PROVISIONAL TRANSLATION(December 2018)
Only significant errors of English in the translation
have been corrected––the content will be checkedagainst the original Japanese for accuracy at a later
date.

Supplemental Chapter: “A Re-examination of Restoration Shinto”

MATSU’URA MITSUNOBU

T

HE first of the three chapters in this monograph examined the relationship between
Takamasa and Atsutane; the second one discussed Takamasa’s view on kokugaku shitaijin(the four highly esteemed scholars in the Edo period who specialized in Japanese nativistic
learning); and the third one considered Takamasa’s thoughts on the Shinto religion.
Through a thorough examination in the three chapters, it questioned Takamasa’s thoughts on thefour scholars of nativistic learning, and argued that, although his views on them are acknowledged
as one of several interpretations on the history of nativistic learning, it was only one “narrative.”
Was his narrative objectively correct? If not, what would a new narrative look like? This essay
covers the author’s response to these questions.
Hirata Atsutane considered Kada no Azumamaro to be the founder of nativistic learning, eventhough he had little knowledge of him at the time. According to research on nativistic learning thatwas conducted before World War II, Azumamaro’s theory on Shinto was clearly understood as
Confucianism. His theory on Shinto is similar to so-called Juka Shinto (Confucian Shinto).
Although Kamo no Mabuchi was Azumamaro’s disciple, he was critical of Azumamaro’s theory.
Furthermore, Mabuchi did not build his theory upon Azumamaro’s. It was Keichū who influenced
Mabuchi academically, and it is widely known that Keichū’s “theory on Japanese classicalliterature” opened Norinaga’s eyes to Shinto. Considering these facts, then Keichū should be
regarded as the founder of nativistic learning. In terms of academic and ideological characteristics,
it would be suitable to classify Keichū, Mabuchi, and Norinaga as one group, and scholars ofJapanese classical literature post-Atsutane as another one. Tentatively, we can call the former“nativistic learning of the first period” and the latter “nativistic learning of the latter period” Thecharacteristics of nativistic learning from the second period are marked by rationality, ethics, andmorality. Generally speaking, this period can be referred to as “the stream of Confucianism.”
Moreover, it is likely that the trend of re-evaluating Azumamaro as nativistic learning`s founderemanated from there. Fukko Shinto (Restoration Shinto) is a vast and complex subject. It would
be difficult to establish the amount of research materials that remain in existence for it, inclusiveof those not written. Today, fact-based history research has been subdivided without any
limitations. Therefore, if one continues to thoroughly examine the prior work and researchmaterials in an extensive and microscopic manner only, even highly diligent scholars would only
be able to conduct research on a few select thinkers in the Restoration Shinto tradition. Despite
these limitations, such research itself is important. While micro-level approaches are used forhistory research, macro-level approaches are also taken into consideration. There is a tendency
THE AUTHOR is professor of Japanese history in the Japanese History Department in the Faculty of Letters at
Kōgakkan University. This supplemental chapter was originally published in Japanese in Ōkuni Takamasa no kenkyū[A Study of Ōkuni Takamasa] (Tokyo: Daimeidō, 2001).

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toward using the the latter approach in narratives of those outside this field. As a scholar of thisfield, in terms of the history of ideas, the author would like to attempt to examine and analyze
Restoration Shinto using a macro approach.
The concept of Restoration Shinto during the early Meiji period
First, the term Restoration Shinto will be examined. Restoration Shinto has been widely accepted
as an academic term by scholars of this field. Furthermore, this term has been covered in many
Japanese high school history textbooks, and has been thought of as having a self-evident meaning.
However, many of those who have conducted case studies of history (i.e. in terms of science, ideas,religion, etc.) would have the following experience: the more in-depth the analysis, the moreboundaries between one concept and another would appear to become blurred. In other words,
what was once self-evident is not anymore. The following two questions will be explored: When
did the term “Restoration Shinto” begin to be used? What was the original meaning of its use?
The following research material is part of a manuscript that the governmental office on Shinto
drafted in March of the fourth year of the Keiō era (1868), and it is said to be the first time that theterm Restoration Shinto was officially used:1
We have a petition that religion in Japan should be Restoration Shinto; thus, we request an
investigation of how many local shrines exist in prefectures and provinces as well as how
many parishioners those shrines have.
At that time, members of the Tsuwano school were behind this type of Shinto policy of the new
government. The Tsuwano school was a political group with Ōkuni Kunimasa as an assistantjudicial officer of the Shinto Worship Bureau. Kunimasa was the leader of the Tsuwano school.
The main members within this school were Kamei Koremi, the lord of the Tsuwano Domain, andFukuba Bisei. Takamasa`s methods in classifying the concepts of Shinto in those days were locatedin his Zōnensho (i.e. written opinions submitted to the government). It was drafted in March of1868, the same year and month of the aforementioned material. It states as follows: 2
Kaden Style:
This is the style of the family tradition passed down among the families of Urabe andTachibana, as well as Ryōbu Shinto and Yui’itsu Shinto (the Yoshida family). This style isreferred to as “old Shinto.”
Moto’ori Style:
This is the type of Shinto initiated by Moto’ori Norinaga from Ise. He stated that both
Buddhism and Confucian morality were not found in ancient Japan. He completed theforty-four volumes of the Kojikiden (Commentary on the Kojiki).
Hirata Style:
This is the type of Shinto initiated by Hirata Atsutane. He incorporated several passages
from both the Kojiki and the Nihonshoki and modified them according to his own thoughts.
This form of Shinto adopted many aspects of Taoism, rather than the Japanese language.

