Cosplay

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コスプレサブカルチャー

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日本と海外

EdmundW

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エドマンドW．ホフ
Keywords：cosplay，麗α勧，

subculture，

global，

fashion，

costuming，youth

キーワード：コスプレ、オタク、サブカルチャー、グロバル、文化、衣装、若者

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要約

コスプレ（コスチュームプレイ）はここ30年間で世界中の若者の間で一般的になったサブカ
ルチャーである。世界中のコスプレイヤー達が、アニメ・漫画及びテレビゲームに登場する好みのキャラクターを演じている。コスプレイヤーのコミュニティには共通した特徴があるが、一方でコスプレの定義は居住するそれぞれの国の社会環境の影響を受けることで差異が産まれている。

本稿はサブカルチャー研究の枠組みを用いて．コスプレと日本社会におけるオタク文化ならびにマンガ・アニメの流行との関わりを考察することで、その位置づけを明らかにする。さらに空間的な差異を超えて日本と海外のコスプレコミュニティの間に存在する共通点について考察する。

150 Si<i4kptt¥ii:muiAct¥ii:iEiFill{ikEIilill (Ilfg171i:}L"Thirty yeesrs esgo we ewere able to cosplay eyerywhere in this pewk."

QNaote frorrk Kotgjin‑T, veteran cosplayer in Japan, discNassing the spatial iimitations andincrease iit regulations limiting cosplay to only one building in Tsurumai Park, Nagoya, Japan.

Co$tuming i$ a common diversion found in some form iit all humait societie$.
Cosplay (costume play) is one form of this pastime that is unique in its qualities. It isdifficult to $tate where aitd wheit cosplay origiitated; however, there i$ documentationof cosplay in the United States and Japan in the 1960s and 1970s. "Cosplay" (:]X70Y) as a term was first used in an article coauthored by Nobuyutki Takahashi in the1983 June edition of My Anime magazine (Takahashi, 2009). The expression became
popularized after his visit to Lo$ Angele$ Science Fictioft Worldcon in 1984 andcosplay has continued its spread around the world since then. Defining a group ofhobbyists who are scattered worldwide is no $imple ta$k yet its notoriety with asignificant section of youth today demands attention.
In this article I will introduce applicable themes within subculture discourse anddemonstrate how cosplay relates to this structure. Some of the influences which define

co$play, youth fashion originating in Japan, manga aftd esnime subject matter, andotakec (rtY")a cukure will be explored. Cosplay is a global phenomenon and a
subculture that $tretches throutgh internet communities and is reinterpreted in local
societies. Use of the internet to trade photos and communicate with others is speeding
along ait international conformity in the identity of cosplay although mafty ift Japan

attempt to maintain a sense of "Japaneseness" in the cosplay of Japan. Teenagers fromdifferent countries grow to find something in the $ubject matter of eznime and mangathat they identify with, and through cosplay they look to Japan for the source of theirfandom (Kelts, 2006, 30; Napier, 2005, i4). Japanese eznime, manga, and game characters

may be seen as foreign concepts by societies around the world but the subject
material is ever‑present in Japaft, casting doubt upoft the consistency of a subculture

framework. In the birthplace of anime and manga, cosplay is experiencing popular
growth aitd acceptance ift some regard$ and $ocial restriction$ in others. Althoughdiffering methods and cultural restrictions exist within the global subculture;cosplayers from different countries $hare a common identity, $imilar tribulations, anda constant passion for the stories aftd images of the characters that they attempt toCosplay as Subcukure: In Japan and Beyond 151
embody.
A unifying intere$t for cosplayer$ i$ the eznime, maftga, and game culture of Japan

from which many of their costumes originate. The characters that cosplayers personify

are not limited to only Japanese characters, however, a$ the word "cosplay" cait beused to refer to many forms of costuming besides those from Japan. More than eighty
coutntries hold esnime‑related coitveittiofts, aftd with differing $ocial value$ anddevelopment of the cosplay communities, many groups have unique characteristics.
One does not need ait event to be able to make a co$tume and take photos; in thisrespect it is nearly impossible to measure the global scope of cosplay. In mostcountries maitga and eznime are clas$ified as foreigit media, making cosplay a deviationfrom general society. Even in Japan where all are exposed to manga and anime inadvertisements aitd through the media on a daily basi$; cosplaying the characters issomething that possesses a stigma and its dynamics are little understood by amajority of the population. A$ a $ocial group that maintains it$ own set of specifictraits, one method of examiniftg the group is through the lens of subcultural studies.

