The Japanese Society for Aesthetics

Aesthetics No.27 (2023): 66-82

Thoughts on the Imperial Household Movies in Early Cinema:
Focusing on the Films of the Japanese Prince
Takehito Arisugawa Visiting Europe1
KAMIYA Makiko
Tamagawa University, Tokyo
Abstract: Kyokkō Yoshiyama, a noted film historian, stated in his book Nihon eigakai Jibutsukigen (The
Original Things of the Japanese Cinema Industry) (“Cinema to engei”-sha, 1933) that the film of Prince
Arisugawa Takehito, shot in Britain in 1909, was the first “Imperial Household Movie.” This essay, starting
its argument from this statement, clarifies that a foreign film company shot the aforementioned film of Prince
Arisugawa during his stay in Britain in 1905. He visited Germany in 1905 and on his way back stopped in
Britain, where several films of him were shot, including the one mentioned above. According to contemporary
newspaper advertisements and cinema flyers, the films of Prince Arisugawa were shown at the Osaka andTokyo theaters, and Yoshiyama’s text may have been written based on his memories of this viewing experience.
The impact of seeing the Imperial Family on screen must have been significant; therefore, while this film is
considered extremely important, I examine the coverage of the Imperial Household in the visual media because
its existence has hitherto not been discussed. I highlight the existence of these forgotten films while referring
to existing films present in overseas film archives. I also examine the influence of the 1905 film “Prince
Arisugawa Visiting Europe Movies” on the 1921 film “Crown Prince Visiting Europe Movies,” and I analyze
these films and their historical significance from the viewpoint of “hidden/exposed ‘bodies.’” Subsequently, I
conclude that these films are a vital reference point in creating “open” images of the Imperial Household
during the prewar period.
Keywords: early film, Imperial Household, the Meiji and Taisho eras, visual representation, film archive

Introduction
When considering the history of Imperial Household Movies (IHM), films about Japan’s
Emperor and the Imperial Family, the films made during the trip of Crown Prince Hirohito (future
Emperor Showa) to Europe from March 3 to September 5, 1921, were groundbreaking. Theselarge-scale movies were made by several film companies and newspapers in Japan and abroadand covered the entire journey of the Imperial Vessel Katori, from its departure from Yokohama
Port to its return. Referring to existing film collections, which I call “Crown Prince Visiting
Europe Movies (CPVEM),” preserved by the National Film Archive of Japan (NFAJ), the former

1This paper is a slightly revised and retitled version of the following paper in Japanese, translated into English,
with a revised title: “‘Bodies’ Hidden or Exposed: Considerations on Early ‘Imperial Household Movies’,”
EIZOGAKU: Japanese Journal of Image Arts and Sciences, vol.100, 2018, 32–52.
This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Numbers JP18K01099, JP21K00149.

Thoughts on the Imperial Household Movies in Early Cinema

67

National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo: National Film Center (NFC), my paper “Film and theImperial Household in the 1920s Japan: Analyzing Footage of Crown Prince Hirohito Visiting
Europe and Onoe Matsunosuke Films in the NFC Collection as Publicity” (in Japanese),published in the Bulletin of the National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo, No. 20 (2016), is thefirst to discuss IHM from a film studies perspective.
This paper is based on previous studies and sheds light on the history of the IHM of the late
Meiji period, which has not been discussed before. Specifically, I focus on several films madeduring the visit of Prince Takehito Arisugawa (1862–1913) to Europe in 1905. Since theseArisugawa films have never been examined or discussed, I begin by detailing them empirically.
Next, I consider their historical significance. In other words, I examine the role of the films in theImperial Family’s media strategy in the transition to the Taisho democracy before the movies on
the Crown Prince’s visit to Europe. Next, I discuss the role of these films in the Imperial
Household’s media strategy in the transition to the Taisho democracy. I also examine how the
public’s gaze was directed toward the Emperor and the Imperial Family, the subjects of the films
made during the period of the emergence of the Japanese film industry, from the perspective of
their “hidden” or “exposed” bodies.
Through the above discussion, this paper will reveal a part of the dynamic transformation of
the visual image of the Emperor and the Imperial Household brought about by cinema as adeveloping art. This is of great significance when considering the changes in the reception ofcinema as an art medium in Japan.

1. The First Imperial Household Movies
In the Osaka Mainichi Shimbun History of Motion Picture (1925), published by the Osaka
Mainichi Shimbun, which produced the CPVEM, it is written that “the taking of motion picturesof the Imperial Household, which had been strictly prohibited in the past, was allowed, creating
an epoch in our film industry.” It is a commonly held belief in previous research on Emperor
Showa that the filming of movies featuring the Imperial Household was approved for the firsttime when the series of CPVEM were produced. In this section, I examine this commonly held
belief.
The film historian Jun’ichirō Tanaka cites the film Komatsu-no-miya Akihito Shin’nō
Gosōgi Jikkyō (Actual Film of Funeral of Prince Akihito Komatsu)2 made by Yoshizawa Shōten
on February 28, 1903, as the first documentary film related to the Imperial Family.3 To verify
Tanaka’s statement, I would like to refer to a newspaper article reporting on the circumstances ofthe shooting of this film:
A motion picture of the late Prince Komatsu’s funeral / Yoshizawa Shōten at Shimbashi

2

The Japanese Romanization is limited to the first appearance, and the English translation is used in subsequent
references; the same applies to other translations.
3
Jun’ichirō Tanaka, Nihon Kyōikueiga Hattatsushi (History of Japanese Educational Film Development,
Kagyūsha, 1979, 18.

