Interregional Interaction Strategies in the Early State
Formation of Ancient Japan
NAKAKUBO Tatsuo1
ABSTRACTThis paper discusses the inﬂuences that cultural interaction with China and the Korean Peninsulafrom the third to sixth centuries AD had on the early state formation process of the JapaneseArchipelago. The author proposes that the nature of interregional interaction during this period canbe broadly divided into a “goods importation strategy”, in which technologically advanced goods
were imported from the continent, and a “technology-knowledge adoption strategy”, in which theelite of the Japanese Archipelago were able to engineer and control technology innovation by inviting
immigrant groups who were able to provide advanced technology and knowledge. By strategically
employing one or the other, the central and regional elite of the archipelago were able to enhancetheir foundations of power. The author analyzes these strategies on the “macro scale and longterm”, “medium scale”, and “local scale and short term”, marshaling a wealth of archaeological
data. This paper adopts an archaeological approach in order to understand the nature of state
formation in the Japanese Archipelago from the perspective of intercultural interaction strategies.
KEYWORDS: Intercultural interaction, pottery, immigrants, state formation, ancient Japan

Introduction: Theories of ancient Japanese state formation
How did the ancient state come to be in the Japanese Archipelago? In this paper, the author
adopts an archaeological approach to suggest that the intercultural interaction conducted
between the Japanese Archipelago and the various regions of East Asia played an essential
role in the state formation process of this region. It is the author’s expectation that further
analytical treatment of the broad issues discussed in this paper will greatly contribute to ourcurrent understanding.
The ancient state of the Japanese Archipelago, characterized by a written legal code andbureaucratic system, reached completion with the enactment of the Taihō legal codes in
AD 701. Many scholars assert that the ritsuryō system of the late 7th century, which formed
the basis for the later Taihō codes, paved the way for the establishment of the ancient state.
A major area of contention, however, is when this state formation process actually began.
Needless to say, inquiry into the origins or workings of a state enables scholars to situate that
1 Faculty of Humanities, Kyoto Tachibana University, Yamashina-ku, Kyoto 607–8175, Japan (nakakubo@tachibana-u.ac.jp)
Category: Original Article Received: 27 March 2020; Accepted: 4 November 2020
JAPANESE JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY 8 (2020): 79–124

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state within human history and is a welcome and necessary debate.
Within this debate over when the state formation process began, important junctures
have been proposed for the 3rd, 5th, and 7th centuries. The three main positions can besummarized as follows: That which proposes a political consolidation over a wide stretchof the archipelago under the Yamatai polity, which is mentioned in the History of the Three
Kingdoms, a 3rd-century Chinese chronicle; that which proposes an increased centralizationof government during the 5th century, which saw tribute sent to the Chinese Song dynasty
during the “age of the ﬁve kings of Wa”; and that which emphasizes the diplomatic missions
sent to Sui China and the Taika Reforms (645) in the ﬁrst half of the 7th century. Stretching
the 350 years from the middle of the 3rd century to the 7th century, the Kofun period broadly
encompasses each of these junctures, making an evaluation of its position within the state
formation process a central area of inquiry essential to this debate.
It is important to note that each of these junctures coincides with signiﬁcant changes
in the political map of East Asia and signiﬁcant changes in the nature of interculturalinteraction between the Wa (the people of the Japanese archipelago) and its neighbors(Yoshida 1998): in other words, the decline of the Later Han and the political fragmentationof the Three Kingdoms during the 3rd century; the beginning of the Northern and Southern
Dynasties in the 5th century; and the uniﬁcation of China by the Sui and Tang in the 7th
century. For polities in the Japanese Archipelago, located on the fringe of the sphere ofChinese inﬂuence, interaction with East Asian societies across the ocean was of no small
importance. This has led scholars to consider state formation within ancient Japan to havebeen that of the secondary state, a process galvanized by the inﬂuence from the organicallyformed primary state (Fukunaga 2005).
Since 2000, attention has been increasingly given not only to Wa’s relationship with the
Chinese dynasties, but also to its competitive relationship with other societies throughout East
Asia, in particular Goguryeo, Baekje, Silla, and the Gaya polities on the Korean Peninsula(F. Tanaka 2005; Park 2007; Ban 2009; Inoue 2014; Takata 2014; Woo 2014; Lee 2016; Kim
2017). This is largely due to an increase in excavations in Korea, easier access to Koreansite reports, and the advance of typological research aimed at clarifying the backgroundof and changes in peninsula-style objects uncovered from the Japanese Archipelago. This
has enabled archaeological debate on the movement of goods and people and the realityof interaction between these societies. Importantly, previous theories that once garneredconsiderable attention, such as EGAMI Namio’s “horse-rider theory” and the conceptionof Mimana nihonfu as a Wa outpost for control over the Korean Peninsula, have beenthoroughly refuted with archaeological evidence (Isahaya 2012; Takata 2014). Furthermore,
the ideas laid out in this paper are based on the signiﬁcant amount of archaeological dataamassed in Japan through excavation and typological research of artifacts.
East Asian archaeology has the potential to contribute invaluable case studies of© Japanese Archaeological Association80

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intercultural interaction to the global state-formation debate. Over the past ten years,
numerous works have been published (Barnes 2007; Mizoguchi 2014; Byington et al. 2018;
Knopf et al. 2018). As the diachronic impact of interregional interaction and the acceptanceof immigrant culture has not been suﬃciently investigated, however, the author aims todiscuss in this paper the role these elements played in the state formation process.
Overview of the Kofun period In Japanese archaeology, the period when tombs
covered with prominent earthen mounds were built is called the Kofun period. Thesemounded tombs or kofun were built for the central and local elite and can be consideredpolitical monuments functioning as a means of rule (Fukunaga 2018). The history of
research on the Kofun period and the current state of research have been presented in several
recent works (e.g., Wada 2011; Fukunaga 2014; Nakakubo 2018b).
The Kofun period was preceded by the Yayoi period, which saw the introduction andwidespread adoption of wet-rice agriculture, moated settlements, and bronze and iron,which were used alongside traditional stone tools. It was followed by the Asuka period,
which saw the construction of Buddhist temples as monuments and a full-ﬂedged palace,in addition to the use of writing for administrative purposes. During the Kofun period, themoated settlements that characterized the previous Yayoi period fell into disuse and elite
residences distinct from the living area of the general population appeared, coinciding
with the accumulation of surplus beyond the needs of the community. Access to resources
became unequal, a disproportionate amount of labor was invested in mounded-tombconstruction, and diﬀerences in the quality and quantity of burial goods became moreprevalent. Considering these circumstances, this period is considered to have witnessed theemergence of a class society, marked by the spread of disparity and inequality (Tsude 1991).1
Wedged between two disparate historical periods, the issue of what mechanisms contributed
to this spread of inequality during the Kofun period is an important area of inquiry within
the state-formation discussion.
Within a class structure, ownership over the means of production and one’s place inthe organization of labor are contingent upon one’s place in society, leading to an unequal
distribution of wealth. Parsing this abstract relationship is diﬃcult, however, even from thewritten record. Chinese chronicles, such as the Book of Wei, contained within the Historyof the Three Kingdoms, and the Book of Song, and domestic histories compiled in the 8th
century, such as the Nihon shoki and Kojiki, are invaluable resources in the study of ancientJapan. Regional gazetteers known as fudoki also contain a wealth of information concerning
8th-century local society. However, the Nihon shoki and Kojiki were compiled approximately
a century after the Kofun period ended by the governing elite in order to legitimize theirrule and require careful textual criticism; these concerns also apply to the regional fudoki.
In this regard, the archaeological record is useful in that it provides a contemporaneous
account of the period in question. Having said that, it is of course diﬃcult to reconstruct© Japanese Archaeological Association

