或問 WAKUMON 57
No.34,（2018）pp.57-70

The Finals System of the Tang Dynasty in Northern China in
Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan（佛说大孔雀明王经）Translated By Yijng （义净）Siqi Wang

Shuaike Yang

Abstract: This paper mainly addresses the finals system reflected in the Sanskrit transcription of
Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan (佛说大孔雀明王经), translated by Yijing (义净). Compared with Qieyun(切韵)system, the material reveals some phonetic changes in northern Eastern dialects in the mid-Tangdynasty. Zhizhizhi (支脂之) became the same, and glottal stops served as codas. Sandeng (三等) andsideng (四等) merged into one. Only a few chongniu (重纽) remained, and the phenomena of tantan(覃谈) and chongyun (重韵) appeared. Some differences emerged between northeastern, northwestern,
and Central Plain dialects in the yangsheng (阳声) rhyme final and sideng (四等) medials.
Keywords: Yijing ( 义 净 ); Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan ( 佛 说 大 孔 雀 明 王 经 ); Sanskrit–Chinesetranscription; finals; ancient Chinese sound1. Introduction
Historical documents have served as the main material in studies of Chinese history. In addition torhythmic dictionaries, rhyme tables, verses, and homophones, Sino-Sanskrit phonetic contrast andtransliteration represent important materials for research on Chinese ancient sounds. Thanks in large partto Sino-Sanskrit phonetic contrast and transliteration, the achievements of Chinese pronunciation in theTang Dynasty were notably rich. Many researchers have investigated this linguistic period, including
Maspero (1920),Liu Guanghe (1982/2002),Shi Xiangdong (1983),Yuchi Zhiping (1985), Coblin (1991),
and Nie Hongyin (2005).
As an object of study, the transliterations of Yijing (义净) have been thoroughly investigated by two
scholars, namely Coblin and Liu Guanghe. Coblin (1991) discussed the phonetic features of Yi Jing's
transliteration based on various materials such as Jinguangming Jing (金光明经) and
Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan (佛说大孔雀明王经). He referred specifically to Bernhard Karlgren,supplemented by Li Fanggui's research regarding chongniu (重纽). Coblin (1991) focused on middle
Chinese and corresponding Sanskrit but did not discuss relevant phonetic characteristics in detail. Liu
Guanghe (1994) compared the differences in Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan (佛说大孔雀明王经)translated by
Bukong (不空) and Yijing (义净), pointed out characteristics of the consonants in the Luoyang (洛阳)and Chang‟an (长安) dialects, and constructed a consonant table. He also identified fundamental

或問 第 34 号 （2018）58

characteristics and differences between Bukong (不空) and Yijing (义净) in tail consonants, medials, andyierdengyun (一二等韵).
Although Yijing (义净)‟s translation has received extensive attention in academic circles, it is notentirely systematic; the Yijing (义净) dialect, Bukong (不空) dialect, and Xuanzang (玄奘) dialect all
belong to northern dialects of the mid-Tang dynasty. The commonalities and differences among northerndialects warrant further discussion. Drawing from previous work, we study Yijing (义净)‟s translation of
the Sanskrit material Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan (佛说大孔雀明王经)to identify phonetic characters,
relevant Chinese characters, the pronunciation of middle ancient Chinese, and a finals system of northerndialects of the Tang dynasty. On this basis, we identify disparities between Bukong (不空),Yijing (义净)and Xuanzang (玄奘) and present characteristics and differences of the finals system between the
Chang’an, Luoyang, and Fanyang (Qizhou) dialects 范阳 (齐州).
Yijing (635–713), born in either Fan Yang or Qi Zhou, was a famous Buddhist in the Tang dynasty.
He is as well-known as Xuanzang and translated many Buddhist scriptures. He became a monk in hischildhood and later moved west to India to seek the Buddhist scripture, returning to China in 659 AD. He
translated the Buddhist scriptures in Chang‟an and then in Luoyang. He also translated
Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan in Luoyang. Whether written in Fanyang or Qizhou, the phonetic basis of thetranslation is generally considered representative of the dialect in eastern North China.
2. Finals system of northern dialects in the Tang dynasty
In this paper, the main object of study consists of Chinese mantras in the Buddhist scripture of
Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan (Tibetan Tripitaka 大正藏 985), translated by Yijing, and Sanskrit mantras in
Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan (Tibetan Tripitaka 982). We reveal Yijing‟s translation process and thecharacteristics of finals. Several exceptions were identified due to publication mistakes and spelling
errors, which were omitted in accordance with phonetic laws.
2.1 Description of Sanskrit–Chinese translation in each yunshe (韵摄)2.1.1 果摄 a ā
The characters of geyun (歌韵) (e.g., “攞可娜瑳) are generally translated as a; those of “歌珂拕驮呵柁” are generally translated as ā; and those of “哥痾娑陀诃罗阿多那䫂他“ are generally translated aseither a or ā. Characters in geyun (戈韵) (e.g., “佉跛堕锁”) are often translated as a; “磨埵” aregenerally translated as ā; and “摩婆波伽莎么” are frequently translated as either a or ā.
2.1.2 假摄 a ā
The characters of mayun (麻韵) (e.g., “荼差舍”) are generally translated as a; “洒” are generallytranslated as ā; “迦咤侘茶拏叉沙遮者车奢舍阇社” are often translated as a, with isolated cases
translated as ā; and “耶也喏夜” are generally translated as either ya or yā.

