The situation in the Gaza Strip
grows increasingly dire: violence
between Palestinian factions, ongoing Israeli military operations,and crushing poverty and despair.
In this grim reality, there are noquick solutions for peace andprosperity. Some things are clear,
however: Despite the so-called“disengagement” in August 2005
and the recent internal violence,
the Gaza Strip remains subject
to Israeli control. In fact, Israel
has turned the Gaza Strip into
the largest prison on earth, whileat the same time renouncing
responsibility for the lives andwelfare of its residents.
This publication surveys thevarious spheres of Israeli control in
the Gaza Strip, and the implicationsof this control. So long as Israel
retains extensive control overGaza, it cannot disengage from its
responsibility. It also documents
the missile fire by Palestinians in
Gaza into Israeli towns.
Israelis and Palestinians all havethe basic right to live in safetyand dignity, and the international
community has a crucial role toplay in ensuring that these rights
are respected.
Since 1989, B'Tselem has worked to promote
human rights in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
The organization conducts research, serves asa resource center, and engages in advocacy andpublic education. As an Israeli organization,
B'Tselem is committed to ensuring that our own
country lives up to the highest ethical standards.
B'Tselem depends on the financial support ofindividuals and institutions around the world.
Please support the crucial work of safeguarding
human rights in the Occupied Territories.

Checks in any currency may be mailed to B'Tselem.
U.S. tax-deductible donations can be marked as"donor-advised to B'Tselem" and sent to
the New Israel Fund, P.O. Box 91588,
Washington, D.C. 20077-7503.

www.btselem.org
B'Tselem: the Israeli Information Centerfor Human Rights in the Occupied Territories
P.O. Box 53132, Jerusalem, 91531 ISRAELTHE GAZA STRIPONE BIG PRISON
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0

Palestinians try to jump over the Egyptian-Palestinian controlled border, southern Gaza Strip. Photo:Suhaib Salem, Reutersn August 2005, after
dismantling all Jewish
settlements in the Gaza
Strip, the Israeli military withdrew
its forces from the area, thus
completing what has been labeled "TheDisengagement".
Many people hoped that Israel’s
disengagement would separate Israelis
from Palestinians, and create thefoundations for a better future. Twoyears later, Israelis and Palestinians arestill locked in bitter conflict.
Since disengagement, Palestinians
have fired some 2800 Qassam rockets
and mortar shells from the Gaza Strip
into Israel, killing four Israelis andinjuring hundreds more, particularlyin the southern city of Sderot. Israel
has responded with massive force,
killing 668 Palestinians in the Gaza
Strip, including 359 who took no partin the fighting. To make matters worse,internecine Palestinian violence has
escalated, with 357 Palestinians killed
in clashes between Fatah and Hamas
that ended with a Hamas takeover ofGaza.
The Israeli government argues that theoccupation of the Gaza Strip is over,and that Israel is no longer responsible
for what happens there.
The reality is different:
Israel still controls key aspects of life
in Gaza. The Israeli government claims
that such control is vital in order toprotect Israel’s security.
This may be the case, but control brings
with it responsibility:
If Israel insists on maintaining control
of Gaza, it must safeguard the rights
and needs of the people there. It must
minimize any harm to the civilian
population.

THE PRICE OF CONTROL
Israel must protect its citizens. But with control comes responsibilityt

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In the following pages, we explain the elements of Israeli
control. Whether you call it occupation or not –Israel's control of the Gaza Strip brings with it legal obligations
The international community – Europe in particular - hasbeen generous in providing humanitarian assistance toPalestinians suffering the effects of poverty and violence.
This assistance is commendable. However, aid without

accountability only makes the Palestinians poorer andmore dependent. Alongside aid to the needy, humanitarianagencies must demand that Israel acknowledge its
responsibility and remedy any wrongs it has committed.
Similarly, international donors must insist that thePalestinian Authority respect international law and holdaccountable all Palestinians who target Israeli civilians.
0When a Palestinianchild paints a pictureof the sky, there’s
always an Israeli
helicopter there, too
Avi Dichter, former head of the Israeli General
Security Service, 31 May 2005

The al-Jamal family, Jabaliya refugee camp, photo: B’Tselem

he Israel Air Force controls
the skies above Gaza. Israeli
military jetsand helicopters constantly roaroverhead. The Israeli army can decide
at any moment to interrupt radio andtelevision broadcasts.
There is no fence along the shoreline of
the Gaza Strip, but Palestinians do not
dare go out to sea without permission
from the Israeli army. Anyone who tries
to fish in the open water risks detention
and harassment. Although there are richreserves of fish along the coast of Gaza,
tens of thousands of local fishermenremain idle. Israeli restrictions deala harsh blow to the fishing sector,
which provides a livelihood to many
Gazan families. Whereas fish wasonce an important source of food for
Gazans, today it is a luxury reserved for
those who can afford to purchase fish
imported from Israel.
Israel does not allow Palestinians
to operate an airport or a seaport inGaza, with severe implications for
Gazans' ability to travel abroad or
engage in foreign trade.

