Occasional Papers on Antiquities^

Greek Vises
In The J- Paul Getty Museum

T H E J. P A U L G E T T Y M U S E U M
V O L U M E 1/1983

MALIBU,CALIFORNIAGREEK VASES 1/1983© 1983 The J. Paul Getty Museum
17985 Pacific Coast Highway
Malibu, California 90265(213) 459-2306
Information about other Getty Museum publications may be obtained by writing to the Bookstore,
The J. Paul Getty Museum, P.O. Box 2112, Santa
Monica, California 9406.
Edited by Jifi Frel and Sandra Knudsen Morgan;
designed by Patrick Dooley; typography by Freedmen's Organization, Los Angeles; printed by Gardner/Fulmer Lithograph, Buena Park, California.
Photographs in this book have been provided by
the institution that owns the object unless otherwise specified.
Cover: Paestan calyx krater with the Rape of Europa, Malibu 81.AE.78 See article p. 139.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Main entry under title:
Greek vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum.
(Occasional papers on antiquities; v. 1)
English and German.
Includes bibliographical references.
1. Vases, Greek—Addresses, essays lectures. 2. Vasepainting, Greek—Themes, motives—Addresses, essays,
lectures. 3. Vases, Etruscan—Addresses, essays, lectures.
4. Vase-painting, Etruscan—Themes, motives—Addresses,
essays, lectures. 5. Vases—California—Malibu—
Addresses, essays, lectures. 6. J. Paul Getty MuseumAddresses, essays, lectures. I. J. Paul Getty Museum.
II. Series.
NK4623.M37G7 1982
738.3'0938'07019493 82-49024
ISBN 0-89236-058-5

Contents
A Komast Cup

1

Peter J . Connor and H . A . G . Brijder
Sophilos in the British Museum

9

Dyfri Williams
Three Notes on Attic Black Figure in Malibu

35

Jifí Frel
A New Exekian Fragment

39

E. Anne Mackay
Nicosthenic Athletics

41

Brian Legakis
Fragments of a Dinos and a Cup Fragmentby the Kleophrades Painter

51

Martin Robertson
The Berlin Painter at the Getty Museum
and Some Others

55

Martin Robertson
New Vases by the Brygos Painterand his Circle in Malibu

73

Marion True
Mànadengelage und Gótterliebe in Malibu

85

Adrienne Lezzi-HafterSatyrspielvasen in Malibu

115

Frank Brommer
A Vulci Vase in the Getty Museum

121

Shirley ]. Schwarz
A n Etruscan Vase with Siren

135

Mario A . Del Chiaro
A Krater by Asteas

139

Mark Jentoft-Nilsen
The Turn of the Wheel
Toby Shreiber

149

This page intentionally left blank

A Komast Cup
Peter J. Connor

H . A . G . Brijder

The cup illustrated in figs. 1-6 is a komast cup. The
word komast, or more properly komastes, is ancient Greek
for reveler, a name that derives from the three dancing
men painted on each side. The dancers are members of thekomos, "a group singing and dancing after a symposion."
The name is derived from the decoration, and the figured
decoration on these cups can be expected to be dancers;
however the name now properly denotes the shape, for itis clear that there are also plain komast cups, without
decoration. Although we are accustomed to thinking that
this distinctly Attic shape developed from Corinthianmodels, there is strong reason for tracing it from purely
Attic ancestors through Geometric cups and others thatcan be termed pre-komast cups.
1

2

3

4

The distinguishing features of this cup are the short offset lip, the deep, baggy body, and the stemless conic foot.
The foot is painted black; so too are the all-but-horizontal
handles positioned towards the top of the body, where a
prominent black line marks the rise of the lip. The insideof both the foot and the handles is reserved. The interiorof the cup is also solid black; the paint overlaps the rim
and marks a line on the exterior, giving a definite frame forthe lip. The lip is generally decorated with either rosettes
or a net pattern, though on plain komast cups the lip is ofcourse undecorated. The Painter of Athens 533 (to whom
plain cups can also be attributed) produced cups that havefigures in the handle zone but no decoration on the lip.
The rosettes are sometimes carefully incised with a central
heart, with added red on alternate petals, and sometimes,
as here, incised with three crossing lines. The Falmouth
5

1. Komast cup, The J. Paul Getty Museum, inv. no. 79.AE.128; H. 9.5
cm.; D. (incl. handles) 26.4 cm.; D. (without handles) 20.0 cm. The cup
has been restored from numerous fragments; substituted plaster is clearlyvisible, especially where painted areas have needed restoration.
2. Plain komast cups: see, for example, Corinth xin, 156 no. 199-1;
pi.27, fig.20. H . A . G . Brijder will discuss numerous examples of these in aforthcoming work on komast and Siana cups.
3. H.G.G. Payne, Necrocorinthia (1931) 310, suggests a Corinthian cup
with offset rim as the forerunner of the komast cup. For the shape, see G.
Villard REA 47 (1945) 159ff.
W. Hornbostel, "Drei neue Schalen der Komastengruppe," Münchener
Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 26 (1975) 37-64, at 42; A. Greifenhagen,Eine attische schvuarzfigurige Vasengattung und die Darstellung des Komos im

Painter preferred the net pattern. Beneath each handle on
his cups is a palmette above a large hanging lotus bud withfour curling volutes of stalks, two on each side. This floral
design is an important part of the canonical decoration ofkomast cups. Some variety is found in details, and weshall examine closely some of these variations. It is worth
drawing attention on the Getty cup (fig. 6) to the "smallcore" in the palmette and the lotus flower and also to theabsence of a conical central petal in the lotus flower.
6

Between the foot and the broad expanse of the bodywhere the dancers are painted, komast cups have a zone ofrays always bounded at the top by three fine parallel lines
and at the bottom by a thick black zone. Between thisblack zone and the rays, there is a band of red; this can be
between two white lines (as on Copenhagen 103, figs.
10-11) or separated from the black zone by an incised line.
Although the subject matter is austere and the combination of poses (position of arms, legs, and head) is naturally
limited, komast painters do contrive to lend their figures acertain vigor and freshness, over a space of three decades.
The continuity of shape and motif has been described by
Boardman as being "repetitive production" like Corinthian pottery, whilst Hornbostel points out that these cups
were a favourite export article of the early sixth century
7

B.C.

8

For all the simplicity of subject matter, the appearance ofa new komast cup is always an event; for these cups are asignificant part of the historiography of Greek vase painting, since they recall the time when Payne, Greifenhagen,and Beazley were establishing the individual Attic style of
Vi. Jahrhundert (Kónigsberg 1929) 19, for comparative drawings of shapes.
4. This argument is developed in detail by H.A.G. Brijder in his forthcoming book.
5. W. Hornbostel op. cit., 42 described the foot as follows: "einem
trompetenartig auswàrts gepreizten, kurzem Fuss." But the term "trumpetlike" will be applied to the feet of Siana cups.
6. The handle ornament is discussed by Hornbostel op. cit., 43.
7. See the perceptive comments on the character of these Attic
komasts in S. Matheson Burke and J.J. Pollitt, Greek Vases at Yale (1975)
22-23.
8. J. Boardman, Athenian Black Figure Vases (1974) 18; Hornbostel op.
cit., 41.

2 Connor—Brijder

Figure 1. Komast cup. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 79AE.128. Side A .

Figure 2. Malibu 79.AE.128. Side A .

A Komast Cup 3

Figure 3. Malibu 79.AE.128. Side B.

Figure 4. Malibu 79.AE.128. Side B.

4 Connor—Brijder

Figure 5. Malibu 79.AE.128. Handles.

Figure 6. Malibu 79.AE.128. Handles.

A Komast Cup 5

vases that had long been thought to be Corinthian. Thesescholars showed that though the motifs and often the
shapes were based on Corinthian models, they were truly
Attic and not merely imitative. Beazley also expressed excitement at the identification of "artistic personalities"
within even the limited scope offered by the Early Attic
period.
Two of the major figures of this Komast Group were given most unspectacular names by Beazley: the K X Painterand the K Y Painter. The K stands for Komast (after the
subject matter), whilst the X and Y respectively isolate twodifferent hands. The K Y Painter is generally described as
the younger colleague of the K X Painter. Another prolificartist was the Falmouth Painter, whose work has been recently studied by W . Hornbostel. Each of the two main
artists decorated a range of pots; but there is not a single
extant komast cup by the hand of the K X Painter himself.
The cups of the K Y Painter have komasts with solid bodies, intricately incised hair, and distinctive incised detailround the knees and thighs. By contrast, the Falmouth
Painter's komasts are rubbery; there is hardly an angle
anywhere even at knee and elbow, and the hair is shaped
into roundly curving bangs.
The Getty komast cup resembles the work of neither ofthese. Close scrutiny indicates that it is painted in themanner of the K X Painter; that is, not by the leading
painter himself, but by someone who worked closely withhim and was deeply influenced by his style. Beazley distinguished two groups of pots painted in the manner of theK X Painter (his Group II and Group III; A B V 27-28). For
him there were three komast cups in question: New York22.139.22 (figs. 7-8), which stands apart from the remaining two: Syracuse 26397 and Copenhagen 103 (fig. 11),both by the Painter of Copenhagen 103. O n New York22.139.22 (fig. 8), the left dancer of the three is wearing thejerkin that was the trademark of the dancers on Corinthian vases, showing the connection with some sort of theatrical performances. Somewhere along the line, the theatrical, even subhuman, figures (the early figures are thoughtby some to be dwarfs) change into completely human participants in a komos.
We would do well to try to define the differences between Beazley's Group II and Group III, that is between
New York 22.139.22 (figs. 7-8) on the one hand and Syracuse 26397 and Copenhagen 103 (fig. 11) on the other.
Some differences are apparent at first glance. The New
York cup has three dancers on each side; the others have

two dancers each. The lip of the New York cup has rosettes incised with a central heart; the others have rosettes incised with three straight intersecting lines. Perhaps mostimportant of all (figs. 9-10), the flowing tendrils beneaththe handles of the New York cup have incised volutes withincised stalks looping around each other, but the othertwo cups have the curl of the volutes painted, and thestalks meet at the center without overlapping. The band of
added red beneath the rays is also different in each case.
In the drawing of the bodies there are many similarities:
the short and sharply incised double parallel lines at knee
and elbow, the tiny hook for the ankle, the genitals, thechest and nipples, the hair with a ribbon, the scallopededge over the forehead, the shoulder-length hair with two
incised parallel lines horizontally just below the ear, andthe parallel incised lines at the juncture of arms and body.
This last is the most striking feature of all because, without
exception, on one arm of each dancer the lines are two
short strokes at the armpit, whilst on the other arm they
stretch from the armpit to the top of the shoulder; sometimes this latter is on the right and sometimes on the left.
These longer parallel lines at the shoulder are found on thejerkined dancers by the K Y Painter; on the three cups weare considering (and taking note of the jerkined dancer on
New York 22.139.22), they must be a relic of the shortsleeve of the garment.
In summary, for the dancers themselves, the differences
appear to lie in the rather more angular features (longer
nose, more raking line of the mouth area) of New York22.139.22, and in the treatment of the ears. Where the
Painter of New York 22.139.22 draws an ear with a sharp
curve in the interior, the Painter of Copenhagen 103
makes a markedly fleshy ear with what looks like two
lobes, with the curves toward the outer side (this can beobserved quite clearly in fig. 11). Nevertheless it is striking
what close links there are between these two painters.
The Getty komast cup (figs. 1-6) has three dancers oneach side. O n each side, the right and center dancers carrydrinking horns, the lip of which is distinguished in threecases by two incised lines and in the other by one. As on
New York 22.139.22, the volutes of the stalks are shownby incised detail on a broadened roundel of paint at theend of the stem; the stalks interlock at the center, likewisemarked by incision, and the volute itself does not rest
against the calyx of the lotus. A t the rim, the rosettes areformed by three intersecting incised lines like the Group of
Copenhagen 103.

9. Hornbostel op. cit., n. 2.
10. Cf. Beazley ABV 23ff.
11. Corinthian dancers are rarely naked; see CVA Würzburg 1, pl.31,
7-10.

12. For a recent discussion of these matters, see Hornbostel op. cit., 48
and the Korrekturzusatz on p. 64. Oswyn Murray has written about the
symposion in Times Literary Supplement, November 6, 1981, 1307f.
13. Boardman op. cit., fig.23.

9

10

11

12

13

6 Connor—Brijder

Figure 7. Komast Cup. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art 22.139.22. Rogers Fund 1922. Detail.

Figure 8. New York 22.139.22. Detail.

A Komast Cup

Figure 9. New York 22.139.22. Detail of handle volute.

Figure 10. Copenhagen 103. Detail of handle volute.

7

8Connor—Brij derFigure 11. Komast Cup. Copenhagen, National Museum, Department of Near Eastern and Classical Antiquities.
Chr. VIII 964 103. Detail.
In style, the Getty dancers are portrayed with exactly
the elements outlined above in hair, chest, elbows, knees,
fingers, genitals, and ankles. There can be no doubt thatthe painter is the same as the painter of the Group of Copenhagen 103 (named the Painter of Copenhagen 103). In
particular, the ears of the Getty komasts have the same
double lobe structure (though perhaps not quite somarked) as those on the komasts of Copenhagen 103. The
close links between the two groups are now more firmly
established, for we see a sharing of both the style and,especially, the technical details of the volutes and the number of dancers. The New York cup, however, preserves
closer links with the K X Painter in, for example, the spiky
locks of hair on three of the six komasts, so it would seem
prudent to name him senior to the Painter of Copenhagen
103 and to propose that the Getty komast cup is an early
work of the Painter of Copenhagen 103, in which he imitates even more closely his slightly older companion, thePainter of New York 22.139.22.

Further details of the Getty komast cup deserve comment. O n side A (figs. 1-2), the right-hand dancer has
been largely restored round his middle. Nevertheless, justabove a prominent diagonal scratch deep into the fabric
are two clear parallel lines incised into the black paint;
they are without doubt the lower edge of a jerkin such as
we see on New York 22.139.22. O n the Getty cup this garment is not painted red, but there is red added to otherareas: on side A (figs. 1-2), the right-hand dancer has a redface, the dancer in the center has a red chest and a red ribbon in his hair, and his face was originally red although
the color has now faded; on side B (figs. 3-4), the left andcenter dancers have red chests, the left and right dancers
have red faces and red ribbons, and the drinking horn ofthe central figure has a red blob on top.
The Getty komast cup may be dated c. 580-575 B.C.

14. Other attributions may be noted, as follows: Painter of New York22.139.22, Taranto 110550 (Bolld'Arte 46 (1961) 270-271, figs. 2a, 4-6),
Thorikos T C 64.262 (Thorikos [1964] II (1967) 94ff., fig.98), three frag-ments Paris CP 10238 and 10237 bis (ABV 33, belonging to the samecup), and Paris CP 10237 (ABV 33); Painter of Copenhagen 103, Leningrad B 1966g. (K.S. Gorbunova, SA 4 (1970) 199-201).

14

University of Melbourne
University of Amsterdam

Sophilos in the British Museum
Dyfri Williams

In 1971 a splendid Athenian bowl and stand decorated
in the black figure technique and signed by the painterSophilos was acquired for the British Museum. It was
promptly given a preliminary publication by A n n
Birchall. The purpose of this article is simply to accompany a set of detailed photographs, which, it is hoped, will
make the vase more widely accessible.
1

2

Both the bowl and stand (fig. 1) are mended from many
fragments, but the surface is in remarkably good condition
and there are only a few, rather minor, lacunae. In 1978,
however, five further fragments of the bowl were acquired,
three on loan from the J . Paul Getty Museum at Malibu(figs. 2, 3, 4) and two by purchase on the American
market. When these came to be inserted, it was
discovered that in the restoration of the vase, which had
been carried out before it was acquired for the British
Museum, materials unsuitable for the mending of earthenware had been used. This means that any attempt to34

5

In addition to the standard abbreviations, including those of Beazley'slists, the following have been used:
Bakir Sophilos G. Bakir, Sophilos (Mainz 1981)
Beazley Dev. J. D. Beazley, The Development of Attic Black-Figure(Berkeley 1951).
Boardman, J. Boardman, Athenian Black Figure Vases (London
ABFV1974).
Boardman GO3 J. Boardman, The Greeks Overseas (3rd ed., London1980).
Herrmann I, II H.-V. Herrmann, Die Kessel der orientalisierenden Zeit,
I and II {Olympische Forschungen VI and XI; Berlin
1966 and 1979).
Kerenyi Eleusis C. Kerenyi, Eleusis (New York 1967).
Schefold GuH K. Schefold, Gutter- una Heldensagen der Griechen in
der spátarchaischen Kunst (Munich 1978).
Simon GV E. Simon, M. and A. Hirmer, Die griechischen Vasen(Munich 1976).
Source of Illustrations:
All photographs by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, except that of the Getty's dinos and stand. Drawing by Miss M . O. Miller
with additional work by Susan Bird.
I am very grateful to Brian Cook, Keeper of the Department of Greek andRoman Antiquities, for agreeing to let me study the Sophilos vase and forreading a draft of this article. Professor Martin Robertson also kindly
looked through it. Neither should be blamed for any errors, nor are they
to be held responsible for any of the opinions expressed. Finally, I shouldlike to thank Jiri Frel and Sandra Morgan for their help in seeing this article into print.
1. 1971.11-1.1.

dismantle the vase will prove difficult—a particularly unfortunate circumstance since the bowl was allowed to get
out of shape during the process of reconstruction, with theresult that a number of gaps occurred between fragmentsthat should actually join. The worst of these is the gap thatruns through the painter's signature, the legs of the two
figures to the left, and the large floral complex in thecenter of the zone below (see figs. 13, 26).
The upper surface of the bowl's rim (fig. 5) is decorated
with a two-sided lotus and palmette chain; both the inside
and the outside vertical edges are red. The joint between
rim and bowl is marked below with a tongue pattern, alternately red and black, and bounded below with a thin redline. The main decoration of the bowl consists of fourelaborate friezes, the upper one filled with figures, theothers with creatures from the animal kingdom, both real
and mythical, while the bottom of the bowl is covered
with a whirligig of six compass-drawn crescents, alter2. Ann Birchall, BMQ 36 (1971-2) 107ff. with pls.34-37 (and BM
Soc.Bull. 10 [June 1972] 13f.). It had already been mentioned by B. B. Shefton in P.E. Arias, M. Hirmer, and B. B. Shefton, A History of Greek VasePainting (London 1962) pp.285 and 292; a detail of part of the figured
frieze before restoration was given in P. Zanker, Wandel der Hermesgestalt
in der attischen Vasenmalerei (Bonn 1965) pi. 3,1 and noticed on p.38 withnote 157; and it was listed in Beazley Para. p. 19 add as no. 16 bis. It has
subsequently appeared in Arch.Reps. 1971-72 p.62 fig.8; Boardman
ABFV fig.24; M. Robertson, A History of Greek Art (Cambridge 1975)
pl.35a; B. F. Cook, Greek and Roman Art in the British Museum (London
1976) fig.37; F. Brommer, Hephaistos (Mainz 1978) pi. 15,1 (detail ofHephaistos et al.); Greece and Italy in the Classical World (Acta of the XIInternational Congress of Classical Archaeology; London 1979) pi.36b(detail of Athena and Artemis); P. Brize, Die Geryoneis des Stesichoros unddie frühe griechische Kunst (Würzburg 1980) pl. 11,1 (detail of Hephaistos etal); H. C. Ebertsháuser and M. Waltz; Antiken I: Vasen-Bronzen-Terrakotten des klassischen Altertums (Munich 1981) p.68; Bakir Sophilos pis. 1-2;
LIMC i sv Amphitrite 53a, pi.586. Also listed in F. Brommer, Vasenlisten
zur griechischen Heldensage (3rd.ed., Marburg 1973) 320 no.A3; and discussed by A . Stewart in a paper at a symposium on Greek Iconography at
Madison (1981; Acta forthcoming).
3. Ht. of bowl 28.0; dm. of bowl at rim 32.6; gt. dm. of bowl 41.5. Ht.
of stand 47.0; dm. of base of stand 33.1. Total ht. 71.0cm.
4. The Getty Museum frr. 76.AE.126 (Now BM 1978.6-7.1 to 3) in exchange for three Chian fragments from Naukratis (BM. 1888.6-1.465b,
1888.6-l.474i and j, and 1924.12-1.763; BUOcc.Pap. 22 [19811 p.32f.).
22[1981] p.32f.). The market pieces, BM. 1978.6-6.1 and 2 frr. The BM is
extremely grateful to Dr. Jifi Frel who recognised that all five fragments
belonged to the London dinos. The three Getty Museum fragments havenow been generously presented to the British Museum.
5. I am grateful to David Akehurst and Nigel Williams of the Conservation and Technical Services for their advice on this matter.

10 Williams

Figure 1. Sophilos dinos and stand, front view, London, The British Museum 1971.11-1.1.

Sophilos in the British Museum 11

Figures 2-4. Sophilos dinos, three fragments on loan fromthe J. Paul Getty Museum.

nately red and black (fig. 6). The funnel like-top of thehollow stand (figs. 21-23) is black, except for the Z pattern(bordered above and below by a thin red line). The
baluster is decorated with a two-sided lotus and palmettechain and is framed above and below by a reel or disc, theupper one painted black on its upper surface, the lower
one red (the edge of the red marked with a black ring).
Below, the stand thickens out into a cylindrical stem, thelinking slope marked by a red band and the shoulder itself
by a black fillet. This stem and the flaring foot bear themain decoration of the stand, four friezes of animals. Finally, the edge of the foot is elaborately turned: the verticalface between the flaring foot and the first step is marked
with a red band, as is that between the step and the black
cushion-fillet with which the stand terminates, while thehorizontal surface of the step itself is decorated with a second Z pattern (framed by a thin red line on either side).
Under the contact edge of the base are a simple, single line
graffito and traces of a dipinto inscription (fig. 7). Unfortunately the dipinto is extremely fugitive, no doubt as aresult of its exposed position, and little can be made of it(fig- 7).

with the native Geometric tripod cauldrons as offerings in
the Greek sanctuaries in the later years of the eighth century B.C. The oriental cauldron could sit on a rod tripod
stand or on a tall conical one. The latter were often decorated in relief and were surmounted by a pomegranate-likebulb and spreading bloom; this type of stand also served in
the Near East and on Cyprus as a support for incenseburners. The oriental cauldrons and stands seem to haveappealed greatly to the Greeks, and they quickly imitatedthem, adorning the cauldrons further, it would seem, byadding griffin protomes, for we never see such protomes
in oriental depictions. Greek potters working in various
areas also began to imitate these new bronze creations,although traditional ceramic ideas naturally continued toaffect the results of such imitations both in Greece and in
Italy. The potters preferred the new conical stands to therod type, which the Greek bronzesmiths, however, probably found easier to produce. Furthermore, the potters also attempted protomes and attachments of their own.
7

8

9

10

The shape of the bowl and that of the stand seem tohave their ultimate origins in a series of oriental bronze
cauldrons and conical stands (fig. 8). The dinos, with its
low centre of gravity, is derived from the oriental separate
cauldrons with riveted attachments that began to compete

Sometime shortly after the middle of the seventh century B.C., however, there seems to have been a change. The
bronze protome cauldrons from Olympia become far lesscommon and the period of over-size examples comes to anend, as bronze armour takes over as the major categoryof dedicatory material. A t this time, too, we find that
there are no more representations of protome cauldrons

6. The bibliography for these cauldrons and stands is extensive. See
especially, Herrmann I and II. Also U. Jantzen, Griechische Greifenkessel(Berlin 1955); H . Kyrieleis, Zum orientalischen Kesselschmuck {Marburger
Winckelmann-Programm 1966; Marburg 1967); J. N . Coldstream,
Geometric Greece (London 1977) p.362ff.; Boardman GO p.65ff.
7. On incense stands, see most recently, V . Karageorghis, Two
Cypriote Sanctuaries of the end of the Cypro-Archaic Period (Rome 1977)
p.39ff.; p.40 note 1 for Near Eastern types.
8. On the ceramic imitations, Herrmann I, pp. Iff. and 183ff.; K.
Kübler, Kerameikos VI: Die Nekropole des spaten 8. bis frühen 6. Jahr-

hunderts (Berlin 1970) 162ff.; J. Boardman, AK 13 (1970) 92ff.; R. Lullies,
AK 14 (1971) 50ff. The last two articles are reprinted in Antike
Kunstwerke aus der Sammlung Ludwig I (Mainz 1979; eds. E. Berger and R.
Lullies) p.206ff. and p.212ff. respectively.
9. On Italic stands, see most recently, C. Scheffer, Acquarossa II, i:
Cooking and Cooking Stands in Italy 1400-400 B.C. (Stockholm 1981) 58ff.
10. Herrmann II, p. 143, note 33; Boardman GO p.270 note 107 adds
an Attic clay protome from the Agora.
11. Herrmann II p. 154.
12. A . M . Snodgrass, Archaic Greece (London 1980) p.!05f.

6

3

11

12

3

12 Williams

Figure 5. Sophilos dinos, detail of pattern on rim.

Figure 6. Sophilos dinos, detail of bottom.

Sophilos in the British Museum 13

Figure 7. Sophilos stand, sketch of graffito and dipinto under baseon vases, while the potters actually imitating them cease
to attach protomes. This latter development may be merely the result of a change in fashion, but it might also point
to a significant change in the use of the cauldrons from impractical áyá^jiaxa offered in sanctuaries and in tombs tofurniture of the feast.
In connection with this, it is perhaps interesting to notethat the Greeks seem to have adopted the nomadic customof reclining at feasts some time in the second half of theseventh century, as a fragment of Alkman reveals, although we do not see it represented in Greek art until theturn of the century. Furthermore, Alkman is said tohave come from golden Lydia, where it seems likely thatthe custom was learnt and adapted from neighbouring nomads, perhaps even the Kimmerians who had caused the
Phrygians to lose their position of power and also continued to harass the Lydians after them. The Lydians, in fact,managed to hold the Kimmerians at bay, possibly with theaid of the Assyrians, who themselves, perhaps as a result,adopted the custom of reclining at feasts around the middle of the seventh century or soon after, as is suggested by
the alabaster relief from Nineveh that show us Assurbanipal
feasting on a couch in his garden, while nearby is a protomeless dinos on a concical stand.
To return to the clay dinoi on conical stands, we suddenly find at Athens in the first half of the sixth century
B.C. a number of dinoi with stands which clearly belong toa distinct group. The dinoi are deeper and more sphericalthan their late seventh century ceramic ancestors andhave more in common with the earlier bronze prototypes. The shape of the stands, which is also rather different from the various forms seen in the seventh century,
now appears to be standardised, and all the examples aredecorated with animal friezes. The only published stands
are those belonging to the Gorgon Painter's dinos in the
Louvre, the British Museum's new dinos by Sophilos,
and an unattributed dinos in the Vatican (only part of thebase of this stand is in fact preserved). To these we may
add a group of fragments from Naukratis, now in the British Museum, which seem to belong to two separate butvery similar stands (figs. 9-12). Unexpectedly the rims of
the funnels of both these Naukratis pieces were decorated
with animals. Furthermore, in the light of the Naukratis
fragment with animals on the baluster, one might guessthat a small fragment from O l d Smyrna, which Güven
Bakir has published as being from a pyxis, is really fromthe baluster of a sixth stand. Finally, the J . Paul Getty
Museum was recently presented with a splendid group of
fragments from a further stand and its bowl decorated
with a gigantomachy which have been attributed to the
Kyllenios Painter, a member of the Tyrrhenian Group, by
Jiff Frel (part fig. 36); and, according to Dietrich vonBothmer, still another dinos (centauromachy and chariotrace) by the Kyllenios Painter is on the German art market.

13. Herrmann I p.3.
14. On symposia, B. Fehr, Orientalische und griechische Gelage (Bonn1971); and J.-M. Denzter, RA 1971 p.215ff. Alkman fr. 19 (Page). See now
also J.-M. Dentzer, Le motif du banquet couché dans le proche-orient et lemonde grec du VIIIe et IVe siècle avant J.-C. (Rome 1982), esp. p. 5Iff.
15. Krates, ap. Suidas sv Alkman.; cf. Alkman fr. 13.
16. Fehr, op.cit., pl.l (relief divided between London, Berlin, andLeyden).
17. Cf. Kübler, Kerarneikos, VI p.164.
18. Louvre E.874; Beazley ABV 8,1,; idem, Para, p.6; CVA, 2, pis.
15ff.; Simon GVpls.47f.
19. Vatican 306; C. Albizzati, Vasi Antichi dipinti del Vaticano (Rome
1925-39) p.lOlff. and pl.29; L. A . Stella, Mitología Greca (Turin 1956)
p.555 (detail of dinos).

20. a) BM.88.6-1.570d (rim of funnel); 88.6-1.570 a (baluster);
1965.9-30.759 and 88.6-1.570b and c (all joining; baluster, lower disc andstem); 88.6-1.570g (edge of base).
b) BM.88.6-1.570f (rim of funnel); 88.6-1.570e and h (baluster); 1965.930.808 (upper surface of base); 1965.9-30.807 (edge of base).
21. Izmir Mus. fr.: Bakir Sophilos, no.B.22, pi.81 fig. 162.
22. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Mus. frr. (81.AE.211): inscriptions inred.
On the Tyrrhenian Group, Beazley ABV 94ff. and Para 34ff., which
owe much to Bothmer's as yet unpublished work on this group. Bothmer
has attributed another dinos to his Kyllenios Painter, Bolligen, Blatter
frr.: AK 5 (1962) pi. 16, 1-3; Beazley Para. 42 bottom. Both dinoi seemvery close to the best of the Camtar Painter (e.g. Tarquinia RC.5564;
Beazley ABV 84,1).

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

14 Williams

Figure 8. Sophilos dinos and stand, drawing of profile.

Sophilos in the British Museum 15

The Louvre and London pieces seem to belong around580 B.C., but the Vatican example might be a little later.
The Getty fragments should date from the late 570's or
early 560's, while the Naukratis and O l d Smyrna pieces
might belong nearer 560 B.C. About the middle of the century, however, there seems to have been a change, for we
begin to see a greater variety in the shape of the stands,
and there appear to be no more decorated examples.
Nevertheless, representations of dinoi and stands on vases
from the end of the sixth century (for example on thestamnos in Brussels painted by Smikros, most probably inimitation of a work of Euphronios' like the Munich calyx
krater) show that the shape of the Sophilos stand did not
die out entirely.
One suspects, however, that Smikros was thinking of ametal dinos and stand when he painted his almost mansized example. It seems, in fact, very likely that a metal
prototype, rather than a ceramic one, lies behind the appearance of the group of ceramic versions in the early partof the sixth century. For, although both Corinthian dinoi
and East Greek stands and dinoi display a similar use ofanimal friezes, the differences in shape, especially the footof the stand in two degrees—which otherwise we do not
see until after the middle of the century on calyx kraters
and amphorae of type A—clearly point to renewed influence from metal-working. Unfortunately, it is impossible
to decide with any degree of certainty whether the metal
prototype was of Corinthian, East Greek, or Athenian design. Nevertheless, since the representations of dinoi onstands depicted on Corinthian vases of the early sixth century exactly match neither the contemporary Athenianceramic shape nor the metal versions found on later A t h enian vases, we can perhaps suggest that it was a native
Athenian tradition of bronze dinoi and stands that led tothe development of the vessels produced by Sophilos andhis fellows.
23

Figure 9. Fragment of first stand from Naukratis (rim).

24

25

To return to the decoration of the British Museum's
stand and bowl, both have a front view. The centre of thefront of the bowl is marked with a large floral complex in
the second frieze (fig. 13), an idea which Sophilos uses togreat effect on many other vases. This second frieze surrounds the widest part of the bowl, and the symmetricalarrangement of the animals establishes the extremities of
23. For the later stands (and dinoi) see R. Lullies, AK 14 (1971). For a
new fragmentary dinos by the Kleophrades Painter, now in the Getty
Museum, see a forthcoming article by Martin Robertson.
The Antiphon Painter's stand (Berlin 2325; Beazley ARV 335,1; shape,
A. Genick and A. Furtwàngler, Griechische Keramik [Berlin 1883] pi. 15,3)
probably held a kothon-like shallow bowl, not a dinos: for the shape ofthe stand cf. Würzburg 873: E. Langlotz, Griechische Vasen in Würzburg(Munich 1932) pi. 251.
2

Figure 10. Fragments of first stand from Naukratis (baluster; base edge).

the front view (confronted sirens on either side of thefloral; beyond, panthers). The side limits of the figured
frieze above are set by the door of Peleus' house on theright and the end of the procession on foot on the left. The
animal frieze below the floral complex has a panther oneither side of a central goat, which faces in the opposite direction to the flow of movement in the figured frieze (fig.
14). Finally, the symmetry in the lowest row of animals is
reduced to a single pair of confronted sirens. One sees,
therefore, how carefully the painter has arranged theelements of all the friezes on the front of the bowl both toemphasise the front view and to echo the outline of thebowl.
24. Brussels A.717. Beazley ARV 20,1; CVA, 2, pls.l2f; AK 14 (1971)
pi.21,1. Compare also the dinos on the black figure side of Munich 2301;
Beazley ARV 4,9; CVA,4, pis. 156,2 and 158,3. The Euphronios, Munich
inv. 8935 etc.: Beazley ARV1 1619 add as 3 bis to p. 14; idem,Para 322; AA
1976, 505-7, figs. 24-6 (D. von Bothmer). A contemporary, but unattributed, black figure dinos and stand of the same shape is to be foundin Salerno, Mus. Civ.
25. D. Callipolitis-Feytmans, Arch.Eph. 1970, p.86ff. argues for a continuation of the Corinthian ceramic tradition at Athens.
21

16 Williams

Figure 12. Fragments of second stand from Naukratis (rim;baluster; base; base and edge).

Figure IL Fragment of first stand from Naukratis (baluster and stem).

Sophilos in the British Museum 17

Figure 13. Sophilos dinos, detail of front view.

Figure 14. Sophilos dinos, detail of front view.

18 Williams

Figure 15. Sophilos dinos, detail of first side view.

Figure 16. Sophilos dinos, detail of first side view.

Sophilos in the British Museum 19

Figure 17. Sophilos dinos, detail of back view.

Figure 18. Sophilos dinos, detail of back view.

20

Williams

Figure 19. Sophilos dinos, detail of second side view.

Figure 20. Sophilos dinos, detail of second side view.

Sophilos in the British Museum 21

Figure 21. Sophilos stand, front view.

Figure 23. Sophilos stand, back view.

Figure 22. Sophilos stand, detail of front of base.

Figure 24. Sophilos stand, detail of back of base.

22 Williams

The rest of the dinos exhibits a slightly looser approach.
The remainder of the figure frieze is divided into threegroups, two consisting of two chariots each (figs. 15, 17),and one which is built up of one chariot and a motleyassortment of figures of equal "weight" (fig. 19). Each ofthese three groups corresponds to a further cardinal viewof the dinos, and each is echoed in the animal frieze immediately below by a pair of confronted animals (boar andlion (fig. 16); stag and panther (fig. 18); lion and ram (fig.
20). The second animal frieze is more loosely composed beyond the trio at the front, and three rosette filling ornaments are also included. The lowest zone has a little more cohesion in its pairing and leaves a lone panther in the centreof the back of the vase. (fig. 18).
The front of the stand is clearly indicated on the lowest
frieze—the most carefully organised of the friezes on thestand (fig. 21). A pair of confronted panthers, each with
one raised paw, forms the centre-piece, while in the space
below is a small swan-like bird (fig. 22). These panthers areflanked by goats, beyond are sirens and finally panthers
again (fig. 23), their tails interlocking at the back of thestand. Seven rosette filling ornaments are also set symmetrically in the field. The next frieze up is also carefullyorganised, but it is not quite so perfectly symmetrical. A
pair of sirens face each other directly over the centre of thelowest frieze. O n either side is set a feline—at the left a lion,at the right a panther. Beyond them at the back of thestand a pair of sirens are again confronted, but between
them is set a small bearded figure with a staff—a master of
the animals (fig. 24). The two friezes on the stem of thestand contain confronted pairs of animals, but these are
not aligned with the centre of the two friezes below. One
suspects that the painter has preferred to avoid too pronounced a central division in order to give the stem aproper sense of volume. Finally, the bulbous baluster isdecorated with a lotus and palmette chain. A t the front
the incisions are careful and regular, but at the back two
new but rather rough decorations of the bulb of the lotus
occur, on one teeth, on the other simple vertical lines.

dinos painted by Sophilos from the Acropolis, the otheron the François vase painted by Kleitias, and we shalloccasionally refer to both in the following description.
The house or palace is on the extreme right of the front
view of the bowl (fig. 25). Its form seems to be distyle inantis, although Sophilos has not tried to indicate the wall
between the antae and the door as Kleitias later did on the
François vase. The antae are black and the form of theircapitals differs from those of the white columns. The architrave is minimal, as are the triglyphs, but the metopes arelarge and boldly done in white. The double door is shutand is of the same form as that on Sophilos' other fragmentary version of the scene. It has red panels and red
studs, which might indicate bronze. Between the anta andthe column on the left of the door, we read the artist's signature, ^OOlVO^iMEAPAO^EP (retr.), Sophilos megraphsen.
Beazley commented that it is "impossible to say whether
the name is XaxpiXoç, Xocpítax;, or X ó í p i X X o c " .
27

28

The theme of the upper frieze is the procession of gods tothe house of Peleus to celebrate his marriage to Thetis, thedaughter of Nereus and Doris. There are only two othercertain examples of this theme, one on a fragmentary

In front of the house stands Peleus ( P E V E V ^ retr.) greeting his guests as they arrive (fig. 26). He holds up a kantharos in his right hand—its shape suggests a metal version—and his lips part as he speaks the words of welcome,7TpO7uv(0V OÏKO06V o ï m ô e . He is dressed in a white
chiton, a red cloak with a wavy line border, and red boots.
His name is written retrograde, below his outstretched left
hand. Facing him is Iris, (IPl£ retr.) the messenger goddessof the Olympians. She wears winged red boots and a short
red chiton, belted at the waist and held in place across herbreasts with ties that meet in the centre in an elaborate ornamental buckle—male dress, as usual, perhaps to emphasize the sexual ambivalence of the go-between. O n the
Acropolis dinos Sophilos gave Iris an animal skin over her
chiton, as did Kleitias on the François vase. The British
Museum's Iris is not without other adornment, for she,like most of the goddesses in the parade, wears large pendant earrings and a necklace. Her staff of office is held in
her right hand; her left points back to the divinities who
follow.
The first group of guests consists of four goddesses (fig.
27), separated into two pairs, Hestia ( B E S T I A ) and
Demeter (AEMETE[P]), then Chariklo ( [ + ] A P l 9 V O ) andLeto (VETO retr.). This foursome is repeated on the
Acropolis dinos, although there the two pairs are more
firmly divided. A l l four goddesses wear white peploi, richly

26. On these figures, U.-M. Lux, Beitràge zur Darstellung des 'Herrn derTiere (Diss.Bonn 1962).
27. Florence 4209: Beazley ABV 76,1; Simon GV, pls.51-57; (cleaned)
Vaso François (Boll.d'Arte, Ser. Spéciale 1; Rome 1981) esp. detail pis. 74-8
(on pp. 132-136).
Athens, Acrop.587 frr.: Beazley ABV 39,15; Bakir Sophilos no.A.2,
pis.3-5 and 89-90. See further Brommer, op.cit. (note 2) p.320 bottom,

with bibliography; and Schefold GuH p.l89ff. One wonders if Acrop.610
frr. (Beazley ABV 82,3; Hesperia 4 [1935] 216), from a large dinos, might
have shown the same scene.
28. Beazley ABV p.37.
29. Pindar, Olymp. 7,4.
30. For the shape see R. Higgins, Greek and Roman jewellery (2nd ed.,London 1980) p. 128, type 5a.

26

29

30

Sophilos in the British Museum 23

Figure 25. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

Figure 26: Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

24

Williams

Figure 27. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

Figure 28. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

Sophilos in the British Museum 25

Figure 29. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

Figure 30. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

26

Williams

Figure 31. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

Figure 32. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

Sophilos in the British Museum 27

Figure 33. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

Figure 34. Sophilos dinos, detail of figured frieze.

28

Williams

decorated with red animals, monsters, florals, and othermore abstract patterns, while red cloaks are draped aroundtheir shoulders. It is interesting to note that behind Leto's
head is some preliminary sketch work for a third head,
which was left out in the final painting. There are, in fact,many traces of such sketching elsewhere on the vase, but
this seems to be the only significant alteration.
Behind these goddesses comes Dionysos ( A l O h Y ^ O ^ ) ,vine branch in hand. His lips are parted, like Peleus', andhe appears to talk across the intervening group of goddesses to Peleus himself. Dionysos is placed directly overthe central palmette in the lower frieze, much as on the
François vase, and is thus a key figure. He wears a longchiton and himation. The latter is done with black andred in the normal fashion, but the chiton is left the naturalorange colour of the fired clay and only outlined in red.
One might at first presume that Sophilos has simply
forgotten to fill the chiton in with white, but some of theother figures, further on in the procession—the "Horai,"
the five Muses, Tethys, and Eileithyia—show that the effect is intentional: Sophilos is deliberately trying to use afourth colour, in addition to the regular black, red, andwhite. This idea, like his use of white laid directly on theclay instead of over black, is presumably borrowed fromcontemporary Corinthian vase painting.
31

Hebe ( B E B E ) follows Dionysos. She wears a richly
decorated peplos, but no cloak, very elaborate sandals,
like a number of other women in the parade and two
women on one of the Acropolis fragments, a bracelet andan armband. Next comes Cheiron (+IPOh), the centaur(fig. 28). He wears a short red chiton over his human partand carries over his left shoulder a branch, to which he has
tied his catch—a stag, two does, a fawn and a rabbit. In his
right hand he holds a thick, gnarled branch that he no
doubt used as a club. Cheiron turns his head, with its wild
crest of hair, shaggy beard, and full nose, back towards thefigures that follow him. The first of these is Themis (®EMl£)
sceptre in hand and dressed in a richly patterned peplos
and plain cloak, while the rear of the foot procession isbrought up by a trio of Nymphs (HVOAI).
The three Nymphs mark the end of the front view of thedinos, and the procession now changes from one on footto one with chariots. The Nymphs also serve as a link with
32

31. Reserved drapery on Corinthian vases, eg. the Cavalcade Painter's
cup in Basel (Moretti), Simon GV. pi.28. Another example on a work by
Sophilos might be Acrop.585 fr. b (Beazley ABV 40, 18; Bakir Sophilos
no.A. 17, pi.35, fig.65)—Poseidon's chiton—but this is not certain (Graef.
p.63). For white laid directly on clay ground, Beazley Dev. p. 19.
32. For other sandals like these, worn by women, compare the later examples: Louvre G.2 (neck); Beazley ARV 53,2; Simon GV pi.91 left;
Mus.Helv.38 (1981) pl.8,4; and London E.41 (tondo); Beazley ARV2 58,51
2

the chariot parade that follows, for similar trios on footpunctuate it, adding rhythm and substance. The firstchariot bears Zeus ( I E Y ^ ) and Hera (BE>A)(fig. 29), but on
the far side of the horses' rumps appears a second trio ofladies on foot. Their names are unfortunately lost; and theedge of the fragment, where one might have hoped to findtraces of the names, has sadly been filed away by the restorer, but they were probably the Horai, as A n n Birchallhas suggested. Their chitons are left reserved in the same
fashion as Dionysos', and the addition of white for theirfeet makes it quite clear that Sophilos did not simply forget
to go back to this area with his white brush. The painterhas, in fact, gone to great trouble to try to draw the correct
number of reins and to show the trace lines attached to thechariot rail and the pole-stay tied to the top of thebreastwork of the chariot. The two sets of reins are nottied together here, although this is the case with
Poseidon's and Ares' teams further on in the procession.
Zeus, dressed in chiton and cloak, grasps the reins and agoad, while Hera holds her cloak up by her cheek as she
steadies herself with her other hand on the top of thechariot's breastwork.
33

The next chariot contains Poseidon ( P O ^ E I A O P , the last
two letters retr.) and Amphitrite ( A h O I T P I T E ) , accompanied by the three Charités (+APITE£) (fig. 30). Zeus'
team of horses were all proud black steeds; Poseidon's are
more fiery, especially the white one which rears its headand stamps one hoof, the only horse in the whole procession to show real mettle and surely a reference toPoseidon's special connection with horses.
Following behind comes the chariot of Ares ( A P E ^ ) and
Aphrodite ( A O P O A I T E ) , the immortal pair of illicit lovers,
who are often treated as man and wife (fig. 31). Unfortunately the head of Aphrodite is missing. Ares' goadseems longer than the other charioteers', and it is also held
at an angle nearer to the horizontal—perhaps it should bethought of as a spear. Behind the horses are grouped fiveMuses (MO^AI) in an arc. The central figure is fully frontal
and plays a syrinx. A l l five have the reserved chitons wehave seen on Dionysos and others; their feet are in added
white. Underneath the maze of legs and hoofs is an interesting technical feature. Sophilos seems to have badly
smudged the black slip between the ground line and the(convincingly reattributed to Euphronios by Martin Robertson, Getty
MJ9 [1981] p.26).
33. A . Birchall, BMQ 36 (1972) p. 109.
34. Cf. also the Lakonian cup from Rhodes, Schefold GuH p.32 fig.25,
and the calyx krater by the Kleophrades Painter, Louvre G.162: Beazley
ARV 186,47; F. Brommer, Hephaistos (Mainz 1978) pl.7,1.
35. Literary traditions, RE XIX, 290ff. sv Peleus (Lesky). See also M .
Heidenreich, Mdl 5 (1952) 134ff., esp. p. 140.
2

Sophilos in the British Museum 29

back of the stag in the zone below and has had to rub away
part of the surface to conceal his clumsiness. He also attempted to reinforce the lower edge of the ground line at
this point by marking it with an incised line.
The next chariot is driven by Hermes ( B E P M E ^ retr.) (fig.
32). His kerykeion rests against the breastwork of thechariot box, and he wears a short chiton with a large
rosette decoration and a petasos. The tips of his winged
boots just show over the top of the chariot box. His
passenger is Apollo ([AP]OVON) who sings as he plays hiskithara. Alongside the horses are three more Muses( M O ^ A I ) , making a total of eight. The final team is in thehands of Athena ( A o E P A I A ) (fig. 33). Her companion is
Artemis ( A P T E M I ^ ) , whose finely decorated peplos is fully
visible, since, like Hebe, she wears no cloak. Artemis holds
her bow, but Athena has no attribute. It is also strange tofind Athena driving the chariot from the left-hand side, anoddity which is also noticeable on the François vase (inlater black figure, when she drives for Herakles, she standson the right). Beside the horses walk the three Moirai(M[0])PAI).

