as objects put into practice instead of treating them as disembodied, transparent interpretive
windows onto authorial intent.

Localized Readings: Buddhist Textual Production and Interpretation from
Ancient Japan
Bryan Lowe (Princeton University)
My presentation will consider sutras copied as a set in the Nara period (710–784). I will propose
a localized method for interpreting Buddhist scripture, one that examines how a text may havebeen understood and enacted by individuals at a specific time and place by looking at both thehistorical context and intertextual relationships between scriptures that a given patron treated• Abstracts67

as a coherent set. I will demonstrate how documents preserved in the eighth-century storehouse
known as the Shōsōin enable a precise study of textual production that makes this type of reading possible. I will introduce a series of texts copied in groups as case studies. I will use a casestudy of three texts transcribed in 748 to highlight shared cosmological concerns that responded
to a politically fraught moment. Through this example, I will argue that these cases undermine
overly naïve ways of reading Buddhist scripture. Buddhist scripture does not have an absolutemeaning. It can only be interpreted relative to specific individuals, times, and clusters of othertexts.

Organizing Medicine across Manuscripts: Medieval Chinese Buddhist Recipes
for Healing and Bodily Care
Cheuk Shing Sum (University of Chicago)
In the history of Chinese medicine, Buddhism has been viewed as an influential agent in thetransmission of previously unknown therapeutic ingredients, practices, and models. Among
the Chinese materials found at Dunhuang, medical recipes not only reflect how Buddhism hasenacted such influence but also reveal sustained interactions with previously established indigenous modes of healing and bodily care. Crucially for this presentation, these Buddhist medical
texts were typically copied as cohesive sets across various manuscripts. Yet extant studies havemostly analyzed such recipes according to their medical content and potential links with transmitted materials. This presentation instead returns the recipes to their religious and manuscript
contexts and uncovers their relational and composite value to Buddhist and medical practitioners. By inspecting how medical recipes were copied onto manuscripts in various settings,
whether as part of handbooks solely comprising of related texts or placed with non-medical
documents such as ritual invocations, I assert that Buddhists in Dunhuang and beyond followed
purposeful organizational methods and themes when approaching medical knowledge andpractices. Through analyzing these organizational efforts towards medical recipes, I present theways in which Chinese Buddhist practitioners used medical and religious techniques to addressa range of therapeutic needs and concerns.

Seven Chinese Buddhist Scriptures Commissioned for Gender Transformation
by a Buddhist Nun in Dunhuang
Ruifeng Chen (Zhejiang University)
Both Buddhist religious specialists and laypeople from medieval Dunhuang used Chinese Buddhist scriptures in selected groups, often including translated works as well as apocryphal texts,
to seek the same aims as specified in colophons. My research examines a mixed set of seven
Chinese Buddhist scriptures copied and bundled together under the same colophon by a Buddhist nun in Dunhuang in 536 C.E. Through investigating this nun’s commission of apocrypha
with translated scriptures along with her aspiration for becoming a man, and comparing her colophon with another three nuns’ colophons that include similar gender-based concerns, I propose
to address two questions: first, did this nun understand her texts, and intentionally use them astools for achieving her aspiration; and second, how did this Buddhist religious specialist receive
Chinese Buddhist apocrypha? As such, my study deepens our understanding of Chinese Bud-68

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dhist nuns’ reception of scriptures that concentrates on the notion of gender, and encourages us
to reflect on the factors that resulted in the survival of these apocrypha in spite of the censureof Buddhist cataloguers.

A New Study of Four Dunhuang Manuscripts Identified as “Buddhist Poems
Collection”
Biao Weng (Shaanxi Normal University)
Scholars of Dunhuang studies have been regarding Dunhuang manuscripts P.2104,
BD2319+P.2105, S.4037 and P.3289 as copies of the same collection of Buddhist poems (XuJun 2000). Actually, these four manuscripts are mainly documents used to assist Buddhist
monks in Dunhuang to practice meditation after the 9th century when Chan Buddhism andTantra Buddhism were interacting with each other. This paper will focus on the relationshipbetween the poems and the meditation documents in these manuscripts, and try to explain why
and how these seemingly unrelated texts are assembled in one scroll. In these four manuscripts,
BD02319+P.2105 shows in particular the close relationship between Dunhuang Zen literature” (combinedand Esoteric Buddhism practice of Mahāyoga. In my paper, I use “hejuan
fascicles), a term frequently appears in catalogues of Buddhist scriptures from the Tang and
the Song dynasties, to refer to a particular way of writing more than one document in one manuscript for use. It is difficult to realize the correlation among the documents in a manuscript
merely through reading their texts. I will explore their correlation through the specific ways ofusing the documents, in other words, by relating them to Buddhist practices. As a case study ofthese four manuscripts, my research will help to interpret other manuscripts of “hejuan” in the
Dunhuang corpus.

Collected Efficacy: Salvific and Protective Booklets Found in Dunhuang
Minhao Zhai (Princeton University)) found in Dunhuang
My paper is going to introduce a batch of booklets (cezi ben,corpus. These booklets are usually collections of short Buddhist sūtras, dhāraṇī spells, parts oflarge sūtras, and apocryphal texts. Previous studies mainly focus on the novel physical form andits significance to religious practices. However, this study wishes to reveal how texts are manipulated and deployed by incorporating analyses on both the physical form and textual content.
The inquiry will first analyze the contents of them to show why they are copied together. Thenthe analysis will shift to a statistical discussion to reveal that there was a shared pattern inmedieval Dunhuang about what texts should be collected to fulfill certain purposes. Finally,
I will explore how physical form influences the usages of such booklets by drawing on bothcolophons on these booklets and transmitted materials.
I will argue that these booklets were used multivalently: as a mnemonic device for people torecite the texts to save themselves from trouble, as a way to gain merits, and as a talismanic
object for people to carry to keep them from being hurt.

• Abstracts

69Panel 9: Causation in Buddhist Philosophy
Convener: Charles Goodman (Binghamton University (SUNY))

Panel Abstract
This panel explores theories of causation, especially mental causation, offered by philosophersin the Buddhist tradition.
Goodman’s paper describes the regularity theory implicit in Dharmakīrti’s works and explicitly
defended by Śāntarakṣita. Given this theory, concepts from David Lewis can help explain why
Dharmakīrti could countenance the view that causation is merely conventional.
Prueitt’s paper examines Dharmakīrti’s distinction between conventional and ultimatesvasaṃvedana. In ambiguous passages, we can distinguish these by whether the content ofawareness is causally efficacious. Ultimate svasaṃvedana is non-causal and cannot serve as abasis for conventional knowledge. Conventional svasaṃvedana, however, does provide a causal foundation for self-knowledge and memory.

What Can Be Known in Svasaṃvedana?
Catherine Prueitt (The University of British Columbia)
This paper examines the role of causal efficacy in Dharmakīrti’s distinction between conventional and ultimate svasaṃvedana. As a pramāṇa for ultimate reality, svasaṃvedana reveals thatboth the subject/object structure of normal human experience and any judgments based thereon
are erroneous. However, as a pramāṇa for conventional reality, svasaṃvedana is reliable withregard to the contents of one’s own mental states. However, as is Dharmakīrti’s frequent tendency, he generally does not clearly identify which type of reflexive awareness he is discussing
in a given passage. This leads to considerable difficulty in understanding the specifics of his
take on svasaṃvedana. I propose that it is possible to determine if Dharmakīrti is speaking of
conventional or ultimate svasaṃvedana depending on whether or not the content of this awareness is causally efficacious. Ultimate svasaṃvedana is non-causal and not able to be associatedwith linguistic expression, and so does not serve as a basis for any type of knowledge in theconventional world. Conventional svasaṃvedana, however, does provide a causal foundation
for knowledge of one’s own mental states, as well as related phenomena such as memory.

Buddhist Regularity Theory, Humean Supervenience, and astu yathā tathāCharles Goodman (Binghamton University (SUNY))
This paper offers a new interpretation of a famous textual puzzle: that of Dharmakīrti’s willingness, at Pramāṇavārttika III.4, to countenance the possibility that causation itself could be
merely conventional. Commentators such as Arnold have seen this as a key point of tension in
Dharmakīrti’s system, as it seems absurd to claim that the distinction between the conventional
and the ultimate could be drawn in terms of something that is itself conventional.

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Here I propose that Dharmakīrti’s astu yathā tathā can be read as the joint product of three key
commitments of the Buddhist epistemological tradition: to a regularity theory of causation, tonominalism, and to the spatiotemporal individuation of dharmas. According to the regularity
theory, as suggested by Dharmakīrti and expounded in detail by Śāntarakṣita and Kamalaśīla,there is no separate vyāpāra, or “causal activity”, over and above the cause itself; and śakti,“causal power,” is merely a convenient but potentially misleading way of referring to the entitythat is the cause. Rather than relying on these concepts, causation should be reduced to regularities, in the form of various restrictions (niyama.)
However, a regularity itself is clearly an abstract object and is therefore subject to the standard
Buddhist epistemological arguments against real universals. Assuming the reductionist realist
perspective from which Dharmakīrti often operates, each regularity must therefore be conceptually constructed on the basis of the distribution of dharmas in space and time. This gives
rise to a thesis that, in several respects, closely resembles David Lewis’ doctrine of Humean
supervenience – although it need not be stated in terms of the problematic apparatus of possible
worlds to which Lewis appeals.
At this stage of the analysis, the interpretation faces the problem that a distribution is itself an
abstract object. Here we can appeal to the spatiotemporal individuation of dharmas, a tenet on
which Śāntarakṣita clearly draws at several points. On this view, the identity of each dharma
depends on the place and time at which it occurs. This tenet allows the distribution of dharmas
to reduce without remainder into a more simply stated and more basic reality: namely, whichdharmas there are. To the extent that it is an objective matter of fact which dharmas there are,there will be better and worse ways of constructing a system of causal concepts, even thoughneither causal powers nor regularities are ultimately real.
This interpretation therefore reads Dharmakīrti’s astu yathā tathā as both less radical and morephilosophical than we might otherwise have been inclined to believe. And this reading may
also be more substantively defensible against critiques such as the one offered by Arnold, as itsuggests that Dharmakīrti does not need to disable himself from supplying a non-conventional
basis for the distinction between the two truths.

Panel 10: New Approaches to the “Sinification” of Buddhism: Continuation, Transformation, and Beyond
Convener: Sangyop Lee (Stanford University)

Panel Abstract
This panel explores alternative ways of understanding the historical phenomenon commonly,
and contentiously, referred to as the “Sinification” of Buddhism. While approaching the study ofthis phenomenon as a straightforward task of identifying the patterns of continuation and transformation of Indian Buddhism in Chinese society had been the norm in early Buddhist studies,
Robert Gimello’s 1978 paper “Random Reflections on the ‘Sinicization’ of Buddhism” brought
forth hermeneutical problems intrinsic to this approach. Ever since, Gimello’s concerns havefound resonance among scholars, leading some to question even the very applicability of the• Abstracts

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model of “Sinification” to the phenomenon in question. However, there is yet to appear generalconsensus on alternative approaches future studies could experiment with when studying the relationship between Chinese Buddhism and its Indian heritage. The papers of the present panel,
either from a closer look at concrete points of interface between Buddhist elements/agents andChinese elements/agents, or through a critical reexamination of the philological, theoretical, or
socio-historical premises of the ways we have studied the phenomenon of the “Sinification” of
Buddhism, will continue the discussion of the past four decades and seek to propose new ways
to deepen our understanding of the historical development of Buddhism in China.

Trajectories of Translation: Re-examining the Emergence of Buddhist Chinese
Jan Nattier (University of California, Berkeley)
A longstanding narrative in the history of Chinese Buddhist translations holds that Buddhist
translators initially adopted Daoist terminology to render Buddhist ideas, while in subsequent
generations this approach came to be seen as misleading and was eventually abandoned. Most
recently this position has been espoused by Haun Saussy (in Translation as Citation: Zhuangzi
Inside Out [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018]), who sees the Zhuangzi as a “sponsor” of
the translation of a number of ancient and modern works into Chinese, including the earliest
Buddhist translations.
In this paper I will problematize this scenario by discussing the variety of “translation policies”
that are attested during the first decades of Buddhist translation activity in China, as well as
discussing where Daoist terminology (and other indigenous Chinese religious vocabulary) was,and was not, adopted by Buddhist translators in subsequent years. The choices made by varioustranslators will be correlated with the composition of their intended audiences, their geographical locations, and the social milieux within which they worked.

Did Early Chinese Buddhists Understand Their Scriptures? – On Some
Impossible to Understand Translations and Their Chinese Commentaries
Eric Greene (Yale University)
In the grand narratives of the transmission of Buddhism to China and its eventual “Sinification,”
only in the late fourth century, with the translations carried out by Kumārajīva, did Indian Buddhist literature come to be translated into Chinese in a manner both accurate and comprehensible. Though “accurate” is arguably a normative assessment that we might question, there can be
no doubt that many pre-Kumārajīva translations are very difficult to understand and that later
Chinese Buddhists on the whole rarely read, studied, or commented on them. As scholars havein recent years analyzed in more detail the translations of key pre-Kumārajīva translators suchas Dharmarakṣa 竺法護, Zhi Qian 支謙, and An Shigao 安世高, we have learned much more
about the how these early translations worked. Yet while it is often possible for us, armed with
our knowledge of parallel Indic texts, to reconstruct how these early translations were intended
to work, it is much harder to know how or whether the Chinese themselves would have beenable to understand many of these texts or, at least, those parts of them where translators seems
to have either erred or relied on questionable strategies (such as the mechanical rendering oflong Indic compounds without changing the word order, something we often find). In this pa-

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per, I will examine whether early Chinese Buddhists were able to understand their scriptures bylooking at the very few cases where we have access to (1) a difficult-understand early Chinesetranslation, (2) a parallel Indic text that allows us to be nearly certain how the translation was
intended to work, and (3) a Chinese commentary that allows us to see how the passages were
understood. Such commentaries once existed for a fair number of pre-Kumārajīva Chinese
Buddhist scriptures, though only a small, often fragmentary handful have survived. I will draw
in particular from a newly discovered fragment of a previously unknown commentary to T.474(維摩詰經), the Zhi Qian (or, some have argued, Dharmarakṣa) translation of the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa. From this and other examples I will show that in at least some cases early Chinese
commentaries preserved accurate knowledge of the original Indian texts that had not been included in the translations proper or which had in the translations been rendered in an impossible to understand form. Here, in short, we have evidence for a living interpretive community,presumably one originating in the original translation event itself, that at least sometimes provided a scaffolding that would have made even impossible-to-understand Chinese translations
comprehensible.

Sengwei’s Theory of the One Mind (yi xin) and Its Historical SignificanceSangyop Lee (Heidelberg University)
This paper examines the thought of the scholar-monk Shi Sengwei 釋僧衛, who flourished in
the late fourth and early fifth centuries and was one of the participants in Kumārajīva’s historic
workshop in Chang’an. Although seldom discussed in previous studies, Sengwei’s “Shizhu
jing hanzhu xu” 十住經含注序 (Preface to the Comprehensive Commentary on the Daśabhūmika-sūtra) anticipates many defining characteristics of the putatively “Sinicized” Buddhist
theories of the mind, and raises important challenges to the typical ways scholars have studied
the development of Buddhism in medieval China.
Sengwei writes in the “Shizhu jing hanzhu xu” that this commentary is based on his experience of attending Kumārajīva’s lectures on the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, and indeed, throughout the
preface, he demonstrates proficient use of such technical doctrinal terms as “wuxiang 無相”(alakṣaṇa), “xinyuan 心緣” (cittālambana), “zhengbian zhi 正遍知” (samyaksaṃbodhi), “yiqie
zhong 一切種” (sarvākāra), and “liu chen 六塵” (ṣaḍviṣaya) that were largely popularized by
Kumārajīva’s Mahāyāna scholarship. However, the way in which Sengwei organizes these doctrinal notions in the preface is highly idiosyncratic. He argues that when the mind realizes thefundamental characterlessness (wuxiang) of its object realm (xinyuan), the numinous illumination (lingzhao 靈照) of the hypostatic spirit (linggen 靈根) becomes unimpeded (tong 通) andmanifests as the correct and complete awareness (zhengbian zhi) of all forms of existents (yiqie
zhong), but when the mind is muddled with false existence, the same numinous illumination
becomes impeded (sai 塞) and manifests instead as the consciousness (shi 識) of the six sensory
realms (liu chen). He furthermore contends that despite the fact that the phenomenal mind canvary in this way from “perfect awareness” to “six consciousnesses” according to conditions(suiyuan 隨緣), since both these modes of the mind are equally manifestations of the one andunchanging illumination of the hypostatic spirit (“lingzhao changyi er bubian” 靈照常一而不
變), there ultimately exists only “one mind” (yixin 一心).
Through phraseological, philosophical, and institutional-historical analysis, I make two argu• Abstracts

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ments about Sengwei’s thought. First, I show that the unique reconfiguration of the Indian
Buddhist notions in the “Hanzhu xu” resulted from Sengwei’s subscription to the indigenous
Buddhist doctrines about the imperishable soul (shen 神) that took shape during the period ofChinese Buddhists’ isolation from the rest of the Buddhist world in the fourth century. Second,
I argue that Sengwei’s thought must have been the precursor to the “one mind and two aspects”(yixin ermen 一心二門) thesis we later see in the Sinitic apocryphal treatise Awakening of Faith
in Mahāyāna (Dasheng qi xin lun 大乘起信論). From these arguments, I question the common
attribution of the monistic theories of the mind in Chinese Buddhist literature to the influenceof Daoist metaphysics, and propose to consider another major pattern in the historical development of Buddhism in China that defies reduction into any possible variation of the “Sinification” model.

Which Discursive Reflection: Exegesis, Meditation, or Both
Xiaoming Hou (Collège de France, EPHE, CRCAO)
The “Sinification of Buddhism” often implies a transmission model which assumes the transparency of languages and studies the transmission and then the adaptation of Indian or Buddhist“ideas.” The present paper adopts a different methodological perspective by changing its analytical unit from “ideas” to “terms”: what has been transmitted is not ideas, which are methodologically ungraspable, but their linguistic manifestations. Instead of studying the abstract
emergence of thought, it examines the process of lexical selection and conceptualization andthus explores how this change of method can help us raise new questions.
This paper is a preliminary analysis devoted to contouring a grey area where two famously opposing categories, meditation and exegesis, meet—discursive reflection. It takes the three Buddhist biographies, Biographies of Eminent Monks (T2059), Biographies of the Nuns (T2063),
and Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks (T2060), as primary sources, and studies theevolution of vocabulary in the description of discursive reflection. It first shows a consistentshare of vocabulary in its description in meditative and exegetical contexts throughout the threebiographies. On top of that, the Continued Biographies see the emergence of two technicalterms specifically adopted to describe the practice of a type of exegetical meditation—a practiceof meditation that either primarily serves exegetical purpose or of exegetical nature in itself.
Exegesis from meditation experience, as a rhetoric of legitimacy, is one of the characteristic features of the “new Buddhism” of the Sui and Tang, shared by Buddhist schools such as Tiantai,
Huayan, and Chan. However, it is remarkable that the technical term that emerges to qualify thisarea of contact between the two disciplines, size 思擇 (discernment), comes exclusively fromthe translations of Paramārtha and Xuanzang.

The Formation of Chinese Buddhism as a Problem in Transculturation
Michael Radich (Heidelberg University)
In the history of the study of Chinese Buddhism, especially in the West (predominantly, indeed,in English), the notion of “sinification” (or “sinicization”) was for a time quite prevalent, even
if there was rarely, if ever, any attempt to set the paradigm on a firm conceptual foundation, or
to tackle the problem systematically in all its depth, breath, and variety. More recently, scholars

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have predominantly turned away from both the label “sinification”, and the problematic it represented (though it sometimes creeps back in, masked by disavowals). The sea-change in thisconcept’s fates might be emblematized by Sharf’s Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism(2002)—though Sharf surely did not, single-handed, slay a towering tyrant, so much as administer last rites to a tottering invalid. Problems raised by both the notion of sinification, however,and flaws in attempts to work it through, were never solved. Rather, the field seems now largely
united in observing a taboo against them, while the large problems they originally addressed
remain as alive and significant as ever. One of the major critiques of prior discourses of sinification, and a fair one, was that they often presumed essentializing, static, simplistic, and artificially polarized portraits of cultures—especially “India” and “China”—and equally essentalized
images of “Buddhism”, haunted by the bogeyman of authenticity. The solution, however, is
not to despair and abandon worthwhile questions, but to find and apply better conceptual tools.
This paper will suggest that some promising approaches may be found in the toolkit of “Transcultural Studies”—though in the process, those approaches may themselves come in for further
refinement—and make a first sketch of the directions in which their application might lead.

Panel 11: Daigo Temple and the Shingon Contributions to Japan’s
Religious Culture
Convener: Benedetta Lomi (University of Bristol)

Panel Abstract
Recent scholarship establishes Daigo Temple (Daigoji, Kyoto, est. 874) as an important site
preserving medieval religious culture, architectural heritage, and literally as a “storehouse”
of art, ritual implements, and manuscripts. Examining Daigoji’s history and collections compel a re-examination of how Buddhist doctrine, ritual practices, and the production of various
genres of texts were employed to establish one of the most institutionally powerful and culturally vibrant Buddhist centers in East Asia. However, still relatively little work has sought
to explain how Daigoji successfully amassed this rich Buddhist culture and how it functioned
as an important political institution. Deeply involved in court politics, it was also importantin the history of Buddhism in Japan. The panel will consider Daigoji as a sacred site, and as anexus of multiple networks—dharma, political, cultural and social. Daigoji developed throughdynamic networks of individuals, by producing and disseminating textual knowledge, and byvarious ritual practices involving the creation of visual and performative culture. The scope of
Daigoji’s involvement with religion, politics, society, and culture deserves greater attention andstudy. These different perspectives clarify how the institution known today as a great culturaland historical storehouse of Buddhist ritual and textual culture was constructed.

An Intertwinement of Ritual Stages
Yagi Morris (Nichibunken, Kyoto)
The presentation examines the adaptation of the Daigoji ritual stage, centered on the wish-fulfilling jewel, to the cultic reality of Kinpusen in the Kinpusen Himitsuden. Written by the monk
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Monkan Kōshin in 1337, soon after the establishment of the refuge palace of the southern courtin Yoshino, I argue that the text transforms the mountain into a palace and the emperor into acakravartin, through a combination of two distinct traditions.
On the one hand, the text is grounded in the cultic structure of Ōmine and it narrates well-known
legends that circulated in the area, revealing Monkan’s interest in local knowledge as a sourceof legitimation for the southern court. On the other, it partakes in Monkan’s corpus of texts onthe ‘Joint Ritual of the Three Worthies’ (the Sanzon gōgyō rite). The essence of the rite was thepractitioner’s transcendence of duality through a tripartite scheme, in which the central element
embodied non-duality in a distinct identity. The rite drew on and systematized an earlier ritual
tradition that developed from the interaction between emperor Shirakawa and esoteric Buddhist
monks at the court, most prominently from the Ono lineage at Daigoji. The intertwinement ofthese traditions in the Kinpusen himitsuden was to transpose, through ritual performance, theHeian court ritual altar to Kinpusen, and to empower the emperor through direct contact withthe local gods and their abodes.
The presentation focuses on a much-neglected section of the Himitsuden that reveals the connection between ritual stages set two centuries apart. Drawing on texts depicting the Daigoji
altar of the Nyohō sonshō rite (such as the Henkushō and the Hishō mondō), the Himitsuden
reformulates the local god of the mountain, Zaō Gongen, as the central divinity of the rite who
embodies the process of Buddhist realization in a tripartite scheme. Zaō and the Eight GreatKongō Lads, depicted in a mandara template in the Himitsuden, are paraphrased in this section as a Sonshō mandara. And Zaō is articulated as an embodiment of the triad of the Sonshōmandara - Dainichi, Fudō and Gōzanze, who represent the non-duality of acquired and inherent
enlightenment and of the ryōbu in a tripartite scheme. Finally, the section explains that Zaō isthe wish-fulfilling jewel, namely, the honzon of the Nyohō sonshō rite.
The Nyohō sonshō rite was part of a ritual system developed at Daigoji, which positioned
the jewel at the center of the imperial altar as an epitome of the enlightened mind and of theuniversal Buddha Dainichi. This conception of the jewel, however, drew on earlier scriptures
pertaining to the Uṣṇīṣa. Hence, the association of Zaō with the Uṣṇīṣa Buddha Sonshō butchō
and with the jewel in the text set the stage for the ritual transformation of Kinpusen into an imperial palace, of Japan into the source of the Buddhist universe, and of an emperor on the run
into a Buddhist king.

The Shingon Temple in the Medieval Imagination: A Re-assessment of the Depiction of Performance and the Institutional Role of Daigo-ji in the Shichi tengu-e
Eric Swanson (Loyola Marymount University)
The recent 2014 exhibition “The Universe of Daigo-ji—Esoteric Buddhist Imagery and Sacred
Texts,” which commemorated the national treasure designation of 70,000 historic documents,
sacred texts, Buddhist artwork and ritual implements preserved by the temple, is indicative of
how Daigo-ji is widely recognized today as a site of cultural significance known for its preservation of the rich religious heritage of Japan. In fact, this reputation of Daigo-ji as a major site
not only for the production and practice of various Buddhist rituals, but also as a major center
for Buddhist performance, music, and dance, can already be seen in the medieval period. The

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Seven Tengu Scrolls (Jp. Shichi tengu-e), a picture scroll (Jp. emaki) that dates to 1296, is one
such work that allows us to see how Daigo-ji was conceptualized in the medieval imagination. While much of the previous scholarship on this picture scroll has focused on the issue of
corruption and rivalry between the Tendai Buddhist institutions, as visually represented in the
depiction of Buddhist priests transforming into supernatural goblins (Jp. tengu), little attention
has been given to the specific way the institutional space of Daigo-ji is expressed in this work.
Within the context of this scroll, which highlights a sense of pervasive disorder within temple
walls and the decline of the Buddha dharma, the dance performance of young acolytes in thesection of Daigo-ji stands out as a site of ritual beauty. Through a close analysis of the visual
depiction of Daigo-ji with a consideration of its relationship to the written text, I argue that a
re-interpretation of Daigo-ji’s place within the overall message of the scrolls raises new questions regarding the relationship between Buddhist institutions and the imperial court in late 13th
century Japan.

The Dragon and the Kami: Exploring the Connections Between the Esoteric
Buddhist Tradition of Daigoji and Medieval Shinto
Steven Trenson (Waseda University)
Daigoji, founded in 874, is a major Shingon Buddhist temple which occupies an important
place in the history of Esoteric Buddhism (Mikkyō) in Japan. One of the factors that contributed
to its prestige was the fact that the temple had a strong connection to the worship of relics ofthe Buddha (busshari), wish-fulfilling jewels (Skt. cintāmaṇi; J. nyoihōshu), and nāga dragons.
According to the apocryphal Testament (Goyuigō) of Kūkai (774-835), the essence of Shingonlies in the veneration of the relic and the jewel of the dragon, but the Shingon temple that wasin effect most closely connected to this veneration was Daigoji. Daigoji indeed was home to thelineage of priests specialized in Esoteric Buddhist rainmaking, a practice that was intimately
connected to relics and dragon-jewels. At the end of the eleventh, early twelfth century, thosesame priests began performing various other relic and jewel rites on behalf of retired sovereigns, by which they further strengthened their alliance with and patronage from the court. In
the course of the next two centuries, Daigoji lineages continued to develop the cult of relics
and dragon-jewels in intricate ways, extending its relevance to various subfields of the Esoteric
Buddhist system, such as the doctrine of bodily Buddhahood (sokushin jōbutsu), Buddhist embryology, and beliefs related to rebirth in the Pure Land.
One other major field that was influenced by Daigoji’s Esoteric Buddhist tradition was Shinto.
As is well known, in the medieval era Buddhist monks developed new interpretations about
the kami, which resulted in the emergence of hybrid Shinto-Buddhist imageries and practices.
Although Daigoji was certainly not the only Buddhist institution engaged in this process, as
Murayama Shūichi pointed out already in the early 1980s, the temple’s dragon cult could haveplayed a major role. Although this view has not been highlighted since, the recent discovery ofa few medieval Shinto texts in a collection of Esoteric Buddhist documents said to contain thesecret transmissions from the Daigoji abbot Shōken (1138-1196) suggests that a renewed focus
on this temple in the study of medieval Shinto could yield interesting new perspectives. The
present paper will attempt to show, through a number of specific cases, how Daigoji’s Esoteric
Buddhist doctrines, especially those related to relics, jewels, and dragons, may have been instrumental in the formation and development of medieval Shinto, and thus shed more light on• Abstracts

77this important subject in the study of medieval Japanese religions.

The Samantabhadra Longevity Rite of Daigoji
Benedetta Lomi (University of Bristol)
The Samantabhadra Longevity Rite (Jp. Fugen enmyō-hō 普賢延命法) is best known for being
one of the main Taimitsu liturgies for the protection of the Emperor and the state, purportedlytransmitted within the tradition’s Sanmon lineages only. However, historical records show thatthe rite was also performed by Tōji, Ninnanji, and, from the Kamakura period, Daigoji monks.
Two manuscripts preserved at this latter temple – the Fugen enmyō-hō ki 普賢延命法記 and the
Fugen enmyō-hō mishihō ki 普賢延命法御修法記 – provide a record the liturgical procedures
alongside various other annotations. From these sources, it emerges that the worship of Samantabhadra at the temple was linked to eminent figures such as Seigen 成賢 (1162-1231) andKenshun 賢俊 (1299-1357).
This paper proposes to assess the role and function of the Samantabhadra Longevity Rite at
Daigoji by focusing on the connection with the former cleric. Seigen is recorded to have performed the ritual on several occasions at the behest of retired emperor Go-Toba 後鳥羽天皇(1180-1239). Notably, the proceedings of a rite held Kenpō 建保 6 (1218), were held several
days after an ominous dream. The Fugen enmyō-hō ki describes this event in detail and reveals
this was a lavish liturgy requiring four altars and over twenty monks. On this occasion, a newpainting of the Bodhisattva was also consecrated. While this text does not discuss the exact
iconography of the image, a lavish Kamakura-period painting depicting Samantabhadra seatedon a lotus throne and carried by four white elephants is still among the possessions at Daigoji,
and is held at Hōon’in 報恩院, the former residence of Seigen. Thus, aside from analyzing theritual motives and procedures, the paper also investigates the possible connection between theimage described in the sources and the one held at the temple.

Panel 12: Divination, Mantic Technologies, and Buddhism
Convener: Brandon Dotson (Georgetown University),
Beverly McGuire (University of North Carolina Wilmington)

Panel Abstract
Divination and various mantic technologies are found all over the Buddhist world. From South
Asia to East Asia, Buddhists consult astrologers, lay specialists, lamas, monks, and nuns for
hidden knowledge about their pasts, presents, and futures. Mantic techniques range from divinations involving dice, pebbles, drums, mirrors or knots to the activities of gods through human
mediums to technologies based on the calendar or the heavenly bodies. Notwithstanding theubiquity of these mantic technologies in the Buddhist world, scholars have tended to downplay
or even ignore divination, astrology, and other mantic practices as “indigenous” or “popular”
practices, or worse, as superstitions. This despite the Buddha’s own frequent displays of mantic
prowess and those of his close disciple Maudgalyāyana. This panel aims to re-center divinationand the mantic arts in the study of Buddhism first by attending to the Buddhist use of mantic

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technologies across Asia, and second by considering how focusing on divination and the manticarts in a Buddhist context can cast a new and often illuminating light on such central topics as
karma, causality, contingency, epistemology, and the place of the gods in human activities.

Dice Divination in Tibetan Buddhism
Ai Nishida (Kyoto University)
Among the Old Tibetan divination texts from the Dunhuang cave and other sites along the Silk
Road in East Turkestan, dice divination texts are predominant in terms of their number and thediversity of provenance. The dice divination method captures our attention because it was likely
the most circulated divination method during the considerable timespan of the Tibetan Imperial
period and its immediate aftermath; furthermore, the method is still accessible and deeply rooted in the Buddhist cultures of various Tibetan regions.
This presentation will begin with an overview of well-known dice divination texts and offer
current examples of the dice divination practice among the Buddhist temples in Ladakh andBhutan, followed by an examination of the background of Tibetan dice divination and its historical transition.

Social and Emotional Dimensions of Divination for Chinese Buddhists
Beverley McGuire (University of North Carolina Wilmington)
Scholars have defined Chinese divination as ways to resolve doubts and “disclose the hidden –in past, present, and future” (Lackner 2022, 9-10). This presentation shows how divination canoccasionally precipitate and fuel further doubt, creating anxiety rather than confidence in one’s
present and future. It describes how Ouyi Zhixu’s 藕益智旭 (1599-1655) experience with astrology (zhanxing shu 占星術)—specifically the foretelling of his mother’s early death—prompts
him to engage in a series of ritual attempts to counteract such predictions. Ouyi makes vows,
writes letters in his own blood, and cuts his arms to try save his mother, and in the wake of her
death, experiences an inner turmoil that he describes vividly in poems, votive texts, and otherwritings. He expresses intense feelings of regret for abandoning his mother, who was widowed• Abstracts

79when Ouyi was nineteen. This paper discusses these social and emotional dimensions of divination for Chinese Buddhists.

How to Make Divination Buddhist: Strategies from 9th-10th-Century Dunhuang
Brandon Dotson (Georgetown University)
Among the manuscripts deposited in Mogao Cave 17 are dozens of divination texts in Chinese, Tibetan, and other languages. While many of the divination traditions found in thesetexts (e.g., bird divination, coin divination, dice divination, stalk divination) were practiced
by Buddhists, this is not to say that these practices were Buddhist in origin. More often thannot, one finds Buddhist and non-Buddhist versions of a given divination tradition, such as one
sees in the diversity of 9th and 10th century Tibetan dice divination texts from Dunhuang andTurfan. This is also true of stalk divination, where the 10th-century Guan Gongming bufa isevidently a Buddhist reworking of the largely Daoist Zhougong bufa, which is itself indebted to
the non-Buddhist tradition found in the 2nd-century-BCE Jingjue. Exploring these ostensibly
Buddhist and ostensibly non-Buddhist dice divination and stalk divination texts, this paper outlines the central strategies that Buddhists employed in 9th and 10th century Dunhuang in orderto fashion their own divination systems from the parts supplied to them by existing Indian,
Tibetan, and Chinese divination traditions. These strategies range from what one might dismiss
as “window dressing” to more fundamental shifts that concern intention and agency within theritual process.

Unlikely Genius: Géluk sa bdag as Divinations of Chinese Stars
Brian Baumann (University of California, Berkeley)
Genii locorum (Tib. sa bdag; Mong. γaǰar-un eǰen) figure prominently in governing human action in the Geluk world. Rituals, lay and clerical, propitiate them, and people act in deference
to their auspices. These auspices are revealed by astrologers who represent them in almanacs as
manifesting in certain places and times. Taking genii locorum for emanations of timeless shamanism, scholars have understood their existence and reason for being to be inexplicable. My
paper will argue that genii locorum exist in the first place as the intrinsic quality of a given place
and time as perceived by individuals; that genii locorum come to exist among the stars througha symmetry wherein places and seasons on earth are known through corresponding signs in thesky; that genii locorum stars and the method for determining their auspices in Geluk traditioncome from the Chinese; and that these auspices are determined through divination such thatthey color the world of times for specific purposes promulgated in the omens of an almanac
through extraordinarily intricate, diverse, and (in a way) beautiful patterns.

Panel 13: Expressions of the Concept of Truth in Buddhist Literature: With a Focus on “dharmadhatu”
Convener: Jun Fujii (Komazawa University),
Tensho Miyazaki (Tsurumi University)

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Panel Abstract
Buddhism has consistently shown a profound interest in awakening to “truth” as a central soteriological goal and various Buddhist traditions have employed a great number of concepts todescribe the nature and content of that truth. In spite of the importance of the concept of truthand diversity of ideas regarding it, there has been little research that aims to consider the exact
meaning of specific expressions used in Buddhist literature in the varied contexts in which they
appear.
This panel attempts to address that deficit by focusing on how “dharmadhatu,” one important
expression employed to describe ultimate truth in Buddhism, and terms associated with it, havebeen used in a variety of Mahayana sutras.
By considering the Sanskrit versions of the texts in light of their various Chinese translations,the presenters intend to consider what the term meant in its Indian usage and how that significance was incorporated and changed in the process of its appropriation in China.

Some Remarks on the Translations of Dharmadhātu Made by Kumārajīva
and Xuanzang and Their Implications
Muyou Fan (Shanghai Jiao Tong University)
The “Dharmadhātu” is undoubtedly a concept of great significance in Buddhism. Due to thebroad range of meanings of the two parts, namely, “dharma” and “dhātu”, of the compound
dharmadhātu, the term can have multiple connotations which vary in different scriptures. Since
the concept was introduced into Chinese Buddhism, translators have made endeavors to create
the appropriate renditions to convey the accurate meaning of it. Relying on these renditions andthe context of the concept Dharmadhātu, the Chinese monks provided various elucidations andfurther formed independent doctrine of it. The representative one is the doctrine of Fajie(dharmadhātu) of Huayan
school which is founded on the scripture Huayan Jing
(Avataṃsaka sutra) . The doctrine is so influential in Chinese Buddhism that once the term Fajie
is mentioned, it is always related to the understanding established by Huayan patriarchs.
However, such a predominant position of the doctrine may lead to the ignorance of other translations and implications of Dharmadhātu than that of the Huayan system. It is necessary to do
an investigation of such translations and implications, especially that of the famous translators
who are also Buddhist philosophers, such as Kumārajīva and Xuanzang. Therefore, we adopt
their translations being attributed to different systems including Abhidharma, Prajñāpāramitā,
Madhyamaka and Yogācāra. Seen from the comparison between Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan
versions and the reference to the commentaries, Kumārajīva’s application of the translation(nature of Dharmas) corresponding to Dharmadhātu seems to imply his inclinaFaxing
tion of Madhyamaka thought. While Xuanzang’s translations and implications of the term are
to express the consomewhat complicated. He often used the most common rendition Fajie
textual meaning of the term in Abhidharma and Prajñāpāramitā literatures. But in the cases ofis intentionMadhyamaka and Yogācāra scriptures, it is likely that the implication of Fajie
ally connected to the thought of Yogācāra. Aside from this, he occasionally added some words, such as Zhen Fajie(True realm of dharmas) and Fajie Xing
to the translation Fajie(Nature of Realm of dharmas), to emphasize the original meaning of Dharmadhātu. In• Abstracts

81spite of the fact that Xuanzang rarely used the translation Faxing, it is still worth pondering
the implication of it, which may indicate the tradition of Chinese Buddhist translation, namely,
following the rendition of previous translators.

The Relationship between “Mind” and Dharmadhātu: Focus on the Sourceof Āgama/Nikāya in the Daśabhūmika Sūtra
Jun Fujii (Komazawa University)
I explore the relationship between “mind” and dharmadhātu, based on comparison between
Mahāyāna literature and the Āgamas/Nikāyas. In previous studies it is assumed that the usageof dharmadhātu in Mahāyāna Buddhism is almost totally different from that in the Āgamas/
Nikāyas and from that in the Abhidharma. While the concept of dharmadhātu is generally regarded as one typical expression of truth in Mahāyāna Buddhism, it still remains obscure. Evaluating the relationship between Mahāyāna literature and the Āgamas/Nikāyas, I found that theDaśabhūmika Sūtra modifies a statement on the four uncountable minds (catvāri-apramānāṇi)seen in the Āgamas/Nikāyas. The Āgamas/Nikāyas state that the four uncountable minds arevast and non-dual and that they spread to all directions. However the Daśabhūmika Sūtra saysthat the dharmadhātu is vast like space(ākāśa). Both sources share the same context about thefour uncountable minds. The modification introduced in the Daśabhūmika Sūtra seems to havebeen widely applied to the famous statement in the Avataṃsaka Sūtra that a tiny part, like afollicle, contains all Buddha lands.
In Mahāyāna literature, dharmadhātu is sometimes equalized with sattva (sentient beings)- dhātu. This statement can be understood well, if we consider what the Āgamas/Nikāyas have to say
about the four uncountable minds, which connect the mercy for sattva.
I found a strong relationship between “mind” and dharmadhātu even in a Yogacara text, theMadhyāntavibhāga. One part of the Madhyāntavibhāga discusses whether dharmadhātu is pureor defiled. This topic is normally applied to the nature of “mind” in Buddhist literature, althoughprevious research does not seem to interpret this part well.

Dharmadhātu as a Modern Concept – The Case of Republican-period China
Jakub Zamorski (Jagiellonian University)
As evidenced by other papers presented by this panel, the Buddhist concept of ‘Dharma-Realm’) has a complex history of divergent interpretations, which involve(Dharmadhātu, Fajie
some of the most challenging issues of both Indian and Chinese Buddhist thought. What may beless known is that this particular concept gained considerable traction among Republican-period
Chinese Buddhists involved in attempts at the reformation and revival of their traditions. On the– one of the most innovative and influential Buddhist periodicals
pages of the Haichaoyinof the 1920s and 1930s – one can see numerous references to the activities of the ‘Dharma-Realm) or the ‘Dharma-Realm New Lotus Society’ (Fajie xin lianSeminary’ (Fajie xueyuan
she); moreover, the concept in question appears in the journal as a topic of rather elaborate theoretical discussions by several contemporaneous authors, including Taixu(18901947) – the journal’s chief editor and intellectual leader of many Chinese Buddhist reformists.

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In my paper, I would like to discuss the reasons why the ancient and notoriously intricate conceptof ‘Dharma-Realm’ attracted the attention of people who are routinely portrayed as modernists
engaged in adapting Chinese Buddhism to the contemporary world. In discussing this topic, I
will focus on the following three issues. First, whether references to Dharmadhātu in the 1920s
and 1930s indicate a modern revival of interest in this concept, or whether the aforementioned
authors were simply elaborating on a topic inherited from the scholiasts of late imperial China.
Second, how did modern Chinese authors resolve the numerous ambiguities inherent in theconcept of Dharmadhātu (and its Sinitic counterpart Fajie), including those discussed by earlier
panellists. The third issue is how the new interpretations of Dharmadhātu were impacted by thedistinctively modern concerns of Chinese Buddhists in relation to their responses to Western
philosophy, science and religion. What deserves particular attention in this regard is how Taixu
and other Haichaoyin authors juxtaposed the notion of ‘Dharma-Realm’ – the world perceived
and explained in terms of Buddhist doctrine – with the new realms associated with modernity:) (i.e., the realm of scientific enquiry) and society (shehui,
namely, the universe (yuzhou,) (i.e., the realm shaped by human action). As I will argue, the consideration of modern
Chinese discourse on Dharmadhātu from this perspective may contribute to our understandingof contemporaneous tendencies to use Buddhist thought as a basis for formulating alternative
non-Western models of rationality and modernity. Consequently, the notion of ‘Dharma-Realm’
may deserve to be reconsidered, not only as a perennial problem of Sinitic Buddhist scholastics
but also as one of the overlooked keywords in the intellectual history of modern China.

“The Essence of the Two Truths is the Middle Way”: Jizang’s (549–623)
Arguments against the Tiantai Doctrine of the Three Truths
Ernest Brewster (Iona College)
This paper examines the argumentation developed by the Sui-Dynasty Sino-Parthian Madhyam(549–623), to explain the “essential natures” (Chi.: tixing)
aka Buddhist master, Jizangof the “dharmas” (Chi.: fa ), the impartite entities that comprise the entirety of the universe,) of “conventional truth” (Skt.:
in terms of the “two truths” (Skt.: satyadvaya; Chi.: erdi
) and “ultimate truth” (Skt.: paramārthasatya; Chi. zhendisaṃvṛtisatya; Chi.: shisu di). In his writings on Madhyamaka doctrine, Jizang conceptualizes the dharmas as “existing”(Skt.: sat; Chi.: you ) as discrete entities with intrinsic natures (Skt.: svabhāvāḥ; Chi.: zixing) not borrowed from other entities according to a conventional truth, and as “not existing”(Skt.: asat; Chi.: wu ) as unique entities with intrinsic natures according to an ultimate truth.
) comprising the
For Jizang, the “Middle Way” (Skt.: madhyamāpratipad; Chi.: zhongdao
shared “essence” (Chi.: ti ) of the two truths provides an exhaustive explanation of the realityof the dharmas that does not reify the dharmas as substantially existing entities with invariant
natures or as eternally non-existent.
To establish the Middle Way as the singular essence of the two truths, Jizang is compelled to) of the dharmas formulated byrefute the Tiantai doctrine of the “three truths” (Chi.: sandi(538-597 C.E.), the de facto founder of the Tiantai tradition. Throughout his bodyZhiyi
of work, Zhiyi develops the doctrine that explains the essential nature of the dharmas in termsof three truths: the conventional truth of the temporary existence of the dharmas, the truth ofthe emptiness of the intrinsic natures of the dharmas, and the “middle truth” (Chi.: zhongdi), or the Middle Way. Zhiyi envisions the middle truth as the simultaneous negation and affir• Abstracts

83mation of the existence and non-existence of the dharmas. In this formulation, the Middle Way
is neither reducible to either conventional existence, nor to “emptiness” (Skt.: śūnyatā; Chi.:); it is present in both conventional existence and in the emptiness of the dharmas.
kongxing
However, Jizang contends that, in the doctrine of the three truths formulated by Zhiyi, the Middle Way is erroneously positioned as a separate truth that is theorized as analytically distinct
from either conventional truth or the truth of emptiness. To Jizang, the elevation of the Middle
Way as a separate truth violates the foundational Madhyamaka Buddhist teaching that conventional truth and the truth of emptiness are necessary and jointly sufficient explanations of thereality of the dharmas. Importantly, Jizang claims that by defining the Middle Way as a separate
truth that designates ultimate reality, the Tiantai doctrine contradicts the Madhyamaka tenet thatemptiness alone is the ultimate reality.

Dhātu in the Chinese Translation of the Ratnagotra-vibhāga-mahāyānottaratantra-śāstra(RVMS)
Zijie Li (SOAS, University of London)
This presentation attempts to address that deficit by focusing on how “dhātu,” one important expression employed to describe ultimate truth in Buddhism, has been used in the Ratnagotra-vibhāga-mahāyānottaratantra-śāstra(RVMS). By considering the Sanskrit versions of the RVMS inlight of its Chinese translation, I intend to consider what the term meant in its Indian usage andhow that significance was incorporated and changed in the process of its appropriation in China.
The Sanskrit text of the RVMS says that tathāgatagarbha has three types of nature, namely
dharmakāya, tathatā and tathāgata’s gotra. Meanwhile, Ratnamati, the translator of the RVMS,
translated gotra as foxing. In addition, dhātu and gotra are translated as zhenruxing several
times. Moreover, it can be called dhātu because delusion remains and can also be called tathāgatagarbha. On the contrary, the classical Chinese translation translated dhātu as zhenrufoxing,
indicating that samalā tathatā exists with delusion and can act as conditional dharma although
it is also pure.
Very possibly, the tendency admitting dhātu’s rise relates to foxing in the RVMS, as translatedby Ratnamati, before the translation of the Dasheng qixin lun. The term gotra, which is a significant idea in consciousness-only and tathāgatagarbha thought systems, is frequently used in
the RVMS’s Sanskrit text, compared with its absence in the classical Chinese translation of thistreatise. Instead, in the classical Chinese translation, dhātu and tathatā combine with foxing aszhenrufoxing and become a foundation or reason for transmission in the world.

Dhātu, Dharmadhātu and Universal Buddhahood
Christopher Jones (University of Cambridge)
This paper will address the intersection of Mahāyānist writing about dhātus (loosely: ‘thatwhich is essential to/the foundation for something’), dharmadhātu as a polyvalent signifier for‘truth’ or ‘reality properly understood’ (e.g. ‘the essence of phenomena’), and the perhaps minority perspective within the Indian Mahāyāna that all sentient beings, irrespective of wider
mainstream and Mahāyāna teaching, are capable of achieving the status of a Buddha. This per-84

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spective might be termed ‘Bodhisattva Universalism’ (following Jan Nattier), and is explored inIndian literature with recourse to doctrinal innovations such as Buddha-nature (buddhadhātu),the womb/chamber for a Buddha (tathāgatagarbha) and the streamlining of Buddhist teaching
to a ‘single vehicle’ (ekayāna) that equates liberation, exclusively, with the status of a Buddha.
Influential sources for the literary Mahāyāna present dharmadhātu as an epithet for something
like ‘reality’, and many scholars have understood it to refer to some Buddhist notion of what is‘Absolute’ (e.g. Lamotte, Conze, Takasaki). In instances of both abhidharma and prajñāpāramitāliterature dharmadhātu relates to that which the Buddhist aspirant aims to know or to penetrate:
the underlying state of phenomena that Mahāyāna Buddhism articulates in terms of emptiness,
non-duality or simply ‘thusness’. However it is arguable that a shift occurs in instances where
the dharmadhātu as something like the object of a bodhisattva’s activities is identified withthe sattvadhātu, i.e. what is basic to (or ‘the extent of’) all sentient beings, which emphasizes
the dharmadhātu as a descriptor for the bodhisattva himself as well as for persons who do not(yet) aspire to perfect awakening. This identification relates early sources for the tathāgatagarbha tradition (the ‘Nirvāṇa-sūtra’; ‘Śrīmālā-sūtra’) to the single vehicle doctrine (Satyakaparivarta; Aṅgulimālīyasūtra), but also to an interpretation of dharmadhātu that is discernible in
Madhyamaka literature, which culminates in assertions by Kamalaśīla (Madhyamakāloka), but
is also evident in writings that have been attributed to Nāgārjuna himself.
This paper will attend to instances in Indian literature in which the full implications of this identification are on show: in which the ubiquity of the dharmadhātu is related to ‘what is proper tosentient beings’ – bodhisattvas and otherwise – such that distinctions between different terminiof Buddhist practice (arhat, pratyekabuddha, sambuddha) are hard to justify. This entails close
examination of how relevant Indian, Chinese and Tibetan sources understood the relationshipbetween the terms dhātu and dharmadhātu, and a discussion of how far these terms contributed
to divergences in Mahāyāna Buddhist soteriology in India and beyond.

Panel 14: Gandhāran Buddhist Manuscripts and Inscriptions: New
Discoveries and Research
Convener: Stefan Baums (Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich)Panel Abstract
Recent years have seen the discovery of numerous manuscripts and many inscriptions in the
Gāndhārī language and Kharoṣṭhī script, dating from the first centuries of our era and earlier,and unearthed from ancient Buddhist monastic sites in Pakistan and Afghanistan. These documents shed much new light on the early history of Buddhist literature and thought in Gandhāraas well as India, and are enriching our knowledge of Gāndhārī, Kharoṣṭhī, and the manuscript
culture of ancient Gandhāra. A broad range of literary genres is represented in these finds, fromearly canonical prose and verse sūtras over exegetical texts and Mahāyāna sūtras to Buddhist
poetry. The papers in this panel are representative of the spectrum of research that these discoveries have stimulated, from a first survey of the most recently discovered set of manuscripts,
over fresh studies of individual manuscripts, to studies of donative inscriptions and an early
Buddhist translation based on a Gāndhārī original.
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85

Rushing Rivers and Dark Forests: Two More Gandhari Saṃyuktāgama
SūtrasJoseph Marino (University of Washington)
In this talk, I continue to examine the way in which aspects of the Buddhist path were mapped
onto the natural and social landscape of ancient India in early Buddhist sūtras. Where I previously looked at the function of imagery related to urbanization (fortified cities and the blacksmith’s forge), here I turn to sūtras that draw upon images of wild spaces: rushing rivers anddark forests. Building on previous work on Gāndhārī sūtras from the Senior Collection of
Kharoṣṭhī manuscripts, I present two more 2nd century texts with primary parallels in the PaliSaṃyutta-nikāya and Chinese Saṃyuktāgama. In a parallel to the Pali Nadī Sutta (Discourseon the River) a person is swept away in a river full of obstacles. In a parallel to the Pali Tissa
Sutta (Discourse about Tissa), a person must navigate a treacherous forest path, unless he bucks
up and asks the Buddha for directions. The Gāndhārī Discourse on the River is only a small
fragment, but a substantial portion of the *Tiśa Sūtra survives, with enough of both to offer
further evidence that Gāndhārī discourses often exhibit different ways of illustrating teachings
than their parallels. Here, I present images of the manuscript, preliminary readings and translations, and highlight idiosyncrasies of the Gāndhārī texts. I also examine the larger role of forest
imagery in early Buddhist literature.

Overview of a New Gāndhārī Verse Manuscript Concerning Anger
Michael Butcher (University of Washington)
This paper presents a newly discovered, unparalleled, and unpublished Gāndhārī Buddhist
verse text centered around the concept of anger (Gāndhārī kros̱a, Sanskrit krodha). A detailed
examination of the manuscript, referred to thus far as “frame 19,” will show the text to becomposed of inspired utterances in verse that do not correspond to any known collection in thetripiṭaka, or Three Baskets that constitute the Buddhist canon. Despite its lack of a parallel text,
it nonetheless has elements that are both strange and similar to extant Buddhist texts in othercanons, a growing pattern in Gāndhārī texts.
An analysis of the text will highlight a few curious tropes associated with anger which are also
found throughout Pali literature and deserve further attention. Two of these involve possession
by yakṣas, or malicious spirits, and the notion that being angry in one’s present life leads tobeing reborn ugly in a future life.

Praising the Buddha: Two Gāndhārī Stotra Manuscripts
Stefan Baums (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München)
The discoveries of Gāndhārī manuscripts in Pakistan and Afghanistan have brought to lightnot only Buddhist canonical texts, commentaries, and Mahāyāna sūtras, but also specimens oforiginal Gāndhārī Buddhist poetry. One example is the well-preserved short scroll BC 8 of theso-called Bajaur collection, measuring 21.5 by 19 cm and containing two verses in four lines.
Another is the badly fragmented scroll BL 5C of the British Library collection, with similardimensions of 24 by 13 cm, but fourteen lines of verse on the recto and seven on the verso.

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Between them, these two manuscripts contain at least two poetical compositions in praise of the
Buddha, in the Śārdūlavikrīḍita, Vasantatilakā, and other meters. One of them (on BC 8) uses
the Six Perfections attained by the Buddha as a structuring principle, another (on BL 5C) reminisces on the life of the Buddha while contemplating stūpas containing his relics. The present
paper describes and contrasts these two manuscripts and the texts that they contain. It situatesthem in the broader context of Buddhist stotra literature, with special reference to later Sanskrit
developments, and discusses the principles of Gāndhārī meter that can be deduced from them.

Xianjie jing 賢劫經: A Chinese Translation of the Gāndhārī Bhadrakalpikasūtra?
Yunyao Zhai (LMU/Harvard)
The identification of the Gāndhārī Bhadrakalpikasūtra (Baums, Glass & Matsuda 2016; hereafter the Bhks) is significant in many aspects. Not only because it is the first discovery of a
Gāndhārī version of a Buddhist text that is regarded as a Mahāyāna sūtra in Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism; but also the radiocarbon dating of the Gāndhārī manuscript has provided a date
range of 210- 417 C.E. Given that there is no evidence for the Kharoṣṭhī script in the fourth andfifth centuries, it is reasonable to date the current Gāndhārī Bhks to the third century C.E. Mean, the 6th-century Chinese Buddhist canon
while, as reported in the Chu sanzang jiji
, that the Chinese Bhks, i.e. the Xianjie jing,
bibliography composed by Sengyou
was translated by Dharmarakṣa in 300 C.E. having acquired a copy of the Indic text from a
Central Asian monk. The timing of the two historical events coincides neatly, which inevitably
makes us wonder if the Chinese translation of the Bhks was based on a Gāndhārī manuscript.
This paper uses the Chinese translation of the Bhks as its main focus, by comparing to its
Gāndhārī and Tibetan parallel texts, it aims to examine the relationship between the Chineseand Gāndhārī Bhks on a textual basis. It hopes to present both direct and indirect evidence in the
Chinese translation that suggests the Chinese Bhks is likely to be a translation of the Gāndhārī
Bhks that resembles the current Gāndhārī manuscripts in many aspects.

What’s in a Word: An Epigraphic Comparison between Kharoṣṭhī andBrāhmī Kuṣāṇa Donative Inscriptions
Michael Skinner (University of Hawai’i at Hilo)In the first centuries of the Common Era images of Buddhas and other religious figures entered
the South Asian donative sphere alongside relics, stūpas, and architectural features. This burgeoning artistic period, centered in Gandhāra and Mathurā, coincided with the formation of theKuṣāṇa empire, ca. 50-320 CE, a polity which integrated the regions of what are now northern
Indian, northern Pakistan, and Afghanistan into a single imperial unit. Due to the aesthetic
appeal of the religious images created in Gandhāra and Mathurā, comparisons between these
two artistic traditions have been the focus of much scholarship on this period, however few
studies have subjected the inscriptions that accompany these objects to a similar comparative
framework.
The Kuṣāṇa Donative Inscription Project intends to make these epigraphic comparisons. This
• Abstracts

87

project studies ten inscriptions composed in the Gāndhārī language and Kharoṣṭhī script and sixteen written in Epigraphical Hybrid Sanskrit [EHS] and Brāhmī script, all dated to the Kuṣāṇa
period. In comparing these twenty-six inscriptions, this project analyzes the structure of the
donative formulae contained in these texts. It is anticipated that identifying correspondencesand differences in these donative formulae will shed new light on the relationship between epigraphic traditions in Gandhāra and northern India and also assist in better understanding the religious and cultural practices in these regions that became more intertwined under Kuṣāṇa rule.
Digital editions of the inscriptions in this project will be published, and ideally the findings ofthis project could provide a comparative framework applicable to the larger Kuṣāṇa epigraphic
corpus that consists of two hundred and ninety-five inscriptions composed in Gāndhārī, EHS,
and Bactrian.

Panel 15: In the Presence of Mind: Non-Dualism, Emptiness, and theFact of Experience
Convener: Achim Bayer (Kanazawa Seiryo University)

Panel Abstract
The bare fact of subjective experience has fascinated philosophers and mystics through the ages.
While Descartes took the awareness of his own thoughts to be a proof for individual existence,
it seems that already pre-modern Buddhist traditions would have dismissed such a conclusion
as rather unsophisticated. Buddhist inquiry does not end at the fact of experience, it starts there.
Still, the early Abhidharma explanation that perception simply arises in dependence on an external stimulus came to be overturned in most, if not all, traditions of Mahāyāna Buddhism.
Both, the external stimulus and the subjective experience of it were (and are) seen as unreal, in
one way or the other. While some authors emphasized the “non-duality” of subject and object,others were more concerned with the “non-duality” of existence and non-existence, in otherwords, the emptiness of everything: subject, object, and whatever could be counted as “real”
beyond the two.
In this panel, the themes of non-dualism, emptiness, and the ordinary mind will be addressed byexperts in various regional and historical manifestations of the Bodhisattvayāna.

Emptiness as a Designation (prajñapti)
Zhihua Yao (The Chinese University of Hong Kong)
In the pivotal verse of Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā 24.18, Nāgārjuna reveals the close relationshipbetween a few key concepts: dependent arising, emptiness, the middle way, and designation.
Among these concepts, the Mādhyamikas themselves seemed to be fond of two of them, i.e.,“emptiness” (śūnyatā) and “the middle way” (pratipat madhyamā); therefore, they were known
as Śūnyavāda or Madhyamaka. Dependent arising is commonly known as a foundational Buddhist concept accepted by all the Buddhist schools. In contrast, designation is seldom treated

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as an important concept, but as shown in Nāgārjuna’s statement, “designation” is a concept
as fundamental as all the other three concepts to the Mādhyamikas. Especially, he says that“emptiness is a dependent designation (prajñaptir upādāya).” What does this mean? What is adependent designation? In the current paper, I attempt to answer these questions by studying therich theories of designation among early Buddhist schools.

Non-Duality: Historical Background, the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, and the
Mahāyāna-saṃgraha
Achim Bayer (Kanazawa Seiryo University)
A re-examination of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra reveals that entry to the prajñāpāramitā (the sixth
level bhūmi of the bodhisattva’s path) is achieved through the realization of ten kinds of “sameness” (samatā). The course of this process, the bodhisattva realizes that all material and immaterial things are like a dream, a mirage, an illusion. In this respect, they are all equal, whichconstitutes the ninth kind of “samenesses.” The final breakthrough to prajñāpāramitā is thenaccomplished by realizing the sameness of “existence” and “non-existence,” in other words,
the non-duality of these seemingly opposed categories. In my 2019 article, “The World Arises
from Mind Only: Candrakīrti’s Affirmation of cittamātra at Madhyamakāvatāra 6.87,” I proposed that these two final kinds of “sameness” may correspond to the process of realization as
expounded in Vasubandhu’s Thirty Verses: Here, the objects of perception are first understood
to be mere mental projections, a realization which is followed by the insight that without anobject, subjective perception must be equally unreal and “not mind” (acitta).
In this talk, I would like to present some historical background on non-duality before comparing
passages from the Daśabhūmika-sūtra and the Mahāyāna-saṃgraha. Although it is widely heldthat the Yogācāra tradition accepts only the non-duality of the subjective mind and its object,
I would like to demonstrate that the “non-duality of existence and non-existence” in Yogācāra
treatises indicates a well-considered understanding of “existence” as such. In terms of the ultimate, this understanding seems to conform to the assertion that emptiness means neither existence nor non-existence, as it is often found in prajñāpāramitā literature. Given that the relation
between mind and emptiness has been a central issue over almost two millennia of Buddhist
discourse, the textual sources will be considered with appropriate care.

Two Forms of Non-dualism: Wŏnhyo (617-643) and Fazang’s (643-712) Understandings of “Neither/Nor”
Sumi Lee (Duksung Women’s University)
In Buddhism the ultimate realm and the phenomenal realm are the two aspects of reality, which
typically correspond to the unconditioned and the conditioned respectively. In Mahāyāna Buddhism, the fundamental distinction between these two realms was ultimately denied and they areoften regarded as non-dualistic. However, it is not a simple matter to explain the non-dualistic
relationship between the two realms, which are generally considered as ontologically and/or
epistemologically separate two abodes. The Awakening of Faith, a seminal treatise in East Asian
Buddhism, exactly addresses this problem of the non-dualistic connection between the unconditioned and the conditioned, by presenting the notion of ālayavijñāna, the synthetic conscious• Abstracts

89ness, in which tathāgatagarbha and phenomenal mind are unified in neither-identical-nor-different condition. However, East Asian commentators’ views on the non-dualistic unification inālayavijñāna did not reach consensus. This paper examines the distinct ways of understanding‘non-dualism’ in Buddhism, by comparing Silla exegete Wŏnhyo (617-686) and Chinese Huayan master Fazang’s (643-712) interpretations on the neither-identical-nor-different unification oftathāgatagarbha and the phenomenal mind, as presented in the Awakening of Faith.

Koryo Seon Master Jinul’s True Mind, its Predecessors and Successors
Hyeyou Sunim (Hanmaum Academy)
The concept of Mind is of outstanding importance for the conceptual world of Korean Buddhism. It was introduced into Korean Buddhism as Ilsim (One Mind) in the latter half of theseventh century by the Korean Buddhist Master Wonhyo (617-686). With his concept of “OneMind and Two Gates”, he harmonized severe doctrinal disputes of Korean Madhyamaka andYogācāra schools of the time. In the eighth century Chan (Seon) Buddhism was introduced into
Korea from Tang China. During the coming centuries the influence of Seon schools steadily
increased as did a mutual antagonism between Seon and the older doctrinal schools. Putting
forth insight into the inherent Buddha-nature by meditation only, the Seon schools rejected
doctrinal studies and provocatively advocated “nonreliance on words” and “transmission outside the scriptures”. The doctrinal schools on the other hand, emphasized awakening by intense
study of sutras and dismissed Seon as lacking a sound Buddhist philosophical foundation, itsdisciples as radical and presumptuous. It is regarded a major achievement of Seon master Jinul(1158-1210) to have settled this conflict. Relating both Seon and sutras to Jinsim (True Mind),
he exemplified the illusionary character of the apparent contradiction between the two schools.
Interestingly, five hundred years after Wonhyo, again the concept of Mind was used by a Buddhist master to reconcile a conflict that deeply divided Korean Buddhism. In his Jinsimjikseol(Direct Exposition of True Mind), Jinul clarifies that although the ultimate truth cannot be put
into words, the words used in sutras and in the teachings of the patriarchs should rather be seen
as temporary means (upāya) helping the reader to connect to the ultimate truth. According to
Jinul, the various words of the sutras and Buddhist scriptures all point to the same ultimate
truth, albeit from different angles. In order to make clear that this truth does not exist separately,
Jinul used the word Sim (mind) in many different combinations to denote certain aspects of thetruth and chose the term Jinsim (True Mind) as a synonym for the unchanging ultimate reality,
the Buddha Nature. Obviously, the term True Mind as used by Jinul does not signify an object
in a dualistic sense (like ‘mind’ as opposed to ‘body’) but rather the oneness of reality and thesource of all Dharmas.
As an introduction to the topic, my talk will first follow the traces that the concept of mind leftin early Korean Mahāyāna and Seon Buddhism. In the main part, I will investigate how Jinul
used the term Mind in order to convey the fundamental oneness of reality (and Buddhism) andto guide others to the realization of this fundamental oneness. In the third part, I will show thatthe concept of True Mind as realized by Jinul represents a core value of Korean Buddhism thatis vital until the present day.

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Panel 17: Medieval Buddhist Monasticism and Ritual Practices inSouth Asia
Convener: Akira Shimada (State University of New York at New Paltz)

Panel Abstract
Since Xuanzang’s famous travel account mentions the dilapidation of the old monasteries, numerous “heretic” shrines, and the killing of monks by non-Buddhist rulers, it has been generally
agreed that Indian Buddhist monasticism was losing its strong presence in the religious landscape of the subcontinent by the early 7th century. It remains largely unexplored, however, theway this decline happened in different parts of the subcontinent and how local sanghas copedwith the situations by using the textual and archaeological data. A major problem behind thisscholarly gap is the fragmentary and incomprehensive nature of such data. Over the course ofgenerations, studies of Indian Buddhist art and archaeology focused on the documentation ofsites to address particular kinds of questions, such as the chronology of the monuments andthe iconography of the sculptures. The knowledge provided by them is often too specific to be
consulted by non-specialists. Since these studies tended to focus on the premier monuments
and the sculptures from extensive monastic sites, their interpretations have not always provenuseful to understanding the less-extensive sites that did not have such “masterpieces”. As an attempt to amend such a scholarly lacuna and enhance inter-disciplinary discussions on Buddhist
monasticism and rituals from the post Gupta period onward, this panel intends to present key
features of the Buddhist monasteries in the late Gupta and the post-Gupta period (ca. 450-700
CE) in different regions (Eastern and Western Deccan, Central India, and Bihar), and the textual
analysis on the development of new Buddhist rituals after the late Gupta period.

Sankaram: Transformation of Buddhist Monastery in Eastern Deccan
Akira Shimada (State University of New York at New Paltz)• Abstracts

91

Sankaram, located 25 km west of Visakhapatnam, is a rare example of later Buddhist monasteries that flourished after the Ikṣvāku period (ca. 3-4th centuries CE) of south Kalinga, southeast
India. The extensive monastic remains spreading on two low hills include a large rock-cut stupa(diameter: ca. 20 m), a structural monastery consisting of rows of monastic cells that surroundthree apsidal shrines, seven rock-cut caves, and some 250 rock-cut stupas that cover the westernhill(Lingalakonda) and the western slope of the eastern hill(Bojjannakonda). Because of theoverwhelmingly unique and complex nature of the site, there is little understanding of whenand in what historical circumstances this magnificent monastery started and developed. While
former studies seem to agree that the high period of construction of the monastery was fromthe 3rd to 5th centuries CE, they do not argue which parts of the monastery would be dated tothis period. Such dating seems not fitting well with rich material evidence that indicates thecontinuation of the site to the 7th centuries CE and later. This paper thus intends to examine key
features of Sankaram monastery and excavated artifacts by comparing with other monastic sitesof the northern Andhra, including Tholkakonda, Salihundam, Karukonda, Rampa Errampalem,
and Pavuralakonda, and to reveal their significance in the history of monastic Buddhism of
post-Iksvaku Andhra.

Locating Odantapuri: Reimagining Through the Rubbles of an Early Medieval Buddhist Monastery
Shaashi Ahlawat (University of Pennsylvania)
The case of Odantapuri Buddhist Monastery is unique. Believed to have been established by the
first ruler of the Pala dynasty in the eighth century CE only a few kilometres away from the glorious Nalanda Mahavihara, Odantapuri is both the most talked about and the least attended to.
It was this monastic establishment which was recorded to have been destroyed during the late
twelfth-century raids of Bhaktiyar Khilji in Eastern India when his army mistook it for a fort.
As a result, in scholarship on the decline of Indian Buddhism Odantapuri is brought alongside
the Nalanda Mahavihara in theorizing the historical event. At the same time, no sincere attempt
has been made to locate and identify the monastic structure of what was Odantapuri once. This
paper is an attempt to share evidence collected through an extended pedestrian survey, ethnoarchaeological approach, and textual accounts to finally bring this lost structure to light. I use GIS
mapping software to visualise the extents of the establishment to further understand the significance of the main monastic structure of Odantapuri in relation to its immediate built landscape.

Reimagining Nalanda in the Ninth-century Eastern India
Abhishek Amar (Hamilton College)
Nalanda was declared a UNESCO world Heritage site in 2017. Scholarship on this important
Buddhist monastic center has often emphasized its fifth century origin and twelfth century
decline, treating the intervening seven centuries as static or ‘high’ period. For studying theseseven centuries between fifth and twelfth (early medieval period), scholars often focus on travelaccounts of Chinese pilgrims Xuanzang and Yijing (seventh century) or royal charters (Guptā,
Vardhanas, Pāla) to emphasize specific moments and using them to demonstrate the ‘high’period. A good example of this phenomenon is the over-emphasis on the role of royalty in es-

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tablishing and sustaining this monastic institution. The same applies to the archaeological andarchitectural studies of the site that have often treated the excavated site as a whole without
carefully attempting to document the phase wise constructions and additions. While unravelingthe multiple layers of Nalanda’s monastic history, this paper proposes to focus specifically on
the ninth century layer to examine Nalanda’s extent, socio-political standing, and religious significance. Ninth century is somewhat in the middle and also a period of major transformation.
By that time, the Pāla imperial power was already established in the Magadha, who also patronized Nalanda. How many monasteries were at Nalanda at the time and did the Pāla support leadto construction of new monasteries within and around Nalanda? Were preexisting monasteries
revamped and refurbished? Numerous sculptures and architectural pieces from the eighth andninth century also indicate a resource base, which raises questions about the patronage network.
Did the sangha rely exclusively on the royal support or also developed local support networks?
What was its socio-political standing and how did that affect its relationships with laity andother monasteries such as Telhara, Ghosrawan, and Kurkihar that were flourishing in the larger
region? To answer these questions raised above, this paper will reassess the excavated archaeological, architectural and inscriptional remains including seals, sealings, and royal charters fromthe eighth and ninth centuries Nalanda.

On the Conception of the Buddha at Ajaṇṭā: Iconographic Anomalies andBuddhology in the Early Medieval Deccan
Nicolas Morrissey (University of Georgia)
Although Buddhist iconography in all regions of the subcontinent was certainly consistently
influenced by established convention, at times the localized cultural orientation of a given monastery may have proven more influential in iconographic choices made, especially in terms of
the potential currency of specific textual or doctrinal prescriptions. This presentation focuseson one such instance of an iconographic anomaly in the visual expression at the 5th-6th century
monastery of Ajaṇṭā, that might potentially be explained by a due consideration of the literarysources available – and potentially influential – in the production of Buddhist sculpture andpainting at this important early medieval site.

Bhārhut: Landscape, Identity, and Transformation from the Early Historic
to the Post-Gupta PeriodCharlotte Gorant (Columbia University)
This paper will first address the site of Bhārhut from an art historical perspective, examining
how landscape is represented in stūpa sculptures on the circumambulatory railing as comparedwith its site context to interpret the site’s ancient identity. I will analyze the motif of vines
connecting visual stories across the circumambulatory railing of the stūpa as both evoking andcontrasting with the site’s physical landscape, investigating meaning from early Buddhist narratives in images and literature. Next, I will compare findings of the Gupta and Post-Gupta periods in the surrounding area, offering results from recent field work towards an understandingof the site’s longevity and transformation as a means of interrogating a historical paradigm of
Buddhist “decline” with a regional approach.

• Abstracts

93

Matter Over Mind: Buddhist Ritual and Sacramental Soteriology
Ronald Davidson (Fairfield University)
The well-established philosophical emphasis in the study of Indian Buddhism has promoted
an intellectualist vision that seems in conformity with the great śāstric texts of the Indian Buddhist tradition. In the same manner that the Abhidharmakośa 4.1ab proclaims that the caitasika
element of cetanā is the cause of all the diversity of the world, Buddhist Studies has tended toassume that material reality is inconsequential to the Buddhist understanding of awakening, despite the emphasis on invisible matter (avijñaptirūpa) in the Sarvāstivāda model of the monastic
vows. And that disciplinary assumption would be generally correct for most of the early tradition and during the first few centuries of Mahāyana institutional life — material offerings were
beneficial if one had sufficient funds (yathālābha) but hardly necessary. Even the most populistof the devotional practices, like those of the Pure Land tradition, did not mandate physical behaviors beyond recitation. If physical performance was understood to yield soteriological benefits in some of the other śramaṇa traditions, they had been sometimes critiqued as “addiction to
discipline and vows” (śīlavrataparāmarśa).
Yet by the end of the Gupta, and gaining urgency in the ensuing three centuries, Mahayanist
authors began to formulate new ritual systems predicated on models developed in the pariśeṣa
and vidhāna literature of the Brahmanical gṛhyasūtras. Blended with these were the magical andmedical traditions, both of which emphasized the power of specific substances and their effects
on the person. However, these traditions did not characteristically envision a soteriologicalvalue to ritualized material reality. That changed by late fifth century India, so that dhāraṇī texts
translated into Chinese during the Liang and Wei Dynasties began to suggest, then specify, thetransformative power of materials—elixirs, pills, salves, etc.—prepared with the use of mantras
in conjunction with propitiation of the/a Buddha or one of the bodhisattvas. These texts sometimes also identify the figure of the sorcerer (vidyādhara) as a bodhisattva advanced along thepath, so that Indian sorcery traditions became fused with the ideology of the bodhisattvamārga.
This change of emphasis did not seem to elicit immediate acknowledgement by Buddhist intellectuals or apologists, even as the texts of the dhāraṇī and the later tantric traditions exploded
with a wealth of rituals. The *Mūlamantra, the Amoghapāśamahākalparāja, the Dhāraṇīsaṃgraha of Atikūṭa, the Vidyottamamahākalparāja and other related texts contain rituals of this variety, ones that consistently amalgamate the soteriological and non-soteriological benefits of
the rites. The paper will examine a few of these rites and try to ascertain the different moral
universe they imply.

Panel 18: Buddhist Philosophy of Community
Convener: Yasuo Deguchi (Kyoto University)

Panel Abstract
Is membership in a community essential for humans? If so, how, why, and to what end? Whatis the difference between a mere aggregate of people and a community? This panel will explore

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these questions from Buddhist viewpoints on community or saṅgha. Buddhist notions of saṅgha
are varied from one time to another, from one place to another. We focus on Japanese and Korean Buddhism. Yūzūnembutsu tradition, as Deguchi interprets, advocates that no one can do anything, including achieving enlightenment, without the help not only of Amitābha Buddha butof ordinary people as well. For Honen, as Inukai argues, ekōhotsugan-shin as an altruistic mindset brings all nembutsu practitioners and Buddha together. For Dōgen, as Chen claims, whatbinds people together into a saṅgha is monastic rules. People all following the same monastic
rules is a key factor in overcoming the sense of distinction or duality between self and other. By
analyzing the case of Won Buddhism, Yun argues that a new vision, a set of rules, teachings,
and practices shared by an enlightened master are essential to creating a Buddhist community.

