林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"

第 28 回 関西言語学会 ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
2003.10.18. 神戸市外国語大学

Methodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural
Properties: A case study of quantifier scope 1, 2
J.-R. Hayashishita
Kyoto University / University of Southern California
hayashishita@alumni.usc.edu

1. Introduction• The scope interaction among quantificational noun phrases (= QPs) is extensively used toinvestigate LF structural properties in generative grammar.
• In this investigation, what is crucial is the assumption in (1). Once (1) is given, we may
adopt (2) as a working hypothesis, cf. May 1977.
(1)

The scope interpretation among QPs emerge directly trough LF compositional
computation.

(2)

Let S be a sentence whose configuration is [Ψ … α … β … ], where α and β are QPs, andΨ is a clause-denoting elementa. α can take scope above β iff S is represented as (3a) at LF.
b. α can take scope below β iff S is represented as (3b) at LF.

(3)a. LF: [Ψ α [Ψ … β [Ψ … tα … tβ … ]]]b. LF: [Ψ β [Ψ … α [Ψ … tα … tβ … ]]]• The fact that (4) can be taken to mean either (5a) or (5b), for example, is taken to be evidence
that (4) can be represented at LF either (6a) or (6b), cf. May 1977.
(4)(5)

More than two students visited three professors.
a. There are more than two xs, x is a student such that there are three ys, y is a professor
such that x visited y.
b. There are three ys, y is a professor such that there are more than two xs, x is a student
such that x visited y.

(6)a. LF: [more than two students1 [three professor 2 [t1 visited t2 ]]]b. LF: [three professor 2 [more than two students1 [t1 visited t2 ]]]1This presentation is based on Hayashishita 2003:Chapters 2 & 3.

2

In this talk, I choose to illustrate proposed generalizations based on Japanese empirical materials
because the audience mostly consists of Japanese native speakers. But similar illustrations can be madewith English empirical materials, see Hayashishita 2003:Chapters 2 & 3.
第 28 回

関西言語学会

ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
1林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"• Question 1:
Can we always assume that (1) holds?
• The negative answer seems to be more natural:ü The speaker's intuitions about a given sentence in a given context can be sensitive to
non-formal factors such as those having to do with pragmatics and discourseü If the answer is yes, why so many judgmental fluctuations? For example,
RE: English QPSub Verb QPObj ,YES
Chomsky 1957
QPSub>QP Obj NO QPObj>QP Sub
YES
Katz & Postal 1964
QPSub>QP Obj YESQPObj>QP Sub
RE: Japanese QP Sub QPObj Verb
YES
Kuroda 1969/70, Hoji 1985
QPSub>QP Obj NO QPObj>QP Sub
YES
Kitagawa 1990, Kuno et al. 1999
QPSub>QP Obj YESQPObj>QP Sub• If the answer to Question 1 is negative, we cannot always utilize quantifier scope for the studyof LF structural properties.
• Question 2:
When can we reasonably assume that (1) holds, i.e., when can we use quantifier scope toinvestigate LF structural properties?
The outline of the talk:• This talk is to address Questions 1 and 2.
(7)

The main objectives of this talk:a. To demonstrate that it is not always that case that the scope interaction among QPs
emerges through LF compositional computation.
b. To spell out when we can reasonably assume that the scope interaction among QPs
emerges through LF compositional computation.

SECTION 2 demonstrates that the QP Obj >QPSub reading (= inverse scope reading) obtains in
the configuration (8) (= the basic order) only if three conditions are met, but the availability of the
QPSub >QP Obj reading (= surface scope reading) is not subject to such conditions.
(8)[ … QPSub [ … QPObj … ]], where the QPSub and the QP Obj are clause-mates
SECTION 3 argues for (9); in particular, (10) is demonstrated.

(9)

Surface scope readings may emerge through LF compositional computation while inverse
scope readings do not.

(10)

Surface scope readings may emerge based on the LF in (11a) while inverse scope
readings are not based on the LF in (11b).

