Mireya Solís, “Endgame: Challenges for the United States in finalizing the TPP Negotiations,” Kokusai
Mondai (International Affairs), No.622, June 2013

Endgame:
Challenges for the United States in finalizing the TPP Negotiations
Mireya Solís
The Brookings Institution and American University

Introduction
The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is
the single most important trade negotiation under way for the United States. With thestagnation of the Doha Round at the multilateral level and the acceleration of Asian regionalism,
and at a time of economic uncertainty in the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), theU.S. government has aimed to accomplish three very important goals with the TPP. One, toestablish a platform for the dissemination of high quality rules on trade and investment since the
WTO has not updated these rules as part of a broad multilateral round since the conclusion of the
Uruguay Round in 1994. Two, to avoid marginalization from a process of Asian regional
integration led by China, as there was concern with the modest progress in disseminating theAmerican “gold standard” through bilateral trade agreements. And three, to tap into theeconomic dynamism of Asia as part of a larger effort to find off-budget sources of growththrough an export promotion strategy.
A lot is at stake, therefore, in the successful conclusion of the TPP. Spanning for three
years now, the TPP talks have reached their most critical stage and U.S. leadership will be
required to bring these negotiations to a fruitful conclusion. The TPP project has garnered a lotof attention for its no-exclusion mantra and its aim to tackle non-tariff barriers in uncharted areas.
However, negotiating new rules on areas such as state-owned enterprises and intellectual
property (to name a few) has not been easy and substantial gaps in the negotiating positions ofparticipating countries persist. Moreover, the final shape of the market access commitments is
unknown yet, and the TPP negotiations are now confronted with a critical issue: will someminimal exclusions be tolerated to give governments the necessary flexibility to appease
domestic political pressures, and if so, can this be done without going down a slippery slope that1

Mireya Solís, “Endgame: Challenges for the United States in finalizing the TPP Negotiations,” Kokusai
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compromises the level of ambition of the agreement? Finally, the United States Trade
Representative (USTR) has undertaken the negotiation of a very complex trade agreement
without enjoying Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), and the Obama administration is hardpressed to renew it to move forward the negotiations and to facilitate the process ofCongressional ratification down the road.
This paper is organized as follows. Section one discusses in more detail the goals that theUnited States is trying to achieve through the TPP agreement. It highlights the reasons why thisnegotiation has become the cornerstone of the Obama administration’s trade policy. Section two
discusses the current state of TPP negotiations as they reach their final critical stage. In particular,
it focuses on some of the most contentious issues where substantial disagreements among
negotiating parties must be bridged. Section three analyzes the influence of domestic politics on
American trade policy, especially as it impinges on the ability to renew trade promotion
authority and pave the way for the ratification of the completed TPP deal.

Section One. American Objectives in the TPP talks
The TPP plays a key role in U.S. trade policy as it helps accomplish key goals:
disseminating new rules on trade and investment through free trade agreements given theparalysis of the Doha Round; avoiding marginalization from a process of Asian regionalism that
could end up being dominated by China; and building an Asia-Pacific platform for high standard
integration that could deliver significant economic payoffs if larger trading partners eventually
join and could help solidify the broader strategic goal of “turning” to Asia in the attempt torebalance U.S. foreign policy.
Concerned with the lack of progress in the Doha Round, the United States government
launched in the early 2000s a strategy of competitive liberalization through bilateral FTAs
(Aggarwal, 2010). In the words of USTR Zoellick: “The key division at Cancún was between the
can-do and the won’t-do countries. […] As WTO members ponder the future, the U.S. will not
wait: we will move towards free trade with can-do countries” (Wall Street Journal, November 17,2003). The central aim of this strategy was to use the lure of preferential market access to theAmerican market to encourage countries to endorse the so-called American gold standard which
incorporates multiple WTO commitments (on investment, intellectual property protection, etc.).
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While the United States managed to negotiate bilateral trade agreements in the region withindustrialized nations like Singapore and Australia, negotiations with Malaysia and Thailand
came to naught. Moreover, the more significant trade agreement since the negotiation of NAFTA,
the Korea-US FTA (KORUS) remained in ratification limbo for several years (Koo, 2009).
While American trade policy in East Asia was failing to gain traction, the region was infact experiencing a boom in trade integration efforts with the rapid proliferation of FTAs, andplans for regional integration projects around the ASEAN+3 and ASEAN+6 proposals (Kawaiand Wignaraja, 2008). The American decision to join the P4 FTA (TPP’s predecessor) reflects
the strong desire to avoid being sidelined from Asia’s budding trade architecture.1 From the pointof view of the American government, the Trans-Pacific Partnership initiative offered multiple
advantages. First of all, the United States would be joining a trade grouping which endorsed highlevels of liberalization and was therefore compatible with the American FTA template. Second,
instead of proceeding through bilateral negotiations, the TPP represents the endorsement of atipping point approach. In other words, the bet is that by gathering a critical mass of countries,
other countries will feel compelled to join as well. Third, the open accession clause of the TPP
offers the possibility of constructing a genuine Asia-Pacific platform that delivers significant
economic and political payoffs (Solís, 2012).
Indeed, the TPP is part of a larger strategy of regional diplomatic engagement pursued by
the Obama administration. These efforts were evident in the decision to sign the Treaty of Amity
and Cooperation in July 2009, to negotiate the TPP in December 2009, to join the East Asia
Summit in October 2010, and in the announcement of a rebalancing towards Asia in the fall of
2011.2 Then State Secretary Clinton summarized the goals of the economic agenda in the U.S.
“forward deployed” strategy: to harness Asia’s economic dynamism and to partake in theconstruction of the region’s economic architecture (Clinton, 2011). Undoubtedly, the TPP is thecenterpiece of the effort to achieve high level economic liberalization in Asia-Pacific.

