Review of Population and Social Policy, No. 10, 2001, 23–35

Leaving the Parental Household inContemporary Japan
Toru SUZUKI*

Abstract
Demographic analysis of young people leaving the parental household in Japan was attempted based on the nationally representative sample
survey data available. Life table analysis showed that males leave the parental
household at an earlier age than females in spite of differences in age atmarriage. Cohort comparison revealed that the delay in young people leaving
home has been taking place since the 1970s. Decomposition analysis showedthat this trend is not only a result of the delay in marriage but also a result of thedecline in the number of young people leaving home before marriage. Crosssectional analysis indicated that an important cause for the latter trend was theincrease in the number of young people growing up in metropolitan areas, which
in turn resulted from the rapid urbanization in Japan before 1970.

1. Introduction
The living arrangements of young people are determined by two life events—
leaving the parental household and marriage. Coincidence or sequences of these
two events are of special interest. Young men and women who leave theparental home before marriage experience a period of living alone or in an institutional context such as a student dormitory. Those who leave the parental home
for the first time at marriage move from the status of dependent child into that of
the couple-only household. Those who marry but do not leave the parental
home form an extended household, as in the case of the eldest son in the traditional household formation pattern of Japan.
Although there are many quantitative demographic analyses of marriage inJapan (for example, Hirosima 1999; Kaneko 1995; Otani 1993; Shirahase 1999;
Tsuya and Mason 1995; Wada 2000), demographic studies of young people
leaving the parental household are rare. 1 This paper examines leaving theparental home as an important proximate determinant of household formation,using nationally representative sample survey data.
This paper is based on the article published in the Journal of Population Problems, 53(2), 1997.
Additional analysis presented in the 10th Annual Meeting of Japan Society of Family Sociology in
Sendai, Japan, is also included.
* Senior Researcher, National Institute of Population and Social Security Research.
1 In addition to Suzuki (1997) on which this paper is based, Kurosu (1996) conducted a demographic study of leaving the parental household in nineteenth century Japan.

[[ 23
1 ]]

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Toru SUZUKI

2. Data and Methods
The Third National Survey on Household Changes was conducted by the former
Institute of Population Problems (now the National Institute of Population and Social
Security Research) on a nationally representative sample of private households on 15
October 1994. Two questionnaires, one on household characteristics and the otheron each household member aged 18 and over, were administered. A total of 8,578
households (89.4%) and 20,788 household members (92.2%) responded. The basic
findings are described in IPP (1996) and Hirosima et al. (1996).
Household heads and adult members were asked about leaving the parental
household, change in marital status, experience of being a head, and so forth.
Household members with children were asked to provide data on the sex, age,and place of residence of each child. There is a response bias in this survey inthat persons living alone are underrepresented. Case weight coefficients were
calculated based on the 1995 Census of Japan to adjust this bias. Details areshown in Suzuki (1997, p. 19).
Two kinds of analysis are conducted. First, for a descriptive analysis, life tables
are produced based on retrospective data. This section discusses the observed
sex difference and cohort trends of young persons leaving the parental household. Second, a cross-sectional analysis is attempted in order to examine thedeterminants of leaving the parental household. Simple cross-tabulation andlogistic regression analysis is conducted to examine the determinants of leaving
home before marriage.

3. Life Tables on Leaving the Parental Household
The survey contains the retrospective data on the age at leaving home for the
first time and the reason for leaving. The number of persons leaving by age (Dx)can be easily obtained with this information. The number of persons who havenever left the parental home by age at the survey date (Wx) should be seen as
the withdrawals from the observation. The number of persons who have not yet
left the parental home by age (Nx) can be reconstructed from these two vectors.
The conditional probability of leaving by age (qx) was calculated as the actuarial
estimator (Namboodiri 1991, p. 104),
qx=

Dx
.
Nx–0.5Wx(1)

Life tables by sex and cohort were created. Survival function (lx) refers to theLeaving the Parental Household in Contemporary Japan25

probability of not experiencing leaving the parental household by age. In thissimple model, leaving the parental home was taken to be the only cause of attrition, and other causes such as death or emigration were ignored. Table 1 shows
the age at the survival function crosses each quartile.
Table 1 Age at leaving the parental household (quartiles)
Age (Cohort)
25–29 (1964–69)
30–34 (1959–64)
35–39 (1954–59)
40–44 (1949–54)
45–49 (1944–49)
50–54 (1939–44)
55–59 (1934–39)

