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共同研究：大学における第二言語習得研究：教育達成測定

Curriculum as Process and Curriculum as
Product in Foreign Language Education
Michael CARROLL
Abstract
This paper examines the ways in which the terms ‘curriculum’ and ‘curriculum change’ areconceived of in the discourse surrounding language education in two very different societies :Australia and Japan. Several ways of understanding curriculum change are discussed. The paperargues that curriculum can be seen as a process or as a product, and that the former implies aview of learning as self-directed and autonomous, while the latter implies a teacher-centred,
top-down view of learning.

A Teacher’s story
At orientation day just before the opening of the new centre, when we were told there was a brandnew curriculum, most people were, on the whole, supportive. Of course some people didn’t like theidea that, compared with previous programs we’d taught on, we seemed to be losing some of the freedom we’d come to take for granted. There’d really never been a curriculum to speak of here before,
so we were all a bit apprehensive. But overall we were keen to be part of it. It was exciting. There
was a lot of energy around on that day. One year down the track, though, there’s a much more ambivalent attitude in the staff room. The curriculum turned out to be too prescriptive for some, andnot prescriptive enough for others. Some people say it puts so many restrictions on what we can dothat we’re not really teachers any more, just glorified human tape recorders ; others say that if we’regoing to be given a list of things we have to do in the classroom, we shouldn’t have to go round trying
to supplement the materials we’re given. It’s the same with the levels. You hear some people saying
it’s just too difficult for the students, and then you hear the opposite : It’s too Mickey Mouse. The
problem is no one asked the teachers what we thought in the first place. If we’d been a bit more involved at the start, we might have had more incentive to make it work instead of complaining or,
as some of us did, just ignoring it and doing what we’d always done. Are we better off now than wewould have been if we hadn’t had the new curriculum? If I have to answer that question I’d say it

Keywords : Curriculum, Curriculum change, autonomy, Self-directed leaning

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could have been worse, but it could have been a lot better, too. The students seem to like the idea ofan “innovative” curriculum, but whether they are learning more as a result is a question on which
the jury is still out.
(From Carroll, 2007, pp1-2)

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Language curriculum went through rapid changes in most English-speaking countries startingin the 1990s, with the introduction of competency-based curricula to many institutions and typesof programs (Mackay, 2000). In Australia this was realised through the Certificate of Spoken andWritten English (CSWE) in the area of Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages(TESOL) (Hagan, Hood, Jackson, Jones, Joyce, and Manidid, 1993), and in Europe through theEuropean Language Passport, and the Common European Framework of Reference, or CEFR. To
some extent these ways of thinking about curriculum came from the concerns of teachers, students and administrators, but the strongest push to introduce the idea of competency-based planning, assessment, and program evaluation came from the providers of funding, such as, inAustralia, the Department of Immigration, Multicultural and Ethnic Affairs (DIMEA), theDepartment of Employment, Education and Training (DEET), and various state Departments of
Education, on the grounds that public funds should be accounted for in a transparent way (Smith,1999).
In the initial stages of implementation some teachers and students disliked and opposed thecompetency approach, but many had their own reasons for welcoming a re-think of accountability.
In the period preceding the 1990s ideas of ‘communicative language teaching’ and learnercentredness had replaced previous paradigms (grammar-translation, audiolingualism notionalfunctionalism) as the dominant theories in TESOL (Ingram, 1979 ; Willing, 1985 ; Nunan, 1988 ;Burton, 1998, Feez, 2001). While the rigidness of these earlier models had been conducive to the
production of coursebooks and other graded materials, the communicative syllabus was more
eclectic, often requiring teachers to make materials themselves. This created a more challenging
environment for teachers, particularly those at the start of their careers, and could be difficult tomake sense of for students, who often came from much more traditional educational systems(Burton, 1991, ADIMA, 2001). More recently, the increasing use of can-do statements based on
the CEFR has had a similarly ambivalent response. On the one hand there are obvious advantages
in reporting outcomes in real-life terms that make intuitive sense to the layman or laywoman,
while on the other hand coming to shared understandings of the concrete criteria on which can-do
assessments are based is no easy task.
In Japan, as in most Asian countries, while school curricula are often governed by very detailed

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requirements in terms of materials, methods, assessment and outcomes, universities and colleges
have traditionally been quite the opposite, leaving virtually every curriculum decision to the discretion of the teacher. For compulsory language courses, though, where there may be 50 or 100
groups (the entire first year cohort across a university) studying the same subject, this can beproblematic, particularly where courses articulate one into another.
Today in Japan and other parts of Asia there is a flurry of activity in the implementation of curriculum reform (Mackenzie, 2002, Brewster, 2006, Hua Li, 2006). These reforms are motivatedto some extent by national language policy (MEXT 2003), as was the case in Australia, but morepressingly by competition between institutions as a result of falling birthrates (Kaneko, 1997 ;Terada, 2007). Unlike Britain and Australia where almost all universities are government funded,in Japan there are more private than public universities, and in a time of falling numbers of university age students competition for enrolments is intense. In a sense, therefore, English as a
Foreign Language (EFL) in many Asian countries is in the position that TESOL was in Englishspeaking countries two decades ago, in that accountability, and the importance of coordinated curriculum is becoming important in areas where it was not so important before (Venema, 2007).
In these contexts, the ways in which those changes impact on both teachers and learners arecomplex. On the one hand the autonomy of teachers is clearly under threat, in that they are required to conform more overtly than before to publicly specified standards and, in some cases,
methods of teaching. Similarly, students on the face of it may have fewer chances to influence theactivities in their own classes. On the other hand the changes also offer a chance for both teacher
and learners to be part of the re-making of their curricula, and of the ongoing development. In
fact, if the notion of teacher and learner autonomy is seen as educationally important, it might bebuilt into the design of the new curricula. There is some evidence that this happened in Australia,
where although there were strong criticisms of competency-based teaching (Cervi, 1993 ; Lewis,1993), at the same time there were also those who surprised themselves by finding ways to beautonomous within competency-based frameworks (Burns and Hood, 1995 and 1997). Although
there is research in the Japanese context on teacher perceptions of their work (Stewart, 2005,
2007 ; Cowie, 2003), there is relatively little that focuses on the experiences of both students andteachers in relation to curriculum processes. Nor is there research on autonomy in language curriculum in Japan that specifically focuses on learning outcomes. (Though the Burns and Hoodstudies referred to above, (1995 and 1997) have done this in relation to Australian migrant
TESOL. Burns and Hood coordinated an Australia-wide project to examine the effects of the introduction of the Certificate of Spoken and Written English which has driven the migrant TESOL
curriculum since the mid 1990s. The ‘Teachers’ Voices’ series of books documented the experiences of teachers from each of the States as they grappled with this new assessment regime.)

