Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Travel Behaviour and Society
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/tbs

Transport and child well-being: An integrative review
E.O.D. Waygood a,⇑, Margareta Friman b, Lars E. Olsson b, Ayako Taniguchi caÉcole supérieure d’aménagement du terroire et de développement régional (ÉSAD), FAS-1622, Université Laval, Québec, Canada
The Service and Market Oriented Transport Research Group (SAMOT), Karlstad University, Swedenc
Department of Risk Engineering, University of Tsukuba, Japanba r t i c l e

i n f oArticle history:
Received 10 June 2016
Received in revised form 29 March 2017
Accepted 7 April 2017
Available online 14 April 2017
Keywords:
ChildrenTransport
Well-being
Physical
PsychologicalCognitive
SocialEconomica b s t r a c t
Understanding children’s travel is an important part of drawing a complete picture of over-all well-being
in society. Children’s active travel to school, independent travel, transport and physical activity, andcrashes have been reviewed, yet it may not be a complete picture. If research on children’s travel has
the ultimate goal of improving children’s well-being, there is currently no general synthesis on the
research linking transport and child well-being. This integrative review asks, ‘‘what evidence is there thattransport affects child well-being?” It organizes the findings by two key measures: the domain of wellbeing and the transport means-of-influence. The five main domains of child well-being are: physical,
psychological, cognitive, social, and economic. The three means of transport influence are: as access,intrinsic, or external. Findings are identified as being consistent, inconsistent, or one-off (e.g. only one
study). The results show that transport plays a role in all domains of children’s well-being. Most benefits
identified are associated with active travel and independent travel. Most negative impacts are associatedwith traffic. While numerous one-off results exist which suggest that there may be many other impacts,
research that repeats prior work is needed to support or refute these such results. Finally, potential relationships between transport and well-being are suggested.
Ó 2017 Hong Kong Society for Transportation Studies. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
Research on the links between transport and well-being ofadults has gained traction in the past few years (e.g. Reardon and
Abdallah, 2013). Unfortunately, research on the relation with childwell-being is not available from one source, but is rather dispersed
over many studies. There is a considerable body of research andreviews from the past decade that seeks to explain children’s travel
and reviews of such research exist (e.g. Sirard and Slater, 2008).
However, the reason for studying children’s transport is not always
clear as transport planning is often based on the value of time, ametric that includes travel for work or travel’s relationship withan individual’s income (though this approach is being contested)(Ettema et al., 2011; Jain and Lyons, 2008). These metrics are based
more on adults than children. Children do not work and have no‘‘value of time”, so one previous justification for children’s travel
research was the increasing dependence of children on parents
for travel. Framing children’s travel in this way negates theirautonomy and increases the chauffeuring burden on the parent⇑ Corresponding author.

(e.g. Hillman et al., 1990). The chauffeuring burden could be quantified through the value of time of the parent.
One method of reducing the chauffeuring burden would be
autonomous travel. This has the additional benefit of including
active travel (either as one component, or the complete trip).
One of the first papers to suggest that active travel might play animportant role in children’s daily physical activity was by TudorLocke et al. (2001). The research on active travel gained momentum as questions surrounding obesity began to emerge. A recent
review examined whether there was a clear relationship between
autonomy, active travel, and weight status (Schoeppe et al.,2013). Autonomous travel’s positive contribution to physical activity was supported, though the relationship with obesity was notclear. With respect to explaining the likelihood of autonomous travel, a previous review of autonomous travel examined the methods
used in such research and suggested a more complete behaviouralmodel (Mitra, 2013).
A non-economic concern was raised with respect to traffic danger. The World Health Organisation produced a report showingthat globally motor vehicles were the number one cause of deathfor individuals under the age of 25 (Toroyan and Peden, 2007).
With road traffic crashes, impacts such as property damage orphysical harm are often measured. However, although such reports

E-mail address: owen.waygood@esad.ulaval.ca (E.O.D. Waygood).
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tbs.2017.04.005
2214-367X/Ó 2017 Hong Kong Society for Transportation Studies. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

mention that impacts apart from physical harm exist such as psychological impacts, they are not detailed.
While the economic and physical well-being attributes of children’s travel have been studied and reviewed, the current bodyof transport research does not address how transport influences
many facets of well-being beyond physical activity and road trafficcrashes. As a primary goal of planning is to improve the well-beingof society, the question here is: what evidence is there that transport
affects child well-being more holistically?
Previous research has looked at child well-being or quality oflife. Such research focused on transport (Hillman, 1993), the built
environment (Lennard and Lennard, 2000), children in urban environments (Davis and Jones, 1996), or children and planning(Matthews and Limb, 1999; Gilbert and O’Brien, 2005). The first(Hillman, 1993) is an edited book containing a collection of articles
that deal with many of the topics to be addressed in this review.
Lennard and Lennard (Lennard and Lennard, 2000) take an architectural approach relating many of their arguments to social andcommunity interaction, amongst others. Davis and Jones (Davisand Jones, 1996), focus on the differences between needs, perceptions, and affordances between children and adults in urban settings. Finally, Matthews and Limb (Matthews and Limb, 1999)
convincingly argue that much of Western planning focuses on
the needs of one group, ‘‘white, ableist, adult, male, middleclass.” Gilbert and O’Brien (Gilbert and O’Brien, 2005) make a similar argument. They highlight that planning focuses on the needs ofadults, which likely leads to a system where children are more andmore dependent on adults for their transport. Taken together,those books and articles make coherent arguments for improving
transport planning with respect to children’s well-being, but often
lack references to support their assertions. This review will help fillthat gap by providing an overall view of the research literature
dealing with impacts of transport on child well-being.
2. Conceptual framework
2.1. Defining well-being
Well-being is a commonly used, but ill-defined term (Pollard
and Lee, 2003; Dodge et al., 2012). Pollard and Lee (2003) explainthat depending on the field of research it can refer to happiness,
self-esteem, standard of living, or lack of depression. Those authors
suggest that the following definition is the most useful: well-beingis ‘‘a multidimensional construct incorporating mental/psychological, physical, and social dimensions.” Dodge et al. (2012) conclude
their article by defining well-being (or wellbeing) through a framework that balances resources and challenges in the three primary
domains of psychological, physical, and social. In such, they discuss
the importance of challenges to avoid personal stagnation. In Pollard and Lee’s review (Pollard and Lee, 2003), which focused onchildren’s well-being, they further suggest cognitive well-being(for example intellectual or learning related) and economic (primarily related to the economic situation of the household to which
the child belongs). For each domain, the authors provide a list ofmeasures that were used. That list is used in this review to identify
obvious omissions for transport related impacts.
2.2. How transport affects well-being
How transport influences child well-being is a critical piece toconsider. We propose that transport affects well-being through at
least three means-of-influence (Fig. 1): as access, intrinsic (i.e. during travel), and external (i.e. transport by others). The original, andperhaps most common, approach is to examine transport as ameans of access (e.g. to school). The second would be what impacts

33

Fig. 1. Conceptual framework of child well-being and the three means of impact
through which transport can affect them.

exist during travel whether they are intrinsic (e.g. active travel) or
potential (e.g. a crash not caused by others1). The third would be
the impacts that accrue to the child due to society’s transport behaviour (e.g. noise and air pollution; crashes caused by others1). The
impacts on child well-being in this review will be categorised bythose three means of impact.
The objective of this review is to find what different relationships between transport and child well-being exist. Previously
reviewed areas such as explaining trips to school (e.g. Mitra,
2013; Pont et al., 2009) or the potential for active travel to contribute to a child’s physical health (e.g. Schoeppe et al., 2013) aresummarized, but are not discussed extensively as such discussions
exist in those reviews. Literature related to those areas were eliminated from the papers reviewed in this work. The intention is tocreate a resource for the general state of knowledge on the topicof transport and child well-being.
The findings are organised by the conceptual framework displayed in Fig. 1. As shown, the transport influences are first organised by the relevant domain of well-being identified by Pollard andLee (2003), and then by the means-of-influence by transport. If
similar findings occur, these are termed ‘‘consistent findings”
meaning that some corroboration exists. The term ‘‘inconsistent”
is used for findings that do not support each other. For example,
one article reports a correlation, while another finds no correlation.
In many cases, associations are found, but are not tested orreported in other papers found through this review. In those cases,
the term ‘‘anecdotal” is used for these one-off findings.
Consideration to cultural-specific findings is given as well. Tworeports with the same finding from the same country would imply
country-consistent findings. Reports from culturally similar (e.g.
Canada, the USA, Australia, New Zealand) would imply culturalconsistent findings. Consistent findings across divergent cultures
would imply more universally consistent results. Thus, consistentfindings are identified as either culturally specific or international.

3. Method
This is an integrative review. An integrative review differs fromother types of reviews (e.g. systematic, meta-analysis) as it allows
for the combination of quantitative and qualitative research(Whittemore and Knafl, 2005). It differs from systematic reviews
that use explicit quality criteria to summarize and synthesize
empirical data, or meta-analysis reviews that use statistical analysis to combine evidence from multiple primary studies. Integrative
reviews differ from meta-synthesis reviews that aim to interpretand present a number of qualitative studies. Transport researchencompasses a vast range of methods that include quantitative
1
To help explain our approach to the difference between a crash not cause byothers and a crash caused by others, let us take the example of a bicycle crash in two
different situations. A child crashes their bike trying to do a jump would be a crash
not caused by others. A child on a bicycle who is hit by a non-attentive driver is acrash caused by others.

