The 1999 Population and Social Security Research

The Fourth Survey of Japanese Households
ReportI

Introduction
1 Overview
2 Methodology and the rate of collection

II Households in 1999
1 Individuals’ membership in different types of households
2 Housing
III Kinship and living arrangements
1 Living arrangements of older adults
2 Living arrangements of younger adults
3 Relationships with other relatives
IV Changes in households: Households survived and households newly created
1 The heads of the houses in 1999
2 Arrivals and departures of household members
3 Changes in the size of households
4 Changes in the types of households
5 People who were formerly heads of their households
V Households: Increase in number or increase in size
1 Children creating new households
2 Marriage
3 Creation of households at different stages of life
VI Households separating and shrinking
1 Deaths of spouses and divorces
2 Departures of children and empty nesters
3 Health of the elderly and their households

Department of Population Structure Research

I
1Introduction

Overview

Since 1990, demographic characteristics in Japan have experienced marked changes. Although
life expectancy has improved thanks to a decrease in the mortality rate, the rapid decline in thebirth rate since the 1970s, which has dropped below the death rate, is expected to usher in a newera of decreasing population in Japan. The aging of the population is expected to continue, andthe trend will be escalated in the 2010s when baby boomers reach age 65. Changes in gender
relations have led to delays in marriage, an increase in the percentage of never-married adults anda rise in the divorce rate.
The cumulative effects of these trends have produced changes in the size and the composition ofhouseholds, as well as changes in the process by which households are created and separated.
Changes in kinship and household composition in the face of the ever-increasing elderly
population, the growth in the number of one-parent family households, as well as the increasing
number of children who continue living with their parents into their young and mature adulthood,
all present important academic and political cases. The Surveys of Japanese Households are
conducted to measure these demographic changes in households, and to obtain sufficient datawith which to make projections of future demographic trends in households.
The Fourth Survey of Japanese Households was carried out on July 1, 1999, five years after theprevious survey in 1994, with cooperation from the then Statistics and Information Department,
Minister’s Secretariat, Japanese Ministry of Health and Welfare, metropolitan and prefectural
governments, municipal governments in major cities, as well as health centers all over thecountry. The survey in 1999 covered a similar set of topics as in the previous survey in 1994,
which included the size and the composition of households, the heads of the houses’ experiencein the period between the two surveys, children starting out on their own, and changes in marital
relationships which produce and separate more and more households.
2

Methodology and the rate of collection

The survey used the sample from the Population Profile Survey in 1999, which selected 1,048
localities as a random, non-stratified sample, as the sampling frame. The estimates in this reportare based on responses from all households in 300 localities randomly selected from 1,048
localities. Designated interviewers distributed and collected questionnaires, which were, in
principle, requested to be filled out by the heads of the houses.
Out of a total sample of 16,267 households, completed questionnaires were collected from 13,385
households. After excluding questionnaires which were not filled out at all, as well as those
who did not answer important questions on the form, data obtained from 12,434 households were
processed for analysis and estimation. The collection rate was 82.3 percent, while theproportion of valid responses was 76.4 percent.
As shown in Table I-1, the proportion of the heads of the houses 50 years of age and overincreased, compared with the estimates from the Population Census in 1995, while the proportionof the heads of the houses under age 50 decreased. These trends can be attributed partly tochanges in population composition that happened during the 4-year period, although it should
also be noted that there are a sizeable number of the heads of the houses in their twenties who did
2not return their questionnaires.
Table Ⅰ-1 Households by age
The 4th Survey of Japanese Households(1999)
The 1995 Population Census
Age ofNumber of households
Percentage
Number of households Percentage Difference
householder(%)(in thousands)(%)
in percentage
All households
12,434100.0
43,900100.0
Under 19 years old
123
1.0
585
1.3
-0.3
20 to 24 years old
391
3.1
2,537
5.8
-2.6
25 to 29 years old
613
4.9
2,879
6.6
-1.6
30 to 34 years old
870
7.0
3,141
7.2
-0.2
35 to 39 years old
905
7.3
3,260
7.4
-0.1
40 to 44 years old
1,016
8.2
4,140
9.4
-1.3
45 to 49 years old
1,345
10.8
5,383
12.3
-1.4
50 to 54 years old
1,503
12.1
4,802
10.9
1.1
55 to 59 years old
1,387
11.2
4,376
10.0
1.2
60 to 64 years old
1,263
10.2
4,130
9.4
0.7
65 to 69 years old
1,116
9.0
3,466
7.9
1.1
70 to 74 years old
913
7.3
2,355
5.4
2.0
75 to 79 years old
505
4.1
1,524
3.5
0.6
80 to 84 years old
312
2.5
907
2.1
0.4
85 years old and over
172
1.4
415
0.9
0.4
Souse: Statistics Bureau,Management and Coordination Agency(1995)The Population Census

The survey enumerated not only households as units, but also household members 18 years old
and over. Table I-2 compares household components in different age groups to population
components in the same age groups. The proportions almost coincided because the two surveys
were conducted in the same year, and because people in their twenties who were not the heads ofthe houses returned their questionnaires as well as their counterparts in other age groups.
Table Ⅰ-2 Household components by age
The 4th Survey of Japanese Households(1999) The Population Estimate(1999)
Age
Number of people
Percentage
Number of population Percentage Difference(%)(in thousands)(%)
in percentage
18 years old and over
28,767100.0
103,424100.0
18 to 19 years old
829
2.9
3,135
3.0
-0.1
20 to 24 years old
2,265
7.9
8,890
8.6
-0.7
25 to 29 years old
2,515
8.7
9,895
9.6
-0.8
30 to 34 years old
2,371
8.2
8,678
8.4
-0.1
35 to 39 years old
2,195
7.6
7,916
7.7
0.0
40 to 44 years old
2,336
8.1
7,897
7.6
0.5
45 to 49 years old
2,799
9.7
9,444
9.1
0.6
50 to 54 years old
2,822
9.8
9,856
9.5
0.3
55 to 59 years old
2,559
8.9
8,897
8.6
0.3
60 to 64 years old
2,271
7.9
7,630
7.4
0.5
65 to 69 years old
1,996
6.9
6,951
6.7
0.2
70 to 74 years old
1,618
5.6
5,737
5.5
0.1
75 to 79 years old
1,042
3.6
3,926
3.8
-0.2
80 to 84 years old
639
2.2
2,468
2.4
-0.2
85 years old and over
510
1.8
2,104
2.0
-0.3
Souse: Statistics Bureau,Management and Coordination Agency(1999)The Population Estimates3

II Households in 1999
1

Individuals’ membership in different types of households

Overall, households are becoming smaller and smaller.
belonged to households comprised of four people.

One out of every four people

Among the population 18 years and over, 24.9 percent belonged to households comprised of four
people, while the proportion of those belonging to three-people, two-people or five-people
households represented 22.7 percent, 21.7 percent and 12.0 percent, respectively. The order was
the same as in the previous survey. The proportion of those who belonged to two-people
households grew the most during the period 1994-1999 by 2.9 percentage points, compared with
1.6 percentage points for three-people households and 0.4 percentage points for four-people
households. In contrast, the proportion of people who belonged to households containing fivepeople or more decreased during the same period. The average size of households to which the
population 18 years and over belonged declined by 0.1 people, from 3.6 percent in 1994 to 3.5
percent in 1999.
In looking at the distribution of household types, the largest proportion of households contained
only two people, representing 25.6 percent of all households. The second most common type ofhouseholds were those that contained three people (20.5 percent), compared with four-people
households and one-person households representing 20.1 percent and 19.8 percent, respectively.
The most noticeable trend is a growth in the proportion of three-people households that had
surpassed the share of four-people households during the five-year period. Overall, theproportion of households containing two people increased the most by 2.4 percentage points,
compared with an increase of 1.1 percentage points for three-people households. Households
comprised of four people or more decreased in proportion and it should be noted that the
proportion of five-people households declined the most by 1.9 percentage points. The average
size of households also decreased by 0.2 people, from 3.1 people in 1994 to 2.9 people in 1999.
Table Ⅱ-1 Size of households
Total OneTwo
Three Four Five
Six
Seven 8 people Average size
person people people people people people people or more(people)The population 18 years old and overThe 4th Survery of(people) 28,767
Japanese Households in 1999 (%) 100.0
The 3rd Survery of(people) 20,788
Japanese Households in 1994 (%) 100.0
Number of households
The 4th Survery of(households) 12,434
Japanese Households in 1999 (%) 100.0
The 3rd Survery of(households)
8,578Japanese Households in 1994 (%) 100.0