1

This announcement came in the last months of the Bush administration in late 2008. When President Obama wasinaugurated, the decision on the TPP was put on hold for about a year to carry out a review of trade policy.
2
For a good analysis of the novel elements of the pivot, see Manyin et al (2012).

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Section Two. Contentious Issues in the TPP talks
The TPP is an extremely complex negotiation. Comprising 29 different chapters, the aimof the agreement is to achieve unprecedented levels of tariff abolition and to eliminate non-tariffbarriers by incorporating more exacting standards on areas such as intellectual property, service
liberalization, government procurement, technical barriers to trade, and sanitary standards; inaddition to adopting commitments on areas not covered by the WTO (such as competition,
investment, labor and the environment). But the TPP’s designation as a 21st century agreementowes much to its inclusion of cross-cutting issues such as state-owned enterprises (SOEs),
competitiveness and supply chains, e-commerce, small and medium sized enterprises andregulatory coherence.
Delivering results on such an ambitious template has been difficult with the negotiations
taking much longer than expected. The purpose of this section is to examine a selection of somecontentious issues in the TPP talks. Due to space constraints, a fuller assessment of the plethoraof topics covered in this negotiation is not possible. The aim is, however, to capture thecomplexities of some of the issues at stake, many of which will most likely be resolved in theterminal stage of the negotiations as they will require political intervention at the highest level.

Market Access
The no-exclusions mantra has generated high expectations that the TPP can avoid the
cardinal sin of most free trade agreements of sheltering the sensitive sectors from liberalization.
Elms (2012a: 119) provides a good yardstick as to what would constitute a high level agreement
on goods liberalization: a common tariff schedule, a single chapter for all goods (including
agriculture and textiles), simple rules of origin, no product carve-outs and avoidance of tariff-rate
quotas that provide only for limited market opening.
However, the United States has greatly complicated the chances of generating a single
tariff schedule for all the TPP parties as it insisted on extending market access offers only to thecountries with which it does not already have an FTA (Peru has followed this approach as well).
The other TPP countries instead have worked on a plurilateral tariff schedule, and the process forreconciling the bilateral and plurilateral approaches later on remains unclear (Solís, 2012: 329).
The American approach to market access negotiation has had one more important repercussion:it has created uncertainty on how sensitive sectors will be treated. The U.S.-Australia FTA
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excluded sugar, and a major objective for the Australians in the TPP has been to liberalize thesugar trade, or at a minimum to obtain an expanded tariff rate quota (Schott, Kotschwar and Muir
2013: 22). So far, the United States has not put sugar on the negotiation table, but it is important
to note that there are powerful foes of the protectionist sugar policies within the United States aswell. The food industry has balked at the elevated cost of sugar, and in the spring of 2013, thepossibility of using taxpayer money to maintain high sugar prices has brought greater public
scrutiny of this program (The Washington Post, March 29, 2013).
The United States also has defensive interests in dairy. The American dairy sector has
complained that New Zealand’s large dairy cooperative Fonterra (which accounts for 90% of thecountry’s milk production) operates de facto as a monopoly, a charge that New Zealand disputes.
Given the entrenched views on each side, the dairy issue is not expected to be solved until theendgame of the negotiations (Fergusson et al, 2013). Another thorny issue that reflects U.S.
defensive interests is the textile rule of origin. Vietnam in particular is a large clothing exporterand has insisted on a more liberal approach, the cut-and-saw rule, which would allow it to importfabric from other countries and still enjoy preferential treatment in its apparel exports to TPP
countries. The United States has used in its FTAs a much more restrictive rule of origin, known
as yarn forward, and is currently exploring a somewhat looser approach through a short supply
list (whereby components in temporary or permanent short supply) can be used in qualifying
apparel products (Inside U.S. Trade, March 15, 2013).
Of course the United States is not the only country seeking to minimize disruptions insensitive sectors, but the discussion above is useful to highlight two main points. First, the 20th
century concerns of market access commitments figure prominently in TPP talks. Second, thenegotiations over market access spill over the talks in the rules area of the TPP in ways that bothadvantage and disadvantage the United States. For instance, according to some reports, New
Zealand is considering changing its national drug reimbursement program to meet American
requests with the expectation of a breakthrough in dairy (Fergusson et al, 2013: 25). And Elms
(2012) points out that absent lower tariffs and simpler rules of origin in textiles, Vietnam is lesswilling to accommodate American demands on issues such as SOEs and government
procurement.

