NIHU Program
Islamic Area Studies

TIAS Central Eurasian Research Series
No.3

THE ANDIJAN UPRISING OF 1898
AND ITS LEADER DUKCHI-ISHANDESCRIBED BY CONTEMPORARY POETSAFTANDIL S. ERKINOV(National University of Uzbekistan, Tashkent,
Republic of Uzbekistan)
Foreword by:
BAKHTIYAR M. BABADJANOV(Institute of Oriental Studies, Academy of Science,
Republic of Uzbekistan)

TIAS: Department of Islamic Area Studies
Center for Evolving Humanities
Graduate School of Humanities andSociology
The University of Tokyo

NIHU Program Islamic Area Studies
TIAS: Department of Islamic Area Studies,
Center for Evolving Humanities, Graduate School of Humanities and Sociology,
The University of Tokyo
7-3-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, 113-0033 JAPAN
Tel: (+81)-3-5841-2687
Fax: (+81)-3-5841-2686
URL: http://www.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/tokyo-ias
E-mail: ias-web@l.u-tokyo.ac.jp
Copyright © 2009 Department of Islamic Area Studies,
Center for Evolving Humanities, The University of Tokyo

First Published in 2009
Publisher: Department of Islamic Area Studies,
Center for Evolving Humanities, Graduate School of
Humanities and Sociology,
The University of Tokyo
AFTANDIL S. ERKINOV
THE ANDIJAN UPRISING OF 1898 AND ITS LEADER DUKCHI-ISHANDESCRIBED BY CONTEMPORARY POETS
Central Eurasian Research Series No.3
ISBN 978-4-904039-15-1
Printed in Japan

Contents

Bakhtiyar M. Babadjanov
Foreword: The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question”
in the Russian Empire (Introduction to A. Erkinov’s Publication) ………………1
Aftandil S. Erkinov
Introduction to the Publication………………………………………………….26
The Circle of Poets - Authors of the Cycle “Dūkchī-Īshān Hajwi”… ………….37
Assesments of the 1898 Andijan Uprising and Its Leader
Dūkchī-Īshān in Works of the Contemporary Poets…………………………….45
Conclusion………………………………………………………………………54
Illustrations……………………………………………………………………...56
Appendix: Texts of Verses………………………………………………..……..59
Bibliography…………………………………………………………………...108
Index……………………………………………………………………..…….115

Foreword
The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question”
in the Russian Empire(Introduction to A. Erkinov’s Publication)1

A. Erkinov’s publication presented here includes a number of original sources,
namely, works of eminent poets of Central Asia from the late 19th to the early 20th
century. Such works are very rarely studied as original historical sources.
However, local poetry, as a genre, provided the most complete reflection of thereligious-ethical standards of the era, particularly with regard to the mostsignificant events of the time, such as the Andijan uprising, which occurred
during a rather peaceful period. The author begins his article with a brief analysis
of a change in views toward the Andijan uprising and other similar uprisings thattook place in Central Asia. Erkinov shows how the evaluation of these eventschanged in Soviet historiography, depending on the ideological clichés of a given
period, and the level of “ideological attentiveness” (marginality) of a particularresearcher. The survey of opinions from the period of independence regarding thesame uprising and attempts to present the uprising’s leader as one of the fighters“in the long-lasting struggle for independence,” is quite interesting. Not without
irony, Erkinov notices that now a reassessment of the same events is sometimes
performed by literary critics, who in old times amicably supported another
ideology and its “scientific” approaches.
To the observations of the author I would add the following. It seems thatthe historical evaluation of the advance of the Russian empire in Central Asia
(which proceeded partly as annexation2 and partly as conquest with subsequent1

I would like to express my thanks to proff. Devin DeWeese, Hisao Komatsu and Sergey Abashin
for useful comments and discussions.
2
It should be remembered that the Kirghiz / Kazakh zhüzes (hordes) were incorporated into theRussian Empire on the basis of mutual agreements, e.g., Small and Middle Hordes. For detail see:Крафт И. И. “Судебная часть в Туркестанском крае и степных областях.” New ed.:Ешмухамбетов C., Жакеев C. (сост.) Из истории казахов. Алматы: Жалын, 1999. С. 330-339.
One of the older works on the subject: Demko G. The Russian Colonization of Kazakhstan (Uralic

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

colonization) will be influenced for a quite long time by the political realities ofthe present day, which have arisen after the disintegration of the USSR. The
present reconsideration of history in the countries of the region predominantly
comes with an ideological coloring, continuing the pattern established in Soviet
times which fostered, especially in the “marginal” (or “provincial”) republics, thedevelopment of hypertrophic national narratives that led to isolated to the“national privatization of history,” in the Central Asia countries.3 Moreover, inthe vast majority of the countries in the region the official authorities determine
the vector of historical reassessments of the past, especially regarding thecolonial and Soviet periods, by considering history as the most convenient way
for “consolidation of the nation” (in perceptions of modern ideologists andpoliticians of the countries in the region). Post-colonial “patriotism” (in thedefinition given by politics and a significant part of the marginal intelligentsia)
bursts into “modern history” and forms paradigms for the next “reconsideration”
of history. This political (nationalist) ideology, by the way, is a product of theformer Soviet provincialism and hidden opposition of “the Soviet Eastern sister
republics,” which already then (in their own ways) had begun in a concealedmanner to challenge the results of national delimitation.4 Such realities to one
extent or another politicize today’s process of the reconsideration of one’s own
history, which even without this is already so politicized that the occurrence ofeven more or less objective studies induces an ambiguous evaluation among
researchers, who were once unified (shackled) within the uniform political andideological system.
What is indisputable is that the conquest and colonization, and especially“membership in the country of the Soviets” (or, “semi-centennial apologetics” asdefined by S. Dudoignon, the French researcher5) for a long time left a deep mark,and particularly influenced the minds of historians of the senior and middle
generations in the former “southern republics” of the USSR. The “mark” was so
deep that the anti-colonial and anti-Soviet rhetoric frequently published now iscouched in well-known Soviet stylistic formulas and clichés.6 Moreover, as has
and Altaic). New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004.
3
See interesting remarks on methodology of studies in post-colonial Central Asian countries:Горшенина C. “Извечна ли маргинальность русского колониального Туркестана, или войдётли постсоветская Средняя Азия в область post-исследований?” Ab Imperio, 2007. № 2. С.
242-245.
4
The classical example is a famous book “Tadzhiki (The Tajiks)” by B.Gafurov (the latest edition– Dushanbe: Irfon, 2002), in which the author, according to attestation of eyewitnesses, wrote noneof the lines. See comments to the Internet-version of the recent speech of the President of the
Republic of Tajikistan on the occasion of B. Gafurov’s Jubilee celebrations: Э. Рахмонов.
Бобожон Гафуров и национальная самобытность таджиков. 26.12 2008 (Permanent link tothe site of the speech and comments: http://www.centrasia.ru/news).
5Дюдуаньон C. А. “Кадимизм: элементы социологии мусульманского традиционализма втатарском мире и в Мавераннахре (конец XVIII – начало XX вв.)” Дюдуаньон C. А., Исхаков
Д., Мухаметшин Р. (ред.) Панорама-форум. 1997. № 12. спец. вып. Ислам в татарском мире:история и современность. Казань: Панорама, 1997. С. 69.
6
See also the above-mentioned article by S. Dudoignon: Dudoignon S. A. “Changements
2

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

been said, the “reassessment” is more often done by just those historians whothemselves obtained a decent Soviet education, and once with a fair share ofemotions (expressing the same loyalist moods, but to the red banner) proved the
all-round advantage of “Annexation of Central Asia to Russia,” and one-sidedly
convicted those “bourgeois scholars,” who wrote at that period about expansion
or colonization, and so on. The reaction of some Russian scholar appears not lessemotional and not entirely scientific; they also diligently try to argue the facts
that the colonization of Central Asia did not bring benefits to the Crown of theRussian Empire and that it was precisely the local peoples who gained moreadvantages from colonization.7
Similar problems (in particular, as far as it concerns Islamic studies)
existed and still can be seen today among western researchers (taking into
account the conventionality of this geographical term). The significant part ofwestern research was and still remains under, as defined by Devin DeWeese, thecaptivity of “Sovietological Islamic studies” (“Sovietological Islamology”),
which is not interested in any other aspects of complex processes, aside from thespecial influence of Soviet ideology and the regime on the Islamic heritage
within the framework of the creations of the history of new nations.8 Certainly,
the limitation of both the “Soviet” and “Sovietological” schools is conditioned byrealities of the “Cold War,” the former common borders, limited access tosources, language barriers, and the like – problems, which, it seems to me, still
persist, especially among the post-Soviet researchers of Central Asia. Though thepresent isolation of research in many respects repeats the problems ofSovietology, with the same ideological schemes (of anti-Soviet and sometimes
anti-Russian orientation), and is amazingly similar to the approaches of theSovietological school, but in a more primitive form.9 It is quite clear that thedebates among historians in the post-Soviet era – of what was “better” for theregion, whether its annexation to the Russian empire, or “everything remaining
unaltered” - are absolutely unproductive, and, as noted, they simply reflect theideological and partly political realities of the post-Soviet period.10
politiques et historiographie en Asie Centrale (Tadjikistan et Uzbekistan, 1987-1993).” Cahierd’études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien. № 16, 1993. pp. 100-110.
7
In this sense, the most characteristic work is the above-mentioned publication: Литвинов П. П.
Государство и ислам в Русском Туркестане (1865–1917) (по архивным материалам). Елец:Елецкий государственный педагогический институт, 1998. С. 122-123, 140-142. Also see workby the same author: Литвинов П. П. Органы департамента полиции МВД в системе
“военно-административного” управления Русским Туркестаном (по архивным, правовым ииным источникам). Елец: Елецкий государственный университет, 2007.
8
DeWeese D. “Islam and the Legacy of Sovietology: A Review Essay on Yaacov Rói’s Islam in
the Soviet Union.” Journal of Islamic Studies. Vol. 13. № 3, 2002. pp. 298-330.
9
See also: Горшенина C. “Извечна ли маргинальность...,” C. 234-235.
10Time and again we hear (not only in everyday life, or in the propagandistic press, but also
among venerable scholars) that if it had not been for the periods of colonization and Sovietization,
today there would not be any difference between the region of CA and Afghanistan. This reminds
me of a similar “what if” interpretation of the “great mission of Amir Temur,” who won the fightwith the Turkish sultan Bayazid I, and thereby saved Europe (I wonder, what he saved it from?).
3

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

In any case, these two extreme estimations can only have scholarlyinterest (for example, in terms of studying the post-Soviet [post-colonial]
reassessments of history, their links with political realities, the professional levelof researchers, etc.).11 Apparently, the best way out of such peculiar “dead ends”
in debates is to publish original sources, and Erkinov does this rather
productively and in a professional manner.
The evaluation (self-estimation) of approaches used in Soviet time is anespecially sensitive issue among post-Soviet scholars. Self-justificatoryreferences of some СА researchers to “the ideological dictatorship of Moscow”
in discussions of publications or dissertations, particularly covering the Timurid
period, and especially the period of colonization, look interesting (if not to say
amusing).12 Also repeating ourselves, we say that the same type of reassessment(alas, not always objectively) occurs among some modern Russian researchers
who are held captive by the series of fundamental works from pre-revolutionary
and partly post-revolutionary periods. 13 However, in Russia the idea of a“civilizing mission” was regularly revived and made its way into popular
publications in the past as well. Such is the case with a series of articles that
obviously served to justify the elimination of the Kokand / Khoqand Khanate(February 1876).14 It was precisely in that period, when, in a manner of speaking,Regarding the latter example, the wording used by the experts in Timurid studies, for example, ofUzbekistan, are surprisingly similar to the respective expressions of the Soviet historian
Academician B. A. Rybakov, who advanced the argument about the extraordinary role of Medieval
Russia, which redeemed Europe from the Mongols. Here we can see how deep the influence ofSoviet historiography was, and how convenient it was in the formulation of apologetic views on
history.
11
The historical collisions are discussed in considerable detail (in the context of the views of
western, Russian, and to a lesser extent Central Asian scholarship) in the above-mentioned articles
by S. Gorshenina and S. Abashin.
12
Moreover, works of local scholars were quite often stamped with notorious “ideologicalmarking” by their own colleagues because of scholarly competition, which (due to the system
existing since Stalinist times) could be hidden by that very marking based on the “ideologicalimmaturity of the submitted work.” However, based on my knowledge of examples of such casesand publications, I dare to conclude that the inner self-censorship of “ideological loyalty” among
the Soviet scholars of СА functioned much more effectively than a “peremptory shout from
Moscow.” Besides, there are still many living scholars in Central Asian countries, whose
dissertations on topics mentioned above, or similar areas, were once not accepted by the local
Academic Councils and were “dismissed” with the familiar stamp of “ideological immaturity.”
However, practically all of them defended their theses precisely in Moscow, where scholarly
institutions were highly ideologized, though not so much (especially in later Soviet times) as in anyof “Southern republics” of the former Soviet Union. See also the observations in: Dudoignon S. A.
“Changements politiques et historiographie...,” pp. 100-110.
13
A fairly detailed analysis of contemporary condition of the post-colonial studies in Russia (withanalysis of the sources of influence, reanimated old paradigms and others) is provided by S.
Gorshenina in her two works: Горшенина C. “Извечна ли маргинальность...,” C. 39-43;
Горшенина C. “Крупнейшие проекты колониальных архивов России: Утопичность тотальной
Туркестаники генерал-губернатора Константина Петровича фон Кауфмана.” Ab Imperio, 2007.
№ 3. C. 60-63).
14
See, for example: “Кокан(д)ское ханство.” Грамотей, 1876. № 3. C. 55-67 (От редакции).
4

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

the “civilizing missions” formula of colonization, and the blessings brought tothe subject peoples by the “civilizers,” were actively discussed again.15
Most likely, for the military leadership and politicians of Russian
Turkestan, the rhetoric of the “educating and civilizing mission” served only as anecessary accompaniment to the quite pragmatic goal of the “subjugation of thefrontiers,” or, according to S. Gorshenina, a way of “politically legitimizing” theconquest.16 That position appeared and began to be introduced in political andeven in military lexicon (alongside with such words as “reconciliation,” “gain,”“advance”), chiefly in the days of the first “Organizer of the territory” K. P. vonKaufman.
Self-inspired estimations of this sort frequently looked like
self-justifications as well, and in the course of time they eventually generated thesense of a “high civilizing and educating mission,” even though the mission was
accomplished with the help of force and contrary to the will of the local peoples.
Such self-estimation, to one extent or another, provided a guiding principle or areference point for many Russian researchers of the territory, for example, N. P.
Ostroumov (1846-1930) and, in part, V. P. Nalivkin (1852-1918). It should be
mentioned however, that the position of the latter moved in the opposite direction
as a result of the influence of numerous circumstances, including some of apersonal nature. 17 In fact N. P. Ostroumov showed great diligence in “theeducation of aborigines,” but in such a form that he and his like-minded fellows
understood it.18
In the present paper, I do not intend to make inferences about views on
Russian colonization, or on the correlation of imperial, national or historicalnarratives in works of modern researchers - a subject of bibliographic and

15
Thus, for instance, one of the anonymous authors (probably from military-political circles) ofthat time, in an attempt to prove the rightfulness and appropriateness of the elimination of the
Kokand Khanate, writes, “therefore it is desirable that force serve the actual (p)reservation of ourdomain [in Central Asia], which is possible only when European culture penetrates into these ...
steppes, if force will be found to be a blessing for that civilization for which it would serve as aprotector. (The Russian people) possess the ability to master and attract (to) themselves foreign
ethnic groups, or at least those that stand at lower stages of educational [development]” (italics
mine – B. B.). Санкт-Петербургские ведомости, 1875. № 224.
16Горшенина C. “Крупнейшие проекты...” C. 46.
17
For more detail see: Абашин C. Н. “В. П. Наливкин: «…будет то, что неизбежно должно
быть; и то, что неизбежно должно быть, уже не может не быть…». Кризис ориентализма вРоссийской империи?” Суворова Н. Г. (ред.) Азиатская Россия: люди и структуры империи.
Омск: Издательство ОмГУ, 2005. C. 43-96.
18
The activity and views of N. P. Ostroumov in the capacity of the “expert-orientalist” and in thecontext of Russian “orientalism” and colonialism are discussed in the article by A. Khalid: Khalid
A. “Russian History and the Debate over Orientalism.” Kritika: Explorations in Russian andEurasian History. Vol. 1. № 4, Fall 2000. рр. 691–699. See also: Алексеев И. Л. “Н.
П. Остроумов о проблемах управления мусульманским населением Туркестанского края.”Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и науч. ред.) Сборник русского исторического общества. Т. 5 (153).
Россия и Средняя Азия. Москва: Русская панорама, 2002. C. 89-95.

5

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

methodological disputes of the last 10 or 15 years.19 I am mainly interested in
responses of Russian experts and politicians to the Andijan uprising, andespecially in the responses of those who worked in Central Asia, and in their own
way stimulated a new wave of discussions on “the Muslim question” inassociation with that uprising, as has been mentioned already by someresearchers. 20 This question is also closely related to historiographical andmethodological debates on colonialism, Russian “orientalism” (including thewell-known concept of “power and knowledge”), and the status of Russian
experts. These debates are naturally associated with the idea of Russian Mission
and attempts to bring the “aborigines” into the “civilizational space,” as it wasunderstood by some experts and politicians. However, the existence of thepersonal, sometimes rather very friendly, contacts between the “regional experts”
of Russian Turkestan and the “aborigines” requires substantial corrections the
widely discussed question of the status of the Russian colonial expert (within theframework of the evaluation of “Russian orientalism”), and requires more
complex concepts than those offered by some researchers.21 However, to speak
about “patriarchal colonialism” as some Russian researchers (see above) try to dois also irrelevant.
Nevertheless, jumping ahead, we should note that the majority of Russian
experts working in the region could not overcome estrangement from the
autochthonous population in spite of the fact that some of them (for example, V.
P. Nalivkin) were inclined toward just that. On the other hand, I was alsointerested in the attitude of the local population toward the colonizers, as thedegree of estrangement of the local population was much more extensive, and19

See the brief review in the above mentioned articles by S. Gorshenina. One more article on thesubject (written in French and intended mainly for western readers) is being prepared in
co-authorship with S. Abashin.
20
See, for example: Brower D. Turkestan and the Fate of the Russian Empire. London and New
York: Routledge Curzon, 2003. pp. 88-90; Crews R. D. For Prophet and Tsar. Islam and Empire in
Russia and Central Asia. London: Harvard University Press, 2006. pp. 287-289, 343-347; Komatsu
H. “Dār al-Islām under Russian Rule.” Tomohiko U. (ed.) Empire, Islam, and Politics in Central
Eurasia. Sapporo: Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University, 2007. pp. 9-18. These papers
contain brief bibliographical reviews.
21
See, for example, the discussion on this subject, which was spurred by publication of N.
Knight’s article proposing to applicability of Edward Said’s concepts to Russian “orientalism”:
Knight N. “Grigor’ev in Orenburg, 1851–1862: Russian Orientalism in the Service of Empire?”
Slavic Review. Vol. 59. № 1. Spring 2000. pp. 74-100. In a corresponding article A. Khalid provides
further justification for applying the Said’s concept to Russian “orientalism,” on the example of therenowned N. P. Ostroumov’s activity: Khalid A. “Russian History...” In the same issue of thejournal “Kritika,” N. Knight publishes a response to A. Khalid’s publication: Knight N. “On
Russian Orientalism: A Response to Adeeb Khalid.” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and EurasianHistory. Vol. 1. № 4, Fall 2000. рр. 701–715, while M. Todorova adds her comments on theirdebates: Todorova M. “Does Russian Orientalism Have a Russian Soul?” A Contribution to the
Debate between Nathaniel Knight and Adeeb Khalid. Kritika: Explorations in Russian andEurasian History. Vol. 1. № 4, Fall 2000. pp. 717–727. Later, the Russian researcher S. Abashin
proposed his assessment of the colonial history of Turkestan. See: Абашин C. Н. “В. П.
Наливкин…,” C. 44-46.
6

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

could hardly be surmounted “as soon as possible,” as wished by V. P. Nalivkin,
whose liberal position, it is necessary to say, could not gain dominance in thegeneral colonial policy in the south of the Russian Empire. In any case, the“Russian vision,” or more precisely, Russian “orientalism,” has been studied for along time and there are more works on the topic than works that analyze theviews emanating from the South (“The East”).
There is no need to prove that it was unusual for the majority of uprisings
among the discontented masses in the period of colonization to have open
political demands. However, the uprising of Dūkchī Īshān22 was undoubtedly
political, though some of his followers were guided by different motivations, atleast at the initial stages of involvement in the Īshān’s “organization.” Deliberate
political engagements (including those of an obvious anti-colonial nature) were
not extraneous to local peoples, and especially to the intelligentsia, as well as to
Bukhara and Khiva Khanates.23 In this sense the major action was demonstrated
by the various reformers and, particularly, by their (relatively) left-wing elements– the Jadīds, and later (during the period of the two last Russian revolutions) by
the opponents of Jadīds – the so-called “qadimists.”24
Again looking at the Andijan uprising, we repeat that it should definitely
be considered as an action of a purely political nature (though a local one), andone clearly targeted against the colonial authorities.25 At that time it had beentaken precisely in this spirit both by the local colonial administration and by thecenter of the Empire. This is confirmed by the appearance of a flood of
publications in the Russian press, which expressed reactions (sometimes with anextremely aggressive attitude) to the Andijan uprising, and thus this gave rise to a
new discussion of “the Muslim (Mohammedan) question” and “dervishism.”26
22
For more detail on the uprising see our previous publication: Бабаджанов Б. М. “Дукчи Ишани Андижанское восстание 1898 г.” Абашин C. Н., Бобровников В. О. (сост.) Подвижники
ислама: Культ святых и суфизм в Средней Азии и на Кавказе. Москва: Восточная литература,2003. C. 251-276.
23
It will suffice to mention Aḥmad Dānish, Dāmullāh Ikrāmcha, Ṣadr-i Ḍiyā, who in fact became
the precursors of the Young Bukharans’ movement. In this respect the last quarter of the 19th
century in Khorezm remains uninvestigated and it appears that Young Khivans’ movement was the
product of external influence, not an indigenous movement.
24
The most comprehensive analysis using this approach has been recently accomplished byProfessor S. Agzamkhodjaev: Агзамходжаев C. История туркестанской автономии
(Туркистон мухторияти). Ташкент: Тошкент ислом университети, 2006 (the chief sources andbibliography are discussed there).
25
This is true despite the fact that the ideological motivations for the uprising came from religious
paradigms, with a vague appeal to the Turkish Sultan (as the “Caliph of the Muslims”). Of
particular interest is the fact that just before the uprising Dūkchī Īshān, according to the old
tradition, was “raised and hailed as a khan,” thus giving the uprising a political color in a moststriking manner.
26
In my earlier paper I have already discussed the “Sufi constituent” of the Andijan uprising. See:
Babadžanov В. M. “Dūkči Īšān und Aufstand von Andižan 1898.” Kügelgen A. v., Kemper M.,
Frank A. (eds.) Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th
Centuries. Vol. 2. Inter-Regional and Inter-Ethnic Relations. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1998.
pp. 167-191. I think speaking about the Andijan uprising in terms of “Sufi movement” is absolutely

7

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

A very distinct assessment of this uprising and of “the Muslim question”
in general was made by the local colonial administration of Central Asia. In thisrespect, “The report written and presented with unquestioning obedience andveneration by faithful and loyal subjects” signed by S. M. Dukhovskoy, theGovernor-General of Turkestan of that time (March 1898-1901), is particularlyinteresting.27 From the first words of the report, it becomes clear that it was
precisely the Andijan uprising that motivated writing the document andaddressing it to Nikolay II (1894-1917). The report perceives the uprisingexclusively as “a secret plot... of the Muslims kindly treated by the Russianauthorities” and indicates that “the impulses among the Muslims to uprisings
similar to the Andijan uprising are possible in the future, as well.”28
Taken as a whole, the document represents the distinctive quintessence of
the inconsistent attitudes toward “the Muslim question” that reigned in the moodsof the region’s so-called “practical specialists in Islamic studies” (experts), whowere the actual authors of the document; thus, the document reflects theirpersonal observations, investigations, and, most importantly, their apprehensions
and fears.29 Certainly, their views in one way or another influenced the formationof the positions of some politicians, military leaders and representatives of theadministrative system, both in the colony, and in the capital.
The position toward “Muslims,” or “Islam and natives,” expressed in the
document, was dual to some extent. On the one hand, we see “fatherly love andcare” (in a rather political and messianic sense) toward the Muslim “masses of
beloved sons,” and a sincere aspiration to destroy the “walls and chasm” between
the Russians and the local people.30 On the other hand, Islam is perceived as“clearly hostile to Christian culture and it excludes any possibility of full moral
inappropriate, taking into consideration the serious transformations that took place in Sufism. It isclear that the documents mentioned here initiated the discussion of the Andijan uprising in terms of“dervishes’ ghazawāt,” and included as a parallel to Shamil’s uprising in Chechnya (absolutely
incomparable uprisings both in scope and organization!). Compare: Crews R. D. For Prophet andTsar..., pp. 288-289.
27“Ислам в Туркестане, Доклад туркестанского генерал-губернатора С. М. Духовского, 1899
г.” Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и авт. вступ. ст., предис. и коммент.) Императорская Россия имусульманский мир. Москва: Наталис, 2006. С. 138-178.
28“Ислам в Туркестане...” C. 142-143.
29
According to the editors (А. Yu. Arapov and E. I. Larina), V. P. Nalivkin, the distinguishedethnographer and expert of the local territory, played a significant role in the preparation of thereport (Introduction to the edition, P. 139-140). In our opinion, N. P. Ostroumov, played no smallrole in drawing up the “investigatory” part of the document (particularly, regarding the informationon academic institutions), because the parts of the document concerning “aboriginal education”
were obviously borrowed from his publications (alongside with the ideas of V. P. Nalivkin). See:Остроумов Н. “Колебания во взглядах на образование туземцев в Туркестанском крае(Хронологическая справка).” Кауфманский сборник, изданный в память 25 лет, истекших содня смерти покорителя и устроителя Туркестанского края генерал-адъютанта К. П.
фон-Кауфмана I-го. Москва, 1910. C. 139-160. However, the exact list of the group of authors isstill an open question.
30“Ислам в Туркестане...” C. 162.
8

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

assimilation with us by the present Muslim subjects.”31
This sharp estrangement was decisive in defining the main direction of
the policy towards “Mohammedanism” (Magometanstvo), which was alsooffered in the document – the politics of force (power) in combination with theidea of “moral / cultural assimilation” through educational establishments of thecolonial administration (first of all, Russian-native schools).32
With regard to the first part, i.e. resolving issues with the Muslims byforce, the most typical remark of the document (inter alia) is the following: “The
Turkestani natives over the course of many centuries became accustomed to theunrestrained autocracy of their former governors... and respect brute force.”33
Building on this message, the document persistently calls for demonstration to
the local population of the constant readiness to resolve “any discontent” with thehelp of the active armed forces of the tsarist military and to consider thedemonstration of force as the most effective means of “suppression andpacification.”
When it comes to the question of “cultural assimilation of the native
population,” the document as we can see presents complaints about the failure of
the “campaign” and testifies to the Muslims’ fidelity to their religious
authorities.34
The other documents, to which I want to draw attention, were created by
S. M. Dukhovskoy’s administration and offer special significance to the Andijan
uprising and to “the Muslim question” raised in association with it. These are
secret documents reported by the colonial administration (in Tashkent) under thetitle: “The General Rules of the Commission on the Question of a Muslim
Religious Directorate in the Turkestani Territory” with Appendices (Draft of the31Там же. С. 155.
On the experience of organizing Russian-native schools in the Volga-Ural region, see: Geraci R.
P. Window to the East: National and Imperial Identities in Late Tsarist Russia. Ithaca and London:
Cornell University Press, 2001. pp. 116-158. The researcher states that these schools (at least when
famous Turkologist V. V. Radlov administered them) were not so much agents of Russianization
and Christianization as instruments of education for citizenship and secularization: Ibid. p. 157. S.
Abashin (with reference to the work by R. P. Geraci) believes that “The policy of establishingRussian-native schools in Turkestan was apparently correlated with the politics of establishingRussian-Tatar schools”: Абашин C. Н. “В. П. Наливкин... ” C. 77, note 87. However, the curriculaof the Russian-native schools in Turkestan (both in Russian Turkestan, and in the khanates) wereclearly different from the Tatar ones. In order to attract children of the local Muslims (on theinitiative of N. P. Ostroumov), the major portion of schools’ curricula was represented byintroductory-level religious (Islamic) sciences, and the Russian language, whereas the ideas of
citizenship and moreover, of secularity were not publicized at all: Sulaymonov S. Russ-tuzem
maktablari va ularning o’quv dasturlari. Magistrlik malakaviy ish. Toshkent: Toshkent Davlat
Sharqshunoslik Instituti, 2006. 20-34-b.
33“Ислам в Туркестане...” C. 155.
34
See the following quotation: “The Russian administration has in hand the most insignificant
means for cultural struggle against the Muslim religion, and for weakening that influence which
Muslim schools, qāḍīs, īshāns and so forth exert...” “Ислам в Туркестане...” C. 154.
32

9

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

Directorate’s Staff and Draft of “On Muslim educational institutions”).35 The
General Rules were accompanied by a cover letter from the General headquartersof the (Asian) Military Ministry, which contained a revised version of several
articles of the Regulations “On the organization of a Directorate for the Religious
Affairs of the Muslims in Turkestan” (as a replacement of the 1886 edition ofRegulations).36 It is clear as evidenced by the drafts of the General Rules and thecover letter that the Andijan uprising stimulated debates on the legitimacy of thepolicy of “ignoring Islam by the Russian administration” and on the forms of“supervisory control of the religious affairs of the Muslims.”37 The colonialadministration of Turkestan insisted on putting an end to the former policy of“non-interference into the religious affairs of the Muslims of Turkestan,” having
submitted the results of the work of their own experts on amendments andadditions into the former “Regulations on the administration of the Turkestani
territory,” produced earlier by the Count Ignatiev’s Commission.
The most important issue, which drew objections from some experts who
lived and worked in the southern frontiers of the Empire and were involved in thecreation of the above-stated document, was resistance to the emerging proposals
for the creation of a Religious Directorate in Turkestan following the example of
the Religious Directorates in Ufa and the Caucasus. The documents suggest thecreation of a Directorate that would be under direct military-and-administrative
control (without any intermediary role for the Muslim elite, such as muftis) over
the appointment of mullahs over the opening of mosques, madrasahs, andmaktabs, and over supervision of waqf properties. In the opinion of the authors of
the Cover Letter and of the commentators from the Military ministry, theestablishment of Religious Directorates in Russia and the delegation of powers to“administer their religious affairs,” created conditions for the unification ofpreviously “scattered and separated Muslims” and enabled them “to manage andregulate the affairs of Muslims in an even stronger Muslim spirit,” providing“enabling conditions for the rallying of more Mohammedans.” Should a similarorgan (i.e., Religious Directorate) be established in Turkestan, the Russian State
would lose the ability to wage a struggle against “the hardcore Mohammedans,”and it would create an undefeatable wall, “through which it will be difficult for
Russian culture and ideas of assimilation to penetrate,” etc.38 As a consequence,35“«Необходимость неотложного принятия мер для направления в духе государственных
интересов духовного строя мусульман», Проект устройства управления духовными делами
мусульман Русского Туркестана, 1900 г.” Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и авт. вступ. ст., предис. икоммент.) Императорская Россия и мусульманский мир. Москва: Наталис, 2006. С. 194-221.
36
Там же, С. 194-201.
37
Там же, С. 198, 200, 202-204.
38
Там же, С. 195, 202-205. In the above-mentioned Report of the General Dukhovskoy, theReligious Directorates of the Muslims of the Empire were blamed for “anti-Russian andanti-Christian propaganda”: “Ислам в Туркестане...” C. 147-148. It was precisely because of thisnotion that the authors proposed (even before writing the Report) to establish an “Administrative
Religious Directorate” subordinate to an administrator (most likely chosen among the experts of theterritory).
10

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

as the compilers of the documents remarked in dismay, “the conversion ofMuslims to Christianity occurred in exceptional occasions, while reversion to the
Muslim faith by those who had once departed from it became rather common.39
Another question that deeply worried the Turkestani experts (and,accordingly, military officials and administrators of the territory) was theIslamization, by Tatar mullahs, of the nomadic and especially the settled “Kirgiz”(i.e., the Qazaqs) 40 who were considered the most convenient target for
assimilation because of they remained “indifferent in matters of religion.”41 The
same idea in similar phrases was worded in General S. M. Dukhovskoy’s
Report.42
The publishers believe that both S. M. Dukhovskoy’s Report and theNote of the Commission “had been put into cold storage” and had no practicalconsequences. 43 This may correspond to reality, because, at a minimum,
strong-arm tactics in relation to the so-called “Muslim frontier regions” wereresisted by relatively authoritative state figures such as S. Yu. Vitte, then Ministerof Finance.44 He accused General Dukhovskoy of extreme measures and of a“negative attitude toward the Muslims and to Islam,” and stated that the Andijan
events invoked a ghost of “Pan-Islamism.”45
Meanwhile, General Dukhovskoy remained as governor for three years
and managed to implement a significant part of his own proposals. He punishedwith utmost severity not only the participants in the Andijan uprising, but
innocent people as well, thus demonstrating exactly the kind of “firmness andstrength” which he suggested in the documents mentioned above; he proposedthat such an approach be raised to the level of a general policy of the Empire withregard to “the Muslims favored by the Russian authority.”
39“«Необходимость неотложного принятия мер...»...” C. 202. Presumably, the point is about the“falling away” (renewed Islamization) of baptized Tatars. See.: Загидуллин И. “Причины
отпадения старокрещенных татар Среднего Поволжья в мусульманство в XIX в.” Дюдуаньон
C. А., Исхаков Д., Мухаметшин Р. (ред.) Панорама-форум. 1997. № 12. спец. вып. Ислам втатарском мире: история и современность. Казань: Панорама, 1997. C. 34-56 (Ibid.
bibliography).
40
See: Франк А. “Татарские муллы среди казахов и киргизов в XVIII-XIX веках.” Культура,искусство татарского народа: истоки, традиции, взаимосвязи. Казань, 1993. C. 124-132.
41“«Необходимость неотложного принятия мер...»...” C. 202-203.
42“Ислам в Туркестане...” C. 152.
43
Introductions to the edition: “Ислам в Туркестане...” C. 141; “«Необходимость неотложного
принятия мер...»...” C. 193 (in the first instance – with reference to the above-mentioned work by
P. P. Litvinov).
44“Записка C. Ю. Витте по «мусульманскому вопросу», 1900 г.” Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и авт.
вступ. ст., предис. и коммент.) Императорская Россия и мусульманский мир. Москва:Наталис, 2006. С. 242-261. The “Note” was composed in a style of strong criticism (of using force,as suggested by S. M. Dukhovskoy) with argumentative and rational warning. According to theeditor’s statement, the document was prepared by experts knowledgeable in Islam andwell-informed of state of affairs with “Mohammedanism” in the Russian Empire (Editor's foreword,
С. 242).
45“Записка C. Ю. Витте...,” C. 253-255.
11

