第４４回法政大学懸賞論文 最優秀賞

Is University Campus Gendered?
The Experiences of Transgender Students in Japan

グローバル教養学部グローバル教養学科４年

鈴木 ひかりIs University Campus Gendered?
The Experiences of Transgender Students in Japan

Table of contents

1

Ⅰ. Introduction

2

Ⅱ. Literature Review
Transprejudice22Transgender and gender norms
Transgender and gendered public restrooms

3
4

Ⅲ. Research Questions and Theoretical Framework

5

Ⅳ. Methodology

6

Ⅴ. Findings and Analysis
What transgender students consider as “gendered spaces” on university campus
Doing gender in university campus
Doing gender in formal occasions

7
7
8
10

Doing gender and gendering process in the classroom
Student’s association and its role on campus
Diversity measures taken by university
University’s facilities and student’s needs

11
13
15
16

Ⅵ. Conclusion

18

Ⅶ. References

19

Ⅷ. Appendix
Appendix A. Interview participant list
Appendix B. Interview questions

21
21
22

1

Ⅰ. Introduction
Gender segregated spaces that divide “men'' and “women” exist everywhere,
and universities are no exception. Such spaces compel transgender individuals tonegotiate their gender identity publicly on a daily basis. While changes have occurred—laws that allow transgenders to change their gender identity on the family register(Act on Special Provisions for Handling Gender for People with Gender Identity
Disorder, 2004), the construction of unisex bathrooms on university campuses, and theadmission of transwomen students to women only universities—, gendered segregatedspaces of “women” and “men” remain.
The purpose of this research is to understand transgender student’s experienceson university campus through interviews and content analysis. First, I will undertake aliterature review of previous studies on transgender people’s experiences. Next, I will
introduce relevant concepts and report on the preliminary findings from interviews withstudents who identify themselves as transgender and gender non-conforming to explore
individual experiences in gendered spaces. Then, interviews with the head of LGBTQ
community will be reported to explore how student’s associations play a role inaddressing the issue before reporting on the content analysis on university measures
addressing the needs of trans students. The paper will conclude with future studies thatshould be undertaken.

Ⅱ. Literature review
TransprejudiceKing et al. (2009, as cited in Winter et al., 2009), defines transprejudice as “thenegative valuing, stereotyping and discriminatory treatment of individuals whose
appearance and/or identity does not conform to the current social expectations orconventional conceptions of gender” (p.98). Current studies and research have revealed
a high incidence of transprejudice in public spaces. An extensive survey of 7500
transgender and gender-nonconforming respondents in the United States reveals howtransgender identity and gender non-conforming people have lost jobs due to antitransgender bias (26%), harassed (78%), and physically assaulted (35%) in public2

spaces, schools, and workplaces (Grant et al., 2011). Such gender-based prejudice anddiscrimination could lead to suicides (Clements-Nolle, Marx & Kaz, 2006); indeed,around 30% of transgenders of the transgender communities in the Philadelphia regionof the United States have attempted suicides (Kenagy, 2005). To assess the negative
health impact on LGB population Meyer (2003) coined the minority stress model,
which was also applied to transgender individuals (Herman, 2013). The framework
conceptualizes the mental and physical negative outcomes of stigmatizing trans people.
The foregoing review shows anti-transgender attitudes and behavior exist on an
everyday level, impact on transgender people’s health, and prevent them from accessing
public spaces accessible to non-transgender people.

Transgender and gender norms

The strong negative reaction toward transgender people lies in how gender iscore to and constitutes a fundamental division in society. West & Zimmerman (1987)
conceptualize gender as a socially, psychologically, and culturally constructed categoryrather than a function of biology and argue that we perform our gender to affirm toourselves and others the gender considered appropriate to the sex assigned to us frombirth. Gender norms are behaviors and preferences of “gender” (Cislaghi & Heise,2020) —the expectations or standards to be met by the social categories of men andwomen in society. Transgender people’s experiences towards gender norms aredifferent. To be specific, their experiences differ depending on whether their physicalappearance or behavior conform to the conventional gender expectations. If one hastransitioned to the other gender and their appearance/behavior follows the gender normsof the transitioned gender, they would “pass,” as they become part of the genderdichotomy. On the other hand, if one’s appearance is under transition or if one chooses
not to express themselves as either men/women, they would deviate from the sociallyconstructed gender norms. And when such gender norms are violated, people are likely
to confront discrimination and violence (Doan, 2010). Doan (2010) has analyzed her
own experience in gendered spaces as a visibly queer transgender person, who presents
and is read as a gender variant woman. From their experience in public and private

3spaces in the United States, they conclude that “individuals who persist in violating
gender norms are marginalized in both queer and other spaces (K, Namaste, 1996;
Doan, 2001, 2006, 2007 as in Doan, 2010)” (P639). The socially constructed gendernorms of “women” “men” and their influence on transgender and gendernonconforming people differs depending on individual characteristics and orientationand should be considered separately.

