Global Leadership Training Programme in Africa 20142017
Activity Report of Field Research

History Learning and Political Consciousness: Examination of Historical Writings ofAfrican Students in South Africa
Tomohiro Kambayashi 1

1

Hitotsubashi University Department of Social Sciences/PhD Course/3rd Year1

I. Summary
English Summary
This study will reveal the connection between South African people’s understanding of history and theimplementation of the segregated regime through an examination of African students’ essays on thehistory of their own people in the first half of the twentieth century. In particular, I will inquire into how
South African black students, especially Zulu students coped with the curriculum change which,according to studies on Black South African educational history, shifted its focus from “Europeanization”
to “Tribalization” after the First World War. I will conduct research on historical essay competition to
grasp how African students wrote their history. I will use essays sent to the contest called “Zulu tribal
history competition” to answer following two questions.1. what kinds of sources did students use when
they wrote their historical essays? 2. was the experience of writing history natured the ethnic nationalism
which confronts the regime based on segregation? The previous scholarly discussions on Zulu historical
writings have delineated Zulu nationalism’s complicated relationships with territorial segregation by
drawing the careers of eminent intellectuals. On the contrary to this trend, this study makes clear thegrassroots process of ethnic formation by focusing on the classroom. This study aims to uncover how
African students actually learned and reacted to what they were taught in the classroom.

2

Japanese Summary with Japanese research title
歴史教育と政治意識：20 世紀前半南アフリカにおけるアフリカ人学生の歴史作文の検討
本研究は、20 世紀前半の南アフリカ（以下、南ア）におけるアフリカ人学生、特にズールー人
学生による歴史叙述を検討することで、彼らがいかに「部族主義」の危険を避けつつ、自民族の歴史を表象しようとしたのかを明らかにする。1948 年以降のアパルトヘイトを極致とする、南アの人種隔離体制は 20 世紀前半にアフリカ人を伝統的な「部族」として規定することで無権利の状態に置くことを正当化する体制を確立した。同時期にアフリカ人教育の重点も、西洋文化の教授から、各「部族」の伝統生活の保持へと変化した。そのような状況下で自民族の歴史を描くことは、ズールー人学生にとって白人支配体制によって作られたズールー人像を実体化してしまうという恐れがあった。しかし、本研究はコンテストに投稿された学生のエッセイを対象として以下の 2 点を検討する。①彼らがエッセイの執筆にあたりどのような資料を利用したのか（伝承あるいは年長者からの聞き取りを利用し、白人宣教師・入植者の歴史書など）、②歴史に関する議論から自民族の過去を描くことは、支配体制に対抗的なナショナリズムの基盤となっていたか。ズールー人自身による歴史叙述を扱った先行研究は文学者や政治家など著
名人のみを扱い彼らのナショナリズム言説と抵抗の結びつきを検討してきた。それに対し、本研究は学生の歴史エッセイを用いることで、「創られた伝統」としての部族主義の広がりの過程を検討する。

3II. Research Activity
1. Introduction
After a regime change, people revise how they narrate their history. South Africa is no exception. Afterthe end of Apartheid, historians have accelerated their effort to excavate the experience of black people.
Museums focusing on the atrocities of Apartheid regime have flourished. College students havedemanded to face colonial pasts. The recent example of the statute of Cecil Rhodes at University of Cape
Town being removed in April 2015 epitomizes the intensity of this insistence. However, before washingout all that seems colonial legacies, we need to understand how South Africans conceived their history
and how black and white people, often under unequal terms, cooperated to inquire into the past. History
education is a focal point at which the representation of South African society is set by the authority andstudents to cope with it. By revealing history education under segregation/Apartheid, we can get a clue toconsider what students should learn in the classroom in South Africa today. This study will reveal theconnection between South African people’s understanding of history and the implementation of thesegregated regime through an examination of African students’ essays on the history of their own people
in the first half of the twentieth century. In particular, I will inquire into how South African black students
coped with the curriculum change which, according to studies on Black South African educational
history, shifted its focus from “Europeanization” to “Tribalization” after the First World War.2 I haveconducted research on Zulu tribal history essay competition (1912-1950) to grasp how African students
wrote their history and how the white judge evaluated them. Moreover, this study aims to uncover how
African students actually learned and reacted to what they were taught in the classroom. I have examined
African students’ essays in tandem with textbooks, syllabi, and instructions for teachers. Reading thesesources in juxtaposition will enable me to ascertain what students actually received from the lessons. This
makes clear the grassroots process of segregation and African students’ reaction.