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Intellectual Property
This is undoubtedly one of the thorniest topics to address in the TPP negotiations. At thecore of this issue is a debate on how to balance competing goals: to properly reward innovators
so as to encourage creativity, but also to ensure the trickle down of new technology so thataffordable products are accessible to the vast majority of the population. Intellectual property
regimes, therefore, seek to strike a balance between temporal exclusive rights and thedissemination of knowledge. The task is far from easy and a heated debate has erupted as towhether the IP provisions in FTAs are trade-enhancing or trade-restricting, and whether they
result in a balanced distribution of benefits between developed and developing countries (Sell,
2007, Frankel, 2012).
The intellectual property chapter of the TPP has set forth a complex negotiation process
as it touches upon several key aspects such as pharmaceutical patents and access to medicines,
copyright protection and enforcement, and flows of information in the digital economy. No
consensus position on these different areas has emerged and progress in drafting the IP chapter
has been slow, as the discussion that follows shows.
Intellectual property protection in the area of pharmaceuticals has been a focal point in
the negotiations. It is important to underscore that even within the United States there aredifferent views as to what rules would be best to protect the proprietary innovations ofpharmaceutical companies and to guarantee access to medicines in the developing world. These
different views are reflected in two potential models that could serve as the template for the TPP
agreement: the May 10 accord inked between President Bush and House Democrats in 2007, andthe IP chapter in the KORUS FTA. The latter is stricter than the former in three main areas: a)patent linkage (a government must verify no drug patents are infringed before approving
marketing of generic drugs); b) patent term extension (if there is delay in approving patents agovernment must compensate the patent holder); and c) data exclusivity (the patent holder canabstain from sharing drug test data with generic manufacturers for a certain amount of time).
Since the May 10th agreement was concerned with ensuring access to medicines, it adopted a
flexible position, making patent linkage and patent term extension optional, and starting the five
year withholding period for data exclusivity at the time of the first filing. None of theseflexibilities are available in the KORUS FTA (Inside U.S. Trade, April 29, 2011, Solís, 2012).

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The USTR tabled in September 2011 a “White Paper on Access to Medicines” which
endorsed an approach closer to the stricter KORUS FTA. The thrust of this proposal is to offer
an incentive to pharmaceutical companies to market their products sooner by offering stronger
protections in patent linkage, patent term extension, and data exclusivity if they file formarketing approval within an access window (of still undefined duration). Another importantelement of this proposal is its demand for greater transparency in national drug reimbursement
programs as American companies have frequently complained that they lower drug prices (Inside
U.S. Trade, March 11, 2011).3
The American position on intellectual property for pharmaceuticals, however, has notreceived wide support. While American drug companies insist they need these stronger
protections to sustain their innovation activities and bring new products to market, several TPP
nations have remained skeptical. In some cases there is resistance to go beyond IP clauses inexisting trade agreements. For example, New Zealand and Chile have advocated an IP chapterthat is in accordance with, but does not go beyond the TRIPS chapter of the WTO; and the
Peruvian government has stated that it will not accept further obligations than what it is available
in the FTA with the United States (which was drafted in conformance with the May 10
Agreement) (Fergusson et al, 2013: 32-33). And the concept of the access window has failed togenerate wide support, as the Australian press reported that at the 11 th TPP negotiation session in
March 2012 no other country supported the U.S. IP proposals. 4
Regarding copyright protection, the United States has aimed for a significant extension of
the protection period from what is available in TRIPs (life of the author plus 50 years or 50 years
after publication) to 70 years after the author’s dead and 95 years after creation if the life of theauthor is not used for the calculation. In addition to advocating a prohibition of parallel imports(whereby countries can import cheaper patented products such as books and videos withoutobtaining consent from the copyright holder), the U.S. government has also sought much tighter
enforcement of copyright violations by prohibiting the circumvention of digital locks and by
seeking criminal charges for counterfeiting even if no commercial gain is at stake (Frankel,2012). These proposals have generated concern among some TPP nations, who for instance3