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

As it relates to the cultural and legal assimilation of local Muslims, themain vector of activity suggested in the aforementioned documents was tointensify the so-called “Russian-native” education and to attempt to legitimize
civil courts in the region, which already functioned in other Muslim areas of the
Empire. However, the local experts with undisguised disappointment wrote that itwas not possible to open such schools on a wide scale and that the number ofMuslim educational institutions (disseminating “fanaticism and obscurantism,”according to concepts of that time) was much bigger than the number of theRussian-native ones.46
Thus, the Andijan events again had revived the political, missionary andpartly research interest in Islam, or, using the formula of that time, in “theMohammedan / Muslim question,” thus stimulating the number of publications
and assessments by the academic researchers and politicians (I will speak about
them below).
Reading the aforenamed documents and especially local publications
triggered by the Andijan events leaves the impression that this burst of debates
and information was incited by those colonial experts (including N. P.
Ostroumov) who radically disagreed with the policies of “consistently ignoring
Islam” and “non-interference into their religious affairs,” established by von
Kaufman, the first Governor-General of Turkestan.47 The Andijan uprising wasmost likely used to invoke the artificially created “Islamic threat” in order tolobby for the idea of toughening administrative control in the “Muslim question.”
A more sober estimation, both of the uprising, and of the scale of the“Islamic threat,” in our view, was proposed by S. Yu. Vitte, whose opinion was
most likely formulated by the academic researchers of the St. Petersburg Schoolof Oriental Studies. In the “Note” signed by S. Yu. Vitte, uprisings similar to the
Andijan uprising are characterized as “small outbursts of religious fanaticism”;
the “Note” concludes that “it is unlikely to be correct to consider them ascharacterizing the attitudes of all Muslims toward the Russian authorities:
uprisings owing to ignorance... happened even among the native Russian
population.”48 S. Yu. Vitte also quite reasonably believed that the measuresoffered by S. M. Dukhovskoy could engender hostile attitudes toward Russia not
only within СА, but also in the entire Muslim world.49
In fact, Vitte’s accusations of extreme views were aimed not only, and46“Ислам в Туркестане...” C. 154, 156, 163. Issues of the “correct education” (certainly, in
Russian understanding) of the natives were discussed also by S. Yu.Vitte, a famous minister andpolitician, who gave a reasoned estimation of the Andijan uprising and governmental measures on
the “Muslim question” (see below).
47
About these policies see: Рыбаков C. Г. “Устройство и нужды управления духовными
делами мусульман России (1917).” Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и авт. ввод. ст., коммент. и прилож.)Ислам в Российской империи (законодательные акты, описания, статистика). Москва:Академикнига, 2001. C. 293-297.
48“Записка C. Ю. Витте...,” C. 249-250.
49“Записка C. Ю. Витте...,” C. 254-255.
12

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

not primarily, at S. M. Dukhovskoy. His accusations directly concerned also
those who were involved in the drawing up of the aforenamed document.
Obviously, they were experts similar those who put together then well-known
publication on Islam, “The Collection of Materials on Muslims.”50 The critical
Report of Abdulaziz Davletshin (his Muslim name is ‘Abd al-‘Azīz Dawlat-shāh),a famous Muslim officer in imperial service, is much less known.51 Here theauthor (he was a captain then) also makes a gentle hint that the ghost of the
Andijan events became the reason for the one-sided views of the authors
regarding Islam and the Muslims. A. Davletshin, by the way, had openly
recognized conventionalism (“routinism”) and the sluggishness of the minds ofthe majority of the Muslims of that time, including the stagnant forms of Muslim
education in СА. However, he called for the separation of the historicallydeveloped forms of Islam from “stratifications of the latest interpreters” or from“additions and explanations of the latest interpreters.”52 He most categoricallyobjected to the thesis in the “Collection” that “the Muslims are the mostirreconcilable enemies of Christianity, and that Islam teaches hatred toward allother religions and prescribes the extermination of Christians whenever an
opportunity occurs.”53 A. Davletshin reasonably stated that characterizations of
this kind (without proper knowledge of the fundamental principles of Islam)would arouse mistrust and hostility towards the “natives” of CA. Meanwhile such
judgments about their religion lead Muslims to have a “feeling... of deep insult,and promotes an even greater increase in historically developed discord.”54
Approximately ten years later, discussion of the “Muslim question” wasagain revived, and this time it was associated with the name of the Minister ofInternal Affairs and Chairman of the Council of Ministers (since 1906) P. A.
Stolypin. In this case, discussions were stimulated by new challenges to theintegrity of the Empire (such was the opinion in the top echelons of power) posed
by “Pan-Islamism” and “Pan-Turkism.” Without looking too much into thedetails of the corresponding documents (published in the aforementioned
collection “Imperial Russia...” and addressed to the Council of Ministers), weemphasize the following statements, which are of interest for our purposes.55
50Сборник материалов по мусульманству. Том 1. Санкт-Петербург, 1899; Том 2. Ташкент,1900. The “Sbornik (Collection),” however, included rather neutral and informative articles by V.
L.Vyatkin, S. Lapin, V. P. Nalivkin (Editor of Том 2).
51“Доклад капитана Давлетшина по содержанию «Сборника материалов помусульманству»” Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и авт. вступ. ст., предис. и коммент.) Императорская
Россия и мусульманский мир. Москва: Наталис, 2006. С. 233-237.
52“«Желательно, чтобы ознакомление с мусульманством велось без крайностей, более
спокойно и разносторонне», Генерал Абд-ал-Азиз Давлетшин и его труды по«мусульманскому вопросу», 1911 г.” Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и авт. вступ. ст., предис. и коммент.)Императорская Россия и мусульманский мир. Москва: Наталис, 2006. C. 236.
53Там же. С. 236.
54Там же. С. 236-237.
55
Published by D. Yu. Arapov under title “Записки П. А. Столыпина по «мусульманскому
вопросу», 1911 г.” Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и авт. вступ. ст., предис. и коммент.) Императорская
13

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

The statements here repeat in a weakened but expanded form the provisions andproposals of the above-named documents signed by General Dukhovskoy (evenwith direct reference to them). We note two important points, which wereemphasized in the documents.
1. The documents de facto suggest abandoning the politics of “ignoring
Islam,” given the growing threat of “Pan-Islamism,” as the compilers believed
this would be to the state’s interest. According to Russian diplomats andgendarme services, this ideology came from Turkey, and partly from India.
2. P. A. Stolypin’s message on the surface calls for abandoning“missionism” and suggests a cautious and tactful attitude toward Muslims thatwould not touch their religious feelings. However, most of the actions andmeasures proposed by Stolypin’s experts (first of all, by А. Н. Kharuzin) de facto
still bear the spirit of “missionism” and are based on the idea of “accelerating
cultural assimilation.”56
It appears that due to P. A. Stolypin’s death as a result of a terrorist
attack in Kiev (September 1911), the implementation of his Notes was notrealized in full. The positive consequence of the second “raising of the Muslim
question” was a revival of research in Islamic studies at a higher academic level,
and the launching of projects on establishing special courses on Islamic studies aswell as the foundation of a journal.57
Thus, the new spate of discussions, at the turn of the century, about the“Mohammedan / Muslim question” actually began as a kind of reaction to the
Andijan uprising. Turkestani experts such as V. P. Nalivkin and N. P. Ostroumov
also ignited interest and discussions.58 The first of them, along with his personalparticipation in preparing the above-mentioned “Report” to General Dukhovskoy,wrote an “independent expert” note concerning the “Muslim ghazawāt” thatostensibly threatened Russia.59 In general, one can sense that in his approach toРоссия и мусульманский мир. Москва: Наталис, 2006. C. 313-337. The author shows that both
documents were actually written by the Russian ethnographers (and later government officials), thebrothers А. N. and N. N. Kharuziny and their sister V. N. Kharuzina (Introduction to the edition, C.
316).
56
Там же. С. 327-331, 335-336.
57Там же. С. 337-342.
58
See A. Erkinov’s remarks regarding the articles on the “Islamic threat” collected by N. P.
Ostroumov.
59“Записка о возможных соотношениях между последними событиями в Китае и усилением
панисламистского движения (Compiled by [V. P. Nalivkin] on the request of S. M.
Dukhovskoy). ” Арапов Д. Ю. (сост. и авт. вступ. ст., предис. и коммент.) Императорская
Россия и мусульманский мир. Москва: Наталис, 2006. C. 181-190. The author states that it wasnecessary to “anticipate the Muslim ghazawāt, vigilance, remaining calm and giving full
attention”: Там же. C. 171; and in clear “Huntington” style it continues that the ghazawāt “bywhich Islam today threatens European civilization will inevitably break out as soon as theMuslims ... manage to unite and strengthen to the point when they can give us a new solid
revanche”: Там же. C. 188. In his later works of 1913, V. P. Nalivkin renounces his ideas,
criticizing even the “mission” endeavors and aspirations of his compatriots: Наливкин В. П.
“Туземцы раньше и теперь.” Арапов Д. Ю. (ответ. ред.) Мусульманская Средняя Азия:14

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

and estimation of the “Islamic threat,” V. P. Nalivkin (at least, for that time) had adual attitude toward Islam and Muslims. On the one hand, we see interesting
publications by this outstanding researcher in which one could sometimes findrelatively kind treatment of certain “morals and customs” of the local
population.60 On the other hand, we see that V. P. Nalivkin closely participated increating the expert notes that chiefly called for the politics of force against
Muslims, or indicated the danger of Muslims to Russians, and to Christians andEuropeans at large. However, in his many other (later) works, when V. P.
Nalivkin took the side of the socialists’ platform, he openly regreted being
involved in creating the image of “the dangerous natives.” As S. Abashin
reasonably noted, the example of V. P. Nalivkin’s activity and thetransformations (sometimes complete about-faces) in his attitude toward Muslims
and Islamic culture suggests that the position and estimations of Russian“orientalists” were going through a rather complex (sometimes psychological)
metamorphosis.61 However, the question regarding the degree of influence of theliberal V. P. Nalivkin (and other individuals similar to him, if any) on real policy
in Turkestan still remains open.62 In any case, here and below, our discussions
concern chiefly the period before and right after the Andijan uprising, which had
an enormous influence on the positions of many Russian experts of the region.
Judging by the above-mentioned documents and by the quantity of the
published material concerning the Andijan uprising, it is obvious that local
experts of the Turkestani colony (so-called “practical experts in Islamic studies”)
intentionally approached both Shar‘īat and other Islamic sciences as alien (and attimes as hostile) “rules and standards of life and religion of the natives.” Such an
attitude of “mission” (and among certain experts, such as N. P. Ostroumov, aliterally missionary approach), as registered in popular publications, and even insome documents of that time, could hardly add to mutual trust or to sympathy
and good feelings.63 Specific characteristics and definitions of the autochthonous
people and their way of life (such as “savagery,” “Asiatic barbarians,” “Muslim
fanatics,” “foreigners,” “aborigines” and so forth) used in the documents andpublications of that time had programmed an estrangement which also in nosmaller degree generated mistrust and even a hostile attitude toward Islam andMuslims. And such an attitude was again “heated-up” by the Andijan uprising.
Традиционализм и XX век. Москва: Институт Африки РАН, 2004. C. 60-62, 64, 77, 82-83,
102-103.
60
See, for example, his interesting work written in co-authorship with his spouse: Наливкин В. П.,Наливкина М. В. Очерк быта оседлого туземного населения Ферганы. Казань, 1886. The full
bibliography of V. P. Nalivkin (including references to the unpublished works) see in theabove-mentioned work by S. Abashin: Абашин C. Н. “В. П. Наливкин...”
61
Ibid.
62
Compare the groundless statements of P. P. Litvinov claiming that V. P. Nalivkin had managed
to lower anti-Russian moods and feelings among the “aborigines / tuzemtzev”: Литвинов П. П.
Государство и ислам в Русском Туркестане... C. 122–123, 140–142.
63
See, for example, the above-stated A. Davletshin’s reaction to the publication of the first issue of
The “Сборник материалов по мусульманству”
15The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

At the same time, the so-called “practical experts in Islamic studies” hadrather casual knowledge of Islam’s canons and especially of its legal andtheological origins. However, they had an excellent knowledge of the practicalobedience or non-obedience of the society to these canons and could observe thelocal forms of practicing Islam, ceremonialism, etc. However, above all, thiscohort of experts presumably remained for a long time under the influence of
estrangement stemming from the attitude of “mission” implanted by universitiesof that time, or mostly by courses in military schools, where the same messianic
ideas of Russian people having an educational mission for “wild frontiers”
clearly reigned, as they did within educated society. Moreover, the presumptionof the “barbarity of Mohammedans” that was also present for a long time did not
help to overcome such alienation. And only the country-wide influence ofliberal-populist and later of socialist ideas seriously changed the positions ofTurkestani experts,64 including their considerations of the “Muslim question,”
although they too led to the same idea of “the rapid enlightenment of the darkmasses of natives.” Certainly, neither V. P. Nalivkin, nor even the missionary N.
P. Ostroumov assumed the absolutely unreal task of the “Christianization” ofMuslims. They spoke about education (enlightenment) and “civilization” as they
understood them. Quite another matter was that they failed to deliver theirunderstanding to local people. The governmental support and appropriate
resources were required for this purpose. It is worth noticing, however, that noteven the attempts of the Jadīds to “educate” the people were met with enthusiasm
by ordinary believers, who always looked suspiciously upon everything new.
In any event, the lengthy residence of Russian experts (such as N. P.
Ostroumov) in the very midst of “Mohammedans,” and close contacts anddialogue with them, obviously added no enthusiasm, but rather strengthened theidea among many of them that it was impossible to bring the inert masses of“Mohammedans” to “civilization” (as viewed by Russian experts). The majorityof those experts could not overcome alienation, whether their own, or,conditionally speaking, that of the objects of their research and of their failed
experiments in cultural assimilation (assimilation was not as large-scaled as they
wished then). Perhaps as a result of living in the “alien” environment a specific(most likely psychological) phenomenon emerged: many Russian experts were
irritated by the “stubbornness” of the local society, which with difficulty yielded
to “cultural assimilation,” did not understand “its blessing,” and remained
estranged and even hostile.65 To judge from the aforementioned documents andpublications of that time (the period before and just after the Andijan events),
local experts and the administration had clear perceptions (which were very often
quite true) that although the Russian people brought peace to the Turkestani
inhabitants (by stopping internal wars and collisions between the khanates), the“ungrateful natives” did not give adequate appreciation, and even resorted to
64
65

16

Абашин C. Н. “В. П. Наливкин...” C. 95-97.
See, for example, the above-mentioned works by А. А. Semenov and N. P. Ostroumov.

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

uprisings.66
Disappointment, in the possibility of a “peaceful mission to enlighten thenatives,” perhaps, strengthened the very idea of forcing the process through, as,for example, with a cardinal reformation of the educational system. Also, it
seems that another outcome was the emergence of proposals that called for more
active cultural assimilation. However, the tradition of ignoring the religious lifeof Muslims adopted since K. P. von Kaufman’s times clearly created an obstacle
to the implementation of such proposals. It appears that the Andijan uprisingprovided local experts and the administration with the “well justified reason” toformulate and submit to the highest authorities their own point of view on theforms of overcoming estrangement, which they experienced most severely
because they lived in that milieu, while the natural inertness and conservatism of
the locals caused a continuous psychological and, probably, somewhat
ethno-confessional, discomfort.
Obviously, there were also other reasons for V. P. Nalivkin’s or N. P.
Ostroumov’s mistrust67 of Muslims after the Andijan events. As judged by their
publications and confidential notes, they were seriously alerted (if not frightened)by the articles of Islamist and reformers from Turkey and India that expressed
their reaction to the colonial policy of Europe and partly of Russia. V. P. Nalivkin
openly writes about them in the aforementioned “Note,” anxiously stating thatthe distribution of such journals among Russian Muslims, who were also writing
anti-colonial articles, was increasing. It is our opinion, however, that the threat ofan “All-Islamic ghazawāt” as seen by the Central Asian “experts in Islam” insuch publications could hardly gain the expected magnitude. If we consider thereal picture of the Islamic world, which was then torn apart by contradictions, thecontrived “religious-sacral” enthusiasm of the articles and appeals of theIslamists could not provide sufficient reason to believe in the “unification ofMuslims” and, thereby, in the increasing strength of the “Islamic threat.” Itshould be noted that “modernism” (of “pan-Islamists” and “pan-Turkists”) was
perceived with extreme hostility even within Muslim society and especiallyamong the traditionalists of Central Asia. Moreover, there were no reasons tobelieve that there was a threat of Muslims coming together under the aegis of thecollapsing Turkish Empire.
As a whole, the movements of the “Young Turks”, Tatar “Islahchiler” andother similar religious organizations and communities (in one way or anotherinfluencing Turkestan), not quite rightfully referred to as “pan-Islamism” or“pan-Turkism” (or more recently “Jadidism”), never was a unified political or
religious movement (it was not destined to become a unified movement after all),and remained an abstract and utopian idea. Moreover, its political potential and66

See the aforementioned “Note” by V. P. Nalivkin, who obviously was affected by the outburst ofindignation among the Russian inhabitants of Turkestan caused by the Andijan uprising (see note59).
67
See his position in the “Muslim question” in his article mentioned above: Остроумов Н.
“Колебания во взглядах…”
17

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

significance, obviously, were strongly exaggerated, as mentioned already, by V.
V. Barthold.68 Meanwhile, the intellectual ferment and discontent with the policyof the agonized Empire was typical not only among the “Muslim frontier
regions,” but even among some political elites of St. Petersburg and Moscow.
The more active and really dangerous were other (“populist,” socialist and other)
movements, which murdered not one, but many city administrators, ministers andeven the Emperor.
In any case, the majority of “practical experts in Islamic studies” (or“orientalists”) failed to develop a deep understanding of the fact that the Russians
had clashed with a culture that was in critical condition (as was suggested bysuch orientalists and Islamic studies experts as V. V. Barthold, the archeologist
and orientalists V. L. Vyatkin, and later I. Yu. Krachkovsky and V. P. Nalivkin),
but was still “different” and “dissimilar.” The indoctrinated view that the cultureof people “standing on a lower step of development” should be replaced with“higher” culture was never given up.
However, estrangement (natural and historical) was not limited to asignificant portion of the Russian “experts of the region,” particularly those who
were in “the midst of Mohammedans.” Starting from as early as the first stages of
the Russian colonization and the “conquest of the territory,” local Muslim
communities were certainly not going to accept dispassionately the fact of theseizure of their territories. Opposition to the Russians was viewed as a sacral
response to “the non-believers, who attacked first” the territory of Islam, and,hence, legitimized jihad, even without its official, so to say, declaration by theimām / khalīfa. At the initial stages the region saw exactly this kind of reaction
and here we can recall the movement of the ghāzīs (chiefly young madrasah
students) who participated in the confrontation with the Russians in Bukhara,69
or the armed protests against Khudāyār-Khān before the liquidation of the
Kokand Khanate (for example, the “uprising” of Āftābachī 70 ), and others.
However, these movements were not a serious threat, and never reached a broad
scale; indeed, they never could have become such because the ideology of Islam,and Islamic institutions had been deeply weakened as a result of the deep
political and moral crisis of the khanates, which then were torn apart by internaland external wars.
68Бартольд В. В. “Панисламизм.” Сочинения. Vol. VI. Москва: Наука, 1966. С. 402.
These uprisings were described by Aḥmad Dānish: Aḥmad Dānish. Tarjimat al-aḥwāl-i amīrān-i
Bukhārā-i sharīf az amīr Dāniyāl tā ‘asr-i amīr ‘Abd al-Aḥad (Biography of amīrs of holy Bukhārāfrom amīr Dāniyāl to amīr ‘Abd al-Aḥad). Manuscript of IO AS RUz. № 2095. ff. 22а-23b; 29а-b;Семенов А. [А.] “Покоритель и устроитель Туркестанского края генерал-губернатор К. П.
фон Кауфман 1-й (материалы для библиографического очерка).” Кауфманский сборник,изданный в память 25 лет, истекших со дня смерти покорителя и устроителя
Туркестанского края генерал-адъютанта К. П. фон-Кауфмана I-го. Москва, 1910. С. XX,
LI-LXII (the Collection cited above).
70
See more about him in the composition: Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim ibn Dāmullā Mīrzā Raḥīm
Tāshkandī. Аnsāb al-salāṭīn va tawārīkh-i khawāqīn (The genealogy of Sultans and the history of
Khaqans). Manuscript of IO AS RUz. № 7515. ff. 134а-150b, cited in more detail below.
69

18

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

It was very unreasonable to expect that the local Muslims would extend
an unconditional welcome to the colonizers. We should bear in mind that theconquest was accomplished by force (though it had some positive consequences
for the local population), and moreover there was a centuries-old isolation andestrangement in the region, which could hardly be eliminated in just a few
decades. Later on, however, when the policy of “non-interference” and “ignoring
the religious life of Muslims” had been put in place, the majority of the local‘ulamā recognized the territory of Turkestan “as the land of concord / peace withunbelievers” (dār al-‘ahd, dār al-ṣulḥ), and by doing so they achieved a muchgreater stability (according to the former wording – “pacification”) than the local
administration achieved by undertaking some questionable actions (such as
making an inadequate response to the Andijan uprising.)71
It should be noted that in the early stages of colonization the perception
and recognition of Russian dominion in Turkestan and attempts at assimilation(including legal assimilation) to some measure resembled the perceptions by the
Tatar world of Russian domination – i.e., as a system and law spreading
exclusively religion (Christianity). 72 Similar to what happened in the Volgaregion, persistent attempts at assimilation (frankly speaking, ineffective attempts)
pushed local communities to resort to self-isolation and to strengthening the roleof the Shar‘īat in daily life as the only way of resisting cultural assimilation,
which could hardly appear as legitimate (even with requiring the Russian
language in madrasahs, or unpopular Russian-native education, etc.).73
As mullās among the Tatars and Bashkir (ethnoses that were for a longtime targets for Christianization) became very active, it is legitimate to claim thatthe long-term missionary work of the Orthodox Church (which was less active
than the Catholic Church) ended in a fiasco. In subsequent periods the Imperial
authorities carried out a more considered policy in missionary attempts byforbidding, at least, forced proselytizing. Given these conditions, sermons(da’wā) of Tatar and Bashkir mullāhs in the Steppe were much more successful;
this is explained not only by affinity of their languages to the Turkic-speaking
peoples living there, but also by the fact that people of the Steppe identified
themselves (according to the rule “iqrār bi-lisān”) for a long time as Muslims. At
the same time we should give credit to the Russian empire for its state policy
which often regarded appeals by administrative organs in the “Muslim frontiers”
71
See also our article: Babadjanov B. “Russian Colonial Power in Central Asia as Seen by Local
Muslim Intellectuals.” Eschment B., Harder H. (eds.) Looking at the Colonizer. Cross-Cultural
Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas. Berlin: Ergon Verlag,
2004. pp. 80-90.
72Compare: Дюдуаньон C. А. “Кадимизм...” C. 59.
73
It was not by accident that it was exactly “Tatars,” who went to “Kirgiz-Kaysak Steppe” in orderto “Islamize” the local peoples and gained, as several researchers think, some success: Франк А.
“Татарские муллы среди казахов и киргизов...” C. 124-132. The authors of the “Notes”
anxiously speak about this indicating it could possibly lead to strengthening of Islam in Turkestanin the context of confrontation with Russia.

19

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

for assimilation merely as permissible rhetoric (which could appear in articles
expressing the “mission” spirit and the like). Although such a (relatively tolerant)
position did not destroy mutual estrangement, it nevertheless bought relative
tolerance into everyday life.
Returning to what was said before, we should note that Russiancolonization of СА led to the strengthening of Islamic (and to some extent,
ethnic) identity among the local people (first of all among traditionalist ‘ulamāand other ordinary believers close to them), which developed as a defense
reaction.74
It appears that in the steppe areas, this process was really are-Islamization of the nomads. The compilers of the mentioned documents
openly wrote about it too, expressing fears that the Russian Muslims could be
adding another 5 million actively Islamized “Kirghiz / Kazakhs of the steppe”(see above). Overall though, such anxiety on the part of the Russian experts andpoliticians seemed to be seriously exaggerated, insofar as the Tatar mullāhs had
not managed to carry out really large-scaled and full-fledged Islamization of
the Kazakhs and Kirghiz. Moreover, partial Islamization did not create“anti-State moods” in these tribes as expected by the Russian experts.
Appeals for “strengthening Islam and the Shar‘īat,” although in otherforms, were also observed in the so-called “settled” or “semi-nomad” areas ofTransoxiana, particularly after the liquidation of the Kokand Khanate (1876).
This could be seen also in the production of religious works. For example, thecompilation and mass copying of elementary theological compendia in the local
languages explaining the basic requirements of the Shar‘īat and the required
ritual norms (farḍ) became considerably more widespread (in comparison withthe period of khanates) among the Muslim ‘ulamā’ in Turkestan. These
compendia were designed for ordinary believers. In the rather uniform“forewords” (muqaddima) of these compositions, the motives of the authors(frequently anonymous), who complained of existing difficult conditions “forpreservation of the pure faith” (mainly in association with more frequent andclose contacts of some Muslims with “Russian Christians”), gained particularemphasis. The loss of pure faith, they suggested, would bring the “doomsday”(ākhirat zamān) and therefore, to prevent it, “such-and-such” an author was
obliged to remind people again about the religious and moral duties of the true
believer.
One such compendium (among the largest, with 92 sheets / 184 pages)
74
As early as the beginning of colonization (prior to the liquidation of the Kokand Khanate in1876), the corrupt practice of the local colonial administration led to the “animosity of the local
population,” and with the foundation of the Governor-Generalship (1865), many inhabitants of
Kokand moved to Chinese Turkestan / Xinjiang (Kashgar, Yarkend and others). See: Семенов А.
[А.] “Покоритель и устроитель Туркестанского края...” C. X-XI. Later, when in accordance with
К. P. von Kaufman’s initiative a more deliberate policy of “respect for rights of the natives andnon-interference into the religious life of the Muslim population” was launched, the refugees
voluntarily started coming back to the territory of Turkestan: Там же. С. LXXVI.

20

The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

belongs to the pen of the renowned historian Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim ibn MīrzāRaḥīm Tāshkandī. 75 In the foreword, the author directly connects the“weakening of Islam and Muslims” with the liquidation of the Kokand Khanateby the Russians.76 In his other historical essay, he puts even greater emphasis on
the negative (from the author’s point of view) consequences of the Russians’
arrival. 77 Incidentally, in his “History,” compiled several years after thesimplified theological compendium mentioned earlier (before 1886), he has asimilar foreword in which he gives an apocalyptic interpretation of the “arrival of
the Russians.” Most interestingly, the critical review of political and interethnic
squabbling (as religiously illegitimate mutinies - fitna) of the time of khanates
ends with a quite expected conclusion: the Russians were sent by Allah as
punishment for continuous disorder under the khans and direct infringements of
the Shar‘īat.78
Meanwhile, the author served at the royal court of Khudāyār-Khān, thelast khan of Kokand, and witnessed all the political and interethnic disorders(among the Turkic tribes) during the period of the khan’s rule (1865-1875)79. For
instance, he witnessed the uprising of ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Āftābachī (the former
adviser and the confidant of Khudāyār-Khān), which was cruelly suppressed byGeneral Skobelev’s army. This event had seriously affected the author’s attitudeand caused enmity toward the Russians. However, the author, being favored by
Khudāyār-Khān, forgot to add that actually the khan himself called in the Russianarmy “for assistance,” as the chief rhetoric of the rebels was associated with
anti-Russian slogans and waging ghazawāt against the non-believers.80
Mullā ‘Ālim believes that imitating the Russians (in behavior or clothes),and even borrowing their things is a symptom of losing the faith and of theoncoming Apocalypse. 81 At the same time, the traditionalists of that time
regarded the emergence of modernist movements among the local Muslims (thesame “Jadidism” in different forms), and particularly, their proposals to adopt
certain things from the Russians, as “a religious split or cleavage” and as anothersign of the nearing “end of the world.”82
It is obvious that the fears of authors such as Mullā ‘Ālim about “losing
Islam” should be viewed as a position of traditionalists (and a majority ofordinary believers, who followed them), who were afraid of the potential loss of75

Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim ibn Dāmullā Mīrzā Raḥīm Tāshkandī. Hidāyat-i mu’minīn (The righteous
pathway of the faithful). Maniscript of IO AS RUz. № 9379.
76
Ibid. ff. 1b-2а.
77
Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim. Аnsāb al-salāṭīn va tawārīkh-i khawāqīn. He is known for his phrase“mu’min-u tarsā aralash” (Christians and the faithful got mixed).
78
Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim. Hidāyat-i mu’minīn. ff.158a-b.
79
For more detail see: Набиев Р. Н. Из истории Кокандского ханства (феодальное хозяйство
Худаяр-хана). Ташкент: Фан, 1973. C. 10-11.
80Набиев Р. Н. Из истории Кокандского ханства... C. 83-85. See also: Семенов А. [А.]“Покоритель и устроитель Туркестанского края...” C. LVIII-LX.
81
Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim. Hidāyat-i mu’minīn. The author’s verses at ff. 152а-153b.
82
See the introductions to both compositions of Mullā ‘Ālim.
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The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

the only understandable, clear and sacral, i.e. religiously and morally legitimate
instructions, and the order of life. Judging by his works (particularly his“History”), we can say that he perceived new conditions as extremely
uncomfortable both morally and “ethnically,”83 as the new-sprung (Russian /Christian) alternative showed its political and economic superiority by managing
easily enough to liquidate the Kokand Khanate, by attracting the religious andeconomic elite (īshāns, qāḍīs, mullās and bāys), and by gaining the favor of thecorrupt tribal aristocracy.84 This superiority was perceived by traditionalists as achallenge. The only answer to this challenge, in the opinion of the author, was to
avoid “blending with the Russians” (first of all, in a religious sense). In otherwords, here we see a direct demand from Muslims to preserve their religious
identity, i.e., in fact to maintain their former confessional isolation. The generalatmosphere of anticipation of the Messiah (Mahdī) became strong among the
traditionalists of Russian Turkestan, as had happened in other parts of the Muslim
world which, having no real power for resistance, fell under the colonization of
the Europeans. Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim himself could not refrain from such feelings,
and even named the “exact date” of the Mahdī’s arrival - 1304 / 1886-87 - when
the pitiless Messiah would free the Muslims from the unbelievers (kāfirlārdīn
musulmānnī khalāṣ ītar).85
Incidentally, Dūkchī Īshān’s composition «‘Ibrat al-ghāfilīn» is made in83

Of course, the ethnic identity of the authors of similar writings (particularly, Mullā ‘Ālim)entails peculiarities, and does not coincide with the modern one. Nevertheless, in the beginning of
his work: Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim. Hidāyat-i mu’minīn. ff. 2а-b. Mullā ‘Ālim turns to the sacral historyof the Uzbeks (!), describing their “sacred genealogy,” which goes back to the Old Testament
Prophets and at the same time, identifies the “best tribes” of the Uzbeks and the “worst of them”:
Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim. Hidāyat-i mu’minīn. ff. 4b-17b, 77а-b.
84
Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim. Аnsāb al-salāṭīn va tawārīkh-i khawāqīn. ff. 153 а-b. Incidentally, someinnovations (for instance, more comfortable houses and many “Russian things”) were gladly andreadily used by many aristocrats in the Kokand Khanate (before its liquidation) and even by
Khudāyār-Khān himself, for which they received great criticism from the major part of the clergy,
which saw in it the signs of “departure from the faith”: Набиев Р. Н. Из истории Кокандского
ханства… C. 81. The author of “Аnsāb al-salāṭīn va tawārīkh-i khawāqīn,” however, does notinclude his patron Khudāyār-Khān in the list of those who are “departing from the faith” (for theiradherence to “things, clothes and the way of life of the non-believers”) and claims just the opposite– that with the arrival of the Russians and the signing of the enslaving agreements with General vonKaufman, the Khan started to “adhere to the Shar‘īat and respect the ‘ulamā’ and mullās evenmore”: f.113а. Probably, such behavior (and appropriate rhetoric) could be instructed by the“ideological measures” of Khudāyār-Khān in order to mitigate the negative responses for his“contacts with the Russians and evident politeness toward them». Khudāyār-Khān, however, having
been enthroned by the Bukharan Amīr Naṣr Allāh during his third reign, lost Bukhara as a source of
external guarantee for his throne against growing opposition from the Qipchaqs. As judged bycorrespondence with the Russians: Набиев Р. Н. Из истории Кокандского ханства… C. 78-80,
he saw the Russian troops as a new guarantee for saving his throne and took extremely unpopularmeasures to fill up the treasury in the economically exhausted Khanate. As a result of Russian
support for the unpopular khan, the local people, in the words of A. P. Khoroshkin, an outstanding
expert on then-current affairs, began to “scold us (=the Russians) to our face and make our ears
burn” (cited from: Набиев Р. Н. Из истории Кокандского ханства… C. 83).
85
Mullā Mīrzā ‘Ālim. Аnsāb al-salāṭīn va tawārīkh-i khawāqīn. f. 155а.
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The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

the same spirit, and therefore it is possible and necessary to consider his work inthe same line of the aforenamed compendia of traditionalists, who appeal toordinary Muslims in an attempt to “save their faith.” The composition is written
in a fairly traditional fashion and very easy-to-understand poetic form. Here we
see that the author, with the same motives as those of Mullā ‘Ālim, harshly
criticizes the religious aristocracy, bāys, and others “corrupted by the Russians.”
86

In fact, the clichés used by both authors in criticism of the religious
aristocracy and the political elite are well known from “admonitory literature,”
poetry and even historical works written before Russian colonization (forexample, Aḥmad Dānish’s writings, or the works of Ḥakīm-khān, an eminent
historian-chronicler).87 After the Russian conquest (partial colonization and theestablishment of a protectorate over two khanates), criticism found “a second
breath” and much a clearer external trigger.88 This time the religious puritan
rhetoric among the traditionalists became amplified, and all precedents of “badmorals and manners” were linked with the Russians (“aliens,” “non-believers”),
or with the religious aristocracy and the khans “corrupted by the Russians.”
In any case, an intensification of this sort of rhetoric during the earlydays of Russian colonization can be seen as a specific reaction to the arrival of
the “foreigners,” and as an understandable and legitimate attempt at
self-preservation (of course, in a sense as it was understood by the majority of“traditionalists” and other ordinary Muslims, who were under their influence). As
a result, this particular reaction, obviously, could only create more reasons foropen estrangement from the “disbelievers,” and this estrangement could not be
eliminated in just a few decades, as the colonial authorities and particularly the
Russian experts in the “Muslim question,” wished.
Strengthening and even restoring the functions of the Islamic institution
can be directly and indirectly attributed, surprisingly, to the colonial authorities.
First of all, internal civil strife and the khans’ mutual raids, which at the end wereleading to a decline of the majority of Muslim institutions, were eliminated. The
most affected institutions were the traditional establishments (like mosques,
maktabs and madrasahs), and their number, despite being somewhat ignored(and possibly due to that) by the colonial administration, multiplied during
Russian colonization (particularly in provinces).89 The same could be said about86Бабаджанов Б. М. “Дукчи Ишан и Андижанское восстание...” C. 257-264.
See, for example: Мухаммад Хакимхан [тура] ибн Ма‘сумхан [тура]. Мунтахаб
ат-таварих. Мухтаров А. (Подготовка факсимильного текста, введение и указатели). В 2книгах. Книга вторая. Душанбе: Дониш, 1985; Muntakhab al-tawārīkh, Selected history, Vol. 2,
by Muḥammad Ḥakīm khān, Kawahara Yayoi and Haneda Ko’ichi (eds.). Tokyo: Research Institutefor Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. 2006.
88
See other early examples: Allworth E. “The Changing Intellectual and Literary Community.”
Allworth E. (ed.) Central Asia: a Century of Russian Rule. New York-London: Columbia
University Press, 1967. pp. 349-396.
89Остроумов Н. “Колебания во взглядах...” C. 146.
87

