Analysis of Indigenous Knowledge in Swaziland:
Implications for Sustainable Agricultural
Development

Musa A. Dube
Patricia J. Musi

ATPS Working Paper Series No. 34

Published by the African Technology Policy Studies Network, P.O. Box 10081, 00100 General Post
Office, Nairobi, Kenya© 2002 African Technology Policy Studies Network (ATPS)

ISBN: 9966-916-89-X

Executive Summary
The search for sustainable solutions to the development and technology problems that continue toconfront developing countries has led to renewed interest in the potential contribution of Indigenous
Knowledge (IK) to research and development activities. This has been defined as a systematic body ofknowledge acquired by local people through accumulation of experiences, informal experiments andintimate understanding of the environment in a given culture (Rajasakeran, Martin and Warren, 1992).
It is unique to a particular group, and local people such as farmers, who are custodians. The potential
use of it in agriculture is widely acknowledged, but lack of documentation on indigenous knowledge
systems poses problems for researchers, policy makers and rural development practitioners.
The overall objective of this study was to document IK in Swaziland. The focus is on its application inagricultural practices, natural resource management and livelihood systems. A combination of secondaryand primary data was used for documentation to determine the extent of use, identify constraints, andattitudes, to users, and its role in development.
The study has generated several area-specific reports namely: trees/plants for food, crafts, livestock,
and as human medicine. The study found that the uses varied by agro-climatic conditions. The use oftress and plants for medicinal purposes for humans and livestock and handicraft varied from frequently
used to very frequently used. Indigenous foods were seldom used.
Problems associated with knowledge, attitudes and availability were identified as constraints in theuse. Specifically, lack of knowledge and appropriate technology, shortage of land, attitudes towards
indigenous practices, drought and lack of documentation, were identified as barriers to its practices.
The report concludes with recommendations on how the findings can be translated into action byincorporating IK into development activities.

Table of Contents
Chapter One:
Introduction

1

Chapter Two:
Methodology

6

Chapter Three:Findings

8

Chapter Four:
Conclusions, recommendations and implications

15

References18

Abbreviations and Acronyms
GDP
IK
IKS
MOAC
PRA
RDAP
SNL
TDL

Gross Domestic ProductIndigenous Knowledge
Indigenous Knowledge Systems
Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives
Participatory Rural Appraisal
Rural Development Area Programme
Swazi National Land
Title Deed Land

List of Tables and Figures

List of Tables
Table 1 Trees/plants used for dyeing handicraft
Table 2 Extent of use of IK practices by focus groups

11
12

List of Figures
Figure 1 The conceptual framework of the study

9Chapter One
Introduction
Country background
Agriculture has always been the mainstay of the economy of Swaziland. In 1988/1989, the agricultural
sector accounted for 5.2% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (Economic Planning Office, 1990).
However, a major proportion of this agricultural production was from Title Deed Land (TDL), wherefarming is irrigated and market-oriented. Agricultural production on Swazi National Land (SNL), wheremost of the Swazi nationals reside, would be what Chambers (1989) characterizes as complex, diverse
and risk- prone. The reliance on rainfall has made these households very vulnerable to drought-induced
food and income insecurity (Musi, 1993).
The ultimate goal of governments worldwide is the raising of living standards of the population. The
Government of Swaziland (GOS) sets forth policies and programmes which are pursued in thedevelopment plans. Typically, these development plans run for five years. A review of the development
plans since independence reveal that the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives (MOAC) has been
the main vehicle by which the government hopes to improve the well-being of the majority of the Swazi
rural population1. The projects and programmes of the MOAC target the improvement of the well-beingof the rural population through the improvement of the performance of traditional agriculture on SNL.
The main mechanisms for achieving these goals have revolved around the activities of the Rural
Development Area Programme (RDAP)2. The objectives of the RDAP have been to increase agricultural
production and improve the living standards of rural people, while protecting the natural resources. A
comprehensive review of the RDAP recommended that rural development measures and strategies
should be pragmatic, flexible, cost effective, and encourage community initiative and participation.

1Economic Planning Office, 1990; Government of Swaziland, 2nd, 3rd and 4th National Development Plans.
2Government of Swaziland, 3rd National Development Plan.

