Korean Population in the United States, 2000
Demographic Characteristics and Socio-Economic
StatusEui-Young Yu
California State University, Los Angeles
Korean American Coalition - Census Information CenterPeter Choe and Sang II Han
Korean American Coalition - Census Information Center

Introduction
The U.S. Census Bureau reported 1,076,872 Koreans residing in the
United States as of April 1, 2000 (http://www.census.gov). These are
the respondents who identified themselves as "Korean alone." If those
who reported themselves as "Korean in combination with other Asianor other race" are added, the total amounts to 1,228,427. The figures
for mixed-heritage persons belonging to two or more ethnic and/or
racial groups should be used with caution, especially for comparative
analysis, because categories containing these individuals are notmutually exclusive. For this reason, in this analysis the "Korean alone"
population figure was mainly used.
1

Of the 1.08 million Koreans, approximately 379,000 (35.2%) are
U.S. born and 698,000 (64.8%) are foreign bom. Of the 698,000
foreign born, 341,000 (48.9%) are naturalized U.S. citizens. The U.S.
born together with naturalized citizens (720,000) now comprise twothirds of the total Korean population in the United States. "Koreans in
America" may have been an appropriate term for the 1990s and before,
but now the more appropriate term would be "Korean Americans." Thischange in designation also reflects the transformation of their identity.
Population and economic data for this study are drawn from the1997 Economic Census, the Population Census 2000, and the Census
2000 Supplementary Survey Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS).
Immigration statistics have been drawn from the annual Statistical
Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Utilizingthese statistics, this paper attempts to highlight basic demographic,234International Journal of Korean Studies • Spring/Summer 200271

social, and economic characteristics of the Korean population in the
United States as of 2000.
Immigration
Korean immigration to the United States proceeded in four distinct
periods. The first period was between 1883, when the diplomatic
relationship between the United States and Korea was established, and1902, when the first organized migration of Korean laborers to Hawaii
started. Approximately 200 to 400 Koreans came to the United States
during this period. By the time the first organized group of Korean
immigrants arrived in Hawaii in 1903, a small Korean community had
already formed in San Francisco and Los Angeles respectively.
Among well known Koreans in this group were So Jai-pil (Phillip
Jaisohn), So Kwang-bom, Syngman Rliee, and Aim Chang Ho.
5

6

The second period started in 1903, with the arrival of Korean
laborers to Hawaii, and ended in 1924, with the ban of all Asian
immigration by the U.S. government. Some 7,000 Koreans wererecruited to Hawaii as plantation laborers, from January 1903 to July
1905. Most of these immigrants were young bachelors and werebrought in to meet the labor demand on Hawaiian plantations. From1910 to 1924, approximately 1,100 Korean picture brides immigrated,about 900 to Hawaii and about 200 to the mainland. About 540
political exiles came by way of China and Europe without passports
during this period. Approximately 289 Korean students were able toarrive with passports issued by the Japanese government between 1921
and 1940. Between 1924 and 1945, no Koreans were admitted to the
U.S. as immigrants. About 1,000 Koreans of the pre-1924 immigrants
eventually returned to Korea according to the anecdotal documents ofearly Korean organizations. Because of a great imbalance of the sex
ratio and anti-miscegenation laws, many of the first wave immigrants
stayed single throughout their lives. As a result, the Korean populationin the United States did not grow much until 1950, numbering around
10,000 at that time. They were mostly concentrated in Hawaii andCalifornia.
7

8

9

10

11

American intervention in the Korean War initiated the third phaseof Korean immigration. American soldiers stationed in Korea playeda significant role by bringing Korean brides, arranging adoption of warorphans to American homes, and sponsoring students to come to the
U.S. Between 1951 and 1964, approximately 6,500 brides, 6,300
adopted children, and 6,000 students came to this country. These
three groups constituted a significant component of the Korean
immigration to the United States during this third phase. Additionally,
many of the exchange scholars, scientists, government workers,
12

72

International Journal of Korean Studies • Volume VI, Number Iphysicians, and nurses who arrived during this period became
permanent residents later on.
The fourth phase occurred after the Immigration Act of 1965,
which abolished the national origin quota system based on race, andallowed Koreans for the first timet© immigrate to the United States asfamilies. Until this time, Korean immigrants came mostly as individuallaborers, students, picture brides, war brides, and orphans. However,between 1965 and 1970, students-turned professionals, guest nurses,
and physicians were able to apply for permanent residence visas, andbecame a major component of Korean immigration. Subsequently,
these professionals, together with the wives of U.S. servicemen,
petitioned for their respective spouses, siblings, and parents toimmigrate as well. Since 1970, relatives of the permanent residents, orcitizens, have become an overwhelming majority of the Korean
immigration to the U.S.
Consequently, Korean immigration to the United States accelerated,until the 1980s. Between 1948 and 1950, only 107 Korean immigrants
were admitted. During the 1951-60 decade this number increased to6,231. The number jumped to 34,526 between 1961 and 1970,
constituting 1.04% of the total immigrants admitted to the UnitedStates. The number of Korean immigrants admitted during the 1971-80
period grew exponentially to 267,638. These Koreans constituted 6%of the total immigrants admitted to the U.S. in that decade, and ranked
third in number surpassed only by Mexicans and Filipinos. Korean
immigration peaked during the next decade (1981-1990), when 333,746
Koreans were admitted, constituting 4.6 percent of the total immigrants
and ranking fourth after Mexico, the Philippines, and China. The
number of annual admittance, however, has steadily declined after
reaching its peak of 35,849 in 1987. Although the number of Korean
immigrants admitted in 1999 was only 12,301, one of the lowest levels
recorded since 1972, the number in 2000 increased to 15,214. About
one-half of these numbers, however, represents those who are alreadyin the United States and had their status changed to permanent
residency. Only about 7,000 to 8,000 Koreans per year are actually
arriving from Korea in recent years as immigrants.
As a whole, a
total of806,414 Korean immigrants were admitted to the United States
between 1948 and 2000.
13

The 164,166 Koreans admitted between 1991 and 2000 were lessthan one-half of those Koreans admitted during the previous decade andrepresented 1.8 percent of the 9,095,417 immigrants admitted to the
U.S. Korea was the only country to experience such a drastic decline
in immigration in the 1990s. Other countries, for the most part,
maintained their usual patterns of immigration flow. The drastic
International Journal of Korean Studies • Spring/Summer 2002 73

decline of Korean immigration in the 1990s may be due to theimproved conditions in politics and economy in Korea since the late1980s. While Korean immigration to the U.S. has slowed substantiallysince 1987, the volume of Chinese immigration has remained at a highlevel. In 2000, China (including Hong Kong) with 49,060, ranked
second to Mexico in the total number of immigrants admitted to theUnited States.
The steady and substantial flow of immigration from Korea has
accelerated the size of the Korean population in the United States. It
increased from about 10,000 in 1950 to 70,000 in 1970, and again to355,000 in 1980. The number reached 799,000 in 1990 and, as of theyear 2000, it reached 1,077,000 (Korean alone) or 1,228,000 (Koreanalone plus Korean in combination with others). The Korean alone
population constituted 0.38% of the 281,422,000 U.S. population.
During the last thirty-year period, the Korean population in the UnitedStates increased more than 15 fold.
Three Categories of Koreans
The total number of ethnically, and/or racially, mixed Koreansaccounts for 12.34% of the 1,228,000 people of Korean ancestry. The
multi-ethnic Koreans mixed with other Asians are 22,550, which
account for 1.84%. The 129,005 multi-racial Koreans account for10.50%. Altogether, 151,555 persons are identified as Koreans withmultiple ethnic and/or racial heritages. The Korean's rate of mixing
with other ethnic or racial groups is among the lowest of the major
Asian groups. On the other hand, ethnically or racially mixed people
account for 30.66% of all people of Japanese heritage, 4.83% mixed
with other Asians and 25.82% with other races. Among the Chinese,
mixed-heritage persons constitute 15.52%, 5.03% mixed with other
Asians and 10.49% with other races. As the children born to the post1965 immigrants enter into reproductive ages, the number of racially or
ethnically mixed Koreans should increase significantly.
The percent of multi-ethnic and/or racial Koreans varies greatly
from state to state. Hawaii has the highest number and proportion ofmulti-ethnic/racial Koreans with 4 3 % of all persons of Korean heritage
to be of mixed ethnic and/or racial heritage - 14.5% mixed with other
Asians, and 28.6% with other races. Many of the U.S.-born descendantsof the first-wave Koreans who immigrated at the turn of the twentiethcentury still live in Hawaii and their out-marriage rate is very high.
The proportion of the mixed heritage persons among Koreans in
Hawaii is even higher than that of the Japanese (32%).
In the continental United States, states with a relatively small
1474International Journal of K o r e a n Studies • Volume VI, Number 1

number of Koreans such as North Dakota, Idaho, New Mexico,
Arkansas, and Oklahoma tend to show a high percentage of mixedheritage Koreans. More than a quarter of all Koreans in these states are
ethnically or racially mixed. Korean women married to American
soldiers and Korean children adopted by American homes have been asignificant component of Korean immigration since the Korean War
and they tend to settle all over the United States. Children born tothese Koreans apparently contributed to the high rate of multiple
heritage persons in these states. On the other hand, states with arelatively large number of Koreans such as California, New York, New
Jersey, and Maryland show a relatively low rate of mixed-heritage
Koreans. These are also the states where a large number of more recent
immigrant families have settled. In these states, persons of mixedheritage constitute less than 8% of all Koreans. Propinquity isapparently a factor here. As people of a common ethnic heritage sharea vicinity, the higher the chances that they will meet and marry with
one another.
15

