55

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray:
Lifelong Friendship, Botany and Sinology
SO Chit-Shing*

Abstract

Samuel Wells Williams was a well-known missionary, diplomat andsinologist. In his whole life, he never gave up his pursuit on botany, however,there was not much attention to his botanical accomplishment. Williams had
a lifelong friendship with Asa Gray, who was the most distinguished
American botanist in the 19th century. And because of the contact, Williams
related with botany indeed. In order to figure out their friendship andinfluence, this article is going to use the correspondences between Williams
and Gray, besides the related publications. This article first presents Williams’
lifelong friendship with Gray, then, accounts for the plants and seeds which
Williams gave to Gray. Finally, it will demonstrate the influence of Gray
towards Williams’ contact with Ko Kun-hua, who was the first professor of
Chinese descent at Harvard University.

1. BackgroundIn the early 19th century, before the opening of China and Japan,
Americans relied upon missionaries, merchants and travel writings to obtainknowledge of the Far East. Samuel Wells Williams (1812-1884), was one of
the Americans who was sent to China at that time.
Williams was sent to Canton by the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) to take charge of the printing press in 1833.
He spent 43 years of his life in China. Meanwhile, he was appointed theChief Interpreter of the expeditions to Japan by Commodore Matthew
Calbraith Perry (1794-1858). As a turning point, Williams, then, wasappointed the Chargé d’affaires of America in Beijing. After Williams retired
and went back to America, he became as the first sinologist of Chinese
Language and Literature at Yale College (now Yale University). And in 1883,* SO Chit-Shing 蘇哲誠 is MA Student, Graduate School of East Asian Cultures, Kansai
University

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019

Williams republished his great work, the second edition of The Middle
Kingdom, before he passed away in the following year.
Williams’s reputation was always related to his relationship with China
and his interpretation work with the Perry Expeditions. Although Williams
pursued botany his whole life, there was not much attention to his contributions to botany.1 According to Williams, he “had about fixed his mind upon
the career of a botanist”2 between the end of 1831 and the beginning of 1832.
Even after he went to China, he continued to acquire plants specimens, notonly in China and Japan but also the ways along his journey.3 Furthermore,
Williams has written some articles about the natural history of China in The
Chinese Repository,4 as well as The Middle Kingdom.5 Moreover, Williams
had acquaintance with many botanists. Among them, Williams had the longest
friendship with Asa Gray (1810-1888), the most distinguished American
botanist in the 19th century. Williams sent not just numerous specimens, butalso shared his opinion about the Chinese with Gray. On the other hand,
Gray, especially in their late life, had persuaded Williams to contact the first
Chinese Professor of Harvard University. However, there was not enoughdescriptions about Williams and botany, much less his lifelong friendshipwith Gray.
In order to elucidate the relationship and influence between Williams andGray, this article uses the correspondences between Williams and Gray, in
addition to related publications. The first part is from the correspondences of

1 Gu Jun gave a detailed explanation of Williams’ botanical dream. See, Gu Jun顧鈞
“Zhiwuxuejia zhi meng 植物學家之夢 [A dream towards botanist],” Wei San-wei yu
Meiguo zaoqi hanxue 衛三畏與美國早期漢學 [Samuel Wells Williams and earlyAmerican Sinology] (Beijing: Waiyu jiaoxue yu yanjiu chubanshe, 2009), pp.
12-22.
2 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams (New Yorkand London: G. P. Putnam’s sons, 1889), p. 38.
3 Before Williams, there were Michal Piotr Boym’s (1612-1659) Flora Sinensis (1656)
for the explorations of Chinese plants, Caroli Petri Thunberg’s (1743-1828) Flora
Japonica (1784) and Philipp Franz Balthasar von Siebold’s (1796-1866) Flora
Japonica (1835-1870) in 30 Volumes for the investigations for the Japanese plants.
These works were important for Williams to have his botanical accomplishments.
4 In the Index of The Chinese Repository, the editors divided all the articles into 30
parts. There was a classification with 35 articles which called “Natural History.”
Among that, 17 articles are from Williams. See, “Index,” The Chinese Repository,
Vol. 21 (Canton, 1851.)
5 Chapter six is “Natural History of China.” In the first version, Williams used 56 pages
for his description. But in the second version, he rewrote the almost parts andincreased to 84 pages. See, S. Wells Williams. The Middle Kingdom, Vol. 1 (NewYork: Wiley and Putnam, 1848), pp. 240-295; Vol 1, 2nd ed. (New York: Charles
Scribner’s Sons, 1883), pp. 296-379.

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray

57

Samuel Wells Williams family papers,6 which are preserved in Yale
University’s Manuscripts and Archives. Another part is from the correspondences of Asa Gray correspondence files,7 and the Jane Gray autographcollection,8 which are both preserved in the Gray Herbarium at Harvard
University.9 This article first discusses Williams’ lifelong friendship with
Gray, then, accounts for the plants and seeds which Williams gave to Gray.
Finally, it will illustrate the influence of Gray towards Williams’ contact withKo Kun-hua 戈鯤化 (1836-1882), who was the first Chinese professor at
Harvard University. This article will not analyze Williams’ botanical writingor theory, but through related publications and correspondences, aims toinvestigate their lifelong friendship and influence, a topic which has not been
explored in the previous scholarship on Williams. It will also provide
evidence that Williams was an amateur botanist for the future research.

2. Williams’ lifelong friendship with Gray

Williams and Gray were both influential and productive. However, theydiffered not only in their fields of specialty, but also in the physical distanceof their working place. Williams stayed in China over half of his life, while
Gray always worked between Europe and American. Before Williams wassent to China, however, he had already built his relationship with Gray. There
were three types of relationships between Williams and Gray: (1) classmate,10
6 Most of the letters that preserved in “Samuel Wells Williams family papers,” hadbeen published. See, Miyazawa Shinichi 宮澤真一, Gu Jun 顧鈞, eds. “Samuel Wells
Williams family papers,” in Mei guo ye lu da xue tu shu guan cang wei san wei wei
kan wang lai shu xin ji 美國耶魯大學圖書館藏衛三畏未刊往來書信集 [Unpublishedletters from and to Samuel Wells Williams in Yale University Library, U.S.A.], 23
Vols. (Guilin: Guang xi shi fan da xue chu ban she, 2012.)
7 The correspondences have been open access in “Harvard College Library Digital
Imaging Group” in 2014: https://listview.lib.harvard.edu/lists/hollis-14011768. Then
open access in “Biodiversity Heritage Library” in 2017: https://doi.org/10.5962/bhl.
title.128030.
8 The correspondences have also been open access in “Harvard College Library Digital
Imaging Group” in 2014: http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:FMUS.GRA:12274653.
9 However, most of the letters from Gray to Williams were lost. In Williams’ whole
life, he has moved to different places for many times. From New York to Canton,then Macao, and New York, Canton, moved to different places for Shanghai,
Peking, last to New Haven. In count, he moved at least seven times. It is reasonable
to indicate that, Williams might have lost part of Gray’s letters when he wasmoving, or Gray just did not know Williams’ address because Williams had moved
so many times. On the other hand, Williams suffered a disaster in the end of 1856.
That year, the ABCFM printing office in Canton was on fire, the printing tools, thepersonal property, the collection of books, etc., had been burned. Gray’s letters were
included probably.
10 Robert Lucky Bachman, A sermon delivered in the First Presbyterian Church, Utica,

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019(2) friend,11 (3) teacher-student.12 In the “Descriptions of the botanical specimens,” Gray called Williams “my early friend,”13 which meant that theycertainly had a friendship. However, as the descriptions below, Williams andGray were unable to have the “classmate relationship” and “teacher-student
relationship.” About their friendship, it should be described from their father
first.
William Williams (1787-1850), father of Williams, was a master printerand journalist, who had even joined the War of 1812 as Captain of acompany of volunteers. He was a prominent man in Utica at that time.14 On
the other hand, Moses Gray (1786-1845), father of Gray, was just a tannerand currier. Although he later became a farmer, apparently, he was not as
famed as William Williams. But to Gray, he was born in Sauquoit nine miles
south of Utica,15 where both belonged to Oneida County, New York. Before
1833, Gray lived close to Utica. Although the parental relation of Williams
and Gray was indistinct, considering the physical distance of their living
places, Williams and Gray might have had their first contact as early as theirchildhood (1810s) or youth (1820s).
The Edinburgh Encyclopedia, a book series edited by David Brewster(1781-1868), changed Gray’s life. Anderson Hunter Dupree (1921- ), theauthor of Asa Gray, 1810-1888, conjectured that, “William Williams of Utica,
N. Y., whose edition Gray probably read, was engaged in a serial publicationof the Encyclopedia in the 1820’s.”16 Following Dupree’s viewpoint, regardless of whether the edition was published in the 1810s or 1820s,17 it could be

