PaleoAsia2018
The International Workshop
Cultural History of PaleoAsia- Integrative Research on the Formative Processes of Modern Human Cultures in Asia
December 15 –18, 2018, Kyoto, Japan

Program and Abstracts

Edited by

Yoshihiro Nishiaki
Seiji Kadowaki, andYasuhisa KondoP a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

PaleoAsia Project Series 17
Editor-in- Chief
Yoshihiro Nishiaki, The University of Tokyo
Editorial Board
Seiji Kadowaki, Nagoya University
Hiroyuki Kitagawa, Nagoya University
Yasuhisa Kondo, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature
Yoshihiro Nishiaki, The University of Tokyo
Joe Yuichiro Wakano, Meiji University
Published by
PaleoAsia Project GroupThe University Muesum
The University of Tokyo
Hongo, 7-3 -1, Bunkyo, Tokyo, Japan
TEL +81 3 -5841-2485
E-mail: paleoasiaproject@gmail.com
http://www.paleoasia.jp
The publication of the PaleoAsia Project Series has been supported by a Grantin - Aid for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas (Grant No. 1802) fromJapanese Ministry of Education, Science, Culture, and Technology.
All rights reserved. No parts of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanica l, photocopying , recording , or other wise, without the priorpermission of the PaleoAsia Project group.
cover photo: edge -ground axe from Suzuki site (Kodaira, Tokyo)© PaleoAsia Project 2018
ISBN: 978-4-909148-16-2ii

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CONTENTS

Prefaceiv

Workshop Programvi

Oral Presentations
Public Lectures

1

WorkshopSession 1: Archaeological Data from the Northern Arc

9

Session 2: Archaeological Data from the Southern Arc

21

Session 3: Modelling of the Geographic Patterns

29

Session 4: Synthesis

41

Poster Presentations
Posters

51

Author Index

112

iii

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Preface

The processes of the dispersals of anatomically modern humans into regions of Eurasian Continent
represent one of the most hotly debated issues among paleoanthropologists and archaeologists
today. The PaleoAsia project 2016–2020 (Cultural History of PaleoAsia: Integrative Research on
the Formative Processes of Modern Human Cultures in Asia) aims to contribute to our better
understanding of these processes in Asia, where a recent increase in the number of new finds
has led to the need for fresh insights and interpretations. This project was launched as a five-year
multidisciplinary research program in July 2016, following our previous work, the RNMH Project
2010-2014 (Replacement of Neanderthals by Modern Humans: Testing Evolutionary Models of
Learning, Project Leader: Takeru Akazawa), also with support from a Grant-in-Aid for Scientific
Research on Innovative Areas from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science andTechnology of Japan.
While RNMH dealt with biological diagnostics, especially regarding the cognitive capacity ofmodern humans, the PaleoAsia project focuses on their cultures, as indicated by the subtitle. It is
well known that modern humans developed regionally varied cultures in a relatively short period
after their dispersals. Can these cultures be explained by the inherent behavioral patterns of modern
humans in response to diﬀerent ecological conditions? Or were they established as historical events
involving contacts with indigenous populations who already developed local cultural traditions?
Further, is the regional pattern a reﬂection of the cultural evolution made during the population
dispersals? We suppose that comparative perspectives on the diﬀerent cultural processes noted in
Asia provide an opportunity, in turn, for a better understanding of modern humans.
In the present workshop, the project participants will present their initial attempts for the researchaccording to their disciplines, related to either field or theoretical science. In addition, in orderto supplement the project, up-to-date inputs on the research by our overseas collaborators areconsolidated as well. We hope that through intensive discussion sessions the participants will beable to further develop their own research strategies or collaborative research schemes on issues of
PaleoAsia. Lastly but not the least, I would like to express our deep thanks to all those who helpedin preparing the workshop. We owe much , needless to say, to the Ministry of Education, Culture,
Sports, Science and Technology of Japan for their sponsorship, as well as to the Kyoto International
Conference Center and the Research Institute for Humanity and Culture, for providing the venues.

Yoshihiro Nishiaki
Project Leader
The University Museum,The University Tokyoiv

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

PaleoAsia2018 The International Workshop
Cultural History of PaleoAsia- Integrative Research on the Formative Processes of Modern Human Cultures in Asia

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE
Seiji Kadowaki, Prehistory, Nagoya University
Hiroyuki Kitagawa, Environmental Studies, Nagoya University
Yasuhisa Kondo, Information Technology, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature
Yoshihiro Nishiaki*, Prehistory, The University of Tokyo
Atsushi Nobayashi, Cultural Anthropology, National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka
Joe Yuichiro Wakano, Theoretical Modelling, Meiji University* Chair

SECRETARIAT
Chie Akashi, The University of Tokyo
Yayoi Ogawa, The University of Tokyo
Miho Suzuki, The University of Tokyo
Mayumi Yaguchi, The University of Tokyo

HEAD OFFICE PaleoAsia
The University Museum,The University of Tokyo,
Hongo 7-3-1, Bunkyo
Tokyo 113-0033, Japan
Email: paleoasiaproject@gmail.com
Tel: +81-3-5841-2485
Fax:+81-3-5841-2485
URL: http://www.paleoasia.jpv

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

PaleoAsia2018
The International Workshop on the Cultural History of PaleoAsia

Workshop Program

Day 1: Saturday, December 15, 2018
Venue: Kyoto International Conference Center

Public Lectures
12：00－13：00

Registration

Chair: Seiji Kadowaki
13：00－13：30
Yoshihiro Nishiaki

2

13：30－14：15

Andrey Krivoshapkin
Neanderthals in Siberia: New discoveries in Altai Mountains

4

14：15－15：00

Robin Dennell
Human dispersals into East Asia

5

15：00－15：15

Coﬀee Break

15：15－16：00

Yosuke Kaifu
Stories behind the people's migration from Africa to the JapaneseIslands 30,000 years ago

16：00－17：00

Discussion

Introduction to the Workshop PaleoAsia2018

Welcome Reception
18：00－20：00

Kyoto Heian Hotelvi

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Day 2: Sunday, December 16, 2018
Venue: Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

Workshop
9：30－10：00

Registration

10：00－10：10

Yoshihiro Nishiaki
Opening remarks

Session 1: Archaeological Data from the Northern Arc
Chair: Masami Izuho
10：10－10：50
Lisa Maher

10

10：50－11：30

Rustam H. Suleymanov and Otabek Aripdjanov
Issues of transition from the Lower to the Middle Paleolithic
in Central Asia

12

11：30－12：10

Nicolas Zwyns
Late Pleistocene population dynamics in continental Asia: Insights from
North Mongolia

14

12：10－13：10

Lunch

13：10－14：20

Poster Session

Reconstructing daily life in prehistory: Using micromorphology to explore
the use of space

Chair: Yuichi Nakazawa
14：20－15：00
Masami Izuho

16

15：00－15：40

Shinji Kato
The Paleolithic of China: Its industries and chronology

18

15：40－16：00

Coﬀee Break

Preservation conditions of the initial and early Upper Paleolithic sites innorthern and eastern Mongoliavii

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Session 2: Archaeological Data from the Southern Arc
Chair: Seiji Kadowaki
16：00－16：40
Adam Brumm

A world apart: Early human prehistory of the Maros Karsts in Sulawesi

16：40－17：20

22

23
Atsushi Noguchi
Rethinking origins of EUP lithic technology in the Japanese Archipelago:
Axe and blade techniqueDay 3: Monday, December 17, 2018
Venue: Research Institute for Humanity and Nature
9：30－10：00

Chair: Rintaro Ono
10：00－10：40

10：40－11：20

Registration

Rintaro Ono, Harry Octavianus Sofian, Nasura Aziz, Riczar Fuentes,
25
and Alfred Pawlik
Resource use and tool technology during the Late Pleistocene to Holocene
in Wallacea-Cases from North and Central Sulawesi, Indonesia
26
Johan Kamminga
When did anatomically modern humans first colonise the continent of Sahul?

Session 3: Modelling of the Geographic Patterns
Chair: Hiroyuki Kitagawa
11：20－12：00
Pavel E.Tarasov30

12：00－12：40

Hiroyuki Kitagawa
Climatic-induced migration of early modern human across Asia

32

12：40－13：40

Lunch

Environments during the spread of anatomically modern humans acrossAsia: What do we know and what would we like to know?

Chair: Atsushi Nobayashi
13：40－14：20
Kazunobu Ikeya

33

14：20－15：00

34

Human dispersal and adaptation for livelihood:Hunting style changes with dogs
Pei-Lin Yu
Ethnoarchaeological projections of Neolithic crop adoption among Late
Paleolithic foragers of Taiwan, the Philippines, and the SE China coast
using the Binford hunter-gatherer databaseviii

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15：00－15：40

36
Atsushi Nobayashi
Social and cultural change in the indigenous population after contact
with colonizers: Historical ecology of Taiwanʼs people in 18th -20th century

15：40－16：00

Coﬀee Break

Chair: Joe Yuichiro Wakano
16：00－16：40
Alex Mesoudi

How do migration and acculturation shape between-group culturalvariation? Insights from modern migration and cultural psychology

16：40－17：20

Yutaka Kobayashi, Mitsuhiro Nakamura, Kohei Tamura, Kenichi Aoki,
Shun Kurokawa, Joe Y. Wakano, Shinji Kato , Miho Suzuki,
Jun Takakura, Kazuya Nakagawa, Atsushi Noguchi , Takuya Yamaoka,
and Yoshihiro Nishiaki
Analysis of archaeological data based on 0,1-vector models

38

39

Dinner
18：30－20：30

Ganko Takasegawa

Day 4 : Tuesday, December 18, 2018
Venue: Research Institute for Humanity and Nature
9：30－10：00

Registration

Session 4: Synthesis
Chair: Seiji Kadowaki
10：00－10：40
Yoshihiro Nishiaki

Patterns in the formative processes of modern human cultures in Asia

42

10：40－11：20

Joe Y. Wakano, William Gilpin, Seiji Kadowaki, Marcus W. Feldman, and44
Kenichi Aoki
Ecocultural range-expansion models of modern humans with ecologicalcompetition with Neanderthals

11：20－11：50

Seiji Kadowaki
Discussion toward further application of the ecoculturalrange-expansion model to the PaleoAsia cultural diversity

11：50－12：30

Discussion and closing remarks

12：30－

Light Mealix

46

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Poster Presentations

52

Poster 1

Sadakatsu Kunitake
Excavations of Upper Paleolithic sites in southern of Kazakhstan

Poster 2

Chie Akashi, Farhad Guliyev, Azad Zeynalov, Mansur Mansurov,
and Yoshihiro Nishiaki
54
Replacement or assimilation?: Plant exploitation in the Mesolithic-Neolithic
contact period of the South Caucasus

Poster 3

Jun Takakura
The microblade technology in the early Upper Palaeolithic of Asia:
Convergence or diﬀusion?

Poster 4

Kazuharu Takehana, Shinji Kato , Hitoshi Magara, and Kazuya Nakagawa 58
A study of the quartz lithic industries in Paleolithic Eurasia

Poster 5

Hitoshi Magara
Houjiayao Denticulate industry

60

Poster 6

Atsushi Uemine
Middle-Upper Paleolithic transision in northern China:
Current research and perspectives

62

Poster 7

Kazuya Nakagawa
The Late Palaeolithic assemblages and used raw materials in South Korea

64

Poster 8

Hiroto Nakata
Human migration and technological diﬀusion of early Late Palaeolithic
in Japan66

Poster 9

Miho Suzuki
Edge-ground stone axes and "circular settlements" of the early Upper
Palaeolithic in the Japanese Islands

67

Poster 10

Takuya Yamaoka
Use and maintenance of leaf-shaped points in the late Upper
Paleolithic of the Japanese Islands

68

Poster 11

Ryosuke Kimura, and Takehiro Sato
Genome analysis of ancient humans in the Lake Baikal area

70

Poster 12

Rikai Sawafuji, Ryosuke Kimura, Hiroki Oota, and Hajime Ishida
Human genetic diversity and peopling history in East and Southeast Asia

71

x

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Poster 13

Osamu Kondo
Os pubis in Dederiyeh infant Neanderthals

72

Poster 14

Kevin Gibbs
Early pottery in East Asia: Origins and dispersal

73

Poster 15

Yuichi I. Naito, Miriam Belmaker, Hervé Bocherens, Christoph Wißing,and Seiji Kadowaki
74
Gazelle hunting activities around Tor Hamar rock-shelter in Jordan viewed
from carbon and oxygen isotopic compositions of tooth enamel

Poster 16

Takashi Nakazawa, Momoko Osawa, Kana Matsuo, Mako Inuzuka,
Yuki Ito, Seiji Kadowaki, and Yoshihiro Nishiaki
75
Identification of animal species by mass spectrometry of collagen preservedin Neolithic and Paleolithic bone specimens

Poster 17

Yuichi Nakazawa, Akira Iwase, Noriyoshi Oda, Fumito Akai,
Koichi Hiromatsu, Masami Izuho, and Hitoshi Ohtorii
Some thoughts on the terminal Pleistocene stone tool cache: A case study
from the Tomamu-daichi site, eastern Hokkaido, Japan

Poster 18

Toshiyuki Fujiki and Hiroyuki Kitagawa
Pollen analysis of a submerged forest during the last glacial periodon the Dekisima coast, Aomori Prefecture, northern Japan

Poster 19

Hitoshi Hasegawa, Nanase Noma, Masafumi Murayama, Masao Iwai,
and Nagayoshi Katsuta
81
Quantitative reconstruction for paleoenvironmental changes in southern
Mongolia during the Homo sapiens's migration: New evidence from Orog
Lake, sediment core

Poster 20

Nagayoshi Katsuta, Yumiko Ohno, and Sayuri Naito
82
Chemical and mineralogical analyses for lacustrine sedimentary sequencesof Darhad basin(nothern Mongolia)

Poster 21

Toru Tamura and Seiji Kadowaki
Optically-stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating of Paleolithic sediments
in Jebel Qalkha, southern Jordan

Poster 22

Fumiko Watanabe Nara
85
Past hydrological changes in south Siberian region for the last glacial to the
Holocene based on radiocarbon dating

Poster 23

Yasuhisa Kondo, Hideyuki Ōnishi, and Yoko Iwamoto
Lexical analysis of the concept of culture in the PaleoAsia project
xi

78

79

84

87

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Poster 24

Yasuhisa Kondo and Yoko Iwamoto
89
Network analysis of the interdisciplinary co-authorship of the PaleoAsia project

Poster 25

Mieko Matsumoto, Espen Uleberg, Steinar Kristensen,
and Jakob Kile-Vesik
LOUD and FAIR Norwegian archaeological data

Poster 26

Toko Fujimoto
94
Social change and behavior patterns in the course of contacts between theprevious inhabitant group and migrant group: A case study from Kazakh steppe

Poster 27

Ayami Nakatani, Yoko Ueba , and Miwa Kanetani96
The vital role of "cordage" in food acqusition and other aspects of human life

Poster 28

Hideyuki Ōnishi
Hybridization of two diﬀerent cultural groups in the Ainu history

98

Poster 29

Yujie Peng
An exploratory quantitative analysis of tool use behaviors: In the case of
cutting among Baka hunter-gatherers

100

Poster 30

Hitoshi Yamada
Evolution of religion and mythology: Its role in intergroup dynamics

102

Poster 31

Yuriko Yamanaka
Complexity and "environmental adaptability" of imaginary creatures

103

Poster 32

Naoko T. Fujito, Yoko Satta, Toshiyuki Hayakawa,and Naoyuki Takahata
104
Speculating PaleoAsian culture from genomic signatures of selective sweeps

Poster 33

Shun Kurokawa, Yutaka Kobayashi, Takuya Ishii,
and Joe Y. Wakano
Time to extinction of a cultural trait

Poster 34

Mitsuhiro Nakamura, Kohei Tamura, Kenichi Aoki, Yutaka Kobayashi,
Shun Kurokawa, Joe Y. Wakano, Shinji Kato, Miho Suzuki,
Jun Takakura, Kazuya Nakagawa, Atsushi Noguchi, Takuya Yamaoka,
and Yoshihiro Nishiaki
108
Statistical analyses of archaeological cultures based on 0,1-vector models

Poster 35

Kazunari Matsudaira, Takafumi Ishida, Wannapa Settheetham-Ishida,Phaiboon Duangchan, Surin Pookajorn , Danai Tiwawech,
Nao Nishida, Paul Verdu, and Hiroki Oota
110
Genome-wide SNP analyses of ethnic groups in Thailand
xii

91

106

Public Lectures1

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Public Lectures

Introduction to the Workshop PaleoAsia2018

Yoshihiro Nishiaki
The University Museum, The University of Tokyo, Japan

Anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens) emerged in Africa approximately 200,000 years
ago or even earlier, and spread across Eurasia later and replaced the indigenous populations,which included Neanderthals and Denisovans. The present research project, PaleoAsia, explores
the cultural processes during the dispersals of modern humans in Asia with a focus on regionalvariability in the formative processes of modern human cultures in Asia and theoreticalinterpretations of the patterns of culture formation. In other words, this project aims to clarify
the modern human dispersal processes from cultural perspectives. In this introductory lecture, theresearch scope and strategies of the PaleoAsia project are presented.
Numerous research projects are on-going across the world to understand the dispersal processes ofmodern human from Africa to Eurasia. The uniqueness of the PaleoAsia project lies in its attempt tointegrate theoretical modelling with the archaeological interpretation of the cultural changes during
the population dispersals. Accordingly, the project consists of the following two major researchgroups using diﬀerent kinds of evidence(Fig. 1).
Field investigation (A)Team A01, comprising archaeologists and paleoanthropologists, aims to construct an extensive
archaeo-anthropological database to provide a chrono-spatial framework for the emergenceof modern humans and their cultures in Asia. The framework serves as a basis for use by otherresearch teams as well. Team A02 consists mainly of archaeologists, too, as well as those employing
archaeometry analyses to investigate the diversity of the behavioral patterns in technology, diets,
settlement patterns, and so on. The available field evidence is further studied under a frameworkof the paleo-environmental research by Team A03, who investigate the correlation between theadaptive strategies, diverse ecological conditions and climatic changes.
Theoretical modelling (B)Group B provides theoretical foundations to interpret the observed cultural processes. Team
B01, consisting of cultural anthropologists, examines the patterns of cultural changes in historicaland ethnographic records, with a particular focus on changes caused by population contact andmovements. The results are expected to provide historical facts that will help develop models ofcultural changes from higher levels. The latter endeavor of the latter comprises Team B02's targets:referring to the knowledge of theoretical and population biology, B02 predicts mechanisms
governing the observed patterns through mathematical simulations.
While RNMH2011–2014 attempted to explain the dispersals of modern humans in terms of
the potential diagnostics in their cognitive capacities, PaleoAsia seeks to unearth patterns in the
behavioral records of the formative processes of modern human cultures without postulating any
specific biological abilities unique to modern humans. It is hoped that a combination of the results
will lead to the development of pertinent models.

2

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Fig. 1. The research framework of the PaleoAsia project3

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Public Lectures

Neanderthals in Siberia: New discoveries in Altai Mountains

Andrey KrivoshapkinInstitute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of
Science, Russia

Neanderthals were once widespread across Europe and Western Asia. They also penetrated into
the Altai Mountains of southern Siberia, but the geographical origin of these populations andthe timing of their dispersal have remained elusive. New discoveries at Chagyrskaya Cave, in the
Altai foothills, has yielded 90,000 Middle Paleolithic artifacts and 75 Neanderthal remains from
deposits dated to 60,000–50,000 years ago. The hominin remains are associated with a distinctive
toolkit that closely resembles Middle Paleolithic assemblages from Central and Eastern Europe.
Environmental reconstructions suggest that the Chagyrskaya hominins were specialized bison
hunters adapted to the dry steppe. At other Altai sites, evidence of earlier Neanderthal populations
associated with absolutely diﬀerent stone tools implies two or more Neanderthal incursions into thisregion and their complex interaction with aboriginal Denisovan population.

4

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Public Lectures

Human dispersals into East Asia

Robin Dennell
Department of Archaeology, University of Exeter, UK.

The dispersal of our species into mainland East Asia (China and SE Asia) is probably the mostcomplex part of the story of how we colonised Eurasia. In this talk, I propose that Homo sapiens
was not the first hominin to immigrate into China, but the last of several that dispersed into it
in the Middle and Upper Pleistocene. I also propose that Homo sapiens colonised East Asia fromboth the south and the north. In Southeast Asia and South China, immigration by Homo sapiens
probably occurred during cool, dry periods when sea levels were low, and there were corridors ofopen woodland and savannah grassland that allowed entry into these regions. Homo sapiens may
have begun to enter South China during MIS 4, with Fuyan and Zhirendong as possible examples.
North China has a very different demographic history. In cold, dry periods, much of northern
China (and northeast Asia) would have been very sparsely populated, and the basins in the Qinling
Mountains and the Yangtse valley were probably refugia. Expansion northwards would then haveoccurred when the climate ameliorated. This long-established pattern of expansion northwards inwarm, moist periods and contraction southwards in cool, dry periods changed radically during MIS
3. After 50 ka, immigration into North China occurred from the north: the first by Neanderthals
and perhaps also by Denisovans (or by populations with the genes of both), and after 40 ka, by
Homo sapiens. Archaeological evidence suggests a complex history that involved least three dispersal
events: the first with large blade tools based on Levallois ﬂakes; a second, small blade tradition; and athird, using micro-blades. I end by commenting on the possible pattern of events that resulted in thecolonisation of the Japanese islands were colonised after ca. 38 ka.