The rear of the procession is brought up by a rather
amorphous group. First is a fish-bodied, bull-horned
Okeanos ( O K E A P O ^ ) (fig. 34), clutching a fish and a snake.
In the background his wife Tethys (®EeV^) is accompanied
by Eileithyia (BIVE®VA retr.). They are followed by
Hephaistos ( B E O A I ^ T O ^ retr.) riding on a mule. It is difficult to decide just how he is perched on the swan-headed
saddle, but one frontal foot, drawn like the frontal feet of
the Muse playing the syrinx, can be made out below thebottom of his chiton, so he is presumably riding sidesaddle, as he does on the François vase.
34

From this general description, let us turn to the occasionof the procession and Sophilos' treatment of the scene.
The parade of deities is coming to the home of Peleus following his marriage to the goddess Thetis. This home iscertainly not the cave of Cheiron that we hear of in someliterary sources, but rather a temple-like structure that
may reflect the painter's idea of both the Thetideion in
Thessaly and Peleus' palace. The Thessalian context is perhaps further emphasised not only by the presence ofCheiron, who lived on Mount Pelion, but also by the prominence given to Demeter, who was especially important
35

36. Cf. J. Boardman, BSA 47 (1952) p.34.
37. Plutarch, Rom. Quaest. 2, 264B.; Diodorus Siculus, 5,73; Pollux
3,38.
38. Servius on Vergil, Aeneid 4,58 and 3,139.
39. For the story of Demeter, see especially the Homeric Hymn with N .
J. Richardson's excellent commentary, The Homeric Hymn to Demete r(Oxford 1974).

in Thessaly, and to Poseidon, who, in his horse aspect, wasalso centred on the Thessalian plain.
The bridegroom and the divine messenger lead the procession. Next comes a group of four goddesses and thenDionysos (fig. 26). Although Dionysos is clearly intent on
Peleus' welcome, the goddesses are not—they seem rather
to look to the bride behind the closed door. These are thepositions and actions one would expect of a mortal bride's
parents and close relatives but for this immortal gathering
Sophilos seems to have generalised the ceremony by substituting for the bride's real mother and female relatives agroup of four goddesses, who all have maternal aspects,
and for the father, Dionysos. This substitution of deities
for the bride's proper parents and family continued onlater black figure representations of heroic and "heroised"
wedding processions, in which immortals also assume theroles of other mortal celebrants, notably Hermes as
7rpor|Yr|Tf|ç and Apollo as musical accompanist to the marriage hymn.
36

It is a little difficult to be sure at first which name goeswith which figure in the first pair of goddesses (fig. 26), butelsewhere on the vase Sophilos always writes the name of
the figure in the background above the name of the figurein the foreground, so it is reasonable to assume that thegoddess who opens her arms in a moving gesture ofgreeting is in fact Demeter. Her prominent position andgesture suggest that it is Demeter who is shown along with
Dionysos, as Thetis' substitute parent. Neither Dionysos
nor Demeter, however, is included among the five deities
invoked in the Greek marriage ceremony, nor does either
receive any offerings before it; in fact Demeter is actually
said by some authors to have hated marriage by reason ofher daughter's experiences. Nevertheless, the story of
how Demeter's daughter was carried off by Hades, ofDemeter's mourning, and of the eventual reconciliationacts in many respects as a mythological archetype for mortal marriages, which at that time included the carrying offof the bride by the groom while the mother mourned as if
her daughter had died, followed by the reconciliation of
the two families at the feast on the following day.
Demeter can thus be regarded as the mother of all brides,
who suffers as all mothers do at the loss of their daughters.
However, she also had an important role in Greek religion
37

38

39

40

40. On marriage see most recently, R. Redfield, Arethusa 15 (1982)
18Iff.; but add, M. Alexiou, The ritual lament in Greek tradition (Cambridge 1974) p.l20ff.; M. Alexiou and P. Dronke, Stud. Med. 1971,
p.819ff.; and I.D. Jenkins, "Is there life after marriage?—a study of the abduction motif in vase-paintings of the Athenian wedding ceremony,"
forthcoming in B1CS.

30

Williams

and mythology as a nurse, especially as the nurse of
Demophon, whom she tried to make immortal by fire
just as Thetis was to endeavour to protect her own son,
Achilles but was similarly stopped.
41

42

The choice of Demeter as a substitute mother is in someways, therefore, particularly suitable. But what of Dionysos? Perhaps the artist paired him with Demeter simply tomake the point that Dionysos was the most importantmale guest because he brings the wine for the feast that thegods have come to attend—the wine that would be mixedin and served from the London dinos itself. Yet this does
not explain why Dionysos continued to be shown on later
black figure vases in the role of the "satisfied fatherin-law, " as Boardman has aptly named h i m . We might
do well, therefore, to look for any connection there might
between Dionysos and Demeter. The story of Demeter andPersephone inevitably leads straight to the heart of
the Mysteries; and, although Dionysos' links with the
Mysteries are rather controversial, the case seems, nevertheless, to be persuasive. Dionysos and Demeter are occasionally associated in literature, while on a number ofsixth century Athenian vases Demeter and Persephone
seem to be found in the company of Dionysos, as is clearly the case on vases of the fifth and fourth centuries, bywhich time, if not earlier, not only were the identities ofDionysos, Iacchos, and Ploutos merging but also certain
Eleusinian officials actually helped in the conduct of boththe Lenaia and the Anthesteria.
43

teries. A t first they seem to have been centred on Persephone, no doubt on her marriage in the Underworld,
but after Athens' absorption of Eleusis they may have faded into preliminary purification rites. We know equally little of the mythological content of the Anthesteria, but
given its connections with the dead and with Hermes of
the Underworld on the second and third days, it would
seem very likely that reference was made to Dionysos' descent into the Underworld to retrieve his mother, Semele,
and to her apotheosis and renaming as Thyone. A satyr
play by the fifth century dramatist Iophon seems, in fact,
to have described Dionysos' descent into the Underworld,
his meeting with Hades, and the exchange of myrtle for his
mother, thereby explaining the use of that plant in the
Mysteries, and possibly also its use at marriages.
50

51

The cult of Dionysos was particularly strong at Athens,
and as that of Demeter grew in importance at Eleusis,
there may even have been some rivalry. This rivalry musthave been most apparent during the early part of themonth of Anthesterion, when both the Anthesteria, theoldest festival of Dionysos at Athens, and the Lesser Mysteries were held. We do not know at what date the lesser
Mysteries were first instituted, but their creation probably
preceded Athens' takeover of Eleusis, for afterwards
there would have been little need to set up competing Mys-

It is also very probable that during the Anthesteria the
Athenian state celebrated the Hydrophoria, which involved an offering at the chasm near the Olympieion.
Not only is this chasm in the very neighbourhood inwhich the Lesser Mysteries were held, but H . W . Parke has
also suggested that it was originally thought to be an entrance to the Underworld, and only later became associated with Deukalion's Flood. In the light of this, it is
intriguing to recall that Aischylos wrote a play entitled
Semele or the Hydrophoroi. * D i d Aischylos set Semele'sánodos at this chasm, describe her apotheosis and renaming as Thyone, and thus explain the ritual of the Hydrophoria during the Anthesteria? Since such an enactmentof the ánodos of Semele was regularly held at Lerna, very
close to the spot where the Lernaians believed that Hades
carried Persephone down into the Underworld, andsince we also know that at Lerna Dionysos was officiallylinked with Demeter and Persephone in the Mysteries,
we might well presume that the same was the case atAthens. Perhaps, indeed, the Athenians thought not onlythat Dionysos passed through the chasm, carrying myrtle
to ransom his mother but also that Demeter accompanied
him in order to visit Persephone after her marriage to

41. Richardson, op.cit. p.23 Iff.
42. Apollodoros, Library 171, Lycophron 178-9.
43. J. Boardman, BSA 47 (1952) 34.
44. H. Metzger, Les Representations dans la céramique attique du IV siècle(Paris 1951) 249ff.; idem, Recherches sur l'imagerie athénienne (Paris 1965)
21; Kerenyi, Eleusis 52ff.; C. Bérard, Anodoi (Neuchatel 1974) passim. G.
E. Mylonas has argued against a connection in his Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (Princeton 1961) 275ff. and in Arch.Èph. 1960, p.68ff.
45. To the list in Metzger, Recherches p. 19 nos.38-40, add London
B.425 (Beazley ABV 184, lower; C. Kerenyi, The Gods of the Greeks [London 1951] p.253), on which we oddly enough see some "reserved"
drapery, and London 1928.5-17.1, a neck amphora on which Demeter(head covered) and Persephone (myrtle wreath), together with Hermes
and another, attend Dionysos and the Basilinna or Semele who ride in achariot.

46. The later vases are discussed by Metzger, BCH 68-9 (1944-45)
296ff. and in his Representations p.254ff. See also his Recherches p.49ff.;
and Kerenyi Eleusis 155ff.
47. L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States III ( Oxford 1907) 151
with note b.
48. On the Anthesteria, L. Deubner, Attische Feste (Berlin 1956) 93ff.;
A. Pickard-Cambridge, The Dramatic Festivals of Athens (2nd ed. Oxford
1968) Iff.; Kerenyi Eleusis 5Iff.
On the Lesser Mysteries, Farnell, op.cit. p.l69ff.; Mylonas op.cit.
p.239ff; Kerenyi Eleusis p.48ff.
49. Athens and Eleusis, J. Boardman, JHS 95 (1975) 3ff.
50. For Semele, H. Jeanmaire, Dionysos (Paris 1951) 343ff. Semele on
vases, Schefold GuH p.46ff. On the large heads of Semele/Kore see also
Bérard, op.cit. esp.p.72f. Florence 3790 (Beazley ABV 260, 30; L. A .
Stella, Mitología Greca [Turin 1956] p.57) shows Thyone (named) beside

44

45

46

47

48

49

52

53

5

55

56

57

Sophilos in the British Museum 31

tion with Dionysos. Wine was also a giver of youth andstrength. Next come Cheiron and Themis (fig. 28) focusing attention on the future son of Thetis—Cheiron as foster-father and Themis as the revealer of the secret abouthim. Cheiron's catch would no doubt have been appreciated at the feast, like Dionysos' wine. Themis seems tohave had a certain precedence at divine feasts, while her
special sceptre may allude to her role as the convenor of divine assemblies, a role emphasised here perhaps because
Solon had recently introduced the new Council of Four
Hundred.
After Themis the procession changes into a parade of chariots accompanied by groups of women on foot—Horai,
Charités, Mousai, and Moirai—all staunch members of divine pageants. Three Nymphs head the parade, thencomes the chariot of Zeus and Hera. This pair is the obvious choice for the first chariot, the king and queen of thegods, the divine couple of the Hieros Gamos. The second
chariot contains Poseidon and his wife Amphitrite.
Poseidon, like Zeus, was a suitor of Thetis until Themis'
warning. This pair of chariots forms the visual centrepointof the first side view of the dinos (fig. 15).

Hades (celebrated in the Lesser Mysteries which fell shortly
before the Anthesteria), perhaps to bring her back. Sucha belief might have led Sophilos and other artists after him
to set Dionysos and Demeter in the role of substitute parents for Thetis, as she went through the initiation rite thatwas marriage.
Let us return from these speculations to the processionof deities on Sophilos' dinos. Beside Demeter stands Hestia, who symbolises both the hearth of Thetis' parents that
she has left and the hearth of her new home. Hestia, however, also leads us into the world of the Mysteries, for it isin the fire of the hearth that Demeter tried to ensure Demophon's immortality, rather as Thetis later hoped to protect Achilles. A Tiaîç à(p é a i i a ç juur)9eiç seems to haveplayed an important role in the Mysteries, a role perhaps
analogous to that of the Tiaîç áji(pi0á>.r|c at weddings.
Moreover, in a lighter vein, Hestia seems to have had aconnection with feasts, for in the Homeric Hymn to Hestia, we learn that she received offerings both at the beginning and at the end of mortal banquets.

63

64

58

65

66

r

59

67

60

61

The second pair of goddesses consists of Leto and Chariklo. Leto, perhaps the nearer of the two, was, like Demeter, a mother; but the important part of her story is her
wandering before giving birth to Apollo, the result of people's fear of her expected son, which echoes the danger ofany son of Thetis, as revealed by Themis to the gods.
Leto's connection with birth in general is clearly broughtout by the appeal of the Spartan girls celebrating Helen'smarriage:

Chariklo was a less important figure in divine circles, but
as the wife of the centaur Cheiron she was to be Achilles'
foster-mother.
After these two pairs of goddesses comes Dionysos and,behind him, Hebe (fig. 27). She is the epitome of youth
and also the wine-pourer of the gods, hence her juxtaposi-

In the third chariot come Ares and Aphrodite (fig. 31),and in the fourth Hermes and Apollo (fig. 32). This pair ofchariots, which dominates the back of the vase, is accompanied by the Muses (fig. 17). Apollo sings the gamelios
hymnos as he strums the kithara, and one Muse plays thesyrinx, while the rest perhaps join in the chorus. A l l ismusic and festivities, as in the scene painted by the poet of
the Homeric Hymn to A p o l l o .
The end of the procession is made up of the chariot ofAthena and Artemis, virgins both, and a motley crew ofslow-moving stragglers (fig. 19). Okeanos, progenitor of
the gods, is given both aquatic and terrestrial attributes,
a fish-tail and a bull-horn, as well as a fish in one hand anda snake in the other. This combination alludes perhaps toOkeanos' role as the great river encompassing the earth.
His wife, Tethys, who walks close behind, is accompanied

Dionysos at the marriage of Peleus and Thetis.
51. Schol. on Aristophanes, Frogs 330; Suidas sv Iophon. See also
Kerenyi Eleusis p.64.
52. For the Hydrophoria see E. Diehl, Die Hydria (Mainz 1964) 130ff.
53. H. W. Parke, Festivals of the Athenians (London 1977) 117f.
54. Index fabularum, cf. schol. on Homer, Iliad 4,319.
55. Pausanias 2,37,5f.
56. Idem 2,36,7.
57. C1L 6, 1780; cf. Pausanias 2,37,2. Links at Sicyon (Pausanias
2,11,3) and perhaps on Acrocorinth (see R. S. Stroud, Hesp. 37 [1968]
299ff., esp. p.325f., with note 31: and A . D . Ure, JHS 89 (1969) 120f.).
58. For the date of the Lesser Mysteries, IGii 1672, 207. Demeter in
the Underworld, Orphic Hymn 41,6; see also Kerenyi Eleusis 43.
59. Richardson op.cit. 23Iff.; A. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen in
Altertum (Leipzig 1898) 273ff.

60. R. Flacelière, Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles (London
1965) p.63 comments on the similarity between this boy's ritual phrase
and some of the formulae of the Mysteries.
61. Homeric Hymn to Hestia 4ff.
62. Theocritus 18,50f.
63. Athenaeus, 10,425e.
64. Cf. Dionysos Hebon: Macrobius, Stat. 1,18,9. See further R. B.
Onians, The Origins of European Thought (Cambridge 1951) p.212ff.
65. Homer, ibid. 15,95.
66. Homer, Odyssey 2,68. Council of Four Hundred, Ath.Pol.9; Plutarch, Solon 18,5.
67. Eg. Orphic Hymn 43,7—the Moirai, Horai, and Charités accompany Persephone back to the light.
68. Homeric, Hymn to Apollo, 182ff.
69. Homer, Iliad 14,201f.

62

68

Aaxfo /xèv ôoirj, Aaxœ Koopoxpo(poç, fyxiv.
60T6KVÍaV.

4

2

69

32

Williams

Figure 35. Dinos from Naukratis (B.100 with B.601,26 and Reading 26.Ü.1), front view.

by Eileithyia—she need not hurry, for her job is still somemonths away. A t the end rides Hephaistos on his mule,slow and ridiculous.
Alongside Sophilos' evocative treatment of the theme of
Peleus' wedding should perhaps be considered its suitability to the vase's function. The procession of deities is coming to attend a marriage feast, and the dinos itself could
serve the key role of mixing wine at just such a feast. In fact
the vase would have made an excellent wedding gift,brought in the mortal procession on the day of theepaulia. Furthermore, dinoi are occasionally carried in"heroic" wedding processions on vases. Feasts also occurred in sanctuaries, and the dinos would have made asuitable gift for a deity. Indeed Sophilos' other depiction of

the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, on a vase perhaps evenfiner than the London dinos, since the tongues above thefigured frieze have been replaced by a more complex lotus
and palmette chain, was dedicated on the Acropolis. Sucha dinos was presumably intended to decorate the publicdining rooms ( è a x i a x o p i a ) where symposia were held atfestivals, for wine used in libations to the gods was unmixed. Finally, meals seem to have accompanied burials,
so that a dinos would have made a suitable offering in or ata tomb, especially in Etruria where the deceased was sometimes laid out as if at a symposium. These three types ofcustomer were surely in Sophilos' mind when he chosethe scene for his dinos. The fact that both the Acropolis
and London dinoi ended up in suitable contexts (sanctu-

70. Epaulia: RE sv. Epaulia (Thalheim) and Hochzeit (Heckenbach); L.
Deubner, Jdl 15 (1900) 144ff. See also now J. H. Oakley, AA 1982, 133ff.
71. Cf. R. Lullies, AK 14 (1971) p.50.
72. On dining rooms in sanctuaries; R. A . Tomlinson, JHS 89 (1969)
106ff.; W. Burkert, Griechische Religion der achaischen und klassichen
Epoche (Berlin 1977) 174ff. and 157 Note 111.
73. For discussion of painter and market see further my remarks in}bBU 24 (1982) p.28.
74. A . Stewart, "Stesichoros and the François Vase," a paper deliveredat Madison (1981, Acta forthcoming). I am very grateful to Dr. Stewart
who kindly let me see his typescript.
75. A. Rumpf, Gnomon 25 (1953) 470.
76. Scholiast on Homer, Iliad 23,92. = Stesichoros fr. 234 (Page).
77. North VI; F. Brommer, Der Parthenonfries (Mainz 1977) pi.58.

70

71

72

Sophilos in the British Museum 33

ary and tomb) is a tribute to their owners' perception, but
it was not always so.
73

Before leaving the figured scene on the London dinos,
we ought perhaps to discuss what external influences may
have played a part in its formation. The possibility of theinfluence of a poem by Stesichoros has been recently
raised by Andrew Stewart. He combines Rumpf's suggestion that the amphora carried by Dionysos on the
François vase is the golden amphora given by Dionysos to
Thetis and by her to her son to receive his ashes with theobservations that Kleitias has labeled one of the Muses
Stesichore instead of Terpsichore and that a scholiast on apassage in the Iliad refers to Stesichoros' description of thegolden amphora and, therefore, suggests that both
Sophilos' dinoi and the François vase are dependent on
an epithalamium for Peleus and Thetis by Stesichoros.
Rumpf's theory was based on the fact that the amphora on
the François vase has no lid and is held at too great anangle to contain liquid. Vases depicted on vases, however,rarely have lids, while the angle to the vertical at which
the amphora is held is not much greater than that of thehydriae held by the youths on the Parthenon frieze. Indeed, it seems much more likely, given the "SOS" decoration of the neck, that Kleitias intends to show Dionysos
coming to the feast with both the vine and its product—inparticular the Attic variety. (He may already have had adrink or two himself on the way, hence his peculiar gait
and his lack of concern over any possible spillage.)
Although one can imagine Sophilos or his "source" (andKleitias) taking heed of the themes embedded in the
Homeric epics, performances of which were apparently
already regularized at Sikyon in the opening decades of thesixth century, it is more difficult to believe that there
were sufficient, accessible recitals of the works of
Stesichoros to influence mainland Greek artists. This does
not, however, preclude the possibility that Kleitias, atleast, had heard of the popularity of Stesichoros in the
West.
74

75

76

77

78

79

A second possible source for Sophilos' inspiration is free
painting. Around the same time as or a little before theLondon dinos and other grand works of Sophilos' mature
years, a change comes over Corinthian vases, already thesource of so much in Attic vase painting of the beginning of
78. SOS decoration also occurs on the neck of the hydria held by
Polyxena on BM 1899.7-21.2: Beazley ABV 86,8; Boardman ABFV fig.55.
79. Herodotos 5,67,1.
80. H. Payne, Necrocorinthia (Oxford 1931) p. 100.
81. See, Beazley Dev. p. 19; M . Robertson, Greek Painting (Geneva
1959) p.57.
82. Plutarch, Solon 24,2.

of the sixth century. Humfry Payne noted that the paintersof large vases modified their technique by admitting moresilhouette work, while also beginning to choose newthemes, and he went on to suggest that this might havebeen due to the influence of free painting. Sophilos not
only follows this trend among Corinthian vase painters but
actually goes further, adopting some technical details,
especially the use of red to outline the white which he haslaid directly on the clay ground, the writing of inscriptions
in red instead of black, and the use of titles for scenes, allof which seem to point to direct, personal knowledge offree painting, presumably Corinthian. There are, itwould seem, three possible conclusions that one could
draw from these observations. Either Sophilos visited Corinth (perhaps because of personal connections), or Corinthian panels were exported to Athens, or the welcome that
Solon offered to foreign craftsmen was taken up by someCorinthian painters, whose work was studied with interest by Sophilos and some of his companions. If an actual
Corinthian painting representing the procession of thegods to the house of Peleus was set up at Athens in the early years of the sixth century, it may have captured Sophilos' imagination. But it was unlikely to have served as thesource for the design of the frieze, since that is tailored to
the vase; nor is it likely to have provided many of thedetails for the order of the procession, since Attic religion
and the function of the vase itself seem to have played an
important role in the painter's choice.
80

81

82

Let us close this discussion of the London dinos andstand with a brief glance at its painter, Sophilos. A number of studies have dealt in detail with this artist, the mostrecent being the full-scale monograph by Güven Bakir.
This is a careful and important work, and the author is
scrupulous in distinguishing between pieces by Sophilos
himself and those in his manner. Nevertheless, the twoother Sophilean pieces in the British Museum that he discusses might receive additional comment here.
Firstly, Bakir has given two previously unattributed
fragments of a dinos from Naukratis to Sophilos. The
horses on these fragments seem too stiff and bony to be by
the painter himself, while the delineation of the chest muscles does not correspond to that seen elsewhere in thepainter's oeuvre. Secondly, Bakir would remove fromBeazley's list of Sophilos himself the more complete dinos,
8384

83. London B.103.14,1-2 frr.; Bakir Sophilos no.A.7, pl.64 fig. 123.
84. Eg. Louvre E.873; Beazley ABV 39,12; Bakir Sophilos no.A.4, pl.48,
fig.87.
85. London B.100; Beazley ABV 39,13; Bakir Sophilos no.B.l, p.39,
pls.66-70.
86. Reading, Ure Museum Inv. 26.Ü.1; Beazley, Hesp.13 (1944) p.51
no.30 and pl.6,7 (upside-down); idem, ABV 41,34; Bakir Sophilos no.B.26,
pi.81 fig. 164 (rotate anticlockwise through 90 deg.).

34

Williams

Figure 36. Kyllenios Painter's dinos and stand, detail of dinos. Malibu, The
J. Paul Getty Museum 81.AE.211 and 82.AE.86.
also from Naukratis. Beazley wondered if a fragment in
Reading, which was supposed to be from Egypt, might belong to this small dinos; but he never seems to have verified the idea. In fact the Reading fragment does join thedinos, providing the left side of the floral complex in thecentre of the upper frieze; it also joins the loose fragment of
the dinos, giving more of the floral complex and parts ofthe two confronting sirens below. Jane Gardner of the Ure
Museum has kindly made it possible for the Reading fragment to be temporarily inserted in the London dinos, anda new photograph of the whole is included here (fig. 35).
Sophilos was not a careful draughtsman, especially when
painting animals, which unfortunately dominated his output. His multifigured scenes, however, are full of colourfulcharm and a cheerful vitality. A s an artist, Sophilos stands
close to the Gorgon Painter, his senior and perhaps his
teacher. Something of a workshop tradition seems topass from Sophilos, through painters of the late 570's andearly 560's like the Camtar Painter and the Painter of London B.76, both of whom wrote their inscriptions in red,on through the Tyrrhenian G r o u p . Lydos owed his origins to this tradition, but as he outgrew it, it died.
The London dinos shows us Sophilos at the peak of his
powers but also at a crossroads. He introduced a series ofwonderful narrative scenes with some unusual technicaldetails but was still fettered by the traditional animalfriezes. His technical innovations, which brought him
closer to free painting and which were admirably suited to
his loose, somewhat spontaneous style, were not widelyadopted; and he soon fell back on simple animal friezes,
overtaken perhaps by his contemporaries and juniors.
Their miniaturist styles consolidated the black figure technique as a vase painter's idiom and, thereby, effectively
closed off vase painting from any future participation of adirect nature in the developments to be achieved in thefreer medium of large-scale painting, at least until the vasepainters reopened the door by experimenting with a whiteground.

87. London B. 601.26fr.; as note 85.
88. On the Gorgon Painter and Sophilos: S. Karouzou, A M 62 (1937)
11 Iff.; I. Scheibler, Jdl 76 (1961) Iff.
89. For these painters see Beazley ABV 84ff. Also Boardman ABFV

p.35f.
90. For the Tyrrhenian Group, see note 22 and Boardman op.cit. p.36f.
91. For Lydos, Beazley ABV p.l07ff.; M . A . Tiberios, Ho Lydos kai toergo tou (Athens 1976).

85

86

87

88

89

90

91

LondonThree Notes on Attic Black Figure in Malibu
Jifi Frel

1. A NEW FRAGMENT BY THE NETTOS PAINTER
Commenting on a krater fragment with a siren by the
Nettos Painter, Beazley noted: "There must have been apair of them, confronted." A new fragment of an amphora, presented to the J . Paul Getty Museum by an anonymous donor (fig. I), also depicts two sirens, but insteadof the usual heraldic decoration, this is a monumental
tableau. While one of the sirens stares rapaciously forward,
the other bends toward the first one's feet, in a very birdlike attitude. Both appear rather as demonic figures fromthe dark age of saga than as well-tamed lady birds. For abetter appreciation of the grandiose image realized here by
the magnus parens of Attic vase painting, an attempt toreestablish its original appearance by Zdravko Barov (fig.
2) is presented next to the photograph of the unretouched
piece.
1

2

3

4

2. A M ASIS A N D TALEIDES
Several years ago, the J . Paul Getty Museum acquired a
black figure lekythos signed by Amasis as potter under thefoot (fig. 3). His signature also occurs in this location on a
fragment without painted decoration but corresponding
well to his other signed vases. This is not the case with the
Getty lekythos. While the antiquity of the signature is beyond doubt, the lettering is not by Amasis. Closer scrutiny
reveals it to be the handwriting of Taleides, and the
56

1. Para. 3.15.
2. Dev. 15f.
3. Acc. no. 81.AE. 114.30; height, 23.3 cm. Under the sirens, D. vonBothmer recognized the remnants of the cable pattern; added red for thewing bar.
4. Cf. the feeding birds on the neck of the London amphora by the
Nettos Painter, Para. 2.2.
5. Acc. no. 76.AE.48; height: 18.3 cm. Presented by Bruce McNall.
6. ABV 157, bottom.
7. Cf. already Getty MJ 4 (1977) p.75, n. 8.
8. The glaze turned to a great extent to chocolate red. The surface
prickled abundantly (because of the oil contained); added red for many
details; added white (mostly faded) for female flesh.
9. ABV 176.1.

Taleides Painter is also responsible for the drawing (boxers between onlookers on the shoulders, enthroned king in
the middle of his suite on the body).
Beazley has already observed that an oinochoe signed by
Taleides as potter is akin to another by Amasis. The sameis true about the lekythoi from both workshops. Perhaps
the two craftsmen sat close together, and one day one
used, authorized or not, the name of his companion. It
may have been a friendly joke, or, less probably, a mocking provocation. Whatever the circumstances, it seems
probable that only two people were involved in the story
and not four. Thus the idea that the Amasis Painter is
identical with Amasis the potter and the Taleides Painterwith Taleides the potter becomes still more plausible, even
if not fully documented.
7

8

9

10

11

3. THE MADRID PAINTER A N D THE SAPPHO PAINTER
For a fragment of a funerary black figure pinax (fig. 4),
Beazley accepted Boardman's attribution to the Sappho
Painter. But the profiles of the men appear very close to
the heads by the Madrid Painter (especially on the beautiful amphora ex-Castle Ashby and those on the namepiece ). The conclusion that the Sappho Painter is but alate phase of the Madrid Painter appears inevitable; thewhole group deserves further study.
12

13

14

15

Malibu10. Because of this evidence of one man signing with the name ofanother, the homonymity of Douris and the Triptolemos Painter is lessprobable (cf. the comments of Beazley, Potter and Painter 4If.; D. vonBothmer kindly informed me of the second example in his collection,
signed by Douris and attributed to the Triptolemos Painter by R. Guy).
11. Of course, the Taleides Painter did decorate one vase signed by
Timagoras the potter, ABV 174.7.
12. Acc. no. 80.AE.101; 12.6 cm. x 12.65cm. x 1.2-1.7cm. (top rim
partially preserved). Presented by Malcolm Wiener.
13. Para. 247, middle, with previous bibliography, especially for the
inscription.
14. ABV 329,5; CVA Castle Ashby, pls.9-10; Christie's, 2 July 1980,
lot 95.
15. ABV 329.2.

36 FrelFigure 1. Fragment from the neck of an amphora by the Nettos Painter. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty
Museum 81.AE.114.30.

Figure 2. Retouched photograph of figure 1 by Z. Barov.

Notes on Attic Black Figure 37

Figure 3a. Black figure lekythos by theTaleides Painter, signed by
Amasis as potter. Malibu, The
J. Paul Getty Museum 76.AE.48.

Figure 3d. Shoulders of figure 3a.

Figure 3b. Other view of figure 3a.

Figure 3c. Other view of figure 3a.

Figure 3e. Signature of Amasis under the foot of figure 3a.

38

Freí

Figure 4. Fragment of a black figure pinax by the Madrid Painter. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 80.AE.101.

A New Exekian Fragment
E. Anne Mackay

In 1978, a small fragment of a black figure vase was presented to the J. Paul Getty Museum by Bruce McNall (fig.
I). It preserves part of the figure of a hoplite, facing right,
and can be attributed on stylistic grounds to Exekias.
The hoplite, who seems to be identified by the inscription AKAMA[£] as one of the sons of Theseus, wears a
black "Corinthian" helmet which probably had a stilted
crest; the crown is marked off by an incised line, along
which are vestiges of an overlaid stripe of red paint. The
usual incised fringe of beard hangs below the cheek piece,
curly at the front and straight towards the back. The
shield, seen from the inside as it is carried on the hoplite'sleft arm, is compass-drawn, with an incised line marking
the circumference, another parallel line a little way in fromthe edge to mark off the rim, and a third parallel line at asimilar distance beyond the outer edge, as if Exekias hadoriginally planned a slightly larger shield. Incised lines indicate the handgrip, which is suggestive of plaited thongs,
perhaps of leather.
1

2

3

4

The hoplite wears no body armor but is naked to thewaist. He wears a short kilt with an incised chequerboard
pattern and a fringe along the hem. The front (or perhaps
it is the side) of the kilt is pinned up; it may be worth comparing the shortening of the side pleats of Achilles' tunictowards the front on the obverse of the London neck amphora (B210) and the similar effect on the tunic of the
5

1. Acc. no. 78.AE.305, consisting of two fragments, cleanly joined; thediagonal from bottom left to top right measures 11.0 cm. Dr. Jin Frel, towhom I am indebted for information and encouragement, suggests thatthey were originally part of a one piece amphora. (Attrib. Frel.)
2. The attribution is supported by such generalized observations as theangle of the nose to the forehead and to the upper lip, the swell of thepectoral muscle, the casual expertise in the representation of the left
hand, and even the neat and regular letters of the inscription. More specific comment is offered below.
3. Compare A. Snodgrass, Arms and Armour of the Greeks, Thames andHudson (1967) 94. There were several instances of added red on the fragment, but now only vestiges remain: around the eye-opening of thehelmet (unusual in the works of Exekias), around the incised circle marking the nipple, and around the inner rim of the shield.
4. Compare the handgrip on the shield carried by Diomedes on Exekias' krater in the Agora museum (AK 1168, AP 1044), and also the second handgrip on the shield carried by the anonymous warrior on the Orvieto amphora (Faina 77). For vases cited in this article, see J.D. Beazley,
Attic Black-figure Vase-painters (Oxford, 1956), 143-146, and Paralipomena(Oxford, 1971), 59-61.

man lifting Achilles' corpse—surely Ajax—on the obverseof the Philadelphia amphora 3442). Perhaps this was apractical consideration in the turmoil of battle where flapping skirts might prove an encumbrance, rather than justthe usual late Archaic attempt to show the hemline of apleated garment.
Of the hoplite's anatomy, little is preserved. However,there is sufficient to allow comparison with other vases.
The eye is rather scratchily incised: the inner ring does notform a complete circle, and the incised triangles to eitherside do not "grow" from the outer circle as they do on thelatest Exekian vases, such as the Vatican amphora (344)
and the London neck amphora (B210), yet there is a more
obvious attempt to scratch away the small area than appears, for instance, on the New York neck amphora(17.230.14ab). The closest example is the eye of Ajax on
the obverse of the Boulogne amphora (558), but on its own
this detail does not provide a secure dating criterion, sincein all but his latest works, Exekias tends to show little
consistent development in his representation of suchdetails of anatomy.
6

7

The torso provides a little more evidence: it was represented in profile, and while this in itself is not of particularsignificance, since even on some of the earliest vases there
are profile torsos, yet the incised lines link the fragmentwith one of the amphorae at Orvieto (Faina 77). Certainly
89

5. The pattern, which consists of small incised squares or circles within
the spaces of the incised "chequerboard," occurs often among the extant
works of Exekias, although in the latest works it is used more rarely, andon the less important figures, such as one of the maenads over the handles on the Agora krater. The fringed hem, which occurs frequently on
the vases of the Amasis Painter, is rare in Exekian scenes: one of the fragments in the collection of H. Cahn in Basel shows fringing (AntK 5 (1962)
77-80), and the "Aethiopian" to the left on the reverse of the neck amphora in the British Museum (B209) has a fringed hem. The latter vasediffers in several minor details from the style of Exekias.
6. A similarly broken hemline occurs elsewhere in the works of Exekias: two of the warriors under one handle of the Munich cup (2044) andthe third warrior from the left on the reverse of the Agora krater (AK1168, AP 1044); other warriors within the same scenes have straight hemlines. Although it may be argued that all these examples involve a pleatedgarment, yet Ajax on the obverse of the Munich neck amphora (1470)
has no pleats and a "tucked-up" appearance (Ajax on the reverse doesnot). Compare also Achilles' corpse on the Philadelphia amphora (3442).
Exekias uses the same bunched effect on the obverse of the Agora krater
when he shows Artemis holding up her himation.

40 Mackayon the reverse of the Orvieto amphora (Faina 77), both ofwhich are also gripping shields.
The precise subject of the scene cannot be identified
from this fragment. The hoplite is almost certainly to theleft of centre (figures facing right tend to be to the left), andhe is taking a small step forward: the wheel marks on theinside face of the fragment run almost parallel with the top
edge, so that the torso is not quite vertical. It is not impossible that his right hand held a horizontal spear, but thiswould be unusual, as normally spears at rest are represented carried diagonally over the shoulder, while in action they are brandished aloft. It is perhaps more likelythat the right hand is empty and at rest: Exekias tends touse the line of a spear to some compositional purpose, anda strong horizontal line seldom occurs in his scenes.
11

12

A small tongue of black appears on the upper left side of
the fragment; it is probably a spear-point—it is difficult toimagine what else would occur at that level with an area ofreserved clay directly beneath it (to accomodate the missing S of A K A M A I ) . About eight millimetres above is atiny speck of black—perhaps part of an inscription?

Figure 1. Fragment of a black figure one piece amphora
by Exekias. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty
Museum 78.AE.305.
it may not be grouped with the latest series of Exekias'
works, where the profile torsos presage the tortoiseshelllike pattern of a later stage in the development of anatomical representation. The ring of red around the nipple
does not occur on extant vases later than the Panathenaic
amphora in Karlsruhe (65.45).
The palm of the hoplite's left hand is interesting, as it isalmost the same as the hand of Memnon on the London
neck amphora (B209), and that of the anonymous warrior
10

7. Compare for instance the differentiation of eyes from obverse to reverse on the Louvre and Boulogne amphorae (F206 and 558).
8. There are two profile torsos on the Boston neck amphora (89.273).
9. Compare the child on the obverse and the man at the horses' heads
on the reverse. The incised curved line under the pectoral muscle is similar, as is the downward-sloping line marking the lower edge of the ribcage, although the incision on the fragment is less sure.
10. Ajax on the obverse of the Boulogne amphora (558) and Polydeukes and the small slave on the reverse of the Vatican amphora (344)lead to Oinopion on the reverse of the London neck amphora (B210) andthe dead Patroklos on the Agora krater (AK 1168, AP 1044).
11. Compare also the hand of the old man on the obverse of Faina 77
and a woman's hand on one of the plaque fragments in Berlin (F1823).
Earlier hands represented in this position are less detailed (see Boston
89.273 and Budapest 50.189), while later ones show two lines instead ofone (Lund 655, London B210, and Philadelphia 3442).

A n y further discussion of the scene becomes purely speculative. It would be satisfying if some link could be forged
between this fragment and the Exekian fragment in Lund(655) to suggest a scene involving Theseus and his sons,but this is unlikely, as the Lund fragment would appear
to be later, in fact not long before the Vatican amphora(344), as may be seen from a comparison of the respective
heads of Theseus and Tyndareos.
13

14

As to dating, the Getty fragment seems to belong to agroup of vases painted by Exekias a little before the periodof his greatest masterpieces. A s has been indicated above,
there are affinities with amphorae in Orvieto (Faina 77),
Boulogne (558), and Philadelphia (3442), belonging to agroup which, on criteria not yet published, I would placecomparatively a little after the middle of Exekias' painting
career.
University of Natal
12. A horizontal spear does occur on the obverse of the Munich neckamphora, but there the heavily-burdened Ajax is obliged to hold bothspear and shield in his left hand, and the horizontal line serves to give asense of direction to an otherwise heavy and static scene. Further horizontal spears appear on the reverse of Philadelphia 3442, where they arealmost totally masked by the bodies and armour of their owners.
13. The possibility cannot entirely be ruled out that the "Akamas"
fragment may derive from the scene on the reverse, while the "Theseus"
fragment comes from the obverse—a precedent for such a divergence incare and quality of execution may be found in the obverse and reverse
scenes of both the amphora in the Louvre (F206) and the Boulogne amphora (558).
14. Their eyes are similar, as are their hairstyles; but Tyndareos' hair ismore finely incised, and his ear is more developed—in Exekias' latest
works such details provide a more reliable set of dating criteria than in
the earlier ones.

Nicosthenic Athletics
Brian Legakis

Athletic competition and its depiction in art are among
the principal contributions of the Greeks. Although the
corpus of existing Greek athletic art is large, it has attracted
less attention than other areas of Hellenic studies. The earlypioneers in the study of athletics concentrated their effortson the investigation of agonistic practices rather than on
their artistic representations. While athletic art served as
visual documentation of literary references for the early students in the field, the factual value of these art objects hasremained inconclusive. These conditions have led to certain misconceptions concerning the intentions of Greek
artists. These intentions vary according to artist, school,
technique, medium, and date of production. A n understanding of the peculiar language of Greek athletic art requires these factors to be analyzed in isolation and in conjunction with one another. This article characterizes theathletic contests of an Attic black figure vase painter,
Painter N , who was employed in the famed pottery workshop of Nikosthenes. The initial stimulus for this research
was provided by a recent acquisition by the J . Paul Getty
Museum of a neck amphora decorated with boxers by
Painter N (figs. 1 and 2).
1

2

3

4

The Malibu neck amphora is of the special Nicosthenic
variety, with broad ribbon handles connecting the lip andthe shoulder of the vessel. Seven areas on the pot are isolated
for painted decoration. Dolphins appear on the inside of
1. This article has grown from a chapter on boxing from my doctoral
dissertation, Athletic Contests in Archaic Greek Art (Chicago, 1977). I wish
to thank Jiff Frel for allowing me to study the Nicosthenic vase in the J. Paul
Getty Museum and for his kindness and directive remarks in Athens andMalibu. I am also grateful to Mark Davies for reading the manuscript of
this article and providing some helpful comments.
The Greeks competed in many forms of physical exercise, including
aquatic and equestrian events. Athletic contests are here defined as boxing, wrestling, pankration, foot races, and the pentathlon.
2. The early pioneers in the study of Greek athletics were J. H . Krause,
Julius Jüthner and E. Norman Gardiner. Their most important works
are: Krause, Die Gymnastik una1 Agonistik der Hellenen (1841); Die Pythien,
Nemeen und Isthmien (1841); Olympia (1838); Jüthner, Über antike Turngeràthe (1896); Philostratus, Über Gymnastik (1909); Die Athletischen
Leibesübungen Der Griechen, I (1965), 11(1968), with a review by Oscar
Broneer in AJA 75 (1971), 102; Gardiner, Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals(1910); Athletics of the Ancient World (1930), with a bibliography including
many of his own articles in JHS.
To these works may be added: A. Furtwàngler, Die Bedeutung der Gymnastik in der griechischen Kunst (1905); B. Schroder, Der Sport im Altertum

the lip; tripods fill the space on the exterior of the handles,
two pairs of boxers are shown on the neck; youths holding
eyebrows while sitting on stools are on the shoulder, withthe signature of Nikosthenes to the side of one youth. There
are three bands of design: a maeander pattern below theshoulder, and lower down on the vessel, a bud design, above
a frieze of rays. These figures and patterns occur in a varietyof positions on other Nicosthenic neck amphorae. The
free and repetitive use of these subjects, along with satyrs
and maenads, animals, youths, men and woman drinking,and athletes, implies that they are decorative rather thannarrative. Such an assumption, while largely accurate,
masks the inherent innovation and character of the athletic scenes.
The athletic subjects depicted by Painter N are preservedon thirteen neck amphorae and a cup. Scenes of boxers
and wrestlers predominate: twenty-nine pairs of boxers andfour pairs of wrestlers overshadow the one composition illustrating two foot races and three pent athletes. This unusually large assemblage of similar subjects by the same artist
deserves careful scrutiny.
5

Clearly Painter N specialized in boxers; at least one such
event forms part of the decoration of each of the vases,
with athletic subjects listed below. Several characteristicsof these contests are typical of his work throughout thecourse of his career: the representation of youths in compe(1927); Carl Blümel, Sport und Spiel den Griechen und Romern (1934); Sportder Hellenen (1936); J. Ebert, Zum Pentathlon der Antike (1963); H. A . Harris, Greek Athletes and Athletics (1964); Sport in Greece and Rome (1972); N.
Yalouris, The Olympic Games (1976); S. G. Miller, Arete (1979); and T.
Scanlon, A Bibliography For Greek And Roman Athletics (forthcoming).
3. Gardiner-and Jüthner relied heavily on vase paintings to aid them inreconstructing athletic practices. Harris is less trusting of Greek art as asource of factual information: "Painters so insensitive to the fundamental
syntax of physical movement can hardly be regarded as sound authorities
for the subtler details of athletic techniques," Greek Athletes and Athletics,
30.
4. Malibu acc. no.68.AE. 19: Para. 106. This vessel has been previously
published by Michael Eisman, "Nikosthenic Amphorai: The J. Paul Getty Museum Amphora," Getty M] 1 (1975) 43-54, figs. 1-9. A n earlier illustration appeared in Sotheby, 29 November 1965, pi.at p. 58.
5. On Painter N : ABV 216-226,690; ARV 122; Para. 104-106; J.
Boardman, Athenian Black Figure Vases, (1974) 65; E. Paribeni,"N[IKOSTHENES], Pittore," EAA V, 487; Eisman op.cit. (supra note 4)
43ff.

42 Legakis

Figure 1. Neck amphora by Painter N . Malibu 68.AE. 19.

Nicosthenic Athletics 43

Figure 2. Detail of Malibu 68.AE.19.
tition (vases 1,3,4,6-13) and the inclusion of prize vessels
for the victors (vases 3,4,8,10-13). Other stylistic distinctions developed or changed during his career and helped
to define Painter N as an artist. Four types of characteristics
distribute themselves into two groups. Group I and GroupII characteristics refer to two different approaches in the
depiction of boxers. They be summarized as follows:
Group I Characteristics

Group II Characteristics

Placement of the boxers on
the shoulder or body of thepot (vases 2-6);
Boxers accompanied byobservers or other athletic
contests (vases 1-5, 9);Close contact between
competitors (vases 1-5, 7, 9);
Himantes indicated (vases
2, 3, 5, 7, 8).

