IJERD – International Journal of Environmental and Rural Development (2013) 4-2

Research article
erd

Gender Partiality in Land Ownership and Water
Distribution in Rural Tanzania
YUMIKO TANAKA*
Institute of Social Sciences, The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan
Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Tokyo, Japan
Email: Tanaka.Yumiko@jica.go.jp

EIJI YAMAJI
Graduate School of Frontier Sciences, The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan
Received 14 December 2012

Accepted 30 January 2013(*Corresponding Author)

Abstract The social and economic impact of modernisation processes of agriculture isdiverse in rural sub-Sahara Africa.With the introduction of modern agricultural technology,
such as high yield varieties, irrigation infrastructure and water distribution, paddy yield
increased in Lower Moshi Irrigation Scheme (LMIS) in the Kilimanjaro region in
Tanzania. The major aim for developing LMIS was to reduce rural poverty throughimproving food security and income from paddy production. It was partially achieved,
however, generated controversial effects of unequal land and water distribution. In
Tanzania, 84% of the female labour force is engaged in agriculture, consisting of about
50% of the total agricultural labour force. However, female farmers have limited access toand control over land and water due to pre-existing social and customary practices, as wellas limited participation in the decision-making processes. Land ownership is a condition
for obtaining a membership in the water association. And water is becoming scarce due toclimate changes, encroachment on the forests and conflicts between upper-stream anddown-stream. The main objective of this paper is to analyse relationships between
women’s land ownership and water distribution through a case study of modern irrigation
project. The research methods used are literature review, semi-structured interviews withmale and female farmers, and statistical data analysis of landholdings. Main results of thestudy are: 1) the number and share of female land ownership increased in the last 25 years,
however, the social and gender partiality about land inheritance and ownership are still
persistent which prohibit female farmers from equal access to irrigation water, 2) changing
regulations and practices of water users associations to be more gender-responsive lead
into more equitable and impartial water distribution.
Keywords gender partiality, land ownership, water distribution, modern irrigatedagriculture, Kilimanjaro, Tanzania.

INTRODUCTION
Land has a central value for people in sub-Sahara African countries providing a source of identity,
food security and income, and constitutes an asset of cultural and spiritual significance as well as
increasing market commodity (Benjaminsen and Lund, 2003). As land becomes scarce andacquires economic value, a demand for more individualised and formalised land ownership rights
increases. An evolutional theory of land rights has been debated by researchers on land tenuresystem in Africa leading to the criticisms that it is un-automatic for rural societies to “evolve” frominformal/customary practices, and successfully adopt formal/statutory laws (Platteau, 1996). Rural
women, subsistence farmers and pastoralists are most unlikely to be guaranteed for the security ofland tenure if the formal land titling is provided (Yngstrom, 2002; Odgaard, 2003). The
development agencies argued that the farmers become more productive and efficient provided withthe formal land titles and would increase investment in agriculture production. However, it isunclear under what specific conditions the security increases, especially for female farmers and© ISERD
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IJERD – International Journal of Environmental and Rural Development (2013) 4-2

