Suicide and the MediaMADELYN S. GOULD
Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Division of Epidemiology,
Columbia University and New York State Psychiatric Institute, New York,New York 11024, USA

ABSTRACT: Evidence continues to amass on the significant impact of media
coverage on suicide. The research literature on the impact of news reports
of nonfictional suicides as well as fictional suicide stories is reviewed in order to determine the nature and scope of the influence of the mass media
on suicide. The current review, building upon earlier reviews, is limited toEnglish language publications or English translations of articles and/or
abstracts. The interactive factors that may moderate the impact of media
stories are also reviewed. Such interactive factors include characteristicsof the stories (agent), individuals’ attributes (host), and social context ofthe stories (environment). Recommendations are presented for the reporting of suicide stories, which may minimize the risk of imitative suicides.
The media’s positive role in educating the public about risks for suicideand shaping attitudes about suicide is emphasized. In summary, the existence of suicide contagion no longer needs to be questioned. We should
refocus our research efforts on identifying which particular story components promote contagion under which circumstances and which components are useful for preventive programming.
KEYWORDS: Behavioral contagion; Imitative suicide; Media coverage ofsuicide; Prevention of suicide

INTRODUCTION
The media affords the opportunity for indirect transmission of suicide contagion, the process by which one suicide becomes a compelling model for
successive suicides.1,2 This means of influence is potentially more far reaching than direct person-to-person propagation. Suicide contagion can beviewed within the larger context of behavioral contagion, which has been described as the situation in which the same behavior spreads quickly and spontaneously through a group.3 Behavioral contagion has also been conjectured
to influence the transmission of conduct disorder, drug abuse, and teenage
Address for correspondence: Madelyn S. Gould, Ph.D., M.P.H., Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Columbia University/New York State Psychiatric Institute, 1051 Riverside
Drive, Unit 72, New York, NY 11024. Voice: 212-543-5329; fax: 212-543-5966.
gouldm@child.cpmc.columbia.edu

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pregnancy.4,5 According to behavioral contagion theory, an individual has apreexisting motivation to perform a particular behavior, which is offset by an
avoidance gradient, such that an approach-avoidance conflict exists.6 The occurrence of suicides in the media may serve to reduce the avoidance gradient—the observer’s internal restraints against performing the behavior. Social
learning theory also provides a foundation on which aspects of suicide contagion may build. According to this theory, most human behavior is learned
observationally through modeling.7 Imitative learning is influenced by anumber of factors, including the characteristics of the model and the consequences or rewards associated with the observed behavior.8 Consequences orrewards, such as public attention, may lower behavior restraints and lead tothe disinhibition of otherwise “frowned upon” behavior.9 Last, a publichealth or infectious disease model of contagion is also useful for a conceptualization of suicide contagion. This model acknowledges the role that theagent, host, and environment play in the overall transmission process. Applying these three classic theoretical models, the current chapter presents available information on the agent (i.e., model), host (i.e, vulnerable individual),
and environmental characteristics that may moderate the impact of the media.
The presentation of these interactive factors follows the review of the studies
on the impact of nonfictional suicide stories and fictional stories.

NONFICTIONAL SUICIDE STORIESThe occurrence of imitative suicides following media stories is largely
known as the “Werther effect,” derived from the general impression that Goethe’s novel The Sorrows of Young Werther in 1774 triggered an increase insuicides, leading to its ban in many European states. Research on the Werther
effect was advanced by the systematic work of Phillips,10–15 whose research
consistently found a strong relationship between reports of suicide in newspapers or on television and a subsequent increase in the suicide rate. Several
studies within the past decade16–30 have reported findings that are consistent
with the substantial number of earlier studies (see TABLE 1). This body of research has clearly demonstrated that extensive newspaper coverage of suicide
is associated with a significant increase in the rate of suicide. The magnitudeof the increase is proportional to the amount, duration, and prominence ofmedia coverage. While most of the studies examined an excess of deaths following the appearance of suicide stories, other early studies examined the decrease in deaths during the cessation of stories, which occurred during
newspaper strikes.31,32
Prior to 1990, most of the studies focused on U.S. populations, raising thequestion of whether the findings could be generalized to other countries.
Since 1990, the effect of media coverage on suicide rates has been document-

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ANNALS NEW YORK ACADEMY OF SCIENCESTABLE 1. Studies examining media influences on imitative suicides:
nonfictional suicide stories
Citation

Country
studiedPrior to 1990
Baron & Reiss (1985)33

USA

TV network news (partial replication of Bollen & Phillips(1982),11 using multiprogram
suicide stories)

Mixed

Barraclough, Shepherd &Jennings (1977)90

England

Newspaper (reports of suicideinquests in daily newspaper)

Yes (age-sex
specific)

Blumenthal & Bergner(1973)31

USA

Newspaper cessation (no specificYes (age-sex
articles per se; compared suicide
specific)
mortality during newspaper striketo periods without strike)

Bollen & Phillips (1981)10

USA

Newspaper (front page suicide
stories)

Yes

Bollen & Phillips (1982)11

USA

TV network news (multiprogram
suicide stories, i.e., aired on 2 ormore networks)

