TAED JISS

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ISSN: 2822-3829 • e-ISSN: 2822-4515

SAHİBİ / OWNER
Üsküdar Üniversitesi Adına
A. Furkan Tarhan – Üsküdar Üniversitesi Mütevelli Heyeti Başkanı
– Chairman of the Board of Trustees, Üsküdar University
ONURSAL EDİTÖR / HONORARY EDITOR
Prof. Dr. K. Nevzat Tarhan – Üsküdar Üniversitesi Kurucu Rektörü, Yönetim Üst Kurulu Başkanı– President, Üsküdar University
SORUMLU YAZI İŞLERİ MÜDÜRÜ / EXECUTIVE EDITOR
Elif Erhan, Üsküdar Üniversitesi Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul, TürkiyeYAZIŞMA ADRESİ / CORRESPONDENCE ADDRESS
Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü
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Tel: 212 400 22 22 - Dahili: 2851/2857
E-posta: taed@uskudar.edu.tr, jiss@uskudar.edu.tr
Web adresi: https://jissjournal.com, https://jissjournal.com/en
https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/taed, https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/taed
YAYINCI / PUBLISHER
Üsküdar Üniversitesi
SEKRETERYA / SECRETERIALÖzge Mustafaoğlu, Dicle FilizGRAFİK TASARIM / GRAPHIC & DESIGN
Hümanur Bağlı
REDAKSİYON / PROOFREADING
Aslı YıldırımDİZGİ / TYPESETTING
Bülent Tellan
Yayın Türü: Yaygın Süreli
Publication Type: Periodical
Dergide yer alan yazılardan ve aktarılan görüşlerden yazarlar sorumludur.
Authors bear responsibility for the content of their published articles.
Yayın dili Türkçe ve İngilizcedir.
The publication languages of the journal are Turkish and English.
Mayıs ve Kasım aylarında, yılda iki sayı olarak yayımlanan uluslararası,
hakemli, açık erişimli ve bilimsel bir dergidir.
This is a scholarly, international, peer-reviewed and open-access journal
published biannually in May and November.

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CILT/VOLUME: 3 • SAYI/NUMBER: 1 • MAYIS/MAY 2024
ISSN: 2822-3829 • e-ISSN: 2822-4515

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIESDERGİ YAYIN KURULU / EDITORIAL BOARD

SORUMLU YAZI İŞLERI MÜDÜRÜ / EXECUTIVE EDITOR
Elif ERHANÜsküdar Üniversitesi Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul, TürkiyeEDİTÖRLER / EDITORIAL BOARD
Reşat ÖNGÖREN
Üsküdar Üniversitesi Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul, Türkiye
Emine YENİTERZİ
Üsküdar Üniversitesi Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul, TürkiyeDANIŞMA KURULU
Muhammed BEDİRHAN, İstanbul Medeniyet Üniversitesi, İstanbul, Türkiye
William C. CHITTICK, Stony Brook Üniversitesi, New York, ABD
Miriam COOKE, Braxton Craven, Duke Üniversitesi, Durham, ABD
Carl W. ERNST, North Carolina Üniversitesi, Chapel Hill, ABD
Nurettin GEMİCİ, İstanbul Üniversitesi, Türkiye
Kenan GÜRSOY, İstanbul, Türkiye
Mustafa KARA, Bursa, Türkiye
Mahmud Erol KILIÇ, Üsküdar Üniversitesi, İstanbul, Türkiye
Bruce LAWRENCE, Marcus Family Humanities, Duke Üniversitesi, Durham, ABD
James MORRIS, Boston Koleji, Chestnut Hill, ABD
Sachiko MURATA, Stony Brook Üniversitesi, New York, ABD
Ahmet Murat ÖZEL, İstanbul Medeniyet Üniversitesi, İstanbul, Türkiye
Mohammed RUSTOM, Carleton Üniversitesi, Ottawa, Kanada
Omid SAFI, Duke Üniversitesi, Durham, ABD
Oya İklil SELÇUK, Özyeğin Üniversitesi, İstanbul, Türkiye
Baha TANMAN, İstanbul, Türkiye
Yasushi TONAGA, Kyoto Üniversitesi, Kyoto, Japonya
Tu WEIMING, Pekin Üniversitesi, ÇinDİL EDITÖRÜ (İNGİLİZCE) / LANGUAGE EDITOR (ENGLISH)
Aslı YILDIRIM
Üsküdar Üniversitesi Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul, Türkiyev

TAED JISSTASAVVUF
ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ
DERGİSİJOURNAL OF THE
INSTITUTE FORSUFISTUDIES

CILT/VOLUME: 3 • SAYI/NUMBER: 1 • MAYIS/MAY 2024
ISSN: 2822-3829 • e-ISSN: 2822-4515

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIESİÇİNDEKİLER / TABLE OF CONTENTS

Editörden
From the EditorReşat Öngören.............................................................................................................................................. xAraştırma Makaleleri / Research Articles
Ibn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and DebatesÇağdaş İran’da İbn Arabî: Bazı Akım ve Tartışmalar
Taha ABDOLLAHI-SOHI......................................................................................................................... 3
Dhikr in Islamic Sufism A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya
Kübreviyye Tarîkati Özelinde Tasavvufta Zikr
Sepideh AFRASHTEH............................................................................................................................. 20
Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesisİbn ‘Acîbe’nin Kur’ân Tefsirinde Kozmik Öznellik
Mariya GOLOVACHEVA......................................................................................................................... 36
Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj
Mevlânâ Celâleddîn-i Rûmî ve Sultân Veled’in Hallâc-ı Mansûr’a Dâir Görüşleri
Kie INOUE................................................................................................................................................. 54Rûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin Sûfîlerin Şatahâtını Meşrûlaştırma Çabası:
Kur’ân-ı Kerîm, Hadis ve Sahâbe Sözlerinde “Şatahât”
Rūzbihān al-Baqlī’s Effort to Legitimize the Shaṭaḥāt of the Sūfīs:“Shaṭaḥāt” in the Holy Qur’ān, Hadīth and Sayings of the Companions
Adem URHAN........................................................................................................................................... 68

viii

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TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIESDiğer Özgün veya Derleme Makale ve Yazılar / Other Types of Articles and Essays
Vefatının 70. Yılında Remzi Oğuz Arık (1899-1954)
Remzi Oğuz Arık on the 70th Anniversary of His Passing
Mustafa KARA.......................................................................................................................................... 85
Horasan İrfanını Anadolu’ya Ulaştıran Kaynak Eserlerden Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî
Manāqib e Sheikh Zāhed Gilānī: A Treatise That Brought ‘irfān Tradition from Khorasan to Anatolia
Namiq MUSALI......................................................................................................................................... 98
Responsive and Responsible Mutuality between the Human Self and Her Ecosystem:
A Perspective of Spiritual Humanism
Benlik ve Ekosistem Arasındaki Duyarlı ve Sorumlu Karşılıklılık:Mânevî Hümanist Bir Yaklaşım
Jian Bao WANG....................................................................................................................................... 110

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TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIESEDİTÖRDEN

TAED’in beşinci sayısında, tasavvufun temel kaynakları ve kavramları hakkındaki çalışmalarla birlikte günümüz ilim meclislerinde tartışılan yeni söylemler yer almaktadır. Beşaraştırma makalesi ve üç özgün derlemeden oluşan bu sayının ilk yazısı Tahran Üniversitesi İlahiyat ve İslam Araştırmaları Fakültesinde doktora çalışmalarını sürdüren Taha
Abdollahi-Sohi’ye ait. Yazar makalesinde İran’daki mevcut İbn Arabî takipçileri ile muhaliflerinden oluşan grupları ve özgün tutumlarıyla dikkat çeken diğer akımları tanıtıyor.
İkinci makale Kyoto’daki Otani Üniversitesinde doktora sonrası araştırmalar yürüten Dr.
Sepideh Afrashteh tarafından kaleme alındı. Araştırmacı yazısında Kübreviyye tarîkatinde uygulanan zikrin niteliği hakkında bilgi verirken, İslam tasavvufunda zikrin rolüve önemi üzerinde de duruyor. Bir sonraki yazıda ise İbn Haldun Üniversitesi Medeniyetler İttifakı Enstitüsünde doktora öğrencisi olan Mariya Golovacheva, İbn ‘Acîbe’nin
el-Bahrü’l-Medîd adlı tefsirinde, Kur’an’ın kozmosu canlı ve bilen bir varlık olarak ele
almasıyla ortaya çıkan öznelliği inceliyor. Bu sayının dördüncü makalesi Tokyo’da MeijiÜniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesinden Dr. Kie Inoue’ye ait. Yazar, Mevlânâ Celâleddîn-iRûmî ve oğlu Sultân Veled’in, tasavvuf tarihinde her zaman ilgiye mazhar olan Hallâc-ıMansur hakkındaki düşüncelerini mukayeseli bir okumayla ele alıyor. Sayının son araştırma makalesi Erzurum Atatürk Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesinden Dr. Adem Urhan
tarafından hazırlandı. Makale, Ruzbihân-ı Baklî’nin âyet, hadis ve sahâbe sözleri ile sufilerin şatahat kabul edilen bazı sözlerine dair yapmış olduğu yorumları konu edinmektedir.
Beşinci sayının özgün derleme niteliğindeki yazılarından ilki Uludağ Üniversitesinden
emekli Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kara tarafından yazıldı. Makalede Türk münevveri RemziOğuz Arık’ın özellikle yaşamının son dönemlerinde toplumun kültürel anlamda kalkınması yönünde yürüttüğü çalışmalar anlatılıyor. Bu bölümün ikinci makalesi KastamonuÜniversitesi İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesinden Prof. Dr. Namiq Musalı’ya ait.
Araştırmacı, yeni bulduğu ve Horasan irfanını Anadolu’ya ulaştıran kaynak eserlerdenbiri olarak tanımladığı Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî hakkında bilgi veriyor. Bu sayıda-x

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TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

ki son yazı ise Pekin’deki Cheung Kong İşletme Okulu Direktörü Dr. Jian Bao Wang’ınçağdaş Neo-Konfüçyüsçülükten doğan “mânevî hümanizm” söylemi hakkında. Yazar,
makalede, insan merkezli hümanizmden ziyade ‘rûhânî’ temellere dayalı bir hümanizm
söylemini çevre ve insan ilişkileri açısından ele alıyor.
Bu vesile ile, dergiye katkı sunan bütün araştırmacılara gönülden teşekkür ediyorum.
Prof. Dr. Reşat Öngören

xi

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TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIESFROM THE EDITOR

The fifth issue of the Journal of the Institute for Sufi Studies (JISS) includes studies on
the fundamental sources and concepts of Sufism, as well as new discourses that are currently being discussed by scholars. This issue consists of five research articles and three
original reviews, which are not subject to peer-review process. The first research article
is authored by Taha Abdollahi-Sohi, currently pursuing his PhD studies at the Faculty of
Theology and Islamic Studies at Tehran University. In his article, he presents an overview
of the various groups of followers and opponents of Ibn ‘Arabī in Iran, as well as other
trends that have developed distinctive positions. The second article was written by Dr.
Sepideh Afrashteh, a postdoctoral researcher at Otani University in Kyoto. In her article,
she provides information about the nature of dhikr practiced in the Kubrawiyya order, as
well as the role and importance of dhikr in Islamic mysticism. The next article by Mariya Golovacheva, a PhD student at the Ibn Khaldun University Institute for the Allianceof Civilizations, examines the authentic approach of the Qur’ān, treating the cosmos asa living and knowing entity within Ibn ‘Ajība’s exegesis al-Baḥr al-Madīd. The fourth
article belongs to Dr. Kie Inoue from the Faculty of Literature at Meiji University inTokyo. In her wok, she presents a comparative reading on the thoughts of Mawlānā Jalālal-Dīn al-Rūmī and his son Sulṭān Walad on Hallāj al-Manṣūr, a figure whose historicalimportance has attracted considerable attention in the history of Sufism. The last research
article of the issue was authored by Dr. Adem Urhan from Erzurum Atatürk University
Faculty of Theology. The article deals with Ruzbihān al-Baqlī’s interpretations on the
Quranic verses, hadīths, sayings of the Companions and some of the expressions of Sufis
that are considered shaṭaḥāt.
The first of the original review articles of the fifth issue was written by Mustafa Kara,a retired professor from Uludağ University. The article describes the efforts of the Turkish intellectual Remzi Oğuz Arık, especially during the latter stages of his life to foster
cultural growth and advancement within society. The second article in this section is byProfessor Namiq Musalı from Kastamonu University Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. The researcher provides information about his newly discovered Manāqibal-Sheikh Zāhid al- Gilānī, which he describes as one of the primary sources that intro-xii

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TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

duced the wisdom of Khorāsān to Anatolia. The final article in this issue belongs to Dr.
Jian Bao Wang, Director of Cheung Kong Business School in Beijing, on the discourseof “spiritual humanism” emerging from contemporary Neo-Confucianism. In the article,
the author discusses a type of humanism based on ‘spiritual’ rather than anthropocentricin terms of environment and human relations.
Hereby, I would like to express my gratitude to all the researchers who have contributed
to the Journal.

Professor Reşat ÖngörenxiiiAraştırma Makaleleri
Research Articles

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TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

Ibn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and Debatess*Çağdaş İran’da İbn Arabî: Bazı Akım ve Tartışmalar
Taha ABDOLLAHI-SOHI**

Abstract
Iran’s historical and complicated social situation has led to diverse attitudes toward Sufism and interpretations of Ibn ʿArabī’s legacy. Many of Ibn ʿArabī’s prominent followers and commentators were originallyfrom Iran; however, many of his notable opponents were also from Iran. These two historical currents offollowers and opponents of Ibn ʿArabī are still quite alive. Other currents with unique attitudes toward Ibn
ʿArabī also have been established recently in Iran. In this article, different attitudes towards Ibn ʿArabī incontemporary Iran are presented and contextualized. Attitudes represent not only the scholarly tendenciesof Iranian academics and Islamic scholars but also their role in forming diverse collective identities.
Keywords: Ibn ʿArabī, Akbarian tradition, Sufism, Sufism in Iran, Iranian Studies, Sufi Studies.

İran’ın tarihsel ve karışık sosyal durumu, tasavvufa ve İbn Arabî’nin mirasının yorumlanmasına yönelikfarklı tutumların ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. İbn Arabî’nin önde gelen takipçilerinin ve yorumcularının çoğu İran kökenlidir; ancak önemli muhaliflerinin çoğu da yine İranlıdır. İbn Arabî takipçileri ve
I want to express my sincere gratitude to professor Hossein Kamaly, Babak Rajabi, Asli Yildirim and two anonymous reviewers who kindly provided me with useful comments.

**

ORCID: 0009-0006-1698-9855, Graduate Student, University of Tehran, Faculty of Theology and Islamic Studies,E-mail: tahasohi1377@gmail.com.

Received: 04.04.2024

Accepted: 02.05.2024

Published: 30.05.2024

Cite as: Taha Abdollahi-Sohi, “Ibn ‘Arabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and Debates”, Journal of the Institute forSufi Studies 3, 1 (2024): pp. 3-19.
This article is distributed under license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

3

DOİ: 10.32739/ustad.2024.5.58*

Cilt/Volume: 3 • Sayı/Number: 1 • Mayıs/May 2024

ÖzIbn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and Debates

muhaliflerinden oluşan bu iki tarihsel akım hâlâ oldukça canlıdır. Yakın zamanda İran’da İbn Arabî’yeyönelik özgün tutumları olan başka akımlar da ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu makale, çağdaş İran’daki İbn Arabî’yeyönelik farklı tutumları sunmayı ve kavramsallaştırmayı hedeflemektedir. Sözü edilen tutumlar sadeceİranlı akademisyenlerin ve İslam âlimlerinin ilmî eğilimlerini değil, aynı zamanda farklı kolektif kimliklerin oluşumundaki rollerini de temsil etmektedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: İbn Arabî, Ekberî gelenek, tasavvuf, İran’da tasavvuf, İran araştırmaları, tasavvufaraştırmaları.

Introduction

fism. Works of Badīʿ al-Zamān Forūzānfar
(d. 1970), Jalāluddīn Homāyī (d. 1980), andtheir students and colleagues, such as ʿAbdal-Ḥossein Zarrīnkoob (d. 1999)3 broughtsome already well-known Sufis such asJalāluddīn Muḥammad Balkhī Rūmī (d.
1273) and ʿAttār of Nīshāpūr (d. 1221), a
famous Sufi poet, into scholarly attention.

Although several academic studies havebeen published on Sufi Studies in the West,
specifically in North America,1 the current status of Sufi studies, particularly Ibn
ʿArabī studies, in Iran, has been neglectedin academic literature.
This brief study is restricted to a more specific field, that is to say Ibn ʿArabī studies,and to the short period after Iran’s 1979 revolution and so far. Major currents regarding
their contribution to Ibn ʿArabī studies andtheir role in interpreting and opposing him
are considered. I have limited my scope
to some more currently influential figures,
which means that some other figures were
excluded, who are still worth considering.
In addition to studying and contextualizing
some intellectual currents, a hotly debatedpolemic will also be discussed and contextualized, a polemic that plays an extensiverole in forming the Shia mentality concerning Ibn ʿArabī.
The Legacy of Tehran University

These forefathers of the academic study ofSufism at Tehran University were mainly
trained in Persian literature and their prime
objective was critical editing of Persian Sufi
literary works,4 history of Persian literature,
literary criticism, and composing monographs on some Persian Sufi figures. The
legacy of Tehran University’s academics,
their tendency toward critical text editing,their emphasis on the Persianate aspects of
Sufism, and their concentration on the aesthetic elements of Sufism, passed to the next
generation. Among others, these three figures are worth considering due to their undeniable influence on academic Sufi studies
in contemporary Iran.

A scholarly current emerged in the
mid-twentieth century at the University of
Tehran,2 focusing on literary aspects of Su-Moḥammad ʿAlī Movaḥed (b. 1924) is
usually known for his works on Rūmī andShams. Besides The Discourses of Shams

1

2

Columbia University Press, 2018), 168.

Alexander Knysh, “Historiography of Sufi Studies in
the West and in Russia,” Written Monuments of The
Orient, 4 (2006): 206-238; Marcia Hermansen, “TheAcademic Study of Sufism at American Universities,” American Journal of Islam and Society 24, 3(2007):24-45; Atif Khalil & Shiraz Sheikh, “Sufism
in Western Historiography: A Brief Overview,” Philosophy East and West 66, 1(2016): 194-217.

3

Zarrīnkoob is the author of an important book-length
article, among many others, on Persian Sufism.
A. H. Zarrīnkoob, “Persian Sufism in Its Historical
Perspective,” Journal of the Society for Iranian Studies 3, 3-4 (1970): 139-220.

4

Hossein Kamaly, God and Man in Tehran (New York:

4

The modern method of critical manuscript editing
was introduced to Iranian by the late Mohammad
Qazvini (d. 1949).

TAHA ABDOLLAHI-SOHI

al-Tabrīzī (Maqālāt-e Shams-e Tabrīzī),he made a critical edition on Mathnavī. In
2006, an annotated translation and commentary of the first ten chapters of Fuṣūṣ alḤikam was published by Moḥammad ʿAlīMovaḥed in collaboration with his brother,Ṣamad Movaḥed. His translation and comments on Fuṣūṣ have made it more accessible to a wide range of readers. Movaḥed’stranslation starts with a lengthy introduction to Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam, andAkbarian tradition; an introduction which
well-represents his attitude towards Ibn
ʿArabī. Although he does not express sympathy for Ibn ʿArabī and his commentators,
he acknowledges his intellectual character.5

Neglecting Ibn ʿArabī’s enthusiastic poems
and writings,9 he extends his criticism of Ibn
ʿArabī’s language to his followers, whom hecalls “Ibn ʿArabīsts”: “Regretfully writing
in an obscure language […] was the mostconvenient thing that Ibn ʿArabī’s disciples
learned from him.”10Movaḥed’s criticisms fall into two categories. His criticism of Ibn ʿArabī’s hermeneutics is quite accustomed and familiar:“Ibn ʿArabī vacates the texts and quotations
which he cites from every simple and sensible meaning.”6

Kadkanī distinguishes between two typesof Sufism in his writings: Ḫurāsānī12 andIbn ‘Arabī Sufism, a distinction which heconsiders as “the first major contrast”13 in
the history of Sufism: “Ḫurāsānī ʿerfān14 isan aesthetic attitude toward religion; a religion that has both worldly and otherworldly aspects, a religion that has both inward
and outward aspects. But Ibn Arabī’s ʿerfān
is an aesthetic attitude toward a religion,

Nearly the same unsympathetic approach
towards Ibn ʿArabī repeats itself in the writings of Moḥammad-Reżā Shafī‘i Kadkanī (b. 1939), who is perhaps the mostwell-known Persian literature scholar of thetime. He studied at the Mashhad seminary11,
the Ferdowsī and Tehran Universities. His
works are mainly associated with ʿAttār andsome other important Persian poets.

To be more straightforward, Movaḥed holds
that Ibn ʿArabī’s hermeneutics led to the misinterpretation of holy texts, and therefore,
he and his followers put their own words
in the mouth of God and his Prophet.7 Beside questioning Ibn ʿArabī’s hermeneutics,Movaḥed expresses his antipathy towards
Ibn ʿArabī’s language and style by comparing him with one of the most well-known
representatives of Persian Sufism, ʿAṭṭār of
Nīshāpūr: “ʿAṭṭār’s expression, unlike Ibn
ʿArabī, is infused with love and enthusiasm.
Ibn ʿArabī’s problematic praise in Futūḥāt,‘Praise whom he manifested things and heis identical with them’ is insipid, arid, andcold to be just indeed.”85

Ibn ʿArabī, Fūṣūṣ al- Ḥikam, trans. Moḥammad ʿAlīMovaḥed & Ṣamad Movaḥed (Tehran: Kārnāmeh:1400 sh./2021), 111.

6

Ibid., 53.

7

Ibid., 53.

8Ibid., 69.

59Besides numerous poems scattered in his writings,
Ibn ʿArabī’s The Translator of Desires (Tarjumānal-Ashwāq) is notable in this respect, which is a collection of romantic poems. Ibn ʿArabī, The Translatorof Desires, ed. & trans. Michael Sells (Oxfordshire:Princeton University Press, 2021).

10

Ibid., 59.

11

As it will be discussed, the Mashhad seminary is oneof the most important strongholds of anti-philosophers in Iran, one could arguably express that Kadkanī’s tendency towards non-metaphysical aspects of
Sufism rooted in his intellectual background.

12Ḫurāsān is the name of a great region in the north eastof Iran.

13Moḥammad-Reżā Shaf ī‘i Kadkanī, Zabāne sheʿr dar
nashr-e ṣufiyye (Tehran: Soḫan, 1392 sh./2013), 362.

14

The mere transliteration of Persian pronunciation of“ʿirfān” have used intentionally to emphasize that, as
we are going to see, using “taṣawwūf ” is uncommon
among the majority of Iranian academics and evenIbn ʿArabī scholars of seminary.

Ibn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and Debates

which merely cares about the invisible
world […] and neglects the human world
thoroughly.”15

for reason, human will, and human agency. [Ibn ʿArabi’s] ʿerfān is a limitless collection of wordplays; it is a ʿerfān which
its followers can watch thousands ofyouths and olds be slaughtered and thenexplicate that: ‘it was the manifestationof God’s one-onlyness (aḥadiyya) as thename of avenger (qahhār) […] or othernonsenses which a computer can makeup a billion of them.18

The question is not whether this dichotomy,
which will be discussed more, is valid froma historical perspective, whatever we meanby “validity.” My main consideration here is
the intentionality of this dichotomy and its
role in the formation of Ibn ʿArabī studies
in contemporary Iran.

Much like his elder colleague, he acknowledges the influence of Ibn ʿArabī’s languagein later Sufism as “the most important andthe very last gradation in the language of
Sufism,”19 although he criticizes the Ibn
ʿArabī’s vague language.

The formal and aesthetic dimensions of Sufi
texts play a significant role in Kadkanī’s understanding of Sufism.16 According to him,Ḫurāsānī ʿerfān or Sufism is an “artistic approach to theology or religion,”17 therefore
Western/Akbarian Sufism, which, from his
perspective, lacks artistic or aesthetic value
is dismissed as an absurd or, at best, an irrelevant form of Sufism.

Like the two previous members of thisscholarly current, Nasrollah Pourjavady(b. 1943) concentrates on non-metaphysical20 aspects of Sufism. His scholarly attitude is historical rather than philological and formalistic. Most of Pourjavady’s
deep and vast works concentrate on pre-Ibn‘Arabī Persianate Sufism, which he usuallycalls neo-Ḥallājī Sufism.

Kadkanī criticizes Ibn ʿArabī’s metaphysical approach to Sufism, which, according
to him, results in detachment from everyday life of human beings. This detachmentfrom the human world and tendency toward
the invisible, non-humanly world drives
Ibn ʿArabī’s Sufism toward an obscure andnon-humanly language:

Although he admits the essential role ofFuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam in Sufism, he does nothesitate to question one of the most fundamental claims of Ibn ʿArabī’s in Fuṣūṣ:21Ḫurāsānī ʿerfān offers many values forcontemporary human beings: It reduces
bigotry, it praises unconditional philanthropy, and it extinguishes the fire ofhuman egoism, to relieve its desolater
flames […] But the ʿerfān which is usually presented in Iran […] will corrupt the
Iranian race and will not leave any place
15

Ibid., 519.

16

His formalistic approach towards Sufi texts, and theway in which he considers them as literary devices
is rooted in his enthusiasm for the Russian School offormalism. Moḥammad-Reżā Shaf ī‘i Kadkanī, Rastāḫīz-e Kalamāt (Resurrection of Words: Lectures inthe Literary Theory of Russian Formalists), (Tehran:Soḫan, 1391 sh./2012).

17

Kadkanī, Zabāne sheʿr, 78.

18

Ibid., 99-100.

19

Ibid., 150.

20 The distinction between metaphysical and non-metaphysical aspects of a phenomenon such as Sufism
sounds problematic, since they are quite interconnected.
21

Ibn ʿArabī in his introduction to Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam asserts that he received Fuṣūṣ from Prophet Moḥammad:“I saw God’s Messenger in a vision during the latterpart of the month of Muḥarram in the year 627 (1229)
in Damascus. Seizing in his hand a book, he said tome: ‘This is kitāb Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam; take it and bringit to people so that they might benefit from it. I said:‘I hear and obey God, His Messenger and those inauthority among us as we are commanded.’ Therefore, I implemented the Messenger’s wish with sin-

6

TAHA ABDOLLAHI-SOHI“Ibn ʿArabī’s claim should not deceive us[…] his imagination made up an angel orinvisible messenger, it is not the case thatsomeone dictated him a book […] that is a
literary device which he used.”22

In terms of their presumptions in the study ofSufism, the mentioned scholars are perfectly aligned with the early orientalists who, as
Carl Ernst observes, understood Sufism “asa spiritual movement that reached its apogee during the medieval period of Islamic
history, with its crowning achievement being the brilliant literary productions in Arabic and Persian that became the classics of
the Sufi tradition.”25 Considering the classical period of Sufism, in which the great literary works of Sufism were composed, as
the so-called “golden age” of Sufism,26 roots
in reducing Sufi tradition merely to its literary heritage and neglecting its other cultural
manifestations.

Although Ibn ʿArabī’s claim could be understood and contextualized as a way of representing and asserting a God-given spiritualand epistemic authority, it does not logically follow that the whole story is a fictional
work of Ibn ʿArabī’s creative imagination.
His claim could be true, and at the sametime, it could play a symbolic and epistemicrole in legitimizing his Fuṣūṣ.
Following the same line in demystifying Ibn
ʿArabī, he argues that Ibn ʿArabī was heavily influenced by his primary sources:

This tendency towards monopolizing literary texts as the source of understanding Sufism originated in the background, training,
and intellectual tendencies of the aforementioned scholars. Their mastery, specificallyof the first two figures, in Persian literature
has led them to prioritize Persian sources
over Arabic and others.27 Their emphasison the Persianate manifestations of Sufism,accompanied by so-called non-metaphysical aspects, has led them to a profoundly
critical approach toward Ibn ʿArabī. Thisis because he was neither a Persian speaker or writer, nor was his writing as lucid or
non-metaphysical as that of others.

Ibn ʿArabī, with all his glory, just as anyother authors […] repeated the mistakesof his sources, and sometimes becauseof relaying on unreliable copies, he added some mistakes to the mistakes of his
sources […] besides quoting these mistakes, he tried to justify those mistakes
by fantasizing about them.23
As he put forward, Ibn ʿArabī’s works arerooted in prior Sufi texts. Therefore, they are
not rooted in his mystical visions to someextent. Much like the two abovementioned
scholars, he criticizes Ibn ʿArabi’s language
and terms as arid and uninspired.24
cere intention and pure aim and aspiration and madethis book manifest as God’s Messenger determined
without increase or decrease.” (Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ alḤikam, trans. Binyamin Abrahamov (Oxon: Routledge, 2015), 14.)
22 The transcription of his speech about Movaḥed’stranslation of Fuṣūṣ is published at the end toMowaḥed’s translation. See Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ alḥikam, 731.
23

Nasrollah Pourjavady, “Seyre Iṣtelāḥāte Ṣuf īyan az‘Nahj al-Ḫāṣe Abumanṣūr Iṣfehānī tā Futūhāte Ibn
ʿArabī,” Maʿāref 48 (1999): 51.

24 Nasrollah Pourjavady, Qūt-e Del wa Nūše Jān (Tehran: Nashr-e Now, 2019), 349.

725Carl Ernst, It’s Not Just Academic! Essays on Sufism
and Islamic Studies (Tamil Nadu: Sage, 2018), 391.

26

Kadkanī expresses: “With the decline of language(i.e. literally value of texts) in Sufi works, Sufis’ spiritually declined […] it’s quite ridiculous to assert thata Sufi had an elevated spiritual status, but his literarylanguage is lacking creativity and passion […] as Sufi
texts indicate from 12-13th centuries and so on thereis nearly nothing new in Sufism.” (Kadkanī, Zabāne,245-6, 261)

27

As Ernst justly asserts: “The study of Sufism alsotended to privilege the ‘classical’ sources in Arabic
and Persian over the ‘folk’ manifestations of Sufism
in Turkish, Urdu, and other.” (Ernst, It’s Not Just Academic, 392) In the case of mentioned scholars, even
Arabic sources usually stands out of their scope.

Ibn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and Debates

Dividing Sufism into two geographical parts
as Eastern/Ḫurāsānī Sufism and Western/
Akbarian Sufism, ends up neglecting theaesthetic aspect of Western/Akbarian Sufism and on the other hand the metaphysicaldimension of so-called Eastern/Ḫurāsānī
Sufism.

should be considered.”29Ṭāher-Zādeh, after studying geology, fell
under the influence of Ruhollah Khomeini(d. 1989), and he studied Islamic sciences,
specifically theoretical mysticism (ʿerfān-enaẓarī)30 and Islamic philosophy, on his
own. Composing more than 70 books, nearly
half of which are concerned with Iran’s revolution and the West, and giving lectures ona weekly basis have made Ṭāher-Zādeh themost active and famous intellectual heir ofAḥmad Fardīd (d. 1994) in Iran. Ṭāher-Zādeh blended Fardīd’s legacy, which was afusion of Martin Heidegger’s philosophy
and Ibn ʿArabī’s philosophical Sufism, andhis discourse of Westoxication,31 with his
deep sympathy for Iran’s 1979 revolution,
which he ([i.e.,] Ṭāher-Zādeh) considers“the Reality of this epoch” and “self-disclosure of the Being.”32

It should be clear by now that my intention
is not to show that these simplistic dichotomies (classical/non-classical, Eastern/Western) are invalid from a historical perspective, which I think actually are. I intended
to emphasize the function and role of thesedichotomies in contextualizing scholars’
understanding of Sufism and Ibn ʿArabī. In
contemporary Iran, Ibn ʿArabī is the subjectof not only the academic attention but also
non-scholarly intentions.
An Ideological Return to Ibn ʿArabī

Using Ibn ʿArabī’s ʿerfān, Ṭāher-Zādeh intends to pass from the state of Westoxication, which “is ignorance of West’s essence,an ignorance which ends up in self-alienation,”33 and return to Islam, an Islam which
manifested in Khomeini, who is “the holy
intellect of the contemporary epoch.”34 A
return which is “nor possible with Salafism

The need to form a whole new Islamic identity and legitimize Iran’s 1979 revolution
brought some neglected dimensions of Islamic culture to the attention of ideologues.
As Kamaly put forward: “After the 1979
revolution, ʿerfān provided a framework
for legitimizing the modern nation-state [ofIran].”28 A nation-state whose opposing withthe “West” is an essential part of its identity.
Among many ideologues of the Islamic
Republic of Iran, Aṣġar Ṭāher-Zādeh (b.
1951) is considerable for his deep compassion with Ibn ʿArabī, as he is the only
ideologue in favor of Iran’s revolution who
wrote a commentary on Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam. In
challenging the “West,” which, according toṬāher-Zādeh, represents humanism and materialism, he relies on the mystical dimension of Islam: “The ʿerfān of Ibn ʿArabī candeliver us from modernity. In encounteringwith West and returning to Islam, ʿerfān

29Aṣġar Ṭaher-Zadeh, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam (Isfahan:
Lobb al-Mīzān, 1399 sh./2020), 10-11.

30

Philosophical Sufism is usually called ʿerfān-enaẓarī (theoretical mysticism) in Iran.

31

For Aḥmad Fardīd and his discourse and legacy, see
Ali Mirsepassi, Iran’s Troubled Modernity; Debating Ahmad Fardid’s Legacy (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2019).

32Aṣġar Ṭaher-Zadeh, Gūsh Sepurdan be Nedaye
Bī-ṣedaye Enqelābe Islāmī (Isfahan: Lobb al-Mīzān,1398 sh./2019), 23-24.

33Aṣġar Ṭaher-Zadeh, Enqelābe Islāmī va Jahāne
Gom-shode (Isfahan: Lobb al-Mīzān, 1399 sh./2020),
40.

34 Aṣġar Ṭaher-Zadeh, Sulūk zeyl shaḫṣīyaat emam
Khomeini (Isfahan: Lobb al-Mīzān, 1390 sh./2011),
55.

28 Kamaly, God and Man, 172.

8

TAHA ABDOLLAHI-SOHI

and neither with following the West”35 butwith considering Ibn ʿArabī’s ʿerfān.

it should be emphasized that although thegovernment somehow supports them, they
are still the minority in the Shia seminary,and the currents against Sufism and philosophy, as will be discussed, have the upper
hand.

Ideologizing Ibn ʿArabī to create an Islamic and anti-Western identity contrasts withthe tendency of some scholars to form an“Iranian” identity.36 It’s considerable to notethat both currents use Ibn ʿArabī in making
identities: Ṭāher-Zādeh by ideologizing him
and using his language and terms, the latter,Movaḥed and Kadkanī, by underestimating
and neglecting him.37

In addition to some books and treatises ontheoretical and practical mysticism based on
Ibn ʿArabī’s Sufism,40 Khomeini expressed
his sympathy for Ibn ʿArabī in his lectures
on Surat al-Fātiḥa,41 courses which werebroadcasted by Iran’s official national television; the lectures stopped after five sessions at the request of some of Mashhad’sʿulamā. In addition to his lectures, his acknowledgment of Ibn ʿArabī is evident in
his letter to Mikhail Gorbachev.42

Continuity of Akbarian Tradition: Ibn
ʿArabī in Iran’s Shia Seminaries

Although Shia seminaries of Iran have beenanti-Sufi strongholds, specifically after the
Safavid era,38 the deep compassion of Iran’s
1979 revolution leader, Ruhollah Khomeini with Ibn ʿArabī, and Seyed MuḥammadḤusein Ṭabāṭabāī’s (d. 1981) efforts inteaching Islamic philosophy and mysticism,
constructed a circle in the Shia seminary of
Qom which somehow supported unofficially Iran’s government as well.39 However,35Aṣġar Ṭaher-Zadeh, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ, p 12.

36Ṭaher-Zadeh’s ideological return to Ibn ʿArabī could
be contextualized in the terms of the efforts of Iran’sstate in constructing so-called Islamic humanities
versus Western humanities, which is considered as apart and parcel of establishing a grand Islamic civilization.

37

The tradition of teaching and learning Akbarian works constructed a chain of ʿerfānmasters in Iran, specifically in Isfahan andTehran and then in Qom.43 The characteristic of these ʿerfān teachers was theirmastery on Islamic philosophy, paticularlyon the transcendental philosophy of MūllāṢadrā and the writings of later followers of
Ibn ʿArabī. There is not a clear distinction
between philosophy and ʿerfān, and subfinancially promoted by Iran’s government.
40 Besides, he composed super-commentaries on Fuṣūṣ
al- Ḥikam and Fanārī’s Miṣbāh al-Uns.

It is notable that this phenomenon was accrued inIndian Subcontinent too, where opposing Ibn ʿArabī,by emphasizing on Sirhindī, used to fulfil a growing sense of Muslim ideological considerations. (SeeWilliam C. Chittick, “Waḥdat al-wujūd in India,” Ishraq: Islamic Philosophy Yearbook, 3 (2012): 29-40.)

38

As Asghari and others point out: “the post-Safavid
inclination of the Shīʿī seminaries has been officiallydominated by opponents of Sufism.” (Seyyed Amir
Hossein Asghari, “Replacing Sharīʿa, Ṭarīqa andḤaqīqa with Fiqh, Akhlāq and Tawḥīd,” Journal of
Sufi Studies, 9 (2020): 203.)

39

In efforts to legitimizing Iran’s state founded numerous institutions in the past 40 years in Iran. Take
Imam Khomeini Education and Research Instituteas way of example, which was founded by Moḥammad-Taqī Meṣbaḥ-Yazdī (d. 2021), an institute which

941

For study of Khomeini and his reception of Sufism,
see Alexander Knysh, “‘Irfān’ Revisited: Khomeiniand the Legacy of Islamic Mystical Philosophy,” Middle East Journal 46, 4 (1992): 631-653.

42“I will not tire you further by mentioning the worksof mystics, in particular Muhyi’d-Din ibn al-`Arabi.
If you wish to make yourself acquainted with thedoctrines of this celebrated mystic, send a numberof your brilliant scholars, who are well-versed in thisfield, to Qum so that, by reliance on God, they may
glimpse the depth of the delicate stages of gnosis after a couple of years. It would be impossible for themto acquire this knowledge without making such ajourney.” (http://emam.com/posts/view/4129)

43

For a study of some of key figures of this tradition,
see Reza Pourjavady, Philosophy in Qajar Iran(Leiden: Brill, 2018).

Ibn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and DebatesṬabāṭabāī’s tendency toward Ibn ʿArabī
and Islamic philosophy passed through his
students, specifically Ḥassan Ḥassan-Zādeh Āmolī (d. 2021) and ʿAbdollāh JavādīĀmolī (b. 1933), to the next generation.
Nowadays, most distinguished ʿerfān andphilosophy teachers of Qom Seminary are
their students.

sequently between a philosopher and ‘āref(gnostic) in this tradition. It sounds surprising but the writings of Ibn ʿArabī himself
has been scarcely read in Iran, he is rather
known through the works of his later followers such as Dāwūd Qayṣarī’s commentary on Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam, which provides ahighly philosophical account of Ibn ʿArabī’s
Sufism. Notably, this integration between
philosophy and Sufism is also manifested in
the later history of this tradition.

Metaphysical discussions are still pretty
alive and hotly debated even in 21st-century Iran’s seminaries.48 The aforementioned
current should not be regarded as an academic phenomenon; rather, it should be considered as a continuation of a long-standing
tradition within the field of philosophy,
commonly referred to as ‘philosophical Sufism, Sufism of Ibn ʿArabī followers such as
Qūnawī (d. 1274), Kashānī (d. 1335), andQayṣarī (d. 1350). The essential characteristic of this current is their philosophical attitude towards Ibn ʿArabī.

Seyed Muḥammad Ḥusein Ṭabāṭabāī’s significant role in transmitting philosophy andʿerfān should not be underestimated. Besides composing several books and treatiseson Mūllā Ṣadrā’s philosophy44 and ʿerfān,
he is the central connecting ring of Seyed
ʿAlī Qāzī’s (d. 1947) circle with the Qom
Seminary.
Ṭabāṭabāī was initiated into Sufism, or ʿerfān, by Seyed ʿAlī Qāzī. Qāzī’s spiritual lineage goes back to Seyed ʿAlī Shūshtarī (d.
1864), who was the disciple of Ṣadr al-Dīn
Kāshef al-Dezfūlī (d. 1842), who was a Ḏahabī Sufi master and a disciple of Muḥammad Bīdābādī (d. 1783).45 The followers of
this spiritual order usually conceal their connections with Ḏahabī and other Sufi orders
to prevent accusations of anti-Sufis of theseminary.46 In doing so, they prefer not to
use the term “Sufi” in naming themselves;
instead, they prefer to be called “ʿāref.”This phenomenon is rooted in hot Safavid
polemics over Sufism,47 which are still common today, even after the revolution in Iran.

Perhaps the most well-known and distinguished master of philosophy and theoretical mysticism in Qom is Seyed Yadullāh
Yazdān-Panāh (b. 1963), one of Ḥassan-Zādeh and Javādī Āmolī’s disciple/students,
who composed several books on Islamic
philosophy and ʿerfān, including a lengthy
groundbreaking book on theoretical mysticism.49 His philosophical approach to Ibn
ʿArabī is evident in the introduction of his
book: “In our seminary tradition, students
study theoretical mysticism after philosophy […] specifically after studying teach48 As Toshihiko Izutsu observed, “Eastern scholasticism has had a much longer life […] than its Westerncounterpart. Metaphysical problems raised long ago
in the Middle Ages were still being hotly discussed
and seriously considered in the nineteenth century[and they are still being discussed].” Toshihiko Izutsu, The Fundamental Structure of Sabzewari’s Metaphysics (Tehran: University of Tehran Press, 2000),
11.

44 Two philosophical books that seminary students haveto read, Bidayat al-Ḥikma and Nihayat al-Ḥikma,
was composed by him.
45

Asghari, “Replacing Sharīʿa, Ṭarīqa and Ḥaqīqa withFiqh, Akhlāq and Tawḥīd,” 207.

46 Ibid., 206.
47

For the historical roots of this transformation, see
Ata Anzali, Mysticism in Iran: The Safavid Rootsof a Modern Concept (University of South Carolina
Press: Columbia, 2017).

49

10

Seyyed Yadullāh Yazdān-Panāh, Mabānī wa Uṣūle
ʿerfāne Naẓarī (Qom: Moasseseye Imam Khomeini,2014).

TAHA ABDOLLAHI-SOHI

ings of Mūllā Ṣadrā in Asfār [i.e., MūllāṢadrā’s major philosophical book].”50

gan. The significant characteristic of thethird era is the total adaption of philosophy and theoretical mysticism.53

It may not sound appropriate to put MūllāṢadrā before Ibn ʿArabī, for he not only
lived hundreds of years before Mūllā Ṣadrā,but also became an inspiration to him as
he drew upon Ibn ʿArabī’s teachings indeveloping his own transcendental philosophy. But Yazdān-Panāh’s traditionalistic
approach51 to Islamic intellectual history
allowed him to do so. On legitimizing thisseemingly undermined curriculum, YazdānPanāh expresses: “The depth and complexity of theoretical ʿerfān from one hand, andthe role of Mūllā Ṣadrā’s teachings in understanding theoretical mysticism from another hand […]”52 are two factors that justify
this curriculum. Yazdān-Panāh’s account of
the history of theoretical mysticism should
be illustrated to explicate the role of MūllāṢadrā in understanding Ibn ʿArabī:According to Yazdān-Panāh, Mūllā Ṣadrā
philosophized Ibn ʿArabī’s ʿerfān; thetranscendental philosophy of Mūllā Ṣadrā
is a synthesis of philosophy and theoretical mysticism, Yazdān-Panāh sums up theattempts of Mūllā Ṣadrā in presenting aphilosophized ʿerfān as such:
Mūllā Ṣadrā, with coining new terms
and bringing already coined philosophical terms into perfection […] made theway to express the mystical teachings.
Secondly, the principal foundations of his
philosophy, such as the primacy of Being(iṣalate wujūd), gradation of Being (tashkīk wujūd), and […] the personal onenessof Being (waḥdate shaḫsī wujūd), seem
quite adequate for expressing mysticalteachings, and they were principally designed for this purpose.54

The history of theoretical mysticism canbe divided into three eras: the first era,from the beginning [of Sufism] to Ibn
ʿArabī […] second era was the era ofMuḥyeddīn mystical school, which began with Ibn ʿArabī […] by whom theoretical mysticism was presented as a coherent and majestic system and reachedto the perfection. With the emergence ofMūllā Ṣadrā’s transcendental philosophy,
a third era of theoretical mysticism be50

Ibid., 21.

51

By “traditionalistic approach” I do not refer to theschool of Traditionalism, founded by French philosopher René Guénon (d. 1951), although methodologically speaking they seem quite similar. I merely meana historical approach which neglects the history, context, and genealogy of ideas, and consider them asuniversal and ever-lasting truths which are being repeated throughout the history. Holding this position,
Yazdān-Panāh can confidently assert that there is noneed to study Mūllā Ṣadrā in the light of Ibn ʿArabī,
since somehow both of them are expressing relatively
same things, although with distinct expressions.

52

Ibid., 21.

To sum up, seminary scholastics can be considered as the continuity of Akbarian philosophical Sufism.55 They concentrate on the
53

Seyyed Yadullāh Yazdān-Panāh, Muḫtaṣāte Ḥekmate
Mutʿālīye (Qom: Āle Aḥmad, 2020), 409-10.

54 Yazdān-Panāh, Mabānī, 59.
55

11

Yazdān-Panāh is not alone in presenting a philosophized account of Ibn ʿArabī. The continuity of philosophical Sufism can be traced to other seminaries
such as Isfahan, Mashhad, and specifically Tehran.
Few masters are left in the long-standing philosophical and mystical school of Tehran, among whom
Gholamreza Avani (b. 1943) and Manūcheher Ṣadūqī
Sohā (b. 1948) are worth mentioning. The essential
role of Iranian Research Institute of Philosophy,
founded by Seyyed Hossein Nasr (b. 1933) in 1974,
in reviving philosophical Sufism in Tehran should
not be underestimated. The Akbarian tradition continued in Mashhad through the well-known philosophers Seyed Jalāluddīn Ashtīyānī (d. 2005) and SeyedMuḥammad Ḥusein Tehrānī (d. 1995), who was a student/disciple of Seyed Muḥammad Ḥusein Ṭabāṭabāī
and Seyed Ḥāshem Ḥaddād (d. 1984). Tehrānī’s intense sympathy for Ibn ʿArabī passed to his sons andfrom his older son to Muḥammad Ḥasan Vakīlī (b.
1980), one of the most active Maktab-e Tafkīk’s op-

Ibn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and Debates

metaphysical aspects of Sufism rather than
the aesthetic aspects. Ibn ʿArabī often considered a philosopher by them. Mysticism
and philosophy are unified in this current,
so we cannot easily distinguish between
philosophy and mysticism. Using ʿerfāninstead of Sufism, they try to differentiate
between themselves and the Sufis to be preserved from ʿulamā.

sent to Sufism is crystal clear from theirFatāwā.
Seyed ʿAlī Sistānī (b. 1930), the most wellknown, respected, and influential Shia
source of emulation (marjaʿ), is originallyfrom Mashhad. Although he lives outside
Iran, his authority over Iran’s alleged orthodox Shias is undeniable. In a question
and answer issued a few years ago,59 Sistānī
expressed his attitude toward Ibn ʿArabī asfollows:

Ibn ʿArabī and ʿUlamā

Although historically speaking we can distinguish between anti-Sufis and Ibn ʿArabī’s
opponents, this is not usually the case incontemporary Iran. In addition, Ibn ʿArabī’s
opponents in Iran often have intense antipathy towards Islamic philosophy. The
Sufi-ʿulamā controversy is quite fierce incontemporary Iran, a controversy that dates
back to the Safavid era.56 This debate can becontextualized as the Shia ʿulamā’s tendency to monopolize their religious perspective
and, therefore, their power. Even after Iran’s
revolution, the traditional side of the Shia
seminary, either in Iraq or in Iran, has notchanged its attitude toward Sufism.

Question: You are sincerely demanded togive your opinion regarding the ʿerfān ofFuṣūṣ’s author [i.e. Ibn ʿArabī].
Answer: I believe in the way of great
Twelver ʿulamā […], which correspondswith the Quranic verses and the Ahl alBayt’s sayings […], and I do not admit theabove-mentioned way.60
By highlighting the identification of ʿulamā’s way and the Qur’ān and hadīth,Sistānī asserts the unorthodoxy of Sufism
and points out that he is not alone in opposing Ibn ʿArabī and Sufism.
ʿUlamā’s negative attitude towards Sufism
evident in their Fatāwā does not conclude
with Ibn ʿArabī. They regularly express
their intense antipathy toward Sufism, eventoward some famous and popular figures
such as Rūmī, whenever they observe aslight tendency toward Sufism, specificallyIran’s government, distinguishing between
Sufism and ʿerfān, and interpreting Sufism
as a false ʿerfān,57 supports Shia ʿulamā’santipathy to Sufism.58 ʿUlamā’s intense disponents in Mashhad.
56

For historical basis of this conflict, see Reza Tabandeh, The Rise of the Niʿmatullāhī Order (Leiden:
Leiden University Press, 2021), 47.

57

As Anzali put forward: “The regime has become
increasingly obsessed with drawing clear and fastboundaries between “genuine,” Khomeini-style ‘irfan and “pseudo-‘irfans.” (Anzali, Mysticism in Iran,
6).

59

The Supreme leader of Iran is a source of emulation
himself with seemingly not interest in Sufism. In thepast decades Sufis have been repressed by Iran’s regime, As Anzali addressed: “The first major clash
between the regime and the orthodox Sufi networks
happened in May 2006, when one of the most important Niʿmatullahi centers, located in the holy city of

60 “Official Website of Seyyed ʿAlī Sistānī,” accessed
April 6, 2024, https://www.sistani.org/persian/qa/02273/.

58

Qum, was confiscated and razed to the ground in theaftermath of a bloody clash between the Niʿmatullahi dervishes and the Basij milita.” (Anzali, Mysticism in Iran, 7). Another bloody confliction between
Gonābādī Sufis and regime took place in 2018 in
Tehran.

12

One of the most accessible ways for anti-Sufis to oppose with Sufis and Ibn ʿArabī, is to use the authorityof the sources of emulations, therefore they ask forthe source of emulation’s idea on controversial topics
and then they broadcast the answer.

TAHA ABDOLLAHI-SOHI

among the masses. The role of the sourcesof emulation should not be underestimated,
for these kinds of Fatāwā play an extensiverole in forming the typical Shia mentality.61

to Ibn ʿArabī. The term “Maktab-e Tafkīk”(the school of Detachment) was coined byMuḥammad Reḍa Hakīmī (d. 2021) to namethe scholarly current of Mahdī Isfahānī (d.
1945) and his students in Mashhad.

Makārem Shīrāzī (b. 1927) takes a step further and accuses the followers of Waḥdat
al-Wujūd (oneness of Being), a Sufi doctrine
associated with Ibn ʿArabī and the Akbarian
tradition, of heresy:

Isfahānī experienced a life-changing mystical experience that caused a U-turn in his
intellectual life. In his vision, he saw thetwelfth Imam (mahdī) and received a letterfrom him, saying: “To not seek knowledge
from our (Ahl al-Bayt) way is identical todenying us.”63 He interpreted the phrase“not demanding knowledge from our way”
as demanding knowledge from philosophy
and mysticism, making him suddenly toturn his back on both. After spending sevenyears reconsidering his previous beliefs, hewent to Mashhad in 1921 and started to givelectures on Islamic law and basics of jurisprudence and then theology. Isfahānī’s antipathy toward philosophy and Sufism wastransferred to his students, among whom
Mojtabā Qazvīnī (d. 1967) was the mostnotable, from whom the legacy of Tafkik
passed on to Seyed Jaʿfar Seyyedān (b.
1934).

Question: What is the oneness of Being,
and what is the judicial status of who believes in it?
Answer: The oneness of Being has many
meanings; what is invalid and believing
it counts as heresy […] is asserting that
there is only one Being in the world andholding that God is identical with existents. And claims that there is no [duality
between] creator and nor creatures, andthere is no [duality between] worshipped
and worshippers.62
Although it is highly questionable that Ibn
ʿArabī considered the oneness of Being as
such, the oneness of Being is often depicted
in a rather exaggerated form and has been
ascribed to Ibn ʿArabī and his followers byʿulamā.