2,456
8.5
1,621
7.8

6,229 6,525 7,149 3,446 1,856
21.7
22.7 24.9
12.0
6.5
3,914 4,380 5,098 2,884 1,786
18.8
21.1 24.5
13.9
8.6

813
2.8
795
3.8

293
1.0
310
1.5

3.5

2,456
19.8
1,621
18.9

3,184 2,543 2,501 1,053
25.6
20.5 20.1
8.5
1,993 1,660 1,764853
23.2
19.4 20.6
9.9

179
1.4
181
2.1

54
0.40
61
0.7

2.9

464
3.7
445
5.2

3.6

3.1

The average size of households to which individuals belong peaked among 40- to 44-year
olds.
Figure II-1 represents the size of households to which individuals in different age groups
belonged. Among the population 24 years and under, one out of every three belonged tofour-people households, representing the largest proportion of the age group. On the other hand,
the largest proportion of men 25 to 34 years old (slightly smaller than 30 percent) belonged to4households containing three people. Among men 35 to 54 years old, those who lived infour-people households represented the largest proportion (30 to 35 percent), whereas the
majority of men 55 to 59 years old belonged to three-people households. Men 65 years old
and over were most likely to live in two-people households, and about half of men 65 to 84 years
old were found in households consisting of two people. Women 25 to 29 years old were most
likely to live in households containing three people (32 percent), while the largest proportion of
women 30 to 39 years old belonged to four-people households. The largest share of women 50
to 54 years old (30 percent) lived in three-people households, while the majority of women 55 to
79 years old were found in two-people households. Women 80 to 84 years old were most likely
to live alone (21 percent), while the largest proportion of women 85 years and over (27 percent)lived in three-people households. Among older adults, 20 percent of women lived alone
whereas only 5 percent of men were found in households consisting of people living alone. The
reason why such a large proportion of the elderly are found in two-person households is that more
and more of their children start out on their own as they age.

The average size of households to which different age groups belonged was larger for womenthan for men among the population 10 to 49 years old, whereas men were more likely than
women to live in bigger households among the population 50 years and over. In the age group
under 19 years, the average size was 3.8 people for men and 4.0 people for women. The
numbers dropped both for men and for women with age until they leveled out among women 25to 29-year old and among men 30- to 34-years old, at 3.4 people and 3.2 people, respectively.
Thefigurespeakedamong the population 40
to 44 years old (4.0
people for men and 4.2
peopleforwomen)
followed by a steadydecline bottoming out at
3.0 people for men 60 to
64 years old and at 2.9
people for women 65 to
69 years old. The sizeof households becomeslarger again as people
age into their lateadulthood. Among the5population 85 years and over, the average size of households was 3.7 people for men and 3.5
people for women. Compared to the estimation from the previous survey, people lived insmaller households in 1999, with the exception of men 25 to 29 years old. The trend was mostnoticeable among women 60 years and over. For example, the figure for women 85 years andover decreased by 0.6 people, from 4.1 people in 1994 to 3.5 people in 1999.
Two thirds of the population belonged to nuclear families.
households consisting of married couples with children.

The majority were found in

Table II-2 divides households to which individuals belong into various categories. Among the
population 18 years old and over, the vast majority belonged to nuclear households, comparedwith those belonging to ‘other households’ (25.3 percent) or to households consisting of people
living alone (8.5 percent). Although the order was the same as in the previous survey, theproportion of those who belonged either to nuclear families or to one-person households
increased slightly while the proportion of those who lived in ‘other households’ decreased by 5.8
percentage points. Less diversity of household types was evident in 1999 than in 1994.
In looking at variation in household types in more detail, the largest proportion of 18-year olds
and over (42.2 percent) lived in households containing married couples with children, while those
who belonged to households consisting of married coupled without children (16.6 percent) andthose in multigenerational households consisting of, for example, a householder living withhis/her children and grandchildren (15.5 percent) were the second and third largest. Although
the vast majority of the same age group (41.2 percent) had belonged to households containing
married couples with children also in the previous survey, those who had belonged tomultigenerational households had had the second largest share (19.4 percent) whereas those inhouseholds containing married couples without children had represented only 14.6 percent in
1994.
Apart from different types of households to which individuals belonged, among all households
enumerated in 1999, the majority (36.7 percent) were maintained by married couples withchildren, while households consisting of people living alone (19.8 percent) and those containing
married couples without children (19.4 percent) were the second and third most common type ofhousehold. Although the order was the same as in the previous survey, the proportion of
one-person households, as well as the percentage share of households that are made up of married
couples without children, increased slightly.
Table Ⅱ-2 Households by typeHousehold by type
Other households
One
Nuclear MarriedHouseholders with children
Householders Householders
Total person family couples Total
MarriedSingle- Single- Total Householders with married
with married
Other family Non-family Unknown
without
couplesfather motherwith married and unmarried children andhouseholds households
childrenwith children families families
childrenchildren
grandchildren
Population 18 yearsof age and overThe 4th Survey of(people) 28,767 2,456 18,509
4,771 13,738
12,140262
1,336 7,280
Japanese Households in 1999 (%) 100.0
8.5
64.4
16.6
47.8
42.2
0.9
4.6 25.3
The 3rd Survey of (people)
20,788 1,621 12,687
3,031 9,656
8,556
196
904 6,457
Japanese Households in 1994 (%) 100.0
7.8
61.0
14.6
46.4
41.2
0.9
4.3 31.1
Number of households
The 4th Survey of (households) 12,434 2,456 7,769
2,406 5,363
4,568
128
667 1,966
Japanese Households in 1999 (%) 100.0
19.8
62.5
19.4
43.1
36.7
1.0
5.4 15.8
The 3rd Survey of (households) 8,578 1,621 5,215
1,518 3,697
3,155
94
448 1,721
Japanese Households in 1994 (%) 100.0
18.9
60.8
17.7
43.1
36.8
1.1
5.2 20.1
Note:Non-family households are included in other households as same as the 3rd survey of Japanese Households in 1994.

6

925
3.2
591
2.8

54
0.2
81
0.4

4,459
15.5
4,041
19.4

1,657
5.8
1,698
8.2

185
0.6
46
0.2

522
1.8
23
0.1

293
2.4
186
2.2

13
0.1
18
0.2

1,124
9.0
1,013
11.8

462
3.7
482
5.6

74
0.6
22
0.3

243
2.0
21
0.2

Among the elderly population, men were most likely to belong either to ‘other households’
or to households maintained by married couples without children. The majority of womenthe same age lived in households consisting of people living alone.
Figure II-3 shows variations in household types to which individuals in different age groups
belonged. Both men and women 59 years and under were most likely to live in households
containing married couples with children, while the second largest proportion of people the sameage belonged to ‘other households’. The vast majority of men 60 to 84 years old lived either inhouseholds consisting of married couples without children or in ‘other households’. On theother hand, while women 60 to 69 years old were most likely to be found either in households
consisting of married couples without children or in ‘other households’, women 70 years and overwere found most either in ‘ other households’ or in one-person households. The proportion ofmen living alone was the highest among those 19 years and under, and the proportion dropped
steadily with age. Among men 85 years and over, only 5.3 percent lived alone, while older
women were much more likely to live alone. Among women 80 to 84 years old, the proportionof those living alone accounted for 21.8 percent, which is twice as large as the proportion ofyounger adults living alone.