Yes

Ganzeboom & de Haan
(1982)70

Source of study

Netherlands Newspaper (front page suicide
stories)

Support ofimitation

Trend (nearlysignificant)Horton & Stack (1984)34

USA

TV network news (number of seconds of coverage of suicide on
6 o’clock national news)

No

Kessler, Downy, Milavsky& Stipp (1988)35

USA

TV network news (any suicide news
report on ABC, CBS, or NBC)

Yes/NoKessler, Downy, Stipp &Milavsky (1989)36

USA

TV network news (any suicide
news report on ABC, CBS, orNBC)

Yes/NoLittman (1985)96

CanadaNewspaper (all suicide-related
reports: articles, features,
editorials)

No

Motto (1967)97

USA

Newspaper cessation (no specificarticles per se; compared suicidemortality during newspaper striketo periods without strike)No

Motto (1970)32

USA

Newspaper cessation (no specificYes (age-sex
articles per se; compared suicide
specific)
mortality during newspaper striketo periods without strike)GOULD: SUICIDE AND THE MEDIA

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TABLE 1. Studies examining media influences on imitative suicides:
nonfictional suicide stories (contd)
Citation

Country
studiedPhillips (1974)12

USA

Newspaper (front page suicide stories in New York Times, New York
Daily News, Chicago Tribune,
London Daily Mirror, and listed
in Facts on File)

Yes

Phillips (1979)13

USA

Newspaper (front page suicide stories in Los Angeles Times and San
Francisco Chronicles)

Yes

Phillips & Carstensen(1986)14

USA

TV network news (news or featurestories on ABC, CBS, or NBC)

Yes

Phillips & Carstensen(1988)15

USA

TV network news (multiprogram
suicide stories, i.e., aired on 2 ormore networks)

Yes

Stack (1983)79

USA

Newspaper/TV network (no articles
per se; examined suicide mortality after extensive media coverageof Jonestown mass suicide)No

Stack (1984)37

USA

TV network (number of seconds permonth devoted to suicide stories)

No

Stack (1987)74

USA

Newspaper (nationally publicizedsuicide story of a celebrity - separate analyses for front page stories
and for number of column inches)

Yesa

Stack (1988)92

USA

Newspaper (front page suicide stories in New York Times and twoother papers

Yesa

Wasserman (1984)73

USA

Newspaper (front page suicide
stories in New York Times)

Yes

Australia

Newspaper/TV/multimedia (alltypes of media and word-ofmouth negative publicity about apsychiatry unit experiencing
patients’ suicides)

Yes

Deisenhammer, Kemmler,
Fleischhaker & Hinterhuber (1997)16

Austria

TV network (television report onstress suffered by train engineers
due to railway suicides)

Yes

Etzersdorfer, Sonneck &Nagel-Kuess (1992)17

Austria

Newspaper (no specific articles perse; examined period following
implementation of newspaper
guidelines)

Yes

Since 1990
Cantor, Tucker & Burnett(letter) (1991)98

Source of study

Support ofimitation

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ANNALS NEW YORK ACADEMY OF SCIENCESTABLE 1. Studies examining media influences on imitative suicides:
nonfictional suicide stories (contd)
Citation

Country
studiedSource of study

Support ofimitation

Etzersdorfer & Sonneck(1998)18

Austria

Newspaper (no specific articles perse; examined period following
implementation of newspaper
guidelines)

Yes

Fekete & Macsai (1990)19

Hungary

Newspaper/book/TV/film (extensive publicity following suicide ofbeauty queen in Hungary)

Yes

USA

Newspaper (front-page suicide stories in New York Times)

Yes

Hassan (1995)20

Australia

Newspaper (any suicide story—
weighted according to it’s position, size, and contents)

Yes

Ishii (1991)21

Japan

Newspaper (any suicide story —total amount of suicide news calculated based on number of headlines and circulation of papers)

Yes

Jobes, Berman, O’Carroll,
Eastgard & Knickmeyer(1996)77

USA

Newspaper/TV/multimedia (extensive publicity in Seattle following
suicide of Kurt Cobain)

Noa

Jonas (1992)22

Germany

Newspaper (any story about a suicide of a prominent person)

Yes

Koepping, Ganzeboom &Swanborn (1989)99

Netherlands Newspaper (any story including
obituaries)

No

Martin & Koo (1997)78

Australia

Multimedia (extensive publicity following suicide of Kurt Cobain)

Noa

Sonneck, Etzerdorfer &Nagel-Keuss (1994)23

Austria

Newspaper (no specific articles perse; examined period following
implementation of newspaper
guidelines)

Yes

Stack (1990a)24

USA

Newspaper (front-page suicide stories in New York Times and listed
in Facts on File also indicating
marital problems)

Yesa

Stack (1990b)25

USA

Newspaper (front-page suicide stories in New York Times and listed
in Facts on File)

Yesa

Stack (1990c)76

USA

TV network news (multiprogram
suicide stories, i.e., aired on 2 ormore networks)

Yesa

Gundlach and Stack(1990)75

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TABLE 1. Studies examining media influences on imitative suicides:
nonfictional suicide stories (contd)
Citation

