専修大学社会科学研究所

月報

No.6842020 年 6 月

doi.org/10.34360/00011406

Historical origin and customary land tenancy ofrural community in Nigeria
Regina Hoi Yee Fu
Introduction
This paper is a record of the historical origin and customary land tenancy of the agricultural villagesin Nigeria, West Africa. The ethnic group of the people concerned are the Nupe, which is the mostdominant ethnic group in Niger State of Nigeria. The research was conducted in the area locates on theso-called “Middle Belt” which stretches across central Nigeria longitudinally between the eighth and thetwelfth parallels north. The Middle Belt is populated largely by minority ethnic groups and is characterized
by a heterogeneity and diversity of peoples and cultures. In the Niger State, the other major ethnic groups
apart from the Nupe are the Hausa, the Gwari, the Fulani and the Kumuka. Literature concerning the rural
Nupe community are very rare (Nadel, 1942, 1954; Forde, 1955; Masuda, 2002). The contents of thispaper are mainly based on the information gathered by direct observation and unstructured interviews withlocal people during interrupted fieldwork conducted between 2004 and 2009. This paper aims to fill theinformation gap about the rural society in Nigeria, as information about the society of this country has
been limited due to prolonged political instability since the 1980s.
Research Area
The area in which I conducted fieldwork for this paper is the “Cis-Kaduna” region of the Bida Emirateof the Niger State. Niger State locates on the central-north geopolitical zone of Nigeria1. The drainage ofthe state is dominated by the Niger River which forms its southern boundary. Bida Emirate is one of theeight tradition authorities of the Niger State, a successor to the old Nupe Kingdom established in thefifteenth century. Figure 1 indicates the location of the research area covered by this study. The term “CisKaduna” was found in the Gazetteer of Nupe province published in 1920 (Dupigny, 1920: 6). It is ageographical term used to describe the districts east of Kaduna River (Nadel, 1942, 181). The river is thelargest tributary of the Niger in the state. It runs in the middle of the Bida Emirate from north to south. On
the opposite side of the Cis-Kaduna is the “Trans-Kaduna” region. These two terms originated from the
Nupe name of the Kaduna River, Lavun. Cis-Kaduna is the district east of Kaduna River, and TransKaduna is the district west of Kaduna River. The domain of the current Bida Emirate covers territory of1
Niger State came into existence in 1976. The State was carved out of the former North Western State and comprised
most of what was before then known as Niger Province. During the British protectorate from 1900 to 1960, the region
where the Nupe people lived was called the Nupe Province which was put under Northern Nigeria. While the Niger
State is now officially recognized as locating at central Nigeria, historical literature referred the state as a section of thenorthern region.