2

Housing

The proportion of those who lived in homeowner housing was the lowest among the
population 30 to 34 years old, while 80 to 90 percent of older adults were found inhomeowner housing.
Table II-3 shows different types of housing in which individuals lived in 1999. The majority(66.2 percent) lived in owned houses, while 15.7 percent rented apartments or houses. Those
who owned and lived in condominiums accounted for 7.0 percent, whereas 4.4 percent lived inpublic housing. Although there was not much difference in the proportions between men andwomen, there was a larger percentage share of women than men among those who lived in owned
housing, as well as among those who lived in public housing. In 1994, the proportion of those
who owned and lived in condominiums was larger than the proportion those who rented
apartments or houses.
7

Table Ⅱ-3 Housing by type
Total

The 4th Survey of
All population
Japanese Households Men
in 1999
Women
The 3rd Survey of
All population
Japanese Households Men
in 1994
Women(people)28,767 100.0
13,853 100.0
14,914 100.0
26,100 100.0
12,647 100.0
13,372 100.0

Owned Owned andLived inhouses lived in
Publiccondominiums housing
66.2
65.4
66.9
66.5
65.8
67.1

7.0
6.8
7.2
5.0
5.0
5.0

RentedHousing wasapartments provided as Others Unknown
or houses part of salary
(%)
4.4
15.3
2.5
1.3
3.4
4.2
16.1
2.8
1.3
3.4
4.6
14.5
2.3
1.2
3.4
6.5
14.1
4.0
1.1
2.9
6.4
14.2
4.5
1.1
3.0
6.4
14.0
3.5
1.1
2.8

Figure II-4 represents variation in housing in which men and women in different age groups lived
in 1999. The proportion of people who lived in owned houses was the lowest among men andwomen 30 to 34 years old, representing 44.4 percent for men and 46.9 percent for women.
People around the age of 30 were likely to rent apartments and houses, or live in public housing.
32.8 percent of men 30 to 34 years old rented apartments or houses, while 6.9 percent of the same
population lived in public housing. On the other hand, 30.6 percent of women 25 to 29 years old
rented apartments or houses, whereas 6.6 percent lived in public housing. The percentage of
those who could afford a house was the lowest among the population around the age 30, as people
in this age group are most likely to start out in new family households. The proportion of those
who lived in owned housing increased with age, representing 80 to 90 percent of those in theirlate adulthood. Relatively high proportions of older adults lived in owned housing, compared totheir counterparts in young adulthood.

8III Kinship and living arrangements
1

Living arrangements of older adults

82.7 percent of the population 50 years and over had children over the age of 18 in 1999,
representing a smaller percentage share than in 1994.
Figure III-1 shows variation in the proportion of those who lived with children, as well as theshare of those who lived apart from their children, by different age groups. Among the
population 18 years and over, 49.8 percent had children over the age of 18, compared with 52.3
percent in 1994. 92.6 percent of those 65 years and over had children over the age of 18,
compared with 94.1 percent in 1994. The proportion of those who had children over the age of
18 increased with age, reaching 82.7 percent, compared with 89.7 percent in 1994, among those
who were 50.
Overall, the proportion of people who lived with their children declined. The ratebottomed out at 46.0 percent among the population 65 to 69 years old, but was relatively
higher among those in their late adulthood.
The proportion of people who lived with their children over the age of 18 was 32.0 percent,compared with 37.6 percent in 1994, among the population 18 years and over, and 52.1 percent,compared with 58.3 percent in 1994,
among the population 65 years and older.
Among the population 50 to 54 years old,
64.4 percent, compared with 74.0 percent,lived with their children, while 18.2
percent, compared with 15.6 percent, lived
apart from their parents. The proportionof those who lived with their children
decreased with aging to 45.6 percent,compared with 52.3 percent, and this was
the lowest among the population 65 to 69
years old.
On the other hand, thepercentage share of those who lived apartfrom their children increased to 46.0
percent, compared with 40.6 percent, andthis was the highest among the same
population. The share of those who lived
with their children increased as people age into their late adulthood, representing 76.0 percent,compared with 78.2 percent in 1994, among the population 85 years and older.
Among the population 64 years and under, more men than women lived with their children.
On the contrary, among the population 65 years and over, more women than men lived with
their children.
Figure III-2 would help you look at the proportion of those with children, as well as the
proportion of those who lived with their children, in more detail. Over 90 percent of the
population 50 years and over had children. The proportion of those who lived with theirchildren was higher among younger adults, decreasing among those in their forties, as their
9children reached the age to start out on their own. Although there is a subtle difference between
men and women, the percentage share bottomed out among the population 65 to 74 years old,among those in the ‘empty nest’ period. Compared to the estimates from the previous survey,
the proportion of those who lived with their children decreased in almost every age group. It
should especially be noted that the share of 65- to 69-year olds who lived with their children
dropped to less than 50 percent, although more than half of the same population had lived with
their children in 1994. Looking at differences between men and women, more men than women
lived with their children among the population 64 years and under. On the contrary, more
women than men lived with their children among the population 65 years and over, as a majorityof widowed women lived with their children. It could be said that the marital status of older
adults has important implications for their living arrangements and consequently affects theoverall proportion of people who live with their children. More older adults than ever avoided
living with their children in 1999, reflecting the trend in recent years. The trend was mostobvious among women 65 to 74 years old, as shown in the rapid decline in the proportion of those
who lived with their children. However, the differences between the estimates from the twosurveys were relatively smaller among those in their late adulthood. Though people tend to
avoid living with their children while they are healthy, they prefer living with their children as
they age into late adulthood. Living with grown-up children is still an important component ofJapanese living arrangements.

The percentage of older adults who lived with their grown-up daughters increased.
The figure III-3 would be helpful in the discussion about how the sex and seniority of siblings
affected their parents’ decision making process by which they choose the one to live with.
Among the population 18 years and over, 18.8 percent, compared with 19.7 percent in 1994, lived
with their older sons, representing the largest share of the population. Among grown-up
children who lived with their parents, those who were the eldest sons accounted for 58.8 percent,compared with 56.2 percent in 1994. 7.3 percent of 18-year olds and over, compared with 7.1
percent in 1994, lived with their eldest daughters in 1999, representing 22.6 percent, comparedwith 20.1 percent in 1994, among those who lived with grown-up children. A rise in the
proportion of those who lived with their eldest children, despite the fact that the overall
proportion of those who lived with their children had decreased, could be explained by a decline
in the number of children. The proportion of those who lived with their eldest sons increased
almost in accordance with every increase in the overall proportion of those who lived with their
10

children. The proportion of those who lived with their daughters bottomed out among the
population 70 to 74 years old, but the proportion increased as parents aged into their lateadulthood. Among the population 65 years and over, 38.0 percent, compared with 41.2 percent
in 1994, lived with their sons,
whereas 13.2 percent, comparedwith 10.6 percent in 1994, lived
with their daughters in 1999.
Among those who lived with
their children, 25.4 percent,compared with 18.8 percent in
1994, lived with their children.
It could be noted that more andmore parents are choosing to livewith their daughters.

Among the population 65 years old and over, the percentage was larger for those who had
moved in with their children after living apart for a period of time, than those who had
lived with their children all the time.
The figure III-4 shows whether or
not individuals in older adulthood
had experienced living apart fromtheir children. 42.9 percent of
the population 50 to 54 years had
never experienced living apartfrom their children, whereas only
20.2 percent of 70- to 74-year olds
had never lived apart form theirchildren. However, among the
population 85 years and over, 33.4
percent had never lived apart fromtheir children. 20.5 percent of
60-to 64-year olds lived with theirchildren after living apart fromthem for a period of time, and thepercentage share increased as theyage. Among the population 65
years and over, more of those who lived with their children in 1999 had experienced living apartfrom their children in the past. Among the population 85 years and over, 37.1 percent had
moved in with their children after having separate households. The relatively higher percentageof those who had resumed living with their children among the population 75 years and over isthought to be caused by health problems that require help from caretakers.
11

2

Living arrangement of younger adults

Among the population 18 years and over, one third did not have any parents alive.
proportion of those who had one or both parents alive slightly increased.

