名古屋外国語大学論集

第6号

2020年2月

Research Note

Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switchingof Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers andStudent Feedback on the ResultsPeter LYONSThis paper initially defines code-switching and more specifically insertional
code-switching before describing a study carried out with a small foreign community in Japan that realizes the linguistic behavior and its motivating factors.
Following this, university students are asked to provide attitudinal responses tothe results of the research.

1. Introduction
In the early nineties a number of educational reforms were implemented
by MEXT (Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science andTechnology). For the first time in a post-war Japan, English became a compulsory subject for both junior high and senior high school students, and a focus oncommunicating in English rather than solely grammar-based study came into
effect (Kubota, 2002). Also, private eikaiwa schools which specialize in small
group foreign language instruction where students “attend to supplement theirschool studies, to study a second language, to improve their business skills, asa hobby, to help socialize, or to prepare for travel or marriage” (Ninnes 2004,
p. 118) were as of 2004, a 670 billion yen worth industry (Otake, 2004). In
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affluent Japan, these factors lead to an increase in the demand for L1 Englishspeakers who could not only teach English but also provide understanding of the“linear logic” that differed from the Japanese “circular logic”, as well as offer“cross-cultural understanding” that fostered a more globalized view (Kubota,
2002, p. 18).
As higher numbers of L1 English-speakers came to Japan armed with their
university degrees (not necessarily having any relation to language or education),a gaijin (foreigner, usually referring to an English-speaker Caucasian (Befu,
2001)) community has developed where short-term and long-term residents
interact both socially and professionally. Naturally, these individuals alsointeract with L1 Japanese-speakers including their students in part to understandtheir unfamiliar surroundings. As De Mente (2004, p. 13) states “the best andfastest way to an understanding of the emotional and traditional side of Japanese
attitudes and behavior” is through the code words that have no direct translation into the English language. Phrases such as otsukaresama deshita (used toshow appreciation for someone’s hard work at the end of the working day) may
permeate the L1 use of the L1 English-speaker in Japan showing evidence ofcode-switching.

2. Literature Review
2.1 Defining Code-switching
Reading Matras (2009, p. 101) who defines code switching as “the term thatis normally applied to the alternation of languages within a conversation”
seems to be a simple concept. However, in the field there appears to be a lackof agreement in terms of defining code switching. I considered the fact thatfrom my own experiences of living in Japan that ‘code mixing’ may be a better
expression to use as these were single-word or short phrase insertions that werebeing used within English spoken discourse. Indeed, as Myers-Scotton (2006)
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Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switching of Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers and Student Feedback on the Results ■highlights, many researchers believe that these single words are in fact a type ofborrowing different from established borrowings and not classic code switching. The examples given by Myers-Scotton (2006, p. 254) analyzing temporary
borrowings into Swahili from English that have equally applicable words in therecipient language, to some extent prove “there is every reason to consider the
English words as instances of code switching.”
However, due to the academic prevalence of the use of the term ‘code switching’ within the field, and also similarly to Matras, due to the “lack of generalconsensus” (2009, p101), I will use the term ‘insertional code switching’ to referto the “insertion of a word or phrase into an utterance or sentence” (Matras, 2009,p. 101). Myers-Scotton’s Matrix Language-Frame sees the matrix language,
which in the case of this research will be English having Japanese inserted as
the embedded language. The framework will benefit this research as it is solely
concerned with L1 speakers of English who are using Japanese sporadically or
as Poplack (1980) calls these words nonce borrowings as in words that are notestablished borrowings in the matrix language.
I am also aware that ‘borrowing’, as it could occur between two monolinguals
does not necessarily mean ‘code switching’ as this is a bilingual/multilingual
practice. I will however use the verb ‘to borrow’ and the noun ‘a borrowing’
when referring to Japanese words that are being used when the matrix language
is English. That is to say, L1 speakers of English in Japan who have Japaneseability ‘borrow’ words and expressions when they are engaged in code switching.
2.2 Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-switching
Gap
De Mente has written a book called Japan’s Cultural Code Words (2004) thattakes 233 key terms that explain untranslatable Japanese concepts and ideas,
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that need up to a full page of English explanation for the non-Japanese speaker
to be able to understand. However, residents in Japan may have contact withmany of these expressions and use them due to the gap in the recipient language.
Matras (2009, p. 150) remarks that “speakers attempt to avail themselves of theirfull inventory of linguistic resources.” The incredibly complex sociolinguisticfeatures of the Japanese language have numerous examples, and some of thesewill be seen in the results section of this paper. Matras refers to these as culturalloans (2009) that do not necessarily represent a gap in the recipient language but
refer to a cultural aspect that is so profoundly tied to the donor language, that it
is not a question of whether one language is better equipped than the other, butthat it is essentially different.
Prestige
Prestige borrowings often have equivalents in the recipient language yet due tothe “socially more powerful, dominant community” (Matras, 2009, p. 150) from
where the linguistic matter comes from the borrowing is preferred. Therefore,
it is not that the borrowing is being used out of necessity due to a gap in therecipient language but that the borrowing is preferred whether this be to show
sophistication for example, or other conversational affects.
Myers-Scotton also mentions in regards to prestige, the concept of reverse
core borrowing (2006) where the speaker chooses a language from the lessprestigious language. Myers-Scotton gives the example of English-speaking
expatriates living in China. Two reasons are outlined here, firstly that the use of
these borrowings “adds a dimension to the persona” in that the speaker seems
more connected to the local culture. The second reason Myers-Scotton givesis that words from a different culture “smack of the exotic” and have a “magic
quality.” (2006, p. 217).

