The Formation and Development of the "Poem Offering" (Horaku Waka)

Fukatsu Mutsuo

Keywords: hōraku waka (votive poetry), kami (deities), hōnō (dedicatory), Jien

1. Introduction
Hōraku waka is generally understood as “waka (thirty-one-syllable poems, literally “Japanesesongs”) offered to kami (deities) and hotoke (buddhas) for hōraku (the benefits of the Buddhist
Dharma)” according to the Nihon kokugo daijiten (Comprehensive Dictionary of the Japanese
Language). However, its original concept was more specific than that. It originally referred topoems offered exclusively to deities.
What votive poems had been and how they were formed was already explained nearly 50 years
ago by Yamada Shōzen. 1 He wrote the entry for hōraku poems in the Waka daijiten(Comprehensive Dictionary of Poems) (Meijishoin, 1986), and I quote the entry here, as it clearlyshows Yamada’s thought:
Poetry composed and offered to pray to deities in seeking their protection, based on a belief
that the deities of Japan appreciate waka…. If the true forms of deities, i.e., buddhas andbodhisattvas, are pleased to accept dharani (magic spells in Sanskrit) as hōraku, Japanese
deities, or native manifestations of original Buddhist divinities, would naturally accept
waka composed in Japanese as hōraku.

1

Yamada Shōzen, “Mikkyō to waka bungaku,” Mikkyō gaku kenkyū 1 (March 1969): 151–165. This article isincluded in Yamada Shōzen chosakushū vol. 3: Shakkyōka no tenkai (Tokyo: Ōfū, 2012), 127–141. Unless specified,
Yamada’s argument is quoted from this. An earlier version of this paper was presented for the symposium titled“Hōraku waka to wa nanika” held by Nagoya Daigaku Kokugo Kokubun Gakkai in Spring 2012. This article wasoriginally published in Nagoya daigaku Kokugo kokubungaku 109 (November 2016): 1–16.

1Similarly, the entry of hōraku waka written by Koyama Junko for the most recent version of
the Waka bungaku daijiten (Comprehensive Waka Literature Dictionary, Koten raiburarī, 2014),
mostly follows Yamada’s explanation and states that “Through the theory of honji suijaku (Shinto
deities as manifestations of Buddhist divinities), an idea was formed that whereas hōraku forbuddhas is realized by recitation of sutras and rituals, hōraku for the deities is realized by waka.”
Therefore, regardless of the general view, poetry scholars seem to commonly share the idea oforiginal hōraku waka not as “the waka offered for hōraku to both deities and buddhas” but the
waka offered for hōraku exclusively to the deities.
In fact, however, the definition of hōraku waka varies among scholars of waka. For example,
when Asada Tōru examines hōraku teisū waka (the set of specific numbers of waka for hōraku),
he states: “Note the term ‘hōraku.’ By origin it should mean praising buddhas, whereas the term
was used for deities as well during the Muromachi period in the same manner.”2 From his phrase“deities as well during the Muromachi period,” Asada seems to have completely the opposite idea
of Yamada’s regarding the deities and buddhas.
Furthermore, it is difficult to say that scholars of waka share a consensus about the time offormation for votive poems. Yamada states in the Waka daijiten that “it is from the end of the Heianto the early medieval periods that the concept of hōraku waka was established and such waka
began to be composed.” He recognizes Saigyō’s two jikawase (poetry contests of his own waka)
offered to Ise Grand Shrines as typical votive poems. Yamada further explains that Jien, whocompiled his offered poetry contests by Saigyō’s influence, was the first poet who founded thetheoretical base for votive poems.
On the point of formation of votive poems, for example, Koyama continues after her passage

2

Asada Tōru, “Chūsei kōki hōraku teisūka no kinō ni tsuite,” Waka bungaku kenkyū 110, (May 2015): 26–39.

2

quoted above in Waka bungaku daijiten, “the most ancient hōraku waka among others known
today is hōraku hyakushu (one hundred waka poems for hōraku) offered to Hakone Gongen,included in Sagamishū.” This differs from Yamada’s view. Hence Yamada’s explanation about theconcept of votive poems and the time of its formation is not necessarily accepted by every scholarof poetry. However, we should acknowledge the fundamental point of Yamada’s view.
This paper attempts to re-examine the original characteristics of votive poems and the processof their formation by investigating Yamada’s view. Moreover, it explores aspects of thedevelopment of votive poetry after its formation. Yamada states that votive poetry was originallyoffered to “the deities,” but he does not assert that votive poetry was never offered to ‘buddhas.”He remarks at the end of the entry for hōraku waka in Waka daijiten, “By its high point at the endof the Muromachi period, offering to both deities and buddhas not only waka but also renga (linked
poems) became widely popular.”This observation is correct. It is true that many of votive poems were composed during the endof the Muromachi period for “buddhas.” The general view of votive poems, shown at the beginningof this paper as “waka offered to deities and buddhas for benefits of the Dharma, or hōraku,” would
not be problematic if we only look at that time period; that is to say, the concept of votive poetrychanged over time, and this paper elucidates the process.

