MIMS Technical Report No.00022 (200909211)

Dense networks within a group help bridging
networks between groups: interchange of people
between mountainous and urban areas.

Abstract
People embedded in dense social networks are likely to trust and cooperatewith other members of their group. However, these individuals are also
likely to turn inward and harbor strong hostility toward groups outside
their network. Thus, it is important to establish bridging networks between
groups. However, the eﬀect of dense networks within a group on bridging
networks between groups remains unclear.
To elucidate the relationships between dense and bridging networks within
and between groups, this study interviewed residents of the village of Nishiawakura in a mountainous region of Okayama Prefecture, Japan. We asked
participants about their networks within the village and with urban residents.
We found that established residents who had lived in the village for along time maintained dense networks within the village to preserve theirforests. Recently, however, these dense networks have not worked eﬃciently
in a consistent manner. Returners (i.e., those who had returned from urban
areas) were not embedded in the dense networks within the village and theirforests had not been well preserved. However, they were more eager to form
bridging networks with urban residents, hoping that urban residents would
manage the abandoned forests in the village. On the other hand, establishedresidents were skeptical about the eﬀect of urban-mountain communications
on the village.
In this context, the dense networks of the established residents might
have inhibited the development of bridging networks between this population
and urban residents. However, the staﬀ of the Mokkun Company is now
developing bridging networks between the two groups. These are possible,
in part, because staﬀ members acknowledge the importance of the dense
networks within the village. Hence, dense networks within a group mightalso help in the establishment of bridging networks between groups undercertain conditions.

11Introduction

1.1

Social networks

One important task of sociology involves explaining social outcomes at themacro level in terms of the results of collective actions of individuals at the
micro level. Social networks provide an eﬀective connection between micro
and macro levels and oﬀer a perspective for understanding the relationships
among individuals and the outcomes of collective behaviors. The concept ofsocial networks holds a prominent position not only in sociology but also inother disciplines, ranging from the social to the natural sciences[1][2].
Within this substantial literature on social networks, the study conducted by Coleman [3] constitutes the most important investigation of theeﬀects of social networks. Coleman assumed that dense networks amongpeople produce social capital, which can be deﬁned in terms of reciprocity
and cooperation among the members. Social capital confers various beneﬁts
on people, such as education[3], economic development[20], social control[5],and biodiversity conservation[15]. Sobel[17] explained that dense networks
act to create common knowledge and increase the quality and reliability ofthe third-party monitoring needed to enforce cooperation.
However, dense networks are also likely to result in negative consequences
for some people[14]. For example, those who are embedded in dense networks
tend to look inward and have strong out-group hostility. They also receive
scant information from sources outside of their dense networks, thereby dramatically limiting their economic opportunities. In addition, those who try
to form social relationships outside of the dense networks are often excluded
from the group. These negative consequences are directly related to theimpact of dense networks.
Sociologists have recently started to attend to networks operating between groups. During the 1970s, Granovetter[4] noted the importance ofbridging networks, or ”weak ties” according to his deﬁnition, operating between groups. People with weak ties to others can garner information fromoutside their group and are likely ﬁnd better job opportunities. Indeed,
Granovetter also suggested that weak ties might form the basis for uniting
entire societies.
Putnam [16] deﬁned two types of social capital that emerge from diﬀerent types of networks. Dense networks within a group produce social capitalin the form of bonding. As a result, people can trust one another within agroup, but may ﬁnd it diﬃcult to cooperate with outsiders, or those outside
their group. Bridging networks between diﬀerent groups produce bridging
social capital. As a result, people can gather information from outsiders, develop broader personal identities, and interact reciprocally with outsiders.
The possibility that dense networks within a group might hinder the establishment and/or operation of bridging networks between groups constitutes2

an important issue. Portes[14] suggested that people embedded in dense
networks were not likely to access bridging networks. Yamagishi[21] alsosuggested that dense networks interfere with opportunities to meet various
people in that members could not trust outsiders. In contrast, some studies
have hypothesized that dense networks might help with the establishment
and/or operation of bridging networks between groups[11]. The eﬀect ofdense networks within a group on bridging networks between groups remains unclear.

