Chapter 1
The Collapse of a Popular View of a “Deity Incarnate”

NITTA Hitoshi1
The “Meiji origin theory” for a deity incarnate:
In the first decade of the new century, intellectuals ceaselessly spread the illusion of arahitogami, or“deity incarnate” [in order to describe how the emperor should be viewed]. For example,
Tachibana Takashi, a renowned journalist, stated in his “Watashi no Tōdai-ron” (Bungei Shunjū,June 1999) essay that from the second half of the Meiji era (1868–1912) to the first half of
Shōwa (1926–1989), Japan “was an even stranger nation” than North Korea.” He concluded:
Although Kim Jong-il has been almost defied, he is still “shogun sama (honorific title for a
shogun)” or “shuryō sama,” and he is not a kami (deity). No one calls him “kami sama”
nor worships him. But in the past Japan, an emperor became arahitogami (a living kami)
and was worshipped as so. The Japanese people were taught from youth that the emperor
was a descendant of the kami, and because they were forced to observe ritual worship,
most of the Japanese people believed it. Therefore, during World War II, while crying out“Tennō heika banzai (Long live the Emperor),” many soldiers sacrificed their life for theemperor without hesitation. This is something like the Muslim belief that once jihad(Islamic holy war) is declared, dying a martyr in a war for Allah takes them to heaven andthus are willing to die without any worries (p. 352, underlining added).

Yamaori Tetsuo, eminent scholar of religious studies, also states that “the kind ofmodernization of Shinto that began during the Meiji era; namely, a policy of ‘forming
monotheism’ that sets the emperor arahitogami at the apex” existed (“Chinju no mori wa naiteiru,” in
Chūō kōron, July 2000, p. 55) and asserts that a break should be made with such a policy.
Furthermore, the philosopher Umehara Takeshi also remarks that “the spirit of the Imperial
Rescript on Education, after all, aimed to make the emperor the absolute kami, to establish dying
for the sake of the emperor as the fundamental morality, and to make other morals subordinate
to this fundamental one (Asahi Shimbun, November 17, 2002).
Komuro Naoki’s opinion differs from those of Tachibana, Yamaori, and Umehara in terms of
1

THE AUTHOR is professor in the Department of Contemporary Japanese Studies at Kōgakkan University. This
chapter was originally published in Japanese in Nitta Hitoshi 新田均, “Arahitogami” “Kokka Shintō” to iu
gensō: “Zettaigami” wo yobidashita no wa dare ka 「現人神」「国家神道」という幻想―「絶対神」を呼び出したのは誰か (Tokyo: Jinja Shinpōsha 神社新報社, 2014).

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his standpoint, which is favorable to the past, but Komuro states that what the Meiji government
created in order to foster the spirit of equality as a premise of capitalism was “the idea to makean emperor who was the sovereign of the nation the only and absolute kami for the Japanesepeople, and it was like making the emperor an equivalent of the God of Christianity” (Tsūkai!
Kenpōgaku, Shūeisha Intānashonaru, 2001, p. 214).
It is difficult to judge which research findings these scholars’ opinions are built on, but it is easy
to imagine that the opinion of Murakami Shigeyoshi, who was an authority of “State Shinto”
studies, must have been extensively influenced by them. Murakami wrote as follows:
By the establishment of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan, the emperor’s
attributes changed from Priest-King, who was a man observing traditions historicallyformed, to the monotheistic arahitogami (Tennō no saishi, Iwanami Shinsho, 1977, p. ii).
Tennō as the absolute kami: an emperor who exclusively held political power in bothsecular and religious realms, military power, and ritual power, was regarded as a living
kami, and called arahitogami or akitsukami. Under the modern tennō-sei (emperor system), thefundamental characteristic of the emperor as Priest-King before the Meiji Restoration
was replaced with the attributes of arahitogami. The emperor’s characteristics as arahitogami
differed markedly from his traditional role, and it was invented after the Meiji Restoration(Ibid., p.151).
The process of making the emperor the absolute being, initiated at the time of the
Meiji Restoration, finally reached a point that the emperor became sacred and inviolable
as kami by establishing the Constitution of the Empire of Japan. The concept of kami,
which was invented as the emperor’s new attribute, was quite different from the conceptof kami built on a shamanism that encompassed Japanese religious practices. This newconcept was the same as that of God in monotheism and almost close to the concept of
God in Christianity. The idea, to deify the emperor by making him absolute, held by agroup of leaders in the modern nation with the emperor system, was strongly influenced
by Christianity. The emperor, who became arahitogami, was created as the embodiment of
the absolute truth and ultimate virtue completely separated from human beings (pp.152–
153).
The emperor’s existence as arahitogami regulated the people’s consciousness for life inevery part and came to powerfully exhibit both political and religious functions, which
was incomparable in modern nations of the world. A war in the name of the emperor
was regarded as a ‘holy war’ in order to shine with the glorious virtue of the emperor tothe outside and to realize ‘hakkō-ichiu (eight corners of the world under one roof).’ In the
Empire of Japan, invading other countries was justified as an action to spread theuniversal values of the emperor as arahitogami over the world, and the limitless loyalty of‘self-annihilation’ for the emperor and the nation was demanded of the entire people,
regardless of wartime or peacetime (pp.155–156).
The doctrine of kokutai (national polity) signifies, first and foremost, a claim of thesacredness of the Empire of Japan, which was ruled by the emperor as a kami, having its
foundation in a political mythology of the Kojiki and Nihonshoki that the ancient state had