Country
studiedSource of study

Support ofimitation

Stack (1991)26

USA

TV network news (multiprogram
suicide stories, i.e., aired on 2 ormore networks)

Yesa

Stack (1992)27

USA

Newspaper (front-page suicide stories in at least five of seven newspapers searched)

Yes/NoStack (1993)28

USA

TV network news (multiprogram
suicide stories, i.e., aired on 2 ormore networks)

Yesa

Stack (1996)29

Japan

Newspaper (front-page suicide
stories)

Yes

Wasserman (1992)30

USA

Newspaper (front-page suicide stories—replicated Stack, 1988)

Yesa

aExamined specific type of story (e.g., celebrity status), individual characteristic (e.g., specificage group), or environmental context (e.g., depression, crisis intervention).

ed in many other countries besides the U.S.—Western countries, including
Austria,17 Germany,22 and Hungary;19 Australia;20 and East Asian countries,
such as Japan.21,29 While most of the recent studies investigating the impact
of nonfictional suicide stories have continued to find an increase in rates ofsuicide following exposure to media reports, one group of researchers founda significant decrease in rates of suicide following implementation of media
guidelines for news reporting by the Austrian Association for Suicide Prevention in 1987.17,18,23 These latter studies are consistent with the earlier ones
reporting a decrease in the suicide rate during periods of “blackouts” due tonewspaper strikes.31,32
As can be seen in TABLE 1, the vast majority of studies have examined theimpact of newspaper coverage of suicide. Fewer studies have examined theassociation of television coverage and subsequent suicides.11,14,16,26,28,33–37
While earlier findings were equivocal, recent studies support an imitative effect of television news reports on suicide.

FICTIONAL SUICIDE STORIESStudies of the effects of fictional stories on suicide have produced varying
results, with some indicating a significant effect38–50 and others reporting no
association between media reports and subsequent suicides51–55 or equivocal
results56,57 (TABLE 2).

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ANNALS NEW YORK ACADEMY OF SCIENCESTABLE 2. Studies examining media influences on imitative suicides: fictional
suicide stories
Citation

Support ofimitation

Country studied

Source of study

Berman (1988)56

USA

Partial replication of Gould &Shaffer (1986)41 evaluating
two of four made-for-TV
movies and one additional
broadcast not in original
study

No

Daniels (1986)(letter)51

UK

TV soap opera episode, EastEnders, depicting an overdose

No

Ellis & Walsh (1986)(letter)39

UK

TV soap opera episode, EastEnders, depicting an overdose

Yes

Fowler (1986)40

UK

TV soap opera episode, EastEnders, depicting an overdose

Yes

Gould & Shaffer(1986)41

USA

Four made-for-TV movies

Yes

Gould, Shaffer &Kleinman (1988)42

USA

Replication and extension of
Gould & Shaffer (1986)

Yes

Häfner & Schmidtke(1989)43

GermanySix-episode TV movie, Deathof a Student (rebroadcast
18 months after original
broadcast)

Yes

Holding (1974,1975)45, 46

Scotland11-episode weekly series on
BBC TV, The Befrienders
portraying the Samaritans

Yes

Jackson & Potkey(1974)100

USA

One-act stage play shown tocollege undergraduates

No

Kessler & Stipp(1984)52

USA

Replication and extension ofPhillip (1982)

No

Ostroff et al. (1985,
1987) (letters)47, 48

USA

Made-for-TV movie

Yes

Phillip (1982)58

USA

TV soap opera episodes in Inconclusive
which a suicide or suicide
because an
attempt occurredinaccurate andnonexhaustive
index of TV
suicide stories
was used (seeKessler &Stipp, 1984)

Prior to 1990

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TABLE 2. Studies examining media influences on imitative suicides: fictional
suicide stories (contd)
Citation

Support ofimitation

Country studied

Source of study

Phillips & Paight(1987)53

USA

Partial replication of Gould &Shaffer (1986), evaluating
three of four made-for-TV
moviesPlatt (1987, 1989)59,

UK

TV soap opera episode, East- Equivocal (sexEnders, depicting an over- and age spedose
cific effects
noted)

Range, Goggin &Steede (1988)67

USA

Videotaped vignette of anemotionally distressed
female high school student
shown to college undergraduates

Yesa

Sandler, Connel &Welsh (1986)(letter)49

UK

TV soap opera episode, EastEnders, depicting an overdose

Yes

Schmidtke & Häfner
(1988)50

GermanySix-episode TV movie, Deathof a Student (rebroadcast
18 months after original
broadcast)

Yes

USA

Videotaped vignette of anemotionally disturbed
female high school student,
shown to high school
students

Noa

101

Steede & Range(1989)68

Since 1990
Biblarz, Biblarz, Pilgrim & Baldree(1991)62

No

Yesa
USA

Films on suicide or violenceor neutral films shown tocollege undergraduates

Collins (1993) (letter)38

UK

One episode on TV series,
Casualty (Jan. 1993),
depicting teenage girl’s
overdose

