International Journal of Education & the Arts
Editors
Terry Barrett
Ohio State University

Peter Webster
University of Southern California

Eeva Anttila
University of the Arts Helsinki

Brad Haseman
Queensland University of Technology

http://www.ijea.org/

ISSN: 1529-8094

Volume 18 Number 32

August 25, 2017

Dress Fashion in Feminist and Child Rights Campaigns in Ghanaian Public
Sculptures of the 1990s
Osuanyi Quaicoo Essel
University of Education, Winneba, Ghana
Isaac Opoku-Mensah
University of Education, Winneba, Ghana
Citation: Essel, O. Q., & Opoku-Mensah, I. (2017). Dress fashion in feminist andchild rights campaigns in Ghanaian public sculptures of the 1990s. International
Journal of Education & the Arts, 18(32). Retrieved fromhttp://www.ijea.org/v18n32/.
Abstract
This article examines how dress fashion in outdoor sculptures of the 1990s in the
Accra cityscape accentuated feminist activism, sensitised child right campaigns, andencouraged girl-child education in support of governmental efforts and activism ofcivil society organisations in Ghana. It gives attention to how dress fashion of thetime was used in the social construction of feminist identities and the promotion ofchild rights through outdoor public cement sculptures. The study takes amultidisciplinary dimension of looking into the synergy of using public sculpture
for multiple attention-seeking constructs: dress fashion, feminism, child right andeducation. Simple narrative analysis was used in the presentation of data gathered
through observation and photographic documentation of selected public sculptures

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of the 1990s in the Accra Metropolis. The study revealed that ‘kaba’ fashion andprecolonial feminine wraparound dress styles, contributed to the creation offeminist identities and intensified feminist activism in Ghana in the 1990s.
Introduction
Many feminist scholars hold the view that women are discriminated against socially,
politically and economically (Hartsock,1981; Andersen, 1983; Assimeng, 1990; Watkins,
2000) because of their sex. To them women have specific needs that have been ‘negated andunsatisfied’ (Freedman, 2001; Delmar, n.d, p.8). The specific needs vary depending upon how
one perceives the idea of feminism and how s/he interprets the concept. The different
viewpoints about feminism account for why there is a proliferation of feminist movements
including socialist feminists, radical feminists, Marxist feminists, cultural feminists, liberal
feminists and lesbian separatists. All these create divisive feminist identities. Goodfriend(2016) referred to these feminist movements as types of feminism. He identified four types offeminism, namely, radical feminism, socialist feminism, cultural feminism, and liberal
feminism. He further explained that radical feminists believe that sexism is robbing women of
their freedom and rights and, therefore, suggest the development of appropriate technologies
that should help babies to be grown outside of a woman for the sake of equality between men
and women. They also preach the rejection of the traditional family structure. Socialist
feminism according to Goodfriend (2016) calls for the end to capitalism through a socialist
reformation of the economy. The basis of the argument is that capitalism, to socialist
feminism, favours men since they currently have power and money and are willing to share itwith other men. Cultural feminists on the other hand argue that society must encourage
feminine behaviours rather than masculine behaviours. Masculine behaviours in this context
include all that is done to encourage males. An example is the high preference of boy-childeducation to girl-child education in the past, and men dominating key leadership positions in
the Ghanaian culture. The term girl-child became a cliché in the fight for girl education and infeminists’ discourses that advocated equal preferential support for girl education in Ghana.
Ghanaian feminist scholars preferred the term girl-child education to girl education.
Though the types of feminism, including cultural feminism outlined are seemingly global
perspectives of feminism, there are certain characteristics of these feminism types that reflect
the happenings in Ghana. This observation by no means put forward that the types offeminism are explicit to Ghana. These issues are complex, and influenced by socio-cultural
factors of the society. They have deep rooted historical twist, cultural boundaries and religious
undertones. Liberal feminists are of the view that males and females are not necessarily
different since they share common humanity, which supersedes their sexes (Lorber, n.d).
Liberal feminists, therefore, see no reasons why male and female should be treated unequal inlegislative matters. They put forward that, both males and females should have same right,