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Public Lectures

Stories behind the people’s migration from Africa to the Japanese Islands 30,000 years ago

Yosuke Kaifu
Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Nature and Science, Tokyo, Japan

Our species, Homo sapiens, evolved in Africa around 200,000-300,000 years ago and rapidly
dispersed into the rest of the world after 100,000-50,000 years ago. Within this framework,
one of the recent focuses of the researchers is directed to the exact age, route, and pattern of thisdispersal event in Eurasia. ʻMultiple dispersal modelʼ that supposes early (c. 70,000 years ago or
earlier) and late (c. 50,000 years ago) dispersals is now favored by many archaeologists (Bae et al.,2017), although ʻsingle, late dispersal modelʼ around 60,000-50,000 years ago still remains tenable(OʼConnell et al., 2018).
Apart from this question, another remarkable aspect of this dispersal is that our species adapted
to and colonized varying environmental zones in the vast Asian continent, including tropicalrainforests, arctic regions, and islands in the outer sea (Kaifu et al., 2015; Roberts and Stewart,2018). By this process, they further expanded to the areas uninhabited by the previous humanspecies, discovered new lands in the Pacific and the Americas, and ultimately became a ubiquitous
species on this planet.
The Paleolithic migrating populations who reached from Africa to the Japanese islands had to passthrough different environmental zones where climate, f lora, and fauna vary significantly. Some ofthem probably passed through rainforests in the south of the Himalaya mountains, and developed
new technologies to capture arboreal animals unique to there. Other groups of people experienced andbehaviourally adapted to the cold environments in the north of the Central Asian deserts. At the easternedge of the Eurasian continent, they had to cross the open sea to reach the main islands of Japan.
The available archaeological data suggest that the Paleolithic Japanese islanders came from the west
(via Korean Peninsula), south (via Taiwan), and north (via Sakhalin) during the period of 38,00025,000 years ago. In other words, it seems that at least three diﬀerent populations migrated toJapan in diﬀerent periods using diﬀerent routes. In this talk, I will overview the expected challenges
that are needed for migrating Paleolithic Eurasians. I also introduce the ʻHolistic reenactment
project of the voyage 30,000 years agoʼ, our ongoing experimental voyage project that aims toreconstruct late Pleistocene maritime migration in East Asia.
References
Bae C.J., K. Douka, and M.D. Petraglia (2017) On the origin of modern humans: Asian
perspectives. Science 358, eaai9067.
Kaifu Y., M. Izuho, and T. Goebel (2015) Modern human dispersal and behavior in Paleolithic
Asia: Summary and discussion. In Kaifu Y, et al. (eds) Emergence and Diversity of Modern Human
Behavior in Paleolithic Asia. Texas A&M Univ Press, College Station, TX, pp535–566.
OʼConnell J.F. et al. (2018) When did Homo sapiens first reach Southeast Asia and Sahul? Proc. Nat.
Acad. Sci., USA 115, 8482-8490.
Roberts P. and B. A. Stewart (2018) Defining the ʻgeneralist specialistʼ niche for Pleistocene Homosapiens. Nature Human Behavioour 2, 542–550.
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Fig.1. Three possible migration routes to the Japanese islands

Fig. 2. Ongoing experimental voyage project7

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8Workshop: Session 1
Archaeological Data from the Northern Arc

9P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 1

Reconstructing daily life in prehistory: Using micromorphology to explore the use of space

Lisa Maher
University of California, Berkeley, USA

Ethnographic studies of hunter-gatherer societies reveal a richness of lifeways that weave together
interrelated aspects of society, economy, technology and symbolism. Yet, reconstructions of
the lifeways of Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers often involves working from a highly fragmented
and only partially preserved archaeological record. Here, I assess our current understandingsof the Palaeolithic and Epipalaeolithic of Southwest Asia based on the contributions of several
foundational interdisciplinary long-term research projects in the region, with a specific focus on
those employing microscale analyses.
Geoarchaeologists are increasingly recognizing the role that ethnoarchaeology plays in shaping
the direction and questions of geoarchaeological research, helping us understand what is knowable
and what is not in the archaeological record. Ethnographic data is proving invaluable for identifying
activity areas and reconstructing the organization of space in prehistory. Geo-ethnoarchaeology isa research strategy applying geological principles and methods in an ethnoarchaeological context inorder to link human activities and the formation of archaeological sites and landscapes. It involves
in-depth understandings of the daily practices of contemporary populations as well as study ofthe natural and cultural processes involved in the deposition, modification, and destruction ofarchaeological material and traces (i.e., taphonomy and site-formation processes). In essence, we
can better reconstruct past behavior by understanding how the archaeological record is created. It
is not just material finds (material culture, in all its forms) that are of concern for study, but alsomaterial contexts̶the anthropogenic sediments that preserve traces of human behavior at multiple
scales. We can consider archaeological deposits as artifacts themselves that, much like object
biographies, have a life history to tell. Geoarchaeology thus can be particularly well-integrated withethnoarchaeological datasets because of its ability to a) identify and examine activity areas to get atdaily practices, especially amongst those societies whose activities leave few obtrusive traces (e.g., hut
ﬂoors, cooking areas) and b) reconstruct past landscapes (geographic and social) to understand thecomplex and nuanced way people created, used and ʻlived-inʼ places.
Most archaeological projects today integrate, at least to some degree, how past people engaged
with their surroundings, including both how they strategized resource use, organized technologicalproduction, or scheduled movements within a physical environment, as well as how they constructedcosmologies around or created symbolic connections to places in the landscape. However, there area multitude of ways in which archaeologists approach the creation, maintenance and transformationof human-landscape interrelationships. This presentation explores some of these approaches forreconstructing the Upper Palaeolithic and Epipalaeolithic landscapes of Southwest Asia, using
macro- and microscale geoarchaeological approaches to examine how everyday practices leave tracesof human-landscape interactions in Southwest Asia. The case studies presented here demonstratethat these hunter-gatherer groups engaged in complex and far-reaching social landscapes.
Examination of the Epipalaeolithic, in particular, highlights that the notion of ʻNeolithizationʼ
is somewhat misleading as many of the features we use to define this transition were already well10

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pestablished patterns of behavior by the Neolithic. Instead, these features and practices were enacted
within a hunter-gatherer world and worldview.
Micromorphology, as one of many microscale methods that link the archaeological record tohuman activity, has proven to be a particularly useful because it is a contextual technique wherestrict context is maintained from the field to laboratory. The advantage of micromorphology
over other types of analyses is that samples are collected to preserve the spatial relationships of allcomponents. Occupation deposits themselves can then be seen as artifacts that capture evidenceof human activity. Both daily, repeated practices and more ephemeral traces of human behavior
are preserved in these deposits and can be identified, analyzed and interpreted. In this respect,
microscale approaches allow us to tease out of these anthropogenic traces the practices of everyday
life. Micromorphological analyses provide evidence for activities related to construction, foodpreparation, discard or waste disposal patterns, combustion features, and diﬀerentiating high- andlow-traﬃc areas such as those related to trampling (e.g., streets) or sleeping (e.g., bedding) or storage.
The detection of these types of activities highlights the high-resolution scale of analysis that can beattained, especially in identifying and tracking repeated activities.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 1

Issues of transition from the Lower to the Middle Paleolithic in Central Asia

Rustam H. Suleymanov (1) and Otabek Aripdjanov (2)(1) National University of Uzbekistan, Uzbekistan(2) Uzbekisatan State Museum of History, Uzbekistan

Intensive studies of the Paleolithic of Central Asia began after the discovery of Neanderthal
remains at the Teshiktash Cave, Uzbekistan, in the middle of the 20th century. The research today
allows us to present an outline of the cultural evolution of the Paleolithic in this vast region.
The Pleistocene deposits are quite rich in the mountainous regions and their foothills between the
Amudarya and Syrdarya Rivers. The earliest lithic assemblages, characterized by flake tools, havebeen recovered in the thick sediments of the Varakhsh Valley, south Tajikistan (V. A. Ranov). The
second region with Lower Paleolithic assemblages is the rocky terrain of the small Karatau Ridgein the southern Kazakhstan, where numerous lithic artifacts have been recovered from the slope
surfaces and terraces since the 1960s (H. A. Alpisbayev; A. P. Derevyanka; A. A. Cibankov).
Middle Paleolithic sites have been more commonly discovered either at caves or open-air stations.
The lithic industries of this period are regarded principally to represent a continuity of the earlier
one. However, they are distinguished by having more developed elements, notably the blade
blank production. Large lithic artifacts were also produced when the sites were situated close to
raw material sources. On the localities of the Karatau slopes in South Kazakhstan, large roundpebbles, abundantly available at the mountain foothills, were widely used for cores. Due to theirlimited traces of knapping, the cores were once erroneously attributed to a pebble culture as definedby of H. Movius (V. A. Ranov). Typical retouched tools include retouched blades, scrapers andburins. We assume that the Middle Paleolithic industry characterized by these tools and blade
blank production could have originated from an earlier tradition of the Karatau type. Comparable
assemblages have been recovered from, besides Karatau and Obirakhmat, plenty of sites inclusing
Teshik-Tash, Kuturbulak, Amankutan in the Zarafshan valley, Angilak, which we discovered in2001 in the Kashkadarya valley. Materials recently recovered from the Pleistocene loess in the Ugam
Valley in South Kazakhstan seem also belong this tradition, designated as the Obirakhmat culture.
Comparable assemblages discovered by V.A. Ranov from the Vakhsh Valley, south Tajikistan, havebeen estimated to date back 100 thousand years ago, or even earlier.
Assemblages displaying similar features to the Obirakhmat ones show a large geographic
distribution, the Altai mountains to the east and the Middle East to the west. In the latter region,
the Tabun D type industry of the Levantine Mousterian is most comparable. The general similarityof the lithic industries and their development across a huge geographic region suggests active
interaction between local populations as well as migration. The region stretches from the steppe anddesert of the Middle East to the basin of the Huang He River, overlapping the region the Great Silk
Road later developed.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

Fig. 1. Anghilak Cave, South Uzbekistan, discovered in 2002. Excavations were carried out by an
Uzbek-American team in 2003–2004, and by an Uzbek-Japanese team in 2013–2014.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 1

Late Pleistocene population dynamics in continental Asia: Insights from North Mongolia

Nicolas Zwyns
Department of Anthropology, University of California, Davis, USA

With Neanderthals and Modern Humans moving into Central Asia and Siberia, at least two
major human dispersals occurred across the Eurasian steppe during the Late Pleistocene. Although
they visited the Gorny-Altai more than once, and even met and interbred with Neanderthals,
Denisovans whereabouts remain unknown. Hence evidence calls for further archaeological support
to document the timing and environmental context of ancient human occupation of Central andNortheast Asia to better understand the drivers of such long-distance population movements. In
this context, I present the summary of an international and interdisciplinary effort to document
the nature and the pace of human occupations during the Late Pleistocene of North Mongolia. The
focus is on the Tolbor Valley (Ikh-Tolborin-Gol) and a section of the Selenga River where crucial
data on the beginning and development of Upper Paleolithic have been collected over 20 years offieldwork. Recent excavations confirm that a major archaeological shift occurs in Mongolia as earlyas 45,000 years ago with the Initial Upper Paleolithic, a techno-complex whose sudden appearance
coincides with the first occurrence of Modern Humans in Central and Northeast Asia. This initial
phase is followed by successive episodes of human occupations, raising questions regarding theimpact of climate and environmental changes on the population dynamics along the Eurasian steppebelt.

Fig.1. excavation at the site of Tolbor-17 (in collaboration with Byambaa Gunchinsuren and
Masami Izuho).

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

Fig. 2. Summer storm in the Tolbor-Valley.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 1

Preservation conditions of the initial and early Upper Paleolithic sites in northern and eastern
Mongolia

Masami Izuho
Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Tokyo Metropolitan University, JapanThe extensive distribution of Initial Upper Paleolithic (IUP) assemblages from North Africa to
Northeast Asia likely fall within the range of 50,000-40,000 Cal yr BP, characterized by bladebased primary reduction with elements of the Levallois technique. Yet the internal variability of
IUP cultural expression is still unclear, with its discontinuous distribution of smaller regional
clusters across the continents. New evidences on the timing of IUP and subsequent evolution
through the Early Upper Paleolithic (EUP) found in the Transbaikal region, Russia, and Mongolia
challenge our understanding of broad similarities and local evolutions in lithic technology at thenortheastern tip of their distributions, suggesting the importance of archaeological research on the
IUP-EUP in Mongolia. Recent fieldworks in northern Mongolia such as at the Dorolj and Tolborsites in the Selenge River Valley System provides relatively high-resolution datasets for particularlyreconstructing on the origin and evolution of local IUP-EUP assemblages in Mongolia. Those
data allow us to hypothesize the roles of cultural transmission and convergence during IUP-EUP
assemblages as a local perspective.
The preservation condition of the systemic context at each open-air site situated on high colluvial
wash slope in northern Mongolia seems better than other regions. However, it does not simply
mean that the archaeologists can ignore our effort to assess the natural formation processes at
each site. Additionally, the resolution of age determination in northern Mongolia is also still notenough to compare the timing of human behavioral and social changes to abrupt environmental
ﬂuctuations recognized during MIS3. Geoarchaeological investigations to assess degrees to which
systemic contexts can be reconstructed at the open-air sites buried in colluvial sediment in the areaof Mongolia play important role for comparisons with other regions in different environmental
conditions.
In this paper, I present a model to assess correspondence relations between contextual data at sites
and regional environmental and landscape data from northern and eastern Mongolia, having theawareness of problems and limitation. This model is compared to the another model established in
the southwestern Transbaikal to highlight the characteristics of preservation conditions in northand eastern Mongolia.

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Fig. 1. The south wall of GT02 in the 2017 expedition of the Tarvagataiin Am, Khudel Sum, Selenge
Aimag, northern Mongolia (Izuho et al ., 2018).

Fig. 2. A splintered large mammal lib bone and chipped stone artifacts are found from a fine sandlayer in the unit VI composed of bedded silt and sand layers at 145cm below the surface in the test
unit of GT02 (Izuho et al ., 2018). The fossil specimens buried in the low energy vertical accretion
deposit shows very high preservation condition.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 1

The Paleolithic of China: Its industries and chronology

Shinji KatoNara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, JapanWe, the A01 group of the PaleoAsia Project, have been inputting the data of Paleolithic sites andtheir assemblages into a Paleolithic database (PDB). The PDB covers Paleolithic sites from 200 to
20 ka across the globe except for North and South America. One of the goals of the study is theestablishment of a network of chronological sequences of each regionʼs Paleolithic culture based on
the PDB. As one of our projects, we analyze the Paleolithic of China.
1) When we input the data of each assemblage into the PDB, we identify the composition of themodes (PaleoAsia modes, or PAMs), which are improvements on John Sheaʼs modes (Shea 2015)(fig.1). Paleolithic assemblages in China are classified into industries listed below based on thecomposition of PAMs and my previous observations and studies of the Chinese Paleolithic:
D: Denticulate tool industry (D8). Dq: Quartz Denticulate tool industry.
DS: Denticulate tool industry of southwestern China. DP: D with many pebble tools (C1).
DL: D with long core tools (E1). DSL: DS with long core tools (E1).
PF: Pebble and ﬂake tool industry. PFL: PF with long core tools (E1).
PFAX: PF with axes (E4): Hoabinhian. F: Flake tool industry. P: Pebble tool industry.
B: Large blade industry (F2, G2). TB: Industry with backed tools (D2: trapeze and backed knife).
UP: Industry with Upper Paleolithic tools (D1: end scraper, D3: burin).
M: Microblade industry（G3)2) We investigated the validity of categorization by industries on the basis of the principal
component analysis of PAMs. Our analysis showed that the industry of classification was well
reﬂected and objective (fig. 2).
3) The Chinese Paleolithic chronology is tentatively assembled according to the industry anddate for each assemblage (fig. 3). Next, we can posit certain findings from this chronology: (i)Long core tools such as biface and pick disappeared at OIS 5, except in the Changjiang (Yangtze)
and Luonan Basins. (ii) The denticulate tool industry prevails in northern, northeastern, andsouthwestern China. During the Upper Paleolithic period, this industry combined blade techniques
and polished bone tools. (iii) In northern and northeastern China, the microblade industry
appeared at ca.27ka. (ⅳ) The large blade industry or assemblages with large blades and the Levallois
technique appeared temporality, suggesting that invaders brought these techniques. (ⅴ) Within
OIS 3, we can set a clear boundary between the Upper and Middle Paleolithic periods; the southern
region enters the Upper Paleolithic earlier than the northern region.
References
Shea, J. J. (2015) Modes A-I Update (November 26, 2014). https://sites.google.com/a/stonybrook.
edu/john-j-shea/18

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C1: Chopper, Chopper-core

C2: Polyhedron, Polyhedron-core

C3: Spheroid

D8: Denticulate

Fig.1. PAMs (Based on Shea 2015).

Fig. 2.

PCA on PAMs of the Chinese Paleolithic Industries.

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G3: Microblade core

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

Fig. 3. Chronological table of the Chinese Paleolithic assemblages (ca.20-300ka)

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Workshop: Session 2
Archaeological Data from the Southern Arc

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 2

A world apart: Early human prehistory of the Maros Karsts in Sulawesi

Adam Brumm
Australian Research Centre for Human Evolution, Environmental Futures Research Institute,
Griffith University, Queensland, Australia

In this presentation I will discuss my teamʼs ongoing archaeological research in the limestone karstsof Maros in the south of Sulawesi, the largest of the many oceanic islands between continental Asia
and Australia – a region known as ʻWallaceaʼ. The Maros karsts, as recently announced (Aubert et al.
2014), harbour some of the worldʼs oldest known rock art, with hand stencils and figurative animal
paintings dating back at least 39,900 and 35,400 years ago (ka), respectively. It was also reported(van den Bergh et al.. 2016) that stone tools from a site (Talepu) 80 km northeast of Maros date to
between approximately 200 and 100 ka, with the antiquity of these findings indicating either that
Sulawesi was host to an archaic hominin species or that Homo sapiens had colonised this island
far earlier than previously thought possible(van den Bergh et al. 2016). My teamʼs research in thelowland tower karsts of Maros is concentrated on deep-trench excavations in limestone caves (Brumm
et al. 2018), with a current focus on the long sequence of stratified deposits at Leang Bulu Bettue.
Investigations at this site are aimed at documenting a key aspect of the Pleistocene occupation
record: the transition from the earliest cultural phase and associated fauna to the emergence of rockart and other evidence for ʻmodernʼ symbolic expression (Brumm et al. 2017). The answers we seek
relate to one of the deepest enigmas in Wallacean prehistory: Who were the first human inhabitantsof Sulawesi, when did they colonise this island, and what was the nature of their relationship, if any,
with the people who were creating rock art there by 40 ka?
References
Aubert, M., A. Brumm, M. Ramli, T. Sutikna, E.W. Saptomo, B. Hakim, M.J. Morwood, G.D.
van den Bergh, L. Kinsley, and A. Dosseto (2014) Pleistocene cave art from Sulawesi, Indonesia.
Nature 514, 223–227.
van den Bergh, G.D., Bo Li, A. Brumm, R. Grün, D. Yurnaldi, M.W. Moore, I. Kurniawan, R.
Setiawan, F. Aziz, R.G. Roberts, Suyono, M. Storey, E. Setiabudi, and M.J. Morwood (2016)
Earliest hominin occupation of Sulawesi, Indonesia. Nature 529, 208–211.
Brumm, A., B. Hakim, M. Ramli, M. Aubert, G.D. van den Bergh, B. Li, B. Burhan, A.M. Saiful,
L. Siagian, R. Sardi, A. Jusdi, Abdullah, A.P. Mubarak, M.W. Moore, R.G. Roberts, J-x. Zhao, D.
McGahan, B.G. Jones, Y. Perston, K. Szabó, M.I. Mahmud, K. Westaway, Jatmiko, E.W. Saptomo,
S. van der Kaars, R. Grün, R. Wood, J. Dodson, and M.J. Morwood (2018) A reassessment of
the early archaeological record at Leang Burung 2, a Late Pleistocene rock-shelter site on theIndonesian island of Sulawesi. PLoS ONE 13(4): e0193025.
Brumm, A., M.C. Langley, M.W. Moore, B. Hakim, M. Ramli, I. Sumantri, B. Burhan, A.M. Saiful,
L. Siagian, Suryatman, R. Sardi, A. Jusdi, Abdullah, A.P. Mubarak, Hasliana, Hasrianti, A.A.
Oktaviana, S. Adhityatama, G.D. van den Bergh, M. Aubert, J.-x. Zhao, J. Huntley, B. Li, R.G.
Roberts, E.W. Saptomo, Y. Perston, and R. Grün (2017) Early human symbolic behavior in the
Late Pleistocene of Wallacea. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA 114(16),4105–4110.
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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 2

Rethinking origins of EUP lithic technology in the Japanese Archipelago:
Axe and blade techniqueAtsushi Noguchi
The University Museum, The University of Tokyo, Japan

Abrupt increasing of the number of archaeological sites in the early phase of Upper Palaeolithic(EUP) in the Japanese Archipelago indicates rapid growth of population size during the period.
When migration of new population groups is considered as the essential background of suchincreasing, the origin and the route of migrant group would be the focal subject.
EUP lithic technology in the Japanese Archipelago consists of 3 technological components suchas flake core reduction, blade core reduction (Morisaki et al. 2018), as well as unifacial/ bifacialstone axe production including edge ground technique (Tsutsumi 2012). It shows some similarity
with neighbouring continental East Asia (Bae 2017), but not equal to. Therefore, simple directcomparison for identifying the origin and the route of migration is diﬃcult.
The first key element for searching the origin and the route of migration of Japanese EUP is stone
axe which isolatedly discovered both in the Paleo-Honshu Island and the Sahul. Stone axe fromboth regions show similar mechano-functional form as adze with asymmetry between dorsal andventral sides. Possible explanation on such remote distribution is either independent innovationand parallel evolution, or synapomorphy-monophyly in a clade. Homoplasy or the founder effect(Clarkson 2014) are also considerable.
Apart from stone axe, the other key element is blade technique. Morisaki et al. (2018) categorizes
Japanese EUP blade core reduction into 2 sub-divisions as following: BT-1 as narrow-faced blade
core reduction sequence; and BT-2 as semi-rotated blade reduction on prismatic or semi-cylindricalcore. They argue that BT-1 emerged earlier (around 36ka) than BT-2 (34ka or later). They also
pointed out that simultaneous sequence is recognized in the southern Korean Peninsula but likely
no link with the northern China.
The author examines technological features of EUP blade technique in the northern Tohoku
region of the Paleo-Honshu Island with 3D morphometric analysis both on archaeological andexperimental materials. Preliminary result reveals that EUP semi-rotated blade core reduction (BT2 by Morisaki et al. op. cit.) is different from the late Upper Palaeolithic blade core reduction intechniques of platform and working surface preparation. The objective form of debitage of EUP
blade core reduction is convergent blade for pointed tool. Preparation of dorsal ridge and fixing
percussion point are key controls for acquiring objective form. Flaking method of narrow-faced
blade core reduction seems diﬀerent from semi-rotated core reduction, but both are coexisting ina same nodule (and sometime with ﬂake core reduction as well). This indicates that diﬀerent blade
core reduction sequences developed within single technological system or merged after encountering
diﬀerent tradition of technologies.
In combination of analyses on two lithic technological elements, the origin and the migrationroute of Japanese EUP will be discussed.

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References
Bae, C. J. (2017) Late Pleistocene human evolution in eastern Asia. Current Anthropology, 58, sup
17. doi: 10.1086/694078
Clarkson, C. (2014) East of Eden: founder effects and the archaeological signature of modern
human dispersal. In R. Dennell and M. Porr (eds.), Southern Asia, Australia, and the search forhuman origins. pp. 76-89. doi: 10.1017/CBO9781139084741.007
Morisaki, K., K. Sano, and M. Izuho (2018) Early Upper Paleolithic blade technology in theJapanese Archipelago. Archeological Research in Asia. doi: 10.1016/j.ara.2018.03.001
Tsutsumi, T. (2012) MIS3 edge-ground axes and the arrival of the first Homo sapiens in theJapanese archipelago. Quaternary International, 248, 70-78. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2011.01. 030

Fig.1. The oldest stone axes in Asia-Oceania region and hypothetical evolution pattern.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 2

Resource use and tool technology during the Late Pleistocene to Holocene in WallaceaCases from North and Central Sulawesi, Indonesia

Rintaro Ono (1) , Harry Octavianus Sofian (2) , Nasura Aziz (3) , Riczar Fuentes (4) ,and Alfred Pawlik (4)(1) Tokai University, Japan(2) Pusat Arkeologi Nasional Indonesia, Indonesia(3) Balai Arkeologi Sulawesi Utara, Indonesia(4) University of the Philippines, Philippines

The colonization of Sahul (Australia and New Guinea) represents the earliest evidence ofintentional and relatively long-distance, over 80 km seafaring by Homo sapiens or anatomical
modern human (ANH), now possibly back to 65,000 to 50,000 years BP(cf. Clarkson et al. 2017).
Recent archaeological studies and findings in Wallacea region support the hypothesis that such
early maritime migration by modern human to Australia/Sahul continent could be done fromislands in Wallacea. For such early migrations by ANH, mainly two major migration routes havebeen discussed hypothetically as (1) Northern route from Sulawesi- Maluku- the Bird Headʼs of
New Guinea and (2) Southern route from Sumatra/Java to Banda Islands and Timor to Northern
Australia (cf. Birdsell 1977; Irwin 1992; Sondaars 1989). In terms of island to island visualconnectivity, Northern route has much higher connectivity than that in Southern route. On theother hand, recent archaeological studies found much older traces by AMH along the Southernroute and so far all the early sites over 40 kya in Wallacea region are located along this Southernroute. Overall, the specific pathways, gateway regions, level of maritime adaptation and rate of
migration remain unknown.
With such understanding and current situation, we have conducted our archaeological researchon the past environments and pattern of both marine and terrestrial resources use in the Paleolithic
sites mainly along the northern routes in Wallacea. The major sites along this route are yet very
limited as less than 10 sites which include Golo cave on Gebe Island (37kya-), Leang Sarru on Talaud
Islands (35kya-), Maros caves including Leang Leang on South Sulawesi (35kya-) and Topogaro cavecomplex on eastern coast of Central Sulawesi (30kya-). Among them, Lang Sarru and Topogaro
caves were or have been excavated by Ono and Pusat Arkeologi Nasional Indonesia, and we report
the detail results of our excavation and current analysis here.
Interestingly, Leang Sarru only provided large number of marine shellfish and stone artefacts (cf.
Ono et al. 2011, 2015), while Topogaro caves provide both freshwater, estuarine and marine shellfish
with small sized invertebrates as well as large number of stone artifacts. We also confirmed stone
flakes and bone tools dramatically increased after the Holocene in Topogaro, and more variety
types of shell ornaments and ﬂake tools appear in the Holocene layers. Such archaeological results
clearly show more active resource use and development or changes of tool production during thelate Pleistocene and the Holocene. On the other hand, the limited number and volume of large to
middle sized mammals against the larger number of shells may indicate the past human subsistence
strategy with strong relay on aquatic resources rather than terrestrial resources around the site. Such
resources use and subsistence strategies may cause the selection and use of lithic tools in Wallacea
nad Island Southeast Asia since the Pleistocene time.
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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 2

When did anatomically modern humans first colonise the continent of Sahul?