1.2

Interchanges of People in Japan

In order to elucidate how dense networks within a group aﬀect bridging
networks between groups, this paper considers interchanges between theresidents of mountainous and urban areas in Japan.
Many forests in mountainous areas are comprised of non-native trees,
including species with narrow leaves such as cedar or cypress. Recently,
artiﬁcal, or plantation, forests in many areas have been abandoned by owners, despite the fact that these forests require constant management. If not
managed, these artiﬁcial forests ﬁll up with thin trees that have too manybranches, with the result that smaller plants cannot grow because sunlight isblocked by the branches of the trees. Furthermore, such tree species do not
grow extensive root systems. Accordingly, these forests do not contain suﬃcient water during heavy rainfall, causing frequent ﬂooding during typhoonseason. Because native tree species rarely grow in abandoned plantation
forests, wild mammals cannot ﬁnd food in these areas and can be forced
into attempting to ﬁnd food near human settlements. Some owners fell all
their trees but do not replace them by planting new seedlings. Naturalforests do not necessarily grow on bare mountains, and beautiful scenery is
being lost due to abandoned forests.
Recently, many urban residents have grown dissatisﬁed with their stressful lives in high-density areas, and have become interested in living in in
mountainous areas and in the preservation of natural environments. In
order to maintain the beauty of forests, many urban residents have been
participating in activities associated with forest management by cutting
weeds, culling surplus branches, logging forests, and planting new seedlingsof broad-leaved species in abandoned forests. A total of 1568 groups werereported to be voluntarily managing forests in 2003[22]. The 2000 census showed that many owners managed their forests in areas that welcomed
forestry volunteer groups[8]. Furthermore, an increasing number of migrants
from urban areas have begun to work as foresters. Local municipalities aswell as the forestry agencies of the central government have been employing
urban residents as new foresters[6][18].
Establishing and maintaining cooperative relationships between peopleof diﬀerent groups is not easy. Residents of urban and mountainous areas of3ten diﬀer in terms of their relationships with nature and such diﬀerences canlead to strong conﬂicts between the two groups. Indeed, volunteer forestry
management groups have not established positive relationships with thosesmall forest owners who paid more attention to life in their villages than
to forestry management[19]. Many new foresters from urban areas haveresigned and left mountainous areas because of the stress related to social
relationships with local people [12]. Local people in mountainous areas have
lived close to nature by cooperating with one another through their dense
networks and these networks do not intersect well with the lifestyles of urban
residents.
It is important to understand the value of dense networks operating
among local people in mountainous areas. In such areas, local people confront a variety of diﬃculties. As a result of such dense networks, they areable to cooperate with each other when it comes to managing their forests.
However, these dense networks could well be disappearing because of depopulation and the ageing of local populations in mountainous areas.
We should also consider the possibility of establishing bridging networks
between the residents of mountainous and urban areas. Owing to the dense
networks they have built up, those who reside in mountainous areas engage
in mutually helpful relationships; urban residents, however, rarely settle inthese areas. It is important to clarify how the dense networks operating
among local residents can aﬀect bridging networks with urban residents.

1.3

Nishiawakura-son

In this paper, we attempt to determine how dense networks have helped local
people in mountainous areas, and to clarify how dense networks operating
among local populations aﬀect bridging networks with urban residents. This
study was conducted in the village of Nishiawakura-son, which is located ina mountainous area in the north-eastern part of Okayama prefecture.
As a result of the events outlined below, artiﬁcial, or plantation, forests
cover almost all of the mountainous areas in Nisiawakura-son Ḋuring the
1960s, people stopped using wood for fuel and began using oil for this purpose. During this period, the village oﬃce sold its own forests to local people
for relatively low prices, and many local people acquired or increased theirforest holdings. These residents began to plant cedar and cypress seedlings
because these woods could be sold at high prices, due to their appropriateness for use in building Japanese style houses, or houses with Japanesestylistic elements . Local people mowed grass, culled surplus branches, andlogged forests.
Recently, however, many local people, particularly those owning small
forests, have become unable to manage their forests. Two main factors
have led to their abandonment of forestry management. First, the pricesof cedar and cypress declined after the 1980s because cheaper woods were4

imported from abroad. In this context, local people were unable to earnenough money, even when they managed their forests eﬃciently. Second,
forest owners who had been managing their forests began to age, and theirsuccessors were not willing to assume management. Many local people had
emigrated from the village since the 1960s seeking jobs or education in urban
areas. As a result, few village residents now manage forests.
Although depopulation continues in the village, many people have begun
to immigrate to Nishiawakura-son since 1980. Oﬃcial reports for Okayama
prefecture reported that Nishiawakura-son had 1061 immigrants and 1131
emigrants during the period from 1989 to 2008. During these 20 years, thenumber of immigrants exceeded the number of emigrants in eight of theyears. Hence, three groups of people are included in the village population.
Established residents are those who were born in the village and never orrarely left the village. Returners are those who were born in the village,
emigrated, and then returned to the village. Immigrants are those who wereborn outside the village and immigrated to the village.

