目次 1

Contents

目次 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1「創刊号発行によせて」田中かず子 ------------------------------------------------------------------------3
研究論文
性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌（日本語概要 27）
イ・ヒャンジン ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------7
語りえないことへの呼びかけ : タイ文学に見るレイプの語り（日本語概要 49-50）
チュティア・プラガットウティサーン ------------------------------------------------------------------29
インドにおけるジェンダー表象概論（日本語概要 65-66）
パルタサラティ・ラジャラクシュミ ---------------------------------------------------------------------51
フィールドレポート
視線の政治：見られる・消費される女性のイメージ
深澤純子 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------67
日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化：新しいジェンダーを求めて
村瀬ひろみ ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------77
アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障：女性と教育（日本語概要 108）
田中真奈 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------93
書評
書評：川橋範子・黒木雅子 著『混在するめぐみ：ポストコロニアル時代の宗教とフェミニズム』
加藤恵津子 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------109

2005 年度 CGS 活動報告
国際ワークショップ 2005
アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー：人文科学の視点 ---------------------------------117
働く女性の日米ワークショッププロジェクト --------------------------------------------------------145
2005 年度ジェンダー研究センター（CGS）活動報告 ----------------------------------------------161

CGS 2006 年度活動予定・付記 ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 171

2Contents--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1
On the Inaugural Issue
Kazuko Tanaka-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------3
Research Articles
Representing Sex and Sexuality : Requiem for Mother
Hyangjin Lee---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------7
Naming the Unspeakable : Representing Rape in Thai Literature
Chutima Pragatwutisarn----------------------------------------------------------------------------------29
An Overview of Gender Representation in India
Parthasarathy Rajalakshmi-------------------------------------------------------------------------------51
Field Reports
The Politics of Gaze : on the Relationship of Seeing/Being Seen(English Abstract 76)
Junko Fukazawa---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------67
Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? : Transitions in the Characterization of Female
Figures in Japanese ʻAnimeʼ (English Abstract 89-91)
Hiromi Murase-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------77
Gender and Human Security in Asia : Women and Education
Mana Tanaka-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------93
Book Reviews
Kawahashi, Noriko and Masako Kuroki
Mixed Blessings: Feminism and Religion in the Postcolonial Age
Etsuko Kato-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------109
Activity Reports
International Workshop 2005
Human Security and Gender in Asia: Perspectives from the Humanities-------------------117
The US-Japan Working Womenʼ s Workshop Project---------------------------------------------145
ICU Center for Gender Studies（CGS）AY 2005 Activity Report------------------------------161
CGS AY 2006 Activity Schedule and Notes----------------------------------------------------- 171

「創刊号発行によせて」 3

On the Inaugural Issue

創刊号発行によせてセンター長 田中かず子
国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター（CGS）は、2004 年 4 月に設立されたばかりですが、設立２年目にしてＣＧＳジャーナル『ジェンダー＆セクシュアリティ』の創刊号を発行することができました。これは、ひとえに CGS の活動に尽力してくださった皆さまのおかげであると深く感謝申し上げます。

CGS ジャーナル『ジェンダー＆セクシュアリティ』の発行に際し、私たちは三つの大きな
夢を掲げました。一つは、アジアから新しい知見を創造し発信する「場」となるように、このジャーナルを育てていくということ。日本では、ジェンダー ･ セクシュアリティ研究の領域においても、他の多くの学問と同様に、欧米研究者による研究成果を翻訳し消費することにおわれ、日本における研究を積み上げてその成果を海外に問うていく努力が少なかったといえます。
その一方で、隣国のアジア諸国・地域の情報は少なく、ほとんど知らないにもかかわらず、そのことに困惑することもなかったのです。つまり、西欧中心の知の体系を、私たちはしっかり内面化してきたということです。急速にグローバル化が進む現在、もはや一国内で問題を解決することはできなくなってきました。私たちはこの西欧中心主義を相対化し、アジアから新しい知を創造し世界に向けて発信していく決意をするにいたりました。
二つ目は、上記の目標を達成するために、日本の、そしてアジア諸国の研究者・研究所・

NGO などの研究活動をネットワーク化し、情報の交換や共同研究などを推進していく「場」となること。日本の大学にある女性学・ジェンダー研究関連の研究所やセンターは、その数が非常に限られていますが、にもかかわらず連携体制が未だできていません。日本女性学会など
関連学会もありますが、ジェンダー・セクシュアリティ研究の研究者たちが活発に議論し研磨していく「場」とはなっていません。すばらしい研究成果を出しておられる研究者は沢山おられますが、私たちはその研究成果を積みあげていくための工夫が必要です。西欧中心主義的知の体系を相対化していくためには、日本の中で、またアジアにおいて、研究者や活動家が活発な議論ができるネットワークを作っていく必要があります。
三つ目は、ジェンダー・セクシュアリティ研究をエリーティズムに陥らせないために、理論と実践、研究者と活動家を積極的に橋渡ししていくこと。当事者が直面している現実を理解し、研究者自身の問題として知的想像力を駆使することで、より深い理論枠組みの構築を可能にします。また理論の汎用性を、現場において試すことも必要です。CGS ジャーナルは、研究者や活動家に、そのような理論と実践の協働作業の場を提供することをめざします。

4

CGS ジャーナルは二部構成で、前半の研究部門は、ジェンダー・セクシュアリティ研究における実証研究や理論的考察などの研究論文に、後半のフィールド部門は、活動家によるケー
ススタディや国内外のジェンダー関連活動報告など、実践の場での情報提供にあてられます。
さまざまな領域の専門家同士が、また研究者と活動家が一緒に論じる特集を組むなど、活発に議論することができる「場」をつくっていくことを今後の課題にしたいと考えております。
この CGS ジャーナルは、だれでもどこからでもアクセスできる電子ジャーナルとして、

CGS のウェブページに掲載されます。使用言語は、日本語と英語の二語に限られておりますが、
いずれ ICT の発展により言語変換ソフトの開発がすすめば、簡単に母国語へ変換することができる日がくるのではないかと期待しております。この CGS ジャーナルを、おもしろい議論ができる「場」となるように、皆さまと一緒に育てていきたいと考えておりますので、論文や記事の投稿をよろしくお願いいたします。