Another important issue is whether the U.S. government will table in the TPP negotiations a 12 year data
exclusivity period for biologics. This standard was incorporated in the 2010 Affordable Care Act, but there isdiscussion within the United States as to whether it should be shortened.
4
Cited in Gordon, 2012.

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worry that the longer copyright periods could impose a significant cost. The Australian
Productivity Commission, for example, estimated that the extended copyright term agreed on the
U.S.-Australia trade agreement will impose an additional burden of $88 million dollars per year
for Australia (Frankel, 2012: 162). Moreover, the American proposal runs counter the practicesof several TPP nations. For instance, New Zealand and Singapore do allow parallel imports, andneither Australia’s nor New Zealand’s copyright laws adopt by the region-coding restrictions that
the Americans seek (Schott, Kotschwar, Muir, 2013: 30). Finally, Singapore, Australia, and New
Zealand have advocated using instead the provisions of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade
Agreement to draft rules on copyright infringement. Notably, this agreement only allows forcriminal penalties in cases that result in financial gain (Fergusson et al, 2013: 32).
Given the high stakes involved5 and the very dissimilar positions of TPP countries, it
should come as no surprise that progress on this very important chapter has been very slow.
Discussion on pharmaceutical patent protection experienced a one year hiatus from March 2012,and by the spring of 2013, the United States government had not yet tabled a revised
pharmaceutical IP proposal. With the presumed deadline of October 2013 looming in the horizon,
some analysts have speculated that the USTR may opt for a more flexible approach by applying
the more lenient May 10th rules to developing nations and the more exacting commitments of the
KORUS FTA to industrialized nations (Inside U.S. Trade, March 15, 2013). While it is unclear if
the United States will indeed try this approach (or whether it is a workable compromise), there islittle doubt that intellectual property protection will remain till the end one of the mostintractable issues in these trade negotiations.

State Owned Enterprises
Within the U.S. business community there is strong support for adopting in the TPP
agreement much enhanced disciplines on SOEs that go far beyond what is currently available insome American FTAs (with Singapore, for example). In April 2011, six industry associations
sent a letter to USTR Kirk to this effect, highlighting their concern with discriminatory state
capitalism (Inside U.S. Trade, April 29, 2011). In October of that year, the American government
tabled its proposal on state owned enterprises based on the notion of “competitive neutrality.”

5

That this is a core area of interest for the United States is revealed by the fact that intellectual property intensive
industries account for one third of the American GDP (Schott, Kotschwar and Muir, 2013: 26).

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The American government has been explicit in stating it is not requesting privatization of
publicly owned enterprises, but wants to ensure that public entities do not derive advantages visà-vis private companies in the form of subsidies, operating licenses, preferential loans, etc.
There has been little progress so far in drafting the SOE chapter of the TPP due to serious
disagreements on the aim and scope of the proposed disciplines. One major debate has emerged
as to whether the aim should be to discipline the public entity (with a focus on public ownership)or the anti-competitive behavior (focus on actions). The Singaporean conglomerate Temasek has
favored the latter as it is concerned that several of the companies in which it has invested can bedisadvantaged if they have to comply with the exacting disciplines from this chapter (Inside U.S.
Trade, March 15, 2013). Another major point of discussion is whether the target of thedisciplines should be limited to federal entities or be extended as well to sub-federal ones. The
United States has supported the former worried that extending these disciplines to sub-national
entities like regional power utilities could make implementation very complicated, but Australia
has signaled its desire to include sub-central level SOEs (Inside U.S. Trade, March 15, 2013).
Finally, there has been discussion as to whether the disciplines should be mandatory ornot, but the U.S. position is that only enforceable obligations will tackle the issue at hand (Inside
U.S. Trade, January 11, 2013). With six months left before the presumed deadline for wrappingup the negotiations at the time of the APEC summit in October 2013, the negotiations on the
SOE chapter are said to only have begun in earnest. The stakes are very high given the large
weight of SOEs in the economies of some participating countries (40% in Vietnam), but also
because the aim is to negotiate standards that could apply to other major emerging economies
like China (Inside U.S. Trade, March 29, 2013, Fergusson et al., 2013: 44, Solís 2012: 332).