small landholders.
In Tanzania, the Land Act 1999 guaranteed the gender equality in legally acquiring andowning the land through registration and having the land title. The Village Land Act 1999 provided
for women to be involved in decisions regarding the use and disposal of village land throughequitable representation in the village land councils. The Land Act No.2 of 2002 established Land
Tribunals regulating the assignment of at least 43% of women as tribunals, and Land (Amendment)
Act 2004 allowed women to mortgage their land on the same basis as men.
In reality, however, women tend to lose customary land and water rights along with landcommoditisation processes and modernisation of irrigation systems (Upperman, 2000; Englert,2008). The customary rights of water are closely associated with land rights. Since the efficacy ofland laws has been dismal and women are continuously excluded from accessing and owning theland, the discriminatory decision-making processes and inheritance practices, dominated at thehousehold and community levels, need to be scrutinised (Mascarenhas, 2007). Given that 84% of
the female labour force is engaged in agriculture, consisting of 50% of the total agricultural labour
force, knowing how to secure land and water rights with substantive effects for female farmers
needs to be examined.
OBJECTIVE
The main objective of this study is to analyse the relationships between women’s land ownershipand water distribution and find a new perspective for changing gender partiality through a casestudy of Lower Moshi Irrigation Scheme (LMIS) project in the Kilimanjaro region in Tanzania.
METHODOLOGY
Methodologies adopted in this study include: 1) literature reviews; 2) analysis of 1,845 sampled
farmers based on dispersed lists of landholders between 1987 and 2013 kept by the Lower Moshi
Irrigation Association (LOMIA) and LMIS office, which the author consolidated and analysed; 3)interviews with farmers (8 persons in 2011 and 42 persons in 2012), local government officials,
LMIS office staff and Japanese experts. The first fieldwork was conducted in July 2010, the secondin November 2011 and the third in August-September 2012.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The LMIS is located at a distance of 15 to 20 km in the southeast of Moshi town in the Kilimanjaro
region. It was developed with financial and technical assistance by the Japanese government. The
irrigation facilities were handed over to the Tanzanian government after completion in 1987. The
irrigated area for paddy is about 1,100 ha in total. There are 5 divisions (Upper Mabogini, Lower
Mabogini, Ru ya Kati, Chekereni and Oria), consisting of 45 blocks with about 3000 plots in total(Fig. 1). Each block is about 10ha to 30ha. Average plot size is 0.3ha. The average paddy yield
increased from 1.5-2.0 tons/ha to 6-7 tons/ha as a result of the project.
Based upon the data obtained from the LOMIA lists of landholders, it was found that thefemale farmers consist of 21.1% of total numbers (390 females out of 1,845 landholders), and theyowned 16.8% of the total plots. Therefore, it was found that an overall gender gap exists in landownership. As shown in Fig.2, the frequency distribution of landholdings indicates that average
size of the female-owned plot is more concentrated towards the smaller size than those of malefarmers meaning that female farmers are more clustered at the subsistence levels.
One block each from Upper Mabogini, Lower Mabogini and Chekereni was selected for thisstudy. The selection criteria are: 1) the blocks belong to the up-stream with plenty of irrigationwater, mid-stream with rotationally distributed water and down-stream with acute water shortage;2) the share of female landholding exceeds 20% of the total block of landholders; 3) the share offemale landholding areas exceeds about 20% of the block area; 4) the average size of female
landholding is less than 3,000 m2, meaning that the majority consists of small-holders.

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IJERD – International Journal of Environmental and Rural Development (2013) 4-2

In all the blocks studied, the number of female landholders increased, as well as their share asshown in Fig. 3. However, data of Lower Mabogini in 1987 was unavailable. Female’s sharereached to almost 50% in Upper Mabogini and 57% in Lower Mabogini in 2013. The female shareof the total landholding areas also increased in all the blocks as shown in Fig.4. It reached up to
51% in Upper Mabogini and 44% in Lower Mabogini. The changes in the average size of the plots
owned by farmer poses a somewhat different trend from the previous figures as shown in Fig.5.
Only in Upper Mabogini the average size of the plots owned by females had increase, whereas in
the other two blocks it decreased between the year 2008 and 2013. In the case of male farmers, it
decreased in all the blocks. The average size of the plots owned by farmers had also decreased
meaning that the segmentation of land has been progressed in all the blocks.

100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%

square meters (㎡）Male

Fig. 1 Divisions in LMIS andthree blocks studied

80

80

60
40

0

0
Male

80
60
40

20
0
1987

2013
Year

Female

c.
100

40

20

2008

b.

60

20

1987

Fig. 2 Frequency distribution of average
landholding size per farmer in LMIS

Percentage (% )100

Percentage (% )Percentage (% )a.
100FemaleMale

2008
Female

2013

1987
Male

Ｙｅａｒ

2008
FemaleYear

2013

Fig. 3 Share of total landholders by gendera. Upper Magobini (up-stream), b. Lower Mabogini (mid-stream), and c. Chekereni (down-stream)
b.

c.
100

80

80

80

60

40

60
40

20

20

0

0
1987
Male

2008
Female2013
Year

Percentage (%)

100

Percentage (%)

Percentage (%)

a.
100

60
40
20
0

1987
Male

2008
Female

2013
Year

1987
Male

2008
Female2013
Year

Fig. 4 Share of total landholding area by gendera. Upper Magobini (up-stream), b. Lower Mabogini (mid-stream), and c. Chekereni (down-stream)

