論文 Article『人類学研究所 研究論集』第号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

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Marginalisation, Communication,
Everyday Lives and Empowermentof Coastal Subaltern Communities
of South India
Gopalan RAVINDRAN *Bronfenbrenner (1994) conceptualises chrono contexts as those referring to changes
caused by the passing of the temporal dimensions in one’s individual personality
as well as in one’s environment. The linkages between contexts of marginalization,communication, everyday life and empowerment of subaltern coastal communities inthe south Indian state of Tamil Nadu are explored and examined in this paper in termsof their chrono contexts. The coastal communities of Pazhaverkadu, Marina Beach,

Gulf of Mannar and Thuthukudi provide the contexts for this paper. The paper further
seeks to problematize the key terms such as marginalization, communication, everyday
life, subaltern coastal communities and empowerment with a view to move towards ameaningful methodological framework.

Keywords
Marginalisation
Communication

目次 Contents
Ⅰ

Introduction

Ⅱ

Not Lost for Words

Ⅲ

Conceptualization of Key Terms

Ⅳ

Pazhaverkadu S u b a l t e r n C o a s t a lCommunity

Everyday LifeⅤ Marina Beach Subaltern Coastal
Community

South Indian Coastal Communities

Ⅵ Women Seaweed Harvesters of Gulf ofMannarEmpowerment

Ⅶ

Salt Pan Workers of Thuthukudi

10

Ⅰ

Introduction

paper.
● Marginalisation

This paper explores and examines the interfaces of● Communication

marginalization, communication and empowerment in● Everyday Lifethe everyday lives of subaltern coastal communities● Subaltern Coastal Communities

in south India, with particular reference to Tamil● Empowerment

Nadu, a southern state with one of the long coast

This paper acknowledges the following inspiringlines in India. India is a peninsular geographicalwords of Max Horkhiemer and Henri Lefebvre for

entity and has long coast lines on the west and east

its birth, contexts and meanings. In his monumental

coast. The Arabian sea and Bay of Bengal intersect

work, Critique of Everyday Life, Henri Lefebvre

with Indian ocean at the southern tip of Tamil Nadu

said: “Life is unique. Man must be everyday, or

coast, Kanyakumari, which is also the southern tip

he will not be at all. …the critique of everyday lifeof India. The following terms are conceptualized- critical and positive - must clear the way for adifferently to fit the methodological framework of thisgenuine humanism, for a humanism which believes*Central University of Tamil Nadu

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Marginalisation, Communication, Everyday Lives and Empowerment of Coastal
Subaltern Communities of South India

Figure. Left map: Study Area - Tamil Nadu - South India
https://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/india/indianlanguages.htm.
Right map: Field Areas in Tamil Nadu - South Indi
Based on map in Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/

This might sound complex and rather convoluted.

properly, it is not enough simply to look. People who

But, if one introspects for a while the wise men’slook at life - purely as witnesses, spectators - are notwords, quoted in the first section, one becomes

rare; and one of the strangest lessons to be learnt

aware of the fact that this is not complex at all. If

from our literature is that professional spectators,

aspiring to change or inspiring to change other fellow
human beings, with whatever advantages we have,contemplate life with less understanding and grasp

is not complex enough, then we a sof its rich content than anyone else. There reallyinterested to work for the empowerment of theis no substitute for participation!” This work was

marginalized subaltern coastal communities are also

in the making for three decades during 1940-1960s.

Not Lost for Words.

judges by vocation and witnesses by predestination,

Horkheimer (of the Frankfurt School) said: “In the

Clarity defines communication as well as any

interest of a rationally organized future society”,

sound methodology. Methodology should be delimited

critical theory sheds “critical light on present-day

and distinguished from the methods of informationsociety (…) under the hope of radically improving

gathering (which in the case of quantitative

human existence” (Horkheimer, 1937/1972, pp.188-

research refers to data collection). Methodology

10243). In these conceptions of Horkheimer andis the fountainhead of clarity of purpose in any

Lefebvre, what becomes unique is the samenessresearch exploration and examination in its simplisticof their message. The sameness is defined by theunderstanding. But it is about the clarity of thechange they wished to see in their domains ofconceptual or rather the philosophical purpose of any

critical enquiries – Lefebvre in the contexts of every

exploration or examination. Philosophy is not used

day life and Horkheimer in the context of criticalhere as a term of either implausible this worldly or

theory. The next section provides the conceptual andother worldly explorations, but is used to refer to an

methodological framework of this paper.

intellectually bounded territory of socially meaningful号（２０２１）『人類学研究所 研究論集』第Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

in the human because it knows it. ...To see things

academics

In an entirely different critical studies milieu, Max

Ⅱ Not Lost for Words
More often than not, the social and cultural world

insights and guide posts. Change, as a word, isalso about a philosophical insight as much as it is a
guidepost for academics who wish to give back totheir community/society something.

appears to exist on our terms, particularly if webelong to the socially and cultural privileged sections

Change is not yet another word in English or anyof the population. It appears so, but in reality theother language. As a verb, it becomes a philosophicalreverse is true. The reverse is more true of thesite to introspect the linguistic and non-linguistic

majority in developing countries where the social andcontexts of change. In fact, change becomes acultural world exists because of the prevailing social,cardinal guidepost of methodology on account of its

cultural, economic and political inequalities. As long

philosophical and sociological/cultural interfaces andas the clarity of thoughts of the researcher and theimplications. In effect, we are not Not Lost for Words,

persons whose frameworks the research

wishesas regards the methodology of the paper, if we areto use define our conceptualization of terms andclear headed as regards the clarity of the purpose,

their applications, one is not lost for words in one’si.e change. This paper’s methodology is borne of the

exploration and examination of the topic in question.

conception of the need, possibilities and challenges

Not Lost for Words is also a reminder that theas regards social, cultural and other domains ofsubjects of study are also the subjects which are Notchange in the everyday lives of subaltern coastal

Lost for Words .

communities of south India.
12

Ⅲ Conceptualizationof Key Terms

subalterneity.
The term marginalization is no different from theterm subalterneity in causing the dangers of inherent

otherness and perverse manifestations . A leading

conventional usages of the key terms used inexponent of Bharata Natyam , a classical Indian

this paper, this paper deems it as an opportunity

dance, Narthagi Nataraj (2013), a transgender artist,

to rethink these meanings and posit a different

who struggled to achieve new heights in her career,conceptual frameworks for marginalisation,

politely reminded me in a seminar I hosted. “To term

communication, everyday life, subalterneity,some arts and artists as marginalized arts and artists

empowerment and coastal communities. To begin

is not fair as there is a systematic attempt in these

with, there is a strong need to rethink the usage ofto brand us as the other which we do not deserve”.

the term, marginalisation. Its connotations have been

She seemed to say (these words are mine), “We are

growing wildly and negatively, according to members

artists and our arts are arts. Leave us free of yourof “marginalized” sections of the society.

academic language”. That’s how I read her poser inthat seminar which had the terms marginalization

Subalternity and marginalization are terms of,and performing arts in active circulation.

what I would term as, inherent otherness . They
are, like most academic terms, having noble intent,

The problem with the usage of the term,

but flawed relationships between the interlocutors

marginalization, is more in the contexts of one of theand the subjects of exploration and enquiry. Gayatri

hard hit coastal subaltern communities, fishermen.

Spivak’s famous intervention, Can the Subaltern

On the one hand, they are located physically at the

Speak? is but another shade of intervention between

margins of the land - they belong to the coastal

and among the academic interlocutors of subaltern

margins of the country or territory. They are at thestudies and not the subjects of their studies. In

economic, and consequently, social/cultural margins

this context, I am also reminded of what theof the mainstream society that has its heart andBrazilian ethnomusicologist and academic activist,

mind in the land and its hinterlands. Once during

Samuel Araujo(2020), mentioned with regard to thea field work in a fishing village in Pazhaverkadu ,invisible dimensions of the supposedly politicallyone fisherman revealed another problematic of theand academically valid terms such as inclusion,academic terms such as marginalization, subalterneity

empowerment, marginalization etc., He was referringand empowerment etc., When asked how does heto the rise of perverse inclusion which seeks torelate to the attempts of the mainstream media ininclude the abominable social elements within thereporting fishermen’s issues, particularly the longextended notion of the widely popular category,running issue of Tamil Nadu fishermen getting killed

inclusion. The same is true of India as well, where theby Sri Lankan navy for their alleged trespass into

opponents of the social justice policy of reservation

the territorial waters of Sri Lanka, he responded:have in recent times succeeded in including“These issues can neither be understood nor reported

themselves as a part of the social justice driven

truthfully by you people with a land-based psyche.

