Article

Symposium on Calendars Used in Asia and Oceania

Signals for “Bitterness” and “Sea Worms”

Takuro FURUSAWA*

This paper discusses the calendars of Indonesia’s Western Sumba Island, which incorporate cycles of the sun, moon, and nature. Additionally, communities synchronize the calendar somewhat beyond the conventional boundaries of the administration and the language
differences. This paper analyzes two unique points in the time reckoning mode of the
Sumba, namely the Month of Sea Worms and the Month of Bitterness, which are crucial in
the intercalation method. The Month of Sea Worms is characterized by the periodical
swarming of a polychaete species called Nyale and the Pasola Festival, a mounted spearfighting competition. Priests of Lamboya District recognize (forecast) the coming of theseason by receiving signals from the sun and moon, and the Lamboya community conducts
several rituals; this information is communicated to the Wanokaka District where the priests
hold their rituals, and finally, all communities address the mass swarming of the sea worms.
The Month of Bitterness started first in Lamboya and moved to the Lolina District after one
lunar cycle interval. A month-long festival called Podu is held to intimate to all communities the end of the traditional year. The seemingly complex calendar is embedded in thedaily lives, social norms, and rituals of the communities. This unconscious intercalation
should be seen as a “signal transmission calendar” from the aspect of calendrical systems.
This study concludes by noting that the Western Sumba people operate complex traditional
calendars based on inherent flexibility and signal transmission for synchronization in theevidential absence of modern meteorological technologies.
Keywords
Nyale, Polychaetes, Palolo, Pasola, Podu
Contents
I
INTRODUCTION
II CALENDRICAL SYSTEMS IN INDONESIA
1 Solar calendar systems
2 The lunar calendar system
3 Lunisolar calendars
4 Sidereal calendars
5 Natural calendars
III OUTLINE OF CALENDARS IN WESTERNSUMBA ISLAND

1 Regional Context
2 Characteristics of Western Sumba Calendars
IV RITUALS AND ECOLOGY IN MONTHS
1 The Days toward Pasola in Wanokaka
2 The Pasola Festival in Wanokaka
3 Pasola in Lamboya
4 The Podu from Lamboya to Lolina
V DISCUSSION* Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University

3

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia:

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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.11 (2022)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第11

1

INTRODUCTION

Solar calendar systems
The Gregorian calendar is quite ubiquitous in the life

This paper aims to look at calendars based on theof Indonesians. Table 1 shows words in Bahasa

movements of the sun, moon, stars, and nature inIndonesian for the Gregorian calendar. The historicalIndonesia, which has some of the most diverse calendars

background shows that the Dutch names of the months

in the world, and to comprehend the calendar of Western

have been adopted almost verbatim.

Sumba, which incorporates different cycles into just one
Table 1. The Gregorian calendar in Indonesia

calendar. This paper focuses on two unique points in

Englishtime for the people of Sumba, the Month of Sea Worms
and the Month of Bitterness, which are vital to theintercalation method.
The calendar fulfills various roles, one of which is its

Dutch

Bahasa Indonesia

January

JanuariJanuari

February

Februari

Februari

March

Maart

Maret

April

April

April

use in promoting subsistence and livelihood. In this

May

Mei

Mei

study, we center our attention on how traditional societ-

June

Juni

Juni

ies understand the law of seasonal changes, which recur

July

Juli

Juli

annually, and its subsequent use in supporting liveli-

AugustAugustus

Agustus

September

September

September

October

Oktober

OktoberNovemberNovemberNovember

December

December

Decemberhoods such as agriculture. In the case of agriculture, thecalendar must coincide with the solar cycle, so thatsimilar weather phenomena occur in the same monthevery year.
The solar cycle is approximately 365.2422 days, andHowever, traditional solar calendars are also used inin temperate regions, seasonal changes in winter, spring,

Indonesia. One such calendar is Pranoto Mongso

summer, and fall make understanding the role of the sun(Pranata Mangsa), denoting the rules of the seasons ineasy, but in low-latitude tropical regions, this task is

the Javanese language. This calendar was created andoften difficult (Okada 2008). Additionally, measuringissued by a king of the Surakarta Kingdom in 1855

the exact cycle of the sun requires somewhat advanced(Okada et al. 2014). The year starts on June 22, thetechnology, which is not available to many traditional

summer solstice, and the number of days per year is 365

societies. The lunar cycle averages 29.5309 days. The(366 in leap years). Therefore, the cycle of the year

moon can be observed by examining its phase changes.

matches that of the sun.

Because the lunar cycle is approximately 29.5 days, it

A characteristic of this calendar is that the unit of

can be reproduced by repeating the 29-day month andmonths is not associated with the lunar cycle, which isthe 30-day month. However, 12 lunar cycles account for

approximately 30 days. Table 2 shows the names, theonly 354 days, which cause 11–12-day gaps in the solar

start day, and months in Pranoto Mongso. Starting withcycle. Therefore, the intercalation process is necessary

the summer solstice, there are six months of different

to align the calendar with the solar cycle, and notably,

durations (i.e., 41, 23, 24, 25, 27, and 43 days), and thenIndonesians have achieved synchronicity with the sun insix months of durations reversed (i.e., 43, 26/27, 25, 24,

their23, 41 days) when the winter solstice is finally reached.

calendar

by

using

different

methods

ofintercalation.

This seemingly irregular cycle is proportional to theheight and direction of the sun at the season’s startII(Okada et al. 2014); starting with the summer solstice,

CALENDRICAL SYSTEMS IN
INDONESIA

when the sun’s shadow is longest facing south in thesouthern hemisphere, and finishing with the winter solstice when the sun’s shadow is longest facing north, andThis introduction starts by discussing examples of thethe solar altitude is divided into regular intervals. This

types of calendars extant in Indonesia.