Swwbemituwe thrmd SecgaR Framaewerk

Research into subcultures has been complicated to define, particularly over the last

forty year$, as more studie$ have beeit conducted and outdated ideas are replaced. As

human societies grow in complexity it has become important to analyze parts ofsociety oft a smaller $cale. Gelder describes sutbcultural studie$ a$ problematic, "asomewhat fractured and probably rather fragile discipline... iftcreasingly pluralist in its

interests and exten$ive in its raftge" (Gelder 2005, i). Regardle$s of the numerous

nuances and complexity in the discourse, cosplayers remain a social group whose
activities are itot often itoticed by greater society. As oite part of a human $ocial
structure, the examination of subcultures such as cosplay can iftversely cast light on
the dyftami$m of culture itself. In this seitse, the study of $ubcultures is oite of anumber of available methods in societal studies.

Re$earch into social deviaitcy finds roots in the early twentieth century. It was

not until the 1960s that theorists put forward concepts explaining how deviants
attempted to ftormalize forms of uitorthodox social activities. Becker (1963) maintainedthat deviant behavior was labeled as such by society, and social deviants were152 Si<i4kptt¥ii:muiAct¥ii:iEiFill{ikEIilill (Ilfg171i:}Lconsidered outsiders. The acts of subcultural groups were labeled by general society as
different thuts locking the $ubculture inio a proces$ of "deviant amplification" (Benitett

and Kalm‑Harris 2004, 4). This was reinforced from within and without the subculture
and maintained it as a minority grouping within $ociety.

In the early 1970s scholars like Hebdige and Jefferson of the Birmingham Centre
for Contemporary Cultural Studie$ (CCCS) ushered in a new era iit social theory bylooking at society ift less concrete terms through the introduction of style, fashion, andthe cooiness of $ubculture groutp$. Dick Hebdige wa$ a ceniral figure in the CCCS aftd

his book Secbceeltase: The Meesning of Style (1979) introduced a paradigm shift in$ubculture $tudies. He looked at social groups like puitk and reggae that possessed a

cutting‑edge style element. Compafties picked up on the youthful fashion trends ofthese groups, aftd bringiitg them into the mainstream reduced the counter‑culture
stigma and in so doing, threatening their very existence. The semiotics and style ofsubculture was something that was new at the time. Although there are voices against
the conformist codification of a social grouping by looking at their symbols, visual
iitdicator$ play an importani part in cosplay as a $ubculture today.

In Japan it was not until after World War II that a middle class emerged with theeconomic means to consume and partake in more Western lei$ure activitie$ similar toother nations. It was at this time that anime and manga began to flourish and scholars

such as Toshio Okada developed his narrative describiitg the consumption patterns ofyouth during the 1950s aftd 1960s (Okada 1996, 2008). An increase in the productionof maftga aitd onime during this period and the freedom to consume and recreate
manga content through dofnshi2 provided for a new generation of Japanese youth.
Their social activities fouftd a new focus in 1975 with the advent of the Comic Market

or Comiket (Kinsella 1998, 295). Okada began looking at the consumer phenomenon
and the various generatiofts of ot(zksc youth (Okada 1996, 55‑62). The social developmentof youth was quite different in Japan and Okada also moticed that although the youngwere finding a new sense of freedom, rock aftd roll, puftk, and hippie $ubcultures were

imported and unmatural in Japan. This cultural gap in the understanding of(sub)culture iit Japaft will be discu$sed further below.

Cosplay as Subcukure: In Japan and Beyond 153(Post) SwwbemiSwwwe

In contrast to the subculture paradigm put forward by members of the CCCS theterm "post‑sutbculture" begaft to be used in the 1980s denoting a movement beyond
the more static concepts of previous studies. It is based oft post‑modernist theory and$tresses the role oflangutage, power relatioit$, "fragmeitted aitd fluid identities, hybridity,[aftd] transience" (Gelder 2005, 12). in particular it questions the use of sharp
cla$sification$ such as male ver$us female, straight vs. gay, white vs. black, and withregards to subculture, high class vs. Iow class. Post‑subculturalism therefore considers

realities to be plural and relative which hold$ meaning with the global nature ofcultural studies as well as the nature of youth culture in Japaft.

Group$ examined under the auspices of post‑subculturali$m $tretch the meaning of

the concept of subculture to the point that it loses semblance of what it had been
identified as until the 1980s‑something spatially static with aft eye on the local. With

cosplay hobbyists spanning the globe propagated by the popularity of the internet, tofocus oit ofte regioit alofte limits utnderstaitding of the global nature of cosplay. It is

becoming possible to keep up with trends being set on the other side of the world;
this is a special qutality of online communities. Ofte cait be a part of a subculture alone

in your room or by watching the same TV programs, making the field of subculture
studie$ vast. Some groups studied maintain the hallmarks of semiotic values whileothers may be completely invisible to the viewer.
Quantifying the boutndaries of a social group as an integral part or $eparate entity
from greater society is a matter that is central to research dealing with subcultures.
Chris Jeitks $tresses that subculture caftnot $tand alone without society arouitd it, aftd

that we lose perspective of the greater culture through the tendency to focus adisproportioftate amouftt of attention on subculture (Jeitks 2005, 12). Gelder raises a

separate point against the concept of post‑subculturalism, stating that it is "as if
subcultural identity is ftow more or less a thing of the pasV' (Gelder 2005, 1). He refers

to Benftett aftd Kahn‑Harris's After Secbenttecre, indicating the confusion in using the"post" prefix: "Although I would argue that $ubcu1ture is an inappropriate concept touse in the analysis of contemporary cultural practice, it none the less illuminates someof the more difficult problematics of creating youth culture" (Gelder 2005, 14).
Describing subcukure as both "illuminating" and "imappropriate" presents a paradox