We-turn in Japanese Buddhism: Yūzū-nembutsu’s Philosophy of Community
Yasuo Deguchi (Kyoto University)
Is a Buddhists’ samgha or community either essential (or indispensable) or merely helpful (ordesirable) but not necessary for attaining nirvana?
The answer should depend on one’s view on the capability of a human individual. Suppose anindividual be self-standing or self-sufficient in that he is capable of attaining nirvana by himself
without any help from other fellow human beings. Then, even if he needs support from Buddha,
he doesn’t have to be a member of a samgha as a mutual-aid association for nirvana. So, forhim, the samgha is not essential.
On the other hand, if an individual is not self-standing nor self-sufficient in that he is incapable ofachieving nirvana by himself without help from other fellow human beings, the samgha is essential.
Most, but not all, Buddhistic traditions seem to commit the self-standing view of an individual
and therefore to take a samgha as merely useful but not indispensable for attainment of nirvana. But there is, at least, one exception in Japanese pure land Buddhism; i.e., yūzū (or fusion)-nembutsu tradition that advocates non-self-standingness of a human individual, and the needof ‘other power’ from fellow human beings as well as that from Buddha, taking in effect asamgha as essential for nirvana.
In this presentation, I will explore how yūzū-nembutsu tradition had come to embrace such aview, and its philosophical significances. To trace historical developments of yūzū-nembutsu’sview on samgha, this talk will compare it with the view on samgha of Genshin (942-1017), a
founder of Japanese pure land Buddhism. This talk will also examine how Daitsu (1654-1721),
who established doctrines of yūzū-nembutsu, transplanted a view of the incapability of humanindividuals in an obscure Mahayana Buddhistis Sutra, the Ullambana Sutra, to the context of pureland Buddhism. Then this talk will show that the historical development culminated in Relief Given by Fusion Nembutsu 『(yūzū-nembutsu anjin)』(1846) of Senkai (1786-1860).
One of the consequences of yūzū-nembutsu’s view on samgha is ‘we-turn’ in nirvana; i.e., ashift of subject, agent or unit of attaining nirvana from an individual to a collective, that is, asamgha, or shortly a shift from MY nirvana to OUR nirvana, where ‘I’ and ‘We’ should have
only conventional rather than ultimate reality in the light of Buddhistic two truths theory. Weturn is, I claim, a has-yet-to-come philosophical trend that advocates the shift of subject, agent• Abstracts

95and unit of any somatic action, and therefore life, wellbeing, moral and legal responsibilities
and rights from ‘I’ to ‘We’. A philosophical significance of yūzū-nembutsu’s view on samgha isto set a rare precedent for the We-turn.

An Examination of Wŏn Buddhism, a Korean Modern Buddhist Community
through Edith Stein’s Philosophy of Community
Sung Ha Yun (St. Olaf College)
Edith Stein (1891-1942), the philosopher of community and Jewish-Christian phenomenologistof the Husserlian Circle at the universities of Göttingen and Freiburg, investigated the natureof community in her work Empathy to Finite and Eternal Being. By considering community as
an analogue of individual personality, Stein pointed to the imperative factors that constitute theessence of community, such as “the life-giving motives/values of individuals,” “the vitality withwhich they carry these motives into action for the life of the community,” and “personal bonds
involving a common way of life” among others. Based on these characteristics of Stein’s community philosophy, this paper investigates the important elements of the formation of the Wŏn
Buddhist community. In particular, I focus my analysis on the novel concept of the “congregation of a thousand buddhas and a million bodhisattvas” that the founder of Wŏn Buddhism,(1891-1943), articulated. Pak proposes that his Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe (ThePak Chungbin), which was later renamed Wŏnbulgyo
Society for the Study of the Buddhadharma), was a “congregation of a thousand buddhas and a million bodhisat(Wŏn Buddhism
tvas.” This reconceptualization and formation of the saṃgha captures a way of reforming Korean Buddhism from the commoners’ point of view by providing the new “life-giving motives
and values of individuals”, that is how all living beings, including both male and female, ordained and lay, young and old, colonized and colonizer, and intellectual and non- intellectual,
could become buddhas and bodhisattvas through the practices and teachings of Buddhism. In
deploying this vision, Pak and his disciples laid out the fundamental teachings of Buddhism ina way that would be accessible to all classes of people and applicable to their daily lives, andsought to make their community a religious institution for realizing that vision. By analyzing
the formation of Wŏn Buddhism in its early stage, I argue that a new vision, a set of rules, teachings, practices shared by an enlightened master, and the participation of those who resonatedwith the new vision and practices are essential to creating a Buddhist community.

A Reconciliation Between Monastic Rules and Buddha-nature in Dōgen’s
Philosophy
Hsun-Mei Chen (Kyoto University/National Taiwan University)
Dōgen, the founder of the Japanese Sōtō Zen school, is famous, or notorious for his obsession
with monastic orders and ritual practices. From his earlier writing Instruction to the Chief Cook
) to later works Nipponkoku Echizen Eiheiji chiji shingi ((Tenzo-kyōkun/), Dōgen gradually set up intricate rules to cover every aspect for how to
conduct ritual practices and to live in the monastic community. Given the historical context
which Dōgen was facing, one purpose of those rules and rituals was of course to regain orderand harmony in the monastery. Nevertheless, as shown in Dōgen’s works, this social functional
aspect cannot fully capture how Dōgen understood monastic rules. To go a step further, Dōgen

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integrated those daily activities in the monastery with Buddhist practices. For example, in his), Dōgen not only explicated his philosophical ideas, but
magnum opus, Shōbōgenzō (also proposed if one cannot follow the detailed guidances of daily routines, such as washing
face, one will fail to awaken. Some contemporary scholars have argued that this moral self-cultivation aspect represents the ritualization and activation of Buddha-nature. Indeed, those rules
do associate with Buddha-nature in Dōgen’s system, but this argument would immediately facea challenge that how those rules, cementing the hierarchy in the monastic community, can be
expressions of non-dual Buddha-nature. This paper aims to argue that for Dōgen, the monastery
rules are to destroy the boundary of self and others and to establish the relationship between self
and others simultaneously. By following the monastery rules, one can truly synthesize these two
oppositions, and therefore manifest the Buddha-nature.

The Role of “Community” in Hōnen’s Conception of the Nembutsu
Yumiko Inukai (University of Massachusetts Boston)
Hōnen, a Japanese Buddhist monk who founded the Jōdo School as an independent sect of
Buddhism in Japan in the 12th century CE, insists on the exclusive adherence to the nembutsu
as he considers it as the only efficacious practice for all people, whether they are monks orordinary laypeople. The strength of his conviction about the legitimacy of the nembutsu did
not come merely from his intellectual acumen or firm understanding of Amida’s Original Vow.
It was grounded in his affectively infused realization that he could be saved only through thenembutsu because he was indeed a ‘bonbu’ after all. Hōnen’s recognition that he was simply
a bonbu was not a self-deprecating one: it was a sincere acceptance of himself as human, wholacks the sufficient capacity for eliminating bonno to attain the immaculate wisdom on his own.
The necessity of relying on some other’s help that Hōnen realized is not simply about himself:
it is about all of us insofar as we are humans, i.e., bonbus. The “other” whose help is enlisted
as necessary, and sufficient, in the nembutsu is Amida, not the Sangha, let alone a communityof fellow human beings.
A “community” of other beings is, however, explicitly invoked in Hōnen’s explanation of oneof the three aspects of Anjin, i.e., ekōhotsugan-shin. It literally refers to the mind that dedicates
one’s merit toward the rebirth in the Jōdo with a resolution to be reborn there. Hōnen explainsthat the merits at issue here are not only of the practitioner’s own nembutsu practice and conduct in general but also of all acts done by other people and Holy beings. I argue that this isa mindset in which the practitioner intentionally reminds herself of the interconnectedness ofherself with all the other fellow humans as well as Holy beings. “Taking delight in the meritsof the good achieved by one’s acts and by all the other bonbus’ and Holy beings’ acts and dedicating all these merits to the rebirth in the Jōdo” is not to dedicate altruistically one’s merits forothers or to rely on others for oneself. Rather, it is to recognize that one is part of a communityof all the other beings including Holy ones in the pursuit of the rebirth in the Jōdo. Through therepeated practice of the nembutsu with this mindset, the sense of oneself as an interrelated partof the community rather than an independent individual comes to be ingrained in the mind of
the nembutsu practitioner. I further argue that the practitioner transforms her sense of the self
through the nembutsu practice in which she whole-heartedly entrusts herself to Amida’s poweron the grounds that she recognizes herself as a bonbu (jin-shin) and brings the awareness of her
embeddedness in the community to the fore (ekōhotsugan-shin).
• Abstracts

97Panel 20: Literary Vernaculars in the 2nd-Millennium Pāli World
Convener: Stephen Berkwitz (Missouri State University)

Panel Abstract
The second millennium A.D. Pāli world (including peninsular southern India, Laṅkā, and muchof what we now refer to as the Southeast Asian mainland) was an arena of great intellectual
ferment and experimentation in textual cultures. However, it remains poorly understood, inpart owing to the linguistic challenges involved. Much of interest was composed in Pāli itself,
and often through processes of trans-regional borrowing and imitation. Yet such compositions
sometimes responded to, and even translated from, literary vernacular works. At the same time,
literary vernacular texts (including longer inscriptions) had complex debts to Pāli, and sometimes Sanskrit, texts and genres.
Drawing on materials produced in the locations we now know as Burma/Myanmar, Thailand,
and Sri Lanka, the panelists demonstrate the complexity and variability of literary vernacular
textuality. This session highlights the trans-regional character of the second-millennium Pāliworld, creating a space for comparison across different sub-regions and language zones, andallowing for discussion of how textual models and inter-linguistic genres circulated across thewider region along diverse temporal and geographic pathways of transmission and influence,
and were adapted in relation to local aims and expectations. The papers indicate that one should
not conceptualize this complex arena only in terms of circulation, reception and adaptation.
We find also interesting indications of linguistic and genre avoidance and exclusion, as well as
unstable language hierarchies.
Papers offer different ways of conceptualizing what is “literary,” the relationship between Pāliand literary vernacular languages, and interactions across paintings, manuscripts, ritual landscapes, and epigraphy. They offer insight into the technical domains of law, poetics, and historiography, as well as the ways in which Pāli-literary vernacular interactions in textual domains
fed and responded to changes within local and trans-regional Buddhist institutional settings,
including royal and monastic contexts. Papers discuss multilingual Burmese historiography,
Burmese lives of the Buddha in Pāli and Burmese textual and visual formats, prose and verse
narratives as witness and precedent in Burmese legal culture, the impact of Indic-vernacular
bitexts on Pali-Siamese and Sanskrit-Siamese poetic compositions, the relationship between
vernacular vaṃsas and Buddha-relics in shaping conceptions of Laṅkā’s place in the world of
Buddha-sāsana, and choices made between Pāli and Sinhala when writing Lankan sāsana-history and lineage texts.

Geography, Orthodoxy and Lineage in Burmese Buddhist Historiography
Patrick Pranke (University of Louisville)
The writing of Buddhist history and historical legend has been an ongoing enterprise in Burmasince at least the fifteenth century. From the Kalyani Inscriptions (c. 1479) to the royal andBuddhist chronicles of the Konbaung Dynasty (1752-1885), to the hagio-historical narratives of98

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the twentieth century, generations of Burmese chroniclers, relying on combinations of classical
Pali and local vernacular and literary sources, have imagined a Burma-centric Buddhist history
in increasingly expansive terms—as emanating outward in concentric circles from Burmese
homelands, to Burmese Buddhist empires, to what might be described as a Buddhist cosmopolis extending from the borders of Vietnam in the east, to Sri Lanka across the Bay of Bengal. In
these accounts, there are three key tropes that serve to tie this geography together meaningfully
across ethnic, national and regional boundaries. These include assertions of: 1) visitations by
the Buddha during his lifetime in which future Buddhist lands are identified; 2) the exchange
between Buddhist kingdoms of texts and relics as part of diplomacy; and 3) the existence of an
idealized uniform Buddhist sangha connected trans-nationally through networks of monastic
lineages whose pedigree is unquestioned and whose validity is maintained by periodic interventions by pious Buddhist monarchs. In this presentation I will discuss a small selection of Pali,
Mon and Burmese sources from the late medieval through the modern periods that are illustrative of the evolution of Burmese Buddhist historical narrative through time.

Creating Religious Consciousness in the Vernacular: The Sri Lankan Lineage of the Dharmakīrtis (14th/15th century)
Sven Bretfeld (Norwegian University of Science and Technology)
In the Gampola period of Sri Lankan history (1314-1415) Buddhist religious power within the
country was centered in the comparatively small monastery Gaḍalādeṇiya, situated between
Kandy and the then-capital Gampola. This is here where the Saṃgharājas of the period resided.
Best known among them is the lineage of three Saṃgharājas who adopted the name Dharmakīrti after their inauguration: Sīlavaṃsa Dharmakīrti I (1351-1375), Jayabāhu Dēvarakṣita Dharmakīrti II (1375-1410), and Dhammadinnācārya Vimalakīrti Dharmakīrti III (1412-1467). All
three were widely known scholars and have left us Sinhala works as well known as Nikāyasaṅgrahaya, Saddharmālaṅkāraya, and Saddharmaratnākaraya. The Dharmakīrtis have lived in aperiod of dense “transnational” awareness: Old relationships---or at least the memories thereof--to the ancient Buddhist cultures of Amaravatī were revived. Religious alliances with Burmaand Siam had reached a new stage of intensity and invested the Sri Lankan Buddhist tradition
with an international prestige of exceptional scholarship, institutional purity and doctrinal authority. In this context, it is astonishing why some of the most important literary products ofthe period were not written in Pāli but in the Sinhala vernacular, undermining every chance tobecome studied and known outside of the island.
In my paper I will focus on the Sinhalese literary products of the Dharmakīrti lineage. Special
attention is given to the Nikāyasaṅgrahaya, a “sectarian” history of Buddhism intending toprove that the Sri Lankans are the only still extant heirs of the authentic śāsana (Buddhism) as it
was installed by the Buddha Gautama. The text is well-known to modern international Buddhist
scholarship because of the English translation by Fernando and Gunawardhana of 1908. Before
this translation, however, the text had “failed” to reach an international audience---despite theclearly translocal framework of its narrative content and discursive architecture. The Nikāyasaṅgrahaya is an example for a text that could, and perhaps should, have been written in an internationally understood language, but by his decision to use Sinhala the author had intentionallyrestricted its scope to local vernacular communities. The question is, why? Answers can only
approximate the complexities of production conditions and motive-constellations. In my paper• Abstracts99

I will analyze the hints given by the meta-comments of the text itself and interpret them against
the backdrop of a discourse in which cultural pride and religious self-esteem were confronted
with the contingencies of historical distress and the perception of religio-political decline. In
this context, the vernacular seems to contribute to the reconciliation of a collective “cognitive
dissonance”.

Indic-Siamese Bitextual Verse: The Poetics of Classical Reading and Vernacular
Writing, 1450–1750 CE
Trent Walker (Stanford University)
In second-millennium mainland Southeast Asia, reading techniques pioneered by Buddhist
intellectuals guided the development of bilingual Indic-vernacular philology, exegesis, homiletics, and poetics. Drawing from Sinhalese, Mon, Burmese, and Khmer antecedents, by the
fourteenth century monks across Thai-/Tai-speaking regions had developed parallel specialized
techniques for reading, analyzing, and translating Pali and Sanskrit texts. This paper engages
the question of how the esoteric, overtly technical approach of Indic-vernacular bilingual texts(or “bitexts”) came to shape the earliest surviving Pali-Siamese and Sanskrit-Siamese literarycompositions in verse. Drawing from bitextual examples of the Mahāvessantara-jātaka andthe otherwise unknown Suprītidharmarāja-jātaka, I contend that the Indic-vernacular interface
itself proved a fertile ground for Siamese court poets in the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries.

Hagiographic Polyglossia: Exploring the Space of Vernacular(s) in Early
Modern Burma through the Lens of Renderings of the Life of the Buddha
Alexey Kirichenko (Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University)
The presentation takes a comparative look at three key media through which the accounts of thelife of the Buddha were circulated in Burma from the early seventeenth to the late nineteenth
century, namely monolingual Pāli works on the subject and their bilingual glosses (nissaya), vernacular hagiographies, and visual narratives such as murals, illuminated manuscripts, paintings
on manuscript chests, etc. An examination of narrative structures of these renderings suggeststhat each of them had distinct and largely independent foci and emphases. At the same time, in
their discursive practices and textualism hagiographies in literary vernacular stood much closer
to monolingual Pāli works than to other forms of “vernacular” narratives. A special position ofvisual narratives that remained fairly insulated to literalist imitation of Pāli works and developments in vernacular literature on the life of the Buddha during the entire period in question
together with important conceptual overlaps between texts composed in Pāli, Burmese or inbilingual format highlight a need for further refinement of the term “vernacular” if it is used
for the analysis of early modern Burmese literature. Though Burmese intellectuals (as well as
their peers reflecting on the uses, spaces, and practices appropriate for classical and vernacularin other areas of Southeast Asia) adopted and utilized what Andrew Ollett calls “language order” in which vernacular languages were assigned an inferior and subordinate position, literary
vernacular in Burma effectively functioned as a linguistic sibling to the language of Buddhist
canon, rather than as its alternative. Addressing the issues raised by the panel, the presentation
argues that linguistic choice in Southeast Asian context was not necessarily indicative of specif-

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ic cultural practices or cultural and social orientations. At the same time, genuinely vernacularspaces as expressions of local could successfully exist outside of literary domain.

A Vernacular Vaṃsa: Comparing Pali and Sinhala Histories of the Bodhi Tree
Stephen Berkwitz (Missouri State University)
This paper compares and contrasts the Pali and Sinhala narratives on the history of the Bodhi
Tree from medieval Sri Lanka. The Pali Mahābodhivaṃsa and the Sinhala Bodhivaṁśaya bothserved to re-center the Buddhist world in the island of Sri Lanka by means of their accounts of
how Bodhi Trees used in the Awakening of Buddhas come to be transported and established in
the island. These narratives highlight the flow of the Buddha’s Dispensation into the island, as
well as the establishment of an authentic Buddhist heritage consisting of texts, monastics, andrelics. However, the Sinhala Bodhivaṁśaya also works to assert the value and validity of Sinhala accounts of relic histories. A close examination of this 14th century Sinhala text is suggestiveof some motives for writing history in a literary vernacular. The vernacularization of Buddhist
history serves as a technique to anchor the Buddha’s tradition in a local setting, mirroring efforts
to transfer relics and found ritual spaces into local environments of the island. In this way, theSinhala Bodhivaṁśaya shows us how both language and relics were used jointly to make theisland of Sri Lanka into an important center for Buddhist practice in medieval Asia.

Panel 22: Material Culture of Modern Korean Buddhism
Convener: Seunghye Lee (Leeum Museum of Art),
Youn-Mi Kim (Ewha Womans University)

Panel Abstract
This panel explores the complex ways in which Korea’s contact with the imperial powers andmodern world brought changes to the material and ritual culture of Korean Buddhism fromthe late nineteenth century to contemporary times. As Korean Buddhism’s encounters withmodernity have drawn scholarly attention in recent years, these little-studied material and ritual
practices are now opening up new avenues of research. Maya Stiller and Seunghye Lee bring
Buddhist monasteries to the fore through case studies of changes in Buddhist iconography aswell as their relation to ritual function. Seong Uk Kim sheds new light on crucial changes inritual culture by closely examining the Buddhist wedding ceremony in colonial Korea, andYoun-mi Kim explores the introduction of the museum system to Buddhist monasteries. Whilebridging the disciplinary gap between Buddhist studies and art history, this panel initiates a
fruitful dialogue on the tangible and intangible aspects of Korean Buddhist culture in both thepresent and the recent past.

The White-Robed Avalokiteśvara and Its Function in Early Modern Korean
Ritual Culture
Maya Stiller (University of Kansas)• Abstracts

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Scholars such as Chunfang Yu and Yuhang Li have written extensively about the ways in which
Chinese monochrome ink paintings, woodblock prints, and stele rubbings depicting the Bodhisattva Guanyin (K. Kwanŭm, S. Avalokiteśvara) were used for contemplation practice andfertility prayers beginning with the Song dynasty (960-1279). In contrast, little work on Korean Kwanŭm imagery has been done beyond discussions of the famous Water-Moon-Kwanŭm
paintings of the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). This paper discusses how Korean painters built
on the repertoire of Guanyin iconography and style of Ming (1368-1644) Chinese woodblock
traditions to develop a full-fledged artistic tradition that incorporated the white-robed Kwanŭm
motif into large temple murals. Based on visual evidence as well as textual material such as ritual manuals and temple reconstruction records, this paper discusses the spatial and iconographic
features of Chosŏn dynasty temple murals depicting Kwanŭm, highlighting not only their ritualfunction in indoor and outdoor ceremonies such as the Water-Land Assembly and the Vulture
Peak Assembly but also their local specificities related to Ch’ŏnt’ae (C. Tiantai) and Pure Land
Buddhist faith. The paper shows that a close visual analysis of the murals is indispensable for a
deeper understanding of local Buddhist practice.

Soteriology for the War Dead: Restructuring of Sweet Dew Paintings in Late
Colonial Korea
Seunghye Lee (Leeum Museum of Art)
In Korean Buddhist temples, sweet dew paintings served as a primary object of worship for aritual altar where memorial services for the disembodied were conducted. Through their complex iconography, these paintings conveyed the message that all souls suffering from the misfortune of previous lives could be saved by the salvific power of the divine and thus attainbetter rebirth in their next life. This paper explores the restructuring of this genre in wartime
colonial Korea through a close reading of works produced by three monk painters who havebeen grouped together in past scholarship for their willingness to internalize modern values andbreak from the traditions of Buddhist painting in terms of technique and iconography. I first examine how the Japanese colonial authority devised rituals for the war dead and how the Korean
Buddhist authority put them into practice, thereby altering the traditional memorial services forthe deceased during the 1930s and ’40s. I then examine how these monk painters reformulated
the iconography of sweet dew paintings at a time when the need to deliver the deceased andsolace the living was most urgent. I pay special attention to motifs that are not to be found in
earlier sweet dew paintings and that speak to the traumatic experiences of the wartime colony.
While reflecting on the ways in which this unprecedented iconography affected temple-goers of
the time, this paper also reveals how these monk painters countered the struggles of wartime.

The Creation of the Modern Buddhist Wedding Ceremony in the Early
Twentieth Century
Seong Uk Kim (Columbia University)
Korea confronted a huge socio-political, cultural, and religious upheaval in the late 19th andearly 20th centuries with Western powers and Imperial Japan advancing to the peninsula. Buddhism also faced new challenges and opportunities in many aspects that the modern world

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brought. One of such aspects was rituals. This paper explores the creation and development ofmodern Buddhist rituals, in particular, the wedding ceremony, during this time to look at one
example of the Buddhist response to the wave of modernization. The western wedding wasintroduced to Korea as Christianity hit its stride in its missionary effort. Since the Western andChristian wedding was first performed in 1888, it had become popular among Korean young
couples who deemed the traditional Confucian wedding old and obsolete. The introductionof the modern Buddhist wedding of Japanese Buddhism that many Korean Buddhist intellectuals looked up as a model for Korean Buddhism also stirred up the need for the Buddhist
counterpart. Finally, in 1917, Yi Nŭnghwa (1869-1943) introduced the first Buddhist wedding
ceremony in 1917 in the Ŭijŏng pulsik hwahonpŏp in the history of Korean Buddhism though
his ceremony was still characterized with the so-called feudal Confucian ethics. As time wenton, however, such Buddhist intellectuals as Paek Yongsŏng (1864-1940) and An Chinho (18801965) presented a more modernized and westernized Buddhist wedding in terms of not only
marriage ethics, but also the overall liturgical structure of the wedding. With such efforts, themodern Buddhist wedding was carried out among some Buddhist couples in the 1920s and1930s as reported in some newspapers of the time. This paper investigates how Korean Buddhism responded to the new social, political, cultural, and religious context of the modern age.

The Introduction of “Art” and the Museum System to Local Buddhist Monasteries in Modern Korea
Youn-Mi Kim (Ewha Woman University)(fine arts) andTogether with the modernization movement, the western notion of “misul”
the museum system were transmitted to Korea since the early 20th century. As early modern period has been recognized as a new avenue of study in Korea, the ways in which major museums
were founded and runned by the the imperial family of the Korean Empire (1897-1910) andthe Japanese Colonial Government began to receive scholarly attention in the recent decade.
A large number of Buddhist icons were transformed into “artworks” and entered the collectionof the new modern museums, such as the Yi Royal-Family Museum and the Museum Government-General of Korea.
What has eloped the scholarly attention, however, is the different pathways taken by local Buddhist monasteries. In those monasteries, the notions of monastery “treasures” and the practiceof public “exhibition” did exist since the 19th century, if not earlier. At the same time, thosetraditional notions shared by monks were radically different. Bath shoes of the eminent monk
(1158-1210), for example, were precious treasures that deserved public display
Chinulwhile medieval Buddhist statues were not artworks for display but icon for worship. Focusing
on the local monastery Songgwangsa in Sunch’ŏn in South Kyŏngsang province, this paper
explores the slow and century-long process in which modern museum systems were introduced
into local monasteries replacing the traditional monastery “treasures” with Buddhist statues andpaintings which now became priceless artworks. During this prolonged process that was interfered by the Colonial period and the Korean War (1950-53), frequent theft, loss, and redemptionof Buddhist images form an important part of this talk.

• Abstracts

103Panel 23: New Approaches to Korean Buddhism
Convener: Juhn Ahn (University of Michigan)

Panel Abstract
Through constant and active interaction with students and teachers of Buddhism in China,monks, nuns, and laypeople in Korea gave shape to many different traditions of Buddhist learning and devotion. This interaction formed a mutually constitutive relationship. Numerous studies have already been published about the active role that Korean monks such as Wŏnhyo (617686), Wŏnch’ŭk (613-696), and Musang (680-756, alt. 684-762) played in the formation ofChinese Buddhism and, conversely, the influence of Chinese Buddhism on the rise and growthof Buddhism in Korea. These studies show that the relationship between the Buddhisms thatthrived in the continent and the peninsula was an intimate one, but this panel will seek to go
beyond the understanding of Korean Buddhism as an extension of Chinese Buddhism. Instead,
it will bring together papers that underscore Korean Buddhism’s distinctiveness. Rather thanunderstand this distinctiveness as deviation, error, or adaptation, this panel will seek to explain
how the unique approaches to Buddhist doctrinal issues, monasticism, and meditative practice
explored by Korean Buddhist practitioners for well over a millennium offer new answers tomore general questions about animacy, theory of mind, experiential authority, continuity ofidentity, modernity, gender, institutional innovations and so on.

Major Shifts in the Research Trends in the Studies of Korean Buddhism
Eun-su Cho (Seoul National University)
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, a major shift has occurred in the research topics
of Korean Buddhist Studies. Instead of remaining fixed on Buddhism in Three Kingdom period,
scholars have switched the bulk of their attention towards Buddhism during the Chosŏn Dynasty (1392–1910). Moreover, rather than continuing to regard Buddhism as only an elitist venture,
not only has the timeframe of scholarly interest shifted, but scholars have also come to redefine
the study of religion more broadly, encompassing all human experiences related to this faith,
particularly lay Buddhist practices of commoners, both men and women. As a result, Buddhist
practitioners who received very little, if any, scholarly attention previously are now in the limelight. Of course, we must not forget that such remarkable changes were brought about not only
by a shift in perspectives of scholarly interest on this religion, but also, and more importantly, by the discovery of new source materials, both domestically and abroad. Furthermore, thedigitalization of source materials and archives, along with research projects sponsored by the
Korean government, have all contributed to bringing about a series of notable academic works
to fruition. In highlighting some of these latest examples, this presentation will analyze not only
the current trend, but then also gauge where and what the field is likely to explore in the future.

Early Collecting of Korean Buddhist Art
Charlotte Horlyck (SOAS)

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This paper traces the early collecting of Korean Buddhist art, in particular paintings and sculpture. In the early twentieth century major collections of Korean art were formed by leading
museums in Europe, notably the British Museum and the V&A in London, Musee Guimet
in Paris and the Museum of East Asian Art in Cologne, as well as by American institutions,such as Boston Museum of Fine Arts, Freer Gallery of Art and the Metropolitan Museum ofArt. Despite the growing interest in Korean art, relatively little was known about Buddhist art
and many curators, private collectors and dealers struggled with correctly identifying the date,manufacture, and iconography of the artefacts. Yet, over the course of the twentieth century,
Buddhist sculptures, Goryeo and Joseon Buddhist paintings, among other artefacts, enteredmuseum collections through donations, purchases and bequests. Particularly noteworthy are thefrequent misattributions of their dates and origins of manufacture. For example, often Buddhist
paintings were bought as Chinese, but later reattributed as Korean, and vice versa. Given that at
the time the study of Korean Buddhist art was in its infancy, what enabled curators to pinpoint
Korean versus Chinese and Japanese characteristics in Buddhist artefacts? Which criteria did
they use when assessing the works and are they still relevant today?
Drawing on unpublished archival material, museum records, and other primary sources, thisstudy explores the ways in which early twentieth-century museum curators approached thecollecting of Korean Buddhist art and it aims to identify the factors that influenced acquisition
practices, such as studies on East Asian Buddhist art, fluctuations in art market prices and theavailability of artefacts, among other issues.

How Not to Restore a Monastery: Buddhism and the Politics of Spending in
Goryeo and Joseon Korea
Juhn Ahn (University of Michigan)
In Goryeo and Joseon Korea, the restoration of Buddhist monasteries became the subject ofheated debate. Although the Buddhist establishment in Korea had continued to restore monasteries at regular intervals for centuries, a growing number of high-profile individuals in thelate Goryeo period began to voice strong concerns about the necessity of monastic restoration.
Some claimed that restoration was wasteful. Others claimed that restoration was carried out by
the greedy and corrupt for personal gain. Scholars of Korean Buddhism have tended to takethese criticisms at face value and argue that late Goryeo Buddhism was indeed corrupt. In thispaper I hope to revisit the evidence used to make such claims and show that these claims are
essentially baseless and misleading. I also hope to show that arguments in favor or against Buddhist restoration work made on either public or private grounds gained salience only in the early
Joseon period as what I call the politics of giving began to render the Buddhist practice of giving problematic. In lieu of a formal conclusion, this paper will offer some brief thoughts on how
to best contextualize the public-private language that shaped the debate concerning Buddhism
in early Joseon Korea and it will do so by taking a closer look at the broad transformations thattook place in the general attitude towards Buddhism’s material splendor in Korea.

Buddhism, Gender, and Women’s Identity in Modern Korea
Jin Y Park (American University)• Abstracts

105

Buddhism, gender, and women’s identity: how do they meet? This is the primary question I aim
to address in this presentation. To this end, I will explore the life and thoughts of a twentieth
1896-1971), the first generation Korean femicentury Korean Zen Master, Kim Iryŏp (nist and a writer who became a Zen Buddhist nun. Iryŏp’s life and her Buddhism demonstrate
a multi-layered encounter between women and Buddhism in a woman’s search for identity andmeaningful life. In this context, I will also discuss the meaning of autobiography, narrative
identity, writing as testimony, and meaning construction in our daily existence.

Rethinking the Term Elevating Confucianism and Suppressing Buddhism
and a New Understanding of Joseon’s Buddhist Tradition
Yongtae Kim (Dongguk University)
Research on Buddhism in the Joseon dynasty has seen many achievements during the past 100
years. Under Japanese colonial rule, the introduction of the modern academic research methodology and the collection of historical material allowed the pioneering research on various topics
and formed the main theories. However, a negative image was layered onto tradition, reflecting
the reality of being colonized, and the formula of suppression and decline was set in place. In
the late 20th century, as the base of research broadened and a more autonomous perspective
towards the tradition of Korean history was emphasized, the areas and topics of research diversified, leading to the accumulation of research achievements.
From 2000 on, research that looks at Buddhism in the Joseon dynasty from a new perspective
and attempts to clarify the historical reality in detail have been attempted. While the Joseon
dynasty has been known as a period of elevating Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism(sungyu eokbul), this is a neologism created during the modern period, and its contents andcharacteristics should be understood depending on the time period. It is also necessary to reexamine the Buddhist traditions that have become academically formulized such as the theory
that Buddhist monks were equal to the low-born, the theory of the doctrinal study, and theSeon-oriented perception.

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Panel 25: New Studies on the Awakening of Faith
Convener: Tao Jin (Lanzhou University)

Panel Abstract
This panel offers six new studies on the Awakening of Faith, an influential Buddhist treatisethat appeared in 6th-century China. It will treat six topics related to the treatise, regarding its organizing paradigm of “essence and function”, its concept of “essence, attributes and function”,
exegetical use of the concept, exegetical accommodation of a doctrinal anomaly in the treatise,
its role in the formation of the Buddha Nature doctrine, and its modern Western scholarship.
Zhang examines the exegetical interpretations of the concept “da” (i.e., great) in the 4th-6th
century China, and argues, primarily on that basis, that the Awakening of Faith concept of“essence, attributes and function” was originated directly from the Jingangxian lun, a Chinese
lecture-text on Vasubandhu’s Diamond Sūtra commentary.
Hamar discusses the contribution of the Awakening of Faith to the development of the indigenous Chinese Buddhist thought by examining how the Huayan patriarch Cheng-guan applied
the Awakening of Faith concept of “essence, attributes and function” to the interpretation of theconcept “dharma-dhātu” in the Avataṃsaka Sūtra.
Looking at the sinification process of Buddhism, Liu seeks to understand how the Original En• Abstracts

107

lightenment (i.e., benjue) thought of the Awakening of Faith contributed, through its interaction
with Confucian teachings, to the development of the Indian Tathāgatagarbha thought into theChinese Buddhist doctrine of Buddha Nature.
Lastly, Jin proposes a state-of-the-field investigation into the Western-language scholarship of
the treatise since Suzuki, asking what questions have been asked about the treatise, and how
the focuses of these scholarly inquiries have transitioned over the time and what, in that sense,
underlies and thus has been orientating the development of such inquiries.

From “Ti-yong” to “Ti-xiang-yong”: A Study on the Origin of the “San-da”
Theory in the Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna
Wenliang Zhang (Renmin University of China)correspond respectively with the concepts ofWhile the concepts of “ti, xiang, yong”“bhāva, lakṣaṇa, kriyā” of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra, they were not used to translate these Sanskrit
terms in the three Chinese translations of the sūtra. This suggests that “ti, xiang, yong”, or(i.e., three aspects of greatness in “ti, xiang, yong”), were not originated from“san-da”
the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra. Also, while there may exist some connection between the “San-da”), “endowment with meritorious
theory of Qixinlun and the theory of “reality” (astitva) and “capacity” (śakyatva) of the Ratnagotravibhāga, the latter
qualities” (guṇavat
only refers to the “ti, xiang, yong” of Buddha, rather than to those of the sentient beings. The
most obvious source of the “san-da” was in fact derived from the exegetical interpretations of
the “da” in the period of Northern and Southern Dynasties, especially in the interpretations(a commentary onof the “da” from the perspective of “ti” in the Jingangxian lun
Vasubandhuʼs commentary on the Diamond Sūtra). In the same time, the change of “xiang” as aderogative concept of defilement to a positive concept of Suchness is also related to the concept) in the Jingangxian lun. In other words, while somehow reof “fa-xiang” (dharma-lakṣaṇa
lated to Indian Buddhism, the theory of “san-da” in “ti, xiang, yong” was most directly derived
from the Jingangxian lun as a lecture-text in Chinese Buddhism.

The Awakening of Faith as a Paradigm for Interpreting the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra
Imre Hamar (Eötvös Loránd University)
The Awakening of the Faith is one of the most important Buddhist texts in East Asia that considerably influenced the formation of indigenous Buddhist schools. One of these schools is
the Huayan school which is famous for its abstruse philosophical tenets explaining the interdependence and interfusion of phenomenal and transcendental worlds. The commentary on
the Awakening of the Faith composed by the third patriarch of the Huayan school, Fazang(643-712) is one the authoritative works explaining the meaning of this terse essay. In addition
to direct commentary, the Awakening of Faith also played an important role as a paradigm for
explaining the meaning of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, the most highly valued Buddhist text
in the Huayan school. In this paper we are going to examine how Chengguan (738-839), thefourth patriarch of the Huayan school used the Awakening of the Faith to reveal the hidden
meaning of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The introduction to in his commentary on the Bud-108

XIXth Congress of IABS

dhāvataṃsaka-sūtra starts the following way: “Going and returning have no limits; movement
and quiescence have one source. It includes all subtleties, and yet it has surplus; it transcends
speech and thinking, and thus it is outstanding. This is the dharma-dhātu!” (T 35.503a) This
short definition of the dharma-dhātu, which has parallels with the Laozi, is elaborated in his
Subcommentary to a great extent. In explaining this sentence, Chengguan employs three key
rubrics that are fea¬tured in the Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna. These are essence (ti), feature(xiang), and function (yong); collectively they are called the “three kinds of greatness” (sanda).
Each of them illustrates one aspect of the dharma-dhātu.
The first aspect is the function of the dharma-dhātu, which is the destiny of living beings, determined by their knowledge or ignorance of the dharma-dhātu. If somebody is deluded about
the meaning of the dharma-dhātu, he or she will be reborn in one of the six destinies (god,demigod, human, animal, hungry ghost, or denizen of hell). However, if a person can realize
the real meaning of the dharma-dhātu, he or she can return to the One Mind. The second of thethree aspects shows that the two kinds of directions ultimately share the same essence. Even
though delusion and enlightenment represent two distinct gates, their source is the same. On theother hand, while phenomenal existence is regarded as moving, the essence of phenomena, theiremptiness, is understood as quiescence. Ultimately, the discernible features of all phe¬nomena and their emptiness can be traced back to one source. Finally the features can both refer tovarious qualities of the true nature, the tathāgatagarbha, and to the self-completeness of thecharacter¬istics of the ten mysterious gates (shixuan).

A Study on the Consciousness Philosophy Based on the Awakening of Faith
in Mahāyana
Chengyou Liu (Minzu University of China)
The Sui and Tang Dynasties were the main periods for Buddhism to complete the sinicization,and its typical symbol is the establishment of several Chinese Buddhist Sects, such as the Tiantai School, Huayan School, Chan School. The reason they are called the typical symbol of thesinicization of Buddhism lies in the core concept of these Buddhist Sects, which are very different from Hinayāna Buddhism, and do not belong to the main Mahāyāna Buddhist Sect such as
the Mādhyamikāḥ and the Yogācāra School in India. Surprisingly, the Tathāgatagarbha theory
did not play a dominant role in Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism, and was rapidly developed into
the innate enlightenment of mind philosophy in Chinese Buddhism during the fifth and sixth
centuries. Then it became the main thought in Chinese Buddhism, even the whole East Asian
Buddhism. During this process, the Awakening of Faith played a vital role. Combined with thedominance of Confucianism in the Han-tang Dynasties, maybe we can easily find the secret of
the Chinese selection and acceptance of Indian Buddhist thought.

The Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna in the Western-Language Scholarship: Problems and Orientations
Tao Jin (Lanzhou University)
This paper proposes to examine the Western-language scholarship of a seminal sixth-century(abbreviated here
Buddhist treatise entitled the “Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna”• Abstracts109

as the “Awakening of Faith”). It seeks to identify the problems addressed in such scholarshipand on that basis outline the major orientations in the Western studies of the treatise.
Since its introduction to the West in 1900 in its first English translation by D. T. Suzuki (), the Awakening of Faith has remained a subject of great interest to Western scholars. It
has been translated into English at least nine times (with a 10th coming out this October, i.e.,
October 2019), into French once, and more recently into Italian once. It is also the topic of atleast five Ph.D. dissertations, two American Academy of Religion panels, as well as numerous
studies devoted either fully or partly to the treatise. Among many other topics, this body ofscholarship is known for its participation in the discussions and debates over the provenanceof the treatise, the sectarian identity and social functions of the uniquely East Asian Buddhist
doctrine of Buddha Nature, and the roles in which the key concepts in the Awakening of Faith,such as the “One Mind” and the “Original Enlightenment”, had played in the indigenization andelaboration of Buddhism in East Asia – to name just a few.
With such productivity, the Western study of the Awakening of Faith has reached a stage inwhich an examination of its rich scholarship is now in order. What has been done in the past?
Or, more specifically, what questions have been asked about the treatise, and how have they
been answered? And, perhaps more importantly, how have the focuses of these scholarly inquiries transitioned over the time, and what, in that sense, underlies and thus have been orientating
the development of such inquiries. This proposed article, addressing such questions as the problems and orientations in the Western studies of the treatise, would thus contribute to our understanding of the Awakening of Faith in terms of its reception among modern Western scholars.

Panel 26: New Research in Newar Buddhist Studies
Convener: Christoph Emmrich (University of Toronto)

Panel Abstract
From its inception the academic study of Newar Buddhism has been characterized by its close
integration of philological, anthropological, and art historical methods and interests. In this field
anthropologists have tended to engage with textual practices, textualists with ritual performances, and art historians with both. While the senior generation of scholars has shaped the field ofNewar Buddhism in its exploration of caste, localization, multivocality, and the privileged viewthe tradition offers onto the premodern South Asian Buddhist archives of literature and iconography, more recent work, building and expanding on that of the earlier pioneers, is opening up
avenues of investigation that help connect Newar Buddhist Studies even more strongly with themultifarious contemporary concerns in Buddhist Studies at large. They include an increased
interest in vernacular Buddhist intellectual history, textual production, and liturgical innovation,
ritual audiences, gender and the domestic, the precarious state of heritage, minorities and indigeneity, more broadly conceived Asian networks beyond the Kathmandu Valley, and an evenstronger integration of media-, material-, performance-, and text-oriented methodologies. Thispanel intends to bring together scholars who are rethinking and developing Newar Buddhist
Studies along these very lines.

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Reconfiguration and Revival of Newar Buddhism I: The Role of the Construction of a Newar Buddhist Monastery in Lumbini
Naresh Man Bajracharya (Tribhuvan University)
Over the last fifteen years, a hitherto unimagined revival of Newar Buddhism has unfolded, a
tradition of Indic Sanskrit tradition following the practices and teachings of late Indic Mahāyāna-Vajrayāna Buddhism. There are many factors in this ongoing story, with this talk devoting
special focus on how since 2011 the construction of a new Newar Vajrayāna monastery in Lumbini, the first traditional Vajrayāna monastery built by Newar Buddhists in almost 300 years.
Led by Nepalese Traditional Buddhist Association, a Buddhist organization founded by young
members of the Vajrācārya and Śākya castes, this work was supported by Newar Buddhist
communities from within and outside the Kathmandu Valley. The paper surveys the issues thatwere faced to create the “Nepal Vajrayāna Mahāvihāra, Lumbini.” These include the need todiscern a suitable architectural design, which texts and rituals were necessary to accompany theconstruction, the means of attracting patrons and winning broad popular support for this ambitious initiative. The speaker – who led this project to near completion this year – will combinescholarly and “insider” perspectives to convey the historical importance of this accomplishment
and the challenges faced to insure the monastery’s future vitality.

Reconfiguration and Revival of Newar Buddhism II: Paradoxes in the Kathmandu Valley
Todd Lewis (College of the Holy Cross)
Beginning with Sylvain Lévi, most scholars for the past century who have assessed the state ofNewar Buddhism in the Kathmandu Valley have described the tradition as “decadent,” “corrupted by Hinduism,” and sliding toward death after a century of ongoing decline. Many predicted its withering away, most often due to competition from the reformist Theravādins, amovement that arrived in Nepal a century ago. Another axis of the “decline analysis” has been
the predations of the modern Nepalese state with its staunchly Hindu biases. The talk will
sketch the confluence of factors (market expansion, mercantile leadership, remittances, charismatic leadership including the rejection of caste and gender prejudices) that have driven thisrevitalization in many areas.

Ongoing Innovations within Contemporary Newar Buddhism
Samuel Grimes (University of Virginia)
Scholars and practitioners alike have worked the past few decades to make the case that Newar
Buddhism is a continuation of the indigenous Indic Buddhist tradition otherwise lost on themainland subcontinent from the late medieval period. While its pedigree is now accepted within the academy, the fact remains that Newar Buddhism has undergone a number of significant
changes since this period, usually in response to existential, external crises, such as Sthiti Malla’s Hinduization and the conquest of the Nepal Valley by Prithvi Narayan Shah. Its contemporary status as a caste-ordered tradition further isolates the religion in the larger Buddhist
world. In 2016 I underwent ritual training and a series of tests in Kathmandu, culminating in my• Abstracts

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“initiation” through a special performance of the upoṣadhavrata, attended by around two dozen
vajrācāryas. Following this I was made to do the aṣṭamīvrata at twelve Newar Buddhist pilgrimage sites scattered around the Valley. My experience, although unprecedented for an outsider,
was only one innovation in a series undertaken by my primary teacher, Yagyamanpati Bajracharya, who continued teaching dharma and ritual to non-vajrācāryas and women following mydeparture. Since then, through a number of “sabhās” and guthis he has publically establishedcontact with Tibetan and Theravāda Buddhists in the Valley. I propose that Yagyamanpati’s
innovations, like those of his ancestors, are a response to existential, external pressures, namely
to do with Nepal’s involvement in a global world, whilst Newar Buddhism is not a participant
in global Buddhism, in combination with a reduction in trained ritualists, dharma knowledge,
and even competence in Newar language among vajrācārya and śākya men. I argue he aims tointegrate Newar Buddhism into a global Buddhism through outreach unheard of a generation
ago and, even today, met with mixed feelings inside the Vajrācārya community.

Taking Refuge in the House: Considering the House of the Newar Buddhist
Householder
Ian Turner (University of Toronto)
Newar Buddhism once attracted attention for its hereditary saṃgha, for whose members marriage is a ritual imperative. The Newar vihāra is the place of householder rather than celibate
life, sharing in the various ritual and spiritual concerns of the laity. This paper turns attention
from householder to house through a constellation of textual types through which a house isestablished [grḥa pratiṣṭhā), inhabited [palisthāyā bākhaṃ), and maintained (chem̆̇y bau biyegu
vidhi); followed by a discussion of two more recent published genres - ritual exegesis (Ratnakāji Vajrācārya) and autobiography (Motilakṣmī Śākya). Seen from these different angles,
the house becomes more than simply a place where things happen. It is a place happening at theritual interface of substance and presence, the refuge of the human and the other-than human.

Mommy! I Want Beer, Liquor, and Raw Meat: A Child’s Favourite Meal
According to Hārāti Pūjā
Austin Simoes-Gomes (University of Toronto)
When one walks up to Swayambhu Hill, in the Kathmandu Valley, one quickly notices that thecentre of ritual attention on the hill is not the impressive stupa that occupies great importancein the minds of Newar Buddhists. Rather, the two-tiered temple dedicated to the goddess Hāratī
is always bustling with people making offerings, offering butter-lamps, and most significantly
performing pūjā with a Vajrācārya right in front of the temple. In this paper, I will be presenting
on recent research I have been conducting in Nepal on the pūjā to the goddess Hāratī, calledchāhāyeke. This ritual can be understood as an offering to the Buddhist goddess and her children. Several different substances and items, including meat and alcohol are offered to the deities at the temple. In this paper, I will be analyzing several ritual manuals that I collected fromvarious archives in Kathmandu by isolating the different component parts that make up this rite.
These texts, in turn, will be compared and contrasted with performative examples of the ritualfrom Swayambhu. Several variations of the ritual have been observed and documented. The

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performative will be compared and contrasted with the textual in an effort to reveal both differences and similarities between these two forms. Conversations with both Vajrācārya priests andsponsors of the ritual will be included to provide this project with an ethnographic dimension.
The final comparative component of this paper will be with descriptions of the ritual found in
Newar and Nepali materials, both textual and videographic. The ways in which Newars havediscussed this ritual will be included in this conversation surrounding this rite in an effort toquery the place of this ritual in the broader ritual literature and ritual performance of Newar
Buddhists.

The Interpretation of Nāmasaṃgīti: Focusing on the Newly Surfaced Manuscripts Possessed by the Newar Buddhists
Sudan Shakya (Shuchiin University)
The Nāmasaṃgīti (ca. 700 CE) is one of the most chanted Buddhist scriptures in Newar Buddhism, consisting of 167 verses and a prose section. At present, only the verses containing
various names of Mañjuśrī depicting his characteristic aspects are being chanted, while theprose section is not chanted anymore. However, this very prose section explains the benefitsof reciting Nāmasaṃgīti, that is, one may gain a wide range of worldly benefits and ultimately
may attain Buddhahood, which supports its popularity in Nepal. According to the two ritualtexts, Advayavajra’s Ādikarmapradīpa and Anupamavajra’s Kudṛṣṭinirghātana composed in
between 11th to 12th century, we come to know that chanting of this scripture is regarded as adaily monastic duty, and the Nepalese Buddhist monasteries (Vahā or Vahī) dotted in Kathmandu Valley preserve this chanting tradition for several centuries. In addition, we can find a huge
number of Dharmadhātuvāgīśvara-maṇḍalas, which are carved on the double petal stone lotus.
Locals prefer to call it as Dharmadhātu, and this Maṇḍala is undoubtedly the most commonly
worshiped Maṇḍala in the Newar Buddhist Tradition. As I have demonstrated in an earlier publication, this maṇḍala corresponds to the description in verse 115cd of Nāmasaṃgīti. Thus, itwould be no exaggeration to say that the faith in Nāmasaṃgīti supports its religious culture of
Newar Buddhism.
Nepal preserves a large collection of Buddhist manuscripts. These are also numerous Nāmasaṃgīti and Nāmasaṃgīti-related manuscripts especially possessed by private individuals. Recently,
I had an opportunity to explore some newly discovered manuscripts. This included a Sanskrit
manuscript of Nāmasaṃgīti written with gold paste in violet paper, and its colophon reads thatthe manuscript is scribed in 1211CE during the reign of King Ari Malla just after Buddhism
declined in India. I have confirmed other similar incomplete manuscript of Nāmasaṃgīti, but
its colophon is missing. While both manuscripts resemble in scribing the Rañjanā script alongwith the composition, and therefore we can assume that the latter is also scribed in 13th century.
This paper will focus on the newly surfaced Nāmasaṃgīti and Nāmasaṃgīti-related Sanskrit
as well as Sanskrit-Newari bilingual manuscripts preserved by the Newar community of Kathmandu valley, and discuss how the Nāmasaṃgīti is interpreted in Newar Buddhist Tradition thatwill help to understand the so-called Nāmasaṃgīti culture of Nepal.

• Abstracts

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Panel 29: Prajñāpāramitā and Esotericism: Mahāyāna vs. Vajrayāna?
Convener: Jinah Kim (Harvard University)

Panel Abstract
The Prajñāpāramitā literature features most prominently among the earliest Mahāyāna sūtras.
Prajñāpāramitā is nearly synonymous with Mahāyāna so that the presence of the goddess Prajñāpāramitā in twelfth century Angkor in Cambodia prompts a characterization of Mahayana
Buddhism of that period. Yet, Prajñāpāramitā did not remain stagnant as its numerous recensions and various later imagery of the goddess testify. What do various commentaries on the
Prajñāpāramitā of the tenth century onwards tell us about the reception and the doctrinal significance of the Prajñāpāramitā in Himalayan Buddhism? Why are the twelfth century Indian
manuscripts of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā filled with tantric iconography? Did the cultof the book articulated in the AsP remain fundamentally unchanging for two thousand years?
What is the relationship between Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna when seen through underexploredesoteric and openly cultic elements of the Prajñāpāramitā? What does the transformation of the
Prajñāpāramitā into a condensed spell book (i.e. Svalpākṣarā) tell us about its changing meaning and function in Buddhist rituals? This session challenges the widely held notion that blindly
equates Prajñāpāramitā and Mahāyāna and brings more historically nuanced understanding of
the changing meanings and significance of the Prajñāpāramita over time particularly in South
Asia and in the Himalayas.

Invoking the Goddess: The Changing Character of Prajñāpāramitā as Seen
From Her Spells, Hymns and Shorter Scriptures
Francesco Bianchini (Mahidol University)
This paper explores various medieval texts associated with Prajñāpāramitā, paying attention
to the increasing centrality of spells, hymns, and invocations. Spells associated with Prajñāpāramitā appear copiously within ritual manuals and sādhanas of this period (including
the Ādikarmapradīpa and the Sādhanamālā). However, spells are also central to an innovative set of scriptural sources which include the Svalpākṣarā (ed. Yuyama 1977), the *Prajñāpāramitānāmāṣṭaśataka (Taishō n. 230), and the Kauśikā (ed. Conze 1956). These concise
works are part of a later wave of Prajñāpāramitā writing which remains understudied whencompared to the Aṣṭasāhasrikā and even ‘middle-length’ scriptures like the Saptaśatikā.
Looking within the ‘Sanskrit Cosmopolis’, one also finds Prajñāpāramitā spells and hymns insurviving documents from Bali (Goudriaan/Hooykaas 1970), while the Goddess was also routinely addressed in a number of Khmer inscriptions (Multzer O’Naghten 2016).
Taken as a whole, these materials throw light on the changing relation between text and goddess
at a time where esoteric Buddhist practices were fast gaining pace. In order to unlock the relevant dynamics, the paper will argue for a need to not only look at ‘mature’ esoteric Buddhism
but also and primarily at the rich world of dhāraṇī practices – including dhāraṇīsūtras and thecults of protective Goddesses. Here too we find a number of concise scriptures and related

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spells, whose personified forms often bear the epithet ‘mother of Buddhas’.
These and other connections can have wider implications for the study of transculturality andcosmopolitanism in medieval monsoon Asia.

Divergent Esoteric Meditations of the Prajñāpāramitā in India -- Tathatālambana and Nirālambana Stages in the Four Yoga BhūmisBhikṣu Hejung (University of Hamburg)
When Indian Buddhist scholars interpreted the Prajñāpāramitā scriptures in line with their own
philosophical positions, they all claimed that the most profound meaning of these scriptures
could only be realised through an esoteric meditation practice that differed from others foundin early Buddhist literature. But these same scholars disagreed about the four stages of this esoteric meditation (yogabhūmi), and in particular, what it is like to experience the highest stage.
This paper will compare the competing interpretations of the third and fourth stages of meditation (respectively Tathatālambana and Nirālambana) by Yogācāra philosophers, Ratnākaraśānti
(11th century) and Jñānaśrīmitra (11th century). By this, I will show how their divergent philosophical positions caused them to interpret differently not only the quintessential meaning of
the Prajñāpāramitā, but also the practice of Prajñāpāramitā necessary to realize it.
In the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa, Ratnākaraśānti, who is a proponent of the Nirākāravādin, aversthat Prajñāpāramitā is directly seeing reality as-it-is (tathatā). In order to realize this, sentient
beings must traverse the four stages of meditation that eliminate the cause of their erroneous
perception, which is not recognizing their mental content (ākāra) to be false by nature. The firsttwo stages of the esoteric meditation involve analytically deconstructing the false appearancesof all phenomena. In the third stage (i.e. tathatālambana stage), however, yogins take the nature (dharmatā) of the nondual mind (i.e. free of subject and object) as their object until they
directly experience sheer-luminosity free from any object of consciousness. In the fourth stage(i.e. nirālambana stage), yogins aim to stabilize the experience of sheer-luminosity free fromany object (nirālambana) up to the point of complete awakening. In describing these latter
two yoga stages, Ratnākaraśānti quotes the Avikapapraveśadhāraṇī section of the Pañcaviṃśati-Sāhasrikā-Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra, and supports his interpretation with quotes from the Laṅkāvatārasūtra and Guhyasamājatantra (15.135).
Contra Ratnākaraśānti, the Sākāravādin Jñānaśrīmitra argues in his Sākārasiddhiśāstra, that allmental content is not false, and the cause of erroneous perception is only the mistaken belief
that what is perceived is external to the internal perceiver. Therefore, Jñānaśrīmitra gives adifferent interpretation of the third and fourth stages. Yogins, in the third stage, take as theirobject of meditation the suchness of the nondual mind until they directly experience luminosity without falsely believing variegated appearances to be external to the mind. In the fourthstage, yogins aim to stabilize the experience of luminosity with its variegated appearances bydesisting from conceptualizing any “external” object (nirālambana). In establishing this position, Jñānaśrīmitra reinterprets the very same passages from the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī thatRatnākaraśānti used to build his interpretation and introduces the Laṅkāvatārasūtra 10.709 to
support his Sākāravāda position.
In sum, Ratnākaraśānti and Jñānaśrīmitra agree that there are four meditation stages to realise• Abstracts

115the esoteric meaning of Prajñāpāramitā. But their divergent philosophical positions affect theirdescription of the third and fourth stages. In Ratnākaraśānti’s instructions, nirālambana meditation is to rest in reflexively aware luminosity without any mental content. In Jñānaśrīmitra’s
instructions, the same meditation allows luminosity to appear in variegated appearances without any belief in their externality.

Goddess Prajñāpāramitā and Esoteric Buddhism in Jayavarman VII’s Angkor: A Trans-regional Approach
Jinah Kim (Harvard University)
This paper explores the religious and political significance of the goddess Prajñāpāramitā during Jayavarman VII’s reign (c. 1181- 1220) from trans-regional comparative perspectives. The
unique iconography of Angkorian Prajñāpāramitā clearly articulates her relationship with other
Mahāyāna cultic deities such as Avalokiteśvara and Tārā, which is not articulated in known
textual sources. Here, it is important to underscore that Khmer examples are not “outcastes” in
the iconographic genealogy of the goddess Prajñāpāramita as Edward Conze once observed, butinnovative yet politically sensitive creations that can help us understand the historical process
behind the formation of a religious iconography. While a recent study on Prajñāpāramitā puts adue emphasis on the Mahāyāna characteristics of the goddess Prajñāpāramitā, Prajñāpāramitā’s
importance in the Esoteric Buddhist tenets demands reconsideration of our received wisdom.
Instead of taking the appearance of the goddess Prajñāpāramitā as a sole Buddhist female deity in Angkor as a clear sign for “doctrinal trends of Mahāyāna Buddhism” in Angkor, one
should consider the importance of the Prajñāpāramitā in Indian Esoteric Buddhism, that, too,in all of its multivalency-- as a text, transcendent insight, mother of all Buddhas, a manuscript, a goddess, and an image. The goddess Prajñāpāramitā’s esoteric Buddhist connection
has been suggested in previous scholarship, but the connection has been simply assumed basedon feminine gender, taking the gender and the femininity in a visual representation as signaling“a sexual and hence Tantric overtone.” This paper investigates the transformation of the Prajñāpāramitā in the art of the Pāla period and its bearing on the changing meaning of AngkorianPrajñāpāramitā. Exploring Prajñāpāramitā through a trans-regional lens helps us unpack theimportance of Esoteric Buddhism in Jayavarman VII’s state operation. Prajñāpāramitā, then,is not a sign for a “Mahāyana Buddhist trend” but a central thread of Esoteric Buddhist practices that can help locate Angkor in the trans-regional network of Esoteric Buddhism of thetwelfth-thirteenth centuries across South, Southeast Asia, and the Himalayas, from Alchi in theWestern Himalayas to Java.

Prajñāpāramitā at Alchi Monastery, Ladakh
Christian Luczanits (School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London)
The monastic complex of Alchi Choskhor, Ladakh, is one of the most informative monuments
for early Tibetan Buddhism, but it is also exceptional in many respects. New research over the
past year revealed more of the religious background of the site and allowed for improving theinterpretation of many of its murals.
In my contribution I will focus on the depictions of the goddess Prajñāpāramitā (Shérapkyi

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Paröltu Chinma, shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin ma) throughout the complex. Usually depicted ina rare six-armed form the goddess occurs both independently and as the main deity of diverse
mandalas. So far I did not succeed to trace any of these depictions to a Tibetan source, but thecontexts of the depictions themselves are telling. From these several interpretations can be established that complement each other and account for her multiple roles. Probably most surprising among these is the link of her depiction to a commemorative context that can be establishedon the basis of several of her depictions.

The Centrality of the Prajñāpāramitā in the Development of the Newar
Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna
Alexander O’Neill (SOAS University of London)
The Prajñāpāramitā, conceived of as a text and as a goddess, is central to many aspects of thecontemporary Newar Buddhist ritual and aesthetic traditions. Why did this come to be the caseand how did it develop? This paper will trace this development through elements of Mahāyāna
doctrine and practice, which, when combined with features of Vajrayāna practice, contributed
to an emphasis upon the Prajñāpāramitā above other texts. The Mahāyāna sūtras in general attribute to themselves both apotropaic and transcendent boons to the ideal disciple who upholds
and worships them. However, most prolific in the employment of these self-referential claims
is the Prajñāpāramitā literature. According to later ritual texts, such as the Ādikarmapradīpa, it
appears that recitation of the Prajñāpāramitā text was central to a Bodhisattva’s practice. Precisely what was required to frame that recitation is not clear, but if we take our cue from contemporary practices, the manuscript may have been worshipped in many of the ways instructedwithin the text itself. While the text itself claims that it is the true body of the Buddha, and a true(or “veritable”) caitya, these texts may have been conceived of as embodiments of the Buddha.
The Kriyāsaṃgraha, for instance, provides instructions for how to install (pratiṣṭhā) life (jīva)
into manuscripts in order that their worship may be the worship of a living being. There may
be a number of notable Śaiva and Pāñcarātra precedents or parallels for some of these practices and forms of worship. The centrality of the Prajñāpāramitā, furthermore, appears to havelargely been a development of the triple gem (triratna) maṇḍalas. These three maṇḍalas first
appear in the Kriyāsamuccaya’s “poṣadhavidhi” and see their development in later poṣadha
vidhi literature. At some point it appears that the dharma maṇḍala takes as its central figure the
Prajñāpāramitā, and later iconographic and ritual practices thus use the Prajñāpāramitā and its
goddess figure as a shorthand for the entire Dharma. Eventually, we see a ubiquitous presenceof the Prajñāpāramitā: it comes to be implied that even in the worship of sūtras other than thoseof the Prajñāpāramitā literature, one is in fact still worshipping the Prajñāpāramitā. In contemporary Nepal, the recitation and worship of the Prajñāpāramitā comes to be highly localised,
including in the occasional parading of its manuscript in a rātha and the public display of its folios during the month of Guṃlā. While these developments and practices highlight the influenceof the Vajrayāna on the Prajñāpāramitā, and esoteric elements are necessary in the recitation ofeven an exoteric text, they also highlight elements inherent within the Mahāyāna itself.

• Abstracts

117Panel 30: Prāsaṅgika Debate: Knowledge, Omniscience and Illusion
Convener: Sonam Thakchoe (University of Tasmania)

Panel Abstract
This panel focuses on a Tibetan philosophical debate initiated and inspired by Taktsang Lotsawa Sherap Rinchen’s (1405–1477) critique of Tsongkhapa’s (1357–1419) account of the twotruths, as well as Tsongkhapa’s attempt to develop an epistemology consistent with the metaphysics of the Indian philosophers Nāgārjuna (c. second century CE) and Candrakīrti (600–c.
650). Taktsang, a Sakya scholar, charged Tsongkhapa’s interpretation of Madhyamaka withsuffering from “eighteen great burdens of contradiction” (’gal khur chen po bco brgyad), acharge that was vigorously opposed by Tsongkhapa’s followers in the Geluk tradition but supported by later scholars in the Sakya and Kagyü traditions. Taktsang’s ideas were taken up
enthusiastically by philosophers of the Kagyü order, particularly the eighth Karmapa, Migyö
Dorjé (1507–1554), and his successor the ninth Karmapa, Wangchuk Dorjé (1556–1603), bothof whom endorsed and expanded on his critique. The panellists will explore distinctive philosophical contributions the eight key players bring to this philosophically important Prāsaṅgika
debate in Tibet.

Being a Mādhyamika Means More Than Just Arguing with Opponents: Purbuchok on Experience and Epistemic Instruments
John Powers (Deakin University)
My presentation will focus on Purbuchok Ngawang Jampa’s (Phur bu lcog Ngag dbang byams
pa, 1682–1762) response to Taktsang’s presentation of Madhyamaka. Purbuchok begins byclaiming that Taktsang’s errors stem from his naïve understanding and lack of meditative attainment, and then Purbuchok goes on to develop a system of Madhyamaka that can incorporate
the use of epistemic instruments (tshad ma; Skt. pramāṇa) without succumbing to the errors offoundationalism that Taktsang sees in the Gelukpa approach. Purbuchok presents a nuanced(but still problematic) interpretation that provides a coherentist reading of Tsongkhapa: it ispossible to take an “anthropological” approach to epistemic instruments and the judgements
they warrant, simply describing how valid deployment of pramāṇas leads to successful activity
and reproducible results. While this may rescue Gelukpa Madhyamaka from some of the mostsignificant implications of Taktsang’s rebuttal, it also leads to the problem of relativism encountered by contemporary coherentist epistemologies. My presentation will discuss the philosophical implications of Purbuchok’s reframing of Gelukpa Madhyamaka and how it raises new
difficulties while providing compelling responses to Taktsang’s charges.

Is the Stain the Cloth? Paṇchen Lobsang Chökyi Gyeltsen’s Rebuttal to
Taktsang Lotsawa
Jed Forman (Simpson College)
The Paṇchen Lama Lobsang Chökyi Gyeltsen was the first Gelugpa thinker to respond sys-

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XIXth Congress of IABStematically to Taktsang’s charge of 18 contradictions against the Gelug school. In his response,
the Paṇchen Lama repeatedly uses the analogy of setting fire to a piece of asbestos cloth thathas a stain. Though the fire may burn away the stain, the asbestos (being a fire retardant) does
not itself burn and is left intact. This analogy succinctly surmises both the Paṇchen Lama’s
and, more broadly, the Gelugpa understanding of conventional truth. That is, although fire-like
gnosis—arising from epistemic warrants which analyze the ultimate—eradicate the blemish of
believing in self-existence, it does not vitiate the fabric of conventional truth stitched by thoseepistemic instruments that validate conventional phenomena. This marks the fulcrum of the debate with Taktsang, who argues that there is no stain that can be disambiguated from the cloth;
conventional phenomena are only stains through and through, and so the conflagration of realization consumes the conventional entirely. Therefore, the crux of the disagreement between thePaṇchen Lama and Taktsang concerns whether the stain is separable from the cloth.

Tsongkhapa on the Epistemology of the Conventional
Jay Garfield (Smith College)
The debate between Geluk scholars on the one hand and Sakya and Kagyu scholars on the otherinitiated by Talstang’s “18 Great Contradictions in the Thought of Tsongkhapa” concerns theconsistency of Prāsangika metaphysics with the possibility of knowing conventional truth. After all, Takstang argues, if conventional truth is all illusory, then there is no conventional object
to be known, and no possibility of any claims about the conventional being epistemically warranted. Tsongkhapa thinks otherwise, and argues that conventional truth is a kind of truth, andthat we can make sense of epistemic warrant within the domain of the conventional. Focusing
on the “Special Insight” section of the Great Exposition of the Stages of the path to Awakening,
I will articulate Tsongkhapa’s account of conventional epistemic warrant, and show how it raises the problems that Takstang foregrounds.

“Wangchuk Dorjé’s Prāsaṅgika System (Acknowledged by Others)”
Douglas Duckworth (Temple University)
This paper discusses the ninth Karmapa, Wangchuk Dorjé (1556-1603), and his representationof Prāsaṅgika-Madhyamaka. In his Concise Summary of Madhyamaka, Wangchuk Dorjé outlines a Prāsaṅgika system that can only be described with denials and/or by deference to whatis “acknowledged by others” (gzhan grags). He affirms a view of Prāsaṅgika only and always
in terms of what is acknowledged by others, but never in terms of any view acknowledged by
the Prāsaṅgika tradition itself. In a way that resembles a skeptical stance - as well as the use ofnegative reference in the linguistic theory of apoha - Wangchuk Dorjé also consistently affirmsa Prāsaṅgika view by proclaiming what it is not. In his interpretation, there is no Prāsaṅgika
system, so to represent this “system” consistently, he appeals to what is said about it exclusively
in terms of what is acknowledged by others. This paper will explore the implications of Wangchuk Dorjé’s unique Prāsaṅgika interpretation, as well as compare it with parallel portrayals of
Madhyamaka in the works of Mikyö Dorjé (1507-1554) and Taktsang Lotsawa (1405-1477).
The paper will also situate his interpretation of Madhyamaka historically and philosophicallyagainst the backdrop of Mahāmudrā in the Karma Kagyü tradition, within which he is both ahierarch and an heir.
• Abstracts

119Candrakīrti on Memory: Concerning What and How We Remember
Sonam Thakchoe (University of Tasmania)
Candrakīrti has made many distinctive contributions towards understanding Madhyamaka andhis influence on the Buddhist philosophy of mind is no less significant, and yet much of it remains unexplored. In this paper, I will focus on articulating his distinctive account of memory
consciousness, including his critiques of other rival theories. According to Candrakīrti, given
the universality of the law of impermanence, the blue object we visually apprehended earlier,that same object cannot reappear in any future cognition. If the past blue object reappears in
the future memory cognition, that object would be intrinsically real, and if there is a memorythat takes up that as its object, that memory consciousness will also have to be intrinsicallyreal. Thus, a memory cognition cannot arise from the blue object which we experienced earlier
since it does not exist anymore. The blue object is not intrinsic, for an intrinsic nature would
absurdly make it eternally observable presently which it is not. However, it is also not the casethat the past blue object is entirely nonexistent (like the Pegasus) since it can give rise to a memory cognition, that its effects are presently observable, and could be felt phenomenologically.
So, what is the nature of the object from which memory cognition (as its subject) arises anddirected towards and engages with? Candrakīrti rejects the Sautrāntika-Yogācāra’s thesis thatmemory cognition requires positing of a reflexive awareness and the Mimāmsāka-Naiyāyika
(and modern theorist, Endel Tulving’s) thesis that memory requires the positing of an enduring
subject – the self. Instead, he argues, following Aryadeva (Catuḥsataka XI.10), memory consciousness arises from the “cessation” of the past events or objects because it lacks intrinsic
nature and dependently originates. Memory consciousness arises representing the type of object
from which it arises, and memory cognition as the subject also has the same representation.
Therefore, memory is about recollecting a ceased event, and its objects must be those that havebeen ceased. It is like recalling when awake the objects experienced in a dream (CŚṬXI.10,
dBu ma Ya 182b)

Panel 32: Questioning the Milindapañha, the Nāgasena Bhikṣu Sūtra(那先比丘經)Convener: Asanga Guang Xing (The University of Hong Kong),
Tony Scott (University of Toronto)

Panel Abstract
With Gāndhārī roots, traces in Sanskrit, extant versions in Pali and Chinese, and more than adozen translations in modern vernaculars, the Milindapañha, *Nāgasena Bhikṣu Sūtra,,, भिक्षु नागसेन सूतर् , or Questions of Milinda, is an enigmatic work that has
circulated for more than two millennia. In this panel, we bring together manuscript witnesses,
linguistic, philological, and historical analyses, and philosophical perspectives to capture just asmall slice of the ever-expanding range and import of this text. After introducing ground-breaking “echoes” of the text in a Gāndhārī fragment in the first paper, the second paper uses a comparison between the Chinese and Pali recensions to suggest that rather than being translated

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from a single text, they are improvisations based on a catechismal type Q & A outlining thebasic principles of Buddhism for the laity. The third paper takes this analysis between the Paliand Chinese even further, comparing the historical layers between the two, before the panel
moves to the text’s treatment of precept practices, unique by drawing from examples of suchpractices in contemporary society. In the fifth and sixth papers, the panel ends with a survey ofthe manuscript witnesses of the Milindapañha in Central Siam and an investigation of its firstaṭṭhakathā commentary from mid-twentieth-century Burma, where it alone forms part of theTipiṭaka. This contrapuntal set of studies will allow us to explore questions of genesis, recension, audience, and canon, shedding light on how communities of Buddhists used and (were)transformed (by) this text in time and space, but also how scholars in the academy continue toquestion the Questions of Milinda, the *Nāgasena Bhikṣu Sūtra.

An Echo of the Questions of King Milinda in Gāndhārī?
Richard Salomon (University of Washington)
When the Buddhist literature of ancient Gandhāra began to be rediscovered some two decadesago, one of the texts which seemed most likely to be found among the new manuscripts was
the “Questions of King Milinda” (Pāli Milinda-pañha). For although the Milinda-pañha is now
known to survive only in Pali and Chinese versions, it has been postulated that the text had originally been composed in Gāndhārī, since it was set in the northwestern realm of the Indo-Greek
king Menander (2nd century BCE). Contrary to these expectations, the “Questions” has still
not been found among the fragmentary remnants of Gāndhārī texts, which now number in thehundreds. However, one set of small fragments of an otherwise unidentified scroll does refer toan elder (thero) called Nāgasena, the chief interlocutor with the king in the “Questions,” who isotherwise unknown in Pali literature. Moreover, the wording of these fragments resembles thatof the Milinda-pañha in several respects. Thus, although the manuscript in question is evidently
not part of the Milinda-pañha itself, it implies that there was, as expected, a Gāndhārī versionof that famous text. That text itself, however, still remains to be found.

Revisiting Milindapañha
Bryan Levman (University of Toronto)
This study examines the origins of the Milindapañha by comparing the extant Pāli and Chinese
works.
The Milindapañha was originally an oral composition composed in a north-west Prakrit, and the
Pāli and Chinese works are translations and/or elaborations of it. The major differences in content between the two witnesses suggest that the original Milindapañha was quite different fromthe extended works that have survived, but more of a short summary of Buddhist doctrine for
introducing neophytes to the new religion, a Buddhist “catechism” – a simple oral instructionof the basic tenets of Buddhism in Q & A form, with graphic similes and metaphors to explain
basic Buddhist concepts. This was used as a guide by subsequent tradents, who expanded on thebasic format, improvising and adding content as they saw fit.
The article also examines questions of time of composition, transmission history, early Chinese• Abstracts

121understanding of Buddhist doctrine and terminology, and the unique oral and technical language of the Pāli and Chinese surviving witnesses.
A full version of this study is now available in Journal Asiatique volume 309, no. 1: 107-130.

A Comparative Study of the Chinese Nāgasena Bhikṣu Sūtra and the Pāli
Milindapañha
Guang Xing (The University of Hong Kong, Center of Buddhist Studies)
By observing the characteristics of the content of the dialogues and its style, we may say that
the Chinese version is old while the Pāli version had gone through a process of revision andadditions. We have the following points in support of our conclusion. (1) The Pāli text refers to
the six heretical teachers while no mention of it is in the Chinese text. (2) The Pāli text mentions
the exact titles of the seven Theravāda Abhidhamma books. But the Chinese text only refers
to the Buddha sūtra. (3) The Pāli text refers to the terms like Tipiṭaka and Nikāya, while theChinese text mentions only Buddha, Dharma, Buddhasūtra, or Sūtravinaya. (4) The Pāli text
clearly belong to the Theravāda school. But the Chinese text is vague on the subject, it lacks
any characteristics of the school. (5) The Chinese text mentions that Nāgasena preached to thelayman, he started from dānakatha then sīlakatha, then saggakatha... At last he gave a talk on
dhamma. This reflects the tradition of early days of Buddhism as found in Mahāvagga. (6) The
Chinese text mentions that Nāgasena together with 80 Śramanas meet the king, but the Pāli text
mentions 80,000 Śramanas went with Nāgasena. (7) Abundance of miracles in the Pāli text incontrast with the Chinese text show its deviation from Early Buddhism which is simple andmoderate. (8) The Chinese text corresponds to the first three chapters of the Pāli text which has
seven chapters. The last four chapters are added later.

The Milindapañha’s Discourse on the Precept Practice and Vinaya
Lee Choong Hwan (Dongguk University)
Most previous studies of the Milindapañha have focused on its Sarvāstivāda views on suchdoctrinal notions as dependent origination and nirvāṇa. However, as many sūtras clarify, theobservance of precepts is the foundation of other stages of Buddhist practice, and this point ismade clear by Nāgasena Bhikkhu himself as well in the Milindapañha.
The discourse on the precepts and Vinaya in the Milindapañha bears special significance since
it differs from other scriptures on Buddhist precepts in that Nāgasena Bhikkhu explicates thecontent of the Vinaya and Sūtra Piṭakas by using various examples from contemporary society.
The Milindapañha explains the effect of the precept practice on the process of transmigration byusing the example of Devadatta, who was able to alleviate the consequences of his wrongdoings
by joining the saṅgha and observing the precepts through multiple lives. Furthermore, the text
explains that the punishment for breaking a precept should be applied with flexibility, just as, insecular society, even the same offense could lead to different punishments according to the classand caste of a person, and the gravity of the offense is contingent upon the state of the mind at
the time of the offense.