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Reforms to date in Japan have often conceptualised curriculum in a superficial manner as little
more than a list of subject titles (Gatton, 1999 ; McVeigh, 2001, 2002). This means that while curriculum reform and review is a frequent occurrence, often undertaken every five years or so, substantive changes are few and effects on learning, so far as these have been measured at all, areminor (Blight, 2002). In addition there has been little empirical research at the curriculum level
into just what teachers and learners do, and how they experience the programs in which they takepart.
In order to understand curriculum activity, in particular curriculum change, in these two situations, it is useful to examine the underlying beliefs that surround language education. One area
relates to curriculum itself, not just in the field of English language teaching but also more generally in secondary and tertiary education. This area concerns definitions of curriculum itself, research into how curriculum processes are instantiated in practice, and research into how changes
are implemented. The second area concerns the teaching and learning of foreign languages inJapan. The third area covers one specific aspect of language learning. It relates to research into
autonomy as a feature of learning, and as an element in teaching practice and the curriculum process. This paper will therefore examine these three areas.

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The word ‘curriculum’ is typically used in lay terms in ways that can easily mislead. Particularly
misleading is the tendency to conceive of it as if it were a physical entity, something to be acted
upon, or to be created and distributed to its ‘users’. Marsh (1997, p 3) gives the following list ofusages frequently found in official institutional contexts :1. Curriculum is that which is taught in school.
2. Curriculum is a set of subjects.
3. Curriculum is content.
4. Curriculum is a set of materials.
5. Curriculum is a set of performance objectives.
6. Curriculum is that which an individual learner experiences as a result of schooling.
7. Curriculum is that which is taught both inside and outside of school, and directed by theschool.
8. Curriculum is everything that is planned by school personnel.
The first of these is vague enough to encompass the general lay understanding, but is not particularly useful if we want to use it as a starting point for further analysis. Many teachers and administrators typically think of curriculum in terms of the second to fourth items, as simply a setof documents. Sometimes these are lists of content items for a particular program, or prescribedCurriculum as Process and Curriculum as Product in Foreign Language Education193

endpoints ; sometimes they include outcomes, as in the fifth item above. Many also think of curriculum as something wholly organised and planned by the school, as in the seventh and eighth
above. These usages all fit within what Grundy (1987) calls curriculum as product. Howeverthese sorts of documents are only a small part of what curriculum theorists mean when they talkof ‘curriculum’. Curriculum can also be defined by what the learner experiences, as the sixth definition recognises. It encompasses the whole array of social relations that operate in classrooms
and throughout educational institutions, and might be described more inclusively as all those
things that happen in, and in relation to, a given educational setting. Marsh recognises this aspectof curriculum, but nevertheless prioritises the role of the school in his own working definition :‘an interrelated set of plans and experiences which a student completes under the guidance of theschool’ (Marsh, 1997, p 5).
The work of Shirley Grundy begins from a similar perspective, focussing on learners’ experiences, but also introduces the notion of curriculum as something created by the teachers throughtheir practice. Grundy claims that for a curriculum to be effective in any meaningful way it needs
to be ‘coherent, ... conscious .. and consensual. [ ... ] Within the shared professional communityof the school there needs to be a shared culture which supports the construction of a worthwhilecurriculum.’ (Grundy, 1994, p 12.) This definition recalls the ground-breaking work of Lawrence
Stenhouse, who saw curriculum as a set of understandings shared by teachers (Stenhouse, 1977).
But Grundy goes beyond this, recalling the view of David Tripp of curriculum as ‘a systematic setof relations between particular people, objects, events, and circumstances’ (Tripp, 1987 p. 7).
These are perhaps perspectives that many teachers intuitively understand, though they may
not usually think of curriculum in these terms. And indeed such perspectives are rarely acknowledged formally when a curriculum is designed. To varying extents, Grundy, Marsh, Tripp andStenhouse all situate the curriculum to a large part in the consciousness of those who participate
in educational activity : teachers, learners and administrators. This kind of view of curriculum asa process is essential in thinking about institutional changes, how they come about, and how theywork their way through the systems to which they are applied. A common perception is that allthat is necessary to change a curriculum is to draw up a plan and give out instructions. But if curriculum is viewed as residing in the social situation of the classroom, as all those things that goon in and out of the classroom which have an influence on student learning, then we need to go
beyond this kind of prescriptive documentation. Marsh’s definition, although it focuses on thelearner to the extent that it recognises that curriculum is what the learner receives, rather thanwhat the institution provides, does no go far enough beyond this kind of prescriptivism. Grundy’s
notion of not only teachers but students as well as ‘active participants in the construction oflearning’ (1987, p 102) takes this extra step. Building on Freire’s characterisation of teaching and194