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relations of production from the archaeological record. It is more productive to analyze thelabor invested in mounded-tomb construction, the size and arrangement of settlements,
the scale and temporal development of storehouses, and other data from the archaeologicalrecord in order to attempt to understand the meaningful diﬀerences among these factors(Tsude 1991). It is also necessary to reconsider the theoretical background to the emergenceof class and the creation of inequality.
Theoretical background How can the Kofun period be situated within the state
formation process? Since the second half of the 20th century, both ﬁelds of ancient history
and archaeology have been strongly inﬂuenced by Marxist views of history.
While Marxist inﬂuence remains strong in the ﬁeld of ancient history, more attention
has been given to outside inﬂuences on Japan’s state formation since the 1970s (Ishimoda
1971). Within archaeology, since the 1960s, in addition to typological research on artifacts,
the nature of production sites, such as those related to ironworking, ceramics, and saltmaking, has been greatly clariﬁed and a signiﬁcant amount of research has amassed on thesubstructure of society. Since the 1970s, archaeologists have reconstructed the production–
circulation–consumption process through analysis of artifact typology and geographic
distribution and demonstrated the signiﬁcance of intercultural interaction, shedding lighton trade with distant places, trade routes, and the movement of people from other cultures.
In addition to the theoretical framework emphasizing the accumulation of surplus leading
to the division of labor and increased specialization ushering in class separation, attention
has increasingly been paid to the idea that the elite promoted the division of labor as an
economic strategy, inﬂuenced strongly by theoretical research from the English-speaking
world. Speciﬁcally, researchers have come to focus on foreign objects (prestige goods)
that, while often having no intrinsic practical value, are prized as wealth goods in certain
societies or cultures; research has focused on tracing the signiﬁcance of their movement into
and within a society. Additionally, researchers have categorized exchanged goods and thetypes of exchange in order to clarify the connection between exchange and power. Timothy
Earle’s systematic formulation of social relationships, economic power, military might,
and ideology as sources of elite power has also been widely referenced within Japanesearchaeology (Earle 1997).
Representative research includes that by TSUDE Hiroshi and FUKUNAGA Shin’ya. Within
his treatment of the ancient state formation process, Tsude suggested a strong relationshipexisted between the procurement of iron raw materials and other goods from abroad andsocial reorganization (Tsude 1991). Based upon his analysis of imported Chinese bronze
mirrors, Fukunaga suggested that control over goods symbolizing foreign authority
promoted sociopolitical consolidation (Fukunaga 2005). These perspectives are consistent
with the research trend seen across the world emphasizing the important role played byinterregional interaction in the state formation process.
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INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION STRATEGIES IN THE EARLY STATE FORMATION OF ANCIENT JAPANIn this manner, intercultural interaction focused on the exchange of goods has come to beemphasized within the archaeological debate over state formation.
Geographical backdrop When considering intercultural interaction, scale is an
important factor: Over what distance were goods or information exchanged or did people
move?
The geographical area covered in this paper is focused on the East Asian region,
comprising the eastern edge of the Eurasian continent, the southern Korean Peninsula, andthe central Japanese Archipelago. Within the Japanese Archipelago, focus will be placed
mostly on the Kinki region, located roughly in the center of the island of Honshū. A crescentarc of islands, the modern country of Japan spans approximately 3,000 km north to southand 3,000 km east to west. Meanwhile, the Korean Peninsula measures approximately
1,000 km north to south. While the area of the Korean Peninsula measures 219,020 km2,
the area of the Japanese Archipelago’s main island of Honshū alone measures 227,900 km2.
The extent of mounded tomb (kofun) construction stretches from the southern Tōhoku
region to the southern island of Kyūshū, a direct length of approximately 1,300 km. As
approximately 70% of Japan’s land comprises mountains and hills, however, a transportationroute in line with the actual terrain would measure approximately 1,800 km. While waterborne travel utilizing rivers and the ocean was common throughout Japan’s history, it
was during Japan’s ancient period that a land-borne travel network developed (Ichi 2016).
Needless to say, contact with other societies throughout the East Asian world required travelby sea, making ocean travel indispensable for ancient intercultural interaction.
Owing to these geographical conditions, a treatment of interregional interaction during
Japan’s Kofun period requires a discussion of scale. Starting from the Kinki region, relations
with the Korean Peninsula would require a range of over 1,000 km. On the other hand, when
considering the eﬀect that immigrant culture had on the power base of the central polity, ourfocus narrows to the Kinki region, a range of less than 100 km. Moreover, in a discussionof how immigrant culture aﬀected the relationship between the elite and society, the range
narrows further to less than 10 km.
Such issues of scale are essential when weighing the viability of and formulating new
theoretical models of state-formation. Theoretical models of state formation are varied:
They include investigations of the relationship between center and periphery based on
Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-systems approach; Colin Renfrew’s peer polity interaction
model, which posits that competition between independent polities leads to social change(Renfrew 1972); Joyce Marcus’ dynamic model that suggests that a polity does notcontinuously develop as if climbing stairs, but rather consolidates, expands, and dissolves
in an oscillating cycle (Marcus 1998); and the dual processual approach, which categorizes
elite power strategies into corporate and network strategies in its analysis of social change(Blanton et al. 1996).
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Parkinson and Galaty suggest that layered temporal and geographic scales of analysis
be applied: “The macro scale and the long term”; “the medium scale”; and “the local scale
and the short term” (Parkinson & Galaty 2009, pp. 11–18). They suggest that the worldsystems approach and dynamic model are more suited for exploring economic relations
over the macro scale, such as the procurement of raw materials and long-distance tradeof goods between center and periphery, and long-term variability in the organization ofpolities; these models are appropriate for long-term cases spanning several hundred toseveral thousand years and a geographical range of over 1,000 km. On the other hand, thepeer polity interaction model, while often applied to polities of widely varying sizes, is
proposed to be best suited for several decades to a century and a distance of ﬁve to 100 km.
Additionally, under the dual processual approach, the network strategy translates into
highly individualizing social diﬀerentiation through, for example, individual prestige or
the exchange of wealth goods, while the corporate strategy translates into group-oriented
dispersed power through the production of necessary agricultural goods, communal ritual,and the construction of public works; these factors make it appropriate for a temporal scaleof a single generation or the geographical scale of a particular settlement (under 5 km)(Parkinson & Galaty 2009).
Considering the geographic environment elaborated above, the author considers thisapproach particularly useful when conducting an investigation of Japan’s ancient state
formation process. Gina Barnes’ pioneering application of core-periphery and peer-polity
interaction models to the relationship between the Japanese Archipelago and the Korean
Peninsula is highly instructive. The author argues, however, that an understanding of thearchipelago during the Kofun period would also greatly beneﬁt from an approach thatconsiders both (1) the independence of local areas (under 5 km) and (2) the widespreadsharing of mortuary rituals and burial goods.
Political ﬂuctuations that enveloped both the center and periphery during the ﬁrst thirdof the 4th century, the last third of the 4th century, and the early 6th century are apparent inpatterns of mounded-tomb construction and burial goods and were closely linked to changes
in interregional interaction (Fukunaga 2005; Park 2007; Woo 2014). A “macro-scale andlong-term” or “medium scale” approach is useful when considering the background ofchanges in hegemony and the decline in trade networks. On the other hand, a “local-scaleand short-term” approach, making use of detailed mounded-tomb and settlement data,
is appropriate for examining regime changes between polities and elite strategies within
local society of importing foreign goods and adopting new technology. In this paper, theauthor attempts to decipher the strategies that characterized the various elite throughout thearchipelago as they struggled to achieve and maintain political power.
Next, after brieﬂy covering the theoretical background of the state formation theories
seen in Japanese archaeology, the author will present the model used in this paper.
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Recent research trends There are two main currents of thought in the discussion ofinterregional interaction during the Kofun period. The ﬁrst reconstructs the interaction
between the elite of East Asia through typological research and geographical distributionof burial goods uncovered from mounded tombs (Mizuno 1969; Fukunaga 2005; Park
2007, 2018; Isahaya 2012; Inoue 2014; Takata 2014; Kim 2017). The second reconstructs
the activity of a wide swath of sociopolitical ranks, mainly focusing on trade, culturalinﬂuences, and the movement of people throughout East Asia through analyses of artifacts
uncovered from settlement sites (Sekigawa 1988; Takesue 1991; Imazu 1994; Kameda 1993,
2012, 2018; K. Tanaka 2005; Kusumi 2007; Nakano 2008; Nagatomo 2010; Nakakubo 2012,2017; Sakai 2013; Terai 2018). This can be called the immigrant-based approach (Seki 1956).
Research belonging to the former includes that on bronze mirrors imported from China(deity-and-beast mirrors with an image band, triangle-rimmed deity-and-beast mirrors,etc.), whorl- and cylindrical-shaped bronze implements and other military accessories, ironarmor (lamellar helmets and framed helmets and cuirasses), horse trappings, accessories(belt buckles, gilt-bronze earrings, and crowns), gilt-bronze pommeled swords, and glassor gilt-bronze dining ware. This research has enabled the elucidation of political relations
between the central polity and regional elite of the Japanese Archipelago and various
regions throughout East Asia.
Within the second current, the advance of research on the pottery of the JapaneseArchipelago and Korean Peninsula has enabled the reconstruction of trade networks and thedetermination of the homeland and destination of immigrants. Additionally, archaeology
has been able to recreate to some extent the nature of interaction in cultural and religious
arenas, such as clothing, horse-sacriﬁcing rituals, and the acceptance of Buddhism.
These two currents, however, treat diﬀerent datasets and have progressed relatively
independent of one another in the ﬁeld of East Asian archaeology. In this paper, the author
presents a model of interregional interaction that encompasses both the elite and the general
population and attempts to reconstruct the nature of interregional interaction during the
Kofun period.

(1)

Two types of interregional interaction

Two types of interregional interaction Interregional interaction during the Kofun
period can be generalized into two model types (Figure 1).
The ﬁrst type is called the “goods importation strategy” and describes eﬀorts to obtain
advanced goods and resources from China and the Korean Peninsula; the second typeis called the “technology-knowledge adoption strategy” and describes eﬀorts to control
technological innovation by inviting foreign craftsmen with advanced technology. These
two strategy types can represent diﬀerences in approaches by the elite, including thecentral elite, regional elite, and powerful families, with these diﬀerences not only greatly© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Figure 1.

Two strategies of intercultural interaction© Japanese Archaeological Association86

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aﬀecting their power base, but determining their very character, itself. While this approach
operates mainly within the “local-scale and short-term,” analysis of the relationship between
emergent political groups sharing similar strategies and spanning several generations or
regions may necessitate the application of the “medium” and “macro-scale and long-term”
models.
Let us ﬁrst consider the goods importation strategy. Elites earned public esteem andadmiration through the procurement of advanced goods and valuable materials throughlong-distance trade. If imported goods were items necessary for daily life, such as salt,
grains, textiles, and metals, a deﬁnitive economic disparity would arise between those who
were able to procure these goods and those who were not. Additionally, the procurement of
exquisite imported wealth goods would bestow prestige and symbolize authority. Moreover,the eﬃcacy of such prestige goods would be ampliﬁed if they originated in more advanced
cultures or were made in, for example, an imperial workshop. Monopolizing the importationof prestige goods and distributing them to friendly elites would engender preeminence even
within the elite community and strengthen political power. The discussion of staple ﬁnanceand wealth ﬁnance is highly instructive in this regard (D’Altroy & Earle 1985).
The importation of goods from abroad through long-distance trade with outside societies
required securing trade routes and prompted the creation of trade centers that acted as
midway points. The growth of long-distance trade encouraged the establishment of points oftrade along trade routes, allowing the formation of a broad trade network. In order to beneﬁt
from such trade, the elite of each region would need to cooperate with those who owned
territory that included these trade centers. Through such eﬀorts, elites playing a central
role in the trade network could achieve preeminence, political and economic horizontal ties
could be strengthened, and a far-reaching sociopolitical consolidation could be achieved.
This type of interregional interaction can cease to function properly, however, if thepolitical situation behind the material resources becomes unstable. In other words, this typeof interaction is an unstable source of power.
The other type of interaction, the technology-knowledge adoption strategy, actively
encourages the immigration of outside groups with advanced technology and knowledge
in order to realize the local production of advanced goods. Through the adoption ofadvanced technology and knowledge from the outside and control over production anddistribution, elites were able to stably increase their economic power. Bolstered by theirstable economic base, elites that succeeded in practicing this strategy were able to achieve
political preeminence over other elites. While the successful formation of a new production
system would incur costs in the management of technology, production, and distribution, its
continued operation could be expected to galvanize the organization of a system of social
governing. Additionally, the successful provisioning and transplantation of technology
would be rewarded by the ﬁnished product. In other words, while this strategy encompasses© Japanese Archaeological Association

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various costs, it is characterized by relative stability. Areas of instability may include tending
to friction between immigrant and native groups. In such cases, a necessary function of theelite is the coordination and mediation among groups, requiring charisma and, at times,
force. Various administrative functions are expected to develop, including control overresidents, allocation of land for residence, and the development of necessary infrastructure.
Additionally, in the event that the outside society in question is more advanced, knowledge
surrounding ruling and administration may be adopted and utilized. In this way, verticalsocial relations gradually develop and organizational and administrative functions become
increasingly necessary.
Within the technology-knowledge adoption strategy, sustained human interaction andthe role of immigrants bringing advanced technology and knowledge are of particularimportance. Most research on interregional interaction has focused on the movement ofgoods or the relations that formed the backdrop to such movement. The author suggests
it is necessary, however, to move away from simple ideas of diﬀusion and focus on the
introduction of new technologies and cultures through intercultural exchange.
The author suggests that the shift from the goods importation strategy to the technologyknowledge adoption strategy contributed to the expansion of the central polity’s power baseduring the Kofun period. In the next section, let us consider the role these two strategies
played in the state formation process of the Japanese Archipelago, marshaling case studies
from East Asian archaeology.

(2)

Archaeological case study 1: The 3rd to 4th centuries

In this section, let us examine the interregional interaction of the 3rd to 4th centuries, paying
attention to the historical background and marshaling archaeological data as necessary.
Distribution of prestige goods and the necessity of iron Interregional interaction
during the Early Kofun period, from the middle of the 3rd century to the middle of the 4th
century, was overwhelmingly based upon the goods importation strategy (Figure 2). Indeed,from a “macro-scale and long-term” perspective, relations with the East Asian world were
especially important for the Japanese Archipelago, which was located on the fringe of theadvanced Chinese sphere of inﬂuence. The importation and redistribution of goods derivingfrom China and the Korean Peninsula and the maintenance of such long-distance traderoutes proved important for the elite composing the central Yamato polity.
In East Asia, bronze mirrors played an integral role in interregional interaction; in thecase of the Japanese Archipelago, the importation of bronze mirrors was monopolized by
the Yamatai polity of the Terminal Yayoi period and the Yamato polity of the Early Kofun
period through tributary relations with the Wei and Jin Chinese courts. Queen Himiko sent
envoys to the Wei in 239, 243, and 247, and the design behind the mission sent to the Western
Jin by her successor Iyo in 266 was to receive outside acknowledgement of her position as© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Figure 2. The political situation and trade network of East Asia during the 3rd century (numbers
in parentheses correspond to the list of site reports at the end of this paper)© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Wa paramount.
This is symbolized potently by the triangle-rimmed deity-and-beast mirrors imported
from China. KOBAYASHI Yukio interpreted the sharing of identical mirrors cast from thesame mold as revealing the close political ties between the elite buried in the emergent
mounded tombs (Kobayashi 1955). He demonstrated that supremacy was held by thepowerful elite of the central Kinki region and masterfully reconstructed the historicalsigniﬁcance of the establishment of the Yamato polity through archaeological data. The
mounded tombs located in the paramount polity’s stronghold of central Kinki have revealed
the greatest number of Chinese bronze mirrors, as represented by the thirty-three trianglerimmed deity-and-beast mirrors uncovered from Kurozuka Kofun in Nara Prefecture, andidentical mirrors cast from the same mold have been found from mounded tombs across thearchipelago.
The paramount group within the Yamato polity distributed the triangle-rimmed deityand-beast mirrors imported from China to subservient elites throughout the archipelago
in order to realize a far-ﬂung political consolidation by displaying that its rule had been
legitimized by the Chinese court (Kobayashi 1955; Fukunaga 2005). Applying a “local-scaleand short-term” approach to the political activity of local elites reveals the existence of thoseelites who were given these mirrors and those that were not.
Let us now turn our attention from prestige goods to items of everyday life. Iron raw
material for the production of agricultural implements, tools, and weapons, in addition
to iron objects, themselves, were imported from China and the Korean Peninsula. As thearchipelago was not yet technologically able to produce iron, it relied on imported ironraw material from the Korean Peninsula. According to the entry on Byeonhan and Jinhan
contained in the Account of the Eastern Barbarians, Book of Wei, History of the Three
Kingdoms, the southern Korean Peninsula produced high-quality iron, which traders fromthe Japanese Archipelago traveled to procure. This is supported by recent ﬁnds in Busan and
Gyeongju in the southern Korean Peninsula of ironworking sites and wealthy burials rich iniron (Inoue 2014; Manabe 2015).
Procurement of iron resources through long-distance trade is suggested to havesigniﬁcantly changed the nature of domestic circulation, which had until then been basedon reciprocal relations between neighboring regions. In the Kinki region, stone tools andweapons displayed a signiﬁcant decrease from the end of the Middle Yayoi period and theshift to iron was completed by the latter half of the Late Yayoi period, relying fully on theimportation of iron raw materials from China and the Korean Peninsula. This trade wasconducted not by the general population, but rather by the elite, who succeeding in attaining
a stable supply of necessary resources as community representatives.
Criticism has been leveled against this understanding of iron’s role in social change
based upon the low number of actual iron artifacts uncovered from the Kinki region© Japanese Archaeological Association