Section Three. Domestic Challenges: American Trade Politics
Domestic politics have greatly influenced U.S. negotiation objectives in the TPP and they
will also weigh prominently on the ability of the American government to shepherd the talks to a
successful conclusion. The connection between domestic politics and trade policy is evident inthree main areas: the substance of the U.S. FTA template, the growing politicization of FTA
policy as public opinion grows skeptical and partisan disagreements surface, and theCongressional-Executive back and forth over the renewal of trade promotion authority or TPA
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(whereby Congress lays down a negotiation mandate and agrees to a prompt up or down vote of
the trade agreement with no amendments).
The negotiation of the North American Trade Agreement (NAFTA) marked an inflection
point in American trade politics. As a result of the fractious debate on the merits of signing a
trade agreement with a developing country like Mexico, a blue-green coalition of unions andenvironmentalists has become a mainstay of the political debate on trade agreements (Quiliconi
and Wise, 2009). Hence, the incorporation of labor and environmental standards has made steadyprogress. In the NAFTA renegotiation, these issues were incorporated as side deals, but
subsequent trade agreements incorporated these clauses in the main text. The bar on labor andenvironmental standards was raised with the May 10th agreement in 2007 which stipulated thatFTA partners of the United States must protect labor rights endorsed by ILO conventions andsign several multilateral environmental agreements (Barfield, 2007). The American FTA
template has also expanded to incorporate more exacting standards in areas such as intellectual
property, service liberalization, investment protection, and SOEs in order to respond to thedemands of American multinational corporations. In other words, as they seek to cultivate
domestic support for trade policy, American officials must demonstrate the value added of trade
agreements to American businesses that worry about the trading practices of emerging
economies (e.g., indigenous innovation requirements or subsidization of public enterprises)(Solís, 2012).
While the U.S. government expands the scope of its trade agreements to be responsive tothe demands of specific constituencies, another important trend in U.S. trade politics is theerosion of public support for FTAs. For example, opinion polls show that the percentage of
people that believe FTAs benefit the American economy decreased from 50% to 35% between
2001 and 2010; while those that think these trade agreements are detrimental to the economy
increased from 30% to 44% in this period (Pew, 2010). A taskforce of the Council on Foreign
Relations attributes the growing public skepticism on the merits of free trade agreements toincreasing unemployment, expanding income inequality, and modest wage gains (CFR, 2011).
Not surprisingly, the Obama administration -inaugurated in the midst of the global financial
crisis- put trade policy on hold for a year fully aware that a jobless recovery did not provide anenvironment conducive for a proactive trade agenda (Solís, 2011).

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At the same time, partisan debates on the appropriate scope of trade agreements and themerits of specific FTAs have grown bitter over time. For instance, Democrats and Republicans
have articulated different views on the levels of protection required on labor standards andpharmaceutical patents. While Democrats in general have favored stricter rules on labor
standards, Republicans have been concerned about their impact on right-to-work legislation(Barfield, 2007). Similarly, Democratic leaders in the Ways and Means Committee havecautioned that the tightening of pharmaceutical patents may hamper access to generic drugs in
the developing world, preferring instead to use the provisions of the May 10th agreement in the
TPP talks (Inside U.S. Trade, October 7, 2011). Securing Congressional support for theratification of FTAs has become a more elusive proposition in the aftermath of the divisive
NAFTA debate. For instance, Schott and Muir (2012: 50) point out that several agreements havebarely received a simple majority vote in the House, and the Central American Free Trade
Agreement barely passed by two votes in 2005.
The fractious consensus is also palpable in inter-branch negotiations on trade promotion
authority. In contrast to continuous authorization of TPA (then known as fast track) between
1975 and 1994, it has only been in effect since then between 2002 and 2007. Hence, the UnitedStates has embarked on the negotiation of an extremely complex trade agreement without theassurances of an expedited Congressional vote. While USTR has argued that the TPP
negotiations and TPA consultations can move in tandem, Congressional leaders have clearlystated that they expect the administration to secure a negotiating mandate from Congress through
TPA (Inside U.S. Trade, March 9, 2012).
With a target date of late 2013 for finishing the TPP talks and with the launch of twoother major trade initiatives (a WTO plurilateral services agreement and an FTA with the EU),securing TPA has become a much more pressing issue for the second Obama administration.
Notwithstanding, the assurances from acting USTR Demetrio Marantis that the administration isready to draft the TPA bill, some experts expect this will not happen till the TPP talks are nearlyfinished. Two main considerations seem to weigh in this decision: 1) reaching a consensus on
negotiation objectives may be difficult not only due to the need to incorporate new issues (digitalcommerce and SOEs) but also due to the lack of agreement on the key areas of the May 10th deal–labor, environment, and intellectual property; and 2) such a parallel negotiation with
Congressional leaders could hamper the process of securing compromises on the most11

