ISSN 1881−445X

日本語用 論 学 会
■

第20 回

大会発表論文集
第13号

Proceedings of the 20th
Conference of the Pragmatics Societyof Japan

2017年12月16日（土）
・17日
（日）
■

於 京都工芸繊維大学 松ヶ崎キャンパス

PSJ
The Pragmatics Society of Japan

日本語用論学会

2017日本語用論学会（The Pragmatics Society of Japan）
略称：PSJ

日本語用論学会役員
（執
行
部）
会
長 ：
副
会
長 ：
事 務 局 長 ：事務局会計担当 ：（編集部）
編集委員会・委員長 ：副 委 員 長 ：
委
員 ：
部

員 ：

加藤重広
滝浦真人、鍋島弘治朗
小山哲春
長友俊一郎
滝浦真人
田中廣明、森 雄一
井出里咲子、小野寺典子、首藤佐智子、名嶋義直、
松井智子
澤田 淳、柴崎礼士郎（大 会 運 営 部）
大会企画委員会・委員長 ：副 委 員 長 ：
委
員 ：
部
員 ：
大会発表委員会・委員長 ：副 委 員 長 ：部
員 ：大会運営委員会・委員長 ：副 委 員 長 ：
委
員 ：
部
員 ：

北野浩章
井出里咲子
有光奈美、金丸敏幸
山泉 実
野澤 元
西田光一、岡本雅史
小松原哲太、杉本 巧、横森大輔
山岡政紀
鈴木光代、高木佐知子
井上逸兵
八木橋宏勇、竹田（内田）らら（事
業部）
事業委員会・委員長 ：副 委 員 長 ：
委
員 ：

小野寺典子
松井智子
堀江 薫

（広
報
部）
広報委員会・委員長 ：副 委 員 長 ：
委
員 ：
部
員 ：

尾谷昌則
金丸敏幸
Mark Campana
秦かおり（2018年4月1日現在）

学会連絡先
日本語用論学会

事務局（The Pragmatics Society of Japan）〒606-0847
京都府京都市左京区下鴨南野々神町1
京都ノートルダム女子大学 人間文化学部
E-mail: secretary@pragmatics.gr.jp

小山哲春 研究室内

学会ホームページ：http://pragmatics.gr.jp/
郵便振替口座 00900-3-130378 口座名: 日本語用論学会
年会費（一般会員：6,000円、学生会員：4,000円、団体会員：7,000円）

PSJ

目 次
研究発表（日本語発表）＊

言語形式の省略に生じる語用論的効果 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 稲吉

真子

1

＊

電子掲示板における「常識」の正当化ストラテジー‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ ウンサーシュッツ・ジャンカーラ

9

語彙的評価語の否定における規範的偏向：“Barack Obama is the first black president of the US” の両義性をめぐって ‥‥‥ 大久保朝憲

17

ポライトネスと利害・関心：社会関係資本としてのママ友に注目して‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 大塚 生子・柳田亮吾

25

ブラジル在住日系ブラジル人と日本人における表現の丁寧度―依頼行動を日本語で遂行する際― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 小野和信

33「どうせ」のはたらき―「어차피（於此彼）eochapi」との対照を通して― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 金谷由美子

41＊

疑問文発話の修辞性、アイロニー性、サーカズム ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 後藤

リサ

49

＊

ベネファクティブ「させていただく」という問題系―質問紙調査とコーパス調査より― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 椎名

美智

57

＊

空耳と語呂合わせの暗記法：語用論的音韻拡張の観点から ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 塩田

英子

65

＊

自己開示場面における「なんか」の使用―直接経験を導く働きに着目して― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 杉崎

美生

73

＊

＊

＊

＊

＊

＊

＊

＊

＊

英語法副詞における機能の拡大―主語名詞と述語動詞との関連から― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 鈴木崇

81

付加疑問文を CDS で捉える
―認知語用論的アプローチによる分析― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 中谷博美

89World Englishesに関するコーパス言語学的研究：
GloWbEを用いた法助動詞の事例研究 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 中村

文紀

97

日本語とスンダ語の断り談話における言語行動の分析―断りに至るまでの過程を中心に― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ ノフィア・ハヤティ

105

日韓政治ディスコースにみられる正当化ストラテジー―社会・政治的背景と言語的特徴の関係を中心に― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 韓

113

大介・藤原

娥凜

PSJ

研究発表（日本語発表）＊

福音書における黙説の使用 ―Jesusを権威づけ，読者に語りかける― ‥‥‥ 平川

裕己

121

＊

いかに初対面同士の会話を促進するか？
―同年代の日本人と韓国人の会話にみられるぼかし表現とフィラー表現の分析―‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 許
明子・永井

絢子

129

スピーチレベルと上下親疎の関係
̶断りの分析をもとにして̶ ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ ボイクマン総子・森

一将

137

＊

若年層のタイ語話者による人称詞の使用 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 松井夏津紀

145＊

現代日本語における「流れ」と事象構造メタファー ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 松浦

光

153

＊

I {think/believe} they wonʼt win, will they? が認可されない
語用論的理由について ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 森

貞

161

＊

高次表意で復元されるアイロニー発話の乖離的態度 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 盛田

有貴

169

＊

述部に見られる「機能」と「役割」― TVアニメにおける機能語の省略 ― ‥ 尹

盛熙

177

＊

日常会話における否定表現の意味と談話機能に関する研究：
発話冒頭の「いや」について ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 李

嘉

183

＊

PSJ

研究発表（英語発表）
Rapport-oriented vs. Stance-oriented Backchannel Sequences in ELF Interactions‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Saya IKE and Jean MULDER

191

I don t know as a Confrontational Discourse Marker―With Reference to Political Interviews― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Serom KIM

199＊

Gender Biases and Stereotypes of Naming Practice in Taiwan Mandarin‥‥‥‥ Nien-En LIU

207＊

A Corpus-based Analysis of Independent Although Clauses
in Spoken English Discourse ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Yuko MIZUNO

215

A Critical Discourse Study of Radio Interview Programs during the Occupation Period of Japan:
Changes in How Runaway Girls Perceived the Realities of Social Inequality ‥‥ Nanako OTA

223

On the Semantics and Pragmatics of Utterance Final Particle Ba in Mandarin‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Chiawei WANG

231

＊

＊

＊

＊

PSJ

ポスターセッション（日本語発表）
ロバ文解釈における語用論の影響：動的意味論と語用論の境界を探る‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 天本 貴之・高谷

遼平

245

＊

母語話者による「〜たい」「〜ほしい」疑問文の使用実態 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 大政

美南

249

＊

語彙項目の言語変化に関する基礎研究：2010年「流行語大賞」を例に ‥‥ 林

智昭

253

＊

Get受動態 ―“Modal” Passive ― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 堀内

夕子

257

＊

日本語とインドネシア語におけるあいづち行動の対照研究―非言語行動を中心にして― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ リスダ・ヌルジャレカ

261

程度副詞の「ちょっと」の意味解釈に関する音声的要因について ‥‥‥‥ 呂

265

＊

＊

PSJ

妍

ポスターセッション（英語発表）＊＊＊

POS/Countability Matters? A Cognitive Approach to Investigating Fillers
in English “From X To Y” Construction ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Andrew Hui-Chun CHUANG

269

Sensitivity to Pragmatic Markers Predicts the Degree of Autism and Depression in Older Adults:
Evidence from Sentence-final Expressions in Japanese‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Sachiko KIYAMA, Masatoshi KOIZUMI, and Noriaki YUSA

273

Promises, Lies, and Bullshit: The Role of Intent ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥Chad NILEP

277

PSJ

ワークショップ
セッション1：場の語用論の試み ―日本語のインテュイションに基づく解釈＊

対話による場の共創：確認表現の使用と主導‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 片桐 恭弘・望月雄介・Mayouf Ali MAYOUF

283

セッション2：動的語用論の構築に向けて ―共通基盤化（grounding）の実際を例証する―＊

動的語用論の構築に向けて―共通基盤化（grounding）の実際を例証する ―（全体趣旨）‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 田中 廣明 287＊

指示解決に見られる自己中心性（egocentricity）と共通基盤化 ‥‥‥‥‥‥ 田中

廣明

291

＊

学習者と母語話者の共同行為（joint action）：
課題達成場面における共通基盤化 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 吉田

悦子

295

＊

タスク達成場面における共同行為 ―折り紙場面を事例に― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 秦

かおり

299

＊

動的語用論から見た日本語のスタイルシフトの共通基盤化―丁寧体と常体の交換― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 山口

征孝

303

セッション3：認知語用論に基づくナラティブ・リアリティの解明に向けて ―語りの構造化・共話・反復から見えること＊

物語標識 ―語りを構造化する装置 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 仲本康一郎

307＊

物語の反復に見る物語の可変的要素と根幹要素―物語を反復しても不変の要素；「ある物語」の特徴― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 加藤祥

311

これもコピュラ「じゃ」ろうか？：
日本語におけるキャラコピュラの意味論・語用論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 井原

駿315

内部に語句を伴わない丸括弧表現の空用法について ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 板垣

浩正

319

セッション4：新規表現の語用論に対する多角的アプローチ
＊

＊

PSJ

ワークショップ
＊

書き言葉の感情表現
̶インターネットスラングに見られる「笑い」̶ ‥‥‥‥‥ 西村

一平

323

＊

The Emerging Construction of Form of Address in Subculture ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Chiarung LU

327＊

Construction, Context and Cognition: Pragmatic Functionsof Nak Constructions in Saisiyat ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Marie Meili YEH

331＊

Mandarin Four-character Idioms in Everyday Conversations ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ I-Ni TSAI

335＊

The Structures, Meanings and Functions of Chinese Conditionals
in Spoken and Written Discourse ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ Yu-Fang WANG

339

綾夏・黒田

セッション5：Construction, Context, and Cognition: From Morpheme to Paragraph

セッション6：境界を超える語用論のポテンシャル＊

横浜スタジアムから甲子園を目指す ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 永山

友子

347

＊

特定の発言をヘイトスピーチと分類し得る境界とは ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 佐藤

桐子

351

＊

日本語教育における語用論的実践 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 山森

理恵

355

＊

日本語用論学会規約 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥

361＊『大会論文集』（Proceedings）執筆規定 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥

365

付録

PSJ

Table of Contents
Lecture Sessions: Presentation in Japanese＊

Mako INAYOSHI: The Pragmatic Effects of Singular Usage of Plural Words in Japanese ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 1＊

Giancarla UNSER-SCHUTZ: Common Sense as a Legitimization Strategy on Internet Bulletin Boards ‥‥‥ 9＊Tomonori OKUBO: Normative Bias of Lexically Evaluative Words Put in Negation,or an Essay on the Ambiguity Observed in “Barack Obama Is the First Black President of the US” ‥‥‥ 17＊

Seiko OTSUKA and Ryogo YANAGIDA: Politeness and Interests:
How to Maintain a Relation with a Mama-tomo as Social Capital ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 25＊

Kazunobu ONO: Politeness of Expression Spoken for Brazilians of Japanese Descents Living
in Brazil and Japaneses ―When the Speakers Make Request in Japanese― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 33＊

Yumiko KANAYA: A Comparative Study of the Japanese Discourse Marker Dooseand Its Korean Equivalent Eochapi ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 41＊

Risa GOTO: Rhetoricity, Irony, and Sarcasm in Interrogative Utterances ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 49＊

Michi SHIINA: Japanese Benefactive ʻSase-te-itadakuʼ and Its Problematics:
Report on a Questionnaire Survey and a Statistical Survey of Two Corpora ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 57＊

Eiko SHIOTA: Mnemonics as Examples of Pragmatic Phonological Extension ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 65＊

Miki SUGISAKI: The Use of Nanka: Focusing on the Relation with Direct Expressions ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 73＊

Daisuke SUZUKI and Takashi FUJIWARA: A Short-term Diachronic Developmentof the English Modal Adverbs ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 81＊

Hiromi Nakatani: A Diagram for Tag Questions by Means of CDS:
A Cognitive Linguistic and Pragmatic Approach ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 89＊

Fuminori NAKAMURA: A Corpus-based Approach to World Englishes:With Special Reference to Auxiliary Verbs in GloWbE ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 97＊

Hayati NOVIA: Refusal Discourse in Japanese and Sundanese Languages:
An Analysis Focusing on Pre-refusal Stage Leading up to the Refusal ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 105＊

Ah-reum HAN: Strategies of Justification Used in Japan and Koreaʼs Political Discourse:
Focusing on the Relationship between Social and Political Background and Linguistic Features ‥‥‥‥ 113＊

Yuki HIRAKAWA: The Use of Aposiopesis in the Gospels:
Establish Jesusʼ Authority, Talk to the Reader ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 121

PSJ

Lecture Sessions: Presentation in Japanese＊

Myeongja HEO and Ayako NAGAI: How to Promote Conversation between the First Encounter:
Analysis of Blur Expressions and Filler Expressions in the Conversation
between Japanese Native Speaker and Korean Japanese Learner ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 129＊

Fusako BEUCKMANN and Kazumasa MORI: How Speech Level Indicates Power and Distance?
–From Analysis on Refusal Data– ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 137＊

Natsuki MATSUI: Usages of Person References by Thai Young Speakers ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 145＊

Hikaru MATSUURA: An Analysis of “Nagare” from the Viewpointof Event Structure Metaphors in Contemporary Japanese ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 153＊

Sadashi MORI: The Pragmatic Reason Why “I {Think/Believe}
They Wonʼt Win, Will They?” Is Unacceptable ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 161＊

Yuki MORITA: On Dissociative Attitudes of Verbal Irony Retrievedat the Level of Higher-level Explicature ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 169＊

Sunghee YOUN: The Function of Function Words: Predicate Elimination in Anime Dialogue ‥‥‥‥‥‥ 177＊

Jia LI: Meaning and Pragmatic Functions of Japanese Negationin Spontaneous Speech: Focus on Utterance-initial Iya ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 183

PSJ

Lecture Sessions: Presentation in English＊

Saya IKE and Jean MULDER: Rapport-oriented vs. Stance-oriented
Backchannel Sequences in ELF Interactions‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 191＊

Serom KIM: I don t know as a Confrontational Discourse Marker―With Reference to Political Interviews― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 199＊

Nien-En LIU: Gender Biases and Stereotypes of Naming Practice in Taiwan Mandarin ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 207＊

Yuko MIZUNO: A Corpus-based Analysis of Independent Although Clauses in Spoken English Discourse ‥‥ 215＊

Nanako OTA: A Critical Discourse Study of Radio Interview Programs during
the Occupation Period of Japan: Changes in How Runaway Girls Perceived
the Realities of Social Inequality ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 223＊

Chiawei WANG: On the Semantics and Pragmatics of Utterance Final Particle Ba in Mandarin ‥‥‥‥‥‥ 231

PSJ

Poster Sessions in Japanese＊

Takayuki AMAMOTO and Ryohei TAKAYA: Pragmatic Influence on Donkey Sentences ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 245＊

Minami OHMASA: How Do NSs Use Interrogative Sentences Using “~Tai” and “~Hoshii” ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 249＊

Tomoaki HAYASHI: Language Change in Lexical Items: Focusing
on the Top 2010 Buzzwords in Japan ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 253＊

Yuko HORIUCHI: Get Passive ―“Modal” Passive― ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 257＊

Nurjaleka LISDA: Contrastive Analysis on Aizuchi Behavior in Japanese and Indonesian–Focusing on Non-verbal Behavior̶ ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 261＊

Yan LYU: Phonetical Factors Related to Interpretation of Japanese Degree Adverbs Tyotto ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 265

PSJ

Poster Sessions in English＊

Andrew Hui-Chun CHUANG: POS/Countability Matters? A Cognitive Approach toInvestigating Fillers in English “From X To Y” Construction ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 269＊

Sachiko KIYAMA, Masatoshi KOIZUMI, and Noriaki YUSA: Sensitivity to Pragmatic Markers
Predicts the Degree of Autism and Depression in Older Adults:
Evidence from Sentence-final Expressions in Japanese ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 273＊

Chad NILEP: Promises, Lies, and Bullshit: The Role of Intent ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 277

PSJ

Workshop Sessions
Session 1: Pragmatics of Ba: Interpretation of Japanese Discourse Basedon Native Speakers' Intuition＊

Yasuhiro KATAGIRI, Yusuke MOCHIZUKI, and Mayouf Ali MAYOUF: Joint Constructionof ʻBaʼ in Dialogue through Confirmation Request and Initiative-taking ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 283

Session 2: A Dynamic Pragmatics: Some Case Studies of Grounding＊

Hiroaki TANAKA: A Dynamic Pragmatics: Some Case Studies of Grounding（Overview and Objectives） ‥ 287＊

Hiroaki TANAKA: Egocentricity and Grounding in Reference Resolution ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 291＊

Etsuko YOSHIDA: Joint Action in Pairs Comprised of a Native English Speaker
and a Non-native English Speaker: Achieving Common Ground in a Task-based Situation ‥‥‥‥‥‥ 295＊

Kaori HATA: Joint Action for Completing Tasks: A Case Study of Folding Origami ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 299＊

Masataka YAMAGUCHI: Grounding of Japanese Styles from a Dynamic-pragmatic
Perspective: Style-shifting between Plain and Polite Styles ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 303

Session 3: Exploring Narrative Reality from a Cognitive Pragmatic Perspective:
With Special Reference to Structuring, Collaboration and Repetition in
Narrative＊

Koichiro NAKAMOTO: Narrative Markers: A Story Structuring Device ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 307＊

Sachi KATO: Essential and Non-essential Elements in Story Retelling:
Stable Elements as Features of a Story ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 311

Session 4: Pragmatics of Novel Expressions in Written Language from a
Multilateral Perspective＊

Shun IHARA: On the Property of Character-associated Discourse Particles in Japanese ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 315＊

Hiromasa ITAGAKI: On the Round-brackets without a Word in Japanese ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 319

PSJ

Workshop Sessions＊

Ayaka NISHIMURA and Ippei KURODA: Emotional Expression in Written Language:“Laughter” in Netspeak ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 323

Session 5: Construction, Context, and Cognition: From Morpheme to Paragraph＊Chiarung LU: The Emerging Construction of Form of Address in Subculture ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 327＊

Marie Meili YEH: Construction, Context and Cognition:
Pragmatic Functions of Nak Constructions in Saisiyat ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 331＊

I-Ni TSAI: Mandarin Four-character Idioms in Everyday Conversations ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 335＊

Yu-Fang WANG: The Structures, Meanings and Functionsof Chinese Conditionals in Spoken and Written Discourse ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 339

Session 6: The Potential of the Pragmatics to Go Beyond the Border＊

Tomoko NAGAYAMA: Heading for Koushien from Yokohama Stadium ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 347＊

Kiriko SATO: The Border to Distinguish Hate Speech from Other Speeches ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 351＊

Michie YAMAMORI: Benefits of Pragmatics in Practices of Japanese Language Classes ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 355

Appendix＊

Terms and Conditions of Membership in the Pragmatics Society of Japan（PSJ）‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥ 361＊

Instructions for Authors of the Proceedings of the 20th Annual Conference of
the Pragmatics Society of Japan（ PSJ） and the Style Sheet of Japanese and English Papers ‥‥‥‥‥ 365

PSJ

研究発表
Lecture Sessions

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This paper examines the pragmatic effects of using the singular form of plural words inJapanese. The words chosen include “toka” and “tari.” These were originally used to signify
more than one object, but have recently begun to be used to denote singularity. Employing
these words in a singular sense treats their objects as parts of examples, leaving more room
for the listener to interpret the speaker’s proposition. This greatly expands the scope for thelistener’s flexibility, thereby avoiding conflicts and potentially awkward situations.
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giancarlaunserschutz@ris.ac.jp<Abstract>
Although the process of legitimization has often been analyzed within political speech (e.g., Van
Leeuwen & Wodak 1999), this article observes how people utilize legitimization strategies in theireveryday lives through analyzing four posts from the popular BBS forum, Hatsugen Komachi,with a focus on jshki ‘common sense’ as a legitimization strategy via rationality, following Reyes(2011). While calling upon jshiki as a strategy can be successful, it triggers a renegotiation
between users as to the scope of jshiki, showing that although it is generally taken for granted
that jshiki is grounded in fact, it is in fact dialectically formed.
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−10−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

2. ìĚ
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3.1 Ðœɿ ǵƬÖȔȗɷǶ
÷@ȟÐœȠǲɨɶɯȘȚȲǿƓȜěÄȇȺȌȜƶȸEȔȗǺȑȅșȜȋȹŽÂȘǹȔȑǳ
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(ǄșȉȗĎŸȉȗǺȹǳȅȟȅșȠǲ±îȟǀHƾ)ɸ$ 2ɹǾȷƥȯZȺȹǳ7 łȜǲǵʈȉȓȳȔȗǺȹǶșdłȜƓǿȚȲȽěÄȉțǺșǺǻ~OȽƝ&ȉȗǺȹǿǲǵȞǶȘɈɥɪɛɖɀ
ȟ9ĦțŨÖȽƟȯȗǽȸɸNishimura 2008ɹǲȏȟdłțƝ&Ƚ6ùȉȗǺȹȅșȽeÄȉȗǺȹǳɸũȠřŲȜȶȹǲǗaČǳɹ$ 2ʃŃČȟɰɎȽÔƍȉȗǲŎȲɟɔɆɮȉȮȉȑǳɽǼɶȔɷȏȾțȲǺȹȟʇșǳɽȏȺȜȫșȾȚȟìǿǷȶȂǺȹȶǸȔȗǳɽȏǻțȾȘȋȞǳîOȉȓȳȔȗȹȾȘȋȞʈÐœŲǿǵƬǶșǺǻSƣȽĵǺȑȟȠǲbȜĲȺȑ 1 oȟȯȘǹȹǳǵÖȕǶȲȟșȉȗÜ
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Ǻǻƕǌǿ(ǄȇȺȹǳǚȜǲ28 ȟƾ)ȜȉǲǵɸǠɹƬǶȠ 9 oȟȯ;ĲȉȑǳȮȑǲƾ
)ȟ 23 ǿƮȟƓȟƅKȽdłȜƝ&ȉȗǺȹȅșȶȸǲÐœŲȟ ©ǿĊȞâÖȇȺȑȅșǿȼǾȹǳȅȟȅșȶȸǲǵɸǠɹƬǶǿȇȫȚ;ĲȉțǾȔȑȟȠǲÐœŲȟǵƬǶȨȟƛǼ
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3.2 Ðœ 2 ǵɵɵɵƯÒȋȹȟȠƬȘȋǾʇǶ
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−12−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ȮȘɇɓȽȕȃȱȮȉȑǳȅǻǺǻȔȗȚǻțȾȘȉȵǻǾǳ
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3.3 ǵǵǹțȑȟƬȜȍȮȋǶǶ
ÐœʁȠǲÐœŲȟëȉǺŴyȘȠǲa1ǿ țɊɶɟɎĒĈȽÐœŲȜƌĖȉȗǺȹȅșȜǔȋȹņƩȘǹȔȑǳÐœŲǿǵƬǶșǺǻSƣȽĵǺȑȟȠ 2 oȘǲȚȓȷȲ_ȟŁƗȽ§ĵȉȑȲȟȘǹȹǳ§ĵșȉȗÜŌȋȹȅșȘǲź<ȟȅșȡȘȠțǺșǺǻȅșȽªƨȋȹȟȜÈGȋȹǳȏȟťășȉȗǲĿmȽŌkȉǲɎɑɳɎȲõȜŌȉȗǺȹǳǚȜǲ165 ȟƾ)
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$ 9ʃ ȟȜțȾǾƗȼȺȑȷǵƬȘAêȉȻșƗȼȺȮȉȑǳȏȺȘƬȘAêȉȮȉȑǳ
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3.4 ǵƬțǺȘȋǾʇǶ
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Reyesɸ2011ɹǿ×áȋȹȶǻȜǲĳ¾ȟnƷȟđ«OɎɘɭɖɍɶȘȠǲ½űKƞǿĵǺȷȺȹȅ

−13−電子掲示板における「常識」の正当化ストラテジーșǿȂǲđ«OɎɘɭɖɍɶȟíŲǿǲĳ¾ȟÖȓ ȘǹȹȅșȽŌȋȟȜùJȘǹȹǿǲȅȅȘȲǲÐœŲǿȅǻȉȗƇĲȋȹȅșȜȶȸǲÏAȟ]Ÿ¾ȜƢȱǲźƻȟŵłțUƮȽ"ȸ;ȏǻșȉȗǺȹǳȮȑǲa$ 11 ȘȠǲź<ȟ¨ħȽƢȱȹȘįȸƗȜĵǺȷȺȹǵʈǾțǶșǺǻ
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−14−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

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ȥȂȻǻɼ2016ɼǵ¤8Ƚƶȸoȸŧȃȹ%ǇǳƓȠňȷȾȧȸǳƬÖȔȗɷǶǲŁƗĻɸ2016¡ 12 ø 22 îɹʅhttp://komachi.yomiuri.co.jp/t/2016/1222/788716.htmʆɸ2017 ¡ 2 ø
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ɁɓɉɇɶɅɼ2016ɼǵǹțȑȟƬȜȍȮȋǶșƗȼȺȮȉȑǶǲŁƗĻɸ2016 ¡ 12 ø 9 îɹʅhttp://komachi.yomiuri.co.jp/t/2016/1209/787479.htmʆɸ2017 ¡ 2 ø 23 îɹɼŒĘƊɼ2009ɼǵǹșǿȀǶǲÍĻŪǜǊɸŪɹǷǺȀțȸšŲȟȅșǿǺȜțȸȮȉȑǸǲ
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−16−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

語彙的評価語の否定における規範的偏向：“Barack Obama is the first black president of the US” の両義性をめぐって
大久保朝憲（おおくぼ・とものり）
関西大学<Abstract>
It is well-known that couples of antonymic terms concerned with desirability (lexically evaluative words) show akind of semantic deflection called “normative bias” when they are put in negation: while the negation of “clean”(desirable): “not clean” is very near to “dirty” (undesirable), “not dirty” is far from equivalent to “clean”. This
paper will examine in detail, after showing some characteristics of this phenomenon by reconsidering ourprevious studies on irony and litotes, the antonymic racial category terms “black” and “white”, as a particular casestudy of the normative bias, with “black” as undesirable and “white” as desirable.
【キーワード】 語彙的評価語



規範的偏向

否定

人種語彙

アイロニー

はじめに：研究の目的
本稿でとりあげる規範的偏向 normative bias とは、good, clean のような優位の規範的評価語（よしあしの評価にかかわる語）が否定されると (not good, not clean)、それぞれの反意語 (bad, dirty) にちかい意味をもつ傾向が
あるいっぽうで、劣位の規範的評価語の否定 (not bad, not dirty) においてはそうはならないというものである。
(1)

(2)

a.

This film was not good  This film was badb.

This room is not clean  This room is dirtya.

This film was not bad  This film was goodb.

This room is not dirty  This room is clean

このような偏向は、そのように指摘されれば直観的にも理解できるものであるし、言語学的 (Ducrot (1973)) ・心理学的 (Peeters (1974)) にもふるくから論じられていることである。このような傾向の原因を語用論的、ひいては（より直観的な意味での）心理的な問題（ポライトネス）として説明することも(Colston (1999)) それなりの説
得力をもつもので、「わるいことは直接的にいわない」すなわち「迂言」「婉曲」といったキーワードで、これもまた直観的に理解できるものである。
本稿では、言語一般にみられるとかんがえられる規範的偏向という特徴が、特定のディスコースや、アイロニー、緩叙法などの修辞的語法にどのような意味解釈上の影響をあたえるかということについて検討し、さらに、任意の対義語ペアの語彙的「評価語性」のテストにもなる規範的偏向を、社会言語学的な文脈で、特定の語彙的非評
価語のペアにになわせることから、どのようなことが観察されるのかということについて、人種についての語彙としての white/black を事例としてとりあげて検討する。
議論の手順として、まず規範的偏向と本研究がよぶ意味的傾向についての概要を確認し、white/black という対義語ペアが、この規範的偏向をになわされていることを概観する。つぎに、Wilson (2014) でしめされたアイロニー
に関する規範的偏向をとりあげ、この観察と、規範的評価語における規範的偏向が通底していることを確認し、つづけて ironical understatement とよびかえることもできる緩叙法 litotes がしばしば、規範的優位評価語の否定によって実現することの意義についても考察する。以上を確認したうえで、対義語ペア white/black にもどり、くわしい分析とともに、このような事例の特異性（非生産性）について考察し、結論にかわる論を提示する。

−17−

語彙的評価語の否定における規範的偏向：“Barack Obama is the first black president of the US” の両義性をめぐって



規範的偏向
程度・段階を含意する対義語ペアを X/Y とすると、狭義の意味論的観点からみると、X の否定 NOT X は、X-Yのスケール上の、X でないすべての意味領域をカバーできるはずである。たとえば対義語ペア long/short において、not long は、長短のスケール上で、long が真とならないすべての範囲をカバーし、逆もまた真となる。とこ
ろが、X/Y がその語彙的意味のなかに規範的評価性、つまり「よしあし」をともなう（これを「規範的評価語」とよぶ）と、事情は一変する。(1), (2) でもみたように、規範的劣位評価語の否定のふるまいはこれまでとおなじだが、規範的優位評価語にかぎって、その否定 NOT X は、対義語 Y とほぼおなじ意味になってしまう。規範性のない評価語（中立的評価語）のペアでは、(3) のような発話がいずれも可能であるが、規範的評価語のペアでは、
優位評価語が一旦否定されると、but 以下を(4) のようにつづけることが不自然になる。意味的矛盾とはいえないまでも、(5) における劣位評価語の否定のケースのように、「特に不潔でも清潔でもない」感じを自然に表現しているとはいいがたい。
(3)

Her hair is not {long/short}, but it is not {short/long}, either.

(4)–How was the room you visited? –Well, ??it was not clean, but it was not dirty, either.

(5)–How was the room you visited? –Well, it was not dirty, but it was not clean, either.

以上から、段階性のある語の否定が対義語とほぼ同義になる現象を「規範的偏向 normative bias」とよび、これは、すべての対義語ペアではなく、語彙的に規範性をもつ規範的優位評価語の否定に限定されることをここで確認しておきたい。
「語彙的に」とただすのは、以下の事実による。語彙的には規範性がなくても、文脈依存的に規範性がよみこまれるケースはいくらでもあるが、だからといってそこで優位評価語としてふるまう要素を否定しても規範的偏向は観察されない。
(6)a.

The distance is not long, but not short, either; it will be quite tiring.

b.

The distance is not short, but not long, either; it will not be so tiring.

この 2 例では、距離のながさが疲労の原因となるという点で、語彙的には規範性をもたない対義語ペア
long/short が文脈依存的に規範性をもち、long: 劣位評価語（疲労の原因を強化する）、short: 優位評価語（疲労の原因を弱化する）となっているが、優位評価語 short の否定の解釈は、語彙的優位評価語におけるようにその対義語 long にかならずしもちかづくわけではない（(6b) のような発話が可能）。したがって、ここでみる規範的偏向
は、発話レベルの事象ではなく、語彙レベルのものであると推察される。
   における規範的偏向





         

本来色彩語彙に属する white/black という対義語ペアは、規範的評価語ではありえないが、これが「人種」を分類する表現としてつかわれると、そこでは規範的偏向を前提とした言語的ふるまいが観察される。
(7)

The election of the first Black president of the United States has a dual meaning: social and political.

(8)

Yes, Barack Obama was the first black president – but he didn’t improve the lives of black Americans.

(9)

The first black president faced great expectations. What will be Obama’s legacy on race? 1−18−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

これらの例（イタリックは本稿筆者による）はいずれもバラク・オバマ氏を the first black president と表現している。よくしられているとおり、オバマ氏はケニア出身者の「黒人」の父親と、カンザス州出身の「白人」の
母親とのあいだにうまれた「混血」であり、その意味でかれは black ではなく、同じ意味で white でもない。ある
いはまた、かれのことを black といえるのであれば、同等の意味で white と形容することも可能であるはずである。
しかし、あとに詳述するように、それでも上記 (8)-(10) のような例をいくらでもみつけることができるのは、合衆国の人種差別の歴史のなかで、白人性の純粋主義にもとづく「一滴規定 One-drop rule」によるものであるとかんがえられる。この「一滴規定」とは、サブサハラ・アフリカ系の祖先がひとりでもいれば（黒人の血が「一滴」
でもながれていれば）、その人物は黒人 negro とみなされるという法的な人種分類の原則のことであるが、このことから、以下のような作例についての観察をおこなうことができる。
(10) Obama is not black, but he is not white, either.
(11)

Obama is not white, but he is not black, either.

この 2 例は、いわば「理性的」にはともに自然に理解される発話であり、このことは、これまでの議論から、
人種語彙としての white/black という対義語ペアが規範的評価語でないことを意味しているととらえることができる。しかし、これに一滴規定というバイアスをくわえたとたんに、(11) は容認されるが、(12) は容認されないという事態が生じる。というのも、オバマが「白人」でないとしたら、それはイコール「黒人」であるということであり、「黒人でもない」という発話は一滴規定にもとる判断になるからである。そのような解釈が有効になるような文脈では、この一滴規定によって、white に規範的偏向が生じており、そのことから遡及的に、一滴規定の文
脈では white が規範的優位評価語であるとみなされていることが確認される。
(12) Obama is not white, that is, he is black.
(13) Obama is not intelligent, that is, he is silly.

以上のことをまとめるとつぎのようになる。オバマを black president と表現するとき、そこには一滴規定をベースにして、white/black を語彙的規範的評価語としての反意語ペアとし、white=優位評価語、black=劣位評価語とみなす前提がある。逆に、理性的・合理的な判断にもとづけば、オバマを black president とよぶことはできない
はずである。
      の積極性：「黒人」当事者による使用

しかしながら、事情はもうすこし複雑である。ピュー研究所 Pew Research Center2 の調査によると、オバマ氏
を black と表現するアメリカ人は 27%、mixed-race と表現するひとは 52%にのぼった。また、オバマ氏を blackと表現する白人は 24%、ヒスパニック系では 23%にとどまっていたのに対し、黒人の 55% がオバマ氏を black とするという結果がでていた 3。

−19−

語彙的評価語の否定における規範的偏向：“Barack Obama is the first black president of the US” の両義性をめぐって図 ：オバマは黒人か混血か？

対義語ペア white/black で、black が規範的劣位評価語であるのなら、被差別の当事者である黒人がオバマ氏を劣位評価語で表現することを容認し、非当事者である白人およびヒスパニックが mixed-race を選択するのはなぜなのだろうか。これは、black が「合衆国大統領」のような名誉ある職位にかかる形容詞であることがまずはおおきいとおもわれる。混血 mixed-race を black とよぶのはたしかに差別的であり、このことに言語学的なうらづけがあることは、ここまでみてきたとおりである。しかし、いま問題にしているこの特定の文脈では、そのような差別的劣位評価語としての black をうけいれることによって、president という属性をもつメンバーを、black のカテゴリにふくめることができる。逆に、白人にとっては、オバマを black とみなすことそのものは、一滴規定にしたがって混血を白人カテゴリから排除することにつながるいっぽうで、そのおなじ所作によって、president を
黒人カテゴリに移譲してしまうことにもなってしまう。調査結果については、おおよそ以上のような言語社会学的考察が可能なのではないだろうか。
「女性○○」をめぐる表現との比較

この「黒人大統領」といういいかたについて、さらにひとこと付言しておく。black を社会的マイノリティととらえる観点にたてば、いまみてきた black の両義性は、フェミズム言語学でしばしば言及される問題に類比することができる。
「女性宇宙飛行士」「女社長」「女性自衛隊員」「女弁護士」など職業名に不用意に「女性」「女」を付加することは、フェミニズム的なたちばからは政治的公正さにかける表現とされる。同様の職業に男性がついているばあいにはその性を表示する慣習がないところで、女性のばあいだけこのようにすることは、不必要に性別を可視化したり、それによって女性としてその職業につくことの「例外性」を強調することになるというのが、フェミニストの論点である。ところが、「女性○○」という表現は、当事者の女性にとっては、別の意味をもちうるものであることに注意する必要がある。職業世界一般から長期間にわたり排除されてきた女性が、ようやく「社会進出」を認可され、したばたらき的な業務から、特殊な能力や才覚を要求される職種に従事するようになった。
つまり、マイノリティだった女性がそのようなかたちでマジョリティにきりこんでいった、それを表明するためには、むしろ「女性○○」は、女性差別的とはいえない、一定の意味効果をもつものである。マイノリティとしての有標性が、言語的に有標性の標識をもつのはごく普通のことであり、これを「女性○○」と表現するのは、当該職位についた女性の能力や才覚をたたえるものではあっても、排除するものとはならない、というみかたである。つまり「女だてらに」「女のくせに」ではなく、「（排除されてきた）女なのに」という意味効果が、ここでは問題になっている、すくなくともそういうケースもあるのだということである。
この事例とさきの black の事例は、そのままならべて比較できるものではない。black が white とペアになることで、white がもつことになる規範的偏向は、たとえば「女・男」という対義語ペア内には観察されない。他方、マイノリティ表示マーカーとしての black と「女性」のふるまいには、比較できる部分もある。両者ともに、政治−20−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

的マイノリティとして排除され、black、「女性」と冠されることで、そのマイノリティ性の烙印をおされるいっぽうで、これらが意味的にかかる名詞が president、「宇宙飛行士」、など、マイノリティからの「格上げ」をゆるすようなもののケースでは、むしろ当事者にも積極的に支持されうるものになるということである。
「女性○○」については、「女性／男性」という対義語ペアが、従来段階を含意するものでない以上、規範的偏向の有無をとう対象となるものではないが、優位／劣位におかれた語のペアとして共通する部分もみられるという事実は特筆にあ
たいする。


規範的偏向をめぐるその他の事象



アイロニーにおける規範的偏向 

以下は、大久保 (2016) で検討したアイロニーにおける規範的偏向をめぐる議論であるが、本稿との関連で簡単に概括する。
アイロニーにおける規範的偏向については、アイロニーの重要な特徴として、Wilson & Sperber (2012), Wilson(2014) などで論じられている。ここでは、後者の議論の概要を紹介する。ここでいわれる「規範的偏向」とは、典型的なアイロニーについての修辞学的研究でよくいわれてきたことで、「アイロニーとは通常、当該の状況、できごと、行為が、なんらかの規範にもとづいた期待にそぐわないば
あいの批判や不満をのべるために使用される。（中略）アイロニーが称賛や安心、もしくは規範的な内容がかけているなんらかの命題が偽であることを指摘するために使用されるのは、特殊な環境下にかぎられる 4。」

このことを、単語のもつ規範性をめぐる性質のちがいにもとづいて、もうすこしくわしく考察してみよう。Wilsonの指摘を、本研究の用語法でいいなおすと、発話が規範的評価語をふくむばあいに、優位評価語による発話でアイロニー的に批判や不満をのべることは、文脈のサポートなしに可能であるが、まず、批判や不満をのべるアイ
ロニーのばあいでも、それが中立的評価語による発話のばあいには、文脈のサポートが必要である。
(14) きょうは最高にいい天気だ。
(15) なんて誠実なおとこなんだ。
(16) とてもながい小説ですね。

(14), (15) は、それぞれ悪天候、不誠実なおとこについてのアイロニー的発話として即座に成立するが、(16)が批
判的アイロニーとなるためには、この発話にさきだって、問題の小説が、実際には短編にちかいながさのものであるにもかかわらず長編である 5、といった発言をしていた、などといった文脈があり、その発言者へのアイロニーとしていわれている、といった文脈のサポートが必要である。
また、劣位の評価語による発話でアイロニー的に称賛などをのべるときも、やはり同様の文脈のサポートが必
要である。

(17)

きょうは最悪の天気だ。

(18) なんて不誠実なおとこなんだ。

(16)同様、(17), (18) がアイロニーとして成立するためには、このような内容についての予測があった（が実際には逆だった）といった文脈上のサポートがなければならない。
以上からわかることは、Wilson による規範的偏向は、規範的優位語による評価的発話が、文脈フリーで、その−21−

語彙的評価語の否定における規範的偏向：“Barack Obama is the first black president of the US” の両義性をめぐって否定（→反意）を含意する批判的アイロニーとして成立することの特権性をあきらかにしたものにすぎないとい
うことである。ほかのすべてのアイロニーのタイプは、批判的なものであれ、称賛的なものであれ、文脈のささえによって、いわば「期待された事態」の想定がなされ、それがそのとおりに実現しなかったときに、それがよ
いものであれわるいものであれ、その事態に言及することでアイロニー性があらわれるのだ。
この規範的偏向について、Wilson (ibid.) は、この現象の実験的根拠となるいくつかの研究を紹介したうえで、すこしながくなるが、以下のような説明をあたえている。

「エコー的記述が、シンプルで納得しやすい説明を提供する。規範とは、ものごとがどのようであるべきかということについて社会的に共有された観念のことである。わたしたちは、ひとは親切で、協力的で、かっこよくて、信頼できるべきであり、政治家はうそをいうべきではなく、行動はその目的に到達すべきであり、天気はよいほうがよくて、といったことをみなしっている。そこで、特定のできごとや行為が、規範をまもることができないときには、アイロニー的に『それはありがたい』『なんてすてき』『よくやった』『すばらしい天気』などといって、そのとおりにされるべき規範に基づいた期待へのエコーであると理解されることがつねに可能である。これとは対照的に、親切にされて『そんなことをされてはこまる』、すばらしいみなりのひとに『ひどい格好だ』（中略）などとアイロニー的にいうことはつねに可能なことではない。これらのケースでアイロニーが成立するためには、当該人物がこまったことをする、ひどい格好をする可能性があったという明白な疑念がなければならないのだ。そうでなければ、話者がアイロニーとしてエコー的にのべていると理解される思考がどれかわからないということになってしまう。エコー的記述であれば、この規範的偏向がアイロニーに内在的なもので、はじめからそこに存在すべきものであることがみとおせる 6。」

本稿での発話・述語の規範性という観点からの規範的偏向の分析と、Wilson の上記の考察を比較検討すると、以下のようにいうことができる。Wilson 流の解釈では、アイロニーとは、想定され、文脈上につよく存在する事態にたいして、それをエコー的にくりかえすことで話者の一歩しりぞいた態度をしめそうとするものである。このとき「想定され、文脈上につよく存在する事態」とは、文脈を構成してきたディスコースのちからや、そのばの状況などによって活性化されるばあいがほとんどであるが、その発話が規範的評価語にうったえた明示的な評価的発話であり、かつ優位の述語によって批判的アイロニーの発話がなされるばあいにかぎっては、上記の「想定」が文脈上で活性化されている必要がない。その理由は、Wilson によると上記のとおり、規範というのものが、基本的に本稿で優位の評価述語で表現されるもの（cf.「ひとは親切で、協力的で、かっこよくて、信頼できるべきであり」）によってなりたっていることによる。そして、本稿ではこのことについて、優位の規範的評価語がもつ規範的偏向、つまり優位語の否定は劣位語とほぼ同義の解釈をうけやすいという性質と関連づけることができるものであるとかんがえる 7。


緩叙法

最後に、これまでみてきた規範的偏向が意味的影響力を発揮する事例として、緩叙法という文彩について簡単にみておきたい。緩叙法とは、古典修辞学の用語 litotes としては、「文字どおりには、かんがえていることをよわ
めた語を使用しながら、実際にはそこに付随した観念がつよいちからを感じさせるような転義法で、つつしみや敬意からひかえめにいいつつ、そこから実際にはもったかい程度であることがよびさまされる」(Du Marsais
1730/1977 : 106) といった説明がなされている。いいかえると、事態を表現するのに、あえて極端に不十分な言語表現を使用しつつも、文脈上その不十分さがあらかじめつたわるために、そのギャップによって、ある種の強調の効果をねらったものである。

−22−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号(19) Kroll8 estimates that shareholdings controlled by Mr Hussein are worth at least $1 billion: not bad for one
manʼs retirement savings. (The Economist9)(20) Well heʼs not bad Alan Sharp10, Alan Sharp probably the best. (recorded conversations)

緩叙法の典型のひとつが、劣位評価語を否定すること (not bad) で、実際には非常に優位であることをつたえようとする形式で、上記(19), (20)などがそれにあてはまる。緩叙法のすべてがこのような否定の形式ではないが、否定は、緩叙法の得意とするところであることにはちがいない。そして、このタイプの反意語否定型の緩叙法には、優位評価語の否定はあまりなじまない。
(21) a.

Mr. Hussein’s retirement savings are not bad.

b.

Mr. Hussein’s retirement savings are not good.

(22) a.

The writings of Alan Sharp are not bad.

b.

The writings of Alan Sharp are not good.

以上は、優位／劣位評価語の否定のふるまいをみるために、(19), (20)の事例に手をくわえた作例であるが、緩叙法として機能しやすいのは、当然(21a), (22a) の not bad の系列で、(21b), (22b)をそのように解釈するのは困難である。すでに何度もみてきたように、優位評価語の否定 not good は規範的偏向をもち、なかば意味レベルで、その解釈は bad へのつよい偏向をもつ。したがって、not good は、実際には bad というための迂言にも婉曲にもならず、規範的偏向が、意味的ギャップの発生をさまたげてしまうのだ。これにたいして、劣位評価語の否定 not
bad には規範的偏向はなく、だからこそ、それぞれ good がふさわしい文脈を感じさせる(19), (20) では「よわめた語を使用」しつつ「実際にはそこに付随した観念がつよいちからを感じさせるような転義法」としての効果を維持している。


結論にかえて
本稿では、評価語の否定にみられる規範的偏向という現象をみた。規範的な評価性を含意する（よしあしにかかわる）規範的評価語のペアを否定したとき、優位の評価語の否定のみが規範的偏向をもつ。そして、このような性質を対義語ペアに逆にもたせることによって、規範的評価語のペアを創出・ねつ造した例として、人種語彙としての white/black について検討した。そのうえで、規範的偏向が、さまざまな意味効果をうみだす可能性にも話題をひろげ、アイロニーにみられる規範的偏向や、緩叙法では規範的偏向が逆に優位評価語の否定によるアイ
ロニカルな緩叙法の成立をさまたげる事例などもあわせてみた。以下、本稿があつかうことができなかった 2 点に言及しておきたい。
まず、本稿では、white/black のように、規範的偏向の「あとづけ」によって、規範的評価性をになうようになった語のペアの事例の生産性を確認することができなかった。したがって、言語においては、規範的偏向によってなかば独善的に規範的評価性が語に付与され、ディスコースを操作する要素になりうるのではないかという予測を一般化してとらえることができなかった。このことは、本稿であつかったテーマの理論的非生産性をうらづけるものとなりかねず、検討が必要である。
もう 1 点、本稿のもとになる発表において、オバマの人種問題についてここまでふみこんだ議論をしておいて、
CDA 的なアプローチをとらず、語意義論的たちばにとどまるのは要素還元主義になりかねないという指摘をうけたことについてふれる。本稿のたちばは、やはりあくまでも語意の研究である。本稿で、white/black という問題にきりこんだのは、極端にいえば、アメリカの人種問題についての言語学からの批判的な言説分析を展開したかったからではなく、むしろ、アメリカの人種問題についての十分な知識がなくても、純粋に語の意味の問題という−23−

語彙的評価語の否定における規範的偏向：“Barack Obama is the first black president of the US” の両義性をめぐって

観点から観察するだけで、まず、オバマを the first black president とすることの矛盾や両義性を指摘することができるということをこそ指摘したかったということである。政治的なスタンスを明示したうえでディスコース分
析にのぞむ CDA のようなたちばも重要であるが、本研究は、いわば、そのようなアプローチに提供可能な言語事
実を冷静にほりおこす基礎研究のレベルの成果を提示しようとしたものであるということである。

注
1 例文出典は以下のとおり：(7) https://www.solidarity-us.org/node/2026 (8)http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/barack-obama-donald-trump-us-presidency-black-lives-matter-hurricane-katrina-a7413416.html (9)http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/first-black-president-faced-great-expectations-will-obamas-legacy-race/
2 ' D.C.#% ' &   ,"* "( + ! )$ 
3 以上、下記図 1 もふくめ、以下の記事による。“Is Barack Obama ‘black’? A majority of Americans say no.” The
Washington Post (April 14, 2014).
4 “[…] the most common use of irony is to criticise or complain when a situation, event or performance does notlive up to some norm-based expectation[…]. Only in special circumstances can irony be used to praise or reassure,or to point out that some proposition lacking in normative content is false.” (Wilson 2014)
5 このとき、(16) はかならずしも規範的評価発話である必要はない。つまり「ながい」ことが文脈的にのぞましいものとしていわれているかどうかということは、アイロニーの成立に直接影響をおよぼすことではない。
6 Although the normative bias in irony was described and discussed at length in classical rhetoric, it was neverproperly explained. The echoic account provides a simple and plausible explanation. Norms are socially sharedideas about how things should be. We are all aware that people should be kind, helpful, stylish, trustworthy,
politicians should not lie, actions should achieve their goal, the weather should be good, and so on. So when aparticular event or action fails to live up to the norm, it is always possible to say ironically That was helpful, Howelegant, Well done, Lovely weather and so on, and be understood as echoing a norm-based expectation thatshould have been met. By contrast, it is not always possible to say ironically, How unhelpful when someone has
been kind, You look terrible when someone looks stunning, [...] and so on. For irony to succeed in these cases,
there must have been some manifest doubt or suspicion that the person in question might be unhelpful, lookterrible or fail to tell the truth, and so on. Otherwise there will be no identifiable thought that the speaker can beunderstood as ironically echoing. The echoic account predicts that this normative bias is inherent to irony andshould therefore be present from the outset [...]. (Wilson 2014)
7 詳細は大久保（前掲書）を参照されたい。
8 Kroll とは、ニューヨークに本部をおく、リスク・コンサルティング会社。
9 事例 (19), (20)は British National Corpus (http://www.natcorp.ox.ac.uk/)による。
10 Alan Sharp (1934-2013) スコットランドの小説家・シナリオ作家。

参考文献：
Colston, H. L. 1999. ““Not good” is “bad,” but “not bad” is not “good”: An analysis of three accounts of negation
asymmetry”, Discourse Processes, 28: 3, 237-256. DOI: 10.1080/01638539909545083(https://doi.org/10.1080/01638539909545083)
Ducrot, O. 1973. La prevue et le dire. Tours, Mame.
Ducrot, O. 1984. Le dire et le dit. Paris, Les éditions de minuit.
Du Marsais. 1730 [1977]. Traité des Tropes. Paris, Le nouveau commerce.
Peeters, G. 1974. “Patterns of information implied in interpersonal relations. A case in point on the convergence ofsocial-cognitive schemata, formal causal inferences, and linguistic universals”. In J. M. F. Jaspars (ed.)
Cognitive schemata in social cognition (special issue). Nederlands Tijdschrift voor de Psychologie, 29,505-534.
Wilson, D. 2014. “Irony, hyperbole, jokes and banter” In J. Blochowiak, C. Grisot, S. Durrleman-Tame, C.
Laenzlinger (eds.) Papers dedicated to Jacques Moeschler. Genève.
URL: http://www.unige.ch/lettres/linguistique/moeschler/Festschrift/Festschrift.php
Wilson, D. & D. Sperber. 2012. Meaning and Relevance. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
大久保朝憲. 2016. 「評価述語の規範的偏向とアイロニー」『関西大学文學論集』66 (3), 313-345.

−24−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号}Uosd2ÚıʼŢ˦ȓ®ʼ¾ʈƶ2"07~~ï5ǙȆ"0ĚĒǶĦ˝ĚʾłǅĚĪ˞ƿǹ¢û˝ĚʾĚĪ˞

<Abstract>
This paper addresses how im/politeness in interaction is driven by the interests of interactantsin their relation-building, -maintenance, and sometimes -breakup with others. Specifically, we
analyse a conflictive interaction between two mama-tomo (or mom-friends) and demonstrate
how the parents interactionally contrive to maintain the relation with each other, therefore
their social capital, even in such a situation. Drawing on positioning theory, the analysis
illustrates that even though the parent who claimed her son was offended by the other’s son at
first implicitly accused of him and his mother, she ended up positioning herself and the otheras “mama-tomo”. This positioning shift from “offended-offender” to “mama-tomo” suggests thatfor the sake of both of the parents and especially their sons it is more important to maintainthe relation than to clarify the fact. Based on the results of the analysis, we argue that
im/politeness is motivated not only by interactants’ morality in face-work or their emotions but
also their interest in maintaining social capital.
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−25−

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OnlineDisagreements.”
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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

4Z<M5_`QtA
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œ̫œš̭ɜ

<abstract>“A comparative study of the Japanese discourse marker doose and its Korean equivalent eochapi”

This paper has two goals: (1) to reexamine the basic function of the Japanese discourse marker

doose by comparing it with its Korean equivalent eochapi, which overlaps with doose in its usage;(2) to describe how the speaker’s subjective attitudes are expressed pragmatically in doose / eochapi
sentences. I argue that the usage of doose should be analyzed into two kinds. One involves decision
making contexts and the other does not. The two discourse markers, doose and eochapi, are almost
identical in their usage when the context involves decision making, but their usage differs when
there is no decision making involved.
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−41−

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

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第13号

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DQGQRQVDUFDVWLFLQWHUURJDWLYHXWWHUDQFHVFDQEHXQGHUVWRRGDVUKHWRULFDOTXHVWLRQV,QRUGHUWRH[SODLQWKH UKHWRULFLW\ RI LQWHUURJDWLYH XWWHUDQFHV WKLV SDSHU XVHV WKH FRQFHSW RI LURQ\ IURP WKH UHOHYDQFHWKHRUHWLFHFKRLFK\SRWKHVLV࣮࣮࠙࢟࣡ࢻࠚಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࠊ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࠊࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࠊ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ࠊ࿨㢟ែᗘ ࡣࡌࡵ࡟㸸ಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡢಟ㎡ᛶ࡟㛵ࡍࡿඛ⾜◊✲␲ၥᩥࡢಟ㎡ᛶࡣ୺࡟ࠊ࿨㢟ෆᐜࡢᴟᛶ࡜ࡣ㏫ࡢᴟᛶࢆ᭷ࡍࡿ᝿ᐃࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿ࡜ࡇࢁ࡟࠶ࡿ
࡜ࡉࢀ࡚ࡁࡓ㸦4XLUNHWDO ௚㸧ࠋ㏫ࡢᴟᛶ࡜ࡣ౛࠼ࡤࠊ㸦D㸧ࡢ \HVQR ⫯ᐃಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡣྰ
ᐃ㎡ QRW ࢆ௜ຍࡋࡓ᝿ᐃ 7KDWLVQ¶WDUHDVRQIRUGHVSDLUࢆఏ㐩ࡋࠊ㸦E㸧ࡢ \HVQR ྰᐃಟ㎡␲ၥᩥ
ࡣྰᐃ㎡ࢆ๐㝖ࡋࡓ᝿ᐃ 7KHDQVZHULVREYLRXVࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࢆព࿡ࡍࡿࠋ୍᪉࡛ࠊ
㸦F㸧ࡢ ZK⫯ᐃಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡣ✵್ࢆ ZK ࡟ᇙࡵ㎸ࢇ࡛ᚓࡽࢀࡿ᝿ᐃ 1RERG\NQRZVࢆఏ㐩ࡋࠊ㸦G㸧ࡢ ZK ྰᐃಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡣ඲⛠㔞໬Ꮚࢆ ZK ࡟ᇙࡵ㎸ࢇࡔ᝿ᐃ (YHU\ERG\ NQRZVࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࢆព࿡ࡍ
ࡿࠋ

D,VWKDWDUHDVRQIRUGHVSDLU"
E ,VQ¶WWKHDQVZHUREYLRXV"F :KRNQRZV"G :KRGRHVQ¶WNQRZ"

4XLUNHWDO  D 䡚 G 䛾ྛヰ⪅᝿ᐃ
D 6XUHO\WKDWLVQ¶WDUHDVRQIRUGHVSDLU
E 6XUHO\WKHDQVZHULVREYLRXV
F 1RERG\NQRZVG (YHU\ERG\NQRZVLELGඛ⾜◊✲࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊࡇ࠺ࡋࡓᴟᛶ཯㌿ࡢ᝿ᐃࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡢಟ㎡ⓗព࿡ゎ㔘ࡢὴ⏕࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡢάⓎ࡞㆟ㄽࡀ࡞ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ㸦6HDUOH*XWLpUUH]5H[DFK+DQ ➼㸧୍᪉࡛ࠊྠࡌ␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡀᴟᛶࢆ཯㌿ࡉࡏࡓ᝿ᐃ௨እࡢゎ㔘࡜࡞ࡿḟࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࢣ࣮ࢫ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣ࡯

−49−

疑問文発話の修辞性、アイロニー性、サーカズム࡜ࢇ࡝ㄽࡌࡽࢀ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࠋ 㸦Ꮚ࡝ࡶࡢኪ᭦࠿ࡋ࡟ᛣࡗࡓẕぶࡀ㸧$ 0RWKHU Do you know what time it is?
% &KLOG %XW ,GRQ¶WZDQWWRJRWREHG\HW0RP     *RWR

$ ࡢヰ⪅᝿ᐃ6XUHO\\RX WKHKHDUHU NQRZZKDWWLPHLWLV 㸦཭ேྠኈࡢ఍ヰ㸧$:KDWFRPSDQ\¶VFRPSXWHUZLOO\RXEX\"%:HOOwhat company do I work for?

/HH*ROGPDQ6OLGH

% ࡢヰ⪅᝿ᐃ, WKHVSHDNHU ZRUNVIRU;; DFHUWDLQFRPSDQ\  㸦6XH ࡜ -RKQ ࡣぶࡋ࠸཭ேྠኈ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ-RKQ ࡣⴠࡕ㎸ࢇࡔᵝᏊ࡛ḟࡢࡼ࠺࡟ゝ࠺㸧$ -RKQ :HOOVKH¶VILQDOO\OHDYLQJ% 6XH Whose fault is that?

*RWR

% ࡢヰ⪅᝿ᐃ,W¶V-RKQ¶VIDXOW 㸦‶ኳࡢᫍࢆほ࡞ࡀࡽࠊᜊே࡟㸧+RZPDQ\VWDUVDUHWKHUHLQWKHVN\"      5RKGH ࡢヰ⪅᝿ᐃ7KHUHDUHXQFRXQWDEO\PDQ\VWDUVLQWKHVN\㸦㸧࠿ࡽ㸦㸧ࡢྛ౛࡟࠾ࡅࡿ␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡀ⏘ฟࡉࢀࡿྛᩥ⬦ࢆぢࡿ㝈ࡾࠊࡑࢀࡽࡢಟ㎡ᛶࡀ
Ⓨヰࡢ࿨㢟ࡢᴟᛶࢆ཯㌿ࡉࡏࡓ᝿ᐃ࡟࠶ࡿ࡜ࡣ⪃࠼ࡽࢀ࡞࠸ࠋ
㸦㸧࡛ࡣ $ ࡢẕぶ࡟ࡼࡿⓎヰࡀఏ㐩ࡍࡿෆᐜࡣࠕ⪺ࡁᡭࡣ௒ࡀఱ᫬࡛࠶ࡿ࠿ࢃ࠿ࡗ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࠖ࡜࠸࠺᝿ᐃ࡟࠶ࡿࡢ࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃࠊ
ࠕ⪺ࡁᡭࡣ௒ࡀఱ᫬࠿ࢃ࠿ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ㸦ࡣࡎࡔ㸧ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ࠊ࿨㢟ࡢᴟᛶ࡝࠾ࡾࡢ᝿ᐃ࡜࡞ࡿ㸦᭦࡟ࡣ᥎ㄽࢆ⤒࡚ࠕ௒ࡢ᫬㛫 ; ࡀࠊ⪺ࡁᡭࡀᐷࡿ᫬㛫ࡔࠊ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࡶ⪺ࡁᡭࡣࢃ࠿ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ㸦ࡣࡎࡔ㸧ࠖ࡜࠸࠺᥎ពࡀ᚟ඖࡉࢀࡿ㸧ࠋ㸦㸧ࡶྠᵝ࡟ࠊヰ⪅ࡀ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ࠊヰ⪅ࡢ໅ࡵඛࢆ▱ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡣࡎࡔ࡜ಁࡍࡼ࠺࡞ఏ㐩ෆᐜ࡜࡞ࡿࠋ
㸦㸧࡛ࡣࠊZK ␲ၥモࡢ⟅࠼ࡀ⪺ࡁᡭࡢࢪࣙࣥ⮬㌟࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ᛮ࠸ᙜࡓࡽࡏࡿࡓ
ࡵࡢ࣐ࣜ࢖ࣥࢲ࣮ⓗ࡞Ⓨヰ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ㸦㸧ࡶྠᵝ࡟ࠊ‶ኳࡢᫍࡀぢ࠼ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ᝿㉳ࡉࡏࡿ┠ⓗࡀ࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋࡓࡔࠊࡇ࠺ࡋࡓ㠀ᴟᛶ཯㌿ᆺࡢಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࢆ୰ᚰⓗ࡟ᢅ࠺ࠊᡈ࠸ࡣ㠀ᴟᛶ཯㌿
ࡢᛶ㉁࡟ࡘ࠸࡚≉࡟ㄽࡎࡿඛ⾜◊✲ࡣࠊᴟᛶ཯㌿ᆺࡢಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡢ◊✲࡜ẚ࡭ࡿ࡜ᩘࡀᑡ࡞࠸
ࡓࡵࠊࡇࢀࡲ࡛ಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰ◊✲ࡢ୰ᚰⓗ࡞㆟ㄽ࡜࡞ࡽ࡞࠿ࡗࡓࠋᴟᛶ཯㌿ࡢ᝿ᐃࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿ࠿ྰ࠿࡟࠿࠿ࢃࡽࡎࠊ࠶ࡽࡺࡿಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡢಟ㎡ᛶࡀࠊ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮Ⓨヰゎ㔘௬ㄝ࡛ᥦ♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠕ࢚ࢥ࣮ඖ࡜ࡢ஋㞳ᛶࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ㄝ࡛᫂ࡁࡿࡇ࡜
㸦:LOVRQDQG6SHUEHU:LOVRQ ➼㸧ࠊ࠾ࡼࡧࠊࡑࢀࡺ࠼㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ࡢࠕ࢔࢖ࣟ
ࢽ࣮ᛶࠖࡀಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢಟ㎡ᛶࡢᐃ⩏࡙ࡅ࡟㈉⊩ࡍࡿࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡣࠊ*RWR㸦㸧࡟࠾࠸࡚᫂ࡽ࠿࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᮏ✏࡛ࡣࡇࢀࢆ㋃ࡲ࠼ࠊ5DHEHU㸦㸧ࡀಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰ࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥⓎヰ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ࡍࡿ஦౛࡟ࡘ࠸࡚෌⪃ࡋࠊࡇࢀࡽࡢⓎヰ஦౛ࡀఏ㐩ࡍࡿࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࡢㄆ▱ࡀⓎヰゎ㔘ࣉࣟࢭࢫ࡟࠾࠸࡚ᯝࡓࡍ㈉⊩ࢆ᫂♧ࡍࡿ࡜ඹ࡟ࠊࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࢆక࠺
␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡶࡲࡓಟ㎡␲ၥᩥ࡜ࡳ࡞ࡋᚓࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ୺ᙇࡍࡿࠋ  ࡘࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ
ಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢಟ㎡ᛶ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠊⓎヰࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ࡜࠸࠺ほⅬ࠿ࡽࡢ⤫ྜⓗ࡞ㄝ᫂ࢆヨࡳࡓࡶࡢ࡟Ἑୖ㸦㸧ࡀ࠶ࡿࠋἙୖࡢ◊✲࡛ࡣࠊ␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢಟ㎡ᛶࡣࠊ␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢ㐺ษ

−50−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

ᛶ᮲௳㸦IHOLFLWRXVFRQGLWLRQV㸧࠿ࡽࠕ஋㞳ࡋࡓࠖᛶ㉁ࢆࡶࡕࠊἙୖࡢᥦၐࡍࡿࠕ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ࡢㄆ
▱ᵓ㐀ࠖ࡟࠾࠸࡚ㄝ᫂ྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠺ࠋ*RWR㸦㸧࡛ࡣࡇࡢἙୖࡢᴫᛕᵓ㐀ࢆࠊ6SHUEHU ࡜:LOVRQ ࡀᥦၐࡍࡿ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽ㸦6SHUEHUDQG:LOVRQ ➼㸧ࡢㄆ▱ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ᥎ㄽࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ࡢ␲ၥᩥࡢಟ㎡ᛶゎ㔘ࡢศᯒ࡟㐺⏝ࡉࡏࠊ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ⓗ࡞஧ࡘࡢヰ⪅ែᗘࡢほⅬ࠿ࡽㄽࡌࡓࠋ
୍ࡘࡣヰ⪅ࡢࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ⓗែᗘ࡛࠶ࡾࠊࡶ࠺୍ࡘࡣ␲ၥᩥⓎヰᙧᘧࡀఏ㐩ࡍࡿࠕ᝟ሗせㄳࡢ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ࠖ࡬ࡢࠕษࡾ㞳ࡉࢀࡓ㸦GLVVRFLDWLYH㸧ែᗘࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ⓗែᗘ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ➹⪅ࡢゝ࠺ࡇࢀࡽ஧ࡘࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠊ௨ୗ࡟࠾࠸࡚ヲ㏙ࡍࡿࠋ␲ၥᩥⓎヰᙧᘧࡢᶵ⬟࡟㛵ࡍࡿㄒ⏝ㄽⓗព࿡࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ᝟ሗせㄳࡢ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ࡀᣲࡆࡽࢀࡿࡀࠊ
ࡑࡢ᮲௳ࡀ♧ࡍෆᐜ࡬ࡢ஋㞳ᛶࡀࡍ࡞ࢃࡕ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮࡛࠶ࡿࠊ࡜࠸࠺ほⅬ࠿ࡽࠊಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡢಟ㎡ᛶࢆㄝ᫂ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋ*RWR㸦㸧࡛ࡣࠊ-HIIUH\V㸦㸧ࡸ 6HDUOH㸦㸧࡞࡝࡟‽ࡌࡓࠊ␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ࢆ⤂௓ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
㸺␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳㸼㸦L㸧ヰ⪅ࡣ㉁ၥࡢ⟅࠼ࢆ▱ࡽ࡞࠸

㸦LL㸧ヰ⪅ࡣ㉁ၥࡢ⟅࠼ࢆ▱ࡾࡓ࠸࡜ᛮࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ

㸦LLL㸧ヰ⪅ࡣ㉁ၥࡢ⟅࠼ࢆ⫈⪅ࡀᥦ౪ࡋ࡚ࡃࢀࡿ࡜ᮇᚅࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ㸦*RWR㸧⾲㸯ࡀ♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ୕ࡘࡢ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ࡀ‶ࡓࡉࢀࡓ࡜ࡁࠊ⣧⢋࡞ࠕ᝟ሗせㄳ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡿ࡜ゎ㔘ࡉࢀࡿࠋ୍ࡘࡲࡓࡣࡑࢀ௨ୖࡢ᮲௳ࡀ‶ࡓࡉࢀ࡞࠸Ⓨヰࡣࠊ඾ᆺⓗ࡞᝟ሗせㄳ࡜ࡣࡳ࡞ࡋᚓ࡞࠸ࠋ
ᛮ⣴␲ၥᩥⓎヰ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊヰ⪅ࡣ⮬㌟ࡶ⟅࠼ࢆ▱ࡽ࡞࠸ࡀ⪺ࡁᡭࡀ▱ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࠿࡝࠺࠿࡟ࡘ
࠸࡚ࡢᮇᚅࡶ࡞࠸ࠋࡘࡲࡾࠊ⪺ࡁᡭ࠿ࡽࡢ᝟ሗࢆồࡵ࡚࠸ࡿࠊ࡜࠸࠼࡞࠸Ⓨヰ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᚑࡗ࡚ࠊ
㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ࡢ㸦i㸧࡜㸦ii㸧ࢆ‶ࡓࡍࡀ㸦iii㸧ࢆ‶ࡓࡉ࡞࠸ࠋ୍᪉ࠊಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢ඾ᆺ౛࡜ࡉ
ࢀࡿⓎヰࡣࠊ᝟ሗせㄳࡢពᅗ࠿ࡽ᭱ࡶ㐲ࡃࠊࡋࡓࡀࡗ࡚ࡍ࡭࡚ࡢ᮲௳ࢆ‶ࡓࡉ࡞࠸ࠊ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋ
⾲㸯㸬␲ၥᩥⓎヰࢱ࢖ࣉ࡜㐺ษᛶ᮲௳㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ L㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ LL㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ LLLヰ⪅ࡣ⟅࠼ࢆ▱ࡽ࡞࠸ヰ⪅ࡣ⟅࠼ࢆ▱ࡾࡓ࠸࡜ᛮ

ヰ⪅ࡣ⫈⪅ࡀ⟅࠼ࢆᥦ౪ࡋ

ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࡚ࡃࢀࡿ࡜ᮇᚅࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ᝟ሗせㄳࡢ␲ၥᩥⓎヰ

‫ݱ‬

‫ݱ‬

‫ݱ‬

ᛮ⣴ⓗ␲ၥᩥⓎヰ

‫ݱ‬

‫ݱ‬

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ಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰ㸦඾ᆺ౛㸧

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ಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰ㸦%㸧

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ඛ࡟ᣲࡆࡓಟ㎡␲ၥ࡜ࡉࢀࡿⓎヰࡢ࠺ࡕࠊ㸦%㸧:KDWFRPSDQ\GR,ZRUNIRU"ࢆ᳨ドࡋࡓ࠸ࠋ 㸦཭ேྠኈࡢ఍ヰ㸧$:KDWFRPSDQ\¶VFRPSXWHUZLOO\RXEX\"%:HOOwhat company do I work for?
㸦%㸧ࡢⓎヰࡣࠊࡑࢀ࡟ඛ⾜ࡍࡿ᝟ሗせㄳࡢ␲ၥᩥⓎヰ㸦$㸧࡬ࡢ㏉⟅࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡍࡿࠋඛ⾜−51−

疑問文発話の修辞性、アイロニー性、サーカズムⓎヰ㸦$㸧ࡣࠊ᝟ሗせㄳࡢ␲ၥᩥࠊ༶ࡕᬑ㏻ࡢၥ࠸࠿ࡅ࡛࠶ࡿࠋⓎヰ⪅ $ ࡣࠊ⪺ࡁᡭ % ࡀఱࡽ࠿ࡢ᝟ሗࢆᥦ౪ࡋ࡚ࡃࢀࡿ࡜ಙࡌ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋ⪺ࡁᡭ % ࡣⓎヰ⪅ $ ࡢ㉁ၥ࡟⟅࠼ࡿ௦ࢃࡾ
࡟ࠊูࡢ␲ၥᩥⓎヰ࡛㏉⟅ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࢃࡅ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᚑࡗ࡚ࠊⓎヰ㸦%㸧ࡣ㸦$㸧࡟㛵㐃࡙ࡅࡽࢀࡓ᝿ᐃࢆఏ㐩ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋ㸦%㸧ࡀ᝟ሗせㄳࡢ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳ࢆ‶ࡓࡉ࡞࠸ࡇ࡜ࡣ᥎ㄽࢆ⤒࡚⌮ゎࡉࢀࡿࠋ
㸦%㸧ࡀ᝟ሗせㄳ࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃಟ㎡␲ၥᩥ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠺ゎ㔘࡬࡜฿㐩ࡍࡿ㐣⛬࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊḟࡢ஧ࡘࡢ᝿ᐃࡀ᚟ඖྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ୍ࡘࡣࠕ% ࡢ㉁ၥ࡬ࡢ⟅࠼ࡣ⮬࡛᫂࠶ࡿࡓࡵ⟅࠼ࡿ࡟್ࡋ࡞࠸ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ࠊၥ࠺ࡇ࡜ࡑࢀ⮬య࡬ࡢⓎヰ⪅ % ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ⓗែᗘࢆక࠺᝿ᐃ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
ࡶ࠺୍ࡘࡣࠊ$ ࡢⓎヰ࡟ᑐࡍࡿ % ࡢ㸦⓶⫗࣭ლࡾ➼ࡢ㸧ࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࡞ែᗘࢆྵࢇࡔ᝿ᐃ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
% ࡢⓎヰ࡟௬࡟ఱࡽ࠿ࡢࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࡞ែᗘࡀక࠺࡜ࡍࢀࡤࠊࡑࢀࡣ $ ࡀ㸦$㸧ࡢⓎヰ᫬࡟ % ࡢ໅ࡵඛࢆ᝿㉳࡛ࡁ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࡇ࡜࡬ྥࡅࡽࢀࡓែᗘ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࡔࢁ࠺ࠋ
㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ࡣࠊ஧ࡘࡢ࠸ࡎࢀࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶࡶㄝ᫂ྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ㄽ㸦6SHUEHUDQG:LOVRQ:LOVRQ ➼㸧࡛ࡣࠊ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮࡜ࡣࠊ
ࠕ࢚ࢥ࣮ඖ࡬ࡢษࡾ㞳ࡉࢀࡓ㸦GLVVRFLDWLYH㸧ែᗘ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡿ࡜ㄝ᫂ࡍࡿࠋḟࡢ஧ࡘࡢ࢚ࢥ࣮Ⓨヰ஦౛࡟࠾ࡅࡿ㸧㸦F㸧ࡀ࢚ࢥ࣮ඖ LW¶VDORYHO\GD\IRUDSLFQLF ࠿ࡽษࡾ㞳ࡉࢀࡓែᗘ㸦༶ࡕࠊ㸦F㸧࡛ࡣ VFRUQIXOO\ࠊ㸦F㸧࡛ࡣ VDUFDVWLFDOO\ ࡜࠸࠺ࠊࠕ࿨㢟࡟௜୚ࡉࢀࡿࠖヰ⪅ែᗘ㸧ࢆ♧ࡍࡇ࡜࠿ࡽ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮࡛
࠶ࡿ࡜ࡉࢀࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽࡢែᗘࡣ㸦㸧࡟ᣲࡆࡓࡼ࠺࡞࿨㢟ែᗘ࡜ࡋ࡚⾲ࡉࢀᚓࡿࠋ
 a. Peter: That was a fantastic film.
b. Mary: [happily] Fantastic.
c. Mary: [scornfully] Fantastic!

(Wilson 2000: 432)

 D3HWHU,W¶VDORYHO\GD\IRUDSLFQLF
E 0DU\ 㸦ᙜ᪥ࠊᬕኳ࡜࡞ࡾ㸧>KDSSLO\@,W¶VDORYHO\GD\IRUDSLFQLF
F 0DU\ 㸦ᙜ᪥ࠊ㞵ኳ࡜࡞ࡾ㸧>VDUFDVWLFDOO\@,W¶VDORYHO\GD\IRUDSLFQLF
  Ⓨヰ㸦F㸧࠾ࡼࡧ㸦F㸧ࡢ᫂♧ⓗఏ㐩ෆᐜ
D 7KHVSHDNHULVGLVVRFLDWLYHWRWKHWKRXJKW3 3 SURSRVLWLRQDOFRQWHQW That was a fantastic film
E 7KHVSHDNHULVGLVVRFLDWLYHWRWKHWKRXJKW3 3 SURSRVLWLRQDOFRQWHQWIt’s a lovely day for a picnic ྠᵝ࡟⪃࠼ࡿ࡜ࠊಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰ㸦%㸧ࡀఏ㐩ࡍࡿ࢚ࢥ࣮ඖ࡬ࡢࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࡞ែᗘࡣࠊ௨ୗ
ࡢ㸦D㸧ࠊ㸦E㸧࡟⾲グࡋࡓࡼ࠺࡞᝿ᐃ⩌࡜ࡋ࡚᚟ඖࡉࢀᚓࡿࠋ๓⪅㸦D㸧࡛ࡣࠊᙜヱⓎヰ㸦%㸧
ࡑࢀ⮬యࡀ᝟ሗせㄳࡢ␲ၥᩥⓎヰ࡜ࡋ࡚Ⓨヰࡉࢀࡓሙྜࡢ᝿ᐃࢆ࢚ࢥ࣮ඖ࡜ࡋࠊᚋ⪅㸦E㸧࡛ࡣࠊඛ⾜Ⓨヰࡢ࿨㢟ෆᐜࢆ࢚ࢥ࣮ඖ࡜ࡋ࡞ࡀࡽࠊࡑࢀࡒࢀ࡟ษࡾ㞳ࡉࢀࡓែᗘࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿ࡜࠸࠺ㄝ᫂ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽ஧ࡘࡣࠕಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰ⌮ゎ࡟࠾࠸࡚᚟ඖࡉࢀࡿ  ࡘࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ
࣮ᛶࢆ♧ࡍ᝿ᐃ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋ   % ࡀఏ㐩ࡍࡿ᝿ᐃ⩌D ᝿ᐃ 7KHVSHDNHU % LVVDUFDVWLFWRWKHWKRXJKWWKDW V KHLVDVNLQJZKDWFRPSDQ\ V KHZRUNVIRU
E ᝿ᐃ  7KH VSHDNHU %  LV VDUFDVWLF WR WKH WKRXJKW WKDW WKH VSHDNHU RI $  LV DVNLQJ ZKDWFRPSDQ\¶VFRPSXWHU V KH> % @ZLOOEX\−52−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

 5DHEHU㸦㸧ࡢಟ㎡␲ၥᩥ㸭࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࡢศ㢮࡜ၥ㢟Ⅼࡓࡔࡋࠊ࠸ࡃࡘ࠿ࡢඛ⾜◊✲࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣୖ㏙ࡢ஧✀ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶࢆ᭷ࡍࡿ᝿ᐃࡀΰྠࡉࢀ
࡚࠸ࡿ㸦*LEEV5DHEHU ➼㸧ࠋ5DHEHU㸦㸧࡛ࡣࠊḟࡢ㸦㸧࡟࠾ࡅࡿ஧ࡘࡢ␲ၥᩥ
Ⓨヰࢆ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥ࡜⛠ࡋࠊ㸦㸧࡟ᣲࡆࡓಟ㎡␲ၥᩥ࡜ࡣ༊ูࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ

 5KHWRULFDO4XHVWLRQVD 'R\RXUHDOO\ZDQWWRGULYHPHFUD]\"E >0DU\LVDFFXVHGRIEHLQJGLVUHVSHFWIXOLQH[SUHVVLQJKHULGHDV,QUHDFWLRQVKHDVNV@6LQFHZKHQLVDQRSLQLRQDFULPH"
5DHEHU ,URQLFDO4XHVWLRQV
D 7RVRPHRQHZKRREYLRXVO\DWHWRRPXFKWill you want another slice of cake?
E 6KHOGRQLVPRYLQJLQDEHGURRPKRXVHIRUKLPDORQH3HQQ\DVNVAre you sure that’s big enough for you?
LELG5DHEHU㸦㸧࡟ࡼࡿ࡜ࠊಟ㎡␲ၥᩥ࡜࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࡣ࠸ࡎࢀࡶၥ࠸࡬ࡢ⟅࠼㸦DQVZHU㸧ࡀཧ୚⪅࡟࡜ࡗ࡚᫂ⓑ࡛࠶ࡿࡀࠊಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡢ⟅࠼ࡀヰ⪅ពᅗ࡜ࡢ㧗࠸㛵㐃ᛶࡀ࠶ࡿࡢ࡟ᑐࡋࠊ
࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࡢ⟅࠼ࡣヰ⪅ពᅗ࡜↓㛵ಀ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ࡋࠊ୧⪅ࢆ༊ูࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ5DHEHU㸦㸧
ࡢᣲࡆࡿⓎヰ౛㸦㸦D㸧ࠊ㸦E㸧ࠊ㸦D㸧ࠊ㸦E㸧㸧ࢆぢࡿ㝈ࡾ࡛ࡣࠊඛ⾜ࡍࡿᩥ⬦᝟ሗ࡬ࡢヰ⪅ࡢ⓶⫗ⓗែᗘࡀ᫂ⓑ࡞Ⓨヰ㸦㸦D㸧࠾ࡼࡧ㸦E㸧㸧ࢆ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥ࡜⛠ࡋ࡚࠾ࡾࠊ㸦D㸧ࠊ㸦E㸧ࡀఏ㐩ࡍࡿ␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳࡟㛵ࡍࡿ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶࡘ࠸࡚ࡣఱࡽゝཬࡋ࡚࠸࡞
࠸ࠋ➹⪅ࡣᚑࡗ࡚ࠊ௨ୗࡢⅬ࡟࠾࠸࡚ 5DHEHU㸦㸧࡟཯ㄽࠊ཯ドࡍࡿࠋࡲࡎ 5DHEHU ࡢ࠸࠺࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࡣࠊ➹⪅ࡢಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢ୍౛࡜ࡋ࡚෌ゎ㔘ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡑࢀ࡟క࠸ࠊ
5DHEHU ࡣࠊ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢ࢚ࢥ࣮Ⓨヰゎ㔘௬ㄝࢆᨭᣢࡋࠊࡇࡢ௬ㄝ࡟ᇶ࡙࠸ࡓ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ㄽࢆᒎ
㛤ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ࡟ࡶ࠿࠿ࢃࡽࡎࠊಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡢࠕၥ࠸࠿ࡅ࡬ࡢ஋㞳ⓗែᗘࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ࡢ
ᴫᛕࢆᤊ࠼ࡁࢀ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࠋ ࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒㸦VDUFDVWLFLURQ\㸧ࡇࡇ࡛ࠊࡶ࠺୍ࡘࡢၥ㢟Ⅼ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊࠕ␲ၥᩥࡢಟ㎡ᛶࠖ࠾ࡼࡧࠕ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶࠖࡢᴫᛕࡢᐃ⩏ࡀ◊✲⪅㛫࡛␗࡞ࡿࡇ࡜࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ゐࢀ࡚࠾ࡁࡓ࠸ࠋಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰ࡜ࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࠊ࠾ࡼࡧ࢔࢖
ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ࡜ࡢ㛵㐃௜ࡅ࡟㛵ࡋࠊ౛࠼ࡤࠊ%RQKRPPH㸦㸧࡛ࡣࠊಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࡢୗ఩ศ㢮࡟࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࢆ᝿ᐃࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ୍᪉ࠊ*LEEV㸦㸧࡛ࡣࠊ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࡢୗ఩ศ㢮࡟ಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࢆ᝿ᐃࡍࡿࠋ5DHEHU㸦㸧࡛ࡣࠊ୍᪉ࡀ௚᪉ࡢ୍ࢱ࢖ࣉ࡜࠸࠺ࡢ࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃࠊ஫࠸࡟㛵㐃௜ࡅࡽࢀࡿྠ➼࡟ᢅࢃࢀࡿ࡭ࡁᴫᛕ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ  ඛ⾜◊✲࡟࠾ࡅࡿಟ㎡␲ၥᩥ࡜࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࡢᴫᛕయ⣔D %RQKRPPH㸦㸧54

E *LEEV㸦㸧

,4

,4

−53−

54

疑問文発話の修辞性、アイロニー性、サーカズム

F 5DHEHU㸦㸧54

,4
54  ಟ㎡␲ၥᩥࠊ,4  ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥ
5DHEHU  ࡲࡓࠊࡇࢀࡽඛ⾜◊✲࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊ
ࠕࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒㸦VDUFDVP㸧ࠖ࡜࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ࡢྛᴫᛕࡀ୪⾜ⓗ࡟ㄽࡌࡽࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡶ࠶ࡾࠊㄽࡢΰ⃮ࡢཎᅉ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜᥎ᐹࡍࡿࠋ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢ୍㐃ࡢ◊✲࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡶྠᵝ࡛ࠊ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮Ⓨヰ஦౛ࡸಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰ஦౛࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊୖ㏙ࡢ㸦F㸧ࡸ㸦F㸧࡟ぢࡽࢀࡿࡼ࠺࡞ࠕ࢚ࢥ࣮ඖ࡬ࡢࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࡞ែᗘ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢ VFRUQ VDUFDVPࠖࢆక࠺ഴྥ࡟࠶ࡿ
㸦6SHUEHUDQG:LOVRQࠊ:LOVRQDQG6SHUEHU ➼㸧ࠋࡇࡢࡇ࡜ࡀࠊ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽ⪅࡛࠶ࡿ 5DHEHU
㸦㸧ࡢㄽ࡟ࡶᑡ࡞࠿ࡽࡎᙳ㡪ࢆ୚࠼࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࡛ࡣ࡞࠸ࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ ᚰ⌮Ꮫ⣔ࡢ◊✲ࠊ≉࡟ࠊឤ᝟ᚰ⌮Ꮫࡢศ㔝ࡢ◊✲⪅ࡓࡕࡢ㛫࡛ࡣࠊࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࡣ୺࡟᝟ືⓗ࡞ヰ⪅ពᅗࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿࠊ࡜ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿ㸦*LEEV  *LEEV DQG &ROVWRQ 
&RXOVRQ㸧ࠋ
>6@DUFDVPGHSHQGVIRULWVHIIHFWRQ³ELWWHUFDXVWLFDQGRWKHULURQLFODQJXDJHWKDWLVXVXDOO\GLUHFWHG
DJDLQVWDQLQGLYLGXDO´7KXVLIWKHVSHDNHUVD\V³<RX¶UHDILQHIULHQG´WRVRPHRQHZKRKDVLQMXUHG
WKHVSHDNHULQVRPHZD\WKHXWWHUDQFHLVVDUFDVWLF%XWLIDVSHDNHUVD\V³7KH\WHOOPH\RX¶UHDVORZ
UXQQHU´WRVRPHRQHZKRKDVMXVWZRQDPDUDWKRQUDFHWKHXWWHUDQFHLVVHHQDVLURQLF *LEEV

*LEEV㸦㸧ࡣࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒࡜࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ࢆ༊ูࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡀࠊඹ࡟࿨㢟ෆᐜࡢ཯ᑐ
ᴫᛕࢆ♧ࡍ࡜࠸࠺Ⅼ࡛㢮ఝࡋࠊ࠸ࡎࢀࡶ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ࡣ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋ
ㄡ࠿≉ᐃࡢಶே࡟ᑐࡍࡿ⓶⫗ࡸ᎘࿡࡜࠸ࡗࡓヰ⪅ࡢែᗘࡀྵពࡉࢀࢀࡤࠊࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࢆక࠺࢔
࢖ࣟࢽ࣮㸦VDUFDVWLF LURQ\㸧࡜࡞ࡿࠊ࡜࠸࠺ᐃ⩏࡙ࡅࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࡢᐃ
⩏࡙ࡅࡣࠊ ⠇࡟࠾࠸࡚ゝཬࡋࡓࠊඛ⾜Ⓨヰ࡞࡝ࢆྵࡵࡓᩥ⬦᝟ሗ࡬ࡢࠕࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࡞ែᗘࠖ
࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ࡜ྠ➼ࡢࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋࡘࡲࡾࠊ5DHEHU ࡀ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥ
࡜ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢ≉ᛶࡣࠊࡇࡢ VDUFDVWLFLURQ\ ࡟㢮ఝࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋ
ಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡀࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࢆక࠺ሙྜࠊࡑࢀࡣ≉ᐃࡢᑐ㇟࡬ࡢヰ⪅ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ⓗែᗘ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ࡣࠕ࿨㢟ែᗘࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢࠕษࡾ㞳ࡉࢀࡓ㸦GLVVRFLDWLYH㸧ែᗘࠖ࡜ࡋ
࡚ㄝ࡛᫂ࡁࡿࠋ5DHEHU㸦㸧ࡢゝ࠺࡜ࡇࢁࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࡀࠊࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒࡜࠸࠺࢔࢖ࣟ
ࢽ࣮ᛶ㸦VDUFDVWLF LURQ\㸧ࢆ᭷ࡍࡿ␲ၥᩥ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ௨ୗࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ࿨㢟ែᗘࢆక࠺㧗ḟࡢ⾲ព࡜ࡋ࡚᚟ඖྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ࡍࢀࡤࠊಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢᛶ㉁ࢆ♧ࡍࡇ࡜࡜࡞ࡿࠋࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࡢᘬࡁฟ
ࡋ࡬ࡣࠊ㸦D㸧ࡢⓎヰ࡛ࡣࠊࠕ⪺ࡁᡭࡀ㣗࡭㐣ࡂ࡚࠸ࡿ㸦DWHWRRPXFK㸧ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᩥ⬦᝟ሗࡀࠊ
㸦E㸧
ࡢⓎヰ࡛ࡣࠊ
ࠕ᪂ࡋ࠸࢔ࣃ࣮ࢺ࡟ࡣᐷᐊࡀ  㒊ᒇ࠶ࡿࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᩥ⬦᝟ሗ࠿ࡽ᥎ㄽࡉࢀࡿࠕ୍ேᬽ
ࡽࡋ࡟ࡣ኱ࡁࡍࡂࡿ㸦WRR ODUJH㸧ࠖ࡜࠸࠺᝿ᐃࡀࠊࡑࢀࡒࢀ㈉⊩ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡟࡞ࡿࠋࡇࡢࡇ࡜ࡣࠊ
ࠕಟ㎡␲ၥᩥⓎヰࠖ࡜ࠕ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥⓎヰࠖࢆࠊࡑࡢㄒ⏝ㄽⓗᶵ⬟࡟࠾࠸࡚᫂☜࡟༊ูࡋ−54−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ࡼ࠺࡜ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ 5DHEHU ࡬ࡢ཯ド࡜࡞ࡾᚓࡿࠋ
 D> D @:LOO\RXZDQWDQRWKHUVOLFHRIFDNH"
E ࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒࡟࠿࠿ࢃࡿ㧗ḟ⾲ព㸸
6RI D LVGLVVRFLDWLYHWRWKHWKRXJKWWKDW3
6 VSHDNHU  3 SURSRVLWLRQDOFRQWHQWthe hearer will want another slice of cakeF ಟ㎡ᛶ㸦ၥ࠺ࡇ࡜⮬య࡬ࡢ஋㞳㸧࡟࠿࠿ࢃࡿ㧗ḟ⾲ព㸸
6LVGLVVRFLDWLYHWRWKHWKRXJKWWKDW6ZDQWVWRFRQILUPZKHWKHU3 D> E @$UH\RXVXUHWKDW¶VELJHQRXJKIRU\RX"E ࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒࡟࠿࠿ࢃࡿ㧗ḟ⾲ព㸸
6RI E LVGLVVRFLDWLYHWRWKHWKRXJKWWKDW3
3 the hearer is sure that the new apartment is big enough for the hearer.
F ಟ㎡ᛶ㸦ၥ࠺ࡇ࡜⮬య࡬ࡢ஋㞳㸧࡟࠿࠿ࢃࡿ㧗ḟ⾲ព㸸
6LVGLVVRFLDWLYHWRWKHWKRXJKWWKDW6ZDQWVWRFRQILUPZKHWKHU3
3 the hearer is sure the (too large) apartment is big enough for her/him.
 ⤊ࢃࡾ࡟
ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊ␲ၥᩥⓎヰࡢಟ㎡ᛶ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠊ஧ࡘࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ࡜࠸࠺ほⅬ࠿ࡽࡢㄝ᫂ࢆヨࡳࡓࠋ୍ࡘࡣࠕ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳࡬ࡢ஋㞳ᛶࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢࠕ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡾࠊࡶ࠺୍ࡘࡣࠕᩥ⬦᝟ሗ࡬ࡢヰ⪅ࡢࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࡞ែᗘࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢࠕ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡿࠋ๓⪅ࡢࠕ㐺ษᛶ᮲௳࡬ࡢ
஋㞳࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᢅ࠸ࡣࠊඛ⾜◊✲࡛ࡣぢࡽࢀ࡞࠿ࡗࡓ᪂ࡋ࠸ഃ㠃࡟ගࢆᙜ࡚ࡿࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᚋ⪅ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣࠊ5DHEHU㸦㸧ࡢ࠸࠺ࠕ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࠖ
ࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶ࡜ྠ➼࡛࠶ࡿࡀࠊ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢᯟ⤌࡛␲ၥᩥⓎヰゎ㔘ࢆᤊ࠼ࡼ࠺࡜ࡍࡿࡢ࡛࠶
ࢀࡤࠊୖグࡢ࠸ࡎࢀࡢ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶࡶࠊ㧗ḟ⾲ព࡟࠾ࡅࡿែᗘ࡜ࡋ࡚᚟ඖࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡾࠊ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮␲ၥᩥࢆಟ㎡␲ၥᩥ࡜ศࡅ࡚⪃࠼ࡿᚲせᛶࡣ࡞࠸ࠋࡲࡓࠊVDUFDVWLF LURQ\ ࡜࠸࠺ᴫᛕࡣࠊVDUFDVP ࡜ LURQ\ ࡀᮏ᮶༊ูࡉࢀࡿ࡭ࡁࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ
♧၀ࡍࡿࠋ*LEEV㸦㸧➼ࡢ◊✲࡟࠶ࡿࡼ࠺࡟ࠊࢧ࣮࢝ࢬ࣒ࡢ᪉ࡀ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ࡼࡾࡶࠕ≉ᐃࡢಶே࡬ࡢែᗘࠖ࡜࠸ࡗࡓᑐே㛵ಀ࡟࠾࠸࡚⏝࠸ࡽࢀࠊ୍᪉࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ࡣࠊἙୖ㸦㸧ࡢ࠸࠺ࡼ࠺࡞࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᵓ㐀࡟௦⾲ࡉࢀࡿࠊᵓ㐀ⓗ஋㞳ᛶ࡟ࡶ㐺⏝ࡉࢀᚓࡿᴫᛕ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ5DHEHU ࡢ࠸࠺࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮ᛶࡣࠊࡇࡢ VDUFDVWLFLURQ\ ࡟┦ᙜࡍࡿࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࡔࢁ࠺ࠋ
㸨ⲡ✏᫬ࡼࡾࡈຓゝࠊࢥ࣓ࣥࢺࢆୗࡉࡗࡓෆ⏣⪷஧ඛ⏕࡜ࠊ᪥ᮏㄒ⏝ㄽᏛ఍➨  ᅇ኱఍࡛ࡢཱྀ㢌Ⓨ⾲ࡢ㝿࡟ࡈ㉁ၥ࣭ࡈຓゝࢆୗࡉࡗࡓ᪉ࠎ࡟ࡇࡢሙࢆ೉ࡾ࡚ឤㅰࢆ⏦ࡋୖࡆࡓ࠸ࠋὀ 㸦D㸧ࡣ೫ࡾࡢ࡞࠸ゎ㔘ࡶ࠶ࡿࠋ4XLUNDWDO㸦 㸧࡛ࡣࣆࢵࢳ࢔ࢡࢭࣥࢺ࡛༊ูࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
㸦D㸧࠾ࡼࡧ㸦E㸧࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣ *RWR㸦㸧࡛ࡣᩥ⬦࡟ࡼࡾ೫ࡾࡢ࡞࠸ゎ㔘ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
 㸦%㸧ࡢⓎヰゎ㔘ࣉࣟࢭࢫ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣ *RWR㸦㸧ࢆཧ↷ࠋࡑࢀ࡟ࡼࡿ࡜ࠊ
㸦D㸧ࡢ᝿ᐃ
ࡣ⾲ព㸦H[SOLFDWXUH㸧࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ㸦E㸧ࡢ᝿ᐃࡣ᥎ព㸦LPSOLFDWXUH㸧࡜ࡋ࡚᚟ඖࡉࢀࡿࠋ

−55−

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6HDUOH--Expression and Meaning: Studies in the Theory of Speech Acts.1HZ<RUN1<&DPEULGJH
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−56−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号~v{XbqZ|+0823&: ȪƱúňȪĺǆĦ:dzjǆĦOQ
ǇȤǻƽ
ȜƂƯÀ

<Abstract>
This paper focuses on one of the polite subsidiary compounds of modern Japanese, 'sase-te-itadaku', and investigates
its pragmatic background. It reports on two surveys: (1) a questionnaire survey on how people perceive various'sase-te-itadaku' sentences; (2) a statistical survey of frequencies of 4 benefactives in 2 corpora from different times.
The results of (1) show that 'sase-te-itadaku' is now in the process of grammaticalisation to become a new inseparable
polite form endowed with both proximal and distal effects. The results of (2) show a diachronic change, namely thata wider variety of communication verbs co-occur with 'sase-te-itadaku' in a non-communicative way. The paper
concludes with the ambivalent claim that 'sase-te-itadaku' has become a new polite form which can co-occur withvarious verbs, but is mainly used as a fixed modal form which hardly facilitates interaction between interlocutors.
at~v{XbqZ| +0823& dzj þǊȧȍƈ ɆĴēȶɈ

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ベネファクティブ「させていただく」という問題系 ―質問紙調査とコーパス調査より―

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第20回大会発表論文集

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−61−

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

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23&: ~v{XbqZ|ȀČ#P@ î72QȻS2Q,<$Pƙđ=ųƼ?ȿãȻÅVĆś1 : xvk?iVș!8Ȓ©,67(RǢȠē?Ķ$¸ÊĆ!RįĜȎĄŬĴȰ. 1999. ùē@*U&<(ğƹŊȎĐ) Ǔä ğƹŊ.
ïɎȯǧ. 2007. 8&3+R:823&=68ǢȠē?ąß 3: 20

47-53.

ǇȤǻƽ. 2017. +0823&: ȪƱú—ȎȜ©:ŵǃǥē?ƵƄ— «Ǘřę ƲŷźåȓǢȠēēȶɈ{^ 2 75-105

Ǔä C6-ŠȞ.