With expressing the differences between
revelation and ʿerfān, Seyyedān undermines
Ibn ʿArabī’s legitimacy:

Besides ʿulamā’s long-standing and influential approach, the school of Detachment
is considerable in terms of its opposition
61

ʿErfān is true in itself, but the so-calledʿerfān of Ibn ʿArabī expresses that God is
identical with things, and it has indicated that whatever you worship, you haveworshipped God in real […], but God in
the school of Waḥy (revelation) does nothave any resemblance. The so-called ʿerfān is opposed to the school of Waḥy.64

In a considerable instance, a movie series about
Mawlānā was stooped because of a source of emulation’s interference, who called Sufis misguided andmisguiding and enemy of Shia Imams.
“Exploring Ibn Arabi,” accessed April 6, 2024,
h t t p s : //e b n e a r a b i . c o m / 14 6 4 0 / % d 8 % a 2 % d b%8c%d8%aa-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%84%d9%87% d 9 % 86% d 9 % 8 8% d 8% b1% d b% 8 c %d8%b3%d8%a7%d8%ae%d8%aa-%d9%81%db%8c%d9%84%d9%85-%d8%b4%d9%85%d8%b 3 -% d 8 % a d % d 8 % b1% d 8 % a7 % d 9 % 8 5 %d8%a7%d8%b3%d8%aa.html

6263Maḥdī Isfahānī, Abvāb al-Hudā (Muʾseseye Mʿāref
Ahl al-Bayt: Qom, 2016), 17-28.

64 “Official Website of Seyyed Jaʿfar Seyyed ān,” accessed April 6, 2024, http://seyyedan.org/fa/news-details/2964/%D8%AA%D8%B9%D9%82%D9%84% D 8 % A F % D 8 % B1-% D 9 % 8 8 % D 8 % A D % D B%8C%D8%8C-%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%B4 -“Official Website of Makārem Shīrāzī,” accessed
April 6, 2024, https://makarem.ir/main.aspx?typeinfo=21&lid=0&catid=44744&mid=272784.

13

Ibn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and Debates

In addition to underlining the dissimilarity
between Ibn ʿArabī and the school of Waḥy,which is quite enough to banish someoneout of the mainstream Shia seminaries,align with the majority of Ibn ʿArabī critics, Seyyedān considers Ibn ʿArabī’s method of allegorical interpretation as a misleading one. The only way of reaching theinward aspects of the Qur’ān and Islam isthrough the Prophet himself and Twelver
Shia Imams. According to Seyyedān, “although it is evident that Quranic verses haveinward dimensions […] the inward dimensions and allegorical interpretation can only
be discussed by Prophet Muhammad andImams.”65

Putting all diverse philosophical and mystical schools in the same basket and labelling them as non-Islamic schools, Mīllānī
expresses:
In terms of principals and foundations,
there isn’t any difference between diverse philosophical and mystical groups.
The “Peripatetic school,” the “Illuminist
school,” the “Transcendental philosophyof Mullā Ṣadrā,” “Indian mysticism,”“Buddhism,” “Greek mysticism,” “Ibn
ʿArabī” and etc. all hold the same idea.67“The same idea,” according to Mīllānī,
is nothing but the oneness of Being or theidentification of God and his creatures. Despite his lack of engagement with the academic literature on Sufi studies, he does,
however, share certain presuppositions withearly orientalists, such as the association of
Sufism and non-Islamic currents.68

In addition to the two abovementioned currents, a new current has emerged, perhaps
the fiercest opponent of Ibn ʿArabī andphilosophy in the seminary of Qom: Ḥassan Mīllānī (b. 1959) and his circle, whichshould be considered as the continuity ofsome Shia anti-Sufi theologians such asMuḥammad-Bāqer Majlesī (d. 1699). Notably, Mīllānī has a strong antipathy to Maktab-e Tafkīk as well: “The school of detachment […] intensely oppose philosophersand mystics apparently, but in time they express philosophers and mystics misleading
beliefs.”66

Notwithstanding their differences, thesethree anti-Ibn ʿArabī groups have muchin common. Considering the Qur’ān andhadīth as true and infallible sources ofknowledge, they dismiss any other sources, including mystical experience. Besides
questioning Ibn ʿArabī’s hermeneutics, theirharshest criticism concerns the oneness ofBeing, on which their interpretation seems
highly questionable. Their primary consideration is to defend alleged Shia orthodoxy.
As previously discussed, Ibn ʿArabī is mostcriticized for his religious creed, whichplays an extensive role in either welcomingor dismissing him.

% D 8 % A 7 % D 9 % 8 5 % D 9 % 8 6 % D A % A 9 % D 8 % B 3 % D 8 % A 8 %D9%85%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%81/
65“Official Website of Seyyed Jaʿfar Seyyed ān,” accessed April 6, 2024, http://seyyedan.org/fa/news-details/1835/%D8%AA%D8%B0%DA%A9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%AA%DB%8C-%D8%A7%D8%B2%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%A F%D B%8C % D8% B 4% D 9 %85% D 9 %86% D8% A F%D9%85%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8% B 5% D 8 % B1-% D 8 % A 2 % D B % 8 C % D 8 % A A%D8% A7%D9%8 4%D9%8 4%D9%87%D8%B3%DB%8C%D8%AF%D8%A7%D9%86/67

66 Ḥassan Mīllānī, Maʿrifat Allāh Taʿalā billāh (Eʿteqāde Mā: Qom, 1394 sh./2015), 254.

Ḥassan Mīllānī, Farā-tar az ʿErfān (ʿAhd: Qom,
2016), 92.

68 For a study of early orientalists’ concepts of Sufism,
see Ernst, It’s Not Just Academic, 463-483.

14

TAHA ABDOLLAHI-SOHI

Ibn ʿArabī; Shia or Sunni?

of Ibn ʿArabī followers in Mashhad is rooted in Muḥammad Ḥusein Tehrānī’s teachings, as well as in his textual, and spiritual
heritage. Vakīlī’s exclusivist understandingof Ibn Arabī’s religious creed can be traced
back to his intellectual father, Tehrānī, whopoints out that: “Throughout history, it is thecase that non-Shias either were not mystics(ʿāref) or they were both ʿāref and Shia, andthey concealed their religious creeds since
they were afraid of Sunnis.”70

Perhaps one of the most controversial debates on Ibn ʿArabī in Iran is whether he
was a Sunni or Shia. Although it may soundirrelevant, the religious creed of Ibn ʿArabī
plays a crucial role for both followers andopponents of Ibn ʿArabī in Iran. In the socalled orthodox Shia seminaries, following
someone who is ostensibly a Sunni (e.g. Ibn
ʿArabī), is a great malefaction. Ibn ʿArabī’s
followers in the Shia seminaries consider
his teachings the most elevated form of ʿerfān, and use his teachings in understanding
and interpreting the Qur’ān and hadīth,69 using an outsider’s teaching in interpreting theQur’ān, and hadīth exposes Ibn ʿArabī’s followers in the Shia seminaries to be accusedof misinterpretation of religious sources andgaining religious knowledge from a Sunni.
Therefore his followers have to internalize
Ibn ʿArabī to not be accused by his opponents.

Following an identical line, Vakīlī admits
that Ibn ʿArabī was born in the Sunni part of
the Islamic world; therefore, he was initiallya Sunni. However, regarding his profoundspiritual state, it was the case that he perceived the spiritual status of the first Shia
Imam and admitted his superiority over others. In his youth, he met the twelfth Imamand all twelve Shia Imams at the end of hislife. Such a person, who has witnessed thespiritual status of twelve Imams, is a Shia in
its true sense.71

The controversy over Ibn ʿArabī’s religious
creed should be considered a polemic rooted
in a difference in understanding Sufism/ʿerfān. In addition, religious exclusivism plays
a significant role in discussing Ibn ʿArabī’s
religious creeds. Followers of Ibn ʿArabī
in Shia seminaries are usually exclusivists;
therefore, according to them, the only way
to salvation and to achieve a profound spiritual state is to believe in Shiism. However,they cannot ignore Ibn ʿArabī’s profoundspiritual state. Hence, to defend Ibn ʿArabī’s
spiritual state, in other words, to protect
their position in the Shia seminary, they had
to put forward a Shia conceptualization of
Ibn ʿArabī.

By emphasizing the “true sense” of Shiism,
Vakīlī admits that Ibn ʿArabī was a Sunnibased on standard and widely accepted criteria, but he was a Shia in a certain sense.
Ibn ʿArabī was Shia in its esoteric meaning
but Sunni in its exoteric meaning. In otherwords, although Ibn ʿArabī followed theSunni school of jurisprudence, he was a
Shia since he admitted twelve Imams’ profound, exalted, and uncompetitive spiritualstate.
That being said, Shia opponents of Ibn
ʿArabī hold that he was a prejudiced Sunni. They also emphasize that one should notread Ibn ʿArabī selectively to put forward a
Shia conceptualization of him: “Some Shia
scholars find a few scattered texts in the

The most well-known and influential current
69“Ibn ʿArabī’s works is the key of understanding Nahj
al-Balāqah, Uṣūl al-Kāfī, Kitab al-Tawḥīd of Ṣadūq
and etc.” (Muḥammad Ḥasan Vakīlī, Moḥyeddīn;
Shīʿaye Ḫāleṣ [Ibn Arabi; A pure Shia] (Mashhad:
Moasseseye Moṭāleʿāt Rāhbordī, 2019), 12)15

70

Seyyed Muḥammad Ḥusein Tehrānī, Rūḥe Mojarad(Mashhad: ʿAllāmeh Ṭabātabāī, 2004), 348-350.

71

Vakīlī, Ibn ʿArabī, 24.

Ibn ʿArabī in Contemporary Iran: Some Currents and Debates

works of Ibn ʿArabī implicating his belief inShiism, but numerous texts imply not only
his belief in Sunni Islam but also, his deep
sympathy for it.”72

author expresses a belief frequently andemphasizes on, it could not be consideredotherwise.”78
To sum up, the everlasting controversy overIbn ʿArabī’s religious tendencies should not
be considered merely a scholarly argument.
Shia followers of Ibn ʿArabī, who have beenaccused of following a non-Shia figure,should preserve and defend their position
as a respected part of Shia Seminary, whichcannot be done unless by the construction ofa Shia Ibn ʿArabī.79

Shia opponents of ʿArabī have specificallyfound some highly controversial beliefs ofhim, beliefs that cannot be expressed by any
Shia. According to Ṭayeb-Nīyā, Ibn ʿArabī,quite the opposite of mainstream Shia, heldthat the Prophet did not choose anyone as
his successor in particular.73 Besides, likeany other faithful Sunni, he considered Abu
Bakr as the first caliph, and he praised thefirst two caliphs after the Prophet74 to theextent that he believed in the infallibility of ʿOmar (the second caliph).75 Last but
not least, all groups of Shia, specificallyTwelvers, are considered the friends of theDevil by Ibn ʿArabī.76 Vakīlī and others, on
the other hand, suggest that these beliefs expressed by Ibn ʿArabī in his books should
not be considered his own beliefs, since he
was living in a time in which one could easily get killed by expressing a slight tendency
toward Shiism. Thus, he had to conceal his
beliefs.77

Conclusion

After the Iranian Revolution, Ibn ‘Arabī
once more became a focus of academic interest. More than a thousand graduate theses
and dissertations on Ibn ʿArabī are listed on
an official website.80 Many students of philosophy, religious studies, and even some of
Persian literature tend to work on Ibn ʿArabī
and Akbarian tradition. This tendency results in critical editions of Akbarian works,comparative studies of Ibn ʿArabī and otherphilosophers or mystics, and monographson related topics and figures.

Ṭayeb-Nīyā, in the opposite camp, emphasizes that Ibn ʿArabī was not in the positionof concealment: “Taqīye (concealment ofbelief) is to conceal a belief or to speak andwrite opposed to beliefs in some quite scarceand difficult situations. But if a speaker or72

Sufism and Ibn ʿArabī have also entered
Iran’s popular culture. Distancing from fundamentalist approaches to Islam, an increasing number of people have found themselves sympathetic to Sufism rather thanthe official form of Shia Islam, represented

Sayed Jaʿfar Murtaḍā al-ʿĀmelī, Ibn ʿArabī Sunnī
Mutʿeaṣib (n.p: al-Markaz al-Islāmī lldirāsāt, 2007),
9.

73

Seyyed Moḥsen Ṭayeb-Nīyā, Ibn ʿArabī az Negāhī
Digar (Qom: Dalīl-e mā, 2015), 83.

74

Ibid., 89.

75

Ibid., 96. Asserting that Imam ʿAlī was the first true
caliph after the Prophet, is the very core idea of traditional Shiism.

76

Ibid., 112. Ṭayeb-Nīyā, in his lengthy book, listed sixteen beliefs expressed by Ibn ʿArabī, which are plainly opposed to Shia beliefs. Ibid., 83-123.

77

Vakīlī, Ibn ʿArabī, 25.

78Ṭayeb-Nīyā, Ibn ʿArabī, 90.

79

Besides already mentioned book of Vakīlī, anotherlengthy book was composed by another follower of
Ibn ʿArabī in Mashhad. See Qasim Tehranī, al-Qawl
al-Matīn fī Tašayyʿe Šeiyḫ al-Akbar Muḥyeddīn I&II
(Beirut: Dar al-Maḥajat al-Bayḍā, 2003).

80 “Iranian Research Institute for Information Science andTechnology (IranDoc)”, accessed April 6, 2024, https://ganj.irandoc.ac.ir/#/search?basicscope=1&keywo r d s = % D 8 % A7% D 8 % A8 % D 9 % 8 6% 2 0%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A8%DB%8C&sor t _by=1&fulltext_status=1&results_per_page=1&year_
from=0&year_to=1402&page=1

16

TAHA ABDOLLAHI-SOHI

by the sources of emulation and the state of
Iran. This tendency can be observed in the
popularity of some figures, such as Rūmī
and Ibn ʿArabī.81

Asghari, Seyed Amir Hossein. “Replacing
Sharīʿa, Ṭarīqa and Ḥaqīqa with Fiqh,Akhlāq and Tawḥīd.” Journal of Sufi
Studies 9 (2020): 202-214.

Ibn ʿArabī and Akbarian tradition still playa significant role in the intellectual trends ofIran. On one hand, those who seek to preserve
Iranians from the corruption of philosophicalSufism have to criticize Ibn ʿArabī for thesake of their sympathy for Iranian Sufism. On
the other, being the greatest representation ofSunni Sufism, and therefore the sworn enemyof Shia ʿulamā, Ibn ʿArabī should be condemned to prevent young Shia clergies frombending toward Sufism. However, followersof the Akbarian tradition seek to create a Shia
Ibn ʿArabī to legitimize reading and teaching
his works in the Shia seminaries.

Chittick, William. “Waḥdat al-wujūd inIndia.” Ishraq: Islamic Philosophy
Yearbook 3 (2012): 29-40.
Ernst, Carl. It’s Not Just Academic! Essays on
Sufism and Islamic Studies. Tamil Nadu:
Sage, 2018.
“Exploring Ibn Arabi.” Accessed April 6, 2024,
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Yazdān-Panāh, Seyed Yadullāh. Mabānī waUṣūle ʿerfāne Naẓarī. Qom: Moasseseye
Imam Khomeini, 2014.
----------------. Muḫtaṣāte Ḥekmate Mutʿālīye.
Qom: Āle Aḥmad, 2020.
Zarrinkoob, A. H. “Persian Sufism in Its
Historical Perspective.” Journal of theSociety for Iranian Studies, 3&4: (1970).

19

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

Dhikr in Islamic Sufism
A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya
Kübreviyye Tarîkati Özelinde Tasavvufta Zikr
Sepideh AFRASHTEH*

Among various orders of Islamic Sufism, one of the common rituals is dhikr. While sharīa places significant
emphasis on the repetition of different dhikr formulas, it does not mandate its practice. However, within thediverse orders of Sufism, dhikr is viewed as a fundamental aspect of conduct and a cornerstone of practical
mysticism. In Islamic Sufism, disciples deem it obligatory to purify the nafs. Consequently, dhikr is regarded
as a means to this end across various schools and branches of Islamic Sufism. Each order of Islamic Sufism
has developed its own unique instructions and rituals for its followers. The Kubrawiyya order, one of theoldest schools of Islamic Sufism, has also established its own rituals and instructions pertaining to dhikr for
its disciples. The primary objective of this paper is to elucidate the essence and the quality of dhikr in the
Kubrawiyya order. This includes its importance, principles, objectives, methods, and results. The analysis
is based on the materials presented in the texts of the Kubrawiyya order, supplemented by references toother sources of Islamic Sufism. This scholarly approach ensures a comprehensive understanding of therole and significance of dhikr within the Kubrawiyya order specifically, and Islamic Sufism more broadly.
Keywords: Dhikr, Disciple, Islamic mysticism, Kubrawiyya, Sufism.

DOİ: 10.32739/ustad.2024.5.59

Cilt/Volume: 3 • Sayı/Number: 1 • Mayıs/May 2024

Abstract*

ORCID: 0000-0002-7660-7680. Postdoctoral Researcher, Otani University of Kyoto,
sepidehafrashteh@yahoo.com.

Received: 19.03.2024

Accepted: 23.04.2024

Published: 31.05.2024

Cite as: Sepideh Afrashteh, “Dhikr in Islamic Sufism. A Case Study: the Order of Kubrawiyya”, Journal of the Institutefor Sufi Studies 3, 1 (2024): pp. 20-35.
This article is distributed under license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

20

SEPIDEH AFRASHTEHÖzİslam tasavvufunda, çeşitli tarîkatler arasında ortak ritüellerden biri zikirdir. Şerîat, farklı zikir formüllerinin
tekrarlanmasına vurgu yapmakla birlikte, bunların uygulanmasını zorunlu kılmaz. Bununla birlikte, çeşitli
tasavvufî tarîkatler içinde zikir, davranışın temel bir vechesi ve pratik mistisizmin temel taşı olarak görülür.
İslam tasavvufunda müritler nefsi arındırmayı zorunlu görürler. Sonuç olarak zikir, İslam tasavvufununçeşitli okulları ve kolları arasında bu amaca yönelik bir araç olarak kabul edilir. Her bir tarîkat, takipçileri içinkendine özgü metot ve ritüeller geliştirmiştir. İslam tasavvufunun en eski ekollerinden biri olan Kübreviyyetarîkati de müritleri için, zikir özelinde, kendi ritüel ve talimatlarını oluşturmuştur. Bu makalenin temel
amacı, Kubreviyye tarîkatinde zikrin özünü ve niteliğini açıklamaktır. Bu amaç, zikrin önemini, ilkelerini,
hedeflerini, yöntemlerini ve sonuçlarını kapsamaktadır. Analiz çoğunlukla, Kübreviyye tarîkati metinleri
ve zikir ile ilgili, tasavvufun diğer kaynaklarına ait materyallere dayanmaktadır. Bu bilimsel yaklaşım,zikrin özelde Kübreviyye tarîkatinde, genelde ise İslam tasavvufundaki rolü ve öneminin kapsamlı birşekilde anlaşılmasını sağlamaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Zikir, mürid, İslâm mistisizmi, Kübreviyye, tasavvuf.

Introductionof wali (friend of God), a perpetual reciter.1

Tazkiyat al-nafs (purification of the soul), isa pivotal tool in Islamic Sufism for disciples
seeking enlightenment and union with the eternal beloved. Sufi philosophy posits that refinement cannot be achieved merely through contemplation or the exertion of individual will.
While a disciple’s will is integral to behaviour,
it is dhikr (remembrance of God) and madad(seeking assistance from God or a spiritual
guide) that actualize behaviour and purification. These practices are uniquely employed
across various ṭarīqas.

Furthermore, each Sufi order has its own
awrād (prayer phrases, plural form of wird),
typically a collection of Quranic sentences
recited regularly in the morning and at night.
The founder of the respective order usually
establishes these documents. The purpose ofawrād is to prepare the disciple for dhikr. In
essence, the daily acts of worship for Sufis
comprise a‘māl (religious practices, especially prayer, plural form of ‘amal), awrād, andadhkār.2
The Kubrawiyya order, one of the most significant orders of Islamic Sufism, places
a special emphasis on dhikr and seclusion.
The Kubrawiyya order was founded in the
13th century by Sheikh Najm al-Dīn Kubra(d. 618/1221), a notable mystic in the annals of
Sufism. He is recognized for his pioneering
work in the mystical theory of light and color.

In many Sufi orders, dhikr is practiced in tandem with seclusion. Given the human mind’s
tendency for recurrent confusion, dhikr mustnecessarily be paired with contemplation in
its Sufi context. While adhkār (plural formof dhikr) are generally similar across various
orders, each order necessitates its own special dhikr to examine its purpose. Throughengagement with dhikr, human existence isprogressively refined, and the manifestationsof dhikr effect the necessary transformation
within the individual. Ultimately, human existence becomes a conduit for dhikr, and, by thegrace of God, the individual attains the status

Sheikh Najm al-Dīn Kubra mentored numerous eminent Sufi personalities. Notable figures21

1

Mansour Ebadi, al-Tasfiyah Fi Ahwaal al-Motasavafah (Tehran: Farhang Iran Foundation Publication,1968), 76-78; Khaaja Mohammad Parsa, Qudsiyah(Rawalpindi: Persian Research Center of Iran and Pakistan, 1975), 144-151.

2

Ezzeddin Mahmoud bin-Ali Kashani, Misbah al-Hedaye and Miftah al-Kefayeh (Tehran: Homa Publications, 1988), 317-326.

Dhikr in Islamic Sufism A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya

within this order include Sayf al-Dīn Bākharzī(d. 6591261), Sa‘d al-Dīn Hamūya (d. 649/1251),
Najm al-Dīn Rāzī (573/1177-654/1256), Alā’al-Dawla Simnānī (d. 737/1336), and Mīr
Sayyīd Ali Hamadānī (d. 787/1385), also
known as Ali Thānī.

and Transoxiana to the Levant and Asia Minor,
along with existence of its branches in India
and China, adds to the importance of thisorder.
Within the Kubrawiyya order, several branches
emerged during the tenure of Mīr Sayyīd Ali
Hamadānī’s successor, Khwaja Ishaq Khatlanī.
The Nurbakhshiyya and Dhahabiya orders,
predominantly located in the eastern andwestern regions of Transoxiana respectively,
are continuations of the Kubrawiyya order.
However, with the rise of the Naqshbandī orderin the Khanate of Bukhāra, the influence ofthe Kubrawiyya was confined to the territoryof Khoqand. By the 16th century, they had
gradually migrated from Central Asia andestablished their presence in Iran.4

The Kubrawiyya order experienced significant growth during the Mongol invasion,
particularly in eastern Iran. This expansion
was facilitated by the order’s elders during
the Khwarazmian and Ilkhanid dynasties,
extending its influence from Khorasan andTransoxiana to Syria and Asia Minor.3 Theorder’s substantial presence across all spheres
in Central Asia is believed to have influenced
the Mongol patriarchs’ conversion to Islam,leading to the religion’s resurgence in Iran.
In the post-Mongol period, the Kubrawiyya
order had a profound influence on Sufism,
leading to the emergence of a prominent Sufi
figures in Khwarazm and Khorāsān. The
Kubrawiyya order’s expansion from Khorāsān
3

Due to the importance of dhikr in Sufism
and the importance of dhikr in Kubrawiyya,
this article examines the importance, principles, objectives, methods and results of dhikr
in Sufism and especially in Kubrawiyya.

Abdul Hossain Zarinkoob, Sequence of Search in
Mysticism of Iran, (Tehran: Amir Kabir Publications,1997), 81.

422

Zarinkoob, Sequence of Search in Mysticism of Iran,178-184.

SEPIDEH AFRASHTEH

In order to carry out this research, we haveanalyzed the materials presented in the textsof the Kubrawiyya order. Besides, we havealso referred to some other sources of Islamic
Sufism.

The practice of dhikr is a distinguishing feature of Sufi Muslims, setting them apart from
non-Sufis. The Sufi practice of dhikr can beviewed as a form of verbal devotion. At its
core, it involves the repetition of God’s names,
often articulated in specific phrases. Only
Arabic names and special phrases derived
from the Qur’ān and hadīth are utilized for
dhikr. The term ‘dhikr’ and its close derivatives
appear more than 270 times in the Qur’ān, andat times, dhikr is regarded as the pinnacle ofworship.6

This research has the potential to enhance theunderstanding of Sufi practices, particularly
the practice of dhikr within the Kubrawiyya
order. It can help to dispel misconceptions
about Sufism and inform the practice ofdhikr in various Sufi orders. The topic intersects with multiple disciplines, including
psychology, sociology, and religious studies,
highlighting its interdisciplinary relevance.
Furthermore, the research can contribute to
documenting and preserving the practice ofdhikr in the Kubrawiyya order, a necessity ina rapidly evolving world and could serve as afoundation for further exploration, stimulating
new inquiries in the field.

Dhikr in Sufism
In Sufism, dhikr is more closely associatedwith awareness than with outward acts, whichfall under the purview of sharīa. A distinguishing characteristic of Sufis is their endeavor to
discipline their nafs (the human soul or ego),using various tools, among which dhikr is ofparamount importance. This involves remembering God through His names. Sufis posit that
all theoretical teachings of Islam aim to stimulate remembrance within humans. In theirinterpretation of Quranic teachings, they argue
that dhikr encompasses matters far beyond
known acts of worship. A complete dhikr signifies the realization of all perfections latentin human nature.

Dhikr
Dhikr, the act of remembering God, is deemeda paramount duty in both ṭarīqa and sharīa.
This concept is rooted in the divine command:
Remember me, I will remember you. (al-Baqara
2/152). The disciple’s true peace is found in thelight of dhikr, as God Himself stated, Indeed,
it is in the remembrance of God that hearts
find peace (ar-Ra‘d 13/28).

Sufi texts present various classifications ofdhikr. Some refer to the depth of concentrationachieved by the disciple. Another prevalentclassification distinguishes between loud andsilent dhikr. A loud dhikr typically involves
various forms of worship performed in different sequences. Sufi elders employ specialnames and chants to actualize disciples’ spiritual abilities.7

Dhikr, as presented in the Qur’ān, is a reciprocal process involving both God and humans.
When a person remembers God, God reciprocates this remembrance. The divine remembrance that emanates from God to the disciple
fortifies faith and facilitates the attainment ofelevated states and stations. The act of remembering God is a form of communication with
Him, and the entity that establishes this connection is God Himself.55Kazem Mohammadi, Najmuddin Kobra Pir Vali
Tarash, (Karaj: Najm Kobra Publications, 2007), 121138.

23

6

William Chitick, An Introduction to the Sufism ofIslamic Mysticism, (Tehran: Hekmat Publications,2010), 117-129.

7

Ibid., 117-129.

Dhikr in Islamic Sufism A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya

Abū al-Qāsim al-Qushayrī provides insight
into this by saying: “Dhikr is a robust pillar in
the path of Truth, and no one can reach God
Almighty except through continuous dhikr.
There are two types of dhikr, the dhikr of the
tongue and the dhikr of the heart.”8

a movement that induces tremors in the body.
Whenever the disciple refrains from his obligatory dhikr, the heart exhibits a movement in
the chest akin to the movement of a fetus in
the mother’s womb, resulting in the aspirantof the dhikr.10
According to Najm al-Dīn Kubra, dhikr is ofthree types: dhikr of the tongue, of the heart,and of the inmost heart (secret, sirr). Verbal
dhikr does not exert much influence if it is not
linked with the dhikr of the heart, although
it can be beneficial as it is dhikr in itself. In
dhikr of the heart and the secret, however, theissue is about mystical presence and absence.
In the dhikr of the heart, the disciple, in a way,vanishes from himself, and in the dhikr of thesecret, he transitions from absence to presence.
The essence of dhikr is also revealed in the lasttwo stages. The principle of dhikr is that thedisciple initially becomes devoid of himself.
Subsequently, when he is free of himself, hisentire being becomes God’s presence, and hehas annihilated in God. Needless to say that,attaining this state necessitates considerable
self-discipline, and the disciple must engage in
extensive solitude and efforts to comprehend
the nature of heart and secret dhikr.11

Dhikr in Kubrawiyya Order
Najm al-Dīn Kubra, the leader of the
Kubrawiyya order, perceives dhikr as a truththat eradicates one’s pleasures, as these pleasures are deemed superfluous aspects of existence that have arisen through extravaganceand transgression. He regards dhikr as an
inductive process and asserts the necessityand obligation of a mentor’s presence for its
practice. According to him, the fire of dhikr
purges the disciple of his own self, annihilates
his virtual existence, and instills real existencein his heart, thereby establishing his connection with absolute existence.9
He views dhikr as a virtuous word that ascends
from the crown of the head and is presented
to the Almighty’s presence. God then blesses
the disciple with His blessing, which signifies
the import of spirituality and holy lights. The
disciple is enveloped by security, desire, passion, love, faith, and mysticism, and is imbued
with grace and perfection. Consequently, thedisciple’s heart is liberated and shielded fromany complications, and he directs his attention
towards his Lord completely. At this juncture,
the Almighty’s dhikr immerses itself in disciple’s heart. It is as if the heart is a well anddhikr is a bucket that is dipped into the wellto draw water. Following this event, there is asurge in the limbs and unconscious movementsthat have never been observed before, such as
8

9

In Najm al-Dīn Kubra’s view, the best dhikr
is the honorable dhikr of “lā ilāha illa Allāh,”which comprises a negation and an affirmation—the negation of us except Allah and theregistration of Allah in the heart. Therefore, forthis dhikr to be effective and to flow from thetongue to the heart, a special form and state
have been designated for its performance, andits expression with a special state has been
deemed effective in four beats.12
Mīr Sayyīd Ali Hamadānī considered theessence of dhikr to be connected with God

Abul-Qasim Abdul-Karim Ibn Hawazen al-Qoshairi,
Risalah Qushairiyya, (Tehran: Hermes Publications,2012), 347.
Najm al-Din Kubra, Fawaeh al-Jamal and Fawatheh
al-Jalal, trans. Mohammad Baqer Saedi. (Tehran,1986), 73.

24

10

Najm al-Din Kubra, Fawaeh, 113.

11

Mohammadi, Najmuddin Kobra Pir Vali Tarash, 121138

12

Ibid.

SEPIDEH AFRASHTEH

both in the hidden and in the open.13

emerges from the state of remembrance, theLord remembers him.18‘Azīz-al-Dīn al-Nasafī categorizes disciples
into two types concerning dhikr and meditation: an earthly type and a heavenly type. The
vehicle of the earthly disciple is dhikr, and thevehicle of the heavenly disciple is thought.
He also cites dhikr as one of the conditions ofmujāhadah.14

In this order, forty stages are enumerated fora Sufi, with dhikr being the eighth stage. In
this stage, the disciple knows God by heart andseeks God with his tongue, and if he becomes
helpless, he knows no other path except toGod’s door.19 The elders of the Kubrawiyya
order consider both the external and internal
aspects. The human heart is the place of innermeanings, and language is the interpretationof the external form. Its inner aspect is therealization of the meaning of dhikr, and its
outward aspect is the utterance of “lā ilāha
illa Allāh.”20

The Importance of dhikr in Kubrawiyya
Order
In the Kubrawiyya order, many elders havedevoted years to meditation, solitude, anddhikr within their sheikh’s monastery.15 Dhikr
for a disciple in this order is likened to milk
for a child.16 The elders regard dhikr, particularly the dhikr of “lā ilāha illa Allāh,” as a
facilitator for the disciples’ sublimity. “Lāilāha illa Allāh” is a combination of negation
and affirmation. Through negation, this dhikr
eradicates immoral substances that stem fromthe disease of the heart and the problems of
the soul. Furthermore, by affirming “lā ilāha
illa Allāh,” the heart is treated and immorality
is cured. When this occurs, the soul is illuminated by the light of its Lord, the darkness ofthe soul’s attributes dissipates, and the subject
transforms into the object, and vice versa.17

Principles of dhikr
Given the significance of dhikr in Islamic
Sufism, it is essential to understand its foundational principles and tenets.
• Monotheism
The foremost principle in Islam, which can also
be regarded as a pivotal principle of dhikr, ismonotheism. Consequently, the primary foundation of Sufi beliefs is monotheism. Sufis
endeavor to discern the true essence of monotheism and a pathway to become really monotheistic. They seek knowledge of the singular
God, who is the absolute Truth and embodies
both unity and oneness. As Sheikh Maḥmūd
Shabistarī succinctly encapsulated: “To see
one, to say one, and to know one, this is theorigin and branch of the faith.”21

In the act of remembering the Truth (Ḥaqq),
the heart imbibes a type of wine that purifies
it. Subsequently, the disciple advances towards
the Lord, leaving his own self behind. Hethen perceives invisibles and hears inaudible
sounds, loses himself once more, and when he13

Mir Seyyed Ali Hamadani, Risalah Zikriah, (Karaj:
Najm-Kobra Publications, 2009), 18.

14

Mohammad Nasafi, Kashf al-Haqayeq, (Tehran:Book Translation and Publishing Company, 1980),
138-139.

15

Hamadani, Risalah Zikriah, 9.

16

Nasafi, Kashf al-Haqayeq, 135-136.

20 Hamadānī, Risalah Zikriah, 52.

17

Najm al-Din Kubra, Usul al-Eshrah, trans. Abdul
Ghafoor Lari, (Tehran: Mowla Publications, 2019),
57-65.

21

25

18

Ammar bin Yaser Badlisi, Soum al-Qalb, (Tehran:Mowla Publications, 2015), 61-62.

19

Mir Seyyed Ali Hamadani, Forty Maqams of Sufiya,(Manuscript, misplaced, 1501).
Shamsuddin Mohammad Lahiji, The Description of
Golshan Raz, (Tehran: Zovar Publications, 2009),
543.

Dhikr in Islamic Sufism A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya• Jalāl and jamāl names

towards his connection, who is the incomparable lover.

Another principle of dhikr in Islamic Sufism
pertains to the names of God, which are divided into jalāl (glory, the names that demonstrate
God’s awe and greatness) and jamāl (beauty,
the names that exhibit a form of God’s favor)
names. In Islamic belief, God possesses beautiful names and attributes, and in accordancewith the requirements of Day in and day out
He has something to bring about (al-Raḥmān
55/29), He has inherent dignities, each of whichyields a name or an attribute.22 From the Sufi
perspective, the divine names are essentiallythe same essence, and the multiplicity of names
does not disrupt the unity of God. The method
to truly comprehend these names is to mention
them, which is consistently and particularly
performed in meditation and dhikr.

• Belief in the rūḥ (spirit)
Another essential tenet that warrants discussion is the universal belief among Muslims,
inclusive of Sufis, in the existence of the rūḥ.
The rūḥ is the cause of life, a life that is the harbinger of consciousness and will. It is God who
infuses the rūḥ into entities, thereby animatingthem according to His will. The rūḥ exists invarious ranks and degrees: A degree of it ispresent in animals and non-believers, a degreeof it is in believers, and at its highest degree,
in prophets and messengers.24 Consequently,
the rūḥ is an integral, non-material componentof human existence, serving as the source oflife and distinguishing living beings from thedeceased. It is a supernatural entity whose
operations diverge from those of material
beings, despite its perpetual connection withthe material world.25 In the authentic exegesisof Quranic verses, a human is not merely abody housing a rūḥ, but rather a rūḥ that temporarily inhabits a body as its vessel. The rūḥ
only uncovers its true essence upon its departure from the body, given that the creation of
the rūḥ enables it to sustain life independently.
The rūḥ’s joy and sorrow reside in the spiritual
realm, possessing a divine, incorruptible, andeternal essence.26• Divine Love
Mystics of Islam posit that the only being who
merits love above all else is God. Based on thispremise, love for God permeates all beings in
the world and is present at all levels of existence.23 In Sufism, divine love serves as thevehicle for spiritual journeying. All disciples
strive to draw closer to God through divine
love. By striving to have God-like morals andlove for God’s creatures, which are manifestations of God’s attributes, they prepare themselves to receive God’s grace. The virtue of
possessing God’s morals is bestowed upon
the disciple by God Himself, following meditation, dhikr, and adherence to the authorities
of conduct. In this context, the Truth, which isboth unity and oneness, liberates the disciple
from the realm of multiplicity and guides him

Through various exercises, the non-materialrūḥ can liberate itself from the shackles ofmatter. The rūḥ is distinct from the mind.
When the mind is active, the rūḥ undergoes
various emotions. It is only when the mindceases activity and attains tranquility that the
24 Mohammad Hossein Tabataba’i, al-Mizan fi Tafsir
al-Qur’an, (Tehran: Dar al-Kitab al-Islamiya, 1993),
2: 217-219.

22 Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Sadr al-Din Shirazi, Tafsir
al-Qur’an al-Karim, trans. Mohsen Bidarfar, (Qom:
Bidar Publications, 2020), 4: 42.
23

Seyyed Mahmoud Taheri, Collection of Letters,(Qom: Ayat Eshraq Publications, 2009), 405-408;
Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Sadr al-Din Shirazi, al-Hikma al-Muttaaliyah fi al-Asfar al-Arbaeh, (Tehran:Sadra Islamic Wisdom Foundation, 2001), 7t: 148.

26

25

Nasser Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir Nemoone, (Qom:
Dar al-Kitab al-Islamiya, 2017), 12: 252.

26

Abedin Lajimi, & Reza Kohsari, “The Human Soulfrom the Perspective of the Qur’an,” Qur’anic Studies
36, (2018): 123-149.

SEPIDEH AFRASHTEH

Najm al-Dīn Kubra posits that the divine man,upon traversing the stages of his spiritual journey towards God, arrives at a state where God
adorns him with the robe of discretion, thereby
establishing him as the rightful caliph.30 It is at
this juncture that he, having detached from his
self, acquires authority not attributable to his
nafs, but rather to his status as the divine vicegerent. Dhikr is identified as one of the most
crucial instruments in realizing this objective.

rūḥ is able to persist in its authentic form. This
state can be achieved through dhikr during
meditation, as it allows the rūḥ to cease its
union with the mind and shed its material veils.
• Stages of the nafs
In the disciplines of Islamic sciences and theQur’ān, the nafs is recognized as the navigator of human cognition and activities, withnumerous human behaviors being shaped byadherence to one’s nafs. Mystics have constructed comprehensive theories elucidating
the nature of the nafs and its various stages.
They have detailed the evolutionary progression of the nafs, identifying the lowest stage
as al-nafs al-ammārah (Yūsuf 12/53), and subsequently discussing advanced stages such as
al-nafs al-lawwāmah (al-Qiyāmah 75/2) andal-nafs al-mutmainnah (al-Fajr 89/27-28). The
pinnacle of the nafs is perceived as a state ofannihilation in divinity, followed by survival
post-mortality.27 The attainment of the diverselevels and stages of the nafs is a gradual process, facilitated by meditation and dhikr. This
progression underscores the transformative
potential of spiritual practices in elevating thestate of the nafs.

Objectives of dhikr• Attainment of Monotheism
All activities within Sufism, including dhikr,
are directed towards the realization of unity,
ultimately leading to the state of monotheism.
• Stabilization of the Heart
Within the Kubrawiya order, dhikr serves the
purpose of stabilizing the tongue, which subsequently leads to the stabilization of the heartand, ultimately, the stabilization of faith. Thisstability implies a state where an individualis oriented towards God in all circumstances,with their entire being, and is detached fromanything that is not God.31• Divine Caliphate (Vicegerency)• Subjugation of the Senses to the Soul

The concept of divine caliphate holds significant importance in the realm of mystical
anthropology. As per the mystics, the paramount factor that entitles an individual toascend to the position of a caliph (vicegerent)of God is the attainment of the authentic sourceof gnosis and the intuition of the true nature.28
An individual who achieves such profoundinsight is deemed the caliph of God on Earth.29

Given that all material or spiritual calamities, originate from the senses, the treatment
is of paramount importance. This treatment isanother objective of dhikr. Through continuous
dhikr, the soul ceases to be subservient to thesenses and instead, perceives the Origin of
everything. Consequently, the senses become
obedient to the soul, and the eight senses (fiveexternal and three internal) transform into
gateways to heaven.32

27

Muhammad bin Ali Ibn-‘Arabi, al-Futuhat al-Makiyya, (Qom: Āl-Albeyt, 2016), 2: 194-195.

28 Ahmad Ibn-Ajibah, Al-Bahr al-Madid fi Tafsir alQur’an al-Majid, (Cairo: Hassan Abbas Zaki, 1998),
1: 571.
29

Ibn-Ajibah, al-Bahr al-Madid fi Tafsir al-Qur’anal-Majid, 4: 210.

2730

Ibid., 232-233.

31

Badlisi, Soum al-Qalb, 99.

32

Najm al-Din Kubra, Usul al-Eshrah, 56.

Dhikr in Islamic Sufism A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya• Elimination of Foreign Elements from theHeart

Genuine disciples are those who seek solitude
to rectify their relationship with the Almighty,
thereby eliminating their external and internalinterests and attachments. Consequently, theirsoul perceives the knowledge of the unseen
and discerns the devil’s deception.36

Dhikr, likened to fire within this order, aims
to incinerate all foreign elements within theheart, leaving nothing but God. This objective
embodies one of the true interpretations of “lāilāha illa Allāh.”33

Methods and Rituals of dhikr• Purification and Illumination of the Heart

The practice of dhikr necessitates adherence
to the guidelines set forth by the Sheikh and iscontingent upon specific conditions. The mere
repetition of dhikr, devoid of its associatedrituals and conditions, is deemed ineffective.
The following conditions are integral to thepractice of dhikr:

Dhikr also aims to purify and illuminate
the disciple’s heart. Analogous to the body’s
inability to grow and attain perfection without nourishment, the heart cannot grow andreach perfection without dhikr. Post- dhikr, theimpact of contemplation amplifies a hundredfold, as “an hour of contemplation surpasses
sixty years of worship.”34• Repentance and Purification of the Body
A disciple is required to repent for all transgressions. If feasible, the disciple should perform ghusl (a comprehensive ablution involving the washing of the entire body with rituallypure water) prior to the recitation of dhikr. In
the absence of this possibility, a simpler ablution should be performed. The act of reciting
dhikr is likened to engaging in combat with anadversary, a task that is challenging without
the appropriate weaponry. It is often statedthat “ablution is the weapon of the believer.”Within this order, individuals who recite dhikr,
known as dhākirs (persons who recites dhikr),
are categorized into four groups. A disciple
does not benefit from contemplation until theyreach the fourth level of dhikr. Upon reaching
this stage, contemplation unveils its beauty,
marking the disciple’s entry into Sufism. This
stage is followed by the disciple’s purificationfrom falsehood and illumination by the lightof Truth. Once the disciple’s heart is cleansed
and illuminated, the light of contemplation
supercedes the light of dhikr. The disciple
then ceases dhikr and embarks on the pathof unity.35• Refraining from Backbiting andFalsehoods
The disciple must abstain from backbiting andlying to earn the privilege of becoming a vessel
for the Truth. A tongue tainted with lies andbackbiting is incapable of truly flowing withdhikr, save for the negligent mention of letters.
Furthermore, the disciple must shield his eyes
and ears from witnessing or hearing anythingthat is either useless or forbidden.37• Achieving Companionship with the Truth
In the Kubrawiyya order, any individual whorecites dhikr for the sake of pleasure, to perceive
the unseen, to acquire unusual revelations, togain strange knowledge, or to find merits, is
not considered a disciple of the path of Truth,as their intention is not aligned with the Truth.
33

Najm al-Din Kubra, Fawaeh, 73.

34 Muhammad Baghar bin Muhammad Taqi Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar, (Beirut: Dar Ehiya al-Torath al-Arabi,1983), 71: 327.

36

Alaa al-Dawlah Semnani, al-Orwa le Ahl al-Khalwa
wa al-Jalwa, (Tehran: Mowla Publications, 1983),
335.

35

37

Hamadani, Risalah Zikriah, 63-64.

Nasafi, Kashf al-Haqayeq, 164.

28

SEPIDEH AFRASHTEH• Elimination of Corrupt Substances fromthe Heart38

Lord when you forgot him (al-Kahf 18/24),
God commanded that when forgetfulness
occurs, if something else is forgotten, one
should mention Allah, and if the Truth isforgotten, then one should mention “lāilāha illa Allāh”.

A disciple engaged in the recitation of dhikr
must purge his heart of corrupt substances
and improper attributes to which his heart
has become attached. Corrupt substances arethose that have infiltrated the heart throughthe senses and have subsequently formed
an attachment. Improper attributes arise ina similar manner. The removal of these corrupt
substances can be achieved in several ways:• Conditions Pertaining to Clothinga) One method involves the soul’s inherent capacity for divine attraction, a rareoccurrence. Divine attraction manifests
when the Almighty Truth appears to theindividual in a specific form, captivating
the individual and fostering an immediate
interest, leading to a disconnection fromother entities.

• Conditions Pertaining to Location

According to the tradition of Prophet
Mohammad, a disciple is required to wear
clean clothes. The purity of clothing is subject
to four conditions: it must be free from impurity, it must not be obtained through oppression,
it should not be made of finery or silk, and it
should not be excessively long.
The disciple should prepare a clean, empty,
and preferably fragrant space for the practiceof dhikr. It is recommended to sit in a crosslegged position facing the qiblah (the direction
towards the Kaaba in the Sacred Mosque in
Mecca) during the recitation of dhikr.

b) Another method necessitates the presence of a facilitator. Certain sheikhs regard
the names of God as facilitators. They
present the names of God to the individual,
noting the names that resonate with him,
and then engage him with those names.
Others consider the blessed name “Allah”
to be the facilitator, arguing that since one’s
breath could cease at any moment, eachbreath should be treated as potentiallythe last. Given that it is recommended
to utter the blessed name of Allah with
one’s final breath, this form of dhikr is preferred. However, the majority of sheikhs
opt for “lā ilāha illa Allāh” as the Prophet
deemed this form of dhikr to be the mostvirtuous. An additional rationale for thischoice is that this form of dhikr serves adual purpose: the elimination of corrupt
substances and the absorption of goodness.
Other elders have suggested that in accordance with the verse, And remember your38

• Prohibition of Imitative dhikr
Dhikr should not be performed in an imitative manner. Instead, the mentor, who holds
the position of wilāyah (a position of wide
authority granted by God), should sow theseed of remembrance in the fertile ground of
the disciple’s heart. The dhikr that the mentor
inculcates is the fruit of his wilāyah. This seed,taken from a previous holder of wilāyah, isnurtured in the soil of the heart with the waterof wilāyah’s madad and the radiance of thesheikh’s himmah (intense spiritual resolve). As
the seed grows and matures into a fruitful tree,
the Sheikh plants it in the disciple’s heart.39• Mentioning dhikr with the Knowledge andIndication of the Sheikh
The recitation of dhikr should be performed
under the guidance of a perfect mentor. A disciple acting independently may not reap the

Najm al-Din Razi, Mersad al-Ibad Men al-Mabda ila
al-Maad, (Tehran: Sanai Publications, n.d.), 145-160.

39

29

Razi, Mersad al-Ibad, 150-154.

Dhikr in Islamic Sufism A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya

disciple should retreat to solitude, sit squarely
facing the qiblah, and engage in the cultivationof the seed of dhikr.41

benefits of dhikr, even after a thousand years.
Sufis opine that dhikr should be inculcated in
disciples, particularly new ones, by someone
who holds the title of mentor and elder. Theyemphasize the term ‘induction’ or ‘indoctrination’, likening dhikr to a medicine that must be
administered with care and precision.40• Reciting dhikr Not Obviously
Prophet Mohammad stated that “The best
dhikr is hidden and the best food is sufficient.”42 Just as overconsumption of food leads
to adverse outcomes, obvious dhikr can resultin arrogance and hypocrisy. Therefore, thedisciple should mention the name of the Truth
only with humility and submissiveness. The
disciple should prioritize the hadīth, I am thecompanion of the one who remembers me43
in his practice and observe politeness in thepresence of God.

• The Condition of Indoctrination
The disciple is advised by the sheikh to fast
for three days. During this period, the disciple should strive to perform ablution andcontinuously recite dhikr. The disciple should
maintain the recitation of dhikr internally, evenwhile moving, and should limit social interactions and speech to the necessary minimum.
The disciple should consume less food duringifṭār and stay awake at night with dhikr. After
three days, the disciple should bathe as per the
sheikh’s instructions. The disciple should makethe intention to bathe, akin to the intention
made by an individual converting to Islam.
The disciple should perform a true Islamicbath according to tradition and, while pouring
water, should say, “O Allah, I have cleansedwith water what I could, and You also cleanse
my heart, which is the sight of Your affairs,with the care of Yours.” After the night prayer,
the disciple should approach the sheikh, whowill make him sit facing the qiblah, while thesheikh sits with his back to the qiblah. The
disciple should kneel in front of the sheikh,place his hands on each other, and prepare hisheart. The sheikh will then discuss the conditions, properties of dhikr, and the secretsof indoctrination suitable for the disciple’s
understanding. The sheikh will then say “lāilāha illa Allāh” once in a loud voice, which
the disciple should repeat in harmony with thesheikh’s voice. This process is repeated threetimes, after which the sheikh prays and thedisciple says “Amen.” Following this stage, the• The Practice of dhikr
During the practice of dhikr, the disciples are
required to position their hands on their thighs,
prepare their heart, close their eyes, and commence the recitation of the phrase “lā ilāha
illa Allāh” with a profound bow. The wordsof dhikr should be uttered with utmost vigor,
as if “lā ilāha” ascends from the navel and“illa Allāh” descends into the heart, thereby
allowing the influence and potency of dhikr
to permeate the organs. However, it should not
be vocalized loudly. The disciple should strive
to muffle their sound and refrain from raising
their voice. The dhikr should be repeated in
the heart while contemplating its meaning. The
concept of negation should be considered insuch a manner that every thought that enters
the heart is negated in “lā ilāha,” signifyingthat the disciple desires nothing and has nointention except for God. This process should
continue until the heart is gradually emptied of

40 Kazem Mohammadi, Najmuddin Kobra Pir Vali
Tarash, 121-138.

30

41

Nasafi, Kashf al-Haqayeq, 135-136; Razi, Mersad alIbad, 150-154.

42

Abolqasem Payandeh, Nahj al-Fasaha, (Tehran: Doniaye Danesh, 2003), 1: 466.

43

Mohammad bin Yaqoob Koleini, Osul Kafi, (Tehran:
Qaim Al Mohammad Publications, 2006), 2: 496.

SEPIDEH AFRASHTEH

all other beloved and familiar entities.44

ration from the physical world.

• The Specific Head Movement

As stated in al-ʻAlaq 96/19, prostrate anddraw near implies physical prostration, but
a return to the Divine Truth with one’s heart,bearing witness, and drawing closer.48

In the Kubrawiyya order, a unique head movement is performed while reciting the dhikr of“lā ilāha illa Allāh.” By uttering “lā ilāha”,
they negate everything that is not God, andby saying “illa Allāh”, they affirm the love of
the Divine Truth in their hearts. It is believedthat if the head is not moved, the power ofremembrance will not reach the heart, and aslong as the warmth of remembrance does notpermeate the heart, the dhikr remains superficial, yielding no internal expansion or benefit
to the disciple.45

Among dhikr, the disciple should focus on the
Divine Truth with their entire being. Paying
attention to God with one’s entire being
involves transcending everything that distracts
the individual from God, to the point where
there is nothing desirable, beloved, or intended
except the Almighty Allah.49
Levels of Reciters• Performing dhikr with One’s Entire Beinga) The first group consists of those whose
recitation is limited to the language, andtheir hearts remain oblivious. It is common for these individuals to let their minds
wander, perhaps to a garden or a market,
even while they are engaged in recitation.
The impact of such recitation is weak, but
it is not entirely without merit.

Dhikr should be performed with the entiretyof the disciple’s being. The disciple should
be cognizant of the name and attribute they
employ and understand with whom or what
they are communicating.46 In this order, there
is a significant emphasis on the continuity andfrequency of dhikr.47b) The second group includes those whose
recitation is verbal, but their hearts areintermittently present due to duty. Afterbeing present, the heart will again become
absent. The righteous often find themselves in this state during prayer and recitation. There is a risk of contemplating
sin in this state.

• Remembering God through Intuitionaldhikr
In the Kubrawiyya order, the disciple is required
to remember God in truth and acknowledge
Him as a singular entity, so that God reciprocates this remembrance. Importantly, Godshould be remembered through intuitive mention, not linguistic mention. In intuitive mention, the existence of the disciple is forgotten,
as there is no one in the realm of existence
except the Divine. However, linguistic mention is not associated with the components andelements of human existence and is therefore
merely described as a linguistic attribute, failing to reach the realm of the heart and inspi-c) The third group encompasses those
whose recitation is both verbal and heartfelt. The recitation has taken hold of theheart, bringing calm and settling it. They
can only divert their attention to other tasks
by force. This means that they can engage
the heart in other tasks only when it is necessary to do something else. Attaining thislevel is a significant achievement, and only
a few individuals reach this level. Those

44 Razi, Mersad al-Ibad, 150-154.
45

Semnani, al-Orwa, 315-325.

46 Mohammadi, Najmuddin Kobra Pir Vali Tarash, 121138.

48

Badlisi, Soum al-Qalb, 61-62.

47

49

Najm al-Din Kubra, Usul al-Eshrah, 66-70.

Najm al-Din Kubra, Usul al-Eshrah, 57-65.

31

Dhikr in Islamic Sufism A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya• Reaching the Position of Obedience

who have achieved this level should understand how to maintain it to avoid squandering it through inappropriate speech.