Male

75%
FemaleMale

50%
FemaleMale

25%
Female

18.7
18.6
18.2
18.2
17.8
18.1
18.4

19.0
18.7
18.4
18.4
18.2
18.4
18.7

22.4
22.1
19.7
19.7
20.0
20.1
22.3

23.8
23.0
21.8
21.7
21.8
21.9
22.7

—
31.0
31.5
28.6
29.0
28.4
30.7

29.1
26.7
26.2
24.9
24.8
24.8
25.4

For all cohorts, males cross the 75% and 50% lines earlier than females. The
observation that females are earlier to arrive at the 25% line should not be taken
as a result of a difference in timing, rather than a difference in the proportion
eventually leaving. In the traditional setting, it was a norm that the eldest son
stayed and succeeded his parental household while younger sons and daughtersleft before or at the time of marriage. This traditional pattern still remains evenfor cohorts born in the 1960s and male attrition is slow after the survivors mostly
consist of the eldest sons.
Comparing the overall timing, not the proportion leaving, it can be said thatJapanese men leave the parental home earlier than women. In many countries,
however, women leave the parental home earlier than men because women
marry earlier and a large proportion of men and women leave at marriage. Thispattern of women leaving earlier than men has been observed in many countries,
such as Canada (Ravanera, Rajulton, and Burch 1995, p. 181), Netherlands(Liefbroer and de Jong Gierveld 1955, p. 67), West Germany (Mayer and Schwarz
1989, p. 156), Australia (Young 1987, p. 9), China, Korea, the United States,
Sweden and France (Zeng et al. 1994, p. 69). The reverse pattern has been
seldom observed, with notable exceptions such as in pre-industrial England (Wall1989, p. 385) and in the United States during World War II (Goldscheider andGoldscheider 1994, p. 14).
In many countries, the proportion of men leaving the parental home before
marriage is higher than women. For example, in Canada, the proportion ofyoung persons leaving home at marriage was 38.1% for men and 50.5% forwomen (Ravanera, Rajulton, and Burch 1995, p. 186). Although the effect of thisdifference in the proportion on the timing of leaving does offset, to some extent,26

Toru SUZUKI

that of difference in age at marriage, the latter is dominant in other countries. In
Japan, however, the sex difference in the proportion leaving at marriage is sosignificant that it overcomes the difference in marriage timing. Table 2 shows thereason for leaving the parental home by age and sex. While the proportion ofmen who left home at marriage is less than 20% except for the oldest cohort, theproportion of women is more than 40% for all cohorts. The sex difference isalways greater than 25%, and the largest difference (42.3%) can be found in thesecond oldest cohort. This behavioral difference generates the unique pattern inJapan that, in spite of the difference in age at marriage, men leave home earlier
than women.
Table 2 Reason for leaving the parental household (%)
Age (Cohort)N

SchoolJob

Marriage

Other

25–29 (1964–69)
30–34 (1959–64)
35–39 (1954–59)
40–44 (1949–54)
45–49 (1944–49)
50–54 (1939–44)
55–59 (1934–39)

489
508
559
604
523
384
224

40.7
36.2
39.0
29.1
23.5
19.3
23.7

(Male)
41.1
40.0
39.9
48.7
53.3
63.5
50.0

12.7
18.5
17.0
18.2
19.1
12.2
22.3

5.5
5.3
4.1
4.0
4.0
4.9
4.0

25–29 (1964–69)
30–34 (1959–64)
35–39 (1954–59)
40–44 (1949–54)
45–49 (1944–49)
50–54 (1939–44)
55–59 (1934–39)

494
608
608
691
607
448
248

30.2
22.0
24.8
17.7
13.7
8.9
6.5

(Female)
20.0
21.4
27.1
30.1
35.6
34.6
24.6

43.3
51.6
44.2
50.7
48.6
54.5
64.1

6.5
4.9
3.8
1.6
2.1
2.0
4.8

Comparing the age at leaving home between cohorts at 50% in Table 1, the delay
in leaving the parental home can be observed for cohorts born after the mid 1950s,
implying that the change started in 1970s. Such a delay has also been observed in
Canada, West Germany, and the United States (Ravanera, et al. 1995, p. 181;
Goldscheider and Goldscheider 1994, p. 18; Mayer and Schwarz 1989, p. 151).
To examine the change in leaving the parental home closely, multi-state life
tables that simultaneously trace leaving home and marriage were created. The
multi-state table focuses on the first experience of leaving home and that ofmarriage, distinguishing between the binary states of “not yet experienced” and“ever experienced” for each of the two life events. Since the life table does notconsider returning home or marital dissolution, there are four states and five transitions as shown in Figure 1.
The number of transitions Dx(ij) and the number of withdrawals Wx(i) wereLeaving the Parental Household in Contemporary Japan

