『人類学研究所 研究論集』第 8 号（2019）
Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.8 (2019)

Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wari
Mortuary Practices, Ceramic Styles, and Religious Experience
William H. Isbell

Key words
Andean archaeology, Wari, cultural diversity, ceramic styles, mortuary practices

1. Introduction
Archaeology of cultural variability during Peru’s Middle Horizon (approximately A.D.
650 – 1000; henceforth, MH) has focused on questions about the nature of Wari.1 Especially,
if the material diagnostics of the MH identify an ancient political formation, should thatpolity be understood as an archaic empire ruled from the capital city of Huari, in Peru’s
Ayacucho Valley? In a career-capping evaluation of MH diversity and Wari politicalorganization Richard Schaedel (1993) discussed diverse regional traditions whose
distinctive iconic imageries were judged inconsistent with enforced change he associatedwith an imperial state. Schaedel argued that even the concept of horizon was inappropriate
given the cultural and political diversity apparent in the archaeological record. However, theissue of cultural diversity in the MH is much more complex than enforced culture change, or
the question, “Was Wari an empire?” Cultural variation is a dynamic part of complex
polities, not just the remains of pre-imperial ethnicities that have not been homogenized into
the core state. In his influential definition of archaic imperialism Thomas Barfield (2001: 29[emphasis in the original]; also quoted by Glatz 2013: 21) pointed out that “empires areorganized both to administer and exploit diversity, whether economic, political, religious, or
ethnic.” It is time that we examine cultural diversity within Wari and the MH, determine
what processes were involved, and what these differences meant for the Wari dominion.
Cities that for the first time became wide-spread during Peru’s MH harbor and incite
cultural diversity (Smith 2003). They foster direct and indirect contacts between residents
1
I employ the spelling “Huari” to refer to the principal site, and capital city of the expansionist state centeredin the Ayacucho Valley during the MH – as well as objects and artifacts from the capital. I employ thespelling “Wari” to refer to the culture and styles spread from the capital city of Huari during the MH – as wellas the objects and artifacts from locations outside the capital city. Consequently, pottery of the Chakipampa
Style from the capital belongs to Huari culture, while Chakipampa Style pottery from the city of Conchopata
belongs to Wari culture. I use the same convention for “Tiahuanaco,” the Titicaca Lake shore site, and“Tiwanaku,” the wide-spread culture.
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Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wari

