Sustain Sci
DOI 10.1007/s11625-009-0085-1

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Land use and cover change in Japan and Tokyo’s appetite
for meat
Tatiana Gadda Æ Alexandros Gasparatos

Received: 17 July 2008 / Accepted: 14 August 2009
Ó Integrated Research System for Sustainability Science, United Nations University, and Springer 2009

Abstract Urban consumption of ecosystems services
such as food generates environmental impacts at different
geographical scales. In the last few decades Tokyoites haveshown an increasing appetite for meat. This study examines
the environmental implications of Tokyo’s increasing meat
consumption by analyzing how this trend has affected land
use and cover change in areas near and far away. Historical
databases (1970–2005) are employed in order to explore
meat consumption patterns in Tokyo and to relate it withbeef and pork production in areas within the country andabroad. It also integrates the historical analysis of production and consumption patterns with a discussion of thedrivers (e.g., wealth, price, policies and seafood availability) behind these trends. We identified that meat productionin Japan followed three distinct phases between 1877 and2005. In the first period it took 50 years for production toincrease by 50%, while during the next phase production
showed the same growth in just half the time. Majorchanges in land use/cover change because of domestic
meat production occurred mainly during the second phase
and, thereafter, when domestic production declined andElectronic supplementary material The online version of thisarticle (doi:10.1007/s11625-009-0085-1) contains supplementarymaterial, which is available to authorized users.
T. Gadda (&)
Avenida Vicente Machado, 127, Centro, Curitiba,
Paraná 80420-010, Brazil
e-mail: tatianagadda@hotmail.com
A. Gasparatos
United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies, 6F,
International Organizations Center, Pacifico-Yokohama,1-1-1 Minato Mirai, Nishi-ku, Yokohama 220-8502, Japane-mail: gasparatos@ias.unu.edu

was substituted to a great extent by imports. Despite theincreasing consumption of imported meat, Tokyo relies
greatly on domestic meat produced in its neighboring
prefectures. The paper concludes that regional planning canbe used as an effective instrument to protect the environment and secure protein for the population of mega-urban
areas such as Tokyo.
Keywords
Tokyo

Meat consumption  Land use  Japan Introduction
The inclusion of meat1 in the early human diet is regarded
as a fundamental adaptation that led to different sorts ofdevelopments (e.g., of tools, social interaction, communication, etc.), one of which was new patterns of land use(Stanford and Bunn 2001). From scavenging and hunting,human practices evolved to domesticating animals for meatproduction.
Industrial agriculture allowed for the increase in production and widespread consumption of meat worldwide.
In the past 40 years, per capita meat consumption increased
globally by 60%. These trends have been facilitated by apackage of interconnected factors that includes globalization, increase in wealth, urbanization and, until very
recently, decrease in prices. But while the so-called livestock revolution has been important for the provision ofanimal protein to the increasing human population, moreland is directly and indirectly (i.e., for feed production)required to produce meat (Clay 2004).
1

By meat we mean terrestrial animal carcasses used as food.

123Sustain Sci

Japan is among the world’s largest importers of meat.
After World War II, its appetite for meat increased quickly
despite its longstanding love for seafood. Tokyo,2 Japan’slargest city, houses an affluent population of over 8.5
million people (as per 2005), and every day an enormous
amount of food flows into Tokyo to feed this population.
Among the different kinds of meat, pork, chicken and beef
are those most prevalent in Tokyo’s menus. As a ‘‘global
city,’’ Tokyo is connected internationally through trade andinvestment networks and relies heavily on imported meat.
Nevertheless, Tokyo still counts greatly on its surrounding
prefectures for its meat supply.
Urban populations are currently the largest consumersof meat, but few studies have thus far analyzed the impactof urban consumption patterns on ecosystem services andhow this affects land use and cover change (LUCC) at
multiple scales (local, regional, global) and over time. It
should be noted here that livestock production is one of
the most significant agents of direct and indirect land usechange. LUCC can have significant environmental impact,
as will be discussed in the following section. Understanding the trajectory of meat consumption in large urban
areas and its driving forces can help promote policies thathave less detrimental impact on land use and cover. It canalso shed light on environmental impacts connected to
LUCC.
We took advantage of different time series (1970–
2005) produced by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government(TMG) and the Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and
Fisheries (MAFF) to analyze how Tokyo’s consumptionof beef and pork impacts LUCC within the country. We
accounted for the direct land used for livestock production in Japan (i.e., grazing and farm land). This paper
starts with a summary of the main environmental impacts
related to livestock-induced land use change (‘‘Meat
production, land use change and environmental impact’’).
‘‘Historical analysis’’ explores the historic trends of meat
consumption and production both within Japan andTokyo. The methodology we employ in order to calculate
the area directly needed to support Tokyo’s meat consumption is outlined in ‘‘Methodology,’’ while the main
results, regarding the provision of meat (beef and pork) inTokyo through its wholesale and retail markets, are presented in ‘‘Results.’’ This part also describes the mostimportant geographical regions that arrange for the meat
arriving at Tokyo’s wholesale market and quantify theamount of land directly appropriated in different regionsof Japan to produce the meat that has been consumed inTokyo. Finally, we discuss the main results in line withcertain relevant statistics that have been collected from amultitude of sources.
2

By Tokyo we mean Tokyo’s 23 wards.