NO AIR. NO WATER.

What is it like to live where war planes thunder in the skies and the sea is off limits?t

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FROM I T S RES
I’m bringing up three children on myown – Mohammed and Miriam are
five-year old twins, and Iyad is justthree. We live in the north of the Gaza
Strip. The skies here are full of Israeli
aircraft. The children are really scaredby the planes and helicopters. The noise awakens themat night and scares them during the day. Every time an
airplane passes overhead, they cling to me crying.
Miriam is so scared, she wets her pants.

The best time for fishing is between
sunset and midnight. We wait to see
if the soldiers will let us. Every day
we try our luck. Once we could fish
20 kilometers or more from the coast.
Now if we go out more than two
kilometers, the army boats open fire on us and we haveto go back almost to the shore. Sometimes we just give up
and don’t bother to go out fishing.
Omer al-Bardawil, fisherman, resident of Rafah

Farida al-Jamal, resident of Jabaliya refugee camp0

A fisherman on the Gaza coast, photo: Ahmad Jadallah, Reuters0Palestinians waiting for their relatives by the Rafah border crossing. Photo: Mohammed Salam, Reuters

he Rafah border crossing is
the gateway between Gaza
and the outside world.
This crossing on the Egyptian borderis the only exit from Gaza for medical
treatment, study, family, or any otherreason. All those entering the Gaza
Strip must also pass through Rafah.
In November 2005, Israel officiallyhanded over the border crossing to
the Palestinian Authority, to be run incoordination with Egypt and European
monitors. In practice however, Israel
can still close this border crossing at
will, and frequently does. In fact, sincethe Hamas takeover, the crossing has
been completely closed. Thousandsof people are stuck in Egypt with noway to get home. Inside Gaza, thesick or those wounded in the recent
fighting wait in vain to travel abroad fornecessary medical treatment that Gaza
hospitals do not provide.
Not only does Israel restrict travel
abroad. Even travel to the West Bankis virtually impossible.The West Bankand the Gaza Strip are recognized asa single territorial unit in numerous
agreements, and residents of both areas
are mutually dependent in every areaof life. Israel promised free and safe
passage between Gaza and the WestBank. In practice, however, Israel has
imposed a separation between the twoareas.

CIVILIANS UNDER SIEGE

Israel controls all routes into and out of the Gaza Strip. No one can enter or leavet
without the army’s permissiont
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I want to get a BA in graphics andweb design, which is unavailable isGaza, so I registered for studies at ANajah University in the West Bank. I
contacted an Israeli attorney to get an
entry permit for the West Bank. I havestill not received the permit. The first semester is almost
over and I’m afraid that I’ll miss the second semester too.
Sometimes I feel that my future is being destroyed because
I can’t get a permit to enter the West Bank.

My five-year old nephew Islam suffersfrom cerebral edemas, causing severe
pain. In November 2006 I took him to
Egypt for medical treatment. When we
tried to go home, the Rafah crossing
was closed. We stayed in a rented
apartment in Cairo until I ran out of money. We went backto Rafah and waited for four days, sleeping in a parking lot
on the Egyptian side of the border.

During these four days we suffered from the heat and thehumidity during the day and from the cold at night. I had toborrow money from strangers to buy food and water. There
were no toilets or running water in the parking lot. At night
we covered ourselves with the clothes we brought with us.
Finally the crossing opened briefly, and we got through.
We were lucky. Thousands were stuck on the Egyptianside for another six days.
Rami Abu Samrah, journalist, resident of Gaza

Manal Abu Tawahina, resident of Dir al-Balah, Gaza Strip00The Nimer family, Gaza. Photo: B’Tselem

srael controls thePalestinian population
registry. This means,for example, that Israel decides
whether someone is defined as a
Palestinian or a foreigner, andtherefore whether they can enteror leave the Gaza Strip.
Israel also has the power to veto any
change of address in the population
registry, and in fact refuses to register
Gaza residents who move to theWest Bank.
This control determines people's fate.
For example, a man from Gaza whomoves to the West Bank will forever beconsidered an "illegal resident" of theWest Bank. He may marry a womanfrom the West Bank, get a job, build ahouse, and have children, but he will
live in constant fear. If he is caught byIsraeli soldiers, he will be expelled to
the Gaza Strip – without his family, andwithout a job.
A foreigner who marries someone fromthe Gaza Strip will also not be allowed
to live in Gaza. In the past, foreign
spouses received temporary residency
permits, but these have now expired
and people (mostly women married toPalestinian men) now find themselvestrapped. If they leave Gaza to visit
family abroad or receive medical
treatment, they will not be able to returnto their husband and children in Gaza.
They cannot enter Gaza through the
Rafah crossing, because it is only for
those with a Palestinian identity card,and they have no alternative crossing.