2. The Meaning of “Hōraku”
Before examining hōraku waka, let me clarify the meaning of hōraku. For the primary meaning ofhōraku, Yamada quotes bosatsubon (the section for Bodhisattvas) in the Yuimagyō Sutra andexplains that it “means to appreciate Buddha’s teachings and to get religious pleasure,” and thispaper does not object to this definition. What we need to pay attention to are examples of hōraku’s
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usage in the Japanese context. Yamada points out that most of the examples of votive poems
appearing in Japanese literature place the emergence of Japanese deities’ acceptance of recitationsof Buddhist sutras as hōraku after the era known as the Inseiki (the period of rule by retired
emperors). His point is important, and I do not intend to dispute it. However, Yamada briefly
asserts his conclusion without providing examples; thus, I have listed selected examples here toillustrate actual features of hōraku. As far as I know, the examples of hōraku appearing in Japanese
literature up to the end of the Heian period (ca. 8th to 12th centuries) are as follows:3
1. Volume 19 of the Konjaku Monogatari shū (The Collection of Tales of Times Now
Past), Section 33 (Compiled in the first half of the 12th century):
As I could see the deity enshrined at the northwest corner of the road called
Higashisanjō, which ran past my residence, I always recited the sutras for the deity
and humbly performed hōraku.
2. Volume 10 of Ryōjinhisyō kudenshū (Collection of Japanese poetry that has thirty
volumes of poetry and ten volumes of orally transmitted tales) (Around the 4th year of
the Chishō era, or 1180):
We hear various voices here and there offering nusa (a staff with plaited paper
streamers). When I hear various voices chanting hōraku ranging from the Heart
Sutra, or Senju Sutra, to Lotus Sutra, I feel respect for the hearts they are changing.

3

In addition to the four examples listed, there is another example in Tale of Sagoromo, vol. 3, p. 200. Sagoromo
played the zither at Kamo Shrine and invoked the deity Myōjin. The description of this scene “[h]er performance ofthe zither is splendid as music for the Dharma” includes the word 法楽 written in the same Chinese characters as
those of the word hōraku 法楽. But the word is read not as “hōraku” but “hōgaku” signifying “religious music, solemn
music invoking rapture of the Dharma.” See Ishida Mizumaro, ed., Reibun bukkyōgo daijiten (Tokyo: Shōgakukan,1997): p. 962. Thus, this has not been included as an example of “hōraku.”

43. Chōken’s “Kamo no kannushi Shigeyasu dō kuyō hyōbyaku” (Pronouncement for the
dedication to the hall petitioned by Shigeyasu, priest of Kamo Shrine)” (the 4th year of
the Chishō era, or 1180):
Dedicated to Kamo Sumeōkami Wakeikazuchi Daimyōjin, and other deities
enshrined at Kifune Kataoka Ōji, may hōraku be splendid and empower the spiritsof the deities.
4. Volume 12 of the Tsukimōde wakashū (Collection of waka poetry about the monthly
visit to Kamo shrine) (the 1st year of the Juei era, or 1182) Number 1050 (Kōtaigōgū
Daishin)Kamo no Shigeyasu called upon people to pray for rain and composed waka poetry
in front of Kamo Shrine. After a little while, it began to rain, and I recited andoffered daibahon (a sutra of Devadatta) as hōraku.
The first example illustrates a monk living at Tōin in the west always recited sutras for hōraku
to the deity enshrined at the corner of Higashisanjō. The second one describes Retired Emperor
Go-Shirakawa’s pilgrimage to Kumano, during which they heard voices chanting various kinds ofsutras for hōraku at Kumano Hongū Shrine. The third one is a passage about the Buddhist ritual
pronouncement for ikkenshimendō (a small hall) written by Chōken, for which Kamo no Shigeyasu,
priest of Kamigamo Wakeikazuchi Shrine, served as a petitioner. This pronouncement tells thatthe priest’s merit to conduct a Buddhist ritual would function as hōraku for the deities of Kamo
Sumeōkami Wakeikazuchi Daimyōjin and other deities. The fourth one is also related to Kamo no
Shigeyasu, which is the kotobagaki (forward and explanatory note of waka) for his shakkyōka(Buddhist waka), explaining that his poem was dedicated to the deities of the shrine of Kamo to5pray for rain had miraculous virtue. Shigeyasu composed shakkyōka when he humbly celebrated
the rain and recited a chapter of the Devadatta sutra as hōraku. These examples indicate that
reciting sutras and conducting Buddhist ceremonies functioned as hōraku for the deities. It can besaid that what Yamada has pointed out is correct.
The belief that deities appreciate kyōten dokuju (recitation of sutras) as hōraku began to beformed during the early period of shinbutsu shūgō (the syncretism of Shinto and Buddhism). It isalso widely accepted that the syncretism dates from the eighth century. Scholars usually note thatboth the building of jingūji (Buddhist temples with Shinto shrines) and shinzen dokyō (recitationof sutras at shrines) were characteristics of the early stage of this syncretism.4 An ancient exampleof shinzen dokyō often given is story 24 in Volume 3 of the Nihon ryōiki (a collection of Buddhist
anecdotal tales), which is labeled “How the Deity, after Buddhist Practitioners Were Disturbed,
Took the Form of a Monkey.” In this episode, the deity Taga no Ōkami in Yasu no kōri of Ōmi no
kuni requested the monk Eshō, of Daianji temple, to recite the Lotus Sutra for him. This example
shares a common thread with the other ones, because the deity tried to be saved by the Buddha
through receiving a recitation of a sutra. Yamada applies the honji suijaku combinatory paradigm(deities as manifestations of buddhas) to explain the belief (deities appreciate recitation of sutrasas hōraku), but it is not necessary to refer to the combinatory paradigm, because the theme of theexamples is precisely shinzen dokyō.
The term “hōraku” of the Heian period refers specifically to “Japanese deities’ appreciationand celebration of benefits of the Dharma by receiving a recitation of a Buddhist sutra.” While itis debatable on what kind of tradition would be its origin, I have no doubt about the meaning andusage of hōraku that Yamada has noted.