1

Mori Mizue, “Fukko Shinto,” Kokugakuin Daigaku Nihon Kenkyūsho, Shintō jiten (Tokyo: Kōbundō, 1994).
Gonsaikōhōmu yōsho zanpen, reprinted. Owned by Kōgakkan Daigaku Shinto kenkyūsho. According to Nishikawa
Masatami, the original book is Kamei ke shozōbon (owned by the Kamei family), and the previous owner of thereprint was Harada Toshiaki.
22Okusetsu (a theory based on conjecture) Style:
The Kaden Style is “old Shinto” whereas the Moto’ori Style, the Hirata Style, and the
Okusetsu Style should be called “new Shinto.” The last one is something like fluorescence.
In regards to “new Shinto,” this type of Shinto differs from both the Moto’ori and Hirata
Styles. It is based on their own ideas and opinions, such as the Kurozumi sect from Bizen
and this author’s; namely, the Okusetsu Style. 3
Takamasa divided Shinto into four categories, and we understand that in terms of their content,these can be broadly divided into two eras: “old Shinto” and “new Shinto.” Chronologicallyspeaking, the three styles since Moto’ori Norinaga would be collectively referred to as “newShinto,” while the style before him would be referred to as “old Shinto.” If that is the case, then“new Shinto,”, mentioned by Takamasa, signified the meaning and content of the term Restoration
Shinto during that time. Therefore, during that time, Restoration Shinto referred to “new Shinto
ideas initiated after Norinaga’s time.”
The four great figures of kokugaku and the study of kokugaku history during the modern era
Takamasa opined that Norinaga’s academic ideas marked the division of Shinto history into twoeras, which could present a valid view. Norinaga’s views of Shinto seem to be complete from theviewpoints of both learning and thought. Yet as a matter of course, it is not that his thoughts on
Shinto suddenly appeared in complete form within Shinto history. In a sense, a possibility may
have existed that Norinaga’s complete thoughts on Shinto came to fruition only after a gradualdevelopment. Here a question has arisen: if Norinaga marks the turning point, then how far can
the flow of his thoughts on Shinto date back? In other words, how could the history of Restoration
Shinto have been narrated? This must have been an important subject to scholars of nativistic
learning at that time. Nonetheless, Takamasa himself seemed to recognize it, for he had alreadyprepared his own response to it more than ten years prior to Zōnensho. The mainstream history ofnativistic learning is to regard the four great figures starting with Kada no Azumamaro followedby Kamo no Mabuchi, Moto’ori Norinaga, and finally Hirata Atsutane. However, an additional,
but well-known term, was noted. It was believed that that the view of the four great figures ofnativistic learning was first presented in Gakutōbenron. This book was written by Takamasa when
he was 66 years old, and is in the library at Hadahachimangū Shrine. 4 It can be said that
Gakutōbenron is a systematically well-written book as an early stage-survey of the history ofnativistic learning. Needless to say, Takamasa did not write this with a sense of objectivity specificto modern history. The author believes that Takamasa wrote it in order to situate his own study aspart of the mainstream of nativistic learning history, and to assert such a position. For in another
Gakutōbenron, which is different from the Gakutōbenron included in Ōkuni Takamasa Zenshū (theCollection of Ōkuni Takamasa’s Writings), the view of five great figures of nativistic learning,rather than four, was introduced at the end. Takamasa wrote as follows:
I do not equal those four great figures of nativistic learning nor do I have their talent. Yet
my disciples, whom I consider to be my own children, adore me as the fifth great figure ofnativistic learning based on their feelings towards me like a parental figure.5
3

Ibid. This Zōnensho is reprinted in Kokka to shūkyō, vol.5, Kindai nihon shisō taikei (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten,1988); however, two letters were not read but kept blank, the reprinted book of fn. 2 was used as the source bookhere. In addition, Zōnensho was newly reprinted based on the fn.2 and included in a supplement to Zōho Ōkuni
Takamasa zenshū, Numbered: Ho 201-3.
4
See Section 1 in Chapter 2 of this book.
5
Hirata Atsutane, Ban Nobutomo, Ōkuni Kunimasa, vol. 50, Nihon shisō taikei (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973),
3