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learning as reciprocal, of students as ‘critical co-investigators in dialogue with the teacher’ (1972,p 54), Grundy’s (1987) view of curriculum as praxis positions students as co-creators of the curriculum and teachers as co-learners.
It is important to realise too, that there is a dimension of curriculum that goes substantially beyond the immediate environment of the school. The number of interest groups who have a say,or would like a say in curriculum policy, is wider than those comprising simply the putative actors
in the classroom itself. Besides teachers and learners, and those who administer the running of
the school at a technical level, modern education at all levels is influenced by a huge number ofstakeholders. Politicians, education department bureaucrats, assessment bodies, unions and professional associations, the media, commercial interests, and lobby groups all influence curriculum
policies both at national and local levels. (See Hall, 1998 and McVeigh, 2002 for a discussion ofthese influences in Japan ; and Reid, 1999, and Grundy, 2002 for Australia-based accounts.) These
influences may be explicit, as in the directives issued by managerial bodies which may be largely
imposed on teachers, as in the curriculum as product view (Grundy, 1987); or they may impingeon the consciousness of the primary actors (teachers, learners and school-based administrators)in less obvious ways through the media, and by virtue of their being part of the everyday discourse within their own individual surroundings. These latter influences may reflect the curriculum as product view or they may reflect views of curriculum as socially constructed.
These conflicting views of what curriculum is - the handed-down view and the constructivist
view - are reflected in what Harris and Marsh (2005, p 16) call the ‘competing discourse of curriculum change’. When words such as ‘reform’ or ‘innovation’ are linked with ‘curriculum’, thepower of those in decision-making positions - higher level administrators, whether teachers or
not - is acknowledged and fortified. The curriculum which can be reformed or subjected to innovation in this view is thus reified to a far greater extent than a ‘coherent, conscious andconsensual’ one (Grundy, 1994, p 12), in which changes are seen to happen through Tripp’s‘relations between people, objects, events, and circumstances’ (1987, p 7), Marsh’s ‘interrelated
set of plans or experiences’ (1997, p 5).
The importance of these competing discourses cannot be overemphasised. Though the traditional curriculum as product view is now frequently challenged by curriculum theorists, it nevertheless continues to underlie public discussion. Shirley Grundy, in considering the 1992 ‘Statements and Profiles for Australian Schools’ (See Mayer, 1992), notes that denials that the statements and profiles did not represent a national curriculum were not to be taken at face value(Grundy 1994). If we acknowledge that a curriculum is ‘that which is produced through the interaction between [ ... ] teacher, students, subject matter, and milieu’ (1994, p 10), it is clear thatto the extent that the statements and profiles specified outcomes of teaching they were indeed aCurriculum as Process and Curriculum as Product in Foreign Language Education

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significant part, although certainly not the whole, of a curriculum (Grundy, 1994).
It is possible to see clearly here how the two kinds of discourses compete even within single
documents. The framers of the statements and profiles wanted to project an image of the document as based on a constructivist view : flexible, open to a variety of pedagogical approaches, andwelcoming of learner needs and desires. At the same time, though, they wanted to avoid the word
‘curriculum’, suggesting a ‘handed-down’ view.

Models of Curriculum Process and Change
Traditionally the discourse surrounding curriculum has been of the first sort, envisaging topdown models in which changes are initiated and more or less fully formed at higher managementlevels. Markee (1997) calls this approach the centre-periphery model. It describes the situationin which changes are decided centrally by managers whose authority is derived from their position in the hierarchy, then passed on to teachers to implement. In this model the teacher’s roleis simply to carry out instructions from above, in a more or less mechanical way. They are thus
peripheral to the design process (Markee, 1997). A variation on this model is the researchdevelopment-diffusion (RDD) model. In this model, the instigation for reform, and the locus ofdecision making remains in the centre, but the authority of the change agents lies in their expertise in curriculum matters, and the flow of information from all parts of the organization is seen
as an important part of the process, allowing at least some role for teachers in giving feedback
during the development and diffusion stages. This model is theory driven, techno-centric, and rationalistic, and assumes that rationally justified changes will inevitably be taken up. It is therefore
sometimes criticized as paying little attention to the implementation stage, since it often fails to
consider issues of relationships between the various people involved.
These centrally directed models are similar to the ‘authority - innovation - decision-making’model (Rogers and Shoemaker, 1971). This model posits five functions that are carried out by
participants in the curriculum, according to whether they are decision-makers or implementers.
Decision makers (authorities) carry out the functions of creating and organising knowledge, persuading others to engage in action, and formalising decisions - giving the stamp of authority.
Implementers, who include co-ordinators and middle managers as well as the teachers themselves, put into action the decisions in the classroom, and also have a communication function
through which they monitor the implementation, pass along directives, information, and sometimes evaluations (both of the program itself and of individual teacher ‘performance’) from thedecision makers to the teachers, as well as feedback, questions and critiques in the other direction. The implementer group, though, may have little or no influence on either initial decision
making or on changes following program evaluations.

