25

The Opposition of Confucians to Catholicism in the
Early Qing Dynasty: Yang Guangxian and Kangxi
Calendar Lawsuit (1664-1665)
Li Xuetao 李雪濤*That which is recognized now as true has also its latent false sidewhich will later manifest itself, just as that which is now regarded
as false has also its true side by virtue of that which it could
previously be regarded as true.
Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy,
Friedrich Engels
During the 3rd and 4th year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1664-1665),
the world was greatly shaken by a lawsuit that took place in Beijing. The
lawsuit was the Kangxi Calendar Lawsuit (Kangxi Calendar Controversy)
between the Jesuit priest and astronomer Johann Adam Schall von Bell (TangRuo wang 湯若望, 1591-1666) and Confucian writer Yang Guangxian 楊光先(1597-1669).
Yang Guangxian (hereinafter referred to as Yang) openly framed thecharges against Schall and obtained secret help from the four regents at thetime. Unlike the many intellectuals who criticized Catholicism during the late
Ming Dynasty, he fought alone much of the time. Still, he won the case:
Schall was thrown into prison and Datongli 大統曆 (The traditional Han
Chinese Calendar) was restored. On the surface, the lawsuit appeared to be a
dispute regarding the contradiction between the Chinese calendar and westerncalendar, but in reality, it was a bloody confrontation between two cultures. It
is possible to account for the lawsuit on the grounds of culture psychology,
national feeling and palace politics, but from a broader perspective, what truly
stands out is the wide gap in concepts of life and the world, about which
Yang was undoubtedly clear.
	  *Prof. Li Xuetao 李雪濤 is dean of the School of History at Beijing Foreign Studies
University. He was the president of the Society for Cultural Interaction in East
Asia in 2017-2018. The author thanks Shikai 史凱 (Xi’an) and Zach Lundquist(Beijing) for their help in translating.

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 11 2020

I. The Attitude Towards History: Sympathetic Understanding

The purpose of historical research lies in pursuing the truth of history
rather than merely viewing historical events through the lenses of today’s
perspective. But before conducting any analysis or criticism, we need tolayout the historical context. As such, we should first hold the right attitude
towards historical figures, which means we should apply a sympathetic attitude in understanding them. Since we are most likely to draw hasty conclusions from isolated incidents if we become overly engaged in minor details,
the only way we can thoroughly understand the truth of what happened andfeel how historical figures felt is to put ourselves into the their positions.
In reviewing the first volume of A History of Chinese Philosophy 中國哲
學史 (1934)1 written by the philosopher and historian Feng Youlan 馮友蘭(Feng Yu-lan, 1895-1990), Chen Yinke 陳寅恪 (1890-1969), the historian andorientalist wrote that historical research should “closely understand” theancients:
To closely understand means to go on a mental journey and fancy
yourself being a contemporary of the ancients. Put yourself in a position offeeling their anguish and showing sympathy. If not, you cannot be expected toshow impartiality in evaluating their ideas.2
It is interesting to note that despite the wide recognition of the above
approach, few historians ever capture its essence in their research. Good
historians do not make any assumptions based on their own predisposition.
Rather, they go back to the original context, examine events and concepts,
and understand history. Under this approach, written archives and historicalbackground information become the starting point of sympathetic understanding. They help to correct common misconceptions and faulty judgments,and furthermore, reevaluate historical events and figures.
When reading Bu De Yi 不得已 (I Have No Alternatives) by Yang, I put
down the book every once in a while and “fancy” the feelings of anguish anddesperation which the Confucian intellectuals experienced as they observed
the fall of traditional morality. This study does not intend to reevaluate or
reposition Yang, but what the author wishes to do is recreate the historicalcontext of understanding him. As for value judgment, it is the next logicalstep.
The boldest preserver of Confucian ethics in his time, Yang strongly
opposed Catholicism and the western calendar. No one else could have been
1		 Feng Youlan, 1938.
2		 Chen Yinke 2001, 279. 所謂真瞭解者，必神遊冥想，與立說之古人，處於同一境界，而對於
其持論所以不得不如是之苦心孤詣，
表一種之同情，始能批評其學說之是非得失，
而無隔閡
膚廓之論。