4

For more detail, see Itō Satoshi, Shintō to wa nanika (Tokyo: Chūō shinsho, 2012).

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3. The Historical Background and Formation of Votive Poems
We can understand votive poems as replacements for “kyōten dokuju” in the performance ofhōraku as in the examples shown above. Some historical factors made this possible. One suchfactor was the act of offering waka to deities. Since before waka began to be offered to deities forhōraku, the act of offering waka to the deities had been practiced. As mentioned at the beginningof this paper, Koyama states in Waka bungaku daijiten that the most ancient hōraku waka were theone hundred waka poems dedicated to Hakone Gongen included in Sagamishū (the third year of
Jian 3, or 1023). It is true that the hyakushuka (one hundred waka poems of Sagamishū are theoldest extant teisūka. The question is whether those poems were offered with awareness of hōraku
or not. Its introduction states that “[i]t seemed difficult for me to say everything, so when I foundlodging on the way and had nothing to do, I composed poems expressing my feelings and wrote
on pieces of paper, which were made as a bound small text like staffs with plaited paper streamers
to offer.” This indicates that Sagami attempted to gain the deities’ blessings by offering the waka
poems expressing their heart’s wish. But it is difficult to an awareness of such hōraku as discussed
above.
Furthermore, if we do not limit our search to teisūka, people had been offering waka to deities
from much earlier to invoke divine protection. For example, there are examples in Volume 1 of theKagero nikki (The Gossamer Years) about visits to Inari Shrine and Kamo Shrine in September ofthe 3rd year of the Kōhō era (986).5 Besides this, there are examples of a waka composed by aprovincial governor upon his visit to a shrine in his province and shatōka (waka composed at a5

For the example of The Kagerō Nikki, see Kondō Miyuki, “Sagamishū shosai ‘Hashiriyu gongen hōnōhyakushu’ron,” in Ōchō waka kenkyū no hōhō, 126–147 (Tokyo: Kasama shoin 2015), 130.

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shrine).6 There is no indication of it considered as hōraku.
Further examination would be necessary on this, but at least it can be said that the act ofpraising deities and praying for their protection through offering waka must have been practiced
since ancient times. Yet we cannot assume the waka are “hōraku waka” as long as there is noawareness of hōraku indicated. On the other hand, it is difficult to conclude that those poems had
nothing to do with votive poems, because they were offered to the deities. The ancient practice ofoffering waka to the deities to invoke their protection would historically be an important factor toform votive poems. In addition, I want to consider another factor in the formation of votive poems:
the idea that poems can lead people to Buddhism. This idea was formed during the same era as thecompletion of the Kagero nikki and Sagamishū. For example, Daisaiin Princess Senshi expressed
this in the introduction to the Hosshin wakashū (9th year of the Kankō era, or 1012), despite herrole as a servant of the deities (at Kamo Shrine as the Great Shrine Priestess), she believed it waspossible to make a connection with Buddha by composing waka. Also around this time, the Wakan
rōeishū (Anthology of Japanese and Chinese Verses for Recitation) was compiled, and it includes
a passage from Bai Juyi’s “Kōzanji hakushi rakuchūshūki,” which is the origin of the concept of“kyōgen kigo” (wild words and fancy phrases). Since then, the concept of kyōgen kigo spreadwidely. The “Ungoji no shōnin kyōgen kigo o sensuru no waka no jo” (preface to the waka
anthology to repent the wild words and fancy phrases) written by Fujiwara no Mototoshi in the 1styear of the Kashō era (1106) and “Waka no mandokoro ippongyō kuyō hyōbyaku” written by
Chōken in the 2nd year of Eiman (1169) are representative works asserting that waka and Buddhism
can be integrated through kyōgen kigo.7

6

For waka offered to shrines at the time of kokushi’s worship of the deities, see Yasui Shigeo, “Shatō uta’awaseno seiritsu,” Kokubungaku ronsō 61 (February 2016): 27–45 and Yasui Shigeo’s other works.
7
Regarding “Ungoji no shōnin kyōgen kigo o sensuru no waka no jo,” Yamada Shōzen pays close attention to it
as an early account to develop the theoretical base for hōraku waka. Yamada Shōzen chosakushū vol. 3: Shakkyōka