Ʋǒ°ķ İ¨ȵķ. 2017. ȘĢ+08238KOT,9.#2016 ǦǢȠē?MS=#W.RǆĦ#PȚƛąß:ǆĦJuly 2017 86-105.
Ʋŷź. 2016. Ŋ±ēȶɈ «Ǘřę ƲŷźåȓēȶɈąßȜ`[t|ob 77-103
Ǔä C6-ŠȞ.
Biber, D. et al. 1999. Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited.
Leech, G. 2014. The Pragmatics of Politeness. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

−64−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

ƀƙɇǈniɨȻɋċƾĹ: ǈŝǎŦȋȌìÅɋƹŋȬɣ
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ʱAbstract ʳ
Mnemonics help people remember things by associating them with words or phrases of similar phonetic features. They havebeen considered just as a phonetic aid, or rather a word play. Lexical pragmatics, however, provides a comprehensive andsystematic account on how they are constructed and fixed as a tool for memorization. According to relevance theory, concepts
are sometimes ad hoc constructed to interpret what is communicated through what is said. When routinized in a speechcommunity, these ad hoc concepts become stabilized, leading to polysemy This process can be also applied to mnemonic
devices as pragmatic phonological extension.
ȥɳʦʢʦʇȦǈniɨȻȟċƾĹȟȀǧØŘǎȟǈÈǈŝǎȟȋǕÓ

1. ɌȸɜɊʰŲſ©ǕɇȷɅɋÇØ1.1. ƽǈƲŖɇȷɅɋǈniɨȻȝ ȋȌŦȒ$ØɊɄȯǈniɨȻɌȟȖļƪɋɢȩɉƽƫǪɐɇȷɅƸȷəɦɥȨɂɘȩɆȟƾâƱ
ɇȷɅɝLŝȵɦɅȮȿȠȿɇȪɍȟĮg»hɟoĒƲɋǴIɋċƾĹɆɌȟûɟƾhȭȟȒ$ȷȿȋɩíɃƽǈƲŖɊƓȮôȪɣɦɥȠȳɋȳɇȬɣȟǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɌȟȋɟȌÍɋvȐɇȷɅðȪɣɦɥȳɇȭȨȠȷȬȷȟȋȌŦ5ȊɊɋɚĻŪȷɅɝȟǈniɨȻȭPFȵɦȿɋɁȟċƾĹɇȷɅ¡ůȷɅȨȯʐʡɾɼɩǉĄɆȮɉȨɇȨȩvȐȭȧɥȠȽȳɆȟǈŝǎŦƹŋɩŝȨɦɍȟȳɋvȐȭƻĶɆȮɥȳɇɩȟĕŽɆɌŴȷȿȨȠȝ əȺȟǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɋƽǈƲŖɇȷɅɋ%ƓɄȱɩĄųɊȹɥȳɇȬɣFţȹɥȠ(1) a. ƲŴ(ǈniɨȻ)ɋ ɊKɋƲŴ(ċƾɋ©
Ǖ)ȭɜǡəɦȿʘʀƲŴɆȧɥȠɜǡəɦɥƲŴɌɏɇɃɇɌȂɣɉȨȠ
ȝ b. ȋMŊǿɊȫȱɥȒ$ØɊɄȯȠ9ɋMŊɌƽǈȋȟȉƽǈȋɋ ĀȭȧɥȠc. ċƾ©ǕɩȟȋȌŦȒ$ØɊɄȯáŝƲŖɔɇÉȵȻɥȳɇɆãɤƂɃȠ(1a)ɋʘʀƲŴɌȟ(2)ɋɢȩɊ¡ƔȵɦɥȠ(2) A metarepresentation is a representation of arepresentation: a higher-order representation witha lower-order representation embedded within it.
(Wilson 2000: 411)

əȿȟɜǡəɦȿ(embedded)ȟɃəɤȟʘʀƲŴȵɦɥƲŴɌȟɏɇɃɇɌȂɣɉȨȠ(3) țȯɢɯɶɮɼº (ĂĕʍʦʟRµ n. d.)(4) ȧȨȩȪȫ (ėē 2007: 70)(3)ɆɌȡțȯɢȢɋǲGɊȡ794ȢɇȨȩ»hȭȟ(4)Ɇ
ɌȘƊȹȷʊʀɋȡȧɨɐȢȡȨȯɣȢȡȩɊȢȡȪɪȭɨȢȡȫȫɇɧȢɋ 5 ɃɋÜȭməɦɅȨɥȠȝ (1b)ɋƲŴǿɋȒ$ØɊɃȨɅȟǇŰǈŝǎʨȀǧØŘǎʩɆɌȟ(5)ɋɢȩɊəɇɜɅȨɥȠ(5) a. ȉƽǈŦŐŘȋɇƽǈȋɋȒ$Ø
b. ȋŦȟȋȌŦÉÀɊɢɥȒ$Ø
c. ƎǈŦȟǈÈŦÉÀɊɢɥȒ$Ø
d. rȐ@¥ɋȒ$Ø
e. ¡ ƲŖɇɋȒ$Ø(ęġʥjė: 2003; ęġ2005, 2011, 2018 , ǲø)ȳȳɆȟ(5)ɩċƾƲŖƤɊÇɅɌɜɅɚɥȠ(6) a. ȉƽǈŦŐŘȋɇƽǈȋɋȒ$Ø: ƛȮɉȷɉɈȟ÷XɊɢɥƽǈXȝ ȝ ȝ ĹĹƩƌ (Ş 2012: 58)b. ȋŦȟȋȌŦÉÀɊɢɥȒ$Ø: ûȟƾhɉɈŢɉɥýǿɆɋƓȮôȪȝ ȝ ŤƉɊɝɈȽȩǯu+ (ĂĕʍʦʟRµ n.d.)c. ƎǈŦȟǈÈŦÉÀɊɢɥȒ$Ø: ŢGěɩLŝȷȿʘʀƲŴ−65−

空耳と語呂合わせの暗記法：語用論的音韻拡張の観点から

ȝ ȝ ȚaɆȟȚȟaɂɅȮɅ! (ŲʐʝɼƑ 2015: 111)d. rȐ@¥ɋȒ$Ø: ñǎɊɄȯrȐXȝ ȝ Ġ¹ȷ (ėē 2007: 24)
e. ¡ ƲŖɇɋȒ$Ø: ȌÍXȟʍʡʅɭʦȝ ȝ ŇǙŭɊřŚŃɌȧɥȱɈľɌɉȨȠ(ŲʐʝɼƑ 2015: 105)(6a)ɊɌȟƛȮɉȷɇȷɅŰɣɦɥơŌȋɋƽǈXȭməɦɥȠŒƔɋƛȮɉȷɌȟǹȚà¤ȭȵȪȺɤȬɣȚɩő¡ȹɥȿɜɊŝȨɥƲŖɆȟɯɶɮɼɋȡĹĹƩƌȢȭɢȯŰɣɦɅȨɥȠ(6b)ɊɌ:ò
ɋĮg»hɟ9ƋƾhȭÇɅɌəɥȠȡŤƉȢɇ
ȡ894ȢɇȨȩȋɋȒ$ØɊɄȮȟŢɉɥýǿɆɋƓȮôȪȭưɨɦɅȨɥȠȝ (6c)ƎǈŦȟǈÈŦÉÀɊɌŢGěȭməɦɥȠȡȚaȢɩȡȚȟaɂɅȮɅȢɇGȱɃɃɝȟňɇȨȩkɋýɆƲƾȷȿiɌƶƷŦɉȒ$Øȭ0ȿɦɥȳɇɩLŝȷɅȨɥȠ(6d)rȐ@¥ɋȒ$Ø
ɋ,ȡĠ¹ȢɌʞʆʕɼǃȗƉɋƥXɩƷȪɥȿɜɋċƾĹɆȧɥȠȇȨĠȭRµȵɦȟǛȨĠ¹ȷɊɉɥɇǶɂɎȯɉɥȠɃəɤȟȡȇ(Ġ)ȭǛ(Ġ¹ȷ)ɊXȹɥɋȭǶØȢ(ėē 2007: 24)ɆȧɥȳɇȭƾâɆȮɥȠəȿȟ(6e)¡ ƲŖɇɋȒ$ØɌȟsĬɋǌɋʞɽʗɩíȿȻȟċƾ©ǕɩƲŖȹɥȌÍXȭȑƬɉ,ɆȧɥȠȝ ɉȫȟǈniɨȻɌȟŒƔɊɌ(6e)ɊməɦɥȌÍȊɆɋȒ$ØɩîȹȳɇȭȧɥȠɠȪɊȟ(7)ɋɢ
ȩɊ¡ƔȵɦɥȳɇɝȧɥȠ(7)ȡǈniɨȻȢɌɢȯŰɣɦȿǏɟáŝeɩȟȒ$ȹɥĂĕǈȋɊÉȷɅĤȷɛȳɇɍǪɐɆȧɥȠ(¬ǹ 2014: 39)(7)ɋȡǈniɨȻȢɌȖļƪɇqɍɦɥƽƫǪɐɋżɊɃȨɅɋƽ`ɆȧɥȠȷȬȷȟȳȳɊȧɥȡɢȯŰɣɦȿǏɟáŝeȢȭʘʀƲŴɋ9ɊɉɂɅȨɥɇȨȩŋɆɌ(6e)¡ ƲŖɋȒ$ØɊȟɏȨɅɌȟ(1c)ɊǥȸɥǲGɝȧɥȠȨȺɦɝȟȡáɦƸȷɪɀƲŖȢɩũɊãɤƂɂɅȨɥȬɣɆȧɥȠȝ ȳɋɢȩɊȟƵɃȬɚɈȳɧɋɉȨċƾĹɝȟȒ$ØɊɄȯʘʀƲŴɇȷɅɋGȒɩǃɚɦɍȟǈŝǎŦƴƋɩ#ɂȿƽǈƲŖɇȷɅGěɆȮɥfƞØȭȧɥȠȿɀȷȟĕŽɆɌȟȡǈniɨȻȢɊɃȨɅɋƗ§ɩǨɜɥȿɜȟ(6d)rȐ@¥ɋȒ$ØɊɃȨɅɌ©ǕɇȹɥȠ

1.2. ǈŝǎŦɬʐʡʦʂɋďTØȝ OƅɆųǇȷȿɢȩɊȟʘʀƲŴɇȷɅɋǈniɨȻɌȟǈŝǎɋªŻ@ɊȧɥȠɇɤɨȱȟɸʖʛʉɷʦɺʜʤɊȫȱɥSQɇTĜɋʌʝʤɼȟȹɉɨɁȀǧØɊɄȯȀǧØŘǎɋiȟȵɣɉɥÇØɩĵɜɥȳɇȭɆȮɥȠɇȨȩɋɝȟċƾĹɇȷɅ
ǈniɨȻȭãɤƂɃɊɌ(8)ɋĘ ɩńȿȹÕƴȭȧɥȬɣɀȠ(8) a. ƷȪɟȹȨƲŖȝ b. ȹȰɊqɐFȻɥƲŖȝ c. ǼȯƾâɊɇɈəɥƲŖċƾĹɇȷɅɋƲŖɌȟ(8a)ɋɢȩɊȟJƵɆŘƻȹɥȃɊɝɝɁɧɪȟSQȭȬȬɣȺ¥ąɊƻǷɆȮɉȱɦɍɉɣɉȨȠȽɝȽɝǈniɨȻɇɌċƾȹɥȳɇȭzȆɉ©Ǖɩ¥ąɊċƾȹɥȿɜɋɝɋ
ɉɋɆȧɥȠəȿȟ(8b)ɋɢȩɊȟÕƴɉÜɩÁȮ
FȹȃɊɌȟɉɥɕȯSQɩŁɣȹÕƴȭȧɥȠəȿȟSQȭȬȬɣȺȟǇŰTĜȭȘȨȿɜƒɤǢȷŝȨɦɍȟ(8c)ɋɢȩɊȟǼȯƾâɊɇɈəɤɝȹɥȠȝ ȳɋɢȩɊȟċƾĹɊȫȨɅɌȟÜɩqɐFȹȿɜɊȬȬɥSQɇÜȭqɐFȵɦɥȳɇɊɢɂɅÏɣɦɥTĜɋʌʝʤɼȭǸƴɇɉɥȠȳɋɢȩɉ"ǭɋ5ȊɊɃȨɅȟSperber & Wilson(1995)ɌȀǧØ(relevance)ɋĥÖɩ«;ȹɥȳɇɆǉĄȷȿȠȽȷɅȟţǄɩɌȸɜɇȹɥß|ĄŴŦMŊɌȟčǰɉȀǧØȟȹɉɨɁȟTĜɇSQɋʌʝʤɼȭčǰɆȧɥɇȨȩƵǡɚɩ#ɂɅƻǷȵɦɥɇǣɕɥȠ(9) Principle of relevance
Every act of ostensive communication communicates ȝ ȝa presumption of its own optimal relevance. (Sperber& Wilson 1995: 158)ȽȷɅȀǧØɩ(10)ɋɢȩɊ¡ƔȹɥȠ(10) Other things being equal, the greater the cognitiveeffects, and the smaller the mental effort required toderive them (by representing the input, accessing acontext and deriving any contextual implications),
the greater the relevance of the input to the individual
at that time. (Wilson & Carston 2007: 245)ȳɋɢȩɊƗȪɦɍȟ©ǿɋȡţǄȢɆȳȽɉȨȭȟǄƘȭß|ŦɊÞǜȹɥ(Ȭɩ×ȨFȹȿɜɋM−66−

第20回大会発表論文集

ŊɆȧɥǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɝȟß|ĄŴŦMŊ
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ʤɆȧɥɇ%ƓɄȱɣɦɥȠȳȳɆȟǈniɨȻɋċƾĹȭ\ɉɥ6ţŦɉȋɋƢɩLŝȷȿƽƫǪɐɆɌɉȯȟɏɇɋʘʀƲŴƞQɊĞȶȷȿǈŝǎŦŖǕɆȧɥɇȨȩȟȵɣɉɥĞëȭÏɣɦɥȠ
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ȝ :ɊǣɕȿɢȩɊǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɌȟȵəȶəɉʠʑʟɋȋȌŦȒ$ØɊɄȯʘʀƲŴɆȧɥȠȳɋƹŋȬɣȟ(6)ɋċƾƲŖɋȩɁȟȋȌŦȒ$ØɩLŝȷȿċƾĹɌȟ(11)ɊŴȷȿʭɃɋʀɮʐɊ
AGȒɆȮɥȠ(11) ȋȌŦȒ$ØɊɄȯǈniɨȻɋGȒ ýǟC (transcription) èe (acrostic) ŢGě (metanalysis) ȌÍX (rhythmization) ĳǿǈŅ (folk etymology)ɉȫȟėē(2007)ɆŝȨɣɦɅȨɥȋȌŦȒ$ØɩLŝȷȿǈniɨȻɋ@ǀɌ|ʪɋǥɤɆȧɥȠ

第13号(12) a. ÔǴȧɥÜ (ėē 2007: 29)b. șɇ!ɂȿɣǢɦ (ėē 2007: 43)ȝc. Îɢȯ½əɥɳʞɼʆú (ĂĕʍʦʟRµ n.d.)(12a)Ɍ<'ɆŗɋƲȊž 4r2ȟ(12b)ɌǢɤŋʣʉʆ(șɇ)ȟ(12c)Ɍ 1549 »(Îɢȯ)ɇȨȩ»hɩƷȪɥȿɜɋɝɋɆȧɤȟȽɦȾɦĂĕǈɋƽǈƲŖɋûɟƾhɩāɋƲŖɊƓȮôȪȿǈniɨȻɆȧɥȠ
2.1.2.  èe(acrostic)
ȝ ǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɋ ɊɌȟǈeɋǲʨőɊBȏɟĔ®ʩɩȟċƾƲŖɋ ɊɜǡɪɀƲŴɩLŝȹɥɝɋɝȧɥȠƯɋƥɋǴIɟǌpþȟťȕɋĶəɤɉɈɋċƾɊƲȵɦɥȠ(13) a. ȇēȟƵiȨȹ (ėē 2007: 18)ȝ ȝ b. ȵȷȹȻȽ (ėē 2007: 69-70)ȝ ȝ c. YĀȎȟŤƉɔ (ėē 2007: 46)ȝȝȝȝ(13a)ɌȡȧȬʥɱʠʤɻʥȮʥɚɈɤʥȧȫʥɮʤʅɭ
ɹʥȹɚɦȢȟ(13b)ɌȡȵɇȩȟȷȫȟȹȟȻȩɠ[ȷɡȩɠ]ȟɚȽȢ(13c)ɌȡɌɍəȨȟȯɉȷɤȟȷȳȿɪȟȪɇɧɒȢɋȏýȬɣɉɂɅȨɥȠǲɋȋȭŴȵɦɥȳɇɆȒñɩ.ȷȟ9ɋƲŖȭqɐFȵɦɥȠ
2.1.3.  ŢGě(metanalysis)ȝ ƎǈŦʥǈÈŦɉŠɢɤɝȟȋɋȒ$Øɩ8:ȷȿʘʀƲŴɌŢGěɇȷɅGȒɆȮɥȠȿɇȪɍȖļƪɩLŝȷȿǳǬ¾ŭɋċƾĹȟƧǈɋĂĕǈ
XɉɈɆȧɥȠ(14) a. ɝɝɋĐȷəĩħȠ (ŲʐʝɼƑ 2015: 87)b. Ò ² Ɍ ȫ Ɉ ɤ ȭ Ƶ ɣ ɦ Ʌ Ï ȷ ə ʦ ȹ ʧȝ ȝ ȝ ȝ(ŲʐʝɼƑ 2015: 117)ȝ ȝ c.ȡàɁɅɥʥʥʥʧȢǞȮȟ Ƞ

| 1 ėē(2007: 13-72)ɊɚɥǈniɨȻɋ@ǀȟȽɦȾɦɊɃȨɅĥƹȹɥȠ
2.1.1.  ýǟC(transcription)ȝ ýǟCɌƲŴ:ɋƽǈƾhɇɌŢɉɥȟûȟƾhȟƧɉɈɋƾhɊȟßpɩíȿȻȿƲŴɇȷɅGȒȵɦɥȠĮg»hɟºĀĞȟûÀȟoĒƲɋ
9ƋƾhɉɈɋċƾĹȭƲŦɆȧɥȠȝ (ŲʐʝɼƑ 2015: 103)(14a)ɆɌȟǳǬ¾ŭlɋŶ²ɋȳɇɩȡĐȷəȢɇƲŖȷȟŶ²ŭɋlŜtȭʙʙɆȧɥɇȨȩrȐ@¥−67−

空耳と語呂合わせの暗記法：語用論的音韻拡張の観点から

ɋȒ$ØȭLŝȵɦɅȨɥȠ(14b)ɆɌkħɊÒ²ȭȡÏȷəȢȟ(14c)ɌàŰȭȡàɁȢȟəȿơVǞŜģɆďlɉȳɇȬɣȡǞȮȢɋǲGɌrȐ@¥ɋȒ$Øȟ ɌàŰŭɋÉȭ Ɋ$ɅȨɥȳɇȬɣƶƷŦȒ$ØɝLŝȵɦɅȨɥȠ
2.1.4.  ȌÍX(rhythmization)ȝ ƽǈƲŖɇȷɅɋʞɽʗ(ŒƔɋǈn)ɩíɃɢȩɊȟ©ǕɩIïȷȿċƾĹɌȌÍXɋ,ɊməɦɥȠÝĆɋǴIȟćɟŸɋƨȟȨɧɌĬɉɈȭȳɦɊȧȿɥȠ
(15) a. ȮɧȮɧɇȟɔȯɇFȬȱȿʘʦʆʟȭȟÃɊǤɨɦɅɾʤʂʖʞʖʞ (ėē 2007: 31-2)
ȝ b. ʋɴʥɳɳʜɯʥɵɽʥʎɻʌɲʕʥɱʖʈɰɺʥɱ
ʌʈʥʈʅɺɸŸɋƨ (ėē 2007: 68)ȝ ȝ c. ɾɳʥʆɯʥɱɯʥʞʜɵʥɾɮʥʝʤʥɺ (ėē2007: 18)ȝȝȝ(15a)Ɍ~ȃ\%Ƈȟ(15b)ɌŸɋƨȟ(15c)ɌƯɋǴIɋċƾĹɆȧɥȠɈɦɝ©ǕɩIïȷȿɀȱɆȟƽǈƲŖɇȷɅɋǖØɊȷȨȠȷȬȷȟȳɦɣɌĂĕǈɋʞɽʗɊɋɂɇɂɅȨɥȿɜȟŒƔɋȡǈnɋɢȵ(=ʞɽʗ)ȢɊɢɂɅƾâɊİɥȠ
2.1.5.  ĳǿǈŅ(folk etymology)ȉƽǈȋɊȟßpɩíȿȻȿċƾĹɌȟĳǿǈŅ
ɇȷɅGȒȷȿȠĳǿǈŅɇɌȡǈÉɋɢȯ$ɅȨɥ
ǈɊɉȾɣȪɅÿȿɉßpȱʨǈŅƻǷʩɩȹɥȳɇȢ(¨ŉ 2016: 101)ɩȨȩȠ(17) In folk etymologies an incomprehensible series of ȝsounds is heard and interpreted in terms of alreadyexisting words that fit the context, in the language
one knows. (Abelin 2011: 13)ȳɦɣɋ,ɇȷɅïȲɣɦɥɋɌȟƛȮɉȷɇqɍɦɥȚɋȵȪȺɤƾǣɆȧɥȠ(18) a. ĎȟĂȟĆ (Ş 2012: 23)b. Ė¸ʝʦʘʤ pyʝʦʘʤ (Ş 2012: 45)ȝ ȝ ȝ c. Ƅw4 (Ş 2012: 45)(18)ɌƵȟ\ɉɥȳɇɍǪɐɋɢȩɆȧɤɉȭɣɝȟǹȚà¤ȭȵȪȺɤȬɣȚɩő¡ȹɥȿɜɊŝȨɥċƾĹɆȧɥȠəȿȟȚɋƛȮɉȷɋɖȬȟɾʖɋțȮɩȡɃȯɃȯĹ¶ȢɇƲŖȹɥȳɇɝməɦɥȠȽɝȽɝǈŅơ'ȟȧɥɋȬɈȩȬÙȷȨȉƽǈŦ
ơŌȋɊȟßpɩíȿȻȟÿȿɉǈŅɩȷɅȨɥȿɜȟĳǿǈŅɊ%ƓɄȱɣɦɥȠȝ ȳɦəɆƵɅȮȿʭɃɋGȒɩƳûmɛċƾƲŖɝȧɥȠȿɇȪɍ(12c)(14c)ɌȨȺɦɝ 2.1.4.ȞȌÍ
XɇȨȩ5ȊɝȧɥȠ¢ȃȟȌÍXɌǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɋȯɊ>ǥȷɅƵɣɦɥȠəȿȟ(14c)ɋɢ
ȩɊȟȋȌŦȒ$ØɋɚɉɣȺȟƶƷŦʥrȐŦȒ$ØɝŝȨɣɦɅȨɥɝɋɝȧɥȠȝ
2.2. ƀƙɇǈniɨȻɩɜȰɥʫɃɋǉȝ ĕŽɆɌȟǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɋGȒɩȟȡƢØȢɟȡkØȢɆɌɉȯȟȡȒ$ØȢɊɄȯʘʀƲŴ
ɇȷɅ%ƓɄȱɅȮȿȠɇȨȩɋɝȟǈniɨȻɌ­ɉɤɇɝ9ɋȋMŊɩXȵȻȟƲŖɇȷɅǌüȷɅȨɥɇƗȪɣɦɥȬɣɆȧɥȠȳȳɆȽɋåȭȬɤɩÏɥȿɜɊȟȋɋȒ$ØɊɄȯȟkħɋŰƷŖǕɆȧɥȡƀƙȢɊɃȨɅƗȪɅȫȯȠȝ ƀƙɊɃȨɅĝǹ(2012)ɌȡɈɋƽƫɝƙɊ;ɂɅȯɥȋɋŐŘŦɉőØɇȟßǑɊɋɗɥƛȳȪĀȟ
ɃəɤŰƷɇɌȅȷȷɅȨɥȢ(ĝǹ 2012: 16)ɇȷȟȳɋɢȩɉŖǕɩƐźȷɅȡƀƙȢɇqɓȠɝɁɧɪȟŐŘŦɉȋɋőØɇ¢ȃɊŰƷȵɦɥȋɋőØȭƢȷɅȨɉȨɇȨȩȳɇɌȟȋɋŲſɊȫȨɅɌȷɍȷɍîõȵɦɥȠɃəɤȟȋMŊɋŰƷơ'ȭȹɆɊ½ȨßpɆɋƀƙɇȨȩȳɇɊɉɥȠȿɀȷȟƤŦɊƀƙɇȨȩiɌȟɢɤŒȨßpɆŝȨɣɦȟȵɣɊȘīɋʘʀƲŴŦØǚ
ɩɝɃȠĝǹ(2012)ɌƀƙɋőØɇȷɅȟ¼ƝɇɋǮȨɊƽ`ȷȟɋʫɃɩȧȲɅȨɥȠ(19) i) AŖØ: 6ŌɆɌɉȯ(¿ɝǜȳɥȝ ii) ƤØ: ǋɊɆɝǜȳɥ
ȝ iii) ÇØ: ɀəȵɦɅɝLŧȭȧɥ(ĝǹ 2012: 186, ǲø)ȳɦɣʫɃɋ5ȊɊɃȨɅɌȟÎɆAɐǣɕɥȭȟ
ǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɊɃȨɅɝÇɅɌəɥȠȳȳɆɌȟǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɇɌȟʘʀƲŴȵɦɥ©ǕɩċƾȹɥȿɜɊùßɊ*ɤFȵɦȿƀƙɇȷɅðȪɣɦɥfƞØȭȧɥȳɇɩųǇȹɥɊɇɈɜɅȫȯȠȝ ȳɋɢȩɉß|Ŧɉƀƙȭ¡ůȷȿǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɌǈŝǎŦƹŋȬɣɈɋɢȩɊGěɆȮɥɋɀɧȩȬȠʫɃɋǉɩĢǁȹɥȠ

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第20回大会発表論文集(20) a. ǉ 1ʰȋȌŦȒ$ØɌǈȏɟƲŖɋBȏɆȑƬɆȧɤȟƾâȵɦȿÜɋqɐFȷfƞØ(accessibility)ɩȘɜɥĪƞɩĜȿȹȠȝ b. ǉ 2ʰƲŖɋÎZǲGɌǼĒƾâɇȷɅɇɈɜɥȿɜɋƴƋɆȧɤȟȋȌŦȒ$ØɢɤɝƲŖ<'ɇȷɅɋȕ®ǖØ(coherence)ȭ8:ȵɦɥȠȝ c. ǉ 3ʰƠɋʆʃʐʁɯʤEŘɊɢɥʐʝɮʖ
ʤɶTĜɊɄȯȟɬʇʒʃɵĥÖÉãɋʐʡɾɼɊɢɤȩəɦȿƔØȭ¡ůȷɅȨȯǈÈǈŝǎŦǫŻɩLŝȷȿċƾĹɆȧɥȠ
3. ǉɋĢǁ
3.1. ǉʪ
ǉ 1ʰȋȌŦȒ$ØɌǈȏɟƲŖɋBȏɆȑƬɆȧɤȟƾâȵɦȿÜɋqɐFȷfƞØ(accessibility)ɩȘɜɥĪƞɩĜȿȹȠȝ əȺĻŪȷɅȫȮȿȨɋɌȟǈȏɋǸƴØɆȧɥȠȿɇȪɍ Aitchison(2012)ɌȟǈȏɇǈĔɋȃƂɁɩĽĨTĜ(bathtub effect)ɇqɓȠ(21) People remember the beginnings and ends ofwords better than the middles, as if the word werea person lying in a bathtub, with their head out of
the water at one end and their feet out at the other.
And, just as in a bathtub the head is further out of
the water and more prominent than the feet, so
the beginnings of words are, on average, better
remembered than the ends…. (Aitchison 2012:158)ȵɣɊƁ(2008)ɌôɰʝʦɉɈɋǿǮȨɌǈȏɊǜȳɤɟȹȨȿɜȟǿǮȪɉȨȿɜɊȟkȸȋɩ+ȩȳɇɆȏȌɋʞɽʗȭśȸɥɇîõȷɅȨɥ(Ɓ 2008)ȠȵɣɊȋȍȋɋGǹɆɝǈȏɋǸƴØȭîõȵɦɅȨɥȠ

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double acrosticȟtelestich ɉɈȭȧɥȠȝ ȳɋɢȩɊƗȪɦɍȟĽĨTĜɋ,ɩɏȯəɆɝɉȯȟǈɋčÎɋȋɌȟīɋǈɋčJɋȋɊËȍɩȪɥɇȨȩßpɆɝǈȏɇɉɣɪɆǇǑȵɦɟȹȨȳɇȭłɆȮɥȠȷȬȷȟȳȳɆvȐȭśȸɥȠ:ɊȧȲȿ(4)ɋȡȧȨȩȪȫȢɌȹɕɅǈȏɋȋȭLŝȵɦɅȨȿɋɊȟ(13b)ɋȡȵȷȹȻȽȢɌĔ®
ɋȡȽȢɀȱȭǈȏɋȋɆɌɉȨȠȵɣɊȡȻȢɊɃȨɅɝȡȷɡȩɠȢɩȡȻȩɠȢɇƲŖȷɅȨɥȠəȿ(13c)ɆɌȟ/e/ɇȨȩȋɌkȸɆȧɥȭĔ®ɋȡɔȢɌȡȪɇɧɒȢɋȏýȡȪȢɩƲȹȠɉȼȟȳɋɢȩɉȒ$ØɋɍɣɃȮȭƵɣɦɥɋȬȠɉȼȟȧɥƲŖɌǈȏɋȋȭʘʀƲŴȵɦȟKɋƲŖɆɌǈĔɋȋȭʘʀƲŴȵɦȿɤȟKɋǊɚȭȧɅɣɦɥɋȬȠƿ 2ɩĢǁȷɅɚȿȨȠ
3.2. ǉ 2
ǉ 2ʰƲŖɋÎZǲGɌǼĒƾâɇȷɅɇɈɜɥ
ȿɜɋƴƋɆȧɤȟȋȌŦȒ$ØɢɤɝƲŖ<'ɇȷɅɋȕ®ǖØ(coherence)ȭ8:ȵɦɥȠȝ (13b)ɋȡȵȷȹȻȽȢɋȩɁȟȡȻȢɇȡȽȢɋȋɌȡȵȷȹȢɊĲɕɅȒ$Øȭ&ȨȠOZɌǈȏɋȋȭʘʀƲŴȵɦɅȨɥȳɇȬɣȟ9ɋƲŴɩqɐFȷɟȹȨȭÎZɋȡȻȢɟȡȽȢɌǮȩȠɆɌȡȵȷȹȷɚȢɊȷɅɌɈȩȬȠɝɁɧɪȳɦɌơŌɆȟċƾĹɇȷɅɌƾâɊİɤɊȯȨȠȿɇȪɍ°c(2014)Ɍ
ɋɢȩɊîõȹɥȠ(23) ǈnɋɢȨáŝƲŖɌƙɊÔɢȨɀȱɆɉȯȟʠʆʞʃɵɋµȭȧɂɅȟȿȨɅȨßpɝGȬɤɟȹȨȠ (°c 2014: 19)(23)ɊȧɥȡǈnɋɢȨáŝƲŖȢɊɃȨɅȟĕŽɆ
Ɍ| 2 ɋɢȩɉĦǦɩóğȹɥȠ(22) ……ǈȏɋȋɩƛȮǿǮȪɦɍȟʞɲʌʦȭfƞɇɉɤȟ\ǈɋƛȮaɤȭɆȮɉȨȳɇɊɝɉɥȠʨĂĕȋȍ!(Ƒ) 1996: 314ʩȳɦɣɋȳɇɩƗȪiɨȻɥɇȟ\ǈɋ ɆɋǈȏɋƴƋȭǸƴɉ%Ɠɩ]ɜɥȳɇȭɨȬɥȠ¢ȟǈȏʥǈĔʥȋƅɋɌȸɜʥȫɨɤɋǲGɋȒ$ØɩLŝȷȿȳɇɍǪɐɌȨȠĂĕǈɆɌȡèeȢȡķDȢȡɲʟʀȢȡȷɤɇɤȢȟƧǈɆɝ acrositc ɟ| 2ȝ ǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɋĦǦȳȳɆ(18c)ɊȧȲȿʒɱɻʡɋƛȮɉȷƲŖɊɃȨɅȟƣpĿȨǒǎȭȧɥȠȿɇȪɍŞ(2012)ɌȡɁɡɂɇ)ɤĴpȢ(Ş 2012: 45)ɇîõȷȟəȿȟ

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空耳と語呂合わせの暗記法：語用論的音韻拡張の観点からº±(2017)Ɍȡȣ¢ȃɋȵȪȺɤɊ$ɅȨɉȨȤɇȨȩçǂȭȨɝɋɇȷɅɝʆʃʐɵʝɼȬɝȷɦɉȨȢ(º± 2017: 28)ɇǣɕɅȨɥȠȳȳɆº±(2017)ɌȟȬɃɅȡ4ȢɋǲGȭȡȽȩɧȩȢɆɌɉȯȡȽɧȢɇǊəɦɅȨȿȳɇȬɣȟȡȨɂɑɃȱȨȸɡȩɃȬəɃɤȽɧȢɇȨȩɋȭÇɆȧɥɇƍǎȷȿ(º± 2017:28)ȠȷȬȷȟȳɋƲŖȭŖɆɝ½ȯǥŝȷɅȨɥɋɌȟĔ®ɋǲGɆɋȒ$Øȭ&ȯɅɝȟ| 1 ɋĦǦȬɣȟÕƴɉÜȭqɐFȻɥȬɣɆȧɥȠȝ ´ė(1974)ɌȟȚɊɌȵəȶəɉȵȪȺɤɋʌʞɰ
ʦɺʜʤȭȧɥȳɇɩîõȷɅȨɥȠ¢ȟɯɶɮɼɝȡʒʦʒɷɳʜȢɇțȯɋɌȴȯűȨĒǿɆȟȡʒʦʒɷɳɳʜȢɟȡʒʦʒʦʒɷɳʜȢɇɋȵȪȺɤɝɢȯƛȬɦɥȠȽɦɆɝĹĹƩƌɇȨȪɍɯɶɮɼɆȧɥȠɃəɤȟŖ¢ɋȋɇǮɂɅƀƙɇȷɅǇǑȵɦɅɝȟȽɦȭÕƴɉÜɩqɐFȹȿɜɊďTɆȧɦɍŝȨɣɦȩɥɇȨȩȳɇɆȧɥȠɝɁɧɪȳɋȡďTȢɊɌ:ɊǣɕȿȀǧØɋȡSQɇTĜɋʌʝʤɼȭaɦɅȨɥȢɇȨȩȳɇȭməɦɥȠȝ ċƾĹɆɌÕƴɉÜȭqɐFȻȿĉŋɆƻǷɩæɁHɥȳɇȭɆȮɥȠɃəɤȟOɊċƾ©ǕɋÜȭȧɂȿɖȩȭȟăȯæɁHɥȳɇȭɆȮɥȠ(24) ȋɋƛȮaɤɆɝȟʆʃʐʁɯʤEŘȭÆQɊ7ȯȠđȟɊ!ɂȿɇȮȡȫɌȢȭƛȳȪȿĉŋɆȟƛȮaɤɺɼʄʗɌȳɦɊƏȯɆȧɧȩȡɢȩȢɋȡɢȢɩłȷɅȷəȩȠȳɋȿɜȟɝȷĭųɉȡɢȢɋȋɆɉȨiɊɝȟɁɞɪɇȡɢȢɊƛȳȪɅȷəȩɋɆȧɥȠ(Ăĕȋȍ!(Ƒ) 1996: 70)ȳȳȬɣɨȬɥɢȩɊȟFɀȷȵȪȧɂɅȨɦɍȧɇɌ(24)Ɋȧɥȡȋɋ2ÐȢŖǕɊɢɂɅƦɄɥÀɊƲŖȭFɅȯɥɇȨȪɥȠɃəɤFɀȷɋǲGɆɋ
Ȓ$ØȭȟÎZǲGɋȒ$Øɢɤɝ8:ȵɦɥȠɆɌȟ<'ɇȷɅɋǈnɩɢȯȹɥȿɜɋǌüɌɈɋŻ¿əɆưɨɦɥɋȬȠȳȳɆɝəȿȟSQɇTĜȟɃəɤȀǧØɋĥÖȭåȭȬɤɇɉɥȠȝ ȳɋɢȩɊȟ(11)ɋèeɟɲʟʀȟȷɤɇɤɉɈɋɢ
ȩɊǈniɨȻɊƵɣɦɥǈȏɋȋɋƢɌȟÜɋqɐFȷɋÁȮǺɇɉɂɅȨɥȠ
3.3. ǉʫ
ǉ 3ʰ ƠɋʆʃʐʁɯʤEŘɊɢɥʐʝɮʖʤɶTĜɊɄȨȿȟɬʇʒʃɵĥÖÉãɋʐʡɾɼɊɢɤ
ȩəɦȿƔØȭ¡ůȷɅȨȯȳɇɩLŝȷȿċƾĹɆȧɥȠȝ ~ǈƕɋȃɊȟıǈȬɣɋ¹ŀɩbȱɥȳɇɌıǈkXȋEŘɇqɍɦɥ( ġ 2016: 40)ȠȳɦɌȟƠɋʆʃʐʁɯʤEŘɊɢɥʐʝɮʖʤɶTĜɋȿɜɆȧɥ(ȇē 2014: 183)ȠȳɦɣɋEŘɆɌȟʘʀƲŴɋ9ɇɉɥÜɩƲŴȹɥȃɊȟȧɣȬȸɜƾâȵɦɅȨɥÜɊō!ȷȟȽɋÜɩÇɅɌɜɅ©ǕȭŘƻȵɦɥȠ| 3 ʆʃʐʁɯʤEŘʥıǈkXȋEŘȝȝȝȝȝȳɋʆʃʐʁɯʤEŘɌȟǈƔɋìÅɋȃɊɝËȍɩ`ɗȹȠȿɇȪɍȟʘʀʎɫʦɋɢȩɊ(ȬɋɩāŰɋɊɉȾɣȪɅƲŖȹɥiɉɈɆȧɥȠȳɋɢȩɉǈÈö*ɋʐʡɾɼɌȀǧØŘǎɆɌɬʇʒʃɵĥÖÉã(ad hoc concept construction)ɇqɍɦɥȠ(25) …a concept formed on one occasion, for thatoccasion, is called an ad hoc concept. (Allot 2010:19)(26)ɆɌȟ2 Ƀɋ banks ȭ"ǭȹɥĥÖɋƆ{ȭŢɉɥȠ(26) Not all banks are river banks. (Wilson & Carston
2007: 238)ȳɦɌţǄȭƻǷɋɸʤʄɵɼʆɆȟbank ȭ"ȪɥĥÖɋƆ{ȭȀǧØɋ^NɊɄȮȟìÅȵɦɥȬɣɆȧɥȠ

| 4 ɬʇʒʃɵĥÖÉãɊɢɥǈÈŦìÅ
(ǽ 2016: 116)ɬʇʒʃɵĥÖÉãɊɢɂɅȽɋȂɤɋĥÖȭśȸɥɋɇkȸȯȟǈniɨȻɊɚɥȋȌŦXȟɃəɤƀƙɇȨȩŖǕɝȟȋȌȊɆɋɬʇʒʃɵɉìÅȭưɨɦɅȨɥɇƗȪɣɦɥȠȽȷɅȽɋìÅȭƒɤǢȵɦȟəȿȟ¡ůȹɥȳɇɆċƾƲŖɇȷɅã−70−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ȹɥȠȿɇȪɍȟǈÈǈŝǎɆɌȟɬʇʒʃɵĥÖÉãȭƒɤǢȵɦȟǈƔɋǲɇȷɅ¡ůȹɦɍȟǈɋƔØȭśȸɥĪɊɝɉɥȠ
(27)

a.

…the pragmatic process of concept
construction becomes progressively moreroutinized, and may ultimately spreadthrough a speech community and stabilize as
an extra lexical sense. (Wilson & Carston
2007: 238)b. …lexical pragmatic processes may lead tosemantic change, so that what starts out as an
ad hoc concept may end up (for at least somemembers of a speech community) as a new
encoded sense. (Wilson & Carston 2007: 241)ĉŦɉǈÈö*ɆȧɥɬʇʒʃɵĥÖÉãɌ¡ůȹɥɇƔXɆEŘȵɦɥȳɇɊɝɉɥȠȳɋȳɇɌįx(dead metaphor)ɇPǦØ(creativity)ɋȀɊɃȨɅɝkħɆȧɥȠ(28) (i) ʘʀʎɫʦɋPǦØȭǔȬɆȧɦɍȧɥɖɈȟǊɚåʥƛȮåɌɢɤȯɋÄȨñßɩśɚFȷȟ(ii) ɢȯ+ɨɦɥáƕŦʘʀʎɫʦɌȟ­ɉȨûɋ(ȧɥȨɌʪɃɀȱɋ)ñßɩśɚFȹȠʨęġʥjė 2003: 148ʩȳȳɆȟǈniɨȻɌȟĉŦɉ3ɋȳɇɍǪɐȬɣáŝƲŖɊɉɤ¡ůȹɥȠùßɊɆɌȧɥȭȟĉŦɊ*ɤFȵɦȿƀƙȭȟƒɤǢȵɦɥȳɇɊɢɤȟȋɇĥÖɋƍɐɃȮȭÚßØɩŔÏȹɥɇɝȨȪɥȠȳȳɆ| 1 ɆaɤȧȲȿ(3)ȟ(13b)ȟ(18c)ɩ
|ŴȷɅȫȯȠ

| 5 (3)ȡțȯɢ=ʮʯʬȢɔɋǈŝǎŦȋȌìÅ

| 6 (13b)ȡȵʲȵɇȩȢɋǈŝǎŦȋȌìÅ

| 7 (18c)ȡȉƽǈȋʲƽǈȋȢɋǈŝǎŦȋȌìÅ
ȝ| 5 ɆɌċƾĹɋȡțȯɢȢȭȡ794ȢɋǈniɨȻɇȷɅĉŦɊŘƻȵɦɅȨȿɝɋȭ¡ůȷȟȡțȯɢʲ794ȢɇÆȯƍɐɃȯȠəȿ| 6 ɊȫȨɅɌċƾĹɋýƟɆŝȨɣɦɥȡȵȷȹȻȽȢɋ ɆɌȟȡȵʲȵɇȩ ȢɇȨȩ ĥÖɋƍɐɃȮȭÆ}ɇɉɤȋǕÓ(sound symbolism)ɩŔÏȹɥȠȵɣɊȉƽǈȋɊɃȨɅɝ| 7 ɋɢȩɊȟ¡ ƲŖɇȷɅ¡ůȹɥȠȝ ȳɋɢȩɊǥ·ɉɣəȺƍɐɃȬɉȨȋɇĥÖɋƍɐɃȮɩfƞɊȹɥɋɌȟȽȩȹɥȳɇɆSQɇTĜɋʌʝʤɼ(ȀǧØ)ȭčǰɆȧɥȬɣɀȠǥ·ȟȡȵʲȵɇȩȢɇȨȩƍɐɃȮɌȟəȺƗȪɣɦɉȨȠȷȬȷȟȡȵȷȹȻȽȢɩ+ɂɅǌpþɩƷȪɥɇȨȩýƟɊȫȨɅɌȟȡȵȢɌǌpþɋȏýɆȧɤȟþŘɆčJɊRȪɣɦɥɝɋɆȧɥɇȨȩýƟÜȬɣȡȵɇȩȢɆȧɥɇŘƻȵɦɥȠȽȷɅȟȽɦȭɟȭɅáŝXȵɦȟĂ·ŦɊŝȨɣɦɥɢȩɊɉɥɇȟȋĥÖɇǈÈĥÖɋƍɐɃȮȭÆ}ɊɉɤȟɃəɤȟǈÈXȵɦȟȡȵȢɌȡȵɇȩȢɋċƾĹɇɉɥȠ
4. ȫɨɤɊʰqɐFȷfƞØɇ¡ůfƞØ
4.1. ȋȌŦ5ȊɇǈŝǎŦ5Ȋȝ ȳȳɆəɇɜɇȷɅĝǹ(2012)ɊɢɥƀƙɋőÓɊ
A¿ĻŪȷȿȨȠəȺ(19i)ɋAŖØɊɃȨɅɌȟÕƴɉɇȮɊqɐFȻɥqɐFȷfƞØɋȘȵȭȟ(19ii)ɋƤØɊɃȨɅɌȟʘʀƲŴȵɦȿǲGɊɝƲŖȭRȵɦɥȳɇɆȟƲŖ<'ɊǖØȭȩəɦȟāƲŖɇɋȒ$ØȭȘȯɉɥȳɇȬɣ

−71−

空耳と語呂合わせの暗記法：語用論的音韻拡張の観点から¡ůȭ¥ąɊɉɥɇȨȩ5ȊȭȽɦȾɦÇɅɌəɥȠ(19iii)ɊɃȨɅɌȟ­ɉȨSQɆȘȨǇŰTĜ
ȭÏɣɦɥTŕɋȘȵȭȧȲɣɦɥȠəȿȟAŖØɇƤØɌ(27)ɊȧȲȿȟǈÈǈŝǎɆȨȩǈÈXɋĘ ɊməɦɅȫɤȟÇØɌǇŰTĜɩÏɥȳɇɊɢɤȟǈÈXɋʐʡɾɼȭȵɣɊ.ǨȵɦɥȳɇɆɝȧɥȠȳɋɢȩɊƗȪɥɇȟƀƙɇǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɌȟȡȋɋȒ$ØɩLŝȷȿǪɐȢɀȱɆɌ
ɉȨȟ>ǥŋȭƵȪɅȯɥȠęġ W. 2005. ȡȀǧØŘǎɇúŝǈɋßpXȢȟȣȜǓúýXŲſäƈƴȤƃ 44 hȟ1-20.
ęġ W. 2011. ȣƧǈɻʜʦɵɋŲſʰȀǧØŘǎɊɢɥGěȤę: Ǿéŵ.
ęġ W. 2018. ȣƖǀɇǈŝǎȤęʰǾéŵ.
ęġ Wʥjė ȧȮ. 2003. ȣȀǧØŘǎɋÿ¯ǾʰǇŰɇɸʖʛʉɷʦɺʜʤȤę: Ųſŵ.
º± Ɨ. 2017. ȡʒɱɻʡɋȵȪȺɤɌȣƄwɃȬəɃɤȽȩɧȩȤȬʴȢȟȣBIRDERȤ2017 » 4 Ďhȟ28-29.
ǽ . 2017. ȡƔǈɋGěɇǈŝǎȢȟ ǹÂ(Ƒ)

4.2. ǈŝǎŦŖǕɇȷɅɋǈniɨȻɋċƾĹȝ čÎɊȟȳɦəɆɋǒǎɩəɇɜɅȫȯȠȣǈɌɉȼƔɊɉɥɋȬʰɸʤʄɳɼʆɋ*ŝɩƗȪɥȤęʰǾéŵȟ106-127.
ĝǹ ŏ. 2012. ȣƀƙɋŹʰɀəȵɦɥƙȟƛȮGȱ

(29) a. ǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɌɬʇʒʃɵĥÖÉãɊɢɥĥÖìÅɋʐʡɾɼɊ$ȿȟȋȌŦì
ÅɊɢɂɅãɤƂɃȠ
b. ǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɆɌȟɢɤȯɋ+ŝƘɊɇɂɅqɐFȷfƞØȭȘȱɦɍ¡ůfƞØɝȘȯɉɥɇȨȩǈÈǈŝǎŦʐʡɾɼȭȀɨɂɅȨɥȠ
c. ǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɌȟÇJɌĉŦɊ*ɤFȵɦȿPǦŦƽǈ+ŝȭȟÇǅƽǈ
+ŝ@Ɇ¡ůȷȿɝɋɆȧɤȟǈÈXȵɦ
ÔŦǠČ(mental lexicon)ɊǗƭȵɦɥȠɥƠȤę: ʚʕʋʖʛʦɻʃɵʘʅɭɬ.
´ė ¢. 1974. ȣȚɋĬɋŹȤęʰ =ǎŵ.
ƁƮ Ċ. 2008. ȣʊʦʖʤɶɋƽǈ: ʋʞʦʥʔʃʀʦ
ȬɣʇʝɹʤʓʦʟəɆȤęʰǾéŵ.
ėē /Ĉ. 2007.ȣʉʃʔʤÀȫUÆʰ"ƎɋȡǈniɨȻȢɇȡ¡švȐȢȤęʰƺ´ SSC ÿČ.
ġ ǆ. 2016.ȣ~ǈȋɋǇŰʘɲʉɽʗʰƝƷʥƶƷʥƼƷȬɣɋ1hȤęʰǾéŵ.
Ăĕȋȍ!Ƒ. 1996. ȣȋɋɉɪɆɝ¬?ʰƠȭȋɩƝȯȷȯɚȬɣǝȋĺȑÑǻəɆȤęʰǐǍŵʏʟʦʌʃɵɼ.
ĂĕʍʦʟRµ. n.d. ȣƻǉČ Ăĕg»hȬɥȿȤȬɣȟǈniɨȻɋċƾĹɌȳɇɍǪɐɟ¢ŝŦɉċƾĹɆȧɥɀȱɆɌɉȯȟƽƫɋßpȭɈɋɢȩɊ½ȭɤȟ¡ůȷɅȨȯɋȬɩ,ŴȹɥŋɆȟǈÈǈŝǎŦɊƣpĿȨƗ§©ǕɆȧɥɇȨȪɥȠȝȝȁʰĂĕʍʦʟRµ.
¬ǹ ÛȈ. 2014. ȡȳɇɍǪɐɇȣǈnȤȢȟȣĂĕǈȤ
2014 » 5 ĎhȟVol.33-6ȟ38-48.
Sperber, D. & D. Wilson. 1995. Relevance: Communication and Cognition (2nd edition). Oxford: Blackwell. (@_ƗýœŞƚʥ /Ąʥǩ[:ʥŞAbelin, Å. 2011. “Imitation of Bird Song in Folklore:"ǭɇǇŰ ƃ 2 ŎȤęʰŲſŵȟ1999.)

Onomatopoeia or not?” In TMH-QPSR [Speech, MusicǀȣȀǧØŘǎʰ¨ŉ Ŭ. 2016. ȣƧ\ǈɋŠʰƔǈɇßpXȬɣ

and Hearing Quarterly Progress and Status Report],ƵɥȤęʰ =ÿČ.
Ş ŷȄ. 2012. ȣDVD ʏʃɵ ŰɂɅȫȮȿȨȚɋ

51(1), 13-16.

120Ȥęʰ°ɇņǓŵ.

Aitchison, J. Words in the Mind: An Introduction to the
Mental Lexicon (4th edition). Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.

Wilson, D. 2000. “Metarepresentation in Linguistic(£ǓŮʥǵÂŨǀȣÔɋɉȬɋƽƫʰÔ@ǠČCommunication.” In D. Sperber Metarepresentations: AɔɋêÌȤęʰȓȔȟ2010.)

Multidisciplinary PerspectiveMeaning and Relevance,

Allot, N. 2010. Key Terms in Pragmatics. London and New
York: Continuum. (ǱÊŨǀ, ±ŞƜʥǽʥ
Ě³şǘʥdŏ

Oxford: Oxford UP, 411-48.
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Lexical Pragmatics: Relevance, Inference and Ad Hoc?ǀȣǈŝǎɳʦʀʦʗ?Ȥę

Concepts.” In Noel Burton-Roberts (eds.) Pragmatics,

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ŲʐʝɼƑ. 2015.ȣ¦ɥO 5 G ċƾʏʃɵ ¬ 4Ȥęʰ230-59. Bashingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
°c ĸÊ. 2014. ȡǈnɋȨȨȳɇɍʰ IƲŖɋȋɇßpȢȟȣĂĕǈȤ2014 » 5 ĎhȟVol.33-6ȟ18-27.

Ųʐʝɼ.

−72−

第20回大会発表論文集ƔóǓŲÒǜ0G

第13号

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ı ð ƍ ŞĤİÛÝØàØàǘ

ǰ AbstractǱThis study explores the Japanese particle nanka, which is one of the most frequently occurringwords. By focusing on self-disclosure, a process of communication in which one person reveals
information about oneself to another, nanka is analyzed from the point of view as a function
in communication. This analysis shows that nanka works as a marker to introduce “newinformation (Chafe 1994)” and “direct expressions (Nishida 2006)” such as speakers’ innerspeech, onomatopoeia, and citing third party utterances in social interactions.

[S w t w a ]:1.

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Chafe, Wallace. 1994. Discourse, Consciousness, and Time - the Flow and

Displacement of Conscious Experience in Speaking and Writing. The Universityof Chicago Press.
Ǧ ì Ŗ Ý . 2006.

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ƞ Š ö × ǌ . 2006.

È 2 Ű Ÿ  ĳ  ǯ ƶ ƴ ų .

ŏ Š ń ƍ . 2006.

n \ r ^ N  ĳ  ǯ Ǔ Ė ų .

ǐ į  Ú . 2000.

ƫ0G/L

2Ľƒ0Ǖ!GxƎæ  ØǖØàƤƮġ

°  9 63-75.
Š ź ƛ © v Ǐ Ń ğ . 1997.

Ć ž Ʃ v Ď ¯ Ʃ 2 ƴ ƫ Ŧ Ľ ƒ ġ ņ - Ǟ Ô  ĳ  ǯ  I   ¤

ŕ  257-279.
¢ Š E E . 2001.

ƫ0ƠEHG

/L

-ġņ°:

ªƌƝŜ

2

/L

/ G º  #  ǲ  ĳ  ò Ƙ Ø à ò à Ǎ Ɓ Ɵ   ġ v ų  Ɗ 24(2) 1-9.

ǂĬvǂ¡Ø ǂ ĵ ż  ŕ  1999. ĳ  ǯ y Ŭ Ð .
Ĥ İ Ë Ʈ Ø ǂ ¡  1975. ż 15 ô . ĳ  ǯ ê à Ǩ .

−80−

3±

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ıŅüŁ)8öĬ*Ò«]ŅŁ&ŒŅŁ&*şŕ6*ŝé«bŪÛ«®ūPĴ¸ŪÉĔ«®ū<Abstract>
This study examines the modal adverbs in English including maybe, perhaps, and possibly from afunctional perspective. They can be found in the same syntactic environments, and are alsoclassified in the same semantic category. After extracting data from the LOB (1961) and FLOB
(1991) corpora, we identify several crucial factors in the use of them: (i) the kind of NP chosen as
the subject in a clause and (ii) the kind of VP in the same clause. By analyzing the corpus data, theresults demonstrate that the adverbs perform a wider set of functions in a wider set of contexts,
and signal a short-term diachronic development.
?QNQI ŭüŁöĬAQJB]ŅŁŒŅŁ

1. 
ëĒę%+AQJB*GQC)¢#ıŅüŁ*öĬ&*ÒÁ)" $Ŋň<ĵ üŁ+ŧ)" $*ĳĂÊŪĬÊū<Ķ*»+ certainly *5 )
ũ 3*6 possibly *5 )i 3*0%õ% 8ëĘ%+xjď)(1a, b)%Ķ985 ( possibly, perhaps, maybe &ŨĨ*ŁV"*¹ċ<ĸ(6|î<Ŗ28(1) a. Maybe/Perhaps it’ll stop raining soon. (Swan 2005: 348)
b. Possibly he stays until six. (Huddleston and Pullum 2002: 767)2.



|î´ŋ% 8V"*Ł+tĵĒę) $ç3ĳĂÊŪĬÊūi ĞČ)|Ũ9$ 8(2a, b))ē98 Greenbaum (1969), Quirk et al. (1985), Hoye (1997)*|Ũ4(3a–d))ē98 Huddleston and Pullum (2002)*|Ũ*l% 896<òÑ)*V"*Ł+v$Ė¾*ĳĂÊ<è8&ĩ 698(2) a. Content disjuncts expressing conviction:
admittedly, certainly, definitely, indeed, surely, undoubtedly, clearly, evidently, obviously,of course, plainly
b. Content disjuncts expressing doubt:
arguably, apparently, conceivably, doubtless, (quite/very) likely (informal), maybe(informal), perhaps, possible, presumably, probably (Hoye 1997: 184)−81−

英語法副詞における機能の拡大 ―主語名詞と述語動詞との関連から―(3) a. assuredly, certainly, clearly, definitely, incontestably, indubitably, ineluctably, inescapably,manifestly, necessarily, obviously, patently, plainly, surely, truly, unarguably, unavoidably,
undeniably, undoubtedly, unquestionably
b. apparently, doubtless, evidently, presumably, seemingly
c. arguably, likely, probably
d. conceivably, maybe, perhaps, possibly (Huddleston and Pullum 2002: 768)
90%üŁ+Ą)]ĺÊ&*şŕ6ýĐ<ţ2$0Lyons (1977: 798)%+(4))ē5 ( perhaps  objective modality <Ó&+( āĽ9$8
(4)Perhaps Alfled is unmarried. (Lyons 1977: 798)õ)(5a–c)*5 (üŁ+v$ subjective modality <Ķ&$ 8* Watts(1984: 137–138)% 8(5a–c)* according to eX)ĸ6985 )~*Ë£Ā<âēĶĆ&+wŐ) &*òÑ% 8
(5) a. ?*Perhaps certain types of work are very harmful to the nervous system, according to a
medical report published yesterday.
b. ?Possibly certain types of work are very harmful to the nervous system, according to a
medical report published yesterday.
c. *Maybe certain types of work are very harmful to the nervous system, according to a
medical report published yesterday. (Watts 1984: 137–138)9)´Perkins (1983: 89–92, 101–104)+üŁ objective modality <Ķ&]Á
$ 89+eX*(6a)(6b))Ľ Ù 6982% 8perhaps & maybe)" $+99)đÃ8Ä°ŁÄ­( 2*`Ī+ objective &subjective *~) $ unmarked/neutral &9$ 8
(6) a. Have you possibly misunderstood the question?
b. Is it possible that you have misunderstood the question? (Perkins 1983: 92)
Tancredi (2007: 2)%+perhaps + subjective modality *Ì%ĉ 698rÂ &āErnst (2009: 515)%+perhaps  subjective modality <Ķ*)ĉ 69
Rà%possibly+Þĭ)¢# $ objective modality<Ķ 8&
āŒ/69$ 89)" $+(7a, b)*l) $*đŘ<ĸ8&%8

−82−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号(7) a. Most certainly, he will possibly be implicated in the scandal.
b. *Most certainly, he will perhaps be implicated in the scandal. (Ernst 2009: 515)÷)üŁĈŐ8hħ)" $*|î<ôĺ8Quirk et al. (1985: 490–491)& Hoye (1997: 148)%+Rįď)ĈŐĬ(¤Î&$eX*TÎē9$ 8
(8) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.

I
(initial)
iM(initial-medial)M(medial)mM(medial-medial)eM(end-medial)iE(initial-end)E(end)(Hoye 1997: 148)

Possibly they may have been sent to London.
They possibly may have been sent to London.
They may possibly have been sent to London.
They may have possibly been sent to London.
They may have been possibly sent to London.
They may have been sent possibly to London.
They may have been sent to London possibly.

RàErnst (2010: 178)%+(9a, b)* maybe 4 perhaps )ĸ6985 )üŁ+ĝ*ũ÷*hħ)ĈŐ( &ÓÜ9$ 8
(9) a. (Maybe) She (maybe) will (maybe) be (*maybe) singing a ballad (*maybe). (Ernst 2004:
756)
b. (Perhaps) Al (perhaps) should (perhaps) be (*perhaps) seeing a doctor (*perhaps).
(Ernst 2010: 178) çÅ)čÞ)8üŁ*ĈŐ)" $óľ<ĵ eX*Rŕ*l)ē985 )Ė¾*ĳĂÊ<ĶŁ)" $å)+Ł)" $3tĵĒę*Ş%°ń¾*Ř (; °ń¾*Ú9ĸ$&98
(10) a.
b.
(11) a.
b.
(12) a.
b.
(13)*Possibly will they leave early?
?Will they possibly leave early? (Greenbaum 1969:111)?Will he perhaps stay late?
?Did he perhaps stay late? (Greenbaum 1969:153)
Has John perhaps been here before?
Have you perhaps misunderstood the question? (Bellert 1977:344)
Has Alice perhaps won? (Doherty 1987:53)

*5 )ıŅ*üŁ+]ĺÊ4ĈŐhħčÞ\%*Õ8Į ('õ(ĺā6|îĵ;9$ 8Rà%ĥRĸĻ+Œ/69$6|îĪ)57*Ö àċ(!$ 8Ćą) 896<ő0 8&üŁ*öĬŪ4*Ò

−83−

英語法副詞における機能の拡大 ―主語名詞と述語動詞との関連から―

Áū<ĸ8) !$+å(8|îŤĐ4¨Ý*Ňðīķ% 8&Ľ 8ëĒę%+WŒ*tĵĒę*\%+ļ969$ ( |îŤĐ<`"µu8xjď)+ÞŪĝū\) $(i)]Ņhħ)ĈŐ8ŁŪū&(ii)ŒŅř|*ŁŪū*`ā
% 896*ėŨ&üŁ&*şm<ŃĢ)|î8
3.



ëĒę%+1960 ¼d*>@MBıŅŪæĽĲū100 UŅ<q AQJB LOB &
1990 ¼d*>@MBıŅ*AQJB FLOB &2 ėŨ*Ŏß<ĉ 8[AQJB6Æ69GQC)¢# $üŁ*ĈŐć¦<ĿŒ(6ĆdıŅ)
8öĬ4*¨<ĩ²8ç})96*AQJB% maybe, perhaps, possibly<óġ8&LOB 6+99 85, 405, 92 lõ) FLOB 6+99 101,
389, 103 lKEH*óġĤïv$*\6ÞŁ&$ĈŐ$ 8l<
R"R"Ň/$Ð{&:eX)ēĤïÆ69Ķ 1. |î´ŋ*üŁ&*Ŧ¾

Adverbmaybe
perhapspossibly

LOB [1961]
54
264
56

FLOB [1991]
70
269
46

Total
124
533
102

å)96*l)´$wŐ$ 8]ŅŁ&ŒŅŁ*ėŨ&Ë£<cZ$Ňð<ĵ!ëĒę%+*Ĥï<ő0 $üŁ*öĬ<Ŋň8
4. 
0wŐ8]ŅŁ)" $+{Ďā&$dŁ&9e©*äŔŁŪū
*`ėŨ)|Ũ*W%|î<ĵ!Ĥï&$ 1 ē5)dŁ<Šõ(ėŨ*ŁŪū&*wŐVĪ*\%3!&3ũ!
*+ possibly % 8&ĸ$&98Rà maybe )" $+vjď(Ýp+83**60 ¼d6 90 ¼d)$*ũ0!$ Ł)" $9
9*|Ũ)8dĶď(l<(14a–f))ē$ 8

−84−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

maybe [1961]
maybe [1991]
perhaps [1961]
perhaps [1991]
possibly [1961]
possibly [1991]
0%

20%

40%

Pronouns

60%

80%

100%

Others 1. wŐ8]ŅŁ*ėŨ*

(14)

Pronouns
a. Maybe she thought she could trust me. (LOB: L)
b. Perhaps we need another Rutherford. (LOB: J)
c. Possibly it is as well that these efforts have met with little success. (LOB: F)
Othersd. Maybe some of the others mattered too. (FLOB: N)
e. Perhaps the Union’s new venture will prove its value. (LOB: E)
f. No internal impression could possibly have this logical property. (LOB: J)ĽŅ*öĬď(ĸà)¢#&õ(]Ņ&wŐ8&
&+9kĉÞĭ½ &<Ì!$57½ Þĭ%57ªõ(öĬ<è8&&)(8Ūcf. Traugott and Dasher 2002ū
(; *VĪ+ĳĂÊ<Ķ&ëí*Ê
ŏ<q (6possibly )" $+Ą)57½Ğ(öĬ<è83*&$ĻŚ9
857Rįď)(!$ 8&
ā%+Þü*Rį*ĩ à)Ŕ83*%3 8Ūe.g. Hopper and Traugott 2003; cf. Bybee et al. 1994ū ÷)wŐ*ª!aĕdŁ*ėŨ<xjď)ĸ$ dŁ&*wŐŦ¾+Ķ 2 )ēŔ7% 8Ū%+ĈŐ¾Ý*Ýp¶ 2¨<Ŋň( ūy l<(15a–f))Ô$ 8Ą) I, you, we & !Raĕ`aĕ]Ņ*¤+(15a,b, d)*5 ) interactive (Þĭ%k;98&ª *ĄÇď(ā% 8

−85−

英語法副詞における機能の拡大 ―主語名詞と述語動詞との関連から―

Ķ 2. dŁ&*wŐŦ¾

I
you
we
he
she
it
they

maybe
[1961]
10
7
2
5
8
6
4

maybe
[1991]
7
8
3
12
5
5
7

perhaps[1961]
25
10
15
23
15
34
8

perhaps[1991]
16
12
17
27
15
30
8

possibly[1961]
4
0
3
5
2
4
3

possibly[1991]
6
3
0
5
0
5
0

Total

42

47

130

125

21

19

Pronoun(15) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.

Maybe you don’t know about Appleton, Dan? (LOB: N)
If you don’t like what I did today, maybe I can do something else tomorrow? (FLOB: L)
Perhaps I can find an empty compartment. (LOB: N)
Perhaps we could have a cup of tea somewhere? (FLOB: P)
In fact, if anyone is patronised it is possibly the audience, … (FLOB: C)
It could just possibly be used in a collective sense. (FLOB: D)wŐJCQO<ĸ$ &maybe & perhaps + possibly )ú/$Raĕ`aĕ]Ņ&RĦ)ĉ 698ũ &)ûc*ā6]ĺÊ&*şŕĸ{98Raĕ4`aĕ*]Ņ<ĉ 9,]ĺÊĶĆ98*&,È3 %+( ŪScheibman 2002: 167ūRaĕ]Ņ4`aĕ]Ņ]ĺÊ&±×)ş;!$ 8&+_¯% 8*ā+eX*¿ĉ63â6% 8
[T]he meanings of the first and second person pronouns I and you are crucially groundedin the point of view of the speaker, and so they exhibit subjectivity, as do all deictics.
(Traugott and Dasher 2002: 22)çÅ)üŁPã&*wŐ% 8Ł)" $Ĥï<eX* 2 )0&2$ 8üŁ&*wŐrĄ)Â * possibly *|º*ĄÇ% 8´ăď) perhaps & maybe +ÀüŁ&*wŐ) $«(š7ĸ690v$*üŁ)wŔ8ĄÇ&$ãdX8)"9êíĶĆ&*wŐ+ÿ7œ)ŗã&*wŐ§$ 8xjl+(16a–c)% 8−86−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

maybe [1961]
maybe [1991]
perhaps [1961]
perhaps [1991]
possibly [1961]
possibly [1991]
0%20%

Modals40%

Future60%
Present

80%

100%

Past

 2. üŁ&üŁŬã&*wŐ(16) a. Maybe she didn’t care about either of us? (LOB: N)
b. Perhaps there was some mistake. (LOB: P)
c. Possibly he’d been responsible for the noise that had woken him, … (LOB: N)êí
Ū*Ìū&*şŕ<ĩ 8&üŁ*ñ&(8*+ØŜ*Ì% 7ùď(Ì¨<'!$3[Ī*±×(şmĸ$&98*ā6ĹÊ* 8Ìć¦Ūêíū6 %( ÞĭŪŗū.&»½ĉ 69$ 8&;8xjď(üŁ*zŀ)" $+Ķ 3 ēŔ7% 8
Ķ 3. üŁ&*wŐŦ¾

Modal verb

maybe
[1961]

maybe[1991]

perhaps[1961]

perhaps[1991]

possibly[1961]

possibly[1991]

will
would
shall
should
can
could
may
might

13
4
0
1
0
1
0
0

4
8
0
1
5
7
1
0

9
24
2
12
3
9
12
7

4
21
0
8
7
14
4
7

1
1
1
0
14
19
2
5

0
0
0
0
6
19
3
3

Total

19

26

78

65

43

31

−87−

英語法副詞における機能の拡大 ―主語名詞と述語動詞との関連から―

99dĶl<(17a–c))Ô$ 8Ł&ģ1;8&%Ďł<À2
7S³)78ïĸ698*3ýĐ)p8(17) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.

You’ll maybe be sick, will you? (LOB: N)
Maybe he wouldn’t get the job anyway. (FLOB: P)
I’m sorry. Perhaps you’d rather stay here. (LOB: L)
Perhaps you’d like to start a collection. (FLOB: K)
Both sides felt this might possibly be an answer, … (FLOB: G)

5.  
ëĘ%+maybe, perhaps, possibly &ŨĨ*üŁ<Ï ]ŅŁ&ŒŅŁ&ĺā6*öĬ*¹ċ<ĩ²*\%ĆdıŅ)8VĪ*đŘ4*¨°â6&(!Leech et al. (2009) Ĝ%Œ/69$ 85 )Ćd%+üŁ*kĉÿ!$$ 8*\%õ*s<è8üŁ*\)Ŧ¾
ũ 3* 76)+*kĉć¦4öĬ½!$ 8&_¯+LDMF=Ūvjū*jğŪ&*¨°ū<ĩ 8W%īķ(ā% 8
*ëĘ+áëŅĉň®gĚ 20 «g%*ťĎĶ)ěPoø< 3*% 8ĎĶ)Ţ$g* <¡!$!«¥Ĉ¬tĈ(6-)ōś(ŏ4Ó
Ü<$!·ëİtĈ^nŖtĈ\ìÞĠtĈ)þÍŉĊW (ëĘ*Yqņ7+v$ěĪ*Ōf% 8Bellert, Irena. 1977. On semantic and distributional properties of sentential adverbs. Linguistic
Inquiry 8 (2): 337–351.
Ernst, Thomas. 2009. Speaker-oriented adverbs. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 27: 497–544.
Greenbaum, Sidney. 1969. Studies in English Adverbial Usage. London: Longman.
Hoye, Leo. 1997. Adverbs and Modality in English. London: Longman.
Huddleston, Rodney and Geoffrey K. Pullum. 2002. The Cambridge Grammar of the English
Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Leech, Geoffrey, Marianne Hundt, Christian Mair and Nicholas Smith. 2009. Change inContemporary English: A Grammatical Study. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lyons, John. 1977. Semantics 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Perkins, Michael R. 1983. Modal Expressions in English. London: Frances Pinter.
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech and Jan Svartvik. 1985. A Comprehensive
Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman.
Traugott, Elizabeth C. and Richard B. Dasher. 2002. Regularity in Semantic Change. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.

−88−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࢆ &'6 ࡛ᤊ࠼ࡿ̿ㄆ▱ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ࢔ࣉ࣮ࣟࢳ࡟ࡼࡿศᯒ ̿୰㇂༤⨾㔠ἑ኱Ꮫ(ᐈဨ◊✲ဨ)kyprosblue_hiromi@yahoo.co.jp

㸺$EVWUDFW㸼This paper offers a comprehensive description of English tag questions from both Cognitive Linguistics andPragmatic perspective. In particular, two levels tag questions, general and structural peripheral ones such as I
do not want a repeat of what happened there, do you?, can be illustrated as a unified diagram by means ofCurrent Discourse Space(Langacker 2001, 2012). To demonstrate the diagram of function and structure of tag
questions 170 examples from a series of Harry Potter movies are analyzed in terms of the proposed diagramof CDS.
࣮࣮࠙࢟࣡ࢻࠚ
㸸1. ㄆ▱ᩥἲ 2. Current Discourse Space 3. ⤫ㄒᵓ㐀 4. 㛫୺ほᛶ 5. ᶵ⬟ศᯒ㸬ࡣࡌࡵ࡟
㏆ᖺࠊㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛ࡜ㄒ⏝ㄽࡢほⅬࢆ⤌ࡳධࢀࡓ᪂ࡓ࡞ᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛࠶ࡿㄆ▱ㄒ⏝ㄽࡢྍ⬟ᛶ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚
┒ࢇ࡟ㄽࡌࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ(ᒣ᲍ 2004; 㷂⏣ 2010; ෆ⏣ 2013)ࠋ≉࡟ࠊCurrent Discourse Space㸦௨ୗ CDS㸧ࡣࠊࢲ࢖ࢼ࣑ࢵࢡ࡞ㄯヰࡢᒎ㛤࡜ࡑࡢ⫼ᬒ࡟࠶ࡿㄆ▱ࣉࣟࢭࢫࢆྠ᫬࡟ᤊ࠼ࡿᯟ⤌ࡳ࡜ࡋ࡚᭷ຠ࡛
࠶ࡿ࡜ࡉࢀࡿࠋᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊࡇࡢ CDS ࡟ࡼࡾ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࢆศᯒࡋࠊࡇࢀࡲ࡛༑ศ࡟㆟ㄽࡉࢀ࡚ࡇ࡞࠿
ࡗࡓ࿘㎶ⓗ࡞౛ࢆໟᣓⓗ࡟ᤊ࠼ࠊࡑࡢព࿡ᶵ⬟࡜ᵓ㐀ࢆ⤫୍ⓗ࡟♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ᥦ᱌ࡍࡿࠋ
㸬ඛ⾜◊✲࡜ࡑࡢၥ㢟Ⅼⱥㄒࡢ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥ࡜ࡣࠊ๓⨨ࡉࢀࡿᖹླྀᩥ࡟↷ᛂࡋ࡚ࠊᩥࡢᮎᑿ࡟▷࠸ yes-no ࡛⟅࠼ࡽࢀࡿ␲ၥ
ᩥࡀຍ࠼ࡽࢀࡓᙧᘧ࡛࠶ࡿ(Wells 2006)ࠋ(1)࡛ࡣ isn’t it? ࠊ(2)࡛ࡣ didn’t we? ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ຍ࠼ࡽࢀࡓ㒊ศࡣࠊ௜ຍ㒊(tag)࡜࿧ࡤࢀࡿ 2ࠋ 7RPRUURZ¶V0RQGD\LVQ¶WLW"(2) We had a very good time, GLGQ¶WZH"         (Living English Speech: 103-05ࠊୗ⥺➹⪅)ࡋ࠿ࡋ࡞ࡀࡽࠊࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞୍⯡ⓗ࡞ᙧᘧࢆ࡜ࡽ࡞࠸࿘㎶ⓗ࡞౛ࡀከࡃᏑᅾࡍࡿ 3ࠋ࿘㎶ⓗ౛࡟ࡣࠊ๓ᩥࡢᖹླྀᩥࡀせ⣲ࢆḞࡃ(3)ࠊ(4)ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࣃࢱ࣮ࣥ࡜ᖹླྀᩥࡢ୺ㄒ࡜௜ຍ㒊ࡢ୺ㄒ࡟↷ᛂ㛵ಀࡀ࡞
࠸(5)ࠊ(6)ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࣃࢱ࣮ࣥࡀ࠶ࡿࠋᮏ◊✲࡛ࡣࠊᚋ⪅ࡢࣃࢱ࣮ࣥ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ㄽࡌࡿ 4ࠋ(3) Hot, LVQ¶WLW"(4) Feels strange to be going home, GRHVQ¶WLW" ,¶OOEHW\RXORYHGWKDWGLGQ¶W\RX"(6) I do not want a repeat of what happened there, do you?           (Harry Potter series5)(5)ࡣ๓ᩥࡢ୺ᩥࡢ୺ㄒ࡜ࠊ௜ຍ㒊ࡢ୺ㄒࡀ୍⮴ࡏࡎࠊ(6)ࡣ๓ᩥࡢ୺ㄒ࡜↷ᛂࡍࡿࡣࡎࡢࠊ௜ຍ
㒊ࡢ୺ㄒ࡜ࡀ↷ᛂࡋ࡞࠸ࠋ(5)ࡸ(6)ࡢ౛ࡣࠊ࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡟౑⏝ࡉࢀࠊ࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ㄝ᫂ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ ࡇࢀࡽࡢ࿘㎶ⓗ࡞౛࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊ3 ࡘࡢඛ⾜◊✲ࢆ࠶ࡆࡿࠋࢥ࣮ࣃࢫࢹ࣮ࢱ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃ◊✲ ࠊTottie &−89−

付加疑問文を CDS で捉える ―認知語用論的アプローチによる分析―

Hoffmann (2006, 2009)ࡣࠊ࿘㎶ⓗ࡞౛ࢆ༊ูࡏࡎ࡟ศ㢮ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡑࢀࡺ࠼ࠊព࿡ᶵ⬟ࡢᗈࡀࡾ࡟ࡘ
࠸࡚ࡣࠊ⥙⨶ⓗ࡛࠶ࡿࡀࠊኚ໬࡟㛵ࡋ࡚ࡣゝཬࡉࢀ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࠋ୰ྑ (1994) ࡣࠊ(5)ࡢࡼ࠺࡞౛࡟ࡘ
࠸࡚ࠊ࿨㢟㒊㸦you loved that㸧࡜ࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕㒊㸦I’ll bet ࠾ࡼࡧ didn’t you?㸧ࡢ㝵ᒙᵓ㐀࡜࠸࠺ほⅬ࠿ࡽㄝ᫂ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡀࠊ(6)ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ኚ໬࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣゝཬࡉࢀ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࠋWierzbicka(2006)ࡣࠊࡍ࡭࡚ࡢ௜
ຍ␲ၥᩥ࡟ඹ㏻ࡍࡿព࿡ࢆ⊂⮬ࡢබᘧ࡛♧ࡋ࡚࠾ࡾࠊ(6)࡟㢮ࡍࡿࡶࡢࢆྵࡴ౛࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡶ㐺ᛂ࡛ࡁࡿ࡜ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࡢබᘧࡣࠊ୰ᚰ࡜࡞ࡿព࿡ᶵ⬟ࢆⓗ☜࡟ᤊ࠼࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊ࡞ࡐ(5)ࡸ(6)ࡢࡼ࠺
࡞ኚ໬ࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡿࡢ࠿࡜࠸࠺Ⅼ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ㄝ᫂ࡣ࡞ࡉࢀ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࠋ
㸬௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢ &'6Langacker(1987, 1991, 2008, 2009)ࡢᥦၐࡍࡿㄆ▱ᩥἲ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊㄯヰࡢᵓ㐀ࢆᤊ࠼ࡿᯟ⤌ࡳ࡜ࡋ࡚
CDS ࡀ࠶ࡿࠋCDS ࡣࠊࠕㄯヰࡢὶࢀࡢ୰࡛ࠊ࠶ࡿ▐㛫࡟ࠊࢥ࣑ࣗࢽࢣ࣮ࢩࣙࣥࡢ࣮࣋ࢫ࡜ࡋ࡚ヰࡋᡭ࡜⪺ࡁᡭࡀඹ᭷ࡍࡿࡍ࡭࡚ࠖ (Langacker 2012: 96)࡜ᐃ⩏ࡉࢀࡿࠋᅗ 1. CDS (Langacker 2012: 96)       ᅗ 2. Multiple Channels (Ibid. 97)
ᅗ 1 ࡟⾲ࡉࢀࡿࡼ࠺࡟ࠊⓎヰࡢ㐃⥆࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ㄯヰࡀᒎ㛤ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡃࡇ࡜ࢆ♧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ୰ኸࡢ࣎
ࢵࢡࢫࡣࠊᐇ㝿ࡢⓎヰࡀ Usage Event ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ↔Ⅼ㸦Focus㸧࡟࠶ࡾࠊࡑࢀ࡟ὀ┠ࡍࡿヰࡋᡭ㸦S㸧࡜⪺ࡁᡭ㸦H㸧ࢆྵࡴ Ground ࡀࡑࡢୗ࡟࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ⾲ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡉࡽ࡟ࠊ↔Ⅼࡢ࠶ࡿ Window ࡣࠊᅗ
2 ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ከᒙࡢ Channel ࢆᣢࡘࠋࡇࡇ࡛㆟ㄽࡢᑐ㇟࡜ࡍࡿᴫᛕ໬ Channel ࡣࠊ᭱ࡶලయⓗ࡞ Objective
Situation ࠿ࡽࠊ᝟ሗࡢ᪂ᪧ࡞࡝ࢆྵࡴ Information Structureࠊࡉࡽ࡟ Speech Management ࡢ 3 ࡘࡢᒙ࡟ศ࠿ࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࡢᅗᘧࢆ᥼⏝ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡟ࡼࡾࠊࡇࢀࡲ࡛ㄒ⏝ㄽ࡛୺࡟㆟ㄽࡉࢀ࡚ࡁࡓࢱ࣮ࣥࡢ
஺᭰ࡸ࣏ࣛ࢖ࢺࢿࢫ࡞࡝ࢆྵࡴゝㄒ⌧㇟ࢆᤊ࠼ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀྍ⬟࡜࡞ࡿࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊWierzbicka(2006:255-256)ࠊ Langacker(2009:247)ࡢ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢศᯒ࡟ᇶ࡙࠸࡚ࠊ
Langacker(2012:99)ࡢ௦ྡモࢆᤊ࠼ࡓᅗ࠾ࡼࡧࢩࢼࣜ࢜ᅗ(Langacker 2008:475)ࢆ᥼⏝ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡟ࡼࡾࠊ
ᅗ 3 ࡢࡼ࠺࡞௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢࣔࢹࣝᅗࢆᥦ᱌ࡍࡿࠋ᫬㛫㍈࡟ἢࡗ࡚ᕥ࠿ࡽྑ࡬࡜㐍ࡴ 3 ࡘࡢ Usageࠊ0㸦ࢮࣟ㸧
ࠊ㸩㸦ࣉࣛࢫ㸧ࣇ࣮ࣞ
Event ࡣࠊLangacker(2001)࡟ࡋࡓࡀࡗ࡚ࠊࡑࢀࡒࢀ㸫㸦࣐࢖ࢼࢫ㸧࣒࡜࿧ࡪࠋ౛࠼ࡤ(1)ࡢሙྜࠊ㸫ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡀ Tomorrow’s Monday,ࢆࠊ0 ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡀ isn’t it?ࢆ♧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ㸩ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡣࠊⓎヰᚋ࡟ヰࡋᡭ࡜⪺ࡁᡭࡢㄆ㆑ࡢ୍⮴࡬ࡢᮇᚅࢆ♧ࡋࠊ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢඹ㏻ࡍࡿືᶵ࡙ࡅ࡛࠶ࡿࠊླྀ㏙ෆᐜࡀヰࡋᡭ࡜⪺ࡁᡭࡢ㛫୍࡛⮴ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ⾲ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
Window㸦ほࡽࢀࡿ஦ែ㸧࡛ࡣࠊࣔࢹࣝᅗ඲యࢆ࣮࣋ࢫ࡜ࡋࡓࣉࣟࣇ࢓࢖ࣝ㒊ࡀ㉥⥺࡛♧ࡋ࡚࠶ࡿࠋ
ླྀ㏙㒊㸦‫࡜ۑ‬Ѝ㸧ࡀ♧ࡉࢀࠊ0 ࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞࡣࡑࡢࢫ࣮࣐࢟㸦‫ڧ‬㸧ࡢࡳ࡜࡞ࡿࠋGround㸦ほ࡚࠸ࡿഃ㸧࡛ࡣࠊ௜ຍ㒊ࡢⓎヰ࡛ླྀ㏙㒊࡬ࡢὀ┠㸦◚⥺▮༳㸧ࡀ෌ᗘ࡞ࡉࢀࡿࠋGround ෆ࡛ࡣ௦ྡモࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀࠊヰࡋᡭ࡜⪺ࡁᡭࡢ┦஫ࡢᚰࡢ᥎ᐹ㸦஫࠸ࡢ▮༳㸧ࡀ࠶ࡿࠋㄯヰࡢὶࢀ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊGround ࡢ S ࡜ Hࡀ㸩ࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞ஺᭰ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ♧ࡉࢀࡿࠋࡑࡇ࡛ࡣࠊఱࡽ࠿ࡢ࢖ࣥࢱࣛࢡࢩࣙࣥ㸦ļ㸧ࡀ࡞ࡉࢀࡿ
ࡇ࡜㸦୍⯡ⓗ࡟ࡣ㏉⟅㸧࡬ࡢᮇᚅࡀ࠶ࡿࠋࡇࢀ࡟ࡼࡾࠊླྀ㏙ෆᐜࡀ☜ᐇ࡜࡞ࡿ㸦Ground ࡜ Windowࡀ୍⮴⥺࡛⤖ࡤࢀࡿ㸧ࠋ

−90−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

ᅗ 3. ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢ CDS(Nakatani 2017:75)
ḟ⠇࡛ࡣࠊࡇࢀࢆᅵྎ࡜ࡋࠊලయⓗ࡞ࢹ࣮ࢱࡢ᳨ドࢆ⾜࠺ࠋࡑࢀࡒࢀࡢᙧᘧࡢᶵ⬟࡜ᵓ㐀ࢆ♧ࡍࡇ࡜࡛࿘㎶ⓗ࡞౛࡟ࡶࠊࡇࡢ CDS ࢆ⏝࠸ࡓ⤫୍ⓗ࡞ㄝ᫂ࢆ୚࠼ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ┠ⓗ࡜ࡍࡿࠋ㸬஦౛ศᯒ
ᮏ⠇࡛ࡣࠊㄯヰࡢ㐃⥆࡟࠾ࡅࡿព࿡ᶵ⬟ࢆ᫂☜࡟♧ࡍࡓࡵ࡟ࠊᫎ⏬ Harry Potter ࢩ࣮ࣜࢬ඲ 8 సရ
1180 ศ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ 176 ౛ࡢࢹ࣮ࢱࢆศᯒࡍࡿࠋศᯒ᪉ἲ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡣࠊࡲࡎᙧᘧ࡟ࡼࡾ༊ศࢆ୚࠼ࠊࡉࡽ
࡟ព࿡ᶵ⬟࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ Tottie&Hoffmann(2006, 2009)ࡢ࢝ࢸࢦ࣮ࣜࢆᩚ⌮ࡋ࡚ࠊA㸫1㸦Information seeking᝟ሗࡢ୍⮴ࢆồࡵࡿ㸧ࠊA㸫2㸦Agreement seeking ྠពࢆồࡵࡿ㸧ࠊ࡜ B㸫1㸦Facilitative ㄯヰಁ㐍㸧ࠊࠋA ࡜ Bࠊ2 ࡘࡢࣞ࣋B㸫2㸦Peremptory ㄯヰ⤊஢㸧࡟ศ㢮ࡋࡓ㸦⏝ㄒࡣ୍㒊 Traugott 2012 ࡟ࡼࡿ㸧ࣝタᐃࡢ⌮⏤ࡣࠊA ࡛ࣞ࣋ࣝࡣླྀ㏙ෆᐜࡢ୍⮴࡟ࠊB ࡛ࣞ࣋ࣝࡣㄯヰࡢ⟶⌮࡟௜ຍ㒊ࢆຍ࠼ࡿ┠ⓗࡀ࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿ࠿ࡽ࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡘࡲࡾࠊA ࡣ᝟ሗ࡟㛵ࢃࡿࣞ࣋ࣝࠊB ࡣㄯヰ࡟㛵ࢃࡿࣞ࣋ࣝ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽࡢ㝵ᒙࢆᡂࡍᶵ⬟ࡣࠊ㔜」ࡍࡿྍ⬟ᛶࡀ࠶ࡿࠋ
ศᯒࡢ⤖ᯝࠊᫎ⏬ Harry Potter ࢩ࣮ࣜࢬࡢࢹ࣮ࢱ࡛ࡣࠊ࿘㎶ⓗ౛ࡣ඲యࡢ 30㸣㏆ࡃࢆ༨ࡵࡿ 54 ౛ࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡓࠋព࿡ᶵ⬟࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣࠊᶵ⬟ࡢ㔜」ࢆᣢࡘ౛ࡀከ࠸ࡇ࡜ࡀ≉ᚩ࡜ࡋ࡚ᣲࡆࡽࢀࡿࠋ୍
⯡ⓗ࡞ᙧᘧ࡛ࡣ 15%⛬ᗘ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊ࿘㎶ⓗ࡞౛࡛ࡣ 40%࡟ཬࢇ࡛࠸ࡿࠋ≉࡟ࠊB ࡢᶵ⬟ࡀຍ࠼ࡽࢀ
ࡿ஦౛ࡀከࡃࡳࡽࢀࡓࠋ௨ୗࡢ౛(7)ࡣࠊ↷ᛂ㛵ಀࡢ࡞࠸ᙧᘧ࡛ࠊA㸫1 ࡜ B㸫2 ࡢᶵ⬟ࡀ㔜」ࡍࡿ౛
࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
SLUGHORN: Oh all right! The Death Eaters have been trying to recruit me for over a year. Do you know what
WKDW¶s like? One can only say no to these people so many times before they...
DUMBLEDORE: Take matters into their own hands?
SLUGHORN: I never stay anywhere more than a week. The Muggles who own this place are in the CanaryIslands.
DUMBLEDORE: (7) Well, I think it should be put back in order for them, GRQ¶W\RX? Mind?
(Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince)௚ேࡢ㒊ᒇࢆ೉ࡾࡓᚋ࡛ࠊヰࡋᡭ㸦DUMBLEDORE㸧ࡣࠊ⪺ࡁᡭ㸦SLUGHORN㸧࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊఫேࡢ
ࡓࡵ࡟㒊ᒇࢆ∦௜ࡅࡿ࡭ࡁࡔ࡜⮬ศࡢ⪃࠼ࢆ㏙࡭࡚ࠊពぢࡀ୍⮴ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ࠿ࢆ௜ຍ㒊࡟ࡼࡾ☜ㄆࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᐇ㝿࡟ࡣヰ⪅஺᭰ࡣࡋ࡚࠾ࡽࡎࠊ
఍ヰࢆ⤊஢ࡉࡏ⾜ືࡋࡼ࠺࡜ࡍࡿពᅗࡀ⾲⌧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
(7)࡛ࡣࠊI think ࡜ᑐᛂࡍࡿᙧ࡛ don’t you?࡜ኚ໬ࡋ࡚࠾ࡾࠊࡈࡃ⮬↛࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡇࢀ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚௨ୗࡢ A
㸫1࣭2 ࡜ B㸫1 ࡢᶵ⬟ࡀ㔜」ࡍࡿ(8)ࡢ౛࡛ࡣࠊHe’s ࡀ aren’t you ࡜ኚ໬ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ

−91−

付加疑問文を CDS で捉える ―認知語用論的アプローチによる分析―

RON: Those weasels! Never told me about any Marauder's Map!
HERMIONE: But Harry isn't going to keep it. (8) He's going to turn it over to Professor MCGONAGALL,
aren't you?
RON: Oh, sure. Along with his invisibility cloak?
(Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban)཭ே࡛࠶ࡿ 2 ே㸦HERMIONE ࡜ RON㸧ࡀࡑࡢሙ࡟࠸࡞࠸ HARRY ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ヰࡋ࡚࠸ࡿሙ㠃࡛࠶ࡿࠋ(8)࡛ࡣࠊヰࡋᡭ㸦HERMIONE㸧ࡣࠊ⪺ࡁᡭ㸦RON㸧࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊᙼ㸦HARRY㸧ࡀᆅᅗࢆඛ⏕࡟㏉༷ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࢆࠊ௜ຍ㒊࡟ࡼࡾᛕࢆᢲࡋ࡚☜ㄆࡋࠊྠ᫬࡟⪺ࡁᡭࡢ㏉⟅ࢆಁࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟㈐௵ࡀ
࠶ࡿ࡜ឤࡌࡉࡏࡿࡓࡵ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᐇ㝿࡟ヰ⪅஺᭰ࡋࠊ⪺ࡁᡭࡀ⟅࠼࡚࠸ࡿࠋ⪺ࡁᡭ࡬ࡢᙉ࠸ാࡁ࠿ࡅ
ࡀᙧᘧࡢኚ໬࡟⾲ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࠋ(7)ࡸ(8)ࡢࡼ࠺࡞↷ᛂ㛵ಀࡀᔂࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ౛࡛ࡣࠊGround ࡢ୍㒊࡛࠶ࡿ⪺ࡁᡭࡀゝㄒ໬ࡉࢀࡿࢣ࣮
ࢫࡀ࡯࡜ࢇ࡝࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡘࡲࡾࠊWindow ࡟ Ground ࡢ୍㒊ࡀ⌧ࢀࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊᙧᘧ࡟ኚ໬ࢆ⏕ࡌࡉࡏ࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࡛࠶ࡾࠊCDS ୖ࡛ㄝ᫂ྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞ኚ໬࡟ࡣࠊIntersubjectivity(Verhagen 2005)ࡀ኱
ࡁࡃ㛵ࢃࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ࡞ࡐ࡞ࡽࠊᮏ᮶ㄆ▱ࡢ୺య࡛࠶ࡿ Ground ࡢ୍㒊ࡀᐈయ໬ࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜࡟௚࡞ࡽ
࡞࠸࠿ࡽ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
㸬௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢ &'6 ࡜஦౛ศᯒ
௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢ CDS ࡣࠊObjective Content(Langacker2008:469-470)ࢆ⤌ࡳධࢀࡿࡇ࡜࡟ࡼࡾࠊB ࣞ࣋
ࣝࢆྵࡴ(7)(8)ࡢࡼ࠺࡞౛ࢆྵࡵ࡚⤫୍ⓗ࡟♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋObjective Content㸦௨ୗ OC㸧࡜ࡣࠊᚲࡎࡋࡶࣉࣟࣇ࢓࢖ࣝࡣࡉࢀ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࡀࠊ⾲⌧ࡢព
You leave.
Leave!
࿡ࡢ୍㒊࡜ࡋ࡚ྵࡲࢀ࡚࠸ࡿせ⣲඲య࡟⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿࠋ౛
࠼ࡤ࿨௧ᩥࡢሙྜࠊヰࡋᡭ࡜⪺ࡁᡭࡢ࢖ࣥࢱࣛࢡࢩࣙࣥ
ࡀព࿡ࡢ୍㒊࡟ྵࡲࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᅗ 4 ࡢᕥࡣ You leave ࢆࠊྑࡣ Leave!ࢆ⾲ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᕥᅗ࡛ࡣࠊIS㸦࢜ࣥࢫࢸ࣮ࢪ
㡿ᇦ(Langacker 2008:63)ࢆᣦࡋࠊCDS ୖ࡛ࡣࠊWindow ࡢ
Focus 㒊࡟┦ᙜࡍࡿ㸧ෆࡢཧ୚⪅ࡀࣉࣟࣇ࢓࢖ࣝࡉࢀࠊ
Ground ࡢ H ࡜୍⮴⥺࡛⤖ࡤࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋྑᅗ࡛ࡣࠊH ࡣ
ᅗ 4. ࿨௧ᩥࡢ OC(Langacker 2008:470)ࣉࣟࣇ࢓࢖ࣝࡉࢀ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࡀព࿡ࡢ୍㒊࡜ࡋ࡚ OC ෆ࡟࠶ࡿࠋࡇࢀࢆ᥼⏝ࡍࢀࡤࠊB ࣞ࣋ࣝࡢ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥ࡛ Ground ࡢ୍㒊ࡀࣉࣟࣇ࢓࢖ࣝࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ௨ୗࡢᅗ 5 ࡀࠊ2 ࡘࡢࣞ࣋ࣝࡢ㐪࠸ࢆྍど໬ࡋࡓࣔࢹࣝᅗ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᕥᅗࡀ A ࣞ࣋ࣝࠊྑᅗࡀ B ࣞ࣋ࣝࢆ♧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᅗ 4 ࢆ⢭⦓໬ࡋ࡚ C㸦Conceptualizerࠊほࡿ୺య㸧ࢆຍ࠼࡚ࠊOC ࡜
IS ࡢ㛵ಀᛶࢆ᫂♧ࡋࡓࠋ

ᅗ 5. A ࣞ࣋ࣝ࡜ B ࣞ࣋ࣝࡢ CDS㸦Nakatani 2017: 65-66㸧

−92−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

ᕥᅗ㸦A ࣞ࣋ࣝ㸧ࡢ 0 ࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞࡣࠊOC ෆࡢ IS ࡟ླྀ㏙㒊ࡢࡳࡀ♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ୍᪉ࠊྑᅗ㸦B
ࣞ࣋ࣝ㸧ࡢ 0 ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡟ࡣࠊIS ࡟ླྀ㏙㒊࡜ C ࡀ♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࢀ࡟ࡼࡾࠊླྀ㏙ෆᐜࢆ C ࡀཷࡅධࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ≧ἣࡀព࿡࡟ྵࡲࢀࡿࠋ๓⠇࡛♧ࡋࡓࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࢆ⏝࠸ࡿ㝿ࡢඹ㏻ࡍࡿືᶵ࡙ࡅ
ࡣࠊ୍⮴㸦࠶ࡿ࠸ࡣඹ᭷㸧࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࡀࠊA ࡛ࣞ࣋ࣝࡣླྀ㏙ෆᐜࡢ୍⮴࡟ࠊB ࡛ࣞ࣋ࣝࡣᑐヰ⪅㛫ࡢㄆ㆑ࡢ୍⮴࡟↔Ⅼࡀ࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࡇࡢᅗ࡛♧ࡉࢀࡿࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊCDS ࢆ⏝࠸ࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊIS ࡢ⠊ᅖࡔࡅ࡛ࣞ࣋ࣝࡢ㐪࠸ࢆ⾲ࡋࠊ㝵ᒙᛶࢆྍど໬ࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
ࡉࡽ࡟ࠊ࢖ࣥࢺࢿ࣮ࢩࣙࣥ࡟ࡼࡿᶵ⬟ࡢ㐪࠸ࡶ♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋᅗ 5 ࡣࠊୗ㝆ㄪࡢሙྜࡢᅗ࡛
࠶ࡿࠋᕥᅗࡢ 0 ࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞࠊC ࡣ S ࡜ H ࡢࡑࢀࡒࢀ࡜୍⮴⥺࡛⤖ࡤࢀ࡚࠾ࡾࠊླྀ㏙ෆᐜࢆᛕᢲࡋࡍ
ࡿ A㸫2㸦Agreement seeking㸧ࡢᶵ⬟ࡀ⾲ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋྑᅗࡢ 0 ࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞࡣࠊC ࡀ IS ෆ࡟࠶ࡿࡓ
ࡵࠊ஫࠸ࡢㄆ㆑ࡀ୍⮴ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀྵࡲࢀ࡚ࠊㄯヰࡢ⤊஢ࢆពᅗࡍࡿ B㸫2㸦Peremptory㸧ࡢᶵ⬟ࡀ♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ௨ୗࡢᅗ 6 ࡣࠊୖ᪼ㄪ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ 2 ࡘࡢࣞ࣋ࣝࢆ⾲ࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ

ᅗ 6. ୖ᪼ㄪ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ A ࣞ࣋ࣝ࡜ B ࣞ࣋ࣝࡢ CDS㸦➹⪅ࠊcf. Nakatani 2017:67㸧
ᕥᅗࡣࠊA㸫1 ࡢᶵ⬟㸦Information seeking㸧ࢆࣔࢹࣝ໬ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᅗ 5 ࡜ࡢ㐪࠸ࡣࠊ0 ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡟࠾
ࡅࡿ OC ෆࡢ C ࡣ H ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡉࡽ࡟ Ground ࡢ H ࡜ࡢࡳ୍⮴⥺࡛⤖ࡤࢀ㸦S ࡜ࡣ୍⮴⥺࡛⤖ࡤࢀ࡞࠸㸧ࠊࡼࡾ␲ၥࢩࢼࣜ࢜࡟㏆࠸ᙧࢆ࡜ࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊA㸫1 ࡢࡶࡘ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟㢗ࡿᶵ⬟ࢆⓗ☜࡟♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋྑᅗࡣࠊB㸫1 ࡢᶵ⬟㸦Facilitative㸧ࢆ♧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᅗ 5 ࡜ࡢ㐪࠸ࡣࠊᕥᅗ࡜ྠᵝ࡟ C ࡀ H ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜࡛࠶ࡿࠋᑐヰ⪅㛫ࡢㄆ㆑ࡢ୍⮴ࡀ↔Ⅼ࡜࡞ࡿࡓࡵࠊ⪺ࡁᡭ࡜ࡢ࢖ࣥࢱࣛࢡࢩࣙࣥࡀ๓ᬒ໬ࡋࠊࢱ࣮ࣥࡢ஺᭰ࢆᙉࡃಁࡍᶵ⬟࡜࡞ࡿࠋࡇࡢ H ࡀ IS ෆ࡟࠶ࡾࠊࣉࣟ
ࣇ࢓࢖ࣝࡉࢀࡿྍ⬟ᛶࡀ࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ㉥⥺࡟ࡼࡾ⾲ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ๓⠇ࡢ(7)ࡸ(8)ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ᙧᘧࡀᔂࢀ࡚௜
ຍ㒊࡟⪺ࡁᡭࡀ⾲ࢀ࡚ࡃࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࡇࢀ࡟ࡼࡾㄝ᫂ྍ⬟࡜࡞ࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊIS ෆࡢ C ࡣ Ground ࡢ࡝ࡢせ⣲࡛࠶ࡗ࡚ࡶ୍⮴ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࡓࡵࠊࡉࡲࡊࡲ࡞ኚ໬࡟ᑐᛂ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ
ࡇࢀࡽࡢࣔࢹࣝᅗ࡟ࡼࡾ஦౛ࢆศᯒࡋ࡚࠸ࡃࠋᅗ 7 ࡣࠊ(9)ࢆᅗᘧ໬ࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋDRACO: (9 (= 4)) ,¶OOEHWyou loved that, GLGQ¶W\RX,
Potter? Famous Harry Potter! Can¶W even go
into a bookshop without making the front page.
GINNY: Leave him alone.
DRACO: Oh look 3RWWHU <RX¶YH JRW \RXUVHOI D
girlfriend.
(Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets)
ᅗ 7. (9)ࡢ CDS㸦Nakatani 2017: 82㸧

−93−

付加疑問文を CDS で捉える ―認知語用論的アプローチによる分析―஫࠸࡟ᩛᑐࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ஧ேࡀࠊၟᗑ⾤࡛ࡓࡲࡓࡲฟ఍࠺ሙ㠃࡛࠶ࡿࠋ(9)࡛ヰࡋᡭ㸦DRACO㸧ࡣࠊ⪺ࡁᡭ㸦HARRY㸧ࡀグ⪅࡟෗┿ࢆ᧜ࡽࢀ࢖ࣥࢱࣅ࣮ࣗࢆཷࡅࡿ࡞࡝ὀ┠ࢆᾎࡧ࡚࠸ࡿᵝᏊࢆぢ࡚ࠊࡇ࠺ࡺ࠺ࡢࡀዲࡁ࡞ࡢࡔࢁ࠺࡜ゝࡗ࡚ࠊ㠀㞴ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡑࢀ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊ➨ 3 ⪅࡛࠶ࡿ GINNY ࡀヰࡋᡭ
࡜࡞ࡾࠊHARRY ࢆ࠿ࡤࡗࡓⓎゝࢆࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᵓ㐀࡜ࡋ࡚ࡣࠊ୰ྑ(1994)࡟ࡼࡾࠊࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕せ⣲ࡀ
I’ll betࠊ୺せ࿨㢟ࡀ you lived that ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ゎ㔘ࡉࢀࠊࡑࡢࡓࡵ௜ຍ㒊ࡣ you loved ࡟↷ᛂࡋ࡚ didn’tyou?࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜ㄝ࡛᫂ࡁࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊCDS ࢆ⏝࠸ࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊほࡿഃ㸦୺య㸧࡜ほࡽࢀࡿᑐ㇟㸦ᐈయ㸧ࡢ㛵ಀᛶࡀࡼࡾࡣࡗࡁࡾ࡜ᾋ࠿ࡧୖࡀࡿࠋᅗ 7 ࡢ㸫ࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞࡣࠊླྀ㏙ෆᐜࡢᴫᛕ໬⪅ࡀヰࡋᡭ㸦S㸧࡟ࡼࡗ࡚⢭⦓໬ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋླྀ㏙ෆᐜࠕࡇ࠺ࡺ࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀዲࡁࡔࠖ࡟ᑐࡍࡿヰࡋᡭࡢᙉ࠸☜ಙ㸦ほࡿഃࡢែᗘ㸧࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊI’ll bet ࡜⾲⌧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ0 ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢ௜ຍ㒊࡛ࡣࠊ⪺ࡁᡭࡶヰࡋᡭ࡜ඹ࡟ᴫᛕ໬⪅࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡀࠊᵓ㐀ࡢኚ໬ࢆ࡜ࡶ࡞ࡗ࡚ࡣ࠸࡞࠸ࠋヰࡋᡭࡣࡉࡽ࡟ Potter?࡜⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ྡᣦࡋ࡛࿧ࡧ࠿ࡅ࡚ࠊH ࡜ᐇ㝿ࡢ⪺ࡁᡭࢆ᫂♧໬ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊ
㸦⪺ࡁᡭࢆㄯヰ࡟ᕳࡁ㎸ࢇ࡛㸧⪺ࡁᡭ࡬ࡢᨷᧁᛶࢆ┤᥋ⓗ࡟⾲ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ḟ࡟ၥ㢟࡜࡞ࡿ(10)ࢆᅗᘧ໬ࡋࡓᅗ 8 ࢆぢ࡚࠸ࡃࠋHARRY: What are you doing?
HERMIONE: Protective enchantments. (10 (= 5)) I do notwant a repeat of what happened at Shaftesbury
Avenue, do you?
(Harry Potter and Deathly Hallows part1)
ࡅࡀࢆࡋࡓ཭ே㸦RON㸧ࡢࡑࡤ࡛஧ே㸦HERMIONE࡜ HARRY㸧ࡀ఍ヰࢆࡋ࡚࠸ࡿሙ㠃࡛࠶ࡿࠋᡭᙜࢆ
ᅗ 8. (10)ࡢ CDS㸦Nakatani 2017: 83㸧ࡋ࡞ࡀࡽಖㆤ࿚ᩥࢆ࠿ࡅࡿ HERMIONE ࡟ࡓ࠸ࡋ࡚ࠊHARRY ࡀ࡞࡟ࢆࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࠿࡜ᑜࡡࡿࠋ(10)࡛ࠊヰࡋᡭ㸦HERMIONE㸧ࡣࠊ๓ࡳࡓ࠸࡟くࢃࢀ࡞࠸ࡼ࠺࡟ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠊ࠶࡞ࡓ㸦⪺ࡁᡭ㸻HARRY㸧ࡶࡑ࠺ᛮ࠺࡛ࡋࡻ࠺ࠊ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡࡛Ⓨヰࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇ
ࡇ࡛ࡣࠊླྀ㏙㒊 I do not want a repeat of what happened at Shaftesbury Avenue ࡜௜ຍ㒊 do you?࡟↷ᛂ㛵ಀࡣほᐹࡉࢀ࡞࠸ࠋࡋ࠿ࡋ࡞ࡀࡽࠊᅗ 8 ࡛ࡣࠊࡇࡢኚ໬ࡀ㉳ࡇࡾ࠺ࡿ࣓࢝ࢽࢬ࣒ࡀ♧ࡉࢀࡿࠋᅗ 8ࡢ㸫ࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞࡣࠊླྀ㏙ෆᐜࠕ๓ࡢࡼ࠺࡟くࢃࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࠖ࡟ᑐࡍࡿヰࡋᡭ㸦ᴫᛕ໬⪅㸧ࡢᙉ࠸Ẽᣢࡕ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊI do not want ࡜⾲⌧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ0 ࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞࡣࠊ⪺ࡁᡭࡀᴫᛕ໬⪅࡜ࡋ࡚⢭⦓໬ࡉࢀ࡚ࠊ
ࡉࡽ࡟ࣉࣟࣇ࢓࢖ࣝࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋIS ෆࡢ H ࡣ Ground ࡢ H ࡜୍⮴ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᵓ㐀ࡢኚ໬ࢆ࡜ࡶ࡞ࡗ
࡚ࠊླྀ㏙ෆᐜࡼࡾࡶᐇ㝿ࡢ࢖ࣥࢱࣛࢡࢩࣙࣥࡀ๓ᬒ໬ࡉࢀࠊ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟㢗ࡿヰࡋᡭࡢẼᣢࡕࡀ⾲⌧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ ᭱ᚋ࡟ࠊࡶࡗ࡜ࡶᵓ㐀ࡢኚ໬ࡀ኱ࡁ࠸(8)ࢆᅗᘧ໬ࡋࡓᅗ 9 ࢆぢ࡚࠸ࡃࠋ(8) ࡢ ౛ ࠊ He's going to turn it over toProfessor MCGONAGALL, aren't you?࡛
ࡣࠊ๓⠇࡛ぢࡓࡼ࠺࡟ࠊླྀ㏙㒊࡜௜ຍ㒊࡟↷ᛂ㛵ಀࡣほᐹࡉࢀ࡞࠸ࠋࡋ࠿ࡋ࡞
ࡀࡽࠊ0 ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ IS ෆࡢ C ࢆ
H ࡀ⢭⦓໬ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊ㸫ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢ
ླྀ㏙㒊ࡢᴫᛕ໬⪅ C ࡀ᝿ᐃࡉࢀࡿࠋࡘ
ࡲࡾࠊヰࡋᡭࡣ௜ຍ㒊ࡢⓎヰ࡟ࡼࡾࠊླྀ
㏙ෆᐜࠕᙼࡀඛ⏕࡟ࡑࢀࢆ㏉ࡍࡇ࡜ࠖ࡟
ᑐࡍࡿ㈐௵ࡀ࠶ࡿேࡀᏑᅾࡋࠊࡑࢀࡀ
⪺ࡁᡭ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆఏ࠼ࡿࡇ࡜࡟ᡂຌ
ᅗ 9. (8)ࡢ CDS㸦Nakatani 2017: 84㸧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊྠ᫬࡟ᐇ㝿ࡢ࢖ࣥࢱࣛ

−94−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ࢡࢩࣙࣥࡀ๓ᬒ໬ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࡓࡵࠊ⪺ࡁᡭࡢⓎヰ㸦㏉⟅㸧ࢆಁ㐍ࡍࡿᶵ⬟ࡀാ࠸࡚࠸ࡿࠋヰࡋᡭࡢ⪺ࡁᡭࢆᕳࡁ㎸ࡶ࠺࡜ࡍࡿẼᣢࡕࡀ⾲ࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊCDS ࢆ⏝࠸ࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊGround ࡢせ⣲ࡀ OC ࡜㔜࡞ࡾྜࡗ࡚ࠊࡑࢀࡀ IS ࡢ୍㒊࡜࡞ࡾࣉࣟࣇ࢓࢖ࣝࡉࢀࡿ࡜࠸࠺࣓࢝ࢽࢬ࣒ࡀࠊ
ᵓ㐀ࡢኚ໬ࢆࡶࡓࡽࡋ࡚࠸ࡃ㐣⛬ࢆ♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡓࠋ
௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡣࠊླྀ㏙ෆᐜ࠿ࡽ᏶඲࡟㐓⬺ࡋࡓᙧᘧࡀ௜ຍ㒊࡟⌧ࢀࡿ஦౛ࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡎࠊᵓ㐀ࡀኚ໬ࡋ࡚ࡶࠊᑐヰ⪅㛫ࡢ୍⮴ࠊ࠶ࡿ࠸ࡣඹ᭷࡜࠸࠺ㄆ▱ⓗືᶵ࡙ࡅ࡜ࡢᩚྜᛶࡣほᐹࡉࢀࡿࠋࡑࢀࡺ࠼ࠊ
ࡇࡢㄆ▱ⓗືᶵ࡙ࡅࡣࠊጇᙜᛶࡀ㧗࠸࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࡀࠊCDS ࡟ࡼࡾࠊ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥ࡟࡜ࡗ࡚᭱ࡶ୰ᚰ
࡜࡞ࡿㄆ▱ⓗືᶵ࡙ࡅࢆࣔࢹࣝ໬࡛ࡁࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࠊྍ⬟ᛶࢆᗈࡆ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࠋ㸬ࡲ࡜ࡵ
ᮏ✏࡛ࡣ 2 ࡘࡢࡇ࡜ࢆ♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡓࠋ୍ࡘࡣࠊ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢᶵ⬟࡟ࡣࠊ2 ࡘࡢࣞ࣋ࣝ㸦A:᝟
ሗ࡜ B:ㄯヰ㸧ࡀ࠶ࡾࠊ㔜」ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࠋࡶ࠺୍ࡘࡣࠊCDS ࡟ࡼࡾࡇࡢ 2 ࡘࡢࣞ࣋ࣝ
࠾ࡼࡧᵓ㐀ⓗ࿘㎶౛ࢆྵࡵࡓ⤫୍ⓗ࡞ᅗᘧ໬ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡑࢀࡺ࠼ࠊCDS ࢆ⏝࠸ࡓᅗ࡟ࡼࡾࠊ௜ຍ␲ၥᩥࡢከᵝ࡞ᶵ⬟࡜ᵓ㐀ࡢኚ໬ࢆྠࡌᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ᤊ࠼ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿ࡜⤖ㄽ௜ࡅࡽࢀࡿࠋ ᅗ 5 ࡛♧ࡋࡓᇶᮏ࡜࡞ࡿࣔࢹࣝᅗࡣࠊྠ୍ࣔࢹ࡛ࣝ 4 ࡘࡢᶵ⬟㸦A㸫1: Information seeking ᝟ሗせồࠊB㸫1: Agreement seeking ྠពせồࠊA㸫2: Facilitative ㄯヰಁ㐍ࠊB㸫2: Peremptory ㄯヰ⤊஢㸧ࢆ♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࠊࡉࡽ࡟ࠊᵓ㐀ⓗ࿘㎶౛㸦⤫ㄒᵓ㐀ࡢኚ໬㸧࡟ࡶᑐᛂ࡛ࡁࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊ୺య࡜ᐈయࢆ
ྵࡵ࡚ᅗ♧࡛ࡁࡿࡓࡵࠊIntersubjectivity ࡜࠸࠺ほⅬ࠿ࡽࠊ࡞ࡐᵓ㐀ⓗኚ໬ࡀ㉳ࡇࡿࡢ࠿࡜࠸࠺࣓࢝
ࢽࢬ࣒ࡲ࡛ࢆࡶᤊ࠼ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ ㄆ▱ᩥἲࡢᯟ⤌ࡳࢆ⏝࠸ࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊㄒ⏝ㄽ࡜ㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛࡢ᥋Ⅼ࡜࡞ࡿศᯒࢆ♧ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡓ࡜⪃࠼ࡿࠋὀ
1. ᮏ✏ࡣ᪥ᮏㄒ⏝ㄽᏛ఍➨ 20 ᅇ኱఍㸦2017 ᖺ 12 ᭶ 17 ᪥ࠊ᪊㸸ி㒔ᕤⱁ⧄⥔኱Ꮫ㸧࡟࠾ࡅࡿⓎ⾲ෆᐜ࡟ࠊຍ➹࣭ಟṇࢆຍ࠼ࡓࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋⓎ⾲ᙜ᪥ࡣከࡃࡢඛ⏕᪉ࡸ㝔⏕ࡢ᪉ࠎࡼࡾ㈗㔜࡞ࢥ࣓ࣥࢺ࣭ࡈ
ᣦ᦬ࢆ࠸ࡓࡔ࠸ࡓࠋࡇࡢሙࢆ೉ࡾ࡚ཌࡃᚚ♩⏦ࡋୖࡆࡓ࠸ࠋ
2. ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊ௜ຍ㒊ࡢᴟᛶࡀ཯㌿ࡍࡿࡶࡢࢆศᯒࡢᑐ㇟࡜ࡍࡿࠋ௜ຍ㒊ࡀྠᴟᛶࡢ౛ࡣᩘࡀᑡ࡞ࡃࠊᩥ
ἲ᭩➼࡛ࡣ␗ᴟᛶࡢᙧᘧࢆᢅ࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀከ࠸ࠋThe British National Corpus (Shogakukan Corpus Network.
http://scnweb.jkn21.com/ࠊ௨ୗ BNC)ࡢᢳฟ 4000 ౛࡛ࡣࠊ඲యࡢ 70㸣௨ୖࡀ␗ᴟᛶ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ୍⯡ⓗ࡞ᙧᘧ࡜ࡋ࡚⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋྠᴟᛶࡢᙧᘧ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣࠊWierzbicka(2006)࡛♧ࡉࢀࡿࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ඲ࡃ␗࡞ࡿព࿡
ࢆᣢࡘࡓࡵࠊู࡟ྲྀࡾᢅ࠺࡭ࡁ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡿࠋ
3. BNC ࡢᢳฟ 4000 ౛࡛ࡣࠊ୍⯡ⓗ࡞ᙧᘧࡀ 80㸣௨ୖࢆ༨ࡵ࡚࠾ࡾࠊ(3)-(6)ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ᵓ㐀ⓗ࡟ᔂࢀࡓᙧᘧ
ࡣࠊ16%⛬ᗘ࡛࠶ࡗࡓࡓࡵࠊࡇࡇ࡛ࡣ࿘㎶ⓗ࡞౛࡜ࡋ࡚ᢅ࠺ࠋ
4. (3)ࡣ୺ㄒ࡜ be ືモࢆḞ࠸࡚࠾ࡾࠊ(4)ࡣ୺ㄒࢆḞ࠸࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽࡣࠊᖹླྀᩥ࡜௜ຍ㒊ࡀ┦⿵ⓗ࡞㛵ಀ࡟࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞せ⣲ࢆḞࡃࣃࢱ࣮ࣥࡢᙧᘧ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣู✏࡛ㄽࡌࡿࠋ
5. ᮏ✏࡛⏝࠸ࡓᫎ⏬ࡢࢫࢡࣜࣉࢺ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣࠊ௨ୗࡢࢧ࢖ࢺࢆཧ↷ࡋࡓࠋᙧᘧࡸୗ⥺➼ࡣ➹⪅࡟ࡼࡿࠋࠕᫎ⏬࡛ⱥ఍ヰ TangoTango!! ᫎ⏬ࡢࢩࢼࣜ࢜&ཎసᮏࢆㄞࡶ࠺ࠖ
(http://www.h3.dion.ne.jp/~tango2/book.ha.html)
ࠕᫎ⏬ࠕࣁ࣮࣭࣏ࣜࢵࢱ࣮࡜ㅦࡢࣉࣜࣥࢫࠖࡢྎᮏࡀබ㛤㸟ࠖ(http://www.pottermania.jp/info/event/log2009/01Download/091113WB_Features_Harry_Potter6_Scripts.htm)
ࠕMovie Scriptࠖ(https://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_scripts.php)−95−

付加疑問文を CDS で捉える ―認知語用論的アプローチによる分析―

౛ᩥฟ඾Stannard, Allen W. 1954. Living English Speech, Longman, London.
Heyman, David (producer) and J.K. Rowling (original author) (2001) Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone/(2002) Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets/ (2004) Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban/ (2005)
Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire [Motion Picture], Warner Bros, USA.
Heyman, David and David Barron (producers) and J.K. Rowling (original author) (2007) Harry Potter and the Orderof Phoenix/ (2009) Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince/ (2010) Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows Part
1/ (2011) Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows Part 2 [Motion Picture], Warner Bros, USA.

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Algeo, John. 1988. ³7KH7DJ4XHVWLRQLQ%ULWLVK(QJOLVK,W¶V'LIIHUHQW,¶Q¶LW"´(QJOLVK:RUOG-Wide 9(2), pp171191, John Benjamins B.V., Amsterdam.
Holmes, Janet. 1983. ³7KH)XQFWLRQVRI7DJ4XHVWLRQV´(QJOLVK/DQJXDJH5HVHDUFK-RXUQDOSS-65.
Holmes, Janet. 1995. Women, Men and Politeness, White Plains, NY: Longman.
Langacker, Ronald W. 1987. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar volume I. Stanford, California: Stanford University
Press.
Langacker, Ronald W. 1991. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar volume II. Stanford, California: Stanford University
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Langacker, Ronald W. 2001. ³'LVFRXUVHLQ&RJQLWLYH*UDPPDU´&RJQLWLYH/LQJXLVWLFV   143-188.
Langacker, Ronald W. 2008. Cognitive Grammar: A Basic Introduction, Oxford University Press, New York.
Langacker, Ronald W. 2009. Investigations in Cognitive Grammar, Mouton de Gruyter, New York.
Langacker, Ronald W. 2012. ³,QWHUDFWLYH&ognition: Toward a unified account of structure, processing, and discourse´International Journal of Cognitive Linguistics 3, 96-125.
୰ྑᐇ. 1994. ࠗㄆ▱ព࿡ㄽࡢཎ⌮࠘ ኱ಟ㤋᭩ᗑ, ᮾி.
Nakatani, Hiromi. 2017. The Structure and Meaning of Tag Questions: A Cognitive Linguistic Approach, Doctorial
dissertation, University of Kanazawa.
㷂⏣ᬛᏊ. 2010.ࠕㄆ▱࡜ㄯヰ࣭᝟ሗࠖࠗࠑㅮᗙ ㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛࡢࣇࣟࣥࢸ࢕࢔մࠒゝㄒ㐠⏝ࡢࢲ࢖ࢼ࣑ࢬ࣒ʊ
ㄆ▱ㄒ⏝ㄽࡢ࢔ࣉ࣮ࣟࢳʊ࠘ᒣ᲍ṇ᫂㸦⦅㸧㸪1-12㸪◊✲♫㸪ᮾி㸬
Tomasello, Michael. 2008. Origins of Human Communication, The MIT Press, Cambridge.
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Tottie, Gunnel and Sebastian Hoffmann. 2009. ³7DJ TXHVWLRQV LQ (QJOLVK-7KH ILUVW FHQWXU\´ Journal of English
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Benjamins, Amsterdam.
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−104−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

£ğŶƠǀƣğŻƍġĚŹŜţƎĔğĉ6Ż.§ŌŌƍŹăƎƅŵŻĮåƑxŹŌŌƫưƔƓň ƬƸƥƔĳºX_Ĺ
hayanovia_0611@yahoo.co.jpňňŐAbstractő

This comparative study reports on the use of classification of semantic formula in the pre-refusal
stage leading up to the refusal stage by Japanese native speakers (JNS) and Sundanese (one of thelocal languages in Indonesia) native speakers or SNS. The results of the study showed that the
number of semantic formula classifications used by SNS was higher than that of semantic formulaclassifications used by JNS. It indicates that SNS tend to avoid direct refusal. Furthermore, JNS
employed ‘pause filler’ and ‘information confirmation’, while SNS utilized ‘information
confirmation’, ‘expressions of confuse’, and ‘asking more information’ as their classifications ofsemantic formulae in their pre-refusal stage leading up to the refusal stage.
Ŗƚǂƿǂƨŗǋň £ğğň Ơǀƣğň ƍġĚŹŜţƎĔğĉ6ň ň ƍŹăƎƅŵŻĮåǉÿŶÛÚň ň ƍĉ6ŹĶŪƎv¦ŻßéŵżōŹƍŻĔğĉ6ŶřŚƋƍƈĔğċÏŭŻƈŻŹÆÃŞ
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−109−

日本語とスンダ語の断り談話における言語行動の分析 ―断りに至るまでの過程を中心に―ŶřŚTĿŵōFÓǄ 

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第13号

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.

Brown, P. and Levinson, S. 1987. Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Beebe, L., Takahashi, T.,& Uliss-Weltz, R. 1990. Pragmatic transfer in ESL refusals. In R.
Scarcella, E. Andersen, & S.Krashen (Eds.), Developing communicative competence in asecond language, 55-73. New York: Newbury House.
Ĉ=}ù.

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ä_ßéä;UĢ.

−111−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

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hanarumig@gmail.com<Abstract>
In this presentation, I will discuss the political discourse of Japan and Korea, and consider the strategy
of justification seen in it with the social and political background. In the political election scene, consider
the common topics to the election speech between Japan and Korea and the justification strategy used indeveloping it did. As a result of the analysis, Japanese politicians were found that there is a strong tendency
to justify by pursuing policy responsibilities, enumerating and citing concrete numerical values and"authorizing" their remarks. In Korea, on the other hand, different results came up. Such as actively using ajustification strategy based on "ethical evaluation", which respects ideological values. From this, evenpolitical discourse with the same purpose as "persuasion" showed that there is a difference in the operationof concrete justification strategies.
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−113−

日韓政治ディスコースにみられる正当化ストラテジー ―社会・政治的背景と言語的特徴の関係を中心に―

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

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õȺƙǫ
Fairclough, N. 1989. Language and Power, London: Longman.
 1992. Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Rojo, L. & van Dijk, T.A. 1997. “There was a Problem, and it was Solved!: Legitimating the Expulsion of`Illegal' Migrants in Spanish Parliamentary Discourse” Discourse & Society, 8(4),523-566.
vanLeeuwen,T. 2007. “Legitimation in discourse and communication” Discourse and Communication, 1(1),91-112.

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福音書における黙説の使用--Jesusを権威づけ，読者に語りかける-平川裕己 (youkey.hirakawa@gmail.com)
神戸市外国語大学大学院<abstract>
This paper aims to clarify how the rhetorical strategy of aposiopesis functions in discourse, using the four
Gospels of the New Testament as data. In illustrating scenes where Jesus interacts with certain interlocutors, theGospels repeatedly avoid describing how his interlocutors respond to him, even though it is clearly possible to
do so. This way of describing conversation—i.e., through the use of aposiopesis—in the Gospels serves toportray Jesus as an authoritative figure, and invites the reader to actively imagine how his words are received.
Given its functions, aposiopesis can thus deliver Jesus’ doctrinal message more effectively to the reader.
【キーワード】黙説，権威づけ，書きことばのコミュニケーション，レトリック，福音書

１．緒言
本論は，黙説 (aposiopesis) のレトリックがもつ機能を分析し，それがディスコース・ジャンルの特徴とも関わることを示す。考察の材料として，福音書（新約聖書のうち最初の四書）をとりあげる1。
福音書では，Jesusが自らの教えを様々な人々に説く様子が語られる。彼の説教は，概して，一定の相手（弟子，対立する律法学者，一般の聴衆，など）とのやりとりをきっかけに始まる。しかしながら，Jesusの説教が当の相手にどう受け止められたのかは描かれないことが多い（ただし，３節で見るとおり，全ての場合で黙説が用いられるわけではない）。この描写方法は，福音書の記述におけるひとつの特徴となっている。
このようにディスコースにある種の中断をもたらす方法は，レトリック研究で「黙説」と呼ばれる（佐藤, 1992: 24）。黙説は一般に，ことばを続けられないほど話者が強い感情を抱いていることを示す技法とされてきた（Lanham, 1991: 20）。だが，福音書の黙説は，登場人物の感情の高まりを描いているわけではない。では，Jesusの説教を描く際に黙説を用いることは，どのような役割をもつのだろう。そして，そもそも黙説を利用して語ることに，どのような利点があるのだろう。本論はこれらの問に答えることを目指す。
議論は次のように展開する。まず２節では，福音書の記述を観察し，そこに黙説の使用が認められることを指摘する。また，佐藤 (1992) の考察を参照しながら，福音書において黙説の使用が果たす機
能を明らかにする。３節では，Jesusの会話相手の反応が明示される場合について観察する。そして，
Jesusへの反応は彼を肯定的に評価するものに限られていることを示したうえで，この限定が，黙説が用いられる場面の解釈を方向づけていることを論じる。４節では福音書というテクストにおいて黙説を用いる利点を考察する。最後の５節では，議論の一般性と意義について述べる。
２．Jesusへの反応の欠如
福音書の描写には，黙説の使用が認められる。この節ではその具体的特徴を記述する。そのうえ
で，黙説の利用が読者とのコミュニケーションに寄与していることを示す。
2.1 福音書の特徴
福音書では，Jesusが自らの教えを様々な相手（弟子，対立する律法学者，一般の聴衆，など）に説く様子が語られる。Jesusの説教は，基本的に，会話相手とのやりとりを入り口として始められる。教えを説く彼のことばは，そのつど特定の相手に向けて組み立てられている。しかしながら，彼の説教−121−福音書における黙説の使用 ―Jesusを権威づけ，読者に語りかける―が当の相手にどのように受け止められたのかは，十分に可能であるにも関わらず，描かれないことが多い（相手の反応が描かれる場合の特徴については３節を参照）。いくつか例を挙げよう。以下の(1)は，安息日に関する律法について，JesusがPhariseesからの批判に答える場面である。
(1)

Mark, 2:23-3:1
And it came to pass, that he [=Jesus] went through the corn fields on the sabbath day; and his disciples
began, as they went, to pluck the ears of corn. And the Pharisees said unto him, (a)"Behold, why dothey on the sabbath day that which is not lawful?" And he said unto them, (b)"Have ye never read
what David did, when he had need, and was an hungred, he, and they that were with him? How hewent into the house of God in the days of Abiathar the high priest, and did eat the shewbread, which is
not lawful to eat but for the priests, and gave also to them which were with him?" And he said unto
them, (c)"The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the sabbath: therefore the Son of man is
Lord also of the sabbath."
And he entered again into the synagogue; and there was a man there which had a withered hand.