123

Meat production, land use change and environmental
impactLivestock production has been identified as having a major
impact on the environment. Steinfeld et al. (2006) conducted a comprehensive review of the academic literatureand found that livestock production can trigger greenhousegas (GHG) emission, air pollution, water depletion, waterpollution and biodiversity loss among others. These
impacts can be direct (i.e., from activities relevant tolivestock rearing) or indirect (e.g., from agriculturalactivities relevant to the production of the feed required by
the livestock). A large number of these impacts can belinked to the conversion of land for pasture and croplandfor the feed required to feed the animals. Considering thatthe main theme of this special issue is land use change, theenvironmental impacts that will be discussed in this section
will be linked to direct and indirect land use change.
According to Naylor et al. (2005), livestock is currently
the world’s single largest appropriator of land, with land
dedicated to the production of feed crops overtaking
grazing land. It is expected that the demand for meat will
increase in the future (Steinfeld et al. 2006), something thatwill most likely result in an increasing appropriation ofland for housing and feeding these animals. Galloway et al.
(2007) suggest a 4:1 ratio between the land required to
produce animal feed and human food, with this ratio boundto increase. What is more important, however, is that there
has been a shift towards an industrial production mentality.
This has resulted in the ‘‘delinking of livestock from the
supporting natural base’’ (Naylor et al. 2005), which isparticularly true for meat- and feed-importing countries
such as Japan. Galloway et al. (2007) calculated that theconsumption of pork and chicken meat in Japan appropriates around 2.2 million hectares of land abroad, an area thatis equal to approximately half of the total available arable
land in Japan.
Direct and indirect livestock activities are responsible
for a large fraction of the GHGs emitted globally every
year. Steinfeld et al. (2006) calculated that livestock production and related activities might be responsible for 9%of the total anthropogenic CO2 emissions and an impressive 35–40% of CH4 and 65% of N2O emissions. A significant fraction of these emissions is due to direct land usechanges for pasture, such as deforestation, and indirect land
use changes relevant to feed production. The subsequentdegradation of land is another important factor that cannot
be underestimated. In particular, livestock-related land usechanges are responsible for emitting 2.4 billion tons of CO2
per year globally, 0.03 billion tons CO2/year from livestock-related cultivated soils and 0.1 billion tons CO2/year
from livestock-induced desertification. These CO2 emissions that are attributed to land use changes are responsible

Sustain Sci

for about 35.8% of all GHGs emitted by livestock production globally (Steinfeld et al. 2006).
Livestock-induced land use change also has a significant
impact on biodiversity. Generally speaking, increasinglevels of livestock production can be detrimental to biodiversity with deforestation, habitat fragmentation and land
use intensification being the leading land use-related causes(Steinfeld et al. 2006). Wassenaar et al. (2007) predictsignificant deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon, whichmight be attributed to livestock production (both directly
and indirectly).
Another environmental impact of livestock productionthat can be linked to the loss of biological diversity is theeffect of grazing and land use change on the water cycle.
Extensive grazing may result in a changing plant composition, which in turn might be unable to slow down runoff,
resulting in altered water flows. This can affect streams
and riparian ecosystems (Belsky et al. 1999). Additionally,
livestock-induced land use conversion can also affect waterflows at the basin level with the Mississippi River Basinbeing an example (Zhang and Schilling 2006).
There are several additional environmental impacts withindirect links to land use change that we do not discuss
here. The interested reader is directed to Steinfeld et al.
(2006) for an extensive review of the existing literature.

Historical analysis
Despite the scarcity of land, about two-thirds of Japan iscovered by forests, a figure that has remained constant for
more than 4 decades. One of the reasons why Japan could
keep the integrity of its forests is that its ecosystems havenever faced significant pressure to produce livestock,
whose demand for grazing (especially in the past) could
have been a strong competitor for forest cover. While
meadows and pastures covered one percent of Japan’s area
between the mid-1960s and the mid-1970s, this area shrank
and constituted only 0.2% of Japan in 2004 (MIAC 2008a,b). Therefore, significant direct land use/cover change inJapan as a whole cannot be attributed to the changes inmeat production in the last few decades.
A reason why Japan could avoid the possible downsideof meat production is because, driven by Buddhism, thecountry abandoned for centuries the habit of meat eating.
Emperor Tenmu, in 676 A.D., was the first of subsequentemperors to ban meat consumption (Otsuka 1996). During
the ban period, which lasted until the end of the Tokugawa
Shogunate in 1867, both meat eating and activities related
to the slaughtering of animals were considered as impure.
While meat eating has lost its impurity connotation,
butchery remains an activity facing discrimination (Sakurai2004). Ten years after the end of the ban, 34,000 cows wereslaughtered for meat, while a 100 years later this number
rose to 750,000, as will be discussed later. Despite therelatively low consumption of meat by the Japanese, which
has been attributed to high prices (Hayami 1979), there has
been a continuous growth of the Japanese livestockindustry since the ban was lifted. This has been supported
by both increases in the efficiency of the domestic meatindustry as well as by the increasing importance of imports
to accommodate the demand by an increasingly affluent
Japanese society.
Following the end of the World War II, meat prices
skyrocketed and, as a result, the daily per capita intake ofmeat in Tokyo was a mere 5 g/capita/day in 1947. However, once the Japanese economy started to flourish, consumption of meat in Tokyo increased gradually, achieving
its peak in the late 1970s (88 g/capita/day). After that, meatintake, driven by stabilized beef consumption, leveled off
despite the continuous increase of pork consumption.
Tokyo’s residents have historically consumed, on average,
more meat than the average Japanese citizen (up to 250%
more in the late 1940s). However, this difference had
disappeared by the mid-1980s, as is shown in Fig. 1.
Considering Japan’s population and affluence, these figures
are still not impressive by western standards, and Japanesemeat consumption has been considered relatively shy
among developed countries.
This increasing prominence of meat in the Japanese dietis a result of a shift in dietary preferences that becomes
more apparent when comparing food intake across generations. Although fish intake remains high for all age
groups, youngsters and young adults (especially between
the ages of 15 and 39) are eating, on average, more meat
than older generations (TMG 2007). This is arguably due toa change in consumption patterns of younger generations,Fig. 1 Meat for Japan and Tokyo and percent difference. Source:
MIAC (2008c) and TMG (2007)123