8By the end of the Inseiki period (ca. 12th century), the ancient belief that deities appreciateofferings of waka, and the idea that composing of waka can make a connection with Buddhism
came to be integrated. It was Kamo no Shigeyasu who explicitly stated such an idea.8 Shigeyasu
offered his personal collection of poetry called Tsukimōde wakashū to Kamo Wakeizuchi Shrinein the 1st year of Juei (1182). He remarked in its introduction that:
Nothing can be better than waka to move the deities’ hearts…. This compilation of waka
poems composed at the time of visiting the shrine in December shows the depth of thewriters’ prayer to fulfill their wishes about this life and the afterlife…. People worship at
the shrine offering their wishes. I have compiled those people’s and others’ waka and called
it Tsukimōdeshū. I have divided one thousand two hundred poems into twelve volumes andhumbly offer them at the inner sanctum of our deity; we should not think the connections
that waka make are useless.
It is noteworthy that Shigeyasu states that waka poetry is the best offering to move the deities’
hearts at the beginning, and that people pray to fulfill their Buddhist wishes about two lives(happiness for this life and birth into the Pure Land of Buddhism for afterlife). Above all, whatshould be noted most is the last sentence: “we should think the connections that waka make areuseless” (asobi tawabure no en munashikarazu nasubekinari). The phrase “connections that waka
make” (asobi tawabure no en) reminds us of a famous passage in the Korai fūteishō (Poetic Styles
Past and Present): “Though waka is like floating words and fancy phrases (kore wa fugen kigyo no
tawabure ni wa nitaredomo), it manifests the depth of things and makes a connection leading to
Buddhism.” As Shigeyasu said that “we should not think it useless,” the entire sentence means that
“we should not think the connections that waka can make with Buddhism are useless.” In otherwords, Shigeyasu wrote the introduction based on the idea that the concept of “kyōgen kigo”

no tenkai (Tokyo: Ōfū, 2012), 126–130. Similarly, Abe Yasurō discusses this text and “Waka no mandokoro
ippongyō kuyō hyōbyaku” in “Chūsei shūkyō tekusuto to shite no waka to shōdō: Kamo no Shigeyasu to Chōken,”
Bukkyō bungaku 39 (April 2014): 33–57.
8
For the relation of waka and Buddhism in the case of Kamo no Shigeyasu, see Abe’s article in fn. 7.

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combines waka and Buddhism, and that waka offered to the deities function as a Buddhist
ceremony for them.
Shigeyasu’s idea is close to votive poems in the sense that waka offered to the deities is notjust waka in general, but that it can become a Buddhist ceremony. However, we should differentiate
between “to have deities experience and appreciate Buddha’s teachings” and the connection thatthe worshippers gain with Buddhism. Shigeyasu did not elaborate any further on the idea of “tohave deities experience and appreciate the Buddha’s teachings;” thus, Shigeyasu’s idea should beunderstood as a stage prior to the formation of hōraku waka. In summary, during the Heian period,
waka was offered to deities; the idea of integrating waka with Buddhism was formed; andmoreover, a connection between these two ideas was produced. It can be understood that the belief
that waka function as hōraku to the deities was formed based on those ideas.

4. The Formation of Hōraku Waka
As Yamada points out, the first poet who explicitly described offering of waka to the deities ashōraku was Jien. Between the Kenryaku/Kenpō and Jōkyū eras (1213-1219), Jien dedicatedhyakushuka to selected shrines. There are eight kinds of hyakushuka: (1) Monjū hyakushu
dedicated to Kitano Tenmangū Shrine, (2) Hie hyakushu dedicated to Hie Shrine, (3) Nijūgoshudaihyakushu (the set of one hundred poems under twenty-five themes dedicated to Ise Jingū, (4) Kamohyakushu dedicated to Kamo Shrine, (5) Hachiman hyakushu dedicated to Iwashimizu
Hachimangū Shrine, (6) Kasuga hyakushu dedicated to Kasuga Taisha Shrine, (7) Kasuga
hyakushu sō dedicated to Kasuga Taisha Shrine, and (8) Naniwa hyakushu dedicated to Shitennōji

10Temple.9 In the postscript of “Jichin-kashō jika’awase (3rd year of the Jōkyū era , or 1221),” Jien
states: “In my 70-year life, I composed sets of one hundred poems and dedicated them as hōraku
to selected shrines.” Obviously Jien recognized those offerings as hōraku. In the introduction andpostscript of each set of one hundred poems, Jien’s intention to dedicate his waka poetry to theshrines was written, which shows his view on the hōraku waka. However, it is not always the casethat Jien’s entire view was verbalized in each introduction and postscript. It is often seen that some
introductions clearly demonstrate his view whereas other introductions do not. Therefore, it isdifficult to grasp Jien’s thought by focusing on his specific hōraku hyakushu. I suggest here fourmain aspects of Jien’s thought, based on an overview of the introductions and postscripts of hiseight hōraku hyakushu.

(1) Deities are manifestations of the Buddha.
The introduction of the Hachiman hyakushu states that “Our Bodhisattva is the light of
the unity of Buddha and Amitabha. The introduction of Kamo hyakushu says that “Theoriginal identity of the deity of Kamo Shrine is hardly known.”(2) In the land of the deities, Japan, the appropriate offering to deities is waka, and they
appreciate it.
The postscript of the Monjū hyakushu says that “Waka is a custom in the land of thedeities. I should humbly express my thoughts.” The introduction of the Kasuga
hyakushu states that “Waka is a custom in the land of the deities. Waka is an appropriate

9

For more detail about the eight kinds of hyakushuka, see Ishikawa Hajime, Jien waka ronkō (Tokyo: Kasama
shoin, 1998), 343¯-601, and Yamamoto Hajime, “Kenpō/Jōkyū ki ‘hōrakuhyakushu gun’ no hani to seikaku,” in Jien
no waka to shisō (Tokyo: Izumi shoin, 1999), 321–376. Yamamoto discusses the three main points on “common
approach found in introduction and postscript” of hyakushuka 1, 3, 4, 5, and 7. Yamamoto, Ibid., 347–376. The
approach in this paper partly overlaps with his.