Distribution
Koreans, like other East Asians, have traditionally been
concentrated in the Western region of the United States. Hawaii andCalifornia were home to the great majority of Koreans until the 1950s.
Nevertheless, the pattern of geographic distribution has changed
significantly since the 1960s; Koreans have been quicker than other
Asians to disperse themselves across a wider region in the UnitedStates. They are visible in most of the metropolitan areas in the UnitedStates. The 2000 Census reveals that 44% of Koreans are located in theWest, 2 3 % in the Northeast, 12% in the Midwest, and 2 1 % in theSouth. For the general population, the percentage shares are 24% in theWest, 19% in the Northeast, 2 1 % in the Midwest, and 36% in theSouth.
California continues to be the state with the largest number of
Koreans, with 345,882. During the 1990-2000 decade, the Korean
population in California grew 33%, similar to the growth rate for
Koreans in the nation (35%). Thus California's share of the total
Korean population was about one-third, both in 1990 and in 2000.
New York's growth rate of the Korean population during this decade,
25%, was significantly lower than the national average, but was still
second in size in 2000 with 119,846 Koreans. Forty-three percent of
the Koreans are concentrated in these two states. Illinois was the thirdranking state in size of Koreans in 1990, but their rank fell to fourth in
2000, with 51,453 Koreans. This state's Korean population increased
24% during this decade, much lower than the national average. On the
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International Journal of Korean Studies • Spring/Summer 200275

other hand, New Jersey's growth rate of the Korean population, 70%,
was nearly twice as high as the national average, becoming the third
most populous state for Koreans in 2000, with 65,349 Koreans. Thiswas in part due to a heavy influx of Koreans to the New Jersey portionof the greater New York metropolitan suburbs during the 1990s.
The fact that the two most populous states for Koreans, California
and New York, contain 4 3 % of all Koreans, as well as the fact thatthree-quarters of the total Korean population are concentrated in just 10
states, suggests that Koreans experience a relatively high degree ofgeographic concentration. Nevertheless, these rates are not as high asother Asian groups. Chinese and Japanese, for example, show a muchhigher degree of geographic concentration. California and New Yorkare the two most populous states for the Chinese, representing 57% of
the total Chinese population in the U.S. Furthermore, California and
Hawaii contain 62% of the total Japanese population.
As compared with other Asians, Koreans are under-represented in
the West and over-represented in the South. The 2000 Census counted
73% of the Japanese, 68% of the Filipinos, 50% of the Vietnamese, and
49% of the Chinese in the Western states, in comparison with 44% for
Koreans. Contrarily, the Korean's presence in the South is relatively
much higher than other Asians. Twenty-one percent of the Koreans
were found in Southern states whereas only 10% of the Japanese, 14%.
of the Chinese, and 13% of the Filipinos were located in the region.
Meanwhile, 55% of the Black population and 34% of the White
population were counted in the South.
The relatively high concentration of Koreans in the South ascompared with other Asians may be attributed to the fact that Koreans
do not have as strong an ethnic networking infrastructure in the Westas the Chinese and Japanese. The immigration of wives of American
soldiers has been a significant component of the post-1950 period, andcontributed to the wider geographic distribution for Koreans. The highrates of entrepreneur ship among Koreans also have contributed to theirwider dispersion over the nation. During the 1990s, the Southern states
showed the highest rates of increase for Koreans. The Korean
population in Georgia experienced the highest increase rate, 88%,
among all 50 states. The high growth rate was particularly noticed
among states on the Atlantic coastal region. Six of the 10 fastest
growing states (Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Delaware, Florida,
Virginia) for the Korean population were from the South. Between
1990 and 2000, Southern states showed the highest increase rate of the
Korean population at 46%.
Koreans live in large metropolitan areas and a great majority ofthem live in the suburbs. Ninety-six percent of Koreans in the United
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International Journal of Korean Studies • Volume VI, Number I

States are found in metropolitan areas, while, in contrast, 80% of thegeneral population resides in metropolitan areas. Korean immigration
to the United States since 1965 has typically been an urban-to-urban
migration, from large urban centers of South Korea to the large
metropolitan areas of the United States.
Within metropolitan areas, more Koreans (57%) live in the suburbs
than in the central cities (40%). The rate of suburbanization for Koreansis one of the highest among major racial/ethnic groups. Asian Indians
are the only group with a higher percentage living in metropolitan
suburbs (59%). For the general population, about 50% live in thesuburbs, while 30% live in central cities. The high rate of residential
suburbanization for Koreans is in part due to their relatively high levelsof educational achievement. Asian Indians as a group also exhibit oneof the highest income and educational achievement levels in the UnitedStates. The suburbs attract Koreans mainly because the suburbs usually
have better schools.
Although Koreans generally live in metropolitan areas, they areespecially concentrated in the largest areas. The largest number of
Koreans is found in the Southern California metropolitan region called
Los Angeles-Riverside-Orange-San Bernardino-Ventura, CA
Consolidated Metropolitan Statistical Area (CMSA). More than aquarter million (257,975) Koreans living in this five-county area
constitute nearly one-fourth of Koreans in the United States. The next
largest area of Korean concentration is the area encompassing New
York City and surrounding metropolitan areas of New York, Northern
New Jersey, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania. More than 170,000
Koreans live here and constitute approximately 16% of the Koreans in
the United States. Forty percent of all Koreans in the U.S. are found inthese two metropolitan regions. As seen in Table 2, 72% of Koreansin the U.S. live in the 13 metropolitan areas, each of which has at least
10,000 Koreans.
1718

Age and Sex Composition
As compared with other groups, the Korean population is relatively
young. According to the 2000 Census, its median age is 32.4 versus
35.3 for the total U.S. population. This is not necessarily because ofhigh fertility, but is related to the recency nature of the Korean
immigration. The post-1965 immigration has been largely a family
migration. Adult parents and young children represent the majority ofthese immigrants. The proportion of the Korean population 65 years ofage and over is 6.75%, while the proportion for the total population is
12.06% as of 2000. However, census data demonstrate a continued
increase of the elderly population for the Koreans. The proportion ofInternational Journal of Korean Studies • Spring/Summer 200277

the Korean population 65 years and over increased from 2.40% in 1980,
to 4.30% in 1990, and again to 6.75% in 2000.
In terms of the sex ratio as measured by the number of males per
100 females, Korean females generally, when compared to the national
population, are significantly overrepresented between the ages of 20 to
54 years. As shown in Table 3, sex ratios of the Korean population inthese age groups are much lower than the general population. This islargely due to a sustained imbalance of sex ratios among Korean
immigrants; that is, a significantly higher number of females than males
among young adult immigrants. For example, the numbers of Koreanmales per 100 females admitted between 1996 and 2000 were 59.90 for
20-24 years of age, 37.99 for 25-29, 58.67 for 30-34, 68.48 for 35-39,
and 73.21 for 40-44. This pattern of sex imbalance in favor of young
adult females has continued ever since the latest immigration wave
began in 1965. The only counterbalancing force to this pattern has
been the sex ratio of U.S. born Koreans, which has followed a general
pattern of the U.S. population.
Young Korean female adults, incomparison with their male peers, appear to be more attracted to theprospects of new opportunities in America. Social and economic
opportunities open to the young adult females in Korea are also lessfavorable relative to their male counterparts. Korean males in theearlier period, 1903-45, suffered a great deal due to a shortage offemale counterparts. Now, the problem has completely shifted to the
opposite sex, due to the shortage of males.
19