Phariseesのことば(1a)は質問の体裁をとっているが，ユダヤ律法を背景にJesusを批判するものとなっている。この批判に対し，Jesusは(1b-c)のように反佀する。しかし，このJesusのことばにPhariseesがどう反応したかは描かれず，続く部分では次の場面の描写が始まる。Jesusの議論がPhariseesにとって説得的であったかどうか，明らかにされない。
次も同様の例だ。PhariseesとSadduceesがJesusを試そうとする場面である。
(2)

Matthew, 16: 1-5
The Pharisees also with the Sadducees came, and tempting (a)desired him [=Jesus] that he would shewthem a sign from heaven. He answered and said unto them, (b)“When it is evening, ye say, It will befair weather: for the sky is red. And in the morning, It will be foul weather to day: for the sky is red
and lowring. O ye hypocrites, ye can discern the face of the sky; but can ye not discern the signs of
the times? A wicked and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign; and there shall no sign be given
unto it, but the sign of the prophet Jonas.” (c)And he left them, and departed.
And when his disciples were come to the other side, they had forgotten to take bread.

Jesusに預言者としての資格を問うPhariseesやSadducees(2a)に対し，Jesusは彼らへの評価を加えながら(“ye hypocrites”) 答える(2b)。だが，この答えが当のPhariseesらにどう受け止められたのかは示されず，
Jesusがその場から立ち去ったことだけが語られる(2c)。
同じ描写方法は，Jesusがたとえ話 (parable) を用いて説教を行う場合にも用いられる。
(3)

Luke, 13: 1-11(a)There were present at that season some that told him [=Jesus] of the Galilæans, whose blood Pilate
had mingled with their sacrifices. And Jesus answering said unto them, (b)“Suppose ye that these
Galilæans were sinners above all the Galilæans, because they suffered such things? I tell you, Nay:but, except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish. Or those eighteen, upon whom the tower in Siloam
fell, and slew them, think ye that they were sinners above all men that dwelt in Jerusalem? I tell you,
Nay: but, except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish.”
He spake also this parable; (c)“A certain man had a fig tree planted in his vineyard; and he came andsought fruit thereon, and found none. Then said he unto the dresser of his vineyard, Behold, thesethree years I come seeking fruit on this fig tree, and find none: cut it down; why cumbereth it the
ground? And he answering said unto him, Lord, let it alone this year also, till I shall dig about it, anddung it: and if it bear fruit, well: and if not, then after that thou shalt cut it down.”
And he was teaching in one of the synagogues on the sabbath. And, behold, there was a woman which
had a spirit of infirmity eighteen years, and was bowed together, and could in no wise lift up herself.

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ガリレア人について報告(3a)を受けたJesusは，それに対してコメント(3b)を加えたうえで，たとえ話(3c)を語る。しかし，このたとえ話が報告者たちにどの程度，あるいはどのように理解されたかは明らかにされず，次の段落では別の場面に話が移される。
Jesusに対する会話相手の反応を示さないという描写の方法は，さらに，彼の説教が多岐にわたる際にも見られる。
(4)

Matthew, 5:1-7:29
And seeing the multitudes, he [=Jesus] went up into a mountain: and when he was set, his disciples
came unto him: and (a)he opened his mouth, and taught them, saying,[…](b)And it came to pass, when Jesus had ended these sayings, (c)the people were astonished at his
doctrine: for he taught them as one having authority, and not as the scribes.

Jesusは(4a)から始まる説教で，21もの話題に言及する2。そしてその間，話題が切り替わる位置で聴衆の反応を示すことは十分に可能ではあるにもかかわらず，彼らの様子は一貫して描写されない。説教が(4b)で終わりを迎えた後で，ようやくJesusのことばがどう受け止められたかが示される(4c)。ただし，この部分では聴衆がJesusの語り方に「驚いた」ことが述べられるに過ぎず，彼の語った教えに関する具体的な反応が示されているわけではない。
これまでの話をまとめよう。福音書では，Jesusが様々な相手に向けて自らの教えを説く様子が語られる。そしてその際，伝道は会話のなかで始まるにも関わらず，彼の教えが当の相手にどう受け止められたのかは示さない，という描写の方法が繰り返し採用される。では，こうした会話の描写方法はどのような機能を果たすのだろうか。そして，福音書においてこのような描写方法を採用する利点は何なのだろうか。以下では，このふたつの疑問に答えよう。
2.2 黙説
まず，ひとつ目の問について議論しよう。上で観察した福音書の特徴的な語り方は，レトリックが黙説と呼ぶ技法に相当する。黙説とは，ディスコースに明示されていない「何か」があることを仄め
かす技法だ3。例えば次の例を見よう（佐藤, 1992: 24）。語り手である「私」と，とある老人との会話
である。
(5)

山本周五郎『青べか物語』(a)「いい舟があんだが」と老人は二百メートルも向うにあるひねこびた松の木にでも話しかけるような，大きな声でどなりたてた，(b)「いい舟で値段も安いもんだが，買わねえかね」(c)私が答えると，老人は初めからその答えを予期していたように，なんの反応もあらわさず，吸っていたタバコを地面でもみ消し，残りを耳に挟んでから，手洟をかんだ。
老人の台詞が直接引用される(6a-b)とは対照的に，「私」の発したことばは引用されない。老人の申し出に答えたということだけが語られ(6c)，「私」が老人にどう答えたのかは伏せられるかたちになっている（引用部以降も一貫して同様の描写が続く）。このような描写方法は，「私」のことばを
読者自身で想像するよう要請し，読み手を積極的な意味創出の活動に参加させる（佐藤, 1992: 2425）。つまり，(5)における黙説の使用は，作品と読者とを関係づける役割を果たしている（件の老人にとって，「私」のことばは隠されていない）。黙説というレトリック技法は，このように，ディスコースには明示されていない「何か」があることを示唆することをとおして，読み手にその「何か」を能動的に想像させるのだ（佐藤, 1992: 46-47；佐藤・佐々木・松尾, 2006: 405；野内, 1998: 295）。
以上を念頭に置いたうえで，話を福音書の描写に戻そう。福音書では，教えを説くJesusのことばに−123−

福音書における黙説の使用 ―Jesusを権威づけ，読者に語りかける―

対して会話相手がどのように反応したのかを示さない，という描き方が繰り返し行われていた。この描写方法は，相手の反応が十分に期待できる位置であるにも関わらず，彼らのことばを引用しないという点で，(5)と同様に黙説と見ることができる。そしてこの語り方は，彼のことばがどう受け取られたのかを読み手に想像させるきっかけとなりうる。言い換えれば，福音書の黙説は，Jesusのことばの受け取り方を読者の解釈に委ね，彼の発言に読者自身で反応することを要請する。つまり福音書において，教えを説くJesusのことばは登場人物とのやりとりを入り口としながらも，強く読者を指向する
かたちで組み立てられているのだ。黙説の使用は，彼のことばを物語内で完結させるのではなく，読者に訴えかけさせる手立てとなっている。
３．Jesusへの反応の描写
Jesusが参加する会話を描く際，福音書は繰り返し黙説を用いる。そして黙説の使用は，教えを説く
Jesusのことばに読者への訴求力を持たせる働きをもっている。これまでの議論で，このことを明らかにした。このような述べ方は，Jesusのことばをどのように受け止めるかは読者の裁量に委ねられるよ
うな印象を与えるかもしれない。だが，Jesusのことばを解釈するにあたって，読者は完全に自由であるわけではない。読者の解釈は一定の方向づけを与えられている。
この方向づけは，Jesusの伝道の様子が黙説を用いずに描写される場合に見てとれる。前節で記述したとおり，福音書は教えを説くJesusに対する会話相手の反応を示さない，という描き方（i.e. 黙説の使用）を繰り返す。とはいえ，彼への反応は一切描かれないというわけではない。着目すべきは，会話相手がJesusに返す反応が二種類に限られる，という点である。
3.1 Jesusへの肯定的な反応が示される
Jesusに対する反応のひとつは，彼の教えを肯定的に受け容れる，というものである。例を示そう。
(6)Mark, 12: 35-37
And Jesus answered and said, while he taught in the temple, (a)“How say the scribes that Christ is theSon of David? For David himself said by the Holy Ghost, The Lord said to my Lord, Sit thou on myright hand, till I make thine enemies thy footstool. David therefore himself calleth him Lord; andwhence is he then his son?” (b)And the common people heard him gladly.

ここでは，Jesusの問いかけ(6a)を，聴衆が喜んで (gladly) 受け止めている(6b)。この反応によって，
Jesusのことばはそのような喜びをもたらすものと意味づけられる。
次の(7)も同様の例である。
(7)

Matthew, 9: 1-8
And he entered into a ship, and passed over, and came into his own city. And, behold, they brought to
him a man sick of the palsy, lying on a bed: and Jesus seeing their faith said unto the sick of the palsy;“Son, be of good cheer; thy sins be forgiven thee.” And, behold, certain of the scribes said withinthemselves, “This man blasphemeth.” And Jesus knowing their thoughts said, “Wherefore think yeevil in your hearts? For whether is easier, to say, Thy sins be forgiven thee; or to say, Arise, and walk?
But that ye may know that the Son of man hath power on earth to forgive sins,” (then saith he to thesick of the palsy,) (a)“Arise, take up thy bed, and go unto thine house.” And he arose, and departed tohis house. (b)But when the multitudes saw it, they marvelled, and glorified God, which had given such
power unto men.

この場面でJesusはことばをかけるだけで麻痺の男性を癒す(7a)。それを見た聴衆は神を賛美し，Jesusにその権威を認める(7b)。このような反応をとおして，Jesusは権威ある者と位置づけられる。
このように，Jesusのことばや行為は，繰り返し肯定的な反応を受ける。そしてそうした反応は，−124−

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Jesusおよび彼のことばに「正しく，権威ある」ものという評価を与える。
3.2 敵対的な相手がJesusに言い返せなくなる様が描かれる
Jesusへの反応のもうひとつの種類は，彼が敵対的な相手と論争を行う場面において見られる。まず
は具体例を見よう。
(8)

Luke, 14: 1-6
And it came to pass, as he [=Jesus] went into the house of one of the chief Pharisees to eat bread on
the sabbath day, that they watched him. And, behold, there was a certain man before him which had
the dropsy. And Jesus answering spake unto the lawyers and Pharisees, saying, (a)“Is it lawful to healon the sabbath day?” (b)And they held their peace. And he took him, and healed him, and let him go;
and answered them, saying, (c)“Which of you shall have an ass or an ox fallen into a pit, and will notstraightway pull him out on the sabbath day?” (d)And they could not answer him again to these things.

安息日に働くことの是非について，Jesusは律法学者とPhariseesに問を投げかける(8a)。だが，Pharisees
らは何も答えない(8b)。彼らの沈黙を受けて，Jesusは（安息日であるにも関わらず）水腫の男を癒す。そして今度は「安息日に働く」ことの具体例を示すかたちで，再び安息日の労働の是非を問う(8c)。この問にもPhariseesたちは答えることができない(8d)。
ここでPhariseesが沈黙に追い込まれたのは，Jesusの問に“Yes”とも“No”とも答えられないからだ。安
息日の労働はユダヤ律法で禁じられているから，彼らは立場上Jesusの最初の問(8a)に“No”と答えざるをえない。他方，ふたつ目(8b)は，その内容に鑑みて“Yes”と答えるのが自然な問だ。同じ問に同時に“Yes”かつ“No”と答えることは不可能だから，Phariseesは沈黙せざるを得なかったというわけだ。
論敵である律法学者やPhariseesたちが反論できない限りにおいて，Jesusの説く教えは彼らの教義（＝ユダヤ律法）よりも「正しい」ことになる。つまり，敵対的な相手がJesusに言い返せなくなる様を描くことは，Jesusの正しさに寄与するわけだ。
さらに別の例を挙げよう。
(9)

Matthew, 22: 15-22
Then went the Pharisees, and took counsel how they might entangle him [=Jesus] in his talk. And they
sent out unto him their disciples with the Herodians, saying, “Master, we know that thou art true, andteachest the way of God in truth, neither carest thou for any man: for thou regardest not the person ofmen. (a)Tell us therefore, What thinkest thou? Is it lawful to give tribute unto Cæsar, or not?” But
Jesus perceived their wickedness, and said, (b)“Why tempt ye me, ye hypocrites? Shew me the tributemoney.” And they brought unto him a penny. And he saith unto them, (c)“Whose is this image andsuperscription?” They say unto him, (d)“Cæsar’s.” Then saith he unto them, (e)“Render therefore untoCæsar the things which are Cæsar’s; and unto God the things that are God’s.” (f)When they had heard
these words, they marvelled, and left him, and went their way.

律法を背景とするPhariseesの弟子とHerodiansが，ローマ皇帝Cæsarに税を納めることの是非について考えを述べるよう，Jesusに要求する(9a)。これに対し，Jesusは彼らを否定的に評価しつつ(“yehypocrites”)，税として納める硬貨を見せるよう求める(9b)。彼らが持ち出してきた硬貨にCæsarが彫られていることを確認(9c-d)した後，JesusはCæsarのものはCæsarに返すべきだと主張する(9e)。この主張
は，冒頭の要求(9a)に対するJesusの返答となっている。彼のことばを聞いたHerodiansらは驚き，反佀することはなくその場を立ち去る(9f)。この反応も，(8)の場合と同じく，Jesusの論理を「正しい」ものとして遡及的に意味づける。
福音書において，このようにJesusはしばしば敵対的な相手と論争する。しかしその際，Jesusへの決定的な批判・反論は決して語られない。最終的には必ずJesusが論争に勝利する。こうした場面の描写−125−

福音書における黙説の使用 ―Jesusを権威づけ，読者に語りかける―

によって，Jesusの教えは（他の考え方より）「正しい」ものと意味づけられるのだ。
3.3 例外的な事例：Jesusが排斥される以上見たとおり，福音書が描くJesus（の教え）への反応は，一貫して彼を「正しく」「権威ある」者という意味づけにつながる。ただし，例外的に見える事例も存在する。ここではそのような場合も，実質的にはJesusを肯定的に位置づけるものであることを確認しておこう。Jesusが自らの故郷で民衆に教えを説く場面だ。
(10)

Luke, 4: 21-30
And he [=Jesus] began to say unto them [=the people in the synagogue], “This day is this scripture
fulfilled in your ears.” And all bare him witness, and wondered at the gracious words which
proceeded out of his mouth. And they said, “Is not this Joseph’s son?” And he said unto them, “Yewill surely say unto me this proverb, Physician, heal thyself: whatsoever we have heard done inCapernaum, do also here in thy country.” And he said, “(a)Verily I say unto you, No prophet is
accepted in his own country. But I tell you of a truth, many widows were in Israel in the days of Elias,
when the heaven was shut up three years and six months, when great famine was throughout all theland; but unto none of them was Elias sent, save unto Sarepta, a city of Sidon, unto a woman that wasa widow. And many lepers were in Israel in the time of Eliseus the prophet; and none of them wascleansed, saving Naaman the Syrian.”(b)And all they in the synagogue, when they heard these things, were filled with wrath, and rose up,
and thrust him out of the city, and led him unto the brow of the hill whereon their city was built, thatthey might cast him down headlong. But he passing through the midst of them went his way, andcame down to Capernaum, a city of Galilee, and taught them on the sabbath days. And they wereastonished at his doctrine: for his word was with power.

Jesusは説教のなかで，預言者は故郷で受け入れられない，と指摘する(10a)。この指摘に対し，民衆は怒りを露わにし，Jesusを殺そうする(10b)。これは明らかに否定的な反応だ。しかしながら，民衆のこのような反応を描写することは，結果的にJesusの「正しさ」に寄与する。なぜなら，彼らの否定的反
応は，まさに預言者にまつわるJesusの発言内容を成就させるものだからだ。つまり，(10)も場面全体としては，民衆の反応の仕方がJesusの指摘の正しさを示す結果になっている。こうして，ここにおいてもJesusは依然として「正しい」者として意味づけられている。
3.4 黙説とJesusへの意味づけ
以上のとおり，福音書は一貫して，Jesusの教えを「正しい」ものと評価し，その「正しさ」によって彼を「権威ある」者と位置づける。福音書はJeusuを肯定的に意味づける指向に貫かれたテクストであるということだ。
このことは，黙説もこうした指向の只中にあることを意味する。つまり，福音書を首尾一貫したテクストとして読む限り，Jesusの会話相手の反応が示されない場合にも，彼のことばに対する解釈は同様の意味づけを行うよう方向づけられている4。この意味で，教えを説くJesusのことばをどう受け取る
かは，読者の解釈に完全に委ねられているわけではないのだ。黙説の使用は，福音書のテクストがもつ指向のなかで，Jesusの「正しさ」と「権威」に寄与するものと位置づけられる。
４．福音書と黙説
これまでの議論で，黙説がふたつの機能を果たすことを明らかにしてきた。つまり，（福音書のテクストがもつ指向に支えられて）Jesusの「正しさ」と「権威」を示唆しながら，彼のことばに読者への訴求力を与える，という機能である。では，黙説がこれらの機能をもつことは，福音書というテクストにとってどのような利点があるのだろうか。

−126−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

Jesusに肯定的な評価を付与するという点に着目するなら，黙説は効果が高くないように思われる。
Jesusの「正しさ」と「権威」をより明確にするなら，会話相手の反応を明示する方が都合がよいからだ。教えを説くJesusのことばがどのように受け止められたのかを示すことで，テクストのなかで彼を肯定的に意味づけることができる（cf. ３節）。ただしその反面，この方法では，Jesusのことばが読者に働きかける力は弱くなる。Jesusは福音書が描く物語の登場人物であるから，彼のことばは第一に物語内の相手へ向けられる。もちろん，登場人物のことばは間接的に読者にも向けられるが，福音書の場合，登場人物であるJesusのことばを読者に立ち聞きさせるというかたちでは，教義を伝え，教義について考えさせる，という読者への訴えかけを積極的に実現することは困難となる。
ここに，黙説を用いることの長所が認められる。2.2節で見たように，黙説の使用は，読者をテクスト解釈に能動的に参加させることができる。Jesusのことばへの評価がテクスト内で示されなければ，
読者は自ら彼のことばについて考え，評価することとなるだろう。つまり，黙説を用いることで，読者自身がJesusのことばに相対し，それをいわば「直接」受け止めるかたちにできる。これは，Jesusの
会話相手の反応を明示する描き方では形づくることのできないコミュニケーションの在り方だ。福音書で黙説を用いる利点は，第一に，読者との緊密なコミュニケーションを形づくるという黙説の機能にある。
黙説の使用はJesusへの意味づけに寄与しながら，彼のことばに読者への訴求力を与える。これはさらに，キリスト教の教義にとっても都合がよい。なぜなら，キリスト教はJesusを救世主と認めることをその信仰の出発点とするからだ（中村, 2010: 12-14；松本(編), 2009: 5；山我, 2014: 61-63）。黙説を用いることで，読者を権威ある信仰の核にいわば「直に」触れさせることができる。黙説の使用は，キリスト教の教義を福音書というテクストのなかで構成する点でも有用な手段となっているのだ。
５．結言
本論では，福音書がJesusの参加する会話を描く際に黙説を使用していることを指摘し，福音書全体の描写方法がもつ指向と関連づけながら，その機能と利点を明らかにした。2.1節の末尾で提示した疑問に即して整理すると，結論は以下のようになる。
(11)

i.

Q: 福音書において，黙説はどのような機能を果たすか
A: 黙説はJesusの「正しさ」と「権威」を生み，彼のことばに読者への訴求力を与える

ii. Q: 福音書において黙説を使用する利点は何か
A: 黙説の使用は，キリスト教の信仰の中心であるJesusに読者を直に相対させられる
この結論がもつ意味合いを明瞭にするために，本論の考察が有する一般性について補足を加えておきたい。本論は福音書という書きことばのディスコースを分析しながら，福音書のテクストと読者との関わり合いにも言及した。この「読者との関わり合い」という点について，注意が必要だ。このよ
うな言い方は，個別の読者が福音書を実際にどう読むか（あるいはどう読むべきか）に照準するかのような響きをもつかもしれない。だが，本論はそうした個別の読者を対象としていない。もし個々の読者に着目するならば，ここで行ったような議論は困難を極めるはずだ。なぜなら，端的に言って，福音書の読み方は個々人によって大なり小なり異なるだろうからだ。例えば，Jesusの会話相手の反応がないことを明確に意識する読者もいるだろうし，反対にそうした反応を置きうる位置があることに
そもそも気づかない読者もいると思われる。そのような個別の読者を射程に収める議論は，極めて困難だ。本論で焦点を当てたのは，あくまでも福音書のテクストがどのように組み立てられているか，
その構成の仕方がどのような解釈を可能にするか／動機づけるか，ということにほかならない。本論の一般性は，テクストの在り方に即して考察を行ったという点ある5。
考察の一般性との関連で，最後に，本論の意義にも触れておく。本論は黙節というレトリック技法−127−福音書における黙説の使用 ―Jesusを権威づけ，読者に語りかける―と福音書というディスコース・ジャンルとの間に緊密な関係が認められることを明らかにした。このような関係は，黙説と福音書に限って見出せるものではないだろう。ここで採用した方法は，他のレ
トリック技法や別のディスコース・ジャンルに接近する際にも，十分に適用できるはずだ。この点で，本論はレトリック研究およびディスコース研究の方法論に寄与するものである。

注
1 本論の分析はThe Authorized (King James) Version（『欽定英訳聖書』）を用いて行う。福音書のテクスト本文はBibleGateway.com (https://www.biblegateway.com) より引用したが，便宜上，登場人物の発話部分は引用符（“ ”）で括り，節番号は省略してある。
2 『聖書 新共同訳 旧約聖書続編つき』によると，Jesusは「幸い」「地の塩，世の光」「律法について」「腹を立ててはならない」「姦淫してはならない」「誓ってはならない」「復習してはならない」「敵を愛しなさい」「施しをするときには」「祈るときには」「断食するときには」「天に富を積みなさい」「体のともし火は目」「神と富」「思い悩むな」「人を裁くな」「求めなさい」「狭い門」「実によって木を知る」「あなたたちのことは知らない」「家と土台」という話題について説教を行う。
3 ただし，黙説に対するこのような捉え方は，実はレトリック研究における標準ではない。伝統レトリックは，
以下(i)のような例をもとに，黙説を(ii)のように記述してきた。
(i) What cause withhouds you then, to mourn for him? / O judgment! thou art fled to brutish beasts, / And men have losttheir reason. Bear with me, / My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar, / And I must pause till it come back to me(Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, 3.2.105-107)(ii) a pragmatic figure, signifying a sudden disruption of discourse by omitting the expected end of a clause or sentence,
as if the speaker/writer were unable or unwilling to proceed.
(Sloane, 2001: 29)
こうした標準的な記述は，ここで採用する佐藤 (1992) の捉え方と幾分異なっている。それにもかかわらず本論が佐藤流の黙説観を踏襲するのは，書きことばのディスコースを扱う点で佐藤と共通するからにほかならない。とはいえ，同一の概念に対して複数の記述が並立しているというのは，解決すべき案件に違いない。本論ではひと
まずこの問題を指摘するにとどめ，その解決は別の機会に試みる。
4 議論・論争における沈黙は，一般に，相手の主張にことばを返せなくなったものと見なしうる（Perelman &Olbrechts-Tyteca, 1969: 108；香西, 2010: 79）。とすると，Jesusが敵対的な相手とことばを交わしている場合，その相手の反応の不在は，彼らが反論できなかったことによるものだと読むことが（そうでない相手の場合よりも強く）動機づけられていると見ることもできる。
5 書きことばのディスコースにおける沈黙の表現に関する考察がもちうる一般性については，大沼 (1973) の議論
も参照。

参考文献
Lanham, Richard A. 1991. A Handlist of Rhetorical Terms, 2nd ed. Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University ofCalifornia Press.
Perelman, Chaïm and Lucie Olbrechts-Tyteca. 1969. The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on Argumentation. John Wilkinson and
Purcell Weaver (trans.) Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press.
Sloane, Thomas O. 2001. Encyclopedia of Rhetoric. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.
大沼雅彦. 1973. 「沈黙の表現」 『現代英語教育』 4月号, 28-29.
共同訳聖書実行委員会. 1987. 『聖書 新共同訳 旧約聖書続編つき』 東京: 日本聖書協会.
香西秀信. 2010. 『レトリックと詭弁：禁断の議論講義』 東京: 筑摩書房.
佐藤信夫. 1992. 『レトリック認識』（講談社学術文庫版） 東京: 講談社.
佐藤信夫・佐々木健一・松尾大. 2006. 『レトリック事典』 東京: 大修館書店.
中村圭志. 2010. 『信じない人のためのイエスと福音書ガイド』 東京: みすず書房.
野内良三. 1998. 『レトリック辞典』 東京: 国書刊行会.
松本宣郎 (編). 2009. 『キリスト教の歴史１：初期キリスト教〜宗教改革』 東京: 山川出版社.
山我哲雄. 2014. 『キリスト教入門』 東京: 岩波書店.

−128−第20回大会発表論文集第13号\`|ƐǗɄȃŠ~èɪǉƦm`BEȃȎǚ~ȊȽƧyþŉƧ~èɪ|`kȥĭy´½Dȥĭ~ȬƳEďɃţGǩȐǛóH@×ÎÆţGŉœǛóH-*42;*43,/&,+987909'&&(/5@3&,&..9/&(/5
'786&(8In this research, Japanese language native speakers and Korean Japanese learners who
studied at universities in Japan participated in a conversation survey to state their opinions
about Japanese society and culture. Analysis was conducted focusing on blur expression anduse of filler in order to clarify how the two sides promote conversation about the contents ofthe conversation in the first encounter. As a result of the analysis, we understood that in orderto ease the tension of the first encounter and adjust the distance to the partner, blur
expressions such as "tari" or "toka" and filler expressions such as "Eh-" "Ano-" were usedeffectively for promoting the conversation atmosphere. The analysis result of this researchsuggests the possibility of linguistic adjustment to lead to the success of the conversation on
the contact scene between Japanese and foreign international students.
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いかに初対面同士の会話を促進するか？ ―同年代の日本人と韓国人の会話にみられるぼかし表現とフィラー表現の分析―

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第20回大会発表論文集

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ボイクマン 総子（東京大学）・森 一将（文教大学）! "This study aims to verify quantitatively how speech levels are used according to powerand closeness towards listener, and index psychological distance and social distance.
We analyzed refusal data collected by oral discourse completion test from 62 Japanese
language native speakers, employing two main speech levels (polite and plain styles)
and their respective sub-speech levels for analysis. Results showed that social distanceis primarily indicated by use of two main speech levels, whereas psychological distanceis expressed by language items categorized by sub-levels.
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−138−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

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−141−

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M~ŠƛƤc6ơĚƛƤǣãł¸ũ©ċƗ C©ǚȍƐù 16K02798 (ƛƤ½Ǆƹ }§ƲĘ)6ñe6ċƗ C©ǚȍƐù 16K01058 (ƛƤ½Ǆƹ ŧ«Ĥ)bãłyöI[@u7UlcnÂȆȂǶĘ. 2004. 8ŵǗǓƹ`ručȉ`ĺOUª}¥bÌ@ÛI-ŵǗčȉ]ŋǋčȉb
ƙǲ- 96ƞÃǌǗơĚ ƧȞĨ ƧȚù6 12-26.
ĆƦĆǗƛƤŃ. 1951. 8Ƈ½ǗbãǑ©ãåǑ2ƊÍ]ĝÍ29
6ĆƦĆǗƛƤŃ.
ÉǁçƫĘ. 2000. :ŔŠǗbǜǓ`CIuª¦¥ bŭŪ;Īł 10 īĮ~Īł 11 īĮőǷƚơĚƛƤǣǅãǻ ċƗƛƤ(C)ƛƤłťČāś
ÉǁçƫĘ©ƠĦľĘ. 1998. 8ŔŠǗĚƷƹ]ŵǗǓƹ`CIuƔǓşǄƇbĴǮ¦¥ǔǞbǲ@96
8ţêēĚƎĚƉ§ªƫǆ 49, 31-40.
­ƃȃĘ. 1989. 8ĴǮ¦¥© bǜǓÛŤ AKP ƫǆ 396AKP ýĹƞƎĚƉ§ª634-50.
­ƃ ȃĘ. 2013. :¤}bǜǓÛŤ: ÝĢȉ¢ª £§bĖ]»Ʈl;6GwNCÚƂ.
Brown, P. and S. C. Levinson. 1987. Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Beebe, L. M., Takahashi, T., & Uliss-Weltz, R. 1990. Pragmatic transfer in ESL refusals. In R. C.
Scarcella, E. S. Anderson, & S. D. Krashen (Eds.), Developing communicative competence in asecond language, 55-73, Rowley, MA : Newbury House.
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Theory of Politeness . Tokyo: Hitsuzi syobo.

−144−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

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ᮏ✏࡛ࡣ㸪ⱝᖺᒙࡢࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡀヰࡋࡇ࡜ࡤ࡟࠾࠸࡚࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࠕ⮬⛠モࠖ㸦୍ே⛠௦ྡモࢆྵࡴヰ⪅ࡀ⮬㌟ࢆᣦ♧ࡍࡿㄒ㸧࡜ࠕᑐ⛠モࠖ㸦஧ே⛠௦ྡモࢆྵࡴヰ⪅ࡀᑐヰ⪅ࢆᣦ♧ࡍࡿㄒ㸧㸦㕥ᮌ  㸧ࢆ౑⏝ࡋ㸪࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ᇶ‽ࡼࡾࠕே⛠モࠖ㸦㕥ᮌ  㸧ࡢ㑅ᢥࢆ⾜ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࠿࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ㄽࡌࡿࠋࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅ࡢ఍ヰ㸪ࢸࣞࣅࢻ࣐ࣛ࠿ࡽࡢࢹ
࣮ࢱ㸪ཬࡧࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅࡬ࡢ࢔ࣥࢣ࣮ࢺㄪᰝ࡜⪺ࡁྲྀࡾㄪᰝ࠿ࡽ㸪⌧௦ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢ⮬⛠モ࡜ᑐ⛠モࡢ౑⏝ἲࡢᐇែࢆᢕᥱࡋ㸪ࡑࡢ౑⏝ἲࢆศᯒࡍࡿࠋࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠モ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚,ZDVDNL  ,QJNDSKLURP    ࡀ♧ࡋࡓሀⱞࡋࡉࡢࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࢆ㋃ࡲ࠼㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒ࡛ࡣヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅ࡢᛶู㸪ᛶ᱁㸪ᐙᗞ⫼ᬒ㸪࿘㎶⎔ቃ࡟ຍ࠼㸪ࠕ㝵⣭ࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖ㸪ࠕぶᐦᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖ㸪ࠕሀⱞࡋࡉࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖࡢ  ࡘࡢ␗࡞ࡗࡓỴᐃせᅉ࡟ࡼࡾே⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥࡀ⾜ࢃࢀࡿ࡜࠸࠺Ⅼࢆ᫂ࡽ࠿࡟ࡍࡿࠋ
࡞࠾㸪ᮏ✏࡛ࡣ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅఍ヰࡢศᯒ㸦 ྡ  ࣌࢔㸦⏨ᛶヰ⪅  ྡ㸪ዪᛶヰ⪅ ྡ㸪 ศࡢ⮬⏤఍ヰ㸧㸧㸪ࢸࣞࣅࢻ࣐ࣛࡢࢭࣜࣇࡢศᯒ㸦Hormones Wai Wawun   ➨ ヰ㹼➨  ヰ㸧㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅࡬ࡢ࢔ࣥࢣ࣮ࢺㄪᰝ㸦⏨ᛶヰ⪅  ྡ㸪ዪᛶヰ⪅  ྡ㸧㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅࡬ࡢ⪺ࡁྲྀࡾㄪᰝ㸦⏨ᛶヰ⪅  ྡ㸪ዪᛶヰ⪅  ྡ㸧ࡢ  ࡘࡢㄪᰝ᪉ἲࢆ⏝࠸ࡓࠋㄪᰝᑐ㇟ࡣ㸪ࣂࣥࢥࢡ㤳㒔ᅪฟ㌟ࡢ  ṓ࠿ࡽ  ṓࡢࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅࡜ࡋࡓࠋ
 ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠モ
 ࢱ࢖ㄒ࡟࠾ࡅࡿே⛠モࡢ౑⏝ἲࡣ㸪᪥ᮏㄒࡢே⛠モ࡜ྠᵝ㸪ⱥㄒ࡞࡝ࡢすḢゝㄒ࡜ࡣ␗−145−

若年層のタイ語話者による人称詞の使用࡞ࡿ≉ᚩࢆ᭷ࡍࡿ㸦㕥ᮌ 9RUDYXGKL9RUDYXGKL 'LOOHU5DWLWDPNXO 
8HKDUD ➼㸧ࠋ᪥ᮏㄒࡢࠕࢃࡓࡋࠖࡸࠕ࠶࡞ࡓࠖ࡜ྠᵝ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢ pho m 㸦, 0$/( 㸧ࡸkhun㸦\RX㸧ࡣ㸪ⱥㄒࡢ I ࡸ you ࡞࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ே⛠௦ྡモ࡜ྠࡌࡼ࠺ࡼ࠺࡛౑⏝ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ
࡛ࡁ࡞࠸㸦㕥ᮌ 9RUDYXGKL5DWLWDPNXO 8HKDUD ➼㸧ࠋ᪥ᮏㄒ࡛ࡣ㸪ヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅ࡢᖺ㱋ࡸᛶู㸪♫఍ⓗ❧ሙ㸪Ⓨヰ᫬ࡢ≧ἣ࡞࡝࡟ࡼࡾ㸪ࡑࡢሙ࡟ᛂࡌࡓே⛠モࢆ㑅ᢥࡏࡡࡤ࡞ࡽ࡞࠸ࡀ㸦㕥ᮌ 㸧㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒࡶࡇࢀࡽࡢⅬ࡟࠾࠸࡚ྠᵝ࡛࠶ࡿࠋࢱ࢖ㄒ
࡛ࡶ⮬⛠モࡸᑐ⛠モ࡟ࡣ㸪ே⛠௦ྡモ௨እ࡟ぶ᪘ྡ⛠ࡸྡ๓➼ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿࡀ㸦9RUDYXGKL9RUDYXGKL 'LOOHU6LPSVRQ,ZDVDNL ,QJNDSKLURP5DWLWDPNXO 
8HKDUD  ➼㸧㸪ᮏ✏࡛ࡣ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒே⛠モࡢࢱ࢖ࣉࡣே⛠௦ྡモ㸪෌ᖐ௦ྡモ㸪ᣦ♧௦ྡモ㸪ぶ᪘ྡ⛠㸪ᙺ๭࣭⫋ᴗྡ㸪ྡ๓㸦ࢽࢵࢡࢿ࣮࣒࣭ྡ㸧࡟ศ㢮࡛ࡁࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡿࠋ⾲  ࢱ࢖ㄒே⛠モࡢࢱ࢖ࣉ࡜౛
ே⛠モࢱ࢖ࣉ

౛ே⛠௦ྡ モpho m  , 0$/( dicha n  , )(0$/ raw , 0$/(  )(0$/( ෌ᖐ௦ྡ モtua''0 RQHVHOI ᣦ♧௦ྡ モni@ i  WKLV anniq i  WKLVRQH 

ぶ᪘ྡ⛠ 

phn@ n IDWKHU pha@ a DXQW pi@ i HOGHUVLEOLQJ  ᙺ๭࣭⫋ ᴗྡ nu u UDW  khruu WHDFKHU mn n  GRFWRU ྡ๓㸦ࢽ ࢵࢡࢿ࣮࣒࣭ྡ㸧 niq k nanthichaa &RRNH   ࡛ࡣ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢ⮬⛠モ࡜ᑐ⛠モ࡜ࡋ࡚౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿே⛠௦ྡモࡣ㸪⮬⛠モࡀ
 ࢱ࢖ࣉ㸪ᑐ⛠モࡀ  ࢱ࢖ࣉほᐹࡉࢀࡿ࡜ሗ࿌ࡉࢀ㸪,ZDVDNL +RULH SS  ࡛ࡣ㸪᭱ࡶ୍⯡ⓗ࡟౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿே⛠௦ྡモ㸦෌ᖐ௦ྡモ tua''0 RQHVHOI  ྵࡴ㸧ࡣ⮬⛠モࡀ ࢱ࢖ࣉ㸪ᑐ⛠モࡀ  ࢱ࢖ࣉ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜㏙࡭ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᮏ✏ࡢ⌧௦ࡢࣂࣥࢥࢡ㤳㒔ᅪ࡟࠾ࡅࡿⱝᖺᒙヰ⪅ࡢヰࡋࡇ࡜ࡤ࡟㝈ࡗ࡚ㄪᰝࢆࡋࡓ⤖ᯝ࡛ࡣ㸪౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿே⛠௦ྡモࡣ⮬⛠モࡀ  ࢱ࢖ࣉ㸪ᑐ⛠モࡣ  ࢱ࢖ࣉ࡜࡞ࡾ㸪෌ᖐ௦ྡモࡢ tua''0 RQHVHOI  ࡣᑐ⛠モࡢࡳ࡟࠾࠸
࡚ࡢ౑⏝ࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡓࠋ
⾲  ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡀ౑⏝ࡍࡿே⛠モཬࡧ෌ᖐ௦ྡモே⛠モࢱ࢖ࣉ ౛⮬⛠モ

krapho m dicha n  pho m cha n rawkhaq wkuuᑐ⛠モ

tha@ a nkhunth  naayrawk''e0mѧ0tua''0 RQHVHOI ᭦࡟㸪ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡀ᪥ᖖ࡛౑⏝ࡍࡿே⛠モࢆ௦ྡモ࡟㝈ࡿ࡜㸪⮬⛠モ㸪ᑐ⛠モ࡜ࡶ

−146−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

࡟  ࢱ࢖ࣉ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡓࠋ
⾲  ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡀ౑⏝ࡍࡿ௦ྡモ㸦᪥ᖖ఍ヰ㸧ே⛠モࢱ࢖ࣉ ౛⮬⛠モpho m cha n rawkhaq w kuu, ni@ i  WKLV anniq i  WKLVRQH ᑐ⛠モkhunth naayrawk''mѧ0tua''0 RQHVHOI ⮬⛠モࡢ krapho m , 0$/(  ࡸ dicha n  , )(0$/  㸪ᑐ⛠モࡢ tha@ a n \RX 0$/(  )(0$/(  ࡣ㠀ᖖ࡟ᙧᘧᗘࡢ㧗࠸ሙ㠃࡟࠾࠸࡚ᑐヰ⪅ࡀୖ఩⪅࡛࠶ࡗࡓሙྜ࡟౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿࠋዪᏊ኱Ꮫ⏕ ྡ࡟ dichan  , )(0$/  ࡢ౑⏝ሙ㠃࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡢ࢔ࣥࢣ࣮ࢺㄪᰝࢆࡋࡓ࡜ࡇࢁ㸪dicha n  ,)(0$/ ࡣࢫࣆ࣮ࢳࡸ఍㆟㸪㠃᥋࡞࡝࡛౑࠺⮬⛠モ࡛᪥ᖖ఍ヰ࡛ࡣ౑ࢃ࡞࠸࡜࠸࠺ពぢࡀከᩘ࡛㸪ࡲࡓ㸪࠾Ꮉᵝࡇ࡜ࡤࡸዟᵝࡇ࡜ࡤ࡜࠸࠺࢖࣓࣮ࢪࢆᣢࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜ࡢᅇ⟅ࡶ࠶ࡗࡓࠋ
௨ୗ㸪ୖグ࡛♧ࡋࡓࢱ࢖ㄒ⮬⛠モ࡜ᑐ⛠モ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ౑⏝≧ἣ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚㏙࡭ࡿࡇ࡜࡜ࡍࡿࠋ
 ࢱ࢖ㄒ⮬⛠モ࣭ᑐ⛠モࡢ౑⏝≧ἣ ࢱ࢖ㄒ⮬⛠モࡢᙧᘧᗘࣞ࣋ࣝ
 ᵝࠎ࡞ࣂ ࢚ࣜ ࣮ࢩ ࣙ ࣥࢆ᭷ ࡍࡿࢱ࢖ ㄒࡢ ே⛠モ࡟ࡣ 㸪ୖ㏙ࡋࡓ krapho m , 0$/(  ࡸdicha n  , )(0$/  ࡢࡼ࠺࡟㠀ᖖ࡟ሀⱞࡋ࠸ࡶࡢࡸ kuu , 0$/(  )(0$/(  ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ᴟࡵ ࡚⢒㔝 ࡛ ࠶ ࡿ ࡜ ุ ᩿ ࡉ ࢀ ࡿ ࡶ ࡢ ࡶ Ꮡ ᅾ ࡍ ࡿ ࠋ ,ZDVDNL ,QJNDSKLURP  S 㸪 ,ZDVDNL,QJNDSKLURP SS  ࡣ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠௦ྡモࡢሀ ⱞࡋࡉࢫࢣ࣮ ࣝࢆᅗᘧ໬ࡋ㸪᭱ࡶᙧᘧᗘࡢ㧗 ࠸⮬⛠ モࡀ krapho m , 0$/( 㸪᭱ࡶᙧᘧᗘࡢప࠸ࡶࡢࡀ kuu , 0$/(  )(0$/(  ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ ࢆ♧ࡋ ࡚࠶ࡾ㸪 dicha n  , )(0$/  ࡣ krapho m , 0$/(  ࡼࡾⱝᖸ㸪ᙧᘧᗘࡢప࠸

఩⨨࡟♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ ࠋ୍᪉㸪ᮏ✏࡛ࡢㄪᰝ ࡢ⤖ᯝ㸪ⱝᖺᒙࡢ ࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ ࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ࡣ㸪kraphom , 0$/(  ࡜ dicha n , )(0$/  ࡣ㸪ྠ⛬ᗘࡢᙧᘧᗘࡢ㧗ࡉ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ♧၀ࡉࢀࡓࠋ⌧௦ࡢⱝᖺᒙዪᛶヰ⪅࡟࡜ࡗ࡚㸪dichan  , )(0$/  ࡣ࠿ࡘ࡚ࡼࡾᙧᘧᗘࡢ㧗࠸ࡶࡢ࡜ㄆ㆑ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ᪥ᖖࡢ఍ヰ࡟࠾࠸࡚㸪ⱝᖺᒙࡢ⏨ᛶࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡀ౑⏝ࡍࡿ᭱ࡶᙧᘧᗘࡢ㧗࠸⮬⛠モࡣ phom , 0$/( ࡜࠸࠺ே⛠௦ྡモ࡛࠶ࡿࡀ㸪ዪᛶヰ⪅ࡣヰ⪅⮬㌟ࢆపࡵࡿࡓࡵ࡟㸦:LODLZDQ 㸧ࠕࢿࢬ࣑ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ពࡢ nu u  ࢆ⮬⛠モ࡜ࡋ࡚⏝࠸ࡿࠋⱝᖺᒙࡢࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡣ㸪⏨ᛶㄒ࡛ࡣ pho m ,0$/( ࢆྵࡵࡓ  ࢱ࢖ࣉࡢ௦ྡモ㸪ዪᛶㄒ࡛ࡣ  ࢱ࢖ࣉࡢ௦ྡモࢆᙧᘧᗘࡢ㧗ప࡟ࡼࡾ౑࠸ศࡅ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡲࡓ㸪௦ྡモࢱ࢖ࣉ௨እ࡛ࡣ㸪ዪᛶㄒࡢ nu u  UDW  ௨እ࡛ࡣ㸪⏨ዪ࡜ࡶ࡟ྡ๓㸦୺࡟ࢽࢵࢡࢿ࣮࣒㸧࡜඗ࡸጜࢆᣦࡍ pi@ i ࡜࠸࠺ㄒࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿࠋࡓࡔࡋ㸪ྡ๓ࢆ⮬⛠モ࡜ࡋ࡚౑⏝ࡍࡿሙྜ㸪⏨ᛶヰ⪅ࡣᙧᘧᗘࡢప࠸ሙྜࡢࡳࡢ౑⏝ࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡿࡢ࡟ᑐࡋ㸪ዪᛶヰ⪅ࡣᙧᘧᗘࡀࡸࡸ㧗࠸ሙྜ࠿ࡽప࠸ሙྜ࡛ࡢ౑⏝ࡀぢࡽࢀࡿࠋḟࡢᅗࡣ㸪,ZDVDNL ,QJNDSKLURP  SS  ࡛♧ࡉࢀࡓ ࢱ࢖ㄒ ே⛠௦ྡ モࡢ³5HODWLYH IRUPDOLW\ OHYHOV´ ࡢ−147−若年層のタイ語話者による人称詞の使用ᅗᘧࢆᛂ⏝ࡋ㸪ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡀ౑⏝ࡍࡿ⮬⛠モࡢᙧᘧᗘࣞ࣋ࣝࢆ♧ࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᅗ  ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡢ⮬⛠モ࡟࠾ࡅࡿᙧᘧᗘ
᪥ᖖ఍ヰ࡟࠾࠸࡚⏨ᛶヰ⪅ࡀ౑⏝ࡍࡿ௦ྡモࢱ࢖ࣉࡢ⮬⛠モࡣ㸪ே⛠௦ྡモ pho m 㸪raw㸪
cha n 㸪 kuu ࡜ᣦ♧௦ྡモ ni@ i WKLV 㸪anniq i WKLV RQH  ࡢ  ࢱ࢖ࣉࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡓࡀ㸪cha n ࡣ 㠀ᖖ࡟ዪᛶⓗ࡞༳㇟ࡀᣢࡓࢀࡿࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡾ㸪౑⏝㢖ᗘࡣప࠿ࡗࡓࠋዪᛶヰ⪅࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣ㸪ே⛠௦ྡモ raw㸪khaq w 㸪cha n 㸪kuu ࡜ᣦ♧௦ྡモ ni@ i WKLV 㸪anniq i WKLVRQH  ࡢ  ࢱ࢖ࣉࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡓࠋ᭱ࡶᙧᘧᗘࡢప࠸ kuu ࡜࠸࠺௦ྡモࡣ㸪⏨ዪ࡜ࡶ࡟౑⏝ྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࡀ㸪⏨ᛶヰ⪅࡟⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿሙྜࡣᙧᘧᗘࡢᖜࡀዪᛶヰ⪅ࡢ౑⏝ࡼࡾᗈ࠸ࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿࠋ6LPSVRQ ࡢ ᖺࡢ◊✲࡛ࡣ㸪kuu ࡣ୺࡟ヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅ࡀぶᐦ㛵ಀ࡟࠶ࡿሙྜࡢ⏨ᛶヰ⪅࡟౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿࡀ㸪ዪᛶヰ⪅࡟ࡶඹ᭷ࡉࢀጞࡵ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜ㄽࡌ࡚࠸ࡿࡀ㸪⌧௦ࡢࣂࣥࢥࢡ㤳㒔ᅪ࡛ࡣ㸪ⱝᖺᒙࡢヰ⪅࡟㝈ࡾዪᛶヰ⪅࡟ࡶᗈࡃ౑⏝ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
 ࢱ࢖ㄒᑐ⛠モࡢᙧᘧᗘࣞ࣋ࣝ
ḟ࡟㸪ᑐ⛠モࡢᙧᘧᗘ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚㏙࡭࡚࠸ࡃࠋ௨ୗࡣ௦ྡモࢱ࢖ࣉ࡜ࡑࢀ௨እࡢࢱ࢖ࣉࡢ
ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡀ౑⏝ࡍࡿᑐ⛠モࡢᙧᘧᗘࢆ♧ࡋࡓᅗ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᅗ  ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡢᑐ⛠モ࡟࠾ࡅࡿᙧᘧᗘ



−148−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

 ⱝᖺ ᒙࢱ ࢖ ㄒ ヰ⪅ࡀ౑ ⏝ࡍࡿᑐ ⛠ モ ࡟ ࡣ 㸪௦ྡ モ࡛ࡣே ⛠௦ ྡモ ௨እ࡟෌ ᖐ௦ྡモࡢ
tua''0 RQHVHOI  ⏝ ࠸ ࡽ ࢀ ࡿ ࡀ 㸪 ౑ ⏝ 㢖 ᗘ ࡣ 㧗 ࡃ ࡞ ࠸ ࠋ ᙧ ᘧ ᗘ ࡢ ᭱ ࡶ 㧗 ࠸ tha@ a n \RX
0$/(  )(0$/( ࡣ㸪⮬⛠モࡢ kraphom , 0$/(  ࡸ dicha n  , )(0$/  ࡜ྠᵝ㸪㠀ᖖ࡟ሀⱞࡋ࠸ࡶࡢ࡛㸪᪥ᖖ࡟⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ࡯࡜ࢇ࡝࡞࠸ࠋ᪥ᖖࡢ఍ヰ࡟⨨࠸࡚ࡣ㸪⏨ᛶヰ⪅ࡀkhun㸪naay㸪raw㸪mѧ0࡜࠸࠺ே⛠௦ྡモ  ࢱ࢖ࣉ࡜෌ᖐ௦ྡモ tua''0 RQHVHOI  ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿࠋ⏨ᛶヰ⪅ࡀ౑⏝࡛ࡁࡿே⛠௦ྡモ࡟ࡣ e0࡜࠸࠺ㄒࡶ࠶ࡿࡀ㸪౑⏝ࡣᑡࡋྂ⮯࠸࢖࣓࣮ࢪࡀ࠶ࡿࡼ࠺࡛㸪⪺ࡁྲྀࡾㄪᰝ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣ౑⏝ㄒᙡ࡟ྵࡲࢀ࡚࠸ࡓࡀ㸪఍ヰㄪᰝ࡟࠾࠸
࡚ࡣ୍౛ࡶほᐹࡉࢀ࡞࠿ࡗࡓࠋ᪥ᖖ࡟⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿᑐ⛠モ࡛᭱ࡶᨵࡲࡗࡓ௦ྡモࡣ khun \RX
0$/(  )(0$/( ࡛㸪⏨ዪ࡜ࡶ࡟ྠ⛬ᗘࡢᙧᘧᗘ࡜ࡋ࡚౑⏝ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ୍᪉㸪⏨ዪ࡜ࡶ࡟౑⏝ࡀྍ⬟࡞ naay ࡸ raw ࡸ mѧ0࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣ㸪⏨ᛶヰ⪅࡜ዪᛶヰ⪅࡛ᙧᘧᗘࡢᤊ࠼᪉ࡀ␗
࡞ࡿࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿࠋ౛࠼ࡤ㸪mѧ0ࡣ⮬⛠モ kuu ࡜ྠᵝ㸪⌧௦ࡢⱝᖺᒙዪᛶヰ⪅࡟ࡣẚ㍑ⓗᗈࡃ⏝࠸ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࡀ㸪⢒㔝࡞ㄒ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠺ㄆ㆑ࡣࡉࢀ࡚࠾ࡾ㸪ࡑࡢᙧᘧᗘࡣ⏨ᛶヰ⪅ࡢㄆ㆑ࡼࡾప࠸ࡶࡢ࡜ࡳ࡞ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
 ࢱ࢖ㄒே⛠௦ྡモࡢฟ⌧㢖ᗘ ᪥ᮏㄒࡢே⛠モࡢሙྜ࡜ྠᵝ࡟㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒ࡛ࡶே⛠モࡣ┬␎ྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿ㸦9RUDYXGKL 5DWLWDPDNXO 8HKDUD㸧ࠋ6LPSVRQ   ࡀ㸪ࢱ࢖ேࡣᖺ㱋࡟ᩄឤ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜࠿ࡽ㸪ᑐヰ⪅ࡢᖺ㱋ࡀࢃ࠿ࡿࡲ࡛ࡣኻ♩࡟࡞ࡽ࡞࠸ࡼ࠺ே⛠モࡢྡゝࢆ㑊ࡅࡿ࡜㏙࡭࡚࠸ࡿࡼ࠺࡟㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒ࡛ࡣே⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥ࡟ࡼࡾᙧᘧᗘࣞ࣋ࣝỴᐃࡢせᅉ࡜࡞ࡿࡓࡵ㸪ゝㄒ౑⏝ᇦࢆ᫂☜࡟ࡋࡓࡃ࡞࠸࡜ࡁ࡟ே⛠モࡢ┬␎ࡀ⾜ࢃࢀࡿ㸦,ZDVDNL ,QJNDSKLURP㸧ࠋࡋ࠿ࡋ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠モࡢ┬␎ࡣ㸪᪥ᮏㄒ࡯࡝㢖⦾࡟㉳ࡇࡽ࡞࠸㸦5DWLWDPDNKXO 8HKDUD㸧ࠋ᪥ᮏㄒ࡛
ࡣ㸪ே⛠௦ྡモࢱ࢖ࣉࡢᑐ⛠モࡣࢱ࢖ㄒ࡟ẚ࡭ࡿ࡜㑅ᢥ⫥ࡀᑡ࡞ࡃ㸪ࡑࡢ౑⏝࡟㝿ࡋ࡚ᵝࠎ࡞ไ㝈ࡀㄢࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ㸦㕥ᮌ  ஭ฟ  ➼㸧ࠋࢱ࢖ㄒ࡜᪥ᮏㄒࡢ఍ヰ࡟࠾࠸࡚㸪ே⛠௦ྡモࡢฟ⌧㢖ᗘࡀ࡝ࡢ⛬ᗘ␗࡞ࡿࡢ࠿ࢆㄪ࡭ࡿ
ࡓࡵ㸪ࢱ࢖ࡢᏛᅬࢻ࣐ࣛ㸦Hormones Wai Wawun  㸧࡜᪥ᮏࡢᏛᅬࢻ࣐ࣛ㸦ࠗࡈࡵࢇࡡ㟷᫓㸟࠘  㸧ࢆ⏝࠸ࡓㄪᰝࢆ⾜ࡗࡓࠋྛࢻ࣐ࣛࡢ➨  ヰ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ⮬⛠モ࡜ᑐ⛠モࡢฟ⌧㢖ᗘࢆㄪ࡭࡚ࡳࡓ࡜ࡇࢁ㸪௨ୗࡢࡼ࠺࡞⤖ᯝ࡜࡞ࡗࡓࠋ
⾲  ᪥ࢱ࢖ࢻ࣐ࣛ࡟࠾ࡅࡿே⛠௦ྡモࡢฟ⌧⋡ ㄒ୰ࡢฟ⌧㢖ᗘ 

ࢱ࢖ㄒ 

᪥ᮏㄒ 

⮬⛠モ





ᑐ⛠モ






⮬⛠モ࡟㛵ࡋ࡚ࡣ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡢฟ⌧㢖ᗘࡣ᪥ᮏㄒࡢ⣙  ಸ࡛࠶ࡿࡀ㸪ᑐ⛠モ࡛ࡣࢱ࢖ㄒࡢ᪉ࡀ᭦࡟ฟ⌧㢖ᗘࡀ㧗ࡃ㸪᪥ᮏㄒࡢ⣙  ಸ࡛࠶ࡗࡓࠋࢱ࢖ㄒ࡛ࡣ㸪ヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅࡜

−149−

若年層のタイ語話者による人称詞の使用ࡢ㛵ಀᛶࡀ᫂☜࡟࡞ࢀࡤ㸪࣏ࣛ࢖ࢺࢿࢫ࡟཯ࡏࡎ࡟ே⛠௦ྡモࡀᗈࡃ౑⏝࡛ࡁࡿࠋ ࡲࡓ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅ࡢ఍ヰ㸦 ྡ  ࣌࢔㸦⏨ᛶヰ⪅  ྡ㸪ዪᛶヰ⪅  ྡ㸪 ศࡢ⮬⏤఍ヰ㸧ࢆศᯒࡋࡓ⤖ᯝ㸪ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅࡛ࡣ㸪ዪᛶࡣ⏨ᛶࡼࡾࡶ⮬⛠モࢆ౑⏝ࡍࡿ㢖ᗘࡀ㧗ࡃ㸪⏨ᛶࡣዪᛶࡼࡾࡶᑐ⛠モࢆ౑⏝ࡍࡿ㢖ᗘࡀ㧗࠸ഴྥ࡟࡞ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ࠿ࡗࡓࠋ
ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥ⫥ࡣ㸪᪥ᮏㄒ࡜ẚ࡭ࡿ࡜᫬௦࡜࡜ࡶ࡟࠿࡞ࡾኚ໬ࡍࡿࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
9RUDYXGKL   ࡀㄪᰝࡋࡓᙜ᫬ࡢ⮬⛠モࡢ౑⏝ἲ࡜⌧௦ࡢⱝᖺᒙヰ⪅࡜ࡢ┦㐪ࡣ௨ୗࡢ⾲ࡢ㏻ࡾ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
⾲  ⱝᖺᒙࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅࡜ྠ఩⪅࡜ࡢ఍ヰ࡛౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿ⮬⛠モ౑⏝ἲࡢᕪ⮬⛠モ pho mkhaq w

9RUDYXGKL   0ᮏㄪᰝ  ᪥ ᖖ ࡟ ౑ ⏝ ࡉࢀ 㸪 ཭ ேྠ ኈ ࡛ ࡶᗈࡃ౑⏝

0  Ꮚ ࡝ ࡶ ࡗ ࡱ ࠸༳ ㇟ 㸪 ෕ㄯ ࡵ ࠸ ࡓ0)␯㐲࡞ྠ఩⪅㸪ཬࡧୖ఩⪅࡟౑⏝ ぶࡋ࠸㛫᯶࡛౑ ⏝㸪ዪᛶᛶࡀ㧗࠸

)

ព࿡ྜ࠸

0

ぶࡋ࠸㛫᯶࡛୺࡟⏨ᛶࡀ౑⏝0኱Ꮫ⏕ࡶ౑⏝㸪ዪᛶヰ⪅ࡢ౑⏝⪅)㸦ࢠࣕࣥࣈ࣭ࣝ㣧ࡳࡢሙ ➼࡟࡚㸧

)

ࡶከᩘ

kha@ a /ua0ぶࡋ࠸㛫᯶࡛౑ ⏝౑⏝ࡉࢀ࡞࠸

tua''0)㒔఍ࡢዪᛶࡀ⮬ ⛠モ࡜ࡋ࡚౑⏝ 0) ⏨ዪ࡜ࡶ࡟ᑐ⛠ モ࡜ࡋ࡚౑⏝

kuu

༳㇟ 

0 ⏨ᛶヰ⪅㸪) ዪᛶヰ⪅  ᖺ࡜  ᖺ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡢ⮬⛠モࡢ౑⏝࡟ࡣ㸪௨ୖࡢࡼ࠺࡞┦㐪Ⅼࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡿࠋࡲࡓ㸪ᣦ♧௦ྡ モ ni@ i  WKLV  ࡣ⮬⛠モ࡜ ࡋ࡚౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࠶ࡿࡀ㸪ⱝᖺᒙࡢࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡣ㏆
ᖺ㸪ni@ i  WKLV  ࢆᑐ⛠モ࡜ࡋ࡚౑⏝ࡍࡿࡼ࠺࡟࡞ࡗ࡚ࡁ࡚࠸ࡿࡶほᐹࡉࢀࡓࠋ
 ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠モ㑅ᢥ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ୺せせᅉ ࢱ࢖ㄒ࡛ே⛠モࢆ౑⏝ࡍࡿ㝿ࡢ㑅ᢥ࡟㛵ࢃࡿせᅉ࡟ࡣ㸪ヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅ࡢᛶู㸪ぶᐦᗘ㸪ຊ㛵ಀ࡞࡝࡟ຍ࠼㸪Ⓨヰ᫬࡟࠾ࡅࡿᙧᘧᗘ㸪♫఍ⓗ㊥㞳㛫㸪ࡲࡓᚰ⌮ⓗ㊥㞳㛫࡞࡝ࡀᣲࡆ
ࡽࢀࡿ㸦&RRNH6LPSVRQ9RUDYXGKL:LOODLZDQ ➼㸧ࠋᮏ✏࡛ࡣ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠モࡣ㸪ヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅ࡢᛶู㸪ᛶ᱁㸪ᐙᗞ⫼ᬒ㸪࿘㎶⎔ቃ࡟ຍ࠼㸪ࠕ㝵⣭ࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖ㸪ࠕぶᐦᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖ㸪ࠕᙧᘧᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖࡢ  ࡘࡢ␗࡞ࡗࡓỴᐃせᅉ࡟ࡼࡾ㑅ᢥࡉࢀࡿ࡜⪃࠼㸪ே⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥ࡟࠾ࡅࡿヰ⪅ࡢࢫࢣ࣮ࣝᢞᙳࣔࢹࣝࢆᥦ᱌ࡋࡓ࠸ࠋ
ࠕ㝵⣭ࢫࢣ࣮࡛ࣝࠖࡣ
ヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅㛫࡟࠾ࡅࡿ♫఍ⓗ㛵ಀ㸪ࠕぶᐦᗘࢫࢣ࣮࡛ࣝࠖࡣヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅㛫࡟࠾ࡅࡿ㛵ಀᛶ㸪ࠕᙧᘧᗘࢫࢣ࣮࡛ࣝࠖࡣⓎヰ⎔ቃ࡟࠾ࡅࡿሀⱞࡋࡉࡢᗘྜ࠸ࡀィࡽࢀࡿࠋே⛠モࢆ౑⏝ࡍࡿ㝿㸪ヰ⪅ࡣಶࠎࡢ౑⏝ே⛠モࡢࣂ࢚࣮ࣜࢩࣙࣥࡢ୰࠿ࡽ㸪Ỵᐃせᅉ࡜࡞ࡿ  ࡘࡢࢫࢣ࣮ࣝ࡜↷ྜࡋ㸪Ⓨヰ᫬࡟᭱ࡶ㐺ษ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ุ᩿ࡉࢀࡓ⮬⛠モ㸪ᑐ⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥࢆ⾜࠺࡜⪃࠼−150−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

ࡿࠋᅗ  ࡣே⛠モ㑅ᢥ࡟࠾ࡅࡿᢞᙳࣔࢹࣝ࡜⮬⛠モ㑅ᢥࡢ౛ࢆᅗᘧ໬ࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᅗ  ࢱ࢖ㄒே⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥ࡟࠾ࡅࡿヰ⪅ࡢᢞᙳࣔࢹࣝ㸦ᕥ㸧࡜⮬⛠モ㑅ᢥࡢ౛㸦ྑ㸧ಶࠎࡢヰ⪅࡟ࡣ㸪ୖୗ㛵ಀࢫࢣ࣮ࣝୖࡢࡑࢀࡒࢀࡢ㠃࡟㸪ࡑࡢヰ⪅ࡀ౑⏝ྍ⬟࡜ࡍࡿே⛠モࡢ㡿ᇦࡀᐃࡵࡽࢀ࡚࠾ࡾ㸪Ⓨヰ᫬ࡢᑐヰ⪅࡜ࡢ㛵ಀᛶ㸦ぶᐦᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝ㸧࡜ሙ㸦ᙧᘧᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝ㸧࡟ࡼࡾ㸪ヰ⪅⮬㌟ࡀࡑࡢ㡿ᇦ࡟ᢞᙳࡉࢀ㸪ࡑࡢ㡿ᇦ࡟ศᕸࡋ࡚࠸ࡿே⛠モࢆ㑅ᢥࡍࡿࠋே⛠モ㑅ᢥ⫥ࡢᩘࡣಶࠎࡢヰ⪅࡟ࡼࡗ࡚␗࡞ࡿࡀ㸪 ṓࡢዪᛶヰ⪅ 5 ࡢሙྜ㸪ྠ఩⪅࡜ࡢ఍ヰ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ⮬⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥ⫥ࡣ raw ࡜ chaq n ࡢࡳ࡛࠶ࡿࠋヰ⪅ 5 ࡀᖺ㱋ࡀྠࡌࡢぶࡋ࠸཭ே࡛࠶ࡿᑐヰ⪅ $ ࡜఍ヰࢆࡍࡿ㝿㸪㏻ᖖࡣ $ ࡜ࡢ㛵ಀᛶࡼࡾ raw ࡢ㡿ᇦ࡟ᢞᙳࡉࢀ㸪raw ࡀ౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿࡀ㸪$ ࡜ཱྀㄽࢆࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ㝿ࡢⓎヰ࡛࠶ࡿሙྜࡣ㸪ࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࡞ឤ᝟ࢆᣢࡘࡺ࠼ぶᐦᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝ࡟࠾࠸࡚㏻ᖖ᫬ࡼࡾ␯㐲࡛࠶ࡿ఩⨨࡛࠶ࡿ chaq n ࡢ㡿ᇦ࡟ᢞᙳࡉࢀ㸪⮬⛠モ࡟ࡣ chaqn ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿࠋே⛠モࡢࢩࣇࢺࡣ㸪ࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࡞ឤ᝟ࡢ⛣⾜ࡢሙྜ࡟ࡢࡳ
㉳ࡇࡿࡢ࡛ࡣ࡞࠸ࠋึᑐ㠃࡛࠶ࡗࡓࡾ㸪࡯ࡰ㠃㆑ࡀ࡞࠿ࡗࡓࡾࡍࡿヰ⪅ྠኈࡢ  ศࡢ఍ヰ࡟࠾࠸࡚㸪ヰࡀ㐍ࡴ࡟ࡘࢀ㸪ሙࡀ࿴ࡳ㸪ᚰ⌮ⓗ㊥㞳ឤࡀ⦰ࡲࡿࡇ࡜࠿ࡽ㸪ࡼࡾᙧᘧᗘࢫࢣ
࣮ࣝࡀపࡃ㸪ぶᐦᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࡢ㧗࠸㡿ᇦ࡟ศᕸࡋ࡚࠸ࡿே⛠モ࡟ࢩࣇࢺࡉࢀࡿࢣ࣮ࢫࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡓࠋ
 ࡲ࡜ࡵ ᮏ✏࡛ࡣ㸪ⱝᖺᒙࡢࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅ࡀヰࡋࡇ࡜ࡤ࡟࠾࠸࡚㸪࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞⮬⛠モ࡜ᑐ⛠モࢆ౑⏝ࡋ㸪࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ᇶ‽ࡼࡾே⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥࢆ⾜࠺ࡢ࠿࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ㄽࡌࡓࠋࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅ࡢ఍ヰㄪᰝ㸪ࢸࣞࣅࢻ࣐ࣛ࠿ࡽࡢࢹ࣮ࢱ㸪࠾ࡼࡧࢱ࢖ㄒẕㄒヰ⪅࡬ࡢ࢔ࣥࢣ࣮ࢺㄪᰝ࡜⪺ࡁྲྀࡾㄪᰝ࡟ࡼࡾ㸪⌧௦ࣂࣥࢥࢡ㤳㒔ᅪ࡛ⱝᖺᒙࡢࢱ࢖ㄒヰ⪅࡟౑⏝ࡉࢀࡿ⮬⛠モ࡜ᑐ⛠モࡢࣂ࢚࣮ࣜࢩࣙࣥࢆᥦ♧ࡋ㸪ࡑࡢ౑⏝ἲࡢᐇែࢆ᫂ࡽ࠿࡟ࡋࡓࠋ9RUDYXGKL ࡀグ㏙ࡋࡓ −151−

若年層のタイ語話者による人称詞の使用ᖺࡢ౑⏝≧ἣ࡜ࡣ኱ࡁࡃ␗࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜࠿ࡽ㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠モࡣẚ㍑ⓗ▷ᮇ㛫࡛㑅ᢥㄒᙡࡸ౑⏝ἲࡀኚ໬ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࠺࠿ࡀ࠼ࡓࠋࡲࡓ㸪ᮏ✏࡛ࡣ㸪ඛ⾜◊✲࡛ࡶᣦ᦬ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ
ヰ⪅࡜ᑐヰ⪅ࡢᛶู㸪ᛶ᱁㸪ᐙᗞ⫼ᬒ㸪࿘㎶⎔ቃ࡜࠸࠺せᅉ࡟ຍ࠼㸪ࢱ࢖ㄒࡢே⛠モࡣࠕ㝵⣭ࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖ㸪ࠕぶᐦᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖ㸪ࠕᙧᘧᗘࢫࢣ࣮ࣝࠖ࡜࠸࠺  ࡘࡢỴᐃせᅉ࡟ࡼࡾ㸪ヰ⪅
ࡢⓎヰពᅗࢆ⾲ࡍࡓࡵࡢ㐺᱁࡞ே⛠モࡢ㑅ᢥࡀ⾜ࢃࢀࡿ࡜࠸࠺Ⅼࢆ㏙࡭ࡓࠋཧ⪃ᩥ⊩&RRNH-53URQRPLQDO5HIHUHQFHLQ7KDL%XUPHVHDQG9LHWQDPHVH3K'GLVV%HUNHOH\
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9RUDYXGKL &  6HOI5HIHUHQFH LQ -DSDQHVH DQG 7KDL $ &RPSDUDWLYH 6WXG\ 3K' GLVV
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第20回大会発表論文集第13号⌧௦᪥ᮏㄒ࡟࠾ࡅࡿࠕὶࢀࠖ࡜஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ᯇᾆ ගᶓ὾ᅜ❧኱Ꮫ㠀ᖖ໅
matsuura-hikaru-sr@ynu.ac.jp

㸺Abstract㸼
This paper discusses the process of conceptualization of the “Nagare” for human activities in theframework of Event Structure Metaphors. “Nagare” involves unidirectional movements of liquid asa source frame. Moreover, conceptual metaphors <<ACTIVITIES ARE MOVEMENTS>> and<<CIRCUMSTANCES ARE FLUID>> are involved with the conceptualization of “Nagare” in Event
Structure Metaphors. Difference in the perspective of “sensory subject” and “viewer” has an influenceon the realization of the metaphorical meanings in conceptual metaphors. “Nagare” of frame
elements has “directions of movements”. This paper suggests that its elements motivate
unwillingness of “sensory subject”.
࣮࣮࠙࢟࣡ࢻࠚ
㸸ᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࠊ஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࠊࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࠊ㌟య⤒㦂ࠊࠕὶࢀࠖ

1.ࡣࡌࡵ࡟
Lakoff and Johnson(1980)ࡢᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⌮ㄽ 1 ࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊᡃࠎࡣලయⓗ࡞㌟య⤒㦂࡛࠶ࡿࠕὶࢀࠖࢆ㏻ࡋ࡚ᢳ㇟ⓗ࡞஦᯶ࢆ⌮ゎࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋLakoff(1993)ࡣࠊ⥺࡜⛣ືࠊຊ࠾ࡼࡧே㛫ࡢ⛣ື࡟㛵㐃ࡋࡓ」ྜ㡿ᇦࢆඖࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡜ࡍࡿᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࢆ஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮(Event Structure
Metaphors)࡜࿧ࢇ࡛࠸ࡿࠋ㘠ᓥ(2011:173-184)࡛ࡣࠊ᪥ᮏㄒ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ<<άືࡣ⛣ື>>ࡀᥦၐࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡑࡢ୍㒊࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ<እ㒊஦㇟Ћ኱ࡁ࡞⛣ື≀>2 ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠕἼࠖࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࠊࠕ㢼ࠖ࡞࡝ࠊእⓗせᅉࡀ⮬↛⎔ቃ࡟႘࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆᣦ᦬ࡋࠊ
ࠕἼ࡟஌ࡿ/ὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿࠖ
ࠕὶࢀ࡟㏫ࡽ
࠺ࠖ
ࠕ㏣࠸㢼ࢆཷࡅࡿࠖ࡞࡝ࢆ౛࡟ᣲࡆ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋ࡞ࡀࡽࠊ⌧௦᪥ᮏㄒࡢ࠾ࡅࡿࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟㛵ࡍࡿಶูⓗ࡞࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡢ◊✲ࡣ⟶ぢࡢ㝈ࡾぢᙜࡓࡽ࡞࠸ࠋᐇ㝿࡟ࡣࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࡣࠕἼࠖࡸࠕ㢼ࠖ࡜␗࡞ࡾࠊࠕ⏨ዪࡀὶࢀ࡛௜ࡁྜࡗ࡚ࡋࡲ࠺ࠖ
ࠕ࿘ᅖࡢὶࢀ࡟ὶࡉࢀࡿࠖ࡞࡝୙ᮏពᛶࢆᣢࡗࡓࠕὶࢀࠖ
≉᭷ࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧ࡀ⏘ฟࡉࢀࡿࠋ
ᮏ✏ࡣࠊࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡟࠾ࡅࡿ㢮ఝࡋࡓ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊඖࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡜ඛ
ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢ෗ീ㛵ಀ࡜ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢᵓᡂせ⣲ࢆᐇ㝿ࡢ⏝౛ 3 ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡁ⪃ᐹࡍࡿࠋࡑࡇ࡛ࠊ⌧௦᪥ᮏㄒࡢࠕὶ
ࢀࠖ࡟㛵ࡍࡿ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧ࢆྲྀࡾୖࡆࠊ௨ୗࡢ 3 Ⅼࡢᛶ㉁࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢே㛫ࡢάື࡬ࡢᴫᛕ໬
ࡀ㉳ࡇࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ୺ᙇࡍࡿࠋ
ձࠕὶࢀࠖࡢᴫᛕ໬࡟ࡣࠊ<<άືࡣ⛣ື>>࡜<<≧ἣࡣᾮయ>>ࡢ཮᪉ࡀ㛵୚ࡍࡿࠋղࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟㛵ࡍࡿ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧ࡣࠊ୍᪉ྥᛶࢆᣢࡘᾮయࡢ⛣ື࡟㛵ࡍࡿ㌟య⤒㦂ࡀᇶ┙࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠾
ࡾࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ୰࡛┤᥋ⓗ࡟▱ぬࡍࡿ࡜ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࡿឤぬ୺యࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࡢእุ࡛᩿ࡍࡿほᐹ⪅ࠊ࡜࠸
࠺ 2 ࡘࡢどⅬࡀ㛵ࢃࡿࠋճࠕὶࢀࠖࡢࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢᵓᡂせ⣲࡜ࡋ࡚ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡀᏑᅾࡍࡿࠋ
ࡇࢀࡽࢆศᯒࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊᮏ✏ࡀ஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠕὶࢀࠖ⮬㌟ࡀᣢࡘᛶ㉁࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠊ≉᭷ࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧ࡀ⏘ฟࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ᪂ࡓ࡞▱ぢ࡜ࡋ࡚ᥦ♧ࡍࡿࠋ

−153−

現代日本語における「流れ」と事象構造メタファー

2.ࠕὶࢀࠖ࡜⛣ື஦㇟ᩥ᫂ࡣࠕᕝࠖ࡜ඹ࡟Ⓨᒎࡋ࡚ࡁࡓࡼ࠺࡟ࠊே㛫࡟࡜ࡗ࡚᭱ࡶ㌟㏆࡞ᾮయࡢ⛣ືࡣࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀ࡛ࠖ
࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ⠛ཎ(2017)ࠊ℩ᡞ(2017)࡛ࡣࠊ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡀඖࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡜࡞ࡾࠊ᫬ࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ
࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࡿࡇ࡜࡟ゝཬࡀ࡞ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡔࡀࠊ᫬ࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ௨እ࡟ࡶ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢࠕὶ
ࢀࠖࡣከࡃᏑᅾࡍࡿࠋ
ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡣᵓᡂせ⣲࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ᵓ㐀໬ࡉࢀࡓ▱㆑࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠺๓ᥦ࡟❧ࡘࠋSullivan(2013)࡛ࡣගࡢࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢᵓᡂせ⣲ࠊᯇᾆ(2017)࡛ࡣẼ㇟⌧㇟ࡢࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢᵓᡂせ⣲࡟ᇶ࡙࠸ࡓศᯒࡀ⾜ࢃࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽࡢ◊✲࡛ࡣࠊࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢᴫᛕ㡿ᇦ㛫ࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ⓗព࿡ࡢᐇ⌧ࡣࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢᵓᡂせ⣲ࡀᙳ㡪ࢆ୚࠼࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᥦၐࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡣࠊୖὶ࠿ࡽୗὶ࡬࡜⤯࠼ࡎ⛣ືࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࢆᣢࡕࠊὶࢀ⥆ࡅ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇ࠺࠸ࡗࡓ୍᪉ྥᛶࢆᣢࡘᾮయࡢ⛣ືࡢ୍౛࡜ࡋ࡚ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ
ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࢆࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢᵓᡂせ⣲࡜ᤊ࠼࡚ࠊ⪃ᐹࢆヨࡳࡿࠋࠕὶࢀࠖࢆ⛣ື஦㇟࡜ᤊ࠼┤ࡍࡇ࡜࡟ࡼࡗ
࡚ࠊ≀⌮ⓗ࡞⛣ືࢆ㏻ࡋ࡚ᢳ㇟ⓗ࡞άືࡸኚ໬ࢆ⌮ゎࡍࡿ஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ศᯒࡍࡿࡇ࡜
ࡀྍ⬟࡟࡞ࡿࠋ㘠ᓥ(2011)࡛ࡣࠊḟࡢᅗࡢࡼ࠺࡟஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡜<<άືࡣ⛣ື>>ࡢ෗ീ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚
♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
㻿㼠㼍㼠㼑㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼘㼛㼏㼍㼠㼕㼛㼚㼟㻚㻯㼔㼍㼚㼓㼑㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼙㼛㼢㼑㼙㼑㼚㼠㼟㻚㻯㼍㼡㼟㼑㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼒㼛㼞㼏㼑㼟㻚㻭㼏㼠㼕㼛㼚㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼟㼑㼘㼒㻙㼜㼞㼛㼜㼑㼘㼘㼑㼐㻌㼙㼛㼢㼑㼙㼑㼚㼠㼟㻚㻼㼡㼞㼜㼛㼟㼑㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼐㼑㼟㼠㼕㼚㼍㼠㼕㼛㼚㼟㻚㻹㼑㼍㼚㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼜㼍㼠㼔㼟㻚㻰㼕㼒㼒㼕㼏㼡㼘㼠㼕㼑㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼕㼙㼜㼑㼐㼕㼙㼑㼚㼠㼟㻌㼠㼛㻌㼙㼛㼠㼕㼛㼚㻚㻱㼤㼜㼑㼏㼠㼑㼐㻌㼜㼞㼛㼓㼞㼑㼟㼟㻌㼕㼟㻌㼍㻌㼠㼞㼍㼢㼑㼘㻌㼟㼏㼔㼑㼐㼡㼘㼑㻚㻱㼤㼠㼑㼞㼚㼍㼘㻌㼑㼢㼑㼚㼠㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼘㼍㼞㼓㼑㻘㼙㼛㼢㼕㼚㼓㻌㼛㼎㼖㼑㼏㼠㼟㻚䠘≧ែ䊹ሙᡤ䠚䠘ኚ໬䊹⛣ື䠚䠘ཎᅉ䊹ຊ䠚
䠘⾜ື䊹⮬ຊ⛣ື䠚䠘┠ⓗ䊹⤊╔Ⅼ䠚䠘ᡭẁ䊹⤒㊰䠚䠘ᅔ㞴䊹⛣ື䛾ጉ䛢䠚䠘㐍ᤖ䊹᪑⛬䠚䠘እ㒊஦㇟䊹኱䛝䛺⛣ື≀䠚ᅗ 1 ஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࡢ෗ീ
㘠ᓥ(2011:174)㻯㼔㼍㼚㼓㼑㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼙㼛㼢㼑㼙㼑㼚㼠㼟㻚㻯㼍㼡㼟㼑㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼒㼛㼞㼏㼑㼟㻚㻼㼞㼛㼓㼞㼑㼟㼟㻌㼕㼟㻌㼐㼕㼟㼠㼍㼚㼏㼑㻚㻹㼍㼚㼚㼑㼞㻌㼛㼒㻌㼜㼞㼛㼓㼞㼑㼟㼟㻌㼕㼟㻌㼙㼍㼚㼚㼑㼞㻌㼛㼒㻌㼙㼛㼠㼕㼛㼚㻚㻯㼛㼙㼜㼘㼑㼠㼕㼛㼚㻌㼕㼟㻌㼞㼑㼍㼏㼔㼕㼚㼓㻌㼐㼑㼟㼠㼕㼚㼍㼠㼕㼛㼚㻚㻰㼕㼒㼒㼕㼏㼡㼘㼠㼕㼑㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼕㼙㼜㼑㼐㼕㼙㼑㼚㼠㼟㻌㼠㼛㻌㼙㼛㼠㼕㼛㼚㻚㻹㼑㼍㼚㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼜㼍㼠㼔㼟㻚㻱㼤㼠㼑㼞㼚㼍㼘㻌㼑㼢㼑㼚㼠㼟㻌㼍㼞㼑㻌㼘㼍㼞㼓㼑㻌㼙㼛㼢㼕㼚㼓㻌㼛㼎㼖㼑㼏㼠㼟㻚䠘ኚ໬䊹⛣ື䠚䠘ཎᅉ䊹ຊ䠚
䠘㐍ᤖ䊹㐍䜣䛰㊥㞳䠚䠘㐍ᤖ䛾ᵝែ䊹㐍䜏᪉䠚䠘᏶ᡂ䊹⤊╔Ⅼ䠚䠘ᅔ㞴䊹⛣ື䛾ጉ䛢䠚䠘ᡭẁ䊹⤒㊰䠚䠘እ㒊஦㇟䊹኱䛝䛺⛣ື≀䠚ᅗ 2 <<άືࡣ⛣ື>>࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮෗ീ
㘠ᓥ(2011:180)
ᅗࢆ㏻ࡋ࡚⪃࠼ࡿ࡜ࠊ኱ࡁ࡞⛣ື≀ࡢල⌧໬ࡢ୍✀࡟ࠕὶࢀࠖࡣ఩⨨ࡍࡿࠋࡑࡋ࡚ࠊ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢ୍᪉ྥᛶ
ࢆᣢࡘᾮయࡢ⛣ື࡛࠶ࡿࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ࡶ㉳ⅬЍ⤒㊰Ѝ╔Ⅼ࡜࠸࠺ᵓ㐀ࡀᏑᅾࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋࡇࡢࡇ࡜ࡣࠕA ᆅⅬ࠿ࡽ B ᆅⅬࡲ࡛ࡢὶࢀࠖࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀ࡛ࠖ㉳Ⅼ࠿ࡽ╔Ⅼࡲ࡛⾲ࡏࡿࡢ࡜ྠᵝ࡟ࠊࠕA ࠿ࡽ B ࡲ࡛ࡢ୍㐃ࡢὶࢀ࡛ࠖ≀஦ࡢ᭱ึ࠿ࡽ᭱ᚋࡲ࡛ࢆ⾲ࢃࡏࡿࡇ࡜࠿ࡽࡶ☜ㄆ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ࡞࠾ࠊ
஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊ㉳Ⅼ࠿ࡽ╔Ⅼࡢ㛵ಀࡣ୺య࡛࠶ࡿ▱ぬ⪅࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ᙜ࡚ࡣࡵࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜
⪃࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ๓ᥦ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕ⮬↛࡞ὶࢀࠖ࡜࠸࠺ࡢࡣࠊ࠶ࡿᆅⅬ࠿ࡽ࠶ࡿᆅⅬࡲ࡛ఱ࠿࡟㜼ᐖࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡶ࡞ࡃὶࢀ⥆ࡅ࡚࠸ࡿࠋణࡋࠊ▱ぬ⪅࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ᖖ࡟ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ㉳Ⅼ࠿ࡽ╔Ⅼࡲ࡛ព㆑ࡉࢀࡿᚲせࡣ࡞࠸ࠋ࡞ࡐ࡞ࡽࠊᡃࠎࡣ᪥ᖖ⏕ά࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡀ࡝ࡇ࠿ࡽ࡝ࡇࡲ࡛ὶࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ࠿
ࢆࠊࠕᕝࠖࡢ୰࡟ධࡗࡓࡾࠊ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢእ࡛═ࡵࡓࡾࡍࡿࠊࡔࡅ࡛ࡣࡑࡢ඲ᐜࡀᢕᥱ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ࡓࡵ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ

−154−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

3.ࠕὶࢀࠖ࡜どⅬࡲࡓࠊ୍᪉ྥᛶࢆᣢࡘᾮయࡢ⛣ື࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊどⅬࡀ㛵ࢃࡿࡇ࡜ࢆㄽࡌࡿࠋᡃࠎࡣࠕᕝࠖࡢ୰࡟ධࡗ࡚୺ほⓗ࡟ࠕὶࢀࠖࢆゐぬ࡛ឤࡌࡿࡇ࡜ࡶࠊ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢ୰࡟ධࡽࡎ࡟እ࠿ࡽ═ࡵ࡚ᐈほⓗ࡟ࠕὶࢀࠖࢆどぬ࡛
ほᐹࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡶࠊࡈࡃ⮬↛࡟⾜࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿ 4ࠋࡇ࠺࠸ࡗࡓ▱ぬ⪅ࡢ⌧㇟࡟ᑐࡍࡿどⅬࡢ㐪࠸࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠊᮏ✏࡛ࡣ๓⪅ࢆឤぬ୺యࡢどⅬࠊᚋ⪅ࢆほᐹ⪅ࡢどⅬࠊ࡜࿧ࡪࡇ࡜࡟ࡍࡿࠋࡉࡽ࡟ࠊどⅬࡣࠕὶࢀࠖࡢቃ⏺࡟ࡶ㛵ࢃࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ୺ᙇࡍࡿࠋỈ㔝ࡽ(2007)࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊே㛫㛵ಀࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧࡟ࡘ࠸࡚኱ࡁࡃศࡅ࡚⤒㊰ᆺࠊᵓ⠏≀ᆺࠊ⎔ቃᆺ࡜࠸࠺ 3 ࡘࡢࢫ࣮࣐࢟ࡢᏑᅾࡀᥦၐࡉࢀ
࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࡢ◊✲࡛ࡣ⎔ቃᆺࡢ௦⾲ⓗ࡞㉳Ⅼ㡿ᇦࡢ୍ࡘࡀᾮయ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ࡋࠊ௨ୗࢆ౛࡟ᣲࡆ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
(1) Ἴ⣠ࡀᗈࡀࡿ/࡝ࢁ࡝ࢁࡋࡓ㛵ಀ/㛵ಀࢆ෾⤖ࡍࡿ/㞷ゎࡅ/ࢡࣛࢫ࡛ᾋࡃ/ᡴࡕゎࡅࡿ/㍯࡟⁐ࡅ㎸ࡴỈ㔝ࡽ(2007:124-125)Ỉ㔝ࡽ࡟ࡼࡿ࡜ࠊ⎔ቃᆺࡣᐜჾࡢ࢖࣓࣮ࢪ࣭ࢫ࣮࣐࢟࡜㔜࡞ࡿ㒊ศࡶ࠶ࡿࡶࡢࡢࠊෆ࡜እ࡜࠸࠺ቃ⏺
ࢆᣢࡓ࡞࠸ࡇ࡜ࡶ࠶ࡿ࡜ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡑࡋ࡚ࠊ㠀᭷⏺ⓗ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡣࠊ㏻ᖖ⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿᐜჾࡢ࢖࣓࣮ࢪ࣭
ࢫ࣮࣐࢟࡜␗࡞ࡿᛶ㉁࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜࡟ࡶࡩࢀࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᾮయ࡜≧ἣࡢ⌮ゎ࡟㛵ࡍࡿᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊGrady(1997)࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊ<< CIRCUMSTANCES ARE FLUID>>㸦≧ἣࡣᾮయ㸧ࡀᣲࡆࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࡇࢀࡽࡢ⪃࠼ࢆ᥼⏝ࡋ࡚ࠊᾮయࡀ㠀᭷⏺ⓗ࡞⎔ቃ࡜ࡋ࡚ᴫᛕ໬ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡶ㏙࡭ࡿࠋ
4.ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ⪃ᐹᮏ⠇࡛ࡣࠊඖࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡜ࡋ୍࡚᪉ྥᛶࢆᣢࡘᾮయࡢ⛣ືࡢ୍౛࡛࠶ࡿࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡢᛶ㉁ࢆ⪃ᐹࡋࡓᚋࠊඛࣇ࣮࣒࡛ࣞ࠶ࡿே㛫ࡢάືࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࢆᐇ㝿ࡢ⏝౛ࢆᇶ࡟⪃ᐹࡍࡿࠋ
4.1ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡢᛶ㉁ ࡲࡎࠊឤぬ୺య࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ࡢࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࢆ☜ㄆࡍࡿࠋ(2)㹼(5)࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊឤぬ୺య࡟࠾ࡅࡿࠕὶࢀࠖ
࡟ᑐࡍࡿ㌟య⤒㦂ࢆࡳࡿࠋ(2) ୖὶ࠿ࡽࡢὶࢀ࡟஌ࡗ࡚ࠊᑠࡉ࡞⁪ࢆⴠࡕࡿࡢࡶࠊỈࡢࠕࡍ࡭ࡾྎ࡛ࠖᴦࡋ࠸ࡶࡢ࡛ࡍࠋ
㸺http://www.hrr.mlit.go.jp/chikuma/shiru/asobu/mizu/index.html㸼(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/08/01) (3) ᕝࡢ୰࡟ᢞࡆࡽࢀࡓᮌࡢᲬࢆ࡜ࡾ࡟⾜ࡇ࠺࡜ࠊඖẼࡼࡃ㣕ࡧ㎸ࢇ࡛࠸ࡃ㯮࠸࣡ࣥࡕࡷࢇࠋࡶ࠺ 1 ༉
ࡀࡑࡢᵝᏊࢆぢᏲࡿ୰ࠊぢ஦࡟᥈ࡋࡔࡋཱྀ࡛ࡃࢃ࠼࡚ᡠࢁ࠺࡜ࡋࡲࡍࡀࠊ㐍⾜᪉ྥ࡜㏫ྥࡁ࡟ὶࢀ
ࡿỈὶࡢໃ࠸࡟㈇ࡅ࡚ࡋࡲ࠸ࡑࡢࡲࡲὶࡉࢀࡿ⩚┠࡟͐͐ࠋ㸺http://nlab.itmedia.co.jp/nl/articles/1702/05/news008.html㸼(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/08/01)(4) ᮅ಴⨫࡟ࡼࡿ࡜ࠊ㑇యࡣ㸰㸮᪥༗ᚋ㸯᫬༙ࡈࢁࠊ⾜᪉୙᫂࡟࡞ࡗࡓሙᡤࡢୗὶ⣙㸯㸮㸮࣓࣮ࢺ࡛ࣝ
ぢࡘ࠿ࡗࡓࠋ஦ᨾᙜ᫬ࠊᕝࡣ๓᪥ࡢ㞵࡛ቑỈࡋࠊὶࢀࡀ㏿࠿ࡗࡓ࡜࠸࠺ࠋ(᪥ᮏ⤒῭᪂⪺ 2014/06/21)(5) Ꮚ౪ࡓࡕࡣᕝ࡟ධࡿ࡜ࠊ▼ࢆࡦࡗࡃࡾ㏉ࡋࡓࡾᕝ㎶ࡢⲡࡴࡽࡢୗࢆ⥙࡛ࡘࡘ࠸ࡓࡾࡋ࡚㨶ࢆ᥈ࡋࡓࠋ
ࠕ࢚ࣅࡀ࡜ࢀࡓࡼࠖ
ࠕ㨶࡟㏨ࡆࡽࢀࡓࠖ࡞࡝࡜኱ࡁ࡞ኌࢆฟࡋ࡚ࠊࡣࡋࡷ࠸࡛࠸ࡓࠋࣛ࢖ࣇࢪࣕࢣࢵ
ࢺࢆ╔ࡅ࡚ᕝࡢὶࢀ࡟㌟ࢆ௵ࡏࡿయ㦂ࢆࡍࡿᏊ౪ࡓࡕࡶ࠾ࡾࠊኟఇࡳึ᪥ࢆᴦࡋࢇ࡛࠸ࡓࠋ(ㄞ኎᪂⪺ 2013/07/21)
 (2)࡛ࡣࠊឤぬ୺యࡀࠕὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿࠖ࡜ࡑࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡢാࡁ࠿ࡅ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡟⛣ືࡉࢀࡿࡇ
࡜ࡀศ࠿ࡿࠋ
ࠕὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿࠖ࡜ࡣ㐍ࡳࡓ࠸᪉ྥ࡟㐍ࡴࡇ࡜࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡔࡀࠊ(3)࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊឤぬ୺య࡛࠶ࡿ
≟ࡀࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡜ࠕ㏫ྥࡁࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟⛣ືࡀ㜼ᐖࡉࢀࠊࠕὶࡉࢀࡿࠖࡇ࡜࡟࡞ࡿࠋ୍᪉࡛ࡣࠊ(4)ࡢ
ࡼ࠺࡟ឤぬ୺యࡢே㛫࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ࡣࠕ㞵ࠖ࡞࡝࡛ࠕᕝࠖࡢỈ㔞ࡀቑỈࡍࡿ࡜ࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࡀ㏿ࡃ࡞ࡾࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࡢാࡁ࠿ࡅࡢຊࡀ኱ࡁࡃ࡞ࡿࠋࡑࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࡶࠊ(5)ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ఱࡶࡏࡎࡓࡔὶࡉࢀࡿࡔࡅ࡟࡞ࡿ

−155−

現代日本語における「流れ」と事象構造メタファー

࡜ࠊឤぬ୺యࡢᏊ౪ࡓࡕ࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ࡣࠕὶࡉ࡟㌟ࢆ௵ࡏࡿࠖ࡜ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ ࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠕὶࢀࠖࡣࠊ⤯࠼ࡎࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࢆᣢࡕࠊឤぬ୺యࡢ⛣ື࡟ാࡁ࠿ࡅ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᣦ᦬࡛
ࡁࡿࠋࡑࡋ࡚ࠊឤぬ୺యࡢ㐍ࡳࡓ࠸ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࢆጉࡆࡿࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ධࡿ࡜ࠕὶࡉࢀࡿࠖࡇ࡜࡟࡞ࡿࠋ
ࠕὶࡉࢀࡿࠖࡇ࡜࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠊឤぬ୺యࡣᮏ᮶┠ᣦࡍ࡭ࡁ╔Ⅼࡀศ࠿ࡽ࡞ࡃ࡞ࡾࠊ࡝ࡇ࡟ὶࡉࢀࡿ࠿ศ࠿
ࡽ࡞ࡃ࡞ࡿࠋᑐ↷ⓗ࡟ࠊ╔Ⅼࢆព㆑ࡏࡎࠕὶࢀࠖࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡢࡲࡲⰋ࠸᪉ྥ࡟ࡶࠊᝏ࠸᪉ྥ࡟ࡶ㐍ࡴࡢࡀࠕὶࢀ࡟㌟ࢆ௵ࡏࡿ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢỈ㔞ࡀከࡃ࡞ࡿ࡜ࠊ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࡣ㏿ࡃ࡞ࡾࠊឤぬ୺య࡬ࡢാࡁ࠿ࡅࡣᙉࡃ࡞ࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽࡣࠊឤぬ୺యࡀࠕᕝࠖࡢ୰࡟࠸ࡿ࠿ࡽࡇࡑゐぬ࡛▱ぬ࡛ࡁࡿ┤᥋ⓗ࡞㌟య⤒㦂࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࠋ ḟ࡟ࠊほᐹ⪅࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ࡢࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࢆ☜ㄆࡍࡿࠋ(6)㹼(8)࡛ࡣࠊほᐹ⪅࡟࠾ࡅࡿࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ᑐࡍ
ࡿࠊከᵝ࡞ᢕᥱࡢ௙᪉ࡀᏑᅾࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀศ࠿ࡿࠋ
(6) ὶࢀࡢ࠶ࡿᕝࢆࡎࡗ࡜═ࡵ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜⒵ࡉࢀࡿࡼ࠺࡞ࠊࡑࢇ࡞Ẽᣢࡕ࡟࡞ࡾࡲࡍࠋ
ࡎࡗ࡜ࡑࡢὶࢀࢆぢ࡚࠸ࡓ࠸࡜ᛮ࠺ࢇ࡛ࡍࠋ
㸺https://detail.chiebukuro.yahoo.co.jp/qa/question_detail/q1091030020㸼
(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/08/03)(7) ࡇࡇ࡟࠿ࡅࡽࢀࡓᒇᡞᶫࡢୖ࠿ࡽୖὶࢆ═ࡵࡿ࡜ࠊᕝࡢὶࢀࡀᒣ㛫࠿ࡽᖹᆅ࡟ฟࡿࡼ࠺ࡍࡀࡘࡪࡉ࡟ほᐹࡉࢀ࡚ࠊ
ࠕᒣཱྀࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᆅྡࡀࡇࡇ࡟ࡘࡅࡽࢀࡓ⌮⏤ࡀࡼࡃࢃ࠿ࡾࡲࡍࠋ(BCCWJ:ᑠᯘඖࠗ▮⏣ᕝ≀ㄒ࠘)(8) ᕝࡢὶࢀࡣ㸯ᮏ㐨࡛ࡣ࠶ࡾࡲࡏࢇࠋᙉ࠸ὶࢀࡀ࠶ࡾᙅ࠸ὶࢀࡀ࠶ࡾࠊ┿ࡗ┤ࡄୗὶ࡟ὶࢀࡿᕝࡶ
࠶ࢀࡤ㏵୰࡛཯㌿ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿὶࢀࡶ࠶ࡾࡲࡍࠋ῱ὶ㔮ࡾࡢワࡵࡣࡇࡢὶࢀࢆᢕᥱࡍࡿ࠿࡝࠺࠿࡟ࡼࡗ
࡚Ỵࡲࡾࡲࡍࠋࡇࡇ㸳ᖺࣇࣛ࢖ࢆࡸࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜ゝ࠺ே࡛ࡶࠦὶࢀࢆㄞࡴࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ࠨࡢ࡛ࣉ࣮
ࣝ㸦ῡࡸ࢝ࢱ࡞࡝ࡢὶࢀࡢ⦆࠸࡜ࡇࢁ㸧ࡋ࠿ᨷࡵࡓࡇ࡜ࡀ࡞࠸ேࡀవࡾ࡟ࡶከ࠸ࡢࡀᐇ᝟࡛ࡍࠋ
㸺http://www.uraryoushi.com/stepuptoflyfishing_part3_p.html㸼(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/12/08)(6)ࠕὶࢀࠖࢆぢࡿࠊ(7)ࠕὶࢀࠖࢆほᐹࡍࡿࠊࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠕᕝࠖࡢእ࠿ࡽほᐹ⪅ࡀ═ࡵ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ☜ㄆ࡛ࡁࡿࠋࡉࡽ࡟ࠊ(8)࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕᙉ࠸ὶࢀࠖ
ࠕᙅ࠸ὶࢀࠖࠕ཯㌿ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿὶࢀࠖ࡞࡝ࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ
ࢆࠕᢕᥱࡍࡿࠖࡇ࡜ࢆࠕὶࢀࢆㄞࡴࠖ࡜ᤊ࠼࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀศ࠿ࡿࠋ
ඹ㏻ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊほᐹ⪅ࡣࠕᕝࠖࡢ୰࡟ࡣධࡽࡎ࡟እ࠿ࡽどぬ࡛═ࡵ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀゝ࠼ࡿࠋᡃࠎ
ࡣࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࢆほᐹࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠊࡑࢀࡀ฼⏝࡛ࡁࡿ࠿ࠊ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸࠿ࡢุ᩿ࢆ⾜ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࡑࡋ࡚ࠊࡑࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡀ฼⏝࡛ࡁࡿ࡜ุ᩿࡛ࡁࡓሙྜࠊほᐹ⪅ࡣឤぬ୺య࡜࡞ࡾࠊ᫬㛫ⓗኚ໬࡟ᛂࡌ࡚ࠊ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ୰࡟ධࡾࠊ
ࠕὶࢀ࡟ຍࢃࡿࠖࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ
4.2 ே㛫ࡢάືࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡢᛶ㉁ࡇࡇ࡛ࡣࠊ㌟య⤒㦂࡟࠾ࡅࡿࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡢᛶ㉁ࡢศᯒࢆᇶ࡟ᢳ㇟ⓗ࡞ே㛫ࡢάືࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࢆ
⪃ᐹࡍࡿࠋ᭱ึ࡟ࠕὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿࠖࡢどⅬ࡟ࡼࡿゎ㔘ࡢ㐪࠸ࢆࡳࡿࠋ(9)ࠊ(10)ࡣឤぬ୺యࡢどⅬ࡟࠾ࡅࡿࠕὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡿࠋ
(9) ⚾ࡢ఍♫ࡣᴗ⦼ࡀⰋࡃ࡚ࠊὶࢀ࡟஌ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
(10) ࡏࡗ࠿ࡃࠕࢫ࣮ࣃ࣮ࢻࣛ࢖ࠖࡢᛌ㐍ᧁ࡛఍♫ࡣ࠸࠸ὶࢀ࡟஌ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࡇ࡛ኻᩋࡋ࡚ṑ㌴ࡀᝏ
࠸᪉࡟ᅇࡾጞࡵࢀࡤඖࡶᏊࡶ࡞࠸ࠋ(᪥⤒⏘ᴗ᪂⪺ 2017/06/19)(9)࡛ࡣ<<άືࡣ⛣ື>>ࡀ㛵୚ࡋࠊ఍♫ࡀዲㄪ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀศ࠿ࡿࠋࡇࢀࡣࠊឤぬ୺యࡢ⚾ࡢどⅬ࠿ࡽ఍♫ࡀ⤒῭άືࡢ╔Ⅼ࡛࠶ࡿ฼┈࡟ྥࡅࡓࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࢆᣢࡘ⁫ࡾ࡞࠸ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ⛣ື࡟஌ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜
ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ(10)ࡶࠊឤぬ୺య࡛࠶ࡿࣅ࣮ࣝ఍♫ࡀࣄࢵࢺၟရ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚฼┈࡟ࡘ࡞ࡀࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜

−156−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ࢆࠕ࠸࠸ὶࢀ࡟஌ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠖ࡜ヰ⪅ࡀ㏙࡭࡚࠸ࡿࠋ≀஦࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡶࠊ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࡣ⁫ࡾ࡞ࡃ㐍ࡴࡇ࡜ࡀዲࡲ
ࡋ࠸ࡇ࡜࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࠋ୍⯡ⓗ࡟ࠊ⤒῭άື࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊ฼┈ࢆ⏕ࡳฟࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ┠ⓗ࡜ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࠊࡑࢀ
ࡀ╔Ⅼ࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ᑐ↷ⓗ࡟ࠊ(11)ࠊ(12)ࡣࠊほᐹ⪅ࡢどⅬࡀ☜ㄆ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ
(11) ⚾ࡶὶࢀ࡟஌ࡗ࡚⮬ᕫ⤂௓ࡋࡲࡍࠋ
(12) ᭱㏆ࡢᮍ▱࣐࣮ࢣࢸ࢕ࣥࢢࡢᗈࡀࡾࡣ┒ᒸᕷࡢࡉࢃࡸ᭩ᗑࣇ࢙ࢨࣥᗑࡢᗑဨࡉࢇࡀⅆ௜ࡅᙺࠋ୍᫬ࡢࣈ࣮࣒࡛⤊ࢃࡿ࠿࡜ᛮࡗࡓࡀࠊࡑࢀࢆᶵ࡟ேࠎࡢᮏࡢ㑅ࡧ᪉ࡀኚࢃࡾࠊึࡵ࡚ぢࡓࢱ࢖ࢺࣝࡸ▱ࡽ࡞࠸స⪅ࡢసရ࡛ࡶࠕ㠃ⓑࡑ࠺ࠖ࡜ᡭ࡟ྲྀࡿࡼ࠺࡟࡞ࡗࡓࠋ
ࡇࡢὶࢀ࡟஌ࡾࠊฟ∧♫ࡢࢹ࢕ࢫࣦ࢝࢓࣮࣭ࢺ࢚ࢗࣥࢸ࢕࣡ࣥ㸦ᮾி࣭༓௦⏣㸧ࡣ㸰᭶࡟ᩥᗜ࡟ཧධࡍࡿ࡟࠶ࡓࡾࠊ
ࠕ࢝ࣂ࣮ࢆእࡋ࡚ᮏࢆ㑅ࡰ࠺ࠖ࡜ᥦ᱌ࡋࡓࠋ(᪥⤒㹋㹈㸦ὶ㏻᪂⪺㸧2017/03/24)
(11)ࡣࠊ࿘ࡾࡢேࠎࡢ⮬ᕫ⤂௓ࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࢆほᐹ⪅ࡢどⅬ࠿ࡽࡳ࡚ࠊ⮬㌟ࡶ⮬ᕫ⤂௓ࢆ⥆ࡅ࡚⾜࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀ⾲ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ᫬㛫ⓗኚ໬࡛⮬ᕫ⤂௓ࢆ⾜࠺࡜ࠊឤぬ୺య࡟どⅬࡀษࡾ᭰ࢃࡾࠊ⮬ᕫ⤂௓ࡢὶࢀ࡟஌
ࡗࡓࡇ࡜࡟࡞ࡿࠋ(12)ࡣฟ∧♫ࡀほᐹ⪅࡜ࡋ࡚࿘ࡾࢆほᐹࡋ࡚ࠊࠕᮍ▱࣐࣮ࢣࢸ࢕ࣥࢢࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᡭἲࡀὶ
⾜ࡾⰋ࠸࡜ุ᩿ࡍࡿ࡜࠸࠺᫬㛫ⓗኚ໬ࢆ⤒࡚ࠊឤぬ୺య࡜ࡋ࡚ࠕ࢝ࣂ࣮ࢆእࡋ࡚ᮏࢆ㑅ࡪࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᥦ᱌
ࢆࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࠕὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿࠖ࡜ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ࡝ࡕࡽࡶࠊ╔Ⅼࡣព㆑ࡉࢀࡎどⅬࡀษࡾ᭰ࢃࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊྠࡌࠕὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿ࡛ࠖࡶࠊ▱ぬ⪅ࡀࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ୰࡟ධࡗ࡚ឤぬ୺య࡟࡞ࡿ࠿ࠊ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࢆ═ࡵࡿほᐹ⪅࡟࡞ࡿ࠿࡛ࠊព࿡࡟㐪࠸ࡀ⏕ࡌ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᣦ᦬࡛ࡁࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊほᐹ⪅ࡀ᫬㛫ⓗኚ໬ࢆ⤒࡚ࠕὶࢀ࡟ຍࢃࡿࠖࡇ࡜࡛ࠊឤぬ୺య࡬࡜どⅬࡀษࡾ᭰ࢃࡿࡢࢆࡳࡓࠋ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࡀෆ࡜እ࡜࠸࠺ቃ⏺ࢆࡶࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࠿ࡽࡇࡑࠊ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ୰࡟ධࡿࡇ࡜ࡶࠊࡑࡇ࠿ࡽฟ࡚ࠊ═ࡵࡿࡇ࡜ࡶྍ⬟࡜࡞ࡿࠋ
ࡉࡽ࡟ࠊ(13)ࠊ(14)࡛ࡣࠕ⮬↛࡞ὶࢀࠖ࡟㛵ࡍࡿ⏝౛ࢆࡳࡿࠋ
(13) ᙼࡣᙼዪࢆ⮬↛࡞ὶࢀ࡛ࢹ࣮ࢺ࡟ㄏࡗࡓࠋ
(14) ᙼࡀ࠶࡞ࡓࢆᮏᙜ࡟ዲࡁ୍࡛⏕୍⥴࡟࠸ࡓ࠸࡜ᛮࡗ࡚࠸ࢀࡤࠊ⤖፧ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡟࡞ࡿࡢࡀ⮬↛࡞ὶࢀࡔ࡜ᛮ࠸ࡲࡍࠋດຊࢆᛰࡽࡎࡑ࠺࠸࠺ዪᛶ࡛࠸ࡲࡋࡻ࠺ࠋ(BCCWJ:Yahoo!▱ᜨ⿄)ࡇࢀࡽࡢ⏝౛࡛ࡣࠊ<<≧ἣࡣᾮయ>>࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠊ࿘ᅖࡢ≧ἣࡀ᭷⏺ࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
(13)ࡣࠊほᐹ⪅࡛࠶ࡿᙼࡀᙼዪ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࢹ࣮ࢺ࡜࠸࠺╔Ⅼ࡟ྥ࠿࠺ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢෆഃࡘࡲࡾࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ୰ࡢ
ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡬ാࡁ࠿ࡅ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ᥮ゝࡍࢀࡤࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࡢቃ⏺࡜ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡀព㆑ࡉࢀࡿ࠿ࡽࡇࡑࠊᙼ
ࡣ㐪࿴ឤ࡞ࡃࠕ⮬↛࡞ὶࢀ࡛ࠖᙼዪࢆㄏ࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋࡑࡋ࡚ࠊ(14)࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊヰ⪅ࡀឤぬ୺య࡛࠶ࡿᙼዪࡢ❧ሙ࡛ࠊ⤖፧࡜࠸࠺╔Ⅼ࡬࡜ྥ࠿࠺ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠕ⮬↛࡞ὶࢀࠖ࡜㏙࡭࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
௨ୖࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ
ࠕ⮬↛࡞ὶࢀࠖ࡜ࡣឤぬ୺యࠊほᐹ⪅ࠊ୧᪉࡟࡜ࡗ࡚┠ⓗ࡜ࡋ࡚᝿ᐃ࡛ࡁࡿ╔Ⅼ࡬⁫ࡾ࡞ࡃ㐍ࡴࠕὶࢀ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋ࡞ࡀࡽࠊ(15)㹼(18)࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊឤぬ୺యࡢどⅬ࡟↔Ⅼࡀᙜࡓࡿࠋ
(15) ⮬ศࡢពぢࡸุ᩿⬟ຊ࡟⮬ಙࡀ࠶ࢀࡤࠊ⡆༢࡟௚ே࡟ὶࡉࢀࡿ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࡣ࠶ࡾࡲࡏࢇࠋ
ேࡀ࡝࠺ゝ࠾࠺࡜ࠊࡓ࡜࠼ࠊ࿘ࡾࡢேࡀࡍ࡭࡚⮬ศ࡜㐪࠺ពぢ࡛࠶ࡗࡓ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡶࠊ
ࡑ࠺ࡋࡓὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿࡇ࡜࡞ࡃࠊ⮬ศࢆᢲࡋ㏻ࡍࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࢃࡅ࡛ࡍࠋ
㸺https://mstkr.jp/taninninagasareyasui-tokucho-1691㸼(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/12/12)(16) ࡇࡢࡲࡲ࠸ࡗ࡚ࡶ⤖፧ࡣ⤯ᑐ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸࡛ࡍࡋࠊᙼዪ࡟ࡶᝏ࠸ࡢ࡛ࠊࡁࡕࢇ࡜ูࢀヰࢆࡍ࡭ࡁ࡛ࡋ
ࡻ࠺࠿㸽ࡋ࠿ࡋࠊ఍࠺࡜ᙼዪࡢே㛫ᛶࡀ࡜࡚ࡶ࠸࠸ࡢ࡛᝟࡟ὶࡉࢀ࡚ࡋࡲ࠸ࡲࡍࠋ
㸺https://oshiete.goo.ne.jp/qa/3971289.html㸼(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/08/01)(17) ࡓࡔ…ᤞ࡚⊧ࢆࠕࢃ࠵ྍឡ࠸㸟࡛ࡶㄡࡀᤞ࡚ࡓࢇࡔࢁ࠺…ྍယ᝿࡞࡛ࠖ᝟࡟ὶࡉࢀ࡚௚ே࡟ᢲࡋ