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E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

and qualitative results, and to exclude qualitative research when
dealing with less-quantifiable aspects of travel would limit thepotential of this review to address its research question. The objective of an integrative review is to bring together past research andto identify obvious gaps by summarizing the findings of numerous
studies that address a particular problem or phenomenon. In such
reviews, all relevant literature on the problem or topic should be
included. The purpose of this integrative review is to summarize
evidence on interactions between transport and child well-being
rather than giving a critical analysis of the literature.
To enhance the rigor of this type of review, the literature search
process is described, along with inclusion and exclusion criteria.
There are no gold standards of how to measure quality in reviews,
and for integrative reviews the inclusion criteria will relate to thesampling frame (Whittemore and Knafl, 2005).
The primary source of papers was the Web of Science Core Collection. The search was composed of these keywords: in title:
child⁄; within the topic: (travel OR transport⁄ or mobilit⁄) NOT (organ
OR gene⁄ OR membrane OR obesity OR plasm⁄ OR joint⁄). The search
was repeated with FRANCIS (humanities and social sciences) andthe International Bibliography of the Social Sciences. No limit to
the year of publication was given. Due to the search words, thepapers found had an English title and at least an English abstract.
However, papers in French, German, Japanese, Norwegian, Spanish
and Swedish were read and included where relevant. The search
was last conducted on 7 January 2016.
3.1. Eligibility criteria
Following the search by keywords described above, papers were
initially selected following these criteria:
1) Paper related to children’s local travel (as opposed to intercity or international travel) or to the impact of transport
on children;2) Paper was not explaining mode use by built environment,
parent’s attitudes/values, socio-economic measures (reviews
exist);
3) Paper was not primarily examining the role of active transport, or transports role on physical activity or obesity(reviews exist);
4) Paper does not relate to physical impacts of crashes (reviews
exist).
More than 271 papers were selected through this process andthen reviewed. They were then grouped by theme: accessibility(8); autonomy (40); environmental (3); experience of travel (22);health (43); mode choice (18); quality of life (13); safety (76);social (15); spatial maps (8); noise (9); and other (16). Next, thepapers were classified by their relation to one of the child wellbeing domains (see Fig. 1, based on Pollard and Lee’s (2003) categorisation). After removing the papers that were not within theobjective of the study, a total of 93 papers were retained.
The papers come from 19 different countries. Of the papers
cited, 37 relate to European countries, 19 relate to North America,
18 relate to Oceania, 7 relate to Asia, one each from Iran and Peru,
and the remaining 10 are reviews.
4. Review results
Each section briefly introduces the domain of well-being andgives examples of relevant measures. At the end of each section,
findings are summarized with consistent and contradictory findings highlighted. A table is given listing relevant measures forthe domain from Pollard and Lee (2003) along with the measures

found in the review or potentially relevant measures where none
were found. Those lists are not exhaustive; most likely other relevant measures exist.
4.1. PhysicalIndicators from the physical domain include health compromising behaviours, exercise, or safety-related behaviour (Pollard andLee, 2003). As mentioned, this review did not seek out articles on
relations recently reviewed such as active travel (and its associations with overall physical activity and obesity) (e.g. Panter et al.,2008; Schoeppe et al., 2013) or crashes (Toroyan and Peden,2007). However, a short summary of that work is given in the relevant transport means-of-influence section.
4.1.1. Transport as accessTransport allows individuals to reach activities that facilitate
physical activity such as active play, sports, or recreation. A recent
review found that active travel was consistently associated withmore leisure activities and independent (or autonomous) mobility
with more physical activity (Schoeppe et al., 2013). Children’s
independent mobility (CIM) was positively associated with everyday structured exercise (Page et al., 2010). As well, for boys, CIM
was positively associated with the likelihood of play, of structured
exercise, and active commuting. For girls, it was only associatedwith active commuting [ibid].
Access to health services is a key constituent of transport forwell-being. For parents without cars, transport problems wereidentified as one of five key barriers to accessing health services
in the US (Grineski, 2008). The transport system and public transport are not fundamentally designed with such needs in mind,
which ultimately could influence the choice to visit a hospital, or
limit the choice of hospital to those hospitals with better non-car
access.
Finally, Davis and Jones (1997) argued that the lack of access,sense of insecurity and fear are likely more serious health problems than declining participation in organised sports in the UK.
Related to that finding, families in rural areas mentioned transportand opportunities for participation as barriers to physical activity(Smith et al., 2010). In that study, low-income families had similar
problems.
Consistent findings: active travel is positively associated with leisure activities; CIM is positively associated with physical activity.
4.1.2. Intrinsic influences through transport
With respect to decreases in physical activity and increases inweight problems, recent research on child well-being has focusedconsiderable attention on active travel. Schoeppe et al. (2013)
reported that a positive association was found between active travel and physical activity. However, evidence supporting a link
between active travel to school and weight status was ‘‘evident
but . . . inconsistent”. Thus, active travel can have a positive impact
on physical activity, but its role in weight status is not clear.
Panter et al. (2008) examined environmental determinants on
active travel. They found that active travel was positively associated with social interactions, active travel facilities, neighbourhood
urban form, shorter route distance, and safety of the route. Improving the likelihood of such behaviour was influenced by physicalaspects (infrastructure, distances), social relations, and safety.
Air quality relates to children’s respiratory diseases and has
been examined both for in-vehicle and a result of vehicle use. Invehicle air quality can relate to exhaust, but also by another passenger’s behaviour. Smoking in vehicles can expose children to significant second-hand smoke even if the window of the smoker ishalf-open (Sendzik et al., 2009).

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

Air quality in school buses was found to be worse than at bus
stops or drop-off zones at schools in the USA (Behrentz et al.,1995). If the windows are closed on the bus, the air quality isaffected most by the bus’s exhaust. If the windows are open, thenthe air quality is affected most by the context of the surrounding
traffic. Children on school buses inhale more than 100 times morebus exhaust than people who live by a school bus route (Marshalland Behrentz, 2005). These studies point to an issue with the
motor type and route choice for school buses.
Consistent findings: active travel contributes to daily physicalactivity.
Inconsistent findings: active travel to school is not consistently
associated with higher weight status.
4.1.3. External influences of transport
Traffic danger is a safety concern for many parents and relates
to the measure of safety-related behaviour. A WHO review(Toroyan and Peden, 2007) found that road traffic crashes are aserious public health issue globally, with low-income countries
being particularly affected. Globally, crashes are the leading causeof death for those under 25, with males more commonly involvedin collisions. In low income countries the victims are more likely to
be vulnerable road users, whereas in wealthy countries it is young
male drivers. From that review it is not clear whether children indeveloped countries where walking is high and motor use is low
are safer than the inverse in terms of population impact. However,a recent study found that the death rate per capita for child pedestrians was roughly equal in Japan and Canada, but children aremuch more frequently killed in motorised vehicles in Canada leading to a per capita death rate roughly three times that of Japan(Waygood et al., 2015).
The majority of air pollution in urban environments is attributed to vehicular emissions (Seaton et al., 1995; McNabola et al.,2009). Although those papers state this, they do not reference studies that demonstrate this. However, the majority of childhood
asthma costs are due to traffic-related pollutants in California, US(Brandt et al., 2012). During the Atlanta Olympics, children’s visits
to hospitals for acute asthma cases significantly dropped whencongestion was restricted and managed for the Olympics(Friedman et al., 2001). Air pollutants associated with increased
child respiratory treatments are (Beatty and Shimshack, 2014):
particulate matter 10 mm or less in diameter (PM10), carbon
monoxide (CO), and ozone (O3). As well, nitrogen dioxide (NO2)from freeways was found to be associated with asthma in children(Gauderman et al., 2005), though the association was found for living close to freeways. No association was found for the amount oftraffic. Traffic-related air pollution by homes and schools may contribute to the development of asthma (McConnell et al., 2010).
High traffic flows related to reduced air quality are linked to areas
where low income groups live in California (Gunier et al., 2003)
and in Canada (Chaudhuri, 1998) suggesting a problem of environmental justice (Pabayo et al., 2012), where those not responsible
for the pollution are suffering the negative externalities of those
who are creating the traffic.
Increased blood pressure is one of the more common associations between traffic noise and children’s health. A review(Paunovic et al., 2011) of epidemiological studies found that roadtraffic is positively associated with an increase in blood pressurein children. Systolic pressure was found to be higher, and heart
rates were also higher for children in noisy residences (Belojevic
et al., 2008). In a paper published after the review by Paunovic
et al. (2011), the blood pressure of children with bedrooms thatface busy streets was found to be higher (Liu et al., 2013). Related
to blood pressure, a review of transport noise on health and cognitive development found that it affects cardiovascular disease andcatecholamine secretion. Hypertension and sleep disturbance were35

also related to the prevalence of traffic noise, though adaptation
may exist (Clark and Stansfeld, 2007).
‘‘Lead is a well-known toxin, and its neurotoxic impact on children is strongly associated with problems that are extremely costly
to society, including learning deficits, socialization, violent behaviour and other health problems” (Mielke et al., 2010). Those
impacts relate also to children’s cognitive and social well-being.
In Peru, where leaded gasoline was still used, it was linked tohigher blood-lead levels in children (Naeher et al., 2004). An Australia paper found that lead being transported in trucks coveredby tarpaulins was not associated with higher levels of blood level
content in children (Mak et al., 2003). Another paper related to leadlooked at the legacy impact of lead contained in gasoline between
1927 and 1994 in eight urbanized areas of California (Mielke et al.,2010). That paper details how to identify problem areas, thus
allowing for authorities to prioritize cleaning of lead dust from soil
in locations where children congregate.
The relation between transport and childhood leukaemia hasrecently been reviewed in two articles, with a third conducting ameta-analysis. The first review found that residential traffic exposure during the postnatal period was associated with childhood
leukaemia (Boothe et al., 2014). The second supported the findingof the previous and emphasized the role of benzene (Filippini et al.,2015). Finally, a meta-analysis examined studies of benzene fromtraffic density and traffic-related air pollution. The summary relative risk was reported to be 1.48 for childhood leukaemia (CarlosWallace et al., 2016). Earlier studies (Reynolds et al., 2002;
Reynolds et al., 2004) in the USA examined the exposure to trafficwith rates of all childhood cancer. The first (Reynolds et al., 2002)
examined children under the age of 15 in California in 1988 to
1994. It found a very small positive association between high traffic density and all cancers, leukaemias, and gliomas. As the relationship was found to be small, the authors argued that the rates
were not higher in high traffic areas. The second (Reynolds et al.,2004) focused on children under the age of five who had cancer
and used controlled match subjects to test the influence of roaddensity and traffic density. That paper did find a higher instanceof central nervous system (CNS) tumours in areas with high traffic
density, but with no evidence of a dose response. Those findings
have recently been supported with increased risks found for central nervous system primitive neuroectodermal tumour (PNET)
and medulloblastoma (von Ehrenstein et al., 2015). In all cases
where relationships were found, it was for children under theage of six.
Consistent findings: Crashes as the main cause of death of children and youth around the world; positive associations between
traffic emissions and asthma; traffic noise and increased bloodpressure; traffic and childhood leukaemia; traffic and central nervous system tumours.