「創刊号発行によせて」 5

On the Inaugural Issue

On the Inaugural Issue
Kazuko Tanaka, CGS Director
The ICU Center for Gender Studies (CGS) is proud to present the inaugural issue of
its journal, Gender and Sexuality. The successful completion of this publication, in only
the second year since CGS was established in April 2004, could not have been achieved
without the continuing support and encouragement we received from many people.
On behalf of the Center, I would like to thank all those who have supported CGS in its
activities so far.
Gender and Sexuality has three ultimate objectives. Firstly, we aim to develop ajournal which is central to the generation and transmission of fresh knowledge andinnovative studies from an Asian perspective. Gender and Sexuality Studies in Japan,
like many other academic fields here, has so far been largely preoccupied with thetranslation and consumption of work by Western researchers. Consequently, there
have been few concerted attempts to build on research in Japan and to convey itoverseas. Compounded with an unabashed ignorance of our Asian neigbours, wehave thus internalized Western paradigms. In this world of rapid globalization, it has
become increasingly diﬃcult to resolve problems within one country. This is why CGS isfirmly resolved in its aim to produce innovative research from Asia which we can thendisseminate to the rest of the world.
Secondly, to further the above objective, we also aim to promote informationexchange and collaborative research through the creation of networks among scholars,
activists, research centers, and NGOs in Japan as well as in Asia. There is still little coordination or co-operation between the small number of institutes for Womenʼ s
Studies or Gender studies at Japanese universities. Although there are related societies
such as the Women's Studies Association of Japan, there is no place where scholars ofGender and Sexuality can debate freely and refine their research. We need a means toaccumulate and build on the admirable research which continues to be produced here.
In order to relativize the 'Western-centered knowledge paradigm', scholars and activists
in Japan and in Asia must create networks for dynamic debate.
Our third goal is to serve as a bridge between scholars and activists, theory andpractice, in order to prevent Gender and Sexuality Studies from succumbing to the6trap of elitism. Learning of the issues faced by real people gives researchers a personal
perspective on problems from which point they can then freely exercise their intellectual
imaginations . This ultimately enables the creation of more meaningful, profound,theoretical frameworks. Moreover, it is also necessary to test the applicability of theories
in actual practice. The CGS journal aims to provide a space for such collaborative work
between theory and practice by researchers and activists.
The journal is structured in two parts – the Research Section features empiricalresearch and theoretical studies in Gender and Sexuality; the Fieldwork Section oﬀers
information from the field, with case studies by activists and reports on gender-related
activities both within and outside Japan. Through this journal we hope to create an
active forum which brings together specialists, scholars, and activists from diverse fields.
The CGS journal will also be available online on our website for easy access by
anybody, anywhere. For now, the languages of the journal are restricted to Japaneseand English, but we hope that ICT will continue to develop so that perhaps one day
translation into any language will be a more simple procedure. We look forward toreceiving many articles and papers to develop the journal into a dynamic forum forstimulating debate.

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 7
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Mother

Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Mother1
Hyangjin Lee
As an effective medium of cultural criticism, film communicates the conflicting
ideas of people regarding their changing social environments and human relations.
This study adopts a cross-cultural analysis of Japanese and Korean cinemas, in order toevaluate the characteristics of gender representation in South Korea from an East Asian
cultural perspective. With their close historical relationships, a comparison of Japaneseand Korean cinemas merits a special discussion for this study. In particular, the sharedʻConfucianʼ cultural traditions, the rapid Westernization process driven by external

forces and the intensive years of state-led modernisation mark the contexts in whichthese cinematic discourses are situated. A critical examination of the cinematic parodies
of cultural discontinuity and negotiation patterns of contemporary Japanese torn
between the ideals of familiarity and foreignness in their daily lives, therefore, provides
a balanced understanding of transitional Korean identity in recent years.
Four films were chosen for this study, two Japanese and two Korean nonsensicalcomedies about the unpredictable behaviour of ordinary people who contradict
themselves because of their commitment to traditional community-oriented humanrelationships and because of their exposure to or pursuit of ʻWesternʼ ideals. The firstpair of films are The Funeral (Ososhiki, 1984) and Tampopo (1986) by Itami J ūzō, thegreat Japanese film satirist. The counterparts of these films are Farewell, My Darling by
Haksaeng Bugun Shinwi (1996) and 301, 302 (1996) by Park Chulsoo. Park, one of themost prominent South Korean directors, also enjoys an international reputation as a film
satirist.
Both Itamiʼ s The Funeral and Parkʼ s Farewell, My Darling are comic dramas about thedeath of a father and the following family reunion. The various incidents amongst
the people attending funerals and their behaviours and attitudes tend to allow ananthropological observation of the particular contexts. Directing the five-day funeralprocedure in the form of a cinematic diary from the hearing of the news, Itami andPark show the transformations of women ʼ s roles based upon the needs of societies
in transition and the vulneribvility of womenʼ s positions from a male subjective pointof view. The secondary roles of women in conducting the family rituals succinctly

8reconstructed in the films express how the ideals of ʻharmoniousʼ familial relationships
are exploited to stabilise and embellish the patriarchal system based on the sacrifice of
women. The narrators of the films, the eldest son in Farewell, My Darling and the eldest
son-in-law in The Funeral, introduce the hidden family histories, appropriating the
suﬀering of mother and daughter (in-law). Although the two men are supposed to be
the chief mourners in the funerals according to old customs, their detached voices let
the audiences scrutinise the oppressive aspects of ʻidealʼ human relationships cultivatedby the traditional norms of society.
Tampopo and 301, 302 use food as a central vehicle to represent the alienation of
women in the family structure and in society. In Tampopo the central figure is a woman
who, in order to succeed her late husband in the family business, desperately seeks toperfect the art of cooking noodles. In 301, 302 the main characters are two women who
struggle for their own identities freed from traditional ideological constraints. In contrast
to the heroine in Tampopo, who successfully transforms herself in harmony with her
environment, the two women in 301, 302 isolate themselves from their own families andsociety. Ultimately, they destroy their lives through their bizarre and excessive obsession
with food and cooking.
In discussing transitional identity in contemporary Japan and Korea represented in
the four films, this study focuses on womenʼ s sexuality and role conflicts represented
from male subjective points of view. The creative and experimental imaginations of
Itami and Park in interpreting family melodramatic assets in Japanese and Koreancinematic traditions are encapsulated in the symbolic usage of food by, and division of
space between, the diﬀerent genders. The various images of heroines portrayed frommale subjective points of view disclose the contradictory needs of the patriarchy inadopting the ideals of tradition and modernity. Especially, the motifs of food combinedwith the codes and conventions of sexuality are used to express the absurdity of thecolonial and post-colonial experiences of the two peoples who seek to cope with thechanges. A critical examination of Itamiʼs and Parkʼs works focusing on the issues related
to male subjectivity in interrogating womenʼ s problems, therefore, allows the researcher
to evaluate the two national cinemas as vital forms of social representation responding
to changing cultural values in the respective countries.