Johan Kamminga
Department of Archaeology and Natural History, School of Culture, History & Language, ANU
College of Asia & the Pacific, The Australian National University, Australia

Since the 1960s when professional archaeology was established in Australia the greatest challenge
has been to excavate a site that will reveal the date of first human arrival in Australia. This is the ʻHoly
Grailʼ of Australian archaeology (Mulvaney & Kamminga 1999). In 1962, the ʻFather of Australianarchaeologyʼ, John Mulvaney, announced a date of 16,000 years for evidence of earliest humanoccupation in his excavation at Kenniﬀ Cave in central Queensland (Mulvaney & Joyce 1965; see
Fig. 1). The first human presence in Sahul is currently dated to before the Last Glacial Maximum,
when Australia and New Guinea were part of the Sahul continent.
Over the last decade several archaeological sites have been dated between about 42–52,000 years
ago by radiocarbon dating, thermoluminescence, luminescence and single grain luminescencemethods. In 2017 the claim was made that Madjedbebe rockshelter, which I originally test-excavatedin 1973, has evidence of human occupation dating back to possibly as old as or older than 65,000
years ago (Clarkson et al. 2015, 2017; Fig. 2). It represents an outlier date for human arrival as muchas 15 millennia or more than previously held (Fig.3).
This recent claim was widely publicised in Australia and internationally, and it is now widely
accepted by the Australian public as a given truth. However, what the media have subsequently
declined to publicise is that the date had been challenged by a team of experienced researchers
representing the disciplines of archaeology, chronometric dating, entomology and DNA analysis.
A fundamental problem in being confident about the dating of archaeological sites claimed to be
extremely ancient is that Australian archaeologists often rely on date determinations derived fromsmall sedimentary particles, such as quartz sand grains and fine fragments of charcoal, and not fromdirect dating of reliably identified in-situ hearths, stone artefacts and manuports, or cultural shelland bone.
In the case of the site of Madjedbebe, which is a dating-outlier, the dispersal of single-grain OSL
age determinations for sand grains is consistent with termite bioturbation. Termites are endemic
to the area and their mounds surround the site (Fig. 4). There are other identifiable and inferredagencies of disturbance as well, for instance, tree roots grown into the site, and the excavated areaof archaeological deposit represents the densest Aboriginal burial ground professionally excavatedin Australia; in fact, in 1973 I unearthed skeletal remains of at least four individuals from less thana one-square-metre test pit at the site (Kamminga & Allen 1973). Importantly, there are also stone
artefacts deep in the sand sediment that appear to be mid-Holocene or more recent in age.
So, when did anatomically modern humans first arrive on the shores of Sahul? The jury is still out,
and it is time to reassess even the longstanding claim of Late Glacial Maximum age for the groundstone axes excavated in the mid-1960s from a rockshelter close to Madjedbebe in Kakadu NationalPark.
It is likely that the quest to discover and excavate Sahulʼs most ancient archaeological sites is not yet
ended. I believe it is prudent to take a step back and carefully reassess the evidence for the various
claims already made.
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Fig. 1. Excavation of Kenniff Cave in 1962. This excavation provided thefirst Pleistocene date for human activity in Sahul (Mulvaney & Joyce 1965).

Fig. 2. Madjedbebe rockshelter, claimed to reveal human presence in Sahul
65,000 years ago (Photo: Jo Kamminga).

Fig.3. Radiometric ages (ka) for the nine oldest dated archaeological sites in Sahul andeastern Wallacia vs. Madjedbebe (O’Connell et al . 2018).

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Fig.4. Example of a termite mound in the vicinity of Madjedbebe rockshelter(photo: Jo Kamminga).

References
Clarkson, C.C., et al . (2015) The archaeology, chronology and stratigraphy of Madjedbebe(Malakunanja II): a site in northern Australia with early occupation. Journal of Human Evolution
83, 46–64.
Clarkson, C.C., et al. (2017) Human occupation of northern Australia by 65,000 years ago. Nature
547, 306–310.
Clarkson, C.C., et al. (2018) Reply to comments on Clarkson et al. (2017) ʻHuman occupation ofnorthern Australia by 65,000 years ago.ʼ Australian Archaeology, doi.org/10.1080/03122417.2018.
1462884
Kamminga, J. and H. Allen (1973) Report on the Archaeological Survey for the Alligator River FactFinding Study. Government Printer, Darwin.
Mulvaney, D.J. and E.B. Joyce (1965) Archaeological and geomorphological investigations on Mt.
Moﬀatt Station, Queensland, Australia. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 31, 147–212.
Mulvaney J. and J. Kamminga (1999) Prehistory of Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.
OʼConnell, J., J. Allen, M.A.J. Williams, A. Williams, C. Turney, N. Spooner, J. Kamminga, A.
Brown, and A. Cooper (2018) When did Homo sapiens first reach Southeast Asia and Sahul?
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences115(34), 8482–8490.

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Workshop: Session 3
Modelling of the Geographic Patterns

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 3

Environments during the spread of anatomically modern humans across Asia: What do weknow and what would we like to know?

Pavel E. Tarasov
Institute of Geological Sciences, Free University of Berlin, Germany

Various national and international research projects with a focus on anatomically modern humans(AMH), their dispersions, subsistence strategies, technical innovations and interactions with local
and regional environments during the Middle and Upper Paleolithic would benefit from betterknowledge of Late Quaternary vegetation and climate variability. The interval between 130–11.7
kyr BP is of particularly great interest, as it covers the Penultimate Interglacial and the Last Glacial
epochs when modern humans spread to all continents except Antarctica. It has been suggested
that climate change and its effects on ecosystems may have played a key role in human evolution(deMenocal, 2011). However, did past changes in climate (and environments) influenced huntergatherer population dynamics, cultural traditions, prosperity, continuous existence and collapses,
and if so, in which way(s)? Could we see major differences or similarities between large regions?
These and similar questions were raised in both archaeological and paleoenvironmental studies
published elsewhere (e.g. Tarasov et al., 2013; Wagner et al., 2014). Though, substantial progress has
been made in the archaeological and environmental sciences during the past two decades, not least
due to implementation of the Earth system and human population modeling (e.g. Timmermann
and Friedrich, 2016), ancient DNA research (e.g. Willerslev et al., 2014), more accurate dating (e.g.
Bronk Ramsey et al., 2012) and quantitative vegetation and climate reconstruction techniques(e.g. Melles et al., 2012), the list of questions did not become shorter and the gap between “what do
we know and what would we like to know” is still far from being closed. Eurasia – the largest andthe most populated continent – oﬀers a wealth of archaeological information and environmental
data archives, thus providing great opportunities for multidisciplinary research, as the currently
running Cultural History of PaleoAsia Project (e.g. http://paleoasia.jp/en/) clearly demonstrates.
By uniting an interdisciplinary and international team of researchers, this and other similar projects
are leading the way in gaining new knowledge and in testing a number of working hypotheses.
One such hypothesis developed by Timmermann and Friedrich (2016) on the basis of fossil andarchaeological data suggests that the migration of AMH out of Africa and into Eurasia occurredin several episodes (so called Human Dispersal Windows) around 106-94, 89-73, 59-47 and 4529 kyr ago. In order to verify this hypothesis and to evaluate the role which orbital-scale global
climate swings and millennial-scale abrupt climate changes such as Dansgaard-Oeschger events
played in shaping Late Pleistocene environments and human population distribution, in-deptharchaeological and environmental research in key regions of our planet is essential (e.g. Liu et al.,2015). High resolution environmental (in particular pollen) archives stored in lake sediments serve
well for a better understanding of late Quaternary vegetation and climate changes and contribute to
the debates on their timing and driving factors (e.g. Melles et al., 2012; Nakagawa et al., 2012; Littand Anselmetti, 2014). It is important that archaeological communities worldwide also recognize
the vital necessity of paleoenvironmental studies and overcome inter-disciplinary borders by actively
helping to promote and shape joint geo-archeological projects (e.g. Weber et al., 2013; Leipe et al.,2018).
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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

References
Bronk Ramsey, C., R.A. Staﬀ, C.L. Bryant, F. Brock, H. Kitagawa, J. van der Plicht, G. Schlolaut,
M.H.Marshall, A. Brauer, H.F. Lamb, R.L. Payne, P.E.Tarasov, T. Haraguchi, K. Gotanda, H.
Yonenobu, Y. Yokoyama, R. Tada, and T. Nakagawa, (2012) A complete terrestrial radiocarbon
record for 11.2 to 52.8 kyr B.P. Science 338, 370-374.
deMenocal, P.B. (2011) Climate and Human Evolution. Science 331, 540-542.
Leipe, C., S. Müller, K. Hille, H. Kato, F. Kobe, M. Schmidt, M. Seyffert, R. Spengler III, M.
Wagner, A.W. Weber, and P.E. Tarasov (2018) Vegetation change and human impacts on Rebun
Island (Northwest Pacific) over the last 6000 years. Quaternary Science Reviews 193, 129-144.
Litt, T. and F. Anselmetti (eds.) (2014) Results from the PALEOVAN Drilling Project: a 600,000
year long continental archive in the Near East. Quaternary Science Reviews 104, 126 p.
Liu, W., M. Martinón-Torres, Y. Cai, S. Xing, H. Tong, S. Pei, M.J. Sier, X. Wu, R.L. Edwards, H.
Cheng, Y. Li, X. Yang, J.M.B. de Castro, and X. Wu (2015) The earliest unequivocally modern
humans in southern China. Nature 526, 696–699.
Melles, M., J. Brigham-Grette, P.S. Minyuk, N.R. Nowaczyk, V. Wennrich, R.M. DeConto, P.M.
Anderson, A.A. Andreev, A. Coletti, T.L. Cook, E. Haltia-Hovi, M. Kukkonen, A.V. Lozhkin, P.
Rosén, P. Tarasov, H.Vogel, and B.Wagner, (2012) 2.8 Million years of Arctic climate change from
Lake Elʼg ygytgyn, NE Russia. Science 337, 315-320.
Nakagawa, T., K. Gotanda, T. Haraguchi, T. Danhara, H. Yonenobu, Y. Yokoyama, A.Brauer, Y.
Yokoyama, R.Tada, K. Takemura, R.A. Staﬀ, R. Payne, C. Bronk Ramsey, C. Bryant, F. Brock,
G. Schlolaut, M. Marshall, P. Tarasov, H. Lamb, H., and Suigetsu 2006 project members (2012)
SG06, a perfectly continuous and varved sediment core from Lake Suigetsu, Japan: stratigraphy
and potential for improving the radiocarbon calibration model and understanding of late
Quaternary climate changes. Quaternary Science Reviews 36, 164-176.
Tarasov, P., D. White, and A.W. Weber (eds.) (2013) The Baikal-Hokkaido Archaeology Project:
Environmental archives, proxies and reconstruction approaches. Quaternary International 290–
291, 358 p.
Timmermann, A. and T. Friedrich (2016) Late Pleistocene climate drivers of early human migration
Nature 538, 92-95.
Wagner, M., G. Jin, and P. E. Tarasov (eds.) (2014) The Bridging Eurasia Research Initiative: Modesof mobility and sustainability in the palaeoenvironmental and archaeological archives from
Eurasia. Quaternary International 348, 266 p.
Weber, A.W., P. Jordan, and H. Kato (2013) Environmental change and cultural dynamics of
Holocene hunteregatherers in Northeast Asia: Comparative analyses and research potentials in
Cis-Baikal (Siberia, Russia) and Hokkaido (Japan). Quaternary International 290-291, 3-20.
Willerslev, E. J. Davison, […] and P. Taberlet (2014) Fifty thousand years of Arctic vegetation andmegafaunal diet. Nature 506, 47-51.
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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 3

Climatic-induced migration of early modern humans across Asia

Hiroyuki Kitagawa
Institute of Space-Earth Environmental Research, Nagoya University, Japan

Modern human (Homo sapiens) first evolved in southern or eastern Africa ~200,000 years ago (ca.
200 ka) and dispersed out of Africa between 120 ka and 50 ka, based on fossil, archaeological, andgenetic evidences (Groucutt et al., 2015; Evolutionary Anthropology 24, 149-164), and subsequently
across Asia by 40 ka. Central questions to the study of modern human dispersal across Asia are
how and when they spread and colonized over Eurasia. In idealized circumstances, there are no
impediments to modern human dispersal into a new environment at a uniform rate. In reality,
new environments oﬀer friction that impedes, directs, and modifies the modern human dispersal.
Modern humans that dispersed across Asia have to traverse and inhabit an immense variety ofenvironmental condition (or landscapes). Here I attempt to place the three types of terrain (: refugia,
barriers and corridors) in climatic prospective for the dispersal of modern humans across Asia at
the last glacial and present conditions. In this study, the climate circumstances in different partsof Asia are classified using a clustering technique to simplify the spatial variability of climates into
a form that is more meaningful and easier to analyze. The climatic classification map showing theareas with climatic similarity are generated as clusters calculated using 19 climatic parameters fromthe simulations with the Global Climate Models (GCMs) and the interpolations of instrumental
observed data, representative of 1960-1990, consisting of annual trends (e.g., mean annual
temperature, annual precipitation), seasonality (e.g., annual range in temperature and precipitation)and extreme or limiting environmental factors (e.g., temperature of the coldest and warmest month,and precipitation of the wet and dry quarters) which are biologically meaningful variables (Hijmans
et al., 2005; International Journal of Climatology 25, 1965-1978). The climatic classification map
provides intuitive and valuable insights into the relationships between climate and the disposal ofmodern humans, and also identifies the potential refugia, barriers and corridors which can placea restraint on human dispersal across Asia. In this presentation, I discuss the climatic-induced
migration of early modern humans across Asia with reference to the climatic classification map.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 3

Human dispersal and adaptation for livelihood: Hunting style changes with dogs

Kazunobu Ikeya
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan
Graduate University for Advanced Studies, Japan

One must understand the dispersal of humans (Homo sapiens) throughout Asia and theirenvironmental and cultural adaptation from three perspectives in light of diverse environments:
technology/subsistence, society, and symbol. The author has described social adaptation(relationships between hunter–gatherer groups) and symbolic adaptation (pursuit of beauty fromthe viewpoint of beads) in earlier reports, but has never reported techniques and adaptation forlivelihood (Ikeya 1994). Here, particularly addressing the relationship between human beings anddogs (Shipman 2015), which has drawn attention in the debate over shifting behaviors of humanbeings from Neandelthal to Homo sapience, a new technology and subsistence model of adaptation
will be established accompanying the dispersal of human beings.
A study of this subject by Lupo, an American ethno-archeologist (Lupo 2017), is well known.
Nevertheless, a useful research framework for cultural–historical research of PaleoAsia must bepresented. This study elucidates the following points. (1) How have hunting methods and eﬃciencychanged by the introduction of dogs? (2) Can humans keep dogs surviving for long times? (3) Whatsocial changes (e.g., movement of residential and social relationships) occurred by the introductionof dogs? Various hunting-related changes occurring with the introduction of dogs will be recognized
by regions of diversified environments in Asia (Guagnin et al. 2018). This research will also provide
an eﬀective framework for considering livelihood adaptation when humans were dispersed in times
before dogs were domesticated.

References
Ikeya, K. (1994) Hunting with dogs among the San in the Central Kalahari. African Study
Monographs 15(3), 119–134.
Lupo, K. D. (2017) When and where do dogs improve hunting productivity? The empirical recordand some implications for early Upper Paleolithic prey acquisition. Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology 47, 139–151.
Guagnin, M. et al. (2018) Pre-Neolithic evidence for dog-assisted hunting strategies in Arabia.
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 49, 225–236.
Shipman, P. (2015) The Invaders: How Humans and Their Dogs Drove Neanderthals to Extinction.
Cambridge, M.A.: Harvard University Press.

33

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 3

Ethnoarchaeological projections of Neolithic crop adoption among Late Paleolithic foragers
of Taiwan, the Philippines, and the SE China coast using the Binford hunter-gatherer
database

Pei-Lin Yu
Boise State University, USA

Taiwan has been home to modern H. sapiens for at least 20,000 years. A stable coastal foraging
adaptation with some mountain hunting persisted until about 6,000 years ago, when agriculture
appeared relatively quickly in both the north and southern parts of the island. Archaeological
data indicate that rice and millet were introduced contemporaneously despite their distinctively
different cultivation requirements. Taro was also introduced, and chenopodium domesticated,
although Neolithic archaeological signatures are not clear. Emerging evidence for the Middle toLate Holocene suggests a complex interplay of cultural adaptations including migration, diﬀusion,
adoption, and innovation in the region, that likely preceded the onset of agriculture and inﬂuenced
its tempo and mode. This paper offers a frame of reference for pre-Neolithic foraging lifeways
and presents an hypothesis for variable crop adoption according to behavioral ecological decisionmaking among hunter-gatherers. The Binford database is used to make basic projections for foraging
subsistence, mobility, and land use in Taiwan, the Philippines, and SE China that are based on
ethnographic data linked with appropriate environmental conditions, in order to frame basic
predictions in a way that has potential to be assessed with archaeological data.

Fig. 1. Bifacial chopper and cobble tool from the Dapenkeng Neolithic Type Site, northern Taiwan.
Used by permission of the Museum of Anthropology, National Taiwan University. Photo: P. Yu.

34

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

Fig. 2. Amis kitchen garden showing several Neolithic era crops and cultivated weedy annuals. The
inclusion of commensal weeds in the diet may have originated with Neolithic agriculture in Island
SE Asia.

35

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 3

Social and cultural change in the indigenous population after contact with colonizers:
Historical ecology of Taiwan’s people in the 18th -20th century

Atsushi Nobayashi
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan

Based on an ethnographic case study, this paper discusses the dynamics of assimilation and culturalpreservation when human populations come into contact with one another. Specifically, the author
analyzes the contact between the indigenous peoples and colonists that occurred in Taiwan fromthe 18th to the 20th century. The author analyzes the phenomena caused by this kind of contact andproposes an ethnographic model for the reconstruction of populations and cultural transformation.
Prior to the Han peopleʼs migration of the 17th century, Taiwan was populated by indigenous
peoples whose native languages belonged to the Austronesian group of languages. Within the
population, the groups living in the western plain area began the process of Sinicization throughcontact with the Han peoples who had migrated to the area mainly during the 18th century. Thisadvanced the transformation of their language and material culture. These groups were called
Pingpu peoples, and although they had homogeneous cultural and social characteristics, thepopulation had dispersed, with some groups continuing to inhabit the original areas of residence,
while others had migrated elsewhere.
Meanwhile, the groups who lived in the Central Mountains and eastern part of Taiwan had
contact with the Han peoples through trade with merchants or agents. As a result, the inﬂuence of
this external culture was limited to their material culture. Their original subsistence activities andsocial organization were maintained.
Japan, which began governing Taiwan as an imperial colony in 1895, controlled the mountainous
regions by establishing police stations in each of the indigenous villages, and provided agricultural
guidance, medical care and education. This accelerated the process of intervention into the lives ofindigenous peoples in the mountainous areas. In particular, the Japanese migration policy changed
the indigenous residential situation; the previously dispersed population living at high altitude
began to congregate into communities in lower altitude areas. However, the integration of the sameor related populations did not dramatically alter the material culture or social relations.
Under the government of the Republic of China after World War II, the monetary economy
penetrated the indigenous peoplesʼ society. In a broad sense, this was as a significant change of niche,
which rapidly accelerated the modernization of the indigenous society and its assimilation into
Taiwanese society as a whole. When considering why there is such diversity of culture in Taiwan, it
is important to understand that the inﬂuence from external groups received by indigenous groups
was not historically uniform. The main point to note here is that each group had diﬀerent reactions
to its contact with the Han or Japanese. In this presentation, the author advocates an ethnographic
model which proposes that the indigenous and colonist groups are not uniform, and that thegroupsʼ reaction to their contact with the other varies depending on the combination of populations
involved.

36

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

37

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 3

How do migration and acculturation shape between-group cultural variation? Insights frommodern migration and cultural psychology

Alex Mesoudi
University of Exeter, UK

Migration has been a permanent fixture of our species ever since we first left Africa and dispersed
across the planet. Humans also show extensive between-group cultural variation, for example inlanguages, customs, norms and psychological traits. How is this cultural variation maintained in
the face of frequent migration? I will talk about recent empirical and theoretical work that hasaddressed this question in contemporary societies, which may provide potential insights into thepast. Key to this issue is acculturation, defined as the psychological or behavioural change that
results from migration. First, I describe an empirical study of acculturation in psychological traits(e.g. individualism, collectivism, social attribution) in diﬀerent generations of British Bangladeshi
migrants in the UK (Mesoudi, Magid & Hussain, 2016). We found that second generation British
Bangladeshis (born in the UK to first generation parents born in Bangladesh) often exhibit
psychological traits intermediate between their first generation parents and local non-migrants. Thispartial acculturation indicates a mix of parental (vertical) and peer (horizontal) inﬂuence. Second,
I review the acculturation literature across psychology, sociology, economics and anthropology
to show that this partial acculturation is a common finding (Mesoudi 2018). Rarely do migrants
become immediately identical to the local non-migrant population, showing the influence of
heritage culture either via developmental ʻsensitiveʼ periods or via vertical transmission from parents.
Equally, however, some level of acculturation is universally observed, suggesting some degree of peer
inﬂuence or other kind of horizontal cultural transmission. Third, I present a simple model (Mesoudi2018) showing that conformity may be one mechanism by which acculturation may occur, and isthus one potential explanation for the maintenance of between-group cultural variation in the faceof migration. Conformity is just one such mechanism; others include punishment, cooordinationand one-to-many transmission. Empirical work is needed to determine what acculturation is,and how it maintains cultural traditions despite frequent migration. The study of contemporary
migration and acculturation may provide insights into how past human cultural traditions weremaintained between groups of early hominins.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 3

Analysis of archaeological data based on 0,1-vector models

Yutaka Kobayashi (1), Mitsuhiro Nakamura (2), Kohei Tamura (3),
Kenichi Aoki (2), Shun Kurokawa (1), Joe Y. Wakano (4), Shinji Kato (5), Miho Suzuki (6),
Jun Takakura (7) , Kazuya Nakagawa (8) , Atsushi Noguchi (6) , Takuya Yamaoka (9) ,and Yoshihiro Nishiaki (6)(1) School of Economics and Management, Kochi University of Technology, Japan(2) Organization for the Strategic Coordination of Research and Intellectual Properties,
Meiji University, Japan(3) Frontier Research Institute for Interdisciplinary Sciences, Tohoku University, Japan(4) School of Interdisciplinary Mathematical Sciences, Meiji University, Japan(5) Nara National Institute for Cultural Properties, Japan(6) The University Museum, The University of Tokyo, Japan(7) Archaeological Research Center, Hokkaido University, Japan(8) Kyoto Prefecture Research Center for Archaeological Properties, Japan(9) Department of Social and Human Studies, Shizuoka University, Japan

Team B02 of the Paleo-Asia project has been developing modeling frameworks to study cultural
evolution. One of the frameworks, which we call 0,1-vector models, was originally developed tounderstand how the cultural diversity of a population is produced through individual processes ofinnovation and transmission (Strimling et al., 2009), but it is potentially applicable to the analysisof data on cultural diversity to make inferences about underlying individual processes (e.g. about
the mode of transmission). The goals of the present study are to introduce the basic mechanics of
0,1-vector models, to summarize recent theoretical and empirical applications of 0,1-vector models,
and to discuss some promising future directions.
The 0,1-vector modeling framework represents the absence and presence of a character by 0 and 1,
respectively, and the entire cultural profile of an individual by a vector of 0ʼs and 1ʼs. For example, anindividual with “profile vector” (0,1,1) lacks the first character but carries the second and the third.
The state of a population is described by a matrix of 0ʼs and 1ʼs, where each row gives the profile
vector of an individual. This population-state matrix varies over time, following a stochastic process
which depends on the mode of transmission. The process undergoes qualitatively diﬀerent phases
depending on the extent to which the population is connected in terms of cultural contacts. The
phases C<1, C=1, and C>1 are called the subcritical, critical, and supercritical phases, respectively,
where C is a parameter characterizing the degree of cultural contacts. In the subcritical (C<1) andcritical (C=1) phases, most of traits are negligibly rare and only very few attain visible frequencies.
On the other hand, in the supercritical phase (C>1), a majority of traits attain quite high frequencies(Fogarty et al., 2015). A backward-time approach suggests that samples with supercritical features
might contain extremely long-lived, stable traits, while those with subcritical features would containmostly ephemeral, volatile traits (Kobayashi et al., 2018). This is because the expected lifetime of acultural trait diverges in the supercritical phase, while it is generally short in the subcritical phase(Kurokawa et al., in prep.).
Predictions of 0,1-vector models can be in turn used to evaluate the theoretical soundness of39

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o parchaeological or ethnographic hypotheses. For example, Aoki (2018) used a 0,1-vector model topoint out that population size should have a positive eﬀect on the cultural diversity irrespective oftransmission modes, dismissing earlier criticisms against the “demographic hypothesis” of culturalcomplexity (Henrich, 2004). The 0,1-vector framework has also been applied to the analysis ofarchaeological data. In the 0,1-vector framework, a profile of a group rather than an individual
may be represented by a vector. This approach is suitable for archaeological or ethnographic data,in which individual-level data are usually unavailable. Coding absence/presence of Sheaʼs modes(Shea, 2017) into 0ʼs and 1ʼs and applying PCA yield a crude view of the spatiotemporal dynamics oflithic technologies in the space-time range covered by the database. In addition, direct comparisonof cultural profiles between diﬀerent regions reveals an unequal spatial distribution of the numberof Sheaʼs modes. Further, model-based analyses suggest that data from East Asia e.g. China showfeatures of the critical phase, while West Asia e.g. the Levant show those of the supercritical phase.
This result suggests that, perhaps in the latter region, cultural contacts between local populations
were frequent enough that stone-tool technologies spread over the entire region.

