Maintenance and Shift of Japanese Language：A case study of second generation of Japanese Americans at the Hawai‘iJapanese Center
Hiromi Yoshida
Doctoral Student, Waseda University
With changes of season and weather comes growth and death, blossoming
and weakening. Minority language communities are similarly in a constantstate of change. Such language shift may be fast or slow, upwards ordownwards, but never absent. (Baker, 2001)

Introduction
Although language is an important tool for both individuals and their social group, it iseasily shifted, lost or even dead. i Baker (2001) described as this phenomenon “scenario forimmigrants” and “three generation shift”, most migrant languages have not been able to survive formore than three generations. ii Similar to many other cases of language loss among immigrants, thethird generation of Japanese Americans is not successful in maintaining the Japanese language inHawai„i.
At the beginning of my research, my interests were focused on the lives of Japaneseimmigrants in Japanese communities in Hilo on the Island of Hawai„i. I conducted research on thisthrough an oral history approach. Fortunately, I received considerable support from the Hawai„iJapanese Center in Hilo and I met some Nisei, the second generation of Japanese Americans whopossessed a lot of knowledge about these communities. These ten Nisei are the core subjects of mystudy. These results were compiled for my master‟s thesis. Through field research, I came to beinterested in the maintenance and shift of “their” Japanese language.iii
They speak Japanese fluently in spite of the limited use of Japanese in their daily lives.
Furthermore, these Nisei had experienced many difficult circumstances, such as World War Ⅱ andthe Tsunami attacks. It is not exceptional case that the second generation of immigrants was able toretain their first language or mother tongue; however, it is exceptional considering that during thewar of Japanese had been banned for about five years.
Thus, this study aims to investigate how Nisei‟s linguistic skills have been maintained andshifted. I examine this by looking closely at individual oral histories.iv I will describe my researchfindings, then I will offer an analysis and explanation using the “reward system” theory proposed byJoshua A.Fishman.

1The Communities of Japanese immigrants in HiloBy the beginning twentieth century, Japanese communities of Yashicjimachou andShinmachi took shape from Japanese people who traveled to the Island of Hawai„i to find work.v
World WarⅡwas a particularly difficult experience for Japanese immigrants in Hilo.
Fortunately, the majority of them were able to stay in their own homes and many of them continued
their businesses under the martial law that was declared at the outbreak of the war. Thus, comparedto many Japanese immigrants on the mainland who were almost all sent to concentration camps, theJapanese immigrants in Hilo lived under better circumstances. However, the Japanese in Hilo wereprohibited to speak Japanese in public, and Japanese schools were shut down. They did, however,speak Japanese at home. Since Issei, the first generation of Japanese Americans did not speak
English well.
After the war, when people who were finally getting lives back together, a major tsunami
hit Hawai„i in 1946 and then again in 1960. Japanese communities were the hardest hit by the giant
waves, since these communities were along the coastal area. After the first tsunami, people were able
to rebuild their communities, but not after the second.

Findings and analysis
The findings of this study fall into four major categories: (1) the age of subjects andacquisition of the Japanese language, (2) the parents‟ role in promoting Japanese, (3) the position ofJapanese language in society, and (4) personal contacts with Japanese language and the culture.

①The age of subjects Acquiring Japanese. It is important to point out that my subjects
finished their Japanese language education, before the war and even before the tsunamis destroyed
their communities. Children form their language abilities at a very young age and because theseNisei speak English much better than Japanese, they consider English as their first language.
However, Nakajima(2000) defines “mother tongue” as “the first language they met”―so in one
sense their mother tongue was Japanese. vi Inevitably, English would become the dominant language
later in their lives, but during their childhood, Japanese was the first language, the “mother tongue”
of these Nisei.

②The Role of Parents. Nisei were strongly encouraged to learn Japanese language andculture by their parents. Many studies on Japanese immigrants have pointed out that the creation ofJapanese language schools was due to the eagerness of Issei to maintain their Japanese heritage. vii
One of my subjects remembered that his mother encouraged him to take every opportunity to learn
and use Japanese. He mentioned that though he himself was interested in learning Japanese, hismother‟s expectation was quite a strong motivation as well.