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KAMIYA Makiko

was authorized to shoot the funeral of HIH Prince Komatsu because the company had
provided magic lanterns for the late HIH before his death. Yoshizawa Shōten shot thefuneral procession for the motion picture and magic lantern at two locations by the
Marunouchi Military Police Headquarters and Edogawa. These pictures will be
distributed in response to orders from local governments, Red Cross societies, andagricultural and health associations […].4 (/ means a new line. Same below.)
The above article shows that the film’s subject was the funeral procession, not the figure ofPrince Akihito Komatsu. In other words, Prince Komatsu was not the reason for shooting themovie. On the other hand, Kyokkō Yoshiyama, a film historian, observes the following:
The first movie about the Imperial Household was probably a British documentary inMeiji 42 (1909) when HIH Prince Takehito Arisugawa attended a garden party,
accompanied by HIH Princess, at the Great Exhibition to commemorate the accession to
the throne in England.5
According to Yoshiyama, the first member of the Imperial Family to be the subject of a film
was Prince Takehito Arisugawa. He writes that it was in 1909, but this description is inaccurate.
As for Takehito, all his official duties during his life were recorded in detail in Takehito-shin’nō
Kōjitsu (Prince Takehito’s Behaviors) in 1926. In this book, there is no record of Takehito’s visit
to Britain in 1909. However, he did attend Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee in 1897. Indeed,
several films on Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee are in the British Film Institute’s (BFI’s)
collection, and we cannot rule out the possibility that Takehito would be in one of them.6 However,there is no record of the films being released in Japan. Yoshiyama also states the following:
In this film, the late HIH wore a frock coat and a silk hat, and the Princess was dressedin pure white Western attire with a white parasol. The movie consists of three scenes,
from the time HIH, accompanied by Ambassador Tadasu Hayashi and Duke Hirokuni Ito,gave a bow politely to each of the ladies and gentlemen in response to their greetings, tothe time they entered the tent at the rest area. Of course, the appearance of Their Imperial
Highnesses in the film was only in full view.7
When Prince Takehito Arisugawa went to Europe in 1897, his wife, Princess Yasuko, did
not accompany him,8 and therefore it is clear that the film Yoshiyama saw was not shot in 1897.

4

Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 28, 1903, 4.
Kyokkō Yoshiyama, “Kōki no Son’ei Hōsha (Filming Noble Figures),” Nihon Eigakai Jibutsukigen (Originalof Things in Japanese Cinema Industry), “Cinema to Engei”-sha, 1933, 71.
6
Research on the films of the celebration of Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee (including whether Prince
Takehito is in the film or not) is an issue for the future.
7
Yoshiyama, op. cit., 71.
8Takehito-shin’nō Kōjitsu (Prince Takehito’s Behaviors), last vol., edited by Takehito-shin’nō Kōjitsu
hensankai, 1926, 5–32.
5Thoughts on the Imperial Household Movies in Early Cinema

69

Here, I would like to take up the image
depicted in Fig. 1, which appeared on
May 20, 1905, in Die Woche, a weekly
magazine published in Germany. This
photograph shows Takehito in his
military uniform and Princess Yasuko inWestern clothes, with people behind him
looking out through a window and otheronlookers. The caption says that thephotograph was taken in Rome, but
under what circumstances was thephotograph taken? According to Prince
Takehito’s Behavior, Last Volume,
Prince Takehito visited Germany with
Princess Yasuko in 1905 to attend the Fig. 1. Die Woche, 20, Mal, 1905.
wedding of Crown Prince Wilhelm of theGerman Empire on June 6, 1905. Thus, the photograph (Fig. 1) was taken of Takehito and Yasuko
when they stopped in Italy before visiting Germany. 9 Takehito served as Crown Prince
Yoshihito’s educator and advisor from 1898.
There are more reports of Takehito in Germany. Das Echo of June 8, 1905, published aphotograph of Takehito and his party inspecting German soldiers on a parade ground (Fig. 2).
Since no other attendee was featured in the paper except Crown Prince Wilhelm and his bride, it
could be said that Takehito’s visit to Germany attracted considerable attention. Taisho Ten’no
Jitsuroku (Annals of Emperor Taisho) reported that Takehito left the Shimbashi depot on April

Fig. 2. Das Echo, 8, Juni, 1905.
9

During his European stay, Takehito described driving as “convenient and fast” and “suitable for a physicalworkout.” So, on his return to Japan, he imported the latest automobile from France and drove it around the Imperial
Palace with Crown Prince Yoshihito (the future Emperor Taisho). Kōrin, “Arisugawa-no-miya Denka no Jidōsha
Gotōjō (HIH Prince Arisugawa’s automobile boarding),” Seirin (Pure Circle), October. 15, 1905, 1.

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KAMIYA Makiko

1, 1905, and boarded the German steam
vessel, the “Prinz Heinrich” from
Yokohama Port. 10 It is an impressive
historical anecdote that Takehito andYasuko visited Europe aboard the “Prinz
Heinrich,” a large cruiser launched by theGerman Navy in 1900. According to Das
Echo of June 8, 19190505, Takehito was
sixth in rank after Crown Prince Wilhelm,
indicating that he was treated as a guest
with relatively high standing in theGerman Empire.11
In Prince Takehito’s Behavior, Last
Volume, there is a commemorative
photograph of Takehito and his party in
Berlin (Fig. 3). In this photograph, we see
Yasuko, Hirokuni Ito (Prince Arisugawa’s
administrator, at the time his name was
Yukichi) and Tadasu Hayashi (Japan’s
first ambassador to Britain), with Takehito
in the center. They all feature in the movie
Yoshiyama refers to, but was the film shotin Germany? After Germany, Takehito
also visited Britain. Takehito had studied
at the Royal Naval College in Greenwich
from 1881 to 1883, so Britain was familiar
to him. As he had studied in Britain,
Takehito must have enjoyed a level ofname recognition in Britain, and British
newspapers reported daily on his visit.
Before PRIN Arisugawa’s arrival (June27, 1905), The Times was the first to reporton their visit to Britain (June 24, 1905). A
few days later, The Tatler published anarticle (June 28, 1905) with their portraits(Fig. 4). The portrait in The Tatler isprobably based on a photograph publishedin the Tokyo Asahi Shimbun on April 2,

10

Fig. 3. Prince Takehito’s Behavior, Last Volume.

