A SHARED SENTENCE
the devastating toll of parental
incarceration on kids,
families and communities

APRIL 2016

policyreportKIDS COUNTABOUT THE
ANNIE E. CASEY
FOUNDATIONAND KIDS COUNT

To order this report, visit
www.aecf.org/sharedsentence.

To find additional data onchildren and families, visit the
KIDS COUNT Data Center at
datacenter.kidscount.org.

The Annie E. Casey Foundation isa private philanthropy that creates abrighter future for the nation’s children
by developing solutions to strengthenfamilies, build paths to economic
opportunity and transform struggling
communities into safer and healthierplaces to live, work and grow. To learn
more, visit www.aecf.org.

®

KIDS COUNT , a project of theAnnie E. Casey Foundation, is a nationaland state-by-state effort to track thestatus of children in the United States.
By providing policymakers and citizens
with benchmarks of child well-being,
KIDS COUNT seeks to enrich local, stateand national discussions concerning ways
to secure better futures for all children. To
learn more, visit www.aecf.org/kidscount.

A SHARED SENTENCE

the devastating toll of parental incarceration
on kids, families and communities

The saying is all too familiar: Do the crime, do the time.
But in America’s age of mass incarceration, millions of children
are suffering the consequences of their parents’ sentences
and our nation’s tough-on-crime practices.
These children feel the absence of that
adult — whether it is several nights in jailor years in prison — in myriad ways, even
if they weren’t sharing a home.1 They feel it
when their refrigerator is bare because theirfamily has lost a source of income or childsupport. They feel it when they have to
move, sometimes repeatedly, because theirfamilies can no longer afford the rent or
mortgage. And they feel it when they hear
the whispers in school, at church or in theirneighborhood about where their mother orfather has gone.
Incarceration breaks up families, thebuilding blocks of our communities andnation. It creates an unstable environment
for kids that can have lasting effects on
their development and well-being.2 These
challenges can reverberate and multiply
in their often low-income neighborhoods,
especially if they live in a community
where a significant number of residents,
particularly men, are in or returning fromjail or prison.3 And different obstacles
emerge once parents are released and try toassume their roles as caregivers, employees
and neighbors.

This report recommends policies andpractices that put the needs of children ofincarcerated parents first. We call on correctional systems, communities and stateand local public agencies to help stabilizefamilies and preserve their connections
during incarceration — and successfully
move forward once parents come home.
As the U.S. prison population surged
during the past several decades, so too did
the number of children and families experiencing the consequences of having a loved
one incarcerated.4 From 1980 to 2000, thenumber of kids with a father in prison or
jail rose by 500 percent.5 Now more than
5 million children have had a parent
incarcerated at some point in their lives,
including 503,000 in California, 477,000
in Texas and 312,000 in Florida. The situation is even worse in many other states,
especially Kentucky, which has the highest
rate of children — 13 percent — who have
had a parent incarcerated.6
There is no question that our country’s
practice of mass incarceration is flawed,
costly and in need of change. Policymakers
on both sides of the aisle have pushed for

A SHARED SENTENCE

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

1

Jail vs. Prison
While definitions vary by state,jails generally fall under local
jurisdiction. They confine
individuals who are awaiting
trial or sentencing, or who havesentences shorter than one year,
usually for misdemeanors. Prisonsare state or federal facilities forindividuals who have committed
felonies or have sentences longer
than one year.7 Although our focus
is primarily on children whose parents are serving prison sentences,jail time can be equally disruptive
to families, making it difficult forremaining caregivers to maintaina job, housing and child care.

2better solutions,8 and several states have
overhauled their correctional systems, favoring less costly alternatives for addressing
nonviolent offenses, while maintaining
public safety.9 Many advocacy efforts also
recognize the wildly disproportionate
impact of the criminal justice system on
people of color, especially African-Americanmen, who are far more likely to be arrested
and spend time behind bars.10 As a result,children of color are inevitably more likely
to contend with having a parent in prison.11
Yet policy debates about incarceration
rarely focus on the burden borne by children
and families. Theirs are stories of things lost:connections, jobs, income, homes — andhope. And communities, in turn, sufferfrom losing so many parents, whose absence
leaves the economic and social fabric of theirneighborhoods in tatters.
While momentum for criminal justicereform continues to build, we know progress
will take time. But we also know children
can’t wait — nor can we as a nation afford
to let them and their parents flounder,
perpetuating poverty from one generation
to the next.12 Children need stability andsupport to minimize the impact of incarceration on their lives, which requires families
and communities equipped to properly
care for them, as well as parents prepared
to provide for them and contribute to theircommunities upon release.

Nationally, the number of kids who
have had a parent in jail or prison at somepoint in their childhood hovers around
5.1 million — a conservative estimate.
Among states, the percentage of children
with an incarcerated parent varies dramatically, from only 3 percent in New Jersey
to 13 percent in Kentucky.13
Overwhelmingly, incarcerated parents
are fathers, many of them young. In stateand federal prisons, about 45 percent of

men age 24 or younger are fathers. For
the same age group, about 48 percent of
women in federal prison and 55 percent
in state facilities are mothers. Although
the percentages are higher for women,
the actual numbers of mothers behindbars are a fraction of those for fathers,
mirroring the total prison population.14
The number of children with a father
in prison rose by more than half between
1991 and 2007, and those with a motherbehind bars more than doubled.
Children with a parent who is incarcerated are typically younger and living
in low-income families of color, usuallywith a young single mother who has
limited education.15 Most are younger
than 10. More than 15 percent of children
with parents in federal prison — andmore than 20 percent with parents in state
prison — are 4 or younger.16 Comparedwith their white peers, African-Americanand Latino kids are over seven and twotimes more likely, respectively, to have aparent incarcerated.17 Although national
data on American Indian children areunavailable, state trends show a similar pattern: American Indian kids in Oklahoma
are twice as likely as white children to havean incarcerated parent and about five times
more likely in the Dakotas.18
Even if parents were not living with
their children before incarceration, morethan half provided the primary financial
support.19 Children with incarcerated
mothers are more likely than those with
incarcerated fathers to end up living with
grandparents or family friends or in foster
care — and, as a result, tend to experiencegreater disruption and instability.20
Kids with incarcerated parents also
are significantly less likely to live in neighborhoods that are able to be supportiveof families. Their parents are more likely toreport feeling unsafe in their communities
and less likely to feel they have people
on whom they can rely for help with
their children.21

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

kids count policy report

THE CHILDREN AND FAMILIESLEFT BEHIND

WHAT PARENTAL INCARCERATIONMEANS FOR KIDS, THEIR FAMILIESAND COMMUNITIESFor children and families, incarceration
is not a one-time event but a daily realitythat lasts well beyond a jail sentence or
prison term. Without links between andamong the criminal justice system andschools, neighborhood health centers andother community- and faith-based agencies
and programs, families have little to guidethem through this time.