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The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

the qāḍī courts, which were preserved in old fashion, though with some control
by colonial authorities, and which even managed to spread their influence on
poorly Islamized Turkic tribes of the Ferghana valley like Qipchaqs, Qurama and
the Qirghiz.90
Later however, as a more cautious and considerate policy toward the
local population continued (despite separate attempts by some experts andofficials to strengthen control over the sphere of the “Muslim question,” and withrelation to the Andijan uprising), the quantity of “anti-Russian works” written by
the traditionalists, decreased sharply. On the contrary, we see emergence ofcompositions in which the authors speak of the necessity to use the achievementsof the Russian people and call for more frank and open contacts with them.91
Moreover, some traditionalists started praising the “White Tsar” in their khuṭbas,while others still spoke against him92.
However, one additional point is indisputable. The Andijan uprising, withall its tragic consequences (because of its artificially inflated “threat”), remained
a local event, even in terms of the Ferghana valley (Andijan and its vicinity), andno one in the colony or in the khanates gave substantial support to it. On thecontrary, we see quite numerous accusations that “illiterate Īshān from among thecommon people” had broken the existing “peaceful fatwā with the White tsar.”
Most importantly, as we have stated in our previous publications, 93 suchcharacteristics came out of the mouths of historians and statesmen, who could not
be suspected of their sympathy to the Russians. Most likely, these developments
were the result of the rather sound policy initiated by K. P. von Kaufman (which
also addressed, in its the widest sense, the “Mohammedan” question, as the sorest
point.)The Andijan uprising, nevertheless, triggered in many Russian experts ofTurkestan and the colonial administration another surge of mistrust toward theMuslims (despite the influence of liberalism in the understanding of that time),
and reignited earlier fears; for a long time it was mentioned in numerous
scientific and particularly in popular publications as a clear example of the“unreliability of Muslims,” their wrong reaction to the “high mission of Russia,”
etc. The responses of the majority of Muslims, on the other hand, were quite
different, but by no means servile. As judged by many verses selected andpresented by Erkinov here, such reaction fully corresponds to an old tradition
which recommended against irritating a stronger opponent, and praised searchingfor compromise with him (“fatwā with the White Tsar”). The violation of acompromise was perceived as a religiously illegitimate action.
90Бакиров Ф. Казийские суды в Туркестане до Октябрьской революции 1917 года(unpublished article, Library of IO AS RUz, 1968).
91
See our aforementioned article: Babadjanov B. “Russian Colonial Power in Central Asia...” Andcertainly, the Jadids’ publications are a special case.
92
Erkinov A. Praying For and Against the Tsar: Prayers and Sermons in Russian DominatedKhiva and Tsarist Turkestan. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2004 (ANOR 16).
93Бабаджанов Б. М. “Дукчи Ишан и Андижанское восстание...” C. 277.
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The 1898 Andijan Uprising and “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire

And the last point. Although the plans of cultural assimilation of Russian
Turkestan were not implemented on a large scale due to many reasons, thepolitical (imperial) integration of the local elite of all levels was accomplished toa certain extent. For example, the feeling of being a part of Russia led toemergence, among the majority of the local believers, of specific way of naming
themselves (for instance, the “Russian Muslims,” and then the “Soviet
Muslims” 94 ). Moreover, during two Russian revolutions a lot of politicalmovements and parties (both Islamic and nationalist in orientation) included intheir political programs calls for a different degree of autonomy (including one
with an independent army and currency), but none of them, at least from theterritory of Turkestan, demanded full withdrawal from Russia (the RSFSR in that
period).95
Bakhtiyar M. Babadjanov
Institute of Oriental studies, AS RUz,
Tashkent

94

In the Soviet period there was a journal “Sovet Sharq musulmonlari” (“Muslims of the Soviet
East” – since 1947) with translation (since 1965) into different languages.
95Агзамходжаев C. История туркестанской автономии... C. 18-42 and further. The inertia of
the political integration with Russia appeared quite long-lasting and continued practically until thelast years before the collapse of the USSR. When M. Gorbachev initiated a nationwide referendum
asking whether to maintain the USSR (1989), the largest number of affirmative votes came fromthe southern Soviet republics. Even the former Central Asian Islamic High Council for the Affairsof Religion, Muslim Spiritual Authority (SADUM headed then by the new mufti – the deputy to theSupreme Soviet of the USSR Muhammad-Sodiq Muhammad-Yusuf) called the believers to poll
their votes for preservation of the State of the Soviets, adding, however, a requirement for greater
freedoms for believers.
25Отам, филология фанлари доктори,профессор СОДИРХОН ЭРКИНОВга бағишлайман
Dedicated to my Father,
Doctor of Philological Science,
Professor SADIRKHAN ERKINOV

Introduction to the Publication1

After the conquest of Central Asia in the second half of the 19th century and thefoundation of the Governor-Generalship of Turkestan (1876-1917), thesocio-political situation in the region had sharply changed. The new colony of theRussian empire consisting mainly of the local Muslim population was established.
From the point of view of the colonial administration, the Russian / Orthodox
culture carried with it education and implanted a higher level of culture to the
local population.
The position of the Soviet historiography in evaluation of the “missionary
impulses” was quite curious. Early Soviet historians endeavored to emphasize
Soviet Russia’s positive role in the “Red East.” Therefore they, in their own way,
“played up to” the moods of the local intelligentsia, mainly those of the jadīds,
by diligently criticizing “the gloomy colonial past” — and the claims of theimperial officials and some men of science of the colonial period that thecolonization brought “enlightenment” to the local peoples constituted one of thesubjects of their criticism.
After the disintegration of the Soviet Union (1922-1991) the situation has
naturally changed. The history of the region began to be re-evaluated, as the local
historians as well as intelligentsia — who considered themselves among thehumiliated by the titular ethnic group of that time, the Russians — began playing
1

The present study and the texts of the poems were prepared under the Project “Zerrspiegel”(Project coordinator – Prof. Jürgen Paul, Marthin Luter King University, Halle-Wittenberg,
Germany, manager – Dr. Beata Eshment, financial support – Fund “Volkswagen”) accomplished in
2001-2004 (https://zerrspiegel.orientphil.uni-halle.de). The author would like to express gratitude
to Bakhtiyar Babadjanov, Sergey Abashin, Abdulatif Turdialiev, Hamidulla Baltabaev, andShadman Vahidov for valuable advice during the research. Some facts regarding the views of thepoets with respect to the Andijan uprising were published in my article: Эркинов А.
“Андижанское восстание и его предводитель в оценках поэтов эпохи.” Вестник Евразии,2003. № 1. C. 111-137. The article is used here significantly augmented and revised.

Introduction to the Publicationa bigger role. As a matter of fact, a significant part of local researchers (most ofthem non-professional) took upon themselves the role of a peculiar kind of“advocates” standing in support of the local history. The reaction was quite as
expected – right after the independence the historians suddenly recalled “thegreat history” (“the great past”) and, particularly, the disparagement of this“greatness” in the Soviet historiography. However, such an “advocatory
approach” was and remains inherent not only in Central Asia; this trend isobserved throughout the entire post-Soviet space. Thus, the positions of the“re-evaluators” can approximately be described as follows: “Everything that was
subjected to criticism under the Soviet system should be re-evaluated, because
the criticism was inconsistent and mistaken. Hence, it is necessary ‘to justify’
everything that was exposed to the Soviet criticism. Only then it will be possible
to produce an objective picture of our history.”2
Moreover, more and more often “re-evaluation” becomes a subject of
pseudo-scientific speculations, especially from those researchers who by force ofan old Soviet (paradoxically!) habit search for the easiest ways to defend their“ideological” dissertations. The topics which became targets of total
re-evaluation in the local historiography include the popular uprisings that
occurred in the territory of the Governor-Generalship of Turkestan (incidentally,
there were a number of such large scale local uprisings). However, evensuperficial studies lead to the conclusion that not all of these uprisings weremanifestations of direct resistance to the tsarist authorities.
Going into more detail, in fact, hundreds of uprisings occurred in the
territory of the three Central Asian Khanates, namely Kokand (1710-1876),
Bukhara (1747-1920), and Khiva (1804-1918). However, not all of them wereintent on overthrowing the government. More often the mutineers wereexpressing their discontent with the injustice of the ruling circles, theirnonobservance of laws, migration policy, and excessive taxes; also, uprisings
could obtain the form of tribal separatism and so on. Furthermore, the mostimportant point is that such uprisings were directed both against the tsarist
authorities and the local governors-monarchs (Bukhara, Khoresm). Besides, therebels might not even think of a political component of their rebellion, i.e. often
they did not put forward any political slogans.
However, it became fashionable in a way to define in the local
historiography all the uprisings of the period of the Russian empire — or thedissidence during the period of its successor, the Soviet Union — as anti-colonial,
2
This brings to mind some anecdotes from life during the Soviet period. In line with the realitiesof the time, people of different ethnicities used to languish in long queues for food-products,
clothing, and so on. However, the people of the press did not raise a question about a queue being a
product of economic problems, but saw it as a “positive factor”: They maintained that a queue wasa striking example of friendship between the peoples of the Soviet Union. Though in reality, people
used to quarrel and fight in these queues, particularly, when somebody attempted to push in or jump
the queue. Such acts of impudent fellows were to be assessed from the viewpoint of “ethnic
inferiority and inadequacy, impudence” of the violator. Several generations have been raised basedon such approaches.

27

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

anti-soviet or even anti-feudal (sic!) protests in the course of struggle forindependence. Sometimes, it is pushed to the point of absurdity. If for instance, incolonial Turkestan during a domestic conflict a Muslim murdered a Russiancommoner immigrant there are no grounds to reckon this as a case of politicalaction, and still less of a case to consider this as “a certain stage” of a struggle forindependence.
This also concerns some movements that are now assessed without
taking into account their peculiar features, ideological or political dynamics. For
example, such approaches are apparent in estimation of the “bāsmachilik”
movement in Central Asia in the 1920s-30s. No doubt, from the outset the
movement was anti-Bolshevist in character. But in the course of time in many
respects it turned into an uncontrolled movement of different groups, which
finally slid down into mere banditry and even to terror. And these dynamics, orthe aggravating crisis of the “bāsmachilik,” in my opinion, is greatly overlookedby some modern local historians who aspire to glorify this movement with an
aureole of “Robin-Hoodism.”3
However, time slowly but inevitably puts everything in its place; bias is
gradually giving way to objectivity. One can see this in the changes in theestimations and views with regard to the above-stated facts — expressed now
with less emotional excitement.4 The bias of researchers, as a rule, is associatedwith that a significant part of local historians who seldom involve the whole
palette of primary sources of that era in their studies. For example, when using
the archival materials in Russian (most often from the State Archives of the
Republic of Uzbekistan), one should not forget that the majority of the
documents came down to us from the colonial administration, and they give thejudgment of the problem from the viewpoint of the official imperial circles. Somematerials (even from that same State Archives) in Arabic script — in the Old
Uzbek, Chaghatay, or the Tajik languages, or in other Oriental languages (Arabic
and Persian) — haven’t yet received proper attention. In point of fact, thehistorians, due to the traditions inherited from the Soviet period, do not know
Oriental languages well enough, or even the Arabic script — which would be
helpful in learning such a language. Meanwhile, many sources covering that3

Such aprioristic, preconceived approach to the bāsmachilik movement can be observed inresearch works dominated by the idealized-populist and pseudo-patriotic spirit (for example,
К. Radjabov et al).
4
It is interesting that the academic historians and history teachers today confess to have changed
their assessments of uprisings in the Russian Empire. In private conversations associated professorsof the History departments (Nemat Palvanov, Dilshod Urakov) told me the following. Several years
ago, in teaching history almost all the uprisings in the Governor-Generalship of Turkestan wereassessed as anti-colonial, but now the number of the uprisings that receive such assessment isreducing. The historians began to realize that not all the uprisings had a political / anti-colonial
character. In the opinion of the colleagues, at present only several uprisings in the
Governor-Generalship of Turkestan can be regarded absolutely anti colonial in character. Thus,
more or less appropriate example among them can be the 1916 uprising against mobilization of thelocal people of Turkestan for work in the front-line areas during the World War I.
28

Introduction to the Publication

period (not only local ones, but even those related to the Russian administrationetc.) are written in these languages. Besides, only a comparatively small quantityof these sources has been translated into modern languages; and even suchtranslations were not always conducted at a due scientific level.
Among such seldom used sources we can mention the press(periodicals) of Turkestan, which also was published in Arabic script up to 1929.
It is the sources of this type that contain the information derived, so to say, “fromthe milieu” — that is, based on the accounts of eyewitnesses and evenparticipants of the uprisings or movements. Hand-written and narrative sources,
which include the press of Turkestan, haven’t yet properly researched in studying
popular uprisings, such as the movement of “bāsmachilik” in Uzbekistan. The
oral history, the number of living bearers of which is getting smaller and smaller,
is left out as well. In such a situation, it is worthwhile to pay attention to primarysources of the era that contain contemporary accounts of the uprisings and of
their leaders.
The mentioned sources, in contrast to the archives of the colonialadministration in Russian, contain many interesting details, as seen from theother side, so to say, a “local” account of the events. That is why the attention ofresearchers in due time was drawn by the anonymous hagiographical account of
the life and deeds of Dūkchī-Īshān. His life and activities are described in thishagiography, just in accordance with the rules of the genre, in a peculiar
semi-fantastic form.5 However, it is this source that gives completely original
information, allowing us to look into the psychological state of the local
population that rushed to gather around Ishan who eventually involved them in
an a priori doomed jihād.
This edition publishes and examines the texts of the poems that express
responses of the educated part of the Central Asian society to the Andijan
uprising of 1898. The subject, of special interest here is the views of these people
regarding the leader of the uprising Muḥammad ‘Alī-khalīfa (1852-1898), 6
better known as Dūkchī-Īshān. As we have already mentioned, in the midst of themodern local intellectuals and researchers the disputes do not cease until now:
Was it an episode of national liberation movement, or a response of “religious
fanatics” to vital issues? Or did the population perceive Dūkchī-Īshān as a “saint”
and, if so, why did the most of the religious aristocracy declare him impostor?
This publication presents an account of the uprising through the prismof poetic works, which from time immemorial played in Central Asia a specificrole in appraising socially significant events. This study analyzes a series ofverses by various authors that make a whole independent cycle which can betitled “A Satire on Dūkchī-Īshān” (Dūkchī-Īshān hajwi).
5Манāк̣иб-и Дӯкчӣ Ӣшāн (Аноним жития Дӯкчӣ Ӣшāна – предводителя Андижанского
восстания 1898 года). Бабаджанов Б. (введ., пер. и ком.), фон Кюгельген А. (изд.).
Ташкент-Берн-Алматы: Дайк-пресс, 2004.
6
Hereinafter we do not use the widely accepted transliteration of terms and names, but present
their original spelling in Arabic script at their first occurrence in the text.
29

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

Thus, as the selection below shows, the majority of popular poets
condemned Dūkchī-Īshān. There is also no point in denying the fact that to someextent the biggest part of these verses were published in the press owing to thecolonial authorities which desired to hear condemnation of the uprising from thelocal intelligentsia. Still, in criticism of Dūkchī-Īshān there was much sincerity
too: The poets reflected feelings of the local spiritual and intellectual highest
ranks who considered attempts of resistance to the superior force of the Empire
meaningless and found many benefits, both for themselves and for the entire
local society, in the order established by colonial authorities. At the same time, it
should be remembered, however, that sympathetic words for the rebels and theirleader simply could not be voiced openly at that time.
Nevertheless, as B. M. Babadjanov noted, condemnation of
Dūkchī-Īshān’s jihād (as completely senseless, inconsiderate, and evenreligiously illegitimate act, fitna), came from historians as well (for example,
from the Bukharan historian Mīrzā ‘Abd al-‘Aẓīm Sāmī (1838-1907), who had
an extremely negative attitude to the Russian rule (see below)). That is, to claimthat the authors published below were guided exclusively by the desire “toplease” the colonial authorities would be incorrect too. It is another matter thatthe authorities, according to B. M. Babadjanov, were concerned about theconsequences of their not quite adequate and too rigid response to the almost
unarmed rebels’ actions.
***
We believe it is pertinent here to give a brief description of the events(mainly based on the published works) that caused such vigorous response of thelocal writing intelligentsia of that time. We will try to review the assessments ofthis event made in different periods in more detailed form than it was made by
the previous researchers. After that, we will present our own analysis of the texts
published here.
Thus, in 1898, in the city of Andijan, the Ferghana region, a uprising
burst out under the leadership of Muḥammad ‘Alī-khalīfa, better known as
Dūkchī-Īshān. On the early morning of May 18, two thousand insurgents
attacked the barracks of the tsarist troops in Andijan. 22 soldiers were killed and18 more were wounded. There were also victims among the officials and Russian
civilian population. The attackers retreated immediately after the return fire fromthe Russian soldiers. Dūkchī-Īshān and his retainers were captured in a day.
During the personal search of one of the captives there was found a Koran withan enclosed forged certificate attesting that Dūkchī-Īshān was appointed thecaliph (successor) of the Ottoman sultan ‘Abd al-Ḥamīd II (1876-1909). All theleaders of the uprising died on the gibbet, hundreds ordinary participants were
exiled to Siberia and other areas of the Empire. The Andijan uprising has been30

Introduction to the Publication

studied mainly by historians.7 In the Soviet research works it was considered asa national uprising against the colonial regime, as a national-liberation andanti-feudal movement. 8 Alternatively, it was also regarded as a reactionary
insurrection of religious fanatics.9 In such research works the evaluation of theuprising was forcibly squeezed into the frameworks of the prevailing communist
ideology and, therefore, was expressed in conformity with the concepts derivingfrom this ideology. The publications outside the former USSR known to us werecomparatively unbiased,10 or at least apolitical.11
The attitude of contemporaries to Dūkchī-Īshān bears considerable
importance for assessing those events correctly. The attitude of the colonial
authorities or the Russians in general is well known. On the other hand, theattitude of the local people is much less known. Belletristic materials of that
period fairly help to fill this gap. They practically have not been studied inconnection with the uprising; meanwhile, it is a well-known fact that literaryworks fully reflect (and simultaneously form) the responses of society to any
particular event, at least, among the reading public. In Central Asia, the literature,7

On the history of the uprising and its leader, see: Эгамназаров А. Сиз билган Дукчи Эшон:ҳужжатли қисса. Тошкент: Шарқ, 1994; Babadžanov В. M. “Dūkči Īšān und Aufstand vonAndižan 1898.” Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th
Centuries. Vol. 2: Inter-Regional and Inter-Ethnic Relations. von Kügelgen A., Kemper M., FrankA. (eds.). Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1998; Бабаджанов Б. “Дукчи-Ишан.” Прозоров С. М..
(ред.) Ислам на территории бывшей Российской империи: энциклопедический словарь. Том 1,Москва: Издательская фирма “Восточная литература” РАН, 2006. С. 143-145;Ўзбекистоннинг янги тарихи. 1-китоб: Туркистон чор Россияси мустамлакачилиги даврида.
Тошкент: Шарқ, 2000. 353-381-б. The primary literature is indicated in: Bibliography of Islamic
Central Asia. Bregel Y. (comp. and ed.). Parts I-III. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University,
Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1995. pp. 620-621. Below we add our own
bibliographical and historiographical observations on this subject.
8История и историография национально-освободительных движений второй половины ХIХ– начала ХХ в. в Средней Азии и Казахстане: итоги, поиски, перспективы изучения. Зияев
Х.З. (изд.). Ташкент: Фан, 1989.
9
The negative assessment of the uprising was given, for example, by the First Secretary of the CCof the Communist Party of the Uzbek SSR А. E. Niyazov (1903-1973) at the Xth Plenum of the CC
CR UzSSR, March 16, 1952. See: Раззоқов Ҳ. Завқий ҳаёти ва ижоди. Филология фанлари
номзоди илмий даражасини олиш учун ёзилган диссертация. Тошкент, 1953 (unpublished).
55-56-б. Some investigations of the Soviet period contained positive evaluation. See, for example:Очерки истории коммунистической партии Туркестана. Ташкент: Фан, 1958. С. 22;
Сайдаметов Д., Шляпников Н. “Озодлик курашининг ёрқин саҳифаси.” Шарқ Юлдузи, 1968.
№ 7. 169-177-б; Содиқов Ҳ. “Кураш сабоқлари.” Гулистон, 1978. № 11. 17-19-б.
10Бабаджанов Б. М. “Дукчи Ишан и Андижанское восстание 1898 года.” Абашин С. Н.,Бобровников В. О. (изд.) Подвижники ислама: Культ святых и суфизм в Средней Азии и наКавказе. Москва: Восточная литература, 2003. С. 253.
11
For example, studies by Prof. Komatsu, Hisao, see: Komatsu H. “The Andijan Uprising
Reconsidered.” Tsugitaka S. (ed.) Muslim Societies: Historical and Comparative Perspectives.
London: Routledge Curzon, 2004. pp. 29-61; Komatsu, H. “Dār al-Islām under Russian Rule As
Understood by Turkestani Muslim Intellectuals.” U. Tomohiko (ed.) Empire, Islam, and Politics inCentral Eurasia. Sapporo: Slavic Research Centre, Hokkaido University, 2007. pp. 9-18.
31

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

and particularly poetry, from time immemorial took a special place in assessmentof socially significant events. Until now, here still lives the tradition of
expressing attitudes and ideas, not only through articles published in the press,
but also by means of poems. Sometimes products of such self-expression foundwide distribution and sympathy among the readers, and influenced the minds andhearts much stronger than other kinds of oral or written creative works. Pathos of
poetry appeared to be more convincing than the rational analysis offered in thepress articles. This can be seen by the examples of the verses devoted to theleader of the Andijan uprising and the uprising itself. Created by different authors,
nevertheless, they form, as some researchers rightfully pointed out,12 a uniform
independent poetic cycle, which can be named “A Satire on Dūkchī-Īshān”(Dūkchī-Īshān hajwi).13 It is this cycle that is the subject of this study. It will be
examined in the context of the historical and religious situation in the Turkestani
territory, specific features of the Central Asian literature between the end of the
19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries.
After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, it seemed that the way toan unbiased interpretation of the Russian colonial policy of the 19th - beginningof 20th centuries was now open. Such interpretations were not uniform, varying indifferent times. It is no secret that in the 1950s - 1980s, the emphasis on “thepositive aspects” of the conquest of Central Asia prevailed. They preferred not torecall the very fact of the conquest, as the formula “annexation of Central Asia to
Russia” was established strongly enough. Sometimes — probably, due to amisunderstanding — even the attribute “voluntary” was added. Resistance to theRussians was quite often equated to “religious obscurantism.”14
Turning back to the raised subject, a well-known maxim comes to mind
— it seems that only few learn lessons of history. The bitter irony of it is thatpeople who previously wrote about the colonial period in accordance with theSoviet ideological directives, nowadays, not in the least being confused, have
replaced their “positive estimations” with opposite ones. They began to define
Andijan uprising exclusively as anti-colonial, though the rebels had far more
motivations for uprising, including those directed against the institutions of local
12Мадаминов А., Қўшмоқов М. “Рост йўлга етаклади инқилоб.” Гулистон, 1980. № 12. 22-б;Касимов Б. Революция и литература. Ташкент: Фан, 1991. C. 59.
13Эркинов А. “Дукчи-Ишан хаджви.” Прозоров С. М.. (ред.) Ислам на территории бывшей
Российской империи: энциклопедический словарь. Том 1. Москва: Издательская фирма
“Восточная литература” РАН, 2006. С. 145-146.
14
Pierce R. N. Russian Central Asia, 1867-1917: A Study in Colonial Rule. Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1960; Sheehy A. “The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Soviet Historiography.”Central Asian Review. 14/2. 1966. pp. 139-150. Manz B. F. “Central Asian Uprisings in the
Nineteenth Century: Ferghana under the Russians.” Russian Review. 46. 1987. pp. 267-281;
Halbach U. ““Holy War” against Czarism: The Links between Sufism and Jihad in the
Nineteenth-Century Anticolonial Resistance against Russia.” Kappeler A., Allworth E. (eds.)
Muslim Communities Reemerge. Historical Perspectives on Nationality, Politics, and Opposition in
the Former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. Durham-London: Duke University Press, 1994. pp.
268-271.

32

Introduction to the Publication

government, the migration policy, etc.
Something similar has happened to their attitude towards the heritage of
the Central Asian poets of the colonial period: After the disintegration of theSoviet Union, only those of their works were published in the countries ofCentral Asia that criticized “the White Tsar” (Āq pāshshā) and his administration.
However, in reality the palette of attitudes toward the imperial authorities in theliterary works of that time is much more diverse. When Central Asia was seizedby Russia and the Governor-Generalship of Turkestan was founded in the
newly-gained territories, a considerable part of the local population rather
quickly came to the conclusion that life in under the Russian rule had somemerits, and the attempts to contest the seemingly invincible “White Tsar” looked
to them equivalent to suicide. There appeared figures who by means ofelementary “theological reasoning” sought to substantiate the possibility ofcoexistence with the Russians and prove that the Muslim community (‘umma)
would preserve the Islamic character in such coexistence.15
In view of these moods, it is no wonder that the majority of authors
during that time wrote about Dūkchī-Īshān in immensely critical colors. For
example, in his verses written in Persian and Arabic included in “Tuḥfa-i Tā’ib”(Tā’ib’s Gift) the historian and poet Tā’ib demonstrated an extremely negativeand even offensive attitude to Dūkchī-Īshān, characterizing with particularhostility “the mutiny was effected due to madness.” 16 A famous citizen of
Bukhara, Mīrzā ‘Abd al-‘Aẓīm Sāmī — despite the fact that he lived in the
Bukhara Khanate, far from the Governor-Generalship of Turkestan, and incomparatively different conditions — also refers to Dūkchī-Īshān and his
uprising rather sharply.17 The Andijan “distemper” and its main stirrer-up werecondemned by the local intelligentsia from the purely religious point of view, as
well.18
On the other hand, it is also true that the logic of the authors who took
such a critical stance was sometimes too direct, if not primitive. For instance,
15
See: Introductions to the publications: Исx ̣āк̣-х̬āн тȳра ибн Джунайдаллāх Х̬вāджа. Мизāназ-замāн. Коматцу Х., Бабаджанов Б. (подгот. к изд., пред., ред. текста) Каюмова И.,Мирмахмудов Н. (компьютерный набор, идентификация айатов Корана, редакция хадисов).
Islamic Area Studies Project, Central Asian Research Series. № 2. Ташкент-Токио, 2001 andМух̣аммад Йӯнус Х̬вāджа б. Мух̣аммад Амӣн-Хвāджа (Тā’иб). Тух̣фа-йи Тā’иб. Бабаджанов Б.
M., Вахидов Ш. X., Коматцу X. (подгот. к изд. и пред.). Islamic Area Studies Project, Central
Asian Research Series. № 6. Ташкент-Токио, 2002.
16Вахидов Ш. Развитие историографии в Кокандском ханстве в XIX – начале XX вв.
Автореферат диссертации на соискание ученой степени доктора исторических наук. Taшкент,1998. С. 41; Мухаммад Йунус Хваджа. Тухфа-йи Та’иб. С. 24-26.
17Бабаджанов Б. М. “Дукчи Ишан и Андижанское восстание 1898 г.” Абашин C. Н.,Бобровников В. О. (сост.) Подвижники ислама: Культ святых и суфизм в Средней Азии и наКавказе. Москва: Восточная литература, 2003. С. 272; Komatsu, H. “Dār al-Islām under RussianRule...” pp. 16-17.
18
In my opinion, the most comprehensive theological assessment of the Andijan uprising was
made by Tā’ib. See: Komatsu, H. “Dār al-Islām under Russian Rule...” pp. 7-8.

33

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

Qūzī Raḥīm Khwāja-Īshān, in his poem written on the occasion of the earthquake
in Andijan in 1902, complained that a certain īshān (referring to Dūkchī-Īshān)“dishonored his people,” because, as the poet insisted, if the Muslims, while notforgetting Allah, had served the tsar, there would have been peace and calmness.
However, this didn’t happen and everything went wrong: Because of the mutiny,
the Supreme Being punished Andijan, and the city was turned into ruins.19 It
appeared that the leader of the uprising and his supporters were responsible forthe deaths not only of the victims of the uprising, but also of those who later diedin the earthquake. Perhaps, only the Ferghana historian Muḥammad ‘Azīz
Marghīlānī in his composition “Ta’rīkh-i ‘Azīzī” offers a somewhat different
assessment of the uprising and its consequences20 (I will discuss it later).
The researchers of the Uzbek literature have seldom touched upon theanti-Ishan cycle, though some of the researchers discussed works by thewell-known poets of the period at the turn of the 19th and the 20th centuries
including Muqīmī and Dhawqī. 21 Some works contain mentions ofcorresponding verses of other poets of the time, such as: Nādim Namangānī, 22
Rājī Marghīlānī, 23 Muḥammad ‘Umar Umīdī-Hawāī, 24 Tāsh-khwāja Asīrī, 25
19Turkistān wilāyatīnīng gazītī. 1903. № 6; Эгамназаров А. Сиз билган Дукчи Эшон... 124-б.
Also in poems by Muḥī (1865-1921) and Ḥājjī Ṣābirī, the Andijan earthquake is interpreted as“visitation of God” heaven-sent to the Muslims for their departure from injunctions of Islam. See:Қосимов Б. Излай-излай топганим. Тошкент: Ғ. Ғулом номидаги нашриёт, 1983. 64-б; Bayāḍ.
IO AS RUz. Fund-3. № 2492. ff. 219а-220а.
20Муҳаммад ‘Азиз Марғилoний. Тарихи Азизий (Фарғoна чoр мустамлакаси даврида).
Воҳидов Ш., Сангирова Д. (нашрга таёрловчилар, сўзбоши ва изоҳлар муаллифлари)Тошкент: Фан, 1999. 53-64-б.
21История литератур народов Средней Азии и Казахстана. Москва: Наука, 1960. С.
148-150; Муминов И. Из истории развития общественно-философской мысли вУзбекистане. Ташкент: Фан, 1957. С. 141-173; Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек демократик шоири
Муқимий ва унинг даври адабиёти. Филология фанлари доктори илмий даражасини олишучун ёзилган диссертация. Тошкент, 1961. 565-581-б; Ўзбек адабиёти тарихи. Том 5.
Тошкент: Фан, 1980. 54-б; Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек адабиёти тарихи. Тошкент: Ўқитувчи, 1987.
110-112-б; Раззоқов Ҳ. “Муқимий ва Завқий.” Фурқат ва Муқимий ҳақида мақолалар.
Тошкент: Фан, 1958. 132-146-б; Мадаминов А., Турдалиев А. ““Баччағар” кимга
бағишланган?” Ўзбекистон адабиёти ва санъати. 1992. №3.
22Ҳалилбеков А. Нодим Намангоний ҳаёти ва ижоди. Филология фанлари номзоди илмий
даражасини олиш учун ёзилган диссертация. Тошкент, 1967. 197-201-б; Ўзбек адабиёти
тарихи. 1980. 264-б; Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland.
Supplementband, 37. Hrsg. Paul J. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2002. pp. 119-121.
23Ахмеджанова Ф. Творчество прогрессивных поэтов андижанской литературной среды
конца XIX в. и начала XX в. (Раджи, Мунтазир, Шавки). Автореферат диссертации насоискание ученой степени кандидата филологических наук. Ташкент, 1970. С. 10-11; Асрлар
нидоси. Октябрь революциясигача бўлган давр ўзбек адабиётидан намуналар. Тошкент: Ғ.
Ғулом номидаги нашриёт, 1982. 283-284-б; Марғиноний М. Г. “Дукчи эшон ҳаракатининг
бадиий тадқиқи.” Гулистoн, 1994. №5. 57-59-б.
24Ҳожибоев Т. XIX аср ўзбек шоири Муҳаммад Умар Умидий ҳаёти ва ижоди. Филология
фанлари номзоди илмий даражасини олиш учун ёзилган диссертация. Тошкент, 1974.
94-96-б; Асрлар нидоси... 217-221-б.
25Раджабов З. Поэт-просветитель таджикского народа Асири (Краткий очерк). Душанбе:34

Introduction to the PublicationḤājjī Ṣābirī, and Sulṭān Aḥmad.26 However, the verses related to the Andijan
uprising have been discussed only from the point of view of creative work andlife of each individual poet, outside of the literary context common to them,which was a peculiar creative competition where several poets participated at atime.27 Besides, the evident shortcoming of such research works is their obvious
ideological implications and, therefore, the biased approach to the subject. In
particular, this applies to the studies of the Soviet period. For example, the versesby Ḥājjī Ṣābirī about Dūkchī-Īshān were analyzed in the context of the Russian
revolutions of 1905 and 1917 and, certainly, from the positions of the
Marxist-Leninist teaching.28 A conclusion was drawn that the poet had not been
prepared enough yet to evaluate the events correctly. As for anotherdemonstrative example of the ideological implications, we can recall thestatement that Dūkchī-Īshān was allegedly an agent of the English imperialism29,
and that Dhawqī in his poem derided the supporters of western imperialists who
sought to sow discord between the Uzbek and Russian peoples.30 In such a way
Turkestani poetry was artificially customized to agree with the “revolutionary
history,” even though in the literature of that period there were many works thatin no way suited this cliché.
Modern assessments of the Andijan uprising in Uzbekistan sharply
moved to the side contrary to the Soviet one. For example, in the modern popularliterature of Uzbekistan, the poets who participated in that satirical cycle against
Dūkchī-Īshān are seen as traitors. 31 According to B. Babadjanov’s remark,Dūkchī-Īshān in some works was declared ‘a hero of the national liberation
struggle’. 32 In another passage the same researcher noted, “Now a part ofintelligentsia of Uzbekistan associates Dūkchī-Īshān with one of the stages of the
struggle for independence. The anniversary of the Andijan uprising was intended
to be celebrated officially in 1998. However, the peculiar ‘duality’ of the figure of
Dūkchī-Īshān — as ‘the fighter for national independence’ and as the supporterof restoration of the Islamic state just like in the times of the first four righteous
caliphs — induced the authorities to cancel the celebration events on theИрфон, 1974. С. 45-46; Тошходжа Асири Худжанди. Избранные произведения. Асадуллаева С.
(сост. текста, авт. вступ. ст. и прим.) Москва: Наука, 1982. С. 166-167.
26
Қосимов Б. Излай-излай топганим. 59-65-б; Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек демократик шоири... 567-б.
27
For example, B. Kasymov gave an estimation of Ḥājjī Ṣābirī’s poem as one of the best in thecycle, but he ignored such matters as who participated in compiling the cycle, or what it’s historicaland social backgrounds were. Қосимов Б. Излай-излай топганим... 60-б.
28Қосимов Б. Излай-излай топганим. 50-65-б; Қосимов Б. Инқилобий шеърият саиҳифалари.
Тошкент: Ғ. Ғулом номидаги нашриёт, 1977; Касимов Б. Революция и литература.
29Абдуғафуров А. XIX иккинчи ярми ўзбек демократик адабиётида сатира (Муқимий ваЗавқий асарлари буйича). Филология фанлари номзоди илмий даражасини олиш учунёзилган диссертация. Тошкент, 1958. 198-б.
30“Завки.” Краткая литературная энциклопедия. Том 2. Москва: Советская энциклопедия,1964. С. 70.
31Эгамназаров А. Сиз билган Дукчи эшон... 124-б.
32Бабаджанов Б. М. “Дукчи Ишан и Андижанское восстание...” С. 254.
35

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

background of the tense religious situation in the republic.”33
In recent years, there appeared works suggesting a more unbiased
approach to the problem of perception of the Russian colonialism as a whole, andof the uprising under the leadership of Dūkchī-Īshān in particular.34 Indeed,methodologically it is more correct to show all aspects of perceptions ofcolonialism by the local writing intelligentsia, to publish and study both groupsof sources / texts: reflecting the negative attitude to the new authority and thosecontaining rather sharp criticism of the forces (persons, movements) that opposed
the authority. In this research, I want to concentrate on such critical works.35

33Бабаджанов Б. “Дукчи-Ишан.” С. 145.
Бабаджанов Б. “Андижанское восстание 1898 года: «дервишский газават» илиантиколониальное выступление?” O’zbekiston tarikhi, 2001. № 2, 4; Komatsu, H. “The Andijan
Uprising...”; Алимова Д. История как история, история как наука. Ташкент: Узбекистан,2008.
35
It is also characteristic of the above-mentioned German project. The aim of the project was todemonstrate all the spectrums of views in the post-Soviet space regarding the Russian colonialism
from 1850 to 1914. As already seen from the project title “Zenspiegel” (“False Mirror”), theemphasis is placed on frequent distortions in depicting colonialism. It is essential that the authors
participating in the project do not determine beforehand the investigated phenomenon in terms of
the rigid opposition of “positive – negative.” The project carries out publication of various
materials from the hand-written and archival Funds located in St. Petersburg, Tashkent, and Baku,
which are written in Russian, Azerbaijan, Persian, and Uzbek languages. The sources selected forthe publication reflect both the views of colonizers toward the colonized, and vice versa.
See: (http://zerrspiegel.orientphil.uni-halle.de)34

36

The Circle of Poets - Authors of the Cycle“Dūkchī-Īshān Hajwi”

The cycle “A Satire on Dūkchī-Īshān” consists of 20 verses in Uzbek dated to thebeginning of the 20th century, with a total volume of more than 1,500 lines.36
Let’s briefly see who the authors were.
Muqīmī (1850-1903), or Muḥammad Amīn Khwāja Muqīmī, was a
popular poet from Kokand who wrote verses under the pseudonym of Muqīmī.37
He is known mainly as a poet-satirist and a humorist. His poem is consist of 19
bayts (38 lines) in the genre of ghazal (every other line rhymes) with a radīf (arefrain word repeating after a rhyme in each verse) “Bachchaghar” (“the son of asin”).38 It narrates about the “swindle” (firībgarlīk) of a certain Īshān.39 The titleof this poem is “Ba-hajw-i khalīfa-yi Mingtīpa” (“A Satire on the caliph from
Mingtepa”40); for the first time it appears in the collection of verses of anotherpoet, Nādim Namangānī41 (see below). It is thought that this poem is related to36

Only 30% out of the total volume was published in the source language – the Uzbek language ofthe early 20th century, in modern script. Many of the poems were published in the Arabic script –the script of the original text (https://zerrspiegel.orientphil.uni-halle.de). The rest of the poems
remain unknown to the modern readership. One cannot exclude a possibility of finding new poems
from this cyclus.
37
Philologiae turcicae fundamenta. Vol. 2. Wiesbaden, 1965. pp. 398-399; Материалы поистории прогрессивной общественно-философской мысли в Узбекистане. Ташкент: Фан,1976. С. 541-550; “Мукими.” Краткая литературная энциклопедия. Том 4. Москва:Советская энциклопедия, 1968. С. 1012-1013; “Мукими.” Литературный энциклопедический
словарь. Москва: Советская энциклопедия, 1987. С. 656; История узбекской литературы (сXVII в. до Великой Октябрьской социалистической революции). Том 2. Ташкент: Фан, 1989. С.
246-286.
38
See: Муқимий. Асарлар. Ғ. Каримов (нашри). Тошкент: Ғ. Ғулом номидаги нашриёт, 1971.
378-379-б; Мукими. Избранные произведения. Ушакова С. (пер.) Ташкент: Издательство им. Г.
Гуляма, 1959. С. 46-47.
39
Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек демократик шоири... 577-б.
40
Ming-tepa is the place where Dūkchī-Īshān’s khānaqā was situated. See: Komatsu H. andBabadjanov B. op.cit.
41Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 4179. f. 120b.