(11) a. LF: [QPSub [QPObj [ … tSub [ … tObj … ]]]]
b. LF: [QPObj [QP Sub [ … tSub [ … tObj … ]]]]
Inverse scope readings therefore must involve an extra-grammatical operation. Hence, there are
two sources of scope interaction.
SECTION 4 spells out when we can reasonably assume that the scope interaction among
QPs emerges through LF compositional computation, based on Sections 2 and 3.

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関西言語学会

ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」2林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"

2. Differences between surface scope and inverse scope
2.1. Specificity effects(12)

Generalizations
a. The QP Obj can take scope above the QP Sub in the basic order only if the speaker refers to a
specific group with the QPObj .
b. The QP Sub can take scope above the QP Obj in the basic order even if the speaker does notrefer to a specific group with the QPSub .
Inverse scope readings:• (13) exemplifies cases where we may reasonably assume that the speaker refers to a specificgroup with the QPObj , and (14) cases where it is reasonable to assume that the speaker does
NOT refer to a specific group with the QPObj.
(13) a. 学部内選挙で、[S 十人以上の学生]が [O 二人の教授]に投票した。でも他の教授にYES
はだれも投票しなかった。
QPObj>QP Sub
b. (Context: There are five bad-mannered students. You know the fact that several
professors split up into five groups and went to visit each of the students. You describe
your knowledge as follows.)[S 少なくとも誰か]が [O 全ての不良学生]を訪問した。
YES
QPObj>QP Sub(14) a. USC では、毎年、[S 三人の教授]が[O 五人以上の新入生]を人文科学賞に推薦する。
NO
QPObj>QP Sub
b. 今度の学会は、もし、[S 二人以上の発表者]が[O 沢山の聴衆]に議論をしかけたら、NO成功としよう。
QPObj>QP Sub• The unavailability of the QPObj >QP Sub reading in (14) cannot be explained in terms of the QP
type, for the examples in (15) allow the reading under discussion. 3(15) a. (Context: We are wondering if we should rob some shops on 5th Avenue in New York.
We agree that we will not execute the plan if five or more buildings on 5th Avenue are
guarded. You go to spy, and see seven buildings guarded by two security guards. You
return and report your observation.)
だめだ。 [S 二人のガードマン]が[O 五つ以上のビル]の前に立っていた。
YES
QPObj>QP Sub
b. (Context: You are watching a film showing a court situation of the Roman Empire. In
this period, for each court case two witnesses are required. You have seen that 55 out of
the 100 criminals (in the film) were testified against. Then, you report what you haveseen.)

3

Contrasts like the one between (14) and (15) speak against works such as Liu 1990 and Beghelli &Stowell 1997, who classify QPs into several grammatical types, and claim that inverse scope readings fail toobtain in the basic order if the QPObj is a QP of a certain type.
第 28 回

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ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」3林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"[S 二人の証人]が [O 沢山の容疑者]に不利な証言を出していた。
YES
QPObj>QP Sub
Surface scope readings:• (16) exemplifies cases where we may reasonably assume that the speaker refers to a specificgroup with the QPSub, and (17) cases where it is reasonable to assume that the speaker does
NOT refer to a specific group with the QPSub .
(16) a. [S トヨタと日産]が [O 三つ以上の保険会社]に契約を申し込んだとしよう。
YES
QPSub>QPObj
b. (Context: You know the fact that Student A and Student B voted for four professors.
You describe your knowledge as follows.)
学部内選挙で、 [S 二人の学生]が [O 三人以上の教授]に投票した。
YES
QPSub>QPObj(17) a. USC では、毎年、[S 沢山の新入生]が [O 五人の教授]を人文科学賞に推薦する。
YES
QPSub>QPObj
b. 今度の学会では、もし、[S 20%以上の発表者]が [O 二人の聴衆]に議論を仕掛けた
YESら、成功としよう。
QPSub>QPObj
2.2. Freezing effects
2.2.1. Freezing effects on scope(18)