The Finals System of the Tang Dynasty in Northern China…（WANG/ YANG）

59

2.1.3 止摄 i ī e ai
The characters of zhiyun (支韵) (e.g., “婢避弥弭枳企绮祇眤㨖池雌斯只支”) are generallytranslated as i or ī; “箄欹差屣囇” as e; “施离” as i (ī) or e; and “篅” as jva, such as the translation of“jvalani” to “篅喇儞” . Characters in zhiyun (脂韵) (e.g., “比仳苾鼻寐器弃雉私死尸唎”) are generallytranslated as i or ī; “豉” as e; “腻师” as i (ī) or e; “毘” as i (ī) or ai; and “尼利” as i (ī), e, or ai.
Characters in zhiyun (之韵) (e.g., “耻治持峙值儞史止齿始侍异哩”) are generally translated as either ior ī; and “底里” are generally translated as i (ī) or e. Characters in weiyun (微韵) (e.g., “未”) are
generally translated as a(ṇ).
2.1.4 蟹攝 e i ī ai ay
The characters of qiyun (齐韵) (e.g., “迷米谜羝剃泥泥西细黎丽”) are generally translated as e;“剃泥泥西细” as i (ī); “酰” as ai; “鸡提睇囇” as e or i (ī); “薜𧫦” as e or ai; and “鞞” as e, i, or ai.
Characters in taiyun (泰韵) (e.g., “带”) are generally translated as ay, such as the translation of muktaye
to “木带𧜟” . Characters of huiyun (灰韵) (e.g., “杯”) are generally translated as ay, as in payosṇī to “杯瑜瑟儞” . Those of jiyun (祭韵) (e.g., “智帝1世”) are generally translated as e, such as “逝” to je, ji, orjay; “励” to e or ye; and “誓曳𧜟” to je. There are no characters in haiyun (咍韵), feiyun (废韵), jiayun(佳韵), jieyun (皆韵), or guaiyun (夬韵).
2.1.5 遇摄 u ū oCharacters of yuyun (鱼韵) (e.g., “举”) are generally translated as o. Those of yuyun (虞韵) (e.g.,“拘俱矩区寠具刍主”) are generally translated as u (ū); “朱” as o; “句” as u or o; “瞿” as o or au; “输”
as u (ū), o, or vā; “树” as u or yo; and “瘐” as yu. Viśvāmitrā are generally translated as “毘输蜜怛罗”and śvā as “输” , perhaps due to ancient patterns. The characters of muyun (模韵) (e.g., “哺补普步部暮古都妬吐度怒苏邬虎鲁”) are generally translated as u (ū). “怖菩孤徒胡” are translated as o; “晡布慕都杜奴苏呼卢噜嚧路” can be translated to to u (ū) or o; and “谟” as u, o, or a. Namaḥ is translated to“南谟” and maḥ as “谟” because „a‟ becomes „o‟ in front of the voiced consonant.
2.1.6 流摄 u ū
The characters of youyun (尤韵) (e.g., “富咎修”) are generally translated as u (ū); those of houyun(侯韵) (e.g., “母豆喽娄”) are often translated as u. There are no characters in youyun (幽韵).
2.1.7 效摄 au o u
The characters of haoyun (豪韵) (e.g., “高骚”) are generally translated as au. Those of xiaoyun (宵韵) (e.g., “憍乔”) are generally translated as au or o; “烧” as au; and “摇” as u. There are no characters inyaoyun (肴韵) or xiaoyun (萧韵).
2.1.8 深摄 um
The characters of qinyun (侵韵) (e.g., “金”) are generally translated as um. Those of jiyun (缉韵)(e.g., “湿”) are generally translated as m.