4.1.4. Summary of physical well-being relations
Positive influences on children’s physical activity were foundthrough active travel and CIM, by the means-of-influence accessand intrinsic (Table 1). However, external influences of traffic suchas emissions, noise, and traffic density are shown to have clear andserious negative effects on children’s physical well-being in theform of various cancers and tumours.
The lower number of one-off2 relationships (four) as compared
to consistent results suggests that this domain of well-being iswell-studied. However, there remain results (see Table 1) to be corroborated and interactions that have not been studied3.
2One-off is used in this article to refer to a finding that is not corroborated by asecond study.
3
Or at least were not found through the search.

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E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

Table 1
Relevant measures of physical well-being and their association with transport(Acc = access; Intr = intrinsic; Ext = External).
MeasureRelationships where foundHealth compromising behaviours/
Health promoting behaviours;
exercise; physical healthAcc: Active travel associated withmore leisure activitiesR,INT; CIM withmore physical activitiesR,INT; CIM
with more structured exerciseA; lackof access and decreased
participationA
Intr: Active travel is associated withgreater physical activity overallR,Int;
physical structureS; vitamin ES
Ext: collision related death or serious
injuryR,Int
Ext: Traffic noise is associated withhigh blood pressureR,INT
Intr: Active travel is inconsistently
related to obesityR,IF;
Ext: High traffic density is associatedwith childhood asthmaCF,INT; hightraffic density is associated withchildhood leukaemia for children
under 6 years oldR,INT; exposure totraffic and blood-lead in countries
which continue to have leaded fuelA
Acc: Food deserts and access tohealthy choicesS; Int: Walking anddigestionS
Ext: Vulnerable road usersR,Int; driver
behaviourR,Int
Intr: Personal securityS
Acc: Access to health servicesA
Intr: Air quality in carsA; School bus
interior vehicle air quality was foundto be worse than at bus stopsA

Physical manifestations of stressPhysical manifestations of illness

Nutrition

Safety-related behaviour
Physical abuse
OTHER

R = review; S = suggested; CF = consistent findings; IF = inconsistent findings;
A = anecdotal; Int = International; CS = country-specific.

4.2. Psychological
The psychological domain includes indicators that pertain toemotions, mental health, and mental illness. Psychosocial perspectives fall within the psychological domain. Measures include anxiety, depression, anger, stress, autonomy, life satisfaction,
happiness, positive/negative affect, self-esteem and stress management (Pollard and Lee, 2003).
4.2.1. Transport as access
The importance of the influence of a destination’s activity on
psychological measures such as subjective well-being have beenstudied for adults (e.g. Bergstad et al., 2012), and there is some suggestion that similar results would be found for children. Enjoyment
was found to be more associated with the destination type thanwhat mode children used to get there (Barker, 2006).
As will be shown later in the section on social well-being, children desire to meet with friends. The ability to access those friends
may be linked to higher CIM (see later section). Conversely, thepsychosocial measure of loneliness was associated with lower
CIM (Pacilli et al., 2013).
Consistent: No corroborating studies were found.
4.2.2. Intrinsic influences through transport
In Denmark, route choice and modal choice were associatedwith ‘‘affect management” (that is, managing one’s emotions) byboth children and adults, where the individual would choose aroute or a mode for its associated positive affect (e.g. more relaxing, less stressful, safer, etc.) (Jensen et al., 2014). This might suggest that people make choices based on anticipated affect, thus
limiting any variation between modes. That logic was somewhat

confirmed in a prior study in Sweden that examined activationand valence (e.g. feeling happy/sad) during the route to school
and found no significant effects by mode (Westman et al., 2013).
However, a study from Canada (Ramanathan et al., 2014) thatexamined positive and negative emotions related to the trip toschool found that most parents and children report positive emotions, but that children who use active modes (AT) and their parents report statistically more positive emotions. Parents ofchildren who use passive modes were more likely to report negative emotions. A second Swedish study (Westman et al., 2015)
showed that travel by car and longer travel negatively affect children’s satisfaction with travel. Results showed that travel by schoolbus or active mode were felt to be of higher quality. In the Netherlands (Kopnina and Williams, 2012), affective associations to cars
had a wide variation.
In a study of children’s emotions during travel, it was found thatthe walk to school can emotionally prepare children for the day
and that the return walk from school allows them to de-stress(Murray and Mand, 2013). They also reported that the school bus
can be an ‘‘emotional battleground”. Engaging in solitary activities
during travel made children feel stressed (Westman et al., 2015).
Autonomous travel can likely give children a sense of control
and self-esteem. In Toronto, Canada, children who frequently usedbicycles were found to have higher feelings of self-esteem and control (van Vliet, 1983). As well, being able to relate to others is an
important part of developing relationships and a functioning society (Eisenberg and Miller, 1987). Bicycling was found to make children more empathetic (e.g. the ability to understand and share thefeelings of another) (Endoh, 1997).
4.2.2.1. Experience of travel – psychological domain. The experienceof travel could affect psychological well-being if the experience isenjoyable, stressful, or other such emotional impacts. Walking
was associated with different emotional reactions. A Malaysian
study (Yatiman et al., 2012) on children in rural areas reported thatwalking autonomously to and from school resulted in feelings ofexcitement, joy, challenge and fear (of imaginary monkeys andghosts). In an urban setting, children in Belgium also highlighted
that experiences on route while walking and cycling were positive
factors associated with those modes (Zwerts et al., 2010). Children’s appreciation of their walk positively increased with theamount of vegetation present and the lower width of roads(Watanabe et al., 1988).
Personal comfort varies by mode and children reported thatthey liked being shielded from weather in cars (Barker, 2006). Similarly, the comfort of cars was a positive aspect for girls in Belgium(Zwerts et al., 2010).
Consistent findings: Positive experiences while walking; lower
stress with walking
Inconsistent findings: Relationship between mode to school andmeasures of affect.
4.2.3. External influences of transport
Traffic noise can affect psychological well-being. Annoyance
was recorded in several articles (Clark and Stansfeld, 2007;
Babisch et al., 2012; van Kempen et al., 2009), though Babisch
et al. (2012) noted that children report annoyance less than adults.
Borderline or abnormal values were even found for the emotional
system scale (e.g. fears, worries, clingy, unhappy) (Tiesler et al.,2013) where traffic noise was found on the least exposed side ofa house.
The physical impact of collisions is recorded through fatalities
and injuries, but their negative impacts on well-being are not limited to those physical ones. One third of children involved in a collision reported psychological problems when questioned four toseven months after the event (Ellis et al., 1998). Most related to tra-

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vel avoidance, 38% had travel anxiety, and 17% had nightmares orother sleep difficulties. The parents in this study also became more
protective, restricting their child’s mobility (thus potentially limiting the well-being benefits of CIM), and creating conflict. In a second study of children who had been involved in collisions, themajority of them were found to have psychological problems(Bryant et al., 2004) such as re-experiencing the event up to six
months after. About one-fifth had post-traumatic stress disorder,
a third had travel avoidance, a third had travel anxiety, and nearly
half had social impairment. Sleep disturbance was reported for lessthan 10% after two weeks.
Consistent findings: A positive association between traffic noise
and annoyance; travel avoidance, travel anxiety, and sleep difficulties, and parents restricting CIM after collisions.
4.2.4. Summary of psychological domain
Transport was found to influence children’s psychological wellbeing (Table 2) in both the short-term (e.g. experiences, activation)and the long-term (e.g. as a result of road traffic crashes). The
majority of these influences were related to the external influenceof transport (traffic noise and collisions), while two positive associations were found for walking (positive experiences and reduced
stress). The collision results could be termed ‘‘country-specific”
findings as both studies were from the UK. However, it is unlikelythat children would not be psychologically affected in different
geographic or cultural settings.
An inconsistent finding was found for the association of positiveor negative affect with mode. The two studies were conducted in
Canada and Sweden, with a much larger sample in Canada (5423
versus 206). In the Canadian study, the questions related to how
the child generally got to school, whereas in the Swedish study it
related to the trip just completed (the morning commute toschool). The two methods are not directly comparable. Whether
the child’s immediate experience differs from experiences in general may be a matter for future research.
Nine different one-off relationships were identified, as compared to five consistent findings, suggesting that more effort to
replicate findings is required.
4.3. Cognitive
The cognitive domain includes indicators that are considered
intellectual or school-related in nature. Examples include concentration, school behavioural problems, cognitive ability, and academic achievement (Pollard and Lee, 2003).
4.3.1. Transport as access
The outdoors is an important developmental environment andindependent travel by children gives them greater opportunities
for growth and exploration (Björklid, 2004). Some children may
prefer to travel by car (Barker, 2009), but in numerous countries
children who travel by car lament the loss of experiences theymight gain through exploration (Barker, 2009; Mitchell et al.,2007; Tranter and Pawson, 2001). Larger activity spaces relate to
the potential to explore and boys in Australia who had a bicycle
at home to ride and girls who had CIM had larger activity spaces(Villanueva et al., 2012).
Consistent findings: Exploring is desirable and is not associatedwith car travel.
4.3.2. Intrinsic influences through transport
A child who is more alert or awake may be more prepared tolearn and concentrate. In Sweden, children who cycled to school
had higher activation (e.g. more alert, awake) at school than children who came by car (Westman et al., 2013). Related to this,research in neuroscience finds that walking for twenty minutes

37

Table 2
Relevant measures of psychological well-being and their association with transport(Acc = access; Intr = intrinsic; Ext = External).
MeasureRelationships where foundAnxiety