IDENTITY CRISIS

Exercising the basic right to choose where to live depends on the population registry.t
Israel controls this registryt

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0

issam was born in Egypt. In 1995 she married
Hussam, from Gaza. The couple live in Gaza andhave three children, but Wissam does not havea Palestinian identity card. The couple’s applications
for “family unification” went unanswered and, since thebeginning of the Intifada, Israel has refused to renew
Wissam’s visitor permits.
Now Wissam’s mother has cancer. If she leaves the Gaza
Strip to visit her mother in Egypt, she will be unable toreturn to her husband and children. Israel does not permit
Egyptian relatives to visit the Gaza Strip.

W

Wissam: When I married Hussam, I thought I would see
my family in another month or two. That was twelve years
ago. Since then, I have only seen them in photographs. I
feel lonely and isolated.

Hussam: Wissam hasn’t seen her mother for years.
My children have never seen Grandpa and Grandma.
When Wissam speaks to her mother on the phone, she istormented. She is really scared that her mother will passaway without seeing her. Every day she prays for her
mother to stay alive.
Hussam Abu `Ajwah and Wissam Nimer, residents of Gaza

0

Palestinian farmers destroying produce to protest the closure of the Karni border crossing. Photo: Mohammed Salem, Reuters

he Karni crossing is thecommercial lifeline for the
Gaza Strip. It is undercomplete Israeli control. All imports
and almost all exports pass throughKarni. When the crossing is closed,or only half functioning, the tiny anddependent Gaza economy is strangled.
Factories close and basic items arein short supply. Since the Hamas
takeover of Gaza, Israel has kept Karnicompletely closed. Some 75% of Gaza
factories have shut down due to ashortage of raw materials.
Even before the Hamas takeover, Israel
did not live up to its promises:• Israel promised that the Karnicrossing would be fully functional by
the end of 2006, and that 400 export
trucks could cross each day.
• In practice, just 12 export trucks on
average passed through the crossing
each day in 2006.
• During the first five months of 2007,
an average of 42 trucks a day passed
through the crossing.
• On June 12, Israel completely closed
the Karni crossing.
Clearly Israel must protect itself,and has genuine security concerns
regarding Karni. Many times, however,the crossing has been closed for long
periods without any specific security
threat, and without providing any
alternative.

AN ECONOMY IN CHAINS

Israel has complete control over imports to and exports from Gaza, bringing its economyt
to the brink of collapse.t

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I grow vegetables and market theminside the Gaza Strip and Israel. In
the past, the Karni crossing was open
mainly for importing Israeli goods, but
not for exporting Palestinian goods.
Since Gilad Shalit was kidnapped,
the functioning of the Karni crossing has worsened; it isclosed more often, and often shuts down suddenly due tosecurity alerts or for other reasons.
I often have to wait days for the crossing to open. In themeantime, produce goes bad or I have to sell it on the local
market. During the Ramadan holiday, I tried to export
twelve tons of cucumbers. The cucumbers were left at thecrossing for three days. In the end they were no longer
fresh and I had to market them to the West Bank.
I expected to make a profit of NIS 2,000, but in the end
I lost NIS 8,000. It’s reached the point where I hate to evenhear the name ‘Karni.
Nahad Al-Nahal, merchant, resident of Rafah

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It’s like a diet –the Palestinians willlose lots of weight,
but they won’t die.

Dov Weissglass, advisor to the Prime Minister,
16 February 2006

Palestinians receiving food parcels from an international relief agency, Khan Yunis. Photo: Ibrahim Abu-Mustafa, Reutersor the past year, public
services in the Gaza Strip
have been in a state ofcollapse. The Palestinian Authority
could not pay salaries, purchaseequipment and medicine, or provide
any social assistance. Half the budgetof the Palestinian Authority was heldby Israel. These funds come from VAT
and customs imposed on goods destinedfor the Gaza Strip that are imported
through Israel. Since the election of
the Hamas government, the funds havebeen withheld. Doctors, teachers, police
officers, and other civil servants did
not receive their salaries. The public,
which needs these services, had to learn
to make do without. After the recent
Hamas takeover in Gaza, Israel began
to transfer tax revenues to the Fatah-led
government in the West Bank.
Israel is obligated either to allow thePalestinian Authority to function – orto assume direct responsibility for thePalestinian population. If Israel does
not transfer the tax revenues, it must
provide health, education, and welfare
services directly to Palestinians.