Sustain Sci

Fig. 3 Number of farms, heads raised and animals slaughtered forbeef in Japan (1877–2005). Source: MIAC (2008d, e)Fig. 2 Meat and fish intake for Tokyo. Source: TMG (2007)

which have adopted a more westernized diet. For instance,
in 2006, Tokyo’s citizens aged 15–20 years old ate far
more meat (148 g/day) than seafood (64.6 g/day). In contrast, senior Tokyoites still preferred the traditional dietbased on fish, rice and vegetables. This difference in dietamong age groups is noticeable in the gap between theheights of the elderly and the young. In 1989 adolescentswere on average 4 inches taller than their grandparents.
Consequently, Tokyo’s residents experienced in 1999, forthe first time in post-war history, an average meat intake
that was higher than the seafood intake (refer to Fig. 2).
In order to fuel this increasing demand for meat,
domestic production had to increase significantly. Both thenumber of farms and the number of cattle (for meat purposes) being fed in Japanese farms increased until 1956
(Fig. 3). After that, the number of heads (both of slaughtered animals and animals being raised) declined following
the decreasing number of farms, but just up to a point.
Following a decade in decline, the number of heads started
to increase despite the decrease in the number of farms.
Increasing efficiency was fundamental to sustain production and meet the added demand. In 1994 domestic production peaked at the same time as the number of farms
decreased by 92% of its maximum point in 1956. This is anindication of a transition towards an industrialized model
for meat production. From the mid-1990s, however, thenumber of heads started to show a slight decline (accompanied by a constant decline in the number of farms),
suggesting that increases in productivity may have reachedsaturation.
Regarding pork, production decreased drastically during
World War II, but took off fast once the war was over123

Fig. 4 Number of farms, heads raised and animals slaughtered forpork in Japan (1894–2005). Source: MIAC (2008d, e)(refer to Fig. 4). The number of farms raising pigs for meatincreased until 1962 when there were 1 million pig farms in
the country. After that, the number of farms started toshrink, and in 2006 they were less than 8,000. Despite thisdecrease, the number of slaughtered pigs started to decline
only after 1987. This suggests that for pork, productivity
may have reached saturation before it did for cattle.
While meat has become more prevalent on Japaneseplates, national policies have attempted to contain thistrend. The Japanese Government advocates that the Japanese should shift to a traditional diet. The pro-shift argument was usually based on health concerns, but has
recently incorporated the notion of self-sufficiency. The

Sustain Sci
Fig. 5 Map of Japan with theareas considered in our
calculations and distance fromTokyo

Japanese Government claims that the country is capable ofcovering most of its traditional diet, while for the western
diet, Japanese self-sufficiency is significantly lower. Part ofthis campaign is the dichotomy between fish, symbolizing
the Japanese diet, and meat becoming a symbol of the west
(MAFF 2006d). However, despite this effort, huge amountsof meat are imported every year to meet the domestic
demand, and as a result Japanese self-sufficiency for beef
and pork has been steadily decreasing since the 1960s(refer to ‘‘Discussion’’).
Domestic and imported meat arrives in the major urban
centers of Japan through either the retail or the wholesalechannel of distribution. In Tokyo, the Tokyo Metropolitan
Government (TMG) manages all wholesale markets within
the city, as per the Central Wholesale Market Law (enacted
in March 1923 and revised in April 1971). Through thislaw the TMG is mandated to ensure the stability and safety
in food supply for Tokyo (Bestor 2004). Out of the 11
wholesale markets within the city, only one, Shokuniku,
handles meat.
Wholesale markets have been decreasing in importanceas the main distribution channel for food, but that is notparticularly true for domestic meat. For example, all ofJapan’s wholesale markets sold 39.6% of the domestic beefcarcasses in 2005 (up from 20.3% in 1970) and 17.7% of
pork (up from 13.7% in 1970). Nevertheless, only a relatively small amount of already cut and processed meat isbeing sold by wholesale markets, not to mention theimported meat that is almost entirely sold through the retailsector. As a result, along the years, the retail sector has
been able to overtake the wholesale, buying directly fromdomestic and international producers and middlemen.
Reducing prices has been the core of this shorter distribution system.

Methodology
The total amount of domestic beef and pork consumed
within Tokyo was calculated as the sum of the wholesale
and retail market sales in the city. The amount of meatentering Tokyo through the wholesale market was obtained
from (TMG 1971, 1976, 1981, 1986, 1991, 1996, 2001,
2006a). This dataset contains the value (in yen), the amountof meat by type of animal (in kg and heads) and theJapanese prefecture of origin. In order to facilitate theanalysis, the 47 Japanese prefectures were aggregated into
13 regions, as shown in Fig. 5, namely Hokkaido, Tohoku,
Hokuriku, South Kanto, Other Kanto, Higashimaya, Tokai,
Kinki, Chugoku, Shikoku, North Kyushu, South Kyushu
and Okinawa.3 The amount of that meat that actually
3South Kanto includes Saitama, Chiba, Tokyo and Kanagawa. Other
Kanto includes Ibaraki, Tochigi and Gunma.

123Sustain Sci

remained within the city was calculated from the fractionof meat sold by the wholesale market that ended up within
the 23 Tokyo wards as reported by (TMG 2006b). It is
worth mentioning here that the fraction of domestic meatsold by the wholesale market and actually remaining within
the 23 wards dropped from 79.1% in 1970 to 56.4% in
2005.
In order to calculate the amount of meat sold by theretail market for consumption within Tokyo, and considering the lack of appropriate data, a more indirect route wasadopted. In a nutshell, the retail market quantity was calculated as the residual of the overall meat consumed by
Tokyo residents minus the meat sold by the wholesalemarket, minus the imported meat (sold by both wholesale
and retail markets). The overall amount of meat consumed
for food was retrieved from the Food and Agriculture
Organization’s (FAO) food balance sheets (FAO 2008).
Given that this figure represents the Japanese average, theFAO figures were modified accordingly in order to represent the specific meat consumption patterns of Tokyoites.
The correction factor was equal to the percent difference
between the meat intake of Tokyo residents and theJapanese residents as reported by TMG (2007) and MIAC
(2008c) and discussed in Fig. 1. Additionally, the FAO
reports food consumption data until 2003; therefore, consumption for the year 2005 was considered as being equal
to that of the last year reported. Statistics on imported meat
for the whole of Japan were collected from (FAO 2008;
MAFF 2007).
Tokyo experiences a population increase during daytime as residents from neighboring cities and prefecturescommute to the city’s 23 wards for working and studying
purposes. In order to accommodate the effects of commuters in the overall demand for meat within the city,
the total ‘‘eating population’’ was considered in our
calculations. ‘‘Eating population’’ was equal to thecommuting population divided by two plus the night time
population. The commuting population was divided by
two to allow for the fact that commuters probably haveone of their two main daily meals that are likely tocontain meat (lunch or dinner) in Tokyo. The Tokyo
daytime and nighttime population was retrieved from(MIAC 2008f, g).
Time series for the total land required to raise thelivestock produced in Japan were collected from statistics
provided by the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry
and Fisheries of Japan (MAFF). In more detail, two different datasets were utilized. The first dataset contained
information on the farm enterprises in the animal industry
such as the number of farms by type of animal raised,prefecture of location, area and the number of animals
being raised at a given point in time (MAFF 1971a, 1976a,
1981a, 1986a, 1991a, 1996a, 2001a, 2006a). This dataset,123

