5. Other Newspapers

15) Interview with Mr. Minami Masayoshi (南正義) , Reporter for the
Shin-Aichi Shimbun
I met Mr. Minami Masayoshi on July 4, 1987.
Mr. Minami served as the president of Tokai Radio, Nagoya. He must have been very
busy, so I hesitated in asking for interview. Eventually, I requested an interview, and to
my surprise, he quickly accepted.
When he appeared, he looked as if he was in his sixties or so. But in fact he must havebeen 70 or so at least because of his career as a wartime correspondent of 50 years. I have
met with a number of people since I started these interviews--some were still working,more or less, but Mr. Minami was on active duty. Most interviewees looked young but Mr.
Minami looked more than young—he looked brilliant.
I sent him three letters before we met, so he knew of my request very well--that I would
like to hear about the Nanjing Attack and those days. He spoke freely.
Mr. Minami was born in Ise, Mie prefecture, April 1912. As he worked as reporter for the
Shin-Aichi Shimbun (currently Chunichi Shimbun) the China Incident broke. As soon as
the war started, the Shin-Aichi Shimbun dispatched several reporters to the battlefield. In
December, it seemed that the capture of Nanjing was imminent, so four additional
persons, including reporters and photographers, were dispatched. Mr. Minami was one ofthem.
The Kokumin Shimbun newspaper became an affiliate of Shin-Aichi Shimbun, due to its
financial problems, so Mr. Minami was a reporter for the Shin-Aichi Shimbun as well as
the Kokumin Shimbun. He was 25 years old.
– Which route did you take to enter Nanjing?
I entered from Zhongshan Gate (中山門). I moved with the first group of soldiers andreached Zhongshan Gate in the dark. We could not move ahead from there so we had to
wait on the top of the Zhongshan Gate and watched the inside of the Castle.
1

It was December 13--I entered the Castle with the first group of soldiers through the
Zhongshan Gate and went along Zhongshan East Road (中山東路), and there – we wereshocked to see Japanese soldiers being hanged from plane trees that lined the streets.
– Japanese soldiers were hanged?
Yes. Later we realized there was a battle at either Tongji Gate (通済門) or Guanghua Gate
(光華門) and Japanese soldiers were caught there. The Chinese soldiers brought them toZhongshan East Road and killed, then hung them from the plane trees. They were burned
from below.
– How many bodies were there?
I saw two to three. Immediately we lowered them down from the plane trees. The
Japanese soldiers became furious. Even without this episode, they were filled withhostility.
– I heard this for the very first time.
Naturally. Only the first group of Japanese soldiers saw them and we lowered the bodies
at once. This was the most impressive incident, among others, that I saw in Nanjing
Castle.
After the War, I visited Nanjing again and went to the plane trees. The tree trunks thenwere small like this (using both forefingers and thumbs, Mr. Minami made a circle), but
now they big around like this (he made a circle with both of his arms). I was deeply
moved.
After we lowered the bodies, we continued to move to the Castle's center--we were stillin the middle of battle after all.
– It is said that there was massacre in the castle.

2

No, there was not. Nobody said and heard of such a thing. After Japan lost the War, China
made up this story and started making claims.
– Did you see anything like massacre in the Castle?
Never. All things came from battle. Some soldiers may have lost their senses, but it was abattle. Japanese soldiers were not supplied with enough food, the Chinese soldiers were
not well-disciplined--not everything goes by the rules in a war.
Besides in the Castle, every soldier was prohibited from Fuzimiao (夫子廟), no one wasallowed to go where civilians lived.
– It is said the prisoners were killed.
In those times there was a saying, “no prisoners on the battlefield”, so I assumed that theidea of “prisoners” did not exist in the Japanese army. The Chinese burned houses,
destroyed everything before they fled or became ben-i-hei, soldier in civilian clothes, tospy – they didn't want to get caught and end up being prisoners.
Thus, both sides had no concept of “prisoners” and were in a fight to the end, so theaccusation of “killing prisoners” does not make sense. This kind of thinking, of “notkilling prisoners by international law” was said much later. People who have not been ina real battlefield will call killings “massacres”. Some say the killing of soldiers in civilian
clothes was a massacre, but it was not.
– Some journalist has different opinions. The Asahi Shimbun says there was a “Nanjing
Massacre”.
The Asahi Shimbun, oh, yes. They need to publish their newspaper elsewhere, like in
Moscow.
– Where did you stay in Nanjing?
The 3rd Division of Nagoya arrived in Nanjing later and I followed the soldiers. From
Shanghai, I repeatedly visited Nanjing for the purpose of reporting and visited again after3

the New Year1938, mostly with Kawai Katsumi (川井克己), a photographer, who was also
dispatched to Shanghai. Among war correspondents, Matsui Satoshi (松井敏), a relativeof General Matsui, was there.
– You said before that you visited Nanjing after the War. When was this?
My job was a war correspondent, and I wrote a number of articles on Japanese victories,
so I thought Chinese people would hate me and I didn't want to go. In addition, I was
deeply disappointed since we lost the war against China. I held such feelings until thetime Nagoya City and Nanjing City established a sister-city relationship for the purposeof Japan-China friendship. In my position as president of Tokai Radio, I had no choice
but to reconcile with Nanjing for the sake of the friendship program. For this, we at Tokai
Radio planned some program and I took the initiative to go to Nanjing.
When we performed Tokai Radio's program, the Chinese people liked our music a lot. So
we decided to broadcast our program in Nanjing.
Additionally, we planned a jogging event using Chang Jiang Great Bridge (長江大橋),
which was several kilometers long, a splendid bridge constructed across the Yangtze
River. The idea was to emphasize Japan-China friendship by jogging on the bridge. This
year is the third time we held this jogging event, scheduled on November 3. Last year,
wearing a T-shirt, I ran together with the mayor of Nanjing City.
– When you visited Nanjing, didn't the Chinese mention the Massacre?
Never.
– The Massacre Memorial Hall was built in Nanjing.
Was it? I visited Zhongshan Gate, Zhongshan street, and so on, but I didn't know about
the Massacre Memorial Hall.
– I heard it is located in the outside of Jiangdongmen (江東門).