If the seeker engages in continuous dhikr
with mujāhadah (striving in the path of Allahfor purifying the nafs) and effort, they will
eventually gain insights. At this point, theverbalization of dhikr ceases. As long as theseeker is engaged in dhikr and it dominates
their consciousness, they remain in the worldof forms and senses. When they cease dhikr
and thoughts take over, they transition fromthe world of forms to the world of the soul.
When thought subsides and inspiration takes
over, they move from the world of reason to
the world of love. When inspiration ceases
and manifestation takes over, they transition
from the world of love to the position of obedience. In this state of submission, they can be
described by any attribute they choose. Thus,
the disciple is first dominated by dhikr, thenby thought, followed by inspiration, and finally by manifestation. Here, the seeker reaches
the position of submission and is freed fromtemptation.53d) The fourth group is consist of those
whose hearts are filled with the remembrance of God, not through recitation.
There is a distinction between a heart
filled with the Friend or filled with thename of the Friend. The ultimate goal is
to cleanse the heart of the remembrance
and awareness of the Friend, leaving only
the Friend himself. A disciple’s heart will
become the Friend, and nothing else willremain within him.50
The Results of Continuous dhikr• Turning Away from People
The initial sign in a sincere disciple, indicating the awakening of their desire and will to
conduct, is their growing intimacy with meditation and dhikr. A certain degree of fear ofpeople emerges within them, leading them todistance themselves from everyone and seek
refuge in dhikr.51• Stability of the Tongue
One of the outcomes of dhikr is the stabilityof the tongue, which manifests in two forms:
outward stability derived from knowledge,
and inward stability resulting from gnosis.
Outward stability is such that a person speaks
only with the permission of their knowledge,
remains silent on matters that should not be
spoken of, and refrains from speaking impulsively as long as they possess knowledge.
Inward stability is when the tongue becomes
subservient to the heart, akin to a door that can
only be opened with the heart’s permission.54• Passion
The disciple’s state during dhikr is highly variable and indescribable, yet it is accompanied
by enthusiasm and happiness. This emotional
state stems from the disciple’s eager anticipation of meeting the beloved, filled with greathope and confidence.52• Non-Interruption of dhikr in Sleep
Dhikr does not cease with the onset of sleep.
The sleeper continues to recite dhikr, eventhough the act of dhikr is not typically performed during sleep.

50

Nasafi, Kashf al-Haqayeq, 167.

51

Razi, Mersad al-Ibad, 150-154.

52

Yahya Yathrebi, Practical Mysticism, (Tehran: Bostan Kitab, 2011), 283-300.

• Attaining the State of Unity
When the tree of dhikr takes root in the disciple’s entire being and reaches perfection, initialobservations gradually give way to revelations,53

Nasafi, Kashf al-Haqayeq, 141.

54 Badlisi, Soum al-Qalb, 106.

32

SEPIDEH AFRASHTEH• Mystical Conquests

and the tree begins to bear fruit. One of thesefruits is attaining the state of unity (tawhīd),
which, according to the mystics and Sufis of
this order, is the purpose of creation. Eachdisciple comprehends this unity according totheir himmah (aspiration) and strength, leadingthem to prosperity.55

Through the practices of dhikr and meditation, the disciple may gain insights into unseen
events and currents, as well as acquire knowledge about the deeds of individuals, prophets,
saints, and the concepts of heaven and hell.58
These practices can potentially lead to mysticalconquests, opening the disciple’s perceptual
faculties to previously unseen realms.59• Severing the nafs from the World and the
Devil• The Influence of Divine Names andAttributes on the Seeker

Since the principle of dhikr is to prevent thesenses from being captivated by the sensible,
one of its outcomes is that the soul’s relianceon the world and the devil is severed. This isbecause every temptation and calamity thathas afflicted the soul and strengthened it, has
originated from the senses.56

The disciple’s journey is influenced at allstages by divine attributes and names. As thedisciple advances in meditation, he begins torecognize the specific names and attributes
that have an impact on him. While this recognition may not be comprehensive, the disciple
acutely senses the influence of these divinenames and attributes and gains a certain levelof understanding of each.

• Mortality of the dhākir in the Truth ofdhikr
As the disciple continues with dhikr, the deity
causes the false gods to become mortal forthem and elevates them to a level where they
forget all familiar things to such an extent thatthe disciple does not even perceive themselves.
At this stage, it is said: The truth has comeand falsehood has vanished (al-Isrāʾ 17/81).
At this time, the truth of Everything is boundto perish except He Himself (al-Qaṣaṣ 28/88)
is revealed, and the Absolute Truth appears
with the attribute of unity.

• The Annihilation of the Self and Union
with the Divine
As the disciple progresses in dhikr, he eventually reaches a stage where he experiences
signs of self-annihilation. This state of annihilation paves the way for union with thedivine, leading the disciple to renounce his
ego and selfish desires. The disciple’s heart
becomes a sanctuary for the divine, devoidof anything else. As the disciple advances invarious stages and succeeds in purging his
mind of extraneous thoughts and his heart ofother names and memories, he realizes that
his sole aim and purpose is the pursuit of the
Ultimate Truth. The disciple experiences the
profound realization that without this goal, he
is nothing; but with it, he possesses everything
and lack nothing.60• Emergence of Intuitions
Whenever the seekers begin to perform dhikr
and purify their heart, intuitions from theunseen emerge that are appropriate to theirstatus. These observations sometimes occur indreams and sometimes during wakefulness, astate referred to as waqi’ah. The waqi’ah takes
place between sleep and wakefulness.57

55

Razi, Mersad al-Ibad, 150-154.

58

Yathrebi, Practical Mysticism, 283-300.

56

Najm al-Din Kubra, Usul al-Eshrah, 53.

59

Razi, Mersad al-Ibad, 150-154.

57

Razi, Mersad al-Ibad, 162.

60 Yathrebi, Practical Mysticism, 283-300.

33

Dhikr in Islamic Sufism A Case Study: The Order of Kubrawiyya• Perception of Colors and Lights

the outcomes of continuous dhikr, unveilingthe profound spiritual metamorphoses that cantranspire through consistent practice.

One of the significant mystical theories proposed by Najm al-Dīn Kubra is the theory ofcolors and lights, which is based on his personal experiences. Other disciples may also have
similar experiences. For instance, he posits
that in the initial stage, the disciple is drawn
towards infinite darkness. As a glimmer ofpurity and light emerges, it manifests as a darkcloud. When the disciple’s existence is under
the sway of negative forces, it appears in a
red hue.61 It is evident that these are observations made during the practice of dhikr andmeditation.

In summary, the practice of dhikr within the
Kubrawiyya order stands as a testament to
the enduring potency and influence of Sufi
traditions in shaping spiritual experiences. The
Kubrawiyya order’s emphasis on dhikr andseclusion, its awrād and adhkār, and its adaptability to diverse spiritual needs and contexts
are underscored. This research sheds light on
the central role of dhikr within the Kubrawiyya
order and its potential to foster spiritual growth
and transformation.
The interdisciplinary relevance of this subject
matter, intersecting with fields such as psychology, sociology, and religious studies, also
can be seen. As the world continues to evolve at
a rapid pace, the importance of preserving anddocumenting practices like dhikr within thevarious Sufi orders is evident. This researchcontributes to a broader understanding of Sufi
practices and serves as a springboard for further exploration in the field, underscoring
the enduring relevance and richness of Sufi
traditions.

Conclusion
This paper explores the pivotal role of dhikr
within the Kubrawiyya order, a distinguishedtradition within Islamic Sufism. The researchoffers an elaborated exploration of dhikr, scrutinizing its significance, principles, objectives, methodologies, and outcomes. The
Kubrawiyya order’s distinctive approach todhikr, which accentuates monotheism, divine
love, faith in the spirit, stages of the nafs, anddivine caliphate, is brought to the fore. The
transformative potential of dhikr for disciples
is underscored, with goals spanning from therealization of monotheism to the attainment ofcompanionship with the Divine Truth.

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35

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesisİbn ‘Acîbe’nin Kur’ân Tefsirinde Kozmik Öznellik
Mariya GOLOVACHEVA*

DOİ: 10.32739/ustad.2024.5.60

Cilt/Volume: 3 • Sayı/Number: 1 • Mayıs/May 2024

Abstract
In his autobiography the Moroccan Sufi Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība cites an incident in which his saintly grandmothergives a command to a snake and the reptile fulfils the lady’s order. Undoubtedly, the story demonstrates the
special powers granted to the saintly woman, but is the snake she interacts with also special? Or do natural
entities in general understand and know more than we ordinarily think? Whereas the Qur’ān repeatedlyemphasises the “animated quality of nature,” portraying the conscious, knowing and even wise cosmos,
the works of exegesis often interpret such verses metaphorically (majāz) as eloquent expressions of God’s
power and universal submission to it. How to reconcile this widespread figurative understanding with thenumerous Sufi accounts of the alive, knowing, and understanding cosmos (similar to the incident mentioned by Ibn ‘Ajība)? To answer this question and more broadly, to reflect upon the understudied issue of
cosmic subjectivity in the Sufi works of tafsīr, this article looks into Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic commentaryal-Baḥr al-Madīd (The Immense Ocean), which masterfully blends exoteric and esoteric approaches to thescripture and which is aimed at general public (rather than the initiates on the Sufi path). Whereas the Sufi
master himself clearly perceives everything in creation as an understanding subject, he also succeeds inseamlessly bringing together various interpretations (including purely metaphorical readings), recognising
their validity and suitability for different audiences. The highest level, however, is to realise that the literalmeaning of the Qur’ānic description of the cosmos accurately captures the aspects of reality hidden from*

ORCID: 0000-0001-8690-258X Graduate Student, Ibn Haldun University Alliance of Civilizations Institute,
mariya.golovacheva@stu.ihu.edu.tr.

Received: 16.01.2024

Accepted: 25.03.2024

Published: 31.05.2024

Cite as: Maria Golovacheva, “Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis”, Journal of the Institute for Sufi
Studies 3, 1 (2024): pp. 36-53.
This article is distributed under license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)36

MARIYA GOLOVACHEVA

senses: the spiritually enlightened actually “see” with the eye of baṣīra that the cosmos is alive, conscious,and knowledgeable, and that everything in it is ultimately a vessel manifesting Divine names.
Keywords: Sufism, Ibn ‘Ajība, tafsīr, subjectivity, consciousness, natural world, majāz.

ÖzFaslı sûfî Ahmed İbn ‘Acîbe otobiyografisinde, büyükannesinin bir yılana emir verdiği ve sürüngenin debu mübarek hanımın emrini yerine getirdiği bir olaydan bahseder. Kuşkusuz bu hikâye bu azîz kadınabahşedilen özel güçleri göstermektedir, ancak burada özel olan sadece o mudur yoksa iletişim kurduğu
yılan da özel bir varlık mıdır? Ya da genel olarak doğal varlıklar normalde düşündüğümüzden daha fazlasını
anlayıp bilebilir mi? Kur’ân, defaten, “doğanın canlı niteliğini” vurgulayarak onu bilinçli, bilen ve hatta
bilge bir kozmos olarak tasvir ederken, tefsir eserleri, bu tür âyetleri genellikle mecâzî olarak yorumlayarak
onları, Allah’ın kudretinin ve âlemin O’na zorunlu teslimiyetinin belagatli ifadeleri olarak görür. O halde
bu yaygın sembolik okuma anlayışını, canlı, bilen ve anlayan bir kozmosun (İbn ‘Acîbe’nin bahsettiği olaya
benzer şekilde) sufilerin hayatlarındaki sayısız tezâhürüyle nasıl uzlaştırabiliriz? Bu makale, bu soruyu
cevaplamak ve daha geniş anlamda, tasavvufî tefsirlerde az çalışılmış bir konu olan kozmik öznellik meselesiüzerine düşünmek amacıyla, İbn ‘Acîbe’nin kutsal kitaba zâhirî ve bâtınî yaklaşımları ustalıkla harmanlayanve (tasavvuf yolundaki sâliklerden ziyade) halkın geneline yönelik telif ettiği el-Bahrü’l-Medîd (Uçsuz
Bucaksız Okyanus) adlı Kur’ân tefsirini incelemektedir. Mürşidin kendisi yaratılıştaki her şeyi bilen birer
varlık olarak algılarken, aynı zamanda farklı yaklaşımları (tamamen metaforik okumalar da dahil olmaküzere) sorunsuz bir şekilde bir araya getirmeyi, bunların geçerli ve farklı kitleler için farklı uygunluklarasahip olduğunu kabul eder. Bununla birlikte, buradaki en yüksek seviye, Kur’ân’ın âlem tasvirinin sözlük
anlamıyla, hakikatin duyulardan gizlenen yönlerini isabetli bir şekilde ele geçirdiğini fark etmektir: Ruhsal
olarak aydınlanmış kişi, kozmosun canlı, idrâk sahibi ve bilgili olduğunu ve içindeki her şeyin, nihayetindeİlahi İsimler’i tezâhür ettiren birer mazhar olduğunu basîret gözüyle gerçekten “görür”.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Tasavvuf, İbn ‘Acîbe, tefsîr, öznellik, bilinçlilik, doğal dünya, mecâz.

Introduction

This anecdote, told by the Moroccan SufiAḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība (d.1224/1809) in his autobiography (fahrasa), refers to his grandmothersayyida Fāṭima, who was a renowned saintfrom ahl al-ighātha (people of assistance).2
Whereas the story can be examined frommultiple angles, what is particularly pertinent
to the present article is the fact of seamless
communication between sayyida Fāṭima andthe snake: the snake’s ability to understandand fulfil the command exceeds the range
of faculties usually attributed to this animal.
Undoubtedly, the incident demonstrates theAnother woman had concerns about asnake that came to devour all the worms
she fed to her fowls. According to her own
account, she asked the snake, in the nameof God and sayyida Fatima, to cease its
misdeeds. Fatima came to her and immediately the snake placed its head by
the door. “Is it this one?” asked Fatima.
“By God, it is!” replied the woman. Then
Fatima grabbed a pestle and, brandishingit in the direction of the snake, told it:“By God, if you return to eat her worms,
I will bury your head!” The snake neverreappeared again.1
12Jean-Louis Michon, “L’autobiographie du Soufi Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ʿAǧība (1747-1809) I”, Arabica 15,
3 (1968): 264.

37

Saints who function as intercessors and who manifest
divine mercy through wonders, see Michon, “L’autobiographie du Soufi Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ʿAǧība”,
263; John Renard, Friends of God: Islamic Images of
Piety, Commitment, and Servanthood (Berkeley and
Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008),
89.

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis

special powers granted to sayyida Fāṭima, but
is the snake she interacts with also special? Or
do snakes in general understand more than weordinarily think, even though the majority ofhuman beings are incapable of perceiving thisreality? As Ibn ‘Ajība himself states later in
his autobiography, when a person dedicatesthemselves to God and His contemplation, thecreatures become related and bound to them.3
He narrates several incidents from his own
life, in which wild animals and birds accompanied him on his journeys and in momentsof solitude: once, when a jackal was following him, Ibn ‘Ajība commanded the animal
to stop and it did. But when he tried to giveit a piece of bread, the jackal fled,4 indicatingthat what attracted the animal was the innerstate of the righteous Sufi, not trivial hunger.
Such incidents leave little doubt that the natural
world possesses understanding and affinity
with humankind, even though this reality
lies hidden from the uninitiated. The idea is
not new and has been articulated by Sufis
throughout the ages, both in the accounts of
their lives and in their theoretical writings. The
wind being instructed to carry Ḥabīb al-ʿAjamī5 or the docile gazelle suddenly turning
aggressive upon Abū Madyan’s unintentional
withholding of money meant for charity6 bring
into relief both the universality of consciousness and understanding, which apply even to
seemingly inanimate things, and the profoundwisdom that the natural world manifests in
its interaction with saints. When it comes tothe theoretical expression of this reality, AbūḤāmid al-Ghazālī in his Iḥyā ʿUlūm al-Dīn
3

Michon, “L’autobiographie du Soufi Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ʿAǧība”, 266.

4

Jean-Louis Michon, “L’autobiographie du Soufi Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ʿAǧība (1747-1809) III”, Arabica
16, 2 (1969): 138.

5

Renard, Friends of God, 107.

6

Vincent Cornell, The Way of Abū Madyan: Doctrinal and Poetic Works of Abū Madyan Shuʿayb ibn alḤusayn al-Anṣārī (c.509/1115-594/1198) (Cambridge:
The Islamic Texts Society, 1996), 6.

(The Revival of the Religious Sciences) argues
that “all the atoms of heaven and earth praise
God,”7 while Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī in his Masnavī
justifiably wonders “if the fire of Nimrod has
no eye, how can it be explained that it takes
care to show respect to Abraham?”8 Indeed, theQur’ān repeatedly emphasises the “animatedquality of nature,”9 depicting the whole cosmos as an active participant in its narrative:
everything in creation glorifies God (tasbīh)(Q 17/44) and prostrates to Him (sujūd) (Q22/18), God addresses the heavens, the earth,the mountains (Q 33/72), and the fire (Q 21/69)
on different occasions, He inspires (waḥy) theearth (Q 99/5) and the bee (Q 16/68), the natural world plays a pivotal role in the storiesof the prophets David and Solomon (Q 27/1622), to give just a few most striking examples.
However, in spite of such a wealth of seemingly
incontrovertible scriptural evidence pointing
to the alive, conscious, understanding, andknowledgeable cosmos, intimately related tohuman beings, when it comes to the works oftafsīr, there is a well-established tendency tooften resort to metaphorical interpretations(majāz) of such verses. Since the default state ofhuman beings is their inability to perceive andcomprehend cosmic tasbīh, sujūd, and communication, in order to fit human understanding
these phenomena are interpreted figuratively
as eloquent expressions of God’s incontrovertible power and universal submission to it.10 In
addition to acknowledging the linguistic merits

38

7

Lynda Clarke, “The Universe Alive: Nature in the
Masnavī of Jalal al-Din Rumi,” in Islam and Ecology: A Bestowed Trust, ed. Richard Foltz, Frederick
Denny, and Azizan Baharuddin (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2003), 60.

8Ibid., 46.

9Abdal Hakim Murad, Travelling Home: Essays ofIslam in Europe (Cambridge: The Quilliam Press,2020), 275.

10See, for example, al-Zamakhsharī’s al-Kashshāf, alRāzī’s Mafātīḥ al-ghayb, al-Qurṭubī ’s al-Jāmiʿ liaḥkām al-Qur’ān.

MARIYA GOLOVACHEVA

of majāz,11 various exegetes also advocate metaphorical readings on theological and logicalgrounds. For example, Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī in
his influential tafsīr Mafātīḥ al-Ghayb argues
that since in the Ash’arite kalām tradition theexistence of life is predicated upon the attributes of knowledge (ʿilm) and power (qudra),
consciousness and any kind of knowledge
are impossible in jamādāt (inanimate things)(at least in their “normal” state which can beupended in exceptional circumstances throughGod’s intervention).12 Interestingly, even Sufi
exegetes are sometimes unwilling to take theQur’ānic descriptions of universal prostration,
glorification, and conscious celebration of theDivine at face value: for example, Abū’l-Qāsim
al-Qushayrī understands cosmic tasbīh literally only when it comes to living entities,
whereas in the case of jamādāt he sides with
al-Rāzī, preferring a metaphorical reading.13
The propensity among many exegetes for
either restricting or denying the existence oflife, consciousness, understanding, and knowledge in various cosmic entities invites a natural
question of how this position can be reconciledwith the numerous Sufi accounts of an unmistakeably alive and knowing cosmos as well as
their theoretical arguments supporting a literal
11

understanding of the Qur’ānic passages underreview. How to navigate such seemingly contradictory views on the nature of the cosmos?
Can different cosmic entities be simultaneously alive and inanimate, conscious and lacking
awareness and understanding?
Ibn ‘Ajība, whom we have already met at the
beginning of the Introduction, is a perfect candidate to answer these questions: belonging
to the Darqāwī Shādhilī Sufi school, in his
Qur’ānic commentary al-Baḥr al-Madīd (TheImmense Ocean) he masterfully blends theexoteric and esoteric approaches to the scripture, addressing general public (rather than theinitiates on the Sufi path), acknowledging thevalidity of non-Sufi views, and presenting Sufi
doctrines in the accessible language. Whereas
Sufis are generally known for their skilful
integration of the esoteric and the exoteric,Ibn ‘Ajība stands out for his ability to reveal
both dimensions in every single verse of theQur’ān and to offer practical guidance to all
believers regardless of their spiritual level.14 As
has already been demonstrated in the stories
from Ibn ‘Ajība’s autobiography, the mufassir clearly perceives the natural world as anunderstanding subject, yet in his exegesis heaccommodates various positions (including
purely metaphorical readings), recognisingthat even though on the surface they might
appear contradictory, they are best regarded ascomplementary, enriching our understandingof both the Qur’ān and the world.15 In what
follows we will look in detail into Ibn ‘Ajība’s
perception of the cosmos and its subjectivity

According to one of the foremost literary theoristsof the Islamic world, ‘Abd al-Qāhir al-Jurjānī, imagery exceeds plain truth in eloquence and its ability
to move the reader / listener: the subtlety of expression coupled with the depth of meaning produces
the most beautiful forms “that influence the heart
and the soul” (José Miguel Puerta Vílchez, Aesthetics in Arabic Thought, trans. Consuelo López-Morillas (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 51-2). See also Nadwa
Dawud, “Muṣṭalaḥāt al-taṣwīr wa-l-tamthīl wa-ltakhyīl ʿinda-l-Zamakhsharī fī-l-Kashshāf ” (Theterms “taṣwīr” (depiction), “tamthīl” (allegory) and“takhyīl” (visualisation, or imaginative representation) in al-Zamakhsharī’s al-Kashshāf ), Journal of
Qur’anic Studies 10, 2 (2008): 142-175.

12Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, Mafātīḥ al-Ghayb, also known
as al-Tafsīr al-Kabīr (Vols. 1-32) (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr,
1981), 20: 219.

13

Sarra Tlili, Animals in the Qur’an (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 45.

39

14

Mohamed Fadel Elsayed, “Le Commentaire du Coran par le Soufi Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība (11601224/1747-1809): Méthodes et Themes” (PhD diss.,
University of Strasbourg, 2021), 248.

15

Which agrees with Bauer’s thesis about the acceptance of and the comfort with quite high levels of
ambiguity in pre-modern Islamic worldview, seeThomas Bauer, A Culture of Ambiguity. An Alternative History of Islam, trans. Hinrich Biesterfeldt
and Tricia Tunstall (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2021).

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis

and how he succeeds in seamlessly bringing
together various interpretations, accepting
them all while singling out the literal reading
as the deepest and most accurate depiction ofreality, that is understood, seen, and internalised by the spiritually enlightened. What is
worth drawing attention to before proceeding any further is that the literal reading of“cosmic” verses in the Qur’ān should not beequated with the exoteric level of interpretation: since the Qur’ānic portrayal of the alive
and knowledgeable cosmos goes against mostpeople’s routine perception of and interaction
with the natural world and challenges theirconventional way of looking at it, understanding this portrayal literally without trying to
make it fit the necessarily limited human experience is actually closer to the esoteric level. To
perceive the cosmos as alive is to go beyond
the apparent to uncover the hidden.

they exercise their thought processes.18 As abacklash against this anthropocentric vision,
post-modernity has witnessed the emergenceof a strictly egalitarian outlook, which denies
distinctiveness to human subjects, emphasising
universal interconnection of all the entities in
the cosmos, whose fluid relationality produces
subjectivity.19 While post-humanist versions ofsubjectivity in their revolt against the Cartesianbinary outlook usher in a flattened cosmos,
the Sufi view is equally bent on overcoming
the subject – object dichotomy, preserving,
however, the existence of spiritual degrees andlevels in creation. God, the cosmos, and theself represent three corners of a triangle with
God on top, being the ultimate Principle andSource of both the cosmos and the self. Since
Divine names permeate the created world andreveal themselves in its every nook and cranny
at varying degrees, both the cosmos and theself are first and foremost manifestations ofGod’s names. The process of spiritual unveiling (kashf ) attunes a Sufi practitioner to theunderlying relatedness of everything in thecosmos: when one transcends the confines of
the nafs (lower self) and attains fanāʾ (annihilation), they are able to presentially embrace
the whole cosmos (macrocosm) in their own
being and consciousness (microcosm).20 What
William Chittick calls the anthropocosmic
vision bespeaks of the complementarity rather than polarity: in line with a truly tawḥīdic

Subjectivity and Its Criteria

Subjectivity is an ideal tool to study Ibn ‘Ajība’sunderstanding of the cosmos in the Qur’ān as it
can be used as an umbrella term for such crucial aspects as consciousness, aliveness, mental
states, agency, and relationality. Even though
there is no single universally agreed-upondefinition, the traits that constitute a subject
can be deduced from such attempts to define
subjectivity as “self-consciousness as the basisof all possible knowledge,”16 or “the idea ofsome ‘thing’ that is both the owner of certain
mental states and the agent of certain activities.”17 Since Descartes, the approach to subjectivity in the West has been rooted in cognition making up a uniquely human subject,
distinct from surrounding objects upon which
16

Muhammad U. Faruque, Sculpting the Self: Islam,Selfhood, and Human Flourishing (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2021), 51.

17

Alain de Libera, “When Did the Modern Subject
Emerge?,” American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 82, 2 (2008): 181.

18

James Miller, China’s Green Religion: Daoism and
the Quest for a Sustainable Future (New York: Columbia University Press, 2017), 27.

19See, Nathan Eric Dickman, “A Zhuangzian Tangle: Corroborating (Orientalism in?) Posthumanist
Approaches to Subjectivities and Flourishings”,
Religions 10 (2019): 3; Jordi Vivaldi, “Xenological
Subjectivity: Rosi Braidotti and Object-oriented Ontology”, Open Philosophy 4 (2021): 314.

20 Faruque, Sculpting the Self, 85. See also Olga Louchakova-Schwartz, “The Self and the World: Vedanta,
Sufism, and the Presocratics in a PhenomenologicalView,” in Phenomenology/Ontopoesis: Retrieving
Geo-cosmic Horizons of Antiquity, ed. A.-T. Tymieniecka (New York: Springer, 2011): 428-30.

40

MARIYA GOLOVACHEVA

vision, the cosmos and the self are merely two
mirrors reflecting the Divine.21 The idea ofthe two mirrors is particularly stimulating in
the context of contemplating cosmic subjectivity: if the cosmos reflects the same Reality
as human beings22 – namely, Divine names,– should not its nature resemble that of banīĀdam?

the commentary on Qur’ānic verses should be
regarded as taʾwīl: the interpretation which,without departing from the original sense, goesbeyond it, revealing multiple possible ways ofunderstanding, none of which is definitive andall of which resonate with different audiences.23 To illustrate how Ibn ‘Ajība applies thisapproach in his tafsīr, one can have a look at
his commentary on the verse about amāna(trust) offered to the heavens, the earth, andthe mountains and their refusal to carry it out(Q 33/72): in the exoteric section the mufassir
explains that amāna can refer to the creation of
consciousness, life, and reason in those great
bodies or to the trust being offered to their
inhabitants (angels and jinn). The exegete also
includes a metaphorical interpretation, which
he attributes to al-Bayḍāwī: had the offer takenplace and had those bodies possessed feelingand consciousness, they would have refused toaccept the offer out of fear. And the purposeof such a metaphor is to glorify obedience,
which in this case is called amāna since it
requires implementation.24 While Ibn ‘Ajība
seems to incline towards the literal meaning,
he does not plainly reject the figurative one.
And in the ishārī section of the commentary(the characteristically Sufi exegesis by sign orallusion) Ibn ‘Ajība clarifies that, unlike, on
the one hand, angels and jinn, overpoweredby abstract and spiritual meanings and having
no access to the sensible reality, and, on theother hand, animals and jamādāt, existing in
the domain of senses and clouded from hidden
lights and secrets, a human is the only creaturein which the opposites come together (subtlety and coarseness, body and spirit, light anddarkness, meaning and sense).25 Whereas Ibn‘Ajība’s reflections unmistakably emphasise

The concept of subjectivity as such has become
prominent in Western thought since the humanist shift during the Enlightenment and does
not belong to Ibn ‘Ajība’s Weltanschauung,but the features of subjectivity are clearlyaddressed in his exegesis. Three features ofsubjectivity have been selected for the purpose of this study, namely, consciousness / life,
knowledge / wisdom, and interrelatedness ofeverything in creation. Subjectivity, especiallywhen applied to the natural world, provides auseful framework to examine an active anddynamic dimension of the cosmos in the Sufi
master’s tafsīr: not only is it a seat of God’s
silent (albeit splendid) signs (ayāt), but it isalso an indispensable vocal participant in theevents of this world, knowing and promoting
the good and the true and decrying the evil.
Consciousness/Life

As has already been indicated, Ibn ‘Ajība ingeneral is very open to enlivening the wholecosmos, while giving space to various positions expressed by scholars regarding the topic.
Adopting a balanced viewpoint, Ibn ‘Ajība
often recognises the validity of multiple interpretations of the verses hinting at cosmic subjectivity. This stance agrees with the general
position of the Shādhilī school articulated by
Ibn ʿAṭāʾ Allāh al-Iskandarī, who explains that
21

William C. Chittick, Science of the Cosmos, Scienceof the Soul: The Pertinence of Islamic Cosmology in
the Modern World (Oxford: Oneworld Publications,2007), 131.

23

Elsayed, “Le Commentaire du Coran par le Soufi
Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība,” 27.

24 Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd fī tafsīr alQurʾān al-majīd (Cairo: self-published, 1999), 4: 468.

22 Even though the clarity and comprehensiveness of thereflected image might not be as sharp and precise.

25

41

Ibid., 4: 469.

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis

the specialness of banī Ādam, they also shedfurther light on the exegete’s perception of thecosmos. First, in the esoteric realm Ibn ‘Ajība
takes the literal understanding of the offer ofamāna to the heavens, the earth, and the mountains for granted, simply stating its occurrence.
Second, by grouping jamādāt and animals
together and by attributing the sensible perception of reality to them, the exegete makes
it clear that consciousness exists not only inanimals but also in what is ordinarily regarded
as inanimate. Overall, in both the exoteric andthe esoteric parts of the commentary Ibn ‘Ajība
favours the non-figurative interpretation of theactual exchange between God and the mighty
cosmic entities without, however, rejecting thevalidity of the metaphorical reading. It appears
that to him different interpretations can co-exist, reflecting the richness and polyphony of
the Qur’ānic text.

expressed side-by-side with a metaphoricalreading of prostration as submission and obedience. Al-Bayḍāwī in his tafsīr refers to sujūd
as submission, either natural (bi-l-ṭabʿ) or bychoice (bi-l-ikhtiyār). A palm tree prostrates if
it bends out of the heaviness of its fruits, and acamel prostrates if it lowers its head to allow
mounting.28 The fact that all inanimate things
are submissive to their Lord and obedient to
His commands is compared to the prostration of the legally accountable (mukallafīn),
which represents the highest degree of obedience.29 Interpreting the instances of cosmic
prostration, glorification, and other apparently
conscious acts as majāz aimed at emphasising
universal obedience to the Creator does notnecessarily mean that the natural world is notconscious: sujūd in the sense of submissivenessmight not be of the same lofty stature as literal prostration, but it feels like it still requires
consciousness.

We can discover the same pattern of inclusivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s reading of other verses.
Commenting on the prostration (sujūd) of
shadows (Q 16/48-9), he argues that it can beunderstood both as haqīqa (reality) and majāz.
Daḥḥāk narrates that when the sun reaches
its zenith, everything in creation (specificallyplants and trees) prostrates in the directionof the qibla. This is the reason why the righteous prefer to pray at that specific time toalign their worship with the universal choirof worshippers.26 In his explanation of anotherverse addressing sujūd (Q 22/18), Ibn ‘Ajība
conveys al-Kawāshī’s report that the stars, thesun, and the moon prostrate when they set,
and do not rise again until they are permitted to do so. Likewise in a hadith narrated in
al-Bukhārī’s collection, it is clearly stated thatthe sun does not rise before it prostrates andgets permission.27 This vision of the conscious
spiritually-motivated worshipping cosmos is

Regarding the issue of tasbīh, Ibn ‘Ajība, following his proclivity for accepting and validating a variety of opinions, in his detailed commentary on Q 17:44 brings forward a numberof possible meanings of universal glorification.
He starts with clarifying that tasbīh denotes
exaltation and that the earth and everything
on it point to the exalted status of God and theimpossibility of Him having a partner or a son.
How exactly do various creatures convey thismessage? Ibn ‘Ajība describes five scenarios:
1. They do it through their very existence,
namely, by being possible (as opposed tonecessary) and created, they bespeak of theCreator, who is Ever-Lasting and whose
being is necessary. The whole creation
thus glorifies God through lisān al-ḥāl (thelanguage of its state), which constitutes
tasbīh al-ḥāl, or figurative tasbīh. Even
though Ibn ‘Ajība starts with this opinion

26

Ibid., 3: 134.

28

Ibid., 3: 134 on Q 16/48-9.

27

Ibid., 3: 522. See al-Bukhārī, “Badʾ al-khalq”, 10.

29

Ibid., 3: 522 on Q 22/18.

42

MARIYA GOLOVACHEVA

advocated by al-Bayḍāwī, he makes it clearthat he himself believes that tasbīh maqālī(literal glorification using words) is a more
likely interpretation.

used by human beings (subḥān Allahu
wa-l-hamdu li-l-Lāhi), because everything glorifies in a way that best suits theirstate.30 In a rare explicit reference to Ibn
al-ʿArabī,31 the Moroccan Sufi cites theAndalusian sheikh’s statement, according to which whoever does not hear thevariations of tasbīh in the universe, does
not hear it at all, but is only conscious of
their own state. According to Prophetic
sayings, “neither a fish that swims in thesea nor a bird that flies in the air is caught
but it results in the lessening of tasbīh”
and “as long as there is still God’s creation, it will glorify God upon the risingof the sun, with the exception of Satanand the most arrogant of human beings.”
Ibn ‘Ajība also cites his teachers’ teacher,sheikh ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-ʿĀrif al-Fāsī,
who believed in the generality of tasbīh,
given such well-known incidents from thelife of the Prophet as the glorification of
the pebbles in his hands, the weeping ofa tree trunk upon its separation from theProphet, the love that the mountain Uḥudfelt for the believers, and the tasbīh of thefood heard by the Companions. Sheikhal-Fāsī assumed that limiting glorifica-

2. According to another figurative reading of
the verse, glorification also implies thateverything contains in itself a featurepointing to its Creator, and this realisation
prompts whoever witnesses and contemplates the world (meaning, human beings)
to engage in tasbīh. Ibn ‘Ajība conveys
this interpretation from Ibn ʿAṭiyya as
one of opinions of ahl al-ʿilm (people ofknowledge) without commenting on it:
after all, does not the verse refer to all-encompassing glorification which inevitably takes different forms due to its sheer
scale? Once started, it is bound to produce
a ripple effect, bringing in more and more
singers of God’s praise in a universal choir.
Both the first and the second versions oftasbīh do not necessarily require awareness on the part of cosmic entities.
3. Another opinion (articulated by anothergroup of ahl al-ʿilm in Ibn ʿAṭiyya’s classification) ascribes glorification to everything that is alive and growing, excluding
inanimate things from the choir of worshippers, since they are regarded as dead.
Hence, a tree literally glorifies God, butwhen it is later carved into a table, notonly does it lose life, but it also loses theability to glorify its Creator. According tothis interpretation, life and consciousness
go hand in hand, with the latter extending
to all living things.
4. Universal tasbīh can actually be real (tasbīh al-haqīqa), expressed through words(maqālī) by everything in creation. This
position is closest to Ibn ‘Ajība’s heart
and is also upheld by the third group of
ahl al-ʿilm according to Ibn ʿAṭiyya. The
words do not have to be the same as those

4330

The only exception to this rule seems to be the mountains’ glorification alongside David: their tasbīh did
not differ from human glorification and was audible
to everyone, which was one of the prophet’s miracles(muʿ jiza), see Ibn ‘Ajība al-Baḥr al-madīd, 4: 476 on
Q 43/10. What a majestic scene and a marvellous experience it must have been, looking at the solid andstately mountains and hearing them repeat subḥānAllahu wa-l-hamdu li-l-Lāhi!

31

Even though Ibn ‘Ajība’s tafsīr carries a perceptible
Akbarian fragrance, he openly refers to the sheikh(calling him al-Ḥātimī) only nine times (Elsayed, “LeCommentaire du Coran par le Soufi Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība”, 111), most likely out of caution to
make sure that his commentary remains accessible toand acceptable by the general public, including those
who might not yet walk the Sufi path (Omneya Ayad,“Ibn ‘Ajība’s ‘Oceanic Exegesis of the Qur’an’: Methodology and Features”, Journal of Qur’anic Studies
23, 3 (2021): 97; Elsayed, “Le Commentaire du Coranpar le Soufi Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība”, 114, 337).

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis

tion to living things is erroneous, since
their tasbīh is one specific case of a more
universal phenomenon: jamādāt, deriving
their continued existence from God, do notneed to be alive to engage in glorification.
Furthermore, Ibn ‘Ajība finds support for
the universality of tasbīh in the standard
position of ahl al-sunna, according towhich there is no correlation between anatural constitution (binya) of any entity
and its ability to accept knowledge andlife, therefore, jamādāt are perfectly capable (even in theory) to display humility,
awe, and glorification. Ibn Ḥajar, relating a
Prophetic report about the weeping of thetree trunk, finds in it a confirmation that
God can create awareness (idrāk) in inanimate things, that is similar in nature to theone possessed by the noblest of animals.

standing, which unveils a deeper and moreaccurate picture of reality, even if this picture
is not immediately accessible to human senses.
At the same time, the exegete also recognises
the validity of metaphorical and in-between33
readings: is not it befitting God’s majesty that
He is glorified in a multitude of ways? Ibn‘Ajība masterfully weaves the literal and thefigurative together to portray a cosmos manifesting God through its every fibre, with universal consciousness (enabling literal tasbīh)
being one of the paths through which the One
and His attributes are revealed.
Remembering that Ibn ‘Ajība, in spite of his
openness to exoteric positions, is neverthelessprimarily a Sufi, it is appropriate to finish theanalysis of his view on the consciousness ofthe cosmos with the words of Rūzbihān Baqlī
that the Moroccan exegete cites in his tafsīr:
commenting on the imaginary revelation of theQur’ān to the mountain (Q 59/21), the Persian
mystic warns the seekers on the path against
the deceiving and rationalising eloquence of
theologians, who claim that the mountaincannot possess reason. There are spirits andminds known only to God. Had the mountainnot been able to understand the discourse, itwould not have been addressed.34 Ibn ‘Ajība
is in total agreement with Baqlī, certain thatinanimate things have consciousness, reason,and knowledge even if the matter is outwardly
hidden.35

5. The last scenario, found in the ishārī section of Ibn ‘Ajība’s commentary, adds a
distinctly Sufi flavour and a metaphysical dimension to the theme of universal
tasbīh: everything that exists in the world
stands between sense (ḥiss) and meaning(maʿnā), the former related to the material
reality and the latter connected to the spiritual abode. Hence, from the perspectiveof senses, everything glorifies throughtheir states, and from the perspective of
meaning, everything glorifies with their
tongues, but human preoccupation withthe material blinds them to higher realities.
Whoever burns the veil of illusion separating them from their Lord, will leave thecircle of senses and will understand that
all created entities simultaneously glorify
through words (in the realm of meaning)
and through state (in the realm of senses).32

Knowledge/Wisdom

Attributing knowledge and wisdom to thecosmos is a much more daring step than conceding that it might after all possess conscious33

In both the exoteric and esoteric sections of
Ibn ‘Ajība’s commentary on the universality of
tasbīh, he gravitates towards its literal under32

Literal glorification in the case of living entities andfigurative in the case of inanimate things, which corresponds to the third position outlined above.

34 Rūzbihān Baqlī, ‘Arā’is al-bayān fī ḥaqā’iq alQur’ān (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 2008), 415.
35

Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 3: 202-4.

44Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd fī tafsīr alQurʾān al-majīd (Maktaba Shāmila, 2019), 2179.

MARIYA GOLOVACHEVA

ness. The Enlightenment thinkers would raise
their eyebrows at the very idea of non-humanknowledge, but even those authors who promote post-anthropocentric subjectivity do not
go as far as to acknowledge that the cosmos
is actually characterised by knowledge andwisdom. Their primary goal is to dethrone
human beings, not to elevate the natural world.
But Ibn ‘Ajība is perfectly at ease with theQur’ānic stories portraying the sage cosmos:
he even adds to the scriptural narrative to
weave a tapestry of a strikingly enlightened,
perspicacious, and morally upright universe,
whose knowledge at times even exceeds that ofthe prophets. In the famous encounter between
Solomon and the ant (Q 27/18-9), it is not eventhe ant’s timely warning of the approachingarmy that bespeaks of its shrewdness: in fact,
the wise ant did not even fear for its companions’ physical safety. It had much loftierconcerns, being worried that its fellow ants
would crave what Solomon had been given andwould get distracted from their tasbīh.36 Whatis more, Ibn ‘Ajība recounts a conversation
between Solomon and the ant that is not foundin the Qur’ānic text, which indicates the ant’s
knowledge of the matters concealed from theprophet: the animal informs him of the wisdom
behind his own and his father’s names andthe reason for the wind’s subjugation to him.37

which consists of constant reminders of the
fleeting nature of this world and the need to
do good deeds: everything that is alive will die
and everything that is new will turn to rags;
woe to the one whose concern is this world;
as you sow so shall you reap; whoever is silent
is saved; remember God; whoever does notshow mercy, will not be treated with mercy,
etc.38 A famous story about Solomon and thehoopoe39 explicitly indicates the bird’s vast
knowledge, since the hoopoe comprehended what the prophet did not comprehend (Q27/22). In the knowledge that God granted thehoopoe is a test for Solomon, but more generally for scholars, who must always rememberthat whatever knowledge they have is a mere
gift from God, who can give more of it to any
creature, even the lowest and weakest one,since knowledge comes from Him alone.40
Not only animals display impressive intelligence in the Qur’ānic narrative about Solomon,
but even plants and inanimate things teach theprophet important lessons. Astounding as it
may seem, it was a tree in Solomon’s prayer
chamber (miḥrāb) that informed the prophet of his impending death.41 And it was thewind subjugated to Solomon that instructed
one of the best of banī Ādam on the virtueof humility: in his ishārī commentary, Ibn

Moving on to another type of creatures, thebirds, Ibn ‘Ajība’s exegesis contains striking
examples of their knowledge as well. Since
all that most of us as human beings hear fromthem is their melodious chirping, we are unable
to appreciate just how sagacious they are. But
Solomon was given the understanding of theirlanguage (manṭiq al-ṭayr) (Q 27/16) and heconveyed to us the content of their speech,
36

Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 4: 185.

37

For instance, Solomon was given this name becau�se he is spiritually safe, since his heart does not rely
on what he possesses (relying instead on God alone).
See, Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 4:185.

38

Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 4:181-2.

39

Who was later selected by Farīd al-Dīn ʿAṭṭār to leadthe birds on their spiritual quest in his Conference of
the Birds.

40 Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 4: 189.
41

45

Solomon would isolate himself for extended perio�
ds of time in his miḥrāb. When the appointed timeof his death approached, a new tree would appear in
the miḥrāb every morning. Solomon would ask those
trees about the reasons for their being in his prayer
chamber and they would reply. One day a carob tree
emerged and, upon the prophet’s question, replied:“I am planted for the destruction of this mosque.”
Solomon exclaimed that God would not destroy themosque as long as he was alive, so he deduced that
his own death was imminent and asked God to makethe jinn oblivious to his death so as to reveal theirignorance of the affairs of the unseen (al-ghayb). See
Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 4:483 on Q 34/14.

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis

who started following them and then, being
given the faculty of speech by God, spoke asfollows: “Friends of God (awliyā Allāh), do not
be afraid that I will attack you, indeed, I lovethe lovers of God, so sleep and I will guardyou.”44 Whereas Ibn ‘Ajība clearly indicatesthat the ability to speak was bestowed upon
the dog at a particular point by God, he does
not see the need to explain how the dog wasable to know and discern in the young people their high spiritual status and then takea decision to be their guardian. Whereas the
dog’s ability to use human language is indeed
extraordinary, given the accounts from Ibn‘Ajība’s own life depicted in his autobiography,
the animal’s perspicacity in identifying therighteous and its desire to seek their company
should not come as a surprise, since it agrees
with the general pattern of animal behaviour
experienced first-hand by Sufi saints. Theybear witness to the fact that the cosmos has
in-built knowledge, first, of God, and second,of what is good, using this knowledge to assist
the propagation of virtue.

‘Ajība explains that once the wind was carrying Solomon, but as soon as the prophet
affectionately looked at his splendid clothes,
the wind brought him down, explaining thatit (and other cosmic entities) obeyed him only
as long as he obeyed God. Upon the slightest
trace of Solomon’s attachment to the world,
the bond of obedience was broken and it was
restored only after the prophet’s repentance.42
This story can serve as a perfect illustration of
the exegete’s argument in his autobiographycited in the Introduction that whoever dedicates themselves to God finds all the creatures
bound to them: when Solomon was indifferent
to the world, focusing on his Lord alone, thewind did all his bidding, but once the prophet
got distracted, the wind, somehow aware ofthis inner deviation, ceased being Solomon’s
obedient servant.
A clarificatory remark is in order here: since
Solomon was the prophet, the spectacularinteractions he had with different creatures
and the natural world’s knowledge and wisdom
demonstrated in those encounters might be
the prophet’s miracle (as the vocal tasbīh ofthe mountains echoing David’s praises is an
example of Solomon’s father’s muʿ jiza). Ibn‘Ajība does not deny the miraculous elements
in Solomon’s story, but what is more significant for the Sufi mufassir is that the openings
that the prophet was given reflect his stationand the state of his heart. A deeper look into
this dimension of Ibn ‘Ajība’s reflections on
cosmic subjectivity will be taken in a later
section (“The art of seeing”).

An insight into the ubiquitousness of theknowledge of the Divine can be gleaned fromone of the ishārī sections of Ibn ‘Ajība’s exegesis. Commenting on Q 22/18, the Moroccan
mufassir cites one of the wisdoms from Ibn
ʿAṭāʾ Allāh’s famous Kitāb al-Ḥikam, which
confirms that everything knows God: “Youhave made Yourself known to everything andnothing is ignorant of You,” which is the reason
why the whole creation glorifies God and prostrates to Him. This reality is concealed frommost people behind the veil of materiality andspiritual heedlessness, but those who plunge
into the sea of meanings perceive the knowledge of the Creator reverberating through thewhole cosmos.45

What is more, even though the sagacity of thenatural world is particularly conspicuous in
the story of Solomon, it is not limited to it.
For example, according to one of the accounts
about the dog in the story of the Seven Sleepers(aṣḥāb al-kahf ),43 the youths came across a dog

al-Rāzī in his tafsīr to the companion Ubayy b. Kaʿb
(21:102).

42

Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 4:186 on Q 27/17-9.

44

Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 3: 256 on Q 18/18.

43

A very similar account of the story is attributed by

45

Ibid., 3: 522.

46

MARIYA GOLOVACHEVA

Interrelatedness

an expression of contempt in which the wholecosmos holds the evildoers), Ibn ‘Ajība thenproceeds to providing evidence to support theliteral reading. He cites several Prophetic traditions to explain how the whole cosmos anddifferent entities in creation literally mournthe passing of a righteous soul, whether they
have ever come into direct contact with it ornot. When a scholar dies, not only their riding
animals, but also the fish in the sea, the birds
in the sky, the vermin and the livestock on
the earth – the creatures inhabiting different
abodes – all weep over the loss of the virtuous and knowledgeable person. According
to another hadith, two doors in the heavens
are assigned to every servant of God: throughone door their provision descends and throughanother door their deeds ascend; and when
they die, these doors miss them and cry overthem.48 A place where a believer used to pray
and worship is also affected and laments theirdesertion49 – in sum, everything in the cosmos,
whether animate or inanimate, having an intimate bond with the deceased or no apparent
bond at all, is somehow aware of the loss andmourns it.

As has already been mentioned, universal
interconnection and relationality are the features of subjectivity according to post-modern
thought: the boundaries between different entities, solid at first glance, crumble upon closer
examination, as subjects emerge only throughconstant fluid interaction. On the one hand, Ibn‘Ajība cannot adhere to the idea of total parity
between everything in creation: as has alreadybeen discussed, he attributes the uniqueness ofhuman beings to their ability to combine theopposites, the bodily and the spiritual, lightand darkness, the subtle and the coarse, meaning and senses, the heavenly and the earthly.46
Furthermore, the Moroccan sheikh does notdeny that everything in creation serves humanbeings. In the words of God: O banī Ādam, I
created things for your sake, and I created
you for My sake, do not let what I created foryou distract you from what I created you for.47
On the other hand, Ibn ‘Ajība acknowledges
the existence of intimate connection (not only
physical, but more importantly moral and spiritual) between everything in creation, the connection that affects the cosmos in a profoundway, bringing forth its ability to empathise,
express emotions, and appreciate righteousness. And on a more esoteric level, he upholds
the Sufi belied that everything in creation isafter all equal in its being a manifestation of
the Divine in His manifold aspects.

Another form of relationality affecting thephysical aspects of cosmic entities can beobserved in the story of Abraham being throwninto the fire (Q 21/69). In the ishārī sectionof his commentary Ibn ‘Ajība clarifies that
Abraham was filled with God’s light, therefore
the customary laws of nature no longer applied
to him. Had the fire remained in its naturalstate, it would have been extinguished by thelight that filled Abraham’s being, therefore,
God commanded the fire to change its nature,so that its outward properties were visibly
the same, whereas its burning essence was
replaced by coolness. In the same vein, on
the Day of Judgment the hellfire will report-

To start with a more straightforward dimension of relationality, the innate interrelatednessof the world is brought into relief in the exoteric section of the commentary on the verse
describing the fate of tyrannical and oppressive communities, which states that neither
the heavens nor the earth weep for them (Q44/29). First acknowledging the possibility ofinterpreting the weeping metaphorically (as46

Ibid., 4: 469.

48

al-Tirmidhī, 47: 307.

47

Ibid., 3: 112.

49

Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 5: 287.

47

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis

edly say: “Pass, o believer, for your light has
extinguished my flame,”50 confirming thatthe interaction with the righteous has a direct
effect on the nature of the fire, transforming
its physical properties.51

awānī (receptacles, or created vessels): the former display the unchanging meanings of theCreator, while the latter both obscure thosemeanings through bodily and sensible forms
and protect them, serving as their containers
in this world.55 Everything in creation contains
both dimensions, but while most people staywithin the realm of the sensible, a gnostic (ʿārifbi-l-Lāh) pierces the veils of the receptacles
and discerns eternal meanings behind them,
being thus liberated from the prison of creation and ascending to the witnessing of theCreator. The cosmos does not exist by itself,
but exists only to display eternal meanings.
Ibn ‘Ajība compares a multitude of creatures
immersed in the sea of eternal meanings withthe shadows of trees reflected in the sea: as
their shadows do not prevent ships from crossing the sea, so the shadows of created beings
should not prevent the ships of contemplationfrom plunging into the seas of eternal meanings.56 Therefore, outward vessels, although
manifold and diverse, are mere illusory shadows, while reality belongs to the unchanging
oneness underlying them, since creation in its
innermost core is the place of Divine manifestation (tajallī). Whoever understands this, sees
the Creator wherever they look, oblivious tothe outward forms of created beings.57 It canbe said that the Qur’ānic verses portraying
the natural world are interpreted in the esoteric sections of Ibn ‘Ajība’s commentary as
allusions to spiritual illumination, al-fatḥ, inwhich all cosmic events are constantly reoriented towards God, eternally unveiling theDivine.58 Given that human beings are also

When one abandons the coarse physical abodeand rises into subtler realms, what they discover, according to a characteristically Sufi outlook, is that the boundaries between different
creatures are ultimately ephemeral. There isunderlying metaphysical unity in the cosmos,
since everything is a mere vessel reflecting
God who manifests through whatever object
He chooses.52 Every creature in the heavens
and earth is “a light from the lights of the Most
Merciful, and a secret from the secrets of His
essence” (in addition to being His slave).53
Beyond the outward multiplicity of appearances lies the unity of essence: everythingultimately is both God’s slave and His lightand secret, and it is the possession of thesecharacteristics that constitutes the kernel of
every created thing.
Furthermore, Ibn ‘Ajība repeatedly emphasises the paramount importance of Divine attributes of power (qudra) and wisdom (ḥikma),
explaining that in the Sufi vocabulary, power isregarded as the secrets of the Divine Essence,
whereas wisdom depicts the lights of His attributes and their effects in this world. Everycreated being stands between power and wisdom, in that power makes things apparent andwisdom veils them, linking them to physicalreasons (asbāb).54 Another way of referringto the same duality between the hidden andthe manifest, or the inward and the outward
is to juxtapose maʿānī (eternal meanings) and50

Ibid., 3: 477.

51

In addition to demonstrating its consciousness, understanding, and intelligence, whose existence is taken for granted and not even analysed by the mufassir.

52

Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-madīd, 5: 456 on Q 50/30.

53

Ibid., 3: 366 on Q 19/88-95.

54 Ibid., 1: 303.

48

55

Ibid., 3: 112.

56

Ibid., 4: 106-7.