Placement on the neck(vases 7-10)

athletic scenes. These vases have been arranged according tosubject matter, not in strict chronological order. Vases 1-5
are decorated according to the scheme of Group I characteristics while vases 10-13 reflect the characteristics of Group
II. Vases 6-9 may not be so clearly designated. Vases 7 and9 split their affinities between the two groups, yet vases 6
and 8 conform more strongly with the vases 10-13 andGroup II. A l l the vases except 1 and 8 are Nicosthenic
neck amphorae.

A l l the athletic vases known by the author to be thework of Painter N are listed below, with descriptions of the

1. Berlin 1805. Cup, proto A with a Nicosthenic foot plate(fig. 3).*This is one of the earliest representations of a multiple setof athletic contests in the archaic period. Pictured in a circular frieze between two bands of animals on the interior of
the cup, the eighteen figures of athletes and officials resemble
the miniature work of the BMN Painter on his Little Mastercups. The depiction of iconographie detail is extraordinary. The events are grouped in three categories, each occupying one third of the frieze—two heavy events, two foot

6. J. C. Hoppin, A Handbook of Greek Black-Figured Vases (1924) 183;
U. Gehrig, A . Greifenhagen, N . Kunisch, Führer Durch Die Antikenabteilung (1968) pi.57, and p. 191; K. Schauenburg, "Zu AttischSchwarzfigurigen Schalen mit Innenfriesen," Studien zur griech. Vasenmalerei (1970) 37, note 47; ABV 223.65; Para. 104.
7. Only the pankration is missing. T.B.L. Webster, Potter and Patron inClassical Athens (1972) 197, places an amphora by the Amasis Painter inBerlin as the earliest example of a multiple palaestra athletic scene: Berlin
3210 (ABV 151.21). Earlier examples exist: Geneva MF 156, Tyrrhenianneck amphora (D. von Bothmer, Amazons in Greek Art (1957) pi. 12: ABV
99.49).
8. See infra note 45.

Boxers competing(vases 6-8, 10-13);

alone

Little or no actual contact(vases 6, 8, 10-13);
No himantes depicted(vases 1, 4, 9,-13).

78

44 Legakis

Figure 3. Proto A cup by Painter N . Detail of interior. Berlin 1805
races, and the three field events of the pentathlon. Half ofthe composition is made up of all five of the pentathlon
events; the sprint foot race and the wrestlers are on eitherside of the pentathletes taking part in the field events. In the•other half of the frieze are the long-distance race and the boxers, the only two events on the cup that are not part of thepentathlon.
Each of the contests is clearly differentiated. The threefield event pentathletes are distinguished by their attributes—javelin, discus, and the landing position of the jumper.
The foot races are designated as sprint and long-distance,with all the runners moving diagonally. In the two heavy
events, the wrestlers are shown bending over, their foreheads
touching, while the boxers stand upright and separated. The
boxers are smaller than the wrestlers, their stomachs protrude,
and they approach each other from a distance. No prizes areindicated for the contests, but the inclusion of nearly all
the events usually held during competition suggests that
Painter N intended to depict actual competition rather thancasual practice in the palaestra.
9

2. Cambridge 3. 1962. Overlap Group.
The boxers on side A , painted in overlap fashion on the
body of the vase, are mature, bearded combatants withleather himantes clearly indicated on their fists. Though
10

9. Diagonal running moves right arm with left leg, left arm with rightleg as in nature. See Gründel, Die Darstellung des Laufens in dergriechischen Kunst (1934).
10. Archaeological Reports 1965, 46, fig. 4; Para. 105, 7.
11. See infra note 45.
12. Wiener Vorlegeblatter 1890-1 pi. 1,4, pl.4,3, and pl.6,3,; Hoppin, op.
cit. (supra, noter 6) 287; Jüthner, op.cit. (supra note 2) vol. 1, 181; ABV

Figure 4- Neck amphora by Painter N . Vienna 3604.
they exchange blows at close quarters, their legs are
straight, displaying little movement; their monumentality
recalls the larger work by the BMN Painter. The generous
space of the shoulder frieze allows a judge and an athlete tobracket the boxers.
11

3. Vienna 3604. I various (figs. 4-9).
The athletes of this pot, like the previous one, are placedon the body; there are three pairs of boxers and wrestlers.
The many officials are grouped as though standing along
the fringe of the competition in a designated area. The contestants are represented at various stages of competition.
One pair of wrestlers has just begun combat, meeting at theforeheads and grabbing each other's wrists (fig. 5). The
most carefully drawn pair shows a more advanced stage ofthe match: the competitor at the left is on top and in controlof his opponent (fig. 6). In the third pair of wrestlers, one
youth has secured a strong hold around the chest of his opponent, whose hands are raised as if in defeat at the end of
the match (fig. 7).
Two youthful boxers stand on either side of a prize dinos
at the initial encounter of a bout (fig. 8). Two bearded antagonists are at a more developed stage: the athlete on theright is delivering a blow to the stomach of the other (fig.
7). One of the third pair is about to strike the other's chin
12

13

14

15

221.41; Para. 104.
13. For Greek wrestling: Gardiner. Sports and Festivals 372-401; idem,
Athletics, 181-196, op.cit. (supra note 2); Jüthner, Pale in PW (1949) 82-89;
Harris, Athletes op.cit. (supra note 2) 102-105; B Waterman, Yale Alumni
Magazine, vol. 38 no.3 (1974) 19ff; T. Scanlon, op.cit. (supra, note 2) G.
wrestling.

Nicosthenic Athletics 45

Figure 5. Detail of Vienna 3604. Wrestlers.

Figure 6. Detail of Vienna 3604. Wrestlers.

Figure 7. Detail of Vienna 3604. Boxers and wrestlers.

Figure 8. Detail of Vienna 3604. Boxers.

(fig. 9); the judge at the left points to him, as if to award thewinner prematurely.

testants do not keep them apart; they rush at one another,aiming blows with both open and closed hands.

O n the following three vases the boxers appear on theshoulders of neck amphorae.

5. Kansas City 52-220. Thiasos Group (fig. 10).
These mature boxers compete between seated judges located on both sides of the shoulders of the pot. No prize ispresent, but himantes are clearly indicated on all hands,
the contestants lean into their thrusting punches as they

4. Rome Vatican 364. Thiasos Group.
On both sides of the pot youthful boxers are flanked byyoung horsemen. The prize column kraters between the con16

14. For Greek Boxing: Jüthner, Tungeràthe op.cit. (supra note 2) 65-95;
Gardiner, Sports and Festivals 420ff; idem, Athletics, 197ff; op.cit. (supranote 2); Jüthner and Mehl, Pygme in PW Suppl. IX (1962) 1306-1352; Harris, Athletes 97ff. op.cit. (supra note 2); W.H. Cook, Boxing in Greek Art
and Literature, Johns Hopkins dissertation, 1940; T. Scanlon, op.cit. (supranote 2) H. Boxing.

17

15. Gardiner, Athletics op.cit. (supra note 2) 204, ruled out blows to thebody. Harris counters in Sport, 23, 24 op.cit. (supra, note 2).
16. Hoppin, op.cit. (supra note 6) 277; C. Albizzati, Vasi antichi dipintidel Vaticano (1925-39) pl.48, and pp.149-150; ABV 219.20.
17. Illustrated London News, 14 March 1953, 403,4; ABV 219.23; Para.
104.

46 Legakis

9. Malmaison 299.
No prize vessels are indicated in either of the two boxing
matches shown on this vase, so that as the boxers close inon each other, there is space for observers at the handles.
The sharp competition of both pairs of boxers is similar to
the athletes on the Baltimore vase, but the agitated movement connects their youthful figures with examples onvases 11 and 12.
21

22

10. Rome Torlonia 1879.32. Torlonia Group.
This may be the earliest example of the presence of a
prize bronze tripod within an athletic scene on a neck amphora of Nicosthenic shape. The boxers resemble those on
the Malmaison pot, but in the tripod and lack of spectators
this vase resembles the next three vases.
23

The next three vases form a concise group of boxer illustrations executed late in the career of Painter N .

Figure 9. Detail of Vienna 3604. Boxers.

11. Malibu acc. no. 68.AE. 19. (figs. 1-2).
On both sides of the pot, youthful boxers extend theirarms away from their bodies. The large tripods separate thecontestants, but they fight vigorously. In both bouts theboxer on the right rushes headlong toward his opponent;on one side (fig. 2) the attacking athlete's stride resembles that of a sprinter, his hands held high, while the boxer
on the other side (fig. 1) holds his arms low in the fashionof a distance runner.
24

land blows on the jaws of one another.
6. Rome, Vatican 362. Torlonia Group (fig. II).
The boxers are similar to those on the vase in Kansas Cityin stance and arrangement; palmettes instead of judges arenear the handles. The competitors here are younger andmore energetic. The right boxer implies close contention
before actual contact as he runs in to the left.
18

O n the rest of the vases the athletes decorate the necksof the amphorae.
7. Baltimore, Archeological Society.
The boxers on both sides of the pot fill the neck region
efficiently, leaving no room for observers. The presence ofhimantes, the lack of a prize, and the spirit of the encountersresemble the pugilists on the Kansas City vase, but the stiff,
angular gestures of the figures, along with the unusual decorative patternwork on the body of the pot, are unique.
19

12. Góttingen J16. K various.
The activities of the boxers on both sides of the pot are
similar to those on the vase in Malibu; the boxer on theright rushes in, while his opponent on the left stands very
still, arms up and hands open, waiting for the onslaught.
25

13. Aachen, Ludwig.
The athletes on this vase compete in a quieter, less active
manner than the last two. The left-hand boxer on side B
braces himself in a manner identical to those on the lasttwo vases.
26

8. Tarquinia RC 1076. Small neck amphora.
The athletes on this pot resemble the boxers on vases 2,
3, and 5 with their beards and himantes, but their placement and the inclusion of a prize bronze tripod are related
more to boxing scenes painted on vases 10—13. The tripods
separate the contestants by a considerable distance; thecontentious atmosphere is evoked by the running or
rushing attitudes of the boxers.

Conclusions may be drawn from the distribution of characteristics described above. Painter N may have freely
selected from the characteristics of Groups I and II through-

18. Hoppin, op.cit. [supra note 6) 275; Albizzati, op.cit. {supra note 16)
pi.48, p. 147,149 fig. 84; C. Sweet, "Six Attic Vases in the San Francisco
Bay Area," CalStuClassArch 2 (1970) 276; ABV 218.12.
19. Hoppin, op.cit. (supra note 6) 179; CVA Robinson 1[41] pl.24 [157]2a, 2b and pl.25 [158] la, lb; C. Sweet, op.cit. (supra note 18) 276; ABV
220.36.
20. Hoppin, op.cit. (supra note 6) 197; CVA 2 [26] pl.30 [1179] 5,6;
Sweet, op.cit. (supra note 18) 277; ABV 223.59 and 690; Para. 104.
21. Hoppin, op.cit. (supra note 6) 289 no.73; Giroux, RA (1966) fig.
14-20; Revue du Louvre (1967) 38, fig. 3; ABV 225.9; Para. 105.
22. A n article of clothing, hanging on the wall, is placed between thetwo boxers where the prize is often shown.
23. Wiener Vorlegeblatter (1890-1) pi.3, la-k; Hoppin, op.cit. (supra note

6) 271; ABV 217.8; Para. 104.
24. Sotheby, 29 November 1965, pi. at p.58; Eisman, op.cit. (supra note4) passim; Para. 106.
25. P. Jacobsthal, Gôttinger Vasen (1912) pl.6,18, and p.13; A B V
222.48.
26. R. Lullies, Griechische Kunstwerke (1968) 50-52; Ars Antiqua AG,
Auktion III, 29 April 1961, Luzern, pl.38; Para. 105.43bis.
27. Hoppin, op.cit. (supra note 6) 292 no.84; ABV 224.1.
28. ABV 217; Eisman, op.cit. (supra note 4) 44.
29. For the eyes on the Malibu and Aachen amphorae see Eisman,
op.cit. (supra note 4) 45.
30. Black figure boxers in the 530's: A neck amphora in the manner of
Exekias in Altenburg, 214 (CVA 1 [ 17]pl. 18[803-805]; Para. 62, 2bis;

20

14. Rome, Market. Maybe Painter N .
Although I have neither seen nor located this vase,Beazley compares the neck scene with the vase in Torlonia.
2 7

Nicosthenic Athletics 47

Figure 10. Neck amphora, by Painters N . Kansas City 52-22.

Figure 11. Neck amphora by Painter N . Vatican 362

out his career. For example, vases 6 and 10 share Group II
characteristics and belong to the Torlonia Group of
Painter N , an early stage in the career of the artist. Also
early Painter N are vases 1-3, but they are painted with boxers exhibiting Group I characteristics. Perhaps a more sensitive conclusion for this distribution into two groups suggests that the artist shifted his emphasis over time fromone group to the other, or from Group I to Group II. The
Group I characteristics appear to be associated with theearly work of Painter N . O n the other hand, Group II characteristics, while created early in the career of the artist,

are more frequently represented in his later work.
The Group I characteristics of Painter N are in keepingwith the traditional manner of representing boxers in the
530's. Group II characteristics are, however, alien to theconventional manner of depicting pugilists in black figureof the 530's and 520's, and of early red figure. Late black
figure and early red figure boxers are usually represented inelaborate palaestra scenes with observers and other athletic
events. There is also a tendency in these works to emphasize close and bloody combat. Prize tripods and cauldrons
are occasionally included to define the games as official, yet

Three amphorae by the the Swing Painter: Tarquinia RC 7205 (CVA
2[26]pl.23[1172],3i A B V 306.44, Para. 132; Tarquinia RC2421(CVA
2[26]pl.22[1171]l,4; A B V 306.45, Para. 132: Rome, Vatican G.
38(Beazley and Magi, La raccolta Bendetto nel Museo Gregoriano Etrusco,
Rome 1939) pi. 13; ABV 306.46.
31. Early red figure boxers: the cup by the Nikosthenes Painter in Tarquinia, (infra note 57); The cup by Epiktetos in Palermo (infra note 56);
The boxers placed in the tondos of archaic red figure cups should betaken as details of the more expanded scenes on the outsides of the vases.
See Bologna 433 (CVA l[5]pl.l[198]l; ARV 106.2; Athens, Agora
P24110 (ARV 76. 86).
Late black figure boxers in crowded and expanded contest scenes:
Stamnoi by the Perizoma Group; By the Michigan Painter in Oxford,

1965.97 (B. Philippaki, The Attic Stamnos (Oxford, 1967) pi. 11, 1,2; ABV
343.6, Para. 156; By the Michigan Painter in Würzburg, 328 (E. Langlotz
Griechischen Vasen in Würzburg (Munich 1932) pi. 100; ABV 343.2, Para.
156; By the Beaune Painter in Paris, Cab. Méd. 252 (CVA
2[10]pl.77[463]l,2,5; ABV 344.1, Para. 158; A stamnos by the Leagros
Group: Group of Louvre F314 in Paris, F314 (CVA 2[2]pl.6[78]l-4,
pl.8[80]2,3; ABV 388.1, Para. 170,1.
32. Prizes for boxers in late black figure: A column krater in Paris,
11281 (CVA 12[ 19]pl. 181 [854] 1,2; A lekythos by the Phanyllis Group: E
in Rome, Villa Giulia (m. 560) P. Mingazzini, Vasi della Collezione
Castellani (Rome, 1930) pl.86,3; ABV 466.2; A prize on an early fifth century red figure stamnos by the Troilos Painter in Florence, 3986 (CVA
2[13]pl.47[631]l; ARV 296.9).

28

2

2

29

30

31

2

48 Legakis

they are increasingly out of place in the atmosphere of theblow. The same verb, opvuui, is commonly used in the

training schools. The consistent emphasis of Group II char-

Iliad to describe warriors rushing to attack their opponents

acteristics during a period of innovation along other paths

in battle, often with spear in hand.

for vase painters suggests that Painter N was in part respon-

ween boxers and warriors is also common in art. The figure

sible for his own contribution to athletic scenes.

type of many early sixth century B.C. boxers is quite like

32

36

The association bet-

One of Painter N's most striking attributes is the intensethat of a warrior without his spear and shield. The arms

activity of his boxers. Agitated movements are common inare in the same positions, their gestures symbolic; the front

his non-athletic figures, suggesting that such activity repre-

arm is defensive and probing, while the rear arm remains

sents his pictorial style (fig. 10). However, his interest in

ready for the offensive strike.

depicting specific details of athletic iconography

37

indicates

Painter N was able to impart a remarkable degree of vital-

athletic rather than stylistic meaning in the lateral move-

ity, accuracy, and intricate detail in athletic scenes other-33

ment of his boxers.

wise marked by a mediocre level of aesthetic achievement.

Such movement may also express offensive and defensiveThe

study of such an artist of lesser ability is especiallymaneuvers. It was said that Melanchomas, an Olympic box-

rewarding when investigations reveal new information re-ing champion, was never defeated; he won without strik-

garding athletic iconography. A t the same time questions

ing a blow merely by outlasting his opponents. But thatarise as to the function and purpose of these sporting com-kind of offensive defense requires a more active use of thepositions. A discussion of the intended use of Painter N's

34

feet than the arms and would imply an ability to move inathletic subjects should begin with his exclusive partner-

all directions. The boxers by painter N move in one direc-

ship with Nikosthenes. Nikosthenes' long career, from 540

tion, forward—that is, toward one another—the kind of

to 510 B.c., spans the transition in Attic vase painting

movement associated with an offensive drive toward thefrom mature to late black figure and the introduction of red

opponent in landing a punch.

figure.

Legend and literature support the idea of such a style. In-

38

During this time he employed a number of black

figure and red figure painters of uneven calibre, who also.,

the fight between Amycus and Poly deuces, Amycus wins

happened to have acquired a clear interest in athletic

by charging his foe. Similarly during the funeral games for

subjects.

35

Patroclus, Homer sings of the swift power of Epeios as hedefeats Euryalus for the boxing prize (Iliad 23, 685-691).
id) ôè Çcocra^èvco Piíir|v èç ^éaaov àycova,
ftvxa ô' àvaaxopivco %EpG\ cmPapfjcnv &jn' àjucpco
aPv

ê7ceaov, aùv ôé ccpi papeîai xeîpsç ëfiixôev.

ôeivôç ôè xpé|¿aSoc yevúcov yévEt', ÊTTEE Ô' ÎÔTCÛÇ
TtávToGev èK ^leA-écov èni ô' ôpvuio ôîoç 'ETTSIOÇ,One of the earliest black figure artists to work for Nikosthenes, and perhaps the best, was Lydos.

39

His involve-

ment with athletic iconography is well documented; ninevases with thirteen scenes of runners, boxers, and wrestlers
are preserved.

40

One of these, a fragment from a Panathe-naic amphora in Chicago, is decorated with a foot racethat indicates both Lydos' experience and his commitment

KÓ\|/e ôè 7ia7rrr|vavTa 7iapr|ïov ouô' àp' en ôr)v

to athletic subjects.

é a i r i K e i v auxoC yàp u7if|pi7re (palôifia yuîa.

decoration securely connected with Nikosthenes is a Little

The two boxers begin apart, draw closer for combat,
and then Epeios runs in (opvuxo) to deliver the victorious
33. Supra the Berlin 1805 cup No.l.
34. Dio Chrys. Or XXVIII; Harris, Athletes 99 op.cit. {supra note 2).
35. Ap. Rhod. II. Iff; Harris, Athletes 53-54. op.cit. (supra note 2).
36. II. 3.349: ó ôè ôeikepov ôpvuio %aXK(p 'Aipeiôriç MevétaxoçèïïeuÇa^ievoç Aü Ttatpi; other examples: 5.13;5.17: 5.590; 11.129; 11.343;
16.479; 17.45; 20.158; 20.164; 21.248. Sources collected by R.Cunliffe, A
Lexicon of the Homeric Dialect (1924) 300.
37. For warriors see: London A749, Rhodian plate (K. Schefold, Mythand Legend in Early Greek Art (1966) 175 where Menelaos and Hector
fight over the body of Euphorbos; The relationship between boxers andwarriors may be seen in a Siana overlap cup in Oxford, Mississippi (once
Baltimore, Robinson) by the Sandal Painter, (CVA Baltimore
l[4]pl.20[153]la,lb, and pl.21[ 154] 1 a, 1 b; ABV 70.1; Para. 28).
38. For Nikosthenes: J.C. Hoppin, op.cit. (supra note 6) 177-293 S.B.
Luce, "Nicosthenes: his Activity and Affiliations," AJA 29 (1925) 42ff.;
A . Gallatin, "Origin of the Form of the 'Nikosthenic' Amphora," AJA 30(1926) 78; J.D. Beazley, Attic Black-figure: A sketch (1928) 23-24;

41

The only Lydos vase of athletic

Master band cup in Oxford with two groups of wrestlers
painted on the exterior.

42

Lydos captures the forward lean

"Notes on the Vases at Castle Ashby" BSR 11 (1929) 6; "Little-Master
Cups," JHS 52 (1932) 201 "Groups of Mid-Sixth Century Blackfigure,"
BSA 32 (1932/3) 22; Beazley and F. Magi, La Raccolta Benedetto
Guglielminel Museo Gregoriano Etrusco (1939) 64; Beazley, Development 72;
ABV 216ff.; R. M. Cook, Greek Painted Pottery (1960) 223; ARV2 122; H.
Giroux, "Trois Amphores Nikostheniennes à Malmaison," RA (1966)
13ff.; R. Blatter, "Nikosthenische Fragmente," A A (1970) 167ff.; Para.
104; Boardman, Black-Figure 64-65; idem, Athenian Red-Figure Vases of
the Archaic Period (1975); Eisman, op.cit. (supra note 4). DA. Jackson, East
Greek Influence on Attic Vases (1976) Chapter 3: "Nikosthenes and Elbow
Out".
39. G. Richter, Metr.Mus.Stud 4 (1933) 169-178; A. Rumpf, Sakonides(1937); Beazley, Development 4Iff.; ABV 107ff.; Para. 43ff.; Boardman,
Black-Figure, op.cit. (supra note 5) 74.
40. Runners in the foot races: Chicago, Univ., Panathenaic amphorafrag. (F. P. Johnson, "Black-Figure Pottery at Chicago," AJA 33'(1943)
390, fig. 4; ABV 110.34); Hydria frr. in Góttingen and Paris, Cab. Méd.
(Beazley, Development p. 17,2; ABV 109.19); Runners on three siana cupsNicosthenic Athletics 49of the combatants as they grab each other's arms at the
beginning of the match. The delicate hands and feet are
stylistic traits of the artist, yet seem at first to appear incongruous on these paunchy mature men. Such sharp features, augmented by the animation of their expressions
and the interest of the spectators, enhance the competitors' intentness. While no immediate outcome of thematch is conveyed, these wrestlers portray the spirited
grandeur of a heroic duel.
Shortly after Lydos, another black figure vase painter,the B M N Painter, can be shown to have had an evencloser relationship with Nikosthenes. Five pots with athletic subjects—two small neck amphorae, an oinochoe, andtwo band cups—have been attributed to his hand. The signature of Nikosthenes appears on the name vase in London.
Boxers and wrestlers appear on opposite sides of body andneck, an unusual attempt to fill both main and subsidiaryzones of a black figure pot with athletic subjects. The boldsilhouettes of mannered contestants are enlivened by gorydetails; the blood spurting from the nose and mouth of twoboxers indicates a bout that has progressed to a mature
stage.
43

44

45

Figure 12. Neck amphora. Wrestlers. Detail of Berlin 3985.
depicts a racing chariot and horseman on the shoulder frieze.
The Euphiletos Painter is best known for having been thefirst known artist to receive a major commission to produce the prize Panathenaic amphorae for the games inhonor of Athena. The variety and complexity of agonistic
subjects on the fourteen existing Panathenaic amphorae by
this artist are the equal to any comparable works in thesixth century.
50

One of the more important black figure artists in the latesixth century involved with athletics was the Euphiletos
Painter. Two of his hydriae were signed by Pamphaios,
the younger partner of Nikosthenes. The London hydria

Toward the end of the century several black figure artists
were employed to decorate the kyathoi of Nikosthenes. O n
two kyathoi the Painter of Vatican 480 depicted boxers thatrecall the spirit of Painter N .
Painter N was one of the last black figure artists to work
for Nikosthenes. A t this time Nikosthenes was enlisting someof the better red figure artists to paint in his workshop, including, Oltos, Epiktetos, and the Nikosthenes Painter.
Ten vases with agonistic contests by Oltos are preserved.
None of these vases are directly connected with Nikosthenes
although three vases with athletic subjects are associatedwith Pamphaios. The athletes and trainers on the psykter
in New York reflect the concern of this artist, and of otherearly red figure vase painters, with scenes of pentathletesin Taranto: 4362, 4492, and 20274 (CVA 3[35]pl.l8[1561]l-4,
pl.l9[1562]l,2 ABV 113.72,73; Para. 46) Shouldered lekythos in Riehen(K. Schefold, Ueisterwerke griechischer Kunst (1960) 159,139; ABV 111.41;
Para. 44); Boxers: Ceramicus, hydria {Delt. 18 ii pi.25,2; Para. 45);
Wrestlers: Athens, Acr. 1492 (Graef pl.80; A B V 113.82); Oxford
1966.768, frag, band cup (Boardman, Black-Figure op.cit. (supra note 5)
pl.70; ABV 113.80, 220 top; Para. 45, 108.
Related to Lydos is a foot race on a Panathenaic prize amphora inHalle, inv. 560 (Beazley, Development pi. 17,1; ABV 120 top.
41. The extent to which Lydos was involved with painting prize
Panathenaic amphorae is unknown. A second prize vessel by his hand is
in Florence—for the victor in chariot racing (Beazley, Development pll8;
ABV 110.33). The strict standards of decoration for the Panathenaic amphorae were just beginning to develop in the mid-sixth century (by 530
B.C. they appear to have been fully recognized by artists).
42. Op.cit. (supra note 8) See especially Beazley, Festschrift Bernhard
Schweitzer (1955) 101.
43. Lydos was one of the earliest artists to impart emotional elements

and details of human relationships to many-figured athletic scenes. The
runners who look back at their opponents on Lydos' cups in Taranto
divide the compositions into two, op.cit. (supra note 40).
44. ABV 226; Boardman, Black figure op.cit. (supra note 5) 64.
45. London neck amphora B295 (Jüthner, Leibesübungen) op. cit (supra note 2,1, pi. 10); ABV 226.1; Para. 106); Warsaw 147664, neck amphora (CVA 1[4] pl.l8[147]l-5; Para. 107.5 bis); Munich 1757, oinochoe,shape 1 (ABV 227.9; Para. 107); Rome, Villa Giulia 50472, band cup (P.
Mingazzini Vasi della Collezione Castellani (1930) pl.91.2; ABV 227.16);
Basel Market, lip cup (ABV 228.3, near the BMN Painter).
46. Florence (ABV 228.6); Berlin 3985 (ABV 228.5).
47. Dr. Rhode kindly informed me that the Berlin neck amphora nolonger exists. A description is given in A. Furtwàngler, Beschreibung der
Vasensammlung im Antiquarium Berlin (1885) 1008.
48. On the Euphiletos Painter: ABV 321; Para. 142; Beazley Development p.91-92.
49. London B 300; ABV 324.39; CVA pl.74,1 and pl.75,1: Cab. Méd254, ABV 324.38; CVA pl.58, 3-4 and 8 and pl.59.

Two small neck amphorae of the Bellerophon shape, in
Florence and Berlin, link the artist of these two vessels
with the B M N Painter and with Nikosthenes. The Berlin
amphora illustrates a foot race on one side and a pair ofwrestlers on the other side of the body (fig. 12). The
unusually upright stance and the lack of movement of the
wrestlers reinforce the massive volume of these athletes.
Although the Berlin amphora displays little in athletic
narrative, it succeeds in conveying the character type of
the wrestler.
46

47

48

49

5 1

52

53

54

50 Legakis

rather than with the subjects of boxers, wrestlers, and footWith the exceptions of the B M N Painter and Painter N ,racers so popular in archaic black figure. The strong unclut-

the vase painters mentioned above were guest artists in thetered figure style of Oltos was well adapted to the depiction

Nikosthenes/Pamphaios workshop. Thus the bulk of theirof athletes. The New York pentathletes handle their imple-

work and of their athletic vases were produced outside thements with the convincing attitude of seasoned athletes

workshop. The fact that the guest artists painted athletic

guided by expert trainers.

subjects is not in itself unusual, as this topic is one of the55

The existing works of Epiktetos include nine athletic cups

most popular in the sixth century. Nevertheless the guest

and another in his manner. The exquisitely drawn competi-

artists, and Painter N depicted more of these subjects in an

tors of Epiktetos are portrayed in some of the most successful

innovative and ambitious fashion than was the norm.

58

compositions of kinetic energy since the work of Lydos. The

Individually these artists may have determined that ago-acontist on a kylix signed by Pamphaios in Berlin sprints

nistic subjects would be especially popular illustrations onwith his javelin carried high during the approach run; hevases during a period of tremendous growth in the nation-

conveys the authority of an athlete who was also accom-

al and local athletic festivals, and especially with the reor-plished in running, a required event in the pentathlon.

ganization of the Panathenaic festival in Athens.

56

59

A t theFive athletic vases by the Nikosthenes Painter are deco-

same time Nikosthenes may have encouraged them to por-rated with awkward yet energetic competitors. The pent-tray athletic scenes for his vases. This seems to have been

athletes on a pyxis in the Villa Giulia, signed by Nikos-

the case with the resident artist, Painter N , who we havethenes, and the athletic cup in Tarquinia, signed by Pam-

seen painted athletic subjects during the entire span of his

phaios, lack the stature of Oltos and the finesse ofcareer. If these had been unpopular in Caere in 530 B.C.,

Epiktetos, yet are successful in other ways. O n the Tar-

there would have been no incentive to continue painting

quinia cup the Nikosthenes Painter, in portraying a run-them for another twenty years. In part this may also havener, three pentathletes, a pair of boxers, a flute player, andbeen the case for the guest artists. A l l the guest artists pro-a trainer, has managed to capture the ambience of a

duced at least one athletic vase for Nikosthenes, and thesecrowded gymnasium setting.

pots seem to have ended up on the export market.

57

50. ABV 322. 1-12; Para. 142 bottom; See also Jiff Frel, Panathenaic
Prize Amphoras (1973).
51. For the association of kyathos painters with the workshop of
Nikosthenes, see M. Eisman, Attic Kyathos Painters, dissertation, 1971,
and his article, Getty MJ 1 (1975) 48-49 and notes 33-35, 37; The Painterof Vatican 480 kyathoi: Vatican 481 (C. Albizzati, op. cit. (supra note 18)
pi.67; ABV 609.2. In his dissertation, p. 87, Eisman identifies the potter
as "Nikosthenes or one of his apprentices"); Rome, Vatican (Astarita537), (Para. 304.2bis).
52. Oltos and Nikosthenes: ARV 54.8 and 55.10,11; Epiktetos andNikosthenes: ARV 71.8 and 77.87; Nikosthenes Painter and Nikosthenes:
ARV2 126.26,27 and 127.30; Also Eisman, op.cit. (supra note 4) 48.
53. Paris F 126 (CVA 10[17] pl.l[755]5-8; ARV 55.13); Rome,
Vatican, (Astarita 46) (ARV 55.19); Rome, Vatican (Astarita 492) (ARV
55.22); Oxford 515 (CVA 1[13] pl.5[97]l,2: ARV 56.27); Once Noël Des
Vergers 137 (Noël Des Vergers, L'Etrurie et les Etrusques (1862-1864)
pl.38; ARV2 62.84); Heidelberg 3 (W. Kraiker, Katalog der Sammlung antiker Kleinkunst der Universitàt Heidelberg: i, die rotfigurigen attischen Vasen(1931) pl.2; ARV 64.98); Amsterdam 2229 (CVA Scheurleer pl.6,5;
ARV 64.100); Greenwich, Conn., Bareiss 81, a distance runner on theexterior of side A (S. Burke, and J. Pollitt, Greek Vases At Yale (1975) p.
45, no.41), Attributed by von Bothmer; Rome, Torlonia (Des Vergers,
pl.37; ARV 59.56); Palermo V 652 (CVA l[14]pl.5[662]4, pl.6[663] 1-3;
ARV 57.38. The interior is by Oltos while the athletes are not); A'psykter in New York, 10.210.18 (Alexander, Greek Athletics 10,15,1 and
31,2; ARV2 54.7; Para. 326.
54. Paris G3 (CVA pl.27.1-7) (ARV 53.1); Paris G2 (CVA pl.26,1 and3-7) (ARV2 53.2) (Para. 326); Altenburg 224 (CVA pl.65 and pl.67,3)(ARV 55.17).
55. G.M.A. Richter, and L. Hall, Red-Figured Athenian Vases (1936)
pl.4,173, and text p. 17-19; op.cit. (supra note 53).
56. Orvieto, Faina 97 inv. 2581 (CVA l[41]pl.l[185]l,2; ARV 70.1);
Paris 8 and Tubingen 37 (CVA 10[17]pl.8[762]7; ARV 71.6); Florence
2B4 (CVA pl.2B4; ARV 71.12); Paris G5 (Jüthner, Leibesübungen II,
1

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

60

pl.28a; ARV 71.14); Berlin 2262 (Schroder, Sport pl.55,1; ARV 72.15,
and 1623; Para. 328); Palermo V654 (CVA l[14]pl.7[664]l-4; ARV
74.41); Athens, Agora P24110 (ARV 76.82); Once Canino (Mus. Etr.
793) (Berlin Museum, E. Gerhard's Apparatus of drawings, XVI. 10.3;
ARV 76.83); Rome, Torlonia 158 (ARV 78); Paris C10471 (CVA
10[17]pl.ll[765]4; ARV 79.5, "Manner of Epiktetos"). Paris G94bis(ARV2 80.2, and 1624.
57. The cups: Montaubon 1 (Revue du Louvre 50,51; ARV2124.2); Cambridge 1/27 (CVA l[6]pl.26[264]la,lb; ARV 124.3); Cambridge N141
(CVA 2[2]pl.27[506]7; ARV 124.4); Tarquinia RC2066 (E. Pfuhl, Ualerei
und Zeichnung der Griechen (1923) fig. 349-350; ARV 126.23a); The pyxis:
Rome, Villa Giulia 21049"; Drees, Olympia pl. VI; Boardmen Red Figure,op.cit.(supra note 38) fig. 97; ARV2 127.30; Para. 333).
58. Boardman, Black Figure, op.cit. (supra note 5) 211; idem Red Figure,op.cit. (supra note 38) 220.
59. This growth meant prosperity for many; a forthcoming book by
David Young addresses the myth of the amateur in Greek athletics.
60. Lydos band cup, Oxford 1966.768, op.cit. (supra note 40) from Italy; BMN Painter neck amphora, London B295, op.cit. (supra note 45)
from Agrigento; Bellerophon Class neck amphora, Berlin F3985, op.cit.
(supra note 46) from Etruria; Euphiletos Painter hydria, London B300,
op.cit. (supra note 49) from Vulci; Epiktetos, kylix, Berlin 2262, op. cit.
(supra note 56) from Vulci; Nikosthenes Painter kylix, Tarquinia
RC2066, op.cit. (supra note 57) from Tarquinia.
The problems of artist and patron are complex, especially without
literary evidence. T.B.L. Webster, Potter and Patron 272-273, mentions
the white loincloths of the Perizoma group as elements added for theEtruscan trade. For the subjects painted on export vases, one might mention that in the fourth century B.c. Caeretan red figure Dionysiac subjects were a favorite theme, MA. Del Chiaro, Etruscan Red-Figured Vase
Painting at Caere (1974). Also the tombs of sixth and fifth century
Etruscans were decorated with scenes of drinking, dancing, and games aspart of the funeral practices.
2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

Fragments of a Dinos and a Cup Fragmentby the Kleophrades PainterMartin Robertson

The Getty possesses three fragments from the rim of avessel decorated in red figure. They were at first thought tocome from a column krater, but Jin Frel observed that thevase was certainly in fact a dinos. The outer surface of therim, which leans sharply inwards, bears an ivy wreath inblack silhouette (fig. 1); the upper surface, a figure scene in
red figure; the interior surface running palmettes in red
figure.
When I saw these pieces I noted that they must be by the
Kleophrades Painter. A little later Dietrich von Bothmer
saw them and observed that a small fragment in his possession was from the same vase. He also suggested thatfragments in the museum from a black dinos body withpatterns on the shoulder almost certainly belonged. He
has now given his fragment, and it proves to unite two of
the Getty rim-fragments. Some of the body fragments alsojoin this complex (B, below). There are four unattachedfragments of the body, three of them with parts of theshoulder pattern. The principal rim fragment also remains
unattached (A).
A . Acc. no. 81.AE.148.
Greatest diameter 18.1 cm.
Width of rim 4.9 cm.
Height of exterior vertical rim 2.7 cm.
Height of interior palmette-frieze 3.5 cm.
A division comes almost at the right-hand end of therunning palmette frieze (fig. 2). To right, beginning of an
enclosure line with a rightward volute at the top; to left,
enclosure line with a leftward volute at the top, twovolutes supporting a down-tipped palmette to right; line
continues with three and a half palmettes, tipped alternately up and down, running to left, with rightward
volutes at top and bottom (bottom preserved only at lefthand end). See further on B.
The slightly convex upper surface (fig. 3) is decorated
with a symposium. Parts of three figures are preserved,
reclining, their feet to the left; baskets hanging between(two preserved).
1. Head and shoulder of a youth, asleep, face down on his
right hand laid on his upper left arm, left forearm andhand up over head. Drapery over cushion and roundback. Cushion: vertical stripe betwen relief lines betweenlines of dots.
2. Complete figure of a youth, looking back and down, hisleft leg extended (toes across l's cushion) and lightly bent,
left arm under body, right hand holding stick by his rightknee; himation wrapped round lower body and left upperarm. Cushion: broad black crenelation.
3. Right hip and leg lightly bent, foot half over 2's
cushion. The left leg is perhaps drawn up, and a drapery
end appears between the legs, while more drapery is wrapped round the right arm, bent at elbow and disappearing
behind the body; but I am not sure that this is a correct interpretation of the remains.
Relief contour throughout except for hair (2, incised; 1,
reserved where line exists, at back); also throughout palmette band except for interior of volutes. Dilute glaze: belly markings on 2 (hard to read). Red: wreaths. Much preliminary sketch. Upper surface worn and scratched.
B . Acc. no. 76.AE.132.1B
Interior length of rim fragment 13.0 cm.;
greatest diameter of body fragment 22.0 cm.
Inside rim: parts of four leftward palmettes, as on A (fig. 5).
Upper surface (fig. 4): from right, left foot and shin wrappedin himation, part of right shin appearing above; footoverlaps cushion on which male reclines: left elbow oncushion; breast and shoulders frontal; right hand holding
handle of cup (with low foot and offset rim) in front of lost
face which must have been frontal; the fragment with thehand was added by Bothmer. A hooked line across thebody, below the breast-line, might be the handle of a second vessel (skyphos?) held in the left hand. Lines acrossthe lower body, below the left wrist, might be the ends ofpipes. Drapery end under lower body. The cushion isdoubled, with prominent nipples at both ends; alternate
stripes between relief lines and lines of dots, the dots bigger
and the stripes narrower than on l's cushion on A . Relief
contour: all preserved of right-hand figure; cup and part ofupper arm of left-hand figure. The surface is noticeably lessworn than on A .

52 Robertson

Figure 1. Fragment from the rim of a dinos by the Kleophrades Painter, side A . Malibu 81.AE.148.

Figure 2. Side B of figure 1.

Figure 3. Side C of figure 1.

Fragments by the Kleophrades Painter 53

Figure 6. Fragment of a cup
by the Kleophrades Painter.
Malibu 77.AE.21.18.

Figure 4. Fragment from a dinos by the Kleophrades Painter. Upper surface. Malibu 76.AE.132.1B.

Figure 5. Fragment of inside of figure 4.

54 Robertson

Body (fig. 4): reserved band (concealed by overhang ofrim); black area; reserved band with broad red stripe; long
black tongues separated by relief lines; three lines; double
row of dots; three lines; black. Within: broad reserved area
under shoulder; shiny black below (fig. 5).
Details of anatomy and drapery, as well as the style in amore general way, point to the Kleophrades Painter; and I
have no doubt that the vase is from his hand. The lips are
not outlined, but though this practice is regular in thepainter's larger work and common in his smaller, there area great many exceptions even among rather careful pieces
like this. The variety (poses, garments, cushions) is marked
and delightful. The only comparable sleeping figure I know
in his work is a maenad on a very early hydria in Rouen.
There is a resemblance, but a far closer parallel to thedrawing of our head is found in the dead Hector on a calyx
krater fragment from the Kerameikos. Near to our feasters
in general character of drawing are the small figures on theinterior of the London cup. Both this and the Kerameikos
calyx krater are classed by Beazley as "later," and ourfragments surely belong to the same time, perhaps around
480 B.c. The stemless cup with offset rim carried by one
reveler is similar to black glaze examples from the Agora
dated in the first quarter of the fifth century.
1

2

3

4

Early red figure dinoi are discussed by Lullies. The
beautiful vase by the Berlin Painter in the Ludwig Collection, belonging early in his middle period, was then theearliest known, but Lullies remarked that it would be no
surprise if an earlier were to turn up. The Getty's is probably now the earliest, but there cannot be much in it.
Dinoi with black body, figurework on the upper surface ofthe rim, and decoration of the interior wall, have not previously been found in red figure. This is a black figure tradition, and one remembers that the Kleophrades Painterhas a strong black figure side. The black figure dinoi have
only a band of tongues high on the shoulder. The broader
patterned area on our vase resembles the patterning ofblack kothons (plemochoai). It derives from an old black
5

6

7

8

9

figure tradition: the tondo frames of Siana and Gordion
cups in the second quarter of the sixth century. Shape anddecoration of the outer rim are just as in black dinoi withtongues on the shoulder and no figure work, commonly attributed to the second half of the sixth century; perhaps
they continued into the fifth.
The symposium would have made a continuous circle allround the rim. Similarly composed must have been thevery early red figure picture on the interior of a lip cuprim.
A very closely similar basket is drawn on a fragment of acup exterior in Florence ( C V pi.9, B 67), described by
Beazley as "not late." One might hope that further pieces
will reveal that cup too as by the Kleophrades Painter.
10

11

Two pieces of red figure by the Kleophrades Painter andone of black figure in the museum have been studied by Jiri
Frel. The magnificent volute krater belongs very early inthe artist's career; the neck amphora fragment with asingle monumental figure is a little later. Our vase must be
the latest of the three. In scale it is not far from the lively
scenes of legend on the volute krater neck, but the subject
is quieter and the style neater. It represents the artist inanother phase and mood.
To much the same time must belong a small fragment ofa cup by the painter (fig. 6), acquired by exchange from
Dietrich von Bothmer, who made the attribution. (Acc.
no. 77.AE.21.18. Length. 3.7 cm.) There is a perceptible
trace (observed by Jiri Frel) of offset at the rim of the interior. Inside and outside, reserved line under the rim.
12

Beardless head to right; Attic helmet (low crest, nocheek pieces; traces of drapery, and of what might be anaegis (Athena) or an animal skin (Amazon).
Ear, eye, and all details show that this is a work of theKleophrades Painter. The style seems less close to the early
Amazon-heads on a similar scale from the great cup in the
Cabinet des Médailles or the volute-krater in the Getty
than to the Athena of the London cup.
13

14

15

Cambridge

1. Rouen 25, ARV 188 no.68; AJA 40 (1936) 104 fig.7. Herakles
robbed by satyrs on another very early hydria from Salerno is asleep, but
his face is frontal {ARV 188 no.67; Apollo (Salerno) 3-4, 8; Greifenhagen, Neue Fragmente pl.26,2).
2. Kerameikos Museum; ARV 180 no.45; An . 1937, 185.
3. E 73; ARV 192 no. 106; Getty MJ 1.(1974)figs.1-8 (interior, figs.
1-4).
4. Sparkes and Talcott Agora 11, 98f., 266f. nos. 446-455, pl.21.
5. AntK 14(1971) 49-53.
6. Ibid., pis. 17-20.1; fig.l.
7. Ibid., 51, mentioning the possibility that Oltos, Phintias,
Euthymides, or the Kleophrades Painter might have painted dinoi.
2

2

2

2

Z

8. Ibid., 51.
9. ABV 404-6: ARV 192. See also below with n.12.
10. Ibid. 51, pl.27,3.
11. London E 134 159, below, no.2; JHS 52 (1932) 202fig.19. Cf. also
the symposium on Euthymides' volute-krater neck from Serra Orlando:
ARV 28 no. 10; AJA 63 (1959) pl.43 fig.24 and pl.44.
12. Getty MJ 4 (1977) 63-76,figs.1-12 (volute-krater), 13-15 (neck-amphora), 16-19 (Panathenaic).
13. Cabinet des Médailles 535; ARV 191 no. 103. Beazley KL.
pls.11-12, 30.5.
14. Above, n.12.
15. Above, n.3; Athena: Getty MJ 1 pi. 14 B.
2

2

2

2

The Berlin Painter at the Getty Museum
and Some Others
Martin Robertson

The Berlin Painter is not represented at the J. Paul Getty
Museum by any piece from the period of his prime. However, there are fragments from a superb calyx krater
painted at the very beginning of his career (A); anothercalyx krater from almost the same time, no less fine, otherpieces of which have been recognized in other collections(B); and a fragmentary but substantially preserved hydria
of great charm which finds a place among his last works,
painted some forty years later (C).
A Calyx krater Acc.no. 77.AE.5.1-4,6,7 and 9-12 (on 5
and 8, see below pp. 58-59).
1-6 are decorated fragments,
7 a small black piece,
8 a slightly larger piece from which the exterior surface isentirely gone,
1. Small fragment from rim (upper part of lower register)(fig. 1). Length 3.4 cm. Parts of three leaves of palmettewith enclosing tendril; spiral; top of central lotus-petal. Seeon 2.
2. Large fragment, composed of seven sherds (fig. 2).
Length 18.0 cm. Glaze discolored and iridescent. Inside:reserved band immediately below rim; another, narrower,
7.0 cm. down (see also 10).
Rim: upper register, convex and black; lower, between
reserved steps, palmette and lotus band 3.5 cm. wide.
Seven-leaved palmettes, supported on volutes which curlover and round, enclosing small reserved circles and supporting lotuses, then curve up and divide, enclosing thepalmettes and forming volutes which flank the lotuses;
reserved dot at bottom, below each lotus and eachpalmette. O f the picture there remains, from left: part ofleft forearm (aegis, with snake rearing at wrist) and left
hand of Athena, outstretched to right with low-crested
Attic helmet facing her; on right, remains which are in fact
part of the back of Achilles' corpse carried by Ajax (see 4).
Relief contour: everything preserved. Dilute glaze: flecks
on aegis; the helmet has dots on the vizor, crenelation on
the crest-holder, and feathering at the bottom of the crest,
probably only the last in dilute, but the discoloration

Figure 1. Small fragment fromthe rim of a fragmentary calyx
krater (A) by the Berlin Painter.
Malibu 77.AE.5.1.
makes it hard to be sure. Red: line bordering the crest; letters—to left of helmet AGEj^A; to right of helmet I . Thisshould be the end of AXIVEV]! retrograde, but the letter is not
written retrograde. The four-bar sigma is rare on Attic
vases at this time, and so far as I know unparalleled in the
Berlin Painter's work. I wonder if the painter may havewritten the name retrograde, put the three-bar sigma thewrong way round, and added a fourth bar in an attempt tocorrect.
3. Fragment composed of six sherds (fig. 3). Greatest diameter 8.5 cm. Glaze discolored. Athena to right: mouth,
chin, throat, left shoulder and upper arm extended; aegis
over chiton; spear across body, held in right hand, part oflower edge of which is preserved; gorgoneion on aegis,much ruined (at junction of four existing and one missing
fragment). Just to right of spear, a diagonal relief line running out from under the snake fringe marks the front of
the body and shows that the figure was leaning forward inmovement. To the left of this are groups of chiton folds; tothe right the reserved area is plain—the interior of the far
side of the aegis, hanging from the extended arm. Relief
contour: all that survives (lips, chin, throat, shoulder, upper arm). Dilute glaze: line on neck; flecks on aegis; continuation under snake fringe of front group of three fold lines
in relief on chiton; the next three stop at the fringe, thefourth is carried on in relief, a group of five further backstops. It is not very easy to distinguish lines in dilute glaze
here from indented preparatory sketch, but I think that
all these are certainly dilute. Preparatory sketch lines canbe seen in groups of folds between two groups of relief folds
on the chiton. N o added color.
1

4. Large fragment composed of six sherds (fig. 4). Greatest

56 Robertson

Figure 2. Large fragment from calyx krater A . Malibu 77.AE.5.2.
Figure 3. Fragment from calyx krater A . Malibu 77.AE.5.3.
diameter 18.0 cm. Reserved area at bottom, upper contour
sloping down very slightly to left, more than 4.0 cm. longby at least 9.0 cm. deep without any markings: shield on
ground? Sloping up to left from this spear (Athena's; cf.
3). Rump and part of right thigh of a warrior moving toright, stooping forward; above, the lower legs and left footof a warrior carried on the back of the first: Ajax with the
body of Achilles. The legs are greaved, the left (below) in
profile, the right three-quarter front. Ajax wears a shortchiton and corselet with belt and double row of skirt flaps;
the scabbard end of a girt sword projects beyond the buttock. Relief contour: throughout preserved part, including

1. On this problem cf. C V Castle Ashby text to pi.36.

The Berlin Painter 57

Figure 4. Large fragment from calyx krater A . M a l i b u 77.AE.5.4.