2created. Both the Kojiki and Nihonshoki were classified as Shinto scriptures, and the state
power viewed both as the orthodox mythology, and made a series of political mythologies
such as the divine descent an important theme for school education. The government
ruthlessly suppressed not only criticism against these orthodox Shinto scriptures but also
objective studies and even questions about them (Kokka Shintō, Iwanami Shoten, 1970,
pp.141–142).
The mythology became a fact that should not be questioned. This built the convictionin the supremacy of the national polity over the world and the sense of being a chosen
people led by kami, which nurtured a rich soil for exclusive ethnocentrism (pp.142–143).

By going back to the roots of the words that these intellectuals used in their heated arguments
during the first decade of the 21st century, we understand that their words are only a repetition of
the Meiji origin theory for arahitogami, which was discussed a generation before. On the other
hand, around the early 1990s, those who developed the argument that we may call the Shōwa
origin theory for arahitogami appeared among scholars specializing in modern history andsociology.
The Emergence of the Shōwa Origin Theory for Arahitogami
Suzuki Masayuki, professor of Kobe University, described in Kōshitsuseido-Meiji kara sengo made(Iwanami Shoten, 1993) the so-called tennō kikansetsu jiken as “a path toward deification of theemperor,” in which the military authorities first “absolutized the emperor’s authority, which ledthem to absolutize the army led by the emperor, and then they finally tried to govern the state
politics” (p.186).
In addition, Soeda Yoshiya, a professor at Tsukuba University, advanced Suzuki’s view, andstated the following in his Kyōiku chokugo no shakaishi-nashonarizumu no sōshutsu to zasetsu (Yūshindō
Kōbunsha, 1997):
According to the Kokutai no hongi (Monbushō, 1937), the emperor is an arahitogami, whereas
according to the Kyōiku chokugo, or The Imperial Rescript on Education [Meiji 23], an emperor
is not a kami. At least, in terms of the constitutional monarchy indicated by theConstitution of the Empire of Japan, the emperor was first a monarch whose powers
were restricted by the government and parliament; thus, he was not a kami. Upon
drafting the Imperial Rescript on Education, Inoue Kowashi decided on the principle that
he would not contradict the faith of followers of specific religions or denominations.
Under this principle, an emperor could not have been a kami. As already described, after
the promulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education, the deification of an emperor
was enforced in multi-faceted ways. However, it was after the theory of the Emperor as anorgan of government was negated that the emperor became a kami from the approved
view of the state powers (p. 276; the additional information in square brackets has been
supplied by the author of this article).
In short, both Suzuki and Soeda asserted that the process of deifying and absolutizing anemperor by the state started after the Shōwa period. Then, is the “Meiji origin” or “Shōwa