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By studying the understanding of the precept practice of the Milindapañha in this way, we will
be able to compare its understanding with the later commentaries on precepts.

The Different Pāli Milindapañha Recensions Circulated in Central Siam,
Based on Manuscripts Extant Since the Seventeenth Century
Eng Jin Ooi (Chulalongkorn University)
Several studies have shown that there are significant discrepancies between the textual traditions of the Siamese Pāli Milindapañhā (Si) and the Pali Text Society’s Milindapañho (Mil).
However, no further research has been done to find out why these differences have come tobe. In my research, I have attempted to answer this question by examining the manuscripts
to see what is embedded in them. As no information is available on the manuscripts used toedit Si, the first step is to track the manuscripts down. So far, I have been able to identify seventy-nine monolingual Pāli Milindapañha manuscripts that circulated in Central Siam. These
manuscripts, though not all are complete, are not necessarily direct copies of each other or of asingle original exemplar; they are, rather, distinct recensions that were copied in different periods of Thai history. By the late eighteenth century, at least three recensions were in circulationin the region. Two of them were present since the second half of the seventeenth century, if notearlier. As such, the evolution of the Siamese textual tradition can be examined by following a
trajectory from the late Ayutthaya period till the Rattanakosin era and then to the printed edition,
spanning almost two and a half centuries. The textual lineages of these recensions are still not
clear; however, clues suggest that they might come from different routes into Siam and weretransmitted within different textual communities. Those communities might have made theirown specific contributions to the preservation and transmission of the text.

A Mid-twentieth-century Aṭṭhakathā Commentary on the Milindapañha:
Sealing the Pali Canon in Post-colonial Burma
Tony Scott (University of Toronto)
Although its roots stretch to before the Common Era and the text has spread throughout Asia
over the last two millennia, the Milindapañha (Questions of Milinda) did not have an aṭṭhakathā
commentary until 1948—the most authoritative and oldest form of commentary in Pali. Composed by the Mingun Jetavana Sayadaw (1868-1955), a pioneer of insight, or vipassanā meditation, and published the year of Burmese independence, the Milindapañhā-aṭṭhakathā is thefirst aṭṭhakathā commentary in at least half a millennium. Writing in a transgressive, possibly
spoken-style of Pali, the Mingun Jetavana Sayadaw strategically invokes the epistemologies of
divine eyes, knowing the future, and other higher forms of knowledge (abhiññā-s) in his text.
The author uses these higher forms of knowledge to introduce several controversial passages
calling for the full ordination of women (bhikkhunī-upasampadā) and literalist reforms to therobe-giving ceremony (kaṭhina-kamma) so crucial to monastic-lay relations in Burma. These
calls for reform caused protest in the streets, provoked government censorship, and possibly
hurried legislation on a monastic-courts system to contain and resolve such controversies within the saṅgha. By examining the reception of this commentary against the Buddhist revival project of the U Nu administration, my paper argues that the Mingun Jetavana Sayadaw leverages• Abstracts

123the relatively recent inclusion of the root text in the Tipiṭaka to introduce his own views into the
neoconservative Theravada orthodoxy of Burma, leveraging the very forces of canon-making
designed to seal off the Tipiṭaka from innovation and change. Hence a study of this commentary
not only sheds light on the history of the Milindapañha in Burma but on the fraught process ofcreating an exclusive canon—the keystone of the neoconservative Theravada project.

Panel 33: Ratnākaraśānti and his Writings
Convener: Harunaga Isaacson (University of Hamburg),
Greg Seton (Dartmouth College),
Hong Luo (Sichuan University)

Panel Abstract
The scholastic interest in Ratnākaraśānti (ca. 970–1045) and his writings dates back to theend of the nineteenth century. But the first complete modern translation of Ratnākaraśānti’s
works is an unpublished Japanese translation of the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa prepared by Katsura
Shoryu et al. in 1975–1976 in Kyoto. Over the next quarter century, scholastic interest in Ratnākaraśānti’s treatises produced few studies aside from Jaini 1979, Wayman 1983, Samdhong& Dwivedi 1992, Hayashi 1996. But the early years of the twentieth century have witnesseda revival of interest with the critical edition of Ratnākaraśānti’s three writings on the Hevajra
cycle: the Muktāvalī (Tripathi & Negi 2001), the Sahajasadyoga (Isaacson 2002a), the Bhramahara (Isaacson 2002b), and Umino 2002, a monograph focusing on Ratnākaraśānti’s threephilosophical works. Since then, the number of articles, studies, and theses on Ratnākaraśānti’s
work has steadily increased, such as, for instance, Yiannopoulos 2012, Isaacson 2013, Moriyama 2013, Seton 2015, Kano 2016, McNamara 2017, Tomlinson 2018, Luo 2018, and, in thelast IABS conference, a panel focused on one of his major writings, the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa.
All this shows that the so-called Omniscient One of the Kali Era (Kalikālasarvajña) is finallybeginning to receive the academic attention he deserves. Yet much remains to be done before
his major works are all available in good critical editions, and old conclusions need to be revisited in light of new discoveries and philological research. In order to reexamine and reassess thehistory and significance of Ratnākaraśānti and his writings, this panel will address the following
topics: 1) his doxography and doctrinal affiliation, 2) the philological and doctrinal significanceof his quotations and interpretations of Mahāyāna texts, 3) his contribution to the developmentof Tantric theory and practice, and 4) the impact and significance of his work on Indian andTibetan Buddhism of the 11th - 14th centuries.

Superimposed Succession as Supreme Substrate: Ratnākaraśānti’s Surroundings
Hong Luo (Center for Tibetan Studies of Sichuan University)
The false two-in-one correlation (tādātmya) between the Clear Light (prakāśa) and the Images(ākāra) is the key to Ratnākaraśānti’s doctrinal system. For him, it is, at the same time, an illusion, an imagined flow of the mind-transformed world, and the sole reality, the sublime sphere
nonetheless interwoven with mental errors. This paper, drawing textual evidences mainly from124

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Ratnākaraśānti’s exoteric writings, is to elaborate on the above observation, and, passingly
yet emphatically, to address the doctrinal echo resounding afar from pre-Tang China and later-spread Tibet.

The Laṅkāvatārasūtra in Ratnākaraśānti’s Prajñāpāramitopadeśa and Other
Works
Shanshan Jia (University of Hamburg)
The Laṅkāvatārasūtra (henceforth LAS) is one of the Mahāyānasūtras most frequently quoted
by Ratnākaraśānti. In the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa (henceforth PPU) A2v1, he points out that the
LAS, like the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra, is one of the sūtras of determined meaning (nītārtha),
an idea which can be traced back to Vasubandhu’s Vyākhyāyukti. Not surprisingly, the LAS isan essential scriptural source for Ratnākaraśānti—according to K.Shiga (2018), among the 23
quotations in the PPU, 15 are attributed to the LAS, though there are two misattributions. K.
Shiga makes some attempt to explain the misattributions. My paper will examine the quotations
and misquotations further based on a careful study, philological and doctrinal, of the LAS anda comparison of the quotations from the LAS in Ratnākaraśānti’s other works. The study of the
LAS also offers a new perspective of understanding Ratnākaraśānti’s PPU, revealing that theauthor also alludes to the LAS and re-interprets passages from it without direct quotation in his
treatment of some important topics such as the two aspects of the paratantrasvabhāva and thequestion of how the five dharmas and the three svabhāvas map onto each other. Conversely,
Ratnākaraśānti’s commentaries on the verses that he quotes and creative use of ideas from the
LAS shed light on the interpretation of the LAS, a scripture famous among ancient and modern
Buddhist scholars for being extremely obscure.

Ratnākaraśānti and Ratnakīrti on Determination and Nescience
Patrick McAllister (Institute for the Cultural and Intellectual History of Asia, Austrian Academy of Sciences)
Yuichi Kajiyama and Shinya Moriyama have identified several quotes from Ratnākaraśānti’s
Prajñāpāramitopadeśa in Jñānaśrīmitra’s extensive treatment of the sākāravāda and in Ratnakīrti’s Citrādvaitaprakāśavāda (eleventh century CE), an analytical treatise based on Jñānaśrīmitra’s works. On the well-known background of the question whether cognition has a form (ākāra)or not, the specific points of contention between the two parties in the Citrādvaitaprakāśavāda
lie in the nature of determination, a central function of conceptual cognition, and in how therespective opponent’s position on this matter would, absurdly, lead to the immediate enlightenment of all beings. This talk first examines the context in which Ratnākaraśānti’s statements
appear in Ratnakīrti’s text and how they connect to other tenets important to both Ratnakīrti andJñānaśrīmitra, and then inquires into the historical background of the debate.

Yogācāra Ideas in Ratnākaraśānti’s *Guhyasamājamaṇḍalavidhiṭīkā
Daisy Sze Yui Cheung (University of Hamburg)
In this paper, I will investigate the Yogācāra ideas reflected in the tantric commentary of Rat• Abstracts

125

nākaraśānti’s *Guhyasamājamaṇḍalavidhiṭīkā (a commentary on Dīpaṃkarabhadra’s *Guhyasamājamaṇḍalavidhi), focusing on the maṇḍalatattva and devatātattva section of the text. Amaṇḍala used in the ritual of initiation (abhiṣeka) is a representation of consciousness shining
forth, expressed symbolically by architectural elements of the maṇḍala palace and deities in
the maṇḍala. In the maṇḍalatattva and devatātattva section of the *Guhyasamājamaṇḍalavidhi,
Dīpaṃkarabhadra states that each component of a maṇḍala is purified by a category in the
Buddhist path (e.g. the four dhyānas, the five faculties, the ten pāramitās etc.). In interpretingDīpaṃkarabhadra’s verses Ratnākaraśānti quotes extensively from Yogācāra texts such as theAbhidharmasamuccaya and the Bodhisattvabhūmi. Particularly of interest is Ratnākaraśānti’scommentary on verse 349, where he uses the neither-one-nor-many argument to argue that thedeities—which are the qualities of the mind—are neither the same nor different from the mind.

Panel 34: Reassessing a Lost Tradition: The Impact of the Three Levels (Sanjie 三階) Movement on Medieval Chinese Buddhism in Light
of Recent Discoveries
Convener: Maxwell Brandstadt (University of California, Berkeley, Buddhist
Studies Program)

Panel Abstract
This panel will investigate newly available sources to reassess the place of the Three Levels) movement in medieval China. The Three Levels and its founder, Xinxing(c.
(sanjie
540–594 C.E.) have long been shrouded in mystery. Prominent in the sixth and seventh centuries, the group was eventually suppressed by the imperial regime, its texts lost, and its ideas
forgotten. However, manuscript finds in the early twentieth century allowed scholars to begin
to piece together the movement’s teachings for the first time. Since the 1990s, research on theThree Levels has received fresh impetus with the identification of new texts among the Dun)huang documents, as well as the discovery of a Three Levels cave site (Jinchuanwan
in Shaanxi. This panel will showcase work by a rising generation of scholars who are utilizingthese discoveries to trace hitherto under-recognized connections between the Three Levels andHuayan, Tiantai, and Pure Land, as well as highlighting unique aspects of this lost tradition’ssociology and religious praxis.

Xinxing’s
Understanding of Spiritual Faculties (genof Sui-Tang Buddhism) in the Context

Maxwell Brandstadt (University of California, Berkeley, Buddhist Studies Program)(c. 540–594) and his ThreeThis paper reevaluates the work of the Sui monk Xinxing) movement in the intellectual landscape of medieval China. Scholars ofLevels (Sanjie
Chinese religious history (see, e.g., Tsukamoto 1968, Tang 1982) have long recognized that(549–623), Zhiyi(538–597),
the thinkers of the sixth century, figures like Jizang(523–592) and Daochuo(562–645), inaugurated a new age
Jingying Huiyuan

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in Chinese Buddhism—the “New Buddhism” of the Sui and Tang. The role of Xinxing and
the Three Levels movement (so called because of Xinxing’s classification of his followers into
three different categories of practitioner) in shaping this period of Chinese Buddhist thought haslong been overlooked. Through an analysis of previously unknown or unstudied Three Levels
texts, I will argue that Xinxing and the Three Levels made several doctrinal and hermeneutic
innovations that were formative for Sui and Tang Buddhism. Specifically, Xinxing’s theories
about the differing spiritual faculties (gen ) of Buddhist practitioners, along with a novel
hermeneutic approach to interpreting and classifying Buddhist scripture, attained considerable
influence among Xinxing’s contemporaries. Xinxing’s basic project consisted of subdividing
the Chinese Buddhist canon into anthologies of scriptural passages, each geared toward practitioners of a particular kind of spiritual faculty (e.g., ‘dull’ or ‘keen’). Xinxing and his followers
placed great emphasis on finding and studying exclusively the teachings suitable for one’s own
faculties—matching the ‘medicine’ of the Buddha’s Dharma to one’s own individual ‘disease.’
While ideas surrounding spiritual faculties and scriptural interpretation had been swirling in
Buddhist discourse for several centuries by the time of Xinxing, I argue that he and his followers developed a unique formulation of these concepts. This paper will survey Xinxing’s theoryof spiritual faculties and compare his theory to similar discussions in the works of Jizang, Zhiyi,
Huiyuan, and Daochuo.

Xingxing’s (540-594) Use of Structure and Related Issues in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Texts and Commentarial Literature
Manuel Sassmann (Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities)
A decisive feature of Xingxing’s (540-594) texts is that they lack the narrative that is commonly
found in the genre of sutras (jing). On the contrary, he composed texts with an elaborate structural outline that are like trees, branching down several levels, and excerpts of sutras. Texts ofboth kinds were considered important enough to be carved in stone in the cave at Jinchuanwan.
The composition of the first kind of texts is similar to the hermeneutic tradition of exegetical(312-385) three divisions of scriptural exegesis, but
mapping, which began with Dao’an’s(538-597) five categories of prois commonly associated with the contemporary Zhiyi’s
found meaning, that served him in his commentaries to extract the content more deeply hiddenin the sutras. Zhiyi inserted headings and subheadings in order to clarify the inherent strucand its
ture and the hidden meaning of sutras, a method which became known as kewen
cognates. Xinxing, on the contrary, turns this around: In contrast to imposing a hermeneuticalsuperstructure on the sutras, he, who thought of himself as the great individual with the visionof true Buddhism, lays out the structure of the text with headings and fills it with selected sutra
quotes. While scholars already pointed out the origins of the Buddhist commentarial tradition
and its connections to the exegetical genres of Confucian classics, the first part of this paper will
try to clarify the possible relationship to authors like Zhiyi, and other intellectual genealogies of
Xingxing’s structural monstrosities.
In a similar manner, the second part tries to trace a second genre of Xinxing’s texts, “sutra), which first appeared as a category in the Classified Catalogue
excerpts” (chao jing
) of Dao’an, and was later adopted, among others, in Sengyou’s(Zongjing mulu
(445-518) Collected Records on the Tripitaka (Chu sanzang jiji). Although less• Abstracts

127extravagant, it was also selected to be carved in stone, which shows its significance.
By positioning Xinxing in the larger context of Medieval Chinese genres I hope to shed somelight on Xinxing’s models of writing and his intellectual debts.

A Reading of the Architecture and Text Design of the Early Tang Three Levels Cave in Jichuanwan
Claudia Wenzel (Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften)
By comparison with other Tang and pre-Tang caves, the seemingly simple architecture of the
cave with carved Three Level texts in Jinchuanwan (Chunhua County, Shaanxi) emerges asa truly innovative concept of the early Tang dynasty. The cave is box-shaped and has a flat
ceiling. A large Buddha figure sits before the rear wall, while both side walls are completely
covered with horizontal registers of texts. Here we see the adoption of the idea of a large, squarecave containing nothing but sutra texts that was first realized at Mount Zhonghuang in today’s
Shexian (undated, but after 579). The text arrangement of in registers was only seen once beforein Thunder Sound Cave (consecrated 616) in Fangshan, the core of the sutra carving project
initiated by Jingwan (died 639). The Jinchuanwan Cave features an additional Buddha statue
in front of the rear wall, thus reflecting the contemporaneous trend of creating large Buddha
images.
According to two surviving votive inscriptions, the cave was built during the period of 662–
670. It is thus a project of early Tang sanjiejiao followers, created in a time of proliferation
when their scriptures had just been accepted to the Buddhist canon. Four scriptures were carved
on each side wall of the cave. The west wall (with text columns read from the entrance towards
the Buddha image) is best understood as a self-presentation of the community who created the》, whichcave. This wall features first the Sutra on the Seven Roster Buddha Names 《is a ritual guideline for the daily practice of repentance compiled by the founder of the move(540–594), that also contains a ready-made vow useful for recruiting newment, Xinxing
followers. Next, the Diamond Sutra (T#235) was carved, most popular in China for its explicit
lay-orientation and for its affirmation of the acquisition of incalculable merit despite the darkages of the End of Dharma. The Sutra on the Tathāgata Teaching King Prasenajit (T#515) presents a model for an ideal ruler and helps us imagine how the Three Level followers imagined
their interaction with the secular state. Above these shorter texts, the seven scrolls of the Lotus
Sutra were carved. They constitute arguably one of the most cherished Buddhist texts of alltimes, to which Xinxing often referred to himself.
In contrast to this presentation of the actual state of affairs of the Three Levels followers, thetexts on the east wall (with text columns read from the Buddha image towards the entrance/exit)
constitute their religious manifest. This wall features three main commentaries by Xinxing, inwhich he analyses the present age of the End of Dharma and the best way to cope with it, as wellas the complete text of the Sutra on the Ten Wheels (T#411) in eight scrolls. It is meaningfulthat the so-called older anonymous translation of this sutra was chosen for carving, and not thenewer translation that was already available at that time. The Three Levels followers opted forthe old text which was the same that Xinxing had known and on which he had built some of theschool’s most fundamental doctrines.

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XIXth Congress of IABSAs an Aside: Sanjie jiao and the Sui-Tang Buddhist Scholasticism
Fedde de Vries (University of California, Berkeley)In as far as the founder of the Three Levels Movement, Xinxing, is known, he is known for his
deviation from standard interpretations of Buddhist doctrine in China. However, we also knowthat he was like other exegetes of his time in his high regard for the Avataṃsaka Sūtra. In thispaper, I will approach Xinxing as one among various voices in what I propose we think of as acommentarial conversation—the intergenerational engagement with primary texts and, importantly, other commentaries by Chinese Buddhist exegetes. What is the picture of Xinxing thatemerges when we put him in that context? And in turn, what does he reveal about the traditionof Chinese Buddhist exegesis?

Panel 35: Recent Advances in Vinaya Studies
Convener: Fumi Yao (Komazawa University)

Panel Abstract
This panel will examine recent advances in Vinaya Studies, focusing on the study of canonicalIndian Vinaya texts preserved in various languages and their interpretation in Buddhist traditions.
The first presenter, Bob Miller, will deal with monastic apprenticeship described in the Pravrajyāvastu, the chapter on going forth, of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. Based on a critical reading of this text, Miller will examine the way this apprenticeship inculcates a monastic habitus
through mimesis and proximity as well as discursive training in Buddhist scriptures. He will
also reflect on apprenticeship as a pedagogical modality in Buddhist monasticism by comparing
its treatment in the Pravrajyāvastu to that of other extant Vinayas.
Gerjan Altenburg’s presentation will be concerned with a specific type of rules called āsamudācārika-dharmas, “rules of customary behaviour,” which frequently appear in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya but remain largely overlooked and not well understood in contemporary
scholarship. Altenburg will demonstrate how such rules function in Mūlasarvāstivādin monastic
literature, especially dealing with the rules of customary behaviour that are associated with thevanapratisaṃvedaka-bhikṣu, a kind of monastic forest ranger, based on textual materials suchas the Vinayavibhaṅga, Vinayasūtra, Prātimokṣasūtraṭīkāsamuccaya, and Ekottarakarmaśataka.
Ryōji Kishino’s presentation will be about Japanese monks in the late Edo era who, mostly
belonging to Shingon-shū, practically used and studied the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. They hadsome significant influence upon Japanese Buddhism especially in terms of Vinaya traditions
after the Edo era, but their activities and works are not sufficiently studied. Based on some of
the monks’ works related to the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, Kishino will trace their views about
how the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya was transmitted from India to China and Japan, and discuss
how they considered the authenticity of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya.
Using the Vinayapiṭaka as a sample, Michihiko Aono will present the result of his survey of• Abstracts

129the Burmese Sixth Council edition, the second most frequently used Theravādin canon after thePali Text Society edition. Based on the recent advance of research on the Sixth Council edition,
Aono will go a step further, providing identifications of the four kinds of sources utilized forthe edition, which are from Sri Lanka, Thailand, Cambodia, and Burma. His comparisons of a
selected part of the Vinayapiṭaka of the Sixth Council edition with these sources will indicate
the edition’s eclectic characteristic.
Lastly, Gudrun Melzer and Fumi Yao will present a report on their cooperative research on a 6th
century Sanskrit manuscript of a vinaya text that has been almost unknown until today except
for a few scholarly mentions. The text, the Vinayoddānagāthā, consists of a series of uddānas(lists of contents in verse) and gāthās extracted from the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya but does notentirely agree with any of the extant versions of this Vinaya. The presenters will describe thepalaeographic details of this manuscript and its importance to Vinaya studies.

The Making of a Monk: Apprenticeship and the Monastic Habitus
Robert Miller (University of California, Berkeley)
After ordination, monks begin a five- to ten-year apprenticeship (niśrāya), during which they
live with and study under a monastic mentor. Beginning with a critical reading of the Pravrajyāvastu, I will examine the way this apprenticeship inculcates a monastic habitus throughmimesis and proximity as well as discursive training in Buddhist scriptures. Together, thesepractices contribute to the formation of monastic identity and the transmission of monastic culture. I will also reflect on apprenticeship as a pedagogical modality in Buddhist monasticism bycomparing its treatment in the Pravrajyāvastu to that of other extant Vinayas.

Rules of Customary Behaviour for the Vanapratisaṃvedaka-bhikṣu in the
Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya
Gerjan Altenburg (McMaster University)
Rules of customary behaviour (āsamudācārika-dharmas) frequently appear in narratives in themonastic law code (vinaya) belonging to the North Indian Mūlasarvāstivāda school of Buddhism. Such narratives can be found in all major sections of the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya.
Gregory Schopen has noted that these rules are usually introduced with a formulaic, easily
identifiable phrase (Schopen [2001] 2004, 139 and [2013] 2014, 134). Schopen also points outthat such instances occur dozens of times in this vinaya (Schopen 2004, 139 and [2013] 2014,134) and that these rules are assigned to a monk “when he is fulfilling a specific, and often
temporary, monastic office or function, or has undertaken a specific task or action” (Schopen
2000, 150n31).
In fact, the Buddha is presented as assigning rules of customary behaviour to no less than fifty
types of Buddhist monastics in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya. Ten of those monastics appear tobe formal offices within the Buddhist monastic community. Yet, rules of customary behaviour,and the offices associated with them, remain largely overlooked and not well understood incontemporary scholarship. Drawing upon research undertaken in my dissertation, which is acomprehensive study of these rules in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya, this paper presents an over-130

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view of the rules of customary behaviour that are assigned to one of these ten monastic offices:
the vanapratisaṃvedaka-bhikṣu.
The vanapratisaṃvedaka acts as a kind of monastic forest ranger. This monk is responsible
for patrolling the forest and signaling whether it is safe. The Buddha is presented as prescribing rules of customary behaviour for this monk in a narrative introducing the fourth pratideśanīya rule in the Vinayavibhaṅga. In this paper, I will present the narrative that leads to theappointment of, and the prescribed rules of customary behaviour for, this monk. I will also
discuss rules of customary behaviour for the vanapratisaṃvedaka that are recorded in Mūlasarvāstivādin monastic commentarial literature, including passages from the Vinayasūtra, thePrātimokṣa-sūtra-ṭīkā-samuccaya and the Ekottarakarmaśataka. This presentation of the rulesof customary behaviour for the vanapratisaṃvedaka will demonstrate some of the ways āsamudācarikā-dharmas function in Mūlasarvāstivādin monastic literature.

Japanese Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya Tradition in the Late Edo
Period:ShingonMonks’ Views about the Authenticity of the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya
Ryohji Kishino (Kyoto Pharmaceutical University)
Research on the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya (MSV) has rapidly progressed in the last few decades. This is probably due to its unique and significant features. One is the text’s considerable
length; it includes many detailed monastic rules and long narratives. Also, It is partially but(635–713) Chinese translation isrelatively well preserved in Sanskrit. Moreover, Yijing’s
extant, as is a Tibetan translation. That is to say, the MSV is the only vinaya that was transmitted
from India to both Chinese and Tibetan cultural spheres.
It seems, however, to not be widely known that the MSV was valued in Japan approximately
1000 years after Yijing’s death. The text was intensively used and studied during the late Edo
period, especially by those monks of the Shingon
school, who had become aware that in
Kūkai(774–835), the founder of their school, referred
his so-called Sangaku roku
to Yijing’s vinaya corpus as a set of all-important texts. Their activities and works influenced
Japanese Buddhism especially in terms of post-Edo vinaya tradition.
My presentation will be focused on those Shingon monks’ views about the authenticity of theMSV. Based on some of their works related to the MSV, I will discuss their ideas about how it
was transmitted from India to China and Japan, and why it was more important to them thanany other vinaya text.

Survey on the Sixth Council Edition of Burmese Tipiṭaka with Reference tothe Vinayapiṭaka
Michihiko Aono (The University of Tokyo)
When we study the Theravāda Buddhist literature, the Sixth Council edition of Burmese Tipiṭaka is the most frequently used edition after the Pali Text Society edition. It was published morethan 60 years ago, however, even after so many years, we do not know in detail the sources fortext editing, editorial policies, editorial procedures, etc. used in the Sixth Council edition.
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Recently, Dr. Chris Clark tackled some of these issues. To elucidate why and how the Sixth
Council edition was edited, he consulted voluminous historical records published by the Union
of Burma Buddha Sasana Council. Furthermore, he compared many manuscripts and printed
books of Apadāna to demonstrate that the Sixth Council edition was “eclectically edited byfreely adopting readings from the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae and several early printed editions
from South and Southeast Asia.” The research was improved and expanded by the Kuthodaw
Pagoda Project team of the University of Sydney including him in 2020. To advance the valueof their research, I will try to provide a few supplementary explanations in this paper.
First, I will examine how the Sixth Council edition was edited, using the Vinayapiṭaka as a sample. According to its critical apparatus, there are four kinds of sources for text editing, that is,
the “Sinhalese book,” the “Siamese book,” the “Cambodian book,” and the “Burmese books.”
To identify these books, I will compare the readings in the critical apparatus with the readingsof various editions from South and Southeast Asia. The comparison will reveal that the “Sinhalese book” stands for the printed book published by D. A. Gunawardhana around 1915, the“Siamese book” is the second edition of the Royal Version of Thai Tipiṭaka, the “Cambodianbook” is the Cambodian Tipiṭaka, and the “Burmese books” have a close relationship with themarble stelae inscriptions of Kuthodaw Pagoda.
Subsequently, I will compare a selected part (about 3,000 words) of the Vinayapiṭaka with theprinted books and the inscriptions mentioned above. It will be found through the comparison
that there are only nine words peculiar to the Sixth Council edition and that almost all thereadings of the Sixth Council edition can be found in one or another of the four sources. Furthermore, it will be discovered that there is no significant difference in match rate among thefour sources. It will indicate the possibility that the Sixth Council edition is an eclectic edition
constructed from the multiple editions of Sri Lanka, Thailand, Cambodia, and Burma.

Preliminary Remarks on a Manuscript of the Vinayoddānagāthās in the
Schøyen Collection
Gudrun Melzer (Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich) and Fumi Yao (Komazawa University)
A unique text named Vinayoddānagāthās, which has been scarcely known to modern scholars,
is preserved in a single Sanskrit manuscript in the Schøyen Collection. It consists of uddānas(lists of contents in verse) and other verses extracted from the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. The
surviving fragments of the manuscript, which can be dated to approximately the fifth or early
sixth century on the basis of the script, cover the four major divisions of this Vinaya, i.e., theVinayavibhaṅga, Vinayavastu, Vinayakṣudrakavastu, and Vinayottaragrantha.
The text is peculiar: Such a collection of uddānas and verses is not found in the Buddhist canonical corpus in Tibetan, which preserves the most complete collection of texts belonging to
the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya today. Although there are two texts translated into Chinese thatconsist of uddānas extracted from two parts of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya (T no. 1456 Genbenshuoyiqieyoubupinaiye nituonamudejiashesong),
and T no. 1457 Genbenshuoyiqieyoubupinaiye zashishesong
they do not include other verses than uddānas.

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The manuscript of the Vinayoddānagāthās is important not only because of its remarkably olddate among the extant Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya materials and the singularity of its text but also
because of the terminology and proper names it contains. Some of these are otherwise unknown
in Sanskrit, and come from those parts of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya that are still lost in Sanskrit, being available only in Tibetan and Chinese translations.
In this presentation, we describe the formal aspects of the manuscript and the characteristics ofthe text, as well as its relationships with other extant materials of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya.
We also add some thoughts to the ongoing discussion on the existence of different textual traditions for the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya.

Panel 36: Recent Research in Buddhist Manuscript Traditions: Text
and Context
Convener: Charles DiSimone (Ghent University)

Panel Abstract
This panel will focus on exciting recent research in the study of Buddhist manuscript traditions. Basing our research primarily on Sanskrit manuscripts found in Afghanistan, Tibet, and
Nepal, an international mix of younger early-career scholars along with established figuresin the field will present findings on a range of issues surrounding Buddhist manuscripts andtheir textual traditions of creation. Topics include research on newly identified manuscripts
representing such important material as previously lost work from the great poet Aśvaghoṣa,new manuscript discoveries found at the Mes Aynak archeological site in Afghanistan, the manuscript transmission of the Hevajratantra, as well as new findings in the philological researchof manuscripts pertaining to: the Daśabhūmikasūtra, Yogācāra commentarial literature, and the
Divyāvadāna[mālā]. The panel will follow a twofold methodology falling under the scope of‘Text’ where the participants will draw on philological and codicological methods to examine
manuscripts as physical items of material culture representing witnesses of complex copying
and textual traditions used by Buddhist groups throughout the first millennium of the Common
Era, and ‘Context’ where we will present research on the nature of the texts in question themselves as they existed in the larger world of Buddhist textuality, providing solutions to questionsof intertextuality, textual reuse, and narrative issues found in these manuscript traditions.

The Manuscript Transmission of the Hevajratantra
Harunaga Isaacson (University of Hamburg)
Although a number of editions of the Sanskrit text of the Hevajratantra have been published, thetransmission of this important Yoginītantra has not been clarified in detail. The editio princeps
of Snellgrove (1959) was based on three recent paper manuscripts; although more, including
two old palm-leaf manuscripts, have been collated in the editions of Tripathi and Negi (2001
and 2006), they follow in almost every place the readings of Snellgrove. This paper will survey
and assess the most important manuscript evidence, including that of two palm-leaf manu• Abstracts

133scripts not hitherto used in editions, and will discuss the transmission of the text, also taking
into account other important evidence including that of commentaries extant in Sanskrit and of
the Tibetan and Chinese translations.

The Recent Manuscript Discoveries at Mes Aynak
Charles DiSimone (Ghent University)
The Mes Aynak archeological site in Afghanistan has proven to be among the most importantdiscoveries of Buddhist art and material culture in several decades, if not the last century. In
addition to the spectacular archaeological finds already known, manuscript material has now
been discovered and excavation has only recently begun. The manuscripts found are preserved
on birch bark folios and are copied in the Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I script. It is likely that thesemanuscripts date from between the 6th–7th centuries of the Common Era. The texts uncoveredso far indicate a cosmopolitan nature of the site with Buddhist material spanning both Mahāyāna and Śrāvakayāna (Mainstream) Buddhist thought as well as the presence of Bactrian documentation, a language that was not typically used in the transmission of Buddhist textuality.
The presence of this Bactrian inscription possibly indicates that the site where the manuscripts

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were found was a secular area used for the storage of documents and not necessarily devoted tothe exclusive storage of Buddhist material. This paper will outline the manuscripts thus far uncovered and identified. Additionally, it will discuss observations in the textual development andtransmission of canonical Buddhist sūtra literature that may be seen from the study of the newly
identified manuscripts discovered at the Mes Aynak site. Some of the Sanskrit manuscripts from
Mes Aynak appear to display characteristics of what may be considered transitional qualities
in the textual development of this Buddhist material highlighting the significance of the newmaterial preserved from this ancient chapter of Buddhist textuality.

Verses from Aśvaghoṣa Found in the TridaṇḍamālāKazunobu Matsuda (Bukkyo University) and Jens-Uwe Hartmann (Munich University)
The Tridaṇḍamālā ascribed to Asvaghoṣa is a collection of forty sūtras taken from the Āgamasof the Mūlasarvāstivādins. It appears that these sūtras were assembled for the purpose of being
used in rituals and for liturgical chanting. All of them are embedded in verse sections. Many ofthese verse sections contain stanzas composed by Aśvaghoṣa, which are drawn from the Buddhacarita, the Saundarananda, the lost Sūtrālaṃkāra and other works connected with the nameof the poet. It is especially noteworthy that so far more than a hundred thirty verses from thosechapters of the Buddhacarita could be identified that are missing in Sanskrit, i.e., starting from
canto 15. The Tridaṇḍamālā is preserved in a single Sanskrit manuscript kept in the sPos khangmonastery in Tibet and photographed by Giuseppe Tucci in 1939. We will give a general outlineof this work and then introduce Aśvaghoṣa’s verses and the sūtra sections.

Buddhist Scholastic Education System Hinted at a Newly Identified Yogācāra
Commentary Manuscript Fragment
Jinkyoung Choi (Munich University)
This paper explores textual witnesses of Buddhist scholastic education system discovered in asingle folio Sanskrit manuscript fragment, dated back to the 8-9th century CE, of an unknown
commentary to the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī, one of the key scholastic text in the Yogācāra schoolof Indian Buddhism. Advocating Krasser (2011)’s argument that certain digressions observedin the manuscript of Bhāviveka’s Prajñāpradīpa were later additions, which seems to have been
written by students in the Madhyamaka school who were being trained to debate against Yogācāra opponents, this rather unusual commentary implies that there could also have been a
Yogācāra version of scholastic training tool for students as well. This paper argues that thisunknown commentary was a training book for the students in the Yogācāra tradition providing
concrete textual evidence hinting that there may have been a special lecture on this complicatedtreatise that discusses the core idea of Yogācāra philosophy and that this manuscript may an
example of notes written down by students attending the lecture, which enables us to picture thescholastic environment in ancient Indian Buddhist monastics.

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Panel 41: Shared Identities between Buddhism and Sāṅkhya-Yoga
Convener: Hyoung Seok Ham (Chonnam National University)

Panel Abstract
The Sāṅkhya-Yoga system of thought, along with Vaiśeṣika, was one of the earliest targets ofcriticism by Buddhist intellectuals. Despite the hostility evident in their texts, scholars haveobserved general commonalities between Buddhist and Sāṅkhya-Yoga thoughts, especiallythrough intertextual readings of the Abhidharmakośa and the Pātañjalayogaśāstra. Early connections between scholastic Buddhism and Yoga have thus been noted. Nevertheless, existingstudies are still scanty. Our panel aims at clarifying certain phases of the interactive developments of Buddhism and Sāṅkhya-Yoga by exploring a variety of aspects and natures of relationships that Buddhism had with Sāṅkhya-Yoga. Investigating both ancient and classical textual
sources of the two traditions, we unearth interesting research questions arising when we view
them as the rivals that provided impetuses for each other’s historical developments. Topics
of discussion include the interactive formation of the identities of the traditions, comparative
examinations of the concepts of God and Buddha, of sense organ (indriya) after death, and of
their theories of causalities.

Locating Sāṅkhya between Buddhism and Mīmāṃsā
Hyoung Seok Ham (Chonnam National University)
The Sāṅkhyakārikā begins by illustrating the Sāṅkhyas’ motivation for their whole project andtheir dissatisfaction with other available means for achieving their goal, liberating knowledge.
In its commentary on the Sāṅkhyakārikā 1 and 2, the Yuktidīpikā introduces Buddhist andMīmāṃsaka opponents who respectively criticize the Sāṅkhya notion of liberation and question
the legitimacy of the Sāṅkhyas’ pursuit for liberation. Confronting the opponents, the authorof the Yuktidīpikā surprisingly consents to their criticism and attempts to demonstrate that theSāṅkhyas’ goal and means to attain it meet their standard. The first chapter (āhnika) of the Yuktidīpikā thereby defines the Sāṅkhya tradition as aiming at escaping saṃsāra but in accordancewith the Veda. This shows that the Sāṅkhyas of the sixth to the eighth century saw themselves
as renouncers like Buddhists but Vedic brahmins like the Mīmāṃsakas.

On Liberation from Suffering in Early Buddhism, Yoga and Nyāya
Philipp Maas (University of Leipzig)
This presentation is structured in two main parts. Initially, it re-investigates the historical relationship between the Buddhist conception of liberation from suffering and cognate conceptionsin the Brahmanical philosophical systems of Yoga and Nyāya as they appear in the Pātañjalayogaśāstra (i.e., in the Yogasūtra together with the so-called Yogabhāṣya, c. 400 CE), in Vātsyāyana’s Nyāyabhāṣya (c. 450 CE) and other works. It takes as its starting point A. Wezler’s seminal
article “On the Quadruple Division of the Yogaśāstra, the Caturvyūhatva of the Cikitsāśāstra andthe ‘Four Noble Truths’ of the Buddha” (1984), in which Wezler demonstrates that, in contradis-

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tinction to a suggestive preconception held by earlier scholars, the Buddhist “Four Noble Truths”
were not designed in analogy to a fourfold division of the science of medicine. In his conclusion, Wezler hypothetically suggests that the Buddhist soteriological model was taken over by
the author of some of the Yogasūtra-s, from where Vātsyāyana adopted it for his Nyāyabhāṣya.
In a second line of transmission, the Buddhist fourfold systematic division of soteriology was,according to Wezler, integrated into the medical Carakasaṃhitā, from where it “directly or indirectly” influenced the author of the Yogabhāṣya. Wezler’s hypothesis is, however, based on several assumptions concerning the relative chronology of the works mentioned above that are now,
more than twenty five years after the publication of his article, no longer tenable. This presentation will show that the “Four Noble Truths” (or rather: the “Four Truths of the Nobles”) inspired
Patañjali, the author-compiler who created the Pātañjalayogaśāstra as a single literary unit, tostructure larger parts of his work according to the four topic of (1) what has to be avoided, (2) the
cause of what has to be avoided, (3) avoiding, and (4) the means for avoiding. Vātsyāyana, theauthor of the Nyāyabhāṣya, who quotes the Pātañjalayogaśāstra on several occasions, adaptively
reused Patañjali’s systematisation of soteriology in order to turn the epistemologically and logically oriented philosophical system of Nyāya into a full-fledged system of spiritual liberation. On
the basis of these conclusions, the second part of this presentation investigates further possible
adaptation of early Buddhist conceptions of spiritual liberation in the Pātañjalayogaśāstra andtheir aftermath in the Nyāyabhāṣya and later works, such as the soteriological efficacy of absorption (samādhi) with special reference to prasaṃkhyāna- and dharmamegha-meditation and therole of God as a spiritual teacher in Nyāya and Yoga, which possibly shows traces of influenceby the conception of the Buddha as a guide towards liberation.

Sāṃkhya as an Opponent of Bhāviveka
Hayato Kondō (University of Tsukuba)Sāṃkhya is arguably one of the major opponents of Bhāviveka (circa 490/500–570 CE), whose
works harshly refute the doctrines of other schools. However, less is still known about his
sources owing to the limited number of Sāṃkhya materials currently available. The date of
the oldest extant Sāṃkhya treatise, Sāṃkhyakārikā by Īśvarakr̥ṣṇa, has not been confirmed,
although its terminus ad quem can be presumed to be circa 540 CE. Previous studies have often
argued that Īśvarakr̥ṣṇa is preceded by Dignāga (circa 480–540 CE) on the basis that Dignāga
did not address the Sāṃkhyakārikā’s doctrines. The aim of this presentation is to clarify the
relationship between Bhāviveka, who has been considered as a successor to Dignāga, and theSāṃkhyakārikā by examining distinctive Sāṃkhya doctrines referred to by Bhāviveka in his. It also suggests a working
Tarkajvālā, Prajñāpradīpa, and Dasheng zhangzhen lun
hypothesis about the dates of Īśvarakr̥ṣṇa’s life.
The Tarkajvālā—particularly “Sāṃkhyatattvāvatāra,” its sixth chapter—contains four references, which are presumably not derived from the Sāṃkhyakārikā: (1) the definition of perception
specific to the Ṣaṣṭitantra, an authoritative work that precedes the Sāṃkhyakārikā; (2) an evolutionary scheme of the tattvas, which is ascribed to Vindhyavāsin, a predecessor of Īśvarakr̥ṣṇa;(3) the term viśeṣa, which is an old name of the tanmātra; and (4) several uses of the stock phrase“giving assistance by the mere proximity” (nye bar gnas pa tsam [gyis/las] phan pa[r] byed pa[/ phan btags pa / phan ’dogs pa], *saṃnidhimātropakārin), which is also employed three times
in the Pātañjalayogaśāstra, a text presumed to reflect Vindhyavāsin’s doctrine. Although a verse• Abstracts

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equivalent to Sāṃkhyakārikā 3 is quoted in the Tarkajvālā, this is likely an interpolation whentranslated into Tibetan. Additionally, Bhāviveka refers in his Dasheng zhangzhen lun to a doctrine of the all-pervading sense faculties, which is specific to Vindhyavāsin.
Furthermore, the Prajñāpradīpa contains descriptions equivalent to Sāṃkhyakārikā 7, 9, and62cd. Sāṃkhyakārikā 7 enumerates the eight factors of non-perception, and notably almost thesame eight factors are already referred to as the Sāṃkhya doctrine in the *Abhidharmamahāvib), attributed to Kātyāyanīputra. Considerhāṣāśāstra (Chi. Apitan piposha lun
ing that this treatise was translated into Chinese in the first half of the fifth century, this doctrine
presumably had been already established as the Sāṃkhya doctrine before the Sāṃkhyakārikā.
Significantly enough, the eighth-century commentator Avalokitavrata ascribes this quotation
by Bhāviveka to the *Ṣaṣṭitantra (rGyud drug cu pa). This attribution by Avalokitavrata may
allow us to assume that Bhāviveka’s references to descriptions equivalent to the Sāṃkhyakārikā
are derived from a different source, although Avalokitavrata ascribes a half-verse identical toSāṃkhyakārikā 62cd to the “Golden Seventy” (gSer bdun cu pa), which is viewed as anothername of the Sāṃkhyakārikā.
In this light, one may perhaps be justified in suggesting as a possibility that Bhāviveka did not
use the Sāṃkhyakārikā as a major source of Sāṃkhya doctrines. Certainly, it is conceivablethat the Sāṃkhyakārikā was not merely considered to be notable at that time. However, if we
can assume that Bhāviveka did not know the Sāṃkhyakārikā, we can conclude that Bhāviveka
refuted the Sāṃkhya doctrines that preceded the Sāṃkhyakārikā. In this case, we can infer boththat Īśvarakr̥ṣṇa was roughly a contemporary of Bhāviveka and that Īśvarakr̥ṣṇa borrowed someverses of his Sāṃkhyakārikā from the Ṣaṣṭitantra.

Mutual Influence between Buddhism and Sāṅkhya about Establishing theConcept of Indriya
Hyong Chol Kang (Dongguk University)
The mind (manas) traditionally has been viewed as the one of the inner faculties and main
subject of desire by several philosophical schools in India. The five sense organs, on the other
hand, have been recognized as if they were the doors (dvāra) through which all the sense dataof objects (viṣaya) passes, and the being that not having mental activities. This idea, however, isthe result of historical development of the theory of perception if it is considered from anotherperspective.
The first part of the analysis will argue; in ancient India, there was a view that the main subjectsof desire are sense organs, not the mind. It is found in several sources, such as the Pali-Nikāya,
the Chinese Āgama, Epics explaining about the old Sāṅkhya system. The second part of thisanalysis will investigate the prominent similarity between the Buddhism and the Sāṅkhya
school in connection with the image transformation process of sense organ from having desire
to having no desire. The final level of the analysis consists of tracing the first step in ancientIndia to establish the concept of sense organ (indriya) and the mind (manas) regarded as a kindof sensory organ.

Ontology in Sāṃkhya-Yoga and Buddhist Thought: Material Causality

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Karen O’Brien (University of Roehampton)
The presence of Buddhist ideas in the Pātañjalayogaśāstra has been widely discussed – often
focused on soteriology. Less attention has been paid specifically to the interactions betweenSāṃkhya and Buddhist ontology in the early common era. This paper discusses the Sāṃkhya
doctrine of satkāryavāda, that the effect pre-exists in the cause, and examines how Patañjail’s
discussion is interconnected with refutations in the Savitarkādibhūmi of Asaṅga and the Sautrāntika debates in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya.

Panel 42: Special Panel on Digital Resources for Buddhist Studies
Convener:

Panel Abstract
This panel is a forum for providers and developers of digital resources for the academic study of
Buddhism. It presents a wide range of openly accessible initiatives, which are maintained anddeveloped as a service to the field. New projects introduce themselves, older projects report on
their progress since the last IABS. The idea is to keep the IABS membership abreast of what isavailable and what is coming soon. Developers hope to hear from the membership what datasets
and analytic tools are needed in the future.

A Brief Survey of the History of SAT Project: Significant Potentials of Buddhist Studies for the Development of Globally Shared Digital Humanities
Masahiro Shimoda (The University of Tokyo)
In anticipation of the tremendous impact on the future of humanities of the information and communications revolution, SAT project, established in 1994, initiated the digitization of the Taishō
Shinshū Daizōkyō in the form of a large-scale knowledge base for Buddhist studies. This taskof the first stage was completed in 2008, and soon after was opened up to the public as a web
database in collaboration with Digital Dictionary of Buddhism and Indian and Buddhist Studies
Treatise Database. It was during this process that the dearth in awareness in Buddhist studies ofthe field of Digital Humanities came to my sight, which was already advancing in some areas ofhumanities studies rapidly decades earlier. Since then, SAT project has proceeded in the directionof building an infrastructure for Buddhist studies in alliance with the activities of Digital Humanities. Making a brief overview of the history of SAT of a quarter century, I would like to show
in this presentation the potentials of Buddhist studies for the development of Digital Humanities
and the Humanities in the newly emerging environments.

The Historical Social Network of Chinese Buddhism
Marcus Bingenheimer (Temple University)
This short presentation will demonstrate the sources, structure and coverage of the largest his-

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139torical social network for the study of Buddhism. As of 2022 it contains 18,000 actors and theirconnections over a period of c.2000 years.

Generating Sutras with Large Language Models
Justin Brody (Franklin and Marshall College)
In recent years deep learning models have shown tremendous potential to generate believabledata, from new faces (this-person-does-not-exist.com) to new game scenarios (AI Dungeon) andhuman prompted images (DALLE-2). We report on preliminary work in adapting this technology to generate new Buddhist Sutras and explore some of the ramifications of success in thisendeavor.

Linguae Dharmae: Machine Translation and Crosslingual Semantic Similarity Search for Buddhist Primary Languages
Sebastian Nehrdich (University of Hamburg)
In recent years, large pretrained language models with promising performance on low resource
language tasks became available. These models open the door to a variety of tasks that so far
have not been adequately addressed in natural language processing of Buddhist primary sources,
namely machine translation and vector-based semantic similarity search. In this presentation
I will discuss the current stage of the Linguae Dharmae model for machine translation of the
Buddhist primary languages Pāḷi, Chinese and Tibetan into English. For the training of machinetranslation systems as well as for philological research as such, the detection of parallel passages
across languages is of major importance. I will therefore also discuss how language models canbe pretrained and finetuned in order to find similar sections of text between Sanskrit and Tibetan
and between Chinese, Tibetan and English. I will present the current datasets that we have at
hand for the training of these models and what options we have to further expand this data in the
future.

Digital Research, Publishing, and Repatriation of Gandhāran Manuscripts,
Inscriptions and Art
Ian McCrabb (The University of Sydney)
A digital repatriation project commenced in 2021 with the establishment of a consortium of organisations engaged in the study of Gāndhārī manuscripts and inscriptions. The project and theconsortium is currently being extended to institutions with collections of Gandhāran texts andartefacts.
Digital repatriation aims to expand engagement with these culturally significant items whichhave largely been limited to research specialists. The project uses open-source technologies tomake these items, and the scholarly knowledge associated with them, accessible to general academic and interest communities.
The strategy is comprised of three integrated frameworks:

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the core research framework supports the development of scholarly digital editions ofmanuscripts and inscriptions,•the publishing framework frames and contextualizes these editions for engagement withboth the wider scholarly community and general interest and heritage communities,•

the governance framework manages policy and attribution on the range of digital artefacts and research outputs contributed in collaborative digital publications.

The consortium was formed to support and extend the existing research and publishing frameworks, and to develop a governance framework as an essential component of an integrated repatriation strategy.
The presentation will focus on the models, platforms and methodologies which constitute the research and publishing frameworks and will demonstrate pilot instantiations of digital repatriationof manuscripts, inscriptions and Gandhāran art.

Digital Library of Northern Thai Manuscripts
Daniel Veidlinger (California State University Chico)Over the past few years, a rich collection of manuscripts from Northern Thailand in the Lanna,
Tai Khuen, Tai Lue, Lao, Shan, Burmese, and Pali languages have been digitized and placed for
public use on the website lannamanuscripts.net. This has greatly improved the accessibility ofthis important set of documents for our knowledge of Theravada Buddhism in Southeast Asiaand the manuscript images have been made available under a Creative Commons License. This
collection contains some of the oldest Pali manuscripts known, dating as far back as the fifteenth
century, with a good number coming from the golden age of Pali Buddhism in the sixteenth century and also many from the 19th century. Much of the collection consists of greyscale digitizedversions of microfilms that were made of about 4000 manuscripts in the 1980s by the Social
Research Institute at Chiang Mai University, with a few thousand more photographed in thefollowing years in color for this project.
The digitization is by and large of high quality, having been done in temples in Northern Thailand using a Nikon D610 digital SLR camera with an AF-S NIKKOR 50mm f/1.4G lens, andallows for easy reading and enlargement of the material. The Digital Library itself was built
largely using free and open-source software. It is implemented as a Ruby on Rails web application running on an Apache HTTP Server on Debian GNU/Linux 7 with layout and formatting
facilitated greatly by Bootstrap. The functionality for searching and filtering manuscripts relies
heavily on Ransacker and allows for searching by title, genre, language, script, keyword, author,
date, provenance and kind of manuscript material. The interface for viewing and reading themanuscripts is supported by the OpenSeaDragon javascript library. Metadata are stored in a
PostgreSQL database and is also available in XML format.

Resources for Pali and Vernacular Manuscripts in Southeast Asia
Trent Walker (Stanford University)• Abstracts

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The study of Buddhist literature in both Pali and vernacular languages from mainland Southeast
Asia, including Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Thailand, is poised to enjoy a new renaissancethrough an increase in access to manuscripts online. There are currently numerous digitization
projects afoot in the region, sponsored by state libraries, local universities, Buddhist organizations, and overseas foundations. However, these projects still employ vastly different standards
in terms of metadata, image quality, transliteration, and accessibility, posing numerous challenges to scholars. This talk surveys the possibilities of these online manuscripts databases andhighlights the difficulties they present to researchers seeking to build a more detailed and comprehensive picture of Southeast Asian Buddhist literature.

The Latest Developments of CBETA Collection and Research Tools
Jen Jou Hung (Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Arts)
Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association (CBETA) was founded in 1998. Its goals are toprovide an increasing number of Buddhist texts, to transparently create improved editions of thedigital texts, and offer the texts in a variety of formats (XML, PDF, EPUB, MOBI) for both thegeneral user and an academic audience.
In the last four years CBETA has added the 44 volumes of Master Yinshun’s Complete Works(approx. 7 million characters) and 21 Chinese Buddhist Temple Gazetteers (approx. 1.5 million
characters). This year we plan to add even more content from the gazetteers, as well as include
the Collection of Lü Cheng’s Buddhist Studies. At present, the CBETA corpus contains ca. 223
million Chinese characters.
CBETA strives to continually add modern punctuation to the texts, and to proofread and transparently correct mistakes. At the same time, we have also cooperated with the team of Longquan
Temple in Beijing to introduce an artificial intelligence punctuation system to speed up the process of text punctuation.
In order to make content updates available to the public more quickly, CBETA has shortened
the cycle from data updates to release and is now updating its data quarterly. All changes areavailable in public log files.
In 2016, the CBETA Online Reader, a web-based version of the CBETA reading service jointly
developed by CBETA and Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Arts (DILA), was released. With
the CBETA Online reader, users can access all of CBETA online, along with a large number ofintegrated reference and data analysis tools, allowing users to easily perform data analysis tasks.
DILA has launched a tool -- “Search and Analysis of CBETA Concordance” -- which takes CBETA search results as the basis for further analysis. Through this tool, researchers can do KWIC
searches, and aggregate, analyze and generate visualizations of their search results according todifferent parameters (e.g. text category, authors/translators, translation date, context).

DEDU: An Online Parallel Corpus Editing Tool
Yu-Chun Wang (Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Art)

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In this study, we define “parallel reading” as the placement of multiple texts in one place, so that
researchers can read and compare content. In Buddhist-related research, “parallel reading” is
one of the most important ways to understand the teachings of the Buddha. After Buddhism wasintroduced to China in the second century, Buddhist literature in Chinese translation began toemerge. Later generations assembled these translations into the Buddhist Canon or Tripitaka, andthis became the main source of information concerning Buddhist teachings. But the Buddhist
Canon, as seen today, may present a certain degree of difference with the teachings of the Buddha from the time when Buddhism arose in India. These differences may have originated during
the beginnings of Buddhism in India, as the teachings of the Buddha were mainly transmitted
by means of oral communication among disciples. In other words, the most primitive form of
the so-called Buddhist sutras is not the “text” that may be now seen, but an “oral literature”
with a more complex background. This oral content was later recorded in Sanskrit and otherlanguages, and there is a high possibility that it might differ from the content that was spoken
in the vernacular language at that time. When Buddhism spread to China, Sri Lanka, Thailand,
Tibet and other places, the translators may also have added the local culture, thought, or even thetranslator’s own ideas or new terminology, so that the translation has departed from the original
meaning. Therefore, when conducting Buddhist studies today, we often find variants by meansof comparing and contrasting between documents in different languages, thereby restoring andunderstanding the meaning of Buddhist scriptures.
When the early research tools were less developed, it was very difficult to compare and contrast
multiple documents or multiple languages. In recent years, there have been many digital databases of Buddhist texts making “parallel reading” their main appeal. Although these databases
are rich in content and convenient to use, there are always shortcomings in the applications thatcannot meet the different needs of researchers. Therefore, we decided to create DEDU, with thegoal of building a digital tool that makes it easy for humanities scholars to undertake parallel
readings of the literature. In this lecture, we will introduce the DEDU tool and explain our preliminary results.

Panel 43: Text as Sacred Object: Faith, Merit and Protection in Buddhist Cultures
Convener: Mariko Walter (Association for Central Asian Civilizations and Silk
Road Studies)

Panel Abstract
In this panel, we will explore the relationship between text and the idea of sacredness in Buddhism by examining various texts and objects, such as written/printed text on paper, engraved
sūtras on rocks, prayer wheel scrolls, stone monuments, and texts as religious artistic objects.
Buddhist cultures represented by the individual papers include those of China, Tibet, and Japanand the time frame spreads from the fifth century to the current period. These objects were treated by devotees as sacred focuses of faith, in order to gain merit and protection for themselves,
their family members, and their communities as well as to address their concerns for the afterlife.
Buddhist sacred objects are shaped by social and cultural conditions, and their sacrality often de• Abstracts

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rives from association with scriptures. There would seem to be an intimate relationship between
text and images in Buddhism, but drawing a line between images and text is not always easyin Buddhism, since both work together in individual religious empowerment. Some statues andimages became sacred only after being linked to a particular text by means of ritual consecration.
Do text-related sacred objects differ in nature from other Buddhist sacred objects, such as statues
and paintings? Why and how were written letters and words used as sacred objects? Was theirefficacy understood in terms different from that of other sacred objects? These are among thequestions that our session seeks to address.
“Text” or “scripture” often refers to canonical works such as sūtras and vinayas, but here we expand the meaning to include almost any written textual materials related to the Buddha’s teaching, in any language or script. The Buddha’s words were transmitted orally from the early phaseof Buddhism’s development, and in the process of both oral and written transmission, numerous
Buddhist texts were created and recreated, while others were lost and disappeared from history.
This process of “text creation” continued for more than a thousand years after the Buddha’s
death. In principle, any text said to derive from the Buddha’s teaching could be considered sacredand become an object of worship, worthy of religious esteem.
As many scholars have noted, that the process by which sacred texts come to be so defined involves historical, regional, social and cultural dimensions. The idea of sacredness in Buddhism
involves complex historical and psychological interactions between individuals, objects, andpractice communities. Traditionally Buddhists have identified two fundamental categories ofobjects revered as sacred: the Buddha’s physical body, as we see in the worship of stūpas andrelics, understood as embodiments of the Buddha, who appeared in this world to save all beings,
and the other is the worship of his dharma or teaching (dharmakāya), as the dharma is the directsource of his enlightenment and hence limitless and timeless. Yet the two are far from mutually
exclusive - the physical body and the dharma body interact, as our papers show.
This panel explores text-related sacred objects with devotional uses in various Buddhist culturesfrom the fifth century to modern times. We explore how sutra texts were used as devotional objects in order to discern patterns of ritual and other practices in the respective Buddhist culturesin which these objects were created. The idea of sacredness in Buddhism involves complex historical and psychological interactions between individuals, objects, and practice communities.

Texts as Relics in Stūpas and Statues in Gandhāra, Bamiyan, and East Asia
Mariko Walter (Association for Central Asian Civilizations and Silk Road Studies)
In this paper, I would like to explore the history of text emplacement inside statues and stupas
and the meaning of such practice in Buddhism. Emplacing of texts inside statues is a widelypracticed tradition in East Asia, especially in pre-modern Japan, and some scholars consideredthat such practice was started in East Asia. Yet in 2006, an Afghan team of German ICOMOS(UNESCO), found fragments of birch bark manuscripts in Brāhmī script, wrapped in a coarse
textile, buried in the rubble of the Eastern Buddha of Bamiyan, Afghanistan, that had been destroyed by the Taliban in 2001. Broken pieces of the metal reliquary that had originally contained
the manuscripts and other relic items as well as fragments of a Bodhi tree leaf were discoveredat the same time. The fragmented text was very likely to have been originally placed inside the144

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Buddha, after having been used for the consecration rituals for the Buddha around the sixth century. The fragments describe the beginning part of the Pratītyasamutpāda Sūtra, which expounds
the Buddha’s core teaching that all things are transient according to his theory of dependent origination. The fragments were found with two clay pellets, which symbolize the Buddha’s bones/
ashes after cremation.
There is some evidence of texts emplaced inside statues in Japanese Buddhism as early as in theeighth century but many of them are dated during the Kamakura period (1192-1333 CE). But the
fragments found in Bamiyan opened up the possibility of expanding the historical connectionof such Buddhist practice to India, specifically in Gandhāra, where we find many Buddhist reliquaries buried inside the stūpas. I believe there was a historical relationship between stūpa/relicworship and text emplacement inside the statues, although to date we find no direct evidence ofthe discoveries of texts inside the statues in Gandhāra.
As for the case of the Bamiyan Buddha, it was a part of the Pratītyasamutpāda Sūtra, which was
found after its destruction. Numerous stamped sealings produced from around the 7th century
through to the 18th century with ye-dharma verse from the sūtra were discovered inside the clay
miniature stūpas found in south India as well as in Southeast Asian sites such as Thailand. That
indicates the geographical and historical spread of the emplacing of stamped sealings in miniature stūpas, as Daniel Boucher and Peter Skilling have pointed out in their articles.
In this paper, I would like to discuss this notion of the multiplicity of the symbolism regarding
the Buddha’s presence as well as the lay person’s presence in the hidden world of the emplaced
texts and objects, reflecting their wishes for wellbeing of themselves and their families as wellas their afterlife. Furthermore, by examining the above notions, I would like to demonstrate thecontinuity between the Buddhist relic worship observed in Gandhāra and the beliefs behind thepractice of text emplacement inside the statues in Bamiyan and East Asia.

Making Buddhist Ethics Matter: Notes on the Consecration Scripture Concerning the Spell of the Three Refuges and Five Precepts Hung at the Waist
to Protect the Body
Ryan Overbey (Skidmore College)
The Consecration Scripture (Guanding jing
, T 1331) is a Chinese anthology of twelve
distinct Buddhist scriptures compiled in the mid-fifth century CE. The scriptures in this collection
are overwhelmingly focused on rituals for protection, healing, and the production of merit for theliving and the dead. The third scroll of the anthology, entitled Consecration Scripture Concerning
the Spell of the Three Refuges and Five Precepts Hung at the Waist to Protect the Body (Guanding sangui wujie daipei hushen zhou jing
) introduces a radically new
textual and material vision of the protective powers of Buddhist devotion. In this scripture, taking the Three Refuges causes thirty-six demonic spirits (guishen), also called “spirit kings”), along with their great retinues of spirits to descend and guard the body of the(shenwangpractitioner. Taking the Five Precepts causes Indra to dispatch twenty-five spirit kings to descend,each providing a unique form of protection. The scripture further instructs the practitioner to wear
the names of all these spirit kings as a talisman on the body, in order to protect the wearer fromdemons, nightmares, government officials, robbers, and all sorts of other calamities.

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While we unfortunately have no archaeological evidence attesting to the precise enactment of
the Consecration Scripture’s agenda, this paper interrogates the ways in which the Consecration Scripture might give insight into the well-attested Buddhist amuletic practices explored by
Copp and Hidas. While it is easy to see the Daoist influences here (surveillance by a celestial
bureaucracy, ritual acts of initiation leading to the descent of protective gods into the body, etc.),
there are also continuities with the Indic rakṣā genre, especially with the expansive cosmologies
and demonologies found in the Great Peahen Queen of Spells (Mahāmāyūrīvidyārājñī). When
the Consecration Scripture re-envisions the Three Refuges and Five Precepts as materially effective amulets, to what degree is the text innovating, and to what degree is the text drawing on
already-established Indic and Sinitic traditions? Ultimately the Consecration Scripture raises
important questions about the ways textuality, materiality, moral conduct, and demonology intersect in the early medieval Buddhist world.

The Engraving of Buddhist Texts in Stupa Caves and Mountain Sites in the
Northern Qi Dynasty: Multiple Levels of Reading
Katherine Tsiang (University of Chicago)
The engraving of Buddhist scriptures, or sūtras in stone is an important innovative feature of
Buddhist cave shrines and other sites of Northern Qi Buddhism. Sūtra engravings appear at boththe Northern and Southern Groups of Xiangtangshan Caves. The South Cave or “Cave of theEngraved Scriptures” at the Northern Group has extensive sutra engraving work that was sponsored by the official Tang Yong from 568-572. The Avatamsaka sutra and Guanshiyin pumen pin
chapter of the Lotus Sutra is engraved at the Southern Group of Caves. Buddhist devotees appear
to have initiated his practice in the area of the Northern Qi capital at Ye from which it spread toother sites in the area of the capital, most notably Wahuanggong in Shexian, Hebei. Subsequently
the practice reached other parts of northern China during the late Northern Qi period. In Shandong province, most of the engravings are in natural settings without caves, on cliff faces, on
the sloping sides of mountains, or on large boulders—as seen at Taishan, Tieshan, Gangshan andother locations. The practice had various religious functions. On one hand, the copying of texts
was a meritorious activity. As teachings of the Buddha and therefore a type of relics, relics of the
Buddha dharma, the texts were considered appropriately housed within or associated with caves
made in the form of stūpas. The preservation of Buddhism was also a concern in coming of theage of the loss of the dharma or mofa. The site at which the texts were present were considered
protected and suitable for related ritual practices. In cases of the writing of the text in large characters, it also became a statement of the transformative power of Buddhism and the creation of a
Buddhist realm or dharmadhatu in the Chinese landscape.

Joining the Eagle Peak Assembly: Text, Image, and Empowerment inNichiren’s “Great Mandala”
Jacqueline Stone (Princeton University)
The Japanese Buddhist teacher Nichiren (1222-1282) devised a logographic mandala depicting
the assembly of the Lotus Sūtra in Chinese characters as a personal object of worship (honzon)
for his followers. Down the center of the mandala is inscribed the invocation of the daimoku or

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title of the Lotus Sūtra, Namu Myōhō-renge-kyō, flanked by the names of Śākyamuni Buddha
and the tathāgata Prabhūtaratna as its attendants. Surrounding them are the names of figures fromLotus assembly representing all ten dharma realms from the hells to buddhahood; illuminated by
the daimoku, Nichiren wrote, they each reveal their inherent enlightened aspect. Requiring only
paper, brushes, and ink for its production, Nichiren’s daimandara (“great mandala”) or gohonzon(“revered object of worship”) made Buddhist imagery accessible to persons unable to commission statues or paintings. His letters to his followers stress the benefits of faith in the gohonzon,
including security in this life, protection in the next, and the realization of buddhahood.
More than 120 mandalas survive in Nichiren’s hand. Since all gohonzon bear Nichiren’s nameand written seal (kaō), they embodied proof for individual recipients of a master-disciple relationship. After his death, the authority to reproduce the daimandara was retained by lineage
heads and the temple abbots, who conferred copies on their parishioners as personal honzon,
adding their own signature. The daimandara’s relative ease of production enabled followers
throughout Japan to share a common honzon. Over time, it became an identity marker for the
Nichiren tradition.
As an image, Nichiren’s daimandara suggests connections with other medieval representationsof the Lotus assembly, reimagined not as an event in the mythic past but as the primordial Śākyamuni Buddha’s ever-present realm. Its accompanying logic of practice resembles that of esoteric mandalas, in which the devotee is said to realize union with the buddha in the act of ritual
performance. By embracing faith in the Lotus Sūtra and chanting its daimoku, Nichiren said,
one “enters” the mandala and participates in the enlightened reality that it depicts. At the sametime, being written in characters, the daimandara preserves a connection to the Lotus Sūtra text
and offers insight into the possibilities for interface between text and sacred objects. It is linked
to Nichiren’s claim for the unique soteriological status of the Lotus Sūtra’s written words: Eachcharacter, he said, encompasses the entirety of the Buddhist teachings and instantiates the Buddha’s mind in visible form. Nichiren’s logographic honzon is also informed by his understandingof image consecration: Because the Lotus Sūtra instantiates the Buddha’s ultimate intent, heheld, only enshrining the Lotus together with a wooden or painted image can invest the image
with “mind,” rendering it equivalent to a living buddha. That is, to be efficacious, a representational object of worship must be empowered by sacred text. With Nichiren’s daimandara, thisrelationship is made visually explicit. Its example calls into question sharp binary distinctions
between cultic and discursive textual practices, suggesting that the perceived power of sacredobjects may be more closely linked to their intellectual content than is often assumed.

Panel 46: The Use and Functions of Buddhist Cave Monasteries
Convener: Nobuyoshi Yamabe (Waseda University)

Panel Abstract
Buddhist cave monasteries have always attracted scholarly attention. When scholars study them,
however, their attention tends to be focused on the art therein, and, thus far, not many solid
arguments have been advanced regarding their practical functions. Yet, without trying to under-• Abstracts

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stand the intentions of the people who planned and used these cave sites, it would be difficult
to understand the significance of Buddhist caves. Thus, this panel intends to discuss how cavemonasteries actually functioned. In our discussion, art in the caves will no doubt be a significant
clue, but we shall also take all the other available information (e.g., archeological, epigraphicaland textual) into consideration to offer more comprehensive discussions.
I organized a similar panel at the IABS congress in Taipei in 2011, but since then research has
progressed significantly. (For example, an important book on Qizil caves by Angela Howard andGiuseppe Vignato was published in 2015.) Also, the previous panel was mainly focused on cavesites in Chinese Central Asia, but this time our panel includes specialists of Indian and Afghansites also. Thus, we expect to discuss the use and functions of Buddhist cave monasteries frombroader perspectives based on the latest academic achievements.

Textual Sources Relevant to the Practical Use of Buddhist Cave Monasteries
Nobuyoshi Yamabe (Waseda University)
This panel intends to discuss the practical use of Buddhist cave monasteries in India and Central
Asia. This, however, is not an easy task, because Buddhist traditions have largely disappeared
from these areas (except Tibet), and the available information is limited. When studying thesecave sites, scholars usually rely on archeological and art-historical observations. These are important sources of information, but ideally these observations should be checked against textual
descriptions. Since the other members of this panel approach the cave monasteries primarily
from archeological points of view, on this occasion, I will look for clues in textual sources.
Since I have been working on Buddhist meditation and visualization in Central Asia, my maininterest has been “meditation caves” in Central Asian Buddhist cave monasteries. Unfortunately,
however, most manuscripts and inscriptions found there are fragmentary, and it is difficult tofind writings that describe actual methods of meditative practice in these caves. Thus, the most
systematic textual sources available to us that show how meditation was practiced in monastic
settings are Vinaya texts from India. They concern monasteries in general, not specifically cavemonasteries, but since cave monasteries are also Buddhist monasteries, it is justifiable to refer tothese texts for possible clues.
According to Gregory Schopen and Jeffrey Bass, the Vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivāda tradition
puts more importance on the recitation of texts, and the practice of meditation in monasteries
is not particularly encouraged. Meditation was primarily to be practiced in solitude outside themonastic settings, but these “forest dwellers” are not always treated respectfully in Vinaya textsof this tradition. If we follow Pia Brancaccio’s suggestion, cave monasteries might represent anattempt to incorporate such independent “forest dwellers” into the mainstream monastic settings.
Nevertheless, Bass also notes that the Mūlasarvāstivāda tradition recognizes communal practiceof meditation in monasteries as well and stipulates how meditation halls should be constructed.
The passage from Poṣadhavastu of Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya describes the concrete structure of
meditation halls.
According to this text, these “meditation halls” (prahāṇaśālā) have cells (layana). Each of thesecells has a door and a window. The text gives further details of these cells, for example, a bolt
for locking the door, a latticed window for keeping birds from entering the cells, and so forth.

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These “meditation halls” seem to be similar in structure to what is usually called “vihāra caves.”
This suggests that small cells in the vihāha-types of caves could be used for the practice of meditation. On the other hand, the episodes of some monks making noise and disturb the meditatingmonks, found in Poṣadhavastu as well as in Abhisamācārikā of the Mahāsāṅghika tradition, giveus the impression that monks might have meditated in a large hall. This point deserves careful
investigation.
In any case, since it is not always easy to match textual descriptions with actual monastic sites,
these apparent agreements between texts and caves are significant. Through comparison between
the textual passages and cave sites, I shall shed light on the manner of meditative practice inIndian cave monasteries.

Reappraising Rock-cut Buddhist Monasteries: Bhaja, Bedsa and Karla
Kulamitra David Zukas (School of Oriental and African Studies)
I have reassessed the early rock-cut Buddhist monasteries at Bhaja, Bedsa and Karla. I have also
searched their localities for smaller sites, which led to the discovery of several new hermitages,
retreats and dam sites. Combined with my detailed re-analysis of the area’s main monasteries’
architecture, these small sites helped in revealing how monastic life had evolved in this area.
The numerous modified rock-shelters and caverns in the area show the early stages of rock-cut
architecture and their gradual transition to rock-cut buildings. To begin with monks here lived innatural rock-shelters, which they then modified to make them more habitable, before cutting thefirst true buildings directly into the cliff faces.
Conservation of rainwater for the dry season was a key issue for permanent settlements in India.
I found that the monks in this area had caught the last trickles of rain water in rock-cut pools cut
in watercourses cut to be near their dwellings. This search for water when the rains had finishedproved the monks wanted to stay here longer than the three months permitted in their vinaya
code. This was the first step in evolving monastic water conservation for permanent settlementin this area. So, for the first time, physical remains are able to show the period of change fromthe itinerant monastic wandering lifestyle to settled monasticism proper.
At Bhaja, some of the cells set around central halls were preceded by single cells that were incorporated into the later designs. In these very early stages, Bhaja’s monastery consisted of single
cells, small stūpas and modified natural caverns. Only later did it evolve into its present form of
many excavated cells with central halls clustered around a stūpa hall.
At Bedsa, re-examining the unique apsidal hall with its bed cells showed it had once been a plain
vaulted apsidal hall, probably intended as a shrine, before the cells were cut into it. So, Bedsa
monastery had a shrine hall earlier than had previously been thought.
At Karla, close scrutiny of the large cavern showed it was once divided by wooden partitions intoa circular stūpa hall with a rectangular antechamber, plus a large hall with several cells. Thus,
Karla along with Bedsa and Bhaja had an early monumental shrine hall long before its current
main shrine hall was built.
The nine common Phases I discovered at these early monastic sites were crucial in understanding• Abstracts

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how early monastic communities developed there. They revealed how similar monasteries, in thesame area, were transformed from temporary rainy season retreats for wandering monks, into
permanent centres of public worship and monastic learning with many resident monks, which
later came to be supported by royal land grants. From the inscriptions at the sites, I was able todate the last seven Phases, providing a working chronology of Buddhist evolution in this area.

Understanding the Sacred Landscape Associated with Kanheri and Its Reflections in Archaeological Material at the Site
Suraj Pandit (Sathaye College)
Kanheri is one of the important Buddhist monastic sites that flourished in western India locatedwithin the city of Mumbai. Three phases of development of the Buddhist monastery at Kanheri
can be seen; namely, the formative or early phase chronologically defined from the 1st century
BCE to the 2nd century CE, the mature phase may be considered from the 2nd to the 10th century CE and the later phase is from the 10th till the 15th century CE. The mature phase at Kanheri
can be further divided into three phases as from the 2nd to the 4th centuries, the 5th and 6th
centuries and then the 7th to the 10th centuries of the Common Era.
Kanheri is surrounded by numerous archaeological sites mainly structural as well as rock-cut
remains of ancient Buddhist monasteries. Literary sources such as Suttapitaka and Divyavadanasuggest the affinity of the monastery at Kanheri with the Buddhist monastery at Sopara. Thisaffiliation and coexistence among the monasteries at Kanheri and Sopara continued for centuries
and they flourished together.
Epigraphical data from the early period of Kanheri suggests that there were two Buddhist nikayas
viz. Bhadrayaniya and Aparaselia which coexisted peacefully at Kanheri from 2nd century CE
to 5th century CE. They have left their imprints in the art and architecture of the early period.
Some glimpses of early rituals and the use of space with special reference to the introduction of
Image worship at the site can be studied in the light of this religious development. The specificuse of ‘Space’ can be observed in the plans of the caves as well as in the settlement pattern ofcaves at Kanheri.
This religious development can also be seen in Cave 90, one of the unique caves at Kanheri dated to 5th century CE. The cave displays a peculiar set of material culture associated with ritual
traditions in Mahayana Buddhism. The iconographic scheme, epigraphical data, architecture andcontext of the cave suggest the development of certain cult rituals, providing insight into thefunctioning of the monastery. There is a specific land use pattern that can be observed within themonastic complex. This was monitored by authorities in the monastery. It is not just the cave but
its surroundings that were part of the ritual landscape, controlled by the monastery. Kanheri as
seen in Caves 3, 87 and 90 provides us with insight in such rituals and land use patterns. Thus,
the functioning of the monastery in the formative period and the mature period is not consistent,
as a drastic change in the use of ‘space’ apropos rituals can be seen at Kanheri.
To this end, the paper intends to understand various sectarian and cultic developments as reflected in the art and architecture at Kanheri. These developments are proposed to understand thematerial remains of the caves suggesting the rituals associated with them. The primary objectiveof this paper is to study the functioning of the Buddhist monastery at Kanheri as regards the150

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pattern of Buddhist settlements in the region and the development of ritual traditions reflected at
Kanheri. Another objective of the paper is to understand the role played by the Buddhist monastery at Kanheri in the development of the overall religious landscape in the region through ages.