57

Ibid., 3: 542.

58

Ruggero Vimercati Sanseverino, “Commentaire Coranique, Enseignement Initiatique et Renouveau Soufi
dans la Darqāwiyya. Le Baḥr al-Madīd fī Tafsīr alQurʾān al-Majīd d’Aḥmad Ibn ʿAjība (m. 1223/1809)”,
Studia Islamica 107 (2012): 230.

MARIYA GOLOVACHEVA

vessels of Divine manifestation,59 from thisperspective, there is not only interrelatedness,but also equality between everything in creation.

languages,61 and in the Islamic tradition, thelink between having a visual experience andobtaining conviction is encapsulated in thesecond stage of certainty, ʿayn al-yaqīn (eyeof certainty). Hence, it should come as no surprise that in his exegesis Ibn ‘Ajība discusses
the mechanics of seeing at some length. He
consistently refers to the heart as the mainorgan processing and interpreting our visual experiences. Whereas on the surface level
it is the eyes that see, they merely constitutean entry point and must convey their experience to the heart to properly understand theperceived scenes. Hence, seeing is a two-stepprocess which should not stop with the eyes
receiving the visual input. Interestingly, commenting on Q 22/46 about the hearts rather
than the eyes being blind, Ibn ‘Ajība argues
that human beings have four eyes: two of them
are located on the head and called baṣr (orphysical vision), and two are situated in theheart and called baṣīra (denoting intuitive andintellective insight and discernment).62 Baṣroperates on a sensory level, only seeing created things, which are necessarily temporary,whereas baṣīra penetrates into the level of thetimeless, discerning the fundamental meanings of things beyond their shadowy forms(al-awānī vs. al-maʿānī discussed in the previous section)63 and, ultimately, sees the Creatorin and beyond His creation. The sensory serves
as a container for supra-temporal and metaphysical meanings.

The Art of Seeing Cosmic Subjectivity

Having analysed how the three criteria ofsubjectivity – consciousness, knowledge, andinterrelatedness – are applied by Ibn ‘Ajība to
the natural world, we have discovered that the
Moroccan Sufi mufassir clearly perceives thecosmos and its entities as subjects, brimmingwith consciousness, understanding, wisdom,
intimately related to human beings, and, attheir core, containing Divine light and attributes and manifesting God. Even when Ibn‘Ajība accepts metaphorical interpretations in
his inclusive and polyphonous tafsīr, he clearly
does not reduce non-human creation to “a setting and a decorum”60 for human activity: thecosmos that is obedient and submissive to God,even if even it does not literally prostrate to theCreator or engage in a dialogue, still seems topossess awareness and understanding, providing an example of proper behaviour for humanbeings. And in his distinctively Sufi passages
Ibn ‘Ajība unambiguously describes the wholeof creation as a seat of abundant subjectivity.
The question that naturally follows is why alot (if not most) of human beings are unable
to perceive the aliveness, wisdom, and depthof the natural world? Why do human senses,
and primarily eyesight, which is their major
doorway to the world, fail them?

Having explained how vision works, Ibn‘Ajība then elucidates why the eyes of the heart(baṣīra) can become impaired. The reasons are
exclusively spiritual: to see better, one needs
to purify their heart rather than work on fixing

The paramount importance of seeing in interpreting the world is well-attested, even linguistically: for example, the saying “knowing
is seeing” can be found in all Indo-European
59

Elsayed, “Le Commentaire du Coran par le Soufi
Marocain Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība”, 333. Ibn ‘Ajība statesin his tafsīr that “there is nothing in creation except
the manifestations of the Most-High, the Great”. See
Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-Madīd, 2: 392.

60 Tlili, Animals in the Qur’ān, ix.

49

61

Iain McGilchrist, The Master and His Emissary: The
Divided Brain and the Making of the Western World(New Haven and London: Yale University Press,2019), 161.

62

Ibn ‘Ajība, al-Baḥr al-Madīd, 3: 541.

63

Ibid., 3: 542.

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis

the acuity of their eyes. Baṣīra gets clouded
because of one’s failure to stick to morally
upright behaviour, namely, when people disobey God, follow their blameworthy desires(ahwāʾ), exert a lot of efforts for the sake of
this lowly world (dunyā) and very few efforts
for the sake of God, and are absorbed in heedlessness (ghafla).64 The accumulation of sins
blinds the hearts not only to the all-pervasive
traces of God’s presence in the world, but also
to perceiving the cosmos as alive, attuned to
the Divine and engaged in constant worship. In
order to be able to perceive the eternal meanings (al-maʿānī) behind the created receptacles(al-awānī), one needs a proper understandingof tawḥīd, or God’s absolute oneness, reaching
the station of fanāʾ, or complete annihilation of
one’s self in the witnessing of the all-embracing presence of God.65 Undoubtedly, this station is attainable only by the few, but everyone
can start walking the path of self-purificationand in the process achieve a certain level ofspiritual acuity.

the natural world is determined by their statesand stations (maqāmāt). Even though they do
not know the language of other creatures, they
have openings in their hearts, inspiring them(ilhām) with understanding.66 The higher one’s
spiritual station is, the more profound theirperception of the cosmos will inevitably be.
Ibn ‘Ajība cites one of the maxims from Ibn
ʿAṭāʾ Allāh’s Kitāb al-Ḥikam several times inthe esoteric parts of his tafsīr, stating that “youare with the creatures as long as you do not see
the Creator, and when you see the Creator, thecreatures are with you.”67 Whoever turns to
God completely and obeys Him in everything,
the veils between them and the rest of creation
are burned and the world becomes transparent
and obedient to them.
Conclusion

Ibn ‘Ajība, coming from a sharīf 68 family of
renowned Sufi practitioners and devotees of
God and being the foremost master of the spiritual path himself, lived a life conducive to the
opening of the inner eye and the acquisition of
the subtlety of perception. However, his tafsīr,
written for the general public and not devoted
solely (or even primarily) to spiritual adepts,
acknowledges the difference of opinions existing in the Islamic scholarly tradition and recognises the validity of various interpretations of
the Qur’ānic text, all of which contain a seedof truth and all of which address the needs ofdifferent people. Applying this approach tothe scriptural depiction of the natural world
and the question of its subjectivity, Ibn ‘Ajība
usually enumerates various, metaphorical andliteral, interpretations. The inclusivity of theexegete’s commentary emphasises, on the one
hand, the impressive nature of the cosmos,

The influence of one’s inner state on theirability to read and decipher subtler meanings
that the cosmos generously pours out is again
brought into relief in the ishārī section of Ibn‘Ajība’s commentary on manṭiq al-ṭayr (Q27/16): the sounds of birds, predators, and the
movement of celestial objects are all different means of communication that God uses tointeract with the prophets and the messengers,
the gnostics and the truthful, who understandthe intended messages through their statesand stations. Whereas Solomon was given aunique gift of comprehending the languageof birds and the faculties of other prophets
were expanded by waḥy, or revelation, mostfrequently the understanding of awliyā and therighteous (as well as the prophets in non-waḥy
situations) in this subtle communication with

66 Ibid., 4: 183.
67

64 Ibid., 3: 541-2.
65

Ibid., 4: 186, 4: 477, 5: 15.

68 Claiming direct descendency from the ProphetMuḥammad through his grandson Ḥasan.

Ibid., 3: 542.

50

MARIYA GOLOVACHEVA

bespeaking of the Creator and characterised
primarily by the unwavering obedience of all
natural entities to God (according to most figurative readings) and on the other hand, theability of the natural world to literally know
God, glorify Him, prostrate to Him, experience rightful anger, sorrow, and other emotions, share wise reminders and advice, andsupport the virtuous. The metaphorical andthe literal complement each other. The Sufi
mufassir himself clearly gives preference to theliteral perception of everything in creation asa conscious, living, knowledgeable, and wise
subject, attuned to banī Ādam and containing God’s lights and meanings, but he realisesthat this way of seeing the cosmos might not
be for everyone. And this is what makes Ibn‘Ajība’s perspective fascinating, giving a lot offood for thought to the 21st century reader who
is environmentally conscious and loves thenatural world: the exegete contends that mostpeople are unable to perceive the subjectivityof everything in creation (which would naturally increase one’s appreciation of and carefor nature) because of their spiritual blindness. In order to attain spiritual acuity, one
needs to engage in assiduous work of purifying
their heart. The idea is not new, as even thevery first book of Islamic environmentalism
released back in 1968 already had a telling subheading “the spiritual crisis of modern man.”69
But Ibn ‘Ajība makes his argument not outof concern for the ever-deteriorating state of
the natural world that we witness today, but
through his lifelong study of and contemplationon the Qur’ānic text. And in his commentary
he leaves room for people at different stagesof their spiritual development to appreciate
the message of the scripture and to connect
to the natural world. If the human self andthe cosmos are both mirrors reflecting theDivine and if Sufi commentaries themselves
are also “a play of mirrors between the inward(bāṭin) of the mystic and the inward (bāṭin) of
the scripture,”70 the accumulative result is anendless dazzling collection of reflections, allof which capture different parts of the wholewith varying degrees of accuracy and precision. The reflection seen by those who arecompletely heedless is all blurred, as they areunable to comprehend or derive any benefits
from repeated Qur’ānic descriptions of thecosmos. The reflection of those who are nottotally hopeless, but are only spiritually deficient is clearly visible, but it lacks precisionand needs polishing. They are the ones who
can benefit from metaphorical interpretations:even though those readings reveal only part of
the reality, they can be seen as the first step
towards spiritual awakening, encouraging theheart to reflect on the splendour of the cosmos
and its absolute submissiveness to the will of
the Creator. If a person continues their spiritual journey, painstakingly and diligently, thereflection in their mirror will start shining
brightly, displaying more and more detailsof the Reality. The eye of their baṣīra might
eventually open, allowing them to see the alive
and wise cosmos, a servant and a friend of therighteous, and a container of timeless Divine
meanings.

69

70

Ibn ‘Ajība’s comprehensive approach to cosmic subjectivity, which is not homogenous andaccepts levels, can encourage a more thoughtful and contemplative engagement with thenatural world on the part of different readers.
What has remained outside the scope of thispaper is a broader look at different works ofSufi exegesis to identify to what extent Ibn‘Ajība’s interpretation is representative of theSufi tradition. Given that this paper emerged
as a result of the author’s interest in the percep-

Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Man and Nature. The Spiritual
Crisis of Modern Man (London: Unwin Paperbacks,
1968).

51

Annabel Keeler, “Ṣuf ī tafsīr as a Mirror: al-Qushayrī
the murshid in his Laṭāif al-ishārāt”, Journal of
Qur’anic Studies 8, 1 (2006): 1.

Cosmic Subjectivity in Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic Exegesis

tion of the cosmos and its subjectivity in thewider tafsīr genre (including various non-Sufi works), it is merely an introduction to theunderstudied topic of the subjectivity of thenatural world in Sufi exegesis as well as aninvitation to those who might be interested topursue this subject. The author also hopes tocontinue the project by examining a broader
spectrum of Sufi works of tafsīr, both “moderate” and “esoteric/ecstatic” (to use Gerhard
Böwering’s terminology),71 to be able to draw
more definite conclusions about the way thecosmos has been understood by the mastersof the spiritual path and to benefit from theirreflections in the 21st century, in which we areso often disconnected from the rest of creation.

in the Masnavī of Jalal al-Din Rumi,” inIslam and Ecology: A Bestowed Trust,edited by Richard Foltz, Frederick Denny,
and Azizan Baharuddin. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press,
2003: 39-67.
Cornell, Vincent. The Way of Abū Madyan:
Doctrinal and Poetic Works of AbūMadyan Shuʿayb ibn al-Ḥusayn al-Anṣārī
(c.509/1115-594/1198). Cambridge: The
Islamic Texts Society, 1996.
Dawud, Nadwa. “Muṣṭalaḥāt al-taṣwīr
wa-l-tamthīl wa-l-takhyīl ʿinda-l-Zamakhsharī f ī-l-Kashshāf” (The terms“taṣwīr” (depiction), “tamthīl” (allegory)and “takhyīl” (visualisation, or imaginative representation) in al-Zamakhsharī’s
Al-Kashshāf ). Journal of Qur’anic Studies
10, 2 (2008): 142-175.

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53

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj
Mevlânâ Celâleddîn-i Rûmî ve Sultân Veled’in Hallâc-ı Mansûr’a DâirGörüşleri
Kie INOUE*

Abstract
In this article, the way of understanding of Jalāl al-Dīn al-Rūmī (d. 1273) and his son Sulṭān Walad (orBahāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad Walad d. 1312) on Ḥusayn ibn Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj (d. 922), who was a unique figurein the history of Sufism and who continued to attract the attention of Sufis after him will be discussed.
Keywords: Jalāl al-Dīn al-Rūmī, Sulṭān Walad, Ḥusayn ibn Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj, Sufism, intoxication.

Bu makalede, Mevlânâ Celâleddîn-i Rûmî (ö. 1273) ve oğlu Sultân Veled’in (Bahâeddîn Muhammed Veledö. 1312), tasavvuf tarihinde nev’i şahsına münhasır bir isim ve haleflerinin her zaman ilgisine mazhar olan
Hüseyin b. Mansûr el-Hallâc (ö. 922) hakkındaki düşünceleri ele alınacaktır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Mevlânâ Celâleddîn-i Rûmî, Sultân Veled, Hüseyin b. Mansûr el-Hallâc, tasavvuf, sekr.

DOİ: 10.32739/ustad.2024.5.61

Cilt/Volume: 3 • Sayı/Number: 1 • Mayıs/May 2024Öz*Senior Assistant Professor, Meiji University School of Arts and Letters Department of Psycho-Social Studies,inouekie@meiji.ac.jp.

Received: 28.03.2024

Accepted: 25.04.2024

Published: 31.05.2024

Cite as: Kie Inoue, “Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj”, Journal of the Institute for Sufi Studies 3, 1
(2024): pp. 54-67.
This article is distributed under license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

54

KIE Inoue

Introduction

requests for his teachings not only in Konya,but also from distant regions, he sent representatives to various places.3 Lewis points out thedifferences of their roles are “If Rūmī spent hislife in words, expounding a set of teachings,Sulṭān Walad spent his life in deeds, assisting
his father, helping strengthen the unity of theorder and spreading it far and wide.”4Rūmī, like Ḥallāj, is normally classified asa sufi of the “intoxicated” type. However,Sulṭān Walad, son of Rūmī and founder ofthe Mevlevī order, was clearly a different typeof Sufi from Rūmī. Sulṭān Walad’s fame was
not limited to his religious talents. Rather, inthe case of Sulṭān Walad, we should also focus
on his talents as an administrator of the order.
In the forty-plus years since Rūmī’s death, hepainstakingly organized and wrote the family history, preserved and spread his father’slegends, and contributed to the management,
order administration, and development of the
Mevlevī order’s genealogy based on the family lineage.1 Sulṭān Walad’s reputation among
his disciples was so high that the number ofmembers of the Mevlevī Order continued to
grow steadily during his time.2 In response to1

2

Regarding the relationship between Sulṭān
Walad and Rūmī, biographers who belong
to the order tend to emphasize the alikeness of the father and the son. For example,
Shams al-Dīn Aḥmad Aflākī (d. 1360), a biographer belonging to the Mevlevī Order5,describes their relationship by saying that
Rūmī had a son besides Sulṭān Walad, butthat Sulṭān Walad in particular was “more　	All adversaries have become his friends.
　	All hatred and enmity have vanished (Sulṭān Walad,
Ibtidā-nāma, 133-134).

Franklin D. Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, Eastand West: The Life, Teaching and Poetry of Jalâl alDin Rumi, (Oxford: Oneworld, 2008), 23. Küçük andGamard summarizes the following seven points in anutshell as the legacy of Sulṭān Walad: 1) Establishing the history of Mawlawism, 2) Commenting on
his father in a different style, and spreading his teaching, 3) Establishing the authority of Chalabism,
4) Helping to establish the Mawlawī sufi order andbasic Mawlawī principles, 5) Teaching and spreading
Mawlawism through his disciples and successors, 6)
Writing verses in Turkish, 7) Sulṭān Walad’s reputation today (Hülya Küçuk and Ibrahim Gamard, Sultan
Walad: In the footsteps of Rumi and Shams: A study
based on the main Mawlawi sources, (Louisville:
Fons Vitae 2022), 107-124). The fact that many of thethings they summarize as Sulṭān Walad’s contributions are related to the management of the order would
suggest that we should also focus on Sulṭān Walad’scharacter as the manager of the order.
His disciples marveled at the excellence of Sulṭān
Walad’s teachings, which were no less than those of
his father Rūmī and threw in their praise that he wasa great king, as his teachings turned the ignorant into
the knowledgeable (Sulṭān Walad, Ibtidā-nāma, ed.
Muḥammad ʻAlī Muwaḥḥid and ʻAlī Riẓā Ḥaydarī ,(Tihrān: Khwārizmī, 2010), 133). In particular, heseems to have played a role in facilitating human relations within the order, as the following words of adisciple are recorded in Walad’s Ibtidā-nama:(Sulṭān Walad) Has solved a difficult problem.

　	No shaikh has ever given us such a gift.

55

3Sulṭān Walad, Ibtidā-nāma, 158. After Rūmī’s deathin 1273, Ḥusām al-Dīn, who had the trust of Rūmīamong the members of the order at that time, temporarily became the head of the order. Upon Ḥusām
al-Dīn’s death, Sulṭān Walad became the head of theorder from 1284 (Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present,
231-232).

4

Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, 235.

5

These are three representative Rūmī hagiographers:1) Sulṭān Walad, 2) Sipāhsālār (d. ca. 1319), 3) Shams
al-Dīn Aḥmad Aflākī. According to Lewis, each ofthem has characteristic points; Sulṭān Walad’s descriptions go into detail about the Mevlevi order’slife and sometimes contain very personal stories thatindicate Sulṭān Walad’s intimate interaction with
Mevlevi shaykhs. Since Sulṭān Walad is Rūmī’s son,
all the Mevlevi shaykhs seem to pay respect to him.
His writings focus on real stories that help readers
understand the Mevlevi order’s history rather than
miraculous stories of Rūmī. Sipāhsālār, who was an
influential man in the Mevlevi order, started writing Rūmī’s hagiography half a century after Rūmī’s
death. Sipāhsālār’s hagiography is distinguished by
its realistic descriptions that are based on historicalfacts and fewer miraculous stories (Lewis 2008, 243,
249). The third hagiographer, Aflakī, belongs to thesecond generation of the family and had not met Rūmī
directly. Naturally, his hagiography includes many
miraculous stories of the Mevlevi order shaykhs.
In addition to Rūmī’s stories, Aflākī reports stories
about the second generation’s Mevlevi shaykhs (Lewis 2008, 250-251).

Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj

like me [Rūmī] than anyone else, both inphysique (khalq) and character (khulq)” andwas very adored him.6 And Sulṭān Waladhimself has made it his lifework to follow in
the footsteps of his father Rūmī, as follows:

scholar, shaykh, and saint was establishedthrough his father Rūmī, rather than being
an endowment given directly by God, andthat he would never reach the rank of his
father.10

My father took care of me more thanmy brothers, disciples, and acquaintances bestowing me a cloth and a crownof “You are more like me [Rūmī] thananyone else, both in physique and character.” And I, the insignificant, also tried
my best to follow the instructions of that
great one [Rūmī] to the best of my ability.
For “Our Lord, impose not upon us thatwhich we have not the strength to bear,”(Q 2:286) and he who is most like his father is not at all the opposite. I have tried
to follow, obey and resemble him.7

Based on the above premise, it is rather natural that Sulṭān Walad would have a high regard for Sufis of the “intoxicated” type. ForSulṭān Walad, drunkness is an evidence thatpromises direct contact with God and divine
intuitive knowledge.
As if to support Sulṭān Walad’s view, intoxicated Sufis often appear in his texts in addition to Rūmī. Especially, it should be noted that there are many references to Ḥallāj.
Sulṭān Walad’s evaluations of Ḥallāj are often high and positive, so much so that somescholars have suggested that Sultan Walad
included Ḥallāj in the Mevlevī order’s lineage.11 If the name of Ḥallāj is included in

At the same time, however, Sulṭān Waladalso states, “I can never reach his mystical stations (maqāmāt)”.8 Indeed, he try tofollow in his father’s footsteps being fully
aware of the difference between his father
and himself as a Sufi. The following poemby Sulṭān Walad may also be of interest in
this awareness of the difference between
himself and his father:10

In fact, Sulṭān Walad’s own Sufi or saintly ranks
are often read as being granted not directly by Goda priori, but indirectly through saints of the orderthat Sulṭān Walad considers to be of higher rank thanhimself. In his own Ibtidā-nāma, he says that Rūmīrecognized the excellence of Ibtidā-nāma throughhis visions (Sulṭān Walad, Ibtidā-nāma 376-377). In
contrast, he uses the word “sent-down” for his father
Rūmī’s work, suggesting that he considers it a divinely inspired poem (Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present,
239). Regarding the divine aspect that Rūmī’s work
possesses, it is also noted that at the beginning of
the Rabāb-nāma, “according to the rhyme schemeof Mawlānā’s divine Mathnawī” (Mathnawī-i khudāwandigār-i Mawlānā) (Sulṭān Walad, Rabāb-nāma,ed. Gird Farāmarzī and ʻAlī Sulṭānī, (Tihrān: Muʼassasa-i Muṭālaʻāt-i Islāmī-i Dānishgāh-i Makgīl 1980),
1). Therefore, it is possible that the divine verses ofRūmī was a common perception not only for Sulṭān
Walad, but also for the people around Rūmī. Lewis
specifically mentions about the difference in theirpositions that Rūmī was a hidden saint as a spiritualaxis mundi, whereas Sulṭān Walad was a public saintas a representative of the order (Lewis, Rumi: Past
and Present, 235). In other words, Rūmī was a God’ssecret man, whereas Sulṭān Walad was placed in amore public position as a saint affiliated with the order. This difference in their positions may have influenced Sulṭān Walad’s view of saints.

11

Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, 241.There will be adifference of opinion as to whether or not to include

The son (Walad) has no intellect (ʿilm) or
saintship (walāyat)Except the intellect and saintship his father gave him9
In other words, Sulṭān Walād himself seems
to strongly believe that his position as a

7

Shams al-Dīn Aḥmad Aflākī, Manāqib alʿĀrifīn, (Tihrān: Dunyā-i kitab, 1983/1984),
785.
Sulṭān Walad, Ibtidā-nāma, 20.

8Ibid., 21.

9Aflākī, Manāqib al-ʿĀrifīn, 816; Aflākī, The featsof the knowers of God: Manāqeb al-ʿarefīn, trans.
John O’Kane, (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 570. The English translation by O’Kane was also consulted forManāqib al-ʿĀrifīn by Afrāqī, with some corrections
made by the author.

656

KIE Inouethe silsila of the order, it is unusual compared to the inclusion of the names of Junayd, Bastāmī, and others.12 In any case, I
could say that Sulṭān Walad’s high evaluation and many descriptions of Ḥallāj is noteworthy. Based on the above background,
this paper will discuss how Sulṭān Waladdescribes Ḥallāj is his writings. After introducing Rūmī’s view of Ḥallāj, which Sulṭān
Walād seems to follow first and foremost,I will analyze the actual view of Ḥallāj inSulṭān Walād’s works.

in Dīwān-i Shams-i Tabrīzī, as follows
I want the wine of the grape residue
I want a drunk, fuddled friend.
A smell came to me from Ḥallāj
I want the wine of Manṣūr (bāda-iManṣūr) from the cupbearer16
The smell of red wine is bringing goodnews
For me, the goblet is coming
With the soul of “I am the Truth (anā alḤaqq),” you became Manṣūr
His God’s light is coming to you17

I. How Rūmī Describes Ḥallāj
1) Traditional Understanding of Ḥallāj

In addition to “wine” and “drunkenness,”Rūmī also speaks of the image of Ḥallāj asan “Absolute surrender” to God.18 The imageof Ḥallāj as a martyr to “cruel death”19 for thesake of God is mentioned with words such as“gallows” that are clearly reminiscent of him.20

First, let us extract the image of Ḥallāj from
Rūmī’s texts. Najjārī and Aḥmad-nezhādpoints out that Rūmī mentions Ḥallāj manytimes in his own work, and his statements indicate that Rūmī is a “big fan” (Ḥallājī-mashrab)of Ḥallāj.13 Schimmel also referring to theimportance14 of Ḥallāj in Rūmī’s works, points
out that Rūmī uses expressions such as “intoxication” and “wine,” which were traditional
expressions used by past Sufis for describingḤallāj.15 This tendency is particularly evident

I will show your liberty though youwere hunged
See the dead on the gallows whose soul
is lively
It is like young Manṣūr who was hungexamination on the Ḥallāj’s image in Rūmī’s works,
see ibid., 201-209.

Ḥallāj in the silsila of the Order. For example, thename of Ḥallāj is not included in the silsila of the
Mevlevī order offered by Ambrosio (Alberto Fabio
Ambrosio, Vie d’un Derviche Tourneur: Doctrine
et Rituels du Soufisme au XVII siècle, (Paris: CNRS
Editions 2010), 377-378).
12

J. S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam, (London:
Oxford University Press, 1998), 12.

13Muḥammad Najjārī and Kāmel Aḥmad-nezhād,“Ḥallāj dar ās̲̲ ār-i Maulānā,” in Adabiyāt-i erfānī
wa Osṭūre shenākhtī (Mytho-Mystic Literature) 9,32(2013): 2.

14

Schimmel also notes that in Rūmī’s works, Bastāmīis also often cited in conjunction with Ḥallāj (Annemarie Schimmel, The Triumphal Sun: A Study of theWorks of Jalāloddin Rumi, Albany: State Universityof New York Press ,1993), 201). While Schimmel
makes a point about the critical importance of Ḥallāj
in Rūmī thought, she notes that Shams ultimately
eclipsed Ḥallāj’s role (Ibid., 209).

15

16

Maulānā Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, Kullīyāt-i Shams wā
Dīwān-i kabīr, ed. Badīʿ al-Zamān Furūzānfar,(Tihrān: Amīr Kabīr, 1999), ghazal nr: 1545; idem.
Dı̂ vân-ı kebı̂ r, trans. Nevit Oguz Ergin, (Walla Walla: Current / Turkish Republic, 1995), 11: 87.

17

The numbering of Diwan-i Shams follows the numbering of the Furūzānfar edition, and the number ofpages in the Ergin edition is also given if the English
translation of the Nevit O. Ergin edition was consulted with some modifications by the author.

18

Schimmel, The Triuphal Sun, 206.

19

Ibid., 207.

20 However, the direct cause of Ḥallāj’s execution is
not limited to his statement “I am the Truth (ana alḥaqq).” It should be noted that Ḥallāj was executeddue to a combination of factors, including the political situation at the time. For more information, seeLouis Massignon, La passion de Husayn ibn Manṣūr
Ḥallāj, (Paris: Gallimard, 1975) 1: 386-696.

Schimmel, The Triuphal Sun, 204. For Schimmel’s57

Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj

in content21

pute!
Whoso says “one” and “two,” and so on,
Confesses thereby the existence of the“One.”
When the illusion of seeing double isswept away,
They who say “one” and “two” are evenas they who say One.23

However, in addition to the traditional depiction of “drunken” Ḥallāj by Sufis, it is important to note that in Rūmī’s works Ḥallāj isdepicted as a symbol of “sacrifice which led
him to a higher union”.22
2) A Man of Oneness Who Has
Surpassed Duality

Here, Rūmī explains that in every linguistic
expression, there is a corresponding correct
situation or states. This can be compared to ahand and a tool. The “tool” (word) could be
useful only by the “hand” (body) that is able
to use the tool correctly. For example, grass infront of a dog and a bone in front of a donkey
are meaningless, but they are useful if they
are used in the opposite way.

In examining Schimmel’s point more concretely, the following may be pointed out. When
Rūmī cites Ḥallāj in his Mathnawī, he often
treats Ḥallāj as a man of “Oneness” who surpassed the world of “duality.” In Mathnawī,
Rūmī depicts Ḥallāj as a being who breaks freefrom the dichotomy and dwells in the divine
Oneness as follows:In addition to above mentioned example, Rūmī
shows similar situation quoting two very similar words used by different “hands”: “I am theTruth” by Ḥallāj and “I am Lord Supreme”
by Pharaoh. Both words are meant to position oneself as the supreme being, but whenḤallāj uses this expression, he is “light,” orGod, while when Pharaoh uses this expression,
he is “blaspheming” against God.

Every expression (ʿibārat) is the sign ofa state (ḥālatī)That state is a hand, the expression an
instrument (ālat)A goldsmith’s instruments in the handof a cobbler
Are as grains of wheat sown on sand.
The tools of a cobbler in the hand of aorderivator
Are as grass before a dog or bones before a donkey.
The words, “I am the Truth” were light(nūr) in Manṣūr’s mouth,
In the mouth of Pharaoh “I am Lord Supreme” was blasphemy.(…)
Hand and instrument resemble flint andsteel;You must have a pair ( juft); a pair isneeded to generate.
He who has no peer or member is the“One,”An uneven number, One without dis21

What is important in this quotation, says Rūmī,is the correct “pairing” of the instrument or
the word, and the one who uses it. Since thecorrect combination of the two things become
one. This is because the correct pairing ultimately converges to the correct one, i.e., God.
Ḥallāj is depicted as the convergence of the twonatures, I and Thou (God), into the One (God).
As for the process of dissolution of the twonatures realized by Ḥallāj and their eventual
23

Rūmī, Kullīyāt-i Shams wā Dīwān-i kabīr, ghazal nr:
2275.

22 Schimmel, The Triuphal Sun, 209.

58

Maulānā Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, Mas̲̲ nawī-i ma‘nawī, ed.
R. A. Nicholson, (Tihrān: Hirmis, 2011), 193; idem.
Masnavii Manavi: Teachings of Rumi: The Spiritual Couplets of Maulanajalalu-ʿd-din Muhammad
i Rumi, trans. E. H. Whinfield, (Ames: Omphaloskepsis, 2001), 96-97. As for the Mathnawī’s English
translation I consulted Whinfield’s translation.

KIE Inoue

unification is explained using the analogy of
the “drowned man” by Rūmī as follows:

the dual nature of God and his servant. In thissense, the statement “I am the Truth” can beseen as a statement indicating that the duality of the drowned person and the water has
disappeared, and there just remains the waterthat including drowned person.26

To be immersed (istighrāq)24 is to cease
to be oneself, and to cease to strive todosomething from oneself, to do [one’s]
own thing, to move [oneself]. It is likedrowning (gharaq-i āb). Everything hedoes [at that time] is not his doing. The
water is doing it. Just dipping one’s hands
and feet in the water does not mean that
one has drowned in the water, and someone says, “Oh, I’ve drowned!” is also
not immersion. Indeed, the end resultis [Ḥallāj’s] “I am the Truth” statement.
Everyone thinks this is an arrogant statement, but “I am the Truth” is a sign ofdeep humility. Because the person who
says, “I am God’s servant” (ʿabd-i khudā)acknowledges two existences (hastī): one
is God, and one is himself. The person
who says, “I am the Truth,” however, hascompletely reduced the self to nothingness (ʿadam); the self has disappeared.
“I am the Truth” means that there is no“I.” All is He (God). There is no existenceother than God.25

What is important here is the process of unification of the drowned person and the water.
At the very outset, there were two different
existences: man and water. However, they are
united through the drowning of the person in
the water.
Besides, the other point of Ḥallāj’s statementthat this parable illustrates is that the person
who utters such a statement is already “dead.”A drowned person is one who is at themercy of the water and has no control
over it by himself. The swimmer (sabbāḥ), like the drowned person, is also
in the water, but the drowned person is
exposed to the water and is moved by it,
while the swimmer [moves] by his own
power and will. Therefore, any movement from the drowned man, any action,
any utterance from him, is [done] fromthe water, not from him. He is a pretense(bahāna) there. (...) The saints (awliyāʾ)
are just such people, who are alreadydead before [ordinary] death (marg).27

Rūmī says that Ḥallāj’s statement, “I am theTruth,” is the utterance of a person who hascompletely drowned. Since a person who iscompletely drowned is “dead,” the dead person’s act, i.e., Ḥallāj’s utterance, did not emanate from Ḥallāj. Everything is considered an
act performed by water, i.e., by God. At firstglance, the statement “I am God’s servant”
seems to be a more pious statement than “I
am the Truth,” but since the speaker of “I am
God’s servant” is not yet “dead,” we can see

Rūmī often points out that a special person likeḤallāj is the embodiment of “Die before yedie” (mūtū qabla an tamūtū).28 In other words,Ḥallāj is like a person drowned in water, who

24 Najjārī and Aḥmad-nezhād state the word “istighrāq”
is the key term in Rūmī’s understanding of Ḥallāj.
They explain that Rūmī avoids using the word “ḥulūl”
for Ḥallāj and uses this word instead (Najjārī and Aḥmad-nezhād, “Ḥallāj dar ās̲ ār-i Maulānā,” 2).
25

Maulānā Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, Kitāb Fīh mā fīh, ed.
Badīʻ al-Zamān Frūzānfar, (Tihrān: Intishārāt-i Zawwār, 2008), 56.

26

Regarding Ḥallāj’s leap from two natures to one,
Rūmī notes “Expressing union with the Light,
not mere incarnation (ḥulūl)” (Rūmī, Mas̲̲ nawī-ima‘nawī, 810; idem., Masnavii Manavi: Teachings of
Rumi, 364). He notes and emphasizes that it is a unionthat is distinct from the heretical concept of “incarnation.”

27

Rūmī, Kitāb Fīh mā fīh, 82.

28 It is a hadith favored by Rūmī and other sufis (Badīʿ
al-Zamān Furūzānfar, Aḥādīs̲ -i Mas̲̲ navī, (Tihrān:Intishārāt-i Dānishgāh-i Tihrān 1956), 116).

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Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj

has already given up his ego and is “dead,” andalthough he exists, indeed he is empty inside.

the ordinary man, the actions of such special
persons are sometimes seen as unbelief, as if
they were evil:

For the being who has thus reached Onenessthrough the dissolution and melting of the duality, the opposite does not become the opposite
but becomes one, just as he himself is “aliveand dead.” For in the world of Oneness they
inhabit, everything will integrate one.

Similarly, a virtuous man of noble character chastises a certain person and inflicts wounds on the man’s head, nose,and mouth. Everyone would say that he[who is hit] is the victim (maẓlūm). But
the real victim is the one who hit him,
and the assailant (ẓālim) is the man who
was hit. Because he does not do anything
beneficial (maṣlaḥat) for the other. The
man who is beaten and has his head broken is rather the aggressor. But this beaten man is intuitively considered the victim. Because this [the one who hit him]
is of a noble nature and has exhausted(mustahlak) his ego in God. [Therefore,]
what he does is God’s doing. God is notconsidered to be the aggressor [just as
this person who hit him is not the aggressor].31

Even poison is drinkable when received
from the hand of the beautiful lover(yār-i sīmbar).
Bitter and harsh words can be drunk as
if they were sugar
What a tasteful (bā-namak), what atempting (bā-namak) lover too!
As long as there is salt, even the bitter
liver can be eaten29
For God’s chosen one like Ḥallāj, who transcends duality, even “poison” and “harshwords,” which are undesirable to those of us
who live in the world of duality, become assweet as sugar. For if we believe that the poison
is from the hand of the “Lover,” that is, theOne God after all, then poison is not poison
at all. According to Rūmī, “Both unbelief andfaith are devotees of God (musabbiḥ).” Sinceboth unbelief and faith are in accordance with
God’s intention, even unbelief follows God in
reality.30

Thus, Rūmī admonishes that the discourses
and deeds of God’s elect, who live and diein the world of true Oneness, should not be
spoken or heard by the general public because
they cannot be misunderstood by the generalpublic.32 Rūmī also points out that these Saints
are usually invisible to the public in the firstplace.
There are Saints in this world whose
spiritual eyes have been opened andwho have attained enlightenment. There
are other saints who are higher thanthese saints. These [higher] saints arecalled God’s hidden persons (mastūrān-iḤaqq). No one can see or approach themunless they are willing to do so.33

3) Emphasis on the Secrecy of the Worldof Oneness
Thus, those who love God who live in theworld of Oneness have a different world. Theirworld cannot be understood by ordinary people. They are only God’s “hidden people,”and ordinary people cannot truly “see” themthrough ordinary eyes.

Thus, Rūmī emphasizes the seclusion andinvisibility of the saints who live in the world

Rather, in the world of duality, or the world of

31

Ibid., 63.

29

Rūmī, Kitāb Fīh mā fīh, 176.

32

Ibid., 79.

30

Rūmī, Kitāb Fīh mā fīh, 199.

33

Ibid., 97.

60

KIE Inoueof Oneness. Such elect can be truly “seen” only
when the thoughts and spiritual ranks of boththe seer and the seen (the saint) coincide. Thatis, only when there is an invisible “sameness”(jinsīyat)34 between them. In the case of Ḥallāj,
his own spiritual rank was so far removed fromthat of those around him who hanged him thatthe true meaning of “I am the Truth” remained
unknown to ordinary people and he could not
escape execution.

“wine,” unlike his father Rūmī. Yet Sulṭān
Walad deals with typical Ḥallāj themes such as“The Gallows”35 and “I am the Truth,” he does
not interpret them in an intoxicating way. The
following verses are written by Sulṭān Waladas if he were expressing Ḥallāj’s opinion on
his behalf, recounting the episode of Ḥallāj’s
execution. Here, Sulṭān Walad is not haunted
by Hallāj, but only expository, telling Hallāj’s
position using the parable of the house.

As a result of the above discussion, I would
like to point out several important aspects ofthe Ḥallāj understanding in Rūmī. First, Rūmībasically follows the traditional Sufi method of depicting Ḥallāj, which evokes imagesof “drunkenness” and “martyrdom.” More
important, however, is to break away fromthe duality and reach the transcendent Onenessthat Ḥallāj’s “drunkenness” and “crucial death”
made possible. For the inhabitants of the worldof Oneness who are “living but already dead,”since they have broken free of the duality, sothen everything is centralized to God. As ifthey enjoy poison like sugar. The discourse andactions of such people may appear to be “evil”
for ordinary people, however it leads to faith
in reality. But to the inhabitants of the worldof duality, they simply appear evil and are notunderstood. For this reason, Rūmī admonishes
the inhabitants of the world of God’s Onenessto be “invisible” to the inhabitants of the worldof duality and not to reveal the secrets of theworld of Oneness.

Have you not heard Manṣūr’s (Ḥallāj)
story?
The banner of the valiant and victorious.
He said to the people cleary,“I am the Truth, in this ill-robed body.”
People said, leave these words alone for
now
Don’t fly into disaster yourself. (...)
He replied: “I have told the truth. I will
not change (my opinion).”
He who has faith does not disbelieve. (...)
Although these pure words are never exhausted
Let me excuse my external words (“I am
the Truth”).
Consider my existence as a house.
35Ḥallāj’s narrative on the gallows includes the fol�lowing:
Finally, regarding Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj, Junayd andShiblī, the scholars and saints of that time de�nied him with his external parts, tried to kill him,
and all agreed to hang him, and issued a fatwāand hanged such a gifted man. When they took[him] down from the gallows, they set him on fire,burned him, and poured his ashes into the river
so that there would be no trace of him. It is said
as follows. In all that they did, “I am the Truth”[was written] in the fire and in the water. When
his ashes were picked up again from the river,they were again inscribed with the words “I am
the Truth.” Seeing this miracle [karāmāt], all re�gretted this past (Sulṭān Walad, Ma‘ārif, ed. Najīb
Māyil Harawī, (Tihrān: Intishārāt-i Mawlā, 2020),
10-11).

II. Sulṭān Walad’s understanding ofḤallāj1) Reinventing the Image of Ḥallāj
To begin with the conclusion, what is most distinctive in Sulṭān Walad’s depiction of Ḥallājis that he does not perceive Ḥallāj in termsof typical images such as “drunkenness” orSulṭān Walad here touches on the image of Ḥallāj asa martyr, but ultimately draws attention to the “miracles” he performed, thereby creating an image ofḤallāj as a saint.

34 Rūmī, Kitāb Fīh mā fīh, 22.

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Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj

It is always visited by a variety of guests(mihmān).
Every moment the creatures of the invisible world,
From the eternal world, they come likerain.
Sometimes even a king (God) comes insecret,As if there is a chief in his soul.
He said (“I am the Truth”) by God.
Please tell me if I am at fault.36

also clarifies the true meaning of Ḥallāj’s “I
am the Truth” statement as a “commentator”
on the drunken discourse, while providing an
objective commentary. According to Sulṭān
Walad, Ḥallāj’s drunken words are not his own
words, but God’s words. The way in which
he attributes Ḥallāj’s drunken words to God
rather than to him is consistent with Rūmī.
Sulṭān Walad, however, says that such drunken
speech is a knowledge peculiar to the “saints”
and strongly links the saints to God throughthe intoxicated utterances.

In the above quoted section, Sulṭān Waladexplains the drunken words of “I am the Truth”
as if he himself were Ḥallāj and speaking tothose around him. If “I am the Truth” is anexternal phrase, its internal meaning is thatthe existence of Ḥallāj is like a house, which isconstantly full of guests. Important guests, likea king, may descend from the invisible world,
and that king may become the head and rulerof his soul. “I am the Truth” is exactly what“he”(God and he) says at such times.

Furthermore, Sulṭān Walad attempts to classifyḤallāj as saints in a specific domain by placing
them in the hierarchy of saints.
The reason why some saints are considered “abdāl” is
They are so called because of theirtransformed spiritual state.
Their own “I” was there, but it perishedin the fanā, they took on a different form(...).
Some say on earth, “I am the Truth,”
One said, “I am the Mystery of God.”
And another said, “I am the Mysterywithin the Mystery, I am hidden within
the body.”
For this reason Manṣūr said, “I am theTruth.”38

In addition to this, another feature of Sulṭān
Walad’s method of portraying Ḥallāj is that heportrays Ḥallāj as a “saint.” Sulṭān Walad treatsḤallāj’s ecstatic utterances are the distinctive
proof of a saint, and endeavors to re-positionḤallāj as a saint.
Therefore, my son, Manṣūr is in such a[enlightened] state.
He sacrificed his body and soul [to God]and said, “I am the Truth.”Bāyazīd said, “There is none other than
God within my garments.”
He said that he was filled [with God].
Such are the words of the saints.
For from them flows “knowledge of the
Essence” (ʿilm-i ladun).37

For the same reason (the ego is extinguished and remains with the lover), thesaints are called abdāl. Because they havechanged while their essence remains thesame. Such people are saints and achievers of God. Their ladder is higher thanthat of the people of heaven. The peopleof heaven are more distant from God
and more ignorant of God than they are.
When they reach the end of the ladder, it
is an audience with God, an attainment
to God. This is the end of the ladder, andIn the above quoted section, Sulṭān Walad
36Sulṭān Walad, Ma‘ārif, 163.

37

Sultān Walad, Rabāb-nāma, 454.

3862Sulṭān Walad, Ibtidā-nāma, 284.

KIE Inouethere is no ladder after this. For this same
[reason] Manṣūr (Ḥallāj) also said, “I am
the Truth.”39

Walad saw “drunkenness” as a sign of Ḥallāj’s
saintness and defended Ḥallāj as a saint from athird-party perspective. However, as to why heshould defend Ḥallāj, he emphasized, as did his
father, that he was a people of the Oneness ofGod, which transcends the duality, as follows:

From the quotations, we can see that Sulṭān
Walad is trying to place Ḥallāj in the rank ofabdāl among the hierarchy of saints. Sulṭān
Walad states that there are three levels40 of thehierarchy of saints who are lovers of God, andthat Ḥallāj belongs to the lowest first of thesethree levels.41

Search for existence (hastī) in the pathof non-existence (nīstī).
When you reach this existence [innon-existence], you will be autonomous.
The first existence is extinction ( fanāʾ)in certainty.
The second existence (existence in
non-existence) is unshakable faith.
All first existences are ignorant andblind.
All second existences are the light of thesaints.
The existence after annihilation (thesecond existence) is the remainder
His soul is intoxicated by that cupbearer
Such existence exists because of God
Such existence exists in eternal intoxication, without any sorrow (...)
The existence becomes like an instrument of God
No one regards him as apart from God.
Do not think that everything that comesfrom him is from himself
For he is dead by himself, but by thework of the Living One (God)
Two is not included in Him, because He
is One.
How could anyone ever understand thismystery?
He obviously said it correctly when hesaid, “I am the Truth.”
Because God wanted him to say it
through him.
He had every reason to do so.
Everything came from God, the breathof God, the breath of life.
The seeker is never separated from what
is sought himself

2) Intoxicated Saints Are “People of theOneness”
While Rūmī preferred to interpret Ḥallāj inthe traditional style, or assimilate Ḥallāj withhimself and interpret it ecstatically, Sulṭān
39Sulṭān Walad, Intihā-nāma, ed. Muḥammad ʻAlī
Khazānadarlū , (Tihrān: Intishārāt-i Rawzana, 1997),
10

40 In the hierarchy of saints with qutb at the top, abdālis generally considered to belong to the fifth stage(see Ignaz Goldziher and Hans Joachim Kissling,“Abdāl,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition,
ed. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. vanDonzel, W.P. Heinrichs. Consulted online on 20 February 2024 http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_0132). Sulṭān Walad also elaborates onthese three stages of sainthood in Maʿārif. According
to him, the first stage of saints are those who practice asceticism and whose mental state is like that ofa clear mirror. The second stage of saints are those
who convey messages from the invisible world to thisworld. Saints belonging to the highest stage are completely in the divine world, and nothing worldly is
included here (Sulṭān Walad, Maʿārif, 289-290). Theview is also expressed that the highest stage is that of
the “attainers of perfection” (waṣl-i kāmilān) (Idem.,
Ibtidā-nāma, 285), but in the Intihā-nāma, those wholove God, including Ḥallāj, are “the attainers of perfection” (Idem., Intihā-nāma, 10). So then, there issome ambiguity as to where Ḥallāj should be placedon the three rungs of the saintly ladder. However,since he then states that Shams and Rūmī are “lovers
of God among the elect” (maʿshūqān-i khāṣṣ-i khāṣṣ)(Idem., Ibtidā-nāma, 10-11), it is likely that with regard to Shams and Rūmī, Sulṭān Walad would be expected to classify them in the highest stage. In any
case, it should be noted that intoxicated Sufis occupy
the three rungs of the saintly ladder in Sulṭān Walad’s
structure of saints.
41Sulṭān Walad, Ibtidā-nāma, 285.

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Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj

The saint is connected to God.42

Thus, Sulṭān Walad agrees with Rūmī thatḤallāj is a saint who dwells in the world of
one nature, and that the acts of such a saintcan sometimes seem like evil deeds to ordinary people. However, Sulṭān Walad is uniquein that he explicitly states that it is “saints,
prophets, and shaykhs are completely deadbefore death,”44 thus extending the scope of
his adaptation to shaykhs. In the next section, I
will explain what effect Sulṭān Walad is aiming
for by adding the role of “shaykh” to the saints
and prophets.

Sulṭān Walad exalts the being in non-existence,
the being that is dead and yet alive, living andyet already dead. Such a saint is a person ofOneness, because his ego has died and lives
in the oneness of God. The simple statementof this is considered to be Ḥallāj’s words, “I
am the Truth.” Like Rūmī, Sulṭān Walad also
believes that people of Oneness like Ḥallāj is
one who has “already died in love for God
while living,” and his acts lead directly to God.
And like his father Rūmī, Sulṭān Walad also
defends the actions of the saints who dwell in
the Oneness of God, saying that the actions of
the saints sometimes seem like “evil deeds” toordinary people, but in fact they are righteous
deeds.

3) The Guidance of the Shaykh
In the previous section, we have seen that bothRūmī and Sulṭān Walad mention the incomprehensibility of the discourses and actions ofGod’s saint and refer to the distinction between
ordinary people and the elect.

Drunkenness with God, all that is rightin his way
What is right to do is right, and notwrong in his ways.

Thus Rūmī, the father, spoke of the secrecyof the divine elect, and so did Sulṭān Waladby claiming that
The inhabitants of the earth cannot see
the moon when it has been hidden by
the black clouds. But those in the heavens can find it. (...) He acknowledges thedifference between the worlds inhabitedby ordinary people and saints as the saintknows the saint, but the enemy neverknows the friend of God.45

Then a certain man asked. “Then is it
permissible (ravā) whatever [God’s elect,
such as saints and prophets] do? Should
we say and think that it is right even when[the elect] do perverse things (kazh)?” I
answered, “A man of God (mard-i khudā) is righteous in whatever he does.
Even if it appears unjust to the ignorant.
It is the same [with the following]. A person in the Kaʿba may turn his face in any
direction and worship (namāz), since that
direction is the qibla. Whether he turns
his face to the east or to the west, to theleft or to the right, in front or behind, it is
all qibla, and his worship will be accepted by God. In the Kaʿba, no direction isdifferent from any other direction.”43

Unlike Rūmī, however, Sulṭān Walad, while
agreeing with the secrecy of God’s elect, statesthat with the guidance of a proper leader, or
shaykh, it is possible to finally understand thetrue intentions of the saints, and bridges theworlds inhabited by ordinary people and thesaints through the presence of the shaykh.
But know also the following. It is not that
all creatures in general lack the [prophetic] substance ( jawhar). Everyone has the

42

Sultān Walad, Rabāb-nāma, 95.

44

Ibid., 42.

43Sulṭān Walad, Ma‘ārif, 35-36.

45Sulṭān Walad, Ibtidā-nāma, 206.

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KIE Inoue[prophetic] light and the [prophetic] substance.(…) By the ordinary man is meant
one who is imprisoned in the ego (hastī)and pride, but there are some, however,for whom the light and essence of the Divine Source has increased, or for whom
the powerful Divine Source has been encountered, the veil of pride and ego has
been torn away and removed, and without the veil of ego they have seen the Divine Source and kneel down to worship.
(…) Those who are weak, who have little[divine] light and ability, will not havethe power to tear the veil as they [of thedivine source] do, but will be overcomeby the veil. (…) They who have received
weak light by divine predestination, if
the Most High is gracious to them, He
will place near them a shaykh appointed
by the Faithful God so that they will believe in Him. If not, they will be the ones
who will be tested [by God]. By talking
with the truthful [shaykh], they will gradually become sincere disciples (murīd) of
their shaykh. From that perspective, it ispossible for a sincere shaikh to develop
a weak light and eventually increase [it].
And when that light increases, the veil ofthe ego decreases. This is the infinite revelation (tafāṣīl). That is, there are infinite
ways and duties (kār) [to reach God],and what is infinite cannot be explained.
For explanation and commentary are finite, and the infinite cannot be included
among the finite. But the wise hear one
and know ten, and the fool hears ten andunderstands none.46

ordinary people can ultimately understandthe saint’s true intentions if they are guided
by a superior shaykh. He acknowledges thepossibility that, with the right guidance ofthe shaykh, unbelief can turn into faith andultimately merge into the One God.
Conclusion
This paper has analyzed the attitudes of Rūmīand Sulṭān Walad toward “intoxicated” Sufis
and intoxicated thought by comparing theirunderstanding of Ḥallāj. The results of thestudy revealed the following:First, Rūmī portrayed Ḥallāj in the traditional
Sufi image of the intoxicated martyr. Ḥallāj
is a man who was so intoxicated with God
that he was “dead while living” in the duality of this world, and yet he had destroyed
his ego by uniting with God. The evil deedsof the inhabitants of the world of God’s oneness are incomprehensible to the inhabitantsof the world of duality, but they are, in fact,
true believers. However, Rūmī emphasized
the secrecy of God’s elect, who are invisible
and incomprehensible to the inhabitants of theworld of duality.
How, on the other hand, did Sulṭān Waladunderstand Ḥallāj? Let us examine the similarities and differences between Sulṭān Walad’sunderstanding and that of Rūmī:First of all, Sulṭān Walad also sees Ḥallāj as a
special being, a hidden or chosen one of God,
who has left the world of duality (this world)and lives in the Oneness of God, a person who
lived and died. Furthermore, he agrees withhis father Rūmī that such a discourse of divine
election is not understood and that such a person is “invisible” in the ordinary sense.

Thus, Sulṭān Walad, while acknowledging
the absolute difference between God’s electand ordinary people, presents the Mahayanainterpretation that in fact everyone potentiallyhas a share in the prophetic light, and that even46Sulṭān Walad, however, refrains from emphasizing that Ḥallāj is a “drunken” martyr.
Rather, he is concerned to place Hallāj precisely in the lineage of saints and the hierarchy ofSulṭān Walad, Ma‘ārif, 27-28.