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Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switching of Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers and Student Feedback on the Results ■3. Investigative Aims
The initial investigation aims to establish the practice of insertional codeswitching by speakers of English who are long term residents in Japan andestablish the motivating factors. Following this, the investigation seeks to gauge
student feedback following exposure to the results.

4. Context of Initial Study
This section seeks to outline the existence and extent of a foreign L1 English
speaking community in Toyohashi, Japan. It is necessary to establish the existence of this community before studying its behaviour in relation to insertional
code-switching.
The L1 English Speaking Community in Toyohashi, Japan(Reference: Toyohashi City Official Website translated from Japanese as ofJuly 31st 2017)
Toyohashi is located on the south coast of Japan roughly half way between
Tokyo and Osaka. The city has a population of 377,000 according to the city’s
official website with a foreign-born population of 15,273. The city has a large
South American population due to past migration to Brazil and Peru from Japanand the establishing of the nikkeijin community (Japanese descendants born andraised outside of Japan) who began to return to Japan in the late 1980s (Tsuda,1997) who make up the slight majority of this number (6725 Brazil, 692 Peru).
Aware that nationality does not necessarily reflect the L1 of the speaker, in thata Canadian’s first language may very well be French and a Brit’s first language
could be Bengali, the figures from the city’s official website however do givesome indication if we look at nations where the national language is, or at least
includes English.
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Nationality
Australia
CanadaKenya
New ZealandSingapore
South Africa
The U.KThe U.S.A
Total

Number of citizens
18
14
1
6
1
1
29
63
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Another way the figures are possibly flawed is due to the fact that the citizens of
Toyohashi are of course free to travel to neighbouring cities for work or pleasure;
however I do feel the numbers reflect a significant group in excess of a hundredwith which to continue the study.

5. Methodology
5.1 Teacher Participants
The questionnaire was administered to 20 teachers of English who have lived
in Japan for two or more years in total, and are currently resident in Toyohashi,
Japan. All of the participants work in the public school system, teach at auniversity or teach at a private language school. They all identify themselves asnative-English speakers.
5.2 Student Participants
27 second-year French majors studying English at Nagoya University of Foreign
Studies were asked to provide feedback on the results of the study.
5.3 The Teacher Questionnaire
The written questionnaire was created based upon the theoretical context seeking
to find evidence and motivating factors of insertional code-switching among
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Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switching of Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers and Student Feedback on the Results ■the research subjects. I wanted to be able to create a questionnaire that would
yield the rich data (Dornyei, 2003) that qualitative research could not; therefore,
I used the Likert Scale to first establish its prevalence. I did however want tofind specific examples in order to provide further evidence of insertional codeswitching and the motivation for its use. I also sought to find trends to see if L1
speakers of English in Japan were using the same words and phrases perhaps
with similar motivating factors. I had the participants label these examples withthe following based upon the earlier discussed theoretical context.
GAP

PRESTIGE

I use Japanese language while speaking English toother L1 speakers because there is a gap in the English
language i.e I cannot find an English equivalent.
I use Japanese language while speaking English to otherL1 speakers because I prefer the Japanese word eventhough there is an English equivalent.

I also wanted to make sure the subjects avoided any “fatigue effect” (Dornyei,
2003, p. 14) by making it long enough to be of value but easy enough to avoid
the negative influences of tedium therefore, I limited the maximum number ofexamples to just five, with twenty participants and five examples from each. This
would give me an easy figure to work with (100) to provide quantitative data.
The questionnaire was sent by individual email to the participants in a Microsoft
Word document which was then edited and returned via email. The participants
were assured that their contributions would be used anonymously with pseudonyms given, and would only be accessed by the researcher and only for the
purposes of this paper.
5.4 The Student Feedback
Students were asked to give feedback through writing within a 15-minute periodof class after a presentation on L1 English-speakers insertionally code-switching177

with Japanese. The students were asked to provide their reflections freely on
the practice of insertional code-switching to encourage free thought and giveunbiased, anonymous feedback.