An Added Financial Burden

In addition, children of incarcerated
parents move more frequently than theirpeers, even more so when both parents are
imprisoned.30 Kids with fathers in prison,particularly African-American children,
are at greater risk of ending up homeless.31
Indeed, research suggests the rise inincarceration over several decades has
contributed to a significant increase inchild homelessness, especially among
African Americans.32 Housing instability
disrupts connections with family, friends,
schools and other support networks.33

A Blow to Child and Family Healthand Well-Being

Incarceration is a destabilizer, pushingfamilies teetering on the edge into
financial disaster. Losing a parent who isthe breadwinner, often for a prolonged
period, leaves families scrambling to coverbasic needs along with legal and othercourt fees.22 When fathers are incarcerated,family income can drop by an average of
22 percent.23 When no parent remains tocare for a child, extended family members
step in — often without proper support.24
This loss of income creates ripples
that grow into waves. Families whoalready relied on public programs, suchas the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance
Program and Temporary Assistance for
Needy Families, become increasingly
dependent on them.25 As they shoulder
more responsibilities to fill the breach,parents and other relatives can struggle
to manage their finances and face reduced
earning potential.26 Parents left behind
are more likely to cite problems with childcare as a reason for quitting or not taking
a job.27 Mothers also report being unable
to pay for necessities such as food, utilities,
rent and medical care for their children.28
A recent survey found that 65 percent offamilies with a member in prison or jailcould not meet basic needs. Thousandsof dollars in court-related fines andfees, along with costly visits to maintaincontact, landed nearly one-third in debt.29

Having a parent incarcerated is a stressful,traumatic experience of the same magnitude
as abuse, domestic violence and divorce,with a potentially lasting negative impact ona child’s well-being.34 These young children
lose a parent’s support during their critical
early years, a time when their families andcommunities should be laying the foundation for healthy development and success.35
Their bonds to that parent are weakened,or sometimes never formed, as distance
may keep them from making regular
visits. The loss of that bond is especiallydevastating for children with incarcerated
mothers.36 The trauma of being separated
from a parent, along with a lack of sympathy or support from others, can increasechildren’s mental health issues, such as
depression and anxiety, and hamper educational achievement.37 Kids of incarcerated
mothers, in particular, are at greater riskof dropping out of school.38 Teachers canfurther undermine children’s performanceand self-esteem by lowering their academic
expectations.39 And when these kids growup, they are more likely to contend withpoor mental and physical health.40
Single mothers left to take on unexpected financial responsibilities41 may also
suffer from poor health, addiction, depression or anxiety, or they may be dealing with
their own traumatic experiences.42 Bearing

A SHARED SENTENCE

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

Having a parent
incarcerated is a stressful,traumatic experienceof the same magnitude
as abuse, domestic
violence and divorce.

3

those conflicted emotions and stress makes
it all the more challenging to be the port
in a storm for their children.

A Drain on Community Resources
and Opportunity

If incarceration rates
hadn’t increased during
a 24-year period, theU.S. poverty rate would
have fallen by 20 percent,rather than remaining
relatively steady.

The communities where children live don’t
go unscathed, either. Many are mired inpoverty and contend with crime, poorquality housing, low-performing schools anda dearth of resources that further prevent
families from creating a safe and nurturinghome environment.43 The effects of incarceration exacerbate the situation.44 One
study found that if incarceration rates hadn’t
increased during a 24-year period, the U.S.
poverty rate would have fallen by 20 percent,rather than remaining relatively steady.45
In areas where a sizable portion ofresidents are behind bars, the effect is cumulative: The sheer number of absent people
depletes available workers and providers,
while constraining the entire community’saccess to opportunity — including individuals who have never been incarcerated.46
The continual cycle of residents going to andreturning from prison makes for places, andfaces, constantly in flux.47 Just living in aneighborhood with a high incarceration rateincreases residents’ chances of suffering fromdepression and anxiety.48 Even for residents
who have had no contact with the criminal
justice system, heightened police vigilance
can cast a shadow over their children, families and homes. And the absence of parents,
most of them fathers, weakens neighborhoods and tears apart social networks,
which, in turn, affects the local economy.49
Parents’ inability to find work when they
return home further destabilizes theircommunities and increases their likelihoodof reverting to criminal activity.

Barriers to Housing. Returning parents

bars limits parents’ options for steadystruggle to find or maintain safe, stablehousing for their families or, if they live
apart, just for themselves. Although the
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban
Development’s public housing regulations
permit them as residents, local housing
authorities can exercise discretion — andfrequently do, with blanket bans on people
with criminal records. Private landlords
automatically reject these individuals without considering whether their criminal
histories pose any danger to other residents.55
All of these challenges — financial
and housing instability, stress, emotionaldifficulties, broken family relationships
and communities ill-equipped to bolster
children amid great uncertainty — are aminefield nearly impossible for kids totraverse without incident. Changes in stateand federal policies, as well as targeted
reinvestment of funds saved from recent
criminal justice reform efforts, can significantly change the trajectory of children
with a parent in prison, helping themnavigate choppy waters with greater ease.

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

kids count policy report

New Obstacles for Families
When Parents Return
Barriers to Employment. Time behind4

employment that pays well enough to
support their kids. Their lack of training
or work experience and an interrupted
or illegitimate employment history,
combined with typically low literacy
levels and educational attainment, closethe doors to most family-supporting jobs.50
Having to check the box on a job application that confirms their criminal record
seals those doors tight.51
As a result, when parents who havespent time in prison can find jobs, theywork fewer weeks annually and earn lessthan their counterparts without a record.52
Two-thirds of formerly incarcerated men
at the bottom of the income ladder in 1986
remained there two decades later.53 Families
with fathers who have been incarcerated
are more likely to live in poverty thanthose who have never experienced theeffects of incarceration.54

TABLE 1

Children Who Have Experienced Parental Incarceration: 2011–2012
Nationally, the number of kids who have had a parent in jail or prison at some point in their childhood hovers around
5.1 million — a conservative estimate. Kids with incarcerated parents are significantly less likely to live in neighborhoods
that are able to be supportive of families.

Total
NumberUnited States

5,113,000

Total
Percentage

Number

Percentage

77Missouri

98,000Alabama

88,0008Montana

18,0008

Alaska18,00010

Nebraska

41,0009

Arizona

138,000

9

Nevada55,0008

Arkansas

61,0009

New Hampshire

15,0005

California

503,000

5

New Jersey

65,0003

Colorado

60,0005

New Mexico

52,00010Connecticut

36,000

5

New York

148,000

4

Delaware15,0008

North Carolina

179,000

8

9,000

8

North Dakota

10,0007

Florida312,000

8

Ohio

271,000

10

Georgia

189,000

8

Oklahoma

96,00010

Hawaii

16,0005

Oregon68,0008

Idaho

35,0008

Pennsylvania

181,000

7

Illinois

186,000

6

Rhode Island

10,0005

Indiana

177,000

11

South Carolina

73,0007

Iowa

58,0008South Dakota

17,0008District of Columbia

Kansas

45,0006

Tennessee

144,000

10

Kentucky

135,000

13

Texas

477,000

7

Louisiana

94,0008

Utah

44,0005

Maine

20,0008

Vermont

7,000

6Maryland82,0006

Virginia

103,000

6

Massachusetts

69,0005

Washington

109,000

7Michigan

228,000

10

West Virginia

34,0009Minnesota

67,000

5

Wisconsin

88,0007

Mississippi

55,0007

Wyoming

12,0009SOURCE Child Trends’ analysis of the 2011–12 National Survey of Children’s Health for the Annie E. Casey Foundation. These data only include children whose incarcerated parent lived with them at some point.