−157−

現代日本語における「流れ」と事象構造メタファー௜ࡅࡿࡢࡣ࡝࠺࠿࡜ᛮ࠸ࡲࡍࠋᤞ࡚⊧ࢆᣠ࠺࡞ࡽ㈐௵ᣢࡗ࡚⮬ศࡀ㣫࠺ࡢࢆ๓ᥦ࡟ᣠ࠺࡭ࡁࡔ࡜
ᛮ࠸ࡲࡍࠋ
㸺https://detail.chiebukuro.yahoo.co.jp/qa/question_detail/q1027457345㸼
(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/12/12)(18) ᚋ㍮ዪᛶࡢᝎࡳ࡟ࡶ⪥ࢆഴࡅࡿࠋ
ࠕዪᛶࡣⱝ࠸࠺ࡕ࡟㡹ᙇࡾࡍࡂ࡚ࣂ࣮ࣥ࢔࢘ࢺ㸦⇞࠼ᑾࡁ⑕ೃ⩌㸧ࡋࡀࡕࠋ࡛ࡶ኱ே࡟࡞ࡿ࡜ࠊ௙஦ࡣ㛗ᮇᡓࡔ࠿ࡽࡑࢀ࡛ࡣᣢࡓ࡞࠸࡜ศ࠿ࡿࠖ
ࠋ࠶ࡃࡲ࡛⮬↛యࠊ
ὶࢀ࡟㌟ࢆ௵ࡏࡿࢱ࢖ࣉ࡛ࠕ㡹ᙇࡾࡍࡂ࡞࠸ࡢࡀࣔࢵࢺ࣮ࠖ
ࠋࡓࡔ࿘ᅖࡢホุࡣࡸࡣࡾࠕാࡁ⪅ࠖࡔࠋ(᪥ᮏ⤒῭᪂⪺ 2016/10/29)
 (15)࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊឤぬ୺యࡢே㛫ࡀ⮬ᕫࡢពᚿ࡜࠸࠺ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡀ࿘ᅖࡢ௚ேࡢゝື࡜࠸࠺እⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟㜼ᐖࡉࢀࠊࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡀኚࢃࡿࡇ࡜ࢆࠕὶࡉࢀࡿࠖ࡜ヰ⪅ࡀ㏙࡭࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࡑࡋ࡚ࠊ௚⪅ࡢゝືࡢእⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ຍࢃࡿࡇ࡜ࢆࠕὶࢀ࡟஌ࡿࠖ࡜⾲ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
୍᪉ࠊ(16)ࠊ(17)࡛ࡣࠊ
ࠕ᝟࡟ὶࡉࢀࡿࠖ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡳࡿࠋ(16)ࡣឤぬ୺య࡛࠶ࡿᙼࡢูࢀࡓ࠸࡜࠸࠺ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊᙼዪࡢே㛫ᛶ࡜࠸࠺እⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠊឤ᝟ࡀኚࢃࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࠕ᝟࡟ὶࡉࢀࡿࠖ
࡜ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࠊ(17)ࡣேࡀᤞ࡚⊧࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊᣠࡗ࡚ࡣ࠸ࡅ࡞࠸࡜࠸࠺ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡀᤞ࡚⊧⮬యࡢᣢࡘఱ
࠿ࡋ࡞ࡅࢀࡤ࡞ࡽ࡞࠸࡜࠸࠺እⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠕྍឡ࠸ࠖ
ࠕྍယ᝿ࠖ࡜ឤ᝟ࡀኚࢃࡾࠊᣠࡗ࡚௚ே
࡟ᢲࡋ௜ࡅࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࠕ᝟࡟ὶࡉࢀࡿࠖ࡜ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࠕ᝟࡟ὶࡉࢀࡿࠖࡣࠊேࡸື≀࡞࡝࡟ࡼࡿእⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅࡀཎᅉ࡜࡞ࡾࠊࡑࡢ⤖ᯝࠊឤぬ୺యࡢឤ᝟ࡀኚࢃࡾࠊ⾜ື࡟ࡶᙳ㡪ࢆ୚࠼࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡇࢀࡣࠊ
ཎᅉЍ⤖ᯝࡢ࣓ࢺࢽ࣑࣮5 ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ
ణࡋࠊྠࡌࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ୰࡟ධࡗ࡚ឤぬ୺య࡟࡞ࡿ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡶࠊእⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅ࡟㜼ᐖࡉࢀ࡞࠸ሙྜࡣ(18)ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠕὶࢀ࡟㌟ࢆ௵ࡏࡿࠖࡇ࡜࡟࡞ࡿࠋ
ࠕὶࢀ࡟㌟ࢆ௵ࡏࡿࠖ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࡣࠊ⮬ᕫࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡶ╔Ⅼࡶព㆑ࡉࢀ࡞࠸࡜࠸࠺≧ែ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࠋࡇࡇ࡛ࡶࠊ
ࠕ㡹ᙇࡾࡍࡂ࡞࠸ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀࠕὶࢀ࡟㌟
ࢆ௵ࡏࡿࠖࡇ࡜࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
௨ୖࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊឤぬ୺యࡢពᚿ࡜࠸࠺ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟࿘ᅖࡢゝືࡸᏑᅾ࡞࡝࠿ࡽⓎࡏࡽࢀࡿእⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡀ㛵୚ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᣦ᦬࡛ࡁࡿࠋ
ࠕᕝࠖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖࡢỈ㔞ࡀቑࡍ࡜ᙉࡃ࡞ࡿࡼ
࠺࡟ࠊ࿘ᅖ࠿ࡽⓎࡏࡽࢀࡿእⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅࡶᙉࡲࡿ࡜ࠊឤぬ୺యࡢពᚿࡲ࡛ኚ࠼࡚ࡋࡲ࠺ຊ࡟ࡶ࡞ࡿࠋ
ࡑࢀࡀࠊ୙ᮏពᛶࢆᣢࡘࠕὶࡉࢀࡿࠖ࡜࠸࠺≧ែ࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞ឤぬ୺యࡣࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࢆᣢࡘࠕὶ
ࢀࠖࡢ୰࡟࠸࡞ࡀࡽࡶࠊ࿘ᅖࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ࡶᕥྑࡉࢀࠊ╔Ⅼࡀ࡝ࡇ࡟ྥ࠿࠺ࡢ࠿ࡶᢕᥱ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ࠋࡘࡲ
ࡾࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࡢෆ࡜እ࡜࠸࠺ቃ⏺ࡀ࡞ࡃ࡞ࡾࠊ㠀᭷⏺ⓗ࡞⎔ቃ࡜ࡋ࡚ᴫᛕ໬ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋࡇ
ࡢศᯒࢆ㋃ࡲ࠼ࠊ(19)㹼(22)ࡢࠕὶࢀ࡛ V ࡍࡿࠖࡢ⏝౛ࢆࡳࡿࠋ
(19) ዲࡁ࡛ࡶ࡞࠸ࡢ࡟ࠊᙼዪࡣᙼ࡜ὶࢀ࡛௜ࡁྜࡗ࡚ࡋࡲࡗࡓࠋ
(20) ᙼẶ࡟ࡣఱࡢ୙‶ࡶ࡞࠸ࡋࠊ࡜࡚ࡶឡࡋ࡚࠸ࡲࡍࠋ
ࡑࢀ࡞ࡢ࡟ࠊࡑࡢሙࡢὶࢀ࡛ࠊᾋẼࢆࡋ࡚ࡋࡲࡗࡓࡇ࡜࡟࡜࡚ࡶ⨥ᝏឤࢆឤࡌ࡚࠸ࡲࡍࠋ
㸺https://detail.chiebukuro.yahoo.co.jp/qa/question_detail/q1322770158㸼
(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/08/01)(21) 10 ṓᖺୖࡢ᪉࡜▱ࡾྜ࠸ 3 ࣨ᭶ࠋ5 ᅇ⛬㣗஦࡟⾜ࡁࡲࡋࡓࠋ
4 ᅇ┠ࡲ࡛ࡣᣦ 1 ᮏゐࢀ࡚ࡃࡿ஦࡞ࡃࠊ
ࠕ࠿ࢃ࠸࠸ࠖࡄࡽ࠸ࡣゝࢃࢀ࡚࠸ࡲࡋࡓࠋ
5 ᅇ┠࡟఍ࡗࡓ᫬࡟ᡭࢆ⧅࠸࡛Ⰻ࠸࠿⪺࠿ࢀࠊ⧅࠸࡛ࡋࡲ࠸⤖ᒁὶࢀ࡛࢟ࢫࡲ࡛ࡋ࡚ࡋࡲ࠸ࡲࡋ
ࡓࠋ㸺https://detail.chiebukuro.yahoo.co.jp/qa/question_detail/q10116434340㸼
(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/12/12)(22) ཭ࡔࡕ࡟ࠕ࠶ࡢᏊࠊ࠶࡞ࡓࡢࡇ࡜ࡀዲࡁࡽࡋ࠸ࡼࠖ࡞࡝࡜ゝࡗ࡚ࡶࡽࡗ࡚ࠊᙼ࡟ዲពࡀఏࢃࡗ࡚ࠊ
࡞ࢇ࡜࡞ࡃᙼࡢ᪉࠿ࡽ㏆ᐤࡗ࡚ࡁ࡚ࠊὶࢀ࡛࿌ⓑ࡛ࡁࡓࠊ࡜࠸࠺ࡼ࠺࡞ࣃࢱ࣮ࣥࠋ
࠶ࡾࡁࡓࡾ࡞ᡭẁ࡛ࡣ࠶ࡾࡲࡍࡀࠊពእ࡜ຠᯝࡀ࠶ࡾࡲࡍࠋㄡࡔࡗ࡚ࠊ␗ᛶ࠿ࡽࡢዲពࡣ࠺ࢀࡋ

−158−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

࠸ࡶࡢ࡛ࡍࠋ㸺https://laurier.press/i/E1503279853720㸼(᭱⤊᳨⣴᪥ 2017/11/24)(19)࡛ࡣࠊᙼዪࡀᙜึࡢẼᣢࡕ࡜㛵ಀ࡞ࡃࠊ୙ᮏព࡟ᙼ࡜௜ࡁྜࡗ࡚ࡋࡲࡗࡓࡇ࡜ࡀ⾲ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࡇࡇ࡛ࡶࠊࠕὶࢀࠖࡢෆ࡜እ࡜࠸࠺ቃ⏺ࡀ࡞ࡃ࡞ࡾࠊ㠀᭷⏺ⓗ࡞⎔ቃ࡜ࡋ࡚ᴫᛕ໬ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡑࡋ࡚ࠊ
ᙼࡢゝືࡀࠕὶࢀࠖ࡜ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࠊᙼዪࡣឤぬ୺య࡜࡞ࡾࠊᙼዪࡢពᚿࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡀ୙ ࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡟ὶࡉࢀ࡚ࡋࡲࡗࡓ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ(20)ࡣᙼẶࢆឡࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࡟ࠕὶࢀ࡛ᾋẼࢆࡍࡿࠖ
ࠊ(21)ࡣࡑࡢ
Ẽࡀ࡞࠸ࡢ࡟ࠕὶࢀ࡛࢟ࢫࡍࡿࠖࡢࡼ࠺࡟୙ᮏពᛶࢆᣢࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ࡝ࡕࡽࡶ␗ᛶ࠿ࡽࡢゝືࡸ␗ᛶ⮬య
ࡢᏑᅾࡀⓎࡍࡿࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚⮬ᕫࡢពᚿࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡀ୙ ࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡬࡜ὶࡉࢀ࡚ࠕᾋẼࠖࡸࠕ࢟ࢫࠖ࡞࡝ࡢ╔Ⅼ࡟╔ࡃ⤖ᯝ࡜࡞ࡗࡓࠋࡴࢁࢇࠊቃ⏺౛࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ(22)ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࠊឤぬ୺యࡀᙼ࡟ゝື࡛ാ࠿ࡅࡓ⤖ᯝࠕὶࢀ࡛࿌ⓑ࡛ࡁࡓࠖ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࡶ࠶ࡾᚓࡿࠋࡇࢀࡣࠊ
ࠕ⮬↛࡞ὶࢀ࡛࿌ⓑࡍࡿࠖ࡟㏆ࡃࠊ
ឤぬ୺య࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ࡢ╔Ⅼ࡛࠶ࡿࠕ࿌ⓑࠖࡲ࡛ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡟ྥ࠿࠼ࡓ≧ែ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࠋᮏ᮶᝿ᐃ࡛
ࡁ࡞࠿ࡗࡓ╔Ⅼ࡟ྥ࠿࠼ࡓ࡜࠸࠺Ⅼ࡛ࡣዲࡲࡋࡃࡣ࠶ࡿࡀࠊ୙ ࡞஦ែ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ࡶ⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ
ࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠕὶࢀࠖࡀ㠀᭷⏺ⓗ࡞⎔ቃ࡜ࡋ࡚ᴫᛕ໬ࡉࢀࡿሙྜࠊឤぬ୺యࡢ⮬ᕫࡢពᚿࡣࠕὶࢀࠖࡢ
ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋࡑࡇ࡟ࠊ࿘ᅖࡢእⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠕὶࡉࢀࡿࠖ࡜ࠊ୙ ࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࠊឤぬ୺య࡟࡜ࡗ࡚୙ᮏពᛶࡀ⏕ࡲࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᣦ᦬࡛ࡁࡿࠋ
5.ࡲ࡜ࡵ
ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊ஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࡢᯟ⤌ࡳ࡛ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢே㛫ࡢάື࡬ࡢᴫᛕ໬ࡢࣉࣟࢭࢫࢆㄽࡌࡓࠋ஦
㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡟࠾ࡅࡿࠕὶࢀࠖࡣࠊ୍᪉ྥᛶࢆᣢࡘᾮయࡢ⛣ືࢆඖࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ<<άືࡣ⛣ື>>࡜<<≧ἣࡣᾮయ>>࡜࠸࠺ 2 ࡘࡢᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࡀ㛵୚ࡍࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽࡢᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡟ࡣࠊឤぬ୺యࠊほᐹ⪅࡜࠸࠺どⅬࡢ㐪࠸ࡀ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ⓗព࿡࡟ᙳ㡪ࢆ୚࠼࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡑࡋ࡚ࠊ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࡢᵓᡂせ⣲࡟ࡣࠊ
ࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖࡀᏑᅾࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡶᥦ᱌ࡋࡓࠋ
ࡉࡽ࡟ࠊឤぬ୺య࡟࡜ࡗ࡚୙ᮏពᛶࡀ⏕ࡲࢀࡿࠕὶࢀ࡛ V ࡍࡿࠖ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡶㄽࡌࡓࠋ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࡀ㠀᭷⏺ⓗ࡞⎔ቃ࡜ࡋ࡚ᴫᛕ໬ࡉࢀࡿሙྜࠊឤぬ୺యࡢ⮬ᕫࡢពᚿࡣࠕὶࢀࠖࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡟ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ
ࡑࡇ࡟ࠊ࿘ᅖࡢእⓗ࡞ാࡁ࠿ࡅࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠕὶࡉࢀࡿࠖ࡜ࠊ╔Ⅼࡀ࡝ࡇ࡬ྥ࠿࠺࠿ࢃ࠿ࡽ࡞࠸୙ ࡢࠕ㐍⾜᪉ྥࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼ࡽࢀࠊ୙ᮏពᛶࡀ⏕ࡲࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࢆᣦ᦬ࡋࡓࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠕὶࢀࠖ⮬㌟ࡀᣢࡘᛶ㉁࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠊ≉᭷ࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧ࡀ⏘ฟࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ㏙࡭ࡓࠋ௒ᚋࡢㄢ㢟࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ
ࠕὶࢀࠖࡢാࡁ࠿ࡅ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ຊືᛶ(Talmy 1985,2000)ࡢほⅬ࠿ࡽ⪃࠼࡚࠸ࡁࡓ࠸ࠋ
ࡇࢀࡣࠊឤぬ୺యࡢពᚿࡢຊ࡜ࠕὶࢀࠖ⮬యࡢຊࡢ࡜࠸࠺ᑡ࡞ࡃ࡜ࡶ 2 ࡘࡢ┦཯ࡍࡿຊࡀ᝿ᐃ࡛ࡁࡿ࠿
ࡽ࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊᾏὶࡸ⾑ᾮ࡞࡝ࡢᚠ⎔ࡍࡿᾮయࡢ⛣ືࡢࠕὶࢀࠖ࡜ࡢẚ㍑ࡸࠕὶࢀࠖࢆᤊ࠼ࡿឤぬ୺యࠊほᐹ⪅ࡢどⅬࡢグ㏙࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡶ⢭⦓࡞᳨ウࡀᚲせ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ゝ࠼ࡿࠋ௨ୖࡢㄢ㢟࡟ྲྀࡾ⤌ࡳࠊ⌧௦᪥ᮏㄒࡢ⮬↛⌧㇟࡟㛵ࡍࡿ஦㇟ᵓ㐀࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࢆయ⣔ⓗ࡟グ㏙ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ┠ᣦࡋ࡚࠸ࡁࡓ࠸ࠋὀ
1 ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊㄒᙡࡢ⫼ᬒ࡟࠶ࡿ᪥ᖖࡢ⤒㦂࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ᵓ㐀໬ࡉࢀࡓయ⣔ⓗ▱㆑ࢆࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡜ࡍࡿࠋ㌟యⓗ⤒㦂㇏࠿࡛ලయⓗ࡞ඖࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࠿ࡽ㌟యⓗ⤒㦂ࡀ࠶ࡲࡾ࡞࠸ᢳ㇟ⓗ࡞ඛࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ࡬ࡢᴫᛕ㡿ᇦ㛫ࡢయ⣔ⓗ࡞෗ീ㛵ಀࢆࠕᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓
࣮ࠖ࡜࿧ࡪࠋ࡞࠾ࠊᮏ✏࡟࠾ࡅࡿᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࡣࠊ
ࠕ<<A ࡣ B>>ࠖࡲࡓࡣࠊࠕ
͆A IS B͇ࠖ
㸦A ࡣඛࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࠊB ࡣඖࣇ࣮࣒ࣞ㸧࡜⾲グࡍࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊᴫᛕࣞ࣋ࣝࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࢆල⌧໬ࡋࡓࡶࡢࢆࠕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧ࠖ࡜࿧ࡪࡇ࡜࡟ࡍࡿࠋ
(Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Fillmore 1982; ㇂ཱྀ 2003; 㘠ᓥ 2011,2016)2 㘠ᓥ(2011:174-175)࡟ࡣࠊ
ࠕࡇࢀࡽࡀ༢⊂ࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡞ࡢ࠿෗ീ࡞ࡢ࠿ࡣ᭕᫕࡛࠶ࡾࠊಶู࡟᳨ドࡍࡿᚲせࡀ࠶ࡿࠋࠖ࡜࠶ࡾࠊ< >࡛⾲グࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊࠕὶࢀࠖ࡟㛵ࡍࡿ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⾲⌧ࡢ⏕⏘ᛶࡢ㧗ࡉࢆ㋃ࡲ࠼࡚ࠊᴫᛕࣞ࣋ࣝ
ࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼ࡿࠋ
3 ⏝౛ࡢฟ඾ࡣ┤ᚋࡢ( )ෆ࡟♧ࡍࠋ࢖ࣥࢱ࣮ࢿࢵࢺࡢ᳨⣴࢚ࣥࢪࣥ Google㸺https://www.google.co.jp/㸼࡛ᚓࡽࢀࡓᐇ౛
ࡢሙྜࠊ┤ᚋ࡟ࡑࡢ URL ࢆグࡍࠋࡲࡓࠊ⏝౛࡟ฟ඾ࡀ♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸࡞࠸ࡶࡢࡣ඲࡚✏⪅࡟ࡼࡿస౛࡛࠶ࡿࠋ⏝౛୰ࡢഐ⥺ࡣ᩿ࡾࡢ࡞࠸ࡶࡢ௨እ඲࡚✏⪅࡟ᣐࡿࠋᐇ⥺ࡣศᯒᑐ㇟⾲⌧ࠊⅬ⥺ࡣศᯒᑐ㇟⾲⌧௨እࡢὀ┠ࡍ࡭ࡁ⟠ᡤࢆ♧ࡍࠋ

−159−

現代日本語における「流れ」と事象構造メタファー

4 ࡇࡇ࡛ࡢ୺ほⓗࠊᐈほⓗ࡜࠸࠺㛵ಀࡣ Langacker(1990,2008)࡟࠾ࡅࡿ୺ほᛶ(subjectivity)ࡢᴫᛕ࡜㒊ศⓗ࡟ඹ㏻ࡍࡿࠋ᥮ゝࡍࢀࡤࠊឤぬ୺యࡣほᐹ⪅ࡼࡾࡶ୺ほᛶࡀ㧗ࡃࠊᑐ㇟࠿ࡽࡢാࡁ࠿ࡅࢆ┤᥋ⓗ࡟ឤࡌࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿᛶ㉁ࢆᣢ
ࡘࡇ࡜ࢆ᝿ᐃࡍࡿࠋࡑࢀ࡟ᑐࡋࠊほᐹ⪅ࡣほᐹࡉࢀࡿࡶࡢ࡜ࡋ࡚ᑐ㇟ࢆᤊ࠼ࡿࡓࡵࠊ㛫᥋ⓗ࡟ᑐ㇟࡟ᑐࡋุ࡚᩿ࢆ⾜࠺ࡇ࡜࡟↔Ⅼࡀᙜࡓࡿࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊどⅬࡣ▱ぬ⪅࡜ᑐ㇟࡜ࡢ㛵ಀ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ษࡾ᭰ࢃࡿࡓࡵࠊឤぬ୺య࡜ほᐹ⪅ࡣ㐃⥆ⓗ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡿࠋ
5 ᮏ✏࡟࠾ࡅࡿ࣓ࢺࢽ࣑̿ࡣࠊすᮧ(2008:82)ࡢࠕ࠶ࡿゝㄒ⾲⌧ࡢ」ᩘࡢ⏝ἲࡀࠊ༢୍ࡢඹ᭷ࣇ࣮࣒ࣞࢆႏ㉳ࡋࡘࡘࠊࡑ
ࡢࣇ࣮࣒ࣞෆࡢ஫࠸࡟␗࡞ࡿᒁ㠃࡞࠸ࡋẁ㝵ࢆ↔Ⅼ໬ࡍࡿ⌧㇟ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᐃ⩏࡟ᚑ࠺ࠋͤᮏ✏ࡣࠊ᪥ᮏㄒ⏝ㄽᏛ఍ ➨ 20 ᅇ኱఍㸦ᖹᡂ 29 ᖺ 12 ᭶ 17 ᪥㸦᪥㸧ࠊ᪊ ி㒔ᕤⱁ⧄⥔኱Ꮫ ᯇࣨᓮ࢟ࣕࣥࣃࢫ㸧࡟࠾ࡅࡿ◊✲Ⓨ⾲࡟ຍ➹࣭ಟṇࢆ࡯࡝ࡇࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋᰝㄞ⪅ࡢⓙᵝ࣭ࣇࣟ࢔ࡢⓙᵝࡣࡌࡵከࡃࡢ᪉ࠎ࡟௒ᚋࡢ◊✲ࡢⓎᒎ࡟⧅ࡀࡿࢥ࣓ࣥࢺࢆ࠸ࡓࡔ࠸ࡓࠋཌࡃឤㅰࢆ⏦ࡋୖࡆࡲࡍࠋ
㸺ཧ↷ᩥ⊩㸼
Fillmore,C. 1982. “Frame Semantics.” In the Linguistic Society of Korea (eds.) Linguistics in the MorningCalm, 111-137. Seoul: Hanshin Publishing.
Grady, J. 1997.͆Foundations of Meaning: Primary Metaphors and Primary Scenes. ͇Ph. D. dissertation,
University of California, Berkeley.
Lakoff, G. 1993.͆The Contemporary Theory of Metaphor.͇In A. Ortony (ed.) Metaphor and Thought, 202251. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lakoff, G. and M. Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (Ώ㒊୍࣭᪼ᴋ℩῟୕࣭ୗ㇂࿴ᖾ(ヂ). 1986.ࠗࣞࢺࣜࢵࢡ࡜ே⏕࠘ᮾி㸸኱ಟ㤋᭩ᗑ.)
Langacker, R. 1990.͆Subjectification.” Cognitive Lingustics 1(1), 5-38.
Langacker, R. 2008. Cognitive Grammar: A Basic Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.(ᒣ᲍ṇ᫂(┘ヂ). 2011.ࠗㄆ▱ᩥἲㄽᗎㄝ࠘ᮾி㸸◊✲♫.)
ᯇᾆ ග. 2017.ࠕ⌧௦᪥ᮏㄒ࡟࠾ࡅࡿẼ㇟⌧㇟ࡢᴫᛕ໬̿ᴫᛕ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮⌮ㄽ࡟ࡼࡿ࢔ࣉ࣮ࣟࢳ̿ࠖ
ࠊྡྂᒇ኱Ꮫ኱Ꮫ㝔ᅜ㝿ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲⛉༤ኈᏛ఩ㄽᩥ.
Ỉ㔝 ┿⣖Ꮚ࣭ෆ⏣ ㅍ࣭Nagy Anita࣭኱ᇼ ኖኵ. 2007.ࠕே㛫㛵ಀࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡟࠾ࡅࡿࢫ࣮࣐࢟㢮ᆺࠖࠊࠗ᪥ᮏㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛ఍ㄽᩥ㞟࠘7ࠊ120-130.
㘠ᓥ ᘯ἞ᮁ. 2011.ࠗ᪥ᮏㄒࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࠘ᮾி㸸ࡃࢁࡋ࠾ฟ∧.
㘠ᓥ ᘯ἞ᮁ. 2016.࣓ࠗࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡜㌟యᛶ࠘ᮾி㸸ࡦࡘࡌ᭩ᡣ.
すᮧ ⩏ᶞ. 2008.ࠕ᥮႘ࡢㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛࠖࠊ᳃ 㞝୍࣭すᮧ ⩏ᶞ࣭ᒣ⏣ 㐍࣭⡿ᒣ ୕᫂(⦅)ࠗࡇ࡜ࡤࡢࢲ࢖ࢼ࣑ࢬ
࣒࠘
ࠊ71-88ࠊᮾி㸸ࡃࢁࡋ࠾ฟ∧.
℩ᡞ ㈼୍. 2017.ࠗ᫬㛫ࡢゝㄒᏛ࣓̿ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࠿ࡽㄞࡳ࡜ࡃ࠘ᮾி㸸⟃ᦶ᭩ᡣ.
⠛ཎ ࿴Ꮚ. 2017.ࠕ᫬㛫࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࡢゝㄒ┦ᑐᛶࠖࠊ᪥ᮏㄒ⏝ㄽᏛ఍ ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮◊✲఍ࠕM-II ᫬㛫ࡢ࣓ࢱࣇ࢓࣮ࠖࠊࢩ࣏ࣥࢪ࣒࢘ࠕ᫬㛫ࢆᕠࡿ᫬㛫ࠖࠊⓎ⾲㈨ᩱ.
Sullivan, K. 2013. Frames and Constructions in Metaphoric Language. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Talmy, L. 1985.͆Force Dynamics in Language and Thought.͇In Papers from the Twenty-First Regional

Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, 293-337.Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.
Talmy, L. 2000. Toward a Cognitive Semantics. Vol. Ϩ.: Concept Structuring Systems. Cambridge,
Mass:MIT Press.
㇂ཱྀ ୍⨾. 2003.ࠗㄆ▱ព࿡ㄽࡢ᪂ᒎ㛤࣓̿ࢱࣇ࢓࣮࡜࣓ࢺࢽ࣑࣮࠘ᮾி㸸◊✲♫.

㸺⏝౛ฟ඾㸼
KOTONOHAࠗ⌧௦᪥ᮏㄒ᭩ࡁゝⴥᆒ⾮ࢥ࣮ࣃࢫ࠘ᑡ⣡ゝ(BCCWJ), (᳨⣴ᮇ㛫 2017/04/01㹼2017/12/04).

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

I {think/believe} they won’t win, will they? ࡀㄆྍࡉࢀ࡞࠸ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ⌮⏤࡟ࡘ࠸࡚                              ᳃   ㈆                               㸦⚟஭ᕤᴗ㧗➼ᑓ㛛Ꮫᰯ㸧

ࠑAbstractࠒIt is well known that such a sentence as “I {think/believe} they won’t win, will they?” is unacceptable,
whereas “I suppose they won’t win, will they?” is acceptable. The prosodic analysis shows that themain clause of the former sentence is likely to be pronounced stressed, whereas the main clause of
the latter one tends to be pronounced unstressed and be lower in pitch, which is the typicalpronunciation of the expression functioning as a (parenthetical) epistemic marker. It follows fromthe above that the acceptability of those sentences depends on whether the main clause isfunctioning as a (parenthetical) epistemic marker pertaining to the mitigated assertion of thesubordinate clause, which is cognitive-linguistically equivalent to the conceptualizer’s (i.e.
speaker’s) inclination toward the subordinate clause.
࣮࣮࠙࢟࣡ࢻࠚ
㸸㸯ࠊ௜ຍ⠇ᙧᡂ 㸰ࠊNR ㏙ㄒ 㸱ࠊࢥࣥࢺ࣮ࣟࣝࢧ࢖ࢡࣝ 㸲ࠊㄆ㆑ㄽⓗᶆ㆑ 㸳ࠊ㡢ኌศᯒ㸯㸬ࡣࡌࡵ࡟
 (1)(2)࡟ぢࡽࢀࡿࡼ ࠺࡟ ࠊI suppose 㻀 p ࡟ ࡣ௜ຍ⠇ (tag clause)ࢆᚋ⥆࡛ࡁࡿࡢ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊI{think/believe} 㻀p ࡟ࡣ௜ຍ⠇(tag clause)ࢆᚋ⥆ࡉࡏࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸࡜ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
(1) I {*think/?*believe} they won’t win, will they?

(Jackendoff 1971: 294f)(2) I {*think/*believe/suppose} they won’t win, will they?

(Vaneva 2013: 122)኱つᶍࢥ࣮ࣃࢫ㸦Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA), Corpus of CNN Transcripts(COCT)㸧ࡢ᳨⣴⤖ᯝࡣ௨ୗࡢ㏻ࡾ࡛࠶ࡾࠊୖグࡢᐜㄆᛶุ᩿࡜୍⮴ࡍࡿ⤖ᯝ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
⾲ 1㸸COCA ཬࡧ COCT ࡢ᳨⣴⤖ᯝ+ T.C.
I think p

Found

+T.C.
I think㻀p

Not found+T.C.
I don’t think p

FoundI believe p

Found

I believe㻀p

Not found

I don’t believe p

Found

I suppose p

Found

I suppose㻀pFound

I don’t suppose p

Found(3) “You know very well that isn't what we're talking about. We're talking about patriotism, andpride, and love of king and country. But I suppose you wouldn't know about any of those things,
would you, Quentin? All right, you can go.” (Damon F. Knight, A Reasonable World, 1991)(4) “Well,” he said the mildly after a moment, “if you and Sir Kelthys both agree so strongly, then I
suppose there’s not much point in my arguing, is there?” Yarran had the grace to lookembarrassed, though it was obvious it took some effort on his part, and Festian grinned(David Weber, Windrider's Oath, 2005)

crookedly.

(5) Something in her face reminds me of the tulku Laysa. Not a likeness, but a calmness. My smile
turned rueful. “I suppose I’m not at all like her, am I?” “Oh, I don't know,” Bao said, surprising−161−

I {think/believe} they wonʼt win, will they? が認可されない語用論的理由について

me. “You can be. You're different with women than you are with men.” “I am?” “You hadn't
noticed?” He looked amused.          (Jacqueline Carey, Naamah’s Blessing, 2011)ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊI suppose 㻀p ࡟ࡣ௜ຍ⠇ࢆᚋ⥆࡛ࡁࡿࡢ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊI {think/believe} 㻀p ࡟௜ຍ⠇ࢆᚋ⥆࡛ࡁ࡞࠸⌮⏤࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗほⅬ࠿ࡽ⪃ᐹࡍࡿࠋ㸰⠇࡛ࡣࠊᙜヱᵓᩥ࡟⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿ௜ຍ⠇ࡢᶵ⬟࡟ࡘ࠸࡚☜ㄆࡍࡿࠋ㸱⠇࡛ࡣࠊ୺⠇ືモ࡟ think/believe/suppose ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡓ」ᩥ࡟ᚋ⥆ࡍࡿ௜ຍ⠇ࡢ⤫ㄒⓗ≉ᚩࢆᴫほࡍࡿࠋ㸲⠇࡛ࡣࠊ㸱⠇࡛ゝཬࡋࡓゝㄒ⌧㇟࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛⓗほⅬ࠿ࡽ⪃ᐹࡍࡿࠋ㸳⠇࡛ࡣࠊI {think/believe} 㻀p ཬࡧ I suppose 㻀p ࡢⓎ㡢ୖࡢ≉ᚩ㸦㐪࠸㸧࡟ࡘ࠸࡚☜ㄆࡋࠊ๓⪅࡛ࡣ௜ຍ⠇ࡀᚋ⥆࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ࡢ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊᚋ⪅࡛ࡣ௜ຍ⠇ࡀᚋ⥆࡛ࡁࡿㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ⌮⏤࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ㄽࡌࡿࠋ
㸴⠇࡛ࡣࠊࡲ࡜ࡵࢆࡍࡿ࡜࡜ࡶ࡟௒ᚋࡢㄢ㢟࡟ࡘ࠸࡚㏙࡭ࡿࠋ㸰㸬୺⠇ືモ࡟ think/believe/suppose ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ」ᩥ࡟ᚋ⥆ࡍࡿ௜ຍ⠇ࡢᶵ⬟ Collins & Postal (2017)ࡣ୺⠇ືモ࡟ think/believe ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ」ᩥ࡟ᚋ⥆ࡍࡿ௜ຍ⠇ࢆ
confirmation tag (Algeo (1988)࡟࠾ࡅࡿ confirmatory tag㸫⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ྠពࡸ☜ㄆࢆồࡵࡿᶵ⬟㸫࡟┦ᙜ)࡜ࡋ࡚ᤊ࠼࡚࠸ࡿࠋthink/believe ࡣ㸦ᚑᒓ⠇࡟࠾࠸࡚⾲ࡉࢀࡿ㸧࿨㢟࡟ᑐࡍࡿࢥ࣑ࢵࢺ࣓ࣥࢺ࡟㛵ࢃࡿ⾲⌧࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜࠿ࡽࠊCollins & Postal (2017)ࡢぢゎࡣጇᙜ࡞ࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ
㸱㸬୺⠇ືモ࡟ think/believe/suppose ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ」ᩥ࡟ᚋ⥆ࡍࡿ௜ຍ⠇ࡢ≉ᚩ
㏻ᖖࠊ」ᩥ࡟ᚋ⥆ࡍࡿ௜ຍ⠇ࡣ୺⠇୺ㄒ࡜୺⠇ືモࢆᇶ࡟ᙧᡂࡉࢀࡿࡢࡀཎ๎࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
(6) Warren doesn’t understand that Sheila is a Martian, does he?

(Collins & Postal 2017: 9)

 ௚᪉ࠊ୺⠇ືモ࡟ think/believe/suppose㸫Langacker (2002, 2004)࡟ࡼࢀࡤࠊࡇࢀࡽࡢືモࡣࠊ࠙ㄆ㆑ㄽⓗࢥࣥࢺ࣮ࣟࣝࢧ࢖ࢡࣝࠚࡢ INCLINATION ẁ㝵㸦ᐃᆺ⠇ࢆྲྀࡿሙྜࠊ௵ពࡢ࿨㢟࡟ᑐࡋ୍࡚᫬
ⓗ࡟ࠕ⫯ᐃⓗุ᩿ࠖ࠶ࡿ࠸ࡣࠕྰᐃⓗุ᩿ࠖࡢ࡝ࡕࡽ࠿࡟ഴ࠸࡚࠸ࡿᚰⓗ≧ែ㸧ࢆ⾲ࡋ࡚࠾ࡾࠊࡇࡢẁ㝵ࢆ⾲ࡍືモࡢࡳࡀ NEG-Raising ⌧㇟ࢆチࡍ࡜ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ㸫ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ」ᩥ࡛ࡣࠊ࠶ࡿ᮲௳ୗ
࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊࡑࡢཎ๎࡟ᚑࢃ࡞࠸ࡇ࡜ࡀ▱ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
୺⠇୺ㄒࡀヰ⪅(I)௨እࡢሙྜ࡟ࡣࠊ(7)(8)࡛♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟ཎ๎࡟ᚑ࠺ࠋ
(7) a. John thinks the war is ending, doesn’t he?
b. *John thinks the war is ending, isn’t it?

(Cattle 1973:613)(8) a. He believes that the rich are not always happy, doesn’t he?
b. He doesn’t believe that the rich are always happy, does he?

  



(ஂ㔝࣭㧗ぢ 2007:53)

 ࡋ࠿ࡋࠊ୺⠇୺ㄒࡀ I ࡛୺⠇ືモ࡟ INCLINATION ㏙ㄒ㸦࠸ࢃࡺࡿࠕྰᐃ㎡⧞ࡾୖࡆ(NR)ࠖ㏙ㄒ㸧ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀࠊ᫬ไࡀ༢⣧⌧ᅾࡢሙྜࡣࠊᚋ⥆ࡍࡿ௜ຍ⠇ࡣᚑᒓ⠇୺ㄒ࡜ᚑᒓ⠇ືモࢆᇶ࡟ᙧᡂࡉࢀࡿࠋ
(9) I think it’s going to rain, isn’t it? (*don’t I?)(Halliday 1985:614)(10) a. I suppose you’re not serious, are you?
b. *I suppose you’re not serious, don’t I?

(Quirk et. al, 1986: 811)ࡇࡇ࡛≉࡟ὀពࡍ࡭ࡁࡣࠊ୺⠇ືモࡀྰᐃࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿሙྜ࡟ࡣࠊp ࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃࠊ㻀p ࢆᇶ࡟ࡋ࡚௜ຍ⠇ࡀᙧᡂࡉࢀࡿⅬ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号(11) I don’t suppose you’re serious, {are you/*aren’t you}?
 &$//(50\TXHVWLRQLVIRUDQ\RQHRQWKHSDQHOZKRPLJKWNQRZWKHDQVZHUUHJDUGLQJWKHDXWRSV\UHSRUW+DVFDXVHRIGHDWKEHHQGHWHUPLQHG"$QGLIVRZKDWLVLW"
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$V,XQGHUVWDQGLWWHDFKHUVKDYHWKHRSWLRQRIXVLQJWKLVDVRQHRIDQXPEHURIWRROVULJKW"1RRQHLVVD\LQJ
ILUVWRIDOOLW VQRWDWH[WERRN,W VEHHQGLVSOD\HGDVVXFKRUHYHQWKH\LQWKHLURZQSURPRWLRQDOPDWHULDOVWKH\FODLPLW VEHLQJXVHGDVDWH[WERRN,GRQ WEHOLHYHLWLVLVLW"                )2;+& 㸲㸬ㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛⓗ⪃ᐹ
NEG-Raising ࢆ⤫ㄒⓗ⌧㇟㸦ᚑᒓ⠇ෆࡢྰᐃ㎡ࡀ୺⠇࡟⧞ࡾୖࡀࡗࡓ⌧㇟㸧࡜ࡍࡿ◊✲⪅ࡣࠊ౛࠼
ࡤࠊ(11)ࡣᚑᒓ⠇୰ࡢྰᐃ㎡ࡀ୺⠇࡟⧞ࡾୖࡀࡿ๓ࡢ⾲⌧࡟࿧ᛂࡋ࡚௜ຍ⠇ࡀᙧᡂࡉࢀࡓ㸦(10a)ࢆཧ
↷ࡢࡇ࡜㸧ᚋ࡟ྰᐃ㎡ࡀ୺⠇࡟⧞ࡾୖࡆࡽࢀࡓࡶࡢ࡜⪃࠼࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
(14) ḟ౛࡛ࡣ௜ຍ⠇ࡀᇙ㎸ࡳᩥ࡜㛵㐃ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡀࠊᇙ㎸ࡳᩥࡀ⫯ᐃᙧࡢ᫬ࡶྰᐃᙧࡢ᫬ࡶࠊ௜ຍ⠇ࡀ⫯ᐃᙧ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡼࡗ࡚ࠊ⫯ᐃ̿ྰᐃࡢᑐᴟࡀᬑ㏻ࡢሙྜ࡜㐪ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ࠿ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ᛮࢃࢀࡿࠋ
ࡔࡀࠊࡇࢀࡣࠊ௜ຍ⠇ࡢ⫯ᐃ̿ྰᐃࡢᑐᴟࡀᇙ㎸ࡳᩥࡢᙧ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡁỴᐃࡉࢀࡓᚋ࡛ࠊᇙ㎸ࡳᩥࡢn’t ࡀ୺⠇࡬ᦙ㏦ࡉࢀࡓࡓࡵ࡛࠶ࡿࠊ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ
 (267) a. I think inflation won’t stop, will it?
b. I don’t think inflation will stop, will it?

㸦௒஭࣭୰ᓥ 1978: 172㸧ࡇࡇ࡛ၥ㢟࡜࡞ࡿࡢࡣࠊࡑࡶࡑࡶ(267)-(a)ࡣㄆྍࡉࢀ࡞࠸(ྍ⬟ᛶࡀ㧗࠸)ᩥ࡛࠶ࡾࠊࡑࢀࢆᇶ࡟ࠕྰ
ᐃ㎡⧞ࡾୖࡆࠖ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚(267)-(b)ࡀᙧᡂࡉࢀࡿ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀ࠶ࡾᚓࡿࡢ࠿࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊ୺
⠇ࡀ I don’t know that ࡢ᫬࡟ࡶྠᵝࡢ௜ຍ⠇ᙧᡂࡀぢࡽࢀࡿࡀࠊࡇࡢሙྜ࡟ࡣࠊ᫂ࡽ࠿࡟ୖグࡢㄝ᫂ࡣ㐺⏝࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ࠋ࡜࠸࠺ࡢࡶࠊI don’t know that p ӆ I know that 㻀p ࡔ࠿ࡽ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
(15) I don’t know that it’s very important, is it?
(I don’t know that it’s very important. ӆ I know that it’s not very important.)(Cattle 1973:623 slightly modified)ࡇࡢၥ㢟ࢆᅇ㑊ࡍࡿࡓࡵ࡟ࠊᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊNEG-Raising ࢆ⤫ㄒⓗ⌧㇟࡜ࡍࡿ❧ሙࡣ࡜ࡽ࡞࠸ࠋࡑࡢ௦
ࢃࡾ࡟ࠊI don’t {think (that) / believe (that) / suppose (that)} p ࡣඖ᮶ࠊp ࡟ᑐࡍࡿࠕྰᐃⓗุ᩿ࠖ(disinclination)㸫ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ࡟ࡣ࠙⦆࿴ⓗྰㄆࠚࡢ⏝ἲ㸫ࡢࡳࢆ⾲ࡋ࡚࠸ࡓ࡜᝿ᐃࡋࠊ࠸ࢃࡺࡿྰᐃ㎡⧞ࡾୖࡆゎ㔘࡟┦ᙜࡍࡿ㻀p ࡟ᑐࡍࡿࠕ⫯ᐃⓗุ᩿ࠖ(inclination)㸫ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ࡟ࡣ࠙ྰᐃ࿨㢟ࡢ⦆࿴ⓗ୺ᙇࠚࡢ⏝ἲ̿ࡣࠊㄆ㆑ㄽⓗࢥࣥࢺ࣮ࣟࣝࢧ࢖ࢡࣝ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃᚰ⌮㊥㞳ࢫࢣ࣮ࣝ㸦ᅗ 1㸧ୖࡢࣉࣟࣇ࢓࢖ࣝ
ࢩࣇࢺ(profile shift)ࠑᴫᛕ໬⪅㸦C0㸧㸫࠸ࢃࡺࡿヰ⪅̿࡟ࡼࡿ୺⠇୺ㄒ (C1) ࡜࿨㢟 (p/㻀p) ࡜ࡢ㛫ࡢᚰⓗ㊥㞳ࢫࢣ࣮ࣝ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ C1 ࡜ p ࡜ࡢ㛫ࡢ㊥㞳ࡢㄆ㆑㸦p ࠿ࡽࡢ㐲ࡉ㸧࠿ࡽ C1 ࡜㻀p ࡜ࡢ㛫ࡢ㊥㞳ࡢㄆ㆑㸦㻀 p ࡬ࡢ㏆ࡉ㸧࡬ࡢ㌿᥮ࠒࢆㄆ▱ⓗᇶ┙࡜ࡋ࡚๰Ⓨࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡜᝿ᐃࡍࡿ㸦ᅗ 2 ࠾ࡼࡧᅗ 3 ࢆཧ↷ࡢࡇ࡜ࠋᅗ 3 ࡟㛵ࡋ࡚ࡣࠊ୺⠇୺ㄒࡀ I ࡢሙྜ࡟ࡣࠊC0 ࡜ C1 ࢆ◚⥺࡛⤖ࡧࠊྠ୍ᣦ♧࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ⾲♧ࡍࡿᚲせࡀ࠶ࡿ㸧
ࠋ

−163−

I {think/believe} they wonʼt win, will they? が認可されない語用論的理由についてᅗ 3URSRVLWLRQDO$WWLWXGHDQG3V\FKRORJLFDO'LVWDQFHЎЎЎЎЎᅗ 3URILOH6KLIWRQ3V\FKRORJLFDO'LVWDQFH6FDOHࡑࡋ࡚ࠊ㢖ᗘຠᯝ࡜ Resubjectification㸦෌୺య໬㸧࡟ࡼࡿ D ࣮ࣔࢻㄆ▱㸦୰ᮧ 2004㸧࠿ࡽ I ࣮ࣔࢻㄆ▱࡬ࡢㄆ▱࣮ࣔࢻኚ᥮ࢆዎᶵ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ⤫ㄒⓗ࡟ࡣࠗ⠇࡛࠘࠶ࡿᵓ㐀ࡀࠊࡑࡢࡲ࡜ࡲࡾ࡛ࠗ࠙㻀p ࡬
ࡢ inclination ࢆ⾲ࡍࠚepistemic marker (e. m.)࠘࡟ᶵ⬟ኚ໬ࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡜᝿ᐃࡍࡿ㸦ᅗ 4 ࢆཧ↷㸧ࠋ     ᅗ &¶V,QFOLQDWLRQWRZDUG 㻀p YLDSURILOHVKLIW        ᅗ &¶VLQFOLQDWLRQWRZDUG 㻀p HP ᙜヱ⾲⌧ࡀ epistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡣྠ⾲⌧ࡀᤄධ⠇࡜ࡋ࡚⏝࠸ࡽࢀᚓࡿࡇ࡜
࠿ࡽ᫂ࡽ࠿࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
 0$+(5,W¶VQRWJRLQJWRJHWEHWWHULQRXUOLIHWLPH,GRQ¶WWKLQN    &11/DUU\.LQJ/LYH  +$50$1«EHFDXVHWKHVHIRONVGRQ¶WORYHKLPDQ\EHWWHU,GRQ¶WWKLQNWKDQWKH\ORYHXV
&11/DWH(GLWLRQ  68167(,1 «LWLVQRWWHFKQLFDOO\RXWVLGHRIKLVMXULVGLFWLRQ,GRQ WEHOLHYH &11%XUGHQRI3URRI  6+(/%<«EXWKH VQRW,GRQ WEHOLHYHWKHFHQWUDOSLHFHLQZKHWKHUZHZLQWKLVZDU  &11&URVVILUH ௨ୖࡢ⪃ᐹࡀṇࡋ࠸࡜ࡍࡿ࡜ࠊ
࠙ྰᐃ࿨㢟ࡢ⦆࿴ⓗ୺ᙇࠚࡢ⏝ἲࡢ I don’t {think / believe / suppose}p ࡛ࡣࠊㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛⓗ࡞ゝ࠸᪉ࢆࡍࢀࡤࠊOn Stage㸦ᅗ 4 ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ P0 㡿ᇦ㸧࡛ Focus ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿせ⣲−164−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

㸦ᅗ 4 ࡛ࡣኴ⥺࡛♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ⟠ᡤ㸧㸫ㄆ㆑ᑐ㇟(object of conception)㸫ࡣ㻀p ࡢࡳ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜࡟࡞
ࡿࠋ௜ຍ⠇ࡣ On stage 㡿ᇦࡢㄆ㆑ᑐ㇟ࢆᇶ࡟ᙧᡂࡉࢀࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡿ࡞ࡽࡤࠊ≉␗࡟ぢ࠼ࡿ௜ຍ⠇ᙧᡂࡶㄆ▱ⓗ࡟ࡣࡈࡃ⮬↛࡞ࡇ࡜࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ⌮ゎ࡛ࡁࡼ࠺ࠋ
ྠᵝ࡟ࠊI {think/believe/suppose} p ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ௜ຍ⠇ࡀ p ࢆᇶ࡟ᙧᡂࡉࢀࡿࡢࡣࠊI {think/believe/
suppose}ࡀ epistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡓࡵ࡟ࠊp ࡢࡳࡀ On stage 㡿ᇦࡢㄆ㆑ᑐ㇟࡟࡞ࡿ
࠿ࡽ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ㄝ᫂ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ
(20) In the formulaic use, they (= I think, I believe) are seen as parentheticals developed from theperformative use through grammaticalisation and as "holistic formula functioning as an
epistemic marker or attention getter" (Diessel & Tomasello 2001: 106).
(Dehé & Wichmann 2010: 39 underline mine)(21) (4) a. I suppose termites had destroyed my house.
b. Termites, I suppose, had destroyed my house.
c. Termites had destroyed my house, I suppose.
In (4a), the initial phrase is functioning as an epistemic marker, conveying the speaker’s
commitment to the main information. This marker can also occur clause-internally, as aparenthetic intrusion (4b), or finally, as a kind of after-comment (4c).
(Taylor 2017: 7 underline mine)㸳㸬㡢ኌศᯒ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ⪃ᐹ I {think/believe/suppose}ࡀࠊepistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡍࡿሙྜࠊ↓ᙉໃ࣭పࣆࢵࢳ࡛Ⓨ㡢ࡉࢀࡿഴྥ࡟࠶ࡿࠋ
(22) I have in mind examples like (4)(a)-(b), where smaller print represents this communicative
backgrounding. Phonologically, it corresponds to the phrases in question being unaccented andlower in pitch.
(4) (a) Victoria would, I think, make a good candidate.
(b) Victoria would make a good candidate, I believe.
(c) I think Victoria would make a good candidate.
In sentence (c) we observe that even a “main clause (i.e. one foregrounded in a structural sense)
can be backgrounded in this manner.

(Langacker 2008: 59)(23) … This aspect may be signaled in the phonology by lowered pitch and amplitude and by more
rapid and less distinct articulation. The matter is even more apparent with other initial
elements, as in (4a). (4) a. I suppose termites had destroyed my house.
(Taylor 2017: 7 slightly modified)
I suppose 㻀p ࡢ㘓㡢㡢ኌࢆศᯒࡋ࡚ࡳࡿ࡜ࠊI suppose ࡣ↓ᙉໃ࣭పࣆࢵࢳ࡛Ⓨ㡢ࡉࢀࡿഴྥࡀぢࡽࢀࡿࠋ(24) FARROW: So it's great that you're interviewing me, and I suppose you wouldn't have had I notgone on a hunger strike.

(CNN Larry King Live, 2009/04/27)(25) CROWLEY: Although, in this day and age, I suppose we shouldn't be too surprised, since
everything shows up somewhere eventually.

−165−(CNN Larry King Live, 2009/12/29)

I {think/believe} they wonʼt win, will they? が認可されない語用論的理由についてࡇࡢࡇ࡜࠿ࡽࠊI suppose 㻀p ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ I suppose ࡣ epistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ ௚᪉ࠊI {think/believe} 㻀p ࡢ㘓㡢㡢ኌࢆศᯒࡋ࡚ࡳࡿ࡜ࠊ୺⠇࠾ࡼࡧᚑᒓ⠇ྰᐃ㎡࡟ᙉໃࡀ⨨࠿ࢀ
࡚Ⓨ㡢ࡉࢀࡿഴྥࡀぢࡽࢀࡿࠋ(26) SIMPSON: She would be criticized if she were to drop out -- she's a quitter -- she's a -- she's
damned if she does. Damned if she doesn't. And I THINK we are NOT paying attention to howmuch the gender card is being played against Hillary Clinton.
(CNN Larry King Live, 2008/03/28)(27) SIMMONS: We have a chance to nominate someone who really will be a change agent, and I
THINK Barack Obama has NOT been in Washington. He does have the credibility with theAmerican people.

(CNN Larry King Live, 2008/04/21)(28) OBAMA: If we’re willing to believe in what’s possible again, then I BELIEVE we WON’T justwin this primary election, we WON’T win just here in Indiana, we WON’T just win this electionin November, we will change this country.

(CNN Larry King Live, 2008/04/22)

ࡇࡢࡇ࡜࠿ࡽࠊI {think/believe} 㻀p ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ I {think/believe}ࡣ epistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡋ࡚࠸࡞࠸ྍ⬟ᛶࡀ㧗࠸࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ࡛ࡣࠊࡇࡢሙྜࠊ࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ാࡁࢆࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࡛࠶ࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ୺⠇(≉࡟୺⠇୺ㄒࡢ I)ࡀᙉࡃⓎ㡢ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜࠸࠺஦ᐇ࠿ࡽࠊ
ࠗ㸦௚ேࡀ࡝࠺ุ᩿ࡋࡼ࠺ࡀ㸧⚾ࡣࡇ࠺ุ᩿ࡍࡿ ࠘࡜࠸࠺ព㆑ࡀ⫼ᚋ࡟࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀண

ࡉࢀࡿࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞ I think ࡢࠗ⮬ᕫ୺ᙇ࠘ࡢ⏝ἲ࡟㛵ࡋ࡚ࠊ

Wierzbicka(2006)࡟ୗグࡢࡼ࠺࡞グ㏙ࡀ࠶ࡿࠋ(29) This downtoner has two different interpretations and possibly even two distinct meanings,
depending on the context: one in modally qualified or exclamatory (emotive) sentences, such as“I think we should go” or “I think this is awful,” and another in unqualified declarative
sentences, such as “I think he has left” or “I think Bill wrote it.” In the modally qualified or
exclamatory sentences, the component “I say I think like this, I don’t say more” implies thatwhat I say is my personal opinion, which doesn’t have to be shared by others.
(Wierzbicka 2006: 38 underline mine)
Kaltenböck (2009)࡟ࡣࠊ୺⠇୺ㄒࡢ I ࡀᙉࡃⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡓሙྜࡢ contrastive interpretation ࡟㛵ࡍࡿグ㏙ࡀ࠶ࡿ㸦ྠᵝࡢᣦ᦬ࡀࠊDehé and Wickmann (2010a: 62)(2010b: 18)࡟ࡶぢࡽࢀࡿ㸧ࠋ(30) Occasionally, however, the accent occurs on the I (rather than on think), which then starts thehead and gives the I an implicit contrastive interpretation (I as opposed to someone else), as inexample (6).
(6) I think it’s all jolly good fun (s1b-024-28)−166−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

  (Kaltenböck 2009: 53)
 (26)-(28)ࡢ I {think/believe}ࡀࠗ⮬ᕫ୺ᙇ࠘ࡢ⏝ἲ࡛౑ࢃࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜௬ᐃࡋࡓሙྜࠊ௜ຍ⠇ᙧᡂࡢᚰⓗせᅉ࡛࠶ࡿࠕ௚⪅࡟ྠពࡸ☜ㄆࢆồࡵࡿព㆑ࠖ࡜ࡢඹ㉳ࡣ⪃࠼࡟ࡃ࠸ࠋࡋࡓࡀࡗ࡚ࠊࠗ㻀p ࢆ⮬ᕫ୺ᙇࡍࡿᚰⓗែᗘ࠘࡜ࠗ㻀p ࡟㛵ࡋ࡚(௚⪅࡟)ྠពࡸ☜ㄆࢆồࡵࡿᚰⓗែᗘ࠘ࡀ୧❧ࡋ࡞࠸ࡇ࡜ࡀࠊI{think/believe} 㻀p ࡟௜ຍ⠇ࡀᚋ⥆࡛ࡁ࡞࠸⌮⏤࡜⪃࠼ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ௚᪉ࠊI suppose 㻀p ࡢሙྜ࡟ࡣࠊI suppose ࡀ epistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡓࡵ࡟ࠊࡑࡢࡼ࠺࡞ព㆑ࡢᑐ❧ࡀ⏕ࡲࢀࡎࠊ௜ຍ⠇ࡢᚋ⥆ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ
㸴㸬ࡲ࡜ࡵ࡜௒ᚋࡢㄢ㢟 ᮏ✏࡟࠾ࡅࡿ⪃ᐹࡣ௨ୗࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࡲ࡜ࡵࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ
(31) I suppose 㻀p ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ I suppose ࡣ epistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࡛ࠊ௜ຍ⠇ࢆᚋ⥆ࡉࡏࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ௚᪉ࠊI {think/believe} 㻀p ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ I {think/believe}ࡣ epistemic marker࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃࠊࠗ⮬ᕫ୺ᙇ࠘ࡢゝㄒⓗ⾲ࢀ࡛࠶ࡿࡢ࡛ࠊ௜ຍ⠇ࢆᚋ⥆ࡉࡏࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ࠋ
࡛ࡣࠊ࡞ࡐࠊI suppose ࡣᚑᒓ⠇ࡀ⫯ᐃᩥ࡛࠶ࢁ࠺ࡀྰᐃᩥ࡛࠶ࢁ࠺ࡀࠊepistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡍࡿࡢ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊI {think/believe}ࡣᚑᒓ⠇ࡀྰᐃᩥ࡟࡞ࡿ࡜ࠊepistemic marker ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢᶵ⬟ࢆᯝࡓࡉ࡞ࡃ࡞ࡿࡢ࡛࠶ࢁ࠺࠿ࠋCorpus of CNN Transcripts ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ Main Clause Negation (MCN)࡜ Subordinate Clause Negation (SCN)ࡢฟ⌧≧ἣࢆㄪ࡭ࡿ࡜⾲ 2 ࡟♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟኱ࡁ࡞㐪࠸ࡀぢࡽࢀࡿࠋ⾲ 2: COCT ᳨⣴࡟ࡼࡿ I don’t[p].(MCN)࡜ I

I don’t

[p].

think

32034(96%)[㻀p].(SCN)ࡢฟ⌧≧ἣ

I

[㻀p].

Total

1279(4%)33313(100%)

believe

2525 (97%)

79 (3%)

2604 (100%)

suppose20 (42%)28 (58%)48 (100%)guess

8 (2%)

351(98%)359 (100%)ࡇ࠺ࡋࡓฟ⌧≧ἣ㸦ศᕸࡢ๭ྜ㸧ࡢ㐪࠸ࡀᶵ⬟ࡢ㐪࠸ࢆ⏕ࡳฟࡍཎᅉ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿྍ⬟ᛶࡀ࠶ࡿࠋ୺⠇ືモࡀ suppose ࡢሙྜࡣࠊศᕸࡢ๭ྜ࡟኱ࡁ࡞ᕪࡀ࡞࠸ࡓࡵࠊMCNࠊSCN ࡜ࡶ࡟㻀p ࡟ᑐࡍࡿ࠙⦆࿴

−167−

I {think/believe} they wonʼt win, will they? が認可されない語用論的理由についてⓗ୺ᙇࠚࡢᶵ⬟ࡢ௜୚ࡀ᝿ᐃྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡑࢀ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊ୺⠇ືモࡀ think/believe ࡢሙྜࡣࠊSCN ࡢ๭ྜࡀᴟ➃࡟ᑡ࡞࠸ࡇ࡜ࡀࡑࡢ⾲⌧(SCN)࡟⊂⮬ࡢᶵ⬟ࢆ௜୚ࡍࡿዎᶵ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀண᝿ࡉࢀ
ࡿࠋࡓࡔࠊࡇࡢண᝿ࡀṇࡋ࠸࠿࡝࠺࠿ࡢ᳨ドࡣ௒ᚋࡢㄢ㢟࡛࠶ࡿࠋ୺せཧ⪃ᩥ⊩
㸦ⱥᩥ㸧
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Bybee, Joan L. and Sandra Thompson (1997) “Three Frequency Effects in Syntax,” Berkeley Linguistic Society 23, 378-388.
Cattle, Ray (1973) “Negative Transportation and Tag Questions,” Language 49, 612-639.
Collins, Chris and Paul M. Postal (2017) “Interclausal NEG Raising and the Scope of Negation,” Glossa: a journal of generallinguistics 2(1): 29, 1-29.
Dehé, Nicole and Anne Wickmann (2010a) “Sentence-initial I think (that) and I believe (that): Prosodic evidence for use as
main clause, comment clause and discourse marker,” Studies in Language 34(1), 36-74.
Dehé, Nicole and Anne Wickmann (2010b) “The multifunctionality of epistemic parentheticals in discourse: Prosodic cues
to the semantic pragmatic boundary,” Functions of Language 17(1), 1-28.
Diesse1, Holger and Michael Tomasello (2001) “The acquisition of finite complement clauses in English: A corpus based
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Langacker, Ronald W. (2004) “Aspects of the Grammar of Finite Clauses,” In Michael Achard and Suzanne Kemmer (eds.),

Language, Culture, and Mind. Stanford: CSLI Publications, 535-577.
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Mori, Sadashi (2009) The NEG-Raising Phenomenon: A Cognitive Linguistic Approach. ᮍබห༤ኈᏛ఩ㄽᩥ㸦㔠ἑ኱Ꮫ㸧
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Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik (1985) A Comprehensive Grammar of the English

Language. London: Longman.
Taylor, John R. (2017) “Phonology and Cognitive Linguistics,” Journal of Cognitive Linguistics 2. 1-24.
Wierzbicka, Anna (2006) English: Meaning and Culture. New York: Oxford University Press.

㸦࿴ᩥ㸧௒஭㑥ᙪ࣭୰ᓥᖹ୕ (1978)ࠗᩥϩ࠘㸦⌧௦ࡢⱥᩥἲ㸳㸧◊✲♫㸬ஂ㔝 ᬿ࣭㧗ぢ೺୍ (2007)ࠗㅦゎࡁࡢⱥᩥἲ ྰᐃ࠘ࡃࢁࡋ࠾ฟ∧㸬୰ᮧⰾஂ (2004)ࠕ୺ほᛶࡢゝㄒᏛ㸸୺ほᛶ࡜ᩥἲᵓ㐀࣭ᵓᩥࠖ୰ᮧⰾஂ(⦅)ࠗㄆ▱ᩥἲㄽϩ࠘኱ಟ㤋᭩ᗑ. 3-51.
᳃  ㈆ (༳ๅ୰)ࠕࠗ㹼࡞࠸࡜ࡣᛮࢃ࡞࠸࠘࡟ヂࡏ࡞࠸ I don’t {think (that) / believe (that) / know that} 㻀p̿㸦ⱥㄒ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ㸧
NEG-Raising ⌧㇟ࡢゎ᫂ࢆ┠ᣦࡋ࡚̿ࠖJCLA 18㸦᪥ᮏㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛ఍ㄽᩥ㞟㸧2018 ᖺⓎ⾜ணᐃ㸬−168−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号,.9#:)"8?@=426ŃŬ ƠÕ JŹƭĭČŘÅƅĳâK*:;9)+;
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(1)

Rex:

Lori, I need to see you in my office.

Lori:Rex, I have a lot of work I need to get to.

Rex:

Oh, this is work, I swear.

Lori:(sigh) Great.         

 (Ted, 2012, Çñr°ƥĞ)'14:76  rE£IƀƳÑőŨ );;91*<;1=- kPEÑő`Ďûoŕ`ƵƩŨŗŮ ,1::7+1);1=-);;1;<,- qƈƜqhŦ×ŷĿl^jÜZjQD(2) “Ironical utterances, I have argued, are not only attributive but dissociative: the speaker
expresses a dissociative attitude to the attributed thought, indicating that it is false, underinformative, or irrelevant.” (Wilson 2009: 202)


'14:76  qŦ×   oũƥ`lE 791 q£IƀƳqÑőìrEƗƧnsĊēoÌäqPƳkoðslQRE 791 olgjÓƂŨnĵßoŠQjƀƳ\lÐŖ\ƀƳoÑő`DxeEƵƩŨŗŮrƜUo 9-); lrĎgjQnQŗŮkPD
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−169−

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½Ġ`ƒWĤrEƀƳ½ĠĖoƏĽq¬nƵƩŨŗŮŌŦ`[lVkWD xeEàƙķQŪl^jEƳ^ĤVƈƜ^eƵƩŨŗŮ®hoŷŦ`[lVăŻkPĲ
ÿVĮnUaŒĈ`DưSsE  k 791 VãŔŨomqŗŮƈƜ^eUlQR[lohQjƒWĤrE 791 VƈƜ^eŗŮŘxUoĦƟ`[lr·žkPgj|EƜUo[qŗŮƈƜ^jQlîQņ[lrŻ^Q~RoĎD¨ıq[lUEƒWĤq£IƀƳq½ĠĖoƍì\ŶƵƩŨŗŮorƤHnVPEīƢqƀƳoŕ^ƏĽqƵƩŨŗŮŌŦ·žnĲÿVPlQSD ƗƲƑkrEıÔqēĝųxS¨²oĘ`ŪƜU`[lƞŨl`Dř®oE£IƀƳoƁRƵƩŨŗŮrþėƈªåŀoTQjqyýé`lQR[lƜUo`DřżoE£IƀƳoƁRƵƩŨŗŮrEƒWĤV£IƀƳq½ĠĖoEþėƈªl^jƍì`oħƐnƃŦŨƦŉÍz~REƈƜ`ƆƦVP[lƜUo`D8?&0%3

@=426:)

 ƗŇkrEÌƱĿƨƲqƴŊyoÎiWEƵƩŨŗŮVƨƲŨoƀƳ½Ġqmqŝ¿o©ŠƊYqUohQjÁÊ`DÌƱĿƨƲkrEƳ^ĤVƒWĤoūś^~Rl`ªƙJ¨²EƳ^ĤqªƙKrƈª -?841+);<9- lļª 15841+);<9- oƐYD  r '14:76 o~ƈªlļªqć|Ķ^QŦ×kPDƈªrEūś\eƛŚkPEUh½ŸlļƲqŊ
yÿbo~ŵŦ·žn|qkPDc¨Àqūś\ªƙrE'14:76 qŦ×krļªlyn\D(3) “To avoid proliferating notions of ‘what is said’, Sperber and Wilson (1986/1995, p.182)

introduced the term ‘explicature’, on the analogy of Grice’s ‘implicature’, to refer to what is
explicitly communicated. An explicature has two defining features: (a) it is a communicatedproposition (i.e., part of the speaker’s meaning), and (b) it is identifiable by a combination of
decoding and inference (i.e., by inferentially developing an encoded logical form into a fully
propositional form). Everything else communicated is an implicature. On this approach, theexplicit-implicit distinction is exhaustive - a communicated proposition must be either an
explicature or implicature.”(Wilson, 2014: 137-138)[qÁÊųxSlE  q 791 qƀƳV|^Ĕ×ťoƀƳ\eĲÿqÎƗƈªr   k
PE 791 qƳĞŗŮoÎƗƈªVƘ{āxeþėƈªV   lnDƳĞŗŮrEƈªFļªqżƐkrƈª¢¡kƍì\DĨgjEƵƩŨŗŮ|ƳĞVĘ`ŗŮq®hkPlû

−170−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

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fþėƈªr ) U + q~RoĬWƈ`[lVkWD) U +oĘ`ƳĞŗŮrE  q¼ƳUƵƩŨŗŮl^jƍì^R·žĿqP|qq®ƋkPE ¨Àq¬nƵƩŨŗŮqŒĈ}EŌŦ\RĽľï`|qkrnQD[q~RnEŜ®qƀƳoŕ^Eƍì\ŶþėƈªVƏĽPĲÿ B>-)301/0-94-=-4-?841+);<9-:JġQþėƈªKC lën`[lVkWqkrnQUD

(4)

Being called to one’s boss’s office is great.

(5)[Lori thinks that] being called to her boss’s office is great.

 (6a) [Lori disagrees that] being called to her boss’s office is great.
(6b) [Lori does not believe that] being called to her boss’s office is great.
(6c) [Lori is contemptuously saying that] being called to her boss’s office is great.

 UĔ×ťoƀƳ\eƀƳqþėƈªlE£IƀƳl^jƀƳ\eƀƳqþė
ƈªkrE®ë¬nqrƳĞŗŮqykPlĎD^U^E[[kŷƇ`uW[lrE£IrƀƳkrEƳ^ĤVĔ×ťqƀƳūś`[lªĻ^jQnQŪoTQjE  qÎƗƈªrūś\aE ) U + q~Rn£IƀƳqÑőĞqƀƳ}Ďû
Ƙ{ā fþėƈªVūś\lQR[lkPD xeE£IƀƳqƵƩŨŗŮrEƀƳqÑőìqƀƳ}Ďûoŕ^ƈƜ\e{E£IƀƳoƁRƵƩŨŗŮrþėƈª¢¡kýé`lîSDĨgjEƨƲŨo|ĨƧqÎƗƈªEþėƈªq¿ŋ¢¡qûSƕlŁÿĿVŽ{D ėq  r±»oTYŞĭq¼ƳkPDIkçĄoŕ^¾ÖŨn -=16 VEşĹ )6- q¸kŘƮqq¢ëhYlQRI¥kPD

(7)

Kevin:

Are they bridesmaid dresses?

Jane:This is none of your business.

Kevin:

Oh! Good God! What? You kept them all? You have a whole closetful. Why?

Jane:

I have a lot of friends and I like them.

   Kevin:

Right. Well, that makes complete sense because they’re, they’re, they’re
beautiful.

Jane:

Some of them are not that bad.

−171−

高次表意で復元されるアイロニー発話の乖離的態度

Kevin:“Not that bad”? I’d like to see one of them that’s not that bad.
(27 dresses, 2008)

-=16 q ;0-@ )9- *-)<;1.<4 lQRƀƳoŢƞ`lEçĄĚohQj~QIĕenQ
-=16 rEƜUo )6- q¢ -)<;1.<4 flĎgjƀƳ^jQnQD|^E[qƀƳVĔ×ťƀƳ\eĲÿEÎƗƈªr  q~Roƈ`[lVkWEþėƈªr q~Roƈ`[lVkWDxeE£IƀƳl^jƀƳ\eĲÿrE ) U + q~Roƈ`[lVkWD(8) The bridesmaid dresses are beautiful.
(9) [Kevin believes that] the bridesmaid dresses are beautiful.
(10a) [Kevin does not believe that] the bridesmaid dresses are beautiful.
(10b) [Kevin is skeptical that] the bridesmaid dresses are beautiful.
(10c) [Kevin has a suspicion that] the bridesmaid dresses are beautiful.

[[k  oTY -=16 q£IƀƳqPlq )6- qƀƳoţƞ`D)6- q $75- 7.
;0-5)9-67;;0);*), lQRƔűUE)6- r -=16 qƀƳ *-)<;1.<4 lrvwĸØl|Qg
jQQ *), kPlĎgjQl½Ġ^e[lVƐUDňĪq   qư|ÿbjûƫ`lE[hqưkrEþėƈªo´UqƉµoğŮVP~Rnåƣđ /9-); *-)<;1.<4

VíjTEcq~RnªƙŨoğŮĕhåƣđqůÂƀƳkqªƙEƃŦnQ^áĿƓø`~RnóVƵƩŨŗŮl^jƍì\·žĿVþQ[lVÊĉ\eD ėoEƈĩƛŚorýé^nQVEþėƈªåŀoýé`ƌđlqƄÄUƵƩŨŗŮlm
q~RnĿĜq¬nVPUohQjèŲ`DxaEėq) U + ohQjûSD  (11a) Unfortunately, Peter can’t help you.
(11b) Peter can’t help you.
(11c) [It is unfortunate to tell you that] Peter can’t help you.

) qƀƳqÎƗƈªrEėq * oĘ` "-;-9+)6;0-48@7< kPEƑƌđ &6.79;<6);-4@ r+ oĘ`~R ;1:<6.79;<6);-;7;-44@7<;0); lQRþėƈªåŀ`lQRŪoT

Qjýé`D '0)9;76  rE
~RoE

 q~RnƑƌđohQjŵƤqưÜZjTE  q°ƥoĘ` q #-/9-;;)*4@ } 

 q~Rn 9)634@ ÍzƀƳrEƑƌđƥQ[lnXńqI¥}ƑƌđVƈ`ƤŗkƀƳüR[lkEƳĞŗŮrūś\RlĢŤ`D^U−172−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号^nVE'0)9;76  krEƑƌđċgeĲÿqvRVċnQĲÿoƄuEþėƈªV
ƜĘŨn|qonlQR[l|ďŧ^jQD(12) Regrettably, your application has been unsuccessful.

(Wharton, 2009:56)(13) The speaker regards it as regrettable that my application has been unsuccessful. (ibid:56)(14) Frankly, you haven’t got the job.

 (15) The speaker is telling me frankly that I haven’t got the job.
    (16)(ibid:56)(ibid:56)“Notice, now, that this kind of attitudinal information can also be conveyed by entirely
natural behaviours. So a speaker of (13) might convey her attitude without using theword ‘regrettably’, simply by speaking in a regretful tone of voice, and a speaker of (15)might indicate that she is speaking frankly simply by adopting a frank manner. …use of
the words ‘regrettably’ and ‘frankly’ would make the higher-level explicatures more
explicit, because of the extra element of linguistic encoding involved.”(ibid:56, )¨ıq[lUEƗŇk§geƑƌđrEƈĩƛŚq¢¡orÌaEþėƈªåŀoTQ
jqyýé`[lÃŽ^eD[qŪoÌ^jƑƌđrE£IƀƳqƵƩŨŗŮlÝť
^jQlQSD^U^EƬĞV¬nŪl^j ) rÎƗƈªVūś\jQŪoTQjE£IƀƳl¬ne{Eŵ®qĐąUŏS[lrkWnQD

(17)








 

























(DA: dissociative attitude, SA: sentential adverb)
,.9#:)@=426 OŇkrEþėƈª¢¡kƍì\ƵƩŨŗŮqohQjèŲüRD,.9#:)@=426 ėq   rE±»oTY¼ƳqưkPDIohQjƳ^jQĲƝkPD(18) Kevin:

Isn’t one wedding bad enough?

−173−

q -=16 lşĹq )6- VçĄĚ

高次表意で復元されるアイロニー発話の乖離的態度

 

Jane:

I love weddings. I always have.

Kevin:

Really?

Jane:

Yeah.

Kevin:

Which part, the forced merriment, the horrible music or the bad food?

Jane:

Actually, it’s meeting upbeat people like yourself.
(27 dresses, 2008)(19) It is meeting upbeat people like yourself.
(20) What she loves about wedding is meeting upbeat people like Kevin.
(21) [Jane dissociate herself from the thought that] what she loves about wedding is meeting upbeat
people like Kevin.
(22) [Jane does not believe that] what she loves about wedding is meeting upbeat people like Kevin.
  q¼ƳkEçĄĚqmqŪV÷WnqUlĺp -=16 oŕ^E)6- r 1;A:5--;16/<8*-);
8-784- 413- @7<9:-4.lƀƳ`D[qƀƳVĔ×ťoƀƳ\eĲÿEÎƗƈªr   ln
E1; } @7<9:-4. oũņnďĘƊƢügeåV   lnD)6- q£IƀƳoŕ^ ƒWĤkP -=16 l±»qI¥Vƍì`Ƴ^ĤqŗŮV¬n[lVƣ«oŌŎ\VE

 T~t  rE)6- qƀƳ£IƀƳl^jƨ½^eĲÿƍì\RƵƩŨŗŮq®ƋkPD±»qI¥olgjEňü`ƑƚU )6- qƀƳV£
Il^jªĻ\jQ[lrƄÄŨƣ«kPlûSDcqe{EƃŦę 67; }Ŵđ
,1::7+1);- ÍzƵƩŨŗŮVƍì\·žĿVþQlûSD @=426:)/7 ėoEƵƩŨŗŮqƍìVěſ`ưohQjèŲ`D 

 krþùqq#-/16) l -) VÙyĖËqÿËo -) qƎōohQjƳ^jQD(23) (Regina and Cady are talking at a high school hallway, and Lea is walking by)
N Regina:

Oh my God, I love your skirt! Where did you get it?

Lea:Uh, it was my Mom’s in the ‘80s.

Regina:Vintage. So adorable.

Lea:

Thanks!

(after Lea walks away, Regina turns to Cady)
Regina:

That is the ugliest skirt I’ve ever seen.

(Mean Girls, 2004, Çñr°ƥĞ)

 k #-/16) r -) qƪüšqIohQj£IƀƳüRVE -) r #-/16) q−174−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ƀƳĔ×ťl^jĥYģgjQD -) V£IƀƳl^jƨ½kWnUge[loÒVƊQe #-/16) ròqƀƳkĆt£IªĻ^eƀƳüRVE -) rƖ{jQl
ô½^EĆtĔ×ťo½ĠüRD#-/16) qƀƳV£Il^jªĻ\jQe[lrE-) VÛgePlq #-/16) qƀƳUƜUkPD #-/16) qƀƳohQjEĔ×ťƀƳ\eĲÿEƍì\ÎƗƈªT~tþėƈªrc
d 

E
J

lnD®ƕE£IƀƳl^jƀƳ\eĲÿƍì\þėƈªr  )U + oÜZDq¼ƳkE#-/16) r   oÜZƵƩŨŗŮƈƜ^eo|ÌaEƒWĤo~ƍì\nUgelQR[lrEƃŦę 67; }ƃŦŨnªƙƈ`ƌđÍyŶƵƩŨŗŮVƈƜ\jQj|EƒWĤVƀƳũņoÑő`[lVkWnQe{EƍìVăŻkPlûSD(24) Regina loves Lea’s skirt.
(25) [Regina believes that] she loves Lea’s skirt.
(26a) [Regina is elaborately telling Lea that] she loves Lea’s skirt.
(26b) [Regina does not believe that] she loves Lea’s skirt.
(26c) [Regina is saying incredulously that] she loves Lea’s skirt.
 !*$'"8?

@=426:)

 ćòoIqõ¹Íz£IƀƳohQjèŲ`Dėq   rEþùqÞčk
P !9)44 VkłŭqĩŅĵßohQjƳ`ĲƝkPD    (27) Mr. Hall: Janet Hong, no tardies.

Janet: (smiles)
Mr. Hall: Travis Birkenstock, thirty-eight tardies. By far the most tardies in the class.
 Congratulations.
Students: (Applause)(Clueless, 1995, Çñr°ƥĞ)  k !9)44 rć|šĀqœUgełŭoŕ^j 76/9);<4);176: l£IƀƳ`D±»ëjQI¥orE[qƀƳrƜUn£IƀƳkPlƨ½\ll|oEm[UÈækPlÉ_D!9 )44 q£IƀƳUEƒWĤr   q~RnƵƩŨŗŮƍì`lûSDÏĩq£IƀƳlq­QrE * q~RnE£IqƀƳĞkP !9)44 V£IƀƳüRlQRĵßÆ^ kQ~RnŗŮVƍì\ŪkPD[o~E£IƀƳqÑőìoöYŗŮVź³^E±−175−

高次表意で復元されるアイロニー発話の乖離的態度»qI¥oÈæn¯İƢSlûSD(28) a. [Mr. Hall thinks it is unworthy that] he congratulates the student.
b. [Mr. Hall is entertaining himself in a situation that] he congratulates the student.

Iqõ¹Íz£IƀƳohQjE(<:   rEIqŸyrþėƈª¢¡k½Ġ\[lďŧ^jTEÉĴoÌƱ^eƈĘl^jcVŊyāxƈĘJÎ
ƗƈªKo¶SuWkPlĢŤ^jQ(<:  D   qưUEIqõ¹Ƴ^ĤVūś`[lªĻ^jQĲÿrEþėƈªq¢¡kƒWĤVƍì`·žĿVíĖŪkrþQlûSD ŇT~tŇkrE£IƀƳoŕ^ƏĽqƵƩŨŗŮVƍì·žkP[lďŧ^eDIqõ¹|ƵƩŨŗŮ
lŵ_¢¡kƍì\El|o£IƀƳo´Uqýé^jQlûSD^U^nVE£IƀƳoƁRIqõ¹ohQj§geňüêÚrĮnXEĂò~œXqĝưƥQeèŲVƆƦkPD





 ƗúkrE£IƀƳq½ĠĖqƒWĤqƵƩŨŗŮqƍìoįŪůjeDÌƱĿƨƲ

qƈªEļªqżƐqÁÊl±»oTY¼ƳqưUE£IƀƳoƁRƵƩŨŗŮrÎ
ƗƈªorýébaEþėƈªqåŀoTQjqyýé`[lƜUo^eDxeE£IƀƳoƁRƵƩŨŗŮrEƳ^ĤVEƒWĤV£IƀƳq½ĠĖoþėƈªl^jƍì`oħƐnƃŦŨƦŉÍz~RƈƜ`ƆƦVP[lƜUo^eDĂòrIqõ¹VÍx£IqēưŰlƄÄèŲüR[lkE£Io~ƈƜ\ŗŮqƐƯĒy[lºŚl^eQDxeEC>-)301/0-94-=-4-?841+);<9-:JġQþėƈªKC
V£I¨ÀqíİoTQj|ëUohQj|èŲ^eQD-+;(Sperber, Dan and Deirdre Wilson (1986/19952) Relevance: Communication and Cognition. Oxford: Blackwell.
Wharton, Tim (2009) Pragmatics and Non-Verbal Communication. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wilson, Deirdre (2009) “Irony and Metarepresentation.” UCL Working Papers in Linguistics 21, 183-226.
Wilson, Deirdre (2014) “Relevance Theory,” UCL Working Papers in Linguistics 26, 129-148.
Yus, Francisco (2016) Humour and Relevance, Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
<>15
Fletcher, Anne (2008). 27 Dresses, Dist. by. 20th Century Fox.
Heckerling, Amy (1995) Clueless. Distributed by Paramount Pictures.
MacFarlane, Seth (2012) Ted. Distributed by Universal Pictures.

−176−第20回大会発表論文集ȶɇ2ȉDGF

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第13号

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ɲAbstractɳ
This study investigates the elimination of function words in predicates, as observed inJapanese animation (anime) dialogues. Function words, such as -dearu or -suru, arenecessary for predicates to be morpho-syntactically complete, despite their lesser semantic
content. Another type of function word, modality particles, have been studied intensively
in the research of ‘role language’ and observed to be useful for establishing various
character personalities in anime. In addition to the abundant usage of such role language
particles throughout anime dialogue, the elimination from predicates of these particles, aswell as of other function words, now also works as role language, for the purpose ofrepresenting a specific archetype of collected and unemotional character.
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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

ƻȕ2ǩEȴ¬IGF10ƨĐ4þɜ.4¬ưȌĔG'5;'º§ƽ1ǜÎȔ4¬ư2ɒ-51970 ĥ4ªó 2010 ĥ4ªó2ƌ:-Ă´ì
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6 ĴËȘɒȼ4ǇǑ.?Ľý£ɂ4ÏƬ4ǺŏŕG-'ɧɍƍ 2003Ğá 2007ɨö4ȝŹ.%Gƨķƽ2ȁG'45 ȸȮȃÃ .F4ªó5ºǹƽ2ĴËȘ4¬ưę1 2010 ĥ4ªó4)
ǜÎȔAǎëȔ Rw{ȘĜ 104¬ư­āƽ2ǀǓ+%4ƮƲ/-\e|4uOǸä.FèȃÃ/2Ă4ïȱƧ¹GūIF'>%GD4Ƨ4ÓÂJÏƬCȀĹȈF/ǭDGFD2ƝƵ2ƌ:-ÝŠìƽ1ļŻįVtÙª.F/DyY4ƮȍĨCEɋȋGF/ƨķMhuÒ4ɚ2?ÞŤGĴËȘǐſƽ2ưDG-FãǳļFđɚ ɍƱ ęĥ4 ǘ A ëŒ²Wg 10»Ŝ 4Ɖ JȍƏ-/ȒĐD /
2ƹ1FƧăÑƼþ!Fªó.?ĴËȘĂưGF´ìF

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述部に見られる「機能」と「役割」―TVアニメにおける機能語の省略―ɲÛƤŝƫɳÁ ǋĈżɌ ȦĺĈ. 2012.
ǁƃ(ǥ)

ɈŃ

ɍƍ ř. 2003.

þ4Ʈȟ.ǭFɈŃȎȘȀÐ čòĈɌƱĚåƯȪ

504C2ǉGF

Ŵ:7+

Ūņ.

L`w}šŲȘ ĴËȘ4Ƞ Ŵ:ğƕŪħ.

uOgfɪƓĈ K. 2004.

ȞȕȎȘċ šŲȘ4dN\W\JÌȻ!Fƀń~e|aS\e{c[4ǇǑ Ŵ:HÁƦ.
šŲȘȐȶŝƔǇǑ¢(ǥ). 2003.
Đĩ Å. 2011.

ƭšŲȘŝƔŴ:HÁƦ.

šŲȘǊ¢ 4&Rw{E Ŵ:ǃü.

Ğá ƐĲ. 2007. ĴËȘ4°Äļ/Ŧȿļɫšǻ4ĖƤJȹ-ɫ ɍƍřɧǥɨ ĴËȘǇǑ4úĤ Ŵ:HÁƦ, 9-25.
ě ƾƥ. 2015ɬ şǯȉÁ2Fšɝ4ǃƷ/ǦǙıĬƽɃJĸ2  šŲČý 104,
33-50.
ě ƾƥ. 2016. šŲȘ4Ǭȓĉģ2FǃƷǦǙ4đƭɝ÷Ș/4ĖƤÂŵ  Ǌ¢ȎȘǍċ

18(2)19-36.

ě ƾƥ. 2017. ȕȎǼ2FǃƷ  ÷ɚċǇǑ 6(1)87-92.

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第20回大会発表論文集

,(?

第13号

$&=4)%B?1:E67I5?!G






ƛ Ē

āùŀĨįĨįɲʖAbstractʗ
This paper provides a survey of utterance-initial negation iya’s pragmatic functions and prosodic features. To
clarify the distribution, function and prosodic feature of iya, Nagoya University Conversation Corpus and 28
spontaneous speech recordings were utilized. The findings of this research indicate utterance-initial iya can
appears independently or combines with other interjections, its functions can be identified as Disagreement,
Incipit discourse marker, Phatic discourse marker and Expressive discourse marker, parameters of thisclassification based on the thinking of Language into Act Theory. Prosody analysis result shows that
expressive discourse marker’s duration and pitch contour changes are distinct.

k~ ʕɁȸƫɅ#VȰȻȤǈotɽřǐŝ ăĶȦǗăĶƅD=#?FǯǼGƏ'Y"[TFFħ+GȦǗɃǧCǯǼT2+GăĶʋżʁʌɘăĶƅFŤĠƩɝ_ļɇA4[ǯǼ@"[ʋĸĜ 1952, ©Â 2010, gv 2006,ƞÿ 2014ʌăĶȦǗ_¶ȸ'YȮĻ2ɁȸƫɅ(Discourse marker, ´¢ DM: Schiffrin 1987,
Fraser 1990, 1996, 2009)AũåȶA2?Ț%[ǯǼGƌƚȻ¶ȸØƟFØɨ@G Saft(1998)§ǝ(2005)§ǝƠ(2015)CB("[ÊȤǯǼD&#?ƌƚȻFăĶȦǗ#VGũåȶF
ʏ=@"ZăĶǜƻAɺăĶǜƻ("[AŸƀ1\?#[2'2/\P@FÊȤǯǼFħ
+G{kt}ØƟFůƻ_Żǜ2?&ZDM A2?F#VFɽřAɁȸƯȝ¥ƉDǬǨ4[ǯǼGP:£éØ@"[ƚǯǼ@GāĨ¶ȸot1Aȁț(öɶ29 14 ƐɯFƌƚȻƌŌ¶ȸɫɼ|x_ØƟɊƆA2?ǦȸÔʁF#V_ĄR¶ȸɞɬ_ŵ×21.
Cresti(2012)F Language into Act Theory(LAcT)Dɰ4[ÊȤǯǼ_ɓP%ƌŌ¶ȸFǦȸÔʁɤ
DǗ\[ăĶȦǗ#VFŧćAɁȸƯȝ_Øʄ4[2.ǣC[ɁȸƯȝ_ŷ=#VFɽřǐŝ_ƎY'D4[



<67

B?0D



−183−

日常会話における否定表現の意味と談話機能に関する研究：発話冒頭の「いや」について

 Schiffrin(1987)GɁȸƫɅ(DM)_ȸ4î·(unit of talk)F¦DĮĚ4[ɁȸFƅȞǧɀƄ_Ŷ$TF(contextual coordinates of talk):Až×29ɁȸƫɅFǐŝA2?×Ǘ·ȘGȟǞ@"[(Ɂȸ(discourse)XZ¢F@GƯȝŢ(ǚ'6C+ǦȸɞɬD¾Į4[AŸƀ29
Fraser(2009)GSchiffrin(1987)Fraser(1990)CBFÊȤǯǼ_ɓP%DM _ȻǜƫɅ(PragmaticMarker, ´¢ PM)FǺAĶș2DM FŮĚǦȸAÊȤǦȸ2AFɰÀ_Ǳ4Ưȝ("[AɚN?#[Drew(2013)GǪ®ȤǈF¦ǦȸʀǢ|qdFȮǇ'YǦȸÔʁD"[ȻŕFǦȸŲĽƯȝ(projectibility)_ȚĻ29Raso(2014)GÊȤǯǼ@ǜ#Y\9ũåȶCBFċȶ@ DM @"['B$'FX$CȨɷCÜƇĞǅ_ƥð2s}jȻAdxbȻFȟǋ¶ȸȰȢot_Þǜ2om{calr_ČFĞǅA2ǦȻÒȤǈâF"[ǦȸƩŬɤØǦȻÒȤǈâFC# DM A#$Ķș_žč2?#[LAcT FƢȏQF
¦F DMs3_ȚĻ29Raso G1YDDM FØʄD=#?Raso G DM FȻǜɃǧƯȝ×
Ǘ·ȘɽřǐŝA#$ʑ=FÇɻ_ȮĻ2Øʄ_Ȥ<?#[/\P@F DM Dɰ4[ÊȤǯǼGDM FĶșD=#?ȑCĞǅ_ŷ9C#¨DȠȻ_ļɇA4[ǯǼ@"[ɽřɻFȚĻG£ɑ2?#[CBFĎʂǇ("[(ƚǯǼGɁȸƫɅA4[ăĶȦǗFƯȝ'Y
ȚĻ2ĪS[9SSchiffrin(1987)Raso(2014)FɁȸƫɅFĶș_Œǜ4[?>;

 #VD=#?Kenkyusha’s Japanese-English Dictionary(Ȁ 5 ǎ: 212-213)G´¢FX$DȽƎ2?#[1. A na-adjective to express disagreement or unpleasant attitude.
2. An interjection translated as “No”.
3. An interjection corresponding to “Oh”.
 P9ƌƚęȻĨɘÑʋȀ­ǎʌȀ 1 ŉAȀ 13 ŉFɿǨDĞ>#?#VAɰɞ4[ɞFũåȶGV"ʕʈ#9Z")\9Z29ƐDǦ4[Ĥʋƒȳ, 720ʌ
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−184−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号_ĉʂ'YȜ)ůFȚ%VŧȫCBMAŏ.ȸ2ů(ȟØF Positive Face (Brown & Levinson,1978) _Âŷ4[fdtl_Ȥ$/A 2.ȻǜɃǧƯȝDɰ2?ĴÍD@GC#(ǪůFȚ%VŧȫDĀŧ4[ȸ2ůFŪŐ_Ǳ2ǪůAFŞǙǧCɒɸ(ɮ'C#X$ɦū4[Ưȝ 3.ǦȸɞɬFȮǇ'YcA2?ǦȸƭÞ_ǔŜ"[#GǦȸMFƽŧ_Đɏ29Z
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−185−

日常会話における否定表現の意味と談話機能に関する研究：発話冒頭の「いや」について

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日常会話における否定表現の意味と談話機能に関する研究：発話冒頭の「いや」について

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−188−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

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日常会話における否定表現の意味と談話機能に関する研究：発話冒頭の「いや」について

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Languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publish Company.FǜȻ_Œǜ2¶ȸ(conversation)Gòãț °ʋ´¡ʌFɫɼġɻF/Aļȸ(dialogue)Gòãț  °FɫɼġɻF/A_Ÿ4d}(private)G °2'#C#ɫɼġŮʋȟıCBʌF/Azl(public)Gėƒʅif{bCBFɮƂǧCɫɼ
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§ǝǵ«Ơȼʋ2015ʌ
WH ɍĎMFŴųʕũåȶ#VFǪ®Ȥǈ¡FÉ)ôĶɌƺȗũåȶFȰȻį
ʋJ=3ƒŭʌ
ƞÿÁ(2014) ăĶFǊǇŤĠb{rȟǋȰȻÖǙ21(2): 249-270.
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#VD=#?
Ȁ 68 ēɰƝƌƚȻɁȸ¶¬ǻɶ: 1-13.

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Rapport-oriented vs. Stance-oriented Backchannel Sequences in ELF Interactions

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Rapport-oriented vs. Stance-oriented Backchannel Sequences in ELF Interactions

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(1) CNN, NEW DAY, 18/8/2016
IR: Alisyn Camerota, IE(KC):Kellyanne Conway
01 IR
02
03 KC
04
05
06 IR
07

Let's talk about Donald Trump's tax records. When(0.2) can we expect to see them.
When(.)his lawyers and his accountants tell him thathe should release them>when he's< no longer under
audit=He's made that very clear.
Um Has(.)Donald Trump or will he release anythingfrom the IRS >a letter from the< IRS proving that−201−

I donʼt know as a Confrontational Discourse Marker ―With Reference to Political Interviews―

08>he's under audit՝<09 KC
I'm sorry?
10 IR
Will(.)Donald Trump release anything(.)from the IRS
11
PROVing that >he's under audit՝<
12 KC ՜ I don't know՝ why՝ In other words >why< why are you13
are[you calling him a liar?<]
14 IR[(cause)we’re takin(0.2]Wel we're taking his word15
for it.
16 KC=Are you calling him a liar?=n we're talking Hillary
17
Clinton's word for that she was overheated and didn't
18
have pneumonia.h or that she's going to be aspirational
19
uplifting or that she's going to start talking to the20press again=I mean seriously, we're going to(.)we’re21
running against uh Clinton and we're going to challenge
22
someone's veracity՛
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(2) The Guardian, 1/9/2010
IR: Martin Kettle, IE(TB): Tony Blair
01 MK

Should there be a further inquest on Dr. David Kelly?

02 TBȥ I don't know. I don't really want to comment on it.
03 MK That suggests you may not want to face the question.
04 TB I don't know of anything,I mean I personally don't know,05
and neither did I when I was prime minister,of anything06
different to what was presented to the Hutton inquiry.
07
Now, if somebody else has got other evidence … I'm just08
not qualified to talk about it. That's what I am saying.

−202−第20回大会発表論文集

09
10
11
12

第13号

I know nothing other than the information that we gave
to Lord Hutton. I know nothing else. If somebody else
does,that's obviously a matter for those people whotake the decisions now, not me.

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(3)GQ, Politics, 11/23/2015
IR: Chris Heath, IE(TP): Donald Trump, Assistance IR: MH
01 IR
02
03 TP
04
05
06
07
08
09
10 IR
11 TP
12 MH

I guess people have been fascinated by your hair for y,
many, many years. Do you understand why that is?
If you look at the way I combed it up there I mean, it's
similar, right? You know, all these years. I'm a very
consistent person. Amazingly consistent person. You know,
it is mine. You can follow my record pictorially—look, see
those magazines. It's all the same haircut, right? You
know, it's sort of funny. But I've been combing it thisway for a long time, I figure I better not stop.
Why do you favor such an unusual style?
I don't think it's that unusual.
No.

13 TPȥ I don't know. To me, it's not that unusual. It's not
14
unusual because it's the way I've been combing it or a15long time, since I'm in school.
16 IR It is unusual the way it goes forward and backward.
17 TP No, it's not really forward and it's not really. You know,18
if you look you know it's not actually a comb-over.
19 IR I guess people are interested in it now because they
20
think it's a sign of a sort of vanity.
21 TP Vanity? Sure. Maybe it is, maybe it isn’t. I don’t know,
22
don’t think of it.
22 MH Everybody combs their hair, right?
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−203−

I donʼt know as a Confrontational Discourse Marker ―With Reference to Political Interviews―

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0XVOLPV(4) MSNBC, Town hall interview, 3/30/2016
IR: Chris matthews, IE(TP): Donald trump
01 IR
02
03

Ok you say ban them from entering the country they THey
get the message everyone in the world over one one point
six million in Indonesia, Pakistan, >everywhere. In

04

Albania< anywhere there's MuslimsȦ you know(.) they

05
06
07
08
09

know(.) you don't want emȦ(0.2) so they get themessage=they're a little more .hh (0.5) the ill ill
disposed to fight ISIS. a little bit>more after thatonce they say= "The Americans don't[even like us.”<(0.5)don’t they think¿<]

10 TP ȥ[ I don't know maybe they'll be more ]disposed to11
fight ISIS maybe they'll say "We want to come back into
12
America=we've got to [solve this] problem.“
12 IR:[ ĻokayȦĻ

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−204−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

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WKHFRQIURQWDWLRQDOIXQFWLRQVRI,'1DVDGLVFRXUVHPDUNHU(YHQWKRXJKWKLVVWXG\FRQILQHGLWVGDWDWRSROLWLFDOLQWHUYLHZVWKLVFDQEHDJRRGEDVLVIRUUHVHDUFKLQJUHODWHGLQVWLWXWLRQDOWDONV

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Gender Biases and Stereotypes of Naming Practices in Taiwan Mandarin
Nien-En Liu
National Taiwan University

Abstract
Personal naming is essential to Taiwanese culture, because it highly affects one’s personal
image. However, there is little linguistic research that examines this topic. This study aims toinvestigate the relationship between gender and the semantic concepts in Taiwan Mandarin
naming practices by analyzing different combinations of gendered and gender-neutral naming
characters and their semantic meanings. The data were collected through questionnaires
which asked native speakers to identify any gender bias they felt existed in a series of
two-character names. The result showed that gendered and gender-neutral names could beplaced in a gender bias continuum. Following the questionnaires, the meanings of male,
female and gender-neutral characters were categorized based on their dictionary definitions.
These categories were then compared to characterize the stereotypes carried by these naming
characters. Last but not least, the findings were discussed using the concept of Frame (G.
Lakoff, 2004) to illustrate the possibility of breaking down the frame of gender stereotypes
shown in naming, and suggest the use of mix-gendered and gender-neutral names to reduce
gender stereotypes.
Keywords: naming practices, gender, Sociolinguistics, Semantics, frame
1. Introduction
Personal naming is one of the most important things in one’s life since it can highly
affect personal image. In Taiwanese culture, personal naming reflects conceptions of genderthrough semantic meanings of naming characters, even though grammatically there are few
feminine or masculine markers in Taiwan Mandarin. Consequently, people can predict a
person’s gender only by seeing his/her name. For example, people generally consider 
chih4wei3 to be a male name, based on the meaning of  chih4 “determination” and  wei3
“strong andgreatness” ; likewise, & shu2fen1 is considered to be a female name,because  shu2 means “clear as water” and & fen1 means “flower-like smell” ; yet a name−207−

Gender Biases and Stereotypes of Naming Practice in Taiwan Mandarinlike yuo4fang1 is considered to be a gender-neutral name, because the semantic content

of both characters

yuo4 “repetition” and  fang1 “proper, correct” are not typicalindicators for either gender. This study aims to investigate the relationship between genderand the semantic concepts that inform Taiwan Mandarin naming practices by analyzing
different combinations of gendered and gender-neutral naming characters as well as theirsemantic meanings. First, the data were collected through the questionnaires which asked
native speakers to identify the gender bias inherent in a series of two-character names. The
result showed that gendered and gender-neutral names could be placed in a gender bias
continuum. In the second part, semantic analyses were conducted. Dictionary definitions ofeach naming character were used as a standard by which to categorize gendered andgender-neutral characters to show the semantic difference between them: gendered characters
contain specific gender stereotypes and gender-neutral ones do not. Finally, the concept ofFrame (G. Lakoff, 2004) is used to illustrate the possibility of breaking down the frame ofgender stereotypes shown in naming practices, suggesting the use of mix-gendered andgender-neutral names to reduce gender stereotypes.
2. Literature Review and Research Questions
Many studies (R. Lakoff 1975, Ekert & McConnell-Ginet 1992, Fan 1996) discussed therelationship between language and gender in sociolinguistics since these relations can reveal
certain societal viewpoints about gender issues. One of the most famous studies is Robin
Lakoff’s study. She discussed how women’s speech styles differed from that of men and how
certain gender stereotypes are revealed in language use. There exist even fewer studies (Lee1998, Leino 2014) that consider the relationship between gender and naming practices,
especially in Mandarin Chinese. In the one that doesLee, through the analysis of two
names ( chao1 ti4!

chiu1 chin3), concluded that women’s names in Chinese reflect

their suppression by the patrilineal hegemony.
There are several research gaps. First, even though questions of language and gender are
widely discussed, little research exists on naming practices and gender. Moreover, there isvery little research focusing on topics other than two-gender schemas or gender inequality.
Last but not least, there is no concrete solution to gender stereotyping. Hence, this study
raises three research questions. First, this study goes beyond a two-gender schema in naming−208−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

practice. Since every name carries a different gender bias, an attempt is made to characterize agender bias continuum in Taiwanese naming practices. Second, this study wants to focus on
how the gender stereotypes are revealed in naming practices. Finally, we consider whether or
not there is a way to change gender stereotypes through naming practices in Taiwaneseculture.
3. Research Methodology
In order to characterize the gender bias continuum, two Google questionnaires were used
to collect the data from native speakers. The first questionnaire wanted to collect thegender-neutral Chinese characters in order to create gender-neutral names, which could be
used in Questionnaire 2. Hence, several naming characters such as  fang1,  chia1 were
presented in Questionnaire 1. The participants were asked to judge whether each character
would appear in a male name, a female name, or both.
In Questionnaire 2, a total of 60 two-character names, including 10 male, 10 female, 20
mix-gendered and 20 gender-neutral names, were presented to the participants. The top ten
most common names for both men and women, according to census information from
Taiwan's National Ministry of the Interior, were used as the male and female names in thisstudy. The mixed-gender names were then created by combining characters from theseselected gendered names into new, less-explicitly gendered names. The gender-neutral names
were created using only characters judged gender-neutral in the first questionnaire. The
collocations of each type of names are presented in Table 1.
Table 1. The Collocations of Four Naming Types
Type
Collocation

Male (10)Female (10)Mix-gendered (20)Gender-neutral (20)MM (7)FF (6)MF (10)XX (20)

XM (3)FX (3), XF (1)FM (10)Note. M refers to a male character, F refers to a female character and X refers to a gender-neutral
character.

Participants were 196 Taiwanese Mandarin native speakers. For each name presented,
there were five choices: Male, Gender-neutral with male bias, Gender-neutral, Gender-neutral−209−

Gender Biases and Stereotypes of Naming Practice in Taiwan Mandarinwith female bias and Female. Participants were asked to choose one for each name presented.
After collecting the data, each choice was given a ranking score from 1 (Male) to 5 (Female)and the mean and standard deviation for each name were calculated through the ranking
score.
For understanding how gender stereotype are revealed in naming practices, semantic
analysis was used. The Revised Mandarin Chinese Dictionary of the Ministry of Education(%-.#*,() was used as a database to identify all meanings of the 68

characters. Only neutral and positive meanings were chosen because normally people don’t
use a word with negative connotations in their names
Finally, the relations between naming practices and gender stereotypes were discussed
by the concept of Frames. Framing is a widely-used concept in social science. In G. Lakoff’sbook (2004), he mentioned that frames shape the way people see the world. Language, evenjust a single word, can evoke an entire frame. Once a frame has been constructed, it may
become a stereotype that is hard to change. Hence, if we construct a gendered-naming frame,
gender stereotypes may be perpetuated in Taiwanese society and remain difficult to challenge.
4. Results and Discussion
4.1 Statistic Results from the Questionnaires
The mean of Questionnaire 2 is scaled from 1 (Male) to 5 (Female) (see Figure 1). This
continuum shows the most masculine to the most feminine names. The colors reflect thedifferent gender intervals. The results clearly show that people have measurable ideas about
the gender of names. All gendered names are in gendered intervals. Gender-neutral names andmost of the mix-gendered names are in the gender-neutral and gender-biased interval.
However, if we take a closer look into the continuum, we can see that gender-neutral names
did not fall into the gender-neutral interval completely. Some fall into gender-biased intervals.
This is because one of the character in this combination possesses a gender biases, eventhough it may be identified as a gender-neutral character for obtaining over 50% of theBoth-genders option. For example, " wei2 is identified as a gender-neutral character because
it received the choice ‘both’ for 59.5%, but the percentage of Male is way larger (38.1%) than
Female’s (2.4). So it is a gender-neutral with male bias character. Therefore, while it
combines with a purely gender-neutral character  chia1, which receive ‘both’ for 92.8%,−210−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

into " chia1wei2, this gender-neutral character name falls into gender-neutral with malebias interval.

Figure 1. Gender Bias Continuum
Another finding is in the gendered interval. If a single-gendered character collocatedwith a gender-neutral character, it would obtain a relatively lower gender bias. This showsthat gender-neutral characters have the ability of lowering the gendered quality of wholenames. For example, a combination of a female character / li4 with a gender-neutral
character ' hua2 has a lower gender bias than the combination of two female characters & shu2fen1.
The third finding is that if we set rank 3 as median, we can observe that people identify
the mix-gendered names through the gender of the second characters rather than the first. Thisis because that Mandarin Chinese is a right-peripheral language. For example, in a
mix-gendered name  chen4tzu2, people mostly use the female word  tzu2 as thegender identifier. It is worth noting that although people display such trend in identifying
mix-gendered names, the gendered contradiction in mix-gendered names makes most of themfall into gender-neutral interval.
In order to observe the coherency of participants’ choices, the standard deviation of eachname is calculated (see Figure 2). Names in the absolute gender interval have the lowest SD(SD < 0.7). That is, male and female names have the lowest variation of participants’ choices.

−211−

Gender Biases and Stereotypes of Naming Practice in Taiwan MandarinThis can be interpreted as indicating that people have coherent thoughts about genderednames and such coherent thoughts may be affected by the gender stereotypes in Taiwanesesociety. Names in the gender-bias and the gender-neutral intervals have relatively higher SD(SD > 0.7) most of them (74.3%) being higher than 1. Since mix-gendered and gender-neutral
names have higher variation, this indicates that people have incoherent choices regardingthese names. These incoherent thoughts may reflect that there are weaker stereotypes in thesenames.

Figure 2. The Standard Deviation of Each Name From the Lowest to the Highest
4.2 Semantic Meaning from Dictionary
If we take a closer look into the specific meanings of gendered characters, we can see
huge differences between the meaning of male and female characters. I have classified theminto several types. The first type for male characters is Intelligence and ability, which contains
most of the meanings (e.g.  che2, philosophy and wisdom). The second is Extended andlarge scale, which describe the feature of being extended and large (e.g.

po2,expansiveness of knowledge). The third is Going up, which means that men are expected topursue higher goals and upward mobility, increasing their social status and accumulating
wealth (e.g. $ hsiang2, flying in the air). The last type is Correctness, which describes theproper and legitimate position of men (e.g.  cheng4, correctness).
On the contrary, for the description of Female characters, most of the meanings consider−212−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

the external senses. This means that society values women’s presentation, emphasizing
outward appearance, quality of voice, and even smell (e.g. & fen1, flower-like smell). The
next type is the internal feelings of women, which means that women are considered to be
soft, emotional and interested in love (e.g.  tzu4, deep love). The third type describes thestability and obedience of women. In this type, women are expected to be stable, quiet andobedient (e.g. + chen1, loyalty and obedience). The last type is the minor intelligence of
women. This type shows that women can be clever, but not as intelligent or wise as men (e.g.
 min3, cleverness).
It can be interpreted that male and female characters carry totally different meanings
which contain definite gender stereotypes for each gender. In contrast, Gender-neutral
characters fall into multiple categories, such as Internal feeling, Behavior, Concrete object,
Balance, Abstract object, and so on. These characters possess a wide variety of meanings andare not restricted by specific stereotypes.
4.3 Language, Framing and Gender Stereotypes
According to G. Lakoff, language cannot just intensify a frame but also change itthrough consistent use. Based on the findings of this study, there is a measurable genderstereotype frame that is constructed and maintained through naming practices in Taiwaneseculture. In other words, gendered names are used to intensify the existing gender stereotype
frame. However, if we use gender-neutral and mix-gendered names, it may allow for the
possibility of challenging this frame and reframing conceptions of gender in our society.
5. Conclusion
In conclusion, we cannot categorize the gender of a naming character in only threegenres but must identify it within a gender bias continuum. In addition, societal genderstereotypes are reflected in naming practices and people are used to it. Gender-neutral ormix-gendered names may have the ability to change the conceptual frame that generates
gender stereotypes and reframe conceptions of gender in our society. By doing so, we canfacilitate a wider variety of gender identifications beyond just male and female.

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Gender Biases and Stereotypes of Naming Practice in Taiwan Mandarin

References
Eckert, P., & McConnell-Ginet, S. 1992. Think practically and look locally: Language andgender as community-based practice. Annual review of anthropology, 21(1), 461-488.
Fan, C. C. 1996. "Language, gender, and Chinese culture." International Journal of Politics,
Culture, and Society 10(1), 95-114.
Lakoff, G. 2004. Don’t Think of an Elephant! Know Your Values and Frame the Debate. theEssential Guide for Progressives, Including Post-Election Updates, Chelsea Green
Publishing.
Lakoff, R. 1973. Language and woman's place. Language in society, 2(1), 45-79.
Lee, W. S. 1998. "In the names of Chinese women." Quarterly Journal of Speech 84(3),283-302.
Leino, A. 2014. "Man, woman or me? Conflicting identities as evidenced by cross-gendername changes." Names in daily life: Proceedings of the XXIV ICOS International
Congress of Onomastic Sciences. Generalitat de Catalunya.
-2012)-

Online Resources
The Revised Mandarin Chinese Dictionary of Ministry of Education:
http://dict.revised.moe.edu.tw/cbdic/−214−第20回大会発表論文集

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A Corpus-Based Analysis of Independent Although Clauses in Spoken English Discourse
Yuko Mizuno
National Institute of Technology, Asahikawa College
㸺Abstract㸼
Although clauses sometimes occur independently without their main clause. My aim is to describe whatkind of discourse functions independent although clauses have in spoken㻌 discourse. I will show thatturn-initial independent although clauses can fulfill at least four discourse functions, i.e., Standard
Concessive, Rectifying Concessive, Self-correction, and Disagreement. Based on the findings, I argue thatturn-initial although which introduces an independent clause can be analyzed as a discourse marker. I also
argue that we can consider the use of independent although clauses as a counterexample to one of the
hypotheses of unidirectionality in grammaticalization processes, i.e., a cline of clause combining.
࠙Keywordsࠚ: adverbial clauses, concessive, insubordination, discourse marker, grammaticalization
1. Introduction
This paper presents an analysis of the uses and functions of although clauses in spoken English
discourse. The traditional analysis of complex sentences makes a sharp distinction between coordinationand subordination, and classifies adverbial clauses such as temporal, conditional, causal, and concessive
clauses into subordinate clauses. However, it has recently been reported that adverbial clauses such as
because and if clauses can occur independently without their main clause, as exemplified in (1) and (2):(1) Irene: (…) That’s asinine, Henry.
Henry: Because you don’t understand, see, because ith – it was done that way䇲=(Schiffrin 1987: 200)(2) (I wonder) If you could give me a couple of 39c stamps please(Evans 2007: 380)
As Higashiizumi (2006: 56) notes, “various studies have pointed to the non-subordinate, paratactic uses of
because-clauses, i.e., the structural independence of a because-clause from its ‘main’ clause” (cf.
Schleppegrell 1991). It has also been pointed out that obwohl ‘although’ clauses can also be used without
syntactic integration in German conversation (Günthner 2000). Such independent adverbial clauses canbe counted as “insubordination,” which is defined by Evans (2007: 367) as “the conventionalized mainclause use of what, on prima facie grounds, appear to be formally subordinate clauses.”
On the other hand, almost no study has shown that although clauses can also occur independently
without their main clause. Previous studies have analyzed concessive clauses such as although clauses
from several perspectives. Semantic analyses were proposed by König (1994) and Rudolph (1996),
pragmatic analyses by Sweetser (1990) and Azar (1997), and discourse-functional analyses by Barth (2000)
and Noordman (2001). However, the independent uses of although clauses escaped serious attention.
Mizuno (2005) is exceptional in this respect, and shows that postposed although clauses can be
syntactically independent of the main clause, as shown in (3):(3) L: In New York, everyone has an accent. Some students’ accents are thicker than mine.
A: That’s true. Although PS 323 isn’t quite as diverse as most city schools.
(Example (5) in Mizuno 2005)
However, it has not been closely examined what functions independent although clauses have in naturally
occurring discourse.
The present paper aims to show that although clauses can also occur without their main clause innaturally occurring discourse, and to describe what kind of discourse functions they have. For the second
purpose, I will use the analysis made by König (1994), which provides one of the most comprehensive
analyses of concessive relations. König (1994) identifies three different kinds of concessive relations, i.e.,“standard,” “rhetorical,” and “rectifying” concessive. König (1994: 681) also points out that subordinate
although clauses can express all of the three relations. I will examine whether these three types ofrelations also account for independent although clauses.

