The Japanese Society for Aesthetics

Aesthetics No.21 (2018): 126-137

The Sculptures of the Fürstenportal of Bamberg Cathedral:
The Eschatological Salvation of Brides in Mystical Marriage
NAKAMA Aya

Kyoto University, Kyoto

Introduction: Bamberg Cathedral in the thirteenth century and the Fürstenportal
Bamberg Cathedral was established in the eleventh century by Heinrich II (973–1024, Holy
Roman Emperor 1014–1024, canonized 1146). In the thirteenth century, after the devastating
fire of 1185, a rebuilding project was carried out in the reign of the Bamberg bishop, Ekbert II
von Andechs-Meran (1203–1237)[1]. On this occasion, the interior eastern choir, theGeorgenchor, whose main liturgical use was for the feasts of the Virgin Mary, and its surrounding
exterior portals, were greatly extended[2]. These sculptures are prominent representative worksof German Gothic sculpture, which have been long studied and have yielded various interpretations[3]. However, much remains unclarified.
In this article, I consider the sculptural program of the Fürstenportal, the main portal of thecathedral on the north side (fig. 1). First, I would like to be clear about two points, the cult of theimperial couple, especially that of Empress Kunigunde (c.980–1033, canonized 1200), and theimportance of this portal in the thirteenth century. In the first place, the Bamberg diocese wasestablished by Heinrich II as a marriage gift for Kunigunde (Morgengabe), and the thirteenthcentury rebuilding of the cathedral took place on the occasion of her consecration. Heinrich II
and Kunigunde were the only imperial couple to be consecrated in the Holy Roman Empire, andthe Vita Cunegundis (c.1200) praises the renewed
cathedral as Kunigunde’s work[4]. She was venerated as
the second Mary, especially for her virtues as a virgin(virgo) and bride (sponsa). In the thirteenth century,
her cult exceeded even that of her husband, as the main
altar of the cathedral consecrated to the couple wastitled only with her name[5].
The Gnadenpforte in the east, the Adamspforte in
the southeast, and the Fürstenportal in the north werecreated in the time of this emerging cult of Kunigunde
and its background, the cult of the Virgin Mary. Above
all, the Fürstenportal, facing a plaza with a court and thebishop’s residence, was the most significant entrance,
used on special occasions, whose users seem to havebeen ecclesiastical elites and special guests of theFig.1 Fürstenportal, Bamberg
bishop[6].
Cathedral c.1220-35

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1.The Fürstenportal and the problems of previous studies
Two workshops, which took responsibility
for rebuilding of the cathedral, created thesculptural program of the Fürstenportal. The“older” workshop’s (activity c.1200-c.1220)
stylistic mark was German Romanesque, while its
successor, the “younger” workshop (activityc.1220–c.1235) used the French Gothic style, as
represented by Reims Cathedral. The current
Fig. 2 Fürstenportal Tympanum, c.1220-35
location of the sculptures has been proven to be
the same as in the thirteenth century. The tympanumand columns seem to have been created by craftsmen
from both the “older” and “younger” workshops, while
the figures of Ecclesia and Synagoga with their pillars
were newly conceived sculptures by the “younger”
workshop[7].
The tympanum depicts the scene of the Last
Judgment (fig. 2). In the midst, Christ as the Man ofSorrow, with his wound of passion on his upper rightbody, tells of his second coming. Also, as a judge, hepronounces the separation, dividing the saved on his
right side from the damned on his left side. BeneathFig.3 The trumpeting Engel and
Abraham, Prophets and apostles,
Christ’s feet, the Virgin Mary kneels on the right side,
Fürstenportal jambs c.1220-35
and John the Baptist, on the left, as intercessors
petitioning for the salvation of mankind. On theheavenly right side, angels and women are carrying
arma christi and leading a secular king to Christ by thehand. Meanwhile, on the left “hell” side, a devil forces
a cluster that includes a king and clergy into obedienceby keeping them on a chain. On the archivolt, a
trumpeting angel announces the resurrection of thedead, while Abraham embraces souls in his arms. On
the jambs, apostles stand on the shoulders of theprophets, and together they gaze at the judgment
scene on the tympanum (fig. 3). Furthermore, on bothsides, the female figures of Ecclesia and Synagoga
represent the church and the synagogue respectively.
On each of their pillars, a sitting figure, Ezekiel, andthe symbols of the four evangelists—a lion, a cow, aFig. 4 Ecclesia and Fig.5 Synagoga andman/angel, and an eagle—and a devil with a blinded
its pillar, c.1235,
its pillar, c. 1235,
Jew, are sculpted (figs. 4 and 5).
Fürstenportal
Fürstenportal