154 Si<i4kptt¥ii:muiAct¥ii:iEiFill{ikEIilill (Ilfg171i:}Lthat is intrinsic with the subculture vs. post‑subculture discussion; ultimately we are
discu$siftg the $ame social groutp$ regardless of whether or itot we choose to apply thesuffix "post."(Post) Swwbeultwwralgsma im tke Cowatext of Japthrm

The inappropriate nature of the term "subcukure" is also questioned by scholars
in Japait. Hiroshi Deguchi maintains that the use of the term "$ubculture" is a Westernconcept which carries little implication in Japanese culture. He states that "subculture"in Japanese is a form of social imperiali$m $ubpmgating $ociety by setting uitftatural

boundaries through the discussion of "contents"3. Deguchi emphasizes that manga has

been an art form since the Edo period (1603‑1868) and his numerous examples
drawing similarities to the manga of today offer a compelling argument (Deguchi,2010). His me$sage is a powerfu1 one aftd indicates the ceniral role that contents
maintain in many parts of Japanese society.

Accordiftg to Okada, the forcible opening of the ports by the black $hips ofCommodore Perry led Japan into a period of unnatural disruption which was ended in
war and capitulation with the droppiftg of the atomic bombs. Through thi$ cu1turally

traumatic experience, auime, manga, and toys unique to Japan became an outlet of
e$capism and led to the otakes cu1ture that exists today. Okada's viewed of subculture

was the Japanized versions of Western subculture. The import of hippie or puftk
fashiofts was something qutite different to his coftcept of the progression of Japansese

youth culture. Okada and Deguchi share the same message in that otakee culture is nota "sub" culture in Japan but in fact the dominant culture. (Okada, 1996, 365).

The argument that manga, auime, and otakec culture belong to Japan and are thedomiftant culture i$ compelliftg. Yet the different meaning that the term ot(zksc holds
in languages and societies arouftd the world raises questions regarding the consistencyof global (sub) culture. Outside of Japaft otakes generally refers to someone who is a

fan of Japanese anime and manga; within Japan otakec are considered members of thedomiftant culture. Adding aitother layer to matters, otaksc caft also carry itegative
stereotypes in Japan which I will deal with further below.
The sutbculture vs. domiftant culture dyftamic that i$ present in Japan's case adds

a unique facet to the examinatioft of cosplay as a subculture. It is the interest inCosplay as Subcukure: In Japan and Beyond 155
manga, onime, and game "contents" however, that form an essential part of theidentity of cosplayers aitd ot(zksc alike. Both group$ are knowit around the world withcertain youths and whether they are referred to as a subcukural group or dominant
cu1ture they maintain uftique qualities. The semiotic characteristic$ amongst cosplayers

remain distinct and the relationship between otakec and cosplay is close and deservesclarificatioft. To gain a better under$taftdiftg of cosplay as a phenomeiton it isimportant to recognize the meaning of (post)subculture and that a majority ofcosplayers ideniify themselves a$ olezkee while still maintainiitg a clear cosplayer
identity.

Cosplay thwnd Otukme

As most cosplayers consider themselves to be otakec it begs to question therelatioitship betweeit the two. The definitioft of otaksc will chaftge from persoft toperson; according to Hiroki Azuma it is "a general term referring to those who indulge

iit forms of subculture strongly linked to eznime, video game$, computers, science
fiction, special‑effects films, esnime figurines and so on" (Azuma 2009, 3). This casts awide net aitd could include other genre$ as well depeitding on the $ource. A relatively

recent development in otakee material "contents" is the advent of the light novel which
Deguchi includes in his own aftalysi$ of otaksc culture (Deguchi, 2010).

From personal surveys with hundreds of cosplayers in Japan and abroad most
co$players do indeed express affinity with olezkee. However, there are some who do notand they will be clear about this so as to prevent confusion the relationship can be
expressed in figutre 1.