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ANALYSIS OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN SWAZILAND: IMPLICATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

Documenting the indigenous knowledge systems (IKSs) of the rural population is one route to recognizing
the initiative of the community.
Literature abounds with examples of how sub-Saharan Africa is increasingly finding it harder to feeditself3. The livelihood of most of the households in this region is mostly dependent on low resource or
subsistence agriculture.
Agricultural research has made great strides in improving commercial and irrigated agriculture, but thishas not been the case with the resource-poor farmers who have to eke out a living on marginal lands.
Chambers (1989) stated that farm families that practice this type of agriculture are unlikely to benefit
from conventional agricultural research, because they often have inadequate resources to purchase
inputs. This has meant non-adoption of the recommendations from agricultural research. He further
explained that the manner in which the recommended technology came into being is the reason behind
this non-adoption. Rather than the transfer-of-technology approach of conventional agricultural research,
Chambers recommends the "farmer first" approach whereby the knowledge, problem identification,
analysis and priorities are done by the farmer as a full participant. In comparing the transfer-of-technology
and the “farmer first” approach, Chambers (1989) states that:
With farmer first, the main objective is not to transfer known technology, but empower farmers to learn,
adapt and do better. Analysis is not by outsiders — scientists, extensionist, or NGO workers — on theirown, but by farmers assisted by outsiders. The primary location for R&D is not the experiment station,
laboratory or greenhouse, necessary though they are for some purposes, but farmers’ field conditions.
What is transferred by outsiders is not precepts but principles, messages but methods, a package ofpractices to be adopted, but a basket of choices from which to select. The menu, in short. is not fixed ortable d’hote, but a la carte and the menu itself is a response to farmers’ needs which are articulated bythem.

3Hunting Technical Services Limited, 1983.

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ATPS WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 34

Conceptual framework
This study is based on the premise that the search for a solution to some of Africa’s development andtechnology problems might be better served by building on a foundation of what people already know
and what they have been practicing since time immemorial. Like in most other developing countries,
the paucity of documented information on IKSs in Swaziland, denies researchers and rural development
practitioners a knowledge base from which to build their activities. A large body of literature on indigenous
knowledge (IK) exists (Warren, 1990). In order for anyone to understand IKS, it is imperative to develop
its generally accepted working definition. It is after establishing the meaning that one can begin toappreciate its importance in rural development, technology improvement and the impact on agriculturaldevelopment. IK is defined as a systematic body of knowledge acquired by local people through theaccumulation of experiences, informal experiments and intimate understanding of the environment in agiven culture (Rajasakeran et al., 1992). Local people such as farmers, both men and women, arebelieved to be the custodians. It is believed to be a dynamic knowledge system, simple but very usefulin providing a framework upon which technical and scientific questions are built. IK localized knowledge
systems which are unique to a particular society or ethnic group, in contrast to the international knowledge
system generated by researchers (Warren, 1990).
Literature review
The potential use of IK in agriculture is widely acknowledged (Parrish, 1994; Dialla, 1994; Tabor andHutchinson, 1994; Slikkerveer, 1993). It was asserted that IK has much to offer for sociological andcultural diversity and resource management and that indigenous people are an integral part of theecosystem they manage4. Therefore, the best guarantee for the survival of nature is the survival ofindigenous ideas. It was also reported that it covers all facets of human life and management of thenatural environment. Furthermore, it is argued that its conceptual framework requires analysis at various
levels and sustainable development requires its application. IK is holistic and culturally bound.

4Special Issue on IK and Development Monitor (1993).