－ 50 －

six Local Government Area (LGA)2, which are Katcha, Gbako, Bida, Lavun, Edati and Mokwa.
The largest town in this area is Bida, which is the second largest city in the Niger State. It is theheadquarter of the Bida Emirate ruled by Bida Emir, who also possesses the title of Etsu Nupe (king ofNupe). The dominant ethnic group of the research area is Nupe, with an absolute majority of them being
subsistence farmers. It is estimated that there are close to 1.5 million of Nupe in Nigeria, with majority ofthem reside in Niger State3. Table 1 indicates the population and population density of Bida Emirate andNiger State. The figures are taken from the 1963 and 2006 population censuses. Population and population
density of the Niger State and the Bida Emirate has multiplied by three folds in four decades. The Bida
Emirate takes up for 19% of the land area of the Niger State, and in 2006, 27% of the Niger State
population inhabit in the Bida Emirate. It has a higher population density compared with other parts of the
Niger State. Within the Emirate, the Cis-Kaduna region is especially dense. The difference in density of
population east and west of the Kaduna River lies in the historical fact of the Fulani conquest of Nupe andthe immigration of the Fulani rulers and their huge army, warriors, slaves, courtiers, and other dependents
into the area east of the Kaduna, where they settled, occupied the land, and built their capital and numerous
villages (Adeniyi, 1972a).
The Nupe Society
The Nupe people live in the heart of Nigeria in the low basin formed by the villages of the Niger andKaduna Rivers (Forde, 1970:17). Nupe is the dominant group in Niger and Kwara States. They were firstdescribed in detail by ethnographer Siegfried Nadel, whose book Black Byzantium, remains as ananthropological classic. Accounts of the Nupe society can also be found in Forde (1970), Ibrahim (1992),
Mason (1981) and Ismaila (2002). There are probably about a million Nupe, principally in Niger State3.
They are primarily Muslims. Christianity was brought into the area since the mid-nineteenth Century.
Traditional religion still exists but is weak. The Nupe trace their origin to Tsoede who fled the court of
Idah and established a loose confederation of towns along the River Niger in the fifteenth century. Nadel
refers to Tsoede as the culture-hero and mythical founder of the Nupe kingdom. The Nupe were converted
to Islam at the end of the eighteenth century by Mallam Dendo, a wandering Fulani preacher, and wereincorporated into the Fulani Empire established by the jihad led by Usman dan Fodio after 1804. Mallam
Dendo’s second son, Usman Zaki became Etsu Nupe (King of Nupe) in 1832 and the Fulani conquerors
have been ruling the Nupe of the Bida Emirate since then. The city of Bida fell to the colonial British
forces in 1897, but the traditional administration of Bida Emirate has been preserved until now.
2
The modern public administration of Nigeria operates at a three tiers structure. The first tier is the Federal Government,
the second tier is the State Government and the third tier is the Local Government (LG). There are 25 Local Government
Area (LGA) in the Niger State as of the time of this research.
3
The Nigerian official census in 1991 placed the population of Nupe at 1,062,000. The most recent estimation madeby the US Center for World Mission, a Christian organization, is 1,472,000. http://www.uscwm.org/index.php/about/.
(Accessed on 30 August 2012). The World Christian Database estimates that 92% of Nupe are Muslims, 5.2% are
Animists and 2.8% are Christians. http://worldchristiandatabase.org/wcd/. (Accessed on 13 July 2020). Nupe accountfor about 1% of the total population of Nigeria.

－ 51 －

Figure 1. Location of the research area, Cis-Kaduna, Bida Emirate, Nigeria4.

Source: Produced by author based on information gathered in fieldwork.

Table 1. Population and Population Density of Bida Emirate and Niger State.
Locality

Population(2006)

Population

Population

Density per(1963)

km2 (2006)

Population
Density per
km2 (1963)

Bida Emirate

1,052,998 (27%)

80

385,093 (32%)

28

Cis-Kaduna5542,781.5 (14%)

94

196,963 (16%)

43Trans-Kaduna510,216.5 (13%)

69

188,130 (16%)

21

Niger State

3,950,249 (100%)

52

1,194,508 (100%)16

2,897,251 (73%)

46

809,415 (68%)

14

Niger State (Excludes
Bida Emirate)

Source: Data derived by author based on 1963 and 2006 population censuses.

4
It should be mentioned here that multiple sources of information have been combined in order to produce this map.
First of all, official map indicating the boundary of all local government area of the state was almost inaccessible. What
I could get was only a poor-quality copy of the map produced in 1997 by the Survey Division, Ministry of Works,
Transport and Housing of the Niger State Government. Over the past years more Local Government Area has beencreated, from 9 in 1976 to 42 in 2002. However, some new LGAs have been dissolved because they were not gazettedby the National Assembly. The LGA number then went back to 25. This history leads to some confusion of the boundaryof LGAs. Second, there is no available map showing the current domain of the Bida Emirate. I draw the boundary byreferring to a few maps showing the ancient kingdom of Nigeria, as well as information provided by the Secretary of
the Bida Emirate Council.
5
For figures of 2006, population of new Lavun LGA is evenly divided into two and allocate to Cis-Kaduna and TransKaduna. For figures of 1963, data of the old Lavun LGA is used for Trans-Kaduna, and data of Gbako is used for CisKaduna. Number and boundary of LGAs have substantially changed from 1963 to 2006.