2. Study Areaa) In South Africa, I was affiliated with WiSER, Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research.
Physically I studied there: reading materials I had gathered in archival research.
b) I have conducted research in several archives. Following is the list of the archives in which I haveconducted research.
Killie Campbell Africana Library (Durban)
Archives of Inanda Seminary (Durban)
Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository, National Archives of South Africa (Pietermaritzburg)
The Historical Papers Research Archive, the William Cullen Library, the University of
Witwatersrand (Johannesburg)
I have also collected materials in the following libraries.
National Library of South Africa (Pretoria)
Msunduzi Municipal Library (Pietermaritzburg)

2

Daniel R. Magaziner, The Art of Life in South Africa, New African Histories (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2016).
4

h ttps: //w w w. google. com /m aps/p lace/Kw aZulu-N atal, . . .

Picture 1. Map of KwaZulu-Natalc) I study the history of KwaZulu-Natal province with particular interests in education history and the useof history in political discourse.

3. Methodology
3.1 Theoretical Perspective
To achieve the objective mentioned in the introduction, I have used the perspective articulated by
Mamdani which considers segregation and Apartheid not only as white racial domination but also
localized institutions of autocracy. 3In other words, this perspective stipulates that for white minority’s
domination it was necessary that black South Africans internalized compartmentalized and narrowly
defined ethnic or tribal identities, disregarding more broarder identities such as “Black” or “South
African.” This study also relays on the perspective of “the invention of tradition.” By warning historians
seeking authentic African traditions, Ranger explained how European settlers and colonial officials
created ‘traditions’ in the continent from the 1870s to 90s. He also pointed out that Africans themselves
utilized invented traditions for their benefit.4 In South African context, Hamilton argued that Africans
were active collaborators of the process of invention, not passive recipients of the products.5 Therefore,
the perspective of the invention of tradition is important in disentangling the process of the creation of
tradition and this perspective is influential in the examination of Zulu nationalism. However, as Peterson
points out this constructivist view on tradition does not explain “how the inventors of tradition convinced3

Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1996).
4
E. J. Hobsbawm and T. O. Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
5
Carolyn Hamilton, Terrific Majesty: The Powers of Shaka Zulu and the Limits of Historical Invention (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1998).
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doubting constituents to acknowledge a normative account of history as their own.6” On the contrary to
the above trend, this study explains how the type of Zulu ethnic consciousness produced by Zulu
intellectuals and white officials and missionaries spread especially through education by analysing theessays submitted to the competition.

3.2 Archival research
I have conducted intensive archival researches in several university libraries and national archives
mentioned above. Searching out materials related to history teaching in these archives provides a way into
the actual implementation of teaching and reception of students, which can not be covered only by using
governmental papers. By cross-checking various sources on the history of African people in South Africa,
I aim to reveal the particularities of students’ papers and political meanings the students attached to theessays.

3.3 Source (students’ essays) criticism and reading strategies
Depending on the above mentioned theoretical perspective, I have conducted qualitative analysis on
students’ essays by comparing them with teaching materials gathered from intensive archival research byfocusing on the similarities and differences between how authorities defines ethnic identities such as Zulu
and how students react to this trend.
I have used the essays in two ways. Firstly, I surveyed all essays written in or translated to English to see
the distributions of students profiles such as their grades and schools, topics they chose, and the language
in which they wrote. After summarily collecting these data, I have focused on the essays which won the
prize. Because the judge commented on the prize-winning essays, they are useful windows to look into
the evaluating process of historical writings. More specifically, I have analyzed prize-winning essays in toconfirm the specific circulation of Zulu ethnic representation I have described in the summarily
discussion on all essays.

