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Studies on Lifelong Learning in Sweden,
Focusing around the Impact
on Swedish Labour Market

TOKUNAGA, Maoko(Seminar of Professor Megumi Naito 4th Grade)I

Introduction

II

Definitions of Lifelong Learning

III

Swedish Lifelong Education

1

The Swedish Public Education System

2

Formal Adult Education

3

Non-Formal Education

IV

Impacts of Lifelong-Learning on the Swedish Labour Market

VRe-employment Programme in the context of Lifelong Learning

VI

Conclusion

I Introduction
Sweden has been recognized as a country of high-quality social welfare, andone of the representations of this can be found in the free education which thecountry provides to its citizens. The ultimate purpose of this thesis is to investigate
how Sweden has developed its ‘lifelong’ learning system and how the country has
embedded the idea of lifelong learning in the labour market as a form of job
security system. While closely analysing various education programmes frommandatory to optional and from formal to non-formal, I have found the fact that,
although the participation rate in adult education in the countr y is high (SCB,

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法律学研究60号（2018）2014), the quality of the education system has been doubted and a need for major
reforms have been articulated in both public and the academic sector (Rubenson,
2001, p.329). Therefore, the main focus will be put on the gap between what
Swedish lifelong learning intends to provide people in Sweden and what those who
participate in actually get. In the last chapter, I will analyse Sweden’s on-the-job
training and state my opinions regarding the county’s welfare policy based onAnderfors and Lindvert’s article in which the authors inter viewed workers ofvarious industries about their experience in the skills development (2015).

II Definitions of Lifelong Learning
The term “lifelong learning” was introduced during the mid-1960s to replace
the term “lifelong education” according to Cropley and Knapper who defined theconcept as the learning which can and should occur throughout each person’s
lifetime (2000, p.1). Edwards and Usher sees the increase in people who started to
doubt on the legitimacy of “institutional education” offered by authorities behindthe emergence of lifelong learning (Edwards and Usher, 2001, p.276). In fact, it wasin 1996 that the concept of lifelong learning was brought on the international
politics when the European Union (EU) marked this year as “the European Year of
Lifelong Learning. Three years later, the Group of Eight (G8) including the UK,
Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia and the USA agreed to promote
lifelong education to raise public awareness of lifelong learning (Boström,
Booudard, and Siminou, 2000, p.1). This global trend towards lifelong learning alsoreached Sweden, and now its central authority called the Swedish National Agency
for Education (Skolverket) responsible for public education including adulteducation, has used its own definition of lifelong learning:‘Lifelong learning is a holistic view of education and recognizes learning from anumber of different environments. The concept consists of two dimensions. The
lifelong dimension indicating that the individual learns throughout a life-span. The
life-wide dimension recognises formal, non-formal and informal learning’.
(Skolverket, 2000, p.7)

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As the latter part of this definitions states, Sweden has operated its lifelong
learning system based on 3 schemes: formal (public), non-formal and informal. I
will explain each from the next chapter to capture the lifelong learning in the
Swedish context.

III Swedish Lifelong Education
1 The Swedish Public Education System
Sweden has developed its public education system based on the idea that all
education should be entirely free of for all citizens as well as the idea that theprovision of opportunities to study should reach everyone regardless of his/herbackground and financial resources (REGERINGSKANSLIET, 2007, p.2).
Pre-school “forskola”
Municipalities are obliged to supply pre-schooling for children ages one to fiveand even to provide The amount of municipal subsidy for pre-school depends on thechild’s age and whether the parents work, study, are unemployed or on parental
leave for other students (the official site of Sweden)1). The core of the Swedish preschooling lies in its roles in child’s development. Its aim to protect children’s
individual needs and interests is reflected in the curriculum.
A year before the compulsor y primar y school “förskoleklass”“förskoleklass” means ‘pre-school year’ which starts in the fall term of theyear children turn six. The objective is to provide a platform for their futureschooling, and thus to lessen the gap between daycare/preschool and school. It isrepor ted that approximately 98 % of Swedish children attend förskoleklass.On
November 15, 2017, the Swedish Parliament approved a law to make förskoleklass
mandatory. The law will be enforced in January 2018, the first obligatory one will
start in August of 2018.
Primar y School “Grundskola”
Primar y school is the 9-year compulsor y programme offered for children