Transgender and gendered public restrooms
Nowhere is “doing gender” so imperative as in the use of gendered spaces.
Restrooms are one of the most gendered spaces transgender people would have todeclare their gender on a daily basis. According to a survey done by Herman (2013),
among 94 respondents in Washington, DC, 70% of them reported experiencing one ormore of the following problems when asked about their experiences in gendersegregated bathrooms: denial of access to facilities, verbal harassment, and physicalassault. In a further study, Herman (2013) argues that such harassments against
transgender lead some to have negative health conditions. Among the respondents, 54%of the people had health problems due to avoiding bathrooms and “holding it.” Someeven avoided getting necessary healthcare for keeping away from public restrooms.
Moreover, a study in Virginia also reveals that 11% of the self-identified transgender
have avoided seeing a doctor or getting healthcare due to the lack of appropriate
restrooms (Xavier, Honnold, and Bradford, 2007 as cited in Herman, 2013). Gendersegregated bathrooms are therefore not only a risk to transgender people, but it also
results in poor health conditions when they try to avoid such places intentionally.
Gender segregated bathrooms are one of the key struggles for transgenderuniversity students as well. From the interviews conducted by Herman (2013), one transman reported that he eventually avoided going to bathrooms due to the limited numbersof non-gendered bathrooms. Still, Beemyn (2005) argues that some colleges are
positively introducing transgender-friendly bathrooms, raising San Diego State
University as an example. In 2003, the student’s association movement successfully
demanded the university to approve funds to “convert a set of women’s and men’sbathrooms in the student union into gender-neutral facilities” (p.81). The example raisedby Beemyn (2005) implies that actions taken by students can change the campus to a4

transgender-friendly place when student association works as an "agent" to takenecessary actions for the ones being marginalized.

Ⅲ. Research Questions and Theoretical Framework

The findings from the literature review can be summarized as follows.
Transprejudice occurred in gendered spaces such as bathrooms, lead transgender to bediscriminated and prejudiced by non-transgender people. One reason for this is thesocially constructed gender categories of men and women, creating gender norms thatmight force people’s performance to belong in either women or men (Doan, 2010; Grant
et al, 2011; Herman, 2013). To assess the impact on gender non-conforming people,
Meyer (2003) introduced the minority stress model, stating that such transprejudice
could lead transgender people to have negative health outcomes.
“The foregoing literature, based primarily in the United States”, reveal the
prejudice and discrimination against transgender people generally, and their need tonegotiate gendered spaces. Therefore, I’d like to explore three questions in this research.
The first one is how do transgender students negotiate gendered spaces in Japan? The
above data collected overseas could be applied in Japan as the gender binary system that
divides men and women lies in the contemporary Japanese society as well as
educational facilities (Dohi, 2015). I would, therefore, examine transgender student’s
negotiation in gendered spaces while connecting the findings from overseas. The second
question is what are the measures universities have taken to address the needs oftransgender students? I will explore the relevant measures taken by universities toward
transgender students focusing on school policies, diversity promotion, and educational
programs. My last question is how do student’s associations play a role in the process ofcreating a transgender-friendly campus? This question was derived from the research of
Beemyn (2005) that raised effective examples of students taking action to prepare
platforms to welcome transgender students.
To guide my interpretation of the data, the theoretical framework of “doing
gender” coined by West & Zimmerman (1987) will be introduced. West & Zimmerman(1987) conceptualized gender as an ongoing accomplishment in everyday interactions.

5Gender is not a function of biology, rather is achieved by individual’s performances
through the interaction with others. The idea of doing gender will be used in this paper
to analyze how transgender students negotiate their gender through the interaction ofvarious actives in campus.

Ⅳ. Methodology

To answer the three research questions, I undertook a mixed method approachthat included interviews and content analysis. One-on-one Interviews were conducted to
examine transgender student’s negotiation of gendered spaces. This method wasappropriate for my research because it gives the interviewer opportunity to ask followup questions in an area without a lot of previous research, and to tease out detailed
experiences that cannot be readily tapped through a questionnaire or group interviews.
My initial plan was to limit the participants to transgender-identified university
students. However, because transgender university students are a hard-to-reachpopulation, I have included two students who do not identify as cisgender but also do
not strictly identify themselves as transgender, one of them being a high school student
also.
I conducted interviews with four transgender-identified university students(three Male to Female and one Female to Male), one gender nonconforming high school
student, and one university student who has not decided their gender identification at
the moment but who states, “I think I am seen as transgender” (See Appendix A for
more details). Among a total of six participants, one was the head of the LGBT circle at
University B, and one was running a MtF community outside university campus. The
respondents were all contacted through Twitter by searching “MtF/FtM 学生(student).”
The interviews were held on June 25, 2020 to July 3, 2021 via online. The interviews
lasted 60 to 90 minutes long.
I asked the interview participants questions on their experiences regarding
gendered spaces in campus, the process of identity development throughout their lives
and their hardships as transgender identity if there were any. (For a list of questions, see