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INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION STRATEGIES IN THE EARLY STATE FORMATION OF ANCIENT JAPAN(Murakami 2007); indeed, the technological level and quality of Yayoi-period iron artifacts
are signiﬁcantly greater in North Kyūshū. It is important to realize, however, that the stableacquisition of iron was all the more vital for regions with less iron, and this necessity worked
to change the nature of the community and role of the elite (Fukunaga 2005). The author
interprets this common interest as the trigger that galvanized social consolidation.
Understanding the nature of the circulation of iron weapons is important when considering
the military aspect of society. In recent years, typological research on iron weapons has
greatly progressed. Joseph Ryan demonstrated that the Japanese Archipelago of the 2nd to
4th centuries AD was characterized by two levels in the circulation of iron weapons, withsimple, locally produced iron weapons shared among the lower elite and centrally produced
or imported weapons of higher quality provided to the upper elite across the archipelago(Ryan 2019). This division is suggested to have become more pronounced from the latter
half of the 3rd century. The military strength to ensure the functioning of the trade network
spanning over 1,000 km and connecting the Japanese Archipelago to the various regions of
the East Asian world was no doubt essential for local society and the elite.
The movement of pottery and the role of immigrants: Reconstructing the trade
network In addition to prestige goods buried in tombs and items necessary for daily life,
pottery also provides a wealth of information.
The interconnected relationship between the trade centers throughout the JapaneseArchipelago can be reconstructed through analysis of the movement of native andpeninsular pottery. During the 3rd and 4th centuries, pottery from China and the Korean
Peninsula is found from central sites throughout the archipelago, clustered most strongly
in North Kyūshū, and imported and locally copied pottery enable the reconstruction of thistrade network. KUSUMI Takeo proposed the existence of the “Hakata Bay Trade Network”
and suggested that during the ﬁrst half of the Early Kofun period, the Nishijinmachi site
in Fukuoka Prefecture became the international trade center for the broader East Asian
region (Kusumi 2007). Within the central Kinki region, a trade network connecting central
settlements can be reconstructed centered on the Makimuku site in the southeastern Nara
Basin, where a signiﬁcant amount of pottery from the Korean Peninsula and other regions of
the Japanese Archipelago has been found, and including the Nakata site group and Kyūhōji
site in Kawachi, the Shimoda and Yotsuike sites in Izumi, the Mori site group in North
Kawachi, and the Ama, Higashi-sonoda, and Sakane sites in Settsu. Such pottery is notfound at random, but often from geopolitically important areas, such as coastal areas andoverland travel nodes. Application of a “local-scale and short-term” approach to settlement
data reveals trade-center sites yielding a great amount of foreign pottery and typicalsites yielding mostly local pottery. There can be no doubt that it was the former that wasincorporated into the widespread trade network.
Closer inspection of the use and function of the pottery brought from China and the© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Korean Peninsula reveals that many of them were small-sized jars and other pottery used
for storage and transportation (Nagatomo 2010). On the other hand, pottery for cooking
was mostly limited to the area around the Hakata Bay. This suggests that the interregional
interaction with China and the Korean Peninsula strongly centered on trade; moreover, as
pottery deriving from various other regions of the archipelago is found together with theimported pottery, it is reasonable to consider the central settlements of this period as centersof trade.
The existence of this widespread trade network was likely enabled through the politicalor military auspices of the Chinese court and the central polity of the Japanese Archipelago.
It was such a network that maintained the goods importation strategy of interregional
interaction.
Craft production and settlements Let us now turn our attention to craft production
sites within the Japanese Archipelago. The existence of ironworking, beadmaking, andwoodworking sites has been brought to light through careful archaeological excavation. In
comparison with the 5th century, however, craft-production sites were still small-scale andinsuﬃciently organized. It is therefore likely that strong emphasis was not placed on therealization of domestic production during the 3rd and 4th centuries.
North Kyūshū, where the nature of craft-production sites is relatively known, presents anilluminating case study. Kusumi suggests that the late-3rd- to early-4th-century Hakata Bay
area was strongly functionally specialized, with, for example, the center of interregional
interaction concentrated at the Nishijinmachi site, salt production focused at the Imagawaimajuku site, and ironworking centralized at the Hakata site; he draws attention to theformation of a complementary production system and exchange network (Kusumi 2007).
Compared with the Nishijinmachi site, only a small amount of pottery from the Korean
Peninsula has been found at the Hakata and Imagawa-imajuku sites, obscuring the activityof immigrant craftsmen. On the other hand, while the Nishijinmachi site has yielded ironaxe-heads and glass objects, no advanced kilns capable of operating at high temperature,such as those proposed for the Hakata site, have been found; rather than a craft-production
site, the Nishijinmachi site can thus be considered an interregional interaction port
specializing in trade.
The “blank 4th century” The goods importation strategy did not continue stably fromthe 3rd century through to the 7th century. The instability inherent in this strategy reached
its peak in the early 4th century, with central settlements that once had acted as trade hubs
ceasing to function (Figure 3).
In order to understand the backdrop of this development, let us adopt a macro-scale
approach and turn our attention to the international situation. During the 4th century, theWestern Jin, Wa’s target of diplomatic relations, fell after a time of civil strife (316), theLelang and Daifang Commanderies, its recipients of tribute, ceased to exist (313), and China© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Figure 3.

Changes in settlements during the 3rd and 4th centuries© Japanese Archaeological Association

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entered the chaotic period of the Sixteen Kingdoms. On the Korean Peninsula, the states of
Goguryeo, Baekje, Silla, and the Gaya polities matured, greatly changing the political map
of East Asia. The weakening of China and the signiﬁcant political changes on the Korean
Peninsula led to the decline of the large-scale settlements throughout the western JapaneseArchipelago that had acted as points of trade and greatly changed the trade network.
Based on the typo-chronology of pottery and an analysis of the changes in settlements
and movement of pottery from the Korean Peninsula, it is apparent that the sites throughout
the western archipelago that had functioned as nodes in the trade network continuously
from the 3rd century ceased to function. This is supported not only by the decline inimported pottery found throughout the archipelago, but also by a decrease in the numberof pit dwellings and posthole-type buildings, themselves. It is also telling when considering
these settlements that pottery found often does not accompany a speciﬁc feature, making itdiﬃcult to elucidate the reality of the settlements of this period on a ﬁner level.
Alliance with Geumgwan Gaya and Wa-style pottery Wa-style pottery found fromthe southern Korean Peninsula is especially instructive when considering the nature of
relations between the peninsula and archipelago during the 4th century. A particularly
representative example is the small, round-bottomed earthenware pottery found across amajority of the Japanese Archipelago, from the southern Tōhoku region to the southern partof the island of Kyūshū. In the 4th century, examples can also be found from the southeastern
Korean Peninsula, where it was reproduced in stoneware iterations and used in oﬀerings atmounded tombs (Takesue 1991). Furu-type pots, San’in-type pots, and pedestaled dishes,
large-sized jars, and other types of Wa-style pottery have also been found, allowing
researchers to reconstruct Koreo-Japanese relations in unprecedented detail (Inoue 2014;
Cho 2016).
While the movement to the peninsula of Wa-style pottery, such as that deriving fromthe Kyūshū and San’in regions, can be seen during earlier periods as well, this increase
seen during the 4th century coincides with the active exchange of wealth goods seen in thetombs of both regions, and can be understood within the context of the Wa elite acutely
responding to the changing East Asian environment. According to Fukunaga, in response to
the changing international political situation, an emergent polity comprising the elite of thenorthern Nara Basin and Kawachi Plain seized hegemony during the latter half of the Early
Kofun period from the previous powers located in the southeastern Nara Basin who had
relied on the authority of the Chinese Wei and Jin dynasties for support (Fukunaga 2005). In
order to secure iron raw materials, this new polity successfully strengthened alliances with
polities in the southern Korean Peninsula, in particular Geumgwan Gaya (Fukunaga 2005;
Park 2007).
Meanwhile, tombs in the southeastern Korean Peninsula found with Wa-style artifacts,
such as those in the Daeseong-dong, Bokcheon-dong, and Yangdong-ni tomb groups, also
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contained a tremendous amount of iron goods and iron raw materials. Additionally, the 4thcentury Buwon-dong site located in close proximity to the Daeseong-dong tomb group is
considered a center for production and trade, bolstered by the evidence for ironworking andother craft production, a storehouse group, and a harbor. The existence of such a settlement
suggests that an intercultural center for trade was established in Geumgwan Gaya in thesoutheastern Korean Peninsula, in place of the Nishijinmachi site.
The close relationship between the rise of Geumgwan Gaya on the peninsula and theemergent polity in the archipelago is apparent from the burial goods and Wa-style pottery
found from Geumgwan Gaya tombs and settlements. As Geumgwan Gaya-style pottery is
not found from settlement sites in the Japanese Archipelago, however, it can be surmisedthat the vector of trade became unilateral, aimed at Geumgwan Gaya. Throughout thecourse of the 4th century, which saw the decline of the Nishijinmachi site, the number of sites
within the archipelago yielding Korean Peninsula-style pottery decreased drastically, and
it is diﬃcult to parse the existence of a speciﬁc center of trade within the archipelago fromthe current archaeological data. In other words, the active trade network that connected
the various regions of the Japanese Archipelago in the 3rd century was replaced by aconcentrated foreign-relations strategy.