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between age 7 and 16 comprising 3 stages; Lagstadiet (year 1-3), Mellanstadiet (year4-6), Hogstadiet (year7-9). Students from 6 to13 years old are also entitled to attend
out-of-school care before and after school. Moreover, there are also primary schools
targeting children of the indigenous Sami people called Sameskolor (Sami schools).
Upper Secondar y School “Gymnasieskola” (Gymnasium)
Upper Secondary Education is directed at students aged between 16 and 20.
Although Gymnasieskola has an age limitation, people over 20 years old, still havethe opportunity to study at the corresponding level by attending upper secondary
adult education which I will explain further later from chapter 2. Gymnasieskolaprovides 18 optional programmes,:6 of which are preparation for higher educationsuch as university, and the rest are vocational. The curriculum of Swedish Upper
Secondary School varies in that there are specific programmes for children withintellectual disabilities as well as for athletes. This means that Swedish education isdesigned to meet individual needs and career pursuits. The upper secondary school
is considered as “an entry point to the labour market”, thus are supposed to equip
students both broad and specific competencies to meet the labour market’s demandon the mobility of workers (REGERINGSKANSLIET, 2007, p.5).
Higher Education
The Swedish higher education is intended to increase the opportunities for
adults to return higher education. This can be understood by the design of thesystem which allows students to study independently and to pursue further studies.
The coordination with the surrounding society is also the effort of Sweden toprovide skills that can be utilized in the labour market (2007, p.7). Sweden has now
committed to achieve its tertiary education Sweden’s target; 40-45 per cent of the
30-34 age cohort will have at least two years of tertiary education by 2020 (Amft.,
2013, p.11). Therefore, the next two years will be the very important period for
Sweden to legitimate its ‘hands-on’ higher education.

2 Formal Adult Education
Under the Education Act of Sweden, the Swedish government allocates funds

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to the municipalities for adult education. The introduction of a formal national adulteducation system was coincided with the development of labour market training aswell as the student welfare reforms since the 1960s (EUROPEAN ASOOCIATIONOF ADULTS, 2011, p.4). Since then, Sweden has prioritized the access to education
as a democratic right for ever y citizen, and thus directly connected to thedevelopment and maintenance of a democratic society (Nordlund, Stehlik &Strandh, 2012, p.515). The public adult education has 4 categories:
Komvux (the abbreviation of KOMmunal VUXenutbildning,)
This adult education is sponsored by the Kommuns (local municipalities) which
has operated since 1968. This school provides basic upper secondar y andcontinuing education programmes for those adults who have not finishedcompulsory or upper secondary schooling (2012, p.516).
Särvux
Särvux is adult education for the intellectually disabled also operated bymunicipalities. The curriculum is designed to provide those disabled adults withknowledge equal to that of the level of compulsor y primar y school or upper
secondary vocational school.
SFI
SFI stands “Swedish for immigrants”, which municipalities are responsible intaking care of. Newly arrived immigrants are qualified to take Swedish language
courses as well as courses about Swedish society, which are offered free of charge.
The requirement to attend those courses are: attainment of a residence permit andfull national registration number., being over 16 years old. If the one has alreadycompleted a university degree of his//her native countr y, he/she can study
Swedish for Academics (Stockholms stad).
KY
KY (Kvalificerad yrkesutbildning) is qualified vocational and training, aims toequip adults with the competence and skills needed in working life. Therefore, this204

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post-secondary education is operated in close collaboration with the labour market
as well as higher education institutions. In fact, one-third of the total study time
takes place in an actual work place. Students who have completed the training aresupposed to have enough knowledge to enter the labour market (euro guidance).
The existence of multiple adult education institutions described above is a
proof that Sweden has actualized the ‘democratic society’ laid out in the Education
Act mirroring the country’s effort not to make ‘exceptions’ but to cover ‘everyone’.

3 Non-Formal Education(1) Popular Adult Education (Folkbildning)
The Danish philosopher N. F. S. Gr undtvig and the Folk High Schools(Folkhögskola) he had developed in 1844 (Korsgaard, 1997) were what drove
Sweden to establish Popular Adult Education (Johansson, Bergstedt, 2015, p.47).
By being inspired by the Danish folk high schools’ idea to educate the ordinary
people about their history, language and cultural inheritance, Sweden establishedthe first Folk High School in 1868. According to Lövgren, J & Nordvall, the major
characteristics of Folk High School is its role as a pedagogical alternative to the
public school system, although folk high school relies on government and county
councils regarding finance, frequency of boarding schools, the informal relations
between teacher and student, the high degree of voluntary participation without
academic rewards, and the initial connection to rural areas (2017, p.62) As the rootsof this education lie in The Reformation and The Enlightenment, it coincided withthe emergence of industrialization and fostered the growth of the Labour
Movement which Sweden experienced during the late 1800s led by the Social
Democratic Party (SAP : Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti)2) and the Swedish
Trade Union Confederation (founded in 1898, as the Landsorganisationen i Sverige
and now known as LO) (Gougoulakis, 2016, p.12). In 1908, the Social Democrat
Hjlmar Branting, who later became the Prime Minister of Sweden, claimed at the
party congress that to “organize a planned work of enlightenment” was the duty of
the Labour Movement (quoted from Arvidson, 1985, p. 68). The education began in
the form of study circles made up by various organizations including political