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In addition to conveying the conventional eschatological meanings, the previous studies ingeneral have interpreted this whole iconographical program as the manifestation of thetypological harmony of the old and the new testaments, especially through the representationsof Ecclesia and Synagoga, or the prophets and apostles[8]. Beside the monumental postures of
Ecclesia and Synagoga, the rich emotional expressions of the blessed and the damned are
analyzed to emphasize the new naturalistic style in a way never before accomplished in medieval
sculpture[9].
However, these sculptures have not been sufficiently analyzed from the viewpoint of theveneration unique in Bamberg at the period, that is, the cult of Kunigunde based on the bridal
mysticism of the Virgin Mary. In this article, I consider the visual program by focusing on the
motifs and expressions that even seem to be unique here and have not been studied sufficiently
before, and reconsider their iconographic marks in the light of their theological background.
These motifs could provide important clues to understanding the overall constellation of portal
sculptures and testify to the main religious background that was prevalent during the rebuildingof the cathedral.
Therefore, in the second chapter, I consider the motif of the intercessors, the Virgin Maryand John the Baptist kneeling at Christ’s feet and touching the soles of his feet in the
iconographical tradition and the meaning of Christ’s humanity and incarnation through the bodyof the Virgin Mary. In the third chapter, I analyze the meaning of the virgins leading the blessedon the heavenly side, and also the representations of Ecclesia and Synagoga. Through these
examinations, I argue that these motifs relate to bridal mysticism, and indicate their importantrole in the setting of the scene of the Last Judgment—the salvation of the brides in a mysticalmarriage at the End of Time.
Bridal mysticism, which dates back to Judaism and the Christian tradition of Origen of
Alexandria (c.182–251), interprets God or Christ as a bridegroom, and Maria, Heavenly
Jerusalem, Ecclesia or the souls as brides, based mainly on the Song of Songs, the Apocalypse,
and Ephesians (5:22f). In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, in particular, Mariology
flourished under Rupert of Deutz (c1070–1129), Honorius of Autun (1080–1154), and Bernardof Clairvaux (1090–1153), when the Song of Songs became the main spiritual source of the cultof the Virgin Mary[10].

2.The Virgin Mary and Christ’s feet in the Deësis: the corporality of incarnation and themystical marriage at the End of TimeCompared to the conventional representation in Gothic churches, there are mainly two
points that are unique about the representation of the Deësis group on the Bamberg tympanum,
Christ as a judge and the Virgin Mary and John the Baptist as intercessors. Conventionally, it isJohn the Evangelist who intercedes together with the Virgin Mary, but here as in Reims, John
the Baptist inherits the original Byzantine iconography[11]. Moreover, in addition to the postureof praying and kneeling, the two intercessors are stretching out both of their hands at the solesof Christ’s feet. Robert Suckale has interpreted this unique iconographic mark and the meaningof the gesture as follows: “The Virgin Mary touches the bottom of Christ’s foot in the way which