2

Methods: Qualitative Interviews

In order to elucidate the roles of local people in dense or bridging networks
and to examine how they evaluated each type of network, we interviewed 26
residents who owned forests of fewer than 10 ha in the village. Interviews,
conducted during two weeks in February 2007, addressed how participants
managed their forests and lasted from 30 minutes to a few hours. We also
asked about the participants’ life experiences and their social relationships
with other villagers and urban residents. All participants in this researchwere male and more than 50 years of age; Therefore, our report did notinclude the opinions of young or female residents. Table 1 summarizes thelife experiences, forestry-management conditions, ages, and locations of theirforests.
Almost all the common forests of the village were sold to residents during the 1960s. Therefore, 1970 is an appropriate point of demarcation fordeﬁning groups of residents and, therefore, we deﬁned established residents
and returners in terms of whether they had emigrated from the village since1970. Of the 26 residents in this study, none were immigrants.
Six people in the village worked for the Mokkun company, managing
forests on behalf of the owners and designing furniture made from culledwood to be sold at reasonable prices. The leader of this group was a returner, and the supervisor was an immigrant. We interviewed these two
staﬀ members about how they managed the forests and about their relationships with villagers and urban residents. These data are also presented
in Table 1.
The next section introduces the results of our interviews with local people

5and Mokkun staﬀ. Each participant is represented in the text by his number
in Table 1.

3

Results

3.1

Dense networks

We found that established residents were embedded in dense networks consisting of other established residents. Owing to these dense networks, established residents were able to manage their forests eﬃciently before conditions
changed.
Many of the established residents acquired or increased their forests only
after the 1960s. Before the 1960s, most did not know how to manage plantation forests. Nishiawakura-son, like most villages in mountainous areas ofJapan, is geographically isolated. Networks among local people are therefore
dense, closed, and characterized by cooperation in the service of managing
forests. Even after the 1960s, forests were managed as if they had remained
the common property [13] of the village rather than the private property ofresidents. Residents (2), (10), and (15) remembered how they had learned
the techniques of forestry management by working with family members andfriends. Resident (7) said,”Forestry oﬃcials advised me that cedar species were the best
seedlings for this region. But my friend had told me that Nishiawakurason was too cold in the winter for that species. Therefore, I did
not follow the advice of forestry oﬃcials but planted the species
that my friend had advised. The seedlings were good, and grewwell in my forest.”
Established residents were not always able to manage their forests because they held other jobs, including jobs related to agriculture or oﬃce
jobs in the village. Resident (10) entrusted the managing of his forests to
his relatives or to friends while he was involved in other jobs. In this way,
he was able to maintain control of his forest. On the other hand, residents(1) and (9) had been entrusted by other residents to manage forests. As
professional foresters, they improved techniques and knowledge related toforest management.
Dense networks among established residents contributed not only toforestry management but also to friendship development. Resident (10)happily talked about times in his youth during which he had enjoyed various activities such as journeys and festivals in the company of friends. Until
two years ago, resident (17) had been helping a lonely elderly widow by
delivering boxed meals. Thus, residents helped each other survive in thesevere environment of the mountainous area.