60

或問 第 34 号 （2018）

2.1.9 咸摄 a(ā)m, a(ā)ṁ, a(ā)
．um ap ab av uv
The characters of tanyun (覃韵) (e.g., “覃”) are generally translated as um; “南” as am, āṁ, or an;
and “耽昙” as um or am. Characters of heyun (合韵) (e.g., “答”) are generally translated as ap, ā(m), oraḍ; “沓” as ab; and “纳” as av. Characters of tanyun (谈韵) (e.g., “甘三蓝琰滥”) are often translated as
am. Those of heyun (盍韵) (e.g., “蹋”) are generally translated as ap and “腊” as av or ab. The
characters of xianyun (咸韵) (e.g, “喃”) are frequently translated as āṁ. Those of xianyun (衔韵) (e.g.,“钐”) are generally translated as aṁ. The characters of yanyun (盐韵) (e.g., “占苫檐庵”) are generallytranslated as a(ā)m, a(ā)ṁ, or a(ā)
．; “瞻” as jam; “阎” as yaṁ; and “占” as an. The characters of yeyun(叶韵) (e.g.,襵摄”) are generally translated as ap or av and “叶” as av o r uv. The characters of yanyun(严韵) (e.g., “剑”) are generally translated as am(ṁ) or um. Those of yeyun (业韵) (e.g., “劫笈”) are
generally translated as ap or a(m). Characters of fanyun (凡韵) (e.g, “梵”) are often translated as ahm.
Those of fayun (乏韵) (e.g., “乏”) are generally translated as ap. Brahmavatī can be translated as “梵摩伐底” due to ancient patterns. There are no characters in either tianyun (添韵) or tieyun (帖韵).
2.1.10 臻攝 in uṇ uṇ uñ il ĩi ir il is iś it iṭ īt id iḍ ．
rt ic ud ut ur uṣ
The characters of zhenyun (真韵) (e.g“因紧民信”) are generally translated as in,“频邻” as in or iṁ,;“真” as il, and“慎” as ĩi. The characters of zhiyun (质韵) (e.g“毕必苾蜜密吉窒悉质失室一”) are
generally translated as ir, il, is, iś, it, iṭ, īt, id, iḍ, ．
rt, or ic; “叱” as ap; and“栗 (㗚)” as t, ik, or g. The
characters of shuyun (术韵) such as“律 (𠷈)” are generally translated as ṇ, with “卒” appearing as ut.
The characters of zhiyun (栉韵) (e.g. “瑟”) are often translated as (ṭ) or (ṇ). Those of wenyun (文韵)(e.g“文君分”) are generally translated as uṇ, un, uñ, or um. The characters of wuyun (物韵) (e.g. “佛弗”)
are generally translated as ud or ut. The characters of qiyun (迄韵) (e.g“讫”) are frequently translated as r
or ṛ. The characters of xinyun (欣韵) (e.g“近”) are generally translated as n. Those of hunyun (魂韵)(e.g“奔敦孙”) are generally translated as uṇ or un and “𦘴” as um．. The characters of meiyun (没韵)(e.g“没骨突嗢忽”) are generally translated as u(ṅ), ur, uṣ, uṭ, ud, or os with “勃” as ar. There are no
characters in zhenyun (臻韵), henyun (痕韵), or zhunyun (谆韵).
2.1.11 山摄 a(ā)ñ a(ā)n a(ā)ṇ ar ad a(ā)l a(n) a(n．
) at aḍ aś as ac aj ar a(ā)d at．av
The characters of hanyun (寒韵) (e.g., “干单旦炭但惮难珊阑囒兰安”) are generally translated asa(ā)ñ, a(ā)n, or aṇ; “汉” as an or at; and “散” as an. Characters of heyun (曷韵) (e.g., “达怛捺割渴萨頞𠿒曷”) are often translated as ar, ad, al, āl, a(n), a(n．
), at, aḍ, aś, as, ac, or aj; “逹喇曷” as ah or ak; and“萨” to ab. Characters of huanyun (桓韵) (e.g., “半盘畔曼”) are generally translated as añ, āñ, an, aṇ, orāṅ; “搬” as auṇ; and “酸” as van. Characters of moyun (末韵) (e.g, “钵跋末”) can be translated as ar,a(ā)d, at, at．
, a(ṇ), a(n), ac, al, āl, aj, or av. Those of shanyun (删韵) (e.g., “般”) are generally translated as
aṇ or āñ. The characters of shanyun (黠韵) (e.g., “察杀痆”) are often translated as a(ṇ), aḍ, as. The
characters of shanyun (山韵) (e.g., “山”) are generally translated as aṇ. Those of xiayun (辖韵) (e.g.,

The Finals System of the Tang Dynasty in Northern China…（WANG/ YANG）

61“刹”) are generally translated as as, it, at, or ar. Raks．
itikā was translated as “曷路剎帝迦” and ks．
it as,“剎” . Because there are no characters in chumu (初母) when translated as in zhiyun (质韵), shuyun (术韵), or zhiyun (栉韵), Yijing used ru-sheng (入声) characters as in shanshe (山摄). The characters ofyuanyun (元韵) (e.g., “建健”) are generally translated as an, aṇ, ān, or aṁ (an). The characters of yueyun(月韵) (e.g., “发伐羯葛歇”) are often translated as al, āt, ad, ās, at．
, at, ar, ac, a(ṇ), or a(n). Those of
xianyun (仙韵) (e.g., “褰旃栴扇连”) are generally translated as aň, aṇ, an, or āṇ, and “善缮膳演” appear
as jan. Those of xueyun (薛韵) (e.g., “朅揭设”) are often translated as ar, ad, al, at, or aj. “折” isgenerally jar, j, or jal. Characters of xianyun (先韵) (e.g., “先燕”) are generally translated as ain and “甸”
to yan. The characters of xieyun (屑韵) (e.g., “窒侄颉”) are frequently translated as yad, yat, or ṛ; and“涅” to ir.
2.1.12 江摄
There are no characters in jiangshe (江摄) in translation.
2.1.13 宕摄 a(ā)ṅ aṁ a(ā)k ag ah
Characters of tangyun (唐韵) (e.g., “傍忙宕”) are generally translated as aṅ, aṁ, or āṁ, all withvelar sound consonants behind them. “谤” is generally translated as ān. Characters of duoyun (铎韵) (e.g.,“莫博薄托铎诺恶乐𠸪”) are generally translated as ak, āk, ag, or ah; “洛” as ak, ag, uk, or āk; and “索”
to ah or aṭ. The characters of yangyun (阳韵) (e.g., “鸯商弶”) are often translated as aṅ, aṁ, or āṁ, all ofwhich have velar sound consonants behind them. “上” can be translated to jan and has g behind it;
however, this assumption may be incorrect and translated otherwise as jaṅ. Characters of yaoyun (药韵)(e.g., “缚斫”) are generally translated as ak; “溺药” as yag or yak; “若” to yag, yav, ai, or aḥ; “铄” to ak
or ar; and “嚩” to āt.
2.1.14 梗摄 yaṅ iṅ a (ā)kThe characters of moyun (陌韵) (e.g., “宅”) are generally translated as av or ak; “棏” (maiyun 麦韵)is translated as ak, 昔韵字; and “释” (xiyun 昔韵) as āk. Characters of qingyun (青韵) (e.g., “丁”) areoften translated as yaṅ and “经” as iṅ, both of which have velar sound consonants behind them. No
characters appear in gengyun (庚韵), gengyun (耕韵), qingyun (清韵), or xiyun (锡韵).
2.1.15 曾摄 iṅ aṅ ik ak
The characters of zhengyun (蒸韵) (e.g., “冰征”) are often translated as iṅ and all have velar soundconsonants g behind them. The characters of shiyun (识韵) (e.g., “识力”) are generally translated as ik
and “式” as iv. The characters of dengyun (登韵) (e.g., “僧登楞”) are frequently translated as saṁ or aṅ,
both of which have either h, g, k, or j behind them. Characters of deyun (德韵) (e.g., “德”) are generallytranslated as ak.
2.1.16 通摄 uk og ok
The characters of wuyun (屋韵) (e.g., “目鹿六”) are generally translated as uk, “独” as og, and “仆”