however, did contain information regarding only the major
farms responsible for raising around 95% of domestic beef
and 99% of domestic pork. In order to account for the total
production of meat, heads-to-hectare ratios for each animaland prefecture were calculated for the years 1975, 1980,
1985, 1990, 1995, 2000 and 2005. The observed trends
were then extrapolated for 1970 and are discussed ingreater detail in the ensuing section. These calculated headto-hectare ratios together with figures on the amount ofhectares required to produce 1 kg of meat (ha-to-kg ratios)
have subsequently been applied (not directly though) toquantify the total land required to raise the animals consumed by Tokyo residents. More specifically, they havebeen combined with another dataset that contained the total
amount of farms and number of animals produced during
these years in Japan (MAFF 1971b, 1976b, 1981b, 1986b,
1991b, 1996b, 2001b, 2006b).
The main reason that prohibited the direct application ofthese ratios to calculate the total direct land appropriatedfor Tokyo’s meat consumption (from domestic sources) is
the fact that livestock do not stay exactly a year in the farm.
Pigs stay on average less than a year, while cattle morethan a year. Applying directly the aforementioned ratios tothe total amount of meat consumed in Tokyo would resultin an overestimation of the direct land required for pork
production and in an underestimation of the direct land for
cattle. In order to circumnavigate this difficulty, we estimated the ratio of the livestock present in the farms at any
given moment (as reported by the Census) that will end up
in Tokyo. This fraction was calculated by dividing theamount of meat consumed (by prefecture of origin) by the
total amount of animals produced in each prefecture (asreported in slaughtered animals statistics). This figure wasthen multiplied by the number of animals present in thefarms at any given point (as reported by the census).
Finally, this figure was multiplied by the kg-to-hectares
ratios in order to calculate the amount of direct land
required in each prefecture to provide for the meat consumed in Tokyo.

Results
Our results account for changes in production of meat andthe land required to raise the domestic livestock (‘‘Production of meat and land use’’), changes in the amount ofmeat entering Tokyo though its wholesale and retailchannels of distribution (‘‘Wholesale market’’ and‘‘Retail,’’ respectively) and changes in the amount of land
directly appropriated by Tokyo’s appetite for beef and pork(‘‘Land use’’). These results were calculated for both Japanas a whole and by region of production within the country.
Detailed data summarize our findings for the different

Sustain Sci

appropriated for producing the beef and pork consumed inTokyo (Tables 5, 6, supplementary material).

regions of Japan for 1970 and 2005 regarding changes in
production of meat and the land required to raise thedomestic live-stock (Tables 1, 2). Additional data provided
in the electronic supplementary material presents thesummary of the changes in the amount of beef and pork
entering Tokyo though its wholesale market (Tables 1, 2,
supplementary material). More detailed data covering all
regions of Japan from 1970 to 2005 are also provided in theelectronic supplementary material for ‘‘Retail’’ regarding
total direct area required to raise the domestic beef andpork consumed in Tokyo (Tables 3, 4, supplementarymaterial) and the percentage of domestic farm land

Production of meat and land use
Generally speaking, the direct amount of land required fordomestic livestock production has been steadily decreasing inJapan as a whole since 1970. There has been a decrease of thatarea by 63.3% for beef (from 706,800 hectares in 1970 to
259,300 hectares in 2005). The decrease for pork is evengreater (92.3%), from 134,800 hectares to 10,400 hectares.
This decreasing amount of direct land allocated for raising

Table 1 Key statistics for domestic beef production in 1970 and 2005 by region
Heads (1,000 heads)

Percent diff.
(%)

Area (1,000 ha)
1970

2005

Percent diff.
(%)

Heads/ha
1970

2005

Percent diff.
(%)

1970

2005

Hokkaido
Tohoku

25.1
266.8

266.7
310.1

961.1
16.2

32.2
178.5

91.9
66.6

185.1
-62.7

0.8
1.5

2.9
4.7

272.1
211.6

Hokuriku

37.7

20.9

-44.5

13.8

1.5

-88.9

2.7

13.6

398.2

Other Kanto

91.4

157.2

71.9

43.9

9.5

-78.4

2.1

16.6

694.8

South Kanto

29.2

53.8

84.1

5.3

1.1

-79.6

5.5

49.6

802.1

Higashiyama

37.6

25.2

10.2

1.5

-85.4

3.7

17.1

360.5

Tokai

74

123.4

66.6

11.1

2.7

-76.1

6.7

46.4

595.7

Kinki

75

59

-21.3

18.7

2.7

-85.6

4

21.8

445.9

Chugoku

265.9

73

-72.5

114.3

8.4

-92.7

2.3

8.7

274.5

Shikoku

86.8

56.4

-35

23

1.4

-93.9

3.8

39.9

957.9

North Kyushu

289.5

308.4

6.5

115.96

23.86

-79.4

2.5

12.9

417.9

South Kyushu

383.2

439.3

14.6

130.63

42.04

-67.8

2.9

10.5

256.3

Okinawa

22.8

46.9

105.9

9.13

6.22

-31.9

2.5

7.5

202.4

Japan

1684.91940.3

15.2

706.8

259.3

-63.3

2.4

7.8

227.5

Percent diff.
(%)

Heads/ha
1970

2005

-84.6
-89.6

13.5
25.0

75.9
154.9

-33

Table 2 Key statistics for domestic pork production in 1970 and 2005 by region
Heads (1,000 heads)

Hokkaido
TohokuPercent diff.
(%)