(3)

Archaeological case study 2: The 5th century

The East Asian political map of the 5th century The political situation throughout
East Asia changed drastically from the 4th to the 5th century. Adopting a “macro-scale” and“medium-scale” approach, let us turn our attention to the change seen across the region(Figure 4).
In China, Tuoba Gui, the chief of the Xianbei Tuoba clan who would later become theEmperor Daowu, established the Northern Wei in AD 386, embarking on a path to attainsupremacy over central China. From 391, numerous battles with the expanding Northern Wei
caused the might of the Later Yan, located in northeast China, to ebb, eventually resulting
in its destruction in 407. As the ruling class of the Northern Yan, which arose following theLater Yan’s demise, initially comprised both Chinese and Goguryeo elite, they maintained
a politically favorable relationship with Goguryeo. This alliance with the Northern Yan, in
addition to the dissolution of military tension with the Later Yan, was a signiﬁcant turning
point for Goguryeo in the northern Korean Peninsula (Misaki 2012). Having removed themilitary threat in the northeast, which began with the Northern Wei’s incursion into central
China, King Gwanggaeto of Goguryeo subsequently turned his attention to the southern
Korean Peninsula.
The southern expansion of Goguryeo greatly inﬂuenced neighboring polities, causing
a chain reaction throughout the southern Korean Peninsula. Owing to the incursion of
Goguryeo and pressure from Silla, the polity of Geumgwan Gaya, which had developed© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Figure 4. The political situation and distribution of Korean Peninsula-style pottery during the 5th
century (numbers in parentheses correspond to the list of site reports at the end of this paper)© Japanese Archaeological Association96

INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION STRATEGIES IN THE EARLY STATE FORMATION OF ANCIENT JAPANin the 4th century, began to weaken at the beginning of the 5th century. As the Daeseongdong tomb group, royal tombs of the Geumgwan Gaya elite, entered a period of decline,
signiﬁcant Silla inﬂuence can be seen in the region from the early 5th century, attested to, forexample, in the burial goods of the Bokcheon-dong tomb group.
The Northern Wei conquered the Northern Yan, who had established a stronghold in
northeastern China, in 436, leading to its uniﬁcation of northern China in 439 by Emperor
Taiwu, while in southern China, Emperor Wu established the Song in 420. The subsequent
Northern and Southern Dynasties began a period of relative stability.
Having experienced the turmoil and uncertainty throughout East Asia during the 4th
century, the Japanese Archipelago’s central polity began implementing an interregionalinteraction strategy of technology (and knowledge) adoption during the 5th century (theMiddle Kofun period). The author views this strategic change in policy as being promptedby the Yamato polity’s desire to free itself from its signiﬁcant dependency on the outside.
Applying a “medium-scale” approach to the political situation in the Japanese Archipelago
reveals that power was rested from the polity in the Nara Basin, which had ruled from the
middle of the 3rd century to the latter 4th century, by the Kawachi polity located on the Ōsaka
Plain, a distance of some 30 to 40 km, or six to seven hours by foot. This emergent Kawachi
polity achieved predominance and initiated strategic eﬀorts to bolster the area under its
control. A “local-scale and short-term” approach reveals that as local elites strengthenedin concert with the Kawachi polity, those local elites tied to the previous polity of thesoutheastern Nara Basin declined.
Meanwhile, the goods importation strategy of interregional interaction continued to
be implemented, evidenced by the importation of such items as horse trappings (Isahaya2012), gilt-bronze goods, and glass objects from various regions throughout East Asia,
including the Three Yan and Goguryeo of northeastern China and Silla and Daegaya of
the southeastern Korean Peninsula (Park 2007); the emergent Kawachi polity was able toimport essential goods, such as iron resources, by securing alliances with newly establishedpowers throughout these regions.
Let us now consider four important archaeological phenomena: (1) The control of themilitary, economy, and ideology, as seen in the satellite tombs (baichō); (2) the increase inpeninsular-style pottery and its relationship with local pottery; (3) the increase and trajectoryof new settlements that functioned as hubs of development and craft production; and (4) the
increase in dense tomb clusters attending the appearance of these new settlements.
Interaction seen through prestige goods: Control over the military, economy, andideology Let us consider the nature of technology adoption during the period of state
formation with several archaeological examples. First, let us consider elite sources of power
through burial goods.
The satellite tombs surrounding the large keyhole-shaped mounded tombs are instructive© Japanese Archaeological Association

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when considering this issue. While the Mozu-Furuichi Mounded Tomb Group, one of thearchipelago’s largest tomb groups, provides a wealth of archaeological data necessary toconsider the sources of power held by the highest elite of the central Yamato polity, thedesignation of many of the tombs as imperial mausolea renders the structure of their burial
facilities and the nature of their burial goods unknown. On the other hand, excavationsof their surrounding satellite tombs have revealed much about the proto-bureaucracy that
supported the paramount elite.
A representative example is Nonaka Kofun, located in the center of the Furuichi Mounded
Tomb Group, one of the largest tomb groups in the archipelago. An astounding eleven suitsof iron armor were uncovered from this small-scale mounded tomb (Figure 5).
The numerous suits of iron armor found from this 5th-century tomb suggest the stable
importation of iron raw materials from the Korean Peninsula by the central Yamato polity,
in addition to the use of advanced ironworking techniques. The iron armor of this period
utilized a frame made of 4 cm-wide iron bands that wrapped around the body. Smaller ironplates would then be ﬁxed with rivets between these bands. Some armor also used hinges
to make it easier to put on. The use of rivets and hinges was introduced by craftsmen fromthe Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, the design of the armor was native to the JapaneseArchipelago and greatly diﬀerent from that of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, while theadvanced technology was imported from the outside, it was adapted domestically, producing
objects unique to the Japanese Archipelago.
The introduction of advanced technology, as seen in the iron armor of this period, in
addition to its deposition in tombs, allowed for the ostentatious display of military power.
Around 740 iron arrowheads and 150 iron swords were also uncovered from Nonaka Kofun.
Tombs with such mass burials of weapons and armor were not seen before the 5th century
and suggest the existence of a military power signiﬁcant enough to allow the removal ofsuch quantities of armaments from circulation. The 5th century also witnessed changes in
weapons. During this period, long-necked arrowheads with increased piercing strength
replaced the previous shorter-necked arrowheads. These long-necked arrowheads were also
introduced from the Korean Peninsula and can be understood as a functional response to the
spread of iron armor. Additionally, the changes seen in weaponry were intimately related tothe practice of horseriding. In the 5th century, horseriding was introduced from the Korean
Peninsula, leading to an increase in the burial of horseriding equipment and sites dedicatedto the rearing of horses. The practice of horseriding introduced from the Korean Peninsula
also suggests that warriors began using horses.
In addition to iron armor and weapons, a signiﬁcant amount of new types of iron tools
and agricultural implements was found from Nonaka. During this period, the agricultural
implements used to till ﬁelds and clear land, in other words to enable the functioning ofagricultural society, were wooden and tipped with iron blades. Those found from Nonaka© Japanese Archaeological Association98

INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION STRATEGIES IN THE EARLY STATE FORMATION OF ANCIENT JAPAN

Figure 5.

Nonaka Kofun and its burial goods© Japanese Archaeological Association

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included the traditional square-shaped blades and newly introduced U-shaped blades, thespread of the latter accompanying a signiﬁcant increase in iron tools. This allowed a great
increase in the eﬃciency of public-works projects and agricultural productivity, as it enabled
the new construction of wet-rice paddies on plateaus, whose hard soil had been diﬃcult
to dig until then. From the archaeological record, we can trace the steady importation ofiron resources, the introduction of new ironworking techniques, and the exploitation of
surplus. Groups of large storehouses dating to the 5th century have been found, such as at the
Hōenzaka site in Ōsaka, where it has been estimated that enough food to feed 1,211 people
for one year could have been stored. This allows us to reconstruct the image of a central
polity utilizing not only military power, but also economic power as a source of its authority.
Next, let us look at daily life during this period. The production of Sue stoneware began
in the archipelago with the introduction of a new ceramic industry from the southern Korean
Peninsula in the 5th century. While the roots of the earliest Sue ware can be traced to thesouthern Korean Peninsula, in particular Gaya, it gradually evolved into styles unique tothe archipelago aimed at mass production and eﬃciency. Interestingly, analysis of the clay
reveals that Sue ware was sent out from the central Kinki region to southern Tōhoku in theeast and to southern Kyūshū in the west, a direct distance of over 1,200 kilometers. This
far-ﬂung circulation stands in contrast to the signiﬁcantly more localized distribution ofstoneware on the Korean Peninsula. It is important to note that not only was new technology
adopted, but it was further developed within the Japanese Archipelago.
Before the appearance of Sue ware, pottery in the Japanese Archipelago consisted ofearthenware called Haji ware. While vessels for storage were also found in Haji ware, thestorage capacity of pottery increased signiﬁcantly following the introduction of Sue ware.
The capacity of Haji jars from the 3rd to 4th centuries was 10 to 20 ℓ; in comparison, thatof 5th-century Sue ware reached a maximum of 360 ℓ, with Sue ware storage vessels being
mass produced to hold a range of 50 to 300 ℓ, in accordance with their function. Interpreted
in tandem with the fact that steaming vessels (koshiki) were also introduced from the Korean
Peninsula at the same time and large-capacity storage vessels were used in later periods forbrewing, this drastic increase in the storage and carrying capacity of Sue ware suggests thatthe nature of the feasts hosted by the elite also underwent signiﬁcant changes.
This control by the central polity of the military, economy, and ideology, seen throughthe mortuary data, was made possible by the successful implementation of the technology
adoption strategy.
The movement of pottery and the role of immigrants In order to understand thehistorical signiﬁcance of this, let us once more consider the technology adoption strategy
of foreign interaction, in which immigrants from the Korean Peninsula played an essential
role (F. Tanaka 2005; K. Tanaka 2005). Using a “local-scale and short-term” approach, it
is apparent that a stark disparity arose between those local elites and communities that
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implemented a strategy of actively adopting new technology and knowledge and those that
did not.
In the 5th century, new technologies, including iron- and metal-working, horse-riding,and a new ceramics industry, were introduced from the Korean Peninsula and sites yielding
pottery from the peninsula greatly increased (Figure 6). Peninsula-style pottery has beenunearthed from over 150 sites dating to this period within the Yamato polity’s strongholdof the central Kinki region, an increase of over ten times over the preceding Early Kofun
period, suggesting an increase in the number of immigrants from the peninsula. The rootsof these immigrants has also become apparent in recent years through detailed typologicalanalyses of unearthed artifacts (K. Tanaka 2005; Woo 2005; Kwon 2007, 2010; Nakano
2008; Ban & Nakano 2016; Nakakubo 2017; Terai 2018). While the homeland of theseimmigrants can be traced back to various areas across the peninsula, the majority werefrom the Yeongsan River Basin in the southwest and eastern Gaya along the southern coast.
Interestingly, changes have been noted in the structure of settlements and the centralizationof craft production during the 5th century in the Yeongsan River Basin (Lee 2016), displaying
a situation very similar to that of the Kinki region in the archipelago. The ﬁnds of Sue warein the southwestern Korean Peninsula that were brought from the Japanese Archipelago
allow the reconstruction of bilateral contact between these two regions (Figure 4; Sakai
2013; Nakakubo 2017).
Nevertheless, the majority of pottery from settlements remained that of the local tradition,with peninsula-style pottery making up less than 10% of that found. This suggests that local
settlements in the archipelago accepted immigrants from the Korean Peninsula into theircommunities.
Craft production and settlements Numerous iron and pottery workshops utilizing
new technology innovations have been found from within and around settlements where
immigrants from the Korean Peninsula settled (Horita 1993; Hanada 2002; Hishida 2007).
The advanced technology and knowledge of these immigrants were highly prized.
Numerous archaeological sites exemplary of this have been found, in particular since
2000. Examples are found in particular from the area associated with the Furuichi Mounded
Tomb Group, such as the Nagahara site group and Shitomiyakita site (Figure 7).
At the Nagahara site group, evidence for ironworking, woodworking, lacquer craft,which was also used in ﬁnishing weapons and armor, beadmaking, and horse rearing has
been found (K. Tanaka 2005). Well known as horse-rearing settlements, the Shitomiyakita
and Saragunjōri sites have also yielded evidence for various craft production activities,
suggesting that these sites’ purview extended beyond equestrian activities and included the
production of weapons and horse gear.
Here it is important to note that the Nagahara and Shitomiyakita sites were home tosettled groups of immigrants. Considering that the introduction of new technology and© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Figure 6. Comparison of Korean Peninsula-style earthenware and Furu-type Haji ware (numbers
in parentheses correspond to the list of site reports at the end of this paper)© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Figure 7. Distribution of craft-production sites in the 5th century (top) and the functional
stratiﬁcation of the Nangō site group (bottom) (numbers in parentheses correspond to the list of site
reports at the end of this paper)

knowledge following the immigration and settling of peninsular groups and the transmission
to local groups through close mutual interaction greatly contributed to the promotion
and development of craft-production technologies, we can surmise that not only did thecentral polity attempt to develop this area around Kawachi Lake into a center of advanced
technology, but also that the local elites working to actually implement these policies played
important strategic roles.
We can understand the relationship between immigrants from the Korean Peninsula andlocal elite groups through an analysis of the Nangō site group in Nara Prefecture. This sitegroup presented a hierarchical layout and was home to the Katsuragi family, a powerful elitefamily within the central polity. BAN Yasushi and AOYAGI Taisuke suggested that the sub© Japanese Archaeological Association

