PROVISIONAL TRANSLATION(December 2018)
Only significant errors of English in the translation
have been corrected––the content will be checkedagainst the original Japanese for accuracy at a later
date.

Poem Tablets and Poetic Narratives: From the Viewpoint of Ritual PoetryENDŌ Keita

Among excavated historical materials that contain words, there also exist poems that were written
in ink. They have been thought of as materials for learning poetry; however, as the number of
excavation has increased, scholars have begun to re-examine the meanings of writing poems ontablet (wooden tablets) and pots.1 Above all, examples that poems written on highly standardized
wooden plates made the scholars present a concept of poem tablets, which is the type of tablet
specifically prepared for writing poetry.
What lead to this concept was the re-interpretation of the words written on a tablet excavatedfrom the archeological site called Miyamachi in Kōka of Shiga prefecture, which is related to
Shigaraki no miya of the Nara period. The infrared images and deciphered letters are as follows:2
The tablet consists of two separate pieces, and the length of the two combined pieces is 21
centimeters. The poem of naniwazu was written on one side while the poem of asakayama waswritten on the other side; the word-and-sound notation is used to describe both poems. Based on
the number of letters and consideration of margin spaces, the original length of the tablet ispresumably about 60 centimeters, i.e., precisely two shakus in the ancient measure. The poems ofnaniwazu and asakayama are the poems described in the commentaries of the ancients of a kanajo
or preface written in kana of the Kokkin wakashū as “these are like parents of poems; students wholearn letters practice writing them.”
The discovery of this tablet with written poems is an interplay between the excavated materialsof letter and classical literature, which have been copied by hand over long period, such as the
Kokinshū or Manyōshū. The tablet of the Miyamachi ruins has been referred to in the commentariesof Shinpan Kokin wakashū published in 2009 by Kadokawabunko; it is also explained as “Asakayama
Naniwazu” in a bookmark of “Kōjien o tabisuru 1” published by Iwanamibunko.
This essay attempts to clarify the meaning of the fact that poems were written on the tablet byexamining the tablet with the poems of Naniwazu and Asakayama excavated from the Miyamachi
ruins. In particular, the two aspects are focused to analyze: some rituals were held during theancient period where poems were sung; there were popular poems which were meant to be
specifically written on the tablet. By exploring these two points, the author re-examines the purposeof the tablet with poems.

THE AUTHOR is professor of Japanese history in the Japanese History Department in the Faculty of Letters at
Kōgakkan University. This chapter was originally published in Japanese in Endō Keita, Mokkan no uta to utagatari(2012).
1 Inukai Takashi, Tablet kara saguru waka no kigen (Tokyo: Ksama shoin, 2008). Fujioka Tadaharu, Ōchou bungaku no kisō

(Tokyo: Izumi shoin, 2011).
2 Tablet gakkai hen, Tablet kenkyuu 31 (November 2009).

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Ritual Poems and the Narrative Poem
The argument on the “uta tablet (poem-tablet)” and the issue
First, the argument on the “uta tablet” with the poems is briefly overviewed. (a) Sakaehara Towao,
who reported that the poems of Naniwazu and Asakayama had been written on the tablet of the
Miyamachi ruins, advocated the concept of “uta-tablet” by investigating another tablet with thepoem written “harukusa no hajime no toshi,” which had been already excavated from the site of
the Naniwa palace.3 After examining these extant tablet including those of the Miyamachi ruins
to explore similar examples, he classified tablet that can be restored as two shaku (about 60
centimeters) and contain a poem written in the word-and-sound notation as uta-tablet. Sakaehara
asserts that this type of uta-tablet (type A) was used when “its poem was recited in a stylized mannerat an official ceremony or poem banquet.”4At the conference on tablets held in December 2008 where Sakaehara presented his research
results, Inukai Takashi, in response to this presentation, expressed his support from the standpointof the study of the writing and language. He addressed that uta-tablet was used at the court
ceremonies, and the court officials at the ritual recited the poem of Naniwazu in unison uponseeing the tablet with the poem. Inukai actively presented his view about the poems written on
tablet in his book and essay.5 While Sakaehara presented his view about the way of using uta-tablet,he pointed out these issues to be clarified regarding such usage: “what kind of rituals were they?”and “what kind of voice and manners were employed?”
On the other hand, Ueno Makoto presented his counter-argument from his standpoint of thestudy of early Japanese literature about the way of using uta-tablet excavated from the Miyamachi
ruins. According to him, officials of the Nara period were required to create waka poems at a
public occasion and to write them in front of attendees. Therefore, he asserts that the poem ofNaniwazu written on the tablet is “tenarai uta (a poem to learn writings)” to practice writing poems
for the poem banquet held at the Imperial Court; thus, he regards that the tablet was used as“shurai (a rehearsal for the later performance of the ritual).”6 Thus, regarding the use of the tablet,
the two different views have been presented: a recitation in unison at a ceremony (Sakaehara Towao
and Inukai Takashi) and a rehearsal for writing a poem (Ueno Makoto). Yet, in either case, what
would these activities of court officials’ reciting a poem or writing a poem on tablet at a ceremonybe like in the first place? It has not been elucidated how the ceremony, which was a prerequisite forthe either case between the recitation theory and the rehearsal theory, is related to a poem andtablet.
Poems of Ancient Times Functioned As a Poem-Narrative
In this section, (a) the poem written on the tablet of the Miyamachi ruins is overviewed. First,
regarding the poem of Asakayama, its origin and history is found in s left note of the Manyōshū:(b) Manyōshū Vol.16, no. 3807
3 Sakaehara Towao, “Tablet to shite mita uta tablet, Mifukushi 75 (November 2007). Sakaehara Towao, “Uta tablet

no jittai to sono kinō,” Tablet kenkyū 30 (November 2008).
4 Sakaehara Towao, Manyō tablet o ou (Tokyo: Izumi shoin, 2011).
5 Inukai, see note 1, Inukai Takashi, “Tablet ni uta o kakukoto,” Tablet kenkyū 31 (November, 2009).
6 Ueno Makoto, “Naniwazu no uta tenrei setsu hihan,” Kokubungaku 54, no.6 (April, 2009). Ueno Makoto, “Tablet ni
kakareta yamato uta,” Asuka kaze 112 (October, 2009).