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associations, trade union clubs and cooperative societies, but having a common
objective: learn the practical application of democratic rules and processes. 1912
Library Reform Act was what contributed to the development of Popular Education(folkbildning) by fostering the consolidation of local educational associations to beentitled to subsidies for purchasing books (2016. p.18). Aforementioned SAP,
LOCooperative and the Social Democratic Youth League, for instance, was merged into
the Workers’ Educational Association (ABF: Arbetarnasbildningsförbund) in 1912, a
politically independent organisation which is still active with the aim to secure
everyone’s “opportunity to gain the knowledge to influence their own situations” sothat each can affect local and global developments based on democracy, diversity,
justice and equality. ABF today has its branches in ever y municipality acrossSweden (Arbetarnas Bildningsförbund). As Ingres and Hedlund (1943) mentioned,
Popular Adult Education was about the education of the “core of democracy”.
Therefore, the main role of Popular Adult Education was to democratize Swedish
society and politics. According to Official Report of the Swedish Government, thefirst evaluation of the Popular Adult Education, which was done in the 1920s
highlighted the education’s influence on democracy with the aim to give room tomunicipalities of opinions and perspectives(2) Administrators of Non-Formal Adult Education
Providers of Folkbildning are divided into three orgnisations (European
Association For the Education of Adults, 2011, p.6).
Folkbildningsrådet (The Swedish National Council of Adult Education) is
a nonprofit association consisting delegates of the government and the Riksdag (theSwedish Parliament). The Council distributes government grants to non-formal
institutions such as study associations and folk high schools, submits budgetary
documentation and annual reports to the government and evaluates activities
offered by those organisations (Folkbildningsrådet).
The National Council of Adult Education is tasked to decide who will
be entitled to subsidies in accordance with government decree and distribute funds

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between them. The members of the National Council of Adult Education are: The
Swedish National Federation of Study Associations, the Interest Organisation for Popular
Movement Folk High Schools and the Swedish Association of Local Authorities andRegions.
SAEA the Swedish Adult Education Associaton (Folkbildningsförbundet)
is an umbrella organization for all of 10 study associations in Sweden. They arecommitted to raise the status of those associations and improve quality of each.
They are also a negotiation body for the study associations and enter into joint
agreements with them.

IV Impacts of Lifelong-Learning on the Swedish Labour Market(1) The Movement towards “Lifelong Learning”
In fact, the shift from ‘education’ to ‘learning’ has its root in the transition of themeaning of a state’s welfare policy from the 1980s to early 1990s which were
justified by the emergence and the development of neoliberalism which arecharacterized by concepts such as marketization, privatization and deregulation.
Majority of Western countries found the importance of applying those neoliberalism
concepts in their policies to stop state regulation from hindering market efficiency(Larsson, Latell, and Thörn, 2012, p.8). Sweden was not the exception from thisglobal trend where market gains power to organize society over the state. This put
a strong emphasis on efficiency because the country faced the economic crisis in
1990s and more and more people began to cast doubt on the legitimacy of highwelfare state. The impacts of neoliberalism to the Swedish education system aredescribed by Fejes, Olson, Rahm, Dahlstedt, and Sandberg (2016). They argue thatthe impact of neoliberalism on adult education as “Marketisation of education led
individualization in adult education” and because of this change, municipalities
began to engage a wide range of providers (public, private companies, folk highs
schools or study associations) in the provision of courses, pedagogy, modes ofteaching (2016, p.2). Those changes can also be found in reforms taken place in
1991: the right for parents to choose a school for their children out side of the local