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seems unfamiliar to us. This is a highly humble gesture originated in the Late Ancient imperial
cult, which we rarely find in Germany. For in the north people did not practice or attach
significance to the absolute obedience. Otherwise church introduced this act as gesture forcomplete submission to God’s will[12].” Other than this important insight about the relation to
the ancient imperial cult, we still do not know why this portal presents this gesture as one of theVirgin Mary and John the Baptist.
The act of kneeling under the feet of Christ and touching the soles of his feet belongs to thelineage of the Greek practice, proskynesis, indicating adoration together with obedience andhumility to a superior being like God or a secular ruler[13]. As Suckale has pointed out, as a formof cult of the ancient emperor, proskynesis has its origins in Late Ancient imperial iconography.
It was introduced into Christian art, as we can see, in the emperor’s gesture at the imperial gateof Hagia Sophia (c.900), who is kneeling next to Christ’s throne. The emperor is about to touch
Christ’s feet, in the role as Christ’s first servant or agent on earth, emphasizing the privilege
granted by God for preferentially receiving mercy[14]. On the Basel altarpiece (Basel Cathedral,c.1020, Paris, Musée de Cluny, fig. 6),
proskynesis is represented as the actof the imperial couple, Heinrich II
and Kunigunde, the founders of thecathedral, indicating their holiness andthe authority granted to them by
Christ[15]. The Fürstenportal seems to
Fig.6 Basel Alterpiece, detail, c.1020, Basel Cathedral,
have adopted the motif of proskynesis
Paris Musèe de Clunyin relation to this traditional representation of the cult of Heinrich and Kunigunde based on the imperial iconography of ancient Romeand Byzantine. As already mentioned, Kunigunde was venerated at that time as “the second
Virgin Mary,” and it is easy to imagine that Kunigunde is also superimposed on the figure of
Virgin Mary in this portal. Furthermore, in the relief work of the early Christian funeral stonecaskets, proskynesis is represented in relation to the resurrected body of Christ as a prayer forthe equal resurrection of the dead[16].
The significance of this iconographical tradition, which is, assuggested above, the privileged acceptance of Christ’s mercy and aprayer for the resurrection of the dead, is inherited by the
tympanum of the Fürstenportal as well. The efficiency of theintercession by the Virgin Mary and John the Baptist petitioning
for the eschatological resurrection of mankind is indicated in the
representation of the resurrected dead between the two, showing
salvation results from their intercession. Additionally, Mary’s
superiority to John is not only indicated by her sitting on Christ’s
right side, which is also the side for heaven, but also by the posturesof the resurrected dead responding to the roundness of her backFig.7 The Virgin Mary,and her facial direction. This figure of the Virgin Mary (fig. 7) was
Fürstenportal
Tympanummostly completed by the “older” workshop, so it was created in the

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early stage of the production of the Tympanum, and her significance next to Christ is obvious[17].
The contemporary emerging veneration of the Virgin Mary, the consecration of the cathedral toher since the eleventh century, her higher status over other saints inscribed on her altar in thethirteenth century[18], and the fact that the main use of this portal connecting with the interiorGeorgenchor was for the feasts of the Virgin means we can presume the importance of Virgin
Mary in the iconographical program of this portal.
In the iconography of Christ’s Ascension, the feet or soles of Christ are emphasized as partof Christ’s body that apostles witnessed last[19]. Not only visually, but also in Matthew (28:9),
the soles of Christ’s feet signify the body part for the apostles whereby they will directly andphysically experience their connection with the Second Coming of Christ[20]. In addition,
immediately after his resurrection, Christ offered the three Marys his own soles to demonstrate
his flesh[21].
With this immediate connection of flesh through Christ’s soles, which is emphasized by thismotif, the important meaning of Christ’s humanity deriving from the incarnation through the
body of the Virgin Mary can be discerned. The reason why the Virgin Mary takes the role of“intercessor” is in the first place not only because she is the mother of Christ, but also because
the incarnation is done via the body of the Virgin Mary[22]. In this way, the implied humanityof Christ, who ascended as the Logos, guaranteed the resurrection of all mankind in their bodily
form and their ascension to heaven at the Last Judgment.
Next, the act of Virgin Mary and John the Baptist, in touching Christ’s feet and looking at
his shins while Christ himself is holding up his hands for the judgment, reminds us of thefollowing: “Look at my hands and my feet that it is I myself. Touch me, and see. For a spirit does
not have flesh and bones as you see that I have” (Luke 24:39). According to Rachel Fulton, thispassage can be interpreted as an explanation of the incarnation as the unity of Christ’s andMary’s flesh[23].
The touching of Christ’s sole by the Virgin Mary is also represented immeasurably as an act
of love in the iconography of the Mother and Child. For instance, in Luke (7:36-50), Lazarus’s
sister, Mary of Bethany, puts balm on Christ’s feet and wipes them with her hair. According toMatthew L. Bowen, proskynesis is not only a sublime and ultimate expression of love, it is also
an expression of mutual love[24]. As is well known, this proskynesis, as an act of love by Maryof Bethany, is represented in the iconography of the resurrection of Lazarus[25]. In the first place,the direct connection of Christ’s and Mary’s bodies is the theme often discussed in bridal
mysticism based on the Song of Songs, indicating the incarnation of the Logos as the connection
between the bride, Mary, and the bridegroom, Christ, by love[26]. Thus, from the unique motifof touching the soles in the eschatological setting of the Last Judgment in this portal, this
implication of incarnation and love is not only inferred, but also the connection to the bridal
mysticism in the Apocalypse.
In the Apocalypse (19:10, 22:8-9), the only definite reference to proskynesis in the Bible, itis prohibited to do it onto others except God or the Lamb of God, that is Christ as the ultimate
ruler of the world[27]. There, proskynesis is depicted particularly as an act of the twenty-four
elders. As the story of the Lamb of God comes to the climax in marriage (Apoc. 19:6-10), thisscene is the prototype of a mystical marriage as the eschatological salvation fulfilled by

The Sculptures of the Fürstenportal of Bamberg Cathedral

Fig.8 Apocalypse, c.1245–1255,
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris,
Ms. fr. 403, fol. 35r.