The changes in female holding plots in Upper Mabogini, Lower Mabogini and Chekereni areshown in Fig. 6, 7, and 8, respectively.
The share of female land owners, the number is increased in all 3 blocks in LMIS as indicatedabove. It reached nearly half in the case of Upper Mabogini and Lower Mabogini, indicating“feminisation of agriculture” is taking place, however, the changes have been rather slow in
Chekereni. More female farmers are engaged in paddy production today, whereas men are breaking© ISERD
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IJERD – International Journal of Environmental and Rural Development (2013) 4-2

away for alternative sources of income. On the other hand, the average size of landholding declined
in all the blocks. This means more numbers of female farmers became landholders but held a muchsmaller size plot, except in Upper Mabogini, where the average size of female landholding slightly
increased.
b.

c.
4500

4000

4000

4000

3500
3000
2500

2000

square meters (㎡）4500square meters (㎡)Square Meters (㎡ ）

a.
4500

3500

3000
2500
2000

1500
1987

Male

2008

Female

Total

2013

3000
2500
2000

1500

1500
1987

Year

3500

Male

2008

Female

Total

2013

1987
Male

Ｙｅａｒ

Female

2008
Total

2013
Year

Fig. 5 Average plot size owned by a farmer
a. Upper Magobini (up-stream), b. Lower Mabogini (mid-stream), and c. Chekereni (down-stream)

1987

2008

2013

Fig. 6 Changes in female owned plots in Upper Mabogini (up-stream) from 1987 to 2013

2008

2013

Fig. 7 Changes in female owned plots in Lower Mabogini (mid-stream) from 2008 to 2013

1987

2008

2013

Fig. 8 Changes in female owned plots in Chekereni (down-stream) from 1987 to 2013
The socio-economic features as well as the difference in views about water rights of Upper
Mabogini, Lower Mabogini and Chekereni are shown in Table 1. If women have more access to
education, information and networking, they are less bound by traditions and attending LOMIA
meetings and speak out about their views as seen in Upper Mabogini and Lower Mabogini. Some
women groups organised themselves into collective farming using rented plots. With their earnings,
they even purchased the plots. They are also active in engaging in non-farm income-generating
activities. On the other hand, women in Chekereni down-stream face extreme difficulties withobtaining water. They pay water fees to LOMIA, but unable to access water. They face difficulties
in physically fighting over water with male farmers and going out at night waiting for their water© ISERD
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IJERD – International Journal of Environmental and Rural Development (2013) 4-2

turn. Thus, they have to pay extra amounts to send some men to secure water at night. They
complained about unfair distribution of water, but if they are widows and do not have sons, their
voices are unheard in the negotiations and meetings. Although, in principle the water rights areattached with landholding rights, the landholding rights do not automatically guaranteed to female
farmers with securing water rights. They get more marginalised when water gets scarce.
Table 1 Main features of three irrigation blocks studied

Geographicalconditions
Water
situation andpaddy
cultivation
Socialfeatures
Landholdings
LOMIA(waterassociation)

Ideas about
water
conflicts anddistribution

Women's
activities andgroupsUpper Mabogini(Up-stream)

Lower Mabogini(Mid-stream)

Chekereni(Down-stream)

Surrounded by a river and spring,
restricted for area expansion.
Due to plenty of water available, they
continued cultivating paddy twice ayear since 1987.

Originally flat upland, so expansion
was easy.
Water is not enough. Paddy
cultivation is rotational, once in
2~3 years. They alternately growmaize.

Arable land became unavailable for
new comers by 1980s.
Due to acute water shortage since2008, they stopped cultivating paddy.
Instead, they grow maize and beansin the plots today.

Early settlers. Little support bygovernment as it is near Moshi town.
Many live in the town and havealternative income sources.
Mostly small farmers, with a few
large holders.
People are not interested in LOMIA.
But recently, leaders taking initiatives
for collective repair works ofinfrastructure.
Most men and women think they
have customary rights and priorities
to use water as they are up-stream,and down-stream should grow maize.
However, renters, labourers andyoung owners think the water
distribution should be rotational, andone woman renter even thinks thatthey should skip one season in Upper
Mabogini.
Most women live in the town. They
have better access to education andinformation, and individually actively
engaged in economic activities.