and among visitors who would be very unlikely ever to encounter one another in traditional
village life. Imperial urban centers should be understood as petri dishes where cultural
diversity could originate and flourish. But there were surely many sources of diversity,
including ethnogenesis, new gender categories, emerging status groups, and other identities
in the rapidly changing social landscape. In this chapter we will examine the archaeology of
MH Peru to determine how heterogeneous cultural practice was. While the recent
archaeological image of Wari imperial centralization has been the imposition of cultural
homogenization, new understandings of empire pose the question of what kinds of diversity
were allowed, and perhaps even encouraged by the Wari polity.
This paper explores three domains of cultural diversity during the MH, not to affirm theclassificatory designation of Empire, but to better understand Wari itself. I believe that theidentities materialized by archaeological remains discussed herein were internal to the Wari
imagined community (Isbell 2000; Yeager & Canuto 2000). That is, none of the materialized
identities appear to have opposed themselves to Wari cultural, political or ethnic identities.
All the participants in each of the dimensions of cultural variation explored would probably
have self-identified as ‘Wari,’ at least in the contexts materialized by the archaeologicalremains discussed. Undoubtedly, the people surely participated in multiple and alternative
identities, but I do not think that any of them excluded identification as Wari. The cultural
domains selected for discussion are as follows:
1) Mortuary practices in the heartland and peripheries, especially the central coast2) Variation in heartland ceramic styles: chronology and social factionalism
3) Experience of the supernatural as implied by images of an hallucinogenic plant inreligious iconography
2. MH Mortuary Practices
The burial preference identifiable as the Wari mortuary ideal is flexed and seatedinterment in a subterranean pit or stone-lined chamber (Isbell 2004; Isbell & Korpisaari2012). Corpses were interred with their legs drawn up against the chest, with arms
encircling or resting on the knees. Bodies appear to have been placed in their tombs in aseated position, although poor preservation in the highlands often results in the skeleton
falling over, or collapsing into a heap.
Flexed burial appears to have been the practice in Wari’s Ayacucho heartland before theMH, although it is not clear that seated posture was also preferred (Lumbreras 1969, 1974;
see also Leoni 2010). Be that as it may, body position for burial in the core Wari territorychanged only modestly through the Early Intermediate Period (approximately 200 B.C. –A.D. 650; henceforth EIP) and into the MH (Leoni 2009, 2010). By contrast, on much of thecoast of Peru, ancient traditions of extended burial dominated mortuary practice throughout
the EIP, only to be replaced by tightly flexed corpses during the MH. Although more details
11『人類学研究所 研究論集』第 8 号（2019）
Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.8 (2019)of the transformations are required, both north coast and central coast burial patterns
underwent radical conversion (Donnan & Mackey 1978: 213; Flores 2005; Flores et al.
2012; Moseley 1992: 216). South coast burial preferences also reveal modification in favorof Wari standards, but tightly flexed interment had been practiced on the south coast since atleast the beginning of the EIP (Carmichael 1988) so transformations associated with thearrival of Wari influence were less drastic than farther north along the coast.
Archaeologists ask whether the apparently wide-spread adoption of a more or lessuniform burial practice throughout so much of MH Peru reveals a distinct new mortuary
canon, that may have been imposed by the Wari Empire. But how uniform were the new
burial practices? More significantly, can MH mortuary changes be attributed to a universal
new religious ideology, and if so, was it propagated by Wari?
In Peru’s north coastal valleys a millennium-old Moche cultural preference for extended
burial was replaced by flexed interments during the MH (Donnan & Mackey 1978). In the
Lima area of the central coast cemeteries of dorsally extended bodies characterize the EIP,
but MH adult graves are usually tightly flexed and seated (Flores 2005: 71-78; Renglifo
2006, 2007). In view of similarity in form as well as in the timing of profound mortuarychanges both in the north and central coastal regions, a single Wari explanation is appealing.
However, it seems very unlikely that enforced culture change of the kind Schaedel (1993)
associated with empire, could have been involved – at least on the north coast. Most Central
Andean prehistorians agree that the Moche polities of the north coast were not subjugatedby Wari, so if flexed interment does represent a Wari introduction, its adoption among theformer Moche peoples must have been voluntary.
Central coastal, Lima-area burials are especially informative about MH mortuary
preferences. Dry conditions on Peru’s central coast preserve artifacts seldom recovered in
the highlands, or even north coast mortuary contexts, so MH graves from the Lima region
are among the most detailed, and well-preserved, of the Wari realm. Lima-area MH burials
consist of cloth-wrapped mummies capped by false heads complete with facial features. In
at least the larger mummies, a substantial bale of cloth encloses the tightly flexed body.
Cloth constituting the mummy bundle includes items of clothing that are often gender- andage-specific, and show signs of wear. The bundles also include ornaments, apparently placed
within the wrappings as offerings, and raw vegetable material to increase the size of thebundle (Angeles 2018; Angeles & Pozzi-Escot 2000, 2001; Flores et al. 2012; Jijon y
Camaaño 1949; Pozzi-Escot & Angeles 2011; Reiss & Stübel 1998 [1880-1887]). Bales are
frequently bound and stabilized with rope and surmounted with a false head of cloth
embroidered with facial details, or of wood with carved features sometimes enhanced byhair, inlays of shell, and semi-precious materials.
Graves range from simple holes in the ground, containing a single body, to stone- or
adobe-lined sepulchers sometimes containing numerous mummies. Flores et al. (2012: 21)
report a Wari grave from Huaca Pucllana with 11 mummies. Furthermore, there seems tohave been a hierarchy among the mummies of these multi-individual tombs. The largest,
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primary mummy was seated against the south wall, facing north or east, with one or morecompanions of similar, but somewhat less, elaborate construction. Offerings of pottery, tools,
and other artifacts were placed on the floor of the tomb, sometimes rather clearly associatedwith one or the other of the mummies. Pucllana multi-individual graves sometimes included
children’s bodies, probably offerings for these cadavers were extended, not wrapped in bales,
and they have no false heads.
One of the finest Wari tunics ever discovered came from a large mummy excavated froma multi-individual tomb at Ancon in 1875 (Reiss & Stübel 1998 [1880-1887]: Plates 16 and49). The spectacular textile covered a large mummy bundle more or less typical of
Lima-area Wari burials, except that the nucleus of the bale consisted of disarticulated humanbones wrapped into a packet, therefor representing a secondary burial rather than the more
typical tightly-flexed body. The condition of the remarkable tunic also indicates recycling.
Together the reuse of the tunic and the secondary burial of the bones document re-opening
graves, and prolonged mortuary ritual for at least some Lima-area Wari dead. Furthermore,
it seems likely that all multi-individual tombs were re-opened so new bodies and perhaps
offerings could be added over time. It is also likely that objects within the graves, including
human remains, were manipulated before the re-opened tomb was sealed again. What isunclear is how frequently and for what broader purpose Wari tombs were re-opened. As
discussed below, re-opening tombs, manipulating mummies, and interactions between theliving and dead are immensely important issues in ethnohistoric Andean religion and social
structure. We will revisit the issue of re-opening tombs to evaluate similarities anddifferences between MH mummies and Inca ancestor mummies reported in the 16th century(Isbell 1997, 2004; Isbell & Korpisaari 2014).
On Peru’s south coast mortuary practices also reveal change during the MH, although not
as radical as in Peru’s north coast or Lima-area cemeteries, where extended burial was
replaced by flexed interment. South coast burial practice preferred tightly flexed interments
in cloth-wrapped bales throughout the EIP, so change was less dramatic. However, with few
exceptions, EIP south coast dead were interred one to a grave (Carmichael 1988). With theonset of the MH, multiple-individual tombs became popular, albeit they were never the
majority of the burials. Rectangular stone- or adobe-lined tombs roofed with heavy wooden
beams were accessed by deep shafts. They contained several tightly flexed mummy bales,with ornate false heads (Silverman & Proulx 2002: 276). Carmichael (1988: 357-358, plates
1, 2) illustrates an example of a diagnostically EIP-MH transition tomb excavated at
Cahuachi, that contained a man’s body, and three other adults as well as a child under one ofthe other mummies. Pottery offerings of the Nasca 8 style reveal prototypic Chakipampa
style influence from Ayacucho, representing a very early stage in the development of Waripottery. Significantly, the mummy bales were placed so that free space remained in thesquare chamber at the bottom of the grave shaft, seemingly to anticipate the insertion of yet
more cadavers. This led Carmichael to infer that the sepulcher probably represented thetomb of a family group, to which members were added as they died.
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Wari mortuary activates in the Ayacucho heartland, as well as other highland locations,
are significantly less well known than the coastal cemeteries. First, there has been much lessexcavation in the highlands than along the coast. Second, preservation of perishable remains
is poor in the seasonally rainy highlands. Third, although probably no worse than on the
coast, looting has severely damaged Wari tombs, especially the more elite examples.
The first elite Wari tomb to be discovered intact, and excavated by professionalarchaeologists in the highlands, occurred only in 2011, at Vilcabamba, Cusco (Fonseca
Santa Cruz 2011). Given the scarcity of undisturbed elite burial contexts in the highlands,archaeologists frequently resort to characterizing highland Wari tombs on the basis ofanalogies with better known and more intensively studied coastal MH graves – especiallycentral coast graves. However, since this approach enhances the impression of a universal
Wari mortuary practice, we must pose another question. Were highland Wari, andparticularly heartland Ayacucho Wari burials great cloth-wrapped mummy bales with false
heads, like those of the central coast? Furthermore, did post-mortem treatment of coastal andhighland mummy bales resemble Inca ancestor worship?
The first question opens a series of inquiries. If we are to evaluate how influential
highland Wari mortuary practice was in reshaping coastal burial preferences during the MH
we must determine how similar adult interments really were from one region to the other. If
the answer is that a single MH mode of interment was spread throughout the Wari realm,
does that document a shared religious ideology that required specific treatment for thedeceased? And to the degree that these questions can be answered in the affirmative, what
educated guesses can be proposed about the contents of a new Wari ideology of death?
The second issue outlined above is also very important because the large, primary
mummy bales from coastal MH cemeteries resemble Inca ancestor mummies –well-preserved, desiccated cadavers bound in a tightly flexed position, carefully dressed inelegant clothing, and seated on a stool or litter so they could be viewed and venerated bytheir progeny (Guaman Poma [1615] 1980; Isbell 1997). Inca ancestor mummies were themost immediate object of religious veneration for ethnic Incas as well as for many peoples
incorporated into the Inca Empire in the 16th century. The mummies were offered food andother sacrificial goods, including new clothing in which the body was regularly dressed, in acontinuing effort by descendants to win supernaturally-granted favors through the deceased
ancestor who acted as intermediary between the living and more distant bearers of divine
powers.
Inca ancestors apparently had to remain corporeal if they were to retain spiritual identity,
so they were not buried but carefully kept protected from humidity and depredation in avariety of open sepulchers. Within these lodgings the ancestors could be visited, consulted
and worshipped. They were also removed from the open sepulcher and carried abroad on
litters to participate in rituals (MacCormack 1991: 77), to host fellow ancestors, and to
manage their earthly estates.
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Inca ancestor mummies administered the resources they had accumulated in life,
communicating decisions through intermediaries as well as divination. Secure in the open
sepulcher, founder mummies were often accompanied by corpses of their relatives,
especially primary and secondary sons, but apparently also spouses and more distant kin. As
founder of the family estate, the apical ancestor mummy was the nexus of the Andean
corporate descent group, the ayllu, that was a building block for Inca Cusco, as well as
broader imperial organization. Some archaeologists argue that Inca-style ancestor mummies,
Inca-style ancestor worship, and Inca-style ayllu organization can be attributed to Wari and
the Middle Horizon (see for example McEwan 2005). To the degree that they are correct
Wari was the absolute antecedent of the Inca Empire, if not its origin. If true, it could beargued that the spread of Wari mortuary practices represents the initial diffusion of
Inca-style social and ideological institutions through the Andean world, a millennium before
actual Inca expansion. However, many problems remain to be resolved before Wariheartland mortuary practices are understood, meaning that it is premature to equate MH
burial practices of the central or south coast with the Wari highlands, or any of those with
Inca ancestor worship and its associated ayllu organization.
First, is the question of whether Peruvian coastal mortuary practices of the MH – forexample burials from the Lima area – were introduced from the Wari heartland. Second, towhat degree do coast and highland practices represent a unified pattern that can beassociated with Ayacucho Wari? Third is the question of whether MH mummy bales
document ancestor worship of the kind practiced by the Incas, in which the ayllu kin groupaffirmed itself through ritualized adoration of an apical ancestor by his/her descendants –real and apparently fictional. Since each question is predicated on its antecedent, we must
begin with the first.
Does the interment of large cloth-wrapped mummy bales with false heads, inhierarchically organized, multi-individual tombs, along with the other practices
characteristic of the Lima coast also characterize Ayacucho Wari mortuary preferences?
Which of the coastal practices appear in the highland archaeological record, and in whatways was interment in MH Ayacucho different from coastal practices?
Before we embark on a comparative discussion of Ayacucho Wari mortuary preferences,
we must determine how interment differed in accord with social status. There can be little
doubt that the multi-individual tombs on which Lima-area and other coastal Wari burial
patterns are currently understood represent elite interments. Less elaborate burials also exist,
but the range of variation has not been synthesized into a systematic and classificatory
statement about MH mortuary preferences on the central and neighboring coasts. What canbe affirmed is that the materials chosen for description represent the finer tombs that surely
belonged to local elites.
In Ayacucho Wari, immense differences have been observed in graves, suggesting as
many as 8 degrees of social inequality were expressed in the elaboration of tombs (Isbell
2004; Isbell & Korpisaari 2012; Leoni 2009). Although the sample is small, the upper two
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levels of the heartland interment hierarchy are both monumental and megalithic graves that
occur only at the Huari capital. They probably represent the tombs of kings and high nobility,
respectively. Similar tombs are not found at MH centers subsidiary to Huari, neither in thehighlands nor on the coast.
The next echelon of tombs includes several variants of non-monumental Mortuary RoomInterment, that are known at Huari as well as the secondary city of Conchopata, andprovincial Wari centers such a Huaro’s Batan Urqo (Zapata 1998) and Espíritu Pampa(Fonseca Santa Cruz 2011) in Cusco. A less elaborate grave type, but still surely elite, is the
Bedrock Cavity Tomb described for Ayacucho’s Conchopata, Azángaro and Ñawinpukyo(Anders 1986; Isbell 2004; Isbell & Korpisaari 2012; Leoni 2009, 2010), but morewide-spread. A simpler tomb type was Cist Interment, probably for common folk, andseveral varieties of simple pit burials probably represent Wari poor – perhaps servants andcaptives. I believe that the best comparison for the multi-individual tombs, containing large
mummy bales with false heads and elaborate textile wrappings, from Lima and other coastal
areas is with non-monumental Mortuary Room Interments, and perhaps Bedrock Cavity
Tombs, of the highlands. Both appear to represent local elites, and they share importantfeatures – especially the ttoco, described below. These tombs therefor constitute the basis fordescribing the Wari heartland tradition that will be compared with the elite MH Wari burials
from elsewhere, especially the central coast. At both Conchopata and Ñawinpukyo severalof the modest elite interment contexts, as well as more common pit burials, contain traces oftextiles and cordage. There seems little doubt that at least some bodies were wrapped incloth and bound with rope, but were they great bales like those of the coast?
One salient difference between Ayacucho and Lima MH mortuary remains is that burials
in Ayacucho are typically found in, or under the floors of habitation sites. This is clearly
documented at Conchopata, the most extensively excavated MH city where more than 200
interments have been recovered (Isbell 2001; Isbell & Cook 2002; Tung 2012). Mortuary
remains from Huari follow a similar pattern. Separate cemeteries were not popular in the
MH Ayacucho highlands (except for caves, discussed below); space was devoted to the deadwithin residential communities. To the contrary, in the Lima region, MH burials areprimarily in cemeteries. Most frequently these cemeteries are intruded into, or along theedge of, old platform complexes such as Huaca Pucllana, Maranga, Cajamarquilla,
Pachacamac, or Huaca Malena, all ceremonial centers occupied during the EIP andabandoned at the onset of the MH. Furthermore, even when MH Wari-style burials do nottake advantage of earlier ceremonial platforms, they still occur in cemetery groupings, as at
Ancon.
Highland burial contexts that might be considered MH cemeteries are in caves, althoughnone have been discovered intact, so it is difficult to determine the original conditions anddates for these rock-shelter mausoleums. Extrapolating from disturbed remains – bits ofcloth-wrapped mummies with no evidence for false heads, copious human bones, andoccasional scraps of fine textiles – numerous individual mummy bundles must have been
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placed side by side on the floor of the cave, on shelf-like ledges, or in niches. At least somebundles were wrapped with Wari-style textiles, among them tapestry tunics with face andfret designs, and occasionally even more elaborate icons. In at least some cases the interiorof the cave was partitioned with stone and clay walls, and the external opening was sealed
by a wall that was plastered and painted red, leaving only a small opening like a window. If
mummy bundles inside were passed through this kind of opening, as seems unavoidable,
none could have been as substantial and bulky as the primary bales of central coastal tombs.
However, cave burials do represent something of a cemetery-like context from the highlandsin that the human remains were not placed below the floors of individual residences, but
together in large groupings. Some caves probably contained several groups of dead.
There is no evidence for false heads on Ayacucho highland mummy bundles, except for
one shell object that could have been an eye-inlay for a carved wooden false head, found in
a Mortuary Room Interment chamber at Conchopata. A paradoxical case is the Espíritu
Pampa elite grave with a silver mask, and other metallic objects, that were discovered in thetomb. The mask is a solid sheet, with eyes indicated by repoussé, but no openings thatwould have allowed a wearer to see. Around the edge of the mask are holes that imply that it
was sewed on a cloth or basketry support. On the back of the mask archaeologists
discovered human tissue, including some teeth that upon analysis turned out to belong to ayoung man (Fonseca Santa Cruz 2011). One might argue that the mask was sewn to amummy bundle, making a false face similar to coastal heads of wood or cloth. However, thepresence of human flesh adhering to the back of the mask implies that it was worn directly
over the face of the deceased, so it was probably not a false face on the outside of a mummy
bundle. Indeed, was there a significant wrapping of textiles over this body at all? Many
highland stone-lined graves are small, and could not have held a great cloth-wrapped balelike those of the coast. The situation is perplexing, and satisfactory explanation continues toelude archaeologists.
Some Andean prehistorians suggest that face neck jars, so popular in the Wari ceramic
tradition, represent Wari ancestors, and therefore, perhaps, mummies with heads or faces.
Indeed, they look a good deal like coastal mummy bales with false heads at the top. Be thatas it may, evidence for heartland Wari mummy bundles with false heads is not conclusive,
either positive or negative. More information will have to be collected, but in the meantime,
it is more secure to answer that false heads are unlikely on highland mummies.
Highland Wari Mortuary Room burials, at least those that have not been too severely
damaged by looters seem to have had a principal burial. Sometimes this is a primary burial
chamber surrounded by smaller and more modest chambers. In other cases, it is a large
chamber with several skeletons one of which may have had more offerings than others.
Unfortunately, the lack of textile bundles makes evaluation more difficult than among elite
tombs from the Lima area. However, given current information, it does seem likely thatcoastal and highland multi-individual tombs were similar in containing one primary andseveral secondary bodies.
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Coastal tombs of the MH were probably opened and re-opened. One situation that seems
to have required re-opening was the addition of a new body. This is implied by a tomb from
Cahuachi, Nasca, in which bodies were carefully placed to leave space for additional
mummies (Carmichael 1988). Secondary burial of a packet of human bones in a balecovered by a recycled Wari tunic, at Ancon, implies other conditions for re-opening graves
as well (Reiss & Stübel 1998 [1880-1887]). While we do not know what was involved in thesustained celebrations of death among coastal people of the MH, it seems unlikely that
deceased bodies were completely removed from contact with the living by entombment soonafter death, as appears to have been preferred in antecedent Andean cultures such as Nasca
and Lima as well as the MH interments of Tiahuanaco. A new attitude toward the deceased
seems to have been introduced during the MH, and it seems probable that it was closely
linked to Wari.
At Conchopata and elsewhere in the Ayacucho highlands Wari bodies also continued toparticipate in the world of the living. One collective tomb from Conchopata was opened
several times, probably as new bodies were added, but some of the bones of earlier burials
seem to have been removed as well – apparently disarticulated bones, not entire bodies, andnot cloth-wrapped mummy bales. However, these Wari tombs were constructed to permit
another kind of interaction between living and dead, less direct, though a hole in the lid, or
ceiling of the tomb. Such openings, usually only about 10 cm in diameter appear to havebeen used to pass small luxury items into the grave, such as beads and pieces of Spondylus
shell. However, they could have had other functions as well, that would not leave obvious
material traces, such as spoken communication, or offerings of food and drink. Provisionallynamed ‘ttoco,’ small openings into Wari tombs are known at Conchopata, Huari, Espíritu
Pampa, Huaro, and perhaps Marcaconga across the valley from Pomacanchi, Cusco (seeChávez 1987). Ttoco have not been reported for Lima-area burials, identifying an importantdifference between the Wari heartland, including Ayacucho and Cusco, and coastal Wariburial. Clearly MH mortuary patterns were not homogeneous, even among regions thatexperienced significant Wari influence. Also, of importance, Leoni (2010) argues on thebasis of a small sample of late EIP burials from Ñawinpukyo that ttoco were absent in thisAyacucho community as well. Perhaps the ttoco is a very specific diagnostic of heartland
Wari mortuary preference exclusive to the MH, although it may be that the lack of ttoco atÑawinpukyo is an index of low status rather than time.
While coastal Wari tombs were re-opened at least on certain occasions, there is noevidence that the mummies were removed and transported to public rituals as with Inca
ancestor mummies. While such activities cannot be discounted altogether, the difficulty of
opening many of the coastal MH tombs seems to discount public appearances by ancestor
mummies, that were very frequent among the Incas. Similarly, living-dead interaction in the
Ayacucho highlands seems to have taken place through the ttoco at least much of the time. It
would have been difficult to remove mummies from some variants of the Mortuary RoomInterments. Indeed, what are probably early Mortuary Room Interments have a principal
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Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wariburial chamber with heavy lid pierced by a ttoco, that was covered by a little offering house
built over the lid, and often resting on its edges. Removing the lid would have required thedestruction of the offering house, so subsidiary burials usually surround the primarymortuary chamber and offering house, instead of being placed in the same re-opened grave.
As currently interpreted at Conchopata, variation in Mortuary Room Interment
experienced formal change which led to a late tomb type with more easily re-opened
chamber, probably in the final century or so of the MH (Isbell 2004). If this chronology iscorrect, it is possible that public appearances by mummies increased in the final generationsof Wari and the MH. Indeed, burial practices of the MH should not be imagined as static, orcharacterized by a single and unchanging pattern of Wari mortuary activity. However, it
seems that removable stone “doors” of late, re-openable Mortuary Room Interment
chambers sealed entrances that were small, through which the ingress and egress of mummy
bundles would have been difficult, even mummy bundles significantly smaller than the great
coastal bales.
In relation to long-term participation of mummies in public activities of the living, thecapacity of a tomb to preserve human remains becomes critical. While no evaluation has
been made for the capacity of typical coastal Wari graves to preserve human bodies, theexceptional preservation frequently observed on the central and south coasts seems to haveresulted from dry environmental conditions, not special milieus created by tombs, andapparently not any attempts at embalming the corpses. In the highlands as well, there is noevidence for systematic efforts to preserve human bodies during the MH. Dry caves madefor excellent preservation of human remains, but the visibility of these mausoleums, and thepreservation of textile and other offerings promoted looting, that has destroyed almost
everything. The rock-lined and stone-capped underground graves that were popular at
Conchopata and other Wari sites are notoriously poor for preservation. They apparently
encourage damp interiors through condensation of moisture on the stone ceilings of thegraves. Better preservation of human remains required free-standing, above-groundchambers that avoided the humidity of the soil, an innovation that began in late Wari, but ismost clearly associated with chullpa burial, probably somewhat later in time.
3. Ceramic Styles: Chronology and Social Factionalism
Dorothy Menzel is an outstanding analyst of pottery who defined ceramic style as “apattern of decorative features that contrasts with other such patterns both descriptively andin its archaeological associations” (Menzel 1964: 75, footnote 5). More significantly, sheemployed the ceramic style to infer a period of time when a group of people manufactured
and used that style. Indeed, since the origin of professional archaeology Central Andean
prehistory has assumed the existence of an ancient time period on the basis of a
distinguishable ceramic style with distinguishable archaeological associations (Kroeber
1925, 1944; Rowe 1945, 1962; Uhle 1903a, 1903b).
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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.8 (2019)In 1964 Menzel published the first installment of one of the most important chronologiesof the Andean past, her monumental seriation of MH pottery, establishing a relative
chronology that has been the “gold standard” for 50 years. In 1968 and 1977 she expanded
and refined that chronology, adding new information, but following the same temporalframework as well as the same theory and assumptions (Menzel 1964, 1968, 1977). One ofMenzel’s key assumptions is that stylistic change is based primarily on unintentional,
behavioristic processes that take place over time. Second, she believes that archaeologists
can work out the sequence of change using logical evaluation of formal similarities among
artifacts from numerous archaeologically associated contexts, each believed to represent a
brief moment in time – especially grave lots and carefully selected excavation contexts, butalso including surface collections of sherds from carefully defined sites, or sections of sites.
Creation of different time periods for distinct styles in the Andean past has sometimes
been based on no more than a distinguishable style that seems logically earlier or later thananother, and at least sometimes comes from separate associational contexts. Temporal
periods formulated on this kind of evidence include Uhle’s (1903b) assertion that the MH
ceramics he named “Epigonal” belonged to a later time period than the ceramics heidentified as “Tiahuanaco Style.” Wendell Bennett (1934) also created different periods oftime for styles he named “Classic Tiahuanaco” and “Decadent Tiahuanaco.” Today,
radiocarbon dates do not confirm temporal separation of these ceramic styles, that appear tohave been contemporary or significantly overlapping in time. Archaeologists continue todebate the Tiwanaku chronology, with many prehistorians arguing that the differences
between Classic and Decadent Tiahuanaco (which correlate with current styles called
Tiwanaku 1 and 2; see Janusek 2008) were not exclusively temporal but cultural in that they
represent ancient expressions of social factionalism. This more recent explanation is basedon an agency approach to stylistic variation rather than behavioristic assumptions (Dobres &Robb 2000; Gell 1998). However, long-standing stylistic and chronological convictions
continue to shape thinking about time in the Andean past, including the MH.
Before discussing issues of time versus social axes of variation in Menzel’s MH
chronology, we must recount a brief history of its development, and describe the chronology
itself. It is well to remember that the 1964 MH chronology was not without antecedents, andearlier discussions certainly had their influences. During the latter decades of the early 20th
century, diagnostic artifacts of the MH in Peru were called “Coast Tiahuanaco.” The
Bolivian center of Tiahuanaco, that gave its name to the entire style was considered theoriginal source of Coast Tiahuanaco art and culture. Furthermore, it was believed that as
Tiwanaku culture spread from its Lake Titicaca heartland, overwhelming numerous societies,
it melded with local traditions, creating many regional and temporal variations that altered
Coast Tiahuanaco culture as it spread (Means 1931). The dynamics of the diffusion were notwell understood, although in at least some cases where old ceramic styles were suddenly
replaced by new ones, dramatic processes such as military conquest seemed to be implied(Kroeber 1944).
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Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wari