11
12
13

14

15
16
17

N.Y. upon the life and labors of Samuel Wells Williams, LL. D. (Utica, N. Y.: Pressof Curtiss & Childs, 1884), p. 7.
Thomas W. Seward, “Memorial of S. Wells Williams,” Transactions of the Oneida
Historical Society, at Utica, 1885-1886 (1886), p. 80.
Gu Jun, Wei San-wei yu Meiguo zaoqi hanxue 衛三畏與美國早期漢學, pp. 15, 34.
Order of the government of the United States, Narrative of the Expedition of an
American Squadron to the China Seas and Japan, performed in the years 1852,
1853, and 1854, under the command of Commodore M. C. Perry, United States
Navy. (Washington: Beverley Tucker, Senate Printer, 1856), p. 305.
About the life and achievements of William Williams, see, John Camp Williams, An
Oneida Country printer, William Williams: printer, publisher, editor, with a bibliography of the press at Utica, Oneida Country New York, from 1803-1838 (New York:Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1906.) Also, Madeleine B. Stern, William Williams: pioneer
printer of Utica New York, 1787-1850 (Charlottesville, Va.: Bibliographical Societyof the University of Virginia, 1951.)
James Dwight Dana, “Asa Gray,” American Journal of Science, Series 3, Vol. 35(March 1888), p. 181.
A. Hunter Dupree, Asa Gray 1810-1888 (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press ofHarvard Uninersity Press, 1959), p. 427.
William Williams and his partner A. Seward (?-?) has received the Philadelphia
Edition of the Edinburgh Encyclopedia since 1814. John Camp Williams, An Oneida

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray59

described that there was an indirect influence from William Williams to Gray.
Anyhow, Gray began an interest in botany from the article “Botany” in
Edinburgh Encyclopedia during the winter of 1827.18 After that, Gray soon
“bought Amos Eaton’s Manual of Botany, pored over its pages, and waited forspring.”19 Amos Eaton (1776-1842) was the second considerable person
towards Williams and Gray. Eaton, an American botanist and educator, wasborn at Chatham, Columbia Country, New York on 17th May 1776, thengraduated from Williams College in 1799. In 1824, Stephen Van Rensselaer(1764-1839) established a school in Troy, New York, which was named
Rensselaer Institute (now Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute), and appointed
Eaton to be a teacher, “in order to encourage the application of science tocommon purposes.”20 In Williams’ case, although he was interested in botany,
he did not aim to be a botanist at the beginning. In November 1831, the deathof Sophia Wells Williams (1791-1831), Williams’ biological mother,“hastened his decision as to the choice of a higher school, and not many days
after the sorrowing little band had followed their counsellor and guide to her
grave, Wells gathered his few clothes and precious collections of plants andstones and departed by canal for Troy.”21 In this school, Williams was under
Eaton’s instruction. At the end of his first half year, he “had about fixed his
mind upon the career of a botanist.”22 Soon after, however, Williams’ father
proposed him to take charge the printing press of ABCFM in China. Williams
was not opposed to the suggestion, but at least waited for him to finish thecourse in October 1832.23 On the other hand, although Gray owned Eaton’s
Manual of Botany, “the mere fact that Asa used the manual does not establish
him as a student of Eaton’s, whose role in Gray’s education was limited tohaving produced the manual.”24 With this as a turning point, Gray madecorrespondences and began exchanging plants with John Torrey (1796-1873),
a botanist who had been a student of Eaton, in 1830 probably. They had aclose relationship afterwards. But conversely, Gray generated controversy
with Eaton thereafter.25 In addition to that, according to a letter which sentfrom Williams afterwards, Williams also had an acquaintanceship withCountry printer, William Williams, p. 60.
18 Asa Gray, “Autobiography,” in Letters of Asa Gray, Vol. 1, ed. Jane Loring Gray
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Company, 1894), pp. 13-14.
19 Ibid.
20 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, p. 31.
21 Ibid.
22 Ibid, p. 38.
23 Samuel Wells Williams to his father, April 23, 1832, ibid, pp. 39-40.
24 A. Hunter Dupree, Asa Gray 1810-1888, p. 15.
25 Ibid, pp. 51-53.

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019

Torrey.26 In a sense, Williams and Gray had the same “botanist teacher,” andhad a common botanist friend.
In addition to Rensselaer Institute, there was another school that connected
Williams with Gray. Utica High School, which established by Charles Bartlett(?-1858?), called Utica Gymnasium afterwards. Williams entered this schoolin 1829, but it is unknown when he graduated (likely no later thanNovember 1831). Moreover, there is not much description about Williams’
experience in this school. His biography provides several sentences about thisperiod.
“Mr. Bartlett’s most admirable quality, in Wells’ estimation, was hishearty recognition of the importance of the natural sciences in a liberal
education, and the attention given at this school to these subjects was asdelightful to his tastes as it was unusual to the time. From these lecturesand lessons in chemistry, geology, and botany came his first accurate
knowledge of the sciences, the pursuit of which he carried withincreasing pleasure throughout a long life as the study of his recreation,
the Nebenfach to his professional work. Under Fay Edgerton, and after
him Professor Asa Gray, as teachers in this department, the oldest boys
imbibed a taste for the rare and curious in nature which turned several ofthem into naturalists of creditable rank; while during his long vacation
trips of shorter holiday rambles the zealous and sympathetic Edgertongave to his pupils the impress of religious character that was more
precious, perhaps, than his knowledge.”27
Before Williams entered Rensselaer Institute, he had already gained someknowledge about botany at Utica High School. Fay Edgerton (1803-1832)
was the third notable person towards Williams and Gray. He was also Eaton’s
student and graduated from Rensselaer Institute in 1828. After that, hebecame the teacher of chemistry, mineralogy, botany, and geology at Utica
High School until he passed away.28 During the Utica High School period,
Williams’ botany interest was derived from Edgerton probably. Moreover,
Edgerton was Eaton’s student, it might also be the reason why Williams
26 “I [Williams] have collected more an opportunity offered; one package I have sent
… and one also to Dr. Jno [John] Torrey by [ship] Morrison … The parcel to Torrey
will afford you [Gray] a better notion of this flora that than the one you see?”Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, October 12, 1836, “Asa Gray correspondences
files.”
27 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, pp. 27-28.
28 For further information, see, M. M. Bagg, “The Utica High School,” Transactions of
the Oneida Historical Society, at Utica, 1885-1886 (1886), pp. 87-100; Also, Gerald
M. Friedman, “James D. Dana and Fay Edgerton; students and/or disciples of Amos
Eaton,” American Journal of Science, Vol. 298, No. 7 (Sep. 1998), pp.608-610.

