Rethinking Existing Paradigms:
Public Intellectuals In Action

Asia Leadership Fellow Program 2001 Report

International House of Japan
Japan Foundation Asia Center

Asia Leadership Fellow Program 2001 Report

Published by:International House of Japan andJapan Foundation Asia Center
2002

Copyright © 2002
International House of Japan
5-11-16, Roppongi, Minato-ku,TokyoJapan 106-0032
Tel. 81-3470-3211
Fax. 81-3-3470-3170
www.i-house.or.jp
Printed and bound by Percetakan Strikeway Sdn Bhd
Selangor, Malaysia

Korean and Japanese names are written in the native mannersurnames followed by given names.

Contents
Note from the editor ............................................................................................... 4
Foreword ........................................................................................................................ 5
Profiles of the ALFP 2001 Fellows ..................................................................... 7Papers of the Fellows
Beyond Boundaries: Imagining Impossibilities
Dr Huang Ping ................................................................................................................... 9
Public Journalism and the Public IntellectualDavid Celdran ...................................................................................................................15
Goodbye ‘Asian Values’, Hello ‘Islamic Values’;
What about ‘Transnational Values’?
Ann Lee .............................................................................................................................23
Reforms for Whom: Marginalised Communities of South Asia
Dr Mahendra P Lama .................................................................................................... 37
The Paradigm Shift Towards Sound Globalisation:
From Charity to Civil Rights, From Nation to Global Society
Dr Ryu Jeong Soon .......................................................................................................... 48
A New Paradigm for the 21st Century for Peace, the Alleviationof Poverty and People-Centred Democracy
Anek Nakabutara ............................................................................................................ 80
Making a Cooperative Security System in Asia:
For Stable Society and Prosperity
Shimada Kazuyuki .........................................................................................................105
Summary of Activities/Resource Persons & Program Staff ..............110
Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................ 126
Appendix I
The Problem of the Intellectual
Dr Huang Ping ...............................................................................................................128
Appendix II
Remapping Migration: A Case Study Linking Research & MediaALFP2001 Fellows ..........................................................................................................151

Note from the editor
The Asia Leadership Fellow Program (ALFP) is one of many programs initiatedand conducted by private and public-funded organisations in Japan in the nameof intellectual exchange. Indeed, there seem to be so many, it can be confusing
as to which one is which. Certainly though, in the case of the ALFP, it was
initiated by the International House of Japan and the Japan Foundation Asia
Center during the 1990s when both organisations widened their scope tocontribute to the networking of intellectuals in Asia. Their decision has
benefited many individuals including me whose privilege it has been toparticipate in ALFP 2001 and to edit this publication.
An important aspect of the Program is the time taken by Fellows to develop
their thoughts on individually proposed topics at the program’s outset. As such,the report begins with the Profiles and Papers of the Fellows. The papers may
appear very different, even disparate – some are papers ‘proper’, others areaction plans, some are in between - but they were tightened for the public
symposium at the end of the Program and unified under the theme of‘Rethinking Existing Paradigms: Public Intellectuals in Action’. The Summary of
Activities about the visits made and workshops attended perhaps best shows
the character of the ALFP. Included as well is the outline proposal of our groupproject, initially titled ‘Remapping Migration:A Case Study Linking Research andMedia’. Concluding remarks are by Dr Huang Ping who is, we were unanimous,the most experienced and adept in intellectual exchange programmes. At any
rate, he wears the right glasses! (Ping, you should know, has a very lively senseof humour too.) He has also kindly contributed, in the appendix, an enlightening
and updated essay about the definitions of a public intellectual. Finally, there isa full list of the resource people and program people who are responsible - anddeserve due credit - for the Program.
If I can just add, it must be very difficult to select and manage Fellows each year.
Personalities and preferences; intelligences and egos; karaoke singers and nonkaraoke singers! The mind boggles at how people are chosen. They speak indifferent languages too although English is a prerequisite.And yet somehow, we
all managed to get along, and get along well.
My gratitude to all who run the ALFP - it allowed me the extraordinary luxuryof reading, writing, talking and thinking for two months - and to my Fellow
friends who very kindly allowed me to make all necessary editing decisions.
Ann Lee (ALFP 2001 Fellow)
Kuala Lumpur, July 20024

Foreword
Since inception in 1996, the Asia Leadership Fellow Program has been operating
in a most crucial time, one when both the positive and negative effects ofglobalisation have begun to be apparent within the world community.
With the advancement of information technology and market integration,
economic and social borders have been disappearing and communication has
been eased. However, at the same time, the gap between the so-called ‘winners’
and the ‘losers’ has been widening, and problems springing from contradictions
in development strategies, ethnic disputes or poverty have often led to hatredand violence.
Under such circumstances, exchange and dialogue among Asian ‘public
intellectuals’ with a strong commitment to building an equitable civil society
within the region are increasingly important. What can be done in order tomaintain justice, fairness and egalitarianism in civil society? Now more thanever, it is essential for people in the region to recognise and respect each other’scultural backgrounds and value systems. A more robust discourse among Asian
intellectuals from a variety of different disciplines and perspectives should
further promote common understanding and deeper engagement at theregional level.
The Asia Leadership Fellow Program was designed to provide suchopportunities for intellectual leaders from the region to meet for a period of
two to three months, living and spending time together to discuss issues
pertinent to them.Although the Fellows come to Japan with individual topics forresearch, the uniqueness of this Program lies in the collaborative interaction
among the Fellows as they participate in field trips, workshops and seminars,
thus sharing concerns and different viewpoints through common experience. It
is hoped that, based on their efforts to understand what lies behind problems
and to rethink existing paradigms, a wide network of Asian public intellectuals
can go on to generate regional and transnational forums for coming up withnew ideas to alleviate problems.
Once again, for the year 2001, the Program brought together seven Fellows who
are outstanding leaders in their respective fields, tackling various social
problems within Asia. Through workshops and seminars, as well as visits tovarious localities and organisations, each Fellow shared his or her interests andspent many hours with one another, discussing topics of common concern.
Although most of the activities took place at the International House of Japanin Tokyo, the Fellows made two four-day field trips in order to visit smaller cities
and rural areas, and to meet the local people. Upon request of the Fellows, theAtomic Bomb Museum in Nagasaki was chosen as one of the places to visit.
After spending a few hours at the museum and receiving briefings on the peace5movement in Nagasaki, the Fellows began discussing reasons why the Japanese“did not retaliate against violence with violence”.This was one of the moments
during the Program when the Fellows looked into issues much deeper than theorganisers had anticipated.
The tragic incident at the World Trade Center on September 11, which
occurred in the middle of the Fellowship period, also triggered heateddiscussions interpreting the causes of the tragedy – including the roles andresponsibilities of the mass media in disseminating information.
Towards the end of the two-month Program, the Fellows took the initiative to
set up a project about an issue that they believe will have a major impact on theregion within the next five to ten years: migration. In this project, the Fellows
will review the situation in their respective countries, taking a closer look at
problems on a transnational level, and then produce media kits for better
understanding and effective dissemination of information.
Their concern to link research with media is to explore opportunities whereby
public intellectuals, their research and ideas do not remain in ‘ivory towers’ butrather reach the public and generate debate.The co-organisers of the Program,the International House of Japan and the Japan Foundation Asia Center, highly
appreciate the efforts of the Fellows in initiating this project; their collaborativeinteraction is significant in making the sixth year of the Program a great success.
We would also like to acknowledge the generous cooperation of the many
people who have assisted the Program by participating in the seminars andretreat conference, or by warmly receiving the group when being visited. It is
hoped that this publication, which Ann Lee - one of the Fellows - kindly agreed
to edit, will provide readers with some knowledge of what took place during
the Asia Leadership Fellow Program 2001. It is also hoped that the Program willcontribute to building the peace and happiness of the regional community
through its extensive network of Asian intellectuals built up over the years,
including this year in which the International House of Japan celebrates its 50th
anniversary and the Japan Foundation its 30th.

International House of Japan
Japan Foundation Asia CenterTokyo, July 2002

6

Profiles of the ALFP 2001 Fellows
Huang Ping (China)
Research Professor and Deputy Director, Institute of Sociology,
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
Having received his Ph.D. from LSE, University of London,
Dr Huang is an internationally acclaimed sociologist. As an erudite
scholar, he has written numerous books and papers in the field of
the social sciences. In his empirical studies of contemporary
Chinese society, he attempts to re-examine the validity of Western conceptionalframeworks in the social sciences. Through various UN-related activities, heexplores the application and implementation of theoretical studies and research
into action.
David M. Celdran (Philippines)
Director for Current Affairs, ABS-CBN News Channel
Mr Celdran is a well-known broadcast journalist and producer.As
programming head of the Current Affairs division of Philippines’
biggest news organisation, he is in charge of the programming andproduction of the channel’s talk and debate programmes. He playsa pivotal role in the nation’s reform of the TV community as a member of thePhilippine Center for Investigative Journalism. Through his prominence as a TV
journalist, he perceives the powerful influences of TV media in the formation ofhuman perceptions.
Ann Lee (Malaysia)
Managing & Artistic Director,The Kuali Group
Ms Lee is a writer, director, producer, performer, broadcaster,
lecturer, and co-founder of Kuali Works, Malaysia’s all-women arts
company that specialises in theatre, television and publications.
Following a career in advertising, she has worked closely with arts
practitioners, organisations and sponsors in Malaysia–both private
and public, national and international–to facilitate the practice and appreciationof the arts in Malaysia. She is also immediate past Chairperson of the PT
Foundation, an HIV/AIDS organisation working with marginalised groups suchas transsexuals, drug users and sex workers.

7

Mahendra P Lama (India)
Professor of South Asian Economies, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Dr Lama, a distinguished social scientist, specialises in economic
development and cooperation in South Asia. While teachingeconomic cooperation and integration in South Asia and India’s
Foreign Economic Policy, he does extensive research with distinct
policy slants. He was the member from India of the Independent
Expert Group set up by the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation(SAARC). He is also the Economic Adviser to the Government of Sikkim at
Minister of State rank and the author of the much acclaimed Sikkim Human
Development Report 2001.
Ryu Jeong Soon (Korea)
President, Korea Research & Consulting Institute on Poverty
Dr Ryu is a reputed scholar and an influential NGO activist in thefield of social welfare. Her scholarly achievements have gained
worldwide recognition. In particular, her research on “Poverty
Problems in Korea after the Foreign Currency Crisis” triggered
repercussions in Korean society, thereby leading to government
welfare policy reform. In close partnership with NGOs, shemonitors government policy and provides reference materials for social welfare
policy improvement.
Anek Nakabutara (Thailand)
Executive Director, Social Fund Office
Mr Anek is an expert in rural planning and development. As aformer UNDP officer, he was instrumental in establishing theSocial Fund Office. Its chief objective is to administer social
investment funds from the World Bank in order to mitigate
various social problems in Thailand. His long-time dedicatedefforts to improve Thai society are highly recognised. Due to his
contribution, he was nominated as a representative to America from Southeast
Asian countries in 1996.
Shimada Kazuyuki
Editorial Writer, Asahi Shimbun
As a journalist for the Asahi Shimbun, one of the major daily
newspapers in Japan, Mr Shimada is chiefly concerned with
regional security cooperation in Asia. While a correspondent toWashington and London, he wrote many articles, focusing
especially upon disarmament and international security. He has
also served as Bureau Chief of the Bangkok-based Asian General Bureau from1996, and was appointed an editorial writer in the Tokyo headquarters in April
1998. His penetrating analysis of Japanese diplomacy is widely respected bygeneral readers in Japan.

8Beyond Boundaries: Imagining Impossibilities
Dr Huang Ping
Professor & Senior Research Fellow,
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
I think, therefore I am --- A Cartesian motto
The moment when a small group of us, entitled 2001 Asia Leadership Program
Fellows, arrived at International House of Japan (‘I-House’) about two months
ago, I could not help asking myself:Where am I? Why am I here? Who are those
fellows? How are we going to get along during the coming ‘long’ two to threemonths? And, finally, who are the ‘us’? The first time that we had a seminardownstairs, one of the Fellows asked: Do we come here to present solutions or
to raise questions? This is not only a problem for 2001 Fellows, but also, I would
like to argue, a fundamental question for all of us who are involved in knowledge
production and presentation.
Yes, indeed, are we to provide solutions or to ask questions? For me, the answer
has always been the latter. However, even if we agree that raising questions ismore crucial, what kinds of questions do we need to raise? How to raise them?
If we do not seriously ‘think’, how can we possibly know what the questions are,how we can raise them properly? To whom we should raise them - for instance,
only to those who ask for solutions and answers, or do we have to raise themfor ourselves? Without seriously thinking, we cannot even identify and recognise
who we are, and realise and figure out why we are here.
The two-month interchanging of ideas amongst the Fellows, the sharing ofexperiences during local visits with our host colleagues and Program organisers,
was not merely uplifting and thought provoking, but also emotionally encouraging
and challenging. There are thoughts, doubts, ideas and opinions we are familiar
with but some are so paradoxical, problematic, and controversial that there
cannot be a simple and single solution. This is especially true when issues comeacross with such events going on in today’s world as September 11th.
Exactly because the world we are living in has been so multi-coloured,convoluted and sophisticated, we are eager for various kinds of debates andarguments from different schools and backgrounds, rather than a seemingly
satisfactory solution. It does not matter who, from which part of the world, may
claim to provide it.
What we are looking for in today’s run-away world is not a final way-out
solution given by academics or academic authorities, but an original perspective
and alternative thinking which may empower our approaches to the
problematics we have faced, and enrich our imaginations of tomorrow.The twomonth interchange of ideas and argument reminds me of a well-cited quotation

9

amongst young philosophy colleagues 25 to 30 years ago: I think, therefore I am.
Only after years of seeking, wondering and doubting, however, can we graduallyrealize how convoluted it is to ‘think’. Do we think first? Only then are wesomething? What/how have we been thinking of? And if we do not really think,
how can we declare that we are among the people of ideas, or in other words,
the so-called ‘intellectual’? The short stay in I-House indeed provides us
opportunities to think: think of current global change, think of the existing
paradigms to understand the change, and think of the roles of public
intellectuals in changing societies.
‘Free-floating’ seekers – Mannheim
Fifteen years ago, I applied for graduate study at the London School of
Economics. At that time, I was so ambitious that I focused myself on a study ofthe problematic of the intellectual. Month after month, year after year, listening
to lecturers and reading volumes of works, writing papers at night and preparing
seminars during weekends plus chatting and arguing with colleagues, I was able
to be “relatively free-floating” among men and women of ideas and letters. By theend of the day, however, I forgot almost all what I read and wrote! That is, except
the keyword for the intellectual, namely “relatively free-floating” (1): free-floatingwith no map, no guideline, no dogma, but some original insights and constantseeking alternatives. Instead of physically walking around, free-floating is more
about how intellectually to maintain necessary autonomy from theestablishment, to question the status quo, to think of options, and to seek
possible opportunities. (2)Intellectually free-floating does help us to maintain a necessary autonomy ofindependent thinking, no doubt. However, when we argue free-floating thenecessity for being intellectuals, we do not mean, in any case, that we should
thus lose our concerns of the larger societies, separating us from what has been
going on, while feeling what is going on is “fundamentally all right”. (3) This is thedanger of being arrogant and actually isolated from the societies; of being noisy
with few listeners, loud with little audience!
It is especially embarrassing when public issues are indeed already publicconcerns but men and women of ideas keep enjoying our aloofness andalienation from other ‘laypersons’.These issues may evolve from environmental
or ecological crises, problems of identity or say, the rise of nationalism,protectionism, racism, fascism and in recent cases, terrorism. In the age ofglobalisation, all these issues have been debated by much of the general public
all over the world yet often, little is really heard from scholars and professionals.
Being locked up by, or locking ourselves to a specific discipline (such associology), a specialised career (say, a professor), a limited sector (a department
in university for instance), or an exclusive circle (usually a tiny group of

10

academics), we all tend to be, intentionally in some cases, ‘professionalised’
within a set of increasingly institutionalised systems. As a consequence,
unintended in most cases, we are separated from one another and alienatedfrom other groups of societies. We take it for granted that we speak for/listen
to ourselves.We enjoy our indifference and low profile of society at large.This
is partly why ‘lay persons’ close their eyes to ‘scholars’ like us. The problem isnot, in actual fact, about our attachment to this discipline, nor our connection
to that institution, but the very unconsciousness of the fenced enclosure of ourthinking within existing paradigms, the “iron cage of rationality”. (Max Weber)Within such ‘iron cages’, we do not see that issues and problems such as thoseof identity, modernity and globality never belong to any specific academic
discipline, but rather to all of us in today’s world.
Easy to act, difficult to know-Dr. Sun Yet-Sen
When we do not feel happy with these ‘iron cages’, the easiest path towards theway out is to get involved directly in actual social activities, to act, to help ‘theother’, usually ‘the poor’, to figure out and overcome their difficulties, and toprovide solutions for them. We try to improve their situations and thus tochange them.This is usually what we see nowadays, and what we do sometimes,
in the name of NGOs or NPOs.
If a NGO/NPO does not have its alternative agenda, however, it may simply
duplicate – in many cases it just poorly reiterates – what other international
agencies and governmental organisations have been doing, including their
mistakes and wrong-doings. Or, it may straightforwardly go to another extreme– for instance, from top-down to bottom-up approach, from statist to market
fundamentalist ideology. For public intellectuals in action, we must remember inmany cases, it is easy to act but difficult to know.
If we do not understand the roots of the problems, difficulties, troubles anddilemmas we are all confronting, we may be just scrambling in an endless maze,drained and exhausted somewhere on the way, with no idea how or where to
get out. Even worse, in most circumstances, we are not good at troubleshooting and problem-solving, usually much poorer than ‘the poor’. How can weclaim that we can help them in practical issues?
More concern about issues, less talk about ‘–isms’? Hu ShihOf the existing paradigms, the problematic I would like to share with you today
is the dualist approach.As offspring of the Enlightenment, we intellectuals often
believe, without seriously thinking of, that there is a clear cut-off line between
the Subject and the Object; Man and the Nature; Past and Future; the Traditional
and the Modern; State and Society; We and the Other; West and East, etc. The
grand narrative, the storyline underneath, is that we all, sooner or later, go
through a series of stages, step by step, from one extreme to another to try to11

control, to master, to take over the Object, the Nature, the Traditional, theOther, and then get to Paradise – in whatever name or –isms! These include
developmentalism, Euro-centralism, Orientalism, Elitism, and so on and so forth.
We can easily list more –isms here, which have been questioned by thinkers forsome time. Without a doubt, after all kinds of post-modern deconstruction,
each -ism can be defended to a certain extent, and each should be historicallyseen as some kind of social construction rather than simply being accused ofbeing biased or false ideology per se.
All the –isms, including conventional Socialism vs. Capitalism share certain
perspectives, especially Developmentalism. Underlying this particular –ism has
been the perspective that men, some privileged men in particular, are the rulersof nature, with little need for awareness of environment, gender and ethnic
issues, or perspectives from ‘the other’.
Beyond Boundaries
Various boundaries do not merely exist within these highly stereotyped –isms,
but also in our daily lives, in our very racial, ethnic, cultural, social, and national
identities. Whenever we see us as ‘US’, and therefore the other as ‘the Other’
we have, unconsciously perhaps, excluded ‘the other Other’ (for instance,
women, the poor, and ethnic minorities). Even when these others are willing tocommunicate, to exchange, and to share their feelings with us, we suspect theirunaffectedness and seriousness; we even sense them as potential enemies!
As a consequence, we in effect entrap ourselves into the dualist approach of‘either/or’: either the modern or the traditional, either the rich or the poor,
either Us or the Other, either insider or outsider, either expert or layperson,
either elite or mass, either the West or the East, either development or
underdevelopment, and so on.
Sometimes we have no problem with this kind of ‘either/or’ paradigm.
Sometimes, we get puzzled or bewildered. Determined or confused, we
unsophisticatedly ignore the enormous diversities in between. These are, likeblack-white photography, a key to understand the beauty of the world; theenigmas that may be contradictory for they can paradoxically harmonise with
one another.
This is especially true when we are bound ourselves up by the nation-state
perspective. Everything can be legitimised when it is tied to a particular nationstate. From national economy and national defence to national identity andnational culture – all become nation-state belongings and properties. In the ageof globalisation, however, this perspective becomes increasingly problematic. In
the age of globalisation, our thinking becomes more trans-boundary and transnational. This is an era with a constant flow of capital, technology, information,

12

products, and above all, PEOPLE!
Globalisation, or, perhaps more precisely, transnationalisation, is more than asimple process of Westernisation or Americanisation, which as a matter of fact
challenges the nation-state as a system. It questions the nation-state frameworkand the nation-state paradigm, upon which all governments, states, countries arecommonly structured and restructured. Today, we see lots of reactions orcounteractions to such globalisation. Examples, if I may cite what I wrote lastNovember in a speech at a UNDP Security conference, “can be seen from therise of nationalism in many parts of the world, fascism in some parts, and further
more from regional and transnational terrorism!” (4)Today, because of September 11, everybody, everywhere is talking about
terrorism and terrorists.What is the terrorism we are referring to here? Who
are the terrorists? Where do they come from?
What is clear is that they were not attacking the World Trade Center in thename of any nation-state, particular country or government. It is not a war in aconventional sense – a war of one nation-state against another. It is more a
global challenge to the nation-state system per se, a challenge from groups orindividuals who do not have to organise themselves as a nation-state, who gobeyond or break with any national, regional, geographical, and cultural
boundaries.
Since the end of the Cold War, we have seen a non-stop increase oftransnational flows of capital, technology, information, and those who are dealing
with such capital, technology, information: executives, managers, directors,
politicians, artists, scientists, experts, sport and entertainment stars, et al. But it
is not until recent events and conflicts that we have noticed an enormous
number of refugees, an increasing troop of ‘over-stay tourists’, millions of cheaplabour migrants (those who are commonly named but actually still not provenas terrorists).
All of them are moving around the world transnationally. Yet our existing
paradigms are not powerful enough to explain, elucidate, and evaluate such
mobile populations, The paradigms are still basically nation-state oriented andcountry-bound. We have yet to develop a set of analytical frameworks fortransnationalisation.
Imagining Impossibilities
Lao Tze, Master of Taoism, tutor of Confucius, and the author of Tao Te-Ching,teaches his followers: “Nothing can be softer than water, anything hard can beovercome by water.” Water has no boundaries. After all the questionings, what
an intellectual longs for is the Golden Mean. Instead of “either globalisation or
localisation”, the riddle is to get out of the trap. For instance, can we imagine

13

‘glocalisation’ which is by no means a fifty-fifty combination? When we go
beyond boundaries, impossibility becomes possible. Imagining possibilities
enriches our imagination for future options and for alternative thinking.
Author’s note:This paper is based on a shorter version which I presented at the Asia
Leadership Fellow Public Symposium in the Lecture Hall, International House of Japan,
1:30-5:00pm, Friday, October 26, 2001,“Rethinking Existing Paradigms: PublicIntellectuals in Action”.
References(1) Karl Mannheim, 1979, “Ideology & Utopia”, Routledge & Kegan, London(2) Huang Ping, 1987, On the Problem of the Intellectual, revised in 2001
(3) This according to Perry Anderson has been a problem for scholars in
England for many years (Perry Anderson, 1964, “Origins of the Present
Crisis”, New Left Review, No 23, pp26-53)(4) Huang Ping, “Cultural and Community Securities”, UNDP Workshop
paper, Beijing, November, 2000

14

Public Journalism and the Public IntellectualDavid Celdran
Director for Current Affairs, ABS-CBN News Channel
Introduction: Extraordinary Times Create Extraordinary Ideas
Hardly has 2001 left us and it’s already being called the year that has changed
the world. Indeed, the attacks that took place on September 11 have not only
affected Americans and their sense of security; they have altered the way therest of the world has chosen to see itself. And for the majority of us, unable towitness and experience these events first hand, we have grown increasingly
dependent on media – television in particular – to give us a sense of the
moment and an understanding of the future.
I was in Tokyo for the ALFP 2001 when 9/11 happened. It was on CNN where
I and all the other Fellows, first chanced upon the breaking story. For the next
two months in Japan, broadcasts from BBC, CNN, and NHK, would be the basis
for our discussions and debates on the fast-changing global developments andtheir implications on peace and security in the region. Every morning, overbreakfast at the International House of Japan (I-House), we would swap bits andpieces of the latest news bulletins and recount conspiracy theories peddled byso-called think tanks and experts. Television was so central to the content of
our lives as Fellows, that it was all but impossible to begin a discussion without
reference to what was seen or heard on screen. Indeed, journalism in the ageof electronic media was not only determining our conversations, it wastransforming global dialogue around us as well.
As it became increasingly clear to us how much of the world today was being
experienced through our television (and computer) screens, this intriguing
thought served only to compel me – the television professional in the group –to scrutinise this inescapable hyperreality called televised news. After all, whatelse was a broadcast journalist like myself to do while sitting out the biggest
story to happen in over a decade as a reporter?
Away from the action, it was difficult not to think how trivial the polite
discussions and formal lectures of the Program sometimes felt amidst the crises
and chaos unfolding across the globe. However, it didn’t take too long to realise
how wrong I was after all. Trite as the theme may have sounded in those firstfew weeks in Tokyo, evaluating the role of the public intellectual in Asia today
has become imperative at a time when the voice of reason is being drowned
out by the noise of vengeance and war. Now more than ever, the public
intellectuals of Asia must rise above the chatter that so easily passes off as news
and commentary, and provide a new way of establishing truth in an environment
clouded by nationalist rhetoric and the propaganda of superpowers. And by all
indications, public intellectuals the world over are losing the war of the airwaves

15and the battle for the minds of viewers. Not only has television and othermainstream media succumbed to the over-simplification and generalisation thatleaves nuanced analysis out, television and media today is at risk of losing its
relevance altogether.
So what is it about the news that is creating the opposite effect of informing the
public?
Why is it that despite the more images and information out there, the less truth
we seem to get? As the superpowers of the world prepared for their ‘war on
terrorism’ (with Japan playing an unprecedented role), these were the questions
I found myself asking in those two months as a Fellow. The search for answers
and the ensuing research have brought me to a timely discovery of newparadigms in the principles and practice of journalism. As the Fellows of 2001
each pursued paradigmatic shifts in their specific fields of interest: leadershipand governance (Anek); identity (Ann); poverty alleviation (Mahendra);
empowerment (Ping); human rights (June) and national security (Shimada-san),it was difficult not to catch the contagious spirit of creative thinking thatengulfed the group.The rest of this paper is the fruition of that collaboration –a new lens with which to view reality from hereon – a world that refuses to be
captured in black and white, in binary oppositions and convenient stereotypes.
Public Journalism, as I have come to discover it while in Japan, is a testimony tothis worldview.
Public Journalism: Journalism where People Matter
Asia, like the rest of the world, is undergoing an information revolution. At noother time in history has so much information been available and accessible toso many people. Privatisation and the deregulation of media environments in
the region have torn down barriers of entry and increased the number of media
outlets competing for public attention. The loosening grip of governments on
media has likewise produced a free and lively press. Advances in technology,
specifically digital and satellite technology, have multiplied the platforms forreceiving information. Even the most remote communities in the region can
now access the same information at the same time that those living in modern
cities do. As the prophets of information technology like to say: information is
power, and power is information. And in the hands of the majority, information
democratises society.
But again, why is it that the more abundant and available information has
become, the less involved the public seems to be? If indeed information is
power, then why are communities feeling more powerless? Why, in the presenceof so much news and information about their societies, are citizens growing
more frustrated with their government, and more cynical about authority?
In short, there is a clear and growing disconnection between political life and16

public life – and I suspect the media may be partly to blame for it.
In our age of information, news media - television in particular - has become theprimary source of political knowledge. And as cultural theorists assert: if
television mediates political experience, then any attempt to understand ourpolitical culture leads us invariably to a closer look at the forces that pressureand drive media organisations. In a privatised and deregulated environment
where competition is intense, media corporations, especially those that are
publicly traded, are motivated, inevitably, by profit. And since privately owned
television networks survive on advertising revenue, the business of television isoften little more than producing viewers for advertisers. Bigger audiences mean
higher ratings, and higher ratings mean more income from advertisers. This iswhat we call ‘the ratings game’ and news departments have to learn to live by
its rules to survive.
In the ratings game, what the audience wants, the audience often gets.And when
research shows that a higher level of abstract and issue-oriented politicalcontent turns off viewers, especially less-educated viewers, programmers takethis to mean that audiences dislike serious news. In response, news producers
have created a trend known as infotainment – an often-indistinguishable blendof entertainment and news – where gossip, scandal, and at times – the bizarre– make the headlines.
In this market-oriented paradigm, the audience is viewed as a ‘consuming public’and not as ‘active citizens’ – a programming framework that de-politicises news
as much as it de-politicises citizens.To increase the ratings or readership, news
is couched in conflict and drama, spectacle and controversy.
As the line between political news and entertainment blurs, people find it
increasingly hard to view politics with a sense of urgency and seriousness. For
the public, politics becomes a spectator sport – an arena of ambitious men andwomen of undesirable motives. This is partly the effect of years of reporting
political scandal and gossip. Indeed, the news is producing citizens who are not
only disengaging from political life but also rapidly losing interest in issues thatmatter to the country and the community; amounting to a cynical view ofpoliticians and the entire political process.
The reaction of well-meaning journalists alarmed by this trend has been noble
but sometimes naive. For them…for us, infotainment is killing serious politicalreporting and the proud tradition of objectivity, balance and sobriety associatedwith it.The accusation that news producers and editors today pander too muchto consumer tastes betrays an elitism that is precisely what turns off the
majority from traditional news. When you think of it, the popularity of tabloid
news and infotainment is merely a response to the alienation of the public fromthe straight and hard news formats that have been traditionally determined by
the educated elite and their standard of what is news and information.

17

The debate about what constitutes news continues to rage on, but we can nolonger deny the reality that both infotainment and so-called serious news aregrossly disconnected from the viewers. Because both sides of the debate
underestimate the public, they are oblivious to research that shows that people
are indeed receptive to information if it helps them gain personal power indealing with public issues. People are interested and even enthusiastic aboutnews that tells them what they can do about their problems.
This is where Public Journalism can fill the void. The purpose of which is toreconnect the public with the press, and in the process, the community with thepolitical life of the nation.
Public Journalism – sometimes called Civic Journalism - offers a new model forjournalists, a new paradigm for engaging viewers. It believes the ‘power of thepress’ can be harnessed to empower the public by restoring the public’s sensethat they and their government can solve problems, and that issues that divide
the public can be resolved through active participation.This is what overcomescynicism and restores public trust in politics.
To do so, journalists need to put an end to business as usual.A new paradigm isneeded that redefines the role of the press, and diversifies our sources andcontacts for stories; a fresh approach that provides a different way to frame thenews and a creative way to communicate it.
We can begin with how we view our role. ‘Watchdogs’, that’s what we think ofourselves. And without doubt, this watchdog role has produced some of thefinest investigative reporting on official corruption, abuse and inefficiency. At
times, it has helped bring down corrupt regimes, as it has in my country. But asthey say: too much of a good thing can be hazardous to your health.And indeed,
research shows that this brand of reporting, or rather too much of it, can anddoes produce a culture of distrust and apathy. As the audience becomes desensitised to news of corruption, scandal and crime, they begin to hold backfrom involvement altogether. Another effect the watchdog role creates iscomplacency among citizens who increasingly depend on media to keep an eye
on government for them. Power, in this case, is transferred and not internalised.
The new role of news media, as one leading advocate of Public Journalism puts
it, is not so much to act as a ‘watchdog’ but rather as a ‘guide dog’. Journalists
can act as guides in their communities who convene and connect each otherwith government in dialogue and debate: a process that doesn’t end with fingerpointing and blame and eventually to inaction, but one that challenges people toget involved and take ownership of problems with the purpose of developing
alternatives, remedies and solutions.
Sourcing the news. This process must also be re-evaluated. Newsrooms today
are structured around beats that almost exclusively seek information from18

official sources like bureaucrats and politicians, scholars, spin-doctors,
authorities, spokespersons and specialists. This is a journalism that
communicates from top to bottom, from the powerful to powerless, from those
who control information to those who lack it. On the other hand, publicjournalists diversify their sources and contacts to include the public – ordinary
citizens who are the real stakeholders in society. By doing so, we help shift thecreation of the public agenda from the political elites to the public, from topbottom to bottom-up.
The way we frame the news must also begin to change. Journalists, like many
politicians, are accustomed to a bi-polar approach in framing issues. The term
for it is ‘balance’. Stories are a battleground of opposing forces – good versus
evil, business versus labour, developer versus environmentalist, right versus left,
rich versus poor, government versus citizen.When conflict is used to frame thenews, it often arrives packaged in hopeless insolubility where each side of thedebate has a stake in continuing the argument and none in resolving it.
Public Journalism reports from within the extremes and allows diverse
viewpoints to be heard and respected.The middle may not be as exciting, but it
is where meaningful dialogue begins and creative solutions formulated. From anattitude of ‘us vs. them’ to ‘we’re all in this together’, communities begin to movefrom conflict to consensus, from shouting matches to matching problems withsolutions.
By viewing citizens as active participants rather than passive consumers of news,
Public Journalism re-connects the public with political life. In many parts of Asia,
journalists using these new tools of reporting are starting to see changes taking
place in their communities.
In Kalibo, Aklan, in the Southern Philippines, Public Journalism has given hope
to communities concerned with the rise in cases of paedophilia and sexual
abuse of children – a problem, residents claimed, that could be traced to theflow of foreign tourists spilling out of popular beach resorts nearby.
Fearing the case would be sensationalised by the swarm of reporters eager toexploit the scandalous issue, citizens of Kalibo organised themselves and formed
an alliance with local media organisations to make sure the problem would becovered in a responsible and sustained way. Together, they launched a weekly
radio programme called ‘Voice of Hope’. Local stations set aside their rivalry
and agreed to air the programme simultaneously in order to reach as many
residents as possible. Today, each week, radio journalists gather residents andgovernment officials in the station and moderate discussions on community
issues and common action. Not only have the people found solutions to theirproblems, they have also found for themselves a bigger voice in government.
More and more experiments in ‘democracy on the air’ are taking place all over
Asia. Anek from Thailand tells me that in Nan – a community in his country –19

farmers, fishermen and ordinary folk are trying their hand as radio
commentators. Every day, these ‘deejays for the day’ moderate community
discussions where homegrown solutions to local conflicts and livelihood
problems are deliberated. The other Fellows tell me that similar efforts aretaking place in their countries where ordinary citizens are slowly discovering
the technology of media and harnessing it for their benefit.
In our own field trips across Japan, first-hand I’ve seen variations of Public
Journalism in the efforts of local journalists such as those in Ishinomaki – a fish
port city in Northern Japan. Here, local journalists have linked arms with Nonpolitical Organisations (NPOs) to bring an increasingly multi-ethnic community
closer together by debunking the usual stereotypes and biases so often foundsensationalised in the press. More than just encouraging racial tolerance, local
journalists have likewise given migrant workers and foreign residents a voice inthe community. News reports about local issues routinely include their pointsof view and opinions – an unlikely practice in a country that often looks theother way with regard to the rights and welfare of foreign workers.
In the coastal communities of Isahaya in the Nagasaki Prefecture,environmentalists count among themselves media professionals who aren’t only
looking for stories to report, but who are also personally concerned about thelong-term side effects the construction of dikes would have on the local
environment. True to the spirit of Public Journalism, these journalists have gone
beyond exposing the government’s plan and have sought, instead, a compromise
solution that would protect the interests of farmers who support theconstruction of flood-control dikes and the interests of environmentalists thatfear the drying up Isahaya’s precious wetlands. In these places and others aroundthe country, journalists are re-discovering their link to the community where
they are, after all, stakeholders like the rest.
It may seem so far that Public Journalism is best suited to communities wherejournalists live and have ties to the local population. But it can also be applied
at a national level where connections between citizens are less apparent andwhere issues are not always held in common. By harnessing technology, bridges
on the air can be built linking communities across the nation, even acrossborders, via satellite, mobile phone and the Internet.
Using these new technologies, electronic town meetings like those I’ve
produced in the Philippines can be staged. Here, residents across the country
are linked with workers and families overseas in a national dialogue with the
President. By satellite, ordinary people from the remotest towns of the country
and migrant workers from cities abroad like Hong Kong, San Francisco andDubai come together to discuss issues that matter to them most. One canargue that the problems raised in electronic venues like these may remainunresolved. However, what is just as important here is the experience of being
given a voice, and of hearing other voices – a process that begins connecting not20

only individuals to communities but fragmented communities to the nation.
Town meetings, candidates’ forums, community debates, public symposia, radio
call-in programmes, interactive talk shows – these are only a few examples, both
big and small, local and national, of how journalists can act as agents of change.
But challenges do lie ahead. Foremost is convincing journalists themselves.
Reporters, editors, and news executives must start to realise that empowering
the community does not necessarily mean abandoning traditional journalistic
principles of objectivity and balance. On the contrary, practising Public
Journalism enhances and enriches reporting because it opens up new sourcesof information and new perspectives.As one reporter tells me: it re-invigorates
and inspires jaded journalists like him.
But for Public Journalism to go mainstream, it must also enlist the sustained
support of media corporations that own the resources to print and broadcast.
Owners must first be convinced that Public Journalism can and does contributeto the corporate bottom-line. While profitability is not the objective ofjournalism, public or otherwise, it can be argued that reconnecting viewers with
the news media may be a rewarding venture – both financially and socially.
Public Journalism generates meaningful news that builds a better relationshipwith audiences. It obtains their trust and gains their loyalty – a win-win situationthat creates value in the long term, not only for stockholders, but for
stakeholders as well.
Conclusion: Imagining the Impossible
Indeed, extraordinary times create extraordinary ideas, but so do extraordinary
people. While the development of the topic for this paper was clearly
influenced by the September 11 attacks and the media coverage of the events
thereafter, much else must be attributed to the public intellectuals who joined
me in this year’s Program. I came to Japan with little hope for the future of
television and journalism in my country and elsewhere in the world. I saw how
market forces were holding the public trust of news hostage while dishing out
entertainment in the name of information. I saw the end of journalism and the
beginning of a mutated form of news called infotainment that was dumbing
down culture, marginalising the serious, and transforming all reality into
spectacle. I still see this, but now I also see some hope. And this hope I owe
to those with me in the Program who have so creatively navigated beyond theexisting paradigms that continue to enslave the intellectual community.
Through them, I’ve learned more than just an alternative vocabulary that defies
the rigid boundaries of outdated knowledge. I’ve also learned that public
intellectuals must also have heart. Anek calls it Soft Power, but we all have ourown private word for it. And without meaning to sound a bit too mystical, I’d21

venture into saying that it is precisely with a heart that we see beyond theobvious polarities of the world, and with soul that we are able to break down
the fragile barriers that are merely constructs of a society unaware of its
alternatives.
Call it imagination – or as Ping never fails to remind us – “imagining
impossibility”.
Be it in journalism, in development work or in everyday life, we must reinventthe old ways of thinking, the old ways of solving problems and the old ways ofmanaging conflict. Above all, we must find new ways to see ourselves, to define
new roles in our communities, and to discover a new understanding of our stakein the emerging global order. This is the role of the public intellectual inchanging Asia – a process I believe was begun in the Japanese autumn of 2001.