4Table 3. Islamic (Hijri) and Javanese Islamic calendars

Table 2. The Pranoto Mongso (Pranata Mangsa) calendar
Order ofmonths1

Name of the
month

Kasa

Approximate
start day in the
GregoriancalendarNo of daysin themonth

June 2241

Karo

August 2

23

KateluAugust 26

24

4

Kapat

September 19

25

5KalimaOctober 13

27

6

Kanem

November 943

7KapituDecember 2243

8KawoluFebruary 3

26/27

9

KasangaMarch 125

10Kasapuluh

March 26

24

11

DhestalApril 19

23

12

Sadha

May 12

41

Arabic names

Javanese names

1

Muharram

Sura/Suro

2

Safar

Sapar

3

Rabi al-Awwal

Maulud/Mulud

4

Rabi al-Akhir

Rab Akhir/
Bakda Mulud

5

Jumada al-Awwal

Jumadil Awal

6

Jumada al-Akhira

Jumadil Akir

7

Rajab

Rejeb

8

Sha’ban / Shaaban

Ruwah

9

RamadanPuasa/Pasa

10

ShawwalSawal

11

Dhu al-Qa’da / Dhu al-Qaada

Apit/Sela

12

Dhu al-Hijja

Besar/Dulhijah

Note: There are eleven leap days in thirty years in the Hijri
calendar; three leap days in eight years in the JavaneseIslamic calendar.

sense of seasonality is thought to be appropriate forfarming in Java and in preparing for possible future (butby examining the shape of the moon, with the utility

chronic) climatic disasters.

value of the solar calendar, which matches the naturalannual cycle.

2 The lunar calendar system

Lunisolar calendars in several parts of Southeast Asia

In Indonesia, the Islamic calendar (Hijri calendar), a

have been influenced by the Indian calendar, and both ofpurely lunar calendar, is used for official requirements.

those systems differ from that of the Chinese calendar.

As a rule, each 29-day month alternates with a 30-day

This difference occurred because of the spread of Hindu

month to match the lunar cycle (29.5 days on average).

cultural influences, such as that from the Majapahit

To not deviate from the real lunar cycle (29.5309 days

Kingdom, which flourished in the fourteenth and fif-

on average), 11 times in 30 years, the 29-day month atteenth centuries, mainly in Java, and ruled over much of

the end of the year is altered to 30 days. The 12 months

what is today’s Indonesia, including Bali. Bali hasin the Islamic calendar deviate from the solar cycle byvarious local calendars, and the Balinese calendar

approximately 11–12 days per year.

played an official role by introducing the Hindu calendar
paradigm to the traditional Javanese and BalineseIndonesians also use the Javanese Islamic calendar

calendars.

because many of the communities in Java have converted to Islam. This purely lunar calendar is similar to

The mechanism of the Balinese calendar is compli-

the Islamic calendar. Table 3 compares the Islamic andcated, and previous studies have analyzed it in detail

Javanese Islamic calendars, and most month names are,(e.g., Igarashi 2008). Each year consists of alternate

in fact, the same. Additionally, a 29-day month becomes

29-day months and 30-day months, and by insertinga 30-day month three times in an eight-year period in aleap days and missing out days at regular intervals, eachunique intercalation method. This unique quality may

month coincides with the lunar cycle. To synchronize

be due to the influence of the traditional Uku cycle.

with the solar cycle, leap months are added seven times
every 19 years according to the Metonic cycle.

3

Lunisolar calendars

However, calendar makers may differ on where to insert

Lunisolar calendars, for example, the Chinese calen-leap months.

dar, have been used widely in Asia; these calendars canTable 4 shows the names of the months in the

be considered to combine the advantages of the lunar

Balinese calendar. Notably, the first through tenthcalendar, allowing the understanding of daily progress

months correspond to the Balinese numerals 1 through5

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia

2
3

Order

Paing, Pon, Wage, Kliwon, and Legi/Umanis), which

Order

Balinese nameweeks: Tungle/Tungleh, Aryang, Warukung/Urukung,

1

Kasa

1st

2

Karo

2nd

3

Ketiga

3rd

4

Kapat

4th

5

Kelima5th

1-day to 4-day weeks and 7-day to 10-day weeks. In this

6

Kenem

6th

way, a wide variety of days of the week are created, and7

Kepitu7theach day of the week is thought to have its unique

8

Kaulu

8th

character, and some are considered festival days.

9

Kesaga9th

10

Kedasa10th

11

Jiyestha

Hindu month name

12

Sadha

Hindu month nameare unique to Indonesia, and six days per week (six-day

Meaning

Paningron/Paniron, Uwas/Was, and Mawulu/Maulu) are
the main cycles, and the least common multiple of thesecycles is 210 days (Okada 2002). Additionally, there are

4

Sidereal calendars
Using stars or constellations to determine the calen-dar, namely sidereal calendars, is observed in various

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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.11 (2022)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第Table 4. Order and names of months in theBalinese calendar

10, and the eleventh and twelfth months are in Hindu.

areas of Indonesia. Most of these areas use the stars toThis pattern is the same as that found in the Javanese

identify the time of year (e.g., the beginning of the year),

Pranoto Mongso calendar (Table 2). It is believed thatbut simultaneously, in many cases, the lunar calendar isthe ancient Javanese and Balinese calendars used onlyused for the progression of the months, or the natural

ten months, but later, with the introduction of the Saka

calendar, described later, is adopted.

calendar from India, the eleventh and twelfth months

The main stars and constellations used as sidereal

were subsequently added.

calendars in Indonesia are the Pleiades, Antares, andAccording to Igarashi (2008), who has studied theOrion’s Belt (Table 5) (Igarashi 1997). In Indonesia,

traditional Balinese calendar and the vernacular calen-

which is geographically long from east to west, the dif-dars still used in various regions of Bali, the end of thetenth month marks the period when people do not, inTable 5. Examples of Sidereal calendars (Igarashi 1997)

effect, count months, namely, the “no-name” month.