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

Dūkchī-Īshān 42 and it was Muqīmī who initiated the anti-Īshān cycle.
Nevertheless, the question of the addressee still remains disputable. For example,
A. Abdughafurov believes that although this ghazal (ghazal) was addressed to
Dūkchī-Īshān, it contains the generalized image of īshāns (hereditary Sufi
sheikhs) “who seek their own benefit in everything.”43 In the opinions of otherresearchers, it depicted Muḥammad Mūsā-bī, the curator (mutawallī) of the
Kokand madrasa44 where Muqīmī studied; in fact, it was included in the bayāḍ
copied as early as 1304/1887 45 — which is 11 years prior to the Andijan
uprising! According to other versions, the poem portrayed a certain
Dahubist-bī(?)46 or Sadubist-bī(?) from Ming-tepa.47 It is possible to assume
that it was only after the uprising that the ghazal began to be associated with
Dūkchī-Īshān, with the purpose of using the authority of Muqīmī.48 The scholars
have yet to establish the addressee of that ghazal and closely examine the text.
There is another poem by Muqīmī in which researchers see the criticism of
Dūkchī-Īshān.49 But apart from the mention of the settlement of Ming-tepa,
where Dūkchī-Īshān lived, there are no other proofs to support such anassumption. Muqīmī in one of his poems claims that other Īshāns suffer becauseof Dūkchī-Īshān (“Īshānlār qālīb Dūkchīnīng ‘aybīga...”).50
Dhawqī (1853-1921), or ‘Ubayd Allāh Ṣāliḥ-ūghlī Dhawqī, was born andlived his entire life in Kokand, where he held great authority among the local
poets. He is known for his lyrical as well as satirical verses. He was a close friend
and a close associate of Muqīmī.51 Some researchers claim that in the spring of1898, Muqīmī and Dhawqī went on a journey to Andijan and Osh and were
witnesses of the Andijan events, so to say, saw the events with their own eyes52,
and after that they both expressed their indignation against Dūkchī-Īshān. 53
42Зарипов Х. Муқимий ҳаёти ва ижодига оид материаллар. Тошкент: Ғ. Ғулом номидаги
нашриёт, 1959. 16-17-б.
43Абдуғафуров А. XIX иккинчи ярми... 197-201-б.
44Мадаминов А., Турдиaлиев А. ““Баччағар” кимга бағишланган?”45
The manuscript of the Ferghana Provincial Museum of Literature (situated in Kokand). № 6738.
46Bayāḍ ma‘a hajwiyāti mawlānā Muqīmī ma‘a Furqat. Коканд: Издательство Шумакова, 1914.
pp. 129-131; Мадаминов А., Турдиaлиев А. ““Баччағар” кимга бағишланган?”47Мадаминов А., Қўшмоқов М. “Рост йўлга етаклади инқилоб...” 22-б.
48
An indirect proof of this is provided by the poem-imitation of Sulṭān Aḥmad which is writtenwith a radīf similar to Muqīmī and contains criticism of Dūkchī-Īshān. See: Абдуғафуров А.
Ўзбек демократик адабиётида сатира. Тошкент: Адабиёт ва санъат нашриёти, 1978. 205-б.
49Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек адабиёти тарихи. 110-б; Муқимий. Асарлар. 381-б.
50“Khūqandlīk bīr bāynī sha‘nīga Muqīmī shā‘irnīng aytgān shi‘rīdūr.” Turkistān wilāyatīnīng
gazītī. 1903, №2. p. 6.
51
Hofman, H. F. Turkish literature. A bio-bibliographical survey. Section 3, part I, vol. 6. Utrecht:
University of Utrecht, 1969. p. 178; “Завки.” Литературный энциклопедический словарь.
Москва: Советская энциклопедия, 1987. С. 603; Қайюмов П. Тазкираи Қайюмий. Тошкент:Адабиёт музейи, 1998. 491-493-б; История узбекской литературы... С. 386-400.
52
Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек адабиёти тарихи. 112-б.
53Бендриков К. Е. Очерки по истории народного образования в Туркестане (1865–1924).
Москва: Просвещение, 1960. С. 75.
38

The Circle of Poets - Authers of the Cycle “Dūkchī-Īshān Ḥajwi”

Dhawqī’s ghazal of 40 lines is presented in historical sources under the title“Hajw-i Yikchī-Īshān” (A Satire on Īshān-spindle maker).54 The last line of thepoem contains a chronogram (ta’rīkh) with the indication of the date of theuprising (1316/1898). Dhawqī left another humoristic poem in which he hints at
Dūkchī-Īshān and the district where Dūkchī-Īshān lived.
Nādim Namangānī (1844-1910). The poet’s full name is Sulaymān
Khwāja mulaqqab bi-Īshān Bābākhān walad-i Ūlugh Khwāja-Īshān Shaykh
al-islām-i Namangān. He was born and lived in Namangan,55 he maintained
close relationships with tMawlawī Yhe poets of Kokand, such as Furqat, Muqīmī
and Dhawqī.56 In his poetic heritage, there are prevailing plots related to burningsocial issues, on the one hand, and the Sufi stories, on the other. There are known
to be several of Namangānī’s verses related to the subject of our interest, totaling
450 lines.
First, there is a mukhammas (a verse with five-line stanzas) — published in
the Appendix to this paper in the Russian translation — which consists of 31
stanzas (155 lines) and has the radīf “emasmu?” It was included by the author in
his collection of verses.57 Here we find strict condemnation of the actions andpersonality of Dūkchī-Īshān.
Second, the ghazal of 35 bayts (70 lines) — again with the radīf“emasmu?” — from the same collection.58 In this verse the author continues toexpress his indignation regarding the uprising and deeds of Dūkchī-Īshān.
Third, there are known to be two more verses in the mukhammas genre
with the same radīf “khalifa” (“caliph”). Both of them are presented in anothermanuscript. The first mukhammas 59 consists of 10 stanzas (50 lines); this poem
is not mentioned in any scientific research, and its text has not been published yet.
In this poem, the author compares Muḥammad ‘Alī-khalīfa with the first four
caliphs (the deputies to the Prophet Muḥammad) and draws the conclusion that
Dūkchī-Īshān is an impostor. The second mukhammas is listed in the manuscript
right after the first one 60 and has 20 stanzas (100 lines). This verse wasmentioned by A. Halilbekov.61
There is a mathnawī (a verse constructed by rhymed couplets) of 70 lines
also related to Dūkchī-Īshān which is also ascribed to Nādim.62 The pseudonym
54Завқий. Танланган асарлар. Раззоқов Ҳ. (нашри). Тошкент: Ғ. Ғулом номидаги нашриёт,1960. 32-33-б.
55Ўзбек адабиёти тарихи. 1980. 250-265-б; Ҳалилбеков А. Нодим Намангоний ҳаёти...
56
Қайюмов П. Тазкираи Қайюмий. 335-б.
57Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 4179. ff. 213б-217а; Verzeichnis... p. 121; Ҳалилбеков А.
Нодим Намангоний ҳаёти... 197-201-б.
58Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 4179. ff. 222б-224а.
59Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 4182. ff. 82б-83б. These two manuscripts were written in one
hand-writing, and most probably represent the poet’s autographs.
60Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 4182. ff. 84а-86а.
61Ҳалилбеков А. Нодим Намангоний ҳаёти... 197-б.
62Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 9365; Нandlist of Sufi manuscripts (18th – 20th Centuries) in theholdings of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Academy of Sciences, Republic of Uzbekistan (Biruni).

39

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poetsof the poet is not indicated in the work which gave grounds to consider itanonymous.63 Despite the doubts about the authorship, this verse is notable forits originality, and it occupies a certain conceptual place in the cycle: The author
declares that Dūkchī-Īshān’s actions are not permitted by the sharī‘ah and thatthe people should obey the Russian tsar.64
Rājī Marghīlānī (1834-1918), or Rājī Marghīlānī (Marghīnānī), one of therenowned poets in the Kokand cultural milieu. He was born in Margilan in the
Fergana region65, and until 1904 he was a qāḍī of this city.66 He met Russianorientalists, including V. V. Barthold 67 . He wrote two poems about
Dūkchī-Īshān68: a mathnawī of 76 bayts (156 lines) and a ghazal of 17 bayts (34lines) with the radīf “eshon” (“Īshān”). In these verses Marghīlānī, unlike otherpoets, gave much attention to the description and negative evaluation of the
Andijan uprising.
Umīdī-Hawāī (1835-1906), or Muḥammad ‘Umar Umīdī-Hawāī, belonged
to the circle of the Kokand poets.69 He wrote historical works about the Kokand
Khanate (1710-1876), such as “Badawlat-nāma,” “Maktūbcha-yi khān,” and“Jang-nāma.” He was in close friendly relations with the orientalist
N. F. Petrovskiy. He left two anti-Īshān ghazals with the radīf “eshon / Īshān,”and, according to T. Hajibaev’s statement, the researcher of his creative works,
the first ghazal, consisting of 11 bayts (22 lines)70 , was written before theuprising, the second one of 8 bayts (16 lines) – after its suppression. 71
Presumably he also authored a chronogram dedicated to the Andijan uprising but
it has not been discovered yet.
Tāsh-khwāja Asīrī (1864-1916). This poet from Khujand72 wrote mainly
in Tajik. He studied in Kokand where he became friends with Muqīmī, Dhawqī,Paul J. (ed.) Berlin: Das Arabische Buch. 2000, № 1710; Verzeichnis... pp. 119-120. See: Нодим.
Танланган шеърлар. Турсунов A., Ҳалилбеков A. (нашри) Тошкент: Ғ. Ғулом номидаги
нашриёт, 1964. 31-32-б.
63Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек демократик шоири... 574-575-б.
64
Verzeichnis... p. 120.
65Аҳмаджанова Ф. Ўзбек адабиёти тарихидан. Тошкент: Университет, 1994. 22-44-б.
66Қайюмов П. Тазкираи Қайюмий. 321-б.
67Мелиоранский П. “Документ уйгурского письма Султана Омар-шейха.” Записки
Восточного отделения Императорского русского археологического общества. Том XVI.
Санкт-Петербург, 1902; Туркестанские ведомости. 1902, 25 августа.
68Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 5868. ff. 18a-21a; Марғиноний М. Г. “Дукчи эшонҳаракатининг...” 57-59-б. Асрлар нидоси... 283-284-б.
69Каюмов А. Қўқон адабий муҳити. Тошкент: Ўзбекистон ССР Фанлар Академияси
нашриёти, 1961. 68, 312-б; Хожибоев Т. XIX аср ўзбек шоири...
70Асрлар нидоси... 221-б.
71Хожибоев Т. XIX аср ўзбек шоири... 94-96-б. According to Т. Hajibaev, the second poem iscontained in an anthology from the private collection of Mufazzal Shaumarov.
72“Асири.” Краткая литературная энциклопедия. Vol. 1. Москва: Советская энциклопедия,1964. С. 339; “Асири.” Энциклопедияи адабиёт ва санъати точик. Ҷилд I. Душанбе:Энциклопедияи тоҷик, 1988. C. 184-185; “Асири.” Литературный энциклопедический
словарь. Москва: Советская энциклопедия, 1987. С. 547.
40

The Circle of Poets - Authers of the Cycle “Dūkchī-Īshān Ḥajwi”

and Furqat. They exchanged poetic messages and were in correspondence witheach other. Asīrī wrote the 20-line ghazal “Dar madhammat-i Īshān-i Dūkchī”(“On criticism of Īshān Dūkchī”).73
Mawlawī Yūldāsh (1861-1922) was Muqīmī’s disciple. He lived in
Kokand, and was a recognized religious authority.74 He wrote verses and works
on theological topics. He wrote a poem of 66 lines in the musaddas75 genre withcriticism of Dūkchī-Īshān.
‘Abd al-Ghafūr Muḥibb (the 19th and the 20th centuries) was a poet fromNamangan,76 one of the poets belonging to the literary circles of at the time of
the uprising. He composed two poems. The first one is a big mathnawī of 82
lines; in this poem Muḥibb claimed that Īshān himself died, but he was
responsible for the sufferings people still have to endure. The second, longer,
ghazal of the same author contains 90 lines.77Ṣidqī Khāndayliqī (1884-1934) is a renowned Uzbek educator and areformer of the beginning of the 20th century. He authored several works on the
renewal of the cultural society of Turkestan. 78 In his poetic composition“Iktisāb” he criticized the Īshāns who had transformed their religious authority
into a source of profit. Giving various examples from life of Īshāns, heparticularly dwells on the charlatanism of Dūkchī-Īshān (347 lines). At the sametime it should be noted that this part of the poem is written in 1919, that is, in thealready changed political and ideological environment.79
Ḥājjī Ṣābirī (the 19th and the 20th centuries) was a native of Samarkand;any other detailed information on his biography has not been discovered yet. In
imitation of Namangānī he wrote about Dūkchī-Īshān a mukhammas of 75 lines
with the radīf “emasmu?.”80
Sul•ān Aḥmad (the 19th and the 20th centuries) was one of the ChimkentĪshāns. There is no exact and reliable data on him. His poem of 66 lines was73Тошходжа Асири Худжанди. Избранные произведения. Москва: Наука, 1982. С. 3-5,
166-167.
74Тожибоев Р. “Мавлавий Йўлдошнинг бир таърихи ҳақида.” Ўзбек тили ва адабиёти. 2001,№ 6. 53-54-б; Турдалиев А. “Мавлави Йулдаш.” Прозоров С. М. (сост. и отв. ред.) Ислам натерритории бывшей Российской империи. Москва: Издательская фирма Восточная
литература, 2006. Вып. 5 (in print).
75
Ahmadjon Madaminov, the expert in source studies from Kokand (1926–2008) was the first to
pay attention to this poem: Мадаминов А., Қўшмоқов М. “Рост йўлга етаклади...” 22-б.
76Қайюмов П. Тазкираи Қайюмий. 309-310-б.
77
The Central State Archives of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009.
Inventory-1. Item-109а. f. 26. The present sheet contains three poems—two poems by Muḥibb andone anonymous poem (by order of appearance in the article, an anonymous ghazal № 2).
78Сидқий Хондайлиқий. Танланган асарлар. Қосимов Б., Жавҳарова Р. (нашри) Тошкент:Маънавият, 1998.
79Ṣidqī Khāndayliqī. Iktisāb. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 7629/2. ff. 18а-19б. In the publication
indicated in the previous reference, the segment dedicated to criticizing Dūkchī-Īshān is omitted
which also testifies to biased selection of historical texts by some modern researchers.
80Bayāḍ-i Ḥājjī Ṣābirī. Tāshkent. without indication of the year. 11-15-б; Қайюмов П. Тазкираи
Қайюмий... 435-б.
41

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

published in the local colonial newspaper “Turkistān wilāyatīnīng gazītī”(“Turkestani indigenous newspaper”) of October 30, 1911, under the headline in
Russian “A Verse about Andijan Īshān.”81 At the end, it was emphasized withirony that it had been devoted to illiterate Īshāns. The experts regarded it as apeculiar kind of the people's comment on the uprising written in imitation of
Muqīmī, as the author obviously followed his style.82
Anonymous verses. There are only two of them, and they were kept in thecollection of N. P. Ostroumov (1846-1930), the editor of “Turkestani indigenous
newspaper” in 1883-1917.83
1) The ghazal of 30 lines titled “Naẓm-i wāqi‘a-yi Dūkchī-Īshān”84; bystyle and rhyming it closely resembles the above mentioned poem Tāsh-khwāja
Asīrī.
2) One more ghazal of 36 lines85; it contains, among other things, thefollowing notion, “Nobody knew the representative of what sulūk (the Sufi
brotherhood - A. E.) the Īshān was.”The first anonymous ghazal sharply differs from the second one by style,so, obviously, the poems were written by different poets.
***
Now, let us briefly discuss the general artistic features of the cycle, while
noting first that the poetic collections (cycles) in the Turkestani literature of thesecond half of the 19th and the beginnings of the 20th centuries themselves have
not yet been sufficiently studied.
A literary cycle, which is a series of poetic writings on one theme, was a
fashionable trend in the second half of the 19th century. After the liquidation of
the Kokand Khanate in 1876, and transformation of all its inhabitants into
Russian citizens, the local literary tastes drastically changed, and together withthem changed the subjects and the style of poetry. The values and canons of themedieval literature degraded, traditional genres and forms that once seemed to beinviolable began to lose their invariability. The literary genres that had developed
for centuries now continued to exist only formally while gradually degrading
both in the content, and in artistry.86 The new era demanded new aesthetics
81

Publication of the poetic text in lithograph: Bayāḍ-i maḥbūb al-maḥbūb. Litografiya G.
Arifjanova. Tāshkent, 1913. 131-134-б (IO AS RUz. Fund of lithographical books. № 330).
82Абдуғафуров А. XIX иккинчи ярми... 197-б.
83
N. P. Ostroumov himself also wrote about the uprising. See: Остроумов Н. “Интересный
документ, касающийся Андижанского восстания.” Вестник офицерской школы восточных
языков. Вып. 1. Ташкент, 1911.
84
The Central State Archives of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009.
Inventory-1. Item-143. f.16; Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек демократик шоири... 575-б.
85
The Central State Archives of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009.
Inventory-1. Item-109а. f.26.
86
For example, see: Erkinov A. “The perception of works by classical authors in 18th and 19th
century Central Asia: The example of the Xamsa of ‘Ali Sir Nawa’i.” Muslim Culture in Russia and
42

The Circle of Poets - Authers of the Cycle “Dūkchī-Īshān Ḥajwi”(simplified to a certain extent); satire and humor got more and more intensified inworks of art; the literature became more realistic (true, not without losses in theart quality). In particular, poetic answers-imitations during the period underconsideration became a game: There appeared the cycles of poems on various
events, satirical characters, things, and animals that the medieval canonscategorically did not allow. In other words, the ghazal, as a matter of fact, being
originally more likely a unified sacral genre, began to evolve into various forms.
In the poetry of that time it is possible to find verses devoted to horses (āt), flies(pashshalār), a certain Victor87, the Andijan earthquake of 1902, etc.
At the same time, when examining the verses related to Dūkchī-Īshān it isimportant to take into account that participation in a poetic cycle demanded
observance of some rules and, therefore, did not necessarily give full play toindividual creativity. Not only the subjects, but also formal features should draw
together the verses of the same cycle. So, it was necessary to use special art
forms — a certain rhyme, a certain meter, a radīf, and fixed forms ofanswers-imitations. Thus, we see that many verses-answers from the cycle “ASatire on Dūkchī-Īshān” were written on the radīf or the rhyme of thepredecessor. The radīf “Bachchaghar,”88 for example, was used by Muqīmī andSul•ān Aḥmad, the radīf “emasmu?” — by Nādim Namangānī (in his two
poems) and by Ḥājjī Ṣābirī; the radīf “eshon” — by Dhawqī, Rājī Marghīlānī and
Umīdī-Hawāī (in two poems), respectively. Such compliance with the formal
rules of a cycle, and the very “journalistic character” of the theme did not act toraise the artistic level of poems — which, though, was not required because thoseverses were intended for the general readers, whose number sharply increased inconnection with the appearance of new capabilities of the printing industry(lithographs and printing houses) and newspapers.
It is necessary to add that almost all poets participating in a cycle belonged
to the same circle: Many of them were natives of Kokand, the former capital city
Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th Centuries. Vol. 2. Inter-Regional and Inter-Ethnic
Relations. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1998. pp. 513-526; Каримов Ғ. Ўзбек демократик
шоири... 80-82, 231-б.
87
Viktor Dmitrievich Akhmatov, a Russian entrepreneur, the manager of the Kokand division ofKamenskiy Brothers. In 1889, the audit revealed shortage in the cash in the amount of 16 thousand
roubles. Having learned about that, Akhmatov added cash shortage up to 300 thousand roubles andwent into hiding. However, in 1892, his case was tried on the accusation and found guilty. Even
before the trial the poet Muqīmī composed a satire on him, and people sang it in the streets of
Kokand; its text with its translation into Russian was published by N. Ostroumov in 1895 in the
IX-th volume of the Notes of the Eastern Department of the Russian Archaeological Society. See
also: Абдугафуров А. Сатира в узбекской демократической литературе во второй половине
XIX в. (по материалам творчества Мукими и Завки). Автореферат диссертации на соискание
ученой степени кандидата филологических наук. Ташкент, 1958. С. 10.
88
The present variant is presented in translation of the poet’s poems (See: Мукими. Избранные
произведения. С. 46-47). “Bachchaghar” can be translated also as «a son of a bitch». This word
does not contain an obviously negative meaning, however, the insulting sense remains. Even today
in Kokand it means some kind of an abstract curse or indignation much alike similar abusive
epithets in other languages.
43

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poetsof the Kokand Khanate, had close personal friendly relations, and consciously
wrote poems to participate in this particular cycle. Such participation wasperceived at that period as a competition in artistic skills; outside the context ofparticipation in some cycle it was difficult to prove one’s poetic mastery. Owing
to such inclination to competition, by the end of the 19th century in the Kokand
literary community one could hardly find any individual poetic collection ofpoems (dīwāns) by the same poet. Even the eminent poets seldom created dīwāns.
The place of a dīwān was steadily occupied by a bayāḍ — a collection of poemsof several poets.
It is interesting to note one more detail: Dūkchī-Īshān also presented his
edifications to the followers in the form of verses or rhymed prose. In
1311/1893-94 under the pseudonym of “Dīwāna” (God’s fool), he wrote verses in
his work “ ‘Ibrat al-ghāfilīn” (Edifications for the strayed).89 His verses urge tofollow the norms of Islam; they are intended for elementary religious educationof the commoners and are characterized by a low artistic level (see also
B. Babadjanov’s introduction to the present collection).

89

44

Babadžanov В. M. “Dūkči Īšān...” pp. 170-177; Манāк̣иб-и Дӯкчӣ Ӣшāн...

Assesments of the 1898 Andijan Uprising and Its Leader
Dūkchī-Īshān
in Works of the Contemporary Poets

The researchers of “A Satire on Dūkchī-Īshān” are also interested in anotherrange of questions: Was the mainly negative response of the authors of a cycle
toward the Andijan uprising and to the personality and actions of its leader
sincere, and, if so, to what extent? Was this burst of criticism connected with asecret order of the Governor-General of Turkestan S. M. Dukhovskoy(1898-1901) who wished to hear condemnation of the uprising from the mouthsof the local intelligentsia? And yet another important question: What was theattitude of the popular poets of that time towards the claims of Dūkchī-Īshān tobe a Sufi instructor (murshid)? In fact, all the poets named above knew about
Sufism not by hearsay, many ideas and aspects of their creative work weregenerated under the direct influence of Sufi poetry.
During his childhood Fāḍil-bīk ibn Āta-bīk was an eyewitness of the
Andijan events. He wrote his memoirs in 1898 and published them in 1924. In
this memoires he claims that back then the poets were instructed to write verses
with criticism of Dūkchī-Īshān and send them to local newspapers.90 However,
we have not yet encountered any direct documentary proof of this.
It is possible to find the answer to the first question in H. Baltabaev’s
newspaper article “Secrets of the mercenary literature” published in 1998 in
Uzbek.91 The article only involved a very small part of poetic works related to
the Andijan uprising. This article is written in the form of a popular scientific one.
It emphasizes that the poets created verses by order of the tsarist administrationthat wanted to establish a prevailing negative attitude towards the uprising and its
leader.
This testimony is also backed up by the existence of the so-called“Addresses” (“Testimonials”) with eulogies for the Governor-Generalship of90Фозилбек Отабек ўғли. Дукчи Эшан воқеаси. Ахмад С., Долимов У., Ризаев Ш. (ноширлар)Тошкент: Маънавият, 1992. 37-б.
91Болтабоев Ҳ. “Ёлланган адабиёт сирлари.” Ўзбекистон адабиёти ва санъат. 1998. № 49.

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

Turkestan and condemnation of Dūkchī-Īshān sent by the inhabitants of Kokand,Osh, and the Osh uyezd (district) and printed in local newspapers in the Uzbek
and Russian languages. 92 Therefore, we cannot completely exclude thepossibility that the discussed verses presented a direct “answer” by the popular
poets to the appeal from the Russian colonial administration addressed to the
local intelligentsia in response to the Andijan events “properly.” Having
suppressed the uprising with upmost cruelty, the imperial administration
demonstrated its completely uncompromising position and proved that it was
ready to use extreme measures in case of any attempt against its authority. Under
such conditions, the poets could hardly express any other attitude to the uprising,
except for a negative one.
At the same time, it is necessary to pay attention to the following fact: If thepoets wrote their poems with criticism of Dūkchī-Īshān by order of theauthorities, then why were only two of those 20 poems published in official pressof the Governor-Generalship of Turkestan?! Why were there verses left
unpublished and stored in the archives of N. Ostroumov, the editor of the local
newspaper?
In our opinion, the poets wrote these verses not under the orders of thecolonial authorities’ appeal, but under the impressions from the repression that
followed the uprising. Many local historians and poets who cannot be suspectedof having sympathies with the colonial authorities were sincere in theircondemnation of the armed attack launched by Dūkchī-Īshān’s supporters,
considering that it “has violated fatwā (a formal legal opinion given by mufti, an
Islamic legal authority) regarding the peace concluded with the White tsar.”93 On
the other hand, by then, the intelligentsia already realized that it was impossible
to break free from the chains of colonial oppression through an unorganizedmutiny. The sorrowful experience of numbers of the spontaneous uprisings thattook place during the years of the imperial rule over the territory had shown that.
After the suppression of the uprising, the local Russian press began to refer
to it as the “insurgency of religious fanatics.”94 “The main cause of the mutiny isghazawāt. During the attack the green banner appeared, and the Koran wasrecited.”95 At the same time, the colonial administration tried to declare theuprising as contradicting the true aims of ghazawāt.96 To make the condemnationof Dūkchī-Īshān more authoritative, they even tried to find suitable instructive
maxims in the local classical poetry. For example, the orientalist N. G. Mallitsky
92

Turkistān wilāyatīnīng gazītī. 1898. № 35; Туркестанские ведомости. 1898. № 64.
See: Babadjanov. “Dūkči Īšān...”94
In the Ostroumov’s archives there is kept a file with newspapers clippings in Russian about thesacred war of Muslims against the disbelievers: The Central State Archives of the Republic of
Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009. Inventory-1. Item-2.
95Туркестанские ведомости. 1898, 28 мая; Тагеев Б. Л. “Ферганская область.” Нива. 1898. №
26. С. 514; Правительственный вестник. 1898. № 115; 1899. № 124, 141.
96
“О священной войне мусульман с неверными (по случаю последних событий).”Туркестанские ведомости. 1898. № 77, 78.
93

46

Assesments of the 1898 Andijan Uprising and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān in Works of the Contemporary Poets

found a versicle in the poetic wisdom of words (ḥikmat) written by Ahmad
Yasawi, a well-known mystic of the 17th century, and interpreted it as a prophetic
sentence about Dūkchī-Īshān. “Aḥmad Yasawī, the great thinker and the saint ofTurkestan, was right that the modern Īshāns, in the overwhelming majority ofcases, are noted for their avarice and ignorance. And the following propheticalwords‫انينك فتنه سى دجال دين بد تر بولغاى‬can be applied precisely to Īshān Madalī of Ming-tepa: The word “fitna”
means “a uprising, mutiny, disturbance.” 97 N. Mallitskiy also presents thetranslation of this line: “His uprising (the mutiny) will be worse than (the mutiny)of Dajjāl (false-Messiahs).”
By the way, Nādim Namangānī called Dūkchī-Īshān as Dajjāl 98 andPharaoh.99 These two images are absolutely negative for Muslims: Dajjāl is afalse-Messiah, the antipode of the true Messiah; Firawn is the Biblical andKoranic Pharaoh who pursued Joseph / Yūsuf. Although Dhawqī and the authorof the second anonymous poem called the Andijan uprising as ghazawāt, they did
so with a fair share of irony. (E.g., the anonym made a peppered remark that tofight in the ghazawāt people were getting “armed with knives and cow manure.”)Actually, in many respects they reproduced the attitude to the uprising and to hisleader shown by the Turkestani semi-official organ in the Uzbek language.100
Let us discuss another aspect that was brought up by the critics ofDūkchī-Īshān and has not yet been thoroughly analyzed by historians of the
Andijan uprising. Rājī Marghīlānī claims that Dūkchī-Īshān is a Shiite, and his
father comes from Shughnān (that is, from Pamir), thereby hinting at the originof both of them from the local Ismailites.101 In his second poem Marghīlānī
reproaches Īshān for giving himself out for Mahdi, the hidden Shiite imam.102
Nādim Namangānī when rejecting Dūkchī’s claims for Īshānship referrers to him
as not only a mere ignoramus, but also a qizilbāsh (“a red-head” — the Shiites inCentral Asia often were called so) and an īrānī (Iranian).103 In his second verse‘Abd al-Ghafūr Muḥibb also called Īshān as a qizilbāsh and a Shiite. Rājī
Marghīlānī pays attention to the fact and that the uprising broke out on the sacred
day for the Shiites, on the 10th of Muḥarram (‘āshūrā)104, and equates it to the97Маллицкий Н. “Ишаны и суфизм.” Туркестанские ведомости. 1898 № 72.
Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 4182. f. 83б.
99Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 4179. f. 214б.
100
Turkistān wilāyatīnīng gazītī, 1898. № 32, 33.
101
According to some other data, his ancestors were natives of Kashgar. See: “Андижанское
восстание 1898 г.” Красный архив. 1938. № 3 (38). С. 145; Сайдаметов Д., Шляпников Н.
“Озодлик курашининг ёрқин саҳифаси.” 169-177-б.
102
The character of Mahdi was very popular with the Muslims. See: Эркинов А. “Андижанское
восстание и его предводитель...” С. 124, 136.
103Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. № 4182. f. 84б.
104
Komatsu H. “The Andijan Uprising…” pp. 44-45.
98