或問 第 34 号 （2018）62

as ok and uk. There are no characters in dongyun (东韵), zhongyun (钟韵), or zhuyun (烛韵).
2.2 Discussion of finals
In this section, we discuss the finals system in the eastern part of northern China in the early yearsof the Tang dynasty based on the above syllables.
2.2.1 Medial
2.2.1.1 Medial [--]Round-mouth (合口) characters in middle ancient Chinese usually have v in the syllable; forexample, the characters of guoshe (果摄) (e.g., “埵堕莎锁”) are generally translated as va or vā; those ofzhenshe (臻摄) (e.g. , “奔敦酸”) are generally translated as un or van; and “没骨” are often translated as
ud. In addition, characters of yushe (遇摄) and liushe (流摄) are generally translated as u. Therefore, themedial word of round-mouth characters is assumed to be [--].
There is no v in the syllables of some round-mouth characters; they are always labial sounds, suchas the characters of guoshe (果摄) (e.g., “波婆么”), xianshe (咸摄) (e.g., “梵乏”), zhenshe (臻摄) (e.g.,“勃”), shanshe (山摄) (e.g., “搬半盘曼钵跋末”), and zhishe (止摄) (e.g., “微”). A transitional [--] often
appears between the labial sound and the vowel in spelling; as such, the absence of v in syllables isnormal.
In middle ancient Chinese, a contrast in round-mouth and open-mouth characters appears between
zhenyun (真韵) and zhunyun (谆韵), hanyun (寒韵) and huanyun (桓韵), and geyun (歌韵) and geyun(戈韵). It is difficult to determine whether yanyun (严韵) and fanyun (凡韵) are antagonistic. In addition,
it is impossible to judge whether jieyun (皆韵) and guaiyun (夬韵), haiyun (咍韵) and huiyun (灰韵),henyun (痕韵) and hunyun (魂韵), and wenyun (文韵) and xinyun (欣韵) are antagonistic due to a lack ofcharacters.
2.2.1.2 Medial [-i-]j or y in syllables always appear in sandengyun (三等韵), such as in the following translations: “写迦耶也夜喏” as ya or yā; “誓曳𧜟” as je; “树” as yo; “瘐” as yu; “善缮膳演” as jan; “折” as jar, j, or jal;
“羊” as yaṁ; “上” as jan; “尚” as jaṅ; “溺药” as yag or yak; and “若” as yag or yav. Additionally, inzhishe (止摄), zhenshe (臻摄), and zengshe (曾摄), i usually appears in sandengyun. Therefore, themedieval form of sandengyun can be reconstructed as [-i-].
No j or y exists in some syllables of sandengyun when the initial syllable is either a velar sound (见系), palatal sound (庄章系), or labial sound (帮系), as in the following examples: “遮者奢社差” as a orā; “世” to e; “举拘俱区主刍” as u; “咎” as u; “憍乔烧” as au; “金” as um; “湿” as sm; “占苫襵剑” as
am; “文君” as un; “佛弗” as ud; “建健褰旃栴扇” as an; “发伐羯葛” as at; “弶商” as aṅ; or “缚斫铄” asak. K- and c- in Sanskrit sound similar to when the tongue is in a rear position, leading to a transitional
medial [-i-] in the syllable. An exception is “连”, translated as raň; hence, the medial [-i-] in sandengyun

The Finals System of the Tang Dynasty in Northern China…（WANG/ YANG）

63

exists in ancient Chinese.
Sidengyun (四等韵) is often translated as either i, e, or ia. For example, the characters of qiyun (齐韵) are always translated as either i, e, or ai. Those of xianyun (先韵) are translated as either ain or yan;those of xieyun (屑韵) are yat or ir; and those of qingyun (青韵) are either in or yaṅ. No characters are inxiaoyun (萧韵). We assume this phenomenon can be explained by the medial [-i-] in sidengyun. In
medieval Chinese, sandengyun and sidengyun can be translated primarily as either i or e, with a few
translated as ai; accordingly, sandengyun and sidengyun can be merged.
In medieval Chinese, chongniu (重纽) should have a rolling medial [-], such as in the translation of“欹” as kṣe, “绮” as kṣi, “器” as kṣī, and “蜜” as mr．
t. Most chongniu (重纽) are missing the medialsound and are the same as the normal sandengyun and sidengyun, such that “乔” is translated as gau, “憍”
as kau, “密” as miḍ, “金” as kum, “频” as bhin, “紧” as kin, “民” as min, “必” as pit, “毕” as pil, and “吉”as kis.
2.2.2 Main vowels
2.2.2.1 Difference in opening degree of yidengyun (一等韵) and erdengyun (二等韵)Characters in guoshe (果摄) and jiashe (假摄) are all translated as either a or ā. Half the charactersin guoshe (果摄) are translated as a, with the other half translated as ā. Most characters in jiashe (假摄)are translated as a. Those in hanyun (寒韵), huanyun (桓韵), shanyun (山韵), and shanyun (删韵) are alltranslated as either a or ā, but most are yidengyun. There are only six characters of erdengyun (二等韵),similar to tanyun (覃韵), tanyun (谈韵), xianyun (咸韵), and xianyun (衔韵). There are only two
characters of erdengyun (二等韵) in the above yuns (韵). There are no characters of erdengyun (二等韵)in xiaoshe (效摄). Characters in taiyun (泰韵) and huiyun (灰韵) are translated as ay; the levant stresssyllable of the Sanskrit e is ai. The Sanskrit a sounds like either [] or [], whereas ā sounds like either []or []. The opening degree of a is less than ā2. Accordingly, in middle ancient Chinese, the vowel [a] is
between a and ā. Most characters are translated as ā, which sounds like []. The opening degree of
erdengyun is less than a or ā; no such sound exists in Sanskrit. Therefore, characters in yidengyun areusually translated as either a or ā. In middle ancient Chinese, yidengyun is always reconstructed as [],and erdengyun is always reconstructed as [a]. Yidengyun and erdengyun have a different timbre, such thatthe opening degree of erdengyun is less than that of yidengyun.
Characters in xiaoshe (效摄) are always translated as au; few appear as either o or u. O and au areseparate levant stress syllables of u. Yidengyun in xiaoshe (效摄) and xieshe (蟹摄) are usually translated
as ai. The main vowel of dangshe (宕摄) is always translated as either a or ā, the same as in shanshe (山摄), xianshe (咸摄), xiaoshe (效摄), and xieshe (蟹摄). In this case, yidengyun is [], and erdengyun is[a].
Characters in yushe (遇摄) are usually translated as either u or ū with few appearing as au or o. As