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controversial issues in the TPP talks as they near conclusion (Inside U.S. Trade, January 18,2013). The downside of such strategy, however, is that the delay in obtaining TPA is in fact
affecting the evolution of the negotiations. As explained by Senator Rob Portman (former USTR
under George W. Bush), without TPA: “other countries are not willing to put their last and best
offer on the table” (Inside U.S. Trade, February 15, 2013). As the analysis above shows,domestic politics have played a large role in shaping the American trade agenda, influencing thepace of the TPP talks, and impacting the chances of ratification of the finished agreement.

Conclusions
The Trans-Pacific Partnership represents a high-stake experiment in U.S. trade policy as
to whether it is possible to use large trans-regional trade pacts to advance a deep integration
agenda. As these negotiations approach their final stage, important questions loom in thehorizon: Will the heterogeneity of TPP countries frustrate the adoption of the very ambitious
economic integration standards? Will the no-exclusion mantra survive or how much flexibility
on sensitive sectors can be accommodated without unraveling the negotiation process? And, canthe American government secure negotiation credibility through TPA renewal despite fractious
domestic trade politics?
In closing, two other important challenges that the TPP project faces must be noted. First,
some analysts have worried about the potential securitization of the TPP if this trade agreement
becomes hostage to American geostrategic interests (Capling and Ravenhill, 2012). By becoming
associated with the U.S. military pivot, critics of the TPP have decried this initiative as an effort
to contain China (Zhang, 2011). However, the analysis above has shown that the U.S interest in
the TPP derives mostly from a desire to disseminate high standard economic norms and to avoid
marginalization from an economically vibrant Asia. China’s containment is neither feasible nor
desirable, and the fundamental object of the pivot has been to reassure the region about theUnited States’ staying power (Rudd, 2013). Still, a long-term challenge for the TPP projectremains on how to engage China productively.
Second, the entire success of the TPP initiative for the United States has always hinged
on membership expansion. The initial configuration of the TPP-9 offered meager economic
benefits (since negotiating countries represented 6% of American exports), and even with theadmission of Mexico and Canada, the fact remained that the United States already has FTAs with12

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many of the negotiating parties. Moreover, in order to promote the American vision of a Free
Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific, the TPP membership needs to grow. On both scores, theadmission of Japan in April 2013 to the negotiations is of great consequence to the fate of the
TPP. For the United States, Japan’s TPP membership dramatically increases the expected gains
from trade (from to $23.9 billion dollars to $76.6 billion dollars by the year 2025, according toPetri et al, 2013). Enlisting a major regional player like Japan also boosts the TPP’s claim to
evolve into a genuine Asia-Pacific integration track. However, given the tough position of theautomobile caucus in the United States on Japan’s TPP participation, 6 it is clear that the larger
economic and diplomatic payoffs of Japan’s inclusion will be commensurate with the heateddomestic politics in the United States to approve this trade agreement.

6

On March 14, 2013 a group of more than 30 House Representatives and 8 senators sent a letter to President Obama
opposing Japan’s participation in the TPP. In their view, there is a long list of barriers that keep the Japanese market
closed and cannot be addressed in a trade negotiation: currency manipulation, onerous certification and safety
standards, closed distribution networks, and exclusionary consumer preferences (emphasis mine). A copy of theletter can be found at: http://conyers.house.gov/index.cfm/press-releases?ID=5d9fb0bb-2687-46af-a132d3fe11a36ae6

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