6

However, dense networks became less advantageous when villagers began
to age and the population started to decline. Established residents experienced great diﬃculty in ﬁnding villagers whom they could trust with the
management of their forests. Resident (3) said,”An increasing number of the individuals in the forestry cooperative in this village do not have skills appropriate for forestry
management. I don’t want to entrust them with my forests.”
The successors of nearly all residents were not interested in managing thefamily forests. Therefore, established residents have been unable to use theirdense networks in the service of forest management in recent years.
In contrast, many of the returners were not embedded in the dense networks that had connected established residents in terms of forest management. They had not eﬃciently managed their forests and had less interest inforest management than did established residents. Resident (19) noted that
he had never managed his forest, nor did he want to entrust managementof his forest to a cooperative. He said,”I want to sell my forests to anyone who will buy them. If theforestry government of Japan wanted to try and change plantation or artiﬁcial forests into natural ones, I would willingly give
my forest to the government.”
Resident (20) had been employed in various jobs in the village after he
had returned and, therefore, had some social relationships with establishedresidents. In terms of forestry management, however, he had no relationships
with established residents. Although returners were not embedded in thedense networks consisting of established residents, they did not seem to haveserious problems with forest management. Because they had not eﬃciently
managed their forests in their youth, they did not experience signiﬁcant loss
due to the decline in the price of wood. Resident (21) said,”I do not feel concerned about the price decrease in wood. I
don’t economically depend on my forests.”
In contrast, some returners managed their forests relatively eﬃciently.
Resident (26) started to manage his forest after he reached the age of 65,
and was involved with planting new seedlings of broad-leaved tree species.
Resident (24) formed a volunteer group with other returners to manage theabandoned forests of other owners. They were planting seedlings of broadleaved tree species by including people from urban areas in their activities.
Neither of these returners were embedded in dense networks of establishedresidents.
All of the returners and some of the established residents regretted that
too many natural trees had been cut and too many non-native trees had been7

planted. They agreed that abandoned plantation forests should be changed
into natural forests comprised of broad-leaved tree species. Resident (19)said,
”In my youth, no bears appeared near human settlements. I
think that wild bears have recently started appearing near human settlements because the foods of the natural forests werelost.”
Resident (7) said,”Lower altitude areas of mountains should be managed by humans. However, upper altitude areas should be kept natural forwild mammals. Then, wild bears will not appear near humansettlements.”
Some established residents, however, did not sympathize with changing abandoned plantation forests into natural ones. Resident (15) believedthat mammals would continue to raid crops even if plantation forests werechanged into natural ones, saying,”Some people say that plantation forests cause mammal raids
on crops. However, even in my youth when such forests did
not grow in the mountains, there were no natural foods for wild
mammals.”
Resident (1) could not understand why plantation forests should be changed
into natural ones, saying,”Some people are now making natural forests. I’m wondering
why, in that natural forests have no economic value.”Established residents had treated plantation, or artiﬁcial, forests as wealth.
The project to develop natural forests was received by some as dismissing theprevious eﬀorts of established residents who had managed artiﬁcial forests.
Thus, established residents and returners might experience conﬂict with eachother about the creation of natural forests.

3.2

Bridging networks

Some returners accessed bridging networks involving urban residents. As
described in the previous section, resident (24) and his circle welcomed urban
residents into their project of voluntary forestry management. They hopedthat managing the artiﬁcial and natural forests would maintain enough waterto avoid ﬂooding. Such forests were also expected to supply suﬃcient foodfor preventing wild mammals from raiding crops. He and his fellows said,