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 9
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Mother

Representing Sexuality and Male Subjectivity
Sexuality is socially constructed and maintained in symbolic relations. It functions“as a malleable feature of self, a prime connecting point between body, self-identity

and social norms” (Giddens, 1993:15). Also, sexuality is defined “as being ʻby natureʼ :a domain susceptible to pathological processes, and hence one calling for therapy
or normalizing interventions; a field of meanings to decipher; the site of processes
concealed by specific mechanisms ” (Foucault, 1979: 68). As Foucault points out in The
History of Sexuality, civilization in modern social life has achieved, through “discipline
power,” a control of basic inner drives. In modern social institutions, such as prisons andasylums, discipline power, just as within families, has produced “docile bodies” (Foucault,
1977). The bodies and sexuality of women as the powerless are produced by the desiresof the patriarch, the subject of discipline power. Since “power produces; it produces
reality; it produces domains of objects and rituals of truth ” (Foucault, 1977: 194),
sexuality as part of reality reveals the power relations in a society. Furthermore, power isthe multiplicity of force relations and is ubiquitous. Power also includes the plurality ofresistance emerging from a complex strategic situation in a particular society throughdiscourses and discursive practices. Reality expressed by “docile bodies” , therefore,
inherits the forces of resistance from below.
From a traditional Confucian view, a female body is the property of the patriarch,
serving his procreative needs. Her existence is acknowledged through her biologicalreproductive functions, and her sexuality must be concealed as his private domain.
Therefore, the ideals of womanhood, such as virginity, chastity, sacrifice and endurance,
identify his claim to her body (Hogarth, 1996). Furthermore, the biological diﬀerences
between men and women are used to foster their sexuality and gender identity througha set of stereotypes, such as spontaneity vs. passivity, and superiority vs. inferiority.
In this discriminative identification process, womenʼ s sexuality is situated within ahierarchical order in familial society, and their sexual desires must not be open to public
discourse. Also, their bodies should remain within the oﬃcial social institutions, such as
marriage and family.
In this sense, the representation of womenʼ s bodies and their sexuality, retained
as they are by patriarchal power, means breaking the rules of silence. To avoid
confrontation with such Confucian ideals, filmmakers, therefore, need a “dirty” body to10satisfy male fantasies and fetishist desires. She must be a “corrupted” woman disownedby the patriarch, i.e., either a prostitute or a divorcee. Her image is often associatedwith heavy make-up, revealing short skirts, large earrings and accessories, and smoking
and drinking in public places. Through these discriminating dress codes, the corrupted
woman reinforces the ideals of the virtuous woman who emphasises virginity andchastity. Sexuality inscribed by Confucian family politics is probably one of the burning
issues in creating new identities in contemporary Korea. Given this basis, my discussionof the two films made by Park will focus on the relations between male subjectivity andidentity questioning in re-asserting or de-mystifying the myth of motherhood througha comparison with Itamiʼ s works.
The Vanished Mother in 301. 302 and the Returned Mother in Tampopo
The destructive lives of the heroines in 301.302 are ascribed to their rejection of“motherhood” . In the opening scenes, two little girls talk about their mothers. The

camera is within the little girlsʼ gaze. Facing the camera, they address the camera
directly. Their mothersʼ cooking skills are excellent but they did not like their mothersʼ
food. They want their mothersʼ attention and prefer to be different from their own
mothers. In the first girlʼ s recollection, a luxurious fridge full of instant junk food
represents the image of her mother being absent. The American commercialized fastfood products substitute for her mother. In the latterʼ s, her mother is cutting meatbeside a huge fridge at her stepfatherʼ s butcher shop. Her second marriage has alreadyviolated traditions emphasizing “the chastity of married women” . Blinded by money,
she neglects the stepfatherʼ s sexual abuse of her daughter. Given the female parenting,the girls have refused to reproduce a mothering role. The obsession with cooking
and extreme eating disorders is the resulting development of their perceptions ofmotherhood. The denial of motherhood claims back the female body from the patriarch.
The emancipation of the female body from the patriarch is the symbol of her new sexual
identity, but it is only achieved through the invitation of death.
In contrast, the widow in Tampopo struggles to reclaim her sexuality as a mother.
Without the patriarch she cannot protect her only child from his bullying friends. She
cannot cope with her life without a breadwinner. Goro, a milk truck driver, comes tosubstitute for her late husband. He assumes the role of a surrogate patriarch in her new

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 11
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Motherlife. Her son, Tabo also accepts Goro in his late fatherʼ s place, wearing Goroʼ s cowboy hat
and mimicking his every movement at the dinner table. For the widow, Goro gathers
all the culinary secrets for success, which are only communicated between men. Her
master chefs are from various social backgrounds, such as professional cooks, foodconnoisseurs, a rich businessman, drivers or beggars, none of whom believe that awoman can be a good professional cook. At the hands of men, the heroine is reborn as agreat mother to satisfy the appetites of men̶society.
Mary Ann Doane argues that, “sexuality is most unnatural and achieved only afteran arduous struggle” : “one is not born with sexuality” (1988: 219). The three womenʼ s
struggles result from attempts to re-figure female sexuality constructed and maintainedby a hierarchy within male-dominated societies. In Itamiʼs view, motherhood is a form ofultimately sublimated femininity. It embodies unbounded love and strength to embracea society suﬀering from the retreat of patriarchy. A gangster in a white suit who appears
in the opening scene is a personification of the director: the patriarch of Tampopo. He
acknowledges the presence of the audience behind the camera, stating that “Tampopo
is his film” . “Tampopo” (literally, dandelion) refers not only to his film, but also to his
heroine and his noodle shop. Tampopoʼ s sexual identity as a mother is constructed by
the needs of the patriarch. The close cultural connection between food and the female
body is the main strain in Itamiʼ s representation of motherhood. The sequences in the
hotel room and at the seaside are an imaginary journey by the gangster looking for anatural mother figure in order to provide the gratification of food and sex, similar to ababy being breast-fed. The closing shot of a little boy sucking his motherʼ s breast andbeing nursed in her arms reinforces Itamiʼ s messages. His interpretations of traditions
and modernity in the search for a new identity are tightly enmeshed in Japanese malefantasies of motherhood.
In contrast, in Parkʼ s view, motherhood is an ideological constraint suppressing
womenʼ s lives, restraining her within repressive familial norms. To support this view2,
Park does not idolize the female body through male fantasies in this film3. Rather,he reveals his gaze and appears to confess his insensibility as the dominant sex. The
detective, who is investigating the disappearance of the woman living in flat 302, is the
directorʼ s other self. He visits the two womenʼ s flats. The camera shows him through alittle hole in a door from the woman in flat 301ʼ s point of view and follows him entering