4I never visited that area. The Mayor of Nanjing said nothing, and to begin with, inNanjing, nobody talked about the Nanjing-Incident at all. Naturally, the Chinese
investigated my background, so they must know all about me. Or, I assume that they did
not talk about it because we are getting along now.
However, if they start to insist, I would fight because the so-called Nanjing-incident did
not happen. I knew Nanjing then better than the current mayor of Nanjing.
On the other hand, for Japan-China friendship, I understand that it would not be wise todeny it. It would cast an aspersion on our friendship, which I, myself, am leading.
Someday, after I quit my job, I'd like to write the true story based on my oldmemorandum which still have on hand.
Later the Shin Aichi Shimbun merged with the Nagoya Shimbun, forming the Chubu
Nippon Shimbun. In 1953, Mr. Minami left the Chubu Nippon Shimbun to establish Tokai
Radio. Currently, Mr. Minami serves several roles, including president of both Tokai
Radio and Tokai TV.
The preceding interview was performed in 1987. He requested that I withhold hisstatement for a while, so it was not printed in the earlier version of my book - Kikigaki
Nankin jiken. He allowed me to publish his statement sometime later, so I decided toinclude this in the new version of the book.

16) Interview with Mr. Mitoma Mikinosuke (三苫幹之介), Reporter for
the Fukuoka Nichinichi Shimbun
Mr. Mitoma Mikinosuke was born 1902 in Fukuoka, Kyushu. After graduated from theTokyo Imperial University, he joined a local newspaper, the Fukuoka Nichinichi Shimbun(currently Nishi-Nippon Shimbun). Around 1937, he was working as an editorial writer ofthe local news section.
The Fukuoka Nichinichi Shimbun dispatched its reporters and photographers to north
China as soon as the Marco Polo Bridge Incident occurred. Then, as the battlefield
extended to Central China, they dispatched staff to Central China as well--as a result 15
reporters and photographers were sent to China that year. For a local newspaper company,
5they dispatched the largest number of war correspondents. Reading the Fukuoka
Nichinichi Shimbun of those times, one would find a number of special, impressive
spreads that one would not see in other local newspapers.
In Central China, in order to support the Shanghai Expeditionary Army, the Hangzhou
Bay Landing Operation was planned and in October 1937, the 10th Army was organized.
Under the 10th Army, the special 18th Division was organized in Kurume, Fukuoka. The
Fukuoka Nichinichi Shimbun dispatched Mr. Mitoma to Central China as a war
correspondent. Mr. Mitoma was 34 years old then.
On October 5, 1937, the 18th Division left Kurume, took a ship from Moji Port for Goto
Island, where they were given military training and waited for a month. Then on
November 5, the Division joined the Hangzhou Bay Landing Operation, to land in thearea around Jinshan Acropolis (金山衛城), which was situated close to the mouth of the
Qiantang River (銭塘江口).
– Did you land with the 18th Division?
Yes. In the dark, early morning haze, together with the troops I landed in the muddy andshallow downstream of the Qiantang River, soaking in salty water up to the chest.
Shouldering a heavy backpack, I tried to take pictures, as many as possible, but in theend, I was thoroughly wet and only 1 or 2 blurry pictures were basely usable.
– Did the 18th Division join the Nanjing Attack?
During the Attack, the duty of the 18th Division was to cut off the enemy's retreat, thoseescaping from the Nanjing Castle, and to destroy the enemy. For that purpose, after thecapture of Zheijiang (湖州), the Division was deployed in the south-west, between Taihu
Lake (太湖) and Yangtze River (揚子江). Surrounding Nanjing out in the distance, we
waited.
Soon, we heard a report that the attack against Nanjing’s Chaina Gate (中華門) had
started. Despite the fierce battle, we knew that the capture of Nanking was only a matterof time. After the capture, we had to prepare for the entrance ceremony. The 18th
Division headquarters got an order to attend the ceremony as representatives of the6army. Therefore, the headquarters unit entered the Castle beforehand through Water
West Gate (水西門), located on the west side of Nanjing and waited for the day of
ceremony.
– So did you enter the Castle together with the 18th Division Headquarters?
No. I wanted to see the exciting attack of Nanjing, so I left the troops and walked around,then I found myself at the shore of the Yangtze River. It was at a place called Taiping(太平), and it looked like a port town. I caught sight of a transport carrying Japanesesoldiers and running upstream; soon it arrived at the port. They said they were going toNanjing. “Good luck.” I asked them to take me on board.
– So you went down the Yangtze River.
On the way down, I saw an island in the middle of the river where a Japanese unit was. I
asked to stop the boat and landed on the island. According to the map, the shore on theleft side of the island was called Wu Jiang (烏江), a place well-known for the old story of
Ziang Yu (項羽,) Chu(楚.).
On this island in the middle of the river, Colonel Hashimoto Kingoro (橋本欣五郎), the13th Regiment Commander of Field Heavy Artillery (野戦重砲兵第十三連隊, set up a
base. He boasted triumphantly, “I got an order and just destroyed a British ship.”– Did you enter Nanjing after that?
I went down the river on the transport and landed at the wharf of Xiaguan (下関), thefront entrance to Nanjing. I am not sure of the date, maybe it was the afternoon of
December 13. On December 12, the Japanese Army attacked around China Gate
(中華門). The mopping-up in and out the Castle continued until the morning of the 13th, so
I guess that I entered the Castle on the afternoon of the 13th. The battle was completely
finished.
When I landed Xiaguan, I saw a Japanese army truck running--it was empty. I asked thedriver where was he going, he said he was going to the Water West Gate (水西門) locatedon the west side, by passing through the inside of Nanjing Castle. I asked him to give me
7