In the last sentence, Takamasa referred to the fifth figure as “himself,” which must have confusedsome scholars in the field. But, as it is not uncommon to find this type of strong self-love innotorious historical figures, such aspects about Takamasa should be unquestioned here. What isacademically important is that the basic characteristics of his views of the four great figures ofnativistic learning should be the main objective, rather than his personality. Takamasa’s
interpretation of history based on his opinions is, in other words, a “narrative” on the basis of his
judgment. Just because it could be considered an influential viewpoint, it cannot be said that it isa reasonable view, even through objective consideration.
However, after Takamasa, Japanese academics have been confined by his view of the four great
figures of nativistic learning. For example, Keichō irai kokugaku ka ryakuden (Kokkōsha), writtenby Ozawa Masatane, published in the 33rd year of the Meiji era (1901), includes a chart of theacademic lineage titled “kokugaku dentō ryakufu.” At the beginning of this chart, the name of
Kada no Azumamaro is presented as the first figure. Obviously, this is based on the view of thefour great figures of nativistic learning. Similarly, Keichō irai kokugakusha shiden (Aoyamadō
shobō), written by Henmi Nakasaburō, published in the 15th year of the Taishō era (1926), includes
a chart of the academic lineage titled “kokugaku gakutō ryakufu” at the beginning. (It is includedin the original Japanese version but not in this English version.)
At a glance, it can be understood that this chart of the academic lineage is based on the view ofthe four great figures of nativistic learning. At that time, his view had already become the firmly
accepted view in Japanese academia. This situation did not change after the Shōwa era began in
1926. For instance, Kokugaku hattatsushi, written by Kiyohara Sadao and published in the 2nd yearof the Shōwa era (1927), contained the following chapter settings: 6
Introduction
Chapter 1 Kokugaku before the Tokugawa Era
Chapter 2 Pioneers of Kokugaku during the Early Modern Period
Chapter 3 Kada no Azumamaro and his Period
Chapter 4 Kamo no Mabuchi
Chapter 5 Mabuchi’s Disciples
Chapter 6 Moto’ori Norinaga
Chapter 7 Norinaga’s Disciples
Chapter 8 Hirata Atsutane
Chapter 9 Atsutane’s Disciples
Conclusion
What should be noted here is that this book begins with a chapter titled “Kada no Azumamaro”
and ends with a chapter titled “Hirata Atsutane.” This kind of chapter setting did not change in
Kokugaku zenshi written by Nomura Hachirō; published in the 3rd year of the Shōwa period (1928)
and revised in the 15th year of the Shōwa era (1940). Its chapter settings are as follows:7
Chapter 1 Outline
Chapter 2 Pioneers of the Art of Waka Poetry: Toda Mosui
Chapter 3 Keichū’s Mentor: Shimokōbe Chūryū
Chapter 4 The Founder of New Studies on Ancient Texts: Monk Keichū480. See also Section 2 in Chapter 2.
6
Kiyohara Sadao, Kokugaku hattatsushi (Tokyo: Rokubunkan, 1927).
7
Nomura Hachirō, Kokugaku zenshi (Marui Shoten, 1940, First edition, Tokyo: Kanshoin, 1928).

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Chapter 5 The Founder of Kokugaku: Kada no Azumamaro
Chapter 6 Supporter of the Ancient Times (Nara Period?): Kamo no Mabuchi
Chapter 7 Noble Families around Norinaga’s Time: Tanikawa Kotosuga and Fujitani
NariakiraChapter 8 One Who Perfected Kokugaku: Moto’ori Norinaga
Chapter 9 Noble Families around Atsutane’s Time: Tachibana Moribe, Kagawa Kageki,
and Kamochi Masazumi
Chapter 10 One Who Values the Ancient History of Japan: Hirata Atsutane
Chapter 11 Conclusion
This book also regards Kada no Azumamaro as “the founder of nativistic learning” and ends withHirata Atsutane. Overall, it can be said that the historical awareness of either book was restrictedby the view of the four great figures of nativistic learning.
After World War II, such an overview of the history of Japan that was systematically described
like the aforementioned has not been found, as far as this author knows. This could have been thecase because after World War II, this kind of inductive study based on primary sources diminished,
while a type of deductive study based on theories brought from outside Japan increased. As awhole, this situation was caused by outlying factors such as Japan`s defeat in World War II and apervasive view, caused by the defeat, to negate Japanese studies including academia, journalism,and education. In this environment, the historical role that nativistic learning played became
something that “forced the people to give up political involvement and encouraged them to obey
and sacrifice.” 8 In short, a negative evaluation of nativistic learning’s historical role as a feudal
ideology became a commonly accepted view, and soon many scholars who grew up in this kind ofenvironment were to take their argument a step further. To these modern scholars, the history ofmodern Japan appeared to be concerned with the history of “invasion,” “discrimination,” and“suppression.” Due to these negative connotations, they appeared to only look at the negative sideof things. In other words, rather than a broad overview of the history of nativistic learning (i.e.
kimongaku or mitogaku), they only looked at the perceived negative aspects. An example would
be to assume that someone is a criminal based on assumptions and prejudices, rather than fact, andthat after being charged, evidence to find that person guilty would be sought after later. In a sense,
it is simple, and in some way, it can be said that they fall into an ideological trap. Either way, withsuch an approach there seems to be a factor which differs from academic study.
As a result, a lack of logical development between a process to prove and a conclusion is quite
often found among such scholarly works. This might be the result of certains cholars unconsciously
preparing a subjective conclusion before investigating primary historical sources. Needless to say,after World War II, a significant number of scholars have been doing research in a different way
from the aforementioned way. But it was not possible for even those scholars to confront theatmosphere dominating an entire academic world alone. Most of them chose to conduct researchon literary materials. This could be because they tried to resist such an atmosphere with an
ideological intention to denounce nativistic learning.
For reference, there was a scholar who continued Itō Tasaburō’s academic achievements andattempted to re-evaluate ideas of nativistic learning from a social history viewpoint; his name wasHaga Noboru. Although he amassed a significant quantity of academic achievements based on
both primary sources and secondary ones, he did not analyze them closely. As a result, his analysis
was rather disorderly.9 Moreover, when his entire works are considered, he also adopted external
89Matsumoto San’nosuke, Kokugaku seiji shisō no kenkyū (Tokyo: Yūhikaku, 1957, Reprint, Miraisha, 1972), 136.
For example, Section II of Chapter 5 “Suzuki Shigetane to Hirata-tō: Suzuki Shigetane ansatsu no haikei,” in Haga