27

available from the survey data. After reconstructing the number of persons bystate Nx(i), the transition probability was calculated as follows:qx(ij)=

Dx(ij).
Nx(i)–0.5Wx(i)(2)

Superscripts i and j refer to the following states defined in Figure 1.
(1) before leaving, before marriage,(2) after leaving, before marriage,(3) before leaving, after marriage,(4) after leaving, after marriage.
Dx(12)

Nx(1) before leaving,
before marriage

Dx(13)

Nx(2) after leaving,
before marriage

Dx(24)

Nx(4) after leaving,after marriage

Dx(14)
Nx(3) before leaving,after marriage

Dx(34)

Figure 1 States and transitions in multi-state life table
The transition probability matrix was designed as follows:
1–(qx(12)+qx(13)qx(14))
0
Px=
0
0

qx(12)
1–qx(24)00qx(13)
0
1–qx(34)0qx(14)
qx(24).
qx(34)
0(3)

Multiplying the horizontal vector of lx(i) from the left results in the survival
function by state lx+1(i) at age x+1. The stationary population nLx(i) was calculatedwith linear assumption, and the proportion that never left the parental householdin the age group between x and x+n was calculated as follows:
(1)

(3)

nLx +nLx
(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

nLx +nLx +nLx +nLx.

(4)

Figure 2 shows change in the proportion of young persons that never left
home for the age group between 20 and 24 (5L20(i), i=1,4). As expected from
Table 1, the figure suggests that for younger cohorts a greater number of young

28

Toru SUZUKI

men and women tend to stay in the parental household, and that the trend
started in the 1970s.
(%)
60.0

50.0

40.0

30.0

1934–39 1939–44 1944–49 1949–54 1954–59 1959–64 1964–69
CohortMale

FemaleFigure 2 Proportion that never left parents, 20–24 years old

Such a delay in leaving home can be decomposed into three stages—leaving
before marriage, at marriage, and after marriage. Leaving the parental home
before marriage is mostly related to entering higher education or taking a job. It
is expected that more and more young people will go to college or find a job
without leaving home because the proportion of young people being born andgrowing up in metropolitan areas is higher for younger cohorts. Thus, the delay
in leaving home could be attributed to leaving before marriage. However, it isalso possible that the delay in leaving home is simply a result of the delay inmarriage. If this is the case, the important change is not that in leaving home butthat in marriage. Finally, the proportion that never left home can be influenced
by the proportion living with parents after marriage. However, the recent trend isa decline in the traditional pattern of young people not leaving home at
marriage. Therefore, this change may not raise the proportion staying at theparental home but instead offset it to some extent.
A simple decomposition is attempted here. First, the following proportions arecalculated for the age group between 20 and 24 by sex and cohort.
Proportion single

s=

(2)
L (1)
20 +5 L 20
.
(2)
(3)
(4)
5L +5L 20 +5L 20 +5L 20
5

(1)
20

Leaving the Parental Household in Contemporary Japan

Proportion never left for single

ps=

Proportion never left for married

pm=

(1)
5 20
(1)
(2)
20 5 20

.

(3)
5 20
(3)
(4)
20 5 20.

L
5L + LL
5L + L29

Let s1, ps1 and pm1 be the proportions of the foregoing cohort and s2, ps2 andpm2 be that of the succeeding cohort. Then, the change in the proportion neverleft can be decomposed as follows.
Change in leaving at marriage(s2–s1)(ps1–pm1).

Change in leaving before marriages1( ps2–ps1).

Change in leaving after marriage(1–s1)( pm2–pm1).

Residual(s2–s1)( ps2–ps1–pm2+pm1).

–3.0

0.0

3.0

6.0

(%)

Male 1954–59
Male 1959–64
Male 1964–69
Female 1954–59
Female 1959–64
Female 1964–69

At marriage

Before marriage

After marriage

Residual

Figure 3 Decomposition of change in proportion never left, 20–24 years old(Change from preceding cohort)

Figure 3 shows the result of decomposition. Change in the traditional patternof staying home after marriage is minimal in this age group. For males, adecrease in the proportion that left before marriage is always the dominant factor

30

Toru SUZUKI

behind an increase in the proportion that never left. The change between the
1949–54 and 1954–59 female cohort is explained by nuptiality decline. However,delay in leaving home before marriage took an important role in changes forcohorts born after 1959. Therefore, it is clear that single persons tend to stay athome longer before marriage and this change, not the delay in marriage, is thedominant factor for the recent delay in leaving home.