In the 1940s a new Coast Tiahuanaco center was identified in the highland Ayacucho
Valley. In 1942 investigations by Julio C. Tello, director of Peru’s National Museum of
Anthropology, took place at the two largest sites, Huari, and Conchopata. Publication was
limited to newspaper-type announcements of discoveries that highlighted Tello’s assertion
that polychrome Coast Tiahuanaco pottery of the Peruvian littoral – as well as some otherimportant coastal ceramic styles – must have originated in and spread from the Ayacucho
center (Tello 1942). Tello’s insights were soon examined by a trio of Americanarchaeologists (Rowe, Collier & Willey 1950) who visited the great center of Huari andpublished a scholarly evaluation of the remains, including fancy pottery collected from thesurface.
In 1950 Wendell Bennett (1953) excavated 15 cuts at Huari, and concluded with theargument that the pottery was not just another version of Coast Tiahuanaco. Although
clearly related to Tiwanaku, it was a distinct Peruvian variant with its own more or lessunified style that differed significantly from Bolivian Tiwanaku. He proposed that thisnorthern Tiwanaku style be called “Peruvian Tiahuanaco” but it came to be known instead
as Wari. A few years later John Rowe (1956) documented a frontier, with no man’s land,
separating the distribution of Wari-style pottery in the north from Tiwanaku-ceramic styles
to the south. Two separate polities were indicated for the MH, and liberal archaeologists
began to speak about a Wari Empire in Peru (Lumbreras 1959, 1960, 1969; Menzel 1964).
During the late 1950s two archaeology teams were investigating Ayacucho. Luis G.
Lumbreras directed activities for the University of San Marcos, and subsequently for the
local University of Huamanga. He published a detailed study of ceramics collected at Huarias well as important syntheses of the regional prehistory (Lumbreras 1960; see also
Lumbreras 1969, 1974). Pottery excavated at Conchopata in 1961 by Lumbreras’ team wasdescribed by Mario Benavides C. (1965), who formulated a chronology for the site based ona type-variety classification and quantitative ceramic seriation.
During the same years Dorothy Menzel and John Rowe reconnoitered Ayacucho, carefully
distinguishing several archaeological sites, and sectors of sites, from which they collected
samples of pottery, especially the fancy polychrome materials. Their goal was to identify
ceramic styles (not types) that constituted associational isolates. For each such style a
distinct time period was inferred. Using the Ayacucho surface collections as samples of local
stylistic variation that endured only briefly, Menzel worked out an outline of stylisticchanges into which additional ceramic features could be inserted from other associatedcollections that shared diagnostic attributes with the initial collection (Menzel 1964).
Bennett’s (1953) Huari excavations provided valuable samples, as did a spectacularcollection of ceramics excavated by Julio C. Tello (1942) at the site of Conchopata.
Eventually numerous grave lots and excavation samples from the coast of Peru were alsointerpolated into the developing chronology.
The spectacular ceramic collection excavated by Julio C. Tello is particularly important to
the history of the MH chronology, for it linked Wari to Tiwanaku. Menzel and Rowe were21