References
Aoki, K. (2018) On the absence of a correlation between population size and ʻtoolkitʼ size inethnographic hunter-gatherers. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B 373, 20170061.
Fogarty, L., J. Y. Wakano, M.W. Feldman, and K. Aoki (2015) Factors limiting the number of
independent cultural traits that can be maintained in a population. In Mesoudi, A. and K.
Aoki (eds.) Learning Strategies and Cultural Evolution during the Palaeolithic, Replacement of
Neanderthals by Modern Humans Series, Springer, Japan, 9-21.
Henrich, J. (2004) Demography and cultural evolution: How adaptive cultural processes can
produce maladaptive losses- The Tasmanian case. American Antiquity 69(2), 197-214.
Kobayashi, Y., J. Y. Wakano, and H. Ohtsuki (2018) Genealogies and ages of cultural traits: An
application of the theory of duality to the research on cultural evolution. Theoretical Population
Biology 123, 18-27.
Shea, J. J. (2017) Stone Tools in Human Evolution: Behavioral Differences among TechnologicalPrimates. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Strimling, P., J. Sjöstrand, M. Enquist, and K. Eriksson (2009) Accumulation of independentcultural traits. Theoretical Population Biology 76, 77-83.
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Workshop: Session 4
Synthesis

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 4

Patterns in the formative processes of modern human cultures in Asia

Yoshihiro Nishiaki
The University Museum, The University of Tokyo, Japan

Asia is a huge continent, naturally encompasses greatly diversified diﬀerent ecological conditions byregions, which inevitably aﬀected the cultural formation processes among modern humans during
their dispersals. It would be too ambitious to aim to explain every detail of these processes within
any particular project like ours, or even those to be organized in the coming decades. Instead, thepresent project intends to provide a general framework to interpret the observed cultural patterns.
As other speakers in this session will elaborate on such attempts, this paper provides a factual basis
to define the diﬀerent patterns in the formative processes of modern human cultures.
The most important evidence for this project is derived from archaeological records. In order toanalyze the available records, we have been constructing a large-scale site database to compile datafrom the literature survey and the field and material studies carried out by the project members.
The database thus constructed, termed PaleoAsiaDB(Figs. 1 and 2) now stores information on
the characteristics, geochronology, and cultural remains from Middle and Upper Paleolithic sites
dated from a period of 100 and 20ka. Since the database incorporated data from Africa and Europe
accumulated in the RNMH project, it covers the entire regions of the Old Continent for the
Paleolithic sites of the period in concern. The major items in this database are available under theheadings (1) site, (2) cultural layer, (3) radiometric dating, (4) lithic industries and (5) bibliographicalreference, each containing further details such as the GIS information for locational information of
the site and detailed contents of the cultural remains. It is particularly significant that this databaseis concerned with the description of the lithic assemblage from each layer, whose characteristics havebeen recorded according to a unified scheme of "modes", originally defined by Clark (1969) and later
developed by Shea (2017). The mode system employed in this database is one adapted by us to the
Asian lithic industries.
This presentation shows the major patterns identified in the formative processes of modern humancultures in Asia during the analysis of this database are shown. The patterns include cultural
diﬀerences that might have been related to the "Movius Line," the north-south latitudinal variability,
the founder eﬀect of the cultural dispersals from Africa to the east, and so on.

References
Clark, G. (1969) World Prehistory: A New Synthesis . Cambridge: Cambridge University.
Shea, J. J. (2017) Stone Tools in Human Evolution: Behavioral Differences among TechnologicalPrimates. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

Fig. 1. Portal page of the PaleoAsia DB

Fig. 2. Middle and Upper Palaeolithic sites recorded in the PaleoAsia DB, as of October 2018.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 4

Ecocultural range-expansion models of modern humans with ecological competition with
Neanderthals

Joe Y. Wakano (1), William Gilpin (2), Seiji Kadowaki (3), Marcus W. Feldman (2),and Kenichi Aoki (1)(1) Meiji University, Japan(2) Stanford University, USA(3) Nagoya University, Japan

Recent archaeological and anthropological findings and analyses suggest that modern humans
overlapped with Neanderthals in Europe between about 45 and 40 kya, after which the latter
disappeared from Europe. Hence, Neanderthal extinction cannot readily be explained by climatechange per se, and given that the two species overlapped and likely exploited similar niches, the mostplausible cause of the replacement of the indigenous Neanderthals by the intrusive modern humans
is interspecific competition.
Here we propose a mathematical model in which ecological competition between modern humans
and Neanderthals are spatially explicitly described. The model assumptions are summarized asfollows:A) Niche overlap between modern humans and Neanderthals results in ecological resourcecompetition.
B) Genetically determined levels of demographic abilities (e.g., fertility and mortality) andcognitive abilities (e.g., learning and innovation) are the same in both species.
C) Each species has independent cultural dynamics, which is described by the number of "skilled"individuals. The dynamics is spatially local, that is, the number of "skilled" can be diﬀerent at
diﬀerent locations in the same species.
D) Having more local "skilled" individuals increases local carrying capacity, and hence a local
population of the corresponding species can grow.
E) Without interspecific competition, culture-population dynamics have two stable equilibria;
the low-culture-low-population ("low-low") equilibrium and the high-culture-high-population("high-high") equilibrium.
F) Both "skilled" and non-skilled individuals randomly migrate. Spatial spread of culture is solely
due to this migration.
G) Environment is both temporally and spatially homogeneous.
H) Model structure is completely symmetric between modern humans and Neanderthals. We
assume that the "high-high" equilibrium is realized by modern humans at some time at somelocation, and consider the spatial dynamics of the resulting range expansion.
Mathematical analysis and numerical simulations revealed various patterns of population
dynamics. In general, modern humans and Neanderthals coexisted for a relatively long time.
When niche overlap is very small, they can coexist even when modern human population realizes
high population density by reaching the "high-high" equilibrium. On the other hand, when niche
overlap is medium or large, Neanderthals are outcompeted by modern humans at the "highhigh" equilibrium. Local Neanderthals go extinct in such a region. The region of the monopoly bymodern humans propagates indefinitely until the whole Neanderthal population dies not. In this44

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propagation process, there exist a transient region where modern humans and Neanderthals coexist
at low densities. For most parameter values we have used, the speed of ecological invasion of modern
humans into Neanderthal region (first wave) is faster than the speed of propagation of the highculture-high-population modern humans (second wave). Since the first wave is faster, a temporalcoexistence region spatially expands.
If we observe this dynamics at a given location, the first wave arrives (the first appearance of modern
humans) and both species start to coexist at low densities with similar low-level technologies. The
waiting time until the second wave arrives is longer if the observation point is further away fromthe original point of the emergence of the "high-high" modern human population. Once the second
wave arrives, local Neanderthals go extinct, and modern human at the "high-high" equilibrium
becomes the winner. Since modern humans were already existent after the arrival of the first wave,
this phenomenon should be observed as the cultural and demographic shift in modern humanpopulation, instead of the arrival of modern humans.
We will discuss the application of our model to the range expansion of modern humans from theLevant to Europe. Assuming the bladelet technology as "skill" in our model, we can view the range
expansion of modern humans in Initial Upper Paleolithic as the first wave and that in Early Upper
Paleolithic as the second wave. More detailed analysis and possible applications to the spread into
Asia will be provided by the next talk by Prof. Kadowaki.

References
Wakano, J.Y., W. Gilpin, S. Kadowaki, M.W. Feldman, and K. Aoki (2018) Ecocultural rangeexpansion scenarios for the replacement or assimilation of Neanderthals by modern humans.
Theoretical Population Biology 119, 3-14.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pWorkshop: Session 4

Discussion toward further application of the ecocultural range-expansion model to the
PaleoAsia cultural diversity

Seiji Kadowaki
Nagoya University Museum, Nagoya University, Japan

Recent studies in genetics, paleoanthropology, and archaeology collectively suggest that biologicaland cultural origins of Homo sapiens (or anatomically modern humans, AMHs) do not necessarily
coincide with each other. Although it is widely accepted that biological features of AMHs are mostly
derived from a part of populations in Africa ca. 300–200 kya, there are ongoing debates about how
AMHs can be characterized by their cultures/behaviors. The PaleoAsia project aims at clarifying
the formative processes and dynamics of cultural/behavioral characteristics of AMHs during theirspread into Asia. For this purpose, collaborative works in the PaleoAsia project led to a proposal of
the eco-cultural range expansion model (Wakano et al. 2018), which analyses dynamics of range
expansions of AMHs and Neanderthals by incorporating demographic, ecological and culturalparameters that are mutually related. As a first approximation of the model to archaeological records,
the model was applied to the Initial Upper Paleolithic (IUP) and the Early Upper Paleolithic (EUP)
in the Levant and central/eastern Europe, and we proposed a possible scenario for the relationshipbetween the cultural changes and the range expansion of AMHs (and the decrease in Neanderthals)
during these periods.
In this presentation, I will address several issues in applying the eco-cultural range expansion
model to relevant archaeological records. The issues will be explained by referring to our case studies
in the Levant, where relatively rich human fossil and archaeological records allow us to have an
overall framework for space-time distributions of AMHs and Neanderthals as well as cultural/behavioral changes from the Middle Paleolithic (MP) to the Upper Paleolithic (Table 1).
The first issue is how we identify significant cultural shifts that correspond to the demographic
growth of AMHs. In our case study of the Levant, we proposed a cultural shift from the IUP to
the EUP as corresponding to the first and second waves of AMHs (Wakano et al. 2018). In themodel, a significance of cultural shift is measured by the density of individuals with a skill thathelps to increase the carrying capacity of human populations in their surrounding environment.
We proposed that such a skill may be the bladelet technology that developed from the IUP to the
EUP (Fig. 1) on the basis of an increase in the number of sites from the IUP to the EUP. However,
it is widely known that AMHs were present in the Levant much earlier since the early MP, raisinga question of whether more than two waves should be modelled or we should combine the IUP
and EUP as the second wave. From a perspective of the bladelet technology, there is a minor
technological development of bladelets from the MP to the IUP. So, we may have to model threewaves of range expansion by AMHs in the Levant. On the other hand, areas without the IUP
records, such as the Zagros and Caucasus regions, may have only two waves. In any case, this task
requires an establishment of chrono-cultural framework of study areas.
The second issue is how we can demonstrate a causal link between a certain skill and an increasein carrying capacity. In the case of the bladelet technology, several advantageous performance
characteristics have been proposed, such as portability, versatility, standardization, maintainability,and efficiency in raw material consumption. In addition, we need paleoenvironmental records
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to explain how a certain skill turns out to be advantageous in the surrounding environment. For
example, decrease in food resources due to environmental fluctuation and concomitant increase
in residential mobility have been suggested as potentially common conditions for the adoption of
backed microliths (Clarkson et al. 2018). Ethnographic records, such as Binford (2001), may also
help us examine the validity of correlations among technological, environmental, demographic
factors.
The third issue is the origin of the second wave of AMHsʼ range expansion that is a “cultural
invasion by moderns who utilize their increased carrying capacity, which is supported by highskilled density” (Wakano et al. 2018). The second wave results in the extinction of Neanderthals.
In the current version of the model, the second wave comes from the origin place of AMHs,
or Africa. However, there is no evidence for an African origin of the bladelet technology that
accompanied AMHs in the Levant and Europe during the EUP (the Early Ahmarian and theProtoaurignacian). Instead, the bladelet technology is likely to have emerged locally in the Levant.
It is a subject of debate whether the bladelet technology in Europe originated from the Levant or
emerged independently in Europe (Kadowaki et al. 2015). We have a similar controversy on theorigin of backed microliths that occurred in Africa, Eurasia, and Australia. A recent review of thisissue suggests their multiple origins, i.e., behavioral convergence, on the basis of their occurrences indiscrete timings and areas (Clarkson et al. 2018). In any case, the examination of this issue requires
inter-regional comparisons of lithic technology and its chronology.
The forth issues is that the current model does not incorporate a factor of environmental changes,
which can aﬀect the range dynamics of Neanderthals and AMHs by changing the distribution ofniches exploited by the two groups. In the model, a slight diﬀerence in niche between Neanderthals
and AMHs is assumed, and such a diﬀerence allows the first wave of AMHs, which is an “ecologicalinvasion by moderns who exploit the niche that is not used by Neanderthals” (Wakano et al. 2018).
Paleoenvironmental records are also necessary to explain selective forces for a certain skill that
contributes to the increase in carrying capacity, resulting in the second wave of AHMs.
In this way, there are several challenging issues in applying the eco-cultural range expansion models
to archaeological records even in the case of the Levant, where human fossil and chrono-cultural
records are relatively well established. Although an effort to solve these issues may not produce
immediate success, such attempts should at least help us guide a variety of multi-disciplinary
collaborative research in the PaleoAsia project in organized manners and hopefully lead to ourbetter understanding of the formative processes and dynamics of cultural/behavioral characteristics
of AMHs during their spread into Asia.

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References
Binford, L.R. (2001) Constructing Frames of Reference: an Analytical Method for Archaeological
Theory Building Using Ethnographic and Environmental Data Sets. California: University ofCalifornia Press.
Clarkson, C., P. Hiscock, A. Mackay, and C. Shipton (2018) Small, sharp, and standardized: global
convergence in backed-microlith technology. In OʼBrien, M.J., B. Buchanan, and M.I. Eren (eds.)
Convergent Evolution in Stone-Tool Technology, The MIT Press, pp. 175–200.
Kadowaki, S., T. Omori, and Y. Nishiaki (2015) Variability in Early Ahmarian lithic technology andits implications for the model of a Levantine origin of the Protoaurignacian. Journal of Human
Evolution 82, 67–87.
Wakano, J.Y., W. Gilpin, S. Kadowaki, M.W. Feldman, and K. Aoki (2018) Ecocultural rangeexpansion scenarios for the replacement or assimilation of Neanderthals by modern humans.
Theoretical Population Biology 119, 3–14.

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Table 1. Archaeological chronology and human fossil records in the Levant

Fig. 1. Lithic artifacts from the late MP, IUP and EUP periods in the Levant (the Jebel Qalkha area,
southern Jordan). Note that bladelets increased significantly in the EUP.

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Poster Presentations

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Poster 1

Excavations of Upper Paleolithic sites in southern Kazakhstan

Sadakatsu Kunitake
Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Japan

Kazakhstan is indispensable area for the argument of diﬀusion and fixation of Homo sapiens in
Asia, because Kazakhstan is in the geographically important area which connects between Altai
mountains and Caucasus area, Uzbekistan. Upper Paleolithic culture in the eastern Kazakhstan
were developed together with the northern Altai Mountains. It is consistent the result ofinvestigation of Ushbulak-1 site (Shunkov et al.2017) which were discovered in 2016 that Initial
Upper Paleolithic (IUP) industries were excavated from the lowest layer with this idea.
Therefore, in the next argument, it is assumed that it is with the point at issue whether Altai IUP
industry is a common aspect of the whole Central Asia or not. In other words, it is the point at issue
which makes Altai IUP industry relativization.
Based on the above, I conducted general surveys in the north foot of Tianshan Mountains andKaratau Mountains in south of Kazakhstan by a joint investigation with Kazakhstan as PaleoAsia
project. In this investigation, 15 Upper Paleolithic sites were discovered, and multi-stratified sites inless sediment were recognized in two sites of them (Kunitake et al. 2018).
In south of Kazakhstan, three Paleolithic sites were excavated from July to October in 2018. In
this poster presentation, an outline of this investigation will be reported.
Chokan Valikhanova(Стoянка им.Ч.Ч.Балиханова) site in Turkestan region is situatedin the west of the foot of Karatu Mountains. In this site, six Upper Paleolithic layers have beenrecognized by investigation from 1958 to 2015. The sixth cultural layer was dated to 39.5ka±3.8ka
by polymineral plR-IRSL analysis (Fizsimmons et al.2017).
In our 2018 investigation, three cultural layers were newly discovered under the sixth cultural layerthat had been the oldest so far.
Biryokbastau･Bulak(Буйрёкбастау･Булак) -1 site in Jamble region that is situated in the east
foot of Karatau Mountains was discovered in our general survey of October 2017. In the preliminary
investigation of October 2017, artifacts were recognized that were stratigraphically contained in lesssediments. In our 2018 excavation, two cultural layers were stratigraphically recognized. The second
cultural layer is estimated to belong to Early Upper Paleolithic age in term of its assemblage.
Kyzylaus(Кызылауз)-2 site in Almaty region that is situated the north foot of Tien Shan
Mountains was discovered in our general survey of November 2017. In the preliminary investigationof April 2018, artifacts were recognized that were stratigraphically contained in less sediments. In
our 2018 excavation, four cultural layers belonging to Upper Paleolithic age were stratigraphicallyrecognized in about 3m less deposition.
OSL and 14C dating samples have been extracted from every cultural layer of these sites and they
are under analyses now. These analyses will reveal the precise period when each assemblage belonging.
Those will be very important to the Paleolithic study in Kazakhstan because of the lack of materials
stratigraphically excavated so far. These materials will be indispensable to pursuit the formation
process of Upper Paleolithic culture in Kazakhstan. In future, these assemblages will be compared tothose of other regions and I will explore furthermore new Paleolithic sites in Kazakhstan.
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References
Fitzsimmons, K.E., R.P. Iovita, T. Sprafke, M. Glantz, S. Talamo, K. Horton, T. Beeton, A. Alipova,
G. Bekseitov, Y. Ospanov, J.-M. Deom, R. Sala, and Z. Taimagambetov (2017) A chronologicalframework connecting the early Upper Palaeolithic across the Central Asian piedmont. Journal of
Human Evolution 113, 107-126.
Kunitake, S. and Z. Taimagambetov(2018) General Archaeological Survey for Paleolithic Sites in
Karatau Mountains in Southern Kazakhstan Paleolithic Research 14 , 33-49.
Shunkov, M., A. Anoikin, Z. Taimagambetov, K. Pavlenok, V. Kharevich, M. Kozlikin, and G.
Pavlenok (2017) Ushbulak-1: new Initial Upper Palaeolithic evidence from Central Asia. antiquity
91( 360), 1–7.

Fig. 1. Multi-stratified Upper Paleolithic sites excavated in 2018 Japan-Kazakhstan joint expedition

Fig. 2. 2018 excavation at Chokan Valikhanova

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Poster 2

Replacement or assimilation? Plant exploitation in the Mesolithic-Neolithic contact periodof the South Caucasus

Chie Akashi (1) , Farhad Guliyev (2) , Azad Zeynalov (2) , Mansur Mansurov (2) , andYoshihiro Nishiaki(1)(1) The University Museum, The University of Tokyo, Japan(2) The National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan

Food-producing economy started at around 6000 BC in the South Caucasus by introducing barley
and wheat cultivation from southwest Asia. This poster discusses the continuation and changes inplant use before and after the Neolithization in western Azerbaijan as viewed from the plant macroremains.
Food plant assemblages changed dramatically during the 7th–6th millennium BC. In the Mesolithic
period (Damjili Cave), tree fruits like Celtis sp. were only food plants. In early Neolithic period, first
introduced domesticated cereals were hulled type (Hacı Elamxanlı Tepe). But a few hundred years
later, in Göytepe, naked wheats became popular and use of tree fruits declined drastically. Suchpreference on naked cereals in as early as the 6th millennium is a characteristic local to the South
Caucasus, while in the southwest Asia, naked wheats do not appear as an independent crop until
Bronze Age.
On the other hand, non-food plants exploitation showed continuation from Metholithic tolate Neolithic. Artemisia sp. (wormwood) is now one of the most important medicinal plants
throughout Eurasia, distributed on dry steppe and rocky hills. Utilization of this plant is recorded
in a number of ethnopharmacological studies, for gastrointestinal disorders and respiratory diseases,
malaria, diabetes and so on. Its strong aroma is also used to flavor alcohol and juice. A macrobotanical analysis on a late Neolithic site Göytepe suggested intentional gathering of this plant.
Large quantity (more than 700 items) of Artemisia seeds were excavated at the bottom of a clay
bin. Micro-morphological observation, components of phytolith and scarcity of fecal spherulites
indicated that the bin was dedicated to storing cereal chaﬀ (Kadowaki et al. 2015), and Artemisia
plant was probably put together as insecticide and/or fungicide.
Such large amount of Artemisia is remarkable, for this species rarely appears as macro-remains insouthwest Asian sites despite its high occurrence in pollen diagrams. However, in the prehistoricSouth Caucasus, Göytepe is not a sole example of discovery of Artemisia seeds in abundance.
Its seeds are very common in macro-remains from Mesolithic and early Neolithic layers of Hacı
Elamxanlı and Damjili in Azerbaijan. Furthermore, exploitation of Artemisia can even trace back to
the Upper Palaeolithic, as shown in pollen analysis of four cave sites in Georgia; two of Artemisia sp.
and three other medicinal plants were recognized in these caves in high quantity (Martkoplishvili
and Kvavadze 2015). Such evidences suggest a long and continuous tradition of use of Artemisia in
the South Caucasus.
These changes and continuation are probably the result of contacts between the indigenous
population and immigrant groups. Custom of plant gathering kept its importance among the local
people even after the adoption of food crops, and/or the farmers from southwest Asia adapted the
local knowledge of Artemisia, which they may not have used in their home country.

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Fig. 1. Location of the sites

References
Kadowaki S., L. Maher, M. Portillo, R. M. Albert, C. Akashi, F. Guliyev, and Y. Nishiaki.(2015)
Geoarchaeological and palaeobotanical evidence for prehistoric cereal storage in the southern
Caucasus: the Neolithic settlement of Göytepe (mid 8th millennium BP). Journal of Archaeological
Science 53, 408–425.
Martkoplishvili I. and E. Kvavadze (2015) Some popular medicinal plants and diseases of the Upper
Palaeolithic in Western Georgia. Journal of Ethnopharmacology 166, 42–52.

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Poster 3

The microblade technology in the early Upper Paleolithic of Asia: Convergence or
diffusion?

Jun Takakura
Archaeological Research Center, Hokkaido University, JapanThe term microblade has been widely used not only to describe lithic artifacts but also to compare
the lithic assemblages technologically in the research of the Eurasian Upper Paleolithic. An
identification of microblade technology results in the recognition that technologically similarassemblages are distributed across vast geographic scale in Asia. The evidence currently available
from the Near East, central and northern Asia supports that the emergence of the microblade
technology occurred during the Early Upper Paleolithic, about 40,000-28,000 years ago.
Understanding why this technological phenomenon is so widespread, and whether it is a directconsequence of diﬀusion (migration) or independent invention, can provide important insights into
the overland dispersals of the Early Upper Paleolithic and regional variability of modern humansʼ
adaptations. This raises very similar questions about the mechanisms behind the vast geographic
distribution discussed in the studies of the Acheulean bifacial technology or the blade technology
with Levallois elements in the Initial Upper Paleolithic in Eurasia (Lycett 2009; Kuhn 2018; Kuhn
and Zwyns 2018).
The scenario that the microblade technology emerged during the Early Upper Paleolithic,
however, is not unanimously agreed on among Paleolithic archaeologists investigating technotypological features and human behaviors in Eurasia. Although the term bladelet has been
traditionally applied for similar technological phenomenon in western Eurasia, few has attempted
to characterize a distinction between microblade and bladelet technologically. The narrower
concept of microblade, such as Gómez Coutouly (2018) which regards microblades as those artifacts
produced systematically from the pressure knapping techniques, may oﬀer a diﬀerent perspectiveon the course of microlithization occurred during the Upper Paleolithic. Apparently, it is necessary
for us to re-think how the concept of microblade technology should be defined in terms oftechnological meaningfulness and practical usability. Resolution of this debate can only be achievedby highlighting that there is a substantial variation among the microblade reduction methods andknapping techniques related to the systematic production of the standardized microblades and by
broadening our perspective to consider evidence from western and eastern Eurasia.
This paper reviews what we know about the production of microblades in the Early Upper
Paleolithic of Asia and synthesizes this information to evaluate whether commonalities recognizedin lithic assemblages across the vast area can represent a broad sharing of technological procedures
or not.