4. Research Findings
4.1. Zulu Historical Essay Competitions: Summarily descriptions.
This study focuses on Zulu Tribal History Competition held in 1912, 1942 and 1950 by Killie Campbell,
famous Africana collector in Durban. The brief descriptions of each competition are as follows. In 1912
competition, 25 essays were sent to Killie Campbell. 9 were on Zulu history and all of them were written
in English. 16 were on Basuto history. 2 were written in Basuto (not translated into English), the rests
were written in English.
According to the advertisement written by Campbell and Daniel Mck. Malcolm, the chief inspector ofnative education and the judge of the competition, the purpose of holding the competition was to preserve

6

Derek R. Peterson, Ethnic Patriotism and the East African Revival : A History of Dissent, c. 1935-1972 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2013), 3.
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Zulu people’s tribal history.7 For the competition of 1942, they called for essays written on the lesser
known historical site. I found 110 essays in the files of this competition.8 All of them were on Zulu
history. Only 15 were written in English. The rests were written in Zulu. Of them, 54 were translated into
English.
For the competition of 1950, they called for essays written on tribal history. There are 180 essays.9 Only 4
essays were written in English. 94 essays were translated into English. Most of the essays which were nottranslated are ones which Daniel Mck. Malcolm, the chief inspector of Native Education regarded as “notentirely worthless” or “worthless”.
Malcolm asked submitters to include in their essays following information about “tribes”10. “(i) its origin;(ii) present locality; (iii) tribal history; (iv) the genealogy of its Chief; (v) the izibongo (prize poems) of its
chiefs and other prominent men of the tribe, and (vi) any incidents of special interest.” He also demandedthat the writers should not copy from books but find out the facts “from the old men and women of theparticular tribe.”11

4.2 Overall analysis of the essays12
The number of the essays submitted itself shows that the fear was widely shared among Zulu people that
if they would not preserve the history of certain “tribes,” their history would be lost soon. Dent, the chief
inspector of native education succeeding Malcolm, congratulated Campbell on the result that thecompetition received “so wide-spread and enthusiastic response.”13 We can find out that the mostcontributors of essays wrote about the history of their “own tribe” to which they belonged. We candiscern this point from the contents of the essays and the sir names of the submitters.

All most all the essays followed the instruction Malcolm gave in the advertisement. That is, they
subdivided their essays according to the elements Malcom said should be included. And many of theessays used oral interviews as the main source, though there are a lot of essays which did not mention

7

Native Teachers’ Journal, vol. 29, no.2, Jan. 1950, p.47
This is the number of essays I found in the archives. Killie Campbell wrote that she got 101 essays. It seems that some students
sent several essays.
9
Though Killie Campbell claimed 190 essays submitted, 180 is the number I found in the files.
10
I used the term “tribe” with some hesitation. However, since what I am planning to delineate in this research project is theprocess through which the idea of the “tribe” as the natural governing unit for Africans in South Africa was accepted, I will use“tribe” as an historically value-laden term.
11
Native Teachers’ Journal, vol. 29, no.2, Jan. 1950, p.47
812

Following analysis of the essays, I will focus on the essays gathered in 1950 competition.
Dent to Campbell, 3rd Oct. 1950.

13

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their source.

From the fact that the submitters conducted interviews and wrote their histories themselves, it is tempting
to conclude that the act of writing history themselves functioned to destroy hierarchical binary between
white authors/researchers and African/native informants. However, I have to deny the possibility. The
essays were used to supplement the Zulu image presented by white authors, especially A. T. Bryant’s
Olden Times in Zululand and Natal. Malcolm judged the value of essays by clarifying how much new
information each essay provide to the existent literature. Malcolm collated the contents of the essays withthe authoritative text; he commented on each essay by writing, for example, “see Bryant 415.”(Malcolm’s handwritten comment on the essay of T.W.S. Mthembu “Abakwa Shezi (the Shezi Tribe)”)14
The allover effect of the competition was to give the impression that Zulu speaking people was neatly
divided by the tribes and the governance by the chiefs had the legitimate tradition. Malcolm utilized theessays by publicizing them; the Natal Native Teachers Journal reprinted one of the prize-winning essays.
South African Broadcast Zulu radio section not only announced the result of the competition but also hada program of reading of the first prize essay.