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Essel & Opoku-Mensah: Dress Fashion in Feminist and Child Rights Campaigns

educational and work opportunities. The underlying principle of liberal feminism is the fightfor equal right for both males and females and disregarding sex roles and differences. Liberal
feminism is targeted at putting an end to sexist discrimination. Though scholars have outlined
different types of feminism that have resulted in diverse definitions of the concept, there is no
generally accepted version.
Historically, the coinage of the term feminism happened long after the emergence of womenright groups and individuals who advocated the abrogation of male dominated society(Delmar, 1986, as cited in Freedman, 2001). The early women right organisations andactivists did not refer to themselves as feminists until the late nineteenth century. The
multiplicity of feminist movements and ideologies has caused deferring opinion on what
constitutes feminism. These contrasting pathways of feminist ideologies have deepened thedefinitional complexity of the term. Alley (2001, pp. 194–195) points out, in this regard, that
“if feminism is to be coherently defined, then … it needs to be conceived as both singular andmultiple – rather than as one or the other.” Such a definition must embrace the different
schools of thought, which inform the types of feminism. Feminism suffers serious definitional
crises (Motta, Fominaya, Eschle, & Cox, 2011; Freedman, 2001). However, feminism, ingeneral terms, concerns itself with the idea that both men and women deserve equality insocio-cultural, economic and political dimensions, for males have enjoyed more opportunities
as compared to women. Hooks (2000, p. 1) said ‘feminism is a movement to end sexism,
sexist exploitation, and oppression.’ Her description attacks sexism as the key enemy tofeminism. Feminist activism is, therefore, a way to eradicate sexism. On the contrary, Paglia(2008, p. 17) warned that, “… we must stop seeing everything in life through the narrow lensof gender. If women expect equal treatment in society, they must stop asking for infantilizing
special protections.” Paglia’s comment was, possibly, informed by the preferential treatments
women expect in everyday life; be it at the workplace, on the street or in their respective
homes.
By studying the theories and political strategies of gendered social order of feminist
perspectives of the last 35 years, Lorber (n. d.) categorised them into three, namely, genderreform feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, and gender revolution feminisms. She described
the gender reform feminisms as those of the 1960s and 1970s which begun the second wave of
feminism. Feminists in this categories are liberal feminists, Marxist feminists, socialist
feminists and development feminists that centred on the idea of individual right, anti-colonial
politics and national development. Gender resistant feminisms of the 1970s, according toLorber (n. d., p. 16), were borne out of the awareness that sisters had no place in any
brotherhood. ‘They are radical feminism, lesbian feminism, psychoanalytical feminism, andstandpoint feminism.’ The third category is the gender revolution feminism of the 1980s and1990s that ‘attack the dominant social order through questioning the clearness of the3