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sites within the site group displayed a functional specialization, with, for example, a ritualand political center at the Gokurakuji-hibiki site and a workshop complex at the Kadotasite (Ban 2009; Aoyagi 2014). Let us consider this functional specialization in relation to
the terrain at the base of Mount Kongō, where the site complex is located. The site complex
was organized vertically in a planned and functional manner: At the highest elevation werelarge buildings forming a politico-ritual zone (the Gokurakuji-hibiki site); at the next lower
elevation was a political zone or elite residence (the Nangō-yashida site); below that wasa workshop complex utilizing advanced technology (the Kadota site), a large storehousegroup (the Ido-otada site), a ritual zone equipped with an area for water rituals (the Ōhigashisite), and residences for immigrant and local groups (the Sadayunoki, Senbu, Shimochayakamata sites); ﬁnally, at the lowest elevation were wet-rice paddies and the Muromiyayama
keyhole-shaped mounded tomb. The author interprets this as reﬂecting the strategy adopted
by the political group that would come to be called the Katsuragi to carry out a technology
adoption strategy. It may also be possible to interpret a similar hierarchical layout at the
Furu site, which was home to the Mononobe family, another powerful elite family within thecentral polity. The author suggests that the appearance of such functionally stratiﬁed sites in
the 5th century reﬂects the growth of the central polity’s administrative system following theimplementation of its “technology adoption strategy” of interregional interaction.
Within a “local-scale and short-term” framework, these agricultural settlements in the
Kinki region were similar in their acceptance of immigrants from the Korean Peninsula;diﬀerences arose, however, based on the number of immigrants accepted and their levelof embeddedness. The acceptance of outside groups required a myriad of tasks, such asarranging living quarters and provisions and safeguarding employment and livelihood;for the elite leaders of agricultural communities, these were new issues that needed tobe addressed in the 5th century. Diﬀerences between settlements apparent in the natureof unearthed pottery exceed simple diﬀerences in archaeological data, indicating thetolerance of agricultural communities and the administrative strategies employed by theirrepresentative elite. Interestingly, this network of settlements with immigrants overlaps
with the oﬃcial road system established by the state in the 8th century. This suggests thatthe substratum of land-borne transportation in ancient Japan rested atop the infrastructuredeveloped from the 5th century utilizing the knowledge of immigrants from the Korean
Peninsula (Ichi 2016).
Emergence of the proto-bureaucracy We can also see the emergence of new
settlements mirrored in elite mounded-tomb construction: For example, small-scale
subsidiary or satellite tombs built around large-scale keyhole-shaped mounded tombs, suchas Nonaka Kofun; or dense clusters of small-scale tombs (Shiraishi 1976; Wada 1992, 2004;
Migishima 2012).
The early tomb clusters seen predominantly in the 5th century present several© Japanese Archaeological Association

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commonalities: (1) Their construction period overlaps with that of the satellite tombs,
appearing in the early 5th century and spreading throughout the Kinai region during the mid
to late 5th century; (2) their construction continues even through periods of inactivity within
lineages of chieﬂy tombs; (3) they display a strong connection to emergent settlements; and(4) they are equipped with characteristic haniwa and Sue ware, including that made by local
kilns (Nakakubo 2017).
Interestingly, during the 5th century, the area surrounding Kawachi Lake was home tosuch emergent settlements and clusters of small-scale tombs. The promotion of concentrated
craft production utilizing immigrant craft groups from the Korean Peninsula began aroundthe beginning of the 5th century, typiﬁed by the Nagahara tomb cluster at the northern edgeof the Kawachi Plateau; settlements subsequently expanded northward around Kawachi
Lake, appearing along the western foot of Mount Ikoma (the Nishinotsuji, Kōnami, andKitoragawa sites) and the Uemachi Plateau (the Naniwa Palace sublayer) in the mid 5th
century and in North Kawachi (the Shitomiyakita-saragunjōri, Takamiya, and Mori sites)from the late 5th century. The growth of these settlements coincided with the construction
periods of the Nagahara (Central Kawachi), Uetsuke (western foot of Mount Ikoma), andUzumasa (North Kawachi) tomb clusters.
While the commencement of relations with the southern Chinese dynasty of LiuSong, political change on the Korean Peninsula, the evolution of a military organization(Toyoshima 2010), and the emergence of new settlements, in addition to numerous othercomplicated and multifaceted sociopolitical factors, must be taken into account when
considering the appearance of these clustered tombs in the Kinki region, the author wishes
to draw particular attention to their relationship with the construction of satellite tombs.
Subordinate elites, who increased in importance as facilitators of administration attending
increasing complexity of the governing apparatus and are believed to have been buried in
the satellite tombs, responded to the changing East-Asian atmosphere by strengthening themilitary organization and foreign relations and promoting and organizing craft production.
Against this backdrop, they strengthened their ties with emergent elites in order to facilitate
the carrying out of necessary activities, thereby preparing the groundwork for the formationof bureaucracy within the Japanese Archipelago’s central polity.
When considered in this way, the increase in small tomb clusters, emergence ofa bureaucracy, and the qualitative evolution of the elite that Mizoguchi suggested
characterized the 6th century (Mizoguchi 2014) can actually be witnessed in the Kinki
region of the 5th century. The author asserts that it was the technology-knowledge adoption
strategy that galvanized this development.
Let us now turn our attention to the 6th century. During the Late Kofun period, miniature
vessels for steaming rice and double-pronged metal hairpins have drawn attention as objects
closely related to immigrant groups. Research by MIZUNO Masayoshi (Mizuno 1969), who© Japanese Archaeological Association

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drew a connection between the miniature steaming vessels and Baekje immigrants with astrong connection to China, and SEKIGAWA Hisayoshi (Sekigawa 1988), who suggested thatthe miniature steaming vessels were inﬂuenced by the mingqi of China and that their burial,
together with hairpins, betrayed the existence of Chinese immigrants, is highly instructive
even today. Recent ﬁnds from Korea reward attention: Miniature steaming vessels, hairpins,
and silver bracelets have been found on the periphery of Baekje, such as from the Yeobangri tomb group in Gunsan city; additionally, the excavation of the Gamil-dong tomb groupin Hanam city revealed that miniature steaming vessels and silver hairpins were buried
in pre-475 tombs in central Baekje. It may be possible to trace these artifacts back to theEastern Jin (317–420) of China (The Nanjing Museum 2001). It has thus become possible toparse the existence of Chinese immigrants from within central Baekje.
Tombs with burials of miniature steaming vessels and hairpins concentrate in theIware, Asuka, and Katsuragi areas of Yamato province, the Ishi River Basin and southern
Ikoma area in Kawachi province, and to the southwest of Lake Biwa in Ōmi province, andsimilarities have been noted between the Ichisuka tomb group in Ōsaka Prefecture and theShiga tomb group in Shiga Prefecture (Hori 2009). While these regions do not necessarily
overlap with the area of dense concentration of peninsula-style earthenware during the
Middle Kofun period, they nevertheless (1) display strong connections to newly developed
areas dating from the end of the Middle Kofun period to the Late Kofun period and (2) arelocated on the environs of areas presumed to have been palaces. While it can be inferredthat writing was transferred to the Japanese Archipelago from China via Baekje, we have
now entered a stage where archaeological data can be marshaled to analyze the movementof related Chinese immigrants (Nakakubo 2018a).

Conclusion
Over the approximately 400 years from the fall of the Han dynasty beginning in AD 220,
through the reuniﬁcation of China in 589 by the Sui, to the establishment of the Tang in 618,
the East Asian world witnessed the rise and fall of numerous dynasties and experienced the
movement and assimilation of various peoples. It is surely no coincidence that the central
region of the Japanese archipelago began its maturation into a full-ﬂedged ancient state
during this period of innovation and rearrangement of the East Asian world order. It is
within this context that we can understand the pivotal role played by intercultural interaction
and foreign relations during the Kofun period.
While the largest keyhole-shaped mounded tombs were continuously constructed in thecentral Kinki region, each phase of the Kofun period witnessed 20 to 30 km movements
within this area: They were built in the southeastern Nara Basin during the Early Kofun
period; the southern Ōsaka Plain during the Middle Kofun; and the northern Ōsaka Plain© Japanese Archaeological Association

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INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION STRATEGIES IN THE EARLY STATE FORMATION OF ANCIENT JAPANduring the Late Kofun. This has been interpreted as reﬂecting the transfer of hegemony
among diﬀerent groups in the Kinki region within the Yamato polity, and it has beensuggested that the construction of various chieﬂy tomb lineages across the archipelago
ﬂuctuated in reaction to these changes at the paramount level (Tsude 1991). Moreover, thesesigniﬁcant landmarks in mounded-tomb construction coincide with changes in the politicalsituation of East Asia and related interregional-interaction strategies.
Because the goods and technology attained through foreign interaction became essential
sources of power for emergent groups, the political repercussions of change were unavoidable.
In this paper, the author suggests that the focus of the interregional interaction strategy
during the Kofun period shifted from the goods importation strategy to the technologyknowledge adoption strategy, thereby facilitating the stable development of the central polity’s
power. These two strategies were certainly not mutually exclusive, but rather coexisted in a
dynamic interplay of change and development, with new strategies being grounded on thoseadopted previously and implemented progressively (Figure 8). In the case of the JapaneseArchipelago, ancient state formation was signiﬁcantly impacted by acute responses to changes
in the East-Asian environment and the implementation of appropriately tailored strategies.
The central Japanese Archipelago thus presents a prime case study of elites located on

Figure 8.

Changes in the intercultural interaction strategies of the Kofun period© Japanese Archaeological Association

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the fringe of a primary state utilizing foreign-relations strategies to successfully enact socialchange. Fruitful avenues for future research include comparisons with other case studies
from around the world.

Notes1) Conceptions of the preceding Yayoi period have changed greatly within Japanesearchaeology. Traditionally, the Yayoi period was considered a time when diﬀerence insocial rank increased, preparing the way for the emergence of a class society. Fromthe 2000s, however, the conception of a considerably more egalitarian Yayoi period
has gained traction. Additionally, some have suggested that a class society had yet
to emerge even in the following Kofun period (Mizoguchi 2014). Further discussion
grounded in cross-cultural comparison and ﬁne-tuned analysis is necessary. In either
case, a class society is positioned as having developed quickly over one to two centuries.
Both positions ﬁnd common ground in emphasizing ﬂuctuations in the international
environment and changes in interregional interaction networks as the catalyst for socialchange, albeit at considerably diﬀerent junctures: Either during the period from the Late
Yayoi to Early Kofun period or during the Terminal Kofun period.