4.3 Analysis on individual essays
The analysis of individual essays shed a different light on the conclusion of the above section.
On the one hand, correspondence between submitters and Malcolm showed how interest in tribal histories
spread in detailed ways. On the other hand, reading essays in close-up reveals that in some essays, thewriters’ position affected the narrative of the essays. I will give two essays as examples.

4.3.1 “The Mathenjwa Tribe” by A.P. Myeni

From the correspondence between Myeni, the first prize winner, and Malcolm, we can see they shared thepassion to preserve tribal histories.15
As a serious student, Myeni asked Malcolm what he should include in the essay and tried to achieve thesuggestion of Malcolm that he should write, in one essay, the history of one tribe as detailed as possible inmany aspects. The result was the essay of 37 typescript pages, history of the Mathenjwa tribe focusing on
the achievements of chiefs.

14

For the influence of Byrant in Zulu history in general, see John Wright, “A. T. Bryant and ‘The Wars of Shaka,’” History inAfrica 18 (1991): 409–25.
15
Myeni to Malcolm, 31st March 1950.
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As the fact that this essay got the first prize, Myeni provided exactly what Malcolm was looking for;detailed descriptions of the events in the rein of each chief and izibongo of the chiefs.
I assume Myeni wrote this essay, being very much aware that Malcolm, white authority on Zulu history
as the reader. He did not criticize the government directly though he treated incidents in which one of thechiefs was put into the prison. Moreover, Myeni wrote the narrative of Mathenjwa tribe along the timelineof Zulu chiefs, making the narrative easier to understand.
Myeni said advertisement in the Native Teachers Journal piqued his interest in writing an essay. If, as La
Hausse indicates, NTJ was a forum on Zulu history, custom and language16, Myeni’s letter suggests that
articles on the above topics by white liberals and mission educated elites inspired the readers of thejournal themselves to conduct research on Zulu history.

4.3.2. Essays by Simonn S. Mkize
Mkize sent several essays on different tribes. Though he focused on Mkize tribe which he belonged to, healso wrote about other tribes by using his own recollection as the source.
Interestingly, he mentioned passingly that because in Biyela tribe the chief was appointed by the white
government he did not have isibongo. This can be seen as a subtle criticism of the white government
policy in that it peels away the naturalness of indirect rule17.
This brief mention can be seen as an evidence that this essay competition functioned, in a subtle way, tomake it seem obvious and just to govern Africans by an indirect rule of traditional chiefs appointed by thegovernment. By reading tribal histories submitted alongside authoritative texts such as Byrant’s Olden
Times, actually this is what Malcolm, the judge of the competition did in accessing the essays, give theimpression that Africans could be neatly divided into tribes and each tribe had their own unique traditions
and cultures. Therefore, this argument might go on, these traditions must be preserved.

5. Discussion and Conclusion
If I may categorize roughly, there are two views on the situation of using history in the first half of thetwentieth century in KwaZulu Natal. On strand sees the history as the site of resistance. For example,
Bhekizizwe Peterson argued that by writing historical novels and poems from the 1920s, “the African
elite started to foreground culturalist forms of resistance.”18The other strand argues that interest in history
was deeply connected to the administration which used “tradition” as a way of governance. For Marks,
16

Paul La Hausse de Lalouviere, Restless Identities: Sigatures of Nationalism, Zulu Ethnicity and History in the Lives of Petros
Lamula(c. 1881-1948) and Lyomn Maling(1889-c.1936) (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 2000), 99.
17
In some essays, criticism against white government is more direct. However, those essays were not highly valued by Malcolm(e.g. Mabata’s essay on Mabatha tribe).
18
Bhekizizwe Peterson, “Black Writers and the Historical Novel: 1907-1948,” in The Cambridge History of South African
Literature, ed. David Attwell and Derek Attridge, African Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 291–307.
9