Star/constellation
observed

Astronomical
event

ExamplesThe duration of this no-name month may be two or three
lunar cycles, but the people are not aware of the real

AntaresHeliacal rising

Aceh (Sumatra)

length of the period. Eventually, with the heliacal rising

AntaresAcronychal
risingBatak (Sumatra),Kedang (Lembata)

Belt of Orion

Heliacalsetting

Batak (Sumatra)

PleiadesAcronychal
risingGalela (Halmahera)

PleiadesHeliacal rising“Candra pralekha”(Bali)of the Pleiades, people start counting months again.1
This phenomenon may be called an “unconscious”
intercalation (Igarashi 1997).
The Balinese calendar sometimes has different dates
depending on the calendar maker, which may affect therituals. However, many rituals are based on the Uku

Note: Heliacal setting: End of the period of visibility for astar; the last day on which the star is visible setting in thewest after sunset.
Heliacal rising: Beginning of the visibility period of a star;
the first day on which the star is visible rising in the east
before sunrise.
Acronychal rising: the last day on which the star is visible
rising in the east after sunset.

cycle (Eiseman 1990). The Uku cycle is sometimes
compared with the East Asian (Chinese) zodiac, but thecycles are different. In the Uku cycle, there are sevendays per week, and this phenomenon is commonly
applied worldwide, five days per week (5-day week:

1

Recorded in the Saturnalia (Volume I, Chapter XII) of Macrobius is that the early Roman calendar, the Romulus calendar, also had only
10 months and counted only 304 days, but in spring the New Year began with the king’s proclamation and the counting of months anddays began. The mechanism is thought to be the same as that of the Romulus calendar.

6

ferences in latitudes are quite small, but the season to be

Banggai Islands, as reported by Makibi Nakano of thisidentified depends on which stars are being examinedvolume, are also notable.
Another famous example in oceanic Asia andexample, in the case of Candra pralekha in vernacular

Oceania is the reproductive group swarming of certain

Bali, which marks the time when the Pleiades become

polychaete species. In Indonesia, this species is calledvisible in the sky just before dawn after the period ofnayle in the Lesser Sunda Islands, and laor or wawo inprostration (heliacal rising), the year begins in mid-June

the Moluccas (Igarashi 2017). These sea worms are saidor later. For Galera, which marks the time when theto be members of the genus Palola, which is well known

Pleiades are observed just after sunset (acronychal

in Samoa as palolo,2 but other species such as

rising), the year begins in mid-October or later. In Aceh,

Nereididae are also included (Pamungkas 2015).

where the heliacal rising of Antares is used as a marker,

In particular, the Bau Nyare festival, which is associ-the beginning of the year is after late December, and in

ated with reproductive swarming in Lombok, is also

Batac and Kedang, where the acronychal rising of

famous tourist resource (Figure 1). This festival is said

Antares is locally used as a reference, the beginning is

to be held on the 20th day of the 10th month of theafter mid-May.

Lombok (Sasak) calendar. The 10th month is approximately February, and the twentieth day is the night of5

Natural calendars

the waning moon, roughly five days after the full moon.

This paper has thus far described calendars based on

However, biological observations suggested that thesesome celestial body or other. However, calendars aresea worms appear not once but twice during February

used in Indonesia and other countries that look to iden-and March (Igarashi 2017).

tify the seasons by natural movements. In the Lio region

Legend has it that the beautiful princess Putrion the island of Flores, there are twelve named months

Mandalika, who was courted by royalty from all overin a year, but the rituals do not have to specificallythe island, jumped off a cliff into the sea and transformed

coincide with the solar or lunar cycles [Sugishimaherself into a plethora of sea worms, returning annually1990], and local farming is loosely based on the knowledge of natural phenomena. In the eastern part of
Sumba, where the Antares calendar is said to be used,
Forth noted that traditional months “are not intercalarymonths, and since their occurrence is moreover reckoned by natural phenomena and social activities, rather
than by the phases of the lunar cycle” (Forth 1983).
One example of associating some natural phenomenon with a particular season is the use of the wind.
According to Yoshida (1980), in Galera, Halmahera, theyear is divided into two major seasons, the north windseason and the south wind season. As mentioned above,
Galera begins counting the months with the acronychal
rising of the Pleiades, but this is the season of the northwind, from which they count only six months, and stops
counting the months when the season of the south wind

Figure 1. Nyale caught during Bay Nyale
Festival in Southern Lombok Island

arrives. The seasonal divisions of the Samas in the2

Annual swarming of the palolo is the sign of the traditional New Year in Samoa and parts of Oceania (e.g., A Member of the SamoanSociety 1928).

7

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia

and at what time the examination actually occurs. Forto be the property of all. The Maritime Museum inJakarta has an exhibit on this legend, which has becomea well-known story in Indonesia.
In any case, the reproductive swarming of sea worms

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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.11 (2022)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第11

is a natural phenomenon that occurs only once or twice
in a given year, according to the solar and lunar cycles;
thus, identifying the time of year is useful. However, it
is not a complete solution because there is variation by
the year (up to one lunar cycle). Notably, in Lombok, itis the 20th day of the 10th month—logically predictable
at the beginning of the year—but the date of the ritual is
not decided upon until just before the event.

III

OUTLINE OF CALENDARS IN
WESTERN SUMBA ISLAND

Map data source: Indonesia Geospatial Portal (http://portal.
ina-sdi.or.id) and ASTER GDEM2 (METI/NASA)
Figure 2. Map of the study sites

On the island of Sumba in the East Nusa Tenggara
Province, traditions such as megalithic culture and theProvince (Figure 2). A district in Sumba is said to con-Pasola ritual of horseback fighting are practiced, andstitute the former royal domain (swapraja), although thevarious rituals and social norms are related to the calen-

kingdom system was not always clear in West Sumba.

dar, which has led to the study of the calendar.

Different languages are used in these districts, and there

The Western Sumba calendar is a unique admixture of

were commonalities such as the traditional belief in thesolar, lunar, and natural calendars, as well as a comple-

ancestral deity Marapu, but each had a different history

mentary calendar that transmits signals between regions.

and culture.

This paper discusses this calendar and then presents

2

examples of its use in practice (Furusawa and Siburian

Characteristics of Western Sumba
Calendars2019).