reservation system. This is what Samuel terms as

These can only be understood, reported and handledperverse inclusion. The dangers of inherent otherness

by us, the sea-based people.”and perverse manifestations have to be factored inany exploration and examination which seek to use

What becomes apparent in the above mentioned

terms such as marginalization, empowerment andremark of the supposedly illiterate fishermen is a

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Marginalisation, Communication, Everyday Lives and Empowerment of Coastal
Subaltern Communities of South India

While there are literary and taken for granted

『人類学研究所 研究論集』第号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

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sound, politically correct reasoning that militates

is a process rooted in the spatial politics wherein theagainst the dangers of inherent otherness andbone of contestation is the divergent views of theperverse manifestations . Marginalisation, as a term,

margin as the beautiful and exotic by the real estate

becomes useful, however, if we get critical about its

logic driven city planning in the age of neo liberalism

irrelevance and relevance. It becomes irrelevant withand as the lifeline of everyday life of fishermen,

the attendant dangers of inherent otherness andwhere beauty of life depends on the space provided

perverse manifestations. It becomes relevant withby the margin to park boats, repair nets, sell fish etc.,

the attendant sensitivity and advantages of what
Orlanda Fals Borda(1969) articulated as participatory

In the conventional logic, marginalisation refers

action research, where the plans, methods evolve out

to those who have been pushed to the marginsof the encounters of the egalitarian kind between theof existence politically, economically, socially andacademic interlocutors and the subjects of research

culturally. Marginalisation occurs on account of whatand social change.

becomes dominant and hegemonic at the centre.
What happens at the margins and peripheries are

Marginalisation, in this paper, is also used in thethe effects of what happens at the centre. The centre

context and spirit outlined by Orlanda Fals Borda.

is where the socio-economically/politically privileged

It is meant to draw attention to the dangers ofclasses have their hold. While the generalities of theinherent otherness and perverse manifestations .

conventional logic may be true, the particulars ought

One dimension of the alternative approach is theto be explored anew and mapped critically. If thepolitical provocation and attention even the much

wishes of Horkheimer and Lefebvre have a reason

discredited term, marginalization, provides to relate

to come alive, it is because of their change heralding

to the relative disparities between the divergent

potential. If marginalisation has to be turned aroundrealities of the people of the land and the people ofgainfully, theoretically for its movement towards a

the seas and the resultant erosion or damage suffered

new state, empowerment, where change becomesby the people of the sea or the coast on accountmore than a bright hope and sure possibility, thenof the encroachment of the margins of the land byboth terms, empowerment and marginalisation, havethe people of the land. The margins of the land are,to see the light of new conceptualizations. This paperin effect, the margins of the sea as well. But thismakes a small initiative in this regard in the following

unique liminal space is the centre of livelihood for theparagraphs.

fishermen on the coast. This is not like any other landoutside the margins, the hinterlands or the downtown

Re-conceptualization of any key term involvesof the city. It is the heartland. Marginalisation, in thisraising of critical questions. The critical questions

context, refers to the process of struggles for andposed by Mowat (2015) with regard to marginalisation

against the coastal subaltern communities such as

are: I) What does it mean to be marginalized? andthe fishermen, salt panners and seaweed harvesters,

Marginalized from what?. While finding possible

in their attempts to retain the margin as the centre

answers to these questions, Mowat (2015) argues theof their livelihood. Marginalisation, in this context, iscase of resilience as a parameter of conceptualization

not an academic term to brand the processes whichof marginalization. According to Mowat, resilience

keep the subalterns as subalterns in a wayward andcan be visualized both at the individual and social

aimless sense. It is a specific and rooted process oflevel. At both levels, it also translates as resistancethe spatial struggle with economic, social and cultural

to conditions of marginalization. Mowat (2015) bases

implications. In this sense, it is not a process rooted

the argument also on the work of Bronfenbrennerin the sociology and economics of backwardness. It(1994), who argues the case of the ecological model of14

human development wherein the contexts of micro,

processes that development actors can support andmeso, exo, chrono and macro contexts play a key role

facilitate for achieving pro-poor growth”. The onlyin human development. Micro and meso contexts aredifference between Buddha’s conception and theabout the relationships individuals have at the family

conception of Eyben (2008) et.al is the later’s stress on

and work place levels. The exo contexts are about

the prerequisite of poverty.

relationships at the levels of two different social sites
Similarly, another key term used in this paper

to changes caused by the passing of the temporal

relates to communication . Communication, in its

dimensions in one’s individual personality as well as

dominant version, is a routine context of transmission

in one’s environment. The macro contexts are outsideof information. This paper seeks to leverage thethe ambit of micro, meso, exo and chrono contexts.

alternative conception of communication provided byJames Carey (1989). Carey argued the case of ritualBronfenbrenner (1994) is cited by Mowat (2015) for

model of communication over the transmission model

the potential of his model to reveal the roles of theof communication. According to Carey (1989), “in ainterfaces of power and politics on the sites of theritual definition, communication is linked to terms

two questions raised earlier, i.e I) What does it meansuch as sharing, participation, association, fellowship,

to be marginalized? and Marginalized from what?.

and the possession of a common faith.” While relating

The answers to these questions depend on how wellto the transmission view of communication, Carey

we re-conceptualize the key term, marginalization(1989) said: “Although it led to solid achievement

alongside the axes of power and politics and theit could no longer go forward without disastrous

micro, meso, exo and chrono contexts.

intellectual and social consequences.” This key
term’s re-conceptualization is in tune with the re-Along with such a re-conceptualization, we need

conceptualization of the earlier terms as all three

to rethink and re-conceptualize another key term,

are seeking to work towards the possibilities of realempowerment. Empowerment is about imagining achange as wished by Lefebvre and Horkheimer.

new reality and working towards realizing it. Down
several millennia since Buddha’s famous saying, “AnAnother key term which begs our attention is

idea that is developed and put into action is more

subalterneity . This term is a derivative of one of theimportant than an idea that exists only as an idea,”coinages by Gramsci (1973) in his prison writings.

the radical conception of empowerment remains the

The Gramscian term was appropriated for a newsame. The latest ones doing the rounds are only para-conceptualization of writing history by the Subalternphrases of the statement of Buddha.

Studies Group led by Ranajit Guha during 1980s.
Ranajit Guha (1998) said: “Subaltern Studies made its

For instance, Eyben et.al (2008) said regarding

debut by questioning that assumption and arguing

their conception of empowerment : “We understandthat there was no such unified and singular domain

empowerment happens when individuals andof politics and the latter was, to the contrary,organized groups are able to imagine their world

structurally split between an elite and a subalterndifferently and to realize that vision by changing thepart, each of which was autonomous in its own

relations of power that have been keeping them inway. Much of what we have to say has indeed

poverty. ...The implications of this understanding canbeen concerned with documenting the existence of

be explored through the different facets of social,these two distinct, but interacting parts as well as

economic and political. These are conceptual tools

with arguing why such a structural split between

for identifying complex and mutually dependentthem was historically necessary.” According to
15

Marginalisation, Communication, Everyday Lives and Empowerment of Coastal
Subaltern Communities of South India

in one’s environment. The chrono contexts refercoastal state of Andhra Pradesh and Kerala in south

condition of being erased from sites of articulation

India. Tamil Nadu is one of the leading states in India

and representation. In what modes the re-(total number of states 28 and union territories 9) inconceptualizations of these terms are operationalized

terms of economic (second highest GDP among Indianwith regard to the coastal communities explored instates at US 290 billion and 8.5% of India’s GDP),social and human development indices (HDI of 0.708,

this paper.

compared to the national figure of 0.647 and Japan’s

this paper is taken up towards the later sections of

The size of India’s coastal population is estimated to

The four subaltern communities chosen for thebe 250 million. This measure is a skewed measure in

study are in Pazhaverkadu (Thiruvallur District),

the sense that it considers those living within 50 kms

Marina Beach (Chennai District), Mannar Gulf

from the coast as members of coastal population. This

(Ramanathapuram District) and Thuthukudi

10

paper seeks not to measure the size of the population(Thuthukudi District). The former two are sites ofthat may be deemed as coastal communities inmarine fishing communities and the later two areterms of kilo meters, but in terms of the dependence

into seaweed and salt harvesting.

