Asian and African Area Studies, 7 (1): 5-17, 2007

The Tariqa’s Cohesional Power and the Shaykhhood Succession Question

The Origins of T arīqas1)
Yajima Yoichi*

Abstract
The first tarīqas are said to have been founded in the 12th century by several Sufis.
However, the individual aspects of tarīqas such as silsilas, schools and Sufi orders havetheir origins in the pre-tarīqa period, and the substantial contribution of the alleged
founders of early tarīqas to their formation is dubious. Therefore, the emergence of tarīqas
is to be regarded as a continuation and integration of existing traditions, rather than
the invention of a new style of Sufism. Yet another aspect of the emergence of tarīqas
is the formation of identity. The tarīqas as well as the concept of tarīqa itself wereformed by Sufis who identified themselves as the successors of the alleged founders.

Introduction
Sufism in the formative period up to the beginning of the 10th century is characterized by its
diversity.

Having no standardized theory, Sufis, or ascetics, were going their own ways, andconsequently their thoughts, practices and styles of life were very diversified. Theoretical refinement
and composition of Sufi literature from the 10th century to the 12th century, however, gave Sufism
uniformity in some degree. Most Sufis have since then shared the basic concepts and practices of
Sufism represented by terms such as maqām, hāl, fanā’, dikr, samā‘ and so on.
ˉThe tarīqas, formed from the 12th century on, brought another type of diversity to Sufism. The
Arabic word tarīqa whose original meaning is ‘way’ implies in the context of Sufism the meaning‘Sufi’s way’ and sometimes denotes Sufism itself. Since the 12th century, the word tarīqa has had a
new implication.2) The significance of the master-disciple relationship in Sufism brought Sufis thesense of belonging to their masters’ schools ideally and to their organizations actually, both of which
are called tarīqas. Therefore, tarīqa in this sense doesn’t mean ‘Sufi’s way’ generally but ‘a specificSufi’s way’ particularly. Such tarīqas are said to have been founded firstly in the 12th century by* 矢島洋一，International Research Institute for Studies in Language and Peace, Kyoto University of Foreign Studies
Accepted July 9, 2007
1) This paper is based on my presentation at ‘the Workshop on Sufism, Saint Veneration and Tarīqa’ held at
Karuizawa in September 21-22, 2005. I am grateful to the participants for their useful comments.
2) For the transformation of the concept of tarīqa, see a simple but appropriate explanation by Knysh [2000: 302].

5

Asian and African Area Studies, 7 (1)celebrated figures such as ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Ǧīlānī (d. 1166), Abū al-Naǧīb al-Suhrawardī (d. 1168),
Ahmad al-Rifā‘ī (d. 1182) and so on, and they are regarded as the founders of the Qādiriyya, theSuhrawardiyya, the Rifā‘iyya tarīqas respectively. Although scarcity or lack of contemporary sources
makes us skeptical about the reality of foundation by these alleged founders,3) it is generally approvedthat the tarīqa style of Sufism emerged in about the 12th and 13th centuries [Schimmel 1975: 244ff.;
Baldick 1989: 69ff.; Knysh 2000: 172ff.; Geoffroy 2003: 154ff.], regardless of whether the alleged
founders were the real ones or not. But what does the foundation of a tarīqa mean? What were thethings which were innovated in the period? The questions are inevitably complicated by the multiplicity of elements composing tarīqas. A tarīqa is a group of Sufis who share 1) genealogy (silsila) andspiritual ancestors, 2) doctrine and practice, 3) organization. Of course these elements are closely
connected but a group of Sufis viewed from the one aspect doesn’t always correspond to a groupviewed from the other. So when we consider the formation and history of tarīqas, tarīqas in general
or individual tarīqas, the above mentioned aspects should be treated separately and analytically. In
this paper I attempt to reconsider the formation of tarīqas in the history of Sufism by examining theorigins of above mentioned three elements of tarīqas in the pre-tarīqa period and comparing themwith their conditions after the ‘emergence’ of tarīqas.