131

Fig. 9 Commentary of Alexander, the latter half of thethirteenth century, Cambridge University Library,
Ms. Mn. 5. 31.fol. 131v.

redemption with the sacrifice of the Lamb of God[28]. The eschatological bride of the Lamb of
God could be not only heavenly Jerusalem (Apoc. 21:2), but also the Virgin Mary, the souls of
the dead, and, as Ecclesia, the congregation of the church. Thus, as in this portal, the example
accompanies a female personification of Ecclesia (Apocalypse, 1245–1255, Bibliothèque
Nationale, Paris, Ms.fr. 403, fol. 35r., fig 8). Furthermore, a motif in the iconography of mysticalmarriage can also be found where Ecclesia touches the sole of the Lamb of God as an act of love
for the connection between the bridegroom and bride (Alexander commentary, The latter half ofthirteenth century, Cambridge University Library, Ms. Mn. 5.31., fol. 131v, fig.9). Similarly, in
Christ’s figure on this portal, his property as the Lamb of God in mystical marriage can be implied,which is an aim of the act of eschatological proskynesis.
Lastly, the priority of the two intercessors can also be explained by the representation of
Virgin Mary and John the Baptist in the bridal mysticism. As mentioned above, the Virgin Maryis the supreme bride in bridal mysticism, and the incarnation of her body signifies the connectionof the bride and bridegroom. In addition, John the Baptist was the first to call Christ the Lambof God (John 1:20, 29, 36)and first acknowledged him as a bridegroom, declaring himself as afriend of the bridegroom (John 3:28f). As is commonly accepted, in the theme of mysticalmarriage, he plays the role of a witness of the marriage.
In this way, the Virgin Mary intercedes for the salvation of mankind and her important roleis as an “intercessor” through her body, where the incarnation is represented by the quality ofthe eschatological bride based on bridal mysticism.

3.Salvation of the eschatological brides: The bridal mysticism of the Song of Songs
Through the Virgin Mary conducting a proskynesis on the tympanum and fulfilling themeaning of the bride in bridal mysticism, Ecclesia and Synagoga, as well as the women on theheavenly side of the tympanum, are inferred to be likewise represented within the theme of
mystical marriage.
The crowned Ecclesia stands with her dignified frontal pose and facial expression. On the

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other hand, Synagoga is blindfolded, holding a
broken spear and a law board, and maintains an
exhausted pose (fig. 5). They certainly follow theconventional expression of the victory of theChristian church. Also through the characteristicsof the Bamberg Cathedral sculpture, which displays
multiple appearances according to the standpointof the viewer, the contrast of the stalwart Ecclesia
and the languid Synagoga are analyzed to be
expressed efficiently[29]. It is possible that these
two figures play an important role in the
iconographical program as they stand out in theirFig.10 South transept, Strasbourg
colors and monumental appearances, appearing
Cathedral, c. 1230
larger than life on the tympanum[30]. These female
personifications are popular motifs in the portals of the thirteenth century French kingdom andGerman empire, and this portal is one of the earliest examples of this, together with Reims andStrasbourg[31]. As many researchers agree, the style and expression of the clothing and bodies
are remarkably similar to the works of Strasbourg (fig. 10)[32].
One of the main sources of the female personifications of Ecclesia and Synagoga as bridesof Christ is conventionally the Song of Songs[33]. The relationship of the Song of Songs with theStrasbourg Cathedral sculpture of the south transept was firstly analyzed in detail by Otto von
Simson. They are based on the tradition of exegesis of the Song of Songs by Honorius of Autun,
whose works were influential in the Holy Roman Empire, particularly in south Germany. On the
tympanum, Christ stands as the judge in the middle as the bridegroom, together with the Virgin
Mary, while Ecclesia and Synagoga stand on either side in their monumental expressions as therepresentatives of the eschatological brides[34]. Therefore, it can be pointed out that in the
iconographical program of the Bamberg portal, Ecclesia and Synagoga are represented aseschatological brides along with the Virgin Mary.
Moreover, what is remarkable is that the relation of the bridal mysticism of the Song ofSongs and the Apocalypse can be pointed out for both statues of Bamberg Cathedral, which has
been overlooked in previous analyses. At first in the pillar under Ecclesia, four Evangelist
symbols—the lion, the cow, the man/angel, and the eagle—are represented with Ezekiel[35]. It
is rare that this motif is represented together with Ecclesia. However, it is seen in the
iconography of the Lamb of God, for example, in the above-mentioned proskynesis of thetwenty-four elders[36]. Also, in Prüfening, which was integrated into the Bamberg diocese by
Heinrich II, the Closter of St. George has the iconographical representation of a Romanesquewall painting based on the Song of Songs, created under the Bamberg bishop, Otto I von Bamberg(Bamberg bishop 1102–1139, consecrated 1189)[37], and the sitting figure of a dignified
Ecclesia as bride in the ceiling painting of a choir is surrounded by the symbols of the four
Evangelists (fig. 11). Heidrun Stein pointed out that these motifs as indicating the Ecclesia’s
property as a bride of the Lamb of God, as well as the throne of Christ or the Lamb of God[38].
Likewise, in the Ecclesia of Bamberg Cathedral, the symbols of the Evangelists remind us of