Yes

Gibson & Range(1991)64

USA

Vignettes read by high school
students

Yesa

Hawton, Simkin,
Deeks, O’Connor,
Keen, Altman, Philo& Bulstrade (1999)44

UK

One episode on TV series,
Casualty (Nov. 1996),
depicting an RAF’s pilot’s
overdose

Yes

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ANNALS NEW YORK ACADEMY OF SCIENCESTABLE 2. Studies examining media influences on imitative suicides: fictional
suicide stories (contd)
Citation

Support ofimitation

Country studied

Source of study

Higgins & Range(1996)65

USA

Fictitious newspaper article
about a high school student who committed suicide, read by college
undergraduates

MixedaMcDonald & Range(1990)66

USA

Vignettes read by high school
students

MixedaSimkin, Hawton,
Whitehead, Fagg &Eage (1995)60

UK

Episode on TV series, Casualty (Jan. & July 1993),
depicting teenage girl’s
overdoseNo

Stack (1990d)54

USA

Same made-for-TV movies
as Gould & Shaffer(1986)41

No

Veysey, Kamanyire &Volans (1999) (letter)61

UK

An episode on TV series,
Casualty (Feb. 1997),
depicting attempt with
antifreeze

Yes

Waldron, Walton &Helowicz (1993)(letter)57

UK

Replication of Collins(1993)38

Mixed

Williams, Lawton,
Ellis, Walsh & Reed
(1987) (letter)55

UK

TV soap opera episode, EastEnders, depicting an overdoseNo

aExperimental studies.

While the studies on nonfictional suicide stories have been confined to reports of completed suicides, the investigations of fictional suicide stories haveoften focused on suicide attempts as the modeled behavior.38–40,44,49,51,52,58–
61 The impact of the stories does not appear to vary by the nature of the suicidal behavior modeled. Moreover, studies on fictional suicide stories haveoften examined suicide attempts as the outcome of inquiry, providing the opportunity to measure actual exposure to the stories.44 This is a notable advance, since earlier studies were limited by not knowing whether the victims
had actually seen the broadcasts. Hawton and colleagues44 reported that of
the interviewed patients who presented to emergency rooms and psychiatricservices after a television broadcast of a deliberate self-poisoning with paracetamol, 20% stated that the broadcast had influenced their decision to takean overdose, and 17% stated the broadcast had influenced their choice ofdrug.

GOULD: SUICIDE AND THE MEDIA

209

Newer paradigms to examine the impact of suicide stories include experimental designs, which examine youths’ reactions to media dramatizations or
written vignettes about suicide.62–68 Biblarz and colleagues62 randomly assigned healthy college students to one of three experimental conditions involving exposure to a film depicting teenage suicide, physical violence, orneither. Subjects exposed to the suicidal movie reported transient increases inarousal, and changes in arousal were associated with some attitudinal change.
The research by Range and colleagues64–68 has focused on the assessments
of attitudes and perceptions of suicide contagion, rather than on actual behavior of high school or college students who have been exposed to vignettes
about suicidal individuals. The evidence of suicidal contagion from these experimental studies has been mixed. Another experimental study63 examined
the physiological reactions to a suicide film by suicide attempters, suicide
ideators, and nonsuicidal patients. The suicide attempters had significantly
lower postscreening heart rates and significantly lesser change in heart andrespiration rates than the other two groups. Furthermore, the suicide attempters revealed less anxiety than nonsuicidal psychiatric patients following exposure to a simulated suicide. These results emphasize the need to consider
host characteristics when evaluating the impact of a suicide story (to be discussed under INTERACTIVE FACTORs).
Another new research design to examine the impact of televised suicide
stories employed a cross-sectional survey of normal high school students toassess television viewing habits, television life events, symptomatology, andsuicidal ideation and attempts.69 Students reporting frequent exposure to
television suicide reported more suicide attempts. A strong association was
also found between knowledge of a real-life suicide, reporting of frequent
television suicide, and a suicide attempt. When knowledge of a suicide in reallife was controlled, the relationship between television suicide and suicide attempts was no longer significant. The cross-sectional nature of the study precludes the determination of causality; the associations could have resulted
from self-selected viewing of television suicides by suicide attempters or selective memory of viewing such programs. Nevertheless, the reported associations are intriguing and warrant further study.
Despite the contradictory results from the studies on the impact of fictional
suicide stories, there is ample evidence of an imitative effect from thesebroadcasts. As discussed in the next section, interactive factors, such as stimulus variability, may moderate the impact of the media. It is unrealistic to expect a monolithic effect from a heterogeneous set of broadcasts.