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Asakayama kagesae miyuru yamanoino asaki kokoro o waga omowanakuni
The origin of this poem has been narrated as follows: “When Prince Kazuragi was sent to
Mutsu region, the provincial governor of Mutsu did not entertain him well. The prince’s
anger appeared on his face because despite the setting of feast and drink, the governor did
not really serve them to the prince. Then, a maid in front, who was familiar with elegant
entertainment, held a sake cup in her left hand while holding water in her right hand, hit
the prince’s knee, and recited the poem. This made him happy, and he enjoyed the feast all
day long.”
The left note tells the story about the poem: the messenger from a city was not satisfied with thefeast at the land of destination, and in order to entertain him, the maid full of wit recited a poem,
which made the messenger bright up. However, there is a view that Prince Kazuragi (Tachibanano Moroe) had never been sent to the Mutsu region and that the narrative of the left note is notbased on a historical fact but a literary work created by the circle of Tachibana no Moroe.7 As forthe mediation of a maid’s poem for a trouble at banquet, “amagatari uta” (poems found in the
Kojiki 100-102) about Emperor Yūryaku and a place woman narrated in the second volume of the
Kojiki is reminded. The left note of the poem of Asakayama fits to a classification of the narrative.
The action of orally transmitting a poem and its story is called “uta-gatari (poem-narrative).” A
poem has not been just recited; its situation and background of how the poem was created and astory about an author of the poem were also narrated. In the academic field of the Heian period
tales in the form of poems, court nobles’ oral tradition, which became a base of the formation of
the tales in the form of poems, has been regarded as an important matter.8
It was Itou Hiroshi who asserted that this poetic narrative can also be found in the Manyōshū. Thevery poem of Asakayama is his subject to an analysis as the narrative of Mayoushū.9 The fact cannot
be disregarded that the poem of Asakayama of the Manyoushū has been transmitted along with its
story (uta-gatari) as “the origin of this poem has been narrated as follows.” The volume sixteen of
the Manyōshū including the poem of Asakayama is the volume, which edited both poems with alegend and miscellaneous poems.10 At the time of compiling the Manyōshū, it was not allowed toremove an associated story and to select poems only. Furthermore, as is usual with orality and anoral tradition, the poem of Asakayama, apart from the left note of the Mayōshū, developed as astory of a separation of a woman taken away or her suicide. As a result, words “Asakayama” and“Yamanoi” became “utamakura (a place name quoted in waka poetry).”11 Section 155, the Talesof Yamato, narrates a story that a daughter of a chief councilor of state taken away by a palace
attendant lived in Asakayama of the Mutsu region. One day she was in despair upon seeing herself
reflected on spring water of mountain and died leaving a poem “Asakayama kagesae miyuru
yamanoino asakuwa hito o omou monokawa.” The story ends with a sentence “this happened longtime ago.”
This kind of relationship between a poem of tablet and poem-narrative is also apparent in the
7 Murase Norio, “Asakayama uta to denden,” Kokugo to kokubungaku 87, no.11 (November, 2010).

8 Masuda Katsumi, “Uta gatari no sekai,” in Masuda katsumi no shigoto 2 (Tokyo: Chikuma gakugei bunko, 2006), firstedition 1953.
9 Itou Haku, “Uta gatari no sekai,” in Manyōshū no hyōgen to hōhō, vol.1 (Tokyo: Haniwa shobō, 1975), first edition
1962.
10 Itou Haku, “Yuen aru zōka-maki jūroku no ron-,” Manyōshū no kōzō to seiiritsu, vol.2 (Tokyo: Haniwa shobou, 1974),
first edition 1973.
11 Kufukihara Rei, “Genji monogatari ni okeru uneme denshō,” Genji kenkyuu 9 (April, 2004).

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poem of Naniwazu. In this context, the kanajo (preface) of Kokin Wakashū is examined:(c) Kokin Wakashū: Kanajo
The poem of Naniwazu suggests the beginning of the emperor’s reign: “A prince, future
Emperor Nintoku, and another prince tried to give the Imperial Throne to each other.
When three years have passed without the emperor, Wani created the poem of Naniwazu.
Note that flower of this poem refers to plum flower.”
The poem of Asakayama was created by a palace woman’s wit: “When Prince Kazuragi
was sent to Mutsu region, the provincial governor did not entertain him well. The prince
got angry. Then, a maid picked up a unglazed earthenware and recited a poem. This madethe prince happy,”
These two poems are like parents of the poems and are used by people who practicepenmanship.
To begin with, there are six types of waka poetry, which also apply to poems from China.
One of the six types is “soeuta (waka poem sung to express one’s wish in commemoratinga certain occasion).” This is the poem sung in commemorating Emperor Nintoku:
Naniwazu ni sakuya konohana fuyugomori imawa harube to sakuya konohana(These flowers in Naniwazu weren’t out in the winter, but now in the spring they are inbloom.)The old note of Kanajo of the Kokinshū explains that the poem of Naniwazu is the poem that Wanicreated in Naniwazu when future Emperor Nintoku was still a prince. This poem is often foundwritten in black on tablet and unglazed earthenware. During the period of the poem, it was widely
popular relating to writing letters.12 There is even a presumption that this poem was expected tohave a magical function.13 As Watabe Ryōichi classified, there are many poems of Manyō, whichhave common words as the poem of Naniwazu. This indicates the wide expanse of the poem ofNaniwazu beyond appearance on tablet and earthenware.14
Those settings of the old note of Kanajo such as Naniwazu, Emperor Nintoku, and Wani lead tothe story of the two princes Ujino Wakiiratsuko and Ohosazaki narrated in sections of the 15th and16th years of Emperor Oujin and the first part of before Emperor Nintoku’s enthronement of the
Nihonshoki. Therefore, the poem of Naniwazu is not a mere poem expressing the flowers in bloomin Naniwa but a poem, which reminds of people of the story about the brothers’ giving the imperial
throne to each other and about the scholar from overseas.
In this context, Ōtomo no Yakamochi’s poem included as 4361, vol. 20 of Manyōshū,“Sakurabana imasakarinari Naniwa no umi oshiteru miya ni kikoshimesunae (Cherry trees are in
full bloom now at Nawaniwa sea” corresponds to the phrase “Naniwazu ni sakuya konohana (thisflower in bloom in Naniwazu” of the poem of Naniwazu. Thus, “this flower” is not “flower ofplum trees,” explained in the old note of Kanajo, but “there is no doubt that this flower refers to
12 Fukuyama Toshio, “Hōryūji gojūnotō rakugaki waka to Manyōshū,” Shiseki to bijutsu 190 (November 1948).