Africans who participated Zulu Society, offspring of Natal Native Teachers Union aiming to preserve
pure Zulu language and culture, shared their interests in Zulu history and culture with white officials.
Their collaboration established Zulu ethnic consciousness, “which hampered radical vision.”19
Essays I examined suggests that the vision of Zulu Society and white liberal officials were more
influential and widely held among Zulu people. However, since the essays I have used in this research areones submitted to the competition whose connection to the Department of Native Education was so
obvious, this conclusion may be a hasty one. So, I have to end this report with questions.
5.1. Assuming that my tentative conclusion that the version of historical narrative which is congenial tothe vision of Zulu conservatives and white liberals has some historical reality, is it possible to say that therule of using tribal tradition had captured the minds of Zulu people? Should we assume those tribal
histories submitted to Killie Campbell and Malcolm as examples of the discourse of the powerless people
stipulated by James C. Scott?20
5.2. The other question I might pursue further is: what distinguishes the kinds of uses of history? While
Zulu conservatives in the 1920s and 30s and most of the essay writers I have examined used history topreserve their tradition, radicals including playwright H.I.E Dhlomo and later Anton Lembede relayed on
history to criticize the present administration and instigate people to fight against the regime. What is thedifference between them?
These questions will give more importance to my research I have conducted so far.
5.3. This conclusion might seem irrelevant to SDGs. I have to admit that pursuing my study would not
improve any of the indicators of Goal 4, which is about inclusive education. Moreover, as I was trained to
become a historian, I am a little hesitant about saying direct applicability of my research to present
situation. However, I would like to conclude this paper by presenting one suggestion my analysis of thetribal history competitions offers on SDGs. This study offers insights to question and discuss the goals
itself. Examining the history of education in colonial condition offers the mirror to reconsider the goals of
education itself. The agenda set at the time the essays were written, was starkly different and quaint:
revealing tribal histories. However, the aim of collecting and preserving tribal histories was questioned
neither by the judge nor contributors. By examining how this goal was neutralized and widely shared, andeventually rejected will ultimately contribute to the discussion on how to decide the goal of education.
Goal 4 of SDGs present several indicators in measuring the achievement of education. However, as withother indicators set by authoritative institutions, it is quite hard to reveal the background theory and theprocess by which the specific indicators have been decided. As Sally Engle Merry points out that thequantified indicators neutralize and give an objective appearance to the goals. Therefore, we have to trace
the genealogies of indicators.21 This point assumes further importance in SDGs because, in addition toenrolment rate which MDGs focused, the quality of the education is now one of the targets. Not only
19

Shula Marks, “Patriotism, Patriarchy and Purity: Natal and the Politics of Zulu Ethnic Consciousness,” in The Creation of
Tribalism in Southern Africa, ed. Leroy Vail (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 234.
20
Scott James C., Domination and the arts of resistance: hidden transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).
21

Merry Sally Engle, The seductions of quantification: measuring human rights, gender violence, and sex
trafficking (University of Chicago Press, 2016).
10

blindly following the goals such as the number of computers in one school,22 we need to discuss the
background theory and examine whether the specific indicators actually captures what we want toachieve. In this point, my research contributes to the SDGs in that this research offers detailed analysis on
the process by which the specific goals were set and neutralized and then rejected as disguises of the
racial oppression or appropriated in a different form. As a result, we might be able to realize that goals
stipulated by powerful institutions can be questioned and we can envision goals by ourselves.

22

I am not saying that the increasing the number of computers is not important.
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III Reflection to GLTP
1. My motivation to participate in the GLTP
I applied for this program just thinking that this is another grant which supports my research in South
Africa. To my surprise, GLTP is really training program: Staffs of this program teach me how to develop
a research plan. On each biweekly report I send to report my progress in the research, Dr. Natsuko Imaikindly commented. I am grateful for their efforts for I have an opportunity to check the progress of myresearch and reconsider the plan.