INTERACTIVE FACTORS
There is an increasing effort to examine the media’s differential impact asa function of the characteristics of the stories (agent), individuals’ attributes

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ANNALS NEW YORK ACADEMY OF SCIENCES(host), and social context of the stories (environment). Many theoretical perspectives, as discussed previously, predict that an individual’s motivation andattention will moderate the impact of the media stories. Such motivation andattention may reflect the life situation or demographic characteristics of thevictim, features of the story, and/or a correspondence between the victim andthe story.
Agent/Stimuli Characteristics
There is overwhelming evidence that the magnitude of the increase in suicidal behavior after newspaper coverage is related to the amount of publicity
given to the story and the prominence of the placement of the story in thenewspaper.10–14,70,71 Imitation appears more likely when the suicide is covered on the front page, in large headlines, and is heavily publicized, suggesting a “dose-response” relationship.72 Phillips72 has argued that repetition isa key factor for news stories’ imitative potential.
In contrast to these “structural” elements of the story, there is less information on what characteristics of the models or content of the story have an imitative effect. One characteristic of the model that has been studied is thecelebrity status of the suicide victim. Wasserman73 found that a significant
rise in the national suicide rate occurred only after celebrity suicides werecovered on the front page of the New York Times. Stack74 replicated thisstudy, but upon correcting substantial measurement error, a later analysis25
found that noncelebrity stories also had a significant impact, although not as
great as publicized celebrity stories. Gundlach and Stack75 reported that noncelebrity stories yielded imitative suicides if they received enough publicity.
Continuing the examination of celebrity suicides, Stack76 found that only celebrity suicide stories had an imitative effect on suicides among the elderly.
Yet, celebrity suicides do not always yield imitative suicides, as evidenced by
the lack of a significant increase in suicides following the death of Kurt
Cobain.77,78 As discussed in a later section, the substantial efforts by Kurt
Cobain’s widow, Courtney Love, to present his suicide in a negative fashion
may have counteracted any potential glamorization of his death.
Stories about group or mass suicides36,79 or about people who first harm
others before committing suicide (e.g., murder-suicide)13,36 do not appear tohave an imitative effect. This has been postulated to be due, in part, to the“nonattractiveness” of the victims or the circumstances of the deaths.80
Another characteristic of a model to be studied has been the marital background of the suicide victim in the story. Stack24 found a differential impactof the presence or absence of divorce or marital problems in the suicide stories. Stack24 conjectured that the victim’s marital problems in the story yielded greater identification by suicidal individuals.

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211

Given the vast heterogeneity of the news stories, including villains and heroes, further research is needed to determine which features of the models or
stories have an impact on suicide. Only a few studies have formally investigated the specific story elements believed to either facilitate or limit the contagious effects of a news report on suicide. In one study Fekete andSchmidtke81 conducted a content analysis of suicide-related headlines inGerman and Hungarian newspapers to examine cross-cultural differences inreporting style. German accounts reflected a tendency to characterize suicidal
behavior as criminal or psychiatric in nature, whereas Hungarian newspapers
more frequently depicted suicide in a romantic manner. The investigators
conjectured that this may partially account for the higher rates in Hungary.
Fekete and colleagues82 expanded the comparison of newspaper headlines toother countries— Austria, West and East Germany, Greece, Hungary, andLithuania. Consistent with the earlier findings, there were more depictions of
attractive, prominent personalities and positive consequences and fewer“negative” prominent people and negative consequences of suicides in the
Hungarian and Lithuanian press than in the German and Austrian newspaper
headlines.
In another study Castellanos et al.83 developed and performed a content
analysis of the four televised suicide dramatizations that were the focus of the1986 report by Gould and Shaffer.41 Thirty adult subjects viewed the four
films in a randomized fashion and rated the films’ content on a structured
scale developed for the study. The ratings included the extent to which specified characteristics applied to each movie, including depictions of the suicide
methods, consequences of the suicidal behavior, presentation of mental
health problems, stressors, precipitants, personal characteristics of the victims, and help-seeking behavior. Knowledge and attitudes about suicide wereassessed. This study found that the movies could be significantly differentiated by their content profiles. In addition, the movies had a small but definite
impact on viewer beliefs about suicide (both appropriate and inappropriate).
Weimann and Fishman84 conducted a systematic content analysis of morethan 430 suicide cases published in the two leading daily newspapers in Israel. Each suicide report was analyzed for the form of its coverage—including
space allocation, placement in the paper, and inclusion of picture—and forthe content of its coverage—including demographic characteristics of thevictim, mode of suicide, attribution of responsibility, and general attitude toward the act or person. They found that the space devoted to suicide stories
and the prominence of the stories increased steadily during the 1980s and1990s. Newspaper reports focused on the more violent modes of suicide. An
economic/financial motive was attributed mainly to males, while romantic
motives or problems with a partner were attributed mainly to females. Mostof the reports were neutral, but among those that did express an attitude, approximately 18% were positive and 8% were negative. Positive coverage was