Ext: Post-collision, children had travel anxietyCF,CS;
Post-collision, children had travel avoidanceCF,CS
Intr: Managing emotional outcomes related totransport mode choiceA; The school bus as anemotional battlegroundA
Ext: Fear of traffic dangerS
Acc: Lower CIM was associated with loneliness A
Intr: Passive mode users were more likely to be
associated with negative emotionsA
Ext: Sleep problems or nightmares due to collisionsCF,

Emotional problems

Fearfulness
Loneliness
Negative affect
NightmaresCS

Recurrent memories
of bullying
StressAttachment
Autonomy
Happiness
Life satisfaction
Positive affectSelf-esteem
OTHER

Intr: Bullying during travelS
Intr: Being passive during travel increased stressCF;
post-collision post-traumatic stress disorderA; timedependent (e.g. punctual arrival) stressS; restorationS
Intr: Place attachmentS
Ext: Restricted CIM following a collisionCF,CS
Intr: Travel by car and longer trips were negatively
associated with trip satisfactionA
Acc/Intr/Ext: Life satisfactionS
Acc: positive affect from access to a destination thatbrings positive affectA
Intr: Enjoyment and walkingCF,Int; positive affectrelated to active modesIF;
Intr: Self-esteem was associated with bicyclingA
Ext: Annoyance from traffic noiseCF,Int

R = review; S = suggested; CF = consistent findings; IF = inconsistent findings;
A = anecdotal; Int = international; CS = country-specific.

was associated with greater cognitive control and academic
achievement for preadolescents (Hillman et al., 2009). A later study
by Westman et al. (2015) found that social activities and smartphone use during travel had a positive relationship with performance (here a word-fluency test) at school.
For children’s cognitive abilities, studies that examined spatial
mapping by children examined their capabilities and the content
of the images. Children who travelled by walking or public transport were found to have better overall spatial maps (Ahmadi andTaniguchi, 2007). In another study, the mode of travel was foundto have no relation, but CIM had a positive relation on nonschool journeys (Joshi et al., 1999). Related to that, children withgreater CIM covered larger areas on a mapping exercise(Villanueva et al., 2012). In an earlier study, the spatial scale andamount of detail provided related to the child’s usual mode, though
no further details were given to clarify this relationship (van Vliet,1983).
Spatial clarity in mapping was linked with bus use and spatial
knowledge was linked with walking with parents (the possible
explanation being that parents discuss the surroundings with theirchildren as they walk) (Ahmadi and Taniguchi, 2007). However, inan earlier study no relation was found with mode for environmental knowledge, though spatial knowledge did increase with parental escorting (Joshi et al., 1999). Boys were found to have lower
spatial knowledge (Ahmadi and Taniguchi, 2007), but travel longer
distances. Age was positively associated with increased environmental knowledge (Matthews, 1984).
4.3.2.1. Experience of travel – cognitive domain. Child psychologist
Kegerreis (1993) describes the mental and emotional developments possible through independent travel. In that work, she talks
about the need to take responsibility for action or inaction, for success or failure. By using their own resources, children learn to copewith new experiences. These experiences can be seen in an Australian study (Witten et al., 2015) on children in deprived inner city

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E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

areas (typically a mixed measure of low socio-economic measures)
who talked about walking independently and becoming more confident and discovering routes to avoid undesirable locations. They
further spoke of gaining experience in assessing risks and taking
action.
For Kegerreis the trip home from school is a time for children
to explore (see Hosoda and Nichide, 2009), take small risks, test
boundaries, and do mildly dangerous things, which are important
for their development. Children in Finland (Kullman, 2014) were
fascinated with aspects unobserved by adults: crumpled paper,
ice, tree branches, engaging with different textures and inclines,
running up and down things, and sliding on ice. The children
were using their environment to explore and learn. That reflects
previous assertions that trips are a play activity and a chance toexplore (Tranter and Pawson, 2001). In Japan, children’s movement suggested exploring when taking the train to and fromschool. Using GPS, the children who commuted by train wereobserved to have moved in a slower and more leisurely way
when on foot travelling to/from the station than those commuting by bus or only on foot (i.e. they did not use public transport).
The return trip from school by the train commuters was marked
by irregular speeds demonstrating that there was more to thewalk than just walking (Hosoda and Nichide, 2009). Trips solely
by foot had irregular speeds after school as well, but were quickand direct in the morning (Ibid). For children who used thebus, they moved quickly in the morning, and then slowly after
school.
Kegerreis continues with aspects of observation where thechildren see more of the adult world, observing and learning
how to act or handle themselves in different situations; when
one is escorted, the experience is not the same, as the responsibility lies with others. In New Zealand (Carroll et al., 2015), children talked of experiences on the street such as looking at otherpeople, gardens, graffiti, shop displays and cafes. In Australia(Romero, 2011; Romero, 2010), some children wished to walkalone (19%) and the most common reason for that (36%) was
to have fun (related to psychological well-being), followed bybeing able to dictate the duration and having time to think(29%). In Finland Kullman (2010), trips to school included transitional geographies and children would employ the slightest possible variations to create experiences. In Romero’s studies(Romero, 2011; Romero, 2010), the categories for the most fun
thing during a trip were: experiencing the natural environment(38% of walkers versus 21% in cars), social pursuits (23% of thosein cars), buildings, car activity, solitary pursuits, and people
activity. Discussions and activities during travel were also seen
as important (Barker, 2009).
Consistent findings: Increased spatial knowledge and being
accompanied by parents; observing and exploring the world
around them through walking/CIM.
Inconsistent findings: Relationships between better spatial maps
and greater spatial knowledge with mode of transport.

4.3.3. External influences of transport
Related to academic achievement, traffic noise affects both
reading speed and basic mathematic exercises, though reading
comprehension and mathematical reasoning were not affected(Ljung et al., 2009). In that study, irrelevant speech did not affectthose measures suggesting that traffic noise is a greater problem
than such noise.
Most relationships with spatial maps that were examined dealt
with the mode used and demographic measures such as age andgender. However, traffic danger and social insecurity were bothfound to be negatively linked with spatial knowledge (Ahmadi
and Taniguchi, 2007).

Table 3
Relevant measures of cognitive well-being (from Pollard and Lee, 2003) and theirassociation with transport (Acc = access; Intr = intrinsic; Ext = External).
MeasureRelationships where foundConcentration

Intr: Walking alone and having time tothinkA
Ext: Traffic noise negatively affects reading
speedA; reading comprehension was notaffected by traffic noiseA; basic mathematic
exercises were negatively affected by traffic
noiseA; math reasoning was not affected bytraffic noiseA
Intr: Being alert (activation) was associatedwith cycling to schoolA; modal
relationships with spatial mapping were:
betterINT, IF, levels of detailA, increased
knowledge with walkingINT, IF, clarity ( + forbus)A; Intr: increased spatial knowledge
through travel with parentsCF,INT; CIM wasassociated with covering more area on
spatial mapsA
Intr: CIM and walking were associated with
exploring one’s environmentCF,Int; positive
learning experiences with walking and
CIMCF,Int

Academic achievement

Cognitive ability

OTHER: Learning from one’s
environment/life
experiences*

R = review; S = suggested; CF = consistent findings; IF = inconsistent findings;
A = anecdotal; Int = international.

4.3.4. Summary of cognitive domain
Consistent findings related to cognitive well-being were limited
to: exploring while travelling other than by car; increase spatial
knowledge and being accompanied by parents; observing theworld around them through walking/CIM (Table 3).
For the inconsistent findings with respect to spatial mapping(Ahmadi and Taniguchi, 2007; Joshi et al., 1999), both used freerecall maps, the ages of the children were similar (9–13 versus
7–12) as were the sample sizes (75 versus 93). The latter paper(Ahmadi and Taniguchi, 2007 by date of study) cited the former
and followed the same general approaches. However, a numberof differences can be observed: research domain (engineering
Ahmadi and Taniguchi, 2007 versus psychology (Joshi et al.,1999), the measures applied (landmarks and route accuracy versus
picture type, loops, landmarks), the trips considered (only homeschool; home-school and non-school), the modes considered(non-motorised, bus, car versus walking, car), geographic/culturalcontext (Tehran, Iran versus two country townships in the UK),
built environment (linear versus curvilinear). Any number of thesedifferences might explain the results. For example, the linear nature of the development in Iran may be easier to draw, the inclusionof bus travel, the measure of route accuracy, etc. The positive sideis the similarities (age, free-recall mapping, sample sizes) that tried
to limit the differences between the studies. The only way to gain
better insight would be to have studies that match as close as possible these existing studies.
There were 24 one-off relationships, with 11 of those related tospatial mapping. Considerable potential exists here, but the lack ofrepeated research questions and methods limits the strength of thearguments.
4.4. Social
The social domain includes indicators such as anti-social behaviour, peer problems, participation in cultural activities, relationships with others, social skills, and socioeconomic status (Pollard
and Lee, 2003).
Social well-being is perhaps less appreciated, or obvious, thanphysical well-being, but improvements to society and social interactions are nonetheless important. For example, social relation-