5

value judgments, similar to overall studies conducted after World War II.
Above all, such an attempt to inwardly grasp the history of nativistic learning based on materials
was scarce. As a result, when one systematically describes nativistic learning, the conventionalview of the four great figures of nativistic learning has survived to this day. For example, when we
take a look at the most widely used textbook of Japanese history today, titled Nihonshi B Nihon norekishi, the four figures, starting with Azumamaro, are written in gothic font in the section about
nativistic learning. Its longevity has been quite surprising.10
A question to the view of the four great figures of kokugaku
I have discussed Takamasa’s ideas on the four great figures of nativistic learning and its longevity
since the end of the Edo period to the present day. The question that should be raised is whether
this view should be modified or not, and if so, how should it be modified? Despite being a roughsketch, this authorwould like to present an outline and receive critiques from the reading audience.
One particular issue will be examined: Should “Kada no Azumamaro” be acknowledged as the“founder of nativistic learning?” The author feels that this view should be modified. Initially, it
was Hirata Atsutane who regarded Kada no Azumamaro as “the founder of nativistic learning.”
Atsutane stated his opinions in his book titled Tamadasuki, vol. 9, which Takamasa passed down
and spread. However, did Atsutane have much knowledge pertaining to Kada no Azumamaro? It
was actually noted that Atsutane did not know much about him. Miyake Kiyoshi, who is said tohave conducted “the most systematic and comprehensive study” 11 about Azumamaro, noted that“(Atsutane’s) study on Azumamaro was said to have been based only on Shunyōshū.” 12 Perhaps,
this was a correct assumption, based on Miyake`s credentials.
In other words, Atsutane, had accepted Azumamaro as the founder of nativistic learning without
any critique. As a result, no other viewpoints (of Azumamaro as the founder of nativistic learning)
carried any weight. This kind of evaluation on Azumamaro was to continue from the end of theTokugawa Shogunate, when the school of Hirata and Ōkuni reached its peak, to the Taishō period.
It was only in the Shōwa period that a serious re-examination of Azumamaro, as the founder ofnativistic learning, began. The aforementioned work of Miyake Kiyoshi was its representative
work. In the 17th year of the Shōwa period, Miyake published an extensive book with more than
600 pages titled Kada no Azumamaro, which finally revealed all of Azumamaro’s academic ideas.
For instance, Miyake stated Azumamaro’s ideas on Shinto as follows:
It can be said that Azumamaro saw the depth of the volumes of the ages of kami of the
Nihonshoki and Kojiki.... Azumamaro’s morality is not only fundamentally close to theconcepts of China or Confucian thought but also was largely influenced by Chinese texts
through reading his explanation for each case. 13
After World War II, scholars such as Miki Shōtarō and Ueda Genji continued empirical studies
on Azumamaro. Miki’s view is that “Azumamaro’s entire thoughts on Shinto cannot be included
Noboru, Kinsei chishikijin shakai no kenkyū (Tokushima: Kyōiku shuppan sentā) includes honkoku (deciphered
reproduction) of the entire “konotekashiwa.” When the author of this article compared it with a manuscript owned
by Toyohashi City Library, three mistakes were found whereby several sentences had been moved to an unrelated
section. Numerous misinterpretations were also found. Therefore, the honkoku of “konotekashiwa” in question isquite rough overall, and should be deemed asacademically unreliable.
10
Kodama Kōta, Nihon shi B Nihon no rekishi (Tokyo: Yamakawa Shuppan, 1995), 220.
11
Ueda Kenji, Kokugaku no kenkyū sōseiki no hito to gyōseki (Tokyo: Daimeidō, 1981), 84.
12
Miyake Kiyoshi, Kada no Azumamaro (Tokyo: Unebi Shbō, 1942), Introduction 1.
13
Ibid., 291-293.