3

ANALYSIS OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN SWAZILAND: IMPLICATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENTIn Burkina Faso, Dialla (1994) conducted a study on the adoption of soil conservation practices. This
study was prompted by repeated failures of efforts to curb soil erosion. This was due to the lack ofinvolvement of local people and the fact that when new soil conservation measures were introduced byextension services, they were not fully utilized, and thus failed. The study was guided by two fundamental
questions which were asked in such a way that a clear distinction between indigenous and newly
introduced techniques could be established. Farmers were asked:(1) Which soil conservation practices they used before receiving assistance from extension
services.
(2) Whether or not extension services proposed any new practices. A total of 120 male heads ofhouseholds were interviewed.
The results of the study revealed that a great majority of the farmers used mostly their indigenous(simple) soil conservation techniques, rather than the newly introduced ones. Dialla ( 1994) concluded
that farmers trust practices that they have used for years and are more likely to adopt techniques which
are perceived to be less risky .It was noted that new techniques require an investment of resources andtime and may not be worth it.
Parrish (1994) reported on indigenous post-harvest knowledge in an Egyptian oasis. A new approachto pest management had been introduced in the western desert of Egypt. As a result of this introduction,
there was free distribution of pesticides in order to encourage their adoption in place of indigenous
practices. However, Parrish reported that some farmers stated that the introduction of these new
pesticides had made pest problems worse and created environmental problems as well.
According to Tabor and Hutchinson (1994), development policy that undermines or contradicts viable
indigenous resource management strategies is unlikely to be sustainable. They further argued thatbasing surveys on indigenous knowledge assures that effort is concentrated on the most valuable
resource types. They concluded that using IK ensures that the most important factors determining
resource value and management practices are captured during the survey. Additionally, they found thatuse of local terminology ensures that the information generated can be easily disseminated.
Kabuye (1993) reported on an indigenous food plants’ programme in Kenya. This programme aimed at
improving diets as well as preserving cultural practices and biodiversity. Also, the programme is believed
to be charged with providing data for use in conservation and development. Kabuye further reported
that the programme involved rural communities first as sources of information on food plants, and later,as promoters of some foods on a larger scale in their communities. The ultimate goal was to encouragecommunities to take a greater interest in the continued use, conservation and propagation of wild
plants. He concluded that the project had a significant contribution to make in improving food security,
the nutritional base and the preservation of cultural and indigenous knowledge.

4

ATPS WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 34

Research problem
In Swaziland, IK has not been systematically documented and thus not well appreciated. The absenceof IK centres has contributed to its neglect. Instead, more discussions are focused on contemporary
scientific knowledge systems and how they have failed to address the agricultural and environmental
concerns of the people. Its neglect has made it difficult to determine and establish the extent to whichpeople use it in their various activities, to insure sustainable agricultural development. It is also difficult
to base research or development of technology on IKSs, since it has not been documented. In thisregard, it becomes imperative to conduct a phased inquiry on these in order to systematically document
IKSs and determine the prospects and constraints for incorporating them in development projects.
Research objectives
The objectives of the study were to:•document the indigenous knowledge of selected men and women in Swaziland, pertaining
to agricultural practices, natural resource management and livelihood systems•
determine the extent of use of these practices•
identify the constraints in using these practices•
determine the attitudes of IK users towards the role of IK in development

5Chapter Two
Methodology
Design of the study
The study was designed to provide descriptive information. Hence, the researchers were able to describe
the IK situation in Swaziland as observed and reported by the users and key informants.
The study included men and women who were using it in their farming activities, members of existinggroups, and involved home economists and agricultural officers of the Extension Division in the Ministryof Agriculture and Cooperatives. The groups were selected and stratified by the ecological zones of
Swaziland.
Instrumentation and data collection
The data collection included three phases. During the first phase, data was gathered through archival
literature, visits to the national museum, and correspondence with IK centres worldwide. Correspondencewith these centres generated a global view of IK.
Following the desk literature search, an interview guide was designed. This interview guide was reviewed
by the researchers, colleagues at the University of Swaziland and home economists, to establish its
validity.
The second phase involved the identification of key informants, including men and women who wereconsidered well versed in IK. These were identified through the assistance of home economists andagricultural extension officers, field supervisors and university teaching staff. An interview schedule
was used to gather information from the key informants. From the preliminary field work, it transpiredthat IK tends to be community specific and this called for an open-ended instrument, hence the decision
to use an interview guide that allows flexible probing and dialogue. Observations of exhibits in agriculturalshows held in the four regions of the country were also a source of important information.
During the third phase, participatory rural appraisal (PRA) methods were used to gather information on
domesticated foods, wild fruits/foods, animal foods, natural resources, use of trees for dyeing, treatmentof livestock and human ailments, other indigenous practices, and barriers to the use of IK to determine
and identify its status in Swaziland.

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ATPS WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 34

The study used mainly qualitative data. Content analysis was used to analyze the data and descriptive
statistics were used to present the data in this study. “Descriptive” coding and interpretations were used
to reflect and describe the responses, because of the nature of the study. The rating scale in somedomains was used to indicate the people’s knowledge of IK.