The sex ratio imbalance is reversed for Koreans under 15 years ofage. Korean males outnumber Korean females for every five-year age
interval below age 20. The sex ratio imbalance is more notable whencompared to the general U.S. population. This is again due to theunbalanced sex ratios among immigrants favoring males in theyoungest age groups. This imbalance reflects the age-sex structure of
the Korean population in Korea. In recent years, due to the malepreference of Korean parents, sex-selective abortions were carried out
in alarming rates although the practice is illegal. A much higher
number of aborted female fetuses contributed to the unusually highimbalance in the sex ratios for the younger population. The population
structure of Korean Americans 19 years of age and under reflects these
imbalanced sex ratios. Sex ratios for Korean immigrants are 118.85
for under five years of age, 107.30 for 5-9 years of age, 114.39 for 1014, and 116.30 for 15-19, while the corresponding ratios for the total
U.S. population are 104.75, 104.93, 104.90, and 105.29.
According to the 2000 Census, there are 338,196 Korean alone
households, with an average size of 2.77, as compared with 2.59 fortotal U.S. households. The total number of Korean families counted in
78

International Journal of Korean Studies • Volume VI, Number 1

the census is 241,054, with an average size of 3.30 versus 3.14 for all
U.S. families. The difference between Korean and U.S. averages canbe attributed to the variation in family types between the two. While
82% of the Korean-American families are married-couple families,
76%o of the U.S. families are as such. These figures reflect a relatively
stable family structure for Koreans as compared with the general
population. Furthermore, 54% of the Korean married-couple families
have own children below 18 years of age, while 46 percent of U.S.
married-couple families have such children.
Female householder
families, with no husband present, constitute 13 percent of Koreanfamilies as compared with 18 percent of all U.S. families. Moreover,families with children under 18 years of age living with a single parent
constitute 14.5 percent of all Korean families with children under 18,
while 28.2 percent of the U.S. families with children under age 18 livewith a single parent. The traditional emphasis placed on family
welfare over individual interest contributes to the maintenance of astable family structure among Korean Americans. This relative family
stability among Koreans partly contributes to the high educational
achievement of their second generation as seen in the following section.
20

Koreans show one of the lowest divorce or separation status amongmajor racial and ethnic groups according to the Census 2000
Supplementary Survey Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS)
statistics. As shown in Table 6, Koreans in a divorced or separated
state constitute 6.1 percent of all Koreans 15 years of age and over,while the corresponding figure for the nation as a whole is 11.8 percent.
Asian Indians are the group with the lowest level of divorce orseparation, with 3.4 percent. The Chinese show the second lowest
proportion, with 4.3 percent. Koreans are the third lowest group. The
black population shows the highest proportion, with 17.4 percent of its
population 15 and over being in a divorced or separated state. The
divorce and separation rates for Asian Indians, Chinese, Koreans, andJapanese are substantially lower than blacks, Hispanics, and whites.

Socio-Economic Status
Education. Koreans, like other Asian groups, continue to exhibit
one of the highest levels of educational achievement. According to the1990 Census, the percentage of persons 25 years of age and over withat least a bachelors degree was generally high for most Asian groups ascompared with the national average: 58% for Asian Indians, 4 1 % for
Chinese, 39% for Filipinos, 34% for Japanese, 34% for Koreans, andInternational Journal of K o r e a n Studies •Spring/Summer 200279

17% for Vietnamese. The corresponding figure for all persons in the
U.S. was 20%. For the U.S. born persons, the figures were 44% for
Asian Indians, 51 % for Chinese, 22% for Filipinos, 34% for Japanese,
32% for Koreans, and 17% for Vietnamese. For the general U.S. born
population, the figure was 20%. For both U.S. born and foreign borngroups, the educational level of Asians far surpasses the national
average.
The Census 2000 Supplementary Survey PUMS data provide asimilar picture. Asians continue to display higher levels of educational
achievement when compared to the national average. According to the
PUMS data, the six Asian groups mentioned above and the national
average have all increased their proportion of educational attainment,with the Asian level far exceeding the national average with the
exception of Vietnamese, the most recent immigrant community. Asian
Indians maintain the highest level of educational attainment with 64%
of their overall population 25 years of age and over possessing at leasta bachelor's degree. The corresponding figure for Koreans is 49%. For
other Asian groups, they are 52% for Chinese, 42% for Filipinos, 42%
for Japanese, and 2 3 % for Vietnamese. The national figure is 27%.
For the U.S. born population, the corresponding figures are 65% for
Chinese, and 55% for Koreans. For whites the figure is 28%. Again, thenational figure for U.S. bora persons is the same as the overall figure,at 27 %. Although the educational level of U.S. born Koreans is twice
as high as the general population, it falls significantly below the level
for the U.S. born Chinese, both in 1990 and 2000.
The gap in
educational achievement rate between Koreans and Chinese has been
reduced substantially between 1990 and 2000, as the number of U.S.
born children 25 years of age and over born to the post-1965 Korean
immigrants increased greatly during the decade.
Work. A major source of livelihood for Koreans in the UnitedStates is undoubtedly the entrepreneurship of small business. Surveys
conducted in Los Angeles, Chicago, New York, and Atlanta indicatethat about one-third of Korean immigrant householders engage in aself-owned business, about one-fifth in professional work, and the rest
in other salaried occupations. A typical pattern in the 1970s for a
newly-arriving family was to start a small business with capital saved
from a few years of labor on assembly lines, maintenance companies,
and other blue-collar jobs. In recent years, many immigrants started
businesses shortly after arriving in part due to the strong economy andthe liberalization of foreign exchange laws in Korea.
The 1997 U.S. Economic Census provides detailed information
regarding the status of business firms owned by minorities.
It
supported many of the anecdotal pictures of Korean business patterns
2180International Journal of Korean Studies• Volume VI, Number 1that have been reported in the Korean media. According to theeconomic census, Asian and Pacific Islander-owned businesses totaled
about 913,000 firms, employed more than 2.2 million people, andgenerated $306.9 billion in revenues in 1997. The vast majority of
Asian-and Pacific Islander-owned firms, 7 1 % , were unincorporated
businesses owned by individuals. Koreans rank third among Asiangroups in terms of the number of firms owned, 135,571, after the
Chinese and Asian Indians, respectively. However, their businessconcentration wass the highest among all ethnic and racial groups
examined. The ratio of the proportion of business firms owned by anethnic or racial group divided by the proportion of that group's
population in the U.S. is 1.713 for Koreans, 1.467 for Japanese, 1.411
for Chinese, 1.335 for Asian Indians, 1.174 for Vietnamese, 0.615 forFilipinos, 0.459 for Hispanics, and 0.315 for Blacks. The Korean ratioof 1.713 is derived by dividing the proportion of Korean-owned firms(0.65%) to the total number of firms in the United States by the
proportion of the Korean population (0.38%) to the total U.S.
population. A ratio of 1 indicates that the proportion of businessownership of one group is the same as its proportion of the nation's
total population. The Korean ratio indicates that their rate of businessownership is 7 1 % higher than their share of the population in thenation.
The ratio for Blacks shows that their rate of businessownership is 68% less than their share of the population. According to
the data, Koreans represent a merchant class.
22

Korean business ownership varies widely by the type of industry.
The Korean population may constitute only 0.38% of the U.S.
population, but they own 1.49% of all retail trade firms in the UnitedStates. The 42,916 Korean-owned retail trade firms make up 32% of
all business firms owned by Koreans. Korean businesses have thehighest concentrations in apparel and accessory stores (concentration
ratio=13.00), food stores (12.59), general merchandise stores (9.53),
apparel and other textile products (9.03), textile mill products (7.24),
eating and drinking places (5.43), personal services (4.41), and local
and interurban passenger transit services (3.58). The high concentrationof Koreans in these types of industries partly explains theirconcentration in large urban centers and their dispersion over wider
regions as compared with other Asian groups. These firms are mostly
small in scale, labor intensive, and family, or individually, operated.
The heavy concentration of Koreans in these areas reflects theirrelatively recent immigration history. A high concentration in thesetypes of retail and personal services is also observed among
Vietnamese, whose immigration history is more recent than that of
Koreans. On the other hand, Chinese, with a longer history in the
23