6. Results
6.1 Quantitative Results Plus Additional Comments
Nationality, L1, Length of Time in Japan and Japanese Proficiency of ParticipantsNationality
USA (8)U.K (5)Australia (4)Canada (2)New Zealand (1)L1

CEFR Scale

English (20)B1 (5)
B2 (9)
C1 (6)

Length of Time inJapan Average
13.8 years

The participants all identified themselves to be from one of Kachru’s inner circle(Kachru, 1992) of world Englishes, and the number of North Americans doesreflect to some extent the predominance in terms of population that the area has
both globally and locally in terms of L1 English speakers in Toyohashi. Also,
all 20 of the participants recognize their first language to be English.
The participants had been in Japan for a mean average of 13.8 years, the shortest
period of stay being 3 years and the longest being 31 years. Therefore, they haveall been exposed to the Japanese language for considerable amounts of time.
In fact, using the CEFR scale which the participants are familiar with due totheir professions, they all rated themselves between the rankings of B1 to C1 inreference to their Japanese ability.
Use of L1 by L1 English Speakers in Toyohashi
18 out of the 20 participants use English with other L1 speakers of the language
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Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switching of Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers and Student Feedback on the Results ■at work, all do socially and also every participant believed Toyohashi to havean L1 English ‘community.’ However, only 3 of the 20 converse in L1 at homeas most cohabit or are indeed married to Japanese citizens, others live alone.
How often do you use Japanese or words that are derivative of Japanese when
speaking with other L1 speakers of English?
Often 12

Occasionally 6

Seldom 2

Never 0

The above shows strong evidence of code switching with 18 out of the 20 at leastoccasionally using Japanese with their L1.
Gap and Prestige
The following sections of results will seek to establish the motivating factors
for the practice.
I use Japanese language while speaking English to other L1 speakers because
there is a gap in the English language i.e I cannot find an English equivalent.
12

4

4

0

Strongly agree

Somewhatagree

SomewhatdisagreeStrongly
disagree

The above result is a strong indication that Matras’ “cultural loans” (2009) arein effect. Participant DD commented that “in some situations only Japanese
will suffice.” Also, Participant SS stated that “the Japanese word is connectedto the Japanese concept, it is untranslatable into English as it’s tied to Japaneseculture.”I use Japanese words or phrases while speaking English to other L1 speakers
because I prefer the Japanese word even though there is an English equivalent.
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10

5

4

1

Strongly agree

Somewhatagree

SomewhatdisagreeStrongly
DisagreeWith 15 out of 20 at least occasionally preferring Japanese over English, we
can see evidence of Matras’ concept of “prestige” (2009, p. 150). Interesting
input in regards to the additional comments on this section were provided by anumber of participants. Participant SH spoke of the Japanese being “richer andmore meaningful” than the English equivalent which draws parallels with MyerScotton’s idea of the “magic quality” (2006, p. 217) that exists in the reverse-coreborrowing of language. Motivation for choosing from the donor language was
explained by Participant MB to be “caused by economy, the Japanese is justeasier to say than the long-winded English version.” This was also touched uponby Participant NM who mentioned that “the Japanese is shorter and sweeter.” A
further interesting factor suggested by two of the participants was that the lexical differences between L1s led them to use the Japanese as a “lingua-franca.”
Participant MC (British national) commented that “I don’t want to be using
American English words like ‘garbage’ to make myself understood to American
friends because it doesn’t feel right, but they might not get the British English‘rubbish’ so I’ll go with the Japanese ‘gomi.” Participant DD (Canadian) alsomentioned a “cultural minefield” where sometimes the Japanese is “the safer
option” that avoids “annoying anyone with word choice.”
6.2 Examples and their Selection – Gap and Prestige (see Appendix A)
All 20 of the participants offered 5 examples of borrowings from the Japanese
language. They had been asked to categorize into GAP and PRESTIGE as
described in the earlier section (see statements in italics). 64 of the 100 examples
were thought to be motivated by a gap in the English language and 36 were seen
to be caused by the Japanese being preferred.