7

Chapter Three
Findings
Documentation of IK
The data for documentation was qualitative in nature and collected from archival sources, focus groups
and key informants. Initially, the documentation was to cover broad areas which were derived from thereview of the literature. These were agricultural practices, natural resource management and livelihood
systems. Within these three broad areas, the analysis resulted in the development of a conceptual
framework where IK was conceived to be a locally based system revolving around the procurement offood, and exploitation and utilization of natural resources to support a sustainable livelihood system.
Figure 1 shows the evolution of the conceptual framework for the study.. Ultimately, the framework
included the following domains:(1) domesticated foods(2) wild fruits(3) animal foods(4) trees/plants used for dyeing handicraft(5) trees/plants used for livestock(6) trees/plants used for human ailments(7) miscellaneous IK practices

8Literature
ReviewNatural Resources
Management

Agricultural
Practices
Archival Data
Observations

Focus Groups

Key Informants

NaturalResources

Food
RelatedFigure 1: The conceptual framework of the study

9

Miscellaneous

Human

Livestock

Handicraft

Animal Foods

Wild Fruits

Domesticated
Foods

ATPS WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 34

ANALYSIS OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN SWAZILAND: IMPLICATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

Food related IK :(1) Domesticated foods
Issues of preparation, technology availability and changing preferences, dominated the documentation
on food related IK. In all the regions, foods prepared from domesticated crops ranged from legumes(e.g. jugo beans, cowpeas, mung beans), combined with maize in various forms, to domesticated foods
consumed for their medicinal properties. The same food would be called different names depending on
the part of the country.
(2) Wild fruits/foods
Indigenous foods that were not domesticated were eaten mainly as fruit, relish snack, or used to prepare
other foods. Fruits were often described as versatile in that they could be used for several purposes.
The same fruit could be eaten as fresh or dried fruit, combined with maize, brewed as an alcoholic
beverage, or used as relish, a dye for handicraft or for medicinal purposes.
(3) Animal foods
The various indigenous animal foods that were documented were used mainly as relish, i.e, as anaccompaniment for maize porridge.
Natural resources:
Several natural resources were identified as being used in handicraft production and dyeing, and in thetreatment of livestock and human beings.
(1) Trees/plants used for dyeing handicraft
Trees and plants were the main natural resource used for dyeing of handicraft. The parts of the tree/
plant used for obtaining the dyeing material included leaves, bark and roots. A summary of the trees/
plants used for dyeing handicraft is presented in Table 1.
The use of trees and plants for dyeing handicrafts is more prevalent in the Hhohho region. The use of
the tree or plant did not depend on availability. Even where a tree or plant was available, not all thegroups would use it. Use seemed to be more a function of the knowledge that the dye could be obtained
from the tree or plant. In some communities where the trees were not available, the women would travelto the areas where they would obtain the necessary tree to dye their handicraft.
The regional differences in this practice confirm the general belief that more communities in the Hhohho
region have retained a relatively fair amount of their indigenous practices.

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ATPS WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 34

Table 1: Trees/plants used for dyeing handicraft
Swazi Name

Scientific Name

1. Singa/Umgamba
2. Umphendulo
3. Siphafa
4. Umganu
5. Umvangati
6. Umcozi
7. Lusololo
8. Inhlaba
9. Umdlelanyamatane
10. Inhlalamahubhulu

Acacia davyii
Catpurma calpurnia
Ziziphus mucronata
Sclerocarya birre
Pterocarpus angolensis
Syzigium cordatum
Bauhinia galpinii
Aloe spp.
Euclea spp.
Antidisma venosum,
Bridelia micrantha
Rhus spp.
Bidens pilosa
Trichilia emetica
Ilex spp.
Solanum
Tegetes minuta
Diospyros galpinii
Sterculia——
Schotia spp.
Acaci xanthophloa————

11. Inhlangushane
12. Chuchuza
13. Umkhuhlu
14. Libota
15. Umsobo
16. Nukane
17. Lishwaca
18. Umbhaba
19. Shibha
20. Emabele
21. Vovovo
22. Mkhanyakudze
23. Emakotapeni
24. Bhotiruthi
25. Manyatsi
26. Lugwajumbe

Common Name
Red thorn
Wild laburnum
Buffalo thorn
MarulaKiatt
Water berry
Red Bauhinia
Aloe
EucleaTessel berru,
Mitzeerie
Rhus
Black jack
Natal mahogany
African holy———
Lowveld chestnut
Acacia gerradi
Sorghum——
AvacadoBeetroot——(2) Trees/plants used for livestock ailments
Many indigenous trees/plants were identified as useful for livestock. They were used for treatment forailments, breeding purposes and fattening cattle. The trees/plants are used alone, or in combination
with other ingredients. A document on the trees and plants that were used for livestock and the purpose
for which each was used has been compiled.