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categories that comprise its hierarchies.’ Lorber listed gender revolution feminism of the
1980s and 1990s as multi-ethnic feminism, men’s feminism, social construction feminism,
post-modern feminism and queer theory.
Feminism in the African context has ‘multiple currents and undercurrents that defy simple,
homogenising descriptions’ (Ahikire, n. d, p. 8). This is because the complex nature of
African feminism is depicted by its philosophical, experiential, and practical nature. African
feminists play multiple advocacy roles of women and children’s right and fight all forms of
patriarchy that subjugate women and children. It is observed that Ghanaian feminists havebeen most successful in their advocacy roles (Prah, n. d) in search of societal change. In
Prah’s study that focused on the advocacy roles of women’s organisations in pushing theagenda for the enhancement of the status of Ghanaian women in pre-independence and postindependent era, Opong (2012) acknowledged that women have significantly contributed tothe major historical events of Ghana, but have received little scholarly attention from
historians.
In Ghana, the issue of feminism tows the path of cultural and socialist feminism. Cardinalamongst the issues raised in support of feminist ideology in Ghana is the low participation of
women in party politics, leadership, and formal school education. Successive governments
over the years have contributed in one way or the other in empowering women through policy
direction. Through this, the perceived wide gap between males and females socially, culturally
and economically keeps dwindling for the betterment of all.
This article examines how dress fashion in outdoor sculptures of 1990s in the Accra cityscapeaccentuated feminist activism, sensitised child right campaigns, and encouraged girl-childeducation in support of governmental efforts and activism of civil society organisations in
Ghana. It gives attention to how dress fashion of the time was employed in the social
construction of feminist identities and the promotion of child right through outdoor
environmental cement sculptures. The study takes a multidisciplinary dimension of looking
into the synergy of using public sculpture for multiple attention-seeking constructs: dress
fashion, feminism, child right and education. Through this lens, the study sheds light on thesilent, yet, powerful positive impacts of how dress fashion announced feminist presence andits role in socio-cultural development of the nation; and advocacy role in women
empowerment, child right and girl-child education. It employs simple narrative analysis in thepresentation of data gathered through observation and photographic documentation of selectedpublic sculptures of 1990s in the Accra Metropolis. Two Korean sculptors produced theselected sculptures with assistance from sculptors in the University of Education, Winneba,
Ghana.

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Essel & Opoku-Mensah: Dress Fashion in Feminist and Child Rights Campaigns

Role of Women in Traditional Leadership
Women’s performance of household chores and parenting is common to many countries
though there have been gradual changes of males active involvement. The perception createdin global perspective is that African women are totally neglected in the selection of societal
leaders and rulers. However, the subjugation of women is a global affair (Assimeng, 1990)
and not necessarily an African phenomenon. The biological distinction between males andfemales determined how socio-cultural identities and constructs such as power, status, rights
and responsibilities were constructed and constituted in pre-colonial African societies. Thissocio-cultural and political thoughts in pre-colonial African societies influenced how authority
is shared in their family systems, the succession and inheritance, affiliation, residence rules,
and economic power (Aidoo, 1995 as cited in Prah, n. d.). Oblivious to the African cultural
setup, social organisation and way of life, the early non-African scholars who encountered
Africa portrayed and gave much prominence to social disparity and biological roles of womenand men in the African society. Though some of the socio-cultural practices subjugatedwomen progress, a monstrous picture generally displayed in the account of the scholars werethat African women were objects of molestation, humiliation and disdain by their malecounterparts. This grotesque image, among other things, has fueled much research interest in
women studies in the continent (Assimeng, 1990). Generally, pre-colonial Africa consideredcertain occupational activities such as carving and blacksmithing as menial jobs and,
therefore, proscribed women in taking part. It was one of the ways of protecting the interestand fragility of women due to their physiology and strength. Also, in traditional leadership,
the role of women in training and helping in community development was paramount. For
instance, in Ghana, queen mothers are regarded as the superior representatives of all women in
the society; are key advisors of the king/chief; and are inevitable pillars in the enstoolment
and destoolment of kings/chiefs. The consent of a queen mother is needed before a king/chiefis enthroned. Their relevance is much more emphasized in the assertion that the ‘mostenigmatic figure at the court of the traditional ruler is the queen mother’ (Pam, December, 13,
1966, p. 1). Women are regarded as custodians of evolving histories of society and good
advisors. Amongst the Akans (Akans constitute the largest ethnic majority among the multiethnic population of Ghana according to 2010 Population and Housing Census), it is acommon practice to consult aged women for counsel in societal issues affecting the youth or
the entire community. When people are burdened with understanding certain societal
occurrences, they often say Yereke bisa abrewa, which means ‘we would seek the counsel ofan old lady.’ The Omanhema (queen mother) and her elders are responsible for appointing alinguist for a king/chief (Antubam, 1963, p. 98).
Feministic Activism in Ghana
Male domination in political, socio-cultural and economic aspects of life is a global trend