a ride and when we arrived at Water West Gate, it was evening and already getting dark.
– What did you do after you arrived at Water West Gate?
Outside Water West Gate, I found the Obara Battalion, which was organized in
Kagoshima, Kyushu. According to the Battalion Adjutant, they had fought fiercely, fully
bloodied, until noon that day.
I went to meet Major Obara Shigetaka (小原重孝). Commander Obara had experience as
military officer overseas and had a very strict manner. While I was speaking with him ina wide empty room, a reporter from another newspaper nonchalantly walked in, without
knocking. Upset, the commander shouted at him in a loud voice, “Who are you? Get
out!” Hearing that the adjutant jumped into the room, and the commander ordered the
adjutant not to allow intruders into his room. Sensing his mood, we quickly withdrew
from the room. Later the adjutant pitied us and assigned us a corner room in the buildingthat night.
The next day, I got up before dawn and went out. I was told to watch the roadsidecarefully. In the morning mist, I was surprised to find a number of Chinese bodies inindigo dyed uniforms, here and there. I counted roughly 500 to 600 of them.
– Did you find the place where the 18th Division Headquarters lodged?
The inside of the Castle was empty and quiet. I didn't see any civilians, no one at all. I
saw people occasionally, Japanese soldiers patrolling in the Castle. Each time I met withJapanese soldiers, I asked them where the 18th Division was camped, and soon I foundthe Headquarters. The 18th Division used an empty house called the Hokei Ginro(宝慶銀楼) as their lodging.
The Commander of the 18th Division, Lieutenant General Ushijima Sadao (牛島貞雄),
knew me well--I moved with them on a poorly maintained, muddy road for many days
and struggled to find a way to send my articles from the battlefield to Shanghai.
Commander Ushijima had written “You had such a hard time,” and handed me his
calligraphy which he had already prepared. I thought it was like a commendation given
by a high-rank samurai to his subordinate in old times. In addition, Commander
8

Ushijima gave me a bottle of sake, a regal gift, which he kept for me, as well as a box ofcigarettes with chrysanthemum crest. This demonstrated his warm, fatherly personality.
– After the capture, what was the situation in Nanjing?
I expected inside Nanjing to be a mess but I was surprised to see that was not so. Maybearound the Chaina Gate (中華門) or other gates where fierce fighting occurred there wasmore damage done, but I didn't go to those places because they were too far away.
Anyway, as far as I saw, the town and the streets looked clean. Before the entrance
ceremony, they must have been cleaned. Before the ceremony, I visited the Military
Academy located in Zhongshan East Road (中山東路 ) and Zhongshan Gate to do apreliminary check of where the ceremony was to be held. It was clean everywhere and noabandoned bodies were seen.
– It is said that there was a massacre in Nanjing.
I saw Nanjing immediately after the capture so I am confident to say that I neither saw nor
heard about a massacre; any massacre whatsoever. I cannot say anything about mattersafter the ceremony because after the ceremony I went back Shanghai, leaving my duties
to the next reporter. I returned to Japan before the end of the year.
However, it was totally unlikely that a massacre happened after the capture of Nanjing.
Nanjing citizens were evacuated to the Safety Zone long before and they were protected
there. I assume that the large Chinese Army had withdrawn, leaving only a garrison in
Nanjing. If large numbers of Chinese troops gathered in Nanjing, then they had no chance
to survive because the Japanese Army surrounded the Castle for the attack. China is ahuge country, therefore they promptly fled all the way to Hankou (漢口) before theysustained serious damage, then again to Chongqing (重慶). It was a reasonable strategy
to stretch the Japanese lines, to make them long, thin and weak like a thread.
In the Spring of 1939, I was assigned to be the chief of the Nanjing branch and went toNanjing again. Our branch office was located along Zhongshan North Road (中山北路).
Since then, I stayed in Nanjing for 6 years and then drafted into the army there and joined
the army in Hankou and moved to Changsha (長沙). As the War ended, I was discharged
9

from military service. I stayed at a camp, an old lodging for Japanese troops which was
located outside Nanjing, together with 10,000 Japanese residents for half a year thenreturned Japan. While I was in Nanjing, as I mentioned earlier, I had never heard about amassacre.
I heard the story of a massacre when the Tokyo Trial raised the issue. It was a frame-up by
the winner. I do not believe it.
– In order to understand those times, do you have something to share?
Yes. During the period I worked at our Nanjing branch, the two-year anniversary of the
Capture of Nanjing had arrived. Our head office wanted a special featured article for theanniversary and I made the following:We, the Nanjing branch office of the Fukuoka Nichinichi Shimbun, hired a Chinese
couple as assistants. The couple has continuously lived in Nanjing, including during theconflict, and know of those times in great detail. On the condition of providing
anonymity, I interviewed them for a special article. The article was published on in the
Fukuoka Nichinichi Shimubun on December 10, 1939, on page 7.
This article described the situation in the Safety Zone.
It was titled:“Refugees interviewed,
Men and women in fear of kidnapping,
Painful atrocities committed by the Chinese Central Army.”
The husband’s name was Kosinmin (黄真民) (assumed name, 27 years old) and camefrom the southern countryside, several kilometers from Nanjing. He graduated fromjunior high school. His wife’s name was Chinmi (陳美) (assumed name, 26 years old) andher mother came from Suzhou.
The reporter started with the following:– When the Japanese Army entered Nanjing where were you and what were you doing?
Koshinmin
My wife and I were in the Safety Zone set by the International Committee,
10located in Yihe Road (頤和路), deeply secluded from Shanxi Road (山西路),
in the northwest part of Nanjing.
Packed into the Safety Zone were 300,000 people. Night and day, thesoldiers of the Central Army came, one after another, showing off theirguns, searched us, took our food, property and our last penny. The mostscaring thing was that they kidnapped men and women, especially single
men, who were often taken for labor, and girls for the night. Their violence
was really insufferable.
– How did you know that the Japanese Army arrived?
Koshinmin
After we entered the Safety Zone, we never left the place because thefighting was getting really serious and we felt that we were in danger. I
think it was December 11, when I was chattering with my friend, when weheard some gunshots from outside. “What is that?” I exchanged a glancewith my friend.
– Did you see the Japanese Army?
Koshinmin
I saw the Japanese Army on December 18. It was the first time for me tosee Japanese Military Policemen patrolling.
– Were there any Chinese soldiers among the refugees?
Koshinmin
There were. All Chinese soldiers were found and caught.
– Didn't the Japanese soldiers mistake you for a Chinese soldier?
Koshinmin
They inspected my hands and head, but my color was not of a soldier andI had my wife with me so they soon recognized that I was not a soldier.
– So your wife Chinmi saved your life. You must be treating her well, and the both of you
are very devoted to each other.
Chinmi11