The Opposition of Confucians to Catholicism in the Early Qing Dynasty

27

more vigorous in criticizing the western impact than he was. In his point ofview, if the western calendar had taken the place of Chinese calendar, theconsequence would go far beyond any technical level. What would follow
was the collapse of Chinese morality (Dao 道). To better understand thispoint, we need to look at the “Calendar Controversy” against its historicalbackground. Understanding historical context, as we have noted, will give us
the key to a true understanding of Yang and other Confucian intellectuals:
deep down in their hearts, they were going through the anguish and anxiety
over the predictable breakdown of traditional morality.
From the Sui and Tang 隋唐 period to the early Qing period, in otherwords from the 6th century to 1905, the imperial examination had existed forover one thousand years. Since the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), the examination came to be based on the Confucian and historian Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (11301200) Sishu jizhu 四書集注 (Annotations to the Four Books), and all the
candidates were required to “write for the sages” (dai shengren zhi yan 代聖人之言) under the guidance of Neo-Confucianism. Thus, Chinese intellectuals
were made the guardians of the so-called Rationalistic School. This largely
accounts for Yang’s reaction to Christian missionaries.
Facing the impact of western civilizations, Yang was an insightful spectator, a profound thinker, a skillful debater, and a strong protector of culture
traditions. Through deep self-reflection and fighting, he became acquainted
with Catholicism and the western calendar. We must not undervalue thecomplexity of his inner world.
Some researchers tend to label Yang as narrow-minded, stubborn andobsolete as they look at him from today’s perspective and state of knowledge.
Taking Yang out of his context, they list his highly emotional words, magnify
his opposition towards Catholicism and seem to suggest that everything about
him is wrong. Or they make assumptions based on predispositions and comeup with hasty conclusions. Obviously, these researchers fail to realize thathuman nature in history is complex and tangled. Here sympathetic understanding offers a solution: it encourages researchers to carefully read historical materials for the reconstruction of historical context, in order to avoid
creating simplistic interpretations of historical figures.

II. Dao and Qi

In the context of Chinese philosophy, Dao 道 and Qi 器 are two importantconcepts. According to I Ching 易經 (Book of Changes), Dao refers to themetaphysical, and Qi stands for the physical. They are to be understood in
relation to each other. If we interpret Qi as things, or the entity, Dao can berendered as principles responsible for the way things act. Early in the Song
period, the relationship between Dao and Qi attracted wide attention in the

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 11 2020

field of academia, and many philosophers made their observations, among
them was Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan 陸九淵 (1139-1192, or Lu Xiangshan 陸象山). Zhu Xi inherited Cheng brothers’ (Cheng Hao 程顥, 1032-1085 andCheng Yi 程頤, 1033–1107) understanding of the Dao and Qi and believed
these two philosophical notions were closely interrelated and equallyimportant,3 while Lu Jiuyuan considered Qi inferior to Dao, the basis for all
things.4
During the Late Ming and Qing period, the Italian Jesuit priest and oneof the founding figures of the Jesuit China missions Matteo Ricci (15521610) came to China in 1583, and with them came the introduction of
Christianity with western learning into China. The scientific and technologicalknowledge were met with conditional acceptance by many Chinese intellectuals, and yet the western thoughts met with strong resistance. This mixed
reaction is what Zheng Guangying 鄭觀應 (1842-1921) called “Dao comes
before Qi” (Dao ben Qi mo 道本器末). According to Zheng’s own words, Daosignifies the ethical and moral code of Confucianism, while Qi represents
western science and technology. As a result of the work of missionaries, Qi
added desirable qualities to Chinese scholarly tradition. But it was notallowed under any circumstance to threaten the Dao, the very foundation of
the feudal regime. Any attempt to transmit western ethics via Qi was boundto arouse strong opposition from the scholar-officials. On this recognition,
Siku Quanshu Zongmu Tiyao 四庫全書總目提要 (Summery of the General
Catalogue of the Imperial Collection of Four) characterizes western learning
as follows:
Accuracy in astronomy and calendric calculations and skillful at technicalwork, Europeans certainly surpass the preceding generations. But theirthoughts are unprecedentedly absurd and heterodox. It is significant that theImperial Court allows the spread of some technological knowledge while

3		 “Utensil is Tao, while Tao is the Utensil. Tao is not separated from the Utensil, andTao is just the principle of the Utensil. For example, a chair is a Utensil. Being
seated is the principle of this chair. The human body is a Utensil, and the language
and action are the principles of the human body. Principle is only above Utensil,
and the principle and Utensil are not separated from each other.” 器亦道，道亦器也。
道未嘗離乎器，道亦只是器之理。
如這交椅是器，可坐便是交椅之理。
人身是器，
語言動作便
是人之理，
理只在器上。
理與器未嘗相離。Li Jingde 黎靖德 1986, Vol. 77, 1970.