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Park, C. S. 2018. Kaya, Silla, and Wa: Changing relationships and their historicalbackgrounds. In M. E. Byington, K. Sasaki, & M. T. Bale (Eds.), Early Korea-Japan
interactions, pp. 133–181. Early Korea Project, Korean Institute, Harvard University
Parkinson, W. A., & Galaty, M. L. 2009. Archaic state interaction: The eastern
Mediterranean in the Bronze Age. School for Advanced Research Press
Renfrew, C. 1972. Emergence of civilization: The Cyclades and the Aegean in the third
millennium B.C. Methuen
ChineseThe Nanjing Museum 南京市博物館 2001. The Eastern Jin Tombs at the Xianhe Temple in
the outskirts of Nanjing 「江蘇南京仙鶴観東晋墓」. Wen Wu 『文物』[Cultural Relics]
2001-3. Wen wu chu ban she 文物出版社
Site Reports (The numbers match those in Figures 2, 4, 6, and 7)
Fukuoka Prefecture
1. Nishijinmachi 西新町 site
Matsumura Michihiro 松村道博 1989 Nishijinmachi iseki『西新町遺跡』[Nishijinmachisite]. Fukuoka Municipal Board of Education, Fukuoka.
Nagaya Shin 長家伸 1989 Nishijinmachi iseki, 3 『西新町遺跡 3』[Nishijinmachi site,Vol. 3]. Fukuoka Municipal Board of Education, Fukuoka.
Shigefuji Teruyuki 重藤輝行, Morii Keiji 森井啓次, and Ōba Takao 大庭孝夫 2000
Nishijinmachi iseki II 『西新町遺跡 II』[Nishijinmachi site, Vol. II]. Fukuoka
Prefectural Board of Education, Fukuoka.
Shigefuji Teruyuki, Morii Keiji, Ōba Takao, and Karakida Yoshifumi 唐木田芳文 2001
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INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION STRATEGIES IN THE EARLY STATE FORMATION OF ANCIENT JAPANNishijinmachi iseki, III 『西新町遺跡 III』[Nishijinmachi site, Vol. III]. Fukuoka
Prefectural Board of Education, Fukuoka.
Yoshida Tōmei 吉田東明 and Miyaji Sōichirō 宮地聡一郎 2002 Nishijinmachi iseki,IV 『西新町遺跡 IV』[Nishijinmachi site, Vol. IV]. Fukuoka Prefectural Board of
Education, Fukuoka.
Yoshida Tōmei and Sakamoto Yūki 坂元雄紀 2001 Nishijinmachi iseki, V 『西新町遺跡 V』[Nishijinmachi site, Vol. V]. Fukuoka Prefectural Board of Education,
Fukuoka.
Kishimoto Kei 岸本圭, Okadera Miki 岡寺未幾, and Sakamoto Yūki 2001 Nishijinmachi
iseki, VI 『西新町遺跡 VI』[Nishijinmachi site, Vol. VI]. Fukuoka Prefectural
Board of Education, Fukuoka.
2. Hakata 博多 site group
Obata Hiromi 小畑弘己 and Satō Ichirō 佐藤一郎, eds. 2006 Hakata 37—Hakaka
isekigun dai 65 ji hakkutsu chōsa gaihō—『博多37—博多遺跡群第65次発掘調査概報—』[Hakata site group: Preliminary report of the 65th Archaeological
Investigation, Vol. 37]. Fukuoka Municipal Board of Education, Fukuoka.
Ōtsuka Noriyoshi 大塚紀宜 2006 Hakata—Hakaka isekigun dai 147 ji chōsa nohōkoku—106 『博多106—博多遺跡群第147次調査の報告—』[Hakata site group:
Report of the 147th Archaeological Investigation, Vol. 106]. Fukuoka Municipal
Board of Education, Fukuoka.
Hyōgo Prefecture
3. Sakane 栄根 site
Okano Yoshitaka 岡野慶隆 1989 Kawanishi-shi Sakane iseki dai 19 ji hakkutsu chōsa
hōkoku 『川西市栄根遺跡—第19 次発掘調査報告—』[Sakane site in Kawanishicity: Report of the 19th Archaeological Excavation]. Kawanishi Municipal Boardof Education, Kawanishi.
4. Higashi-sonoda 東園田 site
Okada Tsutomu 岡田 務 and Yamagami Mako 山上 真子 2009 Amagasaki-shi maizō
bunkazai chōsa nenpō heisei 15 nendo 『尼崎市埋蔵文化財調査年報 平成15年度』[Annual Bulletin of Amagasaki City Buried Cultural Property Excavations
for FY 2003]. Amagasaki Municipal Board of Education, Amagasaki.
Osaka Prefecture
5. Ama 安満 site
Hashimoto Hisakazu 橋本久和 1974 Ama iseki hakkutsu chōsa hōkokusho 『安満遺跡発掘調査報告書』[Report of Archaeological Investigation at the Ama site].
Takatsuki Municipal Board of Education, Takatsuki.
Morita Katsuyuki 森田克行 and Hashimoto Hisakazu 1977 Ama iseki hakkutsu chōsa
hōkokusho 『安満遺跡発掘調査報告書』[Report of Archaeological Investigation
at the Ama site]. Takatsuki Municipal Board of Education, Takatsuki.
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Morita Katsuyuki 1983 Takatsuki-shi bunkazai chōsa gaiyō VII: Shimagami gunga ato
hoka kanren iseki hakkutsu chōsa gaiyō 7 『高槻市文化財調査概要 VII 嶋上郡衙跡他関連遺跡発掘調査概要・7』[Preliminary site reports of the Shimagami
gunga and related sites, Vol. 7]. Takatsuki Municipal Board of Education,
Takatsuki.
6. Mori 森 site group
Ogawa Nobuko 小川暢子 and Manabe Seiji 真鍋成史 1992 Mori iseki, IV 『森遺跡IV』[Mori site, Vol. IV]. Katano Municipal Board of Education, Katano.
Okuno Kazuo 奥野和夫 and Ogawa Nobuko 1992 Mori iseki, VII 『森遺跡 VII』[Morisite, Vol. VII]. Katano Municipal Board of Education, Katano.
7. Nakata 中田 site group
Komai Masaaki 駒井正明, ed. 2000 Kozakaai iseki 『小阪合遺跡』[Kozakaai site].
Osaka Prefectural Buried Cultural Properties Research Association, Sakai.
Honma Motoki 本間元樹 2004 Kozakaai iseki sono 2 『小阪合遺跡 (その2)』[Kozakaaisite, Vol. 2]. Osaka Prefectural Buried Cultural Properties Research Association,
Sakai.
Takahagi Chiaki 高萩千秋, Kiso Naomi 木曽直美, and Iwamoto Takako 岩本多貴
子 1987 Kozakaai iseki (Shōwa 57 nendo dai ichi ji chōsa hōkokusho) 『小阪合遺跡〈昭和57年度 第1次調査報告書〉』[Report on the 1st Archaeological Investigationof the Kozakaai Site in the FY 1982]. Yao Municipal Cultural Properties ResearchSociety, Yao.
Takahagi Chiaki, Iwamoto Takako, Murata Hideko 村田英子, and Murata
Keiko 村田圭子 1988 Kozakaai iseki (Shōwa 59 nendo dai 4 ji chōsa
hōkokusho) 『小阪合遺跡〈昭和59年度 第4次調査報告書〉』[Report on the
4th Archaeological Investigation of the Kozakaai Site during FY 1984]. Yao
Municipal Cultural Properties Research Society, Yao.
Minamoto Hitoshi 渞斎 1995 Nakata iseki (94-312) no chōsa 「中田遺跡 (94-312) の調査」[On the 94-312th Archaeological Investigation of the Nakata site], Yao shinai
iseki heisei 6 nendo hakkutsu chōsa hōkokusho II 『八尾市内遺跡平成6年度発掘調査報告書 II』[Report on excavations of archaeological sites in Yao City during
FY 1994, Vol. II]. Yao Municipal Board of Education, Yao.
Izumoto Tomohide 泉本知秀 and Yamada Ryūichi 山田隆一 2003 Nakata isekihoka hakkutsu chōsa hōkokusho 『中田遺跡他発掘調査報告書』[Report ofArchaeological Investigation of Nakata sites]. Osaka Prefectural Board of
Education, Sakai.
Yao-shi Kyōiku Iinkai 八尾市教育委員会 [Yao Municipal Board of Education].1981
Shōwa 53・54 nendo maizō bunkazai hakkutsu chōsa hōkokusho 『昭和53・54
年度埋蔵文化財発掘調査年報』[Annual Bulletin of Buried Cultural Property
Excavations for FY 1978–1979]. Yao Municipal Board of Education, Yao.
Yoneda Toshiyuki 米田敏幸 1986 Nakata itchōme 39 shutsudo doki ni tsuite 「中田一丁目39出土土器について」[On the pottery unearthed from Nakata itchōme 39].
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INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION STRATEGIES IN THE EARLY STATE FORMATION OF ANCIENT JAPAN

8.
9.

10.

11.