Ethnographers and other scholars such as Hoskins

1

Regional Context(1993), Geirnaert-Martin (1992), Mitchell (1984), andSumba Island has one of the lowest rainfall rates in

Gunawan-Mitchell (1981) have studied the calendars ofWestern Sumba.

Indonesia and distinct wet and dry seasons. The island isclassified as a savanna climate with little precipitation,

A characteristic of the Western Sumba calendar is theand the western part has high precipitation and a tropicalmonth named after the Nyale, when the polychaete sea

monsoon climate depending on the year. In the Westworms mass, and a grand festival called Pasola is held

Sumba Regency, where this study was conducted, paddy(Figure 3). However, Pasola is held only in coastal areas

rice cultivation is practiced in several places, as well assuch as Wanokaka, Lamboya, and Kodi, not in inland

field farming. However, the rice paddies and field crops

communities such as Lolina, which is among the areas

had to be harvested by using the limited rainy season

surveyed in this study.

effectively to provide food for the year. The beginning

Another feature is the month of Podu (Pidu), with aand end of the rainy season and the annual rainfall fluc-

big festival occurring in inland areas such as Lolina

tuate substantially because they are affected by El Niño

District. Podu can be translated as “Month of Bitterness

and La Niña (Furusawa and Siburian 2019).

(or Holiness).” In the mountainous areas of Lolina andThis study focused on the Wanokaka, Lamboya, andLamboya counties, Podu is the last month of the year,

Lolina Districts (kecamatan) in the West Sumba

and the following month is Kobba (Kabba, Ka’a),8

districts enter Kobba.
The fourth feature is that Nyale and Podu are determined by solar and lunar cycles, and the other months
do not necessarily follow a particular cycle (Furusawa
and Siburian 2019). During the dry season, between theorder of the months vary person to person, and sometimes the names of the months are unknown. Thisfinding implies that the intercalation similar to the “noname month” of the lunisolar calendar in Bali is made inapproximately Podu.

Figure 3. Pasola Festival in Kodi

The fifth feature is that Podu and Nyale represent
which is the New Year, denoting freedom from taboos.

vital times for agriculture. For field agriculture, predict-

The third feature is that the times of Podu and Nyale

ing the onset of the rainy season is necessary (Furukawa

are synchronized across the material boundaries of dis-

1991), and for rice paddies, predicting the end of thetricts and languages. Table 6 shows the names and orderheavy rain season is equally important. A custom hadof months based on my interview with the rato (local

been that rice planting should be made after the appear-

priest) from each district. For example, Nyale (Nale)ance of the Nyale sea worms because the timing corre-

starts in Lamboya and then moves to Wanokaka (orsponds to the latter part of the rainy season and is

Gaura) over the next month. Podu starts in Lamboya (oradjudged the best season for that purpose (Furusawa andLamboya Bawa) and moves to Lolina (or Tarun

Siburian 2019).

Waitabar, the center village of Lolina). Notably, these

The sixth feature is the “unconsciousness” and “flex-

orders and names differ from the information in theibility” in the real operation of month reckoning. In

extant literature because there were inter-individual

reality, only a limited number of priests know the calen-variations in the knowledge on calendars; however, thedar and organize the several attendant rituals. Althoughtimes of Podu and Nyale were almost identical among

most people’s awareness is unconscious regarding theinformants and the extant literature (see other analyses

real progress of calendars, they can conduct agricultural

in Furusawa and Siburian 2019). After Podu, all three

activities at the right time, because they internalize

Table 6. Example of names and orders of months of three study sites according to informants;
Knowledge within each district varies
Approximate

LolinaLamboya

Wanokaka

Nov.–Dec.

Kobba

Kabba Ro Yayu

Ka’a or Mangata

Dec.–Jan.

Mangata

MangataHi’uJan.–Feb.

Nale Laboya

Nyale Lamboya

Nyale Lamboya

Feb.–Mar.

Nale Wanokaka

Nyale Wanokaka or Nyale Nyale Wanokaka or Biha
Gaura

Mar.–Apr.

Nale Mobu

Mahera Makahi Kari

Ngura

Apr.–May.

Ngura

Lima (or no-name)

Meting Katiku

May.–Jun.

Tua

Wolu Hura

Bada Rara

Jun.–Jul.

Meting Katiku

Kabba Pari Beru

Oting Mahing

Jul.–Aug.

ManamoKuru Tanah

Palu Dong

Aug.–Sep.

Kadekara or Taina Mesi

Bani Diha (or no-name)

Podu Lamboya Bawa

Sep.–Oct.

Podu Laboya

Podu

Podu Tou Dangu

Oct.–Nov.

Podu Lolina or Podu Podu Lolina
Touma Dangu

Podu Tarun Waitabar

See Furusawa and Siburian (2000) for additional details and a comparison with the literature.

9

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia

end of Nyale and the beginning of Podu, the names andfemale and red and brown being male worms.

important time points by their own participation in the号（２０２２）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.11 (2022)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第11

related rituals and festivals. In other words, priests

In 2016, February 8 was the new moon, and from thendecide the times for rituals and festivals, and thus, theon, this month became the month of Nyale Wanokaka.

dates are flexible, to allow calendars to be adjusted toDuring this month, people were not allowed to go nearsynchronize with certain phenomena.

the beaches where the sea worms were, wear red

Thus, the multiple districts in Western Sumba would

clothes, or use fire. Each village had a different role:

appear to read each other’s signals from celestial,

Waigali village was the main village (ina ama = leader:natural, and neighboring sources to create a complex

father/mother village), Ubu Bewi village watched thecalendar that is embedded in daily lives, social norms,

celestial bodies, Wai Wuwang village watched the tides,

and rituals.