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References
Gómez Coutouly, Y.A. (2018) The emergence of pressure knapping microblade technology inNortheast Asia. Radiocarbon 60, 821-855.
Kuhn, S.L. (2018) Initial Upper Paleolithic: a (near) global and a global opportunity. ArchaeologicalResearch in Asia, https://doi.org/10.106/j.area.2018.10.002
Kuhn, S.L., and N. Zwyns (2018) Convergence and continuity in the Initial Upper Paleolithic ofEurasia. In OʼBrien, M.J., B. Buchanan, M.L. Eren (eds.) Convergence Evolution in Stone-Tool
Technology, Cambridge,MA: the MIT Press, pp 131-152.
Lycett, S.J. (2009) Understanding ancient hominin dispersals using artefactual data: aphylogeographic analysis of Acheulean handaxes. PLoS One, e7404. https://doi.org/10.1371/
journal.pone.007404.

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Poster 4

A study of the quartz lithic industries in Paleolithic Eurasia

Kazuharu Takehana (1), Shinji Kato (2), Hitoshi Magara (3), and Kazuya Nakagawa (4)(1) Institute of Human Paleontology at Paris, France(2) Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Japan(3) Uozu Museum of History and Folklore, Japan(4) Kyoto Prefecture Research Centre for Archeological Properties, Japan

Foreword This study uses the techno-typological methodology developed by Professor Henryde Lumley in 1964, for the site of Caune de lʼArago, France. This is the most precise and systematic
method for research into Lower and Middle Paleolithic, quartz industries. We apply this method
to the study of five lithic industries from China and South Korea. The Caune de l'Arago lithic
industries are all knapped on quartz. Seventy percent of recovered pieces appear primitive eventhough they coexist with the Middle Acheulean in Western Europe. The Caune de lʼArago
assemblage lacks typical Acheulean tools, most notably the biface and cleaver while ﬂakes are used as
tool blanks. In this respect, it is similar to some of the Far East lithic industries.
Outline of studied sites
Mansuri. Locality-1 Site lies close to the city of Osong, in Cheongwon, Chungcheongbuk-do
Province, 108km south-south-east of Seoul and around 12 m above of the Miho-Beyong Cheon
river, tributary of the Geum River. The full stratigraphic sequence is in normal magnetic polarity,that is, above the Matsuyama-Bruhnes limit, in other words, more recent than 780ka. Thoughsome OSL dates gave an age of between 44,000 and 104,000 years, this does not correspond withthe stratigraphy of the site (Lumley et al. 2011.pp.294-295).
Houjiayao Site, also known as Xujiayao, is located near the border of the provinces of Shanxi andHebei, in North China. Archaeological research began in the Nihewan Basin in 1970. Systematicsurvey and excavations was organized by the I.V.P.P. (Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology andPaleoanthropology) in Beijing and this resulted in the discovery of several archaeological sites. This
site is situated on the western bank on the Liyigou River, tributary of the Sanggan River. It was
discovered in 1974 by the I.V.P.P. survey team, then test pitted in 1976 and 1979. These test pits
recovered about twenty human remains and twenty thousand quartz lithic pieces and others fromthe lacustrine deposits of the Datong Basin. U-Th dates were made on teeth coming from an upperarchaeological level. They date the site to between 100,000 and 120,000 years BP. This matches theloess stratigraphy and paleontological data that place this layer at the end of the Middle Pleistocene
or beginning of the Upper Pleistocene. Here, we studied a sample of 613 artefacts recovered by the
Cultural Relics and Archeology Research Institute of Hebei Province (Lumley et al. 2004)
Xibeimaying Site lies 80 km to the East in the same geological configuration as Hebei Province. It
was discovered during systematic surveys in 1985. Excavations were organized by the Cultural Relics
and Archeology Research Institute of Hebei Province in 1986. The 1,546 recovered archaeologicalpieces come from a lacustrine deposit in the upper part of the Nihewan formation in association
with mammalian fossils 6-3 m from the surface. U-Th dates on teeth coming from an archaeologicallevel are between 18,000 ± 1,000yrs BP and 15,000 ± 1,000yrs BP. More recently, a C14-AMS
date on the peaty sediment gave an age of 28,240 ± 120yBP. All recovered pieces are stored in the58

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Cultural Relics and Archeology Research Institute of Hebei Province.
Majuangou Site is situated on the left bank of the Sanggan River in the basin of Nihewan, in
Hebei Province where the Lower and Middle Pleistocene layers were identified within a geologicalstratigraphy. The site was discovered in 1992 during systematic survey. Wei Qi and others noted
three archaeological levels among the 22 geological layers. The site is in a natural valley that has
about twenty Lower Pleistocene sites up to a million years old. This site is one of the most importantof these. We examined, 593 pieces of the 800 pieces recovered during the excavation. Here, we
present the assemblage from cultural level III (359 pieces). It is about the concerned age that isyounger the Olduvai normal staleness to 1,800,000 years that are the most former site in the basinof Nihewan from 1,950,000 years of his origin. With regard to the elephantine fossils discoveredat the level III in the Majuangou site one was identified as a Steppe Mammoth (Mammuthus
trogontherii) who is a more former specimen of the world. It is at least 1,360,000 years old.
Ling-jing Site is located at Xuchang city, in Henam Province, China. A large number ofmammalian fossils, quartz tools, pebble-tools and other artefacts were found in 1965. The Cultural
Relics and Archeology Research Institute of Henam Province have been surveying since 2005. A
whole human skull was discovered in 2007 and identified by its prominent orbit as a Homo erectus
type. This discovery attracted worldwide attention and it is now known as the Xuchang-Man.
This human fossil comes from an Upper Pleistocene paleosol dating to between 80,000 - 100,000
years BP. The Cultural Relics and Archeology Research Institute of Henam Province allowed us to
examine the archaeological pieces recovered in 2012 and 2013.
The Caune de l’Arago is situated near Tautavel village, Pyrenees-oriental Prefecture in France. Thisimmense chalky cave has a deposit over thirteen metres deep that was formed after the Matsuyama
reversed geomagnetic polarity epoch (2,500,000 to 780,000 yrs. BP). We examined an assemblage of
6,431 quartz pieces from layer H of the Lower Ensemble, which dates to 500,000 years BP. The useddata have been given the reference of a quote of the doctoral thesis in 1991 (Takehana 1991).
Conclusion The five Far Eastern lithic industries discussed here have been dated to between
40,000 and 1,600,000 years BP using several diﬀerent methods. This represents the first technotypological studies and statistical analyses of these lithic industries. We would like to show ourresults of the concerned studies below that we wish henceforth to evolve them with like thesesystematic processes.

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Poster 5

Houjiayao Denticulate industry

Hitoshi Magara
Uozu Museum of History and Folklore, Japan

Houjiayao(Xujiayao) site is located at southwest of Houjiayao village, Dongjinjizhen, Yangyuang
district in Hebei Province, and is known as a site representing Middle Paleolithic in the northernpart of China. It was found in 1974. The excavations for the site were carried out in 1976, 1977,
1979and 2007-2008 by IVPP (Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology) in
Beijin and Hebei Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics. Through these five times excavation, morethan 20,000 stone artifacts have been found. The raw materials are vein-quartz and quartzite mainly,
and include a small of ﬂint, agate and so on. The ﬂaking method owed mainly to direct percussion,
but bipolar technic was also used.
According to our technotypological analysis, this assemblage contains lots of small size (2 to 4cm
in length) tools and is mainly characterized by denticulates, becs, notches, scrapers and spheroids(bolas or polyhedrons). And large stone artifacts such as hand-axes, chopping-tools and choppers arelacking. Such stone assemblage exist widely all over China North China.
In 1970ʼs, researchers believed that the age of the Houjiayao site is ca.100ka on the base of thefauna and U-series dating. Thereafter the partial IRSL dating for the cultural layer and the pollen
analysis with high resolution indicate that this site was probably remained during the last glacial. Its
age is presumed 60-70ka, it is younger than 100ka supposed before.
The stone assemblage of Xibaimaying site located in the same Nihewan basin as Houjiayao site aresimilar to that of Houjiayao site. The age of this site is thought to be about 50ka. In addition, there
are many similar sites in northern China such as stone assemblages of Xiaogushan site in Liaoning
Province and Salawusu site in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region.
In China, Denticulate industries might originate from industry of more than 1 million years
ago, which contains small tools such as notches, becs and denticulates. However, these industrys
increasing Spheroids are limited to MIS5-3. Stone artifacts like Limace point, Quinson point andTayac point are extremely few, but they are contained in these industrys (Houjiayao Denticulate
Industry) and suggest relations with the western end of Eurasia Continent.

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Fig. 1. Stone artifacts from Houjiayao site

Fig. 2. Stone artifacts from Xibaimaying site.

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Poster 6

Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition in northern China: Current research and perspectives

Atsushi Uemine
The Hakubi Center for Advanced Research, Kyoto University,JapanThe transition of lithic industry and the cultural dispersal in various regions of Eurasia, especiallyregarding around Middle-Upper paleolithic boundary has been the attractive issue for thearchaeological research to write our history as the great journey from Africa. Modern humanbehavior, a suite of behavioral and cognitive traits that distinguishes Homo sapiens from otherhominins represented in the use of blades, symbolism, remote resources and watercraft, is the key
concept in such kind of research. In this presentation, I will summarize my research in PaleoAsia
project regarding the age of the emergence of modern human behavior in Northern China and theincipient aspect in archaeological evidence.
Shuiliandong site, my main target in 2017, is the cave site located in Wuwushui ecology scenic
area, the western part of Shijiazhuan city, Hubei province, China. Cultural Relics InstituteHebei Province excavated the site in 2010 to collect over 40,000 quartz artifacts and over 50,000
bones from fluvial sediment deposited in the part of the cave (see Figure). I tried 3 analyses as
described below; a. 14C dating of the bones as the cross-check on the 14C date measured by Peking
University. Collagen extracted from the bones of Shuiliandong site by Dr. Takashi Gakuhari,Kanazawa University were analyzed using the compact 14C AMS facility (NEC 1.5SDH) in the
Paleo Labo Co., Ltd (Kobayashi et al. 2007). The measured values were calibrated by Oxcal 14.3.
b. The chemical composition of an obsidian flake (5 of figure)was analyzed with the portable
XRF (Bruker Tracer 5i) for sourcing study. c. Large amount of quartz artifacts and bones of
Shuiliangdong and related sites (Xibaimaying and Xujiacheng) were observed to classify thetypes and species and identify the trace regarding the manufacturing and using as tool. The ageof Xibaimaying site, Hubei province was a controversial issues (Guo et al. 2017). Xujiacheng site ,Gansu province were dated about 42,000 to 46,000 cal BP (Li et al. 2013).
It was found the 14 C date of Shuiliandong site were in near 41,000-44,000 cal BP, about
5,000 years older than the previous measurement. The chemical composition of an obsidian of
Shuiliandong did not match any obsidian source sample of East Asia including Baitoushan on theboundary China and north Korea. From archaeological findings from Shuiliandong, 3 polishedbone tools (1-3), a blade and some end-scrapers (4) with round edge were identified. Such kind of
artifacts were not found in Xibaimaying and Xujiacheng site.
The result described above suggests the element related Upper-Paleolithic culture were emerged
approximately 43,000 cal BP in Northern China. Although Some evidence related to modern
human behavior were found in Xianhushan site of Lianning province, but the assortment among
14
C date and lithic and bone artifact needs more consideration (Magara et al. 2013). The skeleton
of Tianyuan Cave (Zhoukoudian, China) that has the defined evaluation as anatomically modern
human was radiocarbon-dated to near 40,000 cal BP (Shang et al. 2007). My result indicates theappearance of the modern human behavior in the region older than the conventional assumption(Tongli et al. 2013) and the correspondence between the archaeological and anatomic data.

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References
Kobayashi, K. et al. (2007) The compact 14C AMS facility of Paleo Labo Co., Ltd., Japan. Nuclear
Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B: Beam Interactions with Materials andAtoms 259(1), 31-35.
Shang, H. et al. (2007) An early modern human from Tianyuan Cave, Zhoukoudian, China. Proc
Natl Acad Sci USA 104, 6573–6578.
Tongli, Q. et al. (2013) The Chinese Upper Palaeolithic: Geography, Chronology, and Technotypology. Journal of Archaeological Research 21(1), 1-73.
Li, F. et al. (2013) A Report on Dating of the Xujiacheng Paleolithic Site in Gansu Province, North
China. ACTA ANTHROPOLOGICA SINICA 32(4), 432-440.
Magara, H. (2013) Denticulate Industries in China. Palaeolithic Archaeology 80, 1-19 (in Japanese).
Guo, Y. et al. (2017) New ages for the Upper Palaeolithic site of Xibaimaying in the Nihewan Basin,
northern China: implications for small-tool and microblade industries in north-east Asia during
Marine Isotope Stages 2 and 3. Journal of Archaeological Science 32(4), 540-552.

Fig. 1. Location and artifacts related modern human behavior in Shuiliandong site.
1-3 polished bone tools, 4 end scraper, 5 obsidian flake63

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Poster 7

The Late Palaeolithic assemblages and used raw materials in South Korea

Kazuya Nakagawa
Kyoto Prefecture Research Center for Archaeological Properties, JapanThe study of the late Paleolithic in South Korea began with excavation of Seokjang-ri site(1964). In
this excavation, blades and micro blades were discovered, and the similarity with China and Japanwas confirmed. Many Late Paleolithic sites have been discovered and the cultural content has been
revealed. As a result of accumulation of samples, the Late Paleolithic culture is divided into 3 phase
due to diﬀerences in hunting tool.
Phase Ⅰ (~42ka)：The stone hunting tool was not found.
・Raw materials
Quartz and quartzite in a near area
Other
tool
・
Atypical small tools.
・Characteristic core Small core with one unfaceted platform
Phase Ⅱ (42ka~27ka)：The stemmed point was used for a hunting tool.
・Raw materials
Quartz and quartzite in a near area.
Shale and tuﬀ from a remote area.
・Other tools
Typical scraper with a convex edge
Atypical small tools.
・Characteristic core Blade core.
Phase Ⅲ (27ka~?)：The micro blade was used for a hunting tool.
・Raw materials
Quartz and quartzite in a near area.
Shale ,tuﬀ and obsidian from a remote area.
・Other tools
Typical scraper with a convex edge and typical burin.
Atypical small tools.
・Characteristic core Blade core and micro blade core.
At Phase Ⅱ, it is unknown whether Homo sapiens left the stone tools. Because large stone tools
such as hand axe included in the lithic assemblages before MIS5 are not seen in this stone artifacts
group, I place it in the late Paleolithic period. The stone hunting tool that was the evidence of thepositive predator lacked, but organic hunting tools might exist from the example of the bone tools of
Xiaogushan Cave site (China).
At Phase Ⅱ, an aspect of the stone implement group varies according to the environment of stone
resources. In the area without tuﬀ and shale near sites, they were used for the stemmed point but
quartz and quartzite which I obtained nearby is used many for other stone tools.
In the area having abundant tuﬀ or shale, they are used for not only the stemmed point but also
other stone tools. Quartz and quartzite were less likely to be used selectively.
At Phase Ⅲ , the blade technique and microblade technique are accepted. Raw materials except
the quartz and quartzite were used for microblades, blades and typical burins selectively. these wereused for atypical stone implements. The consumption of obsidian is lower than tufa and shale.
The atypical small stone implements include a scraper, notch, bec and awl. Material ﬂakes are also64

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amorphous. This type stone tool existed in the assemblages before MIS5. These stone implements
may show influence of the indigenous human. However, there is not superiority of quartz andquartzite in raw materials choice and should think about the resemblance that the characteristic ofthese stones causes.

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Poster 8

Human migration and technological diffusion of the early Late Palaeolithic in Japan

Hiroto Nakata
Faculty of Letters, Kokugakuin University, Japan

Most recent evidence from archaeology, anthropology and Paleogenetic studies reveal the diversityof interaction between Homo sapiens and other hominin groups in Palaeolithic Asia. There has
been increasing focus on the peopling of Asia, especially the diﬀusion of lithic technology as wellas the dispersal pattern of early modern humans. Japanese Archipelago is located in most easternside of Eurasia, so the understanding of archaeological record from this region will provide deep
knowledge on the dispersal of modern human across Eurasia and ultimately contribute to thehistory of human evolution in Eastern Asia. This poster examine the route and timing of humanmigration into Japanese Archipelago, using the archaeological record with a focus on the early Late
Paleolithic industry (ca. 38-30ka). Although the existence of hominin earlier than Late Palaeolithic
is controversial issue, general model suggests that the human migration into the mainland ofJapan and Ryukyu islands occurred at 38ka before and after. Here, I discuss two topics to provide
perspective for this presentation: 1) chronological relation between lithic industries during theearly Late Palaeolithic, 2) human migration route and population size from the viewpoint ofarchaeological evidence. As the preliminary result, I propose that the early Late Palaeolithic
industries consist of several characteristic lithic industries with diﬀerent origin, and that the rapid
increase of archaeological sites since 38ka suggest high population density, whereas it is possible that
small site size reﬂect the occupation by small human groups.

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Poster 9

Edge-ground stone axes and "circular settlements" of the early Upper Palaeolithic in theJapanese Islands

Miho Suzuki
The University Museum, The University Tokyo, Japan

It is well known that the edge-ground stone axes are the characteristic tools of the earlyUpper Paleolithic period in the Japanese Islands. Also characteristic of this period are the stoneassemblages, called circular settlements, with the extraordinarily unique arrangement of lithic
concentrations. The circular settlements refer in the present research to the allocations of the lithic
concentrations in circular patterns. The lithic concentrations measure 2 to 5 m in diameter, and thediameters of the circular settlements themselves are some 20 m in most cases, ranging from 15 m to
more than 50 m in the largest. The number of the stone tool concentrations which form the circular
settlements ranges from less than 10 to more than 50. The circular settlements in the Japanese Islands
appeared at around 35,000 B.P. and disappeared at around 32,000 B.P. The time-scale of these
settlements almost agrees with that of the edge-ground stone axes. More than 90 circular settlements
have been unearthed so far, and more than 60 of them yielded stone axes including the edge-groundstone axes, indicating that they existed at more than 70 % of the circular settlements. This led somearchaeologist to point out that there was a close relationship between the edge-ground stone axes
and the circular settlements (Hashimoto 2006, Sato 2006). On the other hand, there are diﬀerencesin the number of the stone axes unearthed from the circular settlements, 1 to 2 in most cases andmore than 10 in some cases. Although quite exceptionally, the stone axes totaling 57 were unearthedfrom the Hinatabayashi B site located at the shore of the Lake Nojiri in the Nagano prefecture.
The purpose of the present research is to investigate the relationship between the edge-groundstone axes and the circular settlements with a due consideration of the research situation above.
Specifically, the classification of the distribution patterns of the edge-ground stone axes at thecircular settlements is attempted.
References
Hashimoto, K. (2006) The relationship of circular unit and axe. Palaeolithic Research 2, 35-46 (inJapanese with English summary)Sato, H. (2006) Socio-ecological research of the circular settlement in Japanese Early Upper
Palaeolithic. Palaeolithic Research 2, 47-54 (in Japanese with English summary)67

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Poster 10

Use and maintenanc e of leaf-shaped points in the L ate Upper Paleolithic of theJapanese Islands

Takuya Yamaoka
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Shizuoka University, Japan

This paper presents a case study about leaf-shaped points from the Late Upper Paleolithic in theJapanese Islands. Based on an examination of the leaf-shaped points from the Mattobara site in
Nigata Prefecture, I discuss formation factors associated with breakage patterns of leaf-shaped
points, as well as use and maintenance of them. Results indicate that leaf-shaped points were
designed to be basally hafted and used as hunting weapons (Fig.1, Fig.2, Fig.5). They also indicatethat broken leaf-shaped points were formed in two behavioral contexts. Some were broken during
manufacture at the site (Fig.4), while others were broken during hunting activies (Fig.3). Broken
leaf-shaped points during hunting activites were brought back to the site and replaced and discarded
at the site while retooling hunting weapons, suggesting the reoccupation of the site during planned
hunting activities. A refitting group including a leaf-shaped points with impact fractures showsthat it was manufactured, used and discarded in a very short term (Fig.6). These results provide
clear evidence of logistical mobility of hunter-gatherers during the Upper Paleolithic. Experimental
studies about manufacturing, shooting and stabbing supported these results as well as show some
implications of leaf-shaped points use in hunting activities.
References
Ono, A. ed. (1997) Mattobara site II. The Mattobara Site Excavation Project, Tokyo, (in Japanesewith English summary).
Ono, A. ed. (2002) Mattobara Iseki III. The Mattobara Site Excavation Project, Tokyo, (in Japanesewith English summary).
Yamaoka, T. (2009) Broken projectile from Mattobara, and leaf-shaped points assemblages during
the late Upper Paleolithic in Japan. Current Research in the Pleistocene 26, 27-30.
Yamaoka, T. (2014) CHAPTER FORTY TWO Use and maintenance of leaf-shaped points in the
Late Upper Paleolithic of the Japanese Islands. In: International Conference on Use-wear Analysis:
Use-Wear 2012, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp496-507.

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69P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

Poster 11

Genome analysis of ancient humans in the Lake Baikal area

Ryosuke Kimura (1) and Takehiro Sato (2)(1) Graduate School of Medicine, University of the Ryukyus, Japan(2) Graduate School of Advanced Preventive Medical Sciences, Kanazawa University, Japan

We obtained ancient bone and tooth specimens of 29 individuals that were excavated fromarchaeological sites in the Republic of Buryatia, Russia, and dated from Neolithic to Medieval
periods. To identify well-preserved specimens, we extracted DNA from the specimens, prepared
DNA libraries, and sequenced them using next-generation sequencer MiSeq. Among the 15
specimens sequenced, those with more than 10% mapping rate to the human genome were 4 out of
9 Neolithic specimens (37.5％, 27.1％, 24.9％, 11.6％), 3 out of 4 presumptively Bronze or Iron Age
specimens (34.3％, 14.8％, 13.3％), and 2 out of 2 Medieval specimens (64.6％, 17.3％). For the
best-preserved specimen in each period, we are now sequencing using high-throughput sequencer
Hiseq, aiming to obtain an average on-target coverage depth of x30. As for the other specimens, weplan to perform the exon capture for concentrating certain human sequences before sequencing. In
addition, radiocarbon dating will be performed to determine the ages of these specimens.

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Poster 12

Human genetic diversity and peopling history in East and Southeast Asia

Rikai Sawafuji (1), Ryosuke Kimura (1), Hiroki Oota (2) and Hajime Ishida (1)(1) Graduate School of Medicine, University of the Ryukyus, Japan(2) School of Medicine, Kitasato University, Japan

New discoveries of archaeology have changed our conventional view of human expansion in the
Indo-Pacific region. However, the migration and peopling history of the East and Southeast Asian
populations and the interpretation of their genetic diversity remain unclear. For example, Pagani
et al. (2016) demonstrated that at least 2% of Papuans genome originates from an early and largely
extinct expansion of anatomically modern humans (AMHs) out of Africa. On the other hand, otherprevious studies, such as Mondal et al. (2016) and Mallick et al. (2016), support that all the Asianand Pacific populations share a single origin and expansion out of Africa. There are also questions
that how, where, when and how many times Homo sapiens in Asia admixed with Neanderthals
or Denisovans. We will review the latest research of modern and ancient genomes in East andSoutheast Asia including Japan, and discuss the human migration (e.g., Lipson et al. 2018; McColl
et al. 2018).
Reference
Lipson, M. et al. (2018) Ancient genomes document multiple waves of migration in Southeast Asianprehistory. Science 36, 192–95.
Mallick, S. et al. (2016) The Simons Genome Diversity Project: 300 genomes from 142 diverse
populations. Nature 538, 201-206.
McColl, H. et al. (2018) The prehistoric peopling of Southeast Asia. Science 361, 88–92.
Mondal, M. et al. (2016) Genomic analysis of Andamanese provides insights into ancient humanmigration into Asia and adaptation. Nature 48, 1066-1070.
Pagani, L. et al . (2016) Genomic analyses inform on migration events during the peopling ofEurasia. Nature 538, 238-242.