58 Robertson

scalloped lower edge of chiton interior. Dilute glaze: musculature on Achilles' right thigh and both greaves andAjax's right thigh; folds on chiton interior and between
groups of relief folds on exterior. The corselet belt is crosshatched in relief lines, which are used also on outer skirt
flap ends, with dots alternately above and below. These
dots, and the dots and lines between relief lines on the
scabbard, together with the non-relief decoration of thechape, seem to be in black that is not dilute. N o added
color.
5. Single fragment (fig. 5). H . 7.3 cm. Offset below (notabove, because of thickness and the lack of a reserved line
within; cf. 2 and 10). No border at junction of picture area
and cul. Male upper arm.

Figure 5. Fragment from calyx krater A . Malibu 77.AE.5.6.
Figure 6. Large fragment from calyx krater A . Malibu 77.AE.5.7.
Figure 7. Black fragment from calyx krater A . Malibu 77.AE.5.9,
Figure 8. Fragment from calyx krater A . Malibu 77.AE.5.10.

Relief contour above and below. Dilute glaze: musculature (two addorsed arcs).
O n the position of this fragment, see below p.00.
6. Large fragment composed of four sherds with lacunae;
the piece with the face was joined to the rest by Bothmer).
(fig. 6). Greatest diameter 13.0 cm.
From left: lower end of hoplite shield in profile to right (at-The Berlin Painter 59

tacker); part of his opponent falling away to right, body inback view, shield in profile raised on left arm, face (lower
part preserved) lifted in profile to left, teeth bared, the nose
piece of the helmet is preserved but no more, and theamount of the face revealed shows that it was of Chalcidian type with cheek pieces raised. N o trace of device oneither shield. The figure is naked except for helmet andsword-belt, though he may have worn greaves, relief contour throughout preserved part except for the beard. Dilute
glaze: teeth; line on either side of spine (relief-line); ribs on
both sides (extended on left, foreshortened on right). N oadded color (the sword-belt is in three relief lines).
9. Black fragment (fig. 7). Greatest diameter 3.5 cm. N odecoration.
10. Fragment (fig. 8). Greatest diameter 4.7 cm. Outer surface entirely flaked away. Inside, at bottom, reserved stripe.
This is the only fragment besides 2 on which this feature ispreserved; 3 begins just too low.
Side A (figs. 2-4) shows Ajax with the body of Achilles
and Athena accompanying him as he carries it from thefield; side B (fig. 6) a fight. 1 (fig. 1) and 7-8 (figs. 7-8) cannot be placed on A or B. 2-4 belong to A ; 6 to B. 5 is aproblem. It seems too near the ground to be the right armof the falling figure on B. There could have been a third
figure, already fallen, on that side; or what appears to be ashield lying on the ground on A (4) might belong to afallen figure.
The vase is certainly a very early work of the Berlin
Painter. The attribution (FrePs) is made sure by the general
style as well as detailed renderings (ankle, addorsed arcs on
upper arm, markings on greaves, gorgoneion, rim-pattern).
The drawing is very careful and very fine, but it is also
clear that the draughtsman is not yet fully master of his
art. The back view of the defeated figure on B (like his
bared teeth something taken directly from the Pioneers of
the generation before) is a grand effort but not an entirely
successful one. There are similarly primitive traces in thepotting technique: the discoloration of the glaze on 2 and3, impurities in the pot wall (though the hole among thechips below Achilles' left ankle on 4 seems not to be an exploded particle but a drill hole for an ancient repair). The
comparison suggests that the Berlin Painter and the"Berlin Potter" may have been the same man, and this inturn might have a bearing on the Gorgos problem. I owe
23

2. On the Berlin Potter see Bloesch in AntK 1962, 18-29; Philippaki
Stamnos 3Iff.
3. Robertson in AJA 62 (1958) 55-56; Beazley in The Berlin Painter(Melbourne, 1964) 12f. and ARV 206 no. 132. Cardon in AJA 83 (1979)
169-173; Pinney in AJA 85 (1981) 145-158; Kurtz (forthcoming).
4. E 468; ARV 206 no. 132; Beazley Berl. pl.31,1.
2

2

Figure 9. Fragment from a fragmentary calyx krater (Ater) by the
Berlin Painter. Malibu 77.AE.5.5.
these thoughts to Jiff Frel. The elaborate finesse of thedrawing is combined with a curious austerity: the absenceof shield-devices, extreme restraint in the use of added red
and scarcely less of dilute glaze. This sets it off from most of
the artist's other work and might possibly be another signof his youth.
A fairly close parallel in dress and movement to Athena
on A (2 and 3) is furnished by the picture of the goddess on
the London volute krater, though there she is on a small
scale, is wearing rather than carrying her helmet, and does
not lean quite so far forward. One may compare also theAthena of the east gable at Aegina. The gorgoneion (3) isa ruin, but one can still see that it conforms to thepainter's distinctive type. The elaborated anatomizing of
the greave knee can be paralleled on a neck amphora of
the painter's middle period in London, and on a very fine
fragment in Florence. The painter favors the Chalcidian
helmet with cheek pieces up (7).
4

5

6

7

8

9

Ater. Acc. no. 77.AE.5.5 and 8.
These two fragments were acquired with the above (and anumber of others; see below p.00) and were thought tobelong to the same vase. 5 certainly does not, and 8 seems
to belong with 5 rather than with the vase.
5. (fig. 9). Height 7.0 cm. Front of thigh and greaved kneeof warrior in short chiton (just visible at top of fragment)
5. Cf. JHS 98 (1978) 209.
6. AJA 62 (1958) 64f.
7. E 269; ARV 197 no.27; C V 1 pi. 19, B 25.
8. 19; ARV 213 no.229; C V 1 pl.19, B 25.
9. Cf. Beazley Berl. pis. 19, right (ibid., left, not worn, with cheek-piecesdown); 22,1; 24,1; 28,2; 30,3 (30,2, down); 31, 2 and 3.
22

60 Robertson

advancing to right; part of shield, left upper arm and backof warrior lying fallen to right, in back view. Relief contour
for small surviving part (shield). N o dilute glaze; lines onthigh and greave are preliminary sketch; ornament on
corselet which is not in relief line is in undiluted black.
Red: letters in field along edge of shield. MOI

The composite fastening of the tassel within the shield is
likewise precisely paralleled in the work of the Kleophrades
Painter. This form is never to my knowledge used by the
Berlin Painter, who always draws a simple circular stud(regularly used by other painters and frequently by the
Kleophrades Painter too).
We have seen that there could have been a fallen figure
on side B of the Berlin Painter's vase, but this is not it. The
scale of the figures on this fragment is certainly smaller
than that of those on fragments 2-7, the drawing has not
the extreme precision found there, and the line is more
fluid. I have no doubt that this is from a vase of slightly
later date and the work of the Kleophrades Painter. The
subject was probably a combat over the body of a deadhero (names beginning Amphi . . . are not uncommon,but there is no obvious legendary identification), as in the
Tyskiewicz Painter's masterpiece (which might well bemodeled on a krater by the Kleophrades Painter). A n alternative possibility is a scene from the Iliupersis: compare
Ajax approaching Cassandra across the body of a fallen
Trojan on the Vivenzio hydria.

The shield rim appears not to be compass drawn, so waseither a foreshortened hoplite shield or a Boeotian one.
Other fragments of calyx kraters were acquired withthese. They have no connection with the Berlin Painterand cover a wide period, but for completeness they arelisted in an Appendix (p.67).
Very close in character to the Berlin Painter's calyx
krater A are fragments of at least one no less large andsplendid piece of the same shape in Corinth, likewise fromthe painter's earliest period. A t the end of his exemplary
publication of the five fragments, Boulter asks how many
calyx kraters they represent, and answers "Scarcely as
many as five, possibly as few as one." It seems to me highly
probable that one is the true answer, at most two. The
principal fragment shows a collapsing warrior at the righthand edge of the picture: strong and exquisite drawing, exactly like the warriors on the Getty fragments. Anotherpiece shows part of Athena in aegis moving to the right,
again very close indeed to the Athena of the Getty vase.
Another piece has a right hand held high, near a helmet
crest, and thrusting down with a spear to the right; afourth the lower right leg of a male striding to the right;
and the fifth a left foot advanced to the right and planted
firmly on the ground, confronted by a right foot to the left,
the heel off the ground. O n a stamnos by the painter ofrather later date, Athena moves to the right, helmet extended in her left hand, a spear held diagonally across her
body in the right, very much like the figure on our fragments except that she looks back to the left and does notextend the aegis. She is between a young warrior attacking
with lifted spear and a bearded one falling wounded, perhaps Achilles and Hector. Boulter proposes a similar composition for the Corinth vase but suggests the alternative
possibility that Athena is herself the attacker and thescene a Gigantomachy. I prefer this explanation. The pyramidal composition of the stamnos picture is much lesssuited to a calyx krater wall, and the falling warrior's hugebeard seems to me to mark him as no ordinary man but of
the race of the Giants. The confronted feet, which as Boulter notes cannot belong to this picture if Athena is a third
figure in the center, may very well be hers if she is herself
the attacker, and the hand with spear and helmet crest

10. See above, with n . l .
11. Cf. Beazley Kl. pl.32,1.
12. Cf. ibid, pl.28.2, right.
13. Cf. ibid.
14. Cf. ibid. pis. 10,1 and 19, left.
15. Cf. ibid. pls.25,.l; 27; 28,2; 29,1; 32,1.
16. Calyx-krater, Boston 97.368; ARV 290 no.l; Caskey-Beazley ii
pls.35 = 6.
17. Naples 2422; ARV 189 no.74; Beazley Kl pl.27.

18. Foreshortened hoplite shield: cf. Beazley Kl. pis.25,27; Boeotian,ibid, pl.32,1.
19. Corinth CP 436, 1671, 2617, 1675 and 1716; ARV 205 nos.115,
116; Para. 342 and 344 nos. 115b¿5 to quater; Boulter in Hesp. 35 (1966)
310-16, pls.73f., 76.
20. Munich 2406; ARV 207 no. 137; C V pls.238-40; Boulter (I.e. lastnote) pi.75.
21. ARV (1942) .145 no. i ; Florence 4226.
22. See Getty MJ II (1975) 60.

10

8. Small black fragment. Length 3.1 cm. The interior glaze
is rather dull and seems closer to that of 5 than to that of
the other pieces. A t bottom right (or top left?) is the"eighth of an inch stripe" marking a figure.
The back view of the corselet of the fallen figure on 5 canbe understood by reference to complete examples in thework of the Kleophrades Painter. A t the bottom left of thefragment is the beginning of a patterned back strip overlapped by a side-flap. The star is on the back of theshoulder. A t the bottom right of the fragment, crossing
the upper edge of the corselet, is the beginning of an upright neck flap. The neck flap is not generally patterned,
as it evidently is here, but some do carry a design, thoughdifferent from this and only at the top.
11

12

13

14

15

16

17

2

2

18

19

20

2

2

X

The Berlin Painter 61

may be hers also. Boulter notes that the color of the glazeon the fragment with the male leg sets it off from theothers, and that it must therefore in any case (if it belongs
to this vase at all) be from the other side. Beazley once
cited a calyx krater in Florence as "Almost entirely modern; what little is ancient recalls the Berlin Painter. The
subjects are: A , Poseidon and a Giant; B, Athena and a
Giant. The Corinth vase might possibly have had thesame scenes. I see a character similar to that of the Corinth
warrior but differently expressed in the teeth-baring victimof the Getty fragments and would suppose him a Gianttoo. His opponent with the profile shield may perhaps
have been a male god rather than Athena.
There are differences between the Corinth and Getty
fragments. The offset of the cul on Getty fragment 5 showsno sign of decoration, but perhaps there is not enough tobe sure that it was black. Under the confronted feet, theCorinth vase is adorned with a careful "squared" ovolo.
The rim-pattern is basically the same in the two vases andextremely close in detail, only at Corinth alternate lotuses
are given different forms. One lotus indeed, presumably at
the point where the artist completed the circle, is different
from either of the regular alternations. Those on the Getty
vase are not quite like any of these. None of the technicaltroubles seen on the Getty vase can be traced on the Corinth fragments, and I am left with the impression that it
was made and painted just a little later.
The subject of the principal picture on the Getty vase,
Ajax with the body of Achilles, is a favorite in sixth century art, and there are very many examples in Attic black figure by greater and lesser artists. In red figure it is extremely
rare. Brommer lists only two examples, and I know of only two that have appeared since, both in the Getty Museum: this krater and a slightly earlier cup. The pieces listed
by Brommer are a bilingual neck amphora in Vienna,
where the red figure style is of primitive character andplainly the work of a black figure artist, and an early cup
by Douris. The Getty cup, a ruin, stands very close to
the mature work of Oltos, but it can be attributed withcertainty to the young Euphronios. If one must give absolute dates, the neck amphora cannot, I suppose, be verymuch later than 520 B.C., the Euphronios surely before 510
21

22

23

24

25

26

23. Brommer Vasenlisten (197) 373-6.
24. Vienna 3722; ARV 11 no.3.
25. Cab. Med. 537 and 598; ARV 429 no. 19.
26. Inside, floral; B, chariot. Getty MJ 9 (1981) 25fT. figs. 7-10.
27. E.g. Thetis: neck amphora, Berlin 1718, ARV 144 Exekias no.6;
warrior: neck amphora, Munich S.L.58, ABV 259 Manner of Lysippides
Painter no. 18, C V 7 pi.359,1; both: neck amphora Louvre F 428, ABV
269 Antimenes Painter no.46; C V pi.43,6; neck amphora, Louvre F 201,
ABV 274 Antimenes Painter no. 120, C V 4 pl.39,5.
2

2B.C., the Douris and the Berlin Painter from the years
around 500 B.c., the Berlin Painter perhaps slightly theearlier.
O n the neck amphora and in Douris's cup tondo, theAjax and Achilles are alone, as they often are in earlier
representations. Euphronios places the scene on the exterior of his cup and adds several figures: in front a man,seemingly old, and a mourning woman—surely Phoenix
and Thetis—and behind, a warrior, presumably Odysseus.
Such extra figures are seen in a number of black figure pictures. I have not found an Athena, but there is nothingat all improbable in her presence. Ajax was not among her
favorites, but Achilles was; and the Berlin Painter loves
her.
This choice of an old-fashioned subject and its treatment
in an essentially traditional way is found again in thepainter's work: Achilles and Ajax playing dice; Achilles
and Polyxena at the well; Peleus bringing the baby
Achilles to C h i r o n ; and Europa on the Bull. None ofthese is unique in the Berlin Painter's time, but they are
not favorites, and he has not the obviously forward-looking character of his great rival the Kleophrades Painter.
Nevertheless he transmutes what he touches into something wholly his own and of his own time.
The Berlin Painter's calyx krater A must have been
painted around 500 B.c., more probably before than after.
A fragment of another vase of the same shape which canbe very little later is in the collection (B), and other piecesof the same magnificent pot have been recognized in the
Louvre and in the collection of Herbert Cahn in Basel.
27

28

29

30

31

B. Calyx krater Acc. no. 77.AE.105.
Presented by Bruce McNall.
Composed of seven fragments, with some filling (fig. 10).
Greatest diameter 16.2 cm.
From left: buttocks, thighs and part of arched tail of satyrin three-quarter back view to left; his torso must have been
leaning sharply forward; thyrsus almost vertically acrossadvanced left thigh. Behind him, her advanced right knee
behind his right knee, a maenad moves to left. She wears a
chiton, the front contour of her left (rear) leg showing
through it, and himation and carries a thyrsus diagonally

28. Hydria, New York 65.11.12; ARV 1634 (to 210) no.l75bis.
29. Hydria, Leningrad 628; ARV 210 no.174; Berl. pl.24,1.
30. Stamnos, Louvre G 186; ARV 207 no. 140; C V 2, pl.20,1-4, Cf.
Peleus bringing his bride to Chiron on stamnos Palermo V 762; ARV
207 no. 139: CV pls.29.30.
31. Hydria, Oxford 1927.5402; ARV 210 no. 172. C V 2 pl.61,4;
Beazley Berl. pi.23,2. A different and surprizing treatment on the bellkrater Tarquinia RC 7456; ARV 206 no. 126; JHS 31 (1911) pi. 10,2.
2

2

2

2

2

2

62 Robertson

Figure 10. Fragment from a fragmentary calyx krater (B) by the
Berlin Painter. Malibu 77.AE.105.

Figure 11. Fragment from calyx krater B. Paris, Louvre G 193.
Figure 12. Fragment from calyx krater B. Paris, Louvre G 193.

The Berlin Painter 63

Figure 14. Fragment from calyx krater B. Basel, H. Cahn ii.
Figure 13. Fragment from calyx krater B. Basel, H . Cahn i.

Figure 15. Fragment from calyx krater B. Basel,
H. Cahn iii.

Figure 16. Fragment from calyx krater B. Basel, H. Cahn iv.

64 Robertson

across her body, passing behind the satyr's tail and rightthigh. The contour of her back and buttock is wrongly restored; it should be much fuller. Relief contour throughout
preserved part. Dilute glaze: satyr's musculature (thewrinkles at the back of the right knee are drawn in two
relief-lines). N o added color. Two fragments, in the Louvre(G 193) certainly belong to the same vase as the piece in
Malibu.
a (fig. 12). Middle part of maenad advancing swiftly toleft, right arm extended forward, left hand holding thyrsus
leaning on shoulder. She wears a sleeved chiton, the skirtof which flies behind, and a himation with patterned overfall. Behind her thigh appears the end of a satyr's tail, thefigure evidently behind her and moving in the same direction. Behind her is part of the lower leg of a male moving
to right; above it is part of the leg and hanging claw of theanimal skin he wears ("leopard" since the paw is marked
with dot-in-circle spots; the pelt above the paw is covered
with close set relief lines). Above the skin, below the maenad's elbow is a reserved area with curved contour, evidently belonging to the figure in the animal skin, but I do
not know what it is. This fragment joins Cahn's fragmentii; see below.
32

but face turned frontal (or possibly in attempted threequarter); reserved ivy-wreath; "leopard"-skin (dot-in-circle
spots) over shoulders, the open jaws hanging upside-downbehind; there is a thin wash over the pelt,iv (fig. 16). O n the right part of handle floral (enclosed palmette with ribbed leaves, spirals and buds, lotuses). To theleft legs and feet of a male, left in profile to right, rightfrontal; the upper part of the figure is likely to have been
turned left, towards the picture. He wears a chlamys, ends
hanging, and boots with tongues and lacing; a thin wash
over boots. Below, beginning of vase cul with enclosed palmettes (ribbed leaves) and spirals.

iii. (fig. 15). Part of head and shoulder of a satyr to rightCahn's fragment ii, which at its upper left joins his fragment i , at its upper right joins, as Bothmer has seen,
Louvre a. This combination gives us the left-hand group of
the picture, next to the handle floral: a maenad running or
dancing to left; beyond her, a satyr moving in the same direction. His left leg, stretched back, is hidden except for
the frontal foot by the maenad's skirt, and so evidently
was his fork (only the end of the tail appears); but he musthave been leaning steeply forward (nothing of him appears
in front of the maenad on the upper part of Louvre a), sothat all the upper part of his body would have been visible
above his bent right knee, between the maenad and thefloral. His right hand, or possibly hers, may have held thehanging pipe-case; the fingers of his left hand are closed orclosing, probably holding something; his face was probably turned back towards the maenad, or possibly frontal.
Cahn's fragment iii surely gives us some of the upper partof the satyr in the animal skin back to back with the maenad. The upright thyrsus on Louvre b may well be thesame as the one crossing the satyr's thigh on the Malibu
piece. If so, the Malibu maenad with the sloping thyrsus
will be the Kallichora of the Louvre fragment. The head
and arm on Louvre b are probably not the satyr's but
those of a maenad (the owner of the upright thyrsus)
whom he is embracing or assaulting. It is not clear whether
the remains on Louvre b give the front or back of thehead, but the figure is most easily restored as facing right,
head bent forward, left arm raised behind it with the elbow up, the right hand holding the thyrsus. The attitudeof the satyr is very like that of the satyr in the left-handgroup, but seen from the back instead of the front. The
space beyond the leg of the Malibu maenad suggests that
she may be the last figure. If the maenad with the uprightthyrsus comes immediately in front of the satyr in the"leopard"-skin, this would give a seven-figure composition

32. Louvre fragments, Pottier Cat. nos.42-5; and see AJA 62 (1958) 60
n.41.
I am most grateful to the museum authorities for photographs and per-mission to publish them. See further below, n.37.
33. I am most grateful to Dr. Cahn for photographs and permission to
publish them.

b (fig. 11). O n the left part of a head (engrailed contour,
wreath in added red), with elbow of arm bent up behind it,thyrsus head and almost vertical shaft. O n the right, traceof a figure and, vertically downwards beside it, an inscription (retrograde): KAVI+OPA. O n the question whether thisis the front or back of the head, see below.
Cahn has four fragments (two joining):
i. (fig. 13) From left, part of handle floral: enclosed palmette(ribbed leaves), spiral, buds; pipe-case ("leopard"-skin: thin
wash, dot-in-circle spots) hanging vertically; knuckles ofclosed or half-closed left hand; above this (between handand pipe-case) is a trace of something. Below is the sharply
bent right knee of a male advancing to left, the thigh crossedby ends of drapery and thyrsus. O n the lower right thisjoins ii, (fig. 14) which gives the lower leg and heel of themale, overlapped by the advanced lifted right foot andskirt of a female moving fast to the left. Her left foot isplanted on the ground, and behind it appears the extended frontal left foot of the male figure. To the right, beyond
this, is the three-quarter right foot and lower leg of a maleto right. Below is part of the cul of the vase, with lotus andpalmette (ribbed leaves). This fragment joins Louvre a (seebelow).
33

The Berlin Painter 65

Figure 17. Fragment of a hydria by the Berlin Painter. Bareiss Collection 29, on loan to the
Getty Museum, Malibu S80.AE.185.

(three satyrs and four maenads) which seems quite convincing, but there are alternatives. The male on Cahn iv
could conceivably be a satyr in cloak and boots, perhaps a"Hermès" as on Douris's psykter. Such a figure might follow on the Malibu fragment, and one could then restore
either an eight-figure Dionysiac scene on one side of thevase, which would be perhaps impossibly long, or supposethat Cahn i-iii and Louvre a belong to one picture, Louvreb, Malibu, and Cahn iv to the other. Alternatively Cahniv could belong with the first group. It seems to me most
likely, however, that a sevenfigure Dionysiac scene occupied one side of the vase and a different subject theother, Cahn iv not being a satyr. This might have been amythological scene, and so perhaps the "front" of the vase,though it cannot have been more finely and elaborately
drawn than the "back." If Cahn i and Cahn iv are from
opposite sides of the vase, they give the two edges of one
palmette complex, that was asymmetrically designed, butthere is nothing impossible in that.

The maenad's thumbnail on Louvre a and the satyr's
toe-nails on Cahn ii are things the Berlin Painter does notvery often draw, but here the elaboration is extreme
throughout. The pattern on the overfold of the maenad's
himation reminiscent of some Acropolis korai) is not common in red figure after the very earliest period. There is a
simpler example on Euphronios's Dionysiac calyx krater inthe Louvre, a vase which has some resemblances to the
Getty's. This vase indeed is very much in the Pioneer tradition, standing particularly close to Phintias in its elaboration and in other things, especially the stylization of thesatyr-mask. Phintias was almost certainly the Berlin
Painter's first master, and this was surely painted under his
immediate influence and is in particular reminiscent of his
masterpiece, the Dionysiac scene on the Tarquinia amphora. Both stylizations and style, however, are unmistakably not Phintias' but the Berlin Painter's. Beazleyknew the Louvre pieces and wondered if they might not bevery early work by the Berlin Painter; the evidence of theother fragments seems to me conclusive.

34. British Museum E 768; ARV 446 no.262. FR. pl.48; C V pi. 105;Buschor GV 164f.
35. See Beazley in JHS 31 (1911) 288.

36. Louvre G 33; ARV 14 no.4; Pottier pi. 105; C V pi. 1,3 and 6, 2.4.
37. AJA 62 (1958) 60 n.41. "I have wanted the Louvre fragments to bevery early Berlin Painter, but have never been able to persuade myself.
They are by a very good man." (J.D.B. to M.R., December 1947).

34

2

35

36

37

2

66 Robertson

The Berlin Painter's most creative period seems to lie inthe decades between 500 and 480 B.C. After that his drawing tends to become stiffer, more conventional, and latercareless and often insensitive. The "middle period" istaken to cover roughly the seventies, the "late" the sixties.
The last piece by the painter in the Getty, a fragmentary
hydria (C), belongs to the very end of his career, but it hasa freshness and charm only rarely found in the work ofthis phase.
C . Hydria fragment.
1 Acc. no. S.80.AE.185, Bareiss 29 (fig. 17)
Attributed by Bothmer.
(on loan from the Bareiss Collection).
Height 21.5 cm.
Mouth, foot, and handles are missing with much else, but
the fragment gives the contour of the vase from the lower
part of the neck, above the picture, to the lower part of the
body below it.

legs are entirely lost but almost certainly showed him moving to right, away from her. He wears a wreath (reserved),chiton with deep overfall, cloak over right shoulder andleft arm, traveler's hat on left shoulder. He is girt with asword, his right arm is stretched out towards Athena; hisleft, the other way, holding two spears almost horizontally.
His hair lies in a fringe on his brow and is rolled upbehind, one long lock hanging behind the ear. Missing area small part of the front hair, the right hand, the lower
part of the doubtless short chiton with the legs from midthigh and the feet, and the ends of the cloak. Relief contour: chin and throat, both edges of cloak hanging below
right arm and where it hangs behind as well as the inneredge where it hangs over the left arm and the outer edge
above and below the spear, both edges of both spears
behind hand, the chiton skirt. Dilute glaze: front hair andlong lock, lines on neck and arms. N o added color; thesword-belt is in relief lines. This figure can probably safely
be called Theseus.

The two-figure picture is set on the body, overlapping
the shoulder. It is unframed but with a band of pattern
below: stopped maeander (two units preserved) with saltire
squares. One cannot be quite certain from the remaining
part, but it was probably what Beazley called U L F A ("upper, lower, facing alternately"), a symmetrical maeander
design largely confined to the work of the Berlin Painterand his following. O n the left stands Athena, to right,
leff foot forward, left arm extended, the hand holding her
Attic helmet with stilted crest, the right holding her spear
horizontally at waist level. She wears a Stéphane withleaves (reserved) and her hair in a bag on her neck, sleeved
chiton with overfall, an ependytes over it,40 aegis, andround her back and over the upper arms, a cloak. There
are dots on the chiton, dotted saltires and an arcade pattern on the ependytes, and dots between double lines on
the helmet crest. Missing are the lower part of the chinwith the throat, much of the aegis with both arms andhands, and lower part of the ependytes with chiton skirt
and feet except for the left toes. Relief contour: lips andchin; aegis breast with snakes, except heads; both edges ofspear immediately behind elbow; lower edge of cloak on
shoulder and cloak ends at front and on chiton skirt andoverfall. N o added color. O n the right stands a youth,head turned left towards the goddess, body frontal. The

The round-bodied hydria (kalpis) is a favorite shape with
the Berlin Painter from the very beginning of his career,
but most, including all those from his early period, are decorated on a different principle: the picture on the shoulder, unframed but with a pattern-band below, and only
two figures, often with an object between them. One elaborate piece from his middle period has the figures risingfrom the body over the shoulder like the Getty piece, butthat is a six-figure composition, the picture going all roundthe vase, and has a pattern-band above as well as below.
Very like the Getty hydria fragment is another late vase in
Graz. There, on a maeander-band (ULFA), Triptolemos
in his winged car and Demeter face each other, elongatedfigures rising from the body over the shoulder. A jug heldby the goddess occupies much the place of the helmet on
ours. The sceptre, held vertically by the seated Triptolemos, and the foot-plate of his car occupy more space between the figures at the bottom than anything that ispreserved on the Getty vase, and one may wonder if there
was not something, perhaps an altar, between Athena andTheseus. The extreme elongation of the figures seems
even greater on the Malibu vase than on that in Graz. It
can partly be accounted for as counteracting the foreshortening over the sharply curved shoulder, but it is also
perhaps a kind of mannerism, found at this time in a good

38. Para. 345 (to ARV 210) no. I83ter; [S. Matheson, J. Pollitt, Greek
Vases at Yale (New Haven, 1975) 54, no.47.
39. Beazley Berlin Painter (Melbourne, 1964) 7.
40. But see below.
41. ARV 209f., nos. 169-183. The New York vase no. 169 is among theartist's first works. In it he has not yet developed what was to become hisregular practice for composing the short picture on the shoulder: two
detached figures with an object between them; see Beazley Berlin Painter(Mainz, 1974) 5.
42. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Not in Beazley. Auktion N und M 51
(1975) no. 155: Hermes, Nike, Apollo, Artemis, Leto, Athena; attributed
by R. Hecht.
43. Graz inv. G 30; ARV 1634 (to 210) no.l83bts; G. Schwarz in OJh.
1972/3, 125-133.
44. Cf. the fawn between Dionysos and a maenad on the very similar
hydria by Hermonax: London, Victoria and Albert Museum 4816-1858;

38

39

2

2

41

42

43

44

2

The Berlin Painter 67

deal of work outside the Mannerist workshop.
The restraint in the use of dilute glaze and the total absence of added color are analogous to A , but whereas there
the phenomenon is united with an exquisite precision andelaboration of drawing, here it seems part of a quick, careless execution.
Theseus' hair style recalls that of the Kritian boy. The
short chiton with long overfall belted above seems an earlyclassical fashion, and so is the hair-bag on Athena's
neck, something especially popular with the Pan Painter.
Her stilted helmet crest and her ependytes recall the great
goddess of the Basel amphora. That cannot have been
painted very long after 480, while the Getty vase surely belongs to the sixties. O n the Basel figure the arcading is thefringe at the bottom of the ependytes; here it is just a pattern, and it is possible that there is not after all a second
garment here but simply an elaborately patterned chiton.
One may compare the Athena on the stamnos inM u n i c h , where I feel a similar uncertainty.
The freshness and a rather childish charm set the drawing off from most of the artist's late work, which tends tothe harsh and mechanical. One wonders if it might conceivably be the work of a young pupil, but it does not seem
possible to separate it from the master's own.
45

46

47

48

Figure 19. Fragment from the calyx krater in figure 18. Malibu
76.AE.102.10
a. Rim. Length 11.0 cm. Inside: reserved line. Upper
register convex and black. Lower register: below reserved
step, red figure pattern band (volute, lotus?).

49b. Length 8.2 cm. From right: bearded head thrust forward; thick lips, blunt nose, Corinthian helmet up on
hair. Below this on left part of horizontal body (ribs marked). Behind it, vertical shaft (spear) and at extreme leftshield rim (interior; tassel). Relief contour: throughout ornament and figures, except beard (relief strokes alonglower edge; incised strokes for hair escaping at front ofhelmet). N o dilute glaze (ribs in relief) or added color. Incision at inner and outer edges of shield rim. I cannot reconstruct the rim ornament. The warrior must be lifting thebody. The features seem deliberately barbarian (Negroid),so it is not Sleep and Death with Sarpedon but Memnon
lifted by two Ethiopians, as for instance on a black figure
lekythos by the Emporion Painter. The Ethiopians there
are not dressed as Greek warriors, nor are they usually,
though Memnon himself regularly is so. The shield andspear should belong to a figure standing still, facing right,
at the center of the composition.

50

APPENDIXThe following calyx-krater fragments were acquired withthose of A (see above, p.55).
1. Acc. no. 77.AE.5.5 and 8, See above, pp.59-60.
2. Two fragments (a [76.AE.108.10] and b [76.AE.102.10,
figs. 18-19) with a possible third (c). Orange clay; shiny
glaze (fine fabric).

51

Figure 18. Fragment of a calyx krater. Malibu 76.AE.108.10.

A third fragment may belong to the same vase:c. Part of foot (76.AE. 102.9). Length 9.5 cm.
Underneath, graffito (see fig. 20)
About 500. Pezzino Group (Guy).
3. Acc. no. 76.AE.102.17 and 18. Two fragments.
A . Greatest diameter 6.2 cm. (fig.21) Bent knee to right No
relief contour, dilute glaze, or added color.

ARV 489 no.104: AJA 51 (1947) pl.52A.
45. Kritian boy: Athens Acr.698; Payne and Young Archaic Marble
Sculpture from the Acropolis pis. 109-12; Schrader Die archaischen Marmorbildweke der Akropolis pis. 120-7; Langlotz and Shuchardt Archaische
Plastik von der Akropolis pls.42ff.
46. Cf. Webster Niobidenmaler pl.HA (pelike, Würzburg 511; ARV
604 no.48).

47. E.g. Beazley Panmaler pis. 1, 14.1, 25.1: Follmann Panmaler pi.5.3. It
is also frequent in the work of his imitator the Alkimachos Painter.
48. ARV 1634 (to 196) no.lbis; AntK 2 (1961) 49-67, pls.21-6.
49. Above n.20.
50. But cf. Hermonax's hydria, above n. 44
51. CV Gela 3 pl.23. On Sarpedon and Memnon see now Bothmer inHyatt, The Greek Vase (New York, 1981) 63-80.

2

2

2

68 Robertson

Figure 20. Fragment that may belong to the calyx krater in figure
18. Malibu 76.AE. 102.9

Figure 23. Fragment of a calyx krater. Malibu 76.AE. 102.3.
4. Acc. no. 76.AE.102.13. (fig.23) Height 5.2 cm. Ruined
surface: black almost entirely gone from fold lines, butthey are still partly traceable. Woman to right neck towaist, in chiton and himation, left hand forward, muffledin himation. Relief contour: neck, upper line of breast. D i lute glaze: line on neck. N o trace of added color. Late archaic or early classical.

Figure 21. Fragment of a calyx krater. Malibu 76.AE.102.17.

5. Acc. no. 76.AE. 102.7 (fig.24) Rim fragment. Greatest
diameter 8.0 cm.
Inside: reserved line below rim; another, very thin, 5.5 cm.
down. Upper register convex and black. Lower register,
between reserved steps, palmette and lotus band 3.5 cm.
broad: volutes supporting seven-leaf palmettes (small leaf
below) curl round, enclosing small reserved circles, andsupport lotus, then rise and divide, enclosing palmettes

Figure 22. Fragment from the calyx krater in fig. 21. Malibu
76.AE.102.18.
B. Height 4.0 cm. (fig.22) Offset of cul. N o pattern. Rightfoot back, toes only on ground, of figure in movement toright. N o relief contour, dilute glaze, or added color. Ankle
and six toes roughly indicated in a relief line.
A and B could show parts of the same leg. Six toes arefound in Myson and the Pan Painter, but this cannot beby the latter, hardly by the former.
Late archaic. Rough work.

Figure 24. Fragment of a calyx krater. Malibu 76.AE. 102.7.

The Berlin Painter 69

Figure 25. Fragment of a calyx krater. Malibu 76.AE. 102.6.
and forming volutes backing on lotus. Relief contour: central leaves of palmette and lotus, outer edge of spirals andbottom of enclosing tendrils.
No trace of design in picture area.
The pattern is a commonly-used poor version of that employed by the Berlin Painter in A (Acc. no. 77.AE.5.1 and
2).
Perhaps early classical rather than late archaic.
6. Acc. no. 76.AE. 102.6. (fig.25) Rim-fragment. Length
12.8 cm. Glaze brown-red and very worn.
Inside: reserved line below rim; another 6.5 cm. down. Upper register convex and black. Lower register: between reserved steps, lotus and palmette band 3.0 cm. broad. V o l utes support lotus and circle round to enclose nine-leaf
palmette.
Picture area: white slip; no trace of design.
Early classical. White calyx kraters in this period aredecorated by the Villa Giulia and Methyse Painters.
7. Acc. no. 76.AE.132.4A and B. Fragments of cul andhandles, smoothed off above in antiquity. Glaze: blackoutside, grey-green inside.
A , composed of three sherds, (fig.26). Length 15.0 cm.
Complete handle. Stopped meander at top of cul on bothsides.
B, composed of three sherds (fig.27). Length 17.0 cm. Partof handle; beginning of maeander to left.
Early classical or classical.
8. Acc. no. 77.AE.133 1 and 2
1. (fig. 28). Composed of nine sherds. Height 39.0 cm.

Complete contour from bottom of offset rim to bottom ofcul, with roots of the second handle.
2. (fig.29). Composed of eleven sherds. Height 20.0 cm.
Complete handle with part of cul; at top of cul, end of row
of enclosed upright palmettes.
Side A . At top of cul, upright enclosed palmettes (sevenleaves; no relief line). At left-hand edge of picture, backright foot and lower leg in greave to right. No relief contour, dilute glaze, or added color.
Side B. At top of cul, running, sloping palmettes. Fromright-hand edge of picture: back left foot and part of rightfoot of figure standing to left; forward left foot of figure
standing to right. Relief contour: instep of rear foot of first
figure, toe and heel of foot of second figure. No dilute glaze
or added color.
I speak of " A " and " B " because the first is evidently an action scene (battle, or possibly arming or warrior's departure) while the quiet stance of the figures on the second suggests a reverse scene, though they cannot have been mantle figures.
Classical (Perhaps Achilles Painter—Frel).
Cambridge
POSTSCRIPT
Krater A by the Berlin Painter will be completed to aconsiderable extent: a set of fragments soon to bepresented to the Getty Museum was identified by R. Guy.
Another fragment belonging to krater B was lent to the
Getty Museum in 1982.

70 Robertson

Figure 26. Fragment of a calyx krater. Malibu 76.AE.132.4A.

Figure 27. Fragment from the calyx krater in fig. 26. Malibu 76.AE.132.4B.

The Berlin Painter 71

Figure 28. Fragment of a calyx krater. Malibu 76.AE. 133.2.

72 Robertson

Figure 29. Fragment from the calyx krater in fig. 28. Malibu 76.AE.133.1.

New Vases by the Brygos Painterand His Circle in Malibu
Marion True

As fortune would have it, one of the museum's smallest
fragments of Brygan work is also the earliest in date andthe most beautifully drawn (fig. I). Composed of eight
sherds from the rim and bowl of a shallow kylix, the piecepreserves nothing inside but the slight reserved edge of the
tondo frame. However, the exterior offers some consolation. Within the protective porch of a building stands asmall boy. He wears a dotted, black-bordered himation
draped diagonally over his chest and a red fillet around his
touseled blond hair, the color of which is rendered skillfully in dilute glaze. Behind him are the remains of a heavy
door; to his left is a fluted Doric column. In the field above
his head is the letter C in added red. While his left arm encircles the tall shaft, his right extends rather nervously to
one side, and he fingers a bit of vine as he watches the
awesome events taking place before him. Here rushes Iris,
wings outspread and right hand behind her firmly gripping
the kerykeion near its finial. Only the corners remain ofher finely pleated chiton and black-edged, dotted hima-tion, and there are still a loop and the ends of the long red
fillet tied around her head. Hardly the delicate Olympian
messenger who alights with her herald's staff held ceremoniously before her, this Iris is a powerful force who moves
to the right with apparently aggressive purpose.
Attribution of this fragment to the Brygos Painter canbe made without hesitation. The architectural elements recur in other compositions by the artist, and the black-bordered, dotted himatia are standard Brygan garments.
Another child appears together with a winged figure on a
fragment in the collection - at Bryn Mawr, though thepresence there of a third, bearded figure suggests that the
subject was more likely Iris with Ganymede and Zeus. The
wing of the Bryn Mawr Iris shows the same regular rows oftiny dots on the covert and the same black-tipped secondary feathers across the center as that of the goddess in
Malibu. Similar also is the treatment of the wings of thehorses who draw the chariot of Selene within the tondo of
the kylix in Berlin. But most convincingly Brygan is thefigure of the child. " A n d , if more were needed, the droll
figure of the half-grown boy, with his blond hair, snub
nose, drooping nether lip, and twisted pose, has in itself
almost the value of a signature." Thus L . D . Caskey
described the closest parallel to the Malibu child, the slave
boy on the Boston skyphos with athletes and trainers. A s
Caskey's description fits almost every feature of the childon the Getty fragment, so, too, does his attribution to the
Brygos Painter. A date of 490-480 B.C. would place thepiece most appropriately among the artist's strongest
works.

I owe my thanks to Jiri Frel for providing me with both the opportunity
to publish these vases and his constant supportive advice, I should like toexpress my gratitude as well to Dietrich von Bothmer of the Metropolitan
Museum who gave most generously of his time and criticism and who
allowed my use of his photographic archives.
1. Getty Museum acc. no. 81.AE.206.il. Restored diameter: 34.5 cm.
2. For the door, see the kylix in Berlin, Staatliche Museen, no. 2301,
ARV 378, 129; for the column, the kylix in Tarquinia, RC 6846, ARV
369, 4.
3. Ella Riegel Memorial Museum, P-952, C V A U.S.A. 13, fase. 1,
pl.11,3.
4. Ella Riegel Memorial Museum, no. P-953, ibid., pi. 11,2.

5. Staatliche Museen, no. 2293, ARV 370, 10. A second kylix by the
Brygos Painter with Selene in the tondo was found in Athens in 1967
together with a large number of cups and skyphoi by the artist and his
disciples. Unfortunately the few published photographs do not offer any
evidence for the same dotted pattern on the horses' wing coverts [APXAIOAOHKON AEATION, XPONIKA, 23 (1968), pl.43,b.] but the findpromises to provide much information for our knowledge of these aritsts.
6. L. D. Caskey, ''Brygos as a Painter of Athletic Scenes," AJA XIX(1915) 135.
7. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, acc. no. 10.176, ARV 381, 173. Jiri
Frel first observed that the child is a slave, distinguished by his unkempt
hair.

Over the past few years, a number of red figured drinking vessels have found their way to the J . Paul Getty M u seum as acquisitions, gifts, and works on loan for restoration. Six of these pieces form an important group in our
growing collection of Attic vases in that they represent different aspects of the style associated with one influential
artist, the Brygos Painter. As new attributions to the artist
or as products of his workshop, all find their place among
the known works of the Brygan circle. This article serves
to introduce these vases and to offer some suggestions fortheir placement.