Generalizations
a. While the QPObj takes scope above the QP Sub in the basic order, the narrow scope taking
QP, the QP Sub, cannot take wide scope with respect to another QP.
b. While the QPSub takes scope above the QP Obj in the basic order, the narrow scope taking
QP, the QP Obj , can still take wide scope with respect to another QP.
Inverse scope readings:• (19a) gives rise to the QPD-Obj >QP Sub reading and (19b) to the QPSub>QPI-Obj reading.
(19) a. [S 三人以上の教授]が[DO 例の二人の学生]を会社に推薦していた。
YES
QPD-Obj>QP Sub
b. [S 三人以上の教授]がジョンを[IO 二つの会社]に推薦していた。
YES
QPSub>QPI-Obj• However, the two readings, which are independently possible, cannot co-occur with eachother.
(20)[S 三人以上の教授]が[DO 例の二人の学生]を[IO 二つの会社]に推薦していた。
NO
QPD-Obj>QP Sub co-occurring with QPSub>QP I-Obj• The reading, which (20) lacks, is expressed as in (21), using logical formula, and this intuition
is confirmed by the fact that (20) cannot be truthfully uttered in the situation depicted by (22).

第 28 回

関西言語学会

ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
4林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"(21)∃Y (Y ⊆ student ∧ Y = 2) ∀y (y ∈ Y) [∃X (X ⊆ professor ∧ X≥ 3)∀x (x ∈ X) [∃Z (Z ⊆ company ∧ Z = 2) ∀z (z ∈ Z) [x recommended y to z]]](22)

Elena and Victoria are the students under discussion.
For Elena, Professor A recommended her to Companies 1 & 2, Professor B to Companies
2 & 3, and Professor C to Companies 3 & 4.
For Victoria, Professor D recommended her to Companies 4 & 5, Professor E toCompanies 5 & 6, Professor F to Companies 6 & 7, and Professor G to Companies 7 & 8.

• The reading that is available when (20) gives rise to the QPD-Obj>QP Sub reading is expressed asin (23), and this intuition is confirmed by the fact that (20) can be truthfully uttered in thesituation depicted by (24).
(23)∃Y (Y ⊆ student ∧ Y = 2) ∀y (y ∈ Y) [∃X (X ⊆ professor ∧ X≥ 3)∃Z (Z ⊆ company ∧ Z = 2) [∀x (x ∈ X) ∃z (z ∈ Z) [x recommended y to z] ∧ ∀z (z ∈Z) ∃x (x ∈ X) [x recommended y to z]]](24)

Elena and Victoria are the students under discussion.
For Elena, Professor A recommended her to Companies 1 & 2, Professor B, to Company
2, and Professor C, to Company 1.
For Victoria, Professor D recommended her to Companies 3 & 4, Professor E toCompany 3, Professor F to Company 4, and Professor G to Companies 3 & 4.

• Altering the word order between the direct object and the indirect object does not change thefactual assessment.
(25) a. [S 三人以上の教授]が会社に[DO 例の二人の学生]を推薦していた。
YES
QPD-Obj>QP Sub
b. [S 三人以上の教授]が[IO 二つの会社]にジョンを推薦していた。
YES
QPSub>QPI-Obj(26)[S 三人以上の教授]が[IO 二つの会社]に[DO 例の二人の学生]を推薦していた。
NO
QPD-Obj>QP Sub co-occurring with QPSub>QP I-Obj• The fact that (20) and (26) cannot give rise to the reading in (21) cannot be dismissed since
their niyotte-passive counterpart allow that reading.
(27)[DO 例の二人の学生]が[S 三人以上の教授]によって[IO 二つの会社]に推薦された。
YES
QPD-Obj>QP Sub co-occurring with QPSub>QP I-Obj• More examples to support the generalization in (18a)(28) a. [S 三人以上のヘッドハンター]が[DO 二つの会社]を[IO 全ての学生]に紹介していた。
NO
QPI-Obj >QP Sub co-occurring with QPSub>QP D-Obj
b. [S 三人以上のヘッドハンター]が[IO 全ての学生]に[DO 二つの会社]を紹介していた。
NO
QPI-Obj >QP Sub co-occurring with QPSub>QP D-Obj
Surface scope readings:• The examples in (29) allow the QPSub>QP I-Obj reading to co-occur with the QPI-Obj>QP D-Obj
reading.
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ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
5林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"(29) a. 毎年、[S 沢山の教授]が[IO 五人の学生]に[DO 二つ以上の会社]を推薦する。
YES
QPSub>QPI-Obj co-occurring with QPI-Obj >QP D-Obj
b. [S 木村教授と山田教授]が[O 三人以上の学生]に[O 四つの会社]を紹介していた。
YES
QPSub>QPI-Obj co-occurring with QPI-Obj >QP D-Obj
2.2.2. Freezing effects on binding(30)