47

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

useless self-torture practiced by the Shiites (shahsey-vahsey) which was usually
performed in the same month.105
Probably, by calling Dūkchī-Īshān an Iranian (it also can be read as pirsiyān,that is, a Persian) and a qizilbāsh, Nādim Namangānī, Rājī Marghīlānī and, andfollowing them ‘Abd al-Ghafūr Muḥibb only wanted to emphasize that
Dūkchī-Īshān was “an outsider,” in other words, that he was simply not a Sunnite.
But we should not neglect the assumptions concerning the Shughnān origin ofĪshān, his connections with Pamir. Such assumptions are supported by someindirect proofs. In 1898, the magazine “Niva” informed that “Dūkchī-Īshān, an
ethnic Uzbek, <...> after accomplishing pilgrimage moved to the village(qīshlāq) of “Tajik” (of Ming-tepa, however, certainly there were several
settlements) where he lived 10 years.106 At that time in Ferghana the immigrants
from mountainous southern areas were frequently called “Tajiks,” and such factsof migration were not just a few single instances. As A. A. Bobrinsky noted, “InBukhara, in Osh, and in Kokand there are natives of Shughnān and Wahān who
are also Ismailites.” 107 Moreover, there are some facts testifying that “theIsmailite pīrs had their murīds in the Ferghana Valley.”108
Here is another Ismailism-related fact: Fāḍil-bīk ibn Āta-bīk in hischildhood witnessed the Andijan events of 1898 and wrote his account of these
events much later (published in 1924).109 Later, according to some sources (seebelow) he had contacts with Pamir — Badakhshān. For example, the famous
researcher and politician Ahmad Zaki Validi Togan (Aḥmad Dhakī Walīdī
Tūghān) (1890-1970) wrote that in private collections of the Ferghana Valley
there was held a work of Sang Muḥammad Badakhshī “Ta’rīkh-i Badakhshān”(History of Badakhshan)110 (for example, in Yūnus-jān dādkhāh Muhammadov’s
private library). And the most interesting is that in Andijan in the private archiveof Fāḍil-bīk there is kept one more copy of the above mentioned “Ta’rīkh-i
Badakhshān.” This copy covers the historical events taking place in Badakhshān
are presented until the period of life of the owner Mīrzā Fāḍil-bīk himself (in his
own handwriting), who lived in Badahshān for several years.111 The two known
copies of “Ta’rīkh-i Badakhshān” of Sang Muḥammad Badakhshī were kept in
the Ferghana Valley. The first one covers the period of 1068/1657-58 1223/1808-09. The second copy was completed in Osh and belonged to the105

Verzeichnis... P. 120.
Герцулин М. Я. “Кишлак Таджик в Ферганской области.” Нива. 1898. № 50. С. 991.
107Бобринский А. А. Секта Исмаилья в русских и бухарских пределах Средней Азии.
Этнографическое обозрение. кн.53. Москва, 1902. С. 7.
108Зайцев В. Н. “Памирская страна — центр Туркестана. Историко-географический очерк.”Ежегодник Ферганской области. Т. II. Новый Маргелан, 1903. С. 54.
109
Modern edition: Фозилбек Отабек ўғли. Дукчи Эшон воқеаси. Тошкент, 1992.
110Санг Мухаммад Бадахши. История Бадахшана. Болдырев А. Н. (Изд.) Ленинград:Издательство Ленинградского университета, 1959.
111
Валидов А. З. “Восточные рукописи в Ферганской области.” Записки Восточного
отделения императорского Русского археологического общества. Том ХХII. №3, 1915. С.
304.
106

48

Assesments of the 1898 Andijan Uprising and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān in Works of the Contemporary Poets

Andijan citizen Fāḍil-bīk ibn Āta-bīk, also known as Surkh-afsar. It covers thehistory of the territory from 1223/1808-09 to 1325/1907.112 This author had been
compelled to flee to Badakhshān from the persecution of the local authorities
after Dūkchī-Īshān’s uprising in 1898. It is interesting that the author of thememoirs about Dūkchī-Īshān’s uprising also fled to Badakhshān, from where,according to some data, Dūkchī-Īshān himself came. It seems that all these facts
show that it is necessary to study the personality and activities of Dūkchī-Īshān inthe context of his probable ties with Pamir.
Nevertheless, the central subject in the poems of a satirical cycle was not theorigin of Dūkchī-Īshān, but the criticism of his personality and deeds. Īshān
arranged daily entertainments and handouts for the needy and for ordinary
pilgrims in his hospice (khānaqā), dealt out alms to the poor. Although before theuprising the local press sympathetically told about these acts of charity113, after
the uprising all these activities were regarded as only means of gaining profit.
Another common aspect of the criticism of Dūkchī-Īshān was his claims forability to perform miracles (karāmat). Almost all the poets agreed in an opinion
that Īshān’s miracles were sākhta (faked), and they had reasonable grounds forthis. Dhawqī, Nādim Namangānī, and Rājī Marghīlānī blamed Īshān that hedeliberately deceived people, giving out a technical innovation (“boilers thatcooked without fire”) for his own ability to perform miracles. Ṣidqī Khāndayliqi
in his poem mentions another trick. In order to prove his miraculous abilities,
Dūkchī-Īshān devised a simple method: “He identified” his disciples (murīds)with typical offerings. Someone of disciples was for him “Āt- Sūfī” (Sufi-horse),
another one — “Tūya-Sūfī” (Sufi-camel), others were itemized as a Sufi-rice, or a
Sufi-ram, etc. Depending on what the visitor presented Īshān with as an offering,
the visitor was accompanied with a disciple with a corresponding nickname.
Having seen the disciple, Īshān “began to see clearly” and uttered what the visitor
had brought.
The author of a textbook of the Uzbek language for Russian learners, theorientalist P. E. Kuznetsov in 1912 in Sorbonne (Paris, France) defended his
Doctoral thesis entitled “Fighting of civilizations and languages in Central Asia”
and published it in the same year. In this book, prior to Ṣidqī, he alreadymentioned this type of Dūkchī-Īshān’s “karāmat.”114 An old man aged of 84
from that district where Dūkchī-Īshān lived, in 1993 told that, according topeople’s stories, Dūkchī-Īshān had applied such tactics to deceive his admirers.115
Nevertheless, Īshān reached his purpose because the commoners saw in suchtactics his ability to perform miracles. 116
Some poets also condemned ritual practices of Dūkchī-Īshān. For example,
112Ахмедов Б. “Предисловие.” Санг Мухаммад Бадахши. Тарих-и Бадахшан... С. 321.
Turkistān wilāyatīnīng gazītī. 1898. №12.
114
Kouznietsov P. La lutte des civilisations et des langues dans l'Asie сentrale. Paris : Jouve et Cie
Imprimeurs Editeur, 1912. p. 187.
115
Эгамназаров А. Сиз билган Дукчи эшон. 122-б.
116Раззоқов Ҳ. Завқий: ҳаёти ва ижоди. Тошкент: Фан, 1955. 34-б.
113

49

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary PoetsSulṭān Aḥmad stated that Īshān instead of making secret, internal dhikr for thesake of comprehension of God (dhikr-i pinhān)117, Īshān showed off in front ofpeople by making a public dhikr (dhikr-i āshkār).118
All these claims against Dūkchī-Īshān gave rise to a question: Can he bereckoned Sufi? Undoubtedly, his authority among common people was great; but
as for the educated intelligentsia, let alone the nobles, at the best they perceived
him with sympathy, but more often than that they treated him with contempt.
Even though the already mentioned historian Muḥammad ‘Azīz Marghīlānī
recognized Īshān a rather poor but “generous person.” He considered Dūkchī
ignorant, and emphasized that if he had been knowledgeable, “the Satan would
not have misdirected him” (Shayṭān yūldan āzdīrdī).119 As far as it concerns thepoets of the cycle, many of them come from the Īshān’s and Sufi’s circles. Thus,
as far as it is known, Nādim Namangānī and Sulṭān Aḥmad came from Īshān
clans, Rājī Marghīlānī had served qāḍī for 40 years, Mawlawī Yūldāsh was areligious authority in Kokand. Dūkchī-Īshān’s lowborn background (“a blackbone” 120 ) and his doubtful (probably even illegitimate) position in the Sufi
hierarchy in many respects had predetermined the negative and scornful attitudeof the clerical aristocrats towards him. Nādim Namangānī even wrote that Īshān’s
activities did not meet the requirements of Islam and Sufism. Dūkchī-Īshān wrote
in his “‘Ibrat al-ghāfilīn” (1311/1893-94) that at the age of 25 he for the firsttime faced ‘ulamā and mullā, who accused him by pointing out that he “comesfrom ignorant plebs” (nādān qāra suyak).121 So the question of his origin andbackground, obviously, was brought up by poets not without purpose.
On the other hand, it is necessary to note that — for as paradoxical as it
might seem — in all poems of the cycle, the attacks against Dūkchī-Īshān are
constantly accompanied with the general anticlerical attitudes. In some of them
anticlericalism even surpasses criticism towards a concrete person (see, forexample, poems by Muqīmī, Nādim....).
117

They mean the kind of dhikr that was preferred by the followers of the Sufi groups ofNaqshbandiya / Mujaddiya. For detail, see: Babadžanov B. M. “On the history of the Naqsbandiya
Mugaddidiya in Central Mawaraannahr in the late 18th and early 19th Centuries.” Muslim Culture
in Russia and Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th Centuries. Kemper M., Kügelgen A. V.,
Yermakov D. (eds.). Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1996.
118
It is necessary to note that the debates over the types of dhikr (with especially virulent attacks
on the representatives of loud types of dhikr) have a centuries-long history both in Central Asia andbeyond its borders. For detail, see: Бабаджанов Б. “Зикр джахр и сама‘: сакрализация
профанного или профанация сакрального?” Абашин C. Н., Бобровников В. О. (сост.)Подвижники ислама: Культ святых и суфизм в Средней Азии и на Кавказе. Москва:Восточная литература, 2003. С. 237-250.
119Муҳаммад ‘Азиз Марғилoний. Тарих-и ‘Азизи... 62-63-б.
120
See: Абашин С. “Ок-суяк.” Прозоров С. М. (сост. и отв. ред.) Ислам на территории
бывшей Российской империи. Москва: Издательская фирма Восточная литература, 2006. Toм
1. С. 318-319. See also interesting reasoning by B. Babadjanov on the “low origin” of
Dūkchī-Īshān and his deliberate avoiding of the religious elite and aristocracy: Бабаджанов Б. М.
“Дукчи Ишан…” С. 265-272.
121Бабаджанов Б. М. “Дукчи Ишан…” С. 258.
50

Assesments of the 1898 Andijan Uprising and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān in Works of the Contemporary Poets

On the whole, after the uprising the colonial administration became rather
apprehensive about any local gatherings of people. For instance, peculiar
people’s poets, maddāḥs 122 , (together with wā‘iẓas and dīwānas) fell undersuspicion too. They were called “market preachers.” And after the 1898 Andijan
uprising such wandering “poets” were regarded with suspicion, believing — andnot without reason — that maddāḥs could provoke new riots against the Russian
administration in Turkestan.123
In one of the manuscripts during research we found a folk song which,evidently, was written in honor of the Andijan uprising.124 The song describes
the scene where the armed Andijan citizens resisted kāfirs — disbelievers who
destroyed Andijan. It is possible to assume that it was written by a commoner andwas sung by the common people. The song also expresses the grief for thevictims of the severe repression and terror — often meaningless — that followed
the uprising. Even more interesting is that the political grounds of a uprising (andnot only the Andijan uprising) did not play a serious role in this simple song. In
the first place, the unknown author expresses sorrow for the victims, ordinary
people, destruction of the place he used to live, etc. Below is the text of this folk
song; it is rather primitive (primitive in terms of the form and rhythm), but at thesame time it is indicative of a highly emotional burst from common people
during these times125:‫اشوله‬‫قيلدى كافر قصد ايتيب بول انديجان نى قصتيده‬‫صف صف بوليب توردى ينه انديجان قصتيده‬‫قازى كالن كين بيالن بيل باغالدى حمت بيالن‬‫ذره چه ھيچ قورقمايين اوروشكا كردى انديجان‬‫نه يكيت الر باركان ميلتوقغه توتى قوقمايين‬‫اولدوروب جاندارمينى حيدب چيقردى انديجان‬‫كل تيففه اوزره چيقيب قيلدى الم بيراقينى‬‫چا طرفغه توف آتيب خوب بولدى ويران انديجان‬122

Maddāḥ is a teller of folk tales and legends about kings and Islamic heroes, the narrator oflegendary biographies of medieval religious authorities, first of all, of the Sufis: Эркинов А.
“Маддах.” Прозоров С. М. (сост. и отв. ред.) Ислам на территории бывшей Российской
империи. Вып. 4. Moсква: Восточная литература, 2003. С. 45-47.
123
The Central State Archives of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009.
Inventory-1. Item-109а. f. 3.
124Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-3. № 2572, f. 51а.
125
The poetic language of the song is primitive and has grammatical blunders, which we retained
unaltered, according to the original text.
51

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‫چين بيالن ناچنكا يتى ھمچنان آوازه سى‬‫رسته سيه چم باسيب خوب بولدى محكم انديجان‬‫نياليين بولسون امان ديب نامه يازديم المكان‬‫كويكا نيچه كويديو قاالنال ر ايتور االمان‬Song
The disbelievers went against Andijan for the sake of revenge
They broke into columns in order to take revenge upon AndijanQāḍī-yi kalān courageously acted against (the violence)126
Being afraid not one jot or tittle, Andijan has started war
Brave guys, having no fear, went against rifles
They have killed a gendarme, and Andijan drove (the enemies) away
[Enemies] came to Kul-tepa127 out of ashes and set up their banner
There were cannon-shots right and left, and Andijan was destroyed
The rumors about it have gone away all over the world
The Andijan dwellers were suppressed and forced to button their lips
What on earth was I to do? I have written this appeal so that they remain safe
To the rest I wish well-being, for all that had burned down you will not return
Another example of the attitude of ordinary people towards the figure of
Dūkchī-Īshān is presented by renowned Uzbek writer ‘Abd Allāh Kahhār(1907-1968), who was raised in the Ferghana Valley. In the memoirs of hischildhood under the title “Fairy tales about the Past” (written in 1965) he writes
the following. ‘Abd Allāh Kahhār’s father was a smith. Once, his apprentice
performed a conjuring trick for the village children. People thought that if anapprentice was so strong, his teacher - the master - could work wonders.
Therefore, people began to think that the smith had a supernatural power andcould help suffering people by reciting conjurations and invocations. When awoman of the qīshlāq came to Abdulla’s father asking him to help her by
conjurations, the smith’s wife denied that her husband was a sorcerer. ‘Abd Allāh
Kahhār describes this scene in his memoirs as follows:126

It is unknown, which Qāḍī-yi kalān is meant here. It is possible to assume that Qāḍī-yi kalān ofthe city indeed attempted to call the tsarist administration to abstain from too severe and inadequate
measures.
127
Kul-tepa is the name of Ming-tepa after it was destroyed by the Russian artillery. The village
currently uses this name.
52Assesments of the 1898 Andijan Uprising and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān in Works of the Contemporary Poets“ … Mum, understanding nothing, repeated and repeated:- But, in fact, my husband is an ordinary smith!
The woman did not cease to cry:
- My darling, let me be a slave of him, even if he is a smith.
Madalī-the-confessor was a spindle-maker too …”.128
Madalī-the-confessor — this is the name of “Madalī-Īshān” was translated
into Russian. Actually, it is this name that he was known under among thecommon people. This episode described by ‘Abd Allāh Kahhār, as can be seenfrom the context, took place approximately in 1915. It means that memory of
Dūkchī-Īshān continued to live among the ordinary people even 15 or 20 years
after his death. In addition, the persistent belief in his miraculous abilities also
continued to live, probably passed by word of mouth.

128Абдулла Каххар. Сказки о былом. К. Каххарова (изд.). Москва: Художественная
литература, 1987. С. 194; Абдулла Каххор. Асарлар. 3-том, К. Қаҳҳорова (нашри) Тошкент: Ғ.
Ғулом номидаги нашриёт, 1988, 224-б.

53

Conclusion

Thus, the acknowledged poets of the time, as well as local intellectuals, almost
unanimously condemned the Andijan uprising and particularly its leader. The factthat Dūkchī-Īshān was a man of low origin, as well as his doubtful position in thehierarchy of the Sufis in many respects predetermined a negative and scornful
attitude of the noble clergy towards the leader of the failed ghazawāt.
Such condemnation of the uprising (even in the form of creating this cycle)
is explained not only by the fact that the Turkestani authorities in every possible
way stimulated expression of “the discontent with Īshān among the native people
and intelligentsia.” The deeper reasons had induced the local poets to the
explosion of satirical works. It is perfectly clear that the main reason lies in their
aspiration to maintain, by any means, peaceful co-existence with the colonial
authorities, which military, economic, and political superiority had been by thenan obvious fact. Even those theologians who at the beginning of colonization,with weapons in hands hand, participated in resistance to the Russian troops,
eventually, came to the conclusion that due to the circumstances it was more
preferable to seek a compromise with the conquerors, and, as it has been alreadynoted, they adjusted theological substantiations in line with such a choice.129
The Russian colonialism had brought to the Muslims of Central Asia many
insults and oppressions. It was a conquest, and any attempt to revive the Soviet
formula of “annexation” — and, particularly, with a ridiculous attribute“voluntary” — is, to put it mildly, nonsense. However, the attitude towards thecolonization on the part of the local elite in due course became rather favorable
overall. 130 The Muslims, in accordance with their own words, lived morepeaceful lives under the Russians, than under the khans with their endless wars,
internal feuds, and civil discord. Nonetheless, we mustn’t make this positionМух̣аммад Йӯнус Х̬вāджа (Тā’иб). Тух̣фа-йи Тā’иб.... С. 8-10.
About the dynamics of the attituted of the Muslim writing intelligentsia toward the colonists,
see: Babadjanov B. “Russian Colonial Power in Central Asia as Seen by Local Muslim
Intellectuals.” Looking at the Colonizer. Cross-Cultural Perceptions in Central Asia and theCaucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas. Eschment B., Harder H. (eds). Berlin: Ergon Verlag, 2004,
pp. 75-90 (the main bibliography is presented there).
129
130

Conclusion

absolute too. For example, the Muslims of Turkestan could read officially aMuslim prayer (khuṭba) for their ruler being in good health — the Russian tsar,
but, at the same time, they also could express their grievances against theimperial Russian authorities. The Andijan uprising, as N. Ostroumov noticed,“proves that the Turkestani natives are absolutely not solidary with a prayer forthe tsar and for the tsarist government.”131
However, one also cannot but see the fact that the relative stability (at least,
the termination of civil strives) that established after the Russian conquest andcolonization introduced calmness and peace so much treasured by people.132
This was also emphasized by the poets – participants of the cycle about
Dūkchī-Īshān, for example by ‘Umīdī-Hawāī and ‘Abd al-Ghafūr Muḥibb.133
Certainly, among the intelligentsia and clergy there were also those who
sympathized with the insurgents, but they could hardly have expressed theiropinions openly, in public. However, as we saw above, even such estimations
found reflection in their creative works (particularly the folk ones) which havecome down to us in various forms.
Anyway, in conclusion let us note that none of events or phenomena inhistory can be assessed unequivocally. Moreover, our assessments of such events
mustn’t be affected by the current realities (or aspirations) of today. Otherwise,
we would’ve repeated the mistakes of our recent past, which should be regarded
as a bad example rather than just a subject of total condemnation and“repartition.”
Aftandil S. Erkinov
National University of Uzbekistan,
Tashkent
erkinov@yahoo.com

131Остроумов Н. “Молитва за русского царя в Туркестане.” The Central State Archives of the
Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009. Inventory-1. Item-88. f. 7а; Erkinov A.
Praying For and Against the Tsar: Prayers and Sermons in Russian Dominated Khiva and Tsarist
Turkestan. Berlin : Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2004 (=ANOR 16). p. 68.
132
Мулла Олим Махдум Ходжи. Тарихи Туркистон. Алимардонов Т., Абдулҳаким Н.
(нашри) Қарши: Насаф, 1993. 98-99-б; Мирза Алим ибн Мирза Рахим Тошканди. Ансаб
ас-салатин ва таварих ал-хавакин. Юлдашева С. (Пер. на рус. яз.) Ташкент: Мозийдан садо,2007. С. 192-206.
133
Хожибоев Т. XIX аср Ўзбек шоири... 82-б; The Central State Archives of the Republic of
Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009. Inventory-1. Item-109а.
55

Illustrations

Illustration 1. The Home of Dūkchī Īshān (from the book: Сальков В. П. Андижанское
восстание в 1898 году. Казань, 1901).

Illustration 2. The Plan of Dūkchī Īshān’s Home (from the book: Сальков В.П.
Андижанское восстание в 1898 году. Казань, 1901).

Illustrations

Illustration 3. Obeisance of natives (Natives plead guilty) after the Andijan revolt of 1898.
Andijan (Central State Archive of Cinema and Photo Documents of the Republic of
Uzbekistan. Fund A 60, photo 25).

Illustration 4. The door of masjid at Dūkchī Īshān’s home (Ferghana Museum of Regional
Studies, Uzbekistan). Photograph: Adham Ashirov.

57

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

Illustration 5. Common shape of Andijan. Populated blocks of natives. 1902. (Privatearchive of Aleksey Matveev).

Illustration 6. Railway station of Andijan. 1902. (Private archive of Aleksey Matveev).

Illustration 7. Bazaar of Andijan. 1902. (Private archive of Aleksey Matveev).
58

Appendix
Texts of verses

Muqīmī
(1850-1903)Ҳажви халифаи МингтeпаМахзани хoли – даҳан, тил – мoри гўё баччағар,Заҳри қoтил суҳбати мoнанди дунё баччағар.
Дангаса, нoмардлик майдoнида сарпo улуғ,Муттаҳамлик дафтарин бoшида туғрo баччағар.
Ис чиқарған ерда ҳoзир мисли шайтoн ҳамтабақ,Қанча сўксанг шунча шилқим; турфа суллoҳ баччағар.
Бoтини чўян қoзoн, қайнар ичида рeву ранг,Зoҳири бир сўфи сурат, қўлда ассo баччағар.
Ётқузиб тилсанг банoгаҳ қoрнидин чиқмас алиф,Салласин кўрган киши дeр: – “Катта муллo баччағар”.
Ҳалқада мундин бўлак бoлoнишин йўқ, oхириҚилмағай дeб қўрқаман ҳазратга даъвo баччағар.
Нeча муддат йўқ эди, ул қайданам ҳoзир бўлиб,Oш арусда ҳангираб, кўп қилди ғавғo баччағар.
Шунча қўйнинг пўрдoғу пўстдунбасин ўғирлади,Тoзалаб Мингтeпасига қилди савғo баччағар.
Сурмалар тoртиб қачoн кўрсанг кўзига, дoимoЎзга бeргай, қўлида oйина, oрo, баччағар.
Билмам oдам шаклида юрган уммисибъёнмукин,Oтини тутсанг агар ҳар ерда пайдo баччағар.
Бир пучак пул хайр нoгoҳ бир гадo қилса тамаъ,Истаган янглиғ вужудин андин анқo, баччағар.

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

Мeравад ҳаржo шикамрo маҳз пур кардан, дигар
Нeст парвoйи ғами имрўзу фардo, баччағар.
Кир ювиб мағзoбасин кўпугини oлиб йиғиб,Рўзада қўйғай oтин қандин нишoллo, баччағар.
Илгари филжумла нoмусу ҳаёси бoр эди,Қайси кун ҳаждинки кeлди, бўлди расвo баччағар.
Бoрса ҳар ерда уруб бeҳуда ёлғoн лoфу қoфДeрки: “Султoн бeрди мeнга етти тиллo”, баччағар.
Гар асo тутса қўлиға сиз ани айб айламанг,Вoқианким, кўзи oчиқ, бoтин аъмo баччағар.
Қилмас эрдим ҳажв, нoчoр айладимким ўқишиб,Аҳли дoнишга бўлур дeб дафъи савдo баччағар.
Ҳeч кимни баччағар дeб бўлмагай, тo бу тирик,Мундин ўзга баччағар йўқ, ўзи танҳo баччағар.
Эй Муқимий, сeндин oзoрe биравга етмасин,Душманинг ҳам бўлса ҳаргиз дeма аслo баччағар.
(Муқимий. Асарлар. Тошкент: Ғ.Каримов, 1974. 378-379-б.)

Dhawqī
(1853–1921)Ҳажви Йикчи ЭшoнСoлдинг oлам аҳлиға кўп шўришу ғавғo эшoн,Хайрият, тeзрoқ еди бoшингни бу савдo эшoн.
Oмилиғдин кашфи жин еткурди бoшлаб дoрға,Қилмас эрдинг ушбу иш, бўлсанг эди муллo эшoн.
Сeнга ким эди қўйган қилмoқ тариқат даъвoсин,Э шариат ҳукмидан oламда бeпарвo эшoн.
Хoриқи oдат: ўтинсиз oш пиширдинг тoмда,Айлабoн рангин “карoмат”ларни хўп барпo эшoн.
Аҳли Фарғoна тутар маҳшарда дoмoнингни бил,Ушбу йил қилдинг зарар ҳар кимга минг тиллo, эшoн.
Ишни сeн қилдинг, балoға қoлдилар бeчoра халқ,Ғўзани сeн еб, кeсилди бўзчи, банги, ё эшoн.
Шуҳратингни(нг) oфати ёлғиз ўзингга тeгмади,Балки сeн oфат бўлиб қилдинг вабo пайдo эшoн.
Э касoфатлик вужудинг наҳсидин Мингтeпада,Хoнавайрoн бўлди бир минг манзилу маънo, эшoн.
60Appendix: Text of VersesҚанча oдам ўлдилар, кўп халқ бўлдилар асир,Шаръ ҳукми: қoниға зoмин бўлибсан, ҳo эшoн.
Тутмаса Қoдирқули мингбoши, гар oсилмасанг,Айлар эдинг бу маҳалда Маҳдилик даъвo эшoн.
Ўт югуртирдинг “карoмат” дeб қилиб бидъат ўчoқ,Қилмади бу ишни ҳeч oламда бир тарсo эшoн.
Нoмубoрак мақдаминг Мингтeпани қилди харoб,Гар қадам қўйсанг чиқаргай дудлар дарё, эшoн.
Ҳам бoшингга, ҳам (кeтинга) тeгди oтқoн сoпқoнинг,Марг сeн сoҳибҳуруж ўлғoнға, э расвo эшoн.
Ҳимматинг oлий экан, ушбу “ғазoт”инг ажриға,Бoрсанг арзир тўхтамай дўзахга – сeн танҳo, эшoн.
Мундoғ иш oдам дeмай, oламда ҳайвoн айламас,Сўфи мисвoку мусаллo, шoна-ю саллo эшoн.
Ранг-баранг рангу риё қилмoқда шайтoн ҳамтабақ,Йигчи халфа нoм чиқардинг, баччағар, устo эшoн.
Енги кир малла чoпoнинг, мeши дастурхoнларинг,Фeълу атвoринг тамoми ёқмаган бeжo, эшoн...
Ҳийлакoр дoғулидeк сурат сoвуқ, сират бузуқ,Бир чўқиб икки қарайдурғoн алoқарғo эшoн.
Мунча асбoбу халoйиқ қoлди бoшингдин сабил,Қирғизу, қипчoқ кeтурган ҳадя-ю савғo эшoн.
Ҳар киши бу шўриши Фарғoнадин сўрса нишoнЗавқий айтур: жoн чиқиб, тарихидур иғвo эшoн!
(Завқий. Танланган асарлар. Раззоқов Ҳ. (Нашрга тайёрловчи). Тошкент:Ўзадабийнашр, 1960. 32-33-б.)Nādim Namangānī(1844–1910)(I))312b(‫دوران چرخ ايدل بيحد يمان ايمسمو‬‫طوفان غصهُ غم آثار قان ايمسمو‬‫کرد غبار فتنه ير آسمان ايمسمو‬‫فرغانه اهلی غم دن رنکی سمان ايمسمو‬‫بو شوريش قيامت آخر زمان ايمسمو‬‫ساداتُ پيشوالر يتکان رهنماالر‬61‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫اقطابُ اوليالر ز ّهادُ اتقياالر‬‫اهلی رساالر حجاج ُ پارساالر‬
‫علم‬
‫ُ‬
‫قاری قوش اداالر اه د ُل دعاالر‬‫شيخان خانقاالر شمس جهان ايمسمو‬‫هر برالريده يوز غم دوران پر جفادن‬‫خوف خطر بالدن‬‫کونک لری پريشان‬‫ُ‬‫بر لحظه قرقماى غوغا ماجرادن‬‫خونابه لر يوترالر بر در ِد بی دوادن‬‫از بس که بو زمانه کوب جان ستان ايمسمو‬‫بولدی يکرمه اوج ي فرغانه فطرتيغه‬‫اوتی بو ايمفراطور ظ حمايتيغه‬‫سوندی بويون خاليق حق نی ارادتيغه‬‫کورکوزدی شاه سعين بو اي فراغتيغه‬‫فرغانه دولتی ده داراالمان ايمسمو(‪)412a/312b‬‬‫بو شاهيمزنی قيلميش ايزد بسی مظفر‬‫ملکی خطا ُ روم تا هند بالمقرر‬‫اسکندر زماندور محکومى جمله کشور‬‫سالغان بو شوکتی دين بحر ايله برکا لنکر‬‫بو پادشاه عالم صاحب قرآن ايمسمو‬‫فرغانه دولتيده تابغان ايدی فراغت‬‫هيج وجه دين يتشمای بو اي کا ظل ُم زخمت‬‫بيچاره کم بغ لر بولميش ايدی بدولت‬‫افسوس کيم فلک دين يوزالندی بيزکا محنت‬‫بر بر ديين قوالغ سال بو داستان ايمسمو‬‫بو دهر آفتيدين بر شوريش اولدی پيدا‬‫مينک تيفه ليغ ايشاندن چيقتی فسادُ غوغا‬‫بولدی دماغی فاسد بر کيچه قضارا‬‫مردم کا سالدی اغوا اول خبيثى ديو آسا‬‫ای اه عق ُ دانا بيزکا زيان ايمسمو‬‫سحر جادو‬‫ايتی جهان ايليکا نيرنک و‬‫ُ‬‫صورت ده اوليا ديک سرتده مث هندو‬‫ک بدبو‬‫بی عل ُم بی ديانت باطن ده خن ُ‬‫شيطان آدمی خواصلی خطا ُ منجو‬‫سر فتنه جفاجو يکچی ايشان ايمسمو(‪)312a/412a‬‬‫بر کته خانقاهی قيلغان در آشيانه‬‫مينک آتنی باغالغوديک بر يانغه اخته خانه‬‫آش قزانين ايتکان بو اي کا دا ُم دانه‬‫ُ‬‫‪62‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫جادوکری زمانه سحريدن آشخانه‬‫فرعون دين نشانه مله چفان ايمسمو‬‫اول خانقاهی ايچرا ارغمچی دام تذوير‬‫مله چفانُ سله ابله کا ايردی تدبير‬‫نيرنک برله قيلدی بی عق لرنی تسخير‬‫مينک تيفه جايی بولدی کوياکه شهر کشمير‬‫مردم کوزيکا ايشان اصلی يالن ايمسمو‬‫ديو شياطين اولدی اول بد نهاده اهزن‬‫ُ‬‫ک تيره بولدی چشميغه روز روشن‬‫تاري ُ‬‫بولدی جنون زياده جاک ايتی جيب دامن‬‫عقلی باشيدين اوجتی ديدی غزا قيلرمن‬‫مقصود بو ايشی دين ايلدين تالن ايمسمو‬‫بر نيچه شياطين قولغه اليب فجاغين‬‫کرديلر انديجان کا فاسد قيليب دماغين‬‫بعضی نی اوخالکانده کستی کيچه تماغين‬‫قاجتی شبانه قُودی سالت ايتب سراغين‬‫بو شيرلر قاشيده اول ماکيان ايمسمو (‪)412a/312a‬‬‫بر تلکراف برله توتی جهاننی عسکر‬‫قيلغان تمامى در برتر تفنک خنجر‬‫فرغانه ملکی تولدی لشکر بيله سراسر‬‫هر قيسی ذال رستم مردانه ُ دالور‬‫ميدان جنک ايچره بر ارسالن ايمسمو‬‫توتی لر انی محکم کتمان تيفه يوليده‬‫بوينيغه توشتی زولون سالت الر قوليده‬‫ک سوليده‬‫کيلتوردی انديجان کا عسکر اون ُ‬‫رسواليغ ايله اولدی اول باغى سک يليده‬‫بو عبرت تمامی اه زمان ايمسمو‬‫بر نيچه لر اسيلدی انی ضاللتی دن‬‫بعض سبيرکا کيتی شه نی سياستی دن‬‫فرغانه باش کوتارمس بولغان خجالتی دن‬‫آنی کسافتی دن اول فتنه آفتی دن‬‫اسير زار بی حانُ مان ايمسمو‬‫کوب اي‬‫ُ‬‫بو ايشنی کرجه قيلدی ايشانی بی ديانت‬‫فرغانه اهلی بولدی موندين بسی حجالت‬‫مينک تيفه ليغ نی جايی ويرانه بولدی غارت‬‫ايمدی نه سود قيلغای افسوس ايله ندامت‬‫اوج لک صوم اخجه برمق بار کران ايمسمو (‪)312a/412a‬‬‫‪63‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫کر بولمسه بو ايشان رئ ايله اقتضاسی‬‫فرغانه نينک ايلی نی تاراج ايله اذاسی‬‫بولغای مو ايردی هزکز بو نوع مجاراسی‬‫يتکاى مو ايردی بيزکا بو کلفتُ جفاسی‬‫قيلغان آنی خطاسی ظلم عيان ايمسمو‬‫خلق ايچره سامری ديک کوب فتنه لر سالدی‬‫نيرنک حيله برله کوب ايلدين اخجه الدی‬‫جادو سيحری آخر فرغانه کا بيليندی‬‫ُ‬‫فرمان ايمفراطور بولغاج انکا اسيلدی‬‫اول پادشاه اعظم حکم روان ايمسمو‬‫بر برغه يخشی ايردی روسيه ُ مسلمان‬‫مهر ايله شفقت اوزره پيوسته شادُ خندان‬‫کوب ربط اشناليغ ايالب بولوب قدردان‬‫افسوس کيم غباری سالدی اراغه شيطان‬‫مار جيان ايمسمو‬‫بو ايش نی باشلغان لر ُ‬‫يتکان بو طرز کلفت حکم ازل قلم دن‬‫اول باعث مفرت يکجی متهم دن‬‫خوف خطر الم دن‬‫بو اي نی بغری قاندور‬‫ُ‬‫هر لحظه دردُ غم دن بر نيچه ستم دن‬‫ويرانه لرده يغالب ازرده جان ايمسمو (‪)412a/312a‬‬‫قيلغان ايشی مخالف ايردی شريعت ايچره‬‫عکس نظام ُ ملت دينُ طريقت ايچره‬‫بو طرز فتنه کرليغ يوقتور حقيقت ايچره‬‫کر اول حالل انکلر اول ايشنی عادت ايچره‬‫دين دن چيقار ديکان لر اسالميان ايمسمو‬‫الحمد هلل ايمدی اول پادشاه اعظم‬‫ايتمای ينه کرم نی فرغانه اهلی دين کم‬‫قيلدی تماميمزنی آزادُ شادُ خرم‬‫جز ُم خطا اهلی نی بيزلردين ايتی برهم‬‫فرغانه اهلی موندين کوب شادمان ايمسمو‬‫تحقيق ايله الغ لر روشن قيليب عدالت‬‫يخشی بيله يمان نی ممتاز ايتب بغايت‬‫يتی جزاغه باغی اوزکه هم سالمت‬‫شکرانه سيکا ديرميز حمد ثنا دوامت‬‫اول شاهمز دعاسی ورد زبان ايمسمو‬‫قيلغان مخمس ايله بو قصه نی نمايان‬‫‪64‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫نادم تخلصی دور اوالد شاه مردان‬‫فرزند شيخ االسالم جايی انی نمنکان‬‫ايشان توره اسمی ‪ ...‬و عملی ثنا خوان‬‫اشعاريدين ‪ ...‬ايمسمو (‪)312a/412a‬‬‫بو ايش لر يکه بولدی تقدير اقتضاسی‬‫لو ُح قلم غه يازغان عالمنی ماجراسی‬‫بر درد بارکه يوقتور هرکز انی دواسی‬‫قيلغان عزيز لرنی اوباش تخت پا سی‬‫کلزار شرع برحق موندين خزان ايمسمو‬‫دنيا تردوديدن هر کيم باشيده سودا‬‫نفس هوا يوليده شا ُم سحر تمنّا‬‫ُ‬‫‪ ...‬پرداسی آخرت يوق کونک لريده اصال‬‫‪ ...‬کرم مروت بو اي ايجيده عنقا‬‫‪ ...‬مردان کوزون نهان ايمسمو‬‫افسوس کيم خدا جو مردانه لر عدم دور‬‫ضمير دانا مردم ايجيده کم دور‬‫روشن‬‫ُ‬‫سردار مصلحت بين اوباش متهم دور‬‫کار باری اول زمره نی ستم دور‬‫بو اي غه ُ‬‫مردم ايشی هميشه آه فغان ايمسمو‬‫ضنديق ديو صورت شرمنده بدولت‬‫سرمست في هيت بدافت پر کسافت‬‫پلدار بی طهارت رندان اه غارت‬‫هندوی تره طينت باش اولدی فی الحقيقت‬‫فرغانه ملکی ايمدی مازندران ايمسمو (‪)412a /312a‬‬‫کرجه جند اوليا ُ اقطاب لر اوتوب دور‬‫رخسارينی بو ايلدين ير ايچره برکتيب دور‬‫قالغان بو بی نوالر هجران ده قان يوتوب دور‬‫درد غمان بو کيتی اوراقيغه بتيب دور‬‫ای بنده اوزمه اميد حق مهربان ايمسمو‬‫شايدکه حق تعالی بزكا عنايت ايتسه‬‫آسايش ُ فراغت سارى اشارت ايتسه‬‫شرع شريفه احمد روحين حمايت ايتسه‬‫شورشرر ايلی نی عالمده غارت ايتسه‬‫دنيا يوزی دميده بر کلستان ايمسمو‬‫معراجيغه يتيشتی ظل ُم جفای دوران‬‫ُ‬‫فسق فجوره تولدی ملک تمام توران‬‫مهدی بيله مسيحی وقت خروجی آالن‬‫‪65‬‬