1. Early Silsilas4)
Silsila, whose original meaning is ‘chain,’ means Sufi genealogy. The significance of the masterdisciple relationship in Sufism made Sufis strongly interested in their spiritual ancestors and they
comprehended these links as genealogies. When did Sufis begin to do this? The earliest known
silsila is found not in Sufi literature but in Ibn al-Nadīm’s al-Fihrist, a catalogue of books in 10th
century Baġdād:Muhammad b. Ishāq said: I read in the handwriting of Abū Muhammad Ǧa‘far al-Huldī, who
˘
was one of the leaders of the Sufis and a pious man and an ascetic, and I heard him tell of what I
read in his handwriting as follows: I received from Abū al-Qāsim al-Ǧunayd b. Muhammad. He
told me, “I received from Abū al-Hasan al-Sarī b. al-Muġallis al-Saqatī. al-Sarī received fromMa‘rūf al-Karhī. Ma‘rūf al-Karhī received from Farqad al-Sanǧī. Farqad received from al-Hasan˘˘3) For example, ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Ǧīlānī’s role in the emergence of the Qādiriyya tarīqa is either approved or rejectedby scholars [Baldick 1989: 71-72; Knysh 2000: 183]. As for the Suhrawardiyya, it is generally accepted that not
the alleged founder Abū al-Naǧīb al-Suhrawardī but his nephew Šihāb al-dīn ‘Umar al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234) was
its actual founder [Trimingham 1971: 34; Baldick 1989: 72; Sobieroj 1997: 784; Knysh 2000: 203].
4) For early silsilas discussed below, see also [Trimingham 1971: 261ff.; Massignon 1975: v. 2, 114].

6

YAJIMA: The Origins of Tarīqas

al-Baṣrī. al-Hasan received from Anas b. Mālik. al-Hasan met seventy soldiers of the Battle ofBadr.” [Ibn al-Nadīm 1871-2: v.1, 183]

The expression ‘I received from (’ahadtu ‘an),’ with the supposed object ‘instruction’ or hirqa
˘ ˉ˘(cloak) as its symbol, means ‘I am a disciple of.’ The usage of the verb is very common in latersilsilas, so this is to be regarded as an early example of silsila.5) Thus we know that in the 10th
century the chain of master-disciple relationships had been already described as genealogies.
The first known Sufi literature which contains silsila is Qušayrī (d. 1074)’s al-Risāla:

And Ustād Abū ‘Alī used to say, “I received this way from (’ahadtu hādā al-tarīq ‘an) alˉˉ˘ ˉNaṣrābādī. al-Naṣrābādī from al-Šiblī. al-Šiblī from al-Ǧunayd. al-Ǧunayd from al-Sarī. al-Sarīfrom Ma‘rūf al-Karhī. Ma‘rūf al-Karhī from Dā’ūd al-Tā’ī.” [Qušayrī 1418/1997: 297]˘˘Qušayrī’s al-Risāla was very popular in the Islamic world. Written in Hurāsān in Arabic, the˘treatise was also read in the Arab world, and it was soon translated into Persian,6) which made it
more accessible. Its popularity allows us to assume that the concept of silsila has been shared since
the early stage of the history of Sufism.
Some early Sufi biographical works also contain silsilas. Muhammad b. Munawwar composeda biography of his spiritual and natural ancestor Abū Sa‘īd b. Abī al-Hayr (d. 1046) entitled Asrār
˘al-tawhīd and dedicated it to the Ghorid sultān Abū al-Fath Muhammad b. Sām (r. 1163-1203). It
contains Abū Sa‘īd’s silsila up to the Prophet Muhammad [Muhammad b. Munawwar 1376š./1997:
26, 32-33]. The Biography of Abū Ishāq al-Kāzarūnī (d. 1033) by Abū Bakr al-Hatīb (d. 1109),˘
whose original Arabic version has been lost and only the Persian translation from the 14th century
exists today, also contains Kāzarūnī’s silsila [Mahmūd b. ‘Ut mān (in Meier 1948): 25-26]. Theseˉ
silsilas also suggest the antiquity of the concept of genealogy in Sufism although their composition
dates may leave room for consideration.
In the meantime, the oldest existing silsila composed within a tarīqa is the Kubrawī one. Maǧdal-dīn Baġdādī (d. 1219), an immediate disciple of the eponymous founder of the Kubrawiyya Naǧmal-dīn Kubrá (d. 1221), describes the Kubrawī silsila in one of his treatises:

5) Dodge [1970: 455-456] erroneously interprets this passage ‘I took [the following list of ascetics].’6) Qušayrī’s al-Risāla was translated into Persian by his immediate disciple [Tarǧuma-yi Risāla-yi Qušayrīya
1370š./1991-2: 1].

7

Asian and African Area Studies, 7 (1)He (i.e. the Prophet Muhammad) clothed (i.e. gave the hirqa to) ‘Alī, and ‘Alī clothed al˘Hasan al-Baṣrī and Kumayl b. Ziyād, and Kumayl clothed ‘Abd al-Wāhid b. Zayd, and he clothed
Abū Ya‘qūb al-Sūsī, and he clothed Abū Ya‘qūb al-Nahraǧūrī, and he clothed Abū ‘Abd Allāh b.
‘Ut mān, and he clothed Abū Ya‘qūb al-Tabarī, and he clothed Abū al-Qāsim b. Ramadān, andˉhe clothed Abū al-‘Abbās b. Idrīs, and he clothed Dāwūd b. Muhammad known as Hādim al˘fuqarā’, and he clothed Muhammad b. Mānkīl, and he clothed Šayh al-warī Ismā‘īl al-Qaṣrī, and˘
he clothed our master Abū al-Ǧannāb Ahmad b. ‘Umar al-S ̣ūfī (i.e. Naǧm al-dīn Kubrá), and heclothed me.
The genealogy (tarīqa) of al-Hasan al-Baṣrī is more famous because most of the hirqas are
˘
related to al-Ǧunayd, and he is related to his uncle al-Sarī, and he is related to al-Ma‘rūf al-Karhī,˘and he to Dāwūd al-Tā’ī, and he to Habīb al-‘Aǧamī, and he to al-Hasan al-Baṣrī.
However, I read the writing of al-Šayh al-Imām Šihāb al-dīn Abū Hafṣ ‘Umar b. Muhammad
˘
al-Suhrawardī, one of the authorities on this theme. He wrote in a letter to one of his disciples
whom he had dressed in the hirqa describing the succession of the hirqa up to al-Ǧunayd and after˘˘that described only the companionship.7) Masters other than he fix the hirqa and describe the
˘
succession of the hirqa genealogically (musalsalan) up to the Prophet. [Maǧd al-dīn al-Baġdādī: ff.
62b-63a.]As Baġdādī died in 1219, before his master’s death in 1221, this silsila can be considered tohave been already established in the lifetime of the founder. Furthermore, as cited above, according
to Baġdādī other masters such as Šihāb al-dīn ‘Umar al-Suhrawardī also had their own silsilas atthat time although they are not found in contemporary sources.8) Thus we can confirm directly or
indirectly that the silsilas of at least some of major early tarīqas were established in their founders’period.
However, there is no essential change in the style of the silsila before or after the period of theearly ‘founders’ of tarīqas. Also as to its function, the fact that multiple affiliation lingered after
the period suggests that silsilas could not be sufficient to fix the belonging of the Sufis.9) Therefore,

7) The term ‘companionship (ṣuhba)’ means relatively loose master-disciple relationship without succession of hirqa.
˘8) Most of the earliest known silsilas of tarīqas are of the 14th century. The Suhrawardī silsila is found in the Rihla ofIbn Battūta [Ibn Battūta 1853-8: v. 2, 48-50]. The Qādirī silsila was recorded by Šams al-dīn al-Dunaysirī (d. 1356)[Makdisi 1970].
9) For example, a Kubrawī Radī al-dīn ‘Alī Lālā (d. 1244) is said to have received hirqas from 124 masters [Ǧāmī˘
1370/1991: 438]. Even in the 20th century a regulation was needed to prohibit the multiple affiliation [Gilsenan
1973: 69, 238].