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ANNALS NEW YORK ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

more likely when external causes were presented and when suicides werecommitted during military service.
A quantitative and qualitative analysis of suicide reports in Swiss print media was conducted by Michel and colleagues.85–87 Quantitative aspects of thereview included the length and positioning of the article, presence or absenceof a picture, size of headline, and frequency of reporting. Qualitative aspects
included contents of the report, whether articles might serve as a model, andpresence of prevention or treatment resources. A coding and scoring scheme
was devised, such that an “imitation risk score” was calculated for each report. Approximately 400 newspapers and magazines were examined. During
an 8-month period, 74 newspapers and magazines were found to have articles
about suicide, yielding 151 articles. The headline in 47% of the stories wasconsidered to be sensational. In 13% of the articles, the headline was judged
as romanticizing the event or glorifying the person. This was the case for 26%of the articles’ text. Inappropriate pictures were found in 20% of the articles.
Overall, 44% of the articles were considered to be in the high imitation risk
group. The topic of prevention was covered in detail in only about 11% of thearticles, and therapeutic advice was also scarce (9%). Considerable differences were found between newspapers. The results of these analyses were presented at a national press conference as a means to launch guidelines for
suicide reporting; they were sent to all newspaper editors. These efforts are
discussed in a later section.
Host Characteristics
While there is a paucity of research on the specific host characteristics that
may yield a greater susceptibility to suicide imitation, age- and sex-specificeffects have been noted. Phillips and Carstensen14,15 found that the impact ofsuicide stories on subsequent completed suicides was greatest for teenagers.
Similarly, the most marked reduction in suicides during a newspaper strike
period was reported for women in the younger age groups, 15–24 and 25–
34.31,32 This is consistent with the findings that the incidence of cluster suicides is highest among teenagers and young adults.88,89 Thus, younger individuals appear more susceptible to suicide contagion. The effect of gender isequivocal: some studies reported the greatest impact among women,31,32 others found men to be most susceptible,20,90 while no difference for males or
females was also reported.15 Generally, the imitative impact of media reports
does not appear to be stronger for demographic groups that are alreadystrongly predisposed to suicide—males, whites, unmarried people, or retired
persons.15
There are some data to suggest that prior suicidal behavior may be a moderating host characteristic. Suicide attempters, suicide ideators, and nonsui-GOULD: SUICIDE AND THE MEDIA

213

cidal patients have been reported to have different physiological reactions toa suicide film.63 Furthermore, Fekete and Schmidtke91 found, in an interview
study of suicide attempters, psychiatric patients without suicidal history, andnonpsychiatric controls in Germany and Hungary, that suicide attempters reported experiencing more media presentations of fictional suicides than normal controls. The attempters were more apt to report the description of thesepresentations in more detail and report more imitation fantasies concerning
the models. Thus, preliminary evidence suggests that prior suicidal behavior
may moderate the imitative effect of the media.
Host/Agent Correspondence
Stack24,26 has postulated that certain stories promote “differential identification” among individuals who are similar to the suicide victim in the story
in certain key respects, such as shared life and demographic circumstances.
There is increasing research evidence to support this postulation. Schmidtke
and Häfner50 found that imitation effects were most notable in the groups
whose age and sex were closest to those of the victim in a weekly serial in
Germany. Following the showing of a railway suicide of a 19-year-old malestudent, the number of railway suicides increased most sharply among 15- to
19-year-old males. Fekete and Macsai19 examined the number of suicides attributable to lidocaine overdose following the highly publicized suicide bythis method of a nationally recognized teenage beauty contest winner in Hungary. The subsequent increase in suicides attributable to lidocaine overdose
was most evident in females ages 15–39 years old, who were most similar tothe victim with respect to age and gender. Stack29 reported that exposure tonewspaper coverage in Japan triggered subsequent suicides only if the reported victims were Japanese; non-Japanese victims did not yield these imitative
effects. Phillips13 found, in an examination of motor vehicle fatalities as “disguised” suicides, that the age of drivers in motor vehicle fatalities was correlated to the age of the suicide victims described in the story. Similarly,
Stack76 found evidence for age identification an increase in subsequent suicides among individuals aged 65 and over was greatest following stories
about elderly suicides.
Environmental Characteristics
Much of the work examining the effect of the social context of the suicide
story has been conducted by Stack.24–28,92 Stack,92 studying the period of1910 to 1920, found that publicized suicide stories during war had no impact
on suicide. In contrast, suicide stories during peacetime were associated witha significant increase in subsequent suicides. Another environmental characteristic examined was the Great Depression (1930s). Stack27 did not find sup-214

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port for his hypothesis that audience receptivity to suicide stories would behigh in the Great Depression, given widespread unemployment. Similarly,
using a more recent set of data (1968 to 1980), Stack28,76 found that suicide
stories’ influence on subsequent suicides was independent of economic
conditions.

MEDIA EDUCATION
Given the substantial evidence for suicide contagion, a recommended suicide prevention strategy involves educating reporters, editors, and film andtelevision producers about contagion in order to yield media stories that minimize harm. Moreover, the media’s positive role in educating the public aboutrisks for suicide and shaping attitudes about suicide should be encouraged.
In the United States, the Centers for Disease Control published a set of recommendations on reporting of suicide that emerged from a national workshop.93 The American Association of Suicidology93 has adopted these as
their official guidelines for journalists in an attempt to minimize contagious
effects from news reports of suicides. Guidelines for media reporting now exist in several countries, including Australia, Austria, Canada, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, and Switzerland. Additional guidelines have recently
been developed by the World Health Organization and the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention (AFSP). (The AFSP guidelines are described laterin this chapter.) These guidelines generally include descriptions of factorsthat should be avoided because they increase attention to the media reports
and are more likely to induce contagion (e.g., front-page coverage). Also included are suggestions on how to increase the usefulness of the report (e.g.,
describing treatment resources).
Regrettably, the media guidelines that have been developed thus far havenot, for the most part, had the advantage of empirical validation. An evaluation of the implementation of media guidelines has been conducted in Austria.17,18,23 Following implementation of media guidelines for news reportingby the Austrian Association for Suicide Prevention in 1987, a significant decline in suicide rates occurred within the first year (7% decline). In the 4-year
period following implementation, the suicide rate decreased nearly 20%, withan even sharper decline (75%) in subway suicides (a particular focus of themedia guidelines). Another evaluation of media guidelines implemented in
Switzerland was conducted by Michel and colleagues.87 As previously discussed, this team of investigators had conducted an 8-month analysis ofnewspaper and magazine reports prior to the implementation of the media
guidelines. Following implementation of the guidelines, a second analysis
was conducted in order to evaluate the effect of the guidelines on the style andGOULD: SUICIDE AND THE MEDIA