12

the other apartment. The initial camera movements suggest that the subjects of thecameraʼ s gaze are two women and the director reveals himself as the object of theirgaze. In the end, the detective is informed of the secret of the woman who disappearedby the one left. One had killed the other according to the wish of the latter and hadeaten her body. But the closing comment of the film leaves the audience with an open
question: “So…is the two womenʼ s loneliness over?”The titles of the two films imply the social identity of the three women. The two
women in Parkʼ s film are referred to by their flat numbers, 301 and 302. In pre-modern
Korea, patriarchal family relations defined a womanʼs social identity, such as somebodyʼsdaughter/wife/mother. These traditions still govern peopleʼ s perceptions of womenʼ sidentities, except in modern social spaces, such as in a hospital, police station or school.
The woman in 301 is a middle class divorcee and the other in 302 makes a living
writing for women ʼ s magazines. Despite their social and economic independence, their
existence is not acknowledged by the existing familial society. Throughout the wholefilm, the camera completely isolates 301 and 302 from their society.
In contrast, Tampopoʼ s sexuality as a mother secures her social identity. Her bodyis re-created by male desires. Her chef masters change the homely appearance of the
middle-aged housewife into a glamorous, fashionable chef who would not be out ofplace in a trendy womenʼ s magazine. The refurbishing of her noodle bar is equated withbeauty therapy for her body. As a symbolic gesture, they choose the name “Tampopo”
for her newly opened noodle bar. When they remodel Tampopoʼ s appearance and her
noodle bar, they quietly leave the place like the heroes in a Western cowboy film. As
suggested by choosing the name, dandelion, the ideal Japanese womanhood embodies
both strength and femininity: a creative mixture of traditions and modernity (Schilling,
1999: 75)⁴.
The gist of Itamiʼ s representation of food is idolized motherhood: a traditional
motherly figure wearing Western chefʼ s clothes and serving Ramen, the Chineseorigin noodle dish, signifies a newly constructed Japanese identity: their favorite
dish. In this sense, Itamiʼ s motherhood is a modern project expressed in post-modern
representations of food. It emphasizes the fact that the new Japanese identity is still
firmly rooted in long-unuttered traditions.

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 13
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Mother

The close cultural association between women and food inspires the creative
imagination of many male filmmakers in depicting complicated power relations
between the sexes. In “food films” made by male directors, the heroine often underpins
adult sexuality with her extraordinary cooking skills, similar to a mother forming a love
relationship with her child at the early oedipal “oral stage” . For example, in a Mexican
magic realism film, Water for Chocolate (Alfonso Arun, 1996), a Vietnamese film, The
Scent of Green Papaya (Anh Hung Tran, 1994), and recent French films, Chocolat (Lasse
Hasslastrom, 2001) and Amelie (Jean-Pierre Jeunet, 2002), the heroines enchant theworld, which is full of misery, violence, hate or indifference among people, with themagic of food. Food in Ang Leeʼ s films, The Wedding Banquet (1993) and Eat Drink Man
Woman (1994), reveals unmentionable, underlying conflicts between parents andchildren and attempts to resolve them in a mutually acceptable manner.
On the other hand, male filmmakersʼ representations of the female body always
remain at the centre of feminist criticism (Laura Mulvey, 1975; Claire Johnston, 1976;
Rey Chow 1995; Maggie Humm 1997). For example, Doane argues that “[c]inematic
images of women have been so consistently oppressive and repressive” and the “filmingof the female body constructs and maintains a hierarchy along the lines of a sexual
diﬀerence assumed natural” (1988: 216 and 217). However, the conflicts between thefilmmaking practices and feminist concerns are not only problems in the cinematic
representations of female bodies by male directors. On the contrary, as Sarah Sceats
argues, contemporary women writersʼ use of food in representing womenʼ s images isalso “problematic” . According to Sceats, contemporary women writers tend to depict
the fact that “as anyone who has cooked for a family will know, nurturing may be
experienced rather as an enslavement than as a power” (1996: 118).
Indeed, men substituted as food providers for families, such as the father in Eat Drink
Man Woman or the sonʼ s American, gay partner in The Wedding Banquet, still discuss thesignificance of a mothering role in family relations. Despite the twisted representationsof power relations within families, the food giving and receiving relationships confirm
the cross-cultural significance of motherhood. Feeding, cooking, feasting and starving
cannot be easily recognised in the absence of the notion of motherhood. In thissense, the provision of food can be problematic equally for women and men authors
or directors. Neither women nor men can be easily freed from the prevailing cultural