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Markee’s model also has similarities to, though is not to be confused with, curriculum diffusion
models. (Fullan, 1993 ; Bascia and Hargreaves, 2000 ; Harris and Marsh, 2005). While Markee focuses primarily on the how changes originate, curriculum diffusion theory concerns how they progress once implementation begins, and are concerned with explanations for success and failure,
and with mapping the interaction of the various actors within curriculum networks. Innovation diffusion theory is fundamentally a way of conceptualising change based on searching for factors inthe situation which influence the change process, particularly the roles of the various actors andthe different rates at which they adopt change, the loci of authority when decisions are made, thestages that innovations pass through, the channels through which communication occurs, and theways in which individuals fit into or clash with the social system (Bigum and Harris, 2004). The
chief drawback of this sort of category-based theorising is that categories are determined following analysis of the innovation after the fact. That is, the innovation is seen as something static thatcan be drawn up as if it were a map, and then analysed and explained (Bigum and Harris, 2004).
This approach may be attractive to managers in that it suggests that there is an optimum configuration of factors developers and those who implement, technologies, system elements and soon - which, if correctly selected will lead to success, and which allows for a predominantly topdown process. However it ignores the dynamic nature of innovation itself, the unpredictability of
the human element which suggests that communication and dialogue is an essential part of boththe initiation and implementation.
Harris and Marsh criticise top-down models on a number of grounds. For instance, such models
exclude teachers from decision making roles, but lack any acknowledgement of the power thatteachers in fact exercise, both through professional discussion and through resistance to or uptake of changes (Harris and Marsh, 2005 ; Gibbons, 1982 ; Hood, 1995). This is a factor of the decontextualised nature of such models, in which the context of curriculum is restricted tosuperficial, technical areas and excludes consideration of the wider social network within which
the educational enterprise exists. They also assume a linear pattern of change which fails to reflect the back-and-forth messiness of actual change experience. In short, by imposing pre-defined
categories (managers are superordinate and teachers subordinate) they place tight limits on thefreedom of teachers and students to have any influence.
A similar critique is made by Grundy (2002), describing her secondment to the Education
Department of Western Australia as District Director of Education at a time when the school system there was introducing outcomes based education : ‘one of the most far-reaching curriculum
change programs ever introduced into West Australian schools (2002, p 56). Grundy concludes
that any large scale reform such as this, ‘carries within it the seeds of its own failure’ (2002, p
59). Such a large scale necessarily involving substantial direction from the top means that thereCurriculum as Process and Curriculum as Product in Foreign Language Education197

are significant factors unconnected with the educational situation itself : uncertainty created bychanges of political leadership ; the performance based terms of executive contracts ; demands forphysical evidence of progress, and the need to ‘trade’ this evidence for continued financial support. All of these factors ‘militate against sustained long-term, large-scale educational reform.
Markee also dismisses top down approaches as fundamentally ineffective in the long term, andproposes two other, more inclusive, models. The problem-solving model is a more democraticmodel in which the impetus for the change comes from problems and issues identified within theorganization, primarily from teachers themselves. It is therefore a bottom-up approach, and isoften realised in small-scale action research projects. The model is widely favoured in recent
work on curriculum change, but it has significant obstacles, most notably that it demands moretime, commitment and skills than many teachers are willing or able to provide (See for instance,
Warhurst, Grundy, Laird and Maxwell, 1994). Thus Markee proposes a ‘linking’ model which recognizes the complexity of real life teaching situations and is flexible enough to allow for both topdown initiatives, and the support that can come with them, as well as bottom-up feedback,amendments and involvement in decision-making, particularly at the implementation level.
A quite different, and more complex, way of understanding curriculum is described by Harrisand Marsh (2005) and Bigum and Harris (2004) who make a case for the usefulness of actor network theory (ANT), as a means of investigating the social phenomena of curriculum processes
without forcing such investigation into a pre-determined frame. Actor network theory claims thatsocial phenomena can be understood by seeing them as networks comprising both human actors
and physical objects : classrooms, computers, documents and so on. By not allocating preconceived roles to participants, and by acknowledging the impact physical aspects of the environment
have on actions, ANT would seem to be an appropriate way to investigate the complexities andrichness of curriculum processes. In addition, ANT has the advantage that while it recognises theformal limits on the agency of teachers, it also allows analysis of informal, actual influences not
only of teachers but of all other actors.
ANT theorists claim that traditional social science is reaching a dead-end and produces less andless useful knowledge. ‘The expression [science of the social] would be excellent except for two
drawbacks, namely the word ‘social’ and the word ‘science’.’ (Latour, 2005, p 2). Latour contends
that in the 150 or so years of sociology our understanding of both words has changed drastically.
In particular ‘society’ has come to be thought of more and more as a entity with known and set
categories, no longer to be investigated in its own right, but only as one ‘domain of reality’, one
factor that helps to explain other domains - biological, linguistic, natural and so on. But in fact thisreification of a ‘social context’ in which other activities take place, now an unchallenged ‘common
sense’ for all of us, not just social scientists, hides the dynamic nature of human (and non-human)

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association. The ‘network’ in actor network theory is a not a ‘domain’, something that might beseen or touched, like a circuit board, but is ‘visible only by the traces it leaves [ ...] when a newassociation is being produced between elements which are in themselves in no way social.’(Latour, 2005, p 8)
Thus an ANT approach to curriculum research does not begin with pre-decided categories,
looking at curricular contexts in order to slot people (actors) into already known roles, but starts
from a position more akin to that of an anthropologist studying some previously entirely unknown
community, looking to find out what categories and roles there might be. The ‘network’ to bestudied therefore, in addition to the infrastructure through which the program is realised consistsof a wide range of people who have some involvement in a particular course or program,. This includes teachers and learners of course, but also those in administrative roles (using ‘roles’ here
in the sense of formal positions in the organisation); those who, for instance, co-ordinate teaching
responsibilities, materials, testing and so on ; those who maintain computer and audio-visual hardware ; those who allocate classroom space and timetables ; those who market programs outside
the institution and so on. The institutional connections between these actors (for instance as
might be shown in an organisation chart), do constitute one facet of the ‘network’, but not the
only one. There will very likely be many other ‘traces between elements’. Personal relationships
between two teachers who share materials might leave one trace, while personal animosity between two others might leave another. Learner’s excitement at using computers, or dislike ofdrama techniques, or discomfort under poorly managed air-conditioning might leave others. The
way in which all these ‘traces’ inter-relate constitute a curriculum as Tripp suggests above, as‘a systematic set of relations between particular people, objects, events, and circumstances’(Tripp, 1987, p 7).