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Poster 13

Os pubis in Dederiyeh infant Neanderthals

Osamu Kondo
Graduate School of Science, the University of Tokyo, Japan

It has been reported that the supero-inferiorly ﬂat and medio-laterally long pubic morphology ischaracteristic of Neanderthals. The reason is still ambiguous in terms of function or evolutionary
significance, whether it relates to several constraints during pregnancy and childbirth, or toparameters of standing posture and walking gait. In terms of ontogenetic changes, several immature
Neanderthal pubes also have reportedly exhibited the medio-lateral elongation of the superiorramus. Infantile skeletons from Dederiyeh Cave in Syria retain both sides of pubes (Dederiyehno.1) which are long relative to their femoral lengths and therefore assumedly representative of
Neanderthal traits. We here aim to assess their immature pubic morphology in terms of ontogenetic
variation of H. sapiens and H. neanderthalensis . For that purpose, we first reconstruct the
ontogenetic trajectory of pubic morphology based on the modern museum collections in various
growth stages, which are digitized by micro-CT scanner. Some adult Neanderthal casts are digitizedand the 3D CT images of Dederiyeh infant Neanderthals are used and interpolated in the 3D
morphometric space. In addition, the pubis of Dederiyeh no. 3 infant will be added which should bedigitally reconstructed in advance.

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Poster 14

Early pottery in East Asia: Origins and dispersal

Kevin Gibbs
University of California, Berkeley, USA

For much of the Palaeolithic period, stone tools represent the primary category of artifacts
available to archaeologists for examining the cultural aspects of human dispersals and technology.
The invention of pottery in East Asia by 18,000 years ago introduces a new body of evidence, withparticularly early pottery coming from sites in Japan, southern China and along the Amur River inthe Russian Far East. A number of recent studies have provided important information about thisearly pottery, including its chronological age, function and environmental contexts. Another key
issue concerns the number of centers of ceramic innovation. Was pottery independently invented
in multiple East Asian locations or was it invented at a single-center with subsequent dispersals into
other regions?
Proponents of the multiple-center argument cite various lines of evidence to support their position.
First, some point to a lack of technological and stylistic similarity between centers of early pottery
production, suggesting that there was no direct connections between them. Second, the areas
between these centers do not have similarly early pottery. Notably, there is currently no evidence forcomparatively early dates for pottery in Korea or northern China. Third, the earliest pottery in eachregion tends to be low-fired and simple, which may be consistent with expectations of independent
experimentation and invention. To explain the broadly contemporaneous emergence of pottery inat least three parts of East Asia, the multiple-center argument suggests that pottery was invented
independently by hunter-gatherers developing along similar economic or cultural paths.
However, given the gaps in existing knowledge, it may be too early to dismiss the single-center
argument. Through a consideration of how hunter-gatherers integrate innovations into their
existing technological traditions, possible routes of technological dispersal, pottery function andenvironmental evidence, this poster argues that more evidence is needed to resolve the debate. For
example, given recent evidence from residue analyses for a strong association between pottery andthe use of aquatic resources, it is possible that early pottery spread along coastal routes that are now
submerged as the result of rising sea levels following the end of the last glacial period.
The importance of studying possible dispersals of hunter-gatherer pottery is not restricted to East
Asian contexts. A number of recent studies have suggested that pottery innovations in East Asia
might be responsible for the appearance of pottery across Asia and as far away as northern Europe.

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Poster 15

Gazelle hunting activities around Tor Hamar rock-shelter in Jordan viewed from carbon
and oxygen isotopic compositions of tooth enamel

Yuichi I. Naito (1), Miriam Belmaker (2), Hervé Bocherens (3), Christoph Wißing (3),and Seiji Kadowaki (1)(1) Nagoya University Museum, Nagoya University, Japan(2) University of Tulsa, USA(3) University of Tübingen, Germany

The stable carbon and oxygen isotopic composition of gazelles unearthed from Tor Hamar a rockshelter site of in southern Jordan, was measured for reconstructing hunting activities by Paleolithic
humans in this area. Tor Hamar, is located in the Jebel Qalkha area and has archaeological deposits
dated to the Upper Palaeolithic (38-30 ka) and Epipalaeolithic (24-14 ka) periods. Excavations at
the site have yielded stone tools and remains of prey animals from which we selected gazelle tooth
enamel fragments for isotope analysis on the carbonate fraction. Isotopic analysis on animal teeth
from archaeological sites to estimates the diet and habitats of the individuals (open/closed, drier/wetter, etc.). Our results suggest that Paleolithic people hunted gazelles across a wide range ofaltitude in the nearby mountains, indicating more extensive human mobility than that observed atother sites of the Southern Levant. Also suggest that variations in carbon and oxygen isotopes ofenamel can be used to distinguish gazelle species because some (e.g., Gazella subgutturosa) are highly
migratory but others have limited home ranges (e.g., Gazella gazella).

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Poster 16

Identification of animal species by mass spectrometry of collagen preserved in Neolithic
and Paleolithic bone specimens

Takashi Nakazawa (1) , Momoko Osawa (1) , Kana Matsuo (1) , Mako Inuzuka (1) ,Yuki Ito (1), Seiji Kadowaki (2), and Yoshihiro Nishiaki (3)(1) Department of Chemistry, Nara Women's University, Japan(2) Nagoya University Museum, Nagoya University, Japan(3) The University Museum, The University of Tokyo, Japan

Introduction
The time scale of collagen survival in archaeological specimens had been estimated to be much lessthan one million years (Nielsen-Marsh, C. 2002), before Schweitzer and coworkers reported thefinding of peptide fragments derived from collagen in the fossils of 8-million-year-old dinosaurbones (Schweitzer et al. 2007). However, Buckley and coworkers have recently suggested that there
remains the possibility of cross-contamination of collagen from modern ostrich (Struthio camelus)bone, in which peptide fragments showed the complete match of amino acid sequence with thosereported as being endogenous to Tyrannosaurus and Brachylophosaurus (Buckley et al. 2017). In
any case, we need to allow for the longevity of collagen in our study of Paleolithic bones for theidentification of animal species.
Neolithic Bone Specimens
In the analysis of bone specimens from two Neolithic sites, Göytepe and Hacı Elamxanlı Tepe, in
the Republic of Azerbaijan, we could distinguish between the species between goat (Capra hircus)
and sheep (Ovis aries), based on the mass spectrometry of tryptic peptides of collagen extracted fromthe bone specimens. The success of our analysis owes to the findings of a few diagnostic MALDI
peaks at m/z 3036 for sheep and at m/z 3096 for goat (encircled peaks in Figure 1), corresponding to
the residues 934-966 of the type I α2-chain (GTAGPPGTPGPQGLLGAPGXLGZPGSRGER),
in which a pair of residues 953/956 (X/Z) are L/A for sheep and F/P for goat, respectively. Anotherdiagnostic peak specific to sheep appeared at m/z 2216 in MALDI-MS, corresponding to the residue
918-933 in α1-chain peptide (AGEVGPPGPPGPAGEK), in which A at residue 918 is unique tosheep because almost all the other animal species have P (data not shown). With the exception ofGoy-10, our specimens have been identified to the respective animal species of goat and sheepin agreement with morphological observations (Kadowaki, S. et al . 2017). In the case of Goy10, the spectrum showed diagnostic peaks for goat at m/z 2216 and sheep at 3036, while it did notexhibit the peak characteristic of goat at m/z 3096. Because the latter peak was still unrecognizable
in the analysis of collagen from the 10-fold increased quantity of the bone specimen. The results ofspecies identification are summarized in Table 1. We are now examining the possibility of natural
occurrence of sheep-goat hybrid (Mine, O. M. et al. 2000).

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Figure 1. Expanded MALDI mass spectra of tryptic peptides obtained from the specimens Goy-4(goat), Goy-6 (sheep), and Goy-10 (sheep/goat) in the range m/z 3000 – 3130.

Table 1. Identities of animal species of selected specimens from Neolithic sites in Azerbaijan.

Specimen ID

Goy-2

Goy-3

Goy-4

Goy-6

Goy-10Goy-11

Hac-18Morphology

Capra

Capra

Capra

Ovis

Capra

Ovis/
Capra

Ovis/
Capra

mtDNA

Capra

ND

Capra

ND

ND

ND

ND

Collagen (MS)

Capra

Capra

Capra

Ovis

Ovis/
Capra

Ovis

Ovis

ND: Not determined; Ovis/Capra : Indistinguishable between Capra (goat) and Ovis (sheep).

Paleolithic Bone Specimens
We also analyzed Paleolithic specimens including animal bones and teeth from Tor Hamar in
the Jebel Qalkha area, southern Jordan. Unlike the Neolithic animal bones described above, thePaleolithic samples dated to 45,000 years before present did not show any evidence for the existenceof collagen in MALDI mass spectrometry. In one of the samples JQ16-T12 (goat or sheep according
to morphological observation), however, one peak was detected at m/z 1091.83 in nanoLC/ESI
mass spectrometry, having matched with the peptide GETGPAGPPGAPGAPGAPGPVGPAGK(2184 Da with 4 hydroxyproline in 8 proline residues) corresponding to residues 1036-1061 of the
α1-chain of type I collagen. Unfortunately, this peak is not diagnostic to any particular animal
species. The search for the peptides enabling us to find unique amino acid sequence to identify the76P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o panimal species of these Paleolithic specimens is now in progress.
References
Schweitzer, M. H. et al . (2009) Biomolecular characterization and protein sequences of theCampanian hadrosaur B. canadensis. Science 324, 626-631.
Buckley, M. et al. (2017) A fossil protein chimera; diﬃculties in discriminating dinosaur peptide
sequences from modern cross-contamination. Proc. R. Soc. B 284, 20170544.
Kadowaki, S. K. Ohnishi, S. Arai, F. Guliyev, and Y. Nishiaki (2017) Mitochondrial DNA analysisof ancient domestic goats in the southern Caucasus: A preliminary result from Neolithic
settlements at Göytepe and Hacı Elamxanlı Tepe. Int. L. Osteoarchaeol. 27, 245-260.
C. Nielsen-Marsh (2002) Biomolecules in fossil remains. The Biochemist 24, 12-14．
Mine, O. M., K. Kedikilwe, R. T. Ndebele, and S. J. Nsoso (2000) Sheep–goat hybrid born undernatural conditions. Small Ruminant Res. 37, 141-145.

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Poster 17

Some thoughts on the terminal Pleistocene stone tool cache: A case study from theTomamu-daichi site, eastern Hokkaido, Japan

Yuichi Nakazawa (1), Akira Iwase (2), Noriyoshi Oda (3), Fumito Akai (4),Koichi Hiromatsu (5), Masami Izuho (2), and Hitoshi Ohtorii (6)(1) Faculty of Medicine, Hokkaido University, Japan(2) Tokyo Metropolitan University, Japan(3) Tokyo Metropolitan Archaeological Center, Japan(4) Hokkaido Government Board of Education, Japan(5) Mito City Board of Education, Japan(6) Rikubetsu Board of Education, Japan

Despite the fact that caches are the salient feature recovered from archaeological sites of prehistoric
hunter-gatherers to complex societies, their implications are ambiguous. This is probably because
caches are often sporadically found but not ubiquitous enough to deliver a significant patternother than their spatially distinctive occurrences. To narrow down the multiple interpretations on
prehistoric caching behavior, we analyze various aspects of the stone tools from rare example of theterminal Pleistocene stone-tool cache from the Tomamu-daichi site in eastern Hokkaido, Japan.
Aspects of this stone-tool cache are scrutinized not only by the discovery context and date of cache,
but also morphological and technological analysis, use-wear analysis, raw-material provenanceanalysis of the cached stone tools. This allows us to discuss the use-lives of cached artifacts and will
give a prospect for understanding terminal Pleistocene caching behavior in Hokkaido and beyond.

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Poster 18

Pollen analysis of a submerged forest during the last glacial period on the Dekishimacoast, Aomori Prefecture, northern Japan

Toshiyuki Fujiki (1) and Hiroyuki Kitagawa (2)(1) Okayama University of Science, Japan(2) Nagoya University, Japan

There are buried forests along the Dekishima coast of the Tsugaru Peninsula, Aomori Prefecture,that were submerged during sudden environmental changes at the end of last glacial period. The
outcrop containing these buried forests is divided into two layers; the top layer in the Dekishima
Formation, which was deposited in the Holocene, and the lower layer is the Tateoka Formation,
which was deposited in the last glacial period. The outcrop contains three tephra layers, including
the Aira-Tn (AT) and Towada Ofudo (To-Of) tephra. The buried forests include coniferous trees
such as Picea jezoensis and P. glehnii. Currently, these species occur farther north in Hokkaido, theSouth Kuril Islands, and Sakhalin. At that time, the temperatures were colder than at present andthe climate of the Dekishima coast ranged from subarctic to boreal. This study analyzed pollen froma pear layer in the outcrop and reconstructed the paleoenvironment at the time when Homo sapiens
reached Japan.
The Dekishima coast is located about 20 km northwest of Tsugaru, and the outcrops are distributeover 1 km. The surrounding vegetation includes with Pinus thunbergii and Quercus dentata coastal
vegetation, and Japan cedar (Cryptomeria japonica) and Japanese cypress (Chamaecyparis obtuse)
plantations, and many paddy fields, wetlands, and swamps immediately inland, with deciduous
broad-leaved forests with Quercus crispula farther inland.
A 280-cm-long sample of the peat sediments was collected from the outcrop (N40°51'54.92",
E140°17'07.90"). The peat sediments could be divided into three facies: sandy peat with organic
matter (0–52 cm); black peat (52–78 cm); and brown peat (78–280 cm). Tephra layers were seen at
63, 150, and 198 cm. The submerged forest was at 170–175 cm.
The AMS radiocarbon dating of wood from 175 cm was 28,480 ± 100 BP, and the calibrated
14
C date was estimated to be about 32,000 cal yr BP, while that of wood from 55 cm was 5,290 ±30 BP, and the calibrated 14C date was estimated to be about 6,000 cal yr BP. The pollen analysis
detected many fossil pollen grains of Picea and M. gale, along with fossil Selaginella fossil spores,
which indicate a cold climate. The composition of the fossil pollen grains changed suddenly at 60
cm, and coniferous and M. gale fossil pollen grains disappeared above 60 cm. The discordance was at
the boundary between the Dekishima and Tateoka Formations; the Tateoka Formation layer below
60 cm corresponded to the last glacial maximum, while the Dekishima Formation layer above 60 cm
corresponded to the Holocene. It was believed that the unconformity was at the boundary between
the two formations, and the sedimentation was discontinuous, as the composition of fossil pollen
grains changes suddenly.
At that time, Picea jezoensis and P. glehnii grew around Dekishima, and the climate was very cold.
The lower layer contained many fossil pollen grains of the deciduous broad-leaved trees, implying
wet conditions. Subsequently, deciduous broad-leaved fossil pollen grains decreased and conifer fossil
pollen grains increased, indicating that the climate became very dry and cold. Although the age isstill uncertain, it was thought that deciduous broad-leaved forests, similar to the current vegetationconsisting mainly of Fagus crenata and Quercus crispula, became established in the Holocene.
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Fig. 1. Tree fossil pollen diagram for the Dekishima coast, Aomori Prefecture.

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Poster 19

Quantitative reconstruction for paleoenvironmental changes in southern Mongolia during
the Homo sapiens 's migration: new evidence from Orog Lake sediment core

Hitoshi Hasegawa (1) , Nanase Noma (1) , Masafumi Murayama (2) , Masao Iwai (3) ,and Nagayoshi Katsuta (4)(1) Faculty of Science and Technology, Kochi University, Japan(2) Faculty of Agriculture and Marine Science, Kochi University, Japan(3) Center for Advanced Marine Core Research, Kochi University, Japan(4) Faculty of Education, Gifu University, Japan

An aim of the present study is to understand detailed environmental/climatic changes in
Mongolian region, an end-points of the northern route of the Homo sapiensʼs migration toward
Northern Asia. Archaeological evidences have suggested the possible migration of Homo sapiensin northern Mongolia and southern Siberia at around the Initial Upper Paleolithic age (ca. 45-40
ka; e.g., Zwyns et al., 2014; Rybin et al., 2016; Izuho et al., in press). However, the environmental/
climatic changes of this period in Mongolian region is largely unclear.
We show new record of paleoenvironmental changes in southern Mongolia since ca. 50 ka. In
January 2017, we successfully took two sediment cores (22.5 m length of OROG01, and 21 m lengthof OROG02) from Orog Lake, southwestern Mongolia. The high-resolution geochemical analysis
of major and minor element composition were performed continuously at 0.5 mm interval using an
μXRF core scanner (Cox, Itrax). The Si, Ca, S, Fe, As were apparently inﬂuenced with lithology
changes. It is remarkable that the Ca concentration is higher in upper 4 m succession, comparedwith lower succession. With reference to the age-depth model of the sediment cores form Orog Lake
(Yu et al., 2017), it is thought that the Ca shift at 4 m deep occurred at the transition form the lastglacial to Holocene, and the age at 20-m deep of OROG01 and OROG02 was approximately 60-50
ka BP. The periodic variations of the Ca concentration during the last glacial can be synchronized
to Dansgaad - Oeshger Cycle recognized in the oxygen isotope record form the Greenland Ice
core. On-going study on OROG01 and OROG02 would confirm characteristics of environmental
changes during the period of Homo sapiensʼs migration in Mongolia.
References
Izuho, M., et al. (in press) Tolbaga revisited: Scrutinizing occupation duration and its relationshipwith the faunal landscape during MIS 3 and MIS 2. Archaeological Research in Asia.
Rybin, E. P., et al. (2016) Geochemical imprints of coupled paleoenvironmental and provenancechange in the lacustrine sequence of Orog Nuur, Gobi Desert of Mongolia. QuaternaryInternational 425, 69-87.
Yu, K., et al. (2017) Geochemical imprints of coupled paleoenvironmental and provenance change
in the lacustrine sequence of Orog Nuur, Gobi Desert of Mongolia. Journal of Paleolimnology
58(4), 511-532.
Zwyns, N., et al. (2014) The open-air site of Tolbor 16 (Northern Mongolia): Preliminary results
and perspectives. Quaternary International 347, 53-65.

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Poster 20

Chemical and mineralogical analyses for lacustrine sedimentary sequences of Darhadbasin (northern Mongolia)

Nagayoshi Katsuta, Yumiko Ohno, and Sayuri Naito
Faculty of Education, Gifu University, JapanThe Darhad basin, northern Mongolia, is located in the southernmost parts of the Baikal rift valley
basins, which was thought to have been dammed by a glacier during the late MIS 5 (Krivonogov
et al. 2005) or during early to middle MIS 3 (Gillespie et al. 2008). In 2010, the International
Darhad Drilling Project (DDP-2010) was conducted to investigate environmental changes inintracontinental Asia (Krivonogov et al. 2012). Geological surveys report that the Darhad lacustrine
layer contains higher resolution records due to a high rate of sedimentation, as compared withrecords of the Baikal and Hovsgol. To extract the environmental records from the Darhad cores, we
conduct the nondestructive μ-XRF mapping analyses of the sedimentary sequences (Katsuta et al.
2007).
We used the sediment cores DDP10-1 (96.3 m, 1553 m asl), 10-2 (139 m, 1543 m asl) and 10-3
(164.5 m, 1554 m asl), collected by DDP-2010 from the deepest parts of the Darhad paleolakes. For
the μ-XRF analysis, sediment samples were continuously taken using paleomagnetic u-channels(2×2×40 cm), freeze-dried and then embedded in epoxy-resin. After grounding the analyticalsurface on resin-embedded samples with abrasives, the element distribution maps of the smoothsurfaces were acquired using a Horiba XGT-2000V scanning XRF analytical microscope (SXAM).
On the other hands, sediment samples for bulk-analyses were taken in about 3~5 cm intervals,
which then were freeze-dried and homogenized in an agate mortar for the XRF and XRD analyses.
Concentration of major elements (Al, Si, K, Ca, Ti, Mn and Fe) in sediment samples were quantified
conventional XRF methods on glass fusion beads with a WD-XRF analyzer. Mineral compositions
were quantified by methods of Fagel et al . (2003) based on the XRD patterns. Radiocarbon
analyses for the TOC and macrofossils (woods and shells) for the cores were conducted with anaccelerator mass spectrometer. The paleomagnetic measurement was performed SQUID-3 cryogenic
magnetometer. In the poster presentation, we mainly report the analytical results of the DDP 10-3
core.
A tentative age model for the DDP10-3 core indicates that the sedimentation rate is approximately
constant with about 1.13 m/kyr and bottom of the sediment has an age of ca. 125 ka. Desalinationof Darhad paleolake inferred from the carbonate-free sediments occurred at 82~78 ka and 35~15
ka. It is considered that the Darhad paleolake have appeared in the late Pleistocene when the
Tengissiin glacier dammed the valley of the Shishhid River in the northwestern part of the basin.
Therefore, the two periods of the desalinations possibly suggest the glacier advances in association
with severe cold and humid climate. The unit of the last glacial/Holocene transition consists of Carich and Fe-rich couplets that we interpret to be annual laminations (i.e., varves). The total numberof varves was at least about 270. The Greenland ice core δ18O record indicate that transition fromthe late glacial to Holocene took about 3200 years (14.7~11.5 ka) in the Northern Hemisphere(NGRIP members 2004). Our results suggest that the climate of intracontinental Asia was rapidlychanged from the glacial to interglacial state as compared with that of ocean and ice sheets.

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References
Fagel, N., et al. (2003) Late Quaternary clay mineral record in Central Lake Baikal (Academician
Ridge, Siberia). Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 193, 159-179.
Gillespie, A. R., et al . (2008) Late Pleistocene glaciers in Darhad Basin, northern Mongolia.
Quaternary Research 69, 169-187.
Katsuta, N., et al. (2007) Advanced micro-XRF method to separate sedimentary rhythms and event
layers in sediments: its application to lacustrine sediment from Lake Suigetsu, Japan. Journal of
Paleolimnology 37, 259-271.
Krivonogov, S. K., et al. (2005) Stages in the development of the Darhad dammed lake (Northern
Mongolia) during the Late Pleistocene and Holocene. Quaternary International 136, 83-94.
Krivonogov, S. K., et al. (2012) Solved and unsolved problems of sedimentation, glaciation andpaleolakes of the Darhad Basin, Northern Mongolia. Quaternary Science Reviews 56, 142-163.
NGRIP members (2004) High-resolution record of Northern Hemisphere climate extending into
the last interglacial period. Nature 431, 147-151.

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Poster 21

Optically-stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating of Paleolithic sediments in Jebel
Qalkha, southern Jordan

Toru Tamura (1) and Seiji Kadowaki (2)(1) Geological Survey of Japan, National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology, Japan(2) Nagoya University Museum, Nagoya University, Japan

Several Palaeolithic archaeological sites occur in the Jebel Qalkha area, southern Jordan, providing
valuable records of the cultural dynamics and palaeoenvironment during the dispersal of Homosapiens out of Africa. However, their radiometric dating has not been successful yet. We carriedout optically-stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating for sediment samples taken from Mushabian(Epipalaeolithic), Qalkhan (Epipalaeolithic) and Early Ahmarian (Upper Palaeolithic) layers at Tor
Hamar site. Quartz and K-feldspar grains of 62–90 µm diameter were extracted from the samples
for OSL measurements. Protocols of quartz SAR OSL and K-feldspar post-IR IRSL50/150 were used
for determination of the equivalent doses (De) of these grains, and De was then divided by annual
dose rate to obtain final OSL ages. Tests showed that quartz OSL leads to variable De depending
on preheat temperature and does not result in an appropriate dose recovery. In contrast, post-IR
IRSL50/150 was associated with good dose recoveries and its De does not highly depend on preheat
and measurement temperatures. post-IR IRSL50/150 also showed modest fading rates, which if
remarkable potentially lead to large uncertainties in dating results. While quartz OSL is usually the
first choice for dating sediments younger than 50,000 years, in this site K-feldspar post-IR IRSL50/150
protocol is considered as more appropriate for dating. De of eight samples was determined by
K-feldspar post-IR IRSL50/150 with appropriate fading correction to determine the depositional age.
A sample from the Mushabian was dated as 13.9±0.7 ka, and seven samples collected in Qalkhan
and Early Ahmarian layers were dated as 23.4−41.7 ka in descending order, being concordant
with the stratigraphic order and approximate age of cultural layers. The problem in the quartz OSL
properties is ubiquitous at other sites in Jebel Qalkha, of which ages range from the Mushabian to
the Middle Palaeolithic. An extensive application of K-feldspar post-IR IRSL dating should thus be
critical for establishing the consistent chronology of the archaeological sites in Jebel Qalkha.