A SHARED SENTENCE

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

5

Incarceration’s Toll on Communities
A closer look at three U.S. cities
reinforces these points and reveals how
dramatically the impact of incarceration
varies from one neighborhood to another.
Yet certain themes transcend population
size and geography. Communities witha consistently high and disproportionate
rate of people returning from prison tend tohave larger percentages of African-American
residents, echoing our criminal justicesystem’s uneven impact on people of color.
They also often have the highest childpoverty rates in their cities.

While incarceration hits children and theirfamilies hard, their communities also feel theblow. Many are already mired in poverty andcontend with crime, poor-quality housing, lowperforming schools and a dearth of resourcesthat further prevent families from creating a safeand nurturing home environment. The effects
of incarceration exacerbate the situation,
particularly in areas where a sizable portion ofresidents are behind bars. The sheer numberof absent people can constrain an entire community’s access to opportunity — including
individuals who have never been incarcerated.

ATLANTA
Atlanta is organized into 25 neighborhood planning units (NPUs). NPUs J, L,
V and Z represent 11 percent of the city’s
population but are home to 25 percent
of its residents returning from prison.
All four communities, which are mostly
African American, exceed the city’s
average child poverty rate, and NPUs L,
V and Z more than double it. By contrast,
only about 1 percent of returning individuals live in the majority-white NPU-E,
although its population is nearly thesame as the other four areas combined.
All but two of Atlanta’s predominantly
African-American communities havehigher-than-average percentagesof residents returning from prison.

NPU-A
NPU-B
NPU-C
NPU-D

NPU-F

NPU-G

NPU-E
NPU-J

NPU-H
NPU-I
NPU-Q

NPU-L
NPU-K
NPU-T

NPU-N

NPU-M

NPU-O
NPU-W

NPU-V

NPU-S
NPU-R

NPU-X

NPU-Y

PRISON RELEASESPER 1,000 ADULTS

0–1.88
2.48–4.71

NPU-P
NPU-Z

6.28–7.58
9.17–13.81

SOURCE Justice Mapping Center’s analysis of 2010 data from the Georgia Department of Corrections and the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey for the Annie E. Casey Foundation.

6

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

kids count policy reportINDIANAPOLISIn Indianapolis, District 17’s incarceration
and reentry rates are the highest in thecity and 18 times those of District 3,
which has the lowest rates. Althougheach area comprises about 5 percentof the city’s population, District 17 is home
to 12 percent of all residents returningfrom prison. By comparison, District 3 ishome to less than 1 percent. District 17’schild poverty rate far exceeds the city
average and is triple the rate in District 3;
it also has almost three times as many
African-American residents.

District 1

District 2

District 5

District 3
District 4

District 8
District 7

District 10District 9
District 13

District 6

District 14

District 17District 11

District 19

District 15

District 12District 16

1.23–3.39

District 18

District 21

District 22

PRISON RELEASESPER 1,000 ADULTS

3.73–6.48
District 24
District 20

7.44–12.31

District 25

14.36–22.07

District 23

SOURCE Justice Mapping Center’s analysis of 2010 data from the Indiana Department of Correction and the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey for the Annie E. Casey Foundation.

PROVIDENCE
Fox Point and neighboring Lower
South Providence each represent about
2 percent of Providence residents. But in
Lower South Providence, the percentageof people returning from prison is fivetimes higher, at 5 percent, than Fox
Point’s 1 percent. Lower South Providence
also has the city’s highest child poverty
rate, which is more than triple that of its
neighbor. More than 35 percent of its
residents are African American, comparedwith only 1 percent in Fox Point.

Charles

WanskuckElmhurst

Mount
Hope

Mount
Pleasant
MantonSmith
Hill

OlneyvilleSilver Lake

Federal Downtown
Hill

West End

Blackstone

College
Hill

ValleyHartford

Hope

WaylandFox Point

Upper South
Providence
Lower South
Providence

Elmwood
Reservoir

PRISON RELEASESPER 1,000 ADULTS

0–2.894.03–8.96

Washington Park

South Elmwood

10.95–15.84
21.93–33.28

SOURCE Justice Mapping Center’s analysis of 2010 data from the Rhode Island Department of Corrections and the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey for the Annie E. Casey Foundation.

A SHARED SENTENCE

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

7

RECOMMENDATIONS

building a stronger support system for childrenChildren of incarcerated parents — like all children — needstrong, supportive families and communities. Making smart
investments in them, their families and the places where they
live can help ensure they have solid support systems.

8

One key source for these investments
could be savings from the national JusticeReinvestment Initiative, which focuses on
creating a more cost-effective approach tocriminal justice, while maintaining public
safety. Several states participating in theinitiative, including Arkansas, Georgia andLouisiana, have redirected funds to community-based treatment programs, transitional
housing or reentry support.56 As more states
continue to save, they could funnel someof these funds toward programs and tools
to help promote healthy child development
and strengthen families and communities.
Although such investments are critical,
the most powerful step, by far, is to reduce
our nation’s overreliance on incarceration.
The Justice Reinvestment Initiative, as
well as the Annie E. Casey Foundation’s
decades of work in juvenile justice, clearlyshows that significantly reducing our use ofcorrectional facilities saves money withoutcompromising public safety — and focuses
attention on lasting solutions that allow
people to succeed and leave their criminal
past behind them, instead of reliving it.57

Taking this step means reexamining ournation’s decades-old policies on sentencing,bail, probation and parole, exploring shorter
sentences and alternatives to jail and prison
for nonviolent crimes, which represent the
majority of offenses among people serving
time.58 It also means curbing the use ofjails to hold people awaiting trial who can’t
afford bail and, consequently, end up losing
jobs, child care or homes — even if they
are absolved of wrongdoing. These fundamental changes to America’s criminal
justice system would dramatically decrease
the number of people — and, therefore,
parents — behind bars, the amount oftime they stay there and the effects of theirabsence on their children, families andneighborhoods. Though some states havealready moved in this direction, it is timethat we as a nation revisit our notion of
criminal justice and eliminate flawed policies and practices that unnecessarily andunfairly emphasize stringent approaches
to meting out punishment.
Given the criminal justice system’s
overwhelmingly uneven impact on

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

kids count policy reportchildren of color, discussions aroundpolicy and practice changes should
evaluate the potential effect on thesekids and their families — through racial
equity impact assessments, for example —to avoid further harm.
Even as we continue pushing for comprehensive system reform, the urgent needsof children and families bearing the burdens associated with incarceration require
us to act today. Within that context, weoffer several recommendations for stateand local policymakers, criminal justicesystems, public agencies and communityand faith-based organizations to put
children’s best interests first when designing programs and policies around parents
who are incarcerated.

The very agencies and organizations
that could help children and their families
typically have no official or clear way
to reach them. They also tend to operate
in isolation, with different funding sourcesand guidelines that can further impede
their ability to respond to child andfamily needs. The Children of Incarcerated
Parents Bill of Rights offers a strong
set of principles and recommendations
for putting kids at the forefront before,
during and after incarceration. It callson police departments, courts, schools,
correctional facilities and other institutions
that touch children’s lives to operate withthem in mind.60

Children need permanent family connections and stability to do well, and theirfamilies need the financial and emotional
wherewithal to support their well-being.
Providing mental health and counselingprograms to family members who step up
as caregivers during incarceration can help
children withstand the repercussions of
this disruption in their lives.
Research shows preserving a child’s
relationship with a parent during incarceration benefits both parties. It also benefitssociety, reducing children’s mental healthissues and anxiety, while lowering recidivism and facilitating parents’ successful
return to their communities.59 Few programs exist to support these relationships
during incarceration, and, upon reunification, families are left to travel bumpy
terrain on their own, from readjusting tolife after prison to resuming parental roles.
The minimal data available on children
with incarcerated parents further complicate attempts to address their needs.