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Just as thinking about curriculum in general terms went through major changes in the last 30
years, moving broadly from top-down approaches towards more participatory ones, so too did understandings of curriculum and curriculum innovations, in English language teaching in particular.
While a bewildering number of methods and techniques have come into and fallen out of fashion
during that period, theoretical changes can be said to have moved from fundamentally structural
approaches, to approaches which revolve around the learner, his or her needs, and communicative
activities (Feez, 2001). In structural approaches, languages are seen as quasi-physical systems
made up of words (lexis) and rules for combining the words (grammar and syntax) and for producing them (pronunciation, stress and intonation). A structural approach to language curriculum
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mapped, organised into sequences according to ‘learnability’, and then passed on from expert
users (teachers) to novices (learners) (Richards and Rogers, 1986, Yalden, 1987). Leanercentred, needs based, communicative approaches, on the other hand propose that since using language is both a cognitive and a social activity the characteristics of the learner, their needs,
abilities and motivations at the time of learning are central to the learning process. The course or
curriculum designer in these approaches is very often the teacher. He or she must begin by finding out what needs the learners have, negotiating objectives with the learners, and using theseneeds and objectives to create activities which scaffold learners as they engage in real (or at least
realistic) social interactions and meaning-making in the target language (Brindley, 1984, Nunan,
1987).

1 Structural Approaches
Structural approaches, sometimes called ‘situational’ approaches, are those which begin with amap of the language as a system, which itself then forms the content of the instruction. Languages
were traditionally taught by the grammar-translation method, in the same way that classical languages had been taught for centuries, and though used less frequently today grammar-translation
can be thought of as the proto-typical structural approach. Grammar-translation, roughly speaking, involves learning vocabulary and grammar rules, often by rote, and writing or translatinglargely decontextualised sentences in order to ‘practice’ these items one by one. This method
made some sense when it was used to teach dead languages such as Latin and Ancient Greek,
where the goal was not communication but the explication of written texts, but few students everlearned to speak living languages in this way (Nunan, 1987), even though a not inconsiderable
number attained considerable skills in decoding written texts. People who can gain substantial
mastery of foreign languages in this way, including speaking and listening, are exceptional. One
problem for language curriculum reform is that a sizeable number of these exceptional individuals
seem to become involved in language education, often through the delegation of language teaching to Departments of Literature. Not realising the extent to which they are different from the average student, these people may often promulgate the traditional methods by which they
themselves learned the language, reasoning that since it was effective for them it ought to be
similarly effective for others (See Bolatti, 2009 ; Heigham, 2009 ; de Abreu-e-Lima, de Oliveira,and Augusto-Navarro, 2009). In short, teachers have a tendency to teach in the same way thatthey themselves were taught.
The limitations of grammar-translation as a teaching method were realised rapidly once increasing numbers of people began to learn foreign languages as travel became more commonplacein Europe and the USA in the years during and following the second world war. The audio-lingual

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method arose out of the need for military administrations to teach foreign languages much more
quickly than had hitherto been possible (Brown, 2000). The situational method was a similar attempt in Britain. Both methods identified a set of basic situations which learners, potential
travellers in countries where the target language was spoken, would very likely come across indaily life, the mastery of which would allow them to get by. Both audio-lingual and situational
methods relied on behaviourist models of learning, teaching ‘correct’ words and grammaticalstructures through repetition, drilling and substitution exercises. The audio-lingual method in theUSA, and situational language teaching in Britain were certainly improvements on what had gone
before, particularly in contexts where learners were highly motivated and small in number. Manyof the innovations that they brought remain widely practised today : a recognition that all four
macro-skills, listening, speaking, reading and writing, are important ; topic-based syllabuses ; theso-called ‘three Ps’ of the teaching process Presentation, Practice, Performance ; and the framing of objectives in terms of what the learner should be able to do after teaching interventions(Feez, 2001).

2 Learner-centred, communicative approaches
In the USA, Australia and Europe, structural (grammar-translation, situational or audio-lingual)approaches have now almost entirely disappeared as guiding frameworks, in favour of what isloosely called the communicative approach. The communicative approach initially grew out of thework of the Council of Europe Language Policy Division (van Ek, 1975), which in the early 1970s
produced functional-notional specifications of appropriate learning objectives for language learners. Functional-notional syllabuses specified learning goals in terms of functions, “things speakers
want to do using language”, such as greetings, apologies, requests and so on, and notions, generalareas of meaning such as possibility, causality, temporality (Finocchiaro and Brumfit, 1983).
Although functional-notional syllabuses have in common with situational approaches a recognitionof the importance of different language forms being appropriate for different contexts and situations, they are qualitatively different. While situational syllabuses were constructed out of language forms relating to specific situations, they continued the structuralist tradition of presenting
these forms in isolation. Functional-notional syllabuses, on the other hand, proposed that learners
acquire proficiency by trying to use in real or realistic situations (including notional situations)the ostensible content, the functional language that they learned through drills and exercises. In
other words functional-notionalism went a stage further than situationalism in bringing context
into the classroom.
This approach gradually became known as communicative language teaching (CLT), a term
which covers a wide range of new understandings about the language learning process. In its