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A Corpus-Based Analysis of Independent Although Clauses in Spoken English Discourse

2. Three types of concessive relations
This section explains the three types of concessive relations proposed by König (1994).
standard concessive is exemplified in (4) below:(4) Although John had no money, he went into this expensive restaurant.

First,(König 1988: 146)

In this use, the speaker of although p, q asserts these two propositions against the background assumptionthat ‘if p, then normally not-q.’ For example, the speaker of (4) may assume that if one has no money, one
normally does not go into an expensive restaurant.
Second, rhetorical concessive is illustrated in (5) below:(5) At least she wouldn’t give up her job. Although writing technical manuals for a Los Angeles-based
electronics firm wasn’t the writing career she had dreamed of, it paid the bills.
(Example (15) in Mizuno 2010)
In this use, the first clause ‘p’ is an argument for a conclusion ‘r,’ while the second clause ‘q’ is anargument for the opposite conclusion ‘not-r,’ and the second conclusion carries more weight in the wholeargument (König 1985: 6). For example, in (5) above, the although clause provides an argument against
the claim that she would not give up her job, while the main clause supports the claim.
Lastly, rectifying concessive is exemplified in (6):(6) He is very intelligent, although some of the things that he says are a bit silly.

(König 1988: 148)

In this use, the content of the main clause is weakened, while in the standard and rhetorical concessive, it isemphasized. For example, in (6), the although clause restricts the validity of the previous statement.
The distinction among these three types of concessive relations is theoretically important, because
they have been identified in several studies, although they have been given different labels by different
studies. Standard concessive corresponds to Lakoff’s (1971) “denial of expectation” and Blakemore’s(1989) “direct denial.” Rhetorical concessive corresponds to Blakemore’s (1989) “indirect denial” andSpooren’s (1989) “concessive opposition.” Rectifying concessive has also been called “restrictive” in
Rudolph (1996), Günthner (2000), and Barth (2000).
3. Data
I collected the data from the Spoken section of The Corpus of Contemporary American English(COCA) compiled from 1990 to 2011. In order to obtain independent although clauses, I first collected
all the tokens of turn-initial although which are preceded by a colon. In this corpus, the punctuation markof colon is put after an indication of who the speaker is. As a result, I obtained a total of 582 tokens ofturn-initial although. Then, I classified them into two types of clauses, that is, independent althoughclauses, as exemplified in (7) below, and preposed although clauses which accompany their main clause, as
illustrated in (8) below:(7) THOMAS:BEHAR :

Yes, really.
Although I do suffer from it occasionally.
(COCA, SPOK, JOY BEHAR SHOW 9:00 PM EST, 2010)(8) SOTOMAYOR: Although I grew up in very modest and challenging circumstances, I consider mylife to be immeasurably rich.
(COCA, SPOK, CBS_NewsEve, 2009)
I excluded from the present analysis unfinished although clauses as exemplified in (9), nonfinite althoughclauses as in (10), and verbless although clauses as in (11) below:(9) Dr-STONE:CURRY:(10) SNOW :(11) Smith :Well, think about that.
Although you don't -- we're not...
(COCA, SPOK, NBC_Today, 2004)
Although now approaching 20 percent of the population.
(COCA, SPOK, Fox_Hume, 2003)
Although in a somewhat peculiar way.
(COCA, SPOK, CBS_Morning, 1992)

As a result, I obtained a total of 214 independent although clauses. Table 1 below shows that 36.8 % of−216−

第20回大会発表論文集

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turn-initial although are used in independent clauses. Following Fraser (1999: 938), I will call thesegment of discourse independent although introduces S2, and the prior segment of discourse related byalthough S1. I represent the use of independent although as 㸺S1. Although + S2㸼. I analyzed the
independent although clauses in the data in terms of whether the relationship between S1 and S2 can be
accounted for by the three concessive relations proposed by König (1994).
Table 1: The number of turn-initial although in the data
clause type
example number(7)
independent although clauses
214(8)
preposed although clauses
350
others(9)-unfinished although clauses
11(10)(11)-nonfinite or verbless although clauses
7
the total number of turn-initial although preceded by a colon (:)
582

percentage
36.8%
60.1%
1.9%
1.2%
100%

4. Discourse functions of independent although clauses
In this section, I will describe the discourse functions of independent although clauses. My
investigation of the data found that independent although clauses are classified into two large groups
according to what they are connected to. On the one hand, they are connected to the immediately priorutterance by the same speaker. On the other hand, they are connected to the immediately prior utterance
by the addressee, i.e., the recipient of the although clause. Table 2 below shows that although clauses areconnected to the addressee’s preceding utterance far more frequently than they are to the same speaker’s
previous utterance. In the next subsections, we’ll observe the functions of each type.
Table 2: The number of independent although clauses
although clauses connected to the prior utterance by the same speaker
although clauses connected to the prior utterance by the addressee
total

66
148
214

(30.8%)(69.2%)(100%)

4.1 Although clauses connected to the prior utterance by the same speaker
Section 4.1 will observe the discourse functions of independent although clauses connected to thesame speaker’s previous utterance. I found that this type of although can fulfill at least three functions,
i.e., Standard Concessive, Rectifying Concessive, and Self-corrective.
First, in Standard Concessive, the speaker asserts S1 and S2 against the background assumption that if
S2, normally not S1. It should be noted that when although is used in a subordinate clause as in (4) above,
S1 and S2 are uttered in the same sentence. On the other hand, when independent although is used, S1and S2 occur separately in two different utterances, as exemplified in (12) below:(12) PETER:
KOTB:
GIFFORD:KOTB :

It's kind of half in between.
In between. So it's not all the way caffeinated and it's not all the way decaf.
No, no.
Although it's labeled as decaf.       (COCA, SPOK, NBC_Today, 2008)

In (12), we may assume that if something is labeled as decaf, normally it’s all the way decaf. However,this assumption is denied by Kotb’s first and second utterances.
Next, in Rectifying Concessive, the although clause weakens the content of the speaker’s previous
utterance. It should be noted that unlike subordinate although clauses, independent although clauses
weaken not the main clause within the same sentence, but the immediately prior utterance by the same
speaker. My investigation of the data found that there are several ways in which although clauses weaken
the preceding utterance. In (13) below, the although clause weakens the preceding utterance by cancellingan assumption that can be evoked from the preceding utterance:(13) CURRY:
Ms-BROWN:CURRY :

I think what your philosophy is that it's not just what you put on the outside.
Right. It's everything.
Although that helps and that can make you feel better.

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A Corpus-Based Analysis of Independent Although Clauses in Spoken English Discourse

Ms-BROWN:CURRY:

Right.
You got to be beautiful inside.

(COCA, SPOK, NBC_Today, 2007)

Curry’s first statement may evoke an assumption that what you put on the outside is not important. This
assumption is cancelled by the although clause that helps and that can make you feel better.
In the following example, the although clause weakens the previous utterance by providing an
exception to what is stated in the preceding utterance.
(14) APPLEGATE:
He's not your best friend then.
Mr-METCALFE: She.
APPLEGATE:
She. Oh. See, it's all of these names nowadays. You cannot get someones genderfrom their name.
Mr-METCALFE: Kaye.
APPLEGATE:
Although Kaye, is a girl, so that's not so hard.
Mr-METCALFE: Right.
(COCA, SPOK, NBC_TodayLater, 1999)
In (14), Applegate’s second utterance says that nowadays, it’s impossible to get someone’s gender fromtheir name. However, an exception to this is provided in the although clause, which restricts the validityof the previous utterance.
Finally, the third function of independent although clause is Self-Correction. In this use, althoughintroduces a correction of the same speaker’s former statement, as exemplified in (15) and (16) below:(15) SONYA:GERSON:SONYA:GERSON :When you go out to dinner, who drives?
We take turns.
Do you really?
Although, I will have to admit he probably drives more than I do.
(COCA, SPOK, CNN_Sonya, 1993)(16) MORALES:
So enjoy being a newlywed.
Ms-EDELMAN: Thank you.
MORALES:
Although with two teenage daughters, it's not really being a newlywed.
Ms-EDELMAN: Not quite.
MORALES:
But enjoy it.
Ms-EDELMAN: Thank you.
(COCA, SPOK, NBC_Today, 2007)
In (15), in her first utterance, Gerson asserts that she and her husband take turns driving when they go out
to dinner. However, the validity of this statement is corrected by her second utterance, which asserts that
her husband drives more than she does. In (16), correction using although relates to a term used in apreceding utterance. Morales used the word “newlywed,” but then he realized that Ms. Edelman has two
teenage daughters and that the use of the word “newlywed” was not valid. Then he used although tocorrect his former statement.
4.2 Although clauses connected to the prior utterance by the addressee
This section explains the discourse functions of independent although clauses connected to the priorutterance by the addressee. This type of although clause can fulfill at least three functions, i.e., Standard
Concessive, Rectifying Concessive, and Disagreement.
First, in Standard Concessive, although indicates that the situation described in the previous speaker’s
utterance “is contrary to expectation in the light of what is said in the concessive clause” (Quirk et al. 1985:1098), as exemplified in (17) below:(17)

HANSEN: I'm gonna start with you because the name The Rachel's has absolutely nothing to dowith your name, right?
GRIMES: Although everyone thinks it does. Right.
(COCA, SPOK, NPR_Sunday, 1998)

In (17), we may assume that if everyone thinks the name The Rachel’s has something to do with Grimes’s
name, it actually has something to do with her name. However, Grimes’s utterance denies thisassumption.

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Next, in Rectifying Concessive, although clause weakens the content of the previous speaker’s
utterance. In other words, although is used to indicate the speaker’s partial disagreement with theprevious speaker’s utterance, as exemplified in (18) below:(18) A-GORE: (…) And there are a lot of model programs that are happening, that are bringing this
together, and you are seeing real results with kids. They're scoring better, doing
better. They're doing better in school, families are being strengthened.
KING:
Although, we do still lag behind nations. Do we not? (COCA, SPOK, CNN_King, 1997)
In (18), A-Gore says that kids are doing better. King’s utterance restricts the validity of Gore’s previous
utterance by weakening the extent to which the kids are doing well.
Lastly, the third function is Disagreement. In this use, although is used to indicate the speaker’s total
disagreement with the previous speaker’s utterance, as illustrated in (19) below:(19) FLATOW:
Mr-COHEN:

And that was one of the great breakthroughs of the Brazil experience, was that they
were able to, you know, create that infrastructure and take away the stigma.
Although there still is a stigma in Brazil. I spoke with the leaders there when I was inSouth Africa at the international meeting, and their coverage is nowhere near 100
percent of the infected people in their country. (COCA, SPOK, NPR_Science, 2001)

In (19), Flatow asserts that Brazil was able to take away the stigma, which entails that there is no stigma inthe country. However, this assertion is denied by Mr. Cohen’s utterance. Here, although is used todisplay the speaker’s disagreement with his addressee’s preceding statement.
4.3 Summary
Table 3 below summarizes the results shown in this section. Independent although clauses areclassified into two main classes, i.e., those connected to the same speaker’s preceding utterance and thoseconnected to the addressee’s previous utterance, and each of them have three subclasses. The tableshows that two concessive relations identified by König (1994), i.e., Standard and Rectifying Concessive,
are also expressed by independent although clauses. On the other hand, the functions of Self-correction
and Disagreement have not been identified at all for although clauses in the previous literature. Barth(2000: 422) points out that “in contrast to German, where the corrective function of obwohl ‘although’ isalready so established that there are purely corrective examples, in English there is still a certain note ofconcession-restriction present in almost all potentially corrective examples.” However, the examples of(15) and (16) above clearly show that although is also used to initiate self-correction. Moreover, theexample of (19) above shows that a speaker uses although not only to correct his or her own utterance, but
to display their disagreement with what their addressee said in the previous utterance.
Table 3: Discourse functions of independent although clauses
connected to the same speaker’s previous utterance connected to the addressee’s previous utterance(i) Standard Concessive(i) Standard Concessive(ii) Rectifying Concessive(ii) Rectifying Concessive (partial disagreement)(iii) Self-correction(iii) Disagreement
5. Discussion
5.1 Is independent although a discourse marker?
This section considers whether turn-initial although can be analyzed as a discourse marker.
According to Fraser (1998: 302), discourse markers “are separate from the propositional content of thesentence and function to signal the relationship between the segment of discourse they introduce, S2, andthe prior segment of discourse, S1.” As Günthener (2000: 457) points out, “although definitions vary agreat deal, there are a number of characteristics which most studies on discourse markers identify.” Inorder to examine whether we can analyze independent although as a discourse marker, I will use seven outof the nine characteristics presented by Günthener (2000:457-458): (i) discourse markers are predominantly
a feature of oral discourse; (ii) they are drawn primarily from the syntactic classes of conjunctions,adverbials, and prepositional phrases; (iii) because of their frequency in oral language, discourse markers−219−

A Corpus-Based Analysis of Independent Although Clauses in Spoken English Discourse

are stylistically stigmatized and negatively evaluated; (iv) they are usually “short items;” (v) they appear inutterance initial position; (vi) they are optional; (vii) they are multifunctional, operating simultaneously on
the local (semantic, syntactic etc.) and global (pragmatic) level.
Based on the characteristics above, although introducing an independent clause appears to be an
instance of a discourse marker. As for the first point, it is a feature of oral discourse. All the data of
independent although in the present study were collected from spoken discourse. Moreover, as Table 4
below shows, independent although is used far more frequently in spoken discourse than in written
discourse. Out of a random sample of 100 tokens of although collected from newspaper articles in COCA,
only one token was used in an independent clause. On the other hand, out of a random sample of 100
tokens of although collected from Spoken section of the same corpus, 15 tokens are used to introduce an
independent clause.
Table 4: Independent although clauses in written and spoken discourse
a random sample of 100 tokens of although a random sample of 100 tokens of althoughcollected from newspaper in COCA
collected from Spoken section in COCA
subordinate clause
independent clause
subordinate clause
independent clause
99
1
85
15
As for the second point, although is originally a subordinating conjunction. Third, the use of although in
independent clauses has been negatively evaluated. For example, Hopper and Traugott (1993: 184) pointout that “although is frequently used, especially by college students, as if it were however. This could bea hypercorrection resulting from literacy and learned punctuation.” With respect to the fourth and fifth
points, it is a short item and appears in utterance initial position. As for the sixth point, turn-initial
although is optional. For example, the removal of although in (20) below does not make the sentence
ungrammatical nor change the propositional content of the sentence.
(20) ERSON:SONYA:GERSON:

We take turns.
Do you really?
Although, I will have to admit he probably drives more than I do.

(= 15)

Finally, although operates on both local and global level. For instance, in example (21) below, althoughlinks two independent utterances. On the other hand, in (22) below, although links the previous utterancewith a larger discursive sequence. Although introduces a narrative which refutes the preceding assertion
that Brazil was able to take away the stigma. The scope of although goes far beyond the local clauselevel.
(21) MORALES:
So enjoy being a newlywed.
Ms-EDELMAN: Thank you.
MORALES:
Although with two teenage daughters, it's not really being a newlywed. (= 16)(22) FLATOW:
Mr-COHEN:

And that was one of the great breakthroughs of the Brazil experience, was that they
were able to, you know, create that infrastructure and take away the stigma.
Although there still is a stigma in Brazil. I spoke with the leaders there when I was
in South Africa at the international meeting, and their coverage is nowhere near 100
percent of the infected people in their country. And I'm not sure Brazil could evenafford it if everyone came forward who was infected.
(= 19)

Based on the observations above, I argue that turn-initial although which introduces an independent clausecan be analyzed as a discourse marker.
5.2 Independent although clauses and the hypothesis of unidirectionality in grammaticalization
This section considers independent although clauses from the perspective of grammaticalization.
Hopper and Traugott (1993: xv) define grammaticalization as “the process whereby lexical items andconstructions come in certain linguistic contexts to serve grammatical functions, and once grammaticalized,
continue to develop new grammatical functions.” Hopper and Traugott (1993) also note thatgrammaticalization is hypothesized to be prototypically a unidirectional phenomenon. The hypothesis ofunidirectionality can be summarized as follows: “there is a relationship between two stages A and B, such

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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

that A occurs before B, but not vice versa” (Hopper and Traugott 1993: 95). In this section, I take up one
kind of unidirectionality, i.e., a cline of clause-combining constructions, which is shown in (23) below:(23) A cline of clause combining constructions
parataxis 㸼 hypotaxis 㸼 subordination(Hopper and Traugott 1993: 170)

The cline in (23) predicts that the direction of change is from more to less paratactic clause-combining
constructions along with grammaticalization. Now we have seen that although is used both in an
independent clause, as exemplified in (24), and in a subordinate clause which accompanies the main clause,
as illustrated in (25) below:(24) SONYA:GERSON :(25) SOTOMAYOR:

Do you really?
Although, I will have to admit he probably drives more than I do. (=15)
Although I grew up in very modest and challenging circumstances, I consider
my life to be immeasurably rich.
(=8)

The hypothesis of unidirectionality would predict that sentences of the type in (25) are derived from thoseshown in (24). In order to examine the hypothesis, I counted the number of independent although clausesin the data in each year from 1990 to 2011. Table 5 below shows the transition of the distribution ofturn-initial although in the present data. Figure 1 below shows a scatterplot of the percentage ofindependent although clauses and the linear fit of the data.
Table 5: The transition of the distribution of turn-initial although in the datayear
independent
althoughsubordinate
althoughotherstotal
year
independent
althoughsubordinate
althoughothers
total

1990
4
16.7%
19
79.2%
1
4.2%
24

1991
6
35.3%
11
64.7%
0
0.0%
17

1992
8
29.6%
17
63.0%
2
7.4%
27

1993
6
28.6%
14
66.7%
1
4.8%
21

1994
7
33.3%
14
66.7%
0
0.0%
21

1995
8
44.4%
10
55.6%
0
0.0%
18

1996
9
37.5%
14
58.3%
1
4.2%
24

1997
15
60.0%
10
40.0%
0
0.0%
25

1998
16
41.0%
21
53.8%
2
5.1%
39

1999
17
51.5%
14
42.4%
2
6.1%
33

2000
11
36.7%
19
63.3%
0
0.0%
30

2001
8
19.0%
34
81.0%
0
0.0%
42

2002
8
22.2%
28
77.8%
0
0.0%
36

2003
6
20.7%
22
75.9%
1
3.4%
29

2004
9
23.7%
28
73.7%
1
2.6%
38

2005
9
28.1%
21
65.6%
2
6.3%
32

2006
10
38.5%
16
61.5%
0
0.0%
26

2007
14
56.0%
10
40.0%
1
4.0%
25

2008
5
38.5%
6
46.2%
2
15.4%
13

2009
16
51.6%
13
41.9%
2
6.5%
31

2010
14
63.6%
8
36.4%
0
0.0%
22

2011
8
88.9%
1
11.1%
0
0.0%
9

Percentage ofindependent althoughclausesFigure 1: Scatterplot of the proportion of independent although clauses
100.0
80.0
60.0
40.0
20.0
0.0
㻝㻥㻤㻡

㻝㻥㻥㻜

㻝㻥㻥㻡

㻞㻜㻜㻜
Year

㻞㻜㻜㻡

㻞㻜㻝㻜

㻞㻜㻝㻡

Figure 1 above shows that independent although clauses gradually increase in proportion. Thisobservation suggests that although clauses are developing toward more paratactic clause-combining
constructions. Therefore, we can say that the developmental process of although clauses does not−221−

A Corpus-Based Analysis of Independent Although Clauses in Spoken English Discourse

conform to the unidirectional cline of clause-combining constructions.
6. Conclusion
The discussion of this paper has come up with the following new findings. First, independent
although clauses are classified into two main classes, i.e., (i) those connected to the same speaker’s
preceding utterance and (ii) those connected to the addressee’s previous utterance. Second, the first typehas three functions: Standard Concessive, Rectifying Concessive, and Self-correction. Third, the second
type fulfills three functions: Standard Concessive, Rectifying Concessive, and Disagreement. It was also
pointed out that the functions of Self-correction and Disagreement have not been identified at all foralthough clauses in the previous literature. Fourth, I argued that turn-initial although which introduces an
independent clause can be analyzed as a discourse marker. Lastly, I claimed that we can consider the useof independent although clauses as a counterexample to the unidirectional cline of clause-combining
constructions in grammaticalization.
Data source
COCA Corpus of Contemporary American English. (1990-2011) Compiled by Mark Davies. Brigham
University. https://corpus.byu.edu/coca/

References
Azar, M. 1997. “Concession Relations as Argumentation.” Text 17(3), 301-316.
Barth, D. 2000. “‘that’s true, although not really, but still’: Expressing concession in spoken English.” In E.
Couper-Kuhlen and B. Kortmann (eds.) Cause-Condition-Concession-Contrast: Cognitive and Discourse
Perspective, 411-437. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Blakemore, D. 1989. “Denial and Contrast: A Relevance Theoretic Analysis of BUT.” Linguistics andPhilosophy 12, 15-37.
Evans, N. 2007. “Insubordination and its uses.” In I. Nikolaeva (ed.) Finiteness, 366-431. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Fraser, B. 1998. “Contrastive Discourse Markers in English.” In A.H. Jucker and Y. Ziv (eds.) Discourse
Markers Descriptions and Theory, 301-326. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Fraser, B. 1999. “What are discourse markers?” Journal of Pragmatics 31, 931-952.
Günthner, S. 2000. “Form concessive connector to discourse marker: The use of obwohl in everyday German.”
In E. Couper-Kuhlen and B. Kortmann (eds.) Cause Condition Concession Contrast: Cognitive andDiscourse Perspectives, 439-468. Berlin and New York: Mouton De Gruyter.
Higashiizumi, Y. 2006. From Subordinate Clause to an Independent Clause. Tokyo: Hituzi Syobo Publishing.
Hopper, P.J. and E.C. Traugott. 1993. Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
König, E. 1985. “On the History of Concessive Connectives in English. Diachronic and Synchronic Evidence.”
Lingua 66, 1-19.
König, E. 1988. “Concessive Connectives and Concessive Sentences: Cross-Linguistic Regularities andPragmatic Principles.” In J. A. Hawkins (ed.), Explaining Language Universals, 145-166 Oxford: Blackwell.
König, E. 1994. “Concessive Clauses.” In R. E. Asher (ed.) The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics,
679-681. Oxford: Oxford Pergamon Press.
Lakoff, R. 1971. “If’s, And’s, and But’s about Conjunction.” In C.J. Fillmore and D. T. Langendoen (eds.)
Studies in Linguistic Semantics, 114-149. New York: Holt, Reinhart and Winston.
Mizuno, Y. 2005. “Preposed and Postposed Although Clauses.” The English Literature in Hokkaido 50, 65-77.
Mizuno, Y. 2010. “A Quantitative Analysis of Although and Though Clauses: Their Commonalities andDifferences.” The English Literature in Hokkaido 55, 41-60.
Noordman, L G. M. 2001. “On the Production of Causal-Contrastive Although-Sentences in Context.” In T.
Sanders, J. Schilperoord, and W. Spooren (eds.) Text Representation: Linguistic and Psycholinguistic Aspects,
153-180. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Quirk, R., S. Greenbaum, G. Leech, and J. Svartvik. 1985. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language.
London: Longman.
Rudolph, E. 1996. Contrast: Adversative and Concessive Expressions on Sentence and Text Level. Berlin: Walterde Gruyter.
Schiffrin, D. 1987. Discourse Markers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Schleppegrell, M.J. 1991. “Paratactic because.” Journal of Pragmatics 16, 323-337.
Spooren, W.P.M.S. 1989. Some Aspects of the Form and Interpretation of Global Contrastive Coherence
Relations. Ph.D. Dissertation, Nijmegen University.
Sweetser, E. 1990. From Etymology to Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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A Critical Discourse Study of Radio Interview Programs during the Occupation Period ofJapan: Changes in How Runaway Girls Perceived the Realities of Social Inequality
Nanako Ota
University of Tokyo<Abstract>
The present study provides a Critical Discourse Study analyzing radio interview programs that werebroadcast under GHQ in Occupied Japan. Previous studies focus on the difference between two radio
programs, Gaitoo Rokuon and Syakai No Mado, pointing out that the former is a fact-based locationinterview whereas the latter is an information program with a particular aim to disseminate democracy.
By examining an interviewer’s discursive strategies in each program, this analysis attempts to show thatboth programs manifest and reproduce stereotypes of interviewee girls struggling from social inequality.
Keywords

Critical Discourse Studies, post-WWII occupation, media, radio, women

1. Introduction
Research on the post-WWII occupation of Japan appeals to scholars and the public alike due toongoing problems regarding US military bases and Article 9 of the Constitution. Although it has been
more than seventy years since the end of WWII, the Japanese interest in knowing what occurred in postwar society and how it affects them today has seemed to reach a peak. In the field of media studies,
research on Japanese radio interview programs produced and directed by GHQ (General Headquarters
led by General Douglas MacArthur) has attracted attention due to its potential to disclose the realitiesof the occupation. Among these programs, Gaitoo Rokuon and Syakai No Mado became sensational at
the time, especially when featuring runaway girls (Miyata 2014). The present study examines the scriptsof the programs and attempts to answer the following questions: How did an interviewer’s use oflanguage reinforce and/or ameliorate social inequalities that interviewees face? And how do the analytic
results of the present study correspond to findings from the previous studies of the two radio programs?
This study draws on an analytic framework called Critical Discourse Studies, which allows us to
explore media discourse within its sociohistorical contexts. The analysis first examines GHQ’s different
intent in producing each radio interview program, as well as discursive constructions of prejudice in aninterviewer’s language when describing interviewees. In addition, the present study elucidates how theinterviewees see themselves differently from how the interviewer describes them, which may point out
the limitations of the framework of CDS in listening to the voices of the oppressed.
2. Methodology
Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) is a “transdisciplinary, text-analytical approach to critical social
research” (Hart & Cap 2014: 1), which has no unitary methodology but is understood as a sharedperspective. It has been employed mainly by linguists and sociologists to study both spoken and written
discourse to examine mutually constitutive aspects of language and society, i.e., how language reflects
and further reproduces social inequality1. Among many CDS approaches, the present study employs the
Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA; Reisigl & Wodak 2015) proposed by Austrian linguist Ruth
Wodak, working on “the linguistic manifestations of prejudice in discourse, embedded in the linguistic
and social context” (Wodak 2001: 70). Compared to other approaches, the DHA emphasizes historicalinformation of context in which the text to be examined is placed, and thus encourages to go beyond
linguistics to collect context information.
The motivation of the present study comes from the fact that CDS on Japanese discourse has rarely
engaged with historical discourse2. Historical media discourse, especially that of the occupation,deserves attention as academic research object because it informed the Japanese public about the ideal
post-war society that GHQ desired and, more importantly, might well have contributed to thereorganization and stabilization of a society in turmoil by inculcating who is a good or bad citizen from−223−

A Critical Discourse Study of Radio Interview Programs during the Occupation Period of Japan: Changes in How Runaway Girls Perceived the Realities of Social Inequality

the standpoint of democracy. Thus, the present study attempts to analyze if and how the authority’s useof language in media discourse constructed prejudice during the occupation with the DHA.
In terms of detailed analytical procedures, the DHA suggests three significant points: “(1) [identify]
the specific content or topic(s) of a specific discourse (2) [investigate] discursive strategies ... (3)[examine] linguistic means and context-dependent linguistic realizations” (Reisigl & Wodak 2015: 32).
Following each procedure, the present study’s analysis attempts to answer three questions: (1) how is
the structure of each radio program organized and what specific topics are discussed (2) how areinterviewees referred to and described (the strategies of nomination and predication)3 (3) are there any
intertextual relationships with the target text and other media texts regarding the same, specific issue?
The present study uses primary and secondary historical sources as support materials, which canhighlight historical connotations behind the language of media discourse.
3. Data and background information
The present study sheds light on two radio interview programs, Gaitoo Rokuon (±«¯) andSyakai No Mado (K"). The data to be examined in this study are taken from the scripts of the twoparticular episodes featuring on runaway girls. The first one is “Gaitoo Rokuon: How to Prevent Juvenile
Delinquency Part 2, Girls Under the Girder” broadcast on 22 April 1947 (an unedited recording of 17
minutes and 21 seconds), in which an NHK interviewer interacts with girls in the sex trade in Yurakucho,
a district of Tokyo where GHQ was established (namely the Daiiti Seimei Building). The second one is“Syakai No Mado: The Way Runaway Girls Lead” broadcast on 24 April 1952 (an edited recording of
30 minutes), in which an NHK interviewer reports interviews with girls involved in human trafficking
in Kobe. The recordings of both episodes are available at the NHK Museum of Broadcasting in Tokyo,
and were transcribed during my archival research there in the winter of 20164.
GHQ took advantage of newspapers, magazines, radio, and movies to disperse its occupation
policies to the Japanese. Among these, the Civil Information and Education Section (CIE), a special
staff section of GHQ, regarded radio as the most important, since it could reach as many people aspossible even in the case of paper shortages (Kogo 1997: 16). The CIE with the collaboration of the
NHK produced a number of radio programs for democratization throughout the occupation. The degreeof the CIE’s censorship varied depending on the program, but those produced and directed solely by the
CIE were named information programs (l^), including the two to be analyzed in the present
study. Importantly, the word information had a strategic, political meaning, not meant to indicate general
information but rather that which the CIE regarded as essential in instilling democratic values (<3-11>).
One of the earliest and most successful of these was Gaitoo Rokuon, first airing in September 1945,
in which popular NHK announcer Shuichi Fujikura interviewed passersby on the streets to discusscurrent social problems (Mayo 1988: 60). The CIE’s radio division describes in its report that theobjective of the program was “to give the average Japanese citizen an opportunity to express his
opinion ... and demonstrate to the listening audience the fact that Japan at last has freedom of thought
and speech on the air” (GHQ A). Fujikura occasionally hid a small microphone under his coat to allow
people to speak naturally and without hesitation (Mayo 1988: 60-61). One day, he decided to record thevoices of prostitutes in Yurakucho, which was later broadcast as the episode Girls Under the Girder,
because he, although not ordered by the CIE, personally found it “necessary for the society as well as
for parents, although it could be improper to report their lives” (Fujikura 1990: 72-73, translated by theauthor). As a result, the episode had a great response from the audience (74).
The fact that Gaitoo Rokuon’s particular episode recorded in Yurakucho became a big hit isunderstandable, since prostitution was one of the biggest post-surrender problems in Japan. Soon after
the occupation took place, Recreation and Amusement Associations (RAAs) were established withgovernment funds to “‘cater to the amusement’ of the foreign troops” (Takemae 2002: 68). Due to therampant increase of venereal diseases, however, GHQ’s anti-prostitution law was promulgated as a
Cabinet Order on 15 January 1947 (71). The women who used to work in the RAAs went to streets toengage in unregulated prostitution, and soon came to be called panpan with stigma. The law did notameliorate the issue, but rather increased the number of private brothels. There were many cases, forexample, in which girls from poor villages, would be tricked by sex traffickers into prostitution in private−224−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

brothels that were tacitly approved by the police (Kanzaki 1952: 48-55). Similar cases occurred nearcities such as Atami and Yoshiwara, and Syakai No Mado featured one case in Kobe to warn girls ofcity crimes. In contrast to Gaitoo Rokuon, which broadcasts pure facts with little editing and narration,
Syakai No Mado, an information program with a particular aim to disseminate democracy starting inJanuary 1948, utilizes up-to-date editing technique to convey a certain aim of GHQ, which was alreadyset before the recording (Miyata 2014: 26).
As written above, there are certainly differences between Gaitoo Rokuon and Syakai No Mado,
namely: program purpose, available editing tools, the location and date of recording, the situation ofinterviewees (in the former, girls were in close contact with the American occupation soldiers in
Yurakucho, whereas in the latter girls were sold to local brothels), and so on. What will be examined in
the next chapter, however, are kinds of linguistic characteristics in media discourse that may havecontributed to form and reinforce prejudice toward runaway girls. In particular, it is important to focus
on the language use of an interviewer because he can be analyzed as both a media producer incollaboration with GHQ, but also as subversive toward the occupation’s democratic agenda. (Although
there is only an unedited version of Gaitoo Rokuon available, the present study treats it as an edited one
since Miyata (2014) writes that little editing and narration were added to the original recording.)
4. Analysis
4.1 Overall structure and topics discussed in the two radio programs
Following the CDS analytical approach of the DHA described in Chapter 2 Methodology, ananalysis in the present study begins with examining the overall structures of the two programs, whichallows us to see how each program proceeds differently even though they both deal with interview.
Figure 1 below is a brief sketch of the structures (IN stands for interviewer).
 Gaitoo Rokuon: IN’s exploration + self-reflection
intro.
QA
IN
IN/ 8 girls

end.
IN

 Syakai No Mado: news reportintro.  { [Q  A] bridge }  end.
IN
IN/ girl1, girl2, employer2, broker123, police, parents3, girl3
 IN
IN
Figure 1. Difference of the two radio programs’ overall structures
In Gaitoo Rokuon, an interviewer (Fujikura) first describes where he is at and starts walking aroundin the district with the sounds of passersby and trains as back ground music. He meets and asks questions
to one girl after another in a very casual manner; they even tease each other and laugh. After talking
with eight girls in total, he gives a final remark, or more precisely self-reflection, as an ending of the
program. Thus, Gaitoo Rokuon proceeds with the interviewer exploring Yurakucho, while he conducts
his interviews as he meets a new girl. In Syakai No Mado, on the other hand, the interviewer takes a roleof news caster at the beginning and describes how crowded it is at Kobe station with girls visiting there
for the first time. Then the program broadcasts seven interviews with the following figures: a humantrafficking broker, three victimized girls, the second girl’s employer in Ishikawa, the third girl’s parents
in Wakayama, and a town manager of the Kobe police. These interviews recorded in different locations
appear in the order that is listed in Figure 1; the interviews are not necessarily related to each other andthus are bridged by a comment of the interviewer, which is essential for producing a didactic story of
how the girls had first contact with the human trafficking broker, ended up in prostitution, made theirparents in the countryside worried about them, and regretted their past. In sum, interviews in Syakai No
Mado function as a set of direct quotes that accentuates a “particularly incontrovertible fact” (Bell 1991:207)5, corroborating the message of the interviewer or those in power. Syakai No Mado, taking
advantage of editing techniques, achieves the definite representation of the social problem bypositioning the seven different actors’ voices with the fixed orders of temporality and causality.

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The analysis of the overall structures shows that the availability of editing in Syakai No Mado
contributes to the authority in producing a favorable program for its own sake. Now it seems that Gaitoo
Rokuon does not have any sense of manipulation because the interviewer rather went with the flow inrecording girls’ voices. However, an analysis of topics an interviewer discusses with girls in eachprogram will reveal a similarity between the two programs; that is, both interviewers do not let girls
speak voluntarily yet have particular investigative goals in conducting interviews. More specifically, in
Gaitoo Rokuon, the interviewer repeatedly asks: (1) information about the Yurakucho community,
especially how it is organized hierarchically (2) girls’ family backgrounds, especially their class and ifthey have parents (3) the reason they engage in prostitution, and if they either seek pleasure or avoid
poverty. These questions are important to find a solution for “How to Prevent Juvenile Delinquency,”
the very object of this particular episode, just as posed as its title. As shown in Table 1 summarizing
information of girls, they talk about themselves freely and do not always answer questions, but theinterviewer never lets them elaborate on things not related to his investigative goals.
Table 1. Information of interviewee girls in Gaitoo Rokuon (in the order of appearance, all anonymous)
answers to the IN’s investigative goals

other information- drunk, looking for tobacco- has an “old friend,” whom Girl 2 also calls - lives in Kita-saitama“sister (neesan)” in Yurakucho- too many girls to count in Yurakucho
Girl 3- having been arrested 7 times- calls IN “family (sinrui)”Girl 4- having been arrested only for once
- started smoking at 17- has tried to encourage the girls to reformGirl 5 - other girls call her “sister (neesan)”themselves (katagi ni suru)- there are about 150 girls in Yurakucho- most of the girls are from the middle class or - has no parents or siblings due to the war
devastation
above, but ran away from home- many girls have only one parent- she has her “sister (neesan)” in Yurakucho
Girl 6- had a trouble with her customer last nightGirl 7(- agrees with Girl 8 by saying “yes (ee)”)Girl 8 - there is no name list of the girls working in - does her job even when it is raining
Yurakucho, but new girls need to greet Girl - worries the current situation in which innocent
girls (katagi no musume) are involved in
8 and pledge loyalty
prostitution- when parents came to look for the girls, Girl
8 encourages the girls to go back home
 Girl 5, 8 are leaders of the girls in Yurakucho, who don’t engage in prostitution but take mediation fees.
Girl 1
Girl 2

In Syakai No Mado, the interviewer asks three girls: (1) how they met the broker in Kobe (2) if
they have any tattoos (3) if they miss friends and home (4) if they think what happened to them can’t behelped (sikata ga nai). The sequence of these questions, focusing on girls’ feelings towards the end
rather than investigation or accusation of the broker’s behavior, discloses the authority’s intention tohighlight how girls become victims of human trafficking and suffer in an unfamiliar place away fromhome. The interviewer’s questions never lead to how girls can reform themselves, but stop at the point
where they reach the dead end, conveying a message to the listeners that the episode title “The Way
Runaway Girls Lead” is a pessimistic one. (Look at Table 2 on the next page for the summary ofinterviewee girls’ information.)
An analysis of the topics discussed by each interviewer makes it clear that, in spite of the programs’
relationship to the promulgation of free, democratic thought, the ability of the interviewer to frame
particular questions created an unequal power relation in which interviewees’ answers were, from theoutset, tailored toward a certain end, i.e., the democratization policy pursued by GHQ.

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Table 2. Information of interviewee girls in Syakai No Mado (in the order of appearance, all anonymous)Girl 1(age 24)

Girl 2(age unknown)
Girl 3(age 24)

answers to the IN’s investigative goals- met Yamane (the broker) at the Kobe
station and has lived with him for 2 years- has tattoos on her arm and face
- can’t go back home because she was on a
personal column- it couldn’t be helped (sikata ga nakatta)
because there was no person to rely on- met Yamane (the broker) at the Kobe
station, thought he was a shoeshine boy- misses home sometimes- it can’t be helped (sikata ga nai) to reflect
on the past- has a tattoo on her back- wants to go home but feels embarrassed
and badly for her parents

other information- no father or siblings, sold to Korea by her
mother and came back to Japan- has lived in Takamatsu and Okayama- has tried to let other girls go escape from
Yamane (the broker)- now lives with one of her friends and starts a
new life- works at a restaurant (brothel) in Ishikawa- had a trouble with her family- her father is 67, her younger sister is 20- works at a bar (brothel) in Kobe
- couldn’t stay home because she has many
siblings- wanted to wear pretty clothes

4.2 Analysis of Gaitoo Rokuon
The analysis in the previous section suggests that, although recorded differently with or without
the option of editing, both Gaitoo Rokuon and Syakai No Mado have a certain aim in interviewing
runaway girls, which may not agree with the findings of Miyata (2014) that in the former the interviewer
commits himself to report facts whereas the latter disseminates targeted information. By analyzing
discursive strategies of nomination and predication, the following two sections will reveal that thedifference between the two programs does not lie in the orientation of program production, but in aninterviewer’s attitude toward interviewees. In other words, the interviewer’s perspective changes
through interacting with girls in Gaitoo Rokuon, while in Syakai No Mado the interviewer maintains a
one-sided view on girls that precludes different ways of seeing them and their issue.
To begin, discursive strategies in Gaitoo Rokuon and its intertextual relationship with newspaper
will be analyzed. Change in the interviewer’s perspective is acutely reflected on his nomination of girls
at the beginning and the end of the program. Before starting interviews, the interviewer says he came to
Yurakucho to secretly record “the ecology of flowers blooming in the dark (yami ni saku hana no seitai)”and describes his interviewees-to-be as “girls in gaudy western clothes (kebakebasii yoohuku no musumetati).” After talking with them, however, he reflects that he had been asking “the life of angels of this
district (kono mati no tensitati no seikatu)” and says “girls-san of various colors in red, blue, and yellow(aka, ao, kiiro to irotoridori no musume san tati)” come and go to do “their own job (zibun nosyokugyoo).” With respect to the opening comment, the interviewer uses a metaphor to compare girls toflowers in the dark, which qualifies their nature being mysterious and sensual. The word ecology (seitai)
especially represents his biased view on them because it is usually used when describing the life ofanimals. In the ending, the phrase “the ecology of flowers” is replaced with the phrase “the life of angels,”
evoking a sense of sympathy and the girls’ innocence. What is notable is that the interviewer has cometo recognize the individuality of girls by saying “girls-san of various colors” instead of “girls in gaudy
clothes,” referring to them as one and the same group by attributing the negative trait “gaudy.” Also,san, a general form of address he does not use at the beginning, may show the interviewer’s respect tothem, supporting his concluding description of the girls’ activity not as pleasure but as “their own job.”
The interviewer’s contrastive comments at the beginning and the end of the program suggests thatmedia discourse does not always reproduce or reinforce social inequality and in fact has a potential topositively influence social interactions. Building on this point, the program finishes with theinterviewer’s appeal to the listeners: “We keenly felt ... that people in the society need to have love forthese kinds of women a bit more (Makoto ni watasitati ... yononaka no hitobito ga, moo sukosi kooitta
zyosei ni hukai, aizyoo wo motanakereba naranai ... to kanzita wake de arimasu).” He attempts to show
an objective stance to make his final claim by using the plural subject pronoun “we,” clarifying that it
is not only he but all location crew members who feel that way. In addition, it is his first time to use the−227−A Critical Discourse Study of Radio Interview Programs during the Occupation Period of Japan: Changes in How Runaway Girls Perceived the Realities of Social Inequality

word “women” in the program, showing that he refers to not only the interviewee girls in Yurakucho
but also women struggling in a similar situation to theirs in the post-war society. What is significant isthat he no longer calls the interviewees “flowers,” “angels,” or “girls,” but recognizes them as “women,”
who are supposed to be guaranteed rights and opportunities equal to men in a democratic society.
Despite the interviewer’s renewed perspective on girls in Yurakucho, an analysis of intertextuality,i.e., how media discourse is linked to other media texts, tells us that only the negative view posed in the
program was picked up and circulated by the medium of newspaper. Figure 2 below is a clipping of the
Asahi Shimbun, one of Japanese largest circulating daily newspapers, of one week before the episode
was aired; it says in a newspaper column that Gaitoo Rokuon recorded under the girder in Yurakucho is“entitled, ‘the ecology of girls of the dark’ (daisite, ‘yami no onna no seitai’).” The interviewer’s originalphrase in the program is “the ecology of flowers blooming in the dark (yami ni saku hana no seitai),”so the metaphor of “flowers blooming in the dark” is replaced with a new nomination of “girls of thedark,” which never appears in the program but was used as a common discriminative phrase at the time
to refer to prostitutes. It deserves attention that the newly-given episode title in the column functions asa catchy phrase like an ad, placed below the section of radio schedule and next to the weather forecast.

            Figure 2. The Asahi Shimbun, 14 April 1947
The column visualizes the fluid process of intertextuality in which a text is decontextualized andagain recontextualized by being inserted into a new context and acquires a new meaning (Wodak 2015:27-28). This example illustrates the impact of media texts chained to each other, which could digressfrom the core message of the original program and consequently reinforce an existing social stereotype.
Before the analysis of Gaitoo Rokuon ends, it is important to note that the way girls describe
themselves in the program may tell us significant information about their life and identity, which cannot
be observable by only analyzing the language use of those in power. Girl2 says she has an “old friend(mukasi no tomodati)” in Yurakucho and calls her “sister (neesan)” even though they are not related byblood. Girl5 describes how girls become “sisters” by “exchanging cups (sakazuki wo kawasite),”evoking the image of yakuza, and so calls themselves “delinquent girls (huryoo shoozyo).” Also, when
the interviewer says to Girl5, one of the leaders, that there are many “girls who respect you (tateru
onnnanoko),” she rephrases it as “girls who like me (sitatte kureru onnanoko).” Her use of the auxiliaryverb “kureru,” instead of moraeru, is telling because it discloses her view that the event of girls liking
Girl5 is not what she asks of but is voluntarily initiated by the girls (Kuno 1987: 252). In sum, the waythat the girls refer to themselves reveals their awareness of what they do is bad or delinquent, and also
their strong sense of belongingness to the community they had built in Yurakucho that is not strictly
hierarchical but rather intimate and kin-like, which the interviewer might have missed to capture.
4.3 Analysis of Syakai No Mado
Just as used in the episode title “The Way Runaway Girls Lead (iedemusume no tadoru miti),” theword “runaway girls” is the most frequent nomination to refer to girls, which appears eight times in total
in the non-interview part of the program. As an introduction, the interviewer first describes how typical
it is for “runaway girls” to come to cities like Kobe and get in trouble, and then starts discussing detailsof the arrest of a broker of human trafficking. Before introducing a sequence of interviews, the−228−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

interviewer says there are about thirty “victimized girls by Kazuo Yamane (Yamane Kazuo no higai wouketa musume).” The nomination “victimized girls” is used again at the very end of the program:
I will tell you what all the police and the victimized girls were saying: for girls thinking of coming
to cities with no plans, cities are scary places. I understand you have different reasons, but think
it over again (Omawarisan mo, higai wo uketa musumetati mo, daremo ga hanasiteita kotoba wo
otutaesimasyo. Atemonaku asita nidemo tokai e deteikoo to omotteirassyaru tihoo no musumesan,
tokai wa kowai tokorodesu. Iroiro zizyo mo arudesyooga, mooitido kangae naosite kudasai).

In this last message, Yamane’s name is not reminded, and the girls are modified only as “victimized.”
This discursive characterization of girls without referring to an agent of the event, Yamane the broker,
may reflect the program’s purpose of warning against girls, but not of accusing the criminal.
In order to convince the targeted listeners of local girls that “cities are scary places,” it is important
to emphasize how all girls without exception would end up “victimized.” When moving on to the firstinterview, the interviewer introduces Girl1 by saying she is “also an unfortunate runaway girl (kore mohukoo na iede musume).” Although her family background is later mentioned briefly, by this nomination,
her personality is condensed into one aspect of her past when she ran away from home, not allowing thelisteners to shift their attention to how she leads her own life after becoming free from Yamane. In
addition, the use of the particle “mo” suggests that the interviewer sees individual girls as a group of“unfortunate” ones, whose identity attributes to nothing but their decision to leave home.
After asking how and why girls came to Kobe, the interviewer changes his subject and asks their
feelings, which is not the case in Gaitoo Rokuon. Introducing a rather irrelevant topic of how they thinkof their family, he uses the word yappari, which “expresses a high degree of speaker confidence in[his/her] expectation ...[and indicates] manipulative purposes to show (as if) there were a common
knowledge” (Maynard 1993: 137-138). For instance, he asks Girl1, “Don’t you yappari miss yourmother (Yappari okaasan ga koisiku nai)?,” but she only replies “right (haa)” and does not speak further.
Then he continues, “Do you think you were weak too [for being caught by Yamane] (Anata zisin moyowakatta to omou)? Can’t it be helped (Sikata ga nai to omou)?” Here he holds Girl1 responsible forher suffering and negatively describes her past situation as “sikata ga nai,” the phrase showing a
speaker’s resignation by identifying limits of personal control (Long 1999: 23). Using the predication
strategy of qualifying girls’ life being at a deadlock, the interviewer attempts to form a solid image that
“The Way Runaway Girls Lead” is one-way, even if they miss their mother and wish to turn back.
Despite the interviewer’s objective, it is notable that girls never utter the word “mother” and use“sikata ga nai” in a different way. Girl3, when asked if it could not be helped that she left home, replies,“Now I have given up, because it cannot be helped thinking of such a thing (Moo sonnakoto omottemo
sikata nai kara nee, ima wa moo akiramete masukedone).” “Sikata nai” in her answer significantly tells
us that she has “a desire for control rather than a sense of resignation” (Long 1999: 11) by accepting herlife. Her positive look on the present, however, is not elaborated by the interviewer, and he in returnasks if she wants to go home if her parents would forgive what she has done. Then she starts sobbing,and he says, “You are such a lonely person (Anata wa hontoo ni samisii hito nandesune),” letting her
burst into tears right before his ending comment or warning is inserted. By cumulating negativeevaluative predicates such as “unfortunate,” “weak,” and “lonely,” which may go against how the girls
perceive themselves, the interviewer throughout the program reinforces a particular pitiful view on themand convinces the listeners not to visit cities to follow the typical corrupted way and end up crying.
5. Concluding Remarks
To conclude, the analysis so far has revealed the discursive strategies of nomination and predication
employed in media discourse of radio during the US occupation of Japan that may contribute to produce,
reproduce, and confirm prejudice against runaway girls as social deviants. The present study based on
the theoretical framework of CDS with the DHA approach enables us to see how “freedom of thought
and speech on the air” (GHQ A) vigorously promoted by the GHQ was not available for the sociallyoppressed interviewees, indicating that radio interview programs functioned as a mere showcase of
democracy on the surface. For further research, it will be important to analyze more voices of the public−229−

A Critical Discourse Study of Radio Interview Programs during the Occupation Period of Japan: Changes in How Runaway Girls Perceived the Realities of Social Inequality

in radio interview programs and also collect information on the listeners’ reactions to those programs inorder to examine the effects of media discourse in inculcating the occupation policies to the Japanese.
The present study also points out the potential and significance of studying media discourse fromthe viewpoint of the oppressed, which may keenly identify the inequality in and the friction of thedemocracy brought to the post-war Japanese society. Focusing on the contradiction between how thosein power referred to the public and how the public referred to themselves may open up a way tounderstand the complexity and, above all, curative power of media discourse which could subvert social
inequalities, including the interviewer’s renewed perspective in Gaitoo Rokuon. It is for further researchto take full advantage of CDS, a fluid interdisciplinary paradigm, to establish a novel analytic framework
to attentively listen to the voices of the public and shed light on a new aspect of the occupation period.
Notes
1. Prominent CDS researcher Teun van Dijk suggests to use the term CDS rather than Critical Discourse Analysis(CDA) because CDS is discourse analysis for any critical scholars, which should be understood as not method
but sociopolitical movement. See Hart and Cap (2014) for details and various CDS frameworks.
2. CDS on Japanese discourse have been done especially since the 2011 Tohoku earthquake, represented by thebook edited by Najima and Kanda (2015) on public media discourse on the nuclear disaster. Ota (2017), myprevious work, is an exception in that it focuses on historical, propagandic media discourse in Occupied Japan.
I also would like to add that I by no means take any political stance in writing this paper.
3. Table 2.1 in Reisigl and Wodak (2015:33) lists analytic devices sorted by five discursive strategies: nomination,
predication, argumentation, perspectivization, and intensification or mitigation. The present study does notcover all the strategies yet employs the first two.
4. This research was possible with the NHK archives academic use trial, which gave me access to stored resourcesin Tokyo. The scripts are partly transcribed in Miyata (2014: 31-32, 55-56). Also, see Primary Sources section.
5. Sociolinguist Allan Bell argues that a list of facts become news or a ‘good story’ by embedding different kindsof talks, which can be similar to a personal narrative. For details, see Bell (1991).
Primary Sources
GHQ A. GHQ/SCAP CIE Section. 1946/02. Broadcasting. CIE(C) 05324.
{vu 1947 i 4 z 14 v{R(~I).
±«¯ ­fi"FT' ¬ "H -C8E"`1947 i 4 z 22 vr§
K" eQ`"&¨1952 i 4 z 24 vr§
The first program is partly available at:NHK YL©$" ±«¯
http://cgi2.nhk.or.jp/archives/tv60bin/detail/index.cgi?das_id=D0009060073_00000 (last checked 28 Feb. 2018)
Referencesg. 1952. `'_& g@:C7 ~I: uQ.
Zj(£B¢). 1997. GHQ v}V°X 18 >1,r§ ~I:v}]y3A4D.
YhB®a(). 2015. 3.11 WGsj"OP<6*)"£'& ~I: #yp.
NMD. 1947.“%"x”'q &(;+/'m¥!r§)v}r§QUK() r§t
TX $&w[r§X 199072-74~I: v}r§QUK.
d. 2014.0?C2 v}"² oj¦J 5@9B8.=<A4?C"S|¡b– 2 \ Gc k"Hª%( "«¯n r§¤ 64(12)22-69.
Bell, A. 1991. The Language of News Media. Oxford: Blackwell.
Hart, C. and Cap, P. (eds.). 2014. Contemporary Critical Discourse Studies. London; New York: Bloomsbury.
Kuno, S. 1987. Functional Syntax: Anaphora, Discourse and Empathy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Long, S. O. 1999. “Shikata ga nai: Resignation, control, and self-identity.” In Long, S. O. (ed.) Lives in Motion:
Composing Circles of Self and Community in Japan, 11-25. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University.
Maynard, S. K. 1993. Discourse Modality: Subjectivity, Emotion and Voice in the Japanese Language. Amsterdam
and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Mayo, M. J. 1988. “The war of words continues: American radio guidance in occupied Japan.” In Burkman, W.
T. (ed.) The Occupation of Japan: Arts and Culture, 45-83. Norfolk, VA: MacArthur Memorial.
Ota, N. 2017. “A Critical Discourse Analysis on radio programs during the occupation period of Japan: The link
between their discourse structures and GHQ's occupational ideologies.”Proceedings of the 19th Conferenceof the Pragmatics Society of Japan, 187-194.
Reisigl, M. and Wodak, R. 20153. “The Discourse-Historical Approach.” In Wodak, R. & Meyer, M. Methods ofCritical Discourse Studies, 23-61. London: Sage.
Takemae, E. 2002. Inside GHQ: The Allied Occupation of Japan and Its Legacy. New York: Continuum.
Wodak, R. 2001. “The Discourse-Historical Approach.” In Wodak, R., and Meyer, M. Methods of Critical
Discourse Analysis, 63-94. London: Sage.

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On the semantics and pragmatics of utterance final particle ba in Mandarin
Chiawei Wang
The University of Edinburgh
This paper investigates the core property of utterance final particle ba and what leads speakers
to choose between the ba variants, the high b and low bä1. In my findings, the particle ba signals
a strong evidential meaning towards the proposition. Namely, it is less possible for the speaker
to explicate an existing state or a possible outcome for having limited knowledge. Due to its
property, the particle ba can be redundant when it collocates with interrogatives andexclamatories. Furthermore, both the ba variants occur complementarily in declaratives andimperatives. The distribution of the particle is restricted to semantics, but pragmatics brings
about communicative functions.
1 Introduction
As in a great many other languages in the world, the frequently used utterance final particles(hereafter UFPs) in Mandarin such as a, ba, ma, ne, o, and la are always uninflected and arefunctional words. Rather than an extension of another category, they can be analysed ashaving a separate grammatical category in their own right and take the entire clause within
their scope (Law, 1990; Tang, 1998). Furthermore, they do not contribute to the truth valueof the proposition expressed by a sentence, but are a device for pointing out the stance of a
speaker (Taylor, 2015, pp. 153–154). In other words, UFPs possess expressive rather thandescriptive meaning. They serve to indicate speakers’ attitude towards the proposition
expressed by the rest of the clause and to associate the proposition with the interlocutors’common or mutual knowledge.
The attitudinal functions of UFPs, an essential discourse feature of a number of East andSoutheast Asian languages, are inseparable from the expression of subjective andinter-subjective attitudes on the part of the speaker (Chappell & Peyraube, 2015). Mandarin
speakers tend to make use of final particles so as to either exhibit their own stance or markattention to the hearer’s viewpoint, which facilitates interaction and collaboration inconversation (Chappell & Peyraube, 2015; Wu, 2004). Without final particles, sentences may
In order to separate the pitch variants of UFPs in the study, I apply the diacritical markparticle for high tone and ¨ (umlaut) for low tone.

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remain complete and grammatical (Fischer, 2006; Fraser, 1988; Hansen, 1998; Schiffrin,
1987). Omitting these particles, however, has an impact on the pragmatic functions andinteractional meaning of the utterance (Fraser, 1999; Hansen, 1997; Zeevat, 2006).
Since the 1960s, the research in UFPs has centred on coding one or more meanings for eachparticle. Although there are slight differences between them, the earlier studies focus onvarious speech acts, taking account of the utterances’ performative function in language andcommunication such as requesting, commanding, promising, greeting, inviting, warning, andso on (Alleton, 1981; Chao, 1968; Chappell, 1991; Lu, 1980; Shie, 1991). It is interesting tonote that some of the UFPs are claimed to represent up to ten different functions. On such ananalytic approach, the interpretation of the final particles has become obscured and quite
confusing due to the fact that unlimited speech acts can be performed while in different
contexts. Distinguishing the meanings of certain UFPs would also be challenging since they
result in similar illocutionary acts when used under similar circumstances.
On the other hand, it is reported by the later studies that each UFP boasts a corecharacteristic to help interlocutors interpret the pragmatic meaning of the utterance in termsof the speaker’s intention (Chu, 2009; Li, 2006; Lin, 2014; Lu, 2005; Wu, 2004). The
conception of forming a core trait for each particle is sound indeed. However, a number ofinconsistencies in the studies of Mandarin UFPs still remain unsolved. For instance, mostanalyses have argued that the particle ba indicates speaker uncertainty (e.g., Chu, 2009; Li
2006; Lu, 2005). These studies certainly fail to tell us why the particle can sometimes be used
to express speaker certainty. Namely, why can speakers attach the particle to the utterance toexpress they are sure of the facts they present. The certainty reading in this situation is then
opposite in meaning to uncertainty. It turns out the core meaning uncertainty does not cover
the particle’s whole usage. Is it due to a wrong characterisation of the particle while coding ameaning for it, or is there something implicit beyond its core?
Seeing that there are pending issues in the existing studies, a detailed account of UFPs thus
calls for a further framework. This thesis focuses on investigating the communicative
functions of the particle ba in Mandarin. In particular, I attempt to explicate the reasoning
process that the listener undertakes in order to find out how the hearer interprets the
speaker’s intention towards the proposition. I also examine how the utterance with anattached UFP and its preceding discourse segment are logically connected to one another.

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Subsequent to describing the discourse relations, I discuss the conditions in which the speakerchooses a certain pitch variant of the particle for a specific purpose. Last, I investigate thecore meaning for each particle that represents the speaker’s attitude towards the proposition.
2 Previous studies
The particle ba in Mandarin has been an active research topic for decades. It is often
considered as a modal particle expressing mood or attitude. The research is usually describedin two different ways. On the one hand, the majority of recent studies have shown that theparticle serves to mark the speaker’s uncertain attitude towards the proposition (e.g., Chu,
2009; Chu & Li, 2004; He et al., 2006; Lu, 2005; Li, 2006). The speaker can attach theparticle to indicate their suspicion about the facts or beliefs that are unclear or unknown tothem. On the other hand, the particle is utilised to soften the speaker’s stance or to solicit thehearer’s agreement (e.g., Chao, 1968; Li & Thompson, 1981).
The first account of the particle ba in modern Mandarin was Chao (1968), who lists isolated
sentences and suggests three functions of it as follows (p. 807–808):(1) Advisative particle(2) Suppositions as alternatives: a sense of ‘if’(3) A fusion of bu and a: to appear in polar questions or in doubtful posed statements
Chao points out the semantic meaning of the particle can be regarded as equivalent to aquestion tag such as Don’t you think so? Wouldn’t you agree? Tell me, what do you want?
and so on. Lu (1980) also treats the particle as a marker of serving various functions.
Li & Thompson (1981, p. 307–308) further claim this is the main reason that the particle ba
often occurs in first person plural commands. According to their explanation, the particle in(4) is used to signal the speaker’s desire to solicit the approval or agreement of the hearer withrespect to the request. The ‘let us’ meaning then comes naturally.
(4) Wmen zu ba.

(Li & Thompson, 1981, p. 307)

‘Let’s go ba.’−233−

On the semantics and pragmatics of utterance final particle ba in Mandarin

However, is their so-called soliciting agreement the core property of the particle or is thisfunction derived from the imperative sentence per se? When a command or request forms, afirst, second or third-person subject is made to perform an action. The interpretation of (4) is
the speaker invites the hearer to go somewhere together. It is obvious that the function of
involving the hearer to do something derives from the imperative itself.
As mentioned earlier, Li and Thompson (1981) point out a basic function named ‘soliciting
agreement,’ that is, to ‘solicit the approval or agreement of the hearer.’ They also introduce
some derived functions from the particle, but offer little explanation. Consider:(5) T bù huì zuò zhèyàng de shì ba.

(Li & Thompson, 1981, p. 309)

‘He wouldn’t do such things ba.’
In (5), two people are discussing whether or not Zhangsan has done something serious that heshould not have done. Regardless of the hearer’s viewpoint, the speaker assumes Zhangsan
would not have done such a thing for he was such an honourable gentleman. Soon after
attaching the particle, the speaker reveals his attitude to indicate that the proposition is likely
to be so. Further, an extended function starts to solicit information from the hearer, which
enriches the interaction of both conversation participants. Specifically, the speaker uses theparticle to involve the hearer to participate in issuing a judgement for the proposition.
Although the extended function, soliciting agreement, does not apply to every context theparticle attaches to, this hypothesis has inspired my research a great deal.
He et al (2006) and Chu (2009) argue that ‘uncertainty’ is the core characteristic for theparticle ba. However, some of their examples fall short of determining whether or not theparticle is appropriate for expressing uncertainty. In many cases, how uncertainty is derived
from the discourse remains mysterious. Similar to the inconsistency of the function ‘soliciting
agreement,’ ‘uncertainty’ does not cover all the uses of the particle. Consider (6):(6) Wmen zu bä.
‘Let’s go bä.’In (6), a man who is very hungry has been waiting for his girlfriend for ages to eat out. Afterhe attempts many times to hurry her, she ignores him and turns back to her urgent project.

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The man then forms an imperative to command or request his girlfriend to leave the house atonce. Following the utterance, the particle is used to mark the speaker’s attitude towards the
proposition. The boyfriend believes and wants their immediate going to dinner to be fulfilled.
Furthermore, the hearer is required to participate in the conversation. The hearer is expected
to agree with the deal. Instead of leaving a free choice to the hearer, the speaker prefers thehearer to say yes. In this case, the sense of uncertainty appears not to exist in the utterance.
As mentioned in section 2.1, these claimed meanings, either one or more, might vary whencontext is taken into consideration.
Up to the present, most uses of the particle ba lack a constant and predictable feature. Pitch
variants of the particle have long been neglected. Previous researchers have been ignorant of
the discrepancy between the high and low variants of ba: level/neutral tone and mid-falling
tone respectively. The variants should be treated differently since they can be found in similar
circumstances with a subtle meaning change. A good example comes from its occurrence in arequest. Unlike the high particle, the force of commands or requests can become greater after
the low particle is attached. If this is the case, the definition of lacking certainty is required tobe modified. An issue of pitch distribution reveals from Chang’s (2012) explanation.
(7) Customer: W juédé zhè jiàn qúnzi duì w bù shìhé.

(Chang, 2012, p. 154)

Sales clerk: W bìng bù tóngyì, *n ynggi chun chun kàn ba.
Customer: I don’t think this skirt suits me.
Sales clerk: I disagree. *I think you should try it on ba.
Chang proposes there are three types of the particle ba. Speakers may apply the ‘interrogative
ba’ with its collocation implicative adverbs such as dàgài [probably], y nggi [maybe], knéng[possibly], yx [perhaps], and so on, to express interrogativity. Misuses will be made if
implicative adverbs are collocated with ‘imperative ba’ and ‘declarative ba.’ In (7), after taking
pitch heights into consideration, I notice while the response with a high pitch b isinappropriate, a low pitch bä functions appropriately in this case. More specifically, the low
bä is used by the sales clerk to express a different viewpoint from the customer, but the highone fails. Due to the remaining issues motioned above, our interest has been raised to explore
the phenomenon of the particle thoroughly.

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On the semantics and pragmatics of utterance final particle ba in Mandarin

3 An analysis of particle ba
This section describes a number of conditions in which the particle ba occurs. In the initialstage of analysis, I use the descriptions of discourse relations stated by Asher & Lascarides(2003) and Mann & Thompson (1988), attempting to analyse the effect of the particles on
coherence relations. An outline of the initial analysis of the UFP ba is given below.
3.1 B in declaratives
In (8), Daiyu is warning her husband, Boayu, to wear a jacket before he goes out. However,her husband ignores her suggestion and has probably got a cold before coming home. Afterhearing her husband has got a headache, Daiyu then attaches a high particle b to theutterance. To put it into detail, after the particle is employed, a discourse relation is marked,
Explanation( , ), where(you’ve caught a cold b) explains(my head aches). and this isprovable from (you should wear a jacket before going out for it is cold outside) and (Baoyu
then goes out without wearing a jacket). Therefore, the interpretation follows. Given her
warning and his uncooperative behaviour, Daiyu believes that Baoyu’s headache results fromthe two previous solid factors. That is, his refusing to wear a jacket in such bad weather
causes the bad cold, and then the cold causes the headache.
(8) Daiyu: Chun gè wàitào zài chmén, wàimiàn yudin lng.
Baoyu: W juédé yudin rè.
[Boyù méi chun wàitào ch le mén. Y xioshí hòu, t huí ji hòu juédé tóuténg.]Baoyu: Tóu hn tòng.
Daiyu: N gnmào le b.
Daiyu: You should wear a jacket before going out for it is cold outside.
Baoyu: I think it’s a bit hot.’[Baoyu then goes out without wearing a jacket. An hour later when he comes home,
he is feeling not well.]Baoyu: My head aches.
Daiyu: You’ve caught a cold b.
3.2 Bä in declaratives
When the low particle bä is used as in (9),is connected tobecause you’ve caught a cold bä) is an opinion of−236−with Commentary, where(it’s(our son is mischievous today that he does

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not want to kiss me at all). The speaker then implies that his or her judgement is based on theinferential (their son might be taught to get away from sick people), and eventually attempts
to solicit the hearer’s agreement. In other words, Daiyu applies the particle to indicate apotential factor of their son’s uncooperativeness if her memory serves her right. Therefore,
the interpretation of the example can be: Baoyu tells his wife that their son is not willing tokiss him. In response to the complaint, Daiyu’s comment is based on her assumptions that
their son might be taught to get away from sick people. On top of the implication, Daiyu
solicits Baoyu’s agreement on her response.
(9) Baoyu: Érzi jntin hn pànnì du bù qn w.
Daiyu: Knéng shì n gnmào le bä.
Baoyu: Our son is mischievous today that he does not want to kiss me at all.
Daiyu: It might be you’ve caught a cold bä.
3.3 B in imperatives
The high particle b can be used in a similar situation to other particles in imperatives, but
their focuses are different. In the example (10), Result( , ) is marked, whereleave home quickly b) is a result of(you should(it will soon be midday). The speaker reminds thehearer of the inferential (Daiyu has planned to take her daughter to the morning market).
The speaker then suggests the hearer to do . The interpretation for this example can be:
after noticing it is about to be noon, Baoyu reminds his wife and daughter of doing thegrocery shopping in the morning market. He suggests that they should leave as soon as
possible to achieve their plan.
(10)[Daiyu has planned to take her daughter to the morning market to do some grocery
shopping. It will soon be midday, but they are still watching films at home. Her
husband, Baoyu, notices this situation.]
Baoyu: Kuài zhngw shíèr din le. Nmen kuài qù b.
‘It will soon be midday. You should leave right away b.’
3.4 Bä in imperatives
The last example of the particles occurring in imperative sentences is the use of the low
particle bä. In (11),connects towith the relation Contrast, where−237−(you should leaveOn the semantics and pragmatics of utterance final particle ba in Mandarin

home quickly) is expected to happen than

(Daiyu and her daughter are still watching films

at home). The speaker reminds the hearer of the inferential (it’s time you left). The speakerthen requests the hearer to do . Therefore, the interpretation of the speaker’s intentions is:after noticing there is no much time left, Baoyu suggests his wife and daughter to leave thehouse for the morning market by saying ‘it’s time you left.’ Daiyu agrees to do it in a shortperiod of time. However, an hour later, Daiyu and her daughter have not left home yet, but
are still watching the film. Once again, Baoyu reminds them of their plan and requests themto do it. It is interesting to note that only the low particle ä does not occur in imperatives. I
will come back to this later.
(11)[Daiyu has planned to take her daughter to the morning market to do some grocery
shopping. It will soon be midday, but they are still watching films at home. Her
husband, Baoyu, notices this situation and warns them to leave for a couple of times.]
Baoyu: Shíjin dào le, gi chmén le.
Daiyu: Kàn wán zhège jiù qù, jùqíng zhèng jngci.
[Y xioshí hòu, dài yù hàn n'ér hái zài jìxù kàn yngjí.]
Baoyu: Kuài zhngw shíèr din le. Nmen kuài qù bä.
Baoyu: It’s time you left.
Daiyu: We would leave after watching this. The scene is quite exciting now.
[An hour later, Daiyu and her daughter are still watching the film.]
Baoyu: It will soon be midday. You should leave right away bä.
4 Conclusion
I reviewed the previous studies of UFP ba of different methods. Under the existing analysis,
various meanings derived from the particle come naturally. It eventually ends up a lengthy
and confusing list. Chao (1968) and Lu (1980) list a number of functions for the particle. Li &Thompson (1981) suggest the particle serves to solicit agreement from the hearer, which I
have noticed that this function might not occur in some cases. For that reason, I propose toinvestigate the conditions in which the soliciting agreement function appears.
He et al (2006) and Chu (2009) argue that the core characteristic for the particle isuncertainty. And Chang (2012) points out the particle functions to express declarativity,
imperativity, and interrogativity. As mentioned previously, these studies fail to provide a−238−第20回大会発表論文集

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better explanation of the complete uses of the particle since they did not take sufficient
context into consideration. Furthermore, the pitch issue of the particle ba has long been
neglected as well. The particle is generally analysed as a single entity, without attention being
paid to its pitch variants. Therefore, I would carefully examine the functions of different pitch
variants of the particle and the relations between utterances and the context.
I further examined how the hearer makes pragmatic inferences to recover the intended
meaning from the speaker. For instance, there is always a discourse referent that can beinferred by the hearer. The inferential meaning can be retrieved by the hearer in order tointerpret the speaker’s intention. I also discussed a number of conditions where the particles aand ba occur and where the speaker chooses a certain pitch variant of the particle for use.
More specifically, certain discourse relations are marked to show how the utterance with a
specific pitch variant UFP and its preceding discourse segment are logically connected to one
another. For instance, a discourse relation, Explanation( , ), is marked between these twosentences ‘You’ve caught a cold b. My head aches,’ whereexplains(you’ve caught a cold b)(my head aches). However, this raises an interesting question about how bad or

inappropriate could Explanation still be singled by the particle for two irrelevant statements?
For the further study, I will also develop theoretical operators for the particles. These informal
descriptions above mentioned will be properly embedded within the theory of discourse
relations, speech acts, and pragmatic inferences.
5 References
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Chinese Linguistics, 9(1), 91–115.
Asher, N., & Lascarides, A. (2003). Logics of conversation. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Chang, L. (2012). Applying collocation analysis on the interpretation and pedagogical grammar of the
Mandarin polysemic final particles ba and ne. (Doctoral), National Taiwan Normal
University,
Chao, Y. (1968). A grammar of spoken Chinese. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Chappell, H. (1991). Strategies for the assertion of obviousness and disagreement inmandarin: A semantic study of the modal particle me. Australian Journal of Linguistics,
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Chappell, H., & Peyraube, A. (2014). Modality and mood in Sinitic. In J. Nuyts & J. v. d.
Auwera (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of modality and mood. Oxford: Oxford University
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modality particles. Language and Linguistics Compass, 3(1), 282–299. doi:10.1111/j.1749818X.2008.00105.x
Chu, C. C.-H., & Li, B. (2004). Lun xiandai hanyu jumo qingtai xuci ji qi ying yi: Yi ba deyupian gongneng wei li [Translating modern Chinese utterance-final particles into
English: A case study of the discourse function of ba]. Foreign Language Research, 2004(6),1–10. doi:10.3969/j.issn.1000-0100.2004.06.001
Fischer, K. (2006). Towards an understanding of the spectrum of approaches to discourse
particles: Introduction to the volume. In K. Fischer (Ed.), Approaches to discourse particles.
Amsterdam: Elsevier.
Fraser, B. (1988). Types of English discourse markers. Acta Linguistica Hungarica, 38(1/4), 19–33.
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Hansen, M.-B. M. (1997). Alors and donc in spoken French: A reanalysis. Journal of Pragmatics,
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Lu, W.-Y. (2005). Sentence-final particles as attitude markers in Mandarin Chinese. (Doctoral),University of Illinois at Urbaba-Champaign, Illinois.
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Poster Sessions

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䝻䝞ᩥゎ㔘䛻䛚䛡䜛ㄒ⏝ㄽ䛾ᙳ㡪䠖㻌 ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛸ㄒ⏝ㄽ䛾ቃ⏺䜢᥈䜛ኳᮏ㈗அ䠄៞᠕⩏ሿ኱Ꮫ䠅䚸㧗㇂㑈ᖹ䠄៞᠕⩏ሿ኱ᏛȀ᪥ᮏᏛ⾡᣺⯆఍䠅

䚾Abstract䚿
In this paper, we investigate the relation between dynamic semantics and pragmatics through analyzing donkey
sentences. Donkey sentences generally have two readings; universal and existential, and which reading is preferreddepends on various contextual factors as well as semantic ones. Further, recent studies claim donkey sentences
also have mix reading, which has both universal and existential interpretation in just one sentence. In any case,dynamic semantics seems to get in trouble with deriving a preferred interpretation. So, we suggest mainly two
points. First, indefinite expressions should take existential reading by default. Second, donkey sentences need apragmatic principle to complement dynamic semantics for introducing universal and mix readings.
䛆䜻䞊䝽䞊䝗䛇㻌 ᙧᘧព࿡ㄽ䚸ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䚸↷ᛂ䚸㔞໬Ꮚ䚸䝻䝞ᩥ1.

(2)䛷䛿䚸䛂䝎䜲䝮◳㈌䜢ᣢ䛳䛶䛔䜛䛩䜉䛶䛾ே䛿䚸䛭䝻䝞ᩥ䜢䜑䛠䜛ၥ㢟䠖⫼ᬒ䛸㏆ᖺ䛾ഴྥᮏ✏䛾┠ⓗ䛿䚸୍⯡䛻䝻䝞ᩥ䛸࿧䜀䜜䜛䝕䞊䝍䜢䛾◳㈌䛾䠄䛩䜉䛶䛷䛿䛺䛟䠅ఱᯛ䛛䜢䝯䞊䝍䞊䛻ධ䜜ศᯒ䛩䜛䛣䛸䛷䚸ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛸ㄒ⏝ㄽ䛾㛵ಀ䜢෌⪃䜛䛃䛸䛔䛖(2a)䛾ゎ㔘䛜┤ឤⓗ䛻ᑟ䛛䜜䜛䚹䛧䛯䛜䛳䛩䜛䛣䛸䛷䛒䜛䚹䝻䝞ᩥ䛸䛿䚸(1)䛻௦⾲䛥䜜䜛䜘䛖䛺୙䛶䚸䝻䝞ᩥ䛻䛿(1)䛾䜘䛖䛺඲⛠ㄞ䜏䠄ᙉ䛔ㄞ䜏䠅䛸Ꮡᐃ⾲⌧䛸௦ྡモ䛸䛾↷ᛂ⌧㇟䛸䛧䛶䜘䛟▱䜙䜜䜛䜒䛾ᅾㄞ䜏䠄ᙅ䛔ㄞ䜏䠅䛾ᑡ䛺䛟䛸䜒஧䛴䛾ゎ㔘䛜Ꮡᅾ䛷䛒䜚䚸୺䛻ᙧᘧព࿡ㄽ䛻䛚䛔䛶┒䜣䛻㆟ㄽ䛥䜜䛶䛩䜛䛣䛸䛻䛺䜛䚹ఏ⤫ⓗ䛺ᙧᘧព࿡ㄽ䛻䛚䛔䛶䛿䚸䛝䛯䚹୙ᐃෙモ䛿Ꮡᅾ㔞໬Ꮚ䜢ᑟධ䛧䚸䜎䛯௦ྡモ䛿ኚ㡯䛸䛧䛶ゎ㔘䛥䜜䜛䚹䛧䛛䛧䚸୙ᐃྡモྃ䛜䛭䛾⤫ㄒ(1). Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it.

ㄽⓗ䝇䝁䞊䝥䜢㉸䛘䛶௦ྡモ䛾ኚ㡯䜢᮰⦡ฟ᮶䛪䚸(1a). ‫ݔ׊‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሾ݂ܽ݉݁‫ݎ‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ሻ ‫ݕ݁݇݊݋݀ ר‬ሺ‫ݕ‬ሻ ‫݊ݓ݋ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሻ ՜↷ᛂ㛵ಀ䜢ㄝ᫂䛷䛝䛺䛔䛣䛸䛜ၥ㢟䛷䛒䛳䛯䚹䛣䛾ܾ݁ܽ‫ݐ‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሻሿ

Ⅼ䜢ゎỴ䛩䜛䛯䜑䛻䚸኱ู䛧䛶௨ୗ䛾஧䛴䛾䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛜ྲྀ䜙䜜䛶䛔䜛䚹(1)䛷䛿䚸䛂䝻䝞䜢㣫䛳䛶䛔䜛䛩䜉䛶䛾㎰ᐙ䛜䚸㣫䛳䛶䜂䛸䛴䜑䛾䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛿䚸ㄯヰ⾲♧⌮ㄽ䜔ືⓗ㏙

䛔䜛䝻䝞䛩䜉䛶䜢྇䛟䛃 䛸䛔䛖(1a)䛾ゎ㔘䛜┤ឤⓗㄒㄽ⌮䛺䛹䛻௦⾲䛥䜜䜛ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛾ᯟ⤌䜏䛷䛒䛷䛒䜛䛸ᛮ䜟䜜䜛䚹䛴䜎䜚㛵ಀ⠇ෆ䛻ᇙ䜑㎸䜎䜜䛯䜛䚹ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛿䚸ᩥ䛾ព࿡䜢䛭䛾ᩥ䛾┿⌮᮲௳୙ᐃ⾲⌧䛜䚸Ꮡᅾゎ㔘䛷䛿䛺䛟඲⛠ゎ㔘䛥䜜䜛䚹䛧䛷䛿䛺䛟᝟ሗ䛾᭦᪂䛸䛔䛖ほⅬ䛛䜙ᤊ䛘䜛䚹䛴䜎䜚䚸

䛛䛧(2)䛿䚸(1)䛸ྠ䛨ᵓ㐀䜢ᣢ䛱䛺䛜䜙୙ᐃ⾲⌧䜢Ꮡ䛣䜜䜎䛷䛾ᩥ⬦᝟ሗ䜢᪂䛯䛺Ⓨヰ䛜䛹䛾䜘䛖䛻ኚ໬ᅾゎ㔘䛷ㄞ䜐䛣䛸䜢せồ䛩䜛䚹䛥䛫䛶䛔䛟䛾䛛䛜ၥ㢟䛸䛺䜛䚹(1)䛻䛛䜣䛧䛶䚸䛯䛸䛘䜀ㄯヰ⾲♧⌮ㄽ䛷䛿䚸୙ᐃྡモྃ䜢Ꮡᅾ㔞໬⾲⌧(2). Every person who has a dime puts it in the meter.

䛷䛿䛺䛟䚸᪂䛯䛺ኚ㡯䛸䛭䛾ኚ㡯䛻䛛䜣䛩䜛᮲௳䜢(2a). ‫ݔ׊‬ሾ‫݊݋ݏݎ݁݌‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ሻ ‫ݕ׌ ר‬ሾ݀݅݉݁ሺ‫ݕ‬ሻ ‫݁ݒ݄ܽ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሻሿ ՜ᑟධ䛩䜛䜒䛾䛸䛧䚸௚䛾㔞໬Ꮚ䠄䛣䛣䛷䛿 Every䠅䛻䜘‫ݕ׌‬ሾ݀݅݉݁ሺ‫ݕ‬ሻ ‫݁ݒ݄ܽ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሻ ‫ר‬䜛↓ᕪู᮰⦡䛷↷ᛂ䜢ᐇ⌧䛩䜛䚹䛣䛾䜘䛖䛺ᶆ‽ⓗ‫ݎ݁ݐ̴݄݁݉݁ݐ̴̴݊݅ݐݑ݌‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሻሿሿ䛺ືⓗ䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛷䛿䚸↷ᛂ㛵ಀ䜢㔞໬Ꮚ䛸ኚ㡯䛸䛾᮰⦡㛵ಀ䛸䛧䛶᫂♧ⓗ䛻♧䛩䛣䛸䛜ྍ⬟䛷䛒䜛䛸

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ロバ文解釈における語用論の影響：動的意味論と語用論の境界を探る䛔䛖฼Ⅼ䜢ᣢ䛴䛜䚸௚᪉䚸↓ᕪู᮰⦡䜢ྍ⬟䛸䛩䜛ᩥ䛿༑඲䛻ศᯒ䛥䜜䛖䜛䛸୺ᙇ䛩䜛䚹ᮏ✏䛷᥇⏝䛩௦ൾ䛸䛧䛶඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛧䛛ᑟฟ䛷䛝䛺䛔䛸䛔䛖ḞⅬ䜢

䜛䛾䛿 Chierchia (1995)䛷ᒎ㛤䛥䜜䛯ືⓗ᮰⦡⌮ㄽᢪ䛘䛶䛔䜛䚹

䛰䛜䚸䛣䛾⌮ㄽ䛻䛚䛔䛶≉ᚩⓗ䛺䛾䛿䚸Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䜢䜅䛯䛴䜑䛾䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛿グ㏙ⓗ䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛸࿧䜀䝕䝣䜷䝹䝖ゎ㔘䛸䛩䜛Ⅼ䛷䛒䜛䚹ୖ㏙䛾䜘䛖䛻䚸ከ䛟䛾䜜䜛䜒䛾䛷䛒䜚䚸䛚䛭䜙䛟 Evans 䛾 E-type 䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛿䝻䝞ᩥ䛾᮰⦡⌧㇟䛛䜙඲⛠ㄞ䜏䜢ᑟ䛜䜒䛳䛸䜒᭷ྡ䛷䛒䜝䛖䚹Evans 䛾⣔㆕䛻㐃䛺䜛グ㏙ฟ䛩䜛䛣䛸䜢┠ⓗ䛸䛧䛶䛝䛯䛜䚸䛭䜒䛭䜒ᮏᙜ䛻඲⛠ⓗ䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛷䛿䚸௦ྡモ䛿ഇ⿦䛥䜜䛯グ㏙䛻௚ㄞ䜏䛜䝻䝞ᩥ䛻䛚䛔䛶ඃඛ䛥䜜䜛䜉䛝ゎ㔘䛺䛾䛰䜝䛺䜙䛪䚸௦ྡモ䜢ඛ⾜モ䛾᝟ሗ䜢ྵ䜐グ㏙ⓗせ⣲䛖䛛䚹඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛿䚸୙ᐃྡモྃ䛻䜘䛳䛶ᑟධ䛥䜜䜛䛸䛧䛶ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ䛻ᤊ䛘䛺䛚䛩䛣䛸䛷䝻䝞ᩥ䛻ᑐฎ䛩ᑐ㇟䛩䜉䛶䛜㏙㒊䜢‶䛯䛥䛺䛡䜜䜀䛺䜙䛺䛔䚹䛩䛺䜛䚹グ㏙ⓗ䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛿ືⓗ䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛜ᢪ䛘䜛ၥ䜟䛱䚸⪺䛝ᡭ䛜୙ᐃྡモྃ䛾ᑐ㇟䛩䜉䛶䛻䛴䛔䛶

㢟Ⅼ䜢ᅇ㑊䛧䛶䛔䜛䛜䚸↷ᛂ㛵ಀ䛾ព࿡ㄽⓗ᫂♧⪃ᐹ䛩䜛ሙྜ䛾䜏඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛜ඃඛ䛥䜜䜛䛾䛷䛒䜛䚹ᛶ䜢ᨺᲠ䛧䛺䛡䜜䜀䛺䜙䛺䛔䚹ຍ䛘䛶䚸≉䛻 E-typeᑐ䛧䛶Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䛿䚸୙ᐃྡモྃ䛾ᑐ㇟䛾ᑡ䛺䛟䛸䜒䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛷䛿䚸௦ྡモ䜢☜ᐃグ㏙䛸䛧䛶ศᯒ䛩䜛䜂䛸䛴䛜㏙㒊䜢‶䛯䛩䛛ྰ䛛䛜┿⌮᮲௳䛸䛺䜚䚸䜎䛯䜑ᚲ↛ⓗ䛻୍ពᛶ䛜ྵព䛥䜜䛶䛧䜎䛔䚸↷ᛂᑐ䛯 E-type ㄞ䜏䛿ᩥ⬦ⓗ䛻Ỵᐃ䛥䜜䜛䛯䛰䜂䛸䛴䛾㇟䛸䛧䛶༢୍䛾ᑐ㇟䛧䛛ᢅ䛘䛺䛔䚹䛭䜜䜖䛘䚸䛯䛸䛘ᑐ㇟䠄୍ពᛶ䠅䛜ၥ㢟䛸䛺䜛䠊䛧䛯䛜䛳䛶䠈඲⛠ㄞ䜏䜀(1)䛾ሙྜ䚸ྛ㎰ᐙ䛜䛭䜜䛮䜜஧㢌௨ୖ䛾䝻䝞䜢ཬ䜃 E-type ㄞ䜏䛿䠈ᑟධ䛥䜜䜛ᑐ㇟䛾඲యീʊ䜂ᡤ᭷䛧䛶䛔䛯ሙྜ䛾඲⛠ㄞ䜏䜢ᑟฟ䛩䜛䛣䛸䛜䛷䛝䛸䛴䛛䛩䜉䛶䛛ʊ䛻䛴䛔䛶㠀ᖖ䛻ᙉᅛ䛺┤ほ䜢䛺䛔䚹䛔䛪䜜䛻䛫䜘䚸䛣䜜䜎䛷䛾◊✲䛻䛚䛔䛶䛿䚸ᡃ䚻䛻ồ䜑䛶䛔䜛䛾䛷䛒䜛䠊௨ୗ䛾ᩥ䜢䜏䛶䜏䜘䛖䚹ୖグ䛾䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛾䛹䛱䜙䛛䜢᥇⏝䛧䛶䝻䝞ᩥ䜢ศᯒ䛩䜛䛣䛸䛜୺䛷䛒䛳䛯䚹䛧䛛䛧㏆ᖺ䚸඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛸Ꮡ

(4). Every man who has a house makes a pool with it.

ᅾㄞ䜏䛾୧᪉䛜 1 䛴䛾ᩥ䛻⌧䜜䛶䛔䜛(3)䛜ሗ࿌䛥(4a). Every rich man who has a house makes a poolwith it.

䜜䛶䛔䜛䚹(4b). Every man who has a big house makes a pool(3). Every person who buys a book on Amazon.com
and has a credit-card uses it to pay for it.

with it.
(4c). Every man who has a house makes a small pool(3a). ‫ݔ׊‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሾ‫݊݋ݏݎ݁݌‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ሻ ‫݇݋݋ܾ ר‬ሺ‫ݕ‬ሻ ‫ݕݑܾ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሻ ‫ר‬with it.

‫ݖ׌‬ሾܿܽ‫݀ݎ‬ሺ‫ݖ‬ሻ ‫݁ݒ݄ܽ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݖ‬ሻሿ ՜ ‫ݖ׌‬ሾܿܽ‫݀ݎ‬ሺ‫ݖ‬ሻ ‫ר‬‫݁ݏݑ‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݖ‬ሻ ‫ݎ݋̴݂ݕܽ݌ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሻሿሿ(4)䛾⏨䛿䚸୍యఱ㌺䛾ᐙ䜢ᡤ᭷䛧䛶䛔䜛䛰䜝䛖䛛䚹䜒䛱䜝䜣䛣䜜䛿ᩥ⬦ⓗせ⣲䜔๓ᥦ▱㆑䛻኱䛝䛟౫Ꮡ(3)䛾㛵ಀ⠇ෆ䛻䛒䜛䜅䛯䛴䛾୙ᐃྡモྃ䛾䛖䛱䚸a䛩䜛䛜䚸㔜せ䛺䛾䛿䚸඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛾䜏䛜㐺ษ䛸䛺䜛䛯book 䛿඲⛠ㄞ䜏䜢せồ䛩䜛䛾䛻ᑐ䛧䚸a credit-card䜑䛻䛿䚸䛣䛾⏨䛜ᑡ䛺䛟䛸䜒஧㌺௨ୖ䛾ᐙ䜢ᡤ᭷䛧䛿Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䜢せồ䛧䛶䛔䜛䚹䛣䛾䜘䛖䛻䚸䜂䛸䛴䛾ᵓ䛶䛚䜚䚸䛭䛾䛩䜉䛶䛻䝥䞊䝹䜢స䜙䛺䛡䜜䜀䛺䜙䛺㐀䛻஧✀㢮䛾୙ᐃ⾲⌧䛾ゎ㔘䛜ΰᅾ䛧䛶䛔䜛䜒䛾

䛔Ⅼ䛷䛒䜛䚹⏨䛜ᐙ䜢䛯䛰୍㌺ᡤ᭷䛧䛶䛚䜚䚸䛛䛴䜢 Brasoveanu (2008)䛿 Mix ㄞ䜏䛸䛧䛶ᥦ᱌䛧䛯䚹䛧䛭䛣䛻䝥䞊䝹䜢స䛳䛶䛔䜛䛸䛝䚸☜䛛䛻඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛿䛯䛜䛳䛶䚸ືⓗ䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛸グ㏙ⓗ䜰䝥䝻䞊䝏䛾䛔ṇ䛧䛔┿⌮್䜢ᑟฟ䛷䛝䜛䚹䛧䛛䛧䛣䛾ሙྜ䛿䚸E-

䛪䜜䜒䛜ᅔ㞴䜢ᢪ䛘䜛䛣䛸䛻䛺䜛䚹type ㄞ䜏ཬ䜃Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䜒ྠᵝ䛻䛣䛾ᩥ䜢┿䛸ศᯒ䛷䛝䜛䛾䛷䛒䜚䚸඲⛠ㄞ䜏䜢➨୍䛾ゎ㔘䛸䛩䜛⌮⏤2.

䛿䛺䛔䚹䜎䛯䚸஧㌺௨ୖᡤ᭷䛧䛶䛔䜛䛸䛧䛶䜒䚸䛭䜜᳨ド䛸ᡭἲ௨ୖ䛾ၥ㢟䛻ᑐ䛧䛶ᮏ✏䛿䚸ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛾ᡭἲ䛻䜙䛩䜉䛶䛾ᐙ䛻䛴䛔䛶䝥䞊䝹䜢స䛳䛶䛔䜛䛸䛔䛖┤ຍ䛘䚸䛒䜛✀䛾ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗつ๎䜢ᥐᐃ䛩䜛䛣䛸䛷䝻䝞ほ䛜䛺䛔㝈䜚䛣䛾ᩥ䛿Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䛜㐺ษ䛸䛺䜛䚹(1)䛾

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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

䝻䝞ᩥ䛸䛿␗䛺䜚䚸ከ䛟䛾䝻䝞ᩥ䛿䛣䛾䜘䛖䛺┤ほ䜢⿬௜䛡䜛䛣䛸䛿䛺䛔䜘䛖䛻ᛮ䜟䜜䜛䚹䜎䛯䚸䛯䛸䛘䜀䛣䛣䛷䚸z 䛿䛭䜜䛮䜜䛾ே≀䛜ᣢ䛳䛶䛔䜛ᑡ䛺䛟䛸䜒(4a)䚸(4b)䜔(4c)䛾䜘䛖䛻ᐙ䜢ᡤ᭷䛩䜛⏨䛸䝥䞊䝹䛾୍ᯛ䛾䜽䝺䝆䝑䝖䜹䞊䝗䚸䛭䛧䛶 f(x)䛿䛭䜜䛮䜜䛾ே㛵ಀ䛻䛴䛔䛶♧၀ⓗ䛺ಟ㣭䛜ᩥ䛻⌧䜜䛶䛔䜛㝿䚸≀䛜 amazon.com 䛷㉎ධ䛩䜛䛩䜉䛶䛾ᮏ䜢⾲䛧䛶䛚☜䛛䛻඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛾ྍ⬟ᛶ䛿㧗䜎䜛䚹ྠᵝ䛻䚸䛂୍⯡䜚䚸䛧䛯䛜䛳䛶㐺ษ䛺 Mix ㄞ䜏䛜ᑟฟ䛥䜜䜛䛾䛷䛒ⓗ䛻ᐙ䛿」ᩘᡤ᭷䛥䜜䜛䛃䛸௬ᐃ䛧䛯≧ἣ䛺䛹䛻䛚䜛䚹䛔䛶䜒(4)䛾ㄞ䜏䛿ኚື䛩䜛䛰䜝䛖䛜䚸඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛷䛒䜛䛣䛸䜢Ỵᐃ䛵䛡䜛䜘䛖䛺せ⣲䛜䛒䜛䛸䛿ゝ䛘䛺䛔䠊

3.

⪃ᐹ䠖ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗつ๎ Pᡃ䚻䛿䝻䝞ᩥ䛻䛚䛔䛶୍ពᛶ䜔඲⛠ᛶ䛸䛔䛳䛯ᙉ䛣䛾䜘䛖䛻䚸ືⓗ᮰⦡⌮ㄽ䛿䝻䝞ᩥゎ㔘䛾ከ⩏ᛶ䛔┤ほ䜢ᣢ䛯䛪䚸ከ䛟䛾ሙྜ䛭䛾୰㛫䛻䛒䜛䜘䛖䛺䜢௦ྡモ䛾⮬⏤䞉᮰⦡౑⏝䛻㑏ඖ䛩䜛䚹䛣䜜䛿䚸ゝ䛒䛔䜎䛔䛺ゎ㔘䜢⾜䛳䛶䛔䜛䚹䛣䛾䜘䛖䛺ゎ㔘䛿ᙧᘧ䛔᥮䛘䜜䜀䚸୍䛴䛾䝻䝞ᩥ䛻ᑐ䛧䛶༢୍䛾ㄽ⌮ᙧⓗ䛻䛿Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䛻䜘䛳䛶ṇ䛧䛔┿⌮᮲௳䛜୚䛘䜙ᘧ䜢๭䜚ᙜ䛶䛺䛔䛸䛔䛖䛣䛸䛷䛒䜚䚸䛭䛾௚䛾⌮ㄽ䛜䜜䜛䜘䛖䛺ゎ㔘䛷䛒䜚䚸䛧䛯䛜䛳䛶Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䜢䝕䝣䜷⏝䛔䜛䜘䛖䛺䜰䝗䝩䝑䜽䛺᧯స↓䛧䛻䛩䜉䛶䛾ゎ㔘䜢

1䝹䝖䛸⪃䛘䜛䛾䛜ጇᙜ䛷䛒䜝䛖 䚹ᑟฟ䛷䛝䜛䛾䛷䛒䜛䚹䛧䛛䛧䛺䛜䜙䚸䛭䜒䛭䜒௦ྡモ

Chierchia 䛻䜘䜛ືⓗ᮰⦡⌮ㄽ䛿Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䜢䝕䝣䜷䛾⮬⏤䞉᮰⦡౑⏝䛿䛹䛾䜘䛖䛻㑅ᢥ䛥䜜䜛䛾䛰䜝䛖䛛䚹䝹䝖ゎ㔘䛸䛩䜛⌮ㄽ䛷䛒䜚䚸௦ྡモ䛜୙ᐃ⾲⌧䛻䜘ᙧᘧព࿡ㄽⓗ䛻䝻䝞ᩥ䛾ㄞ䜏䛩䜉䛶䜢ศᯒฟ᮶䛯䛳䛶᮰⦡䛥䜜䛺䛜䜙䚸䛧䛛䛧Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䜢ືⓗ䛻ᑟฟ䛸䛧䛶䜒䚸䛭䜜䛮䜜䛾ㄞ䜏䜢㢧ⴭ䛻䛩䜛䛾䛿ㄒ⏝ㄽ䛷䛝䜛䚹䛥䜙䛻䚸඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛿௦ྡモ䛜⮬⏤ኚ㡯䛸䛧ⓗせ⣲䛷䛒䜚䚸䛭䛾䜘䛖䛺せ⣲䜢᫂♧໬䛧䛺䛡䜜䜀䛶ゎ㔘䛥䜜䛯ሙྜ䛻ᑐᛂ䛩䜛䛸䛥䜜䚸඲⛠ㄞ䜏䜢ྠ䛺䜙䛺䛔䚹ᮏ✏䛷䛿䚸๓⠇䛷䛾⪃ᐹ䜢㋃䜎䛘䚸௦ྡ୍䛾ᯟ⤌䜏䛷ᑟ䛟䛣䛸䛜䛷䛝䜛䚹ືⓗ᮰⦡⌮ㄽ䛻䛚モ䛾⮬⏤౑⏝䚸䛩䛺䜟䛱䝻䝞ᩥ䛾඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛜ᑟฟ䛡䜛䝻䝞ᩥ䛾ゎ㔘䛿௨ୗ䛾䜘䛖䛻䛺䜛䚹䛥䜜䜛⫼ᬒ䛻䛿䚸䛒䜛✀䛾ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗつ๎䛜ാ䛔䛶䛔䜛䛸୺ᙇ䛩䜛䚹

Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏

඲⛠ㄞ䜏

it 䛾ゎ㔘

᮰⦡ኚ㡯⮬⏤ኚ㡯䠄it = f(x)䠅

䝻䝞ᩥゎ㔘‫࢞׊‬ሾࡲሺ࢞ሻ ‫࢟׌ ר‬ሾࡰሺ࢟ሻ ‫ࡻ ר‬ሺ࢞ǡ ࢟ሻሿ‫࢞׊‬ሾࡲሺ࢞ሻ ‫࢟׌ ר‬ሾࡰሺ࢟ሻ՜ ‫࢟׌‬ሾࡰሺ࢟ሻ ‫ࡻ ר‬ሺ࢞ǡ ࢟ሻ ‫࡮ ר‬ሺ࢞ǡ ࢟ሿሿ‫ࡻ ר‬ሺ࢞ǡ ࢟ሻሿ ՜ ࡮ሺ࢞ǡ ࢌሺ࢞ሻሻሿሿ

䛺䛧f(x)䛾㡿ᇦ䠃್ᇦㄒ⏝ㄽⓗせ⣲

ᮏ✏䛜ᥦ᱌䛩䜛ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗつ๎䛸䛿䚸௨ୗ䛾䜘䛖䛺䜒䛾䛷䛒䜛䚹ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗつ๎ P䠖䝻䝞ᩥ䛜ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ㛵ᩘ f 䜢ᣢ䛴඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛷䛒䜛
iff ௨ୗ䛾஧Ⅼ䛜‶䛯䛥䜜䛶䛔䜛䛣䛣䛷 f(x)䛸䛿ᩥ⬦ⓗ䛻୚䛘䜙䜜䜛௦ྡモ䠄⮬⏤ኚ㡯䠅

1. 䝻䝞ᩥ䛾୺ㄒྡモ䛻䜘䛳䛶ᑟධ䛥䜜䜛ኚ㡯 x 䛸䛾ゎ㔘䛷䛒䜚䚸f 䛿ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ䛻୚䛘䜙䜜䜛㛵ᩘ䚸䛭䛧㛵ಀ⠇ෆ䛾୙ᐃྡモྃ䛾ྡモ䛻䜘䛳䛶ᑟධ䛥䛶 x 䛿ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ䛻୚䛘䜙䜜䜛ᑐ㇟䛷䛒䜛䚹䛯䛸䛘䜀䜜䜛ኚ㡯 y 䛜㛵ಀ⠇ෆ䛾ືモྃ䛷ᣢ䛴஧㡯(1)䛜඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛷ゎ㔘䛥䜜䜛䛸䛝䚸x 䛿䝻䝞䜢㣫䛳䛶㛵ಀ䛻䛚䛔䛶䚸䛂x 䛸䛩䜉䛶䛾 y䛃䛾㛵ಀ䛜᤼㝖䛔䜛㎰ᐙ䚸䛭䛧䛶 f(x)䛿㎰ᐙ x 䛜㣫䛳䛶䛔䜛䛩䜉䛶䛥䜜䛺䛔䛾䝻䝞䛷䛒䜛䛸䛥䜜䜛䚹Mix ㄞ䜏䛻䛛䜣䛧䛶䜒䚸䝻䝞

2. x 䛜䛩䜉䛶䛾 y 䛻ᑐ䛧䛶䚸୺ືモྃ䛻䛛䜣䛧䛶ᩥ䛻⌧䜜䜛௦ྡモ䜢䛭䜜䛮䜜⮬⏤䞉᮰⦡ኚ㡯䛸䛧䛶ḟ䛾ព࿡䛷ྠᵝ䛾ᢅ䛔䜢䛩䜛䛣䛸䛜ᮇᚅ䛥䜜ಶู䛻ศᯒ䛩䜛䛯䜑䚸(3)䛿ḟ䛾䜘䛖䛻ศᯒ䛥䜜䜛䚹䜛䠗㻌 (1)ᖖ㆑ⓗ䚸⩦័ⓗ㻌 (2)⩏ົⓗ(3b). ‫ݔ׊‬ሾ‫݊݋ݏݎ݁݌‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ሻ ‫ݕ׌ ר‬ሾܾ‫݇݋݋‬ሺ‫ݕ‬ሻ ‫ݕݑܾ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݕ‬ሻሿ ‫ר‬䛯䛸䛘䜀౛ᩥ(1)䛷䛿䚸㎰ᐙ䛸䛭䛾ே≀䛜㣫䛳䛶䛔䜛‫ݖ׌‬ሾܿܽ‫݀ݎ‬ሺ‫ݖ‬ሻ ‫݁ݒ݄ܽ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݖ‬ሻሿ ՜ ‫ݖ׌‬ሾܿܽ‫݀ݎ‬ሺ‫ݖ‬ሻ ‫ר‬䛩䜉䛶䛾䝻䝞䛸䛔䛖㛵ಀ䛜㎰ᴗ䛸䛔䛖⫋䜢⪃䛘䜜䜀݄ܽ‫݁ݒ‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݖ‬ሻ ‫݁ݏݑ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ‫ݖ‬ሻ ‫ݎ݋̴݂ݕܽ݌ ר‬ሺ‫ݔ‬ǡ ݂ሺ‫ݔ‬ሻሻሿሿ᤼㝖䛥䜜䛺䛔䚹䜎䛯㎰ᐙ䛿䚸䛭䜜䛮䜜䛾䝻䝞䛻ᑐ䛧

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ロバ文解釈における語用論の影響：動的意味論と語用論の境界を探る䛶ྠᵝ䛾ᢅ䛔䜢䛩䜛䛣䛸䛜ᖖ㆑ⓗ䛻ᮇᚅ䛥䜜䜛䛯䜑䚸䜔䛭䜜䛻㢮䛩䜛䝣䝺䞊䝮䝽䞊䜽䜢᥇⏝䛩䜛䛾䛷䛒䜜(1)䛿඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛜ྍ⬟䛸䛺䜛䚹ḟ䛻(2)䛿䚸◳㈌䜢ᣢ䛳䜀䚸ព࿡ㄽ䛸┦஫స⏝䛩䜛ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗつ๎䜢䜘䜚᫂☜䛶䛔䜛ே≀䛿⮬㌟䛜ᣢ䛳䛶䛔䜛◳㈌䛩䜉䛶䜢඲䛟ྠ䛻䛩䜛䛣䛸䛜ᮇᚅ䛥䜜䜛䚹ᮏ✏䛷䛿ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗつ๎䜢ᵝ䛻ᢅ䛖䛣䛸䛿䛺䛟䚸つ๎ P 䛾 2 䛻཯䛩䜛䚹䛧䛯䛜䛳ྵព䛷䛿䛺䛟᫂♧ⓗព࿡䛾ᑟฟ䛻ᦠ䜟䜛䜒䛾䛸䛧䛶䛶඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛿䛺䛥䜜䛺䛔䚹䛣䛾䜘䛖䛻䚸つ๎ P 䛾䜒䛸ᢅ䛳䛶䛔䜛䚹䛧䛯䛜䛳䛶䚸䛯䛸䛘䜀㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽ䛾⾲඲⛠ㄞ䜏䛜ᑟฟ䛥䜜䜛䛸⪃䛘䜛䛣䛸䛷䚸ព࿡ㄽⓗ䛻ពᑟฟ䝥䝻䝉䝇䛺䛹䛸䛾ẚ㍑䛜䛷䛝䜛䛛䜒䛧䜜䛺䛔䚹䛿༢䛻⮬⏤䞉᮰⦡ኚ㡯䛾ᕪ䛸䛧䛶⾲䛥䜜䛯ゎ㔘䛾㐪ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䠇ㄒ⏝ㄽ䛸䛔䛖䝟䝑䜿䞊䝆䛜䝻䝞ᩥ䛸䛔䛔䜢᫂♧ⓗ䛻㏙䜉䜛䛣䛸䛜䛷䛝䜛䛾䛷䛒䜛䚹䛖䝕䞊䝍䛾ᯟ䜢㉸䛘䛶䛹䜜䜋䛹䛾⌮ㄽⓗྵព䜢䜒䛯䜙䛩䛾䛛䛻䛴䛔䛶䜒ㄪᰝ䛧䛶䜏䜛ᚲせ䛜䛒䜛䛰䜝䛖䚹

4.

⤖ㄽ䛸ㄢ㢟

ᮏ✏䛷䛿䝻䝞ᩥ䛾ศᯒ䜢㏻䛨䛶䚸ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛸ㄒト⏝ㄽ䛾㛵ಀ䜢᥈䛳䛯䚹୺せ䛺⤖ᯝ䛿ḟ䛾㏻䜚䛷䛒䜛䚹

1. 䛭䛾௚䛾㔞໬⾲⌧䛾䝻䝞ᩥ䛜䛹䛾䜘䛖䛺ゎ㔘䜢ᣢ䛴䛾䛛䛻䛴䛔䛶䛿䚸Kanazawa (1994)䜔 Guerts䐟ព࿡ㄽ䛸䛧䛶ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䜢⏝䛔䜛ሙྜ䚸Ꮡᅾ

(2002)䛺䛹䜢䜏䜘䚹㏆ᖺ䛾䝻䝞ᩥ◊✲䛾ᴫせ䛸䛧ㄞ䜏䜢䝕䝣䜷䝹䝖䛸䛧䛶ᢅ䛖䜉䛝䛷䛒䜛䚹ゝ䛔᥮䛶䛿 Brasoveanu & Dotlaþil (forthcoming)䛜ཧ⪃䛘䜜䜀䚸Ꮡᅾㄞ䜏䜢䝕䝣䜷䝹䝖䛸䛩䜛䛾䛻༑ศ䛻䛺䜛䛰䜝䛖䚹

䛺᰿ᣐ䛜䛒䜛䛸䛔䛘䜛䚹䠷䠎⠇䠹䐠䐡ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛷඲⛠ㄞ䜏䜢ᑟฟ䛩䜛䛻䛿䚸ព࿡ㅰ㎡

ㄽⓗ᮰⦡㛵ಀ䜘䜚䜒ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ㛵ᩘ䛸ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ᪥ᮏㄒ⏝ㄽᏛ఍➨ 20 ᅇ኱఍䛾఍ሙ䛻䛚䛔䛶㈗㔜

つ๎䜢⏝䛔䛶ᑟฟ䛩䜛᪉䛜㐺ษ䛷䛒䜛䚹䠷䠏⠇䠹䛺䛤ពぢ䜢ୗ䛥䛳䛯䜏䛺䛥䜎䛻ឤㅰ䛧䜎䛩䚹䛺䛚䚸ᮏୖグ䛾஧䛴䛜䛭䜝䛘䜀䚸Mix ㄞ䜏䛻䜒⮬↛䛻◊✲䛿⛉Ꮫ◊✲㈝⿵ຓ㔠䠄≉ู◊✲ဨዡບ㈝ᑐᛂྍ⬟䛷䛒䜛䚹

15J08122䠅䛾ຓᡂ䜢䛖䛡䛯䜒䛾䛷䛩䚹ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛿ព࿡ㄽ䛻ᩥ⬦ⓗഃ㠃䜢ྲྀ䜚ධ䜜䜛䛣ཧ⪃ᩥ⊩䛸䛷䚸↷ᛂ䜔๓ᥦ䛸䛔䛳䛯⌧㇟䜢ᙧᘧⓗ䛛䛴䜶䝺䜺Brasoveanu, A. 2008. “Donkey pluralities: Plural䞁䝖䛻ฎ⌮䛩䜛䛣䛸䜢ྍ⬟䛻䛧䛶䛝䛯䚹䛧䛛䛧䚸ືⓗinformation states versus nonatomic individuals.”
Linguistics and Philosophy 31(2), 129–209.

ព࿡ㄽ䛜ㄌ⏕䛩䜛➃⥴䛸䛺䛳䛯䝻䝞ᩥ䛸䛔䛖䝕䞊䝍䛻䛿䛭䜒䛭䜒ᩥ⬦ⓗ䛺᭕᫕䛥䛜ෆᅾ䛧䛶䛚䜚䚸䛩䜉Brasoveanu, A. and J, Dotlaþil. forthcoming. “Donkey䛶䛾䝟䝍䞊䞁䜢ゎᯒ䛩䜛䛯䜑䛻䛿䚸䛯䛸䛘ືⓗព࿡

anaphora: Farmers and bishops”. In L. Matthewson,ㄽ䜢⏝䛔䛯䛸䛧䛶䜒ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗせ⣲䛜୙ྍḞ䛷䛒䜛䚹

C. Meier, & T.Z. Zimmermann (eds.), Theᮏ✏䛷䛿 Chierchia 䛾ᥦ᱌䛩䜛ᙧᘧⓗᡭἲ䛻ලయCompanion to Semantics: Wiley.

ⓗ䛺ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗつ๎䜢୚䛘䜛䛣䛸䛷䚸䝻䝞ᩥ䛾䛩䜉䛶

Chierchia, G. 1995. Dynamics of meaning: Anaphora,presupposition, and the theory of grammar.

䛾ゎ㔘䜢ᑟฟ䛷䛝䜛䛸ㄽ䛨䛯䚹

Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

᭱ᚋ䛻ṧ䛥䜜䛯ㄢ㢟䜢䛔䛟䛴䛛㏙䜉䜛䚹䜎䛪䚸䝻䝞ᩥ䛸䛔䛖䝕䞊䝍䛜䛭䜒䛭䜒ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䜢ᵓ⠏䛩䜛㝿

Geurts, B. 2002. “Donkey business.” Linguistics andPhilosophy 25(2), 129–156.

䛾ព࿡ㄽⓗ䝕䞊䝍䛸䛧䛶䜅䛥䜟䛧䛔䜒䛾䛰䛳䛯䛾䛛䛹䛖䛛䛻䛴䛔䛶㆟ㄽ䛾వᆅ䛜䛒䜛䚹ᮏ✏䛜♧၀䛩䜛Kanazawa, M. 1994. “Weak vs. strong readings of䜘䛖䛻䚸䝻䝞ᩥ䛻ᑐ䛩䜛ㄒ⏝ㄽⓗᙳ㡪䜢┿๢䛻⪃៖donkey sentences and monotonicity inference in a䛩䜛䛾䛷䛒䜜䜀䚸ືⓗព࿡ㄽ䛾䛒䜚᪉䛭䛾䜒䛾䜢෌dynamic setting.” Linguistics and Philosophy 17(2),⪃䛫䛽䜀䛺䜙䛺䛔䚹ḟ䛻䚸ព࿡ㄽ䛸䛧䛶ືⓗព࿡ㄽ

109–158.