State and federal criminal justicesystems should preserve family
connections during incarceration byencouraging judges and other key players
to consider the impact on kids andfamilies when making sentencing andprison-assignment decisions. Thesesystems should require courts to
inform local social service agencies andcommunity-based organizations whena parent is incarcerated so that they
can make contact with families. Prisonsand jails also should develop visitation
policies that allow children to maintaintheir parental relationships, such asproviding transportation and familyfriendly visiting centers in their facilities
or offering other means of communication,
including videoconferencing.
Hawaii law, for instance, calls forthe director of public safety to consider
the best interests of families firstwhen placing parents in correctional
facilities — consistent with public safety
and security — and to ensure theirgeographic proximity and ability tomaintain bonds with their children.61
In several New York state prisons, theOsborne Association’s FamilyWorks
program creates a more child-friendly

A SHARED SENTENCE

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

RECOMMENDATION ONE
Ensure children are supported
while parents are incarcerated andafter they return.

9

environment through family centersin prison visiting rooms, in addition tooffering parenting courses and individualand family counseling.62

10

To support appropriate and safe family
reunification, prisons and community
organizations should provide family
counseling and parenting courses whileparents are incarcerated and after they
return. If children enter foster care, childwelfare agencies and courts should prioritize
placements with other family members orfriends who can care for them in the absenceof both parents. The National Fatherhood
Initiative’s InsideOut Dad helps incarcerated
fathers connect with their families and build
parenting skills. Correctional facilities inabout 25 states, including Alabama, Florida,
New Jersey and Virginia, have used thisprogram, which has documented increases
in fathers’ confidence, parenting know-how
and contact with their kids.63

Early education centers, schools, childwelfare agencies, community-based healthcenters and other local and faith-basedorganizations should offer programs that
foster children’s mental and emotional
well-being. They should also provide
mentoring and support groups for kids
and teens whose parents are in prison, as
well as for their families. This includes
establishing administrative policies andconnections between and among prisonsand child welfare, health, education andemployment and training agencies andprograms so that all are aware of families
in need of support.
Atlanta’s Foreverfamily, for example,
has after-school and leadership programsfor children and teens with incarcerated
parents, creating space for them tointeract with peers and coordinating
visits to prisons. In New York, theCenter for Community Alternatives
offers mentoring and support groups for
Syracuse public school students whoseparents are incarcerated.

States should support family caregivers
in meeting children’s needs by facilitating
their access to financial, legal, health,child care and housing assistance. They
also should offer these family members
counseling and support groups to bolster
their ability to be a steady source ofcomfort for kids.64
The National Family Caregiver
Support Program allows states to direct
some of their funding toward providing

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

kids count policy reportgrandparents and other relatives ages 55
and older with services, counseling andadditional tools. Washington has a strong
state network of kinship navigators toconnect families with legal resources,
health care for kids and parenting classes,
and Tennessee’s Relative Caregiver
Program works with community-basedorganizations to provide services forchildren, teens and caregivers.65

RECOMMENDATION TWO
Connect parents who have returnedto the community with pathways
to employment.

Upon release, parents face daunting tasks
in trying to find work and rebuild theirfamily and neighborhood networks.
Obstacles to employment and restricted
access to public programs such as foodassistance hinder them from regaining
their financial footing and supporting
their children. Many parents leave prison
with significant debts such as court fees —including bail and fines accrued before
sentencing — as well as accumulated childsupport, with little means to pay them.66
Automatic paycheck deductions for thesedebts can discourage parents from seeking
legitimate avenues of work. Being unable
to meet these obligations can unleash a
vicious cycle: Not making required payments can lead to revoked parole and a
return to prison, where parents are still
unable to make payments.
Without education, training andwork experience, parents who have been
incarcerated can’t compete for today’s
family-supporting jobs. They may also be
dealing with traumas related to imprisonment that make it challenging to hold ajob. While many prisons offer vocational
training, it often falls short of teaching
the skills that today’s employers seek.
Providing sector-specific educationand training — starting in prison — forjobs in high-demand industries such as

A SHARED SENTENCE

information technology can help parents
develop the skills necessary to resume
their role as providers, while reducing
their likelihood of returning to prison.67
Research indicates that participating
in prison education and training
programs lowers the chances of reincarceration and increases the likelihoodof securing employment.68 In addition,
every dollar spent on such programs cuts
incarceration costs by four or five times
that amount.69 Beyond saving money,
removing barriers to work could boost
the economy, with increased income andsales tax contributions from gainfully
employed parents.70 Even when families
do not reunite, it is important to equip
parents to be effective providers andcommunity members.

Without education,
training and work
experience, parents who
have been incarcerated
can’t compete for today’s
family-supporting jobs.

States should take advantage of newly
raised thresholds for funding prison
education programs under the federal
Workforce Innovation and Opportunity
Act and direct more funds toward
education and training for incarcerated
individuals, preparing them for work inhigh-demand sectors. To meet the needsof today’s job market, public and private
employment and training programs
should move beyond placing individuals
with records in a handful of industries,
such as construction or manufacturing, inwhich a criminal history isn’t an automatic
strike. Instead, they should identify abroader range of jobs and fields to target
and help interested adults develop theskills necessary to start their own business.
For example, a training program in
California’s San Quentin State Prison
teaches computer coding to open
doors to jobs in technology. And alandscaping and horticultural programin Philadelphia prisons that provides
job-placement assistance has reduced
recidivism among participants to lessthan half of the city’s rate.71

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

11

The high-poverty
neighborhoods that arehome to many kids andfamilies dealing with
incarceration lack quality
affordable housing, accessto jobs, good schools
and key resources.

12

States should minimize the effects of acriminal record through ban-the-box policies
that require public and private employers
to postpone criminal history questions
until they have chosen an applicant as
one of the most qualified job candidates.
Nearly 20 states — including Connecticut,
Georgia and Minnesota — and morethan 100 cities and counties, along with anumber of businesses, have adopted banthe-box policies. Several jurisdictions havedocumented a resulting increase in hiring
individuals with records.72 States also should
use subsidized employment programs, which
cover part of participants’ wages for a trial
period to help them prepare for permanent
employment. Such programs incentivize
employers in sectors that do not usuallyconsider applicants who have a record.73
States should enable families to accesspublic programs such as the Supplemental
Nutrition Assistance Program andTemporary Assistance for Needy Families
so they can cover basic needs as formerly
incarcerated parents work to earn income
and achieve self-sufficiency. Althoughfederal law prohibits people convicted offelony drug offenses from accessing bothprograms, states can choose to opt out
or limit the ban. Many have done so, butseveral still have not.74

RECOMMENDATION THREE
Strengthen communities, particularly
those disproportionately affected byincarceration and reentry, to promote
family stability and opportunity.

The communities where children residecan make or break a family’s stability.
Increasing communities’ access to opportunity and strengthening community-basedorganizations and programs can help entire
neighborhoods — and, therefore, thefamilies living in them — minimize theeconomic and social effects of incarceration.
The high-poverty neighborhoods that arehome to many kids and families dealing
with incarceration lack quality affordable
housing, access to jobs, good schools andkey resources. Together, these factors can
impede children’s academic success andincrease their likelihood of dropping out ofschool. Growing up in such neighborhoods
also lowers kids’ chances of climbing the
economic ladder as adults.76
Stronger, safer and healthier neighborhoods can reduce not only the likelihoodof crime but encounters with law enforcement and the criminal justice system.