Itabashi Tomoyuki, “Naniwazu no uta to naniwa kyoku,” in Manyōshū no shi to genjitsu (Tokyo: Awaji shobō shinsha,
1961), first edition 1954. Touno Haruyuki, “Heijōkyō shutsudo shiryō yori mita naniwazu no uta,” in Nihon kodai
tablet no kenkyū (Tokyo: Haniwa shobō, 1983), first edition 1978.
13 Etani Hiroshi, “Naniwazu ni sakuya konohana hōryūji no rakugaki,” Tsuchiguruma 64 (October 1992). Tokuhara
Shigemi, “Naniwazu no uta no jujutsusei ni tsuite,” in Ōchō bungaku no honshitsu to henyō, inbun hen, ed. Katagiri Yōichi
(Tokyo: Izumi shoin, 2001).
14 Watabe Ryōichi, “Uta tablet no kanōsei to genkai-manyōshū e no dōtei-,” Dai kyūkai manyō kodai gaku kyōdō
kenkyū kōkai simpojiumu, held on the twenty-ninth of September, 2012.

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cherry flowers as old Japanese language.”15 This is an interpretation of “this flower” based on the
spread of the poem passed down.
In any case, it can be said that (a) the poems of Asakayama and Naniwazu of the excavated tablet
from the Miyamachi ruins are, in fact, the poems passed down of unknown authorshipaccompanying the associated story. Among poems written on tablet, poems exist that were passed
down and accompanies the background of poem-narrative; the words of the poems which were
popular among specific people were written on the wooden pieces. With these in mind, let us
investigate ceremonies where poems were recited.
Ceremonies Where Performance of Poems is OfferedŌuta and the Daijōsai
According to the manuscripts during the Nara period, there are two ceremonies where poems wererecited. One is the Daijōsai, which is a ceremony relating to the imperial enthronement. The otheris Daibutsu kaigen-e (a Buddhist ceremony to consecrate a newly-constructed image of the Great
Buddha). Both are grand and official ceremonies.
At the Daijōsai, a ceremony was held where many provincial poems and dances were performed.
Emperor Kanmu’s Daijōsai was depicted in the Shoku Nihongi as follows:(d) Shoku Nihongi, the thirteenth and fourteenth days of November in 781
On the thirteenth, Grand Council of State and Retired Emperor’s Office conducted theDaijōsai. Echizen province was Yuki while Bizen province was Suki. Various kinds ofproducts of both provinces were offered; kuniburi no kabu (regional poems and dances) were
performed in the garden….
On the fourteenth, court nobles whose ranks were higher than fifth attended the feast, andthe music of Utaryō (Bureau of Traditional Music) as well as Ōuta were performed in thegarden….
For the Daijōsai, two provinces are appointed to prepare ceremonial products: Yuki and Suki. Boththe Yuki and Suki Provinces offer the first rice crop of the year and regional products to theEmperor; kuniburi no kabu specific to the two provinces are also performed. 16 (d) At Emperor
Kanmu’s Daijōsai, Utaryo offered music and “Ōuta.” “Ōuta” is a term, in contrast to Tōgaku andKomagaku, referring to the ancient poems native to Japan, which have been passed down to theImperial Court. During the Heian period, apart from Utaryō, an office, which was in charge of“Ōuta,” called “Ōuta dokoro (Folk Music Office)” was founded. 17 Volume 20 of the Kokinshū
contains the poems, which were passed down to Folk Music Office, including the poems of the
Daijoue (banquet of the first-ceremonial offering of rice by the newly-enthroned emperor).
(e) Gishiki, Vol.3 Senso Daijōsai gichū (ceremonies of enthronement)
On U-no-hi (the day of rabbit) …. the products of the two provinces should be kept in each
kitchen. After that, three gates of Emonfu (Headquarters of the Outer Palace Guards)
15 Yamada Yoshio, Ōshi (Tokyo: Kōdansha gakujutsu bunko, 1990), first edition 1941.

16 Hayashiya Tatsusaburou, Chūsei geinō shi no kenkyū (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1960). Okada Seiji, “Daijōsai no shinji

to kyōen,” in Kodai saishi no shiteki kenkyū (Tokyo: Hanawa shobō, 1992).
17 Ogi Mitsuo, Nihon kodai ongaku shiron (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 1977). Nagata Kazuya, “Ōuta dokoro nit suite,”
Kokugakuin zasshi 91, no.2 (February, 1990).