Lahi Pangabang village watched to ensure that people
did not use fire, and predicted what would occur, andPraigoli village watched to ensure people did not wear

IV RITUALS AND ECOLOGY IN
MONTHS

red clothes and so forth.
February 23 was the full moon, and around this time,

In this section, this paper focuses on the month of theit was announced that this year’s Pasola would be held

Sea Worms (Nyale) and the Month of Bitterness (Podu)

on February 29. The last four days were the days ofand explains what they entail, based mainly on therituals called Pati Rahi. All the priests were instructedauthor’s field observations in 2016 and 2017.

from Waigali village to first stay one night in Wai
Wuwang village, then one night in Praigoli village, and

1 The Days toward Pasola in Wanokaka

two nights in Ubu Bewi village, arriving in Ubu Bewi

Wanokaka was one of the most traditional places inapproximately some five days after the full moon. The

West Sumba where Nyale rituals are practiced. Somenext day, the Pasola was to be held. These events wereareas had begun to hold Pasola festivals on dates thatheld in the middle of the rainy season, and a good omen

were more convenient for tourists than the actual dates

was said to be when the rain clouds disappear as theof the celestial and natural cycles, but Wanokaka culture

priests move from village to village on foot.
Following this custom, on the night of February 27,

prioritized celestial and natural cycles.
The word Nyale is the word for food, or substance,

priests gathered in Ubu Bewi village, and rituals were

but these kinds of sacred sea worms are named differ-

held during the night, but before midnight, all but theently in a poetical manner. In the Wanokaka language,

priests left the village. According to informants, at mid-

there is a couplet for “the best of the best”:

night, two priests from Ubu Bewi, walking slowly andstealthily so that no one could hear them, went to theMaruahu harru

Purified rice

traditional village of Ahi Pangabang, where theyInnu gading

Polished ivory

slaughtered chickens and made fortune-telling byreading the entrails of the chickens.
Later on that same night, people gathered at a beachThis couplet is followed by the following couplet.

called Wai Tena. Some priests had arrived earlier toLeli lima

Turquoise bracelet

watch the tide. When the moonlight illuminated the

Rewa koku

Red necklace

beach, people gathered to begin what is called a pajura
in Sumba (Figure 4). This custom was likened toboxing; men split up into groups and fought.

The latter half of this phrase translates as bronze forthe arms and beads for the neck, but people refer to themOn the next day, February 28, another ritual was per-as “turquoise (blue/green) bracelets” and a “red neck-formed. Eighteen priests gathered in Ubu Bewi, andlace.” These metaphors describe the colorful sea worms

each slaughtered a chicken to be offered to the sea

in reproductive groups, with blue and green being

worms for good luck (Figure 5). There are nineteen

10Figure 5. A scene of a ritual in Ubu Bewi village

Figure 6. Horsemen gathering for a rehearsal of Pasola

Figure 7. A megalith from which priests observe the moon

11

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia

Figure 4. Pajura, a traditional fist-fighting ritual at Waitena Beachpriests in Wanokaka, and the only female priest did not

On the way to Kodi, they stopped at Lamboya. The

have a role in Pasola. The chickens were then cooked

people of Lamboya said they did not know thatand served. In the afternoon of the same day, the horses

Rabu Kabba had been taken, but that they hadthat would compete in the Pasola gathered for a dress

heard the sound of voices.

contestants, but sometimes, the riders were children, not

Next, they stopped at Gaula. Again, the people said

the actual contestants (Figure 6).

they heard the sound of voices. They also said theyOn this night, all the priests would sit on the megalith

saw a man and a woman going by boat.

and watch the moon (Figure 7). When the moon is in theposition where the sea worms are supposed to appear,

Finally, they arrived at Kodi. The community wasthey go to the beach, calling out for the sea worms, andrejoicing over the arrival of the woman, singing

let the people know with their voices that the time has

and welcoming her but when the people saw Ubu

come. A couplet describes this process.

Dulla coming, they were surprised.

11号（２０２２）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.11 (2022)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第rehearsal. The horses and riders were dressed up as

Wula patangara

Look up the moon

The people of Kodi tried to get him to leave with

Doungu pakatutu

Look at the year

gifts of buffaloes and horses,3 but Ubu Dullarefused to accept them and instead asked for his

As for the beginnings of Pasola, what I heard from awife back.

priest in Waigali was the following legend.
Eventually, Rabu Kabba came out wearing a large
There was once a noble man named Ubu Dulla innecklace called a madaka. She gave the necklace to

Wanokaka. His wife was a beautiful woman named

Ubu Dulla as a sign that she would not go backRabu Kabba. One day, when Ubu Dulla was away,with him.

a man from Kodi named Teda Gaiparona came to
Wanokaka to fish, and Teda Gaiparona and Rabu

At that moment, Ubu Dulla sensed a very wonder-

Kabba were attracted to each other, so they took

ful smell coming from the air. All around him,

Teda Gaiparona’s boat to Kodi. It was as if Teda

people were preparing a feast to appease Ubu

Gaiparona had actually stolen Ubu Dulla’s wife.

Dulla’s anger, but it was a smell that came fromsomewhere else. It was the smell of a Nyale sea

Ubu Dulla was just up the beach from Wai Tena.

worm, and Ubu Dulla wanted to eat it. People said

There, he heard that his wife had been taken. He

it was not the food for him, but Ubu Dulla stillleft the boat there and tried to return to the village

wanted to eat it. When he tried it, it was better thanby land, stopping at Lahi Pipa. He was very thirsty,

anything he had ever tasted before. When he asked

so he took some coconuts and drank from them. At

where it was caught, the people of Kodi said it was

this time, a mamuli (metal ornament with a shapecaught at the border between the sea and the river.

that represents the female genitalia) fell into thefruit.

The people of Kodi gave Nyale to Ubu Dulla. The
people told him that instead of eating it, he should

3

When he returned to the village, his wife wasdo a Pasola; if he did a Pasola in Wanokaka, they

already gone, but a boat had been prepared for him,

would then do a Pasola in Kodi. Thus, Ubu Dulla

and he took four men with him.

decided to bring back only Nyale.

Animals, especially buffaloes, are the highest valued properties in Sumba.