或問 第 34 号 （2018）64

noted above, o and au are separate levant stress syllables of u; hence, yidengyun in yushe (遇摄) should
be u. Characters in liushe (流摄) are often translated as either u or ū. Liushe evolved in disyllabificationfrom the ancient ages to the Middle Ages, but no ou exists in Sanskrit; therefore, yushe is most oftentranslated as either u or ū. Liushe contains a compound vowel, so its yidengyun is always reconstructed as[u]. The main vowel of tongshe (通摄) is usually translated as either u or o, such that yidengyun can bereconstructed as [u].
The main vowel in zhenshe (臻摄) is always translated as either u or i; no characters appear inyidengyun and erdengyun. The open-mouth sandengyun is always translated as , whereas the remaining
round-mouth characters are always translated as u; therefore, the round-mouth yidengyun is always
reconstructed as [-u], and the open-mouth sandengyun is always reconstructed as [-]. Only one
character “金" in shenshe (深摄) is translated as um. Very few characters in xianshe (咸摄) (e.g., “耽昙覃剑”) are also translated as um. For this reason, we assume that the syllable um may not exist in
Chinese, which would explain why monks used xianshe and shenshe as a translation of um instead.
Xianshe should be reconstructed as [-m], and shenshe should be reconstructed as [-im], both of which
are similar to um. The open-mouth nature of zengshe (曾摄) and gengshe (梗摄) is always translated aseither a or ā, identical to dangshe (宕摄) with low-pitched sounds translated as . Zengshe and gengshe
are combined in the Song dynasty (宋代). Yidengyun in sengshe should thus be reconstructed as [-],and erdengyun in gengshe should be reconstructed as [-] to differentiate dangshe.
There are no characters in jiangshe (江摄) because the sound of erdengyun is quite different from aor ā in Sanskrit. By contrast, zengshe, gengshe, and dangshe can each be translated as either a or ā.
Characters in zhishe (止摄) are always translated as  or ; there is no difference between zhiyun (支韵),zhiyun (脂韵), or zhiyun (之韵). This phenomenon is the same as in Fanqie (反切) in the rhythmic
dictionary, wherein e is the levant stress syllable of i; accordingly, the main vowel of zhishe should bereconstructed as [-].
2.2.2.2 Chongyun (重韵)In middle ancient Chinese, chongyun (重韵) existed in yidengyun, such as in the translation oftanyun (谈) as am and tanyun (覃) as either am or um. Similarly, um was always translated as qinyun (侵韵). Examples of this pattern are rare, but similar instances appear in material from the same period. The
transliteration of Saṃgha-Pāla (僧伽婆罗3) displays a pattern in which tanyun (谈) and tanyun (覃韵) areeach translated as either am or um. The characters translated as um are largely tanyun (覃韵) compared toonly one character of tanyun (谈韵). Characters in qinyun (侵韵) are usually translated as m. The
transliteration of Bukong (不空4) displays a phenomenon wherein tanyun (覃韵) is translated as either
am or om, tanyun (谈韵) as am, and qinyun (侵韵) as either im or um. The transliteration of Xuanzang(玄奘5) also exhibits this phenomenon; tanyun (谈) and tanyun (覃) are each translated as am, similar toThe Finals System of the Tang Dynasty in Northern China…（WANG/ YANG）