2. Field experiences
Assuming that the archives I used can be seen as a “field,” I will write about my experiences in thearchives in South Africa. Sometime they are organized efficiently and staffs are experts on the field. I canfind the materials in the files or boxes where they should be. I have to say that in some places, materials
are lost and cannot be found or put in different files or boxes. But overall, archival research in South
Africa first hand gave me a great opportunity to acquire valuable first hand data.
3. Challenges
I have to struggle hard to catch up historiography of South African history, especially the history of
KwaZulu Natal. Writing a historiographical essay is one of the things Prof. Breckenridge suggested I
should do. Since history is one of the underdeveloped fields in African studies in Japan and sometimes it
is hard to get even indispensable books in Japan, staying in South Africa and being able to use the libraryof Wits University is a dreamlike opportunity for me.
4. How do I make use of this experience to my future career development
During my stay in South Africa, I have accumulated so many valuable materials. This I will use to write
scholarly articles and my dissertation. Beside narrowly academic development, I think it was a wonderfulexperience to live in the place where diverse cultures exist in congenial (I should admit sometimes not acongenial way) as a referential point by which I see Japan.

5. Encouragement to other students
I am a little bit hesitant to claim that my experience in South Africa is in some way valuable as areference to future recipients of GLTP. It is so obvious that this program assumes natural as well as social
scientists in a broader way but not humanists. This program, however, is capacious enough to support myresearch. And this program is definitely a good experience in that it offers not only financial support but
also opportunity to work with experienced researchers. Writing the research proposal, and biweekly
reports checking the progress to them are not an easy task but surely fruitful experience.
Acknowledgment
I would like to thank all the people who kindly supported my research in South Africa. They are too many
to mention in this short report but I would be ungrateful if I did not say thank you to: Prof. Kitagawa
Katsuhiko as always; the professors and staffs of GLTP, UNU who gave me wonderful opportunity to
study in South Africa and always encouraged my research; Prof. Bill Freund and Mrs. Bobby Eldridge,
staffs of Inanda Seminary, all the archivists of the archives where I researched and all the librarians of thelibraries I used. I can not be more grateful to the community of WiSER, especially Prof. Keith
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Breckenridge, who always gave me wonderful advice. Prof. Natasha Erlank and Thembisa Waetjen of UJ.
And of course Mbali, my isiZulu teacher. Thanks.

Picture 2 Historical Papers Research Archive, University of the Witwatersrand13

Picture 3 Seminar on African Philosophy by Prof. Hlonipa Mokoena

Picture 4 Mr. Senzo Mkhizi, Senior Library Officer at Campbell Collections, introduced me its archives.

References
Hamilton, Carolyn. Terrific Majesty: The Powers of Shaka Zulu and the Limits of Historical Invetion.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998.
Hobsbawm, E. J., and T. O. Ranger, eds. The Invention of Tradition. Past and Present Publications.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
La Hausse de Lalouviere, Paul. Restless Identities: Sigatures of Nationalism, Zulu Ethnicity and History
in the Lives of Petros Lamula(c. 1881-1948) and Lyomn Maling(1889-c.1936). Pietermaritzburg:
University of Natal Press, 2000.
Magaziner, Daniel R. The Art of Life in South Africa. New African Histories. Athens, Ohio: Ohio
University Press, 2016.
Mamdani, Mahmood. Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996.
14

Marks, Shula. “Patriotism, Patriarchy and Purity: Natal and the Politics of Zulu Ethnic Consciousness.” In
The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, edited by Leroy Vail. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1989.
Merry Sally Engle. The seductions of quantification: measuring human rights, gender violence, and sex
trafficking. University of Chicago Press, 2016.
Peterson, Bhekizizwe. “Black Writers and the Historical Novel: 1907-1948.” In The Cambridge Historyof South African Literature, edited by David Attwell and Derek Attridge, African Edition., 291–307.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
Peterson, Derek R. Ethnic Patriotism and the East African Revival: A History of Dissent, c. 1935-1972 /Derek R. Peterson, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor., 2013.
Scott James C. Domination and the arts of resistance: hidden transcripts. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1990.
Wright, John. “A. T. Bryant and ‘The Wars of Shaka.’” History in Africa 18 (1991): 409–25.

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