11

ANALYSIS OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN SWAZILAND: IMPLICATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT(3) Trees/plants used for treating human beings
The trees and plants used for treating human beings were also used either alone or combined withother materials. A document on trees and plants used for treating various human ailments and conditions
is available.Various mixtures were used to promote cattle breeding and IK for diagnosing problems withlivestock was also documented.
Other indigenous practices:
There were various other indigenous practices that were identified and described. Examples, include
the underground maize storage pit that can store maize for more than one season. The few examplesof this indigenous technology that were observed were from only one agro-ecological zone in the country.
Due to the drought , groups have refined traditional irrigation methods to ensure the efficient use ofwater and conservation of moisture. Indigenous techniques for food harvesting, prosessing, and improvingof soil fertility are still practiced in the various communities.
Extent of use of lK practices
In this study, an effort was made to determine the extent to which the identified IK practices were usedin Swaziland. Through the focus groups, key informants and observations, it was evident that the extent
of various practices varied in different groups. In Table 2, information on the extent of use of the practices
by the various groups is presented.
Table 2: Extent of use of IK practices by focus groups
DomainDomesticated foods
Wild fruits/foods
Animal foods
Trees/plants for dyeing
Trees/plants for livestock
Trees/plants for humans

Response
Ranged between rarely to occasionally used
Rarely to frequently used
Occasionally to frequently used
Frequently used
Frequently to very frequently used
Frequently to very frequently used

The extent of use of the different domains varied by agro-climatic conditions. On Table 2, the use oftrees and plants for medicinal purposes for humans and livestock and for dyeing, ranged from frequently
used to very frequently used.
The extent of use of indigenous foods was less frequent. It ranged from being used rarely to occasionallyused, for domesticated foods. Some of the food was no longer available due to changing farming
practices, while others involved a lot of preparation and processing time, and in certain cases the12

ATPS WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 34

cooking time required and the shortage of firewood, meant less use. In a few instances, the preparation
methods had been lost over generations. The foods that were occasionally used tended to be thosethat are consumed mainly for their medicinal and health benefits (e.g. “inshubaba”), while others are
consumed frequently when they are in season, but are not preserved for use when they are not inseason.
The extent of use for wild fruits/foods domain ranged from rarely to frequently used. Environmental
degradation and changing rainfall patterns had led to the disappearance of some trees and others wereno longer bearing as much fruits as in the past. Those that were used frequently (e.g. “maganu”), were
thriving because they were an important seasonal source of income for women. The extent of use ofanimal foods were occasionally to frequently used. The disappearance of the animals and the loss ofthe skills used to harvest or collect the animal foods over generations are responsible for the decline inuse.
The frequent use of trees/plants for dyeing handicrafts was attributed to the need for alternative sourcesof income. The natural resources for handicrafts are declining, but the women were prepared to travel
long distances in search of the trees and plants. Livestock plays an important cultural and economicrole and consequently, the use of trees and plants for livestock and humans ranged fromfrequently to very frequently used. Experts in this IK are sought if the trees/plants are not available in
the area. The affordability and accessibility of IK for use on humans was the reason given for the veryfrequent use of indigenous plants on humans.
Constraints in using selected IK practices
Several barriers to using IK practices were identified. Problems associated with knowledge, attitudes
and availability of resources dominated the constraints that were of major concern in the focus group
discussions and key informant interviews. The following constraints were identified:(1) Lack of knowledge: While some of the farmers would report that they knew about the existence of
the indigenous practices, lack of knowledge would be cited as the reason why the IK would not be usedor practiced. A farmer would, for example, know about the existence of a certain indigenous food, but
because of lack of knowledge about how to prepare it, the food would rarely or never be consumed.
(2) Lack of appropriate technology: Certain indigenous technologies are no longer available and there
are no appropriate substitutes. The grinding stone is the only technology that is suitable for the preparationof some indigenous foods. However, because an increasing number of rural households no longer
have it; those foods are no longer frequently prepared and consumed.
(3) Shortage of land: The decline in consumption of some of the domesticated foods was attributed tothe shortage of farming land. Pressure on the land has led to smaller land holdings per family and thiswas used for maize growing and there was very little land left for growing other indigenous crops suchas legumes. In addition, the indigenous practice of leaving land fallow for one cropping season or more,