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school was legalized as a method to enhance quality of educational institution andthe state’s responsibility for schools was handed over to the municipality. Imsen and
Blossing and Moos claim that neoliberalism brought changes in the view on the
optimal relationship between state and individual, and thus the changes aroundeducation and its purpose, which revised the view of best way of organizing schools(2017). Therefore, the emergence of neoliberalism at the second half of the 20
century gave the opportunity for Sweden to rethink the role of state in education,and to craft strategies for market-oriented operations, which is reflected in the
aforementioned change from education to learning to equip people with skills andknowledge applicable to their jobs.
(2)  Objectives of Formal Adult Education
Accessibility and flexibility in regards to time and location must be a major
feature of the adult education and training system. In particular, municipal adulteducation (Komvux) was established in 1968 to address the increased skills
requirements in working life and formal eligibility requirements for admission.
Three reasons of the foundation of municipal adult education was prescribed in the
Government Bill (Govt Bill 1967: 85, Standing Committee of Supply communication
1967:117, Riksdag Communication 1967: 277): reducing the growing educational
inequality in society, creating opportunities for individuals to supplement theirschooling and providing the labour market with a well-educated workforce(Government Offices of Sweden, 2013). Higher vocational education programmes
are designed to enhance the responsiveness to labour market needs though theirclose cooperation with the markets. The cooperation with universities or otherhigher education institutions and municipalities, county councils or private
education providers are also found in organizing adult education programme. The
Swedish state supports funding of adult education by providing grants or special
funds, given based on a successful application. Therefore, we can find the crosssector cooperation in terms of curriculum, design of programmes and the operationof institutions behind the objective of the Swedish states to provide hands-on
learning for adults. Has Swedish adult education succeeded in achieving this goal?
In fact, there has not been a solid consensus about the outcome of adult education.

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Therefore, I will discuss both negative and positive outcomes of adult educationfrom the next paragraph.
(3)  Positive Impacts of second-chance education
As previously explained, Sweden has long tradition of adult education
administrated both by public authorities and by social partners aiming to increase
work-related skills of those who attend. Adult education in the context of life-longlearning became the focal point of labour market policies in major Westerncountries, including Sweden, when they realized that the role of insufficiently
educated workers has diminished in the modern knowledge-based economy(Albrecht, Van den Bergm, and Vroman, 2005, p.1). This increasing role ofeducation for employability and life chances has put an increasing focus on the
problem of the low educated, who increasingly have faced poor prospects in thelabour market. Nordlund, Stehlik, and Strandh claim that increase in the labour
market participation as well as the productivity of those insufficiently educatedadults is paramount not only for the welfare of the individuals, but also for thesustainability of welfare states and standards of living (Nordlund, Stehlik, andStrandh, 2013, p.515). They investigated the performance of adults who attended
Second-Change Education from 1992 over 12 years. The results prove that not only
immediate but also long-term positive effects on wages after the Second-Chance
Education in Sweden (2013, p.529). In this regard, the formal adult education isregarded helpful tool for adults without solid educational background to attainemployability and for the Swedish labour market itself. Haven is also in favor of
adult education in that having a solid background in the skill subjects can yieldskills useful in various situations, both in the working and other aspects of life. On
the other hand, he admits there is a great difficulty in balancing the retraining for
more highly-skilled and for those with the poorest formal education (HUSÉN,
p.968). According to the research on the effectiveness of comprehensive educationand vocational training on employment rates, Stenberg (2005) found thatcomprehensive education is linked to a lower unemployment rates, but labour
market training has more positive effects on unemployment duration. Anotherresearcher also proved the positive effect of formal adult education on employment

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probabilities in Sweden in 2007 for both men and women, although the effect isabout 1.5 times larger for women than for men (Kilpi.-Jakonen, De Vilhena,
Kosyakova,, Stenberg, & Blossfeld, 2012, p.59). This result was supported byMartin Hällsten’s research where he found that those obtained tertiary degrees
after age 30 experienced 18 % increase in employment rate and 12 % increase inwages. He also found exactly same results that females performed better than men
after attaining adult education (2012). Erika Ekström, in the IFAU’s Working paperin 2003, analyzed the long-term impact of Swedish adult education on earnings ofparticipants and reveled that participating in adult secondary education drasticallydecreases the earnings of Swedish males with approximately 3.5 percent, althoughno such impacts have been found for Swedish females. She also discovered that theage of male participants determines the size of the education’s effectiveness; young
men have attained relatively higher earnings. In this regard, Holmlund, Liu, andSkansargue attribute the dif ference in lifetime earnings to the gap in work
experience after graduation which is not avoidable. If we support this argument, thereturns of obtaining tertiar y education should be raised with age to ensure thelegitimacy of participating in education later in their lives (2008). Therefore, howmuch time needed for people who have obtained adult education to enjoy thebenefit of attending it in forms of wage and status in the labour markets seems todepend heavily on background of participants rather than the education programme
itself. According to the results, female immigrants have benefitted from adultsecondary education with around 9 percent increase in their earnings (Ekström,
2003, p.22). Positive outcome of adult education for migrants in general was also
proved by the investigation done by Nordlund, Bonfanti, and Strandh (2013) inwhich they found that the majority of non-Nordic participants experienced thedrastic increase in wages. They attributed this positive income effect to non-Nordics
attitudes of immigrants by which they restrict themselves to appear less ‘culturally’
distant through attaining Swedish by language courses since the ability to speak
Swedish is one of the most important factors to raise employability. On the other
hand, they claim that about 10 years were needed for non-Nordics to catch up themean income level of poorer educated nationals who did not participate in the
education programme (Nordlund, Nonfanti, and Strandh, 2013). If the reasoning of

