Report of the Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B),
Project No. 12410128
Supported by Japan Society for the Promotion of Science

Theoretical and Empirical Studies of Ellipsis——Toward the establishment of generative grammar
as an empirical science——

Edited byUEYAMA, Ayumi
Kyushu University

March, 2003

Ⓒ 2003

Department of Linguistics
Faculty of Humanities
Kyushu University
6-19-1 Hakozaki, Higashi-ku,
Fukuoka 812-8581, JAPAN(phone) +81-92-642-2431
ueyama@lit.kyushu-u.ac.jp

UEYAMA, Ayumi

ContentsPreface
Ayumi Ueyama
Member List(pp.i-ii)(p.iii)

List of Publications and Presentations(pp.iv-vi)

Antecedent-Contained Deletion and the Copy Theory of Movement
Danny Fox(pp.1-34)

1. The Problem·····································································································································2
2. The Interpretation of Chains·············································································································4
3. The proposed Solution······················································································································64. Tiedeman's Puzzle··························································································································15
5. Kennedy's Puzzle ···························································································································16
6. Antecedent-Contained Deletion and Condition C ···········································································21
7. Larson and May's Counterarguments······························································································23
8. Further Evidence ····························································································································27
9. Conclusions····································································································································31References··········································································································································32

Restriction on Covert Movement: Evidence from Comparative Ellipsis in Japanese(pp.35-41)
J. -R. Hayashishita
1. Introduction····································································································································35
2. Experimental Design ······················································································································36
3. Evidence for the Isomorphism Principle·························································································37
4. Additional Remarks························································································································40References··········································································································································40

Falsifiability and Repeatability in Generative Grammar: A Case Study of Anaphora andScope Dependency in Japanese(pp.42-84)
Hajime Hoji
1. Introduction····································································································································42
2. Anaphora and Scope Dependency ··································································································43
3. A Proposal and Predictions·············································································································63
4. Repeatability and Falsifiability·······································································································70
5. Concluding Remarks ······················································································································79
References··········································································································································82

Sluicing and Constraints on Quantifier Scope
Kyle Johnson(pp.85-91)

1. The recoverability condition···········································································································86
2. Scope parallelism ···························································································································88
3. A solution·······································································································································89
References··········································································································································91

Argument Contained Ellipsis Revisited
Christopher Kennedy(pp.92-109)

1. Argument Contained Ellipsis··········································································································92
2. Approaches to ACE························································································································96
3. A new proposal: No local variable reassignment ··········································································1044. Consequences and refinements·····································································································106
5. Conclusion ···································································································································108
References········································································································································108

Preliminary fragmentary thoughts
Jason Merchant(pp.110-148)

1. Background on sluicing················································································································111
2. Ellipsis in Minimalism ·················································································································114
3. Fragment answers·························································································································115
4. Fragments and islands ··················································································································133
5. Discourse-initial (?) fragments ·····································································································139
6. Conclusions··································································································································146
References········································································································································147

On verbless conjunction in JapaneseEmi Mukai(pp.149-162)

1. The previous analyses of ellipsis ··································································································149
2. Proposal ·······································································································································152
3. The role of a case-marker in Japanese ··························································································157
4. Summary and further issues ·········································································································160
References········································································································································161

The Semantics of Japanese Null Pronouns and Its Cross-linguistic Implications(pp.163-175)
Satoshi Tomioka
1. Semantic Functions of Japanese Null Pronouns············································································163
2. Analyzing Japanese pro················································································································165
3. Pro and the Semantics of Japanese NPs ·······················································································168
4. Some Crosslinguistic Predictions ·································································································171
5. Concluding Remarks and New Questions·····················································································173
References········································································································································175