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in such a theory of Shinto that was built upon a nativistic learning approach.” 14
Ueda also states as follows:
Azumamaro learned “universality” from the knowledge of kangaku (the study of Chineseclassics). It can be said that both his rationality found in his understanding of the volumesof the Nihonshoki and Kojiki, the accounts of the era of kami, and his sense of grasping
learnings coherently as a theorist were obtained through kangaku. 15
It can be regarded that these reviews on Azumamaro by both Miki and Ueda supported Miyake’s
view. In this way, it became clear that Azumamaro’s thoughts on Shinto were built on
Confucianism. In other words, the more studies on Azumamaro advanced, the more it has been
confirmed that his academic ideas were “not nativistic learning.”
However, in spite of this, Miyake, Miki, and Ueda did not raise any questions about
Azumamaro`s status as a scholar of nativistic learning and never considered excluding him fromthis category (i.e. scholars of nativistic learning). Because Azumamaro had been a Shinto priest
before, this fact may have influenced their decisions. As a result, Azumamaro’s morality found in
his academic thoughts might have been too appealing for them to ignore. Or perhaps a possibility
existed that the view of the four great figures of nativistic learning became a deep-rooted concept
to those scholars in the past. Objectively speaking, would it not be impossible to stick to such aview anymore?
This author believes that it is appropriate to categorize Azumamaro, in current academic terms,
as a “Confucian Shintoist.” Therefore, Azumamaro should not not be included as a mainstream
scholar of nativistic learning. Needless to say, whether we recognize Azumamaro as a Confucian
Shintoist or not does not impact on his historical importance. Recognizing that Azumamaro was ascholar/theorist similar to Deguchi Nobuyoshi, Yoshikawa Koretari, or Yamazaki Ansai would
not have any negative impacts. In addition, this author assumes that such recognition, in this lattergroup, would help scholars to better understand Azumamaro`s academic thoughts.
For more than one hundred years since Takamasa’s Gakutōbenron, or for nearly two hundredyears since Atsutane’s Tamadasuki, we have been familiar with the view of the four great figuresof nativistic learning. 16 However, the author thinks that it is time to think more freely about thepast concepts concerning academic ideas on nativistic learning. Thus, we should not only beconstrained to the opinions of the four great figures of nativistic learning.
The concept of nativistic learning history starting with Keichū
Questions have continued to be asked in regards to nativistic learning. Perhaps the biggest question
would pertain to our understanding of “Mabuchi as Azumamaro’s disciple.” In fact, Miyake has
already opined on this:The formation of the Mabuchi school was, in essence, separation from the Azumamaro
school…regarding the structure of the Mabuchi school’s academic content,….the structureorganizing it systematically as an academic study was not produced by the Azumamaro
14

Miki Shotarō, “Kada no Azumamaro no shinten kenkyū to shintōsetsu”, Kōgakkan Daigaku kiyō 12 (1974). This
article was included later in Nihonshiōshi no shomondai (Ise: Kōgakkan Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1989), 87.
15
Ibid., Kokugaku no kenkyū sōseiki no hito to gyōseki, 163.
16
A section of the seventh year of the Bunsei era (1824) includes a passage, “I revised a draft of Tamadasuki anddiscarded the old draft.” This is included in vol. 6, Shinshū Hirata Atsutane zenshū (Tokyo: Meicho Shuppan, 1977),
612.

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school. 17
Perhaps, this view was based on the following description of Mabuchi himself:(1) Azumamaro was a man of talent with broad knowledge who began to study since he
was young; however, he misinterpreted the meaning of the ancient Japanese people.
This was because he did not study poetry or literature. 18(2) My teacher (Azumamaro) focused on building a path (new Shinto), but that was a
mistake. 19
In short, Mabuchi stated that his study was formed not by following Azumamaro’s school ofthought but by negating it. On this point, this author suggests looking at details in an
aforementioned book, Kada no Azumamaro. In order to proceed, a question needs to be addressed:
who initiated nativistic learning or Restoration Shinto? Iwahashi Koyata believed that “kokugaku
was initiated by Mabuchi.” 20 Yet, the author questions whether Iwahashi’s view is appropriate ornot.
What we should verify here is what nativistic learning is in the first place, or in other words,
what are the distinct features, exclusively found in nativistic learning, in terms of academic andideological characteristics. The following features are not necessarily found in nativistic learning
only, such as the idea of reverence for kami and the emperor, the negation of the ekisei kakumei(an ancient Chinese political concept that incumbent emperors can be overthrown by decree ofHeaven), a belief in the afterlife, and the uniqueness and supremacy of Shinto compared to ideas
from overseas. As these features also overlap with other types of Shinto such as Confucian Shinto,
it cannot be said that these features are exclusively specific to the academic and ideologicalcharacteristics of nativistic learning.
Based on Norinaga’s academic ideas that the author regards as the complete form of nativistic
learning, there are mainly two factors to identify the academic and ideological characteristics
specific to nativistic learning:
A. In terms of interpretations of Japanese classical literature, in particular, literary works, aunique standard of values independent from ethics and morality exists, and such a standard
is highly evaluated. This leads to such an attitude that an ethical or moral interpretation, orin the end, a rational interpretation is excluded in terms of a study of “the volumes of theages of kami of the Nihonshoki and Kojiki.”
B. An academic base builds on a study of the Japanese language. This leads to the appreciationof the language and its beauty, which creates an atmosphere to avoid arbitrarily interpreting
etymology for the study of “the volumes of the ages of kami.”
If we regard these two as appropriate views, it concludes that “nativistic learning began not with
Mabuchi,” but, as expected, with Keichū. It is known that Keichū had a unique standard of values
independent from ethics and morality through the fact that he wrote Genchūshūi as a commentaryon The Tale of Genji, which had been criticized as an immoral book. In addition, he was also
respected for his significant research achievements on the Japanese language. It is also well-known
17