13

ANALYSIS OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN SWAZILAND: IMPLICATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

can no longer be practiced, because of the shortage of land.
(4) Attitudes towards indigenous practices: The attitudes of people, particularly the youth, was often
cited as a barrier towards the use of IK. Socialization, the education system, the influence of western
technology and the unavailability of certain crops, has meant limited exposure of the youth to IK.
(5) Drought: The drought spell was blamed for the decrease in the use and consumption of someindigenous crops. The drought has contributed to depletion of the indigenous seeds and farmers are
now using hybrid seeds, some of which are not suitable for the preparation of traditional foods. Certain
species of indigenous trees did not survive the drought, hence they are no longer available to thefarmer for various purposes, as fruits and for medicine.
(6) Lack of documentation: The absence of documentation on IK has made schools and training
institutions to ignore it. Hence, it has been left to the older generation to pass this information on to theyouth through oral education.

14

Chapter Four
Conclusions, Recommendations and Implications

This study was prompted by the need to systematically document IK pertaining to agricultural practices,
natural resource management and livelihood systems, and to determine the extent of use and theconstraints inhibiting the use of these practices. Ultimately, this report should be followed by disseminationof its findings to the users, potential users, policy makers, and any other stakeholders in IK practices in
Swaziland.
From the results of this study, several conclusions and recommendations were made.
Conclusions(1) The interest in documenting IK practices is gradually gaining momentum in other countries
and regions as evidenced by the review of literature and correspondence with IK centresworldwide.
(2) The present generation of adults is aware, and practice it to some extent. However interest in,
and knowledge and value of IK is losing ground. The youth in particular and people in general,need to be made aware of the simplicity, adaptability and sustainability of IK.
(3) Trees or plants as indigenous resources can be used for various purposes as evidenced in thedomains.
(4) There are many IK practices which are still being used in Swaziland as evidenced in thedomain on other indigenous practices. However, the users do not publicize the use of thesepractices due to various reasons.
(5) Indigenous foods are fast disappearing from the Swazi diet. Yet, some indigenous foods have
proven to be more nutritious and safer than western foods and can also serve as medicinal
sources.
(6) There are a number of factors which have been barriers to the use of IK practices by the Swazi
people.
(7) The extent of use of IK indicates its potential as a source of income through commercialization.

15

ANALYSIS OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN SWAZILAND: IMPLICATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

Recommendations(1) Within each domain of IK there is need to develop systematic baseline data for reference inSwaziland.
(2) There is need to further examine the link between the IK system and the western technology.
Once such a link is established, the value and contribution of either type of technology toagricultural development would be better appreciated.
(3) It is recommended that propagation and protection of the valuable trees or plants which canbe used as food sources and for medicinal purposes to both livestock and humans, should be
encouraged.
(4) It is recommended that, for sustainability, effort should be expended to revive some of the
major indigenous practices that Swazis can afford and adapt the practice to the local situation.
(5) It is recommended that another study should be undertaken to determine the opinions of field
supervisors in agriculture and home economists (extension), in order to confirm the views
held by the actual users of IK practices.
(6) Effort should be made to find ways to alleviate and even curtail some of the constraints which
prevent people from using IK in Swaziland.
(7) There is need to find ways to educate the youth about IK systems by incorporating IKS into theschool curriculum. Oral education is not as effective as formal classroom education.
(8) There is need to consider the establishment of an IK centre in which all the systematically
documented information can be kept.
(9) A national workshop to share the findings of this study should be undertaken to disseminate
the results so that all the interest groups can be involved in formulating a plan of action formaking IKSs in agricultural development more visible.
(10) There is a need to conduct further research in order to analyze and determine the chemical
and medicinal ingredients of trees or plants that were said to be used for treating both livestockand humans.
(11) A study should be conducted to determine the acceptability of indigenous foods and theprospects for incorporating indigenous menus into restaurants.
(12) There is a need to initiate and develop legislation which could encourage protection of thoseplant species which can be used for medicinal purposes.
(13) The potential for commercialization of IK calls for protection of rights of the owners.

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ATPS WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 34

Implications
Based on the findings, the conclusions and recommendations of this study, several implications can be
made. First, in order for any country to ensure that IK is utilized most efficiently and productively, it isimperative to establish perceptions of IK users (as well as potential users) and their attitude towards it
in general. Western technologies are gradually replacing IK technologies, yet, a portion of the users
cannot afford to pay for the western technologies. Second, systematically documenting it would be amilestone in creating a sustainable reservoir of information that can be used now and in future decades.
Thirdly, because there are plant species which are used for medicinal purposes, efforts should be
expended to formulate legislation or laws which will protect such species from becoming extinct. Further,
if IK is incorporated into the modern technologies, there is need to protect the ownership rights of theindigenous people. Finally, problems that inhibit its use should be isolated and efforts be made bycommitted governments to provide support to researchers and policy makers, to further research anddevelop strategies to have people use IK.