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since time immemorial. However, questioning the status quo to cause better economic andpolitical development to the marginalised group remains important. Tackling this issue ofequality through feminist lens is quite complex since it has serious cultural connections,perceptions and socio-political strings. Torto (n.d., p.44) attributes dismal representation of
women to ‘lack of funds to support women’s campaigns, verbal and psychological threats
from male counterparts, harassment and insults from fellow women and men, chieftaincy andpolitical affiliations and cultural stigmatisation.’ In order to minimise gender inequalities insocio-political life of women in Ghana, successive governments made attempt to increase
women representation and participation in leadership. President Kwame Nkrumah’s
administration saw the formation of the Ghana Federation of Women (GFW); a non-political
women’s organisation in 1953, which later merged with other women leagues andorganisations to form the National Council of Ghana Women (NCGW) in 1960 (Prah, n.d).
Delving into the civilian and military political journey of Ghana (1957 – 2001), Prah (n.d.)observed that, the military regimes reinforced patriarchy in the socio-political life of thepeople.
In the early 1950s, President Nkrumah’s gradual efforts of increasing female participation inpolitics and education, amongst others, were faced with negative attitudes from some female
parents. Asumah (1951, p.5) reported that, some parents at the time were pessimistic thatgirls’ education ended in the kitchen. Essel and Opoku-Mensah (2016, p.205) further
explained that:
Girl-child education perished at the very beginning of formal school education in
Ghana. It was subdued by boy-child education. Traditionally, it is perceived thatthe kitchen is the ‘office’ for the girls since they grow up, get married and do all
household chores for the general up keep of their respective families. As a result
many parents considered spending their financial resources in the education of
their girl-child only to end up getting married to man the homes of their husbands
as an exercise in futility. They preferred to spend on their males who will become
breadwinners of their future families.
Taking a general glance of daily happenings in the larger society, Tsikata (2009) said men’s
demarcated social role of shouldering most of the financial responsibilities such as rent, utility
bills and school fees promote their status as the main breadwinners while women do invisible
everyday responsibilities such as cooking, washing and sweeping. Though there were few
numbers of females in relation to males at the top echelons of leadership and economic
wellbeing in Ghana, some measures were put in place to encourage female participation innation building. For instance, in 1965, Ghana had her first two female pilot officers namely
Ayeley Kome and Melody Danquah who received presidential award for their efforts

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Essel & Opoku-Mensah: Dress Fashion in Feminist and Child Rights Campaigns(Ghana’s First Women Pilots, 1965, April, 17). There were also pockets of female
magistrates, doctors, lawyers, and teachers across the country. A study conducted by Torto (n.
d., p. 44) revealed statistics that showed oscillating under-representation of women in
leadership from the 1960s through to 2012 (Figure 1). Ghana’s 1992 constitution sought toaddress women’s right and gender issues but the critique by pro-feminists and gender experts(Torto, n. d.) was that, such constitutional provisions were scattered and lacked rigorous
implementation and enforcement. It was simply an issue of tokenism of an insignificant
representation of women.

15%

10%
8%

1960
1

1992
2

9%

1996
3

10.2%

9.5%
8.3%

2000
4

2004
5

2008
6

7

Figure 1. Female representation in the national assembly/parliament (Source: Torto, n.d.,
p.44)
The low representation of women in decision-making, and gender related issues called into
being the Affirmative Action Bill which has still not been passed into law by Ghana’s
parliament. The drafting of the Affirmative Action Bill, in Ghana, began in the 1960s, and has
witnessed lots of debate till now. This Bill is a major step to ensuring high representation of
women in decision-making processes of nation building in Ghana. ‘Affirmative action is a setof measures adopted by governments and public and private institutions including politicalparties, educational establishments, corporations and companies to address a history ofsystemic discrimination and exclusion of particular social groups or to encourage the effortsof particular social groups in the interests of certain development goals’ (Tsikata, 2009, p.5).
It began in 1960 as Affirmative Action Act (AAA) and gained much public support andattention in 1980s and 1990s under the regime and constitutional rule of former president
Rawlings. The Act was to encourage active participation of women in key leadership