11means for hōraku.”(3) Even though spoken languages in India, China, and Japan differ, they can be understoodin terms of the meanings of words (the theory of sangoku gen’on), especially because
the Japanese language can include the languages of India and China, and it is possible
to make waka equivalent to Buddhist sutras. The introduction of the Hachiman
hyakushu states that “Japanese words accord with Buddhist sutras.” The introductionof the Nijūgoshudai hyakushu states that “Brahman appeared at the beginning of thisworld, and the Buddha will govern the end of the world. Confucius taught the Truth inChina while Amaterasu Ōmikami taught the Truth in Japan. Although the languages ofthree countries are different, the Japanese language encompasses the others.”(4) Waka are wild words but can open into the true words of the Buddhist scriptures.
The introduction of the Hachiman hyakushu states that “Coarse words (meaning waka)
greatly transform into Buddha’s teachings, and despite their resemblance to wild words,
the words of waka are in accordance with the true words.”
The following is a summary of these examples. In the divine land of Japan, the appropriate offeringto the deities is waka, and the deities appreciate it. The deities are the manifestations of Buddha.
As the languages of China, India, and Japan are in accordance with each other, the Buddhist sutras
from India and the waka of Japan are equivalent. Therefore, the deities of Japan accept waka as
the equivalent of the Buddhist sutras and gain hōraku. Moreover, even though waka are wild words,
the fact that waka poetry resonates with the true words of the Buddhist scriptures forms a basic
conceptual framework that waka and the Buddhist sutras are equivalent.
In this way, Jien connected the ideas related to Buddhism such as the honji suijaku theory, thesangoku gen’on theory, and the concept of kyōgen kigo, as well as the ancient belief that the deities

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appreciate waka, which shaped Jien’s view of votive poetry. I think that the sangoku gen’on theory
was particularly important to make waka equivalent to the Buddhist sutras.10
Now, we will examine the Naniwa hyakushu dedicated to Shitennōji Temple. Jien’s thoughthas been discussed with the assumption that hōraku hyakushu is an offering to the deities. However,
the Naniwa hyakushu is a collection of poems dedicated to a temple. How should we understandthis? It is sure that Jien recognized it as votive poetry according to his postscript attached to the
waka saying, “I composed these poems for hōraku and to celebrate the world through composing
waka to Prince Shōtoku.” This makes us wonder if Jien understood votive poetry as dedicated not
only to the deities but also to Buddha. If that is the case, would it be wrong to define hōraku waka
as exclusively dedicated to the deities? The existence of Naniwa hyakushu might be the reason
why Yamada’s view has not necessarily been accepted by all scholars of waka.
What is important in considering the issue is that it is “Shōryōin” of Shitennōji Temple towhich Naniwa hyakushu was dedicated. The postscript of the waka states that “On the fifth ofJanuary, the offered waka poems were placed in the inner sanctum of Shōryōin.” “Shōryōin” is thebuilding where Prince Shōtoku is enshrined; thus, the target for the offering of the waka was Prince
Shōtoku.
What should be noted is that Prince Shōtoku was believed to be the reincarnation of
Avalokiteshvara, which is called “gonja,” “keshin,” or “kegen.” In fact, Jien recognized Prince
Shōtoku as the “kegen” or “keshin” of Avalokiteshvara in his writings Gukanshō and Daisenhōin

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Yamada explains that Jien could replace sutras with waka because he held the view that waka is identical todharani. On the other hand, Yamada also states that “Jien never said that waka is identical with dharani.” See
Yamada Shozen, “Waka darani kan no tenkai” in fn. 11, 163. For “sangoku ongen-setsu,” Kikuchi Hitoshi points out“The word ‘dharani’ is not found in Jien’s works, and Jien might not have directly influenced Mujū. But without any
doubt Jien became a precedent for Mujū to follow.” See Kikuchi, “Waka darani kō,” in Shokunō toshiteno waka
(Tokyo: Wakakusa shobō, 2005), 164. It should be said that Jien formed the view of hōraku waka not based on waka
soku darani (waka as equivalent to dharani) but by sangoku ongen-setsu, leading to the former view. For moredetail about the formation of sangoku ongen-setsu, see Itō Satoshi, “Bon/kan/wago dōitsu kan no seiritsu kiban,” inKenryoku to bunka, vol. 1, Inseiki bunka ronshū, ed. Inseiki bunka kenkyūkai (Tokyo: Shinwasha, 2001), 161–187.