22

Goodbye ‘Asian Values’, Hello ‘Islamic Values’; Whatabout ‘Transnational Values’?
Ann LeeManaging & Artistic Director,The Kuali Group‘Asian Values’
I picked ‘Asian Values’ as a focus for my individual research because this would
allow me time to get to the heart, not of darkness perhaps, but of this businessof a single Asia.‘Asia’, it bears repeating, is a construct. It’s the modern term for‘the Orient’ or ‘the East’ (or better still, ‘the Far East’) that was/is all too easily
made into the opposite of ‘the West’, between which lies Africa and a bit further
up is the Middle East. In this map of things, talk of the world as a ‘global village’is all too true - and all too trite.
As Amartya Sen, economist and Nobel prize winner has said: “The attempt to
see Asia as a single unit reveals a distinctly Eurocentric perspective…attempts
at generalisation about Asian values cannot but be extremely crude. Even the
2.8 million people in Singapore have vast variations of cultural and historical
traditions”. (1)Or as Errol Mendes, Professor of Law, Director of the Human Rights Research& Education Centre, University of Ottawa writes:“There is no such thing as anhomogeneous Asia…the reality is a kaleidoscope panorama of languages,
religions, cultures, history, political systems and intra-Asian rivalries, prejudices,
hatreds, affinities, etc”. (2)Goenawan Mohamad, Director, Institute for the Study of Free Flow ofInformation, Indonesia, has written:“The idea of ‘Asian values’ was misleading: it
was state repression paraded as voluntary consensus.” (3) Amongst the most
pertinent words are those by another past ALFP Fellow, Ignas Kleden, Director,
the Society for Political and Economy Study, Indonesia, who said:“ The important
thing about Asian values is not that they are Asian but that they are values.” (4)But at one time, Asian values were very fashionable and as such, may well befashionable again.Why? Several reasons, but underlying them is because we are
lazy.We are lazy natives. Sloppy romantics.
This is perfectly understandable. Let me explain. First, here is a list of Asian values.
A Top Ten of ‘Asian Values’
1) respect for hierarchy2) respect for authority (including deference to)3) family first, individual second

234) social consensus to avoid overt conflict in social relations5) emphasis on law and order6) emphasis on stability to promote economic and social development
7) emphasis on education
8) emphasis on social discipline
9) reverence for traditional values and culture10) discretion and privacy
Just to recap, the notion of ‘Asian values’ in the late 1980s and early 1990s cameunder much intellectual criticism – in ‘Western’ and ‘Asian’ countries - for three main
reasons: 1) for being ‘manipulated’ by political players such as Lee Kuan Yew and Dr
Mahathir Mohamad to suit their political administrations or ‘regimes’ 2) being
grounded in no real economic theoretical sense despite being used to explain Asian
economic efficiency, and 3) taking as ‘Asian’ what were essentially ‘universal’ values.
Particularly for the purposes of this symposium, why, when many intellectuals
were saying, “Asian values are invalid”, were Asian values still considered valid
amongst larger communities, or other publics? Partly because many
intellectuals are too far removed from their publics. And presently because it’s
not true that Asian values are dead and gone.They are alive and well, only they
are the ‘ghosts of Asian values’. Being ghosts, they require people to believe inthem for them to be real, and they take different shapes and forms. Few of themare very solid but so what of it?
Amartya Sen may say that it is a Eurocentric perspective to think of Asia but it
is also an Asiacentric perspective. For many of us who live in countries locatedon this side of the planet, ‘we ourselves’ believe and see things from an
Asiacentric perspective - or try to.Yes, the region is frequently divided for more
specificity - there is north, south, east, west, south east Asia - but it is Asia
nevertheless. So long as there is ‘an Asia’, there will be an urge to look for Asianvalues. So the sheer diversity is mind-boggling? All the more we wish to makesense of it.And especially if there are pressing economic and political conditionsof competition, and the super-convenience of making a common enemy out of
a competitor like the US, or Europe - ‘Asia’ works for ‘Asians’ too.
The difference between intellectual weight and emotional attachment means
the idea of ‘Asian values’ (and their ghosts) cannot be dismissed. If I feel ‘Asian’and not ‘Western’, then no amount of intellectual argument will really dislodge
or dull my emotional attachment.
Indeed, when it comes to rationalisation of this emotional attachment, it can besaid that the only ‘Asian values’ argument that has been intellectuallydemolished is the one that Asian tiger economies ‘were better than Western
economies’ because of ‘Asian values’. But take away the economic and politicalreferences - since well, our economies are mostly in recession - and you see
cultural Asian values (the search for them) alive and well in the arena of popular24

culture and also performing arts – most obviously in the halls of national culture
where the ghosts of Asian values reside as ‘national values’. Chinese values,
Filipino values, Indian values, Japanese values, Korean values, Malaysian values,
Thai values – these are surely just different shapes and forms of Asian values.
That is, reductive, over-simplified generalisations of what we have in common
and what we have that is different (or indifferent) by relying on dominant,hegemonic, politically convenient versions of a national culture.
They take some resisting. It is, for example, over-simplified to think of Japaneseculture as ikebana, kabuki, noh, politeness, deference and homogeneity. But
these notions certainly suffice as a shorthand for powerful nationalist narratives.
The factor of emotion – indeed, extraordinary emotional attachment and not
rational judgement that seems to have paltry power in comparison – can berelied upon to fully fertilise national values/nationalism and its many blooms (or“imagined communities” as best coined by Benedict Anderson in his influential
text of the same name). (5)For this reason, nationalism, (or neo-nationalism) – in the modern sense ofgroup loyalty and loyalty to family and tribe transferred to nation-state – cannot
be dismissed either. But not just because it satisfies an emotional attachment.
Nationalism ain’t all bad. As Ernest Gellner first pointed out: “As a doctrine,(non-egoistic nationalism) can be supported by some good arguments, such as
the desirability of preserving cultural diversity, of a pluralistic international
political system, and of the diminution of internal strains within states.” (6)Ghosts are out and about.As David McCrone points out, nationalism or national
values are not necessarily static but “a discourse, a way of constructing meanings
which influence and organise our actions and conceptions of ourselves”. (7) As
CJW-LWee, Fellow in Regional Social and Cultural Studies, Institute of S E AsianStudies, Singapore, writes: “Global, national and local identities intersect andinter-articulate…the Asian values experiments indicate that states are capableof actively and flexibly managing culture as an instrument to move national
attention away from both cultural contestation from the margins, and the ideaof the West and the Rest…” (8)In particular, nationalism in Malaysia, a plural, post-colonial society “hasundergone three phases, or transitions moving from an early phase when Malay
ethno-nationalism arose, to a second phase when it was transformed into Malay
economic nationalism.With the popularisation of ‘Malaysia Inc’ in the 1980s and‘Vision 2020’ agenda of the 1990s, the project of nationalism has beentransformed yet again into a discourse on corporate capitalism…Thus one local
academic (Professor Wazir Jahan Karim, in an unpublished paper presented at
St Catherine’s College, Oxford, 1993) has remarked: ‘Through the rubric ofcapitalism, everything seems to work well in Malaysia. The Malays hold special
privileges, the Chinese buy them up, and the Indians have a good bash at25

transport and energy, occasionally plunging the country into darkness when
demand exceeds supply.’” (9)The last remark, clearly irreverent, may well be offensive to some and certainly
assumes a dominant Peninsular Malaysian perspective that sees Malaysia’s ethnic
mix in three: Malay, Chinese and Indian, excluding the states of Sabah andSarawak and their variety of ethnic mixes which are rarely if ever included
within the discourse of Malaysian national culture. To concentrate on thedominant is to make a useful generalisation but it might just be useless – at least,very limited.
If you look again at that “A Top Ten of Asian values”, number 3 – the family one
stands out as something everyone seems to agree is really Asian. However, just
how true is this? It might be more of a lie, useful no doubt. Not a white lie (sic),or half lie, let’s call it a sly little lie by omission. Family is not exclusive to thoseof us who live here. What about the (handy stereotypes) of Italian or Irish
people who are famous for their family first scenarios too? ‘Family is Asian’ is a
sweeping generalisation that is just lazy and sloppy. It may make you feel good
but let’s just stop it now.
We should remember the power of rhetoric.
Amartya Sen makes the surprisingly naive remark that he did not think it easy
“to see how they (Asian values) could be made, by the mere force of rhetoric,
into an Asian cause against the West.” (10)By the ‘mere’ force of rhetoric?
The force of rhetoric is usually anything but ‘mere’ and it can be said that thereason Asian values got as far as they did is because Asian values rhetoric tapped
into a sort of thick seam or grand narrative of new found confidence arisingfrom ‘an Asian Inferiority complex’ vis a vis former colonial masters.
(Temporarily ignore the fact that there were and are also perceived intra- AsianSuperiority complexes like Singapore v Malaysia or Japan v Korea.) It’s only
embarrassing now because as mentioned, economic realities – external, macroand micro – proved otherwise. But surely, the rhetoric did exactly that: made an
Asian cause against the West – another powerful story of ‘the ant against theelephant’, of us against them again, the little brown and yellow men whomatched up to the white men.
Why do we make these sweeping generalisations? I said ‘lazy’ earlier because weoften don’t care to think how we use language to make the particular and themultiple, simple and compelling to use.
In 1946, George Orwell wrote Politics and the English Language. Let’s say what
he wrote applies to any language, never mind English:“Modern English, especially26written English is full of bad habits which spread by imitation and which can be
avoided if one is willing to take the necessary trouble. If one gets rid of thesehabits, one can think more clearly and to think clearly is a necessary first step
toward political regeneration: so that the fight against bad English is not
frivolous and is not the exclusive concern of professional writers.”
Orwell castigated “staleness of imagery” and “lack of precision”. He noted,“Other words used in variable meanings, in most cases more or less dishonestly
are: class, totalitarian, science, progressive, reactionary, bourgeois, equality.”
Let me add, ‘Asia’.
It is in this essay that he wrote: “Political speech and writing are largely the
defense of the indefensible. Things like the continuance of British rule in India,
the Russian purges and deportations, the dropping of the atom bombs on Japan
can indeed be defended, but only by arguments which are too brutal for mostpeople to face…Thus political language has to consist largely on euphemism,
question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness. Defenceless villages arebombarded from the air, the inhabitants driven out into the countryside, thecattle machine-gunned, the huts set on fire with incendiary bullets: this is calledpacification. Millions of peasants are robbed from their farms and sent trudging
along the roads with no more than they carry: this is called transfer of
population or rectification of frontiers”.And when missiles intended for military
camps fall on civilian sites, they are called unfortunate ‘collateral damage’.
The last of course is not from Orwell but the Gulf War and now this so-called‘war on terrorism’.
Finally from Orwell: “Political language – and with variations this is true of allpolitical parties, from Conservatives to Anarchists – is designed to make lies
sound truthful and murder respectable, to give an appearance of solidity to purewind. One cannot change this all in a moment, but one can at least change one’s
habits, and from time to time one can even, if one jeers loudly enough, sendsome worn and useful phrase – some jackboot, Achilles heel, hotbed, melting
pot, acid test, veritable inferno, or other lump of verbal refuse – into the dustbin,where it belongs.”(I was pleasantly surprised to see past Fellow and playwright Kuo Pao Kun’s
suggestion that this program - ‘the Asia Leadership Fellow Program’ – aspire to
be an ‘Earthian Fellowship’. ‘Earthian’ not ‘Asian’ sounds more appropriate. It
also sounds a bit corny and cumbersome perhaps, maybe hippies-speak with a
90s flavour, but it’s a start.The title “Intellectuals in Action Fellowship” is another
title that the Asia Leadership Fellow Program might more usefully have.)
We must ask ourselves when we talk of Asia and Asians, for what purpose are
we dividing? Past Fellow, Goenawan Mohamad ventures: “The ASEAN raison

27

d’etre is still valid: no major conflict should take place between and among theseneighbouring countries…” (11) It is difficult to disagree with this: to work
towards Asian values in a search to keep the peace. He adds: “There is also
another reason not to undo Asia’s regionalist imperative – no matter how
vague, fluid and flexible the concept is. It has something to do with the need tofind ways to prevent further damage brought about by currency speculators.”
Goenawan was writing in 1997 when the ‘currency crisis’ had, for some people,
terrorised the region, sent lives crashing and otherwise dominated the world’s
headlines - or at least in this part of the world. Now of course, there is anothercrisis that is doing a better job of dominating the world’s headlines.
‘Islamic Values’
The destruction of the World Trade Center Towers and the awful loss of nearly
6,000 people (as currently reported) from many different parts of the world hasapparently changed the world.
I say apparently because the Fall of the World Trade Towers has an almost
mythical dimension of symbolism to it, a sign of the times for many things: apost-Cold War collapse of alternatives, the final reduction of the value of nationstates, a grandscale neo-capitalist narcissistic finale, the Fall of the American
Empire. For some it is a symbol of low tech destroying high tech. I have to say
I am reminded of the Sinking of the Titanic (by an iceberg apparently bringing
down the might of industrial technology) or the Fall of Singapore (by soldiers
on bicycles apparently bringing down the might of the British Empire).
Seven days after the event, on CNN, when ‘terrorist’ was first used and in rapid
succession ‘Osama bin Laden’ so that ‘Islamic terrorist’ were neatly sewn
together in no time at all again, Edward Said wrote: “…much as it has been
quarrelled over by Muslims, there isn’t a single Islam: there are Islams, just as
there are Americas.” (12)I apologise for using this surely self-evident statement but I mention it just incase there is still somebody out there who is unaware of the ‘ant and elephant’media-savvy rhetoric by Bush (and his advisors) and Osama (and his advisors),
who both have vested interests in a ‘clash of civilisations’.
While Bush appeals to saviours of democracy and freedom, Osama appeals tosaviours of purity and integrity in Islam, creating dilemmas for Americans –liberal and conservative, and for Muslims and non-Muslims all over the world.
But these are false dilemmas. “You are either with us or against us” is surely amost intellectually bankrupt and emotionally corrupt statement. Both leaders
are using it. Like all ‘leaders’ in a time of conflict, they would rally others while
disguising their own actual lack of moral leadership - moral in the more difficult
and true sense not the easier, sanctimonious version that requires a proper

28appearance of things: to look ‘pious’ in long beards, turbans and simple shoes,
or to look professional and ‘business as usual’ in formal suits and high levelboardroom settings.
The heading of my presentation may appear to support Samuel Huntington’s
simplistic and appealing ‘clash of civilisations’ thesis between ‘the West’(American) and Islamic and Confucian civilisations but I use ‘Islamic values’
straight after ‘Asian values’ entirely ironically.
At the very least, the Asian region contains the main bulk of the 1.2 billion
Muslims in the world – up to 50 million in China alone. Not that this has everbeen recognised in the reference to ‘Asian values’. Confucius was usuallymentioned, or at least a sort of selective Confucianism. As Professor Wang
Gungwu, Director of the East Asia Institute, National University of Singapore
summarised: “The so-called Asian values are really those Confucian Chinese
values that seem to oppose what have been called Western values.” (13)
While I shift to ‘Islamic values’, let me say that I am mindful, as Anthony Giddens,
Director of the London School of Economics & Political Science has said about
the events in New York and Washington on September 11:“It is very important
to avoid altogether the discourse of the ‘clash of civilisations’ – not because it’s
wholly untrue but because it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, a dangerous ideathat becomes part of what it is supposed to describe.” He adds: “The clash
instead is between a range of different fundamentalisms and the morecosmopolitan world society most of us would like to build.” (14)A range of different fundamentalisms
I would like to suggest that those fundamentalisms at issue are indeed not
between Islam and America as portrayed in the entirely convenient (especiallyfor the status quo) way of pitting Osama against Bush.
Rather, the fundamentalisms are: the fundamentalism of six permanent membersin the UN or G7 rulers deciding the fate of the rest of the world, thefundamentalism of the ‘free’ market; the fundamentalism of poor distribution of
wealth, education and health; the fundamentalism of unequal access to theInternet and therefore to one of the supposedly worldwide benefits ofglobalisation; the fundamentalism of largely one form of liberal democracy; thefundamentalism of inequitable power between elites and the electorate; thefundamentalism of disequilibrium between the elected and the appointed; andthe fundamentalism of men who would decide for women who have no poweror choice but to let them.
It is not then ‘the clash of civilisations’ (although that sounds like a really good
Hollywood movie) but ‘a ‘crush of fundamentalisms’ about poverty, power andpost cold-war capitalism, (a sort of independent movie that may go on to do29

really well at the box office).
Like all peace-loving people, my heart goes out to all those who are still in griefand broken-hearted by the loss of relatives and friends as a result of thedestruction of the World Trade Center towers – as a result of any attack on
unsuspecting lives whether in Chile, East Timor, Ireland, Israel, Palestine, Somalia:
so many parts of the world where covert action is taken by those who would
be enfranchised with too much power, or disenfranchised with next to no
power.
However appealing, we must take care not to succumb to the grand narrativeof the ant and the elephant again as if the ant this time is Islam and the elephantis the West. Neither the ant nor the elephant stand alone (except perhaps when
they are to die).
Here is a list of ‘Islamic values’ that conform largely to the ant of Islam and theelephant of the West; that conform only to one kind of Islam and one kind of
America.
A Top Ten of ‘ Islamic values’
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.

Eye for an eye
Very traditional/conservative
Gender-biased (male chauvinist)
Closed society, keep among themselves
Disciplinary, many rules & taboos
Life and religion too closely linked
Emphasis on collective not individual
Ego-centric, conversion compulsory upon marriage
Fixed, not as open to revisionism as Christianity
Over-sensitive and angry

In my opinion, the following list may be said to be a more accurate while
selective list of ‘Islamic values’ such as I have experienced and observed, comingfrom a member country of the Organisation of Islamic Conference, Malaysia.
Malaysia is not an Islamic state, though no two of these are alike, and thedefinition(s) of an Islamic state is subject to debate even as I speak.This then isa working list of Islamic values for the purposes of discussion.
A Working Guide to ‘Islamic values’
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

Compassionate
Tolerant
Various
Holistic
Collective

30

6.
7.
8.
9.
10.

Political
Gender and sexuality-conflicted
Disciplinary
Fatalistic
Scientific

You will see, I hope, that these values with the possible exception of ‘scientific’
can be found in related ways to most if not all the world’s major religions. (I donot presume to use Arabic, the language of the Holy Quran.) It is a matter offact that where I live (the middle-class suburb of Taman Tun Dr Ismail within thefederal territory of Kuala Lumpur), many of the world’s major religions and theirdenominations are represented. In the Malaysian Constitution, Islam is theofficial or national religion while, as per Article 3 (1) states: “Every person has
the right to profess and practise his religion…” And indeed, all the world’s majorreligions are practised – in various densities – throughout the country.
Let me state clearly that I am not a Muslim. I have been a student of Islam since1987 when for personal and professional reasons I went to ABIM, an ‘evangelist’organisation (founded by Anwar Ibrahim after his early student ‘Malay/Muslim
separatist’ days) and got a free copy of the Holy Quran (published by Amana
Corp, USA, 1983) – the classic English translation alongside Arabic by Yusuf Ali.
I am conscious that a little knowledge can be a dangerous thing and perhaps the
only thing that qualifies me to speak at this point is, as Chandra Muzaffar,
respected intellectual and founder of the International Just World Trust writes
in his illuminating study Islamic Resurgence in Malaysia:“We have seen how rightfrom 1957, the State recognised Islam as the official religion and interpreted thatstatus along certain lines. But with the advent of Islamic resurgence, the Statehas gone beyond mere public projection of religious rituals and practices. It is
now concerned, as we have observed with the role of Islamic values andinstitutions in the larger spheres of public life. Its Islamisation programme has
therefore given a more national character to the religion in relation to Malaysiansociety as a whole. Islam is no longer a Muslim affair: it is as much the concern of
non-Muslims”. (my emphasis.) (15)
As far as Chandra is concerned, Islamic resurgence is largely part of aworldwide return to religion in the face of modernisation and an approach todevelopment that has created urban-industrial societies which replace “theearlier organic character of the pre-industrial tribal or agrarian community”
with “city life (that) is dichotomised and compartmentalised. Work and home,labour and recreation are separate components of a pattern of existence thatis fragmented and isolated from the larger meaning of life and living.” He notes
it is the present young, educated, urban Muslims or Malay middle class (and notthat of the 1950s and 1960s) who are “partly responsible for developing a morepuristic, a more exclusive notion of identity.” Malay Muslims like most South
East Asian Muslims belong to the Shafii Mazhab (doctrinal school) of the Sunni

31sect – one of four main doctrinal schools. But even within the 13 states in
Malaysia, there are differences. In Perlis for example, the State constitution
specifies that Perlis follows the Quran and Sunnah and not a particular mazhab.
(16) Generally speaking, Malay Muslims are not of the Wahabi movement or the
Shi’ite sect.
As is true of many if not all the world’s major religions: the laws are divine,
the interpretations are not – and local customs are yet another influence.
Notwithstanding Chandra’s observation of young, educated urban Muslims or
Malay middle class developing a more ‘puristic’ notion of identity, many Malay
Muslims have ‘pluralistic’ notions of identity and do not see themselves in termsof their religious or racial identity alone (even though Malaysian communal
politics encourages such exclusivity).
Transnational values
Earlier, I mentioned Giddens’ “range of fundamentalisms and the cosmopolitan
world society that most of us would like to create”. I did not deal with thecosmopolitan and I would like to now. Rabindranath Tagore wrote:“Neither thecolourless vagueness of cosmopolitanism nor the fierce self-idolatry of nation
worship is the goal of human history.” (17)
‘Cosmopolitan’ certainly has the tinges of capitalist chic to it, a sort of ‘New
York London Paris Frankfurt Tokyo Kuala Lumpur’ city-state chic (to mycolleagues, please forgive the shameful bias of Kuala Lumpur, I don’t know how
it slipped in there…). In this sense, cosmopolitan may be “colourless” but I do
not believe that is the only definition, and I dare say it is not how Giddens meansit.
I choose to interpret ‘cosmopolitan’ to be the fundamental recognition for
example that everyone in this room could be a Muslim. Everybody in this room
could be Malaysian. Everybody in this room could be Japanese. That there arepluralistic definitions of these identities. (Of course, the ‘Asian values’ of ourrespective immigration laws make the realities of these pluralities very difficult– especially when you’re the wife or if you are in a same sex relationship, when
you’re the significant other.) Everybody in this room could be American,
Bhutanese, Dutch, English, French, German, Iranian, Iraqi, Jamaican, Korean,
Lebanese – to use an alphabetical order.
Though needless to say, everybody in this room may refuse to identify
themselves by nationality or sexuality or religion alone but as a thousand
different things – including as sisters, brothers, daughters, mothers, husbands,sons and lovers, or simply, say human.
From cosmopolitan, I would like to end with the concept of ‘transnational’. I’dnever really heard of this word before coming to Tokyo. Often used in the32

1970s interchangeably with ‘international’, the term ‘transnational’ today as I
understand it means going beyond national boundaries – in a post-nation state
sense - and more broadly, thinking ‘beyond boundaries’, akin to thinking by‘futurists’ like Alvin Toffler in his Third Wave, but in more contemporary politicaland social science thinking by Anthony Giddens in his books such as The Third
Way, also Beyond Left & Right as well as The Transformation of Intimacy: Sexuality,
love and eroticism in modern societies.
But it was Professor Sakamoto Yoshikazu who seemed to sum things up mosteloquently here in Tokyo with his concept of transnational civil societies –particularly as a possible way to deal with the ‘crush of fundamentalisms’ ofpower, poverty and post-cold war capitalism. Many others have discussed either
the term ‘civil society’ or ‘transnational’. I note Sakamoto-san has been talking
about the same concept for some years now, and ‘transnational’ may well turnout to be a false route. (There was for me an ominous ring in Inoue Tatsuo’s
essay Liberal Democracy and Asian Orientalism where he writes: “They (thepolitical leaders and spokespeople of several Asian governments) reject theassumption of a Liberal-Marxist dichotomy and advocate a third alternative:‘theAsian way’…a combination of capitalist economy and Asian values’.” (18). Oh
no, could transnational go the way of the old Asian values con?) Inoue adds,“ Tobe sure, some serious thinkers expound more sophisticated and nuanced
versions of the third way for Asian countries.”
Here is where we might put Sakamoto-san. He argues persuasively for civilsociety and democratic world order in which he makes a differentiation
between the term and concept of civil society, noting its various definitions fromthe time of Cicero (‘societas civilis’) to Hegel (burgerliche Gesellschaft) andwhich by the end of the 19th century seemed to have dried up, only to reemerge again in the 1970s (in the democratic struggle against authoritarian statesocialism such as by the Solidarity movement in Poland.). He considers that:“The unprecedented transformative dynamics of the modern world since theemergence of industrial capitalism in 18th century Europe seem to consist of
the following contradictions which account for major conflicts and changes inmodern times 1) capitalism vs socialism, 2) democracy vs authoritarianism and3) nationalism vs internationalism.” (19) He might have included religion but forsome reason does not. Certainly by not doing so, he avoids the simplistic rutthat Huntington makes between Islamic and ‘Western’ civilisations.
Sakamoto-san believes that the state, international organisation and the market
in the contemporary world order must be grounded in civil society that is 1)“the engine of reflexive democratisation” and 2) “the source of democratic
legitimation”. Interestingly, he believes: “The family, school, hospital and nongovernmental organisations will not constitute elements of the civil society I
have in mind in so far as they are subordinated to and incorporated into themarket as well as the state.” This surely puts non-governmental organisations– sometime de facto moral guardians – in some challenging limbo.

33

Nevertheless, as Goenawan Mohamad writes:“A cross-national network of ‘civilsocieties’ free from any government control may bring back the relief that there
are worthy values to be universally shared by different people with different
identities.” (20)
And there is “relief”, not to mention hope for the liberal humanist project(which need not of course, be dominated by Francis Fukuyama’s famouscontention in The End of History?) that, as Sakamoto-san posits: “Capitalism, inthe form of competitive free markets oriented to profit maximisation will haveto undergo a significant modification, or even a radical re-examination becauseof the ecological constraints that are bound to grow, and because of themounting democratic demands for equality and equity which run counter to thedisparity and inequity resulting from the dynamics of competitive capitalism.”
As I end this paper, it must be asked, particularly for the purposes of this
symposium: how are ‘transnational’ or ‘transnational values’ being discussed – if
at all - in bus queues, post offices and in between favourite tv programmes? I
have to say that I am not enough of a ‘public intellectual’ to know. However, here
is a top ten list, very tentatively offered, with a wry smile, for my own creative
and artistic purposes once I get back home.
A Top Ten of ‘Transnational values’
1. Cross-border/multi-disciplinary(multi-lingual, multi-layer)
2. Polymorphous(amorphous at least then)
3. Democratic(democracy - “an unfinished project”:Wolin, 1989)
4. Spiritually-cognisant(not only secularism/religiosity)
5. Imaginative(‘After irony’)
6. ‘Puniversal’(apparently elastic and contradictory)
7. Tolerant(learning to agree to disagree)
8. In multiples of 8…
(that is, non-bipolar, non-dualist)
Author’s note: I would like to thank the organisers of the ALFP Program for the initiallydisorienting experience and refreshing upset to a regular working routine in Malaysia
rushing to meet with clients, deadlines, and generally juggling corporate, media, theatre,
and NGO work. The sudden stop for two months to do nothing but read and talk andwalk with any one or more of six new people became a great stimulus. I have hadtime to develop some of my own thoughts, to ‘think regionally’ and to understand in34

greater depth (though hardly comprehensive) the ways that Japanese values are nothomogenous or solely about high technology and a superb Tokyo subway system.
And despite hearing the sounds of various vans playing old patriotic wartime songs up
and down the high street of Roppongi and other mainstream places in the city – I
realise that not all Japanese – of course – would be so dismissive about the death of
my maternal grandfather. (He was tortured and killed in WWII by Japanese soldiers
commemorated at a war shine visited recently by a Prime Minister who apparently
stands for reform.) It was a moving experience to visit the Nagasaki Atomic Bomb
museum. (For me, the most potent exhibit is a melted rosary belonging to a woman
who was worshipping at the time.) I listened to Professor Shinjii Takahashi, soft-spoken
yet iron-calm, talking about his involvement in the difficult ‘behind the scenes’ debate
about what to put on exhibit, and I was suddenly moved to tears.When later, privately,
we talked and he said sorry, I was moved by the humility and futility of his apology (heolder, me younger) for the death of a person who he never knew, I never knew, but
who in my family would have been the patriarch of seven children, all with lives andfamilies of their own. On Shinjii-san’s recommendation, I also visited the Oka Masaharu
Memorial Peace Museum. It’s not, unfortunately, on the tourist map but it is about, as
its leaflet says, “the non-Japanese people victimised by Japan’s war of invasion who
remain forgotten and unrecompensed even 50 years since the end of WWII.” I also
watched the videotape of the International Women’s Tribunal held in Tokyo, in 2000,
that sought to recognise rape as a war crime – and in which the verdict holds Emperor
Hirohito accountable for the organisation of some 300,000 women from Japan andelsewhere in the region as so-called ‘comfort women’. I did not even know there
remains evidence and testimony of comfort women in Malaysia. (These are ‘’sensitive’’matters, as they say in Malaysia, not to be discussed openly or at least, to be discussed
carefully.) It seemed though that for an older generation of Japanese who lived orfought during the war (and their sons and daughters), dealing with memories of thewar is like dealing with a hair ball in the throat – patently there but if it is brought up:
unsightly and distasteful, certainly difficult. A hair ball is not life-threatening.
It’s been said before that cultural exchange programmes are a soft form of
propaganda or íntelligence work for the countries, companies or individuals who
sponsor them, and it is surely partly true; but let each programme be judged case bycase on its own merits, and by what both parties hope to get out of it. My visit here
and outside Tokyo has been enlightening; beyond a time and space that may be
assumed within a period of 60 days. I-house was a cocoon. I have not had to worry
about food, accommodation, finance, travelling, language, housework – all basics havebeen taken care to give me the luxury of time to do what I will. I am refreshed now
with new energy and ideas.Thank you to all the individuals of I-House – notably Izumisan, Naoko, Sonoda-san, and Tomoko – and at the Japan Foundation and its Asia
Centre – Komatsu-san, Akiko, Chiharu-san, Ando-san, Thomas, and Ken Takiguchi in
Kuala Lumpur. Thanks also to my generous colleagues of this year’s Fellowship
program.

35

References(1) The New Republic, 1997
(2) Human Rights in Asia, 1996
(3) Program Report, International House of Japan/Japan Foundation Asia
Centre, 1997, pp52
(4) Program Report, International House of Japan/Japan Foundation Asia
Centre, 1996, pp56
(5) Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism;
Verso, rev edition, 1991, first published 1983
(6) Nations & Nationalism, Blackwell, 1983, p2(7) The Sociology of Nationalism, Routledge, 1998
(8) Inter-Asia cultural studies – Problematizing ‘Asia’, pg 12,Vol 1, No1,
April 2000)(9) “Envisioning the Malaysian nation”, Su-ming Khoo (Nationalisms Old &New, ed Kevin J Brehony & Naz Rassool, Macmillan Press, 1999, pg 127)
(10) ibid(11) ibid(12) Edward Said – There Are Many Islams, 2001(13) Sir Weary Dunlop Lecture, Melbourne, Australia(14) Has the World Changed? – Part Two, the Guardian, 11 Oct, 2001(15) Fajar Bakti, 1987, pg4(16) Ibid, pg14(17) Nationalism, (Macmillan & Co, 1950), another book that I found in theInternational House of Japan library(18) The East Asian Challenge for Human Rights, CUP, 1999(19) Civil Society & Democratic World Order, Innovation and Transformation inInternational Studies, ed Stephen Gill and James H. Mittelman, CUP, 1997(20) ibid

36

Reforms for Whom: Marginalised Communities ofSouth Asia
Dr Mahendra P Lama
Professor of South Asian Economies,
Jawaharlal Nehru University
Unlike many other developing regions the urge for, advent and acceptance ofmarket-led economic reforms are a somewhat recent phenomenon in South
Asia.This phenomenon came to the limelight only after a majority of the South
Asian countries including Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka madea major departure from dirigiste (state-directed economic development) andvigorously adopted the ‘Washington Consensus’ in the forms of liberalisation,
privatisation, marketisation and modernisation. The immediate triggering factor
was a major development paradigm dilemma for the entire South Asian region.
This paradigm of centrally planned development had been the basis for macroeconomic management for many decades, strongly conditioned by a traditional
thrust on an inward-looking policy. (1)The incompatibility of the traditional measures of intervention became more
and more crystallized in the face of the complex and intensely competitive
international environment. The remarkable success stories of Newly Industrialised Countries (NICs), the expansion of their production base and massive
structural dynamism are in much contrast to slow moving South Asian countries
which constitute over 20 percent of the total world population. The reforms
had been imperative as their postponement would have further institutionalised
a syndrome of severe price distortions, administrative overregulation, public
sector inefficiency, falling savings and low yielding capital investment. All these
had severely eaten into the resilience and sustainability of the South Asian
economies.
Despite the known political difficulty of remedial action and the likelihood of
perverse short term socio-economic effects, at least five of the seven South
Asian countries including Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka,plunged into adjustment programs in the 1980s and 1990s. Bhutan and Maldiveshave not really defined their development strategies in the mould of market-led
economic reforms, thereby remaining to a large extent within the framework of
the traditional paradigm of governmental interventions. However, adoptions andimplementation of these reform measures vary across the South Asian region interms of i) time schedule, ii) sectoral coverage , iii) intensity and iv)
sustainability. In other words, these countries are in different phases of
economic reform programmes.
All these depended, at least in the last decade or so, on the nature of politicalregimes and outlook of the politicians holding key positions, as well as thedegree of robustness of the economy in question. Besides the size and outlook37

of bureaucracy and other organs of governance, articulation by pressure andinterest groups including the private sector and the trade unions, and theperception and relative strength of international institutions like the WorldBank and the IMF, played a rather critical role.The impact of economic reforms
has also been varying in terms of visibility, nature and extent.
As these countries enhance and intensify the doses of liberalisation andprivatisation, a changed regional profile is expected to emerge. This will
inevitably inject two perceptibly relevant questions in the minds of South
Asians.Will South Asia be as vibrant as the NICs, or as robust so that it is able
to carve out a new paradigm of development for itself? Will the search for selfreliance, alleviation of poverty and social emancipation be over, or will it
precariously hang between insolvency and subservience?
Against this backdrop of fast-changing economic profiles and social matrices, anattempt is made here to present three different shifts in the paradigms that are
taking place in South Asian countries today. This paper also tries tosimultaneously indicate the newly emerging paradigms. The paradigm shift istaken here as a distinct deviation from very well-established practices andwidely followed development norms of the past; it is a conspicuous move awayfrom systemic thinking, old institutional designs and governmental interventions
to a regime characterised by free play of market forces, triggered essentially by
non-state actors and non-governmental agencies.
Firstly, let us relate it to a development issue‘Development is government and government is development’. This has always
been the case in South Asia. This thinking of government being the only
development agency ruled South Asia for almost 50 years. In other words, entire
development issues have been handled in such a way so as to give an instinctive
impression that development is a prerogative and duty of only the governmentand state machineries. It made people too dependent on the government inevery aspect of life. It confiscated their creativity and satiated the existence oftraditionally voluntary societies. The community-based development ethos
which had been the strongest pillar of the South Asian countries was thus
gradually eroded by the actions of the governments. More acutely, the modern
system of governance, backed by better technology and technical inputs, wasnever injected in an overwhelmingly rural South Asia.
However, in the last decade, this thinking has been undergoing a perceptiblechange. This is mainly because of the economic reforms under whichgovernments have cut down welfare activities and started imposing fiscal
discipline. Despite a persistent debate on the efficacy of market-led reforms in
the region, the governments have started gradually withdrawing from thedevelopment activities.

38

The critical issue here is that of poverty and inequality. A driving force in theeconomic reforms process is the unabated hope of significant poverty reduction
over the long term. This is expected to take place through contribution toeconomic growth, productivity and consumption benefits. The school ofthought having an abiding faith in this positive facet believes that mostdeveloping countries will gain from the economic reforms process while somewill benefit more than others.
However, there are a number of countries that have unfavourable initialconditions, making them less suited to take advantage of economic reforms andglobalisation. They are likely to lose out and become more marginalised inrelation to other countries.
Poverty in all forms is alarmingly massive in South Asia. Given the nature,extent and spatial distribution of poverty in the region, the issue of foodsecurity in South Asia has acquired an imperative dimension requiring full scaleregional attention. Will the expected higher growth rate alone mitigate South
Asia’s deep-rooted problems of poverty and inequality, ill-health and illiteracy?
And most important of all, will this growth rate be sustainable without costing
much to human misery? These are the challenges as well as dangers.
There is a fierce quantum of scepticism about the ability of economic reforms
alone to mitigate the human miseries in this sub-continent.This has been borneout by the experiences of similar other countries where economic reforms-led
growth has not automatically been translated into noticeable poverty reduction
and human development. More seriously, the globalisation-led new tentacles ofpoverty are yet to be known as they have yet to unfold fully. Will the existing
institutions and delivery mechanisms, meant to mitigate poverty in the region,
be able to tackle the emerging fangs of poverty, particularly when they are likely
to be more complex and intractable?
Therefore, it is not just the pace of economic growth that matters for poverty
alleviation, but also the kind and quality of growth.
The old system of delivering goods mainly through bureaucracy did not reducepoverty. In fact, bureaucracy became the main hurdle for delivery of goods andservices to the poor. There has been much less accountability, lots of leakages
and no capacity building. A negligible effort has been made to empower the
downtrodden in the entire anti-poverty interventions.
Political leaders are now therefore looking for new alignments other than theirtraditional partners like bureaucrats. They are seeking more efficient, effective,
sustainable and people-friendly alternatives to present delivery mechanisms.
They want new development partners including NGOs, NPOs, the private
sector and other civil society agencies.

39

At the same time, there have been a number of NGOs-led activities that havemade significant difference in the alleviation of poverty. Their main thrust has
been on local leadership, indigenous technology, local resources, empowerment
and capacity building. We can cite a whole range of examples of these microlevel interventions, far away from the traditional macro-level interventions.
However, the biggest challenge is: how to transmit or trickle down the higheconomic growth injected by economic reforms into the alleviation of poverty?
What should be the transmission or trickle-down mechanism?
If it is the same old delivery mechanism, people will be further marginalised.
But no one knows the new mechanism. Hence the new partners indevelopment have a critical role to play.
There are already very discouraging signs that after the economic reforms were
initiated in many countries of South Asia, the number of people below thepoverty line has sharply increased and the inequality of income has further
widened.
The estimated number of people below the poverty line in Bangladesh was
47.5% in 1995-96.Though the rural poverty remained stable, there was a sharp
increase in urban poverty from 13% to 18% of the total poor population during
1986-96.This also indicated the spilling over of rural poverty in urban areas.This
was accompanied by a noticeable increase in inequality as indicated by the Gini
coefficient which rose from 0.36 in 1983-84 to 0.432 in 1995-96.(2)In
Pakistan, the latest Economic Survey emphatically mentions that poverty
significantly and steadily increased from 17.3 % in 1987-88 to 32.6% in 1998-99.
(3) In the income inequality trends also, the Gini coefficient rose from 0.355 in
1985-86 to 0.410 in 1992-93 showing a definite consolidation of inequality in
Pakistan. (4)This means the gains of better economic performance have been usurped by
the haves.The have-nots continued to be marginalised and ignored.
So, are economic reforms today a question of now or never? Its high growthrate vs the process of marginalisation. The only hope is the changing paradigmof development intervention where governmental machineries will increasingly
be replaced by the peoples’ own delivery mechanisms. Will the realempowerment of people take place?
Secondly, let us highlight an environmental issue
A significant portion of South Asia is the Himalayan region including Bhutan and
Nepal. The Himalayas conserve the South Asian plains land, provide water and40energy, and regulate the climate including rainfall. They are very critical for all
the South Asian systems.
Economic reforms have posed significant challenges to the Himalayas andpeople living in the hills and the mountains.Traditionally, the hills and mountains
remain largely far off from the mainstream business centres. But the reforms
and globalisation process may change the entire existing paradigm in themountain areas. For instance, in the mountain region, there has been very
marginal integration of money, factor, product and labour markets. The pace ofintegration itself has been very slow and differential.The existing system cannot
do much about it whereas the forces of globalisation would like this integration
process to be both quicker and substantive.
In the newly emerging paradigm, multinational corporations (MNCs) and otherprivate entrepreneurs are going to the hills to harness the natural resources,
tourism and other hitherto restricted sectors. Their dictum of strategic
alliances, and mergers and acquisitions will largely eliminate the traditional small
and medium entrepreneurs in the hills and mountains. The likely impact onmountain areas will be in aspects of market, natural resources, land, poverty andthe traditional niches.
Though agricultural produce will have better access to the market because of
better communication and development of infrastructure, many of theresources will be very badly exposed and exploited.
The nature-based niche is already eroding. Globalisation may accelerate thisprocess. For example, off-season vegetables which were grown in the hills andfetched a good price, are now grown in the green houses of many plain lands.
Similarly, traditional niche products like apples of the hills are now increasingly
replaced by apples brought from countries like Australia, Korea and China.This
has been possible because fruits and vegetables have been put in the open
general licence category (OGL) and are declared as freely importables.This has
resulted in a steady slide-down in prices thereby leading to a sharp fall in areas
under crop (food and fruit) cultivation.
Since most of the hills and mountain systems have strong endowments ofnatural resources like water and forests, the big development projects including
roads, high dams and industries may induce a large scale displacement of people
and also lead to environmental insecurity. This will also bring about conflicts
over natural resources management both within the country and across theborders.
On top of this, there are indications to show how the phenomenon of climatechange has started impacting the occupational patterns and agricultural
practices in the mountain areas. A study carried out by the Kathmandu-based
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Secretariat showed41

that there is likely to be increased ice melting in the Himalayas because of theincreasing impact of the Green House Effect. Further, the changes in rainfall
patterns could inundate vast areas of the flood plains of the GangaBrahmaputra-Barak basins thereby multiplying the miseries and sufferings ofmillions of people. (5)The entire eastern Himalayan zone had an unbelievably warm and pleasantwinter in 1998-99. Many people in fact missed the usual winter conditions like
fog, chill, frost and snow. Environmentalists largely attributed this uniqueclimatic behaviour to global warming and the resultant changing global climate.
Winter is usually the time when forest cover is under a cold spell and gets someregenerative space. However, this long spell of dryness led to forest fires andyoung seedlings died because of poor moisture. This literally dried up thesources of water thereby adversely affecting the bushes and scrubs in the forest,
and provisions of drinking water. In this chain, traditional and grazing areas got
high and dry. In other words, the entire natural cycle was disturbed.
This had visible adverse effects on the economy of Sikkim including drinking
water, ravi crops and cash crops like cardamom, ginger and orange cultivation.
According to the Agriculture Department, the total rainfall between October
1998 and March 31, 1999 was 93.34% less than the rainfall in the last 25 years
in the State! Because of this prolonged drought, the farmers had to both
postpone the sowing of seeds and in many cases had to resort to re-sowing of
the same. Cardamom bushes that had survived all kinds of climatic depredations
for the last six to eight decades also got dried to the hilt.
It had a telling effect on the farmers of the North Sikkim as cardamom andvegetables, particularly cabbages, form the backbone of the tribal economy of
the region bordering Tibet. It is estimated that 60% of the State’s large
cardamom was lost in this unprecedented dry spell. The North district alone
produces more than 2,500 tonnes of large cardamom annually, the bulk of whichis exported and fetches nearly Rs20 crore. Bhutan, Nepal and many parts of theHimalayan region have started facing this unprecedented problem.
Receding of glaciers, hot winters, poor regenerative cycles have started showing
their fangs. All these may lead to the failure of multiple industries, mostly
traditional in structure and composition. This in turn could trigger off largescale migration.
Farmers also have less maneuverability. They have limited knowledge, and a life
support system based on natural inputs. If the natural resources chain is
disturbed, the process of irreversibility sets in.The increasing role of the market
may disrupt the mountains. Pressure on land for purely commercial purposes will
be disastrous for the mountain areas.There are increasing trends that rich people
from plain lands are buying land in the mountain areas for their use, mainly as
tourist resorts etc.This has put tremendous pressure on land and topography.