Multi-ethnic groups migrated into
the area. The tradition is not sostrong, and women inherit andpurchase the land.
Many large holders, as land wascheap and abundant.
LOMIA is relatively wellfunctioning, and farmers, both men
and women, follow the water
distribution calendar.
The block leader and some women
think the water should be usedrotationally. One woman landowner even thinks the water
distribution should start from thedown-stream, Chekereni, since they
are suffering most from water
shortage.

Migration started in early 1970s.
Government provided support. Now
the most impoverished area. Local
governance is weak.
Mostly small holders under collective
farming (Ujamaa).
Due to acute shortage of water,
severe disputes occur within theblocks and between mid- and upstreams. LOMIA is not working.
Most men and women think that the
up-stream does not have priority
rights to water and water should be
used rotationally in all LMIS.
Majority think that water should be
distributed equally. Women andwidows have great disadvantages fornegotiating with watermen andaccessing water, especially at night to
get water turns.
Only churches and mosques organise
small women's groups. Women arebusy working as wage labourers inother places. Not attending village
meetings.

Women groups are active inincome-generating activities andcollective paddy cultivation in
rented plots.

Source: Field interviews undertaken by the author.
“Ujamaa” is collective farming and villagisation policy introduced by government in the 1970s.

Women can obtain agricultural land but have to go through difficult processes. The ways theyobtain land are mainly by inheritance from father (occasionally mother or family members), byinheritance from husband, by purchasing with own money, and in earlier days during 1960s and1970s by allocation through official institutions such as colonial government, collective farmsystem, etc. The main ethnic groups in LMIS are Chagga and Pare. In Chagga tradition, land is thesource of identity, providing cultural and spiritual values. It has been and still is only the malemembers who inherit their family and clan’s land, as women get married outside of the clan
member. It is shameful for men without land, thus leading into fragmentation of arable land aftergenerations. With the enactment of Marriage Laws (1971 and 2002) along with women’s groups
movement, such practices are gradually changing, however, still persistent in their discourse on
landholdings.
Women’s landholding is mostly relational. The widows can inherit husbands’ land today,
however, mostly before passing them onto their sons. They are unable to sell family and clan’s land,but can sell self-acquired land after marriage. In addition to the cumbersome bureaucratic
procedures and money cost to formalise the land title, they are afraid that such an action may cause
unnecessary suspicion among the sons and family members, and as a result they may lose theusufruct rights. They know that if they keep quiet about the formal rights, they can continuously
use the land. As long as one can count on the good will of village offices and community members
who they know in the village, the security of customary land rights might be guaranteed. However,© ISERD
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women are also aware of the constraints and risks of such situations.
LOMIA allows only the land owners to be a member and attend the meetings. The renters andlabourers are usually excluded though the majority are women who are engaged in the major partof cultivation and maintenance of irrigation facilities. Female landholders are called for the
meetings when their labour contributions for irrigation maintenance are required and water fees
need to be collected. Women are more willing to talk about water allocation issues between upstream and down-stream and sharing water resources as shown in Table 1. However, their
participation in LOMIA activities is non-active. There are only 3 women out of 28 central board
members of LOMIA and they are only serving as treasurers.
CONCLUSION
The main findings of this study are: firstly, although the number and shares of agricultural land
owned by females was increased from the past 25 years, it is not automatically considered a gain
for women. In order to secure land rights, LOMIA should provide legal consultations andinformation to women so that they can easily register their names as landholders; secondly LOMIA
should allow both of husbands and wives as well as cultivators participation in decision-making
processes for water distribution. Women and cultivators (renters and labourers) are more open totalk about sharing water between up-and down-streams, which would lead into creating new andmore impartial systems for water distribution; thirdly, the Lower Moshi irrigation office should
prove technical guidance on saving water in up-stream with proper infrastructure maintenance,
which women farmers are already involved and thus their knowledge and views may lead to more
appropriate maintenance means. As some interviewed women commented, if they will get morechances to get involved in meetings and decision-makings, they can speak out and share their ideas.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors would like to express deep appreciations for those kindly providing valuable support
for undertaking this study: Dr. R. M. Mwaipopo of Dar es Salaam University, Ms. Anne N.
Assenga, Ministry of Agriculture Food Security and Cooperative, Mr. R. Makange and Mr. G.
Chonjo of LMIS Office, Mr. M. Tomitaka and Mr. N. Oizumi of TANRICE, and all the people
concerned. A major part of this study was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 23510341.
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