4. Cross-sectional Analysis of Staying at the Parental Household
This section examines the reason behind the recent delay in young people
leaving home before marriage. Independent variables that may affect theleaving can be dichotomized into generations—parents and children. The
former includes the socio-economic status, residential place, cultural background, the number of children, marital status, etc. The latter includes academic
ability, education, labor-force status, income, and so forth (Goldscheider and
Da Vanzo 1989).
Unfortunately, the Third National Survey on Household Changes does notallow such an abundant set of variables. Since this is a household survey, only
limited information is available on children or parents living apart. It was decided
here to concentrate on the parental characteristics, while setting aside those of
the child. The reason is that major hypotheses explaining the recent delay inleaving home concern the characteristics of parents.
It is thought that the rapid urbanization before 1970 dramatically changed thegeographic distribution of the youth. The proportion of young people growing
up in urban areas is higher for younger cohorts, and they can find educationaland occupational opportunities without leaving the parental household. In addition, developments in the transportation networks of metropolitan areas, a
reduced number of siblings, and the rise in aspirations with regard to housing
amenity could have prompted the delay in leaving (Suzuki 1997, p. 29). It is also
thought that the high economic status of the father and high amount of leisuretime of the mother may prevent children from leaving (Yamada 1999, p. 74).
Since most of the variables mentioned above concern parental characteristics,
a cross-sectional analysis from the viewpoint of parents is conducted here. The
unit of analysis is living children of each household head. If the sex or birth yearof one child is missing the whole family is excluded from the analysis. Of the8,578 household heads surveyed 1,423 had living children aged between 20 and
24. Six hundred and nine (63.8%) of 955 sons lived with the household head,
and 647 (69.4%) of 932 daughters co-resided. Unfortunately, data on the marital
status of children not living with the household head is not available from theLeaving the Parental Household in Contemporary Japan31

survey. The age group between 20 and 24 was chosen because the incidence ofyoung people leaving home at marriage is not significant given the very late ageof marriage observed recently in Japan.2
Table 3 shows the result of simple cross-tabulation analysis. Cases where themother is the household head usually arise where a separated or divorced
mother was sampled as the head, although there was also a small portion ofparental couple households that were recorded as mother-headed households.
The proportion of young people co-residing in these mother-headed households
does not significantly differ from that in the father-headed households. If aparental couple is intact, sons are more likely to stay at the parental household.
The number of children of the head, or the number of siblings, significantly
affects daughters’ leaving home. As expected, a daughter with a large number ofsiblings is more likely to leave home.

Table 3 Proportion living with household head by level of independent variable (%)
Variable

Sons of Head

Daughters of Head

Mother56.2

Father
64.4

χ2
1.638

Mother67.5

Father
69.6

χ2
0.069

One-parent
50.8

Couple65.7

χ2 One-parent
9.520**
63.0

Couple
70.4

χ2
2.294

Number of children(Small if <3)

Large
60.1

Small
66.1

χ2
3.345

Large
61.8

Small
74.3

χ2
15.700**

Education of head(High if tertiary)

Low
65.2

High
58.7

χ2
2.607

Low
69.7

High
68.4

χ2
0.080

House ownership

Rent
58.1

Own
65.5

χ2
3.758

Rent
63.0

Own
71.4

χ2
5.134*

Residence ofhead (1)

Not DID
60.8

DID1)
66.0

χ2
2.527

Not DID
61.9

DID1)
75.2

χ2
18.473**

Residence ofhead (2)Not metropolitan
53.8

Metropolitan2)74.6

χ243.737**

Not metropolitan
57.1

Metropolitan2)81.9

χ265.880**Sex of head
Marriage statusof head*p<.05, **p<.01.
1) Densely inhabited districts (DID), as defined in the 1995 Census of Japan.
2) Saitama, Chiba, Tokyo, Kanagawa, Gifu, Aichi, Mie, Kyoto, Osaka and Hyogo.

2

The 1995 Census of Japan shows that the proportion of single persons in the age groupbetween 20 and 24 was 93.3% for male and 86.8% for female.