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‫ايول غ ُم ستم دين بر لحظه يوتمغي قان‬‫سالغي ايشينک خداغه حق مستعان ايمسمو‬(Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1, Msc. № 4179. ff. 213b-217а.)Стихотворение134Наманганца Ишан-Баба-Хан-Тюри, Шейхуль Исламова(по поводу андижанского возмущения)О, сердце! Не очень ли небо враждебно к нам стало?
Не след-ли кровавый после потопа (современного) остался от печали?
Не новый-ли свод в небесах от пыли восстанья явился?
Не жёлтым-ли стало от печали лицо у людей Ферганы?
Не служит-ли смута признаком мира конца?
Сеиды, передовые люди, лучшие духовные путеводители,Светочи святых, отшельники благочестивые,Люди науки, образованные, набожные ходжии,Лучшие чтецы Корана, усердные молитвенники,Шейхи дервишских обителей – теперь не принижены-ли они?
У каждаго сто огорчений от виновников стольких бедствий,Сердце их в печали от происшедшего в Фергане возмущения...
В одну секунду не избавиться от страха пред этой бедой.
Они глотают кровавую слюну; нет лекарства от этой боли,Ибо не много-ли погибло в это время людей?
Двадцать три года со дня присоединения Ферганы
Прошло под Августейшим покровительством Русскаго Императора.
Ведь по Божей воле этот народ покорён...
Государь проявил свою заботливость о благополучии его,И не стала-ли безопасной страной Фергана?
Победителем соделал Господь этого Государя нашего.
Царство Его простирается до Китая, Рума и Индии...
Как при Искандере135 пусть распространяется Его власть
The Russian translation of the same poem from the newspaper Туркестанские ведомости (1898,№ 45).
135 Alexander III of Macedon (Alexander the Great).
134

66

Appendix: Text of VersesВо все стороны – на море и на сушу!
Не само-ли небо покровительствует этому Государю Вселенной?
Обрела Фергана в Его царствие благополучие,Никого не касалась беда от насилий,Богачами стали несчастные бедняки. НоПечально, что бедствие с неба ниспало на нас.
Этот рассказ для того, чтобы друг другу передать его.
От злого рока этих дней появилась смута,От минтюпинскаго ишана вышла смута.
Подобный диву, безумец вложил в сердце людям мысль о возмущении.
О, разумные, толковые люди, не вред ли нам от сего?
Он показывал народу хитрости, волшебство и чародейство...
По наружности святой, а внутри, как индиец
Необразованный и бессовестный, бездушный и зловредный
Шайтана слуга и по нраву манджур,136Главарь восстания с султаном на чалме, не Икчи-ишан ли?
Большую двухэтажную обитель он построилИ около – конюшню на 1000 лошадей,Как силок, пищевой котёл уставил... Для народа
Столовая его с волшебством, – время чародеев!
Его желтоватый халат не есть-ли признак Фараона?
Мечеть и минарет он построил и с фокусом котёл.
Желтоватый халат и чалма помогла в планах безумцу.
Своими хитростями он увлекал неразумный народ.
Подобным Кашмиру сделалась Минтипе.
Не настоящий-ли лжец ишан в глазах людей?
Это диво-шайтана – дурной путь.
Потемнел дневной свет в очах (у ферганцев);Порвались у них ворот и полы от дел безумца.
Оставило его сознание и он газават объявил...
И не было-ли целью при этом разоренье народа?
Несколько наших людей, взяв в руки ножи,Пришли в Андижан, злой умысел имея;Ночью перерезали горло некоторым спящимИ ночью же бежали: их погнали солдаты.
136

The Chinese.
67

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary PoetsПеред этими львами они не более, как курицы.
По телеграфу наполнилась страна войсками;Все они имели ружья, револьверы и сабли.
Ферганская область наполнилась войсками.
Каждый воин по храбрости подобен Гиу времени Рустама.137
Не львы-ли это на поле битвы?
Ишана захватили на дороге в Китмень-типе,Наложили оковы на руки ему, и солдатыВ Андижан привели; справа и слева шли солдаты...
Покрылся срамом возмутитель, как собака в навозе.
Не служит-ли это время уроком для всего населения!
За его заблуждение несколько человек повешены,А некоторые пошли в Сибирь, – по суду Государеву.
Не может поднять Фергана голову от срама.
От этого дела ишана, от этого возмущения
Разве не много народа сделалось арестантами, безумные людьми!
Безчестное дело сделал ишан,И многие ферганцы осрамились.
Место минтипинца разрушено, разорено...
Какая же польза получилась? Печаль и раскаяние...
Не тяжело-ли уплатить 300,000 рублей штрафа?
Если бы не был приведён в исполнение замысел ишана,Произошли-ли бы погром и стеснение для ФерганыОт каждого из этих вожаков?
Постигло-ли бы нас такое тяжёлое горе?
Не ясно-ли заблуждение учиненнаго им заговора?
Подобно Самраю138, смут много посеял в народ,Хитро-лукаво денег много собрал.
Его обман и волшебства после стали понятны Фергане.
По повелению Императора, он был повешен...
Может-ли не исполниться приговор Великаго Государя?
В этом деле участниками были: грабители – ворыБезумные, безшабашные бездомники, продавцы масла,Глупые дураки киргизы-жнецы,
137
138

68

The heroes of the ancient Persian epos popular in Central Asia.
Made a golden calf, which was worshipped by the Jewish people during the Moses’ absence.

Appendix: Text of VersesБродяги, клятвопреступники, а ближе всего нищие, питающиеся айраном.
Не был-ли одним из них Бек-джан Кузы-оглы?
Это сборище неразумных глупцов, полуумных,Не имеющих пищи, голодных, нищих, не имеющих верховых животных...
У каждого из них на плечах были палки и дубины без острия.
Не подобны-ли они собакам, лающим на луну,В надежде достать с неба каравай или кость?
Хорошо жили друг с другом русские и мусульмане,Всегда были дружелюбны, радостны-веселы,Много у них было связей в знакомстве,И горестно, что бросил шайтан пыль вражды среди них.
Не змеи-ли, не скорпионы-ли эти возмутители?
От Предвечного предопределения такого замешательства,От виновнаго веретенщика, бывшаго причиной зла,У многих печень в кровь обратилась от боли страха.
От ежеминутной болезненной думы о насилиях ишанаНе скорбит-ли душа? Не плачет-ли горько?
Сделанное им противно уставам шариата,Противоречит канонам веры и обычаям тариката:От возмущения вред всеобщий: нет этого в Хакыкате139.
Если же он считал это позволительным, то поступил по личному обычаю...
Не отступники-ли от ислама названные мусульмане?
Власти проявили справедливость при разследовании дела:Тщательно различали благонадёжных от злонамеренных;Подверглись наказанию преступники, а все прочие невредимы,Они всегда возносят благодарение, хвалу и славу Богу.
Не творят-ли они постоянно молитву и за нашего Государя?
Теперь хвала Богу: Великий ГосударьНе уменьшил Своих милостей к Фергане:Освободил всех нас от суда и сделал радостными,Ныне простил он наши преступления.
Не возрадуются-ли от этого жители Ферганы?
Изложивший пятистишием этот ясный разсказПо прозванию «Надим», потомок Шаги-Мардана140,
139
140

Tariqa is the path of the Sufis, haqiqah is the Sufi truth.
The fourth “righteous” caliph Ali (the true successor to the Prophet Muhammad).
69

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫‪Сын Шейхуль-ислама, – из города Намангана.‬‬‫?‪Не распространятся-ли эти стихи по свету‬‬‫)‪(Туркестанские ведомости. 1898, № 45.‬‬‫)‪(II‬‬‫(‪)2213‬‬‫بو شورش زمانه بى حد يمان ايمسمو‬‫طوفان غصه غم اثار قان ايمسمو‬‫حق طاعتى نى قيلماى شرع نبى ده بولماى‬‫سركشته اسرى بحر خان مان ايمسمو‬‫ساداتُ خواجه مال خواهى فقهُ دانا‬‫تجار شيخ كبرا رنكى سمان ايمسمو‬‫ُ‬‫اوباش بى ديانت قالش اند صورت‬‫سردار بو ديار كلفت نشان ايمسمو‬‫پيران پارساالر زهادُ اتقياالر‬‫شيخان حانقاالر شمس جهان ايمسمو‬‫افسوس كيم زمانه كج بولدى جاودانه‬‫يخشى بيله يمانه ظلمى نهان ايمسمو‬‫هر لحظه دردُ غم دن بر نيجه ستم دن‬‫زهر اب پر الم دن ازرده جان ايمسمو‬‫هر كيم ده بولسه طال خواهى جهودُ ترسا‬‫بو اي غه خواجه ينُ اول كته كان ايمسمو‬‫ضنديق ديو صورت شرمنده بدولت‬‫دركاهى جمله ايلغه دار االمان ايمسمو‬‫خير سخا يوقالدى فسق فجور الدى‬‫ُ‬‫بدعت كا شهر تولدى آخر زمان ايمسمو‬‫ُ‬‫دوق دغ يمان لر ظل ُم ستم كا كان لر‬‫مار چيان ايمسمو )‪(223a222b‬‬‫بو مملكت ايجيده ُ‬‫ذكر فنُ شعارى‬‫كار بارى ُ‬‫بر خلق ُ‬‫بو پخته اميركان كاهش جان ايمسمو‬‫شيطان آدمى خواصلى خطا ُ منجو‬‫سير فته جفاجو يكجى ايشان ايمسمو‬‫ُ‬‫جادوكر زمانه سحريدين آشخوانه‬‫فرعون دن نشانه خوك قوان ايمسمو‬‫مردم كا سالدى غوغا اول جنى ديو آسا‬‫‪70‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫اى اه عق ُ دانا بيزكا زيان ايمسمو‬‫حق لطف دين ديار فرغانه اى برادر‬‫محكوم ايمفراطور دار االمان ايمسمو‬‫نصرانى لرنى شاهى داراى كجكالهى‬‫از نصرت الهى صاحب قران ايمسمو‬‫بيزلر انكا رعيت اندين بو اي كا شفقت‬‫ملكى خطا ُ رو ُم تا اسفهان ايمسمو‬‫يكجى ايشان نادان دجال ملك توران‬‫عالمغه سالدى طوفان بو داستان ايمسمو )‪(223b223a‬‬‫آنى كسافتيدين اول فتنه آفتى دين‬‫زار بى خان مان ايمسمو‬‫كوب اي‬‫اسير ُ‬‫ُ‬‫بعضى اسيلدى يتى بعض سبركا كيتى‬‫غربت ده زار يغالب كوز خون فشان ايمشمو‬‫مونده قاليب بالسى همشيره ُ اغاسى‬‫ايش خاندان لريغه آهُ فغان ايمسمو‬‫مينك تيفه غارت اولدى كوب نى اويى بوزيلدى‬‫اورنى موجوك كا بولدى ظلم عيان ايمسمو‬‫سيالب بولدى برهم يتى الوس غه مينك غم‬‫ضعف اولدى دين كم كم بو امتحان ايمسمو‬‫ويرانه بولدى خاكان اهلى همه پريشان‬‫يوزى بيالن يقيلكان اول انديجان ايمسمو‬‫فرغانه تنج ايردى قرغز بو ايشنى قيلدى‬‫صالت لر قصاصى بر جان كا جان ايمسمو‬‫جر ُم خطا ُ ذلت كوب بولدى اي كا غفلت‬‫اي كوزيكا كرامت آش ايله نان ايمسمو )‪(224a223b‬‬‫اى خلق بى سرانجام عالم ده صبح ايله شام‬‫ديب پرى جاه خام بين يغالكان ايمسمو‬‫معبود جمله عالم يزدان پاك اعظم‬‫شرازه بند آدم اول المكان ايمسمو‬‫قران ايرور كالمى مذكور تيلده نامى‬‫بيزكا اتا انادين حق مهربان ايمسمو‬‫اندين رسول برحق احمد ايرور محقق‬‫دينُ شريعتى دين حكمى روان ايمسمو‬‫اول افض پيمبر جمله نبيغه سرور‬‫محبوب حى داورعرش آشيان ايمسمو‬‫اصحابُ چار يارى احفاد نامدارى‬‫هر قيسى قطبُ هر غوث كالن ايمسمو‬‫اقوال مشتهدين آثار اه تدوين‬‫حب المتين و دست بو امتان ايمسمو‬‫توتماى بولر طرفين نهج ملت دين‬‫اى خلق جه آيين ذكرينك قزن ايمسمو‬‫ايشان نى خانقاسى قيلغان اوزون دعاسى‪...‬‬‫)‪(Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1, Msc. № 4179. ff. 222b-224а.‬‬‫‪71‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫)‪(III‬‬‫عالم ايليدين اولغان قطب جهان خليفه‬‫بولسه فناى مطلق اولدور عيان خليفه‬‫حق دن بولك تابيلمس قربت نشان خليفه‬‫درياى معرفت دور طبعى روان خليفه‬‫اول وارث نبى دور عرش اشيان خليفه‬‫بو بكر ايردى صادق صدق سخاوت ايجره‬‫عمر شهنشه ايردى تخت عدالت ايجره‬‫عثمان شهيد بولدى عين تالوت ايجره‬‫شير خدا على كيم ايردى شجاعت ايجره‬‫بو تورت مصطفى كا بى شكان خليفه‬‫اصحاب آل ايرورلر سر حلقه عزيزان‬‫آينه حقيقت انوار قطب دوران‬‫صبح شب معارف برمشتهدُ پران‬‫حب المتين ملت حصين الحصين ايمان‬‫ديرلر بولرنى اه كرد بيان خليفه‬‫بشر داود كاهى رهبر‬‫ايردى جنيد ُ‬‫بو حفيض ُ نقش بند اول بايزيد سرور‬‫اول جمله اوليالردين نبى غه زيور‬‫در كوهر‬‫بحر علوم ايجره غواص ُ‬‫دامانيدين جهان كا كوهر فشان خليفه )‪(83a82b‬‬‫هر برلريده ظاهر ايردى خدا ثناسى‬‫يوق ايردى هيج دنيا امرينى اقتضاسى‬‫بولغان فناى مطلق امت نى رهنماسى‬‫ارباب معرفت نى مرشد پيشواسى‬‫بيلكاى لر انى يردن تا آسمان خليفه‬‫يوق دور الرده هركز بيهوده كرايله فر‬‫نه دستكاه ظاهر كته قزان ُ لنكر‬‫نه الى دين مناره قرغز قزاقى زن غر‬‫نقشين عصا ُ كجكول مله جفان قلندر‬‫نه ذكرفكرى ايردى آش ُ قزان حليفه‬‫ايمدى عجب بو ايشى نيجه كله خرلر‬‫عامى بى ديانت بر قانجه سنى غرلر‬‫مانند كته تالى فوك فوروج غرلر‬‫شورشرلر‬‫بى عل ُم بى فراست ارباب‬‫ُ‬‫واجد تاكه ايمدى هر زمان خليفه‬‫‪72‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫مانند سامرى كوب عالمغه سالدى غوغا‬‫بر نيجه پيرى ناحق اه رداى رسوا‬‫اوباش لرغه بولدى مرشيد راست پيما‬‫سيرت ده ديوى ملعون باطن لرى خداجا‬‫اوشبو ديار ايليغه كان زيان خليفه )‪(83b83a‬‬‫شي ُخ خانقاسين ايالب جو دام تذوير‬‫حيوان غه اوخشاكانى چيكتى بو دامه بر بر‬‫آش ُ قزانين ايتى نيرنك برله تدبير‬‫حمق اهلين ايتى آخر بو حيله برله تسخير‬‫اول روده پاى سوى مازندران خليفه‬‫يعنى بو بر ايشانى مينك تيفه ليغ بيانى‬‫اغداركان اي باشيغه شورابه بالنى‬‫بد اص پر كسافت دجال وقت ثانى‬‫خرس پلنك كوهى احمق نى كته كانى‬‫موندين مراد بي كيم يكجى ايشان خليفه‬‫)‪(Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1, Msc. № 4182. ff. 82b-83b.‬‬‫)‪(IV‬‬‫(‪)84а‬‬‫مينك تيفه موضعيدين چيقتى وبا خليفه‬‫تا خون نى وجودى بولدى بنا خليفه‬‫اق تور تونى و ليكن قلبى قرا خليفه‬‫مكر حيله دين آليب قولغه عصا خليفه‬‫اسالم ايليغه سالدى كوب ماجرا خليفه‬‫ايرانى ايردى ذاتى بيلماى خاليق آنى‬‫مخلص بولوب باريسى مرومالى يمانى‬‫بيلسانك حماقتينى اوشبو ايرور نشانى‬‫قبله ساريغه ايالب حوليسيده خالنى‬‫مردار لعنتى اول روسيا خليفه‬‫عالمغه فتنه سالماق ايردى انى حيالى‬‫قورسون آلهى مونداغ مرشيد نى جمالى‬‫خيريت ايتى تنكريم ير قعرينى مكانى‬‫يوقسه ايتاردى دعوت دينيغه احتمالى‬‫بر وقت تابتى برهم اه ريا خليفه‬‫‪73‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫شدادديك جهان نى ملكينى قيلدى اباد‬‫شيطان لعنتى كا اولماقجى ايردى استاد‬‫ابليس الرنى بردى دستيكا خط ارشاد‬‫اوزينى شيخ ايالب آتينى قويدى ذهاد‬‫تسبيحى آخر اولدى وا حسرتا خليفه )‪(84b84a‬‬‫تسخير خلق قيلغان مكارالردين ايردى‬‫البته يلغان ايردى هرنكته كه ديدى‬‫ايرماسمو بو عالمت يوق مالدين مريدى‬‫اى عامى الر كورونك الر اول بدرك بيلندى‬‫موندين آلهى برسون بزكا فنا خليفه‬‫قالسون سبي آلهى او مله تون رداالر‬‫تسبيح دلق كجك نقش ايالكان عصاالر‬‫صياد دامى ينكليغ اول كته خانقاالر‬‫فكر فساد برالن ايتكان اول آه واالر‬‫عالم نى روزكارين قيلدى قرا خليفه‬‫مينك تيفه دين خروجى ايرانى ايردى ذاتى‬‫محمد على خليفه خلق ايچره آنى آتى‬‫اول شور فتنه آميز يوق ايردى بر اوياتى‬‫بو زنده پر بولماى برهم يدى حياتى‬‫جور بيحد جفا خليفه‬‫بولسه ايتاردى‬‫ُ‬‫سوردوم پناكاهيم من اوالدين ايزمنى‬‫مجهول نسب ديب انى بردى برو خبرنى‬‫فيس مخاو ديرمن بدرك بو بى پدرنى‬‫ُ‬‫كافر هم ايتماكان دوا كار بو سينى غرنى‬‫مايوس قيلدى ايلنى مادر زنا خليفه )‪(85a84b‬‬‫كونكليده بار ايكان دور اسالمغه عداوت‬‫بو فتنه دين مرادى اول بدرك فالكت‬‫اظهار مذهب ايتماق خلق حرمانينى غارت‬‫ايالب قاجيب كترمن ديب ايردى اص نيت‬‫خيريت اى يران لر بولدى فنا خليفه‬‫شيخ زمانه لرنى هركز كوزيغه ايلماى‬‫نه بيريكا ايشانيب انديشه هيج قيلماى‬‫باشيغه توشتى كلفت راه رويش نى بيلماى‬‫هركز انى دليغه وهم عذاب كيلماى‬‫كمراه لرنى شيخى كان خطا خليفه‬‫مينك تيفه مرغيالننى كاسانُ شهرخاننى‬‫‪74‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫خوقند هم نمنكان اوش ايله انديجاننى‬‫خلقى نى ملزم ايتينك شيخى نيجه زماننى‬‫يركا قراتينك آخر بر نيجه نكته داننى‬‫انديشه ايلمس سن ابله نما خليفه‬‫بعضين يتيم ايالب قيلدينك جدا اتادين‬‫بيخان مانُ سرسان بدتر ايتب كدادين‬‫ايالب جدا برونى خيش ايله اقربادين‬‫بعضى نى جفتى دين هم بعضى نى آشنادين‬‫بولماى آلهى اولغي پرهدا خليفه )‪(85b85a‬‬‫كوهرنى تابغان آدم كورساتمغاى كشيغه‬‫حق دين بولك نى ديماى پُخته بولور ايشيغه‬‫توتمس قوالغ هركز هر عالم مشمشيغه‬‫اولكي آلهى قالدينك عالمنى تشويشيغه‬‫كذب ايله ديب هميشه من اوليا خليفه‬‫اه سلوك ديكان كم ايلر بسى عاليق‬‫دنيانى ترك قيلغاى البته اى خاليق‬‫بولغاى تلى دليغه آنى هميشه صادق‬‫كر بولسه دينك آنى ايدوست لر منافق‬‫محمت على ايشان ديك كان جفا خليفه‬‫عالم ديكان ايشك لر اخالص بى معانى‬‫ايالب كسافتى دين كيلتورديلر بالنى‬‫البته ديب كرامت ايشانيمز قزانى‬‫آش نانى‬‫ايمدى يسانكجى باريب اول مفت ُ‬‫زهر زقوم بولسون يكان غذا خليفه‬‫ُ‬‫(ملخق دور بو امن محمس نادم دن)‬‫باردور حديث هر كيم بى علم بولسه ‪...‬‬‫جتى بولور و ياكيم اولكاى بغير ايمان‬‫اوشبو جهت دن اولدى جنى و قيلدى طغيان‬‫شور فساد طوفان‬‫فرغانه ايجره سالدى‬‫ُ‬‫معجون جمله علت بحر بره خليفه )‪(86a85b‬‬‫ضا ُل مض ايدينك سن كمراه لرنى پيرى‬‫ديو شيطان بى رولرنى اميرى‬‫ابليس ُ‬‫اه زنا ُ زندق اوغرى نى دستكيرى‬‫فسق ُ فجور ايلينى شرمنده ُ شريرى‬‫يوق ايردى سنده هركز شرم حيا خليفه‬‫تاريخ بر مينك اوج يوز اون التى سيده غوغا‬‫مينك تيفه ليغ ايشاندين عالمغه بولدى پيدا‬‫‪75‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫كوياكه سوركى ايجتى فرغانه بولدى رسوا‬‫پاك ايتماكى كماندور كر كيلسه ندر دريا‬‫قيلدى ُ كيتى ايلمن كوب تحت پا خليفه‬‫مونجه فسانه لرنى من ايالديم كه تحرير‬‫بولغايمو ديب يران لر عامى ايليكا تعذير‬‫عالم ايشانكا هر كيم قول برسه ايلبان پير‬‫خرسندليغ ده كيجكاى عمرى بولوب جهان كر‬‫مونداغ كيشينى بولمس تريمى عذا خليفه‬‫هر امركيم بولوبدور خاكى بو خاكدانده‬‫هيج اختيار بولمس يخشى بيله يمانده‬‫نه قرب حاص اولغاى مخلوق ناتوانده‬‫انس جانده‬‫هر نيك ُ بدنى حكمى خالق ُ‬‫نه سندين نه مندين حكمى قضا خليفه‬‫)‪(Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1, Msc. № 4182. ff. 84a-86а.‬‬‫)‪(V‬‬‫مرغنان اويازديغه طابع مينک تپه غه مکر قزانينی قورغان‬‫اوزی بداصل ييکچی خليفه نی هجوی اوشبودور‬‫اوياز مرغنانُ مينک تپه دين‬‫بناکه چقتی بر م َّکار رنکين‬‫انی قيلميش ايشی ييکچی ليک ايرکان‬‫اتام چميانليک ايردی ديرميش ايرکان‬‫ينه ديوارکش ليک صنعتينی‬‫قيلوب تابوب ير ايرکان قسمتی نی‬‫انکا ييکچی خليفه ليک لقب دور‬‫ولی بداص ُ مجهول النسب دور‬‫نيچوککيم بيلمادوک آتا باباسين‬‫ينه بيلمس کيشی عمه طغاسين‬‫حماقت بابيده يکتا ايکان اول‬‫جهالت ايچره بی همتا ايکان اول‬‫خاليق ايالبان تفتيش آنی‬‫بولک مذهبده ايرکان ديرالر آنی‬‫اوزی جنی ايکان پرسيان هم‬‫تافيلمس اصليدين نام و نشانهم‬‫‪76‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫قرا سا ُچ قره قاش آلمه باش دور‬‫ديسام کر پرسيان ديمه اداشدور‬‫عامی جاه ليک ايشان‬‫اوزی‬‫ُ‬‫کرامت الری آنی باری يلغان‬‫چنانچه منظر اوزره داش قوروبدور‬‫حقيقت ده تيشوکد ين اوت يوروبدور‬‫خاليق آنی بی اوت پيشتی ديرالر‬‫عزيز مهمانالر ييشتی ديرالر‬‫آتی محمد علی دور اول قزيلباش‬‫عجب شهرت چيقاردی اول بريب آش‬‫آش نانی‬‫انی ايشان ليکی دور ُ‬‫ييغيلدی انده آدم الر يمانی‬‫بلی نادانُ جاه الر ييغلسه‬‫االرغه ُمفت آش نان تافيلسه‬‫اسير نفس بولغان مرد نادان‬‫ديمه آدم ايرور اول بلکه شيطان‬‫خاليق آش نانيدين گپورغای‬‫شيالنی نی کرامت ديب يوکورغای‬‫ديکايالر پيريميز سيز پشواميز‬‫نه يرغه باشالسنکيز بارغوميز بز‬‫دماغيغه بو طغيان اول ايشکنی‬‫اوروش قيلماق نی سالسه قيلمه شکنی‬‫يمان بداص قيرغيزالر يغيلغاچ‬‫يوکورکای قوی ساری ايت بولسه کر آچ‬‫محرم آيی بولغاچ‬‫قزي باشالر‬‫ّ‬‫اُونوجی کون نی عاشورا دييلغاچ‬‫محرم آييده غوغا توزارالر‬‫ّ‬‫االر کوکسيغه اولکون تاش اورارالر‬‫محرم آييده اول ايت قوتوردی‬‫ّ‬‫براق قه جنی الر برالن يوکوردی‬‫قوتورغان ايت کبی دارغه اسيلدی‬‫انينک َبيراقالری اوتغه ياقيلدی‬‫نيچوککيم بيلمس اول بد بخت اصال‬‫شريعت ده درست ايرمس بو غوغا‬‫اطاعت فرض واجب پادشاغه‬‫ديسم حق دور سوزوم کيتمس خطاغه‬‫نيچوککيم پادشاه عالم آرا‬‫تافيلمس عصريده بر ظلم اصال‬‫همه اه جهان ممنون و مسرور‬‫جهان آباد و عالم بولدی معمور‬‫نشاط و عيش ايله شادان و خندان‬‫جهان اهلی نه ينکليغ تافتی احسان‬‫عصر اول نادان جاه‬‫موننک ديک‬‫ُ‬‫يمان ايش قيلدی اما خلق غاف‬‫‪77‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫خيال و عق دين اوتمسدی اصال‬‫مونينکديک بی ادبليک بولسه برپا‬‫مونينکديک بی ادب ليک قيلسه بنده‬‫جزا تاتقوسی دور ايکی جهانده‬‫)‪(Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1, Msc. № 9365.‬‬‫‪Rājī Marghinānī‬‬‫)‪(1834–1918‬‬‫)‪(I‬‬‫اشعاری راجی مرغنانی‬‫(‪)ba‬‬‫ايردی فرغانه ملکی دامانه‬‫گاه آباد گاه ويرانه‬‫ايردی صحراسی برله امصاری‬‫سلطنت نی نظاميدين عاری‬‫دشت صحراسی اوزبک ُ قيرغيز‬‫بعضی سی يخشی بعضی شورانگيز‬‫اوتديالر مونده هر نچوک جانالر‬‫آز زمان ايچره قنچه سلطانالر‬‫ايردی آزرده فرقهء اشراف‬‫غلوه دين خالی بولمغاچ اطراف‬‫بولدی روسيه مملکت داری‬‫حکمی فرغانه اهلی غه جاری‬‫شرع اورنيده حرمتی برالن‬‫هر کيم اوز دينُ ملتی برالن‬‫دُ ْنيَوی منفعت مسلمانالر‬‫کوردی تجار خيلی دهقانالر‬‫قيلديالر کوب يقين اوزاق يولنی‬‫قالمادی وهم دشت ايله چولنی‬‫همه نی حاليدين اوزی آکاه‬‫برنی ايالر کدا براونی شاه (‪)ba/ba‬‬‫بيالدور اول حکيم حکمت نی‬‫بردی روسيه غه بو دولت نی‬‫بولدی بزالرغه مرحمت گُستر‬‫ايمپراطور اعظم و اکبر‬‫دوريده نفعی ايلغه عام اولدی‬‫‪78‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫سلطنت امری بانظام اولدی‬‫باز ايله صعوه بر چناق اولدی‬‫قوی ايله بوری هم قوناق اولدی‬‫لطفی هر فرقه الرغه تينک اولدی‬‫دولتی باره باره کينک اولدی‬‫توتدی صدا ايله حکمی فرمانی‬‫اوزبک ُ ترک فرس عبرانی‬‫شمع اشفاقی چون منوردور‬‫رأفتی عامه غه برابردور‬‫کيم بو دولت غه بولسه بد پيشه‬‫نخ عمريغه اورغوسی تيشه‬‫حق ياروتکان چراغ اوچمايدور‬‫بيخی محکم درخت کوچمايدور‬‫عدل شاه قيلسه ملکنی آباد‬‫اولسون اول کيمسه اولمسه منقاد‬‫آته سی ييکچی اصلی شغناندين‬‫اينه سی ايمچی کاتته بولغاندين‬‫نيچه مدت اوييده ييک قيلدی‬‫سمک قيلدی گه بيشيک قيلدی (‪)37/36‬‬‫گه ُ‬‫تاشالدی ييک ساتورنی کمپيرغه‬‫باردی ايشان بولورغه بر پيرغه‬‫همه صنعت غه بولدی اول عام‬‫پاخسه ديوارغه جوده کام‬‫اوزينی شيخ ژنده ليک قيلدی‬‫ظاهری يخشی بنده ليک قيلدی‬‫ظاهری اي کوزيغه کوب يخشی‬‫علماالر ديوردی کوز بخشی‬‫کورونوردی خوب اي کا يومشايکان‬‫ايسکی طون ايسکی سله شومشايکان‬‫چيقدی مينک تيفه نی کناريغه‬‫جا قيليب ايلنی رهگذاريغه‬‫سيپتی چيرتمککا دان توزاق قيلدی‬‫آونی انديشه سين اوزاق قيلدی‬‫ک قيرغيزنی آلدی خوب تاوالب‬‫تر ُ‬‫بردی هر کيمکا کونکلنی آوالب‬‫باغالدی بيلنی کاتته همتکا‬‫توردی هر کيمسه بارسه خذمتکا‬‫خيلی مهمان غه آچدی دروازه‬‫بولدی ايلغه بلند آوازه‬‫قوی سويوب گوشتينی بوتون بردی‬‫يخشی مهمانغه يخشی طون بردی‬‫مکر شيطان يوليدين آزدوردی‬‫تيلبه بولدی ُ ديو يازدوردی (‪)b8/ba‬‬‫‪79‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫گرد باد جنون اوراب آلدی‬‫ايتاگين جن توتوب بوراب آلدی‬‫باشالدی آنی يوز هواالرغه‬‫قالدی بيهوده ماجراالرغه‬‫خام خشت برله نردبان قيلدی‬‫کوييا عزم آسمان قيلدی‬‫خواه الدی ايرماغماقنی باالغه‬‫باشالسه غلوه نی مسيحاغه‬‫نردبانی يقيلدی بتماسدين‬‫قالدی حسرتده کوککا يتماسدين‬‫اوخالدی خلقه ايچره توش کوردی‬‫اويقوده مملکتنی بوش کوردی‬‫قولغه آليب عصای موسی نی‬‫قوالماق بولدی قوم عيسی نی‬‫شيخ عامی غه ديودور حامی‬‫انی روياسيده يوق الهامی‬‫فيض بزالرده فتح نصرت ديب‬‫غيب دين بولدی بو بشارت ديب‬‫آلدی غه سالدی نيچه صوفيدين‬‫جمعی احمق ايلينی توپيدين‬‫قنچه مسواک کوب تراغ بردی‬‫ييک يغاچدين يساب يراغ بردی‬‫کيلدی بعضی پياده لوقلالب‬‫چرچکان آتده بعضی دوقلالب (‪)b9/b8‬‬‫بوری توننی يوزی قرارغانده‬‫يتی خاکانغه تانک بوزارغانده‬‫ديدی صالدات خيلين اوشالرميز‬‫اوخالتوب تورموقينی تيشالرميز‬‫ييک يغاچ بردی هر بر احمقغه‬‫قصدی صالداتالرغه سوقماقغه‬‫کورکه روسيه خلقی ايرمکمو‬‫ييک سانچورکا ايسکی چرمکمو‬‫ديدی بزالرکا اوق آتالمسدين‬‫قاچادور اورنيده يتالمسدين‬‫کام القهر قوم عيسى غه‬‫تيکدی غرق اولدی کاتته درياغه‬‫بيلمادی دولتی مؤبدنی‬‫قينادی امت محمدنی‬‫بيلدی سالدات اورنيدين توردی‬‫تورت مينکی نی قوالدی سوردی‬‫صبح وقتيده توردی قتيغ باد‬‫قيلدی ايسکاب تاپارنی بی بنياد‬‫بولدی بيهوش جنی ايشانی‬‫‪80‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫قول اياغينی کيتدی درمانی‬‫باشيده َملَّه اوستيده ژنده‬‫بولدی قيلغان ايشيغه شرمنده‬‫قوشونی اول زمان قاچيب کيتدی‬‫فتنه توفراغينی ساچيب کيتدی (‪)a0/b9‬‬‫کوب مسلمان الر آت چاپيشتيالر‬‫قاچکانين آختاريب تاپيشتيالر‬‫بعضی سی اولدی ضرب کلتک غه‬‫ييکچی ايشانی چيقتی غلتکغه‬‫اه افساد دارغه آسيلدی‬‫هلل الحمد فتنه باسيلدی‬‫ی چنکی کيتمايدور‬‫فتنه باسيلد ُ‬‫بو کدورت نينک زنکی کيتمايدور‬‫يانکان اوت اورتاسيده اول ناگاه‬‫تاشالدی اوزنی ديب خلي هللا‬‫باشقه الر هم بو اوتده قاورولدی‬‫کولی هر مملکتکا ساورولدی‬‫بو قرا ايشنی اول يمان قيلدی‬‫آق کونک الرغه کوب زيان قيلدی‬‫باش کوتارکان نی يرکا خم قيلدی‬‫شرم دين جبهه ميزنی نم قيلدی‬‫بو يمانالر ايشيغه مضطرميز‬‫فتنه نی جنگيدين مکدرميز‬‫شاه اعظم نی لطفيدور دريا‬‫چرک دريا سوييده ناپيدا‬‫حق آالن الرنی يارمند ايتسون‬‫سرنگون الرنی سربلند ايتسون‬‫عبرت اهليغه کوب نصيحت بار‬‫عاق آدم غه آنکالماک درکار‬‫هيچکيم شيرغه تيکالمايدور‬‫تيکسه هم پنجه سين ايگالمايدور(‪)a2/a0‬‬‫ايشانوب ايچکوالرنی زوريغه‬‫اورادور اوزنی زور بوريغه‬‫اوزنی عاق اورارمو خنجرغه‬‫تيکسه بولغايمو ياتکان اژدرغه‬‫زور سرپنچه يوقمو بورکوتده‬‫اولدورور تولکی الرنی بر پوتده‬‫ايتونک البته خي سچقان غه‬‫ُگربه کورکانده چيقمه ميدانغه‬‫بارمو چومچوقنی چيقماگان جانی‬‫گر قوروق چی نی کورسه ساپقانی‬‫مور پر قيلسه بولسه باال سير‬‫ييم قيلور آنی هر قنات ليک طير‬‫‪81‬‬