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should be closed. A priest should stay at the left side of the north gate. Sakatsuko should
first pound unhulled rice. Next, Sakanami should keep pounding the unhulled rice and singa poem. (Lyrics should be created.)…. Officials should lead twelve Kuzu from Yoshino, twelve flute players from Nara (theyshould wear aozuri or ritual attire) and enter Chōdōin through the left gate of south, makeperformers take their positions, and make them perform inishieburi (the ancient poems anddances). The provincial governor of the Yuki should lead singers, enter from the same gate,
make them take their positions, and make them perform kuniburi (regional poems anddances). One of the Tomo clan and one of the Saeki clan should lead fifteen storytellers(they should wear aozuri), enter and make them recite ancient prayers. (The Tomo should
enter from the left side while the Saeki from the right side.) Bureau of Housekeeping should
be in charge of settings. (The front seat is for Kuzu; next to it, female singers; next
storytellers. All of them should face north and east for upper ranks. The seat for Kuzu
should be placed to the east from the female singers.)… As soon as those officials enter first, they make voice of “hayato” and stop making voice
when they stand still.
After that, Kuzu performs the ancient music.
After that, the Yuki province performs the regional music.
After that, storytellers recite ancient narratives.
After that, the Hayato Office should lead the Hayato clan, enter from the gate, stand outsideof the fence of the ritual site facing the north, and offer poems and dances native to theland. (The same procedure is applied to the Suki Province.)
The crown prince and court nobles with ranks of higher than fifth take their seats in thegarden. They kneel down and clap their hands four times. (Then eight times. In a sacred
word, it is called yahirade. The prince first claps his hand and leaves to the south. Next, thecourt nobles clap their hands.)18
At the ceremony of the Daijōsai held on the day of rabbit in November, rice and rice wine wereprepared. Women called Sakatsuko and Sakanami engaged themselves in pounding unhulled rice.
During this, inetsuki uta (a poem that is sung while pounding unhulled rice) was sung. Its lyrics“should be created;” thus, the poem was created at every Daijōsai.
Inishieburi that is performed by the Kuzu clan of Yoshino is more ancient that inetsuki uta that iscreated at every Daijōsai. The Nihonshoki documents a poem (number 39 among poems of the
Nihonshoki) that was said to be performed by the Kuzu clan at the time of the emperor’s visit to
Yoshino; “Now on the day the Kuzu clan offered their products, they sing and express theirreverence to the emperor, which is the manner since the ancient times” (October, the 19th year ofEmperor Ōjin). Thus, the manner of the Kuzu clan had been passed down until the time ofcompilation of the Nihonshoki. As the word inishieburi indicates, the specific ancient poem was offeredalong with the dance.
After that, the governor of the Yuki leads the singers and makes them perform the regional
poems called kuniburi. Military clans such as the Ōtomo clan and the Saeki clan lead the storytellers
and make them recite the ancient narratives. Perhaps, the stories were narrated about how eachclan served to the emperor. Kuzu’s inishieburi, the Yuki Province’s kuniburi, and the storytellers’ancient narratives are once more repeated. At the end, the Hayato clan performed the fold poems
and dances. The newly enthroned emperor was the object of worship and received clapping from18 Kōgakkan daigaku shintō kenkyūsho, Kundoku chūshaku gishiki senso daijōsaigi Tokyo: Shibunkaku shuppan, 2012).

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the prince and other attendees.
The characteristics of the poems sung at the Daijōsai are rather close to the poems documented
in the Nihonshoki than individual waka poems created at a banquet or as a response found in the
Manyōshū. The descriptions of the poems of the Kuzu of Yoshino or kume uta (poems of the Kumeclan) are found in the Nihonshoki, and these poems are closely combined with the court rituals andceremonies.19 (d) The Shoku Nihongi refers to all these poems as “Ōuta.” It should be said that thepoems and dances performed at the Daijōsai is the scene that the poems appeared at the mostofficial ceremony.
Ōuta and Daibutsu Kaigen-e (a Buddhist ceremony to consecrate a newly-constructed image of the Great Buddha)Ōuta as the ancient poem passed down to the Imperial Court was performed at another ritualistic
venue. The most famous example is Daibutsu kaigen-e, which was held at the Tōdaiji temple on
the ninth of April in 752. The program of this day informing that even as for the priest, ten
thousand priest attended the ceremony is documented in detail in the Shoku Nihongi and the Toudaiji
Youroku; it was the grand ceremony where poems and dances were performed.
(f) Toudaiji Youroku, Chapter 3 of Kuyō (Buddhist ceremony), Vol.2
Leaders of Ōuta and Kume uta.
Leaders of Tatefushimai.
Sadaijin and sixteen drum players.
Gigaku and sixty drum players.
Leaders of Gigaku.
Leaders of Tōsangaku.
Leaders of Tōchūgaku.
Leaders of Tōkogaku.
Leaders of Komagaku.
Toragaku: musicians of the four great temples proceed procession; they go around twice;
They part to right and left, then stand in front of the main Great Buddha hall.
The performance is conducted based on the program.
Thirty for Ōuta onna and Ōmimai; Twenty Ōtomo and twenty Saeki for Kume mai.
Thirty for Tatefushimai.
Tōkogaku
Tōsangaku
Rinyūgaku
Komagaku
Tōchūgaku
Tōonna mai
Komagaku
Komaonnagaku
The performance began with Ōuta, which was followed by Kume uta, Tatefushimai, Koma, Tō,
and Tora, which shows the expansion of music from Japanese ancient music to the music of thefurther areas. This is the view of the world expressed in the form of music. Its center is occupied
19 Ikoma Nagayuki, “shinwa monogatari to shite no fuzoku kabu-rekishi jujutsu no haikei,” in Kodai no uta to joji

bungeishi, (Tokyo: Kasama shoin, 2003), first edition 1999.