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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

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In Japanese-language education, it is taught that interrogative sentences using "~tai" and"~hoshii" are not to be used with one's superiors. This study began with the assumption that
one may use these constructions for reasons such as to show familiarity with the listener or to
ridicule him or her and performed a survey analysis to investigate this. As a result, it was
found that native speakers use interrogative sentences with "~tai" and "~hoshii" inunconventional situations when they are attempting to express intent such as familiarity or
ridicule. It can be assumed that choice of expression is influenced not only by the existing
relationship between speaker and listener but also by what sort of relationship the speaker
wishes to create with the listener.
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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ㄒᙡ㡯┠ࡢゝㄒኚ໬࡟㛵ࡍࡿᇶ♏◊✲㸸2010ᖺࠕὶ⾜ㄒ኱㈹ࠖࢆ౛࡟*ᯘ ᬛ᫛㏆␥኱Ꮫ㸦㠀ᖖ໅㸧

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1. ࡣࡌࡵ࡟
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࡞ࠊㄒᙡⓗ࡞⌧㇟ OH[LFDOSKHQRPHQD  ࡢኚ໬ FI/HHFK et al  ࡢ୍✀࡜ࡋ࡚ࠕὶ⾜ㄒࠖ࡟╔┠ࡋࠊ
ࡑࡢⓎ⏕࠿ࡽᐃ╔࡟⮳ࡿࡲ࡛ࡢࣉࣟࢭࢫࢆほᐹࡋ࡚࠸ࡃࠋὶ⾜ㄒࡣࠊୡ┦ࢆ኱ࡁࡃ཯ᫎࡋࡓ࡜♫఍ⓗ࡟ㄆᐃࡉࢀࡓࡶࡢ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࠊࡑࡢグ㏙ࡣࠊᙜ᫬ࡢࠕ⏕ࡁࡓࠖゝㄒࢆᚋୡ࡬ఏ࠼ࡿྐᩱ࡜࡞ࡿࠋゝⴥࡢㄌ⏕࡜Ἴཬࢆࠊᙜ᫬ࡢ♫఍ࡢ㛵ࢃࡾ࠿ࡽ᳨ウࡋ࡚ࡳࡓ࠸ࠋ

2. ඛ⾜◊✲ ὶ⾜ㄒࡢព࿡ㄽⓗ◊✲࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ⢄ᒣ   ࡣࠊ ᖺ࠿ࡽࡢ᪥ᮏᅜෆ࡟࠾ࡅࡿὶ⾜ㄒ࡟ᑐࡋࠊㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛⓗ࢔ࣉ࣮ࣟࢳ࡟ࡼࡿศᯒࢆ♧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ౛࠼ࡤࠊ
ࠕ❆㝿᪘ࠖࡣࠕᖍࡢ఩⨨ࡀ❆㝿࡛࠶ࡿ!㛩⫋࡟ᑵࡃ!ࠖ
ࡇ࡜ࡀྠ᫬࡟㉳ࡇࡿࠕ᫬㛫ⓗ㞄᥋ࠖ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃࠕ࣓ࢺࢽ࣑࣮ⓗࢆᇶ┙࡜ࡋࡓὶ⾜ㄒࠖ࡜ࡉࢀࡿ ibid ࠋゝㄒኚ໬ࡢ◊✲࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ%\EHH   ࡣࠊゝㄒኚ໬࡟࠾ࡅࡿせᅉ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠕ೉⏝ ERUURZLQJ ࠖࠊࠕ㢮᥎ DQDORJ\ ࠖ࡞࡝ࢆᣲࡆ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ೉⏝ࡣࠊ௚ゝㄒ࡜ࡢ᥋ゐ࡟ࡼࡾ᪂ࡓ࡞ㄒࢆ᥇⏝ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊⱥㄒ NDUDRNH㸦᪥ᮏㄒࠕ࢝
ࣛ࢜ࢣࠖ࡟⏤᮶㸧࡞࡝ࡀ࠶ࡿ ibid ࠋ㢮᥎ࡣࠊゝㄒෆ࡟᪤࡟Ꮡᅾࡍࡿ௚⾲⌧࡜ࡢ㢮ఝᛶ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃᙧ
ᘧࡢ࣓ࣜ࢖ࢡ࡛࠶ࡾࠊGUHDPHGGUHDPW ࡞࡝ࡀ࠶ࡿ ibid. ࠋ

3. ஦౛ศᯒ ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊ ᖺᙜ᫬ࡢ♫఍᝟ໃࢆ♧ࡍゝㄒ஦౛࡜ࡋ࡚࣮ࣘ࢟ࣕࣥࠕὶ⾜ㄒ኱㈹ࠖೃ⿵࡜ࡋ࡚ࣀ࣑ࢿ࣮
㸦 ⠇㸧ࠊ LL ࠕ$.%ࠖ࡜㛵㐃ࢢࢺࡉࢀࡓ  ㄒ  ࡢ࠺ࡕࠊ௨ୗࢆศᯒᑐ㇟࡜ࡍࡿ L ࠕᮾிࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜࠖ
࣮ࣝࣉྡ㸦 ⠇㸧ࠊ LLL WZLWWHU ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ᫬ไࢆ⾲ࡍᩥᮎ⾲⌧ࠕ࡞࠺ࠖ㸦 ⠇㸧ࠋࢹ࣮ࢱ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ᪂⪺࣭ᗈሗ㈨ᩱ࡞࡝ࡢ፹య࡟࠾ࡅࡿグ㏙ࠊ࢖ࣥࢱ࣮ࢿࢵࢺ࡟࡚཰㞟ࡋࡓゝㄒ஦౛ࢆ⏝࠸ࡓࠋ

−253−

語彙項目の言語変化に関する基礎研究：2010年「流行語大賞」を例に

3.1 ᮾிࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜ ᮏ⠇࡛ࡣࠊ
ࠕᮾிࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜࠖࡢྡ⛠ࡀ⏕ࡲࢀࡓࣉࣟࢭࢫࢆࠊ୺࡟ࣉࣞࢫ࣭࣮ࣜࣜࢫ㈨ᩱ ࠊ᪂⪺グ஦ࡢ
グ㏙ࢆᇶ࡟᳨ウࡍࡿࠋ௨ୗࠊᮏ⠇࡟࠾࠸࡚㏙࡭ࡿ࿨ྡࣉࣟࢭࢫࡢෆᐜࡣࠊࡇࢀࡽࡢグ㏙࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃࠋ  ᖺᙜ᫬ࠊᮾிࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜࡣࠕᮾṊࢱ࣮࣡ࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜᰴᘧ఍♫ࠖࡀẕయ࡜࡞ࡾᘓタࢆ⾜ࡗ࡚࠸ࡓࠋ
ᙜึࡣࠕ᪂ᮾிࢱ࣮࣡ࠖ࡜࠸࠺௬⛠ࡀ⏝࠸ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡓࡶࡢࡢࠊ ᖺ  ᭶ࠊ:(%࣭ⴥ᭩࡟ࡼࡾྡ⛠ࡀබເࡉࢀࡓ ࠋ⥲ᩘ  ࡢᛂເࡀ࠶ࡾࠊ᭷㆑⪅  ྡ࡟ࡼࡿࠕ᪂ࢱ࣮࣡ྡ⛠᳨ウጤဨ఍ࠖࡀᑂ㆟ࢆ⾜࠸ࠊ ࡘࡢೃ⿵ࢆ㑅ฟࡋࡓࠋ㑅ᐃᇶ‽ࡣࠕࡑࡢྡ⛠ࡀ᪂ࢱ࣮࣡ࡢ࢖࣓࣮ࢪࡸ≉ᚩࢆ࠶ࡽࢃࡍࡇ࡜ࠖ
ࠕᏊ౪࠿ࡽ࠾ᖺᐤࡾࠊ
እᅜࡢ᪉࡟ࡶぶࡋࡲࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࠖ
ࠕရ᱁ࡀ࠶ࡾࠊ ᖺᚋࡶ  ᖺᚋࡶ᪥ᮏࢆ௦⾲ࡍࡿᘓ⠏≀࡟ࡩࡉࢃࡋ࠸ࡇ
࡜ࠖ࡜ࡉࢀࡿ ࠋࡑࡢᚋࠊ඲ᅜᢞ⚊ࡀ⾜ࢃࢀࠊ ⚊ࡀ㞟ࡲࡗࡓ⤖ᯝࠊ௨ୗࡢ㡰఩࡜࡞ࡗࡓ L  ᮾிࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜ㸦 ⚊㸧ࠊ LL  ᮾி ('2 ࢱ࣮࣡㸦 ⚊㸧ࠊ LLL  ࣛ࢖ࢪࣥࢢࢱ࣮࣡㸦 ⚊㸧ࠊ LY  ࡳࡽ࠸ࢱ࣮࣡㸦 ⚊㸧ࠊ Y  ࡺࡵࡳࡸࡄࡽ㸦 ⚊㸧ࠊ YL  ࣛ࢖ࢪࣥࢢ࢖࣮ࢫࢺࢱ࣮࣡㸦 ⚊㸧ࠋ ࡇࡢୖ఩  ௳ࡢྡ⛠ࡣࠊḟࡢࡼ࠺࡟ศᯒ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ L  ࡢࠕࢶ࣮ࣜࠖ࡜࠸࠺ྡ⛠ࡣࠕேࠎࡀ㞟࠸ࠊᚰࢆᐤࡏ
ྜ࠺ࢩࣥ࣎ࣝࠖ
ࠊ LLL  YL  ࡢࠕࣛ࢖ࢪࣥࢢࠖࡣࠕኴ㝧࣭᭶࣭ᫍ࡞࡝ࡀ᪼ࡿࠖ
ࠕ᪂㐍ࡢࠖ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡ࡀ࠶ࡾࠊ
ࠕᮍࠖ࠿ࡽࡢ㢮᥎
᮶࡬ྥ࠿࠺ࢩࣥ࣎ࣝࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢࢱ࣮࣡ࢆྵពࡍࡿ࡜ࡉࢀࡿ ࠋ LY  ࡟ࡣࠕࡳ࡞࡜ࡳࡽ࠸㸦ᶓ὾㸧࡜ᛮࢃࢀࡿࠕࡳࡽ࠸ࠖ
ࠊ LL  ࡟ࡣᾏእࢆព㆑ࡋࡓ࡜ண᝿ࡉࢀࡿࠕ('2ࠖࡀࡳࡽࢀࡿࠋ࡞࠾ࠊ㈨ᩱ࡟ࡶ࠶ࡿࡼ
࠺࡟ࠊ᪂ࢱ࣮࣡㸦⌧࣭ᮾிࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜ㸧ᘓタࢆྵࡴ୍㐃ࡢ஦ᴗྡࡣ ³5LVLQJ(DVW3URMHFW´ ࡛࠶ࡿࡀࠊࡇࡢ
ྡ⛠ࡣ  ࡘࡢೃ⿵ LLL  YL  ࡢ୍㒊࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ ᭱⤊ⓗ࡟ࠊ᪂ࢱ࣮࣡ࡢྡ⛠ࡣࠊᚓ⚊ᩘࡀከ࠸ࠕᮾிࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜࠖ࡜Ỵᐃࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡜࡞ࡿࠋ♫఍ⓗ࡞ࢩࣥ࣎ࣝࡢᆅ఩ࢆ୚࠼ࡽࢀࡓࡇࡢྡ⛠ࡣࠊἼཬࡋ࡚࠸ࡃࠋ୍౛࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ ᖺ  ᭶  ᪥ࠊࠕᴗᖹᶫ㥐ࠖࡀࠕ࡜
࠺ࡁࡻ࠺ࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜ㥐ࠖ࡬ᨵྡࡉࢀࡓ ࠋࠕ࡜࠺ࡁࡻ࠺ࠖ࡜࠸࠺⾲グࡣࠊ㒔ᕷྜే࡟ࡼࡾ⏕ࡲࢀࡓࠊᖹ௬ྡ
⾲グ࡟ࡼࡿྡ⛠ࠕࡉ࠸ࡓࡲᕷࠖ࡞࡝࠿ࡽࡢ㢮᥎࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ ࡇࢀࡽࡢኚ໬ࡣࠊ௨ୗࡢࣉࣟࢭࢫ࡜㛵㐃ࡍࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ㤶ᕝ┴ࡢྡ⏘ရࡣ࣮࢜ࣜࣈ࡛࠶ࡿࡀࠊ㤶ᕝ┴࡟ࡣࠕ࣮࢜ࣜࣈࠖ࡜࠸࠺ྡࢆෙࡋࡓ᪋タࡀከ࠸ࠋලయⓗ࡟ࡣࠕ㧗ᯇ࣮࢜ࣜࣈ࣮࣍ࣝࠖ
ࠕ࣮࢜ࣜࣈయ⫱㤋ࠖࠕ࣮࢜ࣜࣈ Ἠࠖ
ࠕ㤶ᕝ࣮࢜ࣜࣈ࢞࢖ࢼ࣮ࢬ⌫ᅋࠖࠕᑠ㇋ᓥ࣮࢜ࣜࣈබᅬࠖ
ࠕ࣍ࢸ࣮ࣝ࢜ࣜࣈࠖ࡞࡝࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡇࢀ
ࡽࡣ඲࡚ࠊ ᖺ  ᭶⌧ᅾࠊ*RRJOH ᳨⣴࡟ࡼࡾᏑᅾࢆ☜ㄆ࡛ࡁࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽࡣࠊ
ࠕ࣮࢜ࣜࣈࠖ࡜࠸࠺⤒㦂஦ᐇ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃࠊ࣓ࢺࢽ࣑࣮ࢆᇶ┙࡜ࡋࡓኚ໬ࡢ୍౛࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋࡇࡢ✀ࡢ࿨ྡࡣࠊேࠎࡢඹ㏻⤒㦂࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ㤶ᕝ┴࡟࠾࠸࡚ᗈ⠊࡟ᣑ኱ࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ
ࠕ࡜࠺ࡁࡻ࠺ࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜ㥐ࠖ࡬ࡢྡ⛠ኚ᭦ࠊࠕ࡜࠺ࡁࡻ࠺ࠖࡢᖹ௬ྡ⾲グ࡟ࡳࡽࢀࡿኚ໬ࡣࠊ
ࠕ࣮࢜ࣜࣈࠖࡢྡ⛠࡟ࡳࡽࢀࡿኚ໬࡜ྠᵝࠊ♫఍࡬࡜኱ࡁࡃἼཬࡋࡓࠋ
 ᖺ࡟ࡣࠊࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜ࡜ඹ࡟㛤ᴗࡋࡓࠕᮾிࢯ࣐ࣛࢳࠖࡀὶ⾜ㄒ኱㈹ࡢࢺࢵࣉࢸࣥ࡟ධࡿ ࠋ
3.2 $.% ࡜㛵㐃ࢢ࣮ࣝࣉྡ ᮏ⠇࡛ࡣࠊ$.% ࡜㛵㐃ࢢ࣮ࣝࣉࡢྡ⛠ࢆࠊබᘧ࣮࣒࣮࣍࣌ࢪ࡟࠾ࡅࡿグ㏙࡟ᇶ࡙ࡁࠊ᳨ウࡋ࡚࠸ࡃࠋ  ᖺ࡟⤖ᡂࡉࢀࠊࠕ఍࠸࡟⾜ࡅࡿ࢔࢖ࢻࣝࠖࢆࢥࣥࢭࣉࢺ࡟άືࢆጞࡵࡓࠕ$.%ࠖࡣࠊᆅྡࠕ⛅ⴥཎࠖࡢ␎⛠ࠕ࢔࢟ࣂ $.L%D ࠖ࡟⏤᮶ࡍࡿ ࠋྠࡌࡃ⛅ඖᗣẶࡀࣉࣟࢹ࣮ࣗࢧ࣮ࢆົࡵࡿࢢ࣮ࣝࣉ࡟  ࠊ$.%
ࢆᛕ㢌࡟⨨࠸ࡓྡ⛠࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࡶࡢ࡟   ࡀ࠶ࡿࠋ௨ୗࡢ౛ࡣࠊ ᖺ  ᭶ࠊ ᖺ  ᭶࡟ほᐹࡋࡓࠋ D 6.(㸦6D.D( ᰤ㸧E 10%㸦1D0%D 㞴Ἴ㸧
F 6'1 6DWXU'D\1LJKW D 760㸦7R6KL0D ㇏ᓥ㸧
E 2.'㸦2.D'D ᒸ⏣㸧

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

D  ࡣឡ▱┴ࠊE  ࡣ኱㜰ᗓࡢᆅྡ࡟⏤᮶ࡋࠊࡇࢀࡽࡢࢢ࣮ࣝࣉࡀᣐⅬ࡜ࡍࡿሙᡤࢆ⾲ࡍࠋF  ࡣ ³6DWXUGD\1LJKW´ ࡟⏤᮶ࡋࠊࠕᅵ᭙᪥ࡢኪ࡟㝈ᐃࡋ࡚බ₇ࢆ⾜࠺ࠊ ṓ௨ୖࡢ࣓ࣥࣂ࣮࡟ࡼࡿࢢ࣮ࣝࣉࠖ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡ࡀ
ࠖࢆ᥃ࡅࡓࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡾ㸦෠㎸ࡵࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ ࠋ D  ࡣ㇏ᓥᅬ࡟ࡼࡿᗈ࿌࡛ࠊᆅྡࠕ㇏ᓥࠖ࡜ࠕᖺቑ㸦࡜ࡋࡲ㸧㈗ᓥ 㸧ࠊ ᖺ  ᭶࡟Ⓨ኎ࡉࢀࡓ $.% ࡟ࡼࡿ &' ࡢࢪࣕࢣࢵࢺ෗┿࡟ఝࡏࡓᵓᅗࢆ࡜ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
E  ࡣࠊᙜ᫬ ,7PHGLD グ⪅࡛࠶ࡗࡓᒸ⏣᭷ⰼẶ࡟ࡼࡿࣃࣟࢹ࢕࡛࠶ࡾࠊᒸ⏣グ⪅⮬㌟ࡢ෗┿ࡀ  ᯛศࢥࣆ࣮ࡉࢀࡓ෗┿ࡀᥖ㍕ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ ࠋ   ࡢྛྡ⛠ࡣ⛅ඖᗣẶ࡟ࡼࡿᡓ␎ⓗ࡞࿨ྡ࡜ᛮࢃࢀࡿࠋ୍᪉ࠊ   ࡣࠕ࣮ࣘ࢟ࣕࣥ᪂ㄒὶ⾜ㄒ኱㈹  ࢺࢵࣉࢸࣥࠖ࡟ධ㈹ࡋࡓ $.% ࢆព㆑ࡋࡓࡶࡢ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿ ࠋ
3.3 WZLWWHU ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ᫬ไࢆ⾲ࡍᩥᮎ⾲⌧ࠕ࡞࠺ࠖ ᮏ⠇࡛ࡣࠊWZLWWHU ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ᫬ไࢆ⾲ࡍᩥᮎ⾲⌧ࠕ࡞࠺ࠖ࡜㛵㐃⾲⌧ࢆࡳࡿࠋWZLWWHU ࡣࠊ ᖺ㡭࡟຾㛫࿴௦Ặ࡞࡝ࡢ᭷ྡேࡀ฼⏝ࡋࠊᅜෆ࡟࡚ᗈࡲࡗࡓ ࠋⓏ㘓⪅ࡣ᭱኱  ᩥᏐࡢࠕࡘࡪࡸࡁࠖ
㸦ࠕࢶ࢖࣮ࢺࠖ
㸧ࢆᢞ✏ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࠊᢞ✏ࡣ᫬㛫㍈ୖ࡟ࡲ࡜ࡵ࡚⾲♧ࡉࢀࡿࠋᩥᏐᩘไ㝈ࡢ࡞࠿ࠊᩥᮎ⾲⌧     ࡞࡝ࡀほᐹࡉࢀࡿࡼ࠺࡟࡞ࡗࡓࠋ௨ୗࠊᮏ⠇࡛ᢅ࠺ゝㄒ஦౛ࡣ඲࡚ WZLWWHU ࡢ⏝౛࡛࠶ࡿ㸦 ࡟᳨⣴㸧ࠋ D ᱵ⏣࡞࠺E ᱵ⏣ࡢ࣍ࢸ࡛ࣝ᫨㣗࠺࠷ࡿF ᱵ⏣ࢃࡎ㸭ᐟ㢟ࢃࡎ㸭ᱵ⏣࠶ࡈ࣮㸭ᐟ㢟ࡔࢇ㸦ᐟ㢟 GRQH㸧 D ᐟ㢟࡞࠺㸟⤊ࢃࡽࡍ࠺࠷ࡿ㸟E ࢸࢫࢺࡸࡤ࠸࡞࠺
F ࢹ࢕ࢬࢽ࣮⾜ࡗ࡚ࡁࡓࢃࡎ ࡞࠺ࠊ࠺࠷ࡿࠊࡣࢃ࠿ࡿࠋࢃࡎࠊ࠸ࡲࡔ࡟ࡋࡗࡃࡾࡁ࡚࡞࠸ࠋ࠶ࡈ࣮ࠊࡢ᪉ࡀዲࡁ
ࡇࢀࡽࡣⱥㄒ࠿ࡽࡢ೉⏝࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࠊ ᖺ  ᭶⌧ᅾ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡶᐃ╔ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ D  ࡣࠕ⌧ᅾࠊᱵ⏣࡟ᒃࡿࠖ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡࡛࠶ࡾࠊ๪モ QRZ ࡟⏤᮶ࡍࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊ E  ࡣࠕࡇࢀ࠿ࡽᱵ⏣ࡢ࣍ࢸ࡛ࣝ᫨㣗ࢆ࡜ࡿணᐃ࡛
࠶ࡿࠖ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡࡛࠶ࡾࠊἲຓືモ ZLOO ࡟⏤᮶ࡍࡿࠋ F  ࡢ⾲⌧ࡣ඲࡚㐣ཤࡢฟ᮶஦ࢆ⾲ࡋ࡚࠾ࡾࠊࡑࢀࡒ
ࢀ EH ືモ㸦ᒅᢡྍ⬟࡞ຓືモ㸧ZDV ๪モ DJR ືモ GR ࡢ㐣ཤศモᙧ GRQH ࡟⏤᮶ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࠕᱵ⏣ࢃࡎࠖࡣ
ࠕ
㸦Ⓨヰ᫬௨๓࡟㸧ᱵ⏣࡟ᒃࡓࠖࠊࠕᐟ㢟ࢃࡎࠖࡣࠕ
㸦Ⓨヰ᫬௨๓࡟㸧ᐟ㢟ࢆࡋ࡚࠸ࡓࠖ
ࠊࠕᐟ㢟ࡔࢇࠖࡣࠕᐟ㢟ࢆ⤊࠼ࡓ㸦᏶஢ࡋࡓ㸧ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡࡛࠶ࡾࠕᐟ㢟 GRQHࠖ࡜⾲グࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡶ࠶ࡿࠋ
ࠕᱵ⏣࠶ࡈ࣮ࠖࡣࠊ
ࠕᱵ⏣࡟ᒃࡓ㸦⁫ᅾࡋ࡚࠸ࡓ㸧ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡࡛࠶ࡿࠋ   ࡼࡾࠊ㐣ཤࡢࡇ࡜ࢆ⾲ࡍ㝿࡟ࠕࢃࡎࠖ
ࠕ࠶ࡈ࣮ࠖ
ࠕࡔࢇࠖࡢ
࡝ࢀࢆ⏝࠸ࡿࡢ࠿ࡣࠊヰ⪅࡟ࡼࡾዲࡳࡀ␗࡞ࡿࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊࡇࢀࡽࡢ⾲⌧ࡣࠊྡモ࣭ືモ D ࠊᙧᐜモ E ࠊࡢ┤ᚋ࡟⏕㉳ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜࠿ࡽࠊⱥㄒࡢရモ࣭⏝ἲ࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃࠊ᪥ᮏㄒࡢᩥᮎ⾲⌧࡜ࠊࡑࡢ㡢㡩ⓗせᅉ࡟ࡼࡿືᶵ࡙ࡅ㸦 ࣮࡛ࣔࣛ࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࠊㄒᑿ⾲⌧࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢ㢮᥎࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃኚ໬㸧ࢆ⤒ࡓ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ

4. ࠾ࢃࡾ࡟ ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊୡ┦ࢆ཯ᫎࡍࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠕὶ⾜ㄒ኱㈹ࠖࢆ᳨ウࡋࠊࡑࡢ౑⏝࡟ࡳࡽࢀࡿㄒ⏝ㄽⓗ≉ᚩࡀࠊ⫼ᬒ࡟࠶ࡿᙜ᫬ࡢ♫఍≧ἣ࡜㛵ࢃࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆࡳࡓࠋࡇࡢ✀ࡢグ㏙ࡣࠊᙜ᫬ࡢ♫఍ࢆఏ࠼ࡿྐᩱ࡜࡞ࡿࡇ
࡜ࡀᮇᚅࡉࢀࡿࠋ ᖺ௨㝆ࠊ᪂ࡓ࡟ㄌ⏕ࡋࡓ +.71*7678 ࡞࡝ࡢ $.% 㛵㐃ࢢ࣮ࣝࣉ  ࡀ࠶ࡿ୍᪉ࠊ F  ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ゎᩓࡋࡓࡶࡢࡀ࠶ࡿࠋゝㄒࡢㄌ⏕࣭ᾘ⁛࠿ࡽࠊ♫఍≧ἣࢆఛ࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁࡿࠋ ௒ᚋࡢㄢ㢟࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ➨୍࡟ࠊゝㄒኚ໬࣭ព࿡ኚ໬࡟㛵ࡍࡿඛ⾜◊✲ 6ZHHWVHU&URIW  ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ࢔ࣉ࣮ࣟࢳࡸࣔࢹࣝ࡜ࡢᩚྜᛶ࣭㛵ಀᛶࡢ᳨ウࡀᚲせ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ➨஧࡟ࠊὶ⾜ㄒࡢᐜㄆᗘࡀ᫬௦࡜ඹ࡟ኚ໬ࡍ
ࡿྍ⬟ᛶࢆㄪᰝࡍࡿᚲせࡀ࠶ࡿࠋ⢄ᒣ   ࡣࠊࠕⱝ⪅ゝⴥ㸦࡜ࡋ࡚౑ࢃࢀ࡚࠸ࡓ㸧౛ࠖ࡟㛵ࡋࠊ

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語彙項目の言語変化に関する基礎研究：2010年「流行語大賞」を例に

୚ㅰ㔝ᬗᏊࡢリ㞟ࠗࡳࡔࢀ㧥࠘࡟⏤᮶ࡍࡿࠕ㸦㧥ࡀ㸧୚ㅰ㔝ࡗ࡚ࡿࠖࢆᣲࡆࡿ㸦ࠕ㧥ࡀ஘ࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠖࡢព㸧ࠋ⌧௦ே࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ࠊࡇࡢ✀ࡢὶ⾜ㄒࡣࠊࠗࡳࡔࢀ㧥࠘ࢆ┤ࡕ࡟᝿㉳࡛ࡁ࡞࠸㝈ࡾࠊప࠸ᐜㄆᗘ࡜࡞ࡿࡔࢁ࠺ࠋ

ὀᮏ✏࡟࠾ࡅࡿゝㄒ஦౛ࡢ཰㞟࡜᳨ウࡣࠊᯘ  㸦ᮍබหㄽᩥ㸧࡟ᇶ࡙ࡁࠊ ᖺ  ᭶࠿ࡽ  ᖺ  ᭶ࡢᮇ㛫࡟⾜ࡗࡓࠋᇳ➹࡟㝿ࡋࠊ୍㒊ࡢ஦౛࡟㛵ࡋ࡚  ᖺ  ᭶࠿ࡽ  ᖺ  ᭶ࡢᮇ㛫࡟෌ᗘㄪᰝࡋࡓࠋ
1. ࠕ⌧௦⏝ㄒࡢᇶ♏▱㆑ 㑅  ࣮ࣘ࢟ࣕࣥ᪂ㄒ࣭ὶ⾜ㄒ኱㈹ ೃ⿵ㄒࠖKWWSVLQJRML\XFRMSROGQRPLQDWHQRPLQDWHKWPO㸦 ཧ↷㸧
2. ࠕ᪂ࢱ࣮࣡ࡢྡ⛠ࡀỴᐃࡋࡲࡋࡓࠋ 5LVLQJ (DVW 3URMHFW 1HZV 5HOHDVH  ࠖKWWSZZZWRN\R
VN\WUHHWRZQMSQHZVSGISGI㸦 ཧ↷㸧
3. ᙜึࠊබເࡉࢀࡓྡ⛠ࡢ࠺ࡕேẼࡀ࠶ࡗࡓࡢࡣࠊ➨  ఩࠿ࡽ㡰࡟ࠕ኱Ụᡞࢱ࣮࣡ࠖ
ࠕ᪂ᮾிࢱ࣮࣡ࠖ
ࠕࡉࡃࡽࢱ࣮࡛࣡ࠖ࠶ࡗࡓࠋ
ࠕ኱Ụᡞࢱ࣮࣡ࠖ
ࠕࡉࡃࡽࢱ࣮࣡ࠖࡣ᪤࡟ၟᶆⓏ㘓ࡉࢀ࡚࠾ࡾࠊ
ࠕ᪂ᮾிࢱ࣮࣡ࠖ
ࡣࠕᮾிࢱ࣮࣡ࠖ࡜㢮ఝࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡓࡵೃ⿵࠿ࡽ㝖እࡉࢀࡓ㸦ㄞ኎᪂⪺㸦ᮾி㸧 ᮅหࠊ 㠃㸧ࠋ
4. KWWSZZZWRN\RVN\WUHHWRZQMSQHZVSGISGI㸦 ཧ↷㸧
5. ࠕࣛ࢖ࢪࣥࢢ࣭࢖࣮ࢫࢺ࣭ࣉࣞࢫ $SULO1RࠖKWWSZZZWRN\RVN\WUHHWRZQMSWRZQSUHVVSGIUHSBQRSGI㸦 ཧ↷㸧
6. ࠕ࡜࠺ࡁࡻ࠺ࢫ࢝࢖ࢶ࣮ࣜ㸦ᪧ ᴗᖹᶫ㸧㥐 ㊰⥺ᅗ࣭㥐᝟ሗ㸦ᮾṊ㕲㐨㸧ࠖ
KWWSUDLOZD\WREXFRMSJXLGHVWDWLRQLQIRKWPO㸦 ཧ↷㸧
7. KWWSVLQJRML\XFRMSROGQHQGRKWPO㸦 ཧ↷㸧
8. ࠕ$.% බᘧࢧ࢖ࢺ $.% ๻ሙࠖKWWSVZZZDNEFRMSWKHDWHUࠕ$.% බᘧࢧ࢖ࢺ $.% ࢡࣟࢽ
ࢡࣝࠖKWWSVZZZDNEFRMSDERXWFKURQLFOH㸦 ཧ↷㸧
9. ࠕ6.(2)),&,$/:(%6,7(ࠖKWWSZZZVNHFRMS㸦 ཧ↷㸧
10. ࠕ10% බᘧࢧ࢖ࢺࠖKWWSZZZQPEFRP㸦 ཧ↷㸧
11. ࠕ6'1 ࢜ࣇ࢕ࢩࣕࣝࢧ࢖ࢺࠖKWWSZZZVGQFRMS㸦 ࢔ࢡࢭࢫ ⌧ᅾࠊᏑᅾࡏࡎ㸧12. ࠕ࢖ࣈࡀ⤖፧グᛕ᪥࡟" ,7 ᡓኈࡢࢡࣜࢫ࣐ࢫ፧ά ,7PHGLD1(:6 ࠖ㸦 බ㛤グ஦㸧
KWWSZZZLWPHGLDFRMSQHZVDUWLFOHVQHZVKWPO㸦 ཧ↷㸧
13. KWWSVLQJRML\XFRMSROGQHQGRKWPO㸦 ཧ↷㸧
14. ࠕ຾㛫࿴௦ࡢ 7ZLWWHU ึᚰ⪅ࡢࡓࡵࡢ౑࠸ࡇ࡞ࡋࡢ  ࢫࢸࢵࣉ㸦຾㛫࿴௦බᘧࣈࣟࢢ ⚾ⓗ࡞ࡇ࡜ࡀࡽ
ࢆグ㘓ࡋࡼ࠺㸧
ࠖKWWSND]X\RPXJLFRFRORJQLIW\FRPSULYDWHWZLWWHUHEKWPO㸦 ཧ↷㸧
15. ࠕ$.% බᘧࢧ࢖ࢺࠖKWWSVZZZDNEFRMS㸦 ཧ↷㸧ཧ↷ᩥ⊩%\EHH-Language Change&DPEULGJH&DPEULGJH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV&URIW:Explaining Language Change: An Evolutionary Approach/RQGRQ/RQJPDQ
෠㈗ᓥ ᫂ࠕᾘ㈝⤒῭ㄽࠖࠗᇛす኱Ꮫ኱Ꮫ㝔◊✲ᖺሗ࠘ᯘ ᬛ᫛ࠕὶ⾜ㄒ࠿ࡽࢃ࠿ࡿ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࠖᮾிእᅜㄒ኱ᏛእᅜㄒᏛ㒊 ༞ᴗㄽᩥ
+RSSHU3DXO-DQG(&7UDXJRWWGrammaticalization (2nd edition). &DPEULGJH&DPEULGJH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV/HHFK*0+XQGW&0DLUDQG16PLWKChange in Contemporary English: A Grammatical Study&DPEULGJH
&DPEULGJH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV⢄ᒣ ὒ௓ࠗ᪥ᮏㄒ◊✲ࡢࡓࡵࡢㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛ࠘ᮾி ◊✲♫
6ZHHWVHU(From Etymology to Pragmatics: Metaphorical and Cultural Aspects of Semantic Structure&DPEULGJH
&DPEULGJH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV−256−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

get ¡Õ "modal" passive © ®²°ŨGcLTåĥó°´
Abstract
This paper aims to show the relationship between the modal and get-passive forms. Previous
analysis of get-passive is examined, which describes one of the few rules of get-passive usage;“Patient has to exist before the verb occurs” in Ando (2005) and Egawa (1991). By this rule,“Nijo castle got built in one day!” would be aberrant. For this utterance to be proper, bothcontext and a special modal sense must be involved. The focus here is on identifying the typeof modal involved in get-passive, based on the corpus of Contemporary American English.
GifiU ¡ÕÏğÕÂńŌ

1. .6,
get + ŞŌ -ÉÄ.7,~ō(Ě:='ŴŶ?ŃŴüÄŶ(.Ţ:=ŴĝÄŶ,' be ¡Õ9;7.<,4=(<(Quirk et al. 1985: 161)
be + ŞŌ ¡Õ'get + ŞŌ -É,ķâ:=<>(.+!Ěĉ,.&-ũ<
1.1. ġğõĦĬ(.µŁ(2005))Ć¿(1991)-Ś3<get + ŞŌ -Ě-ũ,&'Ĺ½<(3).Ê:Ś3'<ũ(.oŠ+Ěĉ)+<WCRB\LZiEi:,9<)<ĕĈ=/Š,+<)ÏğÕÂ?%"¡Õ,.Ê:-ũ,<7;!-ÏğÕÂ*-9+7-+-?ë:,<(1) Nijo Castle was built in 1603.
(2) *Nijo Castle got built in 1603.
(3) ?Nijo Castle got built in one day! ůuö¨.jê(Ã':="@(9ŮŰ
2. łĦĬ
2.1. µŁ(2005))Ć¿(1991)9<ũµŁ(2005)Ć¿(1991)(.get + ŞŌ Ě=<Š+«¤-j&?þ-9,
Ś3'<

(4) ¡æ-rŏ.?<z,³§'+=/+:+
2.2. rŏ-³§ µŁ(2005)¡Õ(.t|-),rŏ,Ąĵğ+­ę< (cf. Palmer 1974:89)ňâ=/get ¡Õ?Š,Ě<"6,.¡æ-rŏ.?<z,³§'+
=/+:+))(<(5)-rŏ(<Ĵ .Å%Ř-ðq,&< )?¡<z:³§
'<!'&'+%"Ĵ&"Ĵ2)­?'<(5) The picture got damaged when we were moving.µŁ(2005:352)

"%'þ-9+şÖġğŏ1(effectum object) -«¤get ¡Õ.oŠ,+
<

−257−

get受動態 ―“modal” passive ―(6) a. *Our house got built in 1925.was built, gets rebuilt +:æĉğů×º. 1925 Á,ĭ':="Ű
b. *This sonnet got written by Milton. was written ů!-NWPT.`dTgï"Ű
"%'-ĳùńēę<9+ńŌųmake, produce, create, construct,
paint, write +*. get ¡Õ,.oŠ#)<3.

{Ő
get ¡Õ,.(3)-9,(4)-ũ,.È'.4:+«¤</uö¨ 1 ê(ŭĉ-9,÷m%")Ő%")<!-uö¨?ġ-,QAiFCUéł
¹,!-Ő-#;?Őë''<+(- “Nijo Castle got built in one day!” +:
-Ğō.+-Ğō.uö¨ń='<ůŵ³§'<Ű)á)
=';!-ń-=è,&'Ś3'<)%'79uö¨.&Ã':="(ŷ )Ŗ¦<«¤(7)(8).pèŠ(<(8)?Š)<«¤.(9)-9+ĕĈ<«¤)¢ŏ(.Š(7æŏ(.Ĺ,))?x'"

(7) When was Nijo Castle built?
(8) ?When did Nijo Castle get built?
(9) The tour operator says to the group, “The castle was built in 1500 B.C.” The tourist in
the back, who isn’t quite sure he heard the guide correctly, whispers incredulously to
his companion, “When did the castle get built? Did I hear her correctly? 1500 B.C.?!?
How is that even possible?”¡r?¡<,7Ì,7³§+=/ get ¡Õ-É.+)ũ
<,7ŧ>:(3),in one day! Ý=<),9;@+°+uö¨"%"-jê(Ã%"+@'Ů)Ŭ-ÔÓŃė=ĚŠ,+<-9,¡r,¾
<ōÚůÓª-Ŝ;ÚŰ-ÏğÕÂ-ĕĈ,9; get ¡Õ-É?)(<-(.
+){Ő?(rÆ<
4. SiO)Œûèĉ
õĦĬ(. Corpus of Contemporary American English (CCAE)?Ě'Œû?ł%"¡æ-rŏ.?<z,³§'+=/+:+)(4)-ı,'
<7-?ýĲ<),"³§-+%"rŏ!-?¡<),9%'³§<
9+Ě<))?rÆ8<"6,get ¡Õ(.oŠ)=<şÖġğŏ? <9+ńŌ-q: make, build, produce, create, construct, paint, write - 7&?š1got+ŞŌ -Ě?ýĲ"'Î:=" 166 -SiO?3'ņ½(3) Nijo Castle got built in one day! 9,rŏ+%"7-!-Ō?¡<),9;³§<9,+< 87 3'š
1#¡r,¾<ōÚůÓª-Ŝ;ÚŰ-ÔÓ-ŗ}-òĎ?Œ3"
ĳù

Ō
make
build
createproducegot +pp
82
56
5
5

òò
33
10
0
5

−258−

rŏ-³§
Ďò
ĎĎ
36
12
36
10
5
0
0
0

oë
1
0
0
0

第20回大会発表論文集

construct
paint
write
¤ŉ

0
5
13
166

0
5
1
54

第13号

0
0
10
87

0
0
1
23

0
0
1
2

:,(10)-9,æq, never, no, nothing Ě=<),9;rŏ-³§!-Ō?¡<)+"6rŏ-,7Ì,7³§+Ě7 23 Ŏ6:="
(10) …he’d sold the rights to movies that never got made.

(CCAE)ůnĶįĺŰ

rŏ-³§+7-:<7-2)­'<ĚŎ6:="-. make, build,create, write - 4 &(%"write -«¤!-¡r-³§?*Þ<,9;³§-òĎ%'4"6write .!-¡ræĮ4".Ŋ£="íč(³§-<7)"rŏ-³§Ď%"7-:<7-,­'< 87 ůŃ-Iei-ŤŰ( get ¡Õ>="Ęě)'.!-tŔîŝ(.+Ĕ+)7.Ĕā+)(<)?ÇŒ<"6#)Ĺ:=<!-tŔ,¾<ÔÓ-ŗ}-»,.r astonishment/
amazement, disgust/major dislike, mystery/unknown, hardship/past struggle,
disappointment / desire -9+7-Ŏ6:="
astonishment, amazement -Ěų(11) // Q: Considering the sensitive political climate, are you surprised that the film got
made ? // A: I thought, " There's no way we can pull this off. Someone is going to stop us.
" We can't have George Bush in our movie smoking pot.      
 (CCAE)Ŗ¦'<w7Ŗ¦,İ'<w7!-ìĜ.ń=+)Ð%'"¸Ūń="),4)Ŭ?Ô'<
disgust, major dislike -Ě(12) Sometimes a movie is so incredibly bad, you wonder how it ever got made. (CCAE)*8%":@+,0* (incredibly bad) ¥(<@#ŷ+ ìĜ,<)("@#ŷ :=+)%"ìĜ,¾<0*±ÒÔÔ:=<
mystery unknown -Ě(13) # " You know that a complex ceramic material got made somehow, so there's incentive tolearning how that is done, " says Fink.
(CCAE)
ļĐ-q(:=<Ņ¤Mb`PHēŖ*8%'(<-:+*>
(somehow)!=:='4%"!-ī¼?ß<)»:!-ēŖôĤ-7-(
<)8!-ĪīÑő5 =<
hardship, past struggle -Ě(14) De Palma wanted to direct it at the height of the Vietnam War, but he couldn't get any
backers. It finally got made because of his success with " The Untouchables " and abankable star, Michael J. Fox, who committed himself to being in it. # "(CCAE)−259−

get受動態 ―“modal” passive ―ìĜĠģ-Xd_.]TVaØs-¸ō?]iL,"“Causalities of War” )ìĜ?
Øs-Ģ%ðq,;"%"Ìãĺ?Î<)((+%" 1987 Á- “TheUntouchables”-YPT8_CJdhJh[DPHL-Čć·,9;8%)(finally)-)(1989 Á,ìĜ-¶Ö)+%"
(10)-9, never, no, nothing ,Ě=<),9;rŏ-,7Ì,7³§
<)-+Ě(."%"*(+%"óË'"!+:+%")%"9+ disappointment / desire -ÔÓ¡ :="5. 4)6õĦĬ(. get ¡Õ-ıų ¡æ-rŏ.?<z,³§'+=/+:+,<Ě<)t¸,Ċġų¡r?¡<,7Ì,7³§+=/ get ¡Õ-É.+ ¡r,¾<ōÚůÓª-Ŝ;ÚŰ-ÏğÕÂ-ĕĈ,9;Ďö|( get ¡Õ-É?)(<-(.+?7),Œû?ł%"!-ĳù!-{Ő.ò(<)ħŎ="¯-Ě.!-túĽÒ,>:*@+,îŝ(.+))?ÇŒ'<ÔÓ-»)'.!-tú,¾<ŬĿ±ÒĪīÑôĤÿąď;+*ħŎ="µŁ(2005))Ć¿(1991)-Ś3<get+ŞŌ ũ(3a),7È'.4:+Ě7¯5:="q,.ÔÓ-ŗ}Ŏ6:= get ¡Õbe ¡Õ-*$:?%'7­>;+7-
,Cg[Di_d(<#-7-wÀ,9;!-¡Ā6è/:&7-7%"Í%'{Ő.ò(<).ħ(<¼+7-(.+)9
Ċ 1 He painted the door. ůUA,^gG?¬%"Ű)He painted a flower .ůľ?à"Ű)?ăř<)ĺ(.UA.^gG?¬<z:³§'<Ìĺ(.à"ĳùľę")>
<ů!-ŋÜ,ĺ(.What did he do to a flower?)Ļ).(+Ű-9,Ō-Ń
-ĳùę<ńē?Ĩġğŏ?ĳùġğŏ(object of result, 4". effective object))
KiXL
BNC=British National Corpus
CCAE=Corpus of Contemporary American English  http://corpus.byu.edu/coca/ 2017/6/29 -KiXL.
220,225 -RGLT5  2000 kŏzm:Ö<SiO. 1990-2015 Á-7-(ĂÁ 2 kŏś
=ðç-RGLT-ś. 2012 ÁŲñ-2015 Á 12 ñ(; 2015 Á 12 ñ,¶Ö="đæĖ
Allen, W.S., 19745. Living English Structure, London: Longman.
µŁŕū. 2005. ėyŀæĉœĸ øvųŦÛĩ.
Biber, D., S. Johansson, G. Leech, S. Conrand and E. Finegan (1999) Longman Grammar of Spoken andWritten English, London: Longman.
Ć¿ċjţ (1991) ŀæĉŇŐ ä·lĒ øvųť²ïÙ.
Huddleston. R. and G. Pullum (2002) The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Jeperson, o. (1924) The Philosophy of Grammar, London: Allen &Unwin.
Lakoff, R. (1971) “Passive Resistance,” CLS 7, 149-162.
Palmer, F.R. (19741, 19822) The English Verb, London: Longman.
Quirk,R., S. Greenbaum,G. Leech and J. Cartivck (1972) A Grammar of Contemporary English, London:
Longman.
Quirk, R., S. Greenbaum, G. Leech and J. Svartvik (1985) A Comprehensive Grammar of the English
Language, London: Longman.
Swan, M.(19801, 19952,2005ű, 20164)Practical English Usage, London: Oxford University Press.

−260−第20回大会発表論文集

Ĺœâo

第13号

­âr[`WXliåĲsğĄØÏ――ŅÞâåĲĨċrcm――ª «¥¬ÑĤĢÁĢÁ³đ

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日本語とインドネシア語におけるあいづち行動の対照研究 ―非言語行動を中心にして―

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ĊçHocmñmXoäZ}@vg?GłĭĊçHě÷r?ĹœĎo ­Ďozr?WXliKıs¶Č~sC­sľµějmX@ÉŇĉEąBņąwF   ÉŇĉEąBņąwFsoňİøsŇrt?Ĺœâ½Šo ­â½Šr[`ĸļE  FsXsňİùcg@ŇQ ĹœâsąXs
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日本語とインドネシア語におけるあいづち行動の対照研究 ―非言語行動を中心にして―ąsËĻrkXmt?Ĺœâo ­âoozr? ­¦CĈŕrt?ýqËĻ
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Hanzawa, C. (2012) Listening behaviors in Japanese: Aizuchi and head nod use by native speakers andsecond language learners. Iowa Research online, University of Iowa.
Kogure, M. (2007). Nodding and smiling in silence during the loop sequence ofbackchannels in Japanese conversation. Journal of pragmatics. 39, 1275-1289.
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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号⛬ᗘ๪モࡢࠕࡕ
ࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡢ
ࡢព࿡ゎ㔘࡟㛵ࡍࡿ㡢ኌⓗⓗせᅉ࡟ࡘ࠸
࠸࡚        ࿅ዺዺ㸦᪩✄⏣኱
኱Ꮫ㝔⏕㸧
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㸺Abstraact㸼Concenttrating on the usage that tyyotto is used asa a degree moodifier, this paaper aims to investigateithe correllation betweenn the interprettation of tyottoo and the phon
netical factorss in some speccific contexts basedbon alistening experiment via
v PRAAT. When tyotto is pronounceed regularly as
a a plus evaaluation, it teends to beinterpreteed as a middlle degree. Whhen tyotto is pronouncedpirrregularly or withw a small pitch range asa a minus
evaluation, it is likely to be interprreted as a higgh degree. Wh
hen tyotto is pronouncedpreegularly in coomparisonsentencess or in answerr sentences of questions, it teends to be inteerpreted literaally as a low ddegree.
࣮࣮࠙࢟࣡࣡ࢻࠚࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖ 㡢ኌⓗຠᯝ㡢ព࿡ゎ㔘 㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽ

㸯㸬ၥ㢟
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ᬑẁࡼࡃ౑⏝ࡉࢀࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࠗ᪥ᮏᅜㄒ኱㎡඾࡛࠘࠘ࡣࠊ๪モࡢ
ࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ
ࠕప⛬ᗘ࣭
࡜ࠖࡣࠕ᫬
᫬㛫ࠊ≀஦ࡢ㔞㔞ࡸ⛬ᗘࡀࢃࡎ
ࡎ࠿࡛࠶ࡿࡉࡲࢆ⾲ࢃࡍㄒࠋࡍ
ࡍࡇࡋࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚
࡚グ㏙ࡉࢀ࡚࠸
࠸ࡿࠋࡘࡲࡾࠊ
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ࡢᮏ⩏࡜ࡉࢀ࡚
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ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜
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࡜ࡍࡿࠋࡑࡢ࠺ࡕࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పᖹࠖࡣࠕ㧗㧗ప࢔ࢡࢭࣥࢺࠖ
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ࡲࡓࠊ
ࠕࡕ
ࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗ప㛗ࠖࡢࠕ࡜ࠖࡀ㛗㛗ࡃఙࡤࡉࢀࡿࡓࡵࠊᮏ✏࡛ࡣࡣឤືモⓗ࡞⏝⏝ἲ࡜ࡋ࡚ᢅ࠺
࠺ࠋ

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ᐇ㦂ᡭ㡰
㡰࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣࠊࡲࡎࠊ ྡࡢࡢ᪥ᮏㄒẕㄒヰ⪅ヰ⪅ࡀㄞࡴᩥࢆ㘓㘓㡢ࡋࠊ㘓㡢ࢹࢹ࣮ࢱ࠿ࡽࠊࠕ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పࠖ
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ࠕࡕࡻࡗ
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ࢡ࢔ࢵࣉࡋࡓࠋࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㸩⿕⿕ಟ㣭ㄒࠖ࡜࠸
࠸࠺ࣃࢱ࣮࡛ࣥ
࡛ࠊྛᩥ⬦࡟࠾࠸
࠸࡚ྠࡌ㡢࣭ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ప㧗పࠖࢆࣆࢵࢡኌࡢ⿕ಟ㣭㣭ㄒ࡜⤌ࡳྜࢃ
ࢃࡏࠊᐇ㦂ᩥࢆ
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ኌࢆ෌⌧ࡋ
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ࡍࡿ኱Ꮫ⏕㸦⏨⏨ᛶ  ྡࠊዪᛶᛶ  ྡ㸧࡟ࠊ඲ࣛࣥࢲ࣒࡛  ᅇࢆ㔜」ࡋᅇ࡚⫈ྲྀࡋ࡚࡚ࡶࡽ࠸ࠊᅗ  ࡟♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟࡟ࠊྛᐇ㦂ᩥࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡀ
ࡀ⾲ࡍ⛬ᗘ࡟ࡘ
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ࡓࠋᐇ㦂ࢆ
ᐇ᪋ࡍࡿ๓
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࠸࡚ㄝ᫂ࡋࡓࠋ༠
༠ຊ⪅ࡢࠕ⛬ᗘᗘࠖ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡢ
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

−265−

程度副詞の「ちょっと」の意味解釈に関する音声的要因についてࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖ㸩ࣉࣛࢫホ౯ࡢᙧᐜモᅗ $ ᐇ㦂ᩥ㸯ࠕ࠶ࡢᗑࠊࡕࡻࡗ࡜࠾࠸ࡋ࠸ࡽࡋ࠸ࠋࡐࡦ⾜ࡃ࡜࠸࠸ࡼࠋ
ࠖࡢᐇ㦂⤖ᯝཬࡧ㡢ኌࢹ࣮ࢱ

[㸻GI㸻S
⾲㸯

㧗ప

㧗పᖹ

ప㧗ప

ᑡࡋࡔࡅ

       





㠀ᮏ⩏

       ୙⮬↛      

ྜィ

 ᅇ

 ᅇ

 ᅇ



ࡢ⛬ᗘ




 S



S S
ᅗ $ ࡜⾲ ࡟♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟ࠊࠕ࠶ࡢᗑࠊࡕࡻࡗ࡜࠾࠸ࡋ࠸ࡽࡋ࠸ࠋࡐࡦ⾜ࡃ࡜࠸࠸ࡼࠋࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᩥ⬦࡛ࡣࠊࠕ࠾࠸ࡋ࠸ࠖ
ࡢ㡢ኌࡀྠࡌ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ୕✀㢮ࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖ࡟ࡘ࠸ุ࡚᩿ࡉࢀࡓ⛬ᗘ࡟ࠊ᭷ព࡞ᕪࡀぢࡽࢀࡓ㸦[ GI㸻S㸧ࠋࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡀࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పࠖࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పᖹ࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖ௨እ࡟ࠊ
ࠕ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢ⛬ᗘࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚㑅ᢥࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘࡣࡑࢀࡒࢀ  ᅇ࣭ ᅇ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ඲ᅇᩘࡢ  ๭௨ୖࢆ༨ࡵ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᩥ⬦ⓗຠᯝ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ
ࠕࡐࡦ⾜ࡃ࡜࠸࠸ࡼࠖ
ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊࣉࣛࢫホ౯ࡢࡇ࡜ࢆ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ᙉࡃࡍࡍࡵ࡚ఏ㐩ࡍࡿᩥ⬦࡛࠶ࡿࡓࡵࠊ୍ᐃࡢ⛬ᗘ௨ୖ࡛࠶ࡿࡣࡎࡔ࡜᥎
ࡉࢀࠊ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢࠕᬑ㏻࡟࣭ᬑ㏻௨ୖࠖ࡜࠸࠺᥎ពࡀㄞࡳྲྀࢀࡿࠋ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗ప ᖹ ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ࣞࢠ࣮ࣗࣛࡢ㡢ኌࡣࠕࡕࡻ
ࡗ࡜ࠖࡑࡢࡶࡢࢆᮏ⩏࡜ࡋ࡚ᙉㄪࡉࢀࡿࢃࡅ࡛ࡣ࡞࠸ࡓࡵࠊᩥ⬦࡟ᛂࡌ࡚㠀ᮏ⩏࡜ࡋ࡚ゎ㔘ࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡶྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿࠋ࢖ࣞࢠ࣮ࣗࣛࡢ㡢ኌ࡛ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ప㧗పࠖ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢ⛬ᗘࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚㑅ᢥࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘࡣ༙ศࢆ༨ࡵ࡚࠸
ࡿࡀࠊ⤫ィ࡟ࡼࡿᮇᚅ್࡜ẚ࡭ࠊ᭷ព࡟ᑡ࡞࠸ࠋࡲࡓࠊ
ࠕ୙⮬↛ࠖࡢᅇᩘࡣ  ᅇ࡛ࠊ඲ᅇᩘࡢ 㸣ࢆ༨ࡵ࡚࠾ࡾࠊ᭷ព
࡟ከ࠸ࠋ┦ᡭ࡟ࡍࡍࡵࡿᩥ⬦࡛ࡣࠊࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡀ࢖ࣞࢠ࣮ࣗࣛࡢ㡢ኌ࡛ᙉㄪࡉࢀࡿ࡜ࠊᩥ⬦ⓗຠᯝ࡜┦ᐜࢀ࡞࠸ࡓࡵࠊ
୙⮬↛ࡉࢆឤࡌࡉࡏࡿ࡜᥎ ࡉࢀࡿࠋ
ᐇ㦂ᩥ㸯ࡢࡼ࠺࡞⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ࡍࡍࡵࡿᩥ⬦࡛ࡣࠊࠕࡍࡈࡃࠖ࡜ࡣゝࢃࡎࠊࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡢᮏ⩏ࢆ౑࠸ࠊࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈ࣭࣏ࣛ
࢖ࢺࢿࢫ࣭ࢫࢺࣛࢸࢪ࣮࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ⮬ศࡢᙉ࠸ࡍࡍࡵࢆᢲࡋ௜ࡅࡀࡲࡋࡃ࡞ࡃឤࡌࡉࡏࠊ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ุ᩿ࡢవᆅࢆ୚࠼ࡿࠋ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖ㸩࣐࢖ࢼࢫホ౯ࡢᙧᐜモ
ᅗ % ᐇ㦂ᩥ ࠕࡈࡵࢇࡈࡵࢇࠋ
ࠖࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㐜࠸ࡼࠋࠖࡢᐇ㦂⤖ᯝཬࡧ㡢ኌࢹ࣮ࢱ

[㸻GI㸻S
⾲ 

㧗ప

㧗పᖹ

ప㧗ప

ᑡࡋࡔࡅ

       







㠀ᮏ⩏

     

ࡢ⛬ᗘ



୙⮬↛

        



S  Sᅗ % ࡜⾲  ࡟♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟ࠊࠕ㐜࠸ࠖࡢ㡢ኌࡀྠࡌ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ୕✀㢮ࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡢ㡢ኌⓗຠᯝ࡟ࡣࠊ᭷ព࡞ᕪࡀぢࡽࢀࡓ㸦[㸻GI㸻S㸧ࠋࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పᖹ࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢ⛬ᗘࠖࡢᅇᩘࡣ  ๭࡟㐩ࡋ࡚࠾ࡾࠊ
ᮇᚅ್࡜ẚ࡭࡚᭷ព࡟ከ࠸ࠋࡇࢀ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗ప࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢ⛬ᗘࠖ࡜ࡋุ࡚᩿ࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘ
ࡣᮇᚅ್࡜ẚ࡭࡚᭷ព࡟ᑡ࡞࠸ྠ᫬࡟ࠊ
ࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖ࡜ࡋุ࡚᩿ࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘࡣ᭷ព࡟ከ࠸ࠋࡲࡓࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ప㧗ప࡛ࠖ
Ⓨ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕ࡜࡚ࡶࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚㑅ᢥࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘࡣ  ᅇ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ඲ᅇᩘࡢ 㸣ࢆ༨ࡵ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㐜࠸ࡼࠖ࡜࠸࠺ࡼ࠺࡞ᩥ⬦࡛ࡣࠊヰࡋᡭࡀᩥྃࡸ୙‶ࢆ┦ᡭ࡟ゝ࠸ฟࡍ௨ୖࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࢆ౑ࡗ࡚ࡶ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ࠕ㐜ࡉࠖࢆ᫂☜࡟ఏ㐩ࡋࡓ࠸࡜ุ᩿ࡉࢀࡿࠋᩥ⬦ⓗຠᯝ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ࿴ࡽࡆ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡣ㠀ᮏ⩏ⓗゎ㔘ࡀ࡞ࡉࢀࠊࠕ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢ⛬ᗘࠖ࡜࠸࠺᥎ពࡀㄞࡳྲྀࢀࡿࠋ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పᖹ࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡣಟ㣭ࡢ఩⨨࡟❧



−266−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡀࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡑࡢࡶࡢࡀᙉㄪࡉࢀࡎࠊᮏ⩏ࡢព࿡ࡀⷧࡃ࡞ࡾࠊ඲యⓗ࡟ィ⟬ⓗ࡟㧗࠸⛬ᗘࡀ⾲ࡍ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊ࢖ࣞࢠ࣮ࣗࣛࡢ㡢ኌ࡛࠶ࡿࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ప㧗ప࡛ࠖ᫂☜࡟ᙉㄪࡉࢀࡿ࡜ࠊࡑࡢ᥎ពࡀᮏ⩏࠿ࡽ㞳ࢀࠊ
ࠕᬑ㏻௨ୖ࣭࡜࡚ࡶࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ゎ㔘ࡋࡸࡍࡃ࡞ࡿࠋ࣐࢖ࢼࢫホ౯ࢆࡍࡿሙྜࠊ⪺ࡁᡭࡢࢿ࢞ࢸ࢕ࣈࣇ࢙࢖ࢫࢆ⥔ᣢࡍࡿࡓࡵࠊ࣏ࣛ
࢖ࢺࢿࢫ࡛ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࢆ౑࠸ࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡢᮏ⩏࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠊ࣐࢖ࢼࢫホ౯ࢆ⦆࿴ࡋࠊᚰ⌮ⓗ࡞㈇ᢸࢆῶᑡࡍࡿࠋ
 ẚ㍑ᩥࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖ
ᅗ & ᐇ㦂ᩥ ࠕ௒᪥ࡣᐮ࠸ࡢ㸽ࠖࠕ᫖᪥ࡼࡾࡕࡻࡗ࡜ᐮ࠸ࡼࠋ
ࠖࡢᐇ㦂⤖ᯝཬࡧ㡢ኌࢹ࣮ࢱ

[㸻GI㸻S
⾲ 

㧗ప

㧗పᖹ

ప㧗ప

ᑡࡋࡔࡅ

       





㠀ᮏ⩏



     

ࡢ⛬ᗘ



୙⮬↛

        
㸩S S  Sᅗ & ࡜⾲  ࡟♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟ࠊẚ㍑ᩥ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣࠊࠕᐮ࠸ࠖࡢ㡢ኌࡀྠࡌ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ୕✀㢮ࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡢ㡢ኌⓗຠᯝ࡟ࡣࠊ᭷ព࡞ᕪࡀぢࡽࢀࡓ [ GI㸻S㸧ࠋࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡀࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పࠖࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పᖹ࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚㑅ᢥࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘࡣࡑࢀࡒࢀ ᅇ࣭ ᅇ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ඲ᅇᩘࡢ  ๭௨ୖࢆ༨ࡵ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡑࡢ࠺ࡕࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗ప࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿሙྜࠊ
ࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖ࡜ࡋ
࡚㑅ᢥࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘࡣ᭷ព࡟ከࡃࠊ
ࠕ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢ⛬ᗘࠖࡢᅇᩘࡣ᭷ព࡟ᑡ࡞࠸ࠋ
࢖ࣞࢠ࣮ࣗࣛࡢ㡢ኌ࡛ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ప㧗ప࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖࡢᅇᩘࡣ᭷ព࡟ᑡ࡞ࡃࠊ
ࠕ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢ⛬ᗘࠖࡢᅇᩘࡣ᭷ព࡟ከ࠸ࠋ⛅⏣  ࡛ࡣࠊẚ㍑⾲⌧࡟࠾࠸࡚ࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡣࠕᑠ⛬ᗘ࣭ᑡ㔞ࢆ⾲ࡍࠖ࡜ᣦ᦬ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
⛬ᗘࢆẚ㍑ࡍࡿሙྜࠊࡼࡾṇࡋ࠸᝟ሗࢆồࡵࡽࢀࡿࡓࡵࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗ప ᖹ ࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ࡜ࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖࢆ⾲ࡏࡿࠋ୍᪉ࠊ࢖ࣞࢠ࣮ࣗࣛࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ప㧗ప࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ࡜ࠊ⪺ࡁᡭࡀ㡢ኌⓗຠᯝ࡟ᙳ㡪ࡉࢀࠊ࠺ࡲࡃ᥎ពࢆㄞࡳྲྀࢀ࡞
࠸ഴྥࡀ࠶ࡿ࡜᥎ ࡉࢀࡿࠋ

 ␲ၥᩥ࡟ᑐࡍࡿ⟅࠼ࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖ
ᅗ 'ᐇ㦂ᩥ ࠕỈὋࡣ࡛ࡁࡲࡍ࠿ࠋ
ࠖࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜࡛ࡁࡲࡍࠋ
ࠖࡢᐇ㦂⤖ᯝཬࡧ㡢ኌࢹ࣮ࢱ

[㸻GI㸻S
⾲ 

㧗ప

ᑡࡋࡔࡅ

       





㸩

㠀ᮏ⩏

     

ࡢ⛬ᗘ
୙⮬↛



㧗పᖹ

ప㧗ప

        S  S Sᅗ ' ࡜⾲  ࡟♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ␲ၥᩥ࡟ᑐࡍࡿ⟅࠼࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊࠕ࡛ࡁࡲࡍࠖࡢ㡢ኌࡀྠࡌ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ୕✀㢮ࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡢ
㡢ኌⓗຠᯝ࡟㛵ࡋ࡚ࠊ᭷ព࡞ᕪࡀぢࡽࢀࡓ [ GI㸻S㸧ࠋࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡀࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పࠖࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗పᖹ࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊ
ࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚㑅ᢥࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘࡣ඲ᅇᩘࡢ ࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚㑅ᢥࡉࢀࡓᅇᩘࡣ᭷ព࡟ከ࠸
๭௨ୖࢆ༨ࡵ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡑࡢ࠺ࡕࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗ప࡛ࠖⓎ㡢ࡉࢀࡿሙྜࠊ
ࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊ࢖ࣞࢠ࣮ࣗࣛࡢ㡢ኌ࡛ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ప㧗పࠖ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡉࢀࡿ᫬ࠊᮇᚅ್࡜ẚ࡭࡚ࠊࠕ୙⮬↛ࠖࡢᅇᩘࡣ᭷ព



−267−

程度副詞の「ちょっと」の意味解釈に関する音声的要因について࡟ከࡃࠊࠕᑡࡋࡔࡅࠖࡢᅇᩘࡶࠕ㠀ᮏ⩏ࡢ⛬ᗘࠖࡢᅇᩘࡶ᭷ព࡟ᑡ࡞࠸ࠋ
ẚ㍑ᩥࡢᩥ⬦࡜㢮ఝࡋࠊ⛬ᗘࢆၥ㢟࡜ࡋ࡚⪺࠿ࢀࡿሙྜࠊ⟅࠼࡜ࡋ࡚ṇ☜ࡢ᝟ሗࢆᥦ౪ࡍࡿࡓࡵࠊ
ࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜㧗ప ᖹ ࠖ࡜࠸࠺㡢ኌࡀᮏ⩏ࡢࠕప⛬ᗘ࣭ᑡ㔞ࠖࢆ⾲ࡏࡿࠋ ␲ၥᩥ࡟ᑐࡍࡿ⟅࠼ࡢ୍ㄒᩥࡢࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖᅗ (ᐇ㦂ᩥ ࠕỈὋࡣ࡛ࡁࡲࡍ࠿ࠋ
ࠖࠕࡕࡻࡗ࡜ࠖࡢᐇ㦂⤖ᯝཬࡧ㡢ኌࢹ࣮ࢱ

[㸻GI㸻S
⾲ 

㧗ప

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第13号

POS/Countability Matters?
A Cognitive Approach to Investigating Fillers in English “From X To Y” Construction
Andrew Hui-chun Chuang
National Taiwan University
dreewch1@hotmail.com
Abstract
This study argues that “from X to Y” is a construction capable of inducing categorial adaptability inpresent-day English. Moreover, the construction appears to also motivate similar effects between
nouns and certain word classes (i.e., adjectives, adverbs and prepositions). In other words, “from X to
Y” is a productive construction that licenses such grammatical changes, though there seem to beconstraints governing them. This preliminary study aims to investigate the construction’s X and Y
fillers in a cognitive approach (i.e., CG and CxG), and seeks to provide a usage-based (COCA-based)
explanation for such constraints.
【Keywords】: from X to Y, construction, image schema, Cognitive Grammar, usage-based

1. Introduction
Rather common in English, the “from X to Y” construction serves to describe a path such as
from Tokyo to Kyoto. This construction has been identified as having the sense of complete path inIbarretxe-Antuñano (2002), and Garai and Ibarretxe-Antuñano (2002). Other senses of thisconstruction have long been overlooked due to the high frequency of its concrete physical use.
However, this paper argues that the “from X to Y” construction in modern English has allowed formore flexibility between type and instance—that is, the countability rationale between count andnoncount entities no longer remains so rigid a ruling in this preposition-dominant structure. Moreover,the construction appears to have also endowed its fillers with similar effects between nouns andparticular word classes (i.e., adjectives, adverbs, and even prepositions). In other words, the “from-Xto-Y” alignment is a productive construction that induces a more adaptable relationship not only
between countability and uncountability in nouns, but between nouns and other parts of speech; eithercase may strike language users as a violation of grammar.
Syntactically, the “from X to Y” construction comprises two prepositions, each demanding an
NP (or gerund) as its object complement (i.e., X and Y fillers) whose headword has to undergo
inflection based on distinct countability considerations: countable vs. uncountable; singular vs. plural.
However, words that fit in the X and Y slots seem to behave in a rather unanticipated fashion inpresent-day English. The following expressions can be spotted in both U.S. and British mainstream
print and TV coverage:(1) a. Caitlyn Jenner transitioned from a man[X] to a woman[Y] .
. b. Caitlyn Jenner transitioned from man[X] to woman[Y].
Put otherwise, the “from X to Y” construction appears to lend free rein to the possibility of treating
count nouns as mass nouns, at least in form, but not vice versa. More interestingly, the construction
seems to also license “categorial violation” to non-NP fillers, such as adjectives (2a), adverbs (2b) andprepositions (2c).
(2) a. Others changed from positive[X] to negative[Y].

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POS/Countability Matters? A Cognitive Approach to Investigating Fillers in English “From X To Y” Construction. b. How’d you get from here[X] to there[Y]?
. c. The Sartan magic worked from within[X] to without[Y], whereas Patryn magic worked
from without[X] to within[Y].
This grammatical reshuffle should shake up the once well-defined landscape of English
grammar in that categorial boundaries—those between countability and uncountability, and among
several word classes—appear to have functioned in a rather fuzzy, flexible, and even somewhat
accommodating manner than as a definitive set of language rules (i.e., a priori grammar postulate).
However, the findings do not guarantee any self-willed licensing in the fillers. Language data from
COCA (Corpus of Contemporary American English) should suggest a new line of inquiry—there
apparently exist certain constraints underlying such emergent instability, flexibility or, to be preferredin this study, “categorial adaptability”.
2. Literature Review
The fundamental tenet of this study is that “from X to Y” is and must be viewed as aconstruction whose meaning (semantics) is mapped onto its form (syntax) (Goldberg 1995, 2006,2007) while such a language structure may be determined by actual language use (Bybee 2010).
Most current research on “from X to Y” is centered on the construction either as a complete
path (Ibarretxe-Antuñano 2002; Garai and Ibarretxe-Antuñano 2002) or as a PP instance in regular
grammar instruction. Others may discuss from and to, respectively, as “locatives” (Lindstromberg
2010), “PP-adjuncts” (Hoffmann 2014; Lindstromberg 2010; O’Dowd 1998; Tenbrink 2007), or amodel of “principled polysemy” based on embodied and spatial experiences (Evans and Green 2006).
However, none has addressed this category-/boundary-based phenomenon in any construction.
3. Methods
The “from X to Y” construction can be viewed in terms of image schema (Langacker 2008),
which visualizes how the conceptual path may take place in the speaker’s mind (see Figure 1). The
figure below shows two events (X and Y) being profiled respectively as two ends of the same timeline(in an embodied spatial sense), not as two well-delineated sets of grammatical rules to be strictly
followed by any speakers. It is argued herein that such a schematic view may reflect how categorial
adaptability comes about based on certain constraints (see discussion).

Figure 1

From X

To Y

The paper resorts to corpus data (mainly COCA-based) and categorizes the search results into
four types: (1) X = Y (Conventionalized/Grammaticalized), (2) X  Y (Regular), (3) X  Y (IrregularI), and (4) X  Y (Irregular II). In all types, except for Type 4, the X and Y fillers are further sorted
into two subordinate divisions—Group 1 (idioms) vs. Group 2 (non-idioms), based on varying degrees−270−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

of idiomaticity. However, only Types 3 and 4 will be briefly discussed in this preliminary paper as they
have emerged outside the scope of regular grammar (see Table 1).
Table 1

4. Discussion
Table 1 shows the candidates for X and Y fillers in reference to construction-induced“categorial adaptability”. It is apparent that certain constraints are at work. This paper has found andargued that the mechanisms underlying each set of fillers (e.g., from cradle to crave, from doctor topatient, from long to short, from within to without, etc.) must be grounded in antonymous notions as
those specified in Cruse (2000), be they reversives, converse pairs, polar antonyms, or ones based on
scalar dimensions or morphological markedness.

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POS/Countability Matters? A Cognitive Approach to Investigating Fillers in English “From X To Y” Construction

Therefore, it is argued herein that “from X to Y” is a saliently schematic construction thattends to trigger “categorial adaptability” between different word classes due to bipolar-like constraints(not in a strict sense), as they may be conceptualized as two ends of a schematic route (see Figure 1)—
This alone is sufficient enough for semantic construal (Langacker 2008). If grammar is thesophisticated product of linguistic evolution and/or revolution, then such constraints appear to be moreconceptually grounded than any prescriptive grammar. Put alternatively, “categorial adaptability”
should reflect the fact that the need for construal precedes the institutionalization of grammar. And,
this may account for the reason as to why only words that fall within the consideration of antonymy(in a loose sense) can fill in the X and Y slots of the construction.
5. Conclusion
The “from X to Y” alignment is a productive construction that induces “categorial
adaptability” because it is argued to be more schematic and conceptually grounded. Speakers may
sound as if they were violating established rules of grammar, and yet are indeed just falling back on
their language instinct, or, to be exact, they are unconsciously availing themselves of a more salient
linguistic schema, though it may have often been too cognitively fundamental to be noticed. This
preliminary paper also aims to motivate future studies on “categorial adaptability” in other locative
constructions in English, such as “between X and Y”, “a far cry from X”, “anything but X”, and so on,
in hopes of further exploring the many relationships between cognition and language use.
References
Bybee, Joan L. 2010. Language, Usage and Cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Cruse, D. A. 2000. Meaning in language: An introduction to semantics and pragmatics.
Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
Evans, V., Green, M. 2006. Cognitive linguistics: an introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh
Univ. Press.
Garai, Koldo J. and Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano. 2002. “From X to Y: The ‘complete path’
construction in Basque”. Odense Working Papers in Language and Communication
23: 289-311.
Goldberg, Adele E. 1995. Constructions: A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument
Structure. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Goldberg, Adele E. 2006. Constructions at Work: The Nature of Generalization in Language.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Goldberg, A. E. 2007. Constructions: A construction grammar approach to argument structure.
Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.
Hoffmann, T. 2014. Preposition placement in English: A usage-based approach. Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press.
Ibarretxe-Antuñano, Iraide. 2002. ‘Motion events in Basque narratives’. In Sven Strömqvist
and Ludo Verhoeven (eds.) Relating events in narratives: Typological and contextual
perspectives. Lawrence Erlbaum.
Langacker, R. W. 2008. Cognitive grammar: A basic introduction. New York: Oxford Univ.
Press.
Lindstromberg, S. 2010. English prepositions explained. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Tenbrink, T. 2007. Space, time, and the use of language: An investigation of relationships. Berlin:
Mouton de Gruyter.

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第13号

Sensitivity to pragmatic markers predicts the degree of autism and depression in older adults:    Evidence from sentence-final expressions in Japanese
Sachiko Kiyama1, Masatoshi Koizumi1, and Noriaki Yusa2
1

Tohoku University, 2 Miyagi Gakuin Women’s University

Abstract
Autistic traits are prevalent not just in younger generations but also in older generations, andcan potentially lead to older adults’ depression. To examine the effects of aging and autistic
traits on the perception of linguistic expressions indicating interpersonal distance, we conducted
a questionnaire survey of how older adults evaluated combined uses of Japanese honorifics andsentence-final particles (SFPs) in younger adults’ utterances. Results revealed that bothconditions of depression and autism significantly influence older native speakers’ pleasantness
judgment of younger counterparts’ utterances depending on honorifics -te kudasai and SFP -ne.
This tendency for SFPs was particularly true of older men, not older women, with higher traits
of depression and autism. The result presents the first evidence that autistic traits as well as
depression in older adults contribute to the reduced sensitivity to linguistic markers encodingsocial distance, which can result in their social isolation.
Keywords: Japanese sentence-final particle, honorifics, older adults
1. Introduction
Individual autistic traits affect the sensitivity to various uses of sentence-final expressions
concerning interpersonal distance in Japanese, given the well-known fact that the native children with
autism seldom use sentence-final particles (SFPs) such as -ne and -yo (Watamaki, 1997). Aging also
contributes to changing the sensitivity to SFPs as well as addressee honorifics in face-to-face encounters(Author, 2017). Little is, however, known of how aging and autistic traits interact to influence theperception of these sentence-final expressions. This question is all the more urgent because autistic traits
are prevalent not just in younger generations but also in older generations, and because they potentiallylead to older adults’ depression (Lever & Geurts, 2016). This study conducted a questionnaire survey toinvestigate the effects of individual psychiatric conditions in older adults on their perception of
combined uses of addressee-honorifics and SFPs in younger adults’ utterances.

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Sensitivity to pragmatic markers predicts the degree of autism and depression in older adults: Evidence from sentence-final expressions in Japanese

2. Method
A total of 233 older native Japanese speakers (108 male, average age: 74.1 ± 6.2) were presented
with 60 sentences where hypothetical male and female officers in their thirties gave some instructions,as well as 60 filler sentences. We manipulated addressee honorifics (HON) -te kudasai and SFP -ne in a
sentence as follows:

(1)

a.

Kono

yooshini

kinyuusi-tekudasai-ne.

This

form

DAT

fill out-CONT

please-SFP‘Please fill out this form.’b.

Kono yooshi-ni kinyuusi-te kudasai.

c.

Kono yooshi-ni kinyuusi-te-ne.

d.

Kono yooshi-ni kinyuusi-te.

Respondents were asked to imagine themselves to be addressees of each sentence and evaluate how
pleasant they would find the utterances on a 7-point Likert scale (from 7: very pleasant to 1: very
unpleasant). The condition assignment of addressee honorifics, SFPs, and the sex of officers werecounter-balanced across respondents, so that the respondents evaluated the sentences expressing thesame proposition only once. They also completed the standardized screening tests of autism (AutismSpectrum Quotient: AQ) and depression in older adults (Geriatric Depression Scale: GDS). The acquired
data was analyzed utilizing linear mixed effects (LME) modeling to estimate the effects of fixedvariables (both continuous or categorical) that are of interest in the study over random effects that canbe assumed to be sampled at random from the population. The model estimation was conducted using
lme4 and lmerTest packages implemented in R version 3.3.0.

3. Results and Discussion
An analysis revealed that both conditions of depression and autism significantly influenced older
native Japanese speakers’ pleasantness judgment of younger counterparts’ utterances depending on
HON -te kudasai and SFP –ne (Table 1).
Sensitivity to HON was influenced by individual autistic tendencies especially in men ( = -.180, p= .000), and by depressive tendencies especially in women ( = .110, p = .000) as shown in Figure 1.
Sensitivity to SFP was influenced by autistic tendencies especially in men, but not by depressive
tendencies both in men and women ( = -.102, p = .01) as shown in Figure 2.

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第13号

The result presents the first evidence that autistic traits as well as depression in older adults
contribute to the reduced sensitivity to linguistic markers encoding social distance, which can result intheir social isolation. The result also supports the view that cognitive flexibility strongly influences
language use.

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Sensitivity to pragmatic markers predicts the degree of autism and depression in older adults: Evidence from sentence-final expressions in Japanese

Note
Following abbreviations are used in this paper: DAT: dative, CONT: continuative inflection, SFP:
sentence-final particle.

References
Lever, A., G., & Geurts, H. M. (2016). Psychiatric co-occurring symptoms and disorders in young,middle-aged, and older adults with autism spectrum disorder. Journal of Autism and Developmental
Disorders, 46, 1916-1930.
Watamaki, T. (1997). Jiheisho-ji ni okeru kyookan kakutoku hyoogen josi -ne no siyoo no ketsujo: Jiree
kenkyuu. [Lack of the particle -ne in conversation by a child with autism: A case study]. Hattatsu
Shoogai Kenkyuu [Japanese Journal on Developmental Disabilities], 19, 146-157.

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

Promises, Lies, and Bullshit: The Role of Intent
Chad Nilep
Nagoya University
nilep@ilas.nagoya-u.ac.jp
Some recent work questions the centrality of intent to analyzing performatives such as promises.
On the other hand, other work seems to elevate the importance of intent in understanding
humbug or bullshit. The present work compares the role of locution, truth, and speaker intent
in promises, lies, and bullshit. It suggests a need for at least two approaches to language
behavior. It may desirable to analyze some discourse as text, without concern for intent, butequally desirable to analyze some discourse as behavior, with attention to the intent of the
speaker, as well as the reaction of the hearer and the result of the interaction.
Keywordsbullshit, promising, lying, speech act theory, philosophy of language
1. Introduction
This work was occasioned by a crisis surrounding my own work. I have described
metaphorical promising (Nilep 2013) as a form of political speech that in some respects
resembles promising as described by speech act theory (esp. Searle 1969), but that does notfeature a locutionary act produced by the speaker. Separately, I have criticized work that cites
Harry Frankfurt’s (2005) writing on bullshit, but that does not share the particulars ofFrankfurt’s definition. Since Frankfurt defines bullshit in terms of the speaker’s intent, I am
suspicious of work that analyzes the effects of so-called “bullshit” independent from the speakeror the act of speaking. But here the conflict arises: If promising can exist without a promiser,
why can’t bullshit exist without a bullshitter? If some forms of “speech” can exist without aspeaker, or at least be analyzed without regard for the speaker’s intent, why is this not true for
all forms of speech?
To reflect on this question, I have considered four types of discourse interaction: bullshit, as
described above; lying, from which bullshit is often distinguished; promising, which Searle(1969) suggests may illustrate general qualities of speech acts; and statements of fact, which
the philosophy of language often treats independently from the act of speaking, but which
nonetheless can be analyzed as speech acts (Austin 1962).
This explication remains preliminary. It does not reconcile the forms of analysis, nor evensuggest that such reconciliation is necessarily possible. Rather I suggest that two different
approaches to the analysis of discourse interaction are valuable and necessary. On one hand, it
is useful to analyze interactions in terms of hearers and speakers, persons who have intent andknowledge. This is – very generally speaking – the kind of analysis seen in speech act theory,and in some other approaches such as stance-taking (Kockelman 2004) or some types ofinteractional linguistics (Selting and Couper-Kuhlen 2001). On the other hand, it is also usefulto analyze various forms of language used in interaction either as texts without concern for the
speaker, or at least without privileging the intent of the speaker over other elements of thelanguage produced. This type of analysis may be seen, for example, in structuralist approaches
to literature or to semiotics.
2. Key texts
The various discourses of bullshit, promising, or lying have been analyzed by philosophers,
anthropologists, linguists, or critics from a variety of other fields. Some analyses highlight the−277−Promises, Lies, and Bullshit: The Role of Intent

importance of speakers and speaker intent, while others downplay that importance. In thissection I roughly summarize some key texts.
Bullshit, and Frankfurt’s definition of it, was the initial impetus for this inquiry. Frankfurt
differentiates bullshit from lying largely in terms of its relation to truth, and through what he calls
the speaker’s “misreprentational intent” (2005: 16). Whereas a lie is an untrue utterance with which
the speaker intends to deceive the listener, Frankfurt suggests that bullshit is uttered without regard
for truth. Bullshit may be false, but it may equally be true. What the bullshitter misrepresents is not
the truth of the utterance, but the nature of the interaction and the speaker’s goal. The goal of bullshit
is neither to convey a true proposition nor to deceive the listener about a false one; rather, the goal
is to appear to convey such propositions when in fact the speaker has no interest in their truth or
falsity.
It is, of course, possible to define bullshit in other ways. G.A. Cohen (2002), in an essay
responding to Frankfurt, suggests that there are two different types of bullshit, relating to two
different ordinary-language meanings of the word. What Frankfurt analyzes – according to Cohen– is the action of bullshitting, talking insincerely. This corresponds to one of two definitions of theword in the Oxford English Dictionary. But the word can also refer to nonsense or rubbish, qualitiesof the utterance or text itself. Cohen argues that bullshit, in the sense that interests him, should beunderstood in terms of its own nonsensical quality, rather than by reference to the process – or the
speaker – by which it is produced.
What Cohen regards as bullshit is text that conveys no sense, because it is unclear and cannot beclarified. He does not define clarity but does suggest as a test of bullshit negating the language –that is, recasting the text in language that would express the opposite meaning. If the text is
unclarifiable, both the original and its negative should appear equally (un)true, since neither
expresses an actual proposition.
My own work on metaphorical promising (Nilep 2013) identifies a kind of discourse that, ineveryday language is called “promising” but that does not have a speaker. I show that news media
use the language of possession – e.g. “his broken promises” – to describe not only a politician’s actsof promising, but also expectations of action that are not based on the politician’s own speech. For
example, the Asahi Shimbun lamented in 2009 that Yukio Hatoyama did not promise to remove US
Marines from Okinawa, then in 2010 accused him of breaking that very promise.
Metaphorical promising in political discourse analysis expands on Jane Hill’s (2000) idea ofpolitical word versus message. An anonymous reviewer of my work suggested, “It is difficult tofind a speech act in which intention does not matter.” That is true for analyses within speech act
theory, where speaker intent is often explicitly an element of the definition of an act. It is possible,
however, to analyze promises, as well as declarations, orders, or the like in terms other than those
set for performative utterances. For example, Hill’s analysis of a speech by George H. Bush argues
that Bush’s advisors intended it as a display of toughness, while listeners understood the text as apromise. In the end, listeners’ understandings proved important, and politician Bush was punished
for breaking “his promise”, intent notwithstanding. A performative analysis would have to conclude
that no promise was made, given the lack of proper felicity conditions. But an analysis from thehearer’s point of view might still treat the speech as a promise.
Analyzing discourse as text, rather than activity, resembles an approach seen in some forms ofliterary theory. In structuralist theory, for example, the intent and perhaps even the knowledge ofthe author are downplayed so that the text can be analyzed in its own right (e.g. Barthes 1984). Even
within literary theory, this is only one point of view, which competes with others. Nevertheless, itsuggests the possibility of approaches to discourse without concern for the thoughts of theindividual who produced the words.

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Much can be learned from speech act theory, but some empirical analysis finds problems with
its assumptions. Searle (1969) defined promising largely in terms of the speaker’s intent. A sincere
promise, Searle says, requires that the speaker intends to act, intends to take on an obligation to act,
and intends to inform the hearer of this obligation. The definition of promising is highly elaborated
because, Searle says, an understanding of promising reveals lessons that can be applied toperformative utterances and speech acts generally.
Anthropologists, though, suggest that these insights regarding promising are not universal, andmay reflect specific ideologies that philosophers who mainly speak English or other European
languages take for granted. According to Michelle Rosaldo (1982), Ilongot speakers think of
speaking as action, but their theories center imperatives rather than promises or statements as typicalspeech acts. Reading Searle’s list of speech acts from an Ilongot speaker’s point of view, shesuggests, reveals its biases with regard to individual responsibility.
Like promising, lying – a form of speech that Frankfurt differentiates from bullshit – is often
defined in terms of speaker intent. To count as a lie, speech must not be true. But more than that,the speaker must know that the proposition is untrue, and intend to deceive the hearer about thistruth value. Augustine (2002 [c. 395]) is a classic source for this distinction. But Augustine
expressed less certainty about uttering falsehoods without intent to deceive, at least in moral terms.
Similarly, modern philosophers debate whether uttering a statement that the speaker believes isfalse but that is not intended to deceive hearers may be classified as a lie (Fallis 2010).
Even statements, a form of speech classically analyzed in terms of truth value and textual form,
can be analyzed in performative terms as constative speech acts (Austin 1962). Viewed as
performatives, constatives have felicity conditions. Thus speaker intent could, in principle, be anelement of their analysis.
Statements, lies, bullshit, and promises could each be analyzed as actions, in which case theintent of the speaker should presumably be part of the analysis. At the same time, though, it ispossible to analyze any of them as texts, without privileging speaker intent above hearer’s
understanding or other elements of meaning, form, or use.
3. Preliminary conclusions
By considering these four types of discourse interaction in concert – promises, bullshit, lies, andstatements – we seem to reach two opposite conclusions: It is possible, and perhaps desirable, toanalyze discourse as text, without much concern for the intent of the speaker or writer. At the sametime, it is possible and perhaps desirable to analyze discourse as behavior, with attention to theintent of the speaker, as well as the reaction of the hearer and the result of the interaction.
Can we reconcile these opposite conclusions? Is a general theory of discourse that encompasses
each of these interaction types possible? Is such a theory desirable? Is it necessary? As yet, I canoffer no defensible answer to these questions, but will discuss some corollaries and a preliminary
solution.
Is a theory of speaking that includes speaker intent desirable? Yes. Such a theory could help
analyze and potentially account for many pragmatic facts related to such phenomena as politeness,
indirectness, presupposition, and the like.
Is a theory that does not require accounting for speaker intent desirable? Yes. Such a theory
could help analyze and potentially account for social facts such as intersubjectivity, historicallysignificant “big-D” Discourses (Gee 2015), or shared ideologies, which seem to exist beyond
individual speakers.
Is it possible to reconcile the “activity” approach, which considers intent, with the “text”
approach, which does not require such consideration? Maybe not. At least, an analysis could always−279−

Promises, Lies, and Bullshit: The Role of Intent

specify by fiat its standing toward text, analysis, and intent. Such an analysis will always be partial,
since it neglects the opposite theory. In that case, care should be taken not to mix “text” and “activity”
analyses unless actual synthesis is attempted.
On the other hand, some reconciliation may be possible. In everyday language use, speakers andhearers may orient toward their use of language as activity or as text (or as either in turns).
Ethnography, situated discourse analysis, and the like may reveal to the analyst whether and how
language users orient toward intent and truth in a particular event. What I have described, however,is a program toward individual analyses, rather than a clear step toward a theory that reconciles theapproaches.
The approach sketched here remains preliminary. It has, however, helped to clarify the crisis that
led to its undertaking. It is possible to analyze these, and presumably other types of discourse
interactions either as activities or as texts. When analyzing interaction as activity, the analyst should
be sensitive to speaker intent, as well as the behavior of speaker and hearer, the propositions
signaled, and their relation to truth, among other factors. When analyzing interaction as text, theanalyst need not privilege speaker intent over other factors, and may nonetheless produce useful
analyses.
Given, however, that approaches of both types exist and have value, a particular analysis shouldtake care to define what is being analyzed. This is especially true in work analyzing bullshit, given
the less well developed literature on the topic, but is also important when analyzing other discourse
activities or texts.
References
Augustine. [c. 395] 2002. “On lying.” In Treatises on Various Subjects. tr. M. S. Muldowney.
Washington: Catholic University of America.
Austin, J.L. 1962. How To Do Things with Words. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Barthe, R. [1967] 1984. “La mort de l’auteur.” In Le Bruissement de la Langue. Paris: Seuil, 61-67.
Cohen, G.A. 2002. “Deeper into bullshit.” In S. Buss and L. Overton (eds.), Contours of Agency:
Essays on Themes from Harry Frankfurt. MIT Press, 321-339.
Fallis, D. 2010. “Lying and deception.” Philosophers’ Imprint 10(11), 1-22.
Frankfurt, H. [1986] 2005. On Bullshit. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Gee, J. P. 2015. “Discourse, Small d, Big D.” In K. Tracy (ed.), The International Encyclopedia of
Language and Social Interaction. Wiley-Blackwell.
Hill, J. 2000. “‘Read my article’: Ideological complexity and the overdetermination of promisingin American presidential politics.” In P. Kroskrity (ed.), Regimes of Language: Ideologies,
Polities, Identities. Santa Fe: School of American Research, 259-291.
Kockelman, P. 2004. “Stance and subjectivity.” Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 14(2), 127-150.
Nilep, C. 2013. “Promising without speaking: Military realignment and political promising inJapan.” In A. Hodges (ed.), Discourses of War and Peace. Oxford University Press, 145-167.
Rosaldo, M. 1982. “The things we do with words: Ilongot speech acts and speech act theory.”
Language in Society 11(2), 203-237.
Searle, J. 1969. Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge University Press.
Selting, M., and E. Couper-Kuhlen. 2001. Studies in Interactional Linguistics. John Benjamins.

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ワークショップ
Workshop Sessions

第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ର࿩ʹΑΔ৔ͷ‫ڞ‬૑ɿ֬ೝද‫ݱ‬ͷ࢖༻ͱओಋ
ย‫ཱެ( ߂ګۅ‬͸ͩͯ͜ະདྷେֶ) ๬݄雄介 (໊‫ݹ‬԰େֶ) Mayouf Ali Mayouf (Sebhaେֶ)֓ཁ‘Baʟ-based conception of interaction is proposed as a conceptual framework to capture culturally diverse real-world human dialogue interactions. Ba-based conception emphasizes participantsʟsensitivities toward situational expectations on behavior choices(Wakimae) and dynamic co-creation of ‘Baʟthrough situated choices of behavior by theinteraction participants. We examined status-dependent language behaviors in Arabic,
Chinese and Japanese speakers in Mr. O dialogue corpus. We observed general culture
speciﬁc behavioral norms dialogue participants follow in taking initiatives and making
requests for conﬁrmation in joint problem solving dialogues. We identiﬁed cases where
diﬀerent means are employed by participants to negotiate on those norms in real-time,
which showcase the processes of dynamic co-creation of ‘Baʟ.

1ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷʮ৔ʯ‫ޠݴ‬ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯ͸, ࿩͠ख͕ൃ࿩ҙਤʹ‫ൃ͍ͯͮج‬࿩Λੜ੒͠, ͦΕΛड͚ͨฉ͖ख͕ൃ࿩
͔Β࿩͠खͷൃ࿩ҙਤΛ࠶‫͢ݱ‬Δ͜ͱʹΑͬͯ৘ใɾҙਤͷ‫ڞ‬༗͕࣮‫͞ݱ‬ΕΔͱଊ͑ΒΕ͖ͯͨ.
ͦΕʹରͯ͠ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯΛʮ৔ʯʹ‫͍ͯͮج‬ଊ͑Δํ๏Ͱ͸, ਤ 1 ʹࣔ͢Α͏ʹ, ࿩͠खͱฉ͖ख
ͱ͕෺ཧతɾ৺ཧతͳʮ৔ʯʹ‫͢ࡏڞ‬Δ͜ͱ͕‫ޠݴ‬ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷ‫ج‬൫ͱͳΔ [1]. ର࿩ࢀՃऀ͸ʮ৔ʯ͕‫ن‬ఆ͢Δద੾ͳৼΔ෣͍ΛʮΘ͖·͑ [2]ʯΔ͜ͱʹΑ֤ͬͯࣗͷߦಈΛબ୒͢Δ. ൃ࿩͸৔ͷΘ͖·͑ʹΑͬͯ‫ن‬ఆ͞ΕΔ͚ͩͰͳ͘, ৔ࣗମΛಈతʹมԽͤ͞Δ. ຊߘͰ͸, ϛελʔɾΦʔɾίʔύε [3]ͷ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬, தࠃ‫ޠ‬, (ϦϏΞ) ΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ͷ‫ڞ‬ಉ෺‫ߏޠ‬ங߹ҙ‫ܗ‬੒ର࿩ʹ͓͚Δ֬ೝද‫ͱ༻࢖ݱ‬ओಋͷ༷ଶͷ෼ੳʹ‫͍ͯͮج‬৔ͷ‫ڞ‬૑ͷ֓೦Λࣔ͢.
ਤ 1 ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷʮ৔ʯ2ओಋ‫֬ͱݖ‬ೝཁ‫ٻ‬ࣾձత஍Ґʹґଘͯ͠ద੾ͳൃ࿩ߦಈͷมΘΔ‫Ͱޠݴ‬͸৔ͷΘ͖·͑ͷ݁Ռͱͯࣾ͠ձ త ஍ Ґ ͷ ૬ ҧ ʹ ‫ ༷ ͘ ͮ ج‬ʑ ͳ ൃ ࿩ ߦ ҝ ͷ ૬ ҧ ͕ ‫ ͞ ࡯ ؍‬Ε Δ ɻର ࿩ ਐ ߦ ͸ ௨ ৗ ্ Ґ ऀ ͕ओ ಋ ͢ Δ ͜ ͱ ͕ ૝ ఆ ͞ Ε Δ ɻΞ ϥ Ϗ Ξ ‫ ޠ‬࿩ ऀ ͸ ࣾ ձ త ஍ Ґ ͷ ্ Լ ʹ ‫ ͘ ڧ‬ґ ଘ ͠ ͨ ‫ߦ ޠ ݴ‬ಈ Λ ࣔ ͢. “Sah” ͸ Ұ ൠ ʹ ͸ correct(ਖ਼ ͠ ͍) ͱ ͍ ͏ ҙ ຯ ͷ ‫ ܗ‬༰ ࢺ ͱ ͠ ͯ ༻ ͍ Β Ε Δ ͕,ൃ࿩຤ʹ༻͍ΒΕΔͱӳ‫ޠ‬ͷ”right?” ʹ૬౰͢Δ֬ೝද‫ݱ‬
ͱͳΔ. ฼‫ޠ‬࿩ऀͷ௚‫ʹ؍‬ΑΔͱ, ஍Ґ্͕ͷ‫͍༻͕ࢣڭ‬Δද
‫ͯͬ͋Ͱݱ‬, ԼҐͷֶੜ͕༻͍
Δ͜ͱ͸গͳ͍. ਤ 2 ͷྫͷΑ͏ʹઌੜ͕ࣗ෼ͷΞΠσΞʹରֶͯ͠ੜ͔Βͷঝೝ֬ೝΛ‫ٻ‬ΊΔͨΊʹར༻͞ΕΔ. ֶੜ͕‫ڭ‬ࢣʹ൓͢ΔΞΠσΞΛ࣋ͭ࣌ʹ͸͜ͷΑ͏ʹ‫͔ࢣڭ‬Β֬ೝΛ‫ٻ‬
ਤ 2 ΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ͷ֬ೝཁ‫ٻ‬ද‫”ݱ‬Sah”
ΊΒΕ͕ͨ࣌ͦΕΛఏࣔ͢Δ‫ػ‬
ձͱͳΔ.

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対話による場の共創：確認表現の使用と主導ਤ3தࠃ‫ޠ‬ɾ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬࿩ऀͷ֬ೝද‫ݱ‬ͷར༻ස౓೔ຊ‫ޠ‬ͷʮΑͶʯ͋Δ͍͸தࠃ‫ޠ‬ͷʮ൞ϔʯʮؓϔʯ΋จ຤ʹ༻͍ΒΕΔͱɺ࿩͠खͷఏࣔ͢Δ৘ใΛฉ͖ख͕ड༰͢Δ͔Ͳ͏͔֬ೝΛཁ‫͢ٻ‬Δද‫ͳͱݱ‬Δɻ͜ͷΑ͏ͳ֬ೝཁ‫ٻ‬΋௨ৗ্Ґऀ͕ओʹߦ͏͜ͱ͕૝ఆ͞ΕΔɻ
ΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬࿩ऀ͚ͩͰͳ͘, தࠃ‫ޠ‬ɾ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬࿩ऀʹ͓͍ͯ΋࿩ऀͷࣾձత஍Ґʹґଘͨ͠‫ߦޠݴ‬ಈ͕༧૝͞ΕΔ. ϛελʔɾΦʔɾίʔύεͷ෺‫ߏޠ‬ங՝୊ର࿩ͷதࠃ‫͓ޠ‬Αͼ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬ͷશର࿩ʹ‫·ؚ‬ΕΔ֬ೝද‫ݱ‬ͷ࢖༻ස౓Λ, ‫ֶ͕ࢣڭ‬ੜʹରͯ͠༻͍ͨ৔߹ (T→S) ͱֶੜ͕‫༻͚ͯ޲ʹࢣڭ‬͍ͨ৔߹ (S→T) ʹ෼͚ͯௐࠪͨ݁͠ՌΛਤ 3 ʹࣔ͢. தࠃ‫ޠ‬࿩ऀͷ֬ೝཁ‫ٻ‬ද‫Ͱ༻࢖ݱ‬͸ʮ൞ϔʯʮؓϔʯͷ͍ͣΕͷ৔߹ʹ΋ࣾձత஍Ґ্͕Ґͷ‫͕ࢣڭ‬ԼҐͷֶੜʹൺ΂ͯѹ౗తʹ࢖༻ස౓͕ߴ
͍. ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬࿩ऀͷ֬ೝཁ‫ٻ‬ද‫ݱ‬ʮΑͶʯͷ࢖༻ʹ͍ͭͯ΋‫ֶͱࢣڭ‬ੜͷར༻ස౓ʹ͋Δఔ౓ͷඇରশੑ͸‫ݟ‬ΒΕ͕ͨ, தࠃ‫ޠ‬࿩ऀʹൺֱ͢Δͱඇରশੑͷఔ౓͸খֶ͘͞ੜʹΑΔ࢖༻΋͔ͳΓͷఔ౓ʹ‫͞࡯؍‬ΕΔ.
͜ͷΑ͏ͳ‫ֶͱࢣڭ‬ੜͷؒͷ֬ೝཁ‫ٻ‬ද‫༻࢖ݱ‬ͷඇରশੑ͸, ࣾձత஍Ґͷ্Ґऀ͕࿩୊ਐߦ͢
ͳΘͪ෺‫ߏޠ‬ஙͷओಋ‫ݖ‬ΛѲΔ͜ͱ͕ଟ͍ͨΊ, ͦΕʹ෇ਵ্ͯ͠Ґऀ͕ࣗ෼ͷఏҊͨ͠෺‫ޠ‬ΞΠσΞʹ͍ͭͯԼҐऀʹରͯ֬͠ೝΛ‫ٻ‬ΊΔ͜ͱ͕ଟ͍ͨΊͱߟ͑ΒΕΔ. ΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ɾதࠃ‫ޠ‬ɾ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬࿩ऀͷ͍ͣΕʹ͓͍ͯ΋ࣾձత஍Ґͷ্Լʹґଘͨ͠‫ߦޠݴ‬ಈʹؔ͢Δඇରশੑ͕ೝΊΒΕΔ͕, ඇରশੑͷఔ౓͸‫ࠩʹͱ͝ஂूޠݴ‬ҟ͕ଘࡏ͢Δ. ͜ͷΑ͏ͳඇରশੑ͸, ͦΕͧΕͷ‫ޠݴ‬จԽूஂ͝ͱʹΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷ৔ʹ͓͚ΔҰൠతϨϕϧʹ͓͚Δߦಈ‫ن‬ൣʹ֘౰͢Δ.

3

৔ͷ‫ڞ‬૑

ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷ৔ʹ͓͚ΔҰൠతϨϕϧͷߦಈ‫ن‬ൣ͸ର࿩ࢀՃऀͷΘ͖·͑Λ௨ͯ͡ର࿩ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷ‫ج‬൫ͱͳΔ. ͦͷҰํͰ‫ݸ‬ผͷΠϯλϥΫγϣϯ৔໘ʹ͓͍ͯ͸, ৔Λ‫ڞ‬ಉͰಈతʹ࡞Γ্͍͛ͯ͘.
ਤ 4 ʹΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷҰྫΛࣔ͢. ͜ͷ΍ΓͱΓͰ͸, ࠷ॳʹ‫( ࢣڭ‬1) ͕෺‫ޠ‬ਐߦͷΞΠσΞʹ‫ֶ͍ͯͮج‬ੜʹ֬ೝΛཁ‫͢ٻ‬Δ͕, ֶੜ (2) ͸͜ͷ֬ೝཁ‫ٻ‬ͷ‫ػ‬ձΛͱΒ͑ͯࣗ਎ͷΞΠσΞΛ൓࿦ͱͯ͠ఏࣔ͢Δ. ‫ࢣڭ‬͸ֶੜͷΞΠσΞΛঝೝ (yes correct) ͯࣗ͠਎ͷΞΠσΞʹऔΓೖΕΔ͕, ͙͢ʹओಋ‫ݖ‬ΛऔΓ໭ͯ͠ੵ‫ۃ‬తʹ෺‫ޠ‬ΞΠσΞͷਐలΛਤ͍ͬͯΔ. ͦΕ͚ͩͰͳ͘ “just think with me” ͱൃ࿩͢Δ͜ͱʹΑͬͯ‫ࣗ͘ڧ‬਎ͷओಋ‫ݖ‬Λओுࣦ͍͔͚ͯͨ͠

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ਤ4

第13号

ΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ͷ֬ೝཁ‫ʹٻ‬ΑΔ৔ͷมಈֶੜʹର͢Δ༏Ґੑͷճ෮Λਤ͍ͬͯΔ. ͜ͷΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬࿩ऀͷΠϯλϥΫγϣϯʹ͓͍ͯ͸, ্Ґऀͷ༠ಋʹΑ্ͬͯҐऀ͕ର࿩ਐߦͷओಋ‫ݖ‬Λ࣋ͭͱ͍͏৔ͷ‫ن‬ൣ͕Ұ࣌తʹ؇࿨͞ΕΔ. ͦΕʹ৐ͬͯԼҐऀ͕ର࿩ਐߦओಋ‫ݖ‬Λͱͬͯ‫ن‬ൣ͕Ұ࣌తʹ༳Β͍ͩͱͯ͠΋ࣾձత্Լؔ܎ʹ‫ͮج‬͘‫ݖ‬Җؔ܎ͷҡ͕࣋ಛʹ্ҐऀʹΑͬͯਤΒΕ͍ͯΔ.
ਤ 5 ʹதࠃ‫ޠ‬ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷҰྫΛࣔ͢. ͜ͷ΍ΓͱΓͰ͸, ·ͣ‫( ࢣڭ‬T ) ͕ओಋ‫ݖ‬ΛऔͬͯΧʔυͷ഑ྻΛܾΊͳ͕Β෺‫ޠ‬ͷΞΠσΞΛఏࣔ͢Δ. ֶੜ (S) ͸࠷ॳ͸୯ʹಉҙΛද໌ͯ͠‫ڭ‬ࢣͷΞΠσΞʹ௥ै͍ͯ͠Δ͕, 5 ߦ໨ͷൃ࿩‫ࢣڭ‬ͷΞΠσΞʹ൓͢ΔͱࢥΘΕΔΧʔυΛࢦఠͯ͠஫ҙΛ޲͚ͤ͞Δ. ‫ࢣڭ‬͸ͦͷ൓ྫΛঝೝ͢Δ. ֶੜ͕ʮ൞ϔĤʯʹΑͬͯ࠶౓൓ྫͷ֬ೝཁ‫ٻ‬Λߦ͏ͱ, ‫ࢣڭ‬͸ࣗ਎ͷΞΠσΞͷܽؕΛೝΊΔͱ͙͢ʹରҊΛఏࣔͯ͠‫ܧ‬ଓ͢Δ͜ͱʹΑͬͯ෺
T:ଦਔ၂۱đಖުđᆃđጲđάđᆃߎႵ၂ᅦb(get one, and, this, eh, ah, there is another card here.)S:ጲđᆃ۱҂հb(Eh, this is right.)
S:

άb

(Yes)
T:

ପࣼ൞ () ᆃ۱٢ᆃ‫ظ‬ϔđᆃ۱٢ᆃ‫ظ‬đᆃ۱٢֞ () ᆃ৚đಖުđᆃဢҵ҂‫؟‬ϔđ[ᄜु၂ငb(Then we put this here. put this here. put this here. we are almost done. let’s takea look again.)S:ପᆃਆ۱҂၂ဢગĤ(Are these two diﬀerent?)T:͋Εɺ΄Μͱ͏ͩ

(Ah, you are right.)
L:൞ϔĤ(Right?)T:ᕫđପᆃ۱ႋ‫ھ‬٢ᆃ‫ظ‬၂ᅦ‫ݗ‬b(Yes, then perhaps we put one card here.)S:൞҂൞Ϝᆃ۱٢ᆃ‫ظ‬đᕫb(This is placed here, yes)ਤ5தࠃ‫ޠ‬ͷ֬ೝཁ‫ʹٻ‬ΑΔ৔ͷมಈ

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対話による場の共創：確認表現の使用と主導

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ͦΕͱ΋ɺ͜ΕҰճ‫ͯͯݟ‬ɺา͍ͯΔͱ͖ʹ͸͍͜͜Β΁Μʹɺ͜͏ɺೖΕ͓͍ͯͯ͸͍͋ɺ͜Μͳͱ͜ʹ๮͕ɺམͪͯɺ͍Δͧɺ͍ͯ͏͸͍͜ͱʹ͠·͠ΐ͏͔͸͍Ͱɺ͜͏͍͏ɺ͜͏͍͏‫͡ײ‬͋ɺࢥͬͨͷ͸
͏Μ͜͏ɺΈɺ࠷ॳɺ‫͚ͯͭݟ‬Μ͜ͷ๮ɺ࢖͑ͳ͍ͳ͋ͱࢥͬͯͨͷʹ͏Μ͏Μ͏Μ͏Μ͋ɺ͜͏ɺ͋Δ͍ɺ͞Βʹา͍͍ͯͬͨΒ
ਤ6

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͋͋ɺҰճऔͬͯ
͸͍ɺऔͬͯɺͳΜͩ͜Ε͏Μ͏Μɺͦ͏Ͱ͢Ͷɺ͡Όɺ͜ΕͰɺ‫͚ͯͭݟ‬͸͍Ͱ΋ࣺͯͪΌͬͨΜ͚ͩΕͲ΋ɺ͋ɺͦ͏ͩͦ͏ͩɺ
͋ɺͦ͏ͩͬͯͻΒΊ͍ͯΊ͍ͯɺ͋ɺ࢖͑Δ࢖͑ΔͬͯऔΓʹ໭ͬͯɺऔΓʹߦͬͯͰɺ·ͨ໭ͬͯɺ໭ͬͯɺऔͬͯɺ͍͚ͦ͏ͩ
͸͍͍ͯ͏͜ͱͰ
Ͱδϟϯϓͯͬͯ͠ͳΓ·͢͏Μ͏Μ͏Μɺͦ͏Ͱ͢Ͷ͍ͩ͡ΐ͏ͿͰ͔͢Ͷɺ͜ΕͰͲ͏Ͱ͠ΐ͏Ͷɺস͍͍͍Ͱ͢ΑͶস͍͸͍ɺͳΜͱͳࣗ͘વͰ͢ΑͶʔ͸͍೔ຊ‫ޠ‬ͷ֬ೝཁ‫ʹٻ‬ΑΔ৔ͷมಈ‫ޠ‬ఏҊͷओಋ‫ݖ‬Λҡ͍࣋ͯ͠Δ. ΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ͷΠϯλϥΫγϣϯྫͱൺֱ͢Δͱ, ֶੜ͸‫ʹࢣڭ‬Α
Δ༠ಋͳ͠ʹ൓࿦ఏࣔΛߦ͓ͬͯΓ, ্Ґऀ͕ର࿩ਐߦͷओಋ‫ݖ‬Λ༗͢Δͱ͍͏৔ͷ‫ن‬ൣͷҰ࣌త؇࿨ʹ͸ඞͣ͠΋্Ґऀͷ༠ಋ͸ඞཁͱ͞Εͳ͍. தࠃ‫ޠ‬ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͰ͸ࣾձత஍ҐͷԼҐऀ্͕Ґऀͷ༗͢Δ‫ݖ‬ҖΛ‫͔͢ڴ‬Մೳੑͷ͋ΔߦಈΛऔΔ͜ͱʹର͢Δ‫ڐ‬༰౓͕ߴ͍. ͔͠͠, ࠷ऴతʹ‫͕ࢣڭ‬ओಋ‫ݖ‬Λอ࣋͠ଓ͚Δͱ͍͏఺Ͱ͸ΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ͷΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͱ‫ڞ‬௨͍ͯ͠Δ.
ਤ 6 ʹ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷҰྫΛࣔ͢. ͜ͷ΍ΓͱΓͰ͸, ·ͣ‫( ࢣڭ‬T ) ͕ओಋ‫ݖ‬Λͱͬͯ෺‫ޠ‬ΞΠσΞΛల։͠, ֶੜ (S) ͸͍͋ͮͪΛฦ͠ͳ͕ΒͦΕʹ௥ै͍ͯ͠Δ͕, 10 ߦ໨ͷʮ͋,ࢥͬͨͷ͸ʯͱ͍͏ઌ৮Εൃ࿩ʹଓ͚ͯࣗΒओಋ‫ݖ‬Λͱͬͯ෺‫ޠ‬ΞΠσΞΛఏࣔ࢝͠ΊΔ. ͦΕΛड͚ͯ‫ࢣڭ‬͸͍͋ͮͪΛฦ͠ͳ͕ΒͦΕʹ௥ै͢Δ͕, ͦͷ·· 19 ߦ໨͔Βࣗવʹ෺‫ޠ‬ͷ‫ڞ‬ಉߏங΁ͱҠߦ͍ͯ͠Δ. ‫ڞ‬ಉߏஙͰ͸Ұํ͕ओಋ‫ݖ‬Λ༗ͯ͠ଞํ͕௥ै͢Δͱ͍͏ඇରশੑ͸ແ͘,‫ֶͱࢣڭ‬ੜͱ͕ର౳ʹҰͭͷ෺‫ޠ‬ΞΠσΞΛ‫ڞ‬ಉͰల։͍ͯ͠Δ. ΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ɾதࠃ‫ޠ‬ͷΠϯλϥ
Ϋγϣϯͱൺֱ͢Δͱ, ্Ґऀͷ‫ڭ‬һʹΑΔ༠ಋແ͠ʹֶੜ͕ࣗൃతʹ୅ସҊͷఏࣔΛ։͍࢝ͯ͠
Δͱ͍͏఺ͰΞϥϏΞ‫ޠ‬ΑΓ͸தࠃ‫ޠ‬ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯʹ͍͕ۙ, ୯ͳΔ൓ରূ‫ڌ‬ͷఏࣔʹཹ·Βͣʹֶੜ͕ࣗ෼ͷΞΠσΞల։Λਤ͍ͬͯΔ఺Ͱର࿩ਐߦओಋ‫ʹݖ‬ର͢Δ্Ґऀͷ‫ݖ‬Җ͸Ұ૚ऑ͘ͳ͍ͬͯΔ. ͞Βʹ࠷ऴతʹ෺‫ޠ‬ͷ‫ڞ‬ಉߏஙʹ‫ؼ‬ண͍ͯ͠Δ఺ʹ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯʹ͓͚Δ
৔ͷಈతߏஙʹ‫ݻ‬༗ͷಛ௃͕ೝΊΒΕΔ.
ΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷʮ৔ʯʹ͓͍ͯର࿩ࢀՃऀ͸, ‫ʹͱ͝ஂूޠݴ‬ҟͳΔ‫ߦޠݴ‬ಈ‫ن‬ൣΛΘ͖·͑ͯͦΕʹԊͬͨߦಈΛͱΔ͜ͱʹΑͬͯର࿩ͷ‫ڞ‬ಉੑΛࣔ͢. ಉ࣌ʹҰ࣌తʹ‫ن‬ൣ͔Β֎Εͨͱͯ͠΋ͦͷ৔Ͱର࿩ͷ໨తʹরΒͯ͠ద੾ͱ൑அ͞ΕΔߦಈΛͱΔ͜ͱʹΑͬͯ‫ڞ‬ಉੑΛ‫ڧ‬Խ͢Δ. ͜ͷΑ͏ʹΘ͖·͑ͱ‫ߦޠݴ‬ಈΛ௨ͯ͡ର࿩ࢀՃऀ͸‫ݸ‬ʑͷΠϯλϥΫγϣϯͷʮ৔ʯΛಈతʹ‫ڞ‬ಉߏங͍ͯ͠Δ.