3origin” theory correct?
I have read various kinds of historical manuscripts of the modern era related to religion andpolitics of Japan and I have rarely found the term “arahitogami” used in the manuscripts written
during the Meiji period. Therefore, I originally suspected that the term would appear more oftenmuch later than the Meiji period, or the idea of the absolute emperor would become dominant.
However, I did not yet have a way to support my hypothesis, and I could not clarify the process
by which “arahitogami” emerged. But, I was asked to compare and examine the descriptions ofcurrent textbooks of history for junior high schools, and after I conducted the textbook research,
an approach came to my mind. If the government of that period had a view of the emperor
which they wanted the Japanese people to hold, such a view should have appeared in the
textbooks at that time. Then, if we want to understand changes in the view, we should examine
the textbooks for “moral training” and “Japanese history.” Thus, I examined the changes ofdescriptions of textbooks for moral training and Japanese history, which most of the Japanesepeople used, while paying close attention to appearances of the terms “arahitogami,” as well as“hakkō-ichiu,” which had been often mentioned in connection with “arahitogami.” I found that
descriptions about the emperor in the textbooks for moral training and Japanese history went
through three stages of changes, and surprisingly, “akitsukami,” interchangeably used with“arahitogami,” and “hakkō-ichiu” appeared in the final and third stage, which was after Shōwa 16(1941).
Changes in Elementary School Textbooks for Moral Training and Japanese History
Although I wrote that I investigated the elementary school textbooks for moral training andJapanese history, unified textbooks did not begin to be distributed in the entire country until
1904, when the textbooks were standardized, so I could only examine changes in the textbooks
after that happened. I determined that textbooks for moral training had been revised four times,
while those for history were revised six times. In other words, historically, there are five editionsof the government-designated textbooks for moral training, and seven for history. When I
examined them chronologically by focusing on ways in which the emperor was explained, threestages of changes were observed in the textbooks for both moral training and the Japanese
history.
First, the explanation of the first stage after 1904 consists of two theories of shinson (divine
descent), claiming first that the emperor is Amaterasu’s descendant and second that historicalJapan persisted due to the emperor’s virtue and his subjects’ loyalty, or tokugi (virtue and loyalty).
Below are some examples of these theories (underlining added by the author).
The Emperor as a “Divine Descendant” Theory
Textbook for moral training
Amaterasu Ōmikami bestowed the three imperial regalia upon her grandson Ninigi no
mikoto and said to him, “Govern this country Japan.” Ninigi no mikoto’s descendant,
Emperor Jinmu…. (Elementary school textbook for moral training for the fourth grade, 1903, p.1).
The successive generations of emperors from Emperor Jinmu are all his descendants.
The presence of the unbroken line of emperors from time immemorial is unparalleled in
the world (Ibid., 2).
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Textbook for Japanese history
Amaterasu Ōmikami is our emperor’s ancestor (Elementary school textbook, vol. 1, 1903, p.1).
The “Virtue and Loyalty” Theory
Textbook for moral training
The successive generations of emperors loved their subjects, and their subjects wished forprosperity of the imperial household …. (Elementary school textbook for moral training for the
fourth grade, 1903, pp.45–46).
The successive generations of emperors loved their subjects as if they were their children,and our ancestors all respected the imperial household and devoted themselves to theemperor and the country with loyalty and love (Elementary school textbook for moral training,
vol. 5 for children for the fifth grade, 1911, pp.1–2).
Textbook for Japanese history
In this way, our country gradually enhanced its national prestige in the world and finallyreached a position where it was able to be compared with other great powers in the world.
This was achieved by our emperor’s greatest virtue and the people’s selfless loyalty anddevotion to the country. Moreover, this was solely due to the fact that the successive
generations of emperors from time immemorial were virtuous, merciful, and always
concerned with the national prosperity and the people’s well-being, and that the people
also devoted themselves to their emperor and country (Elementary school textbook for theJapanese history, vol. 2, 1910, pp.97–98).
Next, upon the second stage, in addition to the “divine descendant” and “virtue and loyalty”
theories, the kazoku kokka (nation as family) theory began to be narrated, claiming that theemperor is a a parent while his subjects are like his children. This happened after 1921.
The “Nation as Family” Theory
Textbook for moral training
It has been a little over 2580 years since Emperor Jinmu’s enthronement. During theseyears, our country has centered on the imperial house and has been flourishing, united as
one big family. The preceding emperors have cherished their subjects, like their own
children, while we subjects have revered the emperor as our parent and devoted ourselvesto the country and emperor with loyalty. Although there are many countries in the world,
there is no other country like Japan which has the emperor unbroken for ages eternal andwhere both the imperial house and its people are united (Elementary school textbook for moral
training, vol. 5, for children, 1921, pp.1–2).
Textbook for Japanese history
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For the enthronement ceremony at the shishin-den, Emperor Taishō stated in his imperial
rescript: “the emperor of an unbroken line since time immemorial has inherited the threeimperial regalia and nurtured his people. His subjects have served the imperial court withloyalty over the generations. The subjects’ loyalty as well as feelings between the emperor
and his subjects, like father and son, have formed the national polity of our country,
which is unparalleled in other countries.” His words are highly respectable (Elementary
school textbook for the Japanese history, vol. 2, 1921, pp.146–147).
When the third and final stage appeared, in addition to the “divine descendant,” “virtue andloyalty,” and “nation as family” theories, both “arahitogami” and “hakkō-ichiu” theories began to be
narrated. Precisely speaking, “arahitogami” began to be used after 1941, while the term “hakkōichiu” after 1943.
The Emperor as “Arahitogami” Theory
Textbook for moral training
The Emperor whom we venerate as kami is Amaterasu Ōmikami’s descendant andgoverns the country, keeping Amaterasu’s great heart in mind (Elementary school textbook formoral training, vol. 6, 1939, p. 5).
There is no parallel example in the world in terms of the way we have established ourcountry, revering the emperor as kami and respectfully considering the imperial
household to be the head family of the Japanese people (Ibid, p.6).
We Japanese people revere the Emperor as akitsukami and humbly accept the imperialfamily as the head of Japan (Elementary school textbook for moral training, vol. 3, 1943, p. 92).
Textbook for Japanese history
Being recipients of the Emperor’s great virtue, we have venerated the Emperor as both
akitsukami and the father of Japan, and have been loyal to him (Elementary school textbook forJapanese history, final volume, 1941, pp. 178–179).
Being recipients of the Emperor’s blessings, the people of Japan have revered theEmperor as akitsukami and as the father of the country and have been loyal to him(Elementary school textbook for Japanese history, final volume, 1943, p. 184).
The “Hakkō-ichiu” Theory
Textbook for moral training
Now Japan attempts to righteously lead the people of the world by following the kami’s
great heart at the time Japan was created (Elementary school textbook for moral training, vol.1,
1942, p. 9).