States should suspend child support orders
while parents are in prison so they don’t
accumulate crippling debt that they must
start paying upon release. The District ofColumbia and several dozen states, including
Arizona and Michigan, allow incarcerated
fathers to have their payments reduced or
halted during their time in prison. California
goes further, suspending child support orders
if a parent is incarcerated for more than threemonths and unable to make payments.75
Every state should offer to suspend suchpayments and proactively make parents
aware of this option.

Being able to obtain safe and stable
homes bolsters child well-being andreduces recidivism.77 State and local
governments should provide incentives forhousing authorities and private landlords
to lift restrictions on people with records
so that families can remain in or accesssafe, affordable housing. They also should
offer training for property managers
and caseworkers to ensure they properlyinterpret housing policies to enable
formerly incarcerated parents to live with
their families, as appropriate.
In Oregon, private landlords cannot
discriminate based on a person’s arrest
record or certain types of convictions.
Landlords in Newark, New Jersey, must
weigh factors such as references for good
conduct and the nature of a person’s

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

kids count policy reportcriminal history in determining whether
he or she can rent a home.78 And a pilot
program with the Housing Authority of
the City of Los Angeles uses Section 8
vouchers to support family reunification.79
To create additional pathways to jobs
and careers, city governments and private
employers should, when possible, takeadvantage of universities, hospitals andother anchor institutions80 that are rooted
in communities and promote economic
inclusion strategies. The latter intentionallyconnect low-income residents andneighborhoods with job and contracting
opportunities generated from economic
development projects. Economic inclusion
and anchor institution policies and programs
should include the hiring of formerly
incarcerated individuals, along with related
training to ensure returning parents canaccess local jobs. These institutions also
could support local businesses owned byindividuals who were incarcerated.
For example, Cleveland’s Evergreen
Cooperative Initiative — a partnership of
the Cleveland Foundation, the Cleveland
Clinic, University Hospitals, Case Western
Reserve University and city government —promotes the development of local,

A SHARED SENTENCE

employee-owned businesses that train
and hire low-income residents whoare struggling to obtain employment,
including people who were incarcerated.

CONCLUSION
Without a doubt, people who break thelaw should face the consequences. Still,parents who are incarcerated do not live
in isolation: They are fathers, mothers,
partners, caregivers, breadwinners andcommunity members, and their kids
inevitably end up sharing their sentences.
Built into the very essence of theAmerican Dream is the belief that children
can, and should, have the opportunity
to forge their own path, to reach far andstretch wide, regardless of where they growup or who their parents are. The confinement of a parent should not doom a childto a lifetime of closed doors. Our hopes
and dreams for children of incarcerated
parents should be no different from thelimitless horizon we seek for all of ourchildren. They too deserve a blank pagein our nation’s great storybook — and thechance to shape their part of the tale as
it continues to unfold for themselves, their
future families and our whole country.

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

13

ENDNOTES

1. Geller, A., Cooper, C. E.,
Garfinkel, I., Schwartz-Soicher, O.,& Mincy, R. B. (2012, February).
Beyond absenteeism: Father
incarceration and child development. Demography, 49(1), 49–76.
Retrieved from www.ncbi.nlm.nih.
gov/pmc/articles/PMC3703506
2. This is well documented in avariety of studies. See, for example,
Hairston, C. F. (2007, October).
Focus on children with incarcerated parents: An overview of theresearch literature. Baltimore, MD:
The Annie E. Casey Foundation.
Retrieved from www.aecf.org/m/
resourcedoc/aecf-FocusonChildren
with_ncarceratedParentsOverview
ofLiterature-2007.pdf. And,
Wildeman, C., & Western, B.
(2010). Incarceration in fragile
families. The Future of Children,20(2), 157–177. Retrieved fromwww.futureofchildren.org/
futureofchildren/publications/docs/20_02_08.pdf. And, Geller,A., Garfinkel, I., Cooper, C. E., &Mincy, R. B. (2009, December 1).
Parental incarceration and child
wellbeing: Implications for urban
families. Social Science Quarterly,90(5), 1186–1202. Retrieved fromwww.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/
PMC2835345. And, Lee, R. D.,
Fang, X., & Luo, F. (2013, April).
The impact of parental incarcerationon the physical and mental healthof young adults. Pediatrics, 131(4),1188–1195. Retrieved from www.
ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23509174
3. Clear, T. R. (2008). The effects ofhigh imprisonment rates on communities. Crime and Justice, 37(1),97–132. Retrieved from http://
myweb.fsu.edu/bstults/ccj5625/
readings/clear-cj-2008.pdf
4. Wildeman, C., & Western, B.
(2010). And, The Sentencing Project.
(2015, November). Fact sheet: Trends
in U.S. corrections. Washington, DC:
Author. Retrieved from www.
sentencingproject.org/doc/
publications/inc_Trends_in_
Corrections_Fact_sheet.pdf

14

5. Western, B., & Wildeman, C.
(2009, January). The black family
and mass incarceration. The
ANNALS of the American Academyof Political and Social Science, 621(1),221–242. Retrieved from http://
scholar.harvard.edu/files/bruce
western/files/westernwildeman09.
pdf?m=1378178398
6. Murphey, D., & Cooper, P.
M. (2015, October). Parents
behind bars: What happens to theirchildren? Washington, DC: Child
Trends. Retrieved from www.
childtrends.org/wp-content/
uploads/2015/10/2015-42Parents
BehindBars.pdf. And, Child Trends’
analysis of the 2011–12 National
Survey of Children’s Health for theAnnie E. Casey Foundation.
7. Bureau of Justice Statistics.
(n.d.). FAQ detail: What is thedifference between jails and prisons?
Retrieved from www.bjs.gov/index.
cfm?ty=qa&iid=322
8. Lillis, M. (2015, October 7)
House leaders to unveil bipartisan criminal justice reforms.
The Hill. Retrieved from http://
thehill.com/homenews/
house/256221-house-leaders-tounveil-bipartisan-criminal-justicereforms. And, Levy, G. (2015,
October 1). Criminal justice reformbill hailed as bipartisan breakthrough. U.S. News & World Report.
Retrieved from www.usnews.com/
news/articles/2015/10/01/senatescriminal-justice-reform-bill-hailedas-bipartisan-breakthrough9. Gelb, A. (2015, July 30). Statecriminal justice reforms build thecase for data-driven federal legislation. Washington, DC: The Pew
Charitable Trusts. Retrieved fromwww.pewtrusts.org/en/researchand-analysis/analysis/2015/07/30/
state-criminal-justice-reformsbuild-the-case-for-data-drivenfederal-legislation
10. Heath, B. (2014, November
19). Racial gap in U.S. arrest rates:“Staggering disparity.” USA Today.
Retrieved from www.usatoday.
com/story/news/nation/2014/11/18/
ferguson-black-arrest-rates/19043207
11. The Sentencing Project. (2009,
February). Incarcerated parents andtheir children: Trends 1991–2007.
Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved
from www.sentencingproject.org/
doc/publications/publications/
inc_incarceratedparents.pdf