Fig. 4. The Tatler, June 24, 1905.

Taisho Ten’no Jitsuroku (Annals of Emperor Taisho), Revised Edition No. 2, edited by the Imperial
Household Ministry Library, edited and revised by Yoshimitsu Iwakabe, Yumani Shobō, 2017, 197–198.
11
Das Echo, June 8, 1905, 1841.

Thoughts on the Imperial Household Movies in Early Cinema

71

Fig. 5. Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, Apr. 2, 1905.

1905 (Fig. 5), but is much clearer. Perhaps thissuggests not so much a difference in printing
technology but in the awareness of the portraitsof the Imperial Household in the foreign andJapanese media.
Their visit to Britain was also reported in
The Illustrated London News (Fig. 6) on July 2,1905. The setting is a garden, where we see Fig. 6. The Illustrated London News, Jul. 1, 1905.
Takehito in a frock coat lifting his silk hat togreet people. He is accompanied by Yasuko, wearing a parasol, with a tent in the background. In
other words, this is the same scene that Yoshiyama describes as the first film about the Imperial
Household. The caption indicates they were at a garden party held by the Japan Society at theRoyal Botanic Gardens on June 27, 1905. A photographic version of this scene was published in
The Sketch on July 5, 1905, which shows that the image is closer to Yoshiyama’s description (Fig.
7). The scene of Takehito’s trip abroad was also reported in Japan. However, the photographpublished is one of the “Prinz Heinrich” entering the port of Singapore (Fig. 8). The impact of
the film Yoshiyama saw was immeasurable.
There is no doubt that the film described by Yoshiyama was shot on June 27, 1905, when
Takehito visited the Royal Botanic Gardens in Britain. Information on this film is also includedin The British Film Catalogue, 1895–1985, which catalogs British films from the early days ofcinematography.12 According to this catalog, two films were shot at the garden party. They are
the two works entitled PRIN Arisugawa that were shot by Gaumont and Robert W. Paul,
respectively. 13 Furthermore, according to IMDbPro, there was also a Warwick Trading
Company version.14

12

Denis Gifford, British Film Catalogue, Vol. 2, 1895–1985: A Reference Guide, Fitzroy Deraborn Publishers,
2000. Routledge, 2016.
13
Robert W. Paul, the inventor of early film cameras and a pioneer in the British film industry, also produced
the film of Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee celebrations in 1897, as mentioned earlier.
14
IMDbPro, https://pro.imdb.com/title/tt3206208/?ref_=instant_tt_1&q=Prince%20Arisugawa, last accessed in December 30, 2022.

72

KAMIYA Makiko

Fig. 7. The Sketch, Jul. 5, 1905.

Fig. 8. Taiyō (The Sun), November 1, 1905.

A catalog published by Yoshizawa Shōten in 1906 also lists a film titled Arisugawa-no-miyaRyōdenka no Eikoku ni Okeru En’yūkai no Jikkyō (Actual Film of TIH PRIN Arisugawa’s Garden
Party in Britain).15 This catalog says that the film is a record of Takehito’s visit to the British
Royal Family on his way back from attending a celebration for the German Emperor the year
before. The British Royal Family hosted a garden party to welcome him. Therefore, there is no
doubt that Yoshizawa Shōten imported and released the film PRIN Arisugawa, which was
produced by one of the foreign companies, and that Yoshiyama must have seen this imported
film. Given the scale of its distribution, I assume it was Gaumont’s film.

2. Prince Arisugawa Visiting Europe Movies (1905)
The previous section confirmed that the film PRIN Arisugawa shot in 1905, was one of thevery early films taken of the Imperial Household as the subject since the image of Prince Takehito
Arisugawa and Princess Yasuko at the garden party depicted in The Illustrated London News
matched perfectly with Yoshiyama’s recollection.
In addition to the movie shot in the Royal Botanic Gardens, there are six versions of the socalled “Prince Arisugawa Visiting Europe Movies” (PAVEM). Organizing these six versions
chronologically based on their itinerary, the movie in Berlin was the first. This movie, introduced
as Arisugawa-no-miya Denka Dō-hidenka Berlin Gochakukangeikai no Seikyō wo Satsuei-seshi
Shashin (Picture of the Welcome Party for TIH PRIN Arisugawa at Berlin), was shown at theImperial Motion Picture Party held at Ichimuraza in Tokyo.16 Other details are unknown.
The second film, Arisugawa-no-miya Denka London Gotōchaku no Kōkei (Scenes of the
Arrival of HIH Prince Arisugawa in London), was screened at the Ebisu-za in Kyoto on August22, 1905, before the one shot in Berlin by Kyoto Motion Picture Association. On September 1,
1907, a film titled Arisugawa-no-miya Denka Eikoku Gochaku no Kōkei (Scenes from the Arrivalof HIH Prince Arisugawa in England) and distributed by Yokota Shōkai was screened at the15“Katsudōshashin film mokuroku (Moving Picture Film Catalogue),” Meiji 39-nen 4-gatsu Kaisei
Katudōshashin-kikai Dō Film Renzokushashin Teikahyō (Revised in Apr. 1906, Motion Picture Machines, Films,
Continuous photographs, Price List), Yoshizawa Shōten, 1906, 22.
16Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, September 1, 1905, 6.

