Toyoichi Nozawa

Towards an Anthropology of Music and Body
(A summary of Part 2; from chapter 2 to 4)

Toyoichi Nozawa
As an anthropologist, I have always been interested in music

say that ethnomusicologists study about “music and dance”

culture, and that is why I chose Black Pentecostal churchesof different cultures (Seeger, 1994), there is not much stud-in America as my field. For this reason, when I introduce

ies done about dances. Secondly, (ethno)musicologists usu-

my study to other anthropologists or scholars, they usu-

ally study about music as they “presented” – study of “genre”

ally say “so, you’re studying about Black gospel music” – I

is the typical one. Yet, this becomes only possible only whenalways felt it is not, yet did not have right words to explain

they are not critical enough on the very modern concept

better. My interest has moved away from the genres orof “music.” That is to say that (ethno)musicology may havestyles of music since the very first days of my fieldwork. I

been failing to criticize the music’s modern character. Third-

became more fascinated with the way people “get happy”

ly, for this reason, the study of music is not spreading so thatand start Holy Ghost dance to the music, where preachers’

it covers music and the related social behavior (Keil, 1998:

speech “naturally” becomes like a song, subtle interactions

311n4).

among musicians and ministers while congregations “shout”

Some ethnomusicologists were certainly aware ofand speak in tongues, how the “inner” feelings come out

those issues, especially those who enquired the “study ofthrough the expression of songs or possession trance, andperformances” (McLeod & Herndon (eds.), 1980; Behague

so on.

(ed.), 1984; Seeger 2004 [1987]), yet even more radical“Towards an Anthropology of Music and Body” (chap-

criticism came from the outside musicologists. One is Brit-ter 2) is a theoretical discussion based on these thoughts.

ish cultural theorist, documentary film-maker, and music

According to the fieldwork at Black Pentecostal churches (or,critic Michael Chanan. In his book, Musica Practica (1994),

even in Uganda, where I studied about traditional dance-

Chanan coins the dichotomy of “music (as the score andsong-music settings), the very act of “playing music” – such

musical analysis)” and musica practica, by drawing Mikhail

as choir’s gospel songs – does not play the most significant

Bakhtin’s dichotomy of “language system” and “utterance.”role during the worship service. Instead, they want to seeWith this, Chanan successfully describes music practice as

when the preacher’s sermon, laymen’s testimonies and cries,

bodily action, and writes a history of western classical music

musicians’ play, and trance dancing all converge; this is

as the process of losing it. Another figure was Christopher

when they are “really having church.” Here seems to lay a

Small, who was born in New Zealand and became a musicserious and fundamental contradiction – although the mu-

educator in Britain. In his book Musicking (1998), Small

sic plays most important role at those moments (at least to

rightly argues that music only comes into reality throughmy eyes), the abstract “music” played there may not containperformance, which is a part of human beings’ bodily com-its complexity and significance: I am not confident so thatmunication. According to Small, we, as modernists, think of

we can come to know the secret of their joy after havingmusic as object because all we have is the word “music” toanalyzed the “sound.” In other words, we may not be able tostand for playing instruments, listening, dancing, and so on.

discuss about people’s encounters, or communication be-

By coining a verb “musicking (to music),” Small provides atween people and divine as we mainly discuss about music

perspective where we can see music as “acts,” where people

as “genre” or “styles.”encounter one another bodily.

I can name at least three problems for this (and those

There are similar arguments among ethnomusicolo-

are closely intertwined). Firstly, (ethno)musicologists havegists, only that some of them are not reviewed seriously.

not discussed “the body” enough. They talk about bodies

One is John Blacking – although his “relativist’s side” is wellthat play instruments, yet not “dance” well. Although they

acknowledged, we should also pay attention to his “univer-154

Towards an Anthropology of Music and Body

salist’s side” for our purpose. As an universalist, Blacking

proto-musicality. “Musics” are culturally accumulated rep-declares that musical and gestural process during the ritualresentation based on our ability (proto-musicality) and ouris not “symbolic” in Geertzian sense (Blacking, 1977: 14-

daily practice (musicking) – this is what musicologists have15). In addition, Blackings distinguishes ritualistic behavior

been studying. As a cognitive archeologist Steve Mithen

and gestures from “presented,” “modern dance,” and names

have argued (Mithen, 2005), humans’ proto-musicality andit “bio-social dance,” or more simply “proto-dance” (Black-ability of non-verbal communication is intertwined eaching, 1976: 10-11). Those process becomes possible throughother very closely.