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positions, eliminate any form of discrimination of persons based on sex or gender and make amandatory 40 per cent inclusion and participation of women in public positions. Affirmative
action policies for women have appeared in several documents of the United Nations such as
Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) of
1979, and Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BFA).
Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) sprang up to add their voice to the fight against
discrimination, inequalities and weaker feminine voices in terms of their participation ingovernance and decision-making. One of such organisations was the 31st December Women’s
Movement (DWM) founded by Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, a first lady of the fourth
republic of Ghana (Mensah-Kutin, 2010). The organisation was a women’s right group that
reigned from 1979 to 1999, with a focus on empowering women to improve their living
conditions. In continuation with government’s effort to dislocate social injustice, inequalities
and gender related issues, the Kuffour led government in 2001 established Ministry of
Women and Children's Affairs (MOWAC), which built on the existing gender oriented
policies to protect women and children. A year to 2004 general elections in Ghana, theGhanaian Women's Manifesto idea was born. There have been gradual upsurge oforganisations with interest in gender issues. They include Women’s Manifesto Coalition(WMC), Women in Law and Development (WilDAF), Network for Women’s Rights In
Ghana (NETRIGHT), Domestic Violence Coalition (DVC) and ABANTU for Development(Mensah-Kutin, 2010). The advocacy roles of these organisations have contributed directly or
indirectly to the metamorphosis of Ministry of Women and Children's Affairs to Ministry of
Gender, Children and Social Protection (MoGCSP). The renaming of the ministry was done in
January 2013 by an Executive Instrument 1 (E. I. 1) for the purpose of policy formulation,
coordination, monitoring, and evaluation of issues on gender, children and social protection
for national development (Government of Ghana, 2016).
Dress Fashion in the Early 1990s
The contributions of the Nana Konadu led 31st December Women’s Movement, ignited thespirit of women’s activism which consequently imparted on feminist scholarship andadvocacy in Ghana in the 1990s. Noted for her elegant Kaba fashions, Nana Konadu
Agyemang Rawlings (Richards, 2015; Essel, 2013; Gott, 2010; Dzramedo, 2010), became abeacon of new kaba designs in the 1990s. By her leadership influence and high feminist
activism voice, she served as a role model for many old and young females in the society. She
fought tirelessly for legal institutionalisation of gender equality, economic empowerment andde-marginalisation of women and children in formal educational matters for physical,
psychosocial and economic victories for women. With this active advocacy voice, feminist
sculpture (Figures 2, 3 and 4) began to surface in Accra public spaces for visual representationof Ghanaian feminists’ ideologies and identity in the 1990s. Feminist sculptures in this8