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‫قرغه اوزينی قرچيغای دی دور‬‫الف بيهوده کاتته بوخ يی دور‬(Bayāḍ. IO AS RUz. Fund-1, Msc. № 5868. ff. 35-41.)(II)Йикчи эшoн ҳақида ҳажвҚурди саҳрoга чиқиб бир ҳийлагар йигчи эшoн,Қўйди ўт ер oстидан қайнатди тoм узра қoзoн.
Билмаган илму адаб, бeақли мажҳули ажаб,Эрди ул ҳурматталаб, қилди ўзин ялғoн эшoн...
Ҳийласидин бeхабар бирмунча ҳайвoнлар oни,Тoмда пишган oшини билди карoматдин нишoн.
Шул сабабдин бoрди ҳар ким шайх дeб назри билан,Сувратин кўргач қилиб, шайху машoйихдин гумoн.
Тўни бўзни малласи, бoшида шалғoм салласи,Ерга мoйил калласи, бир қўлда туз, бир қўлда нoн.
Бoра-бoра қилди даъвoни минoрадeк баланд,Хoҳлади oвoзасин еткурмакка тo oсмoн.
Ёв бўлиб Исoға, чиқмoқ қасдида афлoкға,Қилди бутмасдин йиқилган хoм ғиштдин нoрбoн.
Малла йиртиқ тўн кийиб, ҳадди oшиб кўб бoшни еб,Чиқди аҳмақларга дeб: “Ман Маҳдийи oхир замoн”.
Ўйлади лашкар тузиб, йўл тилигрoфини узиб,Рeлсдин андак бузиб, oлса кeрак, дeб Андижoн.
Юрди жoйидин чиқиб, oқ латтани қўлга илиб,Найзасин йигдин қилиб, фатҳ этгали мулки жаҳoн.
Кeча бирдан йўл юриб, ҳар жoйда қўрқибoн туриб,Oтни Ҳаканга буруб, йўл тoпти лагeрга ниҳoн.
Кўрди oтидин инуб, саллoтлар ётмиш тиниб,Oтни устига минуб, қoчди кўриб қўйган ҳамoн.
Кўрди кўзини oчиб, лашкарлари кeтмиш қoчиб,Бoшға туфрoғлар сoчиб, ҳайрат билан қилди фиғoн.
Кeттилар чийдeк тўзиб, жамиятин ул дам бузиб,Баъзи дарёга сузиб, баъзи бўлуб бeхoнумoн.
Қанчаси банди бўлиб, баъзиси калтакдин ўлуб,Фитнага oлам сузиб, шармандалик бўлди аён.
Ўзи ҳайратдин қoтиб, қoчoлмади тoғдин oшиб,82Appendix: Text of VersesАйтишиб саллoт ўлoн баёнида: “Эшoн ёмoн”.
Туттилар лашкар бoсиб, имкoни нe Рoжий ўқиб,Эл арo расвo бўлиб, дoр oстида тo бeрди жoн.
(Асрлар нидоси: Октябрь революциясигача бўлган давр ўзбек адабиётидан
намуналар. Тошкент: Ғафур Ғулом номидаги адабиёт ва санъат нашриёти, 1982.
283-284-б.)Umīdī-Hawāī(1835– 1906)(I)
Йигчи эшoн ҳажви
Дарбадар oламни қилди баччағар гумрoҳ эшoн,Макри шайтoн бирла тадбир кўрсатиб пайдo эшoн.
Йўқ карoмат бирла ёру қанча хoтун-қизлари,Қайси хoтун бўлса мухлис, ҳар сифат зeбo эшoн.
Марғинoндан қанча oдам бoрдиларким кўрғали,Тўн кийиб, қoрни тўйиб раҳмат била суллoҳ эшoн.
Мисвoгидан ўт чиқармиш – баччағарнинг шуҳрати,Катта иш бирлан қилурсан, муттаҳам, даъвo, эшoн.
Қайси кoфир, қайси чурчут қилди бу бeзoрилиқ,Сeн харoми, бeадаб, oламда бир танҳo эшoн.
Сeнга унвoн бeрди қoзи ул Муҳаммадхoн дeган,Муфти, аълам, қирғизу бeрганда йўқ фатвo эшoн.
Бoрди Сармсoқ хўжа эшoн сан билан суҳбат қилиб,Қўй билан эчкини қилдинг анга кўп савғo, эшoн.
Қўрқамeн тил oчқали улким Қoдирқул думадин,Муҳтарам билсин губур, ҳoким билан пoдшo, эшoн.
Манки қўрқдим аввалo ёзсам губурга билдуруб,Камбағал бeчoраман, ҳайратда дил oгoҳ, эшoн.
Қилмасунму ҳажв, аммo кўрса ҳам раммoлида,Йўқ Умиди, муттаҳамдан бўхча ё сарпo, эшoн.
(Асрлар нидоси.... 221-б.)83

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets(II)Йигчи эшoн ҳажвиЕр юзинда йўқ сeнингдeк ақли паст нoдoн эшoн,Ёки иблис ҳамтoвoқ макрида бу шайтoн эшoн.
Аввалo қилдим мани бeчoра эълoн бирла хўб,Сoлмади ҳeч ким қулoғин, бўлди бу яксoн эшoн.
Қанча oдам хoнавайрoн бўлдилар маҳбус бўлиб,Мoлу мулки кeтти, бўлди ҳам ҳижил, ҳайрoн эшoн.
Пoдшoмиз ҳазрати Фарғoнаға қилса ғазаб,Кўп ёмoн аҳвoлимиз бўлғай шикаст, вайрoн, эшoн.
Ҳартуми бeкларгача аҳмoқ кишилар эргашиб,Андижoнга етмайин тoким Ялангқўрғoн, эшoн.
Тeша, бoлта, oшпичoқ, калтак билан кeтмoнгача –Мўжиза мисвoк эмиш, ёнида бир қумғoн, эшoн.
Муллаларким, халфаларким Мингтeпа савғoтида,Бўлсин эмди баччағар, яксoн ўлиб, бeжoн эшoн.
.............
Ким Умидий, баччағарға ёзса бир дeвoн, эшoн.
(Ҳожибоев Т. “ХIХ аср ўзбек шоири Муҳаммад Умар Умидий ҳаёти ва ижоди”.
Филология фанлари номзоди илмий даражасини олиш учун ёзилган
диссертация. Тошкент, 1974. 95-б.)Tāsh-khwāja Asīrī(1864 - 1916)‫در مذمّت ايشان دوکچی‬‫بر خبر جنون اثر ايشيتميز اوزاقدن‬‫عاصی انديجان تالش دوکچی زن طالقدن‬‫جه بالسيده غرق متهم حرام حلق‬‫مقصدی غصب مال خلق تيشه وهم تياقدن‬‫توره جه اوردوسی انکالمس ايردی بولغوسی‬
141

141

This publication claims that the son of the poet Safakhan Asiri added here the following bayt (See:Асири Хуҷанди. Ленинобод: Гулчин. 1964.):‫بر نيچه غاف اولدی جمع تولدی مزاج متّهم‬‫قاچيق و دزد و کلّه خم شبرو و شبسياقدن‬84‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫فتنه فساد قيلغوسی ياقين وهم اوزاقدن‬‫قوربقه موزيکه نچيسی تاشبقه امتحانچيسی‬‫کبريتيکان سنانچيسی زمبرک ت‪...‬‬‫آتالری گربه و مشيق اريغ والغر و يشيق‬‫قوتور و خاريش و قسيق جسمی اال تراقدن‬‫يالی يولوق دمی قريق ا رقسی مرغ و ‪ ...‬يغ‬‫بيلی اوشاق اياق سنيق واهمه ا والقدن‬‫چو ديسه ايندامای تورر قمچی ا وررده ا وسورر‬‫‪143‬‬‫باشينی زورگه کوتورر محنت ايله تياقدن‬‫رزم قيلورگه مايه سی تير و تفنک و خايه سی‬‫اسلحه چرخ پايه سی نيزه الری قياقدن‬‫کويالگی چرکين و تُروش جنده سی پارچه و بوروش‬‫شو حال ايلن قيلور اوروش اولسه ايدی مزاقدن‬‫‪142‬‬‫)‪(Тошходжа Асири Худжанди. Избранные произведения. Асадуллаев С. (Сост.‬‬‫)‪Москва, 1982. С. 166-167.‬‬‫‪Mawlawī Yūldāsh‬‬‫)‪(1861–1922‬‬‫تحسر از دل پر درد‬‫)الفوائد المولوية والموائد المعنوية(‬‫آه كيم‪ ،‬آه كه اسالمه نه باب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫گنده پَ ْزالر قوليدين سينه كباب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫گنده خورالر كوبيدين چشم پ ُْر آب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫فرق تحقيق ايله تقليد كماب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫نارسا تحت بنارس ده بتاب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫رونق دونُ دغ ضؤ شهاب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫چيقتى برعامى نادان سفالت پيشهء‬‫مكر و شيد ايله ايشانليق نى قيليب انديشهء‬‫بيلگان ايركان بو زمان خلقين اوروبان تيشهء‬‫دعوى شيخليق و قيلدى ثبات ريشهء‬‫لع و ياقوت ايله گه مشتبه اولور شيشهء‬‫‪This publication insists that the addition is represented in the same collection. See: Асири Хуҷанди:‬‬‫خائن خلق ملّه پوش باده جه قيلدی نوش‬‫ناموسی يوق و طنفروش اوغری و سلپ اياقدن‬‫‪143 This publication asserts that this distich also belongs to the poet’s son, Safākhān Asīrī.‬‬‫‪142‬‬‫‪85‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫مكرينى اولى ديب بذل ثياب ايتدى بيلينگ‬‫آدمى ليق شرفى شهرت ايكان ديب اوقتى‬‫دوكچى ليك برال خالئق كوزيغه دوك سوقتى‬‫دوك كبى مورچه ميان توغرى بولوشنى بوكتى‬‫توختاماى چرمكيده چرخ فلك اورگوتى‬‫وه عجب‪ ،‬طرفه ايشان‪ ،‬ديب همه عالم سوكتى‬‫كته شهرت قازنوب خاك تراب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫عظمت آشفز ايشان اولسا عجب يوق زيرا‬‫عظمت ليق ده شاكر برله رجب يوق زيرا‬‫توكمه و انجمن و گپ ده جلب يوق زيرا‬‫وعظ تلبيس ده بازار حلب يوق زيرا‬‫مجلس انس ده اظهار نسب يوق زيرا‬‫باشقه ايش جمله سى در زير ركاب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫بو آدم الر عجب آدم كه براو بيرسه چفان‬‫آنى ذكريده غلو قيلماغه صرف ايالر جان‬‫مالالرنى قويايين آنالره تيكدورمه زبان‬‫يتى قاضى خانه غه تارتيب ايتارالر ارمان‬‫عامى الرنى سوكا بيرگين كه االر بوينى يوغان‬‫ماقتانوب نيگا االر تحت عذاب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫اوزى بير عامى جاه ديگانى الف اولسا‬‫آته ميز اولدى وفا ييرالر ديبان جاف اولسا‬‫ايشالرى جمله سى ناكردهء اسالف اولسا‬‫بو قدر جه ايالب ايشانليغى انصاف اولسا‬‫هم كراماتى آنى قاب اوصاف اولسا‬‫امتياز عالمى ويران و خراب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫هر قجانكيم بو جهالت اي ارا فاش اولدى‬‫نفس ا ّماره نى مأمورالرى چاش اولدى‬‫مونچه آزغونليغى باشقا رغوچيسى آش اولدى‬‫شغ دين و شرف شرع قرا تاش اولدى‬‫طمع و حرص و هوا جمله غه سرداش اولدى‬‫بو سوزوم تجربه ليك فص خطاب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫بعض بر كيمسه تقليد خرافات ايشيتيب‬‫الف اوباش ايله آواز كرامات ايشيتيب‬‫عامى الردين بيجا بر كفر و ضالالت ايشيتيب‬‫علم دشمن الرى دين قانچا محاالت ايشيتيب‬‫حضرت ايشان ايتگان ايميش ديب دم حاالت ايشيتيب‬‫ديدى كيم ايمدى جهان محو سراب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫‪86‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫صرف ايتار قول‪ -‬قول اوپوتار خاتون آالر بزم توزار‬‫طرفه تمكين و سويوقلوق بيال عالمنى كيزار‬‫كاووشين ايگرى ديسنگ‪ ،‬كين ايله دنيانى بوزار‬‫هم تيپار تيش الر اوزار اوستيغا بر نيچا سوزار‬‫آبرو حفظى بو ديب اي كوزيغا اوزنى چوزار‬‫معنى فقر و فنا عكس حساب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫غلطى ليك عجب اي كوزيغه شايان كورينور‬‫توغريليك ايگرى و ايگرى شجر البان كورينور‬‫علم جه اورنيدا بر خار مغيالن كورينور‬‫ايشته بو قلب حقائق نيچا آسان كورينور‬‫حكما مذهبى بو َو ْرطه ده ويران كورينور‬‫بحث برهان و جدل نقش بر آب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫فض حق‪ ،‬شايد اگر حاليميز ادراك ايتسا‬‫بو فالكت قميدين كوزالريميز پاك ايتسا‬‫س ْعيى بيالن يوزنى عرقناك ايتسا‬‫علم دين َ‬‫معرفت نورى جهالت ت ُ َمنِين چاك ايتسا‬‫كبر و نخوت يوقالوب كونگلوميزى خاك ايتسا‬‫آندا ايشالر همه بر وفق كتاب اولدى بيلينگ‬‫‪(Al-fawā’id al-mawlavīyat wa al-mawā’id al-ma‘nawīyat, The Kokand Museum of‬‬‫)‪Literature. № 658, pp. 233-235.‬‬‫‪‘Abd al-Ghafūr Muḥibb‬‬‫)‪(XIX – XX‬‬‫)‪(I‬‬‫احوال هجويات ايشان مينك تپه كى‬‫اى جهاندارشاه باهشمت‬‫پرور علو دولت‬‫فقرا‬‫ُ‬‫نيچه يلدوركه بيز رعيت الر‬‫كورماب ايردوك جفا محنت الر‬‫مملكت الركوب ايردى ارزانليق‬‫يتيم اوغولغه چوخ فراوانليق‬‫عيش راحت بيله فراغت دين‬‫ُ‬
‫ايمين ايردوك جميع آفت دين‬‫هيچكيم دين يوق ايردى ظل ُم ستم‬‫‪87‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫كيمسه كا يتماس ايردى دردُ الم‬‫كوچه الرده عجب امارت الر‬‫رسته اهليده كوب سخاوت الر‬‫فقرأ برچه اغنيا بولدى‬‫جمله غه نشو ايله نوا بولدى‬‫غلتی ليک الرده تورلی متاع‬‫کيف نشأ‬‫هوس اهلى غه ايردى ُ‬‫همه زرين قبا ُ کلکون پوش‬‫بولدى بزاز نيچه كهنه فروش‬‫كيدى اطلس نى نيچه جول فوشالر‬‫عق تابتى تمام بيهوش الر‬‫كوپايب مملكت ده سوداكر‬‫آقچه دانيغه تولدى سيم ايله زر‬‫كيچه كوندوز دعا قيالر ايردوك‬‫خمر برال رسوا قيالر ايردوك‬‫تينجليك برال سرفراز ايردوك‬‫عز و دولت ده بى نياز ايردوك‬‫چيقتى مينك تپه ساريدين ناكاه‬‫ييكچى ايشان ديب عامى كمراه‬‫ايردى بر ييكچى شوم بد كهرى‬‫بر كسافت مأب حيله كرى‬‫شيخ ليك دعوى سين قيليب نيچه ي‬‫ايكرى بولسه بولورمو تي بيله دي‬‫اوزى بر عامى ايشك بولسه‬‫بى برد بى ثمر خشك بولسه‬‫الف ايشانليك ايالب اول ناكس‬‫يا قزي باش ايرور يا جركس‬‫حيله الر برله خانقاه قيليب‬‫يخشى الر مذهبين تباه قيليب‬‫آش ُ نان برله اي نى صيد قيليب‬‫مكر كيد قيليب‬‫دا ُم تذوير ُ ُ‬
‫اي نى رسوا لى يوليغه باشالب‬‫اه سنت مذاحبين تاشالب‬‫عامى ليك خمريدين بولوب بدكيف‬‫اي نى رسوالى يولغه سالدى حيف‬‫كيمكه بى علم شيخ ليك قيلسه‬‫يوق عجب اوشبو حال ايله اولسه‬‫اوزينى چاغالماى قيليب اغوا‬‫بولدى عالم اراسيده رسوا‬‫اوزى حسرت ده اولدى و كيتى‬‫ليك اي كا كسافتى يتى‬‫بى كنه الر كناه كار اولدى‬‫شاهيميز خجلتيده زار اولدى‬‫شرمسار اولدى مونچه يخشى يمان‬‫‪88‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫حاليميز شاهيميزكا بولسون عيان‬‫اوشبو ايشده كناه سيز دورميز‬‫حقدين اوزكا پناه سيز دورميز‬‫ينه ايتاى بو ايت كسافتى نى‬‫موءمين ايلكا بال و آفتينى‬‫ايلكارى تيسكارى منار قيليب‬‫نيچه نى يركا خاكسار قيليب‬‫قويوب اشخانه سيكا ماشنه الر‬‫علم نيرنكُ حيله ياشنه الر‬‫بر بلند تام اوزا قزان نى قويوب‬‫اي كرامات اوليا كا جويوب‬‫كركان اي نيچه سين سقالى كويوب‬‫كوب خجالت بيله اوياتكا قويوب‬‫بو رويش يوق ايدى نبى الرده‬‫اصفيا اتقيا ولى الرده‬‫روح پاك نبى الر اوردى مكر‬‫مجتهدالر ولى الر اوردى مكر‬‫كوب عزيز قاليب يمان اسناد‬‫بى ادب شريدين فغان ايله داد‬‫بى ادب بر اوزين يمان توتماز‬‫بلكه عالم نى بوزماين اوتماز‬‫چوزماين سوزنى مختصر قيلديم‬‫بو رموزالر بيله بسر قيلديم‬‫بر دعا ايالنكيز خاليق الر‬‫صدق ايله راست سوزده صادقالر‬‫ساقالسون يورتى ميز نى آفت دين‬‫توشماسون شاهيميز عدالت دين‬‫شكرهلل محب دل اكاه‬‫كورماديم من انينك كبى كمراه‬‫تمت‬‫‪(Central State Archive of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009,‬‬‫)‪Inventory-1, Item-109a. f. 26a.‬‬‫)‪(II‬‬‫چيقيب مينك تپه دين برعامى ايشك ييكچى ايشانى‬‫فساد خلق اوچون توغدى مكر اول بولدى شيطانى‬‫بريب بريب بر نيچه ايلكا آش ُ نان تسخير خلق ايالب‬‫كمان ايالب خاليق غوث ايرور يا شيخ صنعانى‬‫ايكان اول نابكار فتنه جو مكار ريوانكيز‬‫‪89‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫كسافت داميغه ايلدى نيچه عامى ُ مالنى‬‫قيليب آغاز بى معنى طريقت يوليغه يعنى‬‫اوزين شيخ زمان ايالب قيليب بيهوده دعوانى‬‫آش نان صيد خاليق دين‬‫بريب بر نيچه ي اول ُ‬‫دليده يوق ايكان ياد خدا مرضاى سبحانى‬‫قويوب آشخانه سين تام استيغه اوتنى نهان ايالب‬‫فنار ماشنه ديكان ايكان اي ترفه نادانى‬‫ُ‬‫پيشوروب آشينى سرعت بيله اول ترفة العين‬‫كرامت انكالتيب اي بيلمايين مكار رسوانى‬‫قزانين كوركان لر بر نيچه سين بار خزان ايتى‬‫قولين توتقان كيشى الر بولديالر ير بيله يكسانى‬‫همه بارغان كيشيكا كورساتوردى شيوه رنكارنك‬‫تكلف برله مطبخ خانه سيده قيلدى مهمانى‬‫ساليب اي الديغه دسترخانين مله تون برله‬‫آليب بر قوليغه توزنى قوليده نانُ حلوانى‬‫مكر كيچه قايدين آش نان ييدى زهر زقوم اولدى‬‫انينك بر دانيغه كوياكه چيقتى آنى مينك جانى‬‫ايشيتيم خانقاهين يانيده طرفه منار ايتميش‬‫تكيدور خام اوستى خشت پخته كور منارانى‬‫غرض معراج ايدى يا اوشبودين سيرى توقوز افالك‬‫تصرف ايالديم سفلينى ديب قصد ايتسه عليانى‬‫بو اندين هم تعجب سورسه الر مردم تا مريدين‬‫جوابى چاه قازديم يانيغه آلغاى تامور آنى‬‫ينه اوز لفظيدين تأريخ موندين هم تعجب راق‬‫بشارت سيد كونين دين ديب قيلدى انشانى‬‫بشارتليك منارى سه كونده واژكون بولدى‬‫تكيده قالدى ايرالر صوفى الر هم نيچه صبيانى‬‫قاليب ميز برچه ميز غاف اوشال مكار مكريدين‬‫تغاف كا ساليب اي نى كرامت كورساتيب آنى‬‫ريو رنكُ قالبى‬‫تمامى ُ‬‫كار بارى برچه ُ‬‫جهانده آدم اوغلى كورمدى انداغ هنردانى‬‫مكر ابليس ايديمو يا فرنكُ يا قزي باش‬‫فدا قيلدى مكر قصد مسلمانالر اوچون جانى‬‫مسلمان بولسه ايردى مجتهد قولين توتار ايردى‬‫ادايى دين ايتاردى مصلحت كر بيلسه عقبى نى‬‫ايشتيم قرض آليب ايلنى پُلين برماى هزاران صوم‬‫جهودُ‬‫هنديى هم باى الر بزاز افغانى‬‫ُ‬‫همه پُلدارالر حسرت ندامت برله قالديالر‬‫كيمه ايتورنى بيلماى درد ايچيده بولدى حيرانى‬‫نچوك كيم ملكُ اشياسى تمامى پادشاه ليكدور‬‫مكر اول شوم نا انصاف دوزخ قيلدى مأوانى‬‫منكا جزم اولدى اوشبو بدكهر حالى منافقدور‬‫خالف وعدهُ يلغان ايروردى عهد پيمانى‬‫همه لشكرالريغه بردى بر مسواكُ تسبيحى‬‫‪90‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫االرغه اسماندين توغ توشوبدور ديدى يلغانى‬‫مسواكينك ملتيغينكُ نيزه تسبيحينك قيليجينك ديب‬‫قيليب تحريص اوشبو مكر برله نيچه نادانى‬‫توشوب اي الغرض ناچار اولوب سرعت بيالن كيلدى‬‫ى صالتالركا سالدى غوغانى‬‫شباخون اورد ُ‬‫تافيب برمونچه غفلت برله ياتقان آزاد روسالرنى‬‫ياريب قارنين قراغالب مثله ايالب قيلدى يغمانى‬‫قچان اوشبو تمث بار ايميش حكم شريعت ده‬‫بيلينك بو اه سنت دين ايماس بوزدى مسلمانى‬‫مكر قصدى مسلمانالرغه بو خونريزليك سالغاى‬‫بوزولغاى راه رسمى ايالكاى تنبيه سلطانى‬‫غرض بو فتنه نى سالغاى اوزى باشينى قوتقارغاى‬‫جهانغه اوت توتاشقاى تا بوزولغاى دين اديانى‬‫اكر بو نابكار شيعه بدكردار ايماس بولسه‬‫نچوكدين عالمان دهردين سورماس بو فتوانى‬‫خدا اوردى جميع انبيا و چهاريارالرهم‬‫عزيزالر اوليا الر مجتهدالر غوث ربانى‬‫تورالماى قاچتى ينكى شهردين قوغون يكان ايت ديك‬‫ايزيدين قوالدى حاكم توره چون شير غرانى‬‫قاچيب اول چيكه الب سرعت بيالن دريا بويين كوزالب‬‫شاشيلكان تولكى ديك دريادين اوتى نا مسلمانى‬‫قاليب ميز بى خبر اوشبو كسافت ماجراسيدين‬‫و كرنه بيلساك ايردوك قويماس ايردوك اوشبو رسوانى‬‫خدا انينك التفاتى نيچه حاكم برله نايب الر‬‫شهرنى كورديالر كيم هيچكيم بيلماس بو غوغانى‬‫همه اوز حاليغه كسب ُ تجارت برله مشغول دور‬‫و كرنه حاليميزغه ييغالر ايردى يتى ايوانى‬‫آلهى بهره ور قيلغي هميشه ّ‬‫عز دولت دين‬‫بيلينى باغالسون قادرقلى نى شير يزدانى‬‫اول ايشان شوملوغى بو اندجان اهلين خج ايالب‬‫عجايب شرمسار ايتى همه قاضى دمالنى‬‫خبر تابتى شهرنى بولغاالب ييكچى ايشك قاچميش‬‫بويوردى هر طرفكا آدمى چابك سوارانى‬‫كيراك اسالم ايلى دايم دعاى جانينى قيلسك‬‫بو ايرنى سايه سيده اندجان كورماس پريشانى‬‫سوراغالب پست ُ باال تاغ چولنى اول دل آورالر‬‫زار افغانى‬‫توتوب تاش كوفروكيدين باغالديالر ُ‬‫اكر بو فتنه آخر زمان نى توتماسه ايردى‬‫انى شرى فساد اندود ايتاردى روى دنيانى‬‫محب زينهار مجهول نسب الركا كونك برمه‬‫مريضى ُجرمينكا قيلغي شريعت دين مداوانى‬‫‪(Central State Archive of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009,‬‬‫)‪Inventory-1, Item-109 a, f. 26 a.‬‬‫‪91‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫‪Ṣidqī Khāndayliqī‬‬‫)‪(1884–1934‬‬‫اكتساب‬‫)‪(18a‬‬‫اندجا نلى دُوكچى ايشان اِضاللى و بو ايشان ليق غا بر‬‫نيچه انسان شيطان الرين اشتراكى و هر بريغا بر نام قويولماقى‬‫و بو نام يوزه سندان يتى قت پرده ايچيندا حضرت ايشان نينك‬‫اظهار كراماتى و بو آوازه استماعيدين خلق نينك گروه گروه كيلماقى‬‫ِ‬‫نيكاالى دوريدا چيقيب بر ايشان‬‫كيم دير ايرديالر آنى دوكچى ايشان‬‫آدمى يوزلى نيچا شيطانالر‬‫اشتراك آيالشوب كوتاردى ايشان‬‫تارقاليب تورلى يرغا بارچاالرى‬‫اي نى اوز يوليغا چاقيردى روان (‪)18b/18a‬‬‫كيچتى بو ايش اوزه نيچا آى و كون‬‫شهرتى كيتى بس آنى هر يان‬‫خلق كيلماق غا باشالدى توپ توپ‬‫تيوه و قوى و ايلقى الر آليبان‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫شركت اهلين برين آتى ميوه‬‫بريسى نينك آتى ايكن تيوه‬‫برى قوى و برى ايكن اوغالق‬‫اوشبو سوزالر آنيغ ياالن ديمه‬‫برى ايردى هوكوز بريسى سيگر‬‫يا نا ايردى برسين آتى تنه‬‫برى ايردى گورنج برى شالى‬‫برى بوغداى برى ايدى ارفه‬‫حاص شركت اهلى نينك نامى‬‫آ نگالغي ايرديالر اوشال خيلده‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولمه خام طمع‬‫بر كيشى بر نيمرسا كيلتورسا‬‫قوى و يا آت آنگال اى دانا‬‫شركت اهلين برى بولوب حاضر‬‫قوى غا قوى آت غا آت ايدى همپا (‪)19a/18b‬‬‫‪92‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫باشالب ايشان قاشيغا كيلتورغاج‬‫يوز سوراردى ايشان بابا قوليغا‬‫دير ايدى قوى كيتوردينكزمو قوزوم‬‫بس كرامت ايتار ايدى آندا‬‫ييغالب آيتوردى آرى اى تقصير‬‫آيالغاى سيز مينى حقيم غا دعا‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولمه خام طمع‬‫يا كيتورسا برار كيشى گر آت‬‫شركت اهلين برى كيلوردى بات‬‫باشالب ايشان قاشيغا كيرغاندا‬‫ايشان ايتور ايدى كيتورديمو آت‬‫خود اوشال آدم آتى آت ايردى‬‫شول سبب دير ايردى كيتورديمو آت‬‫الغرض كيمكه كيلسا آيشيكدان‬‫كيلتوراركن ايشان سارى بر ذات‬‫آنى كورغاچ كرامت اظهارين‬‫قيلور ايركن ايشان بى بركات‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫اورته دا هر نيچا ييغيلغان مال‬‫تقسيم اولونغاى ايردى بى جنجال (‪)19b/19a‬‬‫فرصتى آز عمر اوچون اى واى‬‫حرص بو كيبى آمال‬‫بو كيبى‬‫ُ‬‫ليك دنيادا بولديالر بدنام‬‫قالدى گردن الريغا و زر و وبال‬‫بو كيبى مكر و فن ايماس دركار‬‫چونكه دنيا مثال خواب و خيال‬‫هيچكيم كورماميش بو خي فتنه‬‫يا مگر اوشبو فتنه دجال‬‫مينى قاشيمدا دور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولمه خام طمع‬‫خام خشت دان الوند تاغى چاغليق بر بلند مناره‬‫بناسى و بو بنا باعثى برال ساده خلق نينك ابتالسى‬‫خام خشت دن ياساب بلند منار‬‫بى ايشيك بى تيشيك عجب اى يار‬‫صبح چاغى مناره اوزره اذان‬‫آيتيلور ايردى هر كونى بر بار‬‫بر نيچا گول سوراشميش اول ايشدان‬‫چيقار آواز و موندا كيمالر بار‬‫شركت اهلى بيراردى بُيال جواب‬‫‪93‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫بو اذان نى مگر فرشته ايتار‬‫هر كيچا صبح ده توشوب كوكدان‬‫شول منار اوزره بولغوسى طيار (‪)20a/19b‬‬‫مينى قاسيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫ايمدى بو مكرغا قوالق سالينگ‬‫بيلماسانگيز بو دم بيليب آلينگ‬‫ير تيگيدان تيشوك قويوب انگا‬‫صوفى چيقغايدى صبح برالن تينگ‬‫ايتكاى ايردى اذان قيليب آهنك‬‫ايماس ايردى فرشته آنى بيلينك‬‫اوشبونى كورغاچ اي گروه گروه‬‫كيلور ايردى مونگا نظاره قيلينگ‬‫عاقبت نى بولور درست انگالنگ‬‫شركت اهلينى اوشبو ايشالرى نينگ‬‫مينى قاشيمدا دور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫دير ايديالر كرامت ايال مگر‬‫بو مناره تورار ايميش يك سر‬‫خام خشت يوقسا تورماغاى مونداغ‬‫كيم يتى قت فلك غا طعنه اورر‬‫ظاهريدا تيشيكى يوق آنى‬‫قايسى يردين مونى ايچيغا كيرر‬‫صبح دا بر فرشته كوكدان اينوب‬‫شول مناره اوزه اذان چاقيرر‬‫آدميزاد ايشى ايمسدور بول‬‫چونكه آماده كوندا وقت سحر (‪)20b/20a‬‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫نوبهار اولدى ياغدى كوب يامغور‬‫ياغسا يامغور ستون سيزاوى ييقيلور‬‫بارچا ديوار و تام اولوب نم هم‬‫كيتى سو بارچا جورغادان شورشور‬‫قالدى ساغ اونچا مونچا خشتين اوى‬‫كمبغ اوى الرى بولوب چون گور‬‫باشالنيب آندا طرفه كولدور گوپ‬‫تام باسيب تيفه بولدى نيچا چوقور‬‫شول بهار ايچرا اول بلند منار‬‫ييقيليب بولدى بر عجب شر و شور‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫‪94‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫باستى مكتب اهلين ايتى هالك‬‫ايالديالر ييغى سيغى ياقه چاك‬‫آچيب آليب همه اولوك الرنى‬‫كومديالر تارتيب آنالر اوستيغا خاك‬‫بيلمادى مستبد حكومت هم‬‫چونكه ياشورديالر نيچا بى باك‬‫بى كناه اولديالر نيچا معصوم‬‫نى ايش اولغاى قوالق سال ايت ادراك‬‫قويماس ايشان نى آنالرينك قانى‬‫كيم او بيچاره الر ايديالر پاك (‪)21a/20b‬‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما حام طمع‬‫بر پنهانى مغاره ياساب ايليقتيريق قوه سى ايالن پيشادورغان‬‫آشخانه سالينغانى و اوشبو بوياما كرامت نى تماشاسيغا بر نيچا علمأ اسمنداگى‬‫جانورالر و قانچا ايشان پرست گاؤ و خرالرنينك ييغلغانى عاقبت ايشان‬‫نينگ كشف جن غا قاليب نيكااليغا صوغوش اعالنى‬‫ياسادى سونگرا بر خي آشخانه‬‫قورولوب نيچا خي قازان يانه‬‫بى اوتون بى توتون پيشار ايدى آش‬‫يعنى آتى ايدى شوالن خانه‬‫بارچا ايردى بو ايشالره حيران‬‫چونكه هيچ بيلماس ايردى بيگانه‬‫هيچ بر يردا يوق ايدى تيشوكى‬‫چيقماس ايردى توتون مورى كانه‬‫كوروبان آنى نيچا داناالر‬‫بولديالر ق اوشالدم ايشانه (‪)21b/21a‬‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫زيب و زينت تاپيب مثال كنشت‬‫فرش خانه ايدى سراسر خشت‬‫هر قازاندا پيشيب نيچا خي آش‬‫كورغان آدم دير ايردى مث بهشت‬‫هر كونى يعنى بار عام ايردى‬‫تولوبان آش ايالن تغاره و طشت‬‫ميهمان آندا طمعه خوار بولوب‬‫ديماس ايردى كيشى موشوك غاچا پشت‬‫ظاهرى گرچه كيم ايدى زيبا‬‫ليك زردشت جايى ديك ايدى زشت‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما طمع‬‫‪95‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫مونى خود شركت اهلى بيلغاى ايدى‬‫مونگا بر نيچا كيمسا تعيين ايدى‬‫اورناتيب انگا تورلى ماشينه‬‫ير تيگينى قازيب مغاره كيبى‬‫اوت يوباريب ايليقتيريق برالن‬‫قايناتاردى قازان نى يوز يولى‬‫شوالن ايردى تون و كون آماده‬‫سانسيز ايردى انى نصيبه خورى‬‫كوروب اول ايش نى يوزتوبان ييقيليب‬‫مخلص اولدى انگا سميع جاجى‬‫]مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع[ (‪)22a/21b‬‬‫اوردى شيطان اخيرده توز يولدن‬‫كيم قضا يتسا قوش اوچار قولدن‬‫ييغيب اطراف دين مريدالرينى‬‫اوال بردى بارچاسيغا شولن‬‫وعظ ايتيب اولزمان مريدالرغا‬‫ديدى مين نيكاالى غا جنگ آچامن‬‫اندا گوكراشتى بارچا كاته كيچيك‬‫بيز نه بيلدوق بو ايش سينگا روشن‬‫قايسى بر كوندا بارچا كيلماق غا‬‫حكم قيلدى ايشان بابا بيظن‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫ديديالر حضرتا كه بيزده ياراق‬‫يوق مگر بيزده كيتمان ايله اوراق‬‫جنگ ميدانى دور قيامت خيز‬‫آندا قول كيلماغاى سويول و تاياق‬‫اولزمان درغضب بولوب ايشان‬‫قيليچ اولغاى ديدى اوروشدا اوراق‬‫جنگ ميدانيدا بولور قالقان‬‫باشالرينگيز داگى يامان قالپاق‬‫جنگ چاغيدا پيشوا بولسام‬‫نيمه ايش نيكاالى نى اولدورماق‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع (‪)22b/22a‬‬‫ناگهان بولدى آندا حرب اعالن‬‫آندجان تيكراسى ارا اى جان‬‫روس الرنى خاتون قيزين قيردى‬‫جوش اوروب سي ديك بولوب االمان‬‫‪96‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫اندجاندا كم ايردى عسكرالر‬‫قيلدى آنالرنى لحظه دا يكسان‬‫قاقتى الر هر طرف غا اولكون سيم‬‫بيزغا ياردم كيراك ديبان در آن‬‫تاشكند دين قوشون چيقيب بيحد‬‫آتش ارابه برال بولدى روان‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫تا يتيب بارغونچا عسكرلر‬‫قيلديالر روس ايچينى زير و زبر‬‫جنگ فرض اولدى ديب همه يرغا‬‫چاپاول دين ايشان يوباردى خبر‬‫خلق درياچا جوش اوروب درآن‬‫خبر اولغاج يتوستيالر يكسر‬‫اولكونى بس توكولدى ناحق قان‬‫چونكه كوب اولديالر مسلمانالر‬‫آز ايكن روس الر بصد افسوس‬‫كه يتوشتى آالرغا آنچا ضرر‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع (‪)23a/22b‬‬‫بولدى كوب اي نى قانيغا ضامن‬‫كوب خاتون قيزنى توكتى ناموسين‬‫بولدى اول واقعه حقيقت دا‬‫بر نشان شورش قيامت دين‬‫نيچا قيشالق طوب آستيدا ويران‬‫بولدى الل اولدى بارچا دقت دين‬‫قيز انادين اوغول اتاسندان‬‫آجراليب ييغالشوردى زار و حزين‬‫كيم سبب بولدى ديسانگيز مونگا‬‫مين ديگايمين اوشال ايشان بى دين‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫ناگهان اوشبو حالت ايچرا قوشوب‬‫يتوشوب اوق چيقارديالر اولكون‬‫اي نى بوغداى نى باغيديك قيردى‬‫قالمادى اندجان دا باغرى بوتون‬‫بيلدى ايشان كه كيتى ايش قولدان‬‫قاچتى تولكى كيبى بولوب دل خون‬‫بيلماديم كيتى قايسى گورغا قاچيب‬‫توشمايين كيتى قولغا اول ملعون‬‫اندجان نى اُلوغ گزرالريدا‬‫‪97‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫االمان ديب اي ايتى الر شاوقون‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اول اولما خام طمع (‪)23b/23a‬‬‫اولزمانى اوروش قوماندانى‬‫باستى قويدى اوشانداغ اغوانى‬‫بارچا بى جان تن ايرديالر يا نادان‬‫جسميغا كيردى خلق نينگ جانى‬‫توردى قورغان ديوارى ديك عسكر‬‫صف چيكيب راست انگالنگيز آنى‬‫نيچا آدم نى اوشبو هيبت دان‬‫قالمادى تيبرانورغا درمانى‬‫بيلدى سوز راستين غوبور اطور‬‫باشالب ايركان ايشان بو غوغانى‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫فقراالر چيكيب ساوغ ساوغ آه‬‫عرض احوالين ايتديالر كوتاه‬‫فقرانى صداقتين بيلغاج‬‫رحم قيلدى همان ياريم پادشاه‬‫كيليشيب بر نفس دا دوختورالر‬‫اوق ييگانالرغا دارو قويديالر آه‬‫كورينگز شونچا اي نى بر شيطان‬‫يولدان اوردى و ايالدى گمراه‬‫جمله مؤمن نى بيال شيطان دان‬‫اوز پناهيدا ساقالسون هللا‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع (‪)24a/23b‬‬‫نى كيراك اى ايشان بو خي غوغا‬‫كوب كيشى الرنى ايالدينگ بى جا‬‫بولماسا سيندا طوپ و طوپخانه‬‫يا قوشون يوقكه آيالسانگ دعوا‬‫بر مث بار آتالماگان ساپقان‬‫هم تيگار باشقا هم تيگار كوتكا‬‫بولديالر نيچا مينك كيشى نابود‬‫بولديالر نيچا مينگ كيشى بى جا‬‫اول خاتونالركه ايردى گ دان پاك‬‫سين سبب بولدونگ اولديالر رسوا‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫شكر هلل كه باسيليب غوغا‬‫‪98‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫تارقاديالر همه اي اوز اوييغا‬‫كوچادا قالدى خانه ويرانالر‬‫آه اوستيغا آه اوروب آنده‬‫آيريليب كوب كيشى ير و سودان‬‫تنتيراب قالديالر مثال گدا‬‫نيچاالرنى توتوب قيليب سورگون‬‫سيبر يا سارى هايدايالر تا‬‫دوكچى ايشان نى خانقاهى نى‬‫طوپ بيالن قيلدى يرغا جاى بجا‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع (‪)24b /24a‬‬‫دوكچى ايشان نى جاى و قيشالغين‬‫كوككا ساوردى تام و تُفراغين‬‫قويمادى تيبرانورغا بر جاندار‬‫كورساكيم تيشالر ايردى بارماغين‬‫قالدى اوز جاييدا ايكين و ييغين‬‫آلمادى كيمسا آنى يافراغين‬‫ديديالر دمبدم امان يا رب‬‫كونگلوميز دان چيقار ستم داغين‬‫دوكچى ايشان سوزيغا آلداندوك‬‫ايشيميز اونگال ايمدى سول ياغين‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫سونگرا هر يان يوگوردى كوب چاپاول‬‫چاپاول الر قطاريدا قراول‬‫ايستاشيب قيستاشيب كيزار ايردى‬‫يعنى هر بر قدم دا شهر و ُآول‬‫بارچانى تينچى كيتى شول باعث‬‫تول‬‫ييغالشيب هر بر اويدا بيوه ُ‬‫چونكه قورقوشتيالر همه اوزدان‬‫قالما يوق تهمت ايچرا ديب بوتكول‬‫هيچ ير يوق ايديكه بى شاوقون‬‫هيچ ير يوق ايديكه بى غلغ‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع (‪)25a/24b‬‬‫بارچه تويالر عزاغا آيالندى‬‫تقه تق خير ايشيكى بايالندى‬‫تولكى يانگليغ قاجيب ايشان اولكون‬‫مگرم بر چوقورغا جايالندى‬‫تازه سوديك ايدى خاليق الر‬‫اوشبو سي برال طرفه اليالندى‬‫‪99‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫همه يردا ايشان نى تاپماق غا‬‫آخرى نيچا كيمسا سايالندى‬‫بريليب هر قايوغا اقچه و پُ‬‫بُوريالر مويلبى نى مايالندى‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما حام طمع‬‫كيتى الر آندا هر طرف ايزلب‬‫وقت يتى و آلديالر اوشالب‬‫تابتوروب سيم ايالن كنب ارقان‬‫ايت كيبى قول اياغينى باغالب‬‫يوكالشيب بر بوزوغ ارابه اوزه‬‫يورديالر اندجان سارى قورشب‬‫روس ايچيغا كيتورديالر آخر‬‫انگا لعنت اوقوب سوكوب سيلتب‬‫دار قورغوزديالر غوبورناطور‬‫اولتوروردى ايشان چوكوب اينگرب‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع (‪)25b/25a‬‬‫دار اوزه چيكتى سالدى بوينيغا بند‬‫بند ايمس ايردى بلكه ايردى كمند‬‫تير بارانغا بولدى بس فرمان‬‫توتى الر اوقغا اولزمان يكچند‬‫دار آستيغا بر چوقور قازيالب‬‫آهك ايال توالتى اى دلبند‬‫مرده سين آهك آستيغه باستى‬‫چوروبان قالمادى بوغون پيوند‬‫اوشبو ايش تاكه بولدى سرانجام‬‫قايتادان بولديالر همه خرسند‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫اندجان بارغانيمدا مين اى جان‬‫كورغان ايرديم اوشال چوقورنى عيان‬‫بار ايكان كيم يانيدا بر قيشالق‬‫دير ايكانالر اولوس انى خاكان‬‫صدقيا قان يوتوب تمام ايتديم‬‫اوشبو شيطان نى قصه سين آالن‬‫اوقوغان موندان عبرت آلسونديب‬‫يادگار ايتديم اوزدان اى ياران‬‫بر كيچا كوندوز ايالبان دقت‬‫اي كوزين مونگا ايالديم حيران‬‫مينى قاشيمدادور حرام طمع‬‫‪100‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫ايلدان اميد اوز اولما خام طمع‬‫‪(Ṣidqī Khāndayliqī. Iktisāb. IO AS RUz. Fund-1. Msc. No. 7629/1. ff. 18a-25b).‬‬‫‪Ḥājjī Ṣābirī‬‬‫)‪(XIX – XX‬‬‫‪(2)1‬‬‫دوران چرخ ايدل بيحد يمان ايمسمو‬‫طوفان غصه و غم حددين آشکان ايمسمو‬‫کردُ غبار فتنه تا آسمان ايمسمو‬‫اسالم اهلی غمدين رنکی سمان ايمسمو‬‫بو شورش عجائب آخر زمان ايمسمو (‪)21/22‬‬‫سادات پيشوالر هم شيخ رهنمالر‬‫اوالد اتقيالر علم اه هم رسالر‬‫قاری خوش اداالر اه دل دعاالر‬‫اصحاب فض دانش هم خي پارساالر‬‫مالی درس خوانالر کوب بی نوا ايمسمو‬‫هر برالريغه يوز غم دوران پرجفادين‬‫کونک الری مشوش بو آفت سمادين‬‫هر لحضه قوتولمای خوف غم و بالدين‬‫خونابه الر يوتارالر بو درد بی دوادين‬‫فسق فجورغه تولکان روی جهان ايمسمو‬‫فاش اولدی فسق عصيان هر شهر و هر قرياده‬‫فرغانه ده يورادور ايرکاک الر ايله ماده‬‫ناکس بولوب سواره سادات دور پياده‬‫بر نيچه قيز حرامی توغدی حرامزاده‬‫فرغانه نی زمينی دار االمان ايمسمو‬‫بو عصر افتيدين چيقتی فساد اغوا‬‫مينک تيفه ليک ايشاندين کوب شور بولدی پيدا‬‫بولدی خيال فاسد بر کيچه سی قضارا‬‫مردم غه سالدی فتنه اول غول ديوآسا‬‫ای اه عق انصاف بزغه زيان ايمسمو (‪)2b/21‬‬‫تا قوردی دام تذوير اول نفع جوی بدخو‬‫‪101‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫مردم دن آلدی اقچه مکر ايله قيلدی جادو‬‫کوب خلق نی چيقاردی بولدی قيليب هياهو‬‫ظاهرغه ايردی ايشان باطن غه خنک بدبو‬‫بو نوع مکر و حيله از بهر نان ايمسمو‬‫فرغانه غه ايشانالر ديدی ايمسمن ايشان‬‫تانيب مريدالريدين اويی غه قالدی حيران‬‫هر کيمکه ايردی آشنا ايشانغه بولدی سرسان‬‫کيتی اويی نى تشالب هر ساريغه کريزان‬‫تانغان ايشانليغيدين جمله ايشان ايمسمو‬‫هر کيم مريدی ايردی غمکين و زار اولدی‬‫کلديک آچيلغان ايردی غم آفتيغه سولدی‬‫نيچه کشيالر اويی آخر خراب بولدی‬‫منصب دار ايردی هر کيم يلوغه اول قوتولدی‬‫منصب دار اهلی کورکي شاد و خندان ايمسمو‬‫بو فتنه الرغه باعث مينک تيفه ايشانی‬‫اوت سيز پيشور طعامی بو دورانی نشانی‬‫کرامت ديب ييغيلدی آدم الری مكانى‬‫ماشينه دين قزانی يوقدور مريدنی سانی‬‫مينک تيفه نی ايشانی مله چفان ايمسمو (‪)2a/2b‬‬‫بير کيچه قيلدی غوغا مردمغه سالدی غوغا‬‫شيطان فريفته قيلدی اسرار بولدی افشا‬‫ديدی کيلينک مريدالر سيز اولدورونک نصارا‬‫آخر بو فکر ايله عالمغه بولدی رسوا‬‫شيطان سوزى آليبان سرسان بوکان ايمسمو‬‫دنيا فريفته قيلدی کوب حيله الرنی قيلدی‬‫مينک تيفه ليک کيشی الر ياپريمديب يقيلدی‬‫عسکرنی تيغ قدی عضاالرينی تيلدی‬‫عق بار آدم آخر ديوانه الر بيلدی‬‫انکا مريد بولکان سبير کيتکان ايمسمو‬‫بو فتنه الرنی ايالب کوزدين يوقالدی غايب‬‫اول فتنه کرنی فکر چون ايردی غير صائب‬‫قالدی بال و غم غه هر چند بولدی تائب‬‫انديجان نی حاکمی کوبورناطورغه نايب‬‫صالت عسکر ايله اوشالب کيلکان ايمسمو‬‫شيطان جين سوزيغه ايشان که چندی بولدی‬‫عسکر قوليغه ناکاه بند لوندى بولدی‬‫اوشبو بالغه باعث اول کندی شخص بولدی‬‫‪102‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫تقديرغه بريب تن عسکرغه بندی بولدی‬‫انديجانغه کيلتوروب دارغه اسغان ايمسمو (‪)2a/2a‬‬‫نيچه مريدی ايله اسيلدی دارغه بی شک‬‫دار اوستيغه اولوبان احوال بولدی چون سک‬‫کوردی انی کوز ايله يوز مينک کيشی نيچه لک‬‫دارنی تکيغه ايردی قارغوچوتور اهک‬‫داردن اهك توشتى کويوب يانکان ايمسمو‬‫حاجی صابر آخر ديدی بو ينکليغ اشعار‬‫قيلدی مخمس ايچره ايشان ايشينی اظهار‬‫آزغه در دست ايرمس کوب ايله قيلسه بيکار‬‫شايدکه بولسه پنديم آزاده الرغه يادکار‬‫بيهوده ايش نی قيلغان دوکچی ايشان ايمسمو‬‫‪(Bayāḍ-i Ḥājji Ṣаbirī. IO AS RUz. Fund of lithographical books. № 11087. pp.‬‬‫)‪11-15.‬‬‫‪Sulṭān Aḥmad‬‬‫)‪(XIX – XX‬‬‫‪Стих об Андижанском ишане‬‬‫اوشبو زمانمزداغى عامى ايشان الر حصوصيده‬‫بر شاعرنينك يازكان شعرى‬‫اوشبو كونالرده كوپايمش عام ايشان بچه غر‬‫اعتقاد ايتمش انكا بر نيچه نادان بچه غر‬‫عاميالر صيدى اچون يلغان كرامت ايالبان‬‫بر پوچك پلغه ساتار ايمانين ارزان بچه غر‬‫عامى ايشان بر ايشكدور بو ايشك دين كم ايرور‬‫بو ايشك نى تانيماى اخالص قيلغان بچه غر‬‫عامى ايشان كيم ترور ايتاى سزه ماهتين‬‫ذكرى حقنى دنيا اچون دام قيلغان بچه غر‬‫بى توك بى قناعت بى ديانت بى ادب‬‫حرص شهوت كبر نخوت حيله غه كان بچه غر‬‫ديدى حضرت جيفه دور دنيا طال بى كالب‬‫كم دور ايت دين جيفه اوچون شيخ بولغان بچه غر‬‫خلق برتن دور بو تن غه عامى ايشاندور مرض‬‫بو مرض نينك بعضى سى دور دوكچى ايشان بچه غر‬‫‪103‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫بو مرض چون بولدى پيدا اندجان ملكى ارا‬‫نيچه الرنينك خانمانين قيلدى ويران بچه غر‬‫اندجان ملكى ارا مينك تيپه دين ايالب ظهور‬‫ايالدى مينك تيپه نى ير برله يكسان بچه غر‬‫اليصح لزهد ديديالر مع الجه اه شرع‬‫حق طلب بولسنك اوقوغي نامسلمان بچه غر‬‫جه عورت علم ايشتان فى المث دستار زهد‬‫كيكوچه دستار بزرك كيكي ايشتان بچه غر‬‫عهد قيلدينك پرينك آلديده كنه قيلما سليكا‬‫برچه قيلغانينك كنه اى عهد يلغان بچه غر‬‫اوقوغاى اوراد يوز لحن خطا برالن مدام‬‫مسجد ايچره نعره تارتيب آلغالى نان بچه غر‬‫هفته ده بر كون بو كورمكنى بيلور اوزيكه فرض‬‫فرضدين سورسنك بولور البته حيران بچه غر‬‫توشمسه بولغاى كوتين تيككان تونكغوزديك درغضب‬‫بولغاى ايشان بولغانيغه كوب پشيمان بچه غر‬‫اي قاشيده نعره تارتيب ايالكاى ذكر آشكار‬‫حق اوچون هيچ برده قيلمس ذكر پنهان بچه غر‬‫روز شب يوقدور يمك ايچمك دين اوزكا مقصدى‬‫اوشبو باعث دين سمورميش مث حيوان بچه غر‬‫اندكى بولسه رياضت ياكى خوف آخرت‬‫بولمس ايردى مونچه فربه بوينى يوغان بچه غر‬‫قيلمغاى اعزاز اه علم كرچه فرضدور‬‫همچنان كيم قيلمدى آدم غه شيطان بچه غر‬‫اي كوزيغه كورونورغه ظاهرا كول ولندى‬‫ليك خلوتده ايرور عيار چقان بچه غر‬‫انجمن ده اولتورادور كوز يوموب بوينين ايكيب‬‫كربه ينكليغ سچراكاى كركورسه سچقان بچه غر‬‫اي قوليغه كوزينى تيكماقدين اوزكا كسبى يوق‬‫كور ش ينكليغ وجودى ايلكا تاوان بچه غر‬‫بى قناعت دور ايكاسز ايتديك اي كزماق ايشى‬‫بول كوپك نفسى اوچون صحراده سرسان بچه غر‬‫كيتمكاى هركز قزاق الر آوليدين ايالنيب‬‫اونغونچه يا اوالق يا قاف ارقان بچه غر‬‫اوتقوزور بر ماچه خرنى آلديغه جين اوردى ديب‬‫اول جين اورغانغه سالور دم بو جين اورغان بچه غر‬‫زيب زينت برميش اوزيغه حرير تونالر كيب‬‫سرمه برله غازه قويميش مث نسوان بچه غر‬‫بولسه برچه سين كبى بى كسب طماع فقط‬‫بولغاى ايردى لحظه ده بو دهر ويران بچه غر‬‫حيف كيم بيلمس عوام سرين االرنينك يوق ايسه‬‫تقصير ايشان اورنيغه دير ايردى ايشان بچه غر‬‫بيرمس ايردى نذر انكا عامى و بى عق الر‬‫‪104‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫ترك ايتاردى رسم ايشان ليغ نى آالن بچه غر‬‫بد متاعى كاسدى كا اي خريدار اولمسه‬‫قورمس ايردى اوال بو نوع دوكان بچه غر‬‫اوتوز ايكى بچه غر ديكان غه كيلسه اچيغى‬‫ايتامن منك بچه غر مليان مليان بچه غر‬‫بلدنكز مونى سبب دين مسجد ايچره تولغوسى‬‫پاى كوبان دست افشان دنبه جنبان بچه غر‬‫بارك هللا جانور زهنينكنى قوى جا بليه ديب‬‫اويناتور ميمون كبى ايشان شيطان بچه غر‬‫چمكند ليك سلطان احمد خان ايشان مرحوم نينك عامى ايشان الر حقيده يازكان‬‫شعرالرى تذكرة الخاطر يازيلدى‬‫)‪(Turkistān wilāyatīnīng gazītī. 1911. №82.‬‬‫‪Anonymous verse‬‬‫)‪(I‬‬‫نظم واقعهء دوكچى ايشان‬‫بير خبر جنون اثر ايشيته ميز اوزاق دن‬‫آسى انديجان تالن دوكچى زن تالق دن‬‫بير نيچه مشت پر بالن چومچوق و زاغ الر بالن‬‫دعوى بازليك قيلكان قرغه وقرقناق دن‬‫اسكرى جمعى بى پدر لولى نجان بد كوهر‬‫خوك خصال و سك سير در بدر سياق دن‬‫آمى و مله پوش الر جيران دوغ فروش الر‬‫كربه مثالى موش الر صبحه سى ناس قاباق دن‬‫كويالكى چيركين و تروش جنده سى پرچهء پروش‬‫بوركه بيتى قيلور اوروش سله الرى سيچاق دن‬‫غلچهء غور موجوك قيرغيز تورهء كموك‬‫تجيك و اچيق چوچوك فلغرى قزاق دن‬‫اوزبك و جوكى پرتك قيپچاق وفج نيم رنك‬‫حومزت التزنك قشقرى سچاقدن‬‫قريه سى ايركك خاتون توفنكى تيزك اوتون‬‫غزات كه چيقتى الر بوتون حربه سى آش پچاق دن‬‫بيراقى ايسكى جاى نماز توشه سى روزهء نماز‬‫تمع سى بيم و پياز دونبركى بوقاق دن‬‫فكرى غزاده ايرته كيچ قوى نينك قبورغه سى قيليچ‬‫ميلتى غى بار بوغوم قميچ پتره سى قوم بالق دن‬‫‪105‬‬