I was so scared when we were searched, we couldn't imagine what would
happen.
– Was there enough food in the Safety Zone?
Koshinmin
As soon as the Safety Zone was organized, I quit my departmental job,bought 2-koku of rice, oil, salt and so on and evacuated to the Safety Zone
with my wife. At first there were no residents in the Safety Zone – theformer residents evacuated already – but later it became packed. For
example, 12 people had to sleep together in a room as small as this office.
– Your home village was not far from Nanjing. Why didn't you evacuate to your homevillage?
Koshinmin
Because there were many bandits on the way to my village—and theCentral Army as well.
– Was it not good that the Central Army prevented banditry?
Koshinmin
No, no. The Central Army and the bandits are the same. They neverhesitated to rob--or kill us--if we have money or valuables.
ChinmiThat's why we hurriedly moved to the Safety Zone which was supposed tobe the safest place.
– Did you have so much money or valuables that might cause you to be killed or robbed?
Koshinmin
We worked and had a house full of furniture. And I saved 800 Yuan, mywife 400 Yuan.
– I see. That's why you were afraid of bandits and the Central Army.
Koshinmin12And we were afraid of something else, too.
– What's that?
Koshinmin
Gangsters. There are many of these in China. An acquaintance of mine
envied my money and informed one of these guys. The gangster caught
me and took my money right from my pocket.
– When did this happen?
Koshinmin
It happened when the Japanese Army had started to attack the Castle. My
bad acquaintance disappeared since then but the gangster who stole mymoney is still walking the streets in Nanjing. Not just me, but there aremany other victims of gangsters.
– Why didn't you tell the police about it?
Koshinmin
It is useless. The police are in with the gangsters. But the gangster who
stole my money is now very poor, having had no food for a day.
– This must be Heaven's punishment. Was Chinmi's 400 Yuan also stolen that time?
ChinmiI sewed the money tightly into a futon, so he couldn't find it.
– Where were the fiercest battles that happened in the Castle?
Koshinmin
It is said there were serious battles around Water West Gate (水西門),
Guanghua Gate (光華門), Xiaguan (下関) and Yi Jiang Gate (挹江門). The
strategy of the Japanese Army was to surround Nanjing--that worked insuccessfully capturing Nanjing in a short period of time. I heard that 11
Japanese soldiers caught 3,000 Chinese soldiers around Water West Gate.
– What a strange story. Why didn't the Chinese soldiers protest?
Koshinmin
13

They probably lost the will to fight and threw down their weapons.
– As a matter of fact, I [the reporter] was here, in Nanjing, at that time as a war
correspondent specifically for the attack on Nanjing. I saw 500 to 600 bodies scatteredoutside the Water West Gate. At the time, I stayed at a building called the Hokei Ginro(宝慶銀楼), located along China Road (中華路). Now, being in Nanjing again, as soon as I
arrived, I went to see the building, to see what had happened, and found the same
Chinese who were there then still living there.
Koshinmin
Oh, you were here then. I didn't know that at all.
– And at the Attack of the China Gate, one of my colleagues, a war correspondent for the
Fukuoka Nichinichi Shimbun, was killed in the battle.
Koshinmin
Oh. Did you volunteer for the job?
– We are dispatched by the newspaper companies. At the time 7 to 8 reporters and I weredispatched to Nanjing.
During the period of working as the chief of the Nanjing branch office, Mr. Mitomo had
also brought his family to Nanjing. His daughter attended Japanese Elementary School in
Nanjing from first to 5th grade. She joined the interview and I asked her about the Nanjing
Massacre. She said:
I have never heard such a story. In Nanjing, I often played with Chinese children in theneighborhood, but they never mentioned it, not even a rumor.
After the War, Mr. Mitomo served as the chief of the business section in Nishi-Nihon
Shimbun, and is now living in Tachiarai, a suburb of Fukuoka, with his daughter's family.
He was 83 years old yet looked 10 years younger. His mind was also such that he could
very clearly remember details from those times.

17) Interview with Mr. Koike Shuyo (小池秋羊), Reporter for the Miyako
Shimbun14

I interviewed Mr. Koike Shuyo shortly after the beginning of the New Years’ Day, 1986.
Last year, in Autumn, Mr. Koike had an acute heart problem and was taken by ambulance
to a hospital. He left the hospital at the end of the year. He had been going to the hospital
every other day for kidney dialysis before being hospitalized. I asked him for an interview
before knowing anything about his health.
When I met him, I felt that he was not strong enough to do the interview, yet he insisted,
partly because he himself was a reporter and partly, I guess, because he felt lonely, having
not spoken much for a long time due to his health problem.
Mr. Koike was born in 1907. In 1928, he joined the Miyako Shimbun (currently the Tokyo
Shimbun), working at the time as assistant director of the local news section. In 1937, he
was dispatched to the battles of Shanghai and Nanjing together with Mr. Tsukamoto, theassistant director of the politics section, and Mr. Yoshino, photographer.
The Miyako Shimbun was a local Tokyo newspaper. The news from the Shanghai front
was taken from the Domei Tsushin, but the Miyako Shimbun wanted their uniquecoloration of the conflict, so Mr. Koike and two others were dispatched for this purpose.
– When did you go to Nanjing?
We visited Taihu Lake (太湖) and returned to Shanghai on either December 2 or 3. Thosedays, Lieutenant Colonel Mabuchi Itsuo (馬淵逸雄) was in charge of the Army's news
section, so I visited his office and found a group of consoling visitors, 13 to 14 Diet
members. They were talking about visiting Nanjing because the capture of Nanjing was
only a matter of time. In the group, I saw Mr. Kato Kanju (加藤勘十), of the Japan
Proletarian Party, (who was arrested a couple of weeks later due to the Popular Front
Incident. After the War, he became Minister of Labor).
They invited us to go with them, so we three joined the group and headed for Nanjing.
It was on either December 5 or 6 we left Shanghai for Nanjing, through Suzhou, Wu-xi,
and Changzhou, riding an Army truck.
It was around December 9 we arrived at the 16th Division Headquarters located near Ma
Qunzhen (馬群鎮). Division Headquarters was deployed a distance from the frontline.
15