ࢀߟจ‫ݙ‬[1] Yasuhiro Katagiri and Yusuke Mochizuki. Static and dynamic manifestations of “ba” inagreement-seeking dialogues. 15th International Pragmatics Conference, 2017.
[2] Ҫग़঵ࢠ. Θ͖·͑ͷ‫༻ޠ‬࿦. େम‫ॻؗ‬ళ, 2006.
[3] Ҫग़঵ࢠ. ղ์త‫༻ޠ‬࿦ͱϛελʔɾΦʔɾίʔύεͷҙٛ-จԽɾΠϯλʔΞΫγϣϯɾ‫ޠݴ‬ͷղ໌ͷͨΊʹ-. ղ์త‫༻ޠ‬࿦ͷ௅ઓ-จԽɾΠϯλʔΞΫγϣϯɾ‫ޠݴ‬, pp. 1–32. ͘Ζ͓͠ग़൛, 2014.

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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

!*+ #-"  / ( ĞjÐûƐqźÈŊĿľ¸¼Ƒc¤Ğâ¹ƐfŻ¸¼Ƒ
ī?Ɛ¸ƀ¸¼ƑcÇ×»ƐĪçË¶±ś¸¼Ƒ
[Abstract] This workshop investigates and exemplifies some case studies of “grounding” in the lightof “dynamic pragmatics” we are seeking to establish. After reviewing Arundale’s (2008) fivearguments against the robust “dogma” in traditional pragmatics, we explore how conversational
contributions are ordinarily achieved in four phases of conversation we set up in which each levelprovides evidence for the phase “grounding” occurs in one way or another.
[Jd`dW] ġśĝŞů´ĢĠř, phaseŏŪ6xkú öţƒĞjÐû





  ,.

Ă`dKP\TX&-ġśĝŞ(Dynamic
Pragmatics),įµ>ů´Ģ(grounding)

ŁA8ę¿,Ġř,ġ)ƈ2,ď
ģB*)#%Ġř-řé'Ņ(Clark 1996),¿ƃD{Ŗ@MdQQRVGd
Dŋ# éž&Ĉ)pđŋCA·0

GriceĠřŋĔĚŞſŰáĚŞ)(śĝŞ,ĚŞ-Ġř,¿ƃ,µƈ*ģD¦,Ě

Arundale (2008)-Ùă,śĝŞ,°¾
dogmaƐõłƑ*Ã%Ċ,ē&Ş% @Ş-œśĦĮ*¸)ÕDĄ  Ġř,eµƈD?# ĚŞ*ŻthŌ*5'8 Éĉ,(i)Ɠ(v)AA*
Ã%¡ĉ,(I)Ɠ(V),ë'ä©& @

'$,ĚŞ&-ñA)

9,&

@

&1
Ùă,śĝŞ>, dogma

Arundale (2008),ŠŽ

(i) The goal or outcome of communication is identity (I) Communication involves achieving both similarityof speaker and recipient psychological statesand difference in speaker and recipient psychologicalstates.
(ii) Each utterance is independent of other utterances.

(II) Utterances and behaviors are sequentiallyinterdependent
behaviors.

withadjacent

utterancesand(iii) Speaker and recipient meanings and actions are (III) Speaker and recipient meanings and actions are
determinate once formed.
provisional pending uptake and evolve continually
into operative meanings and actions.
(iv) Utterance effects are unidirectional causes.

(IV) Utterances in sequence have both proactive andretroactive effects.

(v) Speaker and recipient psychological states or (V) Speaker and recipient psychological states or
meanings and actions are independent.
meanings and actions emerge interdependently.
Ō 1 ,= *Arundale -řé'Ņé,ž

(commitment)'% 5 $ŭ3% @Ɛ¡ĉƑĠ&ě% @ĠřƐÃřƑ,ï$ĖŤDA
AÉĉ,Ùă,śĝŞƐ C<@NdW[V^Ƒř*-(I)řé'Ņé,ÜĚėå-w%%9Ŵ#% %9= Ɛ¥e&)A.)>)'ÃČ%Ãř,ƐÃřńĄ Ƒţ−287−

'-) Ƒ'ƐĠř,ƑƇ¥eá動的語用論の構築に向けて ―共通基盤化（grounding）の実際を例証する―(II)Ƅò@Ġř-ŰĽá ?Ĥo|º

ŏ>A@Ƈ¥eáĤo|ºáāŒĎáƇeĤo|ºá
(III)

ø¦áĠá-ōƅ)xĴDï$'@DÚe$n$,Ě*Ì Ÿkł*@ƐĘį% ) Ƒ'řé'Ņé-ä©cŋĔDāŒĎ)9,'>*ýŶ)9,*ű@'āŒĎá
(IV)ŰĽ@Ġř*-eø¦ġC) 9,& @&-)?'ŵŏ>A@'Ƈeø¦á(V)řé'Ņé,ä©cŋĔ-'Ņé,ÜĚėåƐĥşÍåƑ-¥e&)%9= '«ƊDĊ{&Ń%6= Ĥo|ºĠ(emergent)@'*-¥Ġř,ćĲ>ŏ>A@ä¯,Ŵ
ŏ>A@

Ġá ?A>Dê ',&@PQU
ZÝŎ& @'% @  Ġřž* {.Ō 1 &(i)'(I),ÃČ* @řé(1) JAPN 1684:24 CALLfriend TALKBANK
01 Kyoko:  : 5<6E @,:?

02 Mayumi : .hhh E >'? < 2 bþž03 Kyoko: % 5  Ì@#%'?
04 Mayumi : C>) =, ' ( )@-)öňD­ť@śÓDŷì *9C,{&-Mayumi vř,§äDĜ $9?) ,*Kyoko *=#%?Ū5A%
?ƐƇĜƐ2 ŋģ, MayumiƑ'?Ū6(3 ŋ>Ġř,ƃį"(salience)DÃČġ)öňƐ,Ø,'Ƒ*5&Ł % ) A*Ã%ģ, Kyoko)Ƒ
vř*ƎƏŏ>A@o ,ä¯YTSaL) {& @2 ŋģ,Kyoko -
A>,śÓ>ě@ÃČ,§äD
%#%řDű8% @,& @Mayumi ,ä¯) §äD 3 ŋģ& Kyoko %#% @'*)@*-śÓŷìg,äş,ĤŴŏ>A@Mayumi -,= )vř,ƎƏ,{ @ -A*
ū {-ƇÍ*· ?Ãřń-ŘŋżŜŘŋ*ĽŘŋDŀ?Ŭ%÷ Åƈ

'? 'ƔƐ2 bþžƑ-ƕ'ġ*y?A% @'œ '&@ÃČġ -" )   '*řé'Ņé,ů´Ģ(common ground),  µ£*- )?,xĴ&-)
eŹ'%ħį µ£Dœ A*-ř¿ŖĦĮ,ĭ6Ż+č8>A@Ă`dKé'Ņé-¥ŋĔ(joint action)Dŋ )>P\TX&-gŔ(iii),Ġř,āŒĎáDąů´ĢDħį@'ô')@Ŗ ä©cŋĔāŒĎ>ýŶ)ŒĎ2,&Ċ,ċƂDô'%ů´Ģ,ŲĬDŏ@'' ,j&Clark (1996),
œ ů´Ģ(grounding)DUdY*  Œû*?ĹE! !(,üē&(,=*ů´Ģ)A@,ę¿*-3% ů´Ģ '- To ground a thing, …, is to,m{,ÆD),-µ£*=@'Ń
establish it as part of common ground well enough for@
current purposes.(Clark and Brenann 1991; Clark
1996: 221)'¾łA@= *řé¨Ĩ& @ĠřŅé*'#%ĚŒ&ýĸġ
Phase 1řé,ŉÊjÜġ)ƐegocentricƑ)ÅƈƐI]dť?; ƑPhase 2Ņé*=@Û;ðĨÃŢ,ąĶŋCA@Åƈ

Phase 3řéŅéVOHaDƋz ?ŅéóŞcŰã)(*=#%vř,¥ćĲŋCA@Åƈ

Phase 4

ýĸÅƈ

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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ƐPhase 1,2 - Keysar, Barr and Horton (1998), Kesckes (2013),šŞ>Phase 3, 4 -Clark and Brennan(1991), Clark (1996)>Ğj(2015)5'8 9,& @Ƒ
Phase 1 ,ŉÊjÜġ(egocentric))ÅƈDŕ

egocentric perspective, adjusting to the other’s¾ ,-(řé-)ĠřĜ'ĚŒ,ĀċƂ&-ĤoĥşDĕŐŉÊĥşDý¸Ɓperspective only when they make an error. (Keysar,
Barr and Horton, (1998) ) (  Ñ ĝ - Rubio-*zĝ%ÃřDű8% ¦ @ƐĞj
2017Ƒ'
Ş&ĠřĀ,ŉÊjÜá*ďģ

Fernández (2008)*=@)
!A-řé,>,Őē& ?

 % @ Kecskes(2013: 33) , Socio-Cognitive
Approach *Ēî 9,& @ŉÊjÜá,řé-ŉ,ƐŉÊjÜġ)ƑĠřI]d'%ŚĥA@5&ĠřDĽsr,Őē
D?Ū7ċƂ%@,-,I]dą

ĆßD¿ƌġ*įŖ

Keysar, Barr and Horton(1998),šŞ*=A.ĤoĥşƐů´ĢƑĝA@,-I]d,ąĥ'ÛŲĬ(Phaseĥ, 'ÛDĺ%>!'A% @&-Phase 3, 4 -( & B Clark and2)* %& @'A% @ADKeysar

Brennan (1991)-ů´ĢćĲ(grounding)*ſ"- Egocentric Anchoring and Adjustment model of

%Ċ, 2 $,Åƈ(phase)Dŕ¾% @perspective 'ª1th,= *5'8>A@
Adults design and interpret utterances from an                                   & 

Presentation A presents utterance u for B to consider. He does so on the assumption that if B gives e orphasestronger, he can believe that she understands what he means by u.
Acceptancephase

B accepts utterance u by giving evidence e that she believes she understands what A means by
u. She does so on the assumption that, once A registers that evidence, he will also believe that
she understands.

#/*œ.Phase1 ' 2  Presentation
phase *Phase 3 ' 4  Acceptance phase *ÃÞ ėåD State 0 > 3 5&u¾ķ&
@'*)@&@Presentation phase ' Acceptance phase -State 0

B didn’t notice that A uttered any u.

ƐĠř,Ƒ¨Ĩ' A,Åƈ,ŋĔ',State 1:

B noticed that A uttered some u (butµ£,řé'Ņé,ã¾(assumption)Ɛ @-ÜĚėåƑDŭ3% @!& @,
8Á*œ. A2¦ ŲĬ&,;State 2

B correctly heard u (but wasn’t in state?'?;Û@vř,ƎƏ,Åƈŭ3>A% ) Ō 2 , Phase 1, 2 ' Phase 3 iƍû''*)@ !Ö>*=@'

wasn’t in state 2)
3).
State 3

B understood what A meant by u.

5 Ċ{,Ö>,ŝûDŏ@'A>,
phase ·Æġ*Ĺ6Ū5A% @'@,Ûµƈ*$ %-¨Ĩ> A2¦(2) Clark and Brennan (1991)=?ƐĞj*=@ŒŝƑ
01 Alan: Now, - um do you and your husband have a j- car 01Alan DŅ ----------------State 3-------------ccccccc

 Barbara , AÏ       

ccc------State 2-----

02 Barbara:- have a car?
 State 2 > Barbara *=@ AD½æ@ 8,
side (insertion) sequenceƐħŚğ¬öƑ
03 Alan:
04 Barbara:

Alan , Presentation phase

Alan , Acceptance phase(Barbara ,ħŚ,³8Ū6)

Yeah
No –   Barbara *=@ A,½æ

−289−

Barbara , Acceptance phase動的語用論の構築に向けて ―共通基盤化（grounding）の実際を例証する―

51 ŋģ,, Alan ,Ġř-Do you and your

Alan ,ä¯93%íļ% @'Ń>A@

husband have a car?'œ =(6)() ĵĳ)Ġř'-)#% ) Now, um &ŧŦ Ō 2 *£C%Ń@'1 ŋģ, Alan Phase 12 ŋģ, Barbara ' 3 ŋģ, Alan  Phase?j 'œ žŴ Ɛ @ -Ġř,$5?Ƒě% @Clark and Brennan -öňDûĨ%

2 ' Phase 34 ŋģýĸġ) Phase 4 & @'àCA@ !&9phase  ?ĹE

) *ũ,ÿĕDŅ % @!&)ů*Ɔũ&)ũDz ,'Alan !Ô*)#%?2 ŋģ&- Barbara , Phase 4,½æƐů´Ģ,ćĲƑŮjċƂ& ?3l%4 'Ĉ)ä¯ġ)Ġř& @Ňá @ADŅ
Barbara -Ůj5

ŋģ9Alan >- Phase 3 *ĤÒ@ Barbara
ħŚ,ņ¾*ŬmDä©9 @ Yeah '&"E'Ņ

,Ŭı& @Alan ŉŨ&-&*Phase 4$9?& # (State 3)j- a

car &ŉ,ã¾'-Ŵ

8State 2 *è?2ų% @4 ŋģ&-3%,ýĸÅƈ

2 ŋģ&ħŚğ¬DĠ% @3 ŋģ, Alan ,&- @3 ŋģ'-Ŵ Barbara *'#%

 A-ħŚ*Ã@ħŚ& ?,ä©
&-A9 side sequence 'œ '&@-ÀĚŒ'Ò, Alan ,ä¯ĚŒ9ų
A%?A9§8%,ů´Ģ'ýĸġ*4 ŋģ& Barbara *=? AƐ'&@

ÀĚŒ9§7ƑŋCA%?&Ò,0$*

ĻŞ'%-Ěãġ)ů´Ģ- phase1
> 4 5&ŰĽ@-!AA, phase@'řéŅé'9Ĥé,ĥşDŲ¸* @ -ŲÄ*ŗ}@¦ ?Ĥé*s, phase ~C#%?³8Ū6²*)@µ£· řé'%,ŅéŅé'%,řé'
ÕŻÆ%ť#%óŞ%A@& B 'ŏŪ6(presumption)Í*ť@'őÂA 

%
processing

Arundale, R. (2008) “Against (Gricean) intentions at theapproach.”

Current

Directions

in

Psychological Sciences, 7, 46-50.

heart of human interaction.” Intercultural Pragmatics

Rubio-Fernández, P. (2008) “On the automaticity of

5: 231-260.

egocentricity: A review of the Egocentric Anchoring

Clark, H. H. 1996. Using language. Cambridge, UK:

and Adjustment model of perspective taking.” UCL

Cambridge University Press.

Working Papers in Linguistics, 20, 247-274.

Clark, H.H. and S.E. Brennan (1991) “Grounding inĞ j Ð û (2015)   Ġ  @ Ō ä (Emergent

communication.” L.B. Lesnick, J.M. Levine &S.D.Teasley (eds.) Perspectives in Socially Shared

Explicature)—ġśĝŞ,Ř6İ 1 ®qźś

Cognition. pp. 127-149. Washington, D.C.: American

ĝŞN_JFZ—ġśĝŞ,Ř6ƉĠŌ(2015 Î 3 þ 8 ù qźÈŊĿľ¸¼)

Psychological Association.

ĞjÐû (2017)śĝŞ,÷

Kecskes, I.Ɛ2013Ƒ Intercultural Pragmatics. Oxford:

ĐA--Istvan

Kesckes , ĩ v Ś ĥ ġ F X _ d S Ɛ Socio-

Oxford University Press.
Keysar, B., D.J. Barr and W.S. Horton (1998) “Thecognitive Approach to PragmaticsƑ*$ %
śĝegocentric basis of language use: Insights from aŞĦĮ(Studies in Pragmatics)İ 19 ¢, 118-125.


−290−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

0:A4 @?+,. 

 

E(7#

ĳwÚÿƬ}ƘÔŨřŔ¿Åƭ[Abstract] This paper investigates how a first mentioned (person) reference is made via the phases 1 to 4 as
mentioned in the introduction above. I examine a person name with a type of reference form ‘name-quoting
descriptor (NQD)’ (Kushida 2015) used in Japanese (X to iu hito (someone called X)), which is contributed toattenuating the burden of reference searching on the part of the hearer if they do not know him. That is, thespeaker avoids the risk of staying egocentric in the phase of 1, overriding an egocentric mode and entering amore cooperative phase. I also examine a type of reference without NQD (a bare person name), claiming thatthe speaker’s epistemic authority tends to be imposed on the hearer when he is not sure if she knows/remembers
the third person as well as when he is sure that she knows him.
Oqnq`: õŃŵěŦÕwâçƐºĻ ŽƂĺç
1.0:A4 K8/! <Dĉň*1Šñ.=)õŃÎƃƬ¶ą¬-,ƭJÏFƟ0õŃŬĮ0Ĳİ¼J Phase 1 +#D,0C.õŃÎƃ0ƐºĻūIGF0JŞÍF
rŧĺ.1ŻñõŃF¶ą¬JľñŽƂ*-»ªŻñ1ŽƂ*F:*ŚEƌ+ĐūIGF(1) (C is a caller on a telephone call)
C: Hello?
B: ‘Lo,
C: Is Shorty there? <– Nickname
B: ooo jest- Who?
C: Eddy?
Wood[ward?
B:<– First Name<– Last Name[oo jesta minnit(1.5)

B: Its fer you dear.
(2) A: ... well I was the only one other than
than the uhm tch Fords?,
Uh Mrs. Holmes Ford? You know uh[the the cellist?
B:[Oh yes. She's she's the cellist.

ƬsSacks and Schegloff (1979)CEƭ
Ƭ1ƭ
Ƭ2ƭ+>tŗƗĞŗDÈŗ7
D.zƙŗ7+œ.(G)--ŠñõŃÎƃJŽƂ)G ƬŻñD0|ĤūIGƭ
zƙŗ0+*Ąà.ŠñõŃJ«Ç)GFƬƐºĻ ƭ+đƑ.-')F ĞŗƗ Phase 1ƬŻñ0ŦÕ
wâĺ-Ƭegocentricƭ-ÑƢƭ+-EŻñ1#DõŃJWZq_!Phase 2 D Phase
4 7+­')F

2. 0:A4K'3&6Żñ=)õŃÎƃJƁŻ.ÏFƟ.

ñŀ')F,*FŞí)F01#0õŃÎƃ0ÌJŠ

Ŭ1Żñ0Šñ0ŀƂ70ŽƂĸŻƧśàœśSP(KƮ)[H(KƮ)]1

Ūž

¶ą¬

ŽƂĲŸƍÃ

ýĉž¶ą¬ŽƂĲŸƍÃ

1 SP=Speaker / H=Hearer / K=ŀƂĭë+F+SP(KƮ)[H(KƮ)]1
Ƭ2 John JƭŠñ1ŀ')F+Żñ1æ')FSP(KƮ)[H(Kư)]1
Ƭ2 John JƭŠñŀD-+Żñ1æ')FSP(Kư)[H(K)]1
Ƭ2 John JƭŠñŀ')F,Żñ1ŀD-+-F−291−

指示解決に見られる自己中心性（egocentricity）と共通基盤化

SP(KƮ)[H(Kư)]Ūž

SP(Kư)[H(K±)]ýĉžơŽƂĲõŃŬĮ

¶ą¬ƬơƭŽƂĲŸƍÃ

¬ź-,¶ą¬Ʈ+Ƭ')ƭ ¶ą¬ƬơƭŽƂĲŸƍÃ

ƬYmƭ¬ź-,

ĉň*1ýĉž0 Phase 1 .ľÜF 2 ėļ0¬Ʈ+Ƭ')ƭ
Ƭŋ 3 ōƭ.()ƍ8F¶ą¬0ĮƬŋ 4 ōƭD.4 ėļ0¶ąƬŬ 1 *Qlq*ŕöJ$Ɨƭ

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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

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指示解決に見られる自己中心性（egocentricity）と共通基盤化

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u¡-ƐºĻ$=15
Kushida, Shuya (2015) “Using names for referring without claiming Shared knowledge: Name-quoting descriptors in Japanese.”
Research on Language and Social Interaction, 48(2), 230–251.
Sacks, Harey ƫ SchcgloffƯEmanuel AƱ(1979) “Two preferences in the organization of reference to persons in conversation andtheir interaction.” In Psathas, GeorgeƬEd.ƭ
ƯEveryday language: Studies in ethnomethodotogy. pp. 1521ƯNew YorkƲIrvington.
ƦƅA; (2018)

ľ{ūĪ.FõŃŬĮ ċ}Ʋ3(ăð.

−294−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号);= 1@?="&>3 (joint action)I
AHF,(G"D'6$
·ŊûÒ (jƺÏÔ)ǙAbstractǚ Focusing on the process towards harmony for the achievement in tasks, this paper reveals how
people achieve common ground in asymmetrical setting of task-based dialogues. Comparing pairs comprised ofa native English speaker and a non-native English speaker under the different conditions of visibility, I explore
how they use their linguistic and non-linguistic resources by employing the listener-oriented strategy in their joint
actions. Significantly, constructing their joint actions is accomplished by achieving grounding working in atask-based situation in coordination with their pragmatic features, eye-movement, and discourse markers.
ChehT ƱÆőª¸ƈĿƢƚĤƠǎƶāÚƚƁăRGAf
1.  
ġŠ+ŒŐ,ƱÆőª(grounding)(Clark1¨Ő(ƝŉƣŐĤ&,Ǘ"+ PhaseǒÝ

1996))Æ#ƱÆőƶā;:¨ŐYd
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$'?(¸ƈĿ¾ǎƓĴ6Ơǎƶā+YdKJ)íǊ>n ŔuƈĿÈǈ)ƨń

gÚƚƀ+î£>ÁÖ:ďŜƀǒıƝƚƀǓ
vs. ĨƀǒÔžƀǓº ¶ ďŜƀ,$ :+>ė8): ƣľ&$Úƚ¬nƀ+î£ǒĊŜƀ&ŗ+Õā]Rb)Æ#ƟėĨƀ,ĨƀǓ+Ʒ )7:üÇ+mÄƉ' ƓĻ
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đ>ƈ!$:  >  Ƙ  : (ClarkgƌĐVMhf+ƲŶĨ>Ə :È¶%Ǖǔ
S`A@bŶ $Ə ( È¶%ǕǔS`A@b¶ƕǖǔS`A@b+Ĺ¨>ƈ 

and Wilkes-Gibbs1986)
 ŚŢēķ,Ơǎ>ƈ ehDJ[hJ)ǖ

gÚƧ,ƆƝıƝƚƀ&ĔġxƆƝÔžƀ%:2"+ģ>ƗÖłôŐ(Èǈ>ƫŐ)Ĥ:ł)Æőª>ĩā:Ǘ"+ Phase %1 IBJO^h+¸Ġ)"% :ǒClark and Krychǘ2004Ǔģŵ ,ǘ

;)ð!$ LEGO XdPD>š3 Ə8;:ƔƝƐŸIBJO^h+¸Ġ>ăċ9)üÇūŹª;$ YdKJ$ƛů(Ĥ,ŕōǒHoller
and Wilkin(2011) Louwerse et al.(2012)>¬ŁǓáġ(2016),I
BJO^h)7!$ĩũ;:ýoŌ&×Ǆ+cFXdP
D+È>iƄ7 &Æőª.+÷º+ÓÃ)Ɣ­>¨Ő(ƝŉƣŐĤ)7!$Ɠė:

2 RhM

,ƆƝıƝƚƀ¸Ë+Úƚ 5 ŲƆƝÔžƀ¸Ë+Úƚ 15 Ų(qgkŬ) ƆƝıƝƚƀ&ƆƝÔžƀ+Úƚ
10 ŲĔġƝıƝƚƀ¸Ë+Úƚ 5 Ų % :−295−

学習者と母語話者の共同行為（joint action）：課題達成場面における共通基盤化    
À 1. "

Ť$(+ıƝƚƀ[@(NES vs. NES)À 2. " Ť$ 9+ıƝƚƀ-Ôžƀ[@ǒNES vs. JELǓġehDH_PYŊqƣĒ%Û;ÆőªĤ+Ɛľ&$ģŎ(:&ŏƚ+6+Ǘ"+ Phase >+ LEGO MJD)7:Úƚ
RhM+ĺ;)ê$,4:&~l+7 )(:gPhase 1ǘƚă+ƃãqõŐ(ǒegocentricǓ(Ýǈ,ĊŜƀ8Ĩƀ.+ĊŜüÇĎ+

9&9,' Íª:+)ĸŒ:ƈŚ
Ţ%,ehDJ[hJǒŔă+ăǓƏİǃ)Ŕê:
gPhase 2ǘƁă)7:ò6ĊŜÚƧ+ħŮèĐÂŐ)ÊÏ:ųĥñ8;ǒƦĢ
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gPhase 3ǘƚăƁăRGAf>Ǐ9ĊŜƀ,ƚă+î£8Ɓă+î£.&şƈ:ǒ¬nƀ)&!$+ŏƚņƓ³Ƃ(ƁăčƣgƲý(')7!$ƚ+¸ĩũ

gPhase 4ǘĞűÝǈ,XdPD+ÕāÈǈ% :

5+&(:7 ):4+ƔƝŐgǇƔƝŐ
ăİ (ǐĦ{ 2005:1237)&$+ƁăRG
Af>Ǐ:Ǔº :&>Ŝ½$Ĩ,XdPD+VhQ&)İǃŐ)9+Èǈ%Ƭ$ :>ţĮ4:

ƈ=;:4ĞűÝǈ,ƌĐ¿Ņ;:öƎ :

ƈ=;:Ýǈ,ĊŜƀ)7:ĨŃĶ+]U
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3. #0: AHE>+? '6$  ġŠ%,~l+ 3 ľ>±9k:3.1 Ũ," Ť$(ģ): Phase 1 & 28)" Ť$ 9ģ%'+7 )üÇ+mÄƉùƓĻ;:+¾ǎ.+Ɣ­&ò)ŀPhase3 +Þǀ>Ĥ:3.2 Ũ%," Ť$ľ>Ŵ9łôŐ(VMhf>Ĥ:

9ģ): Phase 1 &ǖ8) Phase 3+Þǀ>ĤĲƮ:Ğï+ 3.3 Ũ%,3.1

:/!JPhase 1

2K

Ɯøŧ6Û;ƢƚƎŭ two big red >Ɲ

 1Ƣƚǌ+ąŪǕ%,ďŜƀ,Ĩƀ)Ú$ You need two big red 6 I want you toë¯ò:&)79ǒPhase 2Ǔ
Ŕu)69&9>Ż9ư(8ƱÆő+ìā>Ñ4:

take the one red +7 (ėŜŐ(ĊŜ>İǃƒÙ;:ǒD ,ďŜƀB ,Ĩƀ>ǒPhase 1ǓĨƀ, OK 6 Ah-huh +7 (Ą  ŜǓ(1) D: OK, number one. OK. You need two big red B: two big red
 ǒōǓ

−296−

       

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

 D: OK, great. I want you to take the one red    B: Ah-huh  D: and one blue B: Ah-huhĭ)(2)+ąŪ%,ďŜƀ+ŏƚ) ƐŸ+ş¨)¯øĨƀ+ƐŸďŜƀ.ş¨,¸ƈĿĽ)Ƴƈ$ :>śƜ7&:ěǑŐ(òǀÑ
ǒáġ 2016Ǔ&$ :ĪÒƜ48;:ǒPhase 3ǓďŜƀ(2) B: OKƓƹ;¾ǎ+ĂÃ>Ŕu)ĄƜ$ :

 D: Ummmm. ??????? flipping it so that I can see your, yeah that’s right, that’s right, that’s [right]
ǒƐŸ>Ĩƀ.ş¨Ǔ  B:          [OK]" Ť$( È¶pƀ,ƐƑŐ)¸Èǈ,řĚǁ%ƞƓ5ň)ň$5ƓĻ>ä)ğ$ :&8œ )ò6ś

ØĘ% :

Ɯ%:+4ĞűÝǈ1%+YdKJ
3.2
: /!JPhase 1 2K
 iē" Ť$ 9ģ%5Phase1 +ƔƝłô)," Ť$(ģ&¸Ī+ºƏ8;:ƝŉƣŐ)óÐ(Ʒ  :~lĭ+Ƣƚ.+ļ (ready)>śƜ: okay
6ĭ+Ƣƚ.şƈ:&>Ŝ so +7 (ƢƚīƥłôŐ% :okay, so +Ʋƿ)7:ƚǎğ>čƣ:YdKJ,ďŜƀ)ŉ

;:äŉƊŅ% :1okay , checking
ĬƂ5ĉ"ǘD: okay? So, it’s like a stripe, gre[en[green] [gre-, yeah] [green] yeah(3) D: That’s right. okay, so I want you to  yel]low¸Ī)ŏƚǌ8+ąŪ(3)>Ə$27 

take the two greens and one yellow     B: okay   checking ĬƂ>ĉ" okay , Phase 2)ß;)Ĩƀø:Èǈ :

 D: and put it in front of you,  B: Okayũ®ē8ƈ=;$ :

 D: Okay, we are going to make a rectangle  B: okay(4) D: and connect the green yellow green

ďŜƀ+ĊŜ,I want you to %Ñ1:Ǝĳ  B: okay D: okay?

8in front of you &ďŜƀ8,×Ǆ)Ə (ĨƀǋÅ.+zŜ;8) we aregoing to &©ĈŐ(ixŞƌĐ}¹ƙ we )7 B: So we can see the the that sid[e]  D: [Ah-huh] B: Ah, we can see >one two three four five     (4) %,Ĩƀ5 we >ŉƚ+¸ĩ

six seven,< seven:Èǈ+ğýÖ;$ :  we+ŉ,ƚă&Ɓă+î£>ėŜ:œ
ŜŐ( I/you 8¸ƈĿŐ(Ýǈ.+şƈ>Ŝ½ďŜƀƠǎÚƚ+Ė İǃ8Ɓ

3.3
: /!"&>3I"D'6
8:JPhase 3-4K

ăRGAf>Čŉƚ+¸ĩũ>éþƥ$ :& =;:ǒPhase 3 +İ %,į,'+7 )ƈ=;:+< ǃǘĨŃĀ+śƜǓ8)
" Ť$(ģ%, 19Ə8;($ :I only wanna see six ,ďŜƀ8Ĩ
ƀ.+ėŜŐ(įƎĳ(;$ :İǃ¢Ũ+(4)+ïD ,(5)+7 (įŏƚ>ƈ!

−297−

学習者と母語話者の共同行為（joint action）：課題達成場面における共通基盤化ǒPhase 3Ǔ% :;)ÚĨƀ+ĄƜ>Ǐ:&%ƢƚŐÞǀ>þƥ¸ŏƚďŜƀ+ checking ‘okay?’ :ƈĿ)7:ğŘƥƺàª;$ +(5) D: I only wanna see six

&,ÚƚŇÉÍª$5Æőªìā+İ

B: six, okay. Ahh, okay okayD: okay?

ǃŐ(YdKJ&Ŕuơđ¤ğ§) $:&>Ŝ½:yï,ǇƔƝŐăİ+ƫŐ

B: I got it8)ąŪ(6)%,ƐŸ>ĊŜƀ)º(Ĥ5¥ 
ÖƼŐ(Ĥ)"($  

8Ĩƀ,Ɵė ( the small blue doesn’t touchwith the greens)Ú:ďŜƀ,įŏƚ(ItBC

touches with the green on this side) %øŧ:²ŚŢāĥ+iƸ%Űz/$+RhM,

ǒphase 3ǓB +ƜÖ Ah, okay +ïƢƚīƥ 8)ß$9)Ɩ$ÿƤ1

ġŚŢ, JSPS ŝŚ 25370663ǒ}ƊǘƦĢŷǓ+¦ā>So ,ĭ+Ýǈ.şƈ:4+śƜ&$ĬƂƺƌŏƚ,®ēº%¶þýÖ;$:İǃ(= ƱÆőśŤ;$ :%4-5
Clark, H. H. 1996. Using language. Cambridge, UK:&ſ $7 Cambridge University Press.

(6) B: So, so the small blue

Clark, H. H. and Krych, M. A. 2004. “Speaking while

D: Ah-huh

Monitoring Addressees for Understanding.” Journal ofB: doesn’t touch with the greensǒƐŸş¨Ǔ

Memory and Language 50(1), 62-81.

D: It touches with the green on this side

Clark, H. and Wilkes-Gibbs, D. 1986. “Referring as a

B: Ah, okaycollaborative process.” Cognition 22(1), 1-39.

D: S[o]B: [S]oHoller, J. and Wilkin, K. 2011. “Co-Speech Gesture
Mimicry in the Process of Collaborative Referring

%,ĊŜƀĨƀ®ēƁăRGAf>Ǐ$ò8¶þ.&ų-"ƚ
ĩũ>×Ņ$ :3

During Face-to-Face Dialogue.” Nonverbal Behavior
35, 133–153.
Louwerse, M. M., Dale, R., Bard, E. G. and Jeuniaux, P.
(2012). “Behavior

4. <*  

Matching

inMultimodal

Communication is Synchronized.” Cognitive Science ġŠ%,ƠǎƶāÚƚ):Æőªìā+×Ǆ>ĤŔuƈĿ):Úƚ+m

36(8), 1404–1426.
ƍâŖŋŽ(2017) Ƣƚīƥ so +ƚǎơđĬƂ)"ÄƉù'+7 )ŔuƈĿ)íǊ>n $ĔġƝŉƣÔŦ 19 ¿ÏÏŏƊƣĒǆƠǎƶā)º +)" $+¨ŐYdKŦ 12 µ147-154.

J)ĸŒ+ųĥǒ1ǓPhase >š2ƺ*$İǃŐ)Ơǎ>ƶā:ēō),ģ
)7!$Ŏ(9Ə8;ğÈǈÜ(áġǅ´(2016)ƠǎƶāÚƚ+Æőª>×Ņ:Ɣ

0'ƐŸĊŜƀ8+òƎĳĨƀ
8+ƟėĎŔu+ƚǎơđĬƂŐƢƚīŜ

ƦĢŷ(2013)ĔƆÚŁ\bO]hNbǉÌÚƚRh

('+ŉ Ő(ƱÆőª+Ƴƈ>ć

ā 22-24 æèŝÔŚŢƩƋ¦ƽÆőŚŢ
ǒCǓ
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ƝgǇƔƝüÇ+ÎƺĊºùĔġƝŉƣÔŦ
19 ¿ÏŏƊƣĒǆŦ 12 µ293-296.
MZhJ+ĩũhøŉƜŘƔƝÔ+ƒľ8ǒå !$ :&ſ 8;:ǒ2ǓMJDƴƈƀ%ŚŢāĥÇ»Ĝ.

:ďŜƀ&Ĩƀ+î£wĝ&ƁăRGAf

ǐĦsgƇġƆƯgĵƻúrgť¼çgv«Ä(2005)ƚƲƿ>ŉĀèüÇ&¬nƀǁǂ3ƍâǒ2017:154Ǔ,Ƣƚīƥ so )"$Ɓă+ƜŘŇ
É>śƜ""Ɓă&¶þ>ìā(8ƚĩũ:ŔuƈĿ)ƪ:ĬƂ>ƚǎơđĬƂ&ż|$ :

−298−

+łÖēķŦ 11 ¿ƔƝņÔæĭÏŏƊƣĒǆ1237-1240.

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

9'%; !#1+

(/%; 
ś@
ÆưÆÎ
ǋAbstractǌ In this paper, I claim that an analytic focus on participation framework reveals
the contingency and complexity of grounding in a multi-party interaction. Specifically, I examine
the process of achieving common ground and how grounding works in a task-based situation. In
the excerpts taken from an interaction between adults and children, we see that they havedifficulty succeeding in accomplishing the task while following the instructions in a manual onorigami. Even though they have the “same” instructions, their utterances and behaviours derived
from varying interpretations sometimes lead to errors and thus prevent their joint actions fromreaching common ground. It is concluded that the notion of "participation framework" is useful inanalysing multi-party interactions.
Nolo] ǅơ¾Ő¤ǆ®źĽǇƒƋĥǈÅyċImXgOSfmǉ¨tĪƢ   ĠŖŞ/ơ¾Ő¤(grounding)(Clark 1996)+ƁƝ9(presumption),¾&'TcoU+

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第13号

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第13号&!"'   )%
 ìËùâŢČîÜÔƛÝã<Abstract>
The aim is to analyze social interaction from the perspectives of “grounding” and “self-organization” in theframework of “dynamic pragmatics”(Tanaka). In analyzing four conversations on surprising stories takenfrom Mr. O-Corpus, I propose a hypothesis that style-shifting occurs in the process of grounding in Phase
3 at the levels of both referential communication and social indexing. In short, I argue that style-shifting
can be usefully studied in terms of grounding and self-organization, which need to be theorized from asocio-cognitive lens.
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動的語用論から見た日本語のスタイルシフトの共通基盤化 ―丁寧体と常体の交換―

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−305−

動的語用論から見た日本語のスタイルシフトの共通基盤化 ―丁寧体と常体の交換―ǎºīŎ,ƙƪ5@'YV(EŚƉŀE*0Y¶ƫØŗÃEHǒ>Gëǀǋphaseǌ,&YBƀ)WZY>OX Phase 1 +W 2
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Phase 3 AHƘ5č,Ƃ-črha]Ǉ¨5:XƂ-čHĕƟƭćDCEV=@¢ƘE*0Y¶ƫŉƒG¶ÍĮŰ,Ɖ\ZYëǀA&Y95@ Phase 4 ,Ĥŵëǀ
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ÆƀěŇ
Clark, H.H., 1996. Using Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Cook, H.M., 2008. Socializing Identities through Speech Style. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
Duranti, A. 2015. The Anthropology of Intentions: Language in a World of Others. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Gibbs, R. W. and Colston, H.L. 2017. The Emergence of Common Ground. In Giora, R. and Haugh, M.
(eds.), Doing Pragmatics Interculturally (pp. 13-30). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Ide, S., 1989. Formal forms and discernment: Two neglected aspects of universals of linguistic
politeness. Multilingua 8(2-3): 223-248.
¹ţà. 2006."\-O)GƛōƟ#ĪǓÝ®ǆ
Kauffman, S. 1995. At Home in the Universe: The Search for the Laws of Self-organization and Complexity.
London: Penguin.
ƳŐľǋǌ 2009. "ƆíŶŽÃBH¦+ ǍƆºAƆº]§X1YǉœGňƣB9GĂōǍ#ĪǓƠƝš.
êǊƿà, 2016. ĞĨƛGĚƛ¸¸ƀ: øÀ_arq`q`GƑĿ+W! "ƓƛBěÃ#(19): 31-46.
Obana, Y., 2016. Speech level shifts in Japanese. Pragmatics 26(2): 247-290.
Searle, J.R., 1990. Collective intentions and actions. In P.R. Cohen et al (eds.) Intentions in Communication,(pp. 401-415). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
ƶħŜ 1997. ĞĨƛęƃE*0Yè¥ŒBġƫ¥Œ!ŎūƉ¾ǋżǌ"ƏĿBƓƛƉÂ#ĪǓ.[5*¹Ń.
Yoshida, M. and Sakurai, C., 2005. Japanese honorics as a marker of sociocultural identity. R. Lakoff and
S. Ide (eds.) Broadening the Horizon of Linguistic Politeness (pp.197-215). Amsterdam: John
Benjamins.

−306−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号=N:PN9S, IFŕ Ĕ|ȏ
ĉŠí÷< Abstract >Previous researches have clarified coherent structure of stories, but little attention has been paid to the story-making process. In
this paper, I will explore how we make sense of our own experiences through narrative. Firstly, I examine two types of narrative
markers, i.e. temporal and intentional markers and discuss how they assign a narrative meaning to each action or event.
Secondly, drawing on the Theory of Mind, I propose an axiomatic system of mind by which we generate meaningful storylines.
And lastly, I put forward a descriptive device to give a structure to narrative of our experiences.
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 ǨJ 9ǢÎǬřŝƪȱƁȀ ú 2001.!%ȮňŕǨƷĿŏĲȱ

−310−

第20回大会発表論文集第13号≀ㄒࡢ཯᚟࡟ぢࡿ≀ㄒࡢྍኚⓗせ⣲࡜᰿ᖿせ⣲̿≀ㄒࢆ཯᚟ࡋ࡚ࡶ୙ኚࡢせ⣲㸹ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡢ≉ᚩ̿ຍ⸨ ⚈
ே㛫ᩥ໬◊✲ᶵᵓ ᅜ❧ᅜㄒ◊✲ᡤ$EVWUDFW!
$ VWRU\ LV UHWROG LQ OHFWXUHV SUHVHQWDWLRQV FKDWWLQJ DQG UXPRXUV QRW RQO\ E\ RQH SHUVRQ EXW DOVR DPRQJ VHYHUDO SHRSOH
3UHYLRXVUHVHDUFKHUVKDYHVXJJHVWHGWKDWDUHWROGVWRU\FKDQJHVZLWKUHSHWLWLRQ+RZHYHUWKHUHWROGVWRU\VWLOOFRQWDLQVFHUWDLQ
HVVHQWLDOHOHPHQWVWKDWUHPDLQVWDEOHRYHUWKHFRXUVHRIVXEVHTXHQWUHSHWLWLRQV:HSHUIRUPHGH[SHULPHQWVWRH[SORUHZKDWHOHPHQWV UHPDLQ VWDEOH DFURVV UHWHOOLQJV 7KH H[SHULPHQWDO UHVXOWV VKRZ WKDW WLPH FKDUDFWHUV DQG FRUH HYHQWV UHPDLQ WKHHVVHQWLDOHOHPHQWVWRPDLQWDLQFRQWLQXLW\EHWZHHQDVWRU\EHIRUHLWLVUHWROGDQGDVWRU\DIWHULWLVUHWROG
࣮࣮࠙࢟࣡ࢻࠚ
㸸≀ㄒࠊ཯᚟ࠊ෌ヰࠊྠࡌヰ ࡣࡌࡵ࡟
࡚ኚ໬ࡋ࡞࠸㒊ศࡀ࠶ࡿ࡜ࡍࢀࡤࠊࡑࢀࡽࡀࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ ேࡣ≀ㄒࢆ཯᚟ࡍࡿࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋㅮ⩏ࡸࣉࣞࢮࣥࢸ
ㄒࠖࢆ≉ᚩ࡙ࡅࡿせ⣲࡛ࡣ࡞࠸࠿࡜⪃࠼ࡿࠋࡇࡢ⤖ᯝࠊ࣮ࢩࣙࣥࡣࡶࡕࢁࢇࠊᡂຌࡸኻᩋ࡟㛵ࡍࡿ⤒㦂ㄯ࡞࡝཯᚟࡟ࡼࡗ࡚≀ㄒࡀኚ໬ࡋ࡚ࡶࠊ≉ᚩⓗ࡞せ⣲ࡀ୙ኚࡣ᪥㡭࠿ࡽᗘࠎ⧞ࡾ㏉ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ
ࡲࡓࠊཱྀࢥ࣑ࡸఏ⪺ࠊ࡛࠶ࢀࡤࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡀྠࡌヰ࡜ࡋ࡚ᡂ❧ࡋ⥆ࡅࡿྍშ࡞࡝ࠊ」ᩘࡢேࡢ㛫࡛ࡶྠࡌ≀ㄒࡀ⧞ࡾ㏉ࡉࢀࡿ౛⬟ᛶࢆሗ࿌ࡍࡿࠋ
ࡣከ࠸࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋ
ࡉ࡚ࠊ཯᚟ࡉࢀࡓ≀ㄒࡣ୍య࡝࠺࡞ࡿࡢࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ ≀ㄒࡢ཯᚟࡛ኚ໬ࡍࡿ㒊ศ࡜ኚ໬ࡋ࡞࠸㒊ศ཯᚟ࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊ≀ㄒࡣኚ໬ࡍࡿ࡜ゝࢃࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡀ཯᚟ࡉࢀࡿ࡟࠶ࡓࡾࠊኚ໬ࡍࡿ㒊ศࡓ࡜࠼ࡤࠊఱᗘࡶྠࡌヰࢆ⧞ࡾ㏉ࡍࡇ࡜࡟࡞ࡿドゝࡣࠊ ࡜ኚ໬ࡋ࡞࠸㒊ศࡀ࠶ࡿࡢ࡛ࡣ࡞࠸ࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋࡲࡎࠊ
⧞ࡾ㏉ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ࠺ࡕ࡟ෆᐜ࡟ኚ໬ࡢ⌧ࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᣦ᦬
≀ㄒࡢ཯᚟࡟ࡼࡗ࡚⏕ࡌࡿゝㄒ⌧㇟ࢆ☜࠿ࡵ࡚࠾ࡁࡓ
ࡉࢀࡿ
㸦5RHGLJHU 0F'HUPRWW.RULDWHWDO㸧ࠋ ࠸ࠋಖ⏣ࡽ㸦㸧ࡣࠊ⊂ヰࢆ཯᚟ࡍࡿ࡜ఱࡀኚࢃࡿ
グ᠈ࡀኚ໬ࡍࡿ㸦3UDWW HW DO  7YHUVN\  0DUVKࡢ࠿ࢆㄪᰝࡋࡓࠋ
ྠࡌෆᐜࡢ⤒㦂ㄯࢆ㐃⥆ⓗ࡟  ᅇ⧞㸧ࡓࡵ࡛࠶ࡿࠋグ᠈ࡣᾘኻࡋࠊ᪂ࡋ࠸グ᠈ࡀసࡽࡾ㏉ࡋࡓ⊂ヰ㸦 ྡศ㸧ࢆ཰㘓ࡋࡓ⤖ᯝࠊㄒᩘࡸ⊂ヰࢀ࡚ධࢀ᭰ࢃࡿ㸦/RIWXV 㸧ࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋグ᠈ࡢኚ᫬㛫ࡀ࡝ࡢヰ⪅࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡶ  ᅇ┠௨㝆࡛࡯ࡰ୍ᐃ࡜࡞
໬ࡣᙜ↛≀ㄒࢆኚ໬ࡉࡏࡿ࡛࠶ࢁ࠺ࠋࡲࡓࠊ཯᚟࡜࠸
ࡿഴྥࡀ♧ࡉࢀࡓࠋࡇࢀࡽ  ᅇ┠௨㝆ࡢ෌ヰ࡟࠾࠸࡚࠺⮬ᕫㄝ᫂࡟ࡼࡿຠᯝ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢኚ໬ࡶ࠶ࡿ㸦&KLHWDO
ࡣࠊ௚ᅇ┠࡜౑⏝ㄒ㸦ᘏ࡭㸧ࡀ ௨ୖ୍࡛⮴ࡋࠊ౑㸧ࠋࡑࡋ࡚ࠊྠࡌ≀ㄒࢆㄒࡿ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡶࠊ❧ሙ⏝ࡉࢀࡿㄒ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡶ࡯ࡰ୍ᐃ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡓࠋ
ࡋ࠿ࡋࠊࡢ㐪࠸࡟ࡼࡗ࡚≀ㄒ࡟㐪࠸ࡢ⏕ࡌࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᣦ᦬ࡉࢀ࡚
ఱᗘ཯᚟ࡋ࡚ࡶࠊ࡝ࡢヰ⪅࡛ࡶ ྠࡌ≀ㄒࡣ⏕⏘࠸ࡿࠋࠕ≀ㄒࢆㄒࡿࠖሙྜ࡜ࠕゎㄝࢆࡍࡿࠖሙྜ࡛ࡣࠊ ࡉࢀ࡞࠸ࠋࡑࡇ࡛ࠊ࡯ࡰྠࡌヰ࡜ࡋ࡚ᡂ❧ࡋࡓ࡜⪃࠼Ⓨゝࡢ⤌ࡳ❧࡚᪉ࡀ␗࡞ࡿ㸦す㜰㸧࡜ࡉࢀࠊ≀ㄒࡽࢀࡿ  ᅇ┠௨㝆ࡢㄒᙡࢆㄪ࡭࡚ࡳࡓࠋᘏ࡭ㄒᩘࡣᖹ
ࡢ෌ヰࡢㄪᰝ࡛ࡶࠊ
ࠕゝ࠸ᅇࡋࠖࡢ㔜ど࠿ࠕᛮ᝿ࠖࡢ㔜ᆒ ௨ୖࡢ୍⮴࡛࠶ࡿࡀࠊ␗࡞ࡾㄒ࡛ࡣࠊኚ໬ࡍࡿ
ど࠿࡟ࡼࡗ࡚㐪࠸ࡀ࠶ࡿ㸦ఀ⸨㸧࡜♧ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ㒊ศࡀ ࠊኚ໬ࡋ࡞࠸㒊ศࡀ ࡛࠶ࡗࡓࠋ
ࠕ࠶ࡿࡑࢀ࡛ࡣࠊ཯᚟࡟ࡼࡗ࡚≀ㄒࡣูࡢ≀ㄒ࡟࡞ࡗ࡚ࡋ
≀ㄒࠖࡀ཯᚟ࡉࢀࡿ࡜ࡁࠊ༙ᩘ࡯࡝ࡢㄒࡣ⮬⏤࡟ྲྀࡾࡲ࠺ࡢࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ཯᚟ࡋ࡚ࡶྠࡌ≀ㄒ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀᥮࠼ࡽࢀࠊ≀ㄒࡢ ⛬ᗘࡀᖖ࡟ኚ໬ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜࠸࠺
ㄒࠖࡀᡂ❧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿሙྜࠊኚ໬ࡣ࡞࠿ࡗࡓ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜
ࡇ࡜࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡶࡗ࡜ࡶࠊ࡯ࢇࡢࢃࡎ࠿࡞㐪࠸ࡢሙྜࡶ
ࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ࠶ࡿ࠸ࡣఱࡀࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࢆᡂ❧ࡉࡏࡿࡢ࠶ࡿࠋ௨ୗࡢ౛ࢆぢ࡚ࡳࡓ࠸ࠋ
ࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋᮏⓎ⾲ࡣࠊࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡀࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚཯᚟ࡉࢀ࡚࠸ࡿሙྜ࡟ࠊ࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ゝㄒ⌧㇟ࡀ⏕ࡌ㸦ヰ⪅ &࣭ ᅇ┠㸧࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࠿࡜࠸࠺ほⅬ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ㄪᰝࢹ࣮ࢱࡢᩚ⌮࡜ศ⚾ࡢᡤᒓࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࢧ࣮ࢡࣝࡣ㸪ࡕࡻࡗ࡜ኚࢃࡗ࡚
ᯒࢆヨࡳࡓࠋࡲࡎࠊ≀ㄒࡢ཯᚟࡟࠾ࡅࡿኚ໬࡜୙ኚࢆ
࠸࡚㸪ྜၐ࡜ࣂࣥࢻ࡜࣑࣮ࣗࢪ࢝ࣝࡢ㸪୕ࡘࡢ㡢ᴦ☜࠿ࡵࡿࠋࡑࡋ࡚ࠊ
ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡀ཯᚟ࡉࢀࡿ࡟࠶ࡓࡗ
άືࢆ⾜࠺࡜࠸࠺ࢧ࣮ࢡ࡛ࣝ㸪⚾ࡣ㸪ࡑࡇ࡛㸪኱Ꮫ

−311−

物語の反復に見る物語の可変的要素と根幹要素 ―物語を反復しても不変の要素；「ある物語」の特徴―஧ᖺࡢ᫬࡟㸪࣑࣮ࣗࢪ࢝ࣝࡢ㈐௵⪅ࢆົࡵࡲࡋࡓ㸬㸦୰␎㸧ࡑࡢ㝿⚾ࡣ㸪୍ᖺ⏕࡜ྠࡌ❧ሙ࡟⪃࠼㸪❧ࡗ࡚⪃࠼࡚ࡳࡼ࠺࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࢆᚰࡀࡅࡲࡋࡓ㸬㸦ヰ⪅ &࣭ ᅇ┠㸧⚾ࡢᡤᒓࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࢧ࣮ࢡࣝࡣ㸪ࡕࡻࡗ࡜ኚࢃࡗ࡚
࠸࡚㸪ྜၐ࡜ࣂࣥࢻ࡜࣑࣮ࣗࢪ࢝ࣝ㸪୕ࡘࡢάື඲
࡚ࢆ⾜࠺࡜࠸࠺ࢧ࣮ࢡ࡛ࣝࡋ࡚㸪⚾ࡣ㸪ࡑࡇ࡛㸪኱Ꮫ஧ᖺࡢ᫬࡟㸪࣑࣮ࣗࢪ࢝ࣝࡢ㈐௵⪅ࢆົࡵࡲࡋࡓ㸬㸦୰␎㸧ࡑࡢ㝿⚾ࡣ㸪୍ᖺ⏕࡜ྠࡌ❧ሙ࡟❧ࡗ࡚⪃࠼࡚ࡳࡼ࠺࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࢆᚰࡀࡅ࡚⾜ືࡋࡲࡋࡓ㸬 ౛ࡣྠࡌෆᐜࢆㄒࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ㒊ศࡢ᭩ࡁ㉳ࡇࡋ࡛࠶ࡿ
ࡀࠊࡓ࡜࠼ࡤࠕ㡢ᴦάືࠖࢆࠕάື඲࡚ࠖ
ࠊ
ࠕᙼࡽࠖࢆ
ࠕ୍ᖺ⏕ࠖ
ࠊ
ࠕᚰࡀࡅࡿࠖࢆࠕᚰࡀࡅ࡚⾜ືࡍࡿࠖ࡞࡝
ࡢゝ࠸᥮࠼ࡀኚ໬࡜ࡋ࡚ぢࡽࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ࠿ࡿࠋ
ࢹ࣮ࢱࢆᩚ⌮ࡍࡿ࡜ࠊኚ໬ࡋ࡚࠸ࡓ ࡣࠊရモࡢኚ᭦ࡸ㢮ㄒ࡬ࡢ⨨ࡁ᥮࠼ࠊゝ࠸ㄗࡾ㸦ࠕࣜ࢔ࣝࠖЍࠕࣛ࢖ࣈࠖ࡞࡝㸧ࡢゞṇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊෆᐜ࡟࠶ࡲࡾᙳ㡪ࡢ࡞࠸ㄒྃࡀከ࠸ࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ࠿ࡗࡓࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊಟ㣭⾲⌧㸦ࠕẖ᪥ࠖࠕ࠸ࢁ࠸ࢁࠖ࡞࡝㸧ࡣ㐺ᐅ๐㝖ࡸ㏣ຍࡀぢࡽࢀࡿ࡯࠿ࠊ౛♧࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣྃࡸᩥ༢఩࡛ࡢධࢀ᭰࠼ࡶ⏕ࡌ࡚࠸ࡓࠋಟ㣭⾲⌧ࡸ஦౛࡞࡝ࡣࠊ඲యⓗ࡞ෆᐜ࡟㛵ࢃࡽ࡞࠸⠊ᅖ࡛ࡣኚ᭦ࡀྍ⬟࡛࠶ࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿࠋ
཯ᑐ࡟ࠊኚ໬ࡢ࡞࠸ ࡢㄒ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣࠊ௜ᒓㄒ ࡜᪥ᮏㄒ
୍⯡࡟⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡸࡍ࠸ㄒ㸦ࠕࡍࡿࠖࠕ࠶ࡿࠖ࡞࡝ࡢ᪥ᮏ
ㄒୖ఩㢖ᗘㄒ㸧௨እࡢ㒊ศࠊࡀࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ࡟≉᭷࡛ࠊኚ໬ࡉࡏࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸㒊ศ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡓࠋ
࡜ࡍࢀࡤࠊࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡀᡂ❧ࡍࡿࡓࡵ࡟ࡣࠊ ๭⛬ᗘኚ໬ࡋ࡞࠸㒊ศࡀᚲせ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜࡞ࡢࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ
 ≀ㄒࡢ୙ኚ㒊ศ࡜ࡣఱ࠿ ๓⠇࡛ࡣ⊂ヰ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ཯᚟ࢆほᐹࡋࡓࡀࠊ」ᩘࡢே
ࡢ㛫࡛཯᚟ࡉࢀࡿࠊࡍ࡞ࢃࡕ」ᩘࡢேࡀྠࡌෆᐜࢆㄒ
ࡿሙྜࠊ≀ㄒࡣ࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ྍኚ࠶ࡿ࠸ࡣ୙ኚ࡞ࡢࡔࢁ
࠺࠿ࠋ ຍ⸨ࡽ㸦㸧ࡣࠊゝㄒ᝟ሗࡢ࡞࠸ᫎീෆᐜࡢసᩥ㸦 ྡศ㸧ࢆ཰㞟ࡋࠊఱࡀ୍⮴ࡍࡿࡢ࠿ࢆㄪᰝࡋࡓࠋ
ࡇࡢ⤖ᯝࠊ඲ဨࡢసᩥ࡟࠾࠸୍࡚⮴ࡋࡓࡢࡣຓモࡢࡳ࡛࠶ࡾࠊㄒࡾᡭ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ྛࠎ␗࡞ࡿ≀ㄒ࡟࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ
ྍ⬟ᛶࡀ⏕ࡌࡓࠋࡑࡇ࡛ࠊ඲࡚ࡢసᩥࡢ⤌ࡳྜࢃࡏࡢ
㢮ఝᗘุ᩿ᐇ㦂ࢆ⾜ࡗࡓ࡜ࡇࢁࠊྠࡌ≀ㄒ࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ุ
᩿ࡉࢀࡓ๭ྜࡣᖹᆒ ࡜࡞ࡗࡓࠋྠࡌᫎീෆᐜࢆ≀ㄒࡗ࡚ࡶࠊࡑࢀࡒࢀࡢㄒࡾᡭ࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ࡣ␗࡞ࡿ⤒㦂࡛
࠶ࡾࠊඹ㏻ࡋࡓㄆ㆑ࡢ≀ㄒ࡜ࡣ࡞ࡽ࡞࠸ࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
ࡑࢀ࡛ࡣࠊ᪤࡟ᡂ❧ࡋ࡚Ꮡᅾࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠊඹ㏻ᛶࡢ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒ࡛ࡣ࡝࠺ࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ❧▼㸦㸧ࡣࠊ ྡࡢ
グ㏙ࡋࡓࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖࢆศᯒࡋࠊ
ࠕ᱈࠿ࡽ⏕ࡲࢀࡓࠖ௨እ

ࡣᕪ␗ࡢ࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ♧ࡋࡓࠋ୍⯡࡟Ⰻࡃ▱ࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡿ
ࡣࡎࡢࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖࡶࠊಶࠎே࡟࡜ࡗ࡚ᚲࡎࡋࡶྠࡌ≀ㄒ࡛ࡣ࡞࠸ࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊ
ࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ᡂ❧ࡍࡿࡓࡵ࡟ࡣࠊ
ࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖ࡟≉ᚩⓗ࡞㒊ศࡢ࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ
ᮇᚅࡉࢀࡿࠋಖ⏣㸦㸧ࡣࠊ ヰࡢࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖసᩥࢆ཰㞟ࡋࠊ᭱ࡶᖹᆒⓗ࡞౑⏝ㄒᙡࢆ᭷ࡍࡿ᱈ኴ㑻㸦౑⏝ㄒᙡᖹᆒ࡜ࡢ┦㛵ࡀ 㸧ࢆㄪᰝࡋࡓࠋᖹᆒⓗ࡞ࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖࡣࠊ࡞ࡿ࡯࡝ࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖࡽࡋ࠸࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡓࠋ
ࡋ࠿ࡋࠊᚲࡎࡋࡶࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖ࡟ᚲせ࡞㒊ศ࠿ࡽᡂ❧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࡛ࡣ࡞࠸ࠋ࡜ࡣ࠸࠼ࠊ ヰ࡟࠾࠸࡚ඹ㏻ࡢㄒ
ࡣࠊຓモࢆྵࡵ࡚  ㄒ࡟ࡍࡂࡎࠊ⮬❧ㄒࡣࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖࠕ㨣ࠖࡢ  ㄒࡢࡳ࡛࠶ࡗࡓࠋࡑࡇ࡛ࠊ౑⏝ㄒࡢ┦㛵ࡀ᭱ప࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡓࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖ ヰ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚㔜ᅇᖐศᯒࢆ⾜ࡗࡓࠋࡇࡢ⤖ᯝࠊྃⅬ࣭᥋⥆ຓモࠕ࡚ࠖ㸦ᩥ㛗㸧ࠊ‽యຓモࠊཷ㌟ࠊᩗయ࡞࡝ࡢᕪ␗ࠊ㢮ఝ⾲⌧㸦ࠕ࠾ࡌ࠸ࡉࢇ࠾ࡤ࠶ࡉࢇࠖяࠕ⪁ኵ፬ࠖࠊࠕ᫇ࠖяࠕఏࢃࡿࠖ࡞
࡝㸧ࢆᩚ⌮ࡍࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊ ヰ࡟ඹ㏻ࡋ࡚ྵࡲࢀࡿせ⣲ࢆᢳฟࡋࡓࠋ
ᩥయᕪࡸ⾲⌧ࡢ㐪࠸ࡣ࠶ࡗ࡚ࡶ
ࠕ᱈ኴ㑻ࠖ
࡟ඹ㏻ࡍࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿ㒊ศࡣࠊ᫬㸦
ࠕ᫇ࠖ
㸧
ࠊⓏሙே≀
㸦
ࠕ⪁ኵ፬ࠖ
ࠕ⏨ࡢᏊࠖ
ࠕ㨣ࠖ
㸧
ࠊ୰ᚰⓗ࡞ฟ᮶஦㸦ࠕ㸦⏨ࡢᏊࡀ㨣ࡢ࡜ࡇࢁ࡬㸧⾜ࡃ࡛ࠖ࠶ࡾࠊⓏሙே≀ࡸⓏሙே
≀㛵ಀ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡢ᝟ሗࡀྵࡲࢀ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ࠿ࡗࡓࠋ
ࡉ࡚ࠊ᫬ࠊⓏሙே≀ࠊ୰ᚰⓗ࡞ฟ᮶஦࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࠕ࠶ࡿ
≀ㄒࠖࡣᡂ❧ࡍࡿࡢࡔࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ
 ≀ㄒࢆ≉ᚩ࡙ࡅࡿせ⣲࡜ࡣఱ࠿
 」ᩘࡢேࡢ㛫࡛཯᚟ࡉࢀ࡚ࡶࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡀᡂ❧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿሙྜࠊ๓⠇࡛ぢࡓ᫬ࠊⓏሙே≀ࠊ୰ᚰⓗ࡞ฟ᮶஦ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ࡟ᚲせ࡞≉ᚩࡀ୙ኚ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚
࠸ࡿྍ⬟ᛶࡀ⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡓࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊࡑࡶࡑࡶࠊேࡀࠕ࠶
ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࢆࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ㄆ㆑ࡍࡿ࡜ࡁࠊఱ࡟ࡑࡢ≉ᚩࢆぢฟࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡢ࠿࡜࠸࠺␲ၥࡀ࠶ࡿࠋ
ࡇࡇ࡛ࠊ≀ㄒࢆ≉ᚩ࡙ࡅࡿせ⣲࡜ࡣ࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞ࡶࡢ࡞ࡢ࠿ࢆ☜࠿ࡵ࡚࠾ࡁࡓ࠸ࠋ
ຍ⸨ࡽ㸦㸧ࡣࠊㄞࡳᡭࡀㄞࡳࡓ࠸≀ㄒࢆ᥈ࡍࡓ
ࡵ࡟ࠊ≀ㄒࡢ≉ᚩࢆㄪ࡭ࡿࡢ࡛ࡣ࡞࠸࠿࡜⪃࠼ࡓࠋࡑࡇ࡛ࠊዪᛶྥࡅ኱⾗ᜊឡᑠㄝࣁ࣮ࣞࢡ࢖ࣥࢩ࣮ࣜࢬࡢ
సရ᳨⣴⏝ࠕࢸ࣮࣐ࠖࢱࢢࢆㄪᰝࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋᐇࢧ࢖ࢺ
㸦KWWSZZZKDUOHTXLQFRMS㸧࡛ࡣ㏆ᖺࡢసရ࡟ࡢࡳ௜
ࡉࢀࡓ᝟ሗ࡛࠶ࡿࡀࠊᮍ௜୚సရ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡶసᴗ⪅ࡀྛసရࡢ࠶ࡽࡍࡌࢆㄞࢇ࡛ࠕࢸ࣮࣐ࠖࢱࢢࢆ௜୚ࡋࠊ
 ෉ࡢ≀ㄒࡢ≉ᚩศ㢮ࢆヨࡳࡓࠋࡇࡢ⤖ᯝࠊㄞࡳᡭ
ࡀ≀ㄒࡢ≉ᚩ࡜ࡋ࡚ᮇᚅࡍࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡿせ⣲ࡀࠊⓏሙே≀ᒓᛶ㸦൨୓㛗⪅ࠊᖺୖࠊグ᠈႙ኻࠊ⳹㯇࡟ኚ㌟
࡞࡝㸧ࠊⓏሙே≀㛵ಀ㸦ᗂ࡞ࡌࡳࠊ㌟ศ㐪࠸࡞࡝㸧ࠊฟ఍࠸ࡢ࢚ࣆࢯ࣮ࢻ
㸦෌఍ࠊឡ࡞ࡁ⤖፧ࠊ
୍ኪࡢᜊ࡞࡝㸧ࠊ᫬㸦᫬௦タᐃ࡞࡝㸧࡟኱ูࡉࢀࠊ㢖ᗘࡶ㧗࠸ࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ
࠿ࡗࡓࠋ

−312−

第20回大会発表論文集ࡲࡓࠊㄞࡳᡭࡀḧࡋ࠸≀ㄒ᝟ሗࡣࠊ㈍኎ಁ㐍࡟ࡶ㛵ࢃࡿ࡜⪃࠼ࠊຍ⸨࣭ὸཎ㸦㸧ࡣࠊ సရࡢᜊឡ
ᑠㄝࡢࢱ࢖ࢺࣝ࡜ᖏࢆ཰㞟ࡋࠊ⾲⌧࡜᝟ሗࡢศᯒࢆヨࡳࡓࠋᖏ࡟グ㍕ࡉࢀࡓᐉఏᩥྃࡣࠊᖹᆒᩥᏐᩘ  ᩥᏐ࡜࠸࠺▷ᩥ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ⾲  ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ศ㢮ࡉࢀࡓࠋ
⾲  ᜊឡᑠㄝࡢᖏ᝟ሗ㸦 సရ㸧Ⓨヰᙧᘧ

ࠕඛ⏕ࡣ㐠࿨ࡢே࡞ࢇ࡛ࡍ㸟㸦㨶㇂ࡋ࠾ࡾ
ࠗⰼ᎑ࡣ࣌ࢵࢺࢻࢡࢱ࣮࠘㸧ࠖࠕ⚾ࡣỴࡋ࡚࠶࡞ࡓࢆ⿬ษࡗࡓࡾࡣࡋ࡞࠸㸦ጲ㔝ⓒྜࠗ࠺ࡑࡘ
ࡁ࡜ᜊ࡜㖠ᙎ࠘㸧ࠖ࡞࡝ෆᐜㄝ᫂ࠕぢ⩦࠸ࣃࢸ࢕ࢩ࢚㸪ࢶࣥࢹࣞඛ㍮࡟ⱞປࡍࡿ㸦Ἴዉᾏ᭶ࠗ⣧᝟ࢫ࢖࣮ࢶዶ᝿ࣞࢩࣆ࠘㸧ࠖࠕ㖠ᙎ㣕ࡧ஺࠺࡞࠿㸪ኳ࠿ࡽ͆⨾㟷ᖺ͇㝆ࡿ㸟㸟㸦ᶲ࠿࠾ࡿ࣐ࠗࣟࣥࢳࢵࢡ࣭ࢺ࣮ࣜ࢞࠘㸧
࡞࡝

࢟ࣕࢵࢳ



ࢥࣆ࣮ࠕࡑࢀࡣ㸪ࡦ࡝ࡃ⏑࠸ᡓࡁ㸬㸦⠛ཎࡲࡇ࡜ࠗ༓
ኪ୍ኪ࡟᥋࿀ࡅ࡚࠘㸧ࠖࠕୡ⏺୍࡛␒↓ᇈ࡞ឡ㸦⥡᭶㝕ࠗ⫼ᚨࡢ࣐ࣜ࢔࠘ୖ㸧ࠖ࡞࡝

ࡑࡢ௚



ࠕ᭶ᮧዋඛ⏕㸪᥎⸀㸟㸟ࠕࣆࣗ࢔࡛┿ᦸ࡞஧ேࡢᜊ࡟㸪ᾦ㸪ᾦ࡛ࡋࡓ㸬ఱᗘ࡛ࡶㄞࡳ㏉ࡋࡓ࠸㸪ᐆ≀ࡢ୍෉࡛ࡍ㸬ࠖ㸦ኤᫎ᭶Ꮚ࡚ࠗࡢ
ࡦࡽ࡟ࡦ࡜ࡘ࠘㸧ࠖࠕ᳷㔝㐨ὶࢹࣅ࣮ࣗ 㐌ᖺ║㙾ࣇ࢙࢔㸦᳷㔝㐨ὶࠗᴍᓮඛ⏕ࢇࡕ࡜ிᶫྩࡕ࠘㸧ࠖ࡞࡝


Ⓨヰᙧᘧࡢሙྜࠊ୍ே⛠࡜஧ே⛠ࠊ⤊ຓモ࡞࡝ࡀᙺ๭ㄒ࡜ࡋ࡚⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿ࡯࠿ࠊ⫋ᴗྡࡢྵࡲࢀࡿഴྥࡀ
࠶ࡿࠋෆᐜㄝ᫂ࡣࠊⓏሙே≀᝟ሗ㸦⫋ᴗࠊᛶ᱁࡞࡝㸧ࡀ ࠊⓏሙே≀ࡢ㛵ಀ㸦ᗂ࡞ࡌࡳࠊୖྖ࡜㒊ୗ࡞࡝㸧ࡀ ࠊ⾜ືࡸኚ໬ࡢ࢚ࣆࢯ࣮ࢻ㸦ฟ఍࠸ࡢ࢚
ࣆࢯ࣮ࢻ㸧ࡀ ࠊࡑࡢ௚ሙ㠃タᐃ㸦኱Ꮫࠊ⫋ሙ࡞࡝㸧ࡀ ࡛࠶ࡗࡓࠋຍ⸨ࡽ㸦㸧ࡢㄪᰝ⤖ᯝ࡜ྠᵝࠊⓏሙே≀࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡢ᝟ሗࠊⓏሙே≀ࡢ㛵ಀࠊ୺せ࡞ኚ໬㸦ᜊឡ㛵ಀ࡟࡞ࡿ㸸ᜊឡᑠㄝ࡛࠶ࢀࡤࡍ࡭࡚
ྠࡌ㸧ࡢ㉳ᅉ࡜࡞ࡿฟ఍࠸ࡢ࢚ࣆࢯ࣮ࢻࡀグ㍕ࡉࢀ࡚
࠸ࡓ࡜࠸࠺ࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ࠿ࡿࠋ௨ୖࡢ  ㄪᰝࡣᜊឡᑠㄝࡢࡳࡀᑐ㇟࡛ࡣ࠶ࡿࡀࠊࡇ
ࢀࡽࡢ⤖ᯝ࠿ࡽࠊ≀ㄒࡢ≉ᚩ࡜ࡋ࡚ㄞࡳᡭࡀᮇᚅࡍࡿ
せ⣲ࡣࠊⓏሙே≀㛵㐃᝟ሗ࡜୺せ࡞ኚ໬ࡢ㉳ᅉ࡜࡞ࡿฟ᮶஦ࠊ⎔ቃ㸦᫬࣭ሙᡤ㸧࡛࠶ࡿ࡜࠸࠺ྍ⬟ᛶࡀ⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡓࠋ ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ࡟࠾࠸࡚୙ኚࢆᮇᚅࡉࢀࡿせ⣲ ≀ㄒࢆᵓᡂࡍࡿせ⣲ࡣᵝࠎ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ᫬ไࠊཷືࠊ⾲グࠊㄒᙡ࡜࠸ࡗࡓ⾲⌧≉ᚩ㸦%HUPDQDQG6ORELQ㸪
+RSSHUDQG7KRPSVRQ ࡞࡝㸧ࢆࡣࡌࡵࠊෆᐜ࡜ࡋ
࡚≀ㄒᩥἲ㸦5XPHOKDUW7KRUQG\NH ࡞࡝㸧࡟第13号

ᣲࡆࡽࢀࡿタᐃࠊ୺㢟ࠊ➽ࠊゎỴ࡞࡝ࡢせ⣲ࡶ࠶ࡿࠋ᝟ሗࡢᥦ♧㡰ࡸᅉᯝ㛵ಀ㸦5HLQKDUW 㸧ࡶ㛵ࢃࡿࠋ๓⠇࡛♧ࡋࡓⓏሙே≀ࡢᒓᛶ࣭㛵ಀᛶࠊ୺せ࡞ኚ໬ࡢ㉳ᅉ࡜࡞ࡿฟ᮶஦㸦ຍ⸨࣭ὸཎ㸧ࡶྵࡲࢀࡿࠋࡑ
ࢀ࡛ࡣࠊ࠸ࡗࡓ࠸ࠊ࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡞せ⣲ࡀ୙ኚ࡛࠶ࢀࡤࠕ࠶
ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡣᡂ❧ࡋ⥆ࡅࡿࡢ࡛࠶ࢁ࠺࠿ࠋ ࡑࡇ࡛ࠊᵝࠎ࡞せ⣲ࡢኚ໬ࡀ≀ㄒ⮬యࡢኚ໬࡜࡞ࡿ
ࡢ࠿ࠊຍ⸨㸦㸧ࡣᇶᮏ࡜࡞ࡿ≀ㄒࢸ࢟ࢫࢺࢆ㒊ศⓗ࡟ᨵኚࡋࡓ≀ㄒࢆ⏝࠸ࠊᇶࡢࢸ࢟ࢫࢺ࡜ᨵኚࢸ࢟ࢫ
ࢺࡀ࡝ࡢ⛬ᗘྠࡌ≀ㄒ࡛࠶ࡿࡢ࠿ุ᩿ࡍࡿᐇ㦂ࢆ⾜ࡗ
ࡓࠋࡲࡎࠊ
ࠕ㉥㢌ᕵࠖ
ࠕ⤮ጼዪᡣࠖ
ࠕ࢜࢜ࣂࢥ┦᧞㸦సᐙḈᇛ࡞ࡿẶ࡟ࡼࡿᮍⓎ⾲᪂స㸧ࠖ࡜࠸࠺  ᮏࡢ≀ㄒࢆࠊ
సᐙ࡟ᵝࠎ࡞せ⣲࡟࠾࠸࡚᭩ࡁ᥮࠼࡚ࡶࡽࡗࡓࠋᨵኚ
ࡉࢀࡓࠕ࠶ࡿせ⣲ࠖࡣࠊⓏሙே㸦஦㸧≀࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠊே
≀ࡢᒓᛶ㸦ᛶ㉁ࠊ⫋ᴗ࡞࡝㸧ࠊ㛵ಀ㸦Ⓩሙே≀ࡢ㏣ຍ࣭๐㝖ࠊே㛫㛵ಀࡸᙺ๭࡞࡝㸧࡞࡝ࠊᩥయ㛵㐃࡛ࡣどⅬࡸே⛠ࢆࡣࡌࡵࠊ᫬ไࠊཷືࠊㄒᙡ㸦ㄒ✀࣭⏝ㄒ㸧ࠊᥥ෗㔞ࡢከᑡ࡞࡝ࠊ≀ㄒᩥἲ㸦࢚ࣆࢯ࣮ࢻࠊ⤖ᮎࠊ᫬௦ࡸሙᡤ࡞࡝㸧
ࠊ᝟ሗᥦ♧㡰ᗎࡸᅉᯝ㛵ಀ࡞࡝࡛ࠊ ✀㢮࡛࠶ࡿࠋ≀ㄒᵓᡂ࡟㛵ࢃࡿせ⣲ࡢఱࡀኚ໬ࡍࡿ࡜ࠊ
≀ㄒ⮬యࡢኚ໬࡜࡞ࡿࡢ࠿ࠊ᥈⣴ⓗ࡞ㄪᰝࢆヨࡳࡓࠋᐇ㦂༠ຊ⪅㸦ྛ᮲௳࡛᭱ప  ྡ௨ୖࠊ ྡ㸧ࡣࠊ≀ㄒ⮬యࡢ㢮ఝᗘ㸦㸸ࡲࡗࡓࡃ㐪࠺㹼㸸ࡲࡗࡓࡃྠࡌ㸧ࢆุᐃࡋࠊุᐃࡢ᰿ᣐࢆ⮬⏤ᅇ⟅࡜ࡋ࡚グ㏙
ࡋࡓࠋ
ࡇࡢ⤖ᯝࠊ
ኚ໬ࡍࡿ࡜ูࡢ≀ㄒ࡜ㄆ㆑ࡉࢀࡿせ⣲ࡣࠊฟ᮶஦ࡢᅉᯝ㛵ಀࠊ᫬௦ࠊⓏሙே≀ࡢ㛵ಀࠊ≀ㄒᒎ㛤ࡢ୰ᚰⓗ࡞ฟ᮶஦࡜ࡑࡢ㉳ᅉ࡜࡞ࡿฟ᮶஦࡛࠶ࡗࡓࠋ
ලయⓗ࡟ࡣࠊࡓ࡜࠼ࡤ⊋ࡀ⨺࡟ኚࢃࡿࡇ࡜࡟ࡼࡾࠊⓏ
ሙே≀ᒓᛶࡣࡶࡕࢁࢇࠊ㛵ಀᛶࡸᅉᯝ㛵ಀ࡟ࡶᙳ㡪ࡀཬࡧࠊ≀ㄒ⮬యࡢ㢮ఝᗘࡣᖹᆒ ࡜࡞ࡗࡓࠋ⊋ࡀ♽ẕࢆ࿐ࡴ࡜࠸࠺୰ᚰⓗ࡞ฟ᮶஦ࡸࠊ⊋ࡀ㉥㢌ᕵࡢඛᅇࡾࢆࡍࡿ࡜࠸࠺୰ᚰⓗ࡞ฟ᮶஦ࡢ㉳ᅉࡀ๐㝖ࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ࡶࠊⓏሙே≀㛵ಀࡸᅉᯝ㛵ಀ࡟ࡶᙳ㡪ࡀཬࡧࠊࡑࢀࡒࢀ≀ㄒ⮬యࡢ㢮ఝᗘࡣᖹᆒ ࡜࡞ࡗࡓࠋ
ࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ≀ㄒࡢⓏሙே≀㛵ಀࡸฟ᮶஦ࡣࡑࢀࡒࢀ
ࡀ㛵ࢃࡾ࠶ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡓࡵࠊ୺せ࡞せ⣲ࡢኚ໬ࡣ௚ࡢせ⣲࡟ࡶᙳ㡪ࢆཬࡰࡋࠊ≀ㄒ⮬యࡀࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒ࡛ࠖࡣ࡞
ࡃ࡞ࡗ࡚ࡋࡲ࠺ࡇ࡜࡟࡞ࡿࠋ᫬௦タᐃࡢ㐪࠸࡟ࡘ࠸࡚
ࡶࠊⓏሙே≀ࡢᒓᛶࡸ⾜ືࡢྛᡤ࡟⣽ࠎ࡜ࡋࡓᙳ㡪ࢆཬࡰࡍࡓࡵࠊ≀ㄒ࡟࠾࠸࡚୙ኚ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᮇᚅࡉࢀ
ࡿࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿࠋ཯ᑐ࡟ࠊኚ໬ࡋ࡚ࡶ≀ㄒ⮬య࡬ࡢᙳ㡪ࡀప࠸せ⣲ࡣࠊᩥయࠊಶูࡢฟ᮶஦ࠊ⤖ᮎ㸦ᒎ㛤࡜▩┪ࡀ࡞࠸ሙྜ㸧ࠊሙᡤ࡛࠶ࡗࡓࠋ⤖ᮎࡣࠊࡓ࡜࠼ࡤ຾ࡕ㈇ࡅࡀ␗࡞ࡗ࡚࠸࡚ࡶࠊᖹᆒ ࡢ㧗࠸㢮ఝᗘุᐃ⤖ᯝࡀᚓࡽࢀࠊᅉᯝ㛵ಀ࡟ᙳ㡪ࡀ࡞ࡅࢀࡤࠊ≀ㄒ⮬య࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢኚ໬࡟ࡘ࡞ࡀࡽ࡞࠸ࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ࠿ࡗࡓࠋ
ࡑࡢ௚ࠊಶࠎࡢฟ᮶஦ࡀධࢀ᭰ࢃࡗ࡚ࡶࠊ୰ᚰⓗ࠶ࡿ࠸ࡣࡑࡢ

−313−

物語の反復に見る物語の可変的要素と根幹要素 ―物語を反復しても不変の要素；「ある物語」の特徴―㉳ᅉ࡛࡞ࡅࢀࡤ㔜せどࡉࢀࡎࠊྠࡌヰ⊂ヰࡢ཯᚟࡟࠾
࠸࡚౛♧ࡀኚ໬ࡍࡿ㸦 ⠇ཧ↷㸧ࡇ࡜࡜ࡶྠᵝࡢഴྥ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋࡑࡢ௚ࠊሙᡤタᐃࡀኚࢃࡗ࡚ࡶࠊ≀ㄒ⮬య࡬ࡢኚ໬ࡢ༳㇟ࡣ࡞࠸ࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡲࡓࠊே࡟ࡼࡗ࡚
༳㇟ࡢ␗࡞ࡿせ⣲ࡶ࠶ࡿࠋᅉᯝ࡟㛵ࢃࡽ࡞࠸᝟ሗࡢᥦ
♧㡰ᗎࠊࢪ࢙ࣥࢲ࣮ࠊⰍᙬ࡟㛵ࡋ࡚ࡣࠊุᐃࡋࡓᐇ㦂༠ຊ⪅ࡢᶆ‽೫ᕪ࡟ᦂࢀࡀぢࡽࢀ࡚࠸ࡓࠋ ࡞࠾ࠊࡇࡢㄪᰝ࡛ࡣࠊ ⠇࡛ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ࡟≉ᚩⓗ࡞ྍ⬟ᛶࡀ⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡓせ⣲ࠕ᫬ࠖࠕⓏሙே≀ࠖ
ࠕ୰ᚰⓗฟ᮶஦࡜ࡑࡢ㉳ᅉࠖࡀࠊࡓࡋ࠿࡟୙ኚ࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀᮇ
ᚅࡉࢀࡑ࠺࡞⤖ᯝ࡟࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊ
ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ
ࡢᡂ❧࡟࠾࠸࡚㔜せ࡞せ⣲ࢆ≉ᐃࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ࡛ࡁ࡚࠸
࡞࠸ࠋࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ୺せ࡞せ⣲࡜ࡣࠊⓏሙே≀㛵ಀࡸᅉᯝ㛵ಀࠊ୺せ࡞ฟ᮶஦ࡢ࠸ࡎࢀ࡟ࡶ㛵ࢃࡗ࡚࠸ࡿྍ⬟ᛶࡀ㧗࠸ࡓࡵ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ௒ᚋࡢᒎ㛤࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊࡓ
࡜࠼ࡤⓏሙே≀ࡀ␗࡞ࡗࡓሙྜࠊ␗࡞ࡿᗘྜࡸࠊ␗࡞
ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡝ࡢ⛬ᗘࡑࡢ௚ࡢせ⣲࡟ᙳ㡪ࡍࡿࡢ࠿ࠊ࡜࠸
࠺Ⅼ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡶヲ⣽࡞ㄪᰝࢆ㐍ࡵࡿணᐃ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ
 ࡲ࡜ࡵ
 ᮏⓎ⾲࡛ࡣࠊ≀ㄒࡢ཯᚟࡜࠸࠺ほⅬ࡛ࢹ࣮ࢱࡢᩚ⌮࡜ศᯒࢆヨࡳࡓࠋ
≀ㄒࡣ཯᚟ࡉࢀࡿࡶࡢ࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡑࡋ࡚ኚ໬ࡍࡿࡶࡢ
࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡑࢀ࡛ࡶࠊ
ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ࡜ࡋ࡚ᡂ❧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜
ࡁ࡟ࡣࠊኚ໬ࡋ࡞࠸㒊ศࡀᏑᅾࡋ⥆ࡅࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ࠿ࡗ
ࡓࠋ཯᚟ࡉࢀࡓࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡣࠊኚ໬ࡍࡿ㒊ศ࡜ኚ໬ࡋ࡞࠸㒊ศࢆ᭷ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ࡜࠸࠼ࡿࠋ
཯᚟࡟ࡼࡗ࡚ኚ໬ࡍࡿ㒊ศࡣࠊ㢮ఝࡢㄒྃ࡞࡝࡬ࡢ
ゝ࠸᥮࠼ࡸࠊ౛♧ࢆࡣࡌࡵ࡜ࡍࡿ⣽࠿࡞࢚ࣆࢯ࣮ࢻ࡛
࠶ࡿࠋᩥయࡸ⾲⌧≉ᚩࡶኚ໬ࡋᚓࡿࠋㄒࡾᡭࡢ❧ሙ࡟
ࡼࡗ࡚どⅬࡀ␗࡞ࡾࠊࡑࡢ⤖ᯝ࡜ࡋ࡚⤖ᮎࡀኚࢃࡿࡇ
࡜ࡶࠊ୺せ࡞ฟ᮶஦ࢆ୰ᚰ࡜ࡍࡿᅉᯝ㛵ಀ࡟ᙳ㡪ࡀ࡞࠸㝈ࡾ࡟࠾࠸࡚ࡣ࠶ࡾᚓࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊⓏሙே≀㛵ಀࡸฟ᮶஦ࡢᅉᯝ㛵ಀ࡟㛵ࢃࡿせ⣲࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣࠊ
ࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖ
࡛࠶ࡿ௨ୖࠊ
཯᚟࡟ࡼࡿኚ໬ࡢ࡞࠸ࡇ࡜ࡀᮇᚅࡉࢀࡿࠋ
ࡼࡗ࡚ࠊࠕ࠶ࡿ≀ㄒࠖࡢ≉ᚩⓗ࡞せ⣲࡟㛵ࢃࡿ᝟ሗ࡛࠶
ࡿ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊⓏሙே≀ࡢᒓᛶ࡞࡝ࡢ᝟ሗ࡜୺せ࡞ฟ᮶஦࡟㛵ࡍࡿ᝟ሗࡀࠊ
᳨⣴ࡸᐉఏ࡟ࡶ⏝࠸ࡽࢀࡿࡢࡔࢁ࠺ࠋ

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PHPRU\ RI QDUUDWLYH GLVFRXUVH´ Cognitive Psychology ఀ⸨ࡩࡉᏊࠕཱྀᢎ᫇ヰ࡜෌ヰࡢ㐪࠸࡟ࡘ࠸࡚̿ࣟࢩ࢔

−314−



第20回大会発表論文集第13号

͜Ε΋ίϐϡϥʮ͡ΌʯΖ͏͔ʁɿ೔ຊ‫͚͓ʹޠ‬ΔΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦Ҫ‫ॣ ݪ‬
େࡕେֶେֶӃ‫ޠݴ‬จԽ‫ڀݚ‬Պ/೔ຊֶज़ৼ‫ڵ‬ձಛผ‫ڀݚ‬һiharashun0@gmail.com
Abstract
Since Kinsui’s (2000/2003) initial proposal, research on role language has progressed with the topics growing morediverse. In this paper, I investigate the semantic/pragmatic property of so-called “Character-Associated Endings”
in Japanese, focusing on “Character Copula”. I argue that (i) the semantics and pragmatics approach is more usefulthan the syntactic approach to capture the behavior of Character Copula, and (ii) the meaning of Character Copula
is divided into two parts: at-issue meaning and non-at-issue meaning (Conventional Implicature, Potts 2005).
Ωʔϫʔυɿ1. Ωϟϥ‫ޠ‬ඌ, 2. Ωϟϥίϐϡϥ, 3. ‫༻ޠࣜܗ‬࿦, 4. ‫׳‬शత‫ؚ‬ҙ (Conventional Implicature)

1 ͸͡Ίʹ
ۚਫ (2000/2003) ΍ఆԆ (2007) ͷҰ࿈ͷ‫ڀݚ‬Ҏདྷɼ͍ΘΏΔʮ໾ׂ‫( ޠ‬Role Language)ʯʹؔ͢Δ‫͕ڀݚ‬੝Μʹͳ͍ͬͯΔɽຊ‫Ͱڀݚ‬͸ɼ໾ׂ‫͍͓ͯʹޠ‬ॏཁͳ֓೦ͷҰͭͰ͋ΔʮΩϟϥ‫ޠ‬ඌ (Character-Associated Endings)ʯɼಛʹͦͷԼҐ෼ྨͷҰͭͰ͋ΔʮΩϟϥίϐϡϥ (Character Copula)ʯʹয఺Λ౰ͯɼͦͷҙຯ΍ৼΔ෣͍Λ‫༻ޠ‬࿦త࿮૊Έ
Ͱଊ͑ΔࢼΈΛߦ͏ɽΩϟϥίϐϡϥͱ͸ɼྫ͑͹ (1) ʹࣔ͢Α͏ʹɼίϐϡϥʮͩʢɾͰ͋Δʣʯͷ‫ػ‬ೳΛ࣋ͪͳ͕Βಉ࣌ʹൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔΛද͢Ωϟϥ‫ޠ‬ඌͷ͜ͱͰ͋Δ (ఆԆ 2007)ɽ

(1) ଠ࿠͸େֶੜ {͡Ό/Ͱ͟͝Δ/βϚε}ɽ
ΩϟϥίϐϡϥΛ‫ؚ‬ΉΩϟϥ‫ޠ‬ඌ͸‫ࡏݱ‬΋ͳ͓੝Μʹ༻͍ΒΕɼͦͷόϦΤʔγϣϯ͸૿͑ͭͭ͋ΔҰํɼ͜ΕΒʹؔ͢
Δʢಛʹཧ࿦తʣ‫ڀݚ‬͸؅‫ݟ‬ͷ‫ݶ‬Γඇৗʹগͳ͍ɽຊ‫Ͱڀݚ‬͸ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥʹؔ͢Δ͍͔ͭ͘ͷ໰͍ —(i) Ωϟϥίϐϡϥͷʮҙຯʯͱ͸ཧ࿦తʹ͸ͲͷΑ͏ͳҙຯʹ֘౰͢Δͷ͔ɽ(ii) ΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷҙຯΛଊ͑Δʹ͋ͨΓͲͷΑ͏ͳΞϓϩʔν͕༗ޮ͔— Λઃఆ্ͨ͠Ͱɼ·ͣɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷ෼ੳʹ͋ͨΓ༗༻ͳͷ͸ʢ౷‫ޠ‬࿦తΞϓϩʔνͰ͸ͳ͘ʣҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦తΞϓϩʔνͰ͋ΓɼͦΕ͸̎ͭͷҟͳΔ࣍‫ݩ‬ͷҙຯ͔Β੒Δ͜ͱΛఏҊ͢Δɽ

2 ໰୊ͷॴࡏ
2.1 ΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷৼΔ෣͍
·ͣ࢝ΊʹɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷ‫ج‬ຊతͳৼΔ෣͍Λ֓‫͓ͯ͘͠؍‬ɽҎԼʹҰ෦ྫࣔ͢ΔΑ͏ʹɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥ͸ൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔͷҙຯΛද͢͜ͱΛআ͚͹ɼ௨ৗͷίϐϡϥʮͩʢͰ͋ΔʣʯͱຆͲ౷‫ޠ‬తɾҙຯతʹຆͲಉ༷ͷৼΔ෣͍Λ‫ͤݟ‬Δ (ఆԆ 2007)ɽ

(2)

a. ଠ࿠͸େֶੜ{ͩʗ͡Ό} (ͬͨ)ɽ

b. ଠ࿠͸େֶੜ{ͩʗ͡Ό}Ζ͏ɽ(3) [ ໋ྩͱͯ͠ɼ] ૣ͘ߦ͘ͷ{ͩʗ͡Ό}ʂ
(4) [ ҿ৯ళͰ஫จΛฉ͔Εͯɼ] a. ๻͸͏ͳ͗ͩɽ b. Θ͠͸͏ͳ͗͡Όɽ

2.2 ໰୊఺
͔͠͠ͳ͕Βɼؒ઀Ҿ༻จʹ͓͍ͯҟͳΔৼΔ෣͍Λ‫ͤݟ‬Δɽ·ͣɼ(5) ʹ‫ݟ‬ΒΕΔΑ͏ʹ௨ৗͷίϐϡϥʮͩʯ͸ؒ઀Ҿ༻จ಺෦ʹ໰୊ͳ͘ੜ‫ى‬ՄೳͰ͋Δɽ(5) ʹ͓͍ͯɼัจඪࣝʮͱʯ͸ (5a) Ͱ͸௚઀Ҿ༻จɼ(5b) Ͱ͸ؒ઀Ҿ༻จΛͦΕͧΕัจʹͱ͍ͬͯΔʢ(5b) ʹ͓͍ͯɼຒࠐจ಺ͷ୅໊ࢺʮ൴ঁʯʹʮՖࢠʯͰ͋Δ͜ͱ͕ɼ͜ͷຒࠐจ͕ؒ઀Ҿ−315−

これもコピュラ「じゃ」ろうか？：日本語におけるキャラコピュラの意味論・語用論༻จͰ͋Δ͜ͱΛอূ͍ͯ͠Δ఺ʹཹҙ͞Ε͍ͨɽଈͪɼ
ʮଠ࿠ʯ͸໨ͷલͷʮՖࢠʯʹରͯ͠ʮ൴ঁʯΛ༻͍ͯࢦࣔ͢Δ
͜ͱ͸Ͱ͖ͳ͍ͨΊɼ(5b) ͷຒࠐจ͸௚઀Ҿ༻Ͱ͸ͳؒ͘઀Ҿ༻Ͱ͋Δɽʣɿ(5)a. ଠ࿠͸Ֆࢠʹʮ‫܅‬ͷ྆਌Λ‫͖ͩ΂͏ܟ‬ʯͱ‫ͨͬݴ‬ɽb. ଠ࿠͸Ֆࢠ i ʹ [indirect−emb ൴ঁ i ͷ྆਌Λ‫ͨͬݴͱ ] ͖ͩ΂͏ܟ‬ɽΩϟϥίϐϡϥ͕ίϐϡϥͱಉ༷ͷৼΔ෣͍Λ‫ͤݟ‬Δͱ͍͏Ծఆͷ΋ͱͰ͸ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥ΋ίϐϡϥͱಉ༷ʹؒ઀ຒࠐจ಺෦ʹੜ‫ى‬ՄೳͰ͋Δ͜ͱΛ༧ଌ͢Δɽ͔͠͠ɼ(6) ͷΑ͏ʹɼ࣮ࡍʹ͸Ωϟϥίϐϡϥ͸ؒ઀ຒࠐจ಺ʹੜ‫ͨ͠ى‬৔߹ɼෆࣗવʹͳΓಘΔʢ௚઀Ҿ༻จ಺Ͱੜ‫ى‬ՄೳͰ͋Δ͜ͱ͸ࣗ໌Ͱ͋ΔͨΊɼ·ͨࢴ໘ͷ౎߹্ׂѪ͍ͯ͠Δʣɿ

(6)

a. ??࿝ਓ͸Ֆࢠ i ʹ [indirect−emb ൴ঁ i ͷ྆਌Λ‫͖͡΂͏ܟ‬Ό] ͱ‫ͨͬݴ‬ɽb. ??෢ଂ͸ඣ i ʹ [indirect−emb ൴ঁ i ͷ྆਌Λ‫͟͝Ͱ͖΂͏ܟ‬Δ] ͱ‫ͨͬݴ‬ɽҎ্ͷσʔλ͕ࣔࠦ͢Δ͜ͱ͸ɼগͳ͘ͱ΋Ωϟϥίϐϡϥ͸௨ৗͷίϐϡϥͱ͸ੜ‫͕͍͓͋ࠩͯʹڥ؀ى‬Δͱ͍͏͜ͱ
Ͱ͋Δ͕ɼҰମͲͷΑ͏ͳઆ໌͕ͳ͞ΕΔ΂͖Ͱ͋Ζ͏͔ɽ؅‫ݟ‬ͷ‫ݶ‬Γɼࠓͷͱ͜Ζ͜ͷʮࠩʯʹର͢Δ‫ݪ‬ཧతͳઆ໌͸ҝ͞Ε͍ͯͳ͍ɽ

3 ౷‫ޠ‬࿦ vs. ҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦
3.1 ౷‫ޠ‬࿦తઆ໌લઅ (6) ͷΑ͏ͳੜ‫ݶ੍ى‬Λઆ໌͢Δʹ͋ͨΓɼ·ͣ͸໰୊͕ (a) ౷‫ޠ‬࿦Ϩϕϧͷ໰୊ͳͷ͔ɼ͋Δ͍͸ (b) Ωϟϥίϐϡϥͷ༗͢Δҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦Ϩϕϧͷ໰୊Ͱ͋Δͷ͔Λ‫ۃݟ‬ΊΔඞཁ͕͋Δɽ·ͣɼ౷‫ޠ‬࿦తʹઆ໌͠Α͏ͱͨ͠৔
߹ɼ࣍ͷΑ͏ͳ෼ੳ͕͋ΓಘΔɿ(7) ΩϟϥίϐϡϥΛؒ઀Ҿ༻จͷ֎ଆʢ্ҐʣʹҐஔ͢Δ Speech Act Phrase (SAP, Speas & Tenny 2003, a.o.)͕ؔΘΔཁૉͰ͋ΔͱΈͳ͢ɽ

SAP ͱ͸ɼ͘͝؆ܿʹ͸ʮ࿩͠खͷൃ࿩ͷ఻ୡଶ౓ʯΛද͢ཁૉʢ೔ຊ‫Ͱޠ‬͸ऴॿࢺʮΑʯʮͶʯ౳ʣ͕઎ΊΔ֊૚Ͱ͋Γɼؒ઀Ҿ༻จͷ֎ʹ‫ݱ‬ΕΔ (cf. Saito & Haraguchi 2012)ɽΩϟϥίϐϡϥ΋࿩͠खͷ఻ୡଶ౓Λදͨ͢ΊɼSAP ʹੜ‫͢ى‬ΔཁૉͷҰͭͰ͋Δʢ͋Δ͍͸ɼൃ࿩ଶ౓Λද͢Ի੠తʹۭͷΦϖϨʔλʔ͕ SAP ʹੜ‫͢ى‬ΔʣͱΈͳ͢͜ͱʹΑΓɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥ͕ؒ઀ຒࠐͰ͖ͳ͍͜ͱΛ༧ଌͰ͖Δɽ

3.2 ҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦తઆ໌΋͏ҰͭͷՄೳੑͱͯ͠ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷ࣋ͭʢίϐϡϥʮͩʯʹ͸ͳ͍ʣಛผͳҙຯʹΑͬͯɼؒ઀Ҿ༻จ಺ʹ͓
͚Δੜ‫͕ى‬๦͛ΒΕಘΔͱΈͳ͢͜ͱ͕Ͱ͖ΔͰ͋Ζ͏ɽ۩ମతʹ͸ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥΛʮ࣮ࡍͷʯ࿩͠खͷଶ౓Λʮ‫׳‬शత‫ؚ‬ҙ (Conventional Implicature: CI, Grice 1975, Potts 2005)ʯͱͯ͠දग़͢ΔཁૉͰ͋ΔͱΈͳ͢͜ͱʹΑΓઆ໌͕ग़དྷΔɽCI ͸ɼ΋ͱ΋ͱ͸‫ࣗޠ‬ମ͕࣋ͭ‫׳‬शతҙຯ͕‫ؚ‬ҙ͢Δ಺༰ͷ͏ͪɼඇਅཧ৚݅తͳ΋ͷΛද͢༻‫ͯ͠ͱޠ‬ɼ

Grice (1975) ʹΑΓఏএ͞Εͨ΋ͷͰ͋Δɽ͜ͷ֓೦͸ɺPotts (2005) ʹΑΓɼྫ͑͹‫ޠܟ‬ͷΑ͏ͳಛఆͷ‫ޠ‬ኮ߲໨͕‫ؚ‬ҙ͢Δ಺༰΁ͱ֦ு͞Εͨɽ΋͠ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷҙຯ͕࣮ࡍͷ࿩͠खͷൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔΛද͢ CI Ͱ͋Δ৔߹ɼ

(6a,b) ͷෆࣗવ͞͸ɼͦΕͧΕͷจʹ͓͚Δ࣮ࡍͷ࿩͠ख͕໌Β͔ʹͳ͍ͬͯͳ͍͜ͱʹ‫ى‬Ҽ͍ͯ͠Δͱߟ͑Δ͜ͱ͕
Ͱ͖Δɽ(6a,b) ʹ͓͚Δʮ࿝ਓʯͱʮࣆʯ͕࣮ࡍͷ࿩͠खͰ͸͘ “ຒࠐจͷ࿩͠ख” Ͱ͋Δ͜ͱʹཹҙ͞Ε͍ͨɽ

3.3 ͲͪΒͷΞϓϩʔν͕༗༻͔ઌʹ໰୊ͱͨ͠ΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷৼΔ෣͍͸ɼ౷‫ޠ‬࿦తઆ໌ͱҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦తઆ໌ͷͲͪΒͷཱ৔͔Βઆ໌͞ΕΔ΂
͖Ͱ͋Ζ͏͔ɽͦ͜Ͱɼ(6a) Λʮ࣮ࡍͷ࿩͠खʯΛίϯτϩʔϧ͢Δ͜ͱͰΑΓจ຺Λ੍‫ͯ͠ݶ‬ΈΔͱɼҎԼͷΑ͏ͳ༰ೝੑͷίϯτϥετ͕ੜ͡Δ ((6b) ʹ͍ͭͯ΋ಉ༷ͷίϯτϥετ͕ಘΒΕΔ)ɿ

(8) [ ฼਌͕ଉࢠʹ࣍ͷΑ͏ʹ‫͏ݴ‬ɿ]??ྡΓͷ͓͍͡͞Μ͕Ֆࢠ i ʹ [ ൴ঁ i ͷ྆਌Λ‫͖͡΂͏ܟ‬Ό] ͱ‫ͨͬݴ‬Β͍͠ɽ(9) [ ૆෕͕ଉࢠʹ࣍ͷΑ͏ʹ‫͏ݴ‬ɿ]ྡΓͷ͓͍͡͞Μ͕Ֆࢠ i ʹ [ ൴ঁ i ͷ྆਌Λ‫͖͡΂͏ܟ‬Ό] ͱ‫ͨͬݴ‬Β͍͠ɽ

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号(8) vs. (9) ʹ‫ݟ‬ΔΑ͏ʹɼ࣮ࡍͷ࿩͠ख͕ؒ઀Ҿ༻จͷΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷද͢ΩϟϥΫλʔʹରԠ͍ͯ͠Δ৔߹ (: (9))ɼ
ؒ઀Ҿ༻จʹ͓͚ΔΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷਖ਼‫ن‬͸શࣗ͘વͱͳΔɽͭ·ΓɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥ͸࣮ࡍʹ͸ʮੜ‫͕ى‬Մೳʯͱ͍͏͜ͱͰ͋Δɽ͜ͷࣄ࣮͔ΒʮΩϟϥίϐϡϥ͸ SAP ·Ͱ౤ࣹ͢ΔཁૉͰ͋Δʯͱ͢Δ౷‫ޠ‬త෼ੳͰ͸ͷΑ͏ͳσʔλΛਖ਼͘͠༧ଌͰ͖ͳ͍ͱ‫ͳʹͱ͜͏ݴ‬Δʢଈͪɼ౷‫ޠ‬࿦త෼ੳͰ͸Ωϟϥίϐϡϥ͸ࣄ࣮ʹ൓ͯ͠ৗʹؒ઀Ҿ༻จ಺෦ʹੜ‫ͱ͍͜ͳ͖Ͱى‬Λ༧ଌͯ͠͠·͏ʣɽ͋Δ͍͸ɼΑΓෳࡶͳϝΧχζϜ (ྫ͑͹ SAP ͷཁૉ (Speaker ͳͲ) ͱҾ༻จ಺෦ͷཁૉͱͷૉੑͷҰகͳͲ) ͷ૝ఆ͕ඞཁͱͳΔͰ͋Ζ͏ɽ͜ΕΒͷཧ༝͔Βɼຊ‫Ͱڀݚ‬͸Ωϟϥίϐϡϥͷ෼ੳʹ͋ͨͬͯ͸ҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦త෼ੳ͕༗༻ʢগͳ͘ͱ΋ɼΑΓ‫ࡁܦ‬తʣͰ͋Δͱ݁࿦෇͚͍ͨɽ

4 Ωϟϥίϐϡϥͷಛ௃ຊ‫Ͱڀݚ‬͸ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷ࣋ͭʮൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔΛදग़͢Δҙຯʯ͕‫׳‬शత‫ؚ‬ҙ (CI) Ͱ͋Δͱ‫͏ݴ‬෼ੳΛߦ͏ɽΑΓ۩ମతʹ͸ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷ࣋ͭҙຯΛɼ(i) ίϐϡϥʮͩʢʗͰ͋Δʣʯͷ໋୊తɾਅཧ৚݅తҙຯ (at-issue

meaning) ͱɼ(ii) ൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔͷ CI (non-at-issue meaning) ͱ͍͏ 2 ͭͷ࣍‫ݩ‬ͷҙຯͰ‫ه‬ड़͢Δɽ(ii) ͷҙຯ͕CI Ͱ͋Δͱ͍͏ࠜ‫ͯ͠ͱڌ‬ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷ࣋ͭ 2 ͭͷੑ࣭͕‫͛ڍ‬ΒΕΔɽ
·ͣҰ͕ͭɼ൱ఆʹΑͬͯҙຯΛΩϟϯηϧ͞Εͳ͍఺͕‫͛ڍ‬ΒΕΔ (Horn 2007, McCready 2010, Gutzmann 2012)ɽ
ҎԼͷΑ͏ʹɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥΛ‫ؚ‬ΉจΛ൱ఆ͢Δͱɼ൱ఆ͞Εͨൃ࿩จͷ໋୊తҙຯͷΈ͕൱ఆ͞Εɼൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔͷҙຯ͸൱ఆ͞Εͳ͍ɽ(10) Ͱ͸ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥʹ͓͚ΔίϐϡϥʮͩʯͷҙຯͷΈ͕൱ఆ͞Ε͓ͯΓɼ͞Βʹɼ
B ͷൃ࿩ͷΑ͏ʹɼ൱ఆ಺༰Λ໌ࣔతʹࣔͯ͠΋΍͸ΓෆࣗવʹͳΔɿ

(10)

A: ໌೔͸Ӎ͡Όɽ
B: ͍΍ɼͦ͏Ͱ͸ͳ͍ɽ ¬p: ໌೔͸ӍͰ͸ͳ͍ɽ
B : ͍΍ɼͦ͏Ͱ͸ͳ͍ɽ#͓લ͸͓͍͡͞ΜͰ͸ͳ͍ɽ΋͏Ұͭͷಛ௃ͱͯ͠ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥ͸લఏ (presupposition) Λั෦ʹͱΔΑ͏ͳಈࢺ (Presupposition trigger, e.g.
ʮ৴͡Δʯʮࢥ͏ʯ) ͷ಺෦ʹੜ‫͖Ͱى‬Δ఺͕‫͛ڍ‬ΒΕΔɽྫ͑͹ɼҎԼͷͷ৺ཧಈࢺʮ৴͡Δʞbelieveʟʯ͸࿩͠ख͕ͦ
ͷੈքʹ͓͍ͯਅͰ͋Δͱ৴͍ͯ͡ΔʮલఏʯΛิจʹͱΔ͕ɼͦͷલఏͱͯ͠͸ෆࣗવͰ͋Δ͸ͣͷΩϟϥίϐϡϥ
ʮ͡Όʯ͕ੜ‫͖Ͱى‬Δɽ͜͜Ͱɼ
ʮཌྷ͘Μʯ͕ʮ͡Όʯͷൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔͷҙຯΛ‫ؚ‬Ίͯલఏͱͯ͠ʮ৴͍ͯ͡Δʯͱߟ͑Δͷ͸௨ৗෆࣗવͰ͋Δ͜ͱʹཹҙ͞Ε͍ͨɽ(11) [ ཌྷͷ૆෕͕࣍ͷΑ͏ʹ‫͏ݴ‬ɿ]ཌྷ͸ [ Ϙʔϧ͸༑ୡ͡Ό] ͱ৴͓ͯ͡Δɽ

5 Ωϟϥίϐϡϥͷҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦࠷‫ʹޙ‬ɼ͜Ε·Ͱ‫֤͖ͨͯݟ‬ੑ࣭Λଊ͑ΒΕΔΑ͏ΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷҙຯͷఆٛΛࢼΈΔɽຊ‫Ͱڀݚ‬͸ɼΩϟϥίϐϡ
ϥΛ໋୊తҙຯͱ CI ͱ͍͏ೋͭͷҟͳΔϨϕϧͷҙຯΛ࣋ͭ ‘Mixed content’ (McCready 2010, Gutzmann 2011) ͱͯ͠෼ੳ͢Δɽྫ͑͹ɼ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬ͷଚ‫ޠܟ‬ʮ͍Βͬ͠ΌΔʯ͸໋୊తͳҙຯͱͯ͠ʮདྷΔʯ
ɾ CI ͱͯ͠ʮ࿩͠ख͕ x ʹ‫ܟ‬ҙΛ͍࣋ͬͯΔʯͱ‫͏ݴ‬ҙຯΛ࣋ͭ‫ޠ‬ኮͱͯ͠෼ੳ͞ΕΔɽ·ͣɼ‫( ࢘܊‬2015) ΑΓɼίϐϡϥʮͩʯΛҎԼͷΑ͏ʹఆٛ͢Δʢίϐϡϥʮͩʯͦͷ΋ͷͷ෼ੳʹؔͯ͠͸‫( ࢘܊‬2015) Λࢀর͞Ε͍ͨʣɿ(12) [[ ͩ ]] = λP.λx.P (λy.[x = y])(i.e.: ʮͩʯ͸ϓϩύςΟʔ P ͱ‫ݸ‬ମ x Λ߲ʹͱͬͯɼ‫ݸ‬ମ x ͕ϓϩύςΟʔ P ʹ౳͍͜͠ͱΛද͢ɽ)Ωϟϥίϐϡϥ͕ɼίϐϡϥʮͩʯͷҙຯʹ CI ͱͯ͠ൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔΛද͢ҙຯΛ࣋ͭͱ͢ΔͱɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥʢྫ͑͹ɼʮ͡Όʯ΍ʮͰ͟͝Δʯʣ͸ҎԼͷΑ͏ʹఆٛ͢Δ͜ͱ͕Ͱ͖Δɿ(13) [[ ͡Ό ]]c = λP.λx.P (λy.[x = y])  old(spkrc ) : et, t, e, t × et, t, e, ts (14) [[ Ͱ͟͝Δ ]]c = λP.λx.P (λy.[x = y])  samurai(spkrc ) : et, t, e, t × et, t, e, ts (13), (14) ͸ɼ‘’ (ࠨӈͷҙຯ͕ผͷ࣍‫ݩ‬ͷҙຯͰ͋Δ͜ͱΛࣔ͢‫ )߸ه‬ͷࠨଆ͕ίϐϡϥʮͩʯͷҙຯͰ͋Γɼӈଆ͕ൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔͷҙຯͰ͋Δ͜ͱΛࣔ͢ɿͦΕͧΕɼold(spkrc ) ͱ samurai(spkrc ) ͷ෦෼͕ʮ࿩͠ख͕࿝ਓʗࣆͷΩϟϥΫλʔͰ͋Δʯ͜ͱΛ CI ͱ͍ͯࣔͯ͠͠Δɽ͜ͷ෼ੳʹΑΓɼ(i) Ωϟϥίϐϡϥͷؒ઀ຒΊࠐΈͷՄ൱͸ίϯςΫετʢɿ࿩͠खͷൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔʣʹґଘ͢
Δ͜ͱɼ(ii) ൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔͷҙຯ͕൱ఆʹΑͬͯΩϟϯηϧ͞Εͳ͍͜ͱ͸ɼͦͷҙຯ໋͕୊ϨϕϧͷҙຯͰ͸ͳ͘