Yao-shi bunkazai kiyō 2 『八尾市文化財紀要2』[Yao City cultural properties
bulletin, Vol. 2]. Yao Municipal Board of Education, Yao.
Shimoda 下田 site
Nishimura Ayumu 西村歩, ed. 1996 Shimoda iseki 『下田遺跡』[Shimoda site]. Osaka
Center For Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Nonaka 野中 kofun
Kitano Kōhei 北野耕平 1975 Kawachi Nonaka Kofun no Kenkyū 『河内野中古墳の研究』[Report of the excavation of the Ancient Burial Mound at Nonaka in Kawachicounty]. The Japanese History Laboratory of Osaka University, Osaka.
Takahashi Teruhiko, Nakakubo Tatsuo, Ryan Joseph, Ueda Naoya, eds. 2016. Nonaka
Kofun and the Age of the Five Kings of Wa: The Government and Military of 5thCentury Japan. Osaka University Press, Suita.
Shitomiyakita 蔀屋北 and Saragunjōri 讃良郡条里 sites
Iwase Tōru 岩瀬透, Fujita Michiko 藤田道子, Miyazaki Taiji 宮崎泰史, and Fujinaga
Masa’aki 藤永正明, eds. 2009 Shitomiya-Kita iseki I 『蔀屋北遺跡 I』[ShitomiyaKita site, Vol. I]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education, Osaka.
Okumura Shigeki 奥村茂輝 and Murata Masaya 村田昌也 2008 Saragunjōri iseki
VII 『讃良郡条里遺跡 VII』[Saragunjōri site, Vol. VII]. Osaka Center For
Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Morimoto Tōru 森本徹, ed. 2009 Saragunjōri iseki IX『讃良郡条里遺跡IX』[Saragunjōri
site, Vol. IX]. Osaka Center For Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Atokawa Keitarō 後川恵太郎, Jitsumori Yoshihiko 實盛良彦, and Inoue Tomohiro
井上智博, eds. 2015 Saragunjōri iseki 『讃良郡条里遺跡』[Saragunjōri site].
Shijōnawate Municipal Board of Education, Shijōnawate.
Kyūhōji 久宝寺 site
Akagi Katsunori 赤木克規, Matsuoka Yoshinori 松岡良憲, Imamura Michio 今村道雄, Yamaguchi Takashi 山口隆, Moriya Yoshiharu 森屋義春, Okuda Hisashi 奥田
尚, and Miyoshi Kōichi 三好孝一 1987 Kyūhōji minami (sono 1)『久宝寺南 (その1)』[Kyūhōji minami, Vol. 1)]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education and Osaka
Center for Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Ichinose Kazuo 一瀬和夫, ed 1987 Kyūhōji minami (sono 2)『久宝寺南 (その2)』[Kyūhōji minami, Vol. 2)]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education and Osaka
Center for Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Terakawa Sirō 寺川史郎, Kanemitsu Masahiro 金光正裕, Nakanishi Yasuto 中西靖
人, Odani Masahiko 尾谷雅彦, and Yamaguchi Seiji 山口誠治 1987 Kyūhōji kita(sono 1–3)『久宝寺北 (その1〜3)』[Kyūhoji kita, Vol. 1–3)]. Osaka Prefectural
Board of Education, Osaka Center For Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Harada Masanori 原田昌則 and Nishimura Kōsuke 西村公助 1993 Yao-shi isekimaizō bunkazai hakkutsu chōsa hōkoku 37 『八尾市埋蔵文化財発掘調査報告
37』[Report on Archaeological Excavations in Yao city, Vol. 37]. Yao Municipal
Cultural Properties Research Society, Yao.
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Nishimura Kōsuke and Tsubota Shin’ichi 坪田真一 2009 Kyūhōji iseki 『久宝寺遺跡』[Kyūhōji site]. Yao Municipal Cultural Properties Research Society, Yao.
12. Tajime-miyauchi 多治米宮内 site
Torama Hideki 虎間英喜 1988 Tajime-miyauchi iseki 『田治米宮内遺跡』[Tajimemiyauchi site]. Kishiwada Municipal Board of Education, Kishiwada.
13. Ikoma-seiroku 生駒西麓 site group (including Kitoragawa 鬼虎川, Kōnami 神並, andNishi-no-tsuji 西ノ辻 sites)
Miyazaki Taiji, ed. 2002 Kitoragawa iseki dai 22 ji chōsa gaiyō hōkokusho 『鬼虎川遺跡第22 次調査概要報告書』[Preliminary report on the 22nd archaeologicalexcavation of the Kitoragawa site]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education,
Higashi-Osaka City Cultural Properties Association], Osaka.
Nishiguchi Yōichi 西口陽一 and Miyazaki Taiji, eds. 1987 Kōnami, Nishi-no-tsuji,
Kitoragawa iseki hakkutsu chōsa gaiyō IV 『神並・西ノ辻・鬼虎川遺跡発掘
調査概要・ IV』[Preliminary site report on the Kōnami, Nishi-no-tsuji, andKitoragawa sites, Vol. 4]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education, Osaka.
14. Nagahara 長原 site and kofun group
Sakurai Hisashi 櫻井久之 and Ōba Shigenobu 大庭重信, eds. 1999 Nagahara isekihakkutsu chōsa hōkoku, VII Fuhen Kire-higashi iseki 『長原遺跡発掘調査報
告 VII 付篇 喜連東遺跡』[Archaeological Reports of the Nagahara Site
in Osaka, Japan, Vol. VII Appendix: Kire-higashi site]. Osaka City Cultural
Properties Association, Osaka.
Takahashi Takumi 高橋工, Tanaka Kiyomi 田中清美, Ikeda Ken 池田研, Kyōshima
Satoru 京嶋覚, Ōba Shigenobu, Kinugawa Kazunori 絹川一徳, and Miyamoto
Yasuharu 宮本康治 2002 Nagahara iseki hakkutsu chōsa hōkoku, VIII 『長原遺跡発掘調査報告 VIII』[Archaeological Reports of the Nagahara Site in Osaka,
Japan, Vol. VIII]. Osaka City Cultural Properties Association, Osaka.
Ōba Shigenobu, ed. 2005 Nagahara iseki hakkutsu chōsa hōkoku, XII 『長原遺跡発掘調査報告 XII』[Archaeological Reports of the Nagahara Site in Osaka, Japan,
Vol. XII]. Osaka City Cultural Properties Association, Osaka.
Terai Makoto 寺井誠, ed. 2006 Nagahara iseki hakkutsu chōsa hōkoku, XV 『長原遺跡発掘調査報告 XV』[Archaeological Reports of the Nagahara Site in Osaka,
Japan, Vol. XV]. Osaka City Cultural Properties Association, Osaka.
Ueki Hisashi 植木久, Tanaka Kiyomi, and Kuroda Kei’ichi 黒田慶一, Kyōshima
Satoru 京嶋覚, and Sekiyama Hiroshi 積山洋, eds. 1989 Nagahara, Uriwari isekihakkutsu chōsa hōkoku I 『長原・瓜破遺跡発掘調査報告 I』[Archaeological
Reports of the Nagahara and Uriwari Sites in Osaka, Japan, Vol. I]. Osaka City
Cultural Properties Association, Osaka.
Kyōshima Satoru and Sekiyama Hiroshi 積山洋, eds. 1990 Nagahara, Uriwari isekihakkutsu chōsa hōkoku II 『長原・瓜破遺跡発掘調査報告 II』[Archaeological
Reports of the Nagahara and Uriwari Sites in Osaka, Japan, Vol. II]. Osaka City
Cultural Properties Association, Osaka.
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INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION STRATEGIES IN THE EARLY STATE FORMATION OF ANCIENT JAPAN15. Uzumasa 太秦 kofun group
Ichinose Kazuo 2003 Uzumasa iseki Uzumasa kofungun 『太秦遺跡・太秦古墳群』[Uzumasa iseki, Uzumasa kofungun]. Osaka Center for Cultural Heritage,
Sakai.
Ichimoto Yoshimi 市本芳三 and Matsushita Tomoyo 松下知世 2006 Uzumasa iseki,Uzumasha kofungun II 『太秦遺跡・太秦古墳群 II』[Uzumasa iseki, Uzumasa
kofungun, Vol. II]. Osaka Center for Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
16. Takamiya 高宮 site
Okumura Shigeki 奥村茂輝 2010 Takamiya iseki 『高宮遺跡』[Takamiya site]. Osaka
Center for Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
17. Uetsuke 植附 kofun group
Fukunaga Nobuo 福永信雄 2002 Uetsuke iseki dai 5 ji hakkutsu chōsa hōkokusho 『植附遺跡第5次発掘調査報告書』[Report on the excavation of Uetsuke site (5thseason)]. Higashi-Osaka City Cultural Properties Association, Higashi-ōsaka.
18. Naniwa 難波 Palace, Lower Stratum
Yagi Hisae 八木久栄, Nakao Yoshiharu 中尾芳治, Ueki Hisashi, Sekiyama Hiroshi,
Kuroda Keiichi, Mori Atsushi 森毅, Minami Hideo 南秀雄, Itō Kōji 伊藤幸司,
Mametani Hiroyuki 豆谷浩之, and Kubo Kazushi 久保和士 1992 Naniwa no
Miya ato no kenkyū dai 9 『難波宮址の研究 第九』[Studies on the Naniwa Palace
Site, Vol. 9]. Osaka City Cultural Properties Association, Osaka.
19. Ōagata 大県 site
Kitano Shigeru 北野重 1988 Ōagata iseki 1985 nendo 『大県遺跡 1985年度』[Ōagata
site (FY1985)]. Kashiwara 柏原 Municipal Board of Education, Kashiwara.
20. Suemura 陶邑 kiln group
Tanabe Shōzō 田辺昭三 1966 Suemura koyōshi-gun, Vol. I 『陶邑古窯址群 I』[Suemura kiln group, Vol. I]. Archaeology Club of Heian 平安 High School,
Kyoto.
Nakamura Hiroshi 中村浩, ed. 1978 Suemura III 『陶邑 III』[Suemura Vol.III]. Osaka
Prefectural Board of Education, Sakai.
Okado Tetsunori 岡戸哲紀, ed. 1995 Suemura Obadera Iseki IV 『陶邑・大庭寺遺跡 IV』[The Suemura Obadera site, Vol. IV]. Osaka 大阪 Prefectural Board of
Education, Osaka Prefectural Buried Cultural Properties Association, Sakai.
Okado Tetsunori 岡戸哲紀, ed. 1995 Suemura Obadera Iseki V 『陶邑・大庭寺遺跡
V』[The Suemura Obadera site, Vol. V]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education
and Osaka Prefectural Buried Cultural Properties Research Association, Sakai.
Okado Tetsunori 岡戸哲紀, ed. 1997 Suemura Fuseo Iseki III 『陶邑・伏尾遺跡
III』[The Suemura Fuseo site, Vol. III]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education
and Osaka Center for Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Nishiguchi Yōichi 西口陽一 1992 Nonoike Iseki, ON231 gō yō seki 『野々井西遺跡・ ON231号窯跡』[Nonoike nishi site and ON No. 231 kiln site]. Osaka
Prefectural Board of Education and Osaka Prefectural Buried Cultural Properties© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Association, Sakai.
Moriya Misako 森屋美佐子 and Shimizu Atsushi 清水篤 1992. Kosaka Iseki 『小阪遺跡』[Kosaka site]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education and Osaka Center for
Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Nakai Sadao 中井貞夫, ed. 1984 Fudō Matsubara Izumi Ōtsu sen kanren iseki hakkutsu
chōsa hōkokusho Vol. I—Nishiurabashi iseki, Ryōgishita iseki, Manzakiike iseki,Taiheiji iseki 『府道松原泉大津線関連遺跡発掘調査報告書 I 西浦橋遺跡・菱木下遺跡・万崎池遺跡・太平寺遺跡』[Report on the excavation of sites related
to the construction of the Matsubara-Izumi-Ōtsu-sen prefectural road Vol. I:
Nishiurabashi iseki, Ryōgishita iseki, Manzakiike iseki, and Taiheiji iseki]. Osaka
Center for Cultural Heritage, Sakai.
Tanaka Hideo 田中英夫 1999 Nigoriike sueki yōshi 『濁り池須恵器窯址』[Nigoriike
Sueki kiln site]. Ad Hoc Team for Investigations into the Nigoriike kiln at the
Shinodayama site, Sakai.
Miyazaki Taiji, ed. 1995 Suemura VIII: Senshū ni okeru iseki no chōsa I 『泉州における遺跡の調査 I 陶邑 VIII』[The Suemura kiln group VIII: Excavation in Senshū
I]. Osaka Prefectural Board of Education, Sakai.
21. Yotsuike 四ツ池 site
Higuchi Yoshiyuki 樋口吉之, ed 1984 Yotsuike iseki—Dai 83 chiku hakkutsu chōsa
hōkokusho—『四ッ池遺跡—第83 地区発掘調査報告書—』[Yotsuike site—
Report of Archaeological Investigation at the No. 83 area]. Sakai Municipal Boardof Education, Sakai.
22. Ichisuka 一須賀 kofun groupŌsaka-fu Kyōiku Iinkai 大阪府教育委員会 [Osaka Prefectural Board of Education].
1992 Ichisuka kofun gun shiryō mokuroku I 『一須賀古墳群資料目録 I』[Catalogue of tomb data from the Ichisuka cemetery, Vol. I]. Osaka Prefectural
Board of Education, Osaka.
Nara Prefecture
23. Makimuku 纒向 site
Ishino Hironobu 石野博信 and Sekigawa Hisayoshi 関川尚功 1976
Makimuku 『纒向』[Makimuku]. Sakurai Municipal Board of Education,
Sakurai.
Aoki Katsue 青木香津江 1998 Makimuku iseki dai 102 ji 纒向遺跡第102 次 [Makimuku
site No. 102]. Nara ken iseki chōsa gaihō 『奈良県遺跡調査概報 1997年
度』[Preliminary excavation reports of archaeological sites in Nara Prefecture(FY 1997)]. Archaeological Institute of Kashihara, Nara Prefecture, Kashihara.
Hashimoto Teruhiko 橋本輝彦, Fukutsuji Jun 福辻淳, Niwa Keiji 丹羽恵二, Koba
Yoshiko 木場佳子, Shimizu Satoshi 清水哲, and Okuda Hisashi 2004 Heisei 15
nendo kokko hojo jigyō ni yoru hakkutsu chōsa hōkokusho 『平成15年度国庫補助事業による発掘調査報告書』[A report on the excavation supported by the© Japanese Archaeological Association120

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24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