human’s nature that enable interaction between humans. In

By integrate those previous studies above, we will beother words, Blacking saw the possibilities to study proto-

able to elaborate a program to study the interacting bodies

dance as part of non-verbal communication study.

in ritual settings as part of study of music culture. In the

We can see Blacking’s legacy in works of two contem-

short essay, “Recording the Synchronizing Body” (chapter 3),

porary (ethno)musicologists, at least. One is Charles Keil’s

I discuss about the methodology for that. One of the reasonsstudy of “Participatory Discrepancies (PD)” (Keil & Feld,

why performing arts have not been studied well enough lays

1994), or “groovology” (Keil, n.d.), and the other is Thomas

in its difficulties with the description. We do not have theTurino’s study of “Participatory Music” (Turino, 2008).

ways to describe the sound, dance, “proto-dance,” and so on

Since the importance of discrepancies in sound has beenthat happen simultaneously; for this reason, once we havediscussed (Keil, 1995), I would like to call attention to thethe notation, we are able to talk about the micro interaction

possibilities where Keil’s PD theory can be applied to thebetween the musicians (eg, Berliner, 1994; Monson, 1996).

non-verbal communication study. According to Keil, music

In this sense, video recording is an indispensable method

has to have some kind of discrepancies so that it grooves.

to record the actual sonic and bodily interaction, or com-That is the timing which comes out spontaneously among

munication. In the next chapter, I use the videotaped ritualthe bodies that communicates, not the timing following the

behavior as the first hand data for the study, and I analyzed

notes. In this sense, Keil’s project to study groove scientifi-

how the participatory musicking is constructed, by looking

cally can be seen as a part of non-verbal communication

at each action as a micro interaction.

study. Thomas Turino, who made success in questioning themodern connotation in the concept of “music” by coining“Synchronizing the Bodies, Sharing the Emotion: How

the term “participatory music,” has made this point evendoes the Sound Function in a Participatory Music Practiceclearer: participatory performance, according to Turino, isof Black Pentecostal Churches in America?” (chapter 4) is“a particular field of activity in which stylized sound anda case study of our study program. Here, I look at the mu-

motion are conceptualized most importantly as heightenedsic and ritualistic behavior of Black Pentecostal Churchessocial interaction” (Turino, 2008: 28).

closely. I pay special attention on how each individual isAs we talk of the “musical behavior,” we need to con-encouraged to participate, and how the participatory mu-

sider its relation with “music(s),” too. Brynjulf Stige, a theo-sicking is constructed. In other words, this is a micro study

rist of music therapy who practices “cultural-centered musicof “participatory frame” (Turino, 2008: 29).

therapy” (Stige, 2002), suggests a promising theory. He

One of the main topic here is shouting, the holy dancesuggests grasping humans’ musical activity in three closelythat characterize Black Pentecostalism. Shouting is impor-related dimension: that is “proto-musicality,” “musicking,”tant not only because it symbolizes the cultural connection

and “musics,” and each is related with individual’s phylog-

between African American Christianity and its Africaneny. Here, “proto-musicality” is human’s instinctive ability

roots, or it is the most obvious sign of Holy Spirit (Holyto interact with humans – this is “musical” because the in-

Ghost) which is the core of Pentecostalism (or Charismatic

teraction process includes a lot of rhythm, timing, and dif-movements). It is important because of the fact that it shows

ferentiation of pitch. “Musicking” stands for the actual pro-us how powerful the music can be (especially in our “mod-cess when people communicate or interact in the course ofern” society) so obviously that it stimulates us to rethinkmusic-making or dancing, and this is of course based on the

our concept of “music” fundamentally - especially its rela155

Toyoichi Nozawa

tionship with body and consciousness - which, I think, is

The next thing I would like to explain is that the shout-essential for anthropological inquiry on music. Concerning

ing is an “emotional expression.” Many would think ofparticipatory music, shouting is also important because it

shouting as emotional act: shouters cry and sob; you can

is an ultimate form of participation; it is a spontaneous act,

also tell it from their facial expression. Yet, by “emotion,” I

and no one can force to do this. With those points, I can

am not suggesting a certain mental state that comes alongphrase my question like this: “what can we learn when wewith “trancing,” which is based on the mind/body dualism

place shouting in a context of participatory music?”(cf. Becker, 2004). Conversely, I like to call attention to the