Looking as “Spiritual Exercise:” The Case of Central Pillar Caves and Their
Role as Meditation Aids in the Rock Monasteries of Kuča
Alice Casalini (University of Chicago)
Although the central pillar caves in Kuča have been discussed extensively, most scholarshiphas focused on the iconography of their painted murals. Many studies discuss the complex netof jātakas and avadānas on the haunches of the barrel vault in the site of Kizil, and several deal
with the identification of specific stories and figures within each scene in the cave and their
textual parallels. While this type of research is the necessary foundation for the interpretation ofreligious art, it has also divided the paintings from the space they inhabited. Not only are somemurals physically distant from Kuča, held in European museums, but they are also conceptuallydetached from their environment. Few studies have examined the paintings within their spatial
context and even fewer have investigated the space of central pillar caves as a whole.
My contribution discusses how the architectural and decorative design of Kučean central pillar
caves structured a specific religious experience for the beholders. I tackle this issue by situating
the beholder’s vision within the cave and by investigating how the experience of moving throughthe space challenged and transformed ways of looking as one progressed from the exterior of the
cave to the rear areas. This situated vision – dependent on the body moving across space, andthe consequent changes in viewpoints and perspectives – allows us to access some aspects of theviewer’s original response to the totality of the space of the cave.
Following Howard’s position that visionary practices played a fundamental role in Kučean meditation, I discuss the mechanisms put in place in the layout and décor to guide a meditator in theirpractice. I argue that central pillar caves were designed to lead the beholder through a spiritualexperience centered around degrees of looking. This experience would get progressively more
subtle as one proceeded from the antechamber towards the rear areas of the cave: not only the
subjects of the paintings shift from a vision of the Buddhist cosmos to the moment of the Buddha’s death; but the formal characteristics of the murals also changed in response to the physicalfeatures of the space. As the size of the rooms decreased, and the level of light diminished, theviewer would be ushered into a progressively narrower space, be compelled to move closer to thewalls to look carefully at the details, without ever being able to grasp the totality of the decorative
program at once.
The central pillar caves of Kuča, far from being a still monument to Buddhist history, were thedynamic center of a meditation practice where looking was understood as a spiritual exercise.
The beholder was forced to perform a mental exercise of reconstructing the cave’s whole space
and its design in their mind, a process that parallels the spiritual practice of recollection in themind, as it is described in the rich textual tradition on meditation across the Buddhist Canon.

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Solids and Voids (): The Morphology of the Rock Monasteries of Kuča

Giuseppe Vignato (Peking University)
To date the study of the rock monasteries has been mostly focused on individual caves or partsof them. This paper suggests a shift of perspective by examining the empty spaces within themonasteries, and exploring what they might tell us.
This talk introduces several concepts. Firstly, the symbolic if not physical boundaries which
delimit surface Buddhist monasteries are present in both in modern monasteries and have been
identified in the course of archaeological excavations of ancient monasteries. They were certainly present in the rock monasteries as well. Not only was it necessary to differentiate between thesacred and profane space, but boundaries were required for the carrying out ecclesiastical acts.
The boundaries could be idealized lines linking natural markers such as a river, a large stone oreven a tree. Such ephemeral traces, although they would have been clear historically, are all but
impossible to detect in the modern day. We can try to identify them based on the placement of
extant caves, that is, starting from the space they enclosed.
Secondly, once the approximate location of the boundaries of the rock monastery is known, thelikely location of the main gate(s) to the site can be hypothesized. Thereafter it is possible toextrapolate the main axis of the monastery, likely a straight line from the entrance gate to themain building or cave. This axis would have been immediately obvious to devotees entering themonastery. It would have guided the visitor in ‘reading’ the other elements of the site. An understanding of the site axis can inform our interpretation of which are the primary and secondary
structures within the site.
Once defined, the boundaries will reveal that each rock monastery consisted of an harmonic andbalanced interplay of structures ( ) and functional empty spaces ( ). Apart from the extant
structures, the caves, there are large ‘empty’ spaces isolating and connecting the different districts of the monastery. In the past I have discussed some of these empty spaces in terms of ‘connective architecture’; this time I will tackle their nature from the perspective of ‘void and solid’,
thus proposing a more comprehensive way of looking at the rock monastery. Once the areas ofthe monasteries without caves are looked upon as spaces or ‘voids’ fulfilling specific purposes,the ‘empty’ spaces acquire meaning and emerge as essential elements of the monastery itself.
Apart for the loss of physical boundaries, several other elements hinder the complete reconstruction of the rock monasteries. The most detrimental is the lack of a reliable periodization, since
the boundaries and the space they enclosed probably changed over time with the developmentof the monastery. To show the feasibility and usefulness of this theoretical approach, some rockmonasteries in the ancient kingdom of Kuča are interpreted using this perspective to show thekind of results that can emerge from the study of space with rock monasteries.
The current state of study of ancient rock monasteries such as Kuča can be looked at as a glass
half empty or half full. It is our duty as archaeologists to learn from the empty half.

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Panel 47: Theory and Practice in Engaged Buddhism of Asia
Convener: Lee Doheum (Hanyang University)

Panel Abstract
This panel examines the theories and activities of engaged Buddhism in India, Vietnam, China,
Taiwan, and South Korea by analyzing engaged Buddhism’s limits and looking for alternatives.
In modern eras, Asian countries have suffered turmoil such as colonization, dictatorship, and war.
Although they achieved modernization, independence, democratization, and economic development by overcoming those hardships, the nations are still plagued by the shadows of inequality,
alienation, community dissolution, environmental issues, and more. Witnessing the problems,
engaged Buddhists placed more emphasis on participating in social activities to remove social
duka and environmental duka with compassion than on practicing to achieve personal enlightenment. Theoretically, engaged Buddhists reinterpreted Buddhist teaching to support their social
activities; practically, at the risk of their own lives, engaged Buddhists fought against colonial
rulers, dictatorships, and unjust systems. Some wanted to create a modern Pureland. Some expanded their compassion to animals and plants. By analyzing activities and theories of engaged
Buddhists, we explore the role that Buddhism will play in the future. Specifically, what are thenew doctrines of Buddhism to reinterpret for future issues? What is Buddhism’s direction in response to the neoliberal system as it becomes more and more depressed in the wake of the fourthindustrial revolution?

A Theory and Practice of Engaged Buddhism as an Alternative to the Humanitarian Crises of the 21st Century
Lee Doheum (Hanyang University)
Humanity is now facing several crises. Core among them is the climate and environmental crisis,
the maximization of inequality, and the increase in violence and terrorism. The degree has crossed
the critical point. Unless we transform now, human society will fall into a dystopia. Therefore,
the author finds the alternative wisdom in Buddhism but fuses it with Western science. We needto interpret Buddhism new according to the context of the 21st century. If we overcome the climate crisis, it is necessary to establish the Buddhist ecology of Bul-il-bul-i(neither-one-nor-two)and to switch to living in an economy of contentment with less gain. If we build a more egalitarian and just society, it is necessary to shift from the economics of plunder to the economics
of mercy(karuna). And we should establish Hwajaeng Buddhist communities in various places.
Ignorance, madness, the banality of evil, and obedience to authority are only the surface causesof genocide. The root cause of this is identity. If Hitler had asked Eichmann to slaughter Germanright-wing middle-class citizens, he would not have obeyed with sheer thoughtlessness. Therefore, the alternative is to change the paradigm to Nunbucheo(Buddha-in-your-pupil)-difference
as interdependent-becoming that completely deconstructs identity and practices it with empathy
and compassion for the pain of others. Above all, we must now exercise our ‘compassionate
anger’ against the powers that force suffering, violence, exploitation, discrimination, inequality, and death on the weak and the living. The state must also transform into a compassionate• Abstracts

153eco-welfare state, where compassion for the weak rather than money and power drives almost
all policies and actions.

The Role of Dependent Arising and Not Killing for the Climate Crisis Prevention
Sungwoo Jang (Dongguk University)
Buddhist scriptures explain “Because this exists, that exists, because this arises, that arises” about
dependent arising. Buddhism explains everything through pratīyasamutpāda, not only human affairs but also natural phenomena. Everything has the cause and effect relationship so that there isnothing happening without cause. There is nothing existing independently in human and nature.
Therefore dependent arising means that everything is interconnected. Thus dependent arising
could be a worldview overcoming problems of modern economics regarding human as end but
nature only as development object because the theory of dependent arising involves the meaningthat human and nature have equal important value together. But dependent arising rather has an
aspect of accepting reality passively because the interdependence logic might suggest an onlooker’s attitude to contradictions in real society and uncritical conformity to the established order.
Rather, not killing as a precept emphasizing the value of respect for life can be utilized as ecological act ethics inducing positive participation in climate crisis prevention. The current climate
crisis is driving the ecosystem of the earth to sixth mass extinction. The current climate crisis
could become the cause of ecocide and numerous casualties. The practice of not killing on thebasis of merciful heart is needed for climate crisis prevention. We get impetus for climate crisis
prevention from merciful hearts laying stress on life. The role of dependent arising is sufficient as
theories to human and nature understanding. The practice of not killing on the basis of merciful
heart could be ecological act ethics for climate crisis prevention. Moreover, because not killing is
the first precept that every Buddhist should observe, not killing could be guidelines for practicalclimate crisis prevention movement.

The Socio-ethical Interpretation on Engaged Buddhism of Korea
Byung Kee Pak (Korea National University of Education)
Social ethics makes up the structural dimension of moral problems. The individual gets off amoral judgement and it follows in him and the low of act to include the institutional or cultural
background which receives an effect from process inside scope of ethical crane discussion. Asianengaged Buddhism is Asian region Buddhists about under engaging reduces a social pain directly in social problem and the practical effort which does to touch alias grudge all. It will slant aninterest in problem of the specific society and it happens from point to keep a social dimension,
the possibility it being joined together with ethical practice it is the possibility from point it could
be interpreted with social ethic also it is opened.
Asian engaged Buddhism, it begins Korea specially from this discussion and Vietnam, fromThailand back and it is developed and after trying to seek the practical features which appear in
all participation Buddhism motion, it’s interpretation tries reading the low man with underdeveloped genital organ from viewpoint of social ethic. Sees and concretely the participation ceremony of leaving home and authorization member each person in what kind of method to be exalted

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it fixes a focus one who is been revealed with social dimension, the reporter to examine closely
the socio-ethical connection and meaning it does. It will reach and to lead Asian engaged Buddhism in change of the civic society whole sees expects with the fact that it will be the possibility
also the current events regarding the plan it will be able to contribute actively getting.

Female Movement in Asian Buddhist Society
Chungwhan Sung (Dongguk University)
Due to paucity of autonomy in Tibet and southeast Buddhist countries, can we say that there areno female religious leaders or teachers since they cannot be authorized as official nuns?
Kusuma Devendra, the first nun in Sri Lanka, after a lapse of nearly a millennium and nine others received higher ordination in 1996 from the Korean Samgha of the Jogye Order. They wereordained in Sarnath, India under the auspices of the Indian Mahabodhi Society. Since the traditional lineage of Buddhist nuns was lost 1000 years ago in Sri Lanka, the traditional hierarchy in
Theravada society could not accept the new ordination.
Thai Buddhist female “Maejis,” who are banned from receiving official ordination of nuns inThailand. The ordination service was held to ordain around 10 Maejis, Korean monks and nuns
taking part as precept witness venerable. The Sangha Council, however, has prohibited females
from receiving novice precepts since 1928 and the Buddhist priest law enacted in 1992 has officially denied females to become nuns. Chatsumarn Kabilsingh (Dhammananda) was the first
Thai woman to take full Bhikshuni ordination, which was, at this time, also against Thai law.
Several circumstances have changed after then, and now society has come to see the necessity
for Bhikshuni Sangha. In contrast to their changing social status and circumstantial gender inequality in the monastic community still observes even if there is no reason to discrimination
between qualities and quantities of nuns’ status. Nuns themselves perceived their religious roles
and identities and extended their own autonomy.
In this presentation I will try to show how nuns/female devotees have been straggled against social circumstances. In addition, I will show in the course of this long history they have often been
marginalized and subordinated. Despite that, they have built their own traditions and identities,
as well as established autonomous roles in religious society.

The Life and Peace Movement in South Korea
Lucy Hyekyung Jee (Yonsei University)
After Korea achieved democracy in 1987, socially engaged Buddhism in the country changed its
goal from achieving political democracy to addressing various social issues. The environment
and peace movement has become more crucial since the 1990s. The Jungto Society and the Indra’s Net Life Community lead this movement along with the Buddhist Environmental Association. The Jungto Society established the Korean Buddhist Environmental Education Institute andsince 1994 has run an ecology workshop to change people’s perspectives on the environment.
For the peace of the Korean Peninsula, the organization also practiced one thousand special
prayers and offers programs to understand North Korea and the peace movement. In 1998, the• Abstracts

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Indra’s Net Life Community began helping people who wanted to move from the city to thecountry. People’s return from the city to the country is considered the reconciliation between
nature and humans. Gradually, the group expanded its works to the environmental movement.
The organization’s activities are based on the life and peace sutra written by Dobop sunim, whichcontains the teaching of the Huayan (Hwaeom) school. The Buddhist Environmental Association
was established in 2001, after Buddhist activists protested the construction of a dam in Jiri mountain. Since then, the association has been engaging in various activities related to the life–peace
movement. The stress points of these groups’ works are different but all based on interdependentworldviews in Buddhism.

Panel 48: Vasubandhu’s Abhidharma Philosophy
Convener: Oren Hanner (New York University Abu Dhabi)

Panel Abstract
Vasubandhu’s Abhidharma writings constitute a rich source of knowledge for some of the mostfundamental ideas and theories developed by Buddhist and non‐Buddhist philosophical schoolsof his time. As such, his philosophy – as preserved in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, the Pañcaskandhaka, and the Karmasiddhiprakaraṇa – relates itself intertextually to numerous earlier
and contemporaneous textual corpuses, while being acknowledged and critically interrogated byworks of competing philosophical circles in India. Taking a philosophical perspective on theseworks, the present panel explores questions in metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, and philosophy of mind which arise in Vasubandhu’s texts, and in texts that respond to his stances.

Atomism in Vasubandhu’s Abhidharma-Kośa
Mónika Szegedi (Eötvös Loránd University Budapest)
My paper analyses some problems of the concept of atom (paramāṇu) in the Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma tradition.
According to Vasubandhu’s Abhidharma-Kośa, the atom (paramāṇu) can be viewed from three
aspects. (1) It is the smallest physical measure (pramāṇa), ca. 0.1 μm, so it is *extended*. (2) As
the ultimate, theoretical limit (paryanta) of the reduction of matter (rūpa), it is *indivisible* – aspace-occupying resistant material entity with no parts and no spatial directions. (3) It is a *combination* of inherent, co-operative qualities or rather functions (dravya): the elemental functions
like cohesion (~water), the sensible qualities like colour and (in a living being) sensitivity, e.g.
the ability to see. These sub-atomic factors are not substantial entities, in spite of the term ‘dravya’. They are niyata-sahotpādāḥ, ‘necessarily co-occurring’, not independent particles, so thisanalysis will not make the paramāṇus ‘molecules’ – contrary to the standard interpretation andtranslations. Paramāṇu is a transitory unit of these functions. This interpretation is based on the
Sanskrit and Tibetan versions of the Abhidharma-Kośa and a few other Sarvāstivāda sources.
In the secondary literature on Vasubandhu’s atomism, the conceptual pair saṁghāta-paramāṇu
‘molecule’ and dravya-paramāṇu ‘atom’ is ubiquitous. First I will show that this theory is un-

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known to Vasubandhu, he never mentions or suggests this pair. The word saṁghāta-paramāṇu
does not even occur in the Abhidharma-Kośa, and dravya-paramāṇu is a hapax in the Bhāṣya at
1.20ab, mentioned by an opponent, and does not seem to have this meaning.
Then I will trace the sources of this misunderstanding. The immediate source is, of course, theimmense authority of Louis de La Vallée-Poussin: his French translation of the Abhidharma-Kośa
was published between 1923 and 1931, i.e. before the original Sanskrit text was found. Although
the Tibetan text was also known, he decided to follow Xuánzàng’s 7th-century Chinese transla, ‘particle-aggregate, molecule’ for paramāṇu, suggestingtion. Now Xuánzàng uses wēijù
that he read saṁghāta-paramāṇu or paramāṇu-saṁghāta. Since in many other places Xuánzàng
combines Vasubandhu’s text with commentarial explanations, we look for this interpretation in
the commentaries, and we do find it in Yaśomitra (6th century); in fact, he has the whole theory of
the pair molecule–atom, most clearly at the key passage on Abhidharma-Kośa 2.20. Yaśomitra’s
interpretation may have been suggested by Saṅghabhadra’s earlier commentary, but this text is
not available in Sanskrit or Tibetan.
Finally, I will shortly reflect on the importance of the proper understanding of Vasubandhu’s
original theory. Contrasted with the familiar and simple corpuscular atom–molecule analysis, his
reduction of matter first to atoms, then atoms to momentary combinations of functions offers away subtler, and surprisingly modern approach to reality.

Does the Viṁśikā’s Author Reject the Abhidharmakośa?
Ferenc Ruzsa (ELTE University, Budapest)
According to his (somewhat legendary) biographies, Vasubandhu in his younger years was anadherent of the realist Sarvāstivāda school and he composed the still today most influential compendium of that tradition, the Abhidharmakośa. Later Asaṅga converted him to Mahāyāna andhe wrote several seminal works of the idealist Yogācāra tradition, among which philosophicallythe most important is probably the Viṁśikā.
We might think that there is little common ground for an idealist and a realist, yet it has beenlong noticed that many Abhidharmic categories and analyses reappear in the Yogācāra treatises.
In fact, in several Mahāyānic educational systems the Abhidharmakośa is an important part ofthe curriculum, preceding the Yogācāra and Madhyamaka philosophies.
Still we would expect that Vasubandhu as a new convert will emphatically assert the superiorityof his new convictions and enthusiastically refute his old beliefs. In this paper I will look at thisquestion specifically comparing the approaches of the Viṁśikā and the Abhidharmakośa to several fundamental concepts: artha, vijñapti, dharma, dravya and dharma-nairātmya. The analyses
given of the reality of devils (naraka-pālāḥ, ‘hell-guards’) and atoms in the two treatises will also
be contrasted.
The picture emerging is that the relation of the two philosophies (at least as Vasubandhu saw it)
was not like Newton’s to Aristotelian physics but rather like Einstein’s to Newton. Not so mucha rejection, rather an extension by unification.

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Vasubandhu on the Problem of Contact and Directionality
Amber Carpenter (Yale-NUS College)
At AKBh. 1.43d, Vasubandhu addresses the Problem of Contact at AKBh. I.43d - the worry,
namely, that true simples cannot touch without either collocating or turning to be partite, after all. While this looks like the same problem considered in the more familiar Twenty Verses,
Vasubandhu here does not determine that the problem is insurmountable. However, he rejects
previous attempts to avoid the problem either by appealing to aggregates that touch while theirconstituent atoms do not, or by introducing a gap between supposedly touching atoms. I will
evaluate Vasubandhu’s criticisms of these alternatives, and explain the philosophical pressures
for resisting ‘gappy’ explanations. Vasubandhu’s own novel solution to the Problem of Contact isdisarmingly simple: rūpa-dharmas are dimensionless points of resistance. This suffices to makeaggregation possible, and to allow immediate adjacency without partition. I will consider how
this can respond to Saṅghabhadra’s objections. Vasubandhu’s opposite conclusion to what looks
like the same objection in the Twenty Verses arises because the objection has been reformulated
to target spatial locatedness in particular, and not extension, which turns up a new sort of phenomenon which atomism genuinely cannot explain.

Denying Intermediate Existence: A Theravādin Response to Vasubandhu
Rupert Gethin (University of Bristol)An early Abhidharma dispute concerns intermediate existence (antarābhava) between lives: the
Pūrvaśailas, Sarvāstivādins, Sammatīyas and Vātsīputrīyas advocated it, the Mahāsāṅghikas,
Theravādins, Dharmaguptakas and Mahīśāsikas denied it. The Theravāda Kathāvatthu sets out
some general objections to the notion but either does not know or ignores the arguments we findset out in later texts. In chapter three of his Abhidharmakośabhāṣya Vasubandhu discusses thenotion of intermediate existence at some length. He argues that an intermediate being is required
to account for the continuity of the causal series of the bundles (skandha) across different lives:
without an intermediate being there is an unbridgeable causal gap when a being dies in one placeand is reborn in another. He rejects the example of a reflected image, which is adduced by the
advocates of immediate rebirth, including the Theravādins, as an instance of causality operating
across a gap, and seeks to demonstrate that such examples cannot fit the circumstances of rebirth.
What seems to have gone unnoticed in modern scholarship is that an Abhidhamma subcommentary (the Kathāvatthu-anuṭīkā), a seventh-century work of Jotipāla or Dhammapāla, offers a detailed response to the arguments set out by Vasubandhu in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya and seeks
to reassert the appropriateness of a reflection as an illustration of causality across a spatial gap.
This response constitutes concrete evidence that the northern Indian Abhidharmakośabhāṣya wasfamiliar to Theravādin scholar monks in the early seventh century in southern India and Laṅkā.

Vasubandhu on the Metaphysics of Streams and Flows
Sonam Kachru (University of Virginia)
We know (from works like the Pudgalapratiṣedhaprakaraṇa), that Vasubandhu’s notion of a concrete particular (dravya) is not that of a substance, or a property-possessor--instead, in some

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sense concrete particulars are property particulars. We also know from this work (and others,
like the Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam), that concrete particulars, furthermore, are not best understood as continuants, but as occurrents, varieties of happenings. When Vasubandhu adverts tothe language of the grammarians to express this point, he speaks of bhāva, the kind of thingwhich a verb, rather than a noun, picks out. Let’s call these events for now. Here’s where things
get interesting. Vasubandhu, while denying that concrete particulars are continuants, and while
giving us to think that he has in mind something more like events, also denies that events, truly
speaking, are temporally extended. Thus, his proof of momentariness, tells us that events, strictly
speaking, do not last longer than their initial conditions. Call these limit-occurrences. The question is this: is this all Vasubandhu thinks there is, such that any temporally extended sequence ofsuch limit occurrences must be thought some variety of a logical construction? I think not. I think
Vasubandhu cannot believe this, on pain of losing sight of his own analytic commitments in his
philosophy of mind and his distinctive views of causation which foreground a saṃtāna, a connected sequence of limit-occurrences, in a special way. And I think that he need not think that.
To see this, we need to revisit Vasubandhu’s distinctive commitments with respect to saṃtāna-s:
In this talk I will attempt to reconstruct Vasubandhu’s use of saṃtāna, a connected sequence oflimit occurrences, as a specification of how events occur and not as a candidate for some further
variety of concrete particular. (One way to put it is that saṃtāna is part of a theory of tokening,
and not part of the analysis of types.) We will add finer-grain to our sense of a saṃtāna--by
distinguishing sequences on four-dimensional views from Vasubandhu’s presentist conceptionof sequences exhibiting intrinsic change. And we will explore (premodern and modern) arguments for and against the adverbial emphasis on the process rather than the ostensible product(a mereological whole). I will try and defend this strong thesis: the notion of a limit occurrence,for Vasubandhu, entails something like his adverbial sense of a connected sequence. I find it
inconclusive, however, whether or not Vasubandhu would say that what there is, then, most fundamentally, are processes.

How Not to Do Things with Others: The Conditions for Shared Agency in the
Abhidharmakośabhāṣya
Oren Hanner (New York University Abu Dhabi)
Abhidharma literature offers a very limited philosophical analysis of actions performed together
by multiple persons. When questions about the conditions under which a number of doers may
be associated with a single karman arise, the Indian and Tibetan traditions often refer to two
anecdotal treatments of this issue in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya (which appear elsewhere in various other works, as well). The first, developed in AKBh IV:4, concerns the karmic retribution ofan action performed by one singular agent but ordered by another agent. The second treatment,
found in AKBh IV:72, considers the karmic retribution of a group of people, when one of its
members carries out the action. Although the explanation that Vasubandhu gives of these instances is minimalist, these short treatments encapsulate key technical terms from Vasubandhu’s
theory of karman – such as preparatory action (prayoga), that which is to be done (kārya), andintending (cetanā) – which allow for an elaboration of the conditions for shared agency. In thepresent paper I will aim to do two things. First, I will seek to give an account of shared agency
drawing on the aforementioned passages and the philosophical principles to which they allude.
Specifically, I will suggest that for Vasubandhu intending is always individual and that the mental• Abstracts

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element that is responsible for the coordination of actions undertaken by multiple singular agentsfalls under a different category, that of mindfulness (smṛti). Second, based on this analysis, I willpropose a number of possible reasons for the reluctance of Buddhist philosophers to deal withquestions of shared agency.

Panel 49: Wall Paintings in Buddhist Asia: Narrative and Audience
Convener: Sarah Richardson (University of Toronto)

Panel Abstract
This panel will bridge developing conversations and research about Buddhist mural paintings indifferent historical and religious contexts across Asia, with special attention paid to the medieval
period, and to understanding how and what decorated Buddhist walls sought to communicate
and to whom. Special attention to contexts of images and textual inscriptions together will forge
fruitful ground for interrogating relationships between “elite” circles of textual production and“popular” domains of devotional practice, and will question the kinds of texts that were chosen
for walls, what and why visual words were so often incorporated into pictorial panels, and therole and development of narratives in architectural contexts. Bringing together scholars working
on walls from different parts of the medieval Buddhist world, this panel will interrogate if andhow murals were a “public” forum of communication, and how they can be interpreted to better
understand how Buddhist institutions made meaning within their communities.

Picturing the Public in Medieval Tibet
Sarah Richardson (University of Toronto)
How were everyday people pictured in narrative paintings? When artists painted people, what
was shown about them, how were they made to behave, what groupings and actions could define
them, and what differences or similarities to the bodhisattva did they exhibit? Studying an extensive set of one hundred Jataka paintings created in the fourteenth century at the Tibetan monastic
temple of Shalu, a set of paintings that are among the earliest and largest extended narratives
surviving in Tibetan art, this paper will examine how and in what ways people who are not thebodhisattva, but who were shown alongside him across his many lifetimes, were represented.
Examining in particular the paths of their gazes, the expressions of their gestures, the use of hieratic scale amongst them, and purposeful inclusions of differences including gender and race, thispaper will make some tentative suggestions about the possibilities of using narrative paintings tobetter understand social histories. Given that these are paintings chosen in particular for an architectural space (a large enclosed circumambulatory passage) that would have been a space mostfrequently visited by non-monastic audiences visiting a temple, how did depictions of “everyday
people” serve to socialize people into modes of behaviour, devotion, or hierarchy? In what ways,
thus, can paintings be useful for a fuller project of understanding social histories?

The Demons of Kucha

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Monika Zin (Saxon Academy of Sciences and Humanities/Leipzig University)
With their hair standing on end, spiky ears, in the shape of pots or in the shape of leaves, wearing armour and calf-warmers and carrying weapons – we encounter these demons frequently inpaintings decorating the cave temples of Kucha. Distinct individuals appear in a context that isclearly Buddhist. We see them among the auditors of Buddha’s sermons or as the guardians of
the relics. Some of the settings in which they are found can be traced back to the Indian custom ofshowing the troops of the Four Great Kings (of the four directions of the compass) as protectorsof the dharma and of the sanctuaries. Here, however, our ability to explain the demons throughIndian prototypes ends, and we are left with countless enigmatic personages depicted with multiple terrifying characteristics whose significance must only be explained. Among the Buddhist
narratives there are several multiscenic representations which illustrate stories of the demons.
We see demonesses, combat between demon groups, and demonic rulers. The soteriologicalmeaning of such depictions was of importance and can be explained by means of both Buddhist
and non-Buddhist sources.

Changing Buddha Bioramas in the Shadow of Anti-colonial Struggles - Redefining the Sasana’s Contours
Lilian Handlin (Independent scholar)
The paper presents a 19th century Burmese endowment that featured components hitherto left
out of the Buddha bioramas. These bioramas (the term coined by John Strong) since the 11th
century were painted on the walls of Mon and Burmese donative shrines. These bioramas also
responded chameleon-like over the centuries to existential pressures encouraging adjustments
to their content. Much has been written on Burmese contentions with and resistance to the challenges of colonialism. The appearance of new building blocks inserted into how the Buddha
biography was reconstituted in the 19th century reveals yet another facet of these contentions.
The one discussed in this paper materialized on behalf of redefining the meaning of the sasana asa concept, its contours, its markers - and their visibility.

Stupas and Cave Temples with the Buddha’s Biography as a Building Blockof Meaning
Dessi Vendova (Graduate Theological Union)
The story of the Buddha’s life is without any doubt the founding keystone at the very center ofthe formation of Buddhism. It’s a story that has had a profound and long-lasting impact and influence on Buddhism and its transmission for centuries, especially during its formative and early
development.
Visual representations of the narratives of the Buddha’s lives are ubiquitous at early Buddhist
sites such as stupas and rock-cut cave temples. This was a phenomenon that originated in Indiaand spread and developed beyond its lands, with a significant and momentous impact on the cultures it reached. I suggest that the story of the Buddha’s life in early Buddhist literary and visual
culture should be understood not so much as a record of his life, but more so as a story about thebuilding of the perfect body of a Buddha.
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With this thesis in mind, I suggest a re-evaluation of the meaning and function of the visual representations of the Buddha’s extended biography ubiquitous at early Buddhist sites and re-examine its central role in the construction of stupas and cave temples and related ritual practices. I put
forward that contrary to the common and long-held art historical explanation, the extended storyof the Buddha’s life at Buddhist sites is soteriologically significant rather than merely didactic.

Jeweled Canopy: A Conceptual Model of Buddhist Caves in Medieval China
Chenchen Lu (Harvard University)
The early 6th century witnessed a shift of design paradigm in the Buddhist caves of Dunhuang.
) quickly replaced the central-pillar typeThe so-called truncated-ceiling type (fudouding,and became the dominating form of caves. The most astounding feature of the new type is asmall but elaborate canopy painted at the center of the ceiling. Moreover, close observation of thestructural elements of the ceiling reveals that the entire ceiling was intended to imitate a canopy.
Why was a textile-covered structure adopted as the prototype for a rock-cut cave? My research) in early
explores the textural basis and cultural perception of the jeweled canopy (baogai,
Medieval China. I argue that the jeweled canopy was conceived as a device for cosmologicalvision and soteriological transformation. Moreover, the jeweled canopy, as a conceptual model,
had been further adapted to shape other types of structure, such as pagodas and reliquaries, inMedieval China.

Panel 50: Yoga in Buddhism
Convener: Klaus-Dieter Mathes (University of Vienna)

Panel Abstract
Alongside the current popular discourse about the similarities and differences between Buddhism
and yoga, more serious academic discussions have recently emerged that explore the earliest
written evidence of haṭhayoga, which have been located in, among other sources, the Buddhist
tantric text Amṛtasiddhi. Yoga is currently typically seen as a beneficial practice that has bridged
the divides between the doctrinal or religious traditions. Contrary to the over-emphasis of āsanasin popular Western yoga movements, though, the main focus of traditional yoga in South Asia
has lain on the “union” (yoga) with, or realization of, the ultimate. It is also in this sense thatthe term yoga, or variants of it (such as prayoga), was used in the context of older forms of
Buddhism, such as śamatha and vipaśyanā, or the fourfold prayoga of realizing suchness in Yogācāra. Moreover, haṭhayoga and the Buddhist Highest Yogatantras share the essential elementof prāṇāyāma practice. Given these similarities and common grounds, a careful philological andhistorical study of what the term yoga and its variants stand for in Buddhism is called for.
This panel will focus on any and all aspects of yoga in Buddhism, covering the full range of its
occurrence in philosophical tenets on the one side of the spectrum, and the tantric concept ofṣaḍaṅgayoga on the other.

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Do the Yogic Experiences of “Reflections of Emptiness” (śūnyatābimba) in
Kālacakra Lend Support to Jonang gzhan stong?
Klaus-Dieter Mathes (University of Vienna)
Already during the initial practice of complete sense deprivation in Kālacakra’s ṣaḍaṅgayoga the
adept has a direct experience of so-called reflections or images which emerge from space. These
reflections of emptiness are beyond the conceptually constructed duality of a perceived object
and perceiving subject, and have been compared to the magical images seen by a young virgin in
a divinatory mirror. Related concepts are viśvabimba, sarvākārabimba, and ākāśodbhavabimba,
which stand for either an emptiness that displays supreme forms (sarvākāravāropeta¬śūnyatā),or Mahāmudrā in the form of Viśvamātā (i.e., the female consort of Kālacakra) emerging fromspace.
For the Jonangpas, these notions point to an ultimate emptiness that is primordially endowedwith buddha qualities, an ultimate buddha nature that is empty of other (gzhan stong), i.e., ofwhat does not belong to it. In the present paper I will critically analyze this claim by evaluating Jonang Nya dbon Kun dga’ dpal’s (1285-1379) ‘Od gsal rgyan gyi bshad pa against the backdropof the pertinent Indian Kālacakra material.

Of Blossoming Flowers and Rising Suns: Tāranātha on the Unfolding Direct
Perception of Buddha Nature in the Ṣaḍaṅgayoga of Kālacakra
Filippo Brambilla (University of Vienna)
This paper analyzes the basic mechanics and nature of the experiences disclosed in the sixfold
yoga (ṣaḍaṅgayoga; sbyor ba yan lag drug) of Kālacakra as discussed by the renowned Jo nangscholar rJe btsun Tāranātha (1575–1634) in his Blazing with a Hundred Lights (’Od brgya ’barba), the addenda to his acclaimed instruction manual, Meaningful to Behold (mThong ba donldan).
Through the application of a series of specific gazing and breathing techniques and postures, thepractitioner is said to funnel the winds (vāyu; rlung) into the central channel (avadhūti; rtsa dbuma), thereby blocking the ordinary conceptual activities and giving rise to wisdom. According toTāranātha, starting with withdrawal (pratyāhāra; so sor sdud pa), the first branch of the sixfold
yoga, one disengages from the ordinary senses and creates the essential conditions for the emergence of the supra-sensory direct perception of emptiness qua buddha nature. In accord with the
Jo nang view of an ever-present and fully-fledged buddha nature, such an experience is qualified
as not being limited to a mere blank state but entails an evolving display of supra-sensory aspects
that are subsumed under the ultimate category of reflections of emptiness (śūnyatābimba; stongpa nyid kyi bzugs brnyan). The present paper examines vivid metaphors provided by Tāranāthain support of his position and some of the reasoning behind them.

A dGe lugs Critique of the Jo nang Sixfold Yoga Theory
Tamphel Konchok (Vienna University)
According to the dGe lugs interpretation of Prāsaṅgika Madhyamaka, the ultimate truth (don• Abstracts163dam bden pa) is posited as a nonaffirming negation (med dgag), the absence of true existence(bden par grub pa) of all phenomena, which arise dependently and thus lack independent existence. The ascertainment of this view is not reduced to a sterile intellectual exercise but is theessential prerequisite for any tantric path, which will culminate in the direct realization of thatvery emptiness. On the contrary, the Jo nang tradition maintains that the ultimate truth is only
empty to the extent that it is devoid of relative phenomena and adventitious stains. The ultimate
is empty of other (gzhan stong) but not of its true intrinsic essence (rang gi ngo bo bden pa).
Therefore, its eventual direct realization is portrayed as an emphatically positive experience richin manifest qualities.
In the present paper, I will compare and contrast the dGe lugs and Jo nang interpretations of key
points in the practice of the sixfold yoga within the completion stage of the Kālacakratantra system. I will give special attention to the crucial topic of stong gzugs, the object that is generated
and cultivated throughout this advanced practice, and the different definitions of it that have been
advanced by these two Buddhist traditions. For the Jo nang pas, stong gzugs are “reflectionsof emptiness” in that they are nonconceptual expressions of the ultimate. For the dGe lugs pas
they are “empty reflections” in that they are just relative conceptual elaborations of which thepractitioner has yet to realize the ultimate nature—their own emptiness of true existence. I willbase my analysis on the biting critique that a leading dGe lugs scholar, mKhas grub rje dge legs
dpal bzang (1385–1438), directed against the Jo nang position in his extensive explanation of theVimalaprabhā, the De kho na nyid snang bar byed pa.

Mahāmudrā Theory and the Four Types of Yoga in Tsangpa Gyare (11611211), Founder of the Drukpa Kagyu School
Seiji Kumagai (Kyoto University)
Among various Tibetan Buddhist schools, the Kagyu (Bka’ brgyud) school produced the largest
number of subschools. Within the Kagyu school, while the Karma Kagyu (Karma bka’ brgyud)
school is the most influential, the second biggest school is the Drukpa Kagyu (‘Brug pa bka’brgyud) school concerning the number of adherents. In order to comprehend the Drukpa Kagyu
school, we need to understand its founder Tsangpa Gyare Yeshe Dorje (Gtsang pa rgya ras Ye
shes rdo rje, 1161-1211). It is necessary to read his collected works directly to try and make senseof his views and ideas. Unfortunately, this is an enterprise insufficiently developed so far becauseof difficulties to access such material until recently. The research group of the author of this paper
is now analyzing the contents of all of his collected works.
As reported in Kumagai et al. (2012), Tsangpa Gyare composed various types of work fromphilosophy to history and Vajrayāna. What are the most important doctrines among these topics
for him? They are undoubtedly Mahāmudrā and the four types of yoga. He thus wrote manytreatises on such domains. While Mahāmudrā is the very absolute state, the four types of yoga
are the steps to climb up to that absolute state. Actually, Tsangpa Gyare explains the four types ofyoga in correlation to the stages and paths (sa lam) towards enlightenment. He seems to be oneof the first persons who established a correlation between the four types of yoga and the stages
and paths. This paper aims to address Tsangpa Gyare’s theory of Mahāmudrā and the four typesof yoga by referring to all of his works related to them according to the following three steps:

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this paper will examine the relationship between Mahāmudrā and four types of yoga;
it will examine the correlation between the four types of yoga and the stages and paths;
and it will examine such preparatory states as four places of straying from emptiness (shor sabzhi), three places of deviation (gol sa gsum), and three types of appearance (‘char lugs gsum).
The preparatory states are prior to the path of accumulation and the path of preparation. We
need to note that these states are not meant for the very elite masters but for ordinary monks, sothat they can practice easily. Tsangpa Gyare emphasized such realistic methodology of practice/
meditation for common monks rather than focusing only on a small number of elite monks. This
proves that Tsangpa Gyare had a realistic attitude concerning education enabling him to receive
as many disciples as possible.

The Yoga of Light: Visionary Yoga in Late Indian Buddhist Sources and in
the Tibetan Etherodox Traditions
Giacomella Orofino (University of Naples “L’Orientale”)
During the XI and XII cents., a new esoteric religious literature emerged in Tibet where it is possible to observe a development of yogic practices and ideas that considered light as an essential
principle. In particular I refer to the doctrines of the Indian Kālacakratantra (KC) system and to
the Tibetan Rnying ma etherodox treatises of Atiyoga and of the later Bonpo Zhang zhung snyan
rgyud literature. In these traditions an evolving model of visionary yoga took form, where light
was seen as the fundamental component of all the universe, both from a cosmological and an
ontological point of view.
In his commentary to the Sekoddeśa, the longest fragment of the KC mūlatantra, Nāropa mentions two kinds of yoga, the night yoga (rātriyoga, Tib. mtshan mo’i mal ‘byor) where the yogin
has to meditate in a closed dark place. He also refers to the day-light yoga (divāyoga, Tib. nyinmo ‘i rnal ‘byor) where the yogin has to practice with his back to the sun in a space surroundedby four walls whereby the only thing the yogin sees is the empty sky. Staring at the empty sky,without moving the eyes, the yogin will see a sphere (bindu, Tib. thig le). Inside this sphere a
black line will arise, whence rays of shimmering light will emanate. This apparition, which embraces the vision of the entire universe, is also described as the image of Buddha (buddhabimba, Tib. sangs rgyas gzugs) or as an image of emptiness (śūnyatābimba,Tib. stong pa’i gzugs).
Nāropa describes is as as a pure, translucent vision of the three worlds, endowed with all theiraspects and corresponds to the realization of the Saṃbhogakāya.
Soon after its apparition in India at the beginning of the XI cent., the KC literature was transferred to Tibet where it was well received. By the end of the XI, through the XII and XIII cents.,
we can observe the emergence of tantras in the Rnying ma and Bon tradition where we findsimilar ideas and images.
As for examples, the day-time yoga and the night time yoga or dark- space yoga practices arevery similar to the Rdzogs chen tradition practices of meditation on rays of lights during the
day-time and in the dark. I think that evidence of a nucleus that I call “the metaphysics of light”
in these traditions should be found in the cycle of the Rnying ma rgyud bcu bdun, in the larger• Abstracts

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collection of the Rnying ma r’gyud ’bum and in the Zhang zhung snyan rgyud collection of the
Bon tradition. In these contributions I will analyse the passages where these parallelisms arequite evident.
Through a comparative analysis I will highlight the religious dialogue that emerged at the beginning of the Renaissance period in Tibet. Although it is difficult to trace the direct influences andcontacts between the Kālacakra yogins, the Rnying ma early exponents and the later Bon Rdzogs
chen authors, there is evidence that many ideas, lexicon, yoga techniques and interpretations
were circulating among them in a fluid way, suggesting an intense interaction that created nets ofinfluences during a period of Tibetan history that preceded the later organization and consolidation of the monastic systems.

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Section 1 (I): Abhidharma Studies
The Problem with Orthodoxy: Zhinian’s (535-608) Abhidharma Thought
Lu Huang (Temple University)
The sixth and early seventh century witnessed a growing interest in the study of Abhidharma literature in certain areas of China. Treatises such as Dharmaśreṣṭhin’s Abhidharmahṛdaya
and Dharmatrāta’s Samyuktābhidharmahṛdaya, as well as early recensions of the Vibhāṣa had, Huiyuan, Saṅgadeva, and others,
already been translated with the help of Dao’an
some hundred fifty years earlier. Thus, the study of Abhidharma in the sixth century had more’s embryonic transscholastic texts to work with than in earlier periods when An Shigao
lations of Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma texts were the focus of study. In the mid-seventh century,and his team would translate a much larger number of Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma
Xuanzang
texts. The late sixth, early seventh century can, therefore, be considered a middle period of Abhidharma study in China with a focus on the Hṛdaya treatises, which were of a distinctive Western Gandharan style compared with the orthodox Sarvāstivāda texts associated with Kashmir.
This presentation will discuss the biography and thought of one eminent monk in this period,, who is mentioned not only in Daoxuan’s Futher Biographies of Emii.e., Master Zhinian
nent Monks, but also in two important commentaries of Abhidharmakośa by Xuanzang’s disciand Fabao. As the Abhidharma teacher of Huixiu
who later taught
ples PuguangAbhidharma to Xuanzang before his pilgrimage to India, Zhinian’s arguments were often taken
to be representative of ancient Abhidharma scholars in Puguang and Fabao’s commentaries. In
my paper, the biography of Zhinian is translated, and some arguments in the aforementioned
two commentaries are presented and discussed with the aim of delineating the development of
how certain Abhidharma doctrines were understood in China.
We will show that Zhinian is several times criticized by Puguang as upholding the views of the)”, which is a title frequently used to refer to Gand“Western masters (Ch: Xifangshi
haran and Bactrian Sarvāstivādins in Kashmir Sarvāstivāda works such as Mahāvibhāṣa. Thisaccords with the fact that Gandharan texts such as the Hṛdaya treatises, the Aṣṭagranthaśāstra,and the older Vibhasas were the main materials available during Zhinian’s time.

Vedanā as svabhāva-vedanīyatā and ālambana-vedanīyatā: Developmentsof the Vedanā Analysis in the Abhidharma
Jahun Junghyun Kwon (Dongguk University)
In both the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya and the Pañcaskandhaka, Vasubandhu identifies vedanāas anubhava(experiencing) of sukha(pleasant), duḥkha(unpleasant), and aduḥkhāsukha(neither
pleasant nor unpleasant). When pleasant vedanā, one wishes to attach with it as it has ceased;
when unpleasant, one wishes to detach from it; and when neither, one does not result in eitherof the wishes. How vedanā is experienced is involuntary and thus unavoidable, but what is experienced serves as the information that leads our intention to be voluntarily activated. Vedanā,as a desideratum for understanding the essential teaching of the five aggregates, is a primary• Abstracts

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constituent of affective response having a strong conditioning impact not only on full-blown
emotions but also on conscious contents with underlying tendency of craving and hatred.
Then what determines the distinct nature of vedanā? Saṅghabhadra in his Abhidhamasamuccaya
classifies vedanā into two kinds. One is vedanā of experiencing the objects contacted(ālamba), and the other is vedanā of intrinsic nature(svabhāva-vedanīyatā,na-vedanīyatā,) which is the experience of a pleasant or unpleasant contact(sparśa), or contact that is different from both. And he specifies vedanā as the latter one. Sthiramati in his Pañcaskandhakavibhāṣā brings the claim of Saṅghabhadra and strongly refutes his idea.
This research aims to present how the vedanā analysis has developed among the different Abhidharmic texts through the svabhāva-vedanā and ālambana-vedanā debate. To do so, it concentrates on three aspects. First, it searches for the origin of the terms svabhāva-vedanā andālambana-vedanā. They are listed in the enumeration of vedanā which is firstly found in the
Mahāvibhāṣāśāstra. The enumeration, along with the two, also includes the vedanā through the), vedanā through association (saṃprayukpresent operation (sajmukhībhāva-vedanīyatā,), and vedanā as retribution (vipāka-vedanīyatā,). The significanceta-vedanīyatā,of the new enumeration and the representation of each kind need to be further explained. Second, it analyzes the doctrinal background of the svabhāva-vedanā and ālambana-vedanā debate
in the context of the citta-caitta dharma. The controversy over simultaneous or subsequent ariseof sparśa and vedanā between the Vaibhāṣika and Sautrāntika in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya
provides the rationale behind the debate. When vedanā arising simultaneously with contact
and when contact having three qualities of being pleasant, unpleasant and neither, vedanā withqualities different from the ones of contact is not allowed. Thus Saṅghabhadra’s argument canbe viewed as a rational conclusion of the Sarvāstivāda’s philosophy. Third, it looks deeper at
the inquiry of what determines the distinct nature of vedanā. Not only Sthiramati but also Dharmapāla in his Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi strongly reject the view of Saṅghabhadra and explain thenature of vedanā in the context of ālaya-vijñāna. Vedanā can’t be of intrinsic nature that shares
the same experience of contact due to several reasons. It is uncertain whether contact distinctively has the qualities of being pleasant, unpleasant, and neither. Since other mental factors
also arise with the condition of contact, it shouldn’t be regarded that only vedanā having contact
as its cause. Moreover, if vedanā experiences the same quality of contact, then it still requires
an explanation of what determines the distinct nature of contact.
Developments of the vedanā analysis in the Abhidharma texts provides both doctrinal and practical understanding of vedanā as a factor always concurrent with our mind.

The Abhidharma Buddhist Terms “Name Set” (nāmakāya), “Phrase Set”
(padakāya), and “Phoneme Set” (vyañjanakāya)
Seongho Choi (Ludwig Maximilians University of Munich (LMU))
My presentation focuses on the three Buddhist terms “name set” (nāmakāya), “phrase set”
(padakāya), and “phoneme set” (vyañjanakāya). In the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya (AKBh),“name” is defined as the “means/cause of ideation” (saṃjñākaraṇa), “phrase” as the “sentence”(vākya), and “phoneme” as the “syllable” (akṣara). Xuanzang also translated the three terms as), “phrase set” (jushen), and “phoneme set” (wenshen)“name set” (mingshen

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respectively. Mainly based on this definition and Xuanzang’s translation, these three terms havebeen understood as indicating a word, a phrase, and a phoneme, which are three syntactic unitsof language.
However, I argue that this definition and translation are only based on one of the various interpretations of the three terms. My argument is based on the contradictory explanations of thethree terms in the early Abhidharma literature. For example, one text of the so-called “Hṛdaya
literature”, which was composed before the AKBh, explains that “name” (nāman) is a “word”(pada) in the Indian grammar, “phrase” (pada) is a “sentence” (vākya), “phoneme” (vyañjana)
is a “syllable” (akṣara). This explanation is similar to that of the AKBh. However, another textof the Hṛdaya literature explains that the Sanskrit term vyañjana is the result of the collectionsof “name” and “phrase”. According to this explanation, vyañjana cannot be translated as “phoneme”, that is, a unit of language smaller than “name” and “phrase”, but as the “whole expression” manifested by “name” and “phrase”. These confusing explanations of the three terms
in the Abhidharma literature show that the three terms have not been understood as the three
syntactic units of language by all Abhidharma Buddhists.
I also argue that the three terms have not been applied in Buddhist texts to indicate the Buddhist
doctrine. In early Buddhist texts such as the Āgama or Nikāya literature, the Sanskrit term
dharmapadavyañjana or padavyañjana is used for this purpose, namely, indicating the Buddhist
doctrine. The term nāmapadavyañjankāya, however, is found only in the northern Indian Abhidharma literature. Therefore, it could be concluded that there had been several words/phrases
expressing the Buddhist doctrine before the term nāmapadavyañjankāya was used.
The origin of the three terms should be understood in the context of the object-referent (artha) of
the Buddhist doctrine. From the earliest Sarvāstivāda literature on, “name” (nāman) is related to
the “superimposition” (adhyāropa) of the “own-being” (svabhāva). It has been also emphasizedthat understanding Buddhist doctrine, which consists of “name set”, “phrase set”, and “syllableset”, does not necessarily mean understanding the object-referent of the Buddhist doctrine. The
Buddhist practitioner should continue to practice to attain the [ultimate] object-referent of the
Buddhist doctrine after he/she has learned the Buddhist doctrine.
Through investigating this distinction between understanding the Buddhist doctrine and understanding the object-referent of the Buddhist doctrine, I suggest some possible reasons why thethree factors “name set”, “phrase set”, and “phoneme set” have been said to belong to the category of “the factors dissociated from mind” (cittaviprayuktasaṃskāra). I also investigate how
the Indian Yogācāra Buddhists have developed their interpretation of the three factors.

The Concept of ‘Anulomikā Khantī’ in Theravāda Soteriology
Sabin Maharjan (The University of Hong Kong)
According to Theravāda tradition, ‘anulomikā khanti’ (acceptance in conformity) is a crucial
stage, which a practitioner is supposed to experience before the attainment of the ultimate liberation, Nibbāna. In fact, it is defined as an indelible stage in the gradual path to the final liberation in Nikāya texts. Albeit, the definition of the compound ‘anulomikā khanti’ is ambiguous
and abstruse. The compound is also construed as anuloma-ñāṇa in some later texts, such asPaṭisambhidāmagga, Visuddhimagga etc. Hence anulomikā-khanti is a kind of Abhidhammic• Abstracts

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concept but it also serves as a theory of practicing patience (khanti). Furthermore, I also argue
that ‘anulomikā-khanti’ itself is a practice that plays a crucial role in regard to the accomplishment of khanti pāramī (perfection of patience). The term anulomikī-kṣānti is a corresponding
Sanskrit term which we find in Mahāyāna texts mentioned as a certain level of kṣānti pāramitā.

Section 1 (II): Abhidharma Studies
Definitions of the Terms Sāsrava and Anāsrava in the Sarvāstivādin Literature: An Overview of Their Development
Yosuke Fujimoto (Waseda University)
The adjectives sāsrava (being with outflows) and anāsrava (being without outflows) are among
the most significant concepts in Buddhist philosophy. Basically, sāsrava is used to describe
worldly things, and anāsrava is used in reference to supramundane things such as nirvāṇa. However, there has been a large difference of opinion between Abhidharma schools and even within
the Sarvāstivādin tradition regarding the question of what makes something sāsrava or anāsrava. Vasubandhu, one of the most influential scholar-monks of the Sarvāstivādin, formulates thefollowing definitions of sāsrava and anāsrava in Chapter 1 of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya: A
factor (dharma) is sāsrava when āsravas cling to (anu-śī-) it, and a factor is anāsrava when āsravas do not cling to it. These definitions are unexpected because the subject āsrava is associatedwith the verb anu-śī- in spite of the fact that there is no etymological relation between the two.
Thus, we must look for the reason why Vasubandhu makes such definitions.
In this presentation, as a first step toward solving this issue, I shall examine definitions of sāsrava or anāsrava in pre-Vasubandhu Abhidharma works and put forward an overview of theirdevelopment up to the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. The first text to be analyzed is the *Mahāvib), which includes eight definitions of sāsrava andhāṣāśāstra (Ch. Dapiposha lun
anāsrava. By comparing this series of definitions with the corresponding parts of two other
Chinese versions, namely *the Abhidharmavibhāṣāśāstra (Ch. Apitanpiposha lun) and *the Vibhāṣāśāstra (Ch. Bingposha lun), and by analyzing controversies inthe *Mahāvibhāṣāśāstra over whether Buddha’s body is sāsrava or anāsrava, I shall demonstratethat the definitions of sāsrava and anāsrava in the *Mahāvibhāṣāśāstra are the result of a complicated development that parallels the course of the controversies over Buddha’s body. Furthermore, taking up Gandhāran Sarvāstivādin works such as the *Samyuktābhidharmahṛdaya
), after which Vasubandhu patterned the composition of the(Ch. Zaapitanxin lun
Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, I shall show that definitions of sāsrava in those works correspondrespectively to each of the presumed developmental stages of the definitions in the *Mahāvibhāṣāśāstra, raising the strong possibility that Vasubandhu crafted his definitions in order to simplify the complicated definitions of sāsrava or anāsrava that had developed by his time.

(Dis)continuity of Vasubandhu, the Kośakāra and the Yogācāra
Kyoowan Yi (Seoul National University)

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Decades after Schmithausen (1967) shed light on the Sautrāntika continuity of Kośakāra Vasubandhu in Viṃśikā and Triṃśikā, Kritzer (and Harada) jumped to suggest that the Kośakāra
already was a Yogācāra when he wrote the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya “under the guise of Sautrāntika” (2005: xxviii. cf. 1993, 2000). Kritzer’s assumption is that the descriptions of Sautrāntika philosophy are found almost all in the Yogācārabhūmi. Firstly, I contend that the assumption cannot be justified with enough evidence. Cross-checking the references in AKBh.,
Nyāyānusāra, and Mahāvibhāṣā, Vasubandhu’s so called Sautrāntika features do not always
agree to that of Yogācārabhūmi. Secondly, according to Kritzer, Vasubandhu “uses the term
Sautrāntika to designate the positions in Yogācārabhūmi” (2005:xxx) over orthodox Sarvāstivādin. However, considering the dualistic position of Śrīlāta, the Sautrāntika Sthavira called by
Sanghabhadra, it seems rather natural for the Sautrāntika and the Yogācāra share the same ideason the conceptually constructed world (vijñaptisat), while being diagonally opposite in the ideaof the realism on the existence of external worlds. Thirdly, if the Kośakāra were a Yogācāra
and he was the same person who composed Vimśikā and Triṃśikā as Schmithausen described,
it should be answered 1) why Vasubandhu still betrays some ideas that follow Śrīlāta the Sautrāntika but does not agree with the concepts of Yogācāra in his Vimśikā and 2) why he had tobother arguing for his own position of Śrīlāta or of his originality in AKBh, and later changed
it in accordance with the concepts of Yogācāra philosophy?
To answer the questions raised, I focus on the analysis of two key concepts controversial among
the Sarvāstivādin, Śrīlāta, Vasubandhu the Kośakāra (AKBh), and the Vasubandhu the Yogācāra
(Vimśikā), that is, the problems on 1) the (un)reality of the 12 āyatanas and 2) the interpretationof paramāṇu (AKBh. III.100ab). The reality of the three categories of skandha-āyatana-dhātu
were interpreted remarkably different in terms of the philosophical standpoints of the discussants; Sarvāstivādins admitted the reality of all three, but Śrīlāta acknowledged that dhātu onlyis real, while Vasubandhu stood in the middle in his eclectic position. The differences in theirunderstanding are highlighted when their concepts of paramāṇu and the types of atomic combination are observed in focus. I will demonstrate that the Yogācāric philosophy in Vimśikā is thelogical consequence of Sautrāntic Vasubandhu after he refuted the realistic elements of Sarvāstivāda/Sautrāntika, and at the same time developed further the implications of the Sautrāntic
notions which are quite distinguished from those of Yogācārabhūmi.

On Vāsanā that Preserves Karmic Efficacy: Its Origin and Doctrinal Development
Mingyuan Gao (The University of Hong Kong)
Karma-vāsanā, also known as vipāka-vāsanā, is one of the key notions in the Yogācāra doctrine.
This paper investigates the origin of this notion in early Buddhist canonical texts and discusses
its development in Abhidharma and early Yogācāra texts. In the Suttanipāta, vāsanā is usedin the sense of meritorious habitual imprint of repeated practice according to the teachings ofthe Buddha. This idea holds good for the Peṭakopadesa and the Nettippakaraṇa, where vāsanā,as a category of suttas, is defined as the cultivation of merits (puñña-bhāvanā) that leads to abetter rebirth and restraint (saṃvara). At this stage, the notion of vāsanā implies its connection
with karma. In the Abhidharmamahāvibhāṣā of the Sarvāstivāda school, vāsanā is used to denote the karmic efficacy preserved by avijñapti-rūpa. Some Gandhāra Sarvāstivādins, i.e. the“western masters”, who do not accept the concept of avijñapti-rūpa favour the notion of vāsanā
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171to express the idea of karmic continuity. In the early Yogācāra, the idea of karmic vāsanā that
determines one’s rebirth is found in the Yogācārabhūmi. This idea is expressed in Asaṅga’s
Mahāyānasaṃgraha as *bhavāṅga-vāsanā. In keeping with this concept, Vasubandhu in hisTriṃśikā-kārikā speaks of vāsanā of karma as one of the two main factors that contribute torelinking (pratisandhi).

Section 2: Buddhism and Its Relation to Other Religions
What (a computer thinks) the Buddha Taught
Daniel Veidlinger (California State University Chico)
A computerized statistical analysis of the Tipitaka can provide a new perspective on one of themost central questions in Buddhist studies, namely “what did the Buddha teach?” The anthropological literature demonstrates that lived Theravada Buddhism is quite different in practicethan the religion as it is often presented in the Pali texts. Post-colonial scholarship has also suggested that the message of the canonical texts themselves is different from the way it has beenpresented by many of the early Western textual scholars. Buddhism has often been presented ashaving been constructed from what the Victorians wished it was: a rational, modern-sounding
religion of personal experience was assembled from the mass of texts, that both appealed toWestern values and allowed the European powers to establish hegemony over the subjugatedpeople’s very traditions in addition to their land. Other more devotional aspects of the canon, it
is argued, have been overlooked.
All of this has been largely a matter of opinion, because a detailed word by word statistical
study of the relative importance of various words and concepts has not been possible until modern computers opened up new horizons for the analysis of large corpora. This paper constitutes
an attempt to discern what a computer might think the main messages of Buddhism are, basedon its reading of the Tipitaka. However, because information theory explains that it is only differences between messages that convey meaning, these texts must be analyzed in light of theirsimilarities and differences with the texts of other religions. By examining the differences inword frequencies in the Buddhist texts relative to their frequencies in other religious texts, we
can finally begin to say something statistically significant about the main themes of Buddhism
using the techniques of data science. This analysis deploys a method known as Term Frequency - Inverse Document Frequency (TFIDF), which has been used with great success to teachcomputers the basic ideas and key themes of a variety of texts and is generally accepted as avalid method for topic discovery in the field of machine learning. This method requires that thefrequency of a term in a particular document be always compared to its frequency in the overall
corpus. While the raw frequency value represents the frequency of the word in the document
being examined at the moment, this frequency score is then offset by the frequency of the wordin the corpus overall, which gives rare words more value, and decreases the value of common
ones. For example if a particular document has many occurrences of a word, such as “pray,” but
the word is very common amongst all the texts of the religions under study, then this otherwise
high frequency score would be lowered by the fact that it is not terribly surprising – and therefore not terribly meaningful – to see the word in this particular document because it occurs so

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often in all the documents in the corpus. For this study, the Theravada canon will be compared
to as corpus consisting of the key texts of the major religions such Christianity, Islam, Judaism,
Sikhism, Hinduism, Confucianism. Preliminary results show a strong skew towards personal
experience and away from devotion in Buddhism. The full results would be presented for the
first time at IABS.

Medieval Japanese Tendai Notion of the Mind-Consciousness and the Construction of Kami-Buddha Discourse
Yeonjoo Park (Dongguk University)
Anyone interested in medieval Japanese Buddhism would immediately notice the remarkablecorrespondences between Buddhist figures, such as Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, and a widearray of non-Buddhist folk religious deities called “kami” (various rituals and beliefs related
to kami were developed into “Shintō” from the late medieval period). This, a kind of syncretism in medieval Japan, is oftentimes more or less comprehensively and conveniently dubbed
Kami-Buddha amalgamation. Kami-Buddha amalgamation is not just a phenomenological feature of Japanese religion: it also comprises “Kami-Buddha combinatory discourses” featured
through a variety of medieval writings—predominantly Buddhist discourses in which kami
merged into Buddhist pantheonic structure, typically as the “trace,” that is, the local manifestation of various buddhas, or, the “origin.”
This paper examines how Buddhist scholar-monks of the Tendai temple complex at Mt. Hiei,
the most influential Buddhist school in medieval Japan, developed a sophisticated discourseon this amalgamation. In doing so, I argue that Tendai Buddhist thinkers developed syncretic discourse in their attempt to unify medieval Japanese religions by integrating all religious
divinities and practices according to Tendai’s all-encompassing doctrinal philosophy. I also
show how medieval Tendai scholar-monks employed their scholastic discourse on syncretism
to promote an image of the Hiei temple complex as the greatest religious institution in Japan.
My paper focuses on medieval Japanese Tendai texts that were most instrumental in constructing these arguments. These include, in particular, the pivotal work, Collection of Leaves Gathered in a Stormy Valley (Keiran shūyōshū), an encyclopedic fourteenth-century Japanese commentary of the Tendai School. Any discussions in the text represent Tendai scholasticism’s
hermeneutic construction of cosmology: in particular, their effort toward unifying medieval
Japanese religions by integrating Buddhist and non-Buddhist divinities and practices according
to the Tendai esoteric doctrine. In this unifying effort (Kami-Buddha combinatory discourse),
one witnesses how a dominant religion embraces other divinities, or “the other” in general.
Keiran, as a microcosm of the medieval Japanese religious and socio-cultural world, presents
the full-fledged discourse on Kami-Buddha syncretism; and its treatment of “the other”—i.e.,kami and other non-Buddhist divinities—calls for attention. While incorporating kami into
the Mahāyāna Buddhist notion of the Three Bodies of Buddha, the text emphasizes the subtle“nondual” relationship between Kami and Buddha. I pay special attention to Keiran’s esotericdiscussion of Yogācāra-based mind and consciousness theory as a pivotal interpretive tool tounderstand the rationale of nonduality in the Kami-Buddha relationship.
Finally, examining representations of kami as manifestations of buddhas and the complex web of• Abstracts

173their relationships in Keiran, this paper elucidates that the origin-trace scheme is indispensablefrom core medieval Tendai teachings—in particular, the esoteric idea of copenetration and mutual
identity, as well as the doctrine of original enlightenment and its associated rituals and practices.

The Presence of Śiva at NālandāLucas den Boer (University of Groningen)East India was one of the strongholds for Buddhism in the Early Medieval period. Buddhism
flourished at the large monasteries (mahāvihāras), such as Nālandā and Vikramaśīla, whichwere active between the fifth and twelfth centuries CE. However, these Buddhist centres did
not operate in a vacuum. The excavations of the different mahāvihāras have unearthed many
Brahmanical deities, which raise important questions about the boundaries between Buddhism
and Brahmanism at these sites.
In my paper, I will focus on the Śaiva images that were found at Nālandā. The most significant
group of these images is situated on the plinth of a building known as ‘Temple 2’. This squarebuilding, of which only the lower part survived, has 220 reliefs that surround its base. It isremarkable that very few of these panels, which date back to the seventh century CE, can belinked with Buddhist themes. However, amongst the depictions of many makaras, vidyādharas,
geese, and floral patterns there are multiple images of Śiva, Pārvatī, and Skanda. This situation
has led some scholars, including Krishna Deva, V. S. Agrawala, and Giovanni Verardi, to assume that Temple 2 used to be a Śaiva temple. This is, of course, a somewhat surprising stance,
and those scholars have had to explain how we can understand the presence of a Śaiva temple ina centre that is usually seen as exclusively Buddhist. Some scholars suggest that Nālandā used
to be a multi-religious centre, and Verardi argues that Nālandā was at some point taken overby the Śaivas. However, there is little evidence for either position, apart from this remarkablegroup of images at the base of Temple 2.
Other scholars, such as Adelheid Herrmann-Pfandt and A.J. Gail, have suggested that such depictions of Brahmanical deities fit in the context of tantric Buddhism and that they are a partof a representation of the lower realms of reality. In this view, there is no need to assume thatany Śaiva practices ever took place at Nālandā, which is more in line with the general idea of
Nālandā as a purely Buddhist monastery. However, existing studies on Temple 2 have not taken
the other Śaiva images that have been found at Nālandā into account. In my paper, I will discuss
how the images at Temple 2 can be understood in their broader context. First, I will explore how
the images relate to the other depictions of Śiva and Śaiva elements from Nālandā. Then, I will
discuss how the situation at Nālandā relates to the Buddhist-Śaiva borders in the wider region.
For this purpose, I will look at material and textual sources, including the hagiographies of thesiddhas. I will argue that the presence of Śiva at Nālandā should not be taken as evidence of Śaiva practices but that the Buddhists at Nālandā reserved a special place for Śiva in their pantheon.

Emperor’s “Confucian” Buddhism: A Study on the Imperial Prefaces of
Buddhist Canon Utilized by the Early Tang State
Yuxuan Tay (National University of Singapore)

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The early Tang state (618–907) under the reign of the first two emperors, Gaozu
andattempted a calculated reorientation of the Buddhism’s previously eminent status
Taizongin society through various state policies. However, during the later year of Taizong’s reign, he
performed an about-turn from his previously averse attitude towards Buddhism by suddenly
lavishing his patronage on to the traveler-monk Xuanzang, who recently returned to China withsutras from India. This curious case of Taizong’s sudden attitude change merely represented oneout of many constant oscillating state policies, between promoting and curbing Buddhism, by
the early Tang state.
This paper argues that this early Tang state formulated a façade of patronage towards Buddhism
that concealed an underlying predominance of Confucian political legitimation. I will draw attention to the imperial prefaces to the Buddhist canon, penned by Taizong and his crown prince(the future Gaozong). The imperial prefaces reveal how the Buddhist textual tradition was surreptitiously placed in a hierarchical discourse vis-à-vis the other two textual traditions: Daoist
and Confucian. Early Tang state implemented various policies and institutional changes to reinforce this hierarchical discourse. Consequently, this discourse functioned as a medium for theimperial state to exhibit public patronage towards Buddhism while transmitting an underlying
political legitimacy that supported the predominancy of the Confucian tradition.
To this end, this paper will close-read the imperial prefaces to reveal all the heavy referencing
and appropriation of imageries from various textual traditions. The imperial prefaces employedthese appropriations and references in three primary mechanisms. Firstly, the imperial prefaces
linked itself with Confucian legitimation and re-casted specific Buddhist terms in Confucian
meanings. Secondly, the Daoist ideas get inserted and placed in a superior position vis-à-vis
Buddhist teachings. Thirdly, the imperial prefaces reinterpreted Buddhist teachings as dependent on the existence of a state. The paper further demonstrates how the imperial state supports
each factor with substantial institutional changes and policies. The resulting synthesis of thesethree intertwining objectives embedded within the imperial prefaces was a hierarchical discourse whereby Buddhism became subordinated below the Daoist and Confucian textual traditions. This paper will then conclude by arguing how this entire discourse, working in tandemwith actual policies, rendered an image of Buddhism filtered through a Confucian lens. The
imperial state patronized this “Confucian” Buddhism and thus functioned as a façade cloaking
the political legitimation derived from an underlying paramountcy of Confucian ideas.

Indian Doxography as Spiritual Exercise: The Example of Bhāviveka’s
Madhyamakahṛdayakārikā
Karl-Stéphan Bouthillette (Ghent University)
In order to probe the function that Indian doxographical texts were meant to serve in the intellectual and religious life of their intended public, my book “Dialogue and Doxography in Indian
Philosophy: Points of View in Buddhist, Jaina, and Advaita Vedānta Traditions” proposes toread them as ‘spiritual exercises’.
As is well-known, the expression is borrowed from the historian of Classical philosophy Pierre
Hadot (1922-2010). By moving away from a historiographical reading of doxographical materials, and by rather insisting on their dialectical nature, I suggest that the point of Indian doxog-• Abstracts

175

raphy is primarily transformative, before being informative.
Doxography is designed to direct the student in a precise doctrinal direction signposted by rhetoric and dialectic, not by historicity. The point is not merely to inform students about philosophical exotica. Doxography engages students in a dialogue. The dialogical nature of such texts
appears particularly obvious in Bhāviveka’s Madhyamakahṛdayakārikā (MHK), for example,
where the form of pūrva- and uttarapakṣa (the enunciation of a thesis and its refutation) recalls
Socratic dialogues, not without irony. Being dialogic, and by times dramatic, doxographies tend
to take some rhetorical liberty with ‘historical reality’. Doxography is but a means to an end:
converting/confirming. And the end justifies the means.
This presentation will focus on Bhāviveka’s MHK. In this Sixth century Mādhyamika styled
doxography, the author calls upon his brethren and his opponents to investigate their own beliefs through sound reasoning, in order to realize the two truths, what he poetically introduces
has the resplendent Sāvitrī of dependent origination.
The MHK is not a mere historiographical account of sixth century Indian philosophy. It is the
exposition of a dialectical training, aimed at converting the views of those who hold erroneous
ones, at eradicating doubts in minds confused by competing claims, and at consolidating theinsight of others, who, having given birth to knowledge already, seek to see ‘nothing’. For Bhāviveka, wisdom is gained through the thorough analytical process of negation which leads one
to see through ‘seeing’.
Along Bhāviveka’s therapeutic journey, the diseases plaguing one’s existence, and their remedy, are to be found within the conventional realm. It is through the conceptual analysis of conventions that Bhāviveka invites one to move beyond conceptuality altogether. The conventionalalone allows the meaning of scriptures to point at ultimate reality. For that purpose, what best
conventions to analyze than the competing claims of competing philosophical systems?

Section 4 (I): Buddhism and Society
Buddhist Multi-species Colonialism in Contemporary Taiwan: The Releaseof Life Ceremony, Hunting, and the Encounter with Indigenous People
Jeffrey Nicolaisen (Duke University)
Taiwan’s Life Conservationist Association (LCA) advocates for laws supporting the “equalityof life” as an alternative to “human equality.” According to European Enlightenment liberalism,“human equality” stems from the distinctly human capacity for rationality endowed by a creator. In contrast, according to Taiwanese Buddhism, the equality of life stems from the capacityof all sentient beings to suffer. One of LCA’s earliest legislative successes, the 1994 amendment
to the Wildlife Conservation Act, legally recognized the inherent value of non-human animals
and tightened restrictions on hunting, but it also further criminalized hunting traditions of theAustronesian indigenous peoples of Taiwan’s central mountains. In response to restrictions on
hunting, indigenous people allied with the global indigenous rights movement to lobby for the2005 Indigenous Peoples Basic Law, which legalized hunting for traditional rituals. Taiwan’s
indigenous people contend that their traditional ecological knowledge sustains the balance of176

XIXth Congress of IABStheir local ecosystems, and many indigenous people point to the Buddhist release of life ceremony as a threat to ecological balance. I argue, first, that by seeking to substitute the “equalityof life” for “human equality,” LCA aims to liberate sentient beings from the constraints ofliberal humanism, but in doing so, they also propagate Han colonial policies toward indigenous peoples. Second, I argue that as the indigenous people ally with the indigenous rights
movement and Christian churches to which they have converted, they rely on the institutions ofliberal humanism and Christianity to resist Han colonialism. Rather than constraining Buddhist
and indigenous teachings by the liberal humanist assumptions entangled with the category of
religion, I deploy ethnographic data and the methods of political ecology to compare different
ontologies of life that collide in the mountains of Taiwan, and show that, to resolve politicaldisputes over the equality of life, Buddhists and indigenous peoples are both forced to appeal toand reinforce institutions based on human equality, institutions by which both were suppressed.
Rather than accepting liberal narratives that frame questions of ecology in terms of competing
human rights, I invite scholars to recognize liberalism as a product of Christian theology and to
consider alternative notions of the ontology of life not simply as religions or forms of traditional
ecological knowledge, but as contested but viable legal alternatives to liberalism.

“Justice” is a Word not Uttered by the Wise: How the Dharma Undercuts theThirst for Justice
Shodhin Geiman (Valparaiso University)
The idea of justice as it has been developed out of the Mediterranean systems (Greek and Roman philosophy and Abrahamic religion) presupposes an understanding of the world that is,from top to bottom, precisely what the Dharma calls into question. Rather than understanding
the world as a God-ordained or rational system in which everything has its proper place andrelation to the rest, the marks of conditioned existence all point to the fact that there is in our experience no evidence of an intended or rational order, and hence there is no ground for postulating an Orderer. Moreover, rather than assuming an autonomous center of agency within every
actor, made in the image and likeness of the Orderer of the world, the teaching on the skandhas
suggests there is no such governor to be found. Finally, rather than assuming a clear meansends relationship that the postulate of the well-ordered world and the self-possessed governor
makes possible, it is understood that actions and their effects do not immediately line up with
one another, making the swift imposition of retribution and the restructuring of the social orderaccordingly questionable as a matter of both principle and pragmatics.
It is a very natural human response to meet harm with proportional harm, as utilitarians of every
stripe are ever eager to remind us. But when confronted with the question concerning this very
natural sense of justice-seeking resentment, the Buddha responded, “…but what can be done
about it?” (AN 10.79) This is not a sign of apathetic resignation, but an invitation to see directly
the marks of conditioned existence. In light of that, the thirst for justice can be seen as just another exercise in taṇhā/tṛṣṇā, and, as such, has no place in the soteriological framework of theDharma. Here I argue that the many calls from proponents of “engaged Buddhism” to append
to the Dharma a conception of justice are misguided, and I conclude by indicating that patient
forbearance (khanti/kṣānti) in the face of harm both personal and social is the only responsethat accords with the liberating aim of the Dharma, the unshakable deliverance of mind fromall that would constrain it.
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Buddhist Transactions and Reciprocity in Times of Crisis in Myanmar
Hiroko Kawanami (Lancaster University)
This talk will be based on my recent monograph, The Culture of Giving in Myanmar: Buddhist
Offerings, Reciprocity and Interdependence (Bloomsbury 2020).
The studies of dāna activities in Buddhist studies or in anthropology generally do not seem totake a broad societal viewpoint to understand the details of people’s social transactions in timesof crises in Buddhist societies. Specifically, past scholarship has provided one-dimensional
snapshots of what takes place between a donor and a monastic recipient, portraying the sangha
as a religious institution in a complementary relation to the power of the state, in which theformer is the recipient of state patronage, and the latter, the protector of faith. Peter Jackson has
updated this model by showing how, at least in urban centres in Thailand, the sangha functioned
not only in a monolithic way but as a primary site of contention between different factions of theelite in Thai society. Ann Blackburn has also argued that the symbiosis model of the state andthe sangha does not give due consideration to monastic agency since in reality monks seldom
do what is expected of them (by scholars?).
In recent years, some monks in Myanmar have asserted their leadership in presenting theirvisions of the country’s future directions, and their activities are no longer confined to theother-worldly as they take active interest in social issues that concern the ‘common good’ especially during the current pandemic and under the recent military takeover. Meanwhile, mostreligious transactions in people’s daily life are expressions of long-term relationships in whichlayers of reciprocal transactions have already taken place with the monastic community. In this,the original donation activity can have far reaching ramifications and often over-spilling its
original ‘religious’ categorisation. In this presentation, I hope to highlight how dāna offeringsand social offerings are interdependent as a single series of multiple reciprocal transactions intheir relationship of mutual support, which have become particularly relevant and important intimes of crises in Myanmar society today.