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Christ in Revelation as well as the throne of the Lamb of God.
Thus, here also, Ecclesia could be represented as the bride ofChrist.
On the other hand, as regards Synagoga, her blindness to thethrone of the bridegroom, Christ, is implied by her blindfold andthe blinded Jew represented beneath her. However, as is clear
when compared to other works of Synagoga, for example inReims, the Bamberg Synagoga is represented as elegant as
Ecclesia and her aesthetic value is remarkable[39]. From thesubtle smile on her lips and the facial expression showing joy
beneath the blindfold, one can feel the future fulfillment of her
Fig. 11 Ecclesia, Kloster
Prüfening St. Georg,
redemption by marriage (conversion) at the end of time, whichc.1130gives the defeat of Synagoga a double impression. The
Strausbourg Synagoga (fig. 12) is analyzed to represent dynamically the moment when she twists
her body in order to face the bridegroom of Christ in conversion[40]. This is derived from thereference to the body of Shulamith, King Solomon’s bride in the Song of Songs (6:13) “Return,
return, O Shulamith, return, return, that we may look upon you.” In this sentence, theeschatological conversion of Synagoga as a bride is thought to be prophesied[41]. In addition, in
relation to the Bamberg Synagoga, compared to Ecclesia’s stiff and expressionless stance, “theeffect of rotation” showing her as twisting is analyzed to give the viewer an expression of
movement (fig. 13)[42]. In this way, the representation of Synagoga indicates the hope forconversion and, likewise in Strasbourg, it can be understood from the bridal mysticism. In
addition, what is remarkable is that the above passage in the Song of Songs in expectation of theconversion of Synagoga urges Shulamith to dance naked, and the sensuality is emphasized[43].
In the corporal expression of the Bamberg
Synagoga, her bodyline is visible beneaththe drapery, and the sensuality of her
naked body is sensationally emphasized ina way no other example could offer. Achim
Hubel analyzes this as one of the mostbeautiful thirteenth-century female figures: “The sculptor put his effort into
granting the figure the brilliant sensuality
by the bodily expression which has neverbeen accomplished in medieval sculpture[44].” This sensual expression could
have a significant origin in the bridal
mysticism based on the Song of Songs[45].
The other unique expression of sculpture on this portal is the existence of theFig. 12 Synagoga,
Fig.13 Synagoga, Bamberg,
cluster of virgins, even if it is normally
Strasbourg
c.1235Cathedral c. 1230
angels who carry arma christi and lead