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Our great Japan is a country that values morality and loyalty. Japan intends to create abond among the people of the world, to thrive together, and to enjoy together in order tocreate world peace. This spirit has permeated the country and remained unchanged since
the origin of the country…. When Emperor Jinmu founded the capital in Kashihara of
Yamato, he said: “I shall cover the eight directions and make them my abode” and spreadthe imperial ancestor Amaterasu Ōmikami’s great heart. Keeping her great heart inmind, the subsequent emperors governed the country in order to influence the world by
the imperial virtue (Elementary school textbook for moral training, vol. 3, 1943, pp. 96–97).
Textbook for Japanese history
Soon Emperor Jinmu founded a capital in Kashihara at the foot of Mt. Unebi and, with
his intention to spread Amaterasu Ōmikami’s heart, said: “I shall cover the eight
directions and make them my abode (Elementary school textbook for Japanese history, vol. 1,
1943, p. 12).”
Based on these changes in descriptions in the elementary school textbooks, at least two things
can be said. First, it is likely that the concepts “arahitogami” and “hakkō-ichiu” were not taught
during the Meiji period, but were a result of certain social changes that caused those concepts toappear in the textbooks from the 1920s. Second, considering the fact that, although the theory of
the emperor as “divine descendant” had been taught for a while, the “arahitogami” theory was
newly introduced after 1931, there seems to be a difference between the ideas of the emperor as“divine descendant” and “arahitogami.”
In a related episode, the Deputy Grand Chamberlain Kinoshita Michio found fault in theoccupation authority’s draft of the Emperor Shōwa’s [Emperor Hirohito] declaration that he wasan ordinary human being, because it denied the idea of “the emperor as a divine descendant.”
He thought it absolutely unacceptable and proposed an amendment to replace the part inquestion with a denial of “the emperor as arahitogami,” with the Emperor Shōwa’s permission(Kinoshita Michiko Sokkin nisshi, Bungei Shunjū, pp. 89–90). Kinoshita’s proposal for thisamendment was accepted, and this resulted in the “humanity declaration” of the Emperor
Shōwa, negating “the emperor as arahitogami.” This suggests that if there were no difference inmeaning between the ideas of the emperor as “divine descendant” and “arahitogami,”
Kinoshita’s intention in making the amendment would have been inconceivable.
This leads us to the following questions: what were those social changes that influenced thechanges of the textbooks; and what was difference between the “divine descendant” and“arahitogami” theories. Just viewing the textbooks will not bring us these answers. And so, thequestions have to be explored by expanding our view and examining how the government dealt
with the matter of the basis for imperial rule in terms of policy for education, and how suchgovernmental efforts were related to the movement of social thought over time. These are
examined here in four periods:(1) From the beginning of the Meiji period to the promulgation of the Imperial Rescripton Education(2) From the promulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education to World War I(3) From World War I to the Manchurian Incident(4) After the Manchurian Incident