42

Also, Himalayan flora and fauna including rare species of plants will be exploitedby pharmaceutical industries in such a manner that they may become extinct.
Patents and intellectual property rights will be monopolised. For example, inthe case of medicinal plants which are considered to be prime properties of themountain areas, the losses could be encountered on four counts i.e., i) theseplants have been over exploited, ii) there has been severe loss of intellectual
property rights, iii) there has been a big loss to the state exchequer as this trade
is done informally and iv) traditional communities do not gain anything out of
the commercial exploitation. For instance, a major question has been: what does
a company like Dabur, a major player in this area, actually give to thecommunities who once owned these plants?
Finally, there is strong apprehension that people who are already on the
periphery will be further marginalised by the process of globalisation. This isbecause the forces that have marginalised them so far cannot really be offset by
the positive forces of globalisation. This will not only widen the gap between
the people of the high land and low land but also within the people of the hills.
This may trigger off a chain and variety of civil unrest as witnessed in Nepal
today in the form of the Maoists movement and violence.
But it does not mean that reforms are bad for the mountain areas.The questionis who will monitor and regulate these reforms and the agents of reforms?
Globalisation does not prevent any states/ governments from playing theirdevelopment role. Therefore, the public policy domain is always a critical areaof intervention. Is government capable of doing this?
And finally, let us bring forward a technological issue
The reform measures undertaken by these economies have a distinct slant on
the virtual free-for-all in the import of technology. Despite the known fact thatnew modern technologies could inject a fresh dynamism to the entire spectrumof economic activities in the region, there are some genuine concerns related
to accessibility, affordability, adaptability and spatial and class impact of suchtechnologies. Though the technological advances have tended to erode
longstanding geographical, ideological and political obstacle for cross-bordertransactions, the South Asian indigenousness, innovativeness and low cost
technology will be adversely affected, particularly in the context of labourintensive forms of production which have been crucial to the generation of
employment and to the sustenance of poor people.
The biggest impact of globalisation is derived from infrastructure andtechnology gains.This means a whole gamut and network of infrastructure will
be forthcoming to supplement and complement the process of globalisation.
Globalisation is a shelf of technologies and the process is essentially driven byvalue addition. Technology is a dynamic process, Its demonstration effects aretremendous. Choice of technology is therefore very vital. It is not choice per se.

43

The more critical factors are availability, accessibility, affordability andadaptability.
Since all this tends to unleash forces that undermine the norms implicit indomestic practices, conflicts within and between nations are engendered overdomestic norms and the social institutions that embody them.
On the other hand, South Asia, particularly India, is emerging to be the hub of
global information technology. This is where South Asian countries can cometogether on a common platform to reverse the flow of technology from theSouth to North.
It can be said that the world is divided between the North and South, between
developed and developing countries, and the First and The Third World by four
major factors viz., i) finance, ii) technology, iii) trade and industry and iv)
development level.The paradigm that has governed the world economic system
for so long has been based on the superiority and maneuverability spaceprovided by these factors to developed countries.
For example, in the existing paradigm, technology has been used as a very
potent instrument for keeping the Third World at a poor level of development.
It has always been a one-way flow of technology from the North to the South.
A very highly restricted regime of technology transfer has governed therelations between the North and the South. Developing countries have always
been and deliberately kept as dependent. More importantly, technology issues
have always been attached to trade, aid, investment, and to a large extent,
strategic factors like security.
For the first time, this regime is likely to undergo some change as indicated by
the large scale information-related transfer of technology from the South to theNorth. Some of the countries in South Asia are emerging as major exportersof both software and professionals. For example, out of the US’ global
outsourcing of IT software, almost 19-25% originates in India alone. India’s IT
related software exports are expected to be roughly USD$50 billion by theyear 2008.
So for the first time there seems to be a reverse flow of technology from theSouth to the North - a direct outcome of the reforms and globalisation process.
At the international level, two major issues have again come up.
Firstly, the IT software exports are too US-centric thereby making exporters
very vulnerable to any instability in the US market and system. This came up
very prominently after the Sept 11 terrorist attack on the World Trade Centerand the subsequent slowdown in the US economy.

44Secondly, developed countries have always closed the gates for entry to natural
persons, including professionals, from developing countries. Will they now
accept the movement of natural persons to their countries, particularly in theservices sector?
The fact remains that this new paradigm of technology transfer is also driven by
developed countries.
At the regional level, two very serious challenges have come up in terms of the‘digital divide’.Within the same region, some countries are distinctly deprived ofgains from the IT boom. This will bring a major divide among the countries
within developing countries. The least developed countries like Bangladesh,
Bhutan, Maldives, Laos, Vietnam, Myanmar and Nepal will be further
marginalised.
Within the IT exporting countries also, the accessibility to new technology,
computer and knowledge is limited to a very microscopic minority both at theregional and local level. For instance, in India personal computers are available
to 2.7 persons per thousand, in Pakistan 3.9 persons and in Sri Lanka 4.1
persons. Similarly, the Internet is used by 0.23 persons per 10,000 in India, 0.34
in Pakistan, 0.63 in Sri Lanka and 0.12 in Nepal. (6)Most of these facilities are however, concentrated only in the cities and otherbig towns. This digital divide will therefore further marginalise the people whoalways remained in the periphery. Most critically, the people in the peripheryhave been the overwhelming majority.
Therefore, the fundamental question remains “reforms for whom”?
Are they for the microscopic powerful haves or for the traditionally deprived
and marginalised have-nots?
Answers, approaches and strategies are yet to be found. Governments andStates will not find these as they are the part of the game. It is the responsibilityof the civil society, and in particular public intellectuals, to set the rules of thegame right.
This requires a two way action:i) Sensitisation and mobilisation of the masses along with the policy makers and;ii) Creation of a pressure group of public intellectuals based on the sensitised
mobilisation. This pressure group has to have a strong local identity, andequally strong cross-border linkages so that their actions could be wellcoordinated and acceptable. The greatest hope is the fact that these pressuregroups are fast emerging in different parts of the region. They are already in45

action in some other parts and have started making tangible difference.
Author’s note: I would like to express my deep sense of gratitude to both International
House of Japan and Japan Foundation Asia Centre for giving me this rare opportunityof working with a set of distinguished Fellows from other parts of Asia. I haveimmensely benefited in terms of intellectual exchange, experience sharing andcommunity living. A very warm hospitality that is typical of Japan and Japanese society
made our stay extraordinarily beautiful.This was my first visit to Japan. Before I went
to Japan, I had this deep-rooted impression about Japan essentially as a developed
market economy, characterised by all tantrums of capitalism. However, I have comeback to India with a diametrically opposite imprint that Japan despite being adeveloped market economy has the Asianness as the basis and roots of its
development. It is essentially an Asian nation in all senses of the term – its people,
values, cultural practices, political institutions and natural attachments. Though thelevel, nature and pattern of problems and public debate are different in Japan, theissues discussed here are essentially the same as that facing any Asian country today.
It is therefore, in the collective thinking and action on all these issues that Japan canmake a tangible difference in Asia.And in the process of re-inventing Japan as an Asian
nation, other countries in Asia could contribute to the strengthening of modern Japan.
References(1) Lama, Mahendra P, “Economic Resources and Environmental Concerns inSouth Asia :A Changing Interface” in DD Khanna (Ed), Sustainable Development: Environmental Security, Disarmament and Development Interface in SouthAsia, Macmillan, New Delhi, 1997;
Lama, Mahendra P, Energy Cooperation in South Asia: Issues, Challenges andPotentials, South-South Solidarity, New Delhi, 1999
Lama, Mahendra P, “Indian Economy - Challenges of Poverty Alleviation andEnvironmental Protection”, in DD Khanna (ed), Democracy, Diversity, Stability– 50 Years of Indian Independence, Macmillan, Delhi, 1998
Lama, Mahendra P, “Investment in South Asia: Trends and Issues”, South Asian
Economic Journal, Colombo, March 2000
Lama, Mahendra P, “SAARC: Shallow Regionalism, Political Abstinence andEconomic Imperatives”, BIISS Journal, January 2000, Vol. 21 No. 1, Dhaka,Bangladesh
Lama, Mahendra P, “Internal Displacement in India: Causes, Protection andDilemmas” Forced Migration Review, No 8, August 2000, Refugee Studies
Centre, Oxford University,46

Lama, Mahendra P, “Globalisation and South Asia: Capturing Primary Concerns
and Vulnerabilities” International Studies, Sage, April-June, 2001
Lama, Mahendra P,“Water Resources, Environment and Conflicts in South Asia”
in Sudhir Jacob (ed) Intra and Inter-State Conflicts in South Asia, South Asian
Publishers, Delhi, 2001
(2) Sobhan, Rehman, How Bad Governance Impedes Poverty Alleviation in
Bangladesh, Technical Papers No 143, OECD Development Centre, 1998, p 15
and Government of Bangladesh, The Fifth Five Year Plan 1997-2002, Planning
Commission, Dhaka, 1998, pp 147-155(3) Government of Pakistan, Economic Survey, 1999-2000, Islamabad, 2000, p 50
(4) Government of Pakistan, Economic Survey, 1997-98, Islamabad, p 43
(5) SAARC Secretariat, Regional Study on Green House Effect and its Impact on
the Region, 1992 and Regional Study on the Causes and Consequences of
Natural Disasters and the Protection and Preservation of the Environment,
1992, South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Kathmandu,
Nepal(6) World Bank,World Development Report 2000-2001, p 310

47

The Paradigm Shift Towards Sound Globalisation:
From Charity to Civil Rights, From Nation to Global
SocietyDr Ryu Jeong Soon
President, Korea Research & Consulting Institute on Poverty
Introduction
The wealth produced by today’s world is the greatest ever in the history ofhumankind. However, the gap between the rich and poor countries of theworld is becoming increasingly wider and many are trapped in the quagmire ofpoverty with no way out. According to a report issued by the IBRD, thedifference in income between rich and poor countries most drasticallyincreased after the Cold War during the 1990s when neo-liberal economic
policies came into practice. Not only that, the gap in incomes between rich andpoor within a given country is becoming increasingly wider.
This disparity in the distribution of wealth among Asian countries, whichsuffered terribly from the foreign currency crisis of 1997 and the sudden
outflow of short-term capital in those countries, is increasing at a critical rate.
In the case of Korea, the number of households with a state of living below thepoverty line increased by 50% in 1998 compared to that of 1997. Not only that,
the Gini Coefficient of all households, including those of private entrepreneurs
increased from 0.399 in 1997 to 0.440 in 1998.This reflects the critical disparityof the distribution of wealth in Korean society caused by the foreign currency
crisis.
The reason for such increase in poverty all over the world, as well as theincrease in the disparity of the distribution of wealth lies in a globalisation
process which has been ruthlessly pursued by neo-liberal economic policies that
promote unlimited competition and place an overly strong emphasis on winningand success. The rapid spread of market consumerism and neo-liberal
economic practices has caused the market to become an idol, leading
economists and policy makers to place everything at the mercy of market
forces, thereby forcing humankind to live not in an ordered society but in an
economic realm where the winner takes all and the loser is left with nothing.
As a result, the majority of the world’s population – except for those in the few
countries which have benefited thus far from this process of globalisation regard globalisation as a force which threatens their lifestyles, their living
environment, and their forms of government which exist to ensure theirsecurity and well being.
Samuel Huntington diagnosed the reason behind the September 11 incident asthat of a ‘clash of civilisations’. Some view it as a religious conflict. However, the48

true reason and cause of that incident was poverty. In other words, the root
cause of the September 11 incident was the despairing state of poverty for
those who have been excluded and marginalised from the process ofglobalisation because of their religious or cultural backgrounds. Thus, thecorrect response would be to address the issue of poverty and to eradicate thecauses of it. However, the response of the US was rage, violence, war andmurder. Because of the successful military campaign in Afghanistan, it seems as
if the US has been able to retaliate against those who oppose the American styleof globalisation and the American dominant world order. It further seems that
the US regards its success in Afghanistan as a ‘green light’ that allows it topursue and accelerate the American style of globalisation, with no strongly
opposing forces or groups.
Surely, there is no denying that the September 11 incident has raised the alarm
to rethink the problems of a neo-liberal globalised society that allows excess
production to dominate, and increases the disparity of wealth. It has also
revealed that the US, with its state-of-the-art military weapons and bestequipped armed forces was not without its soft spot and could be vulnerable
to a few men armed with knives and a willingness to sacrifice their lives to gain
their objectives. The military attack and invasion of Afghanistan by Americans
has only aggravated the issue and turned many more people against them. The
path that the Americans have chosen to take is like trying to cure a liver cancer
patient who has jaundice with facial powder. Although the light facial powder
applied to the patient means the symptoms of jaundice cannot be seen, it doesnothing to really treat or reverse the symptoms. It only puts off the inevitabledark facts of reality.
In the process of globalisation in accordance with neo-liberal economic policies,
and when Asian countries suffered the dramatic financial crisis of 1997, many
people committed suicide because of their losses in the stock market. The
middle class of society collapsed and disappeared. Numerous people became
jobless as a result of downsizing. Hundreds became homeless and entire families
were scattered before the strong winds of economic devastation.
The number of those affected and victimised by such economic devastation far
exceeds, by hundreds of thousands, the number of those who lost their lives
during the September 11 incident. If we define terror as the sudden and violent
killing of innocent civilians, is it not fair to call the suffering people in thesecountries the victims of terror committed by international hedge funds? Of
course, many of the people who call themselves investors would jump and say,“What are you talking about? All I did was make a sound financial decision”.
The very fact that such ‘innocent’ financial decisions on the part of totally goodwilled investors in one part of the world can have such devastating andcatastrophic life-taking results clearly points to a major deficiency in the current
system of neo-liberal capitalism. The possibility of this deficiency causing
another fatality any time in the near future continues to exist.

49

Even after four years have passed since the 1997 crash, there has been nocommon consensus or agreement that there is even a defect in the current neoliberal economic system, let alone any preventive measures to ensure that sucha fatal incident does not occur again. Even more alarming is the fact that varioustransnational companies have stepped up their level of despotic economic
activities. Of course, the perpetrators of the September 11 incident conducted
their work with malicious intent, and so they are in a way different from theshort-term operation of speculative capital, and as such subject to criticism.
However, the fact that their specific target was the World Trade Center, whichis the de facto symbol of today’s global market capitalism, must be understoodas a message urging us to address the problems and flaws of globalisation andto bring new order to the economic system.
In all fairness, we must admit that it makes no sense to bring the globalisation
process to a halt and scrap everything because of the rapid increase in thedevelopment of information and communication technology in today’s society.
However, the current process of globalisation inherently has many problems –it lacks any sense of community amongst participating members, has nosystematic process and practice of regulating the excessive strength and abusive
behaviour of developed countries and transnational companies which operate
in a political climate still based upon their geographical nation states.
The current practice of globalisation allows for the free movement of capitalacross national borders (while products are regulated through the use of thequota system), and transnational companies have the freedom to relocate
anywhere in the world. All of this freedom of movement is in areas where thedeveloped countries have a comparative advantage.
However, in areas where the developing and less developed countries have acomparative advantage – most notably in the area of human labour – strict
limitations enforced by the immigration laws of each country effectively stifle
any productive movement. Not only that, transnational companies can invest
and produce their materials in any country in the world. Yet the taxes fromtheir income and production are only paid to the country where their head
office is located.
No welfare benefits exist for the hundreds and thousands of poor that live inthose other countries that bring about such income.
As such, the global market is nothing but an uneven playing field where the richand powerful countries and companies with their economic power exploit androb the poor peoples of weaker countries.
It is only when we appropriate a system which equally develops the areas of
economics, politics, and social welfare, and put in place a safeguard which works
to alleviate the defects and market failure of the global market capital system

50

(so that those who are stronger actively seek to further the common good
rather than simply their individual wealth) that we can progress to a healthier
and wholesome form of globalised society.
As we stand on the threshold of a globalised society, the greatest task before
humankind is the establishment of one that is balanced in the areas of
economics, politics, and social welfare. However, it seems this is a far off dreamfor us at present. To address the reality of a less developed political and social
welfare system in today’s global society, we must slacken the speed of economic
globalisation currently being relentlessly pursued by the forces of capital andtransnational companies.We must allow for the development of the other two
aspects – politics and social welfare – to catch up, and thus balance the tripartite
columns that are needed to secure a sound and stable global society. This isimperative if we wish to prevent the fatal incidents of September 11 andanother Asian economic crisis. Also, the formation of blocs among regionalcountries must focus not only on the unification of the product and financial
markets, but also the labour market, much like the EU. The regional blocs, as a
network, must seek to unify the political and social welfare aspects of society.
This process of formulating regional cooperative blocs can naturally lead to abetter process of globalisation and a more unified global society.
The network of solidarity and globalisation of non-governmental organisations
which is a centre for the protest against the current way of globalisation issomething which is developing in parallel with the globalisation of the financial
market, the Internet, communication and modes of travel. As yet, there has been
no charismatic leader to emerge from the anti-globalisation camp. However, five
years ago, when a global solidarity network against the powers of globalisation
seemed like a dream, large-scale protests in Seattle,Washington DC, Davos andother areas pointed to opposing forces of globalisation with some financial
power and cohesiveness as a group. (Perhaps they will be acknowledged in due
course.) If the current process of globalisation continues to aggravate thepoverty of peoples and increase the disparity of wealth among nations andamong people within nations, the cohesive resentment and repercussions ofanti-globalisation groups will become volatile.This may well result in bringing thegolden tower thus far erected over the past 50 years by the market economic
system to a spectacular crash.
This article will seek to address the problems related with the neo-liberal
process of globalisation as well as review the current disparity between thepoor and rich in order to propose a healthy direction for the future
development of globalisation – one that enhances political and social welfare
areas of society, a balance between efficiency and equality, while at the sametime reduces the current speed of economic globalisation. There is analternative that properly addresses the deficiencies of the free wheeling market
system, a basic flaw inherent in the current capitalist system of globalisation.

51

The writer will also propose a new understanding of welfare from the current
form of charity to one which regards the pursuit of well-being as a basic civilright, regardless of one’s ethnic, geographic, religious or cultural background.
Such an understanding can provide for an alternative form of proper and healthy
globalisation. Also, the writer will seek to propose a paradigm shift in welfare
policy practices from a national level to a global level. Finally, the writer will seek
to discuss how to put the proposed new paradigm into effect.
The Causes of Poverty and Inequality
One Economic Unit, Many Social Units: In order for us to truly move intoa unified economic system, humankind must commonly possess a sense of
membership in one community. A unified economic system must be based on
this sort of social consciousness. According to the logic of neo-liberalism, as themarket becomes unified into one single market without restrictions andwithout the burden of having to provide social welfare benefits or labour
unions, there will be an increase in investments and productivity as a result of
the strong market forces.The market itself will increase consumption of goods,
which will increase the size of the ‘pie’, thereby increasing jobs andincorporating the jobless into the market. And this will bring about a better
society for all.
However, such logic is only applicable when the economic society and thepolitical society are closely integrated into one unit. In the current reality
where the mega industrial and financial powers are the de facto regulators ofglobal economy and one super country, the ‘US’ seeks its own country’s selfish
prosperity only – idealistic globalisation is impossible.
So long as the political realm is still limited by the borders of nation states,
globalisation is asymmetrical.We cannot say that we live in a global society, andas such, no matter how large the ‘pie’ gets, there is no system by which thebenefits of this pie can be shared among peoples across national boundaries.
Before opening the gates to economic globalisation, people in the world shouldshare as being members of one global community. Patriotism based on nation
country should be changed to philanthropy based on love of neighbours in one‘Earth village’.
The Asymmetry Between Economics and Politics: The current processof globalisation is a process based on a neo-liberalism, driven mainly by the US.
The US has increased its pressure on other countries to open their markets tomarket forces. Not only that, the US is increasingly attempting to incorporate
less developed countries’ economies into the larger industrial-financial capitalsystem, utilising these countries as production bases and at the same timeseeking to increase income through exploitation of these countries’ financial
markets (including the areas of insurance and the stock market).

52

This current process of globalisation has brought about unexpected
repercussions such as when the foreign exchange rate of South Africa dropped
by more than half during the war in Afghanistan. The decision made by US
President George W Bush to project his country’s power and to regain his
political position inside the US was the cause of much grief and pain for
numerous people in countries with no political relation with the US. Indeed, thiswas the cause of a wipe-out of half the wealth of the people in South Africa. The
people of South Africa had no way of addressing their grievances to the US
President, nor did the suffering and pain of the South African people have any
channel to affect the deliberation of George W Bush before he gave the order
to begin bombing Afghanistan. In such a way, while political activities remain
limited to the nation state, the liberation of economies in the global society
reflects a system that can only bring about unexpected adverse side effects.
These effects come from globalisation in disequilibrium. Without remedy toachieve balanced globalisation between economy and politics, world peacecannot be maintained.
The Asymmetry between Capital and Labour: There are two ways ofaccumulating wealth in the capitalist market economy. One is to work hard andearn one’s money through sweaty labour, and the other is to accumulate wealththrough capital gain that does not involve any difficult form of manual labour.
The current practice of globalisation allows free movement of capital acrossnational borders and easy relocation for transnational companies anywhere in
the world for the cheapest forms of labour. As mentioned, all of this freedomof movement is in areas where the developed countries have a comparativeadvantage. In developing and less developed countries, however, strict
limitations enforced by the immigration laws of each country effectively stifle
any productive movement under the premise of protecting the country’s
industries. Such policies as the Industrial Trainee System, or limiting the inflow
of foreigners through the issuance of tourist visas and other forms ofimmigration restrictions are increasing the number of immigrant workers with
‘undocumented’ status. This allows governments to ignore or simply deportthem when they become a social and political liability. Therefore, most of the
migrant workers who cross borders into other countries are subject to serious
cases of human rights abuse. In such ways, the current process of globalisation
allows for total freedom on the part of the rich and powerful while constricting
the freedom of poor labourers who are at a comparative disadvantage, thereby
bringing about disequilibrium. Balancing these disequilibrium of globalisation is
the first thing to be straightened out.
The Damage Caused by Speculative Hot Money: The people who benefit
the most during the current asymmetrical globalisation period are those who
operate short-term speculative capital investments. The financial capitals ofdeveloped countries have invented new kinds of financial derivatives – forexample, swaps, futures, options – and manipulated the international financial
market to their advantage, transferring vast amounts of borrowed money53

through electronic methods into new derived financial accounts, thereby
accumulating massive gains. Further to money market speculation, they go into
company speculation with junk bonds. And while they do these kinds oftransactions, mass labourers are made unemployed. Not only that, thespeculative capital invades the weaker financial systems of less developed
countries, wreaking havoc among foreign currency markets and the foreignexchange of that country. Of the total USD$1.5 trillion transacted throughfinancial markets globally each day, only two percent is for realistic trade in
products and services. Ninety-eight percent is speculative financial capitaltransactions seeking capital gains.
It was just such speculative foreign financial capital that shook the Asian
economies in late 1997. They were in no way able to stand against the massive
weight of these funds entering and receding from their financial markets. Not
only did these financial speculators wreak havoc among the Asian economies, they
showed no remorse for their actions and blamed the chaos as a lack of‘competitiveness’ and ‘knowledge’ in regards to the international financial market
system. Not one cent of their capital gain, which was taken from the lessdeveloped countries without any labour input, was returned to these countries
in the form of taxes. This is because the less developed countries are powerlessto levy taxes on these international financial transactions. Global society is unable
to develop an alternative to tame the tiger of international financial capital, or the
US that is currently wielding super power over the world.
The Asymmetry Between Economics and Welfare: As long as nationalboundaries and country borders exist to separate the global community
politically, despite the massive amounts of wealth accumulated by trans-national
companies which operate anywhere in the world with impunity and theunregulated freedom of the international financial market, all proceeds fromsuch income will only be used as the financial assets of the countries where theheadquarters of companies are situated. Not a cent will be available for thewelfare of the hundreds of thousands of poor in less developed countries where
the profit was taken. There will only be a small trickling of financial support in
the form of charity. In the current situation where political society remains
divided according to nation states, and where a welfare system at a global levelis non-existent, the movement towards globalisation of economic society will
only be imbalanced. It will simply be a ‘heaven’ for those transnational
companies and limited number of countries and people who have the‘competitive advantage’ while being a ‘living hell’ for the majority of the masses.
Market Instability: According to the advocates of the ‘Butterfly Theory’, abutterfly flapping its wings in the US can be the cause of a typhoon in China, half
way around the world. However, current experiences – of the collapse offinancial stock markets all over the world, the speed and degree of economic
recession in countries throughout the world, an increase in unemployment as aresult of the aftershock of the September 11 incident and the war in Afghanistan54

– lend credibility to this ‘theory’ being more of a reality. Within the current
system of globalisation, the economic situation of one country is closely linked
with the economic situation of a neighbouring country. Each has an effect on theother, which makes recession a contagious disease among countries. Again, thisis because globalisation has only taken place in limited areas of economic
activity. The political activity of countries is encapsulated within theirgeographical boundaries and no global safeguard or social safety net is available.
Without building up many gates to protect market instability at the global level,
it will be difficult at times to control the galloping horse that is the market
economy.
Lack of True Virtues: The accelerated process of globalisation after the
1990s has become a force which has converted the value and worth ofhumankind into monetary terms, enforcing a ‘marketisation’ of our entire
society into a world so that it regards monetary gain and profit as the highest
motivation. The virtue of freedom – a value in modern society – has beenrelegated to be the ensuring force for private possession in the globalisation
process, thereby simply becoming a freedom to own and exploit at one’s will.
Not only that, the very virtue of equality has been corrupted within today’s
world of unlimited competition – to the extent that it is simply an equality
which is relatively applied according to one’s capability to adjust to the market
mechanism. Also, the current process of globalisation tends to identify society
and the market as one entity. So that the only ability, which is regarded as ability,
is that of profit gained through the most expedient means. It seems to be that
we live in the market, not in society.
As a result, areas of theology, philosophy, ethics, spirituality, and morality are nolonger regarded seriously and the ability to gain profit or ‘make money’ is theprimal virtue in today’s society. It is a well known fact that the work of great
thinkers and artists who left a lasting impression in the history of humankind,such as Socrates, Galileo, van Gogh, Mozart, and Marx remained unrecognised
during their lifetime, often living in poverty and hunger. All this goes to showthat the market system does not have an ability to properly assess and evaluate
the worth and value of products and services provided through human labour.
The greatest flaw in the capitalist system is that it leaves determination of thevalue of human individuals to market forces. Although the encouragement of
virtues and values is sorely needed, there is little possibility for the developmentof such values within the current atmosphere of the market-dominated neoliberal society. Not only that, we are currently committing the fault of drivingout counsellors from the labour market – counsellors who may lead us toalternatives for social problems faced in the areas of spiritual and moral virtues.
As a result, social philosophy, which forms the basis of social structure, has been
weakened and the spirit of community has given way to ‘jungle capitalism’ where
only the fittest survive. The global society patterned according to the neo-55

liberal globalisation process cannot put forth alternatives for the social
contradictions of capitalism, the flaws of the market system or the failure of themarket. It cannot posit alternative values and virtues, or enable true ethics andmorals to take root. It is a society which is structurally contradictory and which
only aggravates division and disparity.
The biggest reason why globalisation is not properly taking place is because themajority of individuals in the world still think along national lines and they aremainly concerned with their individual survival. The more than six billion peopleof the world all possess different characteristics, abilities and skills, while eachcountry and nation have their own specific history, culture and religion. The
lifestyles of some communities in the most remote parts of Africa and Asia still
resemble that of the Stone Age. If all the individuals who currently live together
in the world truly wanted to prosper together in a global society, they would
have to share a common consciousness as global citizens and be willing tosacrifice some of their individual benefits for the sake of the whole global
society. It is only when those who reside in more developed and prosperous
countries are able to step beyond their personal interests and to stand insolidarity with the suffering peoples on the other side of the world that we cansay the basic infrastructure for a truly healthy and global society has been
established.
Longing for An Equal Society: If we do not formulate a system whereby
we can support the social welfare policies for the benefit and protection of theweaker members of society on a global scale and simply seek to pursue market
efficiency for the profitability of the capitalists and transnational companies, wewill only succeed in formulating a global society which strengthens profits of thestronger and more developed countries while impoverishing the majority ofother countries and peoples in these countries. If we fail to balance thedisparity of the current process of globalisation, the gap between the rich andpoor will become worse.
The continuation of this form of globalisation will only breed, in the heart of the
excluded and marginalised majority, a ‘yearning for a society where eachindividual works according to one’s skills and receive according to one’s needs’.
The cause of the September 11 incident can be analysed as a desperate action
taken by those who are suffering in the quagmire of extreme poverty because
their way of life and their cultural background do not match the religious andmoral trend of jungle capitalism’s globalisation. Having no legitimate way of
expressing their desperation or having their grievances properly addressed, theychose to vent their frustration in the only imaginable way they understood
could have an effect on the current trend of globalisation. Although the US may
feel that they have done justice to the terrorists by winning the battle in
Afghanistan, they have only increased the ‘yearning for a society where eachindividual works according to one’s skills and receive according to one’s needs’.

56

Possibility of the Downfall of Mankind: The September 11 incident has
shown quite clearly that a small number of extremists can carry out
simultaneous acts of terror, which can bring about a global economic recession.
Even groups without any financial ability and limited learning can come together
as a volatile force against the process of globalisation if they consolidate theirstrength to protest against the current system which places the lives of the
majority under the suffering yoke of poverty.
Humankind produces enough goods and services for all if we are willing toshare with one another. Humankind has no other natural enemy except itself
which is caught in a dangerous conflict due to the present process ofglobalisation. The fittest survive according to the law of competitive selection.
However, the fittest should know that nobody wants to lose. When there aremany losers, the only way for them to challenge a few winners is toconglomerate their powers and fight. It is also the law of natural survival. In an
era where even those who are limited in financial resources and scientificknowledge are able to manufacture nuclear weapons, bio-chemical weapons andother weapons of mass destruction, the conflict and tension between rich andpoor, developed countries and less developed countries, can bring about theunthinkable possibility of the downfall of all of humankind. The best way toprevent this disaster is to share the wealth and opportunity of life with lesscompetitive people and help underdeveloped countries to be in line.
Poverty & Inequality in The Process of Globalisation
Situation in Korea after the Foreign Exchange Crisis
After the sudden currency crises in ‘97, many Asian countries experienced
serious recession. Korea was no exception. People suffered fromunemployment, poverty and inequality. In this section, I look at how globalisation
caused Asian people’s lives to deteriorate. I will be looking at newly evoked
problems in Korean society under the IMF relief loan system.
Povertisation: <Table 1> outlines the poverty rate in the period following theoutbreak of the foreign exchange crisis.According to the table, the poor people
among urban working households increased dramatically from ‘97 to ‘98. In one
year, absolute poverty rate increased to 21.3% from 13.7%.
<Table 1> Poverty Rate

Absolute Poverty Rate(%)

‘97

‘98

‘99

13.7

23.5

20.1

Source: “Poverty Conditions for the Rep. of Korea in the Aftermath of the Financial
Crisis”, PSPD, 2000. pp38.

57

According to <Table 2> the poverty population increased from 5.4 million to
9.5 million in one year from ‘97 to ‘98. This figure clearly shows how
international hot money affected lives of Korean people in the aftermath of thefinancial crisis.
<Table 2> Yearly Scope of Poverty Population(Unit: million)
Poverty Population under the Absolute Poverty Line

‘97

‘98

‘99

5.4

9.5

8.1

Deterioration of Distribution Structure: As shown in <Table 3>, the Gini
coefficient among all households using estimated income based on expenditure
for non-salary worker households in ‘98 was 0.440: much higher than 0.399 in‘97. Also, the Gini coefficient among salary worker households went up from
0.28 to 0.320 during the period. Although the economy was better in ‘99,
inequality was exacerbated.
<Table 3> Income Inequality
Gini Coefficient

‘97

‘98

Among All
0.39
Households Using 9
Estimated Income
Based onExpenditure forNon-salary Worker
Households

0.44
0Gini Coefficient,
0.28
among Salary
3
Worker Households

0.31
6

1/4 qt.
‘99

2/4 qt.
‘99

0.45
3

3/4 qt.
‘99

4/4 qt.
‘99

0.43

N/A

0.42
3

6

‘99 0.320

Source: Quality of Life of Koreans, Korea Institute for Health And Social Affairs, 2000.
As shown in <Table 3> the richest 20% households’ income was 4.3 times morethan the lowest 20% households’ income in ‘97 - and increased to 5.7 times
more in ‘99. In the case of the US, it was 5.3 times in 1980. However it wasincreased to 10 times in 1992. This increase shows that the distribution
structure has been Americanised along with the spread of neo-liberalism after
the financial crisis.The gap between the rich and the poor will widen still further.