Cosplayers im RelaStoas to 0takme

Figure 1. 0takee and Cospaayers

156 Si<i4kptt¥ii:muiAct¥ii:iEiFill{ikEIilill (Ilfg171i:}LThe graph illustrates that cosplayers make up a part of those who consider themselves
otakes and how a great majority of cosplayer$ would describe themselves as ot(zksc. Avery small percentage of people who wear cosplay costumes regularly do not define
themselves as ot(zksc; they could be models, idols or singers. One informant who I $hall

call GM has been constructing robot costumes in Japan for ten years. He states that

he does not want to fool others into thiitking that he i$ an avid consumer of"contents" or that he is deeply knowledgeable about manga or onime story lines. In
response to a question about why he does cosplay, GM replied that he doesn't cosplay,he "costumes." Setting aside self‑identity terminology, he explained that he enjoyed
co$tuming aftd going to evenis internatioitally to meet people who share similar pa$t‑

times (GM, persomal communication, November 2010). Persomally, I consider his
knowledge of anime and manga to be greater than other nonnt(zksc. Thi$ can be

attributed to the domimant culture aspect of anime and manga that he grew up$urrouftded by, and hi$ general exposure to theme$ within "contents" through contact

with other costumers. In addition, one can see that sometimes the differentiation
betweeit ot(zksc or iton‑otskes may be a matter of one's self‑identity and thu$ depends
upon personal discretion.

As one of the founding members of the Comiket event, Hiroshi Deguchi i$ anauthority on what it means to be otakee in Japan. Like Okada, his approach tosubculture is that the term is a foreign concept inspired by Western Chri$tiaft culture.

Manga is not a sub‑partition of Japanese culture but considering that it has beenprevalent for centurie$ it is (or should be seen as) an integral part of the dominantculture. According to Deguchi, "subculture" is a form of cultural orientalism andshould be avoided. in his presentation given at Tokyo Uitiversity in November 2010
Deguchi presented "contents" which feed the existence of cosplay in a way that had
minimal delineation. His descriptions posses$ed a frenetic pace reflective of the way
otakec data should be ingested‑in a holistic way.
Degutchi's definitioft of the material coftsumed by otaksc is quite ea$y to uftderstandin figure 2. We can see the stroftg interrelationship between the different factors thatmake utp "contents" material. Mafty of the stories overlap and/or are repeated in otherforms. For example, the Gecndem series began over thirty years ago and currently
include$ many onime, manga, and video game series. Light novels from the $eries havealso recently been published. Some of the manga and anime stories are the same;Cosplay as Subcukure: In Japan and Beyond

157

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Figure 2. Based oxx Degnchi, 2010.
however, the game stories will often branch off into different playable scenes uniqueto other "conients" material. This branches out to other ot(zksc‑related merchandi$e aftd

products (Deguchi 2010), and from karaoke songs to dQ7einshi and figures, Gecndem ismore or les$ prevalent in all genres. Co$playiitg a character from the Gwwdnm serie$ i$
implicitly dependant; if it were not for the existence of "contents" cosplay would notexistin theform we acknowledge it today. Figure 2 ilbustrate$ this relation$hip between"contents" aftd subsequently reliant genres. Further definition could demonstrate theinfluences betweeit geftres such as that of dojinshi aitd figure$ upon cosplay.
Nevertheless, through the graph we can better understand that cosplay is only a smallpart of greater olezkee culture and ultimately relie$ on material "conieftts" for its subject
material.

In general discussions regarding co$play, a lack of uftderstaftding is commoft inJapan and abroad. Outside of Japan it is often completely unknown, and within Japan
there is a coftception of it as aft antisocial hobby 1inked to its relationship withprevalent stereotypes of otakec culture itself. Misconceptions about otakec culture arerooted ift news stories that periodically appear oft the front page of newspapers. The

Mbyacaki ltken was the first example of this where Tsutomu Miyazaki, (also known
as the "Otakes Murderer") was convicted of killing four young girls in 1989. Upon
examination of his residence police found over five thousand videotapes of anime and$lasher movies, and the inten$e media atteniioft fueled a moral paitic against otaksc.

"Amateur manga culture was repeatedly linked to Miyazaki, creating what became aitew public perception, that young people involved with amateur maftga are dangerous,
psychologically disturbed perverts" (Kinsella 1998, 548). Little has changed over the158 Si<i4kptt¥ii:muiAct¥ii:iEiFill{ikEIilill (Ilfg171i:}Lpast 20 years as the same perspectives appeared with the more recent "Akihabara
Incideni" (Slater and Galbraith, 20ii). By being consutmers of the $ame "conients"
material, cosplayer's association with otakec runs deep aftd society's preconceptions ofot(zksc similarly influeftce interactions with cosplayer$.