65

Rūmī and Sulṭān Walad’s Way of Understanding Ḥallāj

saints, as “drunkenness” with God is the markof a special saint. Since Rūmī and Shams are
considered to be included in this hierarchy ofsaints, it is clear that he considers the lineageof intoxicated saints, including Ḥallāj, as thespiritual history of his own order, the Mevlevī
Order. Furthermore, while acknowledging thesecrecy of the saints, Sulṭān Walad also points
out the importance of the role of the shaikh,saying that it is possible to approach the hidden
saints with the proper guidance of the shaikh,
the leader of the order. Thus, Sulṭān Walād,while appreciating Ḥallāj, adopts a methodof branding it as a “saint” by drawing awayfrom the conventional image of the “drunken”Ḥallāj. By emphasizing the intoxicated type ofSufi as an accepted “saint.” Including his own
father, Sulṭān Walad has solidified the footholdof intoxicated Sufis which is not easily understood by everyone in this world. Furthermore,by bridging the gap between the hidden saints
and the normal people through the existence ofthe shaykh or order, Sulṭān Walad dissolves thedistinction between the saints and the ordinary
people and emphasizes the significance of theorder’s existence. Sulṭān Walad’s portrayal ofthe Ḥallāj weakens the excessively “drunken”
component of the intoxicated Sufi and places
him in his proper position as a saint, bringing
him into the spiritual history of the Order andhaving the effect of keeping him connected tothe present members of the Order, thus successfully keeping him in this world and giving him an appealing saintly character in thehereafter. This is his exquisite balancing act
of keeping the intoxicated Sufi in this world
while also retaining his transcendant characteras an attractive saint.

---. The Feats of the Knowers of God:
Manāqeb al-ʿaref īn. trans. by John
O’Kane, Leiden: Brill, 2002.
Ambrosio, Alberto Fabio. Vie d’un Derviche
Tourneur: Doctrine et Rituels du Soufisme
au XVII siècle. Paris: CNRS Editions,2010..
Furūzānfar, Badīʿ al-Zamān. Aḥādīs̲ -iMas̲ navī. Tihrān: Intishārāt-i Dānishgāh-i
Tihrān, 1956.
Goldziher, Ignaz and Kissling, Hans
Joachim. “Abdāl”, in Encyclopaediaof Islam, Second Edition, edited by P.
Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth,E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs. Consulted
online on 20 February 2024 http://dx.doi.
org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_0132.
Küçük, Hülya and Gamard, Ibrahim. Sultan
Walad: In the Footsteps of Rumi andShams: A Study Based on the Main
Mawlawi Sources. Louisville: Fons Vitae,
2022.
Lewis, Franklin. Rumi: Past and Present,
East and West: The Life, Teaching andPoetry of Jalâl al-Din Rumi. Oxford:
Oneworld, 2008.
Massignon, Louis. La passion de Husayn ibnMansûr Hallâj. 4vols. Paris: Gallimard,
1975.
Najjārī, Muḥammad and Aḥmad-nezhād,
Kāmel. “Ḥallāj dar ās̲ ār-i Maulānā,” inAdabiyāt-i erfānī wa Osṭūre shenākhtī
(Mytho-Mystic Literature) 32, 9(2013):
1-10.
Rūmī, Maulānā Jalāl al-Dīn. Dı̂ vân-ı kebı̂ r.
22vols. trans. by Nevit Oguz Ergin.
Walla Walla: Current/Turkish Republic
Ministry of Culture, 1995.

Bibliography
Aflākī, Shams al-Dīn Aḥmad. Manāqibal-ʿĀrifīn. Tihrān: Dunyā-i kitab, 19831984.

---, Kullīyāt-i Shams wā Dīwān-i kabīr. 9vols.
ed. Badīʿ al-Zamān Furūzānfar. Tihrān:Amīr Kabīr, 1999-2000.

66

KIE Inoue--- Kitāb Fīh mā fīh. ed. Badīʻ al-Zamān
Furūzānfar. Tihrān: Intishārāt-i Zawwār,
2008.
---, Masnavii Manavi: Teachings of Rumi:
The Spiritual Couplets of Maulanajalaluʿd-din Muhammad i Rumi. trans. E.H.
Whinfield. Ames: Omphaloskepsis, 2001.
---, Masnawī-i ma‘nawī. ed. R. A. Nicholson.
Tihrān: Hirmis, 2011.
Schimmel, Annemarie. The Triumphal Sun:
A Study of the Works of Jalāloddin Rumi.
Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1993.
Sulṭān Walad. Ibtidā-nāma. ed. Muḥammad
ʻAlī Muwaḥḥid and ʻAlī Riẓā Ḥaydarī.
Tihrān: Khwārizmī, 2010.
---, Intihā-nāma, ed. by Muḥammad ʻAlī
Khazānadarlū, [Tihrān]: Intishārāt-i
Rawzana, 1997.
---, Ma‘ārif, ed. Najīb Māyil Harawī. Tihrān:Intishārāt-i Mawlā, 2020.
---, Rabāb-nāma. ed. Gird Farāmarzī and ʻAlīSulṭānī. Tihrān: Muʼassasa-i Muṭālaʻāt-iIslāmī-i Dānishgāh-i Makgīl, 1980.
Trimingham, J. Spencer. The Sufi Orders in
Islam. London: Oxford University Press,
1998.

67

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIESRûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin Sûfîlerin Şatahâtını Meşrûlaştırma Çabası:
Kur’ân-ı Kerîm, Hadis ve Sahâbe Sözlerinde “Şatahât” *Rūzbihān al-Baqlī’s Effort to Legitimize the Shaṭaḥāt of the Sūfīs:“Shaṭaḥāt” in the Holy Qur’ān, Hadīth and Sayings of the Companions
Adem URHAN**

Dinin zâhirî ahkâmına aykırıymış gibi görülme, kapalılık ve anlaşılmazlık, şathiyelerin genel özelliğidir.
Bu nedenle sûfîler, şatahâtın şerîate muhalif olmadığını göstermek, kapalılığı ve anlaşılmazlığı ortadan
kaldırmak için şerhler yazmışlardır. Bu sûfîlerden birisi de Rûzbihân-ı Baklî’dir (ö. 606/1209). Bu makale,Baklî’nin Kur’ân-ı Kerîm, hadis-i şerîf ve sahâbe sözlerinde şatahât olduğunu belirttiği ifadelere dairyapmış olduğu yorumlarını konu edinmektedir. Makalemiz, Şattâh-ı Fars veya Şeyh-i Şattâh gibi isimlerle
nitelendirilen Baklî’nin şathiye olarak ele aldığı âyet-i kerîme, hadis-i şerîf ve sahâbe sözlerini makul birçerçevede şerh edip etmediğini ve yaptığı yorumlarla sûfîlerin şatahâtını meşrûlaştırma çabasında nederece etkili olduğunu ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Baklî’nin eserlerinde zikrettiği âyet, hadis vesahâbe sözlerine dair yapmış olduğu yorumlarının analiz edilerek araştırmacıların istifadesine sunulması,bilimsel açıdan önem arz etmektedir. Çalışmanın neticesinde, Baklî’nin şatahât kabilinde değerlendirdiği
âyet, hadis ve sahâbe sözlerini sade ve yalın bir şekilde izah ettiği görülmüştür. Onun bu çabasının, eserinde
yer verdiği sûfî sözlerinin mâzur görülme sebeplerini gösterme ve daha anlaşılır kılması açısından bir önhazırlık mâhiyetinde olduğu ifade edilebilir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Rûzbihân-ı Baklî, Tasavvuf, Şattâh-ı Fârisî, Şeyh-i Şattâh, Şatahât.
DOİ: 10.32739/ustad.2024.5.62

Cilt/Volume: 3 • Sayı/Number: 1 • Mayıs/May 2024Öz*Bu makale, Atatürk Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri Koordinasyon Birimi tarafından desteklenen “Rûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin Hayatı, Eserleri ve Tasavvufî Görüşleri” adlı doktora tezinden istifade edilerek üretilmiştir.

**ORCID: 0000-0002-0031-6369. Dr. Araştırma Görevlisi, Atatürk Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Temel İslam Bilimleri Tasavvuf Ana Bilim Dalı, E-posta: urhan2525@hotmail.com.

Geliş Tarihi: 16.04.2024

Kabul Tarihi: 26.05.2024

Yayım Tarihi: 31.05.2024

Atıf Bilgisi: Adem Urhan, “Rûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin Sûfîlerin Şatahâtını Meşrûlaştırma Çabası: Kur’ân-ı Kerîm, Hadis ve
Sahabe Sözlerinde ‘Şatahât’”, Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü Dergisi 3, 1 (2024): ss. 68-82.
Bu makale uluslararası CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 lisansı altında yayımlanmaktadır. (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

68

ADEM URHAN

Abstract
The general characteristic of shaṭaḥāt (ecstatic utterances) is that they are perceived as contrary to theapparent rules of religion, and as being obscure and incomprehensible. Thus, Sūf īs wrote commentaries
to demonstrate that shaṭḥ is not in conflict with sharīa and to eliminate ambiguity and inexplicability.
Rūzbihān al-Baqlī (d. 606/1209) is one of the Sūf īs who has made statements on this subject. This article
is about Rūzbihān al-Baqlī’s comments on the expressions that he named as shaṭaḥāt in the Holy Qur’ān,
hadīths and sayings of the Companions. The aim of this article is to ascertain whether al-Baqlī, also
known as Shattāḥ al-Fars or Shaykh al-Shattāḥ, offered commentary on verses, hadīths, and sayings of
the Companions, which he regarded as shaṭaḥāt. Additionally, it seeks to evaluate the effectiveness of his
interpretations in legitimizing shaṭaḥāt as a means of spiritual guidance. It is of scientific importancethat al-Baqlī’s comments on the verses, hadīths and sayings of the Companions as presented in his works
are analysed and made available for researchers. The study revealed that al-Baqlī elucidated the verses,
hadīths and sayings of the Companions, which he regarded as shaṭaḥāt, in a straightforward manner.It canbe posited that this endeavour represents a preliminary attempt to justify the inclusion of Sūf ī sayings in
his work and to elucidate their meaning.
Keywords: Rūzbihān al-Baqlī, Tasawwuf, Sufism, Shaṭṭāḥ al-Fārisī, Sheikh al-Shaṭṭāḥ, Shaṭaḥāt.

Girişvazgeçilmez aracı olan dil, insanın bütün tecrübelerini doğrudan kuşatacak bir
yetkinlikte değildir. Bir diğer ifadeyle dilin sınırları tecrübenin sınırları anlamınagelmez. Tasavvufî tecrübe, özellikle dederin aşk ve vecd halleri söz konusu olduğunda da dilin bu kifayetsizliği kendini derinden hissettirmektedir.1

Hakikatte aynı olduğu halde ifade düzleminde birbirine zıtmış gibi görünen, paradoksalanlam taşıyan ve müteşâbihat şeklinde deifade edilen şatahâtın te’vîl edilme meselesi,mutasavvıflar ile zâhir ulemâ arasında devam
edegelen bir polemiği ateşleyen temel fitilolmuştur. Sûfîler, bu tür söylemleri şiddetliderûnî bir hâlin etkisi ile tamamen iradelerinindışında, düşünmeden zikretmişlerdir. Ancak
bu hal geçtikten sonra da Hakk’ı (c.c.) tenzih
ederek nefsânî benlik iddiasında bulunmaktan
O’na (c.c.) sığınmışlardır. Öyle ki, yaşadığı
hâli istemsiz bir şekilde dışarıya aksettirensûfîlerin tasavvufî coşkunluk hâlini tecrübe etmediği için idrak edemeyen ehl-i zâhir
tarafından şeriat dairesinin dışına çıktıkları
iddia edilmiş, farklı siyâsî ve içtimâî sebeplerle
bazı sûfîler hapse atılmış ve idam edilmiştir.
Fakat şathiyeler sûfîlerin nazarından konumlandırılacak olursa, yaşanılan hâli ifade etme
noktasında şathiyelerin çok hassas ve önemli
bir yere sahip olduğu rahatlıkla görülecektir.
Sûfîler, yaşadıkları içsel tecrübeyi beşerî birdille ifade etmede yetersiz kaldıklarını söylerler:

Mutasavvıflar şathiyeleri, genel olarak hatalı
görmekle birlikte bu tür ifadeleri serdedensûfîlerin mâzur görülebileceğini ifade etmektedirler. Öyle ki onlar, bu sözlerin sûfînin
dilinden coşkulu bir aşk veya çok üzgün bir
hâlde dökülen istemsiz söylemler olduğunu
belirtirler. Ayrıca bu hâlin Kur’ân-ı Kerîm ve
hadis-i şerîflerde yansımaları bulunduğunu
vurgularlar.2
Nitekim bu çalışmada öncelikle Baklî’nin
hayatı ve şatahâtla ilgili olan iki eseri hakkındamuhtasar bir şekilde bilgi akatrılmaya çalışılacaktır. Akabinde mutasavvıfların mezkûr
konu hakkındaki görüşlerine yer verilecektir. Nihaî olarak Baklî’nin şathiye adı altında

Zira beşerî iletişimin en mükemmel ve

69

1

Ethem Cebecioğlu, “Şatahât İbarelerinin Anlaşılma�sına Doğru: Metodik Bir Deneme”, Tasavvuf: İlmî ve
Akademik Araştırma Dergisi 7, 17 (ts.): 7-27.

2

Süleyman Uludağ, “Şathiye”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı
İslâm Ansiklopedisi, 2010, XXXVIII: 370-371.

Rûzbihân-ıBaklî’ninSûfîlerinŞatahâtınıMeşrûlaştırmaÇabası:Kur’ân-ıKerîm,HadisveSahâbeSözlerinde“Şatahât”

ele aldığı âyet-i kerîmeleri, hadis-i şerîflerive sahâbe sözlerini makul bir çerçevede şerhedip etmediği ve yaptığı yorumlarla sûfîlerinşatahâtını meşrûlaştırma çabasında ne derece
etkili olduğu ortaya konulmaya gayret edilecektir. Ayrıca onu şatahât türü ifadeleri yorumlamaya yönelten sebeplerin ve bu hususta sergilediği tavrın ne olduğu üzerinde durulmayaçalışılacaktır.

‘Arâisü’l-hadîs adında bir eser te’lif etmesi,ilmî mânâda ne denli yetkin bir mutasavvıfolduğunu göstermektedir.
Onun henüz küçük yaşlarda iken tasavvufî
hayata yönelerek Şeyh Cemalüddîn b. Halil
el-Fesâvî’ye biât ettiği rivâyet edilmektedir.
Ancak Baklî’nin bu yola asıl girişi 20-25 yaşlarında çok yoğun bir riyâzetten sonra ŞeyhSirâcuddîn Mahmud b. Halîfe b. Abdusselamb. Ahmed b. Salbih’e (ö. 562 /1166) intisâb edip
ondan hırka giymesi ile olmuştur.5

1. Rûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin Hayatı ve
Mantıku’l-Esrâr ile Şerh-i Şathiyyât Adlı
EseriBaklî’nin tasavvufî düşünce dünyasının oluşumundaki temel faktör, şerî hükümlere bağlılığıyla tanınan sûfî, Ebû Abdillâh Muhammed
b. Hafîf ed-Dabbî eş-Şîrâzî (ö. 371/982) ve kendisine nispet edilen Hafîfiyye tarîkatidir.6 İbnHafîf, Kur’ân ve sünnete bağlılığıyla tanınan
bir mutasavvıftır.7 Nitekim onun bu düstûrunu
Şeyh Rûzbihân’da da görmek mümkündür.
Öyle ki o, tasavvufî kavramlara dair fikirleriniâyet-i kerîme ve hadis-i şerîflerle teyit ederek
aktarmaya çalışmaktadır.

Milâdî XII. asrın ilk çeyreği ile XIII. asrın
ortalarında İran sınırları içerisinde yer alanFesâ’da dünya gelen Baklî, önceden Mecûsî
iken sonraları ılımlı bir Şiî fırkası olan
Zeydiyye’ye mensup Deylem kabilesi içerisinde doğmuştur. Fakat o, ömrünün büyük
bir çoğunluğunu siyâsî, sosyo-kültürel faaliyetler açısından son derece önemli konuma
sahip bir bölge olan Şiraz’da geçirmiştir. ŞeyhRûzbihân, henüz genç yaşta iken çeşitli hocalardan dersler alıp tefsir, hadis, fıkıh, kelâm,edebiyat alanlarında tebahhür etmiş, oldukça
verimli bir tahsil hayatı yaşamış bir sûfîdir.3Nihaî olarak Muharrem ayının ortası hicrî
606/1209 senesinde Şiraz’da vefat eden Baklî
ile ilgili yazılan eserlere bakıldığında, kendisini Şeyh-i Şattâh, Şattâh-ı Fars diye nitelendirdikleri görülmektedir. Kaynakların Baklî’yibu şekilde vasıflandırmaları, onun tasavvufî
mes’elelerden biri olan şatahâtın anlaşılmasına
ciddi katkı sağlayan mühim bir mutasavvıfşahsiyet olduğuna işaretetmektedir.8

Mutasavvıfların hayatları incelendiğinde,
onlardan şer’î ilimlere başlamadan önceKur’ân-ı Kerîm’i hıfz ettikleri görülmektedir.
Nitekim Baklî de ilk tahsilini Fesâ’da yapmış, daha sonra Şiraz’a gidip mezkûr ilimlerebaşlamadan önce kaynaklarda zikredildiği
gibi bulûğ çağında yani on beş yaşlarında
Kur’ân’ı ezberlemiştir. O, tefsir ilmini eldeederek bu alanda derin bir vukûfiyet sahibiolduğuna işaret eden işârî bir tefsir kalemealmıştır. Ayrıca İskenderiye’ye gidip meşhur
muhaddis ve Şafi‘î fukahâsından İbrahim
es-Silâfî’den Sahîh-i Buhâri’yi okuması4 ve
3Nazif Hoca, Rûzbihân-ı Baklî ve Kitâbu Keşfü’l-Esrâr’ı ile Farsça Bazı Şiirleri (İstanbul: Edebiyat
Fakültesi Matbaası, 1971).

4Ebû Muhammed Sadrüddîn Rûzbihân Baklî,ʿAbherü’l-ʿâşıkîn, thk. Henry Corbin, MuhammedRûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin şatahât konusunMu’în (Paris-Tahran:1987), 11.

70

Kitâhâne-i

Moisonneuve,

5

Muhammed Takî Dânişpejûh, Rûzbihannâme (Tahran: Encümen-i Âsâr-ı Millî, 1347), 16; Ebü’l-Hasan
Deylemî, Sîreti’ş-şeyhü’l-kebîr Ebû Abdillâh Muhammed b. Hafîf eş-Şîrâzî, ed. İbrahim Desûkî Şettâ
(Kahire: Meşîetü’l-‘ammetü, 1977), 29.

6

Ebü’l-Hasan Alî b. Muhammed ed-Deylemî, İbnHafîf eş-Şîrâzî, trc. Annemarie Schimmel Tarı (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1955), 64.

7

Deylemî, İbn Hafîf eş-Şîrâzî, 54.

8Dânişpejûh, Rûzbihannâme, 3.

ADEM URHAN

muhatap kabul etmeyen, genelde bilinci zorlayan, yoğun tefekkür ve teemmül isteyen bir
dil kullanmıştır.

da ele aldığı eserlerden birisi Mantıku’lesrâr bi-beyâni’l-envâr, diğeri ise Şerh-iŞathiyyât’tır. Onun 570/1174 yılında Arapça
olarak kaleme aldığı Mantıku’l-esrâr bi-beyâni’l-envâr adlı eserinde, tasavvuf ilminde
anlatılması ve anlaşılması zor bir kavram olan“şatahât” ele alınmaktadır. Böylesine mühim
bir konuyu yorumlayarak ona açıklık getirmeye gayret eden Baklî, Fesâ’daki ikameti
sırasında, sûfîlerin şatahât mâhiyetindeki sözlerini toplayıp bu lafızları Arapça şerh etmeyi istediğini, bu sebeple de önceki meşâyıh-ı
kibâr’ın (büyük şeyhler) eserlerini okuduğunu
ifade etmektedir. Ayrıca o, şatahât konusunun
aydınlanması hususunda haset edenlerin iftiralarından zarar gördüğünü, bütün sıkıntılara
rağmen şatahât ilminin anlaşılmayan bu tür
ifadelerini tek bir kitapta topladığını ve onu
Mantıku’l-esrâr bi-beyâni’l-envâr diye isimlendirdiğini zikretmektedir.99

2. Şatahâtın Sözlük ve Istılâhî Anlamı
Tasavvuf, derûnî bir tecrübeye dayalı bir ilimolduğu için kendisine özgü birtakım ıstılâhları bulunmaktadır. Bunlardan birisi de şathkelimesidir.10
Sözlükte; taşma, hareket etme gibi anlamlara
gelen bu kelime zamanla “hezeliyât, latife,
şaka, eğlence, maskaralık etme” gibi mânâları
da içermiştir.”11 “Bu tür ifadeler ancak işârî bir
mânâ taşımaktadır. Çünkü bu anlam san’atlı
bir dil ile Latince logos spermatikus (dölleyici
kelâm) denilen veciz, etkileyici ve esrârlı birüslûpla kullanılmaktadır.”12Sûfîlerin mezkûr konu hakkındaki görüşlerine
geçmeden önce genel anlamda şath hakkında
yapılan şu tarifi vermenin daha faydalı olacağı
mülâhaza edilmektedir:

Kaynaklarda rivâyet edildiğine göre Baklî,hicrî 571’de Şiraz’a döndüğünde çevresindeki dostları kendisinden, yazmış olduğu
Mantıku’l-esrâr bi-beyâni’l-envâr adlı eseri
Farsça konuşan halkın daha rahat anlamalarıiçin Farsça olarak tercüme etmesini istemişlerdir. O da, bu talep üzerine şahsî deneyimleri doğrultusunda söz konusu eserde geçenşathiyeleri yorumlamış ve birtakım açıklamalarda bulunmuştur. Bu noktadan hareketle de esere Şerh-i Şathiyyât ismini vermiştir.
Şerh-i Şathiyyât muhteviyât olarak âyet, hadis,
evliyânın sözleri, Arapça-Farsça beyitler vetasavvufî ıstılâhlardan müteşekkildir. Bu eserdeki asıl amaç sûfîlerin gönüllerinden dillerine
dökülen paradoksal ifadelerin yorumlanmasıolduğu hâlde kitapta edebî bir neşvenin veşiire yönelik husûsiyetlerin gözardı edilmediği
görülmektedir. Baklî, ehil olmayan kimseler
arasında fitne çıkması istenmemiş olsa gerek
ki mezkûr kaynakta herhangi bir zorlanmaolmaksızın alelâde bir anlaşılmayı kendine
9Şerîata bağlılığı malûm bir mutasavvıf
tarafından sekr, vecd ve istiğrâk hâlinin
galebesiyle irade dışı söylenip, zâhiren te’vili mümkün olmayan; içinde bir
benlik, iddia ve akla aykırılık bulunan;zâhir-i şerîat açısından kabulü mümkün
olmayan, işin ehli tarafından ruûnet-i
nefsin eseri dolayısıyla ibtidâî bir menzil
olarak görülüp, ne kabul ne de reddedilen
ifadelerdir.13

Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, thk. Henry Corbin (Tahran:İntişârât-ı Tahûrî, 1396), 52.

71

10

Detaylı bilgi için bkz. Mustafa Tatçı, “Tasavvuf Edebiyatında Şathiyyâtı Sûfiyâne Geleneği”, Türk Kültürü 24, 267 (1985): 481-486.

11Şemseddin Sami, Kâmûs-ı Türkî, (İstanbul: İkdam
Matbaası, 1317), 778; Mehmet Zeki Pakalın, Osmanlı
Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü (İstanbul: MEB
Yayınları, 1983), 310-311.

12

Cengiz Gündoğdu, “Mevlânâ (ö. 672 1273)’nın
Şathiyye Türünde Yazdığı Bir Gazeli’nin Şerhi: Şerh-i Ebyât-ı Celâleddîn-i Rûmî”, Tasavvuf İlmî Akademik ve Araştırma Dergisi 3, (2002): 27-46.

13

Ebû Nasr Serrâc, el-Lüma‘ li Ebî Nasr Serrâc et-Tûsî,thk. Abdülhalim Mahmud ve Taha, Abdülbâki Surûr
(Mısır: Dâru’l-kütübi’l-hadîse, 1960), 453; Abdur-Rûzbihân-ıBaklî’ninSûfîlerinŞatahâtınıMeşrûlaştırmaÇabası:Kur’ân-ıKerîm,HadisveSahâbeSözlerinde“Şatahât”

İlk bakışta şerîate aykırılık izlenimini uyandıran bu problemli ifadeleri zâhir ulemâsı
hatalı bulup reddederken, sûfîlerin çoğunluğu
mezkûr söylemin kabul edilebilir olduğunu
söyleyerek bunları şerh etmiş, hatta bir kısmı
bu söylemi seyr u sülûkün kemâl noktası olarak nitelemişlerdir. Bu nev‘i sözler, coşkulu birhâlin tahakkümü içinde söylenmiş sözlerdir.
Hâl böyle olunca da “Kendimi tenzih ederim,
benim şânım ne yücedir”, “Ben Hakk’ım”,“Cübbemin altında Allah’tan başkası yoktur”
gibi ifadelerle anlatılmaya çalışılması pek tabîi
bir durumdur. Çünkü o anda “tasavvufî deneyimin son mertebesine ulaşan sûfî, kendisini
tahakkümü altına alan Hakk’ın (c.c.) lisanıylakonuşmaktadır.”14 Bu nedenle de Hallâc’ın
“Ene’l-hak” ifadesini Erzurumlu İbrahim
Hakkı (ö. 1194/1774), “Nâsır u Mansûr idi
dirdi; ene’l-hakku’l-mübin / Söyleyen Nâsır’dır
andan terceman Mansûr olur.”15 şeklinde izaheder.

cağı, alışılmamış ibarelerle anlatmaya başlar.
Sûfînin kalbinden diline taşan, yoruma muhtaç bu sırlı sözleri, ancak bu ilimde derinleşmiş
olan ehil kimseler anlayabilir.”17 Bu nedenle
de o, söz konusu ifadelere, düz bir mantık ile
yaklaşmayı doğru bulmamakta ve bunları
inkâr ederek ve kötüleyerek karşı çıkanların
fitneye düşüp helâk olacaklarını belirtmektedir.18 Baklî, şatahât kavramını açıklarken
Serrâc’ın eserinde zikrettiği şath tanımına
küçük bir ekleme yaparak onu şöyle nakleder:“Yaşanılan şiddetli coşkunluk hâlinde dilinsöylediği, iddia ile karışmış ancak sahibininşerh etmesiyle anlaşılır hâle gelebilen sûfînin
sadrından diline dökülen sözdür.”19Yatağı dar bir nehirden kenarlara taşan suya
Arapçada “şataha” denildiğinden söz eden
Serrâc, onu, mübtedilerin, gaye ve kemâle
ermesi istenen kimselerin hâli olarak kabul
eder.20 Ona göre “sûfînin kalbinden taşan bu
sırlı sözlerin hakikatini ise bizzat tecrübeyi
yaşayanlar ve söz konusu ilimde derinleşmiş
olan ehil kimseler anlayabilir.”21 Hüccetü’lİslâm Ebû Hâmid Muhammed b. Ahmed
el-Gazzâlî’den (ö. 505/1111) önce yaşamış
sûfîlerden Muhammed b. İbrâhim el-Kelâbâzî
(ö. 180/990), Abdülkerim b. Hevâzin el-Kuşeyrî (465/1072) ve Ebü’l-Hasen Alî b. Osmân
el-Cüllâbî Hücvîrî (ö.465/1072) gibi sûfîler,şathiye türü ifadeleri eserlerine almamışlardır.
Öyle ki bunlardan Kelâbâzî, bazı konularda
Hallâc-ı Mansûr’dan bir söz naklettiğinde
belirli bir kesimin tepkisinden ötürü ondan“Ebü’l-Muğîs” veya “Hüseyin b. Mansûr” şek-Şatahât, vecdi artan sûfînin coşması sonucunda kalbinden taşan ve zâhiren şeriateaykırıymış gibi görünen sözler16 şeklinde detanımlanmaktadır. Serrâc’a göre, “vecd sahibi
olan sûfî, vecdin kuvvetli etkisiyle, kalbine
gelen ilâhî nurları taşımaya güç yetiremez ve
duyguları bu şekilde ihtiyatsız olarak dilinedüşer. Yaşadığı hali, dinleyenlerin zor anlayarezzâk Kaşânî, Istılahâtu’s-sûfiyye, ed. Abdü’l-ÂliŞâhin (Kahire: Dârü’l-‘İnâd, 1992), 375; İbn Haldûn,Tasavvufun Mahiyeti (Şifâü’s-sâil), ed. Süleyman
Uludağ (İstanbul: Dergâh Yayınları, 1977), 55; Abdulhakim Yüce, “İslâmî Türk Edebiyatında Şatahât”,
İslâmî Türk Edebiyatı Sempozyumu, 2012, 183-193.
14

Abdulbarî Muhammed Davud, el-Fenâ ‘inde sûfiyyeti’l-müslimîn ve’l-ukâidi’l-uhrâ (Kahire: Dârü’l-Mısriyyeti’l-Lübnâniyye, 1997), 322.

15

Erzurumlu İbrahim Hakkı, Ma’rifetnâme, çev. Turgut Ulusoy (İstanbul: Hasankale İbrahim Hakkı Hazretleri Yardımlaşma Derneği, 1979), 296.

16bkz. Ali Sîrcânî, el-Beyâz ve’s-Sevâd (Tahran, 1390),
357; Suad el-Hakîm, , İbnü’l-Arabî Sözlüğü, çev. Ekrem Demirli (İstanbul: Alfa Yayınları, 2017), 456;
Süleyman Uludağ, Tasavvuf Terimleri Sözlüğü (İstanbul: Marifet Yayınları, 1995), 328; Sâdık Gûherîn,Şerh-i Istılahât-ı Tasavvuf (Tahran: İntişarat-ı Zevvar, 1382), 7.

17 Serrâc, el-Lüma‘, 453.
18ay.; Serrâc, el-Lüma’: İslâm Tasavvufu, çev. Hasan
Kâmil Yılmaz (İstanbul: Erkam Yayınları, 1977),
443.

19

Ebû Muhammed Sadrüddîn Rûzbihân Baklî, Meşrebü’l-ervâh, çev. Kasım Mir Âhorî (Tahran: İntişârât-ıÂzâdmehr, 1389), 124.

20 Serrâc, el-Lüma‘ li Ebî Nasr Serrâc et-Tûsî, 458. Serrâc, el-Lüma’: İslâm Tasavvufu, 453.
21 Serrâc, el-Lüma‘, 453.

72

ADEM URHAN

veye benzetmekte, “�‫ ُي ُِِحُّبُ ُُه ْْم ََوُي ُِِحُّبُوَنَ ُٓٓه‬Allah onları
sever, onlar da Allah’ı severler”2626 âyetindeki“‫ “ ب‬harfinin noktasının tohum olduğunu vebüyüyünce meyve ile tohumun aynı şey haline
geldiğini, dolayısıyla bu sözlerin Allah’ın (c.c.)sözleri olduğunu ifade etmektedir.2727

linde söz eder.22 Ancak şu da belirtilmelidir
ki bu hususta Kuşeyrî’nin tavrı diğerlerine
nazaran daha belirgindir. Zira o, eserindeşatahât nev’i sözlere yer vermemekle birlikte
hikâyelerini naklettiği seksen üç sûfî arasında
Hallâc’dan bahsetmez.23 Diğer yandan Risale-iKuşeyrî’de Zünnûn-ı Mısrî (ö. 245/859 [?])
ve Bayezîd-i Bistâmî (ö. 234/848 [?]) gibişatahâtıyla meşhûr sûfîlerin biyografilerine yer
verildiği hâlde onların şatahâtı zikredilmez.24

Serrâc’la benzer bir yaklaşım sergileyen
Mevlânâ Celâleddîn-i Rûmî (ö. 672/1273)
şatahâtı, dilin taşıyamadığı ve bu söze sığmayan derûnî tecrübe şeklinde yorumlar.2828
Hatta bazı zamanlar kendisinden de bu nev’i
ifadelerin sâdır olduğunu ifade eder.2929 Sekr
(mânevî sarhoşluk) hâlinde sâdır olan sözlerin daha tatlı ve neşeli olduğunu ifade eden
Mevlânâ, sekr hâlini yaşamadan serdettiği
sözlerini tatsız-tuzsuz olarak vasıflandırır.3030

Rûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin, şatahât terimi hakkında
yapmış olduğu şu yorumda, sûfîlerin sadırlarından dillerine dökülen bu sözleri istemsiz
olarak sarf ettiklerine, bu durumun birtakım
hâllerin yaşanması ve Hak Teâlâ’nın lütfu
sonucunda meydana geldiği sonucuna ulaşılır:Âşığın üzerine ünsiyet galip olduğunda,
Hak Teâlâ ona cemâl sıfatıyla göründüğünde ve Cenâb-ı Hakk’ın âşığa kurb ve
kurb-i kurb ile ünsiyet buldurması, visalinin güzelliğini lütfetmesi, hârikulâde
esrârını ortaya çıkarması, imtihân makamından kurtarması, muhabbet şarabıyla
sarhoş etmesi ve gözlerinden perdeleri
kaldırması sonucunda onda basit nurları
ve inbisat parıltıları âşikâr olur, Hak (c.c.)ile sevinç bulmak onu kendinden geçirir
ve böylece tatlı vecd hâli ile iddiayla karışık meçhûl ifadelerle sırrı ifşâ eder.2525

3. Kur’ân-ı Kerîm, Hadis ve Sahâbe
Sözlerinde “Şatahât” Var Mıdır?
Baklî’nin Mantıku’l-Esrâr adlı eserinin
mukaddime kısmında şer’î ilimleri dört kategoride zikretmesi ve Meşrebü’l-ervâh isimli
kitabının şath bölümünde Serrâc’dan pasajlar
nakletmesi, mezkûr konuda Serrâc-vâri bir çizgiyi takip edeceğine işâret etmektedir. Baklî,şatahâtın esasının, ilk bakışta anlaşılmayan
Kur’ân, hadîs ve evliyânın ilhâmları olmaküzere üç kısım olduğunu ifade etmektedir.
O, sûfîlerin şatahâtını yorumlamaya geçme-

Ahmed el-Gazzâlî (ö. 520/1126), Sevânihu’lUşşâk adlı eserinde sûfîlerin şatahâtını mey22 Muhammed b. İbrâhim Kelâbâzî, Doğuş Devrinde
Tasavvuf Ta’arruf, çev. Süleyman Uludağ (İstanbul:
Dergâh Yayınları, 2016), 22, 231.
23

Mâide 5/54.

27

Ahmed Gazzâlî, Sevânihu’l-Uşşâk (Âşıkların
Hâlleri), çev. Turan Koç (Ankara: Hece Yayınları,
2016), 76.

28 Dillerin ve sözlerin tasavvufî deneyimi ifade etmede
yetersiz kalması hususunda Mevlâna’dan nakledilensözleriçin bkz. İbrahim Emiroğlu, Sûfî ve Dil, Mevlâna Örneği (İstanbul: İnsan Yayınları, 2002), 123-152;
Tofigh H. Sobhânî, “Mesnevî’de Söz Söyleme Engelleri”, Uluslararası Mevlânâ Bilgi Şöleni, Bildiriler(Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, 2000), 137-142.

bkz. Abdülkerîm b. Hevâzin Kuşeyrî, er-Risâle: Tasavvuf İlmine Dair Kuşeyrî Risâlesi, ed. Süleyman
Uludağ (İstanbul: Dergâh Yayınları, 1991), 63.

24 Kuşeyrî, er-Risâle, 13. Ayrıca bkz. MustafaÇakmaklıoğlu, “Hallâc’ın ‘Ene’l-Hakk’ Sözü Bağlamında Mevlânâ’nın Şatahât Yorumu”, Tasavvuf lmî
ve Akademik Araştırma Dergisi 6,15 (2005): 191-223;
Hasan Basri Demir, “Bâyezîd-i Bistâmî ve Tasavvuf
Anlayışı” (Yüksek Lisans, İbn Haldun Üniversitesi
Lisansüstü Eğitim Enstitüsü Temel İslam Bilimleri,2020).
25

26

Baklî, Meşrebü’l-ervâḥ, 124.

73

29

Onlardan bir tanesi şöyledir: “Bugün olmayacak işlere giriştim, savaş arıyorum; sarhoşların sözlerine
aldırış etme, saçma sapan sözler söylüyorum.” bkz.
Mevlâna Celâleddin-i Rumî, Dîvân-ı Kebîr I-VII,haz. Abdulbaki Gölpınarlı (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı
Yayınları, 2000), III: 247.

30

Mevlâna Celâleddin-i Rumî, Dîvân-ı Kebîr, II: 367.

Rûzbihân-ıBaklî’ninSûfîlerinŞatahâtınıMeşrûlaştırmaÇabası:Kur’ân-ıKerîm,HadisveSahâbeSözlerinde“Şatahât”

den önce, şatahâtın temelinin Kur’ân ve hadîs
olduğunu belirterek bu minvaldeki sözlerinimeşru bir zemine oturtmaya çalışmaktadır.
Nitekim o, söz konusu bağlamda müteşâbih
âyetler, birtakım hadisler ve sahâbenin sözlerinden şu kısa pasajları nakletmekte ve bunları
beyân etmektedir:Rûzbihân-ı Baklî de hurûf-ı mukattaayı diğer
konularda olduğu gibi tabiât unsurlarından
istifâde ederek sembolik dil ile şatahât bağlamında izah etmeye çalışmıştır. Nitekim o, “‫”ر‬
harfinin âleme ayna olan sıfatların remzî olduğunu, “‫ ”ميم‬harfinin ise ezelî kaynaktan fiillerin sırları üzerine akan muhabbet denizinin
suyunu sembolize ettiğini ifade etmektedir.34

Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’deki müteşâbihâttan sayılan”‫”عمس““وجه‬,,”‫”ءاوتسا““رجل‬,,”‫ “استواء‬,”‫“سمع‬,”‫ “يد‬gibi haberî
“‫”دي‬,“‫”لجر‬, “‫”هجو‬sıfatlar ile hurûf-ı mukattaayı anlaşılma zorluğu açısından şathiyye çerçevesinde ele alanBaklî,31 Hak Teâlâ’nın şeriat dili ile avama(halka), hakikat dili ile de havassa (seçkinkullara) hitap ettiğini ifade eder. Ona göreavam, mârifet ve vuslat ehlinin işâret ettiği
kâinatta meydana gelen hârikulâde olayların
hakikatine yabancıdır. Çünkü onlar, makamları ezelî müşahede olan ve rabbânî ilimde
derinleşen kimselerin bilebileceği haberî sıfatlardır.32

Baklî’nin şatahât olarak ele aldığı hadîs-işerîfler şunlardır: Allah, Âdem’i kendi sûretinde yarattı.,35, Rabbimi en güzel sûrette
gördüm.,36 Kürsü iki ayağın konulduğu yerdir.,37 Parmaklarının soğukluğunu iki göğsüm arasında hissettim.38 Naklettiği hadis-işerîfleri “‫ “االستلقاء‬,”‫ “الصالة‬,”‫ ”الضحك‬ve“‫ ”وضع القدم على جهنم‬başlığı altında ele alanBaklî, bunların sıfatlar hakkında zikredilenezeliyyeti ifşâ etmekten ibâret olan hadislerolduğunu ifade eder. O, Resûlullâh’tan (s.a.s.)ve ashâbından sâdır olan, dikkatleri cezbeden anlaşılması zor bu nev‘i ifadelerin iltibâs
makamında muhabbet ve aşk sarhoşluğunun
galip gelmesi sonucunda meydana geldiğini
söyler. Ona göre, şâhid Hakk’ı (c.c.) Hak (c.c.)ile müşahede ettiği zaman Allah Teâlâ ona sıfatve fiillerindeki ezelîliğini gösterir.

Hurûf-ı mukattaayı “Hakk’ın (c.c.) şatahâtı”
olarak ifade etmenin mümkün olduğunu
ifade eden Baklî, Allah Teâlâ’nın bu harfler
ile sıfatların esrârından, Zât’ın celâlinin hakikatlerinden ve aşk, şevk, muhabbet, mârifet,tevhîd, aynü’l-sermediyyet, aynü’l-ezeliyyet ve
cemâl ile celâl libâsındaki mutlak sırdan haberverdiğini belirtir. Ona göre bu harfler, sadece
Muhammed (s.a.s.), Âdem (a.s.), İbrahim (a.s.),Mûsa (a.s.), İsâ (a.s.), İsrâfil (a.s.) Cebrâil (a.s.)
ile sahâbe, tâbiîn, evliyâ, mukarrebîn, ârif vemeşâyihtan olan sûfîler gibi ümmetin seçkinsâdık kullarının bileceği ilimdir. Zâhir ehlinemezkûr ilimde bir pay yoktur. O, böyle bir ilmi
sadece zikredilen zümrenin bileceğine delalet
eden birtakım âyet-i kerîmelerin olduğunu
ifade etmektedir.333
31Baklî’nin Allah Âdem’i kendi sûretinde yarattı39 hadis-i şerîfini şatahât çerçevesinde nasıl
34 Baklî, Mantıku’l-Esrâr bi-Beyâni’l-Envâr, çev. Kâsım Mîr Âhorî (Tahran, 1340), 32-34; Baklî, Şerh-iŞathiyyât, 80-83.

Hüseyin Altuntaş, “Rûzbihân el-Baklî’nin (ö.
606/1209) Arâisü’l-Beyân İsimli Tefsirinde Müteşâbihât” (Yüksek Lisans, Karabük Üniversitesi Lisansüstü Eğitim Enstitüsü Temel İslam Bilimleri Ana
Bilim Dalı, 2021).

35

Bu hadis-i şerîf daha önceki bölümlerde zikredilmiştir. Ayrıca mezkûr hadis-i şerîf’in Türk şiirinde nasılişlendiği hususunda bkz. Ahmet Karakuş, Modern
Türk Şiirinde Tasavvuf (İstanbul: Kitabevi Yayınları,
2021), 78.

36

Tirmizî, “Tefsir”, 39.

37

İbn Abbas’dan (r.a) mevkuf olarak rivayet edildiğine
göre; “Kürsü iki ayağın konulduğu yerdir. Arşa gelince ne kadar olduğunu kimse bilemez.” https://hadeethenc.c.om/tr/browse/hadith/6330, Erişim tarihi:
15.02.2023.

38

Ebû ‘Abdullah Ahmed b. Hanbel eş-Şeybânî, Müsnedü’l-İmâm Ahmed b. Hanbel, ed. Şu‘ayb el-Arna’ût
vd. (Beyrut: Mü’essesetü’r-Risâle, 1996), V: 243.

39

39

32 Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 86-87.
33 bkz. Âl-i İmrân 3/7.

74

age. III: 323.

ADEM URHAN

yorumladığı mevzusuna geçmeden önce şunubelirtmeliyiz ki Gazzâlî, sözü edilen hadis
ve diğer birtakım meşhûr sözlerin herkesinanlamaya tahammül edeceği sözler olmadığını
vurgulayarak tevhîd ehli kimsenin durumunuşöyle izah eder:ezelî müşahede ehli için (fiilî sıfatları yönüyle)ortaya çıkması şeklinde yorumlamaktadır. Hz
Peygamber’in, Parmaklarının soğukluğunu ikigöğsüm arasında hissettim hadisini ise doğrudan ve yakîn olarak bekā’nın müşahede gölgesinde parmaklarının soğukluğunu bulması
olarak te’vîl etmektedir.44

Muvahhidin hareketleri dünya semâsındandır; duyarları, algıları bunun üstünde olan bir semâdandır. Bu kimse akıl
semâsından mahlûkatın mi‘râcının sonuna, ferdâniyyet memleketinden tâ yedi
tabakaya kadar yükselir. Sonra vahdâniyyet tahtında oturur ve oradan göklerinin tabakalarına emri tedbir eder. Artıkbakan, bu hale baktıkça dilini salıverir:‘Allah Adem’i Rahmân suretinde yarattı’ der. Fakat bilinmelidir ki bu söz te’vîle muhtaçtır. Tıpkı ‘Ben Hakk’ım (c.c.)’,‘Kendimi tesbih ederim.’ sözleri gibi.
Hatta Peygamber’in (s.a.s.); ‘Ben onun,kulağı, gözü, dili oldum.’40 sözlerinin dete’vîle ihtiyacı vardır. Artık burada beyânı durdurmak istiyorum. Çünkü seninbundan fazlasına tahammül edeceğini
sanmıyorum.41

Bu noktada ele alınacak bir diğer hadis-i şerîf
ise hem tasavvufî yönden hem de hadis45 ve
kelâm açısından problem teşkil eden Kürsî
iki ayağın konulduğu yerdir hadisidir. Arş ve
kürsünün ceberût ve melekût âleminden ibaret olduğunu söyleyen Baklî, kürsünün Allah
Teâlâ tarafından melekût ehli için ezeli bulutların üzerine yerleştirildiğini ifade etmektedir.46
Baklî, hadisleri şatahât bağlamında te’vîl
ederken sıklıkla Allah Teâlâ’nın sonradan
yaratılan varlığa tecellîsinin zâtı itibariyle ile
olmayıp fiil ve sıfatları yönüyle olduğunu4747 ve
O’nun (c.c.) bunlar dışında bir teşbîh ve tecsîmden münezzeh olduğunu vurgulamaktadır.
Nitekim o, söz konusu yorumlarından birinde
Hak Teâlâ’nın bütün yönlerden bir olduğunu,her an yeni bir tecellî (yaratma) hâlinde olduğunu, bunun Hakk’ın (c.c.) kullarına en büyük
lütfu olduğunu, Cenâb-ı Hakk’ın bir eş veya
çocuk edinmediğini, bütün mânâlarda hadis
ehlinin yöneldiği şeylerden münezzeh olduğunu ve O’nun ehâdiyyetinin gücü ve kudretininzuhûru karşısında seçkin kulların akıllarınınBaklî, Peygamber’in (s.a.s.), Rabbimi en
güzel sûrette gördüm.42 hadis-i şerîfini serdetmesinin arka planında ma‘şûk’un yani Hak
Teâlâ’nın âşık için koymuş olduğu bir kanunolduğunu ifade etmektedir. Ona göre Cenâb-ı
Hak, sıfatlarındaki zâtının iltibâs makamında
Hz. Muhammed’in (s.a.s.) tevhîd kaynaklarına
yönelik şevkini meydana getirmek için fiillerini ezelîliğiyle süsledi ve hâdislik görüntüsüyle
beraber fillerinin aynasındaki ezelî cemâliyle
onu cezbetti (kendisine çekti).43 Diğer yandano, Hakk’ın (c.c.) yeryüzüne inmesini, kâinatta

44 Baklî, Mantıku’l-esrâr bi-beyâni’l-envâr, 35.
45

40 Hadisin tam metni için bkz. Buhârî, “Rikak”, 38.
Ayrıca bkz. https://hadeethenc.c.om/tr/browse/hadith/6337,Erişim tarihi: 15.02.2023.

Hadis ilmi alanında şöyle yorum yapılmaktadır:“Kürsü iki ayağın konulduğu yerdir. Yani: Allah
Teâlâ’nın kendi nefsine nispet ettiği Kürsü Allah
Teâlâ’nın iki ayağını koyduğu yerdir. İbn Abbas’ın(r.a) zikrettiği bu mânâ Ehl-i Sünnet arasında meşhûrdur. Ondan rivayet edilen Kürsü’nün ilim olması ise sahîh değildir. Hasan’dan rivayet edilen Kürsü’nün Arş olduğu zayıf olup, sahîh değildir” bkz.
https://hadeethenc.c.om/tr/browse/hadith/6330, Erişim tarihi: 15.02.2023.

46 Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 85.

41 Gazzâlî, Mişkâtü’l-envâr, 37.

47

42 Tirmizî, “Tefsir”, 39.
43 Baklî, Mantıku’l-Esrâr bi-Beyâni’l-Envâr, 35. Baklî,Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 85.

75

Allah Teâlâ’nın sıfat ve fiilleri vasıtasıyla varlığa tecellî etme hususunu modern şiirlerde de görmek içinbkz. Ahmet Karakuş, “Feyzi Halıcı Şiirinin TasavvufBağlamında İncelenmesi”, SEFAD, 46 (2021): 1-22.

Rûzbihân-ıBaklî’ninSûfîlerinŞatahâtınıMeşrûlaştırmaÇabası:Kur’ân-ıKerîm,HadisveSahâbeSözlerinde“Şatahât”

hayrette kaldığını ifade etmektedir.48 Baklî,bazı âyet-i kerîmeleri aktararak bu minvaldeki
sözlerini kuvvetlendirmektedir.49

değil de kalp gözü ile gördüğünü zikrederler.53Örneğin Sülemî, Hakâʾiku’t-tefsîr ismli eserinde âyet-i kerîmede işâret edilen kalbî görmeyi, müşâhede hâlinde Cenâb-ı Hakk’ı baş
gözüyle görme olarak te’vîl ederken,54 Kuşeyrî
Letâʾifü’l-işârât adlı eserinde Hak Teâlâ’nın
kâinatta tezâhür eden tecelliyâtının görülmesi
olarak yorumlamaktadır.55

O, Hz. Ebû Bekîr’e (r.a.) nisbet edilen şusözü şatahât kâbilinde değerlendirmektedir:“O’nu (c.c.) idrâk etmekten duyulan acîzlik
de bir idrâktir.” Baklî’ye göre, hakikatte ezelî
olan varlığın künhünü idrâk etmek mümkün
değildir. Hâdis olan bir varlık, muhdes olanbir âlemde kadîm olan Hakk’ı (c.c.) tam olarak idrâk edemez. O, mezkûr sözün şath olankısmının; ‘idrâk etmekten âciz olma sebebini
idrâk etmek’ olduğunu ifade ederek bu durumuşöyle izah eder: Tâlib, âcizlik sıfatından fenâbulup matlûba dönüşerek kendisini idrâk ederve akabinde ‘aynü’l-bekāya vararak orada bâkîolur. Burada kendi kendisini gören tâlib, benliğini Hakk’ın (c.c.) varlığında yok eder. Ârif,mar‘ûfun (Hak Teâlâ’nın) sıfatları ile sıfatlanırve ma‘rûfu O’nun (c.c.) ile tanır. Baklî, bu türbilmenin ve bekāda dolaşmanın gönül gözü ile
olabileceğini, aksi takdirde hâdis olan bir şeyin
ezelî varlık ile birlikte olmasının mümkün
olamayacağını zikreder.50Baklî, âyette zikredilen görmenin bakmak
mânâsına geldiğini, buradaki gözün bedenindeğil ruhların gözü olduğunu, aksi durumda
kalbî görmeye işaret eden56 âyet-i kerîmeyi
inkâr ve Cenâb-ı Hakk’ın Mûsâ’ya (a.s.) Sen
beni göremezsin57 buyruğuna başkaldırı olabileceğini ifade etmektedir.58 Ayrıca Baklî deKuşeyrî gibi bu görmenin tecelliyâttan başka
bir şey olmadığını vurgulamaktadır. Nitekimo, Hakk’ın (c.c.) dağa tecellî etmesi ve dağın
paramparça olması olayına işârî açıdan yaklaşarak aslında buradaki tecellînin Hz. Mûsâ’da(a.s.) meydana geldiğini ve onun Hakk’ın
tezâhürü sonucunda benliğinin yerle yeksânolduğunu ve bunun nihâyetinde, Siz bekleyin,(şu uzakta) bir ateş bulunduğunu fark ettim.59
dediğini zikretmektedir.

Aynı minvalde Kelâbâzî, Hz. Ömer’in (r.a.)“Kalbim Hak Teâlâ’yı gördü.”51 sözünü onunsırrının sarhoş olması sebebiyle söylediğini
belirtir. Ona göre sırrın sarhoşluğu, Cenâb-ı
Hakk’ın (c.c.) ezelî cemâl müşahedesinin sırra
tesâdüf etmesi sonucunda meydana gelir.
Genel anlamda sûfîler, Allah Teâlâ’nın dünyada baş gözü ile görülemeyeceğini savunurlar.
Ancak onlardan bazıları Gözün gördüğünü
kalp yalanlamadı52 âyetine vurgu yaparak Hz.
Peygamber’in (s.a.s.) Hakk’ı (c.c.) baş gözü ile

Hülasa Baklî, şathiyye olarak nitelendirdiği
Hz. Ömer’in (r.a.) sözünü mânevî sarhoşluk
bağlamında ele alarak şath kabilinden bu
sözlerin arka planda tenzîh ve tahkîki barındırdığını ifade eder ve daha sonra aktaracağı
sûfîlerin şatahâtına meşru bir zemin hazırlar. Yani o, sûfîlerin, bu sözleri Hakk’ın (c.c.)varlığının tecellîsini temâşâ ettikleri esnada
söylediklerini, akabinde -sahv hâlinde- tevbe
ettiklerini zikrederek henüz eserin ilk bölümünde sûfîlerin mâzûr görülmesi gerektiğine

48 Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 86.
49 Şûrâ 42/11; İhlâs 112/4.

53 Kelâbâzî, Doğuş Devrinde Tasavvuf Ta’arruf, 84.

50 Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 86-87.
51

54 Sülemî, Hakâʾiku’t-tefsîr, II: 285.

Ebû Muhammed Nûreddin Sâbûnî, Mâtürîdiyye Akaidi, çev. Bekir Topaloğlu (İstanbul: İFAV Yayınevi,2017), 93; Fatma Pınar, “Allah’ın Görülemeyeceği
GörüşününTemellendirilmesinde ‘el-Muğnî’ Örneği”,
Bülent Ecevit Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi
6, 2 (2019): 257-279.