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by the Great Buddha to be consecrated by the wish of Retired Emperor Shōmu.20
Among attires used for the ceremony remained in Shōsōin Treasure Repository, hō or roundnecked robe worn by members of nobility, underwear, socks, hakama or man’s formal divided skirtsthat were actually put on by musicians who performed Ōuta. Some writings in ink are found onthem such as “Tōdaiji Ōuta hō, the ninth day of April, the fourth year of Tenpyō shouhou period,
Tagami ō (South Repository 118, Ōuta midori no hō no aya No. 1).”21
In fact, the first appearance of the word Ōuta is found in this ceremony. In a respect that theword Ōuta is documented by differentiating from other foreign words, the intention of theceremony of consecration of the Great Buddha where music at that time such as Tōgaku andKomagaku. Needless to say, Ōuta that was first performed at the Buddhist ceremony, in otherwords, Japanese ancient poems performed at the Daijōsai like example (d), is highly valued in themusic of the Buddhist ceremony of consecration of the image.
Above all, the performance of poems and dances was offered at the Daibutsu kaigen kuyō, which
can be said to be the greatest Buddhist ceremony during the Nara period. The entry of the ninthof April, the fourth year of the Tenpyōshōhō era of the Shoku Nihongi documents that “the musicof the Utaryō and various temples” was performed, and the poems were accompanied by musicalinstruments. It can be imagined that the fixed lyrics of Ōuta and kume uta must have been
performed based on the specific choreography.
Furthermore, the Todaiji yōroku documents that the Gangōji Temple offered the poems next dayof the banquet of the Daibutsu kaigen kuyō.
(g) Tōdaiji yōroku, Chapter 3 of Kuyō, Vol.2
Two poems offered by the Gangōji Temple at the time of the grand ceremony of the
Tōdaiji Temple
Himikashino yamahio kiyomi nii iseru rusana hotoke ni hana tatematsuru
Norinomoto hanasakinitari kyouyoriwa hotokeno minori sakaetamawamu
Minamotono norinookorino tobuyatori asukano terano uta tatematsuru
The tenth of April, the fourth year of the Tenpyōshōhō era
Created by a royal family member
Uruwashito wakamou kimiwa koretorite mikadoga yowase yorozuyo madeni
These poems were written on the shaku (scepter) made of ivory kept at the repositoryof the Gangōji Temple.
The poem offered by the Gangōji Temple were written in a way that characters that represent one
mora in each. Moreover, they were written on the shaku of ivory kept at the Gangōji Temple’s
repository. This reminds us of the tablet on which the poems were written. Sakaki Taijun, who
examined the poems of the Daibutsu kaigene, presumed that the shaku of ivory was used at thetime of offering poems.22 It seems to have happened that monks of the Gangōji temple, which
originated in Asukadera Temple or Hōkōji Temple first built in Japan, held the shaku with
“Minamotono norinookorino tobuyatori asukano terano uta tatematsuru” and attended the
20 Sakaki Taijun, “Kodai jiin to waka- wagon to waka-,” Bukkyō to bungaku 1 mayoi to satori, ed. Taishō daigaku

kokubungakukai (Tokyo: Kyōiku shuppan sentā, 1980). Sugimoto Kazuki, Shōsōin hōmotsu wa naze kokusaishoku
yutaka nanoka,” Shin shiten nihon no rekishi, vol. 3, Kodai hen II, ed. Yoshimura Takehiko and Yoshioka Masayuki(Tokyo: Shin jinbutsu ōraisha, 1993). Sakaehara Towao, “Diabutsu keigene no kōzō to sono seijiteki igi,” Toshibunka
kenkyū 2 (September, 2003).
21 Kunaichōzō ban, ed. Shōsōin jimusho, Shōsōin hōmotsu 8, Nansō II (Tokyo: Mainichi shimbunsha, 1996).
22 Sakaki, see note 20.

8ceremony to offer the poems to the Great Buddha.
The offering of the poems by the Gangōji Temple is significant when we think about the tablet
with written poems. Especially, the fact that the Buddhist memorial service was found in the
ceremony where the poems were offered. The relationship between poems and Buddhist
ceremonies is investigated from the viewpoint of the tablet.
Buddhist ceremonies and Shōka (Buddhist Poems)
The uta tablet of the Babaminami Ruins
As one can easily imagine, Buddhist ceremonies are full of voices. Speaking of the Buddhist
ceremony and the poems of the Manyōshū, the performance of music and poems for Yuimakou (aBuddhist service for the Yuima Sutra) held at Empress Kōmyō’s palace are reminded.23
What is worthy of note in relation to the poems of the Manyōshū and the excavated historicalmaterials that contain words is the following tablet excavated from the Babaminami ruins of
Kizugawachō, Kyoto:24(h) The tablet excavated from the Babaminami ruins, Kyotofu maizō bunkazai chōsa
kenkyū sentā
Akihagi no shitabamomi
As this uta tablet “akihagi no shitabamomi....” has the same beginning with the poem of number
2205, vol.10 of the Manyōshū “akihagi no shitabamo michinu aratamano tsukinohenureba kazeo
itamikamo,” the media reported it as “manyō uta tablet.” Correctly, it was not the case that thepoem of the Manyōshū was written on the tablet but that while the poem passed down at that time
was written on the tablet, the same poem was compiled in the Manyōshū.
Despite the details, this should be recognized as an important matter when one compares the
excavated historical materials that contain words and classical literature. No matter both poems
are identical in terms of the missing part and ideogram, the poem written on tablet in a way thatcharacters represent one mora and the poem of vol. 10 of the Manyōshū that was written in theJapanese reading of Chinese characters, there is a large distance in terms of the compilation of
the Manyōshū.
As for the uta tabletn excavated from the Babaminami ruins, Ueno Makoto presents a significant
point of argument about uta tablet in his essay. 25 Based on the result of investigation of the
excavation of the Babaminami ruins (buildings relating to Buddhism and garden as well as thediscovered plate for a votive light), Ueno situates uta tablet in the characteristics of the ruins. His
conclusion is that the Buddhist memorial service was held at the site of the ruins; on the day ofcompletion of the wish when the memorial service with a votive light was held, the poems weresung for many audiences. For “some of them who might not know the poems to be sung in unison,”the poems were shown by the tablet. His argument is well built on the Buddhist ceremonies, the
23 Imura Tetsuo, “Tenpyō jūichinen kōgōgū no yuima kō butsuzen shōka o meguru jakkan no kōsatsu, in Okura

mushimaro to tenpyō kadan (Tokyo: Kanrin shobō, 1997), first edition 1992. Inomata Tokiwa, “Hikari no naka nobukkyō girei-kōgōgū yuima kō no jikū e,” in Uta no ō to fūryū no miya manyō no hyōgen kūkan (Tokyo: Shinwa sha, 2000),
first edition 1999.
24 Tablet gakkai, Tablet kenkyū 31 (November, 2009).
25 Ueno Makoto, “Baba minami iseki shutsudo tablet okusetsu-yamato uta o utau koto-,” Kokugakuin zasshi 110, no.11(November 2009).