『人類学研究所 研究論集』第 8 号（2019）
Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.8 (2019)never able to pinpoint the exact location of Tello’s Conchopata excavations. Preferring to err
on the side of too many associational contexts than too few, they defined another site a shortdistance to the north of the supposed location, which they named Chakipampa.2 This large
area of ruins, subsequently devastated by the construction of an airport, and otherdevelopments, was surface collected in subdivisions that are not published, but ceramics
from the Chakipampa site define the Chakipampa Style as well as the Ocros Style that are
the primary pottery diagnostics of MH Epoch 1. Sherds from the site of Acuchimay, several
km to the southwest, represent an association with less stylistic variation, assigned to theearly half of the phase, MH Epoch 1A, while ceramics collected from a small site named
Totorilla represent the late part of the phase, MH Epoch 1B. Using these associations,
Menzel was able to separate the rich Chakipampa site collection into two phases, MH Epoch
1A and MH Epoch 1B. The chronological markers were then used to date objects from othercontexts throughout the Wari realm, and to gradually expand the stylistic contents of Epochs
1A and 1B, respectively.
Menzel realized that the spectacular ceramics excavated at Conchopata some years earlier
depicted polychrome-painted images of the deities carved on stone sculptures at the Lake
Titicaca center of Tiahuanaco. She re-studied Tello’s fragments, or at least some of them,reconstructing many of the images, but she was misinformed about their excavation context.
She believed that the all sherds had come from stone-walled subterranean rooms that
contained nothing but fragments from the oversize vessels3 (Menzel 1968: 95-86, footnote
4). She also observed that all pieces came from the same kind of giant urns that had beensmashed deliberately by blows to the religious images themselves. Absence of other pottery
styles in the carefully prepared chambers convinced her that the elaborate pottery
represented a special ceremonial style that was reserved for sacrificial activities, that wasalso rigorously separated from all other activities, including anything involving fancy
secular ceramics. Lacking formal elements of design that linked this ceremonial Conchopata
offering pottery to regular-size MH pottery in her surface collections,4 Menzel violated themethodology she normally professed, and assumed that the association of spectacular
oversize pottery expressed social rather than temporal determinates. Falling back on the eraof Coast Tiahuanaco thinking, she placed the Conchopata style at the beginning of the MH –Epoch 1A – contemporary with the onset of the Chakipampa style. In her seriation,
Tiahuanaco influence initiated the stylistic changes that defined the MH, and sparked
2

Isbell (1987) showed that the Conchopata site where Tello excavated the giant urns was within the larger
site that Menzel and Rowe denominated Chakipampa. Today archaeologists have returned to the first name,Conchopata.
3
On the basis of new excavations at Conchopata I suspect that the oversize offering sherds were collected
selectively during 1942 excavations, and perhaps for that reason Menzel concluded that secular pottery did
not occur in the same contexts as the ceremonial ware.
4
It is not entirely true that there were no Conchopata Style features to cross-date with regular MH ceramicstyles from Ayacucho. Knobloch (1983) pointed out that the quality of polychrome painting and surface
treatments of Conchopata pottery does not appear in the stratigraphy she analyzed from Huari until MH
Epoch 1B. Consequently, she argued that the ceremonial Conchopata pottery was best dated to Epoch 1B.
22

Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wari

cultural developments responsible for the rapid rise of Wari. There was no associational
basis for this decision.
The rest of Menzel’s chronological decisions rigorously followed her methodology. She
divided the MH into 4 epochs labeled MH Epoch 1 through MH Epoch 4. The first two
epochs were further subdivided into Epoch 1A and 1B, and into Epoch 2A and 2B. MH 3
and 4 were too poorly known to be further refined during the time of Menzel’s studies, andthey remain poorly understood to this day. A current consensus about dating Menzel’s MH
chronology, based on numerous radiocarbon determinations, is more or less as follows:
Middle Horizon
Middle Horizon
Middle Horizon
Middle Horizon
Middle Horizon
Middle Horizon

Epoch 4
Epoch 3
Epoch 2B
Epoch 2A
Epoch 1B
Epoch 1A

Cal. A.D. 950-1000
Cal. A.D. 900-950
Cal. A.D. 850-900
Cal. A.D. 800-850
Cal. A.D. 700-800
Cal. A.D. 650-700

Based primarily on her surface collections of ceramics, Menzel concluded that the
Chakipampa (or Conchopata) site must have been abandoned at the end of MH Epoch 1 – soabout Cal. A.D. 800. Later pottery does not occur at the site. Middle Horizon 2 pottery wasdefined on the basis of ceramic collections from Huari, especially the contents of Bennett’s
Pit 2 that contained almost exclusively ceramics attributed to the Viñaque, and theGeometric on Light Styles, along with a couple of minor Epoch 2 styles. Menzel’s Huarisurface collections from what she termed the main ruins south of the defense wall also
yielded virtually exclusively MH 2 pottery. Distinctions based on these associated samples
were correlated and cross-dated with excavation lots from contexts across the Wari imperial
sphere, demonstrating new influence from the capital in many regional styles, and helping toconfirm the seriation that established the second major chronological epoch, MH 2. In 1968
Menzel refined her chronology for Epoch 2, based on newly published information,
distinguishing Epochs 2A and 2B. In 1977 she published a re-study of Uhle’s collections
housed at the Lowie Museum at the University of California Berkeley, providing even morechronological insights about the MH.
Based on her stylistic analyses Menzel argued that Huari must have been abandoned at
the end of MH 2 – so about Cal. A.D. 900. Although she admitted that some MH Epoch 3
pottery might exist at Huari, none could be identified. Furthermore, no stylistic interactions
between the capital and regional Wari ceramic styles could be detected after Epoch 2. She
concluded that the Huari capital was no longer emanating artistic influences. Its prestige
must have collapsed, implying that it was depopulated, and no longer a political center; if
Epoch 3 pottery was used on the site its consumers must have been camping in the ruins of
the former capital.
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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.8 (2019)