4		 “The acquisition of morality is primary, the comprehension of skill is secondary, theacquisition of morality is put first, and the fulfillment is put after […] Archery,chariot-riding, calligraphy and mathematics etc. are skills, which are humble, base,inferior and insignificant.” 德成而上，藝成而下，行成而先，事成而後。……凡射禦書數等事，皆藝也。
爲卑爲賤，爲下爲後。Sibu Congkan chubian 四部叢刊初編 2015, Vol.1161,
juan 15, 2a-b.

The Opposition of Confucians to Catholicism in the Early Qing Dynasty

29

strictly prohibits western thought.5
It is clearly evident here that Chinese intellectuals, when compiling andediting Complete Library in Four Sections, were already concerned about the
impact of the western Dao, fearing that it could readily shake the foundationof Chinese cultural tradition.
Viewed from today’s perspective, such an idea of foreign culture, ofcourse, shows neither confidence nor tolerance. Gone was a flexible andinclusive culture like that of the Han - Tang period (206 BC–220 AD,
618-907 AD). Out of the philosophical notion of “Dao governs Qi” emerged
the “Ti-Yong theory” (Ti-Yong lun 體用論, taking Chinese learning as theessence, and western learning for practical use), which became a primaryprinciple and method of the Self-Strengthening Movement (Ziqiang Yundong
自強運動) from 1861 to 1895 during the late period of the Qing Dynasty. The
belief was that China should maintain its own style of learning to keep the“essence” of society, while at the same time using western learning for“practical use” in developing its infrastructure and economy. From the notionof “Dao governs Qi” to the theory of Ti-Yong, we can see just how the Mingand Qing intellectuals were feeling: being watchful against the western civilizations and at the same time worried about the decline of Sangang
Wuchang 三綱五常 (three cardinal guides and five constant virtues, a standardof ancient Chinese feudalistic ethical order).
When discussing the impact of western civilization on the Far East, Arnold
J. Toynbee (1889-1975) wrote that accepting a foreign culture was as hurtful
as taking a risky task. In his words, those who had to withstand the impact
would intuitively resist the new culture that showed signs of subverting social
tradition. The resistance only made things even worse.6
It is possible to account for Yang’s opposition to Christianity on the
grounds that he felt intuitively that western learning showed a sign of“subverting social tradition”. The same seemed true for Zeng Guofan 曾國藩(1811-1872), a leading figure in trying to prevent the downfall of the Qing
regime, as the following quotes suggest:
Foreign countries excel at making machines, ships and cannons, but thewestern barbarians have little knowledge of rites and righteousness. How canthey manage state and political affairs? What they call the statecraft isencouraging one to disobey his superiors and start a rebellion, to banish oreven assassinate his emperor, to violate guides and morality. How dare they5		Yongrong etc. 永瑢等 1965, 1074. 羅巴人天文推算之密，工匠製作之巧，實愈前古。其議論誇詐迂怪，
亦為異端之尤。
國朝節取其技能，而禁傳其學術，具有深意。

6		 Cf. Toynbee, Arnold Joseph 1953, 81-82.

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 11 2020

talk about law?7
Although many neo-Confucian scholars took everything about
Confucianism to the height of Dao and considered Qi (scientific and technological knowledge) to be the only noteworthy aspect of western learning,some reform-minded intellectuals thought differently and recognized themerits of the western Dao. Let us quote Tang Zhen 湯震 (Tang Shouqian 湯壽
潜, 1856-1917):
Chinese value Dao, or the metaphysical, while westerners specialize in
Qi, or the physical. Chinese are so obsessed with Dao that they have crippled the ability to develop Qi. By contrast, it is not rare to see westerners
focus on Qi and at the same time touch on Dao. Through a flexible approach,they advance Qi and ultimately move upward to Dao. If they can adapt our
merits, why don’t we learn from them?8
Be that as it may, it is not easy to integrate western learning with Chinese
cultural tradition, for such an attempt has to deal with two different worlds ofknowledge.