The Chinese Army continuously shot their cannons from Mt. Zijin (紫金山). The
Headquarters was setup at the rear and there was no mountain in the area from which the
Chinese Army could see us. It was very dangerous. When the visitors tried to takepictures of their visit, the thunder of Chinese cannon made us shudder. Terrified, theofficial visitors went back at once--they stayed at Headquarters for only an hour.
Reporters were not able to abandon our job, so we remained with at 16th Division
Headquarters.
The Commander of the 16th Division was Lieutenant General Nakajima Kesago(中島今朝吾), who limped due to a bullet wound. Nevertheless, he was actively incommand. When I met him for the first time, I was impressed by his softness, like agentle old man.
We stayed at a place close to Ma Qunzhen (馬群鎮) for 3 to 4 days before we entered
Nanjing. During that time the Japanese Army scattered bills advising surrender, and also
they released balloon in order to gauge shooting distance to Nanjing. I heard that they
attacked Xiaguan from there. Around 250,000 to 300,000 Chinese soldiers had been
deployed in Nanjing but, at that time, 50,000 soldiers were left in Nanjing. The rest of
the Chinese soldiers withdrew by passing through Xiaguan, so I heard.
Several kilometers behind the 16th Division Headquarters was a hot spring called Tang
Shuizhen (湯水鎮). We used the hot spring several times.
– When did you enter Nanjing?
On either the 13th or 14th--my memory is not clear, but it must be 13th. We followed
Division Headquarters and entered from Zhongshan Gate. Up to then, soldiers of the 16th
Division completed mopping-up actions to clear Chinese soldier remnants, movingaround every street of Nanjing starting from Zhongshan Gate.
We reporters walked along Zhongshan East Road (中山東路) and found that every housein the Castle was empty. It was a deathly quiet town, not even a cat or dog was seen--it
was just a weird atmosphere that surrounded us. We were surprised to see the streets
were perfectly in order, no trace of battle. After 200-300 meters of walking, we met aman walking toward us and then passed us, staggering as he went. His face and body16

were covered with blood, he looked like a ghost. He did not seem to be a soldier but
ordinary civilian. Still, neither we reporters nor our soldiers offered him any help. We
had no time. The place was a strange, unknown town to us. We were constantly indanger--the enemy could appear anytime, anywhere. I felt scared, and realized again that
this was a real battlefield.
The 6 to 7 of us reporters, including the Hochi, Yomiuri, Shanghai Nippo, and our own
Miyako, were fed by Nakajima Division Headquarters since we arrived outside ofNanjing. A monk, who joined the Division, took the job of communication between thereporters and the Division.
When we reporters walked around the Castle, somewhere behind Zhongzheng Road(中正路), a little past the rotary where the Zhongshan Road (中山路) and the Zhongzheng
Road intersected, a fire broke out. The empty street was covered with black smoke, andthe fire spread quickly and widely without anyone to extinguish it. As we watched thefire, several foreigners came by in two cars, racing at full speed around the street, took
several pictures, then left the place at full speed again. Later, we found out that the groupbelonged to reporter Tillman Durdin of The New York Times, who reported thescoop--the atrocities committed by the Japanese Army in Nanjing. They ran into us andfled instantly. Considering that this battlefield was enemy territory to them as well as tous, we secretly admired their braveness and tactful manner as reporters.
Back to my story, we had to find our lodging and looked around in a luxury housing area
close to Division Headquarters. We found a house that looked like the official residenceof a high rank government official. We got permission from the Division and settled
there. All furniture and decorations were intact. The house had a wide reception room,
sunny living room and western style bathroom. I turned the faucet on and found waterrunning. We spent more than a week on a fierce battlefield outside the Castle, so we criedwith joy when we saw running water. But later we found out that the water was merely
remains from the house's water tank; we were disappointed.
The house was two-storied, the second floor was apparently the family's private rooms.
And in the perfume-scented luxurious daughter's room, I imagined that a beautiful
Chinese girl was actually in there. There was a study with full of books arranged neatly
in shelves, which must also be the owner's room. We were very satisfied with this house,
which made us feel human.
17

– What was the situation in Nanjing then?
Around that time, I went to the Safety Zone and watched the assistant military policemen
picked out Chinese soldier stragglers. A parent or brother of one of the soldiers who wascaught by the military policemen begged them not to take him, crying, he was not asoldier. I couldn't stand to watch the scene. But, anyway, I guessed that the policemen
took him.
– How many remnants did they take away?
Ten or 20, in a group. I think the military policemen shot them.
– Where?
I didn't see it, but I suppose the policemen took them to the suburbs and shot them there.
– How was the Safety Zone at the time?
The refugees were upset while the military policemen looking for stragglers, but
generally they were calm.
And there was not enough food so the people begged us for food. In our lodging, wefound several bags of rice, so we brought the leaders of the refugees to our lodging andgave them rice and other food, enough for two carts. But there were 60,000 to 70,000
people in the Safety Zone, so it was almost nothing.
– Did you send articles about the people in the Safety Zone?
Yes. I wrote articles about what I myself saw while walking around. We didn't haveradio equipment so we asked a person in the Army press section, who came from
Shanghai, to send my articles, using the Army's radio system.
– What was the situation in Nanjing after that?
18

I visited many places in Nanjing, but we didn't have a car so my movement was limited.
At the entrance ceremony, I waited on the Zhongshan Gate and took pictures of General
Matsui entering the Castle from a distance and Mr. Yoshino, who was a professional
photographer, took close-up pictures of the General. The picture was displayed on thefirst page of the Miyako Shimbun. Also, we took pictures for the New Year – a group ofsoldiers cheered “banzai” on Mt. Zijin. It was set-up.
– How long did you stay in Nanjing?
I wanted to return to Shanghai before the 24th and asked the Navy to get me passage for
Shanghai on the 22nd. I stayed one night on board a ship and I suppose I arrived in
Shanghai on the 23rd. Yes, I remember cerebrating Christmas Eve, the 24th, in the French
Concession in Shanghai.
– It is said there was a massacre in Nanjing. Did you see bodies from a massacre?
I don't know whether they were the result from a massacre or fighting, but I saw several
bodies in a basement of a half-constructed building near the central rotary. The basement
was filled with water and the water was red with blood. When I saw the pale bodies, I wasreally scared.
And I think it was at Yi Jiang Gate (挹江門) – I went there on a Army truck and I saw acorpse which had been run over repeatedly by cars and it was flat.
And when I left Xiaguan, where a dock or a pan-shaped shipyard-like grandstand stood, I
saw a number of bodies thrown in it.
– How many were bodies in the dock?
It was not just 5 or 10. More than that--20 or 30. I think they were battle casualties.
– Did you see any other bodies?
No, that's all what I saw.