1970

2005

205.4
608.6

177.5
391.2

-13.6
-35.7

Area (1,000 ha)
1970

2005

15.2
24.3

2.3
2.5

Percent diff.
(%)
460.9
519.5

Hokuriku

212.4

108.0

-49.2

6.5

0.5

-93.0

32.7

235.8

621.4

Other Kanto

803.0

808.2

0.7

32.3

1.5

-95.3

24.9

537.7

2061.61307.3

South Kanto

668.4

423.8

-36.6

17.5

0.8

-95.5

38.2

537.1

Higashiyama

188.0

67.1

-64.3

3.9

0.1

-96.2

48.3

453.4

838.6

Tokai

564.9

458.8

-18.8

7.6

0.5

-93.7

74.6

966.0

1194.4

Kinki

161.5

39.1

-75.8

1.4

0.1

-94.6

117.6

528.8

349.4

Chugoku

261.9

54.7

-79.1

4.5

0.2

-96.2

58.1

318.2

447.3

Shikoku

222.9

125.6

-43.7

3.0

0.2

-94.2

75.2

726.0

865.5

North Kyushu

402.5

411.1

2.1

9.1

0.7

-92.4

44.2

597.5

1250.4South Kyushu

297.9

506.5

70.1

6.5

1.0

-84.4

46.1

503.0

991.5

Okinawa

183.0

81.4

-55.5

3.1

0.1

-97.7

58.8

1130.11821.1Japan

4780.43653.0

-23.6

134.8

10.4

-92.3

35.5

350.5

888.2

123

Sustain Sci

livestock coupled with the overall increase in the production ofmeat between 1970 and 2000 (refer to the Introduction) meansthat livestock production has been intensified. An indicatorthat can clearly illustrate this intensification is the number ofanimals raised per hectare of available land (heads per ha).
Nowadays, far more animals are being raised per hectare ofland when compared to 40 years ago. For example, thenumber of cattle raised per hectare of land increased from 2.4
in 1970 to 7.8 in 2005 (227.5% increase), while the relevant
figures for pork were 35.5 head/ha in 1970 and 350.5 heads/hain 2005, which corresponded to a massive 888.2% increase.
Figures 6 and 7 show the evolution of farm area and heads per
hectare since 1970. However, the aforementioned figuresdenote the averages for Japan and thus hide the distinct patterns encountered within the different regions of the country.
Wholesale market
There has been a significant increase in the amount of beef
entering Tokyo through its wholesale market since 1970.

In more detail, there has been an increase of 147.5% from
14,200 tons of beef in 1970 to 35,200 tons in 2005 (from amaximum of 36,300 tons in 1995 and 2000). On the other
hand, pork landing in Tokyo through its wholesale market
decreased by 32.7%. The wholesale market was responsible for providing 18,800 tons of pork in 1970 and 12,600
tons in 2005. It should be noted here that these figures
represent the amount of meat actually remaining within the
23 wards of Tokyo. In fact more meat was sold in Tokyo’s
wholesale market but was funnelled outside the city. The
amount of meat that remained within city limits was 79.1%
in 1970, 71.2% in 1975, 74.6% in 1980, 68.2% in 1985,
65.2% in 1990, 63.9% in 1995, 59.3% in 2000 and 56.4%
in 2005 as reported by (TMG 2006b). The regions of
Tohoku and Kanto have traditionally been the main sourcesof the meat sold by Tokyo’s wholesale market. These
regions accounted in 2005 for 75.5% of the beef and 96.0%
of the pork sold by the wholesale market.
RetailAs has already been discussed in ‘‘Historical analysis,’’ thecalculation of the domestic meat entering Tokyo throughthe retail market poses a great challenge because of thelack of relevant data. Figures 8 and 9 summarize the calculated flows for the overall meat consumed in Tokyo, theimported meat sold in Tokyo, the Japanese meat soldthrough the wholesale market and the residual, which
represents Japanese meat sold through the retail market.
Most of the imported meat consumed within Tokyo is soldthrough the retail market given that only small amounts ofimported meat have been reported as being sold throughthe Tokyo wholesale market (TMG 1971, 1976, 1981,
1986, 1991, 1996, 2001, 2006a)

Fig. 6 Farm area for raising beef in Japan and animals per hectare

Fig. 7 Farm area for raising pork in Japan and animals per hectare

123

Fig. 8 Overall and amount of beef consumed within Tokyo andavenues of supply

Sustain Sci

Fig. 9 Overall and amount of pork consumed within Tokyo andavenues of supply

Generally speaking, the retail market does not seem to be
an important avenue for domestic beef. This can also bevalidated through figures reported in (MAFF 1971c, 1976c,
1981c, 1986c, 1991c, 1996c, 2001c, 2006c), which accountfor the number of animals slaughtered in different prefectures of Japan and their final destinations within the country.
These statistics show that the number of domestic animal
carcasses landing in Tokyo is quite close to the total sold by
the wholesale market. Nevertheless, there is an apparent
increase in the share of the domestic meat sold in Tokyo’s
retail market after 2000. This took place with a simultaneous decrease in the amount of imported beef and can be
explained by the fears of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE), also known as mad cow disease. Because of
BSE, in 2003 the Japanese Government banned beef
imports from the US, a country that was, up to that point,
one of the largest overseas providers of beef to Japan.
On the other hand, the retail market is a far more
important route for pork in Tokyo. While the actual amountof pork it provides to Tokyo residents has remained almost
unchanged since 1970, the domestic retail market’s overallsignificance is declining owing to the increasing quantities
of imported pork ending up in Tokyo.
Land use
In 2005, Tokyo appropriated less land for the beef and pork
consumed within its area than it did in 1975. However,there was an increase in the appropriated land since 2000
owing to the ban of US beef and the overall decrease inimports from other sources (FAO 2008). As per 2005, mostland to raise domestic beef is appropriated in Hokkaido,
Tohoku, Kyushu and the Kanto area. Figures 10 and 11
present the regions in which more area was appropriatedFig. 10 Total direct area (in 1,000 ha) required to raise domestic
beef consumed in Tokyo in 1975 and 2005