III. Conflict in the Calendar Lawsuit

The conflict between Chinese astronomers and western astronomers canbe traced back to the last years of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi (1644-1661)
when Johann Adam Schall von Bell, the German Jesuit and astronomer used
his position in the imperial government to propagandize the western calendar.
He tried to minimize the influence of the Chinese calendar by evaluating
student astronomers on their knowledge of the western calendar, but his
motive was not unchecked. During the Qing Dynasty, astronomical officialsof the Imperial Astronomical Bureau fell into three groups: Han, Muslims andwesterners. While astronomers of the Han ethnic people group adhered to
Datong Li 大統曆 (the tradition Han Chinese calendar), Muslim astronomers
formed a naturally different force of their religion. Soon after Schall became
Director of the Imperial Astronomical Bureau, he removed the head of the
Huihui ke 回回科 (the Muslim division) Wu Mingxuan 吳明炫 from office. In
the 16th and 17th years of Emperor Shunzhi (1659-1660), Yang wrote Pi xie
lun 辟邪論 (On Countering Heterodox) in three parts: Juxi Ji 拒西集(Collection for Repelling the West), Zhaimiu Shilun 摘謬十論 (The Ten
Propositions to Reveal Falsity) and Zhongxing Shuo 中星說 ( On7		8		

Xuan Fan 宣樊 1910, 283. 彼外國之所長，度不過機巧製造、船堅利炮而已。以夷狄之不知
禮義，安有政治之足言。
即有政治，亦不過犯上作亂，逐君弑君，蔑綱常、
逆倫理而已，
又安足
法？
Tang Zhen 湯震 1993, 225. 蓋中國所守者形上之道，西方所專者形下之器，中國自以爲道，而漸失其所謂器；西人畢力於器而有時暗合於道。
彼既賡而續之，
變而通之，
神而明之，
彼
能因我之所創，我胡勿創彼之所因？

The Opposition of Confucians to Catholicism in the Early Qing Dynasty

31

Constellation). These essays signified his initial criticism of the westerncalendar and Catholicism. Although he made 5,000 copies of the first two
essays for publicity,9 the imperial government did not pay much attention toit, most likely because Schall had close relations with Emperor Shunzhi andhigh officials. However, missionaries in the capital city began to feel threatened. Among them were Schall, the Italian Jesuit mathematician and theologian Ludovic Bugli (Li Leisi 利類思, 1606-1682) and the Portuguese Jesuit
Gabriel de Magalhāes (An Wensi 安文思, 1609-1677), who founded theoriginal St. Joseph’s Church in Peking. Under their instructions, Li Zubai (李祖白, 1610-1665), a catholic convert and astronomical official publishedTianxue Chuangai 天學傳概 (A Summary of the Spread of the Heavenly
Teaching) in 1663. The book was designed to refute Yang’s Pi Xie Lun (OnCountering Heterodoxy), but it was this book that provided Yang with a good
excuse to further criticize Catholicism.
Emperor Shunzhi died in 1661 and was succeeded by Emperor Kangxi
康熙 (1662-1722). The new emperor was so young that the government had
to be overseen by four regents. Obviously, it was the time for Yang to bring
down Schall. In July of the 3rd year of Emperor Kangxi, 1664, Yang sent to
the imperial government Qing Zhu Xiejiao Zhuang 請誅邪教狀 (Plaint against
Heterodox Teachings), Zheng Guoti Cheng Gao 正國體呈稿 (Draft ofMemorial for the Safety of the Country) and Yu Xu Qingyu Shiyu Shu 與許清
嶼侍御書 (A Letter to the Censor Xu Qingyu), in which he accused Schall andhis followers of plotting a revolt, deceiving people with the heretical books
and throwing discredit on Chinese rites and ethics. He pleaded with thegovernment to eliminate Catholicism straight away. Later he presented
Zhaimiu Shilun (The Ten Propositions to Reveal Falsity) and Xuanze Lun 選擇論(On the Selection) in which he fiercely criticized the western calendar
and claimed that Schall was responsible for a series of misfortunate events
because he had chosen the wrong date for the burial of Prince Rong 榮親王(son of Emperor Shunzhi and Consort Donggo 董鄂妃, 1639-1660).
The Ministry of Rites (Libu 禮部) accepted the case and the investigation
continued on through the autumn of the 3rd year of Emperor Kangxi in 1664
to the following spring of 1665. The Ministry of Rites and the Ministry of
Personnel (Libu 吏部) jointly conducted the first hearing of the trial. Then the
Ministry of Punishment (Xingbu 刑部), the Censorate (Duchayuan 都察院), theSupreme Court (Dalisi 大理寺) carried out the second hearing of the trial.
During the third hearing, an imperial panel made up of Princes, Regents,
Grand secretaries (Daxueshi 大學士), heads of ministries (Liubu Jiusi
Zhangguan 六部九寺長官) and the commanders-in-chief of the eight banners
9		