12

On the way back, Ubu Dulla stopped at Lamboya,

In addition, the village of Lahi Pangapang guards

where the people were away hunting, and Ubu

against fire, and the village of Praigoli guards

Dulla rested with a bag of Nyale hanging from aagainst wearing red clothes.

tree. When Ubu Dulla woke up, the people of
The relationship between the sea worms and the

but Ubu Dulla said that he could not give it to them

Pasola becomes clearer when I added the stories I heard

because it was sacred and precious.

in the Kodi region in August 2016. The first story is thatUbu Dulla took the sea worms he received in Kodi back

However, the people of Lamboya insisted, so Ubu

to Wanokaka, where he then released them into the sea.

Dulla gave them a little of the liquid and said, “ifThe second story is that the people of Kodi decided toyou ever see Nyale in the sea of Lamboya again,

entertain Ubu Dulla to appease him and held Pasola to

your crops will not be fruitful.” He also told themachieve that aim. These two pieces of additional infor-

to do Pasola before Wanokaka.

mation make it possible to understand why the sea
worms appear in both Kodi and Wanokaka. This infor-

This is the story of Nyale. Later, I was told by a priest of

mation also seems to lead to the story of the people ofLamboya that the last part of the story varied in content:

Kodi asking Ubu Dulla to hold Pasola in Wanokaka as

while Ubu Dulla was sleeping, the people of Lamboya

well.

District drank the liquid that dripped from the bag. At

I have heard these stories from priests. However,that time, Ubu Dulla woke up and said, “From now on,

variations of these stories are told. For example, a varia-

there will be no more Nyale in Lamboja.”tion was introduced in Berita Satu by an Indonesian
news station (Beritasatu 2019). First, the reason was

After this, Ubu Dulla began to perform Pasola inmooted that Ubu Dulla left his village to search for food,

Wanokaka.

was to help the people suffering from a food shortage,and he never returned. Thus, people thought that Ubu

Ubu Dulla decided to do Pasola in Wanokaka. He

Dulla was dead, and his wife Rabbu Kabba ascended thefirst tried it at Wai Wuang village, but it did notthrone. Rabbu Kabba then met and fell in love with Teda

work well, then tried again at Praigoli, Lahi

Gaiparona, a man from Kodi, and traveled to Kodi.

Magela, and other villages, but still with no luck.

Finally, Ubu Dulla’s army and Kodi’s army were about

He went to Waigali—the father-mother (ina ama)

to fight over Rabbu Kabba. She did not want to be thevillage—but found that Waigali was geographi-

cause of a battle and threw herself into the sea. Rabbu

cally too low to see the sky, so it did not work.

Kabba transformed herself into a plethora of sea worms

However, Ubu Bewi village was on a hilltop, so

and became a part of everyone in Sumba. This tale isthey could see the sky.

more heroic than what I heard in the field. However, thisversion of the story is thought to have originated fromthe more famous myth of Putri Mandalika in Lombok.

Waigali village decided to ask Ubu Bewi village tocount the days of the moon for them. Waigali was

2 The Pasola Festival in Wanokaka

the leader village, but they needed to ask, and a rice
field was gifted from Waigali to Ubu Bewi.

This part of this paper continues to explain theprocess toward Pasola. On February 29, Rato Waigali

Eventually, the roles of each village were divided:(the highest priest of Waigali) left home. He and other

Ubu Bewi counted the months, Waigali was thepriests walked along shouting, “Whoo! Whoo! Whoo–leader of the whole group, and one of the priests

whoo–whoo–whoo–whoo–whoo,” followed by a gath-spent two nights on Wai Tena beach, performing

ering crowd of people. This voice was said to be a call torituals for the boat left behind by Ubu Dulla.

the sea worms.

13

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia

Lamboya asked him to share some of it with them,

11

the time to pass. Just as the morning sun began to rise on

号（２０２２）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.11 (2022)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第who had gathered there waited patiently and quietly for

Figure 8. People gathering to catch Nyale sea worms

Eventually, we arrived at Wanokaka Beach. People

the horizon, a voice suddenly broke the silence, “Whoo!
Whoo! Whoo–whoo–whoo–whoo–whoo–whoo.” The
two priests, known as the Rato Nyale (priests of the sea
worms), were the first to break the taboo and enter thesea to confirm the arrival of the sea worms.

Figure 9. Rato Waigali at the beach on themorning of Pasola

Each priest looked cautiously into the water andeventually put his hand into the water and made a
motion as if he was scooping something out. The sea

Sea worms appear for a limited time, and after

worms seemed to have appeared. I wondered whether

approximately one hour, their numbers gradually dwin-

there were many of them this year. After a while, the two

dled. As this happened, the excitement of the people waspriests returned to the land, and as if to take their place,quietened. At that time, the cavalry on dressed-up horses

many people who had been waiting entered the sea atstarted to gather, and their riders rang bells. The riders

once and started to gather the sea worms (Figure 8).

gathered the horses in the meadow near the beach. This

Colorful sea worms appeared in the sea, moving andevent was the beginning of the “Pasola on the beach.”undulating on the surface. People became absorbed in

At the start, one horseman from each herd came out

catching them and collected many in their containers.

and threw a thin wooden stick that looked similar to aThis year, the quantity was a little smaller than expected,

spear (Figure 10). Until approximately a couple ofbut the quality was said to be good, and Rato Waigali

decades ago, they had used spears, but after frequentalso looked relieved (Figure 9).

fatal accidents, spears were banned under contemporary
laws. Even with wooden sticks, people are still
injured every year.
Eventually, the intervals between the horsemen coming out of the two herds became
shorter, and they started coming out two riders
per group at a time. Next, the number of riders
per group increased to three, then four, andfinally, they came out in groups and threw
sticks at each other. When the sticks they threw
hit their opponents, the audience would cheer.