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simplest terms communicative language teaching asserts that learning to communicate can only
be achieved through communicating. Just as no one teaches their child to ride a bicycle throughlectures and the learning of rules, so it is no use expecting to learn a language simply through listening to instructions : in language the only way to learn is to get on the bike and try it : to learn
language through using language.
These new views of language teaching could be said to originate in the dispute in language acquisition research between behaviourists and cognitivists. In the behaviourist view language use
was seen as an agglomeration of small, discrete items of behaviour which could be learned
through imitation and repetition, similar to the way children learn multiplication tables. In thisview children learned their first language by listening to and copying the language they heard
around them. In the cognitivist view, on the other hand, language is far more complex. If children
could only learn through copying not only would language learning take immeasurably longer thanit in fact does, but also that there could be no explanation for the creativity that all human beings
display in their use of language. The cognitivist view, based on the work of Chomsky claims thathuman beings are born with a dedicated language acquisition device, hardwired into the brain.
This allows children to subconsciously infer the rules of whatever language environment they findthemselves in, after hearing a relatively small sample of utterances and testing out their speechby communicating with those around them (Chomsky, 1965).
Although Chomskian linguistics has little to say about second or foreign language teaching andlearning, this cognitivist view of language acquisition occurring as a result of interaction between
the individual and their surroundings led easily to set of beliefs which constitute the now dominant paradigm in language learning theory, at least in English-speaking and European contexts.
These beliefs can be summarised as follows :1. Learners are at the centre of the learning process, making inferences from what they see
and hear, and testing those inferences by their efforts to communicate. (Feez, 2001.)
2. Interlanguage, learners’ non-standard uttterances, rather than consisting of mistakes to
be avoided, are in fact indicators of progress and contribute to effective learning if attention is paid to them. (Corder, 1981.)
3. The ideal learning environment is one rich in language input at a level slightly above thelearners’ current level. (Krashen, 1988.)
4. Fluency is as important as accuracy in many contexts (Selinker, 1991).
5. Classroom material should be based as much as possible on authentic materials (Feez,
2001)
6. Effective learning relies on the materials and activities meeting learners’ needs.
Therefore negotiation of curriculum is a crucial component of effective teaching (Nunan,

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1987)
These beliefs bring together the related ideas that language curriculum should be communicative, needs-based, and learner-centred.
It is not uncommon in the literature on second language learning and teaching to detect a sensethat the current communicative language teaching paradigm represents a kind of modern day enlightenment that liberates us from older, less effective theories of teaching and learning. (It is
certainly true that re-reading classic texts that informed much the language teaching throughout
the early part of the 20th century (for instance Sweet, 1899 ; or Jespersen, 1904), there is plentiful
reference to grammatical and lexical aspects of language systems, but relatively little mention oflearners. In fact research into language learning processes, as opposed to teaching methods, isrelatively recent (Rampton, 1991 ; Spolsky, 2000). Benson (2004) points out however, that thiscannot in fairness be attributed to a simple lack of thought on the part of researchers at that time.
The exponential increase since the 1970s in the numbers of people learning foreign languages,
primarily English, and the diversity of their backgrounds, has in fact created a quite new reality
for language teachers. For language teachers prior to this period to assume that differences between learners were negligible was to some extent justified by the homogeneity of their actual
student groups. Benson speculates that before the 1970s, researchers, “failed to see the learnerlargely because diversity was in fact far less visible in their classrooms than it is today”. (Benson,
2004, p 7.) Obvious as the point is, it may be one reason why learner diversity is less often central to curriculum thinking in foreign language learning situations, than it is in second language
situations.

3. Language Teaching in Japan
Education in Japan, both at school and university level, is in turmoil at the beginning of the 21st
century. Teacher dissatisfaction, student absenteeism, bullying, unsatisfactory academic standards and demographic changes, all feature regularly in articles in both newspapers and educational journals. (See for example Terada, 2007 ; The Asahi Shimbun, 2007 ; MEXT, 2003, 2009,
McVeigh 2002). This is as true of English education as of other subjects. Reports of Japanese
students’ poor showing in TOEFL (Test of English as a Foreign Language) and TOEIC (Test ofEnglish for International Communication) scores, as well as of poor basic communication ability
despite compulsory English classes throughout junior and senior high schools and universities areplentiful ( McVeigh, 2002, Koike, 2003, Okada, 2004).
English, along with German and French, was first introduced into school curricula during the
Meiji period (1870
1912), and for most of the period from then until the end of the second world
war was directed predominantly at national development goals. These goals were to create anCurriculum as Process and Curriculum as Product in Foreign Language Education

203

elite with sufficient understanding of foreign languages to allow them to survey European andAmerican societies and introduce into Japan the social and scientific ideas and technologies theyfound there. (Koike, 2003, McVeigh, 2002). The education system was highly centralised, andstratified. That is to say that after the six years of mandatory schooling and a generalised middle
school experience, those students who continued were streamed into a range of academic and vocational high schools, for each of which there were strict national curriculum regulations. Foreign
Lanaguages were not compulsory, but restricted to students in the academic-leaning high schools,
and the purpose of instruction was to ‘harvest’ information from overseas rather than to develop
two-way avenues of communication. Indeed during the 1930s foreign languages were positively
discouraged for all but a very small number of students (Okano and Tsuchiya, 1999). For thisgroup, reading foreign books, in particular scientific and technical texts, was most important fornational development. Such language teaching as remained was therefore heavily biased towards
reading, and to a lesser extent writing, since there were few opportunities for travel and few foreigners in Japan.
After the Second World War, by contrast, English became a key component of the ‘reconstruction’ of Japan as an internationally-oriented society. To this end, the centralisation of thecurriculum was relaxed, and became a set of guidelines giving somewhat greater freedom toschools in deciding how they taught specific subjects. At the same time the guidelines specified
what those subjects should be, the time that should be allocated to each one, and the list of textbooks from which schools could choose. (Koike, 2003). More importantly English became a compulsory subject at all junior high schools, and a massive project was instituted to train teachers,
not only because of the huge increase in learner numbers, but because the new objectives werequite different from those that had gone before. All of the periodic Education Department statements of intent since 1947 have been couched in terms of the 4 macro-skills (Listening,
Speaking, Reading and Writing), self expression, cultural exchange and internationalisation(Koike, 2003). Since the 2003 “Action Plan to Cultivate ‘Japanese with English Abilities’”(MEXT, 2003), English has slowly been introduced at primary level, and semi-compulsory professional development for English teachers has begun, while the current MEXT guidelines advocate that all classes should be taught in English.
Counteracting this consistent rhetoric of communication and cultural exchange objectives, however, is the pervasive system of university entrance examinations. In addition to every university
having it’s own entrance examination, there is The National Centre for University Examinations
test, often referred to as ‘The Centre Test’, taken by approximately 500,000 students each year
(DNC, 2014). This test, as well as the great majority of individual university entrance tests, iswidely believed to have enormous influence on English curriculum in high school, and to a lesser