14

norms of their society. Thus, as Doane argues, the images of women created by women
cannot be exclusively “either for her or of her”, delivering the “real womenʼs voices” (1988:
216). However, this prevailing tendency in filmmaking practices can not erase attempts
to challenge sexuality confined within male-dominated society.
Parkʼ s self-reflective story on the cultural connection between food and women can
attest to the feminist concerns of male filmmaking practices. He does not seek to restore
the close relationship between women and food, disclosing the destructive aspects
driving them to desires for death. The male subjectivity expressed in Parkʼ s film implies
the directorʼ s scepticism of the myth of motherhood. For him, nurturing is not maternal
empowerment. Food is domestic enslavement and a stigma for women. Food need notnecessarily be made by the mother; equally sexual relations do not need to be boundto the institution of marriage. Food is seen to inhibit their quest for a new identity in achanging world.
In 301. 302, food is the metaphor of death to a woman who rejects motherhood. The
woman in 301 obsessively cooks for her husband, but her husband is fed up with this. He
stops talking to her, eating her food or having sexual relations with her. Her frustration
results in an extreme eating disorder making her over-weight and losing “femininity” toaccommodate the sexual desires of men. When she finds out about her husbandʼ s aﬀair,
she cooks him his pet dog, the only object of love in their marriage. After their divorce,she moves next door to 302 where she finds a very gaunt, thin woman who re-imposes
her desire to mother. The woman in 302ʼ s eating disorder is the refusal of sex. Foodmakes her vomit, as it invokes her revulsion of menʼ s bodies. It reminds her of the deathof a little girl who was found dead in the fridge at her stepfatherʼ s butcher shop. The
fridgeʼ s darkness gives her the impulsive desire to return to the pre-natal stage of birth,thus re-entering the womb of her alienated mother.
Cannibalism in Latin American literature is the dominant motif of “ the cycle ofdeath and resurrection symbolized by the devouring, absorption and transformationsof invasive European cultures” (Macey, 2000:56). On the other hand, cannibalism in
301.302 is a metaphor for the two womenʼ s recurrent desire to achieve the state ofdeath⁵. Instead of eating “the dead bodies of their enemies in order to acquire theirvirtues and strength” , the woman in 301 kills the “surrogate child” , cooks it and serves
it up to her husband. Cooking the dog is her symbolic revenge to thwart his virility. The

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 15
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Motherpsychological cannibalism of the woman in 301 is accomplished in a concrete form
when she discovers the secret of the woman in 302: the desire to disappear. Since thewoman in 301 decides that the woman in 302 is the object of her desires, the first forces
the latter to eat her food but the latterʼ s body cannot stomach it. Their conflicts canonly come to an end. The woman in 301 agrees to help the woman in 302 disappear.
Cannibalism for them is the symbolic expression of denying menʼ s proprietorship overa womanʼ s body even after her death. Through the ritual of death, the two women set
themselves free from male-dominated society and restore their identity in ultimate
terms.
In comparison to Park, Itamiʼ s post-modern representation of food as a “collection offragments” (Bruns, 1998:100) qualifies a woman as a great mother with “good breasts”(Seats, 1996:118). His representation of motherhood clearly envisions the feminist
critique of male directorsʼ use of the female body; “the ideas about the ʻnaturalʼ female
body or the female body and ʻnatureʼ are the linchpins of patriarchal ideology” (Doanne,
1988: 223). In the scene of the dying mother, serving the last family meal is the paragonof the self-sacrificing mother. Also, the scene in which a group of marriageable girls
take western dining lessons at an Italian restaurant is an excellent parody of the way inwhich the director creates an ideal womanhood through the synthesis of traditions andnotions of foreignness. On the other hand, the old woman in the late shop scene, whofeels the softness of the cheese, French bread and peaches, provides a perverted imageof “good breasts” . When squeezing the various foods and fruits, it is as if she is missing
her soft, youthful breasts. It is a mirror image of a woman who has lost her femininity
and reproductive capability.
Mythologies of Mother in Farewell My Darling and The Funeral
The first-person narrative structure of the two films gives a very similar effect to a
Brechtian alienation effect. The presence of narrators helps the audience to keep acertain emotional distance from what occurs on the screen. Through this cinematic
device, the directors seek to reveal male subjectivity in reconstructing motherhood
as a myth of contemporary Japan and Korea. The comic representations of thecommercialization of traditions lampoon the creation of a new Japanese/Korean
identity as shown in their consumption of cultural products according to the instruction

16of the manufacturers. In the film, the people are not only the passive agents ofconsumption but also the object of the commodity and of materialistic fetishism. On
behalf of consumers, the two directors appear to look for a motherly figure, who cannourish them with fantasies of nature.
In The Funeral, the scene of the videocassette, ABC for a Funeral, parodies theabsurdity of contemporary Japanese life: traditions are only comprehensible throughthe instruction of modernity. Thus, tradition becomes “foreignness,” and modernity
is “familiarity” . In this scene, the narrator, Wabisake, and his wife, Chizuko, both ofwhom are acting professionally, practice their expected roles at the funeral, learning
the performances recorded on the video-tape. Also, the professional management of
the funeral by Satomi, who is the manager of the couple, and the funeral service man,Ebihara, are a satire on ready-made traditions as a cultural commodity. The scenes
suggest that the Japanese cannot perform traditional ceremonies without reference toa detailed manual and professional advice.
On the other hand, the subjectivity in questioning contemporary Korean identity withParkʼ s film seems to be more convincing in revealing his sense of moral responsibility
as the dominant sex. In the film, the narration starts in Parkʼ s voice: “Now I am goingto attend my fatherʼ s funeral, and the camera situated in my mind starts to roll.” Park
starred in the narratorʼ s role⁶. In their personalized story documenting his fatherʼ sdeath, his privilege as a director in pursuing male voyeurism and the fetishism of thefemale body is disqualified. The camera captures his emasculated images as the new
patriarch, who was told to cede the role of the chief mourner at the funeral because of
his long absence from the village. Moreover, he is humiliated by the villagers because of
the improper manners of his wife and daughters at funeral.
The death of the father in Farewell My Darling and The Funeral means the demise of
traditional patriarchy. Traditionally, a funeral was a symbolic process announcing thepower transfer from the deceased to his heir. It not only generates the authority of thepatriarch, but also secures the family proprietorship. The authority of the new patriarch
is re-aﬃrmed by the patrilineal ancestor worship ceremonies passed down through thegenerations (Park, 1996: 57). However, the authority of the patriarch represented in bothfilms is already dismissed as social and economic incompetence. In Parkʼs film, the eldest
son is estranged from his family relations. In Itamiʼ s film, the family line of the deceased