Yang Guanxian 楊光先 2000, 12.

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 11 2020

(Baqi Dutong 八旗都統) gave the ruling.10 Schall and seven other Christian
astronomers were found guilty and sentenced to death. The day after thesentence was pronounced, a severe earthquake hit Beijing and the aftershocks
recurred for several days. The earthquake worried the consorts and concubines, so much, that they believed it to be a warning from Heaven andpersuaded the imperial government not to execute the astronomers.11 As aresult, Schall and three other Jesuits, i.e. Ferdinand Verbiest (Nan Huairen 南
懷仁, 1623-1688), Ludovic Bugli, and Gabriel de Magalhāes were released
from prison and permitted to live in Beijing as they had previously, but they
were no longer allowed to preach to Chinese. In addition to this, othermissionaries, including 21 Jesuits, 3 Dominicans and 1 Franciscan were
exiled to Macau. Actually, before the lawsuit took place, Schall had experienced a stroke that left him unable to speak. Consequently, Verbiest had toanswer questions for him during the trial.12 One year later, he died at the ageof 75 on July 15th in the 5th year of Emperor Kangxi (1666).
The lawsuit settled, Yang was appointed Director of the Astronomical
Bureau. Even though he was reluctant to take the post, the imperial government compelled him to accept it anyway. After he took office in August of
the 4th year of Emperor Kangxi, he restored the use of the traditional Chinese
calendar. However, based on a test, Emperor Kangxi chose the westerncalendar over the Han calendar and Muslim calendar. In May of the 8th yearof Emperor Kangxi in 1669, Emperor Kangxi arrested Oboi (Aobai 鰲拜, c.
1610-1669), the ambitious regent who had established a system of nearabsolute rule under himself. Verbiest took this opportunity to present amemorial asking for the reopening of the reinvestigation of the Calendar
Lawsuit. In August, the Qing government made the judgment that Yangfabricated charges against Schall. He was sentenced to death, only to be
exiled to his native village due to his old age. He died at the age of 73 in
Dezhou 德州, Shandong province, during his journey home. With his death,
the Calendar Lawsuit finally came to an end.

IV. Influence of the Calendar Lawsuit

The decade in which Emperor Shunzhi reigned might be seen as a fruitfulperiod of Catholicism in China. Out of appreciation of Schall’s work,
Emperor Shunzhi adopted a less restrictive attitude toward Catholicism. He
provided land for building churches and wrote the inscriptions in person. A
10 Regarding the trial, the details in Johann Adam Schall von Bell S.J. are quite detailed.
Väth, Alfons 1933, 295ff.
11 Huang Bolu 黃伯祿 1904, 46a.
12 Ebd., 45b.