Figure 10. A scene of Pasola on the Beach in Wanokaka

14

Sometimes, the horsemen would catch theFigure 12. A meal cooked from the Nyale sea worms (leftplate)

sticks thrown by their enemies with theirhands, eliciting even louder cheers.
The duration of Pasola on the beach is relatively short, and by the time the sun rose, we
moved to a venue a little further inland (Figure11). There were even more horsemen andspectators, and the crowd was very enthusiastic. Sometime after the cavalry had started
throwing sticks at each other, the men eventually began to fight in a frenzy, and armed
police had to stop them each time.
Thus, the Pasola was celebrated with great

Figure 13. The priest of Nyale showing his first catch to other priests
and participants

pomp. Back at home, sea worms were servedto schedule the festival early, but this plan produced ain a dish of shaved coconut palm and ground citrus fruit

negative outcome: there were almost no sea worms

peel; the sea worms cooked in this way can be kept until

extant. The low number of sea worms was considered aaround August (Figure 12).

sign of the anger of the ancestral deity Marapu, and to

Sea worms have become a valuable predictor of crop

rectify this, Wanokaka priests thought they had toyield. When the priests of the sea worms assess the sea,slaughter many buffaloes and spend a lot of money toif there are many beautiful sea worms, they can predict

hold another festival. Therefore, this year, they aban-a good harvest (Figure 13). If the priests catch sea

doned the government’s plan and followed the tradi-worms and are bitten on the hand, they predict that rats

tional way—they set the date at the last minute.

will eat the crop and that the harvest will be bad. If theWith the introduction of irrigation systems such as

priests catching sea worms scratch their hands, theywater pumps and improved rice varieties, the rice plant-

predict heavy rains, the crop will die, and there willing cycle has shifted, but in the past, the custom was tothereby be a bad harvest.

start planting after Pasola of Wanokaka. The rice plant-

The local government considers Pasola to be an

ing process was still largely un-mechanized in thisimportant tourist resource and was trying to announce

region and was performed with a song and dance called

the dates as soon as possible to attract tourists. They

“heri kaninggi” to relieve fatigue. Only after Pasola canhave also subsidized the priests of Wanokaka; however,people can sing songs while farming.

on a per capita basis, the amount was very small. In thepast, Wanokaka had been requested by the government

15

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia

Figure 11. Pasola in Wanokaka

3 Pasola in Lamboya
There were many villages in Lamboya, but Pasolabegan with a ritual in the village of Sodan (Hodana) on
top of the mountain, where there was a House of Nyale.

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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.11 (2022)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第11

Rato Hodana (a high priest of Lamboya) resides besideit. As mentioned before, the sea worms must not appear
in Lamboya. If the sea worms appear in the month of
Nyale Lamboya, the rainy season will end. Nevertheless,the sea worms are worshiped with great care.
The Month of Sea Worms (Nyale) in Lamboya is one

Figure 14. Ritual at the House of Nyale in Lamboya

month earlier than that of Wanokaka, and the priests, as
in Podu (described later), know the time of the sea
worms and inform everyone of it.
Pasola is some nights after the full moon, according
to the priests. In preparation for Pasola, the paddy fields
are tended for several days. At that time, the paddy
fields are already flooded, and it takes two days to stop
drawing water. During this period, the chickens are
killed, and rituals are performed. Next, for three days,
all the buffalo are pulled into the paddies and made towalk to soften the mud. From this time on, people eat

Figure 15. Priests and people of Lamboya marching to
the beach

only the ancient red rice. At approximately the sametime, waterfalls and irrigation canals are cleaned. Pigs
and chickens are slaughtered and offered as food.

excellent local interpreter, I followed the priest of theSubsequently, on the day before Pasola, after perform-

sea worms, without being overly distracted by theing rituals in the House of Nyale, all the priests andhorses; the priest went to the west side of the beach, thepeople go to Kere Wei Beach, shouting for the sea

opposite of where the crowd was headed, and enteredworms (Figure 14).

the water. Other than Lamboya priests and myself, few

The night of February 17, 2017, was five nights after

people were paying attention to this move. I had thethe full moon (February 11) (nights rather than days

impression that this was not only because the sea worms

were counted). On this day, the priests of Lamboya held

were not available in Lamboya but also because therituals at the House of Nyale and walked toward the sea

priest was attempting to distract the crowd.

in the evening (Figure 15). On the way (the trip took a

Normally, in Lamboya, as in Wanokaka, there were

few hours), along the path through the forest, meals

two priests of the sea worms, but at this time, there waswere prepared for them by other people. They spent the

only one because the other had died and no one else hadnight on Kere Wei Beach.

been appointed. The priest was ankle-deep in the sea

After sunrise on February 18, the priest of the sea

and walked with ease. He did not seem to be carefully

worms (Rato Nyale) entered the sea. The scene,

observing the sea, and eventually, he made a motion

however, differed from that of Wanokaka. In Wanokaka,similar to scooping seawater with his hand and thena loud shout signaled that the time had come but inwalked again (Figure 16). When he reached a rock at theLamboya, the priest started walking without muchedge of the beach, he made a motion as if pouring thewarning. Just then, from the east side of the beach, theseawater he had scooped up into that one spot. This

horsemen arrived, dressed in their finery, and the crowd

ritual is said to be a means to report to Marapu that noturned its attention to them. With the assistance of my

Nyale has appeared. This ritual was how they conveyed

16

priests of Lamboya start the Podu at the new moon after
the autumnal equinox. The sun and moon are likened toa man and a woman, respectively, and it was also said
that the season of the Podu is when the sun rises fromthe same place where the moon rises, which also implies
In preparation for the Podu, the village is cleaned in
September. The first thing to do in the month of the
Podu is to perform pajura on the first night. On thesecond day, people burn the mountain meadows, and all

Figure 16. The priest of the sea worms (Rato Nyale)confirming the “non-appearance” of the sea worms

the Lamboya people participate because the burning isbelieved to cleanse them of their sins. The third day istheir hope that no Nyale would appear in Lamboya thisthe Malaba ceremony, which means to be absolved ofyear.