1

2

2

2

3

4

5

6

7

2

2

74 True

Figure 1. Fragment of a kylix by the Brygos Painter. 490-480 B . C . Exterior.
Scale 1:1. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 81.AE.206.il.

Figured. Malibu 81.AE.206.12. Exterior.

Figure 2. Fragments of a kylix by the Brygos Painter. 480470 B . C . Scale 1:1. Malibu, The J . Paul Getty
Museum 81.AE.206.12 Tondo.

New Vases by the Brygos Painter 75

No clue remains to the right of the goddess to suggest
what might be the anticipated confrontation beyond. Iris
appears in the Iliad as Olympian messenger to the palace ofPriam, and the Brygos Painter eloquently employed
scenes from the Trojan War in the decoration of several of
his finest vases. Iris appears also in the artist's work on akylix of type C in London, signed by Brygos as potter.
There, however, she is clearly on the defensive, trying desperately to fend off the advances of two aroused satyrs.
Even without additional information on the exact subject of the cup, the observing child is perhaps a fair indicator of the scene's intensity. Several times, the Brygos
Painter used the figure of a child to provide a convenient
frame for some more important central scene. Yet, asBeazley remarked in his description of the same Boston
boy mentioned by Caskey, the Brygos Painter presented
there "one of the first, one of the only, real children invase painting." A superior draughtsman who exploitedthe expressive possibilities in human gesture, the Brygos
Painter could not neglect the opportunity to convey
through the device of the child's posture some information
about his youthful response to the primary event. O n the
Boston cup, the little attendant watches as his master practices his jump. O n the Malibu fragment, the anxious
absorption of the small, sheltered onlooker offers somereflection of the dramatic encounter which originally occupied the center of the composition.
Another encounter, but one of a far less serious nature,
once filled the tondo of a second kylix, of which only six
fragments survive, that may also be attributed to the
Brygos Painter (figs. 2,3). Only the horse-like tail of one
figure and the foot and edge of the chiton skirt of the otherremain within the maeander border, but this evidence isenough to reconstruct a well-known couple—the amorous
satyr and the fleeing maenad who rejects his pursuit. A t
least one of the pair, most likely the maenad, wore a felineskin, for a paw and part of a tail survive behind the satyr's
tail. The maenad carries her thyrsos with its leafy head
down by her skirt; she may also hold a snake, the curving
tail of which would be the object that hangs down before
her forward left foot.
In what survives of the exterior scenes (fig. 3) a group of

satyrs cavorts around a pair of donkeys upon a double
groundline. The only fragment left from side A (composedof one large sherd and one small chip) preserves the tailand legs of a satyr running to the left and the boldly
striped forelegs of one of the donkeys. Facing the satyr, theanimal lifts his left hoof. Two joining fragments from Side
B show the second donkey, which is ithyphallic, with a little satyr riding on his back. Only the hindquarters of theanimal are left, but the rear legs show the same zebra-likehorizontal stripes that distinguish the forelegs of the creature on side A . Beside the donkey follows a second satyr ofwhom only the right foot has survived. Two joined fragments belong to the cup as well. Most probably from side
B, they carry the chest of the donkey, the knees and reinbearing right hand of the mounted satyr-boy with the reinin added red, and the right arm and shoulder of a satyr
plus the left profile of his face.
Unfortunately, the upper body on this last sherd cannot
be demonstrated to belong to any one of the three figures
whose hand, feet, and legs remain. However, it does preserve a face with the snub nose, heavy overhanging brow,
and coarse lips characteristic of many satyrs' faces by the
Brygos Painter. Especially close are the features of the satyr
who dances to the right of Dionysos in the tondo of a cup
in the Cabinet des Médailles.
The same kylix offers further evidence for the attribution
to the Brygos Painter on side A of its exterior. There,
beside the god Dionysos, walks a donkey with similar
stripes around his knee joints, hock joints, and lower legs.
The Brygos Painter was hardly the only artist to employ
this decorative feature. A s Beazley noted in his descriptionof a she-mule on a vase in Boston, ". . .the dark rings orbars on the legs are seldom absent in red-figure pictures ofdonkeys." However, this artist did apply his stripes in aconsistent, recognizable manner. Even the markings on
the legs of the poor cheetah being held up by the tail infront of the Cabinet des Médailles donkey and the stripeson the dangling paw of the leopard skin worn by the satyr
who follows behind Dionysos on the Paris cup show thesame treatment. So too do the stripes of the half-hidden
feline on the fragmentary Circe cup by the artist in
Athens.

8. One of the most appropriate passages occurs in Book II, lines
786-806.
9. See for example the skyphos in Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum,no. 3710, ARV 380, 171; the kylix in London, E 69, ARV 369, 2; thekylix in the Walter Bareiss Collection, no. 346 (now on loan to the Getty
Museum), Para. 367, 1 bis.
10. No. E 65, ARV 370, 13.
11. See the child to the right of Achilles on the Vienna skyphos, no.
3710, mentioned in note 9; also the child on the right side of the battle
scene on side B of the kylix in the Louvre, G 152, ARV 369, 1; the little

servant who leads the procession of revelers on side A of the skyphos in
the Louvre, G 156, ARV 380, 172.
12. L. D. Caskey and J. D. Beazley, Attic Vase Painting in the Museum ofFine Arts, Boston, Part I (1931) p. 20.
13. Getty Museum acc. no. 81.AE.206.12. The attribution to the
Brygos Painter was first suggested by Dietrich von Bothmer.
14. Inv. no. 576, ARV 371, 14.
15. L. D. Caskey and J. D. Beazley, op. cit., part III (1963) p. 42.
16. Acropolis no. 293, ARV 369, 5.

8

9

10

11

12

13

2

2

2

2

14

15

16

2

2

2

76 True

Figure 4. Kylix by the Briséis Painter. 480-470 B.C. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 76.AE.131 and 81.AE.77. Tondo.
Other typically Brygan elements on the Getty sherds,
the double groundline and the berries surrounding theleaves of the maenad's thyrsos picked out in black against
the reserved pleats of her skirt, are not conclusive indicators for attribution by themselves. They appear as wellon works by the artist's followers. Still, their presence here
in combination with the individual treatment of the satyr's
features and the animals' markings is valuable affirmationof the attribution. The hastily drawn foot and drapery on
the inside and the rather careless execution of themaeander border suggest a date somewhat later than thecups in Paris and Athens, in the decade between 480 and
470 B . C .
Satyrs and maenads are common subjects for the artistsof the Brygan circle, who loved to depict revelry in any
form, human or mythological. Two pairs of playful silens
chase female partners around the outside of a third, more
complete kylix in the museum's collection (figs. 4-6). The
foot and scattered fragments of the bowl are missing, andone handle does not actually join any preserved edge on
the cup. In addition, the surface has suffered considerable
damage. Areas of both black and reserved ground have
17

17. Getty Museum acc, nos. 76.AE.131 and 81.AE.77; diameter: 22.5
cm.; width with handles (approximate): 31 cm.

worn away on the exterior, obscuring finer details,
especially the articulation of the satyrs' bodies.
Between the handles on either side, two satyrs frisk
around the central figure of a dancing maenad. A l l six
figures move together, though not with equal momentum,
to the right. This forward motion finally halts before a fantastic rock formation which forms a sort of punctuation
point behind the right satyr on side B. (fig. 5). Inside thecup (fig. 4), a coarsely drawn maeander border surrounds
the single elegant maenad. Running to left, she turns herhead back toward an unseen pursuer, conveniently fillingthe center of the tondo with her frontal torso and widespread arms.
A l l three maenads are dressed alike in finely pleatedchitons bound up with red tasseled cords and decorated
above the woven selvages of the skirts with a narrow black
stripe. The two who preserve their heads wear patternedsakkoi over their dark hair, and the maenad inside the cup
also wears a large disc-shaped earring with a central boss.
The spotted snakes and large thyrsoi carried by all three
and the leopard skins knotted around the shoulders of thetwo women on the outside distinguish them as Bacchic

New Vases by the Brygos Painter 77

Figure 5. Malibu 76.AE.131 and 81.AE.77. Side B.

Figure 6. Malibu 76.AE.131. and 81.AE.77. Side A .

78 True

Figure 7. Fragments of a kylix close to the Brygos Painter.
Scale 1:1. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum
81.AE.206.14.

Figure 8. Malibu 81.AE.206.14. interior, with edge of maeander bord<

New Vases by the Brygos Painter 79

revelers. The satyrs wear only wreaths of delicately entwined red vines and carry or drag half-empty wineskins(two are inscribed KAVO£). The right satyr on side A holds
a drinking horn as well, which he offers to the maenad
who dances in front of him.
The inscribed wineskins, unnatural rock, spottedsnakes, and leafy thyrsoi with their haloes of berries are
typical features of Brygan revels, as are the nonsense inscriptions with recognizable letters running around the figures both inside and out. The flattish, balding heads ofthe Malibu satyrs with hair bound up at the nape of theneck, little horn-like, forward-pointing ears, snub noses,
and carefully delineated lower lips find many parallels on
works accepted as the artist's own. Further, the wiry
body of the best preserved satyr, on the left of side B,
shows in the fine articulation of its musculature a close
relationship with human figures too, especially the central
dancer on the neck of an oinochoe in Orvieto. The Orvieto oinochoe may be dated among the later works of the
Brygos Painter. Similarly, the tondo figure of the Malibu
cup with her delicate profile and elongated proportions
has close relatives among the running maidens whose
splayed skirts and frontal torsoes fill the tondos of severalof the painter's late cups. Even the coarse drawing of thepattern on her sakkos and the surrounding maeander
border have parallels to support attribution to the late
Brygos Painter, the artist of 480-470 B.C., in whom, as
Beazley observed, the fire burned down."
18

19

20

21

22

23

24

u

25

Painter, and these artists certainly employed the featuresconsidered standard among the Brygan revels since theywould have learned them at the side of the master.
Though the appearance here of the single groundline may
not actually outweigh the evidence in favor of an attribution to the late Brygos Painter himself, it does suggest thatthe cup may be better assigned to the hand of a pupil, atleast until another cup with this specific feature appears to
confirm an attribution to the teacher. Since the best parallel for the unnatural rock formation on side B is, in fact, tobe found on a cup by the Briséis Painter, this pupil seems
to be the best candidate for the attribution. Whether it
represents a unique occurrence or the chance survivor ofmany examples, this groundline has a simplicity which iswell-suited to the rather tired quality of both the overallcomposition and its execution.
28

29

30

In a group of ten related fragments from another kylix,
the evidence for attribution is even less conclusive (figs.
7,8). Parts of at least four frolicking satyrs survive here on
the outside. The right hand of one appears to hold theloop of wineskin and another lies stretched out, infibulated, beneath one handle, the root of which begins justabove his shin. Inside, the edge of a maeander border thatonce framed the tondo scene remains. Not one figure approaches completeness, and though the features of the twopartially preserved heads resemble the satyrs on the more
complete vase just discussed, none is complete enough to
support an attribution more specific than Brygan.
31

There does exist one feature which is troublesome forthe acceptance of this cup as a work by the Brygos Painterhimself—the use on the exterior of the single groundline
beneath the dancing figures. The Brygos Painter used thesingle groundline on other vase shapes, but no kylix ofType B as yet attributed to the artist shows this important detail. The single groundline does sometimes appear
on the Type B cups of his closest followers, rarely with theFoundry Painter and more commonly with the Briséis

Brygan is a term which has also been applied to an important class of plastic vases, the animal head rhyta of theso-called Brygan Class. These vase are not numerousonly sixteen certain examples have been published —and
they take their name from the fact that they are, withthree exceptions, attributed to the Brygos Painter. Two
new examples can now be added to this list. One is in the
Getty Museum's collection (figs. 9-11), the other was re-

18. For the wineskins, Metropolitan Museum head vase no. 12.234.5,
ARV 382, 183; for the rock, Metropolitan Museum skyphos no.
29.131.4, ARV 381, 176; for the snakes and thyrsoi, the Munich kylix,
no. 2645, ARV 371, 15.
19. J. D. Beazley, Greek Vases in Poland (1928) p. 25.
20. For comparison, see the satyr heads reproduced together in Max
Wegner, Brygosmaler (1973) pi. 38.
21. Inv. no. 490, ARV 385, 225.
22. For example, Berlin, Staatliche Museen, no. 2303, ARV 380, 168;
Walter Bareiss Collection, no. 52, Para. 367.
23. Ella Riegel Memorial Museum, P-186, CVA U.S.A. 13, fase. 1, pi.
11, 7.
24. London E 71, ARV 372, 29.
25. ARV 368.
26. Although the foot of the Getty kylix is lost, the unbroken curve
between the stem and the bowl is preserved, and the small diameter ofthe remaining piece of the hollow stem (2.1 cm.) is not appropriate to thestouter proportions of kylikes of Type C. The inside lip of the cup is
sharply offset.
27. ARV 401, 11, and 403, 26. I thank D. von Bothmer for this information, as well as the next two notes.
28. ARV 406, 1, 2, and 6; 407, 10, 15, 17, and 18; 408, 25.
29. ARV 406, 2.
30. This attribution was first proposed by D. von Bothmer.
31. Getty acc. no. 81.AE.206.14. Restored diameter: 20.5 cm.
32. H. Hoffmann, Attic Red-Figured Rhyta (1962) pp. 10-12, pis. II—III.
33. Ibid., pp. 10-12, nos. 5-16; H . Hoffmann, 'Attic and Tarentine
Rhyta; Addendum," Studies in Honour of Arthur Dale Trendall (1979)
p. 93; G. Robert Guy, " A Ram's-Head Rhyton Signed by Charinos,"
Arts in Virginia 21 (1981) p. 5, figs. 9-11 (from a private collection in
Massachusetts, attributed by Dietrich von Bothmer).
34. Getty Museum acc. no. 79.AE.22.

2 6

27

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

32

33

34

2

2

2

80 True

Figure 9. Hound's head rhyton by the Brygos Painter. Maiibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 79.AE.22. Side A.

Figure 10. Malibu 79.AE.22. Side B.

stored and photographed in the museum's conservationlaboratory before it entered a private collection in Mexico(figs. 12-14). Both are hounds' heads with a single handle
set beneath the chin along the axis of the head, comparable in form to the hound excavated at Aléria in Corsica.
The condition of the new pair of rhyta is too fragmentary to confirm that they were made from the same mould
as the Aléria hound and, perhaps, also the two other examples in the Villa Giulia and Leningrad. The dimensions which are preserved, however, are close to the otherthree. A l l five are also similar in their general scheme ofdecoration. The Mexican rhyton shows especially clearlyan articulation of the features of the alert black head comparable to the three published hounds: long white
whiskers at the muzzle, shorter tufts around the jowls andin front of the ears, lobed lines around the outer edges ofthe orbital cavities also done in white, exaggerated double
tear ducts in added red, and red around the soft edges ofthe mouth. Like the other three, both of the new heads
preserve the purplish-red paint for the insides of the ears
and the collars that separate the red-figured rims from the
35

36

37

38

39

Figure 11. Malibu 79.AE.22. Side C.

35. I have not had the opportunity to study the Mexican rhyton first
hand. However, the piece was restored by Mrs. Penelope Potter, now
with the museum's photography department, and she has provided valuable information on many details as well as numerous photographs of thevase in the process of restoration. Unfortunately, I cannot provide any
documentation of inscriptions at this time. The Mexican rhyton is purported to have been found at Vulci, and it is likely that the Getty rhyton
was originally found there as well.
36. Aléria no. 10.127.84, Para. 367. See also ]. and L. Jehasse, La

Nécropole Préromaine d'Aléria (1973) p. 471.
37. Inv. no. 867, ARV 382, 187.
38. Inv. no. 679, ARV 382, 188.
39. The diameters of both the Getty piece and the Mexican rhyton areapproximately 11.2 cm. Since the rims were wheel-made and added separately, they cannot be direct evidence for the size of the molds; however,
the rim size depends closely upon the size of the opening left when thetwo sides of the head are joined, and the other three examples are allslightly more than 11 cm. across at the rim.
22

New Vases by the Brygos Painter 81

Figure 12. Hound's head rhyton by the Brygos Painter. Mexico City, private collection.

Figure 13. Mexico City rhyton. Side A .

Figure 14. Mexico City rhyton. Side C.

82 Trueplastic heads. In all five examples, this collar is decorated
diagonally with wavy, fine white lines. The purplish-red
paint on the interior of the heads below the black inner
rim and the cyma patterns around the rims' outer edges
are decorative details shared with all rhyta of the Brygan
Class.
Such consistency in the decorative schemes of the plastic
parts suggests at least the controlling influence of one artist. The red figure decoration on the rims confirms thissuggestion and narrows it down to a firm attribution.
Beazley has already attributed the painting of the threeknown hounds' heads to the Brygos Painter himself. Thus,
it is not surprising that the two new examples fit comfortably within this artist's style.

with the foot shown in the same awkward frontal perspective as that of the youth on side C of the Aléria hound's
head. It is his gesture of binding the fillet around his headthat has no parallel among the published Brygan vases.
More commonly identified with proto-Panaitian artists,
this pose does appear in the tondo of a kylix in the Louvre
attributed to Onesimos. Since vase scholars have longspeculated on a close working relationship between
Onesimos and the Brygos Painter at some point early inthe latter's career, the Getty fillet binder may serve as
another affirmation of this important association rather
that as an objection to the proposed attribution. Together
with the related rhyta in Genoa and Aléria, the Getty vasecan be dated to the decade 480-470 B.C.

The Getty rhyton is decorated around the rim with asymposion. Two seminude youths recline comfortably oneither side of a bearded man. While the youth on side A
entertains on the double flutes, the central figure turns to
his other companion, his finger crooked around the handle of his drinking cup in preparation for a game of kottabos. This third fellow is busily engaged in tying a fillet
around his curly head. O n the wall behind each hangs hisbasket of provisions, suspended from a red cord and decorated with red tassels, and his walking stick (the basket onside C is lost, but the bottom of the stick remains). In
added red in the field near each figure is inscribed KAVO£.

It is not one gesture that is unusual in the decoration of
the rim of the hound's head now in Mexico, it is the entire
composition—the only known palaestra scene on a rhyton
attributed to the Brygos Painter (fig. 12). O n side A is a
trainer clothed in a himation and soft, low shoes (fig. 13).
Around his head he wears an unusual red wreath with asingle long tendril that curls above his forehead. He sitswith his left leg drawn back and at least one arm extended
to hold the walking stick before him. Against the background wall are various pieces of palaestra equipment: thediscus bag, the crossed javelins, even a knotted fillet. A
bearded judge stands on side B, between a small, bushy
tree and a fluted half-column. Dressed like the trainer except for the simpler wreath around his head, he leans to
the right on the knotted stick propped under his left armpit. With his left hand he holds a long, straight rod, andwith his right he greets the athlete who approaches him onside C (fig. 14).
This athlete is the victor, distinguished by the long taeniae tied around his head, upper arm, and left thigh. Bending forward, dropping the walking stick from his righthand, he seems to be laying down the leafy branches
which he carries, perhaps tokens he has gathered from theappreciative crowd who witnessed his victory. Again the
background is littered with implements of the exercise
field: the pick used to prepare the earth for jumping andthe haltères.
Though Hartwig's original impression that the Brygos
Painter executed no athletic subjects has been revised bya century of discoveries and attributions, scenes of the palaestra are still relatively rare among the artist's vases.
Fortunately, one, the Boston skyphos referred to above,

One of the artist's favorite subjects for the decoration ofkylikes, the symposion scene appears as well on the
hound's head rhyta from Aléria and the Villa Giulia, andon two of the Brygan stemmed rhyta with plastic rams'
heads. The black-bordered himatia draped around thelower bodies, striped cushions, provision baskets, andwalking sticks are all standard paraphernalia for thesegatherings. Of the three figures, the flutist (fig. 9) especiallyfinds numerous parallels among the Brygan symposiasts.
The same details of extended cheeks and relief lines which
define the two closely held pipes and cross through theoutlines of the musician's widely spread fingers appear, forexample, in the figure on side A of the stemmed ram's
head rhyton in Genoa. The bearded man on side B of
the same Genoese cup resembles in pose and profile what
remains of the central figure on the Getty cup (fig. 10),though the Genoa man appears simply to hold his kylix
with his little finger genteelly extended rather than to prepare for rowdy gaming. The third companion on the Getty
rhyton (fig. 11) has his right leg drawn up beneath him
4041

40. Genoa inv. no. 1158, ARV 382, 186 and the ram's head now in a
private collection, mentioned in note 33.
41. See note 40.
42. E. Simon, Die Griechische Vasen (1976) p. 120 (notes on the Triptolemos Painter's calyx krater in Leningrad) mentions an unpublished
2

42

43

44

45

cup by the Brygos Painter in Brauron with the figure of Danae binding afillet around her head in a remarkably similar fashion.
43. I am indebted to D. von Bothmer for this information.
44. Louvre CI 1338, ARV 326, 88.
45. P. Hartwig, Die griechischen Meisterschalen der Blüthezeit des strengenrothfiguren Stiles (1893) p. 364.
2

New Vases by the Brygos Painter 83

proves to be a generous source for parallels with many ofthe details on the Mexican rhyton. The strange curling
wreath of the trainer of side A , the discus bag with its
black crescent-shaped strap attachments and furry surface
subtly indicated in dilute wash, the four-legged stool, pick,crossed javelins, and haltères (in use) all reappear in comparable form, along with the bearded, standing judge. The
trainer on side A is also closely related to the seated youth
on side B of the Brygos Painter's kylix in Copenhagen,
who is similarly dressed and seated. As for the appearance
in the Brygan palaestra of a half-column and a tree withleaves indicated in red along either side of its spiky branches, a single fragment attributed to the artist in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum can offer evidence forboth features. A l l of these comparisons suggest a datesomewhere around 480 B.C. for the Mexican example, contemporary with the Getty hound's head.
Only the pose of the victorious athlete finds no comparison among the known athletic scenes by the Brygos Painter.
However, a parallel does exist for it in the bending figure ofa youth within the tondo of an earlier cup in Warsaw, attributed by Beazley to the Thalia Painter. Likewise deckedout in a long fillet and wreaths, he carries a walking stickunder his arm and offers leafy branches in his outstretchedhands. What is not certain is the reason for this youth's
adornment. The exterior of the Warsaw cup is decorated
with a komos scene, and the tondo figure may well be areveler rather than a victorious athlete, since fillets andwreaths are common and prominent elements in manyscenes of carousing. But victory is surely just cause for revelry, and whether reveler or victor, the festive appearanceof each of these elaborately filleted youths is well-suited todecorate the rim or bowl of a wine cup.
46

47

48

Since all of the Brygan vases discussed here are wine cups,
the types of vases from which the style of the artist is best
known, in conclusion it seems most appropriate to give aresume of the contributions that these new pieces make to
our knowledge of the work of the Brygos Painter and his
followers. The most complete kylix, though given here to
the Briséis Painter, has introduced the possibility that the
Brygos Painter himself may have used a single groundline inhis exterior compositions on kylikes of Type B, a feature
hitherto unknown among his accepted cups. The twohounds' head rhyta have almost doubled the tiny numberof known Brygan Class rhyta of this type and add a newtheme, the palaestra scene, to the subjects found on rhyta
46. Thorvaldsen Museum no. 112, ARV 314, 60.
47. No. 22.139.80, ARV 374, 60.
48. Inv. no. 198514, ARV 113, 4.
49. For an example of a figure with one arm in a krater, see theAcrocup now given to the Dokimasia Painter (though once thought to be
by Brygos Painter), Berlin Staatliche Museen 2309, from Capua, Para.,222

rims attributed to the Brygos Painter. Although the fillet
binder on the Getty rhyton and the bowing athlete on the
hound's head in Mexico are figure types known from works
by other artists, they are new among the published worksof this painter. Finally, the fragment with Iris and the observing child adds another original composition to the
Brygos Painter's list of cups which treat mythological, andperhaps more specifically, Homeric subjects. Its beauty also
encourages the hope that additional fragments may eventually be added to complete the unfinished scene.
MalibuPOSTSCRIPT
Since this article went to press, two fragments pertinent
to the vases discussed here have been identified in the Getty
collection. The first (figs. 15 and 16) belongs with the Brygan cup fragments 81.AE.206.14, illustrated in figs. 7 and 8.
Although the sherd does not join the others, a band of greenish misfired glaze in the black area around the maeander border inside is present at exactly the same level in the bowl as
it appears on the inside of the two other fragments which
include part of the tondo's maeander border. In addition
to the edges of the three maeander squares within, thefragment preserves outside the remains of a bearded satyr
who has both of his forearms within the mouth of a verylarge, low vessel, perhaps a basin or a column krater. Its
number will be the same as the other pieces.
49

The second fragment (figs 17 and 18, Getty acc. no. 81.
AE.206.13) came as a surprise. From the outside, it looked
like an addition to the cup 81.AE.206.12. O n a double
groundline with exactly the same spacing between its lines
as 81.AE.206.12 is the hoof and striped lower leg of a donkey or mule moving to the right with a human foot besideit, both very similar in style to the figures on the exterior of
81.AE.206.12. Inside is the proof that this is a different cup.
The remains of the tondo composition, a corner of rock orwineskin, the tail and foot of a satyr, and the edges of theblack-bordered himation and finely pleated chiton of amaenad, show that the subject within both cups was thesame. However, the maeander border has a smaller diameter, and the drawing of both the maeander pattern and thefigures is much more careful. The pattern of folds along thechiton's edge and the foot and tail of the satyr recall someof the Brygos Painter's finer compositions and a date ca.
480 B.c. would seem correct for this new piece.
50406, 11 bis. Figures with both arms in a vessel are usually bathing rather
than dipping wine, but one comic exception with arms, shoulders andhead in a giant pithos appears on Getty no. 73.AE.150
50. Parallels for all details can be found on the Cabinet des Médailles
cup 576, mentioned above in note 14.

84 True

Figure 15. Fragment of a kylix (figs. 7 and 8) Scale 1:1. Malibu,
The J. Paul Getty Museum 81.AE.206.14. Exterior.

Figure 16. Malibu 81.AE.206.14. Interior.

Figure 17. Fragment of a kylix by the Brygos Painter. Ca. 480 B . C .
Scale 1:1. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum
81.AE.206.13. Exterior.

Figure 18. Malibu 82.AE.206.13. Interior.

Mánadengelage und Gôtterliebe in Malibu
Zu einem Komplex attischer rotfiguriger Fragmente
aus Etrurien im J. Paul Getty Museum
Adrienne Lezzi-Hafter
Die klassische Vasenforschung ware ohne den MárcheseCampana um eines ihrer Lieblingsspiele armer: das
Aufspüren von Fragmenten namlich, die nach der Verhaftung des Márchese 1857 in Rom über ganz Europa und
Nordamerika verstreut wurden. Gian Pietro Campana,
1807-1880, war Direktor der Pfandleihanstalt Monte diPietà in Rom und hatte in Südetrurien, vor allem Cerveteri, Keramik ankaufen lassen. Wegen finanzieller Schwierigkeiten wurde er verhaftet und seine berühmte und grofie
Sammlung aufgelôst. Die fragmentarischen Teile der Keramik blieben meist bis ins 20.Jahrhundert unbeachtet, bis
J . D . Beazley in den zwanziger und dreifiiger Jahren die
Zusammenhange entdeckte und die Scherben zu neuem
Leben erweckte. In den letzten Jahren tauchen vermehrt
wieder Fragmente auf, die das Kombinationsspiel neu
beleben.

KATALOG.
Der wohl mehr oder weniger zufàllig zusammengewurfelte Komplex wird in ungefàhr chronologischer Abfolge
aufgezàhlt. Er besteht zur Hauptsache aus vier Kannen desMannheimer Malers, zwei Kannen des Schuwalow-Malers,von denen die eine, als einzige Vase des Komplexes, in ausreichenden Teilen vorhanden war, um in Fufi und Kôrper
zusammengefugt werden zu kônnen, aus einer Pelike desFrauenbad-Malers und aus einigen wenigen, nicht nàher
identifizierten Fragmenten. Bilder im Mafistab 1:1, Zeichnungen 1:2.

Unter die rund zwei Dutzend heutiger Aufbewahrungsorte von Campana-Fragmenten und solchen, die sie erganzen, kann sich seit wenigen Jahren auch das J . Paul
Getty Museum reihen. Es erhielt von Gordon McLendon
eine Anzahl Fragmente zum Geschenk, die hier vorgestellt
werden sollen.4 Das Spiel mit den disjecta membra ist erst
perfekt, wenn man Fragmente vom einen Ort mit solchen
von einem anderen Ort zusammenfugen kann. So auch

L MANNHEIMER MALER.
1. Kleine Oinochoe. A b b . 1.3.
Inv. N r . 76.AE. 105A 1-5
Form: Die vorliegenden Fragmente und diejenigen der
Katalognummern 2-6 sind aile auf die gleiche Variante
einer Weinkanne, wenn auch von unterschiedlicher
Grôfie, zurückzuführen, vgl. Beazley A R V 1 . V a .

1

2

3

Neben den Abkürzungen des Deutschen Archàologischen Instituts für
Publikationen (Archàologischer Anzeiger 1977, 673ff.) und Zeitschriften(Archàologische Bibliographie 1979, Xff.) werden folgende Abkürzungenverwendet:-Kaempf-Dimitriadou = S. Kaempf-Dimitriadou, Die Liebe der Gôtter inder attischen Kunst des 5. Jh.v.Chr. (11. Beiheft Antike Kunst 1979.)-Kerameus 2 = A . Lezzi-Hafter, Der Schuwalow-Maler. Eine Kannenwerkstatt der Parthenonzeit. (Kerameus 2, 1976.)
Die Aufnahmen der Vasen in Malibu stammen von Don Hull, diejenigen der Fragmente in der Villa Giulia und die Zeichnungen vom
Autor.
Abb. 45 Photo Chuzeville Paris.
1. Zum Márchese Campana: S. Reinach, Esquisse d'une Histoire de laCollection Campana, RA 1904, 179-200; 363-384 und idem 1905, 57-92,
208-240, 343-364. Zur Sammlung Campana zuletzt: D. v. Bothmer, Lesvases de la Collection Campana, RLouvre 1977, 4, 213-221, sp. 213-214.
Zuletzt zu Cerveteri: Gli Etruschi e Cerveteri, la prospezione archeologica nell'attività délia Fondazione Lerici, Milano 1980. S. auch: Nuove
scoperte e acquisizioni nell'Etruria méridionale, Museo di Villa Giulia,
1975, 5-31.

hier. Vier der Malibu-Vasen kônnen durch Fragmente desMuseums der Villa Giulia in Rom ergànzt werden, die aus
der noch unpublizierten Fragmentensammlung Castellani
herrühren.
52

2. J. D. Beazley, Campana Fragments in Florence, 1933. Zu den Aufbewahrungsorten siehe S.35, heute z.T. wieder veràndert?
3. etwa: AntK 7, 1964, Taf. 14 und Tubingen E 415 (Robert Guy 1977).
4. J . P. Getty Museum Pamphlet: Greek Vases, Jan. 1-April 3, 1977,
Nr. 50.52-55; dort noch als von Aison gemalt bezeichnet. Ian McPhee
machte mich auf die Fragmente aufmerksam. Jiri Frel verdanke ich die
Aufforderung zur Publikation und einen Aufenthalt in Malibu, um den
Komplex in Ruhe studieren zu kônnen. Marit Jentoft-Nilsen fügte einige
Fragmente Zusammen. Cornelia Isler-Kerényi las den Text; verbleibende
Fehler sind meine eigenen. Das Manuskript war in wesentlichen im
Februar 1981 abgeschlossen.
5. zur Sammlung Castellani s. P. Mingazzini, Vasi délia Collezione
Castellani I, 1930, S. VII und II, 1971, 7. Die Fragmente sind zum Groftteil (?) in Beazley, ABV und ARV aufgenommen. Sie sollen in ihrem
archaischen Teil von Lise Hannestad publiziert werden. Der klassische
Teil wird in kommender Zeit von J. Robert Guy bearbeitet werden. Dass
die Castellani Fragmente mit der Sammlung Campana zusammenhàngen, scheint heute nicht mehr so sicher zu sein, vgl. v. Bothmer,
oben Anm. 1, 214.
Ich môchte an dieser Stelle Paola Peiagatti für ihre Erlaubnis danken,
die Fragmente zu sehen und zu publizieren.
1

86 Lezzi-HafterAbb. 1. Mannheimer Maler, Fragmente der kleinen Oinochoe (Nr. 1). Malibu 76.AE.105 A 1-5.
Abb. 2. Mannheimer Maler, Fragment der kleinen Oinochoe (Nr. 1). Villa Giulia.
Abb. 3. Wiederherstellung der kleinen Oinochoe desMannheimer Malers (Nr. 1) (Abb. 1-2).

Schlanker Kôrper über Wulstfufi. Kantig abgesetzte
Schulter, runde, stark hervorspringende Mündung. Breiter
Henkel, der auf der Mündungshóhe mit seitlichen Fortsátzen im Rand verschmilzt. Vgl. Kerameus 2, 16ff.
Zustand: 9 z.T. aneinander passende Fragmente aus
dem Kôrper. Oranger Ton, Miltos, schwarzer Firnis. Innenseite des Kôrpers leicht gerippt und stráhnig braun
gefirniik. Hôhe des grôiken Teiles 8,0, Wanddicke beim
Màander 0,3 cm. Hôhe der Figuren ergànzt ca. 10,5. Hôhedes Gefàfies vermutlich um 22 cm.
Dazugehórendes Fragment Villa Giulia: A b b . 2-3. Ein
Fragment aus dem Kôrper. Tonbeschaffenheit wie oben.
Hôhe 3,2, Wanddicke beim Maander 0,3 cm.
Figürliche Verzierung: Libationsszene. Erhalten sind
Teile eines Mannes, in seinen Mantel gehüllt, der nach
rechts gewandt, einen gebogenen Stock in der rechten
Hand halt. V o r ihm steht, mit dem Rücken zu ihm, eine
Frau in Chiton und Peplos. Im Vergleich zu 2 und zur fragmentarischen Kanne V a im Louvre (Kerameus 2, Taf. 67a;
ein Fragment in New Yorker Privatbesitz wurde ihr kürzlich "beigefügt") ist der M a n n links aufien bàrtig und wohlbekrànzt oder mit einer Tànie im Haar zu ergànzen. Seine
spiegelbildliche Verdoppelung schlieik die rechte Bildseite
ab. In der Mitte steht die Frau und giefit aus einer KanneMànadengelage und Gôtterliebe 87

Abb. 4. Mannheimer Maler, Fragmente der kleinen Oinochoe (Nr. 2). Malibu 76.AE.105 B 1-5.
Wein in eine metallene Phiale. Die Figuren weisen keine
Reliefkontur auf.
Ornament: rechtsláufiger, einmal gebrochener Màander.
Zuschreibung an den Mannheimer Maler: vgl. zum
M a n n mit dem Stock die Kanne Kunsthandel (Kerameus 2,
Taf. 65c) und Kanne Hannover (Kerameus 2, Taf. 176b
(Bilder b und c vertauscht), zur Frau die gleichen Kannen(Kerameus 2, Taf. 65c und 66b).
Datierung: um 460-450 v.Chr.
Replik von 2.
2. Kleine Oinochoe. A b b . 4-5.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.105 B 1-5.
Form: V a , wie 1.

Abb. 5. Wiederherstellung der kleinen Oinochoe desMannheimer Malers (Nr. 2) (Abb. 4).

88 Lezzi-Hafter

Zustand: 5 nicht aneinander passende Fragmente aus
dem Kôrper. Oranger Ton, Miltos, schwarzer Firnis. Innenseite wie 1. Lánge "Phialefragment" 5,1, Wanddicke
beim Mâander 0,3 cm. Hóhe der Figuren ergànzt wie 1.
Figürliche Verzierung: erhalten sind Teile des Stockes inder Hand des Mannes im Bild links aufien, Teile des Peplos
der Frau in der Mitte, Teile ihrer Hànde, die links eine
Phiale, rechts eine Kanne halten, aus der, in Ritzlinie gezeichnet, der Wein flieik. A u f dem selben Fragment ist das
Stockende des Mannes rechts aufien zu erkennen. Erganzung des Bildes wie 1. Keine Reliefkontur. Die Buckel inder Phiale mit verdünntem Firnis gezeichnet.

Abb. 6. Mannheimer Maler, Fragment der kleinen Oinochoe (Nr. 3). Malibu 76.AE.106 B 1-3.

Ornament: rechtslàufiger, einmal gebrochener M à a n der, unterbrochen durch eine punktierte Kreuzplatte.
Zuschreibung: wie 1.
Replik von 1.
Bemerkung: die Verteilung zwischen 1 und 2 der Fragmente aus der Peplosfigur und dem M à a n d e r ist in diesem
Zustand nicht letztlich zu entscheiden.
3. Kleine Oinochoe. A b b . 6.
Inv. Nr. 76.AE.106 B 1-3.
Form: V a , wie 1.
Zustand: drei nicht aneinander passende Fragmente aus
Schulter und Hals. Oranger Ton, Miltos, schwarzer Firnis,
aufgemaltes Weifi. Halsinnenseite bis auf Schulterknickschwarz gefirniik. Lange grôfkes Fragment 5,3, Wandicke
beim Myrtenzweig 0,25 cm.
Wohl dazugehôrende Fragmente Villa Giulia: A b b . 7.
6 z.T. aneinander passende Fragmente aus Mündung, Halsund Schulter. Tonbeschaffenheit wie oben. Ergánzter
Durchmesser M ü n d u n g 9-9,5 cm.
Ornament: auf der Mündungslippe punktierter Eierstab,
auf der Schulter rechtsgerichteter Myrtenzweig mit weifi
aufgemalten Stielen und Beeren.
Zuschreibung an die Werkstatt des Mannheimer Malers:ein Myrtenzweig als Schulterverzierung ist zwar im bisher
bekannten Oeuvre des Mannheimer Malers neu (vgl. aber

Abb. 7. Mannheimer Maler, Hals einer kleinen Oinochoe (Nr. 3). Villa Giulia.

Mànadengelage und Gôtterliebe 89

Abb. 8. Fragment der kleinen Oinochoe(Nr. 4). Malibu 76.AE.106 A .

Abb. 9. Hals der kleineri Oinochoe (Nr. 4). Villa Giulia.

den Myrtenzweig auf Kannen V a des Schuwalow-Malers,
Kerameus 2, Taf. 107a-b), der Eierstab und die Gefàfiform
sind jedoch so typisch, dafi eine Zugehôrigkeit zu dieser
Werkstatt ausser Frage steht.
Bemerkung: dieses Oberteil einer Kanne kônnte zu einer der beiden Kannen 1 oder 2 gehôren.
4. Kleine Oinochoe. A b b . 8.
Inv. Nr. 76.AE.106 A .
Form: V a , wie 1.
Zustand: einzelnes Schulterfragment. Oranger T o n ,Miltos, schwarzer Firnis, innen auf Halsteil braun gefirnifk. Lange 5,6, Wanddicke beim Eierstab 0,25 cm.
Ornament: auf der Schulter punktierter Eierstab.
Zuschreibung an die Werkstatt des Mannheimer Malers:
dieses Schulterornament ist ebenfalls "neu" in dieser Werkstatt, erscheint aber wieder auf den grofiformatigen Kannen dieses Ateliers, liegt dann aber unterhalb des Schulterknickes (vgl. Kerameus 2, Taf. 68-69, und hier 5 und 6).
Bemerkung: kônnte zu 1 oder 2 gehôren.—In der Villa
Giulia gibt es Hais und M ü n d u n g einer Oinochoe, wie aile
anderen aufgeführten Fragmente der Sammlung Castellani
ebenfalls ohne Inventarnummer, die nach Form und Ornament hierher gehôrt und die vielleicht mit dem Schulterfragment 4 in Verbindung gebracht werden kônnte:
A b b . 9. Durchmesser M ü n d u n g 9,5, Hôhe erhalten 8,1
cm. A u f der M ü n d u n g punktierter Eierstab.

5. Grosse Oinochoe. Abb. 10, 15, 17-19.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.104 A 1-10.
Form: V a , wie 1.
Zustand: 17 z. T. aneinander passende Fragmente aus
Kôrper und Hais. Oranger Ton, starker Miltos, schwarzer,
auf der linken Gefàiiseite grünlich verfàrbt. Kôrperinnenseite stark gerippt und stràhnig hellbraun, Schulterknickkaum, Hais dunkler gefirniik. Hôhe grôiker Fragmentekomplex 13,4, Wanddicke beim Eierstab 0,25, beim Màander 0,4 cm. Hôhe Figuren Schulter ergànzt ca. 5,5, 6 und
4,5 cm, Figuren Kôrper ca. 12 cm. Hôhe des Gefàftes vermutlich um 29 cm.
Dazugehôrende Fragmente Villa Giulia: A b b . 11-14,
16-19. 12 z.T aneinander passende Fragmente aus Mündung, Hals und Kôrper. Tonbeschaffenheit wie oben. Rôtlicher Fehlbrand auf linker Gefàiiseite. Hôhe erhalten 9,7,
Durchmesser M ü n d u n g 11,9 cm. Wanddicke beim M à a n der 0,4 cm. Mündungs- und Halsfragment bereits abgebildet in: Kerameus 2, Taf. 66,c-e; Beazley ARV 1065,3.
Figürliche Verzierung: Hais: drei M à n a d e n beim Gelage.
Zur Mitte gewandt liegt links eine in Chiton und Mantel
gehüllte M á n a d e auf ein gestreiftes Kissen hingelagert. Das
Kinn liegt in der einen Hand, mit der anderen hait sie den
Henkel einer niederen Schale, bereit zum Kottabos-Spiel.
Hinter ihr ragt, rechtwinklig abstehend, ein Thyrsos mit
Seitenzweig hervor. Vor ihr am Boden steht ein Kantharos
in ungewohnter Ansicht; die Henkel überschneiden sich.
2

90

Abb.

Lezzi-Hafter

10. M a n n h e i m e r

Maler,

Fragmentedergrossen O i n o c h o e ( N r . 5). M a l i b u 76.AE.104 A 1-10.

Mànadengelage und Gôtterliebe 91

92 Lezzi'HafterMβnadengelage und GτtterliebeAbb.

11-14.

M a n n h e i m e r M a l e r , Hals der grossen O i n o c h o e ( N r . 5). V i l l a G i u l i a .

93

94 Lezzi-HafterAbb. 15. Mannheimer Maler, Fragmente dergrossen Oinochoe (Nr. 5). Malibu
76.AE.104 A 1-10
Abb. 16. Mannheimer Maler, Fragmente dergrossen Oinochoe (Nr. 5). Villa
Giulia.

Manadengelage und Gôtterliebe 95

In der Mitte des Bildes sitzt auf einem Felsen eine gleichgekleidete M à n a d e , in den Hànden zwei Auloi. A m rechten
Bildrand sieht man wieder eine gelagerte M à n a d e . IhrHaar ist in einem Band zusammengenommen. Den linken
A r m auf ein grofies efeu- und streifenverziertes Kissen abgestützt, streckt sie ihre Rechte aus. A u c h hinter ihr ragt
ein Thyrsos in den Hintergrund.
Bauch: Poseidon verfolgt ein Màdchen, zwei weitere fliehende Màdchen. Im Zentrum verfolgt Poseidon ein Madchen nach rechts. Der Gott ist bekrânzt und tràgt einen"kteontos" Chiton. V o m linken A r m , mit dem er wahrscheinlich das Màdchen berührte, hàngt ein Màntelchen,
mit der Rechten tràgt er den Dreizack. Die Verfolgte, wieauch ihre Gespielinnen, sind mit Chiton und Mantel bekleidet; von ihrem Kopf allein hat sich ein Fragment erhalten, das zeigt, dafi sie die gleiche Haartracht tràgt wie
die dritte M à n a d e . Eilend schaut sie zu Poseidon zurück.
So tun auch die beiden anderen M à d c h e n an den Bildràndern, die aufgeregt gestikulierend vor dem Angreifer
davonstieben. Das Fragment mit dem Dreizack kônnte
eventuell auch nach hinten gerichtet sein. Profil ganz,

Firfie und Hànde nur teilweise mit Relieflinien konturiert.
Für Beinmuskeln des Poseidon verdünnter Firnis.
Inschrift: Poseidon-Fragment Villa Giulia: A b b . 16: vor
seinem Kopf haben sich môglicherweise die Reste zweier
weifiaufgemalter Buchstaben erhalten, beide ungleich
grofi. Der erstere kônnte ein Pi, der letztere ein flüchtiges
Ny sein. Platz ware jedoch nur für ein "Posidon" oder "Posedon" vorhanden. In anderen Inschriften schreibt derMaler jedoch "ei" anstelle von " i " oder "e" (vgl. FR Tf.
168,1 und Richter-Hall Taf. 108).
Ornament: an der M ü n d u n g punktierter Eierstab. A n
der engsten Stelle des Halses ein umlaufendes Band vonschràggestellten gegenstàndigen Palmetten, deren Ranken
unter dem Hankel in zwei Spiralen enden, s. A b b . 11.
Unterhalb des Schulterknickes punktierter Eierstab. Als
Bildleiste am Bauch ein linkskàufiger doppeltgebrochener
Màander, meist nach dreien, einmal nach vier Gliedern
durch eine Schachbrettplatte (zwôlf- bis sechzehn Felder)
unterbrochen. Zum Henkelornament vgl. 6.
Zuschreibung an den Mannheimer Maler: s. 6.
Datierung: um 450-440 v.Chr.
Replik von 6.

Abb. 17. Wiederherstellung des Kôrpers der grossen Oinochoe des Mannheimer Malers (Nr. 5).

96

Lezzi-HafterAbb.