Ibid., Kada no Azumamaro, 596-606.
See a letter dated June 18 of the fifth year of the Meiwa era (1768) sent from Kamo no Mabuchi to SaitōNobuyuki, vol. 23, Kamo no Mabuchi zenshū (Tokyo: Zoku gunsho ruijū kanseikai, 1992), 149.
19
See a letter dated July 18 of the fifth year of the Meiwa era (1768) sent from Kamo no Mabuchi, ibid., 156.
20
Iwahashi Koyata, “Kada no Azumamaro no kokugaku,” Kokugakuin zasshi 42:3 (1936).
188

that Keichū’s unique Shintoism was established based on his studies.
Two popular passages from Keichu are identified:a. Japan is a sacred land of kami. Therefore, kami come first in historical works and court
ceremonies, and matters about people come after. In ancient times, Japan was governedby Shinto only. As the Japanese people were simple and did not have a written language
at that time, the tradition of Shinto was orally passed on through the generations, andShinto did not form a theory like the way Confucian texts or Buddhist texts preached.21b. Whether kami fits reason or not is beyond human understanding.22
Besides these passages, a significant number of phrases from Keichū that convince us that
Norinaga’s knowledge built upon Keichū’s works. Needless to say, his rejection of Confucianism
and Buddhism was not found, but the following passage from Norinaga pertainingto Keichū showsthat Keichū’s academic thoughts itself was the basis of Restoration Shinto:
As for my early study of Shinto, I read the volumes of the ages of kami of the Nihonshoki
and Kojiki as well as various classical or recently written texts. Although I was ambitious
I did not particularly begin what I had intended to when I was twenty years old. Yet when
I went to Kyoto, I wanted to seriously learn and solidifymy aspirations. I understoodthat
while Keichū explored the essence of ancient imperial Japan through following the studyof Japanese classical literature, the theories of those who called themselves Shintoists were
all quite different. As I understood this in the early stage of my learning and did not haveanyone whom I respected as my master, I was deeply concerned about how I should seek
the truth of ancient Japan…. 23
When Norinaga lived in Kyoto to study, he read Keichū’s works on Japanese classical literatureand realized that the theories of “those who called themselves Shintoists” were “all quite different”.
This is a widely-known article, but this author believes that it should be read more closely.
Norinaga stated that through “his study on poetry,” Keichū opened his eyes not to the study on
Japanese classical literature but to the study of “Shinto.” In this regard, the author cannot help but
think that those scholars of the modern period lacked understanding on this.
In the modern period, because academic studies have been subdivided without any limitations,
we tend to regard fields of study as completely separate disciplines such as literature, thehumanities, science, religion, politics, etc. and to examine a matter with such a premise. However,
if we trace the origin of each field of study, it must have had one common origin. If we follow thisline of thought, the foundation of Norinaga’s thoughts on Shinto, as the article suggests, should be“found withinin Keichū’s academic thoughts.”
Origuchi Shinobu had acknowledged Kobayashi Hideo in the following passage: “Mr.
Kobayashi, the base of Moto’ori’s thought is, indeed, The Tale of Genji.” 24 Considering what wehave discussed so far, Origuchi’s words are truly interesting. We should not regard fields of study
as separate, such as the humanities, science, religion, politics, Shinto, literature,linguistics, andhistory. Furrthermore, we should take into account the original foundations as well. If we do not
apply a comprehensive and essential way of thinking , we may end up analyzing only the surface
21“Manyōdaishōki sōshaku,” vol.1, Keichū zenshū (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1972), 158.
Ibid.
23
“Tamakatsuma,” vol.1, Moto’ori Noinaga zenshū (Tokyo: Chikukma Shobō, 1968), 8586.
24
Kobayashi Hideo, Moto’ori Norinaga (Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 1977), 4.
22