The

Among the population 18 years and over, 68.1 percent, compared with 64.1 percent in 1994, had
one or both parents alive in 1999, while 31.9 percent, compared with 35.9 percent, of the same
population did not have any parents alive in the same year (Table III-1). Among those who had
any of their parents alive, 45.9 percent, compared with 42.0 percent in 1994, had both of theirparents alive, whereas the proportion of those who had only their mothers alive and that of those
who had only their fathers alive were 18.8 percent and 3.4 percent in 1999, respectively,
compared with 18.5 percent and 3.6 percent in 1994. The percentage share of those who hadeither of their parents alive increased during the five-year period, thanks to improvements in live
expectancy
Table Ⅲ-1 Parents' life status of the population 18 years and overTotal
population
Total population
Percentage(%)

At least
Both parents
one parent Both parents Only fathers Only mothers deceased
alive
alive
alive
alive
24,396
16,615
11,194
824
4,597
7,781
100.0
68.1
45.9
3.4
18.8
31.9

Figure III-5 shows the parents’ life
status of different age groups.
Naturally, the proportion of those
who had lost both parents increased
with age, decreasing the percentage
share of those who had either of theirparents alive.
Among thepopulation 21 to 29 years old, theproportion of those who had bothparents alive was 92.7 percent in
1999, compared with 91.4 percent in
1994. The percentage share was
59.8 percent, compared with 52.7
percent in 1994, for those 45 to 49
years old, and 1.2 percent, comparedwith 0.4 percent in 1994, for those 65 years and over. However, half of those 50 to 59 years old,
as well as 28.5 percent of 60- to 64 years old, had at least one parent alive. Among the
population 65 years and over, 8.2 percent, compared with 4.9 percent in 1994, had their parents
alive in 1999, reflecting the upward trend over the five-year period.

12

Among the population 18 years and over, three fourths had at least one of their parents
alive, when parents-in-law were included.
Figure III-6 shows distribution in numbers of parents and parents-in-law alive for different age
groups. Among the population 18 years and over, 24.8 percent, compared with 27.9 percent in
1994, did not have any parents or parents-in-law alive in 1999. On the contrary, 75.2 percent of
the same population, compared with 72.1 percent in 1994, had at least one of their parents alive inthe same year. 16.5 percent, compared with 15.8 percent in 1994, had one parent orparent-in-law alive, whereas 37.4 percent, compared with 31.2 percent in 1994, had two parents
or parents-in-law alive. Those who had three parents and parents-in-law and those who had fourparents and parents-in-law alive accounted for 13.3 percent and 17.3 percent in 1999,
respectively, compared with 11.2 percent and 13.9 percent in 1994. In every category and groupthe percentage share of those who had their parents alive increased. Among the population 65
years and over, 10.9
percent, compared with
7.9 percent in 1994, had atleast one of their parents
and parents-in-law alive.
Among
the
same
population, those who had
two of their parents andparents-in-law
alive
accounted for 1.7 percent
in 1999, compared with
1.1 percent in 1994.
Overall, among those 65
years and over, one out ofeight people had at least
one of their parents orparents-in-law alive.
Among the population 18 years and over, 32.8 percent of men lived with their own parents
while 22.0 percent of women the same age lived with their own parents. The proportion of
those who lived with their own parents increased slightly among women 18 years and over.
Table III-2 shows proportions of 18-year-olds and over who lived with their parents, along withthe proportion of the same population who lived apart from their parents. Among the population
18 years and over, 27.3 percent, compared with 26.3 percent in 1994, shared the same householdswith their parents, whereas 41.3 percent, compared with 37.8 percent in 1994, lived apart fromtheir parents. Those who did not have any of their parents alive accounted for 31.5 percent of
the same population, compared with 35.9 percent in 1994. 32.8 percent of men 18 years andover, compared with 33.2 percent in 1994, lived with their parents in 1999, while 22.0 percent of
women the same age, compared with 19.7 percent in 1994, shared their homes with their parents
in 1999. Those who did not live with their parents represented 38.2 percent of men and 44.1
percent of women in 1999, compared with 33.6 percent for men and 42.0 percent for women in
1994. Although the proportion of those who lived with their parents was still larger for men
than for women in 1999, the proportion of women who lived with their children increased slightly
during the period since the previous survey.
13

Table Ⅲ-2 Presence of parents in households of the population 18 years old and over by sex
Total population
Those who
In separate Both parents
People Percentage lived with
With
With
With
households deceased(%)
their parents both parents fathers mothers
Total population 24,703
100.0
27.3
18.8
1.4
7.0
41.3
31.5
Men 12,026
100.0
32.8
21.7
1.9
9.3
38.2
28.9
Women 12,677
100.0
22.0
16.1
1.0
4.8
44.1
33.9
People with insufficient information are not included.
Sex

Figure III-1 shows the proportion of those who shared households with their parents, comparedwith that of those who had separate households from their parents, of different age groups. It
can be observed that the age 30 represents an important turning point both for men and for
women. While a little less than 80 percent of the population 20 to 24 years old lived at homewith their parents, the proportion of women in their twenties and thirties who lived with theirparents decreased with age, compared to that of men the same age, as the proportion of those whoare married increase as they age. However, among the population 30 to 34 years old, theproportion of women who lived with their parents increased slightly from 21.5 percent in 1994 to
22.9 percent in 1999, whereas the rate dropped among the men the same age from 41.2 percent in1994 to 39.0 percent in 1999. This trend shows consistency with a rise in the proportion ofnever-married adults, along with the increasing proportion of people who continue living at homewith their parents into mature adulthood. Although the proportion of men and women who lived
with their parents steadily declined with age, 4.3 percent of men 65 years and over, comparedwith 3.3 percent in 1994, as well as 1.1 percent of women the same age, compared with 0.8
percent in 1994, lived with their parents in 1999.

4.8 percent of married women lived with their own parents in 1999, when 16.3 percent of
the same population lived with their parents-in-law. The proportion of married women
who lived with their parents-in-law decreased slightly.
Figure III-8 shows the proportion of those who lived with their parents-in-law compared withthose who did not live with their parents-in-law in 1999. Overall, 10.6 percent of all the married
population, compared with 11.3 percent in 1994, lived with at least one of their parents-in-law in1999, while 53.4 percent of the same population, compared with 49.0 percent in 1994, lived apartfrom their parents-in-law in the same year. Those who did not have any of their parents-in-law
alive accounted for 36.0 percent of all of the married population, compared with 39.7 percent in
14

1994. 4.8 percent of married men, compared with 4.0 percent in 1994, lived with theirparents-in-law, whereas 60.8 percent of the same population, compared with 58.6 percent in
1994, did not live with their parents-in-law in 1999. On the other hand, 16.3 (18.0 in 1994)
percent of married women lived with their parents-in-law in 1999, when 46.0 (40.0 in 1994)
percent of the same population did not live with their parents-in law, reflecting one of the mostimportant characteristics of Japanese households. However, compared with the estimation fromthe previous survey, changes in the proportion of married men who lived with their parents-in-law
had been negligible, while the proportion of married women who lived with their parents-in-law
decreased. The proportion of married men who lived with their parents-in-law peaked at 7.3
percent among 45- to 49-year olds, followed by a steady decline with age. On the other hand,the proportion of married women who lived with their parents-in-law peaked at 23.7 percent
among 45- to 49-year olds, also followed by a steady decline with age. The reason why
relatively larger proportions of 45- to 49-year olds were found to live with their parents is thought
to be that, while a majority of their parents must have been still alive, they would have been most
likely to be in their late adulthood.

3

Relationships with other relatives

The average number of siblings per person declined slightly
Table III-3, Figure III-9 and Table III-4 show the average number of siblings for different age
groups (only those who were alive in 1999 are included). The average number of siblings perperson (including the person who was enumerated) peaked at 4.31 people among the population
born between 1935-39. The figures were smaller among younger populations, and the average
number of siblings per person among the population born between 1975-79 was only 2.38 people.
Overall, the average number of siblings per person for the total population enumerated in 1999
was 3.21 people. The number declined slightly from 3.44 people in 1994, as a sizable
proportion of Baby Boomers had lost their siblings during the five-year period. Among
generations born in 1960 and later, the average number of siblings almost coincided at 2.5 people.