6Appendix B). In addition, questions related to LGBTQ community were asked to those
who were managing such communities.
One limitation of the interview was the small sample, which hindered me frommaking meaning comparisons. Another limitation was the recruitment process. The
social media recruitment only allows the interviewer to find people who are consciousand open about topics related to their gender identification. Therefore, the collected data
may be biased to those who were relatively “out” about their gender identification,
excluding those who were not “out.” Lastly, it is important to note that all interviewees
attend private universities in Japan, thus the university’s effort put on campus facility
should be considered differently from that of national and public schools.
In addition to the interviews, I conducted a content analysis after the interviews
on four universities (Universities A, B, C, E) that the interview participants werestudying at excluding a high school and the other a distant-learning university that two
participants attended. All of them were private universities in Tokyo with a middle toupper high academic score within Japan. The aim of the content analysis is to further
examine the interview participant’s experience on campus from the university’s
prospect. I believe the measures taken by each university should be analyzed to discusspossible solutions that incorporate the needs of trans students. I analyzed statements andeducational program related to diversity by examining each university’s official
websites. I looked at whether they have (1) any statement supporting diversity; (2)website devoted to promoting diversity; (3) education program promoting diversity. I
then looked for specific words such as “transgender” “LGBT” in each if there were any.
In addition, I looked into each school’s campus facilities such as the presence ofmultipurpose bathrooms and diversity centers.

Ⅴ. Findings and Analysis

What transgender students consider as “gendered spaces” on university campus

First, bathrooms came up as gendered spaces from all interview participants.
Both MtF students, Hana and Keiko (the names used are all pseudonyms) referred to the7insufficient number of bathrooms on campus, saying it “hard to reach.” Second, locker
rooms were also raised as a gendered space by five interviewees except for Naho, a highschooler who changes clothes in their dormitory. Third, all six participants mentioned
health checkups as a gendered space, including Hiromi who has been studying at a
distance-learning university, where checkups are not enforced. Fourth, occasions thatinvolve formal clothing such as entrance ceremonies and job-hunting were also inferred
as gendered from some participants. Lastly, the classroom, an apparently gender-neutral
space, also becomes gendered in some situations through the interaction of students andprofessors. The following section will examine how transgender students “negotiate”
and “do gender” in these spaces.

Doing gender in university campus

Doing gender, in this case, is the actions taken by transgender students
according to their identificatory displays of sex, through their interactions with othermembers of the university. Ayumu, a FtM student who has finished a chest removal
surgery, has been using the men’s bathroom with a special kit.

“I am only using men's bathroom right now. There is a silicon material good thatallows me to use a men's standing urinal (with women’s genitalia). It wasn’t
originally made for FtMs -it was initially designed for women to urinate while
standing at campsites... Ever since I bought that I have been using the men’s urinal.
~ I am using the men’s bathroom very comfortably without any concerns.”(Ayumu, FtM)

Ayumu is doing gender to take the same actions of what a man would do whenurinating. While his appearance would be categorized as a male from others, the“silicone special kit” plays an important role in him to achieve being a man. Before
Ayumu mastered proper ways to use the kit without any leakage, he has experienced
using the multipurpose bathrooms, and the women’s bathroom several times as well.

8

“During freshman year, I used the toilets for wheelchairs as my university had moreof such facilities compared to other schools. Still, I didn’t want others to see meentering, so I sometimes used the women’s bathroom when I was not confident
enough. There, I was stared at quite a lot, which led me to use either the women's or
men’s bathroom when no one was inside.” (Ayumu, FtM)

Despite his possession of a women’s genitalia, his appearance and activities wereperhaps categorized as a man in the women’s bathroom. People who stared at Ayumu
might not have thought about Ayumu’s biological sex being a woman as his
identificatory display was a man. Kanako who is undecided about their gender identity
shared a different experience of using bathrooms at campus. Kanako takes a neutral
stance on using women’s bathrooms. They mention that the reason for using women’sbathrooms is because of their appearance being a woman. Their negotiation in gendered
space shows how their choice in using gendered space is not just simply their choice,but they understand themselves as either gender from the reflected perception. Kanako
was not the only one who referred to the “eyes of others.” Keiko, an MtF university
student who is taking a temporary absence from the university to save money for SRS,
shared her experiences in her physical education class.