17

References
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Report. Government of the Kingdom of Swaziland, Swaziland.
Kabuye, C. (1993). “Indigenous Food Plants Programme of Kenya”. Indigenous Knowledge andDevelopment Monitor I (2) p.13.
Musi, P.J. (1993). “Coping with Food and Income Insecurity: The Case of Swazi Households”. PhD
dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Illinois, USA.

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ATPS WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 34

Office of Technology Assessment (1986). Changing Agriculture in Africa: A Role for U.S. Development
Assistance. Congress of the United States, USA.
Parrish, A.M. (1994). “Indigenous Post-Harvest Knowledge in an Egyptian Oasis”. Indigenous Knowledge
and Development Monitor. 2( I ), pp. 2-6.
Rajasekaran, B., Martin, R.A. Arren, D.M. (1992). “A Framework for Incorporating IKSs into Agricultural
Extension Organizations for Sustainable Agricultural Development in India”. Paper Presented at the
9th Annual Conference of the Association for International Agricultural and Extension Education,Arlington,
Virginia, USA.
Rocheleau, D., Wachira, K., Malaret, L. and Wanjohi, B.M. (1989). “Local Knowledge for Agroforestry
and Native Plants”. InFarmer First (R. Chambers, A. Pacey and L.A. Thrupp Eds.), pp. 14-23. Intermediate
Technology Publication, London.
Rhoades, R. I. (1989). “The Role of Farmers in the Creation of Agricultural Technology”. InFarmer First(R. Chambers, A. Pacey and L.A. Thrupp Eds.), pp. 3-8. Intermediate Technology Publications, London.
Slikkerveer, L.J. (1993). “Indigenous Agricultural Knowledge Systems in Kenya, East Africa: Origins,
Development and Prospects”. Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor. 1 (2), pp. 13-14.
Tabor, J.A. and Hutchinson (1994). “Using IK, Remote Sensing and GIS for Sustainable Development”.
Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor. 2(1), pp. 2-6.
Warren, D.M. (1990). “Indigenous Knowledge Systems for Sustainable Agriculture in Africa”. Proceedingsof the International Conference on Sustainable Agriculture in Africa. Ohio State University, Columbus,
Ohio, USA.

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Musa A. Dube and Patricia J. Musi are both lecturers at the Faculty of Agriculture of University ofSwaziland

ATPS Working Paper Series
No.Title Publication

Authors

1

The Effect of Economic Reform on Technological Capability

2

Methodological Issues in Science and Technology Policy Research

4
5
6
8

Rehabiliation in the Manufacturing Sector in Tanzania
Agricultural Policy and Technology in Sierra Leone
Effectiveness of Agricultural Research Extension in Sierra Leone
Generation and Utilization of Industrial Innovation in Nigeria

T. Adeboye
M. S. D. Bafachwa
O. A. Bamiro
T. Adeboye
N. Clark
S. M. Wangwe
C. Squire
A. K. Lakoh
O. Oyeyinka
G. O. A. Laditan
A. O. Esubiyi

9

Irrigation in the Tuli Block, Botswana Water Conservation Techniqes
or Optimal Strategies
Endogenous Technology Capacity and Capability Under Conditionsof Economic Policies of Stabilization and Structural Adjustment
Technology and Female-Owned Business in the Urban Informal
Sector of South-West Nigeria
Technology Innovations Used to Overcome the Problem of Resource
Scarcity in Small Scale Enterprises
Financing of Science and Technology Institutions in Kenya During
Periods of Structural Adjustment
Impact of Economic Liberization on Technologies in Enterprises
Processing Agricultural Produce
Technology and Institutions for Private Small and Medium Firms
Institutiona Reform, Price Deregulation and Technological Change
in Smallholder Agriculture
Adoption of Agricultural Technologies by Rural Women under the
Women-in-Agriculture Program in Nigeria
Electrical Power Utilities and Technological Capacity Building in
Sub-Saharan Africa
Investigation into Factors that Influence the Diffusion and Adoptionof Intentions and Innovations from Research Institutes andUniversities in Kenya
The effects of Economic Reforms on the Quality on the Quality ofTechnological Manpower Development in Nigeria
Issues in Yam Minisett Technology Tranfer to Farmer in Southern
Nigeria