8”The Japanese government and villagers followed the wrong forestry
policies. Only volunteers like us do the right things in making
natural forests.”
Resident (23) harbored a positive impression of the urban residents who had
moved near his home and hoped that the number of immigrants living in
the village would increase.
Resident (27), the leader of Mokkun, is a returner. After his return, he
had launched the eﬀorts associated with this company with other membersof the forestry co-operative in the village. They logged abandoned forests
on behalf of forest owners. Using logged woods, they produced furnitureand sold these products themselves. He said,”Many owners have eﬃciently managed their forests in this village. Nonetheless, they have recently become unable to continue
to do so because wood prices have declined too much. Our company procures wood, produces furniture, and sells it. Because we
thereby reduce intermediate costs, we can pay substantial feesto the owners and sell products at reasonable prices.”
Resident (28), the supervisor of Mokkun, had worked as furniture designer for 45 years. After retirement, he moved to the village. He said,”Many artiﬁcial forests have been abandoned in Japan, while
Japanese companies are culling natural forests in many areas ofSouth-east Asia. A furniture designer in South-east Asia once
told me, ’The Japanese are sly because they are not culling theirown forests while culling our forests.’ That is the reason that
I’m now producing furniture by using Japanese logged woods.”
Four other people worked for Mokkun as designers, foresters, or sellers.
All were young, in their 20s. Resident (28) proudly said about one worker,”At ﬁrst, he didn’t know how to work as a forester. After being
trained by the eldest forest owner in this village, he became an
excellent forester. ”
Mokkun promoted the exchange of people between urban and mountainous areas and welcomed college students wanting to make furniture. Trial
products were given to nursery schools for free and successful trial products
were purchased by Mokkun. Resident (27) hoped that some of the students
might immigrate to the village. Mokkun also planned to present the historyof each piece of furniture on its price tag, including how each piece wasproduced, the story of the forest owner, and how the trees had been grown.
This project tries to connect consumers and forest owners.
Many returners favored this project. Resident (19) stressed that theentire village should support the project organized by Mokkun.
9In contrast, many established residents were pessimistic or critical about
the possibility of returners or immigrants managing forests. Resident (17)said,”Urban residents might think rural lives are good when they arestill young. For aged people, rural lives are never good. In rural
areas, everyone needs his or her own car to go shopping or to
get to hospitals. Old people are likely to be of deprived of theirdrivers’ licenses by their children for their own safety.”
One resident expressed antipathy for the volunteer forest-managmentgroup to which resident (24) belonged, saying,”The leader of that group is an outsider, who does not own
his own forest. He nevertheless owns a big house in this village,
because he earned so much money when he worked in a company
in an urban area. He is now higher-ranked than we are. Whatan irony!”
Another resident talked about one immigrant who lived near his house.
”He cannot communicate well with us as neighbors. In rural
areas, it is important to communicate well with neighbors.”
He was also anxious about the project undertaken by Mokkun, saying,”It is diﬃcult for them to work as foresters, as they have to doa number of diﬃcult tasks in the mountains. I’m anxious about
the future of Mokkun, although at present I am simply observing
their activities.”

4

Discussion

Established residents in the village of Nishiawakura-son were embedded indense networks. Owing to these networks, they could have managed theirforests eﬃciently. However, due to the decreased price of wood, as well as
the depopulation and ageing of the village, they have recently become unable to eﬃciently manage their forests, even with the help of these dense
networks. Bridging networks that include people of mountainous and urban
areas are required to manage the forests in the village. Established residents,
however, have been critical and pessimistic about the possibility of urban
residents managing forests. Established residents have also expressed criticism about returners promoting interchanges between those from mountainous and urban areas. Because established residents have been embedded indense networks, they appear unable to trust outsiders. These results might
be interpreted as supporting ﬁndings that dense networks within a groupprevent bridging networks between groups[14][21].
10However, the present results also suggest that dense networks within agroup might help bridging networks between groups. The staﬀ members of
Mokkun, some of whom were urban residents, were managing abandoned
forests on behalf of established residents. Some returners welcomed urban
residents to the volunteer group organized to manage abandoned artiﬁcial
forests.
We should examine the conditions under which bridging networks between established and urban residents are feasible. To that end, we ﬁrst
consider why established residents were critical and pessimistic about urban
residents. We then consider the conditions under which established residents
might form bridging networks with urban residents.
Previous ﬁeld studies have reported that residents of mountainous areas
were critical of outsiders, particularly urban residents[9]. Established residents of Nishiawakura-son were very familiar with the diﬃculties involvedin forest management. They were therefore critical of urban residents who
probably held naive images about forestry and living in mountainous areas
close to nature. Furthermore, established residents valued their dense networks. Urban residents, in contrast, usually valued independence and were,
therefore, likely to isolate themselves from the dense networks of establishedresidents, thereby reinforcing the critical attitudes held by established residents towards urban residents.
It is clear, however, that urban residents hoping to live in mountainous
areas should be equipped to live in these areas. They should be trained
to live in the mountains and educated about the severity of this lifestyle.
Some established residents should communicate with such trained urban
residents, who could then learn the value of dense networks for facilitating
the management of forests by local people. Established residents would thenwelcome such trained urban residents.
The Mokkun company oﬀered opportunities for urban residents to growaccustomed to living in mountainous areas. These urban residents weretrained by Mokkum to live in mountainous areas and communicate withestablished residents. The leader, resident (27), played an important rolein establishing a bridge between the two groups and was familiar with theconditions of both established and urban residents. Urban residents require
their own dense networks through which they can acquire the appropriate
training. Coordinators familiar with both groups can subsequently form
bridges[7].
Some established residents were antagonistic toward returners who favored forestry management by urban residents. This attitude might derive,in part, from the great diﬀerences in the life experiences of the groups. The
principal problem, however, concerned diﬀerences in wealth. After wood
prices declined, established residents lost their money. Returners, in contrast, had earned enough money working for urban companies to retire andcould also rely on pensions, which were available to few established resi11