“(In freshmen) I joined physical education with boys since my appearance was aboy back then. But I don’t know what to do since my appearance is a woman rightnow.” (Keiko, MtF)

Keiko’s gender declaration does not directly come from her inner thoughts but isheavily affected by her appearance. Besides, she showed confusion when I asked her
which class she will join after her appearance changed to a woman. She then referred tothe sex on the register.

“~ (Silence) Hmm… I don’t now…If I had PE class right now, I might still choose
to do with males. My registrar is a man right now, so I think I’ll join men’s class.”(Keiko, MtF)

9

This is doing gender in how Keiko would find for an “identificatory display,” whether itis her appearance or the sex on the register, to enter a gendered space (West &Zimmerman, 1987). Once again, they would not simply claim their gender identification
just because they feel men/women, but they also look for a sign that would justify theirclaiming gender.

Doing gender in formal occasions

Occasions and events that include formal clothing which visibly differentiate“men” and “women” were also raised as a gendered space from some of the interview
participants. Kanako, who is undecided in her gender identification states as follows.

“Ceremonial occasions are my top concern. It is difficult to go unless (the clothes
are) matched to the biological sex. Even if I wear mourning clothes in the gender I
want, it doesn’t mean that other participants will accept me. I had a huge fight withmy mother about what to wear to my grandmother’s funeral.” (Kanako, undecided)

University entrance ceremonies are one of the occasions where a recruit suit isconsidered “applicable.” Ayumu, an FtM student shared his experience of purchasing a
recruit suit with his mother to prepare for his first day at university; the entrance
ceremony.

“I came out to my mother when I was trying on a college suit for university’s
entrance ceremony. (My) Mother headed to the ladies’ corner since she thought ofme as a girl at that moment. If I buy a ladies' suit here, I think my college life will bemessed up. If I pretend to be a woman, that would be like high school… ~ Mymother already knew I didn't like skirts, but I was forced to try on something like apantsuit designed for women. Women's pantsuits are completely different frommen's… The line of the butt is emphasized, and that was very disgusting. With thisface and my hair like this short, when I saw myself in the mirror, I felt so

10

uncomfortable that I cried. My mother was kind of surprised, told me to go to thepsychiatric department in an upsetting manner. I was crying, but I was very happy. I
was finally able to say it, and the fact that she’d take me to the hospital? I was like, I
did it!” (Ayumu, FtM)

The coming out process becomes a means to achieve a masculine appearance at theentrance ceremony, where most of the students wear either a man’s or a woman’s suit.
In other words, Ayumu revealed his gender identification to do gender in a highly
gendered space. Apart from the entrance ceremony, job-hunting was also raised as aspace that involves formal clothing. Job-hunting seminars and interviews can be
gendered as well when the space is constituted with students who wear suits. In fact,
Keiko, an MtF student referred to the importance of going under sex reassignment
surgery before job-hunting. Perhaps, this is to do gender in a highly gendered space, towear either men/women’s suit that match their physical appearance. Occasions andevents that seems gender-neutral can become gendered when formal clothing is
considered “applicable.”

Doing gender and gendering process in the classroom

Classroom, an apparently gender-neutral space can become gendered in somesituations as well. Hana, an MtF student, has reported how reaction papers provided byprofessors can construct a scene where she must negotiate her gender identity. Hanawould have to ask the professors every time if she could go by the name she wished tobe called. Such declaration and confession of gender identity to teachers are a uniqueexperience for transgender students. Besides reaction papers, Keiko mentioned German
language classes when I asked if there were any scenes, she had to declare gender.

“German has different articles for men and women. At that time, the transition
wasn't progressing, and I looked like a man, so I passed by using a man’s article. I
didn’t want to force others to treat me as a woman while looking like a man. It
seems like I was challenging them.” (Keiko, MtF)

11

Once again, Keiko is doing gender based on her appearance and the reactions fromothers. The choice she made of using a gendered article would be judged and screenedby other class members.
The classroom does not simply become a place for transgender students to dogender, but they are also being gendered through the interaction with professors andclass members. Ayumu, an FtM student shared his experience of being inappropriately
gendered through the interaction with his professor.