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19

20
21

22
23

Technological Respone to Telecommunication Development: A
Study of Firms and Instituions in Nigeria
Gender Differences in Small Scale Rice Farmers’ Access toTechnological Inputs in Enugu State of Nigeria

I. N. Masonde
S. E. Chambua
R. O. Soetan
C. W. Ngahu
M. Mwamadzingo
P. Madaya
B. Oyeyinka
E. C. Eboh
D. S. Ugwu
Brew-Hammond
Bwisa, H. M. andGachuiH. E. Nnebe
Michael C. Madukwe
Damain Ayichi
Ernest C. Okoli
Adeyinka F. Modupe
David Nwoye Ezeh

24
25
26

27

28
29
30

31

32

33

34.

Adoption of Sustainable Palm Oil Mini-Processing Technology in
Nigeria
Domestic Energy Situation in Nigeria: Technological Implications
and Policy Alternatives
Technological Capability in the Nigerian Leather Industry: A
Firm-Level Case Study

Agricultural Research and Delivery in the South-Eastern Highlandsof Ethiopia: A Case Study of the SG-2000 Approach in Hitosa
District
Impact of Computer Technology Adoption on Banking Operations
in Nigeria
Agricultural Technology Adoption on Small-Holder Farmers: Policy
Policy Options for Nigeria
Donor Funding and Sustainability of Rural Water Supply andSanitation Technologies in Swaziland
Promotion of Production and Utilization of Ceramic Roofing
Materials in the Informal Housing Industry in Sierra Leone
Technology Transfer and Acquisition in the Oil Sector and
Government Policy in Nigeria

Acquisition of Technological Capability in Africa: A Case Studyof Indigenous Building Materials Firms in Nigeria

Analysis of Indigenous Knowledge in Swaziland: Implicationsfor Sustainable Agricultural Development

Nkechi Mbanefoh
Olabisi I. Aina
Uka Enenwe,Enwere dike,
Anthony Ihuoma,
Mike Duru.

G. Yiemene
A. I. Odebiyi
J. O. Olusi
Aja Okorie,
M. Mabuza,
U. Aja-Okorie.
Tamba Jamiru

R.I. Chima
E.A. Owioduoki
R.I. Ogoh
Yomi Oruwari
Margaret Jev
Opuene Owei
Musa A. Dube
Patricia J. MusiABOUT THE AFRICAN TECHNOLOGY POLICY STUDIES NETWORKThe African Technology Policy Studies Network (ATPS) is a multi-disciplinary network of researchers,
policymakers, actors in the private sector and other end users interested in generating, promoting andstrengthening innovative science and technology policies in Africa. With a regional secretariate in Nairobi,
the network operates through national chapters in 17 countries, with an expansion plan to cover theentire sub-Saharan Africa.
One of the objectives of the network is to disseminate research results to policy makers, legislators, theorganized private sector, civil society, mass media and farmers’ groups through ppublications, dialogue
and advocacy. Among its range of publications are the Working Paper Series (WPS), Research Paper
Series (RPS), Special Paper Series (SPS) and the Technopolicy Briefs.
Papers published under the Working Paper Series (WPS) are those produced from the ATPS
small grants process or from regional projects. The WPS are not subjected to the strict
requirements of the RPS but this does not suggest that they do not have significant policy or
methodological contribution to make to the work of ATPS. The Board supports all efforts aimed
at improving the WPS, such as building skills that will make most of the ATPS research outputs
to be published under the RPS. Researchers are encouraged to produce their final drafts in a
publishable manuscript form that is shorter and easier to read.
ATPS is supported by a growing number of donors including the International Development ResearchCentre (IDRC), the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Rockefeller Foundation, the World Bank, theOPEC Fund, Ford Foundation, Coca-Cola Eastern Africa, the African Development Bank, and the RoyalDutch Government.

For more information on this series and ATPS, contact:
The Executive Director
The African Technology Policy Studies Network
3rd, Floor, The Chancery,
Valley Road
P.O. Box 10081
00100 General Post Office
Nairobi, Kenya
Tel: 254-2-2714168/092/498
Fax: 254-2714028
Email: info@atpsnet.org
Website: http://www.atpsnet.org

ISBN: 9966-916-89-X