－ 52 －

Historical origin and customary land tenancy
1. Villages founded by migrants
Bida was the original habitation of the Beni sub-tribe of the ancient Nupe. Before the Fulani conquest
in the early nineteenth century, Bida was just a small walled town of the Beni. It was after 1856 that theFulani conquerors made Bida the new capital of the kingdom, after they had restored to power with theprotection and help of Bida inhabitants to fight against the usurper (Ismaila, 2002: 58-61). In 1857 whenthe British delegation visited Bida, it was still a temporary war camp with an estimated population of
12,000 and most of the people lived in grass houses (Mason, 1981:73). From about 1860 during the reignof the second Emir, Masaba, Bida was transformed from a war camp into a fine capital city, and since thenhad become the political and cultural center of the Nupe even until today.
Changes brought by the Fulani conquerors have shaped the history of the rural communities in CisKaduna region of the Bida Emirate. As one of the most intense battle-fields, there was serious bloodshed
in Bida and its surrounding regions. After years of wars and rebellions, many indigenes were displaced,
captured and killed. In order to hide from the warriors, some indigenes moved their settlements to different
places, and some even hided on top of hills where living condition was very harsh (Masuda, 2002: 255).
On the other hand, many new villages were established by new comers brought by the Fulani conquerors.
In the conquest of Nupe country, the Fulani royal family appropriated three categories of tribal land: allno-man’s land between villages; all village land which had been lying fallow for long; and finally the land
reserve of some villages. These lands were basically divided up geographically between the three royalhouses. Of the land owned by the royal houses by the right of conquest, the Emir or royal princes of highest
rank bestowed parcels of land as fiefs on their followers, such as military leaders, members of the nobility,
mallams or servants of high status, for the services rendered. These fief holders mostly lived in the capitaland never worked their land themselves. They settled their slaves on it, and had it worked by their labor(Nadel, 1942: 195-199).
During the reigns of early Fulani Emirs, slave was the dominant force of production and slave raiding
expeditions were carried out frequently. Slaves were captured from anywhere most importantly for theannual tribute to be submitted to the overlord in Gwandu6, and when there were excess slaves, they could
be traded to the coast from the ports on River Niger (Mason, 1981, 71-113). Many slaves were also put tofarm and work for the Fulani aristocrats. They were settled by fiefholders on their lands surrounding Bida
and made to farm. These slave villages were called tunga (Nadel, 1942: 36, 196). Under slavery crops
produced in tunga were mostly extracted by fiefholders, and a portion was in turn to be submitted to theFulani royal houses as tribute. There were a lot of tunga villages being established especially during thereign of Masaba. In order to pay the British for the guns and powders traded, Masaba imposed taxes on
6

Masaba had to send 300 slaves to Gwandu as annual tributes. By 1867 the number of slaves requested increased to
400 (Mason, 1981: 90).

－ 53 －

his vassals, mostly in the form of Shea butter obtained from tunga. In addition, as other emirates
exchanged slaves for the guns and powders re-exported from Bida, these slaves were also made to fill
newly founded tunga. It was recorded that Masaba had established 694 tunga during his reign (Mason,
1981, 85-94). In Umaru Majigi’s reign the slave population settled in tunga still increased in a high annual
rate (Ibid: 113). It was uncertain when slavery was actually abolished in the Nupe kingdom, but it wasprobably during the British colonization that slavery gradually ended.
There was another type of tunga villages which were founded by dependents of fiefholders. When
fiefholders no longer needed soldiers for their private armies, and when they could no longer support alarge household of henchmen and hangers-on in the town, they offered their lands to their followers. In
some cases, they even settled some of their family members. These new settlers went out into the fiefs of
their patrons and founded new farm settlements. These settlements scattered all over Cis-Kaduna andmany of them were named after their landlords. The economic arrangement between fiefholder anddependents whom he settled on his land was on metayer system which also regulated the tenantship of thefree peasant who accepted clientship in order to obtain land (Nadel, 1942: 195-199; Adeniyi, 1972b). The
history of the Fulani conquest and the founding of many settlements by migrants, either by slaves captured
somewhere or by new coming dependents of fiefholders, explained the background for the higher
population density of the Cis-Kaduna region as compared with the rest of the Emirate.
2. Customary land tenure of rural community in Cis-KadunaLand ownership in the Cis-Kaduna region is complicated due to the history of the Fulani conquest.
Nadel (1942: 180-256) offered a detailed description on the traditional land possession and distribution in
the Nupe kingdom. The Cis-Kaduna region is mostly a “conquered territory”, except some scatteredislands of land that have not been taken away from the Nupe indigence. On the land that has been
appropriated by the conquerors, multiple layers of ownership would exist as land got divided among theroyal families, distributed to men high on the hierarchical scale, redistributed to dependents and slaves,sublet to settlement heads, and so on. The common situation can be simplified into a three-layered
structure of land ownership (Masuda, 2002).
On the top level there are the Bida Emir and the three royal families. During the process of conquest,
the lands were appropriated and divided between the three royal houses. The Bida Emir and the three royalfamilies are the ultimate land owners of the territory of the Bida Emirate. There are three royal estatessituated immediately outside the Bida town, which used to be overseen by the royal head slaves. In thepast, the first cultivation in the year was always done by large-scale communal labor of slaves, dependents
and farmers from the neighborhood. At present the use of communal labor of farmers from theneighborhood still occasionally happens when intensive work is needed for the royal farm. Following the
tradition, the Emir has to arrange for plenty of good food for the people who contribute to the communal
work. By being the ultimate land owner, the Bida Emir has the right to control activity on the territory of－ 54 －