“I came out to a professor in my third year. Professor understood me as a woman,from the data the school had given him. ~ He used “kun (Mr)” and “san (Ms but
sometimes Mr)” when calling students. I didn’t like being called “San.” When hecalled me “san” in front of other seminar members, they were like “is that awoman?” I hated that and wrote an email (about my gender identification). There
was a reply from the teacher saying thank you for telling me. I was also asked if I
should tell the whole class, so I did. Class members were like “Oh, are you getting
surgery?” and that was it. After declaring to the whole class, the teacher announced
that he would call everyone "san". But due to his old habit, he would keep calling
male students with a male pronoun “kun”. Eventually, I was called “san” and I
didn't like it. Recently, I received a message from the professor that it was difficult
to call everyone “san,” and I was told that he would address me as "kun" from now
on. Even so, I don't like the teacher mistakenly saying "san" when calling me orrephrasing with a male pronoun after saying "san". I feel like I gather everyone's
attention at that moment.” (Ayumu, FtM)

Ayumu’s professor did not stop calling him “san” even after he revealed his gender
identification. He is being gendered in a way that he does not aim for. Although theprofessor tries to call the whole classroom “san” using a rather gender-neutral pronoun,
he would go back to calling men “kun” and women “san.” Perhaps, the idea of thegender binary is ingrained in the professor, as Ayumu mentions the professor as “he isvery old, I thought I would be rejected at first.” Moreover, Ayumu is being gendered in

12the classroom when the professor rephrases Ayumu’s pronouns. Instantly, Ayumu feels
like he has gathered the whole attention of the class, reminding everyone that he wastransgender. The pronouns used by professors can lead to situations where transgenderstudents might feel improperly gendered in classrooms. Unlike Ayumu, Keiko an MtF
student who has been taking a temporary absence from university shared a positive
experience with her professor.

“When I talked about leaving school for a while due to surgery, the seminar’s
professor asked how they should call me from now on. They also asked what
pronouns I’d prefer. I answered that it was okay to call me this way. I was very
happy how (s)he showed care for me.” (Keiko, MtF)

Although classrooms do not physically divide men and women, daily activities
and behaviors are being gendered. Gendered spaces shape people’s behavior as well.
Indeed, some avoid using such space. Hana and Kanako explained their avoidance ofusing locker rooms and health checkups. They do not take P.E classes nor sports
activities nor receive checkups due to the fear of stigmatization in gender-segregatedrooms. In such cases, gendered spaces can deprive transgender students’ chances ofaccessing classes, facilities and services which are available to non-transgenderstudents. However, changes can also be seen, and not least due to the effort of students.

Student’s association and its role on campus

Kanako, the head of an LGBTQ circle at University B, showed how student
associations can contribute to making a transgender-friendly campus. Firstly, it provides
a safe space for students to go under identity development. How Kanako stated that “thecommunity aims to brush up individual’s self-analysis,” it becomes a place wherestudents can discover themselves at ease and always to rely on other members whenfeeling low. In fact, Keiko states how the LGBTQ circle she belongs in at University C
helped her advocate her transgender identity. She is the only transgender member in thecircle, which makes her represent the whole transgender by sharing information and13

experiences she has gone through. Moreover, Naho, a high schooler states she islooking forward to participating in an LGBTQ circle when entering university, with theaim to be exposed to diverse ideas and experiences.
Secondly, LGBTQ communities can become a hub to connect the school andthe voice of the concern. The head of the LGBTQ circle, Kanako has been sharing
information such as “annual health checkups can be taken in private if consulted” to thecircle members, which plays a role in connecting the university and the students. Still,they state that “the information should be properly spread by the university, as not all
sexual minorities join an LGBTQ circle.” Communities can also become a hub byrepresenting the “voice” of the concern to the university side. In fact, the multipurpose
toilet’s sign of University B was changed two years ago, with the cooperation of the
LGBTQ circle, the student consultation room, and the student center in University B.
Kanako explained that the student center reached the circle to ask what the sign should
be for uni-sex bathrooms on campus, which eventually lead the sign to be re-labeled to“誰でもトイレ (Toilet available to everyone)” through multiple discussions. Here, thecircle worked as “a voice” which incorporates the voice of the concerns, making themultipurpose bathroom an accessible place than it used to be.
Although communities contribute to making a transgender-friendly campus, thecircle confronted hardships in the past. When Kanako first visited the student center in2015 at University B to gather information, they were given cold eyes by the schoolstaff, suspected as a cult group. Kanako states “the staff did not know the word LGBT,”
which might have led to confusion. Another problem that the circle has beenencountering is the fact that it cannot be the “official” circle of University B. Currently,
the circle is in the position of “under preparation,” which means they are not yet
authorized as a circle, thus cannot receive any financial support from the university.
According to Kanako, one reason the circle not being official is due to the rules to havemore than 10 people sign up their real names and to go public. For sexual minority
groups, there are very few members who would go public on official documents andwebsites, thus the criteria become hard to achieve. Another reason is the clubrooms.
When circles become official, the school offers half of the club room to each circle, thismeans that two random circles will share one room. Here, Kanako’s concern is that the14