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extent junior high school. Teachers often complain that they would like to teach with a focus oncommunication but are constrained from doing so by the necessity to teach to the test (Stout,2003). At least one study (Mulvey, 2001) has pointed out that in fact The Centre Test has in factchanged into a whole-text, communicative instrument far from the grammar-centred,
decontextualised test that it is often claimed to be. However, high school curriculum practice isstill overwhelmingly predicated on the assumption that grammar study at the sentence level isthe only way to prepare for university entrance tests.
For the universities, the result of students’ long history of studying language as an artifact
rather than a means of communication is that although entering students have a minimum of six
years of English study behind them, the great majority are almost totally unprepared for any kindof communicative activities in English language classrooms. In addition, neither the Education
Department’s 2003 Action Plan (MEXT, 2003) nor the more recent 2009 Course of Study(MEXT, 2009) have concrete proposals for universities, or for the development of skills on thepart of university teachers, apart from the vaguely worded suggestion that students graduatingfrom universities should be expected to be able to use English in their work (Okada, 2004,
Underwood 2012). In spite of this, many universities are scrambling to reform their language curricula, partly in response to the underlying sentiments of the action plan, and partly in response
to falling enrolments caused by changing demographics (Kaneko, 1997, Underwood 2012)). Thus
while the traditional free hand that teachers had, not only in deciding content, but also teaching
methods and assessment practices is now being challenged in relation to English language teaching, as more and more universities introduce language learning objectives, required texts andcommon achievement tests (Carroll, Douglas, Harrison, Tsurii, 2004). In such a situation teachers are placed in an unenviable position, as they try to cope with a flurry of directives, with little
institutional support in terms of facilities, materials and provision for professional development.


  

The twin ideas of the autonomous teacher and the autonomous learner now have a substantial
literature associated with them (Reinders, H. 2007). The Japan Association of Language
Teachers (JALT) has had an active special interest group in Learner Development since theearly 1990s, organising regular well-attended workshops, meetings and conferences, publishing abilingual quarterly journal, (Learning Learning), and most recently two anthologies of autonomyrelated research. (Barfield and Nix, 2003, Kohyama and Skier, 2005). There is thus considerable
interest in the notion of autonomy in relation to teaching and learning. In fact, autonomy, as a key
aspect the language learning process, is now a commonplace in the discourse of English language
teaching. In the classroom, however, it is not as widespread as this may suggest. Practice lags

Curriculum as Process and Curriculum as Product in Foreign Language Education

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significantly behind theory (Stout, 2003). In this it has followed a similar trajectory to the ideas
of communicative language teaching and learner-centred language teaching. All three notions entered mainstream discussion during the 1970s and 1980s, and revolutionised the way classrooms
operated by first being adopted by daring, adventurous, and highly enthusiastic teachers, but
eventually becoming, in a substantially diluted form, unremarked curriculum objectives (Little,2007).
As noted above, communicative language teaching rests on the premise that it is not sufficient
for language learners to be able to construct grammatically correct sentences, but that they mustalso be able to use their language abilities to get things done in the world outside the classroom.
Communicative language teaching, then, tries to create opportunities for learners to use of language for communicative tasks which they have some interest in carrying out aside from their desire to learn the language (Nunan, 1988, p 25). In other words, carrying out communicative tasks
clearly requires some degree of autonomy, and this has led some to advocate the ‘teaching’ of
autonomy as part of language programs. However the concept of autonomy needs some unpacking. We may talk about fostering autonomy, or ‘giving’ it to students, or perhaps about students‘acquiring’ it. But we ought not to forget that, like curriculum, autonomy is a more of a process
than an end-state. Autonomy comprises specific : ‘ways of doing, perceiving and acting’ (Auerbach
2007, p 84).
This means that the teaching of autonomy is not the same as strategy training. It is very likelythat strategy training has beneficial effects for many learners (Oxford, 1990), and there is certainly some relationship between the two. However, while an autonomous leaner will very likely
have access to a range of strategies for learning, it is not necessarily the case that simply learning
to use one or more learning strategy consitututes acting in an autonomous way.
The word ‘autonomy’ came into common use in the field of language learning following the report ‘Autonomy and Foreign Language Learning’ prepared by Henri Holec (1979) as part of theCouncil of Europe’s Council for Cultural Cooperation established in 1962 with the aim of“encourag (ing) the development of understanding, cooperation and mobility among Europeans
by improving and broadening the learning of modern languages by all sections of the population.”(Holec, 1979) The idea of autonomy in relation to learners was (and still largely is) counter intuitive to many learners, and indeed to many teachers who have grown up with the traditional
idea of education as being a simple transfer of knowledge from the person who has the knowledge(the teacher) to one who doesn’t ( the learner). The movement came about as part of the much
more broadly-based socio-political changes that were changing Europe during the 1960s and 70s.
As the material wealth of most Europeans came to be taken for granted, social progress became
more and more defined in terms of improvements not just in economic terms, but in terms of