Generalizations
a. While the QPObj takes scope above the QP Sub in the basic order, the narrow scope taking
QP, the QP Sub, cannot bind a dependent term.
b. While the QPSub takes scope above the QP Obj in the basic order, the narrow scope taking
QP, the QP Obj , can still bind a dependent term.
Inverse scope readings:• (19a) gives rise to the QP Obj >QP Sub reading and (19b) allows the QP Sub to bind a dependent
term soko.
(31) a [S 三つ以上の銀行]が[O 例の二つの会社]を取引先に紹介したとしよう。
YES
QPObj>QP Sub
b [S 三つ以上の銀行]がトヨタをそこの取引先に紹介したとしよう。
YES
QPSub binding soko
• However, the wide scope reading and the binding, which are independently possible, cannot
co-occur with either other.
(32)[S 三つ以上の銀行]が[O 例の二つの会社]をそこの取引先に紹介したとしよう。
NO
QPObj>QP Sub co-occurring with the QPSub binding soko

• The reading, which (32) lacks, is expressed as in (33), using logical formula, and this intuition
is confirmed by the fact that (32) cannot be truthfully uttered in the situation depicted by (34).
(33)∃Y (Y ⊆ company ∧ Y= 2) ∀y (y ∈ Y) [∃X (X ⊆ bank ∧ X≥ 3)∀x (x ∈ X) [x introduced y to x's customer]](34)

Toyota and Nissan are the two companies under discussion. There are seven banks, A,
B, C, D, E, F, and G. For Toyota, A introduced it to A's customer, B to B's customer, C
to C's customer, and D to D's customer. For Nissan, E introduced it to E's customer, F
to F's customer, and G to G's customer.

• Altering the word order between the direct object and indirect object does not change thefactual assessment.
(35) a. [S 三つ以上の銀行]が取引先に[O 例の二つの会社]を紹介したとしよう。
YES
QPObj>QP Sub
b. [S 三つ以上の銀行]がそこの取引先にトヨタを紹介したとしよう。
YES
QPSub binding soko(36)

[S 三つ以上の銀行]がそこの取引先に[O 例の二つの会社]を紹介したとしよう。
NO
QPObj>QP Sub co-occurring with the QPSub binding soko

第 28 回

関西言語学会

ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
6林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"• The fact that (32) and (36) cannot give rise to the reading in (34) is noteworthy, since (37),their niyotte -passive counterpart, allows the reading under discussion.
(37)[O 例の二つの会社]が[S 三つ以上の銀行]によってそこの取引先に紹介されたとし
YES
よう。
QPObj>QP Sub co-occurring with the QPSub binding soko

• More examples to support the generalization in (30a)(38) a. 調査によると、[S 五つ以上の会社が]が[O 全ての弁護士]にそこの問題を持ちかけNOていた。
QPObj>QP Sub co-occurring with the QPSub binding sokob. 調査によると、[S 五つ以上の会社が]がそこの問題を[O 全ての弁護士]に持ちかけNOていた。
QPObj>QP Sub co-occurring with the QPSub binding soko
Surface scope readings:• The examples in (39) allow the QPSub>QP Obj reading to co-occur with the QPObj binding adependent term soko.
(39) a. [S 二つ以上の銀行]が[O 五つ以上の自動車会社]にそこの関連会社を紹介したら、自動車業界は安泰だ。 YES QPSub>QPObj co-occurring with the QPObj binding sokob. [S 例の二つの経営相談事務所]が[O 沢山の会社]にそこの問題の解決案を提出した。
YES
QPSub>QPObj co-occurring with the QPObj binding soko
2.3. Scope minimizing effects on negation(40)