65

qinyun (侵韵) translated as [-]. The transliteration of Bodhiruci (菩提流志6) exhibited a related
phenomenon where tanyun (覃) could be translated as either am, um, or om with tanyun (谈韵) translated
as am; there is no qinyun (侵韵).
These patterns suggest that tanyun (覃韵) has a smaller degree of open-mouth formation thantanyun (谈韵). Tanyun (覃韵) sounds like the lips are more rounded, similar to qinyun (侵韵). In the
pre-Qin period, tanyun (谈韵) and tanyun (覃韵) each belong to qinbu (侵部). Tanyun (覃韵) has stoodon its own since the Wei dynasty and Jin dynasty when it became similar to tanyun (谈韵). During theSong dynasty, tanyun (谈韵) and tanyun (覃韵) became the same. Therefore, we can reconstruct tanyun(覃韵) as[-m]. Chongyun (重韵) likely indicates that the main vowel is quite different in height; forinstance, the difference between yidengyun and erdengyun is the front and back position of the main
vowel. Most chongyun (重韵) merge except for tanyun (谈韵) and tanyun (覃韵), as in the translations ofxianyun (咸韵) and xianyun (衔韵) as am compared to shanyun (山韵) and shanyun (删韵) as an, similar
to Yijing.
Therefore, we believe chongyun (重韵) reflects a phonetic phenomenon within the dialect rather
than an overlap between the phonology of northern and southern dialects. Chongyun (重韵) diminishedmore quickly in the north than in the south, but it has been retained in some cases.
2.2.3 Consonant endings
2.2.3.1 Consonant endings [-p], [-t], [-k]In middle ancient Chinese, entering tone rhyme endings can be divided into three categories: thelabial final consonant translated as ap, ab, av, uv, or m (e.g., “摄” as yap, reconstructed as [-p]); the apical
final consonant as il, ir, il, is, iś, it, iṭ, id, iḍ, ic, ud, ut, ur, uṣ, ar, ad, al, aś, as, ac, aj, ar, or aṭ (e.g., “卒” asut, reconstructed as [-t]); and the velar sound final consonant to ik, ak, og, ok, ak, ag, or ah (e.g., “索” asah, reconstructed as [-k]). The place of articulation of each entering tone is the same; only the method ofpronunciation is different. Besides plosives, there are also fricative, liquid, nasal, and lateral sounds. In
translation, the ending of the entering tone is only related to the articulation part at the back.
There are some exceptions in which the entering tone rhyme endings of different articulation parts
are mixed, such as “答” as aḍ, “叱“ as ap, “栗 (㗚)” as ik or g, “逹喇曷” as ah or ak, and “萨” as ab.
Other examples include “索” as aṭ, “若” as yav or ai , “铄” as ar, “嚩” as āt, and “宅” as av. Most
exceptions are blends of velar and apical sounds. Although the three rhyme endings are distinct, somecharacters have become [-].
2.2.3.2 Consonant endings [-], [-], [-]There are three nasal endings: the labial final consonant translated as am, a
．, or um (e.g., “耽昙” asum or am, reconstructed as [-]); the apical final consonant as in, uṇ, uṇ, uñ, añ, an, or aṇ (e.g., “因紧”
as in, reconstructed as [-]); and the velar sound final consonant as aṅ, aṁ, or iṅ (e.g., “鸯” as āṅ,

或問 第 34 号 （2018）66

reconstructed as [-]).
There are exceptions of nasal endings that enter the tone rhyme endings of different mixed
articulation parts, including “南占” as an; “𦘴” as um．; “谤” as ān, and “僧” as saṁ (e.g., saṁjīvani as 僧
侍伐儞). The repetition may be due to the fact that nasal endings are more stable than entering tone
rhyme endings.

2.3 Table of finals
The following table is based on the phonetic features described in the preceding analysis. Finals of
the northern Eastern dialect in the mid-Tang dynasty are presented comprehensively and include the leveltones only rather than all four tones.
Table 1: Table of finals.
歌[]戈

豪[u] (肴[u][u] )(戈[i]宵 (萧)[iu])[u]咍 (泰) [] (灰覃[-m]谈

[u])[]佳皆夬[] [u]咸衔[]祭 (废) 齐盐严凡 (添)[][u][i]寒[]桓[u]山删[] [u]唐[][u]

元仙先阳[i][iu][i][iu](庚耕麻[] [u][-][-u])(江[-])麻[i](清) 青[-][-]模[](东冬[-u]钟

鱼虞[][-u])(痕[-]) 魂

侯[u]

支脂之微

尤 (幽)

侵[-im][][-u]

登[-][-u]真臻文欣 (谆)蒸[-][u][-][-u]

3. Comparison of characters between Yijing (义净), Bukong (不空), and Xuanzang (玄奘)With regard to certain aspects of characters compared among Yi Jing, Bu Kong, and Xuan Zang, theidentified differences were not especially noteworthy due to having a similar finals system. The following
section presents a case study of rhyme and characters between Yi Jing and Xuan Zang.
Table 2: Shared rhyme and characters between Yijing and Xuanzang.
Sanskrit
pronunciation