Essel & Opoku-Mensah: Dress Fashion in Feminist and Child Rights Campaigns

context are public sculptures meant to preach and draw attention to feminist activism, womenright and child right. This was to break the monotony of displaying male sculptures in public
spaces, and to signify the awakening and emergence of feminist activism and ideologicalconsideration in policy issues affecting women and children at large.
Wearing a gentle smile on the face, a life-size feminine figure elegantly dressed in kaba (slitand blouse) fashion, flashy coiffure partially covered with a headscarf, and a pair of shoe isflanked on the left by a girl-child, and on the right by a boy-child (Figure 2). Her outfit
manifests one of Ghana’s fashion classics – kaba couture. Kaba dress is a three-pieceensemble consisting of a stylised blouse top, slit and a wrapper cloth usually worn in different
positioning prescribed by the wearer. The wrapper or cover cloth is sometimes folded anddraped on the neck regions, left shoulder or hand to complement the looks of the wearer. The
ensemble may come with headscarf or other accessories fashioned from the same or similar
fabric. Adding more touch of 1990s fashion, is the dreadlock hairstyle that stretches to cover
the nape of the central feminine figure. This hairstyle is locally called rasta (Figure 2).
Ghanaian kaba ensemble is a high fashion classic produced by fusing features of European
blouse styles and pre-colonial unsewn wraparound fashion (Gott, 2010; Dzramedo, 2010).
What makes kaba classic unique in Ghanaian female fashion is its outstanding contribution to
the bespoke sartorial culture and the promotion of creativity through the designs released onto
the fashion market of Ghana. Undeniably, hundreds of new kaba designs are released
everyday as compared to the seasonal release of collections in the Western fashion scene. Gott(2010, p. 13) observes that the term kaba is used synonymously in reference to the three-piece
Ghanaian kaba; the kaba sloht dress of Sierra Leone; and the smocked kaba dress style wornin Cameroon in West Africa. Characteristically, kaba dress is considered as a dress that covers
the breast regions of the wearer, hence, its encouragement by the early Euro-Christian
missionaries to their Ghanaian new converts. It became a symbol of anti-nudity since it wasconsidered modest for use by Christians and other so-called pristine individuals. Feminine
elites of the nineteen century and beyond wore this dress to signal their elitist nomenclature.
Costuming the central feminine figure in kaba fashion sent a figurative message of feminist
elitism, readiness to fight marginalisation and subjugation of women that breeds inequality.
Another figurative message offered by this feminist sculpture (Figure 2) is its academic
conjecture of critiquing the preference of boy-child education to girl-child education. The
juxtaposition of both boy-girl figures by the central feminine figure carries an allusive
interpretation of girl-child education subjugation. By way of making this visual iconographic
allusion clear, the girl-child received considerable figural height in comparison to the boychild, perhaps, signaling the time to switch fully to concentrate on girl-child education. The
educative role of this composition is that, it reminds viewers of giving equal priority to girl-

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child education in bridging the gap.

Figure 2. A woman dressed in kaba fashion and flanked by two children.
Kawokudi Junction, N1 Highway, Accra. Image courtesy of authors.
Women Empowerment, Gender Equality and Child Rights Campaigns
Reinforcing a more gender sensitive statement in sculptural format, is a four figured
composition comprising of a central feminine figure thrusting a boyish baby in the air, andflanked by two children – a boy and a girl – in standing postures. The two feminine figures,that is, the central figure and the girl-child clanged to it, are depicted in profound sizes in10Essel & Opoku-Mensah: Dress Fashion in Feminist and Child Rights Campaigns

relation to the boy-child figures. An interesting twist to this sculptural rendition is that all thechild figures take anchorage from the central feminine figure. There is equality of male-tofemale figures representation in this composition (Figure 3) and sends a message of genderequality. It is located in front of the General Post Office at the busy Asafoatse Nettey Street,
Accra Central. The sculpture plays multiple educative roles on viewers: the preachment on
gender equality and the promotion of Ghanaian fashion classics.

Figure 3. A four figure sculptural composition preaching gender equality.
Located at Accra General Post Office. Image courtesy of authors.

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Figure 4: A nurse carrying a boy-child and holding hands with a girl-child.
Located at Ridge Hospital roundabout. Image courtesy of authors.

It makes a silent statement about annulment of women subjugation and patriarchy or maledomination to create equal platform for gender parity. This statement embedded in the
sculptural composition (Figure 3) has been echoed by many Ghanaian feminists such as Nana
Konadu Agyeman Rawlings; Nana Oye Lithur, former minister for Gender, Child and Social
Protection (MoGCSP); Dzodzi Tsikata, Network for Women's Rights in Ghana (NETRIGHT)