Generalizations
a. When the QP Obj takes scope above the QP Sub in the basic order in which the verb isnegated, the scope of the verbal negation is limited to the verb itself.
b. When the QP Sub takes scope above the QP Obj in the basic order in which the verb isnegated, the scope of the verbal negation is not limited to the verb itself.
Inverse scope readings:• The Neg>QP Sub reading is available in (41a) and the Neg>QPObj reading in (41b).
(41) a. もし、[S 二人以上の教授]がメアリーをトヨタに推薦しなかったら、ジョンは憤慨
YESするだろう。
Neg>QPSubb. もし、木村教授が[O 全ての学生]をトヨタに推薦しなかったら、ジョンは憤慨する
YESだろう。
Neg>QPObj• However, while the QPObj >QP Sub reading obtains in (42), the scope order in (43c) is possible
but not that in (43a) and that in (43b), i.e., (42) can be taken to mean (44c), but not (44a) or(44b).
(42)

もし、[S 二人以上の教授]が[O 全ての学生]をトヨタに推薦しなかったら、ジョンは憤慨するだろう。

(43) a. Neg>QP Obj >QPSub

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関西言語学会

Unavailable

ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
7

林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"

b. QPObj>Neg>QPSub

Unavailable

c. QPObj>QP Sub >Neg

Available(44) a. John will be mad if it is not the case that each student is recommended by two or more
professors to Toyota.
Unavailable
b. John will be mad if for each student, it does not hold that two or more professors
recommend him or her to Toyota.
Unavailable
c. John will be mad if each student has two or more professors that do not recommend him
or her to Toyota.
Available
Surface scope readings:• The Neg>QP Sub reading is available in (45a) and the Neg>QPObj reading in (45b).
(45) a. もし、[S 全ての教授]がメアリーをトヨタに推薦しなかったら、ジョンは憤慨する
YESだろう。
Neg>QPSubb. もし、木村教授が[O 二人以上の学生]をトヨタに推薦しなかったら、ジョンは憤慨
YESするだろう。
Neg>QPObj• Furthermore, while the QP Sub >QP Obj reading obtains in (46), the scope order in (47a) is
possible in addition to that in (47c). That is, (46) can be taken to mean (48a) or (48c) (butnot (48b)).
(46)

もし、[S 全ての教授]が[O 二人以上の学生]をトヨタに推薦しなかったら、ジョンは憤慨するだろう。

(47) a. Neg>QPSub>QP Obj

Available

b. QPSub >Neg>QP Obj

Unavailable

c. QPSub >QP Obj >Neg

Available(48) a. John will be mad if it is not the case that each professor recommend two or more students
to Toyota.
Available
b. John will be mad if for each professor it does not hold that he or she recommend two or
more students to Toyota.
Unavailable
c. John will be mad if each professor has two or more students who he or she does notrecommend to Toyota.
Available
2.4. Summary• The generalizations that have emerged above are summarized in (49).
(49) a. The QP Obj can take scope above the QP Sub in the basic order only if all of the conditions,(i)-(iii), are met.
b. The QPSub can take scope above the QP Obj in the basic order even if it is not the case that
all of the conditions, (i)-(iii), are met.
i. The speaker refers to a specific group with the QP taking wide scope.
ii. If there is a QP α that is not the QPSub or the QP Obj , or a potential dependent term β, theQP taking narrow scope does not take wide scope with respect to α or bind β.
iii. If the verb is negated, the scope of the verbal negation is limited to the verb itself.

第 28 回

関西言語学会

ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
8林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"

3. Surface scope readings may emerge through LF compositional computation while
inverse scope readings do not.
• Question:
Why the distribution of inverse scope readings is so limited, comparing with that of surface
scope readings?
• I answer the question by arguing that (9), repeated here, holds.
(9)

Surface scope readings may emerge through LF compositional computation while inverse
scope readings do not.

• In particular, I demonstrate that (10) holds. (10) and (11) are also repeated here.
(10)

Surface scope readings may emerge based on the LF in (11a) while inverse scope
readings are not based on the LF in (11b).