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray61

chose to study at Rensselaer Institute after Utica High School. Through theletters that he sent on 23rd November 1831,29 Williams reached Rensselaer
Institute in November 1831. On the other hand, Edgerton passed away in thefollowing April. As a result, Gray was recommended by some of his friends
to fill the vacancy. He taught botany and mineralogy there on 20th May andended the class on 30th July.30 Then, he continued the job until 1834.
However, he only worked from January to July, and took a vacation in theremaining time for plant collecting and other activities. Considering thedifferent periods in Utica High School, Williams and Gray would not beclassmates.31 Furthermore, they were unable to have the teacher-student
relation.32 Despite Williams leaving America in June 1833, he was back in
Utica in April while Gray was at work there. Moreover, when Williams wasin Utica at that time, he “had no opportunity of telling you some informationof this kind which I there learnt.”33 This meant Williams made a possible
contact with Gray in this period, although it cannot be ascertained if it was
the first contact or not.
After Williams left for China, his friendship with Gray continued. Because
29 Samuel Wells Williams to his father, November 23, 1831, in The Life and Letters ofSamuel Wells Williams, ed. Frederick Wells Williams, pp.33-34; Samuel Wells
Williams to James Dwight Dana, November 23, 1831, in The Life and Letters ofSamuel Wells Williams, ed. Frederick Wells Williams, pp. 34-35.
30 Asa Gray to John Torrey, January 2, 1833, in Letters of Asa Gray, Vol. 1, ed. Jane
Loring Gray, pp. 37-39.
31 Although Robert Lucky Bachman (1844-1921) did not mention that Williams andGray were classmates Utica High School, he described the “classmate” relation
between the Sunday School, which was founded by Williams’ father, and Rensselaer
Institute. See, Robert Lucky Bachman, A sermon delivered in the First Presbyterian
Church, Utica, N.Y. upon the life and labors of Samuel Wells Williams, LL. D, pp.
7-8. Williams studied in the Sunday School in 1818, and he entered Rensselaer
Institute in 1831. These two schools, Williams only studied at Ely Burchard’sclassical school and Utica High School. Considering the “natural science andhistory” that Bachman noticed, the “classmate” should be referred to Utica HighSchool.
32 Gu Jun emphasized twice in his book that Gray was Williams’ teacher, which probably based on Fredrick Wells Williams’ description that, “Under Fay Edgerton, andafter him Professor Asa Gray, as teachers in this department, the oldest boys
imbibed a taste for the rare and curious in nature which turned several of them into
naturalists of creditable rank.” Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters ofSamuel Wells Williams, p. 28; Gu Jun, Wei San-wei yu Meiguo zaoqi hanxue 衛三畏與美國早期漢學, pp. 15, 34. As mentioned above, when Gray was on duty at Utica
High School, Williams had already been studying at Rensselaer Institute for half ayear. However, if Gu’s point could be established, Gray could only be Williams’
private teacher or other reasons, but not because of Utica High School.
33 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, September 3, 1833, “Asa Gray correspondences
files.”

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019of Williams’ relationship with China, he frequently shared his experiences andopinions with Gray. When Williams was still on his voyage to China, he hadalready heard some rumors of “jealousy” and “suspicious nature” about the
Chinese.34 Williams wrote to Gray that, he did not have a good impression of
the Chinese before he arrived, and he believed that he should live as careful
as he can, to prevent him from being an “unlucky offender.”35
On 13th September 1855, Williams wrote to Gray regarding “The insurrection of which you have heard so much.”36 Considering the same period
and place where Williams was based, “the insurrection” referred to theTaiping Rebellion. Williams mentioned that, “Daily executions in Canton areoften to the number of 500, and about tendays ago 713 were decapitated infour squads on one day … over 100000 men deaths in Canton since Jan.
1/53.”37 Although Williams was a devout believer, he could only pray for the
Chinese.
Later, the relations between the United States and the Qing governmentchanged. On 18th June 1858, the Treaty of Tientsin between China and theUnited States of America 中美天津條約 was signed. In the negotiations
between the United States and the Qing government, Williams was one of thedelegates of America. After the treaty was signed, Williams soon wrote toGray that, “You will have heard of the treaties signed at Tientsin with the
Chinese ministries, and perhaps seen the American.”38 China would open up
its country more than before. Williams expected that the demand for Chinese
learning would increase soon after. As a result, the Chinese dictionary necessarily catered towards the foreigners. As early as 1842, Williams had alreadypublished his first Chinese learning material, Easy lessons in Chinese.39 And
in 1844, Williams printed his first dictionary An English and Chinese vocabulary.40 He was not inexperienced in editing the Chinese learning material andthe dictionary anymore. After that, he prepared a new work. Williams
published a new dictionary, A Tonic Dictionary of the Chinese language in the
Canton dialect,41 in Canton. Although it was difficult to demonstrate whether
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid.
36 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, September 13, 1855, “Asa Gray correspondences
files.”
37 Ibid.
38 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, July 23, 1858, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”
39 Samuel Wells Williams, Easy lessons in Chinese: or, Progressive exercises to facilitate the study of that language; especially adapted to the Canton dialect 拾級大成,(Macao: Office of the Chinese Repository), 1842.
40 Samuel Wells Williams, An English and Chinese vocabulary英華韻府歷階, (Macao:
Office of the Chinese Repository), 1844.
41 Samuel Wells Williams, A Tonic dictionary of the Chinese language in the Canton

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray

63

Gray knew the Chinese language, Williams had once recommended his A
Tonic Dictionary to Gray, and the copies could be found at the mission roomof the ABCFM in Boston. Despite that, Williams also complained that theediting of this dictionary was “tedious labor.”42
In addition to the lifelong friendship between Williams and Gray, there
was a further friendship between their wives. Williams married Sarah
Walworth (1815-1881) in 1847, the year while Williams was in America.
Their marriage took place in Plattsburgh on Thanksgiving Day, 25th
November. Perhaps Gray joined the wedding or contacted with Williams atthat time. Notwithstanding, between February 1850 and June 1861, there
must be a contact between Williams, Gray and their wives in Boston. In
February 1860, Williams went back to America for a temporary vacation.
However, the American Civil War broke out in the following year.
Presumably, the Civil War made Gray think that they could not meet
anymore. On 2nd April 1861, Gray wrote to Williams that, “Hoping you are
not yet off, I beg you to drop me another line, and, if you sail from or visit
Boston, come with Mrs. Williams & some of the children of yours with you,and make us a visit. Mrs. Gray joins in the invitation, and we shall be mostglad to see you here again, and more leisurely.”43 The word “again” hinted
that they had a contact before. And because of this letter, Williams mightrevisit Gray before he back to China. In Williams and Gray’s late life, they
were still concerned about each other. For instance, in a letter on March
1880, Williams wrote to Gray that, “I [Williams] hope that Mrs. Gray has
recovered the full use of her limbs & ankle by this time, but such sprains are
sometimes long in recovering. Mrs. Williams was somewhat wearied after her
return, from while she has now quite regained her strength, and sends herlove to both of you with.”44 There was still a close relationship between
Williams, Gray and their wives. However, the next year was a painful year to
Williams. His wife passed away on 26th January 1881. At that time, Gray andhis wife were traveling in Europe. After Gray got the news, he sent Williams
a letter from Kew Gardens, London:“I must drop a line to you – short though it be (as we are just backing
up here and going to the continent) to say that Mrs. Gary and I havedialect英華分韻撮要, (Canton: Office of the Chinese Repository), 1858.
42 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, July 23, 1858, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”
43 Asa Gray to Samuel Wells Williams, April 2, 1861, in Meiguo Yelu daxue tushuguan
cang Wei San-wei weikan wanglai shuxinji 美國耶魯大學圖書館藏衛三畏未刊往來書信集 [Unpublished letters from and to Samuel Wells Williams in Yale University
Library, U.S.A.], Vol. 23, eds. Miyazawa Shinichi, Gu Jun, pp. 90-91.
44 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, March, 1880, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”64

Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019

heard of your sad bereavement and wish send our tribute of sympathy oftributes you will have had very many; for your departed wife was known
and admired and loved by a wide and varied circle, and many will missher much. But for yourself, the severing of such a life-living companionship appears to see to that it would living darkness was the face ofthe earth. But you know and at our age, we know full well that it is onlya passing cloud, and that the sometime in all its glory will soon be ourfaith. Age has many blessings and awful and among its serenities is thethought that its griefs on short. My wife joins in sincere sympathy andfull remembers the pleasant though brief time we had together.”45
Among the existing correspondence, this is the last letter between Williams
and Gray. There was no further information about Gray consoled Williams
after his journey, or whether Gray attended Williams’ funeral when the latter
passed away in February 1884.
Williams had a lifelong friendship with Gray, and there was also a closefriendship between their wives. Although it is not clear how their friendshipstarted, their nexus should be related to botany indeed.