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

12. DeFina, R. H., & Hannon, L.
(2009, February 23). The impact ofmass incarceration on poverty. Crime& Delinquency. Retrieved fromhttp://ssrn.com/abstract=1348049
13. Child Trends’ analysis of
the 2011–12 National Survey ofChildren’s Health for the Annie E.
Casey Foundation. This estimate
only includes children whoseincarcerated parent lived with themat some point. In this report, we rely
on a variety of data sources to tell
the story of children of incarcerated
parents, their families and theircommunities. Because sources may
have different data-collection methods, national estimates may varyby data source. See, for example,
Murphey, D., & Cooper, P. M.
(2015, October). And, Wildeman, C.,& Western, B. (2010).
14. Glaze, L. E., & Maruschak,L. M. (2008, August). Parents inprison and their minor children.
Washington, DC: U.S. Departmentof Justice, Office of Justice
Programs. Retrieved from www.bjs.
gov/content/pub/pdf/pptmc.pdf
15. Murphey, D., & Cooper, P. M.
(2015, October). And, SchwartzSoicher, O., Geller, A., & Garfinkel,
I. (2011, September). The effect ofpaternal incarceration on material
hardship. The Social Service Review,85(3), 447–473. Retrieved fromwww.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/
PMC4020140
16. Glaze, L. E., & Maruschak, L.
M. (2008, August). And, Hairston,
C. F. (2007, October).
17. The Sentencing Project.
(2009, February).
18. Child Trends’ analysis of
the 2011–12 National Survey ofChildren’s Health for the Annie
E. Casey Foundation. Althoughnational data for American Indianchildren are unavailable, the statistics on incarceration among men
and women suggest that they, too,are more likely to have an incarcerated parent than their white peers.
American Indian men are four times
more likely to be incarcerated thantheir white counterparts; American
Indian women are six times more
likely to be incarcerated. For more
information, see Lakota People’s
Law Project. (2015, February).
Native lives matter. Santa Cruz, CA:
Author. Retrieved from www.docs.
lakotalaw.org/reports/Native%20
Lives%20Matter%20PDF.pdf

19. Glaze, L. E., & Maruschak,L. M. (2008, August). And,
La Vigne, N. G., Davies, E., &Brazzell, D. (2008, February 12).
Broken bonds: Understanding andaddressing the needs of children with
incarcerated parents. Washington,
DC: Urban Institute. Retrieved
from www.urban.org/research/
publication/broken-bondsunderstanding-and-addressingneeds-children-incarcerated-parents/
view/full_report
20. National Resource Centeron Children & Families of the
Incarcerated. (2014). Children andfamilies of the incarcerated fact sheet.
Camden, NJ: Rutgers University.
Retrieved from https://nrccfi.
camden.rutgers.edu/files/nrccfifact-sheet-2014.pdf. And, Travis, J.,
Western, B., & Redburn, S. (Eds.).
(2014). The growth of incarcerationin the United States: Exploring causes
and consequences. Washington, DC:
The National Academies Press.
Retrieved from www.nap.edu/
read/18613/chapter/11#274. doi:
10.17226/18613. And, Dallaire,
D. H. (2007, December).
Incarcerated mothers and fathers:
A comparison of risks for children
and families. Family Relations, 56(5),440–453. Retrieved from http://
onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.
1111/j.1741-3729.2007.00472.
x/abstract
21. Child Trends’ analysis of
the 2011–12 National Survey ofChildren’s Health for the Annie E.
Casey Foundation.
22. Ella Baker Center for Human
Rights. (2015, September). Who
pays? The true cost of incarceration
on families. Oakland, CA: Author.
Retrieved from http://ellabakercenter.
org/who-pays-the-true-cost-ofincarceration-on-families. And,
Travis, J., Western, B., & Redburn,
S. (Eds.). (2014), p. 267. And,
Arditti, J. A. (2005). Families
and incarceration: An ecologicalapproach. Families in Society: The
Journal of Contemporary Social
Services, 86(2), 251–260. Retrieved
from www.convictcriminology.org/
pdf/arditti/e-FamiliesIncarceration.
pdf. And, Hairston, C. F. (1998,
September/October). The forgotten
parent: Understanding the forcesthat influence incarcerated fathers’
relationships with their children.
Child Welfare, 77(5), 617–639.
Retrieved from www.ncbi.nlm.nih.
gov/pubmed/9744076

kids count policy report23. Johnson, R. C. (2009).
Ever-increasing levels of parental
incarceration and the consequences
for children. In S. Raphael & M.
Stoll (Eds.), Do prisons make us safer?
The benefits and costs of the prisonboom (pp. 177–206). New York,
NY: Russell Sage Foundation. And,
The Pew Charitable Trusts. (2010).
Collateral costs: Incarceration’s effecton economic mobility. Washington,
DC: Author. Retrieved fromwww.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/
uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2010/
collateralcosts1pdf.pdf
24. The Annie E. Casey Foundation.
(2012). Stepping up for kids: What
government and communities
should do to support kinship families(KIDS COUNT Policy Report).
Baltimore, MD: Author. Retrieved
from www.aecf.org/resources/
stepping-up-for-kids
25. Travis, J., Western, B., &Redburn, S. (Eds.). (2014),
pp. 267–268. And, Geller, A.,
Garfinkel, I., Cooper, C. E., &Mincy, R. B. (2009, December 1).
26. Lynch, J. P., & Sabol, W. J.
(2004, March). Assessing the effects
of mass incarceration on informalsocial control in communities.
Criminology & Public Policy, 3(2),267–294. And, Schwartz-Soicher,O., Geller, A., & Garfinkel, I.
(2011, September).
27. Child Trends’ analysis of
the 2011–12 National Survey ofChildren’s Health for the Annie E.
Casey Foundation.
28. Geller, A., Garfinkel, I.,
Cooper, C. E., & Mincy, R. B.
(2009, December 1).
29. Ella Baker Center for Human
Rights. (2015, September), p. 30.
30. Geller, A., Garfinkel, I., Cooper,
C. E., & Mincy, R. B. (2009,
December 1). And, Travis, J.,
Western, B., & Redburn, S. (Eds.).
(2014), p. 274.
31. Princeton University. (2013,
March). Paternal incarceration andchild homelessness (Fragile Families
Research Brief, No. 48). Retrieved
from http://fragilefamilies.princeton.
edu/sites/fragilefamilies/files/
researchbrief48.pdf