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content of the media reports. Although the number of articles increased, thearticles were significantly shorter and less likely to be on the front page;
headlines, pictures, and text were rated as less sensational or glorifying; there
were relatively fewer articles with pictures; and the overall imitation risk
scores were lower. Given the successful strategy of engaging the media inAustria and Switzerland as a means of suicide prevention, efforts to systematically evaluate its efficacy in the United States are warranted. A promising
application of media recommendations appeared in Seattle in the aftermathof the suicide of Kurt Cobain.77 However, the substantial efforts by Kurt Cobain’s widow to present his suicide in a negative fashion may have had an impact on influencing attitudes toward preventive ends.
While it is important to begin educating the media on our current state ofempirical knowledge, we need to simultaneously improve that knowledge
base. In particular, we need to better understand which particular story elements under which circumstances act as the active ingredients for promoting
contagion and which components of stories and broadcasts are useful for preventive programming. There are only a few studies that have formally investigated the specific story elements believed to either facilitate or limit thecontagious effects of a news report on suicide (see Fekete and Schmidtke81
and Castellanos et al.,83 described above). Until this systematic work is completed, interim efforts to disseminate the current state of knowledge are necessary. The findings from the reviewed research literature form the basis forthe following interim recommendations, which the author originally compiled for the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention in its efforts to disseminate information on suicide contagion to the media.
Recommendations
The following suggestions may be useful in minimizing the risk for contagion, while still maintaining the integrity of the report:(1) Question if the suicide is newsworthy. Suicide is a common cause ofdeath. Indeed, it accounts for more teen deaths than all naturalcauses combined.
(2) Do not misrepresent suicide as a mysterious act by an otherwise“healthy” or “high achieving” person.
(3) Indicate that suicide is most often a fatal complication of different
types of mental illness, many of which are treatable.
(4) Do not present suicide as a reasonable way of problem solving.
(5) Do not portray suicide in a heroic or romantic fashion.
(6) Exercise care with pictures of the victim and/or grieving relatives
and friends to avoid fostering overidentification with the victim andinadvertently glorifying the death.

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ANNALS NEW YORK ACADEMY OF SCIENCES(7) Avoid providing a detailed description of method and site.
(8) Limit the prominence, length, and number of stories about a particular suicide. Avoid front page coverage.
(9) Try to oversee headlines. Some responsibly written stories are
spoiled by sensational and inappropriate headlines.
(10) Provide local treatment resource information.
These recommendations are forming the basis for national consensus guidelines that are currently under development94 and can be found on the website
for the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention (www.afsp.org). The
website also provides examples of appropriate and problematic coverage.

CONCLUSION
Overall, the evidence to date suggests that suicide contagion is a real effect.
There is substantial evidence of the significant impact of nonfictional stories
on subsequent suicides. While the research on fictional suicide stories is contradictory, there is ample research evidence that highlights the imitative effectof suicide dramatizations. A review of the influence from other modes of media, such as music and the internet, is beyond the scope of this chapter. For areview of this burgeoning research effort see Martin95 and Schmidtke and
Schaller.80
Evidence of imitation should not negate the role of individual susceptibility and stresses in suicide. Nevertheless, it is crucial for mental and publichealth professionals and the media to develop a partnership to enhance the effectiveness of the reporting of suicide, while minimizing the risk of imitative
suicides. The media’s power to educate the public in an appropriate fashion
and change attitudes toward suicide needs to be underscored. The Society ofProfessional Journalists’ Code of Ethics aptly summarizes our joint goals,“Seek Truth and Report It” and “Minimize Harm.”

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DISCUSSION
D. SHAFFER: Behavioral contagion is frequently observed on college campuses. As a psychiatrist on a college campus, what advice would you give
about whether a suicide or a suicide attempt should be communicated to therest of the student body?