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Before entering deep analysis, two aspects are provided as additional explanations on the
textbooks. The first one is about “hakkō-ichiu,” the description of Emperor Jinmu ascending thethrone in the palace of Kashihara and becoming the first emperor in Japan, which continued toappear in the Japanese history textbooks from 1904. However, in 1943, his words that “I shallcover the eight directions and make them my abode” from the imperial edict at his enthronement
were first introduced and an interpretation of “hakkō-ichiu” appeared as the diplomatic policy
toward the world.
The second one is about the phrase “the land of the kami,” which former prime minister Mori
Yoshiro (b. 1937) uttered in 2000, causing a dispute. In fact, it was in 1940 that this word
appeared in both the elementary school textbooks for Japanese history, and in the elementary
school textbooks for moral training.
I will explain a little further. Concerning the textbook for Japanese history, the textbook of1904 described the wind, which had blown at the time of the Mongolian Invasions, as simply“big wind,” and similarly it described Kitabatake Chikafusa as a loyal retainer who had devoted
himself to the Southern court. However, in the textbook of 1934, “big wind” was corrected as“kamikaze (divine wind),” and in the textbook of 1940, Chikafusa was described as the author of
the Jinnō Shōtōki (the Chronicles of the Authentic Lineages of the Divine Emperors) where he
explained that “Japan is the land of the kami.” This is the first example of the term “the land ofkami” being introduced in a school textbook. (In connection with this, it is around this time when
the proclamation of tenjōmukyū (as eternal as heaven and earth) [uttered by the deity Amaterasu to
her grandson] began to appear in the opening of the school textbooks.) Furthermore, in the
textbook of 1943, the first chapter was entitled “the land of kami;” the headline of the passage
on the Mongolian Invasions became kamikaze, and a passage appeared stating that “the reason
why this large difficulty was able to be overcome was absolutely attributed to Japan being theland of the kami.”
Similarly, in the case of the elementary school textbook for moral training, “the land of thekami” was first introduced in Yoikodomo, vol. 2 in 1941: “Japan is a country of righteousness andpureness, and the only land of kami in the world; Japan is a country of righteousness and highspirits, and the shining and great country.” Also, in a textbook for moral training (vol. 2, 1942),
the article on Kitabatake Chikafusa was entitled “Japan is the land of the kami,” while in anothertextbook for moral training (vol.3 of 1943), the following passage came to be written: “Japan as
the land of the kami has existed since the time before Japanese history was orally narrated or
written down.”

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