the Emirate and has the judicial power over any land related dispute. The second layer of land ownershipis the primary landlords which consist of absentee or sometimes resident landlords. The absentee landlords
form the privileged class of town Fulani in Bida. They get bestowed permanent right to their fiefs andtraditional title from the royal houses. Powerful absentee landlord would own large parcel of land thatcovers multiple farming settlements. The resident landlord probably originated from old slaves ordependents of the noble class, and they lead the life as land holding farmers.
On the third layer there are the secondary landlords who manage land at community level. They are
the lineal descendants of the village founders and often also the village chiefs. In some cases, they can be
the descendants of head slaves or dependents of former tunga villages that we have described in the former
section. Following the abolishment of slavery and a century of political change, the economic relationshipbetween tunga and fiefholders has changed. Unlike in the time of slavery when most of the crops produced
were extracted by the landlords, former slaves were freed and allowed to remain on the land and to farmfor their own. The right of secondary landlords to the land is bounded by the clientship under the primarylandlord. Annual tribute in kind must be paid by a secondary landlord to show the acknowledgement of
the dependence of the community on the patron.
The power of secondary landlords over the community land is restricted to allocation of farmland
and management of vacant land. His power, however, can be overridden by the primary landlord. When a
primary landlord wants to take back the land for his own use, or to shift the secondary landownership toanother person, the secondary landlord can do nothing but to obey. This lack of exclusive right to the land
can sometimes lead to hardship to farmers of the community. To ordinary farmers, it is the secondary
landlord that they have to deal with when acquiring farmland. Secondary landlords enjoy the economic
privilege, although nothing big, to receive land rent in kind from tenant farmers. The land rent is known
as dzanka, an Arabic-Hausa word meaning tithe, a religious obligation for a Muslim to give out of his
wealth or farm products in a prescribed portion with sincere and pious intention of giving. In principle, atenant farmer in the Cis-Kaduna region is supposed to submit one tenth of his production, in terms ofbundles of sorghum or millet, or tins of rice, to the secondary landlord of his farmland. The secondary
landlords can also derive income from some fruit-bearing trees on the land.
Table 2 lists the population, origin and primary land ownership of some of the Nupe villages I havevisited. These twenty-five villages scatter over the Cis-Kaduna region and are about 10 to 30km awayfrom Bida town. Villages in Cis-Kaduna are often small in scale, with an estimated population not morethan two hundred. Out of these twenty-five villages, sixteen are founded by migrants. I will quote someexamples that I have got from the oral history of Nupe that I have interviewed. When Shabamaliki village
was founded, a hundred young men and a hundred young women captured as slaves were brought to settle
in a virgin forest which later turned into Shabamaliki. Ancestor of Nassarafu was an Islamic preacher from
Borno who followed the Fulani warriors down to the Nupeland. Similarly, ancestors of Kpatagi wereoriginally from Sokoto. Today it is difficult to tell whether these villages are founded by former slaves or－ 55 －