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 17
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Motheris extinguished due to the absence of an heir. The representation of funeral rites in bothfilms is a dramatic device to dispute the validity of traditions in constructing a new
identity⁷.
Motherhood is the main prop of their criticism of the repressive and exploitative
power relationships within families. Park and Itami question the prevailing norms ofsociety that take for granted suﬀering as a natural part of motherhood. “Why is it at myhouse?” , “What are the funeral expenses?” , “Him…my father?…” The initial responseof Wabisuke, narrator of The Funeral, on the news of his father-in-lawʼ s death is that ofindiﬀerence. However, his refusal is immediately negated by the feminine spells of his
wife, tears and a childlike face asking for his help. The father-in-law lived in the eldest
son in-lawʼ s old country house as his retirement home. The father was the passive
recipient of care by his “filial” children. Wabisukeʼ s apathy about the funeral implies his
skepticism about traditions emphasizing moral engagement in family aﬀairs. Therefore,
the actor, Wabisuke, takes the main role at the funeral, performing in front of thecamera. His colleague, director Aoki, volunteers to document the event. And Wabisukeʼ s
professional concerns lead him to appreciate the significance of a family bound by thenutrition and care of women. Through the emotional transformation of the narrator, The
Funeral tends to suggest that the family is emblematic of reconstructing new identities
in a contemporary Japan in danger of being de-masculinized.
Male subjectivity in mystifying motherhood and fantasizing a female body reveals
the contradictory needs of the patriarch regarding the female body. The fatherʼ simages represented in the opening scene correspond to this idea of the director. In the
opening scene, the father drinks sake (traditional Japanese spirits), wishing a long life
with his young mistresses. He is never concerned about his wifeʼ s feelings. Marriage
secures female caring and nurturing for him, but her existence has gone unnoticed. The
stingy husband picks up eels, ham and avocado on the way home after a health checkat the hospital. The tightly packaged fresh soft meat signifies his unceasing appetiteand sexual desire. Putting them in his mouth, he recalls the memory of the girls at thebrothel he ran in Singapore during the war. He even named his daughter Chizuko after
one of his mistresses. However, he cannot finish the dishes: his body becomes too weak
to satisfy his appetite. He leaves the dinner table to go to bed and soon dies. A long life
with young mistresses is his final wish. Yet, his wife regrets not sharing his death with18

him and vows to live the rest of her life with the memory of her late husband. This is an
idealised womanhood, which Itami wants to reconstruct in an attempt to address thesignificance of traditional family values.
The “mother-complex” of the narrator as a family head arises with the news of thefatherʼ s death. The old father cannot perform his masculine role. Similar, to the oldfather, the middle-aged narrator also shows a lack of masculine power. The studio scene
reveals his own emasculated image as the patriarch. In that scene, the narrator and hiswife are wearing kimono (traditional Japanese attire) and doing a TV commercial. A
giant geisha (courtesan) and a male dwarf are at a tea ceremony. The image of a large
woman and a miniature male is a parody of gender relations in contemporary Japan(Schilling, 1999: 75).
The reversed power relationship between the sexes reappears later in the film,
reinforcing the ideas of idealised womanhood. In the woodland scene, the narrator
is seduced by his mistress against his will. This scene is continuously cut by the swing
scene, in which Chizuko idly rocks rhythmically on a swing. The sounds of the lovemaking in the woods, and the peaceful image of Chizuko on the penis-shaped swing
create an extraordinary image of the beauty of a woman who stands aloof from noisy,
worldly affairs. With nature as the open backdrop, the close-up of Chizuko ʼ s long,white neck emerging out of her black kimono with the traditional hairdo from theback signifies the fetishism of the female body in Japanese cinematic language andart traditions. At the same time, her dignified image expresses the ideal womanhood
constructed by contemporary Japanese men, who search for women wise enough toembrace both the impotent and the unfaithful patriarch with unbounded loyalty andforgiveness⁸. On the other hand, Wabisukeʼ s initial resistance against Saitoʼ s seduction
suggests his attempt to retain patriarchal authority and his refusal to retreat into an
infantile stage which is governed only by primal desire⁹.
The attributes of motherhood, nurturing and caring for the family, are crucial in
Itamiʼ s representations of female sexuality. With regard to the depictions of the funeral
as a performance, his ideas of tradition may be “emptiness” 1⁰. However, Itamiʼ s viewof contemporary Japanese identity is clearly marked by the presence of traditions in
post-industrialized Japan. It addresses the values of family and traditions in isolating
individuals in urban settings. The notion of motherhood to save the “ face ” of the

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 19
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Mother

patriarch and restore his authority as family head provides definite moral tones to thissophisticated comedy. As in Tampopoʼ s dining scene at Tampopoʼ s house, Wabisukeʼ sTokyo house scene in The Funeral conveys the directorʼ s deep concerns regarding theabsent father in contemporary Japanese family life11. In this scene, Chizuko overhears
Wabisuke tell the children about their grandfatherʼ s death in a warm but firm voice.
This scene informs us very well about Itamiʼ s idea regarding the restoration of a fatherʼ sauthority led by the wifeʼ s supporting role. The post-funeral scene also confirms thismessage; the mother-in-law volunteers for a speech, insisting she is “the next of kin.”Through her strong image, the authority of the late father appears to be reanimated.
The last scene, in which Wabisuke and Chizuko are waving to the people and holding
hands, graphically expresses this verbal message of the director about strong maritalbonds. In this way, Itami attempts to qualify traditions as the essence of the creation of
new identities in contemporary Japan.
The motif of a fatherʼ s death in Farewell My Darling is used to feature devastating,complex family problems in the violent clash between tradition and modernity.
The death of the father is the backdrop of the directorʼ s self-reflective report oncontemporary, conflict-ridden Korean family history12. Despite the detached voice ofthe narrator in documenting the whole event, the subjective camera position reveals
the strong emotional bond of the director to his mother. In the eyes of her beloved son,the mother is a victim of traditional familial ideals. Her whole life has been stigmatized
as a family accessory and social outcast, concealed under the shadow of the patriarch.
The conflicts and recent expectations of a society undergoing radical changes fail todislodge the repressive familial norms depriving individuals of autonomy in their lives.
The motherhood reconstructed by Park in this film conveys the idea that the identity
question in South Korea in the late 1990s was still at a confusing stage rather thansuggesting a creative articulation between familiarity and foreignness, unlike in Itami ʼ swork.
The Confucian gender segregation rules in conducting the family ritual succinctly
express the ways in which new ideas, such as freedom, equality and individualism,
create conflicts and tensions between people. Women are supposed to provide labor,
preparing for the banquet. Only men eat and drink. Women are also not allowed toserve at the altar or enter into the menʼ s space. In the film, the position of the camera