号（２０２１）『人類学研究所 研究論集』第Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

Dutta and Basu (2018), “Subalternity refers to the0.915) (Wikipedia , 2020). It has the highest percentage
Another contentious term in the title of thisof urbanization in India (48.5% of population lives inpaper relates to coastal communities. Once again theurban areas against India’s figure of 31%). There areconventional logic of coastal community is given a go

608 marine fishing villages in Tamil Nadu (2020).

by in this paper on account of the following reasons.

of certain sections of population whose source of
livelihood is the sea and its immediate neighbourhoodin the land area. These communities range from thewidely known universal category of fishermen to
the lesser known categories of seaweed harvesters

Ⅳ Pazhaverkadu
Subaltern Coastal
Community

and salt harvesters. In short, coastal communities

Pazhaverkadu is home to 30+ fishing villages andare those who survive on the sources of livelihood

the region is home to India’s second largest brackishprovided by the sea and its neighbourhood. Coastal

water lake (the first is Chilika lake in Orissa). The

communities are inherently subaltern in naturearea is in the border regions of Tamil Nadu andas their sources of income are meagre enough toAndhra Pradesh. The Buckingham canal and thesurvive and not good enough to graduate to othertributaries of Kosasthalyar feed the lake. There areclass domains in society. This paper does not taketwo fishing communities in the region. Those who

into account the owners of mechanized fishing vessels

subsist on fishing in the confluence of canal/rivers

who may live off the resources of the coast, but are

and lake and those who go out to the sea to fish.

rich enough to be non-subalterns within the fishing

These communities are bound by the protocols fixedcommunity.

by the village bodies and their laws. The vessels
which go out to the sea have to cross the estuary

The following sections deal with four subalternwhich links the lake with the sea. The estuary is

coastal communities in the south Indian state ofalso a problem spot as the dramatic recent change

Tamil Nadu. Before we proceed further, here arein the movement of sands along the coast havea few snippets of facts about the field area, Tamil

become the source of sand bars in the estuary. The

Nadu. Tamil Nadu has the second longest coast

fishermen lost close to 4 months of work last year asline (1076 km) after Gujarat, a state on the Western

the government machinery could not act in time tocoast (1600 km). Tamil Nadu’s coast line borders theclear the sand bars. The proliferation of sand bars

16

a few days every month without work (until 1980s,

of ports and thermal plants between Ennore andgovernment used to provide compensation for all

Pazhaverkadu . The Kattupalli port, which is 20+ kms

the fishermen on a daily basis and v) the chocking

from Pazhaverkadu is due for massive expansionof the Pazhaverkadu estuary, due to a combination

after its takeover by the Adani group, alleged toof factors ranging from the rapid accumulation of

be close to the ruling party. Protests by the local

sand because of the strong currents caused by thefishermen started last year and are continuing.

construction of the port and lack maintenance. This

They fear that the fishing villages will be wiped out

meant that fishermen could not venture into sea forby the mega expansion of the port with attendant

several days in the recent past as their boats had to

infrastructural developments such as mega express

cross from the lakeside through the estuary to get toways in the region. The unusual warming of water

the sea”.

currents and the high level of pollution of sea wateris blamed on the Ennore thermal plant. Fishermen of

Mowat’s (2015) two key questions with regard

this region are, as a result, counting their chances of

to marginalisation are: I) What does it mean tosurvival in the face of these mega projects and thebe marginalized? and Marginalized from what?.

indifference of the state and central governments to

In the case of the fishermen of Pazhaverkadu ,the fast changing threat scenarios that are haunting

marginalisation is always about their alienation fromthem.

their source of livelihood, the complex eco-system
of Pazhaverkadu where the interface of the estuary

Ethiraj (2019), who is a senior office bearer of the

becomes the lifeline for both sea faring and river-local fishermen’s association, (Thiruvallur District

bound fishermen. Marginalisation at the hands of theTraditional Fishermen’s Association ) dealt with theforces of industrialisation, India’s space programmes

problems faced by the subaltern coastal community

and infrastructure development to benefit theat Pazhaverkadu in the following manner. “Unlike

industries seems painful to the local fishermen, to say

the past, we are now struggling to fish . The reasons

the least. From the perspective of the ecological model

are to be located in the following order: I) the rapidof human development proposed by Bronfenbrennerindustrialization of the coast, in an unregulated(1994), what is striking is the prevalence of themanner by the government, in collusion with thechrono context. According to Bronfenbrenner

corporates, unmindful of its effects on the livelihood(1994), “A chrono system encompasses change orof fisherfolk ii) the setting up of Kattupalli port inconsistency over time not only in the characteristics

2012 in the village of Kattupalli, Ennore, was ruinousof the person, but also of the environment in which

for fisherfolk, in Ennore and Pazhaverkadu as thethat person lives (e.g., changes over the life course inestuaries in both places could not cope with thefamily structure, socioeconomic status, employment,

rapid sand formations and lack of regular dredging,place of residence, or the degree of hecticness andresulting in the destruction of the eco system. Thisability in everyday life）.” While the local fishermen’s

eco system once provided best quality prawns andassociation led by elders like Ethiraj are working

fish varieties in the country. iii) the recent acquisition

hard to express their resilience and resistance as aof the Kattupalli port by the mega Indian corporation,

parameter of marginalization (Mowat,2015) through

Adani Group, which has been growing exponentially,

concerted campaigns to save their environment

thanks to its nexus with the present government atand themselves from the looming threats posed by

the centre and the group’s plan to construct a superthe rapid industrialisation of their fragile coast, themega harbor iv) frequent rocket launches from theemergence of the chrono contexts of their ecologies

nearby space centre at Sriharikota snatches away

as well as themselves becomes apparent too. Elders
17

Marginalisation, Communication, Everyday Lives and Empowerment of Coastal
Subaltern Communities of South India

in the estuary area is blamed on the construction

like Ethiraj have undergone transformations overencroachers who should be evicted.

the past decades temporally in the same modes their『人類学研究所 研究論集』第号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

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fragile eco-system underwent. Here, the temporality

Marina beach area is the home of 11 fishingof transformations remains the same for both thevillages for several centuries and are probably theindividual fishermen like Ethiraj and the environment,

only fishing villages inside a metropolitan area in

Pazhaverkadu .

India. The fishermen of the villagers are exhibiting
both resilience and resistance, as in the case of the

For the subaltern fisherfolk like Ethiraj,

Pazhaverkadu fishermen, in facing the threats ofsubalterneity is the other side of representation ofa different kind. As in other contexts where thetheir eco-system and their lives. Contrary to how

subaltern coastal communities are facing the threats

academics define subalterneity, it is the reality offrom neo-liberalism inspired policies and decisions of

threats fishermen face rather than the representations

the local government and judiciary, the fisherfolk atof such threats in media, government meetings andMarina beach are also at the receiving end because

public fora. Contrary to the notions of empowermentof such policies. But, in contrast to other contexts

cited early on (Eyben (2008), fishermen like Ethirajof marginalization and threats to livelihood, what is

are unable to imagine their lives differently. They

at work in Marina beach area is the “aesthetics” ofare born to fish in Pazhaverkadu and they hold the“blue flag beach” as the role model for Marina beachregion’s diversity and ecological beauty as dearly

to emulate. They are, as usual, enamoured of theas their lives. They are unable to imagine a reality

surface level and very subjective class centric beauty

where their fishing villages disappear to give spaceof the beach without the fishing boats, nets and the ill

for the mega port and express way. Empowerment toclothed dark skinned fishermen. They are, as usual,them resides in saving the status quo and saving the

not worried about the damage done to the beautiful

status quo means saving the fragile eco system. Their

coast by the huge inflows of urban sewerage into

communication modes are transmission oriented ascoastal waters, the estuaries that are encroached byregards the campaigns against the threats to their

the high rises, ports and mega oil spills of ships on

livelihoods, but are ritual centric as regards their

the coast. The words of Bharathi (2019), President

sense of belonging to their environment and fellowof the South Indian Fishermen Welfare Association ,subaltern members.

who has been the subject of the chrono contexts ofthe changes his environment and himself experienced

Ⅴ Marina Beach
Subaltern Coastal
Community

ever since he was a young boy, stand testimony tothe tragedies of the chrono context. Bharathi (2019)
said, “Our ancestors took for granted their traditionalrights over their homes, fish stalls and work spaces

In the case of the Marina beach (Chennai)

on land/sea. They did not register their properties

subaltern community, the threats are not from ports

on land. Moreover, they were more than willing toand expressways, but from the articulations andconcede their lands for government buildings on theattempts of the local corporation, judiciary and theKamarajar Salai, whenever requests from government

media to read the meaning of the sea and beach fromcame. All the fishing villages in Marina area had

the perspective of the “blue flag beaches” in othergiven their lands to government, both during British

parts of the world. To them, the beauty of the one

and post-independent periods. We are now at a greatof the longest urban beaches in the world is marredloss, realizing the folly of our ancestors and theirby the presence of the fishing boats, fish stalls

misplaced trust in governments. For instance, now

and fishermen’s nets. To them, fishermen are thewe do not have space to build a community/marriage