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saikō ganmon. According to the honji suijaku theory, the deities of Japan were manifestations of
the Buddha. In other words, Prince Shōtoku is identical to the deities of Japan just like Buddha
appeared in Japan by taking a form. Hence, we can assume that, broadly speaking, Naniwa
hyakushu was not offered to the temple but rather to the deity of Japan like other hōraku hyakushu.
It was Jien who clearly explained that offering waka to the deities functioned as hōraku, while
Saigyō was the first poet who offered waka for hōraku of deities. Yamada stated that “Saigyo’s
two poetry contests of his own poems, which were offered to Ise Jingū, can be understood as
typical hōraku waka” in the Waka daijiten. On the other hand, he pointed out that “Saigyō did not
use the word ‘hōraku’ anywhere.”11 What Yamada meant is that Saigyō essentially held the viewthat it was hōraku despite not using the word.
It is true that Saigyō’s use of the word hōraku is not found in extant historical manuscripts. But
there is a source suggesting his possible use. As Yamada also points out, it is the postscript of Jien’s
Mimosuso hyakushu. Saigyō advised Jien in the 4th year of Bunji (1188) to compose it and its
postscript states that “On Saigyō’s advice, I composed waka in the fall of the 4th year of Bunji. It
is said that this is hōraku for Ise Jingū. But I composed it just to make a connection with the
Buddha.”There is the expression Jien attributed to Saigyō, “[i]t is said that it is hōraku for Ise Jingū,”but it is not clear if he actually used the word “hōraku.” As previously discussed, Jien often
mentioned hōraku, and it is possible that he might have interpreted Saigyō’s words in his way andwritten “hōraku.” But even if that were what happened, we could still presume that Saigyō’s
intention in advising Jien was the same as Jien’s idea about hōraku and that Saigyō essentially held

11

Shinbutsu shūgō to shugen, vol. 6, Zusetsu nihon no bukkyō, ed. Tanabe Saburōsuke (Tokyo: Shinchōsha,1988), pp. 101-108. This is included in “Waka soku darani kan no tenkai,” in Shakkyōka no tenkai, vol. 3. Yamada
Shōzen chosakushū (Tokyo: Ōfū, 2012), 156–168. See fn. 1.

14the same idea about it. Therefore, it can be understood that Saigyō was the first poet who had theconcept of hōraku waka. As for how Saigyō came to think that waka could function as hōraku,
Yamada points out Saigyō’s thought that “Words to compose waka are all true words.” We shouldview it this way.
In sum, we can conclude that it was Jien who clearly recognized the offering of waka to thedeities as hōraku, conceptualized, and explicitly demonstrated it for the first time. However, thefirst poet who offered waka to the deities for hōraku was Saigyō.

5. Development of Hōraku Waka after Jien
After Jien, examples of votive poetry became scarce. The examples which can be found amongsources of up to the late Kamakura period are the waka of Fujiwara no Tameie and Saionji Saneuji
only. As for Tameie, there are three examples in the Nakanoinshū: “Hōraku for Hiesha Jūzenjigū
Shrine, (number 142)” composed in the 1st year of Karoku (1225), three poems dedicated to Hie
daigūsha Shrine (number 205) composed in the 1st year of Jōei (1232), and ten poems dedicated to
Kifunebettō Shrine on the tenth of the 9th month to pray for protection from damage by wind andrain (number 608) composed in the first year of Shōgen (1259). The earliest one among theseexamples is hōraku for Hie Shrine, and this hōraku appears to have been the result of Jien’s
influence upon Tameie. As is well known, Tameie, who was not confident as a successor to a housein the waka tradition, was encouraged by Jien and composed “Tameie senshu” (Tameie’s onethousand poems. According to the Seiashō, this lead him to become an established poet, andTameie enjoyed close contact with Jien in his later years. Hōraku for Jūzenjigū also suggests Jien’s
influence on Tameie. As for Saneuji, in the Shoku senzaiwakashū there is one example numbered879, and its explanatory note states that “One of the poems composed while staying at Kasuga
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Shrine in June.” Its year and details are not known, but considering the close ties between Saneuji
and Tameie, this poem might have been influenced by Tameie.
We can surmise that votive poems were not composed very much until the late Kamakura
period, based on the sporadic examples found in the Fubokuwakashō, compiled in the 3rd year ofEnkyō (1310). Votive poems are only represented in the waka anthology by two poems of “Hiesha
hōraku miuta” and one poem of “Kasugasha hōraku miuta” composed by Jien. Considering thecharacteristics of the anthology, if votive poetry had been widespread at that time, more shouldhave been included. This situation drastically changed at the end of the Kamakura period. Kōjun’s
Shūsōshō tells us that votive poetry began to be extensively composed around that time. Kōjun
was a monk-poet belonging to the Nijō school of poetry and wrote the Shūsōshō in the 1st year of
Kenmu (1334). This anthology includes the following votive poem (with a forward andexplanatory note for each waka):

Number 66: Six poems dedicated to Iwashimizu Hachimangū Shrine for hōraku with themonk Chōshun’s advice
Number 81: Thirty-six poems dedicated to Kasuga Shrine for hōraku
Number 138: Poems dedicated to Togano’o chinju Sumiyoshi Shrine for hōraku, advisedby the monk Kenkō Hōshi
Number 255: One-hundred-thirty poems on the moon dedicated to Sumiyoshi Shrine forhōrakuNumber 278: Poems including the names of Sumiyoshi Shrine and Tamatsushima Shrinefor hōraku
Number 383: One-thousand poems composed at the residence of Nyūdō Sakino Dainagon,