18. Wiederherstellimg der Schulter der grossen O i n o c h o e des M a n n h e i m e r Malers ( N r . 5).

Abb.

19. Wiederherstelkmg der grossen O i n o c h o e des M a n n h e i m e r Malers ( N r . 5).

Manadengelage und Gôtterliebe 97

Abb. 20. Mannheimer Maler, Fragmente der grossen Oinochoe (Nr. 6). Malibu 76.AE.104 B 1-13.

6. Grosse Oinochoe. A b b . 20, 22-26.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.104 B 1-13.
Form: V a , wie 1.
Zustand: 22 z.T. aneinander passende Fragmente aus
Hals und Kôrper. Oranger Ton, starker Miltos, schwarzer
regelmàikger Firnis, aufgemaltes Weifi. Innenseite stark gerippt und heller gefirniik wie 5; Hals bis auf Schulterknickdunkelbraun gefirniik. Groíke Hóhe Schulterfragment
7,2, Wanddicke beim Eierstab 0,25, beim Màander 0,4 cm.
Hóhe der Figuren Schulter ergànzt ca. 5,5, 6 und 5 cm,
Figuren Kôrper ca. 12,5 cm. Hôhe des Gefaíks vermutlich
um 30 cm.
Dazugehôrende Fragmente Villa Giulia: A b b . 21-23,25,
27. 6 z.T. aneinander passende Fragmente. Tonbeschaffenheit wie oben, aufgemaltes Weifi. Lange des grôiken
Fragmentes 9,4, Wanddicke beim Màander 0,4-0,5 cm.

Figürliche Verzierung: drei M á n a d e n beim Gelage. Im
Gegensatz zu 5, liegen die beiden seitlichen M à n a d e n nicht
auf Kissen, sondern direkt auf der Erde, die mit weifien
Gelândelinien angedeutet ist. Die M à n a d e links spielt wiederum Kottabos, die Hand lâssig unter das Kinn gestützt,ihre Füfie ebensolàssig übereinander geschlagen. Vor ihr
der Kantharos in Seitenansicht. Die auf dem Felsen sitzende M à n a d e ist besser erhalten und so sieht man, dafi sie
die Floten auf dem Schofie aufstützt. V o n der dritten Mànade bleibt nur wenig erhalten, so die ausgestreckte Hand,
die der Flôtistin das Zeichen geben mag, mit dem Spiel erst
wieder zu beginnen, wenn die erste M à n a d e mit dem letzten Schluck Wein glücklich den Kantharos getroffen hat.
Unter ihren Oberschenkeln ist ein Teil eines ungedeuteten
Gegenstandes zu sehen. V o n den Thyrsoi ist keine Spurgeblieben.

98 Lezzi-HafterAbb. 21. Mannheimer Maler, Fragmente der grossen Oinochoe

fr. 6). Villa Giulia.

Bauch: Poseidon verfolgt ein Màdchen, zwei weitere fliehende M à d c h e n zu beiden Seiten. Neben der Fliehenden
links erscheinen hier die Spitzen des Dreizacks nach hinten
gewandt; die selbe Stelle auf 5 bleibt leer. Ebenso leer bleibt
die Stelle über dem linken waagrechten A r m der Verfolgten. Der rechte A r m des dritten Màdchens muíi steiler abgewinkelt gedacht werden wie auf 5. Gesichter und Hàlse
sind vollstàndig, Arme, Hànde und Füfie teilweise mit Relieflinie konturiert.
Ergànzung der Fliehenden links aufien: seit Bekanntwerden der Malibu-Fragmente ist mir im Louvre eine weitereKanne aufgefallen, die ebenfalls dem Mannheimer Maler
zugeschrieben werden mufi: A b b . 45 und unten S. 103. Sie
gibt die gleiche Ikonographie wie auf den Kôrpern derKannen 5 und 6 wieder, fragmentarisch auch sie, aber
spiegelbildlich. V o m verfolgenden M a n n blieb nur der linke Fufi erhalten, kein Dreizack ragt hinter ihm her; dasvon ihm weg fliehende Màdchen weist mit ihrem rechten
A r m die gleiche Stellung auf wie die Fliehende links mit
ihrem linken A r m auf dem Kannenpaar. Vielleicht l a í ksich für unsere Fliehende die rechte Hand analog zur
derjenigen im Louvre ergànzen. Die Louvre-Figur tràgt
im übrigen einen àrmellosen Chiton und eine andere
Haartracht.

überzug der Innenseite scheint es ziemlich sicher zu 6 zu gehôren. Im Vergleich mit den kleinformatigen Kannen desMannheimer Malers làfit sich eine Hàngepalmette mit zwei
liegenden S-Spiralen ergànzen, die optisch Henkelansatz
und Gefàfikôrper verbindet (vgl. Kerameus 2, Taf. 65 b).
Das dem Kannenpaar 5 und 6 am nàchsten verwandte,
gleich grofie Kannenpaar des Mannheimer Malers in derVilla Giulia und im Britischen Museum (Kerameus 2, Taf.
38. 68-69), auch es aus Cerveteri, weist in der Henkelzone
ein viel reicheres Ornament auf, die Oberseite des Henkels
ist sogar mit Schuppen gemustert. Aus dem Mündungsfragment von 5 in der Villa Giulia (Abb. 11), wo der obère
Henkelansatz teilweise noch vorhanden ist, wird ein
solches Schuppenmuster nicht ersichtlich.
Zuschreibung an den Mannheimer Maler: die Villa Giulia- Fragmente von 5 wurden bereits von Beazley zugeschrieben (vgl. Beazley ARV 1065,3). Vgl. etwa zu den
Chiton/Mantel-Figuren (doppelt gerandeter Halsausschnitt, schwere Mantelfalten über den Hüften): Oinochoe VII Vatikan (Kerameus 2, Taf. 176 g) und Oinochoe
VII Louvre (Kerameus 2 Taf. 176 h). Vgl. zum Kopf des Poseidon mit dem charakteristischen Schnauz: sàmtliche
Manner des Mannheimer Malers (z.B. Kerameus 2, Taf.
176 a-c); zum Kleid des Poseidon: Penthesilea auf derKanne New York (Kerameus 2 Taf. 71 c).

Ornament: wie 5, mit dem Unterschied, dafi bei 6 derEierstab unterhalb des Schulterknickes bedeutend schmà1er ausgefallen ist.—Im gesamten Komplex hat sich ein
Fragment erhalten, das Teile einer recht groiien Palmette
zeigt, vgl. A b b . 28. In Tonqualitàt, Wanddicke und Firnis-

2

Replik von 5.
Erwàhnt in: Painting on Vases in Ancient Greece, Exhibítion at Loyola Marymount University California, 1979, Nr, 34(dort noch 76.AE.106).

Mnadengelage un Gτtterliebe

Abb.

22. Wiederherstellung des Halses der grossen O i n o c h o e des M a n n h e i m e r Malers ( N r . 6).

Abb.

23. Wiederherstellung des Kτrpers der grossen O i n o c h o e des M a n n h e i m e r Malers ( N r . 6).

99

100

LezzMafterAbb.

24. M a n n h e i m e r M a l e r , Fragmente
der grossen O i n o c h o e ( N r . 6).
M a l i b u 76.AE.104 B 1-13.

Abb. 25. M a n n h e i m e r M a l e r , Fragmente der grossen O i n o c h o e ( N r . 6). M a l i b u ( L ) , M a l i b u ( M ) , V i l l a G i u l i a (R).

101
Mànadengelage und Gôtterliebe

Abb. 26. Mannheimer Maler, Fragmente

der grossen Oinochoe (Nr. 6). Malibu 76.AE. 104 B 1-13.

Abb. 27. Mannheimer Maler, Fragmente

der grossen Oinochoe (Nr. 6). Villa Giulia.

Abb. 28. Fragment einer Palmette der grossen Oinochoe des Mannheimer Malers Nr. 6. Malibu.

ZU DEN BILDERN DES GROftEN KANNENPAARESDES MANNHEIMER MALERS (KATALOG 5 U N D 6).
ABB. 17-18, 22-23.
Schulterbild:
Mit den beiden so eng sich wiederholenden Bildern vonden drei M á n a d e n beim Symposion sind dem Mannheimer
Maler zwei der anmutigsten Mànadenbilder wohl der ganzen Vasenmalerei gelungen. M a n kennt diese sonst eher
als wildtanzende Begleiterinnen des Dionysos oder ernst ineine Kulthandlung vertieft. Daft sie nun einmal ihrem eigenen Vergnügen nachgehen, sich für ein paar Stunden
draufien in der Natur niedergelassen haben und nach alien
Regeln der Kunst einem Gelage frôhnen, ist wirklich unerhórt.—So hübsch der Einfall des Malers, so selten ist er
auch. Meines Wissens gibt es ein Bild gleichen Inhaltes nur
noch ein zweites Mai. A u f einem Askos des Makron liegensich zwei Manaden beim Trinken gegenüber. Beide Maler
stellten M à n a d e n auch noch in einem vierten, ebenso ungewôhnlichen Zusammenhang dar: eine M à n a d e , vomwilden Treiben zerzaust und erschópft, liegt eingeschlafen
auf der Erde und wird von zwei lüsternen Satyrn iiberrascht. Doch welch' ein Unterschied zwischen dem archaischen und dem klassischen Bild. Der Preis für die
Lebendigkeit fàllt eindeutig Makron zu. Umgekehrt waresicherlich der ausgewogeneren, ruhigeren Darstellung derzechenden Màdchen durch den Mannheimer Maler den
V orrang zu geben.
Bauchbild:67Abb. 19bis. Wiederherstellung der grossen
Oinochoe des Mannheimer
Malers (Nr. 5).

6. Beazley ARV 480,338. D. Buitrón, Attic Vase Painting in New
England Collections, 1972, Nr. 48. und H . Hoffman, Sexual and Asexual
Pursuit, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Occasional Paper 34,1977, Taf. 8,3 (als Mànade und Hetàre bezeichnet). S.
auch K. Schauenburg, Silene beim Symposion, Jdl 88, 1973, 1-26.
7. Makron: Beazley ARV 461, 36; Para. 377. Caskey/Beazley (s. unten
unter XIII der Replikenliste) III Taf. 78, Nr. 138. Mannheimer Maler:22Manadengelage und Gôtterliebe 103

Ging der Mannheimer Maler im Schulterbild i k o n ographisch eigene Wege, so folgte er im Bauchbild dem gelàufigen Schema eines Gottes, der ein Màdchen verfolgt.
Der Gott des Meeres, Poseidon, ist dank seines Dreizackes
eindeutig zu erkennen, man mufi sich nicht auf die unsichere Beischrift verlassen. Die von ihm Auserwàhlte pflegt
meist durch ein Attribut als eine bestimmte Heroine gekennzeichnet zu sein. Beidemale ist die linke Hand der
Verfolgten auf dem vorliegenden Kannepaar erhalten—
beidemale leer. Wenn sie einen Gegenstand trug, dann inihrer rechten Hand. Aber gerade dort bestehen beidemale
recht empfindliche Lücken. O b sie jemals durch weitere
Fragmente geschlossen werden kônnen?
8

Zur Identifizierung der von Poseidon Verfolgten ist
schon viel Tinte geflossen. Da der Mannheimer Maler mit
Beigaben geizte oder der Zufall nicht günstig gesinnt war,kann dazu nicht viel mehr als eine Vermutung ausgesprochen werden.
Die Verfolgte, Auserwàhlte wird nicht allein überrascht,
sie befindet sich inmitten einer Màdchenschar. Hat derMannheimer Maler eine inhaltlich zusammenhàngende
Bemalung dieses Kannenpaares angestrebt? Nicht nur ist
die Kanne ein Weingefàii, auch die M á n a d e n führen in die
dionysische Sphàre. Poseidon sah Amphitrite mit ihren
Schwestern, den Nereiden, auf der Insel Naxos, um deren
Besitz Dionysos im Kampf mit Poseidon siegte, tanzen undvon dort nahm er sie, um sie zur Mitherrscherin über die
Meere zu machen. Sehen wir auf den Oinochoen Malibu/
Villa Giulia das Bild von Poseidon, wie er Amphitrite aus
dem Kreis ihrer Schwestern entführt?
910

Hàngen Schulter- und Bauchbild inhaltlich zusammen?
Bei diesem Kannenpaar ist man versucht, dies zu bejahen.
Das Hauptbild kann als Todesallegorie, die Entrückung
durch einen Gott in ein besseres Dasein, interpretiert werden. Die erotische Grundstimmung wird im Nebenbild
durch Kottabos- und Aulosspiel aufgenommen, mit dem
die Frauen ein unbeschwertes Dasein nach dem Todefeiern. Beide Bilder sind zudem vereint auf einem Gefàft,
das wohl beim letzten Gelage Verwendung finden sollte.

Abb. 29. Schuwalow Maler, Fragment der Oinochoe (Nr.
7). Malibu 76.AE.89 B.
einem Teil der Sammlung Campana dorthin gelangte unddie hier zum ersten M a l verôffentlicht werden kann.
Form: Oinochoe V a , S. Katalog Nr. 1
Zustand: aus drei Fragmenten zusammengesetzt, circa
die Hàlfte des Kôrpers, Hals, M ü n d u n g und Henkel fehlend. Firnis auf der Rückseite absplitternd. Fuft stark berieben. Hôhe erhalten 14,2 Durchmesser Fuft 9,2, Hôhe
Figur ca. 9,5 cm.
11

Bild: nackter linker Fufi eines Mannes nach links. Gestikulierend fliehendes Màdchen nach rechts (Chiton,
Mantel, Ohrring, Halsband). Es handelt sich sicher um
den ruckwàrtigen Teil einer Verfolgungsszene, vielleichtum einen Vorlàufer der Kannenbilder 5 und 6? Relieflinien
für Gesicht, Hals und Teile von Armen und Beinen.
Ornament: Schulter: schwarzfiguriges Lotosknospenband (ebenfalls "neu" im bisherigen Repertoire des Mannheimer Malers). Reste einer Hàngepalmette am Henkelansatz. Als Bildleiste rechtslàufiger Schachbrettmáander
mit 9 und 16 feldrigen Platten. Màanderverschluft hinten
links:

103

Datierung: um 450-440 v.Chr.

DIE KANNE LOUVRE Cp 11154. Abb. 45.
Im Zusammenhang mit der Ergànzung der einen M à d chenfigur des Kannenpaares 5 und 6 (oben S. 89-99)
wurde eine Oinochoe, heute im Louvre, erwàhnt, die mit

Eine gesamtheitliche Uebersicht über den Mannheimer
Maler und sein Oeuvre mit den seit Kerameus 2 neu hinzugekommenen Stücken solí zu einem spáteren Zeitpunkt
vorgelegt werden.

Oinochoenpaar Villa Giulia und London, s. unten unter VIII der
gleichen Liste.
8. s. etwa Kámpf-Dimitriadou passim; dieselbe in: LJMC I (1981) s.v.
Amphitrite.
9. Listen und Bibliographien bei F. Brommer, Gôttersagen in Vasenlisten, 1980, 37-40.

10. U . Heimberg, Das Bild des Poseidon in der griech. Vasenmalerei, Diss.
1968, 35-7.
10a. zuletzt: C. Isler-Kerényi, "Un nuovo Stamnos del pittore di Achille," in: Quaderni ticinesi 8, 1979, 25-35. Vgl. auch unten Anm. 23.
11. Mein Dank geht an Hubert Giroux, der das Studium im Magazinermóglichte und an Alain Pasquier, der sie reinigen, photographieren
liess und die Publikationserlaubnis erteilte.

104 Lezzi-HafterAbb. 30. Schuwalow Maler, Oinochoe (Nr. 8). Malibu 76.AE.89 A .
II. SCHUWALOW-MALER.
7. Oinochoe. A b b . 29.
Inv. Nr. 76.AE.89 B.
Form: I V , vgl. 8.
Zustand: ein Schulterfragment. Oranger Ton, Reste vonMiltos, schwarzer Firnis. Innenseite ohne Schulter braun
gefirniik. Lange 6,0 cm.
Figürliche Verzierung: bekrànzter, in seinen Mantel gehüllter bàrtiger Mann, der wohl ein Szepter in der rechten
Hand hielt, nach links gewandt. Wohl dritte Figur rechts
aufien in einem Abschieds- oder Verfolgungsbild. Kontur
in Relieflinien für nackte Teile, Haar und Teil des Szeptersin verdünntem Firnis.
Zuschreibung an den Schuwalow-Maler: vgl. Kerameus
2, Taf. 102ff.
Datierung: um 430-425 v.Chr.

8. Oinochoe. A b b . 30-31.
Inv. Nr. 76.AE.89 A .
Form I V : mehrstufig abgesetzter Fufi mit gerippter A u íknseite, kugeliger Kôrper. Die M ü n d u n g ist rund, derHenkel bandfôrmig und gerippt, über den Mündungsrandhinausragend zu ergànzen. Vgl. Kerameus 2, S. 15 f.
Zustand: Fufi ungebrochen. Kôrper aus rund 50 Fragmenten zusammengesetzt, ca. ein Viertel, vor allem in den
Figuren und im Henkelornament ergànzt. Hals, Henkel
und M ü n d u n g fehlen. Oranger Ton, auf Unterseite starker
Miltos, schwarzer Firnis, der auf der rechten rückseitigen
Hàlfte einem rotbraunen und grünlichschwarzen Fehlbrand Platz macht. Bauch innen braun gefirniik. Hôhewie erhalten 14,2, Durchmesser Fufi 8,2, Durchmesser
Bauch ergànzt 14,5, Hôhe Figuren 8.9,5 und 7,5 cm.

Manadengelage und Gôtterliebe 105

Abb. 31. Schuwalow Maler, Oinochoe (Nr. 8). Malibu 76.AE.89 A .
Figürliche Verzierung: Polyneikes besticht Eriphyle mit
dem Halsband der Harmonia. Links eine Dienerin mit
zwei metallenen Phialen. Sie tràgt einen schweren, dunkelgesàumten Peplos. In der Mitte steht Polyneikes, der soeben (nach vergleichbaren Bildern) eine hier nicht erhaltene Kette aus seinem Weidenkàstchen zieht, um damit
Eriphyle zur Preisgabe des Versteckes von Amphiaraos zu
bewegen. Petasos und Mantel sind so drapiert, daii der
nackte Kôrper sich davor abhebt. Lanzen und Reisestiefel
vervollstàndigen seine Ausrüstung. Eriphyle, elegant in
Chiton und Mantel gekleidet, mit Ohrringen geschmuckt,
erhebt sich eben aus ihrer zurückgelehnten Sitzhaltung,um sich die Kette nàher zu betrachten. V o n ihrem C h i gnon ausgehend ist ein hell sich vom Firnis abhebender
Geistermàander zu erkennen, nicht derselbe wie auf derBildleiste, vgl. A b b . 32. Er entstand durch Berührung mit

einer anderen Vase in noch ungebranntem Zustand. Reliefkontur für Gesichter, z.T. für Arme und Füfie, für Gegenstânde. Knie und Waden von Polyneikes mit verdünntern Firnis eingezeichnet. Die Relieflinien im Gewand derDienerin meist abgesprungen.

Abb. 32. Zeichnung nach der Oinochoe des SchuwalowMalers (Nr. 8)

106 Lezzi-HafterAbb. 33. Frauenbad-Maler, Fragmente der Pelike (Nr. 9). Malibu 76AE.108 A 1-6.

Abb. 34. Wiederherstellung der Pelike des Frauenbad-Malers (Nr. 9) (Abb. 33).

Mánadengelage und Gôtterliebe 107

Ornament: als Bildleiste ein linksláufiger, zweifach gebrochener M à a n d e r , der jeweils nach drei Gliedern v oneiner Schachbrettplatte (neun Felder) unterbrochen wir d.
V o m Henkelornament sind Reste der seitlichen Blüte n,
der mittleren unteren Palmette und eines schwebenden
Kreises erhalten, vgl. Kerameus 2, Taf. 51 c zur Ergànzu ng
des Ornamentes.
Zuschreibung an den Schuwalow-Maler: Jirí Frel. Vg l.
Kerameus 2, Taf. 115 zur Ikonographie, Taf. 113 zur Sti lstufe.

1 0 . Fragment wohl einer Pelike. A b b . 35.
Inv. Nr. 76.AE.108 B.
Zustand: zwei aneinander passende Fragmente aus derGefâfiwandung. Oranger Ton, Miltos. Innenseite leichtgerippt und braun gefirniik. Hôhe 3,0 cm.

Datierung: um 425-420 v.Chr.
III. FRAUENBAD-MALER.
9. Pelike. A b b . 33-34.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.108 A 1-6.
Form: der Frauenbad—Maler benutzte veschiedene
Pelikenformen. Welcher die vorliegenden Fragmente entsprechen, kann nicht sicher entschieden werden.
Zustand: 13 z.T. aneinander passende Fragmente aus
dem Kôrper. Oranger Ton, Miltos, schwarzer Firnis, aufgemaltes Weifi. Hais schwarz-, Bauchinnenseite meist brau ngefirniik. Hôhe grôiker Komplex (B-Seite) 6,9, Wanddick e
beim Eierstab 0,25-0,3 cm. Hôhe Figuren ergànzt ca.
9-9,5, vermutliche Hôhe des Gefáíks um 18 cm.
Figürliche Verzierung: A-Seite: Satyr belàstigt M à n a d e .
Die in einen Peplos gekleidete M à n a d e flieht nach links
vor einem mit einer w e i í k n Tànie bekrânzten Satyr, derseinen rechten A r m nach ihr ausstreckt. Im Vergleich mit
anderen Beispielen, ist der Satyr leicht vorgebeugt, in ruh iger Haltung zu ergànzen, das rechte Bein leicht erhôht vorgestellt (die Vorzeichnung l à i k keine Bodenerhebung erkennen). Der linke A r m hàngt nach Vergleichsbeispielen
kraftlos nach unten, wie wenn er sich auf dem Knie aufstützen môchte. B-Seite: ein in seinen Mantel gehüllte r
Jungling mit einer weifien Tànie im Haar. Keine Reliefkonturen. Verdünnter Firnis für Haupthaar und Bauchmuskulatur des Satyrn.
Ornament: beidseitig flüchtig gemalter, beschrànkte r
Eierstab.
Zuschreibung an den Frauenbad-Maler: vgl. Pelike
Laon, C V A 1, Taf. 33,4.7, ARV 1130,148 (seitenverkehrt;
M à n a d e anders gekleidet und mit Fackel in der Hand ).
Zum Jungling ebenfalls Pelike Laon, CVA 1, Taf. 33,1 ,ARV 1129,132.
22

Datierung: um 430 v.Chr.
Bemerkung: vgl. auch 10 und 16.

Abb. 35. Fragment der Pelike des Frauenbad-Malers (Nr.
10). Malibu 76.AE.108 B.

Figürliche Verzierung: Teil einer Peplosfigur. M a n erkennt den Ueberfall, den offenen schwarzgesàumten Rand
links im Fragment, rechts die durch das linke Bein angestauten Falten, Die Frau, die diesen Peplos trug, mufi wohl
als nach links in Bewegung dargestellt gewesen sein.
Zuschreibung an den Frauenbad-Maler: vgl. Tanzlehrerin auf Hydria London, C V A 6, Taf. 88,3.
Datierung: um 430 v.Chr.
Bemerkung: kônnte allenfalls zu 9 gehôren. Vgl. auch
16.

Abb. 36. Fragment (Nr. 11). Malibu 76.AE.107 B 1.
IV. UEBRIGE FRAGMENTE.
1 1 . Rotfiguriges Fragment. A b b . 36.
Inv. Nr. 76.AE.107 B 1.
Zustand: ein Wandfragment eines geschlossenen Gefàftes. Oranger Ton, verdünnter Firnis für Mantelsaum.
Matte Oberflàche. Innenseite dunkelbraun gefirniik. Lange 3,35 cm.
Figürliche Verzierung: Reste wohl einer Mantel- oder
Peplosfigur.
Datierung: wohl zweite Hàlfte 5. Jh. v.Chr.

108

LezziHafterAbb. 37. Fragment (Nr. 12). Malibu 76.AE.107 B 2.
1 2 . Rotfiguriges Fragment. A b b . 37.
Inv. Nr. 76.AE.107 B 2.
Zustand: Wandfragment eines geschlossenen Gefàftes.
Oranger Ton, matter schlecht gebrannter Firnis. Innenseite hellbraun und stràhnig gefirniik. Hôhe 2,75 cm.
Figürliche Verzierung: Reste einer Mantel- oder Peplosfigur.
Datierung: wohl zweite Halite 5. Jh.v.Chr.

Abb. 39. Fragment einer Oinochoe (Nr. 14). Malibu
76.AE.107 A 2.
14- Oinochoe. A b b . 39.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.107 A 2.
Form I V : s. 8.
Zustand: ein Fragment aus Schulter und Hals. Oranger
Ton, Miltos, schwarzer Firnis innen und aufien bis auf
Schulteransatz innen. Lange 6,45 cm.
Verzierung: ein knapper Zentimeter unterhalb des Mündungsansatzes verlaufen zwei vertiefte Rillen, was bei
Oinochoen dieser Form eher selten vorkommt. Urn denHals, bevor er zur Schulter umbiegt, liegt ein punktierter,
flüchtig gemalter Eierstab.
Datierung: wohl drittes Viertel 5. Jh.v.Chr.

Abb. 38. Hals einer Oinochoe (Nr. 13). Malibu 76.AE.107 A 1.

1 3 . Oinochoe. A b b . 38.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.107 A 1.
Form: I V , siehe 8.
Zustand: Schulter, Hals und Teil der M ü n d u n g . Sinterreste. Oranger Ton, Miltos. Innen und auften schwarzer
Firnis. Durchmesser M ü n d u n g ergànzt ca. 9,5, Hôhe erhalten 6,4 cm.
Verzierung: ein Fingerbreit unterhalb der M ü n d u n geine Rille. A u f der Schulter punktierter Eierstab, dessen
Zentren gefüllt sind. Er ist dort, wo einmal der Henkel den
Hals optisch überdeckte, unterbrochen. Der Eierstab liegt
auch nicht wie meist üblich überhalb, sondern unterhalb
des Ueberganges von Hals zu Schulter.
Datierung: wohl drittes Viertel 5.Jh.v.Chr.

Abb. 40. Drei Fragmente (Nr. 15). Malibu 76.AE.107 C 1-3.

15. Drei Fragmente. Abb. 40.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.107 C 1-3.
Zustand: drei nicht anpassende Fragmente eines geschlossenen Gefàfies. Oranger Ton, schwarzer Firnis, innen braun gefirniik. A u f einem der Fragmente (Lange 2,6cm) Reste eines Kopfumrifies, vielleicht einer Frau.
Datierung: zweite Halite 5.Jh.Chr.

Mànadengelage und Gôtterliebe 109

Abb. 43. Fragment (Nr. 18). Malibu 76.AE.107 D 2.

Abb. 4L Zwei Fragmente (Nr. 16). Malibu 76.AE.108 C 1-2.
16. Zwei Fragmente. Abb. 4L
Inv. N r . 76.AE.108 C 1-2.
Zustand: zwei nicht anpassende Fragmente eines geschlossenen Gefàfies. Oranger Ton, schwarzer Firnis, innen dunkelbraun gefirniik. Grôikes Fragment Hôhe 5,2cm. Die nicht sorgfàltig ausgearbeitete Oberflàche deutet
darauf hin, dafi diese Fragmente von einem Seitenteil einer Vase, am ehesten von einer Pelike stammen. Die Pelike
9 weist auf ihrer B-Seite den Anfang einer solchen Oberflàche auf. Vielleicht gehôren diese Fragmente dazu.

18. Fragment. A b b . 43.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.107 D 2.
Zustand: ein Halsfragment. Stark oranger Ton, beidseitig sorgfàltig schwarz gefirniik. Halswulst. Hôhe erhalten
2,7 cm.

Abb. 44. Fragment (Nr. 19). Malibu 76.AE.107 D 3.
19. Fragment. A b b . 44.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.107 D 3.
Zustand: ein Halsfragment. Oranger Ton, schwarzer
Firnis, innen nur in der oberen Hàlfte. Beginn einer Rilleerhalten. Oinochoe? Hôhe 2,9 cm.

Abb. 42. Fragment (Nr. 17). Malibu 76.AE.107 D 1.
17. Fragment. Abb. 42.
Inv. N r . 76.AE.107 D 1.
Zustand: ein Fragment, vermutlich vom Hais einesgeschlossenen Gefàiks. Stark oranger Ton, beidseitig
schwarzer Firnis.
Verzierung: linker Teil einer liegenden Lotosblüte, deren Spitzen überfirniík sind. Links wohl der ansteigende
Henkelansatz, unten der Beginn eines Halswulstes, darüber, ebenfalls halbwegs überfirniík, eine tongrundige
Leiste. Hôhe erhalten 3,5 cm.

110 Lezzi-Hafter

Das paarweise Auftreten von Gefàfien als Grabbeigaben ist seit geraumer Zeit aufgefallen. In den letzten Jahren
ist den "Repliken" wieder vermehrt Aufmerksamkeit
geschenkt worden, wobei das Schwergewicht der Untersuchungen auf den vielfàltigen Kombinationsmôglichkeiten, die die "variationssüchtigen Athener" auf den
Gefafiwanden ins Bild umsetzten, lag.
Der Zufall will es, dafi das Getty-Museum mehrere Beispiele dazu in seinen "rómischen" Mauern birgt.
A u f einer schwarzfigurigen Pelike des Theseus-Malers
ist nicht nur im selben Bild zweimal die gleiche Figur (einflôtender Satyr in Begleitung eines Geiftbockes) wiedergegeben, sondern zu allem Uberflufi wiederholt die Rückseite
das Bild der Vorderseite: viermal die gleiche Gruppe, mit
den für die attische Vasenmalerei üblichen kleinen, durch
freihàndiges Wiederholen entstandenen Abweichungen.
Da es sich hier jedoch nur um eine einzige Vase handelt,kann man hóchstens von Bildrepliken reden.
13

14

15

Vier Paare anderer A r t sind aus drei verschiedenen
Epochen erhalten. Zum ersten sind es ein Paar archaischer
Omphalos-Schalen, die exklusiv mit Ornament verziertsind. Neben einem Eierstab am àufieren Mündungsrandziehen sich um den Nabel je zwei Reihen Ornamente, deren eines, das Spiralmuster, mit der Werkstatt des Berliner
Malers in Verbindung gebracht wurde. Ein Vasenpaar
gleicher Form, gleicher Ausmafie, gleichen Verzierungssystems, jedoch im Detail des Dekors verschieden. Dies
scheint für viele Paare, wohl die Mehrzahl, das Grundmuster zu sein.
16

Abb. 45. Mannheimer Maler, Oinochoe. Paris, Louvre Cp 11154.

PAARE. EXKURS ÜBER GEFÀftPAARE IN DER
ATTISCH-ROTFIGURIGEN VASENMALEREI.
Im vorliegenden Fragmentekomplex kommen gleich zwei
Kannenpaare vor, beide vom Mannheimer Maler bemalt(Kat. N r . 1 und 2, 5 und 6). Aus seinem Oeuvre ist bereits
seit langem ein Paar bekannt und berühmt, das den Oinochoen 5 und 6 sehr nahe steht. Es sind die Kannen gleicher
Form in der Villa Giulia und in London.
12

12. s. E. v. Mercklin, RM 38/39, 1923/24, 94-114 und unten unter VIII
der Replikenliste.
13. zuletzt: K. Schauenburg, Zu Repliken in der Vasenmalerei, A A
1977, 194-201. S. auch V. M . Strocka, Variante, Wiederholung undSerie in der gr. Bildhauerei, Jdl 94, 1979, 143-173. Und: P.J. Connor,
Replicas in Greek Vase-Painting: The Work of the Painter of Louvre F6,
BABesch 56, 1981, 37-44.
14. Strocka (vorige Anmerkung) 67.
15. 71.AE.297. Beazley, Para. 257 oben. Hôhe 36,9 cm. Treasures of theAncients: A Selection of Greek Vases from the ]. P. Getty Museum, Univ. ofCal. at Riverside, Exhib. 1978, Nr. 10, A-Seite abgeb. S. 12.
16. 76.AE.16.1 und 76.AE.16.2. Durchmesser 1: 33,6, Durchmesser 2:
32,0 cm. Getty MJ 6-7, 1978/79, 131-138. Die Art, wie die Lotosblüten
auf 1. nur zur Hàlfte von der Ranke umschrieben sind, scheint mir zumindest merkwürdig; es widerspricht den üblichen Ornamentregeln.

Dies gilt auch für das Kannenpaar aus hochklassischer
Zeit, das seit kurzem als Leihgabe im Museum steht (Abb.
46-49). Nach Form und Machart von der gleichen
Tôpferscheibe stammend, ist es wohl auch, gemafi derRegel, vom gleichen Maler bemalt. Die zweite Kanne laik
die Hand des Malers von M ü n c h e n 2335 erkennen. Dieser
Maler schien sich oft um die Qualitát seiner Figuren wenig
gekümmert zu haben, so dafi Beazley von einer "shocking
difference between this artist's best and his worst" spricht.
17

18

Auch sind die Ranken, die die Palmetten auf 2. umschreiben, nur einseitig reliefiert, ein Umstand, den man im spàteren 5.Jh. sonst eher bei quatatsarmer Massenware antrifft. 1st dies auch für die erste Jahrhunderthàlfte zu belegen?
17. L80.AE.72 A und L80.AE.72 B. A : Hôhe 23,4 Durchmesser Mündung 10,0, Bauch 12,7, Fuft 9,55 cm. Ungebrochen, Firnis abblàtternd,
grünlich und rôtlich verfàrbte Fehlbrandzonen. Auf der linken Seite Teileines "Geister-Oelzweiges." Gesichtsprofile ohne Relieflinien. Oelzweig
der Schulter geht über Henkel hinweg. B: Hôhe 22,35, Durchmesser
Mündung 9,7, Bauch 12,6, Fufe 9,6 cm. Mehrfach gesprungen, Firnis
abblàtternd, grünliche und rótliche Fehlbrandstellen. Keine Reliefkonturen. Myrtenzweig der Schulter geht über den Henkel hinweg.—Hierzum ersten Mai abgebildet.
18. ARV 1161.
2

Mànadengelage und Gôtterliebe 111

Abb.46-47. Oinochoe. Malibu L80.AE.72. A.

Abk. 48-49. Oinochoe. Malibu L80.AE.72.B.

112 Lezzi-Hafter

Die erste Kanne ist sorgfàltiger gemalt, hier kommt derMaler, wenn er es wirklich ist, anderen Schülern desAchilleus-Malers nahe. Zum sich entsprechenden Dekorationsschema gehórt auch das gleiche Bildthema: ein Màdchen und ein junger M a n n spenden Wein zum Abschied.
Beidemale steht das Màdchen links mit der Kanne, einmal
halt es die Phiale selber (A), das andere M a i halt ihm derAufbrechende das Spendegefàfi entgegen. Ein sich ergànzendes, wohl zusammen gefertigtes Paar, aber von Replik
kann nicht die Rede sein.
19

Soviel zu dieser freieren A r t von Vasenpaaren.—Ausdem Kerameikos des 5. Jahrhunderts v.Chr. stammt einekleine Serie von Gefàfipaaren, die in Form und Bemalungjeweils so eng zueinander gehôren, sich nur in kleinen Details, Haltungsweise und Uberschneidungen der Figuren
unterscheiden, dafi meist ein einmaliges Hinschauen nicht
genügt, um die Zwillinge auseinander zu halten. Hier allein
ist der Begriff "Replik" angebracht.
Zu dieser Kategorie gehôren die Kannenpaare des Mannheimer Malers; ein drittes Replikenpaar, vom Villa GiuliaMaler, befindet sich ebenfalls in Malibu. Es folgt, zur besseren Ubersicht, eine Liste der mir bekannten Replikenpaare, ungefàhr chronologisch geordnet.
I. 1. Halspelike Ferrera T 867. Beazley ARV2 205, 114.
1633; Para. 342. Hôhe 33 cm. CVA 1 Taf. 1,1-3.
2. Halspelike Ferrera T 41D. Beazley ARV 205, 114
2bis. Hôhe 33,8 cm. N.Alfieri, Spina, Museo archeológico nazionale di Ferrara, 1. (Musei d'ltalia—Mera-

viglie d'ltalia), 1979, fig. 19-20.
A: Lôwe B: Lôwin. Berliner Maler. Aus Spina. Tatzenstellungen der Tiere übers Kreuz verschieden.
Verschiedene Kymatien.
II. 1. Spitzamphora (ex?)Berlin F 2165. Beazley ARV
496,1; Para. 380. Hôhe 55 cm. Kaempf-Dimitriadou
Nr. 393, Taf. 31,3-4.
2. Spitzamphora München inv. 2345. Beazley ARV
496,2; Para. 380. Hôhe 58 cm. Kaempf-Dimitriadou
Nr. 393, Taf. 31, 3-4.
Boreas entführt Oreithyia. Oreithyia-Maler. Aus
Vulci. Wie weit die Gefáftformen übereinstimmen,
lafk sich nicht überprüfen. Kleine Unterschiede im
Ornament, in der Hand- und Kopfhaltung, Kleider
einiger Personen.
III. 1. Stamnos Orvieto, Faina 66. Beazley ARV 483,5.
1655. Hôhe 36 cm. B. Philippaki, The Attic Stamnos,
1964, Taf. 46,1.
2

2

2

19. Zur Verbindung des Malers von München 2335 mit der Werkstatt
des Achilleus-Malers etc. s. Beazley ARV 1162, 14-16. Zur Werkstatteinordnung der beiden Kannen, s. Kerameus 2, 16-17.
20. Vgl. auch Beazley ARV 542, 29-30, zwei Kolonnettenkratere desFlorentiner Malers mit Komosdarstellungen und ARV 917, 192-3, zwei
Phialen vom Maler von Bologna P. 417 mit zwei verschiedenen Entfüh222

2. Stamnos Boston 01.8031. Beazley ARV 483,6.
Hôhe ergànzt 35,5 cm. J. C. Hoppin, A Handbook of
2

Attic Red-Figured Vases, 1973 , 21.
2Jungling entführt ein Màdchen. Hermonax. In einem Grab bei Orvieto gefunden. Zweimal von Hermonax signiert. Laut Philippaki, 47, sind die Gefaftfufte
nicht letztlich formengleich. Soweit aus den Abbildungen ersichtlich, sind Unterschiede im Bild gering:einmal Peplos statt Chiton, leicht veránderte Uberschneidungen der Figuren.
IV. 1. Pelike Rom, Villa Giulia 20846. Beazley ARV
494.2. Hôhe 47 cm. Kaempf-Dimitriadou Nr. 234.281
Taf. 18,6-7.
2. Pelike Rom, Villa Giulia 20847. Beazley ARV
494.3. Hóhe 47 cm. Kaempf-Dimitriadou Nr. 235.282.
MonAnt (L) 42, 1955, 294 fig. 48BA. 293 fig. 48A. 292
fig. 47B.
A: Poseidon entführt Amymone. B: Zeus entführt
Màdchen. Maler der Athena-Geburt. Aus Grab 9
Cerveteri, Banditaccia. Unterschiede liegen im fehlenden Eros, verànderten Diademen, Gürteln, Sàumen. Das Paar hat eine an Verwechslungen reiche
Geschichte hinter sich. Schon der Maler fugte auf
beiden Rückseiten dem Zeus und seiner Geliebten ein"Poseidon/Amymone" hinzu. Sàmtliche Publikationen vor Kaempf-Dimitriadou haben Vorder- undRückseitenbilder übers Kreuz verbunden, s. dort fürkorrekte Verweise. So auch: StEtr 1, 1927, Taf. 37a =1. Taf. 37b = 2. Vgl. auch Beazley ARV 495,6-7, ein
Stamnospaar des gleichen Malers.
V. 1. Pelike fragmentarisch, Malibu 77.AE.12.1. Hôheerhalten 40,4 Durchmesser Fuft 23,8 cm. Painting on22

2

Vases in Ancient Greece, Exhib. at Loyola Marymount
University (Cal.) on loan from the J. P. Getty Museum,

1979, Nr. 30 mit Abb. und Frontispiz.
2. Pelike fragmentarisch, Malibu 77.AE. 12.2. Hôheerhalten 40,0 Durchmesser Mündung 22,2 cm. Painting on Vases in Ancient Greece etc. Nr. 31 mit Abb.

A.: Leto, Apollon Kitharodos und Artemis bei einer
Spende. Als Henkelornament gegenstàndige Leiern,
darüber Akroterpalmette mit Seitenpalmetten und
Ranken. Villa Giulia-Maler [Jiri Frel]. Unwesentliche
Unterschiede in Kleider- und Gegenstàndedetails,
Variationen im Ornament.
VI. 1. Oinochoe Va fragmentarisch, Malibu 76.AE.105.
A 1-5 und Rom, Villa Giulia o.Nr. Hier Katalog
Nr. 1.
2. Oinochoe Va fragmentarisch, Malibu 76.AE.105
B 1-5. Hier Katalog Nr. 2. Libationsszene. Mannrungsbildern sowie Eros und Dionysos mit seinem Gefolge.—Beazley
wendet den Begriff "replica" meiner Ansicht nach nicht immer konsequent an (er fehlt z.B. bei den oben angefuhrten Beispielen II.IX.X), er
braucht ihn aber in der Werkstatt der "Penthesileer" für Vasen, die schon
fast mechanisch ihr Repertoire wiederholen (etwa Beazley ARV 941,
39.40, nur das Innenbild) oder 949, 22-23, L. Massei, gli askoi a figure2Manadengelage und Gôtterliebe 113

heimer Maler. Zu fragmentarisch, um Bildunterschiede zu erkennen.
VIL 1. Oinochoe Va fragmentarisch, Malibu 76.AE.104
A 1-10 und Rom, Villa Giulia o.Nr. Das VillaGiulia-Fragment: Beazley A R V 1065,3. Hier Katalog Nr. 5.
2. Oinochoe Va fragmentarisch, Malibu 76.AE.104
B 1-13 und Rom, Villa Giulia o.Nr. Hier Katalog
Nr. 6.
Schulter: Mànaden beim Gelage. Bauch: Poseidon
verfolgt Amphitrite(?). Mannheimer Maler. Mànaden liegen einmal auf Kissen, einmal auf weiftenGelàndelinien. Haltung der Arme und desDreizackes im Bauchbild variieren.
VIII. 1. Oinochoe Va Rom, Villa Giulia o.Nr. Beazley
ARV 1065,2. Hôhe 29 cm. Kerameus 2 Taf. 68.
2. Oinochoe Va London E 555. Beazley ARV1065.1. Hôhe 30 cm. Kerameus 2 Taf. 69.
Schulter: zwei Satyrn beschleichen eine schlafende
Mànade. Bauch: Kriegers Aufbruch. Mannheimer
Maler. Aus Cerveteri. Beide Vasen tragen das Graffito X E . Ausser minimen verànderten Abstànden
zwischen Figuren und Gegenstànde keine wesentlichen Unterschiede.
IX. 1. Stamnos München inv. 2415. Beazley ARV
1143.2. 1684. Hôhe 44 cm. CVA 5 Taf. 256,1.258,1-3.
WissZRostoch 19,1970, Taf. 13-14. 16,1. 17,1.3.
2. Stamnos Leningrad B 1148. Beazley ARV 1143,3;
Para. 455.517. Hôhe 42,5 cm. A. A. Peredolskaja,
2

2

2

2

2

Krasnofigurniye Attischeshiye Vasi 1967, Taf. 142, Nr.
}210. WissZRostock 19, 1970, Taf. 15.16,2.17,2.4.
A: Kriegers Abschied. B: drei Mantelfiguren. Kleophon-Maler. 1. aus Vulci, 2. ex Sammlung Laval.
Auf beiden Vasen gleiches Graffito: IT und TP.
Kleine Verschiedenheiten im Kopfputz.
X. 1. Stamnos Kopenhagen, Ny Carlsberg inv. 2693.
Beazley ARV 1144,8; Para. 455. Hôhe 38,5 cm. Arte
2

Antica e Moderna 20, 1962 Taf. 108b.l09a-b.

2. Stamnos Leningrad B 2353. Beazley ARV2 1144,7.
1684; Para. 455.517 Hôhe 38,5 cm. Peredolskaja(oben unter IX.2) Taf. 141, Nr. 209.
Komos. Kleophon-Maler. 1. aus Orvieto, 2. exSammlung Depoletti. Auf 1 Graffito: TP. Kleine Unterschiede in Uberschneidungen, Bàrten.
XI. 1. Halsamphora Leningrad B 237. Beazley ARV
1128,96; Paralipomena 517. Hôhe 24,2 cm. Peredolskaja (oben unter IX.2) Taf. 150, 3-4, Nr. 222.
2. Halsamphora Havanna, Sammlung Lagunillas.
Beazley ARV 1128,97. Unpubliziert.
22

rosse nei corredi funerari delle necropoli di Spina, 1978, Taf. 41,1, die kaum
mehr zu echten Repliken gezàhlt werden kônnen. Der Extremfall eineszum Massenproduzenten abgesunkenen Malers bildet der Eckige Maler(Beazley ARV 952ff.). Ebensowenig würde ich das konstant wiederkehrende Bild auf einer spàten Pelikenserie noch als Repliken bezeichnen(Beazley ARV 1265, 4-10).
2

2

A: Eos verfolgt Kephalos. B: Manteljüngling. Frauenbad-Maler. 1. aus Sammlung Pizzati. Soweit ich micherinnere, sind die Bilder sehr nahe beieinander.
XII. 1. Bauchlekythos Gela V 1751. Hôhe 10 cm. NSc
Supplemento 1971, fig. 152a.
2. Bauchlekythos Gela V 1752. NSc etc. fig. 152b.
Auf der Vorderseite (!) rotfiguriges Henkelornament.
Aus Vassallaggi (Sizilien). Nur ein Eierstab punktiert.
XIII. 1. Schale Boston 00.344. Beazley ARV 1319,2; Para.
478. Hôhe 13,3 cm. L. D. Caskey/J. D. Beazley, Attic
2

Vase Paintings in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston III,

1963, Taf. 103.104, Nr. 171. Vgl. Kerameus 2, 118,
0 27. Von Erginos als Tôpfer, von Aristophanes als
Maler signiert.
2. Schale Boston 00.345. Beazley ARV 1319,3; Para.
478. Hôhe 13,3 cm. Caskey/Beazley III Taf. 103.105,
2

Nr. 172. Vgl. Kerameus 2, 118, 0 28.