18their boats, nets, women folk selling fishes and theirvillages on the Marina. The government built a police

customers who are thronging the “loop road” fish

station here several years ago, despite our opposition.

market every day for fresh and affordable fish. They

Even though, the police station was shifted recently

are, as in the case of the fishermen of Pazhaverkadu ¸

to the police headquarters building on the westerncommunicating well both in the transmission modesside of Kamarajar Salai, we are shocked to learn thatand ritual modes. The ritual mode inspires them

they have registered four grounds of our land, where

to remain as a tight knit community that does notthere was police station”.

want to surrender to the logic of “blue flag beach”
development of their neighborhood, whereas the

Bharathi, is now at the forefront of struggle

transmission mode helps them to cultivate solidarity

against the attempts of the local corporation towith the like minded communities, NGOs, social

expand the “loop road” as a major thoroughfare, shift

media and conventional media. In fact, Bharathi

the fish market, deny right of space for mending

has been successful in managing his campaigns on

their nets and parking their boats and eventuallysocial media through facebook and whatsapp. His FB

evict the fishermen from the area. These attempts

page, Kadolara Seithigal (News of the Coast ) is thehave been defeated in the past, according to Bharathitransformation of the journal with the same name he(2019), by their resilience and its transformation as

had to discontinue due to financial reasons.

a resistance. A case in point he narrates relates tothe opposition they mounted against similar moves
during 1980s. The protests drew the condemnation (ofthe government action to remove the fishing boats
from the beach area) from the Supreme Court of

Ⅵ Women Seaweed
Harvesters of Gulfof Mannar

India. The protests also drew police firing in which

Compared to the coastal subaltern communities

many fishermen died. Such protests provided thewhich are into marine fishing, there is a strong

chrono contexts of Bronfenbrenner (1994) as well as

community of women divers from 21 villages in

the inspiration for new leaders of subaltern coastal

Ramanathapuram district. These women, like theircommunities to emerge.

fisherfolk counterparts of Pazhaverkadu and Marina

beach , are also organised under the banner of Women
In fact, in one of the conversations, Bharathi (2019)

Seaweed Harvesters’ Association . In India, seaweed

said: “As a young boy, I was witness to the violence

is used in both food non-food sectors such as foodlet loose against our community. This motivated me

processing, textile and dye industries. The harvesting

to enter public life for the cause of my people.” Asof seaweed started, along with pearl fishery, in thementioned in the case of the subaltern community

region during the colonial period, when the prisoners

at Pazhaverkadu , members of the 11 fishing villages

were employed for diving to gather seaweed, conches

are rallying behind leaders like Bharathi to save theirand oysters. What was once an occupation of menfolk

sources of livelihood in a metropolis that seeks to

is now the domain of women divers. They row theirerase the margins and the people who called themboats at sunrise to nearby islands and spent several

their home for several centuries.

hours diving under water in depths ranging from
15 ft -70 feet to collect seaweed and sea conches.

As in the case of the fishermen of Pazhaverkadu ¸

Sea conches are the property of the state and thethe impossibility of imagining a different reality stares

women can only sell to the local government dept.,at them and they are determined not to “empower”

The seaweed is sold to private buyers. While Indianthemselves by co-imagining a beautiful beach without

media have ran stories on these women several
19

Marginalisation, Communication, Everyday Lives and Empowerment of Coastal
Subaltern Communities of South India

hall for the benefit of families in the seven fishermenwith their sarees on. There is an unintended dose of

Ⅶ Salt Pan Workers ofThuthukudi

unrealistic representations of empowerment these

In comparison with the three subaltern coastal

stories have come to attach to the daily routines ofcommunities mentioned above, the case of the saltthese women. But, as the president of the Women

panners/workers of Thuthukudi district provides

Seaweed Harvesters’ Association , remarked bluntly

a different narrative. It is a narrative which

in one of the newspaper interviews, it is not about

underscores the tragedy of economic deprivation at

empowerment. It is about surviving to beat poverty

the heart of other tragedies that have befallen thisand earn money for the running of family. “Ours isn’t

community. Is it a community? This question opens

a tale of empowerment. We are just trying to makemany windows of introspection for any academic

ends meet,” said Rakkamma.

interested in working with people of the subalterntimes, such stories try to pitch the unusual angle –wonderment at women diving in a country like India『人類学研究所 研究論集』第号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

10

kind with the key terms this paper employs. Here
Compared to the subaltern communities of

the issues of marginalization and subalterneity

fisherfolk, where women do not venture to sea toought to be read differently as many of the salt pan

fish and are only doing onshore support work such

workers are also subsisting on agricultural workas drying the unsold fish, selling fish and cleaning/

during off season (when the salt pans are closed

cutting fish for customers, in the case of thesedue to inclement weather). Salt harvesting in India

women divers, they are venturing into sea on theiris controlled by the laws of the Union government

own and diving into depths of 15-70 feet without

and the state/local government have no role to play

any proper gear, solely banking on their lung power

to address the issues even when there are crises.

and diving skills. The highlight of their work is theThis sector is not faced with the threats of neo-

implementation of what Buddha said with regard

liberalism, as in the case of the fishing sector, but isto empowerment. “An idea that is developed andfaced with the threats of monsoon rains, cyclones andput into action is more important than an idea that

other vagaries of weather. In 2018, the Gaja cyclone

exists only as an idea,” They are also sporting thedevastated the entire production area in anotherresilience mentioned by (Mowat,2015), but here it

salt producing region of Tamil Nadu, Vedaranyam .

does not translate into resistance, as in the case of

Women and men are found in almost equal number

the subaltern coastal communities of Marina beachin this sector, unlike the coastal fishing communities(Chennai) and Pazhaverkadu . There is a looming

where women do not take to seas and the seaweed

possibility of young women in the families of these

harvesting sector where the men do not take to2000 women not taking to the diving routines of theirdiving. Among the tragedies these workers face,

mothers as they are getting their school and college

the health related tragedies such as renal and retina

education to move on to less arduous and non-risky

failure are very high. There is a high incidence ofjob sectors. This may be read as an instance of a

victims with renal and retina failure. As in the casechrono system that will not see any change in theof the seaweed harvesters, these workers are also

environment where harvesting of seaweed and conch

reluctant to let their children take to salt panning.

takes place, but will see the gradual disappearance

The chrono system in the case of this community willof the women divers of the present, who may or may

also go the way of seaweed harvesters of Mannar

not be replaced by men.

Gulf .

20

References

Guha, Ranajit.
1998

Dominance without Hegemony: History
and Power in Colonial India, HUP.

Araujo, Samuel.
2020

Personal Communication. February 28,2020.

Horkheimer, M.
1972[1937]

Critical Theory: Selected Essays, New

Bharathi.
September 30, 2019.

Subversion and Social Change in

Mowat, Joan G.
2015

Research Journal. 14(5).

Press.

1994“Ecological Models of Human Development”.
In. International Encyclopedia of Education,

Map of India
		

Accessed January 29,2021.		

		https://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/
india/indianlanguages.htm.

Vol. 3, 2nd. Ed. Oxford: Elsevier.
Carey, James.
1989

Communication as Culture: Essays on
Media and Society, London: Unwin
Hyman.

Dept.of Fisherie’s Report, Government of Tamil Nadu.

Map of Tamil Nadu - South India
		

Accessed January 29,2021.

		

Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/

Narthagi, Nataraj.
2013

2018

“Subalternity, Neoliberal Seductions andSpivak, Gayathri C.
1998

of Social Change,” Cultural Studies andCritical Methodologies, 18 (I).pp.90-93.
Economy of Tamil Nadu.
Economy_of_Tamil_Nadu. Accessed
January 29,2021.Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Ethiraj.
2019

Personal Interview with the author on
September 29, 2019.

Gramsci, Antonio.
1973“Can the Subaltern Speak”

Macmillan.

Freedom: Decolonizing Global Market

		Personal Communication. January 04,
2013.

https://www.fisheries.tn.gov.in/
Dutta, Mohan J. and Basu, Ambar.

"Towards a New Conceptualization of
Marginalisation". European Educational

Columbia, New York: Columbia University

Bronfenbrenner.

Critique of Everyday Life, London:Verso
p.xix, 237,252.

https://www.blueflag.global/

Borda, Orlando Fals.
1969

Lefebvre, Henri.
1991[1947]

Blue, Flag,		

York: Continuum. pp.188-243.