15

Table Ⅲ-3 The average number of siblings per person,for different age groups
Total
Average number of siblings(people)
Year of birth population The 4th Survey of
The 3rd Survey ofJapanese Households Japanese Households
in 1999
in 1994
Total
28,767
3.21
3.44
population
-1924
2,305
2.94
3.31
1925 - 29
1,677
3.77
4.22
1930 - 34
2,026
4.19
4.58
1935 - 39
2,268
4.31
4.59
1940 - 44
2,596
4.12
4.21
1945 - 49
2,939
3.70
3.80
1950 - 54
2,685
3.28
3.31
1955 - 59
2,311
2.77
2.88
1960 - 64
2,212
2.52
2.57
1965 - 69
2,366
2.44
2.46
1970 - 74
2,526
2.43
2.43
1975 - 79
2,242
2.38
Unknown sample are not included

Among younger generations, half of women did not have any brothers.
of men were the eldest sons.

About 70 percent

As the number of siblings decreased, a larger proportion of people did not have siblings of adifferent sex. The proportion of women who did not have any brothers increased from 23.7
percent among the population born between 1935-39 to 44.9 percent among 1975-79 (Table
III-4). Furthermore, the proportion of those who were the eldest child increased as well.
Among the population born between 1975 and 1979, 71.7 percent were the eldest sons.
Table Ⅲ-4 Proportions of those who are the eldest child compared to those who are not;by sex and age(only those who were alive in 1999 are included.)
Men
Women
Year of birth Total
The eldest Those who were Total
Those who had no brothers Those who
population sons(%)
not the eldest
population The eldest Those who were had brothers
daughter not the eldest
Total
13,47063.0
37.0
14,478
22.3
14.1
63.6
population
-1924
834
84.7
15.3
1,452
43.7
11.7
44.6
1925 - 29
779
70.9
29.1
891
23.1
12.9
64.0
1930 - 34
964
60.1
39.9
1,045
17.8
11.8
70.4
1935 - 39
1,103
52.2
47.8
1,155
13.7
10.0
76.3
1940 - 44
1,258
49.0
51.0
1,320
17.0
10.3
72.7
1945 - 49
1,473
51.5
48.5
1,453
15.1
10.1
74.7
1950 - 54
1,349
54.8
45.2
1,316
15.5
13.7
70.8
1955 - 59
1,158
63.2
36.8
1,140
21.7
16.8
61.5
1960 - 64
1,110
68.8
31.2
1,086
25.9
15.3
58.8
1965 - 69
1,187
72.3
27.7
1,167
24.9
17.0
58.2
1970 - 74
1,176
69.5
30.5
1,324
23.6
18.8
57.6
1975 - 79
1,079
71.7
28.3
1,129
23.3
21.6
55.1
Unknown sample are not included

16

IV Changes in households: Households survived and households newly created
1

The heads of the houses in 1999

Among all the heads of the houses enumerated in 1999, 14.6 percent had newly become theheads of the houses during the period 1994-1999.
Among all the heads of the houses 18 years old and over, 75.8 percent were men, while womenaccounted for 14.0 percent. The heads of the houses in 1999 can be divided into those who had
been the heads of the houses in 1994 as well and those who had newly become the heads of thehouses during the period 1994-1999. The former numbered 9,863 people, representing 85.4
percent of all the heads of the houses (Table IV-1). On the other hand, the latter numbered
1,691 people, accounting for 14.6 percent of all. The heads of ‘the households containing theidentical heads of the houses as in 1994’ could be divided into those in ‘un-changed households’(82.1 percent of all the heads of the houses in 1999), which were not merged with otherhouseholds during the period, and those in ‘merged households’ (3.3 percent of all the head of thehouses in 1999), which had absorbed other households during the same period. The new headsof the houses found in 1999 can be divided into those who replaced the former heads of thehouses in the same households (5.1 percent of all) and those who had created new households(9.5 percent of all). As ‘Un-changed households’ and ‘merged households’ had existed in 1994
as well, they are sometimes referred to as ‘continued households’. Those who headed‘continued households’ accounted for 90.5 percent of all the heads of the houses. In general,
merging of households decreases the overall number of households, whereas the number
increases when new households are created. During the period 1994-1999, about three newhouseholds had been created for every merger of households.
This explains an increase in thenumber of households during the five-year period.
Table Ⅳ-1 Householders by type
People (%)
12,434People (%)
9,863 85.4 (1-1) Those in
9,483 82.1
'unchanged households '1,691 14.6 (1-2) Those in
380 3.3'merged households 'Householders whose880(2-1) Householders who
590 5.1
experiences are unknown
had replaced the former(2-2) Householders
1,101 9.5
in new households(1)+(2-1)Those in“continued households” 10,453 90.5
Householders whose experiences are unknown are not included in percentages in brackets.
Total householders in 1999
(1)Those headed‘households
containing the identical householders’(2)New householders

Among the people who had newly become the heads of the houses during 1994-1999,
children starting out on their own, as well as widowed women, represented a sizeable
proportion.
Looking at the experiences of the heads of the houses in detail, especially paying attention to thesex of the heads of the houses, Figure IV-1 shows the distribution of different types of the headsof the houses for different age groups. Among the heads of the houses in teens and twenties, thelargest proportion had created new households, whereas those in ‘unchanged households’
accounted for the largest proportion among the older male heads of the houses. Those who had
created new households were found most among men 25 to 29 years old, representing 20.1
17

percent of the population. Those in ‘unchanged households’ were found most among men 65 to
69 years old, representing 91.7 percent. The proportions of those who had absorbed otherhouseholds and those who had replaced the former heads of the houses were relatively small, but
3.2 percent of men 30 to 34 years old, as well as 6.4 percent of men 55 to 59 years old, hadabsorbed other households. Men in their early thirties are thought to have absorbed one-personhouseholds when they got married, whereas men in their fifties and sixties are thought to haveabsorbed their children’s households when their children moved in with them. A sizeable
proportion of those who had replaced the former heads of the houses took the place of theirparents, representing 3 percent of the population 20 to 59 years old. Among men 30 to 34 years
old, the proportion of the heads of the houses who had replaced their parents accounted for 4.0
percent of all.

The female heads of the houses represented a small proportion of any age group. Although
about 10 percent of women 18 to 24 years old were found to be the heads of the houses, thepercentage share declined among women in their thirties. However, the proportion of women
who headed the houses increased as they aged, peaking at 31.3 percent among women 80 to 84
years old. Looking at the female heads of the houses’ experiences in detail, among the female
heads of the houses in their twenties, the largest proportion had created new households during
the period since the previous survey, representing 10.4 percent of women the same age.
Although the percentage share of the female heads of the houses declined as the proportion of
married women increased, the share of the heads of the houses increased again among women 50
years and over as more and more had replaced the former heads of the houses as they aged. The
proportion of those who had replaced the former heads of the houses peaked at 6.5 percent among
women 70 to 74 years old. Relatively high proportions of those who had replaced the former
heads of the houses and those in ‘unchanged households’ are thought to represent widowed
women who had taken the place of their husbands following their deaths and had continued tohead the houses.
Although the proportion of the heads of the houses was smaller among men in late adulthood,more than 80 percent of 80- to 84-year olds headed the houses in 1999. A rise in proportion of
the heads of the houses among the female elderly could be attributed to the fact that the
proportion of older adults who don’t live with their children has increased in recent years.
18