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

ships were found to have a higher impact on mortality than alcohol
consumption, physical activity, BMI (obesity), and air quality; it
had a similar impact as smoking; and the impacts were not foundto be age-dependent (Holt-Lunstad et al., 2010). Thus, social relationships are important for health.
4.4.1. Transport as access
Trips for social reasons are common for adults, and are likely
common for children too (Sener and Bhat, 2007). CIM was positively associated with knowing where to get social interaction(Lim and Barton, 2010) or having more local peers (Carver et al.,2005). In a study of discretionary social activities, children in urban
settings (as opposed to suburban or rural) were more likely to participate without other family members, which was attributed tolikely better conditions for CIM (Sener and Bhat, 2007). However,the direction of the relationship is not clear: is it that having social
relationships within CIM distances stimulate CIM travel, or having
CIM allows one to meet new people and establish more social
contacts?
When children travel independently outside of their local areas
however, they are put in situations where they must deal withunknown adults (e.g. paying the entrance fee at a swimming pool)that conflict with the ‘‘don’t talk to strangers” message that they
are often taught in the UK (Milne, 2009). This could lead to feelingsof anxiety.
Parents way wish to ‘‘park” children in safe places (e.g. play in apark, not on the road), but children may not be stimulated by suchplaces (Davis and Jones, 1996). This may be contrary to what isoften discussed for children’s development, but the experience ofchildren in inner city Los Angeles (Banerjee et al., 2014) highlighted that children liked commercial establishments more thanparks and recreational locations, as they are convivial places withsocial interaction. The children enjoyed the presence of others
and the chance to ‘‘bump into friends.” This reflects findings froman earlier study (Berg and Medrich, 1980) where children wanted
to live near shops. In New Zealand (Carroll et al., 2015) a studyof children’s experiences in the city found that children desire tohave friends close-by, places to play and a range of amenities toaccess. In the USA, a study that looked at travel to discretionary
activities found that for children in urban areas (as opposed to suburban or rural) were more likely to participate in shopping or
active recreation, suggesting that they had better access to suchactivities (Sener and Bhat, 2007).
In some situations, children must rely (mostly) on parents fortheir mobility. Parents may view low-density, car-oriented residential developments as desirable, but this has the effect ofmarooning children and forcing dependence (Davis and Jones,
1996). Children who preferred to travel with a parent, as opposed
to independently, mentioned needing to get to a social activity(Romero, 2010). Earlier research on different neighbourhood types
found that children in suburban areas uniformly disliked having torely on parents to make ‘‘trips” to meet friends (Berg and Medrich,1980). In those low-density areas, travel by car was most common,and socializing was more planned and formal, was less likely to bewith a group, and less likely to have a range of ages. Those issues
were thought to be related to problems of independent mobility
restrictions (ibid).
Consistent findings: The desire to meet friends locally.
Inconsistent findings: Resenting reliance on parents for social
trips and preferring travel with parents as it relates to social trips.
4.4.2. Intrinsic influences through transport
Interacting during travel is very desirable among children. In
Scotland, adolescent girls spoke of walking as an opportunity to
be with friends and socialize (Kirby and Inchley, 2013). The mostimportant aspect of travelling for children in a Belgian study, was39

the social aspect (Zwerts et al., 2010); the social aspect was morevalued by girls than boys. In Australia (Romero, 2011; Romero,2010) and in the UK (Murray and Mand, 2013), trips were associated with meaningful experiences such as talking with friends. In
a study of children in inner city communities in Australia(Witten et al., 2015), it was found that despite problems such as‘‘weird” adults, the children valued being out and about alone as
it was a chance to hang-out with friends, to have fresh air, to feel
happy, not being embarrassed by being in the company of theirparents, and to simply be independent. Westman et al. (2015)
found that engagement in social activity during travel resulted in
the children reporting that the trip was of higher quality than ifthey were alone or using their smartphones.
Having friends as trip companions is important to children. In
Switzerland (Fuhrer and Quaiser-Pohl, 1999), a study of travel by
10, 12, and 14 year olds found that trips with friends was mostcommon for 12 year olds. Children who walked mentioned talking
with friends as an important experience, versus children in cars
who spoke of being ‘‘safe from strangers” (Romero, 2010). In thatstudy, companions were often a desirable attribute of a trip(50%) and 83% of the reason given for wanting to travel independently was to freely engage in conversation with friends or siblings. Separation from friends was seen as a negative aspect ofcar travel (Barker, 2006). Streets in urban New Zealand were seen
as a place to walk and talk with friends and observe the world,
however, children also experienced being ‘‘told off” for being too
loud when they were laughing on their scooters (presumably withfriends) (Carroll et al., 2015). Around the world, socializing is an
important feature of travel for children.
Associations exist between children’s travel and social capital.
In a review of active travel, Panter et al. (2008) found that it was
positively associated with social interactions (waving or saying
hello to neighbours). Children’s autonomy (e.g. CIM) was associated with creating neighbourhood social capital (Weller andBruegel, 2009).
What mode a child uses can influence the frequency of incidental social connections. Waygood and Kitamura (2009) found that
CIM and seeing a known person during travel increased with population density, though a relationship was not directly demonstrated. However using the same data set, walking andindependent trips were found to be positively associated with seeing a known person during the trip (Waygood and Friman, 2015).
Trips by car or bicycle were negatively associated. For seeing people in general, travel by foot or bicycle and CIM were positively
associated with seeing people in general during the trip, while travel by car was highly negatively associated (Waygood and Friman,
2015).
Social interaction can also be with family members during travel. For trips in cars, it was found that children want a location
within the vehicle where their parents can intervene when disputes arise between siblings (Barker, 2009). The choice of seats
was also found to lead to power struggles and conflicts (Barker,
2006).
Consistent findings: Desire social interaction during travel; social
interaction during travel is associated with walking; CIM andactive travel are related to community connections.

4.4.3. External influences of transport
One measure of social well-being listed by Pollard and Lee wasparent-child relations (Pollard and Lee, 2003). One study found thattime spent on one’s work commute by the parents did not diminish
time spent with children, which the authors suggested demonstrated how important that activity is to parents (Whitehead-Freiand Kockelman, 2010). However, in a study on raising children thatwere under five years old in outer suburbs of the Australia

40

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49(Andrews, 2010), many difficulties were raised including the negative effect on children by the father’s long commute.
The walkability of a neighbourhood has been studied for children’s travel and relationships with their social well-being were
found. In a study of children’s representations of their daily lives(Holt et al., 2008), children in low walkable neighbourhoods
depicted more cars and more supervised play which may limit
the child’s ability to develop conflict resolution skills. Children inhighly walkable neighbourhoods depicted more peer interaction.
Those findings related to an older study of children’s play where
the less urban (and what would now likely be termed less walkable) the area, the more distances restricted social interactions toplanned occasions rather than spontaneous ones (Berg andMedrich, 1980).
Traffic was also found to be a general deterrent. In a study ofchildren’s play patterns in the USA (Berg and Medrich, 1980), traffic was found to be a barrier to access as it consumed the street(e.g. prevented children from playing on the street) and limited
children’s active space near their home. In that study, mobility
was the topic discussed with the most interest by the children,as they felt that traffic constrained their autonomy to play andsocialize. An article on children’s social capital and well-being discussed important influences beyond the child’s control such as
traffic, but also how much freedom (e.g. CIM) they have to engage
with their local community (Morrow, 1999).
The study of children’s experience’s in inner city Los Angeles(Banerjee et al., 2014) found that residential streets were mostoften mentioned as being disliked (76%) or unsafe (74%) due tosocial incivilities and traffic concerns. Negative experiences
included streets with fast moving cars, freeways, and underpasses.
Children in urban New Zealand (Carroll et al., 2015) liked walking
and talking in the street, but did not like traffic.
Consistent findings: Less walkable areas restricted children’s
play to planned events; children did not like traffic as it limitedsocial interaction.

4.4.4. Summary of social domain
For the social domain, children were consistently found tohighly desire social interaction. The consist findings were: accessto friends, social interaction during travel, social interaction being
associated to walking, CIM and active transport relating to greatercommunity connections, a general dislike of traffic as it limitedsocial interaction, and areas that limited CIM limited spontaneous
social interaction (Table 4).
An inconsistent finding was found between some children preferring travel with their parents (Romero, 2010), to others resenting their dependence on parents for transport (Berg and Medrich,1980). The studies were respectively conducted in Sydney, Australia with children aged 9 to 11 and in Oakland, USA with children
aged 11 and 12 years. It may be that the younger children in theAustralian study do not desire independence to the same extent
as the slightly older children. The Oakland study was larger (764versus 178), but both studies had a diversity in urban settings
and used qualitative methods (interviews). The era of the study
may play a role as well, with the Sydney study published in 2010
and the Oakland study published in 1980; what is normal and children’s expectations may have changed over those 30 years. The
research questions were different though, with the Oakland study
focusing on play and play patterns, whereas the Sydney study
looked at trips to school with a desire to improve the enjoymentof walking to school. Thus, in the Sydney study, children were considering a different situation, and the use of cars may have been
seen by many children as how they access their social activities.
This might be related to the activity being more important thanthe means of getting there.

Table 4
Relevant measures of social well-being and their association with transport(Acc = access; Intr = intrinsic; Ext = External).
MeasureRelationships where found

Negative life events
Peer problems
Family relations;parent-childrelations
Participation in cultural
eventsRelationship with peers

Ext: CrashesR, Int
Intr: Intimidation/bullying/assaultS
Intr: parent-child interaction during travelS
Ext: Parents time with children was not affected bycommuting timeA;
Acc: Access to cultural eventsSSocial skills

Social support

Acc: CIM increasing access to friendsA; isolationS
Intr: Desirable attribute of travelCF,Int; walking as atime for interactionCF,Int; CIM as an occasion forpeer interactionCF,Int; social interaction is desirable
during travelCF,INT, social interaction is associatedwith walkingCF,INT;
Ext: traffic limited play and social interactionCF,INT;
Intr: Learning from community observation while
travellingS;
Ext: supervised play in low densityCF,INT
Intr: Social capital is increased with CIMA;
community relations positively linked to walkingA;
community incidental interactions higher forwalkingA; public space useSR = review; S = suggested; CF = consistent findings; IF = inconsistent findings;
A = anecdotal; Int = International.