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Nordlund, Bonfanti and Strandh is true, it is highly questionable that Swedish adulteducation is beneficial for immigrants in that Swedish society--or more specifically,
the labour market--does not accept cultural diversity but uniformity, or ahomogenous society. The inequality in the effectiveness of adult education between
nationals and those with immigrant backgrounds reveals the gap between Sweden’s
public stance as a country highly-open and tolerant of cultural difference and thereality where immigrants are forced to train themselves be like “Swedish nationals”
to be integrated in the Swedish education, labour market and society at large. For
purpose of enhancing skills of those insuf ficiently educated, the Swedish
government launched adult education program called the “Adult Education
Initiative” or “Knowledge Lift” The outcome of this program was as follows: During
1997-2000, the participation rate was more than 10% of the labor force. training
par ticipants with a low initial level of education benefit even less than othereducational groups (2005, p.1). This implies the former educational background has
bigger influence on determination of success and failure of adult education than“Knowledge Lift” programme itself. However, the education programme have had
the positive effects in the sense that it helped young men return to work after
Sweden suf fered from the economic cutbacks in the early 1990s. Training
programs, yet, had ambiguous effects as those public adult education programmes
explained before: it yielded positive effect on the employment probability for
women, not for men (2005, p.36). Because of these facts, Freeman, Swedenborg,and Topel argue that the returns to government-arranged programme is notpromising (Freeman, Swedenborg, and Topel, 2010, p.216). If the governmentoperated adult education is not effective as the Government Bill aimed, then how
about the non-formal adult education? From the next paragraph, I will analyse theperformance with focus on that of Folk High Schools.
(4)  Impact of Non-Formal Education on the Swedish Labour Market
First of all, it is wor thy to note as the main dif ference from public adulteducation is that folk high schools are designed to adapt the differences of students.
Larsson mentioned that the significant features of Swedish folk high schools areconstantly changing composition of participants, their differing backgrounds, and211

the development of suitable pedagogies and innovative educational models(Larsson, 2013). In fact, there is no national curriculum folk high schools need tofollow, thus allowing each institution to reflect identity in programme structure.
This big autonomy of folk high schools, I think is one of the important factors t
contributing to provide various type of people, including unemployed and disabled,with variety of knowledge. DÖrte Bernhard and Per Andersson’ s research on thegrowing participation rate of disabled adults in folk high schools reveals that there
is an urgent need to set a system where teachers can develop knowledge about
disabilities (2017, p.100). Maliszewski also analyzes that the variety of education
programme of Swedish folk high schools have played a significant role inaddressing social exclusion of both individuals and social group with the aim toattain “greater sensitiveness to the needs of the market” and the increase in thecooperation with international partners (2014, p.392). An interview with students on
difference in the characteristics of municipality-run education (formal) and folk
high schools (non-formal) conclude that formal adult education is described as
more of a one-way communication and quite instrumental, while the non-formal
adult education has its strength in more of a collective, reciprocal place forknowledge production (2016, p.9). So, why has there been such a variance inimpacts of adult education on labour market? I would like to state my own
speculation on this question. One of the major reasons of the ambiguity of effects
for both formal and non-formal education can be found in the way education isprovisioned in Sweden. The 1962 reform gave ever y child a legal right to an
education based on the same state-regulated national curriculum, so that education
became equally valuable regardless of place of residence, social background,physical and mental abilities. It is reported that, in the Statistics Swede’s follow-up
survey of pupils who have studied longer courses at folk high schools in the school
year of 2002/2003, 50 percent of the pupils were gainfully employed while 10 % were
unemployed. This result indicates that Folk High School has contribute to enhancethe employment probability of variety of students in the long-run by providing theknowledge needed to enter tertiary education. Since Sweden has guaranteed theequal access to education for everyone without taking differences in economic andsocial background into account, the variety in participants are much stronger

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factors in determining the success or failure of learning within adult education. Thisimplies that the provision as much as options does not always lead the society
where ever y one of people can benefit. In this regard, how much Sweden
individualize its adult education system is paramount to attain positive outcome inan equal fashion to people attend the programme, yet it is an endless pursuit andcan never be perfect as long as Swedish adult education accept diversity in students’personality, nationality and background.