Pottery of MH Epoch 3 was identified only on the coast, but even there, well-describedmaterials are scarce. Menzel attributed this to disinterest in publishing photographs andstudies of pottery that is not very attractive, but the problem may be greater. Generally,
pottery assigned to Epoch 3 represents a decline in the quality of the ceramics produced,
along with simplification of the Epoch 2 religious icons, employing elements of the oldimages as primary themes – for example, the disembodied head of the former Profile
Attendant, or Angel as Menzel preferred to call this set of mythical figures. Epoch 3 ceramicstyles that have clear associations are the Soisongo Style from Nasca and the Penilla Style ofIca. Many archaeologists also believe that much of the pottery Uhle (1903b) termed“Epigonal” belongs to this time, even though stratigraphic relationships have not been
discovered to confirm that these supposed Epoch 3 MH objects postdate objects dated to
Epoch 2.
Pottery of MH Epoch 4 remains even more scarce and problematic, lacking clear
associations and styles. New research on the central coast is revealing a long sequence from
the MH through the Late Intermediate Period, but good associations showing how fancy
Wari styles of Epoch 2, such as Viñaque and Pachacamac participated in the process arelacking. Clearly, ceramic chronology is much better for the rise of Wari than for its final
phases.
More than 40 years have passed since Menzel’s final contributions to her MH ceramic
chronology, and a great deal of archaeological investigation has been completed – even in
Ayacucho where the Sendero Luminoso civil war curtailed research from the end of the
1970s though mid 1990s. The abundance of new information highlights old as well as new
chronological issues that require resolution. One of the most important issues is to determine
what aspects of Wari ceramic variation are really temporal and what variation relates toother differences, such as communication of social identities.
A Wari ceramic with uncertain chronological position that has been implicated in recent
discussions of Wari social differences is the Huamanga 5 style. Huamanga pottery is
generally characterized by a moderately coarse paste and matte surface that ranges from tan,
to light brown, to reddish in color. Many vessels are plain, but painted decoration of one andtwo colors is not uncommon, and some examples with three and four colors do occur. Motifs
are usually simple and geometric, emphasizing lines, wavy lines, bands, panels, wing
designs, step blocks, hooks and horizontal “S” shapes. Vessel forms emphasize several
varieties of bowls and plates, straight-sided cups, spouted pitchers that resemble teapots, andflaring-necked ollas. Huamanga pottery is considered to vary significantly from region toregion, and archaeologists differ in assigning it to either MH Epoch 1 or to Epoch 2.
Some of the confusion surrounding Huamanga is surely because it was never a styledefined by Menzel, but a type that has been adopted by the archaeologists who use Menzel’s
chronology and treated as a style without determining its essential description and5

Huamanga is also sometimes written Wamanga.

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Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wari

associations. Huamanga makes an appearance as a ceramic type in the thesis of Lumbreras’
student Mario Benavides’ (1965: 60-69) who analyzed the ceramics excavated at
Conchopata in 1961. The type was formally recognized by Lumbreras (1974: 181-182) inhis book summarizing Ayacucho prehistory. It is described as appearing late in theConchopata sequence, where it represents the quotidian ware of commoners, as opposed to
the fine ceramics of the elite, that were more frequent earlier in the site’s prehistory.
However, Lumbreras assigns Huamanga to the time of Wari’s political apogee, not to a latephase similar to Uhle’s Epigonal, or Menzel’s MH Epochs 3 and 4.
Menzel (1964: 40-41) did not define Huamanga as a style, but included it among thepottery of her more comprehensive MH Epoch 2 Viñaque style. Within Viñaque it
represented the common end of a range of variation characteristic of secular Viñaque pottery.
Since Menzel devoted most of her attention to fancy Viñaque vessels the common pottery is
only briefly considered. However, Menzel assigned Huamanga pottery to her secular
Viñaque category, and to MH Epoch 2. This has been supported by many associations aswell as several late dates from sites like Jargampata (Isbell 1977) as well as Azángaro in the
Huanta Enclave of the Ayacucho Valley (Anders 1986, 1998). However, at Conchopata
Huamanga vessels appear in Epoch 1 contexts, perhaps as early as late MH Epoch 1A orvery early Epoch 1B (Isbell & Groleau 2010). Radiocarbon dates for Beringa in the Camaná
Valley also support MH Epoch 1 for a local Huamanga ware (Malpass 2002). Curiously, a
popular context for Huamanga bowls at Conchopata is on the head of female burials,
apparently serving as a gender-based mortuary head cover (Isbell & Korpisaari 2012).
Should Huamanga ware be dated to MH Epoch 2, or Epoch 1 – or perhaps to both? Does
its significant variability document its long-term use, calling for subdivision into several
chronological phases, or do the eccentricities of Huamanga ceramics communicate social
information about identity and factionalism? Several archaeologists working with theconfusing Huamanga wares observe patterns in the variation that they find more consistent
with social explanations than with chronology (Anders 1998; Doi 2013; Fullen 2013; Owen
2007, 2010). To assume that variation in Huamanga ceramics can be understood adequately
in terms of temporal chronology may oversimplify MH material culture.
I suspect that issues of chronology versus social factionalism in Wari ceramic variation
are not limited to Huamanga pottery. Excavations at Conchopata, and many years of broader
experience with MH prehistory lead me to question the chronological veracity of even the
key styles of Menzel’s chronology, Chakipampa (with its orange variant Ocros) and Viñaque.
I do not contest the temporal priority of Chakipampa over Viñaque, but believe that bothlasted much longer than Menzel’s four-phase MH chronology allows. Furthermore,
Chakipampa probably overlapped Viñaque for a century or so.
The first signs that Menzel’s chronology was obscuring important aspects of Wari’s
complexity came from radiocarbon dates significantly too late to accommodate the structureof 4 epochs as well as a transition from MH into the Late Intermediate Period. However,since Menzel defined time periods on the basis of a ceramic style – description and25

『人類学研究所 研究論集』第 8 号（2019）
Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.8 (2019)associations – her styles and periods are synonymous. We must break with this time-honored
methodology and adopt absolute time periods in order to start revising MH chronology.
Absolute dating of the MH best places its beginning between cal. A.D. 600 and 700, with
A.D. 650 a convenient compromise. Its end is best placed around cal. A.D. 1000 or 1050.
Now if the abandonment of Huari took place at the end of MH Epoch 2B, as Menzel asserts,
the capital city as well as its imperial infrastructure could not have been functioning later
than about A.D. 900. That leaves no more than about 100 for MH Epochs 3 and 4. However,the Wari administrative site of Azángaro, in the Huanta Enclave of the Ayacucho Valley,
yielded radiocarbon dates indicating that the occupation continued well into the 10th century,
associated with pottery best dated as MH Epoch 2 (Anders 1986). Huari-style administrativearchitecture at Sonay, in the distant Camaná Valley yielded even later, 11th century dates,
although pottery is so scarce that relative dating of the site is very problematic (Malpass
2002).
If Menzel’s stylistic conclusions about MH Epochs 3 and 4 are wrong, and Huaricontinued as an influential center until A.D. 1000, how must the stylistics of Epochs 1A/B
and 2A/B be reorganized? What kinds of pottery were in use when? Do the stylistic
differences Menzel attributed to chronology reflect other dimensions of variation, such associal factionalism?
There is still more reason to believe that variation in ceramic style was not simply
chronological. At the Wari administrative center of Pikillacta in Cusco, occupation also
seems to have continued too long, with its beginning at least as early as the 7th century, but
continuing into the 10th or early 11th century, with Wari pottery. However, the sequence of
ceramic styles was not Chakipampa to Viñaque to the simplified pottery of Epochs 3 and 4.
Rather, most of the pottery belongs to the Ocros style assigned by Menzel to MH Epoch 16(Glowacki 2005). At Pikillacta this pottery seems to have been locally manufactured
throughout the entire MH, confusing any effort to date the occupation using Menzel’s
stylistic chronology. At another Wari administrative center, Jincamocco, Epoch 1
Chakipampa pottery also seems to have endured significantly longer than Menzel’s
chronology would allow (Schreiber 1992).
Abandonment of the Ayacucho Valley site of Conchopata that Menzel placed at the end of
MH Epoch 1 on the basis of stylistic criteria, is also radiocarbon dated significantly too late.
While Menzel’s Epoch 1 should have ended by A.D. 800, this small city continued to be
inhabited until about A.D. 1000. However, pottery of the Epoch 1 Chakipampa, and Ocros
Styles continued to be manufactured and consumed. MH Epoch 2 pottery, especially
Menzel’s Viñaque style has also been found, so it seems that Epoch 1 and Epoch 2 pottery
styles were contemporary for at least a significant part of the Conchopata occupation. But
Chakipampa and Viñaque seem to have remained associationally separate enough, in6Ocros Style ceramics are closely related to Chakipampa pottery, and were assigned by Menzel to Epochs
1A and 1B. Vessel shapes and decorations are the same as for Chakipampa, but Ocros is distinguished by anorange slipped background instead of the red slip that characterizes Chakipampa pottery.
26

Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wari

Ayacucho and beyond, to imply that some form of social criteria was involved, promoting
the use of different styles in distinct social contexts.
Conchopata provided extremely important information about the MH, and Menzel (1964)
believed that the initial contact between Tiahuanaco and the Wari heartland was documented
at the site by spectacular oversized urns decorated with deities from the Tiahuanaco
pantheon. She named the style “Conchopata” and assigned to MH Epoch 1A. It was not
until the late 1990s, when peace returned to Ayacucho that archaeologists could excavate
again, seeking to salvage as much information as possible before the site was entirely
destroyed by expansion of the modern city. New contexts with giant urns in the Conchopata
Style were discovered, but absolute dates show that this material is far too late for MH
Epoch 1A (Isbell 2001; Isbell & Cook 2002; Isbell & Knobloch 2006, 2009; Ochatoma &Cabrera 2001, 2002). Indeed, radiocarbon dates and stratigraphy suggest terminal 8th / early
9th to 10th century, so the pottery at Conchopata must belong to late MH Epoch 1B or Epoch2, at least in absolute time. However, it has also become clear that another ceramic offeringof giant jars painted with religious images derived from Tiahuanaco sculpture – formerly
judged later than the Conchopata style (Cook 1987, 1994; Isbell & Cook 1987) – actually
bears the closest comparisons to Tiahuanaco’s sacred imagery (Isbell & Knobloch 2006,2009). The painted image of the Staff God on these vessels is so similar to the Staff God on
the back of Tiahuanaco’s Ponce Monolith that the two could have been copied from one
original model. This correlation provides the most precise synchronization of Wari and
Tiwanaku chronologies currently available. Furthermore, the pottery jars are also decorated
with designs in the Chakipampa B style (MH Epoch 1B), documenting a significant historyof prior stylistic interaction between Ayacucho and Nasca. Tiwanaku influence could nothave initiated the MH, or sparked the culture changes that initiated Wari. The Chakipampa
style, that represents long-term interaction with foreign cultures, especially the south coast
Nasca ceramic style, appeared in Ayacucho, confirming the rise of Huari long before theadoption of Tiwanaku religious imagery.
Viñaque ceramics which Menzel (1964) assigned to MH Epoch 2 were understood by her
as distinguished by the adoption of mythical themes and elements of Tiahuanaco origin, but
adopted indirectly into regular-size secular ceramics through the oversize ceremonial
Conchopata style. In her seriation this was delayed for decades by the rigorous segregationof Conchopata urns, limiting them and their imagery to ritual contexts. However, it is now
apparent that Tiwanaku imagery was not embraced in Ayacucho until late MH Epoch 1B, or
Epoch 2, so the adoption of its religious features and themes into the fancy secular Viñaque
repertoire must have begun immediately. Perhaps social processes associated with religious
innovations in the Wari heartland account for the contextual separation of Chakipampa andViñaque-style pottery. Very prominent in the Viñaque Style are more or less straight-sided
cups with slightly diverging sides that feature the Staff God’s front-view face. Sometime
seeming to imitate Tiwanaku keros, these ceramics may have participated in new ceremonial27