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of the academic ideas of nativistic learning, and as a result, would not be able to understand its fullcharacteristics .
Conclusion
Now that I come to think of it, there seems to be a common flow of ideas among Keichū, Mabuchi,
and Norinaga. They all have research achievements on The Tale of Genji such as Mabuchi’s Genjimonogatari shinshaku and Norinaga’s Genji monogatari tama no ogushi, which is not simply acoincidence. If that is the case, it might be a very interesting research topic to examine a way inwhich each of the scholars who specialized in Japanese classical literature understood or evaluated
The Tale of Genji. The author thinks that their evaluation or understanding of The Tale of Genjicould be used as a general standard to identify those nativistic learning scholars’ academic andideological characteristics.
In contemporary academia, the issue of an “academic lineage” of nativistic learning has beenthought of as too superficial. For example: a certain master gave a lecture and a disciple was
educated; they actually met or not; a letter was received or not; a disciple’s name was recorded on“a list of disciples” or not. Indeed, an investigation on whether such outward contacts actually
happened or not might be necessary. However, that is not the only means to examine an “academic
lineage.” In addition, something, not outwardly visible but rather referred to as inward contact (i.e.
spiritual), should be considered in future research on academic lineage.
Even if someone has never met nor corresponded with another person, there is a possibility
that through reading that person’s writings, one could spiritually interact with that person.
Furthermore, there might be the case that even by means of writings would not be needed. The
author believes that only conducting research on their words or deeds could induce a spiritual
relationship with them. In relation to this, Hiraizumi Kiyoshi wrote an essay titled “Rekishi otsuranuku meimei no chikara.” 25 Perhaps, Hiraizumi expressed both such a spiritual contact
beyond time and space, and academic and ideological power produced by such a contact as “meimei no chikara.” In other words, it is a so-called “ lineage of spiritual perception.” If the historyof ideas as a field of study includes such powerful and deep thoughts, an “academic lineage”
should be considered important. Based on what has been discussed, this essay identifies Keichū,
Mabuchi, and Norinaga as “a group of thoughts” in the history of the study of Japanese classicalliterature. This term, “a group of thoughts,” is used by stressing its ideological characteristics. Thisessay suggests that this term fits more to each figure’s academic and ideological nature rather thanthe views of the four great figures of nativistic learning. Furthermore, Mabuchi was familiar withKeichū’s literary works since his adolescence and was influenced by them. This was verified bypast studies, but this essay adds further thoughts to this theme.26
A book titled Santetsu shōden, was repeatedly reprinted during the Edo period since the firstyear of the Bunsei period. It was originally compiled by Ryūgō, while Ezawa Tokinaga enlarged
and published it. In this book, Keichū, Mabuchi, and Norinaga were regarded as “santetsu” (threegreat figures), and their biographies and waka poems were compiled.27 This essay’s conclusion
corresponds to the view of Santetsu shōden. Moreover, it is “the view of santetsu” that preceded
the view of the four great figures of nativistic learning and the first “narrative” in the history ofnativistic learning. To conclude, this essay makes one additional remark. If we accept the view ofKeichū, Mabuchi, and Norinaga as “a group of thoughts,” how should Atsutane and nativistic
learning from the end of the Edo to the Meiji periods be interpreted? As this essay previously
mentioned, Atsutane’s thoughts differ from those of Norinaga’s in nature, so therefore nativistic
25

See Hiraizumi Kiyoshi, Kokushigaku no shinzui (Tokyo: Shibundō, 1932).
See Inoue Yutaka, Kamo no Mabuchi no gakumon (Tokyo: Yagi Shoten, 1943).
27
See Section 1 in Chapter 2 of this book.
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learning from the end of the Edo to the Meiji periods should be recognized differently. If we decideto follow a method of dividing the period by Mito school, the period of Keichū, Mabuchi, andNorinaga can be called “the first half of the period of nativistic learning,” while the period from
Atsutane’s era to the Meiji period can be called “the second half of the period of nativistic learning.”
For the latter, as space has been exhausted, only key words, which this essay characterizes as“the first half of the period of nativistic learning,” are listed here. They are rationality, ethics, andmorality. “The first half of the period of nativistic learning” contains these features, and if thisessay integrates them into one concept, then it can be referred to as the Confucianism of nativistic
learning. Actually, this essay contends that this “flow of Confucianism” was an important factor
that led to the re-examination of Azumamaro as the founder of nativistic learning.
Additional Notes
The original work of this chapter was presented at the 45th conference of Shintoshi Gakkai on June5, 1999. The title of this conference was “Sho shintōsetsu kenkyū no genjō to kongo no kadai”(The current understanding of various theories on Shinto, and outstanding issues), and this author
covered “Fukko Shinto.” At the conference, besides material for the author’s presentation, “Fukko
Shinto kankei shuyō bunken mokuroku” (A catalog of main resources related to Fukko Shinto)
was distributed. After each presentation was completed, a discussion session was held by thepresenters. The catalog and the record of the session were included in Shintō shi kenkyū 47:3, 4(July, October 1993). This did not include the catalog, but the author’s comments at the session
were summarized as follows:
1. In response to the chairman’s question to each presenter whether they had any additionalcomments:
During a short break after the author’s presentation, the author received constructive
comments and questions from several individuals. These additional comments were given
as a result.
In regards to the relationship between Azumamaro and Mabuchi, the author did not imply
any absence of relations between the two. For example, taking into account the author’s
presentation materials, Mabuchi referred to Azumamaro as “master.” However, Mabuchi
stated that his “master” “misinterpreted the ancient Japanese peoples’ meaning.” Therefore,
the author pointed out that a different issue existed between respecting a teacher andaccepting their well-considered academic thoughts.
Academic thoughts cannot be handed out as gifts by just saying “please have them.” Theauthor suggested that what a student learns from their master or what not eventually isrelated to what the student later creates based on this knowledge. In short, each student’s
uniqueness is attributed to their own feelings on the subject matter. In the author’s view,
this aspect should be examined in greater detail.
Next, remarks were made on the relationship between Japanese literature and Shinto.
Keichū, Mabuchi, and Norinaga studied The Tale of Genji. However, the Tale of Genji
aimed to preach morality to people which was next to impossible in the author’s opinion..
On the other hand, the actual true nature of human beings can only be expressed in such a“form.” The common denominator of these three figures is that they all valued true humannature.