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YAJIMA: The Origins of Tarīqas

as concerns silsila, which is just a basic element of tarīqa, the formation of tarīqa doesn’t mean any
particular innovation but merely a continuation of the existing tradition.

2. Diversity of Schools
The second aspect of tarīqas is doctrinal diversity, namely, schools. The master-disciple relationshiprepresented by silsilas is at the same time the course of succession of original doctrines and practices.
Needless to say, Sufism had various theories and styles from the earliest stage of its development.
The famous traditions “The number of the ways to God is the same as that of stars” or “The numberof the ways to God is the same as that of human beings” [Sulamī 1406/1986: 383, 472] denotethe variety when cited in the context of Sufism. But when and how did Sufis began to regard thedoctrinal variety as ‘schools (madāhib)’? Among authors of early Sufi literatures Huǧwīrī (d. 1072 orˉ1076) was the most conscious of it:

Chapter on the differences among their (i.e. Sufis’) sects, schools, sayings, discourses and narratives10)
As I have already mentioned in the account of Abū al-Hasan Nūrī, they are divided into
twelve groups, of which two are to be rejected and ten are to be approved. Each one of them (i.e.
the latter) has a good deed and a praiseworthy way in its practices and a subtle manner in its contemplations. Although they vary in the deeds, practices, contemplations and exercises, they agreeon uṣūl and furū‘ of šar‘ and tawhīd. ... Therefore, I would like to briefly divide the explanation ofthat, and explain the basic doctrine of each one. ... Muhāsibiyya: followers of Abū ‘Abd Allāh alH ārit b. al-Asad al-Muhāsibī ... [Huǧwīrī 1384š./2006: 267]ˉThe schools enumerated by Huǧwīrī are the following: the Muhāsibiyya, the Qaṣṣāriyya, theTayfūriyya, the Ǧunaydiyya, the Nūriyya, the Sahliyya, the Hakīmiyya, the Harrāziyya, the˘Hafīfiyya, the Sayyāriyya and the Hulūliyya. All of them except the last one which is derived from˘
the ‘incarnation (hulūl)’ are named after their founders. Although the substantiality of these schools
is dubious, we know that at least the concept of ‘schools’ existed in the pre-tarīqa period of Sufism,
and what was more, with the denomination of -iyya type named after their founders, which is very
common in later tarīqas.
On the contrary, doctrinal originality and the -iyya type name cannot be found clearly in early10) The original text of the title of the chapter is as follows: bāb fī farq firaqi-him wa-mad āhibi-him wa-āyāti-him waˉmaqāmāti-him wa-hikāyāti-him.