sins related to the water and fishing. The fourth day is

The Pasola Lamboya was then held on a flat hilltop,

Mananga, a ritual of gathering living things from theand the neighboring districts participated. However, thelake, mangroves, or brackish water. The fifth day is forvillage of Sodan only performed the rituals and did not

hunting. On the eighth day, the waterfall or spring isparticipate in the Pasola. A belief was that if a priest

cleaned. When eels come, the harvest is good. On thefrom Sodan rode a horse, either the horse or the priest

ninth day, people cook and eat a traditional food called

would die. Because the sea worms did not appear,

kade’i. On the tenth day, people go to the river to catch

people naturally did not eat the sea worms. The people

fish, especially big fish. Next, people perform pajuraof Lamboya, even if they had the sea worms, would only

again.
At this time, the smoke from burning the grass indrink the liquid, and even if the sea worms appeared,

Lamboya can be observed in Lolina. In addition, Lolina

they would not catch them.
The non-appearance of the Nyale in Lamboya is rec-people can recognize the time of the Podu in Lamboya

ognized as word of a successful Pasola Festival inthrough various sources. From the next new moon, it

Lamboya. This news was delivered through participants

will be the Podu in Lolina.

to Wanokaka, and then the Wanokaka people confirmed

During the Podu in Lolina, the high priest (Ratothat they would hold their Pasola in the next traditional

Rumata) does not leave and thus remains in Tarung

month.

village. During this period, men go into the forest
almost every day to hunt pigs and are not allowed to

4 The Podu from Lamboya to Lolina

return empty-handed (Figure 17).

The Podu—bitterness—season has been passed down

The first day is called Nga’a I Bo’una (=Taunafrom region to region. It is said that several taboos andMarapu Karada), a time when the new rice that has

restrictions are practiced during this period, which is
why this month is called bitterness. In Lamboya, thehigh priest knew when the Podu season began. Other
priests were present to determine when the next Podu
would be. The place where the sacred stone (ubu) was
located was in front of the home of the priest (Ubu
Beina is the priest in charge of Podu and Nyale), and mymeasurement disclosed that the direction in which thepriest was pointing was the place where the sun rises to

Figure 17. Priests dancing with swords on a day during
Podu in Waitabar Village

signal the coming of the Podu, which was due east; the17

Indigenous Calendars in Western Sumba Island, Indonesia

the time of the autumnal equinox.

号（２０２２）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.11 (2022)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第11

been harvested and stored is opened and eaten for the

In this way, we observe that the seemingly complex

first time, and a time to wait for the first rainfall of thesystem of the Western Sumba calendar is synchronized

rainy season. There is also a day called Tobba Wanno,

with the sun, moon, nature, and agriculture through only

when people clean their houses and themselves. Thus,

two ritual rites, Podu (bitterness) and Nyale (sea worms)

many rituals start from the new moon, and the biggest

and that the decisions of a few priests can reach all theritual (Dekela Kara) is held three days after the full

people through the ritual participants.

moon. The last ritual of the month of Podu is Kalango,

Hilltop communities are at an advantage to observe

which lasts for three days. Rato Rumata dances for threecelestial signals, but are not perfect, because human

hours.

observation can miss signals due to poor weather or

Before the Western calendar was used, Podu was thehuman bias. Communities on the coast are at an advan-

last month of the year—at least in Lolina and Lamboya.

tage to observe the sea worms swarming, but the time of

Kobba was the first month in the next year. Podu inswarming, which occurs in regular relation to the lunar

Lolina is the biggest Podu ritual and known by all othercycle, may differ by approximately one month in the

districts. Podu Lolina is also known as Podu Tou

solar cycle. Cross-checking between mountain and

Dangu, meaning Podu for all people. In addition, thecoastal communities can thereby minimize such errors.

center village, Tarung, is in Waikabubak, the capital of

Because the lengths of months are not as fixed as in thethe West Sumba Regency. This celebration is so large

Gregorian or solar, lunar, or lunisolar calendars inand famous that all the people in Western Sumba know

Indonesia, the fixation of errors can be made uncon-

the time of the end of the year and synchronize theirsciously and flexibly; this implied similarities with calen-schedule around it.

dars in the Austronesian-speaking Oceanic populations

During the two months of the Podu, the dry season(e.g., Palau and Samoa; Johannes1981; Igarashi 1997).

ends (i.e., the first rain falls) and the rainy season starts.

Only the priests know the time and host the rituals,

People prepare and start dry-land agriculture when theymaking top-down synchronicity possible, and intercala-observe the signs of the Podu.

tions are made without confusing the wider society.
This unconscious intercalation should be interpreted
as a “signal transmission calendar” from the aspect of

V DISCUSSION

calendrical systems (Furusawa and Siburian 2019).

This paper has summarized six features of the

Signals from the sun, moon, nature, and neighboring

Western Sumba calendars and showed how periodical

communities are transmitted within and between com-rituals were practiced in situ. Another case is worthy ofmunities, and this signal transmission played roles of

discussion. The Wanokaka community celebrated theirintercalation. Many undocumented calendars remain,Hi’u Pa’ana (“nesting of wild pigs”) ritual in the month

the intercalation methods of which have not beenof Hi’u, from January to the beginning of February

revealed; and the signal transmission can be essential in

2016. However, because they had heard that theunderstanding them.

Lamboya would be organizing their Pasola Festival on

This study concluded that the Western Sumba people

February 2, 2016, they simultaneously recognized that

operate such complex traditional calendars based onthey were in the month of Nyale Lamboya. Thus, theflexibility and signal transmission for synchronizationnext month was identified as the month of Nyale

as a means of predicting the need for adaptive livelihood

Wanokaka. This way of determining the months logi-

activities in the absence of modern meteorologicalcally meant that one month was split into two or simply

technologies.

that one month was almost skipped. This case suggests

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

that intercalation-based synchronicity is also imple-

I wish to sincerely thank the priests and the residents of Westmented during the process of Nyale and that the syn-

Sumba for their approval and support of our research, especiallychronicity was mainly at the start of the Podu.

18

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