A SHARED SENTENCE

32. Wildeman, C. (2014, January).
Parental incarceration, child homelessness, and the invisible consequences of mass imprisonment. The
ANNALS of the American Academyof Political and Social Science, 651(1),74–96. Retrieved from http://
ann.sagepub.com/content/651/
1/74.abstract
33. Geller, A., Garfinkel, I., Cooper,
C. E., & Mincy, R. B. (2009,
December 1).
34. Murphey, D., & Cooper, P. M.
(2015, October). And, Sacks, V.,
Murphey, D., & Moore, K. (2014,July). Adverse childhood experiences:
National and state-level prevalence(Research Brief, Publication No.
2014-28). Washington, DC: Child
Trends. Retrieved from www.
childtrends.org/wp-content/
uploads/2014/07/Brief-adversechildhood-experiences_FINAL.pdf
35. The Annie E. Casey Foundation.
(2013). The first eight years: Giving
kids a foundation for lifetime success(KIDS COUNT Policy Report).
Baltimore, MD: Author. Retrieved
from www.aecf.org/resources/
the-first-eight-years-giving-kids-afoundation-for-lifetime-success
36. Dallaire, D. H. (2007,
December). And, Dallaire D.
H. (2007, January/February).
Children with incarcerated mothers:
Developmental outcomes, special
challenges, and recommendations.
Journal of Applied Developmental
Psychology, 28(1), 15–24.
37. Wildeman, C. (2014, September).
Parental incarceration and child
wellbeing: An annotated bibliography. Boston, MA: The Sills
Family Foundation. Retrieved
from http://johnjayresearch.org/
pri/files/2012/03/Annotated-bibwith-coverpage_WEB-version.pdf.
And, Wildeman, C., & Western, B.
(2010). And, Travis, J., Western, B.,& Redburn, S. (Eds.). (2014),
pp. 270–273. And, Federal
Interagency Working Group forChildren of Incarcerated Parents.
(2013, June). Promoting social andemotional well-being for children ofincarcerated parents. Washington,
DC: Author. Retrieved from https://
csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/
uploads/2013/06/Promoting-Socialand-Emotional-Well-Being-forChildren-of-Incarcerated-Parents.pdf

38. Dallaire, D. H. (2007,
January/February).
39. Hairston, C. F. (2007, October).
And, Dallaire, D. H., Ciccone, A.,& Wilson, L. C. (2010). Teachers’
experiences with and expectations ofchildren with incarcerated parents.
Journal of Applied Developmental
Psychology, 31(4), 281–290. And,The Osborne Association. (2012,May). Fact sheet: Parental incarceration’s impact on children’s health.
Bronx, NY: Author. Retrieved
from www.osborneny.org/images/
uploads/printMedia/Parental%20
Incarceration’s%20Impact%20
on%20Children’s%20Health%20
Fact%20Sheet_Osborne.pdf
40. Murphey, D., & Cooper, P. M.
(2015, October).
41. Travis, J., Western, B., &Redburn, S. (Eds.). (2014),
pp. 267–268. And, The Annie
E. Casey Foundation. (2014).
Creating opportunity for families: A two-generation approach(KIDS COUNT Policy Report).
Baltimore, MD: Author. Retrieved
from www.aecf.org/resources/
creating-opportunity-for-families
42. Schwartz-Soicher, O., Geller, A.,& Garfinkel, I. (2011, September).
And, Travis, J., Western, B., &Redburn, S. (Eds.). (2014).
43. Duncan, G. J., Magnuson, K.,& Votruba-Drzal, E. (2014, Spring).
Boosting family income to promotechild development. The Future ofChildren, 24(1), 99–120. Retrieved
from www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/
pubmed/25518705. And, Turner, M.
A., & Rawlings, L. A. (2005, July29). Overcoming concentrated poverty
and isolation (Executive Summary).
Washington, DC: Urban Institute.
Retrieved from www.urban.org/
research/publication/overcomingconcentrated-poverty-and-isolationexecutive-summary
44. Clear, T. R. (2007, July).
Imprisoning communities: How mass
incarceration makes disadvantaged
neighborhoods worse (Studies in
Crime and Public Policy). Oxford,
England: Oxford University Press.
45. DeFina, R. H., & Hannon, L.
(2009, February 23).

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

46. Mitchell, M., & Leachman,
M. (2014, October 28). Changing
priorities: State criminal justicereforms and investments in education.
Washington, DC: Center on Budget
and Policy Priorities. Retrieved
from www.cbpp.org/research/changing-priorities-state-criminaljustice-reforms-and-investmentsin-education
47. Travis, J., Western, B., &Redburn, S. (Eds.). (2014), p. 289.
And, Clear, T. R. (2007, July).
48. Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Keyes,K., Hamilton, A., Uddin, M., &Galea, S. (2015). The collateral
damage of mass incarceration:
Risk of psychiatric morbidity
among nonincarcerated residentsof high-incarceration neighborhoods. American Journal of Public
Health, 105(1), 138–143. Retrieved
from www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/
pubmed/25393200
49. Mitchell, M., & Leachman, M.
(2014, October 28). And, Clear, T.
R. (2008). And, Travis, J., Western,B., & Redburn, S. (Eds.). (2014),
p. 289.
50. Coley, R. J., & Barton, P. E.
(2006). Locked up and locked out:
An educational perspective on the
U.S. prison population. Princeton,
NJ: Educational Testing Service.
Retrieved from www.ets.org/Media/
Research/pdf/PIC-LOCKEDUP.
pdf. And, Geller, A., Garfinkel,
I., Cooper, C. E., & Mincy, R. B.
(2009, December 1).
51. Vallas, R., Boteach, M.,
West, R., & Odum, J. (2015,
December 10). Removing barriers toopportunity for parents with criminal
records and their children: A twogeneration approach. Washington,
DC: Center for American
Progress. Retrieved from www.
americanprogress.org/issues/
criminal-justice/report/2015/12/
10/126902/removing-barriers-toopportunity-for-parents-withcriminal-records-and-their-children
52. Vallas, R., Boteach, M.,
West, R., & Odum, J. (2015,
December 10). And, Geller, A.,
Garfinkel, I., Cooper, C. E., &Mincy, R. B. (2009, December 1).
And, The Pew Charitable Trusts.
(2010). And, Wildeman, C., &Western, B. (2010).

15

53. The Pew Charitable Trusts.
(2010), p. 4.
54. Schwartz-Soicher, O., Geller, A.,& Garfinkel, I. (2011, September).
55. Legal Action Center. (2014,July). National blueprint for reentry:
Equal opportunity housing for people
with criminal histories (2nd ed.).
New York, NY: Author. Retrieved
from http://lac.org/wp-content/
uploads/2014/07/Reentry-BlueprintHousing-Final-2014-08-14.pdf
56. La Vigne, N. G., Bieler, S.,
Cramer, L., Ho, H., Kotonias, C.,
Mayer, D., McClure, D., Pacifici, L.,
Parks, E., Peterson, B., & Samuels, J.
(2014, January). Justice reinvestment
initiative: State assessment report.
Washington, DC: Urban Institute.
Retrieved from www.urban.org/
research/publication/justicereinvestment-initiative-stateassessment-report
57. The Annie E. Casey Foundation.
(2013, February 5). Reducing youth
incarceration in the United States (AKIDS COUNT Data Snapshot).
Baltimore, MD: Author. Retrieved
from www.aecf.org/resources/
reducing-youth-incarceration-in-theunited-states
58. Wagner, P., & Rabuy, B. (2016,
March 14). Mass incarceration:
The whole pie. Northampton, MA:
Prison Policy Initiative. Retrieved
from www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/
pie2016.html
59. La Vigne, N. G., Davies, E., &Brazzell, D. (2008, February 12).
And, Shanahan, R., & Agudelo,
S. V. (2012, September/October).
The family and recidivism.
AMERICANJails, 17–24. Retrieved
from www.vera.org/files/thefamily-and-recidivism.pdf. And, The
Osborne Association. (2012, May).
60. For more on the Children’s Billof Rights, visit www.sfcipp.org
61. State of Hawaii, Senate, 24th
Legislature. (2007). A bill for an act
relating to a comprehensive offender
reentry system. Retrieved from www.
capitol.hawaii.gov/session2007/bills/
Act8_SB932.pdf
62. For more information on
FamilyWorks, visit www.osborneny.
org/programs.cfm?programID=11