58

<Table 4> Income Gap

Upper 20% Strata’s income divided by lower 20%

‘97

‘98

‘99

4.3

5.1

5.7

Source: “Poverty Conditions for the Rep. of Korea in the Aftermath of the Financial
Crisis”, PSPD, 2000.
The Inequality of Education: According to the results of my analysis using
urban households survey data from the National Statistics office, the average
household education expenditure of the richest 25% households was 4.6 times
that of the lowest 25% households in ‘96. It went up to 9.5 times in the third
quarter in ‘99.The rapid rising gap will lead to hereditary poverty and a vicious
cycle of poverty and forecasts of unstable social mobility.
Information Divide: According to the White Paper (1999, National
Computerization Agency of Korea), in the three year period from ‘96 to ‘99, thegap of computer use between the highest income group (monthly income overfour million Korean won) and the lowest income group (monthly income lessthan one million Korean won) dramatically increased from 1.56:1 to 2.83:1. PC
communication use went up from 3.03:1 to 3.63:1, Internet use from 3.45:1 to
4.11:1. From this result, we will see the difference in financial ability to buy
communication equipment, pay for Internet fees and learn computer operations
to make the labour market competitiveness gap bigger between the rich and thepoor. In the upcoming digital intelligence society, rich people can develop theirpotential ability without money constraints. However, poor people's access tocomputers is restricted by poverty. This forecasts the possibility of hereditary
poverty and the fixation of poverty.
The change from regular workers to temporary workers: The Korean
government tried severe structural readjustment under the supervision of theInternational Monetary Fund. In the process of restructuring, many regular
workers changed their status to temporary workers. Women workers’
temporisation was especially common, meaning less salary and more insecurity.
Temporary workers are not covered by social insurance, unemployment benefit
or retirement benefit.As this process went on, the number of people in insecure
employment increased so that in 2002, the total percentage of temporary
workers was 53% of total labour. Povertisation of temporary workers is a big
social problem in Korea together with the temporisation of labor.
Early Retirement: As structural readjustment processes went on, many
workers aged in their 50s were forced to retire. (The retirement age has been
increasingly lowered, particularly for women.) Most of these middle-aged
unemployed are heads of households and the loss of their job not only means
financial problems, including reduced capability to educate children, but also lossof dignity. These people's opportunity to get a job is so low that they are59becoming the poor in despair. Most Korean men start working in 30s because
they have to serve in the army. If they retire at the age of 55, considering mortalage (75), they could be employed for only one third of their lifetime. Women’s
participation in economic activity is only 48%. This situation means that only
about 20% of the total population works, and supports the remaining 80%.
Those aged 30-40 who survived restructuring have to face severe competition
and they are working under extreme stress. Even if someone is young andcompetitive, his or her quality of living is low because of the high stress and thenecessity to take care of many family members or pays high tax for social
security. For whose quality of living was this restructuring?
Migrant Workers’ Human Rights Problem: In order to survive, industries
desperately sought to save on labour costs. Many migrant workers are hired asa result. There are 570,000 migrant workers in Korea from 40 different
countries all over the world. Without the help of these migrant workers,
marginal industries in Korea could not survive. The Korean government
accepted taking advantage of these low salary migrant workers – 46% of whom
are undocumented. This is much more than 30% in Japan, and five percent in
Taiwan.They suffer in the ‘blind spot’ of human rights.
World Provision
Povertisation & Exacerbation of Distribution Structure: Due to scienceand technology development, the total wealth produced in the world is bigger
than at any other time in history. However, 2.8 billion people, who are about halfof the total human beings living in the world, are living on USD$2 or less in a day(IBRD). Although information technology develops at a high speed, about half ofthe people living on earth have never used a telephone. According to a UNDP
report, in 1961, the richest people at 20% occupied 70.2% of the total wealthaccumulated by all human beings. However, in 1991, this figure jumped to 84.7%.
Also, in 1961, wealth owned by the richest 20% people was 30 times that of thelowest 20% of peoples’ wealth.This figure increased to 60 times as much in 1991.
These statistics show how fast inequality is deepening as globalisation goes on.
Expansion of jungle capitalism, or globalisation based upon neo-liberalism, seems
to worship the market god and doesn’t care about poor people’s quality of life.
The market is creating 20:80 societies. By ignoring reasonable complaints of thepoor, the inequality will surely exacerbate the discontent and bad morale that
already exists in the world.
Poor Countries’ Povertisation & Debt Problems: The core cause ofpovertisation in underdeveloped countries is Debt. According to a WCC
report, poor countries’ debt to IBRD, IMF, etc in the years from 1980 to 1990
amounted to USD$972 billion. Although they have already paid principal plus
interest amounting to USD$1,400 billion which is much more than the money
they borrowed, USD$1,650 billion are still due.These countries borrow money60

to pay debt and the debt snowballed. Also, multinational business houses go tothese poor countries and compel them to produce farming products forexport.They pay low wages, move air and river-polluting factories in, destroy theenvironment and deprive local people of their land which is the base of theirlives. As globalisation accelerates, this trend is getting severe.
Migrant Workers’ Human Rights: Nowadays, more than one million people
have left their own country and work in other countries.The reliance on foreignlabour is likely to grow, due to the increasing unwillingness of developed
countries’ workers to take on so-called ‘3D’ (difficult, dirty and dangerous) jobs.
But most of them are undocumented and work illegally. Governments indeveloped countries seem to ban foreign workers however, although they open
the gate for them as tourists, trainees, etc in order to protect marginal domestic
industries. Developed countries’ governments and employers exploit migrant
workers severely by paying them low wages, letting them work in dangerous
environments, which include beatings, rapes and not paying salaries. Developed
countries’ marginal industries are surviving at the cost of migrant worker’s
sacrifices. Developed countries are enjoying prosperity based upon this
exploitation and deprivation. In 1990, the United Nations promulgated The
International Convention for the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers andMembers of Their Families.The most effective safeguards to the rights of migrant
workers would be to ratify this convention. However, not a single developed
country (which consider themselves civilised and guardians of human rights)
have ratified the 1990 UN Convention.
Paradigm Shift Towards Sound Globalisation
No other alternative except Paradigm ShiftWith the rapid development in the areas of communication and information, theprocess of globalisation is something which cannot be reversed, nor can we
attempt to bring it to a total stop. Therefore, this article will not attempt toassert the position of anti-globalisation but rather to propose an alternative ofsound globalisation.
The process of sound globalisation is based on a love for humankind and a senseof charity. It seeks a change in paradigm to that which attains a level of public
service on a global scale, along with a consciousness of solidarity among
inhabitants of a global society thereby ensuring civil rights of individuals from a
global social perspective. It also involves a shift in paradigm to allow for theconstruction of a public welfare society at a global level, reorganising politicaland social systems that are currently divided according to nation states.
Many people voice their concerns of whether a transnational level of social
welfare is possible in today’s reality of complicated and intricately related
diverse interests of different nation countries, religious groups and races. They61

question whether we have already opened the Pandora’s box. However, themodern form of democratic society, as we know it, was not simply a one
directional development, but a process with progression and regression,
continuity and discontinuity, according to the opinions of people who form
society. Not only that, learning from the history which our ancestors went
through, it is possible to diagnose current problems and to forecast the future
pattern of social change in such a way that will allow for proper adjustment.
It is true that the possibility of changing the paradigm of social welfare from thatof charity to the protection of citizen’s social rights, and from a national level toa global level, seems unsurmountable at present. However, if we truly wish forworld peace, we must take the first step and be willing to take the necessary
steps afterwards to formulate a system that will be beneficial for the wholeworld. We must realise that it is only when the richer countries and the richer
people of a global society are willing to bear some sort of sacrifice and share
their wealth with the poor – and try to resolve the disparity problem thatcurrently exists so that the basic rights of marginalised people are secured andthere is hope for living conditions to improve – that we can avert a violent
confrontation.
When the idea of eight hours of work in a day or public education was firstpresented by Communists, it seemed to be very radical. However nowadays, it
is common. We made this common after making such a big sacrifice with theCommunists. Now in the early stage of globalisation, we human beings are facing
a similar situation. If we are smart enough to learn lessons from theCommunists’ rise and fall, we should hurry to shift paradigms before being
challenged by the exploited people’s rise up. This seems impossible right now
but we have to make it possible to prevent disaster. If the current way of
globalisation goes on with continued abuse of power by the rich and richcountry market societies, rampant lawlessness and disorder will bring about its
ruin, not to mention its non-development.There is no other alternative but tomake a paradigm shift.
From Charity to Protection of Civil Rights
Although we can allow for the capitalist competitive system to rule ourmarkets, we cannot allow it to rule our societies. True globalisation must secure
the basic right to a humane way of life as a member of one society, even if that
individual may not be able to participate fully in the market system due to failureof endeavour.
In the past, European countries provided a form of social security, which
protected the quality of life of the citizen from the cradle to the grave, indeed
even from the womb to the grave. However, along with rapid changes whichcame about as a result of the neo-liberal globalisation process, the European
countries, under the logic of reducing the role of government, began to reduce62the budget for public expenditure – such as for education and health services,and others on behalf of socially weak and marginalised peoples.
For most of the less developed and developing countries, the idea of citizen’ssocial rights has not firmly taken root yet.And due to the budgetary constraint
and lack of consciousness of ‘Basic Social Rights’, there is no legislation that
secures the rights of the people. Therefore, for most of the people who lose
their jobs in the developing and less developed countries as a result of thestructural adjustment or downsizing of companies in accordance with themarket policies of neo-liberalism, it not only means a loss of job, it means
jeopardising basic human rights of survival. By establishing a social realm, which
is not affected by the forces of the market, we can be protected against disaster
caused by marketisation. We do not live in the market, but a society, and it isimperative for a society to secure the basic civil rights of its members. In
contrast to the neo-liberal logic which places all the blame of market failure on
the individual and which asserts a reduction of public expenditures,
deregulation, privatisation and the abolishment of public morals and community
consciousness, we should build up public areas.
Until now, assistance accorded the poor has been from the perspective of
charitable giving. We must now seek a shift in our paradigm so that we
recognise the security of a minimum standard of living as an essential humandignity to be provided by society. This section will seek to present the theoryof civil rights as a basis for reorganising the social welfare system and increasingsocial welfare programs, as well as an alternative argument for a community
which transcends neo-liberalism.
Civil Rights: The civil right of an individual includes his/her right to participate
in the decision-making process of the community as one of its members. TH
Marshall describes civil rights as having three dimensions, namely civic rights,
political rights, and social rights. Civil rights include the right to welfare, as well
as social rights that incorporate all the areas of rights related to the way of life
for humankind in a cultural society. In other words, this includes the right toreceive public service, the right to be protected from the violence of the market
and its unequal structures, the right to equal treatment of women, the rights ofchildren, the right not to be discriminated against because of one’s geographicalbackground, as well as the right of the weak in the labour market. Civil rights
is an aggressive right in that it is the right to be protected from all unequal
structures and the violence of the market which causes discrimination
regardless of one’s social class.
Labour Rights: In a broad sense, labour rights are the right to participate in
the labour market, the right to association in labour groups as and whennecessary, the right to participate in political procedures as a member of agroup, the right to participate in social policies and the right to receive welfare
benefits of social security programmes. In a stricter sense, labour rights are the63right to participate in productive activities according to one’s abilities and toreceive proper payment for one’s work – in short, the right to be protectedfrom unemployment.
The Right to Life: In a broad sense, the right to life means ‘the realisation of
the right to live as a human being’. In the stricter sense, the right to life is theright of those who are living below the poverty line to be recipients of astandard of living that reflects the minimum sustenance needed in that society.
Therefore, this is a right which ensures that whether a person is unable to be
the beneficiary of a job in the labour market, or is not working, that person isstill eligible to receive some income from society.
Civil Rights and Welfare Policy: The right to financial support or theprovision of services that satisfy the need for one’s welfare is a specific basic
right that each individual can claim or demand of the government. If a country
is serious about securing its citizens’ civil rights, then the right to life must takeprecedence over any other legal rights, such as that of right to private
possession. Citizens’ social rights must firstly be secured in the distribution of
resources through the budgeting scheme of the government over any otherpriority. Also, since the welfare-related expenses necessary to maintain the
integrity of civil rights is a necessary expense which the government and all
citizens must bear in order to maintain their community, the government must
work to collect more taxes in the event that the national budget does notprovide the sufficient resources necessary. However, the process of setting anational budget must go through the decision-making body of a national
assembly or congress of elected officials who must overcome those welfare
theorists who are more aligned with the market mechanisms, as well as those
conservative politicians who speak on behalf of the profit of large businesses.
The path of gathering more taxes acts as a burden on the majority of thepeople, and so the policy of using public funds to support social welfare may
meet the reluctance of citizens to pay more taxes. A method which allows thegovernment to circumvent such opposition, while at the same time ensuring
civil rights and securing the necessary financial resources for social welfare,
would be to make full use of social security policies such as the utilisation of
public property, social insurance, and various stipends.
The realm of civil rights security can be separated into the areas of food,clothing, housing, medical care, education, transportation, and household
appliance use. Among these, the areas of food and health are those which mustfirst be addressed in order to alleviate absolute poverty. Also, with the spreadof neo-liberal market policies, there is a growing disparity in the areas ofhousing, education and communication among individuals in a society, thus
highlighting these areas as problem areas. The following is a more detailed lookat these problem areas.

64

Food/Medical Care: Nearly one half of the world’s population lives on an
income which is less that USD$2, and numerous people in Africa and Asia sufferfrom hunger. Food and medical care are both essential basic necessities which
are needed to secure one’s right to life, and as such, the provision of basic
foodstuffs must be the first priority. In developed countries, nearly all citizens
receive the benefit of medical insurance. However, with the adoption of neoliberal economic policies, the privatisation of health related sectors is on theincrease. This implies that countries are moving in a direction that is opposite
to that of ensuring the basic right to medical care for poor people. The basic
rights of the masses must be secured by the society. The number of people in
Africa and Asia who die because they are unable to receive proper medical careis so large as to be incalculable.
Housing: Many countries face a shortage of adequate housing for theircitizens. As such, poorer people who are unable to own homes have to contend
with high monthly rent fees for inadequate living quarters. Even in the richest
cities such as Paris, New York and Tokyo, there are numerous street people. We
cannot say that civil rights (in this case the right to housing) are properly being
secured for these people in such a situation. Despite these dismal housing
conditions in many countries, most governments do not regard the lack of
housing as a violation of a basic civil right of their citizens that should be
addressed through appropriate social policies. Therefore, these governments
regard housing as a market commodity. They attempt to provide financial
support for homebuyers and reduce the shortage of housing by encouraging
private construction companies to build more homes for sale on the market.
This is why the general public mistakenly regards houses not as homes or placesof abode, but as investment assets. In such countries, those above the middle
class of income, who have the freedom of extra financial resources and caninvest in buying houses, are able to secure themselves from any losses that may
come from a high rise in inflation or rise in rent. Those in the lower income
situations must continuously struggle with high rent with little hope of breaking
out of this cycle of poverty. This leads to a situation where people build illegal
homes on other people’s property, as well as those who occupy other people’s
homes, which does become a social problem. In order to properly secure thebasic civil right of housing, we must place a higher priority on securing the rightto life for the poor, rather than the right to private possession for the rich. In
more specific terms, land and buildings that are not being utilised to their fullpotential, should be made available for public use in accordance with the needof society. The assertion of people and groups to utilise empty warehouses,
buildings and land for social, productive and cultural activities is not only ademand to secure the right to life for the poor, but also to stand against the
speculative activities and waste of resources that have become a part of thecapitalist way of life.
Education: In many parts of the world, there are still countless numbers ofpeople who are unable to receive education because of poverty and who as a65

result are illiterate. With the emergence of English as the language medium thatis most widely used in the world, the ability to articulate one’s thoughts in
English has become a basic necessity in today’s globalised world.Those children
who are growing up in countries where English is used in daily life require no
extra money to acquire proficiency in English. However, those children who live
in countries that do not use English for daily conversation must pay for
expensive tutoring and lessons. In order to properly address this unequal
situation, it is only proper that the countries where English is a public language
should be asked to support the education of young people in countries that arenot. The student from a non-English speaking country who goes to study in an
English speaking country should also receive financial support for his/her studies
there. However, the current situation of national level politics has put thegreater burden of the cost of education upon students from other countries.
The more developed countries invest vast amounts of capital in information
education while some poor students in developing countries have no access toelectricity, let alone computers. The increase in unequal access to education
opportunities will act as a cause for the fixation of poverty and the inheritanceof poverty among the poor.
Social Reform Activities for the Protection of Civil Rights: A Case of
Korean NGOs.
Background: From the 1960s until the mid-1990s Korea averaged an annual
eight percent GNP growth rate with close to full employment.The problem ofpoverty had not been seriously considered in Korea prior to 1997 and any
direct government attempts at reducing poverty through social welfare policy
were not seriously undertaken.
However, the social and economic shock from the foreign exchange crisis in ‘97
was something never experienced and the problem of poverty in Korea entereda different phase. It is deemed quite problematic that the poverty anddistribution disparity was dramatically aggravated.
Poverty countermeasures taken by the government before 1999 were carriedout through the Livelihood Protection System.This is a system that provides a
subsidy to the extremely poor who are incapable of working i.e. elderly, disabled
only. It neglected the unemployed poor who are capable of working.The adventof the foreign exchange crisis in 1997, the increase in unemployment and thegrowing number of poor people proved the ineffectiveness of suchgovernmental poverty countermeasures in dealing with the poverty problem.
Many criticise the welfare policies of the Kim Dae Jung government as being
inadequate to deal with the rapid changes in today’s society. Some criticise theenlargement of the welfare policy by saying that it is ineffective and counterproductive. NGOs urged the government to seek a new social policy paradigm.
The new social policy paradigm should present a vision for a new social

66

structure, not remaining at the level of simply improving the present system andincreasing the provision of welfare by the public sector. More specifically it must1) be based upon the protection of citizen’s social rights; 2) increase the national
welfare coverage; 3) readdress the current government spending which isprimarily oriented to economic progress and the military; 4) restructure the tax
system (which increases direct and progressive taxes).
In order for such a new paradigm to be effective in redistributing the wealth ofsociety and eradicating the social problem of poverty, the civil and labour
sectors of society pooled together to strengthen and consolidate theirpositions. They needed to secure the basic social right – the right to a dignified
existence in society – and present this as the new social policy paradigm.
NGOs succeeded in enacting legislation: The Basic Life Protection Act(BLPA): In order for a new paradigm to be in effect, civil organisations had been
demanding that the government establish comprehensive and systemic poverty
countermeasures.The Peoples’ Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD),
one of the most influential civil organisations in Korea, had first demanded in
1995 that the government enact a law called the Livelihood Guarantee Act which
was similar to the BLPA. Before the foreign exchange crisis, the public demandfor enacting such a law wasn’t noticeable, and the government’s lack of volition
to enact such a law prohibited it from coming to pass. However, as theunemployment rate after the crisis surged, followed by the rise in the numberof the poor, about 60 NGOs got together and organised the Basic Life
Protection Solidarity, a strong movement to enact the BLPA.
The Act was to guarantee a minimum living standard through provision of apublic transfer to all households whose household income is lower than thepoverty line, regardless of the possession of work capability. There waswidespread public support for such measures. Indeed, it was obvious that thecrisis had aggravated poverty conditions and functioned as an inducement to
the Act’s passage. The NGOs’ effort was successful and the Act was passed in
the National Assembly in August 1999, taking effect in October 2000. Passageof the Act signifies the protection of citizens’ social rights by the public sector
with efforts initiated by civil organisations undoubtedly an important
contributing factor.
Theoretical Base of BLPA: It is a citizen’s basic social right “to live
maintaining human dignity” and it is the government’s duty to “protect the basicsocial rights of the people”. In passing BLPA, an individual citizen’s social rightto maintain a decent and humane standard of living had been legalised. As such,it provides an ideological and legal basis for government policy to place apriority in the national budget on welfare programs. Indeed, the passage of thisAct can be interpreted as a new vision for social policies: a paradigm shift froman extreme right side capitalistic policy to a Korean ‘third road’.

67Poverty Issues after the BLPA Enforcement: As it is clearly written downin the BLPA that it is the government’s duty to guarantee a minimum living
standard to all households whose household incomes are lower than thepoverty line, regardless of the possession of work capability – a citizen can sue
the government if it doesn’t perform its duty properly. However, when the
Enforcement Ordinance and Detailed Regulations for the application of the
BLPA were announced, people were shocked because it was far from the BLPA's
spirit of legislation. People were even more shocked when the law took effectin Oct 2000. The government’s subsidy was too small. So the protection level
was far too low to maintain the minimum living costs. Coverage was restricted
to 1.5 million people: only 15% of the total number of the people under theminimum cost of living (about USD$700 per month for four member
households). The budget for the protection of a minimum living standard was
cut down to a level even less than the previous year. Effectively, the Kim Dae
Jung government couldn’t control the bureaucrats. Also, it became clear thatwhile the majority of Korean people agree with the basic idea of the Act, they
don’t want to open their wallets. As a consequence, poverty issues in Korea
went into different phase. NGOs now had to focus to secure a higher budget
allocation. In 2002, a considerable increase in the budget amount wasannounced. However, it is still not enough to protect all the eligible people.The
NGOs protest is still going on.
Global Perspectives: The current model of development, which has been inplace from the 1960s onward, has exploited and marginalised the weak and has
kicked less competitive peoples into a slough of poverty. The neo-liberal
economic globalisation ideology weakens the power and influence of nation
states, privatises capital, and abandons the social security systems of societies towallow in the waves of its wake. It is now time for us to put a stop to it. The
new paradigm is to build up the public sector, which is not ruled by the market
principle. So far, Korea is the only one Asian country that has shifted the social
welfare paradigm from charity to protection of the citizen’s social rights.
However, this is the way to build up the areas where the market principle
doesn’t apply and how to supplement the defect of market system. Without
such a safety net, social solidarity is in jeopardy. Japan’s per capita GNP is thesecond highest in the world. However, the concept of social welfare is still‘charity’. Protection of the minimum cost of living by the public sector is notlegalised yet. Other countries need to share a common perspective and prepare
counter measures similar to BLPA in Korea. People in the ‘global village’ should
consolidate together to protect basic social rights. People in the global village
must get together and try to make systems to protect citizens’ basic social
rights. Preparing proper welfare systems in each country, in each bloc, andultimately throughout the Earth village, is the only alternative to a soundglobalisation. Although it looks far and difficult for the dream to come true, we
haven’t got any other choice. We have to build up a global village, which isbalanced between efficiency and equality.

68

From Nation Country to Global Society: Alternatives for Attaining a
Paradigm ShiftSeek Co-existence: The current practice of operating social welfare policies
within the boundaries of nation states has made social welfare something which
is limited to a few who live in richer developed counties. Similar social welfare
is far out of the reach of those in the poorer, less developed countries. In orderfor humankind to live peacefully together, it is essential to seek co-existence.We
have to try to recover humanity based on love and extend social welfare system
for the less developed countries in Asia and Africa.
Most of the poor countries lack money to build up a welfare system. However,
if we were to live in one globalised society, poor people in poor countries
should be recipients of a global welfare system. They are eligible poor for
negative tax (welfare subsidy). Due to the lack of love and consciousness as amember of the same society, developed country people are very indifferent to
the poor country peoples’ pain caused by poverty.
The deep root cause of the September 11 tragedy is rich country peoples’ lackof understanding and sympathy for the poor in other countries. In order toprevent the catastrophe of unilateral destruction and seek a productive way ofcommunal existence in the era of globalisation, we must strive to establish aninternational level welfare society where everyone lives together in the spirit ofsharing. In order for us to progress in that direction, we must diagnose theproblems existing in the current process of globalisation. Political & social
communities remain in the conventional nation state, while global marketisation
speeds up, ignoring all nation state boundaries. Hence, we must take concrete
steps forward to build up a ‘welfare Global Society’.
The Red Light to an Extensive Pursuit of Efficiency: If we do not slow
down the current tempo of neo-liberal globalisation and rapidly work to
supplement our current social systems with a way of life that secures thecommunal existence of marginalised countries and people groups – even at therisk of reducing the level of efficiency we have attained and would like tomaintain – the world will fall into a severe conflict between rich and poor
countries, in the end leading to the downfall of all of us. We must regard theSeptember 11 incident as an event where the fuse has been burned down. It is
the sound of alarm in regards to the crisis of integration that an extensive
pursuit of efficiency can cause. The war against terrorism is only a reaction thatwill aggravate the current situational crisis. The only fundamental solution thatcan prevent the overheating of the entire world is to enhance the process ofglobalisation in the areas of politics, society and welfare even if this means that
we sacrifice the profits of the efficiency. We must reduce the tempo of
economic globalisation until the other areas of globalisation has progressed toa similar level and work to support and develop the less developed countries.

69

Strengthening the Morals, Consciousness and Responsibilities of the
Rich: After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc countries in
the 1990s, the US became the sole superpower country in the world without
any serious contenders. The more developed countries of the world that havethe advantage of possessing vast financial resources, the infrastructure to allow
them a decisive advantage in the gathering and utilisation of information, and thelanguage (English) skills needed in today’s world, have a marked position which
is beyond anything that the developing or less developed countries can everhope to attain. Despite this marked advantage, the US is forcing weaker
countries to enter the ring to engage in an uneven game which takes no regardof the differences in the ‘weight class’ of the contenders in the ring. This ‘game’is an all out unlimited form of competition, which not only pits individuals
against each other, but also puts nation against nations in a no-restriction gameof survival. This game is structured in such a way that only the developed andstronger countries can win. The process of dragging weaker developing
countries into the ring of globalisation where only the stronger developed
countries have any chance of winning is resulting in the exploitation of thepoorer developing countries and impoverishing them, thereby leading to ashortage in possible consumption which is not appropriate for developing
nations.
The intellectuals, entrepreneurs and politicians of the developed countries who
hold the key to globalisation must rally behind the values of moral
consciousness and ethical renewal with an accurate awareness of the current
contradictions present in the process of globalisation. In order to encourage theestablishment of a welfare society which can prevent the bloody confrontationand conflict among humankind that we have already experienced (such as during
the birth of Communism), the world must heed the warning of the red light thatis alerting us of the crisis toward which all of us are heading. The September 11
incident is a signal we must take seriously and begin to utilise our wisdom to
put forth alternatives and measures that can rectify the problems inherent in
the present process of globalisation.
Only when the developed countries begin to decide their policies, not merely
from a country-centred patriotic perspective, but from the perspective of
exercising responsible citizenship with a moral responsibility to step beyond thesimple pursuit of their own benefits to seek the well being of the whole global
society, can a solution be found.
Restoration of Virtues Based on Community Awareness: Whencapitalism was first introduced, the basic contradictions inherent in it – such as
the excessive use of force, exploitation of labour, and the impoverishment of
weaker social groups who were unable to adjust to the market system –became a serious social concern. As a result of social conflict resulting fromsuch contradictions, Communism was born and the world became engulfed ina bloody battle between these two ideologies. Western capitalistic countries

70realised the truth, after observing the threat of Communism, and began tostrengthen their welfare policies in order to lessen the economic disparity
between the rich and the poor. Because the strengthening of welfare policies
entails richer individuals in society forfeiting an increasing amount of theirincome as taxes, the implementation of such policies is not possible without
self-sacrificial ethical rules that form a sharing community which works toensure the survival and well-being of all its participants. By supplementing theflaws in the capitalist market system through the strengthening of welfare
policies, capitalism was able to overcome the threat posed to it by Communism.
This was possible because the Anglo Saxon culture of the Western countries
was rooted in Christian faith.
Restoration of virtues based upon love of humankind, sense of solidarity withthe weak, and the willingness to work toward an equal and sharing community
is the only cure. As we are entering into the era of a globalised society, weneed to encourage the growth of a sense of community among the societies ofthe developed countries, and seek ways to supplement a global social system on
the basis of humanity and love, and establish a welfare system on a global scale
which will alleviate the problem of poverty.
Alternative for Preventing the Re-emergence of Communism:
Through the process of evolution, humankind has come to stand at the pinnacleof the food chain. There is no natural enemy who can dare to threaten
humankind. The only threat to humankind is humankind. In such a situation, if
the process of globalisation continues to simply benefit the minority of 20% of
people who have got a competitive advantage living in developed and stronger
countries, there will come a time when the rules of natural survival come intoplay on the part of the poorer majority who will fight to claim their portion.
Driven to the extreme, one may even say that the possible form of globalisation,
which can benefit all of humankind, is the globalisation of Communism.
However, the inefficiency of the Communist system and the fact that
Communism only works to downgrade the living standards of everyone insociety under the name of equality has already been proven to us.
Nevertheless, the slogan that the Socialist system brings equal distribution of
wealth to all is a sweet enticement to the majority of those who are being
marginalised because they are deemed ‘uncompetitive’ in the market.
The extreme exploitation of the so-called uncompetitive members of society
and the poor countries during the early stages of economic globalisation, as wellas the lack of understanding and sensitivity for the differences in culture andreligion of diverse people have acted as primary forces which have festered aresentful group of terrorists and anti-globalisation activists. This is similar to thesituation during the early stages of capitalism when the extreme exploitation of
the workers gave cause for the rise of Communism. In another way of
expressing the same phenomenon, the ideals of equality and efficiency arecontradictory to each other. Therefore, if we seek to increase the efficiency of71

the neo-liberal competition system, we will increasingly aggravate the problemof the disparity of wealth distribution. Continuously seeking to increase theefficiency of the system, without taking any measures to rectify this fatal flaw inthe market, will only increase the resentment and resistance of the world’s
people.
We must strive toward a win-win society where the people of the poor
countries also have an equal opportunity to life. The world, and more especiallythe politicians and intellectuals of the Western world, must realise that this is
the reason for the rise of terrorist activities and is creating a crisis in the
integration of society into a truly global one.We must curb excessive pursuit ofcompetition and set up a worldwide sharing community to prevent reemergence of Communism.
Support Development of Poor Nations: If the vast amount of financial
resources that had been expended during the war in Afghanistan and the money
which is currently being used in Afghanistan had been utilised as resources inthat country before September 11, there would not have been any act of terror
which caused so much grief and pain to so many people.
If we do not heed the warning lessons from the September 11 incident andpresent a revolutionary alternative to the people in the world, there will be
more catastrophic events taking place. We will stand to lose more money, andmore lives as a result. Didn’t even former US President Bill Clinton say that wewould only have to invest a total of USD$1.2 billion to resolve the issue ofpoverty and lack of development for the Middle East?
The level of support accorded to the poor must also be elevated to that which
not only provides material support to alleviate their situation of absolute
poverty, but that which also provides an opportunity to overcome their sense
and social situation of being marginalised and excluded. The type of support
provided must not only be limited to material support. It must also be personaland spiritual, helping to restore their sense of social dignity and empowering
them to overcome their situation of poverty. Something more important than
the simple supplying of material resources for poor people is moving toward asociety where their integrity as human beings is respected and their humanrights secured. It is most important to endeavour in strengthening thesecountries to improve their current policies and structures so that the people
themselves can stand to shake off their poverty and work and live as proper
citizens. We must support the training of individuals, the support of people’s
resistance against corruption and injustice. The support of human rights
movements must be placed as a priority alongside of, or even before theprovision of material support.
The developed countries should also write off the debts of the poorer
developing countries as a way of supporting these countries’ economic72

development, and initiate a planned programme to support the economic
development of these countries, much like the Marshall plan after World War
Two. We must also move away from the World Trade Organisation system,
which is more beneficial for developed countries. Developed countries should
be encouraged to open their markets fully to products from developing
countries. Also, the developed countries must increase overseas development
aid in order to eradicate the social issue of poverty in the Third World.
The Dispossession of Women and the Socially Weak: Women are themost representative of those who stand oppressed by neo-liberalism. Nearly
90% of the world’s income goes to men, and the majority of women are unpaid
workers. The reduction in social welfare expenditure is especially difficult towomen. Increase in competition is placing more power into the hands of men.
The neo-liberal economic theory is an abstract, general social idea which
regards the reality of men as being above that of any others, and which deems
the need of women as simple secondary programmes. The world’s victims ofviolence (in the home, cities, and in war), discrimination (in education, wages,
and employment opportunities), and prostitution are all women. The sufferingof the socially weak, such as children, workers, those who have experienced
early retirement, the physically and mentally disabled persons, and theindigenous people are also at a critical level. The global community must regard
the difficulties that these people face with brotherly love for their neighbours,
and develop social security measures that ensure their civil rights.
Increase of the Role of International Organisations: In order to expand
the effectiveness of general and human values and virtues in a global society, therole and strength of international organisations, such as the UN, theInternational Tribunal, IOM, UNHCR, ILO, UNEP, UNDP, UNFIP, UNICEF, andWHO must be substantially increased and enhanced. These internationalorganisations must be given sufficient strength and authority so as to be able tooverride the strengths and influences of the stronger developed countries likethe US.
The WTO and MAI have enough power to minimise legislation in any given
country. Contracts and agreements which function on behalf of transnational
companies and a limited number of developed countries should not be the only
ones able to override the powers of a country’s internal legislation. Contracts
and agreements that work to secure the citizen’s civil rights and protect theirright to life, must also receive the same privileges. Free trade agreements(FTAs) must also be restructured so as to protect the integrity of creation, therights of migrant workers and the right to food as a national security issue. It
should also incorporate a methodology that will help to enhance thedevelopment of the poorer countries. In order for such restructuring of the
FTA to take place, we must include social clauses, which will allow room for freemovement of labour. They should accept the market price of labour like themarket price of other commodities and break down barriers that restrict the73

movement of human labour. Labourers in more developed countries must
realise that the process of globalisation may mean a decrease in their wages andthey must be ready to accept this as a fact. They must also work to unite insolidarity with the workers of other countries globally so that together they canstand up against the oppressive powers of the capitalists and transnational
conglomerates and fight to attain their rights. The solidarity of workers is the
only possible force that can work to move society to a healthier global society.
The WTO, IMF, IBRD, OECD, APEC and other international organisations mustencourage developed countries and transnational companies to abstain fromendlessly seeking short term profit at the expense of sacrificing the people ofpoor developing countries and their quality of life. International organisations,
NGOs and religious organisations must work together to secure the public
sectors of society and to initiate a global social welfare policies, which will
support the position of the weaker countries and poorer people of a society.
They must work together to encourage the governments of each country to
work together in this direction.
Building Up Regional Community and International Standards:
Before moving to a global society, we must encourage the establishment ofregional communities, such as the EU, and create an international standard
which can work as a basis for responding corporately to welfare needs such as
the disintegration of families, unemployment and poor working conditions. The
European countries began to integrate their currency to the Euro from 2002
and the ASEAN countries have also entered into negotiations for an FTA in theregion. Japan and Singapore have signed an FTA, and the Prime Minister of Japanhas proposed a trans-Asian economic bloc, which includes Australia and New
Zealand. China has entered the WTO and is increasing its move to enter into
an FTA with countries of ASEAN. Such regional communities should not only
seek to unify the market through free trade but also establish a true community
within the region with free movement of products and labour, and a new
standard for welfare policies.
Supporting NGOs: It would be most appropriate if the work of theinternational organisations and national governments would lead us in forminga healthy society where the people live together in harmony However, thecurrent situation where the transnational capitalists and the US possess theinitiative in deciding the direction of globalisation, this does not look so hopeful.
The NGOs are the only ones who are able to assess the nature of the problem,
to act as speakers on behalf of powerless people, and to try to affect some sortof change. However, the nation states are not heeding their warnings, and there
is no path where their voices can be heard or their ideas incorporated into thepolicy decisions of governments. This is why many of the NGOs feel they must
express themselves through demonstrations in places such as Davos andSeattle.

74

The international funds that are at the disposal of developed countries andinternational organisations must go to supporting and consolidating the work ofinternational NGOs that are working to develop alternatives. There must also
be measures that will include NGOs in international conferences andconsultations, lending ears to their positions and concerns in the decisionmaking process of these meetings.
Directions of NGOs’ Movement: Presently NGOs are working hard to do
activities against globalisation. However, globalisation itself is not wrong and forNGOs, it is almost impossible to stop it. Curbing directions and preparing
complements is more attainable than stopping. NGOs shouldn’t deny total
globalisation. They should develop positive alternatives rather than driving ananti-globalisation movement. They would do better to do research and develop
short-term and long-term strategies for their goals to be attained. Positive
advocacy activities are more easily attained.
In order to be efficient, NGOs should build up organisations covering all over
the world, elect representatives of civil society and let them contact
international organisations and presidents of developed countries. Also, NGO
activities should be diversified. For example, consumer movements preparing
lists say, of bad transnational companies that destroy the environment or thattreat local labour or migrant workers badly, plus conducting campaigns toboycott products of aforementioned companies are just two examples. Students
in non-English speaking countries can get together and refuse to enter schoolsthat don’t provide discounted tuition for non-English speaking countries until
they reduce tuition. Media campaigns, utilising all media in the Third World tochange peoples’ minds is one of the most important areas to start.
Alternative Media: After the collapse of the Soviet Union and up to the timeof the September 11 incident, the value system of the American people wassomething, which seemed to possess some degree of generality andappropriateness. Although American culture had characteristics ofconsumerism, racism and narcissism, there was no strong worldwide opposition
to the spread of American culture on the basis of openness, standardisation andmass culture.
However, now there is a great increase in the resentment and resistance against
American culture represented by names such as McDonalds, CNN and themassive outflow of pornographic material through the Internet. More than 1.2
billion people in the world who witnessed first-hand the September 11 incident
and the ensuing war on Afghanistan as portrayed according to the perspectiveof CNN – a perspective, which was evidently American – even distorted thefacts. CNN is an American-owned and-operated media, which benefits American
people only. Thus, it cannot be regarded as a form of media that can properly
lead and represent the global public consensus.

75

The majority of the world, unfortunately, hasn’t got any alternative media andrelies upon processed information that comes from agencies which operate on
the basis of market journalism and which work to serve the supremacy ofAmerica. This is resulting in a distorted portrayal of globalisation, one thatjustifies the supremacy of America. There is a dire need to rectify the monopolythat CNN has over international broadcasting networks. In order to move to abalanced and healthy global society, we must work to enlighten the people of acountry to think as ‘global citizens’ and to transcend their national boundaries.
Such transformation of modes of thought must be conducted through thework of public media. The international community must formulate a publicalternative television broadcasting company.
Levying Tobin Tax: The fact that of the three basic elements of economy –land, labour and capital – only capital is allowed the freedom of moving acrossnational borders without any limitation of taxes is symbolic of the imbalanced
globalisation of today.
The results of this imbalance are quite critical. Today, 28% of the world’s
population believes in Islam. According to the doctrines of Islam, it is immoral
to acquire interest on monetary transactions. The more developed countries
and capitalists must respect the different cultures and value systems of thesecultures. They must conduct globalisation within boundaries and not invade thelives of people who believe in a different God.
In order to reduce the abuse of financial capital, and more especially that ofshort-term speculative capital, we must first introduce the Tobin tax. The Tobin
tax can provide a financial basis that could be utilised for establishing a global
level of social welfare policies that could support the common well-being of
global citizens, especially the poor people in Africa and Asia. Intellectuals and the
media must work to enlighten people to the benefits of this tax system.The UN
and other international organisations should more aggressively counsel
developed countries to incorporate this into their system, and support thework of the NGOs to introduce the Tobin tax to governments.
Ensuring the Labour Rights of Migrant Workers: The society where theprocess of globalisation has been appropriately conducted does not place abarrier between movement of people from lower wage labour areas to higher
wage labour areas. In the international arena, low wages are a basic property,
owned by labourers in less developed countries – low wage labour is the only
economic resource they have as a comparative advantage. As such,globalisation, which limits flow of labour movement, is an unequal form ofglobalisation. The violation of human rights and labour rights of migrant
workers is happening in almost all the developed countries of the world. Thisis because the owners and workers in the more developed countries view the
migrant labourers from the perspective of their selfish national interest anddon’t regard them as human beings having the same human rights as themselves.

76

The freedom of movement and the ensuring of labour rights, which allow
individual labourers to be properly compensated for their work, is somethingthat must first be secured. The developed countries must endorse the United
Nations Compact on the Rights of Migrant Workers and Their Families, dismantle
their unjust industrial trainee system and incorporate a labour certification
policy so that foreign migrant workers are allowed to properly receive their civilrights.
In order to ensure such free movement of labour and the labour rights of
migrant workers, we must first reach a stage of global citizen consciousness. We
need an educational campaign that can transform the consciousness of thegeneral public. Migrant workers are the weakest of social components. They
suffer from unequal policies resulting from the self-centred decisions ofdeveloped countries, racial prejudice and cultural indifference in the process ofglobalisation. These migrant workers do not receive the benefits of social
welfare policies in either their own countries or the countries in which theywork. They cannot receive basic health treatments when they are sick, and arethus denied their basic right to health. An international fund to support medical
costs incurred by foreign migrant workers should be set up globally.
Global Compact: As a result of many transnational companies coming undercriticism for their excessive unfair trade actions there is a movement, which was
begun to form a global compact to encourage companies to abstain frompursuing excessive profits. This Compact was proposed by Kofi Annan,
Secretary-General of the United Nations in the World Economic Forum in
1999. The Global Compact is an ethical principle for transnational companies
to ensure that the benefits of globalisation are shared with all. This Compact
comprises nine articles, which include protection of human rights, abolition ofchild labour, allowing the right to association by labourers, and the developmentof eco-friendly technology. International organisations, as well as civilorganisations, religious organisations and medias should aggressively pursue
transnational companies to sign the Global Compact and actually adhere to it.
Consideration for Non-English Speaking Countries: In order for nonEnglish speaking countries to compete on an equal basis with English-speaking
countries, there must be some special support to assist their learning of English.
Developed countries and English-speaking countries should also provide
subsidies for students who are studying in their country.
Despite having very good human resources, many developing countries cannot
exercise leadership because of their handicap of English language. We must
support a programme of training in English for those leaders who possess
potential for providing world-class leadership so that they can break out of thelanguage barrier and contribute equally to globalisation.

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Conclusion
As we stand at the dawn of the 21st century and a global society, we have notbeen able to establish a healthy global society where the areas of economics,
politics and welfare are balanced. The present process of globalisation is only
enjoyed by a limited number of transnational corporations. Not only that, in asystem that does not have a structure which can regulate the self-centrednessof the developed countries and the large transnational companies, human beings
are racing in the direction of unlimited competition of economic globalisation.
The resentment and resistance of such globalisation has resulted in terror.War
is the consequence. The US President has even gone so far as to label thecountries of Iran, Iraq and North Korea as an ‘axis of evil’ which reveals afrightening possibility of further war and violence. Although the US owns the
majority of weapons of mass destruction, they are still adamant on regulating
the possession of weapons by other countries. The dualistic attitude of the US
that pits countries as ‘either for us or against us’ was enforced on the world.
There was no country, group or international organisation that had thesufficient strength and voice to curb such arrogance on the part of US President
Bush.
Sound globalisation is based on love of humankind and brotherly solidarity,
seeking to secure a global public realm of society, which can work to establish
a global public welfare society. In order for us to progress toward such a global
society, developed countries, transnational companies and the international
speculators of capital must have a sense of self-sacrifice for the benefit of thewell-being of the entire human race. They must pursue their profits at a levelthat does not harm the public well being of global society, and give back a
portion of their earning for development and social welfare for otherparticipants of global society.
In order to establish a global level welfare policy, each country should
contribute to the establishment of an international organisation, which would
enforce a system of negative taxation. Each country would be allocated a
portion to support the common pool. This common pool of financial resources
would then be used to formulate a welfare system for our global society. Most
especially, we must levy taxes on the profit gains of short-term international
speculative capital and utilise those funds to support the global welfare policy
so that it can help to eradicate poverty in the countries of Africa, South Americaand Asia. It is only when we have put in place such supportive measures for the
weak that we can move toward an equal and sharing community where we live
together in peace.
The paradigm shift from the current system of conducting social welfare at anational level to a paradigm of conducting social welfare policies globally may
seem an impossible dream at present. However, if we truly want to realiseworld peace in our lives, we must take the necessary steps, which would allow78

us to move toward such change. There is no other alternative option for us. If
we do not exercise our wisdom and gain the support and willing sacrifice ofdeveloped countries and transnational companies to establish a social structure
which is above the ‘survival of the fittest’ market logic of today’s globalisation
process to formulate a win-win society where community life in harmony ispossible, then the social integration which we hope to achieve throughglobalisation will not only be impossible to attain, but we will all fall into chaos
and destruction. We must realise that such provisions for peoples’ livelihoods
and the giving of hope is the only way that we can prevent global social unrest.
Toward this end, we must strive to rectify the current imbalance in globalisation.
At present, hope for change buds out from the NGOs movement. However,their basic understanding of globalisation is quite negative. They try to stop
globalisation rather than curve it to the right direction. Globalisation itself is notwrong. They should develop positive alternatives rather than driving an antiglobalisation movement.They should suggest alternatives and develop strategies
to attain alternative goals.The first two steps toward sound globalisation are tobuild up medical funds for migrant workers and to levy Tobin tax on internalfinancial transactions.