V Re-employment Programme in the context of Lifelong Learning(1)  Histor y of Job Security Council and its Reemployment Programme
According to Garsten, Sweden’s embracethe concept of lifelong learning
became not only educational in context, but in that of economic policy and market
development (2015, p.187). The idea of lifelong education is also the core of
Sweden’s reemployment policy which intend to decrease job displacement rates ofworkers through programmes offered by a private organization called Job Security
Councils (JSCs). The first Job Security Council was established in 1972. This was
the outcome of the social democratic par ty’s contribution to form collective
agreement between the LO and the Swedish Employers’ Federation (SAF) in
Saltsjöbaden in 1938. This Saltsjöbaden agreement by which companies and unions
negotiate to ease conflicts between them was the solution to lessen the frequent
strikes and labor disturbances prevailed in the early 1900s (Semuels, 2017).
According to Statistics Sweden, Sweden marked the highest rate of participation
rate in the adult education at 72 % among the EU countries in 2014. It was also notedthat the most common type of the adult education was staff training, reached 59 %(SCB, 2014) JSCs job trainings have contributed to both displaced workers
themselves, employers who lay-offed and re-employed, and the entire Swedishlabour market by its two supporting systems: Trygghetsraget (TRR) for white-collar
workers and Trygghetsfondeden (TSL) for blue-collar workers. In that both of JSCs’
programmes are financed by employers, these programmes are provided together
with the combination of companies and Job Security Councils. From 1990 and 2009,about 18,500 projects were launched in total and has supported over 100,000

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displaced workers to be re-employed (EMCC, 2016).
(2)  Legitimacy of Re-employment Programmes
One of the reasons of effectiveness of JSCs support to help displaced workers
find new jobs lies in the fact that the notification of dismissal took place many weeks
or months in advance. This allows JSCs to take action as soon as possible, even
before the layoff is declared by companies (OECD, 2015, p.76). During the predismissal period, both of TRR and TSL of JSCs begin contacting workers who wereintended to be displaced and provide them information regarding ser vices,
counseling, coaching and competence development activities to enhance workers’
employability. After the layoff is announced, more personalized trainings andreemployment services are offered. Whether displaced workers need to continue
working during the transition period is in the discretion of each employer. There isalso a service called “Early Risk Service” by which all white-collar workers who
have the possibility of being displaced, can participate in individual consultations
and career planning of fered by professionals. This ser vice, however, is only
available in TRR, and cannot be launched without the consensus of trade union andcompanies. Although this disparity in service between TRR and TSL, JSCs supports
have been considered highly effective or more effective than that of The Public
Employment Service (PES) since PES does not offer tailored programmes before andduring the notification of dismissal period. OECD’s repor t issued in 2015
documented that around 85 % of displaced workers were reemployed within a year
and these job security council programmes are more ef fective than those ofgovernment-operated due to the prompt intervention of job-security programmes
and financial resources collected by employers. Lars Walter, a professor at the
University of Gothenburg mentioned that unions in Sweden agree to layoffs rather
than prevent them because they think that workers will be productive throughretraining. Therefore, Sweden maintains the productivity of its economy throughlayoffs while enhancing the mobility of workers through supports by job-security
councils (Semuels, A). In this regard, the variety and promptness of JSCs’ supports
are advantageous.