Ancient rhyme

Characters for translation

The Finals System of the Tang Dynasty in Northern China…（WANG/ YANG）

a 或 ā

歌戈麻韵

多他陀婆摩遮阇奢i, ī 或 e止摄及蟹摄三等离支斯尸私尼利鸡提泥逝世

ye 或 je祭韵誓曳u, ū, o 或 au遇摄, 效摄

句具树奴邬憍布慕乔骚an, yan 或 jan

山摄安兰难连建健缮膳

un

文魂韵

奔孙

aṁ 或 a阳唐韵鸯商am 或 um侵谈覃严盐韵

金占三滥琰

at, ad, ar 或 av曷没末黠辖月薛韵怛逹曷末刹ur, ud 或 ul

术物没韵

弗佛嗢

il, id 或 it

质屑韵

毕质悉室栗

ak, ag 或 ah铎药陌麦昔德韵

达剌

ap 或 av

盍叶合韵

答沓纳腊摄

67

Based on the above comparison, the patterns are generally the same; however, differences 7 in rhyme
and characters were notable in some cases, including the following. Consider an example of a level tone
instead of shangsheng (上声), along with a falling tone and entering tone.
3.1 Qingyun (青韵)Xuanzang translated zhengyun (蒸韵) (e.g., “殑”) as aṁ or a. Moreover, zhengyun (蒸韵) (e.g.,“矜兴陵”) can be translated as either iṁ(k) or i. Qingyun (青韵) (e.g., “瓶”) can be translated as veṅg.
Yijing used zhengyun (蒸韵) as in 冰征 and qingyun (青韵) (e.g., “经”) translated as iṅ(g). Qingyun (青韵) (e.g., “丁”) can be translated as yaṅ(g). Bukong translated zhengyun (蒸韵) (e.g., 冰僧应仍) as iñ或
iṁ. Additionally, zhengyun (蒸韵) (e.g., “殑媵陵”) can be translated as añ, and qingyun (青韵) (e.g., “铭冥定宁”) can be translated as i, ī, e, or ai. Apart from sandengyun and sidengyun in yangyun (阳韵),Yijing also translated qingyun (青韵) (e.g., “丁”) as yaṁ, and Xuanzang translated yangyun (阳韵) asyaṁ.
Xuanzang, Yijing, and Bukong all used zhengyun (蒸韵) to translate sandengyun and sidengyun8,
whereas transcriptions of qingyun reflect a different situation. The main vowel translations of qingyun (青韵) are diverse, spanning i, ī, ya, ai, or e. There is no medial i in sidengyun of Xuanzang; rather, monks
use zhengyun (蒸韵) to translate i instead of qingyun (青韵). Yet a medial i appears in sandengyun andsidengyun of Yijing and Bukong; the main vowels of sidengyun has a small degree of aperture. Moreover,in Bukong‟s dialect, there is no nasal ending in qingyun (青韵); as such, monks use qingyun (青韵)translated as i, ī, e, or ai.

或問 第 34 号 （2018）68

3.2 Jueyun (觉韵)Yijing used yaoyun (药韵) (e.g., “溺药若”) to translate yak; there is no jueyun (觉韵) in translation.
Xuanzang used yaoyun (药韵) (e.g., “药缚勺”) or jueyun (觉韵) (e.g., “藐”) to translate yak. Bukong
used jueyun (觉韵) (e.g., “浊濯”) to translate o or oc and yaoyun (药韵) (e.g., “药弱略”) to translate ak,ah．
, or yak. There is no difference between these three translations of yaoyun (药韵), but there is adistinction in jueyun (觉韵).
The phonetic system of Bukong clearly reflects a difference between jiangyun (江韵), yangyun (阳韵), and tangyun (唐韵), but it is hard to detect in Yijing‟s and Xuanzang's phonology. Considering thatdangshe (宕摄) and jiangshe (江摄) are combined in the Song dynasty and the Yuan dynasty, we think adifference persists between jiangyun (江韵) and the other yangyun (阳韵) and tangyun (唐韵). There isno difference between them in the pronunciation of jiangyun (江韵). Xuanzang used jueyun (觉韵) totranslate yak because the sounds of jueyun (觉韵) are similar to yaoyun9 (药韵).
3.3 Several characters in zhishe (止摄), xieshe (蟹摄), and yushe (遇摄)In addition, Xuanzang used part of the apical, namely sandengyun in zhishe (止摄) and xieshe (蟹摄), to translate a such as 铩, 缡, 稚, 厘, and 祛. Yijing did precisely the opposite, using only guoshe(果摄) and jiashe (假摄) to translate as Bukong did. Exceptions include translating 溪 as kha and 语 as ga.
Besides sandengyun of mayun ( 麻 韵 ) (e.g., “ 遮 车 阇 奢 赊 耶 ”), Xuanzang used erdengyun andsandengyun of zhishe (止摄) and xieshe (蟹摄) to translate ja, ya, or yā. Yijing used mayun (麻韵) totranslate in an identical manner as Bukong (e.g., 耶也喏夜).
By comparing these characters, we can see that yuyun (鱼韵) differs from yuyun (虞韵) in
XuanZang and Bukong‟s dialects. Regarding individual exceptions, the opening degree of zhishe (止摄)in Xuanzang's phonetic system seems slightly larger than that of Yijing and Bukong. The rhyme (i.e.,characters) translated as i, ī, e, yak, a, ja, ya, and yā are slightly different given the disparities between
the three phonetic systems in the medial i of sidengyun, nasal ending, differences between yuyun (虞韵)and yuyun (鱼韵), and degree of opening aperture.

4. Conclusion
Comparing Yijing with Xuanzang and Bukong in the same period, we believe the eastern dialects in
the Tang dynasty were nearly the same as those in the northwest and Central Plains of China 10. The vowel
system of the three was highly similar but displayed subtle differences: the nasal ending of the northwest
phonology appeared to diminish, whereas entering endings of the northwest dialect and eastern dialects
remained relatively stable. The Central Plains sounds were the most unclear in consonant endings;There‟sno medial i exists in sidengyun in the Central Plains dialect. However, sandengyun and sidengyun werecombined in the northwest and eastern dialects, each including a medial i. There are no differences

The Finals System of the Tang Dynasty in Northern China…（WANG/ YANG）

69

among zhiyun (支韵), zhiyun (脂韵), and zhiyun (之韵) in the three dialects, although there is anindividual retroflex medial of chongniu (重纽). Most chongniu (重纽) are the same as the other ordinary
words along with chongyun (重韵) of tanyun (覃韵) and tanyun (谈韵) in the northwest and easterndialects. Chongyun (重韵) may also persist in the dialect of the Central Plains11.