9Buddhist poems, and the uta tablet. It can be said that a concrete solution about the usage of uta
tablet was shown.
If I raise some questions, it would be about the understanding of usability of the tablet. The
memorial service by lantern took place at night. In the case of the tablet of (h), its size is 23
centimeters in width and about 90 centimeters in length based on the number of the words, which
would have been able to deliver the poems to “some of them who might not know the poems to besung in unison.” At pitch dark night, how much could the letters of the poem written on the tablet
be readable?
This approach can be applied to the Daibutsu kaigen kuyō held at the Tōdaiji Temple. As the
Shoku Nihongi documents that even as for the monks, more than ten thousand monks attended
the ceremony on the ninth day of April of the fourth year of the Tenpyōshōhō era, it would bealmost impossible to show the Ōuta poem by the tablet to the attendees. Even as for the waka poem(g), which was offered by the Gangōji Temple, because the poem was written on the shaku of ivory,
it cannot be so big.
Similarly, the same question can be raised and applied to the hypothesis that the poem of Naniwazu
was sun in unison at the Buddhist memorial service. Although it was said to be large, it is not still
big enough to show the poem to attendees all know. In short, as far as one thinks that many officials
participated in singing in unison and that the scale of the ceremony is big enough as an official
grand ceremony, it would be unrealistic to sing in unison while reading the words of the tablet.
The size of the uta tablet is two or two and a half shaku in length, and the poem was written ina style of one word per one mora. As prior scholarly works suggest, because of the fact that finely
produced wooden material was prepared, it cannot be thought that uta tablet is a mere custom. As
expected, uta tablet should be a formal item. We confirm that there was an occasion that the poems
were sung at the ceremony. A question remains: was is needed to display the lyrics to sing in unisonby tablet?
It is not necessarily the case that the poem to be sung at the ceremony was created at the verysite. For a kind of poem that is to be sung in front of small number of acquaintance, author’s wit
might have been tested, and improvisation might have been highly regarded. However, a poem tobe sung at a ceremony would not have been such. At the ceremony, such a poem that was preparedin advance or an ancient poem that was passed down would have been performed. In short, theperformance of denshō uta (the poems passed down was offered).
Here, as for the preparation of the poems beforehand, the poems of the Daijōsai, specificallywhich were investigated in (d) and (e), some points are added. According to Zanyashō, which wascompleted during the Heian period: “At the daijōe, the poems of celebration are sung created by
the Office of Waka Poetry. The Office of Folk Music and Dance creates choreography for thepoems; musicians of the Yuki and Suki provinces create music; dancers of the Left and Right create
dances.” In short, it was made a rule that for the poems, which were pre-composed, performance,
accompaniment, and dances were finely prepared in advance. This is an example of the Heianperiod, but from this, we can understand how poems to be sung at a ceremony was prepared, which
can be a reference.
At the Office of Poems and Dances, practice of singing ancient poems was conducted.26 The
ancient poems refer to poems of unknown authors, which contrasts with Ōtomo no Yakamochi’s
three waka poems of spring and autumn in the Manyōshū. Among poems written on tablet, there
were poems popular to the people at that time like denshō uta. Considering this, we should re26 Kume Tsunetami, Manyōshū no shōeika (Tokyo: Hanawa shobō, 1961). Imura Tetsuo, “Uta mai dokoro shaken,” inOkura mushimaro to tenpyou kadan (Tokyo: Kanrin shobou, 1997), first edition 1993.

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investigate the premise of viewing uta tablet as the practical use for singing in unison or learning
calligraphy.
Tablet of Karma Excavated from the Saidaiji Temple
When we discard a viewpoint of the practical use of tablet with written poems, what can be areference is the tablet of karma that was excavated from the former ground of the Saidaiji Temple.
Its photograph and words on Buddhism by the Board of education of Nara are shown here as
follows 27:(i) The tablet excavated from the former ground of the Saidaiji Temple, the Board ofeducation of Nara (Photo by Nakamura Ichirou, Nara Bunkazai Kenkyūsho)Photo
Daitoku isshin….
This tablet was found during the excavation of the former ground of the Saidaiji Temple. The
words of karama were written in two lines on the existent tablet of 30 centimeters in length. Karmarefers to the ways in which one moves at the time of conducting Buddhist events on precepts suchas jukai (vowing to follow the precept) and zange (confession).
The multiple pieces of tablet of the Saidaiji Temple were excavated from the east and west ditch.
Based on the year written on the tablet and other excavated items, the age of the tablet was given
as the second half of the Nara period. It is difficult to present the general characteristics of theentire tablet. And yet, one of the tablet has the readable words, which might enable us to identify
the group of the tablet relating to the Buddhist ceremonies. Needless to say, this does not conflictwith the excavated site Seinansumi’in of the former ground of the Saidaiji Temple.
It has been pointed out by scholars that the words of the tablet of (i) beginning with “daitoku….”
are similar to the passages of the first volume of four of Shibunritsu sanpan hoketsu gyōji shō selectedby Tang’s Dōsen (Daishōzō, vol. 40, No. 1804): “One should recite the sutra hard. Ordinary monks
were indulged. If I mistakenly report, I should confess it. (Taishōzō, vol. 40, the middle section, p.
43).” As for the purpose to use this, the possibility of practicing writing or using it at ceremony has
been presumed.27
What was this tablet used at a ceremony? What can be easily imagined is the possibility thatmonks held the tablet and attended Buddhist ceremonies such as memorial service. However, if aquestion is asked whether the words of karma were written on the tablet so that monks who
attended a memorial service would not forget the words of karma, its answer is no. For, what was
written on the tablet was the words, which were very familiar with monks. Also, the size of tabletof thirty centimeters in length was too large to hide it and secretly take a look it at in the middle
of a memorial service. For that purpose, paper would be better as it can be folded into small. The
fact that the wooden material was chosen, it can be understood that it was not mean to hide it.
If that is the case, it is reasonable to think that the tablet with karma of the Saidaiji Temple was
not the tool to read the words out but was used as the symbolic item with the written words for a
gesture at a memorial service. For instance, would not it be possible to consider the tablet with
27 Ibid. The author obtained information from Mr. Takeda Kazuya and Ms. Kubo Kunie at Maizō bunka zai chōsa