I: Herakles kàmpft mit Nessos um Deianeira. A B :Kampf der Lapithen und Kentauren. Aristophanes.
Aus einem Grab in Tarquinia. Verschiebungen zwischen den Figuren. Unterschiede im Kopfputz und
Saum der Deianeira. Kopf von Aithion auf 2 herausgedreht, andere Huf- und Armstellungen. Aristophanes unterschied die beiden Auftenseiten jedoch
durch Beisetzen von verschiedenen Namen.
XIV. 1. Oinochoe VII Louvre G 571. Hôhe 26 cm. Kerameus 2, Taf. 161.

2. Oinochoe VII Privatbesitz. Hôhe 26,6 cm. W.
Hornbostel u.a., Kunst der Antihe, Hamburg 1977,
Nr. 294, Abb. S. 344-6.
Hals: Sphinx. Bauch: Kampf zwischen einem Griechen und Asiaten. Art des Stier-Malers. 1. stammt
aus der Sammlung Campana. Die Bogenschützin
links tràgt auf 1. zusàtzlich eine Pelta. Unterschiedein den Kleidermustern und in der Pelta des "Persers".
Von den vielen, hier nicht ausführlich ausgebreiteten
Móglichkeiten von Paaren, habe ich nur die zwillingsgleichen Vasenpaare, Repliken im eigentlichen Sinn, eingehender aufgeführt. Ein gutes Dutzend sind es, alie aus der
attisch rotfigurigen Malerei; zeitlich durchqueren sie dasganze 5. Jahrhundert v.Chr. Immer wieder sind die selben
Formen bevorzugt: Peliken, Stamnoi, Oinochoen, Señalen, einmal Spitz- und Halsamphoren und Bauchlekythen,vielleicht auch der Kolonnettenkrater , Gefàiie vorwiegend also, die dem Gelage im Jenseits oder der Totenspende dienten. Die Herkunftsorte, soweit bekannt,
führen auffàlligerweise immer wieder nach Italien: Etrurien
20

21. Beazley ARV 1667 zu 707,8 und Para. 408 zu ARV 707,8 , zitiert
ein Replikenpaar, von dem die eine Vase aus Griechenland kommen soli.
Beschreibung und Photo sind jedoch nicht übereinstimmend genug, um
dies Paar zu den echten Repliken zu zàhlen.
22. A . Oliver Jr., The reconstruction of two Apulian Tomb Groups (5. Beiheft AntK 1968), S.7f. und Taf. 3; S. lOf. und Taf. 7, 2-3.
2

5

2

6

114 Lezzi-Haftervor allem, weniger oft nach Spina, einmal nach Sizilien,das auch in Bezug auf die Gefaiiauswahl sich von den etruskischen Stàdten abhebt.
Paarweises Mitgeben von Vasen in Gràbern griechischer
und davon beeinflusster Kulturen, ist wohl so alt wie das
Bewuikwerden, dafi der Mensch zwei Augen, zwei Hànde,zwei Füfie hat. Dafi die echten Repliken in der Mafie derheute erhaltenen bemalten Keramik so selten sind, magdavon herrühren, dass Auftràge dieser A r t im Kerameikos
nicht eben beliebt, wohl für langweilig oder umstandlich
gehalten wurden. Doch die Beispiele sind aile von guter
Qualitàt und scheinen bei den hauptsàchlich etruskischen
Kàufern ihren Wert gehabt zu haben. Die Repliken sindwohl von Anfang an als zusammengehôrende Grabbeigaben gemacht worden, auch wenn sie hie und da im Bestimmungsland auseinanadergerissen wurden. Die Bestimmung für das Grab l á í k sich "rückwirkend" etwa aus dem
Apulien des 4. Jahrhunderts v.Chr. schliefien: bei jenen
Paaren fehlt manchmal der Gefàfiboden. Ja auch die
Bilder der Vasen selber, die am háufigsten die Entführungoder Entrückung einer Heroine, oder eines Heros, eines

Kriegers Abschied oder eine Spende, gar den Kampf mit
fremden Naturen zeigen, môgen auf diesen letzten Zweck
hindeuten. Leider ist über die Lage der Replikenvasen im
Grabe selber wenig bekannt. V o m Grab 59 in Vassallaggi
weifi man, daft je ein Exemplar des Vasenpaares dem
Toten links und rechts vom Kopfe lagen. Dies wird wahrscheinlich von Landschaft zu Landschaft variieren.
Ein zweites mag beim Lesen der Liste ins Auge gefallen
sein: Drei Paare allein sind vom Mannheimer Maler bernait. Der Tôpfer dieses Malers hatte um 460 v.Chr. etwa
eine Kannenwerkstatt gegründet, die mit den zeitbedingten Wechseln in Gefàftformen, Malern und Sujets, überlàngere Zeit zu verfolgen ist. So gehôren auch die Replikenpaare XIII und X I V zu dieser Tradition. Da scheint sicheine Werkstatt einem besonderen Bedürfnis angenommen
zu haben, da sie neben den expliziten Repliken auchandere, ikonographisch lockerer aneinander gebundene
Paare, wie etwa das Kannenpaar des Malers von M ü n c h e n2335 jetzt in Malibu, hervorgebracht hat.

23. Vgl. etwa E. Langlotz, Der Sinn attischer Vasenbilder, WissZRostock 16, 1967, 473-79, und oben Anm. 10a.

24. Vgl. Kerameus 2, etwa Taf. 72c-d. 73. 75 und 79c. 84-85. 96-97.
116c-d. 123. 155(?). 160. 168. 174b-d.

21

22

23

24

Bern

Satyrspielvasen in Malibu
Frank Brommer

V o n alien griechischen Satyrspielen, die es einmal gab,
ist nur ein einziges erhalten, namlich der Kyklops" desEuripides. V o n einem weiteren Satyrspiel, den "Ichneutai"
des Sophokles, kennen wir einen Teil, von alien übrigen
nur Titel und spárliche Bruchstücke. Das ist so wenig,
dass bei einigen antiken Dramen nicht einmal entschieden
werden kann, ob es sich um Tragódien oder Satyrspielehandelt.
u

Bie dieser Sachlage kommt den bildlichen Nachklàngen,vor allem in der Vasenmalerei, grofte Bedeutung für die
Erkennung von Themen und für ihre Datierung zu. Die
Zahl dieser Satyrspielbilder ist stàndig gewachsen und hat
sich im Verlauf der letzten 45 Jahre verdreifacht. Sie kannauch jetzt wieder vermehrt werden, obwohl an dieser Stelleerst vor wenigen Jahren ein Nachtrag erschienen ist. Nicht
zuletzt ist das Getty-Museum selbst am Erwerb solcher neu
auftauchender Bilder beteiligt. So sind zwei im letzten
Nachtrag aufgeführte Vasen inzwischen in den Besitz desGetty-Museums gelangt, nàmlich die schwarzfigurige
Pelike mit Silenen und Ziegen, so wie das rotfigurige Schalenbruchstück, das aus dem Frankfurter Kunsthandel überdie Sammlung Bareiss in das Museum kam (Abb. 1).

würde man auch in roter, nicht weifter Farbe erwarten.
M a n sieht auch keine züngelnden Flammen. Zum Rosten
würde man ein Blech vermuten, das fest aufgestellt undnicht lose mit einer Hand gehalten wird. Es ist also eher zu
vermuten, daft der Silen ein Sieb schüttelt und daft die
wenigen Striche darunter die gesiebte Mafie darstellen.
Da über dem Silen ein Weinschlauch hàngt und unter ihm
ein einhenkliges Trinkgefàft steht, liegt es nahe, daran zu
denken, daft seine Tàtigkeit mit der Weinbereitung zu tun
hat, doch ist mir keine Parallèle bekannt. Denkbar ware,daft es sich um Gips handelt, der in der Antike bis in die
Neuzeit als Zusatz zum Wein verwandt wurde.
3

Das Innenbild dieser um 440 v.Chr. entstandenen fusslosen Schale stellt einen Silen dar, der auf einem niedrigen
Schemel hockt und in der Rechten ein Geràt, in der
Linken einen kugelfôrmigen weiften Gegenstand halt.
Weisse Striche befinden sich auch unter dem Geràt. Im
Veraufskatalog von Deppert (Mai 1975) sind diese Strichefür Feuer gehalten und ist die Vermutung ausgesprochen
worden, daft der Silen Kastanien roste. Der weifte Gegenstand in seiner Linken ist jedoch gewiss keine Kastanie, istauch zu gross dafür, und der Gegenstand, den er so leicht
in seiner Rechten halt, sieht geflochten aus. Ein Feuer

Ebenfalls aus der Sammlung Bareiss stammen die Fragmente einer rotfigurigen Amphora (Abb. 2), die dem Eucharidesmaler zugeschrieben wurden. A u f dem gróftten
Fragmentkomplex halt ein Silen in der Linken eine Pelta,
von der ein Fell herabhángt. Er ist nach rechts gewandt,
sodaft man in das Innere der Pelta blickt. A u f weiteren
Scherben derselben Amphora sieht man noch eine Pelta
mit Fell, diesmal nach links gewandt, also die Aussenseite,
darüber einen Phallos. Ein Unterschenkel mag dazugehôren, vielleicht auch ein behelmter Kopf. Silène mit Pelten sind schon mehrfach bekannt, weitere kônnen hiernachgetragen werden. Sie sind wohl meist auf die Gigantomachie zu beziehen, wo sie dem Dionysos beistehen,begegnen aber auch einmal im Kampf gegen Iris und mehrfach im Waffentanz. Daft die Amphorascherben auf das
Satyrspiel zurückgehen, ist dadurch gesichert, daft bei dem
einen Silen der Schurz des Theaters erhalten ist. Die Zahl
der Bilder von solchen Schurzen wird damit um ein neunzehntes Exemplar vermehrt. Unter den bisher bekannten
Schurzsilenen befanden sich bereits zwei bewaffnete
Silene. Der Schurz ist mit verdünntem Glanzton gemalt,

1. Verf., Satyroi (1937): 117 Vasen.-Verf., Satyrspiele (1944):204 Vasen.
-Satyrspiele (1959):252 Vasen.-Verf. GettyMus] 6/7 (1978/9) 144ff.:328
Vasen. Hier jetzt 363 Vasen.
2. GettyMusJ 6/7 (1978/9) 146 Nr. 54,69. Folgende Museumsangaben
haben sich geàndert: Satyrspiele Nr. 38: Neapel 2562. Nr. 39: Neapel H
1767. Nr. 52: Ban 6332 (P 142). Nr. 58 a: Philadelphia, Pb. Nr. 75: Toronto, ROM Nr. 81: Bari. Nr. 102: Baltimore, Art Museum. Nr. 194: Verschollen. 209: Athen, N M . 18567 BCH 92 (1968) 550ff. Nr. 27 fig. 34. Nr.
233: Lugano, Donati (Márz 1981) LCS 105 Nr. 552 Taf. 54,3.4 Vgl. Getty
MusJ 6/7 (1978/9) 146 Nr. 68 (Astragalspiel).
3. Plinius, n.h. XIV 24,120 dazu mit Belegen für die Neuzeit (J- Koder—)Th. Weber, Liutprand von Cremona in Konstantinopel (1980) 78f. Anm.

24-29.—Zum Sieb vgl. das Bild auf dem Untersatz in Toledo (OHIO) Par.
169 "uncertain subject: two naked men at a fire, one pouring somethingfrom a basket onto it, the other using a sieve ?" CVA (1) Taf. 16, dort alsFâcheln des Feuers gedeutet. Vgl. auch den sf. Skyphos, auf den mich A .
Greifenhagen aufmerksam machte: Ure, Sixth and Fifth Cent. Pottery from
Rhitsona 61 Nr. 18.100 Taf. 18, dort als Erzschmelzen gedeutet. Vgl. auch
Florenz PD425 rotfiguriges Schalenbruchstück. CVA (4) 125,1.
4. Hier S. 00 Nr. 329.
5. Satyrspiele Nr. 29 (Abb. 17), zu Nr. 186, 229.-Gett;y MusJ 6/7(1978/9) 114f. Nr. 14 b, 42-51. S.a. hier Nr. 329-334.
6. Schurze: Satyrspiele Nr. 1-14 a, 23.-GettyMusJ 6/7 (1978/9) 144 Nr.
1,2 (darunter bewaffnet Nr. 11 und GettyMusJ Nr. 1).

1

2

2

2

4

5

6

2

2

116 Brommer

Abb. 1. Bruchstück einer attisch rotfigurigen Schale. Malibu, Sammlung Bareiss S.81.AE.1.

Abb. 2a<. Fragmente einer attisch rotfigurigen Amphora. Malibu, Sammlung Bareiss S.80.AE.175.

Satyrspielvasen 117

Abb. 2b.

Abb. 2c.

118 Brommer

Abb. 3. Attisch rotfigurige bauchige Lekythos. Malibu, Sammlung Bareiss S80AE.34.

Satyrspielvasen 119

wie die Pelta auch. Er ist glatt, ohne Fell, wie die Schurze
vor der Pronomosvase allgemein. Es handelt sich zusammen mit den Stamnosbruchstucken desselben Malers im
Louvre, wo der Kôrper der Silene allerdings gefleckt ist,
um die früheste bisher bekannte Darstellung des Satyrspielschurzes. Das Amphorabild ist um 480/70 v.Chr. zu
datieren.
Aus der Sammlung Bareiss stammt auch eine dritte
Satyrspielvase (Abb. 3). Es handelt sich um eine rotfigurige bauchige Lekythos, die etwa um 430 v.Chr. in Athen
gemalt wurde. Ein Silen steht in leicht gebückter Haltung,leicht in die Kniee gegangen mit geschlofienen Füfien nach
rechts gewandt da. Er hat die Linke auf den Oberschenkel
gestützt und streckt die Rechte mit abgespreizten Zeigefinger nach rechts aus. Dort sitzt etwas erhôht eine Sphinx
und blickt ihn an. Zwischen beiden wâchst eine Pflanze
78

zum Zeichen, dafi sich der Vorgang im Freien abspielt.
Der Nachklang eines Sphinx-Satyrspiels ist schon seit
Jahrzehnten in unteritalischen Vasenbilder des 4.Jh.v.Chr.
bekannt. 1979 tauchte im Kunsthandel eine Hydria auf,
die um 460 v.Chr. entstanden ist und somit leicht auf das
467 v.Chr. aufgeführte Satyrspiel "Sphinx" des Aischylos
zurückgehen kónnte. Das neue Vasenbild im Getty-Museum bietet ein drittes Echo eines Sphinx-Satyrspiels. Es ist
zeitlich zwischen den beiden bisher bekannten Echos anzusetzen. Offensichtlich handelt es sich um drei verschiedene Spiele. Das Vogelmotiv der unteritalischen Vasen ist
den beiden früheren Dramen unbekannt. Auch sonst werden ja im Drama alte Themen immer wieder aufgegriffen
und neu gestaltet.
Im folgenden werden weitere Satyrspielvasen nachgetragen:910329 Getty-Museum
S80.AE.125

Amphorafr

Silene mit Pelten und Schurz. A b b . 2.

330 Dusseldorf, Hoetgens
Mus. 1955, 1

Halsamphora

C V A Taf. 15. Silen mit Pelta.

331 New York 46.129.3

Amphorafr

Silen mit Pelta.

332 New York, Love

sf. Lekythos

ABV 474,162 Silen mit Pelta und Wagen.

333 Rom, Villa Giulia

sf. Skyphos

MonAnt 1955 fig. 201 Silen mit Pelta.

334 K h . Schweiz 1980

Schale335 Athen, N M . o.Nr.

sf. Lekythos

Silen mit Pelta.
B C H 92, 1968, 550ff. N r . 29 fig. 36,37 Silene im Waffentanz. Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 209,210.
2

336

K h . Palladion 1981

Lekythos337

Laon 37 1033

SkyphosC V A 52 A + B bekleideter Silen.

338

Wien 152

SchaleCVA (1) 22,1 Silen im Mantel mit Efeuzweig.

Silen, leicht in die Kniee gegangen, beide Hànde auf den
Knieen, blickt n. r. oben zu Hôhle.

339 Kopenhagen 13917

Glockenkrater

340 Pb.

Skyphos

ARV 1145,35 bekleideter Silen.
M M Auktion 22 N r . 177.-AntK 6, 1963 Taf. 2 bekleideter Silen.

341

Kelchkrater

ARV2 1144,14.-Peredolskaja Taf. 143 bekleideter Silen.

342 K h . 1980

Kelchkrater

M M Auktion 56 N r . 108 Silen bei Herakles-Stier, beklei-

343

Fragment

Silen mit Herme. Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 133-8.

sf. Lekythos

Boreas 2 (1979) Taf. 21.-Stahler, Heroen Nr. 14. Hermes
führt gefesselte Silene. Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 82—GettyMus], 6/7 (1978/9) 140 A b b . 2-4.

Leningrad 774

2dete Silene. Vgl. hier Nr. 355.
Basel, Cahn 574

344 Münster 784

2

2

345 Getty-Mus. 71.AE.444

Lekythos

GettyMus] 6/7 (1978/9) 139ff. A b b . 1 Màdchen Huckepack auf Silen.

346 Kyrene

Glockenkraterfr.

AntK 22, 1979, 40 Taf. 15,4,5. Silene berauben Herakles.
Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 67.
2

7. Satyrspiele Nr. 23.-ARV 228,32.
8. Getty-Mus. S80.AE.34, Hier Nr. 357.
2

2

9. Satyrspiele2 Nr. 178-181 a Abb. 47,48.
10. GettyMusJ 6/7 (1978/9) 146 Nr. 73; E. Simon, Sb Heid AD 1982.

120 Brommer

Halsamphora

Silen tràgt Schemel. Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 139-144.

348 K h . 1980

Kelchkrater

M M Auktion 56 N r . 107 Silen bei Opfer für Apoll.

349

kamp. Glocken-

Trendall, 20 years; Med Rome 43, 1981, 85 A b b .

347

Basel, Lg. Dr. R. Bloch
Melbourne, Nat. Gall.

2

Silensfamilie im Boot.
krater350

Louvre K 537

351

Boston 01.8024

luk. Nestoris LCS 170 N r . 960 Taf. 75, 2.3 Silen bei
Herakles-Nessos.
SchaleA R V 173,9 Silen balanziert Kantharos auf Phallosspitze.
Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 119.
2

2

352
353

354

Kopenhagen N M
Chr. VIII 1

it. Voluntenkrater

Prometheus mit bàrtigem Silen auf jeder Seite. Vgl.
Satyrspiele N r . 187-199 a.

Budapest, Mus. d.
schónen Künste 54.230

sf. Skyphosfrr

Szilagyi, Acta antiqua Ac.Sc. Hung. 25 (1977) 359-370
Silène mit Kithara Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 222 und folgende
Nr.

Berlin 1966.1

sf. Halsamphora

3 Silène mit Kithara Vgl. N r . 353.

Oinochoe

Christie 11.VI.80 N r . 270 Silen und Stier. Vgl. N r . 342,
Satyrspiele N r . 99-101, 162-164.
Fitzwilliam Report (1977) Taf. 2.A:4 gewandete Silene,
einer halt einen Kranich. B:3 gewandete Silene, einer
halt eine Leier, Jüngling. V g l . Bruchstück aus Olympia
mit 3 vogeltragenden Jünglingen Gymnasium 88 (1981)
110 Taf. 7.

355 K h . 1980

2

2

2

356

Cambridge G R 2-1977

Schale357

Getty-Mus. S80.AE.34

bauch. Lekythos

Silen bei Sphinx. Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 178-181 a.—Getty
MusJ. 6/7 (1978/9) 146 N r . 73; Festschrift Hausmann Taf.
51,3. Hier A b b . 3.

358

Adria B c 2

Schalenbruchstück

C V A 7 , 1 . - A R V 875,3 satyr (as Atlas?) holding anapple. Vgl. Satyrspiele N r . 92 A b b . 29.

2

2

2

359

New York L 69.11.38(Bareiss)

Schalenbruch-

A R V 478,310 Silen halt in der Rechten Skyphos.

stück

Zwischen seinen Füssen eine Muschel.

360

Würzburg H 5341

HydriaCVA (2) 25. Silen beim Morraspiel.

361

Freiburg, K h .

SchalePuhze Kat. 4 N r . 200. Silene bei Iris. Vgl. Satyrspiele N r .
28-34, zu 36,186.

362

Agrigento

Kelchkrater

Silene mit Stôcken wie Satyrspiele N r . 145-147. Vgl.

(Doppelzonen)

Verf., AntK 11, 1968, 50 ff.

Kelchkrater

Ein Silen mit Stock. S. N r . 362.

363

Lipari T 1552

2

2

2

(Doppelzonen)
Mainz

A Vulci Vase in the Getty Museum
Shirley J. Schwarz

Dr. Frel has kindly asked me to comment on an
Etruscan black figure vase in the J . Paul Getty Museum. It
is a neck amphora, purchased on the New York art
market, that can be attributed to the Group of Munich
892. Other than Donati, Camporeale, and my own workon the Orvieto Group, recent scholarship has done little
to expand Dohrn and Beazley's attributions of artists toEtruscan black figure workshops. Yet the number of vases
published since then, particularly significant where they
have been found with datable material, warrants reevaluation and new investigation. Such studies are mademore urgent because so little is known of Etruscan
manufacturing centers. By comparing evidence fromsecure find spots, invaluable information can be gleaned
not only to identify these centers but also to date their products more precisely.
1

For these reasons, I have carefully described, fully illustrated (figs. 1-3), and compared the Getty vase withknown examples and have also examined the larger workshop relationships. A s a result the number of vases that
1. I wish to thank Dr. Jin Frel for permission to study the Getty neckamphora and discuss its context here. I am also grateful to Roger Edwardsof the University Museum for permission to photograph the Universityof Pennsylvania collection and Gus Van Beek and Victor Krantz of theSmithsonian for their excellent assistance and permission to publish thecollection.
The following abbreviations are used; all others conform to thosefound in the American Journal of Archaeology.
Albizzati
C. Albizzati, Vasi antichi dipinti del Vaticano(Rome 1925-39).
Bizzarri I
M . Bizzarri, "La necropoli di Crocifisso del Tufoin Orvieto," StEtr 30 (1962) 107.
Bizzarri II
M . Bizzarri, "La necropoli di Crocifisso delTufo," StEtr 34 (1966) 3-109.
Bocci
P. Bocci, "Stamnos Viennese 318," EAA 7 (1966)
473-4.
Calô
A . L . Calo, "Una fabbrica orvietana di vasi
etruschi nella técnica a figure nere," StEtr 10(1936) 431-9.
Camporeale
G. Camporeale, La Collezione alia Querce
materiali archeologici Orvietani (Florence 1970)
24-8.
Dohrn I
T. Dohrn, Die schwarzfigurigen etruskischen Vasen
aus der Zweiten Hàlfte des sechsten Jahrunderts(Berlin 1937).
Dohrn II
T. Dohrn, "Die etruskischen schwarzfigurigen
Vasen," StEtr 13 (1938) 279-90.

can be attributed to the Groups of Munich 892 and 883(both a part of the Vulci production) is expanded, and I
believe that their attribution to Vulci is more firmly established. Moreover, as little attention has been paid to theway in which Etruscan workshops operated, I discuss thisquestion and examine the relationships between decorators (those who painted the less important subsidiary ornament) and the more important group masters, or figurative
painters.
2

I. THE GROUP OF MUNICH 892
The Getty vase, no. 245, belongs to a large class of late
Etruscan black figure vases that has not been adequately
studied. The shape and ornament are as follows: it has acylindrical neck, echinus mouth, and is flat on top where it
is also unglazed. It has a groove and ridge at the junctureof the mouth and neck, and the body is ovoid with a torus
foot. The triple roll handles are attached at the top of theneck and on the shoulder. It is glazed inside the mouth
down ca. 8.0 cm. and outside down to the groove on the3

DonatiL. Donati, "Cerámica orvietana arcaica con Fregi
ornamentali," Atti e memoirie delVAccademia
Toscana di Scienze e Lettere La Colombaria 43 ns
19 (1978) 3-40.
EVP
J.D. Beazley, Etruscan Vase-Painting (Oxford
1947).
Emiliozzi
A . Emiliozzi, La Collezione Rossi Danielli nel
Museo Civico di Viterbo (Rome 1947).
Langlotz
E. Langlotz, Griechische Vasen Martin von WagnerMuseum der Universitàt Würzburg (Munich 1932).
Minto
A . Minto, "Vasi dipinti della necropoli di Cannicella (Orvieto)," StEtr 14 (1940) 367-75.
RG
J.D. Beazley and F. Magi, La Raccolta Benedetto
Guglielmi nel Museo Gregoriano Etrusco (Città del
Vaticano, 1939).
SchaalH. Schaal, Griechische Vasen aus Frankfurter
Sammlungen (Frankfort am Mainz, 1923).
Schwarz
S. Schwarz, "The Pattern Class Vases of the'Gruppo di Orvieto' in the U.S. National
Museum Collection, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D.C.," StEtr 47 (1979) 65-84.
SH
J. Sieveking and R. Hackl, Die kônigliche VasenSammlung zu München 1. Die alteren nichtattischen
Vasen (Munich, 1912).
2. A detailed comparison of potters must be omitted from this study
due to the inaccessibility of accurate measurements.
3. The Getty vase, acc. no. 71.AE.249, measures: height, 46.8 cm.;diameter, 28.3 cm.; lip diameter, 20.5 cm.; foot diameter, 13.9 cm.

122 Schwarz

Figure 1. Etruscan black figure neck amphora, Group of Munich 892. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 71.AE.249. Side A .

A Vulci Vase

Figure 2. Side B of Malibu 71.AE.249.

123

124 Schwarz

Figure 3. Profile of Malibu 71.AE.249.
neck, on the exterior surface of the handles, and on theupper surface of the foot. The remainder is reserved anddecorated as follows: the neck on A and B has three sets of
two opposing palmettes alternating with two opposing lotus flowers divided in the center horizontally by a chain of
circles with dot centers. O n A (fig. 1) the lotus flowers
have white on two outside petals; and there is a glaze line
at the juncture of the neck and shoulder. O n the shoulder
there are tongues and, outside, a continuous scalloped
line. Outside of this there are dots at each indentation of
the scallop wave. Side A has a white line over each tongue.
Encircling the vase, under the picture zone, there are threehorizontal, dilute glaze lines enframing one bold glaze line
above. Below this is a band with a connected chain of reversed palmettes and ivy leaves with dots on either side ofa pair of ivy leaves. Below this is a band with a zig-zag with
4. EVP 18-23.

dots in the interstices. Rays are at the base. Under thehandles (fig. 3) are interlaces of four circumscribed palmettes on spiral tendrils with a lotus pointed down, located in the center. A t the middle of the interlace to theleft, there is a lotus in the field; and to the right is a palmette and dot. The clay is reddish-yellow, and the glaze,
black to brown.
The picture zones are decorated with compositions containing two figures. O n A (fig. 1) there are two men, standing ahd frontal. While the left turns back and raises his
right hand, he extends a wreath in his left. The right figureleans on a staff under his right arm. Both are dressed in a
himation and have a mantle draped over the left arm.
Each has forehead hair that projects away from the faceand a knot at the nape of the neck. White paint is added
for the fillets, eyes, and the himation and mantle borders.
A lotus on an undulating stem springs from the ground between the two figures. O n B (fig. 2) two women face eachother, both dressed in three-quarter length sleeved chitons. The woman at the left holds her chiton skirt, with its
long overfold, in her left hand and a wreath to the side in
her right. The woman at the right raises her arms above
her head, gesturing. White is added for hair bands and thechiton overfold, as well as neck and sleeve hems and thewreath.
The anatomy is poorly articulated. A l l four figures haveelongated proportions and sloppy, undulating contours.
Details, such as the facial profiles, consist of summary
curves. Noses and chins are only "suggested" in a generalway. The hands are either blobs of paint or flat shapes
from which a thumb projects.
The shape and ornament of the Getty vase are characteristic of a larger group of late Etruscan black figure vases
that are closely related to Munich amphora 892, theGroups of Munich amphora 883, and Vatican amphora
265. The group is characterized by the use of details suchas double palmettes divided by a central chain on theneck, shoulder tongues with a wave and dots outside, hesitant drawing and rude figures, summary facial profiles,
projecting forehead hair, knotted neck hair, and white
added for hair bands, eyes, and hems.
The Getty vase is more closely related than vases of theother two groups to the Painter of Munich 892 by themanner in which the neck is decorated. The three opposing palmettes divided horizontally at mid-point by a chainof circles on Munich 892, is repeated on the Getty vasewith two small differences. The Munich example has vertical lines instead of a lotus alternating with the palmettes,
45

5. For Munich 892, SH 120, fig. 133; Dohrn II, 290 E; EVP 18; Emiliozzi, 156-7, no. 201; for Munich 883, s.v. SH 118, fig. 133, pi. 37; EVP 18,

A Vulci Vase 125

and there are no dots in the circles. The second, closely
allied, group of Munich 883 is distinguished by dry, elongated opposed palmettes that indicate a different decorator, but one who most certainly belongs in the same workshop as both the Munich 892 and Getty vases.
The Group of Munich 892 can be expanded and divided
as follows:
6

Neck Amphorae
1. Munich, Staatliche Antiken Sammlungen und
Glyptothek 892, from Vulci. Neck: opposing threepalmettes divided vertically by a line, and horizontally by a chain of circles; A-B, woman between two
satyrs; SH 120, fig. 133; Dohrn II, 290E (assigns to
Lotus Bud Group); EVP 18 (doubts Dohrn's conclusion); Emiliozzi, 156-7, no. 201.
2. Florence, Mus. Arch. 70997, from Pescia. Neck: sameas previous; A-B, biga, charioteer and man; Dohrn II, 290,
pi. 56, 1-2 (same hand as Munich hydria 899); Magi, StEtr
16 (1942) 555, pi. 49, 1-2.
3. Viterbo, Mus. Civ.' inv. 337/228, from Viterbo. Neck:same as Munich 892; A-B, two women; A . Scrattoli, Viterbo nei suoi monumenti (Rome, 1920) 380f., figs. 574, 575; A .
Gargana, "Schedario del Museo Civico. Note sui vasi atticizzanti ed etrusco-laziali," Bulletino municipale di Viterbo(June 1934) 4f., no. 3, fig. 2; L. Rossi Danielli, Gli Etruschi
del Viterbese Scavi I. Ferento (Viterbo, 1959) 38, fig. 9, 47,

fig. 20 (right); Emiliozzi, 156-7, no. 201 (assigns to the sameclass as Munich 892, but indicates that the figures differ).
4. Basel, private collection, from Vulci. Neck: same as
Munich 892; A-B, two women; R. Hess, Raccolta R.H. Aus

dancer; unpublished.
Hydria
10. Munich, Staatliche Antiken Sammlungen und Glyptothek 899, no prov. Neck: chain of ivy leaves with points
to the left; shoulder: banquet scene: two reclining symposiasts and a servant with a large amphora and tripod in
the center; body: soldier between two women; SH, 123-4,
fig. 141 (body) pi. 56,1,4 (shoulder); Dohrn II, 290 C, pi.
56, 1,4 (shoulder), (manufacture attributed to Caere; same
painter as Florence 70997).
Oinochoe
11. Hamburg, Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe 1222, noprov. Neck: opposing palmettes alternate with lotus buds,
divided horizontally by a chain of circles; body: twosoldiers; E. von Mercklin, StEtr 11 (1937) 372-3, no. 16, fig.
7.
Olpai
12. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, H 150, noprov. Lip and neck: rows of ivy leaves, zigzags and dots, zigzag, lozenge with dots in the interstices, vertical lines;
body; two soldiers, F. Poulsen, Bildertafeln des etruskischen
Museums der Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (Copenhagen, 1928)51.
13. Heidelberg, Sammlung Antiker Kleinkunst, inv. 64/4,
no prov. Neck: ivy, dots, vertical lines; body: satyr withlionskin and kithara, dog; R. Hampe and E.
Simon, Katalog der Sammlung Antiker Kleinkunst desArchaeologischen Instituts der Universitat Heidelberg II.

Neuerwerbungen 1957-1970 (1971) 45, no. 72 (dated 470
B.C.)

133.
6. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Mus. acc. no. 71.AE.249,
art market. Neck: opposing palmettes alternating with lotuses; divided horizontally by a chain of circles. A , twomen; B, two women; unpublished figs. 1-3..
Stamnos
7. Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, no no., no prov.
Neck: black; A-B, two athletes; unpublished.
Column krater
8. Florence, Mus. Arch. 73342, from Bisenzio. Neck:black, A , centaur, warrior; B, two warriors in combat;
Magi, StEtr 16 (1942) 555-6, figs. 3-4.
9. Toledo, Museum of Art 12.1240, no prov. Neck: plain;
A , satyr, woman, B, two women (?); left plays aulos, right,

Kyathos
14. Munich, Staatliche Antiken Sammlungen und Glyptothek 960, no prov. Two women, two youths playing
auloi, horse and rider; SH, p. 143, pi. 43.
Closely Related to Groups of Munich 892 and883:
Neck Amphorae
15. Munich, Staatliche Antiken Sammlungen und Glyptothek 887, no prov. Neck: upright palmette between two
florals (as on Munich 883); A-B, youth in a himation; SH
119, pi. 38; A . Magi infra, no. 16 (same figures as Munich
887).
16. Florence, Mus. Arch. 4138, no prov. Neck: two opposing palmettes flank opposing lotuses; A-B, two men: A .
Magi, "Anfore etrusche a figure nere del R. Museo Archeologico di Firenze," StEtr 15 (1941) 318-9, fig. 4, pi. 37,
3,4 (same figures as Munich 887).
17. Orvieto, La Collezione alia Querce, inv. 373, from Orvieto. Neck: opposing palmettes alternate with florals
divided horizontally by a chain of circles; A-B, dancing
satyr and maenad; Camporeale, 28-29, pi. 5, a-c (vicinityof Munich 886).

296;and for Vatican 265, EVP 19, 296 and new discussion by the present
author in another forthcoming article.

6. EVP 18, no other vases are assigned to the painter by Beazley andDohrn II 290 incorrectly placed Munich 892 in the Lotus Bud Group.

einer privatensammlung Basel (Stuttgart, 1963) no. 41 [figure

similar to a Viterbo vase as well as Giglioli, pi. 130, 4; SH,
fig. 131-2 (Munich 882-883)].
5. Richmond, Virginia Mus. of Fine Arts, 62.1.8, noprov. Neck: same as Munich 892, A , Herakles and Lion; B,
Dionysos, satyr, maenad; Art Quarterly (1962) 164, fig. 3,
165 (A only); Ancient Art in the Virginia Museum (1973) no.

126 Schwarz

The first tentative classification of the Group of Munich
892 was proposed by Dohrn in 1938 when he recognized
the same hand at work on Florence 70997 and Munich
892. Magi followed in 1941 and noted a close relationshipbetween Florence 4138 and Munich 887. Camporeale in1970 published an amphora from Orvieto (no. 17) which
we have added to the group. Finally, Emiliozzi in 1974
correctly identified a close relationship between Viterbo
337/228 and Munich 892. Until now, however, no one
has attempted to clarify the relationships among the artistsof the workshop in a more definitive manner.
7

8

9

10

The first fourteen vases in the group share a close stylistic relationship, and the last three display traits related toboth Groups of Munich 892 and 883. In each of the threegroups, discrete distinctions between the artists' hands are
difficult to define. Certain differences in the subsidiary
decoration, however, allow one to attribute the neck andhandle florals to three decorators; other artists were atwork on the figurative scenes. The differences between the
figures on Munich 892 and 883 could either be the result of
the maturation of a single painter or possibly of two artists
working side by side. The Group of Munich 892, however,appears to be the work of a single painter.
Careful observation of the distinctions between the twogroups and their artists is informative about the manner in*which workshops operated, particularly the relationshipbetween the less important decorators and the master figurative painter. Close parallels for the form of the Getty
vase exist in the Group of Munich 892. The shape isidentical in Munich 892, Florence 70997, and Basel, Hess
no. 41 and not far from Viterbo 337/228 and Richmond
62.1.8, both of which exhibit the slightly more elongatedbody and sloping shoulder similar to the last three vases of
the group, namely Munich 887, Florence 4138, and Orvieto, Querce 373. The latter differs in that the belly has aslight hollow below the mid-section and is more bulbous at
the base. We might surmise that the workshop had threepotters. Other shapes found in the group—the hydria,
oinochoe, and olpe—closely follow Attic black figure prototypes of the second half of the sixth century B.C. The
hydria, in particular, depends on Attic prototypes of the
Leagros Group.
1112

7. Dohrn II, 290.
8. A . Magi, "Anfore etrusche a figure nere del R. Museo Archeologico
di Firenze," StEtr 15 (1941) 318-19.
9. Camporeale, 28-9.
10. Emiliozzi, 156-7.
11. Nos. 1, 2, 4, 3, 5 and 15-17.
12. Cf. for example, J. Boardman, Athenian Black Figure Vases (Oxford,
1974) figs. 201-204. Hydria type I, cf. G.M.A. Richtef and M . J. Milne,

The elongated petal forms of the neck palmettes of the
Getty vase parallel those on Munich 892, Florence 70997,
Viterbo 337/228, Basel, Hess no. 41, and Richmond
62.1.8. Each has three opposing sets of palmettes and achain of circles dividing the mid-section horizontally.
There are no exact parallels for the alternate lotuses of the
Getty vase, as most examples display a vertical line separating the palmettes. Hamburg oinochoe 1222, Florence
amphora 4138, and Orvieto amphora 373, however, havea lotus floral variant, and, like the Florence amphora, havecircles that are not joined in a chain. Munich 887 displays
a single palmette flanked by simple florals; it is similar inthis detail to vases that can be assigned to the Group of
Munich 883.
13

The shoulder ornament of a wave line outside of tongues
on the Getty vase also appears on Munich 892 and V i terbo 337/228. Outside dots are omitted on the Viterbo
and Florence vases, while the wave becomes an outline
around the tongues. Ivy leaves replace the outside dots on
Munich 892. Simple tongues are on the Basel and Richmond vases, and tongues alternate with lines on the Orvieto vase. The horizontal bands encircling the Getty
vase beneath the picture panel are less common. A l l threegroups utilize a variety of motifs in this zone. Still, themost common solution is a plain broad glaze band with two
narrow bands on either side, below which are rays. A n other motif on Munich 892 is the broken maeander thatcan be found on Viterbo 337/228, Richmond 62.1.8, andBasel, Hess, no. 41 as well. Two types of lotus buds alternate on Florence 70997. The handle floral most closely
resembles that on a vase that we cannot include in the
Munich 892 Group, Florence amphora 80677. Bothvases display connected double loops, but there are crosses
with ivy leaves or dot circles on the Getty vase. The lotus
at the left of center and the palmette to the right on the
Florence example is supplanted with crosses or degeneratebuds on the Getty vase, and there is a similar lotus at thebase. N o vase in the group, however, has the circumscribed palmettes of the Getty vase. A l l of the decorative
elements rely on prototypes seen in late Attic black figure
vases. Still, none of the Attic works displays the busy
conglomerate of motifs used by Etruscan imitators.
14

15

16

17

18

19

20

Shapes and Names of Athenian Vases (New York, 1935) figs. 78-79; oinochoe, cf. ibid., fig. 124, ours has lip knobs: and olpe, cf. fig. 115 also lacks
lip knobs.
13. Nos. 11, 16, 17, 15; see discussion of Munich 883 below.
14. Nos. 1, 3. This element also appears on Washington, D.C., U.S.
National Mus. of Natural History cat. no. 136415, Group of Vatican 265,
article forthcoming by this author.

A Vulci Vase 127

A panel composition including two figures appears on
most examples of the Munich 892 Group. O n Florence
70997, however, the narrative encircles the vessel; andMunich 892, 899, and the Richmond vase display three figures.The themes are primarily genre and include youths,
athletes, a chariot race or combat scenes, women, and a
symposium. In addition, there are two vases that illustrate
mythological scenes of satyrs, maenads, centaurs, Dionysos, and Herakles. The figures are rendered in silhouetteand characterized by exaggerated elongation; drawing iscrude, and interior details are either simplified or completely lacking. The facial profile is facile, the forelocks
project, and a knot of hair is at the nape of the neck.
White paint or incision is used for the eyes, muscles, andmantle borders, which form a cascade of zigzag folds descending along the interior edge. Arms are straight, andthe thumb is drawn separately as on the left male figure of
A and right female figure on B of the Getty vessel or rolled
into a small ball as on the Richmond vase. Prototypes forthe zigzag drapery pattern can be found on late sixth century Attic vases by Phintias, Oltos, Psiax, and the Painterof Hermaios to name a few examples. The volume andmodeling in the Attic works is, however, reduced to flat,
linear surface patterns in Etruscan imitations.
21

22

23

II. THE GROUP OF MUNICH 883
Closely allied with the Group of Munich 892, the Groupof Munich 883 can be expanded as follows:
24

Neck Amphorae
1. Munich, Staatliche Antiken Sammlungen und Glyptothek 883, from Vulci, Neck: upright palmetteflankedby
stem and flower. A-B, horse and rider, SH pi. 37, 118, fig.
132; EVP, 21 (attributed to Group of Munich 883).
2. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, H 149, noprov. Neck: same as preceding vase, A-B, two athletes; F.
Poulsen, Bildertafeln des etruskischen Museums der Ny

5. Braunsweig, Herzog Anton Ulrich Mus. Lôbbeckecoll., no prov. Neck: black, A-B, warriors; VIerke antiker
Kunst (Berlin, 1930) no. 454, pi. 6; von Mercklin, StEtr 11(1937) 366, no. 11; CVA 4, pi. 33, 6.
6. Florence, Mus. Arch., 75786, from Orvieto. Neck:
three elongated reversed palmettes, A , horse and rider, B,
two athletes; Magi, StEtr 15 (1941) 318, p. 37, 1-2, fig. 3(handle floral).
Stamnoi
7. Volterra, Guarnacci Mus., no no., said to be from
Chiusi. Neck: black, A , horse and rider; unpublished.
8. Philadelphia, University Mus. L-29-56, former Philadelphia Mus., no prov. Neck: black, A , horse and rider, B,
satyr, maenad; unpublished, figs. 4-6.
Oinochoe
9. Washington, D.C., National Mus. of Natural History,
cat. no 136420, from Orvieto. Woman; unpublished, fig. 7.
10. Washington, D.C., National Mus. of Natural History,
cat. no. 136421, from Orvieto. Athletes; unpublished, fig. 8.
Neck Amphorae
11. Florence, Mus. Arch., Vagnonville coll. no. 23, from
Chiusi. Neck: two elongated reversed palmettes, A-B,
satyr, maenad; Magi, StEtr 15 (1941) 315, fig. 5; Magi, StEtr
17 (1943), pi. 42, 3-4, EVP 296 (close to Vatican 265).
12. Florence, Mus. Arch., Vagnonville coll. no. 19, from
Chiusi. Neck: same as previous, A , centaur, B, ephebes;
Minto, pi. 13b; Magi, StEtr 17 (1943) pi. 43, 1-2, EVP 296(close to Vatican 265).
13. Florence, Mus. Arch., Vagnonville coll. no. 20, noprov. Neck: same as previous, A , figure with four wings, B,
centaur; Magi, StEtr 17 (1943) pi. 43, 3-4; EVP 296 (close to
Vatican 265).
14. Pienza, Museo, cat. no. 359, inv. no. 198, from Pienza.
Neck: same as previous, A-B, two athletes; M . Monaci,"Catalogo del Museo Archeologico Vesovile di Pienza,"
StEtr 33 (1965) 462-3, pi. 99d [Group of Vatican 265; adds
a vase in the coll. Paolozzi, Museo di Chiusi, amphora in
D. Levi, 11 Museo Civico di Chiusi (Rome, 1935) 136 which

Carlsberg Glyptotek (Copenhagen, 1928) p. 50; 21 (Groupof Munich 883).
3. Geneva. Giraudon 4016, A , satyr, maenad; EVP 21(Group of Munich 883).
4. Geneva, Giraudon 4005, A-B, bull; EVP 21 (Group of
Munich 883).

may be the following no. 15].
15. Chiusi, Mus. Arch, no no., prov. unknown. Neck:two elongated, reversed palmettes, A-B, ephebes; same asthat mentioned in Levi, op.cit.1
16. Philadelphia, Univ. Mus. MS 1125, former Coleman
Coll., no prov. Neck: Two elongated reversed palmettes,
A, two athletes, B, maenad, satyr; unpublished, figs. 9-11.

15. Nos. 3, 2.
16. Nos. 4, 5, 17.
17. Nos. 1, 3, 5, 4.
18. No. 2.
19. Florence Mus. Top. 80677; A. Magi, StEtr 15 (1941) 317, figs. la,b,pi. 36, 1-2.
20. Particularly in the works of Phintias and Oltos, ARV 110. 3.

21. Satyrs, nos. 1, 5, 9, 13, 17; maenads, nos. 5, 17; centaur, no. 8;
Dionysos, no. 5; Herakles, no. 5.
22. No. 5.
23. Supra n. 20.
24. EVP 21; Beazley first proposed our nos. 1-4; we have placed
Munich 887, which he considered not far from 883, in our group of
Munich 892; the Brussels R270 is our no. 27; the Florence Vagnonvillevases which he considered near the Vatican 265 are our nos. 11-13.