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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.8 (2019)

events celebrating the Lake Titicaca pantheon, and perhaps excluding the ideology
expressed in Chakipampa imagery.
To the degree that Chakipampa-style pottery overlapped the Viñaque Style, and survived
into MH Epoch 2, archaeologists must rethink inferences about relative chronology
throughout the Wari realm. The recently discovered Wari occupation at Espíritu Pampa innortheastern Cusco has a very prominent Chakipampa-style ceramic component as well assome materials that seem to relate to MH Epoch 2 Atarco. I interpreted this to imply direct
linkage to Huari in Epoch 1 of the MH, but interactions with a larger Wari region during
Epoch 2 (Isbell 2016). However, if Chakipampa pottery continued in use through much of
Epoch 2, the Espíritu Pampa Chakipampa vessels could be contemporary with Epoch 2
Atarco objects, and the entire occupation somewhat shorter and later than I originally
imagined. Joerg Haeberli (2018) also argues that Chakipampa-style textiles continued to be
manufactured long after the end of MH Epoch 1, on the basis of radiocarbon dates fromseveral woven bags bearing Chakipampa iconography.
4. Wari Experience of the Supernatural: Doctrinal Liturgy and Shamanic Ecstasy
Chakipampa pottery appeared in Ayacucho in MH Epoch 1 as a result of hybridization
between the local Huarpa tradition and the south coast Nasca ceramic style. The
iconographic repertoire is puzzling in its representation of odd forms with wavy andrecurved rays – a group of images called “octopus” by Bennett (1953) – as well as strange
beings like a double-headed snake; a humped animal with long tail and feline attributes; aventrally extended animal with stinger; a fish-tailed dragon with a zig-zagged back andhorned head; and a multi-lobed creature with leg-like recurved rays and long whiskers,
named the Ayacucho Serpent (Menzel 1964). It seems likely that these odd forms and beings
represent supernaturals, or supernatural forces, but nothing described in Andean mythology
suggests itself for analogy – except perhaps for an analogy between the double-headed
serpent and the amaru (Urton 1985).
The religious imagery of Tiahuanaco stone sculptures appeared at Conchopata – andpresumably in the capital city of Huari – late in MH 1B, or early Epoch 2 (Isbell &Knobloch 2006, 2009). Three primary icons were adopted and there is little doubt that they
represent the principal deities (or classes of deities) of a pantheon worshipped at Tiahuanaco.
These supernaturals are generally referred to as the Staff God, Profile Attendants and theRayed Head, and they constitute a religion that seems to have coalesced at Tiahuanaco,drawing together the religious imagery of a larger southern Andean tradition – to which theacronym SAIS (Southern Andean Iconographic Series) has been applied (Isbell & Knobloch
2006, 2009). While archaeologists have yet to interrogate the iconographic history andmeanings of the SAIS, its imagery does imply significant continuity with Inca mythology
and ritual. Menzel (1964: 54-55) suggested identification of the Staff God with the Inca Sun
God (and Moon Goddess in the case of a male and female pair of Staff Gods depicted on28

Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wari

giant offering urns from Pacheco, Nasca). She also compared the Staff God with the Inca
God of Thunder, deity of the sky and weather known as Inti-Illapa. Some Andeanarchaeologists go on to associate Inca Inti-Illapa with a contemporary sky and weather godof the southern Andes, Thunupa, arguing that an ancient version of Thunupa, combined withaspects to the Inca creator god Viracocha, can be identified with Staff God sculptures at
Tiahuanaco (Demarest 1981; Kolata 2013). Be that as it may, it seems obvious that Wari
experienced radical religious transformation with the adoption of SAIS imagery – that may
also have prompted the decline in the popularity of the old Chakipampa supernaturals.
Representations of these beings or forces may have disappeared before the end of the MH,
but as argued above, change from Chakipampa to Viñaque style imagery was more complex
than implied by Menzel’s seriational chronology.
At Tiahuanaco the SAIS religious icons appear on stone sculptures, especially great
gateways and monoliths that represent elaborately dressed men, placed in the centers ofstone-walled courts reached by ascending and descending stepped entries. Some scholars
argue that the statues represent venerated ancestors. Be that as it may, locations of the
primary icons in the built environment suggest that the figures sanctified carefully-defined
spaces reached by passage through explicitly emphasized points of transition. Perhaps
ceremonial processions recapitulated mythical history, focusing cosmological power oncurrent participants who reenacted traditional ceremonial roles.
In the Wari realm the religious icons were depicted on clothing, and on ceramic vessels,
especially giant jars and urns that archaeologists consider appropriate for brewing anddisplaying alcoholic beverages – surely corn beer (Cook & Benco 2001; Cook & Glowacki
2003; Jennings et al. 2005; Jennings & Bowser 2009). Many Wari scholars argue thatfeasting, commensal events that surely emphasized ritualized drinking accompanied byorations, toasts and pledges, was a key activity in which power and authority wereconstructed among theocratic and militaristic elites. It is likely that in addition to maize,other ingredients were added to Wari beer – particularly the sweet seeds of the Molle tree
(Sayre & Whitehead 2003), but possibly also hallucinogenic substances.7
Each of the primary icons of Wari’s new SAIS pantheon consists of numerous themes
depicted in more or less conventionalized and standardized form – eye with tear band, rayedcrown, severed head, distinctive human hand and foot, profile animal heads of several
varieties, a maize cob with pealed-back husk, etc. These themes are composed of
7

As discussed below, the most probable hallucinogenic addition was Anadenanthera colubrina, well-known
in South American shamanic literature in the form of a powder ingested by snuffing (Knobloch 2000; Torres& Repke 2006). A great deal of perishable snuff paraphernalia, contemporary with the MH Tiahuanaco and
Huari, has been excavated in desert cemeteries of northern Chile, indicating that A.c.-induced trance wascommon in the Tiwanaku periphery, if not the heartland as well. However, depiction of the A.c. plant on large
jars from Conchopata, that were surely used in brewing and displaying beer suggests that in the Wari realm
A.c. was ingested as a drink, perhaps as an additive to corn beer. It is not known whether the hallucinogenic
effects of A.c. would be counteracted by human digestive acids, although the addition of other plants thatneutralized digestive acids, allowing drink-based hallucinogens to work their effects, are well known amongmodern South American shamans.
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standardized elements such as the divided eye, “5”-shaped neck joint, interlocking fret band,
chevron and dot, and pendant rectangle. It has been argued that at least some of these themes
represent objects from the real world – for example, a maize cob, a profile animal’s head(usually identified as avian, feline, fish, and perhaps others), a trophy head, staff, or an axe.
Most identifications are based on easily recognized similarities with real-world things.
However, many elements in Wari religious art, especially geometric designs, do not haveapparent referents in the real world. None the less, it is likely that these abstract designs
refer to something meaningful, as demonstrated by Patricia Knobloch (2000) who showedthat a distinctive geometric design (or group of similar designs) refers to the Anadenantheracolubrina (A.c.) plant. Identification was possible because of less stylized images of the A.c.
plant painted on giant ceramic jars, in which the distinctive leaves, seed pods, and sphericalflowers are realistic enough to be recognized.8 Since the more highly stylized A.c. symbols
also usually depict leaves, seed pods and flowers their identity can be inferred on the basisof similarities with the less-stylized images. Furthermore, many of these A.c. representationsin Wari art are so uniform that they seem almost like glyphs. Although the specific MH
meanings for Wari decorative elements, even those identified with real-world objects,
remain poorly understood, the consistency, abundance and hierarchical organization of icons,features and elements implies a system of communication that was probably ideographic,
and mnemonic. Indeed, Tom Zuidema (2009) has inferred calendrical information from Wari
textile iconography, and Martti Pärssinen (1992, 2003) argues that Tiwanaku art statedimportant principles of Andean organization. Such visual symbols used as stimuli forcarefully memorized orations would have allowed Wari religious specialists to store detailed
religious doctrine for repetition in liturgy.
Experience of the supernatural varies from society to society and even from one religious
event to another. Cognitive psychologist Harvey Whitehouse (2004) organizes different
cultural experiences of the supernatural on a continuum, calling the extremes “doctrinal”
and “imagistic.” The former emphasizes accurately repeated liturgy affirming dogmatic
canons, and is mediated by a religious specialist anthropologists easily recognize as a priest.
The religious experience is usually a sober event that depends on precise and expert
knowledge of appropriate vocalizations as well as bodily movements, costume, etc., by theofficiating priest, with relatively modest participation of the congregation. Doctrinal religion
has the advantage that it can be celebrated by vast numbers of believers, who need only see
and hear the service. The experience is highly repetitive, standardized, and easily controlled.
The imagistic end of the religious continuum experiences the supernatural personally,
often through trance or similar form of ecstasy that may be drug-induced. The event ismediated by a religious specialist anthropologists would recognize as a shaman, andinvolves extremely intense and individualistic encounters with extra-worldly powers andbeings. Such a shamanic experience is open ended. It can be so powerful that it is8