Numerous examples can again be found of one-off relationships(6), though for this domain, there was more consistency with findings (7).
4.5. Economic
In the review by Pollard and Lee (2003), the economic domain
of well-being lists only child support as a measure. For transport,
this could be interpreted as caregivers providing time and money
to facilitate access to opportunities, or it could be interpreted as
how the transport system supports (or limits) children’s mobility
and access. As such, independent travel (travel not demanding significant parental time) is included in this section. The issues of parental time loss were also raised by Hillman et al. (1990) in theirseminal work on children’s independent travel. Parental time loss
due to chauffeuring and CIM are not mutually exclusive, as a highly
autonomous child may still need to be chauffeured for certain trips,
thus the two are treated separately. Most of the articles relating tothis domain focused on identifying what measures were associatedwith CIM. As the focus of this review is on what evidence is therethat transport influences child well-being, only a summary of aprevious review on that area is given. Before that, relevant papers
on children and parental time are introduced.
4.5.1. Transport as accessA study that highlighted the differences between the mother’s
involvement in children’s transport in a transit-oriented development (TOD) in comparison with auto-oriented development, foundthat the type of trips with parental accompaniment were typicallyfamily-oriented in the TOD area, as opposed to many more chauffeuring (serve-child) trips in the car-oriented one (Waygood,2009). This is likely related to findings on differences between
mothers with independent children who practiced more personal
leisure than mothers who had to chauffeur children and sacrificed
their own leisure time to do so (Mattsson, 2002).
Likely related to the reduced burden on parents, benefits from
active travel, and other potential benefits, sufficient research has
been carried out on explaining CIM. The consistent findings
reported in Mitra’s (2013) review for transport as access are:chauffeuring increased if parents viewed driving as convenientE.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

and socially acceptable; reduced distances to destinations werepositively associated with increased CIM. Mitra (ibid) also reported
findings on active school travel as a proxy for CIM, but those are
not reported here as the focus of this section is purely on studies
that examined CIM directly.
Consistent: chauffeuring increased if parents viewed driving as
convenient and socially acceptable; reduced distances to destinations and increased CIM.

41

Table 5
Relevant measures of economic well-being and their associations with transport(Acc = access; Intr = intrinsic; Ext = External).
MeasureRelationships where foundChild support

Acc: Reduce parents time burden through CIMR,CF,Int;
Intr: cost of supporting children’s travelS;
Ext: Car-based travel increases serve-passenger tripsA;
costs incurred due to traffic impacts on well-beingSR = review; S = suggested; CF = consistent findings; IF = inconsistent findings;
A = anecdotal, Int = International.

4.5.2. Intrinsic influences through transport
As mentioned above, independent travel is positively linked
with a number of child well-being domains such as social (social
connections and interactions), physical (access to physical play
and active transport), cognitive (exploration and play), and economic (reducing time burden on parents). Autonomy is itself a measure of psychological well-being and experiencing while travelling
autonomously were positively (and consistently) associated withincreased travel satisfaction.
The study that highlighted the differences between themother’s involvement in children’s transport in a transit-oriented
development (TOD) in comparison with auto-oriented development, found that mothers in the TOD-based metropolitan area
spent around fifteen minutes a day travelling with children, versus
the more than one hour in the other (Waygood, 2009). This would
suggest a considerable larger time cost on the parents.
In Mitra’s review (Mitra, 2013), the consistent relationships
found for the intrinsic impacts from CIM were: parents who
acknowledged the importance of active travel and the child’s social
interaction.
Consistent: parents who acknowledged the importance of active
travel and the child’s social interaction.

4.5.3. External influences of transport
In a study on raising children that were under five years old inouter suburbs of cities in Australia (Andrews, 2010), many difficulties such as the limited transport choices due to the built environment, and little possibility of walking or cycling to school,
increased the demands on the parents’ available time. However,these problems were not seen as a barrier to living in such areas.
In Mitra’s review (Mitra, 2013), the external impacts of transport on CIM were: parental confidence in the child’s road safetyskills; increased age of child was associated to an increase in
CIM; concern over traffic or personal safety decreased CIM.
Consistent: parental confidence in the child’s road safety skills;
increased age of child and increased CIM; concern over traffic or
personal safety decreases CIM.

4.5.4. Summary of economic domain
An argument could be made that external impacts due to traffic(e.g. crashes, asthma, etc.) could have economic implications forthe child’s family. The distraction or stress from traffic noise may
lower the child’s school performance, which may have implications
for their future economic success. However, no papers were foundduring this process that quantified those issues.
As in other sections, the results are limited to the influence oftransport on the measure. Therefore, many of the consistent findings in Mitra (2013) are not given here, as they relate to explaining
CIM from other perspectives (e.g. social norms and values or individual attributes (e.g. age)). For the economic domain the consistent findings of transport on well-being were: chauffeuring
burden is higher in car-oriented development; child’s road safetyskills (related to transport context); concern over traffic and lower
CIM (Table 5).

5. Overall summary and discussion
This review aimed to answer the question: ‘‘what evidence isthere that transport affects child well-being more holistically?”
The results demonstrate that for all domains of well-being there
were consistent (e.g. corroborated) results, and for nearly all
domains by each transport means-of-influence. Thus, it can be reasonably stated that evidence exists for a role of transport on eachdomain of child well-being.
It should be noted that although consistent findings were identified, it cannot be stated that transport is always the cause of theeffect. A clear next step would be to examine the literature withconsistent results and ask what type of interaction has been found:correlation or causation.
The influences of the results are organised by the transportmeans-of-influence on the children’s well-being in Figs. 2–4. For
the transport means-of-influence of access, there were six consistent findings across four (out of five) domains of well-being(Fig. 2). The one exception being the psychological well-being
domain. One finding was inconsistent (whether travel with parents
for social activities is appreciated or resented is unclear). In total,
there were three reviews (two in physical, one in economic) and
27 unique papers that dealt with access.
For transport means-of-influences on well-being during travel(e.g. intrinsic), all of the domains had at least one consistent result(Fig. 3), although here there were three inconsistent findings (AT’srelationship with obesity is unclear; the relationship between
mode and affect is unclear; better spatial maps and greater spatial
knowledge by mode is unclear). In total, there were 46 papers that
dealt with impacts during travel.
For transport means-of-influence as an external influence(Fig. 4), the cognitive domain is the only one without a consistentfinding. There were no inconsistent findings. In total, there were 35
papers that dealt with the external impacts of transport onchildren.
There were four inconsistent findings: weight status and active
travel; better spatial mapping by mode, and environmental (one’s
surroundings as opposed to ecological) knowledge with mode; andaffective relationships with modes. The possible reasons for thesewere discussed above. Further research on these, with consideration to the possible reasons for the differences mentioned, would
help clarify whether the influence of transport is consistent,
whether it is highly context dependent, or merely a statisticalcoincidence.
The majority of the studies used quantitative analysis (51), with
19 using qualitative, and 12 using mixed methods. The remaining
papers were reviews of different types. Not all impacts are easily
quantifiable, nor are all impacts known. Qualitative research helps
to identify such relationships, which can later be measured inquantitative research. The mixed method studies should be commended for their efforts to quantify measures, but also remain
open to less tangible qualities of travel. Advantages and disadvantages of different methods will remain, but the balance found heresuggests that neither method is particularly dominant.

42

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

Fig. 2. The consistent findings of transport as access on child well-being.

Fig. 3. The consistent findings of intrinsic transport relations for child well-being.

In relation to different methods, there was considerable variation in sample size from under 10 participants to nearly 700,000
hospital incidences. The majority of studies were relatively small
with 41 having under 250 respondents (18 fell in the 100–249
range, followed by 16 studies with 10–49, four between 50 and
99, and only three had under 10 participants). Nine papers had
between 250 and 499 participants, seven between 500 and 999,
and 16 had at least 1000 participants. Depending on the researchquestions, the high number of papers with under 250 respondents
may result in anecdotal results that are not generalizable. However, small studies may have the advantage of allowing for greater
innovation and testing before being applied on larger scale
projects.
The relationship between what transport options are possible
for children are not only dependent on the child, but also theirhousehold, neighbourhood, city, and cultural context (e.g.
Matthews and Limb, 1999). Previous reviews looked at what
explains active travel to school (Sirard and Slater, 2008) or CIM(Mitra, 2013), but as has been pointed out, differences exist
between countries, not just the built environment, but also culture(Waygood et al., 2015; Waygood and Kitamura, 2009; Waygood,2009). It was for this reason that it was important to identify consistent findings across cultures. In our reviewed papers, 49 relate to
only Anglo-Saxon countries. Consistent findings across divergent
cultures would imply more universally consistent results. For mostof the consistent findings reported here, the findings were fromdifferent countries. The exceptions were papers examining postcrash psychological impacts (UK).
Of course, considering the results of this review, next steps
would also be to question the approach of transport planning. As
mentioned in the introduction, the focus of transport planning generally relates to value of time which represents roughly 80% of
cost-benefit analysis (e.g. Mackie and Nellthorp, 2001) with someconsideration to crash potential. Related to crash potential is the
speed at which vehicles travel (e.g. Ewing and Dumbaugh, 2009).
Congestion costs are based on speeds being diminished from freeE.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

43

Fig. 4. The consistent findings of external transport relations child well-being.

flow speeds (occasionally with some lowering of this in the calculations) (e.g. Canada, 2006; Goodwin, 2004). From the results presented here, considerable negative impacts are incurred bychildren through this promotion of high speed and high volume
traffic. As previously written, transport planning in many contexts
may assume that providing for adults (and thus parents) is providing for children (Davis and Jones, 1996; Matthews and Limb, 1999;
Gilbert and O’Brien, 2005). That assumption is not necessarily trueas much of children’s travel will be local and for independent travel, consideration to active travel and public transport is likely
more important than focusing on congestion and value of time.
All of those articles (Davis and Jones, 1996; Matthews and Limb,
1999; Gilbert and O’Brien, 2005) argue that the values of adults(congestion and value of time) are imposed upon the (mobility)
needs of children, to their detriment. This makes children a ‘‘sociospatial marginalized group” (Matthews and Limb, 1999). Davisand Jones (1996) make a similar point, arguing that rather thanmodifying the built environment, children are forced to make thebehavioural modifications to fit within the adult world. An example that they give is where parents (society) teach children to be
fearful and careful of traffic, rather than treating the problem bylimiting traffic’s negative impacts. Certainly it is important for children to understand the danger traffic poses, but it is also importantfor planning to treat the source of the problem.
From a transport perspective, children differ from adults in a
number of important ways. Matthews and Limb (1999) outline
six major distinctions: 1) rhythms of time and space are different;2) use of land and facilities are different; 3) CIM is restricted due tomoney, physical capabilities, caretaking conventions, etc.; 4)threats are different (e.g. with air quality); 5) even given the sameenvironment, interpretation and perceptions are different; and 6)
they are unable to influence decision-makers. The review carriedout here better supports a number of these points from a perspective of child well-being. It demonstrates that children suffer significant well-being impacts due to traffic, that how they view andvalue transport is not related to congestion and rapid access, andthe focus on such adult values is often at the loss of their CIM. It
gives further weight to arguments made over twenty years ago
on the need for a public health perspective when consideringtransport and children (Davis and Jones, 1996).