3. Plants and Seeds Presented to Gray by Williams

Undoubtedly, Williams sent a large collection of specimens to Gray in hiswhole life. There was no evidence to support whether Williams shared his
specimens, which he had collected, with Gray before he left America. But on
3rd September 1833, when the Morrison was still voyaging on the Indian
Ocean, Williams wrote to Gray that, “I would not have you, for some time
yet, expect me to be able to send you many specimens either plant, minerals
or shells.”46 About two years later, Gray received Williams’ specimens from
China. On 28th September 1835, Gray wrote to his father that, “a nice little
parcel of weeds from China, sent by S. Wells Williams (son of Wm.
Williams), lies at my elbow.”47 Considering the same period, Williams stayedin Canton for his printing job, furthermore, the Qing government promulgateda prohibition that forbade the foreigners to enter the inland at that time. Even
if Williams had the opportunity to travel nearby, these “little parcel of weeds”
would not be too far from the Canton area, unless these “little parcel of
45 Asa Gray to Samuel Wells Williams, February 2, 1881, “Samuel Wells Williams
family papers,” in Meiguo Yelu daxue tushuguan cang Wei San-wei weikan wanglai
shuxinji 美國耶魯大學圖書館藏衛三畏未刊往來書信集 [Unpublished letters from and to
Samuel Wells Williams in Yale University Library, U.S.A.], Vol. 17, eds. Miyazawa
Shinichi, Gu Jun, pp. 164-166.
46 Ibid.
47 Asa Gray to his father, September 28, 1835, in Letters of Asa Gray, Vol. 1, ed. Jane
Loring Gray, pp. 53-55.

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray65

weeds” were the inland plants that he obtained indirectly.
A few days before 10th December 1836, Williams received Gray’s letter
which sent on 25th May.48 Although the contents were unknown, according
to the letter from Williams on 10th December 1836, he knew that Gray hadreceived his previous letters and plants. However, before Gray’s letter arrived,
Williams had no idea whether his letters and packages were sent, thus, he“frequently write another to make the chance greater.”49 Williams also sent
some plants to Charles Upham Shepard (1804-1886) and John Torrey, besides
Gray. Moreover, he was planning to send the plants to John Lindley (17991865) next time. Although Williams left the familiar environment, he had
never given up his pursuit of botany. In this letter, Williams also congratulated Gray for being appointed to be the curator of the New York Lyceum of
Natural History. At the end of the letter, Williams noticed something important that, he “may have an opportunity for taking a voyage along the coast of
China, & from thence to Lewchew islets & Japan next summer.”50 He further
hoped that Gray would send him some books about the shells, that Gray
proposed doing on botany, for using in this journey, known today as the“Morrison Incident.” It happened in the summer of 1837 for sending seven
shipwrecked Japanese back to Japan. However, the ship was attacked by
Japanese cannon fire in Uraga Bay 浦賀沖 and then Kagoshima Bay 鹿児島
湾. Fortunately, the ship was safe and returned to the port in the end. Of
course, the journey failed. Despite that, as Williams expected in the beginning, he had collected some specimens during the journey. After that, hepresented articles in two issues in the Chinese Repository with the title,“Notices of some of the specimens of natural history, which were collectedduring the voyage of the Morrison to Lewchew and Japan.”51 However, there
was no evidence whether Williams shared his specimens in this journey to
Gray.
Between 1845 and 1848, Williams went back to America temporarily. He
left China from Hong Kong in November 1844, arrived in Cairo thefollowing February, Jerusalem in May, and to Paris and then England, finallyending his journey in New York in October. In this journey, Williams had
48 “Your’s of the 25th of May last came by Ceylon a few days since.” Samuel Wells
Williams to Asa Gray, December 10, 1836, “Asa Gray correspondences file.”
Unfortunately, Gray’s letter was not found.
49 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, December 10, 1836, “Asa Gray correspondences
file.”
50 Ibid.
51 Samuel Wells Williams, “Notices of some of the specimens of natural history, whichwere collected during the voyage of the Morrison to Lewchew and Japan,” Chinese
Repository, Vol. 6, No.9 (Jan. 1838), pp. 406-417.

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collected some plants along the way, and sent them to Gray in December
1845.52 After that, Williams returned to Boston in 1846. At that time, Gray
had been already appointed a professor at Harvard College for four years.
Harvard College was situated in Cambridge, and the offices of the ABCFM in
Boston. These two places were not too far, therefore it was convenient for
Williams and Gray to visit each other. Williams wrote to Gray that, “If you
have any inquiries to make, I shall be happy to answer them & look over thecollection, in which I hope there will be found something worth the troubleof bringing it home, when I return to Boston sometime next year.”53 Since
1833, Williams had left America for 13 years. It was an opportunity for him
to see his old friend again.
For Williams’ plant collecting, the Perry Expeditions was a turning point.
Although Williams made his contributions to botany in the expeditions, hechanged his plant collecting methods afterwards. Before the Treaty of
Kanagawa 日米和親条約 was signed, Japan practiced a “closed country policy
鎖国.” While the Chinese and Dutch were permitted to carry on a limited
trade, and the Joseon missions and the Ryukyuan missions could enter thecountry, other foreigners were even not allowed to go ashore. However, thePerry Expeditions changed the condition. The Japan’s opening integrated itwith the rest of the world. For America, the opening of Japan was a result of
the American Expedition. In the 1850s, America was still young to the world.
Allen Burnett Cole (1914- ) mentioned nine measures of growth that America
confronted at that time.54 Among them, Scientific expansion was one of theimportant forces.55 As a result, the flora exploration was also one of the
purposes of the Perry Expeditions.56
52 “Herewith I send you the parcels of plants collected in my trip up the Nile & thro’
the desert from Cairo to Jerusalem, in the vicinage of Jerusalem & elsewhere in thatpart of Palestine.” Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, December 7, 1845, “JaneGray autography collection.”
53 Ibid.
54 These nine measures of growths were (1) Political, (2) Religious, (3) Territorial
growth, (4) Commercial growth, (5) Industrial expansion, (6) Communications, (7)Population, (8) Territory, (9) Scientific expansion. See, Allan B. Cole, ed.,“Introduction,” in A scientist with Perry in Japan: the journal of Dr. James Morrow,(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1947), pp. x-xi.; Also, Allan
B. Cole, “Expansive Ideologies of Mid-century America,” in “The Dynamics ofAmerican Expansion toward Japan, 1791-1860,” Part II (Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Chicago, 1940), pp. 124-227.
55 For further information about American scientific exploration in mid-19th century,see, John Dryden Kazar, Jr., “The United States Navy and Scientific Exploration,
1837-1860” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, 1973.)
56 For instance, Koyama Tetsuo had some investigations about the specimens thatcollected during the Perry Expeditions, see, Koyama Tetsuo,小山鐵夫ed., Kurofune

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray

67

Williams’ plant collecting was a little different than before. He did not
only collect for private purposes but also collected to contribute towards theaim of the expeditions. This time, Williams accompanied with James Morrow(1820-1865), whose position was Acting Master’s Mate that employed as an
Agriculturist, for plant collecting.57 They collected various specimens inJapan,58 then sent to several botanists, included Gray, for analysis.59 After
that, Gray presented the research results in “Descriptions of the botanicalspecimens” in volume two of the Narrative of the Expedition of an American

ga mochikaetta shokubutsu-tachi 黒船が持ち帰った植物たち [Japanese Plants Carriedby the “Black Ships” to the United America] (Kamakura: Abokkusha shuppankyoku, 1996); Also, Koyama Tetsuo, ed, Ryūkyū ōkoku jidai no shokubutsu hyōhon:Perī ga mochikaetta shokubutsu-tachi 琉球王国時代の植物標本：ペリーが持ち帰った植物たち [Plant specimens in the Kingdom of the Ryukyus: Plants brought back by
Perry] (Naha: kikaku-ten ‘Ryūkyū ōkoku jidai no shokubutsu hyōhon-ten’ tenji-kai
jikkō iinkai, 1996).
57 Cole described that, “Because of mutual interests in subjects scientific and religious,
Dr. Morrow and the Reverend Mr. Williams grew to be friends, contributions toeach other’s comfort, observations, and collections.” See, Allan B. Cole, ed.,“Introduction,” A scientist with Perry in Japan: the journal of Dr. James Morrow,
pp. xviii-xix.
58 For further information, see, Order of the government of the United States, Narrativeof the Expedition of an American Squadron to the China Seas and Japan, 3 Vols.;
Samuel Wells Williams. “A Journal of the Perry Expedition to Japan (1853-1854),”
ed. Frederick Wells Williams, Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. 37,
Part 2 (1910), pp. i-ix, 1-259; James Morrow, A scientist with Perry in Japan: thejournal of Dr. James Morrow, ed. Allan B. Cole.
59 Cole noticed that, “At his [Morrow] suggestion, and by authorization of Secretary of
the Interior McClelland and of Commissioner of Patents Charles Mason, certain of
the plants were sent to Professor Asa Gray of Harvard for description and classification. Mr. W. S. Sullivant reported on the mosses; Professor William H. Harvey of
Dublin University, Ireland, on the algae; Dr. Boott of London on the carices; andMr. Daniel C. Eaton of Yale on the ferns.” Allan B. Cole, ed., “Introduction,” A
scientist with Perry in Japan: the journal of Dr. James Morrow, pp. xx-xxi. On 3rd
March 1855, Charles Mason (1804-1882), the Commissioner of Patents then, wrote
to Morrow that, “Please deliver to Professor Gray of Boston the dry specimens in
Botany procured by you in Japan with a request that he will examine and classify
the same if he can do so without expense to the Government … The specimens areto be returned to this office after the classification by Prof Gray.” Charles Mason to
James Morrow, Mar 3, 1855, in James Morrow, A scientist with Perry in Japan: thejournal of Dr. James Morrow, pp. 260. In the same year, Williams also wrote to Gray
that, “I am glad to learn that the plants reached you in such order that you can
examine them, and learn somewhat of the flora of Simoda & Hakodadi … Do you
propose to draw up any description of them, or make a memoir on them, or put any
drawings in any Periodical? It will be a good opportunity perhaps to get drawingsof Icones Plantarum made at good expense.” Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray,
September 13, 1855, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”68

Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019

Squadron.60
According to the “Descriptions of the botanical specimens,” there were
254 genera, and a total of 356 species (with a Cichoraceous plant which Graywas unable to determine from materials at that time61) recorded.62 These
specimens were principally collected in five areas, Simoda (now:Shimoda-shi 下田市), Yokohama (now: Yokohama-shi 横浜市), Hakodadi(now: Hakodate-shi 函館市), Webster Island (now: Natsushima-chō 夏島町)
and Yedo (now: Tōkyō 東京). Certainly, several plants were discovered in
60 Perry printed a few of letters before “Descriptions of the botanical specimens” that
why this article would record in Narrative of the Expedition of an American
Squadron. According to these letters, Lewis Cass (1782-1866), the Secretary of Stateof the United States then, sent a letter to Perry that with Morrow’s report, and if
Perry would like to use it, pleased Perry to transmitted to Gray. On the other hand,both Morrow and Gray recommended Perry to use Gray’s article in the books. Last
Perry replied Cass that, “I have thought it advisable to urge upon the
Superintendent of Public Printing the propriety of inserting the valuable papers ofProfessors Gray, Sullivant, and Harvey, as well out of respect to these scientificgentlemen as because of the very great interest which is attached to the natural
productions of a country hitherto so little known; fortunately this can be done
without inconvenience, as the printers are now engaged upon the department of
Natural History.” Order of the government of the United States, “Correspondence,”
Narrative of the Expedition of an American Squadron, Vol. 2, pp. 299-301. However,for the specimens that collected during the Perry Expeditions, there were somedifficulties to Morrow and Perry. According to John Dryden Kazar, Jr.’s (?-?)
descriptions, “Studies of the plants they brought home were delayed when Morrowand Perry disagreed on the method of studying and publishing the collections…His[Perry] idea was to publish the description of the new species of plants in his own
Narrative. Gray, of course, wanted to publish any new discoveries in a scholarly
journal. Morrow just wanted the study published, so he could complete his assignment and get paid,” also “Perry needed Morrow’s journal of the voyage for his
Narrative but Morrow worked for the State Department, not the Navy, and there
was no way Perry could order the journal to be surrendered. The journal wasneeded for the botanical study and this debate was hindering progress in the workupof the collections.” Originally, Gray’s “Descriptions of the botanical specimens”
would be published by Smithsonian, however, Morrow guaranteed that the plantcollection belonged to the State Department, and he would return the plants to be
reimbursed for those specimens he had bought in Japan. Later, Perry “twice
reminded Gray of the “strictly naval” character of the expedition and said he[Perry] wanted the report on the Japan plants as an appendix to his narrative. So
when Gray was able to do so, he forwarded a descriptive list of the plants to Perry
who had it published in the Narrative.” See, John Dryden Kazar, Jr., “The UnitedStates Navy and Scientific Exploration, 1837-1860,” pp. 171-173.
61 Asa Gray, “Descriptions of the botanical specimens,” p. 315.
62 Koyama Tetsuo mentioned that total 353 species were collected. Koyama Tetsuo, ed.,“Kurofune ni yoru Nihon oyobi sono fukin de no shokubutsu saishū 黒船による日本
及びその付近での植物採集 [Plant collecting in Japan and its adjoining territories by
the Black Ships]” in Kurofune ga mochikaetta shokubutsu-tachi 黒船が持ち帰った植物たち [Japanese Plants Carried by the “Black Ships” to the United America], p.11.

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray69

more than one place. And through the collections, nearly forty new species ofplants, and one new genus of plants were found.63
The Perry Expeditions were undertaken between 1852 and 1854, andWilliams joined the expeditions in 1853 and 1854 as the Chief Interpreter.
Unlike when Perry and Williams were negotiating with the Japanese during
the first visit, Vandalia, the ship that Morrow traveled on, was anchoring in
Singapore then sailed to Macao.64 Williams met Morrow after the first visit.
However, it did not mean that Williams collected nothing in the first visit.
Conversely, he found several plants around Port Lloyd of Peel Island (now:
Hutami Port 二見港, Chichi-jima 父島) in the first visit. On 15th June 1853,
Williams noticed that:“Here two species of palm, one of them producing a kind of cocoa-nut,
the tree-fern, the plantain, papaya, sugar-cane and pandanus, all show thetropical affinities of the flora. I found two beautiful species of Hibiscus,a Sida, of which the berry is good eating, a fern or two and a kind ofiuniper. Most of the plants are new to me, but the variety is small. Few
gynandrous or syngenesious plants came under my eye. In the damp or
winter months there is probably more variety of flowering plants in theunderbrush than at this season. Few mosses or ferns appeared, theground being grassy and dry. Seaweed is not plenty, and the species
resemble moss, covering the stones at high water.”65
There was no further description about the types and genus that Williams
gathered there, but his son noted that:“The occasion found in Mr. Williams so eager an amateur in arranging
and classifying the minerals and flora brought on board, that theCommodore exclaimed delightedly: “Why, our interpreter is as good aninterpreter of nature as he is of the people of these regions!” The lack of
a professional botanist and geologist connected with the expedition
lessened its contributions to science in these branches, but Mr. Williams’
unabated love of nature supplied every moment which he could spare
63 Asa Gray, “Descriptions of the botanical specimens,” p. 305; However, Koyama
Tetsuo mentioned that 34 new species were found. Koyama Tetsuo, ed., “Kurofune
ni yoru Nihon oyobi sono fukin de no shokubutsu saishū 黒船による日本及びその付
近での植物採集 [Plant collecting in Japan and its adjoining territories by the Black
Ships]” in Kurofune ga mochikaetta shokubutsu-tachi 黒船が持ち帰った植物たち[Japanese Plants Carried by the “Black Ships” to the United America], p.11.
64 James Morrow, A scientist with Perry in Japan: the journal of Dr. James Morrow,
ed. Allan B. Cole, pp. 18-23.
65 Samuel Wells Williams, “A Journal of the Perry Expedition to Japan (1853-1854),”
p. 30.