FY2003 government subsidy project]. Sakurai Municipal Board of Education,
Sakurai.
Hashimoto Teruhiko, Hashizume Asako 橋爪朝子, Okuda Hisashi, and Toyofuku
Keiko 豊福恵子 2007 Makimuku iseki hakkutsu chōsa hōkokusho 『纒向遺跡発掘調査報告書』[Report of Archaeological Investigation at the Makimuku site].
Sakurai Municipal Board of Education, Sakurai.
Hashimoto Teruhiko and Hashizume Asako 2007 Makimuku iseki hakkutsu
chōsa hōkokusho 2 『纒向遺跡発掘調査報告書2』[Report of Archaeological
Investigation at the Makimuku site, Vol. 2]. Sakurai Municipal Board of
Education, Sakurai.
Kurozuka 黒塚 kofun
Okabayashi Kōsaku 岡林孝作, Mizuno Toshinori 水野敏典, Okuyama Masayoshi 奥山誠義, eds. 2018 Kurozuka kofun no kenkyū 『黒塚古墳の研究』[Studies of the
Kurozuka Tumulus: a report of Archaeological Excavations at the third-Century
Keyhole-Shaped Burial Mound in Tenri-shi, Nara, Japan]. Archaeological
Institute of Kashihara, Nara Prefecture, Kashihara.
Fujiwara 藤原 Palace, Lower Stratum
Chida Takemichi 千田剛道 and Nishiguchi Toshiki 西口壽生 1997 Seihō kanga
minami chiku no chōsa—Dai 82 西方官衙南地区の調査—第82 [Excavation on
the southern area of the government oﬃces in the west of the Fujiwara Palace, No.
82]. Nara kokuritsu bunkazai Kenkyūsho nenpō 1997-II 『奈良国立文化財研究
所年報1997-II』[Annual Bulletin of Nara National Cultural Properties ResearchInstitute 1997-II]. National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Nara, Nara.
Yamada-michi 山田道, Lower Stratum
Nara Bunkazai Kenkyū-sho [National Research Institute for Cultural Properties,
Nara]. 1991 Yamada michi dai 2,3 ji chōsa 山田道第2・3次調査 [Excavation of
Yamada michi (second and third season)]. Asuka Fujiwarakyū hakkutsu chōsa
gaihō 『飛鳥・藤原宮発掘調査概報』[Preliminary reports of the excavations at
the Asuka Fujiwara palace sites] No.26. National Research Institute for Cultural
Properties, Nara, Kashihara
Tomondo-higashi 伴堂東 siteBan Yasushi 坂靖, Arimoto Shōko 有本昭子, Okuda Hisashi, and Nakura Satoshi
名倉聡 2002 Tomondo-higashi iseki 『伴堂東遺跡』[Tomondo-higashi site].
Archaeological Institute of Kashihara, Nara prefecture], Kashihara.
Wani-Morimoto 和邇・森本 site
Matsuda Shin’ichi 松田真一 and Sugiyama Hidehiro 杉山秀宏 eds. 1983 Wani-Morimoto
iseki, II 『和爾・森本遺跡』[Wani-Morimoto site, Vol.II]. Archaeological
Institute of Kashihara, Nara Prefecture, Kashihara.
Furu 布留 site
Ikeda Yasunobu 池田保信, Ishida Daisuke 石田大輔, Ishida Yukiko 石田由紀子, Ōta
Mitsuyoshi 太田三喜, Okada Ken’ichi 岡田憲一, Kimura Rie 木村理恵, Kuwabara© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Hisao 桑原久男, Koizumi Shota 小泉翔太, Nakakubo Tatsuo 中久保辰夫,
Matsumoto Hiroaki 松本洋明, Mizoguchi Yūki 溝口優樹, Miyoshi Yūtarō 三好裕太郎, Mori Noburō 森暢郎, and Yamamoto Ryō 山本亮 2020 Yamato Furu iseki
ni okeru rekishi teki keikan no fukugen 大和布留遺跡における歴史的景観の復元[Reconstruction of the historical landscape on Furu site in the Yamato province].
Kenkyū kiyō 『研究紀要』 Vol. 24 [Bulletin of Yura Yamato Ancient Culture
Research Association]. Yura Yamato Ancient Culture Research Association,
Kashihara.
30. Shindō site 新堂遺跡
Ishizaka Taiji 石坂泰士 2020 Shindō iseki, IV 『新堂遺跡 IV』[Shindō site Vol. IV].
Kashihara Municipal Board of Education]. Kashihara.
31. Nangō 南郷 site groupBan Yasushi 坂靖, eds. 1996 Nangō isekigun, I 『南郷遺跡群 I』[Nangō site group,
Vol. I]. Nara 奈良 Prefectural Board of Education and the Archaeological Instituteof Kashihara, Nara Prefecture, Kashihara.
Sasaki Yoshinao 佐々木好直 and Okuda Hisashi 1999 Nangō isekigun, II 『南郷遺跡群 II』[Nangō site group, Vol. II]. Nara Prefectural Board of Education and theArchaeological Institute of Kashihara, Nara Prefecture, Kashihara.
Ban Yasushi, eds. 2000 Nangō isekigun, IV 『南郷遺跡群 IV』[Nangō site group,
Vol. IV]. Nara Prefectural Board of Education and the Archaeological Institute ofKashihara, Nara Prefecture, Kashihara.
Aoyagi Taisuke 青柳泰介, Kimoto Seiji 木本誠二, Okuda Hisashi, Fukuda Sayoko 福田
さよ子, Kanahara Masaaki 金原正明, Matsui Akira 松井章, Nakagwa Masato 中川正人, Imazu Setsuo 今津節夫, Oguri Akihiko 小栗明彦, and Wada Atsumu 和田萃 2003 Nangō isekigun, III 『南郷遺跡群 III』[Nangō site group, Vol. III]. Nara
Prefectural Board of Education and the Archaeological Institute of Kashihara,
Nara prefecture, Kashihara.
Kitanaka Yasuhiro 北中恭裕 and Jūmonji Takeshi 十文字健 2007 Gokurakuji Hibiki
iseki 『極楽寺ヒビキ遺跡』[Gokurakuji Hibiki site]. Archaeological Institute ofKashihara, Nara Prefecture, Kashihara.
Fujita Kazutaka 藤田 和尊 and Kimoto Mamoru 木許守 1999 Taifū 7 gō higai ni yoru
Muromiyayama kofun shutsudo ibutsu 『台風7号被害による室宮山古墳出土遺物』[Artifacts found at damaged portions of the Muromiyayama Kofun resulting
from typhoon No. 7]. Gose Municipal Board of Education, Gose.
Shiga Prefecture
32. Shiga 志賀 kofun group 古墳群
Hori Masato 堀真人 2009 Toraijin no haka-Shiga kofun gun to Ichisuka kofun gun- 渡
来人の墓—志賀古墳群と一須賀古墳群— [Mounded tombs of immigrants—
Shiga mounded tomb group and Ichisuka mounded tomb group]. Shiga Bunkazai
Hogo Kyōkai Kiyō 『滋賀県文化財保護協会紀要』[Bulletin of Shiga Prefectural© Japanese Archaeological Association

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Association for Cultural Heritage], Vol. 22. Shiga Prefectural Association for
Cultural Heritage, Ōtsu.
Korea
33. Mongchon Toseong 夢村土城
Mongchon Toseong palgul chosa dan 夢村土城発掘調査団[Team for the excavation of
Mongchon Toseong]. 1985 Mongchon Toseong palgul chosa pogosŏ 『夢村土城発掘調査報告書』[Report on the excavation of Mongchon Toseong]. Team for the
excavation of Mongchon Toseong, Seoul.
34. Chungmaku-dong 竹幕洞 ritual site
Kungnip Chŏnju Pangmulgwan 国立全州博物館 1994 Puan Chungmak-dong Chesayujŏk 『扶安 竹幕洞祭祀遺跡』[The Chungmaku-dong ritual site in Puan]. Jeonju
National Museum, Chŏnju.
35. Bongdeok-ni 鳳徳里 site
Kim Geon-su 金建洙, Noh Mi-sun 盧美善, Yang Hae-woong 梁海雄 2003 Gochang
Bongdeok-ni yujŏkI 『高敞 鳳徳遺跡 I』[Gochang Bongdeok-ni site, Vol. I].
Honam Cultural Property Research Center, North Jeolla Province, Gwangju.
Kim Geon-su 金建洙, Noh Mi-sun 盧美善, Yang, Hae-woong 梁海雄 2003 Gochang
Bongdeok-ni yujŏkII 『高敞 鳳徳遺跡 II』[Gochang Bongdeok-ni site, Vol. II].
Honam Cultural Property Research Center, North Jeolla Province, Gwangju.
36. Pogam-ni 伏岩里 tomb groupIm Yŏng-jin 林永珍, Cho Chin-sŏn 趙鎮先, So Hyŏn-ju 徐賢珠 1999 Pogam-ni
kobungun『伏岩里古墳群』[Pogam-ni tomb group]. Chŏnnam National University
Museum, Naju city, Naju.
Kungnip Naju Munhwajae Yŏn’guso 국립나주문화재연구소 2001 Naju Pogam-ni 3-ho
pun 『羅州 伏岩里3號墳』[Tomb 3 at Pogam-ni in Naju]. Naju National ResearchInstitute of Cultural Heritage, Naju.
37. Dongnim-dong site 東林洞遺跡
Lee Young-cheol 李暎澈 and Noh Mi-sun 廬美善 2007 Gwangju Dongnim-dong yujŏk
III 『光州 東林洞遺跡 III』[Gwangju Dongnim-dong site, Vol. III]. Honam
Cultural Property Research Center, Korea Housing Corporation, Gwangju.
Lee Young-cheol 李暎澈 and Moon, Jiyeon 文智蜵 2007 Gwangju Dongnim-dong yujŏk
IV 『光州 東林洞遺跡 IV』[Gwangju Dongnim-dong site, Vol. IV]. Honam
Cultural Property Research Center, Korea Housing Corporation, Gwangju.
38. Jisan-dong 池山洞 tomb group
Park Seung-kyu 박승규, Kim Chang-Eog 김창억, Lee Jae-Heung 이재흥, Jang EunJung 장은정2004 Goryong Jisan-dong kobungunI 『高靈 池山洞古墳群 I』[The
Ancient Tombs Site at Jisan-dong, Goryong (I)]. The Yongnam Institute ofCultural Properties, Korea, Changwon.
39. Daeseong-dong 大成洞 tomb group
Shin Gyeon-Cheol 申敬澈, Kim Jae-woo 金宰佑 2000 Gimhae Daeseong-dong kobun© Japanese Archaeological Association

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40.

41.

42.
43.

I 『金海大成洞古墳 I』[Gimhae Daeseong-dong tombs, Vol. I]. Kyungsung
University Museum, Busan.
Shin Gyeon-Cheol 申敬澈, Kim Jae-woo 金宰佑 2003 Gimhae Daeseong-dong kobun
II 『金海大成洞古墳 II』[Gimhae Daeseong-dong tombs, Vol. II]. KyungSung
University Museum, Busan.
Shin Gyeon-Cheol 申敬澈, Kim Jae-woo 金宰佑 (eds.) 2003 Gimhae Daeseong-dongkobun III 『金海大成洞古墳 III』[Gimhae Daeseong-dong tombs, Vol. III].
Kyungsung University Museum, Busan.
Song Won-young 송원영, Shim, Jae-yong 심재용, Yoon Jung-eun 윤정은,Hwang Hyeon-seon 황현선, Lee, Hyun-ou 이현우 2011 Gimhae Daeseongdong kobungun—68-ho pun〜72-ho pun 『金海大成洞古墳群- 68 호부〜72
호분-』[Gimhae Daeseong-dong tomb group: Nos. 68-72]. Daeseong-dong Tombs
Museum, Gimhae.
Shin Jin-Young 심재용, Song Won-Young 송원영, Lee Sun-Min 이선민, Kim Dabin 김다빈, Kim Ju-Hee 김주희, Kim Hye-Jin 김혜진, Je Mi-sung 제미성, Jang
Dong-ock 장동옥 2016 Gimhae Daeseong-dong kobungun—92-ho pun〜94-ho
pun—『金海大成洞古墳群—92호부〜94호분—』[Gimhae Daeseong-dong tombgroup: Nos. 92-94]. Daeseong-dong Tombs Museum, Gimhae.
Bokcheon-dong 福泉洞 tomb group
Busan Taehakkyo Pangmulgwan 釜山大学校博物館 1994 Dong-nae Bokcheon-dongkobun I 『東萊福泉洞古墳群 I』[Tombs at Bokcheon-dong, Dong-nae, Vol. I].
Pusan National University Museum, Busan.
Ahn Jae-ho 安在皓 (ed,) 1994 Dong-nae Bokcheon-dong kobun II 『東萊福泉洞古墳
群 II』[Tombs at Bokcheon-dong, Dong-nae, Vol. II]. Pusan National University
Museum, Busan.
Shin Gyeon-Cheol 신경철, Ahn Sung-Hee 안성희, Lee Hyun-woo 이현우, Cho Ji-hye조지혜, Bae Jung-yun 배정연, Lim Jee-Young 임지영, Hosokawa Shintarō 細川晋
太郞, Tanaka Yuri 田中由理 2012 Pokcheon-dong kobungun IV 『福泉洞古墳群
IV』[Tombs at Bokcheon-dong, Dong-nae-Tomb Nos. 35 and 36]. Pusan National
University Museum, Busan.
Yang-dong-ni 良洞里 tomb group
Im Hyo-t’ack 林孝澤 and Kwak Tong-Ch’ŏl 郭東哲 2000 Gimhae Yangdong-ni Kobun
munhwa 『金海良洞里古墳文化』[Kimhae Yang-dong-ni tomb culture]. Tongŭi
University Museum, Busan.
Buwon-dong 府院洞 site
Sim Bong-geun 沈奉謹 1981 Gimhae Buwon-dong yujŏk 『金海府院洞遺跡』[Gimhae
Buwon-dong site]. Tong’a University Museum, Busan.
Yeobang-ni 余方里 tomb group
Choi Wan-kyu 최완규, Kim Jong-moon 김종문, Lee Shin-hyo 이신효 2001 Gunsan
Yeobang-ni kobungun 『群山余方里古墳群』[Gunsan Yeobang-ni tomb group].
Wonkwang University Museum, Korea Expressway Corporation, Iksan.

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