Fig. 11 Total direct area (in 1,000 ha) required to raise domestic
pork consumed in Tokyo in 1975 and 2005

for the meat consumed in Tokyo in 1975 and 2005.
Figure 12 summarizes the changes in the overall land
appropriated in Japan for the beef and pork consumed inTokyo and makes a comparison between that land and thearea of Tokyo itself. It seems that in the 1970s and early
1980s the area appropriated in Japan to raise the beef andpork consumed in Tokyo was greater than the area ofTokyo itself. However, the increasing meat production
efficiency in Japan and the massive increase in imports(refer to the next section) show that an area equivalent to‘‘just’’ 40% the area of Tokyo is now required. Even
though this might be perceived as a positive sign regarding123Sustain Sci

nationally to raise pork in 2005 is appropriated by Tokyo(down from 15.2% in 1975). However, there is a possibility
that these numbers are an underestimation considering thatin our calculations, the domestic retail market was obtained
as a residual. Nevertheless, Tokyo residents enjoy higher
per capita earnings than the national average (MIAC
2008h) and are expected to consume greater amounts ofdomestic pork despite its generally higher prices whencompared with imported meat.

Discussion

Fig. 12 Livestock area required to raise the livestock consumed inTokyo compared to the area of Tokyo. Note: 100% denotes an area
equivalent to the area of Tokyo

land cover change, it should be put into the appropriate
context. Firstly, our calculations do not consider the direct
area needed in other countries to produce the imported
meat and, secondly, we have not quantified the indirect
land requirements (e.g., for cultivating the crops needed foranimal feed). It would not be surprising if this area isgreater in size than Tokyo, especially considering thepotential higher land requirements in other countries whereland is not as scarce a production factor as in Japan (e.g.,the US or Australia).
Some further important insights on the impact of Tokyoon land use can be identified by exploring the fraction of
the farm land that is appropriated for Tokyo’s consumption
purposes in each of the livestock-producing regions. Tokyo
appropriates a large amount of the total direct land used toraise beef cattle in the regions of South Kanto (27.0% in2005), Other Kanto (19.9% in 2005) and Tohoku (19.0% in2005) (see Table 1). All three regions are quite close to
Tokyo, and this illustrates the continuing reliance of Tokyo
on its adjacent areas to provide for its beef. Although it
seems that Tokyo is not appropriating a large amount of thedirect cattle land on a national scale (9.0% in 2005, downfrom 15.3% in 1975), it should be kept in mind that its
greatest suppliers are consistently areas around it thatexhibit some of the highest head-to-ha ratios and are thus
the most intensified. The impact of Tokyo on land use forpork on the national scale is pretty much the same as forbeef (see Table 2). The main difference is the fact that thewholesale market, which traditionally sells animal carcasses originating from areas close to Tokyo, accounts forjust a small fraction of the total pork consumed within thecity. As a result, a great quantity of the domestic pork thatenters Tokyo is coming already cut or processed from otherareas of Japan. Our results show that 9.1% of the land used123

It has already been discussed that meat is becoming moreprevalent in the Japanese diet. In order to meet this increasing
popularity, between 1961 and 2003, domestic production had
to be boosted by 247.5% for beef and 517.4% for pork (FAO
2008). However, domestic demand could never have been met
by domestic production alone. Imports increased by a staggering 10,839.9% (more than 100-fold) for beef and111,684.1% for pork (more than a 1,000-fold) since 1961
(FAO 2008). This was possible through the strength of Japan’sand, particularly, of Tokyo’s economy. This increasing meat
demand by Tokyo’s residents could only be sustained througha flourishing economy, and indeed, Tokyo’s prefectural grossdomestic product (GDP) has more than tripled since 1970, as
reported by MIAC (2008i). Furthermore, according to MIAC
(2008j), as of 2004, Tokyo’s prefectural per capita income was
70.6% higher than that of the rest of Japan. These figures are
expected to be even higher for the 23 wards of Tokyo that wereconsidered in our study.
The quantity of imported beef overtook domestic production in the early 1990s, while imported pork is closing into overtake domestic production. This dependence on
imported meat is the reason why self-sufficiency ratios forbeef and pork decreased dramatically between 1960 and 2003
by 57.0% for beef (from 96.0 to 39.0%) and 43.0% (from96.0 to 53.0%) for pork (MIAC 2008k). Our results (Figs. 8
and 9) imply that similar amounts of dependency ratios areobserved for Tokyo. This growth in imports and decreasing
self-sufficiency ratios have important repercussions, which
are that more and more land is appropriated overseas toprovide for the increasing appetite of Japanese and Tokyoites
for meat. Unfortunately, lack of complete datasets concerning the sources of imported meat as well as the land required
to raise livestock in other countries rendered the calculationof the land appropriation abroad not feasible.
While meat production cannot be attributed to havecaused any direct significant land use/cover change inJapan as a whole, at least in the last 40 years, this does nothold true if we look at the uneven distribution of meatproduction among Japanese prefectures. A characteristic
example is the case of Hokkaido, where the overall amountSustain Sci