randomly selected other half of the circle might not accept diverse gender and sexuality,
leading some students to visit the club room to harass the members.
Given the fact, I assume that such burdens might lead the circle to be lessactive in promoting a gender friendly campus in ways that were introduced in Beemyn(2005). Moreover, according to the Kanako’s experience with several LGBTQ circles
show that circle members tend to be homogenized in one sexual category. Some circles
are consisted of mostly gay members, while others are mostly lesbian members. Such atendency did not match the respondent’s intentions to be exposed to the gender diversity
within LGBTQ. What I found here is that the characteristics and traits of each circle andits role on campus might differ depending on the member’s traits.
Hiromi manages a community that is constituted with MtF transgenders ofvarious ages outside of the university, which offers a place for members to share
information that is hard to obtain on the internet, such as the nearest clinics that offer
treatment for MtFs, and opinions and concerns on a various surgical form of transition.
Hiromi’s community also shares make-up tips and holds voice-training sessions to“pass” as women. They help each other to do gender, to perform as women in society.
Both makeup and voice-training sessions can “protect themselves from disclosure bycomporting in a feminine manner (West & Zimmerman, 1987, P134).” The foregoinganalysis focused on how individuals experience and try to change the gendered spaces.
The larger context of the university is arguably important in facilitating or undermining
these efforts.

Diversity measures taken by university

Recently, many universities are proactively introducing diversity
measurements on campus with the slowly increasing consciousness of diversity inJapan. Still, it is necessary to examine whether the policies are truly supportive and areproperly reaching out to the ones who will be using them. The following paragraph will
examine the diversity measures taken by schools. First, among four universities, three ofthem except for University A, announce statements to support diversity. Second,
website devoted to promoting diversity was found from two universities C and E.

15

Lastly, an education program promoting diversity was held at University C and E as
well. University C is the only school that has all three aspects of measurements. Theirpolicies on “diversity declaration” includes words such as “多様な性 (diverse
genders)” “多様な性自認 (diverse gender identities)” “多様な性的指向 (diverse
sexual orientation).” These words appear on a diversity-devoted website where
information on gender and sexuality are listed, including the location of multipurpose
bathrooms, what to do for health checkups, and changes of name, sex, and pronouns on
profile. Although other university such as B has multipurpose bathroom maps and both
universities A and B offer private checkups, the information is not easily found.

University’s facilities and student’s needs

Facilities in university campus should also be examined as they affecttransgender student’s daily lives at school. All four universities have multipurpose
bathrooms on their campus, yet the number differs. University A introduces 25
multipurpose bathrooms compared to 98 gendered bathrooms. Hana, who studies atUniversity A referred to the small number of multipurpose bathrooms at her campus.
She leaves during class as she cannot make it during the ten minutes break when thecampus is crowded. In fact, while some buildings at University A have one
multipurpose bathroom per floor, some have no multipurpose bathrooms in a four-story
building where10 gendered bathrooms are installed. Keiko has a similar experience attheir university. On the other hand, Ayumu who studies at University E states that hisuniversity is helping him a lot with having a good number of multipurpose bathrooms.
University E has 8 multipurpose bathrooms among 13 buildings on campus. The ratio of
multipurpose and gendered bathrooms is 8:12. Not just the number of multipurpose
bathrooms being higher than other campuses, but one of the buildings has such facilities
on every floor, which might have led Ayumu to answer how satisfied he was.
The presence of diversity centers and coordinators also differ. University C andE both installs a diversity center with different characteristics. University C states they
offer support to students who have issues on campus due to their "gender andsexuality." Not just a specific counter for gender and sexuality is open, but an inquiry

16form can also be sent anonymously via the diversity devoted website. The website also
refers to “SOGI harassments,” guiding students to receive counsel at the Harassment
Prevention Awareness Support Office, a different counter. Still, the diversity center also
states that it is open if the hurdles are high for students to consult elsewhere. Moreover,two coordinators are stated on the diversity center at University C, both declaring theirgender identity as transgender and nonbinary with profession in gender and sexuality.
The support provided to transgender students in University C seems “truly supportive,”with appropriate coordinators and the centralized information on website. Still, Keiko
who belongs to University C states,“My school (University C) has made one (diversity center) recently. I join a LGBTcircle and recently heard it there. I think the existence of the center makes it easierfor people to pass their opinions and requests. But it seems that there are no
specialists for LGBT, so it is mainly for developmental disabilities? I don't knowwhether there are any specialists, or they are stationed.” (Keiko, MtF)