Reference
Kun Dong and Zheng Feng.董琨 冯蒸 edited 2005. Yinshi xinlun : qingzhu Shao Rongfen xiansheng
bashi shouchen xueshu lunwen ji 《音史新论——庆祝邵荣芬先生八十寿辰学术论文集》,The
Academy Press,Beijing.
W.South Coblin.1991. A survey of Yijing’s transcriptional corpus 《义净梵汉对音探讨》,Yuyan
yanjiu1991.1.
Guanghe Liu.刘广和.2002. Yinyun bijiao yanjiu《音韵比较研究》,published by China Radio Film & TV
Press,Beijing.
Guanghe Liu.刘广和.2002 Research on Chinese Medials in Sanskrit–Chinese Translation《介音问题的梵汉对音研究》,Guhanyu Yanjiu2002.2。
Jianqiang Li.李建强.2015 A study of the Transcriptions in Amogha-pāśa Dhāraṇi and Sumukha Dhāraṇi
by Bodhiruci《菩提流志译<不空羂索咒心经><护命法门神咒经>咒语对音研究》Yuyan yanjiu
2015.2.
Xiangdong Shi.施向东.1983 Xuanzang yizhu zhong de Fan-Han duiyin he Tangchu zhongyuan fangyin《玄奘译著中的梵汉对音和唐初中原方音》，Yuyan yanjiu 1983.1.
Siqi Wang.王思齐.2015 The Initials System of Tang Dynasty in Northern China Reflected by ―Foshuo
Dakongque Mingwang Jing‖ (佛说大孔雀明王经) Translated By Yijing (义净) 《义净译<佛说大孔
雀 明 王 经 > 中 的 唐 代 北 方 方 言 声 母 系 统 》 ， Historical and Philological Studies of China’s
Western2015.8,published by Science Press,Beijing.
Yijing.义净. Mahā-mayūrīvidyārājan.《佛说大孔雀明王经》,Taisho-pitaka《大正藏》985,459-477.
Zhiping Yuchi.尉迟治平.1985 Lun Suitang chang’anyin he luoyangyin de shengmuxitong—jianda Liu
Guanghe tongzhi 《论隋唐长安音和洛阳音的声母系统——兼答刘广和同志》，Yuyan yanjiu1985.2.
Zhiping Yuchi.尉迟治平.1982 Zhousui chang’an fangyin chutan 《周隋长安方音初探》,Yuyan
yanjiu1982.2.
Zanning 赞 宁 .1987. Buddhist Biography of Song Dynasty 《 宋 高 僧 传 》 , Zhonghua Book
Company,Beijing.

摘要：本文以义净翻译的《佛说大孔雀明王经》中的梵汉对音材料为研究对象，讨论唐代北方方言的韵母系统。我们认为，相较于《切韵》音系，唐代中期北方东部方言发生了若干语音变化，
如支脂之无别，入声产生喉塞音韵尾，三四等合并有[-i]介音，个别重纽字仍保留卷舌介音，残存
一等覃谈重韵等等。唐代北方东部方言与西北，中原等音系在阳声韵尾，四等介音等方面存在一定的区别。

或問 第 34 号 （2018）70

关键词：义净；《佛说大孔雀明王经》；梵汉对音；韵母；中古音；
Wang Siqi: Lecturer, Faculty of Chinese Language and Culture,Guangdong University of Foreign
Studies. Contact information: 886-13825113562 201710027@oamail.gdufs.edu.cn
Yang Shuaike: Lecturer, Faculty of Chinese Language and Culture,Guangdong University ofForeign Studies.

1

智 is the character of zhiyun 支韵，帝 is the character of qiyun 齐韵. At the bottom of the word, there arefanqie (反切) “贞励反”, which is the character of jiyun 祭韵; there is no such fanqie in guangyun《广韵》andjiyun《集韵》.
2

Found in Xiangdong Shi.施向东.1983” Xuanzang yizhu zhong de Fan-Han duiyin he Tangchu zhongyuan

fangyin” 《玄奘译著中的梵汉对音和唐初中原方音》，Yuyan yanjiu 1983.1, Guanghe Liu.刘广和.2002.”
Yinyun bijiao yanjiu” 《音韵比较研究》,published by China Radio Film & TV Press,Beijing,p271.
3Found in Guanghe Liu.刘广和.2005.” Yinshi xinlun : qingzhu Shao rongfen xiansheng bashi shouchen

xueshu lunwen ji” 《音史新论——庆祝邵荣芬先生八十寿辰学术论文集》,The Academy Press,Beijing,p214.
4Found in Guanghe Liu.刘广和.2002.” Yinyun bijiao yanjiu” 《音韵比较研究》,published by China Radio

Film & TV Press,Beijing,p51.
5Found in Xiangdong Shi.施向东.1983” Xuanzang yizhu zhong de Fan-Han duiyin he Tangchu zhongyuan

fangyin” 《玄奘译著中的梵汉对音和唐初中原方音》，Yuyan yanjiu 1983.1.
6

Found in Jianqiang Li.李建强.2015” A study of the Transcriptions in Amogha-pāśa Dhāraṇi and SumukhaDhāraṇi by Bodhiruci” 《菩提流志译<不空羂索咒心经><护命法门神咒经>咒语对音研究》Yuyan yanjiu
2015.2,p59.
7

Xuanzang(玄奘) used jieyun (皆韵) (e.g., 崽) sandengyun in zhishe (止摄) and xieshe (蟹摄) to translate e.

There is no jieyun (皆韵) in Yijing‟s translation. Xuanzang used haiyun (咍韵) and feiyun (废韵) to translate ai
or ay, but there is no haiyun (咍韵) and feiyun (废韵) in Yijing‟s translation. Yijing used xianyun (先韵) (e.g.,先燕) to translate yan or ain; however, Xuanzang used xianyun (先韵) (e.g., 田颠) to translate yan with no ain.
This difference is not discussed in the text.
8

The zhengyun of Xuanzang‟s dialect is translated as yidengyun and erdengyun as explained in Xiangdong Shi

施向东 (1983).
9

Based on Xiangdong Shi 施向东 (1983), yaoyun 药韵 is constructed as [-], and jueyun 觉韵 is constructed

as [-], which sound similar.
10

The northwest sound is based on Guanghe Liu 刘广和 (1982/2002); the sound of the Central Plains isbased on Xiangdong Shi 施向东 (1983).
11

The pronunciation of Bodhiruci 菩提流志 is the same as this paper; there is no chongyun (重韵) in theearlier pronunciation of Xuanzang(玄奘).