(11) a. LF: [QPSub [QPObj [ … tSub [ … tObj … ]]]]
b. LF: [QPObj [QP Sub [ … tSub [ … tObj … ]]]]
Argument:• Suppose that inverse scope readings can emerge based on the LF in (11b). Then, thegeneralizations in (49) indicate that the following LFs are not accessible to the speaker.
(50)

LF: [QPObj [QP Sub [ … tSub [ … tObj … ]]]],
where the QP Obj does not refer to a specific group(51) a. LF: [QPObj [QP Sub [QP α [ … tSub [ … tObj/α … tα/Obj … ]]]]]
b. LF: [QPObj [QP Sub [ … tSub [ … NP α/tObj … tObj/NP α … ]]]],
where the NP α is bound by the QPSub(52) a. LF: [not [QPObj [QP Sub [ … tSub [ … tObj … ]]]]]
b. LF: [QPObj [not [QP Sub [ … tSub [ … tObj … ]]]]]• However, the scope interaction in the ‘scrambled’ constructions reveals that they are indeed
accessible representations.
• The availability of the QPObj >QP Sub reading in the following examples indicates that (50) is
accessible to the speaker.
(53)(Cf. (14).)a. USC では、毎年、[O 五人以上の新入生]を[S 三人の教授]が人文科学賞に推薦する。
YES
QPObj>QP Sub
b. 今度の学会は、もし、[O 沢山の聴衆]に[S 二人以上の発表者]が議論をしかけたら、YES
成功としよう。
QPObj>QP Sub• The fact that the examples in (54) allow the QP I/O-Obj>QP Sub reading to co-occur with the
QPSub >the QP O/I-Obj reading indicates that (51a) is an accessible LF representation.
(54)(Cf. (20), (26), and (28).)
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ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
9林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"

a. [DO 例の二人の学生]を[S 三人以上の教授]が[IO 二つの会社]に推薦していた。
YES
QPI-Obj >QP Sub co-occurring with QPSub>QP D-Obj
b. [IO 全ての学生]に[S 三人以上のヘッドハンター]が[DO 二つの会社]を紹介していた。
YES
QPD-Obj>QP Sub co-occurring with QPSub>QP D-Obj• The fact that the examples in (55) allow the QP I/O-Obj>QP Sub reading to co-occur with the QPSub
binding a dependent term indicates that (51b) is an accessible LF representation.
(55)(Cf. (32), (36), and (38).)
a. [O 例の二つの会社]を[S 三つ以上の銀行]がそこの取引先に紹介したとしよう。
YES
QPObj>QP Sub co-occurring with the QPSub binding sokob. 調査によると、[O 全ての弁護士]に[S 五つ以上の会社が]がそこの問題を持ちかけYESていた。
QPObj>QP Sub co-occurring with the QPSub binding soko

• The examples in (56) allows the QPObj >QP Sub reading to occur in all of the following scopeorders, (i) negation>QPObj > QP Sub, (ii) QPObj >negation>QPSub, and (iii) QPObj >QP Sub>negation.
Hence, the LF representations in (52) are also accessible to the speaker.
(56)(Cf. (42).)a. もし、[O 全ての学生]を[S 二人以上の教授]がトヨタに推薦しなかったら、ジョンは憤慨するだろう。
b. [O 例の二人の教授]に [S 三人以上の学生]が話しかけなかったので、ジョンはがっかりしているだろう。

4. Implications• Given that surface scope readings may emerge through LF compositional computation while
inverse scope readings do not, we are led to conclude:(57)

There are two sources of the scope interaction among QPs: (i) LF compositional
computation and (ii) an extra-grammatical operation.

• It is thus reasonable to consider that the generalizations in (49) are special instances of thegeneralizations in (58).
(58)

Let α and β be QPs.
a. α can take scope above β due to the extra-grammatical operation, only if all of theconditions, (i)-(iii), are met.
b. α can take scope above β through LF compositional computation, even if it is not thecase that all of the conditions, (i)-(iii), are met
i. The speaker refers to a specific group with α.
ii. If there is a QP γ that is not α or β or a potential dependent term δ, then β does not takewide scope with respect to γ or bind δiii. If the verb of which α is an argument is negated, the scope of the verbal negation islimited to the verb itself.
第 28 回

関西言語学会

ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
10林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"• The scope interaction among QPs can be utilized for the study of LF structural properties onlyin the environments where it is not the case that all of the necessary conditions for the
extra-grammatical operation are met.