19

– Did you heard about a massacre while you were in Nanjing?
No.
– Did you hear any rumors, of any kind at all?
I heard a story that Chinese soldiers couldn't find any food, so they turned themselves in.
– You said that you met foreign reporters.
They each had a car, took pictures including our mopping-up operation in the Castle, theplace that was on fire, and even of the Safety Zone. I was surprised they took so many
pictures.
I once saw the soldiers of the 16th Division seizing something by force. It seemed that the
top officers overlooked soldiers taking food. It would not be so good if foreign reporters
wrote an article about this, so I reported this matter to, maybe, Lieutenant Colonel
Mabuchi Itsuo (馬淵逸雄). He understood immediately and tried to stop foreign reporters
at each Castle gate but they had already gone back to Shanghai. The article waspublished by several newspapers, including the Shanghai Evening Post, and the North
China Daily Newspaper. In addition, as mentioned before, it was published by foreign
newspapers, like The New York Times, too.
– Have you seen the Shanghai Evening Post and the North China Daily News yourself?
Yes, I read them after I returned to Shanghai. It was published, not only by neutral
newspapers, but also by Chinese newspapers.
– What did the papers say?
I don't remember exactly, it mentioned Japanese soldiers' plundering or something likethat.
Our Miyako Shimubun made the Astor House, near the Garden Bridge, our lodging.

20

Across the Garden Bridge was the International Settlement, which housed citizens fromthe UK and other countries, and where we could buy English language newspapers andnewspapers written in Chinese.
Usually we Miyako Shimbun reporters visited the press department of the Japanese Armyto get news but we have only three staff members and our capacity to get news waslimited, so we tried to get information from the English language newspapers rather thangoing up to the front.
Therefore, starting with the Attack on Dachang Town (大場鎮攻略), it became our regular
duty to read the newspapers published in the International Settlement. Other Japanesenewspapermen did the same, but I believe we had the best knowledge about foreign
newspapers then.
– In those newspapers you must have found a lot of anti-Japan articles. How did you takeit?
Naturally, in the International Settlement, being Japanese was dangerous. On a street
corner, I saw some Chinese people who were accused of being pro-Japanese traitors.
There were killed and their heads put on public display. The UK was also anti-Japanese
so they didn't step in and just left the heads there. I often visited an English bookshop
called Kelly, where I saw a number of anti-Japanese books.
Under those circumstances, even the so-called neutral newspapers written in English
took the Chinese side. We couldn't use those articles, literally, but we did get to know the
Chinese point of view. Taking those things into consideration, I wrote my article.
– After the War, it was said there was a massacre with hundreds of thousands victims.
The bodies I saw with my own eyes were those that mentioned earlier. However, I didn't
get to see all of Nanjing, so I don't know of anything else. If someone said there was a
massacre, I cannot refute that. But even in Japanese Army's reports, for example, when
they said they killed 10,000, in fact it was 1,000. The numbers were always exaggerated.
I have no intention of taking the Chinese or the Japanese side. What I talked about today
was all that I witnessed and experienced in Nanjing.
21

Mr. Koike stayed in Shanghai until February 1938, and returned to Tokyo. His first visit
to China ignited his dream of China, of which he held for a long time. He quit his job at
the Miyako Shimbun in 1939 to go China again. Pulling some strings, he joined acompany called Mokyo-dengyo 蒙疆電業 in Zhangjiakou (張家口), China. He worked
there for 5 years and then drafted into the Japanese military in 1944.
Living in China for a total of 6 years, he made his dream come true, that is, he saw thestone Buddhist images of Yungang Grottoes (雲岡) and Longmen Grottoes (竜門), forwhich he had been longing. After the War, he established a company and engaged inbusiness. During this time, he wrote three books, “Mongolia, A Country Far Away,”“Note on Yungang Grottoes,” and “Longmen Mandala.”18) Interview with Mr. Yanai Shogoro (箭内正五郎), Reporter for the
Fukushima Minpo Shimbun
In August 1937, the second Shanghai Incident broke out and the 3rd Division and the 11th
Division landed at Shanghai. However, the Chinese Army fiercely resisted. Therefore, in
September, the 13th Division, the 9th Division, the 101th Division and Shigefuji (重藤)Detachment were dispatched to Shanghai. The 13th Division was organized in Sendai,
Aizuwakamatsu, Shibata and Takada, as a reserve unit. Within the division, the 65th
Regiment was organized in Aizuwakamatu, headed by Colonel Morozumi Gyosaku(両角業作), who was just promoted to colonel.
The 13th Division landed China in the beginning of October, and fought against the
Chinese Army in Lao Lu Zhai (老陸宅) and Ma Jiazhai (馬家宅). Later the JapaneseArmy moved north, chasing the Chinese Army along the Yangtze River and captured
Jiangyin (江陰) Battery, the largest fortress in the area around the Yangtze River. Afterthe capture of the Jiangyin Battery, the Shibata Regiment and the Takada Regimentcrossed the Yangtze River, heading towards Jingjiang (靖江), while the Sendai
Regiment and the Aizuwakamatsu Regiment stayed there and moved to Zhenjiang (鎮江). After the capture of Zhenjiang, the Sendai Regiment crossed the Yangtze River andmoved north, while the 65th Regiment moved for Nanjing along the Yangtze River. The
65th Regiment was under Brigade Commander Major General Yamada Senji (山田栴二).
22After the War, Mr. Hata Kensuke (秦賢助) wrote an article in the magazine Japan Weekly,
titled by “Byakko Troop Blooded by Prisoners' Blood”. In the article, Mr. Hata wrote thaton December 15, 1937, the Byakko Troop massacred Chinese 20,000 prisoners, whowere caught at Mufushan (幕府山).
Shortly thereafter, the Fukushima Minyu Shimbun started a two-year series titled “War
Story of The Local Regiment”. In those times, there were many surviving soldiers who
participated in the Nanjing Battle, and Brigade Commander Yamada and 65th RegimentCommander Morozumi were also alive and well. Based on various witnesses andevidence, the series “War Story of The Local Regiment” proved that Mr. Hata's article
was not based at all on fact. In addition, ten years later, journalist Mr. Suzuki Akira
revealed in his book, “Nanking Illusion of the Nanking Massacre,” that Mr. Hata’s story
was nothing more than fiction. However, the story spread widely and persisted. The 65th
Regiment and the 16th Division, which remained in Nanjing after the capture, have been
associated with the Nanjing-Incident.
To follow the 65th Regiment, three reporters were assigned from the Fukushima Minpo,
Fukushima Minyu, and the Fukushima. These newspapers received general news from theDomei Tsushin. The three reporters instead tried to report something special, focusing on
the Regiment's soldiers, by following their local regiment.
Among the three reporters, two reporters, of the Fukushima Minyu and the Fukushima
died and only Mr. Yanai Shogoro of the Fukushima Minpo, was alive.
In those time, there were five local newspapers in Fukushima prefecture and the
Fukushima Minpo had the largest number of subscriptions. The Fukushima Minpo
published a collection of photographs titled by “Our Local Regiment's Photographs in the
China Incident” in 1938. This book showed the battles of the 65th Regiment in Shanghai
and Nanjing. Mr. Yanai, who had returned to Japan by then, edited this photo-book, using
some of the photos he himself took.
Mr. Yanai was born in January 1904. He joined the Fukushima Minpo in 1928 and in
September 1937, followed the 65th Regiment to Shanghai. This was to be his first andonly military experience. Among other reporters he was the only reporter following the
local soldiers, which suggests that he must have been the most promising reporter at the23