International Journal of K o r e a n Studies•

Spring/Summer 2002

81

United States, show a much wider range of business concentration ascompared with Koreans.
The average of annual sales and receipts per Korean-owned firm is$339, 000 for the nation as a whole. This is substantially less thanthose of the Japanese ($511,000), Chinese ($420,000), and Asian Indian($405,000) firms, and is far less than the national average ($891,000)
for all firms. The national average confirms the dominant position ofwhite-owned firms. The average for Korean-owned firms, however, is
far higher than Hispanic ($ 155,000), Filipino ($131,000), Vietnamese($95,000), and Black ($86,000)-owned firms. In terms of the numberof employees, Korean firms also stand in the middle. The data clearlysituate Korean-owned firms in the middle of the American businessstructure. It also illustrates a racial hierarchy existing in corporate
America, where without strong political leverage, Koreans often
become scapegoats.
Why do Koreans concentrate in small business? Language
difficulties and unfamiliarity with American culture hinder them fromfinding an occupation in mainstream society commensurate with theireducation and work experience. Operating a small business at themargins of mainstream industries in a harsh work environment is apractical choice for many of them. Korean small businesses staycompetitive by working longer hours, mobilizing ethnic resources, andfamily labor. Oftentimes husbands and wives work together to operate
the family owned business without enjoying vacations or weekends.
Their children also help during the after-school hours. Running one's
own business may be difficult and risky, but the potential profitability
is the driving force. Nevertheless, these Korean merchants occupy anecessary but marginalized niche in the mainstream industrial structure,
like foot soldiers in the army. Some do well, but many still struggle asseen in the income statistics.
24

25

The feeling of control of their work environment represents yet
another important reason for the high concentration of entrepreneurshipamong Koreans. A critical issue that Korean immigrants face when they
arrive is status inconsistency and the ensuing erosion of self-esteem.
The most important factor in adult self-esteem is related to a person's
occupation. Owning a business gives psychological satisfaction forbeing one's own boss, in Korea referred to as a sajangnim (President).
Many immigrants therefore opt for entrepreneurship.
Income. The Census 2000 Supplementary Survey PUMS data show
two distinct qualities for Koreans in terms of their respective medianfamily, household, and individual income when compared to other
Asian groups, races, and the nation as a whole. First, Koreans seem todefy the strong correlation between the levels of educational attainment
26

82International Journal of Korean Studies• Volume VI, Number Iand economic prosperity by recording incomes far less than expected
when compared to other groups of similar educational achievement.
Secondly, the fact that the mean family, household, and individual
income for Koreans is notably higher than their median and that theirrespective standard deviations are the highest for all Asian and racial
groups, indicates that Koreans experience a high disparity in income
among themselves. They show an extremely skewed income
distribution relative to other groups. Simply, the Koreans have apolarized economic stratification. The mean family, household, andindividual income for Koreans all fluctuate around the national
averages surpassing blacks and Hispanic, but significantly trailingbehind the Asian Indians, Japanese, and Chinese. The mean family
income for Koreans, $72,600, is just slightly over the national figure of$66,000. The mean individual income for persons aged between 25 and
64 is $32,807 for Koreans as compared with the national average of$35,017. This mean for Koreans is far ahead of Native Americans,Blacks, and Hispanics, but substantially lower than Asian Indians,
Chinese, Japanese, and Whites. However, when comparing the median,
Koreans fall below the national level for all three categories (family,
household, and individual) of income. In all three categories, themedian for Koreans is again substantially below Asian Indians,
Japanese, and Chinese. The median individual income for Koreans isamong the lowest of all racial and Asian ethnic groups presented inTable 11. This discrepancy between education and income is more
apparent among foreign-born Koreans.
There are several possible explanations about this discrepancy
between education and income for Koreans. First, the tendency toconcentrate in self-owned business is highest for Koreans as discussed
above, yet their businesses are still mostly in retail and personal service
sectors where profit margins are slim. Secondly, although Koreanspossess a relatively high education level, they experience greaterdifficulty adjusting to a new environment due to their English language
limitations. Thirdly, Koreans are relatively new immigrants whencompared with Japanese and Chinese, and accordingly, lack an efficientsystem of ethnic networking and a strong economic resource. Lastly,
it is possible that some Koreans may just underreport their income, inlight of the fact that a high proportion of Koreans engage in self-owned,
cash-based small businesses.
In contrast, the situation is quite different among U.S. born
Koreans. U.S. born Koreans exhibit one of the highest education levels
as compared with other groups. Chinese are the only group that showsa higher level. In family, household, and individual income, U.S. born
Koreans are ahead of all other groups, except the Chinese as well. The
International Journal of Korean Studies • Spring/Summer 2002

83

number of U.S. born Koreans in the PUMS data set is relatively small,and one needs to exercise caution in interpreting the numbers.
However, it is apparent from the data that although the first generation
Korean immigrants still struggle, the U.S. born second generation
Koreans seem to fare well in terms of education and income. It is
expected that as more second generation Koreans enter into adulthood,the gap between education and income will ease steadily.
Conclusion
Koreans enthusiastically responded to the drastic liberalization of
U.S. immigration laws in the 1960s, and for the first time in Korea's
history, large numbers of Koreans moved to the United States. The
number of Koreans in America has increased at an accelerated rateduring the 1970s and 1980s, and now has reached more than one
million in number. Koreans have become a visible and significant
minority in this multi-ethnic and multi-cultural nation. This hardworking, highly-educated, and actively organized ethnic community is
increasing its stake in the American society. The impact will betremendous when the second-generation Koreans reach a mature
adulthood. As the Korean stake in political and economic affairs isreaching the significant threshold of becoming a viable participant in
the American community, the volume of Korean immigration appears.
to have slowed down.
Aspects of Korean culture and values have influenced thedemographics of Korean American society in several ways. These
norms reflected in Korean American society may vary in degree, butthey still allude to the characteristics found among Korean Americans.
The family structure of Koreans in the United States still reflects thestability of the traditional Korean family, as reflected in the higher
proportion of children living with both parents and the lower divorce
and separation rates as compared with other groups. When looking at
the age and sex structure of the Korean American population, twodistinct patterns appear that reflect a gross imbalance in its composition.
As the younger Korean population in the United States - those 14 years
and under — reflects a sex ratio significantly higher than the national
average favoring males, the adult population - those 20 years and older— experiences the exact opposite trend showing a much lower sex ratio
than the national mean favoring females. Both trends can be attributed
to the influence Korean immigration and Korean social norms haveheld over the demographics of Korean Americans. Korea is a maledominant society. These preferences affect the Korean American
landscape by making the prospects of immigrating to the United States
more attractive to a disproportionately large amount of adult Korean
84

International Journal of Korean Studies • Volume VI, Number Ifemales, and by tolerating the artificial manipulation of births based on
gender which favors males.
The data presented here indicate a divergent quality of the Korean
American population in terms of citizenship, nativity, language, culture,and socio-economic status. The American-born and English-speaking
second generation are a significant component of the Korean American
community, and their relative share is expected to increase rapidly.
Now, two-thirds of Koreans in the United States are U.S. citizens andtheir identity is definitely a "Korean-American." At the same time, theeconomic status in the community is quite polarized. The everdivergent Korean American population and the significantly-reduced
volume of new immigration from Korea, point to a rapidtransformation of the Korean American community in the near future.
The business pattern in the Korean community will significantly
diversify and the focus of the immigrant generation (small businesses
and institutions such as Korean churches and Korean media) will haveto be broadened in order to survive. These changes will shake up themuch isolated community of the first generation Korean Americans andwill necessitate the development of social networks with othercommunities. Those first generation institutions, organizations, andbusinesses that can not diversity their clientele and can notaccommodate the new demands will fade way.
The population size also has a significant bearing not only to thepolitical empowerment of those Koreans who live in the United States,
but also on the country they left behind. In this closely tied global
village, the number of Koreans, Japanese, and Chinese people living in
the United States has a significant effect on the bilateral and multilateralrelationships among the United States, Korea, China, and Japan. Thissignificance will only increase in the future. In light of the everincreasing tide of Chinese immigration to the United States and asignificant decline in Korean immigration to the United States, it may
be an appropriate time to revisit the proactive emigration policies of the
1960s and 1970s for public debate and policy concern.
The Census 2000 data clearly broadens the scope and definition of
the Korean American identity in terms of their language, culture, andprogeny. Korean Americans, who do not speak Korean, adopt
American values and culture, and have a multi-racial and multi-ethnic
heritage, will steadily increase as the main generation of the Korean
population gradually shifts to second and succeeding generations, as theJapanese experience has clearly demonstrated. The Korean American
is no longer a Korean integrating, or adapting, into mainstream
American society, but rather a fusion of Korean and American norms
and values forging out their own unique Korean American identity.
International Journal of Korean Studies • Spring/Summer 2002