70

Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019from his duties with delightful and congenial occupation, and in the end
the flagship returned with very creditable collections.”66
Perry was surprised about Williams’ plant collecting. But it also meantthat Williams certainly collected numerous specimens in the first visit.
Among the specimens that related to Williams, three specimens are worthyof attention. On 14th March 1854, seventeen days before the Treaty of
Kanagawa was signed, after Williams finished his errand, he “had almost
nothing to do, and after luncheon67 Dr. Morrow and I slipped out behind thehouse and reached the nearest hills beyond Yokohama without attracting thenotice of any our officials. Having attained this ridge, we started off into thecountry, selecting the copses and wooded hillsides as most likely to afford
flowers and new plants.”68 Not many plants were collected there, but a kindof fern was found, which Williams never saw before.69 This fern was a newplant, which Gray named Clematis williamsii (Figure 1) for Williams.70
However, if Williams had a choice, he would have preferred to be thenamesake for another new species. Unlike Williams, there were three plants
named for Morrow after the Perry Expeditions. These were Lonicera morrowi(figure 2), Carex Morrowi and Polysiphonia Morrowii. Williams preferred the
Lonicera, which had been named for Morrow already. He noticed that, “for I
think the honeysuckle would have been more likely to be known, as well as
the handsomer plants.”71

66 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, pp. 190-191.
67 Morrow mentioned the time was after dinner. James Morrow, A scientist with Perryin Japan: the journal of Dr. James Morrow, p. 130.
68 Samuel Wells Williams, “A Journal of the Perry Expedition to Japan (1853-1854),”
p. 135.
69 Ibid.
70 “The species is named for one of the collectors, S. Wells Williams, Esq., of Canton,
a cherished friend and correspondent, author of one of the best works that haveappeared upon the Chinese empire, and a good naturalist, as well as a learnedoriental scholar.” Asa Gray, “Descriptions of the botanical specimens,” p. 306.
71 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, July 23, 1858, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray

Figure 1. Clematis williamsii72)

Figure 2. Lonicera morrowi73)

Figure 3. Tricercandra quadrifolia74)

Figure 4. Scutellaria guiliklmi75)

71

72 Clematis Williamsii, Gray Herbarium, Harvard University, GH: 00038181. http://kiki.
huh.harvard.edu/databases/specimen_search.php?mode=details&id=12423 (accessed
November 14, 2018.)
73 Lonicera morrowi, Gray Herbarium, Harvard University, GH: 00056620. http://kiki.
huh.harvard.edu/databases/specimen_search.php?mode=details&id=59607 (accessed
November 14, 2018.)
74 Tricercandra quadrifolia, Botany Collections, Smithsonian National Museum of
Natural History, 00105023. https://collections.nmnh.si.edu/search/botany/?ark=ark:/
65665/3e3947175a4d143d99011f2526b659f43 (accessed November 14, 2018.)
75 Scutellaria Guiliklmi, Gray Herbarium, Harvard University, GH: 00001994. http://kiki.huh.harvard.edu/databases/specimen_search.php?mode=details&id=26700(accessed November 14, 2018.)

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019

On 20th March, several plants were gathered. Among these specimens, a
new genus was found. Gray named it Tricercandra quadrifolia (figure 3).
According to Gray’s description, it grew “on steep and shaded hill-sides … A
well-marked new genus, evidently allied to Chloranthus, from which it isdistinguished by the style, and especially by the stamens. The latter organs
naturally suggest the name, each flower bearing as it were three outstretchedtails.”76 For Williams, although he recognized that it was a new genus, hecould not ensure his guesswork. Williams reminisced that, “I have been
trying to remember the books of the new genes, the Tricercandra, from thedescription of it, but cannot assure myself whether it is the anomalous
looking herb I found at both ports, & told Morrow that I guessed it would bea new genus if there were one at all.”77 Although Williams realized the plants
were a new genus, the professional knowledge was not enough for him to
make his decision.
The third, without description about the collecting date, was from Simoda.
“Scutellaria Hederacea, Kunth. Ind. Sem. Hort. Berol. 1845, ex Benth. L. c.
p. 426? Simoda. Leaves resembling those of Veronica hederæfolia, but on very
petioles, the lower, however gathered.”78 This plant was not determined as a
new genus at first, however, Gray confessed his misunderstanding about two
decades later. In a footnote of a new species Scutellaria Guiliklm (figure 5),
Gray mentioned that:“Scutellaria Guiliklmi n. sp. ...... S. hederacea? Gray, in Perry’s Japan
Exped. iii. p. 316, &. Bot Contrib. Proc. Amer. Acad. viii. p.370, not of
Kunth and Bouché. It appears from a note by Vatke, in Bot. Zeit., 1872,
p.717, that S. hederacea is identical with the Tasmanian S. humils, andits nutlets were originally described as echinulate-tuberculate, and by
implication wingless. So our plant may be named in honor of Dr. S. W.
Williams, who first collected a little of it at Simoda, Japan. Better andfruiting specimens were gathered on the Loo-Choo Islands, by Charles
Wright.”79
Nevertheless, Scutellaria Hederacea was not renamed, and there was only
one plant named for Williams, which he collected during the Perry
Expeditions.
76
77
78
79

Asa Gray, “Descriptions of the botanical specimens,” p. 318-319.
Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, July 23, 1858, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”Asa Gray, “Descriptions of the botanical specimens,” p. 316.
Asa Gray, “Address of Professor Asa Gray, Ex-President of the Association,”
Proceedings of the American Association for the advancement of science. TwentyFirst meeting, held at Dubuque, Iowa. August, 1872 (Cambridge: Joseph Lovering,1873), p. 25.

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray73

For Gray, the specimens collected in other expeditions by Charles Wright(1811-1885), added to those collected by Williams and Morrow, were all in
hand by 1857.80 Wright was American botanist and a friend of Gray, who hadjoined the “North Pacific Exploring Expedition,” which was conducted
between 1853 and 1856, under Commodore Rogers (1812-1884). Wright alsocollected numerous specimens in Japan, in addition to those collected byWilliams and Morrow. For Gray, the flora of Japan was meaningful. In 1846,
he had already described a phenomenon about the similarities of flora thatgrows in Japan and the eastern North America.81 Although the specimensfrom the Perry Expeditions should have been useful for Gray’s comparative
study, he chose to wait for Wright’s specimens. Hung Kuang-Chi 洪廣冀
described in his Ph. D. dissertation that, “Though it revealed some interesting
aspects of Japan’s flora, he [Gray] thought that the collection merely
confirmed the floristic similarities between Japan and that of eastern North
America, which he had known about for many years.” Hung further
explained four reasons why the collection’s scientific value was diminished.
(1) Neither Williams nor Morrow had enough plant collecting experience
before the expeditions, (2) most of the specimens were fragments, making
them difficult to analyze, (3) the “timing” was not right for botanical researchin Japan, (4) Perry aimed to sign the treaty but was concerned that thecollecting would generate unnecessary anti-American reactions.82 As Gray
expected before, the specimens from Wright were more intensive.83
Notwithstanding, a species was named for Williams, a new genus was found,and a species was nominated for Williams; these three specimens showed themain botanical contributions of Williams under the Perry Expeditions.
After the Perry Expeditions, Williams kept trying to find some plants forGray, but this time, he felt the gathering was much harder than before. In
September 1858, Williams visited Nagasaki 長崎. Two months before, when
Williams was still in Shanghai, he was afraid that there were no new plants
80 A. Hunter Dupree, Asa Gray 1810-1888, p. 249.
81 Asa Gray, “Analogy between the Flora of Japan and that of the United States,” The
American Journal of Science and Arts, 2nd series, Vol 52 (Nov. 1846), pp. 135-136.
82 Hung Kuang-Chi, “Finding Patterns in Nature: Asa Gray’s Plant Geography andCollecting Networks (1830s-1860s)” (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 2013),
pp. 558-560.
83 See, Asa Gray. “Diagnostic Characters of New Species of Phænogamous Plants,
Collected in Japan by Charles Wright, Botanist of the U.S. North Pacific Exploring
Expedition. (Published by Request of Captain John Rodgers, Commander of the
Expedition.) With Observation upon the Relations of the Japanese Flora to that ofNorth America, and of other Parts of the Northern Temperate Zone.” Memoirs of theAmerican Academy of Arts and Sciences, New Series, Vol. 6, No. 2 (1859), pp.
377-452.