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これもコピュラ「じゃ」ろうか？：日本語におけるキャラコピュラの意味論・語用論

CI Ͱ͋Δ͜ͱʹ‫ى‬Ҽ͢Δ͜ͱɼ(iii) Ωϟϥίϐϡϥ͕લఏτϦΨʔΛ౤ࣸ (project) ͢Δͷ͸ͦͷҙຯ͕ CI Ͱ͋Δ͔Βͱ͍͏͜ͱΛଊ͑Δ͜ͱ͕ՄೳͱͳΔɽ࠷‫ʹޙ‬ɼҰྫͱͯ͠ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥΛ‫ؚ‬Ήจ͕ͲͷΑ͏ʹ‫͞ࢉܭ‬ΕΔ͔ΛҎԼʹ͓ࣔͯ͘͠ɿ

(15) ʮ໌೔ʢͷఱ‫ؾ‬ʣ͸Ӎ͡Όʯɿ
a. [[ ͡Ό ]]c = λP.λx.P (λy.[x = y])  old(spkrc ) : et, t, e, t × et, t, e, ts 
b. [[ Ӎ ]] = λP.P (rain) : et, t
c. [[ Ӎ͡Ό ]]c = At-issue: λx.[x = rain] : e, tCI: old(spkrc ) : ts

d. [[ ໌೔ ]] = λP.P (tomorrowweather ) : et, t
e. [[ ໌೔͸Ӎͩ ]]c = [tomorrowweather = rain] : t

6 ݁࿦ຊ‫Ͱڀݚ‬͸ɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷৼΔ෣͍͸ʢ‫ࡏݱ‬ͷʣ౷‫ޠ‬తΞϓϩʔνͰ͸ଊ͑Δ͜ͱ͕೉͘͠ɼҙຯ࿦ɾ‫༻ޠ‬࿦తͷΞϓϩʔνͷ༗༻ੑΛࢦఠͨ͠ɽ·ͨɼΩϟϥίϐϡϥͱίϐϡϥͷৼΔ෣͍ͷࠩ͸ʮΩϟϥίϐϡϥ͕ҙຯ࿦ʢ໋୊త
ҙຯʣͱ‫༻ޠ‬࿦ʢCIʣͷ̎ͭͷϨϕϧͷҙຯΛ࣋ͭʯͱ෼ੳ͢Δ͜ͱͰଊ͑ΒΕΔ͜ͱΛఏҊͨ͠ɽຊ‫ڀݚ‬ͷҙٛͱͯ͠͸ʢུ֓ʣ࣍ͷΑ͏ͳ΋ͷ͕ߟ͑ΒΕΔɽ·ͣɼຊ‫ڀݚ‬͸Ωϟϥ‫ޠ‬ඌͷ࣋ͭʮൃ࿩ΩϟϥΫλʔʯͷϞμϦςΟʔ͸ CI (Conventional Implicature) Ͱ͋Δͱ͍͏ԾઆΛఏࣔͨ͠ॳΊͯͷ‫͋Ͱڀݚ‬Δɽ·ͨɼ͜ͷΑ͏ʹҰ‫ݟ‬ଊ͑ʹ͍͘ͱࢥΘΕΔ‫ޠݴ‬ද‫ݱ‬ΛʮͲ͜·Ͱʯཧ࿦తɾ‫ࣜܗ‬తʹ෼ੳͰ͖Δ͔Λߟ͑Δʹ͋ͨΓɼҰͭͷ෼ੳख๏Λఏࣔͨ͠ɽࠓ‫ޙ‬͸ɼຊ‫ڀݚ‬ͷఏҊΛΩϟϥίϐϡϥͷΈʹཹ·ΒͣʮΩϟϥॿࢺʯ΍ʮΩϟϥऴॿࢺʯʹద༻͢Δ͜ͱͰɼΩϟϥ‫ޠ‬ඌҰൠͷ࣋ͭੑ࣭ʹؔ͢Δ‫ݕ‬౼Λࢹ໺ʹೖΕ͍ͨɽࢀߟจ‫ݙ‬
Grice, H. P. 1975. “Logic and conversation.” In in Cole, P. and Morgan, J. (ed.) Syntax and Semantics 3: SpeechActs, 14–58. New York: Academic Press.
Gutzmann, D. 2012. Use-Conditional Meaning: Studies in Multidimensional Semantics. Ph.D. Thesis. University
of Frankfurt.
Horn, L. R. 2007 Towards a Fregean Pragmatics, in Kecskes, I. and Horn, L. R. (ed.) Explorations in Pragmatics:
Linguistic, Cognitive and Intercultural Aspects. New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
ۚਫ හ. 2000.ʮ໾ׂ‫ٻ୳ޠ‬ͷఏҊʯɼࠤ౻ ‫ت‬୅࣏ʢฤʣʰࠃ‫ޠ‬࿦‫ڀ‬ʱʢࠃ‫࢙ޠ‬ͷ৽ࢹ఺ʣɼ8ɼ311–35ɼ౦‫ژ‬ɿ໌࣏ॻӃɽۚਫ හ. 2003.ʰϰΝʔνϟϧ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬໾ׂ‫ޠ‬ͷಾʱ౦‫ژ‬ɿ‫ؠ‬೾ॻళ.
‫ོ ࢘܊‬உ. 2015ɽʮ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬ίϐϡϥจͷ‫ࣜܗ‬ҙຯ࿦త෼ੳʯɼTheoretical and Applied Linguistics at Kobe Shoin 18,

13–24ɼਆ‫ށ‬দӂঁࢠֶӃେֶֶज़‫ڀݚ‬ҕһձɽ
McCready, E. 2010. “Varieties of Conventional Implicature.” Semantics and Pragmatics 3(8), 1–57. Washington:
LSA Publications.
೔ຊ‫هޠ‬ड़จ๏‫ڀݚ‬ձ. 2003.ʰ‫ݱ‬୅೔ຊ‫ޠ‬จ๏ 4ɿୈ 8 ෦ϞμϦςΟʱɼ౦‫ژ‬ɿ͘Ζ͓͠ग़൛
Potts, C. 2005. The Logic of Conventional Implicatures: Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
ఆԆ ར೭. 2007.ʮΩϟϥॿࢺ͕‫ݱ‬ΕΔ‫ڥ؀‬ʯɼۚਫ හʢฤʣʰ໾ׂ‫ڀݚޠ‬ͷ஍ฏʱ౦‫ژ‬ɿ͘Ζ͓͠ग़൛.
ఆԆ ར೭ɾுྷᇠ. 2007.ʮ೔ຊ‫ޠ‬ɾதࠃ‫͚͓ʹޠ‬ΔΩϟϥ‫ޠ‬ඌͷ‫࡯؍‬ʯɼኰඈʢฤʣ
ʰ೔தରর‫ڀݚֶޠݴ‬࿦จूʱɼ99–119ɼେࡕɿ࿨ઘॻӃɽ

Saito, M. and T. Haraguchi. 2012 “Deriving the Cartography of the Japanese Right Periphery: The Case of
Sentence-Final Discourse Particles.” IBERIA: An International Journal of Theoretical Linguistics 4(2), 104–123. University of Seville.
Speas, P. and C. Tenny. 2003 “Conﬁgurational Properties of Point of View Roles.” In Anna Maria Di Sciullo (ed.)
Asymmetry in Grammar, 315–344. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

−318−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ෆ 㒊࡟ㄒྃࢆకࢃ࡞࠸୸ᣓᘼ⾲⌧ࡢ✵⏝ἲ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ ᯈᇉ ᾈṇ኱㜰኱Ꮫ኱Ꮫ㝔
287a5623417@gmail.com<Abstract>
In Japanese, some expressions occur with a parenthesis (³Ichiro (Mariners)´). This study examines anexpression that contains only the parenthesis and is used as Internet slang OLNH ³Tensai ( )´ (hereafterNull-Parenthesis). Investigating its semantic and functional characteristics, this paper shows that thenull-parenthesis has two different meanings. One of the usages designated by the null-parenthesis
conveys the cynical attitude of the writer on a property involved with the word immediately before theparenthesis. The other leads a reader WRWDNHWKHF\QLFDODWWLWXGHWRDZULWHU¶s shortcoming.
࣮࣮࠙࢟࣡ࢻࠚ㸸୸ᣓᘼ⾲⌧ࠊ✵⏝ἲࠊᒓᛶླྀ㏙ᩥࠊࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕

1. ࡣࡌࡵ࡟ ᪥ᮏㄒࡣࠊ௨ୗࡢ౛ࡀ♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ୸ᣓᘼࡸ㘽ᣓᘼࢆ⏝࠸࡚ᵝࠎ࡞ព࿡ࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࡛
ࡁࡿࠋ౛࠼ࡤ(1a)࡞ࡽࡤゝ࠸᥮࠼ࠊ(1b)ࡣᡤᒓࡢ⿵㊊ࠊ (2a)ࡣ఍ヰࡢෆᐜࢆ♧ࡋࠊࡑࡋ࡚ (2b)ࡣ
ᑠㄝࡢ㢟┠ࢆᣓᘼෆࡢ⾲⌧ࡀᣦ♧ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ ࠋ(1)(2)

a. 㠀ᨻᗓ⤌⧊㸦 NGO㸧࠙ゝ࠸᥮࠼ࠚ

b. ࢖ࢳ࣮ࣟ㸦࣐ࣜࢼ࣮ࢬ㸧࠙ᡤᒓࡢ⿵㊊ࠚa. ᙼࡣࠕࡇࡢࡲࡲ࡛ࡼ࠸ࠖ࡜ゝࡗࡓࡢࡔࠋ࠙఍ヰࠚb. ᑠㄝࠕᇛࠖࢆㄞࡴࠋ

࠙㢟┠ࠚࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞ᣓᘼ⾲⌧ࡢ୰࡛ࡶࠊ᪥ᮏㄒࡢ࢖ࣥࢱ࣮ࢿࢵࢺࢫࣛࣥࢢ࡜ࡋ࡚ࠊ୸ᣓᘼෆ࡟୍ษࡢㄒ
ྃࡀకࢃࡎ࡟⏕㉳ࡍࡿ ≉Ṧ࡞⾲⌧(3)ࡀᏑᅾࡍࡿࠋࡇࡢ⾲⌧ࡣࠊࢫࣛࣥࢢࢆ ㄝ᫂ࡍࡿ࢙࢘ࣈࢧ࢖
ࢺ࡛ࡶ࠸ࡃࡽ࠿ ⤂௓ࡉࢀ࡚࠾ࡾࠊ(4)࠿ࡽࡶศ࠿ࡿ࡜࠾ࡾࠊ୺࡟┤๓ࡢㄒྃ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚᭩ࡁᡭࡢ෭
➗ⓗ࣭᠜␲ⓗ࡞ែᗘࢆᬯ♧ࡉࡏࡿຠᯝࢆᣢࡘࠋࡇࡢ⾲⌧ࡣ୍ぢࡋࡓ࡜ࡇࢁࠊ
ࠕ㸦➗㸧ࠖ࡟㢮ఝࡋࡓఏ㐩ຠᯝࢆᣢࡘࡼ࠺࡟ᛮࢃࢀࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊ (5)࡟♧ࡉࢀࡿࡼ࠺࡞ᑐẚࡀぢࡽࢀࡿࡓࡵࠊࠕ㸦➗㸧ࠖ࡜ࡣ␗࡞ࡿࡇࡢ⾲⌧⊂⮬ࡢ᣺⯙࠸ࡀഛࢃࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡼ࠺࡛࠶ࡿ ࠋᮏ✏࡛ࡣࡇࡢ⾲⌧ࢆ୸ᣓᘼ⾲⌧ࡢ✵⏝ἲ(Null-Parenthesis)࡜࿧ࡧࠊࡑࡢ≉ᛶࢆ᫂ࡽ࠿࡟ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ┠ⓗ࡜ࡍࡿࠋ(3)a. ᇶᮏⓗ࡟ẕぶࡣ ⏨ࡢᏊ㸦㸧࡟⏑࠸࠿ࡽࢃ࠿ࡽࢇࡔࢁ࠺ࡡ 1b. ࢘ࢽዲࡁࡔࡗࡓ࠿ࡽึࡵ࡚⾜ࡗࡓⓒ෇ᑑྖ࡛࢘ࢽ㣗ࡗࡓࡽ࠶ࡲࡾࡢ୙࿡ࡉ࡟᪕ᚊࡋࡓࠋ
ࡶࡣࡸูࡢ㣗࡭≀ࡔࡗࡓࠋ௒ࡲ࡛ 㣗㏻㸦㸧࡜࠿ゝࡗ࡚㤿㮵࡟ࡋ࡚ࡓࡅ࡝ࠊࡑࡢ㣗㏻ࡢே㐩ࡢゝ࠺ࡇ࡜࡟ࡶ୍⌮࠶ࡿ࡜ᛮࡗࡓࠋ 2(4) ࡇࢀࡣࠊࠕ㸦➗㸧ࡢࠕ➗ࠖࡀ↓࠸㸻➗࠼࡞࠸ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡ࡀጞࡲࡾ࡛ࡍࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊ඲ࡃ➗࠼

−319−

内部に語句を伴わない丸括弧表現の空用法について࡞࠸ࡇ࡜࡟౑࠺ࡢ࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃࠊ㺀෭➗㸦෭ࡸࡸ࠿࡟➗࠺㸧࣭ლ㸦࠶ࡊ➗࠺㸧㺁࡜࠸ࡗࡓሙྜࡶ౑
ࢃࢀࡲࡍࠋ 3(5)a. ព㆑㧗࠸኱Ꮫ⏕࡟఍ࡗࡓ㸦➗㸧
b. *ព㆑㧗࠸኱Ꮫ⏕࡟఍ࡗࡓ㸦㸧

2. ඛ ⾜◊✲ ᣓᘼ⾲⌧࡟㛵ࡍࡿඛ⾜◊✲ࡣᗈࡃᏑᅾ ࡍࡿࡶࡢࡢࠊᮏ✏࡛ᢅ࠺✵⏝ἲࢆ⪃ᐹࡋࡓ◊✲ࡣ⟶ぢࡢ㝈ࡾᏑᅾࡋ࡞࠸ࠋຍ࠼࡚ࠊ✵⏝ἲ࡬ࡢ ᛂ⏝ࡀᮇᚅ࡛ࡁࡿ◊✲ࡶᏑᅾࡋ࡞࠸ࠋ౛࠼ࡤࠊ୰ᒣࡽ
(2010)ࡣࠊ୸ᣓᘼ⾲⌧ࡢ⏝ἲࢆศ㢮ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡀࠊศ㢮࡟㛵ࡍࡿグ㏙ⓗ᰿ᣐࡣᏑᅾࡏࡎᩓⓎⓗ࡞ࡶࡢ࡜࡞ࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡲࡓᒣ᳃ (2008)ࡢ◊✲࡛ࡣࠊ㛵㐃ᛶ⌮ㄽࡢ❧ሙ࠿ࡽᣓᘼࡢᴫᛕⓗព࿡࡜ᡭ⥆ࡁⓗព࿡ࡢᥦ᱌ࢆ⾜࠺ࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊᙼዪࡢ◊ ✲ࡣ㘽ᣓᘼࡢ⏝ἲ࡟㛵ᚰࡀ␃ࡲࡗ࡚࠾ࡾࠊ୸ᣓᘼ
࡬ࡢศᯒࡣぢࡽࢀ࡞࠸ ࠋ᭱ᚋ࡟௦⾲ࡉࢀࡿ㯮⏣ (2015)ࡣࠊㄆ▱ゝㄒᏛⓗどⅬ࠿ࡽ ୸ᣓᘼ⾲⌧࡟㛵ࡍࡿ⌮ゎ࣓࢝ࢽࢬ࣒ࢆ⪃ᐹࡍࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊࠕ X(Y)ࠖ࡜࠸࠺ᙧᘧ࡟ࡼࡿᣓᘼෆእ㛫ࡢせ⣲ࡢ㛵ಀᛶࢆ๓ᥦ࡟ᩜࡃࡓࡵࠊ୸ᣓᘼෆ࡟ゝㄒⓗせ⣲ࢆᣢࡓ࡞࠸✵⏝ἲ࡬ࡢᛂ⏝ࡣ 㞴ࡋ࠸ࠋ ௨ୖࡢࡼ࠺࡟ᣓᘼ⾲⌧ࡢ ඛ⾜◊✲ࡣࠊᮏ✏࡛ᢅ࠺✵⏝ἲ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡢゝཬࡀ࡞࠸ࡤ࠿ࡾ࠿ࠊࡇ
ࢀࡲ࡛ࡢᥦ᱌࡛ࡣࠊ✵⏝ἲ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ព࿡ ⓗ࡟ጇᙜ࡞ㄝ᫂ࡀ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ࠋࡑࡇ࡛ ᮏ✏࡛ࡣࠊ✵⏝ἲࡢ᣺⯙࠸ࢆศᯒ ࡋࠊࡑࡢ⏝ἲࡀ஧✀㢮Ꮡᅾࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ♧ࡍࠋ

3. 㸯ࡘ┠ࡢ⏝ἲ㸸┤๓ࡢㄒࡢᒓᛶ࡟ᑐࡍࡿ෭➗ⓗ࣭᠜␲ⓗែᗘࡢ⾲᫂ ✵⏝ἲ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ㸯ࡘ┠ ࡢ⏝ἲࡣࠊࠕ┤๓ࡢㄒྃ ࡟㛵ࡍࡿᒓᛶ࡟ᑐࡍࡿ᭩ ࡁᡭࡢ෭➗ⓗ࣭᠜␲ⓗែᗘࢆ⾲᫂ࡍࡿࠖព࿡ࢆᣢࡘࠋࡇࡢ⏝ἲࡢሙྜࠊ(6a)ෆ࡛ඹ㉳ࡍࡿࠕᵝࠖࡀ࢔࢖ࣟࢽ࣮࡜ࡋ࡚
ᶵ⬟ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿⅬࡸ (6b)ෆࡢࠕ㤿㮵࡟ࡋ࡚ࡓࠖ Ⅼ࠿ࡽ᥎ࡉࢀࡿࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ᭩ࡁᡭࡀ≉ᐃࡢ ே≀ࡸ஦≀࡟ᑐࡋ࡚෭➗ⓗែᗘࢆ♧ࡋࠊ᫬࡟౲⶜ࡀྵ⵳ࡉࢀࡿ ࠋࡲࡓࠊ(7)࠿ࡽ≉ᐃࡢฟ᮶஦࣭஦㇟࡟
ᑐࡋ✵⏝ἲࡀ⏕㉳࡛ࡁ࡞࠸Ⅼࡣὀ┠ࡍ࡭ࡁ࡛࠶ࡿࠋ ࡇࡢ≉ᚩࡣླྀ㏙ᩥ࡟ࡼࡿᑐ↷ (8), (9)࠿ࡽࡼ
ࡾ᫂ⓑ࡟࡞ࡿࠋ஦㇟ླྀ㏙ᩥ࡛࠶ࡿ (8)ࡣ✵⏝ἲ࡜ඹ㉳࡛ࡁ࡞࠸୍᪉࡛ࠊᒓᛶླྀ㏙ᩥࡢ (9)ࡣ✵⏝ἲ࡜ඹ㉳ࡋ࡚ࡶᐜㄆࡉࢀ࠺ࡿ ࠋ 4 ௨ୖࡼࡾࠊ㸯ࡘ┠ࡢ⏝ἲࡣ┤๓ࡢㄒྃࡢ஦㇟࡛ࡣ࡞ࡃᒓᛶ࡟ᑐ
ࡋ࡚෭➗ⓗែᗘࢆ♧ࡍ࡜࠸࠺ព࿡ࢆᣢࡘ࡜୺ᙇࡍࡿࠋ࡞࠾ࠊ (10)࡟♧ࡍࡼ࠺࡟ᅛ᭷ྡモ࡜ࡣඹ㉳ࡋ࡟ࡃ࠸ࡇ࡜ࡶࠊ✵⏝ἲࡀᒓᛶࢆಟ㣭ࡍࡿ᰿ᣐ࡜࡞ࡿࡔࢁ࠺ࠋ 5(6)

a. ࡇࡢᅜࡢ ࢚࣮ࣜࢺ㸦㸧ᵝࡗ࡚ࡓࡔὙ⬻ࡉࢀ࡚ࡿࡔࡅࡢ㸺␎㸼 6b. ௒ࡲ࡛㣗㏻㸦㸧࡜࠿ゝࡗ࡚㤿㮵࡟ࡋ࡚ࡓࡅ࡝ࠊ㸺␎㸼 7(7)

a. *ኴ㑻ࡣ௒᪥ࠊ᫖ኪኴ㑻ࢆẀࡗࡓ㸦㸧ḟ㑻࡟఍ࡗࡓࠋ
b. *ኴ㑻ࡣࠊ᳔Ꮚ࡟⭜᥃ࡅࡓ㸦㸧ḟ㑻࡟ヰࡋ࠿ࡅࡓࠋ

(8)a. *ኴ㑻ࡣ 10 ศ㛫ࢢࣛ࢘ࣥࢻࢆ㉮ࡗࡓ㸦㸧(9)a. ኴ㑻ࡣឡ᝿ࡀⰋ࠸㸦㸧b. *ࡑࡢ࢔࢖ࢻࣝࡣࡋࡤࡽࡃ㋀ࡗࡓ㸦㸧b. ? ᙼࡣ㛗㌟ࡔ㸦㸧(10) a. ᙼࡣ࢚࣮ࣜࢺ㸦㸧ࡔࠋb. *ᙼࡢྡ๓ࡣኴ㑻㸦㸧ࡔࠋ−320−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

4. 㸰 ࡘ┠ࡢ⏝ἲ㸸⮬⹢ⓗ⏝ἲ ✵⏝ἲࡢ㸰ࡘ┠ࡢ⏝ἲࡣࠊ᭩ࡁᡭࡢ୙ഛ࣭୙㊊஦㡯࡬ࡢゝཬ࡟୸ᣓᘼࢆ⥆ࡅࡿࡇ࡜࡛ࠊࡑࡢ
஦᯶࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ㄞࡳᡭ࡟෭➗ⓗែᗘࢆ ᑟࡃࠊ࠶ࡿ✀⮬⹢ⓗ࡞ゎ㔘࡛࠶ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆᥦ♧ࡋࡓ࠸ࠋ౛࠼
ࡤࠊ(11)ࡣࠕྠࡌᵓᅗࡋ࠿ᥥࡅ࡞࠸ࠖ࡜ࡉࢀࡿ᭩ࡁᡭࡢ୙㊊஦㡯 ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠊㄞࡳᡭ࡟෭➗ࢆకࡗ࡚ゝཬࡋ࡚ࡶࡽ࠸ࡓ࠸࡜࠸࠺せồࡀ᝿ᐃ࡛ࡁࡿࡔࢁ࠺ࠋ ࡉࡽ࡟ࠊࡇࡢ⏝ἲࡣ᭩ࡁᡭ࡜ㄞࡳᡭ࡜ࡢ┦஫స⏝ࢆᇶᮏ ࡜ࡍࡿᑐேࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕ⓗ࡞ᶵ⬟ࢆ᭷ࡋ࡞ࡀࡽࡶࠊ᪤Ꮡࡢࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕࡜ࡣ⊂❧ࡋࡓ≉ᚩࢆᣢࡗ࡚࠸ࡿ ࠋ⤊ຓモࠕࡼࠖ࡟௦⾲ࡉࢀࡿఏ㐩ែᗘࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕ࡣࠊᩥࢆఏ㐩ࡍࡿ㝿ࡢヰࡋᡭࡢ⪺ࡁᡭ࡟ᑐࡍࡿែᗘࢆ⾲ࡍ࡜ࡉࢀ (┈ᒸ 1991)ࠊ
ࡇࡢⅬࡣ✵⏝ἲ࡟࠾ࡅࡿᮏ⠇ࡢ⏝ἲ࡟㢮ఝࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋࡓࡔࡋࠊ (12)࡟♧ࡉࢀࡿࡼ࠺࡟ࠊ✵⏝ἲࡣࠕࡼࠖ࡜␗࡞ࡾ⌮⏤ࡢ๪モ ⠇ෆ࡛⏕㉳ࡋ࠺ࡿࡓࡵࠊᚲࡎࡋࡶྠ୍どࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ ࠋ⥆࠸࡚ᣲࡆࡿࠕࡔࢁ࠺ࠖࡢࡼ࠺࡞┿ഇุ᩿ࡢࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕ࡣࠊ✵⏝ἲ࡜㢮ఝࡋࡓ⤫ㄒⓗไ⣙ࢆㄢࡍࠋ࡜࠸࠺ࡢࡶࠊ(13a), (14a)ࡢࡼ࠺࡟⌮⏤ࡢ๪モ⠇࡟ࡣ⏕㉳ࡍࡿ୍᪉࡛ࠊ (13b), (14b)ࡢࡼ࠺࡟᫬࣭᮲௳ࡢ๪モ⠇ෆ࡟ࡣ⏕㉳࡛ࡁ࡞࠸ඹ㏻Ⅼࡀ࠶ ࡿ࠿ࡽࡔࠋࡋ࠿ࡋࠊ(15)ࡢࡼ࠺࡟┿ഇุ᩿ࡢࣔࢲ
ࣜࢸ࢕ࡣ㸺᥎㔞㸼࡜ඹ㉳ࡋ࡟ࡃࡃ (Ᏻ㐩 1999)ࠊࡲࡓࠊᑐ㇟࡜࡞ࡿ஦᯶ࡢ┿ഇ࡟㛵ࡍࡿุ᩿ࢆ⾲ࡍព࿡ⓗ≉ᚩ(┈ᒸ 1991)ࢆᣢࡘࡓࡵ࡟ࠊ✵⏝ἲ࡜ ␗࡞ࡿࠋࡋࡓࡀࡗ࡚ࠊ✵⏝ἲࢆࡇࡢࣔࢲࣜࢸ
࢕࡟⤌ࡳ㎸ࡴࡇ࡜ࡣᮃࡲࡋ ࠸࡜ࡣᛮࢃࢀ࡞࠸ࠋ᭱ᚋ࡟☜ㄆせồࢆ⾲ࡍࠕࡔࢁ࠺ࠖ࡜ࡢᑐ↷ࢆぢ࡚ࡳࡼ࠺ࠋᏳ㐩(1999)࡟ࡼࢀࡤࠊࡇࢀࡣヰࡋᡭࡀ⮬ᕫࡢุ᩿࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠊ┦ᡭࡢ☜ㄆࢆồࡵࡿ⾲⌧࡛࠶ࡿ࡜ࡉࢀࠊ✵⏝ἲ࡜ࡢព࿡ⓗぶ࿴ᛶࡶ㧗࠸ࠋࡲࡓࠊ (16)ࡢࡼ࠺࡟㸺᥎㔞㸼ࡢࣔࢲࣜࢸ ࢕࡜ඹ㉳࡛ࡁࡿ≉ᚩࡶ✵⏝ἲ࡟㢮ఝࡋ࡚࠸ ࡿࠋࡋ࠿ࡋ࡞ࡀࡽࠊఏ㐩⛬ᗘࢆᣦ♧ࡍࡿࠕࡼࠖ࡟ᚋ⥆ࡍࡿ✵⏝ἲࡢᐇ౛ (17)ࢆ㋃ࡲ࠼ࡿ࡜ࠊ☜ㄆせồࡢࠕࡔࢁ࠺ࠖ࡜ᚲࡎࡋࡶྠ㢮࡜ᤊ࠼ࡿ࡭ࡁ࡛ࡣ
࡞࠸ࡔࢁ࠺ࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ᮏ⠇࡛⪃ᐹࡋࡓ✵⏝ἲࡢ౛ࡣࠊᑐேⓗࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕ࡢ୍✀࡜ࡋ࡚ᶵ⬟ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿ୍᪉࡛ࠊ᪤Ꮡࡢ ࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕⾲⌧࡜ࡣ୍⥺ࢆ⏬ࡋࠊ⊂⮬ࡢ᣺⯙࠸ࢆࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ 8(11) 㸺␎㸼௒᭦ࡔࡅ࡝ᥥ࠸ࡓࠥ㸟㸟㸟࠶ࡗࡑࡇྠࡌᵓᅗࡋ࠿ᥥࡅ࡞࠸ࡢ࠿ࡼ࠽࡜࠿ ゝࢃ࡞࠸ࡢ㸦㸧 9(12) a. *[⚾ࠊࡑࡢㄢ㢟ࡲࡔࡸࡗ࡚࡞࠸ ࡼ ]࠿ࡽࠊⰼᏊࡣࡶ࠺⤊ࢃࡽࡏ࡚࡚ࡍࡈ࠸ࡼ㸟b. ? [⚾ࠊࡑࡢㄢ㢟ࡲࡔࡸࡗ࡚࡞࠸ 㸦㸧 ]࠿ࡽࠊⰼᏊࡣࡶ࠺⤊ࢃࡽࡏ࡚࡚ࡍࡈ࠸ࡼ㸟(13) a. [࠾ࡾࢇ፠ࡉࢇࡣᴍᒣ࡬⾜ࡗࡓࡔࢁ࠺ ]࠿ࡽࠊ⚾ࡣᙼዪࡀ࠿ࢃ࠸ࡑ࠺࡛࡞ࡽ࡞࠸ࠋ
b. *ࡶࡋ[࠾ࡾࢇ፠ࡉࢇࡀᴍᒣ࡬⾜ࡗࡓࡔࢁ࠺ ]࡞ࡽࡤࠊ⚾ࡢ᥎ᐃࡣㄗࡾࡔࠋ
(⃝⏣ 1993: 212)(14) a. [⚾ࠊࡑࡢㄢ㢟ࡲࡔࡸࡗ࡚࡞࠸ 㸦㸧 ]࠿ࡽࠊⰼᏊࡣࡶ࠺⤊ࢃࡽࡏ࡚࡚ࡍࡈ࠸ࡼ㸟b. *ࡶࡋ[ࡑࡢㄢ㢟⤊ࢃࡽ࡞࠿ࡗࡓ㸦㸧 ]࡞ࡽ㸭᫬ࡣࠊ࣊ࣝࣉࢆồࡵࡿ࠿ࡶ㸽(15) a. ?? ᫂᪥ࡣ㞵ࡀ㝆ࡿ࠿ࡶࡋࢀ࡞࠸ࡔࢁ࠺ࠋ

(Ᏻ㐩 1999: 198)b. ࡸࡤ࠸ࠊ᫂᪥ࡲ࡛࡟ࡇࡢㄢ㢟⤊ࢃࡽ࡞࠸࠿ࡶࡋࢇ࡞࠸㸦㸧(16) ࡑࢀࡗ࡚ࠊ᭙Ꮚ࡟ࡋ࡚ࡶ㔜Ⲵ࠿ࡶࡋࢀ࡞࠸࡛ࡋࡻ࠺㸽(Ᏻ㐩 1999: 31)(17) 㸺␎㸼࡞࡟ࡶࡸࡗ࡚࡞࠸ࡼ ఱ࡞ࡽ᫖᪥ࡢኪ࠿ࡽࡎࡗ࡜ㄞ᭩ࡋ࡚ࡿ ࡼ㸦㸧 10

5. ࠾ࢃࡾ࡟ ᮏ✏ࡣࠊ࢖ࣥࢱ࣮ࢿࢵࢺࢫࣛࣥࢢ࡜ࡋ࡚ά⏝ࡉࢀࡿ୸ᣓᘼ⾲⌧ࡢ✵⏝ἲ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚⪃ᐹࡋࠊ஧✀㢮ࡢ⏝ἲࢆᥦ♧ࡋࡓࠋᮏ✏ࡢ⪃ᐹ ࡟ࡼࡾࠊ✵⏝ἲࡣࠊ⢒㔝࡞㡿ᇦ࡜ᛮࢃࢀࡀࡕ࡞ࢫࣛࣥࢢ ࡢ−321−

内部に語句を伴わない丸括弧表現の空用法について୍ࡘ࡛࠶ࡿ୍᪉࡛ࠊࡑࢀ࡞ࡾࡢ ἲ๎ᛶࡀഛࢃࡗ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ୺ᙇࡋࡓࠋ୍᪉࡛ࠊ✵⏝ἲࡢ㸰ࡘ┠ࡢ⏝ἲࠊࡍ࡞ࢃࡕ⮬⹢ⓗ⏝ἲࢆ⢭ᰝࡋ࡚ࡳࡿ࡜ࠊព࿡ⓗ࣭⤫ㄒⓗ࡟≉␗࡜ࡋࡓࣔࢲࣜࢸ࢕ࢆ
ᙧᡂࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࢃ࠿ࡗࡓࠋࡇࢀࡣ࢖ࣥࢱ࣮ࢿࢵࢺࢫࣛࣥࢢ࡜࠸࠺ࡶࡢࡀ㞧ከ࡛࠶ࡿࡀࡺ࠼
࡟ࠊࡇࢀࡲ࡛ࡢゝㄒ⾲⌧࡟ࡣぢࡽࢀ࡞࠸≉Ṧ࡞య⣔ࢆ࡞ࡋࡓ࡜࠸࠼ࡼ࠺ࠋࡇࡢࡇ࡜ࡣࠊ࢖ࣥࢱ
࣮ࢿࢵࢺࢫࣛࣥࢢࡢᩥἲⓗ≉ᚩࢆ୎ᑀ࡟ศᯒࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡀࠊ᪥ᮏㄒᩥἲ◊✲ࡸ⌮ㄽゝㄒᏛ◊✲࡬ࡢ㈉⊩ࢆࡶࡓࡽࡋ࠺ࡿࡇ࡜ࢆ♧၀ࡋ࡚࠸ࡿࠋ

ὀ
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

http://hamusoku.com/archives/9692928.html
http://chaos2ch.com/archives/3264025.html
http://imiimiimi.seesaa.net/article/259764770.html
஦㇟ླྀ㏙ᩥ࡜ᒓᛶླྀ㏙ᩥ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣ┈ᒸ(1987)࡞࡝ࢆ ཧ↷✵⏝ἲࡣ஦㇟ෆ࡛ ⏕㉳࡛ࡁ ࡞࠸࡜୺ᙇ ࡋࡓࡀ ࠊ୍᪉࡛ ሙྜ࡟ࡼࡗ࡚チᐜ ࡉࢀࡿྍ ⬟ᛶࡶྰᐃ࡛ࡁ࡞
࠸ࠋᐜㄆࡉࢀ࡞ ࠸(i)࡜ᑐ ↷ ⓗ࡟ ࠊḟࡢࡼ࠺ ࡞ᩥ⬦ࢆ᝿ ᐃࡋ࡚ࡳࡼ࠺ࠋ ࡍ࡞ࢃࡕࠊ ḟ㑻ࡣẀࡽࢀࡓ࡜୺ᙇࡍࡿ୍᪉࡛ࠊ ᐇ㝿ࡣኴ 㑻ࡢᡭࡀḟ㑻࡟ゐ ࢀࡓ⛬ᗘ ࡛࠶ࡾࠊ᭩ࡁᡭ࡟ ࡜ࡗ࡚ࡣ ༑ศ࡟ࠕẀࡿࠖጾຊࡢ⛬ᗘ࡟㐩ࡋ࡚࠸࡞࠸࡜⪃࠼࡚࠸ࡿ≧ἣ࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡇࡢ᫬(ii)ࡣᐜㄆࡉࢀࡸࡍࡃ࡞ ࡿࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡟ヲ⣽࡞ᩥ⬦ࢆ୚࠼ࠊ⾜Ⅽ࡟㛵୚ࡍࡿᒓᛶ㸦ࡇࡢ౛࡛ࡣẀࡿຊࡢ⛬ᗘᛶ㸧ࢆ᝿ᐃ࡛ࡁࢀࡤᐜㄆࡉࢀࡿࠋ
(i) * ኴ㑻ࡣࠊ᫖᪥ḟ㑻ࢆẀࡗ ࡓ㸦㸧(ii) ḟ㑻࡟ゝࢃࡏࢀࡤࠊኴ㑻ࡣ᫖᪥ḟ㑻ࢆẀࡗࡓ㸦㸧ࡑ࠺ࡔࠋࡇࡢࡼ࠺࡞ᮏ᮶஦ ㇟ᩥ࡜ ඹ ㉳࡛ࡁ࡞࠸୍᪉࡛ ࠊᩥ⬦ࢆ ୚࠼஦㇟࡟㛵୚ࡍ ࡿᒓᛶࢆ ㄞࡳ㎸ࡲࡏࡿࡇ࡜
࡛ᐜㄆࡉࢀࡿ࡜࠸ ࠺ព࿡ⓗ ᰂ㌾ᛶࡣࠊ௚ࡢゝ ㄒ⌧㇟࡛ ࡶほᐹ ࡉࢀࡿࠋ୍ ࡘᣲࡆࡿ ࡜ ࠊⱥㄒࡢ୰㛫ᵓᩥࡣฟ᮶஦㡯(event argument)ࡀᢚไࡉࢀࡓᒓᛶླྀ㏙ᩥ ࡛࠶ࡿࡀࡺ࠼࡟ࠊ(iii)ࡢࡼ࠺ ࡞㐣ཤ᫬ໃ࡛⏕㉳ࡋ࡞࠸࡜ࡉࢀࡿࡇ࡜ࡀ࠶ࡿ(cf. Kageyama 2006)ࠋࡔࡀࠊ ᐇ㝿ࡢ࡜ࡇࢁ (iv)ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ ࠊࡇࡢไ⣙࠿ࡽ㐓ࢀࡿ஦౛ࡶぢࡘ࠿ࡿࠋ௨ୖ࠿ࡽࠊ୰㛫ᵓᩥࡶࡲࡓ✵⏝ἲ࡜୪⾜ࡋࡓᰂ㌾ᛶࢆᣢࡘ࡜⪃࠼ࡽࢀࡼ࠺ࠋ
(iii) ?? This evening, bureaucrats bribed easily.
(Kageyama 2006: 95)(iv) a. Last time, the clothes washed in five minutes flat.
(Taylor & Yoshimura 2006: 363)
b. The glowing survey read like a standard report from a charity organization . (BNC)6.
http://hamusoku.com/archives/9693318.html
7.
http://chaos2ch.com/archives/3264025.html
8. ✵⏝ἲ࡟ࡼࡿ⊂⮬ ࡢ᣺⯙࠸ ࡣ୺࡟஧ࡘࡢせᅉ ࡀ⪃࠼ࡽ ࢀࡿࠋ ୍ࡘࡣࠊ⣧ ⢋࡞グྕ ࡛࠶ࡾゝㄒ⾲⌧ࢆకࢃ࡞࠸࡜࠸࠺ࠊ ゝㄒⓗᛶ ㉁ࡀⷧ࠸ࡓࡵ࡛࠶ ࡿࠋࡶ࠺ ୍ࡘࡣࠊ୍⯡ⓗ࡞ ࢥ࣑ࣗࢽ ࢣ࣮ࢩ࡛ࣙࣥ⏕ࡌࡿ➗࠸ࡢ୍✀㸦ᮏ⠇ ࡟ࡼࡿࠕ⮬⹢ⓗゎ㔘ࠖ㸧ࢆᢸࢃࢇ࡜ࡍࡿᶵ⬟ⓗ≉␗ᛶ࡛࠶ࡿࠋࡇࢀࡽࡢࡼࡾヲ⣽࡞ศᯒ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࡣ௒ᚋࡢㄢ㢟࡜ࡋࡓ࠸ࠋ
9.
https://twitter.com/nt_054/status/865232271686553600
10. https://twitter.com/UuuumiY01/status/912447905344102405ཧ⪃ᩥ⊩Ᏻ㐩ኴ㑻. 1999. ࠗ᪥ᮏㄒ◊ ✲ྀ᭩ 11 ᪥ᮏㄒ␲ၥᩥ࡟ ࡅࡿุ᩿ࡢㅖ┦࠘ᮾி㸸ࡃࢁࡋ࠾ฟ∧ .
Kageyama, T³3URSHUW\GHVFULSWLRQDV DYRLFHSKHQRPHQRQ´,Q7 Tsunoda, and T. Kageyama (eds.) Voiceand Grammatical Relations, 85-114. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
㯮⏣୍ᖹ. 2015. ࠕᩥ❶⌮ゎ ࡢ࣓࢝ࢽࢬ࣒ࡢゎ᫂࡟ࡴࡅ࡚̿ᣓᘼࡢ᭕᫕ᛶࡣ࡝ࡢࡼ࠺࡟ゎᾘࡉࢀࡿ࠿̿ࠖࠊ
ࠗ᪥ᮏㄒ⏝ㄽᏛ఍➨ 17 ᅇ ኱఍Ⓨ⾲ㄽᩥ㞟࠘ࠊ49-56.
┈ᒸ㝯ᚿ. 1987. ࠗ࿨㢟ࡢᩥ ἲ̿᪥ᮏㄒᩥἲᗎㄝ̿࠘ᮾி㸸ࡃࢁࡋ࠾ฟ∧┈ᒸ㝯ᚿ. 1991. ࠗࣔࢲࣜࢸ ࢕ࡢᩥἲ࠘ᮾி㸸ࡃࢁࡋ࠾ฟ∧୰ᒣᝅࠊ᳃⏣࿴ᏹࠊἰ⏣ṇ㞝ࠊ㟷Ụ㡰୍ . 2010. ࠕᣓᘼ⾲⌧ࡢศ㢮࣭ᢳฟ࡟㛵ࡍࡿ◊✲ࠖࠊNLP 16. 379-382.
⃝⏣἞⨾. 1993. ࠗどⅬ࡜୺ ほᛶ̿᪥ⱥㄒຓືモࡢศᯒ̿࠘ᮾி㸸ࡦࡘࡌ᭩ᡣ .
Taylor, J. R., DQG<RVKLPXUD.³7KH0LGGOH&RQVWUXFWLRQDVD3URWRW\pe Category.´-&/$ 6. 362-370.
ᒣ᳃Ⰻᯞ. 2008. ࠕᘬ⏝࡜ logophoricity̿᪥ᮏㄒ࡟࠾ࡅ ࡿᣓᘼࡢᶵ⬟࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠖࠊ JCSS 25. 370-375.

−322−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

書き言葉の感情表現
̶インターネットスラングに見られる「笑い」̶
西村綾夏（京都大学[院]）ayaka.nishimura.jp@gmail.com

黒田一平（京都ノートルダム女子大学/龍谷大学）

kuroda.ippei.33s@gmail.com<abstract>
The aim of this paper is to characterize the nature of netspeak through the analysis of expressions of"laughter" in it. In this paper, we classified the expressions of "laughter" in 2channel and LINE bycontrasting with the research of Hayakawa (2000), which analyzed expressions of "laughter" in spoken
language. As a result of the research, there are much “laughter” of topic sharing in 2channel, and “laughing”
for collision avoidance in LINE. We conclude that, emotional expressions in netspeak have norms
according to each field of communication, and such norms come from the characteristics of the fields.
【キーワード】打ち言葉、感情表現、インターネットスラング、2 ちゃんねる、LINE

1. はじめにられるかについては明らかにすべき点が多く残

本稿の目的は、「打ち言葉」における「笑い」

されている。

表現（e.g., 「（笑）
」
「w」
「草」
）を語用論的に分析

本稿では、「打ち言葉」でやり取りされる場とすることで、インターネット上の新規表現が、話して「2 ちゃんねる 1」「LINE」の二つを選び、こし言葉/書き言葉の性質のうちどのような特徴をれらの場において表出される笑い表現を採集・分持つかについて明らかにすることである。ここで析する。

「打ち言葉」とは、パソコンや携帯電話などの笑いには（i）ユーモラスな状況に対する、無意CMC（Computer-mediated Communication）に識的な反応としての笑い （ii）対人関係の調整のおいて用いられる、「話し言葉」に近い特徴を持ために、無意識的、もしくは意識的に産出する笑つ「書き言葉」である（松田 2006, 定延ら 2013）。

い の二種類がある。話し言葉においては、（i）は話し言葉と書き言葉の区別については、伝統的

無意識的、（ii）は意識的に表出する傾向があるが、に、話し言葉は感情関与的（involvement）、書き（打ち言葉を含む）書き言葉においてはいずれの言葉は感情分離的（detachment）であると言われ笑いも能動的・意識的に産出する必要がある。とてきた。しかし実際には両者の線引きは段階的なころが絵文字のバリエーションにおいては、「笑ものである（メイナード 2000、定延 2014）。本い」「幸福」にまつわるものが多いほか（虎谷ら稿で扱う「打ち言葉」は両者の性質を併せ持つと

2011）、メッセージの末尾に絵文字を付加した際、指摘されているが、具体的にどのような特徴がみ「悲しみ」「怒り」に比べ、「笑い」だけはメッセ−323−

書き言葉の感情表現̶インターネットスラングに見られる「笑い」̶

ージ内容の信憑性が増すことが報告されている

表 1 「2 ちゃんねる」「LINE」の特徴（廣瀬ら 2014）。したがって打ち言葉においては、

特徴

2 ちゃんねるLINE

笑いの使用が重要視されていると予想できる。

匿名性

高い

低い

本稿では打ち言葉における笑い表現を採集し、参加複数人（マス） 1 対 1、もしくは話し言葉の笑いを分類した早川（2000）と対比さ人数

顔見知りのグルせることで打ち言葉における笑いの特徴づけを

ープ

行う。
そして、
その特徴が
「2 ちゃんねる」「LINE」

公開性という場に起因していることを論じる。
話題

2. 先行研究
実際の分析に入る前に、話し言葉における笑い

誰でも閲覧可参加者以外には

能非公開提示されたトピ

徐々に話題が移ックについて展り変わる

開を扱った早川（2000）の研究について述べる。

記号

顔文字、AA（ア早川は笑いを相互行為の一種であると位置づなど

スキーアート）

絵文字、スタンプ

け、対人関係の調整を目的とした笑いの分類を行なっている 2。分類は笑いの起こった文脈をもと「2 ちゃんねる」では、このタイプの笑いがスに行われ、A タイプ（談話促進）、B タイプ（緊レッドのタイトルに頻出する（e.g., 「この画像怖張緩和）、C タイプ（会話継続）という三つの大すぎワロタ」「ロシアの女の子たち 可愛すぎワロ

分類を提案している（詳細は後述）。次節では「2タ wwwww」「韓国のセブンイレブンが出してる

3ちゃんねる」「LINE」から採集した事例 をこの

チキン弁当旨すぎワロタ wwwww」）
。
「怖い」
「可

分類に従って分析する。

愛い」「旨い」などに付加された笑いは面白おかしさを表したものとは考えにくく、意味の漂白化

3. 分析が起こっている。笑いの持つ「話題提示」の機能分析に入る前に、「笑い」の採集を行なった「2だけが使用された例と見なすことができる。

ちゃんねる」「LINE」の特性について整理してお一方「LINE」では、「笑ったわ 笑」という事例

く。表 1 は、それぞれの特徴について、分析に関が示す通り〈ユーモラスな状況に対する笑い表

わる点に絞ってまとめたものである。

現〉に〈話題共有の笑い〉を付加することができる。話し言葉では、機能が違う笑いを同時に産出3.1 A タイプ（談話促進）の笑いすることは難しい。したがってこのケースは、書A タイプ（談話促進）の笑いは、笑いを通じて、き言葉特有であると言える。

会話の参加者が同じ話題を共有していることを確認するための笑いである。具体的には、笑いな

3.2 B タイプ（緊張緩和）の笑い

がら「ねえ、見て」と示す場合、それを受けて「わB タイプ（緊張緩和）の笑いは、自分の領域にあ、すごい！」と笑う場合などがこれに当たる。

関する情報を開陳したり、相手の領域に踏み込ん−324−

第20回大会発表論文集だりする際に付加することによって衝突を回避

第13号

4. 考察

するための笑いである。具体的には、「ここ一年以上の結果を踏まえて、まずは笑い表現の生起で 10kg 太ったんですよ」と言いながら笑う場合、位置について述べる。本稿で扱った笑いはすべて「もっと早く家を出た方がいいんじゃないです

文末に付加されていた。これは、間主観性を示すか？」と要求しながら笑う場合などがこれに当た表現は文の周辺部（左端、右端）に出現しやすい

るほか、ほほえみながら挨拶をする場合も B タ（Traugott 2003, 2012）という傾向に一致する。

イプに含まれている。

とくに A タイプ（話題共有）の笑いについては、「2 ちゃんねる」では、「仲良くない友人の結婚

終助詞の「ね」と機能面での類似も見られた。

式の御祝儀 2 万はおかしい？」というスレッドに

次に、笑いのタイプごとに用例の採集しやすさ

おいて、スレッドを立てた人物が「遊んだこともについて述べる。A タイプ（話題共有）の笑いは、なければ、相談もしたことない（笑）
」などの形「2 ちゃんねる」で頻出する。
「2 ちゃんねる」にで笑い表現を多用する事例が見られた。

おいては、トピックを提示する形でコミュニケー

一方「LINE」では、小説の感想を述べたあと、ションが開始する。そのため、笑いの持つ「話題次のメッセージで「ていうか唐突な内容でごめん共有」の機能が特化して使用され、「怖すぎワロ（笑）
」と謝る事例、相手に対して「でもそうやタ」のように接辞化した形で用いられている。一って種類を増やすとまた統一感が……」とアドバ

方、「LINE」では会話を開始させるためのトピッ

イスをしたあと、次のメッセージで「笑」のみを

クは面白おかしくなくてもよいため、会話開始時送信する事例が見られた。また、「お疲れ様です！

に笑いは伴わないことが明らかになった。

笑」のように、挨拶に笑いを付加する事例も見られた。

B タイプ（緊張緩和）の笑いは、「LINE」で頻出する。これは、「2 ちゃんねる」は匿名性が高く、相手との衝突を回避しなくともよい一方で、

3.2 C タイプ（会話継続）の笑い「LINE」は顔見知り同士のコミュニケーション

C タイプ（会話継続）の笑いは、言葉では反応ができない/したくないが、会話のチャンネルはに用いられるツールであり、積極的に衝突を回避する必要が生じるためであると考えられる。

継続したい場合の笑いである。具体的には、相手C タイプ（会話継続）の笑いは、「2 ちゃんねから何か質問をされ、明確には答えたくないが会る」「LINE」ともに採集することができなかった。

話を終了させたくもない場合、相手の言葉が聞きこれは対面コミュニケーションと違い、掲示板や取れなかった/理解できなかったため、笑ってごチャットアプリでは会話からの離脱、メッセージ

まかす場合などがこれに当たる。ただし発表時点の無視、相手の次の反応を待つ等のストラテジー

では、C タイプに当たる例を採集することはできが採りやすいためであると考えられる。
最後に、笑いの規範について述べる。笑いながなかった。

ら話す状態をテキストで表す場合、原理的には、
左端や 1 音ごとに笑いのマーカーを挟み込んで−325−

書き言葉の感情表現̶インターネットスラングに見られる「笑い」̶

もよい。また、顔文字や絵文字など、どの形を使参照文献ってもよい。しかし実際には、特定の場で特定バ

早川治子. 2000.「相互好意としての『笑い』：自・

リエーションが用いられ、文末に笑いが付与され他の領域に着目して」、『文学部紀要』14（1）、ている。規範が場ごとに異なる理由としては、コ

23-43. 文教大学.

ミュニケーションの目的の違い（話題が焦点/話

廣瀬信之・牛島悠介・森周司. 2014.「携帯電話メ

すこと自体が焦点）、参与者の匿名性、入力環境

ールによる感情の伝達に顔文字と絵文字がやプラットフォーム（パソコンのキーボードから及ぼす影響」、『感情心理学研究』22（1）、20-

絵文字を入力するには手間がかかる）などが挙げ

27.

られる。

松田謙次郎. 2006.「ネット社会と集団語」、『日本
語学』25（10）、25-35.

5. 結論

メイナード、泉子 K. 2000.『情意の言語学̶「場

本稿では「打ち言葉」における笑い表現を分類し交渉論」と日本語表現のパトス̶』東京:くろた。その結果、使用用途に関しては話し言葉と共しお出版.

通の性質が見られ、文法面では書き言葉特有の変定延利之・野田春美・田中ゆかり・野村剛史・石化を起こしていることが明らかになった。ただし

黒 圭. 2013. 「話し言葉と書き言葉の接点「打ち言葉」においては、相手を攻撃することを（日本語学会 2013 年度春季大会シンポジウ

意図した嘲笑の笑いに特化した表現、スタンプのム報告）」、『日本語の研究』 9(4)、93-98.

使用など、本稿で扱えなかった現象も多く存在し

定延利之. 2014. 「話し言葉が好む複雑な構造̶ている。今後はこれらの例も含めて、より検討を

きもち欠乏症を中心に̶」、石黒圭・橋本行

進める必要がある。

洋（編）『ひつじ研究叢書〈言語編〉』、122、13-36. 東京: ひつじ書房.

注

虎谷安孝・平山亮. 2011.「携帯電話における顔文
字の印象評価」、『情報処理学会第 73 回全国

1) 現在は「5 ちゃんねる」に名称変更。本研究の大会公演論文集』、265-266.

分析対象としては、「おーぷん２ちゃんねる」

Traugott, Elizabeth C. 2003. From Subjectification toや 2ch まとめサイトも含む。

Intersubjectification. In Raymond Hickey (ed.),2) 早川（2000）では、ユーモラスな状況に対するMotives

反応としての笑いは考察対象外としている。

forLanguage

Change,124-139.

Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

3) 本稿で扱った「LINE」の事例には、発表者自身が参加しているデータも含まれる。これは、Traugott, Elizabeth C. 2013. Intersubjectification and参加者以外には非公開であるというアプリケ

Clause Periphery. In Lieselotte Brems, Lobkeーションの性質上、発表者が参加していない

Ghesquière, and Freek Van de Velde (eds.),

会話データを採取することが難しかったため

Intersections of Intersubjectivity, special issue ofである。

English Text Construction 5, 7-28.

−326−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

The Emerging Construction of Form of Address in Subculture
Chiarung Lu
National Taiwan University
chiarung@ntu.edu.tw<Abstract>
This paper explores the newly emerging strategy of politeness in forms of address in some online bulletin boards
in Taiwan, arguing that pragmatic identity, i.e., identity-in-interaction, plays an important role in successfulcommunication. The construction of pragmatic identity involves not only a figurative speech, but also involves
the understanding of context. Hence, Dear GPA 4.3s can function as a polite form of address while seeking
advice from a university bulletin board. The result indicates that a dynamic pragmatic identity is crucial, and it
works as a pragmatic strategy in real discourse.
࠙Keywordsࠚ
㸸pragmatic identity, emerging construction, Taiwanese online forum, politeness, Mandarin

1. Introduction“the want of every member that his wants bedesirable to at least some others executors”, orWhy do we address people when we wish toalternatively,

begin a conversation with them? It is because“thepositive

consistentself-image or ‘personality’ (crucially including

we wish to show our respect to people, andthe desire that this self-image be appreciatedachieve our goals. Properly addressing people

and approved of) claimed by interactants”

in different situations shows the respect of(Brown and Levinson, 1987: 61-62).

their position and be mindful of not offending

On the other hand, negative face is “thethem in any way. It is a refined social etiquettewant of every ‘competent adult member’ thatto addressing others appropriately for cordial

his actions be unimpeded by others”, or “theconversation.

basic claim to territories, personal preserves,

However, some forms of address in therights to non-distraction—i.e., the freedom ofsubculture, e.g., on the online fora in this study

action and freedom from imposition”. Whereas

may not be very polite but still can achieve

positive face involves a desire for connection

their goals of communication. How does thiswith others, negative face needs include

form of address shape the event?

autonomy and independence.

2. Literature review

In the online fora, many forms of address
seem to violate this politeness theory, for

The form of address relates to politeness,instance, “Hi reddit!” or “Hi every GPA 4.3.”

which has much related to the concept of face.

How can we interpret these expressions? Can

Face is the public self-image that every person

this form of address be a construction formed

tries to protect. In general, there are positive

according to the context? Since Croft (2001:

and negative faces. Positive face is defined as−327−

The Emerging Construction of Form of Address in Subculture⤥ (hao)!,” literally meaning ‘Hi everyone’.

17) proposes a continuum between syntax andlexicon as shown in Figure 1, is it possible toIn the online dictionary maintained by theextend the idea of construction to apply to the

Ministry of Education, R.O.C., it is defined as

discourse level?

(i). As a synonym, in Japanese dictionary, ⎬ỵ is defined as (ii).
(i) ⎬ỵ gè wèi [in Mandarin]
Near synonyms: ↿ỵˣ媠⏃ˣ媠ỵMeaning: ‘everyone, every-’ e.g., ‘every
reader’, ‘every listener’, or ‘all listeners’

Figure 1. The syntax-lexicon continuum (Croft, 2001: 17)(ii) ̌̐̅ kakui˰⎬ỵ˱ [in Japanese]

Therefore, our research questions include
the following: What kind of role does the text

A polite form of address while speaking to(discourse) play in this continuum? Can we

an audience. For example, Gentlemen:,

apply the concept of construction to the textual

Dear Sirs.; all, everyone. 敊Ὢ侭⎬ỵ˳ㇳ

level? Can the discourse䳁̨˴֜To Whom It May Concern; ⍪≈be viewed as a kind侭⎬ỵ֜ all the participants; (from Digitalof construction?

Daijishen online dictionary).

3. Methodology

The following tables show the results oflinguistics

our investigation. The variation of XX is theapproach. Our Chinese data are collected fromtarget of investigation. Since it is possible to

This

study

adopts1acorpusbulletin boards. We use

omit XX, we list the default ones on the top of

Google search engine (advanced searching) toeach table. Note that due to the length limit,

retrieve our data. The time span is set around

only the top four forms are listed in the tables.

the online PTT

one year (2016.12.04 - 2017.12.04).

Table 1. Frequency of XX on the AfterPhd forumTen boards from different genres, i.e.,presenting

different

formalities,

1
2
3
4
5

are

intentionally chosen for comparison. They are:AfterPhd, MilitaryLife, Examination, NTU,
Gossiping, Womentalk, Mentalk, Comics_chat,

1
2
3
4
5

investigation is “ ⎬ ỵ (gewei) + XX + ⤥(hao)!” (greetings).

4. Results and discussion

1
2
3
4
5

⤥ (hao)” (greetings) construction
greeting

inXXĳ⬠攟 xuezhang ‘senior’⇵廑 qianbei ‘senior’⣏⣏ dada ‘elder bro./sis.’⬠攟⬠⥸ xuezhangxuejie ‘senior’

Token
15
58
17
16
10

Table 3. Frequency of XX on the Examination forum

4.1 A case study of “⎬⎬ỵ (gewei) + XX +common

Token
4
22
10
7
4

Table 2. Frequency of XX on the MilitaryLife forum

PokemonGo, and Sex. The construction under

A

XX
ĳ
⇵廑 qianbei ‘senior’⃰忚 xianjin ‘senior’⣏⣏ dada ‘elder bro./sis.’⬠攟⬠⥲ xuezhangxuejie ‘senior’Taiwanwhile

addressing the others is “⎬ỵ gewei (+XX+)

−328−

XX
ĳ
⣏⣏ dada ‘elder bro./sis.’⇵廑 qianbei ‘senior’䇰⍳ banyou ‘friend on the forum’侫䓇 kaosheng ‘examinee’

Token
35
32
21
12
6

第20回大会発表論文集

2
3
4
5

Table 4. Frequency of XX on the NTU forum
XX
1
2
3
4
5

ĳ
⎴⬠ tongxue ‘schoolmate’⣏⣏ dada ‘elder bro./sis.’⬠攟⥸ xuezhangjie ‘senior’
GPA 4.3

Token
13
15
6
2
1

XX
ĳ
偍⬭ feizhai ‘fatty otaku’悱㮹 xiangmin ‘PTT citizen’慹❶㬎 Jinchengwu ‘Takeshi Kaneshiro’⣏⣏ dada ‘elder bro./sis.’

Token
4
9
5
4
3

38
10
6
23

The

identity of a person can refer to one’s

self

aspects,

one’ssocialroles,

socialpositioning of self and other, or one’s
identification with a group (cf. Chen, 2013). In
real use, a particular context sometimes

Table 6. Frequency of XX on the Womentalk forum
XX

30 cm
⣏⣏ dada ‘elder bro./sis.’⇵廑 qianbei ‘senior’
E cup

The following section presents theanalysis of our findings.
4.2 Analysis

Table 5. Frequency of XX on the Gossiping forum
1
2
3
4
5

第13号

Token
8
40
20
12
3

triggers a particular form of address. Such an

Table 7. Frequency of XX on the Mentalk forum

oriented towards communicative needs inXX

dynamic process of social interaction. It is

1
2
3
4
5

1
2
2
4
5

ĳ
⤛⬑⃺ n΍KDLHU ‘girl’ (sweet heart)⤛⬑ Q΍KDL ‘girl’⤛⬑Ᾱ n΍haimen ‘girls’㯜㯜 shuishui ‘beautiful’ĳ慹❶㬎 Jinchengwu ‘Takeshi Kaneshiro’
30 cm⇵廑 qianbei ‘senior’⣏⣏ dada ‘elder bro./sis.’identity is referred to as a pragmatic identity(ibid.),

definedas“anidentity-in-interaction/identity-in-use that is

Token
3
6
2
2
2

utterance-bound. The general schema can beillustrated as in Figure 2.

Table 8. Frequency of XX on the Comic_chat forum
1
2

XX
ĳ
屏ḛ⥮⑒ⶐḛ⥮⑒pinr΍PXPL-jur΍PXPL ‘every size of Watagi

Token
11
6

Michelle’345䇰⍳ banyou ‘friend on the forum’䇰䛦 banzhong ‘friend on the forum’刎攟Ᾱ jianzhangmen ‘Captains’;悱㮹 xiangmin ‘PTT citizens’; 偍⬭feizhai ‘fatty otaku’Figure 2. Identity selection and discourse (Chen, 2013)64

Furthermore, Chen (2013) proposes some
types of discourse practice related to identity

3

construction. These types can be briefly

Table 9. Frequency of XX on the Pokémongo forum XX1ĳ⮷㘢⮷曆 xiaozhi-xiaoxia

2‘Satoshi-kun, Kasumi-chan’3⣏⣏ dada ‘elder bro./sis.’⮷曆⮷㘢 xiaoxia-xiaozhi

4‘Kasumi-chan, Satoshi-kun’

5妻䶜ⷓ ‘’Trainer’; ⣏ⷓ ‘master’referred to as code selection, register selection,

Token
11

textualcharacteristics,

discourse

content,

discourse style, speech act, form of address,

21

syntactic selection, lexical selection, phonetic

13

and paralinguistic characteristics. Among these6types, the form of address is the focus of our

3

Table 10. Frequency of XX on the sex forum

present study. We propose that the context

XXfunctions as a kind of construction, which

1

ĳ

Token
15

triggers appropriate selection of form of−329−

The Emerging Construction of Form of Address in Subculture

address. Thus, our scheme can be illustrated asin Figure 3.

Figure 4. The most frequently used forms of address inthe ten online fora in our study

5. Conclusion

Figure 3. A modified version of identity selection anddiscourse

In this study, as a kind of form of address,

We found pragmatic identity is a useful“ ⎬ ỵ (gewei)+XX+ ⤥ (hao!)” (greetings)

strategy to achieve the communication goals.

appears to function as a construction, which

It is a way to adjust the formality and reduce

can adjust the relation between the speaker andthe distance between speakers and hearers as

the addressees. The basic form of construction“ ⎬ ỵ (gewei)+XX+greetings!” construction

and its extended variations are illustrated in (1),has shown in the subculture. The construction(2) and (3), respectively.

of pragmatic identity involves not only
figurative speech, but also involves the full

(1) a. Basic schema: ⎬ỵ+N+ greetings!

understanding of the context.

b. Example: ⎬ỵ 㚳⍳ ⤥Note:c. N-omitted example: ⎬ỵ ⤥1. PTT Bulletin Board System (PTT, Chinese: ㈡巊巊⮎㤕 ⛲ ) is the largest terminal-based bulletin board
system (BBS) based in Taiwan. It was founded in 1995,
and is currently administered by the Electronic BBS
Research Society as a non-commercial andopen-source BBS. (cf. Wikipedia)(2) a. Extended schema: ⎬ỵ+adj+ greetings!
b. Example: ⎬ỵ ⷍⷍ ⤥ ‘Hi, allhandsome!’(3) Summary of XX as our findings:a. ⎬ỵ+N+ greetings!
b. ⎬ỵ⬠攟 ⤥! ‘Hi, all the seniors!’c. ⎬ỵ GPA 4.3 ⤥! ‘Hi, all GPA 4.3s!’d. ⎬ỵ慹❶㬎⤥! ‘Hi, all Takeshi
Kaneshiros!’e. ⎬ỵ刎攟Ᾱ ‘Hi, all the players ofWorld of Warships!’f. ⎬ỵ屏ḛ⥮⑒ⶐḛ⥮⑒ Hi, every sizeof Watagi Michelle.’g. ⎬ỵ⮷㘢⮷曆⤥! ‘Hi, all Satoshi-kuns,
Kasumi-chans!’h. ⎬ỵ⮞⎗⣊⣏ⷓ⤥! ‘Hi, all Pokemon
masters!’i. ⎬ỵ 30 cm and E cup ‘Hi, all who have
30 cm and E cup!’
The results show that contexts do affect

Selected references
Brown, P., & Levinson, S. C. (1987). Politeness:
Some universals in language usage (2nd ed.).
New York: Cambridge University Press.
Chen, Xinren. (2013). Pragmatic identity: dynamic
choice and discursive construction, Foreign
Language Research, 140: 27-32. [in Chinese]
Croft, William. (2001). Radical construction
grammar: syntactic theory in typologicalperspective. New York: Oxford University Press.
Goldberg, A. (1995). Constructions: A construction
grammar approach to argument structure.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Goldberg, A. (2006). Constructions at work: The
nature of generalization in language. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.

how people address others. Figure 4 presents
the overall summary of our findings.

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Construction, Context and Cognition:
Pragmatic Functions of nak Constructions in Saisiyat
Marie Meili Yeh
National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan
mlyeh@mail.nd.nthu.edu.tw<Abstract>
The word nak ‘be like’ in Saisiyat collocates with different spatial expressions to perform different pragmaticfunctions -- to preface speaker’s talk or thought with proximal demonstratives, or to perform interaction function
such as backchannels combing with distal demonstratives. Depending on whether the speaker or the hearer istaken into consideration, contrasting functions are manifested by nak ’isa:a’ -- an attenuation function indicating
speaker’s uncertainty and a strengthening function showing assertion towards the hearer. In sum, the pragmaticfunctions are determined both by the inherent distance of the collocating demonstratives and by the interactional
context.
࠙Keywordsࠚ: like construction, demonstrative, context, distance

1. Introduction
Studies on English like have demonstrated that like can be a pragmatic marker withmultiple functions (Romaine & Lange 1991; Fleischman & Yaguello 2004; Andersen 1998,
2001, among others). The equivalence of like in Saisiyat, a critically endangered Formosan
language spoken in the northern Taiwan mountainous areas, nak is often found to function asa pragmatic marker exemplifying or to prefacing what the speaker is to talk. Take (1) for
example; after talking about what they do at tomb sweeping, speaker K moves on to talkabout the situation in the past, and nak is used to mark this movement.
(1) Holiday, NTU1
42. C: ... a=BCĺ43. K: .. nak kakhayza’an <L2shiL2>: nakhara’
like before

[Man]

like

44. K: ...(1.2) wa’-wa’isan r<oem>a’oe ka pinobae:aeh ’akoy
RED-good.at <AF>drink ACC winekapinobae:aeh tabin

AF.many NOM wine

until

45. K: .. <L2s=antianL2> .. san-- <L2sanjiL2> o: aw’itol ma’ isaa
[Man]

FS

[Jap]

DM around then ??

‘People used to be good drinkers and used to drink a lot until around three in the afternoon.’

It is observed that nak usually precedes spatial or temporal deictic expressions such as−331−

Construction, Context and Cognition: Pragmatic Functions of nak Constructions in Saisiyat

kakhayza’an in (1). In fact, there is a strong tendency for nak to form constructions withdemonstratives. As will be discussed in the following sections, the collocations of nak withdifferent demonstratives yield different functions.
2. Proximal nak construction
Proximal nak hini construction functions to preface what’s going to be introduced by the
speaker and to show contrast with the previous-mentioned information, as in (2).
(2) Election, NTU
106. M:...(1.1) ’a’aringan
kakhayza’an mita’
koSa’en noka tatini’ ... tabin haysani
GEN ELDER until now
at.first
before
1IPL.GEN FIL‘Since the past until now, we old people have never had any problem with elections.’
107. M: ...(0.9)’anamin’itolAF.register
whether
108. M: ...(1.5) hia’k<in>ita’
who<PFV>see109. M: ...(1.6) makakreng
nomatawaw ... min’itol mita’
ma’ kaela’haeng-en
AF.hardworking GEN
AF.work
AF.register 1IPL.GEN also care-PF‘Whoever is elected, as long as they work diligently, we will also support him.’
110. M: ...(0.9)’oka’ilao:haysaniotherwise FIL nowġ ɦġ 111. M: ...(1.0) raam-en ila
know-PF PFVnakhini koSa’en kil
like.this FIL

with112. M: ...(1.3) moto:==
Hakka‘Now we know that whoever runs will have to compete with Hakka candidates.’

In the above example, speaker M talks about their attitude towards election in the past andthen contrasts it with the present situation, and nak hini construction in Line 111 functions to
preface the situation now. Like nak hini, the other proximal nak ’isani construction alsofunctions to exemplify or clarification. Besides contrasting, nak hini can also be employed tomark reported speech or thought.
3. Distal nak constructions
In contrast to proximal nak costructions, distal nak hiza seems to point to the hearer. As
evidenced in the examples below, it co-occurs with second person pronouns So’o and moyo.
(3) molaw, NTU−332−

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a. So’onakhiza m-olaw .\2S.NOM
like.that AF-molt‘You molt like that.
b. ...(2.0) moyo
nakhiza==
2P.NOM
like.that

Example (4) shows that the distal nak’isaza construction can be exploited as a backchannel
performing interactional functions.
(4) Life, NTU
156. M: ... ay==BC

157. F: ...(2.7) sia

hasa’‘He doesn’t know how to set traps.’

talboeyoe’ o:

3SG.NOM be.unable.to AF.hunt

DMɦ 158. M: ...(1.0) nak ’isaza ay
like thatQ‘Is that so?’

The most frequent distal nak construction nak ’isa:a’ displays two functions. Firstly, it is used
to show speaker’s stance. As shown in (5), it functions to show the speaker’s uncertainty
about the statement, displaying a down-toning function. The co-occurring ra:amen also
indicates the epistemic stance of the speaker.
(5) Life, NTU
193. M: ... a==yBCĺ M: ...(1.4) na==k ... nakisaa ra:am-en ka==like.this know-PF NOM

FS195. M: ...(1.3) ka’i’izo’ ... iya==-sama’an noka

NOM inside

IYA-clayGEN‘It seems like what is under is clay soil …’

In contrast to the above example, nak ’isa:a’ in (6) designates speaker’s assertion towards theinterlocutor’s statement, exemplifying a strengthening function.
(6) Election, NTU
169.
170.

B:

...(0.8)

hayza’

ka

SaiSiyat

EXIST

NOM

PN

B: ... min’itol−333−Construction, Context and Cognition: Pragmatic Functions of nak Constructions in Saisiyat

AF.registerin electing a SaiSiyat (to office).
ĺ

M:

...(1.6)ma’’amnakisaa sia

also

FUT

like.that‘This is the right thing to do.’4. Conclusion
It appears that the distance inherent in demonstratives contributes to differences in theirpragmatic functions. The proximal demonstrative is speaker-oriented and marks what the
speaker is going to report whereas the distal nak constructions are hearer-oriented and canfunction as a backchannel in conversation. As for nak’isa:a’, it can function as a down-toning
stance marker or as a backchannel assertion depending on whether it points to what the
speaker is saying or to the hearer’s talk. In other words, interactional context also plays a rolein the determination of the deictic orientation.
Note
1. The data presented in this paper come from NTU Corpus of Formosan Languages; fordetails on the corpus, please refer to Su et al. (2008) and Sung et al. (2008).
Reference:
Andersen, G. 1998. “The Pragmatic Marker Like from a Relevance-Theoretic Perspective.” In
A. H. Jucker and Y. Ziv (eds.), Discourse Markers: Descriptions and Theory, 147-170.
John Benjamins Publishing Company.
-----. 2001. Pragmatic Markers and Sociolinguistic Variation: Relevance-Theoretic Approachto the Language of Adolescents. John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Fleischman, S. and M. Yaguello. 2004. “Discourse Markers Across Languages – Evidence
from English and French.” In C. L. Moder and A. Martinovic (eds.), Discourse AcrossLanguages and Cultures, 129-147. John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Romaine, S. and Deborah Lange. “The Use of like as a Marker of Reported Speech andThought: A Case of Grammaticalization in Progress.” American Speech, 66.3: 227-279.
Sung, L., L. I. Su, F. Hsieh and Z. Lin. 2008. “Developing an Online Corpus of Formosan
Languages.” Taiwan Journal of Linguistics 6.2: 79-118.
Su, L. I., L. Sung, S. Huang, F. Hsieh and Z. Lin. 2008. “NTU Corpus of Formosan
Languages: A state-of-the-art Report.” Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory 4.2:
291-294.

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Mandarin Four-character Idioms in Everyday Conversations
I-Ni TsaiNational Taiwan University
initsai@ntu.edu.tw<Abstract>
Based on videotaped ordinary conversations, this paper attempts to provide an analysis on
Mandarin four-character idioms in daily talk-in-interaction. The idioms are examined in termsof their sequential environments and the actions they accomplish in that sequential position.
The findings reveal that idioms often occur in storytelling. Being descriptive and expressive,
idioms are resources for the storyteller to make extreme cases and display their strong stances
towards the recounted event. Idioms also appear often in a response position in conversation
for the recipient to summarize the prior talk to show active participation and affiliation.
Keywords: four-character idioms, sequential structure, actions, Mandarin conversation
1. Introduction
In Mandarin Chinese, there are great numbers of idioms or idiomatic expressions that
contain four characters, which form a special idiomatic group traditionally known as chenyu.
For example, the four-character idiom shu-yi-shu-er, which can be literally translated as ‘tocount one (or) count two’ is similar to English ‘to count as one of the very best.’ In traditional
studies, four-character idioms have been considered less colloquial and more associated withthe formal written form. Based on videotaped everyday Mandarin conversations, this project,however, attempts to examine how four-character idioms manifest themselves in causal
interactions.
Following a series of studies dealing with idiomatic expressions in English
talk-in-interaction (Drew and Holt 1988, 1995, 1998; McCarthy 1998; McCarthy and Carter1994), this study adopts conversation analytic approach and turns to address the following
two questions: In what sequential environment, the use of four-character idioms is a featureof turn design? What interactional practices do the turns with the idioms accomplish?
2. Data & Methodology
The data come from two sources. The first set of data comes from an online spoken
corpus: ‘The NCCU Corpus of Spoken Chinese.’1 This spoken corpus contains 27 clips,
running 10 hours in total. The second set of data consists of five clips of videotaped daily
conversation collected by the author, running 5 hours in total. The conversational data from−335−

Mandarin Four-character Idioms in Everyday Conversations

both sets are daily, informal interactions among acquaintances and friends. All theparticipants are native speakers of Mandarin Chinese from Taiwan. This study adopts
conversation analytic approach to examine the sequences in which the four-character idiom isembedded in terms of its turn design and sequence organization.
3. Initial observations and analysis
Although it is generally agreed upon that idioms are multi-word expressions that appear
in a fixed structure and convey a non-literal figurative meaning, it is not always easy todetermine what counts as an idiom. As Wulff (2008) proposes, idioms are “scalar in nature”
and “different constructions can be differently idiomatic, creating a continuum ranging fromclearly non-idiomatic patterns to core idioms” (p. 8). In this study, idioms were defined in a
broader sense to include the idioms in constructions or semi-fixed structures (Su 2002; Tsou
2012).
In the 15-hour daily conversations, 92 four-character idioms were identified. Some
idioms, as mentioned above, take a semi-fixed structure. For example,  '  &bu-huang-bu-mang ‘not in panic not hastily’ takes the structure  X  Y bu-X-bu-Y‘not-X-not-Y’. The idiom is used to describe a scenario in which a person is calm andcomposed in dealing with an urgent or difficult situation. Even though such idioms may becompositional in a sense, they were collected in this study as they still exhibit a high degreeof formulaicity. Other idioms are closer to core idioms; the holistic meaning of such idioms
are metaphorical and semantically opaque. For example, D@> han-xin-ru-ku ‘keep inthe mouth-hardship-eat-bitterness’ means ‘to go through hardships (to raise children).’Keeping hardships in the mouth or eating bitterness are metaphorical expressions. In this
idiom, @ ‘ru’ is an archaic lexical item, meaning ‘to eat,’ which results in even lower
semantic transparency of this idiom.
The identified four-character idioms were further examined in terms of their sequential
organization. Upon close observations, two sequential environments stand out in the data.
(1) Idioms regularly occur in the sequences associated with storytelling. The expressive
and sometimes exaggerating nature of idioms makes extreme cases (Drew & Holt 1988),
thus displaying the speaker’s strong affective emotions and orientation towards therecounted event. In example (1), the storyteller is complaining about the work s/he was
assigned.
Example (1)01 F2: 5%(D@>HG9H

;.=

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第20回大会発表論文集

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ranhou hai wo jintian han-xin-ru-ku zai nabian kan nage heyue.
‘It put me to go through the difficulties and hardships to readthe contracts.’
02=(0.3) :[5I.?,8.
ta jingran dou shi yingwen-de.
‘It is incredibly all in English.’03 F1:[.
‘Oh.’

In this example, the speaker uses the idiom D@> han-xin-ru-ku to show how much timeand energy s/he spent on reading the English contract. The idiom is expressive, descriptive,and evaluative. As this idiom conventionally refers to the hardships to raise children, it islikely that the speaker uses the idiom to hyperbolically categorize the assigned work as
unreasonably difficult and challenging.
(2) Idioms also regularly occur in a responding position to a piece of informing or
telling. Using idioms, speakers comment on or summarize the story to side with the teller;
they may also collaboratively co-construct the telling, showing active participation. In
example (2), F2 is complaining that his/her boss refused to assist a company that used tohelp them in business.
Example (2)01
02 F2:(0.6)
J"8/,(0.3).4-C#-.- (0.5)#(*EK8$,-‘When (we) just opened,(0.3) Mizukoshi helped-(0.5) helped us advertise’03

E

6A,)

B

8=.(0.6) <07!5E1 (1.3) !5E1

‘so our brand could sell well (0.6) Now (my boss) (1.3) did this’
04

[(

.

‘to us’05 F1:[F- F3+2.
guo- guo-he-chai-qiao‘To dismantle the bridge after you cross it.’

06

(2.7)

07 F2:

F.

tai goufen le.
‘It’s too much.’

F2 tells a story to complain about his/her boss. Near the end of F2’s turn, F1 comes in torespond to the story with the idiom F3+2 guo-he-chai-qiao. The idiom describes the−337−

Mandarin Four-character Idioms in Everyday Conversations

scenario that people are being ungrateful and do something bad to those who have helped
them. Involving a culturally shared value, the idiom neatly summarizes the story F1 tells.
Using the idiom, F1 shows his/her affiliation with F1 on the boss being ungrateful.
4. Conclusion
This paper attempted to investigate when and where in casual conversations
four-character idioms are used in sequences and what the interactional practices the associatedturns accomplish. Examples have shown that four-character idioms are a resource formanaging interactional tasks in conversation. Speakers may use idioms, intensely expressive
and highly descriptive, in storytelling to make extreme cases and show a strong affective
stance towards the recounted event. Idioms are also powerful to summarize a complex state orsituation. Speakers may use an idiom in a response position to summarize the prior turn or toco-construct the talk, showing active participation and affiliation.
Notes
1

The NCCU Corpus of Spoken Chinese http://spokenchinesecorpus.nccu.edu.tw/

References
Drew, P. & E. Holt. 1988. “Complainable matters: The use of idiomatic expressions inmaking complaints.” Social Problems 35(4), 398-417.
Drew, P. & E. Holt. 1995. “Idiomatic expressions and their role in the organization of topic
transition in conversation.” In Everaert , M. et al. (ed.), Idioms: Strctural andpsychological perspectives, 117-132. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Drew, P. & E. Holt. 1998. “Figures of speech: Figurative expressions and the management of
topic transition in conversation.” Language in Society 27, 495-522.
McCarthy, M. 1998. “Idioms in use: A discourse-based re-examination of a traditional area of
language teaching.” Spoken Language and Applied Linguistics, 129-149. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
McCarthy, M. & R. Carter. 1994. Language as discourse: Perspectives for language teaching.
London: Longman.
Su, I. W. 2002. “Why a Construction—That is the Question!” Concentric: Studies in English
Literature and Linguistics 28(2), 27–42.
Tsou, B. K. 2012. “Idiomaticity and classical traditions in some East Asian languages.”
Proceedings of the 26th Pacific Asia Conference on Language, Information andComputation (PACLIC 26), 39–55.
Wulff, S. (2008). Rethinking Idiomaticity: A usage-based approach. London: Continuum.

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The structures, meanings and functions of Chinese conditionals in spoken andwritten discourse
Yu-Fang Wang
Graduate Institute of Teaching Chinese as a Second/Foreign Language
National Kaohsiung Normal University, Taiwan
Abstract
The study attempts to explore the functions of the four types of Chinese conditionals(i.e. factual, probable, improbable, and counterfactual) across two discourse modes:
daily conversation and news reportage articles, which occur in informal and formal
speech situations separately. The results show that conditional clauses are prevalent tooccur initially and that different Chinese conditional markers are used by the
speaker/writer as signposts to guide the hearer/reader into an imaginary world
between factuality and counterfactuality. Specifically, the data reveal that among theinitial clauses, factual conditionals tend to be used to perform assertives (e.g.,assertions, claims, etc.), predicative conditionals are typically used to carry out
commissives (e.g., warnings, threats, etc.), improbable conditionals are morecommonly used in giving directives (e.g., advice, suggestions, etc.), andcounterfactual conditionals are generally used more in communicating expressives(e.g., regret, gratitude, etc.). On the whole, factual and predicative conditionals, which
are commonly used to express stipulations, warnings, or threats, tend to appear innews articles. Improbable conditionals, which are more commonly used in giving
directives (e.g., advice, suggestions, etc.), and counterfactual conditionals, which are
generally used more in communicating expressives (e.g., regret, gratitude, etc.), tend
to occur in daily conversations.
Keywords: Chinese conditional clauses, spoken discourse, written discourse, speechacts

1. Introduction
A conditional sentence expresses a proposition which is a function of two otherpropositions, yet not one which is a truth function of those propositions (Stalnaker,
1981). Conditional sentences are among the most intriguing and puzzling features oflanguage, and analysis of their meaning and function has important implications for,and uses in, many areas of philosophy. Over the past three decades, the research on
conditional sentences from the perspective of their functions has aimed todemonstrate that the factors involved in the meaning and use of conditionals extend−339−

The structures, meanings and functions of Chinese conditionals in spoken and written discourse

beyond the logico-philosophical notions of truth values. Factors such as topical status(Haiman 1978), cognitive and discourse-organizational functions (Akatsuka 1985,
1986; Ford 1993; Sweetser 1990, 1996; Dancygier 1998) are just a few of those that
account for the properties of conditionals. Specifically, in addition to thelogico-philosophical analyses by using material implication, i.e., True and False, as abasis for analyzing natural-language conditionals, the research on conditionals has
been approached from different theoretic perspectives. Haiman (1978) argues thatconditionals have a correlation with topics. He claims that “Conditionals, like topics,
are given/old information, which constitute the frame of reference with respect towhich the main clause is either true (if a proposition), or felicitous (if not)” (p. 564).
Hence, the protasis of a conditional sentence functions more like a topic orbackground state of affairs against which the apodosis is evaluated. On the other hand,according to Akatsuka (1985, 1986), conditionals can exclude the speaker’s positive
conviction from expression in the protasis. She further emphasizes that natural
language conditionals are an important device for conveying the speaker’s evaluative
stance of desirability: I WANT IT TO HAPPEN/NOT TO HAPPEN. Different from
Akatsuka’s notion of desirability, within the framework of Fauconnier’s (1985, 1994)
Mental Space Theory, conditional constructions are defined as space builders. That is,conditional protases are devices for building hypothetical alternative cognitive spacesthat are distinct from the ‘base’ space of the speaker’s view of reality (Sweetser 1996).
Sweetser (1990) suggests that the occurrence of conditionals in three different
domains (content, epistemic and speech-act) reflects metaphorical mappings fromphysical to more abstract worlds. Dancygier and Sweetser (1997; 2005) account forthe conditionals by means of Sweetser’s (1990) three-domain model and Fauconnier’s
Mental Space Theory (1985, 1994). For example, Dancygier and Sweetser (1997)
expound that in if-then conditionals, if sets up a mental space wherein the apodosis’
content (or speech act, or conclusion) is taken as existing and that then refers uniquely
and anaphorically to the mental space set up in the protasis (i.e. if-clause), and may
contextually have a contrastive deictic function which requires some other mental
space to be postulated as the contrasted entity. The skeletal construction in English is
If P, (then) Q with compositional aspects of verb form in the conditional clause.
Dancygier and Sweetser have also shown that verb forms are relevant in English
conditionals. On the other hand, taking an interactional approach, Ford (1993)
contends that conditionals occurring in a conversational context can be seen as ameans for exploring “options that follow from points reached in prior discourse, or topresent possibilities as at least temporarily shared” (p.63). Conditional reasoning
provides one of the richest sources of content effects in human reasoning due to themultitude of conversational implicatures conditional statements are used to convey−340−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号(e.g., threats, promises, predictions, permissions, causation) (Denise, et al. 1991).
In addition to the semantic relationship between P and Q, every language has its
own morphosyntactic system for marking conditionals. For example, English
conditionals have very rigid syntactic rules and are syntax-oriented, while Chineseconditionals adopt different strategies for different discourse purposes and are
discourse-oriented. Put differently, English is complicated due to the strict regulationsin the choice of verb forms. English conditionals make use of the verb tense/aspect
and auxiliary verbs to distinguish the degrees of possibility, hypotheticality, or
uncertainty). In contrast to English conditionals, which are syntactically based but
limited in discourse functions, Chinese conditionals are more functionally based but
syntactically simple. Specifically, Chinese conditionals lack inflectional markings on
the verb forms and their interpretation relies on lexicons and contexts. Therefore,
English and Chinese adopt different morphosyntactic markings for conditionals.
2. Purpose and Research Questions
While a large number of studies have been done on the characteristics of Chineseconditional markers in spoken or written discourse (e.g. Su, 2005; Kuo, 2006; Yang,2007), relatively few efforts have been made in examining the four types of Chineseconditionals in both spoken and written discourse to see their discourse-pragmaticfunctions and distribution of occurrences in the two genres. In addition, theconditional clause may occur before its matrix clause or after it, as manifested in (2)and (3), respectively. These two positions are obviously different in their functions inmanaging both the linear flow of information in a text and the attention of thelistener/reader as it is guided through the text. Their characteristic uses andfrequencies of occurrence might be conditioned by genres. A systematic analysis ofthem based on large-scale spoken and written corpora has yet to be done, which is thefocus of the present study. Taking the view that the way in which information isarranged within a(n) utterance/clause will be affected by the pattern of theconstructions within the discourse as a whole, the present study attempts to explore
the functions of the four types of Chinese conditionals across two different discourse
modes: daily conversation and news reportage articles, which occur in informal andformal speech situations separately. The research questions addressed here are as
follows:
1. What are the characteristics of the four types of Chinese conditional clauses (i.e.
factual,probable,
improbable,
andcounterfactual)?
And
whatdiscourse-pragmatic functions do they perform in spoken and written Chinese
discourse?
2. Is the placement of conditional clauses influenced by genre types such as spoken−341−

The structures, meanings and functions of Chinese conditionals in spoken and written discourse(unplanned, unedited) vs. written (planned, edited) discourse? What are thevarious types of conditional clauses in relation to the initial and final positions
with respect to their matrix clause? Do the frequencies and distributions vary inthe spoken and written corpora?
3.

The Method
The present study investigates Mandarin Chinese conditionals in both spoken

and written discourse. The spoken corpus in this study comes from naturally
occurring two-party or multi-party conversations. All the conversations are between
adults. The diverse parties in these conversations include students, colleagues, andhousewives, and the situations occur at home, at a dormitory, and at work. The data
were taped via audio cassettes and transcribed into intonation units, i.e., sequences ofwords combined under a single unified intonation contour, usually preceded by apause (Cruttenden, 1989; Du Bois et al., 1993). The total length is 90 hours 37
minutes 25 seconds. The written data came from UDNDATA, a newspaper databaseof the United Daily News group, the largest news group in Taiwan, including United
Daily News, Economic Daily News, United Evening News, and E-paper. The corpus
could be said to be a hybrid genre; it contains all kinds of genres such as spoken andwritten. The newspaper discourse often mixed with interviews, quotations, and thelike. To examine the various conditional constructions in written Chinese discourse,
we searched for them among the texts in UDNDATA from Sep. 1, 2016 to Sep. 7,
2016.
The conditional clauses in the two sets of data were categorized into thefollowing two types with respect to their positions in relation to their main clauses:(i) the conditional clause preceding the main clause (i.e., the initial conditional)and (ii) the main clause preceding the conditional (i.e., the final conditional). As
for the degree of factuality they express, they were categorized into the foursemantic categories: factual, predicative/probable, improbable, and counterfactual(Wang, 1991; Kennedy, 1998). The first type is used for present real/factual situations,referring to absolute certainty. The second type is used for future real/factual
situations, referring to possible situations in the future. The third type is used forpresent or future unreal, unlikely imaginary situations; i.e., it indicates hypothetical or
impossible situations in the present or future. The last type is used for unreal,
imaginary situations in the past.
4. Results and Discussion
The data in the spoken corpus yielded a total of 1461 valid tokens of conditionalclauses, a summary of which is given in Table 1 and 1358 valid tokens of conditional−342−

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clauses were found in the written corpus, as summarized in Table 2.
Table 1 The frequencies of occurrence of the conditional clauses in the spoken data
Conditional Marker
Initial conditional
Final conditional Total(%)… dehua202
4206 (14.1%)
Ruguo(shuo)…(dehua)

880

28

908 (62.1%)

ruo…(dehua)200

20 (1.4%)

zhiyou120

12 (0.81%)

zhiyaoyaoshi…(dehua)
yaobushi

120
39
3

13
0
0

133 (9.1%)
39 (2.7%)
3 (0.2%)

jiaru(shuo)…(dehua)jiashechufeiwanyi…(dehua)
yidan

35
10
25
10
4

1
1
23
1
0

36 (2.5 %)
11 (0.8%)
48 (3.3%)
11 (0.8%)
4 (0.3%)

Total

(%)

1360 (92.3%)

71 (4.8%)

1461 (100%)

Table 2 The frequencies of occurrence of the conditional clauses in the written data
Conditional Marker
Initial conditional
Final conditional
Total
(%)
ruo
635
0
635 (47%)
ruobushi20
2 (0.15%)
ruguo …(dehua)370
0
370 (27.2%)
ruguobushi
40
4 (0.3%)ru…(dehua)130
13 (1.0%)ruruo
10
1 (0.1%)zhiyou220
22 (1.6%)
zhiyao1881
189 (13.9%)
yaoshiyaobushitangruotang
jiaru
jiashijiashechufei
yidan
wanyi

6
3
13
5
4
2
5
15
58
6

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
5
0
0

−343−

6 (0.4%)3 (0.2%)13 (1.0%)5 (0.4%)4 (0.3%)2 (0.1%)5 (0.4%)20 (1.5%)
58 (4.3%)
6 (0.4%)

The structures, meanings and functions of Chinese conditionals in spoken and written discourse

Total

(%)

1352 (99.6%)

6 (0.4%)1358 (100%)

The results show that conditional clauses are prevalent to occur initially and thatdifferent Chinese conditional markers are used by the speaker/writer as signposts(Sperber and Wilson 1986/1995) to guide the hearer/reader into an imaginary world
between factuality and counterfactuality. Ruguo ( ), which commonly occurs inthe spoken data, and ruo ( ), which is prevalent in the written data, are the generalconditional markers which can mark the four types of conditional clause. If theconditional markers are arranged on a continuum between the two extremes offactuality and counterfactuality, zhiyou ( ) would be on the factuality end,
followed by zhiyao (). These would be followed by chufei (), yidan (),and wanyi ( ). Jiaru (/jiashe (/jiashiwhich tend to occur in the
spoken data, and tang ()/tangruo ( )/tangshi (), which tend to occur in thewritten data, indicate a less probable situation, and yaoshi ( ) does as well but,akin to its negative counterpart yaobushi ( ), tends to mark counterfactuality.
Figure 1 summarizes the degree of certainty these Chinese conditionals correlate to.
Factual

Predicative






Improbable
/ 

Counterfactual

Figure 1 Degree of certainty in Chinese conditional markers
Intriguingly, according to Searle’s classification of illocutionary forces, warnings,
like suggestions, are considered as directives in which the speaker tries to get thehearer to do or not do something (Searle, 1976:11). Directives have also beenclassified by Brown and Levinson (1987) as intrinsic, face-threatening acts because
they impose upon the freedom of the addressee. In other words, an act that affirms ordenies a future act of the hearer creates pressure on the hearer to either perform or not
perform the act. Acts which may threaten the hearer’s face are orders, requests,
suggestions, advice, reminders, threats, or warnings. Hence, directives encompass awide range of speech acts which differ in their degrees of obligation or optionality.
Directives are “attempts (of varying degrees) by a speaker or writer to get theaddressee to do something” (Searle, 1976:11). They may be ‘modest attempts’ which
can serve as invitations or suggestions, or they may be ‘fierce attempts’ (e.g. orders,commands, etc.) whereby the speaker insists that the addressee do something. With
directives, the speaker or writer of a proposition aims to change the hearer’s behavior.
Such acts invariably assume a reply, so whether or not they are seen as beneficial to−344−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

the recipient depends on a number of contextual conditions, such as the degree of
impositions on the hearer. Modest attempts are related to optionality, while fierce
attempts are more closely associated with obligation. Obligation refers to the extent towhich the speaker assumes the addressee is obliged to comply. Optionality isinversely proportionate with obligation, since the greater obligation there is on thepart of the addressee, the less optionality (and, hence, less politeness) there is in the
speech act (Pérez Hernádez & Ruiz de Mendoza, 2002). Although both warnings andsuggestions are intended to influence a hearer’s future course of action, suggestions
are presumed to be inherently polite and socially beneficial to the hearer. The
speaker/writer considers a suggestion to be a benefit rather than an imposition orinconvenience.
The data reveal that among the initial clauses, factual conditionals tend to be
used to perform assertives (e.g., assertions, claims, etc.), predicative conditionals are
typically used to carry out commissives (e.g., warnings, threats, etc.), improbableconditionals are more commonly used in giving directives (e.g., advice, suggestions,etc.), and counterfactual conditionals are generally used more in communicating
expressives (e.g., regret, gratitude, etc.). On the whole, factual and predicative
conditionals, which are commonly used to express stipulations, warnings, or threats,
tend to appear in news articles. Improbable conditionals, which are more commonlyused in giving directives (e.g., advice, suggestions, etc.), and counterfactual
conditionals, which are generally used more in communicating expressives (e.g.,
regret, gratitude, etc.), tend to occur in daily conversations.
5. Conclusion
In this study we have shown that different Chinese conditional markers cansignal different types of conditionals and serve as contextualization cues that aid thehearer in understanding the degree of possibility expressed in the propositions they
signal. The prototypical use of conditional clauses in conversation is to pre-pose them
before the material they link (i.e., the matrix clause) through which
discourse-structuring functions introduce and establish the background for the
associated modified material. In particular, initial conditionals can be used indirectives, assertives, commissives and expressives (Searle 1969). Our data reveal thatfactual conditionals tend to be used to perform assertives (e.g., assertions, claims, etc.),
predicative conditionals are typically used to carry out commissives (e.g., warnings,
threats, etc.), improbable conditionals are more commonly used in giving directives(e.g., advice, suggestions, etc.), and counterfactual conditionals are generally used
more in communicating expressives (e.g., regret, gratitude, etc.).

−345−

The structures, meanings and functions of Chinese conditionals in spoken and written discourse

References
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dissertation. Berkeley: University of California.

−346−第20回大会発表論文集第13号

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−348−

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−350−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

ſū=ƉÓNrRf^nb:Ɲǅ,žJ¸:>èŹ½ö ĎűŚŵ¶Śĺ
<Abstract>
This paper studies a borderline between hate speech and other discriminatory speeches. In current
Japanese society, only discriminatory speeches against non-Japanese people is considered as hatespeech. However, there must be discriminatory speeches against Japanese people which are notcounted as hate speech under the current Japanese law such as speeches against handicappedpeople or sexual minorities. This paper analyzes a discriminatory speech itself from Japanesegrammar and Sociolinguistic perspectives in order to widen a concept of hate speech.
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−351−

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第13号

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特定の発言をヘイトスピーチと分類し得る境界とは ƨƉƔ9>ſū=ƉÓNrRf^nb:.J¸ŅNŀ)J¨ėNƲñ.J2D{ƈĎŋ=*O;İ24<+Oú24>ƙ)JM)<>!%;!
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Campus Climate, Community Engagement & Transformation, Division of Equity & Inclusion, UC Berkley.
  2017. “What is a hate crime?”https://campusclimate.berkeley.edu/report-incident/what-hate-crime  Retrieved from 6th December, 2017.
ƦĕĮĈ<Ŗ.JƗŶ;éƠŮÓŻ=ĝ<Ü)2ċŉ=Ĳį<¤.Jƥǂ  http://www.moj.go.jp/
  content/001184402.pdf  Ƅ  ËƁƿƥƯĠİÍƹÙ¼ rRf^nb<ĞůNŶ82ÃƉŻhttp://www.moj.go.jp/JINKEN/jinken04_
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第20回大会発表論文集第13号

ĎĔŹĉŢ/DŹļžłÐƇÚĞĺìĤİ¹ŏÂËƵAbstractƶ Pragmatics can transcend the boundaries between research and society.
This is a study in the series “The potential of pragmatics to transcend boundaries.”
This study explores how pragmatics transcends boundaries between research andclassrooms and can contribute to Japanese language classes for foreign students.
Three practices in Japanese language classes employing pragmatics were discussed inthis article. Pragmatics contributed to the classes by encouraging students to obtain adeeper understanding, identifying problems, and seeking solutions in these practices.
Thus, students’ abilities to understand different people and indicate problems ofsocial issues and their critical literacy can be developed via pragmatics.

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第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

日本語用論学会規約
第１章 総則第１条

本会は「日本語用論学会」（The Pragmatics Society of Japan）と称する。

第２条

本会は語用論ならびに関連諸分野の研究に寄与することを目的とする。

第３条

本会は次の事業を行う。
１．大会その他の研究集会。
２．機関誌の発行。
３．その他必要な事業。

第４条

本会は諸事業を推進するため運営委員会および事務局を置く。

第５条

運営委員会の承認を経て、支部を各地区に置くことができる。

第２章

会員

第６条

本会の会員は一般会員、学生会員、団体会員の３種類とする。

第７条

会員は、本会の趣旨に賛同し所定の手続きを経て本会に登録された個人及び団
体とする。

第８条

会員は諸種の会合及び事業の通知を受け、事業に参加することができる。また、所定の手続きを経て、研究集会で研究発表し、機関誌に投稿することができる。

第３章
第９条

役員

本会に次の役員を置く。任期は２年とし、再選を妨げない。
会

長

１名

長

１名

事 務 局 長１名

運 営 委 員

若干名

会計監査委員

１名

副会

また、顧問を置くことがある。理事は、会長、副会長経験者、又は65歳以上の運営委員で原則10年以上運営委員を務めたものとし、運営委員を兼ねる。運営
委は４月１日現在で70歳以下とする。
第10条

運営委員会は、会長、副会長、事務局長および運営委員から構成される。

第11条

会長、副会長、および事務局長は運営委員会で選出され、運営委員は会員より選出される。
第12条

運営委員会は次の任務を遂行する。
１．機関誌および会報誌等の編集・刊行にかかわる事項の決定。

−361−

２．大会および研究集会等にかかわる事項の決定。
３．予算案および収支決算案の作成。
４．その他運営委員会が必要と認めた事項。
第13条

運営委員会の中に次の部と委員を置く。各部の委員は運営委員会の議を経て会長が委嘱し、兼任することができる。各部は業務を遂行するために、運営委員会の承認を得て有給の事務助手を置くことができる。
１．執行部
２．編集部
３．大会運営部
４．国際・事業部
５．広報部

第14条

各委員会の業務を調整するために代表連絡会議を開く。代表連絡会議は、会長、副会長、事務局長、編集委員長、大会運営委員長、事業委員長、広報委員長から構成される。

第15条

本会の会則は、会員総会で承認を得るものとする。

第16条

会員の中から会計監査委員を１名選出する。任期は２年とし、１期に限る。

第４章
第17条

会議

定例会員総会は、年１回会長がこれを招集する。また、必要な場合、臨時会員
総会を招集することができる。

第18条

定例運営委員会は、必要に応じて、年１回以上招集される。

第５章

会計

第19条

本会の運営経費は、会費、寄付金等を以てこれに当てる。

第20条

事務局は、予算案および収支決算書を作成し、運営委員会の議を経て、会員総会で承認を得るものとする。ただし、収支決算書は会計監査委員の監査を受けなければならない。

第21条

本会の会計年度は、毎年４月１日に始まり、翌年３月31日に終わる。

第６章 事務局
第22条

事務局を事務局長もしくは運営委員の所属する大学に置く。

第７章

事務局および委員会に関する細則

１．執行部は、事務局長、事務局長補佐、会計、会計補佐から構成され、対外折衝、運営委員会・総会の企画・運営、会員名簿の管理、会費の徴収、会計、機関誌・大会−362−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

予稿集等の販売、会員への連絡など、学会の運営にかかわる諸々の業務を担当する。
事務局は、業務を遂行するために、運営委員会の承認を得て有給の事務助手を置くことができる。
２．編集部は、委員長、副委員長、委員から構成され、機関誌『語用論研究』の編集と刊行に関わる業務を担当する。
３．大会運営部は、委員長、副委員長、委員から構成され、委員長の元に以下の４部門に分かれて業務を担当する。
●

大会企画担当： 大会プログラムの計画と作成。研究発表、シンポジウム、ワー
クショップ、講演など、大会全般の大枠を企画・提案すると共に、発表者決定
後に司会割振を含む詳細を決定する。

●

大会発表担当：

応募の受付・管理，査読割り当てと評価の集計と報告の他、大会発表者決定後のアブストラクト集などの作成と大会に必要な、種々の印刷物作成の業務を行う。
●

大会実行担当：大会開催校委員と協力して、会場の部屋割、アルバイトの手配、当日の受付運営など、大会の会場運営に関わる業務を行う。
●

大会プロシーディングス担当：

当該年度の発表者への原稿執筆依頼、原稿の受付、編集・入稿など、その刊行に関わる業務を行う。
４．国際・事業部は、委員長、副委員長、委員から構成され、講演会、セミナー等の企
画、運営、実行にあたる。
５．広報部は、委員長、副委員長、委員から構成され、メーリングリスト・ホームペー
ジ等による連絡、Newsletterの編集と発行に関わる業務を担当する。

第８章 会長選出に関する細則
１．この細則は、会則第９条と第11条のうち、会長の選出方法と任期について定める。
２．会長は、会員の中から、就任時に65歳以下のものを運営委員の投票によって選出する。投票は郵送による無記名とする。
３．投票の結果、過半数の得票を得た者を会長とする。過半数を得た者がない場合、得票上位者２名についての決選投票を行う。尚、得票数が同数の場合は、最年長者を会長とする。
４．前条によって決定された会長は、改選の前年度の定例総会において承認を得るものとする。
５．会長の任期は２年とし、２期までとする。
６．会長選挙管理委員は、現会長が運営委員会の中から必要数を選出する。

−363−

附則：この細則は、平成17年10月５日から実施する。
平成24年12月１日（改正）平成17年10月５日（改正）平成15年12月６日（改正）平成10年12月５日（制定）−364−第20回大会発表論文集

第13号『大会発表論文集』（Proceedings）執筆規定（日本語による発表をされた方用）
日本語用論学会では、2005年度より、毎年の大会で発表された論文をとりまとめ、大会後に、『大会発表論文集』を発行しています。つきまして
は、大会の「研究発表」、「ワークショップ発表」、「ポスター発表」にて発表されました皆様には、以下の要領で原稿を提出していただくことになります。
１．執筆規定１．用紙・枚数：A4用紙、横書き。「研究発表」は8ページ以内、「ワークショップ発表」、「ポスター発表」は4ページ以内（注：要旨、参考文献を含む）。字数は自由。
２．書式：
a．余白は上下 30mm、左右 25mm とする。1 行文字数、行数、段組などは自由（ただし、文字のサイズは極端に小さくしないこと）。
b．原稿の 1 ページ目には、タイトル、氏名、所属（E-mail アドレスは任意）を記し、そのあと 2 行開けて要旨、本文を続ける。
c．「はじめに」または「序論」の節は 0．からではなく、1．から始めること。
d．例文の前後は 1 行、各節の前は 1 行開ける。
e．注を付ける場合は、巻末とし、本文と参考文献の間にまとめて入れる。
f．参考文献のフォーマットは『語用論研究』の執筆要領に従うこと（本学会のホームページ http://www.pragmatics.gr.jp/publications.html 参照）。
３．要旨：
a．要旨は（日本語での論文も含め）全て英語によるものとし、約 100 語で書く。
b．要旨は＜ Abstract ＞とページの左上に記し、原稿の 1 ページ目には、タイトル・
氏名・所属と要旨を記すこと。
４．キーワード
a．要旨の下に【キーワード】：或いは【Keywords】：と明記して、日本語の論文は日本語で、英語の論文は英語で、5個以内を添えること。
b．キーワードと本文との間は2行アケとすること−365−

原稿のイメージ（１ページ目）

タイトル○○○
氏名○○所属○○＜Abstract＞
・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・【キーワード】：1、 2、 3、２．その他の注意事項
a．内容は、大会発表に沿ったものとする（但し、必要な修正を施すこと）。
b．使用言語は原則として日本語とする（発表言語に合わせる）。
c．『プロシーディングズ』に掲載した内容は、さらに発展させて、『語用論研究』に投稿することができる。その場合は、必ず十分な加筆・修正を施すこと。
d．「個人情報ファイル」として、別の用紙（A4）に次の事項を記入したファイルを提出すること：・「研究発表」、「ワークショップ発表」、「ポスター発表」のいずれであるか。
・発表論文タイトルと発表者名（日本語：氏名とふりがな）
・発表論文タイトルの英語訳と発表者名のローマ字表記。（ただし、ワークショッ
プ発表の代表者はワークショップの全体タイトルの英訳も記入のこと。）
・連絡先：E-mailアドレス

3．原稿の提出方法「原稿ファイル」及び「個人情報ファイル」を下記宛てに送付する。送付は、ファイルを添付した電子メールとする。

−366−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号【電子メールの送付先】
日本語用論学会

大会運営部 プロシーディングズ

竹田ららproceedings@pragmatics.gr.jp（原稿送付の際は、確実に受信できるように、出来るだけ無料メールアドレスのご使用をお控えください。）なお、送信後2週間経っても、原稿を受理した旨の確認返信メールが無い時には、lutakeda@mail.dendai.ac.jpまでご連絡ください。

−367−

Request of submitting the manuscripts for the Proceedingsof the 20th Annual Conference of the Pragmatics Society ofJapan（ PSJ）（Vol. 13）[For participants who presented papers in English]
Since 2005, the Pragmatics Society of Japan has been publishing presentations
given at its Annual Conference for publication in a volume of proceedings. The
following are instructions for use in preparation of manuscripts by those whohave presented their work at the Conference as lecture presentations, in the
symposium, workshops, or poster sessions.
Instructions for Preparing Manuscripts
1. Writing requirements
1. Paper and length:
All manuscripts should be submitted on A4 size. Manuscripts should be no more than
8 pages in length. Please note that these length restrictions include the abstract and thereference list. There is no restriction on the number of words or characters per page.
2. Format:
a. Margins: top and bottom, 3 cm; right and left, 2.5 cm. Number of lines per page, numberof characters per line, and line spacing are not restricted（however, extremely small
characters should not be used）.
b. The first page of the manuscript should begin with the title, the authorʼs name, and theauthorʼs affiliation（e-mail address optional）, followed, after two blank lines, by theabstract and the main text.
c. The introductory section or prefatory remarks should be numbered from 1, not 0.
d. Examples should be preceded and followed by one blank line. Each new section should
be preceded by one blank line.
e. If notes are included, they should be placed at the end, between the main text and thereference list.
f. References should follow the style sheet of Goyoron Kenkyu（Studies in Pragmatics）（see
the homepage of PSJ http://www.pragmatics.gr.jp/publications.html）
3. Abstracts:
a. All abstracts should be written in English and should be about 100 words in length.
b. The abstract should appear on the first page of the manuscript, after the title, authorʼ
s name, and authorʼs affiliation. The abstract should begin with the word ʻAbstractʼ in−368−

第20回大会発表論文集

第13号

the upper left corner. A maximum of 5 keywords should be given below the abstract,【Keywords】. [Refer to the figure below.] Main text should be preceded bypreceded by【Keywords
two blank lines.

Title
Authorʼs nameAuthorʼs affiliation＜Abstract＞
・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・【Keywords】：1, 2, 3,

2. Other important points
a. Aside from necessary corrections, manuscript contents should be faithful to the content of
the presentation actually given at the Annual Meeting.
b. As a general rule, manuscripts should be written in English.

3. Method of submission
Send your manuscript to:
Lala Uchida TAKEDA（proceedings@pragmatics.gr.jp）＊If you donʼt receive an acknowledgement of confirmation within 2 weeks, please contact
Lala Uchida TAKEDA（E-mail address: lutakeda@mail.dendai.ac.jp）.

−369−

Proceedings of the 20th Conference of the Pragmatics Society of Japan

編集後記『日本語用論学会

第20回大会発表論文集』第13号をお届けいたします。日本語用論学会

では、2005年度より年次大会でのご発表内容を論文集としてとりまとめ、大会後に発行しております。今号では、研究発表30件（日本語発表24件、英語発表6件）、ワークショップ発表
17件（日本語発表13件、英語発表4件）、ポスターセッション9件（日本語発表6件、英語発表
3件）、合計56件のご寄稿をいただきました。なお本論文集は創刊号からすべて国立国会図書館（東西）に保存されております。第21回大会後は『日本語用論学会

第21回大会発表論文集』第14号を発行する予定でございますので、どうぞご期待ください。

（『大会発表論文集』編集担当

日本語用論学会

第20回大会発表論文集

竹田らら、鈴木光代、高木佐知子）

第13号（2018）（Proceedings of the 20th Conference of the Pragmatics Society of Japan）
発

行日

2018年7月20日

代

表

者

加藤

編集・発行

重広

日本語用論学会

事務局（The Pragmatics Society of Japan）〒606-0847 京都府京都市左京区下鴨南野々神町１
京都ノートルダム女子大学 人間文化学部 小山 哲春 研究室内

E-mail:印

secretary@pragmatics.gr.jp

刷 （株）田中プリント〒600-8047 京都市下京区松原通麸屋町東入ル677-2

TEL：075-343-0006

FAX：075-341-4476

PSJⓒ日本語用論学会