9Asian and African Area Studies, 7 (1)‘founders’ of tarīqas. Discrepancies between founder and his successors about doctrine and practice
are not unusual.11) Even considering the Rifā‘iyya which is famous for its peculiar and eccentric
practices, there is no evidence that its founder Ahmad al-Rifā‘ī himself was doing such practices.12)
With exceptions such as the Kubrawiyya, who had the original doctrine about the practice of seclusion (halwa) based on ‘the eight rules’ which has already been described in Kubrá’s treatise,13) most˘of the early tarīqas cannot be distinguished from each other according to their founders’ teachings.
Therefore most of early ‘founders’ of tarīqas cannot be regarded as the inventors of the original
doctrines and practices which evidently characterize them.
The -iyya type names, which are also common in schools other than Sufism, as well as nisbas
of tarīqa, were used very rarely concerning early tarīqas either by themselves or by others. They canbe found in sources as early as the 13th century,14) but only scarcely even in the 14th century.15) The
classification of tarīqas under the -iyya type names is nothing other than a later innovation. Evenin the later period it is quite arbitrary whether branch tarīqas are called by newly created names ornot.16) Therefore, the denomination hardly contributes to understanding the formation of tarīqas.
In addition, Sufi teachings weren’t passed on only through silsilas. Literary works by Sufis wereread broadly regardless the authors’ tarīqas. Works of Abū al-Naǧīb al-Suhrawardī and Šihāb aldīn ‘Umar al-Suhrawardī were manuals of not only the Suhrawardī tarīqa but also any Sufis.17) Oneof the treatises of Naǧm al-dīn Kubrá had its commentators later in the Naqšbandiyya and the
Halwatiyya.18) Ǧalāl al-dīn Rumī (d. 1273)’s literary legacy has been quite common among Sufis, or˘people in general, who comprehend Persian.
Of course Sufi teachings were by no means homogeneous in spite of these assimilative factors.
11) For example, see [Baldick 1989: 72; Paul 1998: 18-30].
12) Dahabī (d. 1349) [1418/1997: v. 2, 139] states that ‘satanic’ practices such as entering fire, riding lions and snakeˉ
charming were innovated since the Mongols had seized Iraq and Rifā‘ī and his sound followers had nothing to dowith them. Margoliouth [1994: 525] points out that the practices had already been recorded by al-Tanūkhī (d.
994).
13) The rules of seclusion was characteristic of the early Kubrawiyya but was later adopted also by other tarīqas suchas the Tīǧāniyya [Radtke 2005].
14) Ibn Hallikān (d. 1282) [n.d.: v. 1, 171-172] says, “The group of Sufis known as the Rifā‘iyya and the Batā’ihiyya is˘related to him (wa-al-tā’ifa al-ma‘rūfa bi-al-rifā‘iyya wa-al-batā’ihiyya min al-fuqarā’ mansūba ’ilay-hi).”15) Dahabī [1419/1999: 273] calls Abū al-H asan al-Šād ilī “šayh al-tā’ifa al-šād iliyya” and uses also the word “al-Rifāˉˉˉ˘‘iyya” [1419/1998: 118]. But such denominations are not popular in the sources of the 14th century.
16) For example, the Qādiriyya has relatively kept its name while the Halwatiyya has many branch tarīqas with˘
original names.
17) For example, see the treatment of them in a Kubrawī treatise [Yahyá Bāharzī 1345š./1966-7: 357].
˘18) Kubrá’s al-’Uṣūl al-‘ašara, his most popular treatise, was not only translated into Persian by a Kubrawī ‘Alī
Hamadānī (d. 1385) but also commented on by a Naqšbandī ‘Abd al-Ġafūr Lārī (d. 1506) in Persian and a Halwatī
˘(Ǧalwatī) Ismā‘īl H aqqī Bursawī (d. 1724) in Ottoman Turkish.

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YAJIMA: The Origins of Tarīqas

Doctrinal characteristics, or at least tendencies, of tarīqas did and still do exist. However, it is tobe noted that Sufi teachings have always been between assimilation and dissimilation. The tarīqas
as schools have been no doubt a latter factor but not the decisive one, especially in their formative
period.