85

Table 1. Korean Population by State, 1990 -2000
1990

State

California
New York
New Jersey
Illinois
Washington
Texas
Virginia
MarylandPennsylvania
Georgia
Hawaii
Michigan
FloridaMassachusetts
Colorado
Ohio
North Carolina
Minnesota
OregonArizona
NevadaIndianaTennessee
Connecticut
Wisconsin
MissouriOklahoma
Iowa
AlaskaKansasAlabamaKentuckySouth Carolina
UtahLouisiana
Nebraska
DelawareN e w Hampshire
New Mexico
Rhode Island
Arkansas
Mississippi
Idaho
D. of Columbia
MaineWest Virginia
Montana
Vermont
South Dakota
Wyoming
North Dakota
Total

2000

Percent
ChangeNumber%Number%259,941 ^
95,64838,54041,506
29,697
31,77530,16130,32026,787
15,27524,454
16,316
12,404
11,744
11,33911,237
7,267
11,576
8,668
5,863
4,315
5,475
4,508
5,126
5,618
5,731
4,717
4,618
4,163
4,016
3,454
2,972
2,577
2,629
2,750
1,943
1,229
1,501
1,464
1,294
1,037
1,123
935
814
858
777
668
563
525
402
526

32.54%
11.97%
4.82%
5.20%
3.72%
3.98%
3.78%
3.80%
3.35%
1.91%
3.06%
2.04%
1.55%
1.47%
1.42%
1.41%
0.91%
1.45%
1.09%
0.73%
0.54%
0.69%
0.56%
0.64%
0.70%
0.72%
0.59%
0.58%
0.52%
0.50%
0.43%
0.37%
0.32%
0.33%
0.34%
0.24%
0.15%
0.19%
0.18%
0.16%
0.13%
0.14%
0.12%
0.10%
0.11%
0.10%
0.08%
0.07%
0.07%
0.05%
0.07%

345,882
119,846
65,34951,45346,88045,57145,27939,15531,612
28,74523,537
20,886
19,13917,36916,395
13,376
12,60012,584
12,387
9,123
7,554
7,502
7,395
7,064
6,800
6,767
5,074
5,063
4,573
4,529
4,116
3,818
3,665
3,473
2,876
2,423
1,991
1,800
1,791
1,560
1,550
1,334
1,250
1,095
875
857
833
669
584
412
411

32.12%
11.13%
6.07%
4.78%
4.35%
4.23%
4.20%
3.64%
2.94%
2.67%
2.19%
1.94%
1.78%
1.61%
1.52%
1.24%
1.17%
1.17%
1.15%
0.85%
0.70%
0.70%
0.69%
0.66%
0.63%
0.63%
0.47%
0.47%
0.42%
0.42%
0.38%
0.3 5 %
0.34%
0.32%
0.27%
0.23%
0.18%
0.17%
0.17%
0.14%
0.14%
0.12%
0.12%)
0.10%
0.08%
0.08%
0.08%
0.06%
0.05%
0.04%
0.04%

33.06%
25.30%
69.56%
23.97%
57.86%
43.42%
50.12%
29.14%
18.01%
88.18%-3.75%
28.01%
54.30%
47.90%
44.59%
19.04%
73.39%
8.71%
42.90%
55.60%
75.06%
37.02%
64.04%
37.81%
21.04%
18.08%
7.57%
9.64%
9.85%
12.77%
19.17%
28.47%
42.22%
32.10%
4.58%
24.70%
62.00%
19.92%
22.34%
20.56%
49.47%
18.79%
33.69%
34.52%
1.98%o10.30%)
24.70%)
18.83%
11.24%
2.49%-21.86%

798,846

100.00%1,076,872

100.00%34.80%

Table 2. Korean Population in Selected Metropolitan Areas, 2000
Metropolitan Area
Los Angeles-Riverside-Orange-San Bernardino-Ventura, California Consolidated Metropolitan
Statistical Area (CMSA)New York-North New Jersey-Long Island, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania CMSA
Washington. D.C.-Baltimore, District of Columbia, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia CMSASan Francisco-Oakland-San Jose, California CMSA
Chicago-Gary-Kenosha, Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, CMSA
Seattle-Tacoma-Bremerton, Washington CMSA
Philadelphia-Wilmington-Atlantic City, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland CMSA
Atlanta, Georgia Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA)
Honolulu, Hawaii MSA
Dallas-Ft Worth, Texas C M S A
Boston-Worcester-Lawrence, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, Connecticut, CMSASan Diego, CA MSA
Houston-Galveston-Brazoria., Texas CMSA
Total for 13 Metropolitan Areas
Total Koreans in the United States

Note: Only areas with at least a population of 10,000 Koreans.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Population Census 2000.

Number257,975

Percent
23.96

170,50974,454
57,386
46,256
41,18929,30922,317
21,681
18,123
15,56012,004
10,341
777,104
1,076,872

15.83
6.91
5.33
4.30
3.82
2.72
2.07
2.01
1.68
1.44
1.11
0.96
72.16
100.00Table 3. United States Total and Korean Population by Age and Sex, 2000
Total Population
Total
Population
Under 5 years
5 to 9 years
10 to 14 years
15 to 19 years
20 to 24 years
25 to 29 years
30 to 34 years
35 to 39 years
40 to 44 years
45 to 49 years
50 to 54 years
55 to 59 years
60 to 64 years
65 years +
Total

Males

9,791,115
10,504,352
10,469,540
9,623,303
8,690,853
9,363,065
9,925,396
10,915,338
10.799,229
9,665,666
8,461,727
6,414,817
5,064,864
13,862,098
133,551,363

% of
Males
7.33%
7.87%
7.84%
7.21%)
6.51%
7.01%
7.43%
8.17%)
8.09%o
7.24%
6.34%
4.80%
3.79%
10.38%
100.00%)Females

9,346,859
10,010,859
9,980.260
9,139,940
8,728,437
9,500,542
10,109,995
11,300,990
11.236.407
10,142,567
8,925,567
6,913,082
5,620,371
19,136,034
140,091,910%ofFemales
6.67%
7.15%
7.12%
6.52%
6.23%
6.78%
7.22%
8.07%
8.02%)
7.24%
6.37%
4.93%
4.01%
13.66%
100.00%Total

19,137,974
20,515,211
20,449,800
18,763,243
17,419,290
18,863,607
20,035,391
22,216,328
22,035,636
19,808,233
17,387,294
13,327,899
10,685,235
32,998,132
273,643,274

%of
Total
Population
6.99%
7.50%
7.47%
6.86%
6.37%
6.89%
7.32%
8.12%
8.05%
7.24%
6.35%
4.87%)
3.90%
12.06%)
100.00%Sex
Ratio*
104.75104.93104.90105.29
99.57
98.55
98.17
96.59
96.11
95.30
94.80
92.79
90.12
72.44
95.33

(continued)

Korean Population
Under 5 years
5 to 9 years
10 to 14 years
15 to 19 years
20 to 24 years
25 to 29 years
30 to 34 years
35 to 39 years
40 to 44 years
45 to 49 years
50 to 54 years
55 to 59 years
60 to 64 years
65 years and28,79632,47033,204
33,11334,224
46,74043,32038,49839,33029,67627,023
22,58818,81225,859

6.35%
7.16%
7.32%
7.30%
7.54%
10.30%
9.55%
8.49%
8.67%
6.54%
5.96%
4.98%,
4.15%
5.70%

27,27230,06130,58031,36836,293
48,597
43,20643,35045,29735,84031,211
24,232
18,651
37,265

5.64%
6.22%
6.33%
6.49%
7.51%
10.06%
8.94%
8.97%
9.37%
7.42%
6.46%
5.01%
3.86%
7.71%

56,06862,531
63,78464,481
70,517
95,33786,526
81,84884,62765,51658,234
46,82037,463
63,124

5.98%
6.67%>
6.81%
6.88%
7.53%
10.18%
9.24%
8.74%.
9.03%
6.99%
6.22%
5.00%
4.00%
6.74%

105.59108.01108.58105.5694.31
96.18
100.26
88.81
86.83
82.80
86.58
93.22
100.86
69.39

Total

453,653

100.00%483,223100.00%936,877

100.00%

93.88

over

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Population Census 2000

Table 4. Korean Immigration by Age and Sex, 1996 - 2000
Males

Under 5 years
5 - 9 years
10-14 years
15-19 years
20-24 years
25-29 years
30-34 years
35-39 years
40-44 years
45-49 years
50-54 years
55-59 years
60-64 years
65-69 years
70-74 years
75-79 years
80 years +Unknown age
Total

5,211
1,470
3,028
4,317
1,310
2,057
2,569
3,154
3,462
2,767
1,785
1,015
709
464
282
171
88
46
33,905%ofMales
15.37%
4.34%
8.93%
12.73%
3.86%
6.07%
7.58%
9.30%
10.21%
8.16%
5.26%
2.99%
2.09%
1.37%
0.83%
0.50%
0.26%
0.14%
100.00%Females