The Korean Buddhist Military Chaplaincy and Modern ‘State-Protection’
Buddhism: A Study of the Mass Military Faith Promotion Movement
Jonathan Feuer (University of California, Los Angeles)
From 1971 to 1974, the Park Chung Hee regime and the three branches of the military instituted
the Mass Military Faith Promotion Movement (Chŏn’gun Sinjahwa Undong). It gave the threereligions with military chaplaincies, Protestantism, Catholicism, and Buddhism, an unprecedented ability to propagate to and convert soldiers. Its original purpose was to “strengthen military power through faith” (sinang chŏllyŏk hwa) to help the South Korean military combat thegrowing North Korean military and domestic communist sympathizers. It also aimed to reduce
accidents and mental health issues among soldiers. I argue that the Buddhist chaplaincy, only
three years old at the start of the Mass Military Faith Promotion Movement, was permanently
changed because of it and the current form of the chaplaincy owes itself directly to the developments made during the movement. Not only did the institution’s scale and influence growmassively during the movement’s four years, but its ideology was also concretized within thezeitgeist of Park Chung Hee’s increasing authoritarianism. The chaplaincy became the mod-178

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ern incarnation of Korean Buddhism’s militaristic history, namely that of “state-protection”(hoguk) Buddhism, and this ideology has gone mostly unquestioned to today. This movement
is a microcosm of the South Korean Buddhist military chaplaincy’s longer history which spansfrom medieval times to the present day and touches upon issues in religious freedom and religious violence.

Section 4 (II): Buddhism and Society
The Road to Modernity: Buddhist Vision of Modernity in the Case of Bodhi-Vajra Stupa in 1930s Chongqing
Hongyu Wu (Ohio Northern University)
By focusing on the case of construction of Puti jin’gang ta in Chongqing in the 1930s, thisresearch examines how Buddhism in China navigated its way between tradition and modernity
to reconstruct its identity in the Republican period (1911-1949), which was marked by politicalturmoil, foreign encroachment, and national crisis as well as the emergence of new ideas, newlifestyles, new opportunities, and new challenges. The pagoda was built in the 1930, under(1886-1950), a lay Buddhist and the firstthe patronage and supervision Pan Wenhua
mayor of Chongqing city. As part of his effort to modernize the city, Pan ordered the relocation of thousands of tombs in order to build roads and improve transportation in the city. The
mayor drew on Buddhism to address the centuries-old tradition of ancestor worship and fearof unsettled haunting ghosts in order to soothe civilians’ resistance to the forced relocation of
tombs. The Buddhist pagoda was built to pacify the dislocated souls. This paper investigates
how Buddhism accommodated to the old customs, while utilizing modern elements to reaffirm
Buddhism as a good fit for modern society.

Buddhist Theocracy and Hierarchy According to Tibetan Legal Texts
Berthe Jansen (Leiden University/ Leipzig University)
The image that we have of the pre-modern Tibetan system of government is one in which
religion and politics come together in one person (e.g. the Dalai Lama), who then – in turn –symbolizes the ‘unification of religion and politics’ (chos srid zung ‘brel). At first glance thissuggests that the two concepts are on equal footing. Textual evidence, however, suggests that‘religion’, i.e. the monks and monasteries of Tibet, got preferential treatment. It appears thatwhile Buddhist monks were part of the ruling classes, they were a category on their own when it
came to the law. To what extent did law-makers use Buddhist ideology to justify this hierarchy?
What does this tell us about the kind of theocracy that Tibet once was? In this paper, I explore,
based on Tibetan legal works from (mainly) the 17th and 18th century, the notions of both legal
and governmental hierarchy in pre-modern Tibet.

The Socio-political Discourse in the Tibetan Nītiśāstras
Miguel Alvarez Ortega (University of Seville; Kyoto University)• Abstracts

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The cultivation of the nītiśāstra genre in Tibet dates back to as early as the 11th century andstretches well into the 20th century, thus arguably constituting the longest uninterrupted tradition of gnomic composition. Its epigrammatic character - typically presented as a collection ofverses with an individual meaning- has encouraged both traditional and modern commentarial
scholarship to take a correspondingly atomistic approach, providing lengthy philosophical explanations and cultural, historical, and religious references for verses constrained by a defined
number of syllables. At the same time, it has been looked down as a lesser genre when compared with proper philosophical treatises or considered watered-down version of simple truths
adapted for the uncultivated public (hence, the title “Folk Wisdom”).
In this paper, I would like to argue that nītiśāstras play an important role in the Tibetan publicsphere, which is attested by its use as an explanatory device in legal texts, its importance in acomplete educational curriculum, and its social popularity. I shall try to defend that, far frompurely consisting of a collection of charming and innocuous maxims, nītiśāstras endorse a distinctive socio-political model, the identification of which requires a new methodology. In thefirst place, instead of sticking to a linear or sequential reading, it seems more fruitful to identify
recurring focal topics. In the second place, rather than assuming that apparent contradictions arein principle unsolvable, the analysis of the frequency and strength of certain positions seems toallow the identification of some views as general rules and other views as exceptions. In thisregard, a study of texts representative from different periods point to a sharp distinction of typesof individuals whose prosperity, social position, and value is determined by group membershipand (hereditary) wealth, only marginally allowing for ascending social mobility; it also points toan unconditional defense of compliance with the law and obedience to the ruler, no matter how
aggressive and hostile he may be.
Ultimately, the thesis I shall strive to defend is that Tibetan nītiśāstras present a clear tendencyof legitimizing a caste-like social structure and a pragmatic approach to government, which
represents more of a continuation of Hindu socio-political ideas than a clear break from them.

Daoxuan and the Medieval Chinese Encounter with Cult-objects
Nelson Landry (University of Oxford)
This paper will concentrate on Buddhist material culture related to saintly figures, examining
Buddhist relics and image as they are presented in the Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu(Collected Record of Miracles Relating to the Three Jewels in China; henceforth
the Record of Miracles). The Record of Miracles is a collection of miracle tales compiled by(596-667) in 664. This particular text is worth studying not
the scholar monk Daoxuan
only because it was written near the end of Daoxuan’s life, but because he was a learned andwell-traveled monk who included many personal anecdotes and observations in this text. By
studying the Record of Miracles this thesis will delve into how Daoxuan’s interest in miracles
influenced his work, and from there will extrapolate more far-reaching conclusions regarding
the medieval Chinese Buddhist context.
This paper will by no means be an exhaustive analysis of the cult of saints in China. What thispaper will do is analyse those historical and cultural conditions related to the cult of saints thatconcerned Daoxuan. He was a monk of great erudition who read translated Indic Buddhist

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texts and helped translate many into the Chinese idiom. His was a world at once informed by
the experience of Chinese religious and political life, while simultaneously being coloured byhis own prolonged literary encounter with the foreign philosophies and rites of Buddhist India.
Bearing this in mind, by investigating the literary evidence related to relics and images, as well
as Daoxuan’s experience with these cult-objects and the place they held in both his writing andhis life, this paper will firstly draw some conclusions about the place of Buddhist objects in Chinese society. It will finally demonstrate Daoxuan’s profound investment and personal interestin the cult of saints.

Section 5: Buddhism in the Contemporary World
Promoting Social Harmony with Transnational Buddhist Meditation Traditions: ‘Thousand People Zen Meditation’ Event in Contemporary Hong Kong
Ngar-Sze Lau (The Chinese University of Hong Kong)
This paper aims at examining the development of an event ‘Thousand people Zen meditation’with transnational Buddhist meditation practices for promoting social harmony in contemporary Hong Kong, a post-colonial society with civil disobedience. Unlike other British colonial
countries, such as Sri Lanka and India, the British colonial government had projected Hong
Kong as a secular state by employing a laissez-faire religious policy since the 19th century.
Even after the end of the colonial period, Hong Kong citizens have been benefited from religious freedom although Christianity had replaced traditional Confucianism by attracting social
elites and dominating the political system in the Chinese societies. Christian churches wereprivileged in receiving resources from overseas churches and the colonial state. Unlike Taiwan,
the HK colonial government did not implement any policy promoting Chinese heritage andreligions in the education system. Hence, traditional Chinese customs, local popular religions
and Buddhism were devalued as superstitious by intellectuals and social elites. Practices of traditional Mahāyāna Buddhist rituals, including Pure Land by reciting the name of the Amitābha
Buddha (nianfo), repentance rituals (baichan), and Liberation Rite of Water and Land (shuilu
fahui) have been the mainstream practices in the Hong Kong Buddhist communities, while
Chan meditation has been practiced by a small group of monastics only at a few monasteries.
Nevertheless, since the 1990’s various transnational meditation traditions, including Theravāda
and Tibetan traditions, have been introduced to Chinese societies. There has been an increasing
number of lay people practicing Buddhist meditation.
In view of the resulting social tension and unrest after the ‘Umbrella Movement’ in 2014, Ven.
Chang Lin, a Hong Kong Chinese monk trained in Taiwan, initiated an event of ‘Thousandpeople Zen Meditation’ in 2015, with the support of a Buddhist magazine. With the aim ofpromoting social harmony with Buddhist meditation practices, the event was collaborated witha few transnational Buddhist organizations, including Kwan Um School of Zen, Plum Village,
and Tegar Asia. In other words, the meditation event was led by monastics and lay practitioners from traditions of Han Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Tibetan. It has become a uniquecross-sectional Buddhist event, organized once a year since 2015 in Hong Kong.
With Cantonese as the teaching language, the targeted audience are local Hong Kong Chinese• Abstracts

181without meditation experiences and knowledge about Buddhism. Apart from promoting benefits of Buddhist meditation, such as harmony, well-being and health, the organizers also aim at
recruiting new members. It would be significant to study the reconstructed concepts and values
about ‘Chan’ and ‘meditation’ in the contemporary Chinese context. There are a few researchquestions in this qualitative study: To what extent the meditation practices introduced in theevent reformed and modernized from the traditional ones? Do participants identify themselves
as Buddhists? To what extent the participants find meditation practices have benefited them?
I argue that the transnational networks developed in the contemporary period have facilitatedthe popularity of Buddhist meditation with the influences of the vipassanā and mindfulness
movement. With the incident of post-secular period and social unrest, the ‘Thousand people
Meditation Retreat’ event led by Buddhist monastics may be a reaction towards the recent lay
meditation movement and mindfulness movement. In this ethnographic study, I will examine
how the transnational meditation movement has raised the interest of contemplation for the
public in the current frantic social situation.

Rethinking the Metaphor of the Jewel Net of Indra: With a Focus on Ideas
of Enryo Inoue
Makoto Ito (The Center for Shin Buddhist Studies)
The Jewel Net of Indra is a metaphor widely propagated by Chinese Huayan School thinkers such as Fazang (643–712) illustrating the infinite web of interconnectedness of all things.
Drawing on ideas by the modern Japanese Buddhist philosopher and educator Enryo Inoue(1858-1919) who strived to modernize Japanese Buddhism, this presentation attempts to makea reassessment of this metaphor to explore the role of the individual as an “agent of change” in
an increasingly connected world we find ourselves in today.
Although the metaphor acknowledges both the interdependency and singularity of individuals,
East Asian Huayan thought has tended to focus on the ultimate equilibrium of the “whole”, i.e.
perfect interfusion and mutual identity of all things. This can make the image of the Indra’s
Net a static one, where individuals are seen as contributors to and constituent of the “whole”,
leading to a conservative assessment of the status quo. However, in the reality around us, we see
our “perfectly interfused” web of interconnectivity rupturing in numerous places with conflicts
and disasters where individuals are subjected to suffering and hardships. This metaphor needsa dynamic interpretation focused on possibilities of changes for the better for it to have more
relevance to us today.
) and Recurrent
In view of this, the inter-related concepts of Mutual Inclusiveness (sōgon,) proposed by Enryo Inoue provide us with useful insights which, when
Becoming (junka,
applied to the metaphor of the Jewel Net of Indra, may enhance the role of the individual andpotential for change within its world-view.
Enryo’s concept of Mutual Inclusiveness comprises a two-fold mutual inclusion. Firstly, all)things, including the individual and their minds, are embraced in One Suchness (ichi’nyo,
while simultaneously embracing, conversely, the One Suchness. Secondly, all individual things
mutually embrace each other through their infinite interdependency, a view expressed as multifold infinite relationship and unimpeded mutual penetration of all phenomena (shishi wu’ai,) in traditional East Asian Huayan thought. Secondly, based on the traditional Buddhist

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idea of the cycle of production and destruction of worlds (establishment-maintenance-destruction-void), the concept of Recurrent Becoming focuses on the plasticity of both the physicalworld and our minds; they are in constant flow in the cycle of evolution and degeneration. Enryo especially emphasized that even stubborn negative states are subject to changes.
It should be noted that Enryo harboured a strongly essentialist view of One Suchness as being) or the Main Body (hontai,) from which all physical andthe True Source (shingen,mental phenomena are produced. However, from a strictly Huayan viewpoint, One Suchness
should be interpreted as the principle of dependent origination or emptiness. Acknowledging
that the principle of dependent origination penetrates and is conversely encompassed by the
inner world of the individual, we may find an infinite potential for change that can be instigatedby the individual. The dynamic principle of dependent origination embraced within us invokes
us to take action to transform the reality around us.
In this way, we may reinterpret the role of the individual in the metaphor of the Jewel Net ofIndra as being “agents of change” who can contribute in reshaping the status quo for the better
where drastic changes are in desperate need.

Thai Buddhist Modernism through Female Sex Workers’ Religious Piety
Amnuaypond Kidpromma (Chiang Mai University) and Rapee Seangsakorn (Chiang Mai University)
This paper highlights the distinct form of Buddhist Modernism in Thailand through the exploration of religious practice and piety of female sex workers working in Chiangmai, Northern
Thailand. Thai Buddhism was once claimed to be the source that excluded women from its
religious and spiritual realm and pushed some of them into prostitution. For many Thais, being
a sex worker is seen as demerit and incompatible with Buddhism. Nonetheless, as many sex
workers are raised to be a Buddhist in Buddhist contexts, to a degree, they comply Buddhist
practices with their sex working. Accordingly, various forms of Buddhist practices both popularand modern forms, can be seen through the religious piety of sex workers. The universal pictureof Buddhist Modernism, as depicted by some Western Buddhist scholars, is to include modern
science in Buddhist worldview and to read meditation as a core practice of ‘true Buddhism’.
Mystical practices, such as magic monks, worshiping of spirits and amulets, and mystical rituals, even though are crucial components of local Buddhism from the past to present, are marginalized or even excluded from the depiction of Buddhist Modernism. In addition, those practices
and beliefs are often marked as ‘false Buddhism’. Accordingly, through an ethnographic studyof life and religious piety of female sex workers, this paper argues that Buddhist Modernism
in Thailand always engages with local communities and mythologizes traditional cosmology.
It is an interaction and cooperation between the local beliefs, mystical practice and modernity.

Chinese Buddhism Today: Christianity as Model and Analogue in the Formation of the ‘Humanistic’ Buddhism of Tài Xū and Hsīng Yún
Yushuang Yao (Fo Guang university)
This paper examines how modern Chinese Buddhism has been influenced by Christianity. For
our purposes ‘modern Chinese Buddhism’ refers to a form of what has become known in the• Abstracts

183

West as ‘Engaged Buddhism’, but in Chinese is known by titles which can be translated ‘Humanistic Buddhism’ or ‘Buddhism for Human Life’. This tradition was initiated on the Chinese
mainland between the two World Wars by the monk Tài Xū, and the first part of the paper isdevoted to him. Since the communist conquest of China, its main branches have flourished in
Taiwan, whence two of them have spread worldwide. The most successful, at least in numericalterms, has been Fo Guang Shan (‘Buddha’s Light Mountain’), founded by a personal discipleof Tài Xū, Hsing Yun, now very old, and it is on this movement that we concentrate in Parts
two and three. We differentiate between conscious imitation and analogous development due
to similar social circumstances, and show how Protestant Christianity and Roman Catholicism
have had different effects. In Part four, we examine Fo Guang Shan as a missionary religion.

Modern Ch’ŏnt’ae Ritual: The Practice of Incantation of the Name of
Guanyin, and its Traces of Manipulation and Artificiality
Yohong Roh (Temple University)(Tiantai school)
In 1967 a new Korean Buddhist movement called Ch’ŏnt’ae Jong
was founded by the Korean monk Sangwŏl (1922-1974). Sangwŏl’s group emphasized thatthe modern Ch’ŏnt’ae school is the rightful successor to Ŭich’ŏn’s prior establishment of aCh’ŏnt’ae jong in the 11th century. The central practice espoused to followers of the modernCh’ŏnt’ae jong is the practice of intoning the name of Bodhisattva Guanyin (Avalokiteśvara).‐
The aim of this paper is to explore how the central practice of the modern Ch’ŏnt’ae order played
an important role in the survival and growth of this modern Buddhist movement that lays claim
to the heritage of the historical Chinese and Korean Tiantai/Ch’ŏnt’ae School through study ofits doctrine and practices, including its ritual programs and symbolism.
Although the recitation of esoteric Buddhist incantations such as the Cuṇḍi and Great Compassion dhāraṇīs were originally emphasized as the principal form of practice among Sangwŏl’s
early followers, they were gradually replaced by the invocation of Guanyin’s name. By 1982,
it appears that the modern Ch’ŏnt’ae order had fully systematized and provided a doctrinal basis for the invocation of Guanyin as their core religious practice. The modern Ch’ŏnt’ae orderclaims that invocation of Guanyin’s name is a direct descendant of the Koryŏ-period Ch’ŏnt’ae
Buddhist tradition. Yet, it was not until 1972--nearly three decades after Sangwŏl first began toteach--that the Ch’ŏnt’ae jong adopted and promoted the invocation of Guanyin’s name as their,X23, no.
core practice. Before that the Cuṇḍi Dhāraṇī (K, Junje; C, Zhunti Dhāraṇī
446) was the main method of practice prior to 1972. The Holy Scripture of Ch’ŏnt’ae, published in 1971, still introduces the recitation of the Cuṇḍi dhāraṇī as the school’s principal method of practice. In addition to the Cuṇḍi dhāraṇī, Sangwŏl’s early repertoire includedof Guanyin, various folk remedies for treating diseases, andthe Six Syllable Mantra. The earliest official refthe adoption of a folk chant known as “kunggungganggang”
erence to the practice of calling the name of Guanyin appears in the 1975 revised edition of the.
Abridged Compendium
The modern Ch’ŏnt’ae order traces the Korean roots of their sectarian identity to Ŭich’ŏn, butwhen it comes to the specifics of Ch’ŏnt’ae Buddhist practice, they trace the transmission of
their devotional and ritual program from the Song Dynasty reviver of Tiantai Zhili

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(960-1028) and the Koryŏ monk Yose
(1163-1245). The modern Ch’ŏnt’ae jong’s claim
to Yose’s ritual tradition can be seen as a justification for the practice of invoking Guanyin’s
name, while at the same time presenting that innovation as a return to a traditional Korean
form of Ch’ŏnt’ae practice. Through the practice of intoning the name of Guanyin, the KoreanCh’ŏnt’ae order has actively sought to promote its identity as an heir to Zhili and Yose.

Section 6: Buddhism in the Himalayas
In the Margins of the Himalayas: Indigenous Highland Buddhisms in SSE Asia
Will Tuladhar-Douglas (University of Hamburg)
Himalayan Buddhism, as a disciplinary label, usually refers to those Buddhist communities
who look to the Tibetan canon for authority and who live in Nepal, Bhutan, India or Tibet; it
may also include some kinds of Newar Buddhists. Yet if we look with an ethnographic eye at
the wide variety of Buddhist communities in the highland regions of the wider Himalayan massif -- a region sometimes called “Zomia” -- we discover a complex assortment of local communities whose affiliations are contested. Examples include Tamang, Akha, Chakma, and indeed
many poorly documented linguistic communities on the Tibetan plateau. These communities
include many sorts of Buddhism (Tibetic, Newar, Theravada) as well as various stubbornly“wrong” sorts of Buddhist practice, such as deities who can only be vegetarian during one halfof the lunar cycle in order to keep their fearsome protective powers. These communities seek
to define and empower themselves through different registers, including the terms “Buddhist”
and “Indigenous”.
Hence we discover the rather complicated category of Indigenous Buddhists.
In this paper, I will explore the category of Indigenous Buddhists using heuristic questions:
Are these communities really usually highland communities? Why?
What are the politics invoked when Buddhist communities adopt the term Indigenous?
Given that the term Indigenous was first used, and is still used, by Christian missionaries todefine groups for conversion, what baggage does it carry when Buddhist communities adopt it?
Given that the term Indigenous is now deployed as a claim to legitimacy against nation-states,
what of communities in tightly-controlled states?
Which Buddhist communities reject the term Indigenous?
Are there any meaningful commonalities across these diverse communities?
How can the wider community of Buddhist scholars best support research by, for, and withthese highly local and diverse communities?

The Yogins of Himalayan Deserts: The Living Tradition of Buddhist Eremitism in Zanskar• Abstracts

185

Nina Petek (Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana) and Jan Ciglenečki (Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana)
The present paper is a part of a research project on Buddhist eremitism in Ladakh. The purpose of the paper is to explore the living tradition of kagyu school in Zanskar valley from theviewpoint of its practitioners. The research is based on theoretical background and fieldwork in
Zanskar, supported by case study (interviews with yogins and monks). We start with the brief
historical overview of the development of Buddhist eremitic tradition in Zanskar and then moveto the examination of the daily lives of yogins (retreat practices, their meditation experiences
and understanding of the philosophical truths behind the experiences). Furthermore, the paper
seeks to discuss different types of their dwellings (hermitages), which have grown either aroundthe monasteries or in isolated mountain areas, and are shaped by harsh but inspirational Himalayan environment, which has significant impact on yogins’ spiritual endeavours. Lastly the paper
highlights yogins’ relation with the monasteries and lay community and their status in the social
context, i.e. local environment, and reveals how they as active agents of the religious and social
life in Zanskar constitute an important part of valley’s cultural identity and heritage.

From Magic to Religion: The Role of Tibetan Buddhism in Environmental
CrisesHanung Kim (Korea University)
Throughout history, humankind has developed and attempted various types of practical or
spiritual activities as a countermeasure against ever-present environmental calamities of one
kind or another. People in the culturally Tibetan areas have developed diverse spiritual measures to cope with natural calamities based in their belief systems. As one of the most dominantbelief systems in the region, the Tibetan form of Buddhism has provided the local populace witha religious basis for facing environmental disasters, either as a conceptual tool for understanding disasters or as a ritual apparatus for averting them. My study looks into Tibetan Buddhism’srole in providing a basis for confronting natural disasters, with a focus on its function in developing different sets of weather-controlling rituals across the culturally Tibetan areas in the latepre-modern period.
The application of Tibetan religions—whether Buddhist or any others—for people’s efforts tocope with environmental hardship has long drawn the attention of outside observers. In particular, the firsthand observations from Westerners’ early contacts with Tibetan people and theirculture left a variety of ethnographic accounts of the practice, and we have a rich literature on
the subject as a result. However, most of these Western observers maintained a standpoint of
cultural superiority in describing these unfamiliar religious activities and painted this complex
cultural phenomenon with a single pejorative brush called “magic.” Probably due to this approach, previous accounts largely overlooked another important part of the practice: a large
body of texts of weather-controlling ritual manuals from Tibet’s profound literary culture, mostof which was based in Indo-Tibetan Buddhism.
Drawing on this literature of weather-controlling ritual manuals from the late pre-modern period, this study attempts to establish a new way of understanding these Tibetan Buddhist rituals.
To do so, the study will undertake a detailed analysis of some representative manuals of this186

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type. The central questions guiding the analysis will be as follows: First, how many Buddhist
and non-Buddhist elements can we detect in the step-by-step procedure of the Tibetan weather-controlling ritual practices, and can we call this a “Buddhist” practice? Second, what is themindset in these manuals toward comprehending the occurrence of an environmental calamity
and its aftermath? Does it have anything to do with the final soteriological goal of Buddhism?
Third, what can be a conceptual substitute for the derogatory and superstition-filled term “magic” to describe these weather-controlling practices? What kind of contours of conceptualization
can help us better understand the Tibetan attempts to control weather?
In answering these questions, the study aims to contribute to an expansion of the horizon in theunderstanding of Tibetan Buddhism by shedding new light on an aspect that has received little
attention thus far. It is also hoped that the study will bring forth a better understanding of thefunctions of Buddhist rituals in the matter of environmental issues.

Buddhist Ways of Looking at History and Society: Tibetan Ritual Texts in
Use Among Some of the Most Ancient Buddhist Populations in Nepal
Brigitte Steinmann (University of Lille and CNRS/France)
Examining forms of assimilation of Buddhism by Tamang populations of the Kathmandu Valley calls for a clarification of two points of view: the populations’ view of their own history
in Nepal which would be somewhat determined by the Buddhist religion. This history has
obviously varied in space and time, and certain periods may have marked real ruptures, or on
the contrary have been the opportunity to affirm or reconstruct real and imaginary continuities
with the Buddhist doctrine. Therefore, the status of the populations included within the Bhot or
Bhotiya may have seen their social and political status change considerably between the reignsof the Mallas kings in the Kathmandu Valley, depending on whether they were protectors or
detractors of Buddhism, until the period of unification in the eighteenth century which marked
their decline and the defeat of Bhot principalities and royalty, and their submission to Indo-Nepalese populations, the parbatiya. Yet, on the other hand, one has to ask oneself whether theseviews on history have not in fact been entirely determined by collective ways of conceiving
and practising religion, in categories and conceptions that would have nothing to do with those
applied from outside under the name “Buddhism”, particularly in unilateral reference to Mahayanistic Buddhism assimilated by Tibetan populations of the high plateaus.
To help to clarify the great variety and sometimes heterogeneity of the references to Buddhism
by the rNying ma pa Tamangs of Nepal, we will present and analyze an original translation of
mdos type Tibetan Buddhist ritual texts, that Tamangs lamas use to worshipping their ancestors.

Section 7: Buddhist Art and Architecture
Who Represents All the Protective Deities in Chinese Buddhist Art? – From
the Spirit Kings, the Eight Classes, to the Twenty-four Various
Deities
Tianshu Zhu (University of Macau)• Abstracts

187

The protective deities constitute an important category in the Buddhist pantheon. Those Dharma-protectors mostly came from the indigenous Indian religious tradition, and therefore theirtrue identities and appearances have been alien to the Chinese. How to represent them in Buddhist art? The Chinese invented a unique method by organizing those deities into fixed iconographic groups. Three of such groups used to be predominant consecutively in the history of) first became popular in the NorthernChinese Buddhist art. The Spirit Kings (shenwang) popular durDynasties in the sixth century, followed by the Eight Classes (babuzhong
ing the Tang and Five Dynasties or the seventh-tenth centuries, which then was replaced by the) usually in the number of twenty or twenty-four from the Song
Various Deities (zhutian
Dynasty (the eleventh century) on. According to the epigraphic evidence, ten deities can be
identified as the core members of the group of Spirit King, Lion Spirit King, Bird Spirit King,
Elephant Spirit King, Dragon Spirit King, Wind Spirit King, Fire Spirit King, River Spirit
King, Tree Spirit King, Mountain Spirit King, and Pearl Spirit King. The Eight Classes is also(God and Dragon of Eight Classes) in Chinese. Commonly
known as tianlong babu
described in the Buddhist texts translated into Chinese, the Indian deities are classified into
eight types--deva, nāga, yakṣa, gandharva, asura, garuḍa, kinnara, and mahoraga. The Various
Deities came from The Sutra of Golden Light, in which a number of deities vowed to protect the
Buddhist Dharma and Buddhist followers, from gods in heaven to specific nāga and yakṣa. In
Buddhist art, the three iconographic groups are not exclusive to any one particular Buddha, or
iconography. To some extent, a group was depicted to symbolize the class of protective deities.
These groups are absent in India, Southeast Asia, and Central Asia. Overall, such grouping, as
well as the iconographies of the deities within the group reflect the Chinese understanding andreinterpretation of the pantheon of Indian Buddhist deities. In the past, the three groups havebeen studied independently. And especially for the first two groups, scholars usually focusedon identifying the individual deities in the group. This study, however, sees the three groups
as intricately connected successive iconographies, which play similar roles in Buddhist art. By
examining the textual references of the group, iconographic sources or prototypes of individual
figures, and the overall ritual functions, I try to reveal the nature of these deities, how a group
might be formed, and what actually changed when one group replaced the other. Ultimately,
this paper is about the creation of Buddhist iconographies in the transmission of Indian deities
and in Buddhist practice.

Newly Emergent Terminologies in Tang Dynasty Texts on Chinese Painting
and The Relationship to Buddhism—Examining Zhang Zao’s “” Xinyuan (The Mind as the Source of All Things; ‘Fountainhead of [the] Mind’; citta-gocara/āśaya) as Example
Michael Cavayero (Peking University)
The idea ‘externally learning from Creation (Nature) and internally attaining the fountainhead
represents theof [the] mind, the source of all things,“citta-gocara/āśaya’, fl. 730~790 C.E).
seminal painting theory proposed by Tang dynasty painter Zhang Zao (Furthermore, this ideology serves as one of the most important notions of ‘learning from the) and ‘learning from the exterior world’ (shi zaohua) present in themind’ (shixin
history of Chinese painting and art. In the theoretical discourse of Chinese painting, its influ(i.e., the source of all things,
ence is far-reaching. Yet, regarding the key term xinyuan

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mind-fountainhead; Skt. citta-gocara/āśaya), scholars of art history remain relatively unclear of
its Buddhist origins.
Using textual research and philological examination, this paper demonstrates that the terminology xinyuan emerged (as a neologism) through the dissemination of Buddhist texts, andfollowing several hundred years of Buddhist doctrinal and conceptual development in China,
by the Tang Dynasty, this term reached a height in its use. This process thereby inspired its
appropriation in Zhang Zao’s formative painting theory. The use of the term xinyuan’s contribution to the discourse of painting and the history of art and painting is two-fold: one is it reflected
the theoretical shift of the painter’s focus to that of the ontology of painting, two is, within thepractice of painting, this term helped to refine and codify an epistemological method of attaining the ‘source of all things’. From the perspective of Buddhist history, Zhang Zao’s use of the” reflects the Sinicization and total absorption of
Buddhist-derived collocation “xinyuan
Mahāyāna principles into the tradition, and ontological experience of the practice of (Chinese)painting.

The International Research Project on Sutras Engraved into Stone in China
Lothar Ledderose (Universität Heidelberg), Chunhua County, Shaanxi
is one of the
The cave at Jinchuanwan
sites that are the focus of research for the International Project on Sutras Engraved into Stone inChina. The actors in this long-term project, which began in 2014, are, on the German side, theHeidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, and, on the Chinese side, universities and government agencies for the protection of cultural monuments in the various provinces. So far, work
has been done in Shandong, Sichuan, and Shaanxi Provinces, and eight volumes have been
published, each of about 500 pages. At present, this is probably the largest cooperative projectin the humanities between China and a foreign country.
This paper will discuss three points:• Research that is being done at Jinchuanwan Cave: documentation—that is to say,photographs, rubbings, laser scans, and transcriptions of the sutra texts—as well as
Buddhological analysis of the texts and study of the textual program of the cave;• An overview of the work in other provinces that has been accomplished by the Projectto date; and• An outline of the work planned in four more provinces over the next seven years, forwhich comments and suggestions are invited from the audience.

Thunder God and Human Fatalities: An Ecocritical Reading of the SweetDew Painting
Taylor Pak (Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology)
The Thunder God, whose origin is traced to highly variegated mythologies and Daoism, hasplayed a pivotal role in implementing different modes of Buddhist visual narratives from East
Asia. At least from the second century, its intercultural border crossing imagery was shaped• Abstracts

189and thereafter widely disseminated across a range of Buddhist arts. This paper brings to light
the Thunder God as the powerful creator of thunder, lightning, and rain integrated into the
iconographic repertoire of the Sweet-Dew Painting (Kamnodo), a Buddhist painting genre exceptionally developed in Chosŏn Korea. Newly created as altarpieces in the sixteenth century,
the paintings of Sweet-Dew accommodated themselves to the periodic and non-periodic rituals
that entail the food distribution for guiding departed spirits to the Western Paradise. The genre,
therefore, befittingly devotes a substantial part of its picture plane to depicting vivid details of
the untimely and unfortunate deaths that occurred under dire circumstances. Notably, the Thunder God iconography began to emerge as such death episodes underwent a further expansion
in the eighteenth century, reinforcing the narrative of lightning fatalities anew beyond textual
prescriptions. As this paper examines the ecocritical implication of the Thunder God and its linkto human deaths, the salvific capacity of the rite of food distribution manifested in the Sweet
Dew paintings is shown in a new light through consideration of how the genre responded tocontemporaneous environmental events that were detrimental to human survival.

Changing Patterns of Patronage and Devotion: Ancient Greater Gandhara
during the Kushan and Kushano-Sasanian Eras, II
Carolyn Schmidt (The Ohio State University)
At some point in circa the late 1st or early 2nd century CE, for the syncretic Greater Gandharan Buddhist school of art and architecture, there was a marked change in the scope of subject
matter, stylistic and iconographic features, and in their patterns of association. Many of thesechanges were fostered by the concepts related to spiritual advancement in early Mahayana andby the vibrancy and creativity of a wealthy, cosmopolitan, and peaceful society. Translations offragments of early Mahayana literature from Greater Gandhara and related areas, which began
in the 1990s, attest to the significant role early Mahayana perspectives played in these developments, particularly notable in the sculpting of complex stelae and large free-standing figuresof Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and devoteés. The importance of patronage and devotion, beginningwith the era of Asoka Maurya (reign ca. 272-231 BCE), to the continuity, expansiveness andvitality and in the transmission of Buddhist ideals to and from ancient Greater Gandhara iswithout question.
From the approximately 3500 pieces of sculpture, for which provenance has been ascertained
based on archaeological reports and museum or library archives by Jesse Pons, an extraordinarily rich and stylistically varied research corpus of devoteé images has been assembled forthis ongoing project. Largely of foreign ethnicity, the corpus includes members of the samgha
and male and female aristocrats and, possibly, kings and queens. Also assembled is a second
corpus of closely associated sculptures categorized enigmatically as Buddhist theophanies orvisions-of-paradisical-realms stelae. Based on Harry Falk’s dating for the beginning of the first
Kushan era, these sculptures would have been created during the burgeoning phase of Mahayana Buddhist thought of circa the 2nd, 3rd and early 4th centuries of the Kushan and Kushano-Sasanian eras. No systematic analysis of this corpus of devoteé types and stelae or of
their place in the socio-economic, cultural and religious history of the region, has hitherto been
advanced. The purpose of this paper and its supporting research is to offer in-depth new significant observations on the iconography of selected images, stelae and symbols distinctive to thenortheast, many of which are, undoubtedly, the precursors of later developments.

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Section 8: Buddhist Ethics
The Role of Being Free from (the hindrance of) Regret for the Sake of Samādhi
Hao Sun (Numata Center for Buddhist Studies, University of Hamburg)
My presentation centers on the ethical framework for one fundamental Buddhist meditation:
concentration (samādhi). Firstly I shall review the cultivation path of a virtuous person via freedom from regret (avipratisāra/avippaṭisāra), gladness and so on proceeding towards samādhi, as
documented in the Pali Nikāya and Sanskrit Yogācārabhūmi. Secondly I shall particularly zoom
in on the term avipratisāra/avippaṭisāra, its setting, its morphology and its established translations, followed by weighing the pros and cons of its various renderings such as non-regret, lackof regret, freedom from regret, and clear conscience. Thirdly I shall touch upon another traditional prerequisite for attaining samādhi as removing the Five Hindrances (pañca nivaraṇāni/nīvaraṇe), which includes the hindrance of regret (kaukṛtya/kukkucca). Finally I shall summarize the role of being free from regret bridging between śīla and samādhi.

Towards the Justification of Killing by Kings: A Shift of Paradigm from King
Ajātaśatru to Duṭṭhagāmaṇi
Fen-Jin Wu (National Chengchi University)
To kill a person is murder, yet one may need to kill thousands of people to become a king.
This study will discuss King Ajātaśatru and King Duṭṭhagāmaṇi in terms of conflict between
kingship and Buddhist ethics. How can the controversial action of killing by kings be justified?
This article will apply historical, canonical, comparative, and literary methods to study theconfession of kings. First of all, it will discuss guilt and confession in early Buddhism. How
can repentance counteract evil deeds and what is the relationship among confession, karma, andthe law of cause and effect? According to the Pāli Sāmaññaphala sutta and commentary, kingAjātaśatru committed patricide and confessed his misdeed to the Buddha, pleased forgiveness,and made amends, release a sense of guilt, but still experienced the unfortunate consequencesof his actions. However, due to the power of confession and accumulation of merits; he would
fall to hell temporarily then be reborn in heaven, eventually becoming a Buddha in the future.
According to the Mahāvaṃsa, King Duṭṭhagāmaṇi killed many Tamils, but he did not repent
earnestly. Reportedly, eight arahats thought he was innocent and would be reborn in heaven
as the disciple of Maitreya. This explanation conflicts with Buddhist ethical principles and canonical doctrines. In the Mahāvaṃsa, the king does not have to pay for his evil deeds because
his great merits cancel out his bad karma. How could the Buddhists claim such a contradictory
doctrine? What are the reasons that transformed the ethical value of Buddhist confession? The
political and economic environment during Ajātaśatru’s time was different from environmentin Ceylon, including the role of kings: the major task of a king was to support saṅgha and protect the sasāna. The relationship between the king and the saṅgha was one of mutual benefit
and symbiotic relations. In the indigenized Buddhism of Ceylon, the continuity of the sasāna
took precedence over canonical core doctrines in the case of kingship. Finally, from the Heilsgeschichte (or sacred history) perspectives, King Duṭṭhagāmaṇi was assimilated the features ofking Asoka, the royal Buddhahood, and Maitreya. He inherited both orthodoxy Buddhism and• Abstracts

191royal tradition, became the future Buddha and brought hope for future, the selected people on
the holy island were rescued by sasāna because of his great merits, all the bad karma would notaffect him. Through the examples of King Ajātaśatru and Duṭṭhagāmaṇi, from canon to vaṃsa,the core value and ethical context of confession has been transformed dramatically in Ceylon;
moreover, the justification of killing by kings has been changed as well.

Buddhist Ethics for Everyone? The Limits and Possibilities of Buddhist Ethical Thought in Secular Ethics
Matthew Regan (University of Maryland, School of Public Policy)
From the rock edicts of Asoka to the public teachings of the current Dalai Lama, Buddhist
thinkers throughout the centuries have claimed that Buddhist ethical principles can be adapted
into a form of truly secular ethics, one that can even be used as the foundational philosophy ofmulti-ethnic, multi-religious societies. In a similar vein, scholars like Damien Keown, Sallie
King, and Bhikkhu Bodhi have spent considerable amounts of time examining the relationshipbetween the principles of Buddhist ethics and modern moral problems, such as the difficult
questions of bioethics and human rights. Such adaptations, however, often do not rest solely on
the social teachings provided by the Buddha to lay disciples, but rather, involve “higher” Buddhist doctrines such as the Four Noble Truths or the Sublime Abidings. These teachings are intimately tied with Buddhist meditational practices, and numerous Buddhists texts and commentaries attest to the fact that they cannot be fully appreciated without an active practice of mental
cultivation (bhavana). Even seemingly innocuous concepts, like the three morality factors of
the Eightfold Path (right speech, right action, right livelihood) and the Buddhist ethical categories of skillful (kusala) and unskillful (akusala) actions have very explicit meditational aims
and implications. One, it seems, cannot fully practice Buddhist ethics without at least somekind of meditational practice. While such an enjoinment might seem inviting to those alreadyconvinced by the greater philosophical and psychological teachings of Buddhism, there seems
to be an incongruity with the use of concepts that explicitly endorse a certain catalogue of mental training activities while at the same time maintaining the claim of being truly secular. This
paper discusses the often-hidden role of meditation in Buddhist ethics and whether such a roleprevents it from making ethical claims beyond an explicitly Buddhist framework. It concludes
by advocating for a norm of critical moral reflection that, although perhaps not totally sufficientfrom an orthodox Buddhist perspective, could be a necessary component of any successfulattempt to secularize and apply Buddhist ethics outside the sphere of religious moral guidance.

How Would Buddhists Program An Autonomous Vehicle?
Kin Cheung (Moravian University)
Venerable Pandita provided an Early Buddhist answer to the trolley problem dilemma (choice
between being passive and allowing five people to be killed by a trolley, or actively diverting
the trolley to kill one person on a side track) that focuses on the intention of the actor. The trolley problem and its variants have analogous ethical dilemmas that arise in the programming ofautonomous vehicles. Programmers must provide guidelines for the vehicle to make decisions
in rare situations in which collision is unavoidable and the vehicle will either put the passen-

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gers or other lives at risk. JeeLoo Liu argues that deontological or consequentialist algorithms
for decision making in this context lead to unsatisfactory outcomes. Instead, she offers ethicalguidelines for robot ethics from Confucian ethical traditions. I have found no similar attempt atcreating guidelines using Buddhist traditions.
This presentation seeks to combine the insights from Pandita on the trolley problem and James
Hughes on Buddhist robot and machine ethics in order to provide a Buddhist response to ethical dilemmas that arise in programming autonomous vehicles. I argue that Pandita’s focus
on cetanā in keeping the precepts--specifically the vow to undergo the training to not takelife--can benefit from Hughes’ reflections on the metaphysical ramifications of creating artificial intelligence through a Buddhist psychological lens. Hughes adds to the conversation what
programmers and engineers should consider in creating an artificial intelligence that controls
autonomous vehicles. In addition, I examine empirical data on Buddhists’ considerations of
the trolley problem, and on the work done by Joshua Knobe, in experiment philosophy, on theasymmetry of how the general public (i.e., neither professional philosophers nor Buddhists)
intuitively judge ethical responsibility of unintended consequences. The study subjects did not
assign ethical praise for unintended positive consequences, but did assign ethical blame for unintended negative consequences. This is relevant to the host of known and unknown unintended
consequences of artificial intelligence design and creation.
In 2017, over one billion US dollars were invested in autonomous vehicles, especially self-driving trucks. Since the technology may need time to pass safety and regulatory hurdles, this is precisely the moment to examine ethical issues that will arise. The European Commission’s Ethics
Guidelines on Artificial Intelligence released in 2018, though presents a start, has been severely
criticized for being vague and over-representing the interests of industry while ignoring the expertise of ethicists. Buddhist ethics can make an important contribution to this issue and I hope
this presentation will spark interest in applying the rich ethical discussion in Buddhist traditions
to a contemporary ethical problem.

The Twelve-Step Path?: Buddhist Ethics in Addiction Recovery Literature
Catherine Hartmann (University of Wyoming)
This paper compares the structure of the Buddhist path as explicated in texts such as the Bodhicaryāvatāra with the structure of contemporary Buddhist-identifying Twelve-Step programs inorder to highlight how Buddhist ethical frameworks have transformed in the translation to an
addiction-recovery context.
Buddhism is built around the idea of a multi-step path of ethical transformation from a stateof maladaptive compulsion to one of freedom and compassion. In that, it has much in common with Twelve-Step programs such as Alcoholics Anonymous that aim to lead people fromaddiction to sobriety. Such Twelve-Step programs frame themselves as “spiritual” rather thanreligious, and so are compatible with addicts of any or no religious tradition. However, TwelveStep programs often implicitly draw on Buddhist ideas and practices, such as mindfulness, anda growing subset of Twelve-Step programs explicitly identify with Buddhism. In fact, this has
become a significant way for people to discover Buddhism in the West. Nevertheless, despite
the growing importance of Buddhism’s role in addiction recovery, scholars of Buddhism havelargely overlooked this aspect of contemporary Buddhism.
• Abstracts

193This paper surveys the Big Book of Alcoholics Anonymous, the Bodhicaryāvatāra, and eight
popular Buddhist-inflected Twelve-Step books. It outlines the standard Twelve-Step and Buddhist paths as explicated in these classic sources, highlighting key steps in the path, and implicit
theories of ethical development that underlie them. It then turns to the popular works presenting
Buddhist versions of Twelve-Step. How do these books draw on both Buddhism and classicalformulations of Twelve-Step, and how do they differ from these classical formulations? How
do they suggest that people move through a path of ethical transformation?
Based on this research, I show that Buddhist-identified Twelve-Step literature is characterized
by three central themes. First, there is a pronounced skepticism towards perceived Christianbias in traditional Twelve-Step, particularly about understandings of God. Buddhism is thus
represented as a non-Christian alternative to mainstream Twelve-Step, one based in rationality
rather than faith.
Second, despite this criticism of traditional Twelve-Step, Buddhist recovery books largely follow the structure of the Big Book of Alcoholics Anonymous, which includes explanations ofeach step interspersed with personal stories of recovery. Thus, with very few exceptions (suchas Refuge Recovery) Buddhist ideas are used to explain the Twelve Steps, rather than TwelveStep ideas being used to explain the Buddhist path.
Third, as opposed to standard formulations of the Buddhist path, which proceed from ethicaldiscipline to concentration to wisdom, Buddhist-inflected Twelve-Step proceeds according toa model I characterize as understanding to purification to service. Addicts must understandthe forces driving their addiction before they can remove these causes and be of service to thecommunity. It is this understanding, cultivated through meditation, which is believed to movepeople along the path of ethical transformation. This represents both a departure from traditional Twelve-Step, which understands God or Higher Power to move people along the path, andfrom Buddhism, in which wisdom emerges at the end of the path rather than at the beginning.
The paper represents a contribution to applied Buddhist ethics by investigating a hitherto understudied application of Buddhist ideas to real-world problems: addiction recovery. In uncovering
how Buddhist ideas are applied to Twelve-Step, it also broadens our understanding of contemporary Buddhism in the West, and the ongoing process of translating Buddhist ethical theory
for new cultural contexts.

Section 9 (I): Buddhist Hermeneutics Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques
Demonstrating the Sanskritization of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka Manuscripts: A Study of the Kern’s Variant Readings
Yasutomo Nishi (Minobusan University/Chuo Academic Research Institute of Rissho Kosei-kai)
The Sanskrit Lotus Sutra, Saddharmapuṇḍarīka (SP) is regarded as one of the earliest examplesof Mahayana Buddhist texts. There are three classical Chinese translations of the Lotus Sutra『』),in existence, including Kumārajīva’s translation, Myōhō-renge-kyō (194

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which is one of the most important sutras in East Asia. It has had a major influence on theformation and development of other sutras, ideas, and cultures. Where literary problems andissues arise in relation to the SP and the Chinese translations of the Lotus Sutra, in particularwith regard to the correct interpretation of the Myōhō-renge-kyō, it is vital to study the SP in
its original language.
The original SP is a sutra of Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit (BHS) texts and contains frequent usageof Middle Indo-Aryan (MIA) word forms and language. Edgerton classified Mahayana texts
broadly into three classes. Edgerton calls the unique vocabulary, word forms and syntax thatappear in Mahayana sutras BHS.
The extant SP manuscripts can be broadly divided into the Central Asia tradition (CA) and
the Gilgit-Nepal tradition (G-N). Kern and Edgerton advocated that in its prototype form, theSP was compiled in MIA and was converted to Sanskrit as it was passed down over the years(Kern-Edgerton’s hypothesis). Tsuji studied SP in detail and pointed out the following: (1) The
BHS forms frequently appear in the verse texts, and Skt. forms in the prose texts, but some BHS
forms are found in the prose texts. (2) Various degrees of Sanskritization occurred during the
tradition, which caused some differences in hybridity, and it is considered that manuscripts thatstill exist were made.
In a previous study, I noted the variant readings (91 corresponding terms) of Kern’s list in
relation to this discussion. The results of this study support the points made by Tsuji. There isanother example of the use of synonyms that can be highlighted.
For the purposes of this presentation, existing SP recensions of the old and new copy ages havebeen used. Using the Kern-Nanjo (KN) revision as a reference, passages in the individual SP
recensions that clearly correspond to KN have been identified. Based on this, the corresponding
passages in each of the manuscripts have been identified. The methods used for identifying
the three sets of synonyms highlighted above are discussed in another paper. This presentation
looks in detail at some sets of Edgerton’s variant readings in the context of Kern-Edgerton’s
hypothesis and Tsuji’s points.

On the Historical Development of the Vessantarajātaka-commentaries
Yukio Yamanaka (Ryukoku University)
The Vessantarajātaka is one of the most prominent previous stories, which tell us the former
lives of Gotama Buddha in his previous existences. The Vessantarajātaka is the longest and included at the very end of the Theravāda Jātaka collection. Due to the importance and popularityof this jātaka, commentaries have been written repeatedly within Theravada Buddhism. Someof these commentaries have been lost and the exact number is not known, but at least four are
still complete.
The presentation will focus on three of these Vessantarajātaka-commentaries and show the differences between them by comparing their ways of interpretations, exegeses and styles. Through thiswe could keep track of how the Vessantarajātaka-commentaries evolved and changed over time.

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The View of ‘Neither Identity nor Difference’ as the Middle Shown in Wonhyo’s Logic of Hwajaeng: With Reference to the Twofold Truth, Three Natures and Inexpressible Nature
Taesoo Kim (Seoul National University)
This study aims at revealing the characteristics of the logic of hwajaeng (harmonizing the
disputes) shown in Wonhyo (617~686)’s Ten Approaches to Harmonizing the Disputes (Sipmun-hwajgaenglon) and Preface to The Commentary on The Sūtra of the Primary Activities ofBodhisattvas (Bonyeopgyeong-seo) based on the logic of tetralemma (catuṣkoṭi) with reference
to the twofold truth, three natures and the question of inexpressible nature (nirabhilāpya).
In these texts featuring Wonhyo’s characteristic discourses, the logic of hwajaeng is understood as an epistemological approach towards ‘neither identity, nor difference’ (the 4th phrase),
while not considering the 4th phrase as ontological ground for reasoning with the connotationof an inexpressible nature. Despite its affirmation that all four phrases possess meanings, thelanguage constituting tetralemma is regarded as a mere designation (prajñapti) or conceptual
elaboration (prapañca) without substance.
It finds consistency in conflicting discourses from the ultimate position of the inexpressible
nature of one mind with the rationale that each view represented by every phrase shows that theway to the truth is inexpressible in its nature. Thus, unlike the argument presupposing firm evidence for metaphysical ground, all contradictory views can be valid when seen from different
perspectives. Accordingly, one mind reveals the reality of the middle by intersecting various
aspects of dependent arising, or interdependence as the ground of hwajaeng based on the unityof emptiness and manifoldness. That is, despite the inexpressible nature of one mind or Buddhavacana as the basis of one flavor of equality, it draws a common meaning interconnectedwith the secular and ultimate aspects of truth.
In this way, Wonhyo’s texts show ‘neither identical nor different’ scheme between the interdependent nature of secular truth and the perfect real nature of ultimate truth. In addition, theyshow negation (4th phrase) and affirmation (3rd phrase). Here, the middle truth, equated with
one mind has the connotation of the true reality of all phenomena, the state (vastu), remaining as‘X’ after its negation or phenomenological reduction in relation to Yogācāra or Tathāgatagarbha
tradition.
In this vein, the inexpressible nature as the aim of hwajaeng reveals the reality of ‘neither arising, nor ceasing’ without any deficiency caused by verbal stipulation. Grounded in this natureof the middle truth, the incessant process of the mutual relation or permeation between theultimate and relative make all views harmonize into the middle. With regards to tetralemma,
it shows pragmatic nature not even sticking to the middle, let alone persisting in each phrase.
Hence. the theory of twofold truth and the middle in hwajaeng can be seen as the thought ofmutual relations, breaking down all sorts of attachments represented by language and thought.
Further, it can be seen as the circulation theory of the generation of meaning based on thethought of ‘neither identity, nor difference’ which harmonizes emptiness and Buddhahood into
a common ground of univocity while incessantly generating new meanings.

196

XIXth Congress of IABSRe-examining Yijing’s
Guan suoyuan lun shi
Vinītadeva’s Ālambanaparīkṣāṭīkā

based onTsun Nyen Yong (Kyoto University)
The Ālambanaparīkṣā (ĀP) and the Ālambanaparīkṣāvṛtti (ĀPV) are both composed by Dignāga (ca. 480–540) and extant only in Chinese and Tibetan translations. Two Indian commentaries
on the ĀP/V have been preserved; one in Chinese, and the other in Tibetan: Guan suoyuan lun(GSYLS) by Dharmapāla (6th century) and translated by Yijing(635–713)
shi
in 710, and dMigs pa brtag pa’i ’grel bśad (Ālambanaparīkṣāṭīkā, thereafter ĀPṬ) by Vinītadeva (ca. 690–750).
The GSYLS is a difficult text to comprehend. A careful comparison between the GSYLS andthe ĀPṬ reveals that Vinītadeva often reuses Dharmapāla’s wording in his commentary and has
tried to explain some of Dharmapāla’s ideas in details. This shows that the Sanskrit version of
Dharmapāla’s commentary, as a matter of fact, must have been consulted by Vinītadeva.
This process of comparison suggests that it is possible to consult the ĀPṬ for clarifying someof Yijing’s abstruse translations in the GSYLS. For example, Yijing uses technical terms such, zong ju xiang, zong ji xiang, and ju xiang
which maybe
as ji xiang
synonymous. This is verified by the corresponding passages in the ĀPṬ, in which a consistentterm ’dus pa’i rnam pa is used. Hence, it is highly possible that the above Chinese terms are thetranslations of one and the same Sanskrit term.
This methodology has been overlooked by scholars to date. This paper presents some of theresults of the comparison between the GSYLS and the ĀPṬ to produce a more accurate readingof Yijing’s translation.

Section 9 (II): Buddhist Hermeneutics Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques
Old and Neo-commentaries: The Development of Commentaries from the
Niddesa to the Aṭṭhakathās
Liyu Hua (Cornell University)
This paper traces the varied styles and methods of the Buddhist commentaries on the parallelcanonical verses from the first exegetical work in the Khuddaka Nikāya, Niddesa (Nidd) (pre2nd c. CE), to the more developed commentaries inaugurated by the new generation of scholars
from the fourth and fifth centuries CE. By distinguishing the old from later (or Neo-) commentaries, I intend to explore the trajectory of the development of Buddhist commentary and thepossible causes of the transition in commentarial style.
Nidd, often used only as a lexical reference book in modern study, has long been ignored byscholars working on the commentarial traditions. However, its distinctive repetitive patterns
and accumulative definitions share much common ground with the canonical texts in the sutta
section of the Pāli Tipitaka. Drawing from Mark Allon’s study of the syllabic units and alliter• Abstracts

197ation in the Pāli sutta texts, I argue that the Waxing Syllabic Principle (WSP) is also applicableto the lexical progression in Nidd. The repetitions in the commentarial blocks of Nidd conformto the traditional Pāli sutta style. The exegesis on the terms in Nidd has been so verbatim that
Wilhelm Stede, the translator of Nidd, proposed “the existence of [a] common source” of all the
explanatory matter and reduced the commentary into a collection of root verse plus commentarial blocks (Nidd ii, x). These features of Nidd provide ample evidence to substantiate that
Nidd was a product of an early oral commentarial culture. The verbatim repetition needs moredetailed analysis based on a close reading of the extant manuscripts, which would probably
reveal the effect of writing in finalizing the oral commentary.
The change of style implies an underlying transition in Buddhist episteme from the period
when Nidd was composed to the lifetime of Buddhaghosa, who composed the later neo-commentaries and initiated a more vibrant scholastic tradition. My case study of dukkha (suffering)attempts to reconstruct the development of the underlying epistemic model and scholastic culture by tracing different ways of defining technical terms in Nidd and the neo-commentaries
composed by Buddhaghosa, the great synthesizer in the Pāli textual tradition. While the definition of dukkha is scattered in piecemeals in different parts of the canonical text, Nidd attempts
to exhaustively enumerate all the sufferings in and outside the canon and fit them into the
Buddhist ontology. Since the canonical sutta texts, had not distinguished the multiple meaningsof dukkha and drawn the boundary between dukkha and non-dukkha, the definition of dukkha remained nebulous before the aṭṭhakathās emerged. Compared to the long denotative list
in Nidd, the succinct exegetical illustration given in the Gāndhārī manuscript represented the
newly emergent writing culture in Northwest India around the beginning of the common era. I
argue that the evolving scholastic culture probably facilitated the replacement of the repetitive
oral teaching style by the all-encompassing definition in the aṭṭhakathā and the Abhidharmic
tradition. It not only gave rise to a new commentarial style but also enhanced philosophicalprecision, as is exemplified in Buddhaghosa’s and Abhidharmists’ new definitions of dukkha.

Hossō nikan shō – A Distillation of Hermetic Consciousness-only Teachings
Aimed at the Common Folk?
Piotr Pieścik (Jagiellonian University in Kraków)
In my talk I’d like to present a lesser known text belonging to the East-Asian Conscious), the Hossō nikan shō. Authored by a monk of the Japanese Hossō
ness-Only tradition (school, Ryōhen, in 1252, this treatise is often overshadowed by his more famous works suchas the Kanjin kakumu shō. However, it remains an important text, particularly because of its
style and language, which point to it being a comprehensible and somewhat more accessible
resource for the contemporary student of Hossō doctrine, as opposed to other, more opaque andobscure commentaries and treatises of this school. The talk would deal with outlining the coreideas contained within the text, situating them within the broader Hossō system of thought,
discussing its aim and the circumstances of its creation and dissemination, as well as the peculiarities of its style and contents. The Hossō nikan shō can be analysed in the context of Ryōhen’s
personal philosophy of reconciliation and his ecumenical practices, particularly those directed
towards the contemporary opponent of Hossō, the ekayana school of thought, as well as compared to his other texts, in which those ideas are more or less pronounced. This reconciliatory
technique can be considered a key element of Ryōhen’s strategy of popularising the teachings

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of his relatively orthodox and inaccessible school among those who would find them too difficult, or be otherwise lured by more promising visions of inherent enlightenment offered by theekayana-oriented schools.

Fragments of Early Prajñāpāramitā Exegesis: Anonymous Quotations in the
Da zhidu lun (*Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa)
Quoc Tuan Huynh (University of Oxford)
This paper examines the function and significance of anonymous quotations marked by you(“some say”) and related expressions in the Da zhidu lun(*Mahāpraren yan
jñāpāramitopadeśa) T1509, the earliest extant major commentary of not only the Prajñāpāramitā
corpus but also the entire Mahāyāna literature. It pays special attention to the connection between the anonymous quotations in the Da zhidu lun commentary on the Sadāprarudita story
and the textual variations in the ten sūtra parallels of the story as a case study. There are several
instances where some details of the story are absent in the Da zhidu lun’s root text (the Larger
Prajñāpāramitā) but present in some other sūtra parallels, especially those belonging to Smaller
Prajñāpāramitā group and earlier recensions. Interestingly, these details are in turn found in
the anonymous quotations in the Da zhidu lun. This paper argues that these variations in the
Sadāprarudita story and anonymous quotations in the Da zhidu lun might have been exegeticalmaterials of different early Prajñāpāramitā commentarial traditions which were incorporated
in Prajñāpāramitā texts during the formation and transmission process of the story and werealso recorded in the Da zhidu lun. Thus, these anonymous quotations are some hidden gems or“fragments of a lost world”—in the words of Prof. Stefano Zacchetti (2021, 98-110)—of early
Prajñāpāramitā exegesis.
[Note: This is part of my larger thesis project (in progress): An Early Prajñāpāramitā Commentarial Tradition: A Study of the exegetical features of the Da zhidu lun (*Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa).]The Three Defective Vessels: Vasubandhu’s Hermeneutics in the Nālandā
tradition
Hiroko Matsuoka (Austrian Academy of Sciences)
In the Vyākhyāyukti and the Pratītyasamutpādavyākhyā, Vasubandhu gives an example of“three types of defective vessels” in his commentary on the Buddha’s formulaic phrase in the
beginning of his teaching, “Listen, pay attention well and closely” (śṛṇu, sādhu ca suṣṭhu camanasikuru). This phrase is divided into three parts, each of which corresponds to a listener
who is exemplified by the three defective vessels. To wit, the phrase “listen” eliminates the distracted listeners, who are like a face-down vessel; the phrase “pay attention well” eliminates thedull-witted listeners, who are similar to a filthy vessel; and the phrase “pay attention closely”
eliminates the malicious listeners, who are like a cracked vessel. This interpretation of the samephrase is adopted in a simplified form in the Vajracchedikāprajñāpāramitāṭīkā and the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇīṭīkā of Kamalaśīla (8th c.). It is further used in the Arthaviniścayasūtranibandha
of Vīryaśrīdatta (8th c.) and the Abhisamayālaṅkārāloka of Haribhadra, Kamalaśīla’s younger
contemporary in Nālandā. Further, the example of the three vessels is also found in some Chi• Abstracts

199

nese commentaries, yet it does not appear in the commentary on the above-mentioned formulaic phrase, but in the description of the ideal listener, Ānanda.
This paper will examine this example in detail, especially as it appears in the sūtra commentaries of Vasubandhu and Kamalaśīla, and thereby will consider the legacy of Vasubandhu’s
hermeneutics in Nālandā and the particular contribution of Kamalaśīla to it.

Section 10 (I): Buddhist Imagery and Iconography
In Praise of the Great Liberator: The Worship of Ārya Tārā in the Kathmandu Valley
Miroj Shakya (University of the West)
Tārā means carrying across, savior, and protector. She liberates the sentient beings from the suffering of Saṃsāra. Ārya Tārā is one of the mother goddesses or female Buddhas in Mahāyāna
and Tantric Buddhism. The earliest depiction of Tārā in Buddhist art can only be found after the
5th century. Nepalese Princess Bhṛkutī (CE 617-650) was believed to be an emanation of Green
Tārā. The elaborated description of Tārā is given in Ārya Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa. Tārā is associatedwith Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara. The legend says she was born of the tears of Avalokiteśvara,
who has been liberating infinite sentient beings. Nepalese Mahāyāna Buddhists have strong
faith in and devotion to Tārā and worship her as a sacred personage. Devotees recite different
versions of devotional songs and 108 names of the Ārya Tārā hymn (Aṣṭottaraśatanāma Tārāstotra) daily. Chanting the names of Tārā in many Buddhist monasteries has been one of thespiritual practices of Newar Buddhists of the Kathmandu Valley. Several stories, ritual texts
such as the guide to the Ārya Tārā vrata, and sacred shrines associated with Tārā have comeinto existence in Nepal. Some of the important shrines are White Tārā or Talking Tārā Shrine
at Itum bāhal, Kathmandu, Green Tārā Shrine at Hiraṇyavarṇa Mahāvihāra, Patan, Self-arisen
Tārā at Pharping, Ugra Tārā of Ekajaṭī at Sankhu Vajrayogiṇī or Gum Bāhā, Bhaktapur, “Talking Tara” statue in King’s place, Bhaktapur and others. Talking Tara of Bhaktapur had played an
important role in inviting Milarepa to visit Nepal. In this paper, an attempt is made to examine
all the local legends related to Tārā in the Kathmandu Valley and shed some light on hymns,
and analyze the associated practices to understand the extent to which the cult of Tārā has permeated Newar Buddhism.

Vajrayana and Nath Sampradaya Iconographies at Panhale-Kaji: Ambiguities in Appropriation
David Efurd (Wofford College)
Caves at Panhale-Kaji in Ratnagiri district (Maharashtra), India, span early Buddhist, Vajrayana,
and Nath Sampradaya periods of occupation, from approximately the third through the twelfth
centuries CE. One notes with great interest a site in which both tantric iconographies and Nathidentities are found, given certain legendary associations between traditions and shared reverence of siddhas/naths, in addition to divergent sectarian beliefs and practices. Scholarly inter-

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pretation of some siddha reliefs has been plagued by a rigid demarcation between Vajrayana
iconographies and later Nath Sampradaya reuse of the site, reflecting prejudices casting Nathpractices as moralizing correctives to an allegedly degenerative tantric tradition. Thus, prominent sculpted scenes on cave 14, displaying evidence of both Buddhist and Nath Sampradaya
eras of occupation, are associated with Jalandharnath in Nath Sampradaya, tentatively related
to the story of Mainamati urging her son Gopichandra to give up a life of pleasure, a story
ending with both son and daughter becoming followers of Jalandharnath. These scenes areclearly misidentified and cast doubt upon attempt to associate the reliefs exclusively with NathSampradaya, even as they need not disparage their later employment in the tradition. Rather,
iconographies of Virupa (Virupaksa), Kanhapa (Kanha) and other beings/divinities typically,
although not exclusively, associated with Vajrayana Buddhism appear among the sculptures.
Of special interest, as well, is the prominence of female characters in the depicted scenes andemphasis upon their agency that are typically uncharacteristic of iconographies in Nath Sampradaya, but more suggestive of an earlier tradition in which tantric iconographies flourished. The
central question is how the reliefs navigated complex sectarian histories at the site, and whether
they were carved during an era of Vajrayana Buddhist occupation, or possibly during an era inwhich an intervening tradition adapted Vajrayana iconographies to represent alternative identities. Thus, their presence displays ambiguities of appropriated spaces at Panhale-Kaji related
to the complex history of the site from early Buddhist, tantric, and Nath eras. Revisiting theoriginal religious affiliation of the reliefs is essential to establishing a chronology of religious
developments at Panhale-Kazi, as profound differences in style are apparent between the outerreliefs in cave 14 and those more securely Nath Sampradaya in identity.

The Legend of the Buddha Leaving his Alms-bowl in Vaiśālī Preserved in the
Art of Gandhāra and Kucha
Fang Wang (Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich)
It is admitted that the Buddha’s alms-bowl as a relic enjoys great veneration in the art of ancient
Gandhāra, which symbolizes the existence of the Buddha and his preaching, and even the transmission of Buddhism after his passing away. However, the legend that the Buddha eventuallyleft his alms-bowl as a memorial object to the people in Vaiśālī, who were eagerly following
him on knowing the Buddha’s decision to enter parinirvāṇa, was seldom drawn into the scholars’ attention. The current discussion aims to deal with the scriptural accounts of the story andthe identification of its visual form in the art of Gandhāra and Kucha Kingdom.
The story is not handed down in written account until a few scattered Chinese scriptures fromthe 4th century CE, including the Ettotarikāgama (T 125) and pilgrim travelogues such as thosefrom Faxian and Xuanzang, but the visual representation in the relief works in Gandhāra wascreated in advance, with the examples dating back to the first centuries after the common era.
Later in central Asia, the prevailing of the story is evidenced in a dozen mural scenes in the
décor of the Kucha cave monasteries, dated around the 7th century CE. Corresponding to thesources, the legend is cooperated into the so-called parinirvāṇa cycle of Buddha’s life as the
beginning of his last wandering to Kuśinagara in the pictorial narrative of both areas. As forthe iconographical details, the Buddha’s act of handing out his alms-bowl to the citizens ofVaiśālī is set as the visual center in the pictorial layout, although there are little inconsistencies
among the earlier examples in Gandhāran reliefs. The accompanying miracle that the Buddha• Abstracts

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exerted his power to craft a non-traversable river to retain the longingly Vaiśālī people behindhim has been visualized in a mature form since the early Gandhāran reliefs, which was however
mistaken as “the Buddha’s crossing of Gaṅgā River” in previous studies. With the absence of
any written shreds of evidence in Gāndhārī and Tocharian languages, the visualized narrative inGandhāra and Kucha confirms the existing recounting tradition of the story in both regions. It
would contribute to our comprehension as to the narrative of Buddha’s parinirvāṇa and the Buddha’s alms-bowl as a symbolic conveyance of dharma in the context of their local Buddhism.

Maitreya’s Authority and Vulnerability: Focused on the Stone Standing
Maitreya Bodhisattva of Kwanchok-sa
Yeeyeon Hwang (Academy of Korean Studies)
Maitreya is one of the most multilayered figures in the long Buddhist history. Originally designated as Buddha’s successor, he soon was combined with chakravartin. At some point, he wasalso regarded to be in charge of the afterlife, while numerous followers were anxious about his
descent on many occasions of history. Moreover, he was worshipped by the disciples of Yogācāra and Zen schools for different reasons. All these characters, each individuated but interrelated at the same time, form the nature of East Asian Maitreya: the compositive Bodhisattva/
Buddha.
Regarding this multilayerness, the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Kwanchok-sa Temple in Nonsan needs to be noticed. The eighteen-meter-tall, Korea’s largest Buddhist statue isbelieved to have been built under the patronage of King Kwangjong (r.949-975), the fourth kingand a reformist monarch of Koryŏ. This standing Maitreya Bodhisattva is unusual comparedto the conventional seated posture, waiting for descent in Tuṣita. The stupa-like chattra and theexpression of wearing the Buddha’s saṃghāṭī are also challenging to find the origin.
These unparalleled styles are partly based on the scriptures. The colossal size and the saṃghāṭī
expression can be related to the scriptures of the Maitreya descending; especially the Foshuo), which emphasizes the transmission of Buddha’s
mile dacheng fo jing(saṃghāṭī to Maitreya. The Stone Standing Bodhisattva of Daejo-sa Temple, which is geographically close to Kwanchok-sa and is similar in style, was created at almost the same ratio as
mentioned in the Chengfo jing. This indicates that the Koryŏ people relied on the scriptures forimage-making.
What would have been the intention of combining the formal aspects based on scripture?
Kwangjong seems to have tried to reveal his political influence as chakravartin by presenting acolossal and alien image of Maitreya. His activities during the corresponding period were consistent with those of the monarchs who advocated chakravartin, and the creation of the Maitreya
colossus is convincing. It is necessary to consider why the Kwanchok-sa statue did not follow
the “traditional” Maitreya images: the seated with both legs pendant, the cross-ankled, or thepensive. In this regard, I want to point out that there was hardly a Maitreya iconography thatwas solid enough to be a “tradition.” In ancient East Asia, Maitreya received attention mostly
when a powerful royal monarch was intrigued by the descent faith and chakravartin; thesemonarchs could not appear consecutively, which disabled the consistent creation of Maitreya
relied on royal authority.

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XIXth Congress of IABSAs mentioned above, East Asian Maitreya has a multilayered character; in other words, the construction of Maitreya belief was loose and vulnerable compared to other Mahayana Buddhas.
Even when several colossal Maitreyas were built around the seventh century in Tang, Maitreya
was still competing with Amitābha to win the afterlife world. As Amitābha finally conquered by
the end of Tang, the colossal Maitreya gradually disappeared in China.
In this context, the Kwanchok-sa image created by Kwangjong can be seen as the last generation of colossal Maitreya statues created by the rulers throughout East Asian history. Althoughseveral stone Maitreyas were created following the Kwanchok-sa image, Maitreya continued
to decline ideologically and stylistically. This is because the development of the Pure Land and
Neo-Confucianism deprived the authority of Maitreya. Therefore, it can be said that the Kwanchok-sa image proves the vulnerability of the East Asian Maitreya.

Section 10 (II): Buddhist Imagery and Iconography
Thousand Beginnings of Buddhahood in Bhadrakalpikasūtra Illustrated on
the Walls of Kumtura Cave 50 and Cave 29
Ji Ho Yi (Universität Leipzig / Saxon Academy of Sciences and Humanities in Leipzig)
The images of multiple Buddhas called “thousand Buddhas” have the usual format of repeating
a single Buddha in a row, as depicted in the ceilings of Dunhuang Mogao Caves. The Kumtura
Cave 50 and Kumtura Cave 29 in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, China, contain different versions of “thousand Buddha” paintings. The cave walls are filled with rows of illustrations
in which a devotee offers something to a seated Buddha. The pictures of future Buddhas’ offerings in Kumtura Cave 50 illustrate the stories preserved in Bhadrakalpikasūtra. Bhadrakalpikasūtra is a text about the fortunate aeon when the Buddha is present. The penultimate part ofthis text explains how the future Buddhas of this aeon first decided to become Buddha. The
text was translated into Gāndhārī, Sanskrit, Khotanese, Chinese, and Tibetan, a popular text
between North India and West China.
In 2015, researchers from Kucha Academy, Peking University and Renmin University visited
Kumtura Cave 50. They translated the extant Tocharian B inscriptions of the 56 paintings inside the niche on the rear wall of the main chamber in Kumtura Cave 50. Ogihara Hirotoshi
deciphered 38 Buddha names from the inscriptions labelling the Buddhas in the central niche of
Kumtura Cave 50 and discovered their correspondence to the Buddhas listed in the Khotaneseand Sanskrit version of Bhadrakalpikasūtra and the T447a and T447b under the same name of[Sūtra of names of thousand Buddhas in
Xianzai xianjie qianfoming jingpresent Bhadrakalpa] (translator unknown). The Tibetan translation was not consulted then,although the extant images in the niche of Cave 50 and inscriptions correspond almost precisely
with the stories of Buddhas no. 466 to no. 519 in the Tibetan version of Bhadrakalpikasūtra. It isalso possible to recognize the sequence of the Buddhas in the entire cave based on the Tibetan
version.
Kumtura Cave 29 shares similarities with Kumtura Cave 50: the structure and the rows ofscenes showing a Buddha and a devotee. On the median strip of the barrel vault, both caves• Abstracts

203display a row of multiple-headed meditating monks with the last meditating figure seated ona wagon, proceeding to the fortress with three meditating figures inside it. Amid the scenes
showing the beginnings of Buddha’s career, the median strip contains a condensed image of theway of enlightenment from an ordinary being to a Buddha. Ines Konczak-Nagel has shown that
this image may depict the city of nirvāṇa, which can be reached by the beings freed from thecycle of rebirth; the wagon next to it may symbolize the vehicle or yāna carrying a being there.
The thousand Buddhas of Kumtura Cave 50 and Cave 29 suggest that the possibility of becoming a Buddha is open to everyone with an offering. The illustrations of future Buddhas’ offerings in Kumtura Cave 50 and Kumtura Cave 29 show us that the images of thousand Buddhas
could also have possibly educated the visitors on the worth of devotional acts that lead to thefinal goal of spiritual liberation.

Labeling the Buddha: A Reconsideration of Early Textual and Visual Materials of Tejaprabhā Buddha in China
Soyeon Kim (Kookmin University)
This paper questions the role of textual sources in visualizing religious ideas through the caseof Tejaprabhā Buddha imagery. Tejaprabhā Buddha (Chishengguang in Chinese), commonly
known as the astral Buddha or the Buddha of the Pole Star in East Asian countries, has beenthought to be Indic origin, though there is no extant evidence of this from India. Thus, insteadof tracing the Buddha’s iconographic origin in Indic materials, many studies adopting a traditional iconographic approach have discussed the relationship between the earlier scriptures andthe later images based on a limited number of Chinese materials: several “Chishengguang”
scriptures considered Chinese translations of Indic tantric scriptures or apocrypha, as well as
Tejaprabhā paintings that appeared after the ninth century.
However, a disjunction between texts and images is revealed when comparing some of the earlytextual and visual material relating to Tejaprabhā Buddha. The earliest Tejaprabhā images in
China, dating from the late ninth and tenth centuries, include—among others—paintings fromthe Dunhuang Mogao caves and an illustration from the Song edition of the Chishengguang
sutra. Although the iconography of these works is not exactly the same, some common visualelements are easily identifiable, namely the generic Buddha form of Tejaprabhā as the maindeity, his oxen carriage, and planet deities as attendants.
However, it is not easy to find descriptions of these elements or the physical appearance of the
Buddha in Buddhist scriptures. Rather, Chishengguang in early Chinese sutras does not necessarily refer to Tejaprabhā Buddha. This term has at least three different meanings: the adjective“effulgent,” “Tejaprabhā foding,” which is a tantric form taken by Śākyamuni Buddha, and“Tejaprabhā Buddha.” Although its denotation may not always be clear, we can be certain thatthe third definition hardly, if at all, appears in early texts. While many scholars have linked thecomposition of these scriptures to the appearance of the earliest Tejaprabhā Buddha images,
these early scriptures do not provide many clues for imagining a Buddhicized stellar deity as
we see it in the earliest paintings. We here witness a gap between the visual material and thetexts that are believed to have provided the basis for the creation of the images. In terms of thechronological order of transmission, we may even speculate that Tejaprabhā’s iconography may

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have developed even before the term Chishengguang began to be used to refer to “Tejaprabhā Buddha” in China if we consider the image as independent from texts. It is not difficult to
suppose that the Chinese traditional deity of the Pole Star (Celestial Thearch), widely known
since the Han dynasty, was reimagined and revisualized in a Buddhist manner after the spreadof Buddhism: as a figure with an uṣṇīṣa wearing a corrugated robe, like other, more familiar
Mahāyāna Buddhas, but still riding in a carriage, as Celestial Thearch does.
The mere introduction of “Tejaprabhā” scriptures does not tell us much about the astral Buddha.
Rather, I suggest that it was an indigenous astral worship that served as a basic motive for creating the figure of astral Buddha and labeling him as Chishengguang, and that his incorporation
into textual sources was a later development, which can be seen as the result of the growing
needs of the already devout believers of Buddhicized Celestial Thearch.