55

Abdülkerîm b. Hevâzin Kuşeyrî, Letâifü’l-İşârât
(Beyrut: Daru’l-İlmiyye, 2000), 3: 249.

56 Necm 53/11.
57 A‘râf 7/143
58 Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 88.

52 Necm 53/11.

59 Tâhâ 20/10.

76ADEM URHAN

işâret etmektedir.

edilmesinden haber verdiğini belirtmektedir.
Sekr hâlinde böyle bir müşâde hâlini yaşayan
kimsenin aynı zamanda sahv hâlinde de kalp
penceresinden ezelî nûra bakacağını söyler.65

Hz. Osman’ı (r.a.) temkîn ehli olarak niteleyen Şeyh-i Şattâh, onun dünyalık zenginliğine
karşı sergilediği fiilî tavrını şatahât kapsamında ele almaktadır. Zira ona göre Hz. Osman(r.a.), âlemin mülk hazinelerine sahip olmasınarağmen bunlardan -vebenliğinden- tamamen
soyutlanarak Hakk’ın (c.c.) istediği ahlâk kisvesine60 bürünmüştür. O, Hz. Süleyman’a (a.s.)
ithâfen buyurulan âyet-i kerîmede61 Osman’nın(r.a.) durumuna işâret edildiğini, onun böyle
bir dünyalık güce tamamen yüz çevirerek çok
az insanın gerçekleştirebileceği bir davranış
ve ilk bakışta anlaşılması güç olan fiilî birşatahât tutumu sergilediğini ifade etmektedir.62

Baklî, Hz. Ali’nin (r.a.) “Perde kalksa yakînim
artmazdı.” ifadesini şöyle yorumlamaktadır:Şayet mahlûkatın gözünden -yaratılmışlıkperdesi kalksa -yine de- yakînim üzerine biryakîn eklenmez.66 O, her an Hakk’ı (c.c.) Hak(c.c.) ile gözetleyen biri gibi gaybı müşahede halinde olduğunu belirtmektedir. Ayrıca
bu sözünün Hz. Ali’ye (r.a.) “Rabbini gördün mü?” şeklinde sorulduğunda verdiği,“Görmediğim bir Rabbe hiç ibadet etmedim.”cevabının bir açıklaması niteliğinde olduğunu
ifade etmektedir.67

Hz. Ali’nin (r.a.) de dinî ilimler denizine daldığını ifade eden Baklî, muhtemelen Serrâc’daniktibâs ettiği Cüneyd-i Bağdâdî’nin onun hakkındaki sözlerini şöyle aktarmaktadır:Baklî, Hz. Ali’nin (r.a.) Hak Teâlâ’nın Kur’ân-ıKerîm’de kullarına tecellî ettiğine dair aktardığı sözünü şatahât kapsamında değerlendirmektedir. Baklî’ye göre Allah Teâlâ avâmahitabıyla, havâssa ise sıfatları ile tecellî eder.
O aynı zamanda, Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in harflerini,
seçkin âriflerin kalplerine sevinç şaraplarının
serpildiği kadehler olarak nitelendirmektedir. Ona göre bu şarap, müşâhede ile mânevî
sarhoş olmak, mükâşefe ile uçmak, tevhîd
meydanında şaşkın şaşkın dolaşmak, Kur’ânbineğiyle irfân mâdenlerine, irfân bineğiyle deKur’ân madenine doğru yürümek için içilir.68

Allah kendisinden razı olsun, Emirü’l-mü’minin Hz. Ali eğer harplerlemeşgûl olmasaydı bizim bu (tasavvuf) ilmimize dair pek çok manayı (incelikleri)bize aktarırdı. Çünkü o, kendisine ilm-i
ledün verilmiş birisiydi. İlm-i ledün ise
Hızır’a (a.s.) özgü olan bir ilimdir.63
Baklî, Hz. Ali’nin (r.a.) “Hak Teâlâ’yı gördüğümden beri O’nun varlığı hususunda şüphe
etmedim.”64 sözünün kurb-ı kurb makamında
Cenâb-ı Hakk’ın sıfatlarını sıfatlarıyla, zâtını zatıyla idrâk ederek ve şeytan ile nefsin
vesveselerini ortadan kaldırarak müşâhede

Hz. Mûsâ’ya (a.s.) bir ağaçtan, Ey Mûsâ! Bil
ki ben, bütün âlemlerin Rabbi olan Allah’ım:İnnî enellâh69 diye hitap eden Hak Teâlâ’nın
emrinin aynü’l-cem‘den haber verdiğini ifade
eden Baklî, bütün bu ifadeleriyle sûfîlerin,
Kur’ân okurken veya dinlerken Rablerininezelî cemâl sıfatını müşâhede ettiklerini ve
kendi benliklerini yok ederek Hakk’ın (c.c.)sesini işittikleri için hayretler içerisinde ken-

60 Bu hâl, tasavvufî ıstılâhta, insan-ı kâmil kavramıyla
açıklanmaktadır. Nitekim sûfîlere göre insanın Allah’ın (c.c.) halifesi olması demek, O’nun (c.c.) ahlâkıyla ahlâklanması ve sıfatlarıyla muttasıf olması
demektir. Bu hususu gerçekleştiren insân-ı kâmildir.
Geniş bilgi için bkz. Uludağ, “Kemâl”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, 2022, XXV: 200.
61

Sâd 38/35-38.

62Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 89-90.

63

Serrâc, el-Lüma‘, 179.

65Baklî, Mantıku’l-esrâr bi-beyâni’l-envâr, 37.

66 ay.
67

ay.; Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 91.

68 Baklî, Şerh-i Şathiyyât, 91.

64 Ayrıca bkz. Şerîf Radî, Nehcü’l-Belâğâ, ed. Abdülbâkî Gölpınarlı (İstanbul: Beyan Yayınları, 2016), 90.

69

77

Kasas 28/30.

Rûzbihân-ıBaklî’ninSûfîlerinŞatahâtınıMeşrûlaştırmaÇabası:Kur’ân-ıKerîm,HadisveSahâbeSözlerinde“Şatahât”

dilerinden geçerek ilk bakışta anlaşılmayan
paradoksal ifadeler kullandıklarını zikreder.70

birtakım pasajlar naklettiği Serrâc’tır.
Serrâc, ilimleri Kur’ân, sünnet ve hikmet olarak üç kısma ayırmıştır. Öyle ki o, tasavvufun
şer’î ilimlerden ayrı olmadığını hatta tasavvufun meşrûluğu ‘zâhirî’ ilimlerle ortak yönleresahip olmasına dayansa bile, kişiye sağladığı
‘fayda’ bakımından onlardan daha üstün olduğu yönünde savunmacı bir yaklaşım sergilemiştir. Onun bu tavrı, şatahât konusunda dagörülmektedir. Şath kelimesine ilk defa onun
el-Lümâ‘ adlı eserinde rastlanmaktadır. Zira
ondan önce yaşamış olan Hâris el-Muhâsibî
(ö. 243/857), Sehl b. Abdillâh et-Tüsterî (ö.
283/896), Ebû Sâid el-Harrâz (ö. 277/890 [?])
ve Hakîm et-Tirmizî (ö. 320/932) gibi sûfîler
bu kavramı hiç kullanmazken, onunla aynı
dönemde veya ondan sonra yaşamış olan
Kelâbâzî (ö. 380/990), Ebû Tâlib el-Mekkî (ö.
386/996), Abdülkerîm el-Kuşeyrî (ö. 465/1072)
ve Hücvîrî (ö. 465/1072) gibi mutasavvıflar iseşath yerine “iddia” terimini seçmiş, şathiyesahibi sûfîleri “iddia sahibi sûfîler” olarak
nitelendirmişlerdir. Serrâc ise Bâyezîd Bistâmî
(ö. 234/848 [?]), Ebû Bekir eş-Şiblî (ö. 334/946)
gibi birkaç sûfînin şatahâtını âyet ve hadislerle
destekleyerek uzlaşmacı bir dille izah etmeyeçalışmıştır.71 Benzer tavır Baklî’de de müşâhede edilmektedir. Ancak o, sûfîlerin şatahâtını
âyet ve hadislerle desteklemek yerine bizzat
Kur’ân, hadis ve sahâbe sözlerinde şatahâtolduğunu ifade ederek ve bunları yorumlayarak Serrâc’ın şatahât hususundaki tutumunu
daha ileri bir boyuta taşımıştır.

4. Tartışma ve DeğerlendirmeRûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin sûfîlerin şatahâtını
yorumlamadan önce böyle bir metot benimsemesinin arka planında birtakım sebeplerin olabileceği söylenebilir. Bu nedenlerin,şu sorulardan hareketle açıklanması durumunda daha iyi anlaşılabileceği mülâhaza
edilmektedir: “Baklî’nin, üzerinde önemli
bir te’siri olan Serrâc gibi tasavvufu, bir ‘dinilmi’ olarak vazetme amacı mı var? Yoksa buçabası, Mantıku’l-esrâr ve Şerh-i Şathiyyat
isimli eserlerinde naklettiği sûfîlerin şathiye
ifadelerine ve kendisinin Keşfü’l-esrâr adlıeserinde aktardığı şatahât ifadelerine meşrû
bir zemin hazırlamak için midir? Ya da halkın tepkisini çekmeden ön yargıları kırarakşatahâtın anlaşılmasını sağlamak amacıyla mı
bu tarz bir yaklaşım sergilemiştir?”Değerlendirmeye geçmeden önce şunu belirmeliyiz ki, bu üç soruya da olumlu yönde
cevap verilecektir. Çünkü onun eserlerinde
benimsediği metot, bu üç ihtimali de taşır niteliktedir. Konuyu fazla dağıtmadan soru ve
cevap değerlendirmesine geçmek yerinde olur.
İlk soruya yanıt olarak, Rûzbihân-ı Baklî’nin,üzerinde önemli bir te’siri olan Serrâc gibi
tasavvufu, bir ‘din ilmi’ olarak vazetme amacıtaşıdığı söylenebilir. Çünkü Baklî, sûfîleri
müdâfaa etmek ve onların şatahâtını mâzur
gösterebilmek için Kur’ân, hadis ve sahâbesözlerinden şathiye niteliğinde örnekler aktarmış ve onlarla ilgili makul çerçevede yorumlar
yapmıştır. Onun tasavvufa ve mutasavvıflarakarşı bu savunmacı yaklaşımı, takip ettiği sûfîşahsiyetlerin etkisine bağlanabilir. Bu zâtlardan birisi de Baklî’nin şatahât terimini ele
alırken kendisinden çokça istifade ettiği ve70İslâm düşünce tarihinde yaşanan olaylara ve
takınılan tavırlara bakıldığında her bir ferdin, grubun veya fikir siteminin şer’î ilimler
nezdinde kendi konumunu belirleme, ortaya
attıkları görüşlerine meşru bir zemin bulma ve71Baklî, Mantıkü’l-Esrâr bi-Beyâni’l-Envar, thk. Seyyid ‘Alî Mîrbâkırî (Tahran: İntişarâti Sohnî, 1393),
37-38.

78

Bâyezid-i Bistâmî’nin şatahât sözlerini açıklamak
için kaleme alınan ilk şerh örneğinin Cüneyd-i Bağ�dâdî’ye ait Şerh-i Şathiyyât-ı Ebî Yezîd-i Bistâmî adlıeseri olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Bilgi için bkz. Halil
Baltacı, “Tasavvufî Tecrübenin Tezahürü: Tasavvufta Şathiye Meselesi”, Tasavvuf İlmî ve AkademikAraştırma Dergisi, 47 (2021): 219-243.

ADEM URHAN

bunu karşı tarafa kabul ettirebilme açısından
Kur’ân ve sünnetle olan bağlarını göstermeçabası içerisinde oldukları görülmektedir.
Bu zümrelerden birisi olan sûfîler de görüşlerini doğrudan veya dolaylı olarak Kur’ân
ve hadisle destekleyerek açıklamaya çalışmışlar, Kur’ân’ın hem zâhiri hem de bâtınî
olmak üzere iki yönünün bulunduğuna vurgu
yaparak onun bâtınının ancak mârifetullahaulaşan ehl-i sûfiyyenin gönül âlemlerindeki
zenginlikle elde edileceğini düşünmüşlerdir. Baklî de şathiyeleri şerh etmeden önceşatahâtın Kur’ân ve hadisle olan bağlantısına
vurgu yaparak ve bunların ancak dinde derinleşenlerin anlayabileceği ifadeler olduğunu
belirterek bu tür söylemleri meşru bir zemine
oturtmaya çalışmış ve zâhir ulemâile halkın
tepkisini azaltmayı amaçlamıştır.

düşer mi?” gibi bir soru da sorulabilir. Aslındabunun cevabı metin içerisinde verilmektedir.
Nitekim Baklî, hadisleri şerîate aykırı olarak
görünen sözler değil de ilk bakışta anlaşılmayan muğlak ve müphem ifadeler olarak elealmıştır. Onun bu yaklaşımı, Hz. Peygamber’in(s.a.s) şatahât türü ifadeler kullanmasının
ismet sıfatına ters düşmeyeceğini göstermekteve aynı zamanda sûfîlerin sözlerinin de müphemlik ve muğlaklık bakımından değerlendirilmesi gerektiğine işâret etmektedir.72
Nihaî olarak metinde dikkatleri çeken ve
cevaplandırılmasını gerekli gördüğümüz bir
husus daha vardır ki o da, hurûf-ı mukattaanın şatahât olduğunu ifade eden Rûzbihân-ıBaklî’nin, hurûfilikle bir bağlantısının olup
olmadığıdır.
İlm-i hurûf’un İslâm coğrafyasında büyük
bir ilgiyle karşılanmasında Ma‘rûf-i Kerhî (ö.
200/815-16 [?]), Zünnûn-ı Mısrî (ö. 245/859[?]), Sehl et-Tüsterî (ö. 283/896), Cüneyd-iBağdâdî (ö. 297/909), Ebû Bekir eş-Şiblî (ö.
334/946), Abdülkādir-i Geylânî (ö. 561/116566), Şehâbeddin es-Sühreverdî el-Maktûl (ö.
587/1191), Ahmed b. Ali el-Bûnî (ö. 622/1225)
ve Muhyiddin İbnü’l-Arabî (ö. 638/1240) gibi
isimlerin etkisi olduğu görülmektedir. Busûfîlerin Fazlullah-ı Hurûfî’nin (ö. 796/1394)önderliğinde Hurûfîlik akımının da temeliniteşkil ettiği ifade edilmektedir.

İslâm tasavvuf tarihi bakımından önemli bilgiler içeren Mantıku’l-esrâr ve Şerh-i Şathiyyat
isimli eserler, şatahât konusunun genişçe
işlendiği kitaplardır. Baklî bu eserlerindeşatahâtın esasının, ilk bakışta anlaşılmayan
Kur’ân, hadîs ve evlîyâ ilhâmları olduğunu
belirtmektedir. Onun bu ifadeleri daha enbaşında sûfîlerin söylemlerini ve onlar hakkında yapacağı yorumları meşrû bir zemine
oturtmaya çalıştığına işâret etmektedir. Asılolarak burada dikkatleri çeken husus, kendisinin Keşfü’l-esrâr adlı eserinde aktardığı
şatahât sözlerine meşrû bir zemin hazırlamak
için mi böyle bir tavır takındığıdır. Busoruya
verilebilecek en güzel cevap, Bakli’nin üç eserinin yazılış tarihlerinin karşılaştırılmasıyla
gerçekleştirilebilir. O, Mantıku’l-esrâr’ı mîladî
1174, Şerh-i Şathiyyât’ı 1175, Keşfü’l-esrâr’ı
ise 1184 yılında kaleme almıştır. Görüldüğü
üzere bu tarihler, kendisinin Keşfü’l-esrâr adlıeserinde aktardığı şatahât sözlerine meşrû bir
zemin hazırlamak için de böyle bir çaba içerisine girişmiş olabileceğine işaret etmektedir.

Sünnî İslâm düşüncesinde başlangıçta hurûfî
bir eğilim yokken bâtınî yorumlar yapmayı
seven sûfîlerin geniş halk kitleleri katında itibar görmesiyle hurûfî temayüller yayılmayabaşlamıştır. Mutasavvıfların bu yöndeki kaynağının Şiî fikriyât olduğunda şüphe olmadığı, Ma‘rûf-i Kerhî’nin bu yöntemi İmam Ali
er-Rızâ’dan öğrendiğini söylediği rivâyet edilmektedir.73
Sonuç itibariyle, Baklî’yi hurûfîlik içinde

Bu noktada, “Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.s) şatahât
türü ifadeler kullanması, ismet sıfatına ters

7972Baklî, Mantıku’l-Esrâr bi-Beyâni’l-Envâr, 34-35.

73

Mehmet Emin Bozhüyük, “Hurûf”, Türkiye Diyanet
Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, 1998, XVIII: 397-401.

Rûzbihân-ıBaklî’ninSûfîlerinŞatahâtınıMeşrûlaştırmaÇabası:Kur’ân-ıKerîm,HadisveSahâbeSözlerinde“Şatahât”

değerlendirmek mümkün değildir. Bu durumun sebeplerinden birisi müellifin yaşadığı zaman dilimi ile hurûfîliğin ortaya çıkıp
yaygınlaştığı dönem74 arasında zamansal açıdan fark olmasıdır. İkincisi ise Baklî, hurûf-ı
mukattaanın müteşâbihâttan olduğunu söylerken hurûfîler “müteşâbih değil muhkem
olduğunu savunurlar, sayısı on dördü bulan
bu harfleri de insanın yüzündeki hatlarla ilişkilendirerek açıklarlar.”75

rin şatahâtını yorumladıkları eserler kalemealmışlardır. Bunlardan birisi de şatahât konusunda Mantıkü’l-Esrâr ile Şerh-i Şathiyyât
adlı eserlerin müellifi Rûzbihân-ı Baklî’dir.
Baklî, mezkûr eserlerinde şatahâtın anlamından yola çıkarak âyet-i kerîme, hadis-i şerîf ve
sahâbe sözlerini müteşâbihat yani ilk bakışta
anlaşılması zor ifadeler olup olmama yönlerine
bakarak bir tercihte bulunmuştur. O, hadisve sahâbe sözlerini seçerken kendi içerisinde
paradoksal ifadeleri barındıran ve hem sûfîler
hem de zâhir ulema tarafından da tartışılagelen
hususlara yer vererek şatahâta daha geniş ve
farklı bir anlam boyutu kazandırmıştır.

Sonuç
Tasavvuf ilminin ıstılahlarına ve şathiye türüifadelerin kompleks yapısına âşina olmayanlar,bu tür ifadelerin serdedilmesine karşı çıkmışlardır. Sûfîlerin de tarih boyunca şatahât konusunda ittifak ettikleri söylenemez. Sûfîlerin bir
kısmı şathiyelerin anlatılmamasını, yaygınlaştırılmamasını tavsiye ederken diğer bir kısmı
ise şeriatin zâhirî ahkâmına aykırıymış gibi
görünen bu ifadelerin dinî hükümlere muhâlifolmadığını, Kur’ân-ı Kerîm ve hadis-i şerîflerde yansımaları bulunduğunu göstermek ve
bu girift sözleri anlaşılır kılmak için sûfîle74

75

Baklî’nin, böylesine girift ifadelerin anlaşılmasını sağlamak için el-Lüma‘dan aktarımlar yaptığı görülmektedir. Onun mezkûr
eserlerinde şatahât düşüncesini ve yaklaşımını Cüneyd-i Bağdâdî ve Serrâc gibi sûfîlere
dayandırmaya çalışması sebebiyle böyle birtavır benimsediği söylenebilir.
Nihaî olarak, onun yapmış olduğu bu şerhlerdeeserlerine göre farklılık arz ettiği görülmüştür.
Nitekim Mantıku’l-esrâr adlı eserinde ehilolmayanların anlayacağı şekilde daha sâdecümleler kullanırken, Şerh-i Şathiyyât isimli
eserinde ise önceki bilgileri aktarmanın yanı
sıra sembolik ve metaforik ifadelerle yorumlarını genişletmiş, sadece ehil olan kimselerin
anlayabileceği kelimeler ve kavramları seçmiştir.

“Hurûfîliğin temeli, eski çağlardan gelen ve harflerle
sayıların kutsallığını kabul edip bunlara çeşitli sembolik anlamlar yükleyen anlayışa dayanır. Çok eskiden beri tabiatta varlığı kabul edilen gizli güçler şekil
ve harflerle ifade edilmeye çalışılmış, sonuçta tabiat
bilimlerinden önce efsun, tılsım, sihir gibi tekniklerle“hurûf” ilmi adı altında sözde ilimler ortaya çıkmıştır. Hurûfîliğin ne zaman ve nasıl doğduğu kesin olarak bilinmemekle birlikte gerçek anlamıyla milâttan
önce IV. ve III. yüzyıllardan itibaren Ortadoğu’daki
Helenistik-gnostik karakterli dinlerde ortaya çıktığı
görülmektedir.” (bkz., XVIII: 408-412. Rûzbihân-ıBaklî çok eskiden beri var olagelen ilm-i hurûf ilemeşgul olmuş ve yukarıda isimleri zikredilen mutasavvıflardan bazılarının çizgisini bu yönde de takipetmiştir. Onu ortaya çıkış noktasında ‘hurûfîlik ilebağdaştıramayız’ derken; Baklî’nin yaşadığı dönem(1128/ 1209) ile şerîate aykırı olduğu yönünde ulemâve fukahânın görüş bildirdiği Fazlullah-ı Hurûfî’nin(ö. 796/1394) kurup yaygınlık kazandırdığı hurûfîliğin ortaya çıkışı arasında zamansal açıdan fark olduğunu kast etmekteyiz.

Kaynaklar
Aksu, Hüsamettin. “Hurûfîlik”. Türkiye
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1998, 408-412.
Altuntaş, Hüseyin. Rûzbihân el-Baklî’nin(ö. 606/1209) Arâisü’l-Beyân İsimli
Tefsirinde Müteşâbihât”. Yüksek Lisans,
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Enstitüsü Temel İslam Bilimleri Ana
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Abdülbaki Gölpınarlı, Hurûfilik Metinleri Kataloğu
(Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1973), 19;Aksu, “Hurûfîlik”, XVIII: 408-412.

80

ADEM URHAN

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81Rûzbihân-ıBaklî’ninSûfîlerinŞatahâtınıMeşrûlaştırmaÇabası:Kur’ân-ıKerîm,HadisveSahâbeSözlerinde“Şatahât”

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82

Diğer Özgün veya Derleme Makale ve Yazılar
Other Types of Articles and Essays

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

Vefatının 70. Yılında Remzi Oğuz Arık (1899-1954)
Remzi Oğuz Arık on the 70th Anniversary of His Passing
Mustafa KARA*ÖzAdana’nın Kozan ilçesinde 15 Temmuz 1899 yılında doğan Remzi Oğuz Arık, 55 yıllık yaşamında arkeoloji
ve sanat tarihinden kültür çalışmalarına, felsefeden siyasete uzanan geniş bir yelpazede çalışmalar yürütmüş,eserler vermiş bir Türk münevveridir. Kurucusu olduğu Türkiye Köylü Partisi’nin Genel Başkanlığı’nı
yürüttüğü esnada Adana’dan Ankara’ya gelirken bindiği uçağın infilak etmesi sonucu 3 Nisan 1954 tarihindeyaşamını yitiren Arık, özellikle yaşamının son dönemlerinde toplumun kültürel anlamda kalkınması
yönünde pek çok çalışma yürütmüştür.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Remzi Oğuz Arık, Nureddin Topçu, Hareket, Gurbet

Abstract*

Prof. Dr. E-mail: mkara@uludag.edu.trGeliş Tarihi: 11.03.2024

Kabul Tarihi: 26.03.2024

Yayım Tarihi: 31.05.2024

Atıf Bilgisi: Mustafa Kara, “Vefatının 70. Yılında Remzi Oğuz Arık (1899-1954)”, Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü Dergisi
3, 1 (2024): ss. 85-97.
Bu makale uluslararası CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 lisansı altında yayımlanmaktadır. (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)85

DOİ: 10.32739/ustad.2024.5.63

Keywords: Remzi Oğuz Arık, Nureddin Topçu, Hareket, Gurbet.

Cilt/Volume: 3 • Sayı/Number: 1 • Mayıs/May 2024

Born in Kozan, Adana on July 15, 1899, Remzi Oğuz Arık was a Turkish intellectual who worked in a wide
range of fields from archaeology and art history to cultural studies, philosophy and politics in his 55 yearsof life. Arık, who died on April 3, 1954 as a result of the explosion of the plane in which he was travelingfrom Adana to Ankara while he was the chairman of the Peasants’ Party of Turkey, which he founded,carried out many works for the cultural development of the society, especially in the last periods of his life.

Vefatının 70. Yılında Remzi Oğuz Arık (1899-1954)

Onun ismiyle ilk defa ne zaman karşılaştım?
Nureddin Topçu’nun rehberliğinde çıkan
Hareket dergisinin Nisan 1969 tarihli 40.
sayısında yer alan “Remzi Oğuz’u Anarken”başlıklı, dergi adına yayınlanan yazı vesilesi
ile karşılaştım. 3 Nisan 1954 günü Adana’danAnkara’ya gelirken uçağın infilak etmesiyleşehit olan Arık ile ilgili o yazıyı okuyalım.
Yazıda Arık ile birlikte yakın ve uzak tarihteyaşayan bazı şahsiyetlerin isimleri de var:na uçsuz bucaksız ümitlerle uzanmıştı.
Ancak geçen yıllar ona hayal kırıklığı
getirdi. Yurdun içteki maskeli düşmanlarına karşı giriştiği çetin savaş onu derinden yaraladı ve yıprattı. Sonra bizzat
bu memleket çocuklarından yediği darbeler hassas kalbini şiddetle sarsıyordu.
Siyasete ümitlerle ve tazelenen gençlik
heyecanlarıyla girdikten sonra, kütlenin
duygusuzluğu ve nankörlüğü de işe karışarak onu perişan etti. Bu halkın kendini
kurtaracak elleri ne için kestiğini bir türlü anlamıyordu. O zaman ümitli bakışları
gölgelendi ve çelikten iradesi, muztarip
teslimiyete, vefakârlık tahassürlerine yerini terketti. Sonunda tarihe kazınan işteo gökyüzündeki muhteşem abide meydana geldi. “Anadolu’nun kutsal toprağına nereden gidilir?” diye soranlara o,“Gökten inilir!” diye cevap olan şehadetini bayraklaştırdı. Paris’te iken yazdığı
bir mektubunda sanki kendi akıbetine ait
büyük sırrı ifşa eden şu satırları acaba
ona ilham eden ne idi? “Anadolu çocuğu! Başını Allah’a kaldır! Orada Anadolu’nun haritasını çizilmiş bulacaksın. Bu
haritaya can vereceklerin içinde sen debulunduğunu düşünerek sevinmelisin.”Onbeş sene evvel aramızdan ayrılan
Remzi Oğuz Arık, Erzurumlu Hüseyin
Avni Ulaş’tan sonra, Anadolu dâvasınınkahraman önderi olmuştu. Kendi hüviyetine bürünmüş yabancı çocuklarının
kahrı ile ömrünü bir fedai hayatı yapan
Adana’nın o muztarip dilber bakışlı
arslan evlâdı büyük çilesi ile yükseldiği göklerden Anadolu’nun kara bahtına
nazire olan süzülüşle sevdiği topraklarınüstüne düşerken şüphe yok ki, gök mahlûkları mâtem tuttular. Ancak toprağın
üstündekiler bu acıyı çabuk unuttu. Ruhunun yükseltildiği yerlerde onun, bizdeki vefasızlığı affedeceğini hiç ummuyorum. Vaktiyle Anadolu’nun haritasında
milli birliği yapan ecdat gibi Osman ve
Orhan Gaziler, Yıldırımlar ve Yavuzlar
kadar onun bu vatanda ruh birliğini yapanlarla yaşatanların yanında büyük yeri
vardır. Gaza meydanında ölen Murad’ın
kanından “Kâbe-i millet”te öldürülen AliŞükrü’nün kanına kadar onun kalbinde
dâva kanını ateşleyen nice ecdat kanları
yandı. Anadolu kelimesi onun ağzından
her çıkışta bakışlarını mahzun bir haritanın ufuklarına çevrilmiş görüyorduk. Bu
dâvanın diğer sahipleri gibi onu da kahreden düşmandan ziyade Anadolu çocuğunun şuursuzluğu ve iradesizliği oldu.

Remzi Oğuz Arık’ın açtığı kurtuluş savaşı sona ermedi. Onun omuzlarındataşıdığı bayrak şimdi çorak bir vadide
dinlenmektedir. Yeni yürüyüşlere geçecek kahraman, belki henüz hareket anınıbekliyor. Bugünkü düşman, Kılıç Aslan’ıkarşılayan haçlılardan daha çok hoyrat,
Hüdavendigâr’ı hançerleyen ellerden
daha kahpedir. Yeryüzü, biri hakkınöbürü zayıfların ve mazlumların düşmanı olan iki gaddar kuvvetin pençesinde
sıkıldıkça Anadolu’ya, kendine yeterli
bir hayat yolu aramaktan başka kurtuluş
yolu yoktur. Ruhçu ve sosyalist Anadolu
milliyetçiliğinin müjdecilerinden RemziOğuz’un ruhunu selâmlarken Akdeniz

Kutsal dâvaya sonsuz ümitlerle başlamıştı. Otuz sekiz sene önce Paris’teki
hazırlıklarında Anadolu’nun çocukları-

86

MUSTAFA KARA

kıyılarından Erzurum yaylasına kadar
buram buram onun ruhu kokan bir havayı tenefüs ediyoruz.”1

yıl Yalova’da ilk arkeoloji kazısını yaptı.
1932’de Alişar kazısında devlet komiseri
olarak bulundu. 1933’te Maarif Vekâleti
arkeologu sıfatıyla Ankara’da görevlendirildi. Karalar kazısı ile Galatlar’ın antik bir şehrini ortaya çıkardı ve II. Dieotauros’un kitâbesini dünyaya tanıttı. İlk
yazılarını da yayımlamaya başladığı bu
dönemde Gazi Terbiye Enstitüsü tarihöğretmenliğine tayin edildi. 1933 yılında
Karalar ile sistemli kazı yöneticiliğine
başladı. 1941 yılına kadar, Anadolu arkeolojisi ve sanat tarihinde önemli yerleri
olan Göllüdağ, Alacahöyük, Çankırıkapı, Karaoğlan, Hacılar, Alâeddin tepesi
ve Bitik kazılarını yaptı ve bu arada birsüre, Troia’da yürütülmekte olan Amerikan kazılarına devlet komiseri olarak
katıldı. 1941’de Amik ovasında bazı kazıçalışmalarında bulundu.

Topçu’nun üslubunu tanıyanlar bu metnin
ona ait olduğunu hemen farkedebilirler. Ama
benim o gün itibariyle bunu farkettiğimi hatırlamıyorum.
İlim, fikir, sanat ve siyaset dünyamızın önemlişahsiyetlerinden biri olan Remzi Oğuz Arık’ın,
H. Emin Sezer’in satırlarıyla 1899’da başlayan
hayatının bazı safhalarını takip edelim:
Adana’nın Kozan ilçesine bağlı Kabaktepe köyünde doğdu. Babası, Feke Sandıkemini Mehmed Ferid Bey’dir. İlk öğrenimine Kozan’da mahalle mektebindebaşladı. On yaşında iken Selânik’e ablasının yanına gitti ve eğitimini orada
Yâdigâr-ı Terakkî Mektebi’nde sürdürdü;bir süre de İşkodra’da bulunan ağabeyinin yanında kaldı. Balkan Savaşı’ndansonra 1913’te İstanbul’a gelerek Mercanİdâdîsi’ne kaydoldu ve bu arada ailesini geçindirebilmek için bakkallık yaptı.
Daha sonra parasız yatılı olarak İzmir
Sultânîsi’nde tahsilini sürdüren R. Oğuz,tekrar İstanbul’a dönerek İstanbul Muallim Mektebi’nden mezun oldu.

Manisa Müzesi’nin de kurucusu olan
Remzi Oğuz, 1939’da Ankara Dil ve
Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi arkeoloji profesörlüğüne, 1945’te de Ankara Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Müzesi müdürlüğüne
tayin edildi. Bu arada hızlı bir yayın faaliyetine girerek Çığır ve Millet dergilerinde kültüre dayalı milliyetçilik konularında yazılar yazdı. 1949’da Ankaraİlâhiyat Fakültesi İslâm sanatları tarihi
profesörlüğüne getirildi ise de 1950’debu görevden ayrılarak politikaya atıldı ve
Demokrat Parti’den Seyhan milletvekili
seçildi. 1952’de partisinden istifa ederek
Türkiye Köylü Partisi’ni kurdu. Bu partinin genel başkanlığını yaptığı sırada,
Adana’dan Ankara’ya gelirken bindiği
uçağın havada infilâkı sonucu vefat etti
(3 Nisan 1954). Kabri Ankara’da AsrîMezarlık’taki şehitliktedir.”2

I. Dünya Savaşı’na gönüllü ihtiyat zâbiti olarak katıldı ve yaralandı. Savaştan
sonra İstanbul’da Dârüleytam’da öğretmenlik, Adana’da Zafer-i Millî Numûne
Mektebi’nde müdürlük, Galatasaray Lisesi’nde de Türkçe öğretmenliği yaptı. İstanbul’da bulunduğu sırada Edebiyat Fakültesi Felsefe Bölümü’nü bitirdi. 1926’daarkeoloji ve sanat tarihi konularında ihtisas yapmak üzere Fransa’ya gönderildi.
1931’de Türkiye’ye döndüğünde İstanbul
Arkeoloji Müzeleri’nde arkeoloji uzman
yardımcılığı görevine getirildi ve aynı
1

Yıllar sonra öğrendim ki bu metni kaleme alan da
Nureddin Topçu idi.

287

H. Emin Sezer, “Remzi Oğuz Arık”, Türkiye Diyanet
Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, 1976, III: 357-358.

Vefatının 70. Yılında Remzi Oğuz Arık (1899-1954)

Fakülte Hocası

Rahmetli, bu yazıyı Gurbet’in ilk sayısı
için sabah ezanı vakti yazmıştı. Sevinçiçinde Nisan sayımızı hazırlayıp matbaaya vermiştik. Kaderin bize onu bir kenara bıraktırıp onulmaz bir acı ile böyle bir
ilk sayı hazırlatacağı aklımıza gelir miydi? Evet, onu yine ilk sayımızın başına
koyuyoruz. Ama artık başmakale olarakdeğil, daima sadık kalacağımız bir vasiyetname olarak…

Yetmiş beş yıl önce 1949 yılında açılan AnkaraÜniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi’nin birinci sınıfında okutulan dersler arasında, İslâm Sanatı
Tarihi isimli ders, Remzi Oğuz Arık tarafından yürütülüyordu. Aynı dönemde Arapça
ve Farsça Necati Lugal, Sosyoloji Mehmet
Karasan, Mantık ve İlimler Felsefesi Hamdi
Ragıp Atademir, İslâm Dini ve Mezhepleri
Yusuf Ziya Yörükan ve Mukayeseli Dinler
Tarihi Hilmi Ömer Budda tarafından veriliyordu.

İşte o yazı:
GURBET

Bununla birlikte Arık’ın 1950 seçimlerinde Demokrat Parti’den Seyhan milletvekili
seçilmesi, bu eğitim hizmetinden ayrılmasını
gerekli kılmıştır.3

Gurbet, galiba bizim Orta Asya’dan gelirken edindiğimiz, henüz dindiremediğimiz bir sızıdır. Anadolu’ya gelirken
arkada ne kadar çok medeniyet, devlet,
yurt, hâtıra, sevinç ve eziyet bıraktık!
Kâh tabiat âfetlerinin, kâh aç gözlü komşuların, kâh her ikisinin silip süpürdüğü
yurtlarımızın hayali gözlerimizde asılı
kaldı. “Gözü açık gitti” sözü, Anadolu’da galiba bunun için gurbet kadar acı
ve yerlidir. Göçebelikten, yerleşmiş milletler haline geçtiğimiz; çadırlarımızdan
saraylara; tabiatın her yerde hâzır, her
yerde görünen kuvvetlerine tapmaktan
büyük mabedlere geçerken de hep gurbetteydik.

Yayınlar
1931 yılında Fransa’dan yurda dönmesiyle başlayan yazı hayatı son nefesine kadar devametmiştir. Bazı dergilerin ilk sayılarında yeralan yazıları, o dergi ile daha yakın bir ilişkisinin olduğunu göstermektedir. İşte onlardan
birkaç tanesi:
1. Millet4
2. İleri Yurt
3. Hareket
4. Bizim Türkiye

Fakat şu altı yüz yıldır yerleşmiş İmparatorluğumuzu yedi iklim dört bucağa
tanıttığımız son ve ebedî yurdumuzda
olsun, gurbetimiz bitmeliydi. Halife Kaaim-bi-Emrillâh’ı hapisten çıkarıp dinbüyüğü yerine geçiren Tuğrul Bey, artık
Yakındoğu’da gurbeti unutmalıydı. Malazgirt’in kıyamet gününü yaratan mübarek Alpaslan için gurbet kalmamalıydı.
Nizamiye kolejini kuran Melikşah artık
gurbette sayılmamalıydı. Anadolu’yu sanatın, bilginin, emniyetin bir bahçesi seviyesine yükselten geniş görüşlü Selçuk
beyleriyle bir gurbet faslı kapanmalıydı.

5. Gurbet
Bu dergilerden en hazin hatırayı saklayan ise
Gurbet’dir. Çünkü bu derginin birinci sayısı
matbaa safhasında iken o acı haber gelmişti.
Derginin ilk sayısında yer alan “Gurbet” başlıklı yazı için şöyle bir not düşülmüştü:3Değişik vesilelerle TBMM’de yaptığı konuşmalariçin bkz. Remzi Oğuz Arık, Siyasi Yazılar Konuşmalar ve Türkiye Köylü Partisi, haz. E. Erverdi-İhsan
Kara, (İstanbul: Dergah Yayınları, 2017).

4

Derginin sahibi Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Avni Göktürk,
Umumi Neşriyat Müdürü Remzi Oğuz Arık, (Ankara, 1942).

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Hele dünya nizamını altı yüz yıl tesirleri
altında bırakan, her bakımdan medenî vebüyük İmparatorluğumuz için, hanları,sarayları, çeşmeleri, köprüleri ve Süleymaniyeleriyle bu topraklara Tanrı’nın
sapladığı bir anıt olan yeni milletimiziçin gurbet, folklorumuzda bile kalmamalıydı.

larından yeni bir Türk dünyası doğmak,“yiğit, düştüğü yerden kalkmak” üzeredir. En az dokuz yüz yıldır süren gurbet,
umalım ki, bu yeni doğumla artık bitsin.
Kendini bulan Türk nesilleri gurbetinacısını bir yana atsın ve şu yeni dünyanın kendisine, kendisinin karakterine,yiğitliğine, efendiliğine açılan kollarına
atılsın. Artık özlemler, ahlar, vahlar, duraklamalar bir yana gitsin. Yeni nesillerimiz, denemelerin kazandırdığı güvenle,
kendisi olmadan eksik kalan medeniyet
cihazının içinde yerini alsın.

Ne gezer! Hükümdarlarımız, beylerimiz,
hanedanlarımız, yurtlarımızda daha derin, daha köklü yerleştikçe, bizim gurbetimiz artmışa benziyor. Neyi arıyor veözlüyoruz böyle Yarabbi?

Ne kin, ne kıskanma, ne boş özlemler
istemiyoruz, dostlarım. Büyük serbest
ufuklarda inan(c)ın, güvenin, sevgininışığı parlıyor. Bu sizin içindir. Hep birlikte oraya! Haydi!

Dostlarım! Ne yollar, ne kervansaraylar,
ne Alanya limanı ve tersânesi, ne ticaretve refahın kesilmez dizisi gibi dört bucağa uzanan hanlar, ne saraylar, ne dekaynaşan iktisat dünyasını bir yana bırakalım, unutulan Türk benliğinin yerini tutamaz. Bütün bu saydıklarım, insaniçindir, bizim insanımız için! Halbuki
yitirdiğimiz işte o idi. Türk halkı, kendisini o eski kozmopolitlikler içinde kaybetmiştir.

Bu hüzün dolu “mersiye sayısı” nda kendisiyle
ilgili duygu ve düşüncelerini ifade edenler arasında farklı mesleklerden otuz kadar dost isim
bulunmaktadır. Bu isimlerden bazıları: Tahsin
Tekeli, Cezmi Türk, Ethem Menemencioğlu,İsmayıl Hakkı Baltacıoğlu, Hıfzı OğuzBekata, Atsız, Lutfullah Erdem, İsmail Hakkı
Yılanlıoğlu, Şemseddin Günaltay, Hikmet
Bayur, Necati Akder, Şahap Nazmi Coşkunlar,
Hamdi Ragıp Atademir, Fikret Arık, Bedii
Ziya Egemen, Ali Çankaya Mücellitoğlu,Abdülhadi Toplu, Naşit Kızılay, M. Zeki
Sofuoğlu, Oğuz Bülent Nayman, Behçet
Kemal Çağlar, Osman Attila, Ali Uygur,
Sadık Çavuş, Erhan Löker, Mahmut Aydın
Elbeyioğlu, Haluk Karamağralı, Necmeddin
Sefercioğlu.5

Ne Bizans’a karşı kendini savunmaya çalışan geniş görüşlü Selçuklular; ne bütün
bir cihana tesiri unutulamayan Osmanlılar zamanında bu Türk halkı hatırlanmıştı. Halk şairinin, saz şairinin, sipahinin, bazen Celâlî’nin, bazen Simavnalı
Bedreddin’in, bazen Bektâşî babasının,bazen Mevlevî dervişinin, bazen bilinmeyen sanatkârların, bazen esnaflarınferyadında, isyanında, sezişinde, nefesinde, neyinde, işinde belirmeye çabalayan bizim halkımız, boğulmuş kalmıştı.
Hele son üç yüz yıldır ters dönen bahtımız, sürülüp çıkarıldığımız diyarlar,
yurtlar... Oralara gömülen şehitlerde açık
giden gözler, bizlerde ise sürekli gurbet
acısı bıraktı.

Dergi Yazıları
Arık’ın Türk Yurdu dergisinin Temmuz 19295

Bu cemiyet depremlerinden, bu iç yıkılış-89

Sefercioğlu, 1969 yılında Remzi Oğuz Arık Bibliyoğrafyası isimli eserini 1989 yılında yayınlayacaktır..
bkz. Necmettin Sefercioğlu, Remzi Oğuz Arık Bibliyoğrafyası: Yayınları ve Hakkında Yazılanlar, (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, 1969).

Vefatının 70. Yılında Remzi Oğuz Arık (1899-1954)

tarihli nüshasında yayınlanan ilk yazısı De
Tizac’dan bir tercüme olup “Bir Turan Sanatı
Var Mıdır? Medeniyetler Üzerinde Arkeoloji
Tetkikleri” başlığını taşımaktadır. Arık aynı
zamanda şu dergilerde de zaman içinde yazıları yayınlanmıştır: Zafer, Toprak, Türk Sözü,
Köylü Sesi, Çığır, Dönüm, Kalem, Özleyiş,Hisar, Şafak, Mefküre, Türk Dili, Komunizmle
Mücadele, Türk Tarih Arkeologya veEtnoğrafya, Ülkü, Ar, DTCF Yıllık Çalışmalar,
Türkeli, Şadırvan.

şu iki eserini, Hatipoğlu’nun takdim yazılarıyla yayınlamıştır:1. Coğrafyadan Vatana, Ankara: Kültür ve
Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, 1956.
2. İdeal ve İdeoloji, Ankara: Milli Eğitim
Bakanlığı Yayınları, 1958.
Topçu ve Arık
Nureddin Topçu, yakın dostunun vefatından
on gün sonra tertiplenen toplantıda uzun birkonuşma yapmıştır. “Millet Mistiği” başlığını
taşıyan o konuşma dünümüzü bugünümüzü,yaşlımızı gencimizi, yakın uzak kültür tarihimizi ilgilendiren çok farklı mesajları ihtiva
eden adeta bir feryattır. Şimdi birlikte bu yazının bazı bölümlerini okuyalım:

Hareket’te yayınlanan yazıları ise şu başlıkları taşımaktadır: “Çağımız”, “Tarih Görüşü”,“İstanbul’un Fethinin 500. Yıldönümünde
Yeni Çağlardaki Rolümüzü Belirtmeliyiz”,“Bahtiyar İdealist”, “Mü’min Akif”, “Türk
Medeniyeti ve Sanat Tarihi”.

Millet Mistiği

Daha sonraki yıllarda Hareket dergisinde
onunla ilgili olarak yayınlanacak yazılar ve
yazarları şöyledir: Nuri Karahöyüklü, “RemziOğuz Arık’tan Hatıralar”; Mehmet Sılay, “Köyve Remzi Oğuz Arık”; Tamer Şuer, “RemziOğuz Arık”.

Remzi Oğuz, bir uçak belâsında öldü.
Bu muazzam ezânı dinleyin: RemziOğuz öldü!
Onun vücudu gökten yere düşerken ruhu
göklere yükseldi. Bunu, gören gözler gördü, mesafe kaydına esir olmayan gözler...

Söz konusu yazılar ve TBMM konuşmalarının hepsi, Ezel Erverdi ve M. İhsan Karatarafından bir araya getirilerek üç cilt halinde
yeniden basılmıştır:Ve onun ölümüyle aramızda bir büyük
varlık, büyük bir kudret eksildi. Dünyamızdan bir büyük parça koptu.

1. Coğrafyadan Vatana Fikrî Yazılar, İstanbul:
Dergah Yayınları, 2017.

Kimdi bu adam?
Remzi Oğuz büyük adamdı. “Büyükadam” denince tarih kitaplarına doldurulan veya vitrinlerle duvarlara asılan
resimlerin sahiplerini ve büyük maceraperestleri, beşeriyeti ismiyle korkutmuş
saldıran otoriteri düşünenler, bu sözümü
kabul etmiyecekler. İçinizde, “biz onu
tanımıyoruz” diyecekler belki de çoktur.
Ve bu realite onu iki defa şehid yapan bir
hâdisedir.

2. Türk Sanatı ve Arkeolojisi Yazıları, İstanbul:
Dergah Yayınları, 2017.
3. Siyasî Yazılar Konuşmalar ve Türkiye Köylü
Partisi, İstanbul: Dergah Yayınları, 2017.6
Vefatından sonra Remzi Oğuz Arık’ın
Eserlerini Yayma ve Anıtını Yaptırma
Derneği kurulmuş ve başkanlığına ŞevketRaşit Hatiboğlu seçilmiştir. Dernek, Arık’ın
6

Remzi, ruh dünyamızın büyüklerindendi. Kurtaracağı zümre ile mücadelesini
bitirmeden, henüz hakkiyle anlaşılamadan öldü.

N. Ziya Bakırcıoğlu’nun Remzi Oğuz Arık’ın Fikir
Dünyası isimli eseri de Dergâh Yayınları arasındaçıkmıştır. bkz. N. Ziya Bakırcıoğlu, Remzi OğuzArık’ın Fikir Dünyası, (İstanbul: Dergah Yayınları,
2000).

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Paris’te tanıdım. Bir asırdan beri Garbın
medeniyetini benimsemek ihtirasıyle evvelleri çoğu Fransa’ya olmak üzere Avrupa’nın medeniyet ve aydınlık merkezlerine tahsil için gönderilen gençlerimiz,
gittikleri yerlerde önce gerilik ve şaşkınlıkla bunalıyorlar, buralara alıştıktan
sonra ise, sanki bu hayatın mükâfatı imişgibi eğlence ve sefahat âlemlerinde karar
kılıyorlardı. Her nesil böyle oldu. Namık
Kemal ve arkadaşlarından maada bütün
nesiller, bir şaşkınlıkla başlayıp sefahatin, lüksün ve zevkin benimsenmesiyle
tahsil plânlarını tamamladılar ve ellerindeki pekçoğu yarım ve derecesi bakımından değersiz diplomalarını kalkan
gibi kullanarak memleket sınırlarından
içeri girdiler. Onunla büyük mevkiler,
mansıplar, maaşlar satın aldılar. Diyebilirim ki Remzi Oğuz’a kadar Avrupa’ya
pek çok Türk gençleri gönderildi, lâkin
bir Türk gençliği gönderilememişti. Bölük bölük Avrupa’dan vatana dönenler
azar azar burada Paris’i ve onun sefahatini tesis ettiler.

Remzi’yi en yakından tanıyanlardan birisıfatıyla onun mürşid, veli şahsiyetini
size tanıtmayı borç bildim. Onun, ruhunu kurtarmak istediği gençlik huzurunda
kendimi mes’ul sayıyorum. Eğer ben ve
benim gibiler bunu yapmazsa, bizi ithamediniz! Sizin de vazifeniz, ruhlarımızın
selâmet yollarını, uyanış ufuklarımızı,
ölümü bahane ederek tıkayanlara, ihmalin ihanet olduğu bu noktada isyan
etmektir. Evet ben vazife yapacağım: Şu
bedbaht şehir halkı, altı yaşında okulabaşlıyan sabisinden tutun da, fabrikalarda çalışan bütün amelesine kadar, kafile
kafile, hakikat temaşasına gider gibi, buz
revüsüne sevk edilirken Remzi Oğuz’un
gökyüzünde sessizce kurban olduğu bumeşum devirde size bir dünya risaleti anlatacağım. Maddeye ve zevke çevrilmiş
tecessüsünüzü bir kahramanın, bir mukaddes şehidin ruhuna çekmeğe çalışacağım. Sen Pol, bir olan Allah’ı tanıtmak
vazifesiyle görevlenip Atina’ya giderekşehrin etrafını dolaştıktan sonra, Areopaj meydanında topladığı halka şöyle demişti: “Atinalılar, mabutlarınızı gördüm.
Hiçbiri gerçek değil. Yalnız şehrin dışında meçhûl ilâhın barındığı bir karanlık
kuyunuz var. İşte gerçek ilâhınız yalnız
odur: Ben o meçhûl ilâhı size malûm kılmaya geldim!”Tanzimatçılarla Meşrutiyetçiler ise Garbın değerlerini bize getirdiler, Paris’in
irfanından bir parça getirdiler. Lâkin bu
irfanın da bizim varlığımıza maya olamayışı, işleyen zekâları mütemadiyendüşündürüyordu: “Garbdan makine,manikür, kıyafet ne varsa getirdik; hattâilmî eserleri de naklettik. Yine de kurtuluş alâmetleri yok! Neydi bunun sebebi?” Otuz yedi sene evvel, Remzi Oğuzdenen hârikulâde erkân-ı harbi Paris’tetanıyışımla bu muamma bende çözüldü:Biz o zamana kadar Paris’i Anadolu’ya
getirmişiz. İstilâ bizi sakatlamış. RemziOğuz Anadolu’yu Paris’e götürmüştü.
Tıpkı Kudüs’ten çıkan Sen Pol’le Sen
Piyer, biri ruh-u İsa’yı Atina’ya, öbürü
Roma’ya nasıl götürdüyse, Remzi Oğuzda Anadolu’yu Paris’e öyle götürmüştü.

Her büyük adamın ölümüyle arz üzerinde gerçek hayatı başlar, sanki beden toprağa girince, ruhlara akacak feyiz arzafışkırır. Şimdi Remzi’nin hayatı başlıyor.
Ona hep birlikte uzanacağız. O muazzam hayatın, ruhlarımıza hayat getirecekolan cihâdını şimdi size anlatacağım.
O kimdi? Neyi kurtarmak istiyordu ve neyaptı?
Remzi Oğuz’u tam otuz yedi sene evvel

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O bir havarî idi.

Anadolu çocuğunun tarihin acı darbeleriyle bodurlaşmış, kanburlaşmış izanınauyandırıcı bir şamar gibi inen ihtarları
hepimizi kendimize getirdi. Hepimizin
kalbinde onun vicdanından serpilmiş kıvılcımlar vardır. Eğer bu kıvılcımlar bir
kısmının kalbinde körleşmiş bulunuyorsa o kabahat Remzi’nin değil, kalbinde
Remzi’yi kaybeden küçüklerindir.

Remzi Oğuz’u ilk tanıyışımda, onu bir
havari olarak gördüm. Şarktaki facianınaşkını Garbın varoşlarına ulaştıran ilk
Hıristiyan doktorları gibi, Anadolu’nungüneşi olan bu muazzam insan da Paris’te Anadolu’nun bir remzi, sembolü olmuştu. Evvelâ Garba gidişin şaşkınlığıyla yüklü olan ve Paris’in şiddetle sarsıcı
hayat dalgası altında nefesi kesilen Türk
gençlerinin yanına koşuyor, hepsine yardım elini uzatıyor, sevgi dolu kalbini açıyor ve daha ilk anda ona bir mücahit olacağını müjdeliyordu. Onu anlamıyanlar,
kendi insanlıklarını küçük görenler ona
bir hulyaperest gözüyle bakıyorlardı.