3. Emergence of Sufi Orders
Affiliation to a tarīqa means not only ideal affiliation to a certain genealogy and succession of
doctrines but also membership of an actual organization, namely, a Sufi order.
The concept of ‘Sufi order’ has some ambiguity which causes scholars to hesitate to use thewords.19) Firstly, even if affiliated to the same silsila, Sufi orders as organizations are usually independent of each other or connected only loosely. So it is a misunderstanding that there are orders whichorganize local subsidiary organizations. In other words, for example, it is not the generic Qādirī
order but the individual Qādirī orders that exist. In addition, the definition of ‘order’ itself which
distinguishes it from the more primitive form of Sufi circles is also ambiguous. So the validity ofconsideration in the emergence or origin of Sufi orders depends entirely on its definition. However,evident Sufi orders had already been formed in the pre-tarīqa period perhaps even in its narrowest
definition.
For example, the followers of the famous 10-11th centuries Hurāsānian Sufi Abū Sa‘īd b. Abī
˘al-Hayr were well organized. Leadership of the order was succeeded by descendants of the founder,
˘just like most of the later Sufi orders.20) The solidity of the way of succession is to be regarded as arequisite for continuous organizations.
Furthermore, the order had branch orders:

When Šayh (i.e. Abū Sa‘īd) came back from Nīšāpūr to Mayhana, he gave his green woolen
˘garment to this Šayh Bū Naṣr and said, “You should go back to your homeland and put up our flag
˘
there.” Šayh Bū Naṣr stood up and came to Širwān following Šayh’s instruction. He built there˘˘a hānqāh, which still exists and is known by his name. [Muhammad b. Munawwar 1376š./1997:˘
134]Šayh Bū ‘Amr spent three days and nights with our Šayh. Then he asked permission to return˘˘and visit to the Holy Place and the presence of Šayhs. Our Šayh said, “You should go to Bušhiwān.
˘˘˘19) For example, Baldick [1989: 73-74] rejects the usage of ‘order’ in comparison with Christian monastic orders.
20) For his family, see [Meier 1976: 384-402, 517-525]. For the heredity in Sufi orders in general, see [Yajima 2005].

11

Asian and African Area Studies, 7 (1)You are our deputy in the region. ... When he reached Bušhiwān, there was—and now there is his
˘hānqāh—a chamber which had already been converted into a hānqāh. Šayh Bū ‘Amr settled in the˘˘˘hānqāh. People of Bušhiwān and region of Nasā came and came together to him. [Muhammad b.
˘˘
Munawwar 1376š./1997: 154]

The spread and development through branch orders like this is typical of tarīqas as Sufi orders.
The order even had stipulated regulations:

Our Šayh said to Bū Bakr Mu’addib, “Stand up and bring me an ink bottle and paper so that˘
I may tell you some of the rules and practice of the members of the hānqāh.” When the ink bottle˘and paper were brought, our Šayh said, “Write as follows: ‘Know that in the practice and rules of˘
the members of the hānqāh there are ten duties which they should impose upon themselves follow˘
ing the custom of the People of the Bench (Aṣhāb-i ṣuffa). ... Firstly, they should keep their clothes
clean. ... Secondly, they should sit in places or spots properly. ... Thirdly, they should performprayers together at the beginning time. ... Fourthly, they should perform prayers in the night. ...
Fifthly, they should perform a lot of asking forgiveness and invocation. ... Sixthly, they should
recite the Qur’ān as much as possible in the dawn and not talk until the sun rises. ... Seventhly,
they should be occupied in wird and dikr between the night prayer and going to bed. ... Eighthly,ˉthey should receive the needy, the weak, and anyone who participated with them and take on theirburden. ... Ninethly, they should not eat anything without sitting together. ... Tenthly, they should
not leave without permission of each other.’ ” [Muhammad b. Munawwar 1376š./1997: 316-317]

Although the existence of regulations is sometimes regarded as a criterion of the emergence of
tarīqas [Baldick 1989: 74-75; Knysh 2000: 175-176], it is noteworthy that stipulated regulations did
exist in the Sufi organization in the pre-tarīqa period.
Thus a Sufi organization which can fairly be regarded as an ‘order’ had been already formed in
the pre-tarīqa period. A similar organization was formed also by Ahmad of Ǧām (d. 1141) and his
descendants.21) Meanwhile, the contribution of the alleged founders of tarīqas to the organization ofcontinuous orders is doubtful. It is not beyond dispute whether ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Ǧīlānī actuallyorganized Sufis or not, and even whether he was really a Sufi.22) Although it is indisputable that Naǧmal-dīn Kubrá instructed many Sufis at his native Hwārazm and his disciples retained the Kubrawī˘21) For the organization of Ahmad of Ǧām and his descendants, see [Ando 1994].
22) For the dispute, see [Knysh 2000: 183].