The diversity dedicated website is not reaching enough not to just Keiko individually,
but also to the LGBT circle at University C. It might be necessary for them to consider astronger cooperation with circles knowing how they can become a hub to the school andstudents. Still, the diversity center is new in University C, established just a year ago
from the interview, thus, the low level of awareness can be understood to some degree.
Moreover, Keiko currently taking absence from school can be another factor of why thediversity center was not reaching her individually.
On the other hand, when it comes to University E’s “diversity promotion
center,” there is hardly any information on transgender as well as gender and sexuality.
The support mentioned is limited to parental and granny leaves for professors and staff,
and a map for multipurpose bathrooms on campus. A counselor who is certified as apublic psychologist is stated as the counselor. Still, Ayumu a student at University E,
who is planning to change his sex on the family register has stated that,17

“When I went to the Student Support Center for a procedure, there was a rainbowcolored LGBT-supported flag on the edge at the counter. Just having such a thing at
the center will make it much easier for people to consult.” (Ayumu, FtM)

A diversity center apparently does not guarantee full support for transgender students
but at the same time, any indication of support (such as a rainbow flag) still turns aspace into a supportive space.

Ⅵ. Conclusion

This paper examined transgender student’s negotiation in university campus in
Japan. Their negotiation came in different ways such as “doing gender,” “being
gendered” and lastly avoiding gendered spaces. Transgender students experienced doing
gender to meet the needs of the expected traits of either category of men/women in
everyday activities. They would also experience being inappropriately gendered in theinteraction with professors and classmates, such as by being called in pronouns that do
not match their gender identity. Avoidance was also another way of transgenderstudents to negotiate in gendered spaces. Some would rather avoid using spaces due tothe gendering process, locker rooms and health checkups were raised as examples.
Moreover, it should be noted that participants not only experienced negotiation in
spaces that physically divided men/women but also went through negotiation inclassrooms which seem gender-neutral at first glance.
Interviews with the head of LGBT communities were also conducted to see
how such communities can contribute to making campus an accessible place regardlessof any gender. One way was to provide a safe place for students to go under selfdevelopment which enables them to share their experience. Another way was to connect
the university and the voice of the concern. University B has changed theirmultipurpose bathrooms sign while having discussion with members in the LGBTcircle. Besides communities, universities can also contribute to a transgender-friendly
campus by introducing multipurpose bathrooms and showing support flags on counters.

18

Research on transgender students in Japan is still limited and almost none on
their negotiations in gendered space. This research takes a step towards filling in thegap. Finally, White and Jenkins (2017) stated university students who received
transgender education has rated a higher trans-acceptance rate than those who hasn't.
Based on this, I hope this paper to influence the readers and contribute to the higher
acceptance of transgender students in the long term.
For future research, a different approach in the sampling process is necessary.
It is necessary to explore transgender students who are not as “out” compared to those
who has an account on social media and is concern enough to post comment on an open
platform. Perhaps, I consider that those who are on social media and accept interviews
have a capacity enough to be open about their gender identity. Thus, future research ontransgender students should consider a different approach on recruitment, such as
listserv and snowball sampling to reach out to those who were not able to do so whenusing social media platforms.
Ⅶ. References
Act on Special Provisions for Handling Gender for People with Gender Identity
Disorder 〔性同一性障害者の性別の取扱いの特例に関する法律〕 2004, 156thDiet. No 111(2003)
Beemyn, B. G. (2005). Making campuses more inclusive of transgender students.
Journal of Gay & Lesbian Issues in Education, 3(1), 77-87.
Botha, M., & Frost, D. M. (2020). Extending the minority stress model to understandmental health problems experienced by the autistic population. Society and Mental
Health, 10(1), 20-34.
Cislaghi, B., & Heise, L. (2020). Gender norms and social norms: differences,similarities and why they matter in prevention science. Sociology of Health &Illness, 42(2), 407-422.
Clements-Nolle, K., Marx, R., & Katz, M. (2006). Attempted suicide amongtransgender persons: The influence of gender-based discrimination andvictimization. Journal of Homosexuality, 51(3), 53–69.
Dohi, I. (2015). トランスジェンダー生徒の学校経験 〔School Experience oftransgender Students〕.教育社会学研究 〔Educational Sociology Studies〕, 97, 4766.