Onu tanıyanlar, onun temasına kavuşmuş olanlar, kimler olursa olsun, dikkat
ve insaf ile kendilerine dönünce mutlakaorada Remzi’den bir cevher bulacaklardır. Vicdanımızda barınıp onu bizden
gizleyen düşmanlarla pervasızca savaştığı anlarda bu ızdıraplı ameliyata dayanamıyanların bazen ona karşı, diklenip:“Yahu sen bizim çalışmamıza, disiplinimize, fikirlerimize ne karışıyorsun?
Bu salahiyeti kimden aldın? Bizim burada talebe müfettişimiz var!” meâlindeçık[ış]tığı olurdu. Bu tarzda mukabeleyi,
Remzi’nin tereddütleri, hayretleri gideren ve sanki her şüpheyi çözmeğe hazır
duran bütün akıl cihazı bir hüviyet, birbayrak gibi karşılıyordu: “Ne söylüyorsun?” derdi. “Ben bu vazifemi vicdanımdan ve onun sahibi olan Anadolu’danaldım. Bundan büyük salâhiyet menbaı
olur mu?”İnsan, yâni Allah’a en yakın varlık olduğumuzu, eşref-i mahlûkat olduğumuzu,
ilk mürebbi ve ilk mürşit gibi hepimize
müjdeleyen odur. Burada hatalı yetişmenin neticesi olarak, sadece kendimize düşen küçük vazifemizi yapabileceğimize
aklımız eriyordu. Her birimiz bir cihad
ordusunun fedâileri olacağımızı kabul
edemiyorduk. O, hepimizi, hepimizin
kalbini şiddetle sarstı. “Uyan be Anadoluçocuğu!” diyordu. “Sen kendini kurtarmazsan seni kim kurtarabilir?..”Avrupa’nın hayatî merkezlerine kalbinde nefsine güvensizlik, ciğerlerinde
yorgunluk, benzinde uçuklukla giden,
zorbalıklara tahammül etmeye, kuvvetliden korkmaya alıştırılmış, sinmiş ve bu
yüzden kurnazlığı ideal sanmış Anadoluçocukları Remzi’ye dönüp “Biz mi memleket ve medeniyet kurtaracağız? Biz mitarih kurtaracağız?” diyerek küçüle küçüle sordukları zaman o iman âbidesişahlanıyordu: “Elbette sen kurtaracaksın!.. Değilse niye geldin? Avrupa’da ne
arıyorsun? Diploma mı götüreceksin?
Seni gönderen Anadolu’ya karşı bezirgânlık mı yapacaksın?..”Sonra gözleri sanki altı yüz yıllık acı ile
gülümser, mahzun bir tatlılıkla, onun
köylü tarafını ifşa eden iç çekmenin hemen takip ettiği dertli bir tebessümle
muhatabına doğrulur, “Bana bak”, derdi, “vazifenin kaynağı vicdandır. Sen
müfettişine hesap verirsin. O başka mesele. Senin o vereceğin hesap kazma kürek işlerine ait olacaktır. (Diploma alma
hususundaki gayretlere kazma kürek işi
derdi.) Ben senin vicdanını ve onun iskeletini kuran hareketlerini hattâ hislerini
kontrol etmeğe mecburum... Kendimize

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dikkat etmezsek çökeriz. Elimizde kalanpek az şey. İçerisine düştüğün bu dünya
ile kendimizi karşılaştıralım. Senin henüz nefsine güvenin yok.. Halbuki dünya ile boy ölçüşmeye mecburuz. Anlıyor
musun alâkamın sırrını? Dünya ile boyölçüşmeye mecburuz. İster istemez bu
medeniyete karışacağız. Hem de kendimizin kalarak. Kendimizi kaybettik mimüstemleke oluruz.”

dinlenmek bilmeyen gayretlerinin eseriolan bu cemiyetin ilk açılış toplantısına
her taraftan iki yüz kadar Türk genci gelmişti.
O gün, hem de vücudu ateşler içinde olduğu halde, dâvayı izah için tam iki saatkonuştu. Vücudu ve ruhu birlikte yanıyordu.
“Şimdi kurduğumuz cemiyetin gayesine
geliyorum. Burada frenlerimizi elde tutarak ve Anadolu’dan bir cephe hâlinde
durarak, her an birbirimize hesap veren
adımlarla davâya doğru gitmeliyiz. Ne
aldık? Ne götüreceğiz? Bilelim, başbaşa
düşünelim. Kader her şeyden önce bir
muayyeniyettir; onun tesadüfle pazarlığı
olamaz. Bugünden itibaren, Anadolu’yaolduğu gibi, topluluğunuz, hep birbirinize söz vermiş durumdasınız. Hürriyetin
kayıtsızlıkla, avarelikle alâkası yoktur.
Her şeyden önce o, mes’ul olmasını bilmektir. Vatandan uzak ufuklarda mesuliyetimiz pek ağır, çok yüklüdür. Burada teker teker ismiyle anılan Türk genci
yok, Anadolu’nun ismiyle anılan Türk
gençliği vardır.”Remzi Paris’te bulunduğu müddetçe,oraya giden Türk çocukları, orada şaşkın ve garip değildiler, sahipsiz değildiler. Orada Anadolu’nun dâvasını, aşkını
buluyorlar ve belki gençlik demlerinin
memleket toprağına gömdüğü katı aşklarını bu sayede unutuyorlardı.
Remzi onlara gerçekten müfettiş, mürşit,veli idi..
Meşrutiyetçilerin önce makarrı olan
Paris, sonra onlara Selânik’ten kalkıpİstanbul’a giren bir hareket ordusu hazırlatmıştı. Remzi’nin çalışması böyle
bir ordunun barutunu kazandıracak küçüklükte değildi. O, ruhları harekete geçiriyordu. Dâvasından bahsederken sık
sık kullandığı “seferberlik” tabiri, ruhlarâleminin, ilim ve hakikat dünyasının zaferi için hazırlıktı.

Bu nutuk uzun ve ateşli idi. O gün anladık ki Garp şehirlerinde bir asırdan
beri tahsil avcılığına gönderilip oralarda
yapayalnız talihine terkedilen Türk gençliğinin ilk defa sahibi vardır, mürşidi vardır. Bu başsız ordunun da bir başı vardır.

Garbın taklidi ile Avrupalılaşma tezini
nefret ve istikrahla reddeden, yine anavatan dışında Turan’da maceralar arama
gafletinden, böyle bir uykudan ancak
kabiliyetli iz’anları uyandıran bu adamın
bir din gibi bağlandığı ideal, mistik bir
cezbe içinde kendini teslim ettiği büyük
aşk ne idi?

Paris’in sis, ışık ve toz hâlinde çiseleyen yağmurlar yüklü hulya geceleri,
hayat geceleri... Kütüphanelerden veya
barlardan çıkarak şehrin kenarlarındaki
evlerine dönen ve istirahate koşan Türkçocukları, Lüksemburg Bahçesi’nin yukarısındaki sanat enstitüsünün etrafına
saçtığı aydınlıkların çevresinden geçerken birisi, gözleri ateş ve asabiyet, teneffüsü şiddet ve mücadele, adımları irade

Onu teker teker herbirine telkin ettiği
Avrupa’daki tahsil gençliğimizi, Almanya’ya ve İtalya’ya kadar uzatmak şartiyle, 1930 yılında Paris’e davet etti. Paris’te
Türk talebe cemiyetini kurdu. Yorulmak,

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ve karar yüklü birisi yakalarından tutar,
sarsar, onların uyku ile mahmurlaşmış
gözlerini açar:

lamaktı. Hassas zekâsının kıvılcımlarıyla bilenmiş mizacı nüktelerle yüklü
idi. Alayla eğlenir gibi şakalaşır, gülüşle
eğlenir gibi gülerdi. Disiplinsizlikten,
kadercilikten müteneffir, laubaliliğe, kalenderliğe düşmandı. Asla anlayamadığı
iki şey vardı: Küçüklük ve kibir. Küçüklük zillet demekti. Millet olduğunu bilen
bir neslin insanı küçük olamaz. Buncaızdıraptan, bunca mesuliyetlerden nasıl
sıyrılabilirsiniz? Bizde onlar büyüktür,
sevgi büyüktür. Aşkın küçüklüğünü söyleyen varsa ancak o varlık büyüklüğünü
bilmiyor, demektir. İnsan mahlûkatın
ulusudur. Sonra melekler gibi masumlaşan bakışını üzerimizden sıyırarak dahayükseklerde dolaştırır: “Ah Muhammed,
ah Muhammed, neler getirmiş!” diye içinin İslâm’a hayranlık mıntıkalarına dalardı.

“Söyle”, der, “söyle!” “Bugün Anadolu
için ne düşündün?” Sanki hasta, ilaç istiyor; sanki aç, yiyecek dileniyor; sanki
mahkum yalvarıyor: “Anadolu için bugün ne düşündün, Türk çocuğu?”Bu adamdan kurtulmak kabil mi? Kurtulmadık! Ona teslim olduk. Neslimin
bedbaht çocukları! Siz onu yakından
tanımadınız. İtiraf ediyorum: Bu adamuykularımıza nüfuz etti. Şuurumuzun
altındaki mahrem mıntıkalara girdi; buadam şahsiyetlerimizi yoğurdu.
Eski imparatorluk bakiyesinin kaderinerazı, rahatına minnettar, nefsine itimatsız ve korkak çocukları, Remzi’nin nebişahsiyetinde Alp Arslanları, Fatihleri
buldular. Kim derdi ki onun alnında Yıldırımların, Ali Şükrülerin kementle takip edilen talihi yazılıdır? Yıldırım Hanın mertliği, Anadolu ovasında kementle
yenilmişti. Büyük davâ şehidi Ali Şükrü
de kahpe bir iradenin kemendine teslim
edildi. Elbette Remzi’yi de yeryüzünde
yenmek imkânsızdı.

Onun bütün ömrünce nefsine ait bir metaolarak asla benimseyemediği ikinci nesne ise kibirdi. Esasen onu yıkan bazı
dostlarının kibri oldu diyebilirim. O her
hâlinde, her hücumunda, hattâ her haksız
asabiyetinde bile sadece dosttu, sadece
insandı. Allah onu insanlık kalıbından
çıkarmamak üzere yaratmış. Onda meleklikle romantizm, hulya ile şiddet sımsıkı birleşmişti. Ve bu müstesna terkip,
Niçe’nin Apolon’la Baküs’ü birleştiren
dehasının ortaya koyduğu Şarklı bir örnekti. Onun ruh yapısında medeniyet verönesans âşıkı bir Fatih’in kuvvet ve iradenin aşkıyle birleştiğini görüyorduk.

Hiç kimse bu kadar geniş mücadeleninsahibi olmamıştır. Türk gencinin yaşayışından, tahsil projelerinden, inancından ve ahlâkından tutun da insanlığın
Anadolu’ya karşı alabileceği cephenintasarrufuna ve Anadolu’nun insanlık huzurunda açık bir insanlık cephesi hâlinde
cihana hesap vereceği düşüncesine kadar
bütün meseleleri onun kafası içinde yaşıyordu. Ve bütün bu davâların sahibi o,mesulü o, müdafii o, şehidi de o olacaktı.
Her zaman “Çocuklar, biz yatakta değil,darağacında ölmesini bileceğiz.” derdi.
Huzuru bu sahada bir sevgiye ulaşmaktı; saadeti yine bu davâda bir ümidi av-

Zıt kutupların tezad teşkil eden tehlikelerinden kurtarıcı zekâsı, neslinde şu iki
uçurumu fark ediyordu: Ya kendimizinolmayan sahte idealler neslin taşkın ruhlarını hoyratlaştırıyor, kâinat karşısında
izansız, kör ve iddiacı bir hale koyuyor;
veya hiçliğimize inanmış ise bazılarındaaşağılık duygusu doğuruyor, uşak ruhu-

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nu benimsetiyor, müstemleke çocuğu hâline getiriyor.

varlığı fethedebilen kalbinin kırılmaya
tahammülü yoktu. Halbuki o çok kırıldı,lâkin azmini kırmadı. Kalbe karşı gelmesini bilen ve burnundan ötesini görmeyentaşkınlık Remzi’yi gerçekten bir ateş gibi
muhasara etti. O, kelimenin asıl manâsıyle siyaset yapamazdı. Zira mizacında
Niçe’ninki kadar haşin ve bükülmez bir
irade ile Paskal’ın narin kalbini birleştirmişti. Bu durumda yaratılan insan içinen büyük tehlike siyaset yapmaktı. Bunu
bildiği için o siyaseti, vatanperverlik yolu
olarak seçti. Uzunca sürmüş olan bu faaliyete hazırlık yıllarında, onun hiçbir fedakârlık ve pazarlık kabul etmeyen “yahep, ya hiç” prensibi, zaman zaman zedelenmişti. Bu hal, Remzi’yi için için harab
ediyordu. Kalbinde taşıdığı bu buhran
bünyesine sık sık musallat olan ateşlerinekarışıyordu.

Önce Remzi ruhu yiyip bitirecek olan buaşağılık duygusundan ürküyordu. Anadolu’nun boynu bükük çocuklarına cesaret, irade vermek, en az bir Garplı kadar
kendilerine güvenebileceklerini onlara
anlatmak için, bu üstün hikmetin telkini uğrunda Paris’te çok çalıştı. 1931’devatana dönerken Garpta, memleketin
yakın inkılâbını hazırlamak üzere tahsile
bıraktığı gençliğe şöyle diyordu: “Anadolu çocuğu, başını Allah’a kaldır! Orada
Anadolu’nun haritasını çizilmiş bulacaksın. Kendini o haritaya can vereceklerinbaşında bilmelisin.”
Lâkin vatana dönünce antitezle karşılaştı. Her çeşit kuvvet cephesinden, her şuursuzluktan dâvasına karşı gelen taşkınlık, onu şiddetle sarstı. “Ne olursa olsun,
tek başıma bile bu bayrağı sonuna kadar
omuzlarımda taşıyacağım” diyordu. Demagojinin her gün biraz daha tükettiği millet enerjisini ideali istikametindekullanmak için, bir nefer, bir amele gibiçalışmaya karar verdi. İlkin mesleği olanarkeoloji sahasında Orta Anadolu’nun
toprağıyla senelerce süren çetin bir didişme planını kabul etti. Alişar kazılarının
Amerikalılara mal olan şerefinin hakikî
yaratıcısı oldu. Alacahöyük’te Orta Anadolu’nun bağrından tarihin gömdüğü saltanatları keşfetti. Karalar ve daha sonraki
kazılardan sonra bir müddet kazma küreği köylünün kulübesine emanet bırakarak tedrisatına başladı.

Vaktiyle varlıklarını tebcil edercesine
yükselttiği siyaset arkadaşları, senelerinalıştırdığı ikbal zaviyelerini terkedemiyerek Remzi’yi bu yolda yalnız bıraktılar. O
asıl büyüklüğünü, muhitin lakaydisi arasında gösterdi. Çılgınlık göstermedi, vekarla hareket etti. Onun tek hatası; önce,yapacağı inkılâbın, diliyle, enerjisiyle,bizzat belâgat olan varlığıyle esaslarını hazırladığı Paris’teki çalışmalarının,yurda döndükten ve yaptığı pek çeşitli veyaygın neşriyatın şuurların tâ içine sinerek bir nesli harekete geçirebilmesi içindaha yirmi senelik bir zamanın geçmesini bekleyecek kadar sabra sahip olmayışı
idi. Onu, ideali uzak çöllerin bir sarayı
olmaktan kurtararak, yalnız altın kazmasıyla değil, hem de dimağıyla işlediği
Anadolu’nun toprağına indiren müthiş
realizm, sabra meskenet damgasını vurmuştu. Şarklının medeniyetler ve ruhlaröldürücü sabrı onu tiksindirmişti. Ordusunun bütün hazırlıklarını ve yine kendi
tabiriyle seferberliğini tamamlamış bir

Nihayet son yıllarında siyaset kılıcını
kuşandı. Bu sahada karşılaştığı engeller
müthişti. Asıl şimdi insanın tehlikeli tarafıyle karşı karşıya geldi. Unutmamak
lazımdı ki, nasırlı vicdanlar hamlesininkarşısına çıkan Remzi, bir kalb adamıydı, her zaman kalbiyle yaşamıştı. Ve her

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erkân-ı harp gibi öteden beri vadettiği
meydan muharebesine girişti.

Nisan 1954)7
Üç DostSavaş muhakkak ki çetin olacaktı. Kılıcının kabzasına el koyarak “yer demir,
gök bakır!” diyen Serdar, bir mektubunda şöyle diyor:

Yazıyı bitirirken Arık’ın Nurettin Topçu’danbaşka üç farklı dostuna daha temas etmek gerekir. Bunlardan ilki, Şevket Raşit Hatiboğlu’dur.
(İzmir 1898-İstanbul 1973) Bursa Ziraat
Okulu, İstanbul Ziraat Yüksek Okulu mezunu
olan Hatiboğlu Leibzig’de Felsefe Doktorası
yapmıştır. Kırklı yıllarda Tarım Bakanı, 27Mayıs İhtilâli’nden sonra da İnönü hükümetinde Millî Eğitim Bakanlığı görevlerini
yürütmüştür. Ziraat ve tarımla ilgili eserleri
vardır. Rize’de çay ziraatinin kurucularından biridir. Remzi Oğuz’un vefatından sonra
kurulan derneğin başkanlığını üstlenmiş olan
Hatiboğlu, onun iki eserini uzun bir takdim
yazısıyla yayınlamıştır. Pek bilinmeyen bir
hizmeti de 1962’de kurulan İnönü hükümetinde Millî Eğitim Bakanı iken din eğitimi
sahasında yaptığı hizmetlerdir.8“Ömrümüz tatsız, umutsuz, aydınlıksız
geçiyor dostum..Hayat ilerliyor. Temmuz
15’te elli yaşıma girmekteyim. Şu yarım
asrın özü ne oldu? Hep hüsran, hep aldanmak, hep yeniden başlamak ve hep
yollara yeniden dökülmek! Yani bizim
neslin âkıbeti de taayyün etmiş gibi...”
Vereceği meydan muharebesine hazırlanan Serdar’ın bu hüznü muhitin ona
ilhamı idi. Kendine çevrildiği zaman,binlerce defa tekrarladığı şu sözü yine
bir mektubunda okuyoruz: “Son nefese
kadar didinme devam edecek” diyordu.
Nihayet feci âkıbet geldi, çattı.
Kalbleri hasta bir nesle tâ Garbın varoşlarından başlayarak, iman ve aydınlık
getiren Hallac ruhlu bir havari...

Değineceğimiz ikinci isim Hıfzı OğuzBekata’dır (Ankara, 1911-Ankara 1995). Bursa
Lisesi mezunu bir hukukçu olan Bekata,Henüz bir talebe iken Çığır dergisini çıkarmaya başlamıştır (1933-1948). Derginin Mart
1941 tarihinde çıkan 100. sayısında RemziOğuz Arık’ın: “Çocuklarımıza Dair” isimli
baş yazısı ile ilk kez 1928’de yayınlanmış olan
“Arkeolog Gözüyle Orta Avrupa” başlıklı iki
yazısı bulunmaktadır.

Anadolu çocuklarının sıtmalı benizleriyle hemâhenk yüreklerine hayat ve cesaretkanı aşılayan bir doktor...
Hayal milliyetçiliğini dağ, taş gibi realite yapan, ikbâl sandalyelerinin üstündeki namütenahilikte barınan bir iktidar
havalarda öldü, gök varlıklarına karıştı.
Çok sevdiği Anadolu’nun toprağına göklerden indi. Lâkin onun ebedî olacak eseri gönüllerimizdedir.

Bekata, kırklı yıllarda milletvekili seçilmiş ve 27 Mayıs İhtilali’nden sonra Devlet
Bakanlığı, İçişleri Bakanlığı, Cumhuriyet
Senatosu Üyeliği (1961-1975) gibi vazifelerüstlenmiştir. Devlet Bakanı olarak görev yaptığı esnada Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı kendisine

Remzi! Ruhun ebedî olsun!.. Ruhlarımıza nurdan, imandan, ışıktan yapılmış
ebedî bir saray bıraktın. Sen ebedîliği
fetheden nebiler ordusuna Allah’ın engüzel emanetisin!
“Doç. Dr. Nurettin Topçu’nun Konuşması”, Remzi Oğuz Arık kitabı içinde
Milliyetçiler Derneği Neşriyatı 1954; (13967

Bu eserde konu ile ilgili yazısı olanlar arasında şu
isimler de vardır: Mehmet Kaplan, Ziyaeddin Fahri
Fındıkoğlu, Rüstem Duyuran, Mümtaz Turhan.

8

Mustafa Öcal’ın konu ile ilgili makalesi Tohum dergisinin 2023’te çıkan sayısında yayınlanmıştır.

MUSTAFA KARA

bağlanmıştur.9

Kaynaklar

Son olarak bahsedeceğimiz isim, Hüseyin
Avni Göktürk’tür (Niğde 1901-İstanbul 1983).
Hukuk Fakültesi mezunu olan Göktürk, doktorasını Berlin’de tamamlamıştır. Ankara
Hukuk ve Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesinde öğretim üyeliği, MİT Müsteşarlığı gibi görevlerde bulunmuştur (1957-1959). Ardından Niğde
Milletvekili olan Göktürk, Adalet Bakanlığı
da yapmıştır (1955-1957). Hukuk ve siyaset
konulu yayınlanmış eserleri mevcuttur. Mayıs
1942 tarihinde çıkarmaya başladığı Millet dergisinin Umumi Neşriyat Müdürü Remzi OğuzArık’tır.

Arık, Remzi Oğuz. Siyasi Yazılar Konuşmalarve Türkiye Köylü Partisi. haz. E. Erverdiİhsan Kara. İstanbul: Dergah Yayınları,
2017.
Bakırcıoğlu, N. Ziya. Remzi Oğuz Arık’ın
Fikir Dünyası. İstanbul: Dergah Yayınları,
2000.
Sefercioğlu, Necmettin. Remzi Oğuz Arık
Bibliyoğrafyası: Yayınları ve Hakkında
Yazılanlar. Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı
Yayınları, 1969.
Sezer, H. Emin. “Remzi Oğuz Arık”. Türkiye
Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, III,
1976, 357-358.

Arık’ın vefatı sonrasında -yukarıda nakledilen
Gurbet dergisi dışında- onunla ilgili olarak
yazı yazan isimlerden bazıları şu şekildedir:Hilmi Ziya Ülken, Yeni Sabah Gazetesi, 12
Nisan 1954; Haluk Karamağralı, “Çalışma ve
Mücadele ile Dolu Bir Ömür”, İstanbul, Mayıs
1954; Peyami Safa, “Remzi Oğuz Arık”, TürkDüşüncesi, Mayıs 1954; Cahit Okurer, “RemziOğuz Arık”, Hisar, Mayıs 1954.;
1987 yılında Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve TarihCoğrafya Fakültesi Yayınları tarafından çıkarılan Remzi Oğuz Arık Armağanı isimli hatıra
kitapta yazısı olan bazı akademisyenler iseşöyledir: Sedat Alp, Ekrem Akurgal, TahsinÖzgüç.
2000 yılında N. Ziya Bakırcıoğlu’nun hazırladığı ve Dergâh Yayınları’ndan çıkan RemziOğuz Arık’ın Fikir Dünyası isimli eserde
onun millet, vatan, tarih, lisan, din, sanat gibi
konular etrafındaki düşünceleri aktarıldıktan
sonra şu konular da onun milliyetçilik anlayışının esasları olarak mercek altına alınmıştır:İnkılapçılık, devletçilik, ilimcilik, demokrasi,
lâiklik, istiklâl, hürriyet, maarif, ahlâk, köycülük, turizm.
9

18 Ağustos 1962 tarihinde İstanbul’da yaptığı basın
toplantısı, Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı’nca Aydın Din
Adamları adıyla broşür şeklinde basılmıştır.

97

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

Horasan İrfanını Anadolu’ya Ulaştıran Kaynak Eserlerden
Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî
Manāqib e Sheikh Zāhed Gilānī: A Treatise That Brought ‘irfān Tradition
from Khorasan to Anatolia
Namiq MUSALI*

XIII. asırda İslâmî irfanın bayraktarlığını yapmış olan gönül erlerinden birisi de Şeyh Tâceddîn İbrâhim
Zâhid Geylânî’dir. Ataları Horasan’dan (bugünkü Türkmenistan’ın Merv bölgesinden) Azerbaycan’ın
Lenkeran yöresine gelip yerleşmiş olan bu zat, erken gençlik döneminde Sühreverdiyye tarîkatinin Ebheriyye
koluna intisap etmiş, 55-60 yaşlarında irşad faaliyetlerine başlamış, bu amaçla seyahatlere çıkmış, insanları
Hak yoluna çağırmış, binlerce mürid ve halife yetiştirmiş, gönüllerde taht kurmayı başarmıştır. Devrin
sultanları, özellikle İlhanlı hükümdarı Gazan Han üzerinde büyük bir etki sahibi olan Geylânî, ona âdilyönetimle ilgili öğütler vermekten çekinmemiştir. Yaşadığı bölgenin içtimâî hayatında mühim rol alanŞeyh Zâhid, muazzam bir mânevî miras bırakıp gitmiştir. Türk-İslâm tarihinde büyük ehemmiyet taşıyan
Safeviyye, Halvetiyye, Bayramiyye, Celvetiyye gibi tarîkatlerin silsilesi bu mümtaz şahsiyete ulaşmaktadır.
Türbesi, günümüzde Lenkeran’ın Şıhakeran (Hilyekeran) köyünde bulunmakta ve halk tarafından ziyaret
edilmektedir.Araştırmalarımız sırasında Şeyh Zâhid’in şimdiye dek bilinmeyen menâkıbına ulaşmış
bulunuyoruz. Kastamonu Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi’ndeki bir mecmua içinde (37 Hk 2694, vr. 97a-133a)
yer alan bu eser toplam 55 bölümden ibarettir. Şeyh Zâhid Menâkıbı, Anadolulu Mehmed b. Abdüllatif
tarafından XV. yüzyılda kısmî olarak Farsçadan Türkçeye çevrilmiştir. Eserin Farsça orijinali günümüze
ulaşmamıştır. Makalede Şeyh Zâhid Menâkıbı hakkında bilgi verilmesi amaçlanmıştır.
DOİ: 10.32739/ustad.2024.5.64

Cilt/Volume: 3 • Sayı/Number: 1 • Mayıs/May 2024ÖzAnahtar Kelimeler: Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî, menâkıb, tasavvuf, Horasan, irfan.
*

ORCID: 0000-0003-1291-8380 - Prof. Dr., Kastamonu Üniversitesi İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi Tarih
Bölümü, nmusali@kastamonu.edu.tr.

Geliş Tarihi: 25.02.2024

Kabul Tarihi: 05.03.2024

Yayım Tarihi: 31.05.2024

Atıf Bilgisi: Namiq Musalı, “Horasan İrfanını Anadolu’ya Ulaştıran Kaynak Eserlerden Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî”,
Tasavvuf Araştırmaları Enstitüsü Dergisi 3, 1 (2024): ss. 98-109.
Bu makale uluslararası CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 lisansı altında yayımlanmaktadır. (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

98

ADEM URHAN

Abstract
One of the prominent figures of Islamic mysticism (sufism) in the 13th century was Sheikh Tajaddīn Ibrāhim
Zāhed Gilānī. His ancestors migrated from Khorasan (from Merv area of the modern Turkmanistan) to
Lankaran district of Azerbaijan. He was initiated into the Abhariyya branch of the Suhravardiyya sect atthe beginning of his youth and began propaganda activities as a religious leader when he was in his late
fifties. He traveled for this purpose, invited people to the path of truth, educated thousands of disciples
and khalifas and managed to win the love of people. Gilānī had a great influence on the sultans of that era,
especially on the Ilkhanid ruler Gazan Khan and gave him some valuable advice about fair government.
Sheikh Zāhed, who played an important role in the social life of the region in which he lived, left a large
moral legacy behind. The lineage of the most influential orders of the Turkic-Islamic world as Safaviyya,
Khalvatiyya, Bayramiyya, Jalvatiyyareaches to this outstanding personality. His shrine is located in
Shikhakaran (Hilyakaran) village of Lankaran district today and is frequently visited by the people ot thearea. During our research, we achieved the unknown hagiography (Manāqib) of Sheikh Zahed. This work,
which is a section of a manuscript book, is in the Kastamonu Manuscript Library (37 Hk 2694, vr. 97a-133a)and consists of 55 chapters. Hagiography of Sheikh Zāhed was partially translated from Persian to Turkish
by Meḥmed b. ‘Abd al-Laṭīf from Anatolia in the 15th century. The Persian original of the work has notsurvived to this day. This paper aims to give information on the manuscript of Sheikh Zāhed’s Manāqib..
Keywords: Sheikh Zāhed-i Gilānī, manāqib, sufism, Khorasan, wisdom, ‘irfān.

Girişyerleşmiş veya burada doğup büyümüş bazı
veliler de kendi düşünceleri ve halifeleri aracılığıyla Anadolu ve Balkanlar’ın irşad edilmesi
ve mânevî fetih sürecinin tamamlanmasındaönemli roller üstlenmişlerdir. Bildirimizde bu
velilerden biri olan Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî’denbahsedecek ve onun Menâkıb’ı vasıtasıyla
Horasan irfanının Anadolu’ya ulaşmasınadair bazı örneklere yer vereceğiz.

Horasan, günümüzde daha çok İran İslâm
Cumhuriyeti’nin kuzeydoğu topraklarını
içine alan bir bölge olarak bilinmesine rağmen
Orta Çağ boyunca şimdiki Türkmenistan ve
Afganistan cumhuriyetlerinin de büyük bir
kısmını kapsayan tarihî bir vilayetti. Horasan﻿,coğrafî konumu, tarihî geçmişi ve toplumsal
yapısı nedeniyle İslâm﻿tarihi ve onun bir parçası olan tasavvuf﻿tarihi bakımından öncelikli veözellikli bir yere sahiptir.1 Buradan gelmiş olan
Horasan erenleri, Anadolu﻿’nun Türk﻿leşmesi veİslâm﻿laşmasına büyük katkı sağlamışlardır.
XI. yüzyılın sonlarından itibaren kısa zamanda göçebe Türkmen﻿ kafileleri Türkistan﻿ veHorasan bölgelerinden kalkıp Anadolu﻿’ya gelmiştir. Harezm﻿, Horasan﻿ve Azerbaycan﻿üzerinden batı istikametinde Anadolu﻿’ya kitleler
hâlinde göç eden zümreler arasında çok sayıda
mutasavvıf﻿, âlim ve sanatkâr da yer almıştır.2 Ayrıca Horasan’dan Azerbaycan’a gelip
1bkz. Himmet Konur, “Horasan’ın İslam ve Tasavvuf
Tarihine Katkısı (H. I-V. asırlar)”, Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 21 (2005): 3-27.

2bkz. Erdal Aday, “Horasan Erenleri’nin Menkıbevi
Şahsiyetlerindeki Ortak Özellikler”, Türk Dünyası

1. Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî’nin Hayatı ve
Faaliyetleri
Tasavvuf tarihine damgasını vurmuş olanŞeyh Tâceddin İbrahim Zâhid Geylânî (12181301) aslı itibarıyla Horasan kökenli bir ailedengelmektedir. Ecdadının yedi kuşak boyunca
irfan ehli, şeyh ve şeyhzâdelerden oluştuğu
bilinmektedir. Ataları XII. asrın ortalarında
bugünkü Türkmenistan’ın Merv şehrine bağlı
Sincan köyünden Azerbaycan’ın Lenkeran
ilçesine göç etmişlerdir. Etnik kökeni tam olarak anlaşılamayan Şeyh Zâhid ailesinin hem
Bilgeler Zirvesi: Gönül Sultanları Buluşması Bildirileri, ed. Ejder Okumuş, (Eskişehir: Türk Dünyası
Vakfı, 2014), II: 383.

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Horasan İrfanını Anadolu’ya Ulaştıran Kaynak Eserlerden Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî

aslî vatanı olan Merv bölgesi hem de yerleştikleri Lenkeran yöresi o sıralarda Türk ve İrankültürlerinin kavuşma hattı üzerinde bulunduğundan dolayı bu aile de söz konusu kültürlereyabancı olmamıştır. Lenkeran’ın Siyaverud(bugünkü Siyavar) köyünde dünyaya gözlerini
açan Şeyh Zâhid’in hayat yolunu dört aşamaya
ayırabiliriz. Çocukluk ve erken gençlik dönemi
diyebileceğimiz ilk aşamada (1218-1238), doğduğu Lenkeran yöresinde büyüyüp yetişmiş,orada ilk eğitimini almış, ardından Şiraz’dazâhirî ilimler açısından tahsilini başarıyla
tamamlamıştır. Gençlik yıllarında (1238-1253)
Lenkeran’ın güneyindeki Astara yöresinde
faaliyet gösteren Sühreverdiyye-Ebheriyyeşeyhlerinden Seyyid Cemâleddin Tebrîzî’ye
intisap ederek onun hizmetinde bulunmuş,mürşidinin kızı ile evlenmiştir. Olgunluk çağıdiye nitelendirebileceğimiz üçüncü aşamada(1253-1272) şeyhinin vasiyeti üzerine yaklaşık yirmi yıl boyunca bireysel şekilde riyâzetve mücâhede ile uğraşmıştır. Hayatının son
safhası olan ihtiyarlık döneminde (1272-1301)
ise mürşidlik postuna oturarak halkı irşad
etmiştir. Yine bu dönemde ikinci kez evlilik
yapmıştır. İlk eşi Lenkeran’ın Siyaverud, ikinci eşi ise Hilyekeran köyünde yaşıyordu. Bu
yüzden şeyhin her iki köyde evi ve zâviyesi
vardı. Kendisinin ilk evliliğinden Cemâleddin
Ali ve Şerefeddin İsa adlı iki oğlunun ve bir
kızının, ikinci evliliğinden ise Bibi Fatıma
adlı bir kızı ile Hacı Şemseddin Muhammedadlı bir oğlunun doğduğu bilinmektedir. Zâhid
Geylânî soyundan gelenler sonraki yüzyıllardaönemli ilim, irfan ve devlet adamları olarak
tarih sahnesinde yer almışlardır.3

kadar ulaştığı konusunda hemfikirdirler.4
Böylece Zâhid Geylânî’nin silsilesi, kendisinin
Sühreverdiyye﻿ tarîkat﻿inin Ebheriyye﻿ koluna
intisap ettiğini göstermektedir. Söz konusu
silsile, tasavvuf﻿ dünyasının birçok mühim
isminden müteşekkil olup, burada yer alanzatların büyük bir kısmı Horasan﻿lı, Iraklı ve
Azerbaycan﻿lı sufi﻿lerdir. J. S. Trimingham﻿’egöre Şeyh Zâhid, Sühreverdiyye﻿ silsilesinebağlı olsa da bu tarîkin Bağdat﻿kolunu değil,Horasan kolunu tercih ediyordu.5
Zâhid Geylânî’nin irşad faaliyetleri üç merhale
hâlinde ele alınabilir. Bunların ilkinde (12721283) o, Lenkeran yöresinde yaşayarak oranın
halkını irşad ile uğraşmıştır. Orta dönemde(1283-1295) şahsen Güştasfi, Suremerve,
Erdebil, Serav, Hıyav, Astara, Savalan, Muğan,Deştavend, Bistam vs. yerlere geziler yapmış,civar bölgelerin ahalisini tövbe ettirip telkinvermişti. Mürşid olarak faaliyetinin üçüncü
aşamasında (1295-1301) ise İlhanlı Devleti’ndeİslâmiyet’in resmî ideoloji hâline gelmesiyle beraber daha uzak coğrafyalara açılmış,Azerbaycan’ın çeşitli şehirlerinin yanı sıra bilhassa Anadolu, Şam, Lübnan, Yemen, Harezm
gibi diyarlara halifeler göndererek yoğun bir
mânevî propaganda sürecini başlatmıştı.6Şeyh Zâhid, Moğol istilalarının doğurduğu
ağır sonuçlara tanık olmuş ve pek çok sufiönder gibi kendi mânevî nüfuzunu kullanarak,mazlum halkı gerek yerel feodallerin baskılarından ve gerekse de Moğol yöneticilerin
mezâliminden korumaya çalışmıştır. Mürşidi
Seyyid Cemâleddin gibi o da Azerbaycan’da
4bkz. İbn Bezzâz Erdebîlî, Safvetü’s-Safâ (der tercüme-i ahvâl ü akvâl ü kerâmât-ı Şeyh Safiyeddîn İshak
Erdebîlî), mukaddime ve tashîh: Gulâm Rıza Tabâtabâî Mecd (Tebriz: İntişârât-ı Musahhih, 1373), 180183; Rahmi Serin, İslam Tasavvufunda Halvetîlik ve
Halvetîler (İstanbul: Petek Yayınları, 1984), 78-79;
H. Kâmil Yılmaz, Azîz Mahmûd Hüdâyî ve Celvetiyye Tarîkatı (İstanbul: Erkam Yayınları, 1999), 161.

5bkz. John Spencer Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in
Islam (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), 100.

6bkz. Musalı, Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî, 82-89.

Aradaki bazı farklılıklara rağmen tüm müellifler, şeyhin silsilesinin Kutbeddin Ebû
Bekr el-Ebherî﻿, Ebü’n-Necib es-Sühreverdî﻿ve Cüneyd el-Bağdâdî﻿ üzerinden Hz Ali’ye
3Şeyh Zâhid’in hayatı hakkında bkz. Namiq Musalı,Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî ve Menâkıbı (Kastamonu: Hz.
Pir Şeyh Şa’bân-ı Veli Kültür Vakfı Yayınları, 2019),
45-72.

100

ADEM URHAN

bulunan Moğollar’ın İslâmiyet’e geçiş sürecinde rol almıştı. Meşhur İlhanlı hükümdarı
Gazan Han (1295-1304), Şeyh Zâhid ile üç kezgörüşmüş ve kendisine büyük saygı göstermiştir. Şeyh de ona bilgin, âdil, cömert ve sevgi
dolu bir padişah olması gerektiği konusunda
tavsiyelerde bulunmuştur.7

dolayı mezarının yeri değiştirilerek hayatının önemli bir bölümünü geçirdiği Hilyekeran
köyüne intikal ettirilmiş ve orası şeyhin şerefine Şeyhakeran/Şıhakeran (Şeyhin köyü) diyeisimlendirilmiştir. Sovyet rejimi tarafından
türbe yıkılmışsa da Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti
kendi bağımsızlığını kazanır kazanmaz tekrarinşa edilmiştir.9

Her ne kadar bazı araştırmacılar Zâhid
Geylânî’nin Şiî olduğunu iddia etmişlerse deana kaynaklardaki bilgiler onun Ehl-i Sünnet
çizgisinde bulunduğunu ve Şâfiî mezhebi usûlüne riâyet ettiğini göstermektedirler. Bunarağmen diğer sufi akımlarında olduğu gibiŞeyh Zâhid’in öğretisinde de Ehl-i Beyt sevgisi
özel bir yere sahiptir. Şeyh Zâhid, sünnet-i
nebeviyye’ye ve şerîate sımsıkı tutunan vebunlardan hiçbir şekilde taviz vermeyen bir
sufi lideriydi. Özellikle de nefisle mücadele,cömert olma, ilim öğrenme, tarîkat sırrını faş
etmeme, kendi emeği ile geçimlerini sağlama
konusunda müridlerine tavsiyelerde bulunurdu. Zâhid Geylânî, ibâdeti ve riyâzeti kendisine ilke edinmişti. Ayrıca zikrin şeklinde bir
yenilik meydana getirerek önceleri üç isimlesülûk çıkarıldığı hâlde ilk kez o, yedi isimden
ve on iki isimden oluşan esma ile zikretmeusûlünü uygulamıştır. Dergâhında semah
dönülür, erbain çıkarılır ve halvete girilirdi.
Buna rağmen Zahidiyye tarîkati terk-i dünya
prensibine dayalı bir hayatı telkin etmiyor, tam
tersi sosyal hayatta aktif bir rol alan sufilik
anlayışını ön plana çıkarıyordu.8

Şeyh Safiyeddin Erdebîlî, Şeyh Ahi YusufŞirvânî, Pir Hikmet Şirvânî, Ahi Muhammed
Harezmî, Salâhaddin Reşid Erdebîlî, BabaMarâğî ve Şeyh Abdurrahman Erzincânî,Şeyh Zâhid’in en önemli halifeleri sırasında
yer almaktadırlar. Onun müridleri sırasındaçeşitli sosyal grupların temsilcilerinin bulunduğunu görmekteyiz. Safeviyye, Halvetiyye,
Bayramiyye, Celvetiyye gibi tarîkatlerin vebunlardan ayrılan kolların silsilelerinde ŞeyhZâhid önemli bir yere sahiptir. Özellikle de o,halvetten celvete geçişi sağlayan ilk mürşid
olarak dikkat çekmektedir.10
2. Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî Menâkıbı’nda
Horasan İrfanı
Uzmanlar, Horasan Tasavvuf Ekolü’nün özelliklerini; semah, hângâh âdâbı, ilm-i bâtın,şeyhin belirleyiciliği, cömertlik ve fütüvvet,
şiir, Ehl-i Beyt muhabbeti, adâlet ve özgürlükçü tutum ile melâmetîlik şeklinde sıralamaktadırlar.11 Bu unsurların hemen hemen hepsiniŞeyh Zâhid’in düşünce sisteminde, davranışlarında ve özlü sözlerinde görmemiz mümkündür. Örneğin semah﻿, Şeyh Zâhid’in öğretisindede özel bir yere sahipti. Kaynaklarda şeyhin
dergâh﻿ında kavval﻿ler eşliğinde “Hû” çekilerek

Vefat edince kendi vasiyeti üzerine, doğum
yeri olan Siyaverud köyünde defnedilen
Geylânî’nin mezarı üzerinde bir türbe inşaedilmişse de 892/1487 tarihinde Hazar
Denizi’nin taşması neticesinde kabrinin sularaltında kalma tehlikesi meydana geldiğinden
7bkz. Charles Melville, “History and Myth: thePersianisation of Ghazan Khan”, Irano-Turkic
Cultural Contacts in the 11th – 17th Centuries, ed.
Eva M. Jeremias (Piliscsaba: The Avicenna Instituteof Middle Eastern Studies, 2003), 133-160.

8bkz. Musalı, Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî, 120-130.

101

9bkz. Abbaskuli Gaffârîferd, “Hâstgâh-ı Niyâkân-ıŞeyh Zâhid ve Mahall-i Künûnî-i Ârâmgâh-ı Û”,Pejûheşnâme-i Târîh 3, 12 (1387): 65-81; Musalı,Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî, 149-153.

10bkz. Süleyman Gökbulut, “İbrahim Zâhid Gîlânî
Üzerine Bir İnceleme”, Mevlânâ DüşüncesiAraştırmaları Derneği Sufi Araştırmaları Dergisi 7,
13 (2016): 49.

11bkz. Mustafa Altunkaya, “Horasan Tasavvuf Ekolü
ve Özellikleri”, Turkish Studies 11/2 (2016), 127-148.

Horasan İrfanını Anadolu’ya Ulaştıran Kaynak Eserlerden Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî

semah﻿ yapıldığına ve şeyhin kendisinin desemah﻿a iştirak ettiğine dair bilgilere rastlamaktayız.12

tamamını değil, şeyhin sadece tasavvuf ve
irfan ile alâkalı bir kısım özlü sözlerini içermektedir. Bu hâliyle Menâkıb, Şeyh Zâhid’intasavvuf anlayışını ve onun irfan dünyasını
günümüze taşıyan en önemli kaynaktır.

Cömertlik ve fütüvvet anlayışları ŞeyhZâhid’in fikir dünyasının ve yaşam felsefesinin temellerini oluşturmakta, onun hayat
yolunun ana çizgisini teşkil etmekteydi. Onun
Gazan Han’a vermiş olduğu öğütlerde Horasan
irfanı için belirleyici olan özelliklerdencömertlik, fütüvvet ve adâlet vurgusuna sık
sık rastlıyoruz: “Ebediyeti cömertlikte ara!”;“Ululardan beğenilecek üç tane şey kalmıştır
ki bunların her üçü senin işini yükseltir: bunlar
vefa, cömertlik ve dürüstlüktür. Bunlar seni
eksiltmez, tam tersi yüceltir”; “Elinde olanı ye,fazlasını dağıt gitsin!”; “Gücün yettiği kadar
insanların işlerini yoluna koy ki senin adâletin namazdan da, oruçtan da daha yeğdir.
Biçare kalacağın günden (mahşerden) kork!
Yoksullara yardımda bulun! Eğer kaderden
iyilik bekliyorsan, o zaman bu tarlada iyilikten başka tohum ekme! Meyvesi sevgi olacak
bir ağaç dik! Semeresi kin olacak bir kökü
ekme!”13

Bir mukadime ile 55 fasıldan oluşan
Menâkıb’da Şeyh Zâhid’in tasavvufa dair çeşitli konularda (halvet, celvet, fenâ, bekā, bezm-i
elest, şeyh-i kâmil, tevhid, şevk, rikkat, nefis,
vâsıl, visâl, vahdet, sabır, kutup, didar, seyr-i
ilallah, seyr-i fillah vs.) konuşmalarının metni
toplanmıştır. Bu konuşmalar sırasında yer yer
Kur’ân-ı Kerim’den, Peygamber Efendimiz’in(s.a.v.) hadislerinden, enbiyâ kıssalarından,
Ehl-i Beyt ve sahabe hikâyelerinden, evliyâ
hikmetlerinden, tasavvuf risâlelerinden, tekke
edebiyatından numunelere yer verilmiştir.
Bunların arasında özellikle de Horasan irfanının temsilcisi olan zatların özlü sözlerine ve
hâllerine atıfta bulunulması dikkate şayandır.
Aşağıda Şeyh Zâhid’in kendi argümanlarını
kuvvetlendirmek için Bâyezid Bistâmî (ö. 848)
ve Senâî Gaznevî (ö. 1131) gibi Horasanlı sufilerin fikir dünyasından aktardığı örneklerden
bazılarını sunacağız.

Daha XIV. yüzyılda, Şeyh Zâhid’in vefatını müteakip bir şekilde hâllerini ve sözlerini
ihtiva eden anlatılar onun müridleri tarafından
derlenmek suretiyle hakkında bir Menâkıbmeydana getirilmiştir. Bu Menâkıb’ın Farsça
aslı kaybolmuşsa da XV. yüzyılda Anadolu’damuhtemelen Halvetî muhitinde Mehmed b.
Abdüllatif tarafından yapılmış olan Türkçe
muhtasar çevirisi Kastamonu Yazma Eserler
Kütüphanesi’nde bulunmaktadır. İlk kez tarafımızca ele alınmış olan bu risâle, tasavvuf
konulu bir mecmua içinde günümüze ulaşmıştır.14 Söz konusu çeviri, Menâkıb’ın orijinalinin
12bkz. İbn Bezzâz, Safvetü’s-Safâ, 211-212.

13

XIV. yüzyılın ünlü tarihçi ve şâirlerinden Nureddin
Ejderî’nin Gazannâme adlı eserinde yer alan bu öğütlerin Farsça metni için bkz. Melville, “History andMyth”, 147-160. İlgili metnin Türkçe çevirisi içinbkz. Musalı, Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî, 105-114.

14

Menâkıb﻿’ın ilk faslında Şeyh Zâhid, halvette oturarak sessiz kalmanın faydaları veinsanlarla ülfet kurup konuşmanın gerekliliği
konusunu aydınlatmakta, bir nevi halvet ve
celvet﻿in tanımını yapmaktadır. Şeyh Zâhid’egöre, Allah dostu olan birisinin halvete girmesi
kendisi için faydalı olduğu hâlde bu insanın
topluma yönelmesi ve konuşması diğerlerinin
yararınadır. Şeyh Zâhid suskunluk ve halvet
konusunda Mevlânâ Celâleddin Rûmî﻿’nin;
Her kes ki heves-i suẖan-fürūşī dāred
Men bende-i ānem ki ḫamūşī dāred(Herkes söz söylemek hevesindeyse de,ben sessiz kalanın kölesiyim.)
2694), 97a-133a. Mecmuanın istinsah tarihi 990/1582,
müstensihi ise Ahmed b. Mehmed’dir. Söz konusu
eser hakkında bize ilk bilgiyi veren Prof. Dr. Ahmet
Taşğın’a şükranlarımızı sunarız.﻿

Mecmua (Kastamonu Yazma Eserler Ktp., 37 Hk

102

ADEM URHAN

anlamına gelen bir beytini örnek olarak sunar.
Sessiz kalınca binlerce mânevî sözün bir anda
yüz gösterdiğini ve kendini belli ettiğini belirten Şeyh Zâhid, bu mânâya sadece gönül ehlinin erebileceğinin altını çizer ve akabinde celvet﻿konusunu açıklamaya başlar.

dan ve şefkatlerinden dolayı halkın sıkıntıya düşmemesi, rahmete ermesi içinvaaz etmeye meşgul olurlar.)
Bu konuda Allah Teâlâ’nın Hz. Resûl﻿ (s.a.v.)
hakkında; Andolsun, size kendi içinizden öylebir peygamber﻿gelmiştir ki sizin sıkıntıya düşmeniz ona çok ağır gelir (Tövbe 9/128) buyurduğu âyeti delil olarak aktaran Şeyh Zâhid,Hz. Resûl’ün (s.a.v.)﻿ yoluyla giden velilerinve mü’min﻿lerin de kendilerini Peygamber﻿
Efendimiz (s.a.v.) gibi kendi türünden olanları (insanları) irşad﻿etmeye ve yol göstermeyeadadıklarını belirtir. Çünkü “İnsanlar kendi
yöneticilerinin (rehberlerinin) dinindedirler.”
Allah dostları diğer insanlarla sûrette müşterek oldukları için ve onlar gibi âdemoğulları﻿
oldukları için, yani sûrette aynı türe ait oldukları için diğer insanlara şefkat göstermeleri
onlara vâciptir. Böylece onlar kendilerininulaştıkları saadete kendi türlerinden olanları(diğer insanları) dahi ulaştırmak için çaba sarf
ederler. Zira “Her bir tür, kendi türünden olanlarla ülfet kurar”. Böylece Zâhid Geylânî’den
nakledildiği üzere Allah dostlarının celvet﻿eçıkması, söz söylemesi halk içindir, onların
halvete girmeleri, sessiz kalmaları ise kendileri
içindir. Halvetle ilgili Mevlânâ﻿’dan bir beyit
sunan şeyh, celvet﻿ hakkında şair Senâî﻿’ninaşağıdakı mısralarını aktarır:

Menâkıb﻿’daki açıklamalara göre Allah dostları
halvette iken rahatlık ve isâbet içinde olurlarve öyle bir zevke ulaşırlar ki onun ötesinde bir
zevk yoktur. Fakat buna rağmen halktan ötürü
zahmet çekip söz söylerler. Zâhid Geylânî,gönül ehlinin halvette oturuşunu bir âşığın
kendi mâşûkasıyla baş başa kalıp zaman geçirmesine benzetir ve şöyle der:Bir kimse çoḳ ayrulıḳ ve intiẓār çekdükden ṣoñra kendü ma‘şūḳını ẖalvetdeaġyārsuz bulsa, anuñla ‘ayşa meşġūl olsa,
ol ḥāleti terk edüp ẖalvetden ṭaşra çıḳmaz
ġayrı. Ammā çün fikr ḳıl ki bu ḥālet nicezaḥmetdür. Pes ẖalḳ meṣāliḥiyçün kendühaẓẓların [terk] ederler, tā kendülerdenġayr ẖalḳ daẖi maḥẓūẓ olup fā’ide ṭutalar. Pes evliyānuñ ve enbiyānuñ ẖalḳa söz
söyleyüp naṣīḥat etdüklerin böyle bilmek
gerek. Ammā emr-i Ḥaḳḳ mūcibi üzerinedaẖi bunlaruñ nihāyetsüz luṭflarından veşefḳatlerinden dilerler ki tā ẖalā’iḳa raḥmet ola, taḳrīre meşġūl olurlar” (Anlamı:
Bir kimse çok ayrılık ve hasret çektikten
sonra kendi sevgilisini halvette, yabancıların olmadığı bir yerde bulursa, onunla
zevke dalar, vakit geçirir ve bu hâleti terk
edip halvetten dışarıya çıkmak istemez.
Bir düşünün ki onun için sevgilisiyle birlikte bulunduğu halveti terk etmek nasıl
bir zahmettir. İşte Allah dostları da buşekilde halkın iyiliği için kendi zevklerini terk ederler, ta ki kendilerinden başka
halk dahi zevk alarak faydalansın. İştevelilerin ve peygamber﻿lerin halka söz
söyleyip nasihat etmelerini böyle bilmek
gerek. Onlar Allah’ın emri gereğince vedahi kendilerinin nihayetsiz lütufların-

Ey men ṣad çü men ġulām-ı kesī
Ki zi ḫud saḫte est hem-nefesī15Senâî’nin bu beytine; “Ben ve benim gibi yüzkişi köle olsun o kimseye ki, kendinden [vazgeçerek bizimle] ülfet kurmuştur” şeklinde
bir mânâ verebiliriz.
Menâkıb’ın 3. faslında insanın fenâ bulup bekāhâsıl ettiğine vurgu yapılır. Şeyh Zâhid’e göre
insanın Hakk’a erebilmesi için ihlas ile Allah’aibâdet etmesi ve kâmil bir şeyhten irşad﻿alması
gerekir. Hakk’a eren insan kendinden geçer
ve her şeyde Allah’ı görür, O’ndan başkasını
15

103

Mecmua (37 Hk 2694), 98a-100a.