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YAJIMA: The Origins of Tarīqas

silsila in Central Asia and Iran, there is no evidence that his organization in Hwārazm survived his
˘death.23) Therefore the ‘founders’ of tarīqas cannot be regarded either as the founders of orders or as
the inventors of the style of Sufi order.

4. Formation of Identity
As described above, by the times of the ‘founders’ of tarīqas the principal elements of tarīqas was
already in existence and there was no essential change in them before and after that period. Therefore the emergence of tarīqas is to be regarded not as the invention of a new style of Sufism but as theintegration of existing elements and their fixation. In addition, the ambiguity of the contribution ofthe ‘founders’ to the formation of tarīqas suggests that their substantial foundation was done by later
Sufis gradually. These processes were at the same time the formation of the identity of tarīqas.
Sufis formed the identity of their tarīqa by distinguishing themselves from others. In the Sufi
literature composed in the early formative period of tarīqas their consciousness of distinction isfrequently observed. Naǧm al-dīn Kubrá says with confidence, “The number of the ways to God
is the same as that of human spirits. Our way which we are about to explain is the nearest way toGod” [Naǧm al-dīn Kubrá (in Molé 1963): 15]. However, such confidence was not always expressed
openly, and most Sufis were cautious when they declared the superiority of their own tarīqas.
For instance, Bahǧat al-’asrār of al-Šattanawfī (d. 1314), the earliest biographical work on ‘Abdal-Qādir al-Ǧīlānī, says:

al-Šayh Muhyī al-dīn ‘Abd al-Qādir was asked, “If someone regards himself as yours but
˘
does not take your hand24) nor wear the hirqa for you, is he regarded as one of your followers?”
˘
He answered, “Although it is an unpleasant way, God accepts and forgives the man who joins tome and regards himself as mine. He is regarded as one of my followers. My Lord promised methat my followers, the people of my teaching (madhabī) and everybody who loves me will enterˉParadise.” [Šattanawfī 1330/1912: 100-101]

Thus, while compulsory affiliation is avoided, the superiority of his tarīqa is still insisted.
Similar ambivalent modesty is also found in a treatise of Ibn ‘Atā’ Allāh (d. 1309), one of the earlyŠādilī masters:ˉ23) Naǧm al-dīn Kubrá is said to have been martyred in the Mongol invasion. The legendary story of his martyrdom
itself is dubious but it is presumable that the disorder brought by the Mongols damaged his organization.
24) In Sufi terminology the phrase ‘to take someone’s hand’ means the formal acceptance of the šayh as a guide.
˘

13

Asian and African Area Studies, 7 (1)His (i.e. Abū al-Hasan al-Šādilī’s) way (tarīq) is that of supreme richness and great attainment.
ˉHe used to say, “The master doesn’t seek your obedience (taba‘). The master seeks your relief.”
Under his hands grew Maġribians such as Abū al-Hasan al-S ̣iqqilī who was a great faithful
person as well as ‘Abd Allāh al-Habībī who was a great saint. ... His tarīqa is connected to al-Šayh˘‘Abd al-Salām b. Mašīš. And al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Salām is connected to al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Rahmān al˘˘Madanī, then one-by-one to al-Hasan b. ‘Alī b. Abī Tālib. [Ibn ‘Atā’ Allāh 1413/1992-3: 90-91]