There are limitations to this review. The search terms did notinclude synonyms of child(ren) such as baby, infant, youth, adolescent, young adult, etc. As well, mode-specific terms were not usedsuch as pedestrian, cyclist, driver, etc. An effort to find related findings to each one-off result was not made, and it is certainly possible that relevant literature exists. The challenge is to take this firstsuch review and continue refining and developing knowledge sothat individual decisions, policy, and planning can best support
child well-being. Not all relevant articles will have been found as
relevant papers may not specifically use the search words appliedin their title or abstract. As with all such reviews, the impact ofpublication bias likely exists. Research that examined a relation,
but did not find a statistical association is less likely to be published or even submitted.
5.1. Directions for future research
Very few papers crossed well-being domain boundaries. The
exceptions can be seen in Table 6. Thus, very little research has
examined more holistic impacts on child well-being and researchthat aims to examine potentially conflicting impacts would
improve planning.
Transport as access relates to the benefits derived from theactivity at the destination. Research questions here would needto examine how different travel options and modes relate to accessby children to different types of activities that would have an
impact on their well-being (whether positive or negative). The destination’s activity is important for physical (Page et al., 2010), psychological (Barker, 2006), cognitive (e.g. reaching school (Sirard
and Slater, 2008), social (Lim and Barton, 2010), and economic(Mitra, 2013) domains. However, the focus has primarily been on
school trips, ignoring other destinations that may contribute to
the domains of well-being. Although reviews can be cited here
for physical activity, reaching school, or independent travel, insufficient work has examined the psychological relationships for transport as access. For that domain, two one-off studies (Barker,
2006; Pacilli et al., 2013) found relationships that could be followed up on. The findings relating CIM to both physical activity
and social interaction may well be related: children who can freely
access their friends and play, perform both. It would not be a

44

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

Table 6
Selected characteristics of publications included in the integrative review.
Citation

WellbeingdomainTransport
relation

LocationChildren’s ages
(years)N

Data source

Method type

Sirard andSlater(2008)

Physical

Intrinsic

International
review

5 to 18NA

Published articles

Hillman et al.
(1990)

Economic

AccessUK, West
Germany

7 to 15

Questionnaire

Schoeppe et al.
(2013)
Mitra (2013)

PhysicalAccess;Intrinsic
Access3 to 18

Published articles

Systematic review

5 to 18NA

Published articles

Toroyan andPeden(2007)
Pollard andLee (2003)
Pont et al.
(2009)
Panter et al.
(2008)

PhysicalExternal;
Intrinsic

International
review
International
review
International
report1015 British;
876 West
GermanNA

Quasi-systematic review(Additional literature
outside of search terms
and search engines; noclear quality standard)
Quantitative<25

0

Published articles

Literature/narrative
review
Quantitative

All

NA

2 to 19NA

Published articles

Systematic review

Physical

Intrinsic

5 to 18NA

Published articles

Systematic review

Physical,socialAccess;Intrinsic

International
review
International
review
International
review

5 to 18NA

Published articles

Page et al.
(2010)
Grineski(2008)
Davis andJones
(1997)
Smith et al.
(2010)
Sendzik et al.
(2009)
Behrentz et al.
(1995)
Marshall andBehrentz(2005)
Waygood et al.
(2015)
Brandt et al.
(2012)

PhysicalAccessUK

10 to 111307

PhysicalExternal

USA

4 to 1238

Ht. and wt. measurements,
questionnaire, accelerometer
In-depth interviews

Quasi-systematic(Additional literature
outside of search terms
and search engines; noclear quality standard)
Quantitative

PhysicalUnitedKingdom

9 to 11 and 13 to
14468

Semi-structured interviews, focus
groups

Qualitative

PhysicalAccess,Intrinsic,
external
Intrinsic

Australia

4 to 16

3983

Cross sectional questionnaire

Quantitative

Physical

Intrinsic

CanadaNA

18

Air-quality instrument

Quantitative

Physical

Intrinsic

USA

5 to 10Intrinsic

USANA1) Pollutant measurements 2)
video
Bus emissions

Quantitative

Physical6 buses x 22
runs
16

Physical

#N/A

<15

#N/A

#N/A

#N/A

PhysicalExternal

Canada,
Japan
USA

<18

California Health Interview Survey

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

USA

one to 16

Acute care visits

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

UK

2 to 7

Regional
assessment ofasthma cases
Events per day
over 10 weeks
682305

Hospital occurrence

Quantitative

PhysicalExternalUSA14, 17208

Air-quality instrument

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

USA

5 to 7

2497

Questionnaire

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

USA<15

Traffic count data

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

CanadaPublished articles

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

CanadaNot specified in
text
6 to 8All census blockgroups in
California
National
assessment
710

Questionnaire with the parents

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

3 to 145133

Published articles

Critical review

PhysicalExternal

International
review
Serbia3 to 7328

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

Germany

10605

Physical,
psychological

External

International
review

3 to 10NA

Noise instrument; blood pressure
measure; heart rate
Parent questionnaire, bloodpressure
Published articles

PhysicalExternal

USA

Not clear

NA

Published articles

Quantitative

Friedman et al.
(2001)
Beatty andShimshack(2014)
Gauderman
et al. (2005)
McConnell
et al. (2010)
Gunier et al.
(2003)
Chaudhuri(1998)
Pabayo et al.
(2012)
Paunovic et al.
(2011)
Belojevic et al.
(2008)
Liu et al.
(2013)
Clark andStansfeld(2007)
Mielke et al.
(2010)

Economic

Qualitative

Quantitative

Quantitative
Narrative review

45

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49
Table 6 (continued)
Citation

WellbeingdomainTransport
relation

LocationChildren’s ages
(years)N

Data source

Method type

Naeher et al.
(2004)

PhysicalExternalPeru

17 near gas
stations; 9 notnear

Blood samples

Quantitative

Mak et al.
(2003)
Boothe et al.
(2014)
Filippini et al.
(2015)
CarlosWallace
et al. (2016)
Reynolds et al.
(2002)
Reynolds et al.
(2004)
von Ehrenstein
et al. (2015)
Bergstad et al.
(2012)
Barker (2006)

PhysicalExternal

UK

3 + /- 9.9 living
near gas stations& 10.1 + /- 2.1
living distantfrom gas
stations<6

167

Dust samples, blood tests

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal<15

NA

Published articles

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal<24

NA

Published articles

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

International
review
International
review
International
review<20

NA

Published articles

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

USA

<5

4369

California Cancer Registry

Quantitative

PhysicalExternal

USA<15

Occurrence

California Cancer Registry

Quantitative

PhysicalExternalUSA<643, 34

California Cancer Registry

Quantitative

Psychological,
socialSocialIntrinsic

UK

4 to 11Not explicit

Pacilli et al.
(2013)
Jensen et al.
(2014)
Westman et al.
(2013)
Ramanathan
et al. (2014)
Westman et al.
(2015)

PsychologicalAccessInternational
review
Italy

Personal diaries, photographs, indepth interviews, questionnaires
Published articles

Mixed

0

1006
households
NA

11 to 13589

Questionnaire

Quantitative

Psychological

Intrinsic

Denmark

2 to 1845

Mixed

Psychological,
cognitive
Psychological

Intrinsic

Sweden206

Intrinsic

CanadaGrade 4
(Sweden)
3 to 15

GPS tracking, mapping andinterviews
Travel diaries

5423

Questionnaire

Quantitative

Psychological,
cognitive,social
Psychological

Intrinsic

Sweden

10 to 15

344

Questionnaire

Quantitative

Attitudes
towards
vehicles. . .
Intrinsic

Netherlands

7 to 10140

Questionnaire, 49 interviews withthe children.

Mixed

UK

8 to 14

25

Qualitative

Psychological,
cognitive
PsychologicalAccess;Intrinsic
0

Canada14 to 16148

self-directed video and filmelicitation and narrativeinterviews; participant
observation, participatory
workshops involving drawing,story writing, role-play, watching
videos, diary writing and recordedinterviews with art workshops
along with artists
Questionnaire with children

International
reviewfour to 18

NA

Published articles

Narrative and metaanalysis

Psychological

Japan

NA

NA

Children’s picture books

Qualitative

Psychological

Intrinsic,
external
Intrinsic

Malaysia

9 to 1154

Qualitative

Psychological,
social
PsychologicalAccess;Intrinsic
Intrinsic

Belgium

10 to 13

2546

QuantitativeJapan

11 to 12240

Drawings, semi-structuresinterviews, participant observation
Questionnaire with parents andchildren
Questionnaire

Psychological

External

Germany

8 to 14

1048

Questionnaire

Quantitative

Psychological

External

9 to 112844

Questionnaire

Quantative

Psychological

External

UK, Spain, theNetherlands
Germany

10872 (287)

Questionnaire; noise instrument

Quantative

Psychological

Intrinsic

UK

5 to 1645

Mixed

Psychological

Intrinsic

England

5 to 16

Cognitive

Access,Intrinsic,
external

Sweden12

86 children and
80 parents
750 Parents. 47
children

Questionnaires (children andparents), interviews
Questionnaires (children andparents)
Questionnaires (child and parent)

Kopnina andWilliams(2012)
Murray andMand(2013)

van Vliet(1983)
Eisenberg andMiller(1987)
Endoh (1997)
Yatiman et al.
(2012)
Zwerts et al.
(2010)
Watanabe
et al. (1988)
Babisch et al.
(2012)
van Kempen
et al. (2009)
Tiesler et al.
(2013)
Ellis et al.
(1998)
Bryant et al.
(2004)
Björklid (2004)

Psychological,
socialCritical review

Quantitative

Quantitative

Quantitative

Quantitative
Quantitative(continued on next page)46

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

Table 6 (continued)
Citation

WellbeingdomainTransport
relation

LocationChildren’s ages
(years)N

Data source

Method type

Barker (2009)