20

is initially identified with the narratorʼ s gaze directed on the funeral site strictly divided
into menʼ s and womenʼ s worlds. This voyeuristic gaze conveys curiosity and pleasure.
But this gaze is soon frozen on the mother who is in despair, helplessly observing themenʼ s room at a distance. However, Parkʼ s emotional identification with her position
does not go beyond sympathy for her. He does not berate traditions for devaluing theexistence of women as mere family accessories because he cannot admit that his own
mother ʼ s whole life has been meaningless. Instead, by separating the camera view
from his own and situating it within the audienceʼ s view, on the screen Park appears tocommunicate the failure to demystify motherhood.
Parkʼ s representation of female identity and sexuality is confusing and contradictory.
His “intended” ambivalence in featuring traditions is manifest in the opening scene
and closing shot13. In the opening scene, the father sees his unborn grandson in his
dream. His cherished dream of a successor to the family line is accomplished by thesecond daughter-in-law, but only in his daydream. She represents the “good breasts” .
Instead of resisting the controlling power regulating her sexuality and gender identity,
she functions as a “docile body” attached to the power of the patriarchy. However, thelast shot of the post-birth situation shatters her mythic image. When the director gives
the sign, “Cut! Thank you” , the shot is frozen, and the skilful actress reveals her real
identity; the male fantasy returns to reality. Reality remains a power struggle between
suppression and resistance.
On the other hand, the images of the “bad breasts” are problematic rather than
confusing. Chansuk, the narratorʼ s wife is working at a bar. She is a breadwinner anda self-employed business woman, her heavy makeup and profession working at a
bar are used as props for the characterization of a “corrupted” woman. The bar girls
attending the funeral and the sister-in-law of the deceased, who is the daughterʼ s ageof her rich husband, having sexual relations with a photographer behind the funeralsite, are ubiquitous sisters of the eldest daughter-in-law. “Immoral” or “undesirable”
relations with men are the common motif in identifying these “sisters.” However, therepresentations of the corrupted woman reveal the directorʼ s dilemma. He cannot avoid
casting a cold eye on his own wife, while embracing other “corrupted” womenʼ s antics.
This is the fundamental contradiction in this familial society, the patriarch seems to beready to accept the freedom and equality of women at the societal level but not yet

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 21
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Motherin his private domain. The hypocritical nature of social norms reinforced by bourgeois
familial ideology in capitalist society only allows womenʼ s entrance into a manʼ s world
in so far as mourners are desperate to survive as social outcasts. The red lipstick, which
the narratorʼ s wife drops in the soup on the menʼ s table, symbolizes womenʼ s isolation
and aborted rebellion in familial society.
Creating a New Identity for a New Society
Film often presents a female body as a metaphor of larger social problems (Douglas,
1975). Associated with food, womenʼ s bodies, as providers, signify the object of basic
human instincts and/or the sexual desires of men. Food is a universal symbol for theidentification of human relations in changing societies amongst changing culturalvalues. Also, it plays a significant role in the deliberations of people upon their own
identities in relation to others. The power of food is a “symbol of self-identity [which]derives from the particular nature of the symbolic process involved ” (Ohmuki-Tierny,
1996: 169). The female body in the absence of mothering powers invites male sadistic
sexual desire and frustrates masculine gender identity in ultimate terms.
The striking similarities in using food and the female body as a metaphor for the
perplexity of human relations and repressed sexual desires are the prime references forthis cross cultural analysis of the diﬀerent representations of tradition and modernity
in the four films. The comparative study of Park and Itamiʼ s work confirms that Parkʼ sfilms attempt to oﬀer a serious cinematic critique regarding the repressive aspects ofsocietyʼ s ideals pertaining to repressive familial relationships and womenʼ s inferiority.
In comparison, Itamiʼ s internationally acclaimed films seem to be concerned withthe voyeuristic pleasure of women ʼ s bodies or with the amusing behavior of thevarious characters in confused states, who desperately seek to position themselves as“deserving” members of various social institutions, including the family.

The two directorsʼ representations of the co-existence of tradition and modernity incontemporary Japan and Korea can be summarized as follows. First of all, a comparative
study conveys the different positionality of Korea and Japan in interpreting the past
in reference to the changing needs of the people and their cultural norms. As Jan
Vansina argues, “tradition is a process; it lives only while it changes” (1990: 251; OhmukiTierny 1996: 169). Despite the ten-year gap between the films and the diﬀerent paths