Thus among the claims of the superiority of the Šādilī tarīqa, abstention from seeking obedienceˉfrom its disciples is inserted. In declaring the superiority of their own tarīqas such restraints seemto have been needed. On the contrary, open confidence would have been disliked. In a collection ofsayings of ‘Alā’ al-dawla Simnānī (d. 1336), a famous Kubrawī master, the following complaint of
one of his disciples is mentioned:

A darwīš began to tell a story about Šayh S ̣afī al-dīn who was in Ardabīl and said, “He˘
is compelling us to stay there, always recruiting students and boasting of the abundunce of his
disciples. He says, ‘No one else but me is the master. Everyone must come here to receive my
instruction.’ ” The master (i.e. Simnānī) said, “Our period is a strange one. I have been always
seeking news of him and they say that he directs disciples to eat halāl food and to do dikr of God.
ˉ
Because of these two ways I favor him.” [Siǧistānī 1366š./1987-8: 132]

S ̣afī al-dīn of Ardabīl (d. 1334), whose tarīqa grew into the S ̣afavid dynasty about two centuries
later, is regarded as blameworthy for his arrogance and exclusiveness. Although Simnānī speaks in
defence of S ̣afī al-dīn for his compensatory virtues instead of criticizing him, S ̣afī al-dīn’s exclusionary policy itself was certainly regarded as undesirable.
At first glance these passages seem to be evidence that Sufis at that time weren’t so exclusionary
about the affiliation of their disciples, but their negative attitude to sectarianism itself suggests thatsuch a tendency was prevalent among the Sufis of the day. Rather, sectarianism was so prevalentthat criticism of it was just a suitable expression of their sincerity. Somewhat paradoxically, the antiexclusionary attitude itself was a method of distinguishing themselves exclusively from other selfishly
exclusive tarīqas. Although such a subtle interpretation of sources may not be beyond dispute, it is inany case undeniable that Sufis at that time were strongly conscious of tarīqas other than their own. It
is nothing other than the manifestation of the identity of the tarīqas.
In addition, the veneration of the spiritual ancestors, especially the alleged founders, also
14

YAJIMA: The Origins of Tarīqas

seems to have contributed to forming the identity of tarīqas. No ‘founder’ of a tarīqa has notbeen venerated as a saint. Sufis have honored their spiritual ancestors through their mausolea andhagiographies. Rituals dedicated to the founders were significant practices of most tarīqas and could
be more effective in forming their identity than the doctrines which, as mentioned above, did nothave distinct originality and consistency. The baseless or quasi-baseless attribution of the foundership to the ‘founders’ should be comprehended in this context. Moreover, the ‘benefit (baraka)’of the founders as saints could appear more attractive than the Sufi teachings of the tarīqas. The
Badawiyya (or Ahmadiyya) typically depends on the veneration of its eponymous founder Ahmad alBadawī of Tantā (d. 1276) as its attraction.
The silsilas, schools and organizations in the pre-tarīqa period had also given identity to Sufis
in some degree but neither strictly, nor continuously. As the concept of tarīqa emerged, the identity
converged around tarīqas integrating the existing elements, and it became popular for Sufis to regard
themselves as belonging to certain tarīqas. The significance of the emergence of tarīqas in the historyof Sufism was in the role of identifying units of Sufis.

Conclusion
The principal elements of tarīqas have their origins in the pre-tarīqa period, namely, as far as attested
by sources, in the 10th and 11th centuries. The emergence of tarīqas was not an innovation but asuccession, or at best, a promotion of the elements. Most alleged founders of tarīqas themselves
played no substantial role in the formation of the tarīqas. A more significant role of the ‘founders’
was that of the core of the identity of tarīqas which were formed later. The early tarīqas were formed
not by the ‘founders’ at one time but gradually by Sufis who identified themselves as their successors.
The process was not only the formation of individual tarīqas but also that of the concept of tarīqa
itself. So the identity, which was attached to the existing elements, is to be regarded as yet another‘origin’ of tarīqas.
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