4,392
1,370
2,647
3,712
2,187
5,415
4,379
4,606
4,729
2,795
1,586
1,091
911
729
418
237
164
55
41,423% ofFemales
10.60%
3.31%
6.39%
8.96%
5.28%
13.07%
10.57%
11.12%
11.42%
6.75%
3.83%
2.63%
2.20%
1.76%
1.01%
0.57%
0.40%
0.13%
100.00%SOURCE: Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1996 - 2000

Total

9,603
2,840
5,675
8,029
3,497
7,472
6,948
7,760
8,191
5,562
3,371
2,106
1,620
1,193
700
408
252
101
75,328%ofTotal
12.75%
3.77%
7.53%
10.66%.
4.64%
9.92%
9.22%
10.30%.
10.87%
7.38%
4.48%
2.80%
2.15%
1.58%
0.93%
0.54%
0.33%
0.13%
100.00%Sex
Ratio forTotal
118.65107.30114.39116.30
59.90
37.99
58.67
68.48
73.21
99.00
112.55
93.03
77.83
63.65
67.46
72.15
53.66
83.64
81.85

Table 5. Family Type By Presence and Age of Own Children, All Persons and Korean, 2000
United States
Total:
Married-couple family:
With own children under 18 years:
Under 6 years only
Under 6 years and 6 to 17 years
6 to 17 years only
No own children under 18 years
Other family:
Male householder, no wife present:
With own children under 18 years:
Under 6 years only
Under 6 years and 6 to 17 years
6 to 17 years only
No own children under 18 years
Female householder, no husband present:
With own children under 18 years:
Under 6 years only
Under 6 years and 6 to 17 years
6 to 17 years only
No own children under 18 years

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Population Census 2000

All Persons
71,787,347
54,493,232
24,835,505
5,892,433
5,316,384
13,626,688
29,657,727
17,294,115
4,394,012
2,190,989
594,889
284,895
1,311,205
2,203,023
12,900,103
7,561,874
1,532,745
1,274,233
4,754,896
5,338,229

Percent
100.00%75.91%
34.60%.
8.21%
7.41%
18.98%
41.31%
24.09%
6.12%
3.05%
0.83%
0.40%
1.83%
3.07%
17.97%
10.53%
2.14%
1.78%
6.62%
7.44%

Korean241,054
196,963
106,726
27,26917,902
61,55590,23744,091
12,183
3,130
679
.
241
2,210
9,053
31,908
14,9582,098
1,057
11,803
16,950Percent
100.00%81.71%
44.27%
11.31%
7.43%
25.54%
37.43%,
18.29%
5.05%
1.30%
0.28%
0.10%
0.92%
3.76%
13.24%
6.21%
0.87%
0.44%
4.90%
7.03%

Table 6. Marital Status by Race and Asian Ethnicity, 15 Years of Age and Over,
Census 2000 Supplementary Survey PUMS Data Set, 2000
Race/Ethnicity|

Marital Status
MarriedVietnamese

KoreanJapanese

Filipino

ChineseAsian Indian

Native American

WidowedDivorced

Total

Separated

Never Married

Count

587

47

38

27

327

1,026

Percent

57.2%

4.6%

3.7%

2.6%

31.9%

100.0%

Count

572

34

51

8

300

965

Percent

59.3%

3.5%

5.3%

.8%

31.1%

100.0%

Count

792

88

89

12

329

1,310

Percent

60.5%

6.7%

6.8%

.9%

25.1%

100.0%

Count

1,272

97

105

34

575

2,083

Percent

61.1%

4.7°/

5,0%

1.6%

27.6%

100.0%

Count

1,655

112

108

34

761

2,670

Percent

62.0%

4.2%

4.0%

13°A

28.5%

100.0%

Count

1,210

61

43

18

450

1,782

Percent

67.9%

3.4%

2.4%

im

25.3%

100.0%

Count

1,022

106

242

70

651

2,091

Percent

48.9%

5.1%

11.6%

3.3°/

31.1%

100.0%(continued)

Black

Count

9,442

2,140

3,239

1,334

10,15626,311

Percent

35.9°/c

8.1%

12.3%

5.1%

38.6%

100.0%

Hispanic

Count
Percent

12,637
51.6%

963
3.9%

1,940
7.9°/

784
3.2%

8,186
33.4%

24,51C
100.0%

White

Count

142,833

17,444

24,160

3,590

54753

242,780

Percent

58.8%

7.2%

10.0°/

1.5%

22.6%

100.0%

Count

166,427

20,70029,248

5,583

73,403295,361

Percent

56.3°/

7.0%

9.9°/

1.9%

24.9%

100.0%

Total

Hispanic is not a racial category and the U.S. total does not include the Hispanic total. Total includes all others not presented in the table.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Supplementary Survey PUMS Data Set.http://wvAv.census.gov/c2ss/www/Products/PUMS.htm.

Table 7. Educational Attainment by Race and Asian Ethnicity, 25 Years of Age and Older, 2000

Race/Ethnicity

AGE

Educational Attainment
Less than BA/BS

Vietnamese

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

Total

Korean

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

Total

Japanese

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

Total

BA/BS or Higher

Count

12

10

22

Percent

54.5%

45.5%

100.0%

Count

640

183

823

Percent

77.8%

22.2%

100.0%

Count

652

193

845

Percent

77.2%

22.8%

100.0%

Count

24

29

53

Percent

45.3%

54.7%

100.0%

Count

374

357

731

Percent

51.2%

48.8%

100.0%

Count

398

386

784

Percent

50.8%

49.2%

100.0%

Count

433

304

737

Percent

58.8%

41.2%

100.0%

Count

254

192

446

1

1

Total

Filipino

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

Total

Chinese25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

Total

Asian Indian

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

Percent

|

57.0%

|

43.0%

100.0%

Count

687

496

1,183

Percent

58.1%

41.9%

100.0%
261

Count

178

83

Percent

68.2%.

31.8%

100.0%

Count

846

658

1,504

Percent

56.3%

43.8%

100.0%.

Count

1,024

741

1,765

Percent

58.0%

42.0%

100.0%

Count

116

213

329

Percent

35.3%

64.7%

100.0%

Count

992

968

1,960

Percent

50.6%

49.4%

100.0%

Count

1,108

1,181

2,289

Percent

48.4%

51.6%

100.0%

Count

34

35

69

Percent

49.3%

50.7%

100.0%

Count

499

903

1,402

Percent

35.6%

64.4%

100.0%(continued)

TotalNative American

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

Total

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Count

533

938

1,471

Percent

36.2%

63.8%

100.0%

Count

1,339

231

1,570

Percent

85.3%

14.7%

100.0%

Count

92

10

102

Percent

90.2%

9.8%

100.0%

Count

1,431

241

1,672

Percent

85.6%

14.4%

100.0%

Count

16,447

3,025

19,472

Percent

84.5%

15.5%

100.0%

Count

1,459

468

1,927

Percent

75.7%

24.3%

100.0%

Count

150,572

57,632

208,204

Black

Born outside
U.S.

Total

White

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

Total

Percent

72.3%

27.7%

100.0%

Count

138,986

53,466

192,452

Percent

72.2%

27.8%

100.0%

Count

11,586

4,166

15,752

Percent

73.6%

26.4%

100.0%

Count

150,572

57,632

208,204

Percent

72.3%

27.7%

100.0%

Non-Hispanic White

25 and Over

Place of Birth

U.S. Born

Born outside
U.S.

25 and Over

25 and Over52,545

186,845

71.9%

28.1%

100.0%

Count

6,507

3,362

9,869

65.9%

34.1%

100.0%

Count

140,807

55,907

196,714

Percent

71.6%

28.4%

100.0%

U.S. Born

Count
Percent

7,670
85.2%

1,335
14.8%

9,005
100.0%

Born outside
U.S.

Count

8,649

1,142

9,791

Percent

88.3%

11.7%

100.0%

Place of Birth

Total

All Persons

134,300

Percent
Total

Hispanic

Count
Percent

Place of Birth

U.S. Born
Born outside
U.S.

Total

Count

16,3192,477

18,796Percent

86.8%

13.2%

100.0%Count
Percent

162,284
73.5%

58,38926.5%

220,673
100.0%

Count

21,0398,698

29,737

Percent

70.8%

29.2%

100.0%

Count

183,323

67,087

250,410Percent

73.2%

26.8%

100.0%

Hispanic is not a racial category and the U.S. total does not include the Hispanic total. All Persons include all othercategories not presented in the table.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Supplementary Survey PUMS Data Set. http://\vw\v.census.gov/c2ss/\vvvvv/Products/PUMS.htm.