Personal Interview with the author on

Selections from the Prison Notebooks,
Ed.Hoare, Quentin and Smith, Geoffrey
Nowell, London:Lawrence &Wishart

21

Basingstoke:

Marginalisation, Communication, Everyday Lives and Empowerment of Coastal
Subaltern Communities of South India

2019

Traditional and Critical theory. In

論文 Article『人類学研究所 研究論集』第号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

10

The Role of Women’s Self-Help
Organizations in the Process of Civil
Reconstruction after the
April 2015 Nepal Earthquake
Ai TAKEUCHI *In the former royal capital city of Patan in Nepal, NGO and Nepal local government
established women’s Self-Help Organizations (S.H.O.s) to support the Newar women who
are inferior to their families to start a small business and improve their status in theirhome in the 1990s. The members of women’s S.H.O. took literacy, business, and skill
training. After the project of NGO and local government, the local women in Patan had
been establishing their own organization one after another. Since then, they have been
doing not only the activities of the main purpose of social development but also various
activities’ in response to local needs according to the actual situation.
The 2015 Nepal earthquake caused serious damage to Patan. Immediately after theearthquake occurred, the main people who rebuilt the town were only men, and thewomen had been staying at home taking care of their family. But 1 year after theearthquake, women’s S.H.O.s have been starting to reconstruct their communities.
Along with them, the farmer caste Jyapu ’s S.H.O.s has been successfully leading thereconstruction of the community uniquely. In a case of N Tole (community), S.H.O.
members focus on multiple businesses and started new businesses. For example, theyeffectively started using the vacant room of the local disaster prevention centers andmanage an exercise class for local people and daycare centers for old people. And also
they are going to manage a traditional Newar dance show for tourists. In another caseof P Tole, a lot of houses were partially or completely destroyed, local people decided
that all destroyed houses shall be rebuilt with guest rooms on each house to aim
tourism. Women’s S.H.O. members are working at the construction sites as same as men.
After building all the houses, S.H.O. members plan to show the traditional Newar dance
and foods to tourists in P Tole.
Most of the previous disaster studies emphasizes only the vulnerable aspects of thewomen, but this paper illustrates that the women members of S.H.O.s in Patan canmanage the reconstruction in their community utilizing their experiences and abilities
though the activities of S.H.O. for long years.

Keywords
The April 2015 Nepal Earthquake
Newar People
The Farmer Caste Jyapu
Civil Reconstruction
Women’s Self-Help Organization(S.H.O.)

目次 Contents
Ⅰ

Introduction

Ⅱ

Overview of Study Area

Ⅲ

Public help of Lalitpur Metropolitan City

Ⅳ Formation and Development of women’s
self-help organizations
Ⅴ The community reconstruction process
and the role of women's self-helporganizations
Ⅵ Conclusion：Examination

22

Ⅰ

Introduction

activities on women as well as the changes broughtby the post-earthquake of the Newar society. Andin part 4, the reconstruction activities of the Jyapu

a large earthquake of magnitude 7.8 occurred in thecaste after the 2015 earthquake will be discussed.

central and western parts of Nepal. Severe damage

Two citizen-led reconstruction projects, such as

was observed in Nepal, China, Bhutan, Northern“Diversified management” and “New town planning

India, and Bangladesh. The earthquake caused

utilizing Newar tradition” will be highlighted. Finally,buildings to collapse, avalanches, and landslides,

the role of women’s S.H.O.s in these two projects will

killing 8,891 people, destroying 605,254 houses, andbe further analyzed in detail.

damaging 288,255 houses. About 188,900 people were

Ⅱ Overview of study
area

temporarily evacuated. In the Kathmandu Valley,
many buildings and temples registered as World
Cultural Heritage sites, including the Durbar Square,
Swayambhunath, Boudhanath and Dharahara Tower,
were also damaged by this devastating earthquake.

2-1 Patan (Lalitpur
Metropolitan City)

According to a United Nations announcement, about

Patan flourished in the late Malla dynasty (1476-

8 million people were affected, equivalent to about1768) in the 15th century, after the Malla dynasty

30% of Nepal’s population.

was divided into the three kingdoms of Kathmandu,

From 2003 to 2015, I conducted fieldwork on the

Bhaktapur and Patan. It is located 5 kilometers south

various activities of women’s groups in the old royalof Kathmandu, the capital city, on a plateau on thecity of Patan (Lalitpur Metropolitan City) and theirsouth bank of the Bagmati River, inside of a circularimpact on women as well as social changes. After theroad called Ring Road. Patan has an overwhelming

2015 Nepal earthquake, houses collapsed and people

number of Buddhist temples in comparison with

were injured in Patan, and community restoration

the other two old Malla cities, Kathmandu andand reconstruction activities are still underway in

Bhaktapur, in the Kathmandu Valley. These old

the present day. In particular, among the Jyapu

cities, former royal capitals, are still mostly occupied(farmer caste) communities, “creative reconstruction

by Newar people. In Newar society, the concept

activities” have been seen and women’s self-of purity or impurity of the object or person is

help organizations (S.H.O.s) are actively involved

perceived by whether one can touch or interact with(Takeuchi 2012,2018). My research focuses on thethings and people. And this kind of perceived purity

role of women’s S.H.O.s in rehabilitating the Jyapu

or impurity exist both in the daily code and in thecommunities. I conducted fieldwork nine times inhierarchy of the social classes (the caste system).

between November 2015 to December 2019 focusing
on post-earthquake reconstruction activities.

There are Newar people, who practice Hinduism
and Buddhism. It is to be noted that both religions

Part 1 of this paper gives an overview of theare intertwined and some festivals are mixed based

study areas. Such as Patan, and the Newar ethnic

on these religious concepts. Buddhism originallygroups that are living there. Part 2 of this paper is

had no caste system, but in the Kathmandu Valley,

going to explain the public help given by Lalitpur

Buddhists observe caste system based on Hindu

Metropolitan City. In part 3, I am going to discussphilosophies. The royal palace and temples are

the history and activities of women’s self-help

located in the center of the city, are surrounded byorganization in Patan and the impact of thesefour and five-story brick and timbered multi-family*Nanzan University

23

The Role of Women’s Self-Help Organizations in the Process of Civil
Reconstruction after the April 2015 Nepal Earthquake

At 11:56 am Nepal Standard Time on April 25, 2015,

『人類学研究所 研究論集』第号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

10

Figure 1. Patan (Lalitpur Metropolitan City)
Source: 2007 Encyclopedia Britannica. Inc
dwellings. Upper caste people live in the center of thecaste group (Kasai ) and cleaning caste group (Pode )city and lower caste people live on the outer edge ofare considered to be the lower caste of society. On

the city. Each caste lives their life based on the rigid

the other hand, despite the caste ranking, each caste

caste system.

group has its own deity and customs, and each has

As I stated above, the city has a basic urban

its own caste identity for its caste group (Gellner

structure based on a religious view, and this

1996: 63-68). The order of caste and the degree ofstructure is formed according to the caste structure,

purity or impurity are determined at birth of thethe mandala worldview and the concept of “pure andindividual and are generally considered to be fixed.

impure”. The urban structure is linked to traditional

In Patan alone, there are more than 50 tals (family

culture of Newar.

names, or caste groups) (Maharajan 2002: 35). the

Jyapu (farmer caste group) has the largest number

2-2 Newar peopleof households of any caste group, followed by Bale

Newar people experience all phenomena through(gold and silver Buddhist statue crafters caste),the lens of whether something is pure or impure.

then the Gubaju (Buddhist monk caste), and thePure and impure views are derived from the world

Sessyo (government job caste group). The number

creation myth taught in Hinduism, and also fromof households in other caste groups is not very large.

the caste system, which defines people’s occupation

Different caste people keep a distance from otherand ritual role. A person’s caste level, occupation

caste groups, except for certain ceremonial Occasions.

and conducting of ritual roles are predetermined by

For an example, it is not customary for a upper caste

ones ancestral caste level. For an example, God has

family to allow a lower caste group or person into

the attribute of “purity”, and members of the priest

their house. In addition, there are restrictions against

caste group (Hindu priest Deyobalm , Buddhist priest

inter-caste marriage, and on “food transfer” between

Gubaju ), who are believed close to God, regarded

the different castes. Such as, the inability to receive

as upper caste, while in contrast, a butcher whowater and food (especially rice) from people of lower

handles meat is considered “impure”. The butcher

caste family or group and the inability to eat with24

lower caste people (Yamagami 2001). In particular,
cooked rice is seen as a likely conduit for impurenessbecause it is eaten on a daily basis. It is said that
one must not share a meal place with anyone otherthan family members. (Yamagami 2008: 60). Today,
traditional values, especially among young people
are changing. However, many elderly people live
according to the traditional caste norms.