The heads of the houses who had replaced the former heads of the houses in the same
households were found most among men 25 to 34 years old and the female elderly. Men
were most likely to have replaced their parents when they moved in with them, whereas
women were most likely to have replaced their spouses.
The heads of the houses who had replaced
the former heads of the houses in the same
households during the period 1944-1999
numbered 590 people. Among them, 42.5
percent had replaced their parents, while
42.0 percent had replaced their spouses.
These two kinds of replacements accounted
for more than 80 percent of all. Otherkinds of replacements occurred among those
who replaced their parents-in-law (3.7
percent), those who replaced their children(2.0 percent), and those who replaced their
grandparents (1.9 percent).
The maleheads of the houses by replacement weremost likely to have replaced their parents(72.8 percent), or their spouses (6.0
percent), or their parents-in-law (5.6
percent). On the other hand, the female
heads of the houses by replacement weremost likely to have replaced their spouses(79.9 percent), or their parents (10.8
percent). The proportion of the heads ofthe houses who had replaced the former
heads of the houses represented relatively
large shares among men 25 to 54 years old,most of them replacing their parents. The
percentage share of the heads of the housesby replacement peaked at 3.3 percent among
30- to 34-year olds for men.
As forwomen, the proportions of the heads of the houses by replacement of all populations wererelatively larger among those 65 to 84 year olds, most of them replacing their spouses. The
percentage share of the heads of the houses by replacement peaked at 5.2 percent among 70- to
74-year-olds for women.
43.1 percent of the all heads of the houses by replacement in 1999 had replaced the former headsof the houses when they moved in with the former heads of the houses, whereas 56.9 percent of
replacement occurred following deaths of the former households.
The majority of the maleheads of the houses by replacement (65.6 percent) had taken the place of the former the headsof the houses when they moved in with them, while the largest proportion of the female heads ofthe houses by replacement (80.6 percent) had replaced their spouses. Looking at the variation
between different age groups, it can be observed that replacement of the heads of the houses weremost common among men 25 to 39 years old, as well as women 65 to 84 years old. It should be
noted that, while most of replacement for men had occurred when separate households weremerged, most of the female heads of the houses by replacement had become the heads of the19houses following deaths of the former heads of the houses (see Figure IV-2).
Overall, the male heads of the houses by replacement were found most among those in their latetwenties and thirties, while the female heads of the houses by replacement were found mostamong those in late adulthood. Men tended to have replaced their parents, where women tended
to have replaced their spouses.
2

Arrivals and departures of household members

Among the households that had continued to exist through the period 1994-1999, 16.1
percent had experienced arrivals of new members, while 26.7 percent had experienced
departures of their members. Reasons for departures included marriage, deaths, new jobs
and job transfers, as well as admission to or graduation from schools.
Among the households that had continued to exist through the five-year period between 1994 and1999, 16.1 percent had experienced arrivals of new members, while 26.7 percent had experienced
departures of their members. The fact that the households that had experienced departures of
their members outnumbered the households that had experienced arrivals of new members
underlines the trend in shrinking households.
Figure IV-3 shows distribution of various reasons for joining or leaving households. Among
those who had joined ‘continued households’ as new members, the majority were new-bornbabies, while others attributed the act to marriage, new jobs, or job transfers. There were some
who had merged with other households seeking help in raising their children. In Figure IV-3,
the number of all who had joined ‘continued households’ as new members during the period
1994-1999 for different reasons are divided by the number of all ‘continued households’. 0.14
people per household joined ‘continued households’ as new-born babies, while 0.05 people perhousehold had become new members of ‘continued households’ after marriage. 0.02 people hadjoined for new jobs including job transfers, 0.01 people following admission to or graduationfrom schools, and 0.01 people in pursuit of the help in raising children. On the other hand, 0.10
people per household had left their homes when they got married, 0.07 people had passed away,
0.06 people for new jobs or job transfers, and 0.04 people following admission to or graduationfrom schools. Overall, 0.26 people per household had arrived as new members of ‘continued
households’ during the period 1994-1999, while 0.38 people per household had departed their oldhouseholds during the same period. The proportion was slightly larger for those who had
departed.
A rise in the proportion of those who had departed from their old households following divorce isconsistent with the trend in the increasing divorce rate. Similarly, a growth in the percentage
share of those who had moved out from their old households with their first jobs or new job
offers, or for marriage, could be explained by the fact that the offspring of Baby Boomers hadcome of age. One of the most noticeable trends was an increase in the proportion of those who
had joined ‘continued households’ seeking the help in raising children. This trend was observed
most among young married couples seeking solutions to their problems of child rearing.

20

3Changes in the size of households

Among all ‘continued households’, 13.7 percent increased in size, while 22.0 percent became
smaller during the period 1994-1999.
The average size of all ‘continued
households’ that had announced
whether or not there had been any
arrivals or departures during theperiod 1994-1999 decreased by
0.1 percentage points, from 3.08
people in 1994 to 2.97 people in1999. Looking at the proportionsof different household sizes,
households containing one person,
two people, or three people
increased during the five-year
period,while
households
containing four people decreased
during the same period (see FigureIV-4). Furthermore, among thesame households, 13.7 percent had increased in size during the 5-year period, when those that had
decreased in size and those that had remained the same in size accounted for 22.0 percent and64.4 percent, respectively. This, as well, underlines the recent trend in shrinking households.
Looking at changes during the five-year period in detail, households that had contained threepeople in 1994 were likely to be smaller in 1999. For example, among all continued households
that had contained three people in 1994, 20.8 percent were two-people households in 1999, while
16.7 percent contained four people in the same year. On the other hand, households that had
consisted of two people in 1994 were most likely to be larger in 1999. However, it should be21

noted that this trend could be easily overturned when households containing widowed people
living alone outnumbers households consisting of married couples with children. It is believedthat households containing two people will be more likely to decrease in size in the future.
4

Changes in the types of households

Among the continued households, the proportion of one-person households, as well as thatof married couples without children, increased during the period. In contrast, theproportion of married couples with children, along with that of other types of households,
declined during the same period.
Compared to the estimates from the previous survey, the proportion of one-person households
and that of households containing married couples without children increased (16.7 percent to17.8 percent; 19.2 percent to 20.1 percent, respectively) (see Table IV-2). On the contrary, theproportion of those consisting of married couples with children, as well as that of other household
types, decreased (48.0 to 46.3 percent; 16.1 to 15.9 percent, respectively).
Table Ⅳ-2 Continued households by type: Selected years,1994 and 1999
1994
1999
Number of Percentage Number of Percentage
households (%)
households (%)
One person
1,455
16.7
1,548
17.8
Married couples without children
1,676
19.2
1,748
20.1
Married couples with children
4,181
48.0
4,032
46.3
Other households
1,401
16.1
1,385
15.9
Total
8,713
100.0
8,713
100.0
Note: Unknown households are not included.Married couples
with children include those who did not announce their sex.
Household typeThe most common type of change in household types was that from married couples
without children to married couples with children.
Looking at changes in household types during the period 1994-1999 (see Table IV-3), the largest
proportion of one-person households in 1994 (8.9 percent) had changed into households
containing married couples with children during the period. Similarly, 15.1 percent of married
couples without children in 1994 had turned into households consisting of married couples withchildren during the same period. 8.7 percent of households containing married couples withchildren in 1994 were identified as those consisting of married couples without children, while
10.4 percent of other households in 1994 were recognized as households containing married
couples with children in 1999. Generally, the first two examples represent an increase in thesize of households, whereas the latter two examples represent a decrease in the size ofhouseholds. It should be noted that married couples without children were more likely to havechanged into married couples with children than into households containing people living alone,reflecting the continued trend in married-couple households. However, it is worthwhile to pointout that this trend can be overturned as the declining birth rate and health of the elderly start totake effect.