‫‪The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets‬‬‫رزم قيلورغه مايه سى تيرو توفنك و ( سايه سى)‬‫اصلحه چرح فايه سى نيزه الرى قباق دن‬‫چادرى تنك و تار اويه چيله سى بوركون بويه‬‫قورخانه سى قزان كويه زنبركى اوچاق دن‬‫قوربقه موزديکانچى سی تاشبقه امتحانچيسی‬‫کپريتيکان سنانچيسی ششپرى جين چراقدن‬‫ايشيك آغاسى كوركورك مرشبى كورشپپرك‬‫توپقطارى فرشتورك پروانه چى جزايت دن‬‫آت الرى كوربه و مشق الغر اريغ و عاشق‬‫قوتو خاريش و قيچيق جسمى آال تراق دن‬‫‪(Central State Archive of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009.‬‬‫)‪Inventory-1. Item-143. f. 16.‬‬‫‪Anonymous verse‬‬‫)‪(II‬‬‫ايشان نى ايكنچى هجوياتى‬‫چيقتى بر مكاره ياران مرغنان اويازيدين‬‫تابتى شهرت اول ايشك بركان فراوان آشيدين‬‫بر توقوز قزان قوروب بى اوت پيشادور آش ديب‬‫برچه نى مغرور ايتوب ييغدى جهان اطرافيدين‬‫عامى ايردى ليك احساندين تاپيب شهرت جهان‬‫ييغيلوردى اير و خاتون آنچنانُ اينچنين‬‫اول فريب كر اوزينى خيله بيالن شيخ كورساتيب‬‫ُ‬‫قيرغيز ترك نى اوزيكا مخلص چنان‬‫ايالدى‬‫كوب آشيب كيتى اوزيدين آخرى جينى بولوب‬‫اوغريالرديك كيچه سى جنك قيلديالر فچاق بيالن‬‫تانك آتماى قاچتى انداغكيم قاچادور اوغرىالر‬‫اوچكون اوتماى توتى قادرقلى دالور بى كمان‬‫خذمت شايسته قيلدى تابتى آنى آختاريب‬‫تاش كوپروك اوستيده باغالب بويان بولدى روان‬‫عامى ليكدين آخرى رسوايى عالم بولدى اول‬‫كوب يمان ايركان يمانليكده يمانالردين يمان‬‫آق پادشاه دولتيده كوب خاطرجمع ايدوك‬‫كوب قورقدوك كوب چاچيلدوك بيزكا هم بولدى يمان‬‫پادشاهى عادل ايركان يخشى يمان اجراتوب‬‫اول يمانغه بيش كيشى نى قوشوب آستى اولزمان‬‫دارنى آستيده چاه كاوالب االرنى سالديالر‬‫‪106‬‬

‫‪Appendix: Text of Verses‬‬‫سو قويوب آهك بيالن دودين چيقاردى آسمان‬‫ييكچى ليك انكا لقب ايردى اوزى شيطان دين‬‫بى رويش چوكى صفت اما اوزى يلغان ايشان‬‫اص ُ نسليدين انى هيچكيمسه آكه بولمادى‬‫بيلمادى هيچكيم انى بيلكانالر ايتور پاده بان‬‫نيچه بولوست اول ايشان حاليدين آكاه اولمايين‬‫اورنيدين بيكار بولدى دلده كوب ارمان بيالن‬‫الزم ايركان پادشاه ليك خذمتين قيلدى بجا‬‫قالدى جاييده توروب از تحت دل خذمت قيالن‬‫فتنه آخر زمان ايركان انى بيلدوك يقين‬‫منكه ساى قاضى سى دورمن اندكى قيلديم بيان‬‫سال تأريخى ايدى مينك اوجيوز اون آلتى ده‬‫ليك اولكان كونى ايردى ‪ 2‬نجى سرطان‬‫هيچكيم بيلماس ايكان قيسى سلوكده ايركانين‬‫شوملوغيدين بى جنازه كيتى بيش قومى بيالن‬‫‪(Central State Archive of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Fund of N. Ostroumov. I-1009.‬‬‫)‪Inventory-1. Item-109 a. f. 26 b.‬‬‫‪107‬‬

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I-1009, Inventory-1, Item-109a.

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114

IndexList of Names and Terms in Latin and Arabic Characters‘Abd al-Ghafūr Muḥibb
‘Abd al-Ḥamīd II‘Abd al-Raḥmān Āftābachī‘Abdulaziz Davletshin– ‘Abd al-‘Azīz Dawlat-shāha‘lamAḥmad Dānish
Aḥmad YasawīAḥmad Dhakī Walīdī Tūghān
ākhirat zamānAllāhĀq pāshshāāshūrā
āt
Āt-Sūfībachchagar“Badawlat-nāma”“Ba-hajw-i khalīfa-yi Mingtīpa”
bāsmachilik
bayāḍ
bayt
Dahubīst-bī
Dajjāl“Dar mazammat-i Īshān-i Dūkchī”
dhikr
dhikr-i āshkār‫عبد الغفور محب‬‫عبد الحميد‬‫عبد الرحمان آفتابه چى‬– ‫عبدوله زيز دوليتشين‬‫عبد العزيز دولت شاه‬‫اعلم‬‫احمد دانش‬‫احمد يسوى‬‫احمد ذكى وليدى توغان‬‫آخرت زمان‬‫ﷲ‬‫آق پاشا‬‫عاشورا‬‫آت‬‫آت صوفى‬‫بچه غر‬‫بدولت نامه‬‫بھجو خليفهء منگ تيپه‬‫باسمچٮليک‬‫بياض‬‫بيت‬‫ده’بيست بى‬‫دجال‬‫در مزمت ايشان دوكچى‬‫ذكر‬‫ذكر آشكار‬The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

dhikr-i pinhān
dīwān
DīwānadīwānaDūkchī Īshān
– Madalī Īshān –Muḥammad ‘Alī-khalīfa“Dūkchī Īshān hajwi”
emasmuFāḍil-bīk ibn Āta-bīk – Surkhafsār
farḍ
fatwā
Firawnfirībgarlīk
fitna
FurqatghazalghazawātḤājjī Ṣābirī
“Hajw-i Yikchī Īshān”
Ḥakīm-khānḥikmat“ ‘Ibrat al-ghāfilīn”“Iktisāb”
īrānī
īshān
“Īshānlār
qālīb
Dūkchīnīng
‘aybīga...”jadīd“Jang-nāma”
jihād
kāfir
kāfirlārdīn musulmānnī khalāṣ etarkarāmatkhalīfakhānaqāKhudāyār-khānkhuṭbamaddāḥ
madrasa

116‫ذكر پنھان‬‫ديوان‬‫ديوانه‬‫ديوانه‬‫دوكچى ايشان – مدلى ايشان – محمد على خليفه‬‫دوكچى ايشان ھجوى‬‫ايمسمو‬‫فاضل بيك ابن آته بيك – سرخ افسار‬‫فرض‬‫فتوى‬‫فرون‬‫فريب گرليك‬‫فتنه‬‫فرقت‬‫غزل‬‫غزوات‬‫حاجى صابرى‬‫ھجو يكچى ايشان‬‫حكيم خان‬‫حكمت‬‫عبرت الغافلين‬‫اكتساب‬‫ايرانى‬‫ايشان‬‫ايشان الر قاليب دوكچى نينگ عيبى گه‬‫جديد‬‫جنگ نامه‬‫جھاد‬‫كافر‬‫كافر الردين مسلمان نى خالص ايتار‬‫كرامت‬‫خليفه‬‫خانقا‬‫خدايار خان‬‫خطبه‬‫مداح‬‫مدرسه‬IndexMahdī“Maktūbcha-yi khān”
mathnawī
Mawlawī Yūldāsh
Mīrzā ‘Abd al-‘Aẓīm SāmīmudarrismuftīMuḥammad ‘Azīz MarghilānīMuḥammad ‘Umar Umīdī-HavāīMuḥammad Musā-bīMuḥarram
mukhammasmullā
Mullā Mirzā ‘Ālim ibn Mīrzā Raḥīm
TāshkandīmuqaddimaMuqīmī –Muḥammad Amīn
Khwāja Muqīmī
murīd
murshid
musaddasmutawallīnādān qāra sūyak
Nādim Namangānī – Sulaymān
Khwāja mulaqqab bi-Īshān Bābākhān
walad-i Ūlugh Khwāja-Īshān Shayh
al-islām-i Namangān“Naẓm-i wāqi‘a-yi Dūkchī-Īshān”
pashshalār
pīr
pirsiyānqāḍīQāḍī-yi kalān
qīshlāq
qīzīlbāsh
Qūzī Raḥīm Khwāja-Īshān
radīf
Rājī Marghilānī (Marghinānī)
Sadubīst-bī
sākhta‫مھدى‬‫مكتوبچه خان‬‫مثنوى‬‫مولوى يولداش‬‫ميرزا عبد العظيم سامى‬‫مدرس‬‫مفتى‬‫محمد عزيز مرغالنى‬‫محمد عمراميدى ھوايى‬‫محمد موسى بى‬‫محرم‬‫مخمس‬‫مال‬‫مال ميرزا عالم بن ميرزا تاشكندى‬‫مقدمه‬‫مقيمى – محمد امين خواجه مقيمى‬‫مريد‬‫مرشد‬‫مسدس‬‫متولى‬‫نادان قاره سويك‬‫نادم نمنگانى – سليمان خواجه ملقب بايشان بابا‬‫خان ولد اولغ خواجه ايشان شيخ االسالم‬‫نمنگان‬‫نظم واقعهء دوكچى ايشان‬‫پشه الر‬‫پير‬‫پرسيان‬‫قاضى‬‫قاضى كالن‬‫قيشالق‬‫قيزيل باش‬‫قوزى رحيم خواجه ايشان‬‫رديف‬(‫راجى مرغالنى )مرغنانى‬‫سد’ بيست بى‬‫ساخته‬117

The Andijan Uprising of 1898 and Its Leader Dūkchī-Īshān Described by Contemporary Poets

Sang Muḥammad Badakhshī
shahsey-vahsey
sharī‘ahshayṭān yūldan āzdīrdīṢidqī KhāndayliqīSulṭān Aḥmad
sulūk
Tā’ib
ta’rīkh“Ta’rīkh-i ‘Azīzī”“Ta’rīkh-i Badakhshān”
Tāsh-khwāja Asīrī“Tuḥfa-i Tā’ib”“Turkistān wilāyatīnīng gazītī”
Tūya-Ṣūfī
‘ulamā
umma
wā‘iẓ
Yūnus-jān dādkhāh Muḥammadūw
Yūsuf
Dhawqī – ‘Ubayd Allāh Ṣāliḥ-ūghlī
Dhawqī

118‫سنگ محمد بدخشى‬‫شخسيى وخسيى‬‫شريعت‬‫شيطان يول دن آزديردى‬‫صدقى خانديلقى‬‫سلطان احمد‬‫سلوك‬‫تا يب‬‫تاءريخ‬‫تاءريخ عزيزى‬‫تاءريخ بدخشان‬‫تاش خواجه اسيرى‬‫تخفهء تا يب‬‫تركستان واليتى نينگ گزيتى‬‫تويه صوفى‬‫علما‬‫امه‬‫واعظ‬‫يونس جان دادخواه محمدوو‬‫يوسف‬‫ذوقى – عبيد ﷲ صالح اوغلى ذوقى‬