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019

in Nagasaki any more because Siebold84 had already collected them all.
Moreover, he thought the temperature there was not convenient to botanize
in.85 Williams did not believe that he could collect fruitful specimens in thisjourney. On the other hand, Williams gave himself a pressure that only the“new forms & stages good” could be sent to Gray. He thought Gray hascomplimented him so high, therefore he was bound to show how good anaturalist he was.86 As a result, Williams changed his plant collecting
methods, and he would send the specimens that were better than before.
After that, in the spring of 1875, Williams went back to America
temporarily for a vacation. Between 1875 and 1876, Williams visited Gray’s
Herbarium. During that visit, Williams recognized that there was few or noplants from Peking and its vicinity in this Herbarium. Thus, Gray hoped that
Williams could bring some plants or seeds from China to enrich the
Herbarium. Williams did indeed. However, he did not bring back many plants
and seeds. In a letter dated 7th April 1877, Williams explained:“On my [Williams] return to Peking last summer [1876] … They werefewer than usual, partly owing to my late arrival at the city, May 29th,
often the vernal flowers had mostly passed away; but more owing to thelateness of the rains on 7th July which caused a me[a]ger flora during
the next 60 days, as the parched ground had nearly killed a good portionof the grasses and succulent plants in that particular region where I spent
the summer vacation … I have had much pleasure in collecting them foryou, and my chief regret is that the variety is so scant.”87
With the letter, two packages of seeds were sent. Among these, Williams
especially recommended the “novelty and beauty” of the bladder tree and“fragrant” Vitex to Gray. Williams retired and went back to America in 1877.
He visited “Prof. Henry”--Perhaps Joseph Henry (1797-1878)--in Washington,
and left some seeds of Boea hygrometrica for Gray, which Williams collectedprimarily for the Kew Gardens. Although Williams left the seeds of Boea
hygrometrica for Gray, he doubted that Gray could grow it successfully,
because of the dryness that was necessary, fearing that a sudden rain in June

84 Philipp Franz Balthasar von Siebold (1796-1866), a German physician and botanist,
who had served the Dutch military as an army medical officer. Siebold hadcollected numerous specimens in Nagasaki, and then published his great work,
Flora Japonica (1835-1870) in 30 volumes.
85 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, July 23, 1858, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”86 Ibid.
87 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, April 7, 1877, “Asa Gray Correspondences
files.”

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray75

might hinder the growth.88
After Williams was back in America, it was no longer necessary for him
to send Gray seeds or specimens anymore, as the plants there were morefamiliar to Gray. On the other hand, because Williams had a deep relationshipwith the Chinese, he was also knowledgeable about Chinese botanical works.
There is not much evidence about which Chinese botanical works Williams
shared with Gray. But Francis P. Knight (?-?), the first American consular
official of Newchwang 牛莊 (now Yingkou 營口), had received a note by
Williams, which he then enclosed to Gray on 8th May 1877.89 In this note,
Williams mentioned a Chinese botanical work called 植物名實圖考, with atransliteration name Chih Wuh Ming-shih Tu-Kao [Researches into the Names
and Virtues of Plants]. This book series was created by Wu Ki-sun 吳其濬(1789-1847), and published a year after the author passed away by Luh
Ying-kuh 陸應穀 (?-1857), contained about 1800 woodcuts of plants, and “therest of it is agricultural, giving directions about cultivating grains, vegetables,
and herbs.” Williams praised it highly, stating: “it is incomparably the best
book on botany by a native Chinese. Though not an ancient work, its superiority has caused it to be sought after by native scholars.”90 He also introduced this book series in his The Middle Kingdom,91 which was published six
years later. And after 1877, Williams stayed in America until he passed away.
If he had time, perhaps he would share this books or other Chinese botany
works to Gray by his own words.

4. Williams’ contact with Ko Kun-hua through Gray

On 15th September 1879, a letter was sent. Williams wrote to Gray that,“I have received two notes from Mr. F. P. Knight at Shanghai, strongly
requesting me to go to Harvard College to see his protégé the Chineseteacher Ko.”92 “The Chinese teacher Ko” referred to Ko Kun-hua 戈鯤化(1836-1882), the first Chinese professor at Harvard College, who Williams
did not know before.93 Ko was born in Anhui 安徽 in 1836. Between the
88 Ibid.
89 Francis P. Knight to Asa Gray, with Williams, S. Wells undated description, May 8,
1877, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”90 Ibid.
91 S. Wells Williams, The Middle Kingdom, Vol 1, 2nd ed., p. 377.
92 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, September 15, 1879, “Asa Gray correspondences
files.”
93 About the life and achievements of Ko Kun-hua, there are some related investigations
before. See, Zhang Hong-sheng, Zhong Mei wenhua jiaoliu de xianqu: Ge Kun-hua
de shidai, shenghuo yu chuangzu 中美文化交流的先驅：戈鯤化的時代、生活與創作 [theherald of cultural interaction between China and America: the age, life and creationsof Ko kun-hua], rev. and enl. ed. (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2016); Stephen

76

Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 20191850s and 1860s, Ko had joined the Xiang Army 湘軍 as a staff 幕僚, during
which, he took part in the war to quell the Taiping Rebellion. After that, Ko
worked at the U.S. Consulate General in Shanghai in 1862. Two years later,
after the expiration of the term, Ko moved to Ningbo 寧波, and then worked
at the British Consulate.
In 1877, Knight suggested that Harvard establish a Chinese course.
Through Chinese learning, he expected that Harvard could cultivate moretalent for serving in the Sino-American communication. Knight thought it wasnecessary to hire a local Chinese at Harvard, to enable students to acquireenough knowledge before they went to China. Since Yale College wasintending to appoint Williams to be the professor of Chinese language andliterature at around the same time, Knight did not want to see Harvard
outdone.94 At last, Harvard hired Ko as the first Chinese professor with athree-year appointment. However, just a half year before the expiration of theterm, Ko fell ill with pneumonia, and passed away on 4th February 1882.
Williams was the first sinologist at Yale College, and Ko was the first
Chinese professor at Harvard College. Their contact also reflected an aspectof Sino-American relations. About Williams and Ko’s relationship, in aninterview in 2001, Zhang Hong-sheng 張宏生 (1957- ) said,“After Ko Kun-hua came to America, he soon got to know SamuelWells Williams. For Ko, he was glad to meet a foreigner, who had thesame profession and was so proficient in Chinese learning. He was also
grateful to Williams, because the English-Chinese dictionary that
Williams presented to him made it much easier for him to acquire
English. Similarly, Williams was also pleased to meet Ko. Because ofthat, after he got his professorship at Yale, he also hoped to interact with
the Chinese scholar and get help. The relationship between Williams andKo was significant in the Sino-American relations in terms of cultural
exchange and the development of American Sinology. Even nowadays,
Yale and Harvard are still two significant centers of sinological study in
America. At about a hundred years ago, these two universities successively established the Chinese language (literature) chairs. Also, there
was another coincidence that the first sinologists at these two colleges,
one was American, and another was Chinese. Furthermore, their relaR. Platt, “The Mandarin of Cambridge,” Yale Review, Vol. 92, No. 1 (January 2004),
pp.85-103; Gu Jun, Wei San-wei yu Meiguo zaoqi hanxue 衛三畏與美國早期漢學, pp.
118-120; Xu Guo-qi 徐國琦, “Ge kunhua: America’s First Chinese Language
Teacher,” Chinese and Americans: a shared history (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 2014), pp. 105-135.
94 Stephen R. Platt, “The Mandarin of Cambridge,” pp.86-87.

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray77

tionship was out of the ordinary. However, the previous scholars had notentirely recognized the meaning of that.”95
Similarly, Gu Jun (1972- ) thought that, “Williams’ relationship with Ko
Kun-hua, the first professor of sinology at Harvard College, was not just thepleasure in his late life, but also a favorite anecdote in the history ofAmerican Sinology.”96 These descriptions, however, always tending to bepositive, could only be applied to their later relationship, while the gap andthe early relationship between them had never been noticed.
In 1879, Williams had been already appointed professor at Yale College
for two years. In the same year, Ko signed a contract to teach at Harvard forthree years, with Knight in Shanghai on 26th May. He and his family arrived
in New York on 28th August 1879, then reached Cambridge in the following
day. Williams probably received Knight’s two notes at the same time. Even
with Knight “strongly requesting” Williams to meet Ko, Williams had nowish to accept the request. Williams explained himself in the following
manner.
“I have hardly had time to think the matter over, and I was in hopes tohave seen some gentleman connected with the College at Saratoga, who
could tell me more about its surroundings and expectations. It does notseem to be work while to go there, unless there are students under Mr.
Ko who may be pleased to get some general directions as to this courseof study, some information as to the books in using acquiring Chinese,or hints on the dialects which might guide them in their choice.”97
95 “戈鯤化來到美國以後， 很快就結識了衛三畏。對於戈鯤化來說， 他很高興能在美國碰到一
個洋人同行， 而且這麼精通中國學問。他也很感謝衛三畏， 因為衛三畏送給他的英漢辭典，
使得他在學習英文中少走了不少彎路。
同樣， 衛三畏也很高興能認識戈鯤化。因為他在耶魯獲得這個教職以後，也很希望能和一個中國學者互相切磋，得到幫助。他們二人的交往在中
美關係史，尤其是中美文化史和美國漢學發展史上，都是重要的一筆。直到今天，耶魯和哈佛仍然是美國漢學研究的兩大重鎮， 而在一百多年前， 正好這兩個學校先後設立了中國語
言（文學）
教席，更巧的是在這兩大名校執教的中文教師，一個是美國人，一個是中國人，而
且兩個人之間的關係非同尋常，這其中的意義至今仍然沒有被學者們所充分認識。” Hong
Wen 洪文, “Zhongguo fu Mei renjiao diyiren — Ge Kun-hua: Nanjing daxue
zhongwenxi Zhang Hong-sheng jiaoshou da jizhe wen” 中國赴美任教第一人—戈鯤
化：南京大學中文系張宏生教授答記者問 [The first Chinese who took up the teachingposition in America — Ko kun-hua: An interview of Professor Zhang Hong-shengof Nanjing University Literature School], Zhonghua dushu bao 中華讀書報, February
21, 2001, p. 10.
96 “ 衛三畏與哈佛第一位漢學教授戈鯤化的交往既是他晚年的一大樂事， 也是美國漢學史上” Gu Jun, Wei San-wei yu Meiguo zaoqi hanxue 衛三畏與美國早期漢學,
的一段佳話。
p. 118.
97 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, September 15, 1879, “Asa Gray correspondences
files.”