Fukushima Minpo.
After he returned from China, he was appointed chief editor in 1940 and he served in thatcapacity until he was purged by the American Occupation and had to leave the company
in 1948. During the period from 1940 to 1944 he served Mr. Horikiri Zenbei (堀切善兵衛),
the Ambassador to Italy, as the Ambassador's secretary, keeping his status as thenewspaper’s chief editor in the mean time. When he was purged after the War, he decided
to join the company in which Mr. Horikiri was involved.
I interviewed him in December 1985 at his home in Fukushima City. It was a cold day. Mr.
Yanai, wearing a pullover, looked plump and energetic for an 81 year-old.
– After the Zhenjiang Attack, of the 13th Division, the 65th Regiment alone went toNanjing, is that correct?
Yes. Other regiments crossed the Yangtze River and headed north, but only the 65th
Regiment moved for Nanjing along Yangtze River. The 65th Regiment had completed
most of their serious battles in Shanghai. After the Shanghai battle, the last significant
battle was the attack against Jiangyin Battery. The battle at Jiangyin Battery was very
hard but Japanese soldiers inflicted far fewer casualties compared to the battle inShanghai. When we arrived in Zhenjiang, we found almost nothing, the enemy had
already withdrawn.
– You went to Nanjing after that. Did you go with the 65th Regiment Headquarters?
Usually we always followed Regiment Headquarters. We were under the Regiment, sothey supplied us with leftover food and delivered our articles to the Army's Press Section
in Shanghai. In exchange of their support, we had to inform the adjutant of the Regiment
beforehand if we wanted to leave the Regiment. The Asahi, Mainich, and other mainnewspapers had to manage their own food supply and delivery of their articles but they
had the liberty to gather news materials from wherever they wanted. That was thedifference between the local newspapers like ours and the big, main newspapers.
As I said, we followed the 65th Regiment until the battle of Jiangyin, but after that, wedidn't have any serious battles, so we left the Regiment with permission and tried togather news materials. It so happened that we could get a ride on a transport unit’s truck24

from Zhenjiang to Nanjing. The transport unit was moving in the rear of the Regiment,
which meant that I was apart from Headquarters.
– When did you join the 65th Regiment's Headquarters again?
Perhaps either December 17 or 18. The Headquarters was deployed at a place two to
three kilometers from the north gate of Nanjing. We found them there and joined themagain.
– Did you see the entrance ceremony on December 17?
No. So I assume that I had arrived in Nanjing after the ceremony was completed. Fromthe 65th Regiment, Brigade Commander Yamada and Regiment Commander Morozumi
and several soldiers attended the ceremony, entering from the north gate. I hadn't entered
the Castle that time.
– It was said that around December 14, the 65th Regiment caught 15,000 or 20,000
prisoners.
As I mentioned before, I was in a transport unit’s truck, so I was not there the moment
they caught the prisoners. I heard about the prisoners after we caught up with RegimentHeadquarters.
– What did they do to the prisoners?
I guess they set them free because keeping prisoners was huge trouble. Those times, theJapanese soldiers had no other choice but to drive off the prisoners, but if they said thisopenly, they would have gotten a reprimand from their superiors, so they simply said
they made the Chinese soldiers retreat, or were “destroyed”.
– Did you write about the prisoners?
No. The people back home wanted to know about the soldiers' surroundings, so I wrote
about their daily life. Regarding the prisoners, I think the story is in the photo-book, “Our25

Local Regiment's Photographs during the China Incident published in 1938 is accurate.
The book “Our Local Regiment's Photographs in China Incident” was written based on
the facts.
– Did you refrain from writing about the prisoners due to censorship?
No, it had nothing to do with censorship. I didn't write about the prisoners because I
hardly heard about it. Just like that, it was not a topic.
Speaking of censorship, we were strictly prohibited from writing names of places and thename of troops. Revealing location, especially, was never allowed, as well as the nameof a troop--they were expressed as ○○. However, only when the 65th Regiment spent
New Year’s in Quanjiao (全椒) (20 kilometers away, northwest of Nanjing), were weallowed to use the name of locations in our article. If a name was shown as ○○, we didn't
really feel the atmosphere of the New Year.
– According to the series of articles titled “War Story of The Local Regiment,” publishedby the Fukushima Minyu Shimbun after the War, most of the prisoners ran away and when
the Japanese soldiers tried to set the rest of them free, approximately 3,000, they started torebel. Therefore, the Japanese soldiers had to shoot them.
It was after the War when I heard that prisoners revolted. While I was in Nanjing, nobody
raised the matter of prisoners as a subject. After the War, for the first time, I heard it wascalled a massacre, and that reminded me about the prisoners again.
– Mr. Hata Kensuke said the Byakko Troop massacred 20,000 prisoners.
Mr. Hata Kensuke, oh yes. Mr. Hata wrote a book called “Byakko Troop” while the 65th
Regiment fought in China. The book sold well and he became well-known. I was thefirst reporter to follow the 65th Regiment, joining them in December 1937, and followed
them as far as Shushen (滁県) and then I returned to Fukushima at the end of January
1938. Later, around February or March, an alternate reporter, Sakamoto Mutsuyoshi(坂本六良), went to China. At that time, Mr. Hata did not visit either Shanghai or Nanjing.
Nevertheless, without ever visiting China, he wrote the book “Byakko Troop.”26