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Poster 22

Past hydrological changes in south Siberian region for the last glacial to the Holocene
based on radiocarbon dating

Fumiko Watanabe Nara
Institute for Space-Earth Environmental Research, Nagoya University, Japan

In south Siberia, especially Transbaikal region belong to Lake Baikal watershed, numerous number
of Paleolithic sites were observed (Fig. 1, Buvit et al., 2011 and 2016). The established ages of thesearchaeological sites are estimated at the climate transition between the Pleistocene and Holocene(Buvit et al., 2011). During this climate period, there are significant climate changes, such as thelast glacial maximum (ca 19-20 ka, Ishiwa et al., 2011) and global warming (ca. 10 ka). Therefore,
the precise reconstruction of the paleoclimate changes in the south Siberian region during the
Pleistocene-Holocene transition could be important to understand the cultural response to theclimate change.
Lake Baikal, which is located in the south Siberian region (Fig. 1), is the world oldest (at least
30Ma) and deepest (1648 m) lake with the largest water volume (23,000 km3), which represents~20% of the total unfrozen freshwater on the earth. Since, the long, continuous past environmental
records (Kashiwaya et al., 2001) in the south Siberian region are preserved at its basin, numerous
studies using the lake sediment cores have been carried out to understand the past climate andenvironmental histories in the south Siberian region (e.g. Shichi et al ., 2013). The inseparably85

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o plinkage to the global climate changes and orbital climate forcing, such as glacial and inter glacial
climate cycles and the Milankovitch cycles, respectively, have been revealed (Kashiwaya et al., 2001).
Therefore, Lake Baikal has been respected as the iconic site in the Siberian region for scientific study(Arzhannikov et al., 2018).
In this study, the hydrological changes during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition, especially at
the LGM, were reconstructed based on the radiocarbon age model of the core VER99G12. Lakelevel of the Lake Baikal decreased significantly during the late Pleistocene cold stage. This resulted in
the significantly slow sedimentation rate at the LGM. Then the sedimentation rate at the transition
period between the Pleistocene and Holocene was dramatically increased. The sedimentation rateof the Lake Baikal sediment from the Bugldeika saddle could be strongly influenced from thehydrological changes, such as the lake level change and the river input volume. These results showthat radiocarbon age of total organic carbon sensitively response to the hydrological changes, which
are corresponding with the precipitation changes in the Lake Baikal watershed area.
References
Arzhannikov, S.G., A.V. Ivanov, A.V. Arzhannikova, E.I. Demonterova, J. D. Jansen, F. Preusser, V.
S. Kamenetsky, and M. B. Kamenetsky (2018) Catastrophic events in the Quaternary outflow
history of Lake Baikal. Earth-Sci. Rev. 177, 76-113.
Buvit, I. and K. Terry (2011) The twilight of Paleolithic Siberia: Humans and their environments
east of Lake Baikal at the late-glacial/Holocene transition. Qatern. Int. 242, 379-400.
Buvit, I., M. Izuho, K. Terry, M.V. Konstantinov, and Konstantinov, A.V, (2016) Radiocarbon dates,
microblades and Late Pleistocene human migrations in the Transbaikal, Russia and the PaleoSakhalin-Hokkaido-Kuril Peninsula. Qatern. Int. 425, 100-119.
Ishiwa, T, Y. Yokoyama, Y. Miyairi, S. Obtochta, T. Sasaki, A. Kitamura, A. Suzuki, M. Ikehara, K.
Kimoto, J. Bourget, and H. Matsuzaki (2016) Reappraisal of sea-level lowstand during the Last
Glacial Maximum observed in the Bonaparte Gulf sediments, northwestern Australia. Qatern.
Int. 397, 373-379.
Kashiwaya, K., S. Ochiai, H. Sakai, and T. Kawai (2001) Orbit-related long-term climate cycles
revealed in a 12-Myr continental record from Lake Baikal. Nature 410, 71-74.
Shichi, K., H. Takahara, Y. Hase, T. Watanabe, F.W, Nara, T. Nakamura, Y. Tani, and T. Kawai(2013) Vegetation response in the southern Lake Baikal region to abrupt climate events over the
past 33calkyr. Palaeogeogr., Palaeoclimatol., Palaeoecol. 375, 70-82.

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Poster 23

Lexical analysis of the concept of culture in the PaleoAsia project

Yasuhisa Kondo (1), Hideyuki Ōnishi (2), and Yoko Iwamoto (1)(1) Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Japan(2) Doshisha Women's College of Liberal Arts, JapanThe PaleoAsia project aims to interpret the nature of distinct patterns in the formation of modern
human cultures across Asia. To this end, over 50 researchers from diverse backgrounds such asarchaeology, cultural anthropology, mathematical biology, and palaeoenvironmental sciences workin collaboration. Thus far, discussions in the projectʼs meetings and workshops have revealed thatthe meaning of ʻcultureʼ (bunka in Japanese language) seems to mean diﬀerent things to researchers
from diﬀerent backgrounds, and the term is often used without an explicit definition. This problem,
left untreated, may negatively aﬀect the interdisciplinary collaboration, and it is a serious concern
for us. With this as our motivation, we envision discourses concerning ʻcultureʼ in the PaleoAsia
project, which will build a baseline for the intra-project collaborative research on the quantificationof culture and its diversity.
We applied an ontological approach to this issue. First, we retrieved 486 sentences that included
the word ʻcultureʼ from the full text of the projectʼs conference proceedings, annual reports of
sub-groups, and the projectʼs website (https://paleoasia.jp). Co-occurring words, synonyms,
and antonyms were listed, and the occurrence pattern was analysed with respect to the authorsʼ
backgrounds. No sentence directly defined the concept of culture, although it was observed thatthe term was used in the context of materials (e.g., lithic culture, ceramic culture, etc.), geography(e.g., cultural zones), temporality (e.g., Aurignacian culture) and dynamics (e.g., cultural ecology).
Through dialogue between researchers from different backgrounds, we will attempt to develop ashared ontology of ʻcultureʼ in the project.
Note: The earlier version of this poster was presented as oral presentation at the 46th annual
conference of Computer Application and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology, held at Tübingen,Germany, on March 19–23, 2018.

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Fig. 1. Definition of culture in social theories

Fig. 2. Behaviour as a focal points of different thoughts and theories.

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Poster 24

Network analysis of the interdisciplinary co-authorship of the PaleoAsia project

Yasuhisa Kondo and Yoko Iwamoto
Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, JapanThe PaleoAsia project aims to interpret the nature of distinct patterns in the formation of modern
human cultures across Asia. To this end, over 50 researchers from diverse backgrounds such asarchaeology, cultural anthropology, mathematical biology, and palaeoenvironmental sciences workin collaboration. A previous study (Kondo, Onishi & Iwamoto in this volume) has highlighted thatthe conceptual meaning of culture is diﬀerent among researchers from diﬀerent backgrounds. How
can researchers span their conceptual boundaries and work together towards the achievement of ashared research objective? To this end, the progress of interdisciplinary co-authorship was monitored
and analysed by means of a network graph in the following manner.
To begin with, authors from the proceedings of the first to the sixth domestic conferences werelisted, and network graphs of authors (nodes) and co-authoring relationships (edges) were drawn.
In total, there were 148 authors, 228 presentations, and 718 co-authoring relationships, from thefirst to the sixth conference. The average number of co-authors per presentation was 1.39 in thefirst conference, 1.72 in the second conference, 1.46 in the third conference, 2.49 in the fourth
conference, 2.26 in the fifth conference, and 2.89 in the sixth conference. A remarkable increasein the number co-authors was observed in the fourth conference, held in December 2017. The
number of co-authors is high in the archaeology groups and low in the cultural anthropology
group. Co-authoring relationships will continuously be monitored to analyse the development ofinterdisciplinary collaboration, as well as its outcome and impact.
Note: The earlier version of this abstract was submitted to the 47th annual conference of Computer
Application and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology, to be held at Krakøw, Poland, on April
23–27, 2019.

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Fig. 1. Co-authorship relationship of the PaleoAsia project members at the fourth
domestic conference (December 2017, red) and other five conferences (grey).

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Poster 25

LOUD and FAIR Norwegian archaeological data

Mieko Matsumoto, Espen Uleberg, Steinar Kristensen, and Jakob Kile-Vesik
Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo, Norway

Archaeological collections are curated at the five university museums in Norway: Oslo, Stavanger,
Bergen, Trondheim, and Tromsø. These museums also conduct archaeological research and rescue
excavations. In Oslo, there are six agents that contribute to the archaeological collections̶five
institutions and public collectors.
MUSIT databases
The Norwegian university museums have developed a national infrastructure for Archaeologythat provides freely available data. This infrastructure is organised as a cooperation between
the university museums under the name of MUSIT (MUSeumIT). MUSIT is responsible formaintenance over several databases, including Archaeology, Ethnography, Numismatics, andPhotography. For Archaeology, MUSIT has developed authoritative lists for artefacts, raw materials,
period names, and find contexts for the purpose of establishing a highly standardised query
function. In the future the MUSIT archaeological database will be available online once the new
IT-architecture project is completed.
Georeferenced museum objects
All archaeological finds that are registered in the database with field documentation are
georeferenced, a process that uniquely combines the ﬂow of data and institutional cooperation (Fig.
1).
The georeferenced museum collections with photographs, catalogue texts and maps, are published
as open data through the portal unimus.no. As of now, almost 1.4 million objects and around
750,000 photographs are published on this portal. The photographs are published with a Creative
Commons license (CC 4.0 BY-SA), while excavation reports are uploaded at the research archiveduo.uio.no for free access.
ADED
From 2018, the Museum of Cultural History at the University of Oslo is leading a national projectthat will collect and publish excavation data (Fig. 2). The ongoing 3-year project titled “ADED”(Archaeological Digital Excavation Documentation) will make it possible to query across single
projects nationwide. ADED will later be a part of the MUSIT infrastructure, and link objects with
contexts and excavations.
The primary objective of ADED is to increase the accessibility of archaeological and scientificdocumentation through a common, open digital infrastructure. This will create new opportunities
for quantitative and qualitative research as it opens up new ways for existing resources to be easily
accessed and used across regions.
Since 2011, the five university museums have used a standardised documentation system via a GIS
Database software named Intrasis (intrasis.com). This gives a good starting point for the work in ADED.
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All new digitally generated geodata across institutions will be integrated with the database andold data will be converted and uploaded during the project's life span. Through ADED, students
and researchers will be able to compare structures from diﬀerent excavations and undertake larger
quantitative analysis than has hitherto been possible.
LOUD and FAIR data
The overall aim for the work in ADED and MUSIT is to comply with the idea of providing data
standards as LOUD (Linked Open Usable Data) and FAIR (Findable, Accessible, Inter-operable,
Retrievable).
In MUSIT, the acronyms FAIR and LOUD imply that the data gathered in the database should beeasy to find, access, and use. This means that the data uses unique identifiers, a rich set of metadata,and is written in an accessible language. The protocol is open, free, and indexed allowing for easy
searching and readily available links. However, too much data in a database can make it hard toread, use and comprehend. The LOUD principle tries to define the amount of data that goes in toa database before it becomes too insurmountable to use eﬃciently. LOUD strives to make sure thatthe data is easy to use and manage by an external participant.

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Fig. 1. Georeferencing museum collections in Norway. Modified after Uleberg and Matsumoto (inprint). Abbreviations: KHM (Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo); NMM (Norwegian
Maritime Museum); NIKU (Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research); IAKH (Department ofArchaeology, Conservation and History, Faculty of Humanities, University of Oslo); RA (Directorate
for Cultural Heritage).

Fig, 2. Collecting data for ADED in the field.
(https://www.khm.uio.no/forskning/prosjekter/humgis/index.html)

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Poster 26

Social change and behavior patterns in the course of contacts between the previous
inhabitant group and migrant group: A case study from the Kazakh steppe

Toko Fujimoto
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan

The purpose of this study is to examine social change and behavior patterns, especially residential
patterns, in the process of contacts among ethnic groups, based on cultural anthropologicalfieldwork in the steppe zone in Central Asia. Central Asia is located on the northern route, which
modern Homo sapiens were believed to have followed when they advanced from West to East Asia.
One of the roles of anthropological research in the “Cultural History of Paleo Asia” project was to
identify patterns of social change that occurred in the course of contacts among diﬀerent groups,
and which related to changes in material culture. This study focuses on the contact between the
Kazakhs, the group of previous inhabitants, and the Russians, the migrant group. The following
points will be discussed:
1) Population change in the course of contact between groups
How did contact between the previous inhabitant group and migrant group influence thepopulation of each group respectively? According to statistical data, the migrant group of Russians
started to gradually migrate to the steppe during the 19th century, the population of the previous
inhabitant group of Kazakhs declined during the 1930s, and then the migrant group came in huge
numbers to the steppe in the 1950s. Analysis of the population change from the 19th to the mid20th century is useful in understanding the process of how the migrant group invaded the steppe,
which had previously been occupied by a diﬀerent group.
2) Environment use and seasonal mobility of the two groups
The previous inhabitant group had high mobility and depended on animals as the main source offood in the steppe; the migrant group, on the other hand, had low mobility and depended mainly onplants in forests, as well as reclaimed lands in forests, for food. It would seem that these two groups
could potentially coexist, because the main sources of foods were diﬀerent. However, the migrantgroup occupied the riverside forests in the steppe, which had been used as winter campsites by theprevious inhabitant group. The inhabitant group lost their seasonal mobility due to the occupationof land by the migrant group. Following this, the population of the previous inhabitant groupdeclined due to a shortage of animals caused by social and natural disasters.
3) Change of residential patterns
The previous inhabitant group of Kazakhs sedenterized as a result of contact with the migrantgroup of Russians. In the sedentarization process, small Kazakh patrilineal kin groups, which
had previously been units of seasonal camps, gathered and formed settlements. Following this,larger graveyards were formed near to the settlements. The dwellings changed from yurts (portableround tents covered with felt) to wooden houses and/ or sun-dried brick houses. Some prominent
people from the previous inhabitant group built wooden houses, which had formerly been used by
the migrant group. However, for many it was not possible to gather enough wood in the steppe.
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Therefore, the majority of people in the previous inhabitant group used sun-dried bricks, made ofsoil from the steppe, to build houses. Thus, the loss of seasonal mobility is manifested in the changes
in settlements and graveyards, as well as in the style of houses.
To sum up, this case study suggests the following model. In the steppe zone, a migrant group,
which has low seasonal mobility, gradually oppresses a previous inhabitant group, which has highseasonal mobility. As a result, the residential patterns of the previous inhabitant group changes.
The seasonal mobility and diﬀerent uses of the same environment is important in understanding
the contact process and population change of the two groups. A further study, which focuses on
the contact between previous inhabitant groups, is required in order to better understand the socialchange and behavior patterns, which aﬀect material culture.

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Poster 27

The vital role of "cordage" in food acquisition and other aspects of human life

Ayami Nakatani (1), Yoko Ueba (2), and Miwa Kanetani (2)(1) Okayama University, Japan(2) National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, JapanAs Hardy (2008:271) rightly argues, “string, cordage, or something that ties things together is sucha fundamental part of everyday life that it is taken completely for granted.” Since every language
has a wide variety of denominations for diﬀerent types of tying devices, we use the term, “cordage,”as a more neutral option. Cordage can be defined as “a perishable structure consisting of one set ofelongate fibrous elements twisted or spun together to form a uniform, cylindrical, and generally
ﬂexible strand of potentially unlimited length” (Adovasio et al. 2001: 49).
It has been pointed out that archaeologists, especially pre-historical archaeologists, have paid very
little attention to this type of artifact. This is primarily because such organic artifacts are not easilyfound in archaeological sites. But there is a growing body of archaeological evidence discovered byarchaeologists who pay particular attention to the role of strings or cordage in prehistoric societies(Fig. 1, 2).

Fig. 2.
Fig. 1.

Aside from the perishability of the materials, the conspicuous absence of cordage fromarchaeological records and subsequent analysis can also be attributed to “preservation bias” and“gender bias” (Adovasio et al. 2001). Barber, who coined the term “string revolution,” argues that“[M]aking string…opened the door to an enormous array of new ways to save labor and improve theodds of survival…” (Barber 1994: 45) for humans.
Ethnographic evidence validates her argument. In the traditional ways of life among indigenous
populations in the Northwest Coast of Canada and Hokkaido, Japan, we see numerous examples
of tools and utensils that incorporate cordage as binders, fishing and hunting tools, and containers.
Most of these tools are made for food gathering purposes, but they are also widely used for housebuilding, cooking, and clothing.
People made cordage from a variety of plant and animal resources such as the bark, withes androots of trees, human hair, animal sinews, hides and intestines; but in the case of the Northwest96

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Coastal peoples, the Western red cedar (Thuja plicata) was by far the predominant source of material
for cordage. There are both practical and cultural reasons to explain the preferential use of this tree
(Stewart 1984). By comparison, the Ainu people had a much wider repertoire of plant and othernatural resources; in particular, they meticulously diﬀerentiated between plants according to their
specific properties and there were widely held beliefs associated with each one of them (Kayano
2014:17).
All in all, such ethnographic evidences strongly suggest that cordage played a vital role in foodacquisition technologies, which can be summarized as follows:・Binding, holding, and hanging functions increase eﬃciency in food acquisition, transportationand storage.
・Cordage provides a wide range of binding tools, with diﬀering thickness, strength, and length.
・Cordage also produces both f lexible surfaces (two-dimensional planes) and solid, threedimensional containers (three-dimensional forms). (cf. Sekijima 1986)
Furthermore, from the perspective of technological advancement in human history, cordage
assumes a decisive role in increasing the complexity of artifacts (cf. Oswalt 1976).
Cited references
Adovasio, J. M., et al. (2001) Perishable industries from Dolni Vestonice I: New insights into thenature and origin of the Gravettian, Archaeology Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 2(6), 4865.
Barber, E. W. (1994) Women's work: The first 20,000 years, N.Y. and London: W. W. Norton.
Hardy, B. L., et al . (2013) “Impossible Neanderthals? Making string, throwing projectiles andcatching small game during Marine Isotope Stage 4 (Abri du Maras, France),” Quarterly Science
Reviews 82, 23-40.
Hardy, K. (2008) “Prehistoric string theory: How twisted fibres helped to shape the world,”
Antiquity 82, 271-280.
Kayano, S. (2014) Ainu tools, Biratori: Biratori Town Ainu Cultural Promotion Council.
Nadel, D., et al. (1994) “19,000-year-old twisted fibers from Ohalo II,” Current Anthropology 35(4),451-458.
Oswalt, W. H. (1976) An anthropological analysis of food-getting technology, N.Y.: John Wiley &Sons, N.Y.
Sekijima, H. (1986) Basketry: Projects from baskets to grass slippers, Tokyo: Kodansha International.
Stewart, H. (2013) Cedar: Tree of life to the Northwest coast Indians, Madeira Park: Douglas and
McIntyre.

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Poster 28

Hybridization of two different cultural groups in the Ainu history_
Hideyuki Onishi
Doshisha Women's College of Liberal Arts

Before the medieval Ainu period, two diﬀerent cultures had come into existence and spread across
Hokkaido. Archaeologists have termed them the Satsumon and Okhotsk cultures. The material
cultures of these two groups are completely diﬀerent from one another and their populations arealso regarded as heterogeneous. This therefore raises the very interesting question of how these
diﬀerent cultures and groups related to each other, and how they contributed to the formation of
the Ainu in the next period.
The Satsumon culture was distributed across Hokkaido and the northern end of Honshu from 700
until 1200 A.D. The population of the Satsumon culture is mainly regarded as indigenous groups
descended from the Epi-Jomon population, so until recently they have been identified as the direct
ancestors of the Ainu people. Meanwhile, the Okhotsk culture is one of the most unique prehistoriccultures, not only in Hokkaido,
but in the Japanese archipelago asa whole. The Okhotsk culture wasdistributed around south Sakhalin,
north-eastern Hokkaido and the
Kuril Islands from 600 until 1000
A.D. In addition, the Okhotsk
culture had kept the relationshipwith Amur Land via Sakhalin andintroduced many kinds of artifacts
and/or cultures from this route.
Furthermore the population of the
Okhotsk culture is regarded as adifferent genetic group from the
autochthonous people, including theSatsumon culture.
T he Sat su mon a nd Ok hot sk
cultures coexisted in Hokkaido
from 700 until 1000 A.D., butthey occupied different areas andbasically had no relationship with
one another. However, these twogroups suddenly hybridized aroundthe 10th century. Such hybridization
occurred separately in the easternand the northern parts of Hokkaido.
This presentation focuses on the case
Chronological chart for Hokkaido
98P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pof hybridization in the eastern part, which
resulted in the creation of the Tobinitai
culture, because sufficient archaeological
data exists.
It has been generally assumed that the
Okhotsk culture initially incorporated
m a ny d i f f erent e lement s f rom t he
Satsumon culture, including artifacts,
technolog y, settlement patterns andsubsistence strategies, before eventually
becoming completely integrated with it.
For example, the Tobinitai pottery initiallyimitated the patterns, ornamentationand form of Satsumon pottery, but wasmade using techniques from the Okhotskc u lt u re . At a l ater st a g e , howe ver,the Tobinitai g roup had completely
assimilated the manufacturing techniquesof the Satsumon culture and produced
pottery identical to Satsumon pottery.
This phenomenon can also be observed inhouse structure, tool components and soon.
From these cases, it can be assumed that
the Tobinitai culture, at least in its material
culture, finally transformed into andbecame indistinguishable from Satsumon
culture. However, there is no evidence tosuggest that the original formation of the
Tobinitai culture was in any way initiatedfrom the Satsumon culture side. Therefore,
the Tobinitai culture can be considered theresult of an integration process, throughwhich the Okhotsk culture group actively
converted to the Satsumon cu lture.
Incidentally, this kind of hybridization of
two cultures can also be verified on thegenetic level.
Finally, this paper examines how the
hybridization of these two cultures related
and contributed to the formation of Ainu
culture in the next period. Through thisexamination, it attempts to demonstratet he role t hat t he Ok hot sk a nd t he
Satsumon cultures played in the processof Ainu cultural formation during themedieval period.

Satsumon culture

Okhotsk Culture99

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Poster 29

An exploratory quantitative analysis of tool use behaviors: In the case of cutting among
Baka hunter-gatherers

Yujie Peng
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan

Cutting can be regarded as one of the most fundamental physical techniques among nonindustrialized societies, including hunting-gathering-fishing societies, pastoralists, and farmers. In
hunting-gathering-fishing societies, it is particularly diﬃcult to imagine how humans would survive
without cutting. Cutting can be simply described as the practice of dividing one piece of something
into several pieces, or removing one or more parts from a body they previously belonged to. It
encompasses everything from cutting meat and logging, to stripping the hide oﬀ prey and shaving
hair. This paper looks at cases of cutting among the Baka people, a group of Pygmy hunter-gatherers
in the Congo Basin rainforest, and uses quantitative analysis to determine the correlation between
the morphology of tools and behavior of tool use.
1. Morphology and target object
In the case of the Baka, there are only four types of tool used in cutting. The axe is generally used
for targets far from the practitionerʼs body. Blades are the smallest of the cutting tools and their use
for activities, such as healing, tattooing, cutting hair or shaving, directly targets the body. Mid-sized
tools are used most frequently and for the most diverse range of activities, from logging small trees
to cooking.