63. Economic Development
Research Group. (2012, December).
Assessing the impact of the InsideOut
Dad® program on Newark
Community Education Center
residents. Newark, NJ: Rutgers
University, School of Public Affairs
and Administration. Retrieved
from http://cdn2.hubspot.net/
hub/135704/file-561437088-pdf/
Research_Eval_Files/368_
IoDEvalRpt_NREPP_120712.
pdf. And, for more informationon the InsideOut Dad program,
visit www.fatherhood.org/
evidence-based-programs
64. Bandy, T., Andrews, K. M.,& Moore, K. A. (2012, February).
Disadvantaged families and childoutcomes: The importance of emotional
support for mothers (Research-toResults Brief, Publication No. 2012–05). Washington, DC: Child Trends.
Retrieved from www.childtrends.
org/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/
Child_Trends-2012_03_21_RB_
MaternalSupport.pdf. And, Gay,
K. D. (2005, September/October).
The Circle of Parents® program:
Increasing social support for parents
and caregivers. North Carolina
Medical Journal, 66(5), 386–388.
Retrieved from http://nciom.org/wpcontent/uploads/NCMJ/sept-oct-05/
Gay.pdf. And, The Annie E. Casey
Foundation. (2013).
65. For more information on the
National Family Caregiver Support
Program, visit www.aoa.acl.gov/
AoA_Programs/HCLTC/Caregiver.
And, Generations United. (2015).
The state of grandfamilies in America.
Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved
from www.gu.org/LinkClick.aspx?
fileticket=nv03BXVlGAI%3d&
tabid=157&mid=606. And, formore information on Tennessee’s
Relative Caregiver Program, visit
www.kidcentraltn.com/article/
relative-caregiver-program
66. The Pew Charitable
Trusts. (2010).
67. Davis, L. M., Bozick, R., Steele,
J. L., Saunders, J., & Miles, J. N. V.
(2013). Evaluating the effectivenessof correctional education: A metaanalysis of programs that provide
education to incarcerated adults. Santa
Monica, CA: Rand Corporation.
Retrieved from www.rand.org/pubs/
research_reports/RR266.html
68. The Pew Charitable Trusts.
(2010). And, Davis, L. M., Bozick,R., Steele, J. L., Saunders, J., &Miles, J. N. V. (2013).

16

The Annie E. Casey Foundation | www.aecf.org

69. Davis, L. M., Bozick, R.,
Steele, J. L., Saunders, J., & Miles, J.
N. V. (2013).
70. National Employment Law
Project. (2016, March). Researchsupports fair chance policies (Fact
Sheet). New York, NY: Author.
Retrieved from www.nelp.org/
content/uploads/Fair-Chance-Banthe-Box-Research.pdf
71. Kane, M. (2014, November 14).
First-of-its-kind technology training
program debuts at San Quentin State
Prison. Inside CDCR. Sacramento,
CA: California Department ofCorrections and Rehabilitation.
Retrieved from www.insidecdcr.
ca.gov/2014/11/first-of-its-kindtechnology-training-programdebuts-at-san-quentin-state-prison.
And, for more information on the
Roots to Re-Entry program, visit
http://phsonline.org/programs/roots-to-re-entry
72. Rodriguez, M. N., & Avery, B.
(2016, March 1). Ban the box: U.S.
cities, counties, and states adopt fairhiring policies (Toolkit). New York,
NY: National Employment Law
Project. Retrieved from www.nelp.
org/publication/ban-the-box-fairchance-hiring-state-and-local-guide.
And, Minnesota Department of
Human Rights. (n.d.). Ban the box
FAQ for private employers. St. Paul,MN: Author. Retrieved from http://
mn.gov/mdhr/employers/banbox_
faq_privemp.html. And, Atkinson,
D. V., & Lockwood, K. (2014,
October). The benefits of ban thebox: A case study of Durham, NC.
Durham, NC: The Southern
Coalition for Social Justice. Retrieved
from www.southerncoalition.org/
wp-content/uploads/2014/10/
BantheBox_WhitePaper-2.pdf
73. Duran, L., Plotkin, M., Potter,P., & Rosen, H. (2013, September).
Integrated reentry and employment
strategies: Reducing recidivism andpromoting job readiness. New York,
NY: Council of State Governments
Justice Center. Retrieved fromhttps://csgjusticecenter.org/wpcontent/uploads/2013/09/Final.
Reentry-and-Employment.pp_.pdf
74. The Sentencing Project. (2013).
A lifetime of punishment: The impactof the felony drug ban on welfare
benefits. Washington, DC: Author.
Retrieved from www.sentencing
project.org/doc/publications/
cc_A%20Lifetime%20of%20
Punishment.pdf

75. Office of Child Support
Enforcement, Administration
for Children & Families, U.S.
Department of Health and Human
Services. (2012, June). Realistic childsupport orders for incarcerated parents(Child Support Fact Sheet Series,
No. 4). Retrieved from www.acf.
hhs.gov/sites/default/files/ocse/
realistic_child_support_orders_for_incarcerated_parents.pdf
76. The Annie E. Casey Foundation.
(2012, February 1). Children livingin America’s high-poverty communities(KIDS COUNT Data Snapshot
on High-Poverty Communities).
Baltimore, MD: Author. Retrieved
from www.aecf.org/resources/
data-snapshot-on-high-povertycommunities
77. Legal Action Center. (2014, July).
78. For more information about
the Oregon and Newark, New
Jersey, policies, visit www.osbar.
org/public/legalinfo/1248_
HousingDiscrimination.htm
and https://newark.legistar.com/
LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=1159554&GUID=6E9D1D83-C8D74671-931FEE7C8B2F33FD&
FullText=1
79. For more information about
the pilot program to provide
housing to formerly incarcerated
people in Los Angeles, visit
http://housing.anewwayoflife.org/
about-the-program
80. Kleiman, N., Getsinger, L.,
Pindus, N., & Poethig, E. (2015,
September). Striking a (local) grandbargain: How cities and anchor
institutions can work together
to drive growth and prosperity.
Washington, DC: National
Resource Network. Retrieved fromwww.nationalresourcenetwork.org/
en/Document/306220/Striking_a_Local_Grand_Bargain. And, The
Democracy Collaborative at the
University of Maryland. (2013,
August 10). Achieving the anchor
promise: Improving outcomes for
low-income children, families
and communities. Baltimore,
MD: The Annie E. Casey
Foundation. Retrieved fromwww.aecf.org/resources/
achieving-the-anchor-promise

kids count policy report

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The Foundation thanks the many
staff members who contributed
to this KIDS COUNT policy report,
as well as Child Trends and theJustice Mapping Center for providing
data analysis for this publication.
Permission to copy, disseminate or otherwise
use information from this report is granted.
To learn more, visit www.aecf.org/copyright.
Designed by KINETIK
www.kinetikcom.com
Photography © Jason Miczek,
Cynthia Sambro-Rier, Rebecca Drobis,
Imagesbybarbara, Edward Lara and YazolinoGirl
Printed and bound in the United States of America
on recycled paper using soy-based inks.
KIDS COUNT ® is a registered trademarkof the Annie E. Casey Foundation.
© 2016 The Annie E. Casey Foundation

@aecfnews@aecfkidscount701 ST. PAUL STREETBALTIMORE, MD 21202
410.547.6600
WWW.AECF.ORG