5. Summary and further remarks
Summary:• In summary, I have accomplished the objectives in (7), repeated here, through an investigationof the scope interaction between the QP Sub and the QP Obj in the basic order.
(59)

The main objectives of this talk:a. To demonstrate that it is not always the case that the scope interaction among QPs
emerges through LF compositional computation.
b. To spell out when we can reasonably assume that the scope interaction among QPs
emerges through LF compositional computation.
Further remarks:• I have argued the LF/extra-grammatical dichotomy, based on the scope interaction between
the QP Sub and the QP Obj in the basic order. But this dichotomy is motivated in a number ofways.
ü Hayashishita (2003:Ch.3) demonstrates that some instances of surface scope readings must
be due the extra-grammatical operation.
ü Hayashishita (2003:Ch.5) argues that this dichotomy is relevant for the scope interaction
between a wh-word and a QP. In particular, functional readings may be through LF
compositional computation while pair-list readings must be due to the extra-grammaticaloperation.
ü Hayashishita (2000) observes this dichotomy with the scope interaction in the di-transitive
construction between the direct object QP and the indirect object QP.
• I have not spelled out what the extra-grammatical operation is. However, Hayashishita(2003:Ch3) provides a number of properties that whatever account one may put forth must
explain. One of them is (60).
(60)

When α takes scope above β due to the extra-grammatical operation, where α and β are
QPs, both α and β must be in an A-position.

• Provided that (60) holds, when a QP α takes scope above another QP β in a sentence whose
configuration is [Ψ … α … β … ], the sentence may be represented at LF either as (61a) or as(61b).
(61) a. LF: [Ψ α [Ψ … β [Ψ … tα … tβ … ]]]b. LF: [Ψ … α … β … ], where α and β are in an A-position.

第 28 回

関西言語学会

ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
11林下淳一 "M ethodological Remarks on the Investigation of LF Structural Properties"

References:
Beghelli, Filippo and Timothy Stowell. 1997. "The Syntax of Distributivity and Negation," in A.
Szabolcsi ed., Ways of Scope Taking, Kluwer, Dordrecht, pp. 71-108.
Ben-Shalom, Dorit. 1993. "Object Wide Scope and Semantic Trees," in Lahiri (ed.), Proceedingsof SALT 3, UCI.
Chomsky, Noam. 1957. Syntactic Structures, The Hague: Mouton & Co.
Hayashishita, J.-R. 2000b. "The Scope Ambiguity and Scrambling," in Proceedings of WCCFLXIX,
pp. 204-217, Cascadilla Press, Somerville, MA.
Hayashishita, J.-R. 2003. Syntactic Scope and Non-Syntactic Scope, Doctoral dissertation,
University of Southern California.
Hoji, Hajime. 1985. Logical Form Constraints and Configurational Structures in Japanese,
Doctoral dissertation, University of Washington.
Katz, J. and Paul Postal. 1964. An Integrated Theory of Linguistic Descriptions, MIT Press,
Cambridge.
Kitagawa, Yoshihisa. 1990. "Anti-Scrambling," Ms., University of Rochester. (A paper read at the
Tilburg University Workshop on Scrambling, 10/19/90.)
Kuroda, S.-Y. 1969/70. "Remarks on the Notion of Subject with Reference to Words like Also,
Even or Only," in Annual Bulletin. Research Institute of Logopedics and Phoniatrics, Universityof Tokyo, vol.3.111-129, and vol.4.127-152.
Kuno, Susumu, Ken-ichi Takami, and Yuru Wu. 1999. "Quantifier Scope in English, Chinese, andJapanese," in Language 75:1.63-111.
Liu, F.-H. 1990. Scope Dependency in English and Chinese, Doctoral dissertation, University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles.
May, Robert. 1977. The Grammar of Quantification, Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge.

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ワークショップ「統語的観点から見たスコープ解釈の諸問題」
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