Table 8. Characteristics of Business Firms in the United States by Race and Asian Ethnicity, 1997
Total Firms Total Sales/Receipts ($1,000) Average Sales per Firm
United States
Black
Hispanic
Asian / Pacific Islander
Asian Indian
Chinese
Filipino
Japanese
KoreanVietnamese

20,821,934
823,499
1,199,896
912,960
166,737
252,577
84,53485,538135,571
97,764

18,553,243,047
71,214,662
186,274,582
306,932,982
67,503,357
106,196,794
11,077,885
43,741,051
45,936,497
9,322,891

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1997 Economic Census.

891,000
86,000155,000
336,000
405,000
420,000
131,000
511,000
339,000
95,000% of Firms
Average # ofwith Employees Employees Per Firm
25.43%
4.96
0.87
11.32%
17.66%
1.16
31.76%
2.41
40.30%,
2.94
35.86%
2.74
17.25%
1.30
27.25%
3.07
36.94%,
2.46
19.38%
0.81

Table 9. Mean and Median Yearly Family Income by Raceand Asian Ethnicity by Place of Birth, 1999 - 2000
Place of Birth
U.S. Born

Born outside U.S.

Mean (S)N

Std. Deviation

Median ($)

Vietnamese

52,410.00

740,348.35

54,600.00

Korean73,895.33

15

52,594.00

70,000.00

Japanese

79,979.13

280

61,044.37

65,350.00

Filipino

70,744.92

64

48,604.85

63,850.00

Chinese106,352.98

116

87,029.54

86,700.50

Asian Indian

59,150.00

18

40,309.37

48,900.00

SJative American

43,058.16

683

35,501.63

35,000.00

Black43,160.03

8,306

38,859.26

34,000.00

White

69,317.48

78,07965,612.18

54,000.00

Non-Hispanic White

69,863.44

75,71366,062.85

54,500.00

Hispanic

49,038.10

3,937

44,290.30

39,800.00

Total

66,216.51

90,05663,533.06

51,800.00

Vietnamese
Korean70,970.91
72,491.67

29C
261

71,497.02
95,147.12

55,850.0C
50,000.00

Japanese

91,107.39

110

92,622.87

66,750.50

Filipino

82,329.04

507

70,607.46

68,000.00

Chinese77,335.21

712

66,847.87

60,750.00

Asian Indian

97,473.01

565

90,231.58

75,500.00

Race and Ethnicity(continued)

TotalNative American

42,109.29

41

36,623.42

31,100.00

Black52,342.42

770

44,165.63

41,500.50

White64,723.47

6,015

68,372.39

46,000.00

Non-Hispanic White

76,899.82

3,671

76,051.08

57,555.00

Hispanic

44,468.67

3,896

44,418.36

34,000.00

Total

64,541.11

11,266

66,639.84

47,000.00

Vietnamese

70,533.45

297

70,935.83

55,700.00

Korean72,567.96

276

93,274.32

50,000.00

Japanese

83,117.87

390

71,426.17

66,000.00

Filipino

81,030.64

571

68,557.55

67,000.00

Chinese81,400.50

828

70,686.89

63,850.00

Asian Indian

96,289.80

583

89,338.75

75,000.00

Native American

43,004.43

724

35,540.78

34,700.00

Black43,939.06

9,076

39,417.70

35,000.00

White

68,988.88

84,09465,823.68

53,600.00

Non-Hispanic White

70,188.83

79,384

66,573.67

54,700.00

Hispanic

46,765.35

7,833|

44,410.02

36,000.00

Total

66,030.22

101,32263,887.80

51,200.00

Hispanic is not a racial category and the U.S. total does not include the Hispanic total. Total includes all other categories
not presented in the table.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Supplementary Survey PUMS Data Set. http://www.census.gov/c2ss/ww\v/Products/PUMS.htm.

Table 10. Mean and Median Yearly Household Income by Raceand Asian Ethnicity by Place of Birth, 1999 - 2000
Place of Birth
US Born

Born outside US

Race and Ethnicity
Vietnamese
fCoreanJapanese
Filipino
ChineseAsian Indian
Native American
Black
White
Non-Hispanic White

Mean ( $ 1
50,727.65
71,549.67
71,659.75
60,618.26
81,605.11
44,652.5C
40,736.9C
38,321.78
59,381.0C
59,703.52

IN
17
3C
411
112
206
56
942
12,50C
115,972
112,770

Std. Deviation
90.593.9C
68,287.94
59,403.55
45,284.24
77,609.92
39.079.3C
38,388.44
36,989.43
61,454.56
61,831.90

Median ($)
17,600.00
60,240.00
59,120.00
49,912.50
61,310.00
37,750.00
31,900.00
29,400.00
44,850.00
45,000.00

Hispanic
Total
Vietnamese
Koreanlapanese
Filipino
ChineseAsian Indian

45,974.77
56,969.32
68,216.12
62,064.43
67,855.16
78,401.71
70,026.27
90,203.88

5,262
133,757
345
358
204
61C
94C
696

43,226.19
59,433.73
72,355.08
84,845.26
82,404.26
70,730.93
67,026.37
86,630.01

36,000.0C
42,640.00
51,000.00
41,650.00
46,500.00
62,550.00
53,900.00
70,550.00(continued)

TotalNative American
Black
White
Non-Hispanic White

38,002.02
48,130.72
57,642.02
64,341.55

55
1.07C
8,412
5,579

34,904.9C
43,309.73
64,773.84
71,252.19

29,550.00
37,950.00
40,000.00
44,500.00

Hispanic
Total
Vietnamese
KoreanFapanese
Filipino
ChineseAsian Indian
Native American
Black
White
Non-Hispanic White

44,029.72
58,793.19
67,394.84
62,797.82
70,397.74
75,643.06
72.107.63
86,811.76
40,586.03
39,095.22
59,263.39
59,922.15

4,657
15,084
362
388
615
722
1,146
752
997
13,57C124,384
118,349

44,135.35
63,910.16
73,254.38
83,645.41
67,857.38
67,697.35
69,155.35
84,853.96
38,193.46
37,617.67
61,685.95
62,315.39

33.600.0C
41,775.00
50,065.00
42,010.00
55,400.00
61,900.00
55,740.00
68,100.00
31,800.00
30,000.00
44,400.00
45,000.00

Hispanic
Total

45,061.56
57,154.15

9,919
148,841

43,663.95
59,904.93

35.000.0C
42,500.00

Hispanic is not a racial category and the U.S. total does not include the Hispanic total. Total includes all other categories
not presented in the table.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Supplementary Survey PUMS Data Set.
http ://www. census .go v/c2ss/www/Products/PUMS. htm.

Table 11. Mean and Median of Total Person's Yearly Income
by Race and Asian Ethnicity by Place of Birth,
25 - 64 Years of Age, 1999 - 2000
Mean

N

Std. Deviation

MedianVietnamese

30,235.00

20

28,569.27

22,000.00

Korean51,086.51

43

67,012.79

32,080.00

Japanese

43,749.91

520

42,001.61

37,115.00

Filipino

33,363.28

232

33,030.53

29,750.00

Chinese51,753.45

275

61,008.62

38,000.00

Asian Indian

37,170.82

61

33,508.00

30,000.00

Native American

23,856.09

1,393

23,674.39

19,200.00

Black25,200.75

16,072

26,038.28

20,400.00

White

37,160.28

149,765

46,186.02

28,000.00

Non-Hispanic White

37,440.18

145,028

46,516.27

28,000.00

Hispanic

26,838.53

7,858

30,196.78

21,000.00

Total

35,659.95

173,51444,307.09

26,900.00

Vietnamese
Korean28,961.92
31,656.37

764
683

34,630.66
52,514.87

20,050.0C
20,000.0C

lapanese

39,623.75

355J

60,492.62

22,000.00

Filipino

32,949.37^

1,299

36,234.45

27,250.0C

Chinese35,539.77

l

1,681

43,778.40

24,000.00

Race and Ethnicity

Place of Birth
U.S. Born

Born outside U.S.