The Opposition of Confucians to Catholicism in the Early Qing Dynasty

33

direct benefit of that was seen in the quick growth in the number of churches
and believers. According to Italian researcher Pasquale D’Elia (1890-1963),
by the 7th year of Emperor Shunzhi, China had 30 churches with 150 thousand Catholic converts, an increase from 2,500 in 1610 when Matteo Ricci
died.13 However, it is worth pointing out that Emperor Shunzhi never issued
an imperial decree that allowed Catholics to preach in China, nor did he everconvert to the Catholic faith. In Yuzhi Tianzhujiao Beiji 御制天主堂碑記(Imperial Inscription of Catholics Church), he wrote, “What I admire is theteaching of Confucianism; what I pursue is to be single-minded in building
ethics and practicing the doctrine of the mean. I tried to read books on
Taoism and Buddhism, but did not find myself interested in them. When it
comes to western books and Catholic doctrine, not a single book have I read.
How can I know what Catholicism is all about?”14 Clearly, although Schallgained the personal confidence and trust of Emperor Shunzhi, Catholicism
didn’t capture the emperor’s heart at all.
After the Calendar Lawsuit, Emperor Kangxi took the reins of power into
his own hands. The case was reinvestigated and all findings were reversed.
Schall was found not guilty and missionaries were appointed to posts in theimperial government. Despite this turn of events, they were forbidden fromspreading Catholicism, dealing a heavy blow to Catholicism in China. It is
not difficult to see here that Emperor Kangxi was influenced by Yang’s
opposition to Catholicism. From then on, a clear distinction was madebetween Catholic doctrine and western scientific knowledge. The missionaries
holding positions in the Qing Court were banned from Christian missions.
The aftermath can be seen in the Rites Controversy.
Yang wrote:
Thousands of people believe in Catholicism in Macau. They establisheda stronghold there and keep in touch with westerners across the sea. Under
the cover of calendric affairs, Schall collects secret information of thegovernment. Were it not for plotting the revolt, why would he meet people sooften, build churches in the capital city and other strategic places anddeceive people with the heterodox book? 15
As far as national security was concerned, Emperor Kangxi could not turn
13 D’Elia 1934, 67.
14 Huang Bolu 黃伯祿 1904, 21a-b. 夫朕所服膺者，堯舜周孔之道；所講求者，精一執中之理。至於玄笈貝文所稱道德、
楞嚴諸書，
雖嘗涉獵，
而旨趣茫然。
況西洋之書、
天主之教，
朕素
未覽閱，
焉能知其說哉！
15 Yang Guanxian 楊光先 2000, 3. 香山澳盈萬人，據為巢穴，接渡海上往來。若望借曆法以藏身金門，
窺伺朝廷機密。
若非內勾外連，謀為不軌，
何故布黨、
為立天主堂於京省要害之地，
傳妖書以惑天下之人？

34

Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 11 2020a blind eye towards Yang’s accusations.16 During the early years of the reignof Emperor Kangxi, unrest and chaos were not rare occurrences. In thesouthern provinces of Yunan 雲南, Guangdong 廣東 and Fujian 福建, themilitary forces of feudatories were growing; in the province of Taiwan 臺灣,
the forces of Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功 (1624-1662), better known internationally by his Dutch-Romanized Hokkien honorific Koxinga or Coxinga,
opposed the imperial Qing government. As such, Emperor Kangxi undoubtedly became alarmed at Yang’s charges. Although no evidence of revolt was
found, Emperor Kangxi decided to be cautious towards the missionaries.
Taking the suggestion of his ministers, he issued an imperial decree thatbanned churches and missions across China.
Yang’s accusations against Jesuits were largely a matter of “making senseout of something senseless”, but they provoked the alarm of the imperial
government. Consequently, the government imposed restrictions on missions
and appointed a Manchurian to be the director of the imperial Astronomical
Bureau.

V. Conclusions

Viewed from a modern day’s perspective, Yang’s opposition to
Catholicism led to a large block against cross cultural communication. But hehit the nail on the head when he pinpointed the conflict between Catholicism
and Chinese sociocultural concepts, in particular, Confucian ethical and moral
code. He intuitively felt the threat to Confucianism. In his point of view,
Christianity imposed the danger of subverting the very foundation of Chinesesociety. During the last few years of the reign of Emperor Kangxi,
Catholicism was officially prohibited in China, but Yang was not directly
responsible for it. The major cause was the Chinese Rites Controversy, adispute about whether Chinese rites and offerings to the heaven, ancestors andthe sages constituted idolatry. The focus was over the adoption of local
practices of non-Christian countries.
On the surface, Ferdinand Verbiest and other missionaries won the contest
between Schall and Yang. The victory, however, belonged to Yang and theConfucian ethics which he defended. A witness is the fact that the Manchu
imperial government did not follow in the footsteps of western culture.
Rather, it inherited the traditional traditions of the Han Chinese culture. It is
in Yang’s protection of Chinese Dao that we find his great merits.
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16 Ebd., 2.

The Opposition of Confucians to Catholicism in the Early Qing Dynasty

35

Baogao” 冯友兰 《中国哲学史》上册审查报告 (Reviwing the First volume of A
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