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the blessed to Christ (fig. 14).
The reason for this has notbeen sufficiently analyzed inprevious studies, but in relation
to the works at Bamberg
Cathedral, the meaning ofvirgins representing brides canbe inferred. In one of the mostprecious treasures of Bamberg
Cathedral, the Ottonian manuscripts Commentary on theSong of Songs (c.1000, StaatsFig. 14 Virgins, Fürstenportal
Fig.15 Bamberg Commentary
bibliothek Bibl. 22, fol.4v, fig.
Tympanum, c. 1235
on the Song of Songs,
15), next to the sitting figure of
Staatsbibiliothek Bamberg,
Msc. Bibl. 22, fol.4v, c.1000
the bridegroom Christ as theincarnation of Logos (fol.5r, fig.
16), the scene of Ecclesia pointing to Christ on the cross andthe virgins as representative brides, Ecclesia leading theprocession to the bridegroom, Christ, is depicted. According to
Stein, not only is the Virgin Mary superimposed on Ecclesia’s
figure, but also in the representation of the virgins, thedescription of Mary’s virtue as virgo inter virgins is
implied[46]. Similarly to the iconography of this manuscript,
the women of this portal could also be said to emphasize theproperty of virgo inter virgines, as in the Virgin Mary’s role ofleading the souls as supreme bride.
Fig.16 Bamberg Commentaryon the Song of Songs,
This chain of the Virgin Mary and virgins as brides is also
Staatsbibilothek Bamberg,
supported by the positions of their feet. The toe of the kneelingMsc. Bibl. 22, fol.5r, c.1000
Mary touches the virgin’s foot, and also the secular king, who
is led by her hand, stretches out his left foot and tries to touch the other side of her foot[47]. That
is to say, it is not just as if the Virgin Mary not only intercedes, but also, firstly, that she receives
grace as the representative bride of whole church and then, through the virgins, passes it down
to the souls, including the secular king. This alliance of the Virgin Mary, the virgins, and thesecular king could be interpreted as the chain expressing the brides of bridal mysticism.
Meanwhile, in the illumination in the Bamberg Commentary on the Song of Songs, we see asuggestive iconography. In the “O” initial of the beginning scene of the Song of Songs (1:2) “Lethim kiss me with the kisses of his mouth” (Osculetur me osculo oris sui) indicating theincarnation of Logos in the body of the Virgin Mary, the angels, taking the role of leading theprocession, touch the soles of the bridegroom, Christ, on the throne of mercy (fol. 5r, fig.16)[48].

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Conclusion
Following analyses of the unique gesture of the Virgin Mary in Deësis, the unique details in
the representation of Ecclesia and Synagoga, and the meaning of the existence of the virgins, I
conclude that one of the main themes of the iconographical program of Fürstenportal, the main
portal of Bamberg Cathedral, is the salvation of the brides by a mystical marriage at the End ofTime[49]. The high-status viewers, who were the main viewers of this portal, could probably
easily read in this whole iconographical program the theological background of bridal mysticism,as part of their knowledge had already been based on such a cultural education at that time[50].
This article has also shed light on the relationship between the main religious backgroundof the time, the cult of Kunigunde, and the sculpture, in that only by the feature of an
eschatological bride with the virtues of virgo and sponsa, can we understand fully the meaningof the figure of the Virgin Mary.
Notes
[1]

On the foundation of the cathedral and its rebuilding in the thirteenth century, see Alexander vonReitzenstein, Die Geschichte des Bamberger Domes. Von den Anfängen bis zur Vollendung im 13.
Jahrhundert, München 1984.
[2] Renate Kroos, „Liturgische Quellen zum Bamberger Dom“, in: Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 39(1976), 118.
[3] For the recent studies, see Archim Hubel, „Der Bamberger Reiter: Beschreibung, Befundauswertung, Ikonographie“, in: Bericht / Historischer Verein Bamberg für die Pflege derGeschichte des Ehemaligen Fürstbistums, 143(2007), 121-157; Robert Suckale, „Die Bamberger
Domskulpturen : Technik, Blockbehandlung, Ansichtigkeit und die Einbeziehung des Betrachters“,
in: Stil und Funktion, München u.a. 2003, 175-253; Hans-Christian Feldmann, Bamberg undReims: die Skulpturen 1220-1250; zur Entwicklung von Stil und Bedeutung der Skulpturen in
dem unter Bischof Ekbert (1203-1237) errichteten Neubau des Bamberger Doms unterbesonderer Berücksichtigung der Skulpturen an Querhaus und Westfassade der Kathedrale vonReims, Ammersbek bei Hamburg 1992.
[4] Feldmann, op.cit., 32.
[5] For the cult of Kunigunde, see Renate Klauser, Der Heinrichs- und Kunigundenkult im mittelalterlichen Bistum Bamberg, Bamberg 1957; Klaus Guth, Die Heiligen Heinrich und Kunigunde:Leben, Legende, Kult und Kunst, Bamberg 1986.
[6] Cf. Kroos, op.cit.; Nina Rowe, “Synagoga Tumbles, a Rider Triumphs: Clerical Viewers and the
Fürstenportal of Bamberg Cathedral,” in: Gesta, vol. 45, No. 1 (2006), 15-42.
[7] For two workshops, see Robert Suckale, „Die Bamberger Domskulpturen „revisited“, in: Bericht/Historischer Verein Bamberg für die Pflege der Geschichte des Ehemaligen Fürstbistums, 143(2007), 185-210. Manfred Schuller, Das Fürstenportal des Bamberger Domes, Bamberg 1993.
The sculptures are now in the cathedral or museum and replaced by replicas.
[8] For the recent studies on the portal, see Schuller, op.cit.; Feldmann, op.cit. ; Suckale, op.cit.;Nina
Rowe, „Synagoga tumbles, a Rider triumphs : clerical viewers and the Fürstenportal of Bamberg
Cathedral“, in: Gesta, 45(2006), 1, 15-42.
[9] Hubel, op.cit., 122.
[10] For the bridal mysticism of the Song of Songs, see Friedrich Ohly, Hohelied-Studien: Grundzüge
einer Geschichte der Hoheliedauslegung des Abendlandes bis um 1200, Wiesbaden 1958; E. Ann