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VALUE ADDED TAX

When Israel decides to withold tax monies from the Palestinian Authority,tordinary people pay the pricet
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I have been working as an orthopedist at a hospital in thenorthern Gaza Strip for three years. During the first two
years I received a salary of 3,800 shekels a month. This
enabled me to repay 1,800 shekels a month on a loan I took
out to pay for my wedding expenses, and to maintain myfamily of five in dignity. Since February 2006 we have notreceived our salaries on a regular basis. At the moment we
get an advance of 1,000-1,500 shekels every two months.
My life has changed completely. From someone who madeSamah Muhsan, a nurse at Shifa Hospital. Samah, a resident of Jabaliya refugee camp,
has not received her full monthly salary since February 2006. Photo: B’Tselema decent living I have become dependent on charity. In
October I had to take another loan just to buy warm clothes
and food for my children. I pay back 500 shekels a monthon the loan, and with the little that is left I have to juggle
with food, rent, transportation, and the children’s needs. It
just isn’t enough. I work twelve hours a day at the hospitalso there is no way I can look for additional work.
Dr. Rafat Shehadeh, physician at the hospital in Beit Lahiya,
resident of Gaza

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In the past two years*

Palestinian family beside house demolished in military operation in Beit Hanoun. Photo: Khalil Hamra, AP

he end of the Israeli groundoccupation inside the Gaza
Strip in August 2005 did
not end the firing of Qassam rockets
by Palestinian militants into Israel. The
Israeli army responded forcefully fromthe land, sea, and air.
Passers-by in crowded areas have been
hit by missiles aimed at suspected
militants. Residents of denselypopulated neighborhoods were killed byartillery shells – a weapon that is known
to be imprecise. Palestinians spottedclose to the perimeter fence, includingchildren, have been shot dead.
During the clashes following Israeli
military operations in the Gaza Strip,
many civilians who had no connection
to the fighting were killed.
When Israel intentionally destroyed theonly power station in the Gaza Strip
in June 2006, Gaza fell into darkness
and life was disrupted for over threemonths.
Violence among Palestinian factions has
also taken a heavy toll. Family membersof militants from the opposing side havebeen targeted. Palestinian civilians andforeign journalists were abducted and, insome cases, summarily executed. Israeli
soldier Gilad Shalit continues to be held
illegally as a hostage.
International Humanitarian Law
provides special protection for civilians
in armed conflict. Targeting civilians
is absolutely prohibited, even if the
purpose is to protect other civilians.
Even attacking military targets is
prohibited if the attack will cause
disproportionate harm to civilians.
These rules are universal. They apply to
Israel. They apply to the Palestinians.
Those who break these rules bear
criminal liability for their actions.
14668 Palestinians were killed in the Gaza Strip by the Israeli security
forces. Over half – 359 people – were not involved in any hostilities at
the time they were killed. 126 of those killed were minors.
361 were killed by missiles fired from helicopters. 39 of those killedwere targeted for assassination. 99 were killed by tank fire. 18 membersof one family were killed by shells that hit their home. Another 357
people have been killed in fighting between armed Palestinian groups– over 150 were killed in the Fatah-Hamas clashes in June alone. Of
those killed, 90 did not take part in the fighting.
During the same period, Palestinians fired some 2800 Qassam rockets
and mortar shells into Israel from the Gaza Strip. Four Israeli civilians
were killed by Qassam rockets and hundreds were injured. Fourmembers of the Israeli security forces were killed in attacks originatingin the Gaza Strip.
* the statistics are accurate for the period 1 September 2005-25 July 2007

A MATTER OF LIFE AND DEATH
In the past two years, 668 Palestinians were killed by Israeli security forces in the Gaza Stript
Another 357 people were killed in internal Palestinian fightingt
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In September 2004, a Qassam rocket fell next to my house.
I rushed outside and saw Yuval, a four year-old boy. Bothhis legs had been severed, and he also had stomach and headwounds. I motioned for the first ambulance that arrived totake him, and ran on to treat other wounded. Later I learned
that Yuval had died. I used to be indifferent to the rockets.
But once you see the destruction, how it tore that kid apart,you can’t stay indifferent. Everyone says we’re bravebecause we live here, but we have no choice. Most of those
who want to leave can't afford to go anyplace else.

My father left home when I was three
and I was brought up by my mother.
In August 2006, in the middle of thenight, the Israeli army entered ourneighborhoodin Rafah. When they
got about 350 meters from our home
we ran away. As we walked along the road, I saw planesin the sky and suddenly I felt my body shake. I woke up
in the hospital thirteen days later.

I discovered that I had lost one of my legs and my bodywas covered in shrapnel. My uncle told me that mymother (43), my brother Imad (16), and my sister Kifah(14) were all killed. I felt that my life was over. I can’t
walk and I can’t do anything by myself. I don’t haveany family now. I am in a wheelchair and I live with myuncle. I sit at the entrance to the house, watch the children
playing, and cry. I am sorry that I survived.
Na’il Al-Natur, 13, resident of Rafah

Eddy A'zran, 36, resident of Sderot, Israel

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