At the time, my elder brother also joined the Japanese Army, serving as platoon leader ina machine-gun unit in the First Battalion. Until two months ago, he was fine, then he diedat the age of 86. My brother joined the Army and volunteered for a second term to go to
China, where he was on active duty. The 65th Regiment mainly consisted of reservesoldiers but my brother was in the center of the front line. After the War, I asked mybrother if he killed prisoners, he answered that we didn't have enough bullets to kill theprisoners. In those times, the Regiment was under-supplied. Therefore, they couldn't
waste a bullet--they had to keep their bullets for the next battle. When the prisoners got
violent, then they had to shoot them--otherwise they wouldn't.
Think about that--it was just some Japanese soldiers who were moving up front andcaught Chinese soldiers. The 65th Regiment had numerous casualties in battle atShanghai and lost many soldiers. Yes, they were filled with recruits. Nevertheless, their
numbers were less than usual. How many Japanese soldiers could catch 15,000 Chinese
soldiers? If 1,000 Japanese soldiers, for example, caught 15,000 Chinese soldiers andthen if 15,000 prisoners attacked the Japanese soldiers, the Japanese soldiers would not
be able to shoot them all. On the contrary, the Japanese soldiers would have been killed.
It does not make sense from the standpoint of numbers, for one thing. Mr. Hata had noknowledge about Nanjing. The people who knew of those times never believed Mr.
Hata's story. Mr. Hata was born in Fukushima and lives in Fukushima.
– Mr. Hata died several years ago.
Did he? I didn't see him long. Mr. Hata's story about a massacre was not what he saw
himself but what he heard from the soldiers after the War, probably while they were
drinking. After the War, the soldiers wanted to talk about their war stories, often incolorful ways.
– At least something happened which was raised during drinking?
There were stories of other prisoners and ben-i-hei, plain clothes soldiers, and so on.
Especially in Shanghai. One episodes which happened in Shanghai was that prisoners
were paid to do odd jobs during the day, rebelled at night and threw hand grenades andset fire to our lodgings. One fire burned my cloak. Also, Japanese soldiers foundben-i-hei, or civilian-clothed soldiers, throwing grenades so the Japanese soldier killed27ben-i-hei. Therefore, there were bodies in civilian-clothes. I assume such stories spreadby word of mouth.
Another misunderstanding was that, stories of soldiers hunting for rabbits or birds
somehow became plundering. For war stories, good stories do not spread but bad stories
spread out like a ripples from a rock thrown into a pond because people love exciting
stories. I think the massacre story was one of those.
– Was it not ordered from the top?
If you knew the Regiment Commander Morozumi, you could not say such a thing.
Regiment Commander Morozumi had common sense, was easily moved to tears and a
reliable person. He was not a graduate of the Army War College but was promoted to
Regiment Commander and finally to Lieutenant General. He was so great that people
naturally thought that he must have been a graduate of the Army War College.
When we landed Shanghai, Regiment Commander Morozumi instructed his soldiers at
the wharf, “Weapons can be made easily but not humans. It took 20 to 30 years of time tomake you as you are now. Take care of yourself. For that purpose, dig trenchs deep
enough and make them perfect.”In the battle of Shanghai, the 65th Regiment lost the largest number of soldiers--soldiersadmired Regiment Commander Morozumi and they fought bravely for him. In otherwords, the Commander's caring and compassion toward his soldiers killed soldiersagainst the Commander's will. If soldiers had antipathy for their commander, theywouldn't want to die for him and that would result in fewer casualties and minor injuries.
I can say this according to my experience. Many soldiers died when they had caring
commanders and soldiers with nagging commander survived. In the battlefield, thesoldiers' mind became simplicity itself. If you wanted to save your soldiers you must be
hated by the soldiers – to his regret, Regiment Commander Morozumi said this. It is true.
I have my own memory about Commander Morozumi. I kept moving with RegimentHeadquarters and had no chance to meet my brother as I mentioned before, who hadjoined the Regiment. Knowing this, the Commander occasionally informed me that mybrother was fine. I found out later that the Commander also told my elder brother that I

28

was doing well.
When we started the attack on Jiangyin Castle(江陰城), the Commander was orderedfrom his superior to capture the Castle before a certain date, but he instructed his soldiers,“Try to capture the castle before this date, but if not possible, do not push yourself too
hard, do not waste your life.” Therefore, even if he got an order from his superior to kill
prisoners, I am sure he would have rejected it. That was his character. And it was quite
unlikely for him to order such a thing himself.
Incidentally, Mr. Morozumi Yoshihiko (両角良彦), who served as the undersecretary of
the Ministry of International Trade and Industry several years ago, was the eldest son ofthis Commander Morozumi.
– Did you hear something about disciplinary problems in the 65th Regiment?
No. In Fukushima, there are hundreds of people who fought in the war who are still alive.
If you ask them, you will see.
After the War, Mr. Hata Kensuke said that the 65th Regiment committed a massacre, but
nobody believes that. A person who went to war knew very well that killing a person is
not easy. Even a small war, you hear thundering sounds of cannons and gunshots thatmakes everything look awful and inflated. But later, when you look at that same
battlefield, it looks incredibly small. Such impressions of battle multiplied and spread
after the War.
Some people insist it was a massacre from an ideological point of view and some people
have started to believe this, but considering the situation in Nanjing then, it was notpossible.
– Did you see bodies along the shore of the Yangtze River?
In Nanjing, no. I have a stronger impression of things in Shanghai than from Nanjing. I
saw a number of bodies in Shanghai. No one cleaned the battlefield so they wereabandoned in the fields. I remember that very well.

29

– The 65th Regiment crossed the River from Xiaguan to Pukou (浦口) on December 20.
Did you see any corpses at that time?
For crossing the River, I took a small Navy gunboat from a pier in Xiaguan. I think there
were several piers in Xiaguan but at least I did not see any bodies at the pier where I took
the gunboat.
– Have you heard about the Nanjing-Incident after the War?
Yes. After the War I, was surprised to hear that there was massacre in Nanjing. As
mentioned before, compared to the fighting in Shanghai, the Nanjing front was not sosevere, and reporters from the Fukushima Minyu and Fukushima Shimbun left Nanjing
before the end of December 1937. I crossed the River, went to Chushen (滁県) and stayed
there until January 1938, but I had never heard of that.
I believe that there was no massacre. It was a rumor spread after the War.

30