78

Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019

Williams thought the visit should be intended for a student, but not aimed
for Ko. However, “I [Williams] have not learned anything as to the prospectsof Mr. Ko getting any students.”98 Which meant that Williams was unwillingto visit Ko. On the other hand, when Ko was still in China, Robert Hart
(1835-1911), head of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, had alreadyworried about Ko’s dialect and his teaching materials.99 Like Hart, the same
thought was in Williams’ mind. Furthermore, Williams was also suspicious of
Ko’s English proficiency. “I [Williams] see in our notices of his arrival that
he knows very little or no English. This deficiency will rather force him tobecome a student in our language. I should think, than to expect students in
his own.”100 Despite that, Williams did not totally object to have a contact
with Ko. “I [Williams] am quite willing to go to Cambridge in this venue, if
there is any present adequate reason for the trip of the sorts I have indicated.
Merely to make Mr. Ko’s acquaintance will not be much of a return for thetime it will take.”101 For Williams, there was a lifelong friendship with Gray.
Moreover, Gray was the professor at Harvard College. Therefore, Williams
was willing to listen Gray’s views. Despite this, he believed Harvard’s hiring
had failed already.102
Williams’ indifference was known not only by Gray, but a few others as
well. Three days after Williams sent his letter, another letter was sent from
Manchester, New Hampshire.103 This letter was from Charles William Eliot(1834-1926), the president of Harvard College. To Williams’ attitude, Eliot
wrote to Gray that, “Dr. Wells [Williams] is quite sight in thinking that it is
not worth while for him to visit Mr. Ko until some pupils appear. Then, I
think Dr. Wells could very materially assert Mr. Ko and his pupils.”104
Although Eliot once disagreed to hiring Ko, but here, he confessed that he
was receiving “misdirections.” Eliot noticed that both Edwards Bangs Drew
(1843-1924), a Chinese customs official, and Walter Caine Hillier (18491927), a British consular official, “express the hope that Dr. Wells [Williams]
will give Mr. Ko some assistance at the start.”105 Eliot had not mentioned that
98 Ibid.
99 Xu Guo-qi, “Ge kunhua: America’s First Chinese Language Teacher,” Chinese andAmericans: a shared history, pp. 115-117.
100 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, September 15, 1879, “Asa Gray correspondences
files.”
101 Ibid.
102 Ibid.
103 The year of this letter was not noticed, however, considering the contents that about
Williams and Ko, this letter supposed to be sent in 1879.
104 Charles William Eliot to Asa Gray, September 18, n.d., “Asa Gray correspondences
files.”
105 Ibid.

S. W. Williams’ Relations with Asa Gray79

he wished Williams to give Ko some suggestions in this letter, although healso partly agreed with Williams that, “doubtful whether any students ofChinese appear at once. The notice of the provision made by the University
was very late to living students that year. No undergraduates should takemuch a difficult study.”106 Nevertheless, Eliot still wished to see Williams at
Harvard later.
According to the existing evidence, it is conceivable that Gray persuaded
Williams to visit Ko. Williams had expected Gray to come to his house in
winter,107 when he would listen to Gray’s opinions. But to Gray, he might
visit Williams earlier than the winter if he was impatient for it. In the letterfrom Williams dated 15th September 1879, there was Gray’s note.
Dear Barnes:
Please give me some information for Prof. Williams’ guidance. I shouldlike a visit from him.


A. Gray108

Gray forwarded the letter to “Barnes” for guiding Williams. He probably
got what he needed and visited Williams thereafter.
Apparently, Williams had changed his attitude towards Ko. In Williams’
biography, there were a few lines that indicate this.
“Professor Ko, a genial and cultivated gentleman, whose eminently
kindly nature and personal qualities are not yet forgotten in Cambridge,
exchanged visits with Mr. Williams during first year of his brief residence in this country, and in the course of their further acquaintanceseemed to have cherished a warm attachment to Mr. Williams.”109
After Gray’s persuasion, there was a meeting between Williams and Ko.
Although it is not clear when and where the meeting took place, considering
a letter sent in March 1880 from Williams, their contact should not be later
than March 1880. In this letter, Williams wrote to Gray that, “I have justreceived a few copies of a photograph from San Francisco, and send you one
as a souvenir. I venture to inclose one for Prof. Ko, whose dwelling I do notknow the number of, with the request that you will hand it to him.”110
Williams used the different title to call Ko. In the letter on 15th September
106 Ibid.
107 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, September 15, 1879, “Asa Gray correspondences
files.”
108 Ibid.
109 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, pp. 450-451.
110 Samuel Wells Williams to Asa Gray, March, 1880, “Asa Gray correspondences files.”80

Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 10 2019

1879, Williams called Ko “Mr.,” but here, he addressed Ko as “Prof.”
Although it was just a professional title, it still reflected Williams’ recognitionof the fact that Ko was a professor. Moreover, although Williams had no idea
about Ko’s address, Williams was trying to give the presents to Ko throughGray, which meant Gray was undoubtedly helpful to Williams’ contact withKo.
Although there was no clue about whether Williams ever visited Ko at
Harvard, he had received letters and poems from Ko afterwards. And Ko hadrevisited Williams at the end of 1881, then sent Williams a New Year’s
greeting card in the following years.111 Before long, Ko passed away at his
Cambridge home. There was no record of whether Williams attended Ko’s
funeral. Comparing their early and late relationships, Williams obviously
changed his attitude to Ko after Gray’s persuasion.

5. Conclusion

In conclusion, Williams had a lifelong friendship with Gray, and there
was a close friendship between their wives. Although it is unclear as to how
their friendship started, their initial contact should be related to botany. After
Williams was sent to China by ABCFM to work for the printing press, he sent
Gray plants and seeds occasionally until he retired and went back in America
in 1877. And because of his relationship with the Chinese, he also shared his
opinion about Chinese with Gray. For the Perry Expeditions, if Williams did
not accept Perry’s appointment at first there would have been an entirely
different result with regard to not only the negotiations but also the gatherings. Despite Williams’ achievements in the Perry Expeditions, for the plantcollecting, Williams felt pressure from Gray, which caused Williams tochange his plant collecting methods. Williams tended to send Gray more“new forms & stages good” than before. According to Williams’ lifelong
friendship with Gray, although it was insufficient to indicate that Williams
was a specialist in botany, it was enough to identify Williams as an amateurbotanist. In addition to the botanical relationship, the influence of Gray
towards Williams’ contact with Ko Kun-hua was also important. Notably,with regard to Williams’ early view of Ko, there was not a good experienceat the beginning. If Gray had not persuaded Williams, Ko might never havegotten Williams’ help. It could be said that, besides botany, Gray was also an
essential figure in the history of Sino-American cultual exchanges.

111 Xu Guo-qi 徐國琦, Chinese and Americans: a shared history (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 2014), pp. 126-128.