“Stupa Have Never Been Idle” - Architectural Interventions and the Shifting
Forms of a Contemporary Korean Buddhist Tower
Marcie Middlebrooks (National Sun Yat-sen University)
Sandwiched between the foot of a mountain range and a major six lane highway, the Hanmaum(One Mind) Seon Center attracts busloads of people travelling from all around South Korea toAnyang - a once quiet fringe – now “satellite city” of Seoul. The Seon Center and its particularly salient (almost steeple-like) stupa have been shaped by its creator, Myogong Daehaeng(1927-2012), a Bhikshuni who attracted a large following and spoke to a broad spectrum ofSouth Korean society. In this paper, I focus on the ways by which a clearly identifiable andphysically interactive space has emerged at the Seon Center. I am interested in both how Hanmaum Center stupas have come to shape and be shaped by the self-cultivation practices oflay and ordained persons as well as how these stupas have multiplied both symbolically andphysically while retaining a distinctive singularity. I argue that it is the movement (or “idling”
to borrow a phrase from Walter Benjamin) – between the multiple and the singular – that makethe Hanmaum stupa a particularly useful architectural intervention in conceptualizing and cultivating Hanmaum Seon practice.

Section 11 (I): Buddhist Literature
Buddhist, Not Buddhicized: The Gesar Epic, Popular Literature, and Overlooking the Lived Experience of Buddhist Literature
Natasha Mikles (Texas State University)
Recent scholarship has acknowledged the wide range of Buddhist literature existing beyond theboundaries of sutras, tantras, and vinaya codes often conceptualized as the core of the Buddhist
literary field. Despite recent work by Robert Ford Campany (2015), Reiko Ohnuma (2017), andothers on the role of popular, non-institutional Buddhist literature in developing, expressing,and nuancing doctrine, such literature is generally relegated to a secondary role as somehow anaddendum to the “true” sites of Buddhist doctrinal development. Through a detailed study of
The Great Perfecting of Hell (Tib. Dmyal gling rdzogs pa chen po)—a late nineteenth-century• Abstracts

205episode of the Tibetan Gesar epic—this paper argues for the central and foundational role popular narratives have in advancing Buddhist discourse. This argument, however, has larger implications than simply cataloguing how Buddhist thinkers have used popular literature in doctrinalarguments. By demonstrating the participation of such popular, non-institutional literature inthese discussions and focusing academic attention on its importance for the lived experience of
Buddhist practitioners, this paper ultimately challenges the continued prevalence of the World
Religions paradigm that identifies such literature as secondary to the “true” and “authentic”
Buddhist philosophy and practice from India.
Arising as a treasure text in eastern Tibet in the late nineteenth century, The Great Perfectingof Hell presents itself as the final episode of Tibet’s Gesar epic—detailing the elevation of warrior-king Gesar to epic hero and his journey to hell to save his mother. Through its depictionsof Gesar’s role as Buddhist teacher and the arguments he has with King Yama in hell, the text
situates itself in contemporary debates concerning the role of violence in religious practice andthe most efficacious means of developing enlightened action. The role of the text in Buddhist
discourse goes beyond these debates, however; King Gesar is worshipped as a Buddhist deity
by many Tibetans and The Perfecting of Hell—which relates his death and promise of eventual
return to defend Buddhism from its demonic enemies—is treated as a prophetic expression ofGesar’s Buddhist missive to care for the land of Tibet. Indeed, across eastern Tibetan regions,various landmarks and material artifacts are revered based on their association with the epic hero.
Despite its importance, however, The Perfecting of Hell and the Gesar epic more generally has
been either overlooked in the larger academic conversations about Buddhist literature or relegated to a brief footnote that references its status as a “buddhicized” narrative. This rhetoricalmove—based almost entirely on conjecture as the Gesar epic was an oral phenomenon until atleast the eighteenth century—reflects the continued role of the World Religions paradigm inprivileging only that literature which arose in India or has direct links to Indian-descending traditions as authentically Buddhist. Rather than deepening our knowledge of the Buddhist world,such discourse serves to obfuscate or silence the lived perspective of Tibetan Buddhists forwhom King Gesar is a central component of their Buddhist lives. This paper seeks, therefore, tobegin a conversation on how sustained focus on popular, non-institutional literature is necessary
to broaden our conceptual definitions of Buddhism and to highlight the lived experience whichhas previously been overlooked.

The Subodhālaṅkāra and the Kāvyaprakāśa
Hoju Shiota (Nagoya University)
We can see an abundant use of figures of speech in Pāli nikāyas, particularly in the teachings on
meditation. The science of rhetoric (alaṅkāra) systematizes these figures of speech, but the Pālirhetoric has only one extant treatise. While a number of texts on Sanskrit rhetoric are handed
down to us, it is the Subodhālaṅkāra written by Saṅgharakkhita, a 12th/13th-century Sinhalese monk. Even today, this work is considered important in many Buddhist communities as
Sinhalese and Burmese monks reportedly still learn it. However, although scholars have beenworking on it since the last century, it needs further critical study. Earlier studies have pointed
out that the Subodhālaṅkāra is based on Daṇḍin’s Kāvyādarśa, thereby comparing these two
texts. However, the Subodhālaṅkāra was rarely analyzed with reference to other Sanskrit texts

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that also seemingly contributed to the development of the Pāli rhetoric. This presentation analyzes Subodhālaṅkāra’s description of “simile” (upamā), “single row” (ekāvalī), “reciprocal”(aññamañña), and “confused” (bhama), with a special focus on its relationship with another
Sanskrit text, Mammaṭa’s Kāvyaprakāśa.
The Subodhālaṅkāra divides the upamā into three types: (1) the simile understood by words(saddagammā), (2) the simile understood by meaning (atthagammā), and (3) the simile withsentence meaning as its object (vākyattavisayā). The first, saddagammā, is further classified
into three types, according to what “word” makes it known: (A) compounds, (B) suffixes, and(C) “iva etc.” (ivādi). The Kāvyādarśa also mentions types A and C but does not seem to mention B. A possible source of type B, from the Kāvyaprakāśa, has been shown in my study
Focusing on the descriptions of ekāvalī, aññamañña, and bhrama, which are not found in the
Kāvyādarśa, the Subodhālaṅkāra’s framework is similar to the Kāvyaprakāśa.
Considering these two points, we can infer that the Subodhālaṅkāra is closely related to both,the Kāvyaprakāśa and the Kāvyādarśa.

On Similes in Kṣemendra’s Buddhist Poetry
Kazuho Yamasaki (The Nakamura Hajime Eastern Institute)
The Avadānakalpalatā by the Kashmiri poet Kṣemendra (ca. 990–1066 CE) is a collection of
Buddhist legends in 108 chapters. The poet devotes the 59th chapter of this work to describing
the legend of Kuṇāla, the son of King Aśoka. In verse 28 of this chapter, Kṣemendra uses thesimile bhītyeva śīlena vimucyamānā (“Just as one is free from fear, similarly she is free frommorality.”). According to Sanskrit literary theorists, a poet must construct a simile so that thestandard of comparison agrees in gender, number, and case with the subject of comparison.
Note that in the simile in question, the word bhītyā (“fear”) is feminine in gender, while theword śīlena (“morality”) is masculine in gender. Why does Kṣemendra not construct the simile
within the confines of the rules laid down by theorists? This paper aims to answer that question.
In Mālatīmādhava 9.10, the Hindu dramatist Bhavabhūti (eighth-century CE) employs a simile
in which the standard of comparison does not agree in number with the subject of comparison.
It is interesting to note that Jagaddhara (ca. thirteenth to fourteenth-century CE), one of thecommentators on the Mālatīmādhava, advances the view that the simile cannot be regarded as
defective, as the disagreement in number is here acceptable because of poetic sentiment (rasa).
The dramaturge Dhanaṃjaya (late tenth-century CE) devotes the fourth chapter of the Daśarūpa,a treatise on dramaturgy, to a definition of the eight sentiments listed in the Nāṭyaśāstra by
Bharata. In Avadānakalpalatā 59.25,27–28, we can find the words prakampa (“tremor”), moha(“delusion”), and bhīti (“fear”), which are, according to Dhanaṃjaya, used to describe thesymptom (anubhāva), the transient state of mind (vyabhicārin), and the basic emotion (sthāyibhāva) of a terrifying sentiment (bhayānakarasa), respectively. This fact points to the possibility
that a terrifying sentiment is suggested in the context of Avadānkalpalatā 59.25–28.
Consideration of these points leads to the following conclusions: (1) The fact that Kṣemendra
does not construct a simile in accordance with poetic rules does not necessarily mean that he ne-• Abstracts

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glects to satisfy the requirements for the construction of a simile; (2) A plausible interpretationis that, following the practice of Hindu dramatists, Kṣemendra gives priority to the evocation of
a sentiment over the construction of a simile within the confines of poetic rules.

Early Buddhist Orality and the Challenges of Memory
Bhikkhu Analayo (University of Hamburg)
The presentation will survey recent advances in research on the early Buddhist oral tradition, inparticular in relation to the challenges of memory.

Section 11 (II): Buddhist Literature
The Apādāna Theory of Bhartṛhari and the Buddhist Grammarian Candragomin
Chojun Yazaki (Hiroshima University [Fellow of the Japan Society for Promotion of Science])
Even though the Buddha is said to have forbidden teaching in Sanskrit or Vedic, later Buddhists
began to write Buddhist scriptures and treatises in Sanskrit several hundred years after the Buddha’s death. Therefore, it was inevitable that the Aṣṭādhyāyī, the Sanskrit grammar composedby Pāṇini (fifth–fourth century BC), and its grammatical system would have become indispen,
sable for Buddhists to learn the language. This fact is supported by the record of Yijing (635–713). However, grammatical systems for Buddhists are not confined to the Pāṇini tradition. There are other grammatical systems which do not belong to the Pāṇinian tradition, suchas the Cāndra grammar established by the Buddhist grammarian Candragomin (fifth centuryAD). The Cāndravyākaraṇa which is the basic text of this grammatical system was accepted
not only in India but also in other Buddhist countries such as Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Tibet, andcontributed to the study of Sanskrit grammar for Buddhists.
The relationship between the Pāṇini grammar and the Cāndra grammar, and especially the
influence of the Cāndra grammar on the Pāṇini grammar, has long been a subject of controversy. Nevertheless, relatively little work has been done to clarify this issue. One particularissue that needs to be examined is the relationship between Candragomin and Bhartṛhari (fifth
century AD). It is well known that Bhartṛhari was a prominent Pāṇini grammarian who was aparticularly important figure in the history of Indian and Buddhist thought. Since Bhartṛhari
calls Candragomin a teacher (Candrā-cārya) and then it is assumed that Candragomin had someinfluence on Bhartṛhari, an issue has often been discussed. For example, Deshpande points outthat Candragomin’s treatment of the affix tumUN influenced on that of Bhartṛhari (Madhva
Deshpande. Evolution of Syntactic Theory in Sanskrit Grammar: Syntax of the Sanskrit Infinitive -tumUN. Ann Arbor, 1980. pp. 104–108), and Kawamura also states that Bhartṛhari’s
understanding of karman “a grammatical object” in his kāraka theory is similar to Candragomin’s (Yuto Kawamura. “Candragomin’s Theory of Karman.” Journal of Indian and Buddhist
Studies, Indogaku Bukkyō¬gaku Kenkyū 66 (3): 18−24, 2018).
As in the studies above, this presentation will examine the understanding of apādāna “a point of

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departure”, one of the syntactic-semantic grammatical categories or kārakas, of Candragominand Bhartṛhari, based on new materials being currently prepared for publication, namely, theŚabdārthacintā (D. Dimitrov and M. A. Deokar) and the Cāndrapañjikā (Dimitrov, Deokar, andYazaki), both composed by the eminent Sinhalese grammarian Ratnamati/Ratnaśrījñāna (tenthcentury). I will further discuss Patañjali’s (second century BC) view, which is considered tobe the basis of Candragomin’s and Bhartṛhari’s understanding of apādāna, and will show theremarkable similarity in the apādāna theory among these three grammarians. In conclusion, thispresentation will attempt to show the importance of examining not only the Pāṇini grammaticalsystem but also the Candra system to clarify Bhartṛhari’s kāraka theory.

Heian Japan Reimagined: Buddhist Influence in Contemporary Popular
FictionAmy Lee (Hong Kong Metropolitan University)
The Heian Period (794-1185) in Japan is marked by its extended political stability, which consequently gave rise to a bloom of literary treasures. One of the most remarkable pieces of workis the epic novel The Tale of Genji (early 11th century) by Murasaki Shikibu. Hailed as the firstnovel in the world, The Tale of Genji offers not only an extended framework of courtly characters intricately related to one another, but also accurate descriptions of characters’ complex
thoughts. One of the main characters, Murasaki (the author’s namesake), is rendered with such
psychological depth that she remains one of the most memorable characters in Japanese literature despite her early death in the novel. Interestingly, although the title of the novel refers to
Genji, the shining prince’s story leaves behind the memory of a number of female characters,
including Lady Rokujō and her ghost. The female voice in Heian literature appears not onlyin the role of the authoresses of fiction, poetry and tales, but also in the remarkably portrayedfemale characters. Their rendition is not only an example of the artistic skill of the female authors at Heian Japan, but the three-dimensional characters are also important side-records of
the Buddhist beliefs and practices at the time. Since The Tale of Genji, court ladies and theirexperiences have become important cultural texts for reading the mark of Buddhism during theperiod. The landmark status of The Tale of Genji is such that subsequent literary texts set atHeian keep referring to the court ladies and their religious practices. The presentation refers to
two very different sets of contemporary fiction, both set at Heian and featuring the court fromdifferent perspectives, to review the portrayal of the court ladies and how their engagement with
Buddhism is depicted. This discussion argues that the contemporary fictions, although meticulously set in a historical time, render a contemporary understanding of Buddhist beliefs verymuch applicable to present day society.

Immortals in Texts, and Meditative Monks in Images: Appropriating the
Vessantara Jātaka in Early Medieval China
Jinchao Zhao (New York University Shanghai)
The Vessantara Jātaka is one of the most renowned and widely articulated of the birth stories in
the Buddhist World. The literary history of the legend entered the Chinese religious landscapein the third century CE and maintained its popularity throughout the medieval period. The story• Abstracts

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further became one of the most popular visual traditions of depicting Buddhist narratives inmurals and reliefs since the fifth century CE. One particular scene of the story, which depicts
Vessantara and his family paying homage to a sage who wears a robe that covers his head while
on exile in mountains, appears to be one among the few selected scenes that crystallize thewhole story in early medieval China. Depicting selective scenes to refer to the whole narrative
is not rare in the ancient world. However, the medieval Chinese’ choice to depict Vessantara’s
visit to the sage is remarkably intriguing as it is absent in any surviving depictions of the story
in South and Central Asian traditions.
This study first discovers that Vessantara’s visit to the sage is absent from all literary and pictorial traditions prior to the early medieval Chinese tradition. Among surviving texts that render thestory in the language of Chinese, there are merely two scriptures translated in the third century
that mention the visit to a reclusive sage. A literary analysis of the textual accounts of the sage), indifurther raises questions regarding his identity. His name’s spelling, A-zhou-tuo (cates a Sanskrit or Pāli origin of a brahman’s name, while his spectacular behaviors of avoiding
grains and performing five-hundred-year longevity attests provokingly to the pre-Buddhist Chinese literary tradition of describing immortals. At the same time, this study shows that the fifthand sixth-century visual representation of the sage, who takes a head-cover-robe and sits in a
mountain landscape, is borrowed from the contemporary visual tradition of depicting monks inmeditation on the Chinese Central Plains during the sixth century. Currently identified imagesof meditative monks exhibit variations among different traditions, however, monks wearinga head-cover-robe is securely identified in the Chinese tradition due to inscriptions and othersupplementary visual elements that indicate the state of meditating.
In short, the story’s textual translation in the third century has integrated indigenous Chinesewritings of immortals, while its visual depiction since the fifth century borrowed the alreadyestablished iconography of meditative monks to invent such a figure with no visual precedents.
This study explicates the various rhetoric strategies, both textually and visually, in appropriating Buddhist narratives in the Chinese context.

Section 12 (I): Buddhist Metaphysics and Epistemology
Debates between ‘Direct Realists’ (Naiyāyikas and Mīmāṃsakas), ‘Representationalists’ (Sautrāntikas) and ‘Idealists’ (Vijñānavādins) in Kumārila, Dharmakīrti and Bhaṭṭa JayantaAlex Watson (Ashoka University)
In the middle of the first millennium CE three clearly differentiated views regarding the nature of the objects of our experience were in play in India. The Naiyāyikas and Mīmāṃsakas
maintained that we are in direct perceptual contact with objects that are external to our consciousness. Sautrāntikas maintained that the direct objects of our experience are images / forms(ākāra) within consciousness, but that we can infer the existence of external objects as the causeof those images. Yogācāras / Vijñānavādins agreed with the Sautrāntikas that the direct objectsof our experience are images within consciousness, but denied that there is any good inference from them to external objects. They denied the existence of anything outside conscious-

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ness (though see the discussion of this in, e.g., Hayes [1988], Oetke [1992], Lusthaus [2002],
Schmithausen [2005], Arnold [2008], Ratié [2014], Kapstein [2014], Kellner and Taber [2014],
Kellner [2017], Perrett [2017]).
This talk will examine some arguments that Yogācāras put forward for their view from the endof the 6th century to middle of the 7th: the argument from less postulation (kalpanālāghava),
the argument from the object-specificity of cognition (pratikarmavyavasthā), the argument fromnecessary co-perception (sahopalambhaniyama) and the argument from the perception of only
one form. Two of these arguments originated with Dharmakīrti (c. 600–660), and two of themgo back at least to Kumārila (c. 600–650), who preserves a stage of Buddhist idealist thinking
whose level of sophistication falls between Dignāga (c. 480–540) and Dharmakīrti.

On the Relation Between the Theory of Six Characteristics of Valid Reason(ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu) and Nyāya Tradition
Youngsan Sohn (Leipzig University)
Ever since the founding of the Buddhist pramāṇa tradition by Dignāga (ca. 480-540), the theoryof three characteristics of valid reason (trairūpya) has been recognized as the Buddhist point ofview on the proper characterization of a valid reason.
Dharmakīrti (ca. 600-660), in his Hetubindu (HB), criticizes an anonymous theory in favorof six characteristics for a valid reason (ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu). The six characteristics consist of thethree characteristics of the traiūpya, plus three additional characteristics: abādhitaviṣayatva, vivakṣitaikasaṃkhyatva, and jñātatva. This ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu theory has been attributed to Īśvarasena (ca. 6th -7th century), a teacher of Dharmakīrti, ever since Ernst Steinkellner suggested thisassumption in his 1967 work, Dharmakīrti’s Hetubinduḥ - Tibetischer Text und rekonstruierter
Sanskrit-Text. However, an investigation into certain Buddhist and Naiyāyika texts leads to adifferent supposition, according to which it is a Naiyāyika theory of inference that advocates theṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu. In this paper, I use several Buddhist commentaries on HB, especially the Hetubinduṭīkā (HBṬ) by Arcaṭa (ca. 8th century) and the Hetubinduṭīkālokā (HBṬĀ) by Durvekamiśra (ca. 10th century), as well as later Naiyāyika works, the Nyāyamañjarī (NM) by Jayanta(ca. 9 CE), the Nyāyabhūṣaṇa (NBhūṣ) by Bhāsarvajña (ca. 10th century) and the Nyāyavārttikatātparyaṭīkā (NVTṬ) by Vācaspatimiśra (ca. 10th century), among others. By investigatingthese texts, I propose that the ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu theory is most closely related to Naiyāyika theoryof inference. This hypothesis is supported by three main arguments.
First, there is a noteworthy comment in Arcaṭa’s HBṬ that the theory of ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu is atenet of “Naiyāyikas, Mīmāṃsakas, and others.” In respect to the word “naiyāyika”, Durvekamiśra in his HBṬĀ specifies that the word is used by Arcaṭa in the sense of “old Naiyāyika”(jarannaiyāyika). These remarks indicate that certain Indian Buddhist commentators, not far
after Dharmakīrti’s time, considered the ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu theory to belong to the Nyāya tradition(as well as the Mīmāṃsā tradition, which, however, will not be discussed here). A similar theory
is indeed found in later Naiyāyika texts. In his NBhūṣ, Bhāsarvajña enumerates five characteristics of a valid reason from the Naiyāyika viewpoint. This later Naiyāyika hetulakṣaṇa theory
appears to be very similar to that of the doctrine of ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu, except for the sixth characteristic, jñātatva.

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Second, according to Vācaspatimiśra, the conclusion (nigamana), the last member of the Naiyāyika inferential formula (pañcāvayavavākya), is required to confirm that an inference is troubled neither by sublation (the fourth characteristic, abādhitaviṣayatva) nor by a counter-thesis(the fifth characteristic, asatpratipakṣatva).
Third, it seems reasonable to assume that the ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu theory is connected to the Nyāya
theory of pseudo-reasons (hetvābhāsa). Three among the five pseudo-reasons, i.e., being sublated (bādhita), having counter-thesis (satpratipakṣa), and being unknown (sādhyasama or asiddha) seem to be connected to the three additional characteristics of the ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu theory,
namely, abādhitaviṣayatva (having non-sublated object), vivakṣitaikasaṅkhyatva (=asatpratipakṣatva, lack of counter-reason), and jñātatva (being known).
Therefore, I conclude that further research is required whether the theory of six characteristics
of valid reason can be attributed to Īśvarasena. If the Steinkellner’s hypothesis on the attributionof this theory is overturned, then, what has previously been considered only an intra-Buddhist
debate becomes a controversy between different philosophical and religious traditions at a crucial moment in the development of the discipline.

The Self is a Sky-Flower: Diṅnāga and Kumārila on Non-referring Terms
Malcolm Keating (Yale-NUS College)
In the Nyāyamukha, (NM), a treatise on reasoning, Diṅnāga presents an argument against theexistence of the Sāṃkhya pradhāna, and in doing so, he uses the term “pradhāna” in the subjectof his inference. This leaves him open to the fallacy of āśrayāsiddha, or an anumāna with anunestablished basis, since on his view, there is no such thing as pradhāna. To avoid this problem,
he takes up two strategies—usually characterized as paraphrase and conceptual construction.
Tom Tillemans has argued that the former strategy is more central in the later Dharmakīrti,and maybe even in Diṅnāga himself. However, in the seventh century CE Mīmāṃsā work, theTantravārttika, we see Kumārila Bhaṭṭa focusing, by way of a pūrvapakṣa, on the conceptual
construction strategy. He takes up the topic of non-referring terms when discussing secondary meaning of a qualitative sort (gauṇavṛtti) in the Tantravārttika, commenting on Jaimini’sMīmāṃsāsūtra 1.4.12, sūtra 23 and following. In a compressed and dialectically rich discussionof two non-referring terms, “primordial nature” (pradhāna) and “sky-flower” (khapuṣpa), heintervenes in a problem for Buddhists— how such terms could be used as subjects in inference(anumāna) without the fallacy of unestablished basis (āśrayāsiddha). He argues against a viewon which superimposition (adhyāropa) is the solution, and concludes that expressions like “Theself is a sky-flower” are cases of gauṇavṛtti, or secondary meaning. This section gives us insight
into how Kumārila draws on Buddhist sources such as Diṅnāga’s Nyāyamukha and integrates
metaphysics and epistemology with philosophy of language and logic.

A Study on Infant Cognition in Indian Thought: With a Focus on Śāntarakṣita’s Standpoint
Naoya Kaneko (University of Tsukuba (Doctoral course graduated))
We know other people’s thoughts and emotions through their words. Without words, our mutual

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understanding with each other would be almost impossible. And there is also the assumptionthat a word is nothing but a convention to designate a specific object. Based on this assumption
and because the infant does not understand verbal conventions, it follows that it is difficult toknow the content of his cognition.
In this paper, I will deal mainly with the infant cognition in Buddhist logico-epistemologicalliterature, a theme which has come to be frequently dealt with from Dharmakīrti (ca. 600-660)
onwards. My paper’s aim is to make clear the content of infant cognition the texts speak about
and, as the dealing with this theme has developed in time, the results of this development. For
example, in Pramāṇavārttika’s 3rd chapter kk.141-144, Dharmakīrti remarks that if one assumes that the infant has only sense cognition, this assumption implies an absurd consequence,that is, the infant could not understand verbal conventions even after he has grown up. This
remark is consistent with the fact that Dharmakīrti modifies Dignāga’s (ca.480-540) definition:“conceptual construction (kalpanā) connects with names and genus etc. (Pramāṇasamuccaya
I k.3)”, amending it to “conceptual construction is the cognition of a representation which iscapable to connect with verbal expression (abhilāpa) (Pramāṇaviniścaya I 7,7/Nyāyabindu Ik.5)”. It follows that one can reasonably think that even if the infant does not understand verbal
conventions, he could have conceptual cognition as well, cognition arising from residual impressions (vāsanā) based on past experiences, without depending on external objects. Although
Dharmakīrti himself does not clearly state that the infant has conceptual cognition as long as hedoes not speak meaningful words, this topic has been taken up and deepened by Dharmakīrti’scommentators and the followers of his thought. As examples of infant conceptual cognition,
they give the following facts: the infant can cognize the object’s universal aspect without verbal expression and, in order to satisfy his hunger, he can instinctively understand his mother’sbreast seen now as identical with the one he had seen before. Among Dharmakīrti’s commentators and followers, Śāntarakṣita’s (ca.725-788) view is unique as regards his reflections on thecause of conceptual cognition’s generation and his acceptance of heretics’ theories on this topic.
Concerning the research on infant conceptual cognition, Dr. Namai must be particularly mentioned; he has clarified the relationship between the attainment of conceptual cognition andsentient beings’ transmigration and he has also tried to identify the heretics’ theories adoptedby Śāntarakṣita. He then indicates that Naiyāyikas and Bhartṛhari gave great influence on Śāntarakṣita. But infant cognition is a topic shared by Buddhist logico-epistemological school aswell, and as Dr. Hattori mentions Kumārila’s influence on Śāntarakṣita about the theory of linguistic intuition (pratibhā) should be taken into consideration. For these reasons, it is necessary
to make clear on what position does Śāntarakṣita stand in this school as compared with other
Buddhist scholars.
In order to fulfill it, after putting in order the data regarding infant cognition presented by Dharmakīrti’s commentators, I will try to clarify Śāntarakṣita’s stand point on this topic by analyzing
Tattvasaṃgraha’s 17th chapter based on the arguments in 16th chapter about the relationshipbetween linguistic intuition and instinctive action.

Is Dignāga’s Pramāṇasamuccaya V a Muddle without Structure?
Horst Lasic (Institute for the Cultural and Intellectual History of Asia of the Austrian Academyof Sciences)• Abstracts

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The apoha theory, which gives an account of how words refer to what they refer to, and what
it is that they refer to, belongs to the core of the so-called Buddhist epistemological tradition.
This theory was introduced into the intellectual discourse by Dignāga, a Buddhist philosopher
from the sixth or possibly fifth century. The earliest treatment of this topic is found in Dignāga’s
Pramāṇasamuccaya, whose fifth chapter consists in a discussion of apoha. This work is lost in
its original language, Sanskrit, and transmitted only in two Tibetan translations. Not only thisfact, but also the fact that the topic of apoha is intrinsically difficult and the circumstance thatDignāga deals with theories of opponents which are little known, explains why scholars havea hard time understanding the apoha chapter. That Dharmakīrti and other, later members of theepistemological tradition reworked the apoha theory heavily also contributes to the difficulties.
This situation improved drastically with the appearance of Ole Holten Pind’s book Dignāga’s
Philosophy of Language (2015), which contains an English translation of the Pramāṇasamuccaya’s fifth chapter as well as a partial restoration of its Sanskrit text. Apart from the Tibetantranslations and quotations from the Pramāṇasamuccaya found in generally available Sanskrit
works, Pind was also able to use Jinendrabuddhi’s commentary on the text, a commentary extant in its original Sanskrit, as a basis for his restoration. The importance of Pind’s book for the
study of Dignāga’s apoha theory cannot be overestimated. There is one thing, however, that one
misses, namely, a detailed analysis of the fifth chapter’s structure. Such an analysis would help
researchers navigate the text, understand the relationships between its various arguments andthe hierarchical position of certain statements, and so on. What is needed is a map that helps us
find our way through the apoha chapter’s difficult terrain.
Perhaps Pind refrained from providing an analysis of the structure on purpose. He writes:“In general the order of presentation of the philosophical issues discussed in the chapter does
not appear to be well organized as many of the subjects under discussion appear to be addressedhaphazardly.” (Pind 2015: intro xiii)
In my paper I will investigate whether Jinendrabuddhi, the commentator on the Pramāṇasamuccaya, agrees with this analysis, or whether his own analysis led him to find more order and cohesion in the apoha chapter than Pind suggests. If the latter is the case, the question whether allor, if not all, which parts of Jinendrabuddhi’s interpretation, historically seen, are acceptable as
being the actual intention of the Pramāṇasamuccaya, and which represent later developments.
It is very likely that we will find interpretations of both kinds. Nonetheless, the results of therespective investigations promise to be helpful in our understanding of the Pramāṇasamuccaya
as well as its position in the development of Indian philosophy.

Section 12 (II): Buddhist Metaphysics and Epistemology
The Meditation on Selflessness and Salvation by the Omniscient in the Final
Chapter of Tattvasaṃgrahapañjikā
Chigaku Sato (Kyushu University)
This paper examines, from the perspective of the omniscient as savior, the meditation on selflessness described in the final chapter of Tattvasaṃgrahapañjikā (TSP) by Kamalaśīla (8th cen. CE).

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This chapter explains long-duration meditation on selflessness. Eliminating jñeyāvaraṇa andbecoming omniscient depends on whether or not this meditation is performed. This meditation
is carried out by not śrāvakas and pratyekebuddhas but compassionate ones (kāruṇika).
In Pramāṇavārttika (PV2) 2.136, when explaining śāstṛ, the meditation of long duration onmeans is mentioned. Considering the context, it appears that this meditation is performed bysomeone based on compassion who aims to preach. As Pramāṇavārttikapañjikā (PVP) andPramāṇasamuccyaṭīkā (PSṬ) express, this meditation on means is meditation on selflessness.
PVP and PSṬ hold that this meditation is performed by not śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas but
a bodhisattva who aims to preach. In the proof statement on selflessness meditation in PVP and
PSṬ, the word kāruṇika is not mentioned. But it appears that TSP uses the word kāruṇika in the
proof of omniscience based on PVP’s idea that this meditation is performed by a bodhisattva
who aims to preach.
In light of TSP’s introduction, it is difficult to think that TSP is uninterested in compassion inits final chapter. Of course, TSP does not mention this idea directly. However, we can say that
TSP, based on PV2 and PVP, holds that the meditation of duration on selflessness is motivatedby compassion and done in order to preach.
Also, TSP holds that this preaching is done for everyone, probably thereby implying that it is
only the omniscient who can make all the humans in the world, who each have different waysof thinking, understand the teachings.

Prolegomena to a Buddhist Philosophy of Religion
Rafal Stepien (Nanyang Technological University)“Philosophy of religion often carries on almost as if there were only one religion” (McKim).
Given the truthfulness of this assessment and the unjustifiability of the approach it describes,
much recent work has been devoted to ‘Renewing Philosophy of Religion’ (Draper and Schellenberg), proposing ‘Reconfigurations of Philosophy of Religion’ (Kanaris), and elaborating
various iterations of ‘A Radical Pluralist Philosophy of Religion’ (Burley). This paper builds
on such efforts, and thereby seeks to explore – and expand – philosophy of religion throughthe prism of Buddhism. Specifically, this paper investigates the structures of an identifiably
Buddhist philosophy of religion, understood as the philosophical exposition and exploration of
Buddhist religiosity. I thus theorize what forms a philosophy of religion structured according
to Buddhist principles and paradigms might take and address various theoretical and methodological considerations. Overall, this project is undertaken on the understanding that the study of
Buddhism, among other global traditions, need not and should not replicate conceptual structures imposed upon it from without, and that philosophy of religion is enriched by attention to
the resolutely plural philosophies of religions worldwide.

Who is Vasubandhu’s Interlocutor in His Viṃśikā v. 16?
Gilsan Lee (Seoul National University)
After an abstruse discussion on the impossibility of external objects in vv. 11–15, we encounter• Abstracts215

a pratyakṣa lover asking back “If it were not for (external) objects, how can there be such anawareness that ‘I’m perceiving’?” One can just regard this question as commonsensical. Vasubandhu might be introducing his own Dr. Johnson here. But his commentators seem to havedifferent views on this subject, even differing from each other. Vinītadeva says that Sautrāntika
might be his interlocutor here, while Jī says that Sammitīya or Sarvāstivāda can be a candidate.
Considering the conspicuous complexity, modern exegetists have paid little attention to thematter to my surprise. In this congress, I would like to examine the aforementioned alternatives
and Vasubandu’s text itself respectively. I think it would turn out that it’s almost impossible
without special reference to the epistemological debates between Abhidharma masters such asSaṃghabhadra, Śrilāta, and Vasubandhu himself, which is now being clarified by Dhammajoti and Kwon. And I’ll show that some early Naiyāyikas should be considered as the prime
candidates, which is inspired by Moriyama’s recent research. I hope all of them leads to better
understanding of who Sautrāntikas are, what Vasubandhu’s self image is like, and what hisViṃśikā is for.

Reconsideration of the Theory on the Three-stage Development of the Apoha-theory
Hisataka Ishida (Aichi Gakuin University)
The theory on the three-stage development of the apoha-theory has been often discussed in previous studies on the Buddhist epistemological tradition. This theory acknowledges three distinct
stages in the development of the apoha-theory, represented by: (1) the negativists (pratiṣedhavādin) such as Dignāga and Dharmakīrti, (2) the positivists (vidhivādin) such as Śāntarakṣita andKamalaśīla, and (3) the synthetists such as Jñānaśrīmitra and Ratnakīrti. It was already regarded, however, as an outmoded assumption since Akihiko Akamatsu identified Dharmottara as thenegativist, and Shoryu Katsura and Hideyo Ogawa elucidated that Jñānaśrīmitra’s arguments
were not significantly different from those of Dharmakīrti.
The above-mentioned three-stage theory is usually ascribed to Satkari Mookerjee, especiallyto his explanation in The Buddhist Philosophy of Universal Flux (Calcutta 1935). However,the famous three stages including the positivist and the negativist were not directly explainedby Mookerjee—these three stages are proposed in the modified version by Yuichi Kajiyama.
In this paper, I will examine the meanings of the positivist and the negativist by investigating
Mookerjee’s explanation as well as Ratnakīrti’s arguments. I will also discuss whether Dharmottara can be regarded as a typical negativist.

Section 12 (III): Buddhist Metaphysics and Epistemology
Illusionism about Consciousness in the “Consciousness Only” School
Amit Chaturvedi (The University of Hong Kong)
Several prominent philosophers and scientists have adopted an Illusionist strategy for denying
the fundamental reality of phenomenal consciousness. Illusionists claim that there is actuallynothing “it is like” for the brain to have conscious experiences. That is, the outputs of one’s sen-

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sory systems are not actually accompanied by qualia, i.e., inner states which instantiate phenomenal properties responsible for granting those states with a subjective and qualitative character.
Whereas “phenomenal realists” defend the existence of qualia on the basis of our immediate andinfallible introspective access to them, Illusionists argue instead that the impression of directaccess to one’s private inner life of phenomenal states is nothing more than a cognitive error,a conjuring trick put on by the brain. In place of the “Hard Problem” of how non-phenomenal
neural processes could give rise to phenomenal consciousness, Illusionists thus propose to solve
the “Illusion Problem” of how a non-phenomenal brain tricks itself into thinking that it has phenomenal consciousness.
Jay Garfield has recently endorsed Illusionism about consciousness by drawing support fromthe Yogācāra Buddhist philosopher Vasubandhu and his Treatise on the Three Natures (Trisvabhāvanirdeśa). Yogācāra Buddhists believe that unenlightened beings are afflicted by a basic
illusion about their experience, namely that a world of external objects is presented to a real
inner subject. Vasubandhu’s Yogācāra works have been typically construed as defending a formof idealism for which fundamental reality is just “consciousness only” (cittamātra); on such an
idealist reading, dispelling the illusion of subject-object duality would lead one to realize that theapparent external world does not have any mind-independent existence. But, Garfield draws aneven more radical implication: One should abandon not only the erroneous idea that conscious
awareness presents us with a world outside our minds, but also the notion that there is an innersubjectivity at all to which these objects are presented. He argues that to admit the existence ofinternal conscious states with a subjective phenomenal character is to fall prey to still anotherpernicious illusion, the Myth of the Given. It is a myth to think there exists any phenomenal consciousness or primitive subjectivity which intrinsically possesses “something it is like” to exist,
independently of our cognitive construction of it.
In this paper, I assess the degree to which Garfield’s illusionist reading accurately captures Vasubandhu’s views in the Triṃśikā and Madhyāntavibhāgabhāṣya, as well as Sthiramati’s comments
thereon. As it turns out, there are several striking parallels between contemporary illusionists
and Vasubandhu/Sthiramati, particularly concerning their explanation of how unconscious,
quasi-phenomenal dispositions and sensations are cognitively constructed into “conscious” representational states with apparently phenomenal contents. However, I argue that Vasubandhu andSthiramati are not actually “strong” illusionists who would deny the existence of phenomenal
appearances wholesale. The phenomenal appearances of unreal subjects and objects containedin unenlightened experience are still themselves fundamentally real constituents of dependently
originated consciousness. They also accept the existence of intrinsically luminous, non-dualawareness, or what we may call phenomenality as such. Thus, even given the extent to which
Vasubandhu and Sthiramati think that our ordinary experience is massively illusory regarding
ourselves and the external world, they qualify as illusionists about phenomenal consciousness
only in a weak sense.

Does Perception Cognize Its Object Wholly? The Difference between Dignāga
and Dharmakīrti
Miyuki Nakasuka (Austrian Academy of Sciences)
In Pramāṇasamuccaya (PS) 1.5, Dignāga claims that “an attribute-holder (dharmin) endowed• Abstracts

217with multiple essences cannot be wholly apprehended through a sensory organ.” What he intends here is the following things. Each sensory perception cognizes only one of the attributes(dharma), color/form, sound, smell, taste, and tactile sensation, which are the five sensory objects; hence, it does not wholly cognize the attribute-holder. What cognizes the attribute-holder
is a conceptual cognition that combines the five sensory objects into one. However, Dharmakīrti
seems to interpret PS 1.5 in a sense contrary to Dignāga’s original intention. According to Dharmakīrti, the attribute-holder is an entity that is single and partless, so there is no contradiction
in saying that a perception cognizes it wholly. On the other hand, an inference and a perceptual
judgment, which are known as determinate cognitions (niścaya), cognize it partially throughexclusion of superimposition (samāropavyavaccheda). This contrast between whole perception
and partial determination is not found in Dignāga’s view.
This presentation makes it clear that the disagreement between Dignāga and Dharmakīrti—theformer denies whole perception and the latter accepts it—derives from the different referentsof the word “dharma.” For Dignāga the word has two referents: in the context of perception it
refers to a single sensory object; in the context of inference it refers to a single property (e.g.
a smoke or a fire) of the property-bearer (e.g. a hill) that is the subject of an inference. On theother hand, Dharmakīrti uses the word only in the latter sense in both the contexts. Although, ininterpreting PS 1.5, Dharmakīrti seems to claim the contrary to what Dignāga intends there, hedoes not deny that the object of a perception is a single sensory object. The whole perception heinsists means that a perception wholly cognizes the subject of an inference, not an aggregate of
the sensory objects.

Prajñākaragupta’s Interpretation of ‘Non-Erroneous’ in the Definition of
Direct Perception
Gyeong-Ah Bae (The Institute for Daehaeng-Seon)
Dignāga (ca. 480-540) defined direct perception (pratyakṣa) as cognition without conception.
Dharmakīrti (ca. 600-660) added the new qualifier ‘non-erroneous’ (abhrānta) to this definitionof direct perception. Since then, arguments related to the term ‘non-erroneous’ have been a key
topic of Buddhist epistemology. The understanding of the fundamental structure of Buddhist
epistemology has changed according to the manner in which scholars have interpreted this term.
For instance, Vinītadeva (ca. 645-715) identified ‘non-erroneous’ in the definition of direct perception with ‘non-deceptive’ (avisaṃvādaka) in the description of valid cognition. According to
Dharmottara (ca. 740-800), Vinītadeva’s view represents a misreading of Dharmakīrti’s intent
that tried to exclude the case of cognition which is non-conceptual but at the same time erroneous such as the perception of a double moon caused by eye-disease. Such interpretations asVinītadeva’s amount merely to repetitive application of the definition of valid cognition to directperception, which is also seen to be a valid cognition. This paper compares Prajñākaragupta’s
interpretation of ‘non-erroneous’ in the definition of direct perception to Dharmottara’s observation.
Prajñākaragupta demonstrates clearly that ‘non-erroneous’ is cognition that is free from conception and illusory cognition cannot be non-conceptual cognition in the Pramāṇavārttikālaṅkāra
(PVA), with reference to Dignāga’s comment that all direct perception is non-conceptual cognition and that ‘non-erroneous’ is nothing but an escape clause. He identifies ‘non-erroneous

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cognition’ with non-conceptual cognition in a manner identical to Dignāga’s notion that illusory
cognitions are caused by the mind and thus, another definition of perception is not needed except
for the state of being free from conception. This kind of view is distinguished from Dharmottara’s, who insists on the need for the term ‘non-erroneous’ from which only non-conceptual
illusory cognitions are excepted and criticize Vinītadeva, who does not seem to accord ‘non-erroneous’ an independent role. Prajñākaragupta opines that direct perception is proved by direct
realization (sākṣātkaraṇa) and direct realization is proved by non-conceptuality. Thus, all direct
realization is direct perception. According to this point of view, the cognition of a double mooncaused by eye-disease is direct perception in the sense that such illusory cognitions are also apart of direct realization. However, Prajñākaragupta asserts in PVA that direct realization occurs
when the perception is ‘non-erroneous.’

Dharmakīrti and Non-Duality
Birgit Kellner (Austrian Academy of Sciences)
Developed Yogācāra thought assumes that conscious mental states are non-dual, without a duality of apprehending subject and apprehended object. Within the long, complex and multifacetedhistory of Yogācāra in India and beyond, this principle has been elaborated in different ways, inpart because it was brought in relationship with several other characteristically Yogācāra doctrines. This paper explores non-duality in the works of the Buddhist logician and epistemologist
Dharmakīrti (between mid- sixth and mix-seventh centuries CE), and attempts to carve out specific features of his approach to non-dual consciousness as well as the closely related question of
the status of duality as an object of error.

Section 13: Early Buddhism
The Play of Formulas and Its Relevance to Early Buddhist Meditation Theory
Eviatar Shulman (Hebrew University of Jerusalem)
This talk was originally planned as a discussion of Brahma-vihāra meditations and their role
within a flexible conception of the early Buddhist path, as one of many possibilities and evengoals. However, given the interest in my new theory for the composition of the early Buddhist
discourses, called the play of formulas and presented in my new book (“Visions of the Buddha:
Creative Dimensions of Early Buddhist Scripture”, OUP 2021), and especially given Bhikkhu
Anālayo’s expansive (and at times offensive) recent response to it, I will therefore offer a succinct presentation, clarification, and demonstration of my ideas with a few new examples thatwere not treated in the book. I will then explain some of the potentials the theory promises forthe study of early Buddhism. I will gear this toward a definition of Brahma-vihāra meditation inearly Buddhism and a discussion of meditation theory.

The Buddha and the Buddhism that Never Was
David Drewes (University of Manitoba)• Abstracts219

In the 2017 volume of JIABS, I published a paper entitled “The Idea of the Historical Buddha,”to which Oskar von Hinüber published a response entitled “The Buddha as a Historical Person”
in the 2019 volume, defending the Buddha’s historicity. This paper first addresses von Hinüber’s
arguments and then offers a few considerations on how letting go of the idea of the historical
Buddha will require us to change the way we approach and understand early Buddhism.

What Does It Mean to Regard the Aggregates as Self? Rethinking the Philosophical Implications of the Selected Khandha Passages in the Nikāyas
Grzegorz Polak (Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin)
According to the historically dominant interpretation, the five aggregates (khandha) are thepsycho-physical constituents of a human being. An individual may be ultimately reduced to aconglomerate of impermanent, selfless aggregates. However, the Nikāyas contain several problematic khandha passages which if read directly, seem to lead to conclusions which differ fromthis historically dominant interpretation.
In particular, some khandha similes seem to indirectly suggest a distinction within the humanbeing between the aggregates and their counterpart, who regards them as self, clings to them,but can eventually abandon them. While the most famous simile of this type is contained in
the Bhāra Sutta, there are several other such similes scattered throughout the Nikāyas (e.g. SN
22.33 – 34, MN 22, SN 22.83, SN 23.2, SN 22.99-100, SN 22.85, MN 23, MN 75).
Another problematic group of texts describes the possibility of cessation of all, or of particularkhandha-s, which does not occur after death but in a very specific meditative state.
Finally, some texts presents the possibility of the mind (citta) being dissociated from the aggregates, including consciousness (viññāṇa), which was traditionally considered identical with citta.
The paper examines the philosophical implications of these passages. It attempts to answer several questions, including: what is exactly meant by the notion of regarding the aggregates as self(and by extension as not-self)? What is the exact nature of the khandhas and do they perform anactive role in cognition? Who wrongly identifies with the aggregates?
In order to answer these questions, the paper will attempt to reconstruct specific philosophicalideas concerning the mind and human being which function as an implicit backdrop to these
problematic Nikāya passages. As these ideas sometimes appear to go against common sensenotions and historically dominant philosophical views, the paper will explore analogies withcertain developments in the modern philosophy of mind. Only in light of these ideas will the
problematic ideas in question make better sense.
The paper will argue that at least according to some passages, the khandha-s are not the objective constituents of a human being, and their set does not exhaust the nature of an individual.
Instead, they should be considered elements of subjective, phenomenal experience which theindividual uses as one’s own self-representation. To use the terminology from modern philosophy of mind, they can be considered globally available aspects of human experience. A hypothesis will be considered that the khandha-s themselves are not the actual active bodily andmental processes of cognition and volition, but rather their end-results which possess passive,

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epiphenomenal and representational nature. This has significant philosophical ramifications.
If the khandha-s are representational and passive phenomena, then there must exist in the human being some other important components, of which the aggregates are a representation. A
true seat of agency, subjectivity and active cognitive operations must be situated within these
non-khandha components of a human being.
Therefore, in the analysed passages, taking the aggregates to be self does not mean that one sees
any permanent entity or soul among the conglomeration of selfless elements. It rather meansthat an actual human being identifies itself with something it is not, namely its own phenomenal
self-representation. This interpretation is not necessarily at odds with the historically dominant
reductionist no-self teaching which simply focuses on different philosophical aspects.

Section 14 (I): East Asian Buddhism
The Reception of Genshin’s Ichijō yōketsu in Japanese Medieval Buddhism
Serena Operetto (LMU Munich University), Essentials
This paper illustrates the influence and the reception of the Ichijō yōketsu (of the One-vehicle) on medieval Japanese Buddhism. It was composed by the eminent Japanese(942-1017), who, since the early modern period, is remembered
Tendai monk Genshin
chiefly as the author of the widely read work Ōjōyōshū (Essentials for Rebirth in the PureLand). The chief purpose of the Ichijō yōketsu, however, is to prove that all beings, without
exception, possess Buddha-nature and are able to attain perfect Buddhahood. In this paper, I
will show the impact and reception of one specific passage from the fifth chapter of the Ichijō
yōketsu regarding the development of the idea of universal salvation in the doctrinal system ofmedieval Japanese Buddhism. Moreover, I will highlight the concept of Japan as a Buddhist
country in East Asia implied in this particular passage and its appropriation in later centuries.
As my research on the reception of the work has shown so far, the passage in question has been
(1222-1282), Eisai(1141-1215), andquoted by well-known figures like Nichiren(1276–1350) but also, with small but important alterations, by representatives of
Kōshū(1177-1247), Dōkō
(1243-1330) and Genchi
the Pure Land schools, e.g. Shōkū(1183-1238). Here, for doctrinal reasons the references to the One-vehicle are substituted withreferences to Amida’s Pure Land. I argue that this sentence has been used to propagate different
doctrines, but also the same idea of universal Buddhahood.
A key point of the passage that remains unchanged in all texts is the mention of Japan as theplace where people have a special karmic connection with a specific doctrine which enables
them to reach enlightenment. On the other hand, in most texts I have examined, the expression“Japan purely has the perfect faculty” contained in the aforementioned passage is substituted
with “Japan is ripe enough for the perfect faculty”. The term “ripe” in this context alludes to thelatter stage of the Dharma.
Traditionally, Japan has been described as one of the three “holy Buddhist lands” together with, that is to say,India and China. This idea gave rise to the concept of sangoku mappō• Abstracts

221the three Kingdoms of the latter age. However, while India and China were regarded with great
respect as the countries of the tradition, Japan was perceived as a liminal country at the outskirtsof Buddhist cosmology. The aim of the paper is to show that by asserting Japan’s special linkwith a specific doctrine of salvation, in these texts Japan is not positioned at the outer marginof the Buddhist world anymore but put into focus as the central locus of universal salvation.
This particular notion reached its zenith by the end of the thirteenth century when the issue of a
“Japanese identity” became more pronounced.

The Place and Role of Original Buddhism and the Study of Indian Source
Materials in the Unfolding of Modern Korean Buddhology: Colonial Era
Developments and the Contributions of Yi Yŏngjae (1900-1927)
Henry Zimmermann (Universität Leipzig)
With the reception of European models of a modern Study of Buddhism or Buddhology in East
Asia since the late 19th century, Buddhists in Japan, Korea, China, and beyond saw themselves
challenged by newly attempted reconstructions of an ‘original’ Buddhism, from which theywould find themselves far removed spatially, temporally, and culturally. Because this reconstruction work on early Buddhism was carried out in European studies on Buddhism undera modern regionalized paradigm of origin and authenticity, and because this reconstruction
entered the Sinitic Buddhist world paired with the prestige of modern rational and rigorous historical (if not outright historicist) analysis and a philological focus on Indian source languages,
intellectually-minded and mostly reform-oriented Buddhist monastics and laypeople in East
Asia had to position themselves in the face of this new challenge they could not simply ignore,
and to set the terms and standards for an East Asian Buddhological appropriation of this challenge, sometimes in cooperation with, sometimes in opposition to Western scholarship. This
paper will attempt to scrutinize the ways in which the study of ‘Buddhism’ as a world religion
and of Sanskrit and Pāli materials entered and influenced the Study of Buddhism (pulgyohak)
in modern Korea, focusing on the first generation of internationally trained colonial era scholars and specifically on Yi Yŏngjae (1900-1927), leading figure in the Korean Buddhist Youth
Movement, one of the early pioneers of Buddhist renewal and reform, and the first Korean of
the modern age to set out to explore Buddhist South Asia as the perceived original heartland of
the Buddha-śāsana in person.

A Reinterpretation of the Four Levels of the Two Truths Doctrine: Focusedon the Misunderstandings Based on Dachengxuanlun Vol. 1 Erdiyi
Yoon Kyung Cho (Andong National University)
This presentation aims to reveal the original meanings of the Four Levels of the Two Truths (), one of the most renowned doctrines of the Sanlun School (Three Treaties), the famous Sanlun master, established the doctrine based on the Three
School). Jizang (), the traditional theory of the Sanlun School. While theLevels of the Two Truths (multi-stage nature of this theory allows for practitioners to be taught in a gradual manner, theprospect of Enlightenment remains a sudden and ever attainable state at any given stage.
The Four Levels of the Two Truths appears only in the following three texts: Zhongguanlunshu

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Commentary on the Middle Treatise), Shiermenlunshu (Commentary on
Treatise on the Profound Teaching
the Twelve Gates Treatise), and Dachengxuanlun (of the Mahāyāna). Previous studies have cited Dachengxuanlun as an essential text written by
Jizang that embodies the main philosophies of the Sanlun School. Thus, scholars have mainly
focused on this text in particular as a means to understand Sanlun teachings and doctrines.
However, it is not possible for Jizang to have written Dachenxuanlun. Given that substantial
parts of Dachengxuanlun have been proven to come from multiple of Jizang’s own texts, many
have considered the text to have been compiled by Jizang himself or his own disciples. As a result, it is no wonder that scholars end up equating the contents of this text to Jizang himself andhave concluded that this document was either written by Jizang or compiled by his disciples.
)
For example, the framework of the Dachengxuanlun text (specifically Vol. 1 Erdiyi) text (specifically Vol. 5
seems to imitate that of the Daeseungsalonhyun’uigi () in which the Four Levels of the Two Truths is mentioned. In addition, contents
Yije’ui
The Meaning of the Two Truth), Zhongguanlunshu,
of texts such as the original Erdiyi (Treatise on the Profound Teaching of Vimalakīrti), all written
and Jingmingxuanlun (by Jizang himself, are also incorporated within the Dachengxuanlun text. Even some contents), including Yije’ui and Palbul’ui () in the Daeseungof texts written by Hyegyun (salonhyun’uigi document are also compiled within Dachengxuanlun.
Therefore, I will critically analyze the original meanings of the Four Levels of the Two Truths
based on the indisputable texts of Jizang, specifically Zhongguanlunshu and Shiermenlunshu.
Using my analysis of these two texts, I will then clear up the misinterpretations that have arisen
from the Dachengxuanlun Vol. 1 Erdiyi text. These misinterpretations can be related to modern
scholars incorrectly attributing the contents of Dachengxuanlun to Jizang. The creator(s) ofDachengxuanlun himself also misinterpreted contents of Jizang’s original texts. For example,
because the creator(s) of Dachengxuanlun misunderstood the two truths theory of the Sanlun
School and created his own theory of the Four Levels of Two Truths, modern scholars now
attribute Jizang to have developed the fourth step from the three levels in reaction to the Abhidharma, Chengshi, Dilun, and Shelun Schools in his time. In consequence, after eliminatingthese misunderstandings about the Four Levels of the Two Truths doctrine, we can better understand the true meaning of Jizang’s Two Truths theory.

Mystical Understanding
Mahāyāna Faithof Silla Commentators on the Awakening of

Jiyun Kim (Dongguk University)(hereafter AMF) represents the thoughts of
The Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith
Mahāyāna, on which many commentaries have been written due to its recondite messages.
(hereafter So) by Wonhyo, an eminent Silla monk,
Among them, the Gisillon-so
has proven to be outstanding and has had significant influence on other commentators, such as, the famous patriarch of the Chinese Huayan school.
FazangHowever, it is not easy to distinguish whether the ideas of later commentaries have been affect(hereafter
ed by Wonhyo or by Fazang since Fazang’s Dàshèng qǐxìnlùn yìjìYìjì) quoted many explanations from the So. Nevertheless, a possible way to distinguish is if• Abstracts223someone cites the interpretations of Wonhyo which Fazang did not use, then this proves that it
was the influence of Wonhyo. The grounds for this can be found in the usage of the term “mysall the more since Fazang changed mystical understanding to “real”
tical understanding”
and other jargons when he adopted passages from the So.
Thus, I would like to examine the effects of Wonhyo on the AMF’s commentaries written bySilla monks using the concept of mystical understanding. This study deals with three commen(hereafter Shìlùn), and the Daeseung gisillon
taries: the So, the Shì móhēyǎn lùn(hereafter Yaktamgi). The reason for choosing the latter
naeui yaktamgi
two is that it makes references to mystical understanding, while also following Fazang’s pointof view.
Accordingly, I find the passages where Wonhyo has mentioned mystical understanding andreveal what this means. Then, I check the counterparts of the So, from the Shìlùn and the Yaktamgi, and also the other passages where the concept of mystical understanding appears. Basedon this method, I try to analyze the similarities and differences by comparing the three texts andreveal the relationship between the So, the Yaktamgi and the Shìlùn. In addition, I examine theeffects of the concept of mystical understanding on later scholars of the AMF such as Zongmi.
Through this study I intend to add to the discourse on East Asian Buddhism, especially on the
AMF as there has been little research that has comparatively discussed the So, the Yaktamgi
and the Shìlùn. Furthermore, I hope to contribute in identifying Silla Buddhism’s unique hermeneutics of the AMF. In doing so, this study will contribute towards uncovering the complex
dynamics of idea sharing that took place between Korean and Chinese monks, different fromthe model of transmission from China to Korea and to Japan.

The Term “Buddha Nature as Suchness” (): Translated or Invented?
Reexamining the Ideological Dynamics in Sixth-century Chinese Buddhism
Sangmin Lee (Korea University)
The Chinese Buddhist concepts constructed in the latter period of the Nanbei era (fifth-sixth
centuries) later became the core sources of East Asian Buddhism. By that time, most of the major Buddhist sutras had been translated into Chinese and investigated by indigenous Buddhist
monks. They adopted the newest doctrines of Indian Buddhism while inheriting the ideas of
their previous generation. Much of the misunderstandings regarding Indian Buddhist thought
had been rectified, and at the same time new notions were invented by Chinese monks, notions
that would continuously affect later East Asian Buddhist thought. The Buddhism of this era haslong been underestimated and understood to be only a stepping stone to later Buddhist thought.
However, the ideological dynamics of this period contain extremely complicated and multilayered concepts that would benefit from more pointed explorations.
As a representative case of these dynamics, I will deal with the concept of Zhenru-Foxing (: The Buddha nature as Suchness), focusing on its occurrences and hermeneutical rolein East Asian Buddhism. This notion seems to be a rather ordinary statement to those who arefamiliar with Chinese Buddhist doctrines. However, it was only in the sixth century that thisterm appeared for the first time in various Chinese translated texts such as: Jingangxian lun (, An Exegesis on the *Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra-Bhāṣya by Vajrasena, used 26

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times), Miaofa lianhua jing youbotishe (, *Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-upadeśa,, used 9 times), which is a transused 1 time), and Jiujing yisheng baoxing lun (lation of the Ratnagotravibhāga (the latter two texts were translated by Ratnamati, ?-508-511?). Among these three manuscripts, only the Baoxing lun has a Sanskrit parallel to which we
can trace the original term of the Zhenru-Foxing. Interestingly, there are no passages in thisSanskrit text that contain ‘Buddhagotra-tathāta’ or ‘Buddhadhātu-tathāta’, presumed to be theoriginal term of Zhenru-Foxing. Ratnamati rather used the term as the translation of dhātu andgotra, but most cases (4 usages) were new interpolations in the Chinese without a textual basis
in the Sanskrit. This implies that the term Zhenru-Foxing is not necessarily derived from a
specific Sanskrit term, but rather a coined word introduced by Ratnamati or/and his indigenous
colleagues to clarify that the Buddha nature is a synonym for tathāta. Thus, in a strict sense, theterm can be understood as a newly refined notion reflecting the Buddha Nature discourse that
had overwhelmed East Asian Buddhists for centuries.
It is noteworthy that after the sixth century when the term had emerged, the focus of the discussion
had moved gradually from Buddha Nature itself to the ultimate truth as Suchness (tathāta). This
would be demonstrated in my presentation using selected passages from Dunhuang fragments,
which exhibit the transformations in the understanding of the Buddha Nature during that era.

Section 14 (II): East Asian Buddhism
Bunhwang Wonhyo’s Thought on Awakening of Faith in Mahayāna
Youngseop Ko (Department of Buddhist Studies, Dongguk University, Seoul Campus)
This paper examines Wonhyo’s thought on Awakening of Faith in Mahayāna (hereafter, AFM),
on focusing the contact point and passage between the one mind and the intrinsic enlightenment. The structure of Wonhyo’s thought on AFM is organic and multi-layered. He pursued theintegration of the Madhyamaka school and Consciousness-only school and sought the consilience of ālayavijñāna and Tathāgata. Wonhyo also pursued the integration of the theoretical andpractice systems through a comparison of the eight consciousness structures of the human mind
and the nine kinds of defilements—the three subtle defilements and the six coarse defilements.
In particular, Wonhyo not only placed three subtle defilements and six coarse defilements in the
aspect of the mind of arising and ceasing but also integrated Buddhist logic into his philosophy
to show his own unique understanding of human beings. Wonhyo diversified his understandingof superficial and in depth for One Mind into four, which are, first, One Mind as ālayavijñāna,which is deluded consciousness; second, One Mind as Tathāgata, which is consciousness inwhich true and false are merged; third, One Mind as the true mind of Huayan; fourth, One Mindas original dharma.
In this way, Wonhyo explained the idea of AFM by presenting various aspects of One Mind forthe purpose of unenlightened beings’ achievement of enlightenment and rebirth in the pure land.
In particular, after he met AFM, Wonhyo paid attention to how the theoretical system of ‘One
Mind, Two Aspects, and Three Kinds of Greatness’ can be complemented with each other thepractice system of the ‘Four Kinds of Faith, Five Kinds of Practices, and Six Syllable Mantra.’• Abstracts

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Wonhyo wrote many commentaries on AFM: Abbreviated Reference on AFM, Doctrine of Single Path of AFM, System of the Two Hindrances of AFM, and Commentaries on AFM. Throughthese works, he initiated the theory of Nine Modes of Ignorantly Activated Karma, and established a theoretical system of ‘One Mind with Two Aspects’ when consolidating Buddhist logic.
Simultaneously, Wonhyo established a practice system of One Taste Observation by referringto the preliminary practice and correct observation of Vajrasamadhi-sutra. In this way, he established the theoretical system of ‘One Mind with Two Aspects’ and the practice system of One
Taste Observation.
Another characteristic feature of his work is that, as Gyun-yeo’s quotation shows, Wonhyo’sview on One Mind has a different stance compared with that of Fazang. In the case of Fazang,
he said that there is no other One Mind other than the Two Aspects, which are composed of the
aspect of thusness and the aspect of arising and ceasing. However, Wonhyo understood that One
Mind is neither the aspect of thusness nor the aspect of arising and ceasing but something thatexists as Original Dharma beyond those two aspects. The reason that he understood One Mindin such a way seems to be the influence of the theory of old consciousness-only school (), in which they establish Amara vijñāna (), the pure 9th consciousness.
)
This theory differs from that of Fazang, who advocated for a two-fold truth system (composed of One Mind that is equal to the two aspects of mind. In the case of Wonhyo, he es) composed of One Mind, the aspect of thusness, andtablished a three-fold truth system (the aspect of arising and ceasing.
As a result, Wonhyo was able to establish the theory of One Mind as original dharma (nonnon-effect) beyond both the theory of One Mind as the aspect of thusness (effectcause), and the theory of One Mind as Tathāgata (cause ).

The Role of the Two Truths in Daochuo’s Understanding of the Pure Land
Michael Conway (Otani University)(562-645) is famous for the role he played in the development of Pure Land
Daochuo
Buddhism in East Asia, particularly for his prioritization of Pure Land devotion over all otherforms of Buddhism and his emphasis on practicing in accord with the original vow of Amituofo
as presented in the Wuiliangfojing. Much of Daochuo’s thought is heavily(476-542?). Throughout the Anleji, Daochuo repeatedly
influenced by Tanluan
appropriates passages from Tanluan’s works, presenting them as his own words after making
adjustments to the language to fit with the argument at hand.
In Daochuo’s discussion of the nature of the Pure Land in section 8 of chapter 1 of the Anleji,
he appropriates Tanluan’s discussion of the relationship between the ornaments of the Pure
, where Tanluan posLand and the ultimate truth of Buddhism from the Jingtulunzhu, the ultimate truth that lies beyond
its a two-fold dharma-body: the faxing fashen
human conception and serves as the foundation for the ornaments of the Pure Land, and the, those ornaments as a comprehensible expression of that ultimate
fangbian fashen
truth. Although the passage in the Anleji follows very closely on Tanluan’s original, in framing), stating that one who
the discussion, Daochuo makes reference to the “two truths” (erdi226

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understands the relationship that Tanluan posits between the ultimate truth and the Pure Landis able to conform to the two truths and avoid falling into a mistaken attachment to the teachingof emptiness and the nihilism that arises from it, as well as the delusion that substantiates birthand-death as actually existent.
This reference to the Pure Land teachings and the aspiration for birth in the Pure Land as an
expedient that allows a practitioner to conform to the two truths is a salient feature of Daochuo’s discussion of the Pure Land throughout the Anleji that is not clearly articulated with theterm “two truths” within Tanluan’s works. Daochuo makes repeated reference to the two truths
throughout the Anleji, especially in chapter 2, where he states several times that reliance on thePure Land teachings is essential in order to function compassionately in the world in accord
with both truths.
By introducing and considering Daochuo’s references to the two truths in the Anleji, this paper
will show that he saw the Pure Land as an expedient essential for the fulfillment of the two-foldbodhisattva ideal—of awareness of the ultimate truth of emptiness along with engagement incompassionate action within the world of suffering—and not simply as a convenient shortcut toenlightenment for ordinary beings incapable of proper Buddhist practice, as has generally been
assumed in much modern scholarship regarding him.

Naong Hyegeun’s Mahāyāna Seon: The Use of Geun ( ) and Gi ( )Jieon Kang (Seoul National University)
This paper examines the specific use of Geun ( ) and Gi ( ) in literature of Naong Hyegeun, 1320-1376), a renowned Seon ( ch: Chan, jp: Zen) master in late Goryeo ()(
period. In Seon, the language based on concepts, thoughts, forms and so on, called sang ( )is set to break them. Having a critical attitude toward the language in Seon, there hasn’t shedmuch light on details of specific words. This paper shows the necessity of a new perspective
about the specific meanings of words and letters in Seon readings, focusing on Geun and Gi,
which are the two important concepts in explaining human nature and Enlightenment in East
Asian Mahāyāna Buddhism.
,) along with Buddha naWhile accentuating Geun as universal human conditions (), Naong didn’t mention Geun as something classified (,), which could
ture (, 1301-1382) - anotherbe easily found in Seon masters’ teachings, like Taego Bowu (representative Korean Seon master in the same period with Naong - and Línjì Yìxuán (, ?~866) - the founder of one succession of Dharma of Naong. Even though he was a teacher) in a status based country, he urged people to let go of all the identificationsof the king () such as man, woman, monk, and layman.
with categories (Naong also had a slightly different use of Gi compared to Línjì and Taego who usually used). To Naong, Gi was a maniit as a master’s selfless capacity for students and the world (festation of Buddha nature through the law of Dharma in all beings including humans. Having
consciousness, humans had utter potentials to realize their true nature as long as they have a), Gwanjo () and Yeombul ().
firm inner state when doing practices like Ganhwa (What he emphasized repeatedly was not the way of practice, but the attitude - resolution ( ),sincerity ( ), commitment ( ) and faith ( ) - in connection with Gi.
• Abstracts

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This perspective of Geun and Gi led to three main themes - ‘Physical condition as a precious
opportunity to awake’, ‘equal openness for total change’ and ‘self realization’ - of his most well··) and various skill in means (). Since everyone
known three songs () occurs at any moment
exists as one should be (Gi) with the nature (Geun), total change () and created 10 questions
with every tool. For monks, he supervised national Seon test () of the test. He wrote lyrics and prayers for illiterate people. That explains why(, 1330-1374) conferred the name ‘who saves equally ()’ on him
King Gongmin ()’. Reverence for him could be a mirror
and why people regarded him as ‘a living Buddha (image of his Mahāyāna gaze, a full recognition and embrace about the innermost side of all thesentient beings. Also, thinking based on Geun and Gi, the way of reading can be changed to see) and writthe fact - his active recommendation to the Pure land beliefs and practices (ing about them for propagation - not as a combination of two practices but as undifferentiatedtools for all. This study aims to confirm that the methodological approach about specific words
can contribute to understand and compare Seon literatures.

Dilun School’s Influence on the Silla Monk Wonhyo’s Perspective on Dharmadhātu
Sungcheol Yang (Seoul National University)
This study aims to discuss how the Dilun school’s original perspective on Dharmadhātu (), a Chinese–Buddhist school studying the Treatise on the Bhūmis (, Dilun zong), influenced the corresponding perspective of the Silla monk Wonhyo (617–686). For this purpose,the study examines the quotations appearing in 『Hwaeomgyeong-muniyogyeol-mundap (, “Questions and Answers on the Meanings of the Flower Ornament Sutra”)』
written by Pyowon (), another Silla monk of a later generation, in the 8th century. Finally,
the study focuses on how the philosophical meanings of the perspectives on Dharmadhātu influenced the evolution of East Asian Buddhism. The Dilun zong was a Buddhist school based on『Daśabhūmikasūtra-śāstra ()』 that existed from the Southern and Northern Dynasties
to the early Tang Dynasty. Being the first Yogâcāra school in Chinese history, the Dilun school), and had substantial countrywide
produced many renowned monks, including Huiguang (influence. Later, the Dilun school was split into the Southern and Northern schools, which were
, Huayan zong) and the School
subsequently absorbed by the Flower Ornament school (, Shelun zong), respectively. Despite its short history, theof the Mahāyāna-saṃgraha () but also became one of the pillars of
Dilun zong not only witnessed the origin of Huayan (East Asian Buddhism. Naturally, the Dilun zong extensively influenced Korean Buddhism andclearly interacted with the latter. One well-known instance is Wonhyo’s perspective on Dharmadhātu, which is similar to the perspectives of the Southern Dilun School succeeded by that), Huiyuan (), and Linshi (). In particular, Linshi’s four perspectivesof Fashang (on Dharmadhātu are remarkably similar to the perspective of Wonhyo in terms of construction.
), Wonhyo’s fourAccording to Hwaeomgyeong-muniyogyeol-mundap (), (2) unconperspectives on Dharmadhātu are the (1) conditioned Dharma realm (), (3) conditioned and unconditioned Dharma realm (ditioned Dharma realm (), and (4) non-conditioned and non-unconditioned Dharma realm (). These perspectives are very similar to the four perspectives of Linshi on Yuanji () in), (2)
both content and construction: the (1) Dharma realm of conditioned Yuanji (228

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Dharma realm of unconditioned Yuanji (), (3) Dharma realm of self-witnessing), and (4) Dharma realm of equal Yuanji (). Further, it is
Yuanji () proposed by Wonhyo correworth noting that the realm of unconditioned Dharma (), which indicates the Dilun
sponds to the Dharma realm of unconditioned Yuanji (zong’s unique way of understanding Dharma.
Existing studies focus on the relationship between the perspective of the Silla monk Uisang (, 625–702) on Dharmadhātu and the perspective of six characteristics () advocated by
the Southern Dilun School. However, the similarity in composition, which is the product of thesystematization process, is more evident in Wonhyo’s perspectives on Dharmadhātu. Regard), both Wonhyo and Uisang display the unique
ing the perspective of six characteristics (tendency of the Dilun zong. On the other hand, Wonhyo’s perspective on Dharmadhātu wasmore similar in composition to the Dilun school’s perspective than Uisang’s. The existing studies attempt to clarify Dilun zong’s influence on Silla Buddhism by focusing only on Uisang’s
Huayan thought. However, the current study proposes a new approach by examining the overall
influence of the Dilun zong on Silla Buddhism.

Section 14 (III): East Asian Buddhism
A Logical and Inferential Hypothesis about Pureland()’s Panbiryangron(『』)) in Wonhyo(

Dae-yong Park (Dongguk University),
In the history of the East Asian tradition of Buddhist epistemology and logic, Wonhyo(』, hence PBRR) ― which
ca.617-686)’s been well-known for his Panbiryangron (『was presented and caused quite a sensation at East Asia including Korea, China, and Japan ―; consciousness-only
and therein he vehemently criticized ‘Vijñānamatra-anumāna’(, ca.602-664)’s a treatise on Mere Cognition (『』, Chenginference) in Xuanzang(; Jayasena’s inference) based on Dignāga’s 『
weishilun) by ‘Jayasena-anumāna’(』(Nyāyamukha) and Śaṅkarasvāmin’s 『』(Nyāyapraveśaśāstra). PBRN
may be supposed to consist of a total of 867 lines. As we know, it has hitherto found 162 lines,
approximately 20% in it. The 11 contents of various extant lines are as follows:).
• Fragment 1 : the fragment relating with ‘Vijñānamatra-anumāna’().
• Fragment 2 : the fragment relating with ‘Jayasena-anumāna’() of Pure land().
• Manuscript 7 : the refutation on disappearance()’s 4 divisions of Consciousness()• Manuscript 8 : the critique on Dharmapāla(• Manuscript 9 : the proof of existence on the 8th consciousness(=ālayavijñāna).
• Manuscript 10 : the refutation on argument of Dharmapāla;).
• Manuscript 11 : the fifth phrase’s reason of 9-phrases hetu().
• Manuscript 12 : the proof of viruddhāvyabhicārin(• Manuscript 13 : Wonhyo’s refutation on critique of “discrimination against 5 kinds of).
human beings”( [ ]• Abstracts229

• Manuscript 14 : a quotation from 『』, namely, argument on 2 emptiness()) and Dharma().
against obsession of Self(』 and 『』• Manuscript of 11 lines’ fragment: relations on between 『Surprisingly enough, we can see the discussion about the existence of ‘Pure land’() according to 2 versions, that is, Otani fragment and Gotoh fragment. Therefore, this article aims toestablish a logical and inferential hypothesis on treatment about existence’s proof of ‘Pure land’() in PBRR. Then I will focus on elucidating the subjunctive relations between ‘“” and “” taking reference to controversial debates the existence of ‘Pure land’ in his
』, 『
』, 『
』, and 『』.
different treatises, namely 『The Sources of the Logics on Wonhyo()’s Theory of Harmonization - Focused on the Chinese Sanlun() School
Yeongil Kim (Dongguk University)
Since Wonhyo’s theory of harmonization is important to view all Buddhist ideas as a whole,I think it can play a meaningful role not only in ‘East Asian Buddhism’ but also in ‘Relation
with Other Religions.’ To improve the previous research on the method of harmonization more
empirically, I analyzed the cases of harmonization (67 cases in total) in Wonhyo’s 24 remaining
books. Here, ‘the case of harmonization’ refers to the case in which Wonhyo makes a verdict on
conflicting claims from the perspective of a third party and harmonizes various theories. The cases generally consist of Assertion-Debate-Decision, and the contents of Decision can be divided
into three categories. Among them, Type 3 is “all theories are right and wrong simultaneously”,
which is very difficult to understand. This paper traces the sources of the “two methods of harmonization” in this type 3 (8 cases in total) focusing on the teachings of the Sanlun school.
The first method of harmonization in type 3 is ‘the Conditions for Judgment.’ While Wonhyo
judges, “If you don’t have an obsession on words, all theories are right, and if you take words
as they are, all theories are wrong,” I call the former 2 if-clauses ‘the Conditions for Judgment’.
, 450?-530?) saw ‘The Twofold Truth (Then, where did this method come from? Senlang ()’ as a means of language, and Jizang (, 549-623) said “Forgetting Words and Cutting).” I interpret that Jizang tried to cut off language “in language” after
off Thoughts (accepting Senlang’s teachings. In the Treatise on the Reconciliation of Disputes in Ten Aspects), Wonhyo saw the language used in Buddhist holy books as a “means” referring to(truth. It is presumed that he probably harmonized theories using the method of ‘the Conditions
for Judgment’ as he agreed with the above teachings of Chinese Sanlun school.
The second method of harmonization is ‘The Teachings of No Hindrance().’ In explaining the reason for ‘all right and wrong at the same time,’ Wonhyo recognizes two mutually contradictory factors at once, such as being and non-being, positivity and negativity, and samenessand difference, which I call ‘The Teachings of No Hindrance.’ Where did this method come from?
According to the theory of dependent origination (pratītya-samut-pāda), being and non-being,
cannot exist independently because they depend on each other. Based on this idea, Faling ()’ used by Chengsi-run (), to the di507-581) expanded the logic of ‘No Difference (mension of the Twofold Truth and the middle way (mādhyamika). Since Wonhyo was good at thetheory of dependent origination, he would have easily accepted Faling’s logic of No Difference,and probably used this logic in various ways named the Teachings of No Hindrance.