of land required for beef production has risen by 185.1%
since 1970. Furthermore, it seems that the ban of imported
beef from certain countries because of the risk of mad cow
disease has resulted, since 2000, in an increasing amount ofland being appropriated in that region by Tokyo to an
extent not seen since the late 1970s.
Perhaps the main question that arises from our results is
why Tokyo has consumed most of its domestic meat and as
a result has appropriated large amounts of land fromregions such as Tohoku, South Kanto and Other Kanto. The
competitive prices of meat originating from these prefectures that has been sold through Tokyo’s wholesale market
might be the answer. We analyzed the per kg price (in yen)of the meat sold at Tokyo’s wholesale market by region asreported in (TMG 1971, 1976, 1981, 1986, 1991, 1996,
2001, 2006a). We also produced a comparison between thefraction of beef sold in Tokyo’s wholesale market fromdifferent areas of the country and the average prices. Those
figures are presented in the electronic supplementarymaterial (Tables 7, 8; Figs. 1–4, respectively).
The beef coming from South Kanto has the lowest pricefor most of the years studied. Furthermore, beef from Other
Kanto has a competitive price throughout the years. In fact,
Other Kanto exhibits the highest fractions of beef soldthrough the wholesale market in those years when price islower than that of other areas. It does not seem to be acoincidence that Other Kanto’s fraction gradually declines
after 1985 when the price of beef from that area overtook
the average price for Japan. Another important insight thatcan be provided comes when comparing the prices fordomestic and imported meat. Generally speaking, prices forimported beef decreased over time and obtained a steadily
competitive advantage in the market. This might explain theincrease of beef imports that culminated with imports
overtaking domestic production, as has been discussed inprevious sections. Interestingly, beef prices went up by
22.0% for domestic and a massive 146.7% for imported
beef between 2000 and 2005, which can be explained by theoverall decrease in imports following the mad cow diseasescare and the inability of the domestic production to meetthe domestic demand. Similar conclusions can be drawn forpork given that Tohoku, South Kanto and Other Kanto
exhibit competitive prices for all years. Finally, it should be
noted that, due to lack of relevant data from the retailmarket, these prices refer only to meat sold through thewholesale market. Nevertheless, some of these trends are
expected to be observed in the retail market as well.
However, despite its great influence, price alone does
not seem enough to determine the origin of the meat sold at
Tokyo’s wholesale market. Preferences and establishedcommercial networks may also play an important role. The
region of Hokkaido, for example, has presented very
competitive prices for beef when compared to other regionsin Japan. Nevertheless, the actual amount of beef producedin Hokkaido and sold at Tokyo’s wholesale market has
been relatively modest.
Another important observation is that the decrease in theamount of land required to raise animals domestically comes
hand in hand with a simultaneous change in the diet of theanimals themselves. There has been a gradual decrease in theamount of agricultural land utilized to grow grass (up to
60.6% by area and 66.4% by tonnage since 1970 but falling
steadily since the early 1990s) and a much more significant
decrease in the land area used to grow other feed crops (downto 52.5% in area and 13.6% by tonnage). Furthermore, there
was a 49.4% increase in the tonnage of imported feed cropand forage, which implied increasing land use impacts ofJapanese, and subsequently Tokyo’s, meat consumption
abroad. Most importantly, it implies further dependency of
the Japanese livestock industry on other countries.
All these point to the perceived threat of Japan’s foodsecurity exemplified over the past years and justify the
campaign of the Japanese Government for a shift back to
the traditional Japanese diet. Finally, the changes in theimportance of the retail and wholesale sector, in Japan ingeneral and in Tokyo in particular, reinforce the concerns
regarding food security in the city as government control isapplied exclusively to wholesales.

Conclusions
Tokyo’s population is consuming ever greater quantities ofbeef and pork. As a result it has been increasingly dependent on meat produced abroad, possibly appropriating evermore land in other countries to provide for its appetite.
However, while Tokyo’s reliance on meat production fromits neighboring prefectures was greater in the past, it is still
significant. With food security at stake, and consideringthat there is not a foreseeable trend towards a decreasing
meat demand in Japan, it is important to recover national
production, especially in the vicinity of Japan’s largest city.
For this end, policies and economic incentives at theregional level seem fundamental.
Acknowledgments Alexandros Gasparatos would like to acknowledge the support of the Canon Foundation for Europe. We also
acknowledge the generous help from Mr. Ryutaro Arai (TMG) and
Mr. Kimihiro Eura (MAFF) in clarifying our doubts and providing usfurther information about the TMG and MAFF datasets.

References
Belsky AJ, Matzke A, Uselman S (1999) Survey of livestock
influences on stream and riparian ecosystems in the western
United States. J Soil Water Conserv 54:419–431

123

Sustain Sci
Bestor T (2004) Tsukiji: the Fish market at the center of the world.
University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles
Clay JW (2004) World agriculture and the environment: a commodity-by-commodity guide to impacts and practices. Island Press,
Washington, DC
FAO (2008) Food balance sheets. Food and Agricultural Organization, Rome. http://faostat.fao.org/site/502/default.aspx. Accessed
July 2008
Galloway JN, Burke M, Bradford GE, Naylor R, Falcon W,
Chapagain A, Gaskell J, McCullough E, Mooney HA, Oleson
KLL, Steinfeld H, Wassenaar T, Smil V (2007) International
trade in meat: the tip of the pork chop. Ambio 36:622–629
Hayami Y (1979) Trade benefits to all: a design of the beef importliberalization in Japan. Am J Agric Econom 61:342–347
MAFF (1971a) Statistics by farm enterprise in animal industry (Keiei
Bumonbetsu Noka Tokei Hokokusho). Ministry for Agriculture,
Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (1971b) Statistics by type of farm (Noka Chosa Hokokusho).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1971c) Edible meat circulation statistics (Shokuniku ryutu Toke).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (1976a) Statistics by farm enterprise in animal industry (Keiei
Bumonbetsu Noka Tokei Hokokusho). Ministry for Agriculture,
Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (1976b) Statistics by type of farm (Noka Chosa Hokokusho).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1976c) Edible meat circulation statistics (Shokuniku ryutu
Toke). Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1981a) Statistics by farm enterprise in animal industry (Keiei
Bumonbetsu Noka Tokei Hokokusho). Ministry for Agriculture,
Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (1981b) Statistics by type of farm (Noka Chosa Hokokusho).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1981c) Edible meat circulation statistics (Shokuniku ryutu
Toke). Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1986a) Statistics by farm enterprise in animal industry (Keiei
Bumonbetsu Noka Tokei Hokokusho). Ministry for Agriculture,
Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (1986b) Statistics by type of farm (Noka Chosa Hokokusho).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1986c) Edible meat circulation statistics (Shokuniku ryutu
Toke). Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1991a) Statistics by farm enterprise in animal industry (Keiei
Bumonbetsu Noka Tokei Hokokusho). Ministry for Agriculture,
Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (1991b) Statistics by type of farm (Noka Chosa Hokokusho).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1991c) Edible meat circulation statistics (Chikusan Ryutu
Tokei). Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (1996a) Statistics by farm enterprise in animal industry (Keiei
Bumonbetsu Noka Tokei Hokokusho). Ministry for Agriculture,
Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (1996b) Statistics by type of farm (Noka Chosa Hokokusho).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (1996c) Edible meat circulation statistics (Chikusan Ryutu
Tokei). Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)