dents. Established residents might also have felt that returners who werewelcoming urban residents and favoring the creation of natural forests were
denying the value of the dense networks of established residents that had
enabled management of the plantation or artiﬁcial forests.
The establishment of bridge networks between established and urban
residents via returners requires that the former be helped to lose their senseof inferiority. Established residents felt inferior partly because they had lesswealth to show for their forestry experience and partly because they had
become unable to manage their forests. Returners should invite establishedresidents to serve in roles such as lecturers at events welcoming urban residents. As a result, established residents could earn fees for teaching urban
residents. Returners should also respect the value of the dense networks
of established residents. In this way, an increasing number of establishedresidents might participate in interchanges between the residents of urban
and mountainous areas.
The staﬀ of Mokkun tried to facilitate positive and friendly relationships
between established and urban residents. Their eﬀorts to sell products included information about how the wood was grown by established residents,
thereby educating urban residents about the dignity of rural life. They also
tried to increase the fees paid to the owners for their logged woods. In thisway, Mokkun was helping to reduce the sense of inferiority that establishedresidents might experience in relation to returners and urban residents.
On this basis, we conclude that bridging networks between urban andestablished residents rely on certain conditions for success. Urban residents
should form dense networks and train themselves to live in the harsh environments of mountainous areas. Returners should bridge the dense networks
consisting of established and urban residents. Established residents should
feel respected in their communications with urban residents.
However, in a somewhat contradictory manner, the existence of dense
networks among established residents constitutes the most important condition for the successful establishment of bridging networks between established and urban residents. Although the dense networks of establishedresidents had inhibited the formation of bridging networks between urban
and established residents, Resident (27) nonetheless expressed respect for
certain established residents who had been managing their forests by meansof their dense networks, saying,”Some owners have managed their forests for a long time. They
have strong interests in their forests. I love their forests, they
are good places.”
Only the established residents who had maintained their dense networks andmanaged their forests eﬃciently could educate urban residents about thevalue of dense networks in mountainous areas. It was on the basis of suchdense networks that established residents had managed their forests thus far,12

thereby rendering the formation of bridging networks between establishedand urban residents possible[11].
Bridging networks between groups might also enable members to value
their own networks. Some studies have suggested that local people embedded in dense networks valued their networks after they communicated withurban outsiders[7][10]. It is important to conduct new and review extant
ﬁeldwork to elucidate the interactive eﬀects of dense and bridging networks.

Acknowledgments
We thank the residents of Noshiawakura-son for their cooperation withthis research. Y. Sato and M Hayashi carefully read early drafts of themanuscript and gave us critical comments. This study was ﬁnancially supported by Grant-in-Aid for Scientiﬁc Research (C) (Morino Mari: 18510039).

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14

Table 1. Forest owners and Mokkun staﬀ.
Life
Forestry
Area of
Number experiences 1 management2 Age forest
1
Established
A
60s
7ha
2
Established
A
70s
2ha
3
Established
A
70s
4ha
4
Established
B
60s
2ha
5
Established
B
60s
4ha
6
Established
B
60s
5ha
7
Established
B
60s
7ha
8
Established
B
60s
8ha
9
Established
B
70s
1ha
10
Established
B
70s
5ha
11
Established
B
70s
6ha
12
Established
B
70s
7ha
13
Established
B
70s
8ha
14
Established
B
70s
9ha
15
Established
B
80s
4ha
16
Established
B
80s
7ha
17
Established
B
80s
7ha
18
Established
C
80s
6ha
19
Returner
C
50s
1ha
20
Returner
C
60s
3ha
21
Returner
C
60s
4ha
22
Returner
C
60s
7ha
23
Returner
C
70s
8ha
24
Returner
D
60s
1ha
25
Returner
D
60s
2ha
26
Returner
D
70s
5ha
27
Returner
30s
28
Immigrant
60s
1. Established residents: residents who had not moved from the village since1970. Returners: residents who had returned from urban areas after 1970.
Immigrants: residents of urban areas who had recently immigrated to thevillage
2. A: the owner managed the forest. B: the owner had managed the forest
but did not currently manage the forest. C: the owner never managed theforest. D: the owner had recently begun to manage the forest.

15