2

128 Schwarz

Figure 4- Etruscan black figure stamnos, Group of Munich 883.
Philadelphia, The University Museum L-29-56, A .

Figure 5. Side B of Philadelphia University Museum L-29-56.

17. Washington, D.C., National Mus. of Natural History,
cat. no. 136413, from Orvieto. Neck: two elongated, reversed palmettes, A-B, two ephebes; unpublished, figs.
12-14.
18. Washington, D.C., National Mus. of Natural History,
cat. no. 136414, from Orvieto. Neck: black, A , twoephebes, B, satyr, maenad, unpublished, figs. 15-18.
Closely Related
19. Florence, Mus. Arch. 4177, no prov. Neck: two elongated, reversed palmettes with dots separating them, A ,ephebes (drawn by a master but filled in by an apprentice),
B, ephebes, in long mantles; Magi, StEtr 15 (1941) 319, pi.
38 1-2, fig. 5 (close proximity to Vatican 265 and same
motifs as Minto, pi. 31 a,b).
20. Villa Giulia, Castellani coll. 410, no prov. Neck:black, A , two ephebes, B, Athena (?); P. Mingazzini,
Catalogo dei Vasi della Collezione Augusto Castellani (Rome,Figure 6. Profile of Philadelphia, University Museum L-29-56.

1930) pi. 36, 1-2 (compares it with Pottier II, pi. 56. no. 755
which is not close and SH, pi. 38, nos. 877 and 878. Both ofthe latter could have worked in the Munich 883
workshop).
21. Vatican, Mus. Greg. Etrusco, no no., no prov. Neck:
identical to Munich 883, A , woman, B, (?); unpublished(imitates Washington, D.C., Mus. of Natural History, cat.
no. 136420, Group of Vatican 265).
22. Ann Arbor, Univ. of Michigan 2600, prov. unknown.
Neck: two upright palmettes, similar to 883, but sloppier,Herakles (?) fighting two centaurs (the picture continues
around the vase); unpublished.

A Vulci Vase 129

Figure 7. Etruscan black figure oinochoe, Group of Munich 883.
Washington, D.C., The National Museum of Natural
History 136420.

Figure 8. Etruscan black figure oinochoe, Group of Munich 883.
Washington, D.C., The National Museum of Natural
History 136421.

23. Orvieto, Cannicella necropolis, from Orvieto. Neck:
three elongated, reversed palmettes, A , two satyrs dancing
over a large pithos, B, two maenads (?) dancing; A . Minto,
367-8, pi. 31 a,b (attributed to Vulci; B, compared witholpe from Populonia, Minto, NSc (1925) 352, fig. 7).
Stamnoid Amphora
24. Florence, Mus. Top. 75787, from Orvieto. Neck:black, A , two satyrs, B, two ephebes; Magi, StEtr 15 (1941)
320, fig. 7, pi. 39, 1-2.
Amphorae
25. Viterbo, Mus. Civ. inv. 337/220 from Viterbo. Neck:
three upright palmettes, A , two satyrs dancing, B, centaur;
A . Scriattoli, Viterbo nei suoi monumenti (Rome, 1920) 380f.,
figs. 574, 575; A . Gargana, "Schedario del Museo Civico.
Note sui vasi atticizzanti ed etrusco-laziali," Bulletinomunicipale di Viterbo Qune 1934) 4, n. 3, fig. 3; Rossi

Group of Munich 883, dated first quarter of fifth century

Danielli, Gli Etruschi del Viterbese Scavi, I. Viterbo (1959)

fig. 9 and p. 45, fig. 19; Emiliozzi, 155, pis. 99-100, no. 199(mentions the Vulci manufacture and classifies it near the

B.C.)

26. Viterbo, Mus. Civ. inv. 337/212, from Viterbo. Neck:same as previous, A , two satyrs, birds fly above, B, twosatyrs dancing, pithos between; Scriattoli, op. cit.,
figs. 574, 575.; Gargana, op. cit., 4, n. 2, fig. 3; Giglioli,
L'arte etrusca (Milan, 1935) pi. 131.5; Dohrn II, 290 (misâttributed to Lotus Bud Group), EVP 18 (questioned
Dohrn's attribution); Rossi Danielli, op. cit. 38, fig. 9 and p.
45, fig. 19; Emiliozzi, 155-6, pis. 101-2, no. 200 (nearGroup of Munich 883, first quarter of fifth century B.c.).
27. Brussels, Musée Royal d'Art et Histoire n. 270, noprov. Neck: identical to Munich 883, A , maenad, satyr
dancing, B, (?); Giglioli, op. cit., pl. 130,4; EVP 21 (nearGroup of Munich 883).
28. Volterra, Guarnacci Mus., no no., said to be from
Chiusi. Neck: three upright palmettes above spiral tendrils,
A , two maenads (?) dancing, B, two youths; unpublished(?).

130 Schwarz

Figure 9. Etruscan black figure amphora, Group of Munich 883.
Philadelphia, The University Museum MS 1125. SideA.

Figure 11. Profile of Philadelphia, University Museum MS 1125.

29. Volterra, Guarnacci Mus., no no., said to be from
Chiusi. Neck; upright palmettes between two half palmettes, A , satyr, maenad dancing, B, two deer;
unpublished (?).
Although the relationships within the larger workshop
setting cannot be precisely defined, close analysis of thedetails of decoration, figurative treatment, and form canproduce evidence of the way in which they may haveoperated. In the Munich 892 Group, two and perhaps
three potters were at work. Distinctions can also be discovered between decorators and figure painters. In both theGroups of Munich 892 and 883, two-figure compositions
were favored and decorated each side of the vessel,
separated by handle florals in close imitation of Attic amphorae of the end of the sixth to early fifth centuries B.C.
Figure 10. Side B of Philadelphia, University Museum MSI 125.
Detail.

25. Satyrs, nos. 3, 8, 11, 16, 18 and 23-27; maenads, nos. 8, 11, 16, 18,
23 (?), 27, 28 (?); centaurs, nos. 12, 13, 25; four-winged figure, no. 13;
bulls, no. 4; deer, no. 29.

A Vulci Vase 131

Figure 12. Etruscan black figure amphora, Group of Munich 883.
Washington D.C., The National Museum of Natural
History 136413. Side A .

Figure 13. Side B of Washington 136413.

Moreover, both groups preferred genre scenes illustrating
athletes, ephebes, and quasi-mythological subjects, i.e. satyrs, maenads, or centaurs with no specific mythologicalcontext. In the Group of Munich 883 there are only two
mythological scenes, possibly Athena, and Herakles
against the centaurs.
Of twenty-nine vases that can be attributed to theMunich 883 Group, there were probably two or threepotters, possibly three decorators who painted neck andhandle florals, and five or more figure painters. The firstdecorator, who may be called A , appears to have completed the subsidiary motifs on ten of the vases (nos. 1-8,
21 and 27). He preferred a neck decoration that consistedof a single upright palmette emerging from its juncturewith the shoulder and flanked by upright stems with afloral sprouting from its top. (The shoulder devices common to the entire group are alternating thick and thin vertical strokes.) His handle florals closely resemble thosepublished by Magi with four palmettes attached to four
25

26

27

26. Athena, no. 20; Herakles, no. 22.
27. Magi, StEtr 15 (1941) fig. 3.

Figure 14. Profile of Washington 136413.

132 Schwarz

Figure 15. Etruscan black figure stamnoid amphora. Washington D.C., The National Museum of National History 136414. Side A .

A Vulci Vase

Figure 16. Side B of Washington 136414.

Figure 17. Profile of Washington 136414.

double spiral tendrils at the outer corners. A t the center,beneath the handle and just outside the opposing sets ofspirals, there are a number of variations; they may becircles, ivy leaves (no. 1), or petal and lotus buds (no. 2).
Artisan B, on the other hand, decorated nos. 10-18,
which were executed by a single figure painter, and no. 19,
by another. His motifs include two reversed and very elongated palmettes, drawn more loosely than those made bydecorator A ; the palmettes emerge from spiral tendrils thatare connected to vertical lines that enframe the palmettes.
Further, decorator B adds a small curl at the inceptions of
his palmettes, emerging from the tendril. His handle florals
are the same on examples we have examined, nos. 14, and16-19. Decorator C painted nos. 23-29 of which 23-26
were painted by one figure painter and nos. 27-29 by another. His neck motifs are three upright palmettes attached to spiral tendrils and handle florals which differ little from those of decorator B .
Finally, at least five figure painters worked together in282 9

28. It is the same as Magi's fig. 5, ibid.
29. Ibid., fig. 7.

Figure 18. Detail, handle decoration of Washington 136414.

133

134 Schwarz

the workshop. The first figure painter, painter 1, completed the first eight vases, except side B of no. 8. His
figures are characterized by long narrow waists, protruding
buttocks, short arms, and fingers that often spread. The
poses are static and gestures often exaggerated, with arms
held away from the body. Painter 2 is somewhat more
adept with his figures (nos. 9-18); they are less awkward,
better proportioned, and move more naturalistically. They
tend to move with a more lively and dance-like rhythm,
abandoning the stasis of the first artist. Painter 3 was theleast successful of the group. We can identify at least fourvases by him, nos. 19-24. He closely imitates the poses ofpainter 2; but in so doing, the figures are portrayed as
more frantic than the lively figures of painter 2, as illustrated in the Vatican neck amphora no. 21. His figuresbear a close relationship to those on the Vatican vase in
the Munich 892 Group (no. 7), which suggests that he may
be the same painter. Painter 4 illustrated only four vases in
the group, nos. 23-26; his figures are plump and lively, andthe facial profiles have a distinct bulb at the end of thenose. Painter 5 is a close imitator of 4, favoring the same
subjects, i.e. satyrs and maenads dancing; but he paints all
his figures on their toes: some do not touch the ground atall. A peculiar spiral terminates the corners of the hems ofgarments worn by his female figures.
Although Vulci manufacture for the group cannot becertain, there are strong reasons to favor this center. Vulci

was first suggested by M i n t o in opposition to Dohrn's
suggestion of Caeretan production. Both Dohrn andBeazley agreed on the group's dependence on the Micali
workshop, which is now accepted as located at V u l c i . In
1968 Amorelli published sporadic finds from the territory
of V u l c i that aided in this reaffirmation, not only for theMicali painter but also for the Munich 891 and 883
Groups.
30

31

32

33

34

Of the seventeen vases that are attributed here to theGroup of Munich 892, only two come from Vulci, while
one issues from Pescia, one from Viterbo, one from Bizensio, and one from Orvieto; the others have no secure
provenance. Among those that I have attributed to theGroup of Munich 883, only one was found at Vulci (no.
1), while nine were found at Orvieto (including the two
fragmentary vases mentioned by Minto); eight were foundin Chiusi, two in Viterbo, and one in Pienza. While thebroad distribution among these cities provides no support
for manufacture at Vulci, it does substantiate the arguments for the widespread popularity of imitations of Attic
vases among Etruscan cities and also calls attention to theshifting pattern of inland trade in the first quarter of thefifth century B.c. The manufacturing center may havebeen Vulci, but the market for its products was theEtruscan interior, particularly the regions of Orvieto andChiusi, where many of the examples were found.
The Ohio State University

30. A . Minto, 36.
31. Dohrn II, 289-290.
32. EVP 16, 17.
33. M . Amorelli, "Vasi Etruschi a figure nere e a figure rossi provenienti da Vulci," ArchCl 20 (1968) 230-236.

34. Ibid.; Amorelli mentioned three vases; two are only fragments,
published by Minto, 367, close to his no. 64425 that Amorelli attributed
to Munich 891. The latter belongs in the same circle as Groups Munich
892 and 883. Our decorator A , may have executed the neck and handle
floral of Vulci no. 64425.

A n Etruscan Vase with Siren
Mario A . Del Chiaro

A n oinochoe in the J . Paul Getty Museum collection(No. 1, figs. 1 and 2) bears an extremely rare, if notunique, representation for Etruscan red figure vase painting dating to the last quarter of the fourth century B.C.;
namely, a siren. In addition, the siren is shown with outstretched wings rather than with folded wings in the manner more usual for Greek, South Italian, or Etruscan red
figure. The oinochoe is of the popular and characteristic
Etruscan Shape VII and, at first glance, may seem tobelong to the Dotted-hem Group of Caeretan red figure
because of the series of dots which appear at the hem of
the garment worn by the maenad depicted on the neck of
the vase. Close examination with comparative material,
however, has disclosed that the Getty oinochoe is more
properly assigned to Faliscan rather than to Caeretan red
figure.
123

1. Oinochoe, Shape VII (figs. 1 and 2)
Malibu, The J . Paul Getty Museum
Inv. number 78.AE.273
Height 31.8 cm.
Neck: Maenad striding to left with broad sash or
fillet in her right hand.
Body: Siren with outstretched wings facing to
the left and holding a tympanum between
extended hands. In the field: a floral/vegetal form (based on the acanthus flower?)at the left; a phiale at the right.
The presence of a running-wave pattern at the shoulder
and near the upper rim of the Getty vase is unknown tome for Caeretan examples of oinochoai Shape VII, on
which a tongue, modified egg-and-dart, dot, or dash motif
is generally found. Although Faliscan counterparts may receive the same last-mentioned motifs, the running wave isoften encountered, as for example on an oinochoe in A t h ens (No. 2, fig. 3). Here too may be seen the use of added

1. I wish to thank Dr. Jiri Frel, curator of classical antiquities, for permission to study and publish the oinochoe in this volume of the museum
journal.
2. The Etruscan oinochoe Shape VII is more commonly known as a"beaked jug" or, in the usual Italian terminology, as an "oinochoe con
bocea a cartoccio." It is characterised by a bulbous body and a long cylindrical neck that terminates in a large open mouth with an extended vertical snout. A broad vertical handle joins the neck to the body of the vasewhite paint for the flesh of women—a practice shared withCampanian red figure and thereby indicative of the strong
influence from that fabric of South Italian vase painting oncontemporary Etruscan pottery workshops. Granted thatthe female figures painted on the Athens oinochoe exhibit
taller and more elegant proportions that do the maenad
and siren on the Getty vase, the rendering of the breasts
and other anatomical details is remarkably similar between
the siren and the female on the neck of the Athens vase.
4

2. Oinochoe, Shape VII (fig. 3)
Athens* National Museum
Inv. number 13521
Formerly Florence, Museo Archeologico(acquired by trade).
Neck: Nude female seated to left on bundleddrapery.
Body: Nude female seated to left on bundleddrapery. A mirror is upheld in the righthand as she arranges her hair with theleft. O n the ground at the right is abasket with one or more mirrors and/or
other toilet utensils.
Further evidence for the attribution to Faliscan red figure, and at the same time serving as an excellent link forthe style of drawing on the Getty and the Athens oinochoai, is a skyphos in Hamburg (No. 3, figs. 4 and 5) on
which the contrasting female figures on sides A and B help
to explain the discrepancy noted between the female figures on the two oinochoai.
3. Skyphos (figs. 4 and 5)
Hamburg, Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe
Inv. number 1220 (J 189)
Height 24 cm.
Side A : Nike striding to left with long fillet inleft hand and a tympanum balanced

at the lower portion of the mouth and at the shoulder. When present,
two cylindrical "knobs" located one to each side of the mouth near thehandle reveal its metallic prototype. See M . Del Chiaro, Etruscan Red-Figured Vase-Fainting at Caere (Berkeley, 1974)—hereafter EfvVC; see also,idem, "Etruscan Oinochoai of the Torcop Group," Studi Etruschi 28(1960), pp. 137-164.
3. M . Del Chiaro, ERVC, pp. off.
4. Ibid., p. 121, note 62 and pp. 123ff.

136

DelChiaro

Figure 1. Oinochoe, Shape VII. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 78.AE.273.

An Etruscan Vase with Siren 137

Figure 2. Profile of figure 1.

with the extended right hand. Phiale in
the field at lower left, hanging sash or
fillet at top right.
Side B: Nude female seated to the right onbundled drapery. With her extended left
hand she supports a tympanum as if
used as a mirror. Phialae in the field at
top left and middle right.
Studi Etruschi 11 (1937), p. 379f., pl. X L I V , figs.
1-2; J . D . Beazley, Etruscan Vase-Painting (Oxford,
1947)_hereafter E V P - p . 158, no. 2.
The rendering of the women on the Hamburg skyphos
conveniently testifies to the validity of considering the
Hamburg, Athens, and Getty vases as products of thesame workshop—if not of a single hand. It suffices to point
to the seated nude on the Hamburg skyphos (fig. 5) and

Figure 3. Oinochoe, Shape VII. Athens, National Museum
13521.

her counterparts on the Athens oinochoe (fig. 3). Despite
the squatter proportions of the Nike on the Hamburg vase(fig. 4) and the seemingly contradictory slenderness ofthese last three figures, the Nike brings us into close stylistic proximity with the maenad on the Getty oinochoe (fig.
1). Differences in the drapery—more detailed and precise
for the Hamburg Nike—I believe may be simply explainedby the more cursory brushwork on the basically similar
peplos with its trailing apoptygma (overfold at the waist)
clearly visible at her left side.
A n extremely fragmentary skyphos discovered at San
Giuliano (Barbarano Romano near Blera) should be mentioned here, since it is unquestionably decorated by thesame artist responsible for the Hamburg skyphos. O n its
only preserved side, a maenad strides vigorously to the left
with a thyrsos cradled in her left arm and a tympanum
5138 Del Chiaro

Figure 4. Skyphos. Hamburg, Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe
1220 0 189).

Figure 5. Reverse of figure 4.

supported by her right hand. The skyphos has been rightfully assigned by Paola Villa D'Amelio to the "Fluid
Group" of Faliscan red figure —vases of which are particularly well represented at San Giuliano.
Attraction to the Getty oinochoe and subsequent analysis of the style of drawing on the Athens oinochoe and theHamburg skyphos has once again focused on my earlier
studies devoted to a prolific Faliscan artist of the Fluid
Group, whom I have named the Full-Sakkos Painter andwhose individual style can now be detected on the vases
presented here. This vase painter did not restrict his workto oinochoai and skyphoi, for vases decorated by him include other shapes: kylikes, hydriae, stamnoi, lebetes, bellkraters, and column kraters. We have seen that the maenad on the Getty vase, when considered independently, atfirst does not suggest the style of the Full-Sakkos Painter.
Nonetheless, supporting evidence to "bridge the gap" isconvincingly offered by the decoration on the Athens oinochoe and Hamburg skyphos. Consequently, the Getty
oinochoe gains added significance for a broader appreciation of this Faliscan artist who now offers a new theme—asiren—for Faliscan red figure produced in or about Falerii
Veteres (present-day Cività Castellana) during the lastquarter of the fourth century B.C.

5. Notizie degli Scavi (1963), p. 57, fig. 62 (Tomb XI, inv. no. 98).
6. Beazley, EVP, Chapter VIII.
7. Paola Villa D'Amelio in Notizie degli Scavi (1963), pp. 1-76.

8. M . Del Chiaro in Studi Etruschi 32 (1964), pp. 83ff. See especially, M .
Del Chiaro, " A Faliscan Skyphos with Jockey-Cap Helmet by the FullSakkos Painter," Archeologia Classica XXII (1970), pp. 55-71.

6

7

8

University of California
Santa Barbara

A Krater by Asteas
Marit Jentoft-Nilsen

A Paestan calyx krater depicting the myth of Zeus' love
for Europa is of particular interest because it bears also thename of the painter, bringing up to ten the number ofsigned pieces by the vase painter Asteas. Using his customary double sigma at the beginning of the name and theimperfect of ypacpco, Asteas has incised A I I T E A I ErPAOE
on the lower part of the body of the krater, termed byTrendall Asteas' "major extant signed piece."
1

2

3

4

In a quite unique pentagonal panel on the obverse, Europa, identified by the inscription EVPQPH, is seated on theback of the bull (figs. 1 and 3). Together they fly to the left
across the sea, which is suggested by the figures of Skylla,
Triton, and various fish below. This allusion to the sea is
not unlike that found on another calyx krater in Naples
featuring the myth of Phrixos and Helle. Europa's chitonis heavily decorated with stars, palmettes, and both meander and checkerboard patterns. The belt is emphasized bydots in added yellowish-white, which is used also for her
earring, necklace, bracelets on both arms, additional details on her garment and, although now mostly gone, on
her sandals.
5

6

for other areas of the body. A small white octopus, with its"pop-eyes" indicated by dilute glaze, is held in Triton's
right hand while entwining its tentacles around his wrist.
Sixteen various marine creatures in added white or dilute
glaze are dispersed through the lower field.
The Naples krater with Phrixos and Helle, because of its
allusion to the sea, is especially appropriate for the comparison of certain details. Both vases share the filling withadded white of the circles on Skylla's tail while not on Triton's. The billowing of Europa's mantle seems a case of déjà vu, for Helle's mantle has, even if not identical, certainly
very similar curves and folds. Her hair style, with its relatively smooth crown and cascade of waves and curls beginning at a point almost directly behind the corner of hereye, also occurs on Helle. One can even note that Europa's
sandals with their criss-cross lines representing straps areclose to those worn by Helle's brother, Phrixos, by Megara
on yet another calyx krater by Asteas in Madrid showing
the madness of Herakles, and by Kadmos on a bell krater
also in Naples.
7

8

The bull is in added white, some of which has flaked off;yellowish-brown dilute glaze is used for bodily details. O n
the left is Skylla (IKYAA) holding in her right hand a trident whose handle and three prongs are in added white.
Below her waist and apparently "emerging" from the fishlike portion of her body are two dogs in added white withdilute glaze for details. The scales on this part of Skylla's
figure are indicated by black circles filled with white; Skylla's necklace and other areas of her fish-like body are indicated by added white. O n the right, Triton (TPITQN) holds
an oar. The scales on his body also are shown by small
black circles,, but apparently these were never filled withwhite although, as with Skylla, white and red were added

Hovering directly above Europa is Pothos (POOOI), a
nude figure whose wings were originally in dilute glaze andadded white which have now mostly disappeared. A
brown chlamys stretches from around his thigh just below
the buttock to his left forearm. Decorative details are in
added white, which is also used for a bracelet on his left
ankle and a wreath. In his right hand is an object that isunidentifiable because most of the paint has flaked off; in
his left is another object, perhaps a phiale, in dilute glaze
and added white. In view of Zeus' lust for Europa, Pothos,
personifying passion, is a far more appropriate figure thanEros would have been in the immediate context of thiscomposition. The allegorical figure of Pothos is not themost familiar figure in the repertoire of Greek art, but at

1. 81.AE.78. Total height: 71 cm. Diameter: 60 cm. Height of foot:21 cm.
2. I am most grateful to A . D. Trendall for this information as well as
many other generous and helpful comments and observations offeredduring his visit to the Getty in May 1982, and for his subsequent suggestions and corrections to my text.
3. A . D. Trendall, Paestan Pottery (Rome, 1936; hereafter PP), pp.
20-21.
4. Trendall, verbally.
5. For a discussion of the iconography and other representations ofEuropa and the bull, see the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts catalogue,
The Art of South Italy, Vases from Magna Graecia (Richmond, 1982; hereafter V M F A catalogue), pp. 157-8.
6. PP, p. 34 ff., pi. VIb. For sake of simplicity, this particular krater will
be termed the Naples krater.
7. PP, p. 31 ff., pl. VIL Also discussed and illustrated in color in Guiasdel Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Cerámica Griega (Madrid, 1978) pp.
86-88, pl. 42. Further references to this vase will be under the term theMadrid krater.
8. PP, p. 23 ff, pl. Va.

140 Jentoft'Nilsen

Figure 1. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum, 81.AE.78. Obverse

A Krater by Asteas 141

Figure 2. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum, 81.AE.78. Reverse.

142 Jentoft'Nilsen

Figure 3. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum, 81.AE.78. Obverse (detail).

A Krater by Asteas 143

Figure 4. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum, 81.AE.78. Reverse (detail).

144 Jentoft'Nilsen

about the same time as this krater was painted by Asteas, astatue of Pothos was created, the original of which has
been accepted as a work of Skopas.
Between the lower frame of the scene and another reserved line is a band of alternating reserved and black
blocks, forming a metope pattern, a device which occurs
below a theatrical scene on another calyx krater, signed byAsteas. Its use there and on the Getty krater raises thepossibility that the pattern was inspired by or meant tosuggest the floorboards of a stage. Whether so or not, it
seems to have been readily adopted as a decorative pattern, since it appears also in Paestan non-theatrical contexts: as a border below a sphinx on the neck of an amphora signed by Asteas, on a krater attributed to his
successor Python, and on a fishplate from their workshop.
9

10

11

12

The handle zone, defined by this metope device and an
egg pattern band, retains only a partially preserved patternof palmettes. Simpler versions of this border appear on the
Naples and Madrid kraters as well as on a calyx krater inBerlin. It is tempting to imagine that as Asteas became
more adroit in painting this motif he made it more complex, and coupled it with the metope pattern for an evenmore elaborate effect. Whereas on the Naples and Berlinkraters, he had signed in the band beneath the scenes, on
the Getty vase, because the band is mostly taken up withthe metope pattern, it is in the palmette pattern below that
Asteas has incised his signature.
13

Zeus' amorous escapades. He holds a caduceus in dilute
glaze and wears a chlamys fastened at the neck by a brooch
indicated by added white, which is used also for his wreathand the end of the caduceus.
A complementary triangular frame on the upper rightcontains three other figures. Furthest right is Aphrodite(A0POAITH) whose hand rests upon the shoulder of Adonis(AAON1I) standing in front of her. While added whitedenotes her flesh, dilute glaze is used to denote her earring,necklace, and a diadem just below her headband. Added
red marks the headband and stripe down the bodice of her
garment, which repeats the circle and checkerboard patterns on the garments of the other figures. In her left handis a dilute glaze bowl. Adonis' garment is made slightly
more complex by the addition of stars and palmettes aswell as an added white cuff on the one visible sleeve. Furthest left is a small, winged half-figure without inscription
completely in added white though much of it is lost, especially on the wings, wearing only a reddish-brown piece ofdrapery across the lower body. This is Eros, holding in his
right hand another unidentifiable object. Since all threefigures have associations with love, they are a more thanappropriate audience for the scene takng place below
them. Aphrodite, the goddess of love, is naturally associated with her son Eros, the god of love. She very much
loved Adonis, a handsome youth who seems eventually tohave had some identification with Eros and who was attimes worshipped in connection with Aphrodite.

O n the upper left of the body of the Getty krater, in atriangular frame, are three figures identified by inscriptions: ZEYI, KPHTH (above the frame), and hEPMHI. Furthest left is Zeus, half-draped in a garment patterned withcircles and a checkerboard edge. He holds a sceptre in added white topped by a palmette. Krete, representing the island to which Europa is being carried, wears an added red
kekryphalos covering much of her hair and a chiton decorated in a manner similar to that of Zeus but having in addition palmettes along the sleeves. Added white is used forher diadem, earring, necklace, bracelets, and belt. Most
familiarly recognized as messenger for the gods in generaland Zeus in particular, Hermes also has an association
with fertility and, at times, a connection with Aphrodite
which especially suits him for a role as "go-between" forOne is reminded of the Madrid Herakles vase on which
the figures in the upper frame also appear as onlookers to
the main scene. A comparable instance occurs on a hydria
signed by Asteas, where Aphrodite and two Furies, also ina colonnade type of frame above, view a theatrical scenefrom Euripides' Sthenneboia. *While the subject of the obverse reinforces the notionthat Asteas had a special liking for mythic scenes, not only
an overall connection with comic theatre in many instances of Paestan vase painting but also the use of onlookers in the upper frames on the Getty vase and the possible
indication of a stage suggest that Asteas may also havebeen inspired by some theatrical presentation, whether
comic or tragic, of the story of Europa.

9. On the art market; unpublished.
10. On the art market; unpublished.
11. PP, pi. XVIc.
12. V M F A catalogue, no. 111.
13. PP, p. 26 ff., pi. Vb. Hereafter referred to as the Berlin krater.
14. A . D. Trendall and T. B. L. Webster, Illustrations of Greek Drama(London, 1971) III, 3, 44.

15. For TrendalPs comments on Asteas' liking for balanced scenes, seePP, p. 35 ff.
16. For the term, see PP, p. 8.
17. For comparisons, one may note the following signed pieces in PP:
Naples 3226, pl. Va, the bell krater showing Kadmos on the obverse, andfig. 5 for the much repainted obverse Dionysiac scene; Berlin F 3044, fig.
11, a calyx krater, for the reverse showing Dionysos and a silen. On unsigned pieces there are the following (all are bell kraters): B.M. F188, fig.

1

A Krater by Asteas 145

The almost symmetrical balance of the obverse is reiterated on the reverse. Here the main scene, enclosed in apanel with a reserved frame, consists of three figures (figs. 2
and 4). In the middle is Dionysos, nude except for a mantle
over his outstretched left arm. It is on the mantle and thegarments of the reverse's other figures that we see one of
Asteas' favorite patterns, the embattled border. The
border, Dionysos' shoes, and other pattern details are in
dilute glaze. A bandolier bejeweled with dots in added
white extends around his chest and up over his rightshoulder. Around his head is a band in dilute glaze, withivy leaves in white. In his left hand Dionysos holds two
eggs in added white; and in his right, a thyrsos also inadded white with a fillet in added red. Anatomical details
on this and the other figures are indicated in black and areconsitent with those on males on Asteas' other works.
Dionysos is followed from the left by a maenad in a flowing chiton with borders, patterns, and folds of drapery inblack glaze. Over the bodice she wears a panther skin in
dilute glaze, with spots and belt in black. The closures onher dilute glaze shoes are indicated by added white, as are
the wreath on her head and the bracelets on both arms. In
her left hand is a torch; in her right, a wreath.
15

16

is speckled with dilute glaze dots. In his left hand are cymbals in added white, which also denotes the wreath aroundhis head and the one in his right hand. Dilute glaze covers
his very bushy tail and hip.
The band in the handle zone, defined simply by two reserved lines, carries an incised ivy pattern with the leaves
and berries in added white. A t its center is a flower in theform of a rosette. The top side of the krater's rim is also encircled with an incised vine pattern embellished withleaves and flowers in added white, which has mostly disappeared. O n the underside of the rim runs yet another incised ivy vine with dotted rosette-flowers in added white,
the leaves reserved.

O n the right a satyr looking back toward Dionysos
wears a bandolier necklace, wreath, and shoes; their details are in added white, while the shoes and tail are in
dilute glaze. In his left hand he holds an added-white
phiale with eggs from which hangs a fillet in added red; in
his right, a filleted thyrsos like that held by Dionysos.

The ivy vine which seems to have become a favorite
device of Asteas, though it occurs only on the obverses of
the Naples, Madrid, and Berlin kraters, completely encircles the Getty vase not just once but three times—on
both sides of the rim and, in a new location, the foot.
Even by itself, the foot is remarkable, an elaborate structure perhaps intended to appear as a separate stand for thevase. A n overhanging lip marked by an elongatedtongue pattern is at the join of foot and body. Below it,
two terror-stricken horses are pursued by two griffins, allrunning hard on each other's heels in alternating order tothe left. The griffins recall those which appear in a more
complex scene on the foot of an Apulian volute krater by
the Lykurgos Painter. Finally, on the lowest section, we
see again the incised ivy vine and the remnants of theadded white rosette-flowers.

A n abbreviated panel above contains five half-figures;from left to right, two maenads, an old silen, anothermaenad, and a Pan. A l l three maenads are dressed in thesame fashion as the full figure in the main panel; exceptthat the chiton on the one furthest left is sleeveless. The
first holds an unidentifiable object, possibly a bell, in eachhand. In her left hand, the second carries a torch. The oldsilen, dotted with added white suggesting tufts of hair,
wears a panther skin. His hair and beard are rendered in
added white, as is the white of his eyeball. A fillet in added
red encircles his head, and in his outstretched left hand heholds a wreath, also in red. The third maenad looks
toward him, a thyrsos in her left hand and another object,perhaps a bell again, in her right. The final figure, the Pan,

It seems that the date of this krater is surely well into
Asteas' career. Even a glance at the relative simplicity ofcomposition and stiffness of the figures on his early pieces
makes it apparent that the Getty vase has less in common
with products from that period in the painter's career thanwith his later pieces. Thus, for the purpose of noting
similarities, only Asteas' calyx kraters need be considered.
The Berlin krater's obverse scene and the Dionysiac
scene on the reverse reflect an effort by Asteas to show
some forcefulness, motion, and fluidity. But the type ofsubject makes it difficult to compare the rendering of figures other than those on the reverse, which are lively andcertainly make strides towards Asteas' later preference forgroups of three. In addition, there are no half-figures,

15; Giudice 193, fig. 17; Madrid 11019, fig. 18; B.M. F 152, fig. 20; B.M. F
153, fig. 21. Except for the krater showing Kadmos, there is less attention
given to detail than on the kraters cited in the text of this article. This isespecially true when it comes to drapery where only borders and foldlines are indicated, on shoes which mostly lack the added color to indicate closures, and on the fillets (excepting shoes and fillet on B.M. F
188) which are rather sketchy in appearance.
18. Trendall has suggested verbally that it may stem from the arrival in

Paestum, circa 330 B.c., of the Aphrodite Painter from Apulia and withwhom an Apulianizing phase seems to have developed. Thus it could wellbe due to the Aphrodite Painter's influence that this type of foot in imitation of a separate stand was made for the Getty krater.
19. H. Sichterman, Griechische Vasen in Unter-halien aus der Sammlung
Jatta In Ruvo (Tubingen 1966) no. 72, p. 50, pi. 120. Another, but poorer,
illustration appears in E. Greco, 11 Pittore di Afrodite (Rome 1970) pi.
XlVb.

17

18

19

146 Jentoft'Nilsen

whether "floating" in the scenes or enclosed in some framing device. Yet the obverse has the forerunner of the handle zone palmette patterns that appear on subsequent
vases.
Likewise, the fragments of the Buccino krater in the
Villa Giulia, showing a parody of the rape of Cassandra,
do not help in determining the chronology of the Getty
piece.
Indeed, it is on the Madrid krater with the madness of
Herakles that we see distinct affinities, especially in the
facial contours, indicating some closeness in time with the
Getty vase. Hairstyles and gender aside, most of the figures
on both pieces have faces that are very much alike. O fcourse, by this time Asteas had developed a repertoire ofstock figures that were, therefore, bound to have an almost
familial resemblance. It is on the Madrid vase also that wesee Asteas' first use of half-figures on a calyx krater scene(one wonders, incidentally, if the columnar spacing under
the phlyax scene on the Berlin vase inspired him to employ
that sort of device again on the Madrid krater, although ina different part of the scene, and to fill it with figures instead of leaving it simply empty). The stance of the Madrid
Herakles is mirrored by that of the Getty Dionysos, andwhile some of the decorative motifs on the drapery differ,on the Getty figures they are generally more elaborate andcomplex as is the palmette pattern in the handle zone. The
handles are closer to the sides on both kraters than thoseon the Berlin piece.
20

O n the Naples krater showing the myth of Phrixos andHelle, the handles appear even closer as well as longer;
they almost hug the body. Here, the notable comparisonswith the Getty krater have already been discussed, such as
similarities between Helle and Europa, allusions to the sea,
repetition of certain decorative patterns, and certain details on the figures. O n the Naples piece there are noframes; even the half-figures on the much restored reverse
simply float above the Dionysiac scene without any framing device.
The Getty krater appears to fall chronologically between
the Madrid and Naples pieces. A l l three present mythological scenes on their obverses, Dionysiac scenes on their reverses, and are signed below the obverse scene. The palmette pattern band occurs on each of them in the handle
zone of the obverse, while the ivy vine pattern is on both
Naples and Madrid kraters at least around the outside of
the mouth and encircles the entire Getty vase three times,
as well as decorating the reverse's handle zone. There is athree-quarter face view of Herakles on the Madrid vaseand of Helle on the Naples krater but no comparable
20. PP, p. 28 ff., pi. Via, fig. 13.

figure on the Getty vase. However, the bull on which
Europa rides shows an admirably executed three-quarter
head, certainly meeting the requirement if that is one of
the criteria determining an early or late chronology.
It is possible to envision Asteas as having regarded his
Madrid krater as such a major accomplishment that he decided to surpass, if he could, this pinnacle of achievement.
The size alone of the Getty krater demanded an ambitious
project, requiring all he could muster in imagination, design, and competence. With the space thus allowed him,
he was able to paint half-figures who, being confined inframes, were able to observe the scene without intruding
on it. O n the reverse, the number of half-figures reaches
five, more than on his other vases, and the additional figure is a new one, Pan. Here too, instead of "floating" in thescene they are framed, making the entire reverse less busy
and crowded in its effect. The horses pursued by griffins on
the foot are no mere decoration, but reveal by their expressions sheer terror and panic. This design, reminiscent of
the Lykurgos Painter griffins, combines with the unusual
foot, to point to a date after 330 B.C., for it is at that timethat an Apulianizing phase began in Paestum.
How does one explain the repetition, if not of all
characters, at least of ideas and some characters on the
Naples krater? It may be that after his huge and successful
krater with Europa on the bull, Asteas wanted to repeat
the concept. Instead of Europa, he took Phrixos andHelle; instead of the bull, of course, the ram. In the meantime, the allusions to the sea could be used again withsome addition and reworking—variations on theme, one
might say. He even borrowed, with less success, the Dionysos on a panther from his Madrid krater reverse, almost
crowding it in now, in mirror image on the obverse with
Phrixos and Helle. A s for the reverse, even if much damaged it appears to be not much more than a mechanicaluse of an almost standard scene. The figures have all been
seen before, and even the stances are echoes of the past. It
appears that Asteas peaked with the Getty krater, but by
the time he did the Naples krater, he suffered from what
we today call "burn-out," simply lacking the energy and/or
ability to repeat the chefs d'oeuvre that he had created on
his previous pieces.
MalibuPOSTSCRIPT
Since this article was first written, the foot (figs. 5-8) of
another krater apparently by Asteas has come onto the art
market. It is slightly more than a centimeter taller than the

A Krater by Asteas 147

Figure 6. Los Angeles art market. Photo: A . Daneman.
foot of the Getty vase, and its diameter is 31.8 cm. compared to 29.4 cm. for the Getty krater. Their shapes are almost identical, including the overhanging lip with its elongated tongue pattern. While the ivy vine pattern encircling
the lowest part of the foot runs in the direction opposite tothat on the Getty vase, the significant and most interesting difference is in the figured decoration. Instead of griffins and horses, we see not only Skylla and Triton together
with some of the fish shown on both the Getty and Naples
kraters, but also, used twice in alternation with Skylla andTriton, the sea monster from the Naples krater. The
Skylla here possesses not the coiled body of the Getty
Skylla but rather a profile similar to the Naples' Skylla.
Triton, although with shorter hair, shares characteristics
of both his Getty and Naples counterparts. The figures on
this foot are somewhat less elaborate than those on thebodies of the two kraters, but this must be due to therelatively minor position they occupied in the overall
structure and to the restricted space which undoubtedly
discouraged any extensive detail.—M. J - N .

Figure 5. Los Angeles art market. Photo: A . Daneman.

148 Jentoft'Nilsen

Figure 7. Los Angeles art market. Photo: A . Daneman.

Figure 8. Los Angeles art market. Photo: A . Daneman.

The Turn of the Wheel
Toby Schreiber

Most ancient Greek potters worked on a potter's wheel
which rotated in a counterclockwise direction as it wasviewed from above. To appreciate this fact fully it isnecessary to understand the relationship between the clay
and the potter's hands. For clay to be controlled on arotating wheel, it must feed into the potter's fingers fromthe heels of his hands. The fingers form the pot while therest of the hand controls the pliable clay before it reaches
the fingers. Clay cannot be controlled if it is fed into thehands fingers first (see illustration 1). A potter working ona counterclockwise moving wheel works on the right sideof the developing vase, the left hand forming the inside
and the right hand shaping the outside, as is the practicein most of the world today. The opposite would be true ofa clockwise moving wheel, as in modern Japan where potters' wheels turn clockwise, and the potter works on theleft side of the developing pot.
A spiral pattern is created in the clay as the vase is pulled
upward by the potter's fingers. By observing the spiralcreated on the inside of a vase, one can determine thedirection the wheel is rotating. Illustration 2 contrasts a
counterclockwise with a clockwise spiral. The outsides ofancient Greek vases seldom show a spiral, as they weresmoothed to facilitate decoration. Figure 1 shows the spiralin a stamnos interior; in figure 2 the same spiral has beenlightly traced in pencil. It clearly indicates that this stamnos was created on a counterclockwise rotating wheel.
Other counterclockwise spirals can be seen in figure 3 andon the underside of a stamnos lid in figure 4. For clarity it
should be noted that modern lids are usually made upside
down on the wheel and, from the evidence, ancient lids
were too.
Unfortunately, the spiral phenomenon cannot be
observed on most vases. Excess clay on the inside was

Illustration 1.
Clay must feed into the potter's fingers from the heel ofthe hands.

Clay cannot be controlled if
fed into potter's hands, fingers
first.

often trimmed away by the potter, thereby obliterating it.
This can be seen at the base of the interior of the vase infigure 3. Conservation practices in mending broken vases,
especially in the recent past, often obscure the interior
spiral. The spiral may also be encrusted, making it impossible to see the pattern with accuracy (fig. 5).
Besides the evidence of the vases themselves, wheel
direction can be deduced by carefully observing illustrations on vases. A hydria in Munich shows an ancient pottery shop on its shoulder (fig. 6). The potter is on the left.
He has finished forming the vase and is truing it up, refining it, and giving it the final touches. Because the potter's
left shoulder is thrust forward to make his left arm almost
vertical, we can assume he has his left forearm inside thenearly completed vase. His right hand is missing;presumably it was on the outside steadying that surface ina typical potter's maneuver. He is working on the side of
the vase to his right, indicating the wheel was turning in acounterclockwise direction.
Further support for a counterclockwise direction of rotation of the wheel comes from the illustration of the potter's
assistant on the same hydria (fig. 7). He sits opposite thepotter on a low stool, both legs on the right side of themoving wheel. His right arm is extended with his palm andthumb turned downward on the upper surface of thewheel, an attitude suggestive of pushing. His left arm ispartly flexed and the hand is partly under the wheel, suggestive of pulling. Taken together, these arm attitudes suggest a wheel being rotated in a counterclockwise direction
by the potter's assistant.
Certain decorative patterns painted on the exterior canalso provide evidence to determine wheel direction. A lidor vase to be decorated is centered on the wheel, which isslowly rotated as the artist paints a repetitive motif, such

Illustration 2.
Spiral as it appears on a counterclockwise rotating wheel.

Spiral as it appears on a clock
wise moving wheel.

150 Schreiber

Figure 1. Looking into the mouth of the vase. Note counterclockwise spirals on the interior of stamnos.
Attic black figure stamnos by the Michigan
Painter. Miniature Class A . Lugano, Private
collection.

Figure 2. Same counterclockwise spirals lightly outlined inpencil. Attic black figure stamnos by the Michigan Painter. Miniature Class A . Lugano, Private
collection.

Figure 3. Looking through the mouth of the vase. View
shows counterclockwise spiral in a stamnos(bottom portion of vase has been trimmed
smooth). Attic red figure stamnos. Lugano,
Private collection.

Figure 4. Counterclockwise spiral on under side of a stamnos lid. Stamnos lid by the Achilles Painter.
Lugano, Private collection.

The Turn of the Wheel 151

Figure 5. E n c r u s t e d spirals, interior of stamnos. H a n d l e less stamnos i n Six's techique. G e n e v a , Private
collection.

Figure 6. A potter's shop i n antiquity o n shoulder of a h y d r i a , showing potter w o r k i n g o n counterclockwise m o v i n g wheel. H y d r i a .
M u n i c h , A n t i k e n s a m m l u n g e n (1717).

152 Schreiber

Figure 7. Detail of figure 6. Potter's assistant turning wheel in a counterclockwise direction. Hydria. Munich, Antiken sammlung (1717).
as rays, or lines radiating from a central point. Often one
can observe off-centered rays, indicating the direction of
the turning wheel. This is caused by the wheel being rotated faster than the artist can carefully work. Viewed at
the lower part of the illustration, on a counterclockwise
moving wheel the rays veer leftward as they go outward
from the center; on a clockwise rotating wheel, the rays
veer rightward (see illustration 3). A n example of leftward
veering rays can be seen immediately beneath the knob on
the stamnos lid in figure 8 and on the shoulder of the small
lekythos in figure 9. One can also find examples ofclockwise spirals and of design motifs veering to the right.

Illustration 3.
On a counterclockwise rotating wheel, rays veer leftward asviewed from lower part of illustration.

On a clockwise turning wheelrays veer rightward as viewed
from lower part of illustration,

As illustrated in figure 10, some interior glazes are applied
sparsely enough to indicate wheel direction.
Since ancient Greek potter's wheels were not motorized,
it may be assumed potters could direct assistants to turnthe wheel in either direction. However, the majority of theevidence indicates counterclockwise turning wheels. This
directional preference may have been due to an historical
practice passed down from earlier times, the dominance ofright-handedness in mankind, or a master potter throwing
in a counterclockwise direction training apprentices in likemanner. Whatever the reason, as in modern Greece and in
most of the world today, most ancient potter's wheels
turned in a counterclockwise direction.

The Turn of the Wheel 153

Figure 8. Leftward veering rays on stamnos lid. Stamnos
lid by the Achilles Painter. Lugano, Private
collection.
Figure 9. Leftward veering rays on lekythos shoulder.
Black figure lekythos. Toronto, Royal Ontario
Museum (923.13.42.).

Figure 10. Thinly applied glaze to interior of stamnos. Attic red figure stamnos by the Aegisthus Painter. Lugano, Private collection.