79A New Paradigm for the 21st Century for Peace, theAlleviation of Poverty and People-Centred Democracy
Anek Nakabutara
Executive Director, Social Fund Office
Introduction
This document is a result of the synthesis of my community development
experiences from my university days to the present. As a student leader at
Chulalongkorn University, I was directly involved in community development
activities. After graduation, I worked with friends to establish an NGO to assist
poor communities that did not receive opportunities for direct development inparticipatory community development. The first 20 years of my professional life
have been involved in community development through NGO activities atcommunity, local and policy levels. I participated in campaigning at the policy levelfor community development and was involved in the process to stimulate nongovernment organisations (NGOs) and community participation in the National
Economic and Social Development plan from the 5th Plan in 1986 onwards. In thepast 10 years, I have collaborated with civil society organisations gradually
established by the middle class in Thailand. The activities in which I have been
active include: drafting the People’s Constitution, mobilisation for social reformfrom the grassroots with an emphasis on empowerment of the people todetermine solutions to their own problems, and mobilising communities, NGOs,
civil servants, businessmen and the media resulting in a participatory social
movement at the grassroots level.
In Japan, I was provided the opportunity to meet with Japanese academics andNGOs in Tokyo and various other cities resulting in my understanding that thedirection for social and civil society development is similar to that of Thailand.
Despite the similarities, however, Japan and Thailand have many diverging issues.
Moreover, the limitations of the two governments are dissimilar.These similarities
and differences lead to many interesting issues that will be presented in this paper.
During the course of my stay in Japan, I was able to exchange ideas with friends,
academics and Fellows from other countries concerning the attack on the World
Trade Center on September 11. As a result, this paper also includes a synthesison the international consensus that, in the age of globalisation, the occurrence ofsuch an incident has made a great impact on the dominant international
conceptual framework and paradigm.
I sincerely want to see the ‘essence’ that I received in Japan over the past twomonths tangibly extended as an infrastructure to policy level. Moreover, I am
sincerely committed to participating in all the proposals suggested in the final
chapter of this paper and would like to collaborate with the other Fellows andProgram alumni and concerned parties in successfully implementing the proposals.

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The Civil Society Movement in Japan and Thailand
Paradigm Shift in Japanese Civil Society: Key Values and Core Paradigms
During the two months in Japan, the Japan Foundation and the International
House of Japan provided the seven Fellows from India, China, Korea, Indonesia,
Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Japan with the opportunity to visit Japan,
exchange learning among themselves and to meet with various Japanese
resource persons and organisations. The following seven cases are presented
to illustrate the fight for survival based on the consciousness of the Japanesecommunities.
Case 1: Rainbow Plan (Nagai City)The Rainbow Plan was an attempt by local organisations and the Nagai
Municipality to foster relations between rural and urban communities,
utilising a paradigm shift through the collection of decomposable foodwastes from each household to be processed into compost fertiliser andsold to vegetable farmers at subsidised prices. In turn, the farmers would
sell their produce to the communities.
The inherent value of this project is the desire to coexist and create
mutual benefits for urban and rural communities through activities thatmake it possible for communities to maintain their traditional way of life.
Case 2: International Contribution Club Forum (Ishinomaki City)
Ishinomaki City is a port city where foreigners co-exist with local
Japanese residents in a predominantly Japanese environment. With thepresence of foreigners such as Chinese, Thais, Koreans and Filipinos, theoccurrence of intermarriages with each other is a natural turn of events.
Thus, the main issue that concerns those working in a foreign
environment and those entering into cross-cultural marriages is that ofcultural differences.
Fortunately these differences are not insurmountable due to thepresence of a group of women volunteers who attempt to foster good
relations between the different cultures by focusing on the positive
aspects of each culture and emphasising the values of love andcompassion for mankind above and beyond nationality.
Case 3: “Kotobukicho” Marginalised Community (Yokohama City)
This community is located in Yokohama City which is a port city that
employs immigrants as day labourers (from countries such as Korea andthe Philippines), many of whose visas have expired and are therefore ofillegal status.The reason for the need for these informal sector labourers– despite the fact that the world is moving towards borderless nations
and higher minimum wage rates – is that the population in Japan is aging

81and these labourers make it possible for Japanese products to becompetitive. Due to their questionable legal, social and economic status,
they reside in slums and are neglected by Japanese society.
The main issue is that Japanese law can only provide protection forwages, but cannot provide protection for social welfare, work permits orvisas. Moreover, government mechanisms such as immigration, labourlaws and social welfare provided by the central and prefecture
governments are unable to respond to their situation. Thus, someJapanese NGOs and community organisations have attempted to alleviate
the pressures on these illegal or undocumented immigrants by facilitating
their social, economic and legal survival. Assistance is provided throughthe stimulation of the awareness of the values of mutual assistance andhuman dignity, and downplaying the issue of cheap labour. In addition,organisational collaboration was fostered through the Ka-La-Bow-NokGai movement headed by a religious leader committed to providing carewithout regard for nationality but emphasising the value of being human.
Case 4: Isahaya Bay Land Reclamation (Isahaya City)
Due to the desire to increase agricultural output in Isahaya Bay, land wasreclaimed to ensure that enough rice was produced for local consumption.
Finally though, the government decided to cease land reclamation andconstructed a dam. The construction of this dam resulted in thedestruction of the largest wetlands area in Japan that has great bio-diversity
and is the resting area for over 100 species of migrating birds prior totraveling over the Pacific Ocean to Siberia. This area is the mostappropriate location for the maintenance of a high level of bio-diversity andis the location of small fishing villages and communities surrounding thebay. A resulting conflict arose between the central government’s focus onagricultural and economic issues and the local people whose focus is on
human relations, bio-diversity and the ecosystem of the wetlands area.
The perspective of the local residents is that land reclamation and humaninterference create negative impacts on the ecosystem that escalate
problems, rather than supporting long-term sustainability. They perceivethat environmental assessments by the central government, carried out
by academics, were not participatory or holistic in nature. This conflict
illustrated the paradigm shift of the local people – including fishermen, themiddle class, those with parochial ties, and environmental enthusiasts –away from acceptance of the central wisdom to commitment to a holistic
paradigm in which the values of the locality are paramount.
Case 5: Bell of Nagasaki:Atomic Bomb Museum (Nagasaki City)
It was discovered that the Japanese endured the most devastating
experience of human history in 1945 when the US government decided
to use atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, instantaneously killing82

hundreds of thousands of people. The lessons learnt by the Japanese wasthat they were capable of overcoming their losses through their faith ineach other, and their commitment to non-violence as they were ashamedof their part in the escalation of World War II. The values that emerged
from non-retaliation and their determination to rebuild the nation werethat of the peace movement and the desire for the end of atomic warfare.
Despite the lessons of Japan, the world is still swimming in the quagmireof violence as is evident from the attack against America on September
11, when terrorists commandeered commercial airplanes anddeliberately crashed into the World Trade Center in New York City.
Case 6: EGAO: Aging People Club (Fukuoka City)As Japanese society is entering an era in which the growing proportionof the population are elderly, the economy will have to rely on youths, themiddle-aged or foreign immigrant labour in the next decade or two. Dueto their awareness of this situation, the current trend is for healthy
retired individuals to volunteer their services and provide care for moreelderly individuals. Thus, the direction for the provision of volunteer
services crosses age barriers where middle-aged people provide care forthe elderly.
Case 7: Fukuoka Citizens’ Volunteer Center / NPO Center(Fukuoka City)
The Fukuoka Citizens’ Volunteer Center attempts to stimulate sister orfriendship affiliations between cities and to promote inter-city cultural
exchanges and collaboration between the prefecture government andnon-profit organisations to provide social welfare for the elderly and thedisadvantaged.
Conclusion
The cases presented above clearly illustrate that Japanese society is steeped inlocal values, parochial ties, compassion for mankind and peace. Moreover, thepeople are concerned with issues beyond the framework of age, culture,nationality, race, cities, rural areas, the present, the future, species and geography.
However, these values do not seem to be reflected in the government
perspective. Thus the Japanese, as well as other nationalities, are conscious of aparadigm shift in accordance with basic values of goodness that include
parochial ties, love for mankind and natural resources.
Development of the Thai Civil Society Movement
The major change that enabled the emergence of the educated segment of thepeople sector occurred in 1932 when the military and the people united tooverthrow the absolute monarchy in a bloodless coup, and persuaded the King
to accept the introduction of a constitutional monarchy. From this coup, real83

democracy has yet to be achieved.
Between 1971and 1973, two movements comprised of students, labour andfarmers adapted themselves and joined forces to participate in demonstrations
to demand true democracy and to protest against military rule. The first
demonstration occurred on October 16, 1971 and the second one on October
6, 1973. These attempts to demilitarise the government and foster people’s
democracy were the genesis of civic activists and the Thai non-government
sector. After the occurrence of these events, the students split into two groups.
Some joined the Communist party, while others worked with NGOs concernedwith urban and rural development.This was the era for change in the grassroots
civil society sector through participation in the social movement and ruraldevelopment. This was the first time that the informal or traditional sector
adapted itself and participated in modern democratic activities.
The change that occurred in 1992 was a result of globalisation that was initiatedin 1980 as a result of the Washington Consensus – the American policy shiftingin the new era of international politics and economics into the borderless realm.
Moreover, the fall of Communism and the end of the Cold War reinforced thisdirection. The resulting impacts on Thailand were the growth of democracy inurban areas and rapid economic growth through foreign investment, resulting in
the immense growth of the middle class. Additional impacts include the inabilityof political parties to match middle class growth, and the state of affairs in which
the government was riddled with corruption. Moreover, it seemed as though thegovernment was colluding with foreigners by facilitating their monopoly of themarket in order to maintain political authority.
This situation led to the military coup in May 1992, which triggered public
unrest and demonstrations, resulting in bloodshed. The lesson learnt by the
middle class was that there were no guarantees for democratic government as
the Constitution was constantly being amended or rewritten. This led to anational consensus to draft a Constitution that would prevent military coups,
corruption and authoritarian government, and the establishment of the
Democracy Development Committee under the oversee of Parliament. During
this period, the civil society sector was very active in supporting community
organisation activity at grassroots levels. Such activity was non-violent and wasbased on conceptual interaction and public debates, leading to tangible policies
proposed through the Constitution.
In 1996, the People’s Constitution became effective and new organisations such as
the Election Commission of Thailand and the Constitutional Court were
established. Associated laws to balance the power of the government and theparliament were also drafted. It became evident that the Constitution was being
interpreted during this period of time and civil society was perceived as the major
player in balancing the power of the State. In addition, the direction of democratic
activity by the peoples sector was to promote grassroots participatory democracy

84rather than the traditional system of parliamentary democracy.
From 1997 to the present,Thailand has been faced with an economic and social
crisis as many businesses and financial institutions have failed and thegovernment unsuccessfully expended an enormous amount of money to defend
the currency. During the past four years, the civil society sector – like themiddle class, rural and urban civic leaders – has been very active in stimulating
the economic and social self-reform movement, particularly to protect thedisadvantaged. There was a major movement to mobilise social capital andstimulate conceptual frameworks and values from the grassroots resulting in
the following changes:
•
•
•
•
•

Paradigm shift in development concerns from policy level to
implementation level.
Emergence of the third track comprised of civil society
organisations (CSOs), NGOs and the media.
Reform from below as a result of self-determination.
Creation of a grassroots social safety net through community
organisation networks with support from the Social Investment Fund.
Determination and mobilisation of local social capital bycommunities and the middle class through new public discourses bycivil society organisations based on cultural values, social values andbodies of knowledge. This social capital was used to determinesocial rehabilitation.

Practical Framework:Thai Civil Society
The experiences of the Thai civil society have led to innovations that form thebasis for public (micro) and policy (macro) discourses.
Public discourse illustrated the ability of the people and civil society to act inaccordance with their conscience during the crisis, rather than wait for thecentral or local government to alleviate their troubles. Those impacted by thecrisis were able to rely on their social capital, local resources, inherent
knowledge and local processes to implement proactive self-reform anddetermine solutions to problems. During the crisis, grassroots communities
were able to grasp the opportunity provided to care for each other and protect
the disadvantaged, creating local social safety nets and strengthening
communities. The balance in the power structure was (and is) ensured by theparticipation of informal community leaders such as elderly leaders, religious
leaders, women leaders and youth leaders in determining of their own
problems, strengths, weaknesses and capacities.
This proved to the country, the government and world that a poor country, orpoor people, may be economically poor but rich in social capital, culture andtradition – that these may be used to create social gains and benefits that are85not monetary in nature.
The production of community master plans are a major change in Thailand,
indicating mainstream acceptance of the capacity of the people sector andinformal organisations to collaborate with local authorities in the planning
process. This process, in a quarter of the sub-districts in the country, is being
expanded. Previously, the central government, politicians and high-ranking civil
servants determined all policies.
Policy issues were presented to politicians, parliament and the government
during the campaigning period prior to the last elections (January 6, 2001) andduring the current government’s initial weeks in office. It should be noted thatthese community organisations effected change through their ability to interact
and engage in discourses with politicians and the National Economic and Social
Development Board – in public. They were also able to collaborate with themedia to assist learning at the national level.
Policy discourse has provided the platform for the drafting of the newConstitution – the framework for the structure, direction and balance of powerin Parliament and limits the power of the government. In addition, theConstitution has provided measures to deal with Parliament or the government
in case that they do not abide by the provisions of the Constitution. Moreover,this Constitution provides the people sector with the opportunity to foster
participation and the right to demand their due in self-government, such as the
management of education and development. Other rights include the right toinformation, community rights, human rights, cultural rights, rights of thedisadvantaged and the use of government media. The middle class civil society
sector in urban areas, particularly in Bangkok, has been active in the statedissues to ensure that the laws enacted are consistent with the principles of the
new Constitution, and the people’s right to demand their due.
It should be noted that the National Economic and Social Development Board
is collaborating with grassroots communities at the sub-district level intransforming the 9th National Economic and Social Development Plan (a five yearplan) to be a bottom-up plan through the production of community plans at
sub-district level. These plans will be incorporated into the 9th Plan andtransferred to the local authorities.
Another change that should be noted is that a number of the Thaksin
government’s policies are actually responses to people sector initiatives such as
the policies of the Village Fund, 1 Sub-district 1 Product, Farmer’s Debt
Moratorium and Community Economy. The Social Investment Fund is another
innovation, initiated by a number of leaders, to create a system through which
the government budget can be distributed through a third track, directly tocommunity organisations in support of community activities. These activities
are determined, designed and implemented by the community organisations

86themselves, and provide benefits to the general public, resulting in the
rehabilitation of their society, economy and locality.
Critical Driving Forces of Civil Society and the Social Movement in Thailand
This synthesis of the experiences of the Thai civil society sector concerns aparadigm shift in adjustments to the structure of social change for middle andlong term reform at micro and macro levels.
At the micro level or public discourse level, it is evident that the structuralchange of grassroots society has to comprise the following:• The creation of knowledge to be used for grassroots social change is
not initiated through the use of emotion, force or pressure. It can only
be realised through reasoning, based on local wisdom, local values andlocal social capital, that has been adapted to fit with modern global
values. Change can only come about as a result of the identificationof existing resources and public discourses to modernise or add value
to the resources in order to extend the benefits derived from theresources, rather than focusing solely on the problems to be faced. It
is necessary that implementation be undertaken collectively in orderto foster participatory learning, lessons and benefits, sense of caring,
new leaders, new organisations and summarisation of learning andextension of results.
• Creation of public action in public fora and activities results in linkagesof various groups from the traditional sectors such as religiousorganisations, senior citizen organisations and other informal groups
like women’s groups, environmental groups, occupation groups,
handicraft groups, NGOs and civil society organisations. In addition,
the community enterprise groups initiated in various areas,
particularly in the 1 product 1 sub-district policy, will be able to gain
entrance. Moreover, the civil service sector will also be able toparticipate. This change provides all sectors with the opportunity towork together at a horizontal not vertical structure, based on power,line of authority and budget as the main factors influencing
participation. The mobilising factors for participation include thedesire to be involved, shared values, personal commitment andparticipatory learning. This results in a new structure of the third
track or civil society sector with networks at local, regional, national
and international levels.
• Extensive changes in the grassroots level and structure will not be
possible without the use of the mass media. In Thailand, publicannouncement towers in the villages have been linked to local radioat the provincial level with participation by the public relations87

department, the media of the government sector, to arrange
programmes using local content, personnel and civil society
facilitators. During the campaigns for democracy, government policies
and the Constitution, television programmes and cell phones wereused greatly. Currently, information technology (the Internet) is being
considered to link with local radio programmes and local television.
This is a use of the media in its various forms to foster horizontal
human communication between people, groups of people, networks
and sectors.
The three factors stated above are equally important in driving change at the
micro level. However, in the age of globalisation, where there are no national
borders, where markets are open and where regions have to determine
themselves in order to be competitive, success would not be possible if
collaboration was not fostered at the macro or policy level. Such collaboration
includes:• Participation in political power and state authority to ensure thecoordination of benefits for mutual advantage (‘win-win’). In the past,
the traditional paradigm of the Marxist framework perceived the stateas the enemy. In addition, it was the responsibility of the middle classor labour to overthrow the state and install a new regime to manage
or direct the nation. However, in the present, it has become
imperative that there be collaboration between the state, markets andregions while maintaining their identity so that benefits are provided
for all concerned parties.
• Creation of a social movement of the people with parochialconsciousness, public leaders, public consciousness and public action
for public benefits such as planning, self-determination, economic
rehabilitation, democratic campaigning, policy campaigning and antidrugs campaigning. When the people work together consistently on
public issues, learning and awareness is fostered. However, thislearning cannot be extended unless the learning is synthesised andlinked to universal knowledge.
• Synthesis of learning and linkage with universal knowledge integrates
and modernises local knowledge and leads to the synthesis of civilsociety knowledge that is then transferred to the various movements,and linked to policy level initiatives. The transfer, synthesis and linkage
of knowledge results in a change process which, in Thailand, occurs
during political engagement via public, parliamentary or media fora.
Thus, important changes have to rely on political power in thedecision-making process to provide benefits for all parties (win-win)– yet, without resulting in directional losses by the civil society sector
that is protective of its independence and self-direction.

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The three factors – participation in political power and state authority; social
mobilisation and on-going synthesis of knowledge as a learning organisation –plus promotion of linkage between international knowledge with that of thelocality are important lessons that caused the current paradigm shift, and are
the important driving forces in Thailand.
Shifts in the Mainstream Development Paradigm
This section attempts to appraise and analyse the social, political and economic
determinants of dominant mainstream development paradigms. In addition, theissues of conflict and challenge will be illustrated in order to examine thevalidity of the current paradigm dominating all governments.
Through dialogue with Thai and international academics, the consensus is thatafter 1945, the mainstream paradigm of the world evolved through three
periods of paradigm shifts as follows:
The First Shift
After World War II and the use of the atomic bombs, the important shift in the
global paradigm came about due to the realisation of the power of atomic
weapons, resulting in a balance of power in favour of those countries with atomic
weapons. In addition, the economic order shifted to the creation of the State as
the mechanism for nationalist development. Thus after World War II, capitalist
nations based their economic indicators on gross domestic product (GDP)resulting in the formation of the group of developed nations known as the G7.
Socialist countries based their economic development on the socialist system andsocial reform. The result of these diverging economic and political orientations
was the start of the Cold War between capitalist and socialist camps.
The Second ShiftIn 1980, the US initiated the Washington Consensus which is a neo-liberal policythat supports the shift in the global economy to that of a free market, where allcountries should be able to cross borders in developing their economies. From1980 onwards, the impact of the Washington Consensus resulted in the fall of
East Germany, the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War in 1987. During
this period, the free market and globalisation concepts within the framework of
the Washington Consensus directed global policies.
After the Cold War, the important factors that have enabled the developmentof the world and capitalist nations are state power, and money based on market
determinants. However, it was discovered that in many cases, the state wascorrupt and dominated by the superpowers. Moreover, the markets were still
capitalistic monopolies.

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From 1987 onwards, the age of globalisation flourished with the free flow offunds, information and communication technology. Globalisation changed theworld paradigm because it opened state borders and transformed markets into
free markets, where commercial and financial markets were liberalised. This
resulted in a situation of the ‘survival of the fittest’ where advantage was takenof unprepared nations that were relatively new markets, such as Korea, Japanand Thailand. The impact on Asia was the financial crisis in Japan in 1990, and in
Thailand in 1997 – the latter spread to Korea, Malaysia and Singapore and anumber of countries in East Asia.
The Third ShiftOn September 11, the global paradigm shifted again as a result of the attack on
two important American symbols – the World Trade Center in Wall Street,
which is the centre of financial power, and the Pentagon or the centre of military
power. In addition, an unsuccessful attack was apparently aimed at Capitol
Hill/the White House or the centre of American political power. This was a newform of warfare undertaken by the civilian sector, resulting in major losses tothe civilian sector and humanity in America and the world. More importantly,
this was an attack on symbols and included the use of biochemical warfare(anthrax) on unsuspecting civilians. In addition, the coverage provided by themass media (CNN) resulted in simultaneous global access to information andsimultaneous horror for two months after the incident. The effect of the attacks
was the exacerbation of negative impacts on the global economic system thatare in recession – finances, airline industry, tourism and consumer goods. Thus
the important paradigm shifts of 2001 are as follows:• The creation of a bipolar system made up of America and its allies on
one side, and terrorists on the other, a world without borders or
clearly defined enemies, and a constant state of emergency due toattacks on all fronts-media, weapons, chemicals, psychology andinformation – without prior warning.
• Creation of coalitions through state agreements.
• Knowledge-based economy where the information andcommunication revolution has shifted the balance of power to thosecountries with knowledge and technology. These countries are able
to influence the less developed countries. In other words, the poles
are shifted to those that have and do not have information andcommunications technology.
From the paradigm shifts presented above, it is clear that the state has to maintaindemocracy as the base for building state power, and that economies of the various
countries are being linked into globalised free markets. In this framework, thestate and market power in trade blocs, treaties or free trade coalitions emphasise
strengthening the GDP – that is, measurement by capital or economic value alone.
This use of capital or an economic value as the indicator of power or wealth90

determines that the global paradigm views humans as goods. More importantly,
the factors of production – market, capital, labour – are globalised and dominatedby the superpowers. America and Japan are the two countries with the mosteconomic wealth as they monopolise 40% of the world’s GDP. In addition, they
dominate the political, social, religious, science and technology, and informationand communication revolution. This results in a bipolar conflict between thedigitised and non-digitised areas, or the Islamic and non-Islamic worlds.
From the lessons presented in the section on the Civil Society Movement inJapan and Thailand, it is evident that emerging and fringe transnational civilsocieties in these countries place emphasis on social capital rather thaneconomic capital. They emphasise popular values, interpersonal interaction andhuman interaction with the environment and the market, and are concernedwith peaceful coexistence, compassion, human dignity, independence, desire forjustice and equality. These are the conceptual values of civil societies. Theyemphasise social capital that has value-added end values rather than volumeadded economic capital. Activities undertaken are based on the context of thelocality with the intention of supporting self-determination, and freedom fromstates and markets. On the other hand, the capital being globalised through thesuperpowers is directed and can result in use of force or world war.
It is obvious that the two emerging forces are opposing forces – ‘bottom-up’, nonviolence, human relations, the horizontal versus ‘top-down’, conflict-oriented, thevertical. This is the paradox that is being faced. The challenge is the integrationof the two paradigms to result in grassroots initiation of activities (reflecting theirneeds) that is then facilitated by the vertical orientation of the state. Suchintegration will support the maintenance of capital, without reducing the value ofman and environment to that of goods, while maintaining the diverse social capitalof man, environment, transnational civil society and local civil society.
There have to be alternatives to the conceptual process, the value creation
process and the self-determination of mankind in the 21st century. It has
become evident that state policies are increasingly egocentric and nationalistic,
and that states are using public media as mechanisms to promote political andeconomic propaganda to maintain the status quo. Civil society is unable torespond to the complexities of this situation. In such a situation, should themainstream paradigm in Asia and the world be maintained? It is imperative thatall states determine the most appropriate paradigm to be adopted for the next
decade/century, and implement the corresponding reforms. In case these states
are unwilling to learn from alternative paradigms, as illustrated in the section on
the Civil Society Movement in Japan and Thailand, it may be possible tosynthesise those paradigms into more acceptable alternatives.
Alternative Paradigms
Three alternative paradigms are suggested to stimulate the initiation of a new91

public discourse for the Asian region. The three alternatives have beensynthesised from actual players, lessons and knowledge in the context of Japanand Thailand (the section on the Civil Society Movement in Japan and Thailand)and exchanges with academicians.
The issue of utmost importance is peace.
If the mainstream paradigm of conflict – based on war and violence in order toeliminate terrorists through all-out war, psychological warfare, media warfare
and chemical warfare – is maintained, how can world peace be attained onceemotional rage has passed?
If one learns from the experiences of the Japanese who have lived through theeffects of the atomic bomb and the religious, traditional and social values of Asian
communities to peacefully co-exist and maintain human relations, peace andwisdom can be achieved without having to rely on state agreements. Thus, would
it be possible to initiate discourses to determine a peace paradigm that places
value on true peace, based on love, forgiveness and the desire to co-exist?
Such a paradigm may not be attained if the state is the sole actor in this issue.
Peace is an issue that is beyond the authority of the state and superpowers as
there are many new mechanisms, leaders and institutions concerned with thisissue. In addition, these new actors are transnational in nature and are capableof initiating dialogues.
The initiation of a peace campaign, with appropriate participants, is an important
step in creating a peace paradigm in Asia. This is the challenge in theenvironment of global tension between Israel and Palestine, and the situation in
Afghanistan and South Asia.
In order to integrate peace, it may be necessary to formulate a paradigm anddriving force to create collective social ‘soft power’. In the past, the mainstream
paradigm relied on ‘state power’ which results in the use of legal, market andmilitary powers: ‘hard power’. At present, the civil society sector in Japan and
Thailand has discovered social capital. They are in the process of selfliberalisation through the use of social and cultural capital. Such liberalisation
facilitates management through local wisdom and collaboration, participatory
implementation by localities, the linkage of diverse networks and institutes, theuse of media to create participatory learning and the accumulation of humancapital, resulting in the participatory social process – an important social power.
This is occurring at local, national and international levels, resulting in sharedinterests in the international arena. This new paradigm can be used to influencesocial change and to balance or soften the ‘hard power’ used by countries inorder to stimulate peace.
After the Washington Consensus, Asia has received negative impacts,

92

particularly in the areas of economy and digital technology in which Asia issomewhat lagging behind. Currently, the economic paradigm in Asia is to create
regional collaboration through the establishment of an Asian Monetary Fund
(AMF), to create a free trade area, and to take care of least developed countries
in Asia, by Asian countries themselves, without external influences.
Asia has the opportunity to determine its own direction through thecollaboration of social, economic and peace movements via learning,cooperation and the design of an Asian paradigm. If Asian economic
cooperation is moving in the direction of collaboration between Asia and Japan,
China and Korea (say, ASEAN + 3), then this paradigm can be expanded to atransnational economic level, based on common issues such as transnational
labour, drugs, free flow of capital and information. New mechanisms have to be
designed to operate above the level of the state but under that of transnational
civil society. If Asia has to deal with economic recession and the war on
terrorism, then care for the needy and the poor may become the responsibilityof both the state and a social protection system, developed by the transnational
informal sector, that relies on the transnational civil society and NGOs.
These are alternatives that may stimulate the collaboration of countries, andenable Asia to have the freedom to determine its position on issues concerningpeace, society and economy: the challenge for the next century.
Strategies for an Asian Paradigm
The development of a new Asian paradigm depends on the vision of thecollaborators that may include the state, civil society and public intellectuals. If
the paradigm is changed, without a vision for the country, region and people of
Asia and a predetermined plan for the transformation of the paradigm into
action, then the new paradigm will remain a dream or an academic document.
Thus, a synthesis of a vision that should be useful for the Asian region in thesocial context is presented as follows:
Peace
It is important that a summit be arranged for diverse leaders from major
Asian countries, including spiritual leaders and social leaders (currently,
summits are arranged for state leaders who will naturally voice theirsupport for the US in the War Against Terrorism). If a summit thattranscends state borders, religious beliefs and national interests isarranged, issues concerning peace can be discussed that will be of muchwider, universal interest.
The superpowers, in their perception of peace, do not understand the
Asian perspective on religious, ethnic, racial and border issues. All Asian
nations and social sectors should reflect and design an Asian initiative, andcollaborate with the people, civil society and states in South Asia. Such an

93

initiative should be undertaken by Japan, which has the capacity to be
neutral.
The primary actor in the Middle East issue has been the US while
countries in Asia have not been able to develop their own position. In
future, Asia should be able to reach a consensus and determine theirposition on this issue in the form of an Asian initiative. It is necessary torely on the media and the new generation to initiate a peace movementthat is not egocentric and does not rely on any religion, country or bloc.
It is also necessary to utilise independent media unaffiliated with any
superpower, or promoting propaganda for any group. The challenges topeace in the next decade are public media, the creation of the third track,and the new generation.
New Economy
While the Asian economy is in recession, the formation of the AsianMonetary Fund (AMF), trade agreements and the cooperation to fightpoverty by Asian governments is imperative in order to provide guarantees
for the people who are entering the transnational labour market. The
mechanisms that will be designed will require international dialogue
because it is necessary to draft international laws and systems to support
the relaxation of borders and to facilitate the free flow of human capital.
New Social Mechanism
The creation of mechanisms – such as a transnational civil society or
institute that does not rely on the United Nations (UN) or national
bureaucrats but instead adopts the management style of civil societies –should be established to support cooperation. This is a new transnational
initiative that is not based on national identity or loyalty and does nothave to mimic the operations of the UN, which was established and isdominated by the West.
New Equilibrium
The development direction of Asia has to be adjusted to be morebalanced: with equal emphasis on social capital and economic capital. In
addition, importance has to be placed on the issues of humanity, peace,and human development, particularly that of the poor. The proposal is forJapan to initiate collaboration with Asian countries in order to establish
a Human Development Centre.
The objectives of this Centre may include the development of humandevelopment indicators to be used in the next decade, promotion ofinternational cooperation to deal with crossborder migration of labour,and other social issues. In addition, this Centre should seek thecooperation of the Official Development Assistance (ODA) in Japan indetermining solutions to these ‘software’ problems. The Centre may

94create a system for the protection of the disadvantaged such as
marginalised people, neglected senior citizens and escalating genderissues in some countries. It is clear that Asia and transnational civilsocieties need operational mechanisms and that ODA may facilitate theinitiation of development in collaboration with other countries that are
prepared to cooperate but may lack funding.
If the visions in this section are to be realised, countries and Asian civil societies
have to mobilise transnational peace and collaborate on economic and humansecurity factors for the development of East Asian countries. They must also
move towards the development of human resources in poor countries. The
best alternative would be the integration of the three visions through theformulation of an implementation plan to be carried out collectively.
In the course of the group work period of the Asia Leadership Fellow Program, theseven Fellows perceived the necessity for the development of strategies andframeworks for implementation that could support the paradigm and the collective
vision to be created.These could be summarised in the following suggestions:* The important challenge in the shift – in national and international paradigms
by public policy leaders, political leaders, public intellectuals, development
leaders and business leaders – is the development of a strategy to sensitise statepolicy leaders, public intellectuals and public media in the international area tothe paradigm shift process. Currently, it is possible to undertake research inimportant issues that impact the Asian paradigm such as peace, social capital(soft power) and transnational civil society that should lead to concepts onhuman centred development. The availability of such research in a group ofconcerned parties should then lead to change at the policy level. Research will
have to be done on the lessons of the countries that have successfully
implemented sensitisation such as Thailand, Philippines and Japan.
* Creation of conditions and processes for the state and internationalorganisations to link with transnational civil society organisations concerned withissues such as nation, race and religion, and committed to the transformation ofAsia through the provision of impetus and support for the following:
The exchange process of public intellectuals or innovators acrosscountries, sectors and boundaries in Asia such as the Public Intellectual
programmes initiated by Japan.
Collaboration of public intellectuals and public media in order to mobilise
public issues that will result in policy level discussions such as peace,
foreign labour, transnational environmental issues, and drugs. Moreover,public intellectuals, public media, public space and policy dialogues canfoster collaboration, resulting in the networking of local civil society andgroup civil societies that have far-reaching vision.

95

The liberalisation of the civil society movement that is being establishedin various localities in Japan and Thailand. These local civil societies have
limited vision as their consciousness, development and establishment are
only locally oriented. As a result, they have to be liberated and induced
to form transnational networks in order to tackle more complex issues.
In addition, the provision of support for training, study visits and funds bya third track organisation such as the Social Investment Fund,Thailand will
enable emerging civil societies to grow and become a strong third trackin the future.
Interstate cooperation should be fostered through collaboration with themedia, lawyers, and policy makers in order to facilitate interstateadministration and determine the necessary adjustments of laws andpolicies to deal with issues such as cross border migration, drugs, flow offunds and property rights.
With the acceptance of these suggested strategies, it would be necessary toestablish a mechanism for transnational civil society to implement collective
action. The activities are likely to go beyond state management capacities. The
foundations for the transnational civil society mechanism rely on the provisionof support for the following:
The creation of a forum for the exchange of learning, and the creation of a
network of public intellectuals committed to social reform beyond
countries, borders and religious. If these fora are created and expanded, thenumber of public intellectuals will be increased in the transnational system.
Support for research and development and determination of knowledge
and situational analysis of transnational issues such as foreign labour,
the environment, and neglected people. In undertaking transnational
research, the knowledge accumulated will lead to the ability to determine
solutions at the local and international levels.
Dissemination of findings of transnational research through public media
in order to accelerate the extension of knowledge and the sensitisationof the consumers. The public media will be encouraged to advocate Asiansocial issues rather than just focusing on political, economic and market
issues. This is the cultivation of the seeds of the transnational concept injournalists of the public media, by providing them with a platform forcollaboration in the international context.
Provide public media and public intellectuals with the opportunity tointeract with national leaders in public or policy fora on Asian issues.
Such international policy fora need not rely on the UN forum.Thus, it isnecessary to provide support for the collaboration of the various sectors
and civil society and their networks across borders and issues.

96Implementation has to be undertaken collectively in a limited area that is
not administered by a country or an NGO resulting in the elimination ofborders. The participating fellows in the Asia Leadership Fellow Program
discussed collectively undertaking two projects. The area of the firstproject is in the Mekong Delta River Basin requiring the cooperation ofSouth China, Burma Laos,Thailand and Kampuchea while the area of thesecond project is in South Asia where there is heavy migration of labour.
In addition, this area covering India, Pakistan, Sikkim, Bhutan and Nepal isvery sensitive to terrorism. These two areas are challenging areas inwhich to work without being bound by borderlines.
These are initiatives from collaborative implementation that would determine
mechanisms and organisations to adjust the conceptual framework acrossboundaries of the existing paradigm that have been in place for over 50 years.
Conclusions
The next decade is one in which there will be great change. It is not possible
to forecast all the changes in the future as the changes that are being faced in
the present, such as that of the economy and war, are complex and uncertain.
In addition, it is not possible to determine the attainment of peace as ournational leaders are using military power and war as the mechanisms to force
peace and eradicate terrorists. The current situation is that of fear, economic
recession, biochemical weapons attacks and terrorism. Moreover, the politicalmechanisms and institutes in existence are approximately 100 years old in theWest and 50 years old in the East. These mechanisms and institutions may not
be the best alternatives to lead mankind into the 21st century, as more people
are capable of self-determination, via public discources, and generally being
active citizens.
This leads to the conclusion that there are two alternative paradigms for the
21st century. The first one is that of the mainstream paradigm in which capitalis determined by globalised markets and Asian countries are dominated by somesuperpowers.
The second alternative, initiated by civil societies, is the use of social capital thatis still in existence and the liberalisation, re-identification and reinvestment to
add value and stimulate social processes or interaction from which civil society
sectors will rise in the regions. In addition, civil society processes will resolve
the problems of the mainstream paradigm and values resulting in thedevelopment of participatory democracy or peoples’ democracy. The direction
to be taken is to manage the problem and liberate people through the processof increasing their inherent values and providing them with tranquility,
compassion, commitment to the homeland, formation of group and community
ties – and reduce their economic poverty.

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In the next decade, civil societies will not be able to limit their work to the local
area nor can their work be based solely on social capital. If they limit
themselves, they will not be able to keep pace with globalisation. Moreover,they will not be able to respond to the complexities of the mainstream
paradigm dominating the world. This paradigm is leading to the use of force andwar: the use of state power by a few superpowers, and an economic system thatis dominated by advanced countries, controlling property rights that are being
sold to developing countries.
The civil society sector will have to unite at the transnational level in Asia tocreate an Asian initiative to advance the economy, peace and society. This will
be a historical milestone in that it is an initiative determined by Asians rather
than by the superpowers. This will be possible if there is collaboration in thefollowing:
Creation of the process for identification of knowledge and local wisdom
in Asia across boundaries.
Creation of civil society social movement across boundaries.
Creation of linkage and mobilisation of political policies in politicalmechanisms in Asia to institute policy changes that go beyond national
interests, loyalty and boundaries.
These three factors form the triangle of social change that the transnational civilsociety has to undertake, research and implement, based on a transnational
paradigm in Asia’s next decade.
Finally, this is undertaken with the hope for change in the state power in Asia.
In the end, the Asian state will be more democratic, transparent and have good
governance. More importantly, there will be collaboration that creates countries
incorporating economic, social, human, and peace and non-violent values. Thisis the conclusion that has been reached based on the commitment tocollaborate with those who are equally committed to the same principles ofpeace and respect for mankind.
Recommendations for Japan and Transnational Civil Society
This synthesis is oriented towards the construction of a new social
infrastructure, or a new mechanism in Asia, and the important role of Japan atpolicy and organisation levels. This mechanism is the foundation for the
emergence of network communities and intellectuals that will assist thestimulation of the emergence of civil society in the area of Asia.
The reason for highlighting the role of Japan in Asia is that the next decade
heralds the era in which civil societies in Asian countries will have to assist each98

other in forming, organising and establishing themselves. It has been determinedthat there are three main areas in which Japan could collaborate with countries
in Asia in the establishment of an Asian Initiative as follows:
In the past 50 years, the people and the government of Japan haveovercome a great loss that other countries have never experienced –namely, losing World War II, two atomic bombs, numerous war casualties
and deaths and guilt as war criminals. The result of these experiences is
the institutionalisation of a passive society. The Japanese have been able
to overcome their suffering and have been able to rehabilitate theirpeople and country without the desire for vengeance, retaliation or use
of force. In the 50 years after World War II, Japan has been committed
to ‘true peace’ as they are well aware of the pain and suffering of warfare,such as in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Japan is committed to disseminating
information on human suffering caused by the atomic bomb in order thatthe bomb will have been used for the first and last times in Hiroshima andNagasaki. This deep-seated commitment to peace cannot be found in any
other country.The Japanese experience is unique.
The accumulation of this sentiment over 50 years is a strength thatshould be transferred to Asian society. It has to determine alternatives tothe violence that is emerging in the management of the war against
terrorism. This violence is gradually escalating and may occur in nonvisible forms such as biochemical warfare, fear, uncertainty of safety anduncertainty of economy, financial markets and investment markets. With
conviction in peace and the peace process from the Japanese lessons, thealternatives to violence may be determined more rationally.
Even though Japan has been in economic recession since 1990, Japanese society
is still strong. As such, Japan has two strengths or comparative advantages ofwhich Asian countries should be aware. The first strength is the stability ofJapanese economic institutions when compared to other Asian countries andChina in particular. Even though China is developing, China’s strength lies in its
domestic market, while that of Japan is its ability to enter the international
market. This economic strength is an advantage that enables Japan to know Asia
through its economic infrastructure of markets, products, investments andpeople residing in Asia. The second strength lies in the fact that Japan willprobably not suffer unduly if the economic recession carries on. Thus, thestrengths of Japan should be able to facilitate the realisation of an initiative of
the Asian people and governments for the advancement of Asian unity andwealth.
We normally hear of Japanese aid to other countries and of Japanese
investments in other countries. However, currently there are NGOs working
in Japan concerned with international development and fostering relations
between Asia, Europe and America such as the Japan Foundation and the99International House of Japan. In addition, there are other organisations that areconcerned with the linkage between the grassroots levels, NGOs and policy
levels, between the people sector and the civil society sector in Asia andbetween international organisations and the Japanese Governmentorganisations (JICA and Official Development Assistance) to foster
collaboration in Asia. These organisations include the Japan Information Center(JANIC), PARC – a resource sector-information-research organisation in the
Pacific Rim, JVC – a volunteer organisation, Asian Community Trust – a funds
mobilisation organisation for grassroots activities and the Nippon Foundation.
These seven organisations have been active in the past ten years, stimulating
collaboration and human development, particularly that of Asian leaders.
The work undertaken by Japanese NGOs in the past ten years is a very
important step in enabling us to collaborate.The project to be proposed to theJapanese Government and other organisations is as follows:
Creation of mechanism, institute or social infrastructure at the regional
or international level in support of the paradigm, vision and strategy tocreate Asian peace. The social infrastructure that can be initiated by theJapanese Government, the seven NGOs and the organisations andgovernments of the various countries are as follows:
Collectively design a financial and social architecture that is independentof the World Bank, the US and Europe. Currently, Japan has establishedthe AMF. In the next five to ten years, the Asian region will be facing amore severe crisis, thus all the countries or all the poor, the NGOs andthe civil societies will have to rely on the World Bank or Western NGOs.
An Asian Social Fund (ASF) should be designed and established. This fundwill be a financial organisation that does not provide state to stateassistance, and is not administered as a government bureaucracy as in thecase of JICA and the UN. The Fund should be administered throughparticipatory management of the civil society sector of many countries
with donor representatives.
This fund should be independent of country politics or national politicaldecision-making mechanisms with operations undertaken by anautonomous organisation similar to the UN. The proposed organisation
can be differentiated from the UN in that it will ally itself closely with thepeople and civil society sectors, rather than being state-oriented andundertaking a diplomatic role.
The ASF, which is established through participation of many governments andsources of funds such as business, social and government organisations, shouldallocate funds for liberation and creation, to enable the grassroots people
organisations facing problems of poverty and impacts from the crisis to directly
utilise funds. In addition, NGOs, government agencies and civil society

100organisations should only act as sponsors. Operations will not be implemented
at country level but will be undertaken across countries in order to deal withtransnational problems such as drugs, labour, AIDs and marginalised people
that is not the oversee of any one government.
This suggestion is for the creation of a new social initiative through theestablishment of a fund. However, fund mobilisation is an issue that has to be
discussed further.
Extension and spread of the genesis of the civil society sector that is happening
in the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia and many other countries in which the
middle class is the main driving force. The main activities are determination of
economic direction and extension of activities in social affairs, in collaboration
with the central and local governments. If each country is to implement
activities independently, the growth of the transnational civil society will be
impeded.
As Japan has seven organisations that are active in the creation of public
intellectuals, international research and linkage of networks, in the next five toten years, these organisations may establish nodes in East Asia (China, Japan,
Korea, Hong Kong and Taiwan), South Asia (Bangladesh, India, Pakistan) and in
India and Southeast Asia (Thailand, Laos, Kampuchea, Vietnam, Singapore,
Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines and Burma). With the establishment of thesenodes, the chances of stimulating the emergence of civil society in SEA and thecultivation of the concept of transnational civil society, will be increased. This inturn will prevent the cold war mind-set from being an obstacle to theestablishment of a transnational civil society. In addition, Japan will be able tocollaborate at the policy and implementation level in Asia and with local civilsociety organisations and NGOs in determining strategies. Moreover, Japan andthe nodes of operations can stimulate unity, exchange and networks and thenlink with Japan. Thus Asia will have a superstructure that is made up of the three
sub-regional nodes, comprising transnational civil societies working towards
Asian unity. The activities of the sub-regional nodes include:• research in the growth of civil society for determining solutions to the
problem of poverty with country focus and transnational orientation;• human development training and leadership building;• creation of media to extend learning, stimulate social consciousness
and foster cross cultural understanding across borders;• create and extend horizontal public intellectual networks that can linkwith public intellectuals in Japan.
In support of these activities, Japan should increase support for local NGO
activities while Japanese NGOs should focus on forming transnational links andnetworks.