Ⅲ Public helpof Lalitpur
Metropolitan City
3-1 Public assistance byLalitpur Metropolitan
City Office

Figure 2. Damaged temples
in Patan Durbar Square(November 14th, 2017 photographed by the author)
meets all the standards set by the government and iscompleted.
As of December 2019, 6,300 victims in Lalitpur
have received first-time grants. Second grants have

According to the government officer in charge

been awarded to 25% of the initial recipients, andof earthquake reconstruction work in Lalitpur

third grants to 20% of the first recipients. In all, 7,373

Metropolitan City Office, the damage to Lalitpur

people have received support from the City Office

was 49 fatalities, 128 injured people, 2,300 collapsed

between 2015 and August 2019. After the earthquake,houses, 5,000 partially damaged houses, and 75,000

the regional development bureau under the City

affected people. The role of the city office is to

Office had distributed shelters and tents, as well as

provide grants to all the applicants, who are seriously

baby clothes and diapers to pregnant women andinjured or have damaged houses based on standards

mothers with babies. One week after the earthquake,set by the Nepalese government. The damaged

large tents provided by UNICEF were set up in thebuildings are assessed and placed in one of threegardens of the City Office and in the fields of Wardgroups (red: no entry, green: safe, yellow: living will

8. About one month after the earthquake, children

be possible after repairs), and a disaster certificate ID

gathered, painted, and danced. At that time, children

card is issued for the affected applicant. The Nepalese

were given notebooks, pens, and erasers, as well as

government has instructed municipalities to provide

snacks by the local government officials.

300,000 rupees 1 (approximately 300,000 yen) for themet, applicants can receive financial support to begin

3-2 Public assistance by theWard officerebuilding their homes. First time applicants receive

After the earthquake, ward offices received

50,000 rupees if they pass the ground check; therelief supplies for the residents from City Offices,second time they receive 150,000 rupees, if their work

International organizations, NGOs, and others. Wardsatisfies the DPC seismic standard; and the third

8 3 , The most damaged area of Patan, received moretime they receive 100,000 rupees, if their first floor

relief supplies than any other ward. The City Officerebuilding of houses. If home rebuilding criteria are1
2

2

According to the conversion rate of 1 NPR = 0.95 JPY (as of September 25, 2019).
The data in this section is based on interviews with officials in Ward 8 and Ward 4 (August 2019).

25

The Role of Women’s Self-Help Organizations in the Process of Civil
Reconstruction after the April 2015 Nepal Earthquakewith modern education, are waning and caste norms

ward office. Besides that, several items were donated.

women’s self-helporganization (S.H.O.)?

Such as, daily necessary items, food from the Central

Women’s S.H.O. was first established in the year

District Administrative Office (CDO), tents from1991, by a local NGO that targeted Newar Jyapu『人類学研究所 研究論集』第sent 100,000 rupees (approximately 100,000 yen) as

the Red Cross, and acetaminophen from the several(farmer caste) women in Patan. CDS (Community

NGOs ENPHO and YUM, which are actively involved

Development Section) 5 in Patan had formed sevenin the public health sector. According to many of thewomen’s S.H.O.s between 1996 and 1999. Although,ward offices, a few days after the earthquake, ward

there have been no other projects since 2000, theoffice staff formed a rescue team and they began to

CDS has been supporting S.H.O.s and conducting

work again. At that time, the role of the ward officea number of operational trainings. Women withwas mainly to distribute relief supplies, received

knowledge of the women’s S.H.O.s have begun

from each organization. In addition, although notto establish other new S.H.O.s by them in thea ward, the Jyapu Samajdonated 10,000 rupees

community of Patan, where they live. They have(approximately 10,000 yen) for each injured Jyapu

been playing an important role to empower themember as a measure of public assistance.

women social as well as economically. In addition,

10

The Ward 4 office stood out by its effective

donation, medicines, and other food supplies to the号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

4

response. International NGOs sent donation, rescue

they have been working based on the needs of theircommunities and caste groups.

supplies (gloves, helmets, boots, picks, and masks) and

There are also some other groups that choosetents to each ward office, and their first task was to

not to register their establishment with the CDS

distribute them to the residents. Seven days after the

because they prefer to work for their own interests

earthquake, the Ward 4 office had provided the plaza

rather than for the government. There are several

as a public shelter, built tents, and provided foodrequirements for registering women’s S.H.O.s withto residents. They were able to operate smoothly

the CDS. For an example, there must be more thanbecause they had providentially received earthquake

30 members, there must be one week of training indisaster training from an International NGO, the day

the establishment, the CDS can dictate how the S.H.O.

before the disaster took place. As a result, they were

will be managed, annual visits to the CDS must beable to anticipate the disaster more effectively thanmade, meetings must be attended and reports of theother ward offices in this area.

organization must be submitted, and leader of theorganization must be changed every three years

Ⅳ Formation anddevelopment of
women’s self-helporganizations

alternatively. To register with CDS scheme has somany benefits for women. Such as they can get
training in arithmetic, reading and writing, vocational
training such as courses in using sewing machine
and hairdressing, aptitude training, public speaking,and guidance in hygiene and nutrition from a health

4-1 What does mean thecenter.

3 Ward 8 consists of 12 toles (communities), with about 2,200 houses and a population of about 12,000. In Ward 8, the number of collapsed houses
exceeded 400, and the region was the most affected by the earthquake in Lalitpur. The first quake, followed by several aftershocks, left between
50 and 60 people injured. In Ward 8, there were no deaths, but a resident of Ward 8 was walking on a street in another ward and died of a heart
attack after seeing the university wall collapse in front of him.
4 Jyapu Samaj is a large farmer caste group self-help organization that comprises 40 communities of farmer caste groups living in Patan.
5 CDS (Community Development Section) is an administrative organization under the umbrella of City Office.

26

Women’s S.H.O.s go against the traditional Newar
values of keeping to one’s own caste group, as

homes and doing various outside activities, includinggroup meetings and events.
One of the characteristics of S.H.O.s for the Newarof which caste group they belong to. However,

women, is to conduct “small entrepreneurship

women have established S.H.O.s in each tole (small

activities” (such as microcredit, vocational training,community), so in Patan, where traditionally people

literacy training). Such activities aim to develop

are segregated by caste group, members of the same

women’s financial independence, which is the original

S.H.O. are allowed to interact with others of different

purpose of development. In addition, S.H.O.s organize

caste groups.

many community activities, such as participating

As of November 2018, there are 300 S.H.O.s inin festivals, cleaning up communities, establishing

Patan. Some groups have more than 20 years ofcommunity clinics according to the needs of theexperience. Until the year 2000, many women were

tole. Each tole is active, with its S.H.O. performing

unable to join as a member to a group because theira variety of new community activities to meet its

families opposed them from going out of their homes.

needs.

However, women’s S.H.O.s had been established inevery tole by the year 2010.

While initially many men strongly opposed thewomen from joining S.H.O.s and working outside

At meeting, women can get various kinds ofthe home. However, now they have come to know

information from the government and they get

and recognize that S.H.O.’s community work has aan opportunity to learn about sanitation, garbage

positive impact on the tole. Since the establishment

separation and recycling methods, which they canof S.H.O.s in Patan, women have gained a social role

practice at home. Women’s S.H.O.s are serving thein the tole, expanding women’s freedom and raising

tole and bringing so many benefits, therefore, S.H.O.

women’s social status like never before. In this way,

member’s husbands and other members of the family

S.H.O.s have unintentionally changed the traditional

can allow the women to participate in the training.

gender structure.

At the time of the national election, administrative

Ⅴ The community
reconstruction
process and the roleof women’s self-helporganizations

officials taught S.H.O. members about what is themeaning of a political party, what is the meaning of
citizens vote and how to cast one’s own vote. During
Election time, candidates frequently campaigned ineach tole and invited not only tole leaders but also
the women’s S.H.O. leaders to campaign events.