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Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switching of Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers and Student Feedback on the Results ■Mixed Research Results: Examples from Participants
Adjectives as Exclamations
There is plenty of research suggesting that nouns are the most common form ofinsertional code switching (McClure, 1977). However the examples given by
the participants lead one to believe that adjectives used as single exclamations
are the most common grouping. In English it would be rather odd to exclaim
loudly “painful!” upon hurting oneself, or “hot!” when sweating on a summer’sday. However this is perfectly normal in Japanese and 36 of the examples given
were of this form.
Japanese

English Translation*

Number of Examples

Natsukashi

Nostalgic

12

Mendokusai

Annoying/Pain in the ass

10

Atsui

Hot

6

Itai

Ouch

2

Samui

Cold

2

Yopparai

Drunk

2

Umai

Yummy

2

* Translation by the researcher (Peter Lyons)
These single word exclamations that are all adjectives were seen to be “advantageous in their simplicity” (Participant DT) and while many of them could be
expressed through an English alternative, there does seem to be a gap due to theunfamiliarity of English with this concept. Indeed, Participant VW mentionedthat the top example here of “natsukashi” could be explained as “something
reminds me of something else” but that “just doesn’t cut it.”Japanese Concepts – Cultural Loans
The second largest grouping of words or phrases was that of untranslatablecultural loans (Matras 2009). The following are the three most commonly given
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examples by the participants, and each requires an individual explanation. A totalof 30 out of the 100 examples given fall into this category.
Otsukare-sama desu (12 examples)
This expression as opposed to being a single word, can be loosely and confusingly translated to “you are a tired person.” It is generally used in the work place
and reflects appreciation for a co-workers’ effort or toil. It can be used as a greeting or in the past tense at the end of a hard day’s work. Participant IM states that
“I like it, because it says something I can’t say in English, and it sounds cool.”
Genki (6 examples)
This word is both a noun and an adjective, and literally means energetic, lively
or healthy, perhaps “full of beans” would be a good idiomatic translation. It is
often used to enquire about a person’s well being similarly to “how are you?”but as an interrogative question – are you genki? Participant SH comments that“once you’ve seen a Japanese person being genki, it’s indescribable without
using that word.”
Yoroshiku onegaishimasu (4 examples)
Participant TH describes this as a “future thank you” expressing gratitude forsomething that is going to be done before it actually takes place. It also is used
upon greeting and can be literally translated in another way as meaning “pleaseconsider me favourably” which is a cumbersome and unnatural expression.
Monetary Terms used for Convenience
10 of the 20 participants mentioned that they will use Japanese to refer to prices
in Japanese yen when conversing with L1 English speakers in Japan. Participant
CC stated that he found it easier to say “ichi-man-en” as opposed to ‘ten thousand
yen.’ Japanese has a counter for tens of thousands which is man, a shorter and182

Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switching of Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers and Student Feedback on the Results ■convenient way of communicating the same message.
6.3 Student Responses to the Research (see Appendix B)
Student written responses are generally unfavourable to the practice of L1
English-speakers inserting Japanese into their everyday English especiallywithin the classroom by the teacher.
Students highlight how the practice is aligned with the situation in its appropriacy. In more formal situations or with monolingual speakers of English thepractice could at best lead to confusion, and at worst, annoyance. Student C isable to give an example from their own family to emphasize this.
While some students see the practice as being fun (Student D) and convenientwhen abbreviating longer English terms (Student F), the majority of students did
not want their teacher to insertionally code-switch in the classroom again due tothe formality of the situation, and also because of not wanting to be exposed toa pseudo-English differing from the standard L1 of the instructor.

7. Conclusion
In regards to there being a ‘gap’ in English that L1 speakers of the language
are filling with Japanese due to the deficiency in the matrix language, there isstrong evidence indicated by this research. These cultural loans (De Mente, 2004,
Matras 2009) are describing the indescribable or at least the difficult to describe.
The wording of the term ‘prestige’ was perhaps unfortunate as Participants PM
and DD both mentioned that the ‘superiority’ (PM) suggests an ‘arrogance’ (DD)of the long-term resident in Japan “showing off” (DD) their L2 knowledge. The“socially more powerful, dominant community” (Matras, 2009, p150) if seen as
being local to Japan and therefore the Japanese language, may very well be more183

prestigious but seen in the global context the ambiguity of prestige makes theterm seem inept. Participants often preferred the Japanese because of its convenience/economy as opposed to seeing it to be better than the English alternative,
as seen with the use of Japanese for monetary terms. Also, of interest was where
Japanese was being used as a lingua-franca working between Englishes such as
British and American.
The short, predominantly single word and occasional short phrase code switchingoccurring in the L1 English speaking community is evident of insertional code
switching. Its motivations have been investigated by this research with mixed
results, yet its existence cannot be denied and further investigation would be
beneficial to highlight the morphology of English when exposed to anotherlanguage.
The post-research study with university students while extremely limited, also
calls for further study to investigate the pedagogical consequence of insertional
code-switching by teachers. The largely negative feedback could equate withthe practice being avoided by the teacher. However, in my classroom, I hopea deeper understanding of this bilingual behavior will help students have astronger grasp of their linguistical ability and see languages as being fluid andnon-prescribed.