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This can include the creation of social infrastructure to support policy dialogues
at the government level and tripartite dialogues between:
Government representatives of each country from the policy sector,
collaborating for social reform to alleviate the current social crisis inorder to provide for the poor;
Representatives of NGO and civil society sectors and;Media working at the regional level active in social and economic policies
without focusing on government interests.
These three groups should have permanent representatives to work
consistently in creating policy dialogues to support peace, human security, thereduction of poverty in Asia, and the creation of the civil society sector as thethird track in Asia. On-going dialogue at national, regional and international
levels is an important issue. The seven Japanese NGOs could be the key
organiser in collaborating with national NGOs and civil societies.
Proposal for the creation of a structure for the academic and conceptual
exchanges among public intellectuals. A new generation of leaders at the subregional level should be encouraged to exchange learning across borders to
reduce national barriers and be the conduit to the establishment oftransnational civil societies in the next decade.
These four proposals are suggestions for the consideration of policy organisationsin Japan and organisations concerned with creating social unity in the Asian region.
The final suggestions are for the Japan Foundation and the International
House of Japan.These suggestions are synthesised from experiences garneredconcerning the spirit, concept, vision and conviction in the direction and newparadigm. It would be desirable if the experience could be extended asfollows:
Extension of the results of the two organisations in the next year:
September 11, changed global perception and resulted in the declarationof the war against terrorism. Thus in 2002, if the Asia Leadership Fellow
Program were to arrange another forum and the global perception is stillbased on the use of war to manage terrorism while the world and Asia
prefers a conceptual framework that is more civilised, the theme of next
year should be ‘Peace in Asia’. This topic should transcend state, culture,religion and non-violence. The resolution of the Fellows and scholars at
the forum next year could provide alternatives for Asian collaborationthat may be presented as a policy alternative.

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The Japan Foundation and the International House of Japan should
arrange an Asian forum for peace in early 2002 with the focus on thethree sub-regional nodes – namely, South Asia, Southeast Asia and East
Asia. Key leaders from the civil society, academic, government, and people
should be invited to discuss the issues facing Asia as a result ofinternational policies, the issues of peace, unity and the rehabilitation of
the crisis and provision of care for the poor. If a forum was arranged in
the three sub-regional nodes the output should be:
Identification of issues of sub-regional concern to be discussed during the
Asia Leadership Fellow Program towards the end of the year.
Identification of leaders that can lead the transnational civil society on theissues of peace, poverty, democracy etc. at the sub-regional level. These
leaders may initiate activities in the future and may be resource persons
or facilitators for the Asia Leadership Fellow Program 2002.
Identification of leaders to participate in the Asia Leadership Fellow
Program, resulting in the distribution of leaders, resource persons andparticipants in the future.
The results of the three sub-regional fora will provide the Program withraw materials, and if the Japan Foundation were to arrange a follow-up
symposium focusing on peace in Chiang Mai in October 2002, it would bepossible to use the raw material received as input. Thus the arrangementof the three sub-regional fora would build up to the final fora at the endof the year.
Proposal to the organisers:
In 2001, the Fellows designed the Remapping Migration Project and hope tocarry out the project together next year despite the fact that they reside indifferent countries. The Remapping Migration Project would appreciate funding
support from the Japan Foundation and the International House of Japan for the
initial work to be undertaken in early 2002. This initial work includes the study
and survey of the situation in the areas of South Asia, Thailand, Burma, South
China and Korea.
Request for a facility for public intellectuals that were alumni of the Program toexchange ideas, extension of the lessons of the Fellows, and increase in thenumber of Fellows. The proposal is to establish an Asian Transnational Housein Chiang Mai, Thailand as the first node for the Southeast Asian area. This
would be a facility that facilitates meetings, linkages and cultivation of Southeast
Asian intellectuals at least in Laos, Thailand, Burma, South China, Malaysia,
Indonesia and Vietnam. Thus, the Japan Foundation and the International Houseof Japan is requested to provide sponsorship and advice.

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Next year will be an important year for peace and the emergence of the civilsociety sector if Japan, the Japan Foundation and the International House ofJapan seize the opportunity to collaborate with the Japanese government andother governments in the region. The seven organisations in Japan can formtask forces to study the Asian Peace Fund and Asian Social Fund as a new
financial architecture that can facilitate the establishment of Asian transnational
civil societies through dialogue, financial architecture design, identification of an
administrative organisation – independent, across borders, respects thediversity of Asia. The identification of the format and the administrative
organisations is not easy and consultation with the Japanese Government andODA is not easy. It is understood that the Japanese organisation has alreadyinitiated talks but the objective should be the construction of a financial
infrastructure concerned with social and peace issues – this is an Asian Fundinitiated by Asia. Next year, the Japan Foundation and the International Houseof Japan can collaborate with the seven organisations to appoint a task force andconsultations on this issue. The author is willing to provide his experience with
the Social Investment Fund with the World Bank backing.

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Making a Cooperative Security System in Asia: For
Stable Society & Prosperity
Shimada Kazuyuki
Editorial Writer, Asahi Shimbun
Introduction
When we talk about security issues in the Asian region, we sometimes findourselves struggling in a jungle of unique political terminology as follows:- ‘Autocracy’ (non-democracy)- ‘Maldistribution’ of national wealth (poverty)- ‘Politico-military’ powers (coup d’etat)- ‘Unanimity’-based decision-making systems (inefficiency)- Policy of ‘non-interference’ (isolationism), etc
Each of them indicates, to some extent, the socio-political characteristics of thisregion and traditional values of the Asian people. However, through theseconcepts, it is still hard for us to see the whole of the current security situationin Asia. This is because security issues in this region have become toocomplicated, especially after the end of the Cold War. What are the mostappropriate words to express the current Asian security situation? We should
start to find out the answers.
Regional Tensions
We have to say that the Asian region will be the world’s most volatile andunstable area, with a large accumulation of military forces. The latest annual
defense paper of the Japan Defense Agency (JDA), released in July 2001, says thatsince the end of the Cold War, it has been harder and harder to predict thepossible military postures in this region. The main reason for thisunpredictability is the fact that some potential threats among nations still
remain, such as:- Korean Peninsula (confrontation between South Korea and North Korea)- Taiwan Straits (conflicts with China on the independence of Taiwan)- Spratly Islands (territorial disputes among six surrounding nations)- Indonesia (ethnic minority insurgencies)- Nuclear Developments (rivalry between India and Pakistan)
Although the above-mentioned are called a “negative inheritance of the Cold
War,” nobody can deny the possibility that any of them might become large
scale wars (‘hot wars’) in the near future. In this context, we need more work
done to express the current situation of Asian security in relevant ways.

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- Instability (unforseeable confusion)- Threats (ongoing conflicts)
The crucial problem with which we are now confronted is that we have noregular regional fora to discuss the instability and threats surrounding us. When
we wish for eternal peace, we must get rid of current confrontations that eroderegional security. Unfortunately, political ideas of making a solid security
framework to terminate regional conflicts have not matured in this region. No
collaborative action of regional leadership has been taken so far.
Surely, any potential threat around us no longer remains just within a level ofregional issues, but goes beyond to a global level. After all, what should be
discussed is a peaceful solution in the world community. But we must knowthat we cannot avoid disastrous results when actual clashes happen anywherein the region. Is it fair to think that direct dialogues among nations concerned
can lead to a peaceful solution? According to the political history of the region,
the answer is clear. It is “No.” There has been no precedent of direct diplomacy
in this region on disputed national security issues among confronted countries.
We should now make full efforts to build up a solid regional cooperative
security system that focuses on the method of nonmilitary-based conflict
prevention means.
There is a good example of a regional cooperative security framework: theOrganisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). OSCE has beenachieving many successful results on Confidence-Building Measures (CBMs) in
the last 29 years, such as establishing the yearly summit meeting of member
states, the Conflict Prevention Center (CPC), the Office of Democracy and
Human Rights, and the Higher Commissioner for Minority People.
It is reasonable for the Asian region to follow in OSCE’s good tracks.We are notnecessarily required to establish a brand new organisation, but rather, to makeeffective use of an existing framework: to modify the ASEAN Regional Forum(ARF). How can ARF be developed into a reliable security forum like OSCE?
Post-Cold War Process
ARF was established in 1994. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991,
military tensions between the US and the Soviet Union seeking politico-military
hegemony in Asia during the Cold War era, were drastically reduced. This
produced a ‘vacuum of powers’ in the Asia Pacific region. A possible threat formost regional countries was China’s expansionism to fill up the vacuum throughits military force, and countries in the Asia Pacific region agreed to build up amultinational organisation working against Chinese military threats.
Because the main idea of establishing ARF was recognised, the US, Russia andChina – besides ASEAN countries – became starting members of the newly-106born organisation. Furthermore, North Korea (DPRK) joined ARF as the 23rd
member state in 2000. The participation of DPRK helped to expand the roleand significance of ARF as a working institution to talk on regional security
matters. It can be said that ARF provides some important characteristics as asecurity forum in the Asia Pacific area.
Firstly, all major countries in the region now participate, with the exception
Taiwan, Hong Kong and Pakistan. Secondly, the objective of the organisation is
focused on the institutional function of conflict prevention measures. Thirdly, if
military clashes have happened somewhere in the region, the organisation is
expected to be a fundamental tool to stop the expansion of such conflicts.
The ARF-type regional security forum is going to work effectively, especially in
East Asia, where real military tensions still remain – such as in the Korean
Peninsula and the Taiwan Straits.
It was in the second annual meeting in 1995 that ARF set up the definition of its
institutional functions for a cooperative security forum. The programme of ARF
functional developments was/is as follows:First stage
Second stage
Third stage--- establishing CBMs--- profess preventive diplomacy--- capability of conflict solution

The first stage was achieved to great effect during the years from 1995 to 1998,
when CBMs among member countries were developed, namely:- Practice of security talks not only through Track 1 level, but Track 2 as well;- Development of military interchange (personnel exchange, military
exercises);- Participation with the United Nation’s Registration System of Military
Equipment;- Regular publications of the National Defense Report, etc
Then in 1999, ARF set up the particular items of the second stage as follows:a) Establishing a common perception on the principle of preventive diplomacyb) Enforcement of the ARF Presidency rolec) Making an ‘Experts Bank’ on national security issues
Unfortunately, none of them have yet to be realised because of manydifficulties among member states, especially on items (a) and (b). The strategicideas of preventive diplomacy depend upon a geopolitical situation in theregion. To enforce the role of organisational presidency may produce a
regional hegemonism.

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It is not easy for a multinational organisation like ARF, which contains significant
rivalry and confrontations among member states, to come to unanimous
agreement regarding national interests and regional leadership. ARF still stands
short of implementing its second stage of preventive diplomacy.
For a Solid Framework in Asia: Multi-layered Security Systems
How should ARF restructure itself to be the desirable security organisation?
We had better take a brief look at the present security situation in East Asia.
The unprecedented summit meeting in June 2000 between South Korea (ROK)and DPRK produced an atmosphere of appeasement in the Korean Peninsula.
Both the US and South Korea recognised the situation after the historicalmeeting: that the immediate threat of military clash had gone, and a détente will
come soon to the Peninsula. In particular, ROK, which maintains traditional
bilateral alliances with the US and Japan, gained confidence to establish other
diplomatic ties with China and Russia in the early 1990s to consult on common
security concerns. Both China and Russia have been keeping a good
relationship with DPRK since its independence after the World War II. These
diversified diplomatic ties, linked with DPRK, can be considered to contributeto regional peace and stability.
The US, on the contrary, is reluctant to make immediate changes in its militarypresence in the Asia Pacific area. The Bush administration announced that US
military forces based in ROK had been functioning as ‘the regional stabiliser’ andas such, it would not comply with any forced reduction.
However, if the détente in the Peninsula is developing, and economic cooperation
between South and North is further promoted, the US-ROK military alliance,
which regards DPRK as its ‘potential hostility’, will lose its strategic objective. It
is thus inevitable for the US to respond with a military presence. The
fundamental structure of the US-Japan military alliance must be affected as well,which would result in a possible forced reduction in the Japan area.
Like the US-ROK or US-Japan military ties, the traditional bilateral security
alliances structure of hub (United States)-spokes (that is, allied countries)
cannot effectively respond to the changing situation in East Asia. The security
framework of bilateral alliances is now obsolete and not enough for quick
responses to diversified threats in this region.
We have to construct ARF to be a more reliable cooperative security system
for the multi-layered framework in Asia; a system that encourages regional
security dialogues among all countries concerned.
ARF has already been learning and developing its first stage of cooperative
security process. Now, at the beginning of the 21st century, ARF should make108

its next steps toward preventive diplomacy, namely:- to establish an acceptable definition of ‘preventive diplomacy’- to get rid of some traditional Asian values to make management ofinternational fora more efficient (such as an unanimity-based decision
making system and the policy of non-interference).
- membership status should be reviewed for direct and moreconstructive dialogue among countries concerned. Taiwan, which is
not a member of ARF but only a member of APEC, should promote its
status up to APEC,ARF and the ASEAN Post Ministerial Council (PMC)
to match China’s current status. PMC is one of the core institutionsof the Asia-Pacific multi-layered framework. DPRK should also begiven ARF-PMC status. Pakistan should be granted ARF-PMC
membership to balance the Indian seat as well as Afghanistan, which
will be a key country to realise the regional stability. Both of them arecurrently out of the total security framework in the region.
In short, Japan – as an Asian representative of G8 and equal partners
with the US, China and Russia – should play a more substantial role toactivate ARF’s functions.
Restructured Model of A Multi-layered Framework in the Asia-PacificRegionARF
PMC
ASEAN + 3
Japan, China, ROK
ASEAN
Brunei, Indonesia, Laos
Malaysia,Thailand, Cambodia
Philippines
MyanmarSingapore,Vietnam

US, Canada, Australia
New Zealand, Russia,Taiwan

India, EU, DPRK
Pakistan, Afghanistan

Papua New Guinea

Mongolia

Hong Kong, Peru,
Chile, Mexico
APEC

109

Summary of Activities
Ozawa Tomoko,
Rapporteur
Sept 3Introduction Session
Visit to the Japan Foundation Asia Center

Sept 4

During this first round of workshops, the Fellows introduced theirchosen area of research with some details of their personal andprofessional background.
Workshop I: Presentation by the Fellows (1)David Celdran / Ann Lee
David explored the role of the media in the Philippines, especiallytelevision, which he considers to be the most effective means ofreaching and influencing the mass public. In his presentation,
Surviving the Marketplace of Ideas in the Age of Electronic Media hestated his wish to see more sociopolitical issues and debates
delivered to audiences, despite an apparent trend for game showsand ‘dumbing down’. The challenge remains to capture the interestof viewers who prefer entertainment and sensational graphic
images to informative news and debates. David also shared hisconcern over interlocking interests of station owners andmanipulation of programs. He gave suggestions to mix criticalthemes and social issues with professional television techniques,and debunked stereotypes of the passive and ignorant tele-viewer,
based on quantitative and qualitative analyses. He noted theinfluence of developments in policy frameworks and the social
environment for the increase of educational and critical content
into television programmes.
Ann titled her presentation Modern Mythologies in Popular Culture
about ‘Asian Values.’ She defined Asian values within various contexts;
historical, contemporary and the perceptions of them as
documented by various intellectuals, and also, as preferred by Asians
themselves, noting that so far the articulation of ‘Asian values’ hadbeen dominated by politicians, and – considering contemporary
economic realities of recession – easily dismissed. She asked, butwhat of more general public perceptions about ‘Asian values’ andtheir validity? She expressed her opinion that while they may be
intellectually demolished, Asian values are nevertheless popularly
believed in. In the context of Malaysian mass culture, and using theunderstanding of mythologies first articulated by Barthes, Ann
focused on the form of television commercials, particularly110‘infomercials’ and their articulation of certain values in Malaysia’scase: particularly, racial harmony. According to Ann, while there arevalid arguments that true racial harmony does not exist in Malaysia,
nevertheless such harmony is widely aspired to. She showed clips ofcommercials – developed by Yasmin Ahmad, Creative Director of aleading advertising agency in Malaysia – such as one celebrating
Merdeka (Independence), sponsored by Petronas, the national
petroleum company, which had touched on a taboo subject(racial riots in 1969) but had nevertheless inspired widespread(constructive) dialogue in newspapers and on the street.
Workshop II: Presentations by the Fellows (2)Huang Ping / Ryu Jeong Soon / Shimada Kazuyuki
Ping focused on his personal activities in his presentation
Intellectual Debates on Public Issues in 1990s China. At the outset, hecommented that scholars are not necessarily intellectuals, as thelatter need to be concerned with, and possess an interest in public
issues. Ping related his experience in research about poverty, having
visited certain rural areas of China during the last ten years towork with local communities. (He shared his experience in helping
to improve the quality of life of the poor, including changing
sanitary conditions in remote mountainous regions without
necessarily having to spend huge amounts of money, and by making
gradual changes.) He related his experience editing, with others,
the intellectual and multi-disciplinary monthly journal Reading(English translation) which has a monthly circulation of
approximately 100,000 copies. Ping said it has been referred to asa ‘symbol of enlightenment’ and is certainly an open public spherefor intellectual debate and artistic writing in China. By sharing
public space where ideas are exchanged, although solutions are
rarely sought, Ping expressed his hopes to contribute by linking
different perspectives and local experiences. He stated his great
expectations of the younger generation to think in terms oftranscending binary approaches to issues.
June (as she is better known!), discussed issues concerning Korea’s
homelessness and those living below the poverty line. Her topic
was Social Welfare Policy. According to her, twice the number ofgovernment figures or 10 million people, one-fourth of the entire
population, lives in poverty in Korea. She explained however, thatproviding housing and medical care are more serious problems
compared with food and clothing needs. Christian organisations,especially Catholic groups, are actively taking part in caring for
those who need assistance. June noted the vast unemployment of
workable people, since the 97/98 economic crisis, had created the111‘new poor’. She stated that more than three months of
homelessness often results in a lifetime of being homeless. She
considered the role for the mass media in the alleviation of poverty
as critical since social issues can and need to be brought to publicattention.
Shimada stressed the necessity, in his presentation, Making a New
Security System in Asia – For Stable Peace and Prosperity, of politicalalliances in the northeast region of Asia in order to create a conflictpreventative system. He foresees as realistic, the possibility ofoutbreak of armed conflict surrounding the Korean Peninsula andTaiwan Straits, and stated the importance of promoting cooperative
political dialogue between the US, China, Korea, North Korea, Japanand the far eastern part of Russia. He pointed out that if the two
Koreas became reconciled, it would be a big step toward thecreation of a co-operative security framework. He also mentionedthat it is vital to make full use of existing bilateral relations. If mutual
trust is enhanced, discussions can be broadened to address more
serious issues. According to Shimada, until all vestiges of the Cold
War are eliminated from this region, it is more realistic to keep preexisting bilateral security alliances, such as those between Japan andthe US, and South Korea and the US.
Welcome Reception
The Fellows introduced themselves and had the opportunity tomeet with invited guests, including academics, social workers,
representatives from corporations, NGOs/NPOs, the media, andother supporters of the ALFP.
Sept 5

Workshop III: Presentation by the Fellows (3)Mahendra P Lama / Anek Nakabutara
Mahendra began his presentation Economic Reforms in South Asia:
Prospects, Challenges and Concerns by introducing the geographical,
demographic, cultural features of India. The country’s vast geography
and demographic and cultural diversity were emphasised.
Mahendra’s major objectives for India (and the six other nations
within South Asia) are the following: developing a high economic
growth rate that is efficient and attracts foreign investment, andalleviating poverty. He noted that there have not been remarkable
steps in fighting poverty in India, compared with other regional
nations. He ventured that the social structure and people’s
aspirations are so diverse that no model has so far been effectively
applied to counter battle India’s poverty. Mahendra emphasised theneed to reform the present delivery system in which only a small

112amount of actual funds reaches the local people, because eachbureaucratic level often takes a portion of funds for itself.
Anek raised fundamental concepts related to his work against
poverty in his presentation Social Capital and Civil Society Building and
Networking:A Case Study of Thailand. He stressed the significant roleof ‘soft power’ or loving, sharing and caring that promotes mutual
support in communities. With a paradigm shift including ‘soft
power’, Anek believes a preference for dialogue, consensus andunderstanding emerges. By reexamining the meaning of poverty andwhat it means to live below the poverty line,Anek also pointed out
the necessity of more precisely recognising each individual’s skills,
place of residence and local socioeconomic activities.The challenge,
perceived by Anek, includes the creation of public spaces forenhancing interaction between intellectuals and local residents, andvaluing local or bottom-up knowledge.
Sept 5–8

Field Trip to Yamagata / Miyagi Prefectures

The Fellows visited various organisations and public facilities in Tohoku, thenorthern region of Japan. This trip was organised in order to observe therelationships between local government and civic organisations in promoting
the development of civil societies.
At Sendai City, Miyagi Prefecture, where NPO activities have been thriving, someof their activities were introduced and discussions were held to exchange
perspectives on the meanings and roles of NPO activities. In relation to theglobalisation of rural communities, the last stop at Ishinomaki City, Miyagi
Prefecture was made to discuss the relationships of the government, NPOs andmedia and also to enhance the creation of new networks.
At the Nagai Son Juku (literally meaning ‘Nagai village school’), Nagai City,
Yamagata Prefecture, the Fellows were given a lecture on the city’s demographic
characteristics in relation to its welfare policies. In accordance with the national
trend, Nagai, the home of approximately 32,170 persons, is experiencing
unprecedented aging. An increasing number of the approximately 9,500
households are nuclear families, which necessitates facilities that provide carefor the elderly. Financial support for nursing senior citizens largely depends on
the insurance paid by the citizens between the ages of 45 and 65. However, therecipients of the care are still required to pay 10% of the actual cost, which attimes can be too much of a burden for those relying solely on pensions.
Fellows were taken to observe the case of the Rainbow Plan, which has createdan eco-friendly lifestyle for people by successfully circulating local resources.
Local farmers and residents originated the plan as a means to improve thequality of Nagai soil, which they recognise as essential in producing nutritious

113and safe agricultural crops. Since the beginning of operations in 1997, the Nagai
residents have enjoyed more locally grown food, which had previously been
exported from the community to urban areas. The city is retaining a higher selfsufficiency rate than in the past. Interestingly, the Rainbow Plan’s office islocated within the municipal government administration, reflecting the ‘oneness’of the residents and government, a point also stressed by the residents. Kanno
Yoshihide, one of the leaders of the Rainbow Plan, shared his personal life story
as to how he was involved in the initial stages of the project, his perceptions andhopes. It was emphasised that the government and community residents haveworked hand-in-hand and the idea of a partnership does not exist because there
are no boundaries that divide the government from the citizens. Following abrief stop at the home and farm of Yuki Noboru, a local farmer who gave a tourof his farm and shared some of his farming methods, the Fellows visited the
production site of the Rainbow Plan.
The multimedia and interactive library, Sendai Mediatheque in Sendai City,
Miyagi Prefecture, was opened in January 2001 and is visited by approximately
3,000 to 4,000 people every day. Besides the traditional services of a library,
Sendai Mediatheque provides Internet access, film showings in the theater andgallery space for exhibits and workshops. According to the librarian, to theirsurprise, they are witnessing a large number of senior citizens who come to use
the library or participate in the workshops as volunteers.
The organisation El Park Sendai promotes gender equality and focuses
especially on domestic violence against women and other social issues related
to women. According to its representative, Kisu Yaeko, its main activities include
giving lectures, consulting with both individuals and corporations, and providing
publications and audiovisual materials. With financial support from Sendai City,
the organisation spends an annual budget of approximately 44 million yen on its
programmes. In 2000, the 30 staff members of El Park welcomed 17,000 visitors
to its facility.
Professor JF Morris, Miyagi Gakuin Women’s College, guided the tour of Sendai
Castle that was built in 1611 by Date Masamune, the first lord of the Sendai
Domain. Professor Morris explored some of the controversial aspects
surrounding today’s reconstruction plan, currently swayed by political interestsof the city, the building industry and the local Chamber of Commerce.
According to Professor Morris, the ‘reconstruction’ of the turrets to build alandmark for Sendai and improve its tourism, is being carried out with hardly
any degree of historical accuracy, and distorts the original architecture of thecastle. Since Sendai Castle was more of a ceremonial complex than a military
defense structure, Professor Morris declared that it should have no turrets.
Some of the Fellows related similar situations in their respective countries; theconflicting battle of attracting tourists without any consideration for the local
history or natural environment, or proper restoration of meaningful sites.

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At the newly-opened Sendai NPO Plaza, moderated by Dr Hagiwara Natsuko,
Vice Director-General, Environment and Lifestyle Department, Miyagi
Prefectural Government, the representatives of the following seven NPO
organisations briefly introduced their principles and activities; Sendai Citizens’
Network for Seniors, Sendai Miyagi NPO Center, Akane Group,You & I, Miyagi
Children’s Network,Water Environment Networking in Tohoku and Media andNPO. While both NGO and NPO groups deal with pursuing the interest of the
public, the Fellows learned that the term NPO serves as an umbrella which
encompasses all civic organisations. A Fellow inquired about the legal status ofNPOs and was told that NPOs are legally restricted from participating in any
political or religious activities.
Following a brief stop at Matsushima Bay, the Fellows traveled to Ishinomaki
City, Miyagi Prefecture, including the Ishinomaki Fish Market, where about 200
different types of fish are unloaded at the ports.
At Miyagi’s Sant Juan Bautista Museum, Endo Sachiyuki, Assistant Head of themuseum, welcomed the Fellows. Nearly 400 years ago, the Sant Juan Bautista,
the first Western-style ship to make two roundtrip voyages across the Pacific
Ocean, was built by the orders of Date Masamune. Endo dwelled on thepioneering spirits that motivated Japan’s first diplomatic mission to Europe. The
museum’s simulation theater ‘recreated’ the journey Hasekura Tsunenaga,
Date’s vassal, and 180 crew members took in 1613.
In the afternoon, the Fellows participated in a workshop titled Local Strategies
for Globalising Ishinomaki City in the 21st Century at the office of a local newspaper,
Kahoku Shimpo. Sugawara Kohei, Mayor of Ishinomaki City, greeted the Fellows
by relating the city’s long history of active international exchange. A localorganisation called Foramu, with 30 members, related how it enjoys cultural
diversities while maintaining respect for each other’s values and experiences. It
was explained that only one third of the members have had any real intensive
contact with foreign countries or persons, but still manage to enjoy
multiculturalism in their community. A Fellow inquired about the organisation’s
linkages with foreign institutions and individuals, and commented on theimportance of having the local administration’s support. Another Fellow
commented on the treatment of foreigners which often reflects the nation’s
economy: foreign workers are usually welcomed in times of labour shortages,
and then treated as scapegoats for society’s problems when the economy is lessprosperous. Another topic of discussion was the issue of stereotypes
perpetrated by the media. The media coverage of economically less-well-off
nations only tends to make the headlines in natural disasters and other news
that portrays negative images. While globalisation is almost a synonym for losing
an identity rooted in local traditions, the fact that Ishinomaki citizens seem toshare a global spirit, without devaluing their cultural heritage, was anotherobservation made by a Fellow.

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The Fellows were especially pleased to meet local residents and detected asincere connection between the people and local government since neither side
was trying to claim sole credit for their successful results in various activities.
Sept 11

Workshop IV: Discussion on Future Directions

The Fellows were invited to make comments on the astonishing footage
each had seen on CNN and local media about the World Trade Center towers.
A workshop was postponed in view of the events.
Sept 14

Visit Asia-Japan Women’s Resource Center

Representative Matsui Yayori spoke about the exploitation of Asian women in
the Japanese sex industry. The Fellows inquired about the organisation andlearned that the Center depends on an annual membership fee of 8,000 yencollected from its 900 members – most of whom are middle-aged – and theefforts of volunteers and interns. According to Matsui, women from Thailand,
Philippines and other countries are often trafficked to Japan without proper
documents, leaving them vulnerable with no other choice but to become
prostitutes under the surveillance of traffickers. Matsui repeated that theirorganisation is mostly concerned with the most marginalised and most abused,
when a Fellow suggested that the legalisation of prostitution as a legitimate
profession might ameliorate the situation for female prostitutes. In response toanother Fellow’s question, Matsui explained that the Japanese government hasdone virtually nothing to improve the situation.
After explaining about the Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal on theJapanese military’s ‘sex slaves’ and the activities of another organisation,
Violence Against Women in War-Network Japan also headed by Matsui, shelamented that the influence of the right wing in Japan is becoming more visible.
The Fellows were told that the Tribunal judged Emperor Hirohito, who wasnever been brought to trial in a court of law, to be guilty of war crimes.
Sept 18

Workshop VI: “Introduction to Consumer Science”

June’s presentation, Introduction to Consumer Science, was on theoretical concepts
and specific examples of consumerism. In order for the public to receive better
service, June declared that the amount of supply must exceed the people’s
needs. Although it is this competitive environment that would bring benefit to
the consumers with cheaper prices and better qualities, the government should
function its regulatory role as protectors of social minorities and domestic
industries. June referred to political theorist John Rawls, who sketches acomplex notion of how a state could make a positive impact in terms of being‘re-distributively just’ – that is, how a liberal democrat state can ensure that its
community members are provided with basic rights, and more or less equal
opportunities. June also gave several specific examples of how fashion116

statements and trends reflect an individual’s sociopolitical stance in a historicaland contemporary context. In conclusion, June suggested that consumer
leaders ought to be trained as activists.
Workshop VII: “Strategic Communications”
Ann shared her experience as a strategic communications consultant, working
in advertising, design and public relations (and that in modern terms, these
disciplines are being broken down so that agencies and consultancies now
provide multiple services). She expressed her concern that too often,
organisations with important messages to communicate do not consider
advertising techniques as a valid way to get those messages across – particularly
some NGOs with left wing backgrounds. She expressed her opinion that thesame methods used for promoting shampoo can be used for promoting issues
such as racial harmony, pro-environment, anti-apartheid, etc. She showed
examples of branding for consumer products, private and public sector
organisations, and ‘issue-management’ campaigns she has worked on, including avoters education campaign which was used by the African National Congress
for the first democratic elections in South Africa.
Sept 20

Workshop VIII: Discussion with Kato Mikio,
Executive Director, International House of Japan

Kato Mikio, Executive Director of the International House, shared his thoughts
on public intellectuals, the past activities of the International House of Japan andsome social features of Japan. Even before the buildings of the International
House were constructed, intellectual exchange, especially between the US andJapan, was one of the distinguished activities fostered by the founders. The
phrase ‘public intellectual’ had not been commonly used at the time, as anintellectual was simply a ‘man of knowledge.’ Kato advised the Fellows to
consider what it means to be a public intellectual in the process of defining theirrole. He expressed his opinion that a public intellectual needs to be welllearned, informed and concerned about political and social issues with
objectivity. Furthermore, it is essential to correctly perceive one’s distance andrelationship with the powerhouse or political entities.
Sept 21-23

Weekend Retreat in Tateshina

The Fellows attended a weekend retreat at Tateshina Forum, Nagano Prefecture.
They engaged in discussion with ten Japanese participants from academia andorganisations. There were three attendees from the Japan Foundation Asia
Center and four from the International House of Japan. Following greetings given
by Komatsu Jun-etsu, Managing Director of the Japan Foundation Asia Center, theFellows gave their presentations, which were essentially developments of theirinitial thoughts stated at the outset of the Program. All made comments about
the September 11 events though June focused on the events entirely in her

117presentation The Role of Asian Public Intellectuals After the Terrorists’ Incident. Criticalof America’s intentions to retaliate, June was concerned to revisit the definitionsof freedom and justice, and encouraged Asian public intellectuals to voice theiropposition against violent and destructive retaliation.
Sept 25

Resource Person Seminar by Prof Sakamoto Yoshikazu“Transnational Civil Society in Asia”

The concepts and relationships of states, the globalised market economy, civilsociety and international organisations were covered in Professor Sakamoto’s
lecture. Geographically, he focused mostly on East Asia because of the region’s
strong economic ties and cultural affinities.According to Professor Sakamoto, acomparison and contrast between the capital market economy and democratic
civil society include commonalities such as the maintenance of order andmarket liberation and/or regulation. The fundamental difference lies in the factthat while the market refers to the commodification of social relations, civilsociety is oriented toward the humanisation of social relations. As for the
future of East Asia, Professor Sakamoto explained his ideas for a regional unionor association, based on transnational civil societies. He stated that too muchemphasis should not be place on institutionalism. Instead, the focus ought to beon empowerment.
Sept 26

Visit Kalabaw-no-kai

Headed by Reverend Watanabe D Hidetoshi, the apartment-turned-office of
Kalabaw-no-kai (Association in Kotobuki for Solidarity with Migrant Workers)
is located in the centre of 300msq of Yokohama City, Kanagawa Prefecture
where the ‘urban poor’ assemble, including street dwellers and day-workers.The
Fellows had the opportunity to hear from the manager of a building built by thecity to house support groups and activities for the less privileged in this area. It
was emphasised that support networks, loosely formed among the street
occupants, function as safety nets. Although there are no exact figures,
Reverend Watanabe speculated the number of street dwellers to be around
6,500, of whom 90% are single males. Their main source of income is earned
from obtaining work on a daily basis in mostly construction sites, while others
conduct ‘shadow work’, or non-economic contributions, to their mutual
support groups in ways that they can. In response to questions from theFellows, it was explained that the traditional Japanese mentality of perceiving
shame in accepting welfare is common among the older generation. Racialconflicts have also increased.
Sept 27

Resource Person Seminar by Prof Fujiwara Kiichi“History and Nationalism in Post-war Japan”

Professor Fujiwara lectured on Japanese pacifism, “clashing memories” ofhistory and the Japanese intellectual circles before and after the Second World118

War. By introducing the visitor’s reactions to the Hiroshima Memorial Museum,
Professor Fujiwara exemplified the two modern beliefs concerning war: one is
aspiration for absolute pacifism or the total denial of war, and the other is thecall for “a just war against evil powers.” In the post-war period, Japan’s
experience was symbolised by Hiroshima, which fostered the concept ofnational pacifism. He also addressed the rising interest in history as a subjective
narrative rather than an objective portrayal of the past, and the gap or distance
between post-war intellectuals, state and society. The Fellows led the discussion
with questions regarding the role of Japan in the Asian region and also the useof nationalism, which, according to Professor Fujiwara, is something people
would not have to think about if they are provided with credible and secure
governance.
Sept 28

Resource Person Seminar by Prof Okamoto Mitsuo“Peace Studies in Japan Today”

Before discussing his studies on peace, with a special focus on Hiroshima,
Professor Okamoto briefly explained the histography of Peace Studies in Japan.
In the early 1960s, scholars began to analyse peace, the causes of war andconditions for peace. Professor Okamoto classified peace research andeducation into the following five categories; 1) war and military (critique andconquest of violence manifested in physical conflicts), 2) political, economic,
cultural, religious and racial liberation (critique and conquest of violence against
the weak), 3) re-inventing lifestyle (critique and conquest of violence against
nature), 4) learning process and attitude formation (critique and conquest of
psychological / educational violence), 5) philosophical, ethical, theological andreligious peace thinking (systematisation of Peace Studies). Answering a Fellow’s
question concerning Professor Okamoto’s focus on the atomic bomb, it was
repeatedly emphasised that regional, social and historical variances reflect anindividual’s research in the field of peace. A Fellow commented on the nationstate system that has institutionalised and industrialised wars making them
violent as never before.
Oct 2

Resource Person Seminar by Prof Harashina Sachihiko“Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) in Japan”

In 1983, the draft legislation for a national EIA Act was defeated in the Diet.
However, in 1993 the government introduced the Basic Environmental Law for
pursuing sustainable development and in 1997 the EIA Act was finally passed by
the Diet. According to Professor Harashina, transparency or the disclosure of
information to the public throughout the process and communication,
consultation and participation from both sides of the proponents and public are
essential. The Fellows had various comments; difficulties in overcomingcommercial ties between the government and developers, and between
governments. Professor Harashina pointed out that Japanese regulations do not
apply to overseas manufacturing.

