ジェンダー研究第17号

2014

〈書評〉

Franceschet, Susan, Mona Lena Krook, and Jennifer M. Piscopo編著

The Impact of Gender Quotas（Cambridge University Press. 2012年 ISBN: 978-0199830084 US26.96$）

YOON Jiso
Women make up 20.3 percent of parliamentarians around the world today（IPU 2012）.The worldis witnessing the rapid diffusion of gender quotas aimed at improving the historical underrepresentation of women in government—women continue to do better when legislative or voluntary quotas areused. How effective have these quotas been in meeting their original objectives of increasing genderrepresentation? Have undesirable female candidates entered political office as a result of gender quotas? Franceschet et al.’s book（2012）addresses these questions regarding the impact of quotas using
in-depth case studies of twelve countries from five regions around the world: Western Europe, Latin
America, sub-Saharan Africa, Asia and the Middle East. This review summarizes major findings ofthe book, and discusses important contributions in the field of women and politics. I conclude the review by discussing implications these findings have on gender representation in East Asia—a region
that is not covered in detail in Franceschet et al.’s book.
The book begins by conceptualizing the impact—“whether the means by which women enter politics influence how, why and to what extent their presence affects different types of representative. Specifically, the authors distinguish three important types of political representation:
process”（p. 4）“descriptive representation is understood as the numbers and the kinds of women elected, substantive
representation is conceptualized as the form and content of policymaking, and finally symbolic representation is theorized as public attitudes toward women in politics and trends in the political engagement of female constituents”（p. 13）.
The book, then, discusses a total of twelve countries, assessing how quotas affect descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation in each country. That is, chapters 2, 3, and 4 examine the differences in the profiles of male and female representatives in France, Argentina and Uganda（a distinction made between quota and non-quota women）, finding that though backgrounds may differ, female
politicians are not necessarily less qualified than their male counterparts. Similarly, assessing whatkind of female representatives appeared since the adoption of reserved seats in Morocco, chapter 5
finds that political patronage plays an important role in determining who wins access to power, whichapplies similarly to both men and women.
Next, chapters 6 through 9 assess how the form and the content of policies change as quota
women enter government; however, the empirical evidence on this topic is mixed. Chapter 6 showsthat female legislators generally give more priority to minority issues than male parliamentarians in
Brazil, although such focused attention on women’s issues runs the danger of marginalizing female

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Yoon, Jiso

Franceschet, Susan, Mona Lena Krook, and Jennifer M. Piscopo編著

The Impact of Gender Quotas

legislators, by seeking soft issues rather than hard issues that deal with the essence of government
policymaking（e.g., economy, defense）. Chapter 7 similarly shows that female representatives act onbehalf of women as they gain experience in England. By contrast, as chapters 8 and 9 show, an increase in the number of female legislators has not made much difference in South Africa or Afghanistan, although these findings are not surprising considering the fact that the two countries are nascent democracies, where political institutions are quite young and unstable.
Finally, chapters 10 through 13 examine how public perceptions and attitudes changed as a resultof gender quota adoption and implementation. Whereas the Belgian case in chapter 10 shows that
quotas widen the gap between male and female legislators in the ways in which political elites think
about issues of underrepresentation, other chapters analyzing how “public” attitudes change as a result of quotas find that it is quite difficult to precisely assess the impact of quotas on symbolic representation. That is, though Mexico, Rwanda, and India cases do illustrate how public perceptions of
women and leadership changed, studies are unable to confirm whether this is a direct outcome ofgender quotas, or a part of broad cultural and political changes occurring over time.
Overall, these findings have important implications for understanding the impact of quotas
cross-nationally. Most importantly, quotas in no way encourage under-qualified female candidates toenter government. Additionally, a greater number of women in parliament does change policymaking
in a country—more attention is paid to women’s concerns（e.g., domestic violence, and women’srights）as more women enter government—although the specific degree of impact depends on thecontext. For instance, a greater number of women in parliament does not necessarily result in policychanges in nascent democracies. Finally, quotas and women legislators do change the ways in which
the public think about government and representation, but specific ways in which symbolic representation takes place remain unclear and inconclusive.
The book has distinct strengths that deserve a further mention. First, the book clearly conceptualizes the impact of gender quotas on distinct types of political representation（i.e., descriptive, substantive, symbolic）. Second, the book examines the impact of quotas across countries and regions
around the world by relying on the common concept of representation. Finally, the geographicalscope and methodological diversity the book offers to assess the impact of gender quotas around theworld is unprecedented and truly impressive.
At the same time, however, the book also has several caveats. Most importantly, different waysof operationalizing key concepts like descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation acrosscountries make it difficult to assess the true impact of quotas comparatively. This is most problematicin the case of substantive representation—measuring when and how women parliamentarians havemade a difference in politics and policymaking in a country. Additionally, the political variable, or thepolitical context that affects the impact of quotas remains unclear. For instance, do gender quotas
work better under certain electoral and party systems? What political and social characteristics promote or prevent women’s political representation?
Though the book does not discuss much about the impact of quotas in Asia, the findings of the156