Thoughts on the Imperial Household Movies in Early Cinema

73

Denkikan in Osaka.17 At the time, movie titles were not standardized in advertisements, so it isunclear if they were the same film. However, since Kyoto Motion Picture Association refers to
Yokota Shōkai, it could probably be considered the same work.
As mentioned in the previous section, the third film was shot at the Royal Botanic Gardens.
The fourth film will be discussed later. The fifth film was shot at the Katori’s launching ceremony(July 4, 1905) at the Vickers shipyard in Barrow, England, which Takehito attended. The British
Film Catalogue 1895-1985 lists two films that seem to correspond to it. One is the Launch of theJapanese Battleship by Gaumont, and the other is The Launch of Japan’s New Battleship byRobert W Paul. The reason behind Takehito’s visit to Britain during the Russo-Japanese War was
likely a critical military mission to foster a closer Anglo-Japanese alliance against Russia.
One of their important missions was to participate in the ribbon-cutting ceremony at thelaunch of the battleship Katori that Japan had commissioned Vickers to build. Yasuko’s ribbon
cutting to break a bottle of champagne over the bow of the Katori (in Britain, it was an establishedcustom at that time for a woman to perform the launching ceremony) was covered widely in The
Times, July 4, 1905, along with a recap of Takehito’s speech after the ceremony. A drawing of
the scene was also published in The Illustrated London News on July 8, 1905 (Fig. 9).
A film of the launching ceremony, titled Arisugawa-no-miya Dō-hidenka Goshi’nrin Sinzōsentōkan ‘Katori’ Shinsuishiki no Jissha (Actual Film of TIH PRIN Arisugawa Presence at
Launching Ceremony of Newly Battleship ‘Katori’), was shown at the Kagayaza in Fukui alongwith a film of the Russo-Japanese War. It is unclear which version it was. This record of thescreening is based on a flyer (NFAJ collection),
which also includes a film titled Eikoku Dai-keiba
Kōkei no Shashin (Picture of Spectacle of British
Great Horseracing), with the caption, “This is a filmof great horseracing held in London’s Central Park by
the British monarch, an ally of Japan, as anentertainment to welcome HIH Prince Arisugawa.” Itdoes not indicate the year in which the film wasshown (only the month and day are recorded).
However, according to Kinema Junpō: Separate
Volume, Japanese Movies Encyclopedia Vol. 1(1960), the same film was also screened in Kobe on
October 1, 1905. In chronological order, thishorseracing movie is the fourth PAVEM. This film
was probably shot on June 29, 1905, when Prince
Arisugawa was invited to the Royal AgriculturalShow at Park Royal (the information on the flyer
about “Central Park” is probably wrong) to watch
several equestrian events. 18 By a flyer (NFAJ Fig. 9. The Illustrated London News, Jul. 8, 1905.
17
18

Osaka Mainichi Shimbun, September 2, 1907, 7.
The Times, June 30, 1905.

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KAMIYA Makiko

collection) the showing of the film took place at Daikokuza in Kobe on October 1, 1905. It may
have been shown together with the film of the Katori’s launching ceremony.
The sixth film is Departure of PRIN Arisugawa, taken by Hepworth, a British film company.
This was certainly taken when Prince Takehito Arisugawa and Princess Yasuko left Britain on
July 12, 1905. The table below shows the chronology of their visit.19
The table: The List of the “Prince Arisugawa Visiting Europe Movies”
Title
1

2

3

Picture of the Welcome Party
for TIH Prince and Princess
Arisugawa at Berlina Scenes from the Arrival of
HIH Prince Arisugawa in
London（Assumed to be identical to
the work in the lower row）.
b Scenes from the Arrival of
HIH Prince Arisugawa in
England（Assumed to be identical to
the work in the upper row）.
aPrince and Princess
Arisugawa
b

4
5

a
b
c

6

Prince and Princess
Arisugawa
The spectacle of British Great
Horseracing
Launch of the JapaneseBattleship
The Launch of Japan’s New
Battleship
Launching of JapaneseBattleship Katori
Departure of Prince andPrincess Arisugawa

Location

Filmmaker

Date offilmingRelease in Japan/ Distributor

Reference

Germany

unknown

1905.51905.8.31

Tokyo Asahi
ShimbunUK

Hepworth1905.6.26

1905.08.22 (Kyoto)

Osaka Asahi
ShimbunUK

unknown

1905.6.26

1907.9.1 (Osaka)

Osaka Asahi
ShimbunUK

Gaumont

1905.6.27

Unknown

BFC
IMDbProYoshizawa catalog

UK

RW Paul1905.6.27

Unknown

BFC

UK

unknown

1905.6.29

UK

Gaumont

1905.7.4

1905.10.1 (Kobe）
1905.11.22 （Fukui）
1905.10. （Kobe）？
1905.11. （Fukui）？

UK

RW Paul1905.7.4

Unknown

A Flyer in the NFAJ
collection
BFC
IMDbPro
BFC
IMDbProUK

Hepworth1905.7.4

Unknown

IMDbProUK

Hepworth1905.7.12

Unknown

BFC
IMDbProAbbreviation Description: BFC= The British Film Catalogue, Yoshizawa catalogue= “Motion Picture Film Lists,”
Meiji 39-nen 4-gatsu Kaisei Katudōshashin-kikai Dō Film Renzokushashin Teikahyō (Revised in Apr. 1906, Motion
Picture Machines, Films, Continuous photographs, Price List)

3. The “Holy” and “Living” Bodies of the Emperor and Imperial Family
Were the series of PAVEM we have mentioned so far the first IHM, as Yoshiyama claims?
As shown in section 2, the Actual Film of Funeral of Prince Akihito Komatsu, which Tanaka cites
as the first IHM, was released two years before the PAVEM.20 However, based on the content
of Yomiuri Shimbun, dated February 28, 1903, it is unlikely that the image of Prince Komatsu
himself was captured in the film. So, I would like to examine when the first film featuring the19

To prepare the table in this paper, I referred to film catalogs published by film companies in the early 20th
century, which are the reference sources for The British Film Catalogue, magazines, and newspapers that could beaccessed, and information on Internet. However, it should be noted that this may not be an exhaustive list. I would
like to thank the BFI Reuben Library for their cooperation in my research.
20
Tanaka, op. cit., 18.