22

Table Ⅳ-3 Households by type: Selected years,1994 and 1999(%)

1999 One

Married couples Married couples Other
Total
1994
person without children with children
households
One person
81.9
7.8
8.9
1.4 100.0
Married couples without children
9.4
72.9
15.1
2.6 100.0
Married couples with children
3.8
8.7
83.8
3.7 100.0
Other households
2.9
3.6
10.4
83.2 100.0
Total
17.8
20.1
46.3
15.9 100.05People who were formerly heads of their households

People who had formerly been heads of their households in 1994 were found most among
20- to 29-year olds, who had joined other households during the period 1994-1999.
The survey defined those who were not the heads of the houses in 1999 but had been the heads ofthe houses in 1994 as the ‘former heads of the houses.’ We divided these ‘former heads of thehouses’ into two categories; those who had accepted to give up their identity when they mergedwith other households (‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’) and those who had been
replaced by some other member in the same households (‘former heads of the houses by
replacement’). Among men 18 years and over, ‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’ and‘former heads of the houses by replacement’ accounted for 1.5 percent and 0.3 percent,respectively. Similarly, among women the same age, ‘former heads of the houses by
acceptance’ and ‘former heads of the houses by replacement’ represented 2.5 percent and 0.5
percent, respectively. In general, women are more likely to give up their identity as the heads ofthe houses when they get married, and for this reason, it is considered that there were more‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’ than ‘former heads of the houses by replacement’among women.
Looking at the variation between age groups, ‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’ were
found most among men and women in their late twenties (6.7 percent for men; 10.9 percent for
women). The proportion of ‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’ was smaller amongolder adults, though relatively larger proportions of ‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’
were found among those 60 years and over. Those who went back to their home to live with
their parents (those who ‘U-turned’), as well as those who got married and joined otherhouseholds, made up most of the ‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’ in their twenties.
Most of the ‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’ in late adulthood had given up being theheads of the houses when they resumed living with their grown-up children. On the other hand,‘former heads of the houses by replacement’ were found most among men 60 years and over, as
well as women 55 years and over. Most of them are thought to have been replaced by theirchildren.
It is widely believed that a growth in the proportion of 25- to 29-year olds who ‘U-turn’ reflects
the economic recession, and it should be noted that those people represent a sizeable proportionof ‘former heads of the houses by acceptance’. In this context, we assert that the trends in living
relationships between parents and children are important, not only from the demographic point ofview, but also from the economic perspective.

23

V
1

Households:

Increase in number or increase in size

Children creating new households

Among the population 25 years and over, men were more likely to live at home with theirparents than women. The proportion of women who lived at home with their own children
increased during the period 1994-1999.
The Figure V-1 compares the proportions of those who lived with their parents in 1999 with theestimation from the previous survey in 1994.
During the five-year period, the proportion of
women who continued living at home with parents rapidly increased. Especially, the proportion
increased by 5 percentage points among women 25 to 29 years old. Conversely, the proportionof men who continued living with their parents remained relatively stable, except for those in
their late twenties. However, it is not clear whether this is due to an increase in the proportion ofmen who started out in separate households, or because of a decrease in the proportion of men
who resumed living with their parents after living separately for a while.

The average age at which people started out on their own was higher among younger
generations.
Figure V-2 shows the average age at which different cohorts started out in separate households
from their parents. The data obtained from those born in 1965-69 do not reflect the actual
situation, as quite a large share of them still lived at home with their parents in 1999. Taking
this into consideration, it could be said that those who were born in 1945-49 left their homes at
the youngest age on average. The average age was higher among younger cohorts. It is widelybelieved that this trend of delayed children’s independence started to appear following the end of
the period of high economic development.

24

The proportion of those who left their homes to attend schools remained relatively stable.
The proportion of women who continued living at home with their parents until marriage
declined to about 50 percent.
Figure V-3 shows the variation in
distribution of different reasons forthe first departures from their homesby age and sex. Among those who
had already left their parents’ homes,
70 percent of men had left before
marriage, while the majority ofwomen had lived at home with theirparents until marriage. However,the proportion of women who
continued living at home with theirparents until marriage had declined
over a long period, from 70 percent
to just more than 50 percent.
In general, those who start out on
their own with their first jobs orfollowing admission to schools arethought to leave their homes before
marriage. In the old days, when arelatively smaller population ofpeople had higher education, those
who started out on their own with
their first jobs outnumbered those
who started out with admission to25

schools by an overwhelming majority. However, in recent years, the gap between these twogroups is becoming smaller and smaller. Although the proportion of those who start out inseparate households to attend schools had beensteadily rising since the late 1960s, the growth has leveled off in recent years.
2

Marriage

The trend in delaying marriage was obvious among women.
never-married adults also grew.

The proportion of

Table V-1 shows the rate of the never-married by age and sex. As you can see, the rate
remained relatively stable among men. On the contrary, the rate of women 25 to 34 years old
increased by 4 to 5 percentage points during the period 1994-1999, reflecting the trend indelaying marriage. Although the rate did not increase so rapidly among older adults, it should
be noted the rate of men 45 to 49 years old, as well as women 50 to 54 years old, increased bymore than 1 percentage points during the same five-year period. Overall, the trend in delaying
marriage was observed.
Table Ⅴ-1 The rate of the never-married by sex and age: Selected years,1994 and 1999
Men
Women
The 3rd Survey of Japanese The 4th Survey of Japanese The 3rd Survey of Japanese The 4th Survey of JapaneseHouseholds in 1994
Households in 1999
Households in 1994
Households in 1999
18 to 19 years old
99.7
98.5
98.2
97.6
20 to 24 years old
93.3
93.4
88.6
88.4
25 to 29 years old
66.0
64.4
46.4
51.3
30 to 34 years old
33.2
34.2
16.6
20.7
35 to 39 years old
20.5
20.9
9.7
9.7
40 to 44 years old
13.8
16.3
5.0
6.1
45 to 49 years old
9.0
10.7
4.0
4.6
50 to 54 years old
5.0
5.4
2.7
4.4
55 to 59 years old
4.0
3.8
3.3
3.2
60 to 64 years old
1.2
2.2
3.4
2.7
65 years old and over
0.4
0.9
2.7
2.3
Age

3

Creation of households at different stages of life

So far, we have discussed issues regarding such topics as children’s departures from their homes,
marriage, and birth of offspring. Here, we would like to put these issues in the context ofdifferent stages of life. We identified five different stages of life with which to continue our
discussion.
These five stages of life were identified according to the results obtained in 1999.
1

With parents: Not married; living with parents and/or grandparents.
(Those who had moved in after living in separate households are included in thiscategory.)
2 Out on their own: Not married; not living either with parents or with grandparents
3 Marriage: Married, have been married or living with partners; not living withparents/grandparents or children.
4 Offspring: Married or have been married; not living with parents/grandparents, butliving with children
5 Gone through stages with parents: Married with children; have lived withparents/grandparents all the time.
26

Among the population 30 years and over, the majority had gone through the stages of Out
on their own, Marriage and Offspring. Those who had observed the traditional way of life
and thus experienced the latter two stages at home with parents were found more among
men than women.
Figure V-4 shows distribution of the five life stages of the population 18 to 39 years old. 21.5
percent of men 18 to 19 years old, as well as 14.6 percent of women 18 to 19 years old, were at
On their own stage in 1999. Among the population 20 to 24 years old, about the same
proportion of men and women were at With parents stage, though the proportion increased among
men in their late twenties as the percentage share of those who were married increased. Amongthe population 30 years and over, the majority had experienced the three stages of Out on theirown, Marriage and Offspring. Those who had observed the traditional way of life and thus
experienced the latter two stages at home with parents were found more among men than women.