123

MAFF (2001a) Statistics by farm enterprise in animal industry (Keiei
Bumonbetsu Noka Tokei Hokokusho). Ministry for Agriculture,
Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (2001b) Statistics by type of farm (Noka Chosa Hokokusho).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (2001c) Edible meat circulation statistics (Chikusan Ryutu
Tokei). Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (2006a) Statistics by farm enterprise in animal industry (Keiei
Bumonbetsu Noka Tokei Hokokusho). Ministry for Agriculture,
Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo (in Japanese)
MAFF (2006b) Statistics by type of farm (Noka Chosa Hokokusho).
Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (2006c) Edible meat circulation statistics (Chikusan Ryutu
Tokei). Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MAFF (2006d) Annual Report on Food, Agriculture and Rural Areas
in Japan. Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo.
http://www.maff.go.jp/e/annual_report/pdf/fy2006_rep.pdf.
Accessed July 2008
MAFF (2007) Edible meat circulation statistics (Chikusan Ryutu
Tokei). Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tokyo(in Japanese)
MIAC (2008a) Area by Land Category (1963–1998). Ministry ofInternal Affairs and Communication, Tokyo. http://www.stat.go.
jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/01-08.xls. Accessed July 2008
MIAC (2008b) Area by Land Category (1995–2004). Ministry ofInternal Affairs and Communication, Tokyo. http://www.stat.go.
jp/data/nenkan/zuhyou/y0106000.xls. Accessed July 2008
MIAC (2008c) Intake of Nutrients—Per Capita per Diem (F.Y.1946–
1963, C.Y.1964–2004). Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Tokyo. http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/
24-01.xls. Accessed July 2008
MIAC (2008d) Farm Households Raising Livestock or Chickens andLivestock or Chickens Raised (1877–2005). Ministry of Internal
Affairs and Communication, Tokyo. http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/07-17.xls. Accessed July 2008
MIAC (2008e) Production of raw milk, hen’s eggs, chicken
and carcass (1894–2003). Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Tokyo. http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/
07-18.xls. Accessed July 2008
MIAC (2008f) Population of cities (1920–2005). Ministry of Internal
Affairs and Communication, Tokyo. http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/02-09.xls. Accessed July 2008
MIAC (2008g) Population, daytime population and ratio of daytime
population to nighttime population of major cities (1965–2000).
Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Tokyo.
http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/02-08.xls. Accessed
July 2008
MIAC (2008h) Average monthly earnings of regular employees byprefectures. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Tokyo.
http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/19-41.xls. Accessed July
2008
MIAC (2008i) Prefectural accounts—68SNA (F.Y.1975–1999).
Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Tokyo. http://
www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/03-37-a.xls. Accessed July
2008
MIAC (2008j) Economic growth rate and prefectural income
per capita (F.Y. 2000–2004). Ministry of Internal Affairs
and Communication, Tokyo. http://www.stat.go.jp/data/nenkan/zuhyou/y0314a00.xls. Accessed July 2008
MIAC (2008k) Self-sufficiency ratio of food (F.Y.1960–2003).
Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Tokyo.
http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/zuhyou/07-56.xls. Accessed
July 2008

Sustain Sci
Naylor R, Steinfeld H, Falcon W, Galloway J, Smil V, Bradford E,
Alder J, Mooney H (2005) Losing the links between livestockand land. Science 310:1621–1622
Otsuka S (1996) Japanese food, fast and present. About Japan series.
Tokyo Foreign Press Center, Tokyo
Sakurai A (2004) Stories of the Slaughterhouse. The journal of
humanities 33: LXXI-XCIV. Chiba University. http://ci.nii.ac.jp/
cinii/servlet/QuotDisp?LOCALID=ART0007286046&DB=
NELS&USELANG=en. Accessed 21 July 2008
Stanford C, Bunn HT (eds) (2001) Meat-eating and human evolution.
Oxford University Press, Oxford
Steinfeld H, Gerber P, Wassenaar T, Castel V, Rosales M, de Haan C(2006) Livestock’s long shadow: environmental issues andoptions. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Rome
TMG (1971) Tokyo wholesale market annual report (Tokyo-to Chio
Oroshiuri Shijo Nenpo). Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
Tokyo (in Japanese)
TMG (1976) Tokyo wholesale market annual report (Tokyo-to Chio
Oroshiuri Shijo Nenpo). Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
Tokyo (in Japanese)
TMG (1981) Tokyo wholesale market annual report (Tokyo-to Chio
Oroshiuri Shijo Nenpo). Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
Tokyo (in Japanese)
TMG (1986) Tokyo wholesale market annual report (Tokyo-to Chio
Oroshiuri Shijo Nenpo). Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
Tokyo (in Japanese)

TMG (1991) Tokyo wholesale market annual report (Tokyo-to Chio
Oroshiuri Shijo Nenpo). Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
Tokyo (in Japanese)
TMG (1996) Tokyo wholesale market annual report (Tokyo-to Chio
Oroshiuri Shijo Nenpo). Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
Tokyo (in Japanese)
TMG (2001) Tokyo wholesale market annual report (Tokyo-to Chio
Oroshiuri Shijo Nenpo). Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
Tokyo (in Japanese)
TMG (2006a) Tokyo wholesale market annual report (Tokyo-to Chio
Oroshiuri Shijo Nenpo). Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
Tokyo (in Japanese)
TMG (2006b) Destination of landings in Tokyo wholesale market.
Tokyo Metropolitan Government, Tokyo (in Japanese)
TMG (2007) Nutritional status of Tokyo‘s residents. Tokyo Metropolitan Government, Tokyo (in Japanese)
Wassenaar T, Gerber P, Verburg PH, Rosales M, Ibrahim M,
Steinfeld H (2007) Projecting land use changes in the Neotropics. The geography of pasture expansion into forest. Glob
Environ Change 17:86–104
Zhang YK, Schilling KE (2006) Increasing streamflow and baseflow
in Mississippi River since the 1940s: effect of land use change.
J Hydrol 324:412–422

123