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The Development and the Character of the Mount Odae() Belief in
Korean Buddhism: Critical Analysis of the Cultural and Political Power Relationship between Central Government and Local Forces
Sun-euy Min (Kangwon National University)
The culture belt around Kangneung city and Mount Odae located in the eastern part of the Korean peninsula has built up meaningful influences politically and culturally in Korean history.
This region had a political power independent from Kyoungju the capital city of Silla Dynasty
and made the central government tense in ancient times, and was controlled with the special
attention by Choseon Dynasty and the royal family in spite of long distance from Hanyang
the capital city in middle age. That means an original politic and culture has been maintained
making the rivalry or the cooperation with the central power on the ground of the abundant economic finance in this region. The Mount Odae faith, which is known as introduced from China
in Silla Dynasty, is the religious phase of the specific independence this region has had. The
Sagul-Mount established by master monk Beomil in the Mount Odae, one of the Nine Mounts(nine sects of Seon Buddhism in late Silla), was another case of the kind of religious phase of
the specific local independence. It is needless to say that The Sagul-Mount was also active inthe center of power in the political territory as well as the religious territory in all the times of
Koryeo Dynasty (the next nation of Silla in Korean history). That shows us the another exampleof the relationship of rivalry or cooperation between the center and the locality.
This article will take a view of the development of the Mount Odae belief in Korea Buddhist
history and will especially consider the activities that Buddhist power on the ground of theMount Odae belief has made in the relationship with the central political power in each period,
each dynasty. There have been quite a few preceding studies about the Mount Odae belief in
Korean Buddhism, but the majority of them was made under the Buddhism-centered viewpoint.
This paper will pay attention to the relationship of power between nation and religion, and also
the point of view of locality with its own independent political and cultural power. Thus, we
can check a case of the phase that Buddhist belief worked among the central political power andlocal forces. Besides we can find the specificity of the Mount Odae belief of Korean Buddhism
different from Chinese or Japanese Buddhism.

A Huayan View of the Infinite Regress
Seunghak Koh (Geumgang University)“Wuqiong,” namely the concept of infinite regress has been understood as one of the many
peculiarities of the Huayan scholasticism, and this concept is often dubbed as “chongchongwujin” (repetitive containment ad infinitum). Such an inconceivable perspective is drawn fromthe Huayan thinkers’ presupposition that a part contains the whole, which is again composed ofsuch parts. But many philosophical traditions, in general, try to avoid the infinite regress as oneof the logical fallacies.
This paper examines the Buddhist literature that alludes to “wuqiong” as infinite regress, andhighlights that the Huayan thinkers also had a critical attitude toward this issue when they discussed the ontological status of the dissociated factors. But they also used the term in a positive
sense of inexhaustiveness. This twofold usage of the term seems to show that the Huayan think• Abstracts

231ers critically incorporated the elements of previous scholarship even when they created theirown unique metaphysical theories.

Section 15: Gender in Buddhism
An Examination of Dunhuang Esoteric Talismans for Childbirth Protection:
Take Guanyin’s Cult as an Example
Hsin Yi Lin (Fo Guang University)
A high percentage of the Dunhuang manuscripts of esoteric talismans concerning childbirth areassociated with Guanyin (Avalokiteśvara). Since the Northern and Southern dynasties, the name
Guanyin appeared in the title of childbirth-related incantations in a number of dhāraṇī texts.
In these texts, Avalokiteśvara manifested in different esoteric forms, including Wish-Fulfilling
Wheel Guanyin, Thousand-Handed and Thousand-Eyed Guanyin, and Guanyin with the Buddha’s Crown. Focusing on Guanyin’s association with reproduction, this paper first examines
the medieval dhāraṇī texts in which Guanyin was supplicated for fertility and childbirth protection. It then analyses five Dunhuang manuscripts of talismans, seals or incantations, namely P.
3874, S. 2498, P. 3920, P. 4514, P. 3916 (P. 3326), which deal with childbirth on issues such as
pregnancy, abortion and difficult birth. By comparing these ritual manuscripts with the esotericscriptures which the five Dunhuang manuscripts are based on, I indicate that some of themdemonstrate a creative blending of esoteric Buddhist and Daoist elements. The gap between theesoteric scriptures and the ritual manuscripts, or the normative text and the performative text,
reveals that, on a practical level, religious resources for healing tend to blur the line between
different religions. Stories from monks’ biographies, official histories and literati’s notes in the
medieval period also prove this prominent hybridity of the religio-medical resources used in themost perilous case of illness, giving birth.

Creating Knowledge Communities: Myanmar/Burmese Buddhist Women,
Monk Teachers, and the Shaping of Transnational Teachings
Rachelle Saruya (University of Toronto)
As the Abhidhamma’s importance in Myanmar Buddhist society is well known, it is only within
about the last century that this doctrine has become more accessible to the laity, and specificallyto women devotees. As women make up the majority of devotees for monks, I argue, similarly
to Jessica Starling’s (2018) research on Japanese Buddhist laywomen, that it was Burmese
Buddhist women who created a “demand” for learning these teachings, with monks then creating a “supply.” This paper looks at how Buddhist teachings and pedagogies change throughtime and space, and are made accessible to the laity, specifically these women devotees. Usinga case study, I conducted ethnographic research at one teaching monk’s native village (outsideof Meiktila), as well as observed his teachings in the San Francisco Bay Area. I interviewed
his students in both settings, asking why they were learning the Abhidhamma, and why it wasthat in both places mostly women attended classes. I find that these “knowledge communities”
developed when one woman devotee asked this monk to teach her. As monks are not trained

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XIXth Congress of IABSto teach the laity, I show how this monk then has had to develop his teaching methods for thedifferent audiences, and how processes of globalization have factored in. I also argue that weneed to pay more attention to the often “invisible women” that create change, but are subsumed
under the monk author or teacher.
Starling, Jessica. 2018. Audience, Authorship and Agency: Religious Educational Materials for
Buddhist Women’s Groups in Japan, 1900-1933. Unpublished manuscript.

Family Matters: Hārītī’s Humanized Motherhood in Buddhist Texts and Art
Simona Lazzerini (Stanford University)
After her conversion to Buddhism, ex-child eating demoness Hārītī was able to continue tonurture her ferocious flesh-eating children who converted together with her. Buddhist texts
recounting Hārītī’s origin story, such as the Hārītī Sūtra (Foshuo Guizimu jingvol 21, no. 1262) and the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya (Genbenshuo yiqie youbu pinaiye zashi, T. v. 24, no. 1451), are replete with references to her children (and,sometimes, her husband too), providing us with several interesting snapshots of her domestic
life. Additionally, Chinese and Japanese visual representations of the goddess often portray
Hārītī with her children, emphasizing her maternal love, but also her distress. These scripturaland visual sources are significant because they shed light on what I call Hārītī’s “humanizedmotherhood.”
In this paper, I argue that Hārītī embodies a positive model of what it means to be a woman in a
Buddhist world: firstly, because she was able to become a goddess without having to give up her
children, her story attests that motherhood is compatible with the Buddhist path, something thatis rarely found in Buddhist narratives about women who choose a religious life. Secondly, hermaternal nature, caught in between boundless love and excruciating anxiety, makes her similar
to a human mother, something quite different from the more well-known Buddhist female types
such as the virginal goddess or the celibate nun.
Hārītī’s humanized motherhood is manifested in multifold ways in Buddhist texts and art: because she has many children, she can bestow fertility upon women; because the Buddha taught
her empathy for other mothers, she protects pregnant women; because her progeny are converted, they become protectors of the monastic and lay communities. As a result, Hārītī’s humanized motherhood allowed her to become a more approachable and accessible goddess withwhom lay practitioners could identify, providing a different perspective on womanhood andmotherhood in Buddhism.

Crosscurrents in Buddhist Feminist Studies: Minding the Gender Gap in
Zangskar
Karma Lekshe Tsomo (University of San Diego)
This paper explores the intersections between contemporary Buddhist feminist studies and theexperience of indigenous Buddhist women in Zangskar, Ladakh, a remote Himalayan region innorthern India. It examines the ways that postcolonial, postmodern thought can be deployed toaddress the intersections of Buddhism, feminism, and the everyday lives of Buddhist women• Abstracts233

on the margins. Buddhist women, especially those in remote border areas, are generally absent
in feminist conversations and stereotyped as lacking in feminist awareness as measured bywestern conceptions of independence and agency. However, a closer look at the lives of womenin Himalayan border areas reveals that Buddhist women are developing their own pathways tosocial and spiritual liberation independently from western feminist concerns. Looking beyond
pervasive assumptions about the submissive nature of Asian women, this paper seeks to understand how Buddhist nuns in Zangskar are closing the gender gap in education, religious practice, and social standing. What is most significant about gender developments in the Himalayan
regions is that Buddhist women are negotiating feminist concerns in their familiar landscape on
their own terms, based on their own social and religious location, not as shaped by colonialist
thinking or academic feminist discourse. To understand the shifts that are taking place in theseregions, it is necessary to take into account several unique features of women’s original andauthentic responses to seismic shifts in their contemporary social and cultural environment.
Based on over 30 years of engagement with Buddhists in Zangskar, this study tracks a rangeof new developments that are dramatically reshaping the lives of Buddhist women in a rapidlychanging social, cultural, and political environment. Rather than imposing terms of analysis
that may ignore or erase the diversity of women’s experience, the study highlights the very
different life experience of Buddhist women in remote border locations, who deal with deteriorating ecosystems, tourist onslaughts, technological challenges, political instability, and avariety of other issues far beyond the experience of most religious studies scholars and feminist
thinkers. Setting aside categories that have been created on the basis of educated white western
women’s experience, it foregrounds the experience of women who live beyond the mainstream
and analyzes the innovative strategies they are using to gain full participation for women in
Zangskari Buddhism. This study acknowledges the pivotal role that transnational encounters
between Buddhists and feminists have had for generating new perspectives on the intersectionsof religious, ethnic, gender, and personal identity, both among researchers and Himalayan Buddhist women themselves. At the same time, the study re-envisions these ongoing conversations
among Buddhists and feminists in the global community by foregrounding the original perspectives and strategies that have emerged among Zangskari laywomen and nuns themselves.

Legitimacy and Emancipation: Higher Education for Chinese Buddhist
Nuns of the Post-Mao Era
Amandine Péronnet (Center for Interdisciplinary Studies on Buddhism (CEIB) & IFRAE - Inalco & IrAsia - AMU)
Pushou temple, located on Mount Wutai, Shanxi province, is the largest Buddhist temple fornuns in mainland China, currently hosting hundreds of monastics. The temple has also beenhome to the Mount Wutai Buddhist Institute for Nuns since 1992. Institute for Buddhist studies
are popular teaching structures that still provide modern Buddhist education to monastics tothis day, but inherit most of their characteristics from the ones created in the 1920s. As part ofthe largely institutionalized Buddhist education system, they currently have close ties to power,
training future state-approved Buddhist leaders with high symbolic capital who can later beused as legitimate interlocutors. But this is not their only feature, and structures that provide
education specifically to nuns such as the Mount Wutai Institute also have to address genderissues. While benefiting from advances made in the field of female Buddhist education in the234

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first half of the 20th century, they still have to promote greater access to higher education incontemporary times.
Based on on-site and online fieldwork conducted between 2017 and today, I argue that training
Buddhist nuns according to state expectations, while advocating for female education, is partof a strategy to obtain equal recognition and legitimacy as Buddhist leaders, administrative officials and/or religious specialists. I also contend that, within the predominantly male Chinese
Buddhist field, using gendered discourses and representations can support the nuns’ claim forbetter educational opportunities.

Dhamma for Women: Parwati Soepangat and the Making of Buddhist Feminist Theology in Postcolonial Indonesia
Jack Meng-Tat Chia (National University of Singapore)
Buddhism is one of the six officially recognized religions in the world’s largest Muslim nation.
According to the 2010 national census, Buddhists made up approximately 0.72% (or 1.7 million) of the total Indonesian population. While the majority of Buddhists in Indonesia are ethnic
Chinese, there are a small number of native Indonesians (pribumi) adhering to the Buddhist
faith. Parwati Soepangat (1932-2016), was often considered by Indonesian Buddhists as the“Buddhist heroine” (Srikandi Buddhis) of her time. Born and raised in an elite Javanese Buddhist family, Soepangat was educated in Indonesia and the United States. When Soepangat wasin college, she joined the Theosophical Society, where she met and later became a lay discipleof Ashin Jinarakkhita (1923-2002), whom Indonesians regarded as the first Indonesian-born
Buddhist monk. She became a founding member of Ashin Jinarakkhita’s Buddhay?na movement and played an active role in Dharma propagation during the postcolonial period. In 1973,
Soepangat helped establish the Indonesian Buddhist Women (Wanita Buddhis Indonesia),
and subsequently served as chairwoman of the organization. This paper draws upon Parwati
Soepangat’s career to reconsider the issues surrounding Buddhism and gender in Southeast
Asia. I argue that unlike in mainland Southeast Asia, the absence of a patriarchal Theravada
authority provided the space for Buddhist women like Soepangat to rise to prominence in postcolonial Indonesia. Despite her position as a double minority-a Buddhist and a woman-in the
Muslim majority nation, Soepangat effectively promoted “Buddhist feminist theology” (teologi
feminis Buddha) as a discourse and strategy to spread Buddhism in Islamic Indonesia.

Section 16 (I): Mahāyāna Buddhism
How Did Vimalamitra Read the Heart Sutra? Philological Investigation of
the *Āryaprajñāpāramitāhṛdayaṭīkā
Toshio Horiuchi (Zhejiang University)
The Tibetan canon includes eight commentaries on the Prajñāpāramitāhṛdaya (hereafter HS)
said to have been composed in India (none of which survive in Sanskrit or in Chinese translation). These are all commentaries on the long version, which begins “Thus have I heard,” noton the short version with which we are more familiar through Hsüan-tsang’s HS. While unfor• Abstracts

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tunately, it can hardly be said that its precise wording has been accurately understood, among
these commentaries, the one by Vimalamitra (ca. 8th cent.; D no. 3818, P no. 5217. *Āryaprajñāpāramitāhṛdayaṭīkā, hereafter PHT) had an enormous influence on subsequent commentaries on the HS.
This presentation will introduce the eight “Indian” commentaries on the HS and examine someof the characteristic interpretations of the HS found in Vimalamitra’s PHT.

Buddhist Stairways to Heaven: Revisionist Reflections on Pure Land’s Indian Identity and the Origins of the Expression Jing-tu
Stephen Jenkins (Humboldt State Uni)
This paper presents research on the Indic origins of pure lands and the heaven realms that are
their antecedents and competitors. The claim of leading scholars that “no single Sanskrit equivalent has ever been found” for “pure land/jing-tu” serves as the leading edge for argumentsthat pure land traditions are principally Chinese inventions. That claim is incorrect, and in its
refutation a range of views about the origins of pure land traditions unravel. Indic antecedents
to jing tu, including śuddha, viśuddha, akliṣṭa, and pariśuddha kṣetra, occur in prominent Indiansūtras and jing tu translated them well before Kumārajīva.
Researching antecedents for “pure land” leads to the śuddha-āvāsa, the “pure abodes” important
to Mainstream Buddhism. The similarity in nomenclature is not accidental. Early and Mainstream appropriations of Vedic heavens were followed by undisguised Mahāyānist reformulation into pure land soteriology. Through devānusmṛti, buddhānusmṛti, and “a single mind offaith to the marrow of one’s bones,” etc., Ābhidharmikas such as Buddhaghosa pursued super
longevity in pure “happy lands” of light. As Jaqueline Stone also recently noted, Mainstream
Buddhist deathbed practices for attaining heavens found in Pali texts are strikingly resonantwith East Asian rituals. These practices cannot be dismissed as “concessions to lay spirituality,”
but are explicitly taught to monastics. They are integral to meditation theory, and the abhidharma, first taught in heaven, gives heaven-realms a level of attention unparalleled in Abrahamic
traditions.
The prevailing view is that heavens are a diversion from which one is bound to fall. Texts
warn against such aspirations undermining rigorous utilization of the precious human birth.
Nāgārjuna and others list devatā called “long lived gods” among stock types of births where
spiritual progress is impossible, because such beings literally have no ears to hear the Dharma.
But texts warning not to become dīrghāyuṣkadevatā also encourage us to attain other heavens,
often in the same breath. Some scholars mistakenly claim devatā cannot accumulate merit andso can only wait for their good karma to dissipate; but devatā actively participate in Buddha’s
mission, engage in myriad merit-making activities supporting the Saṅgha and practice in heavenly shrines and Dharma halls. Hundreds of suttas are taught at their request. The Nikāyas state
that, although non-Buddhist devatā are poised to plunge into hells, disciples of the Buddha
never regress and ultimately attain nirvāṇa in the heavens. The devalokas are ideal for receiving
Dharma, and Buddha, “teacher of gods and humans,” is the foremost guide to their attainment.
Rather than being a Chinese anomaly, East Asian Pure Land distilled normative Indic ideas andpractices into a form with deep roots in Mainstream Indic Buddhism. Since most Buddhists did

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not anticipate nirvāṇa, rebirth in heavens, or the pure lands into which they evolved, provides arobust and inclusive soteriology capable of motivating not just renunciants, but entire civilizations.

Paramārtha’s Concept of jiexing
Buddhism

and its Interpretations in East Asian

Sungdoo Ahn (Seoul National University)
which was used in Paramārtha’s(499-569)
This paper aims at clarifying the concept jiexing
translation of MSg (T1595.31: 175a25f). As noted by Radich (2008: 141), this concept undergoes significant reinterpretation by subsequent scholars, particularly by Wonhyo (617-686) in), where it is equated with *amala-vijñāna, suchness
his “Summary of Nirvāṇasūtra” (and Buddha-nature (T1769.38: 249b8ff). Wonhyo’s understanding of *amala-vijñāna is mainly).
suggested in his commentary on the Vajrasamādhisūtra (I will examine the concept jiexing in such a way as to be related with the concept *amala-vijñāna in Wonhyo’s understanding,

Two Opposing Aspects of Woncheuk’s View on the Relationship Between theSecond and Third Dharma-cakras in Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra - With Some
Newly Identified Materials in Ḥphags pa dgoṅs pa zab mo ṅes par ḥgrel paḥimdo rgya cher ḥgrel pa
Gyu-Eon Jang (Seoul University of Buddhism)
613-696; Ch.
In this presentation, I illuminate two opposing aspects of Woncheuk’s (Yuance) view on the relationship between the Second and Third Dharma-cakras presented inSaṃdhinirmocana-sūtra. For this, based on some newly identified materials (parts of the sec) of “Seo pum” (; Ch. Xu pin,tion Discourse on Essence of Buddha’s Teaching (Introductory Chapter); omitted in classical Chinese) in Ḥphags pa dgoṅs pa zab mo ṅes par;ḥgrel paḥi mdo rgya cher ḥgrel pa, the Tibetan version of Haesimmilgyeong so (Ch. Jieshenmijing shu, Commentary on Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra), written by Woncheuk, andrelated materials in his works, I present some hermeneutical premises of his view on the Three
Dharma-cakras, his interpretation of the criteria of discrimination between nītārtha and neyārtha, and his views on the development of Buddhist thought.
First, as a commentator on Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra, Woncheuk, according to the hermeneuticalpremises of Three Dharma-cakras, presents that the common theme of both the Second andThird Dharma-cakras are Emptiness (śūnyatā), so there is neither superiority nor inferiority
between them, but from the viewpoint of either ending or creating disputes, the Third is actually
superior to the Second Budda-cakra. Second, he further interprets that the criteria of discrimination between nītārtha and neyārtha is not the theme of Dharma-cakra itself, but both thedifferences of the speaker’s preaching style according to the hearer’s abilities, and the effects
of preaching on the part of the hearer. Third, with special reference to the newly identified materials mentioned above, I illuminate that Woncheuk, from the standpoint of a Yogacāra thinker
who thinks that only his school really understands Emptiness, reinterprets Emptiness as nītārtha
based on his own hermeneutical horizon that Emptiness itself, in fact, penetrates through Three
Natures (tri-svabhāva), therefore integrating both the Second and Third Dharma-cakras as one.
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Furthermore, I present his seemingly sensational opinion that the Second Dharma-cakra, i. e.,Prajñā-pāramitā literatures are also nītārtha can be acceptable in that from the viewpoint of
Ultimate Truth (paramārtha-satya), Emptiness is conceived to be the essence of Three Natures.
In conclusion, Woncheuk’s view, first of all, is characterized by the emphasis on the continuity and no difference in the depth between the two Dharma-cakras in terms of his interpreting Emptiness as the meaning of Three Natures. But at the same time, the status of the Third
Dharma-cakra is actually higher in his mind than the Second one since the former is a perfectteaching that overcomes the nihilistic extreme the latter may cause and ends disputes as Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra itself presents. I believe that this aspect of his view may derive from his
fate as a Yogacāra commentator who regarded Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra as one of the supreme
canonical authorities. That is the reason why Tsong kha pa (1357-1419) only employed theformer aspect of this view, but consciously omitted the passages implying the latter aspect of it
when he quoted one of newly identified materials in Woncheuk’s Commentary.

Section 16 (II): Mahāyāna Buddhism
The Concept of Dharmadhātu in the Dharmadhātustava
Chenglin Yang (University of Oxford)
The Dharmadhātustava (“Praise to the Dharmadhātu”) is an important yet rarely studied verse
work of Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism composed no later than the 7th century CE. Classified as a
Mahāyāna sūtra in its earliest Chinese translation, it is attributed in some late Indian and Tibetan
Buddhist traditions to Nāgārjuna, the founder of the Madhyamaka school. My paper aims toanalyse the meaning of dharmadhātu, the key concept of this work, based on its new Sanskrit
critical edition, while comparatively using its Chinese and Tibetan translations. Tracing fromoccurrences of this term in earlier sources, I argue that the concept of dharmadhātu contains
three main components in the Dharmadhātustava. First, it means the cause of the qualities of abuddha, which is both numerically and qualitatively identical to its result. Second, it refers to
the nature of all objects of possible experience. Third, it is understood to be the luminous mind
free of subject-object duality. Outlining how these distinct aspects may be integrated, I argue
that the concept of dharmadhātu may be seen as the centre of a succinct yet powerful summarythat brings together two of the most influential traditions of Mahāyāna Buddhism, the Tathāgatagarbha (“Buddha-nature”) and the Prajñāpāramitā (“Perfection of Insight”), which are often
considered to be not easily compatible.

The Theory of Seeds and Perfumes between Vasubandhu and Sthiramati in
the Triṃśikā
Minhui Tou (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, the Doctoral Program in Buddhist
Studies)
The theory of “seeds” (Skt. bīja) and “perfumes” (vāsanā) is one of the main doctrines of the
Yogācāra School. It explains how the “store mind” (ālayavijñāna) transforms its defiled characteristics, so the sentient beings can obtain the final liberation.

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Vasubandhu (4th-5th CE), a Sautrāntika philosopher and one of the main founders of the Yogācāra School, states in his famous work the Triṃśikā that the store mind becomes undefiled
at the “stage of an Arhat” (vyāvṛttir arhatve). However, the 19th verse of this text raises thequestion of whether seeds exist after the Arhat stage. It states that the “perfume of karma”(karmavāsanā) and the “perfume of the grasper and grasped” (grāhadvayavāsanā) will dissolve
upon maturation and that thereafter a new cycle of maturation begins. The purpose of this verseis therefore simply to explain the continuous nature of consciousness (vijñāna). The process bywhich the seed of defilement is purified is discussed in the Triṃśikāvijñaptibhāṣya of Sthiramati. Here, the seeds of afflictions and subsidiary afflictions are considered to be within the store
mind and are removed by an antidote (pratipakṣa) that cures the affliction.
On the other hand, the 26th verse of the Triṃśikā also mentions “latent defilements” (anuśaya).
Since the latent defilements dwell in the store mind, the practitioner has yet to discover thenature of consciousness and the two grasping latent defilements that cannot be annihilated.
) clarifies that thisCommenting on this verse, the CWSL (Chin. Cheng Wei-Shih Lun,denotes the “stage of preparation” (saṃbhārāvasthā) and that the perfume of the grasper and thegrasped is equivalent to the latent defilements, also termed the seed of afflictions.
However, Sthiramati, who is known as Vasuandhu’s 6th-century successor, has different perspectives in his Triṃśikāvijñaptibhāṣya. He uses the concepts of perfumes more than seeds.
The “perfumes of conceptualizations” (vikalpavāsanā) is to explain the arising of all the conceptualizations and the continuing of one’s mental stream. Unlike Vasubandhu’s perfumes ofkarma and the perfumes of two grasped, Sthiramati wrote the “perfumes of a homogeneous
result” (niṣyandavāsanā) and the “perfumes of maturation” (vipākavāsanā). According to these
perfumes, we may ask: Can the seeds sometimes be taken as the perfumes? But this conflationof terms means that the relationship between the seeds, the perfumes and the latent defilements
is rather vague. It is thus important to determine in precisely which contexts the three holds,
namely, the seeds, the perfumes and the latent defilements, either the same or distinct meanings,
respectively.
The important questions that arise in this context, which I address in my presentation, are: What
happens to the defilement seeds on the path to liberation? Are they simply removed or are theytransformed into pure seeds? Are these pure seeds also stored in the mind after liberation? And
if so, are the defilement seeds in the store mind replaced by pure seeds or removed altogether?
This paper will elucidate Sthiramati’s influence on the interpretation of the seeds and examine
how this interpretation changed throughout the doctrinal development of the Yogācāra School.

Kamalaśīla’s Gradualist Interpretation of the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī
Pei-Lin Chiou (Austrian Academy of Sciences)
Among Mahāyāna sūtras, the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī is one of the few sūtras that deals exclusively with the path to non-conceptual gnosis (nirvikalpajñāna; i.e., the awareness in which
the true nature of reality is realized and directly experienced), and the cognitive state and characteristics of that gnosis. The sūtra’s wide influence in Mahāyāna Buddhism is evidenced by
the many quotations from it as scriptural authority in works by different authors from various
circles and periods of time. Moreover, due to its teaching on non-conceptual gnosis, it played a• Abstracts239

significant role in controversies in Tibet and Dunhuang around the 9th century concerning thecorrect practice for attaining gnosis. With regard to this teaching, there were two traditions ofreading this sūtra. On one side, the sūtra was read as supporting a sudden approach to awakening. The other side read it as a text advocating a gradual path. The main representative of thissecond tradition was the Buddhist scholar-monk Kamalaśīla (ca. 740–795), who was famousfor his descriptions of the gradual bodhisattva path built on traditional Yogācāra theories about
spiritual cultivation.
This paper examines Kamalaśīla’s gradualist interpretation of the path as portrayed in the
Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī in his commentary thereon, the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇīṭīkā. It is wellknown that to bring this scripture in line with his own ideas of the bodhisattva path, Kamalaśīla
interprets the important term “non-mentation” (amanasikāra) in the sūtra’s description of thepath as referring to “consideration of what is true” (bhūtapratyavekṣā), a prominent idea in
Kamalaśīla’s soteriology. However, the way Kamalaśīla turned this scripture into a sūtra on
gradual awakening involves more than this. In this paper, I will show the entire picture of how
Kamalaśīla read the basic structure of his gradual bodhisattva path in the words of the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī. Moreover, through a closer reading of the scripture, I will argue that Kamalaśīla’s gradualist interpretation may have not been his own innovation at all, but may have foundsupport within the sūtra itself, and may have reflected the view held by some, if not all, Indianscholastic thinkers before his time.

Section 17 (I): Mahāyāna Sūtras
Kamalaśīla’s Commentary to the Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra
Jiri Holba (The Oriental Institute, Czech Academy of Science)
Kamalaśīla’s (c. 740–795 CE) Vajracchedikāṭīkā (Tib. Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa rdo rje
gcod pa ’grel pa) is an erudite, albeit relatively short, commentary on the highly influential Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra or Diamond Sūtra (c. 300–500 CE). Although the ṭīkā follows
the structure of Vasubandhu’s Saptapadārthaṭīkā (Tib. Don bdun gyi rgya ccher ’grel pa, Ch.
Qizhong yiju, Seven topics of meanings), Kamalaśīla interprets the Vajracchedikā with a novel
epistemological approach, which sheds important light on key issues in the interpretation of the
Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras.
This paper has two parts. In the first one, I discuss Kamalaśīla’s commentary to the difficult
passage in § 7 of the Vajracchedikā “This dharma which has been taught by the Tathāgata, isungraspable, it is inexpresable, it is neither dharma or not-dharma. Why? Because the Noble
people are distinguished by the unconditional” (yo ’sau tathāgatena dharmo deśitaḥ / (agrāhyaḥ
s)o ’nabhilapya / na sa dharmo nādharmaḥ / tat kasya hetoḥ / asaṃskṛtaprabhāvitā hy āryapudgalāḥ // ed. Harrison). In the second part, I examine Kamalaśīla’s approach to the often repeated, contradictory statements in the Vajracchedikā. Such locutions, which P. Harrison has called
the work’s “signature formulae,” say: “X does not exist therefore we say that X does exist.” Forexample, “‘Buddha’s fields’, Subhūti, these the Tathāgata has taught to not be (Buddha’s) fields.
Thus they are said to be Buddha’s fields” (kṣetravyūhāḥ kṣetravyūhā iti subhūte ’vyūhās tetathāgatena bhāṣitāḥ / tenocyante kṣetravyūhā iti //). In his commentary (Derge 231b5–7), Ka-

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malaśīla interprets one such signature formula from the Mādhyamika differentiated perspectiveof two truths (satya): Buddha’s fields being “neither one nor many” (ekānekaviyoga), i.e. empty(śūnya), do not ultimately (paramārthasat) exist; however, seeing them from the point of viewof conventional truth (saṃvṛtisatya), they do exist. Drawing on insightful comments by Tillemans, I argue that Kamalaśīla’s interpretations can solve some contradictions in Buddhist texts
and undermine a strong dialetheistic or paraconsistent reading of them (e.g., Garfield, Priest).

Śūnyatā-vikṣipta in Tathāgatagarbha Sūtra Literature
A.W. Barber (University of Calgary)Guṇabhadra’s (394-468) translation of the Śrīmālādevī Siṃhanāda Sūtra [T. 12, #353] con) [@ 222b. 21]. Further, this term also is employed in thetains the term śūnyatā-vikṣipta (Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra [T. 16, #670, pg. 513a 29]. In the Śrīmālādevī, the term appears in a passage
explaining sentient beings who are incapable of understanding the tathāgatagarbha. This includes individuals who have a view of a “person” and those who have delusions. The third typeof individuals who are incapable are those whose thoughts are “bewildered (i.e. scattered) byśūnyatā”. This paper will delve into the contextual setting and the meaning of śūnyatā-vikṣipta
within these two Tathāgatagarbha texts with a special emphasis on Buddhist praxis. It will draw
on information found in the Ratnagotravibhāga to elucidate this technical term.

The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch Engraved On Slabs in Yunjun
Monastery, Fangshan, Beijing: Its Relations with the Yongle Southern Canon and its Donors
Darui Long (University of the West)is a collection of words spoken by VenerThe Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch(638-713). The editions of this scripture vary from times and regions. The
able Huineng
academia, both in China and in the world, have noticed its discrepancies in wording as scholars
have found many versions in China, Korea and Japan.
The earliest version of The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch can be traced to the manu, in the early twentieth century. Since then, thescripts discovered in Cave 17, Dunhuang
Chinese and Japanese scholars have devoted themselves to the study of various versions of
this Chinese Buddhist scripture. Great progress has been made – scholars have come to see theconnections between versions discovered in Dunhuang, and the versions ascribed to Fahai, Huixin, Qisong
and Zongbao.
In 2016, the author was invited to attend an international conference on the stone-cut Buddhist. He noscriptures held in Yunju Monastery, Fanghshan, Beijing, China
ticed that The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch was not included any Buddhist canon, such
, Chongning Canon, or the Koryo Edition, etc. It was not until
as Kaibao(r.1368-1399) that this scripture was reportedly included inEmperor Zhu Yuanzhang. However, the scripture is missing in the extant catathe Hongwu Southern Canon
which waslog. The Platform Sutra was incorporated in The Yongle Southern Canon(r.1403-1424). Thencompiled around the years 1419 during the reign of Emperor Zhu Di• Abstracts

241organizers of Fangshan Stone-Cut Buddhist Scripture Project, using the Platform Sutra of the
Yongle Southern Canon as the hard copy, decided to engrave this scripture on stone slabs in thein 1620. Consequently, the Platform Sutra became partlast year of Emperor Shenzong
and theof Chinese Buddhist Canon, such as the Jiaxing Thread-Bound Canon.
Qing Edition of the Chinese Buddhist Canon
Since 2016, the author has been pondering this issue and discussing it with Chinese and international scholars. They all feel it necessary to further explore why the editors of the Buddhist
canon were reluctant to include this scripture until the fifteenth century. The current paper aims
at discussing the historical background and sources to answer the question.

How Can We ‘Keep’ the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra? On the Concept ofdhārayati
Jinghao Bai (Hiroshima University))
Chapters 10–20 of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra are known as the dissemination part (of this sūtra. The purpose of this part is to advise sentient beings (sattva) to hear (śṛṇoti), keep(dhārayati), make other people to recite (vācayati), preach (prakāśayati) and copy (likhayati),
and worship (pūjayati) this Mahāyāna sūtra. One would immediately perceive that among these
the concept of ‘keep’ (dhārayati) is most ambiguous and hence need to be clarified in order tofully grasp the intention of this part.
Mitomo 1975 (“On the Term ‘Dhṛ’ in the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra,” Journal of Indian andBuddhist Studies 24-1, 190–195) is the first to consider the concept of ‘keep’ as observed in the
Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra in whole. According to him, the object of ‘keeping’ are of two kinds:
manuscript and doctrine. In the former case dhārayati means ‘possess’ and in the latter case ‘retain in mind’. On the other hand, according to Drewes 2015 (“Oral Texts in Indian Mahāyāna,”Indo-Iranian Journal 58, 117–141), dhārayati simply means ‘retain the doctrine of the sūtra inmind’. Both of these are hasty conclusions reached on the basis of an insufficient treatment of
the usages of dhārayati in the dissemination part of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra.
The precise analysis of these usages shows that there are three sorts of object of ‘keeping’: (1)words, such as verses or proses of the sūtra; (2) contents of the sūtra, in short, the doctrine of
the One Vehicle; and (3) manuscripts of the sūtra. There is only one example for (3) in the dissemination part. This indicates that ‘possess manuscripts’ is not the core meaning of dhārayati
in this part. There, to ‘keep’ basically means to retain in mind or memorize (1) and (2); and thismemorization enables one to make the Buddha’s words recited by other people, to preach the
Buddha’s teachings to them, and to copy the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra, thereby contributing to
its dissemination.

Section 17 (II): Mahāyāna Sūtras
A Study on the Tathāgataguhyasūtra
Hiromitsu Ikuma (Taisho University)

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The Tathāgataguhyasūtra
is one of the early Mahāyāna scriptures that was first. The Dharmarakṣa’s translation of thistranslated in the 3rd century by *Dharmarakṣa
and has been incorporated into
text is named as the Guhyakādhipatinirdeśa
by *Bodhiruci. The Sanskrit edition of the
Chapter 3 of the *Mahāratnakūṭa
Tathāgataguhyakasūtra is currently being prepared by the presenter.
It has been debated whether the tathāgataguhya-dharmamukha
found in the
Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra and the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa is the Tathāgataguhyakasūtra itself or not. In thiswhich is seen in Aṅguttara-Nikāya
paper, we point out that the *caturacintyasthānaand so on is also seen in the Tathāgataguhyakasūtra. Focusing on the *buddhaviṣayācintyasthānin the *caturacintyasthāna, we consider the reasons for compiling the Tathāgataguhyakasūtra. In addition, the relationship between the Tathāgataguhyakasūtra and tathāgataguhya-dharmamukha found in other Mahāyāna-scriptures will be considered.

On the Manuscripts of Two Versions of the Tibetan Translation of theAṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Imported to Japan by Tada Tōkan
Fumio Shoji (Rissho University)
Buddhist and other texts were brought from to Tibet to Japan by KAWAGUCHI Ekai (1866–
1945), NŌMI Kan (1868–1901?), TERAMOTO Enga (1872–1940), AOKI Bunkyō (1886–
1956), and TADA Tōkan (1890–1967). Each of these imported a copy of the Tibetan translationof the (Ārya)-Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā, Tib. ‘Phags pa shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa
brgyad stong pa (hereafter Aṣṭa and brGyad stong pa respectively).
Regarding the compilation process of the brGyad stong pa, primarily using the Tibetan translation the author has previously discussed the two versions of the Aṣṭa in India and the three
versions of the brGyad stong pa in Tibet (Shōji [2009], [2014], etc.). I pointed out that among
them there were extant examples of the same sūtra copied separately (many of them decorated
texts with dark blue paper and using gold and silver lettering) as an independent edition notincluded in the Kanjur, and that among them there were texts older than the extant Sanskrit textof the Aṣṭa from Nepal (Shōji [2010], etc.).
In other words, it was found that even though the date of copying of a decorated text was relatively recent, the content of some manuscripts preserved an older textual lineage not included in
the Tshal pa group. These texts are significant for an understanding of the compilation processof the Aṣṭa.
In this paper I examine two Tibetan translations of the Aṣṭa imported to Japan by Tada Tōkan,identifying the position of the two manuscripts as among the extant brGyad stong pa texts
including in the Kanjur, and furthermore clarify the background of the development of three
versions of the brGyad stong pa in Tibet.

On the Formation of the Guan Wuliangshou-fo jing: Focusing on the Connection with the Da Amituo jing
Yue Xiao (Ryukoku University)• Abstracts

243

In this paper, I am going to explore the formation of the Guan Wuliangshou-fo jing
(T365, the Guan-jiing), focusing on the nine-grade rebirth system and its connection with theT362 , the earliest version of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra.
Da Amituo jing
Even though some pioneer scholars have discussed the issue of the formation of the Guan-jingin the light of its relationship with other five visualization/ contemplation scriptures whose titles(T 643); (ii)
(T 1161); (iii)
contain the character , (i)(T 452); (iv)
(T 277); and (v)(T 409),scholars have definitely overlooked a significant clue, its relationship with the Da Amituo jing.
This paper will focus on the relationship between the nine-grade rebirth system in the Guan-jing
and the three-grade rebirth system in the Da Amituo jing. This issue will be approached fromthe following perspectives:, the Buddha in the Guan-jing holds two names, AmFirst, according to Yamada Meiji
along with Wuliang shou
, and the separate passages containing these two
ituo
names are evenly distributed in the Guan-jing. I will point out that those passages listing thename of the Buddha, Amituo, in the Guan-jing may have some relationship with those in the Da
Amituo jing in that the name of Amituo only appears in the Da Amituo jing.
Second, I will focus on the relationship between the three-grade rebirth system in the Da Amituo jing, and the nine-grade rebirth system in the Guan-jing in terms of the cultivation of thebodhisattva path to perfection.
Third, I will discuss the relationship between the two sutras, focusing on rebirth by hearing thename of Amituo as outlined in the Da Amituo jing and by hearing the names of two bodhisattvas
in the Guan-jing.

Section 18 (I): Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy
On a Sanskrit Manuscript of the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā
Dated to the Regnal Year 8 of Harivarman
Shin’Ichiro Hori (International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies)
A Sanskrit manuscript of the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā dated to the regnal year 8
of Harivarman of the Varman Dynasty in Eastern Bengal which consists of 560 folios in total
is now dispersed in various museums and private collections in Europe, North America, andIndia. The Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, has the largest number, i.e. 59 folios. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, has 30 folios. The Vadodara Museum & Picture Gallery has 22
folios including the last folio with a colophon. While the manuscript has attracted special attention from art historians on the account of the illustrations drawn on many of its palm leaves, itremains almost unknown to Buddhist philologists.
Based upon the investigation of the original in the Vadodara collection, I present a transliteration of the colophon. Because the colophon fortunately records the date in detail, it is possible toestablish the exact date on the basis of calendrical elements. While the final colophon gives the
text the title Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā, the colophons written at the end of chap-

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ters show consistently the title Mahatī Prajñāpāramitā, which is unknown in any other Sanskrit
manuscripts of the Prajñāpāramitā, but corresponds semantically to the Chinese title. Unlike the Nepalese manuscripts of the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā and theGilgit manuscript of the Larger Prajñāpāramitā, which lack the last four chapters, Anugamaparivarta, Sadāpraruditaparivarta, Dharmodgataparivarta, and Parīndanāparivarta, the manuscript
includes these chapters. Moreover, the manuscript also shows textual peculiarities which are
not common to other Sanskrit manuscripts but are shared by some Tibetan and Chinese versionsof the Larger Prajñāpāramitā. The manuscript is regarded as the only Sanskrit manuscript of the
Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā copied in Eastern India.

Illuminating the Life Stories of the Seven Buddhas: The Sanskrit Mahāvadāna-sūtra and Its Textual Parallels in Pāli and Chinese
Qingniao Li (University of Oxford)
Though rather unheeded by scholarship today, the stories of the Seven Buddhas, i.e., Gotama
Buddha and his six predecessors, and the associated textual tradition were widespread in Buddhist history. Vogel, for example, states that “a very remarkable development in the early history of Buddhism is what we may call the multiplication of its founder” (1954: 1). As suggested
by Skilling (1996; 2006), the Seven Buddhas represent a common heritage of all Buddhist
schools. Narratives and discussions related to the Seven Buddhas are also documented in Buddhist literature across Sanskrit, Pāli and Chinese. Among them, the Sanskrit Mahāvadāna-sūtra(MAV) and its Pāli parallel the Mahāpadāna-sutta (MAP), and the Chinese parallel Daben jing
(DBJ) are being considered as the locus classicus.
Pioneering studies on the Sanskrit manuscripts of the Mahāvadāna-sūtra are attributed to Waldschmidt (1953) and Fukita (1997; 2003). The Sanskrit manuscripts that have been restored bythem will constitute a crucial part of this study. Fukita’s edition of the Mahāvadāna-sūtra, which
is a reworking based on that of Waldschmidt, will serve as the principal text for the translationand the comparative studies of the Mahāvadāna-sūtra. This edition is mainly restored based on
the manuscript SHT 399, a bundle of Dīrgha-āgama materials discovered at Nāgarāja-Hole in
Sorcuq (in present-day Yanqi, Xinjiang Province of China). Other important supplementarymanuscripts include SHT 9 (= TM361) and SHT 685, which were also found in Northern Turkestan, and parallel passages in the Saṅghabhedavastu.
Apart from the Sanskrit MAV, the Pāli Mahāpadāna-sutta (DN.II.14) of the Dīgha-nikāya isseen as the prototype of the narratives on numerous Buddhas as it contains a thorough description of the careers of Gotama Buddha’s six precursors, which are indistinguishable from thatof Gotama himself (Salomon, 2018: 268). And most of all, Norman (1983: 36) points out that
MAP sets out the universal conditions that are required for a Buddha to come into existence.
While MAP is as noteworthy as it has been depicted by the above-mentioned significant figuresof Buddhist Studies, the text and the embodied ideology receives limited attention from thescholarship.
(T 1) ofThe longest version of the Chinese parallels of the MAV/MAP is the Daben jing
the Chinese Dīrgha-āgama, which belongs to the Dharmaguptaka school. In comparison withthe other four Chinese textual parallels, the content of the DBJ is the one that is significantly• Abstracts245

similar to that of the MAV/MAP.
The heart of my research is a re-evaluation of the MAV/MAP textual tradition, operating in the
blooming field of comparative Āgama studies. As this research deals with various recensionsof the MAV/MAP family, an exhaustive philological study will help us to analyse the linguistic
and literary features of these texts, and investigate the historical transmission of this textual
family. By doing so, I hope to shed light upon the Seven Buddhas and their roles in the history
of Buddhism and to uncover a tradition that was once illuminated in Buddhist literature, practices, and art.

Early Land-Donation Inscriptions from Junnar and Andhra Pradesh: Physical Evidence for Monastic Record-Keeping
Kelsey Martini (Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich)The primary intent of this paper is to retranslate, systematically analyze, and properly contextualize a series of 1st-2nd c. CE land-donation inscriptions in the so-called “Ambika Cetiyaghara”, found nestled in the foothills surrounding the town of Junnar in Western Mahārāṣṭra.
Due primarily to their obscure syntactic structure and vocabulary these inscriptions have perplexed scholars and defied proper explanation for over a century. In addition to clarifying thegrammatical structure of the inscriptions as well as defining the technical vocabulary they contain, this paper shows that these inscriptions are best understood as a form of monastic record-keeping, most likely being copies of original documents written on perishable materials
carved onto the cave-walls of an otherwise abandoned architectural structure. This theory isthen extended towards an important yet poorly understood 2nd c. CE pillar inscription from
Allūru in Andhra Pradesh, which details, in an analogously unusual manner, the donation ofland and various items to the Buddhist Saṃgha. Finally, both the Ambika and Allūru inscriptions are compared with a recently uncovered Gāndhārī “ledger document” published by MarkAllon. The final point of the paper is to underscore the inherent importance of these challenging
Brāhmī inscriptions and Gāndhārī manuscripts in that they afford us a rare glimpse into the styleof administrative documents which were in actual use in the first two centuries CE.

More Than Meets the Eye: Chinese Buddhist Texts Hidden in Tocharian
Fragments
Ruixuan Chen (Heidelberg Centre for Transcultural Studies, Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg)
This presentation is based on a recent, potentially sensational discovery made by the speakerin collaboration with Dr. Tao PAN (Munich) that some 8th/9th-century Tocharian fragments
preserved in the Berlin Turfan collection turn out to consist of two physical layers. In their images by transmitted light, one finds Chinese characters clearly written on the inside of the twolayers which had been pasted together before the Tocharian texts were written on the outside.
In a preliminary investigation, the research team has been able not only to identify the hidden
Chinese texts as parts of the oldest extant copies of some Mahāyāna sūtras translated into Chinese, but also to reconstruct the modi operandi by which such multi-layered manuscripts were
produced in the Tarim Basin. In addition to philological observations, this paper looks further

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into this noteworthy group of written artifacts by hypothesizing on the religio-historical background against which the transfer and transformation of Chinese Buddhist scrolls into Tocharian pothi-folios took place.

Section 18 (II): Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy
Finding the Missing Nuns of Nuava: A Philological-Archeological Inquiry
Diego Loukota Sanclemente (University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA))
While the practice of Buddhist monasticism in the ancient federated kingdom of Shanshan/
Nuava in Central Asia is widely attested but remains only superficially surveyed, a stunningabsence that has not been hitherto noticed is the apparent lack of mention to female monastics
within the rich corpus of documents in Gāndhārī recovered from the Nuavan sites of Niya, Endere, and Loulan, dated to the 3rd and 4th Centuries CE. In this paper I will provide philologicalevidence to suggest that the term aya (=*əj:a:?) found twice in the corpus and so far unaccounted for is a cognate of Sanskrit āryā/āryikā and Pāli ayyā/ariyā ‘[lady], nun,’ and that in fact itdoes refer to Buddhist nuns, thereby filling the aforementioned gap. With this insight in mind,
I propose to review what we know about the lives of women in Shanshan/Nuava and examine
the contemporary evidence for female Buddhist monasticism in the neighboring kingdoms of
Kucha and Khotan to provide an interpretation of the role that Buddhist nuns may have playedin this ancient polity, nested at the intersection of the Iranian, Indic, and Sinitic traditions and amandatory transit point for the spread of Buddhism to East Asia.

A Study on the Translation of Sanskrit into Manchu Found in the 18th Century Huayan-jing xu rufajiepin; Contrasting with the Existing Sanskrit Textof the Gaṇḍavyūha Sutra, and the Tibetan and Mongolian Versions of theĀvataṃsaka Sūtra
Seoyeon Park (Dongguk University)
For many years, I have been conducting research on the Manchu Buddhist Canon () compiled during the reign of Emperor Qianlong () of the Qing Dynasty. The Manchu
Buddhist Canon provides a variety of materials to inform us about the Buddhist ideology, belief
and culture of the Manchu people at that time. It is an important resource to give us new insight
into the Buddhist culture of the Qing Dynasty. The data on modern East Asian history written in
Manchurian contains important information that cannot be obtained from Chinese materials. In
this regard, I cannot emphasize enough the importance of the Manchu Buddhist Canon.
The Manchu Buddhist Canon was compiled by comprehensively contrasting the Chinese, Tibetan and Mongolian Tripitakas. Although its content is limited to sutras and rules governing
the Buddhist community, its literary value is quite high. Despite the philological status of theManchu Buddhist Canon, research on it in Korea is still in its infancy. Even in Japan, where
Buddhist studies developed early on, it seems that studies on it have not progressed much. Even
in Europe, the United States, and Japan, where Buddhist philology is more developed, studies)[Manchurian name: umesi badaraka aimanon the Huayan-jing xu rufajiepin (• Abstracts247

i fucihi i miyamigan yangsangga nomun i sirame dosimbuha nomun jecen i fiyelen] are scarce.
The Manchu Buddhist Canon consists of 108 boxes( ), and short sutras related to the Āvataṃsaka Sūtra translated into Manchu are included in Volume 57. In 2015, I had already studied the
Huayan-jing xu rufajiepin in Manchu by contrasting it with Chinese Buddhist Scriptures. Basedon those past studies, this study contrasted the Huayan-jing xu rufajiepin in Manchu with the
Tibetan, Mongolian and Sanskrit versions. In doing so, I want to examine how and to what extent each translation was referenced, and as a result, how the entire Manchu text was compiled.
First, I will compare the Huayan-jing xu rufajiepin found in the Manchu Buddhist Canon withthe existing Sanskrit text of the Gaṇḍavyūha Sutra. I will then examine characteristics of the
Sanskrit in the Huayan-jing xu rufajiepin, and compare it with the corresponding parts of the
Tibetan and Mongolian translations of the Āvataṃsaka Sutra. As a result of this study, I expectthat the literary characteristics of the Manchu Buddhist Canon will be understood more clearly.
I believe this study will be the first of its kind in Buddhist studies. My research methods should
provide a new direction for more diverse academic methodologies in Buddhist research, awayfrom research oriented around Chinese Buddhist Scriptures. And I hope it encourages a newresearch methodology in Buddhist studies centered on Chinese Buddhist Scriptures. I also hope
this study will expand the scope of Korean studies and help us see East Asian Buddhism froma new perspective.
I hope this study will revitalize research on the Manchu Buddhist Canon, still largely unexplored, and that it will also expand the horizons of research on the Qing Dynasty and the history
of Buddhist thought in East Asia.

From Codicology to Sociality: A Study of Dunhuang Manuscript S.3872
Sinae Kim (Princeton University)
The Dunhuang manuscript S.3872, a late medieval Chinese scroll of the Buddhist sūtra lecture) on the first chapter of the Vimalakīrti Sūtra, has a non-standard
text (jiangjing wen
way of composition compared to other surviving manuscripts of the same genre. The physicalfeatures of the manuscript—its variously sized panels, traces of cutting and pasting, signs ofmultiple handwritings, and correction marks—indicate that multiple people had engaged in the
copying, writing, proofreading, editing, and rearranging of the manuscript as well as its performance. The genre of sūtra lecture texts, which are written scripts or lecture notes Buddhist
proselytizing monks used to lecture mainly for the laity on Buddhist scriptures, consists ofthree sequential subgenres, namely, scriptural passages (jing ), the preacher’s explanation inprose (bai ), and the preacher’s paraphrasing in verse (chang ). This paper pays particularattention to the untypical way of the composition of the scroll, which reveals that sūtra lecture
texts were not always copied or composed sequentially from jing through bai to chang by thesame person. Based on the physical features of the manuscript, the paper argues that multiple
preachers had inserted their exegeses into the existing scroll, on which scriptural passages andthe paraphrasing of them in verse are already written by different hands. This paper concludes
by further arguing that not only the content of the text but also the physical features of themanuscript can attest to the fluidity and spontaneity of the preacher’s explanation in prose. The
manuscript thus offers a glimpse into the communal nature of Buddhist popular preaching.

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Section 19: Meditation Theories and Practices
Theory and Practice of Tranquil Abiding in Indo-Tibetan Tradition: The
Pith Instructions of Yeshe Gyaltsen (1713-1793) and His Predecessors
Lobsang Tshultrim Gnon-Na (Kyoto University)
Abstract: Tranquil Abiding is an advanced meditative state of mind that is attained through gradual meditative training focusing on the cultivation of mindfulness and meta-awareness. This
paper will focus on the eighteenth-century Tibetan scholar Yeshe Gyaltsen’s manual on Tranquil
Abiding. It involves an introduction and analysis of the themes of Tranquil Abiding, such as thesignificance and objects of Tranquil Abiding, its relevance to Special Insight, mental hindrances,and factors that counter them. Illustrated will be how Yeshe Gyaltsen’s point of view, which
he calls the Ganden tradition, is influenced by exceptional Indian Mahāyāna masters such as
Nāgārjuna (second century), Asaṅga (fourth century), Śāntideva (seventh century), Kamalaśila
(eighth century), Atīśa Dipaṃkaraśrijñāna (tenth century), and Tsongkhapa (fourteenth century).
Included will be a discussion of his understanding of amanasikāra or non-mentation.

The Navel Contemplation in Foshuo Guan Jing (S.2585)
Phra Kiattisak Ponampon (University of Cambridge)
S.2585 is a significant Dunhuang manuscript, providing various types of Buddhist meditativetechniques. Some techniques can be traced back to Central Asia and India, although some techniques seem to have been developed later. I argue that the vision of buddhas that accompanies
single-minded contemplation of the navel as described in S.2585 may reflect the idea of a“buddha within” denoting the notions of buddha-nature and tathāgatagarbha in some contexts.
I also argue that navel contemplation became an important part of Buddhist meditation practicein early Chinese Buddhism

An Experimental Study on Attention Measurement and Mind/Meditation
Training Using a Sati-Meter, a Meditation Machine
Sung-Chul Kim (Dongguk University, Gyeongju Campus)
1. Apparatus and Methods for evaluating and improving mindfulness(sati) meditation
Although the training effect of meditation has been studied scientifically and objectively, thetraining process of meditation has not yet been scientized and objectivized. To address thisissue, I invented a meditation machine called ‘Apparatus for Tactile Stimulation Distribution,’or Sati-Meter that can be used to evaluate and improve a sati practitioner’s ability to meditate.
The Sati-Meter consists of a control panel and 10, small, thin coin-type tactile stimulators. The
stimulators are symmetrically attached to a subject’s body. By operating the switches on thecontrol panel, the operator activates various stimulators for very short periods of time. Simultaneously, the vibrator numbers and sequence of operations were shown on the control panel’s
small screen. The operator asks the subject the number, location or the order of the vibrators felt
• Abstracts249

by him or her. By comparing the answers with the actual stimulation pattern, the subject’s tactile
attention can be evaluated. By repeating the stimulation and feedback process, the Sati-Meter
can be used for mind training(Kim, 2014).
2. An Experimental Study on the Tactile Attentiveness of Meditation Practitioners Using theSati-Meter
In this study, we measured and compared the tactile attentiveness of meditation practitioners,
athletes and ordinary persons by using the Sati-Meter. Among meditation practitioners, general-type Vipassanā practitioners showed statistically significant tactile attentiveness on the rightside of body in comparison to Goenka Vipassana practitioners who showed a similar result on
the left side. Among athletes the control group of basketball players and runners showed statistically significant tactile attentiveness on the right side of body compared to gun shooters withthe result on the left side. General-type Vipassanā is practiced even during times of walking,and basketball and running are both dynamic sports, while gun shooting and Goenka Vipassanārequires static training. Given this discussion in somatosensory pathways, we can surmise thatthe differences of tactile attentiveness between the subjects is caused by a lateralization of brain
function(Kim et al. 2017).
3. An Experimental Study on Psychological Effects of Mind Training with Sati-Meter
In this experiment about 20 volunteers practiced with a Sati-Meter for 30 minutes a day for 10
days. Before and after the practice three psychological tests were performed on the volunteers
and the effects of Sati-Meter practice were statistically analyzed using a ‘Paired t-Test’. The
tests were 1) the Korean Version of Five-factor Mindfulness Questionnaire (K-FFMQ), 2) the
Digit Span Test (Gary Jones & Bill Macken, 2015) and 3) the Tactile Stimulation Perceptivity
Test. The K-FFMQ is composed of five groups of questionnaires. The titles of these groups are①acting with awareness, ②non-judging of experience, ③observing, ④non-reactivity and ⑤describing(Won & Kim, 2006). Among these five factors ①, ④, ⑤ showed statistically significant
improvement (p<0.05) after practicing with the Sati-Meter. Factor ③ showed improvement, but
not statistically significant (0.05<p<0.1). In the Digit Span Test and Tactile Stimulation Perceptivity Test, we also found statistically significant improvement (p<0.05). In conclusion, thestudy shows that the Sati-Meter can be used to assistant machine of sati practice and improve
the ability of one’s short-term memory and tactile perceptibility.

The Theory of Four Stages to Arahantship in Theravāda Soteriology from
Pāli Canon to Commentaries
Amrita Nanda (Centre of Buddhist Studies, The university of Hong Kong)
The theory of the four stages to arahantship refers to an exhaustive list of stages that a Theravāda Buddhist practitioner is supposed to pass through in the process of the attainment of arahantship. According to the theory, a Buddhist practitioner may pass through these stages in his
or her progress towards liberation in this lifetime or various lifetimes in diverse cosmologicalrealms depending on the individual’s conditions and commitment to spiritual practice. This theory holds a significant place in the Pāli Nikāya-s, where the four stages occur independently andin sequential stages associated with the particular practice. In the present Theravāda tradition,
the theory of four stages to arahantship functions as a reference point that orients and provides

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a criterion for spiritual progress. In this sense, the theory is crucially important in Theravāda
soteriological thoughts and practices.
Contemporary Buddhists very often understand the theory of the four stages through the lensof Pāli commentators, particularly Buddhaghosa. He in the Visuddhimagga presents the stageof stream-entry as the peak spiritual experience. The stage of stream-entry is presented in theseventh stage of the seven fold path of purification in the Visudhimagga. The seventh stage isthe purification of knowledge and vision (ñāṇadassana-visuddhi), which is the culminate pointof the Buddhist Theravāda Buddhist soteriology as presented in the Visuddhimagga.
A careful survey of the Buddhist literature shows a clear contrast between the Pāli canonicalpresentation of the four stages and the Pāli commentarial presentation of the four stages. To
understand the historical transformation of this important concept one needs to clarify how thelater tradition differs from the early Buddhists, and to clarify an important doctrinal evolution
in Buddhist history that has hitherto not been comprehensively conducted. This paper attempts
to show that the contemporary Theravāda understanding of the four stages to arahantship was
heavily filtered by the commentarial interpretations, and that the theory has undergone substantial development. I hope that investigation of this theory of the four stages from the Pāli Canonto Pāli commentaries would clarify many socio-religious developments that have contributed
for the development of Buddhist soteriology and how Buddhist soteriological thought accommodated different social and individual needs.

A Sanskrit ‘Buddhist Yoga Manual’ from Kučā
Constanze Pabst von Ohain (Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich) and Wen Zhao (Nankai University, Tianjin)
The so-called “buddhistisches Yogalehrbuch” (YL), a ‘Buddhist Yoga Manual’ from Kučā,
comprises several highly fragmentary birch-bark manuscripts, written in a local Sanskrit andNorth Turkestan Brāhmī, which first came to light with the excavations of the Third German
Turfan Expedition (1905-07) at a Buddhist monastic complex in Qïzïl, Kučā. The pioneering
work of Dieter Schlingloff in 1964, who edited the then available Sanskrit fragments and produced a German translation, revealed truly sensational findings: The text was found to detail ahitherto unique visionary meditation schema of a ‘forgotten’ Buddhist tradition.
The YL is primarily concerned with elucidating how a yogācāra (‘practitioner of yoga’) should
meditate on a total of fifteen objects, each of which is presented as a remedy (pratipakṣa) for a
specific obstacle. Although this concept is widespread in Abhidharmic literature, the manner ofthe meditation is quite unique. The YL contains detailed instructions on a visual and psychosomatic technique. Even though the YL is not attested in other Buddhist languages, the texts) and visualisation (guanshares some of its peculiarities with other meditation (chan jing
) sūtras, likely from Central Asia, as well as inscriptions and murals in what are likely
jing
meditation caves in the region.
Despite the significance of the text for understanding the development of Buddhist meditation
specifically as well as the history of Buddhism in Central Asian more generally, the YL has notreceived the attention it deserves. To remedy this issue, we recently formed a research groupand initiated the collaborative project ‘An English Translation of a Sanskrit ‘Buddhist Yoga
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Manual’ from Kučā’, awarded The Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation Grants for Critical
Editions and Scholarly Translations 2019.
In this group presentation we shall give a report on the progress of our project thus far, presenting new findings in regards to the ordering of the fragments, the structure and style of themanual, the import of some highly rare Abhidharma terminology, and elements it shares withvisual representations in the region.

Section 20: Tantric Buddhism
The Esoteric Rituals on the Death and Rebirth Attributed to Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna
Kaie Mochizuki (Minobusan University)
In the Tibetan Tangyur there is a small collection named “the thirteen manners of mantra (sngags lugs bcu gsum)” attributed to Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna. It contains his thirteen small works on
the esoteric rituals, that is to say, the Mantrārthāvatāra, the Sekopadeśa, the Samayagupti, theSaudadāna, the Peyotkṣepavidhi, the Homavidhi, the Devapūjakrama, the Āyuḥsādana, the Mṛtyuvañcana, the Mumūrṣuśāstra, the Śmahoma, the Saptaparvavidhi, and the Citāvidhi (P. nos.
4856-4868). Though the first work explains the meaning of the vehicle of mantra, the others
explain the manuals of the rituals, namely the last six on rituals of death and rebirth, and the firstsix on preliminary rituals for it.
The last six works are classified into two. The first three, the Method to accomplish a Life(Āyuḥsādana), the Way to keep away death (Mṛtyuvañcana), and the Explanation of the Dying
Process (Mumūrṣuśāstra), are rituals of death and performed for people facing death. The last
three, the Cremation Liturgy (Śmahoma), Rituals of Seven Weeks after Death (Saptaparvavidhi), and Ritual to Mold Small Statues (Citāvidhi), are rituals of rebirth and are performed forpeople who have dead. Because they are collected into the thirteen rituals of Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna
by its compiler, the targets of these rituals are different between the first half and the last, just as
some of them are written in verse style and others in prose style.
This compilation may not belong to Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna, but to the compiler who wanted tocompile the ritual of death and rebirth attributed to him. At least, we can say that Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna did not write them in the same place because their written styles are different. Presumably
the compiler selected the thirteen works on the rituals of death and rebirth from the writings ofDīpaṃkaraśrījñāna and compiled them as the thirteen manners of the esoteric rituals attributed
to Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna. Of course they may not be his authentic works.

Atiśa’s Tantric Songs: The Vajrāsanavajragīti and the Caryāgīti
Hee Eon Pak (Graduate student of Tsukuba University)
The Vajrāsanavajragīti (rdo rje gdan gyi rdo rje’i glu) and the Caryāgīti (spyod pa’i glu) are
two of Atiśa’s (alias Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna, 982-1054) works on Tantric Buddhist practices. In
the self-commentary on the Caryāgīti, Atiśa clearly states that two works were composed as

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sequels. However, despite this statement, Atiśa’s intention to compose these works as sequels
remains unclear, and the two tend to be studied individually. For this reason, this paper aims to
examine the relationship between the Vajrāsanavajragīti and the Caryāgīti, by means of which
one aspect of Atiśa’s teachings on Vajrayāna would be clarified.
The Vajrāsanavajragīti teaches the process of practices that aim to attain luminosity (prabhāsvara), through which the cessation of external phenomena is experienced, and non-duality isachieved. The primary practice taught in this work is the completion stage, a union with Nairātmyā, a female partner. Through this union, bliss arises, and the yogin controls the subtle bodies
using that bliss. Then, luminosity is experienced, and external phenomena disappear. In thiswork, the state of attaining luminosity is called ultimate truth (paramārthasatya) and the truthof cessation (nirodhasatya).
On the other hand, the most prominent teaching of the Caryāgīti is the importance of preserving
moral precepts (tshul khrims), which gives the impression that the Caryāgīti is a Pāramitāyāna work rather than a Vajrayāna work. However, the primary practice taught in the Caryāgīti,
overshadowed by the teaching of moral precepts, is maṇḍala meditation of the generation stage,
which enables a practitioner to realize that the external phenomena are mere conceptualizationand manifestations of own mind. Atiśa calls this realization as self-empowerment (ātmādhiṣṭhāna) and the conventional truth (saṃvṛtisatya). Further, like in the Vajrāsanavajragīti, it is taughtthat manifested objects should also be eliminated. However, unlike in the Vajrāsanavajragīti,Atiśa does not describe a method to achieve luminosity, which results in the disappearanceof external phenomena. Furthermore, Atiśa refrains from mentioning luminosity and uses theterms such as ‘great bliss,’ ‘samādhi,’ or ‘the nature of truth’ to refer to luminosity instead. In
the last part of the Caryāgīti, Atiśa teaches the importance of moral precepts as a means to keep
conventional truth and prevent the ripening of karma.
Considering the relationship between generation and completion stage, the usages of synonyms
found in the two works, practices taught in the Caryāgīti can be said to be the preliminary stage
for the practices taught in the Vajrāsanavajragīti. However, we cannot help but doubt the unity
or sequence of these two works because it is hard to harmonize moral precepts taught in the
Caryāgīti with sexual tantric practice taught in the Vajrāsanavajragīti. It might be possible for
us to set up a hypothesis that the Caryāgīti is for ordained monks who can get only the vaseinitiation, while the Vajrāsanavajragīti is for lay practitioners who are allowed to receive the secret and wisdom initiations, as taught in the Bodhipathapradīpa. Further, regarding the problemof the monks’ being separated from achieving the ultimate truth, it is assumed that Atiśa tried
to solve this problem by letting monks ‘know’ the state of ultimate truth by giving doctrinal
teachings as taught in the Caryāgīti, rather than letting them ‘experience’ it as taught in the Vajrāsanavajragīti, although this might be an imperfect solution.

Atiśa Revisited: Considering Atiśa Dīpaṃkara’s Vajrayāna Writings and
Re-Evaluating His Role as a Reformer
Patrick Lambelet (University of California, Santa Barbara)Atiśa Dīpaṃkāra Śrījñāna (commonly known as Atiśa) is one of the most influential figuresof the “Later Transmission” (phyi dar) of Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna Buddhism to Tibet from• Abstracts

253the tenth century on. He is best known for his teachings on “mind training” (blo sbyong) andhis syntheses of Buddhist doctrine, such as the Bodhipathapradīpa (byang chub lam gyi sgronma), which became central to systematic presentations of a gradual Buddhist path, emphasizing training in ethics, renunciation, compassion, and the understanding of emptiness (śūnyatā).
While tantric practice is not a major focus of Atiśa’s later writings, he acknowledges it as an
essential component of the Buddhist path, although he presents it primarily through a lens ofsūtra-based monastic ethics. This has the effect of marginalizing more esoteric, transgressive,and potentially problematic Vajrayāna practices, at a time when there was a major push in Tibet
to shift the emphasis to orthodox Buddhist doctrines and away from more controversial ones.
While historical studies have focused primarily on Atiśa’s role in the Later Transmission in
Tibet, the development of the Kadam school, and the later embrace by the Gelug school of his
ethics-centered, sūtra-based approach, there is a relative paucity of material on his less “orthodox” tantric writings. However, a closer examination of Atiśa’s textual corpus, as well as traditional biographies, shows that he was indeed highly trained in the Vajrayāna from an early age,
being credited with authoring a wide range of tantric sādhanas, praises (stotras), and commentaries that include abundant references to anuttarayogatantra practices such as Guhyasamāja,
Cakrasaṃvara, and Hevajra, including sexual consort practice (karmamudrā). He also authoredan important commentary on the Great Seal (Mahāmudrā) and several brief vajra gītis, or vajra
songs, demonstrating a strong affinity with the Indian and Bengali siddha traditions of Saraha,Kṛṣṇācārya, and Tilopa, and the so-called sahajayana, or vehicle of the innate. These texts revealthat Atiśa’s oeuvre was far richer and more variegated than has been commonly assumed, andthat his impact on Tibetan Buddhism extends far beyond his better-known exoteric writings.
This paper will focus on passages and themes in a number of these texts, especially considering
the Vajrāsana Vajragīti (Vajra Song of the Vajra Seat) and the Caryāgīti (Song of Conduct) andtheir respective commentaries (vṛtti). It will begin by considering doctrinal questions, such as
the role of specific tantric themes and practices vis-à-vis the broader context of Atiśa’s works.
Based on an enriched understanding of Atiśa’s writings, it will then examine some of the historical, social, and political, factors in Tibet that may have helped to construct the widespread
perception of Atiśa as a religious reformer and moralist who, in the eyes of some, even denigrated the Vajrayāna. It will thus seek to understand Atiśa as a more complex, and possibly evencontradictory, figure than we have known until now.

Secrets in Numbers: Lists of Secrets in Mahāyoga Literature from the 8th to11th Centuries
Zack Beer (UC Berkeley)This paper will show how a theoretical debate on the nature of esotericism played out in theunlikeliest of places: a list nested inside another list. From the eighth century onward, Mahāyoga authors in India and then Tibet initiated a commonplace practice of listing sets of tantriccommitments (Skt. samaya, Tib. dam tshig). These varied, but nearly always included an admonition against sharing secrets. Soon enough, authors began also to enumerate the commitment
to secrecy as a list of things to keep secret. While some scholarship has recently been done on
the lists of tantric commitments themselves, less attention has been placed on variations in thisnested enumeration of secrets. This paper will attempt to help fill in this gap. It will show how

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the influential Mahāyoga tantras coming into Tibet during the imperial period—especially the
Guhyasamāja and the *Guhyagarbha—were vague in their admonitions of secrecy and left the
precise descriptions of what should be kept secret. They left this job to commentators. Focusing
then on the Mahāyoga commentaries and ritual manuals that treat the tantric commitments,
the paper will show how the formative literature of the Nyingma School in Tibet integrated acomplex conversation on esotericism. This conversation was not without some degree of argument. The paper will compare the lists of secrets in a range of theoretical and practical texts.
These include two often quoted Indian scriptures preserved in the Bstan ‘gyur—the Dam tshig
gsal bkra and the Dam tshig phra rgyas—the three earliest commentaries on the *Guhyagarbha
Tantra—the Spar khab, the Rgya cher ‘grel pa (attributed to one Sūryasiṃhaprabhā), and Rongzom’s 11th-cent. Dkon mchog ‘grel—as well as a set of ritual texts found among the Dunhuangmanuscripts that treat the tantric commitments, especially IOL Tib J 348/2, IOL Tib J 718/1,
and PT 656. These largely advocated secrecy surrounding the tantric ritual environment, andyet also came to include more abstract non-ritual elements such as the “view” (lta ba, drṣṭi) andsigns of spiritual accomplishment. The texts’ authors, it will be shown, were drawing on the one
hand one on a philosophical and epistemic discourse they encountered in the Mahāyoga tantras,
and on the other hand a socially oriented discourse found in Mahāyoga ritual texts. The paper
will demonstrate how these lists provided authors with a venue for integrating two disparate
discourses on secrecy into one, including both material objects and philosophical concepts. Finally, it will conclude by applying aspects of Latour’s Actor Network Theory in attempt to help
us understand how networks of secrets may have formed and sustained communities during theAge of Fragmentaion (sil bu’i dus) and beyond.

Ahaṃkāra, Maintaining Identification With a Buddha: Divine or False Identity?
Yael Bentor (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem)
Every year, dozens of tourists and pilgrims to Jerusalem are diagnosed with an emotional illness
that has come to be referred to as “Jerusalem Syndrome.” In their work on this topic, Kalianand Witztum (1998, 322) inform us: “Forty percent of [those diagnosed with Jerusalem Syndrome] reported mystical experiences, and many identified with religious figures; twenty-five
percent thought they were the Messiah.” What distinguishes these people, who are admitted to
psychiatric hospitals, from aspirants who engage in tantric visualization in accordance with theguidelines of their gurus and sādhana manuals. Where do we draw the line between genuine
identification with a buddha and mental disorder?
Aspirants who visualize themselves, act, and speak as buddhas may have altruistic motives tolead all sentient beings to enlightenment, but how can they know that their new identity is not
false? I will ask to what extent do tantrikas consciously create a wishful but false identity forthemselves, or, put in stronger terms, engage in self-deception? Further, what is the soteriological and ethical status of such a creation?
Luis Gómez (1977, 229) has pointed out that a main difference between a wonder-worker bodhisattva and an ordinary magician is that while the goal of magicians is to deceive their audience, the bodhisattvas aim to alert their disciples to the fact that they are constantly deceived bytheir ordinary perceptions. I will extend this discussion to the tantric practice of utpattikrama(bskyed rim), the visualization stage, known also as generation, development or creation stage.
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255Section 21: Tibetan Buddhism
The Transmission of the Great Madhyamaka of Extrinsic Emptiness from Si
tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi ‘byung gnas (1699/1700–1774) to Kaḥ thog dGe-rtseMahāpaṇḍita (1761–1829)
Tomoko Makidono (Minobusan University)
This paper examines Si tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi ‘byung gnas (1699/1700–1774)’s “the Mirrorof the Jewel: The Questions and Answers that Please the Venerable Supreme Nirmāṇakāya,”in which he unfolds his intent of the Great Madhyamaka of extrinsic emptiness as his own
school’s distinctive feature and position starting with Gam po pa (1079–1153)’s Dwags po bKa’
brgyud. Chos kyi ‘byung gnas contends that his school holds the intent of the Ratnagotravibhāga as the extrinsic emptiness since then. He demonstrates the way in which those who hold theself-emptiness misunderstand the doctrinal position of the other-emptiness, basing the assertion
that Nāgārjuna and Asaṅga are of the same intent. This exposition shows a striking parallel between the doxographical writings on the Mādhyamika schools in India and Tibet by Kaḥ-thog
dGe-rtse Mahāpaṇḍita, who is another exponent of the Great Madhyamaka of other-emptiness.
A close reading of these texts reveals the former did influence the latter’s formation of the understanding of the Madhyamaka doctrine. It is extremely interesting to see the synchronizations
and exchanges of ideas between the bKa’ brgyud pas and the rNying-ma pas as seen in these
two figures, that are to form the early phases of the non-sectarian (ris-med) movement.

Lama kyō and Japanese Colonialism: Transnational Buddhism in Early
Twentieth-century Inner Mongolia and Manchuria
Daigengna Duoer (University of California, Santa Barbara)
Following the collapse of the Qing Empire in 1912, the regions of Inner Mongolia and Manchuria came under the power of various ruling regimes and were repeatedly redefined andreimagined. The Buddhist monastery that acted both as the subjects of reimagination and as
agents of change went through a series of transformations as well. Under the Republic of China
Nationalist government (1912-1949), Inner Mongolia and Manchuria were divided into several provinces of the modern nation, and the monastics were regulated as population of thestate. During the Japanese Occupation (1932-1945), parts of Buddhist Inner Mongolia becamecolonies along with Manchuria as part of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. On the
one hand, aristocratic Mongolian leaders such as Demchugdongrub (1902-1966) made efforts
to rearticulate Buddhist Inner Mongolia and its local Buddhist agencies through the establishment of the Mongol United Autonomous Government (1939-1945); while on the other, the last
Manchu emperor of the Qing dynasty, Aisin Gioro Puyi (1906-1967) struggled for power in the
newly installed puppet state of Manchukuo, whose constitution upheld Buddhism as the bondthat keeps the citizens of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere together.
・ラマ ), or “Lamaism,” was understood by the Japanese to be the religion
Lama kyō (that was historically practiced in Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. This understanding of the kindof Tibetan Buddhism that was widely accepted in these regions was often linked with Japanese

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mikkyō, or esoteric Buddhism, through a common lineage that traces back to the origin of Buddhism in India. During this period of settler colonization when tens of thousands of Japaneseimmigrants were migrating into Manchukuo and Inner Mongolia, Lama kyō became a rhetoric
tool for the discourses of colonialism: it is a powerful common denominator for the Japanesecolonizers and the colonized, however, when necessary, it also needs repair and development
through regulations and re-education, especially when deemed “corrupt” or “backward” compared to the “modernized” institutions of Japanese Buddhism. At the same time, Lama kyō wasa vehicle of cross-cultural exchanges: many monks from Inner Mongolia and Manchuria weresent on exchange programs to fellow “tantric” monasteries in Japan (such as the Kongōbuji on
Kōya-san), and monks from Japan also traveled to Inner Mongolia, Manchuria, and even Tibet
to gain more information and intelligence about “Lamaism.” In this second case, Lama kyō wasoften tied to a larger pan-East Asian movement of “tantric revival,” a search for the esoteric
Buddhist teachings in the degenerate age of war and conflicts that was happening not only inJapan, Inner Mongolia, Manchuria, and Tibet, but also in central and south China.
Using sources such as policies, biographies, travelogues, and military reports, this paper examines these overlapping and conflicting layers of spatializing Buddhist Inner Mongolia and Manchuria through the discursive uses of Lama kyō in the colonial imaginations of the Japanese
empire, while also exposing hidden voices of agency and resistance on the part of the colonized
Buddhists in Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. This paper aims to let Lama kyō emerge not merely as a disciplined institution under imperial Japan, but as a highly versatile and transnational
category that equally facilitated active religious dialogues and exchange.