Fig. 1. Baka’s cutting tools

2. Morphology and body movement
With cutting tools, the predominant tendency is for their morphology and associated body
movements, to be determined by the size and requirements of the body parts involved in their use. In
the particular case of axes, practitioners need to hold them with both hands, whereas they only use
100P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

one hand for holding machetes of any size, even when being used for the similar purpose of cutting.
Although several fingers of both hands are used for holding a blade, the muscle groups involved are
relatively smaller than those involved in the use of an axe or even a knife. In other words, using abigger tool may require more strength, while using a smaller tool may require more precision.
3. Tool size and technique in use
Through a moment by moment observation of two Baka womenʼs cutting behavior, the following
tendencies were found in cutting behaviors that may be inﬂuenced by the toolʼs size.
1) Age and strategy: the younger woman spent a longer time in continuous and vigorous cutting,namely the step that highly depending on individualʼs physical ability. Whereas the user of thelarger machete spent a longer time aiming (light cutting with the machete) before delivering a
powerful cut, i.e., the step of considering ʻhow to cut it eﬃcientlyʼ.
2) Cutting rhythm: the time period between two cuts of the smaller macheteʼs user was shorter (i.e.,faster in tempo) than the larger macheteʼs user, particularly during powerful cutting.

Fig. 2. Nut cutting work among Baka women101

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Poster 30

Evolution of religion and mythology: Its role in intergroup dynamics

Hitoshi Yamada
Graduate School of Arts and Letters, Tohoku University, JapanThe evolution of religion has been one of the foci of scholars for years. Earlier theories werebased more or less on the Achsenzeit (Axial Age) concept by Jaspers (Jaspers 1949, Bellah 1964,
Wallace 1966, Nakamura 1960, 1974–77), and this emphasis is still found in Bellahʼs later work
(Bellah 2011). With the development of paleoanthropology, archaeology and genetics, however,
our knowledge on the earlier stage of religion has grown. Consequently in the 21st century, more
attention has been paid to the modern human “cognitive evolution” around 50,000 years BP, orroughly at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic (Bulbulia et al. 2013, Singh & Chatterjee 2017,
Purzycki et al. 2017, Turner et al. 2018). This trend has led also to theorizing the evolution anddiﬀusion of mythology among modern humans (Witzel 2012, Berezkin 2013).
In this paper I explore religious and mythological concepts especially among the hunting-gathering
peoples, such as “master of animals” and “trickster.” These elements reﬂect their existential situation,or their Ergriffenheit condition, as Frobenius put it (Frobenius 1938), which is metaphorically
implied by Eliade in his hypothesis on the origin of religion (Eliade 1976). The above concepts arethen examined in the context of confrontational circumstances with animals, natural disasters andout-groups. Finally, I suggest the evolution of the mentioned symbolization ability is critical in theprocess of intergroup dynamics, when we also take into account the “supernatural sanctioning” andthe origin of moral discussed by Boehm (2012).
References
Bellah, R. N. (1964) Religious Evolution. American Sociological Review 29(3), 358–374.
Bellah, R. N. (2011) Religion in Human Evolution. Belknap Press of Harvard University.
Berezkin, Y. E. (2013) Africa, Migration, Mythology. Nauka. (in Russian with an English abstract)
Boehm, C. (2012) Moral Origins: The Evolution of Virtue, Altruism, and Shame. Basic Books.
Bulbulia, J. et al. (2013) The Cultural Evolution of Religion. In P. Richerson and M. H. Christiansen(eds.) Cultural Evolution, MIT Press, pp. 381–404.
Eliade, M. (1976) De l’ âge de pierre aux Mystères d’Éleusis. Payot.
Frobenius, L. (1938) Schicksalskunde. Hermann Böhlaus Nachf.
Jaspers, K. (1949) Vom Ursprung und Ziel der Geschichte. R. Piper & Co.
Nakamura, H. (1960) Comparative Philosophy. Iwanami Shoten. (in Japanese)
Nakamura, H. (1974–77) Intellectual History of the World, 7 Vols. Shunjusha. (in Japanese)
Purzycki, B. G. et al. (2017) The evolution of religion and morality. Religion, Brain & Behavior 2017, 1–32.
Singh, D. & Chatterjee, G. (2017) The evolution of religious belief in humans. Journal of Genetics
96(3), 517–524.
Turner, J. et al. (2018) The Emergence and Evolution of Religion by Means of Natural Selection.
Routledge.
Wallace, A. F. C. (1966) Religion: An Anthropological View. Random House.
Witzel, E. J. M. (2012) The Origins of the World’s Mythologies. Oxford University Press.
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Poster 31

Complexity and “environmental adaptability” of imaginary creatures

Yuriko Yamanaka
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan

Imaginary creatures such as dragons, mermaids, qilin, or tengu, which appear in mythology,
folklore, and in some cases pre-modern encyclopedic works and travelogues, are often hybrid orcomposite beings that do not occur in the natural world, combining elements that are normallyecologically incompatible. For example, fish (water) + human (land) = mermaid. Their hybridity orcomplexity gives them “environmental adaptability” in a figurative sense.
In this presentation, we take select samples of ethnological artifacts from around the world which
represent imaginary hybrid creatures from the collection of the National Museum of Ethnology.
We will break the images down into anatomical components and “environmental” attributes (water,sky, earth) and identify patterns in the way they are combined, thus exploring the possibility ofnumerically evaluating the connection between the human mind and the environment.

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Poster 32

Speculating PaleoAsian culture from genomic signatures of selective sweeps

Naoko T. Fujito(1),* Yoko Satta(1), Toshiyuki Hayakawa(2), and Naoyuki Takahata(1)(1) School of Advanced Sciences, SOKENDAI (The University for Advanced Studies), Japan(2) Graduate School of Systems Life Sciences, Kyushu University, Japan* Present address: Institute for Human Genetics and Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, University ofCalifornia, San Francisco, CA 94143, USA

Backgrounds
Genome-wide scans for detecting selective sweeps – local reduction in the extent of DNApolymorphism by positive Darwinian selection – revealed that cultural processes have had aprofound effect on human evolution: hundreds of genes have been subject to recent positive
selection, often in response to human activities (Laland et al. 2010). This causal relationship may
permit us to speculate ancient culture from signatures and biological functions of genomic regions
under selective sweeps.
Methods
We have developed a new inference method for detecting signatures of incomplete selective sweeps
in single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) data (Fujito et al. 2018a). Based largely on the traditionalsite frequency spectrum (SFS), the method additionally incorporates linkage disequilibrium (LD)between pairs of SNP sites and uniquely represents both SFS and LD information as hierarchical“barcodes.” This barcode representation allows the identification of a genomic region surrounding
a putative target site of positive selection, or a core site. Sweep signals at linked neutral sites aremeasured as the proportion (FC ) of derived alleles within the core region that are linked in thederived allele group. In measuring FC or intra-allelic variability (IAV) in an informative way,certain conditions for derived allele frequencies are required, as illustrated with the schizophreniaassociated ST8SIA2 locus. We have also investigated the underlying two-dimensional SFS of the
FC statistic with special reference to the role of recombination and the distinction between “hard”
and “soft” selective sweeps. We demonstrate that the FC -based method is powerful and robust to
non-equilibrium demography and nuisance eﬀects of recombination on gene genealogy within IAV.
Although FC depends noticeably on the frequency of a positively selected allele at a core site, we cancompare the P-value in testing multiple SNP sites with diﬀerent allele frequencies and evaluate thestatistical significance by controlling the false discovery rate (FDR).
Schizophrenia-Associated Loci
Schizophrenia is a mental illness that causes marked social impairment and results in considerable
negative fitness effects on human populations. Genetic variants at schizophrenia-associated lociare classified into risk and non-risk types under given environmental conditions. ST8SIA2 is asialyltransferase that is involved in mental activities and three SNPs in the promoter region regulate
the gene expression level that is directly associated with schizophrenia. We found ongoing positive
selection on a non-risk promoter type with the increased frequency in Asia during the past 20~30
thousand years. Based on this evolutionary finding together with the biological function, we
speculated that the environmental risk factor has been acculturative, psychosocial stress arisingfrom tension during adaptation to alien culture or changing social environments in post-glacial Asia
(Fujito et al. 2018b).
Currently, we further study 108 schizophrenia-associated SNP sites in Africans, Europeans andEast Asians (Schizophrenia Working Group 2014). The preliminary results show that out of 624
104

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o pmultiple tests = 104 SNP sites (excluding deletion polymorphisms) x 2 (derived and ancestral allelesat each SNP site) x 3 (populations), 29 SNP sites have rejected the null hypothesis of selective
neutrality with 5% FDR. Of these, 11, 10 and 2 SNP sites have undergone local selective sweeps in
East Asians, Europeans and Africans, respectively, and only three are shared between East Asians
and Europeans. We ask if the origin and world-wide prevalence of the illness are linked to modern
human-specific traits such as the development of language and the high consumption of energy inthe brain (Preuss 2012).
Other Applications
We have also applied the FC statistic to genetic loci such as LCT (lactase persistence), ASPM (brain
development), OCA2 (eye-color), EDAR (hair thickness), and SLC24A5 (light skin pigmentation).
The first two are related to dairy farming and complex cognition, and the last three are related tomating preference, all consistently suggesting strong culture-driven positive selection.
References:
Fujito, N.T. et al. (2018a) A new inference method for detecting an ongoing selective sweep. Genes
Genet. Syst. 93 (no. 4), 149-161. doi.org/10.1266/ggs.18-0008.
Fujito, N.T. et al. (2018b) Positive selection on schizophrenia-associated ST8SIA2 gene in postglacial Asia. PLoS ONE 13, e0200278.
Laland, K.L., J. Odling-Smee, and S. Myles (2010) How culture shaped the human genome:
bringing genetics and the human sciences together. Nature Rev. Genet. 383, 1677-87.
Preuss, T.M. (2012) Human brain evolution: from gene discovery to phenotype discovery. Proc.
Natl. Acad. Sci. USA 109, 10709-10716.
Schizophrenia Working Group of the Psychiatric Genomics Consortium (2014) Biological insightsfrom 108 schizophrenia-associated genetic loci. Nature 511, 421-427. doi: 10.1038/nature13595

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Poster 33

Time to extinction of a cultural trait

Shun Kurokawa(1), Yutaka Kobayashi(1), Takuya Ishii (2) and Joe Y. Wakano (2)(1) School of Economics and Management, Kochi University of Technology, Japan(2) School of Interdisciplinary Mathematical Sciences, Meiji University, Japan

Culture is information which is transmitted through social transmission mechanism and aﬀects
the behavior. Taking it into consideration that many of adaptation of human beings and variationof behavior are explained by culture, studying cultural evolution is essential for understanding forhuman beings (Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman, 1981; Boyd and Richerson, 1985). Cultural evolution
is that there are variety types of cultural elements (e.g., how to make a stone tool, see O'Brien, etal., 2001) in a population and cultural components in a population change as time goes by. Hence,
studying how long a cultural element which is innovated or is imported from another population
stays in a population contributes to the understanding for cultural evolution, obviously. However,while many previous studies investigated the change of frequency of cultural element by time andthe change of average element by time, thus far there have been few studies which examined how
long a cultural element continues to last.
Role of random drift cannot be ignored when considering the change of frequency of culturalelements and their extinction as well as when considering the change of frequency of genes and their
extinction. To the best of our knowledge, there are two theoretical studies which are related withtime to extinction and have taken random drift into account.
One is Strimling, et al. (2009). They assumed that each cultural element can be regarded as either
present or absent for simplicity. Empirical studies also regard cultural element as either present
or absent. For example, even if trait is actually continuous and seems unlikely to be able to be
regarded as either present or absent, if we ignore the detailed information and regard trait discrete,mathematical models which assume that each cultural element can be regarded as either present orabsent are applicable and meaningful. In addition, Strimling, et al. (2009) took into considerationthat cultural transmission can sometimes fail (note that the probability that culture is transmitted
from an individual to another individual is not always one), which is important and specific toculture (i.e., gene is always successful in transmission from an individual to another individual). They
assumed that each individual introduces a new element with a constant probability by innovation
into a population and analyzed the dynamics of the number of cultural elements in a populationand the number of cultural elements which one individual possesses. In addition, they showed that
expected time to extinction of cultural element can be calculated by the number of cultural elements
in a population at a stationary state and by using the result, revealed the relationship between theeﬃciency of cultural transmission and expected time to extinction of trait. Although these results
are epoch making, their research interest for time to extinction is supplementary and therefore,
they analyzed only “expected” time to extinction. Moreover, they dealt with only random obliquetransmission (i.e., an individual refers to only one role model and learns something from only onerole model) and we consider that there is room for improvement in this sense.
The other is Aoki, et al. (2011). They calculated mean fixation time of a cultural trait and mean
absorption time of a cultural trait, which can be said highly relevant to time to extinction of acultural trait. However, pitifully, they did not obtain the result upon time to extinction of a cultural106

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

trait.
In this conference, we report the detailed theoretical works which focus on time to extinction ofcultural elements. In our model, culture is transmitted from role model whose number can be morethan one and cultural transmission can fail sometimes. Moreover, in this study, we calculate not
only expectation of time to extinction but also distribution of time to extinction. Based on them,
we obtain the following biological knowledge: one is that as the initial number of individuals with
culture increases, the time to extinction becomes longer; another is that as connectivity increases,
the time to extinction becomes longer; the other is that as transmission eﬃciency increases, the time
to extinction becomes longer.
References
Aoki, K., L. Lehmann, and M. W. Feldman (2011) Rates of cultural change and patterns of culturalaccumulation in stochastic models of social transmission. Theoretical Population Biology 79, 192202.
Boyd, R. and P. J. Richerson (1985) Culture and the Evolutionary Process. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Cavalli-Sforza, L. L. and M. W. Feldman (1981) Cultural Transmission and Evolution: aQuantitative Approach. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
O'Brien, M. J., J. Darwent, and R. L. Lyman (2001) Cladistics is useful for reconstructing
archaeological phylogenies: Palaeoindian points from the southeastern United States. Journal ofArchaeological Science 28, 1115-1136.
Strimling, P., J. Sjöstrand, M. Enquist, and K. Eriksson (2009) Accumulation of independentcultural traits. Theoretical Population Biology 76, 77-83.

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Poster 34

Statistical Analyses of archaeological cultures based on 0,1-vector models

Mitsuhiro Nakamura (1) , Kohei Tamura (2) , Kenichi Aoki (1) , Yutaka Kobayashi (3) ,Shun Kurokawa(3) ,Joe Y. Wakano(4) , Shinji Kato(5) , Miho Suzuki(6) , Jun Takakura (7) ,Kazuya Nakagawa(8), Atsushi Noguchi(6), Takuya Yamaoka(9),and Yoshihiro Nishiaki(6)(1) Organization for the Strategic Coordination of Research and Intellectual Properties, Meiji
University, Japan(2) Frontier Research Institute for Interdisciplinary Sciences, Tohoku University, Japan(3) School of Economics and Management, Kochi University of Technology, Japan(4) School of Interdisciplinary Mathematical Sciences, Meiji University, Japan(5) Planning and Coordination Section, Nara National Institute for Cultural Properties, Japan(6) The University Museum, The University of Tokyo, Japan(7) Archaeological Research Center, Hokkaido University, Japan(8) Kyoto Prefecture Research Center for Archaeological Properties, Japan(9) Department of Social and Human Studies, Shizuoka University, Japan

How human cultures spread and why did in such a way during the Paleolithic are fundamental
questions in the fields of archaeology and evolution of human behavior. PaleoAsia DataBase (PADB),
developed by Research Team A01, is a rich source of information to answer these questions. PADB
contains information about Shea's modes (Shea, 2017), variations of stone-tool technology, found invarious regions and periods of Asia. Analyzing the statistics of the modes will tell us how stone-tool
technologies evolved and spread over Asia and what mechanism drove it.
To understand how, we conduct a model-free analysis using the principal component
decomposition of the modes: Each cultural layer in each archaeological site is characterized bya vector that indicates whether the layer in the site contains each mode, called the 0,1-vector in
the theoretical studies of cultural evolution (Strimling et al., 2009). The 0,1-vectors are highdimensional and thus diﬃcult to understand in their raw form. To summarize the 0,1-vectors, we
decompose them into principal components and visualize their spatiotemporal dynamics. Doing so
enables us to draw a rough sketch of how cultures spread over in PaleoAsia.
To understand why, we conduct a model-based analysis assuming that the 0,1-vectors evolve anddiﬀuse via a Markov process in which innovation provides new variations and demographical death/birth and cultural transmission between local populations stochastically drive the time evolutionof the frequencies of the modes. We find that the obtained theoretical distribution functions of
the modes well predict the empirical counterparts. The model has two phases: in the subcritical(supercritical) phase, the frequency of cultural transmission between local populations is insuﬃcient(sufficient) so that high-frequent modes tend not to appear (tend to be frequent). East Asia e.g.
China shows the critical phase, which is the boundary between the subcritical and critical phases.
West Asia e.g. Levant shows the supercritical phase, implying that frequent cultural transmission
between local populations helped the spread of stone-tool technologies in Paleolithic West Asia.
Another statistical analysis reveals that the heterogeneity of the modes in different layers is108

P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o plarger in East Asia than in West Asia; in other words, patterns of co-occurrence of the modes are
more homogeneous in West Asia than in East Asia. This observation is consistent with the model
prediction.

References
Strimling, P., J. Sjöstrand, M. Enquist, and K. Eriksson (2009) Accumulation of independentcultural traits. Theoretical Population Biology 76, 77-83.
Shea, J. J. (2017) Stone Tools in Human Evolution: Behavioral Differences among TechnologicalPrimates. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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P a l e o A s i a 2 018 I nt e r n a t i o n a l Wo r k s h o p

Poster 35

Genome-wide SNP analyses of ethnic groups in Thailand

Kazunari Matsudaira (1)(2) , Takafumi Ishida (2) , Wannapa Settheetham-Ishida (3) ,Phaiboon Duangchan (4), Surin Pookajorn (5), Danai Tiwawech (6), Nao Nishida (7),Paul Verdu (8), and Hiroki Oota (1)(1) Kitasato University, Japan(2) The University of Tokyo, Japan(3) Khon Kaen University, Thailand(4) Thaksin University, Thailand(5) Silpakorn University, Thailand(6) National Cancer Institute, Thailand(7) National Center for Global Health and Medicine, Japan(8) Musée de l'Homme, France

Genetic diversity of human populations has been formed by non-biological factors such as lifestyle,culture, and social systems. Oota and colleagues reported a clear contrast in the genetic diversityof mitochondrial DNA and Y-chromosome between ethnic groups (hill tribes) with patrilocal andmatrilocal residential patterns in northern Thailand（Oota et al. 2001）. The results suggested thatthe sex-biased migration pattern had significantly aﬀected genetic diversity of genetic markers with
sex-specific inheritance. To investigate the inﬂuence of the sex-biased migration and lifestyle to thegenetic diversity of autosomes, we performed genome-wide SNP analyses of the ethnic minorities inThailand.
We studied three patrilocal slash-and-burn [Akha, Lisu (Mae Hong Son) and Lisu (ChiangRai)], three matrilocal slash-and-burn [Kayah (Red Karen), Karen (White Karen) and Lahu], andtwo hunter-gatherer groups (Mlabri and Maniq) in Thailand. In total, 192 people from eight
populations of seven ethnic groups were genotyped for about 600,000 SNPs in leukocyte genomic
DNA using Infinium Global Screening Array (Illumina).
After checking the marker quality and removing kinship, we obtained 575,395 autosomal SNPs
for 135 people. Merging the data with published datasets such as Human Genome Diversity
Project(Li et al . 2008), 1,000 genomes project(The 1,000 Genomes Project Consortium 2015)
and others(Chaubey et al. 2011, Metspalu et al. 2011, Mörseburg et al. 2016), resulted in 74,305
autosomal SNPs for 1,279 people from 43 populations.
Principle component analysis and ADMIXTURE analysis(Alexander et al. 2009) suggested
genetic divergence of Mlabri and Maniq from other populations, probably due to strong genetic
drift induced by their small population sizes. The five hill tribes formed independent clusters andshowed some genetic divergence. We conducted f3 tests(Patterson et al. 2012) to investigate genetic
similarities among the ethnic groups, and no evidence of gene ﬂow to the eight subject populations
was detected. We are performing further analyses to find the evidence of gene ﬂow to the subject
populations and planning to integrate more populations living nearby area.
Together with the results, phylogenetic analysis showed inconsistency between language and genetic
similarities that indicated the complicated history of human populations in diﬀerent part of Thailand.
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References
Alexander et al. (2009) Fast model-based estimation of ancestry in unrelated individuals. Genome
Res. 19, 1655-1664.
Chaubey et al. (2011) Population genetic structure in Indian Austroasiatic speakers: The role oflandscape barriers and sex-specific admixture. Mol. Biol. Evol. 28, 1013-1024.
Li et al. (2008) Worldwide human relationships inferred from genome-wide patterns of variation.
Science 319, 1100-1104.
Metspalu et al. (2011) Shared and unique components of human population structure and genomewide signals of positive selection in South Asia. Am. J. Hum. Genet. 89, 731-744.
Mörseburg et al. (2016) Multi-layered population structure in island Southeast Asians. Eur. J. Hum.
Genet. 24, 1605-1611.
Oota et al. (2001) Human mtDNA and Y-chromosome variation is correlated with matrilocal
versus patrilocal residence. Nature Genet. 29, 20-21.
Patterson et al. (2012) Ancient admixture in human history. Genetics 192, 1065-1093.
The 1,000 Genomes Project Consortium. (2015) A global reference for human genetic variation.
Nature 526, 68-74.

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Author Index
Fumito Akai    78

Alex Mesoudi    38

Chie Akashi    54

Masafumi Murayama    81

Kenichi Aoki    39,44,108

Sayuri Naito    82

Otabek Aripdjanov    12

Yuichi I. Naito    74

Nasura Aziz    25

Kazuya Nakagawa    39,58,64,108

Miriam Belmaker    74

Mitsuhiro Nakamura    39,108

Hervé Bocherens    74

Hiroto Nakata    66

Adam Brumm    22

Ayami Nakatani    96

Robin Dennell    5

Takashi Nakazawa    75

Phaiboon Duangchan    110

Yuichi Nakazawa    78

Marcus W. Feldman    44

Fumiko Watanabe Nara    85

Riczar Fuentes    25

Yoshihiro Nishiaki    2,39,42,54,75,108

Toshiyuki Fujiki    79

Nao Nishida    110

Toko Fujimoto    94

Atsushi Nobayashi    36

Naoko T. Fujito    104

Atsushi Noguchi    23,39,108

Kevin Gibbs    73

Nanase Noma    81

William Gilpin    44

Noriyoshi Oda    78

Farhad Guliyev    54

Yumiko Ohno    82

Hitoshi Hasegawa    81

Hitoshi Ohtorii    78

Toshiyuki Hayakawa    104

Hideyuki Ōnishi    87,98

Koichi Hiromatsu    78

Rintaro Ono    25

Kazunobu Ikeya    33

Hiroki Oota    71,110

Mako Inuzuka    75

Momoko Osawa    75

Hajime Ishida    71

Alfred Pawlik    25

Takafumi Ishida    110

Yujie Peng    100

Takuya Ishii    106

Surin Pookajorn    110

Yuki Ito    75

Takehiro Sato    70

Masao Iwai    81

Yoko Satta    104

Yoko Iwamoto    87,89

Rikai Sawafuji    71

Akira Iwase    78

Wannapa Settheetham-Ishida    110

Masami Izuho    16,78

Harry Octavianus Sofian    25

Seiji Kadowaki    44,46,74,75,84

Rustam H. Suleymanov    12

Yosuke Kaifu    6

Miho Suzuki    39,67,108

Johan Kamminga    26

Naoyuki Takahata    104

Miwa Kanetani    96

Jun Takakura    39,56,108

Shinji Kato    18,39,58,108

Kazuharu Takehana    58

Nagayoshi Katsuta    81,82

Kohei Tamura    39,108

Jakob Kile-Vesik    91

Toru Tamura    84

Ryosuke Kimura    70,71

Pavel E. Tarasov    30

Hiroyuki Kitagawa    32,79

Danai Tiwawech    110

Yutaka Kobayashi    39,106,108

Yoko Ueba    96

Osamu Kondo    72

Atsushi Uemine    62

Yasuhisa Kondo    87,89

Espen Uleberg    91

Steinar Kristensen    91

Paul Verdu    110

Andrey Krivoshapkin    4

Joe Y. Wakano    39,44,106,108

Sadakatsu Kunitake    52

Christoph Wißing    74

Shun Kurokawa    39,106,108

Hitoshi Yamada    102

Hitoshi Magara    58,60

Yuriko Yamanaka    103

Lisa Maher    10

Takuya Yamaoka    39,68,108

Mansur Mansurov    54

Pei-Lin Yu    34

Kazunari Matsudaira    110

Azad Zeynalov    54

Mieko Matsumoto    91

Nicolas Zwyns    14

Kana Matsuo    75

112