(continued)

TotalAsian Indian

46,015.05

1,313

60,912.78

30,000.00

Native American

20,217.65

98

15,609.10

17,450.00

Black27,168.70

1,755

27,651.46

22,000.00

White

31,865.42

12,457

47,147.27

20,000.00

Non-Hispanic White

39,884.09

7,213

54,930.47

26,000.00

Hispanic

20,085.69

8,861

28,676.40

15,000.00

Total

30,570.62

25,07843,679.36

20,000.00

Vietnamese
Korean28,994.4C
32,807.19

784
726

34,474.56
53,623.33

20,050.0C
20,000.00

Japanese

42,075.87875

50,337.42

34,000.00

Filipino

33,012.09

1,531

35,757.43

27,800.0C

Chinese37,819.30

1,956

46,908.37

27,000.0C

4sian Indian

45,622.40

1,374

59,982.57

30,000.0C

Native American

23,616.94

1,491

23,244.10

19,000.00

Black25,394.49

17,827

26,207.25

20,700.00

White

36,753.69

162,222

46,281.87

27,000.00

Non-Hispanic White

37,555.97

152,241

46,951.63

28,000.00

Hispanic

23,259.55

16,71929,592.46

17,100.0C

Total

35,017.27

198,592

44,260.50

26,000.00

Hispanic is not a racial category and the U.S. total does not include the Hispanic total. Total includes all othercategories not presented in the table.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Supplementary Survey PUMS Data Set. http://www.census.gov/c2ss/www/Products/PUMS.htm.

Notes
1. From these numbers, the U.S. Census Bureau estimates that 182,621 Koreans are"residual
foreign born" (http://www.census.gov/population/documentation/
twps0061/taba-6.xls). The "residual foreign born" population includes people in"quasi-legal" status who are awaiting action on their legal migration requests as wellas "unauthorized" migrants. The numbers specific for these two categories have notbeen determined, but a great majority of the residual foreign born Koreans are believed
to be those persons in quasi-legal status. These "residual foreign born" Koreans are
already included in the census totals for Koreans according to the Census Bureau. The
theoretical maximum of the Korean population therefore may not significantly exceed
1,228,427, including those Koreans mixed with others, as of 2000.
2. U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Reports, P20-534; Statistical Abstract of
the United States: 2001.
3. http://www.census.gov/c2ss/www/Products/PUMS.htm.
4. http://www.ins.gov.
5. Son, Young Ho, "Early Korean Immigrants in America: A Socioeconomic and
Demographic Analysis," Korea Journal Vol. 28, No. 12(1988), p. 33. Warren Y. Kim,
Koreans in America (Seoul: Po Chin Chai Printing Co, 1971), pp. 3-4. Bong-youn
Choy, Koreans in America (Chicago: Nelson Hall, 1979), p. 72. The immigrants during
this period were mostly political refugees, students, and petty merchants.
6. Ahn Chang Ho's attempt to peacefully resolve disputes between Korean ginsengmerchants in San Francisco in 1902 is a well known Korean anecdote.
7. For a detailed political economic analysis of the early Korean immigration to
Hawaii, see Wayne Patterson, The Korean Frontier in America: Immigration to
Hawaii, 1896-1910 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1988).
8. Starting with the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, the U.S. Congress enacted a seriesof laws in order to exclude the Chinese from the United States and by 1900 Chinese
were totally banned from entering the country including Hawaii. On the other hand,
Japanese laborers in Hawaii organized themselves to demand their rights. There weretwenty-nine Japanese inspired work stoppages between 1890 and 1897 and plantation
owners looked for another source for more docile labor. See Patterson, Korean
Frontier in America, p. 6.
9. The number of picture brides varies slightly according to the sources. Bong-youn
Choy puts it at around 900 {Koreans in America, Chicago: Nelson Hall, 1979, p. 88)
and Warren Y. Kim puts it at 1,066 {Koreans in America, Seoul: Po Chin Chai Printing
Co, 1971, p. 22). Most of the Korean labor immigrants were poor and not able toafford a trans-Pacific journey to find a spouse. Instead, pictures were exchanged
between prospective spouses. Women brought through such arrangements were called
picture brides. These brides were better educated than their male partners and led theirhusbands from Hawaiian farms to Honolulu and California, where they actively took
part in church activities and independence movements. For activities of KoreanAmerican women in this period, see Eun Sik Yang, "Korean Women in America: 19031930," in Korean Women in Transition: At Home and Abroad, ed. Eui-Young Yu andEarl H. Phillips (Los Angeles: Center for Korean American and Korean Studies,
California State University, Los Angeles, 1987), pp. 167-181.This "picture bride"

International Journal of K o r e a n Studies •Spring/Summer 2002105

practice was also common for Japanese and Filipino immigrants at the time.
10. Warren Y. Kim, Koreans in America (Seoul: Po Chin Chai, 1971), pp. 23-26.
11. Warren Y. Kim, Koreans in America (Seoul: Po Chin Chai Printing Co, 1971), p.
24. Bong-youn Choy, Koreans in America (Chicago: Nelson Hall, 1979), p.78. Won
Moo Hurh and Kwang Chung Kim, Korean Immigrants in America: A Structural
Analysis of Ethnic Confinement and Adhesive Adaptation (Rutherford: Fairleigh
Dickinson University Press, 1984), p. 49.
12. Won Moo Hurh and Kwang Chung Kim, pp. 49-52.
13. Of the 15,830 Korean immigrants admitted in year 2000, 7,332 were new arrivals
and 8,489 were visa adjustments from nonimmigrant to immigrant status. Statistical
Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, 2000, Table 11. p. 45.
14. Wayne Patterson, The Use: First-Generation Korean Immigrants in Hawai'i,
1903-1973 (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2000), pp. 123-124.
15. It is estimated that Korean women married to American soldiers and Koreanchildren adopted to American homes constitute nearly one-quarter of approximately
800,000 Korean immigrants admitted to the United States since 1948 according tostatistics published by the Immigration and Naturalization Service.
16. Northeast - Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts. Rhode Island,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania; Midwest - Ohio, Indiana. Illinois,
Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, North Dakota, South Dakota,
Nebraska, Kansas; South - Delaware, Maryland, District of Columbia, Virginia, West
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee,
Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Texas; West-Montana, Idaho,
Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Nevada, Washington, Oregon,
California, Alaska, Hawaii.
17. Pyong Gap Min, Caught in the Middle: Korean Communities in New York and Los
Angeles, (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1996), p. 31.
18. For the white population the ratio of suburb-city living is 54% to 24%. For theJapanese, the distribution is 50% in the suburbs and 4 1 % in the central cities. For the
Chinese, the percentage is reversed - 4 8 % in the suburbs and 4 9 % in the central cities.
Blacks are largely city dwellers, 5 3 % living in the central cities and 3 3 % in thesuburbs. Likewise, more Latinos live in central cities (47%) than in the suburbs(45%).
19. Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service,
Department of Justice.

1996-2000,

20. http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/DDTable? Js=44802365868^
2 1 . Pyong Gap Min, "Problems of Korean Immigrant Entrepreneurs," A paper
presented at the Annual Meeting of the Asian Studies Association, San Francisco,
March 26,1988, p. 2; Eui-Young Yu, "Korean Communities in America: Past, Present,
and Future," Amerasia 10:2 (1983), pp. 23-35; Won Moo Hurh and Kwang Chung Kim,
Korean Immigrants in America: A Structural Analysis of Ethnic Confinement andAdhesive Adaptation (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1984), p. 226.
The Los Angeles Times Poll reported in Karl Schoenberger, "Moving Between 2
Worlds," Los Angeles Times, July 12, 1992, p. A24.

106

International Journal of K o r e a n Studies• Volume VI, Number 1

22. U.S. Census Bureau, "Census Bureau News," May 22, 2001, pp. 1-2.
http://www.census.gov/dcmd/www/embargo/cbl-88.html
23. A high proportion of personal services for Koreans represent those who engage inlaundry or dry cleaning businesses.
24. Won Moo Hurh and Kwang Chung Kim, Korean Immigrants in America: A
Structural Analysis of Ethnic Confinement and Adhesive Adaptation (Rutherford:
Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1984); Eui-Young Yu, Korean Community
Profile, 1990 ; Karl Schoenberger, "Moving Between 2 Worlds," Los Angeles Times,
July 12, 1992; Ivan Light and Edna Bonacich, Immigrant Entrepreneurs: Koreans in
Los Angeles 1965-1982 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press,
1988.
25. Edna Bonacich, Mokerrom Hossain, and Jae-hong Park, "Korean ImmigrantWorking Women in the Early 1980s," in Korean Women in Transition: At Home andAbroad, ed., Eui Young Yu and Earl H. Phillips (Los Angeles: Center for KoreanAmerican and Korean Studies, California State University, Los Angeles, 1987), pp.
219-247; Kwang Chung Kim and Won Moo Hurh, "Employment of Korean Immigrant
Wives and the Division of Household Tasks," In Korean Women in Transition, pp.
199-218.
26. Harold L. Sheppard, "The Potential Role of Behavioral Science in the Solution of
the 'Older Worker Problem'," American Behavioral Scientist XIV-1 (September October 1970), pp. 71-80.

International Journal of Korean Studies • Spring/Summer 2002

107