by dependents of the Fulani conquerors, because nowadays there is almost no difference among villages
regardless of their background. Most of the young farmers do not even know the origin of their ancestors.
As Adeniyi (1980) has pointed out, there is the tendency for smaller tribes to be absorbed by larger orruling tribes. After the passage of a century of time, decedents of the former migrants have already been
“Nupe-ized” and embraced the Nupe language and culture. The process of islamization brought by the
Fulani conquerors should have accelerated the abandonment of their original cultural traits. It is only when
one digs deep into the oral history and the land ownership that one can find hints on the origin of thevillage ancestors. These villages are not very far away from each other, but within a rather limited area ofland, numerous primary landlords exit. It reflects the history of land division resulted from the land
appropriation and distribution brought by the conquerors. Powerful title holders like Natsu and Tsoyida
own large parcel of land that cover the boundary of multiple villages.
For the villages with Nupe indigence originality, the founders of these villages were usually chased
to be the hunters that when wandered around seeking for animals found the unoccupied lands and thensettled down. During the Fulani conquest, some indigenes moved into the protection of the hill-side inorder to escape from the Fulani raiders. The tradition of Kuchiworo village can be an interesting case as
it is a typical instance at first but an unusual instance later. According to the oral history of the village
head, the great ancestor of Kuchiworo was a hunter originally lived in Rotso, a place nearby Lokoja which
was about 300km away from Bida. He wandered around hunting and as he moved, he settled in a numberof places and founded hamlets. From Rotso he moved to Gbanguba, then to Fitigi and finally reached
Kuchiyabata. When the Fulani conquerors came, some inhabitants of Kuchiyabata moved onto the hill tohide from the warriors. They endured the harsh living environment there for some decades and finally
moved away from the hill when Christian missionary came to them, probably in the late nineteenth century.
However, as they were Christianized, they could not return to the original village as it has been Islamized
after the conquest. They therefore needed to beg for land from a Fulani landlord and established a newvillage called Kucuiworo, in which “woro” means new in Nupe language. Meanwhile some otherinhabitants of Kuchiyabata moved to another place and founded another new village called Kuchigbako,
in which “gbako” means old in Nupe language. It is the history of how one village has splatted into three
due to the war.

－ 56 －

Table 2. Population, origin and primary land ownership of Nupe villages.
Traditional title of primary

Village

Population*

OriginPrimary Landlord

1

Alukusu Tako

150

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Tsoyida2

Alukusu Tifin

50

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Tsoyida

3

Ejeti

200

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Shabama Mamudu

4

Emicheche

100

Indigene

5

Emigbari

50

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Tutiginba

6

Emigilali

100

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Natsu

7

Emisheshe Natsu

60

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Natsu

8

Emisheshikacha

50

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Nynadalu

Nupe

landlordlandlordin

another

community

Kuchiyabata

9

Emitete100

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Nakordi10

Emitsundadan

177

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Daniya

11

Eyagi

86

Indigene

Nupe indigene

12

Fikin

200

Indigene

Nupe indigene

13

Fitigi100

Indigene

Nupe indigene

14

Gadza

303

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlords

Tsoyida/Natsu

15

Gbanchitako

100

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlords

Etsu Umaru

16

Kpatagi

200

Migrant

Absentee landlord in Bida

17

Kuchigbako

100

Indigene

Nupe indigene

18

Kuchiworo

200

Indigene

Fulani absentee landlord

Ejiko

19

Lemuta80

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlords

Gbate

20

Mokwagi

100

Indigene

Nupe indigene

21

Nassarafu

500

Migrant

Absentee landlord in Bida

22

Patinda200

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Rani

23

Shabamaliki

400

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Nagenu24

Takunkabagi

100

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Ejiko

25

Tswatagi

100

Migrant

Fulani absentee landlord

Rani

Average152* Numbers of population were given by village heads or villagers interviewed. Most of the figures were roughestimations which seemed to be higher than the real figures could be. The population of Emigbari, Emitsundadan andGadza were carefully counted by the author through detailed interviews.
Source: Produced by author based on fieldwork conducted in 2004-2009.