Thoughts on the Imperial Household Movies in Early Cinema

75

Emperor and the Imperial Family appeared in public. Here, I do not distinguish between foreign
films and Japanese films.
A film magazine, Kinema Junpō: Separate Volume, Japanese Movies Encyclopedia Vol.1(1960), lists a film called Kuni-no-miya Denka, Kuroki Taisho no Ikkō Kōdai [sic] yori Saka eKeiseikaishin no Jikkyō (HIH Prince Kuni and General Kuroki’s party headed for the frontierwith caution from Kōdai [sic] to Shahō (Saka)). The magazine states that the film was releasedon April 11, 1905, at the Daikokuza in Kobe, which is several months earlier than the PAVEM.
The man referred to as Kuni-no-miya Denka is Prince Kuniyoshi Kuni (the father of Princess
Nagako, who became Empress after marrying Emperor Showa), who joined General Tamemoto
Kuroki’s troops in the Russo-Japanese War. This film, which is one of the Russo-Japanese War
films, is similar to the film shown at the Denkikan in Tokyo on February 16, 1905, under the title
Saka Sayoku Kokkōdai no Gekisen (Fierce Battle of the Left-wing of the Shahō (Saka),
Kokkōdai). 21 Furthermore, on February 17 of the same year, a film titled Saka Kaisen yoriKokkōdai ni Itaru made no Shin-Shashin (News Film of the Battle of Shahō (Saka) to the Battleof Kokkōdai) was shown at the Tokyoza22, and on March 14–25 of the same year, a film titled
Saka Sayokugun Senkyō Katsudōshashin (Motion Picture of the War Situation of Shahō (Saka)
Left-wing Army) was shown at the Yokohama Kirakuza.23 This inconsistency in the titles showsthat the idea of giving uniform titles to films had not yet taken root. In the catalog published by
Yoshizawa Shōten in 1906, there is a film titled Saka Sayokugun Kokkōdai fukin no Teki wo
Gekitai no Jikkyō (Actual Film of Shaho (Saka) Left-wing Army near Kokkōdai Repeling the
Enemy); the above-mentioned film probably refers to this. However, what matters here is that
Kuniyoshi’s name cannot be found in any advertisement or article on the same work in the same
period. The records in Kinema Junpō: Separate
Volume, Japanese Movies Encyclopedia Vol.1 are notfrom the same period. It is well known that the
portraits of the Emperor and the Imperial Family weretreated with respect, and their circulation was
controlled. It was also extremely difficult to obtaineven photographs of the Emperor and Imperial
Family, so if they were depicted in a movie, it would
have been a major topic of conversation that would
have been covered in all the newspapers.
Incidentally, a photograph of Kuniyoshi waspublished in a newspaper report (Fig. 10) on the
Battle of Shahō (Saka). Although the photograph isunclear due to problems with the printing technology,
I would like to draw attention to the photograph’s
caption. It is noteworthy because it refers to
Fig. 10. Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, Apr. 1, 1905.

21

Yomiuri Shimbun, February 16, 1905, 3.
Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, February 17, 1905, 7.
23Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, March 14, 1905, 7.
22

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KAMIYA Makiko

Kuniyoshi only as “a certain Imperial
Highness.” In times of emergency, images of
the Imperial Family on a battlefield wereconsidered more crucial than in peacetime, as
they presented a public image of a “sacred” warsituation. The image of Kuniyoshi published in
the press after his return to Japan was depicted
in a vague illustration, although this time, hisname is mentioned (Fig. 11). This is an
example of creating distance between theviewer and the image by making the image
obscure as if it were to make an audience watch
a noble person through a bamboo blind, thereby Fig. 11. Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 18, 1905.
guaranteeing the “sacredness” of the image.
In the photograph taken when Kuniyoshi
and General Tamemoto Kuroki went to theImperial Palace to report their return to Japan to
the Emperor, the two figures in the carriage
appear small and as shadows (Fig. 12). It is notpossible to say for certain that no film exists;
however, even if Kuniyoshi were in a film, his
image would likely be only slightly
recognizable. It can be hypothesized as follows.
When a film was shown in urban areas, it was
lumped together with films on the Russo- Fig.12. Fūzoku Gahō, Jan. 1, 1906.
Japanese War that were also being shown, so they went unnoticed and were not regarded as afilm about the Imperial Family. However, as the movie was screened in local cinemas, rumors
spread that Kuniyoshi was in the movie. Consequently, it became a means to attract people when
it was shown at the Daikokuza in Kobe two months after the Denkikan in Tokyo. However, thisis only a hypothesis.
One more example is the film Nichirosensō Kiroku (Records of the Russo-Japanese War(1904), made by Joseph Rosenthal (NFAJ collection). It probably included the scene on thelocation of Emperor Meiji’s return to Japan, but the scene was not included when the film wasreleased. Instead, a shot of the Imperial Chrysanthemum Crest was inserted in place of Emperor
Meiji’s figure. This example of staging in the film suggests that other media reports may also
have been staged to imply the presence of the Emperor and the Imperial Family instead of
showing them directly.
In the same way, Actual Film of Funeral of Prince Akihito Komatsu (1903) was a film of
only the funeral procession. It was almost impossible for the Emperor and the Imperial Family to
be filmed freely, even after the film industry penetrated Japan. It is said that the Meiji Emperor