Prominent depiction of the A.c. plant on ceremonial jars that probably contained corn beer supports theinference that the hallucinogen plant was added to the brew contained in the jars.
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life-altering but has the disadvantage that it can be shared by only a small group ofparticipants under watchful supervision of the shaman. Even when carefully monitored,
individual experiences differ, promoting diverse senses of meaning that are inconsistent withdoctrinal religion. This makes shamanic religious experience problematic for centralized andhierarchical societies that depend on theocratic authority to regulate large populations.
It seems unlikely that any society has ever limited its members to a single kind ofreligious experience, but on the other hand a limited range of experiences seems to havebeen encouraged by most cultures, especially complex societies that legitimized social
hierarchy theocratically.
In South America shamanism was highly developed, wide-spread, and well-documented
in small societies (Harner 1980; Wassen 1965, 1972). It is probably the ancient way ofexperiencing the supernatural among the continent’s first hunters and gathers, that continued
with little change as simple sedentary communities emerged. On the other hand, the gradualappearance of elaborate religious art and iconography probably represents the rise ofmaterial systems of communication within which information of doctrinal religion andliturgical ritual was stored, permitting greater precision and standardization in ritual andideology than could be experienced in personal ecstasy. In the Andes, art and iconography
probably functioned like writing in book-based doctrinal religions. Images stored andorganized religious information to be referenced, repeated, and interpreted by educatedspecialists.
The increase in complexity and expansion of the area where the same religious
iconography was shared during the MH suggest that doctrinal religion was an important
contributor to the theocratic politics of the era. Religious canons were communicated invarious artistic media and ritual events were accompanied by the appropriate material
objects whose form and symbols functioned as mnemonic stimuli for priestly officiators of
the public rituals.
Although it seems likely that doctrinal religion was preferred in Wari society, there isreason to believe that shamanic experience of the supernatural remained a significant
alternative mode of religiosity – probably in Tiwanaku as well as Wari. I infer that shamanic
experience of the supernatural involved ecstatic trance that was most effectively promotedwith hallucinogenic drugs, especially the Anadenanthera colubrina plant already identified
in Wari ceremonial imagery by Patricia Knobloch (2002; see also Torres 1987, 2002, 2004;
Torres & Repke 1996, 2006).
I suggest that Wari religious art associated with doctrinal religion would not emphasize –and might eliminate – the A.c. symbol. The icon of an hallucinogenic substance would
represent a form of religious ecstasy inconsistent with hierarchical control and theocratic
authority. On the other hand, religious practices emphasizing shamanic experience of thesupernatural through personal trance would surely seek to represent the vehicle ofsupernatural access, that was apparently the hallucinogenic plant A.c.
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Inspection of Wari art for A.c. symbols suggests a bimodality in frequency – either thesymbols appear prominently and in considerable number, or they are absent entirely. For
example, one famous Wari textile shows a Profile Attendant with 8 A.c. plant images oneach repeat of the mythical figure (Lavalle 1984: 76-77). On the other hand, most Wari
textiles have no images of A.c. A ceramic example from Conchopata comes from recently
excavated examples of giant urns in the style that Menzel (1964) named after the site –Conchopata. Some of the urns depict a Wari innovation, the disembodied head of the Profile
Attendant. All of the Profile Heads are embellished with numerous themes and elements
such as projecting canine teeth in feline mouths, tear bands painted around and below theeyes, as well as elaborate headdresses that cover the top and back of the head. Some of theseurns with Profile Heads have no A.c. plant representations, but others have two of thesymbols in each Profile Head’s headdress, for a total 12 or 14 of the plant images (compare
Isbell & Knobloch 2009, Fig. 2, that shows two A.c. symbols on each Profile Head, with Fig.
3, on which all profile heads lack A.c. symbols).
It would seem that oversize urns decorated with the same icon, the disembodied Profile
Head, would have been intended for the same ritual event – or class of ritual events – being
more or less the equivalent of one another. Consequently, I consider it likely that these urns
represented competing ways of celebrating the same event.
We do not know the mechanisms by which giant ceremonial urns were manufactured, orby whom, but it seems likely that they would have been commissioned by elites responsible
for hosting ceremonial events. I imagine that some patrons commissioned urns with no A.c.
images. In my mind’s eye these elites advocated a doctrinal experience of the supernatural,
overseen by a highly trained priest. Indeed, the urns probably carried the information thatwould be affirmed during the ritual performance, perhaps even mnemonic prompts for
liturgical orations. On the other hand, some hosts commissioned urns that carried numerous
depictions of the hallucinogenic A.c. plant. I suggest that these elites advocated an ecstatic
experience of the supernatural, which emphasized the personal encounter each participant
anticipated with the mystical domain. Overseen by a shaman, these kinds of religious
experiences could be controlled only minimally by a theocratic hierarchy. A.c. symbols onsome oversize urns, but not others, imply a dialogue between two different modes ofexperiencing the supernatural in the religious practices of the Wari community.
In infer that religious life in the Huari heartland was not homogeneous. At least twocontrasting modes were advocated by elites responsible for highly decorated oversize urns
employed in the ritual activities of the community. One faction insisted on decorating
ceremonial urns with depictions of the A.c. plant, source of hallucinogenic snuff employed
to enter the supernatural realm personally, in ecstatic trance. Through trance each participant
could at least potentially encounter the deities directly – Staff God, Profile Attendants,
Rayed Head, and perhaps lesser supernaturals such as revered ancestors. Priestly direction
was unnecessary.
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A second faction avoided images of the A.c. plant on their ceremonial urns. They
probably opposed ecstatic trance and the religious experiences so induced, perhaps
denouncing them as superstitious witchcraft, or just inconsistent with community-oriented
ritual and the authority of priests. This faction, apparently the dominant group at
Conchopata, subscribed to an orderly, and more sober, doctrinal experience of thesupernatural, probably via precise repetition of ritual that involved costumed performances
as well as precise orations prompted by symbols on ceremonial items such as sacrificial
pottery, ceramic serving vessels, festival tunics and other paraphernalia.
Negotiation of how the supernatural should be experienced was surely a significant
feature of Wari life. Emotional attachment to one’s own religious conviction was probably
strong and perhaps even belligerently protected. Unfortunately, information about A.c.
imagery is currently insufficient to track temporal change in preferences or to observe social
negotiation, but highlighting the issue may stimulate further investigations.
The issue of modes of religiosity, and especially shamanic ecstasy promoted byhallucinogens may be even more complex for Wari than indicated by A.c. imagery discussed
above. Rebecca Stone (2011) argues that the iconic element frequently referred to as the“feather tuft,” that are almost ubiquitous in Wari SAIS art, represents the flower of the San
Pedro cactus (Trichocereus pachanoi, or Echinopsis pachanoi), another hallucinogen
popular in ethnohistoric Andean shamanism. If she is correct there might have been a second
kind of ecstatic experience among the alternative religious practices available to Wari
worshipers, unless A.c. and San Pedro were mixed in the same shamanic brews. Moreresearch is required to better understand Wari religion and its ecstatic components. At
present, we can affirm that Wari people practiced competing modes of religiosity,
advocating and experiencing the supernatural in terms of a doctrinal practice, andalternatively, in terms of ecstatic shamanism.
Reassessment of Menzel’s MH chronology allows archaeologists to reconsider the
possible contributions of Wari-Tiwanaku interactions to differing experience of thesupernatural. Menzel (1964) argued that Tiwanaku religious iconography reached Ayacuchoin MH Epoch 1A, becoming the religious stimulus responsible for the Wari Empire, eventhough religious imagery remained restricted to ceremonial contexts for 5 or 10 decades
before appearing in the more secular ceramic style known as fancy Viñaque. For Menzel,
Viñaque is distinguished by its adoption of features “formerly” restricted to the ceremonial
oversize Conchopata urns, including more or less straight-sided cups with an image of theStaff God’s face. However, it is now clear that the Tiwanaku pantheon was not adopted untillate in MH 1B or even Epoch 2, more or less simultaneous with the appearance of Viñaque
pottery. Consequently, a transformational religious incursion is indicated for Wari, more orless in the middle of the MH, presenting a powerful alternative to the religious ideology
represented by Chakipampa iconography.
Resynchronizing the arrival of Tiwanaku/SAIS imagery to the Wari heartland encouraged
me to explore the possibility that a competing mode of religiosity, as indicated for Wari,
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might have accompanied the adoption of the Tiwanaku/SAIS pantheon. Indeed, it seemed
attractive to hypothesize that local Chakipampa religion preferred a more shamanic
experience, while Tiwanaku-inspired Viñaque imagery was associated with doctrinal
experience of the supernatural (although the attributions could also have been the reverse,
considering that religiosity, including the popularity of ecstatic shamanic trance as opposed
to doctrinal liturgy is still little understood for either Wari or Tiwanaku). Consequently, if
A.c. imagery were absent in Tiahuanaco art (or in the alternative case, ubiquitous) the
hypothesis that an alternative religiosity was introduced to Wari from Tiwanaku would be
supported; however, this seems not to be the case. Tiwanaku art is also characterized bybimodality in the frequency and prominence its depictions of the A.c. plant. For example,
the Ponce Monolith, from the Tiahuanaco site itself, is replete with A.c. images. They occur
all over the sculpture (Isbell & Knobloch 2009:185, fig. 20). A stone bowl, or mortar fromthe Semisubterranean Temple is also full of A.c. plant images (Ponce 1969: Lámina 14). On
the other hand, many of the statues from the capital as well as those of Khonkho Wankanilack A.c. imagery altogether (Janusek & Ohnstad 2018; Posnanski 1945). The spectacular
Gate of the Sun, surely the largest and most elaborate stone sculpture of the Central Andes
has only one icon decorated with the A.c. plant – the avian Profile Attendant (Posnanski
1945: Plates XLV and L). Attached to the bottom of the eye of the bird face, the A.c. symbol
appears only once in each repeat of this supernatural on the great architrave. Consequently,
Tiwanaku also seems to have been negotiating opposing preferences for religious experience,with the patrons of some stone sculptures staunch advocates of A.c.-induced trance, andpatrons of other sculptures devoted supporters of doctrinal experience of the supernatural,
mediated by priestly authorities.
5. Conclusions
It is time that we move beyond the “yes” or “no” question of Wari imperialism to examine
what kinds of cultural variation characterized Wari, and what processes were involved in thematerialization of cultural differences. Ancient and modern empires have been surprisingly
varied, including spiritual organization and the expression of identity (Areshian 2013). The
sacred iconography of Wari demonstrates that religion played an immense part insocio-political organization, and this article has sought to interrogate aspects of religious
ritual and ideology through the examination of mortuary practices. Indeed, mortuary
practices of MH present an exciting but confusing domain for study that is complicated bydifferent conditions of preservation in the coast and highlands. Also creating confusion arecomplex histories of looting, and selective reporting in favor of elite tombs. Nonetheless, itis worthwhile to struggle with the puzzling evidence. Consistency in mortuary practices
affirms shared subjectivities while changes in burial patterns document social andideological innovations of significance to human identity (Brown 1971; Dillehay 1995;
Isbell 1997; Pearson 1982).
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The MH witnessed profound changes in burial patterns as long traditions of dorsallyextended burial on the north and central coasts were replaced by tightly-flexed, seatedinterment. Apparently consistent with old mortuary tradition in Ayacucho, these changes
seem to have taken place at least partially under the influence of Wari. But careful
examination reveals significant difference between burial practices documented for the
Ayacucho Valley and coastal patterns, at least among elite burials for which the data aremost detailed. It seems unlikely that the mortuary changes observed on the coast were
enforced transformations imposed by Wari or that the new patterns even represent a unified
doctrine for treatment of the dead, as seems to have been the case for elite Inca mortuary
treatment. While the adoption of flexed and seated burial does characterize the MH, it is notclear how much it should be tied to Wari, especially in its implementation on the north coast.
It is plausible that flexed and seated burial materialized a popular new conviction about
death. Some have suggested that the fetal position in which corpses were interred might
imply preparation for rebirth. Alternatively, the flexed and seated position of awell-accessorized corpse might affirm its continuing importance in a cosmos that included
both living and dead as dynamic actors. If this kind of religious ideology appeared during
the MH, it could have become an important feature of Wari cultural tradition without being
exclusive to Wari. Furthermore, there is reason to believe that Wari experienced significant
change with the introduction of the Tiwanaku/SAIS pantheon, late in MH Epoch 1B or 2.
Future investigations should be sensitive to the possibility that change in mortuary practices
accompanied this transformation.
Elite heartland burials from Conchopata were interred in, or under, residential buildings,
an observation that seems to hold true for Huari and the Ñawinpukyo site as well. On theother hand, cemetery burial, especially in abandoned ceremonial platforms, was preferredamong central coastal people. However, both highland and coastal tombs include
multi-individual interments that probably represent the addition of individuals over time,requiring the re-opening of tombs. Indeed, this feature seems more particularly Wari thanflexed and seated burial. One individual often seems to have been primary, perhaps the firstburial, but this is not entirely clear. However, multi-individual interment suggests that somekind of group was affirmed by inclusion in the same mortuary room and tomb – perhaps a
kin group.
Coastal MH mummies vary in size, but the ideal – at least for elites – was a large bale ofcloth, consisting primarily of clothing, tightly wrapped and tied around the seated and flexed
corpse, with a false head at the top of the bundle. These bundles remind modern viewers ofdescriptions and illustrations of elite Inca mummies – tightly flexed, seated, and elaborately
dressed – who regularly participated in public events that emphasized veneration of theancestor by the living. Important mummies, especially past kings and senior royalty, resided
in open sepulchers on their rural estates, urban palaces, the Coricancha temple, and otherspecial locations. They hosted elites, both living and dead, and were carried on litters to35