References
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Befu, Harumi (2001). Hegemony of Homogeneity: An Anthropological Analysis of Nihonjinron.
Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press.
Blommaert, J. (2010). Sociolinguistics of Globalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
De Mente, B.L. (2004). Japan’s Cultural Code Words. Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing.
Dornyei, Z. (2003). Attitudes, Orientations and Motivations in Language Learning Language Learning
Research Club. Routledge.

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Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switching of Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers and Student Feedback on the Results ■Kachru, B. (1992). The Other Tongue: English Across Cultures. Illinois: University of Illinois Press.
Kubota, R. (2002). The Impact of Globalization on Language Teaching in Japan in Globalization andLanguage Teaching Block, D. & Cameron, D. (eds). Routledge p.13–37.
Lie, J. (2001). Multi-Ethnic Japan. Harvard: Harvard University Press.
Matras, Y. (2009). Language Contact. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
McClure, E. F. (1977). Aspects of Code-Switching in the Discourse of Bilingual Mexican-American
Children. Technical Report No. 44.
Myers-Scotton, C. (2001). The matrix language frame model: Development and responses. Trends in
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Myers-Scotton, C. (2006). Multiple Voices – An Introduction to Bilingualism. New Jersey: Blackwell
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Otake, Tomoko (June 4, 2004). “Insatiable thirst for English boosts language schools”. The Japan
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Toyohashi City Official Website, List of Foreign Population (translated from Japanese July 2017)Retrieved from: http://www.city.toyohashi.lg.jp/14960.htm

Appendix A – Selected L1 English-speaker Responses
Participant DD
In some situations only Japanese will suffice.
There is a cultural minefield where sometimes the Japanese is the safer optionthat avoids annoying anyone with word choice.
I have an occasional tendency to use Japanese English but only when JapaneseEnglish has an abbreviation that is more convenient such as ‘combini’ forconvenience store’ that ‘just rolls off the tongue better.
‘Prestige’ implies arrogance, I know what you mean though, I’ve heard wankers

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showing off when they use it (Japanese in L1 English conversation.
Participant SS
In Japan, often the Japanese word is connected to the Japanese concept, it isuntranslatable into English as it’s tied to Japanese culture.
Participant SH
Japanese is just richer and more meaningful in many ways.
Once you’ve seen a Japanese person being ‘genki’ it’s indescribable without
using that word.
Participant MB
It’s caused by economy, the Japanese is just easier to say than the long-winded
English version.
Participant NM
The Japanese is shorter and sweeter.
Participant MC
I don’t want to be using American English words like ‘garbage’ to make myself
understood to American friends because it doesn’t feel right, but they might not
get the British English ‘rubbish’ so I’ll go with the Japanese ‘gomi.’

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Motivating Factors for Insertional Code-Switching of Japanese into English by L1 English-Speakers and Student Feedback on the Results ■Participant DT
The day I can’t decipher between Japanese English and English is the day I needto go back to Canada.
Single word adjective exclamations are advantageous in their simplicity.
Participant VW‘Natsukashi’ could be explained as something reminds me of something else butthat just doesn’t cut it.
Participant IM
I like it, (Japanese) because it says something I can’t say in English, and it
sounds cool.
Participant TH‘Yoroshiku’ kind of means a future thank you.
Participant CC
It’s a hell of a lot easier to say ‘ichi-man-en’ instead of ten thousand yen.
Participant PM
I’d be careful with the word ‘prestige’ as it suggests superiority.

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Appendix B– Selected Student Responses
Code-switching is not OK in formal situations. – Student A
Code-switching is OK for bilingual situation, but not when person doesn’t speak
native language. – Student B
I don’t think code-switching is suitable when talking to someone who doesn’t
speak the two languages. My dad often code-switches when he goes back to the
U.S and talks to his parents. – Student C
I think it (code-switching) is fun and easy. I mix languages with my French buddy
all the times. We speak French, English and Japanese. – Student D
I think code-switching is annoying, I don’t want people to do it thinking it’s cool,because it’s not. – Student E
I think to make words shorter like ‘conbini’ makes sense but others not. – Student
F
I want to learn native English not strange English. – Student G
If teacher code-switches I get confused. – Student H
Teacher shouldn’t code-switch in class because it is formal situation. – Student I

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