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77

only stood three times in front of a camera during his lifetime.24 Although Hirobumi Ito, theMinister of the Imperial Household, was often asked to have his portrait taken, he rejected it,saying, “I did not like to be photographed.”25 There was no way that Emperor Meiji would be
the subject of a movie. As numerous previous studies have shown, the government intended tomake state power visible to the people only after the Meiji Restoration. The Imperial Portrait(Goshin’ei) of Emperor Meiji, based on a photographic image, was certainly utilized as
something essential for forming and maintaining the Emperor-centered state.26
At the time of Emperor Meiji’s funeral, many publications reported on it, and there was ahuge publishing boom in interest in the Imperial Family. Among them, I would like to focus ona photograph of the coffin of Emperor Meiji (Fig. 13). Although the photographic collection does
not include Emperor Meiji’s image, the clear image of the coffin containing his remains made thepublic more aware of the Emperor Meiji’s (once-living) body. On the other hand, a print titled
Meiji-Ten’nō Gotaisōgi Gyōretsu Shōmitsuzu (Detail of the Funeral Procession of Emperor
Meiji) portrays the coffin and the famous portrait of Emperor Meiji, painted by a foreign artist,
Edoardo Chiossone, are based on a photograph and shown as a pair.27 In this struggle between
the visible and invisible body (images), we can read an intention to make the statutory power ofEmperor Meiji visible while maintaining the “sacredness” of his body. Here I would like to referagain to the film of Takehito. He was not only a member of the Imperial Family but also a close
adviser to Emperor Meiji. Even if we discount this, how the image was distributed was highly
flexible compared to the case of Prince Kuniyoshi, which I mentioned earlier. Presumably, thefilm of Takehito was shot overseas by foreign filmmakers, and thus outside the restrictions ofJapanese society, Yoshiyama
vividly remembered the movie’scontent in which Takehito took
off his hat in the garden to
acknowledge the crowds. The
fact that the prince’s entire bodywas projected onto the screen wasprobably a shock to him.
The relaxation of restrictions
on the press during Emperor
Showa’s trip to Europe in 1921
due to the influence of foreign
media is discussed in my paper“Film and Imperial Household in Fig. 13. Photoalbum of the Emperor Meiji's Grand Funeral and Imperial
Procession, Ichida Shashinkan Honten, 1912.

24

Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, September 14, 1912, 6.
Suguru Sasaki, “Goshin’ei wo meguru Monogatari (The Narrative of “Imperial Portrait”),” Iwanami Kōza:
Ten’no to Ōken wo Kangaeru (Iwanami Lecture: Considering the Emperor and Kingship) vol. 6, Iwanami Shoten,
2003, 149.
26
Kōji Taki, Ten’no no Shōzo (Imperial Portraits of the Emperor), Iwanami Shinsho,1988.
27
Masayuki Okabe, “Meiji Ten’no Taiso Emaki (Emperor Meiji's Funeral Picture Scroll),” Teikyo History
Studies, Teikyo University, 2012, 252–253.
25

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KAMIYA Makiko

the 1920s Japan,” introduced at the
beginning of this paper.28 In this paper, I
would like to point out that the relaxationof press restrictions on the Imperial
Family was already underway in thepress coverage of Takehito’s trip to
Europe in 1905.
A film titled Launch of the Japanese‘Katori’ Dreadnought Battleship at
Barrow-in-Furness is preserved in
Huntley Film Archives in Britain.
Viewing a digitalized copy of the film on
Fig. 14. Launch of the Japanese’Katori’ dreadnought
their website is possible.29 The video on battleship at Barrow at Barrow-in-Furness, 1905.
the website is considered a film that falls
under 5-a, 5-b, or 5-c in the table. It is approximately 27 seconds long and consists of four shots:(1) the presentation of a bouquet to Princess Yasuko; (2) she cuts a rope connecting the battleshipto the champagne, and the champagne hits the ship’s hull; (3) a decorative paper ball opens; and(4) the battleship slides out to sea. Although the video has a low resolution, we can see the Prince
and Princess in formal Western clothing at the center of the video (Fig. 14).
Here again, I would like to discuss the film of Takehito’s attendance at the English garden
party. Yoshiyama says the following about the images of Takehito in the movie, “Of course, thefigures of TIH were only full [long] shots, even from the closest distance.” However, I should
add that films were mainly shot in a tableau style at the time, and close-ups were exceptions to
the rule. Yoshiyama’s statement probably reflects the feelings of Japanese people at the time,
namely that a close-up of the Imperial Family would never be possible. We can infer that the film
Yoshiyama saw was shot in the same situation and with the same composition as Fig. 6 and Fig. 7
in section 2. Note that in 1905, when this movie was produced and released, the film industry inJapan was booming with several documentaries about the Russo-Japanese War. However,Japanese film companies were still in their inception, and most films shown in theaters were
imported from Europe and the United States. The PAVEM are also imported works. Although
Japanese film companies did not shoot the movies, and the figures of Prince Takehito Arisugawa
seem limited to long shots, the fact that the living bodies of the Imperial Family were projected
onto large cinema screens was an extremely groundbreaking event. The showing of the PAVEM(1905), that is the first shoot of the “body” of the Imperial Family, may have had no small
influence on the way media coverage of the Imperial Household has been conducted since then.
Films featuring the Emperor’s “body” were made after 1926, when Hirohito succeeded to thethrone, but I would like to discuss this theme in another paper.
28

See also the following paper: Ryō Koyama, Taisho-Showa-Senzenki no Nihon ni okeru Shikakumedia toKōshitsu: Satsueikitei no Settei to sono un’yō wo Chushin ni (Imperial Family as Appeared in Visual Media during
the Taisho and Pre-WWII Showa Periods, with Special Reference to Press Restrictions), Meiji University, 2016,
PhD thesis.
29
Huntley Film Archives, http://www.huntleyarchives.com/, last accessed December 30, 2022.