The first thing I point out by analyzing Black Pentecos-

scenes such as when congregations cannot help but get in-tals’ musical practice with videotaped record is the unique-volved someone’s shouting: the key question is “what kindness of musicians’ role. Most of the time during the ritualof mood dose the person’s shouting carry to others?” With

service, they keep playing: not only that they play for thethis, we are beginning to conceive “the emotion” without thechoir singing, but also to segment each scene, and to accom-

implication of mind/body dualism, without thinking aboutpany the sermon and other speech. They work significantly

certain “mental state” of a person, by placing shouting in aso that the whole ritual service goes “seamlessly.”

context of face-to-face interaction.

Musicians play even more important role when shout-

The fact that shouting cannot occur properly without

ing occurs. When someone shouts to joy, others surround-

others’ involvement, or the establishment of certain relation-

ing have to be involved to him/her (Nozawa, 2010), and theship between a shouter and people surrounding her indicate

sound that musicians make is one of the most importantthat gesture of shouting represents “the longing to establish

type of involvement – that is to say that the interaction

the certain type of relationship with others,” where people

where the shouting occurs is one version of what a micro

get involved spontaneously. Here, I’d like to think that any

sociologist Erving Goffman called “focused gathering”

gesture that long for others’ spontaneous response can be(Goffman, 1961). Typically, musicians encourage the shout-called “emotional,” or this could be another definition ofers by playing “shout music,” and it can push congregations

emotion: my standing point here is in a way phenomeno-

really shout. Musicians always need to pay attention to thelogical (cf. Merleau-Ponty 2004[1948]), or perceiver-cen-ministers, worship leaders, and congregation to make that

tered communication theory (cf. Sperber & Wilson 1986).

type of interaction happen. Since the interactions are not

In other words, certain action can be called emotional only

planned, one may want to call the process “improvisational”

when she has someone to respond; otherwise it cannot have– as some studies in jazz pointed out, some type of impro-

any social significance.

visation (especially African Americans’) is fundamentally
based on the interaction (Berliner 1997, Monson 1996).

Because shouting is highly emotional act, certain typesof the sound tells that someone’s shouting is emotional, too.

The second thing I like to discuss is that the impor-

From Rodney Needham’s classical study (Needham 1967) totance of rhythmic sound that leads people to the interaction

the most recent Judith Becker’s seminal work (Becker 2004),

frame. Among the cases of shouting, rhythm is significant

there has been a hypothesis that the certain types of soundnot only because it seems to - and I think it does - acceler-can work on our physical body. I am not against it - but if

ate a person into trance, but also because that’s the founda-

we are to study music in a cultural context, we need to as-tion where people come to synchronize their bodies (Reed,sume some interface that bridges the gap between individu-

1996). Here, I need to emphasize that rhythm (or the sound)als and culture. The interface I’m using is a reality of face-to-does not work alone - if so, all they need was certain types offace interaction.

rhythm or the songs, and that does not leave room for inter-

I like to point out that the certain sound can be emo-

action study in participatory music. Rather, as I mentioned

tional means that it works as an extension of someone’s

already, we need to pay attention to how the spontaneous

gesture. That is to say, the sound can also become as an

involvements of the participants occur, and they come inextension of other’s involvement, such as “touching.” Thissynch. The best example is the musicians’ gaze toward theassumption is strongly supported by the musicians’ efforts:

congregations, but there are many more to be studied.

they pay the closest attention to the congregations because

156

Towards an Anthropology of Music and Body

they are to respond to the shouters directly and immedi-

knows that it is more likely that others have heard it [too]”

ately.