sentā in Nara on the seventeenth of January, 2012 about the tablet excavated from the former ground of the Saidaiji
Temple. It is Mr. Takeda’s view that the similar words on the tablet are found in Shibunritsu sanban hoketsu gyōjishō andthat there is a possibility that the tablet was used at a ceremony. I would like to express my gratitude to them here.

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karma to be a tool for showing dignity of a monk who was appointed to read karma out at amemorial service?
At that time, a monk who instructed other monks’ course of action and dignity was called ina(karma-dana). At Zen Buddhism, a monk, who is in charge of initiating the chanting, is called ina.
There must have been a monk, who played a role in facilitating and reciting the karma, like ina,
during the Nara period. In fact, the section of “shozōyōkō hen” of the second volume of four of
Shibunritsu sanban hoketsu gyōji contains a passage about a monk’s role of ina (Daishōzō, vol. 40, themiddle section, p.146).
Needless to say, monks who attended the ceremony knew the words of karma; A monk whochanted karma knew them. Therefore, it should not have happened that monks who attend the
ceremony read the written words of karma to chant them. Yet, that a monk at the ceremony held
the tablet could make all attendees recognize that he played a role in chanting the karma. The
tablet became an item to indicate the role of chanting it. In other words, the possibility is exploredthat the tablet with the words of karma was needed as a gesture at a memorial service as the
symbolic item.
This exploration is applied to the case of uta tablet.
The tablet as an object on which words were written
Among ancient tablet, two examples, which have a symbolic function, are introduced here. The
first example is gunfu tablet, which were often excavated from a local city hall. Gunfu tablet refers
to a writ of summons from a district governor, and gunfu tablet also functioned that a person who
received it went to visit other party while holding it. One among such tablet has the length of fiftyeight centimeters, which is number one tablet excavated from the Hachimanbayashikanga ruins of
Niigata prefecture.28
What should be noted is that although it must have been inconvenient to carry this large tablet,
this gunfu tablet was carried along with men as summons and a pass; after its use, the gunfu tablet
was carefully cut and discarded. In the case of the large tablet with two shaku in length, it should
be practical to let the tablet function as an account book, without moving it, like what was excavatedfrom the Nishikawara ruins and Miyano’uchi ruins of Shiga prefecture. 29 However, not a few
examples of tablet with words such as kokufu and gunfu tablet have been found among such large
tablet.30 Perhaps, we should understand that the authority that a district governor’s order was
written in words was expressed by the large size of the tablet.31 Gunfu tablet are practical as thesummons and a pass as well as a symbol to make the district governor’s order visible.
The second example is the tablet of prismatic polyhedron on which part of passage of Chineseclassical texts such as Rongo (the Analects of Confucius). In Japan, the tablet on which Rongo waswritten was excavated from the Kannonji ruins of Tokushima, while in Korea such tablet was
excavated from Hōōdai ruins of Kinkai. TH\he tablet of prismatic polyhedron is “ko” according
to a Chinese term.
28 Satō Makoto, “Echigo no kodai chihō kanga no jitsuzō-hachiman bayashi kanga iseki gun,” in Shutsudo shiryō nokodai shi (Tokyo: Tokyō daigaku shuppankai, 2002), first edition 1998.
29 Ichi Hiroki, “Nishigawara iseki gun no seikaku to tablet,” in Asuka fujiwara tablet no kenkyū (Tokyo: Hanawa
shobō, 2010), first edition 2008.
30 Wada Atsumu, “201gō tablet kanseki tablet, in Kannonji iseki gun IV, tablet hen, (Tokushima, Tokushima kyōiku
iinkai, 2008).
31 Hirakawa Minami, “Gunfu tablet,” in Kodai chihō tablet no kenkyū (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 2003), first edition
1995.

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Because there are not many trees in Korean peninsula, by maximizing the use of restricted
wooden materials, there are many tablet on whose multiple surfaces words were written in ink. On
the other hand, the shape of “ko” in China was known in Korea, and a rule seemed to have been
accepted that a text to learn first like Rongo should be written on the wooden material of a squarepillar. In short, the tablet that have the shape of a square pillar and written words on its multiple
surfaces suggest two aspects: the restriction of wooden materials and the acceptance of the shape.32
In the case of the tablet in Japan, as there was no restriction of natural resource, the aspect ofacceptance of the shape is significant.
If we look at Chinese examples, Tomiya Itaru presents his view of “shikaku kandoku (visual
wooden strip)” or “shikaku tablet” based on his studies about tablet and chikukan (a bamboo strip)
during the Han period. He brings the Japanese tablet with Rongo into perspective and asserts thatsome of the strip of prismatic polyhedron with part of Chinese classical texts might havefunctioned, not for the practical use of learning, but for the symbolic encouragement of learning
as a visible marker.33
When we look at the tablet of prismatic polyhedron with part of Chinese texts in East Asia, it isnoticeable that the written texts on them are mostly what students should have first learned, suchas Rongo (Hōōdai ruins of Korea, the ruins of Kannonji and Asukaike), Senjimon (Asukaike ruins,
Akitajou ruins), and Kyūshūshō (Dunhuang ruins T 15 of China).34 In other words, by looking at the
specific shape of prismatic polyhedron, what were written on them can be presumed. A symbolic
function of substantiation in the form of such tablet was behind the motivation for copying partof text on not paper but wooden strip
The view of uta tablet of this essay is also close to Tomiya’s “shikaku kandoku.” Previous
research of other scholars was mainly focused upon investigation about the characteristics of tablet
on which poems were written; the practical use of how tablet have been utilized (reciting them,creating poems, and showing poems). By the development of argument about the use of tablet, it
can be said that a new classification of historical materials that contain words called “uta tablet”
has been widely recognized.
Built upon the prior scholarly works about the tablet, this essay has investigated the ceremonies
where poems were sung. Its conclusion evaluates the characteristics of uta tablet as a material on
which words were written and situates uta tablet between the practical use and the symbol.
Conclusion
The appearance of uta tablet shows us the world of poems of Manyōshū as the pinnacle and the
expansion of site where poems were performed and passed down. This essay has clarified that thepoems, which were passed down and had a story to narrate, were performed at ceremonies, in
32 Touno Haruyuki, “Kinnen shutsudo no asuka kyō to kankoku no tablet,” in Nihon kodaishi kagaku (Tokyo: Iwanami