4-2 The life changes ofwomen who belong to
S.H.O.s
The gender structure of Newar society haschanged since Patan’s Newar women began to join
S.H.O.s. As mentioned earlier, traditionally, Newar
women were restricted to the private area of theirhusband’s house and parents’ house, and they could
not go out freely without the permission given by
their family. Once they started participating in S.H.O.s,
women became more accustomed to leaving their

The community reconstruction process and therole of women’s S.H.O.s were selected for researchbecause of their high level of women’s involvementin the community reconstruction process. In thisstudy, I will focus mainly on two toles in Patan,
referred to as N Tole and P Tole in order to preserveanonymity, which after the earthquake started new
urban development projects in which women’s S.H.O.s
are active in the process of reconstruction. In doing
so, I will discuss how women’s S.H.O.s are involvedin the project and their role in the community

27

The Role of Women’s Self-Help Organizations in the Process of Civil
Reconstruction after the April 2015 Nepal Earthquake

they serve all women in the community regardless『人類学研究所 研究論集』第号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

10

reconstruction activities.

on their own. In addition to the original development

5-1 Reconstruction project：“Diversified management”
based on women’s ideas
in N Tole

activities, the S.H.O. is currently carrying out various

a. Overview of N Tole

measurement, routine health checkup, cleaning roads

activities based on women’s problems and community
needs.
For an example, members of this women’s S.H.O.
perform community activities, such as blood pressure

Talking about N Tole is located at Ward 20

and temples for residents in the Tole. Last year, theyin Lalitpur City and it has about 150 houses and a

repaired houses damaged by the earthquake. (All the

population of about 400. Most caste groups that live

damaged houses in N Tole have now been almostin the community have the last name “Maharjan”.

repaired.) Also, leisure activities, such as excursions

The N community is known for its historic Quina

and banquets are organized for members. In one

Gane Dyo (the god Ganesh) temple, which holds thenotably successful venture, of this women’s S.H.O.

festival of Jal Binayak Jatra. The festival starts on

was to convince the city office to clean a previously

the evening of the full moon in November. On that

unused garbage area and turn it into a parking lot.

day, in the evening around 6 pm, mankaa guthi, a

The S.H.O. members operate the parking lot. They

men’s band performing during ceremonies, begins tohave hired security guards from security companies

play. In recent years, women have been allowed tobecause it is dangerous at night. Since there is almost

participate. Men carry a portable shrine with Quina

no parking space in Patan, therefore this parking

Gane dyo inside, and women dance and play musicalmanagement venture is successful and also profitable.

instruments while parading through the town of

The profits from the parking operation are deposited

Patan.

into the community’s Sakhakari (financial union), but

6

In N Tole, the damage from the earthquake waswhen the community needs a large amount of money

minimal. Four houses were nearly collapsed, but mostfor events like community festivals and banquets andhouses were just cracked. There were no fatalities.

the donations are often made to the community from

For two months after the earthquake, community

this fund.

members stayed in tents in a large parking area run
by N Tole.

c. After the 2015 Earthquake
In N Tole, before the disaster, the women’s S.H.O. s

b. Activities of women’s S.H.O. in N Tole before

had cleaned up a garbage dump in the community

the 2015 earthquake

and used the space as parking lot, with the help of

N Tole has a women’s self-help organization

men. For two months immediately after the disaster,that was established in 1999. As of November

the space was provided for free of charge to establish

2017, N’s women’s S.H.O. had 92 members. Thisevacuation tent camp for Tole members.

S.H.O. was established to conduct three main

Although the women’s S.H.O. has been active in

activities: vocational training, literacy training, andwomen’s activities and for the Tole for some time

microfinance. Every member pays a small amountnow, members said that they had little time toevery month and the money thus collected is put

work for the women’s S.H.O. immediately after the

into a large fund. Members can borrow money fromearthquake. According to interviews with women

this fund and can take loan to open small businesses

living in Patan, after the earthquake, children’s

6
Guthis are social organizations that are used to maintain the socio-economic order of Newar society. Mankaa Guthi is one type of Guthis. The
members of Mankaa Guthi play traditional music instruments on the ritual occasions28

schools were closed for a long time, and many

tourists. Therefore, several vacant houses in the Tole

working men had to take a long time off from theirwere cleaned and renovated in order to accommodate

office work. Even when they returned back to theiraround 10 people at one time. Homestay hosts used

work, the men were afraid that the earthquake

to serve Newar dishes. Therefore, the S.H.O. womenmight reoccur, and they continued to leave thehad undergone cooking and cleaning trainings.
The second project was to use an empty or vacantback home as early as possible for a while. Women

house in the Tole, in order to manage boutiquewere often busy and had to take care of their family

stores. Women’s S.H.O. members used to keep themembers. In other words, many women were notstore open and tailor kurta (punjabi dresses) andable to leave their homes immediately after thesari. According to interviews, in November 2017, thedisaster.

location of boutique stores had already been finalized

On the other hand, immediately after thein the Tole and were in the process to open soon.

earthquake, men were able to work toward recovery.

The S.H.O. hopes to create employment for women

Men already had a network outside the home, which

through such boutique management.

they relied a lot to get financial and technical support

Third, they planned to use the empty space in thefor N Tole and successfully they were able to build acommunity disaster prevention center, in order tocommunity disaster prevention center in N Tole.

create a community day care facility for the elderly
people. This would be made available to about 100

d.Launching the project “Diversified management”

elderly people in the community. At present, theOne year after the earthquake, women’s self-

S.H.O. members are currently applying to open thehelp organizations finally started working for

facility with the ward office. When there were noreconstruction

7. At that time, the women’s S.H.O. insuch events to take place, this community disaster

N Tole had three projects to help people in order toprevention center was closed most of the time.

rebuild their lives once again, after the earthquake

Therefore, they wanted to use this center for suchthrough diversified management.

good reason.as much as possible. The plan was to

The first project focused on tourism. The first

open from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm as day care for thecomponent of this plan was to hold a show once in aelderly people. Activities would include communal

month and sell tickets to tourists. The show would

play, dance, and also for exercise class. A doctor used

include Newar dance and live music and a traditional

to visit once a month, in order to check the health

Newar style banquets prepared by local residents. In

condition of the elderly people.

order to serve this purpose, women’s S.H.O. members
started to conduct banquet cooking training sessions
to give training to its residents Also, three years ago,
they created a macha pucha (children’s group), andthey asked the children (both boys and girls) of theircommunity between the ages of 8 and 16 to learn
dancing and playing instruments like flute, drumfrom the members of mankaa guthi (men’s traditionalband). The second component of the tourism plan was

Figure 3. Members of women’s S.H.O. in N tole
(April 25th, 2018 photographed by the author)

to organize a program like homestay program for

The elderly day care service plan was aimed to

7
The border blockade between Nepal and India was in turmoil from September 24, 2015 to February 2016. With logistics stagnating, suppliesof daily necessities, which had relied on imports from India, fell sharply in Nepal and fuel and drug shortages became severe.

29

The Role of Women’s Self-Help Organizations in the Process of Civil
Reconstruction after the April 2015 Nepal Earthquake

office voluntarily and many of them used to return『人類学研究所 研究論集』第号（２０２１）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

10

create employment for women’s S.H.O. members.

to live with their relatives, while others have rented

And the day care service for the elderly allowed toapartments. Even now, four years after the disaster,

give free space for women who have elderly familysome people are still living in the evacuation shelters

members to leave and find work outside of their

because they cannot even afford to pay monthly rent

homes. In addition, even if a disaster strikes, they canof an apartment.

feel reassured that elderly people are in a safe place
like disaster prevention enter. If a disaster occurs

b.Launching the project “New town planningduring use, there is no need to move elderly people

utilizing Newar tradition”

out of their homes in terms of disaster prevention.