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法律学研究60号（2018）(3)  Challenges to Job Security Councils (JSCs)
In spite of effectiveness of job training which JSCs provide in collaboration with
employers, the aforementioned disparity between TRR and TSL cannot be ignored.
In fact, re-employment rate of blue-collar workers is lower than that of white-collar
workers (at 76% and 90% respectively), and the rate varies with 45% to 90%. Thisvariance in TSL performance has been attributed to the fact that TSL outsources
supporting ser vices to more than 100 small independent suppliers unlike TRR
which provides all ser vices by itself (Diedrich and Bergström, 2006). OECD’s
research results also showed that re-employments rates are higher for men than
women supported by TSL, and for younger workers than older ones. With regards
to the gender difference in reemployment rates, Andersson analyzed the possible
reasons for this could be attributed to negative feelings of females or unwillingness
to move, or they may have poorer job searching techniques than compared to men.
Furthermore, women may not be chosen first for jobs. He also discovered that,from his research on attitudes towards job-search, women practice moreanonymous-passive job searching than men and that less work-related self-efficacy(2015, p.444). Moreover, displaced white-collar workers tend to get better jobs thanblue-collar workers with more rate of getting permanent jobs. One possible cause of
the inequality in services between TRR and TSL may be rooted in the origin of
JSCs. In fact, there was a massive job loss among white-collar workers in the 1970s
and lack of sufficient measures produced by the public employment service at thattime (Gazier, Bruggeman, and Moore, 2008, p.160). behind the establishment of
JSCs. It should be noted, however, that the TRR services are not flawless for every
employer. Ericsson, for example, did not used TRR at all when they closed theirplant located in Norrköping in 1999. For some employers, TRR ser vices wereregarded as old fashioned, and it still consider “dismissal as a psychological crisis
to be treated rather than providing workers with the confidence and skills to takeresponsibility for their own career development” (2008, p.161). The difference inoperation and quality between TRR and TSL is what has hindered Sweden to
procure equal employment opportunity regardless of workers’ background: bluecollar/ white-collar, gender, and age. Sweden was also waned from OECD to assess
the performances of re-employment programmes of both TRR and TSL as well as

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PES with the improvement in data collection (OECD, 2015, p.94). In fact, eventhose who could find job quickly with the help from JSCs, there is a strong
possibility that their wages are lower compared to their previous job. Furthermore,
there are disparities in provision of ser vices among right holders. In fact, lowskilled workers and young people receive poorer benefit coverage and lower benefit
entitlements. The eligibility criteria is also regarded as too strict since it can only be
used in extremely weak economic conditions and cannot be activated without theproof (2015, p.15). This is the demonstration of the dilemma which Sweden faces;
to comply with the core idea that everyone (worker) is entitled to lifelong educationand to limit the provision of services so that those who suffered most will be saved
by JSCs. Sweden has also struggled to overcome “the insider-outsider divide”
which can be found in the inequalities between permanent and temporary workers,
white-collar and blue-collar workers in terms of flexibility of programme thatdefines the outcome (2015, p.16). There are also gap in varieties of training between
TRR and TSL. The resources of TSL’s trainings is the only 5% of the fixed fee (SEK
22 000, equivalent to about EUR 2300) per client, thus blue-collar workers have tochoose from limited job options. The “insider-outsider divide” can also be seen in
the gap in unemployment rate of nationals and those who have foreign nationalities.
According to Lee Roden, discrimination which ‘outsiders’ receive can also be afactor of higher unemployment rate among foreigners. If this is true, it is highly
possible that the positive impacts on public support for those unemployed born
outside Sweden can be undermined by discrimination against them (Roden). The
OECD’s Economic Sur vey of Sweden 2017 claimed that unemployment isincreasing among foreign-born residents in the country, which then causes the risein the income gap between Swedes and foreigners. We should not, however, pertain
the view on foreigners as unfortunate. Although the unemployment rate of people
with foreign nationalities are experiencing higher rates than Swedes, the condition
varies within those outsiders. According to Roden, refugees from Yugoslavian havesucceeded in integrating themselves into Swedish society without almost no
difference in employment rates with nationals (Roden). This implies that providing
language courses is not enough to bring foreigners into higher education. The
assessment of the reemployment programmes for refugees and immigrants based

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on their nationalities should be done frequently to enhance the quality and thus
per formance of the programmes rather than maintain the operation of the
programmes based on the view of dichotomy between the two such as “nationals
and foreigners”. It is important to note that there are several limitations of Public
Support for unemployed. For instance, the relationship between financial support
for displaced workers and reemployment rate was investigated by Skärlund, Åhs,and Westerling. They found that the correlation of financial aid and reemployment
success is ambiguous (2012, p.8). Given these results, the right holders’ traits suchas personality and lifestyle can bigger factors than job security systems regardlessof formalness or non-formalness to determine the reemployment success.
Therefore, how to draw a line in services the state should provide is a significant
problem which Sweden, as a country accept immigrants continues to face.
(4)  Job Training
In the previous chapter, the discussion was about the impacts and problems of
Swedish re-employment programmes as a method to actualize the objectives of“lifelong learning” in the labour market. In this chapter, the focus is moved to skills
development in various workplaces and how employees gained from these on-thejob training based on interview with various participants of skills trainings done by
Matilda Andenfors and Jessica Lindvert (2015). They mainly found the fact that theability to participate in skills development is oftentimes undermined by various
factors from working conditions, employers to more private-related things such as
having small children. By explaining the interviews’ results and my indications on
why employees experiencing the difficulty to utilize skills development despite thefact that they have access to them.
Within the country, skills training, occupational development and transitions
are administrated by the collaboration of employers and unions (2015, p.173).
Moreover, companies as the providers of job training tend to forget the fact that not
all employee want to take part in skills development (p.178). This, in other words,
means that it is risky to generalize the need to job training. The dif ficulty isbalancing equal distribution and quality of skills training. It is also reported thatwhen the ef for t to make the access to training equal to ever y employee is