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Essel & Opoku-Mensah: Dress Fashion in Feminist and Child Rights Campaigns

convenor; and Rose Mensah-Kutin, West Africa programme manager for ABANTU for
Development. Apart from this, the sculpture questions why women’s representation ingovernance and socio-economic development is woefully minimal in Ghana, although theircontribution is crucial to the growth and development of the nation. The thrust of the child in
the air (Figure 3) raises concerns about the fundamental right of children. Children’s rightenshrined in the Ghanaian constitution became more rigorous when the Child Law Reform
Advisory Committee was set up in 1995 to review the laws on child rights. The work of thecommittee brought a legislative reform that resulted in the enactment of the Children Act
1998 (Act 560) (Appiah, n.d). Child rights included right to protection from abuse, childlabour, neglect and sexual contact with adults; protection from customary practices that
degrade and humiliate them; right to health, and education (Appiah, n.d.; PAAJAF
foundation, 2016). The Departments of Children and Gender under the Ministry of Gender,Children and Social Protection have the respective responsibility of children and gender
related matters (Ghana NGOs Coalition on the Rights of the Child, 2014).
With respect to the costuming of the sculptures (Figure 3), the headscarf and the unstitchedwrap-around fashion of the dominant central feminine figure is another Ghanaian classic that
has influenced cosmopolitan bare-chested dress fashion. Dressed in pre-colonial Ghanaianstyle, the dominant female figure represents all Ghanaian females, whether formally educatedor not, and recognises their presence in the society. Choosing such dress fashion in clothing
the figure is to accentuate its simplicity and fashionable appeal. This dress style is also
considered modest in different Ghanaian ethnic fashion contexts.
One of the sculptures (figure 4) located at Ridge Hospital roundabout is a potent visual
iconography of children’s right to good health. It is composed of a central feminine figure
mimetic of a nurse carrying a boy-child while it holds hands with a girl-child on its left hand.
The costuming of the central feminine figure reveals her occupation as a health worker, while
its strategic placement in proximity to the Ridge Hospital, Accra tells the message it carries
across. The recently refurbished Ridge Hospital is one of the largest health facilities in Ghana
that serves thousands of people in surrounding suburbs including Accra New Town, Legon,
Kanda, Adabraka, Airport Residential Area, Kotobabi, Maamobi and Achimota. Users of thehospital facility encounter the sculpture that advocates for children’s right to good health,which must lead to reduction, to the barest minimum, in infant mortality rate in Ghana. Apartfrom the aesthetical function of this sculpture, its overt iconographic messaging about theneed for all (parents, health workers, policymakers and other stakeholders) to priotise childhealth concerns gives the sculpture an educational tone. It, therefore, plays a silent
pedagogical role to viewers in child health matters.

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Implications of Dress Fashion Feminist Sculptures to Art Education
Public art as a term has no generally accepted definition. Variations in definition confirm thesophisticated nature of the term. Zebracki (2011) as cited in Qadri ( 2016, p. 30) defined it as‘permanent or temporary artworks on sites that have open public access and are locatedoutside museums and galleries.’ Hunting (2005) and Carter (2010) share similar definitional
concept. This definition, categorically, excludes artworks found in galleries and museums.
Meanwhile, galleries and museum are also open to the public for their reception. Carter(2010) added that public art is for the public domain.
Despite the non-existence of universal definition for the term, public art serve many purposes.
Its purpose include urban revitalization; economic development; the attraction of tourists andinvestors to an area; social benefits such as civic pride; social interaction; a sense ofcommunity and local identity or the public good (Qadri, 2016; Carter, 2010); public education
and aesthetic enjoyment. Public artworks play pedagogical role (Qadri, 2016). The
pedagogical role of public art operates in two ways: through the narratives and knowledge it
projects; and through it authorship and placement, which teaches the authority behind it
placement for public consumption (Qadri, 2016). These pedagogical roles Qadri (2016)
identified are applicable to the context of the dress fashion feminist sculptures (Figures 2, 3
and 4) discussed in this article. Figure 2, composed of three human figures: a mother and twochildren, the costuming of the figures, especially, the central mother figure in kaba, headscarf
and dreadlocks and the entire compositional rationale reinforced the narrative and thecontemporary cultural knowledge about the artwork. It plays a silent educative role of the
kaba dress fashion politics; and the use of kaba as feminist elitist symbol in contemporary
Ghana. The entire composition educated and encouraged viewers about the need for formal
school education for children – whether boy or girl. These overt visual cultural educative
message expressed by this sculpture (Figure 2) contributed to public education through thearts in the 1990s.
In Figure 3, the equality of male-to-female figures representation made an iconographic
reference to the need for observation and active implementation of gender equality preachedduring the era. Another pedagogical role it played was cataloguing and promotion of Ghana’s
fashion classics; and served as visual public statement against patriarchy and underrepresentation of women in governance. Chidren’s right to good health was also presented in
sculptural format (Figure 4). Pressing issues such as dress fashion politics, child education,
gender equity, representation of women in governance and child health concerns, plaguing thecontemporary Ghanaian society in the 1990s were package through fashion and sculpture art
for the purpose of public art education. These visual public imageries initiated contextual
dialogue for the Ghanaian public good. It implies that all these public-funded artworks done
for public consumption contributed in one way or the other in educating the public thereby