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[11]

[12]
[13]

[14]

[15]
[16]
[17]
[18]
[19]
[20]

[21]
[22]

[23]
[24]
[25]
[26]
[27]
[28]
[29]

[30]
[31]
[32]

[33]
[34]

NAKAMA Aya

Matter, The Voice of My Beloved: The Song of Songs in Western Medieval Christianity,
Philadelphia 1992.
Engelbert Kirschbaum u.a. (hg.), Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, 1. Bd., Rom u.a. 1986,„Deesis“; Peter Kurmann, „Redemptor sive judex : zu den Weltgerichtsportalen von Reims undBamberg,“ in: Bericht / Historischer Verein Bamberg für die Pflege der Geschichte desEhemaligen Fürstbistums, 143(2007), 162. For the relationship of Reims and Bamberg, see
Willibald Sauerländer, “ Reims und Bamberg: zu Art und Umfang der Übernahmen,„ in: Zeitschrift
für Kunstgeschichte, 39(1976), 167-192; Feldmann, op.cit..
Suckale(2007), op.cit., 187.
Cf. Anthony Cutler, Transfigurations, 53-65; Joachim Scharf, „Der Kaiser in Proskynese: Bemerkungen zur Deutung des Kaisermosaiks im Narthex der Hagia von Konstantinopel“, in:Festschrift Percy Ernst Schramm zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag von Schülern und Freunden
zugeeignet, 1, 1964, 27-35.
Johannes G. Deckers, „Der erste Diener Christi: die Proskynese der Kaiser als Schlüsselmotiv der
Mosaiken in S. Vitale (Ravenna) und in der Hagia Sophia (Istanbul)“, in: Art, cérémonial et liturgie
au Moyen Age, Roma 2002, 11-70.
Gude Suckale-Redlefsen, „Das “Basler Antependium”: ein ottonischer Goldaltar aus dem Münster
zu Basel“, in: Kunst + Architektur in der Schweiz, 51(2000), 1, 60-63.
For instance, sarcophagus in Milan, Basilica di Sant'Ambrogio (3C).
Sukale, op.cit., 187.
Remigius Bäumer und Leo Scheffczyk (hg.), Marienlexikon, 1.Bd., St. Ottilien 1988, „Bamberg“.
Cf. Akira Akiyama, “Ashiato to ashiura no zuzougaku”, SPAZIO 70 (2011)
Matthew L. Bowen, “They Came and Held Him by the Feet and Worshipped Him: Proskynesis
before Jesus in Its Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Context,” in: Studies in the Bible andAntiquity 5 (2013), 79.
Herbert L.Kessler, Neither God nor Man: Words, Images, and the Medieval Anxiety about Art,
Freiburg im Breisgau u.a. 2007, 59f.
Remigius Bäumer und Leo Scheffczyk (hg.), Marienlexikon, 2.Bd., St. Ottilien 1989 „Fürbitte“. For
Mary as intercessor in Gothic church, see Bruno Boerner, “Par caritas par meritum” : Studien zur
Theologie des gotischen Weltgerichtsportals in Frankreich - am Beispiel des mittleren
Westeingangs von Notre-Dame in Paris, Freiburg Schweiz 1998, 221f.
Rachel Fulton, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800-1200,
New York 2002, 383f.
Bowen, op.cit., 80f.
Ibid., 73f; Robert Darmstaedter, Die Auferweckung des Lazarus in der altchristlichen und
byzantinischen Kunst, Bern 1955.
Remigius Bäumer und Leo Scheffczyk (hg.), Marienlexikon, 1.Bd., St. Ottilien 1988 „Braut“.
Bowen, op.cit., 83f.
Ibid.. The prophets and apostles on jambs could also imply the twenty-four Elders.
Nina Rowe, The Jew, the cathedral, and the medieval city: Synagoga and Ecclesia in the thirteenth
century, Cambridge u.a.,2011, 23-25; Cf. Walther Hartleitner, Zur Polychromie der Bamberger
Domskulptur, Bamberg 2011.
Rowe, op.cit., 2.
Ibid..
Cf. Archim Hubel, „Die jüngere Bildhauerwerkstatt des Bamberger Doms: Überlegungen zur
Erzählform und zur Deutung der Skulpturen“, in: Architektur und Monumentalskulptur des 12. 14. Jahrhunderts, Bern u.a. 2006, 475-528.
Cf. Wolfgang Seiferth, Synagoge und Kirche im Mittelalter, München 1964.
Otto von Simson, „Ecclesia und Synagoge am südlichen Querhausportal des Strassburger Münsters“,The Sculptures of the Fürstenportal of Bamberg Cathedral