Tlae GRobai Claaraeter of CospRay

There are many factors that are constant amongst co$play communities no matter

which country they are fouftd. Outside of Japan the anime convention serves as agathering locatioft for communities and often this is the first exposure that youth

have to the hobby. There were over one hundred sixty anime conventions in the
United States alone in 20iO. It i$ hard to say exactly how many countries hold regularconventions; over eighty countries would be a consewative statement. These range
from $maller event$ to the giant Comiket in Tokyo or ChinaJoy in Shanghai. Cosplay
is not limited to Japanese manga and anime characters but can be from Western comic
books, vi$ual‑kei,4 or other locally recognizable characters; this uftderstandiitg of what

cosplay is also depends on the persoft and country they come from. These global
characteri$tics reaffirm the subcultural character of cosplay. Uniike otaksc, who
experience a shift from dominant cukure in Japan to subculture abroad, cosplayers
maintain a $imilar position a$ a group that practices its hobby in common gathering
points fto matter the country.

Spaces of coitgregation, material$ and certain skill sets help define the cosplayer.

Naturally, having the economic freedom to partake in the hobby is a fundamental
prerequi$ite. As making costumes by hand ha$ been the traditional staitdard, having

access to a sewing machine is a necessity; in particular a lock sewing machine ishighly vabued. Although co$play performance$ (masquerades) are common at mostevents outside of Japan, photo cosplay is equally predomimant making cameras
e$seniial. This creates a demand for people who can take quality photo$ and an
important partner to the cosplayer is the cameraman. Being able to alter pictures with

program$ like Photoshop are also valued skills for cosplayer$. Touchiitg up photos iscommon, particularly for those who have their own web sites and upload photos
regularly. Over the la$t twenty years, online cosplay site$ snch as Cosplay.com,
American Cosplay Paradise in the Uftited States (www.acparadise.com), and Cosplay

Cosplay as Subcukure: In Japan and Beyond 159
Forum in France (www.cosplayforum.com) have become digital gathering spaces for
co$players to share stories and images. More recently iton‑cosplay‑centric $paces $uch

as Deviant Art, Facebook, and Twitter have also become locations where cosplayers
congregate. Makenp is another hallmark of the cosplayer aitd although female$ are
more familiar with the products, male cosplayers too will use makeup to give theircharacter a finished look. According to Marcela, a cosplayer from the Uitited State$,

her fiance who also cosplays uses makeup for his characters but she fouftd that
overall there was an aver$ion to using make up amoftg male cosplayer$ iit the US (e‑mail communication with Marcel& September, 2011).
Findings in Chen's $tudy on the cosplay community in Taiwan are consi$tent withthe sensibilities of other communities around the world. Chen discusses fandom as amulticu1tural territory, in which "each fan commutnity subscribe$ to it$ own unique
media substances, values, and contexts". Although esnime conventions can be seen as
the creative focus for cosplay subculture, Chen maintain$ that co$play is "the soul" ofauime coftventions and an important way for fans to express their adoration for acharacter (Chen 2007, 14‑15). She notes aitother con$tant in cosplay communities inusing the character's words, posing in the same way as the character does, and eventhinking the character's thoughts.

As context changes with the country cosplayers live in, so do differences inperspective. Cheit makes a point regardiitg character selectioft on the ba$is of the cosplayer's physique in Taiwan (Chen 2007, 19). In Western countries such as Australia
and the United States there is a loo$er interpretatioit of a successfu1 cosplay as there

are anime and manga fans of various body sizes and cultural backgrounds. According

to a conver$ation with Cory, a cosplayer from the United State$ who i$ liviftg inJapan, more experienced cosplayers will focus on the quality of the costumecoftstructioft aitd fabric utsed a$ oppo$ed to physical $imilarities betweeit the cosplayer

and the character (Cory, personal communication, October 2011). Purchasing costumes

is another concept that has seen change over the last 10 years. With many online
locations becoming available to buy premade costumes, paying for a costume insteadof the cosplayer making it them$elves is gaining acceptance around the world. Thismay be the general trend for cosplayers going to have fun with friends at their local

convention, however, most $tage performances maintain in event regulation$ that all

costumes must be handmade.

160 Si<i4kptt¥ii:muiAct¥ii:iEiFill{ikEIilill (Ilfg171i:}L

AIthough cosplayers hail from many countries around the world the charactersthey choose to realize are itot always the same. Character selection is ofteit determiftedby the global marketing practices of anime and manga companies resulting in
irregularitie$ in the exposure of title$ in certain countries (Kelts 2006, 73). With theiftcreased access to new titles through the internet, speed and uftiformity of title

recognition has changed. In a conversation with Limakkuma, a cosplayer from Hong
Kong living in London, she explained that cosplayers in Asia was quick to recreate

costumes from characters iit new eznime and manga titles as soon as they werereleased in Japan. In Europe she found about a one‑year delay aftd North America wasdelayed by two years (Linakkutma, persoma1 communication, July 2011). Cosplayers
from different regions will dispute the accuracy of such a broad statement as there arecosplayers who are more in tonch with current trends comiitg from Japait regardlessof where they live. Nevertheless there is a recognizable gap in costume choices
depending oit the region.
Whereas in Japan dressing as characters from newly‑released or sooft‑to‑be‑released

maftga or eznime is seeit as cutting edge aitd de$irable internationally, ftostalgic
characters such as Macinga Z or Uehecsenkau Yamnto (Star Blazers) are more visible ateznime conventions are common in counirie$ like Italy and Spain. In a similar way,

characters from local or Western comics such as Superman, Batman, and Disney canbe commoniy seeit at events iit the United State$ aitd Mexico, but it is rare to see
characters outside of the "contents" genre of manga aftd anime at events ift Japan.