ジェンダー研究第17号

2014book have important implications for understanding gender representation in the region. Regional averages of women in parliament statistics show that women comprise 17.9 percent of parliaments inAsia today. This is well below the average in the Nordic countries（42.0%）, and significantly lower
than that of sub-Saharan Africa（20.4%）. Furthermore, East Asia remains a region where there is relatively little research on gender representation. Most discussions are limited to analyzing the impactof quotas on descriptive representation, particularly because the number of women in government remains low in these countries. Whether electoral or party quotas have assisted gender representationin government in East Asia remains largely unexplored.
Japan, in particular, remains a country where the number of female representatives is still very
low in comparison to established democracies, as well as many developing democracies. Women comprise 8.1 percent of the Lower House, 16.1 percent of the Upper House（see Inter-Parliamentary
Union website: http://www.ipu.org/english/home.htm）, and 10.4 percent of subnational parliaments（Eto 2010）. The absence of legislative gender quotas, and different electoral rules present at the national and local elections complicates means to increase gender representation. Furthermore, socio-cultural factors（e.g., gender roles, and bias against women’s involvement in politics）also contribute to women’s underrepresentation in parliament. Nevertheless, political parties（e.g., The Japan
New Party in the early 1990s, the Liberal Democratic Party in the early 2000s）have made successfulattempts to implement gender quotas voluntarily in order to increase the number of female representatives. Similarly, the women’s movement associated with the Life Club Co-operative made important
advancements in getting their representatives elected in local legislatures（Le Blanc 1999）. The impressive strides made by women’s groups in Japan in subnational parliaments suggest that women’s
electoral success can be promoted not only through institutional means（i.e., quota provisions andelectoral reforms）,but also through noninstitutional mechanisms（i.e., social movements）.
On the other hand, women in public office became the focus of public attention when Park Geunhye—a fifth term National Assembly member before announcing her decision to run for president—
became the first woman President of Korea in 2013. Korea has adopted gender quotas at both national and subnational parliamentary elections since the early 2000s（Shin 2014）. Yet, whether quota
women have made any policy difference, or affected how the public think about politics remains relatively unknown（but for an exception see Kim and Oh 2010）. It is particularly important to examine
these questions given the recent discussions of electoral reforms in Korea over abolishing party nominations in provincial and municipal elections（Park 2013）. Though the goal of the reform is to eradicate the negative influence of political parties in having too much control over local governance andpolitics, party involvement in local elections makes it impossible for political parties to commit tonominating a certain proportion of female candidates（implementation of quotas）. If evidence findsthat quotas have assisted women’s representation descriptively, substantively, and symbolically in Korean politics, any movement that obstructs the implementation of gender quotas should be treatedwith caution.
In sum, Franceschet, Krook and Piscopo’s edited volume on the impact of gender quotas does a157

Yoon, Jiso

Franceschet, Susan, Mona Lena Krook, and Jennifer M. Piscopo編著

The Impact of Gender Quotas

stunning job of conceptualizing political representation, and applying them in various national contexts
using different research methodologies. The editors as well as authors of individual country chaptersdeserve applause for their accomplishments and academic contributions in the field of comparativepolitics. Few comparative studies to date integrate theories of electoral and party systems with minority representation, and extend the discussion to different regions around the world（for an exception see Kittilson and Schwindt-Bayer 2012）. In this regard, the book is a significant addition to growing research on cross-national studies of gender and politics.
（ゆん・じそ／カンザス大学政治学部専任講師）

引用文献
Eto, Mikiko. “Women and Representation in Japan.” International Feminist Journal of Politics. 12. 2.（2010）: pp. 177-201.
Franceschet, Susan, Mona Lena Krook, and Jennifer M. Piscopo, eds. The Impact of Gender Quotas. New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2012.
Inter-Parliamentary Union（IPU）.Women in Parliament in 2012: The Year in Perspective, 2012.
Inter-Parliamentary Union（IPU）. “Women in National Parliaments.” Accessed December 1, 2013. http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm.
Kim Hyunhoi, and Yusoek Oh. “The Gender Quota System in Korean Politics: Ten Years’ Experience.” Current Trends andProspect. 79.（2010）: pp. 140-82.（In Korean.）Kittilson, Miki Caul, and Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer. The Gendered Effects of Electoral Institutions. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2012.
Le Blanc, Robin. Bicycle Citizens: The Political World of the Japanese Housewife. Berkeley, California: University of California
Press, 1999.
Park, Gilja. 2013. “The Debate Over Abolishing Party Nominations in Municipal Elections.” Women Times. August, 10.
Shin, Ki-young. “Women’s Sustainable Representation and the Spillover Effect of Electoral Gender Quotas in South Korea.”International Political Science Review. 35. 1.（2014）: pp. 80-92.

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