119Oct 3

Workshop IX: Discussion on the Public Symposium (1)Oct 5

Resource Person Seminar by Prof Tom Gill
“Japanese Popular Culture”

Following a historical overview and tour of the University of Tokyo by Professor
Fujiwara, Professor Gill discussed Japanese popular culture. Several widely-readweekly and monthly magazines were introduced along with Professor Gill’scomments, one of which was on the popularity of adult ‘manga’. Following a
Fellow’s question, Professor Gill explained that the popularity is rooted in thehistorical entertainment of story-telling using slides of pictures. He said adult‘manga’ or comics loaded with violence and pornography seem to be an outlet
for repressed people. Professor Gill referred to the ‘bento box’ metaphor toillustrate how diverse tastes or genres are accommodated together within
Japanese popular culture.
Oct 6-9Field Trip to Nagasaki / Fukuoka Prefectures

The visit to the Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum was made with Professor
Takahashi Shinji, Nagasaki University who later led the tour through the Peace
Park. Professor Takahashi explained that Nagasaki’s A-bomb experience is often
symbolised in the phrase:“anger of Hiroshima, prayer of Nagasaki.” In response
to a Fellow’s question concerning Nagasaki’s postwar demands or hopes forretaliation, Professor Takahashi reflected on the general feelings of nonretaliation among Nagasaki residents. To begin with, they had no A-bomb orother weapons equivalent to the destruction causable by a nuclear attack, andthe San Francisco Peace Treaty dissipated Japan’s right to strike back. Professor
Takahashi also focused on Nagasaki’s historical Christian heritage, which isconsidered to be a contributing factor in perceiving the bomb drop as God’s
providence, and the aftermath as a God-given trial, extracting and crystallising
endurance. Another Fellow asked whether visitors from different nations haveparticular reactions to the exhibit. According to Professor Takahashi, after
touring the museum, Japanese visitors generally commit to “no more war”,
while a proportion of visitors from the rest of Asia claim the exhibit to be selfrighteous, not exhibiting the conduct of the Japanese Army and events that led
to the war. He also spoke of an American couple’s reactions and their naïve
sympathies, and Japanese students who literarily run through the exhibit
because of their incapability to deal with any kind of atrocity.
The Fellows visited the actual site of the Isahaya Bay Land Reclamation Projectwith members from the Japan Wetlands Action Network, a pro-wildlife group.
During the workshop attended by the Fellows, Nishimura Kiyotaka a memberof the City Council representing pro-reclamation and local residents from theanti-reclamation side exchanged their views. Disaster prevention, waterdrainage, farming and fishing were the main concerns. It was generally agreed
that the local residents ought to take initiative in reviewing the entire project120

instead of having the national government decide what is supposedly in theirbest interest. Keisen University Professor Ohashi Masaaki summarised that theworldwide challenge is to realise projects from the bottom-up. After theworkshop, one of the Fellows shook the hand of a local resident and owner ofa clock store who patiently protests by standing on the streets everyday for ahour holding a piece of board paper with a line of protest handwritten on it.
The silent protestor claimed that knowing that something is wrong and notdoing anything about it leads to a situation like World War II, and it is something
he refuses to submit to.
In Fukuoka City, Fukuoka Prefecture, the Fellows met the representative of Egao
(meaning ‘smile’), which organises and hosts social gatherings for senior citizens
in the neighborhood. The volunteers, mostly homemakers in their 50s and 60s,
prepare lunch for the senior citizens who pay 1,000 yen per visit besides anannual membership fee of 3,000 yen. In response to the Fellows questions, it was
explained that the senior citizens who visit Egao are mainly women, and retired
men are less likely to become interactive with the community. It was explainedthat war memories have cut deep in the psyche of every senior citizen because
something about the war is often revealed in daily conversations.
At Yoriai (meaning ‘get-together’), a care house for senile senior citizens, theFellows were informed about the organisation’s efforts to offer personal andflexible day and or night service to senior citizens. At the time of the Fellow’s
visit, there were three live-in citizens and about four short-stay citizens at Yoriai
which can comfortably accommodate ten persons. The Fellows showed greatinterest in the organisation’s income budget (40 million yen per year) and also
the staff workers (nearly half the employees are part-time, wage-earners), theirtraining (the workers are trained mostly on the job), earnings (for a full-time
employee, no more than 4.6 million yen per year) and their mental andpsychological welfare (preventing burnouts etc.; difficult issues).
Established by the Fukuoka City in 1999, the Fukuoka Asian Art Museum is thefirst museum in the world to collect and exhibit contemporary and modern
Asian art. The Fellows had several general questions about the museum, which
is managed by the City Hall and employed by 13 staffs and curators. As an
exchange-oriented facility, the museum also invites and sponsors artists fromother parts of Asia.
At the Fukuoka City Human Rights Education Center, established in July 2000,
approximately 111 organisations have registered to use the facility’s mailbox andother equipment – free of charge.
The Fellows attended a workshop with the representatives from Asian Women’s
Center, Fukuoka NGO Network, NPO Fukuoka and Fukuoka Citizen’s
Volunteer Center. Established in 1997, the Asian Women’s Center counsels,
supports and shelters battered women and their children.

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Fukuoka NGO Network began its activities in 1993 with an aim to deepen theunderstanding between various NGOs in the Fukuoka region. They have 17
registered NGOs and no full-time employees. Established in 1999, NPO
Fukuoka encompasses various scopes of activities, supporting and empowering
different NPOs and individuals interested in NPO activities. Established in 2000,
the Fukuoka Citizen’s Volunteer Center conducts counselling, collects anddisseminates information and publishes newsletters.
Professor Ohashi concluded that ‘the third sector’ has a major role to play inthe future. Compared to the profit-making sector, NGOs and NPOs are able
to provide swifter, inexpensive and better service, though serving a small
number of individuals. In order to avoid becoming mere sub-contractors, an
important role for the civil sector is in creating alternatives and becoming awatchdog that keeps an eye on the nation’s power and money.
Professor Ogawa Takeo, Kyushu University, lectured on regional demographic
changes in Japan based on statistics from the national census, focusing on theageing population.
At the end, the Fellows were asked to give their impressions and comments ofthe field trip. The Fellows valued the informal gatherings that proved to be avaluable opportunity to exchange ideas on a wide range of topics.While moretime to themselves could have been useful in completely digesting theirexperiences and touring other places of personal interest, the trip wasconsidered, as one Fellow expressed as “truly educational”.
Oct 10Workshop X: Discussion on the Public Symposium (2)The Fellows gathered
the upcoming symposium.
Oct 12

todiscussthecontents

and

title

of

Visit Dentsu Inc.

At one of the leading advertising agencies in Japan, the Fellows watched several
recently aired television commercials and had a discussion with Hayashi Hisashi,a commercial planner for television. Some of the questions the Fellows asked
concerned legal restrictions in broadcasting and the characteristics of Japanese
consumerism. Hayashi said legal restrictions do exist but it is usually the clients
who tend to remain conservative. According to his observation on culture,most Japanese people conform and have a follow-the-leader attitude.
Oct 16

Visit Fuji Television Network Inc.

Following the tour of Fuji Television Network Inc, the Fellows met with the
producer of Hodo 2001 (New Report 2001), a live-talk show dealing with current
political, economic and social issues. The Fellows were interested in the various

122political pressures, ratings and pressure from sponsors that influence the show.
The producer of the show stated that at present, they are enjoying their highest
viewer ratings of 7.7%(i.e. approximately 7.7 million households) since their first
airing in 1992, but they are not too concerned with making high ratings because
the programme can be sold to sponsors all the same. A Fellow asked how best
to indicate a programme’s success; a sense of self-achievement was the reply
given by the producer.
Oct 18Workshop XI: Discussion with Ambassador Fujii Hiroaki
President, Japan Foundation

Ambassador Fujii Hiroaki, President of the Japan Foundation, exchanged his
personal opinions with the Fellows. Discussions began with exchanging
opinions on the September 11 terrorist incidents. Stressing the importance of
avoiding conflicts between civilisations, Ambassador Fujii stated that a conflictof thinking had clearly emerged in the aftermath, between a new solidarity
formed by the West and common feelings in Islamic nations.
Other broad ranges of topics such as Japan’s reaction to the economic andcultural globalisation in recent years were discussed. With regard to thehomogeneity of Japanese society, there is apparent diversification in opinions,and confusion in the political scene as evident in the different kinds of revolt at
the highest levels of the government. At the same time, it was pointed out thatJapan has not been completely tolerant to diversity. A recent shift in focus
highlights individualism, or taking riskier, bold steps instead of passively seeking
a safe haven in conformity or collectivity.
Oct 22

Resource Person Seminar by Prof Gerald Curtis“The Public Intellectual and Public Policy”

Professor Curtis lectured on the current state of Japanese politics, which heperceives is undergoing one of the most dramatic changes in modern history.
Recognising the fact that fundamental changes need to be made, a new mood,led by Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro and his messages often convey hopeat the end of the tunnel. Japan is standing at a fork in the road; witnessing
extraordinary social changes that have not yet been reflected in policy changes.
Professor Curtis believes that with a lack of intensive public discourse on Japan’s
future and what it should do, the role of public intellectuals is indispensable. A
Fellow asked for Professor Curtis’ impression of higher education in Japan andProfessor Curtis mentioned that think tanks, critiques and researchers who can
influence public policy are underdeveloped in Japan. He further stated that asfor public intellectuals, at the heart of the problem is education, especially higher
education and problems such as inadequate courses at universities, the Ministryof Education’s overly intrusive demands to control universities, and businessoriented and affiliated think tanks that require drastic reforms.

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Workshop XII: Discussion on the Public Symposium (3)The Fellows met again to finalise content and other preparations for the
symposium.
Oct 26

Public Symposium: “Rethinking Existing Paradigms:
Public Intellectuals in Action”

The symposium Rethinking Existing Paradigms: Public Intellectuals in Action was heldon the October 26. Koide Izumi greeted the participants and in his opening
remarks Kato Mikio described the history of the programme and its objectives
to promote the leadership of young public intellectuals. Kato also thanked
Ishizuka Masahiko, Management Director of the Foreign Press Center, forgenerously moderating the symposium, which began with the Fellow’s individual
presentations, and ended with a presentation of the group project Remapping
Migration, and some time for questions and answers. In conclusion, Ishizuka
reemphasised that migration is a critical issue. He noted his suspicion that mostJapanese do not understand the full dimensions of issues related to migrationand expressed his hopes to see the project develop in a meaningful way.
As a surprise to their new friends and colleagues, the Fellows then sang (somealso danced) a song representative of their own home country, andharmoniously recited a Japanese seasonal song with Christopher Blasdel,
International House of Japan, on the shakuhachi (traditional flute).
Oct 29Visit to the National Diet

The Fellows engaged in a discussion with Member of the House of Councillors,
Yamamoto Ichita (Liberal Democratic Party) following a tour of the House ofRepresentatives. One of the first questions posed by the Fellows was to what
extent the people support Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro. Yamamotoelaborated on his high esteem for the Prime Minister whose structural
reconstruction plans speak to the heart of the Japanese people, in a time when
the nation must regain its economic competitiveness in the world market. A
Fellow pointed out Japan’s passiveness in taking leadership in Asian affairs.
Yamamoto stated his reluctance to see Japan in a greater leadership role
because he believes Asia is not truly demanding Japan to play such a role.
Admitting Japan’s diplomatic ambiguities in Asia, he said Japan neverthless faces
a task of widening its scope of relations with nations other than the US.
Oct 31

Evaluation Session

The Fellows met to make their comments and presented more detailed forms
about their evaluation of the Program.

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Resource Persons
Gerald Curtis
Fujiwara Kiichi
Tom Gill
Harashina Sachihiko
Okamoto Mitsuo
Sakamoto Yoshikazu

Professor, Colombia University;
National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
Professor, University of Tokyo
Associate Professor; Managing Editor, Social Science
Japan, Institute of Social Science, University of Tokyo
Professor,Tokyo Institute of Technology
Professor, Hiroshima Shudo University
Professor, University of Tokyo

Tateshina Retreat Participants
Hamashita Takeshi
Iwabuchi Koichi
Kurokawa Chimaki
Lee Jong Won
Nagafuchi Yasuyuki
Nagai Hiroshi
Soeya Yoshihide
Suda Yuko
Suzuki Naoki
Takeda Isami
Terada Takefumi

Professor, Kyoto University
Assistant Professor,
International Christian University
Managing Director,The Toyota Foundation
Professor, Rikkyo University
Associate Professor, Nagoya Institute of Technology
Professor, Kanda University of International Studies
Professor, Keio University
Associate Professor,Toyo University
Associate Professor, Seisen University
Professor, Dokkyo University
Professor, Sophia University

International House of Japan
Koide Izumi
Program Director
Shimamura Naoko
Chief Program Officer
Sonoda Kimihiro
Assistant Program Officer
Ozawa Tomoko
Rapporteur
Japan Foundation Asia Center
Komatsu Jun-etsu
Managing Director
Takemoto Chiharu
Director, Intellectual Exchange Division
Machimura Akiko
Intellectual Exchange DivisionThomas Redwood
Intellectual Exchange Division

125

Concluding Remarks
Dr Huang Ping
The 2001 Asia Leadership Fellows feel deeply grateful for having had such atremendous opportunity to share their experiences, ideas, and perspectives
with their Japanese colleagues as well as amongst themselves.
The significance of interchanging ideas and communicating with one another iscommonly recognised. Without such constructive interchange and productive
communication, a minimal but necessarily basic mutual understanding, which isone of the keys for a more sustainable and more humane future, would not havebeen possible.
It is important to point out that communication via various means does notalways mean people have to agree with each other. Rather than seeking for anagreement, precisely because in many cases people have different backgrounds
and therefore various approaches to the commonly shared concerns, it is
crucial for us to maintain intellectual communication and interchange.
In the age of globalisation and regionalisation which provides both chances andchallenges from anywhere at any moment, the ALFP 2001 Fellows indeed agree
that it is high time for public intellectuals in Asia to cultivate a lively atmospherein order to build up a public space and/or an intellectual forum where more
people, including marginal groups, can participate and benefit.
The ALFP 2001 Fellows have spent an incredibly meaningful time in both Tokyoand other parts of Japan, and an especially happy time with Japanese intellectual
colleagues and the staff from both the Japan Foundation and the International
House of Japan.The Fellowa have had a unique change to know and understandmore about Japanese society and its culture, which would have been impossible
for the Fellows if only coming for a short visit without comprehensive
arrangements.
The ALFP 2001 Fellows are deeply impressed by the work done by different
kinds of NPO groups and individuals in Japan. The work on peace, genderequality, and environmental protection are just a few examples that will havemuch wider and deeper implications beyond local boundaries.
It is worldwhile to point out that the Fellows all share the idea that a paradigm
change is necessary in order to cope with the new challenges we are facing
today; a change which goes beyond a binary understanding of East vs.West, pastvs. future, we vs. the other, and development vs. underdevelopment.
The Fellows believe that it will be fruitful to continue their friendship byworking more closely on issues of common concern. A closer relationship126

between academic research, media reproduction, and NPO/NGO activities, istimely and significant. They are also very aware of the urgent need for linking
their intellectual work with a wider association in Asia.
The Fellows also see the necessity for interchange programmes such as the
ALFP, which is distinguished from many other scholarships in terms of its multidisciplinary nature, and its close relationship between Fellows and local
activities.

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APPENDIX I
The Problem of the Intellectual
Dr Huang Ping
Professor & Senior Research Fellow
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
The definitions of the term ‘intellectual’ are different, the theories ofintellectuals are various, and the problems of the intellectual have been debatedfor more than a century. Amongst these problems, there are various usages of
the concept (l) Where are the social locations of the intellectual? (2) What is
the relationship between intellectuals’ social locations and their political ideas?
(3) Do they form a special class, or an independent classless stratum, or rather,do they belong to various classes? (4) Do their political ideas express or
represent their own interests, or the interests of other classes separately, or
rather, a complex of the interests of various classes?
Concept of Intellectual and Intelligentsia(1) Intellectual
Various usages of the concept
Terminologically, ‘intellectual’ has been a widely used but universally ambiguous
concept. Social scientists or sociologists have their own definitions and usages,
which are nevertheless various.Amongst these, Edward Shils’s statement is wellknown:
Intellectuals are the aggregate of persons in any society who employ in theircommunication and expression, and with relatively higher frequency than mostother members of their society, nature, and the cosmos. (Shils, 1973:22)
According to Shils, it is not only those who produce intellectual works, whoengage in their interpretation and transmission, who teach, annotate, or expoundthe contents of works, but also those who ‘consume’ – for example, read
intellectual works in large quantities, and who concern themselves receptively
with works – who are intellectuals.What is more, it is not only those engaged in
the creation and reception of works of science, scholarship, philosophy, theology,
literature, and art, but also those involved in intellectual-executive roles as well,
who are intellectuals. (E Shils, 1968:399;Cf., SM Lipset and A Basu, 1976:119.)
Shils’s understanding of the term of intellectual seems so wide that some othersociologists prefer to narrow down their definitions. For instance, Lipset defines‘intellectuals’ as those who create, distribute, and apply culture – that is, thesymbolic worlds of man, including art, science, and religion (SM Lipset, 1960:311;
1976:119). RJ Brym confers the title upon those people who get occupationallyinvolved in the production of ideas, including “scholars, artists, reporters,

128performers in the arts, science, etc, as well as students in post-secondary
institutions, who are apprentices to these occupational roles.” (RJ Brym,
1980:12.) A more concrete but narrower definition is given by E Etzioni-Halevy,
who, following Lipset and Brym, not only defines intellectuals as those “who areprofessionally engaged in the creation, elaboration and dissemination oftheoretical knowledge, ideas and symbols”, but also points out that her
definition includes the overlapping categories of university academics, naturaland social scientists, research scholars, journalists, and writers. Whilst those
who only, or chiefly, apply theoretical knowledge, such as engineers or medical
practioners (if they do not engage in pertinent research), are not included, nor
are students, though many of them are apprentices to the professional roles ofintellectuals. (E Etzioni-Halevy, 1985: 9-16)
Some sociologists even emphasise that intellectuals should be more outstanding
than ordinary educated people. In this sense, neither all academic persons nor
all members of the professions are intellectuals. Max Weber limits them tothose “who by virtue of their peculiarity have special access to certain
achievements considered to be ‘cultural value’, and who, therefore, usurp theleadership of a community.” (Weber, 1946:17.) Weber’s argument, however, is
not beyond criticism. Since there have always been at least two kinds ofoutstanding cultural men/women, i.e., the defenders of the status quo and themalcontents, and the latter could be frustrated with so-called “cultural value”
and therefore be outside, or even at adds with, their contemporary cultural
setting, should we treat these two similarly under the title of ‘intellectuals’, orreserve the title only for those with critical attitudes towards the status quo?
Coser seems to be amongst the group which claims that the title should be only
given to the latter, for he argues that intellectuals, seemingly never satisfied withthings as they are, “question the truth of the moment in terms of higher andwider truth; they counter appeals to factuality by invoking the ‘impractical ought’.”
In other words,“intellectuals live for rather than off ideas.” (Coser, 1965:VIII.) But
Coser’s definition, as Coser himself recognises, has a tendency to idealise theportrait of the intellectual. The same problem actually exists to some degree inmany definitions of intellectuals. One example is Neumann’s description, which isread as following: “The intellectual is, or ought to be, the critical conscience ineach of its historical period.” (FL Neumann, 1976: 423) It seems very reasonable:
the people who define or describe intellectuals are at the same time intellectuals
themselves, or more strictly, are considering themselves intellectuals. As Bauman
points out, definitions of intellectuals, which are many and diverse, have one trait
in common: they are all self-definitions (Z Bauman, 1987:8.)
More important is the problem that if we construct a definition of ‘intellectuals’
based merely on their psychological characteristics, without taking account of
their social positions within society, we would be in danger of confusion. Can
we simply name manual workers with critical spirits as members of theintellectual? Or should we say that all intellectuals must be critical, while not all129men with critical spirits are intellectuals? Theoretically and historically, the sameor similar psychological characteristics can always be amongst various social
members, whilst opposite characteristics can appear amongst members fromthe same social class or stratum. Thus, merely according to psychologicalcharacteristics, can we hardly find a person’s social location?
Origin and shift of the term
To understand ‘intellectual’ better, it is necessary to survey the origin and shiftof the term.‘Intellectual’, as a term, was first used by Clemenceau in an article in
L’Aurore on 23 January, 1898.As a consequence of the Manifeste des Intellectuals
evoked by the Dreyfus Case, the term was widely used then in France.The rightwing, anti-Dreyfusards satisfied the café-revolutionaries as ‘intellectuals’. For
example, Brunetiere used it derisively, referring to those artists, scientists andprofessors who presumed to represent the nation’s conscience on basic politicalquestions.To him, it was quite illogical to deduce that an educated person, who
is remarkable in some specific subject – for instance, mathematics, or literature– should thus be justified to be the representative of a nation’s conscience.
Gradually in France, the term ‘intellectual’ came to mean those educated people– for instance, artists, literary writers – who had broken with tradition, order,
and the wisdom of the ages, and who exhibited strong political aspirations bydirectly seeking to be state rulers, or indirectly influencing decision-making. (Cf.,
R Hofsadter, 1963: 38-39; Kirk, 1960; and W Martin, 1987:65.)
In the US, the first usage of ‘intellectual’ in the 1980s was interestingly similar: it
was a pejorative rather than honorific term. An intellectual at that time wasregarded as a misfit of the déclassé: a working man who read more than auniversity graduate, or a gentleman who came from an upper class family but
rejected his origin, or an educated person who failed to complete his studies,
who lacked discipline, who had intellect but not character, and so on. The
scorned position of intellectuals did not change until the 1930s, when social
scientists in general, and economists in particular seemed to have the capability
to lift American society out of the Great Depression. ‘Intellectual’ became arather positive word and was given to those social scientists, especially
economists, afterwards. (Feuer, 1976: 48-52.)
In Britain, the situation was very different. Here, educated persons historicallyconformed to rather than criticised the social establishment. As A Swingewood
points out, the peculiarities of English society and culture – such as profoundconservatism, intellectual retardation, and hostility to social change – haveeffectively “created the conditions in which intellectuals function through thedominant discourses of the political and social structure.”(Swingewood, 1987.8790.) British graduates not only prided themselves on their Oxbridge background,which nurtured their minds with conservative attitudes towards reality, they also
enjoyed special privileges. For example, they had the right to elect 12 membersof Parliament, which continued until the 1950s. Because of the lack of the criticalspirit amongst them, many British graduates, who were nurtured on Plato and130Aristotle, and who went out to work in the colonial service, to rule an empire
as philosopher-kings, were scarcely to be regarded as ‘intellectuals’, nor did they
see themselves as such. Bertrand Russell once declared: “I have never called
myself an intellectual, and nobody has ever dared to call me one in my presence.”(Cf., Kirk, 1960; and Feuer, 1976: 49-50.)
However, according to Shils, who insists that every society, including primitive
ones, contains its own intellectuals, there were intellectuals in Britain in the mid1950s who, unlike intellectuals in many other societies, fundamentally approved of
their own society.“Never has an intellectual class found its society and its culture
so much to its satisfaction.” (E Shils, 1955:6; 1968:401; 1972:3-4.) It seems thatwhether intellectuals are critical depends more on their traditional culture andcurrent social conditions than on their intellectual or academic levels.
Perry Anderson even argues that “a peculiarity of English history has been the
tradition of a body of intellectuals which was at once homogeneous and cohesive
and yet not a true intelligentsia.” (Anderson, 1 964:42-43.) This raises twoquestions: (l). Is there such a thing as “a true intelligentsia”? and (2). If there is,what is it?
(II) Intelligentsia
As a term, ‘intelligentsia’ appeared first in the middle of the 19th century. It
denoted “free professions”. It was remembered that VG Belinsky and Peter
Boborykin first introduced the term of ‘intelligentsia’ into Russian literature in
1846 and 1860, but Aleksander Gella finds that the first reference was made by
the Poles Bronislaw Trentowski and Karol Libelt in 1844. (A Gella, 1976:12, 20;
and 1987a. Cf., ME Malta, 1961:I.)
More importantly, social scientists have concerned themselves more with thesocial phenomenon itself than the concept of such a phenomenon, for “thecoining of a new term by itself does not determine the existence of a new social
stratum.” They are more interested in knowing “when, where, and why theintelligentsia appeared”. (Gella, 1987a.) They are generally in agreement that the‘classical intelligentsia’ appeared in late 19th century Russia and Poland. It
included those educated men/women without or with little property, whoreceived Western ideas – for example, liberalism, nationalism, and socialism –but who were isolated not only from the mass, but also, perhaps more
profoundly, from the political regime.Their education would not necessarily givethem great careers; they were educated but distinct from other educatedmembers of the upper classes. And more significantly, they sought radical
changes to their social and political structure, or at least had critical attitudes
towards the established social system, hoping certain kinds of social reform
would be happening.They could be either Belinsky’s “enlightened individuals”, orLavrov’s “critically thinking individuals”, or Lenin’s “tribunes of the people”.The
intelligentsia could contain both admirers and critics of the West, both
revolutionaries and reformers, but were by no means an educated vested

131interest group or individual defenders of the established order - though mostof them came from families of the nobility and the urban bourgeoisie. (Cf., Gella,
1976.9-27; 1987b; Malta, 1961:l-18; Nahimy, 1983: 3-18; Seton-Watson, 1960; andW Martin, 1987.64-66.)
It was a special, probably unique, phenomenon in economically-backward
societies, like Russia and Poland in the 19th century, where Western ideas had
already influenced some educated men/women who were still ruled bytotalitarian regimes.This “true intelligentsia”, however, had never constituted the
majority of the educated people in Russian society, nor in others, but because of
the classical usage of the term, many social scientists nowadays still differentiate
intelligentsia from intellectuals. They used ‘intelligentsia’ to cover those selfconscious men/women in art and/or science who are alienated from, or haveeven revolted against, the established order, and ‘intellectual’ to classify individualin scientific and/or artistic circles who might be either critically opposed to, or
conservatively in favor of, the establishment. (Cf., Gagnon, 1987: 5.)
The unresolved question is: if the intelligentsia or the “true intelligentsia” wereunited, neither by an economic standard of life and income, nor by theireducation and professional competence, nor even by their intellectual
accomplishment, but mainly by their common ideological bounds – i.e. by theircritical attitude towards the given society – how should we explain such a socialgroup? (Cf., Gena, 1976: 13; Nahirny, 1983: 8, 16.) Should we thus treat‘intelligentsia’ as a specific group of individual intellectuals, a specific stratum oreven an independent class? “No recognised system of social analysis, either
those known to the intelligentsia itself or those elaborated since by modernsociology, makes provision for a ‘class’ held together only by the bond of‘consciousness’, ‘critical thought’, or moral passion.” (Malta, 1961: 5.) Not allsocial scientists would adopt such differentiation in the usage of the term of‘intelligentsia’ and that of ‘intellectual’. R Michels, for one, makes no separation
between the two terms; another example is Lipset, who makes a differentiation
by taking ‘intelligentsia’ to mean creators and distributors of culture, while‘intellectuals’ were a wider group, including not only these creators anddistributors, but appliers of culture as well. Moreover, Mannheim considers theintelligentsia a “thoroughly organised stratum of intellectuals”. On the contrary,
Gouldner defines intellectuals as those whose intellectual interests “areprimarily critical, emancipatory, hermetic and hence often political” butintelligentsia is “fundamentally ‘technical’.” (R Michels, 1932:1 18-126; Lipset,
1981:333; Mannheim, 1 940: I l; and Gouldner, 1979: 48.)
It is inevitable that much controversy is generated by the lack of agreement
about the definitions of the terms ‘intellectual’ and ‘intelligentsia’. It would be
naive, however, as Coser says, to believe that once the terms have been properly
defined and clarified, all differences will be automatically eliminated. (Coser,
1965: 248.)

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Sociological Approaches to the Problem of the intellectual‘Intellectual’ and ‘intelligentsia’ cannot be merely interpreted as concepts
through exploring the origins and usages of them. As mentioned above, social
scientists are more interested in understanding social phenomena than playing
with words. To understand the phenomena of intellectuals and intelligentsia,
several theoretical models have been set up, which will be summarily analysed
below.
(1) Karl Mannheim’s “Free-floating intellectuals”
First is that employed by those who maintain that intellectuals are capable ofdistancing themselves from, or transcending, social relations and practical lives,and can thus be, at least relatively, free to think, choose, move, and locate.
Parsons claims that intellectuals put cultural considerations before social ones;
Shils asserts that intellectuals are those “persons with an unusual sensitivity to
the sacred, an uncommon reflectiveness about the nature of their universe, andthe rules, which govern their society.” (T Parsons, 1969:4; E Shils, 1969:25-26.)
Yet it is Karl Mannheim who elaborates why and how intellectuals could besocially classless, or at least relatively so. In his various writings, Mannheim
constantly used the words, “Freischwebende intelligenz" (free-floating
intelligentsia), an expression borrowed from Albert Weber, to describe
intellectuals’ peculiarity. (K Mannheim, 1982:269; 1979:137; 1956:106.)
Mannheim maintains that intellectuals form “a social stratum, which is to a large
degree, unattached to any social class.” In other words, they form “a stratumwith no roots, or at least few roots, to which no position of class or rank canbe precisely imputed.” (Mannheim, 1979: 139; 1953: 127.)
Two significant characteristics of Mannheim’s intellectuals can be seen in his
Ideology and Utopia. One is their political heterogeneity. Mannheim finds that
intellectuals are politically heterogeneous to such a degree that they can findarguments in favour of any political cause they may happen to serve.Another istheir homogeneity, for they are all educated people. Mannheim treats education
as a unifying sociological bond between all groups of intellectuals, which ties
them together in a striking way and gives them the ability or power to attune –or dynamically, to synthesise – almost all political perspectives of various classes.
Mannheim’s argumentation and exposition are so inspiring and controversial,that sociologists have been debating the problems that he raised and advanced
for more than 60 years since he published his Ideologie und Utopie. Mannheim istherefore regarded as a path breaker in the sociology of intellectuals.There is,however, a contradiction of logic in Mannheim’s argumentation, as Brym
exposes: the combination of heterogeneity and homogeneity.
Mannheim emphasises that intellectuals are too heterogeneous in their politicalviews to form a class by themselves, but at the same time, he stresses theircapacity to arrive at a relatively homogeneous synthesis of almost all viewpoints

133

of various classes. “It clearly cannot be the case that the political attitudes ofintellectuals are simultaneously heterogeneous and homogeneous.” (Brym,
1980:56.)
In reality, it is not easy for us to find political homogeneity amongst intellectuals.
In 1929, for instance, when Ideologie und Utopie was first published, there weremany academics who supported the Nazis; other radical intellectuals at
Frankfurt's Institut fur Soziaghrschung were Marxist , and some in Berlin's
Deutsche Hochschule fur Politik were liberals. It is reasonable to assume that
Mannheim’s total synthesis, of political perspectives by intellectuals, is more atask that intellectuals ought to aim to fulfill than an accomplishment they havealready achieved; more a hope than a fact, more an ideal than a reality. Mannheim
really wishes that intellectuals, especially their “elites”, could put themselves ina position to develop a total orientation and synthesis. But such a synthesis has
not come to pass. On the contrary, as Bottomore points out, “the intellectual
elites, in most countries and at most times, is one of the least homogeneous orcohesive of elites, and displays a considerable variety of opinion on cultural andpolitical questions.”(TB Bottomore, 1966:75.)
As far as the heterogeneity of intellectuals is concerned, Mannheim thinks that
intellectuals can voluntarily affiliate themselves with one or the other of thevarious antagonistic classes, for in fact, intellectuals are to be found in the courseof history in all camps. From here, Mannheim correctly points out that
intellectuals are politically heterogeneous.The question is: how can we draw theconclusion from such heterogeneity that intellectuals are thus socially freefloating?
According to Mannheim, there are several possible reasons: first, intellectuals
are “recruited from an increasingly inclusive area of social life”; second, they can“attach themselves to classes to which they originally did not belong”; and third,
unlike workers and entrepreneurs, who participate directly in the process of
production and therefore are immediately bound by class affiliations,
intellectuals “can adapt themselves to any viewpoint” and they alone are “in aposition to choose their affiliation.” (Mannheim, 1979: 138, 141.)
At least two questionable points are left here. The first is: the term ‘class’basically means not so much the family backgrounds that people originally have,but more the social positions they are economically given. Though the former
strongly influences the latter in many cases, theoretically, they cannot be simply
or confusingly mixed up. It does not matter whether a manual worker comesfrom an impoverished peasant family, or a bankrupt landlord family, or even anoble family. He is a manual worker if, and only if, he is employed by his
employer and doing certain sorts of manual jobs in a capitalist society.
Furthermore, neither his family background, nor his own experiences canentirely determine his current class position in theory. A magnate could havebeen a peddler or a handicraftsman. Historically and logically, each first134

generation of classes is recruited from others.
It would be much clearer if we focus our attention on the modern, advanced
capitalist society in which social mobility is getting more and more frequent.As
a result, not only intellectuals but also the members of other groups may havetheir origins elsewhere. Thus, neither the recruitment of intellectuals from anincreasingly large area of social life, nor their affiliation to classes they originally
did not belong to, can make intellectuals exclusively privileged members of afree-floating stratum. Can we say that because some members of a class camefrom other social groups, this necessarily means that they are socially freefloating? If so, there would be more than intellectuals who were free-floating.
The second point is: within the social structure, there are two kinds of people:
those who directly participate in the process of production and therefore form
the basic socio-economic classes, and those who do not.The latter consists of
not only Mannheim’s intellectuals but also others – for instance, governmental
ministers and bureaucrats, army officers and soldiers, policemen and judges.
Why do intellectuals alone enjoy the privilege to be in a position to choose
their affiliation? Mannheim argued that education here plays a significant part.
Education is emphasised by Mannheim to such an extent that intellectuals’
participation in a common educational heritage progressively tends to suppress
differences of birth, status, profession, and wealth, and to unite individually
educated people on the basis of the education they received. (Mannheim, 1979:
138.)
The problem remains, however.There are not only Mannheim’s intellectuals, but
in modern societies, at least, politicians, army officers, judges, and many others
who are often highly educated as well. Further, not only those who do notparticipate in production, but also some of those who do participate in it – suchas entrepreneurs and engineers – are in diverse degrees, educated. Why, then,can intellectuals alone raise themselves above the attachment of class relations,and float freely over society, whilst other social members, who are also
educated up to tertiary level, cannot?
Mannheim himself recognises such problems, for he always uses “relatively” initalics to modify his term of “free-floating intellectuals”. Unfortunately, we arenever told the exact meaning of “relatively”. Mannheim, too, finds it difficult to
discover a concrete social group, which correlates with his conception of “freefloating intellectuals”, and felt the necessity of analysing the relationshipbetween their ideological orientations and patterns of social mobility only a few
years after publishing Ideologie und Utopie.This can be clearly seen in Mannheim’s
essays on the Sociology Of Culture. (Mannheim, 1956: 142--149. Cf., Brym,
1980:57; Renunling, 1975:73.)(2) Alvin Gouldner’s “New Class”: Cultural Bourgeoisie
The second approach toward locating the social position of intellectuals is that135

shared by those sociologists who treat intellectuals as an independent class,although diverging from one another on their exact placing of intellectuals
within the social structure. Generally, there are two variants of this approach.
One claims that intellectuals, especially Western-educated radicals in
economically underdeveloped or developing countries, form a “ruling class”.The
other asserts that in both the West and the East, intellectuals are forming a “newclass”. (Cf., Gagnon, 1987:7.)
The first variant, influenced by elite theorists such as Pareto and R Michels,
declares that in economically underdeveloped or developing countries – 20thcentury Russia and China, for example – the social upheavals that have been
defined as revolutions were actually ‘coups’, and the Western-educated radical
intellectuals and their elites became members of the ruling class after these socalled “intellectual coups d'etat”.(H Lasswell & D Lemer, 1965:80.)
This is a more historical than theoretical approach. No matter whether the
revolution in those underdeveloped societies are in fact “intellectual coups” ornot, it is necessary to remember that, first, not all leaders of developing
countries are intellectuals; and second, in countries such as Russia and China,
where the leaders of the revolutions/‘coup’ were considered to be
overwhelmingly intellectuals, what really happened was more complicated.
Just as Kamal Sheel claims, a revolution “cannot be understood in terms of thewisdom of intellectuals only.”(Sheel, 1989:XIV.) To a large degree, we could say,
it is not the intellectuals who brought revolution/’coup’ into being, but rather,
the increasing social conflicts between various classes and political forces which
resulted in the upheavals (revolution or ‘coup’), and it is these social upheavals
which created thier own leaders. As Barrington Moors points out: intellectuals,
in spite of urban education and commitment to Marxism, were not totallyalienated from their own additional environment, and they “can do little unlessthey attach themselves to a massive form of discontent.” (B Moors, 1966:480.)
Taking top leaders of the former USSR and China, as an example, can show this.
Before they became so-called ‘professional revolutionaries’, these individuals
either went to university (Stalin and Mao, for instance), or completed theirundergraduate studies (for example, Lenin and Zhou En Lai). Only after theyjoined in the masses of workers (in Russia) and peasants (in China), did thediscontented intellectuals, in the long-term political and military struggle, learn
to propagandise, mobilise, and organise the people, and then gradually occupy
prominent leadership positions and become generally acknowledged.
Lacking such experience, the ‘real scholars’, Plekhanov and Chen Du-xiu, thefirst leaders of the Communist Parties of both Russia and China, had to betransient figures in the political arena.
More generally, there are plenty of Western-educated men and women in136

underdeveloped or developing societies who are not revolutionary, but liberalor even conservative. In terms of their educational background, interestingly,
these persons usually hold higher degrees than the revolutionaries. Should wethus strictly modify the statement to read: “intellectuals who hold relatively
lower education degrees in underdeveloped countries become revolutionary,and then after the revolution (‘coup’) form the ruling class”, whereas higher
degree-holders do not? Supposing that all leaders of all underdeveloped ordeveloping countries were intellectuals, and there were no other kind of
intellectuals at all, that is to say, all leaders were intellectuals, and all intellectuals
were revolutionary, should we thus say intellectuals in these countries formed
the ruling class?
The identification of the members of a class is carried out, according to theircommon relationship with the means of production (to own or control themeans for instance), their socio-economic position (owner, manager, or
worker), rather than their educational background or their ideologicalorientation. It is possible in any society at any time in general, and in modern
society, developed or underdeveloped, at the present time in particular, thatnearly all the members of the ruling class are educated persons. But we cannot
thus say that educated people or intellectuals, or their “elites” form the rulingclass.There is no causality here.
The second variant of the approach to the intellectual considers it anindependent class, as elaborated by Alvin Gouldner in his The Future Of
Intellectuals and the Rise Of the New Class. Gouldner claims that in both the Westand the East, intellectuals are forming a new class, which he labels the “cultural
bourgeoisie”, because they have the same relationship with the means of
production, and share a common cultural background. (A Gouldner, 1979. Also
A Gouldner, 1985.)
Let us examine the common cultural background first. The common cultural
background is, according to Gouldner, the culture of critical discourse (CCD).
The CCD is “a historically evolved set of rules, a grammar of discourse which(l) is concerned to justify its assertions, but (2) whose mode of justification does
not proceed by invoking authorities, and (3) prefers to elicit the voluntary
consent of those addressed solely on the basis of arguments adduced.” In aword, CCD “is centered on a specific speech at: justification.” (Gouldner,
1979:28.)
Gouldner claims the CCD, as the deep structure of a common ideology of
discourse, is shared by both humanistic intellectuals and technical intelligentsia
through education – or to be precise, through public school. This kind of
education in public school proceeds at a distance from close parental
supervision, and through the medium of a special group “teachers”, who train
their students to believe that the value of their discourse does not depend upon
their differing class origins.“Public schools therefore are schools for a linguistic137

conversion, moving their charges away from the ordinary languages of theireveryday life and moving them towards the CCD.”(Gouldner, 1979: 44. Cf.,
Gouldner, 1985. 30-33, 37-38.)
Secondly, let us explore intellectuals’ common relationship with the means of
production. Gouldner asserts that this common relationship is determined by
the fact that, intellectuals as a whole, integrated by sharing the CCD, control the
production and distribution of “cultural capital”. Unlike money capital, cultural
capital is not material but symbolic; but like money capital, it can be used tocommand income, status, and power.
According to Gouldner, classical capital, or the capital defined by classicalpolitical economists, is actually merely one kind of capital. More abstractly
speaking, capital in general should be any produced object, used to makesaleable “utilities, thus providing its processor with incomes, or claims toincomes defined as legitimate because of their imputed contribution toeconomic productivity; these claims to income are enforced normally by
withholding, or threatening to withhold, the capital object.” (Gouldner, 1979: 21)
Because of this, Gouldner insists that anything can be defined as capital, when it
serves as the basis of enforceable claims to the private appropriation ofincomes, and legitimised given their contribution to the production of economic
valuables and wealth. From this, Gouldner concludes that education is capital
simply because it provides incomes, because these incomes are enforceable, andbecause they are legitimated intrinsically, depending on the continued availability
or withholding of their services and activities. (Gouldner, 1979:23.)
Now, Gouldner thinks humanistic intellectuals and technical intelligentsia canform one class. It is a class, which, like other classes, uses its special culture,
language, and technique to advance its own interests and power, and to control
its own work situation. But it is also a specific class, a “cultural bourgeoisie”,
which privately appropriates the advantages of a historically and collectively
produced cultural capital.
It seems to me that the importance of education, in the process of teachers
imbuing students with CCD and thus forming a New Class, is exaggerated by
Gouldner. In order for this to take place, if it indeed takes place, first, there
should be a prior autonomous, or at least semiautonomous, group of teachers
who take the standpoint of the collectivity as a whole, and speak in the nameof the nation, or even the universe, without any obligation to preserve specificclass privileges in the new public education system. Second, if this was so, whenchildren went to school, they and their parents’ ideologies would begin to growmore divergent, and their parents would no longer be able to reproduce thevalues of their own class in their own children. And third, following Gouldner's
logic, as soon as these children received the CCD “in one word, one meaning,”
it would be efficacious “for every one and forever.” Yet, all these three factors

138

have not existed, and we cannot find such an education in reality. It has not
happened that both teachers and students have been able to isolate themselvesfrom society, and then transcend it. Moreover, and not surprisingly, teachers andstudents from the same school can simultaneously divide ideologically or
politically into diverse sub-groups.
The more heated argument is centred on Gouldner’s conceptions of capital andcultural capital. Firstly, as we have showed, the key to his capital is that it is thesource of income. Gouldner asserted that “any produced objects used with theintention of augmenting utilities or wealth, whether hardware or skills may becapital.” (Gouldner, 1979:23.) In this sense, both money and education, can beused as capital. But unlike money capital or economic capital, Gouldner's
cultural capital, as Martin and Szelenyi point out, cannot be detached from theindividual who owns it. Does this mean that the owner of cultural capital must
thus put his capital into action himself each time it is used in the process of
production? If so, how can his cultural capital be used as the “means of
production” by others? (C f., B Maltin & L Szelenyi, 1987: 34--36.)
Secondly and more problematically, cultural capital, unlike economic capital, isinconvertible: it is unlike economic capital, which can be converted into moneyor its equivalent, and therefore used in the process of accumulation, whichmakes such valuation and convertibility of capital goods possible. A holder of
economic capital could, of course, convert his capital by using money primarily
invested in a shoe factory to a cap factory, whereas a holder of an engineering
degree could hardly use his cultural capital in the field of political sociology ofintellectuals. Should we still treat this degree as capital?
Thirdly, as Gouldner himself said, all classes possess cultural capital in somedegree. Then the problem is: how does the New Class differ from others?
Gouldner thought that the New Class could be differentiated in two ways:
quantitatively, it possesses a relatively greater stock of cultural capital, and a
relatively larger part of its income derives from it; qualitatively, its culture is a
special one, that is, the CCD.
There are some problems here. The first is Gouldner's “quantitatively greaterstock of cultural capital”. It seems that Gouldner forgot that quantitatively, we
can only stratify people into different strata rather than differentiate them into
various classes. The second problem is, we do not know how much cultural
capital can be calculated as “relatively greater stock”. Should we say that a man
who receives higher education possesses a relatively greater stock of cultural
capital than a man without a higher education background? If so, how should wetreat those great intellectuals, for instance, some literary writers, who neverwent to university? The final problem is, qualitatively, Gouldner did not show
enough evidence that only the members of his New Class, ie, humanistic
intellectuals and technical intelligentsia, possess CCD. As we have argued, whilesome members of other classes may also have critical discourse, some members

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of humanistic intellectuals and technical intelligentsia may not necessarily
possess it.
Gouldner fully realises that things like science, knowledge, technology, etc, arebecoming central to production in contemporary societies. However, we cannot
conclude from this, that humanistic intellectuals and technical intelligentsia, who
specialise in the creation and sustaining of such things, will thereby eventually
become dominant. If there is “cultural capital” indeed, Gouldner’s theory does
not elaborate why and how intellectuals can appropriate and dominate the restof society by using their cultural capital.
As far as intellectuals in Communist societies are concerned, we must recognisethat here, the social system causes a fundamental difference. There will befurther discussions on this later, and in the following chapters when taking
China's leading intellectuals as an example. Here a few words from A Giddens
are pertinent:
Rather than being based primarily upon control of the means of production, theParty in such societies seems to derive their preeminent position much morefrom bureaucratic power... Yet power, which derives from participation in agovernmental apparatus, is clearly not market power and the notion of “cultural
capital” seems largely irrelevant to it. (Giddens, 1987: 272-273.)(3) A Gramsci’s Organic and Traditional intellectuals
The third kind of approach towards identifying intellectuals’ social locations andtheir political ideas is originally found in The Prison Notebooks of Antonio
Gramsci. He deals with the problem idiosyncratically while the questions heasks at the beginning of the essay on intellectuals are more or less the same.
That is: “Are intellectuals an autonomous and independent social class, or does
every social class have its own particular specialised category of intellectuals?”(Gramsci, 197 we: 5.)
Gramsci notes that there is a widespread error among social scientists. They
define intellectuals by emphasising the intrinsic nature of intellectual activities,
rather than the ensemble of the system of relations. But, Gramsci argues, it is in
the ensemble of social system that intellectual activities, and therefore theintellectual groups who personify them, have their place. As a matter of fact, inany physical work – even the most degraded and mechanical – there exists a
minimum of creative intellectual activity. In this sense, we could thereby declare:“all men are intellectuals.” However, as Gramsci points out, not all men have thefunction of intellectuals in society. The function of intellectuals, according toGramsci, should not be limited simply to the field of culture, and thus the term
‘intellectuals’ should not be understood to apply to those strata commonlydescribed by this term, but more generally, to the entire social stratum which
exercises an organisational function in the widest sense – not only in the fieldof culture, but also in the fields of political administration and production.