19

Doan, P. L. (2010). The tyranny of gendered spaces–reflections from beyond the genderdichotomy. Gender, Place & Culture, 17(5), 635-654.
Grant, J. M., Mottet, L. A., Tanis, J., Harrison, J., Herman, J. L., & Keisling, M. (2011).
Injustice at every turn: A report of the National Transgender Discrimination Survey.
Washington, DC: National Center for Transgender Equality and the National Gay
and Lesbian Task Force. Retrieved fromhttps://transequality.org/sites/default/files/docs/resources/NTDS_Report.pdf
Kenagy, G. P. (2005). Transgender Health: Findings from Two Needs Assessment
Studies in Philadelphia. Health & Social Work, 30(1), 19–26.
McKinney, J. S. (2005). On the margins: A study of the experiences of transgender.
college students. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Issues in Education, 3(1), 63-76.
Meyer, Ilan H. (2003). Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, andbisexual populations: conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological
Bulletin, 129(5): 674-697.
Herman, J. L. (2013). Gendered restrooms and minority stress: The public regulation ofgender and its impact on transgender people's lives. Journal of Public Management& Social Policy, 19(1), 65.
Hill, D.B., Willoughby, B.L.B. (2005). The development and validation of the
Genderism and Transphobia Scale. Sex Roles 53, 531–544.
West, C. & Zimmerman, D.H. (1987). Doing gender. Gender & Society, 1(2), 125-151.
White, C. R., & Jenkins, D. D. (2017). College students' acceptance of trans women andtrans men in gendered spaces: The role of physical appearance. Journal of Gay &Lesbian Social Services, 29(1), 41-67.
Winter, S., Chalungsooth, P., Teh, Y. K., Rojanalert, N., Maneerat, K., Wong, Y. W., &Macapagal, R. A. (2009). Transpeople, transprejudice and pathologization: A sevencountry factor analytic study. International Journal of Sexual Health, 21(2), 96-118.

20

Ⅷ. Appendix
Appendix A. Interview participant list

School/Type
Names(Pseudonym) (Pseudonym)

Hana

KanakoKeiko

HiromiUniversity “A”/Private
University “B”/Private
University “C”/Private

University “D”/Private

Year

GenderInterview
Identification date

21

MtF

Other relevant info

2020/6/26

Undecided24(“I think I’m 2020/12/26
seen as FtM”)

21

MtF

-Head of LGBTQ
circle at campus

2021/6/9-Distant learning
university

30

MtF

2021/6/9

FtM

2021/7/2

Ayumu

University “E”/Private

22

NahoHigh school /Private

17

Gender nonconforming

2021/7/3

The written consent from all interview participants has been obtained.

21-Head of MtF
community
outside campus

Appendix B. Interview questions
The first interview conducted with Hana was an unstructured interview. The aim was tofreely discuss if there were any situations where they had to negotiate gender spaces that
I did not expect. Based on the collected data from the unstructured interview, I prepared
the following question lists for the semi-structured interviews.
Question lists for semi-structured interview held with Kanako, Keiko, Hiromi,
Ayumu, and Naho.
【基本情報】-自己紹介をして下さい。
-今までの人生のことを簡単に教えてください。
-クラブ活動に参加しているか。なぜ参加を決めたか。
【ジェンダーに関する質問】-ご自身の性自認が生まれた際の性別とは異なることに対して、いつ、どのように気づいたか。
-トランスジェンダーとしてのアイデンティティーのために人生で困難はあったか？
-ご自身のアイデンティティーについて、ご両親にカミングアウトしたか。もしそうなら、いつ、どのように話し、両親の反応はどうだったか。
-学校の友達やクラスメートにカミングアウトしたか。もしそうなら、いつ、どのように話し、友達/クラスメートの反応はどうだったか。

22

-学校の先生に性同一性について話したか。先生の反応はどうだったか。 （中学・高校）【大学のキャンパスに関連する質問】-性別を宣言しなければならない場面はあったか？あれば、その時どのように感じたか。
-大学のキャンパス内に「ジェンダースペース(ジェンダーで区切られた場所）」と呼ばれるものはあるか。それはどのような場所で、これらのスペース
をどのように利用していると思うか。
-自分らしく安心して過ごせるようになるために、大学の求めるものは何か。
【その他の質問】-私たちは皆、卒業時に障壁や困難に直面する。あなたのキャリアと人生の目標に影響を与える可能性のある障壁は何だと思うか。
-性別を問わないトイレ、または誰でも使用できるトイレについて、これらの施設はどのくらい一般的だと思うか？トランスジェンダーの方々が比較的ストレスのない生活を送ることができるようにするには、社会にどのような変化を望むか。

23

The following question lists where asked to those who manages a LGBTQ circle,
Kanako and Hiromi.
【サークルについて】-サークルの基本情報を教えて下さい。（人数や組織構成など）-サークルでは映画鑑賞などの他にそのような活動をするか。
-サークルでは LGBTQ が過ごしやすいキャンパスにするための取り組みは何か。
-サークルでルールはあるか。あれば、作成の経緯とどの程度浸透しているのか
教えてください。
-このサークルはどのように知り、なぜ参加を決めたか？また、なぜサークル⻑
になることを決めたか？
-このサークルが LGBTQ と自認するメンバーやあなた自身をどのように助けていると思うか。
-大学からは支援があるか。あればそれはどんなものか。

The English translation was omitted to conform to the word limit.

24