③Japanese Language in the community. Japanese language did not have a low social
status in Hilo. An important reason for the survival of a language is that it possesses a certain amount2

of political, economic, and culture power in the society. viii The Japanese accounted forapproximately fifty percent of the population of Hilo, so Japanese language enjoyed substantial
support in the area. Thus for Nisei who grew up in Japanese communities, Japanese was thedominant language. It should be noted in addition that Japanese immigrants‟ experiences in Hiloduring the war were less harsh than those in other areas. Discrimination and prejudice were muchless intense than in the mainland US. Some of my subjects described the atmosphere of ethnic
toleration in their stories, thus, this amicable circumstance undoubtedly affected in positive ways,
their attitude towards the Japanese language.

④Personal contacts. Some of my subjects who especially speak fluently in Japanese,managed to stay in touch with Japanese language and culture. After the war, there was a decrease in
the stream of people, products, and information from Japan to Hilo. However, some of these Nisei
were able to visit Japan and invite their relatives or friends to visit Hawai„i. Moreover, these Nisei
had a key person(s) who led Nisei to use Japanese in daily lives. Some had opportunities to become
friends with Japanese women who moved into Hilo as a “war brides”, while others hosted guests
from Japan at their jobs. Furthermore, there have been enjoyable activities, such as singing Japanesesongs at Karaoke, watching TV dramas from Japan, listening to Japanese radio programs and several
activities arranged by the Hawai„i Japanese Center. Although their literacy abilities, such as readingand writing in Japanese have gradually declined, my subjects mentioned that these activities provide
them opportunities to keep their speaking and listening skills alive.
The above stories suggest interesting patterns of linguistic survival along the lines posited
by Joshua Fishman who identifies four rewards that contribute to language maintenance. There aresocial rewards, fiscal rewards, political rewards and religious rewards. When the Nisei were younger,a variety of these rewards contributed to them leaning Japanese. However, this did not explain whysome Nisei, many who are no in their 80s and 90s, are still able to speak Japanese fluently. I suspectthat one main reason they have maintained their Japanese is not due simply to the continuing
influence of these rewards. It is more a result of personal interests and commitments kept alive by
the survival of community values. It is an affirmation of personal value, sense of community, andcommitment.

Conclusion
The Nisei of Hilo have experienced some difficulties in maintaining their proficiency inJapanese language. Moreover, the language shift and loss is the rule rather than the exception in
Hawai„i. Nevertheless, four factors have contributed to linguistic maintenance for these Nisei. Theseinternal and external influences have impacted the continuity of Japanese language among the Niseiin Hilo. Furthermore, there is a personal dimension to their attachment to the Japanese language andculture―one that contributes importantly to the survival of Japanese language in Hawai„i.

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iThere are various arguments from different academic fields why language is important. I emphasize on therelationship between the language as a maker of identity.(Crystal 2000－Baker, 2001 p.51)
ii
Moreover, “this survival was typically accompanied by a shrinkage in the domains and functions in which theselanguages are used.” (Words and Worlds)
iii
Their Japanese language is different from standard Japanese spoken in contemporary Japanese society. It is basedon Japanese influenced by Hiroshima and Yamaguchi dialects and mixed with vocabulary that derives from otherlanguages such as English and Hawaiian. Their language often betrays older patterns of Japanese speech.
iv My research is based on interviews with Nisei whom I have met. I recognized that there are Nisei who do not wantto speak Japanese nor participate in Japanese events and who are less familiar with their Japanese roots. Therefore, I
do not intend to generalize my findings to all Nisei in Hilo.
vTowards the end of nineteen century, Japanese people started to travel to Hawaii to find work in plantations. Afterthe contact period expired, some of them moved into the downtown area where a number of other ethnic groups
already established.
vi
Nakajima, Bairingaru Kyouiku No Houhou,18-26
vii
Tanimura, Hawaii Nihonjin Imin-shi,14viii
Nakajima,124