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The question is not, who and how many kinds of professional people should belisted under the name of intellectuals. But rather, according to Gramsci, thequestions should be: “What is their organisational function? And accordingly,
what is the relationship between these intellectuals and social classes? Do they
have a ‘paternalistic’ attitude towards the instrumental classes? Or do they thinkthey are an organic expression of them? Do they have a ‘servile’ attitude
towards the ruling classes, or do they think that they themselves are leaders, anintegral part of the ruling classes?”(Gramsci, 1971:97.)
Gramsci recognises that the reality of intellectuals in the real historical process
is complex: there are different categories of intellectuals. Or strictly speaking,every class, coming into existence on the original terrain of an essential functionin the world of economic production, creates together with itself, organically,
one or more strata of intellectuals which give it homogeneity and an awarenessof its own function, not only in economic but also in social and political fields.
(Gramsci, 1971:5.)
Gramsci names this kind of intellectual: “organic intellectuals”. In other words,
organic intellectuals are directly related to the economic and political structure
and therefore closely tied themselves to the class they represent. Obviously,
they are, by no means, an autonomous, classless stratum.
There is another category of intellectuals, however. Gramsci calls them“traditional intellectuals”. This category consists further of two elements’ (1)the creative artists and scholars, men of letters, who are additionally regarded
as “true intellectuals”; and (2) the vestiges of the former organic intellectuals,
who used to belong to a previous social formation. They are together called“traditional intellectuals” because they experience an ‘esprit de corps’, an
uninterrupted historical continuity and a special qualification. These traditional
intellectuals presume that they themselves are autonomous and independent of
the dominant social class.
Here exists a novel relationship, which has not been discussed before: therelationship between “organic intellectuals” and “traditional intellectuals”. In
fact, it results from the relationship between the dominant class and traditional
intellectuals. The dominant class does not willingly let these traditional
intellectuals run their own course. Any class that is developing towards
dominance tries to assimilate and “ideologically” conquer traditional
intellectuals. Furthermore, the quicker and more efficacious this assimilation andconquest, the more the class in question succeeds in simultaneously elaborating
its own organic intellectuals.
According to Gramsci, on the one hand, traditional intellectuals – or at least
some of them – used to be members, as organic intellectuals, of the former
ruling class. On the other hand, organic intellectuals, or at least some of them,
are assimilated from traditional ones. From this, Gramsci really opens up a new141

path towards the sociological understanding of intellectuals, by examining theirpatterns of historically shifting positions. This process cannot be thoroughly
understood without studying political parties. It is the political party that,
Gramsci points out, elaborates its own component parts and turns individuals
into qualified political intellectuals, and it is the political party, as well, that welds
together the organic and the traditional intellectuals.As far as the process of thetransition to socialism is concerned, the political party is the most importantand crucial factor. Its members, as “collective intellectuals” are leaders andorganisers of all activities and functions inherent in the organic development of
an integral society, both civil and political.
Like Mannheim and Gouldner, Gramsci also discusses education and the school.
But for him, school is not a fictitious land apart from society. For instance, heclaims that the traditional school is oligarchic, because it is intended to train the
new generation of the ruling class, destined to rule in its turn. However, there
is another kind of school – the vocational establishment, in which the labourer
can become a skilled worker, the peasant a surveyor.“It gives the impression of
being democratic in tendency”. But in fact, Gramsci argues, it is just an illusion,
because democracy cannot mean merely that an unskilled worker can become
skilled, and also, the vocational school restricts recruitment to the technicallyqualified governing stratum. The key to such schools is not their curriculums,
nor their teachers, but the entire social complex. (Gramsci, 1971: 36-41.)
It is impossible to agree with Gramsci completely. For example, his denotationof intellectuals seems too wide, and maybe the classification of intellectuals into
two kinds is still too simple. R Simon even thinks that the “traditional
intellectuals” as a term is unnecessary. (R Simon, 1985: 97-98.) Nevertheless,Gramsci’s theory of intellectuals is regarded as one of his most significant
contributions to modern sociology, and he is considered to have been the firstto recognise and analyse the complexity and malleability of intellectuals’ socialstructural ties, and the way that these ties influence their ideological outlooks.
(Cf., A Swingewood, 1984: 21l; Brym, 1987: 204-205.)(III) Intellectuals & Intelligentsia in communist societies
Gramsci did not have the opportunity to conduct empirical research into thecomplex relation between intellectuals and social structure, nor could he see thesocialist societies in which, he thought, a new kind of intellectual would play agreat part, and a new relationship between intellectuals and the masses of thepeople would replace the old one. According to Gramsci, the mode of being of
the new intellectual can no longer consist in eloquence, “but in active
participation in practical life, as constructor, organiser, permanent persuader, andnot just a sample orator”. He supposed that in a socialist society, all members of
the Communist party would be organic intellectuals (ie, organisers and leadersof the people) functionally. They would not only win the additional intellectuals
over, but also feel the elementary passions of the masses of the people,
understand them, and therefore, explain and justify them in the particular142

situation, and connect them to “knowledge”. (Gramsci, 1971: 10, 16, 418.)
Gramsci’s work, including his notes on intellectuals, as he himself said, is basedon the following fundamental principles:That no social formation disappears as long as the productive forces which havedeveloped within it still find room for further forward movement; that a society
does not set itself tasks for whose solution the necessary conditions have notalready been incubated, etc. (Gramsci, 1971: 106.)(1) Soviet-type Communist Societies
The historical praxis, ironically, is that nearly all ‘communist societies’, from
Soviet Union to China, did not develop from industrial capitalism, but rather,
they came from “Asiatic society” (for instance, China) or “Semi-Asiaticsociety”(Russia, for example). (Cf., Umberto Melotti: 1982, esp., chapters 14, 17.)
These societies were called ‘communist societies’ not because they had alreadyreached the ‘Communist stage’, but because the founders of these societies
were considered to be communists rather than social democrats. In this study,
I continue to call them “Communist”, or “Soviet-type Communist”, to describe
those societies established, following the model of the Soviet Union, although
the authorities of these societies usually claimed that their societies were“socialist”.
Before the Communist revolution, in these societies, or in some of them atleast, the centralising power of government had played a commanding role,
which had interfered in both social and economic life since ancient times. State
officials, bureaucrats, military officers, and mandarins, constituted a vast,privileged hierarchical ruling and exploiting group. Of course, there were many
traditional and cultural differences between these societies. For instance, unlike
Russia, China had for a long time been a society where religion was not sociallyas significant and dominating as it was in the West and Russia, whilst
Confucianism became orthodox ideology. Even geographically and economically,
we can easily point out some differences, for example, the variety of population,although both Russia and China were huge countries whose production was
mainly agriculture. Whatever the differences, before the revolution, thesesocieties were economically underdeveloped, and accordingly, both thebourgeoisie and the proletariat were qualitatively weaker and quantitatively
fewer than those in the West. However justified, the revolution in thesesocieties resulted more from the conflict between the common people ingeneral and their rulers than the “conflict between the bourgeoisie and theproletariat”, and more from the conflict between these nations and Westerncountries than the “conflict between the high-speed developing forces of
production and the existing relations of production”.
If we look at the process of the revolution in these societies, we can see that:(l) some radical members of intelligentsia were dissatisfied with the status quo,143

and then (2) they received and believed in Marxism, (3) they further formed a
Leninist party, (4) which established its own army recruited from workers andpeasants, and (5) finally, the party and its army took power after severe military
battles with both alien and home forces.
After the revolution, even before basic means of production were nationalised
or collectivised, the party state was established in the name of the “dictatorshipof the proletariat”. Three characteristics could be generally summarised as: (l)state or collective ownership under which not only the means of production,
but also labourers themselves became parts of the state or collective; (2) the
dictatorship of the Communist party which controlled not only state organs,but also social and individual lives; and (3) official ideology (Stalinism, or Mao
Zedong Thought, for instance) could be exclusively elaborated and developed by
the authorities, but could never be criticised or argued against by others. (Cf.,
M Djilas, 1957: 164-172.)
One of the main questions we may ask from Gramsci’s theory and the practicein these Communist societies is, as Swingewood points out, how a Soviet-type
society, based on state-ownership, centralised power, and collectivist ideology,
can retain an independent civil society and thus autonomous intellectuals.
(Swingewood, 1 984: 214-215.) As a matter of fact, the relationships between
organic and traditional intellectuals, between the intellectual and the communist
party, between intellectuals and the masses of the people, which Gramsci
thought would be totally new in a socialist society, became real “new” problems.
Civil society, in a traditional sense at at least, no longer existed: under thecontrol of the ruling party, everything was politicalised.
After the revolution, both organic and traditional intellectuals could no longer
be considered to belong to the “free professionals”, if they used to be. The
majority of former traditional intellectuals – especially scientists and technicians– were recruited by the state as salary-earning scientific workers, while
politically and ideologically, according to the party, they had been serving the oldregime. They were still holding conservative and reactionary views to varied
extents.As to the minority of traditional intellectuals, for instance, some famousscientists, artists, and writers – although their “bourgeois background” was byno means less obvious – were given privileged positions and living conditions,for the sake of pragmatic purpose of economic, as well as social construction.
(Cf., Nicholas Lampelt, 1979.)
At the same time, though the term ‘intelligentsia’ remained in official vocabulary,and some of the former intelligentsia remained to be critical towards the statusquo, the classical intelligentsia as a social group disappeared, and its role of being
critics of the current time and independent spiritual leaders of the nation, wasgone.This was simply because most members of the former critical intelligentsia
now became officials of the ruling party and the state. In name and in reality, theruling party insisted that the classical intelligentsia should be replaced by the144“new intellectual working men”, who could be still critical, but according to theparty, just towards the past and the West. (Cf., Gella, 1987a.)More significantly, beyond Gramsci’s expectation, not all the Communist party
members were organisers or leaders of the masses, nor should they all beconsidered as organic intellectuals. But instead, they were the core elements ofofficialdom, more or less bureaucratised and privileged, and even in conflict withthe masses of the people in many cases.
(2) Djilas and the “New Class”
Nearly all these Communist societies thus faced a new serious problem: thebureaucratisation of the former “revolutionaries”. Interestingly, like Gouldner,
Milovan Djilas also tries to develop the concept of a “new class”. According to
Djilas, this “new class” is different from earlier ones because it does not cometo power to complete a new economic order but to establish its own; because
it could be formed only after it has attained power, and because it could only becreated in an organisation of a special type, the Bolshevik type. It is a special class,which is “made up of those who have special privileges and economic preference
because of the administrative monopoly they hold.” (Djilas, 1957:37-41.)
But unlike Gouldner, Djilas claims that it is not a cultural bourgeoisie, but apolitical bureaucracy. In other words, instead of intellectuals, it is politicallybureaucratised officials who form the “new class” in the Communist societies.
Djilas asserts that the social origin of his “new class” lies in the proletariat, whichin economically underdeveloped countries, being backward, constitutes the raw
material from which the new class arises. However, when the new classestablishes its power and authority, it is interested in the proletariat only to theextent necessary for developing production, and “the monopoly which the newclass establishes, in the name of the working class over the whole of society is,
primarily, a monopoly over the working class itself”. (Djilas, 1957:4143.)
Djilas considered it a class because in the Soviet-type Communist system, thepolitical bureaucracy uses, enjoys, and disposes of nationalised property. In thename of the nation and society, it distributes the national income, sets wages, anddirects economic development. (Djilas, 1957.44-47.) It is called the “new class” notonly because it is newly born after the revolution, but also because it is a new typeof class. In the name of the ownership of whole nation or all people, the politicalbureaucracy actually enjoys the ownership privilege, which grants itself both an
exclusive right to use and dispose of nationalised property, and an absolute power
to dictate state organs, control social life, and oppress the human mind.
According to Djilas, the core and the basis of the new class is created in theparty and at its top, as well as in the state organs. Djilas further claims that in theCommunist society, the ruling party, in fact, has replaced the state functionally. In
other words, in such a society, the government is a party government, the army
is a party army, and the state is a party state. (Djilas, 1957:39-41, 70-72.) Djilas

145thinks that under such a party state, every action depends on the party, whichmakes independent thinking impossible.
Djilas’s analysis of political bureaucracy in Soviet-type Communist societies was
mainly based on his own experience in, and observation of, Yugoslavia and theSoviet Union. Though he did pay attention to ownership, he did not carefully
examine the differences between control, use, and ownership, and he emphasised
aspects of the central control and power of the party, rather than ownership.The
problem remained unresolved when he said that to be an owner of thenationalised property in a Communist system “means that one enters the ranksof the ruling political bureaucracy and nothing else”.Also, he did not explain why“not every member of the party is a member of the new class”, and why only aspecial stratum of bureaucrats, those who are not administrative officials, makeup the core of new class. Other officials are only “the apparatus under thecontrol of the new class”. (Djilas, 1957:40, 43, 61.) How can a person be anowner of the nationalised property when he/she joins the rank of the politicalbureaucracy? Why are certain party members of the new class while others arenot? Why do political bureaucrats belong to the new class while administrative
bureaucrats do not?
Michael Lustig points out that Djilas’s analysis would have made a lot more sense,
if he had claimed merely that the bureaucracy in the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia
had unrestrained control over the economic life. “He could not stop at thispoint, however, because of his ideologically imposed task of demonstrating thatthe new elite was a new class.”(MM Lustig, 1989:128.) In spite of this, however,Djilas is one of the first generation who critically analysed the problem of
bureaucracy in Communist societies, and many of his criticisms turned out to bevalid.
The reality of the Soviet-type Communist societies was, of course, more
complicated than any theoretical generalisation. As we have said, Djilas’s analysis
was mainly based on his own experience. Nowadays, it is easy to tell thedifferences between different Communist societies in different periods. For
instance, the post-Stalin Era is different from the Stalinist Era, and China isdifferent from the USSR.
Moreover, intellectuals in the Communist societies, either Soviet-type orChinese-type, were not just passively and totally controlled. Instead, they werestill playing different intellectual roles in various fields to varied degrees.
(3) Do intellectuals and bureaucrats combine into one?
Noticeably, many critics of the Soviet-type Communist societies were from thesevery societies.These include former leaders:Trotsky, Djilas, scientist Sakharov, andliterary writer Solzhenitsyn. Amongst their numerous criticisms, the book The
Intellectuals on the Road to Class Power, written by the Hungarian sociologists G
Konrad and I Szelenyi, is directly relevant to our interest.

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Konrad and Szelenyi claim that in Soviet-type Communist societies, or, in theirown term, the ‘Eastern European state socialist’ societies, since the 1960s, “thedifference between intellectuals and bureaucrats were gradually disappearing”,
and, as a result, a new dominant class “has been composed of the intelligentsia asa whole rather than just the bureaucracy narrowly defined.” (Konrad & Szelenyi,
1979:XIV-XV, 3.)
Konrad’s and Szelenyi’s approach to intellectuals is interesting, though they do notdifferentiate ‘intellectual’ from ‘intelligentsia’ very clearly. Firstly, it is not
automatically acceptable that an intellectual can be anyone who has a defined
store of knowledge, and engages in one of a number of defined occupations. It isalways difficult to know how much knowledge is necessary for someone to be an
intellectual, and what sort of occupations are considered to be intellectual jobs.
According to them, ‘intellectuals’ should be understood both generically andgenetically, both functionally and structurally.That is to say, a man is treated as anintellectual in his time – not because he has some general knowledge, but because
he has certain specific knowledge, which is widely recognised, as necessary for an
intellectual at that time, and by which he obtains his status. (Konrad & Szelenyi,
1979:24-25, 29-32.) Secondly, like Gramsci, they claim that everybody has certain
knowledge, but not everyone should be thus considered an intellectual. A kingprobably needs to know a great deal to occupy his throne, a capitalist may needadvanced economic, legal, and technical knowledge to run his enterprise, yet they
are not intellectuals. “It is not merely knowledge which makes someone an
intellectual, but the fact that he has no other title to his status except for his
knowledge.”(Konrad & Szelenyi, 1979: 28-29.)
Therefore a man should not be an intellectual, if he obtains his status because of
his money capital, however much knowledge he has.
Obviously, it is true that different societies define intellectual knowledge in
different ways. The question is: Why is intellectual knowledge so different andimportant that it makes those who possess it a dominant class under ‘Eastern
European state socialist’ societies in the 1960s? The authors of The Intellectuals On
the Road to Class Power think that the most important reason is the changing
society itself.They agree that, in market economies, intellectuals do not form an
independent class, but a stratum between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.
However, when capitalism developed into state-monopoly capitalism, intellectuals
started being polarised, and even before the Soviet-type Communist state wasestablished, intellectuals began to seek power. (Konrad & Szelenyi, 1979: 63-85.)
But all of this did not make intellectuals form a class. The social basis of theemergence of a new intellectual class in ‘Eastern European socialist’ societies was:rational redistribution.
In such a system, it is the rationality of the redistributors’ activity, that legitimates
their authority. Konrad and Szelenyi claim that, unlike bureaucracy in market
economy, “there is no longer any distinction between the political and economic

147

spheres (or any division of power spheres at all), no dualism of policy making andexecution, no pluralism ends” under rational redistribution. Under this condition,“there appears the circulation of the bureaucratic elite, an important indicationthat the intelligentsia is being formed into a class.” (Konrad & Szelenyi, 1979: 47150.)
Here again, like Mannheim and Gouldner, Konrad and Szelenyi think that
education diplomas make intellectuals homogeneous and their intellectual
knowledge easily convertible, which is thus “almost as neutral as capital
itself.”(Konrad & Szelenyi, 1979: 150-151.) When we examined Mannheim’s and
Gouldner’s theories, we already pointed out that, unlike money capital, education
degrees or so-called “cultural capital” cannot be converted in the market, andunlike property, education does not make those who have received it socioeconomically homogeneous to such a extent that they form a specific class. As amatter of fact, Szelenyi realised this problem when analysing Gouldner’s “cultural
capital”, and clearly claimed that an education degree is inconvertible more thanten years later. (See Martin and Szelenyi, 1987.) Logically, we may ask: if education
had indeed played such an important part in forming an intellectual class, why
would this class not have emerged before the Communist period?
Another problem is that Konrad and Szelenyi, like Djilas again, have not explained
why all members of the intelligentsia should be seen as members of theintellectual class when “the functions of central redistribution in the strict sense
are carried out, not by the intelligentsia as a whole, but by a narrower segmentof it – the state and party bureaucracy”, and this party bureaucracy could evencarry out “the vast, bloody purges” of the intellectual. Are these purges
necessary in order to “make the intellectuals understand that early socialism did
not mean their direct class rule”? (Konrad & Szelenyi, 1979:147, 185-186.)
Also like Djilas, they find that in Soviet-type Communist societies, the ruling party
was not just one factor, or the most important factor in the political mechanism.
Rather, it was the political mechanism. Furthermore, they point out that, though
there were conflicts between individual bureaucrats, collectively, they shared acommon interest, and the apex of the bureaucracy represented this collective
interest. (Konrad & Szelenyi, 1979:152-163.) This is very clear when it is pointed
out that a Communist state is a one-party state, in which the ruling party enjoys
totalitarian authority, and all-important political and economic decisions are madeby the upper level of the party bureaucracy.
In contrast, it is not clear at all to say that thus the party members and cadres –that is, the party bureaucrats – consist of intellectuals who, accordingly, form theclass basis of the party, and those upper-level positions must be occupied byintellectuals. It is even more misleading to say that the ruling party should beconsidered a mass party of the intellectual class, and at the same time, a cadre
party of the working class. Is this because intellectuals made up a higher
percentage of the party membership than workers, while the proportion of148

officials who were once workers, or whose parents were workers, was muchhigher? (Cf., Konrad & Szelenyi, 1979: 147, 179-180.) Even following Konrad’s andSzelenyi’s own definition – namely, a man is an intellectual only if “he has no other
title to his status except for his intellectual knowledge” – we cannot reach sucha conclusion, because in the Soviet-type Communist societies, including theEastern European socialist states in the 1960s, it was not merely intellectual
knowledge which made party officials, elite bureaucrats on the upper level.
Former experiences before the party took power, political achievements before
and after that, official positions in the power structure, and even personalconnections to the top leadership, were all considerably significant factors as well.
In spite of some rash generalisations and conclusions, Konrad and Szelenyi do findmany specific political-intellectual phenomena in those Soviet-type Communist
societies. More significantly, they systematically demonstrate the differences
between the Stalinist and post-Stalinist eras. (Konrad & Szelenyi, 1979: 192-200.)
The final question is, when the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europeansocialist states no longer exist, where is the new class of the intellectual? Does it
disappear together with the system, or is it the intellectual, as Szelenyi points out
recently, who “no doubt played a significant role in the rather unexpected collapseof communism, in the bloodless ‘velvet revolution’ against the bureaucracy, andthe astonishing readiness of the ruling elite to dissolve itself and its
organisations”? (Cf., 1 Szelenyi & B Martin, 1991)
Intellectuals and Social Class:Theory and method
It seems to me that all the above theoretical approaches to the problem of theintellectual and intelligentsia, except Gramsci’s perhaps, share one thing incommon: simplistic generalisation. Intellectuals/intelligentsia were either
considered “free-floating stratum”, “cultural bourgeoisie”, or “new rulingbureaucrats”.Whatever differences, various kinds of intellectuals were put into
one certain specific social place.
A new approach
My own approach towards the intellectual will be different: To focus more on
their social positions, within a complex of economically and historically givensocial relations, in a certain period of each society than on any other factors. I
would argue that intellectuals should not be treated as varied in both socioeconomic positions and political/ideological orientation.
The general definition of intellectuals can be briefly stated as: all men andwomen who are occupationally producers of ideas concerning nature, society,human beings and cosmos, by virtue of any types of symbols in every given
society. Accordingly, any person can be regarded as an intellectual, if she or heis a person of ideas, regardless of whether she/he has received higher education149

or obtained a degree, and irrespective of her/his family background. As far as
ideological orientations are concerned, intellectuals can be either conservative,
or liberal, or critical, or radical; whatever ideological orientation one prefers, it
is not entirely a matter of free choice, but rather, it is also socially conditionedby the position she/he obtains in the given social structure. In addition, ofcourse, political orientation is more or less influenced by relations from one’s
past, such as social origin, educational background and work experience. Whatis more, social relations, to which intellectuals as well as others actually connect,
are always changing. And, as a result, the various ideological or politicaloutlooks of different intellectuals are not always immutable and invariable. In
this sense, intellectuals are floating indeed, but not freely.
Intelligentsia, in contrast, may still be defined in the classical sense. It is a specificgroup of intellectuals, whose members are always critical towards the statusquo, feeling a responsibility to change, or at least, politically, to influence theminds of the leaders and citizens of their society, and hence the society itself.
Such an intelligentsia does not necessarily exist in each society in each period.
And if it does, it is just a minority of intellectuals. How and why its members are
critical depends greatly on their particular social and cultural surroundings, andtheir specific intellectual and political experiences.
Intellectuals in different societies, during different historical periods, can bedifferent to such an extent that we cannot sociologically treat them as the same,by only using a general definition or description. On the other hand, however
great differences exist amongst various intellectuals. They, like other membersof society, are all conditioned by the social relations they are bound to. The
remaining questions will be: If intellectuals are also conditioned by their social
relations, how, and to what extent, can they be considered “relatively freefloating”? If they are indeed relatively free-floating, why and how are they
forming a special social stratum and why is such a stratum able, intellectuallyrather than geographically, to go beyond social and cultural boundaries?
Author’s note: This was originally drafted in 1987-88 at the London School of Economics
where I was doing a Ph.D. thesis. It was revised in 2001 at the International House ofJapan,Tokyo.
I am grateful for comments made by Leslie Sklair, Stephan Feustwang, and Alan
Swingewood of LSE in 1987-88, and all Asia Leadership Program Fellows during the
September-November 2001 period.

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APPENDIX II
Remapping Migration: A Case Study Linking Researchand Media
ALFP2001 Fellows – ‘The Transnational Team’
The Fellows first drew up a strategic overview as follows:
MISSIONTo build a lasting transnational network between seven ALFP2001 Fellows andother 20+ Fellows from previous years that will facilitate information exchange
and projects (in research, training/education, advocacy, media and support
services) within the region.
OBJECTIVES
To build a credible, manageable scope of work/services within the means of theseven ALFP2001 Fellows
To initiate and drive projects that will
- build bridges between people and places (transnational, beyond nation state)- promote or incorporate a transborder, crosscultural research andimplementation approach- empower the individual/community or influence government and otheragencies
To produce information kits, based on academic research and activist
experience, for diverse audiences (particularly the media) to facilitate
understanding about any given subject
RATIONALE
The ALFP2001 seven Fellows all agree:- on the importance of a regional network- that we continue the network built between ALFP Fellows- research information is sometimes only circulated within ‘limited circles’ andmay be vital for a wide variety of audiences- The media (comprising television, radio, newspapers and others such asbrochures, leaflets – total communications) is the primary tool ofunderstanding for the public(s), and therefore it is critical that any intellectual
undertaking to be ‘put into action’ should consider the role of the media- We do not want to duplicate either the role of Institutes and institutions
already providing intellectual research, or the role of NGOs already inexistence151

TARGET AUDIENCES
The target audiences for the ALFP2001 transnational network are diverse andwould need to be focused according to each project.
Target audiences (not in any order) include:- Local communities, individuals and groups- National and provincial governments- Transnational communities, individuals and groups- International organisations such as UN, UNDP, ILO,World Bank
- Humanitarian/protection agencies, Human Rights groups, border managers
and grassroots agencies- Other policy makers and decision makers- Business people- The media- Intellectual colleagues
STRATEGY- To formalise and launch a ‘virtual network’ between the seven ALFP2001
Fellows and other ALFP Fellows on the Internet with regular gatherings tomeet ‘face to face’- To prepare a three-year plan for funding for study, training and action- To implement a pilot project – ‘Remapping Migration’
RATIONALE
Why migration?
Migration is a critical issue for the region in coming years. On a personal andprofessional level, all Fellows are concerned about ‘human capital’. In practicalterms, four out of seven Fellows are already skilled in poverty
research/migration-related activism. Three Fellows work in the media or havemedia skills.
Globalisation does not necessarily mean ‘Westernisation’ or ‘Americanisation’but a new set of events and phenomena, a transnational flow of capital,technology, information, cultural symbols (both signified and signifiers) andpeople. This globalising age is an era during which economic, political andcultural changes take place at transnational, regional, national, local andcommunity levels. The influence can be seen from transnational migration oflabourers, children, the elderly, and either legal or illegal, documented or
undocumented refugees, and terrorists. A globalisation without security will
make people feel uncertain of it and hostile to each other. Examples can beseen from the rise of nationalism in many parts of the world, fascism in some –and further, from regional and international terrorism. The uncertainty felt by
marginalised groups can be seen in that they do not (or cannot) adhere to152existing rules and regulations required or imposed by the authorities, and theycannot enjoy the benefits provided by the social welfare and social security
systems. As a result, they do not have to be responsible for wherever they live
and work. More seriously, many such marginalised people in Asia want simply toleave their land/country for a better future. Globalisation has become such afashionable term all over the world and a new project in many places, within thesystem of nation-states. It is highly likely that Asia’s rural ‘surplus labour’ andrural population will eventually go beyond their nation-state boundaries.
Countries like Japan are experiencing an increasingly ageing society. If all nationstate systems continue to deal with migrants as cases of ‘illegal’ or ‘overstay’
people, and cannot cope with the lack of youth in an ageing society, the gap
between ‘the North and the South’ will widen, and problems likefundamentalism and terrorism will be more troubling.
Remapping Migration: Linking Media & ResearchInternational Migration: Impact, Implications and Management inSouth, South East and East Asia
By Dr Mahendra P Lama
The Problems
The proposed project in full aims at examining and assessing the nature, extent,
composition and direction of international migration of population – bothforced and voluntary – among the countries of South, South East and East Asia.
These regions, including countries like India, Pakistan, Nepal,Thailand, Myanmar,
Malaysia, the Philippines, South Korea and China, have witnessed one of themost unprecedented levels of international migration, leading to remarkablechanges in the demographic profiles of bordering states.
There are varieties of reasons that have triggered cross border migration inthese regions. These include poverty, environmental displacement, employment
opportunities in fast developing countries, state-led violence and other ethnic
and political clashes. On the other hand, these international population
movements have several critical dimensions, ranging from purely legal toeconomic aspects, and from environmental and social implications to security
and conflictual dynamics. The dynamics and implications are wide-ranging andrequire very serious theoretical enquiry and empirical research.
These migrations sometimes have led to open armed conflict, thereby impinging
heavily on the regional security and peace process. The open and porous
borders in many countries in South Asia – and poor border management inother countries – have, in fact, acted as the major facilitating factor in the entire
migration process.These borders are unmanned and unregulated. For example,
to travel between Bangladesh and India, one needs proper documents to cross153each other’s border; in practice, simply because of the length and breadth of
the border (over 4,080 kms of porous border), regulation becomes impossible.
The involvement of an array of agencies in the cross-border migration gives thisan organised dimension.
Many of the countries, from which the migrants have originated, have had a very
low ranking in human development indices, indicating a low level of achievement
in desirable socio-economic indicators, relevant to describe the quality ofhuman life. A huge section of the population in this region lives below thepoverty line, and has little or no food security. The ongoing globalisation-led
economic reforms are likely to marginalise whole sections of rural and urban
populations that may trigger off fresh migration.
Natural disasters make their lives more miserable. The capacity and resourcesof many of these countries are insufficient to devise a coherent plan of sustained
development to provide reasonable food security for people living below thepoverty line. This has resulted in large-scale migration of the population
amongst the geographical units of this region.
Development projects, like dam construction, road development, hydro-power
generation and mining, entail substantial displacement of populations to beresettled.This adds another dimension to population migration.
There are several examples of violent movements that are directly triggered byinternational migration.The locales of some of these movements are in strategic
points that have large-scale security implications. A distinct characteristic of allthese movements has been their remarkable parochial slants, followed by a twoway clash with state agencies and forces whom they think are opposed to their
aspirations and demands.
Equally interesting has been their threat perceptions with regard to dilution of
their identity. The ‘sons of the soil’ policy and subsequent human rights
violations have been at the heart of many of the migration-related conflicts.
This has been aggravated by the rise of ethnic, parochial and militant nationalism
in the wake of perceived lack of economic opportunities, the encroachment
therein and the fast-changing demographic profile. In many cases, it’s thereligious slants that lead to rather hostile tolerance of migrants.
Many of these countries have also been hosting a significant portion of the world
refugee population. The question of a security/instability framework brings in ahost of issues that have turned out to be adverse to refugee-receiving countries.
At times, they have acquired the dimension of a serious threat to both security
and stability of the host nations. These situations are said to have set in when
refugees i) are seen as a political risk, ii) perceived as a threat to cultural identity
and iii) are considered as a social and economic burden.

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Equally critical has been that of the management of migrants in terms ofproviding them with their basic needs, and extending them fundamental humanrights. Many host governments clamp down on migrants in such a manner that
directly infringes upon their human rights.The mass media remain largely mutein many of these cases, as they are not adequately sensitised in the area of
migrants’ rights. More than this, the skills to deal with some of these issues at
the media level are not available.
Project Objectives
To assess the nature, extent, composition and direction of internationalmigration in the region.
To examine the policy and legal framework of the selected countries’
governments in the management of international migration.
To examine the push and pull factors including existing border regimes that have
led to international migration.
To generate new information and provide fresh insights on issues and problems,
the maintenance of balance in respect of detail and depth among the different
country-specific components.
To look into the impact of international migration on demographic, political,
social, cultural and economic structures in the countries of origin and the hostcountries.
To understand the dynamics and intricacies of conflicts and violence created by
the international migration.
To suggest means to retain the migration-prone population in the countries oforigin, including through economic development, natural disaster management
and regional interventions.
To look into the attitudes of these states towards both international norms andconventions.
To suggest certain new approaches to conflict resolutions.
To examine the critical role the mass media can play in the proper managementof the migrant population in various circumstances.
To suggest some media-related instruments that can be effectively used indealing with the migrants.

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In the fulfillment of all these objectives, the involvement and interventions ofboth governmental and non-governmental instruments (including civil society)as well as regional instruments are very essential.
Scope of the Study
1. State and international migrationi) Process of state formation and nation-buildingii) Constitutional arrangementsiii) Political/electoral process and political partiesiv) Administrative processv) Leadership and elitesvi) International border regimevii) Cross border connections of the agencies and institutions involved in
migration
2. Economic, demographic and environmental perspectives of international migrationand conflictsi) Population growth and migration, their ecological implications andhow they pertain to the use (and control over) physical resources,from international, national and sub-national perspectivesii) National level development policy (centralisation, decentralisation,
growth/equity, government interventions, market driven policy) and its
effectsiii) Natural Disasters and migrationiv) Economic costs of conflictsv) Unequal Distribution of the benefits of development
3. Migration and international-domestic linkages in conflictsi) Global economic and strategic relationsii) Regional economic and strategic relationsiii) Ethnic Diasporaiv) Drugs Trafficking and international arms marketv) International/regional political linkagesa) End of Cold Warb) Rise of religious revivalismc) International organisations including NGOsd) Human Rights
4.Technical Perspectives of armed conflictsi) International supply of arms to conflicting groupsii) Inter-state destabilisation measuresiii) Irredentism and armed conflictiv) Local level technology in the manufacture of arms and otherdestructive weapons156

5. Information, mass media and public opinioni) Domestic Mediaii) International Media andiii) Information Technology
6. Approaches to Conflict Resolutioni) Retain the migratory population’s economic development, social
harmony, food security, empowerment, land and water management
and minimisation of displacement effect.
ii) Political interventions including legislative changes, firm policies on
ethnic minorities, minimisation of human rights violations and politicalpersecution and violence.
iii) Empowerment of the poor, women and ethnic minorities.
iv) Natural Disaster Management including strengthening of Early
Warning Systems and evacuation and rehabilitation measures.
v) Review of existing border arrangements and trans border linkages.
vi) Consider role of regional organisations like the South Asian
Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and Association ofSouth East Asian Nations (ASEAN).
vii) Consider role of international organisations like the UNHCR, IOM,
ICRC, UNDP and other international NGOs.
viii) Review the attitudes of these states on international norms andconventions, including the UNHCR Convention on Refugees 1951
and Protocol 1967.
ix) Enable institutional arrangements to protect minority rights.
The study is visualised as consisting of three phases:
Applications for funding will be made to carry out the following.
1) Discussion Meeting on the Concept Paper prepared by the ALFP2001Fellows.
This will be attended by scholars/experts/professionals from the concerned
region. This Concept Paper will have the comprehensive work plan of the
proposed study. It will also have all the methodological and theoretical details
including field visit questionnaires, locations and interview schedules.
2) First round of presentation of papers based on case studies and field visits
in a workshop.
3) Final round of paper and synthesis presentation to the policy makers,
intellectuals, politicians and media.
Methodology
This study will be based on extensive field visits, surveys and discussions with
relevant persons, including border officials, political figures, policy makers,

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leaders of migrated groups and other organisations.The research methodology
will consist of the following:• Literature surveys on each of the principal topics.
• Generation of new qualitative and quantitative data.
• Analysis of the data using appropriate statistical and other analyticaltechniques.
• Review of existing paradigms and hypotheses on migration and conflict in theregion.
Expected Outcomes• An integrated approach to the understanding of international migration andconflicts in the region.
• Contribution to the development of conceptual and theoretical constructs,
concerning international migration and conflicts. Development of a databaseon international migration, the involved push and pull factors and theresultant conflicts in the region.
• Conflicts dynamics and approaches to their resolutions.
• Production of media information kits on migration so as to facilitate
reporting needs in terms of simplicity, clarity and accuracy• Production, if possible, of a volume containing authoritative reappraisals ofinternational migration, conflict situations and approaches to the
management of migrants.

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