32

Toru SUZUKI

The educational attainment of parents (mostly the father) does not have significant effects. House ownership raises the proportion of daughters staying home.
Daughters who grew up in densely inhabited districts (DID) tend to stay at theparental household. The effect of residing in one of three major metropolitan
areas (Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya) is outstanding. Where both sons and daughtersgrew up in these metropolitan areas they are highly likely to stay at home.
One might be interested in net effects of independent variables, rather thangross effects as shown in Table 3. However, the logistic regression result shownin Table 4 should be taken carefully. The survey failed to include important variables such as parental income, whether the mother is a full-time housewife,
detailed information on the parental house, and properties of children other thanage and sex. Because some relevant variables are missing, the estimates of coefficients in a multivariate model would be distorted.
Table 4 Logistic regression on children living with household head
Independent Variables

Sons of Head
CoefficienttDaughters of Head
CoefficienttIntercept

0.5999–1.6965

0.4750–2.3221*

Head is father

0.4913–1.8579

0.5318–1.4763

Intact couple

2.8042

3.3774**2.28062.3033*

Two children or less

1.30611.84331.62523.1400**

Head tertiary education

0.6307–2.6751**0.7556–1.5151

Head owns house

1.4625

2.1276*

1.93703.5395**

Head lives in DID1)

1.06530.3882

1.45292.1293*

Head lives in metropolitan area2)

2.79616.7163**3.20587.0147***p<.05, **p<.01.
1) Densely Inhabited Districts, as defined in the 1995 Census of Japan.
2) Saitama, Chiba, Tokyo, Kanagawa, Gifu, Aichi, Mie, Kyoto, Osaka and Hyogo.

Although no gross effect disappeared some new effects appeared. Both sonsand daughters stay at home when the parental couple is intact and when parents
own a house. In addition, sons tend to stay at home when the head (usually thefather) has a high level of educational attainment. Although some of these results
are questionable, the effect of metropolitan area is still impressive; living in a
metropolitan area almost triples the odds of staying home. It seems that marital
status of parents is also important, especially for sons. It is interesting that theeffect of number of siblings is significant only for daughters. For sons, whether
one is the eldest son or not is probably more important than the number ofsiblings. Table 4 indicates that if there is any effect of parental education, it

Leaving the Parental Household in Contemporary Japan33

prompts the leaving home of sons. It is imagined that the higher the level ofparental education, the more likely sons and daughters are to obtain tertiary
education. However, the effect is not significant for daughters because they
prefer going to a nearby college or junior college without leaving home. As
expected, house ownership prevents both sons and daughters from leaving.

5. Conclusion
The life table on young people in Japan leaving the parental home revealed thatmales leave earlier than females. Although it is certain that this pattern is different
from Europe and North America, it is uncertain if the pattern in Japan is reallyunique in Asia. Although Zen et al. (1994) showed that it is females that leave
earlier in China and Korea, their result relies on an indirect estimation procedure.
Direct evidence on the timing of leaving home in Asian countries is expected.
Cohort comparison indicated that there has been a delay in young people
leaving home since the 1970s. This trend was caused not only by the delay inmarriage but also by the decrease in the proportion of young people leaving
home before marriage. In fact, the latter was the dominant cause in most cases
where the age group between 20 and 24 is concerned.
Cross-sectional analysis showed that one of the most important factors thatcaused this change was the concentration of the youth population in metropolitan areas. Thus, it is essential to understand the changes in the proportion ofchildren living in metropolitan areas in order to predict the future trends inyoung people leaving home. Such a proportion is available from the censuses ofJapan. Figure 4 presents the proportion of children aged between 10 and 14
living in a metropolitan area. This graph indicates that the proportion did
increase rapidly in 1970s, but the trend came to a standstill in the 1980s and evenreversed in 1990s. Thus, the major cause of the delay in leaving home has disappeared for cohorts born after 1970.
Another important factor was, according to Table 3 and 4, whether the household
is headed by an intact couple or a single-parent. Figure 5 depicts the proportion ofcurrently married males of child-raising age from the censuses between 1950 and
1995. The proportion rose thanks to an improvement in joint survivorship by the1970s; but, the trend reversed after the 1980s because of the rising divorce rate.
Again, an important cause of delay disappeared for more recent cohorts than wereobserved in this study. Therefore, the chances are extremely high that the delay inleaving home will slow down or even halt for cohorts born after the 1970s.
The cross-sectional analysis here could have been greatly strengthened by the
inclusion of some important factors which are unfortunately absent due to a lack34

Toru SUZUKI

(%)
50.0

45.0

40.0

35.0

30.0

1965

1970

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

Figure 4 Census population of children aged 10–14 living in metropolitan areas

(%)
100.0

95.0

90.0

85.0

80.0
1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995
50–54

55–59

60–64

Figure 5 Census population of currently married malesof available data. However, the Fourth National Survey on Household Changes
conducted in 1999 includes data on the labor force status and occupation of
adult household members. And, although detailed information on children living
outside the home is still missing, questions on the number of children by sex,
age and marital status were asked. Thus, the 1999 survey data allows an examination of the effect of father’s occupation or mother’s leisure time on the leavingof children before marriage. The result of a revised multivariate model will bepresented in the not too distant future.

Leaving the Parental Household in Contemporary Japan

35

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