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what is today called quality of life as well. The increasing awareness of the rights and needs of theindividual not only as an entity to be acted upon but also as an actor in society, naturally provided
an agreeable environment for those educationalists, often with a background in child-centred education, who advocated a new role for the learner in the learning process, and in particular in theclassroom. Holec’s paper, drawing on Illich’s (1970) notins of deschooling, Freire’s (1972) attackon the ‘banking’ concept of education, and Stevick’s (1973) humanistic, discovery learning approach, was a turning point in this movement.
Beginning with Schwartz’s (1973) definition of autonomy as ‘the ability to assume responsibility for one’s own affairs’, Holec notes that it is not something human beings are born with, butsomething which needs to be acquired. It may be acquired naturally, but is more often a result ofsystematic, formal education. This part of Holec’s definition immediately raises issues that need
to be considered in relation to young adult learners. Where students have not had a sustained emphasis on assuming responsibility for their own learning, and perhaps very little experience of it,they may be simply unable to carry out many of the activities that teachers ask of them withouta significant amount of ‘training’ in how to do so.
It’s important to note that autonomy defined in this way as an ability is couched in terms of thepower or capacity to do something, but it is not, in itself, a type of behaviour. While we may look
for particular behaviours as evidence of the presence or otherwise of autonomy, we need to keep
the two separate in our minds when we come to evaluate student learning. This mirrors the situation of language learning itself. The objective of language learning is an ability, the potential tocarry out certain tasks in the target language. But when we assess language learning we cannot
directly assess this potential, but can only gather evidence for it’s existence by observing
behaviours.
A corollary of this distinction leads to the second important part of Holec’s (1979) definition.
He points out that self-directed learning, though closely related to autonomy, is not the samething. Self directed learning is a behaviour which is dependent on autonomy. In other words alearner who directs their learning to whatever extent, is an autonomous learner to that extent.
But the reverse is not necessarily true. An autonomous learner does not necessarily direct theirown learning all the time. A person may have the ability to take responsibility for their learning,but in some circumstances decide not to exercise that ability, or even to exercise it through resistance (Oxford, Meng, Yalun, Sung and Jain 2007). Or they may decide, in a responsible way, todelegate to another person the responsibility for making a learning plan. This point is also important to bear in mind when we try to evaluate the presence or otherwise of autonomy in any given
situation. It is not uncommon, particularly in cultures where teachers are accorded high levels of
personal respect, though not only in those cultures, for motivated and autonomous learners toCurriculum as Process and Curriculum as Product in Foreign Language Education

207

defer to the teacher’s ways of organising learning, even in cases when they may not see thoseways as the most effective. This should not be confused with simple unquestioning obedience.
Carroll and Tatsuta (2009) report just such a situation when, as learners of Chinese they often
found myself being asked to do activities far more traditional than they were used to in their own
classes. Thinking of themselves as relatively autonomous learners, they nevertheless deferred tothe teacher even when their instincts tended to distrust an activity. By doing this they often discovered learning opportunities in places they would not have expected.
The idea of autonomy in learning rests on a view of knowledge as socially constructed. In otherwords, if knowledge, of whatever kind, is simply there, in the world, waiting to be discovered,then there is little need for the learner to be active. The ‘banking’ concept that Freire (1972)
criticises as the traditional underpinning of education constitutes this sort of theory of knowledge.
The teacher’s role, as expert, possessor of knowledge, is to pass it on to learners whose role isthat of passive receivers. However a constructivist theory of knowledge places the learner in an
equal position with the teacher. Both have reservoirs of knowledge and experience which, whenbrought together, ‘construct’ new knowledge, new ways of understanding the world, for both ofthem (Freire, 1972).
However, whereas Holec (1979) and Freire (1979) situate the pursuit of autonomy in aconstructivist view of knowledge as consciously created, there is a different tradition which sees
this process as occurring largely unconsciously. For instance, Barnes (1992) claims that there are
two types of knowledge, school knowledge and action knowledge. Action knowledge is the knowledge that human beings acquire simply by virtue of living and interacting with their surroundings,
but not through conscious intent. The job of the teacher, and by implication the learner too, is tobring these two together : to allow learners’ action knowledge to develop through interaction withschool knowledge. This is the approach that led to the development of communicative language
teaching’s emphasis on creating classroom situations that were favourable to ‘natural’ learning.
Strongly didactic teaching methods focus primarily on school knowledge and have little impact on
action knowledge. But if knowledge construction is mostly the unconscious cognitive process that
Barnes claims, then autonomy is far more than simply a technique to be fostered in the pursuitof improved learning outcomes ; it is in fact a basic part of the definition of what learning is. To
the extent that learning is the integration of new knowledge with existing knowledge, it must always be autonomous, in the sense that at a fundamental level the learner him or herself puts
these two together, and the task for education is to provide circumstances conducive to this.
A definition of autonomy in language learning that fits in with this theory of how knowledge is
produced, is the following by one of the primary authors of the European Language Portfolio (See
, 2004) the now widely used language credentialing tool that places autonomy at the
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centre of the language learning experience.
Success in language teaching is governed by three principles. The principle of learner involvement entails that learners are brought to engage with their learning and take responsibility for key decisions ;the principle of learner reflection entails that they are taught to think critically about the process andcontent of their learning ; and the principle of target language use entails that the target language is thechief medium of teaching and learning because language use plays a key role in language learning,
autonomy in language learning and autonomy in language use are two sides of the same coin, the scopeof each constraining the other. (Little, 2007, p 7).

These three principles - learner involvement, learner reflection and use of the target languagecould equally be used to describe communicative language teaching as well as autonomous language learning. In other words one is a corollary of the other, and communicative language teaching and autonomy in language teaching, are both based on the same constructivist view of what
constitutes knowledge.
This paper has argued that while the terms ‘curriculum’ and ‘curriculum change’ are commonplace in the language education discourse of both Japan and Australia, they often refer to quite different entities, and are often used misleadingly. The dominant paradigms not just of curriculum
but of language learning and teaching are quite different in these two countries. On the one handis the view of curriculum as a process, and learning as necessarily a self-directed and autonomous
activity, and on the other there is the view of curriculum as knowledge transfer, in which thosewith knowledge (teachers) transfer their knowledge to those without (learners). For curriculum
change to be successful, it si essential that these starting points be recognised.

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