shoten, 2005), first edition 2002.
33 Tomiya Itaru, “Shokikan e no michi-kandai kakyū yakunin no moji shūtoku,” in Bunsho gyousei no kanteikoku tablet
chikukan no jidai (Nagoya: Nagoya daigaku shuppankai, 2010).
4. 34 Sources for the tablet of prismatic polyhedron with the words written from Chinese classical texts are as
follows:
Rongo: Kokuritsu shōhara bunka zai kenkyūsho, Kankoku no kodai tablet 147 (2004). Tokushima kyōiku iinnkai
and others, Kannonji iseki I, no.77, Kannonji iseki tablet hen (2002). Nara bunkazai kenkyuusho, Asuka fujiwara
kyou tablet 1 no.245 (2007).
Senjimon: Nara bunkazai kenkyūsho, Asuka fujiwara kyō tablet 1, no.246 (2007). Akita jō o kataru tomonokai,
Akitajō shutsudo moji shiryō shū II, no.3 (1992).
Kyūshūshō: Ōba Osamu, Daiei toshokan zō tonkō kanketsu, no.441 (Tokyo: Dōhōsha shuppan, 1990).

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contrast with the poems, which were promptly created at a banquet. This phenomenon is an issue,
which Itou Hiroshi has been discussing since before as “uta no tenyō (diversion of poems).”35 An
example is looked at in terms of ceremonies where poems are sung and the diversion of the poems:(j) Manyōshū, vol.20, 4301
On the seventh day, Emperor, Retired Emperor, and Empress were at the banquet at thepalace of the south and listened to a poem:
Inamino no akaragashiwawa tokiwa aredo kimio waga omou tokiwa sanenashi
This poem was sung by Harima no kami (governor of Harima Province), Asukabeō.
(The details about the poem are unknown.)
Some examples that “inishie uta (ancient poem)” was passed down at a banquet are found in the
Manyōshū. The example above is the poem, which was sung at the banquet of the Heijou Palace
andconsists of the poem diary written by Ōtomo no Yakamochi.
Asukabeō, who was also a governor of Harima Province, created a poem about the scenery ofHarima Province that had the imperial visit of Retire Emperor Shōmu. The fact that a governor
offered a poem relating to his province is similar to the performance of “kuniburi” at Daijōsai as
we have looked at (e) ceremony.
What is noteworthy about (j) is the left note, especially, “the details about the poem are unknown.”
This note means that the compiler of the Manyōshū did not know whether or not Asukabeō createdthis poem at that very moment or cited an ancient poem.36 In other words, this left note suggeststhat it was not unusual to sing a poem by diverting an ancient poem at a seasonal court banquet.
Also, if the ancient poem of diversion had a story to tell its origin, the poem Asukabeō sang musthave had a story to narrate.
Furthermore, if the Manyōshū is compared with Shikyō (the Book of Poems) during the Chinese
Chunqiu era in terms of a site of singing poems in East Asia, similarly, by quoting passages fromthe Shikyō, negotiation or banquet was conducted between empires. The reason why the Shikyō wasthe common learning to shitaifu (learned officials) was because diversion of poems took place at thetime of negotiation or banquet, separating the passages from the original meaning and quoting
them relating to oneself, called danshōshugi.37
Repeatedly, as for the relationship between a poem and its poetic narrative, the poems of the
Nihonshoki or the Kojiki have closer such relationship than the Manyōshū. When we look at Kinkafu,
which is the score of the Japanese zither for ancient poems, copied by Ōno Yasuki, who was a
Ōuta-shi, we can verify that the poems called Ōuta were closely linked to “en.”38 The poem, which
was sung along with the zither, was written in a manner of one word for one mora. As the “en” ofthe poem, the articles of the Nihonshoki or the Kojiki were quoted. “En” refers to the origin of thepoem, namely, poetic narrative. It is because the poem of the Kinkafu cannot be separated fromthe story, the poem of the Kinkafu was contextualized by the story about a poem.
It is same as the poems of (a) Naniwazu and Asakayama, which cannot be separated from its
poetic narrative. Such important poems were written on the tablet. Yet, an act of writing a poemon the tablet, apart from its actual function as creating the poem of reciting it, the poem gained aunique meaning as the object with written words.
This is the conclusion based on examining the poems of the tablet and poetic narratives by
35 Itō Haku, “Uta no tenyō,” in Manyōshū no hyōgen to hōhō, vol.2 (Tokyo: Hanawa shobō, 1975), first edition 1958.
36 Kume, see note 26, p. 124.

37 Nakajima Chiaki, “Saden no inyōshi no imi,” Shinagaku kenkyū 10 (November 1953).

38 Kinkafu (Tokyo: Koten hozonkai, 1927). This contains Yamada Yoshio’s commentary.

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bringing the ceremonies of poems into perspective. Some issues need further investigation, and theauthor would appreciate other scholars’ valuable critiques.

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