[35]

[36]
[37]
[38]
[39]
[40]
[41]
[42]
[43]
[44]
[45]

[46]
[47]
[48]
[49]
[50]

137

in: Lieselotte Kötzsche (hg.), Wenn der Messias kommt, Berlin 1985, 104-125.
Achim Hubel analyzed the pillar motif of sitting figure as Ezekiel visioning the four creatures(Ezekiel 1:1-28). (Hubel, op.cit., 2006, 483.) They are the prototypes of the Evangelists’ symbols
in the Apocalypse.
Engelbert Kirschbaum u.a. (hg.), Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, 3. Bd., Rom u.a. 1971,„Lamm.“
Heidrun Stein, Die romanischen Wandmalereien in der Klosterkirche Prüfening, Regensburg
1987.
Ibid., 56.
Rowe, op.cit.,158-159; For example, Otto von Simson points out the Synagoge’s beauty as her
attribute based on the Song of Songs.(Otto von Simson, op.cit., 113.)
Simson, op.cit., 115.
Ibid., 115f.
Suckale, op.cit., 217-218.
Kyuyaku Shinyaku Seisyo Daijiten, Kyobunkan, 1989, “Gaka”.
Hubel, op.cit., 495.
For the studies on Ecclesia and Synagoga, see e.g. Helga Sciurie, Ecclesia und Synagoge: Bilder vonSinnlichkeit und Gewalt am deutschen Kirchenportal des 13. Jahrhunderts, in: Ines Lindner
u.a.(hg.), Blick-Wechsel:Konstruktionen von Männlichkeit und Weiblichkeit in Kunst und
Kunstgeschichte, Berlin 1989, 243-250.
Stein, op.cit., 74.
On the other hand it is not fulfilled on the hell side.
Cf. Gude Suckale-Redlefsen, Die Handschriften des 8. bis 11. Jahrhunderts der Staatsbibliothek
Bamberg, Wiesbaden 2004, 85-87.
One of the names of Fürstenportal in 1583-4, Ehethür (the door of marriage, Cf. Kroos, op.cit.,
110-112) could indicate this meaning of the iconographical program.
See note 10.

Resouces of figures
Fig. 1, 3, 4, 5, 14: Schuller, op.cit.
Fig. 2, 7, 13: Suckale, op.cit.
Fig. 6: Suckale-Redlefsen (2000), op.cit.
Fig. 8, 9: Gertrud Schiller, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst, Bd. 5, Bildteil, Gütersloh 1991
Fig. 10, 12: Rowe, op.cit. /11: Stein, op.cit.
Fig. 15, 16: Suckale-Redlefsen (2004), op.cit.

* This paper is based on the Japanese version printed in Bigaku (Aesthetics) Vol. 66, No. 1 (2015): 113124, published by the Japanese Society for Aesthetics.