16dedicated to Hie Shrine for hōraku, on the topic of love and a sail

These examples show that hōraku waka were composed on the advice of both the monk-poet
Chōshun of the Nijō school and the monk Kenkō. We also see that an event for composing “hōraku
tsugi senshu” (one thousand poems for hōraku by selecting themes) was held at the residence ofNijō Tameyo, the head of the Nijō school. These poems, needless to say, were all offered to shrines.
On the other hand, among other teisūka composed at Tameyo’s residence and offered to shrines,
there were cases where poems were not regarded as “hōraku” as shown in example of waka
numbered 41 “Nyūdō sakino dainagon-ke kasugasha hōnō sanjisshuka” (thirty poems offered to
Kasuga Shrine by Tameie). Even among poems offered to the same shrine, some poems wereregarded as hōraku and some were not.
During the period of the Northern and Southern Courts, offering votive poems continued to be
popular and the practice spread among warrior-poets. The following are some examples:
In Sōanshū compiled by Ton’a: waka on grass from one thousand waka poems dedicatedto Kitano Shrine for hōraku by Sadaijin (Ashikaga Takauji, Number 1420
In Rik shū compiled by Prince Muneyoshi: waka on the moon from one hundred poems
dedicated in the 12th year of Shōhei (1357) to Kitano Shrine for hōraku, number 340; waka
from one hundred poems dedicated to Suwanomiya Shrine for hōraku, number 869
In Matsuda tango no kami Taira no Sadahide shū: waka on fireflies dedicated to Miwasha
Shrine for hōraku, number 8; waka on nostalgia beginning with the letter “ri” as hōraku
waka dedicated to Sutokuin mieidō (the hall where the retired emperor Sutokuin isenshrined), number 64

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In Tsuneujishū: waka about the subject of snow at the shrine dedicated to Kitano Shrine forhōraku, number 215
In Genka Hōshi shū: waka about the subject of love relating to clouds from three hundred
thirty poems composed for hōraku at the seibyō (Kitanosha Shrine, number 260
Besides Ton’a and Prince Muneyoshi, there were other warrior-poets in the late period of theNorthern and Southern Courts including the three figures Matsuda Sadahide, Minamoto(Hosokawa) Tsuneuji, and Genka Hōshi (Yakushiji Kinyoshi). Many of their poems in theexamples, including “seibyō,” were dedicated to Kitano Shrine. Prince Muneyoshi’s votive poetry
to Suwanomiya Shrine is a rather rare example, but it must have been related to the fact that the
prince lived in Ōkawara of Shinshū.
Most of the poems in the examples were offered to shrines, but the poem dedicated to Sutokuin
mieidō in Sadahideshū seems to be different from the other examples, so it will be examined moreclosely here.12 Sutokuin mieidō is ambiguous in some respects. Several historical manuscripts
indicate that Sutokuin mieidō existed in both Kyoto and Sanuki. But there is a possibility that there
might be more than one Sutokuin mieidō in Kyoto. According to the Gukanshō, shortly after
Sutokuin’s death, his female attendants built the mieidō. On the other hand, a shrine was built
publically for the repose of Sutokuin, which was named “Sutokuin byō,” following the case of
Sugawara no Michizane. Later, this shrine was called Awatanomiya Shrine. Details are unknown,
but by the thirteenth century, both Awatanomiya and Sutokuin mieidō were under the managementof Shōrenin Temple, and Buddhist monks prayed for the repose of Sutokuin at the latter while
Shinto priests prayed for the enshrined spirit of Sutokuin at the former. It is quite possible that the12

For “sutokuin mieidō,” see Haramizu Tamiki, “Sutokuin shinkō shikō 1, Gengo bunka kenkyū 4,Tokushimadaigaku (February 1997): 1–25.

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“mieidō” appearing in Sadahideshū is the one under the management of Shōrenin Temple. Afterall, the details of Sutokuin mieidō, such as its location, are uncertain, but it is sure that if it wascalled “mieidō,” it was a hall primarily built for the repose of a soul. Considering that shortly after
his death, Sutokuin’s spirit was enshrined as a deity following the case of Sugawara no Michizane,
we should regard what is enshrined at the mieidō of Sadahideshū as Sutokuin’s divine spirit. Thus,“hōraku waka dedicated to Sutokuin mieidō” in Sadahideshū can be understood as equivalent toan offering to a shrine.
Up to this point, we have looked at the examples of hōraku waka in poetical works from the
middle of the Kamakura period to the late period of the Northern and Southern Courts, and verified
that there is no example of votive poems being dedicated to temples. We have also seen thatpoetical works of these periods have no examples of votive poems dedicated to the temples. But
there is a poetical work in existence seemingly dedicated to a temple. Its title is Kanzeon hōraku
waka, and it is housed at Jōdoji Temple. It will be examined here.
This offering was made by Ashikaga Takauji with other generals to Jōdoji Temple in Onomichi
while leading his army from Kyushu to the east after being defeated in the 3rd year of Kenmu(1336) by Emperor Go-Daigo’s forces. It consists of thirty-three poems composed about the
subject of hymns from the Hokekyō Sutra and Kanzeon Fumonhon, along with Takauji’s signaturein his own hand. It was designated in the 37th year of Meiji (1904) as a National Important Cultural
Property. Its registered name is “Shihon bokusho kanzeon hōraku waka.” What we should
recognize is the fact that an explanatory title written at the beginning of the original says is “Tsugi
kanzeonkyō ge sanjūsan shu waka (thirty-three poems about the selected hymns of Kanzeon Sutra,”in which the word “hōraku” is not found at all. Also from its content, it is difficult to regard thetext as votive poetry. Ogawa Takeo points out that Takauji offered waka to shrines and temples in19the same year and explains that “It is hard to evaluate the waka that were offered. The number ofsuch waka that praise deities and Buddha and adapt Buddhist sutras just like ‘Tsugi kanzeonkyō gesanjūsan shu waka’ is rather low. Most of the others are virtually the same as regular types of waka
in terms of the content.”13 In other words, Ogawa points out that the content of the so-called“Kanzeon hōraku waka” is rather exceptional. As Yamada Shōzen also mentions, votive poems
usually appear to be no different than regular waka. Jien’s eight kinds of hōraku hyakushu also
show that the subjects are not related to Buddhism, except “Hachiman hyakushu,” dedicated to
Iwashimizu hachimangū Shrine. In short, it can be said that one of the features of the hōraku
hyakushu is that poems are not composed especially about Buddhist teachings. If that is the case,there is no reason to regard “Tsugi kanzeonkyō ge sanjūsan shu waka” as votive poetry.
Takauji might not have recognizde the poetry as hōraku waka, and we can infer that “Tsugi
kanzeonkyō ge sanjūsan shu waka” only became “hōraku waka” when it was designated as a
National Important Cultural Property during the Meiji period. This happened based on the view atthat time that any waka offered to deities and Buddha were considered hōraku waka. Thus, Tsugi
kanzeonkyō ge sanjūsan shu waka cannot be categorized as hōraku waka, which means that votive
poems were never offered to temples at the beginning of the period of the Northern and Southern
Courts Period (the 14th century). In summary, the concept of hōraku waka as a means for deities
to get hōraku was passed without changes down from the time of Jien to the end of the period of
the Northern and Southern Courts. This concept began to change during the middle of the
Muromachi period. Examples of hōraku waka dedicated to temples appeared in Shōtetsu’s
Sōkonshū. Below are some examples:

13

Ogawa Takeo, Bushi wa naze uta o yomuka (Tokyo: Kadokawa sōsho, 2008).

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Number 1838: On the fourth of the 10th month in the 4th year of Eikyō (1432), while Miyajino Chikayo stayed in a room at Kiyomizu Temple for prayer and advised me to compose
waka for hōraku; I chose the topic.
Number 6868: On the twenty-seventh (of the third month, the 3rd year of Hōtoku (1451), I
stayed in Hatsuse (Hasedera Temple) and composed fifty poems for hōraku, which arefound in a separate paper (and the rest is omitted.)Those are the examples of waka dedicated to Kiyomizu and Hasedera Temple for hōraku. Since
then, votive poetry dedicated to temples has come to be found in many poetical works.

6. Conclusion
Hōraku waka originally denoted waka offered to deities to have them appreciate and celebrate thebenefits of the Dharma. Based on the belief that the deities in Japan appreciate the recitation ofsutras, these votive poems came to function in the same manner by replacing recitation of sutras
with waka. The first poet who made offerings of poetry as hōraku was Saigyō, while it was Jien
who conceptualized and explicitly demonstarated that making offerings of waka to the deities
shold function as hōraku. They thought that sutras could be replaced with waka on the basis of the
waka soku shingon (waka as equivalent to true words and sangoku ongen (affinity of the languages
of India, China, and Japan) theories. Their idea was also shaped by the ancient custom in Japanthat deities appreciate the offering of waka, the honji suijaku combinatory paradigm, and the notionof kyōgen kigo.
After Jien, such votive poems were composed by only a few poets. However, they became
rapidly popular at the end of the Kamakura period and this continued until the beginning of the21

Muromachi period, when the situation changed. While being offered to many shrines, votive
poems also began to be offered to temples, possibly because the word “hōraku” was very appealing.
Since then, no matter whether the object of offerings was deities or Buddha, all waka that were to
be offered came to be called “hōraku waka.”
The definition for hōraku waka claiming that it is “waka offered for hōraku to the deities andthe Buddha” appearing in dictionaries and encyclopedias at present, thus, applies to the description
about of the times after the middle of the Muromachi period.

Works Cited
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presentation titled “Kamosha o meguru hōraku no waka to shōdō: Kamo no Shigeyasu to
Angoin Chōken” at the symposium held by Nagoya Daigaku Kokugo Kokubun Gakkai in July
2012.
Jichin kashō jika’awase, Shinpen kokka taikan, vol. 5. Tokyo: Kadokawa, 1987.
Konjaku monogatari shū 4, Shin Nihon koten bungaku taikei, vol. 36. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten,
1994.
Korai fūtei shō, Shinpen Nihon koten bungaku zensh, vol. 87. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2002.
Monjū hyakushu and other hyakushu composed by Jien, in Shugyokushū, Waka bungaku taikei,
vol. 58. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 2008.
Nihon Bungaku Web Toshokan (koten raiburari). http://www.kotenlibrary.com/
Ryōjinhishō kuden shū, Shinpen Nihon koten bungaku zensh, vol. 42. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1999.
Sagamishū, Nakanoinshū, Shūsōshō, Sōanshū, Rikashū, Matsuda tango no kami Taira no Sadahideshū, Tsuneujishū, Genka hōshi shū, and Sōkonshū, Shika shū taisei CD-ROM. Tokyo: Emuwai

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kikaku, 2008.
Sagoromo monogatari 2, Shinpen Nihon koten bungaku zenshū, vol. 30. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2001.
Tsukimōde waka shū, Shinpen kokka taikan, vol. 2. Tokyo: Kadokawa, 1987.

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