(Chew, 2003: 8).

The reason why I use the metaphor “extension of

The core of his discussion, “forming the common

the body/gesture” is to emphasize the sound is so close toknowledge,” or “sharing the meta-message that tells thethe body: the strong rhythm of the shout music embod-

message is shared,” seems significant for the anthropologicalies physical movement, event to the point where it can beunderstanding of the sound, too. For instance, we do per-called “iconic.” Another reason is to emphasize the fact thatceive the shouter’s emotion through vision, but we cannot

the way people interact through music can be so direct andbe sure if everyone else in the room sees it or not when we

immediate: if you go to a Black Pentecostal worship service,

see it: in other words, common knowledge is not generated.

you would feel that you are immersed in the sound that is

But when the emotion is shared by the sound, one can im-

played in a large volume, sometimes you might even feel

mediately know that everyone perceive it, and whole thethat you are directly “touched” by someone, rather than justcongregation share this knowledge: the sound literally unite“hearing” it. I call this “embodied sound” for the same rea-

the congregation.

son.

Such a case is videotaped – pastor and ministers of
The last point that I want to make is that how theone Pentecostal church have “casted out the demon” fromsound works to the congregations, or why what the sounda young man. Right after that, the man starts running thecarries can be so significant to them. That the emotion isaisle, and musicians’ shout music follow gradually; rightembodied in the sound has a significant meaning for theafter this, most of all the congregation (about 70 people)

Pentecostal ritual: it helps generate collective act, and they

started shouting simultaneously. When someone’s shouting

become a unity.

is conveyed with the sound, people don’t just hear his emo-

To make this point clear, let me cite Walter Ong’s pas-tion, but they feel the sense that whole congregation sharesage from Orality and Literacy (1982) where he mentions

the emotion: at very least, they share the knowledge thatabout auditory perception: he writes, “vision comes to a hu-

everyone perceived it.

man being from one direction at a time: to look at a room

I am sure that people all around the world use thoseor a landscape, I must move my eyes around from one partnatures of the sound, most likely unknowingly; but theto another. When I hear, however, I gather sound simulta-

Black churches particularly fully exploit it. In their worshipneously from every direction at once: I am at the center ofservice, it is the music and the sound that segments the

my auditory world, which envelopes me, establishing me atscene and this is how the congregations share the mood.

a kind of core of sensation and existence” (Ong, 1982: 71).

The musicians unite the congregation this way. Musicians

He also says: unlike written words, “the spoken word forms

also facilitates the interaction; and through the interaction,

human beings into close-knit groups. … the audience nor-people are encouraged to participate. The church musicians’

mally become a unity” (Ong, 1982: 73).

effort is to make those interactions happen. Altogether, theHis observation can be proved with the help of communication theory backed up with cognitive science. Game
theorist Michael Chwe’s idea helps us think about this prob-

sound here works as connective tissue.
The points I have tried to make can be summed up likebelow;

lem. Chwe answers the question “how do people coordinate
their action?” with a single concept, “common knowledge,”1) Taking part involves many elements: even thoseand explains from how rituals work in pre-modern society,who surrounding the participants may play integral

to why some advertisement is successful and how peopleroles; this is where we can find importance of interac-come to like to participate in political action. For instance,tion, and it needs to be studied very closely.

ritual speech contains a lot of repetition, even to the point

2) For the spontaneous participation, probably thewhere we think it’s meaningless. But according to Chwe,ideal way to take part, “emotion” in phenomenologi-“when a person hears something repeated, not only does she

cal sense (not a psychological category) is essential,

get the message, she knows [that] it is repeated and hence

and the sound plays integral role to share it among157

Toyoichi Nozawa

the participants.

Face Interaction, Bunkajinruigaku. 75(3): 417-439. (in Japanese)Ong, Walter. 1988(1982). Orality and Literacy. Routledge.

Probably, the more musicking becomes participatory(and less presentational), the more we can find the richinteraction among those who take part. The study of theinteraction can contribute to the study of anthropology ofmusic, or the study of relationship between human being
and sound in general, for this reason. I am hoping that thosechapters have some implication about participatory music,
or human beings and sound in general, too.
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