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communal religious events as well as feasts sponsored by mummies of similar rank. Elitemummies were displayed by their descendants with great pride.
Examination of MH coastal mummy bales and their tombs suggests that these deceased
were not removed frequently from their grave to be displayed or transported to public ritual
events. While more data is needed, the most reasonable conclusion is that coastal mummy
bundles were exposed from time to time to add another burial to the common tomb, butreligious focus was not on the display of the mummy, or its participation in numerous public
ceremonies.
Highland Wari mummies seem, at least in several documented cases, to have been clothwrapped. But they were probably smaller than coastal bales, judging by the size of tombs
and tomb entrances. Some highland dead may not have been wrapped in thick layers of clothat all. There is no convincing evidence for false heads, although they cannot be discounted.
Elite mummies may have been seen by at least some mourners when new bodies were added
to multi-individual tombs, but for the most part, highland mummies seem to have remainedin their tombs – although this may have changed somewhat toward the end of the MH. Later
tombs were equipped with re-openable entrances, that, although not large, would havepermitted ingress and egress of mummies of diminutive size. Be that as it may, the more
important means of communication between living and dead seems to have been via a ttoco,
a hole in the lid, or ceiling, of the elite highland tomb. This small hole, probably cappedwith a stone plug most of the time, allowed tiny objects of value to be passed into the tomb,and perhaps facilitated other forms of exchange that left no material traces – verbal, foodand drink, knowledge, power. This kind of relationship between living and dead seems tohave emphasized private ritual in the Mortuary Room itself, not public display of themummy. Furthermore, there is no evidence for the ttoco earlier than the MH, suggesting thatit may represent a Wari innovation.
At Conchopata, ttoco do not occur with the simplest tombs, suggesting that rituals they
document were reserved for members of the elite. Ttoco are known at Huari, and fromseveral elite Wari tombs in Cusco. Consequently, the ttoco seems diagnostic of elitehighland Wari mortuary practice, and remained unknown in coastal interment. Perhaps
another kind of connection was used for coastal Wari burials, but the lack of ttoco seems toaffirm significant difference between the mortuary practices of coastal MH folk and Wari
people of Ayacucho and Cusco, even though central coastal communities adopted flexed,
multi-individual burial during the MH. Significantly, ttoco like those of Wari graves havenot been described for any other Andean mortuary tradition, including Tiwanaku.
Wari ceramic styles have been presented as temporally distinct but otherwise
homogeneous regional styles. However, several of Menzel’s conclusions are not consistent
with absolute radiocarbon dates, and this requires reevaluation of stylistic variations,chronological relations, and consideration of other possible dimensions of variation.
Huamanga pottery seems to belong equally to MH Epochs 1 and 2, to have been highly
36Cultural Diversity in Middle Horizon Wari

variable, and to be implicated in the materialization of social identity, conflict andfactionalism.
The arrival of Tiahuanaco/SAIS influence, that Menzel identified as the Conchopata styleof oversize urns, is now dated too late in absolute time to belong to the beginning of MH
Epoch 1A. Following her chronological logic Menzel dated the entire occupation of theConchopata site as MH Epoch 1. But absolute dates show habitation continued throughout
the MH, although the Chakipampa and Ocros ceramic styles continued in use. At other sites,
Chakipampa and Ocros ceramic styles are dated significantly later than the beginning of
Epoch 2. Furthermore, Joerg Haeberli (2018) reports dates for textiles bearing
Chakipampa-style designs that correspond better with MH 2 than Epoch 1.
I suggest that the MH ceramic styles currently in use by Andean archaeologists – mostly
proposed and described by Dorothy Menzel (1964, 1968, 1977), but not entirely – are notexclusively temporal. Several styles, including Conchopata, Chakipampa, Viñaque andHuamanga seem to have overlapped significantly in time. In some cases the association ofcertain designs are surely temporal, but in other cases they seem to represent social
distinctions. Archaeologists must reexamine - and rethink - MH ceramic chronology,
considering what kinds of social and cultural factors may have encouraged stylistic
statements by potters and by pottery consumers, in the Wari heartland as well as in theprovinces.
The Conchopata ceramic style was judged by Menzel to have been the first Ayacucho
pottery to depict Tiwanaku imagery, representing it with fidelity. However, one of the key
themes is a disembodied head of the Profile Attendant – an icon that seems to be exclusive
to Wari styles. Some of these icons were decorated with profile faces bearing several
Anadenanthera colubrina plants in the headdress of each deity. Other urns with similar
representations of the deity have no A.c plant images. I do not think this is an accident.
Representations of this immortal with multiple and prominent A.c. plants appear to affirm
the importance of hallucinogenic trance in the experience of the supernatural by participantsin rituals for which the spectacular urns were commissioned. On the other hand, similar
representations of the deity with no A.c. plant images may deny the validity of personal,
hallucinogenic experience of the supernatural. I infer a dialogue between two modes ofreligiosity in Wari society, advocates of shamanic encounter with the cosmos, experienced
personally and in trance, and advocates of more sober, doctrinal religious liturgy, mediatedby authoritative priests.
Art with abundant depictions of A.c. as opposed to art with very few or no A.c.
representations can be observed in other Wari contexts and media. The same is true of
Tiwanaku. Consequently, it seems that both Wari and Tiwanaku were heterogeneous interms of experiencing the supernatural, and were probably engaged in negotiation ofreligious practices. This dialogue may have become belligerent in some situations.
Charting variations within Wari cultural practices offers a new perspective on the MH.
Examples of cultural homogenization stand beside trends toward difference practices, in37

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treatment of the dead, in ceramic styles, and in imagery associated with experiencing thesupernatural. Some of the variation is almost surely Wari in origin, representing innovations
developed during the MH. New cities probably provided fertile contexts within which
cultural differences thrived, such as new mortuary practices. But increasing social andpolitical complexity promoted a social landscape with many spaces for new identities instatus, ethnicity, gender, and more. The expression of factionalism in ceramic styles seems
to have been much more important than Menzel realized. This requires a rethinking ofchronology, but also of social difference and identity. Even religion and experience of thesupernatural appear to have been contested in Wari society, implying many issues of descentin Wari society, that must become topics of investigation among Wari scholars in the future.
The Wari Empire definitely meets Barfield’s (2001: 29) expectations that empires wereorganized to promote and to deal with diversity in many social and cultural domains.

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