Cosplay im Japthwa

Cosplay subculture in Japan maintains many of the constants mentioned above
yet the context of Japanese society make$ for some unique qualities found itowhere
else. Cosplay often takes place in one set location, and in Japan over the past twenty

year$ these locatiofts have shrunk spatially aitd temporally. Cosplay event$ are moreftumerous, smaller and traditionally more clandestine than events abroad. In
discu$sions with Tatsutmi Inui, the mamager for Cure.com (the largest online
community for cosplayers in Japan) there are as many as 4000 ‑ 5000 events taking
place every year throughout Japan and costing 2000 ‑ 3000 yen per day to participate.

Cosplayers in Japan are quick to costume new characters and this shift in style isCosplay as Subcukure: In Japan and Beyond 161
similar to other forms of fashion yet dependent upon the release and attraction of new
eznime series'. The speed at which characters are di$covered by cosplayers in Japan isdue to the rapid availability of settei shiryoec (llS2iiitesX{su‑). These are refereftce pictures

which $how the eznime or manga character from a variety of angle$; makiftg them theinvaluable blueprints for creating a new cosplay costume (interview with inui, November,2011)eSpecial language such as "layer" (Y4 iv ‑, reiya) for cosplayers or "cameko" (ju X:]) for photographers i$ used by cosplayers in Japan. (Taitaka, 2009, 36) According to
one source, Akira, unique forms of cosplay exist in Japan such as "taku‑cos" (EikS:iX)and "kao‑cos" (fi2ifi:iX) where cosplayers take photos of their costumes at home orclose‑ups of their faces have become prevalent (Interview with Akira, May, 2011).
Co$players u$e these introductory methods if they are hesitant to attend public eventsor want to take their first steps in cosplay from the familiar surroundings of theirown home. Knowledge of the characters and storyliites from manga and eznime are an
expected standard as conversatioft amongst cosplayers and often focuses oft characterinterpretatioit aftd accurate posing. These conversations are in a way a testing grouftd

for whether the other is otaksc, a cosplayer, or ipPanjin (‑‑‑AmeA).5 As a majority of

co$players are between the age$ of fifteen aitd twenty‑five the use of computers andinteracting online is as much a part of cosplaying as attending events on the weekends.

Acce$siftg aitd having profile accounts on cosplayer‑specific social ftetworking $ites

like Cosplayers' Cure (www. curecos.com) or Cosplayers Archive (www.cosp.jp) arestandard. Name cards are common in general society in Japait and cosplayers take thi$to an extreme. Small card holder booklets are commonly used, sometimes containing
twenty to thirty different type$ of cards with characters they have cosplayed on them.

The reasoning behind this is that when meeting someone new the cosplayer does notwant to di$appoint them with a character on their card that i$ surprisingly different

from the costume they are wearing at the time of meeting.
Cosmetics such a$ foundation, eye la$hes, aitd colored coniact 1enses are otheritems that define the subcukure and wearing makeup is standard for both male andfemale co$players in Japan. The breakdowft of male to female cosplayer$ in Japan isdifferent from other countries as 90% of cosplayers are female (Interview with Inui).
Finally in the pursutit of reenacting a character to the be$t of oite's ability, dieting or

fasting is prevalent for male and female cosplayers. These hallmarks of the subcukure162 Si<i4kptt¥ii:muiAct¥ii:iEiFill{ikEIilill (Ilfg171i:}Lmay be seen as predominantly symbolic concepts harkening to Hebdige's discourse on$tyle and $emiotics however they are factor$ which form the identity of the cosplayer.
To illustrate a more traditional cosplay event I will introduce one experience I had

when visiting a local event in Nagoya, Japaft. The event was held in Tsutrumai Parkat the Nagoya‑shi K6kaido. Built in 1930, the K6kaido is a stoic four‑storey building

ift Tsurumai Park. I went with a university colleague to meet with an informant who
I will call Koujin‑T, a male in his 40s who has been cosplaying off and on for twenty

seven years. As my colleague aftd I drove into the parkiitg lot we saw no co$players

at all, and I commented (as Taylor notes) that you would usually see people walking
aroutnd out$ide at aft event in North America (Taylor 2009, 6). In fact we were notsure if there was even an event taking place until we approached the imposing
building eittraftce aftd noticed people in costume moving arouitd inside.