14Essel & Opoku-Mensah: Dress Fashion in Feminist and Child Rights Campaigns

playing a silent, yet, powerful pedagogical role.
Conclusions
It is a common knowledge that environmental sculptures edutains, inspires and beautifies
public places. Beyond its educative and entertaining role in public spaces, it plays an
iconographic role of portraying identities. By studying selected sculptures of 1990s found in
public spaces in the Accra metropolis, the study revealed that feminist activism of Nana
Konadu Agyemang Rawlings’ 31st December Women’s Movement and the contribution ofother civil society organisations reinvigorated feminist voices in Ghana. The leadershipinfluence and high feminist activism voice of Nana Konadu brought a positive change ofmounting feminists’ statues in the capital city, Accra. This broke the monotony of displaying
male sculptures in public spaces, and signified the awakening and emergence of feminist
activism and ideological consideration in policy issues affecting women and children at large.
Through pre-colonial and contemporary dress practice used in the costuming of these outdoor
sculptures, the messages of feminist activism, women right, child right and girl-childeducation became apparent in the sculptures, which the citizenry were able to relate to. The
kaba fashion and the unstitched wrap-around fashion of Ghanaian origin that characterised thesculptures influenced cosmopolitan fashion. For instance, kaba became a symbol of antinudity since it was considered modest fashion. Female elites of the nineteen century andbeyond wore this dress to signal their elitist nomenclature while the wraparound dress stylethat depicted bare-chestiness influenced contemporary fashion of Ghana. The dress fashion ofthese feminist sculptures created and promoted feminist identities and intensified feminist
activism and advocacy role in Ghana in the 1990s. Kaba and wraparound fashion are still invogue in Ghana. The sculptures continue to play silent pedagogical role on viewers in thenation’s quest to achieve gender equality, economic empowerment of women and promotionof girl-child education. It also reminds viewers of doing all within their means to promotechild right to health and education. This implies that the 1990s public sculptures in the Accra
Metropolis are still relevant since they have pedagogical implications in Ghana today.
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About the Authors
Osuanyi Quaicoo Essel teaches at the Fashion and Textiles Education unit in the Departmentof Art Education of the University of Education, Winneba. He is an African fashion andtextiles historian, a practising sculptor and leading member of Artwatch Ghana, an arts-based
think tank that advocates for better positioning of Ghanaian art in national development. As apractising sculptor, he has worked individually and with team of sculptors in producing publicartworks. His research interest is in textiles and fashion history and sculpture. He is a memberof European Centre for Research Training and Development, UK; ACASA and Artwatch
Ghana.
Isaac Opoku-Mensah is a Senior Lecturer who teaches art history and sculpture at the
Department of Art Education of the University of Education, Winneba. He is one of therenowned contemporary sculptors in Ghana who has produced a good number of public
sculptures found in Ghana. He has served as a chief examiner for sculpture at West Africa
Examination Council for over two decades.

18International Journal of Education & the Arts
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