－ 57 －

Discussion
This paper is part of a larger study which is conceived as an effort to examine the community
economy and the indigenous development initiatives of the Nigerian rural community. Various works havealready been drafted and published, yet it still requires a constant huge effort to make the history andcircumstances of the rural Nigerian community more accessible to reader (Fu et al, 2009; Fu, 2013, 2018,2019). Comprehensive study on the Nigerian society has become rare since the late 1980s due to increasing
political instability and deteriorating social environment after the oil doom. After Nadel’s (1942) researchin the 1930s, the Nupe society have not been studied again for over half a century until the Japanesescholars conducted research on them in the mid-1990s. Decades have passed since Nadel’s research andthe Nupe society have undergone some changes. As a part of a research project to identity the possibility
for inland valley farming intensification, a Nupe village called Gadza has been selected for socioeconomic observation. Hirose (2002) analyzed its farming system and Masuda (2002) studied its land
tenure system and tree distribution. Under the same project, Shikano (2002) conducted the first
ethnographic research on the pastoral Fulani in the Nupe country. Their findings provide importantbackground information for my study. A rich amount of first hand materials have been obtained through a
prolonged period of interrupted fieldwork since 2004. This paper provides the record of the historicalorigin and customary land tenancy of the agricultural villages of Nigeria. Despite its importance as thepolitical and economic giant of the emerging Africa, information on its local society is limited. Efforts
will continue to reveal more detailed descriptions of selected villages, so that the information gap sinceNadel’s time, even though limited maybe due to various difficulties faced by the researcher, will be filled.
Acknowledgement
The researcher is grateful to the support of JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 16K20982. This paper is also
funded by a Senshu University research grant in 2020 and is part of the results of a project entitled “Local
innovation for agricultural development of Africa”.
References
Adeniyi, E.O. (1972a) Land Tenure and Agricultural Development in Nupeland. Nigerian Geographical
Journal, 15(1): 49-57.
Adeniyi, E.O. (1972b) A Geographical Analysis of the Population and Rural Economic Development in
the Middle Belt of Nigeria: A Case Study from Bida and Minna Divisions of Niger Province.
Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Ibadan.
Adeniyi, E.O. (1980) Niger State: A Survey of Resources for Development. Nigerian Institute of Socialand Economic Research. Ibadan, Nigeria.
Dupigny, E.G.M. (1920) Nigeria Northern Provinces: Gazetteer of Nupe Province. Complied by G.E.M.
Dupigny. London: Waterlow & Sons Limited.
－ 58 －

Forde, C.D. (1955) The Nupe. In: Forde, D. (ed). Peoples of the Niger-Benue Confluence. London,
International African Institute. Pp. 17-52.
Fu, R.H.Y., Maruyama, M., Oladele, I., and Wakatsuki, T. (2009) Farmers adoption and propensity toabandoned adoption sawah-based rice farming in the inland valley of central Nigeria. Journal of
Food, Agriculture & Environment, 7(2): 379-382.
Fu, R.H.Y. (2013) Potential of local initiatives for agricultural development in Africa: Researches on
livelihood and natural resource management of the central Nigerian rural community. Doctoral
dissertation submitted to the Department of Advanced Social and International Studies, Graduate
School of Arts and Sciences, The University of Tokyo.
Fu, R.H.Y. (2018) Symbiosis Between Pastoralists and Agriculturalists - Corralling Contract andInterethnic Relationship of Fulani and Nupe in Central Nigeria, International Journal of Public andPrivate Perspectives on Healthcare, Culture, and the Environment, 2(1): 33-58.
Fu, R.H.Y. (2019) A working paper on the local land access arrangement in rural Nigeria, The Monthly
Bulletin of the Institute for Social Science, Senshu University, 674: 1-9.
Hirose, S. (2002) Rice and upland farming in the Nupe community. In: Hirose, S., Wakatsuki, T. (eds)
Restoration of Inland Valley Ecosystems in West Africa. Association of Agriculture and Forest
Statistics, Tokyo. Pp.183-212.
Ibrahim, S. (1992) The Nupe and their neighbours from the 14th century. Heinemann Educational Books(Nigeria) PLC.
Ismaila, D. (2002) Nupe in history (1300 to date). Olawale Publishing Company Ltd, Jos, Nigeria.
Mason, M. (1981) Foundations of the Bida Kingdom. Ahmadu Bello University Press, Zaria, Nigeria.
Nadel, S.F. (1942) A Black Byzantium: the kingdom of Nupe in Nigeria. London: Oxford University Press.
Nadel, S.F. (1954) [1970]. Nupe Religion: Traditional beliefs and the influence of Islam in a West African
chiefdom. New York: Schocken Books.
Shikano, K. (2002) Ecological anthropological study on daily herding activities of pastoral Fulani incentral Nigeria. In: Hirose, S. and Wakatsuki, T., (eds) Restoration of Inland Valley Ecosystems inWest Africa. Association of Agriculture and Forest Statistics. Japan. Pp. 303-369.

－ 59 －