Upon entering the event location we were first confronted with a sheet detailing
perhaps thirty or $o rule$ of conduct. These were implicitly laid out for "cameko" orpeople (usually men) who come to take photos without cosplaying, although the rules

also applied to the cosplayers. We were instructed on where the cosplay area$ were
and were warned not to bring dangerous goods, blades, or weapons into the premises.

Among the regulations some of the more notable were:‑ Replace the 1ens cover on the camera when mot taking pictures‑ Men cannot wear women's costumes‑ Wear your identifying badge in a clearly visible location‑ Ask permission to take pictures; taking pictures without permission is forbidden‑ Do ftot take pictures of the event locatioft without co$players in the picture‑ Do not touch the cosplayers‑ Do itot bring in small cameras

Much i$ made of the $trict regulatiofts at events in Japaft. Perhaps this can be
attributed to an orderliness in a society where one is constantly reminded that there
i$ very little space and one mu$t refrain from meiwesksc (ptg}g,.<) or imposing utniteces$arily

upon others. Comiket is the largest dojinshi event in the world, where on paper
350,OOO guests are in attendance yet uitofficially the$e ftumbers may be a$ high as

500,OOO over the three days of the event (Deguchi, 2010). Comiket is not only theCosplay as Subcukure: In Japan and Beyond 163
largest otakec‑related event ift Japaft but also reputedly has the strictest rules. From my

own experience at Comiket 78 in the summer of 2010 I wa$ $poken to twice by event
staff for standing in the wrong place and leaning on a wall.

As there were perhaps three to four hutndred people in tota1 at the event in
Nagoya, I found Koujin‑T fairly quickly and exchanged greetings. I promptly went toget changed and had a chance to look out over the balcony from the fourth floor
cosplay area. When I encountered Koujin‑T again later in the afternoon I mentionedthat it would be itice to be able to u$e the gazebos and garden$ of the park a$ a
backdrop. To my surprise he stated that about 30 years ago cosplayers were allowed

to co$play in the park but were currently re$tricted to only the K6kaido building(Koujin‑T, persoma1 communication, February 2011).
Not oniy are there limitatioits on space for cosplay ift Japait but also oit sexuality.

Most events in countries outside Japan accept "cross‑play" or dressing as a characterof the opposite sex. It is gefterally seeit as an intrinsic form of "play"; however, fososc(l<tfi) or cross‑dressiftg is much more stigmatized and forbidden at a ftumber of eventsin Japait as wa$ the case for the event I visited in Tsurumai Park. This is takeit a stepfurther at some events where only women are allowed to cosplay and malecameramen cait only attend if accompanying a female. (Truong, 2010) Marginalizationof cosplayers spatially and sexually in Japan is clearly imbalanced but can oppositely
act as a reinforciftg mea$ure for subculture. Conirols $et by society aftd co$play events

themselves create what may or may not be seen by cosplayers as reasomableboutndaries and caft have the effect of pu$hing them further uitderground in $earch ofmore balanced environments.
Whether it is due to foreigit influeitce or ftot there ha$ been an iftcrease in events

where stage performances take place in Japan. Photo cosplay remains overwhelmingly
dominant with 99 percent of all cosplay in Japan being centered oft photos. According
to Inui the relationship between cosplay and the stage has not been a part of cosplay's
development in Japaft. However, the oniine eniity Cure i$ playing a role in thi$ shift

in Japan with a series of Cure Cosplay Collection events that have conducted stage
fashioft show gala$ arouitd the couniry (interview with Inuti).

For approximately thirty years in Japan cosplayers have gathered in popularlocations to take part in grass roots cosplay evenis. As general $ociety in Japan has

begun to recognize the power of Japan's pop cukure around the world over the last

164 Si<i4kptt¥ii:muiAct¥ii:iEiFill{ikEIilill (Ilfg171i:}L

few years, (McGray, 2002, 49) a number of events have emerged that are organized byftoit‑ot(zksc indu$try related companies or government eniities. The World Cosplay

Summit which started in 2003 in Nagoya, Japan, has been joined by China‑Cos in
Tottori Prefecture, Asia Beat in Fukuoka, and Kobe Cosplay Collection ift Kansai.
Stage performance cosplay in Japan does mot exist at traditional cosplay events inJapan in the ma$querade form that can be fouftd abroad. The newer style of events
listed above do have stage performances aftd perhaps it is the visits of fton‑cosplayingorganizer$ to events ift other countries which inspired a new per$pective on what
activities to include in their event schedules. These events present new venues for
co$players who have traditionally viewed clandestine gatherings as the least impo$iitg

on general society. By atteftding events that are not of the traditioftal format
cosplayers iit Japaft are faciitg ftew choices iit how to cosplay iit Japan.