Cognitive,socialIntrinsic

UnitedKingdom(UK)

primary school

Questionnaire (1006) and in-depth
research (23) with travel diaries
and photographs taken by children

Mixed

Mitchell et al.
(2007)
Tranter andPawson(2001)
Villanueva
et al. (2012)

Cognitive

AccessNew Zealand

6 to 7 & 10 to 11

1006
questionnaires& 23in-depth
research
136

Qualitative

Cognitive

AccessAustralia

9 to 12436 children;
297 parents

Story writing, discussion groups,
photovoice
Questionnaires; focus groups;
interviews with principals

Cognitive

AccessAustralia

10 to 121480 children;1314 adults

Hillman et al.
(2009)
Ahmadi andTaniguchi(2007)
Joshi et al.
(1999)
Matthews(1984)
Kegerreis(1993)
Witten et al.
(2015)
Hosoda andNichide(2009)
Kullman(2014)

Cognitive

Intrinsic

USA

9 to 1020

Cognitive

Intrinsic

Iran9, 11 and 13

Cognitive

Intrinsic

UK

Cognitive

Intrinsic

Cognitive

Mixed

Questionnaire, pedometer (oneweek), mapping exercise, parents
questionnaire,
Several cognitive tests

Mixed

75

Questionnaire, sketched maps bychildren and adults

Mixed

7 to 1293

Quantative

England

6 to 11172

Ability tests (cognitive); mapping;parent questionnaire
Free-recal mapping

Intrinsic

UK

1 fictive

Thought piece

Qualitative

Cognitive

AccessAustralia

Primary school
child
9 to 1240

Discussion groups

Qualitative

Cognitive

Intrinsic

Japan

11,12,15

3

Questionnaire; GPS

Quantitative

Cognitive

Intrinsic

Finland

7 to 1223

Qualitative

Carroll et al.
(2015)

Cognitive,socialAccess,Intrinsic,
external

New Zealand

9 to 12 years old

Romero (2011)

Cognitive,socialCognitive,socialCognitive

Intrinsic

Australia

9 to 11253 for GPS andtrip diary; 140
for walking
interviews
178

Observations, participatory
picture-making, group discussions;sharing the school trip
Trip diaries, walk-alongs, group
discussions, GPS, accelerometers

Access,Intrinsic
Intrinsic

Australia

9 to 11178

Finland

7 to 12

23

Cognitive

External

Sweden

12 to 13187

SocialAccess,duringUSA

5 to 151574

Lim and
Barton(2010)

SocialAccessUSA

11 to 13

19

Carver et al.
(2005)
Milne (2009)

SocialIntrinsic,
external
Intrinsic

Australia

12, 13347

UK

10, 11375
questionnaires;
17
interviewees; 1
participant
observation

Access,Intrinsic,
external
Access,Intrinsic,
external
Intrinsic

United Statesof America
(USA)
USA

10 to 12176 children;
87 parents

11 and 12 years

Scotland11 to 14

Romero (2010)
Kullman(2010)
Ljung et al.
(2009)
Sener and Bhat
(2007)

SocialBanerjee et al.
(2014)

SocialBerg andMedrich(1980)
Kirby andInchley(2013)

SocialSocialQuantitative

Qualitative

Mixed

Questionnaire; drawings; focus
groups; maps; site observations
Questionnaire

Qualitative

Images; active participation;interviews
Written tests (children); noise
instrument
2002 Child Development
Supplement to the Panel Study ofIncome Dynamics
Ethnographic research method fordata generation including
conversational interviews,
walking-along (neighbourhoodwalk), mapping andautophotography.
Child and parent questionnaires

Qualitative

Participant observation of children
at school with ethnographic
participation (primarily at play andlunch times)- Paired and individual interviews
with self-selected childparticipants- Self-completion questionnaires
with children
Questionnaire, maps

Qualitative764

Child interview, parent
questionnaire, follow up interviews

Qualitative27

Focus groups; mapping exercises

Qualitative

Quantitative

Quantitative
Quantitative

Qualitative

Quantitative

Mixed

47

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49
Table 6 (continued)
Citation

WellbeingdomainTransport
relation

LocationChildren’s ages
(years)N

Data source

Method typeFuhrer andQuaiserPohl (1999)
Weller andBruegel(2009)
Waygood andKitamura(2009)
Waygood et al.
(2015)WhiteheadFrei andKockelman(2010)
Andrews(2010)

SocialAccess

Switzerland

10 to 14184

One-week activity diaries

Quantitative

SocialIntrinsic

England

11 to 14588

Questionnaire, interviews, focus
groups. activity sheets

Mixed

SocialAccess;Intrinsic

Japan

10,11

264

Questionnaire

Quantitative

SocialIntrinsic

Japan

10,11

425

Questionnaire

Quantitative

SocialIntrinsic

Canada,Japan,
Sweden

9 to 12

499

Questionnaire

Quantitative

SocialAccessUSA

12248

American Time Use Questionnaire(ATUS)

Quantitative

Holt et al.
(2008)Morrow(1999)
Mattsson(2002)

Social,economic
SocialAccessAustralia

Parents withchildren under
18
<5

15

In-depth interviews with mother

Qualitative

Canada6 to 12168

Mental mapping

Qualitative

Economic

Access,Intrinsic
AccessSweden

7 to 1740 households

Mixed

Mackie and
Nellthorp(2001)
Ewing andDumbaugh(2009)

Economic

AccessJapan

10, 11491

Travel diary for each family
member and semi-structured
interviews to a subsample aboutchauffeuring habits
Questionnaire, published articles

PhysicalExternal

New Zealand

101

Traffic accident report

Qualitative

stretch to suggest that this would likely have psychologicalbenefits.
For intrinsic relationships between transport and child wellbeing, it is perhaps more obvious, or easier, to relate active travel
to physical health (Schoeppe et al., 2013). However, consistentfindings here suggest that further benefits may be found in travelthat relate to psychological (Murray and Mand, 2013; Zwerts
et al., 2010), cognitive (Hosoda and Nichide, 2009; Kullman,2010), and social (Westman et al., 2015; Romero, 2010) domains.
In many cases, active travel and CIM allows the children to socialize (related to trips that children rate as higher quality), to explore,
observe and experience their environment. Is the focus on speed
and value of time potentially reducing these benefits? It’s hard tostop and observe a ladybug and create some imaginary story
around them if one is rushing along. Children might be viewed
as tourists: they want to experience the (new) world around them,and enjoy it with friends. Although consistent, it is only the intrinsic
physical well-being benefits that have been sufficiently explored tohave warranted a review focused on that specific relationship.
Numerous impacts due to external impacts were found which
related to physical (e.g. crashes, leukaemia, asthma, blood pressure), psychological (stress, anxiety, annoyance), cognitive (attention and academic performance), social (barrier to social
interaction), and economic (traffic danger increasing the use of
costlier means of transport) domains. Here, the cognitive impacts
are less well studied with consistent findings and reviews existingfor nearly all the other domains of well-being.
It is likely that there exist other relations to the problem of traffic danger as a limiting factor on CIM and the level of children’sroad skills required (e.g. how well do they cope with traffic danger). In a situation of no road danger, a child would not need roadskills, but as road danger increases, so does the need to haveincreased safety skills. Paraphrasing a question posed by Hillman

Quantitative

et al. (1990): why is it the child who is burdened with the responsibility of road safety when they are not the ones creating it? Obviously, some skills are required, but the question is perhaps to what
extent should the emphasis be on the victims (Davis and Jones,
1996; Roberts and Coggan, 1982)?
Considering the application of the findings presented here,
there are a number of future directions. One would be to further
develop the consistent findings to be incorporated into healthimpact assessments, whether this be through a monetization of
those costs and benefits, or an assessment of morbidity or mortal-

Table 7
Suggested relationships between transport and child well-being that were notevident in this review.
DomainMeasureExplanation

PhysicalRelated to walking

PhysicalPhysicalPhysical structure (bone,muscle)Digestion
Vitamin E

Physical
Psychological

Personal security
Restorative

Psychosocial
PsychologicalPlace attachment
Life satisfaction

SocialParent-child interaction

SocialSocialSocialAccess to cultural events
Isolation
Learning social skills andbehaviour through observation
Cognitive requirements
Costs of supporting children’s
travelCognitive
Economic

Related to walking
Related to active traveland public transport
Exposure to others
Walking in restorativeenvironments
Local travel
Access to needs,
achievement, autonomy
During travel (positive,
negative, type, etc.)
Access-related
Access and autonomy
Local travel andautonomy
Safety related
Costs vary by mode,
distance, needs, etc.

48

E.O.D. Waygood et al. / Travel Behaviour and Society 9 (2017) 32–49

ity impacts such as is seen the health economic assessment tools(Kahlmeier et al., 2011). Other options would be use multicriteria decision analysis (Munda, 2005) where conflicting attributes are weighted (the attributes and weighting can be decided
by a group of experts).
In each domain there were numerous one-off results which suggests two things: one, that numerous other potential relationships
exist between transport and child well-being; and two, that value
must be placed in attempting to repeat studies to examine whether
the findings are consistent or not. On one-off findings, consideration to cultural-specific findings should be given, and studies in different settings will help identify influences that transcend cultures.
As mentioned, the measures presented by Pollard and Lee(2003) were not exhaustive. In many of the domains, we have suggested measures that may be relevant, but did not appear in thereviewed articles. Those measures are repeated in Table 7 with ashort explanation.
It is clear from this integrative review that transport has an
impact on children’s well-being, and we have mentioned a few
areas that were not evident in our search (Table 7) which deserve
to be investigated. The combination of the requirement for
research replication and relations that have not yet been investigated suggest a rich and diverse field of research that we hope to
see grow and mature.
Acknowledgements
Financial support for this research was obtained through Grant(#2014-05335) from the Swedish Governmental Agency for Innovation Systems (VINNOVA). The authors would like to thank allof the graduate students who contributed to the review of articles.
We would also like to thank Nora Loreto for her helpful commentson the writing style of the paper. The authors also acknowledge thecontributions of the reviewers to the quality of the paper.
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