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79

4.The Exposed “Bodies” of the Emperor and the Imperial Family
In this section, I would like to discuss the historical significance of the PAVEM. As I
mentioned at the beginning of this paper, the Japanese government, after the Meiji era, essentiallypromoted the authority of the state by presenting visual images of the Emperor and the Imperial
Family to the people. The government promoted this “visualization” by focusing on Gyōkōkei
and Junkōkei (the Imperial tour or visit) until the mid-1880s, and after that, by granting people
opportunities to see Goshin’ei (Imperial portraits that were photographic reproductions ofpaintings). This strategy gave people visual access to the “bodies” of the Emperor and theImperial Family, which had been hidden before. 30 Nevertheless, in the early 1900s, evenphotography was still a relatively new concept, and filming a movie was out of the question. The
following citation from a document dated July 1921 describes the restrictions on photographing
the Emperor, the Empress, and the Crown Prince during their Gyōkōkei and Junkōkei:This matter was inquired (secrecy no. 1937) about in September 1916, to which a reply(secrecy no. 10) was given in October of the same year, and an inquiry (from government
no. 309) was also made in May 1917. / Photographing of the Imperial visit of Their
Majesties Emperor and Empress shall be permitted only when they are in horse-drawn
carriages, / and of the Imperial visit of the Crown Prince shall be permitted only in thecase when he is in horse-drawn carriages or rickshaws. Even with a portable camera, theymust never be shot. In particular, motion pictures shall not be made under any
circumstances on the occasion of the Imperial visit or the occasion of the visiting of eachmember of the Imperial Family. In particular, even if some spectators escape surveillance
and take pictures of them walking or riding a horse [by the Emperor or the Imperial
Family], the owner or representative of the company should be strictly warned so that the
pictures will not be published in newspapers.31 (my emphasis)
In other words, this document expresses that since 1916, capturing the Emperor and theImperial Family on film was prohibited under any circumstances. It is also possible that in 1905
when the PAVEM were shot, regulations on photography and cinematography were not yet inplace. In 1911, there was an incident where Emperor Meiji’s review of military exercises wassecretly photographed. However, the fact that the series of the PAVEM, albeit British movies,
was produced and shown in Japan, even though he was not the heir to the throne, may have been
extremely pioneering in terms of the history of the media coverage of the Imperial Family. In

30

The political nature of exposing the Emperor and the Imperial Family to the public gaze has been widely
discussed in previous studies. The following are representative references: Kōji Taki, op. cit., T. Fujitani, Ten’nono Pageant (Pageant of the Emperor), NHK Publishing, 1994; Iwanami Kōza: Ten’no to Ōken wo Kangaeru(Iwanami Lecture: Considering the Emperor and Kingship) vol. 10, Iwanami Shoten, 2002; Takeshi Hara, Kashika
sareta Teikoku (Visualized Empire), Misuzu shobō, 2001.
31“Gyōkōkei no Robo Satsuei sonota ni Kansuru Shōkai (Inquiries about Filming of the Imperial Procession
and other Related Matters),” National Diet Library, Constitutional Law Collection, Documents related to Nobuaki
Makino, Documents section: 4–7.

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KAMIYA Makiko

addition, Prince Takehito Arisugawa served as the nominal representative of Emperor Meiji when
Tsar Nicholas II visited Japan in 1891. He also served as Emperor Taisho’s educator and adviser.
In other words, he was one of the most important members of the Imperial Family to Emperor
Meiji.
Takehito was the one who made large-scale Gyōkei/Junkei (Imperial visit of Crown Prince
Yoshihito)” possible despite the opposition of others32 since he was a relatively progressive
thinker in the Imperial Family. For Takehito, the Gyōkei/Junkei was expected to improve Crown
Prince Yoshihito’s health. However, it was also a vital pageant to visualize the “sacred” image of
the Imperial Family before the people. Takehito’s proactive attitude toward Gyōkei/Junkei wasprobably not unrelated to his tolerance for being the subject of visual media such as movies. In
other words, the movies of the Imperial Family may also have functioned as pageants, like the
Gyōkei/Junkei. In addition, even though a physical body was not present on the screen, the film
provided the public with images that were more vivid and impactful than the physical body, as
the history of films tells us.
The stance that Takehito took in bringing about the large-scale Gyōkei/Junkei of Crown
Prince Yoshihito was such that Erwin von Bälz, a German doctor who at the time was teachingat the Tokyo Medical School (now the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Tokyo), wrotethat people around him complained that he was “heavy-handed and too powerful.” Despite such
criticism, Takehito’s intention in promoting the Gyōkei/Junkei was to allow Crown Prince
Yoshihito to observe ordinary citizens by positioning the tours as simple unofficial trips.33 The
policy of “commoditization” of the image of the Imperial Family in the 1920s has been clarified
in previous studies.34 However, we can see that in the early 1900s,
Takehito was thinking about bringing the Imperial Family closer
to the “common” people.
Here, I refer to a portrait of Crown Prince Hirohito thatappeared in a newspaper in 1921 (Fig. 15). This portrait was
originally published in a French newspaper and reprinted in Asahi
Shimbun. It is very different from the illustration of Prince
Kuniyoshi Kuni mentioned in the previous section (Fig. 11). It israre for a portrait in which his facial features are so well depicted
to appear in the newspaper. At this time, Hirohito was traveling inEurope, and reports with photographs were published daily.
However, this illustration exposes more details of Hirohito’s facethan the photographs in newspapers, which would not have beenpossible in earlier reports. This phenomenon was probably
influenced by the deregulation of the media coverage of the Fig. 15. Tokyo Asahi Shimbun,
Imperial Family, as discussed in sections 2 and 3. After the Jul. 13, 1921.
32

Takeshi Hara, op. cit.
Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, May 11, 1902, 2.
34
There are numerous studies; for example, Yukio Ito, “Taisho Democracy to Rikkenkunshusei (Taisho
Democracy and the Image of the Imperial Family),” Taisho Ten’nō to Rikkenkunshusei no Hōkai (The Emperor
Showa and the Collapse of the Constitutional Monarchy, Nagoya University Press, 2005, 406–478.
33