Noft‑cosplayer event organizers run the risk of alienating the event fan base if not
pre$enting activities iit a maniter which agrees to the sen$ibilitie$ of the subculture.

In order to appeal to the otaksc and fan base in Japan, these new "society run" events

have begun to employ cosplayer$ themselve$ to play an integral role in organizing oradvising in event operations. With attractive and often free venues, cosplayers attend

these itew format evenis showing new possibilities for the $ubculture. There is afundamental shift occurring with the cosplay community in Japan and with Japanesesociety in general by recognizing the cu1tural value of the subculture. What impact

these new developments will have remains to be seen.

Cormeimsgowa

We call cosplay a global subcukure but the differences in cultures, and theinfluences on how cosplay i$ doite in different countries, lead$ to difficulties in makiitg

generalizations about what constitutes cosplay. Local sensibilities need to be taken
into account while considering the global itature of the hobby. With a long history of

supportive amalysis, the study of subcukures provides a usefu1 framework forunderstandiitg this youth cu1ture phenomenoit. Through the economic freedom ofyouth today there are many different forms of social deviancy and related others here

to position co$play amongst them. One great challenge to utnderstandiitg global
cosplay is the differing ftature in the local environment. There are cultural aftd social

Cosplay as Subcukure: In Japan and Beyond 165
influences in different countries where otakec culture is commonly uftknown.
Conversely, the overwhelmiitg prevalence of eznime and manga in Japan demonstrates
that otakec culture is an integral part of the dominant cukure. In relation to otaksc

culture co$play maintains its subcultural character withift Japan aitd abroad.
Cosplayers share a commoft identity and regardless of differences or the societies theyfind themselve$ in, they recognize other$ a$ beiitg a part of the $ame group.

The popularity of cosplay continues to grow around the world yet cosplayers inJapan are facing greater isolatioit from society. Where cosplayers in other coutntries

are permitted‑from within the cosplay community and general society‑to move
about ift public while in costume; in Japait thi$ standard i$ moving in the oppo$ite

direction where the space for cosplayers is slowly being taken away from them.
Perhaps it i$ the foreign aspect of cosplay ift countrie$ out$ide of Japaft that allows formore freedom whereas in Japan social stigma marginalizes cosplayers. New styles ofsocial events may play a role in $hapiitg the way that otakes culture is consumed inJapan and make cosplay more "visible" by general society.
In a world that is increasingly smaller with oniine communities aitd connections
it is yet to be seen if these coftnectiofts will have an effect oft the cosplay of Japan.

With a perhaps freer interpretation of who can cosplay‑ and where‑these online
connections may have an influence on Japanese cosplay interpretations. Oft the other
haitd they may ftot. If we look at other teftdencies in Japaft this difference i$ cheri$hed

and promoted‑as with the trend to segregate women from men on rush hour$ubways to limit sexwa1 harassment No matter how great the movement of $exualequality is outside of Japan this sexual segregation is accepted as a plausible remedy

to what ha$ become a $ocially intolerable problem‑Japanese society has accepted thismethod to deal with the issue. In a similar manner, the strict event regulations andgender limitations placed on male cosplayer$ could very well be accepted a$ themethod that Japanese society uses to manage matters. Regardless of adversity
cosplayers continue to make co$tumes, to make oneself look as clo$e to their dream

character as possible. According to Akira this "is the greatest compliment that a
co$player cait give to the maftga creator." It is a freedom that no regulatioft caft limit.

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Ewadwa*des

1 Otaksc is a loanword from Japanese that is used in many langtgages within esnime/manga
fandoin to describe comsumers of Japanese onime, manga, and video‑game related merchandise. In
Japanese the term is z2sed more broadly and refers to someone who is passionate aboz2t a certain
sttbject, hobby, or topic. The term olaksc is actively tgsed in many 1angtxages today incltxding
English, Spanish and Italian.

2 Dojinshi are ttnofficiai manga or novels created by fans. The stories are often based oit thecharacters from poptglar esnime, manga and video games. Storylines take place between officiai
scenes from the source material, allowing fams the freedom to imagine a wide variety of fantasy
scenanos.
3 "Contents" is an English term originating from the software indtgstry describing materiai Nased
iit computer programs. It is used in a broader sense in Japan where it cait refer to material ttsed
in media in a wider sense, from film to store merchandise. Deguchi mses it to refer to the materiaifottnd in manga, esnime, garrkes, aitd light novels that leads to creation in related genres.

4 "Visual kei" is a movement amoitg Japanese musicians that is characterized by the mse of make‑txp, elaborate hairstyles, fiamboyant costz2mes, and often, but not always, combined withandrogyitotgs aesthetics.

5 lppesnjin roughly translates as "general person." With regards to the cosplay community inJapan the term is txsed for non‑cosplayers.