It is expected that an increased proportion of women 35 to 39 years old will live at homewith their parents in the future.
Figure V-5 shows the distribution of five life stages in 1999 of those who had lived with parents
in 1994. We call the ratio between those who had moved onto different stages of life during acertain period of time and those who had remained in their parents’ households during the same
period the ‘stage transfer ratio’, which, we believe, could be an important parameter for making
projections of future trends in households creation.
For example, the probability of continuing living with their parents can be calculated bymultiplying the ‘stage non-transfer rate’ of the target age group by that of every age group under
the target age. According to this formula, the probability of continuing living with parents canbe calculated as 7.9 percent (0.801 x 0.806 x 0.672 x 0.507 x 0.360) for men 35 to 39 years old.
As you can see from the Figure V-4, 12.7 percent of men 35 to 39 years old lived at home withparents in 1999. This means that a sizable proportion of them had resumed living with theirparents after living in separate households. On the other hand, for women the same age, theprobability of continuing living with parents was calculated as 11.0 percent (0.887 x 0.807 x
0.613 x 0.513 x 0.488). The probability was slightly higher than the actual percentage in 1999.
This implies delays in independence and marriage among younger generations, and it is expectedthat an increased proportion of women 35 to 39 years old will live at home with their parents infuture.
27

28

VI Households separating and shrinking
1

Death of spouses and divorces

Those who had become widowed were most likely to be found either in households
containing people living alone, or in households containing one parents and children.
Among those who had been married in 1994, 1.4 percent of men, as well as 4.7 percent of
women, were found to be widowed in 1999. Among the population 65 years and over, 3.4
percent of men, as well as 16.7 percent of women, had been widowed during the period
1994-1999. Overall, one out of every 30 men, compared with one out of every six women, had
become widowed during the same period.
Table VI -1 shows changes in household types to which those who had become widowed during
the five-year period belonged. Among men, the shifts from households containing married
couples with children to one-parent households with children, as well as the change fromhouseholds containing married couples without children into one-person households, were themost common types of change, representing over 20 percent, respectively. As for women, thechange from households containing married couples without children to those consisting ofpeople living alone were the most common types of change, representing about 30 percent. Thechange from households containing married couples with children into one-parent householdswith children represented 20 percent of all. Similar kinds of changes were observed between
men and women, though there was some difference in proportions. Overall, 90 percent ofhouseholds containing married couples without children had turned into households consisting ofpeople living alone, among which 83.5 percent contained women.
Table Ⅵ-1 Changes in household types of those who had become widowed:
Selected years,1994 and 1999
Men
Women
1999
1999
One
One parent Other household One
One parent Other household
person with children types
person with children types
One person
9.6
1.0
3.2
0.5
0.3
Married couples
22.1
1.0
0.0
31.3
1.3
0.0
without children
Married couples
1.9
23.1
3.8
1.6
22.4
3.5
with children
One parent
5.8
1.9
0.3
1.1
0.3
with children
Other household
1.9
27.9
0.8
2.7
30.7
types
Ratio to total number excluding unidentified type of households. There is no applicable married
couple without children nor married couple with children of current type of households.
1994

Divorced men were most likely to be found in one-person households, whereas divorced
women were found most in one-parent households with children.
Among those who had been married in 1994, 1.4 percent of men, as well as 1.7 percent of
women, had gotten divorced between 1994 and 1999, compared to 0.8 percent and 1.1 percent
during the previous five year period, respectively. Among the population 40 years and under,
4.0 percent of men (compared with 2.7 percent in 1994), as well as 5.0 percent of women(compared with 3.3 percent in 1994), had experienced divorces at some point in their lives. The
29

percentage was higher among those 40 years and over.
Table VI -2 shows changes in household types to which those who had gotten divorced during theperiod 1994-1999 belonged. The majority of divorced men moved from households containing
married couples without children or those with children to one-person households, representing
16.9 percent and 12.4 percent, respectively. On the other hand, more than 30 percent ofdivorced women were found in one-parent households with children. Divorced people who
were found in households containing married couples with children are thought to have moved
into their parents’ households. Although 70 percent of divorced people who did not havechildren were found in one-person households, as was the case with widowed people, thepercentage share of women in these one-person households was almost equal to that of men.
Table Ⅵ-2 Changes in household types of those who had got divorced:
Selected years,1994 and 1997
Men
Women
1999
1999
One
Married couples Single Single Other household One
Married couples Single Single Other households
person with children
father mother types
person with children
father mother types
One person
14.6
1.1
2.3
0.8
3.9
Married couples
16.9
2.2
1.1
1.1
1.1
10.2
2.3
3.1
without children
Married couples
12.4
4.5
5.6
1.1
4.5
4.7
3.1
37.5
10.2
with children
Single father
2.2
2.2
1.1
0.8
Single mother
4.5
1.1
0.8
4.7
3.1
Other household
1.1
1.1
4.5
15.7
1.6
0.8
3.1
7.0
types
Those households whose types are unknown are not included.
1994

2

Departures of children and empty nesters

Over 20 percent of all households containing the heads of the houses 60 years and over hadchanged from households containing married couples with children into those consisting ofmarried couples without children during the period 1944-1999.
The proportion of those households that
had changed from those containing
married couples with children in 1994
to those consisting of married couples
without children in 1999 represented thelargest share among those with theheads of the houses 25 to 29 years old
and among those with the heads of thehouses 60 to 64 years old. In general,
while the proportion of new households
containing married couples withoutchildren represents those households
containing
newly-married
couplesamong younger adults, this represents
those containing empty nesters amongolder adults. The proportion of those households that had turned into empty-nest households
rapidly increased among those with the heads of the houses 55 to 59 years old, peaking at 23.7
30

percent among those with the heads of the houses 60 to 64 years old. Households with the headsof the houses in late adulthood were less likely to have had that kind of change during thefive-year period.
Overall, among the households that had continued to exist through the period 1994-1999, 9.8
percent had turned from households containing married couples with children into thoseconsisting of married couples without children.
Becoming an empty nester was the most common among those in their late fifties
We divided the process by which grown-up children leave their homes into the following fourstages:I Not started yet (All children live at home with parents)
II Partly started (Some children left, while others are still at home)
III Finished between 1994 and 1999 (Became empty nesters during the period between July
1994 and July 1999)
IV Had finished before 1994 (All children had left their homes before 1994)
Among all those with children, 45.5 percent were in stage I (compared with 47.2 percent in1994), 30.0 percent were in stage II (32.1 percent in 1994), and 6.2 percent were in stage III.
The proportion of those in the stage IV increased, from 12.4 percent in 1994 to 18.3 percent in
1999. The proportion of those in the stage III or IV accounted for 24.5 percent, and this 24.5
percent of parents are considered to have been empty nesters. This means that one out of every
four parents were empty nesters.
Figure VI-2 show the distribution of these four stages by age and sex. The proportion of thosein the stage III or IV (empty nesters) rose rapidly among men in their late fifties, as well as
women in their late forties and early fifties. Among the population 65 to 69 years old, about half
were empty nesters in 1999. Between 1994 and 1999, those in their late fifties had been most
likely to become empty nesters. Among 55- to 59-year olds, 15.1 percent of men, comparedwith 14.3 percent of women, had become empty nesters during the period.

On the contrary, the proportion of empty nesters was relatively smaller among older adults, as
more and more people resumed living with their children. Among women 65 years and over
who were in stage I or II, those who lived with their children after living in separate households
accounted for more than 50 percent (see Figure VI-3). Changes in parents’ health conditions, as
31

well as shifts in children’s marital status, arethought to be important factors behind this kindof living arrangement.

3

Health of the elderly and their households

Households containing older adults who needed special care tended to include someone
other than himself/herself and his/her spouses.
Among the population 65 years and over,
10.7 percent of men, compared with 14.9
percent of women, needed special care.
Among the population 80 years and over,
over 20 percent of men and women could notlive their daily lives without some help fromcaretakers.
Among the population 65 years and over,those who needed special care were foundmost in ‘other households’ and were lesslikely to live alone, compared with those who
were healthy (see Figure VI -4). The trend
was more obvious than for men, because, in
general, older men who need special care aremost likely to be attended to by their spouses
whereas older women who need the samekind of care are most likely to be attended toby their daughter or daughters-in-law. For
example, among the population 65 years andover, 25.6 percent of healthy women lived inhouseholds consisting of married couples
without children, whereas only 9.8 percent of
women who needed special care lived alone
with their husbands. It could be observedthat the existence of older women who needspecial care can involve changes in the composition of their households.
Among the population 65 years and over, the proportion of those who lived with their children
after living separately for a while was higher among those who needed special care, by 11.3
percentage points for men and by 5.7 percentage points for women. As we mentioned before,changes in the health of parents is thought to be an important factor for living arrangements ofthis kind.
32