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prioritized, people who want to participate in training are not always given theopportunity (p.179). Furthermore, the companies with shortage in personnel tend
to make employees hesitate from taking part in job training. This implies that Job
training should be captured not only on individual-basis but also in the relationshipwithin workers. Flexibility has required adaptability of employees which causes
more stress, and this time pressure hinders employees to attend job training
courses (p.180). Sweden has been a leading countr y in carr ying out flexible
working hours, and it experimented six-hours work day within the nursing home in
Gothenburg without reducing wage for two years. The result of this experimentshowed that although shortening working hours yielded improvements in thehealth of nurses, the quality of work done by them and the decrease in sick-leave,
the significant increase in personnel cost was inevitable in order to maintain theamount of work done in total (Chapman) What we can understand from thisexperiment’s results is that the enhancement of the flexibility of work causes thedecrease in profit of the companies, thus in salary per employee. Therefore, thelimitation of the flexible working policy can be a financial burden to implement. Dr.
Caroline Murphy, a lecturer in employment relations at the Kemmy Business School,
University of Limerick says that in spite of shortening working policy of companies,
the working day is, in fact, extending due to the connectivity with the workplace(Darmody, 2017). The French government came to realize this irony relatively
earlier and eventually enforced the law since Januar y 1st in 2017 which obliges
French companies to protect the right to disconnect their workers from job bysetting hours where employees should not send or respond job-related emails(Agence France-Presse). These complicated problems surrounding measures toprocure flexibility in work. Sweden needs to investigate further in relation to therefinement of job training and the availability of the training given that the flexibilityof skills development itself is also demanded but not yet achieved in Swedish labour
market. In the case of the food industry in Sweden, for example, a folklift license
can be utilized only by a packer but not by employees working in other positions(2015, p.183). In this regard, Swedish skills training today is still the temporarily
effective which equips employees with industry-specific, thus not easy to transfer toother fields. There has been a trend in the Swedish skills training in the workplace

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法律学研究60号（2018）that people who attained high education have more access to skills training thanthose with less eduction: The participation rate of workers from the public-sector ishigher than that of people from private sector, and women joined the training morethan men (Statistics Sweden, 2007). Furthermore, the need to put further efforts infiguring out the effects of job training and its relationship with Swedish work-lifepolicy as illustrated by the fact that the difficulty of combining the parenthood withskills development has been proven. Taking parental leave leaves not enough time
available for taking part in job training (2015, p.182). This is a clear proof that once
more than two work-life-balance measures are taken at the same time, theadvantage of each measure is reduced. Therefore, the utmost importance does notlie in the numbers of measures to improve working conditions for employees, butlies in the companies’ capacity to maintain the feasibility of measures taken while
keeping productivity high. Andenfors and Lindvert state that formal access to skills
development in working life does not guarantee the actual ability to participate inskills development (2015, p.171). These facts reveal the paradoxical nature of job
training that it can be either helpful in improving the worker’s status, living
condition and thus overall well-being or troublesome in that it can add burden bothin the workplace and at home. Moreover, how much the worker can utilize skills
training, is heavily dependent on his/her background. Under the status quo,
employees with lower education or in low status have less access to job trainings
than those with higher educational backgrounds. Therefore, how to reach those
who need skills development most is what Sweden has to prioritize.

VI Conclusion
What can be said by analyzing both the positive and negative impacts of
Swedish lifelong learning, especially its ability to enhance adults’ work-related skills
is that, although Sweden provides a variety of options in order to meet different
demands through both formal and non-formal programmes with the cross-sector
collaboration, there are still inequality in the provision, quality and outcome ofthem. Individual’s preconditions should be the starting point for accessibility andshould be reflected in the structure of the education system. It is urgently needed

219

for Sweden to clarify the priority in the targets of both formal and non-formal
programmes and evaluate the effects based on the difference in targets’ demand ona regular basis. The combination between providers in terms of information oftargets’ background and their current performance can be one means to improve
the Swedish lifelong learning system itself and people’s ability to take advantage of it.
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