Horasan İrfanını Anadolu’ya Ulaştıran Kaynak Eserlerden Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî

görmez. Bu yöndeki fikirlerini desteklemekten ötürü Geylânî, Bayezid Bistâmî﻿’nin “Mārāeytü şey’en illā ve rāeytullāhi fīh” (Allah
Teâlâ’dan başka hiçbir şey görmedim) diye birşathiyesini örnek olarak sunar.16 Zira sufilere
göre tevhid﻿, Allah’tan başka bir var bilmemek,
tanımamak ve bütün varlıkları O’nun varlığında yok bilip O’nun varlığıyla var olmaktır.17

van bütünüyle süflî (alçak)’tır. İnsanda hemulvî hem de süflî özellikler bulunmaktadır.
Onun maddî (bedensel) olan kısmı hayvanlaözdeşleştirildiği hâlde aklî olan kısmı melekleözdeşleşmektedir. Her zaman kendi varlığındaki maddiyatı eksilterek mâneviyatını artıran, gerek duyulmadıkça yemeyen, zaruret
olmadıkça uyumayan kişi âkil insandır. Zira
insandaki hayvânî nefis﻿ne kadar zayıf olursa,
onun melekî aklı bir o kadar ziyade olur. Buduruşu devamlı olarak sergileyen insanın ensonunda melekî kısmı hayvânî tarafına galip
olur. Savaş sırasında şartları galip taraf belirlediği gibi, insanın içinde vuku bulan bu savaşta
da hangi taraf galip olursa o kendi hükmünü
geçirir.

6. fasılda tevhid mevzusunu ele alan Zâhid
Geylânî’ye göre kendisine Allah’tan başka bir
gaye edinen bir insan, bu gayesini Allah’a şerik
yapmak sûretiyle şirke girmiştir. Mü’min﻿in
Allah’tan başka bir gayesi, muradı ve maksadı
olmamalıdır. Şeyh, bu görüşlerini Horasanlı
sufi﻿şâir Senâî’nin;
Ey hevāyān-ı tu hevā-engīz
Ey ḫudāyān-i tu ḫudā-āzār
(Ey havalı heveslere sahip olan kimse,
senin bu tanrıların -heveslerin- Tanrı’yı
bıktırmıştır),Menâkıb﻿’da bu konuya ilişkin yine de Senâî’ninaşağıdaki beyti aktarılmıştır:Der-i raḥmānī vü rūhānī vü şeyṭānī dürüst
Ez şümār-ı her ki bāşī ez tuyī rūz-ı şümār

anlamına gelen Farsça﻿beytiyle desteklemektedir.18 Zikri geçen beytin, Kur’ân-ı Kerim’in
Furkan Sûresi’﻿nin 43. âyetinden (Kendi nefs﻿inin
arzusunu kendisine ilah edineni gördün mü?
Ona sen mi vekil olacaksın?) ve Yeryüzünde
Allah’ı en çok kızdıran put, kendisine tapılanhevâ ve hevestir şeklinde rivâyet edilen hadis﻿ten19 beslendiği de aşikârdır.

Ardından da Menâkıb’ın mütercimi tarafından bu beyit manzum bir şekilde Türkçeyeçevrilmiştir:Sende vardur raḥmānī vü rūhānī [vü]şeyṭānī bāb
Kendüzüñdendür ne vechiyle ola maḥşerde ‘ıḳāb 20

Menâkıb﻿’ın 32. faslında Peygamber﻿
Efendimiz’in (s.a.v.) bir hadis﻿ine dayanan ŞeyhZâhid, mahlûkatın melek, hayvan ve insan
diye üç gruba ayrıldığını belirterek, her bir
grubun özelliklerini açıklar. Ona göre melek
tamamen ulvî (yüksek) olduğu hâlde, hay16

age. 101b-102a.

17bkz. Abdülbâki Gölpınarlı, 100 Soruda Tasavvuf (İstanbul: Gerçek Yayınevi, 1985), 40.

18

Mecmua (37 Hk 2694), 104a. Senâî’nin bu beyti bazı
tezkirelerde de yer almaktadır: Rızakulu Han Hidâyet, Tezkire-i Riyâzü’l-‘Ârifîn, 29, http://www.sufi.
ir/books/download/farsi/hedayat/riaz-ul-arefin.pdf,
Erişim Tarihi: 05.03.2019.

19

bkz. H. Kâmil Yılmaz, Anahatlarıyla Tasavvuf ve Tarikatlar (İstanbul: Ensâr Neşriyat, 2004), 211.

Senâî’nin söz konusu beytinde ifade edilmiş olan düşünceyi günümüz Türkçesinde;“Rahmânîlik, rûhânîlik ve şeytân﻿îliğin hangi
birinden dürüst bir şekilde tutunursan, hesap
gününe (mahşere) de aynı sıfatla çıkarsın” diyeanlamlandırabiliriz.
Şeyh Zâhid bu beyti şöyle yorumlar:
Dünyāda bu ṣıfatdan ne ṣıfat ġālib olursa, ol cihetle maḥşerde cezā olunur. Cehd
edüp raḥmānī ve rūhānī ṣıfatı ġālib etmek
gerek. Ṣıfat-ı şeyṭānīden ḳaçmaḳ gerek,
20 bkz.. Dîvân-ı Senâî, 81, http://www.sufi.ir/books/
download/farsi/sanai/divane-sanaie-noskheh2.pdf,
Erişim Tarihi: 09.02.2018.

104

ADEM URHAN

tā ki aḥvāl-ı ḳiyāmetden necāt bulasın.
(Yani; bu dünyada söz konusu sıfatlardan hangi birisi insana hâkim olursa,mahşerde de aynı sıfatla muamele görür.
Bu yüzden insan, içindeki bu savaştan
rahmânî ve rûhânî sıfatın galip çıkmasıiçin çaba sarfetmelidir. Zira kıyamet ahvalinden kurtuluş bulabilmekten ötürü
şeytânî sıfattan kaçmak gerekir.)21

malarını tavsiye eder. Zira maksat yokluktan
hâsıl olur. Bu konuda Menâkıb﻿’da, Peygamber﻿
Efendimiz’e (s.a.v.) atfedilen Ölmeden önceölünüz hadisi zikredilir.24 Eski Türk edebiyatında, özellikle de Türk tasavvuf﻿ şiirindeyaygın olarak kullanılan ve hadis﻿ olduğu
söylenen Ölmeden evvel ölünüz sözü, genellikle “Her çeşit nefs﻿ânî ihtirastan arınmak,
dünyalık isteklerden vazgeçmek” anlamında
kullanılmaktadır. Bu ihtiraslar insan için bir
nevi yük kabul edilmiş, sırtında yükü olan
nasıl kolaylıkla yürüyüp engelleri geçemezse
gönlü ihtiraslarla dolu kişinin de Hak yolunda
kolay yol alamayacağı ve onun kapısından içeri
giremeyeceği düşünülmüştür.25 Şeyh Zâhid’inmürid﻿lerinden olan Şeyh Sâfî﻿de kendi buyruklarında “ölmeden önce ölme”yi dünya sevgisini terk ederek kendini Hakk’a teslim etmek
olarak yorumlar. Türkistan ve Horasan irfanı
için karakteristik olan bu durum, tâlib﻿in her
yaptığı ve yapacağı hareketin hesabını öteki
dünyaya kalmadan burada vereceğine ilişkin
tavrı ortaya koyarak davranış geliştirmektedir.26

Menâkıb’ın 46. faslındaki sohbetinde ŞeyhZâhid diyor ki; hem evliya﻿lar hem de sapkınlar (gümrāhlar) kendi sohbetleriyle insanın
hâlini değişebilirler. Evliyalar kötü insanı iyi
insana dönüştürürken, sapkınlar da iyi insanı
kötü yapabilirler. Bu yüzden Geylânî, kötü
insanlarla muhatap olmamayı tavsiye ederek,
bu bağlamda Senâî﻿’nin şu mısralarına atıftabulunur:Bā bedān kem nişīn ki ṣoḥbet-i bed
Gerçi pākī tu rā pelīd küned.
Çeşme-i āftāb-ı rūşen rāZerre-i ebr nā-pedīd küned22
Yine mütercim Mehmed b. Abdüllatif bu
dizeleri şiirsel bir biçimde Türkçeye tercümeetmiştir:

47. bölümdeki konuşmasında aynı mevzuüzerine açıklamalarını sürdüren Şeyh Zâhid,“ölmeden önce ölmek” hadis﻿ine işâreten bu
varlıktan geçip ölmenin gerektiğini, zira asıl
diriliğin ölmekten vuku bulduğunu söyler.
İnsanlar uykudadırlar ve öldükleri zaman
uyanacaklar. hadis﻿inden yola çıkan Geylânî,bu durumu bir bilgisizin bir bilginden bilimöğrenmesi sonucunda ondaki bilgisizlik hâlinin ölmesi ve yerine bilginlik hâlinin gelmesi
ile kıyaslar. Yine başak hâlinden insan karnına
girinceye kadar buğdayın seyrini ve bu seyiriçinde bir hâlin ölerek yerine başka bir hâlin
gelmesini örnek olarak gösteren şeyh, ölümün

Yaramazla oturma kim yaramaz
Pāk iseñ seni pelīd eyler.
Güneşüñ ger yüzinde bir zerre
Bulut olursa nā-pedīd eyler23
Söz konusu şiire günümüz Türkçesinde;“Kötülerle oturma, zira parlak güneşi bir zerre
bulut görünmez kıldığı gibi, sen pak olsan bile
kötülerin sohbeti seni murdar eder” diye mânâverebiliriz.
Menâkıb﻿’ın 2., 3. ve 17. fasıllarında fenâ﻿ vebekā﻿, yokluk ve varlık konusu açıklanır.
Özellikle 17. fasılda Zâhid Geylânî, “asıl iş
yokluktadır” der. O, tâlip﻿lere her zaman himmetlerini ve nazarlarını yokluktan yana kıl21

Mecmua (37 Hk 2694), 124a-b.

22bkz. Dîvân-ı Senâî, 460.

23

Mecmua (37 Hk 2694), 129a.

24 Mecmua (37 Hk 2694), 117b-118a.

105

25

bkz. Azmi Bilgin, “Osmanlı Şiirinde Ölmeden ÖnceÖlme Temi”, Kubbealtı Akademi Mecmuası 36/2
(2007), 42-53.

26bkz. Ahmet Taşğın, “Piri Türkistan’ın Nefesinin
Rum Diyarına Ulaşması: Ölmeden Önce Ölmek”,
Türk Yurdu Dergisi 105, 352 (2016): 32-34.

Horasan İrfanını Anadolu’ya Ulaştıran Kaynak Eserlerden Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî

dirilik için başlangıç olduğunu ve ölümden
korkulup kaçılmaması gerektiğini ifade eder.
Bu konuda o, yine Senâî﻿dîvânın﻿dan şu mısraları aktarır:tasavvuf﻿ ve tekke﻿ şiirinde gerekse dîvân﻿ vehalk edebiyatlarında geçmekte, Hz. İdris﻿’insemâya urûcu, Biz onu yüce bir mekâna yükselttik âyetine (Meryem﻿19/57) dayandırılmakta ve mi‘râciyyelerin çoğunda onun urûcuna
temas edilmektedir.28

Bemīr ey dūst pīş ez merg eger mey-i
zindegī ḫāhīKi İdrīs ez çenīn mürden bihiştī geşt pīşez māŞeyh Zâhid, tasavvufla ilgili muhtelif meseleleri anlatırken kendi görüşlerini sufi şâirlerinşiirlerinden örneklerle desteklemeyi uygun
bulmuştur. Çünkü Horasan tasavvuf ekolünün özelliklerinden biri de şiir ve edebiyatın
bu gelenekte özel bir yere sahip olmasıdır.29
Genel olarak Şeyh Zâhid Menâkıbı﻿’nda toplam 28 beyit şiir sunulmuştur. Bunlardan
16 beyti Farsça﻿, 11 beyti Türkçe﻿ ve 1 beyti
Arapça﻿dır. Farsça﻿ beyitlerden 6’sı Senâî’ye,
4’ü Mevlânâ﻿’ya ait olup, biri de Ebû Mansurİsmail İsfahânî﻿’nin yaptığı Avârifü’l-Ma‘ârif﻿çevirisinden alınmıştır. Farsça olan diğer 5
beytin yazarı meçhuldür. Türkçe﻿ beyitlerin
hepsi mütercim Mehmed b. Abdüllatif﻿’inkaleminden çıkmıştır. Bunlardan biri mütercimin mukaddimesinde yer almaktadır; geri
kalanlar ise çeşitli Farsça﻿beyitlerin manzumçevirilerinden ibârettirler. Arapça﻿tek beyit ise
X. yüzyıl sufilerinden Kelâbâzî﻿’nin Taarruf﻿
isimli eserinden alınmıştır.

Mehmed b. Abdüllatif bu beyti de manzum
bir şekilde Türkçeye çevirmiştir:Öl ölmezden öñ ey cān eger dirilik
dilersüñ
Ki bizden öñ ölümden bihişt ehli olurİdrīs
(Ey dost, eğer hayat meyi istiyorsan, ölmeden önce öl; çünkü İdris﻿ bu şekildeölmekle bizden önce cennet﻿ ehli olmuştur).27Senâî﻿’nin bu şiirinde ölmeden önce öldüğü
için cennet﻿e alındığı zikredilen İdris, Kur’ân-ıKerîm’de adı geçen peygamber﻿lerden biridir. Âyetlerin birinde İdris’ten söz edilirken,
Kitapta İdrîs’i de an; çünkü o çok sâdık bir peygamber﻿di. Biz onu yüce bir makama yükselttik (Meryem﻿19/56-57), diğerinde ise İsmail﻿’i,İdris’i, Zülkif﻿l’i de hatırla. Bunların hepsi sabredenlerdendi. Onları rahmetimize kabul ettik.
Onlar hakikaten iyi kimselerdendi (Enbiyâ﻿
21/85-86) denilmektedir. Kur’ân’﻿da İdris’leilgili olarak “ağlayarak secde etme, doğruya
ulaştırılma, seçkin kılınma” (Meryem﻿19/58);“şanının ve mekânının üstün ve yüce olması”(Meryem 19/57); “sabredici olma” (Enbiyâ﻿
21/85); “sıddîk ve nebî olma” (Meryem﻿19/56)
gibi nitelikler yer almaktadır. Müslüman﻿müellifler İdris’in, Kitâb-ı Mukaddes﻿’teki rivâyete göre ebedî hayata ermiş olan veya Kitâb-ı
Mukaddes﻿dışı Yahudi﻿dinî literatürüne göreölmeden cennet﻿e giren Hanok (Honoch)﻿olduğunu kabul ederler. İdris Nebî motifi, gerek
27

Tasavvuf﻿ tarihimizde pek çok evliyâ﻿nın vemutasavvıf﻿ın şiir söylediği ve kendi düşüncelerini bu şiirler aracılığıyla yaydığı bilinmektedir. Bilhassa XII. yüzyılda Pir-i Türkistan﻿
Hoca Ahmed Yesevî﻿’nin Dîvân-ı Hikmet﻿’i ile
beraber Türk﻿ler arasında da tasavvuf﻿î şiir ünkazanmıştır. Şeyh Zâhid’in dönemine gelindiğinde sufi﻿ şiirinin iyice şöhret bulduğunu,özellikle de Türk﻿ve Fars﻿edebiyatını derinden
etkilediğini söyleyebiliriz. Menâkıb’ın 45. faslındaki sohbetinde Şeyh Zâhid’in edebiyatabakışı ve tasavvuf﻿ şiiriyle dünyevî şiiri karşılaştırması yer almaktadır:
28 Ömer Faruk Harman, “İdris”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı
İslâm Ansiklopedisi, 2000, XXI: 478-480.

Mecmua (37 Hk 2694), 129a-b; krş. Dîvân-ı Senâî,
32.

29

106

bkz. Altunkaya, “Horasan Tasavvuf Ekolü”, 141.

ADEM URHAN

Şeyẖ ḳaddesallāhü sırrahü buyurur
ki şi‘r-i evliyā﻿ tefsīr-i Ḳur’ān’dur. ZīrāḲur’ān﻿eyülerüñ medḥi ve yaramazlaruñ
zemmidür ve eyülere cezā cennet﻿ ve yaramazlara cezā cehennem﻿dür. Min evvelehü ve āẖirahü bu ma‘nānuñ beyānıdur.
Şi‘r-i evliyā﻿anuñ şerhidür. Şu‘arā şi‘rinüñẖilāfıyla ki medḥ-i dünyādur ve mübālaġa yalanlar her kimse ḥaḳḳında her biri
bir nesne yüz biñ mübālaġayla söylerler,ne ḳadar mübālaġa ve yalan çoḳ olsa, anlaruñ şi‘ri ẖoşraḳ gelür ki “aṭyebü’ş-şi‘rekzebehü şi‘r”. Şi‘r-i evliyānuñ ẖilāfıyla
ki her ne ki āẖiretden ve ol ‘ālemüñ aḥvālinden ẖaber verürler, yüzde birin söylemezler. Pes her ne ki söyleseler eyüden
ve yavuzdan, gelüp āẖirete ta‘alluḳ ṭutar.
Ḥaḳīḳatde dedügi ḳadar yegdür. Şi‘r-ievliyāyla şi‘r-i şu‘arā ẖalā’iḳuñ ṣūretine
beñzer ki küllī ādemīdür. İllā ba‘żı evliyā﻿
ve ba‘żı kāfir﻿dür ve ba‘żı bī-dīn, ṣūretde
bir görünür. Ammā ḥaḳīḳatde bir degillerdür. Pes farḳ vardur, bilmek gerek.30

bir başkası kâfir﻿, bir diğeri dinsizdir. Bunlarsûrette bir olsalar da hakikatte bir değildirler.
İşte evliyâ﻿şiiri ile şuarâ şiiri arasındaki farkıda böyle bilmek gerekir.
Sonuç
Azerbaycan’ın Lenkeran bölgesinde doğmuş
ve orada vefat etmiş bulunan Şeyh Zâhid
Geylânî’nin ataları buraya Horasan’dan gelmiş, şeyhin kendisi de dünya görüşü itibarıyla
Horasan irfan yolunun takipçilerinden olmuştur. Şeyh Zâhid Menâkıbı’nda Horasan tasavvuf ekolünün temsilcilerinden olan Bâyezid
Bistâmî’nin bir şathiyesi ile şair Senâî’nin altı
beytinin aktarılması örneğinde söz konusu
eserin Horasan irfanını Anadolu’ya ulaştırankaynak metinlerden biri olduğu sonucuna
varıyoruz. Şeyh Zâhid bu şathiye ve beyitleri
sadece aktarmakla yetinmemiş, aynı zamanda
onları kendine özgü yöntemlerle yorumlamıştır. XV. yüzyılda Şeyh Zâhid Menâkıbı’nın
Anadolu’da Türkçeye çevrilmesi neticesindeşeyhin Horasan irfanı ile ilgili sunmuş olduğu bu örnek ve yorumlar da Anadolu muhitine intikal etmiş oldu. Bâyezid Bistâmî veşâir Senâî haricinde Menâkıb’da İbrahim b.
Edhem, Bişr el-Hâfî ve Mevlânâ Celâleddin-iRûmî gibi Horasan asıllı irfan ehlinin de bazıözlü sözlerine yer verilmiştir.

Yukarıdaki açıklamalarına bakılırsa,Geylânî’ye göre evliyâ﻿nın şiiri Kur’ân’﻿ın tefsir﻿idir. Zira Kur’ân-ı Kerim﻿, iyilerin medhi ve
kötülerin zemmi üzerine olup, burada mü’min﻿lere cennet﻿ve kötülere cehennem﻿vadedilmektedir. Evliyâ﻿ şiiri ise bunun şerhidir. Oysaki
dünyevî şâirlerin şiirinde dünya methedilir.
Dünyevî şâirler bu dünyayı veya methettikleri
kimseyi abartılı yalanlar üzerinden över, onu
yüz bin kat daha büyük göstermeye çalışırlar.
Bunların yalanı ne kadar fazla olursa, dünya
ehlinin bir o kadar hoşuna gider. Fakat evliyâkendi şiirinde âhiret ve öteki âlem konusunda
bildiklerinin yüzde birini bile söylemez vebunların şiirinde yalan olmaz. Evliyânın şiiri
ile dünyevî şâirin şiiri insanın sûreti gibidir.
Fiziksel görünüm itibariyle insanların tamamı
birbirlerine benzeseler de mahiyet bakımından farklıdırlar: Birisi evliyâ olduğu hâlde
30

Kaynaklar
Aday, Erdal. “Horasan Erenleri’nin Menkıbevi
Şahsiyetlerindeki Ortak Özellikler”,
Türk Dünyası Bilgeler Zirvesi: Gönül
Sultanları Buluşması Bildirileri. Ed.
Ejder Okumuş. II: 383-393. Eskişehir:
Türk Dünyası Vakfı, 2014.
Altunkaya, Mustafa. “Horasan Tasavvuf
Ekolü ve Özellikleri”, Turkish Studies
11/2 (2016): 127-148.
Bilgin, Azmi. “Osmanlı Şiirinde ÖlmedenÖnce Ölme Temi”, Kubbealtı Akademi

Mecmua (37 Hk 2694), 128b-129a.

107

Horasan İrfanını Anadolu’ya Ulaştıran Kaynak Eserlerden Menâkıb-ı Şeyh Zâhid-i Geylânî

Mecmuası 36/2 (2007): 42-53.

Senâî. Be kûşiş-i Ali Muhammed Sâbirî,Rukiye Tîmûrî ve Ruhullah Muhammedî,http://www.sufi.ir/books/download/
farsi/sanai/divane-sanaie-noskheh2.pdf.
Erişim Tarihi: 09.02.2018.

Gaffârîferd, Abbaskuli. “Hâstgâh-ı Niyâkân-ıŞeyh Zâhid ve Mahall-i Künûnî-iÂrâmgâh-ı Û”, Pejûheşnâme-i Târîh 3/12
(1387): 65-81.

Serin, Rahmi. İslam Tasavvufunda Halvetîlik
ve Halvetîler. İstanbul: Petek Yayınları,
1984.

Gökbulut, Süleyman. “İbrahim ZâhidGîlânî Üzerine Bir İnceleme”, MevlânâDüşüncesi Araştırmaları Derneği SufiAraştırmaları Dergisi 7/13 (2016): 47-64.

Taşğın, Ahmet. “Piri Türkistan’ın Nefesinin
Rum Diyarına Ulaşması: Ölmeden ÖnceÖlmek”, Türk Yurdu Dergisi 105/352(2016): 32-34.

Gölpınarlı, Abdülbâki. 100 Soruda Tasavvuf.
İstanbul: Gerçek Yayınevi, 1985.
Harman, Ömer Faruk. “İdris”. Türkiye
Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, XXI,
2000, 478-480.

Trimingham, John Spencer. The Sufi Orders
in Islam. London: Oxford University
Press, 1971.

Hidâyet, Rızakulu Han. Tezkire-i Riyâzü’l‘Ârifîn. Be kûşiş-i Seyyid Razî Vâhidî ve
Suhrâb Zâri‘. http://www.sufi.ir/books/
download/farsi/hedayat/riaz-ul-arefin.
pdf. Erişim Tarihi: 05.03.2019.

Yılmaz, H. Kâmil. Anahatlarıyla Tasavvuf ve
Tarikatlar. İstanbul: Ensâr Neşriyat, 2004---, Azîz Mahmûd Hüdâyî ve CelvetiyyeTarîkatı. İstanbul: Erkam Yayınları, 1999.

İbn Bezzâz Erdebîlî. Safvetü’s-Safâ.
Mukaddime ve tashîh: Gulâm Rıza
Tabâtabâî Mecd. Tebriz: İntişârât-ıMusahhih, 1373.
Konur, Himmet. “Horasan’ın İslam ve
Tasavvuf Tarihine Katkısı (H. I-V. asırlar)”, Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi İlahiyat
Fakültesi Dergisi 21 (2005): 3-27.
Mecmua, Kastamonu Yazma Eserler Ktp., 37
Hk 2694, vr. 97a-133a.
Melville, Charles. “History and Myth: thePersianisation of Ghazan Khan”. IranoTurkic Cultural Contacts in the 11th – 17th
Centuries, ed. by Eva M. Jeremias, 133160. Piliscsaba: The Avicenna Instituteof Middle Eastern Studies, 2003.
Musalı, Namiq. Şeyh Zâhid Geylânî ve
Menâkıbı. Kastamonu: Hz. Pir ŞeyhŞa’bân-ı Veli Kültür Vakfı Yayınları,
2019.
Senâî, Hekim Ebü’l-Mecdûd b. Âdem. Dîvân-ı

108

ADEM URHAN

EKLERŞeyh Zâhid Menâkıbı’nın Son SayfasıŞeyh Zâhid Menâkıbı’nın İlk Sayfası

109

TASAVVUF ARAŞTIRMALARIENSTİTÜSÜ DERGİSİ

TAED JISSJOURNAL OF THE INSTITUTEFOR SUFI STUDIES

Responsive and Responsible Mutuality between the Human Self and
Her Ecosystem: A Perspective of Spiritual Humanism
Benlik ve Ekosistem Arasındaki Duyarlı ve Sorumlu Karşılıklılık: Mânevî
Hümanist Bir Yaklaşım
Jian Bao WANG*

Abstract

Keywords: Spiritual Humanism, Contemporary Neo-Confucianism, Ecology, Anthropocosmism.

ÖzDOİ: 10.32739/ustad.2024.5.65

Cilt/Volume: 3 • Sayı/Number: 1 • Mayıs/May 2024

This paper investigates possibilities for ‘responsive and responsible mutuality’ between the human self andher ecosystem from the perspective of ‘Spiritual Humanism’. Spiritual Humanism is a global discourse
emerging out of third-epoch Confucianism (so-called ‘Contemporary Neo-Confucianism’). As a theoreticalframework, Spiritual Humanism places Humanity (ren) in the center; all four dimensions - self, community,
Earth and Heaven - are transfused with the active vital power (qi) of Humanity (ren). The implicationsof this discourse for ethical practice, particularly in the context of the global ecological movement, aresignificant: corresponding human reverence for the natural world, rooted in ‘spiritual’ or anthropocosmic
rather than merely ‘secular’ or anthropocentric humanism, is a precondition for both environmental andintergenerational justice.

Bu makale, insan benliği ile ekosistemi arasındaki ‘duyarlı ve sorumlu karşılıklılık’ olanaklarını mânevî
hümanizm perspektifinden araştırmaktadır. Mânevî hümanizm, üçüncü dönem Konfüçyüsçülükten (kiÇağdaş Neo-Konfüçyüsçülük olarak adlandırılır) doğan küresel bir söylemdir. Teorik bir çerçeve olarak*

Dr, phil. Research Fellow&Director, Cheung Kong Graduate School of Business,
E-mail: jianbaowang@ckgsb.edu.cn.

Received: 03.05.2024

Accepted: 13.05.2024

Published: 31.05.2024

Cite as: Jian Bao Wang, “Responsive and Responsible Mutuality between the Human Self and Her Ecosystem: A Perspectiveof Spiritual Humanism ”, Journal of the Institute for Sufi Studies 3, 1 (2024): pp. 110-119.
This article is distributed under license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

110

KIE Inouemânevî hümanizm, insanlığı (ren) merkeze yerleştirir; dört boyutun tamamı -benlik, toplum, yer vegök- insanlığın (ren) aktif yaşamsal gücü (qi) ile aktarılır. Bu söylemin, özellikle küresel ekolojik hareketbağlamında, etik uygulamalar için çıkarımları önemlidir: Salt ‘seküler’ ya da insan merkezli hümanizmden
ziyade ‘rûhânî’ ya da antropokozmik temellere dayanan, doğal dünyayla uyumlu insânî hürmet, hemçevresel hem de nesiller arası adalet için bir ön koşuldur.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Mânevî hümanizm, çağdaş Neokonfüçyüsçülük, ekoloji, antropokozmizm.

1. Three Epochs of Confucianism andThree Generations of the Third Epochnomad Manchu who built up the last dynasty
in China called Qing (1644 CE-1911 CE).

The history of Confucianism is typicallydivided into three epochs: 1) from earliest
times, not later than Duke Zhou of the Zhou
Dynasty (1046 B.C.E. -256 B.C.E.) throughthe Han dynasty (202 B.C.E.-220 C.E.); NeoConfucianism from the Song (960-1279 C.E.)
through the Ming (1368-1644 C.E.) Dynasties,
and Confucian thought from the Opium War(1840 C.E.) to the present as the third epoch.1

The third epoch of Confucianism is represented by three distinct generations. The first
generation was represented by Xiong Shili,
Ma Yifu and Liang Shuming, who built on thescholars of the second epoch by referring to thespiritual resources of Buddhism and Daoism(and with relatively few Western references).
The second generation was represented by
Mou Zongsan, Feng Youlan, He Lin, Tang
Junyi, Fang Dongmei and Xu Fuguan etc.,
who conducted their research mainly basedon the Hellenic philosophical traditions, suchas Mou vs Kant, He and Tang vs Hegel, Feng
vs John Dewey and so forth, with relatively
little reference to the Abrahamic traditions(Judaism, Christianity and Islam).5

In its first epoch, Confucius succeeded indeveloping a comprehensive system of morality, ethics and politics from primordial rituals
and musical teachings.2
In its second epoch, owing to the fostering
influence of Neo-Daoism and Buddhism from
220 CE to the 10th century, Confucianism
enjoyed a renaissance, developing a systemof metaphysics, expanding into Asia, and fostering a Confucian Culture Sphere.3

As a prominent member of the third generation of “New Confucians,” Professor Tu
Weiming has deeply penetrated the mindsetof the Western world, not only referring toHellenic traditions but also Abrahamic traditions. In the words of Yao Xinzhong, Tu
Weiming “attempts to reshape the Confucian
perspective on the meaning of life by tracing
the humanistic understanding of life to transcendental sources, and therefore pinpointing
the spiritual value of Confucianism for a twenty-ﬁrst-century society.”6

In its third epoch, Confucianism lost its ideological leadership, retreating to the backgroundof daily life in Cultural China4 since the beginning of 20th century, or even as early as 1644
when mainland China was conquered by the1

Xinzhong Yao, An Introduction to Confucianism,(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 6-7.

2

Tu Weiming, The Global Significance of Concrete
Humanity; Essays on the Confucian Discourse in
Cultural China, (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 2010), 219.

3

Op. cit., 229–283.

4

J. Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate:
A Trilogy. Vol. III: The Problem of Historical Significance. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), v-vi.

111

5

Tu Weiming, The Global Significance, xii.

6

Xinzhong Yao, An Introduction to Confucianism,285.

ResponsiveandResponsibleMutualitybetweentheHumanSelfandHerEcosystem:APerspectiveofSpiritualHumanism

2. Review of Spiritual Humanism and
The Ecological Turn in Contemporary
neo-Confucianism

harmony between humankind and nature,and mutuality between the human heart-andmind and the Way of Heaven be attained.

Spiritual Humanism is the fruit of the continuous endeavors of the three generations,
implying an ecological turn of Confucianism.
In his 2018 Wang Yangming Lecture at the24th World Congress of Philosophy, Tu defines
Spiritual Humanism in the following terms:

Professor Tu’s article “The Ecological Turnin New Confucian Humanism: Implications
for China and the World”7 was also summarized by Joseph Camilleri in terms of “spiritualhumanism”:
Tu Weiming calls for ‘a comprehensive spiritual humanism’ capable of integrating thefour pillars of human flourishing: self, community, Earth and Heaven. What distinguishes the neo-Confucian holistic vision are thefour indispensable relationships that are said
to connect the four pillars: (1) fruitful interaction between self and community; (2) harmonization of community, which encompasses
regulation of family, governance of the stateand maintenance of world order; (3) a sustainable harmonious relationship between thehuman species and nature; and (4) mutual responsiveness between the ‘human heart-andmind’ and ‘the way of heaven’.8

1) From the perspective of Spiritual Humanism, each human being as endowed by the
Heavenly decree is intrinsically free, equal,
and able to realize what is great in us.
2) An equally crucial premise of Spiritual
Humanism is sanctity of the earth. Our universe is saturated with intrinsic value and numinous beauty. This reality cannot be provenby empirical data. Nor can it be grasped by
reductive logic from natural sciences such asneurobiology. Rather, it is a commitment, indeed a faith, which may or may not be theistic.
3) The grammar of theism strikes a sympathetic resonance in Spiritual Humanism.
Sacred places (cathedrals, churches, temples, mosques, synagogues), hymns, songs,
prayers, dances, festivals are beyond pretensions to scientific, philosophical, or theological control. All three great theistic religions
have spiritual resources and intellectual
depths to inspire us to sing songs of hope andexpress our gratitude to divine love. They
have made profound contributions to humanreligiosity.

On August 5, 2002, a seminar was cohosted by
the Association of China Philosophy History
and China Academy of Social Sciences in
Beijing to discuss Tu’s article by gathering
the most prominent Chinese scholars.9 Ecology
has since become a hot topic in the academic
world of Cultural China.
On a practical note, in 2013, Professor Tu initiated the establishment of the International
Confucian Ecological Alliance, a branch

4) Nevertheless, Spiritual Humanism may betheistic or pantheistic, and it embraces atheism and a variety of vitalism characteristic ofmost indigenous traditions as well.
5) It is manifested in the four inseparable dimensions of Confucian humanism: self, community, nature, and Heaven. Only through dialogue can integration of the body and mind,
fruitful interaction between self and society,112

7

Tu Weiming, “The Ecological Turn in New Confucian Humanism: Implications for China and theWorld,” Daedalus 130, 4 (2001): 244.

8

J. Camilleri, “A Just and Ecologically Sustainable
Peace: The Policy Imperative of Our Time,” in Towards a Just and Ecologically Sustainable Peace:
Navigating the Great Transition, ed. J. Camilleri, D.
Guess, D., (Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020),
34.

9

Tu Weiming, “Confucius and Ecology,” Chinese Philosophy History 3, 1 (2003): 5-18.

JIAN BAO WANG

of the International Religious Ecological
Alliance created by the Prince Philip, Dukeof Edinburgh.

China Climate Institute which is housed jointly
at UC Berkeley’s School of Law. Professor
Xiang emphasized that a key element of sustainable development in our time is to redefine
the relationship between man and nature which
has emerged in recent centuries.

In 2015, owning to the invitation of former French President François Hollande,
Professor Tu delivered a speech on behalfof Confucianism at the Summit of Climate
Conscience. This summit gathered more than
40 spiritual leaders from the world to steer thesignature of the coming Paris Agreement. In
this speech, Tu reminded his audience that

In our political and economic systems, limited incentives have been provided to truly carefor the long-term interest of humanity. This
collective myopia may have contributed toour environmental degradation and global climate change. Considering today’s advanced
technologies, we must address this issue before collective myopia pushes humanity to
extinction.

Spiritual Humanism can help to deepen theintellectual and moral depth of our environmental awareness. In order to change theethos of international politics, we must engage in dialogue on core values across cultures. Universal values currently recognizedsuch as liberty, rationality, legality, humanrights, and the dignity of the individual canand should be fruitfully compared as substantially enriched by the universal values embodied in virtually all cultures past and present,
notably brightness, justice, or fairness, civility, responsibility, and social solidarity. For
spiritual humanism, the focus is on commiseration, sympathy, empathy, compassion, andof course, care.10

Professor Xiang asserted.
3. Reflections on the Enlightenment
and the Ecosystem
Born in Europe, the Enlightenment has established values which have been genuinely welcomed by individual people all over the world:
freedom, equality, democracy, the rule of law
and the scientific method all represent qualitative leaps for human civilisation, enabling
comprehensive human development wherever
they have been implemented, and allowing a
global transformation from ‘ancient’ to ‘modern’ modes of economic and social life.

At the beginning of 2020, a research center on
new Business Civilization was newly established at Cheung Kong Graduate School ofBusiness (CKGSB) to explore the future of our
New Era, New Business and New Civilization,
especially the relationship between businessand the ecosystem. Professor Tu is the chairman of the Humanity Committee of CKGSB.
On October 14 2020, Professor Xiang Bing,
who is also well known as the founding dean of
CKGSB, delivered a speech on climate changeon the webinar affiliated with the California10

Despite their apparent universality,’Enlightenment values’ have spread aroundthe world from specific origins in Europe andthe United States; there have been periods in
Asian intellectual history, for instance, where
the word ‘modernisation’ has been taken as adirect synonym for ‘Westernization’ or even‘Americanization’. The existence of ‘multiple
modernities’, however -or at least an inherent
pluralism in various countries’ efforts at modernization- has now been firmly established byempirical research. In China, the ‘May 4, 1919’
and ‘New Culture’ movements in particular, for

Tu Weiming’s Speech in Paris on July 21 for a World
Summit of Conscience, video, 2:59:49 to 3:07:22, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MKqJAjC1dCI.

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ResponsiveandResponsibleMutualitybetweentheHumanSelfandHerEcosystem:APerspectiveofSpiritualHumanism

all their shortcomings, played important roles
in establishing local ‘sapere aude’ traditions.
The ‘Enlightenment mentality’, inherited fromthe post-industrial West, has prevailed in muchof China’s growth over the past half-century.
Tang Ke, head of the Chinese delegation, madea declaration at the United Nations Conferenceon Human Environment and Development in
Stockholm in June 1972, saying that we should
not stop developing our industries out of fearof environmental pollution.

control, rights without responsibility will
give excuse for plundering, and individual dignity will be left high and dry without social harmony.
Conversely, sympathy without rationality will
descend to spoiling, justice without liberty
will become compulsion, propriety without
law will lead to corruption, responsibility
without right will degenerate into oppression,and superficial social harmony without individual dignity will be experienced as a formof control.11

The Enlightenment indeed promoted humanprogress and rational science, while it alsobrought up many problems simultaneously, such as wealth inequality, the decline ofsocial mobility, and ecological destruction.
Furthermore, we will not solve these problems
if there is only liberty without justice, only
rationality without compassion, or only therule of raw without comity. Chinese influenceon key Enlightenment figures such as Leibniz
and Voltaire -a factor long neglected by academic researchers and perhaps now overplayed by them- should also not be completely ignored: the Enlightenment itself emergedout of a rich ferment and interplay of ideas inwhich Western thinkers borrowed liberally
from each other and also from non-Westernsources. Tu Weiming has a beautiful statement
regarding this on the kick-off ceremony of the24th World Congress of Philosophy in 2018 in
Beijing as follows:Moreover, if there is only Pareto Improvement
but no Confucian Improvement, then there
will be no shared prosperity of all countries
in the world.12
If we only talk about power, even ‘knowledge
as power’ or ‘soft power’13, we will remain indilemmas of hegemony, relying on power tosolve our problems.
We must overcome the arrogance ofEurocentrism, as well as overcome the absolutist belief that science can solve everything.
We should eliminate intellectual arrogancetheoretically by recognizing that local knowledge and local beliefs are also knowledge.
In a word, we need to understand the valuesof Enlightenment but ultimately surpass the‘Enlightenment mentality’. Also, Liberalism
cannot be slavishly followed but reshaped
as per the continuity of being. Rationality isbounded14, whereas globalization is boundless.

I think that the Confucian Humanity,
Rightness, Propriety, Wisdom and Sincerity are all universal values which canbe put in equal and mutually beneficial
dialogues with the universal values generated by the modern western Enlightenment, such as rationality, liberty, legality,
human rights, and human dignity.
Rationality without sympathy will become hard calculation, liberty without
justice will result in selfishness, law
without propriety will fall into ruthless

114

11

Tu Weiming, “The Confucian Universal Value,”Chuanshan Journal 17, 5 (2017): 1-4.

12

Tingyang Zhao, Redefining A Philosophy for World
Governance, trans. Liqing Tao, (Beijing: Foreign
Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co.,
Ltd. & Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), 59-64.

13Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: the Means to Successin World Politics, (New York: Public Affairs, 2005).

14

Herbert A. Simon, Reason in Human Affairs, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983), 19-20.

JIAN BAO WANG

4. Spiritual Humanism and the
Ecosystem

over 5000 years of continuity. By transforming
Buddhism to Chinese contexts, China avoided
the fate of Buddhist countries like Myanmaror Thailand; Confucianism itself was enrichedand enhanced by contact. Similarly, Spiritual
Humanism is the second Renaissance ofConfucius by learning from Hellenic andHebrew spiritualties.

Apocalyptic challenges, however -posed byenvironmental degradation, the spread of
weapons of mass destruction, global epidemics, accelerated technological transformationand growing disparities in wealth- have led(and will continue to lead) to fundamental
changes at all levels of human society in our
century. As Professor Tu articulated,

Tu Weiming’s Spiritual Humanism brings
together four dimensions of the commonly
shared human experience (self, community, Earth and Heaven) in order to define thehighest manifestation of human flourishing.
Tu’s Confucian approach to modernity transcends the Enlightenment mentality without
rejecting its gains, reshaping but not blindly
following liberalism for the 21st century, andrebuilding the identity of Cultural China via
the practice of “Dialogical Dialogue” and center-to-center unisons with other civilizations.18
Confucianism,as a local value, could realize
her global significance through dialogues
among civilizations for the human community.

Today virtually all Axial-age civilizations
are going through their own distinctive formsof transformation in response to the multiple
challenges of modernity. One of the most crucial questions they face is what wisdom they
can offer to reorient the human developmental
trajectory of the modern world in light of thegrowing environmental crisis.15
Among all these Axial-age traditions,Confucianism is facing the most direct existential threat. Joseph Levenson worried that
Confucius would be put in a museum as amummy.16 Levenson was sad for the miserable
fate of all Axial traditions, including his own
faith Judaism, yet he believed that the funeralof Confucius would be the first held. However,after more than half a century, all the Axial
Age traditions including Confucianism aresurviving and even flourishing. Nowadays, theConfucian Economic Sphere (CES) includes
Mainland China, Japan, Korea, Hong Kong
SAR, Macao SAR and Taiwan of ROC. The
overall GDP of these 8 countries or regions,as a sphere, surpassed the USA in 2015 after
nearly two centuries lagging behind the modernized western bloc.17

Spiritual Humanism realizes three layers oftransformation of the core value of Confucian
Humanity (ren). First, Confucians should learn
from the best of Enlightenment values, suchas rationality, justice, legality, human rights,
and economic growth. Second, Confucian
cultural entities should establish the identityof ‘cultural man’ via justice, sympathy, ritualand social harmony. Third, in a new era, allhumanity should seek and embrace ecologicalhumanism, learning to be ‘ecological man’.
Spiritual Humanism manages some uniquecontributions to this new “Trinity,” which
implies economic man, cultural man and ecological man. If economic man’s rationality prevails, then there is no compassion and justice,but only capital remains and flows across theboundaries.

Confucian spirituality is a restless horizon with
15

Tu Weiming, The Global Significance, 382.

16

Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate, III:
76-82. Levenson paid condolence to Confucianism aswell as other Axial age civilizations.

17

Xiang Bing, Harmony without Uniformity for Confucian Economic Sphere, 2018, http://w w w.f tchinese.com /stor y/001075787?archive.

18

115

Tu Weiming, “Spiritual Humanism: An Emerging
Global Discourse,” Chuanshan Journal 21, 1 (2021):
1-7.

ResponsiveandResponsibleMutualitybetweentheHumanSelfandHerEcosystem:APerspectiveofSpiritualHumanism

If a ‘New Enlightenment’ is indeed required,it will only be reached by standing on theshoulders of the giants who made the oldone possible and infusing their wisdom withexternal impulses. This not only means thesons of Athens and Jerusalem, however, butmore broadly the ‘best that has been thought
and said’ in all axial civilizations and indigenous traditions. In this context, perhaps a few
ancient Chinese concepts will finally attain
global significance.

states initiated from modern Europe, which
are characterized by slogans such as “America
First “and “Vive La France”. Due to the boundaries of nation-states, international peace cannot be guaranteed as long as nationalism andnational interests are the first priority.
Tianxiadatong (‘the Great Unity of All Under
Heaven’), unpopular among Western and other
non-Chinese intellectuals for its historicalassociations with Chinese imperial power,
can in fact be more charitably understoodas an antidote to nationalism and a balm forintercivilisational wounds. Only a genuinely
post-nationalist horizon, indeed, will allow
human beings to address their common problems and assume their shared responsibilities
instead of sinking back into ‘My Country
First!’ sloganeering and Cold War-era zerosum espionage. The COVID-19 pandemic
has reinforced the fact that our destinies areheavily intertwined; no single country, moreover, can hope to control the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction, the accelerationof anthropogenic climate change, or questionsof global justice and structural inequality on its
own. The path of peace and ‘dialogue among
civilisations’ is hence not to be understoodas the calculated choice of the Chinese government among a smorgasbord of available
options; now and for the foreseeable future, itis the only sensible choice that any individual
country and its people can possibly hope to
make. This dialogical imperative, however,falls most heavily of all on those nations (nonemore so than China itself) who are responsible
for avoiding the ‘Thucydides Trap’ of superpower conflagration which China’s meteoric
economic rise presages.

a. He-er-bu-tong (‘Harmony without
Uniformity’)
The principle of heerbutong refers not only
to the free expression of individuals, but also
to the self-realisation of these free individuals
as social beings within the human collective.
All spiritual traditions have faced the arduous
challenge of unleashing individual creativity
while also securing collective security andjustice; if the recipes of the Axial civilisations
may be more or less well known around theworld, many indigenous resources continue
to be neglected: a renewed cultural self-confidence among all peoples would allow positive
examples to shine from everywhere, thereby
keeping the proselytizing impulses of dominant cultures in check and preventing ‘universalism’ from collapsing into imported orimperialistic abstraction. A culture of global
curiosity towards the new -of active welcomingof the different and unknown and potentiallybetter- would then be allowed to triumph overnationalisms and particularistic ideologies ofall stripes without succumbing to the traps ofmoral relativism or nihilism.
b. Tian-xia-da-tong (‘the Great Unity of
All under Heaven’)c. Tian-ren-he-yi (Unity of Heaven and
Man or Bringing Heaven and Humanity
into Harmony [Without Uniformity])

Theoretical resources for cultural identity andfiduciary community are enriched by Spiritual
Humanism. Fiduciary Communities can surpass the limitation and boundaries of nation-

The Confucian idea of the ‘unity of heaven andman’ is transformed into an ‘anthropocosmic’116

JIAN BAO WANG

doctrine or antropocosmicism to gain global
significance. Tu Weiming regards the idea of
the good life asagency in the world, but also represents a callto responsibility: if we are free to ‘complete’
the will of Heaven, we are also free not to doso; in short, from Heaven’s less than omnipotent perspective, we are capable of terrible
and irreversible harm as well as importantand irreplaceable good. However, on the otherside, not only the Enlightenment mentality but
also the “theological mentality”, as Hossein
Nasr has argued, has been guilty of excessive
anthropocentrism:a continuous process of learning, whichmeans self-realization, [an evocation of] asense of the transcendent. In other words, it isnot [fully realizable in] the secular age whichCharles Taylor talks about, but lies beyond thesecular age. […] The fully human has to go
beyond anthropocentricity to include both theanthropological and the cosmological. This is
the anthropocosmic vision. 19

In the whole world, Protestant evangelical
Christians are the group least interested inpreserving the environment. I had a debate
the other day with someone. There’s at least
two of these people have written three bookson the idea that Christ is going to soon come,and the faithful are going to be uplifted, andeveryone else is going to be destroyed. They
make millions of dollars all the time, theseevangelicals on television, and so forth.20

Among other potential boons, this concept
offers 21st-century humanity a chance toreorient its relationship with the natural
world. The Cartesian dualism at the heart of
the Enlightenment’s secular humanist desacralisation and instrumentalisation of nature
may have opened up vital avenues of modern scientific inquiry, but by marginalising
religious wisdom concerning the presence ofthe divine in everyday life, the Enlightenment
unleashed a pathological and unsustainable
Faustian drive to dominate nature which is as
ruinous of individual human spirituality as
it is of the environment. Without collapsing
into premodern superstition, ’disenchanted’
anthropocentric cosmologies must give way to
new forms of spiritual life which reimbue thenatural world with meaning. The wisdom of
the African proverb ‘The Earth is entrusted to
us by future generations’ is now being incorporated in one form or other into the Abrahamic
traditions’ respective 21st-century theologies.

Corresponding human reverence for the natural world, rooted in ‘spiritual’ or anthropocosmic rather than merely ‘secular’ or anthropocentric humanism, is a precondition for both
environmental and intergenerational justice.
Both Hellenic and Hebrew spiritualties could
refer to Spiritual Humanism for their own greattransformations and enrich their ecologicaldimensions.
Concluding Remarks: Responsive andResponsible Mutuality between the
Human Self and Her Ecosystem
Spiritual Humanism promotes the global significance of Confucianism itself, yet Spiritual
Humanism supplies a universal language of“learning to be human”. Let’s take software
as an example. The Microsoft system is different from Apple system. The files with different formats cannot be opened and read by

On the traditional Confucian view, meanwhile, human beings are subjects as well as
objects in the creative transformation of theuniverse: the phrase tian-sheng-ren-cheng(‘Heaven engenders and humans complete’)summarises this proactive attitude to human19

Tu Weiming, et al, Toward a Dialogical Civilization. Dialogues, (-In prep.- Independently published,2024), 145.

20 Tu Weiming, et. al., Toward a Dialogical Civilization. Dialogues, 98.

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ResponsiveandResponsibleMutualitybetweentheHumanSelfandHerEcosystem:APerspectiveofSpiritualHumanism

either side. But the content of the files are thesame once the file is opened by either side.
Nevertheless, the codes behind the softwareare still different. Similarly, religious languages are not universal languages, despite
the attempts of Hans Küng and others to create
grammars of interreligious dialogue. While
many religious dogmas seek transcendence,
Confucianism embraces the concrete living
person here and now. ‘Heaven engenders;
humans complete.’ Implicit in this proclamation of partnership is the idea that, throughhuman effort, Heaven’s creative vitality canbe brought to fruition on Earth. As a theoretical framework, Spiritual Humanism offers atheory of ecology by placing Humanity (ren)in the center; all four dimensions -self, community, Earth and Heaven- are transfusedwith the active vital power of Humanity (ren).
Responsive and responsible communication
between humankind and nature, beyond thelogic of domination, is hence made possible.
An important spiritual exercise in the practiceof Confucian self-cultivation is to extend our
sympathetic feelings so that they encompass
an ever-expanding network of human andnon-human relatedness under Heaven.

indigenous traditions, in the long run an ‘overlapping consensus’ can be observed: namely, acommon humanistic ethos of ultimate concern
for the place of human beings -and the precious
essence that they contain- in a wider schemeof cosmic meaning. The Habermasian call toreinspect and reexcavate the Enlightenment
tradition is a valid and necessary one, but it
will not be sufficient to achieve the horizon ofa ‘New Enlightenment’ in the 21st century: forthat, the worst of the ‘Enlightenment mentality’ must be excised via contact with foreigncultural elements. The result will not be an‘End of History’ or one-size-fits-all global ideology, but rather a house fit for free individual
personalities and civilisations to inhabit. China
has a vital role to play in the building of thishouse, to be sure, but its influence will remain
far smaller than that of the rest of the worldcombined. If a ‘New Enlightenment’ projectis to succeed, the spirit of dialogue characteristic of all axial civilisations and indigenous
traditions at their best must be encouraged toflourish everywhere.
“The anthropocosmic idea addresses theinterplay between Heaven’s creativity as
expressed in the cosmological process andhumans’ creativity as embodied in Heaven’s
life-generating transformation.”21 Just as thegreat Jewish theologian Martin Buber pays
tribute to I and Thou22, Mencius, the great
Chinese sage, argued already in 300 B.C.E.
for the idea of the “Great Body,” embodying
a faith that “the myriad things are already inme”. This is not an imagined possibility but
an achievable state. We can expand our active
vital energy (qi) to enable it to fill the space
between Heaven and Earth.

In this shared future, we are all one global family. Spiritual Humanism offers a language oflearning to be human to overcome the dangers
of narrow specialization and abstract inclusivism. The theme of the 24th World Congressof Philosophy was ‘Learning to Be Human’,
which is the common spiritual humanist foundation for dialogue among civilizations. Hand
in hand, let’s solve the problem of the ‘clash of
civilisations’ through a dialogue which drives
the Axial Civilizations towards a New Axial
Civilization.
All great civilisations are in a constant state ofmutual learning from each other and strengthening of each other. Despite important differences among the Axial civilisations and other21

Tu Weiming, “An ‘Anthropocosmic’ Perspective on
Creativity,” Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2 (2010): 7305-7311.

22 Martin Buber, I and Thou, trans. Ronald Gregor
Smith, (Edinburg: T. &T. Clark, 1950), 3-4.

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JIAN BAO WANG

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