After the earthquake, P Tole discussed how

It is believed that it will also reduce the burden

residents could restore and rebuild the community.

on everyday families and will be beneficial for all

It was thought that economic disparities would

residents of the community.

be a major problem if the community was rebuilt

5-2 Reconstruction project:“New town planningutilizing Newar tradition”
in P Tole of Patan

individually.

a.Overview of P Tole

A leader in P Tole, Mr. R.M, chairman of the
NGO Maya Foundation and president of a diamondcompany, suggested the idea of “New town planningutilizing Newar tradition” to residents. The purpose ofthis project was to invite tourists to their community,

P Tole is located in Ward 3 of Lalitpur City, within order to revitalize the town, preserve tradition,

a population of about 700 and there are around 115

generate income for the local people, and also tohomes. All inhabitants belong to the peasant caste

raise the standard of living in the tole. The Maya(family name: Maharjan). Maharjan have traditionallyFoundation (NGO) was trying to create a new town

worked in agriculture, but now they have no

by paying for a portion of the reconstruction costs

dedicated farmers and have sold most of their land

and attempting to attract tourists to P Tole. Theor built new houses there, leaving little land forfirst floor of each house is a craft shop or café; thefarming. Usually, most of the people in this area farmsecond floor is a space for guest rooms for tourists;

only for their own consumption. At present, the mostand the third and fourth floors are the owner’s living

common profession in P Tole is making hand crafted

quarters. Room reservations are handled by a central

Buddha statues and to work in offices. In recent

office that arrange an accommodation for guests to ayears, the number of young people studying abroad

guest house. This is to ensure that every guest houseand working abroad have increased a lot.

has an equal chance to have guests. The aim is to

P Tole was the worst affected area of Patan in thegive all residents equal work opportunity. Initially,

Great Nepal Earthquake, with 60% of homes were

the plan was to build 82 project houses (7 chokes),collapsed and inhabitants were unable to live in their

but the number of houses increased to 87 because thehouses. However, no one was died directly from thelarge number of applications were submitted. This

earthquake, but two people were died due to theproject was set to be completed within three years.

shock of such a traumatic event.
The biggest problem in the post-disasterc. Activities of the women’s S.H.O. in P Tole

community was that there were many poor people

The women’s S.H.O. in P Tole has 110 members,

living in houses that had collapsed so badly due towho pay 220 rupees a month (200 rupees are athe earthquake, they could not afford to rebuild theirdeposit, 20 rupees are a donation to the Tole). Whenhomes once again. Some inhabitants have given up

the earthquake occurred, they cleaned the rubble off

in rebuilding their homes and gone back hometown

the road so that people could pass through. Every30

day since the start of the project, from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m.,

yet to establish cultural norms for dividing a guest

they helped with the manual labor of reconstruction

house. Some families have decided that one siblingand provided food and drinks to the people working

will become the owner of the guest house while theon the site. At first, there were many volunteers, butother siblings will receive a portion of the house’safter a year and a half, the men gradually stopped

original value or future earnings from the guest

coming to the site because they were busy withhouse.

because Tole leaders are worried that the labor force
would be reduced and as a result the construction
period would be extended further.
According to my fieldwork, I have conducted in
November 2018, S.H.O. members have been training
for three months in Newar dance and traditional
instruments for tourism shows. These dances are tobe performed for guests in restaurants and stages in

Figure 5. Scenery during a breakin construction work in P Tole
(April 27th, 2018 photographed by the author)

P Tole guest houses. In the fall of 2019, the women
performed dances, which they had mastered.

Ⅵ Conclusion：
Examination
This paper, through fieldwork, has shown how thecivil reconstruction process in Patan has been carriedout since the Great Nepal earthquake and how
women’s self-help organizations have been involved in
Figure 4. Members of women’s S.H.O. in P Tole
(November 18th, 2018 photographed by the author)

the reconstruction process. The Nepalese government
mainly focused on the more severely damaged
suburbs of Kathmandu. Therefore, in the Patan,d. Project Issues

public assistance was insufficient. For an example,

What is currently a problem is the financial

the government did not create enough temporarydifficulties of residents engaged solely in agricultural

housing for victims in Patan. For this reason, theactivities. These residents can borrow funds, but

residents independently took the lead role for thetheir ability to repay the loan is in question.

community reconstruction activities. In this paper,

There is a consensus that division of property will

the Jyapu settlements were examined, along with the

be a major problem in the near future. In Newarrole of women’s S.H.O.s in the N Tole’s “Diversified

culture, when it comes to the division of property,

management” project and the P Tole’s “New town

a wall is built to divide the house equally amongst

planning utilizing Newar tradition” project. The

sons, so it becomes a narrow house. Houses are being

farmer caste was chosen because women in this area

rebuilt the same size as before the earthquake, so thehave so far been the most active in women’s S.H.O.s

sizes of rooms vary depending on the house. In theand they are also active in reconstruction.

future, when it comes to divide the property, there

Both the N and P communities started tourism

will be an issue like who will get the guest room. As

venture after the disaster. These reconstruction

guest houses are a new concept, Newar people haveefforts are aimed at creating jobs for all community
31

The Role of Women’s Self-Help Organizations in the Process of Civil
Reconstruction after the April 2015 Nepal Earthquake

work. The women’s labor has thus become invaluablemembers and reshaping life in the N and P

One of the reasons women were able to participate incommunities. It is noteworthy that women’s points ofrecovery is that women’s S.H.O.s have improved theirview are included in reconstruction. For an example,

organizational management skills and other abilities

in N Tole, women supported the idea of a senior day

through various activities over many years.
In this paper, the role of women’s self-helporganizations in reconstruction was discussed.

falls to the women in the family, but it is very tiring

Reconstruction aimed at tourism has provoked

and time-consuming work. Having a day care service

instances of what can be termed “remaking andhelps the women to take care of their elderly family

creating culture”. For an example, guest rooms formembers while freeing them to work outside theforeigners feature different ceiling heights, Western-home. The equality of all community members isstyle toilets, curtains and beds, in order to fulfill

here emphasized.

the need and requirement of the foreign customers.

earn money. Care for elderly family members usually

As the “Disaster and Gender” (Enarson 2000,

There are also several unsolved issues, such as how

Tsunozaki 2007) study pointed out, during natural

to divide the guest rooms into property in terms ofdisaster, women are likely to be vulnerable and belegal condition. In the future, I would like to address

10

unable to access to relief supplies because of theirand analyze those unsolved issues from the viewpointlack of education and social rights. Even in Patan,of tourist anthropology.

号（２０２１）『人類学研究所 研究論集』第Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.10 (2021)

care service because they want to work in order tothe family responsibilities and roles in the home

Referencesthat women had before the disaster were amplified
and expanded by the occurrence of disasters andemergencies, thus confining them to their homes.
The women’s S.H.O. was able to do almost nothing
for roughly a year. However, over a year later, finally

Enarson, Elaine.
2000

Programme on Crisis Response andwomen were able to begin their work outside theReconstruction no.1. International Labour
Organization.

home as S.H.O. members. In N Tole, the women’s
S.H.O. had played a central role in reconstruction,using buildings, human resources, and unique culturesin the community to plan for sustainable tourism, andGender and Natural Disasters : Infocus

Gellner, David N.
1993

Monk, Householder, and Tantric Priest.
Newar Buddhism and its Hierarchy ofgradually rebuild. The project is underway.

Ritual. Cambridge University Press

In addition, in P Tole, using the empty space of1976“Intra-Caste Organization in a Newari
Village: phuki and sana guthi” (inthe Disaster Prevention Center as day care for theJapanese) Minzokugaku kenkyu. 40, pp.

elderly on a daily basis is a unique idea from the271-298, Japanese Society of Cultural

perspective of women at home. Men who work

Anthropology

outside during the day cannot run a day care, andwomen are often engaged in the area of care athome. As women already possess the knowledge

Maharjan, Keshav L.
2002“Katomanzu Kinkou no Toshi Furontia:
Patan Shi no Machikeisei wo Jirei ni

and ability to take care of elderly people. Therefore,[Urban Frontier of Kathmandu Valley: A

it was very easy for them to gain the required very

Case Study of Patan City (The Frontier in
Comparative Perspective)]” (in Japanese).

little training.

Mita Gakkai Zasshi. 95(2), pp. 221-240, Keio

In Patan, women’s S.H.O.s, established in the 1990s

Universityand 2000s, have gained organizational management
skills through the experience of women’s activities
and have expanded their social roles in communities.
32

Takeuchi, Ai.
2012“A case study of the social impacts of theactivities of Newar farmer caste women,
through women’s self-help organizations“Misa Pucha” in Nepal”. Hikaku
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3, pp. 91-110, Association of Comparative
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2018“Neparu Daijishin no fukkoukatei ni

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jirei toshite [ (Gender roles in the processof reconstruction of the 2015 Nepal
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Tsunozaki, Etsuko.
2007“Tojyoukoku ni okeru saigai tojyenda[(Disasters and Gender indeveloping countries)]” (in Japanese).
Oyane, Jyun /Urano, Masaki /Tanaka,
Jyun /Yoshii, Hiroaki (ed.) Shinsai・fukkou
no shakaigaku, pp. 229-236. Koubundo

Yamagami, Aki.
2001

“Kegare ni matsuwaru kannen to sono
shosou-nepa-ru bafun no shisen[ (On the
Nortion of Impurity in Various Aspects:
A case Study of the Nepal- Bahun) ]” (inJapanese) Seikei Jinbunkenkyu. 9, pp. 111155. Journal of the Graduate School of
Humanities of Seikei University

2008“Kome no Syouchousei- Neparu shakai
niokeru jyou/fujyoukannnenn wochuushinn ni[ (Symbolism of rice: conceptsof purity and impurity in the Newarsociety of Nepal) ]” (in Japanese) Seikei
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33