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The author would like to add that Norinaga balanced out his academic ideas in a difficult
way. Unfortunately, he was unable to mentor someone who could pass on his academic
ideas in such a way to integrate both the fields of the ancient path and morality and thefields of poetry and literature. This was a difficult situation, because the students who
followed poetry focused on it, while those who followed the ancient path focused on that.
Hirata Atsutane wrote in a letter: “there is something I could not tell others, but I am poor
at poetry. If I am teased for that, I have no choice but to belittle myself.” The author believes
that these were his honest feelings in the letter. Thus, after Norinaga, no one was able tocontinue his vast academic thoughts as a whole, and those who continued work on theancient path and morality became mainstream historians. This was not a negative situation
since such historians were required during that period. However, in the author’s opinion,
current historians should seek such meanings about these historical processes..
2. In response to the chairman’s request to make further comments on the author’s previous
ideas: “Many of those who have conducted case studies of history (i.e. in terms of science,ideas, religion, etc.) would have the following experience: the more in-depth the analysis,
the more boundaries between one concept and another appear to become blurred. In otherwords, what was once self-evident would not be so anymore.” When we speak in academic
jargon, we use various kinds of concepts. However, is a concept such an example that we
use for the time being due to convenience only? Furthermore, if we do not use it, it would
be difficult to discuss a matter and organize a line of discussion, so first defining a concept
would be essential. On the other hand, in setting a definition on an object at the moment ofdefining it something about the object is missing due to the definition. This could beconnected to a fundamental problem between man and language. Unless we use a language,
we cannot understand things. However, at the moment, when we think we have understoodit, something important is lost. Despite our awareness about it, we have to define a concept.
In this regard, we are compelled to do it. If we forget that “we are compelled to do it,”would we not have an illusion that if we construct concepts like building blocks, academic
thought would be formed, or if we link concepts, a flow of academic thought would be
shaped? An individual’s academic thoughts or the link of several scholars’ academic
thoughts should not be such. There must be individuals who look at objects of study likebuilding blocks as rational. However, this author believes that this is an assumption ofmodern scholars.
3. In response to the chairman’s question to each presenter about each theory of Shinto viewson the relationships between the court and the shogunate, as well as between an emperor
and a shogun: In fact, thd author entered the study of kokugaku because of his interest inthese political ideas. In regards to this question, the author discussed this in his article titled“Bakumatsu kokugakusha no henkaku shisō,” in vol. 43, Kikan nihon shisōshi. The author
regards the issue in question as highly significant, but unfortunately does not have enoughtime to explain it in greater detail. Therefore, a condensed version follows. Arai Hakuseki
compared Ieyasu’s unification of Japan to “tōbu hōbatsu” (a theory in ancient China about
expelling a disqualified prince). In other words, its logic is that as Ieyasu received the willof Heaven, he unified Japan. This a view describes the existence of the shogunate as thewill of Heaven. However, Norinaga’s contrasting view is the so-called “taisei inin ron.”
Basically, this theory explains that Amaterasu entrusted an emperor to rule Japan, and theemperor entrusted a shogun to rule it. As a result, the shogun ruled the country. This was12

in significant contrast to Hakuseki’s theory about the existence of the shogunate as the willof Heaven. However, taisei inin ron was not linked to the Meiji Restoration. The ideas ofKeichū, Mabuchi, and Norinaga were not related to the overthrow of the shogunate. Rather,something like the change of the theoretical framework itself was needed. It was during thevery end of the Edo period that it was clearly recognized that in the ideas of kokugaku thischange had happened.
A scholar of kokugaku, Takeo Masatane in Mikawa at the end of the Edo period, was theauthor of a book titled Oshibinomitama. In this book, Takeo distinguished the emperor
himself as “Heaven” and the imperial order as “the will of Heaven.” This meant thatkokugaku at that time finally released themselves from taisei inin ron. This led to the theory
that a government which disobeyed or lost the emperor’s trust should be expelled like
Kecchū (the tyrants of ancient China). This theory on the overthrow of the shogunate wassimilar to Zhu Xi’s “ekisei kakumei” (an ancient Chinese political concept) with distinct
Japanese characteristics. Thus, this demonstrates that the “the flow of Confucianism” ofkokugaku is found in political ideas as well. Details can be found in this author’s
aforementioned article.

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