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M. S. GOULD: I think one should first consider the newsworthiness of thesuicide attempt or completed suicide. I expect that some will disagree withwhat I am about to say: the suicide or suicide attempt need not be shared withthe community, the campus as a whole. It depends on the circumstances. If it
was a very public suicide, then clearly it does have to be shared because anumber of other students would have witnessed the death. If it occurred while
the student was home on spring break, then perhaps it doesn’t have to beshared. If a student killed himself (the epidemiology of suicide suggests that
it would be a male) in his dorm room, it doesn’t necessarily have to be madepublic, but if he was found by a roommate, rumors will fly if you don’t dosomething. I don’t think presenting it in the school newspaper is necessarily
the way to inform the other students. If it took place in a dorm, you may wantto have grief counselors come in and have discussions with people living in
the dorm. You could have drop-in centers. You don’t have to say there’s beena suicide, but can invite anyone who is feeling distressed to go to the college
health service.
What we’re doing as a project in high schools, although not directly comparable to colleges because the students do not live on the campus, might beuseful: we are conducting ongoing screenings of the total student populationin schools that have had a suicide, because there are a lot of kids at risk forsuicide beyond the social network of a suicide victim. The youngsters who
seem to be most vulnerable to the impact of a suicide are not necessarily thevictim’s best friends. We’re finding from our research on suicide clusters thatit’s people far more distant in the social network or even people who know ofthe death through indirect means who may be most at risk. So the best way toprevent suicides or to have a program that deals with the impact of a suicide
may be general screenings, rather than a newspaper article in the school
newspaper that says so-and-so killed himself or to just limit follow-up counseling with the victim’s best friends.
SHAFFER: I agree with Madelyn. I think you are faced with a fairly generaldilemma with respect to suicide if you are the psychiatrist or psychologist at
a school or college. On the one hand, there is the remote possibility that what
you do may induce some form of copycat behavior or imitation, and, on theother hand, there is the much higher likelihood that two phenomena will occur. There will be friends or acquaintances who are be directly affected by thedeath and who will, according to David Brent’s study on the consequences
for friends of a suicide, experience quite significant impairment during theperiod following the death. It’s probably worthwhile to follow some strategy
to identify those people and try to use some preemptive intervention because
we know that that morbidity is going to occur.
The other phenomenon that very frequently occurs in a closed communityand can have quite serious consequences is scapegoating. It’s common both

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within a family and within a small community after a suicide occurs that people are blamed. In a family it will often be the parents, or maybe an older sibling, for treating the child unfairly or bullying the child. In a college or schoolcommunity it will often be another peer, or perhaps a teacher or professor,
who is blamed for allegedly unfair behavior. We know it’s very rare that that’s
the whole story. By simply closing the whole thing off by not exploring theprevailing rumors and beliefs, you deny yourself the opportunity to correct
the scapegoating myths that go around, and this may actually have a role inallowing imitative suicide to occur. I think you are caught in a dilemma. The
truth is we don’t yet know how best to handle these psychological events, but
I suspect that Madelyn’s suggestion of screening that doesn’t involve saying
too much that might be misunderstood to too many people, coupled with discreet inquiries about the nature of the prevailing myths and trying to correct
them, are a fairly safe compromise.
Another question: what are the high-status elements you said were sometimes associated with suicide?
GOULD: We know from a number of studies that the celebrity status of asuicide victim increases the impact of the suicide. A movie star or “all-American” athlete who commits suicide is usually not presented as a person withpsychiatric problems, so the suicide can appear to be acceptable.
SHAFFER: While suicide contagion may be real, what about the idea of developed immunity? Perhaps there is a suicide contagion pattern because suicide has been so suppressed, stigmatized, and judged, particularly by faithcommunities. When suicide is heard about in the media, people who havebeen struggling experience relief and become free to act accordingly. On theother hand, if suicide prevention were to becme a common concern and seeking mental health services were destigmatized, we might not see suicide contagion. Do we deliberately repress ideas about suicide, and does seeing it insomebody else allow it to be unrepressed?
GOULD: We’re not saying to not report about suicide. What we’re hopingis that if you report about suicide in a realistic fashion without misinformation, if you provide resource lists and so on, people who are vulnerable maythen seek help. That’s why we would like to develop a collaboration with media representatives and journalists to find that balance where you avoid negative influence but present just enough information so that those who don’tknow what to do with their inner turmoil and perhaps aren’t in treatment willknow where to go. We want responsible reporting. Reporting about suicide in
itself is not the problem, but how suicide is reported is a critical concern. It
can be done in such a way that people who are vulnerable may learn how to
get help or, unfortunately, it may contribute to the problem.

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SHAFFER; This is a fantasy question: what do you recommend we as a professional group do to control or reduce the strong hold of the media on the
public mind?
GOULD: That’s what we’re trying to do now with the American Foundationfor Suicide Prevention. It’s such a tough nut but it cheers me to think about
20 years ago: I don’t think we public health professionals would ever havedreamt that we could have had the impact on cigarette smoking that has occurred in this country. I see our attempt to have some impact on the media asa similar process that will go on for the next couple of decades. I think wemust start with nonfictional media stories. We have evidence that the artistic
media can have a negative impact, but I don’t think it would be realistic toattempt to curb it at this point. I don’t think media professionals are going to
be willing to be talked at. Rather, we need to build collaborations with journalists and other media representatives and get them involved so that this may
become their issue rather than our issue—a fantasy, perhaps, but I hope not
too much of a fantasy.