What Goes into an Argument? Remarks on the Production of dPal ’dzin’s
Critique of the rNying ma Tradition
James Gentry (Stanford University)
This paper considers Buddhist polemics in Tibet by examining the production and reception of
Peldzin’s (Dpal ’dzin) circa-1400 treatise Distinguishing Dharma and Non-Dharma (Chos dangchos ma yin pa rnam par dbye ba’i rab tu byed pa). Peldzin’s treatise is perhaps the most elaborate and full-throated polemical attack ever waged against the authenticity of the Old School(rNying ma) of Tibetan Buddhism. Sokdokpa Lodrö Gyeltsen (Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal
mtshan, 1552–1624) reproduces it in his encyclopedic masterpiece of Old School apologia theThunder of Definitive Meaning (Nges don ’brug sgra). Peldzin’s critique of the Old School,
together with Sokdokpa’s rebuttal, constitutes the first section of the Thunder, and the lengthiest by far, measuring around half its total volume. Moreover, it is abundantly clear elsewherein the Thunder that addressing Peldzin’s polemic and its subsequent reception, specifically inthe writings of Śākya Chokden (Shā kya mchog ldan, 1428–1507), was the principal impetus
behind Sokdokpa’s composition of the Thunder. Yet despite the importance of Peldzin’s text,
little is known about who, precisely, Peldzin was and why he composed his scathing critique.
This discussion will analyze Peldzin’s treatise and what we know about its context of production with the aim of demonstrating that the precedent for Peldzin’s rejection of the Old School
was the slightly earlier writing of Nyawön Künga Pel Zango (Nya dbon Kun dga’ dpal bzangpo, 1285–1379) titled Dispelling Mental Darkness: Responses to Questions Departing fromthe Rubric of Ground, Path, and Fruition (gZhi lam ’bras bu gsum las brtsams pa’i dris lan yid• Abstracts257

kyi mun sel). Nyawön Künga Pel Zango figures in Jonang lineage records alongside Peldzin’s
Vajrabhairava guru Shangtön Sönam Drakpa (Zhang ston bSod nams grags pa dpal bzang po,
1292–1370) as among the fourteen great heart disciples of the famed Jonang master Dolpopa
Sherap Gyeltsen (Dol po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan, 1292–1361), and holders of the combined
Jonang lineage of sūtra and tantra. I will additionally argue that comparing Peldzin’s and Künga
Pel’s respective criticisms of the Old School in the late 14th century, along with Sokdokpa’s
early 17th century rebuttals to Peldzin, can not only shed light on the dynamics of inter-sectarian polemic and apologia in Tibet from the 14th to the 17th centuries, but can also yield insights
into competing conceptions of scriptural authenticity that pertain to Buddhist traditions whenever and wherever they have crossed linguistic and cultural borders.

Hwa shang’s Wrong View: Tsong kha pa’s Criticism in the Lam Rim Chen Mo
Jiwon Yu (Dongguk University Gyeongju Campus)
This study attempts to analyze Tsong kha pa’s criticism of a Chan monk called “the Chinesemkhan po Hwa shang” (rGya nag gi mkhan po Hwa shang, fl. late 8th c.), amongst other opponents, for his wrong views (log lta), as specified in the Lam Rim Chen Mo (hereafter LRChM),
written at Rwa sgreng in 1402.
The perspective of enhancing the Chinese Chan tradition while embracing Indian Buddhism
before the bSam yas debate (bSam yas rtsod pa) in the late 8th century in Tibet, I contend, iscrucial to acquiring a more nuanced understanding, rather than simply considering its doctrinaland political stands.
The present paper points out that the meaning of “mu stegs pa” in the LRChM is not merely ‘non-Buddhist adherents.’ Rather, it describes “a person who has no view of selflessness”(bdag med pa’i lta ba). In addition, the word “someone” (kha chig or gang zhig) in the third
Bhāvanākrama by Kamalaśīla (ca. 740-797 CE) refers to “Hwa shang, the one who conversely
conceptualizes” (phyin ci log tu rtog pa) in the LRChM, including the works by Masters of Sa
skya pa (e.g., Sa skya paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182-1251), gSer mdog Paṇ chen Śākya
mchog ldan (1428-1507)).
Based on the interpretation in the LRChM, this research summarizes Tsong kha pa’s three main
criticisms of Hwa shang as mu stegs pa: his negation of (1) virtuous conduct such as generosityand ethical discipline; (2) attention (yid la byed pa, manaskāra); and (3) the meditation of analytical investigation (so sor rtog pa, pratyavekṣaṇa).
Countering the views of Hwa shang and other critical opponents, Tsong kha pa defines theconcepts of emptiness, conceptuality (rnam par rtog pa), virtuous conduct, and discriminating
insight (so sor rtog pa’i shes rab, pratisamkhyāprajñā) cited from (1) the early Yogācāra literature (referring to such sources as the Daśabhūmikasūtra, the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra, and theBodhisattvabhūmi among others), (2) the Ratnagotravibhāga, the treatises on the Tathāgatagarbha theory, and (3) the Bhāvanākrama, the literature that presents the stages of meditation andvarious Mahāyāna sūtras.
The purpose of Tsong kha pa’s criticism of Hwa shang as mu stegs pa is summarized in threepoints. The first is to emphasize the importance of a unified practice system of meditative se-258

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renity and insight (śamatha-vipaśyanā, zhi gnas dang lhag mthong) in the step-by-step training
method of LRChM. The second is there were many people who denied the practice of meditative insight with correct observation even at the time of Tsong kha pa. The third points out theclimate of the ‘later propagation [of Buddhism in Tibet]’ (phyi dar) period, which distorts themeaning of the “tantra class” (Rgyud sde), and thus does not conduct for purity (brahmacarya).
This emphasizes the necessity of keeping the precepts (tshul khrims bsrung ba), which are thefoundation of Buddhist teaching.
),
In addition, contrary to the sources of ‘Hwa shang Mahāyāna’ (heshang moheyan
which recommended the practice of dhāraṇī or six perfections, Tsong kha pa, including mainstream thinkers, regarded Hwa shang’s view as ‘a platform for entering the ocean of nirvāṇa.’Hwa shang’s wrong view is an example of the worst view among mu stegs pa.

Tsongkhapa as a Mahāsiddha: A Reevaluation of the Patronage of the Gelukpa in Tibet
Michael Ium (University of California: Santa Barbara)
In 1409, the prominent Tibetan monk Tsongkhapa Losang Drakpa (Tibetan: Tsong kha pa blo
bzang grags pa, 1357-1419) established two institutions that would come to define religious
life in Tibet for hundreds of years: the annual Great Prayer Festival (Smon lam chen mo) in
Lhasa, and the monastery of Ganden (Dga’ ldan), some forty kilometers northeast of the city.
Celebrated annually to mark the Tibetan New Year, the Great Prayer Festival became one of
Tibet’s most popular festivals and was performed without fail for nearly six hundred years.
Its inaugural celebration in 1409 is said to have attracted an unprecedented number of lay andmonastic devotees to Lhasa. Founded later that same year, Ganden Monastery was the seat ofTsongkhapa’s nascent Gandenpa (and later Gelukpa [Dge lugs pa]) sect, and of the Ganden
Tripas (khri pa), the heads of the Geluk tradition. Its founding is a seminal moment in Asian history, as the Gelukpa—under their most famed figures, the Dalai Lamas—would come to form awealthy and powerful “religious empire,” controlling a vast “network of monasteries stretchingfrom Ladakh to Lake Baikal, from Beijing to the Caspian Sea” (Sullivan 2021, 1).
In this paper, I offer a study of the early patronage of the Geluk (Dge lugs) tradition in Tibet in
the fifteenth century. Existing studies of the tradition emphasize its monastic, scholastic, andinstitutional aspects, leading some scholars to conclude that charisma and magical power wereless important to the growth of the tradition. Based on the translation of a number of historical
works dating from that era, I argue that Tsongkhapa’s (Tsong kha pa, 1357-1419) status as amahāsiddha or “great adept” of Buddhist Tantra was a crucial factor in his gaining patronage
from the rulers of the Pakmodrupa (Phag mo gru pa) Dynasty. In particular, this status was
cemented during a period of bitter conflict in central Tibet at the end of the fourteenth century
and mediated by the endorsement of the mahāsiddha Lhodrak Namkha Gyeltsen (Lho brag grubchen Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan, 1326-1401). In doing so, I argue that existing depictions of the
Geluk tradition evince modernist biases towards rational and scholastic aspects of the tradition,
as well as an overemphasis on the Gelukpa as embodying one pole within various dichotomous
formulations favored by historians of religion (for instance, as clerical rather than shamanic).

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Section 22: Vinaya Studies
Kāma and Monastic Bathing Regulations in the Pali Vinaya
Anthony Fiorucci (Uppsala University, Department of Theology)
While most heavily associated with scholastic treatises such as the Kāmasūtra, the notion ofkāma as ‘sensual pleasure’ has deep roots in South Asian intellectual and cultural history. Early
Buddhist monasticism in particular displays both recognition of and marked influence by notions of kāma extant during its formative period. Indeed, the monastic vocation is oftentimes
described as entailing the abandonment and ultimately the transcendence of kāma. This basic ideological framework is clearly evinced in the Vinaya literature, the corpus of monastic
law that governs the daily lives of monks and nuns. This literature shows a particular concern
with regulating the lives of monastics so as to keep them from engaging in cultural practices
deemed generative of kāma, or sensual pleasure. While typically associated with sexuality thePali Vinaya reveals that kāma relates to a broad range of material practices encompassing domains as diverse as the use of bodily ornamentation and jewelry, of expensive furnishings andfine clothing, as well as denoting certain modes of bodily care and maintenance.
Informed by a methodological trajectory which focuses on everyday life, materiality, and corporeality, the paper discusses how Pali monastic law legislates against practices of kāma in themonastic milieu by closely examining a single aspect of everyday bodily care, namely, bathing(nahāna). The laws which govern monastic bathing in the Pali Vinaya do so according to four
general criteria: permitted frequency, permitted bathing articles and agents, permitted bodily
interactions during bathing, and permitted locales. This paper demonstrates that the bathingpractices proscribed for monastics due to their association with kāma are those that employ
bathing articles imbued with economic value, involve problematic bodily interactions amongmonks, and occur, in the case of nuns, in settings of mixed gender. The paper also explores thedifferentiation and regulation of bathing practices in terms of gender.
While the rules delineating permissible and impermissible bathing practices in the Pali Vinaya
do so from the point of view of the monastic vocation, they simultaneously testify to the kindsof bathing practices extant in ancient India among the general populace, thus allowing one toreconstruct part of the subcontinent’s cultural history beyond the narrow focus on monastic law.
As is still the case in some parts of South Asia, bathing in ancient India was primarily public
and occurred in locales such as rivers and river fords. The paper argues that this public character of bathing not only permitted social interactions and shared techniques of bathing between
monastics and lay householders but also subjected the former to the latter’s critical gaze. It isthe compliance of monastic jurists with the critical views of householders that oftentimes leads
to the legislation of monastic bathing practices.

Can a Bodhisattva Let Icchantika() Die or Kill Icchantika? - Understanding Wonhyo()’s Beommanggyeong bosal gyebon sagi() and Seungjang()’s Beommanggyeong sulgi() through“Trolley Dilemmas”
Seongil Park (Seoul National University)

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The ethics of ‘prohibition of killing’ has been fundamentally emphasized in Buddhist precepts.
, Beommanggyeong(Korean)) and its commentaries raise a
However, the Fanwang jing(question on this essential precept. “is it really immoral for a person to kill another being?”
The search for the permissibility of murder ends up in a special model of killing as a ‘type-act’of a virtuous agent with good intentions. This can be translated into a Buddhist question. “Is a)’ rescuing other existences justifiable?”
Bodhisattva killing someone for the sake of ‘merit(
Furthermore, the following hypothetical questions can be raised: whether a Bodhisattva can kill
one being (or ‘letting one being die’) to rescue other beings, or even kill one being ‘as a means’to save other sentient beings. In particular, whether a Bodhisattva can kill an ‘icchantika(),’ who is deemed incapable of attaining nirvana for lack of good roots like Buddhahood, will
be an important issue in Buddhist ethics.
Focusing on commentaries of the Fanwang jing written by Wonhyo and Seungjang, this paper
attempts to compare and contrast several understandings of the ethical responsibility on murder.
Fanwang jing is an important scripture that is still used by every school of Buddhism to thisday. It concerns the Mahāyāna bodhisattva precepts, the standards of Buddhist practice, andethical norms for Mahāyāna Buddhism in East Asia. Many commentaries have been written on
this pivotal scripture, one of the most important commentaries being Beommanggyeong bosal). This book was written by Wonhyo(, 617-686), whogyebon sagi(
was one of the most prominent monks in East Asia.
, ?-?)’, who is a scholar of Silla()’s
In addition, this paper pays attention to ‘Seungjang() and also known as a disciple of Weoncheuk(). He wrote
Dharma-character school(), which describes the doctrine of the Buddha-nature(
Beommanggyeong sulgi() based on the five-nature taxonomy of proclivities for enlightenment() articulatedby the Yogâcāra school. Wonhyo and Seungjang have different perspectives on human beingsat this point.
To analyze the ethical perspectives of two different commentaries on Fanwang jing in a moral
philosophic methodology, this paper explores the possibility of an icchantika being killed byapplying three versions of the ‘trolley problem’: the original dilemma, the fat villain and thelife-saving drug cases(who will be given money to buy the drug by the agent). It is expected thatdifferences between these commentaries will be clarified by examining these trolley dilemmas.

Bidding Farewell to Parents in the Tonsure Ceremony: Focusing on Fayuanzhulin and Sŏngmun Ŭibŏm
Jin Son (Dongguk University)
According to Akira Hirakawa(1915-2002), there are four common elements of renuncia, Dharmaguptaka-vinaya), thetion rites for śrāmaṇeras and śrāmaṇerīs in the Sifenlü(, Sarvāstivāda-vinaya), the Wufenlü(, Mahīśāsaka-vinaya), and the
Shisonglü(, Mahāsāṃghika-vinaya), which include taking the Buddhist tonsure
Mohesengqilü(
and wearing the kasaya, kneeling before the preceptor master, taking refuge in the triratna, andtransmitting the ten precepts for śrāmaṇeras and śrāmaṇerīs. However, in these so-called Chinese translations of the four complete Vinayas, there is no rite that directly corresponds to thatof expressing rites for those who are leaving family.
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261

However, this does not necessarily mean that there is no rite of bidding farewell to parents inthe Vinaya texts in Chinese Buddhism. Although unseen in the receiving the ten precepts for) of the Chinese translation of the four complete Vinayas, the rite makesśrāmaṇera(, 596-667) Sifen lü
an appearance for the first time during the Tang Dynasty in Daoxuan’s(, An Abridged Commentary on the Dharshanfan buque xingshi chao() as part of themaguptaka-vinaya) specifically in the description of Buddhist tonsure(ordination ceremony for śrāmaṇera.
Previous studies have claimed that Daoxuan compiled the tonsure ceremony based on Saman) and the Qingxinshi duren jing(, Sutras on the Upāsatapasadika(ka’s Liberating People). The latter appears to be the first text on the rite of bidding farewell toparents and is known as one of the Chinese apocryphal Buddhist texts, which implies that it is
not an Indian scripture. Furthermore, the ordination ceremony for śrāmaṇeras and śrāmaṇerīs
seems to have been carefully developed during the process of taking its roots in China.
) of Fascicle 22, Chapter 13 “Entering the Buddhist
I focus on the tonsure ceremony()” in Fayuanzhulin(, A Forest of Pearls from the Dharma Garden) whichWay(). Furthermore, it could be
were compiled around the same time with the Xingshi chao(, Rules
examined its influence on Korean Buddhism through the Sŏngmun Ŭibŏm’s(for Buddhist Rituals) chapter on receiving the ten precepts for śrāmaṇeras.

Buddhist Monastics from the Perspective of Laws and Regulations in Contemporary China
Renru Tang (Lancaster University)
Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, a series of laws and regulations
have been formulated to impose control on religion in China. Most regulations concerning Buddhist monasteries and monastics today are promulgated through the State Council, the State Administration of Religious Affairs, and the Buddhist Association of China. The contents of theseregulations are very detailed, involving the management of monasteries, food and religious
clothing, activities and even travel of Buddhist monastics. These government rules that regulate
and control both Buddhist monks and nuns clearly reflect the political culture and religious policies in contemporary China. My presentation attempts to examine these laws and regulations
that affect the everyday living of Buddhist monastics and analyse them in comparison with thetraditional Buddhist precepts. At the same time, I hope to compare the legal positions and entitlement of Buddhist monastics and ordinary citizens and make a clear understanding about thereligious identity and social status of Buddhist monastics in contemporary China.

The Master-Disciple Relationship in Chinese Buddhist Monasticism: A Lookat the “Chapter on the Mutual Dependence of Master and Disciple” from
Daoxuan’s Commentary on Conduct and Procedure
Thomas Newhall (University of California, Los Angeles)
An emerging trend in Buddhist studies seeks to examine how Buddhism can be seen as a systemof education---a method of passing on ideas and knowledge from one generation to the next.

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One of the ways in which this aspect of Buddhism can be seen is in the tradition of having moresenior “masters” in charge of teaching younger, less experienced “disciples.” Such a system
was used not only by the Buddha himself---the archetypal “master”---but in most, if not all
Buddhist monastic groups since his time.
In this presentation, I will look at a chapter of a work by the Tang-dynasty scholar Daoxuan(596-667) that deals with this topic in order to understand these relationships, what they cantell us about the education of Buddhist monastics, and about the types of knowledge and skills
that are passed on through this relationship.
In the end I hope to show that despite the variety of idiosyncratic aspects of this relationshipdescribed in the text, the roles of master and disciple and the relationship between these two
subjects were especially important for passing on not only an understanding of the philosophical and intellectual teachings of Buddhism, but to train the student in how to act as a monk andmaintain the proper comportment befitting a monastic.
In this presentation, I will first discuss the content of this section of Daoxuan’s work, and how itfits into Daoxuan’s oeuvre and Vinaya commentaries as a whole, and then discuss some of themain ideas promoted in the work and the problems and insights they present.

When the Buddha’s Relics Became Commodities: Codified Relic Theft in the(Mūla)-Sarvāstivādavinaya
Henry Albery (Ghent University)
It is widely recognised that Buddhism’s expansion within the Indic sphere was dependent on
the dissemination and installation of the Buddha’s relics within stupas. Whilst this is confirmed
ex post facto by archaeological remains and epigraphic records, the workings of this process
are broadly undefined. Seeking to offer partial explanation to this process, this paper shall introduce some hitherto unnoticed regulations and narrative propaganda found in the Vinayas of
the Sarvāstivādins and Mūlasarvāstivādins, preserved in Chinese and Tibetan. These discourses
both prohibit and permit the theft of the Buddha’s relics by both monastics and non-monastics,
revealing that at some points individuals were in the business of stealing and selling relics,
ultimately resulting in their commodification and necessitating the codification of institutionallaws designed to cope with such circumstance. Notably, these legal discourses were furthertransposed into a propagandist form within certain versions of the Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra andAśokādāna. The purpose of both narrative cycles is to wed Buddhism’s expansion to political
agenda by conveying the principle that relics are central to the formation of sovereign power.
Discernible in the intertextual conversation between the two therefore is a potentially perpetualmodel of relic distribution premised on a codified ritual practice of destruction and theft enacted
by political agents.
Reflecting on the potential historical circumstances that gave rise to these regulations and propaganda, this paper turns to examining evidence garnered from the archaeological remains ofstupas, Kharoṣṭḥī manuscripts and inscribed relic dedications, as well as relief art and Buddha
images from Gandhara (eastern Afghanistan and Pakistan) in the early Common Era. It shallargue that the precise social and political conditions of this context demanded that the Sarvāstivādins developed both legal and propagandist discourses concerning relic theft as part of wider expansionist concerns.
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Khyentse Vision Project Information Session
Organizers: Berthe Jansen(Leiden University/Leipzig University),
Zack Beer(UC Berkeley)

Session Introduction
This session introduces the Khyentse Vision Project, a non-profit initiative under the umbrellaof the Khyentse Foundation. This project embarks upon a journey of translating the whole collection of works of Tibet’s famed non-sectarian master and author Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo.

Special Lectures by Prof. Cristina Scherrer-Schaub andProf. Richard G. Salomon
Cristina ScherrerSchaub (Université de Lausanne)
Questioning the role of philosophy in politics. A conversation with Nāgārjuna and his kingRichard G. Salomon (University of Washington)
The Life of the Buddha: Something Old, Something New

Workshop on Advanced Digital Tools for the Study of East
Asian Buddhism
Presenter: Michael Radich(Heidelberg University),
Sharon Chi(Heidelberg University)

Workshop Introduction
This session gives a hands-on introduction to two digital tools for the study of East Asian
Buddhism. Michael Radich and Sharon Chi will teach TACL, a tool library to analyze Chinese
Buddhist canonical text for linguistic and stylistic features. Participation in this session will bemade smoother if participants go to https://dazangthings.nz/tacl-gui-one-stop-shop/ before thesession, and download the “TACL GUI starter kit” (the download will be available by Friday
August 12).
Participants need to have Python 3 and Gephi (gephi.org) installed on their computers.

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19th Congress of
the International Association of
Buddhist Studies

Index

Aug 15-19, 2022
Photo, courtesy of CHO Hyun Sook, Guryong-sa

Seoul, South Korea

Index of Panels and Sections
PanelsPanel 3: Buddhist Materials Excavated in Inner Asia - Latest Research Results on the Otani
Collections in South Korea, China and Japan 48, 58
Panel 4: Buddhist Networks in Gandhāra and Beyond 25, 62
Panel 5: Buddhist Philosophy for Philosophers 22, 64
Panel 8: Buddhist Texts Written in Sets 28, 67
Panel 9: Causation in Buddhist Philosophy 29, 70
Panel 10: New Approaches to the ‘Sinification’ of Buddhism: Continuation, Transformation, and Beyond 22, 71
Panel 11: Daigo Temple and the Shingon Contributions to Japan’s Religious Culture 32, 75
Panel 12: Divination, Mantic Technologies, and Buddhism 25, 78
Panel 13: Expressions of the Concept of Truth in Buddhist Literature: With a Focus on‘Dharmadhātu’ 44, 80
Panel 14: Gandhāran Buddhist Manuscripts and Inscriptions: New Discoveries andResearch 29, 85
Panel 15: In the Presence of Mind: Non-Dualism, Emptiness, and the Fact of Experience 32, 88
Panel 17: Medieval Buddhist Monasticism and Ritual Practices in South Asia 33, 91
Panel 18: Buddhist Philosophy of Community 49, 94
Panel 20: Literary Vernaculars in the 2nd-Millennium Pāli World 30, 98
Panel 22: Material Culture of Modern Korean Buddhism 40, 101
Panel 23: New Approaches to Korean Buddhism 26, 104
Panel 25: New Studies on the Awakening of Faith or Qixinlun 36, 107
Panel 26: New Research in Newar Buddhist Studies 49, 110
Panel 29: Prajñāpāramitā and Esotericism: Mahāyāna vs. Vajrayāna? 41, 114
Panel 30: Prāsaṅgika Debate: Knowledge, Omniscience and Illusion 45, 118
Panel 32: Questioning the Milindapañha, the Nāgasena Bhikṣu Sūtra () 36, 120

Panel 33: Ratnākaraśānti and His Writings 34, 124Panel 34: Reassessing a Lost Tradition: The Impact of the Three Levels (Sanjie) Movement on Medieval Chinese Buddhism in Light of Recent Discoveries 53, 126

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Panel 35: Recent Advances in Vinaya Studies 42, 129
Panel 36: Recent Research in Buddhist Manuscript Traditions: Text and Context 45, 133
Panel 41: Shared identities between Buddhism and Sāṅkhya-Yoga 54, 136
Panel 42 (I): Special Panel on Digital Resources for Buddhist Studies (I) 37, 139
Panel 42 (II): Special Panel on Digital Resources for Buddhist Studies (II) 42, 139
Panel 43: Text as Sacred Object: Faith, Merit, and Protection in Buddhist Cultures 26, 143
Panel 46: The Use and Functions of Buddhist Cave Monasteries 46, 147
Panel 47: Theory and Practice in Engaged Buddhism of Asia 54, 153
Panel 48: Vasubandhu’s Abhidharma Philosophy 50, 156
Panel 49: Wall Paintings in Buddhist Asia: Narrative and Audience 38, 160
Panel 50: Yoga in Buddhism 51, 162

Sections
Section 1 (I): Abhidharma Studies (I) 30, 167
Section 1 (II): Abhidharma Studies (II) 34, 170
Section 2: Buddhism and Its Relation to Other Religions 23, 172
Section 4 (I): Buddhism and Society (I) 23, 176
Section 4 (II): Buddhism and Society (II) 46, 179
Section 5: Buddhism in the Contemporary World 51, 181
Section 6: Buddhism in the Himalayas 27, 185
Section 7: Buddhist Art and Architecture 31, 187
Section 8: Buddhist Ethics 52, 191
Section 9 (I): Buddhist Hermeneutics Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques (I) 47, 194
Section 9 (II): Buddhist Hermeneutics Scholasticism, and Commentarial Techniques (II) 52, 197
Section 10 (I): Buddhist Imagery and Iconography (I) 53, 200
Section 10 (II): Buddhist Imagery and Iconography (II) 55, 203
Section 11 (I): Buddhist Literature (I) 27, 205
Section 11 (II): Buddhist Literature (II) 34, 208
Section 12 (I): Buddhist Metaphysics and Epistemology (I) 38, 210• Index267

Section 12 (II): Buddhist Metaphysics and Epistemology (II) 43, 214
Section 12: Buddhist Metaphysics and Epistemology (III) 47, 216
Section 13: Early Buddhism 28, 219
Section 14 (I): East Asian Buddhism (I) 39, 221
Section 14 (II): East Asian Buddhism (II) 43, 225
Section 14 (III): East Asian Buddhism (III) 55, 229
Section 15: Gender in Buddhism 39, 232
Section 16 (I): Mahāyāna Buddhism (I) 31, 235
Section 16 (II): Mahāyāna Buddhism (II) 35, 238
Section 17 (I): Mahāyāna Sūtras (I) 40, 240
Section 17 (II): Mahāyāna Sūtras (II) 43, 242
Section 18 (I): Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy (I) 24, 244
Section 18 (II): Manuscripts, Codicology, and Epigraphy (II) 28, 247
Section 19: Meditation Theories and Practices 56, 249
Section 20: Tantric Buddhism 48, 252
Section 21: Tibetan Buddhism 24, 256
Section 22: Vinaya Studies 35, 260

Special Lectures/Workshop
Khyentse Vision Project Information Session 16, 264
Special Lectures by Prof. Cristina Scherrer-Schaub and Prof. Richard G. Salomon 16, 264
Workshop on Advanced Digital Tools for the Study of East Asian Buddhism 16, 264

268

XIXth Congress of IABS

Index of Speakers, Chairs andRespondents/DiscussantsA

C

Ahlawat, Shaashi 33, 92
Ahn, Juhn 26, 104, 105
Ahn, Sungdoo 31, 237
Albery, Henry 36, 263
Altenburg, Gerjan 42, 130
Alvarez Ortega, Miguel 46, 179
Amar, Abhishek 33, 92
Analayo, Bhikkhu 27, 208
Aono, Michihiko 42, 131

Carbine, Jason 30
Carpenter, Amber 50, 158
Casalini, Alice 46, 151
Cavayero, Michael 31, 188
Chaturvedi, Amit 47, 216
Chen, Hsun-Mei 49, 96
Chen, Ruifeng 28, 67, 68
Chen, Ruixuan 24, 246
Cheung, Daisy Sze Yui 34, 125
Cheung, Kin 52, 192
Chi, Sharon 16, 23, 264
Chia, Jack Meng-Tat 40, 235
Ching, Chao-Jung 49, 61
Chiou, Pei-Lin 35, 239
Cho, Eun-su 26, 104Cho, Yoon Kyung 39, 222
Choi, Jinkyoung 46, 135
Choi, Seongho 30, 168
Ciglenečki, Jan 27, 186
Conway, Michael 43, 226

B
Bae, Gyeong-Ah 47, 218
Bai, Jinghao 40, 242
Bajracharya, Naresh Man 49, 111
Barber, A.W. 40, 241
Baumann, Brian 26, 80
Baums, Stefan 29, 85, 86
Bayer, Achim 32, 88, 89
Beer, Zack 16, 48, 254, 264
Bentor, Yael 48, 255
Berkwitz, Stephen 30, 98, 101
Bianchini, Francesco 41, 114
Bingenheimer, Marcus 16, 37, 42, 139, 264
Bommarito, Nicolas 22, 66
Bouthillette, Karl-Stéphan 23, 175
Brambilla, Filippo 51, 163
Brandstadt, Maxwell 53, 126
Bretfeld, Sven 30, 99
Brewster, Ernest 44, 83
Brody, Justin 37, 140
Butcher, Michael 29, 86• IndexDDavidson, Ronald 33, 94
de Vries, Fedde 54, 129
Deguchi, Yasuo 49, 94, 95
den Boer, Lucas 23, 174
DiSimone, Charles 45, 133, 134
Dotson, Brandon 25, 78, 80
Drewes, David 28, 219
Duckworth, Douglas 45, 119
Duoer, Daigengna 24, 256

269

E
Efurd, David 53, 200
Emmrich, Christoph 49, 110

F
Fan, Muyou 44, 81
Feuer, Jonathan 24, 178
Filigenzi, Anna 25
Fiorucci, Anthony 35, 260
Forman, Jed 45, 118
Fujii, Jun 44, 80, 82
Fujimoto, Yosuke 34, 170

G
Gao, Mingyuan 34, 171
Garfield, Jay 45, 119
Geiman, Shodhin 23, 177
Gentry, James 24, 257
Gethin, Rupert 50, 158
Gnon-Na, Lobsang Tshultrim 56, 249
Goodman, Charles 29, 70
Gorant, Charlotte 33, 93
Greene, Eric 22, 72
Grimes, Samuel 49, 111
Guerrero, Laura 22, 66
Guggenmos, Esther-Maria 25, 79

HHam, Hyoung Seok 54, 136
Hamar, Imre 36, 108
Handlin, Lilian 38, 161
Hanner, Oren 50, 156, 159
Harimoto, Kengo 45, 134
Hartmann, Catherine 52, 193
Hartmann, Jens-Uwe 45, 135
Hejung, Bhikṣu 41, 115
Hiyama, Satomi 48, 59
Holba, Jiri 40, 240
Holder, Justin 22, 66
Hori, Shin’Ichiro 24, 244

270

Horiuchi, Toshio 31, 235
Horlyck, Charlotte 26, 104
Hou, Xiaoming 23, 74
Hua, Liyu 52, 197
Huang, Lu 30, 167
Hung, Jen Jou 42, 142
Huynh, Quoc Tuan 52, 199
Hwang, Yeeyeon 53, 202
Hwang, Yoon Ah 48, 60
Hyeyou Sunim 33, 90

I
Ikuma, Hiromitsu 43, 242
Inukai, Yumiko 49, 97
Isaacson, Harunaga 34, 45, 124, 133
Ishida, Hisataka 43, 216
Ito, Makoto 51, 182
Ium, Michael 25, 259

JJang, Gyu-Eon 31, 237Jang, Sungwoo 54, 154Jansen, Berthe 16, 46, 179, 264
Jee, Lucy Hyekyung 55, 155
Jenkins, Stephen 31, 236
Jia, Shanshan 34, 125
Jin, Tao 36, 107, 109
Jones, Christopher 44, 84

K
Kachru, Sonam 50, 158
Kaneko, Naoya 38, 212
Kang, Hyong Chol 54, 138
Kang, Jieon 43, 227
Kassor, Constance 45
Kawanami, Hiroko 23, 178
Keating, Malcolm 38, 212
Kellner, Birgit 47, 219
Kidpromma, Amnuaypond 51, 183
Kim, Haewon 48, 60
XIXth Congress of IABSKim, Hanung 27, 186
Kim, Hwansoo 41
Kim, Jinah 41, 114, 116
Kim, Jiyun 39, 223
Kim, Seong Uk 41, 102
Kim, Sinae 28, 248
Kim, Soyeon 55, 204
Kim, Sung-Chul 56, 249
Kim, Taesoo 47, 196
Kim, Yeongil 55, 230
Kim, Yongtae 26, 106
Kim, Youn-Mi 40, 101, 103
Kirichenko, Alexey 30, 100
Kishino, Ryohji 42, 131
Kitsudo, Koichi 48, 59
Ko, Youngseop 43, 225
Koh, Seunghak 55, 231
Konchok, Tamphel 51, 163
Kondō, Hayato 54, 137
Kumagai, Seiji 51, 164
Kwon, Jahun Junghyun 30, 167
Kwon, Youngwoo 49, 60

L
Lambelet, Patrick 48, 253
Landry, Nelson 46, 180
Lasic, Horst 38, 213
Lau, Ngar-Sze 51, 181
Lazzerini, Simona 39, 233
Ledderose, Lothar 31, 189
Lee, Amy 35, 209
Lee, Choong Hwan 37, 122
Lee, Doheum 54, 153
Lee, Gilsan 43, 215
Lee, Sangmin 39, 224
Lee, Sangyop 22, 71, 73
Lee, Seunghye 40, 41, 101, 102
Lee, Sumi 33, 89
Levman, Bryan 37, 121
Lewis, Todd 49, 111• Index

Li, Qingniao 24, 245
Li, Zijie 44, 84
Lin, Hsin Yi 39, 232
Liu, Chengyou 36, 109
Lomi, Benedetta 32, 75, 78
Long, Darui 40, 241
Loukota Sanclemente, Diego 28, 247
Lowe, Bryan 28, 67
Lu, Chenchen 38, 162
Luczanits, Christian 41, 116
Luo, Hong 34, 124M
Maas, Philipp 54, 136
Maharjan, Sabin 30, 169
Makidono, Tomoko 24, 256
Marino, Joseph 29, 86
Martini, Kelsey 24, 246
Mathes, Klaus-Dieter 51, 162, 163
Matsuda, Kazunobu 45, 135
Matsuoka, Hiroko 53, 199
McAllister, Patrick 34, 125
McCrabb, Ian 37, 140
McGuire, Beverley 25, 78, 79
Melzer, Gudrun 42, 132
Middlebrooks, Marcie 55, 205
Mikles, Natasha 27, 205Miller, Robert 42, 130
Min, Sun-euy 55, 231
Mitani, Mazumi 48, 58
Mochizuki, Kaie 48, 252
Moerman, D. Max 41
Morris, Yagi 32, 75
Morrissey, Nicolas 33, 93

N
Naiki, Satoshi 25, 63
Nakasuka, Miyuki 47, 217
Nanda, Amrita 56, 250
Nathan, Mark 26, 106271

Nattier, Jan 22, 72
Neelis, Jason 25, 62
Nehrdich, Sebastian 37, 140
Newhall, Thomas 35, 262
Nicolaisen, Jeffrey 23, 176
Nishi, Yasutomo 47, 194
Nishida, Ai 25, 79

R

O

S

O’Brien, Karen 54, 139
O’Neill, Alexander 41, 117
Ogihara, Hirotoshi 49, 61
Ooi, Eng Jin 37, 123
Operetto, Serena 39, 221
Orofino, Giacomella 51, 165
Overbey, Ryan 26, 145

P
Pabst von Ohain, Constanze 56, 251
Pak, Byung Kee 54, 154
Pak, Hee Eon 48, 252
Pak, Taylor 31, 189
Pandit, Suraj 46, 150
Park, Dae-yong 55, 229
Park, Jin Y 26, 105
Park, Seongil 35, 260
Park, Seoyeon 28, 247
Park, Yeonjoo 23, 173
Pearcey, Adam 33, 91
Péronnet, Amandine 40, 234
Petek, Nina 27, 186Pieścik, Piotr 52, 198
Polak, Grzegorz 28, 220
Ponampon, Phra Kiattisak 56, 249
Pons, Jessie 25, 62, 63
Powers, John 45, 118
Pranke, Patrick 30, 98
Prueitt, Catherine 29, 70

272

Radich, Michael 16, 23, 74, 264
Regan, Matthew 52, 192
Richardson, Sarah 38, 160
Roh, Yohong 52, 184
Ronis, Jann 43
Ruzsa, Ferenc 50, 157

Salomon¸ Richard 16, 36, 121, 264
Saruya, Rachelle 39, 232
Sassmann, Manuel 53, 127
Sato, Chigaku 43, 214
Scherrer-Schaub, Cristina 16, 22, 67, 264
Schmidt, Carolyn 31, 190
Scott, Tony 36, 37, 120, 123
Seangsakorn, Rapee 51, 183
Shakya, Miroj 53, 200
Shakya, Sudan 50, 113
Shimada, Akira 33, 91
Shimoda, Masahiro 37, 139
Shiota, Hoju 27, 206
Shoji, Fumio 44, 243
Shulman, Eviatar 28, 219
Simoes-Gomes, Austin 50, 112
Skinner, Michael 29, 87
Sohn, Youngsan 38, 211
Son, Jin 35, 261
Steinmann, Brigitte 27, 187
Stepien, Rafal 43, 215
Stiller, Maya 40, 101
Stoltz, Jonathan 22, 65
Stone, Jacqueline 27, 146
Sum, Cheuk Shing 28, 68
Sun, Hao 52, 191
Sung, Chungwhan 55, 155
Swanson, Eric 32, 76
Szegedi, Mónika 50, 156

XIXth Congress of IABS

T
Tang, Renru 35, 262
Tay, Yuxuan 23, 174
Thakchoe, Sonam 45, 118, 120
Tomlinson, Davey 22, 65
Tou, Minhui 35, 238
Trenson, Steven 32, 77
Tsiang, Katherine 26, 146
Tsomo, Karma Lekshe 39, 233
Tuladhar-Douglas, Will 27, 185
Turner, Ian 50, 112
Tzohar, Roy 53

VVeidlinger, Daniel 23, 42, 141, 172
Vendova, Dessi 38, 161
Vignato, Giuseppe 46, 152

W
Walker, Trent 30, 42, 100, 141
Walter, Mariko 26, 143, 144
Wang, Fang 53, 201
Wang, Yu-Chun 42, 142
Watson, Alex 38, 210
Weng, Biao 29, 69
Wenzel, Claudia 54, 128Westerhoff, Jan 22, 64
Wu, Fen-Jin 52, 191
Wu, Hongyu 46, 179

Yang, Chenglin 35, 238
Yang, Sungcheol 43, 228
Yao, Fumi 42, 44, 129, 132
Yao, Yushuang 51, 183
Yao, Zhihua 32, 88
Yazaki, Chojun 34, 208
Yi, Ji Ho 55, 203
Yi, Kyoowan 34, 170
Yong, Tsun Nyen 47, 197
Yu, Jiwon 24, 258
Yun, Sung Ha 49, 96

Z
Zamorski, Jakub 44, 82
Zhai, Minhao 29, 69
Zhai, Yunyao 29, 87
Zhang, Wenliang 36, 108
Zhao, Jinchao 35, 209
Zhao, Wen 56, 251
Zhu, Tianshu 31, 187
Zimmermann, Henry 39, 222
Zin, Monika 38, 161
Zukas, Kulamitra David 46, 149

X
Xiao, Yue 44, 243
Xing, Guang 36, 37, 120, 122

Y
Yamabe, Nobuyoshi 46, 147, 148
Yamanaka, Yukio 47, 195
Yamasaki, Kazuho 27, 207• Index273

Index of Presentations
A

A Brief Survey of the History of SAT Project: Significant Potentials of Buddhist Studies for theDevelopment of Globally Shared Digital Humanities 37, 139
A Comparative Study of the Chinese Nāgasena Bhikṣu Sūtra and the Pāli Milindapañha 37, 122
A dGe lugs Critique of the Jo nang Sixfold Yoga Theory 51, 163
A Huayan View of the Infinite Regress 55, 231
A logical and inferential hypothesis about Pureland((『』) 55, 229) in Wonhyo()’s Panbiryangron

A Mid-twentieth-century Aṭṭhakathā Commentary on the Milindapañha: Sealing the Pali Canon in
Post-colonial Burma 37, 123
A New Study of Four Dunhuang Manuscripts Identified as “Buddhist Poems Collection” 29, 69
A reading of the architecture and text design of the early Tang Three Levels cave in Jichuanwan
54, 128

A Reconciliation Between Monastic Rules and Buddha-nature in Dōgen’s Philosophy 49, 96
A Reinterpretation of the Four Levels of the Two Truths doctrine: focused on the misunderstandings based on Dachengxuanlun Vol. 1 Erdiyi 39, 222
A Sanskrit ‘Buddhist Yoga Manual’ from Kučā 56, 251
A study on infant cognition in Indian thought: With a focus on Śāntarakṣita’s stand point 38, 212
A Study on the Consciousness Philosophy Based on the Awakening of Faith in Mahāyana 36, 109
A Study on the Tathāgataguhyasūtra 43, 242
A study on the translation of Sanskrit into Manchu found in the 18th century Huayan-jing xu
rufajiepin; contrasting with the existing Sanskrit text of the Gaṇḍavyūha Sutra, and the
Tibetan and Mongolian versions of the Āvataṃsaka Sūtra. 28, 247
A Theory and Practice of Engaged Buddhism as an Alternative to the Humanitarian Crises of the
21st Century 54, 153
A Vernacular Vaṃsa: Comparing Pali and Sinhala Histories of the Bodhi Tree 30, 101
Abhidharma and Ontological Pluralism: Are Conventional Objects Real? 22, 66
Ahaṃkāra, Maintaining Identification With a Buddha: Divine or False Identity? 48, 255
An Echo of the Questions of King Milinda in Gāndhārī? 36, 121
An Examination of Dunhuang Esoteric Talismans for Childbirth Protection: Take Guanyin’s cultas an example 39, 232
An Examination of Wŏn Buddhism, a Korean Modern Buddhist Community through Edith Stein’s
Philosophy of Community 49, 96
An Experimental Study on Attention Measurement and Mind/Meditation Training Using a Sati-Meter, a Meditation Machine 56, 249
An Intertwinement of Ritual Stages 32, 75

274

XIXth Congress of IABSAs an Aside: Sanjie jiao and the Sui-Tang Buddhist Scholasticism 54, 129Atiśa Revisited: Considering Atiśa Dīpaṃkara’s Vajrayāna Writings and Re-Evaluating His Role
as a Reformer 48, 253Atiśa’s Tantric Songs: the Vajrāsanavajragīti and the Caryāgīti 48, 252
Atomism in Vasubandhu’s Abhidharma-Kośa 50, 156

B
Being a Mādhyamika Means More Than Just Arguing with Opponents: Purbuchok on Experienceand Epistemic Instruments 45, 188
Bhārhut: Landscape, Identity, and Transformation from the Early Historic to the Post-Gupta
Period 33, 93
Bidding Fairwell to Parents in the Tonsure Ceremony: Focusing on Fayuanzhulin and Sŏngmun
Ŭibŏm 35, 261
Buddhism, Gender, and Women’s Identity in Modern Korea 26, 105
Buddhist Action Theory 22, 66
Buddhist Ethics for Everyone? The Limits and Possibilities of Buddhist Ethical Thought in Secular Ethics 52, 192
Buddhist Manuscripts on the Silk Road: Focusing on the Lushun Museum Collection 59
Buddhist Monastics from the Perspective of Laws and Regulations in Contemporary China 35, 262
Buddhist Multi-species Colonialism in Contemporary Taiwan: The Release of Life Ceremony,
Hunting, and the Encounter with Indigenous People 23, 176
Buddhist Regularity Theory, Humean Supervenience, and astu yathā tathā 29, 70
Buddhist Scholastic Education System Hinted at a Newly Identified Yogācāra Commentary Manuscript Fragment 46, 135
Buddhist Stairways to Heaven: Revisionist Reflections on Pure Land’s Indian Identity and theOrigins of the Expression Jing-tu 31, 236
Buddhist Theocracy and Hierarchy According to Tibetan Legal Texts 46, 179
Buddhist Transactions and Reciprocity in Times of Crisis in Myanmar 23, 178
Buddhist ways of looking at history and society: Tibetan ritual texts in use among some of the mostancient Buddhist populations in Nepal 27, 187
Buddhist, not Buddhicized: The Gesar Epic, Popular Literature, and Overlooking the Lived Experience of Buddhist Literature 27, 205
Bunhwang Wonhyo’s Thought on Awakening of Faith in Mahayāna 43, 225

C
Can a Bodhisattva let icchantika() die or kill icchantika? - Understanding Wonhyo()’s Beommanggyeong bosal gyebon sagi() and Seungjang()’s) through “”Trolley Dilemmas”” 35, 260
Beommanggyeong sulgi(• Index275

Candrakīrti on Memory: Concerning What and How We Remember 45, 120
Changing Buddha bioramas in the shadow of anti colonial struggles - redefining the sasana’s contours. 38, 161
Changing Patterns of Patronage and Devotion: Ancient Greater Gandhara during the Kushan andKushano-Sasanian Eras, II 31, 190
Chinese Buddhism Today: Christianity as Model and Analogue in the Formation of the ‘Humanistic’ Buddhism of Tài Xū and Hsīng Yún 51, 183
Collected Efficacy: Salvific and Protective Booklets Found in Dunhuang 29, 69
Creating Knowledge Communities: Myanmar/Burmese Buddhist Women, Monk Teachers, andthe Shaping of Transnational Teachings 39, 232
Creating Religious Consciousness in the Vernacular: The Sri Lankan Lineage of the Dharmakīrtis
(14th/15th century) 30, 99
Crosscurrents in Buddhist Feminist Studies: Minding the Gender Gap in Zangskar 39, 233

D
Daoxuan and the Medieval Chinese encounter with cult-objects 46, 180
Debates between ‘Direct Realists’ (Naiyāyikas and Mīmāṃsakas), ‘Representationalists’ (Sautrāntikas) and ‘Idealists’ (Vijñānavādins) in Kumārila, Dharmakīrti and Bhaṭṭa Jayanta38, 210

DEDU: An Online Parallel Corpus Editing Tool 42, 42
Definitions of the terms Sāsrava and Anāsrava in the Sarvāstivādin Literature: An Overview of
their Development 34, 170
Demonstrating the Sanskritization of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka Manuscripts: A Study of the Kern’s
Variant Readings 47, 194
Denying intermediate existence: A Theravādin response to Vasubandhu 50, 158
Dhamma for Women: Parwati Soepangat and the Making of Buddhist Feminist Theology in Postcolonial Indonesia 40, 235
Dharmadhātu as a Modern Concept – the Case of Republican-period China 44, 82
Dharmakīrti and Non-Duality 47, 219
Dhātu in Chinese translation of the Ratnagotra-vibhāga-mahāyānottaratantra-śāstra(RVMS) 44, 84
Dhātu, Dharmadhātu and Universal Buddhahood 44, 84
Dice Divination in the Zhancha Shan’e Yebao Jing – Probabilities, Challenges, Tranformations 25, 79
Dice divination in Tibetan Buddhism 25, 276
Did Early Chinese Buddhists Understand Their Scriptures? – On Some Impossible to UnderstandTranslations and Their Chinese Commentaries 22, 72
Digital Library of Northern Thai Manuscripts 42, 141
Digital research, publishing, and repatriation of Gandhāran manuscripts, inscriptions and art 37, 140
Dilun School’s Influence on the Silla Monk Wonhyo’s Perspective on Dharmadhātu 43, 228

276

XIXth Congress of IABS

(Dis)continuity of Vasubandhu, the Kośakāra and the Yogācāra 34, 170
Divergent Esoteric Meditations of the Prajñāpāramitā In India – Tathatālambana and Nirālambana
Stages in the Four Yoga Bhūmis – 41, 115
Do the Yogic Experiences of “Reflections of Emptiness” (śūnyatābimba) in Kālacakra Lend Support to Jonang gzhan stong? 51, 163
Does Perception Cognize Its Object Wholly? The Difference between Dignāga and Dharmakīrti 47, 217
Does the Viṁśikā’s author reject the Abhidharmakośa? 50, 157

E
Early Buddhist orality and the challenges of memory 27, 208
Early collecting of Korean Buddhist art 26, 104
Early Land-Donation Inscriptions from Junnar and Andhra Pradesh: Physical Evidence for Monastic Record-Keeping 24, 246
Emperor’s “Confucian” Buddhism: A study on the imperial prefaces of Buddhist canon utilized by
the early Tang state 23, 174
Emptiness as a Designation (prajñapti) 32, 88
Epigraphical links and Literary Gaps in Networks of Buddhist Transmission beyond Gandhāra to
the Upper Indus 25, 62
Epistemic Closure Principles and Buddhist Accounts of Inference 22, 65
Etymology as an Interpretative Technique: The Case of the Yogācāra philosopher Sthiramati 53

F
Family Matters: Hārītī’s Humanized Motherhood in Buddhist Texts and Art 39, 233
Female Movement in Asian Buddhist Society 55, 155
Finding the Missing Nuns of Nuava: A Philological-Archeological Inquiry 28, 247
Fragments of early Prajñāpāramitā exegesis: Anonymous quotations in the Da zhidu lun (*Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa) 52, 199
From “Ti-yong” to “Ti-xiang-yong”: A Study on the Origin of the “San-da” Theory in the Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna 36, 108
From Codicology to Sociality: A Study of Dunhuang Manuscript S.3872 28, 248
From Magic to Religion: The Role of Tibetan Buddhism in Environmental Crises 27, 186

G
Generating Sutras with Large Language Models 37, 140
Geography, Orthodoxy and Lineage in Burmese Buddhist Historiography 30, 98
Goddess Prajñāpāramitā and Esoteric Buddhism in Jayavarman VII’s Angkor: a trans-regional
approach 41, 116• Index277

H
Hagiographic Polyglossia: Exploring the Space of Vernacular(s) in Early Modern Burma throughthe Lens of Renderings of the Life of the Buddha 30, 100
Heian Japan Reimagined: Buddhist Influence in Contemporary Popular Fiction 35, 209
Hossō nikan shō – a distillation of hermetic Consciousness-only teachings aimed at the common
folk? 52, 198
How Can We ‘Keep’ the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra? On the Concept of dhārayati 40, 242
How did Vimalamitra read the Heart Sutra? Philological Investigation of the *Āryaprajñāpāramitāhṛdayaṭīkā 31, 235
How Much Madhyamaka? The Role of Philosophy in the rDzogs-chen Preliminary Known as‘Destroying the House of the Ordinary Mind’. 33, 91
How Not to Do Things with Others: The Conditions for Shared Agency in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya 50, 159
How Not to Restore a Monastery: Buddhism and the Politics of Spending in Goryeo and Joseon
Korea 26, 105
How to Make Divination Buddhist: Strategies from 9th-10th-Century Dunhuang 25, 80
How Would Buddhists Program An Autonomous Vehicle? 52, 192
Hwa shang’s Wrong View: Tsong kha pa’s Criticism in the Lam Rim Chen Mo 24, 258

I
Illuminating the Life Stories of the Seven Buddhas: The Sanskrit Mahāvadāna-sūtra and Its Textual Parallels in Pāli and Chinese 24, 245
Illusionism About Consciousness in the “Consciousness Only” School 47, 216
Immortals in texts, and Meditative Monks in Images: Appropriating the Vessantara Jātaka in Early
Medieval China 35, 209
In Praise of the Great Liberator: The Worship of Ārya Tārā in the Kathmandu Valley 53, 200
In the Margins of the Himalayas: Indigenous Highland Buddhisms in SSE Asia. 27, 185
Indian Doxography as Spiritual Exercise: The Example of Bhāviveka’s Madhyamakahṛdayakārikā 23, 175
Indic-Siamese Bitextual Verse: The Poetics of Classical Reading and Vernacular Writing, 1450–
1750 CE 30, 100
Interpretation of the hell scenes in Subashi East Temple documented by the first Otani expedition 48, 59
Invoking the Goddess: the changing character of Prajñāpāramitā as seen from her spells, hymns
and shorter scriptures 41, 114
Is Dignāga’s Pramāṇasamuccaya V a muddle without structure? 39, 213
Is the Stain the Cloth? Paṇchen Lobsang Chökyi Gyeltsen’s Rebuttal to Taktsang Lotsawa 45, 118

278

XIXth Congress of IABS

J
Japanese Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya tradition in the late Edo
period: Shingon
views about the authenticity of the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya 42, 131monks’

Jeweled Canopy: A Conceptual Model of Buddhist Caves in Medieval China 38, 162
Joining the Eagle Peak Assembly: Text, Image, and Empowerment in Nichiren’s “Great Mandala”
27, 146“Justice” is a Word not Uttered by the Wise: How the Dharma Undercuts the Thirst for Justice 23, 177K
Kāma and monastic bathing regulations in the Pali Vinaya 35, 260
Kamalaśīla’s Commentary to the Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra 40, 240
Kamalaśīla’s Gradualist Interpretation of the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī 35, 239
Kharoṣṭhī Letters on Gandhāran Sculptures with Inscribed Years 25, 63
Khyentse Vision Project Information Session 16, 18, 264
Koryo Seon Master Jinul’s True Mind, its Predecessors and Successors 33, 90

LLabeling the Buddha: A reconsideration of early textual and visual materials of Tejaprabhā Buddha
in China 55, 204
Lama kyō and Japanese Colonialism: Transnational Buddhism in Early Twentieth-century Inner
Mongolia and Manchuria 24, 256
Legitimacy and Emancipation: Higher Education for Chinese Buddhist Nuns of the Post-Mao
Era 40, 234
Linguae Dharmae: Machine translation and crosslingual semantic similarity search for Buddhist
primary languages 140, 279
Localized Readings: Buddhist Textual Production and Interpretation from Ancient Japan 28, 67
Locating Odantapuri: Reimagining Through the Rubbles of an Early Medieval Buddhist Monastery 33, 92
Locating Sāṅkhya between Buddhism and Mīmāṃsā 54, 136
Looking as “spiritual exercise:” the case of central pillar caves and their role as meditation aids inthe rock monasteries of Kuča 46, 151M
Mahāmudrā Theory and the Four Types of Yoga in Tsangpa Gyare (1161-1211), Founder of the
Drukpa Kagyu School 51, 164
Maitreya’s Authority and Vulnerability: Focused on the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of
Kwanchok-sa 53, 202
Major Shifts in the Research Trends in the Studies of Korean Buddhism 26, 104• Index279

Making Buddhist Ethics Matter: Notes on the Consecration Scripture Concerning the Spell of theThree Refuges and Five Precepts Hung at the Waist to Protect the Body 26, 145
Matter Over Mind: Buddhist Ritual and Sacramental Soteriology 33, 94
Medieval Japanese Tendai Notion of the Mind-Consciousness and the Construction of Kami-Buddha Discourse 23, 173
Modern Ch’ŏnt’ae ritual: The Practice of Incantation of the Name of Guanyin, and its Traces ofManipulation and Artificiality 52, 184
Mommy! I Want Beer, Liquor, and Raw Meat: A Child’s Favourite Meal According to Hārāti Pūjā50, 112More Than Meets the Eye: Chinese Buddhist Texts Hidden in Tocharian Fragments 24, 246
Mutual Influence between the Buddhism and the Sāṅkhya about establishing the concept ofindriya 54, 138
Mystical Understandingof Silla Commentators on the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith 39, 223

N
Nāgārjuna and the Structure of Reality 22, 66
Naong Hyegeun’s Mahāyāna Seon: The Use of Geun ( ) and Gi ( ) 43, 227
Newly Emergent Terminologies in Tang Dynasty Texts on Chinese Painting and The Relationship” Xinyuan (The Mind as the Source of All
to Buddhism—Examining Zhang Zao’s “Things; ‘Fountainhead of [the] Mind’; citta-gocara/āśaya) as Example. 31, 188
Non-Duality: Historical Background, the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, and the Mahāyāna-saṃgraha 32, 89

O
Of Blossoming Flowers and Rising Suns. Tāranātha on the Unfolding Direct Perception of Buddha
Nature in the Ṣaḍaṅgayoga of Kālacakra 51, 163
Old and Neo-commentaries: The Development of Commentaries from the Niddesa to theaṭṭhakathās 52, 197
On a Sanskrit Manuscript of the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā dated to the Regnal Year
8 of Harivarman 24, 244
On Liberation from Suffering in Early Buddhism, Yoga and Nyāya 54, 136
On manuscripts of the Divyāvadāna[mālā] preserved in Nepal 45, 134
On Similes in Kṣemendra’s Buddhist Poetry 27, 207
On the Conception of the Buddha at Ajaṇṭā: Iconographic Anomalies and Buddhology in the Early
Medieval Deccan 33, 93
On the Formation of the Guan Wuliangshou-fo jing: Focusing on the Connection with the Da
Amituo jing 44, 243
On the historical development of the Vessantarajātaka-commentaries 47, 195
On the Kharoṣṭhī and Brāhmī wooden documents housed in the National Museum of Korea 49, 61

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XIXth Congress of IABS

On the Manuscripts of Two Versions of the Tibetan Translation of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā
Imported to Japan by Tada Tōkan 44, 243
On the Relation Between the Theory of Six Characteristics of Valid Reason (ṣaḍlakṣaṇahetu) andNyāya Tradition 38, 211
On Vāsanā that Preserves Karmic Efficacy: Its Origin and Doctrinal Development 34, 171
Ongoing Innovations within Contemporary Newar Buddhism 50, 111
Ontology in Sāṃkhya-Yoga and Buddhist Thought: Material Causality 54, 138
Organizing Medicine across Manuscripts: Medieval Chinese Buddhist Recipes for Healing and
Bodily Care 28, 68
Otani Expedition and Its Collection - Outline and Its Contribution to Buddhist Studies - 48, 58
Overview of a New Gāndhārī Verse Manuscript Concerning Anger 29, 86

PParamārtha’s Concept of jiexing

and its Interpretations in East Asian Buddhism 31, 237

Picturing the Public in Medieval Tibet 38, 160
Praising the Buddha: Two Gāndhārī Stotra Manuscripts 29, 86
Prajñākaragupta’s Interpretation of ‘Non-Erroneous’ in the Definition of Direct Perception 47, 218
Prajñāpāramitā at Alchi Monastery, Ladakh 41, 116
Preliminary Remarks on a Manuscript of the Vinayoddānagāthās in the Schøyen Collection 42, 132
Prolegomena to a Buddhist Philosophy of Religion 43, 215
Promoting social harmony with transnational Buddhist meditation traditions: ‘Thousand people
Zen meditation’ event in contemporary Hong Kong 51, 181

Q
Questioning the role of philosophy in politics. A conversation with Nāgārjuna and his king 16, 264R
Ratnākaraśānti and Ratnakīrti on determination and nescience 34, 125
Reappraising Rock-cut Buddhist Monasteries: Bhaja, Bedsa and Karla 46, 149
Reconfiguration and Revival of Newar Buddhism I: The Role of the Construction of a Newar
Buddhist Monastery in Lumbini 49, 111
Reconfiguration and Revival of Newar Buddhism Il: Paradoxes in the Kathmandu Valley 49, 111
Reconsideration of the theory on the three-stage development of the apoha-theory 43, 216
Reexamining Paintings from Dunhuang at the National Museum of Korea 48, 60
Re-examining Yijing’s
Guan suoyuan lun shi
aparīkṣāṭīkā 47, 197

based on Vinītadeva’s Ālamban-

Reimagining Nalanda in the Ninth century Eastern India 33, 92• Index281

Resources for Pali and Vernacular Manuscripts in Southeast Asia 42, 141
Restoration of the Stele of Kang: A Sogdian Buddhist Layman’s Sutra-copying Project in Turfan
during the Wu Zhou Period 49, 60
Rethinking the Metaphor of the Jewel Net of Indra: With a focus on ideas of Enryo Inoue 51, 182
Rethinking the Term Elevating Confucianism and Suppressing Buddhism and a New Understanding of Joseon’s Buddhist Tradition 26, 106
Revisiting Milindapañha 37, 121
Rules of Customary Behaviour for the Vanapratisaṃvedaka-bhikṣu in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya
42, 130

Rushing Rivers and Dark Forests: Two More Gandhari Saṃyuktāgama Sūtras 29, 86SSāṃkhya as an Opponent of Bhāviveka 54, 137
Sankaram: Transformation of Buddhist Monastery in Eastern Deccan 33, 91
Secrets in Numbers: Lists of Secrets in Mahāyoga literature from the 8th to 11th Centuries 48, 254
Sengwei’s Theory of the One Mind (yi xin) and Its Historical Significance 22, 73
Seven Chinese Buddhist Scriptures Commissioned for Gender Transformation by a Buddhist Nunin Dunhuang 29, 68
Social and Emotional Dimensions of Divination for Chinese Buddhists 25, 79
Solids and voids: the morphology of the rock monasteries of Kuča. 46, 152
Some Remarks on the Translations of Dharmadhātu made by Kumārajīva and Xuanzang and Their
Implications 44, 81
Soteriology for the War Dead: Restructuring of Sweet Dew Paintings in Late Colonial Korea 41, 102
Stupas and Cave Temples with the Buddha’s Biography as a Building Block of Meaning 38, 161“Stupa have never been Idle” - Architectural Interventions and the Shifting Forms of a Contemporary Korean Buddhist Tower 55, 205Śūnyatā-vikṣipta in Tathāgatagarbha Sūtra Literature 40, 241
Superimposed Succession as Supreme Substrate: Ratnākaraśānti’s Surroundings 34, 124
Survey on the Sixth Council Edition of Burmese Tipiṭaka with Reference to the Vinayapiṭaka 42, 131

T
Taking Refuge in the House: Considering the House of the Newar Buddhist Householder 50, 112
Texts as Relics in Stūpas and Statues in Gandhāra, Bamiyan, and East Asia 26, 144
Textual Sources Relevant to the Practical Use of Buddhist Cave Monasteries 46, 148
Thai Buddhist Modernism through Female Sex Workers’ Religious Piety 51, 183
The Abhidharma Buddhist terms “name set” (nāmakāya), “phrase set” (padakāya), and “phonemeset” (vyañjanakāya) 30, 168

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The Apādāna Theory of Bhartṛhari and the Buddhist Grammarian Candragomin 34, 208
The Awakening of Faith as a Paradigm for Interpreting the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra 36, 108
The Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna in the Western-Language Scholarship: Problems and Orientations 36, 109
The Buddha and the Buddhism that Never Was 28, 219
The Centrality of the Prajñāpāramitā in the Development of the Newar Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna41, 117

The concept of ‘anulomikā khantī’ in Theravāda Soteriology 30, 169
The Concept of Dharmadhātu in the Dharmadhātustava 35, 238
The Creation of the Modern Buddhist Wedding Ceremony in the Early Twentieth Century 41, 102
The Demons of Kucha 38, 160
The Development and the Character of the Mount Odae() Belief in Korean Buddhism -Critical Analysis of the Cultural and Political Power Relationship between Central Government and Local Forces- 55, 231
The different Pāli Milindapañha recensions circulated in Central Siam, based on manuscripts extant since the seventeenth century 37, 123
The Distinctiveness of Twentieth-Century Korean Buddhism 26, 106
The Dragon and the Kami: Exploring the Connections Between the Esoteric Buddhist Tradition of
Daigoji and Medieval Shinto 32, 77
The Engraving of Buddhist Texts in Stupa Caves and Mountain Sites in the Northern Qi Dynasty:
Multiple Levels of Reading 26, 146
The Esoteric Rituals on the Death and Rebirth Attributed to Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna 48, 252“The Essence of the Two Truths is the Middle Way”: Jizang’s (549–623) Arguments against the
Tiantai Doctrine of the Three Truths 44, 83
The Formation of Chinese Buddhism as a Problem in Transculturation 23, 74
The Historical Social Network of Chinese Buddhism 37, 139
The International Research Project on Sutras Engraved into Stone in China 31, 189
The Interpretation of Nāmasaṃgīti: Focusing on the Newly Surfaced Manuscripts Possessed by
the Newar Buddhists 50, 113
The Introduction of “Art” and the Museum System to Local Buddhist Monasteries in modern
Korea 40, 103
The Korean Buddhist Military Chaplaincy and Modern ‘State-Protection’ Buddhism: a study of
the Mass Military Faith Promotion Movement 24, 178
The Laṅkāvatārasūtra in Ratnākaraśānti’s Prajñāpāramitopadeśa and other works 34, 125
The Latest Developments of CBETA Collection and Research Tools 42, 142
The legend of the Buddha leaving his alms-bowl in Vaiśālī preserved in the art of Gandhāra andKucha 53, 201
The Life and Peace Movement in South Korea 55, 155
The Life of the Buddha: Something Old, Something New 16, 264• Index283

The Logic of the Glimpse: ‘Transformative Experience’ in Eleventh-Century Indian Buddhist Tantra 22, 65
The Making of a Monk: Apprenticeship and the Monastic Habitus 42, 130
The manuscript transmission of the Hevajratantra 45, 133
The Master-Disciple Relationship in Chinese Buddhist Monasticism: A look at the “Chapter on the
Mutual Dependence of Master and Disciple” from Daoxuan’s Commentary on Conduct
and Procedure 36, 262
The Meditation on Selflessness and Salvation by the Omniscient in the Final Chapter of Tattvasaṃgrahapañjikā 43, 214
The Milindapañha’s Discourse on the Precept Practice and Vinaya 37, 122
The Navel Contemplation in Foshuo Guan Jing (S.2585) 56, 249
The Place and Role of Original Buddhism and the Study of Indian Source Materials in the Unfolding of Modern Korean Buddhology: Colonial Era Developments and the Contributions ofYi Yŏngjae (1900-1927) 39, 222
The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch Engraved On Slabs in Yunjun Monastery, Fangshan,
Beijing: Its Relations with the Yongle Southern Canon and its Donors 40, 241
The play of formulas and its relevance to early Buddhist meditation theory 28, 219
The Presence of Śiva at Nālandā 23, 174
The Problem with Orthodoxy: Zhinian’s (535-608) Abhidharma Thought 30, 167
The Recent Manuscript Discoveries at Mes Aynak 45, 134
The reception of Genshin’s Ichijō yōketsu in Japanese Medieval Buddhism 39, 221
The relationship between “mind” and dharmadhātu: Focus on the source of Āgama/Nikāya in theDaśabhūmika Sūtra 44, 82
The Road to Modernity: Buddhist Vision of Modernity in the Case of Bodhi-Vajra Stupa in 1930s
Chongqing 46, 179
The Role of “Community” in Hōnen’s Conception of the Nembutsu 49, 97
The role of being free from (the hindrance of) regret for the sake of samādhi 52, 191
The role of dependent arising and not killing for the climate crisis prevention 54, 154
The Role of the Two Truths in Daochuo’s Understanding of the Pure Land 43, 226
The Samantabhadra Longevity Rite of Daigoji 32, 78
The Self is a Sky-Flower: Diṅnāga and Kumārila on Non-referring Terms 38, 212
The Shingon Temple in the Medieval Imagination: A Re-assessment of the Depiction of Performance and the Institutional Role of Daigo-ji in the Shichi tengue 32, 76
The socio-ethical interpretation on engaged Buddhism of Korea 54, 154
The Socio-political Discourse in the Tibetan Nītiśāstras 46, 179
The Sources of the Logics on Wonhyo() School - 55, 230
Sanlun()’s Theory of Harmonization - Focused on the Chinese

The Subodhālaṅkāra and the Kāvyaprakāśa 27, 206

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XIXth Congress of IABS

The Term “Buddha Nature as Suchness” (): Translated or Invented? - Reexamining theideological dynamics in sixth century Chinese Buddhism - 39, 224
The Theory of Four Stages to Arahantship in Theravāda Soteriology from Pāli Canon to commentaries 56, 250
The theory of seeds and perfumes between Vasubandhu and Sthiramati in the Triṃśikā 35, 238
The Three Defective Vessels: Vasubandhu’s hermeneutics in the Nālandā tradition 53, 199
The Transmission of the Great Madhyamaka of extrinsic emptiness from Si tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi‘byung gnas (1699/1700–1774) to Kaḥ thog dGe-rtse Mahāpaṇḍita (1761–1829) 24, 256
The Twelve-Step Path?: Buddhist Ethics in Addiction Recovery Literature 52, 193
The View of ‘Neither Identity nor Difference’ as the Middle Shown in Wonhyo’s Logic of Hwajaeng: With Reference to the Twofold Truth, Three Natures and Inexpressible Nature 47, 196
The White-Robed Avalokiteśvara and Its Function in Early Modern Korean Ritual Culture 40, 101
The Yoga of Light. Visionary Yoga in Late Indian Buddhist Sources and in the Tibetan Etherodox
Traditions 51, 165
The Yogins of Himalayan Deserts: The Living Tradition of Buddhist Eremitism in ZanskarTheory
and Practice of Tranquil Abiding in Indo-Tibetan Tradition: The Pith Instructions of Yeshe Gyaltsen (1713-1793) and His Predecessors 27, 185
Thousand Beginnings of Buddhahood in Bhadrakalpikasūtra Illustrated on the Walls of Kumtura
Cave 50 and Cave 29 55, 203
Thunder God and Human Fatalities: An Ecocritical Reading of the Sweet-Dew Painting 31, 189
Tools and Data for Historical Social Network Analysis of Chinese Buddhism 16
Towards the Justification of Killing by Kings: A shift of Paradigm from King Ajātaśatu toDuṭṭhagāmaṇi 52, 191
Trajectories of Translation: Re-examining the Emergence of Buddhist Chinese 22, 72
Travelling artists, patronage patterns or itinerant devotees: Assessing stylistic links between Buddhist sculptures from Gandhāra 25, 63
Tribute to David Seyfort Ruegg 22, 67
Tsongkhapa as a Mahāsiddha: A Reevaluation of the Patronage of the Gelukpa in Tibet 25, 259
Tsongkhapa on the Epistemology of the Conventional 45, 119
Two Forms of Non-dualism: Wŏnhyo (617-643) and Fazang’s (643-712) Understandings of “Neither/Nor” 33, 89
Two Opposing Aspects of Woncheuk’s View on the Relationship Between the Second and Third
Dharma-cakras in Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra - With Some Newly Identified Materials inḤphags pa dgoṅs pa zab mo ṅes par ḥgrel paḥi mdo rgya cher ḥgrel pa 32, 237

U
Understanding the sacred landscape associated with Kanheri and its reflections in archaeologicalmaterial at the site 46, 150
Unlikely Genius: Géluk sa bdag as Divinations of Chinese Stars 26, 80
Using TACL for the Analysis of the Chinese Buddhist Canon 16• Index285

V
Vajrayana and Nath Sampradaya Iconographies at Panhale-Kaji: Ambiguities in Appropriation 53, 200
Vasubandhu on the Metaphysics of Streams and Flows 50, 158
Vasubandhu on the Problem of Contact and Directionality 50, 158
Vedanā as svabhāva-vedanīyatā and ālambana-vedanīyatā: Developments of the vedanā analysis
in the Abhidharma 30, 167
Verses from Aśvaghoṣa Found in the Tridaṇḍamālā 45, 135

W
Wangchuk Dorjé’s Prāsaṅgika System (Acknowledged by Others) 45, 119We-turn in Japanese Buddhism: Yūzū-nembutsu’s philosophy of community 49, 95
What (a computer thinks) the Buddha Taught 23, 172
What Can Be Known in Svasaṃvedana? 29, 70
What does it mean to regard the aggregates as self? Rethinking the philosophical implications of
the selected khandha passages in the Nikāyas 28, 220
What Goes into an Argument? Remarks on the Production of dPal ’dzin’s Critique of the rNying
ma Tradition 24, 257
What’s in a Word: An Epigraphic Comparison between Kharoṣṭhī and Brāhmī Kuṣāṇa Donative
Inscriptions 29, 87
When the Buddha’s relics became commodities: codified relic theft in the (Mūla)-Sarvāstivādavinaya 36, 263
Which Discursive Reflection: Exegesis, Meditation, or Both 23, 74
Who is Vasubandhu’s interlocutor in his Viṃśikā v. 16? 43, 215
Who Represent All the Protective Deities in Chinese Buddhist Art? --from the Spirit Kings
31, 187
the Eight Classes, to the Twenty-four Various Deities,

X
Xianjie jing

: a Chinese Translation of the Gāndhārī Bhadrakalpikasūtra? 29, 87

Xingxing’s (540-594) use of structure and related issues in Medieval Chinese Buddhist texts andcommentarial literature 53, 127
Xinxing’s
Understanding of Spiritual Faculties (gendhism 53, 126) in the Context of Sui-Tang Bud-Y
Yogācāra Ideas in Ratnākaraśānti’s *Guhyasamājamaṇḍalavidhiṭīkā 34, 125

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XIXth Congress of IABS

The XIXth IABS Congress TeamThe Planning Committee:
President

Mark Siderits (Illinois State University)

Chair

Eun-su Cho (Seoul National University)

Advisory Board Robert Buswell (UCLA)
Christoph Emmrich (University of Toronto)
Shoryu Katsura (Ryukoku University)
Cristina Scherrer-Schaub (Université de Lausanne)

Members

Sungdoo Ahn (Seoul National University)
Jongnam Choi (Joong-Ang Sangha University)
Jakyung Han (Ewha Womans University)
Jongwook Kim (Dongguk University)
Sungchul Kim (Dongguk University, Gyeongju)
Wonmyoung Kim (Hankuk University of Foreign Studies)
Seunghak Koh (Geumgang University)
Sumi Lee (Duksung Women’s University)
Taeseung Lee (Uiduk University)
Seungtaek Lim (Kyungpook National University)
Dongsin Nam (Seoul National University)
Juhyung Rhi (Seoul National University)
Sem Vermeersch (Seoul National University)
Jonggab Yun (Dong-A University)
Woncheol Yun (Seoul National University)

287

The Conference Office:Secretariats

Kihoon Kwak
(SNU)
(SNU)
Ven. Jeongwook(SNU)
Lunah Kim
(SNU)
Yeonwoo Joh(SNU)
Hwajeong Ryu(SNU)
Yoo Sung Kim(Yonsei Univ.)
Kunwoo Kwon
(SNU)
Wootaek Jeon
(SNU)
Suhyun Park
(SNU)
Hanna Kim
(Dongguk Univ. WISE)San Yi

Volunteers

Hyunwoo Nam
Yeonwoo Kim
Jeong In Seo
Jongeun Choi
Byul Kim
So Eun Park
Hanna Chung
Jinyeong Park
Yu-chan Kang
Yeowon Kim
Wonyoung Cho
Dong Gyu Song
Jongbu Park
Ven. Deokjae
Jeonghee Lee
Young-suk Jun
Eunhee Kim
YoungHee Lee
Yeonsuk Ka
Yeon ok Gong

288 XIX Congress of IABSth

IABS Board:
President

Juhyung Rhi (Seoul, Korea)

Vice-President

Birgit Kellner (Vienna, Austria)

Treasure

Pascale Hugon (Vienna, Austria)

General Secretary

Christoph Emmrich (Toronto, Canada)

Regional
Representatives

North America: Jinhua Chen (Vancouver, Canada)
East Asia: Funayama Tōru (Kyoto, Japan)
South & South East Asia: Mahesh Deokar (Pune, India)
Europe: Francesco Sferra (Naples, Italy)

Directors at Large

Mark Allon (Sydney, Australia)
Anne Blackburn (Ithaca, USA)
Collett Cox (Seattle, USA)Paul Harrison (Stanford, USA)
Jens-Uwe Hartmann (Munich, Germany)
Sara McClintock (Atlanta, USA)
Ulrich Pagel (London, UK)
Michael Radich (Heidelberg, Germany)
Richard Salomon (Seattle, USA)
Jonathan Silk (Leiden, The Netherlands)
Cristina Scherrer-Schaub (Paris, France)
Vincent Tournier (Paris, France)

JIABS editor-in-chiefand ex-officio IABS
Board member

Ingo Strauch (Lausanne, Switzerland)289

August 15-19, 2022, Seoul National University