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81

CPVEM, it became possible to shoot films
in Japan if “permission is obtained from thecontrolling authorities and the instructions
are strictly observed.”35 It should be noted,
however, that the once relaxed restrictions
on filmmaking were being replaced by asystem of control and regulation (i.e., theestablishment of a censorship system) as thefilm industry transformed into a mediumthat the government could not ignore.
Nevertheless, there is no doubt that with the Fig. 16. Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 8, 1922.
initial deregulation, the representation of theImperial Family changed drastically and eventually turned into something that allowed
publications and films to expose the bodies graphically.
Figure 16 shows a frame from a film shot of Hirohito, who had just assumed the position of
Sesshō (Prince Regent), swimming in Hayama. This film was shown at the office building ofTokyo Asahi Shimbun under the title of Sessyō-no-miya Denka Gosuiei Eiga Jikkyō (Actual Filmof HIH Prince Regent’s Swimming). It is said that the audience applauded when Hirohito
appeared on the screen wearing a swimsuit and a swimming cap.36 This film, which required
advance registration, was so well received that the screening period was extended due to the rushof applications.37
The following is an anecdote about Hirohito and movies. It was about the time when heparticipated in a military camp in the autumn of 1921. According to a cinematographer’s
testimony, permission was denied to the photography team but granted to the film crew. Whenthe cinematographer went to Hirohito’s camp, he was forbidden to shoot the film by a military
officer who did not understand the intention of Hirohito. However, Hirohito took the trouble topermit the shooting, and filming became possible.38 This anecdote, which shows that Hirohito
believed the influence of movies, was too significant to ignore.

Conclusion
In this paper, I clarified that the first IHM mentioned by Kyokkō Yoshiyama was the filmof Prince Takehito Arisugawa shot in Britain in 1905 when Takehito traveled around Europe to35“Gyōkōkei no Setsu Robo Satsuei…” op. cit.
Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, September 7, 1922, 5. In addition, the Ministry of Education also filmed Hirohito
swimming at Hayama, and a film titled HIH Crown Prince Swimming at Hayama Beach is registered in the following
document: Mombushō Seisaku Katsudōshashin Film Mokuroku (Catalog of Motion Pictures Produced by the
Ministry of Education), Ministry of Education, General Education Bureau, Social Education Division, January 1926,
56.
37“Gosuiei Eiga Kōkai Hinobe e (Screenings Period of the Swimming Movie is Going to be Longer),” Tokyo
Asahi Shimbun, September 9, 1922, 2.
38“Sessyō-no-miya to Satsuei gishi (Prince Regent and Camera Operator),” Nihon Shōnen (Japanese Boy),
October 1922, 44–45.
36

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KAMIYA Makiko

attend the wedding of the Crown Prince of Germany. I also revealed that this film belonged tothe series of PAVEM.
Previous studies have identified the CPVEM as the first IHM; however, it is clear from this
discussion that the PAVEM made in 1905 are the earliest films shot of the Imperial Family. This
fact is crucial in considering the history of the media coverage of the Imperial Household.
PAVEM (1905) were epoch-making movies about the Imperial Household in that they
included footage of the Imperial Household in their daily lives. Of course, shooting these films
was only made possible because the shooting was conducted in foreign locations, outside thereach of Japanese government restrictions. However, I consider the fact that Takehito himself had
an open mind about the media strategy of the Imperial Household was also one of the reasons
these films were made. The strategy of Takehito, the educator of Crown Prince Yoshihito(Emperor Taisho), was to actively expose the Crown Prince to the public by daring him to makelarge-scale Gyōkei/Junkei. Those around him regarded Crown Prince Yoshihito as having aserious problem with charisma as a future monarch, but Takehito was more proactive in exposing
his figure to the public. However, like the Crown Prince, Takehito had a frail constitution, anddue to illness, he entered a period of rest in 1909 and passed away in 1913. Emperor Taisho wascrowned in 1912, but nine years later, he was replaced by Prince Regent because of his poor
health. The existence of PAVEM is, nevertheless, significant regarding the history of the Imperial
Household’s media strategy.
As pointed out in previous studies, Crown Prince Hirohito’s trip to Europe was a critical
media strategy for the smooth generational transition from the Taisho to the future Showa era.
The CPVEM were made as a result of “deregulation” overseas and largely due to the interventionof foreign media. However, the PAVEM preceded foreign-made films on the Imperial Household.
These films, like the CPVEM, were screened in public venues as a visual medium to promote the“popularization” of images of the Imperial Household. The fact that these films were distributed
together with films on the Russo-Japanese War is also significant. The images of Takehito on the
big screen with the royalty of Germany and Great Britain, both powerful countries, were fitting
for the Japanese government that was pursuing an imperialistic policy.
Crown Prince Hirohito traveled to Europe on the battleship Katori, which Prince Takehito
Arisugawa had launched. This symbolic coincidence indicates a media strategy in the image of
the Imperial Household, which was carried over from the PAVEM to the CPVEM. It represented
a shift in the Imperial Household’s image from a “hidden body” to an “exposed body,” or at leasta struggle between the two. However, the “exposed body” also hindered the sanctification of theimage. Furthermore, in the Showa period, the issue of Emperor Showa’s total control over the
military also arose. Then, it is natural to expect a backlash from the “exposed body” to the “hiddenbody” and conflict between the two.39 Therefore, I would like to discuss the representation of
IHM in the Showa period on another occasion.
39

I would like to introduce an interesting example of the transformation of the presentation of portraits ofEmperor and members of Imperial Family from the Taisho to the Showa periods. According to Yōsuke Naitō,
postcards with portraits of Emperor and members of Imperial Family were issued by the government during the
Taisho period but were no longer issued after the Showa period. Kōshitsu Kitte (Postage Stamps of Imperial
Household), Heibonsha, 2005, 121.