22of modernization between the two societies, these two directors communicate theunresolved tensions between familiarity and foreignness in the creation of self-identity
in their respective societies. However, Parkʼ s representations of transitional identity
in contemporary Korea express the dynamics of a society experiencing chaos due tothe violent encounter between long-standing cultural traditions and radical socialtransformations under foreign influences. On the other hand, Itami seems to suggest amore stabilized form of new identity in contemporary Japan, which is still adapting to
the needs of the present society.
The specific ways in which Itami and Park project food and female bodies on thescreen can be understood in the context of the conjunction of each of their own
societyʼ s cultural traditions and foreign influences. Set against the heroinesʼ struggles
to satisfy or reject the “esteemed” roles lavished on them by male fetishism, the four
films show the various types of traditional and western food, and table manners
and conversations at the table. Through the food and eating scenes, they convey
the changing perceptions, confusion and unstable psychological state of people intransition.
Note
1This study, [A Comparative Cross-cultural Study of Four Thematically Related Japaneseand Korean Filmsʼ ], was supported by the Asia Research Fund.
2Park emphasized that the family is an unavoidable restraint on individuals incontemporary life, and in particular for women. As such it could be considered as astrong instrument of repression in itself. (I interviewed the director in Tokyo in Summer,
2001.)
3The very skillful makeup and their black and white contrasting attire transform thebeautiful actresses into two grotesque characters: one is obese, and the other is apathetic, gaunt figure.
⁴Itami stated that “the main female character is strong…̶in nearly all of my films, infact. Tampopo was an exception ̶a Western parody. It wasn ʼ t really about Japan at all ”(Schilling 1 9 9 9 : 7 5). However, as discussed here, Tampopo also features a strong woman
character who can transform herself in response to the demands of society. In this way,
traditions are recreated as the result of Western influences.
⁵Kim Kidukʼ s Address Unknown (2001) uses the motif of cannibalism in a similar way.
The U.S. camp town prostitute eats her mixed blood sonʼ s body after he killed himself indespair at the total rejection of his existence in South Koreaʼ s racist society.
⁶In The Funeral, the narratorʼ s role is played by Tsutomu Miyazaki. However, Itami wasalso a well-known actor. Itami and the heroine ( Nobuko Miyamoto ) were married with
two sons, as featured in the film.
⁷According to Choi Joon-sik, “burial customs or funeral laws are always very exclusive and研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 23
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Motherconservative and, therefore, almost never receptive to outside influences” . (Choi,:1996)
If we accept this argument, both directorsʼ representations of the funerals are chaotic,
and the evident confusion can dramatically communicate the seriousness of the clash
between tradition and foreign influences in peopleʼ s daily lives.
⁸In his 1997 suicide note, he claimed that only through his death would he be able toprove his innocence regarding an alleged extra-marital affair. The scene of Wabisukeʼ saffair offers an interesting parallel to Itamiʼ s own alleged involvement, especially when
discussing levels of subjectivity as reconstructed in his films.
⁹For example, there are: the love scenes and the last credit scene in Tampopo and thenursing scene in A Taxing Woman (1987). In the latter, an old man is offered a nurseʼ sbreast to suckle.
1⁰Hoel, Beth (1998), “The Funeral” available at http://students.haverford.edu/east/east 2 6 0/projects/funeral.html [ 2 September 2002].
11Also, in A Taxing Woman, the tax evader sees the heroineʼ s (the taxing woman) beauty
through her caring for his son and proposes to her, although the “threatening” divorcé isalways in loose trousers with a short hair cut and neglects her own son. For details, see,
Eric Willams and Lawrence F. Glatz (1993).
12Just as Itami made The Funeral after his father in lawʼ s death, so Park made Farewell
My Darling, inspired by the death of his own father. Despite the similar motives of thefilmmakers, Park ʼ s representations seem to be more emotional and subjective in thisrespect . As the heir of the deceased, Park cannot maintain a third personʼ s position
since Confucian social norms exclusively identify the head and extent of a family. In legal
terms, a married woman belongs to her husband ʼ s family, but a married man does nothave any obligation to his family in law.
13Apart from the opening scene and the closing shot, as well as his frequent appearance
directing on the screen, the director also created uneven effects in order to disturb theaudienceʼ s identification with the characters. He deliberately mixed the nonsensicalcomic representation of the behavior of the people at the funeral, the documentarystyle filmmaking for the formal funeral rites and conventional story telling for thefamily ʼ s hidden history. For example, the scene of the first meeting between themother and her estranged daughter starkly reminds the audience of a typical scene in
a 1970s TV family melodrama. It greatly exaggerates the drama in order to play on theaudienceʼ s feelings, but at the same time it is comical since it is obviously overdone. In
an interview with the researcher, Park recalled that in the particular scene he asked hiscrew to create such a mood, using sad background music, long with slow motion, andtypical melodramatic performances from the actresses. (Summer, 2000, in Seoul)
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Shin, Ki Wook. 1998. “Nation, History, and Politics.” In Nationalism and the Construction of
Korean Identity, edited by Hyung Il Pai and Timothy R. Tangherini. Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press.
Smith, Robert J. 1996. “The Japanese (Confucian) Family: The Tradition from the Bottom26

up.” In Confucian Traditions in East Asian Modernity, edited by Wei-Ming Tu. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press.
Ueda, Makoto. ed. 1986. The Mother of Dreams and Other Short Stories: Portrayals of
Women in Modern Japanese Fiction. Tokyo: Kodansha International.
Vansina, Jan. 1985. Oral Tradition as History. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Wearing, Betsy. 1984. The Ideologies of Motherhood. Sydney: George Allen & Unwin.
Willemen, Paul. 1995. “Regimes of Subjectivity and Looking.” The UTS Review 1(2):.
Willemen, Paul. 1994. Looks and Frictions: Essays in Cultural studies and Film Theory.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
William, Linda. ed. 1992. The Sexual Subject: A Screen Reader in Sexuality. London:
Routledge.
William, Linda. ed. 1994. Viewing Positions: Ways of Seeing Film, New Brunswick: Rutgers
University Press.
Williams, Eric and Lawrence F. Glatz. 1993. “Cinema and the Feminine Threat: The Lost
Honor of Katharina Blum and A Taxing Woman.” In Significant Others: Gender andCulture in Film and Literature East and West, edited by William Burgwinkle, Glenn Man
and Valerie Wayne. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Woodward, Kathryn. 1997. “Motherhood: Identities, Meanings and Myths.” In Identity
and Difference, edited Kathryn Woodward. London: Sage.
Yi, Eunhee Kim. 2001. “Mothers and Sons in Modern Korea.” Korea Journal, 41(4):5-27.
Yoon, Yee-Heum. 1997. “ The Contemporary Religious Situation in Korea.” In Religion
and Society in Contemporary Korea, edited by Lewis R. Lancaster and Richard K. Payne.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Yu, China and others. 1999. Melodrama-ran Mu ŏ shin ʼ ga [What Is Melodrama?]. Seoul:Minŭmsa.

研究論文 : 性とセクシュアリティ表象について : 母への鎮魂歌 27
Research Articles:Representing Sex and Sexuality: Requiem for Mother

韓国での性とセクシュアリティ表象について
イ・ヒャンジン
本論は日本と韓国映画を文化交差的に分析し、ジェンダー表象の特徴の共通点と差異を見出そうとするものである。日韓映画の比較は、その緊密な歴史的関係ゆえに非常に意味深い。
特に、儒教的な文化伝統、外圧による急速な西洋化、国家主導の近代化などの共通点が、これらの映画言説がおかれるコンテクストを共に構成している。本論が扱う四本の映画は、伝統的な共同体中心の人間関係と、「西洋的」な理想とのはざまで、矛盾を抱え、おかしな行動に走る普通の人々を描いたナンセンスコメディー、伊丹十三の『お葬式』（1984 年）と『タンポポ』（1986 年）、パク・チョルスの『Farewell, My Darling』と『301,302』である。この四作品に見える日韓社会のアイデンティティーの危機について扱いながら、これらの映画で男性の視点から表象される、女性のセクシュアリティと役割の対立に焦点を当てる。日韓の映画の伝統に展開される家族ドラマを、クリエイティブに実験的に表現した伊丹とパクは、共に食べ物を象徴的に用い、また男女間の空間的分断を強調する。描かれる女性像の多様性は、家父長制が伝統と近代社会の理想の間に揺れ動き、求めるものも相互矛盾を引き起こしていることを示している。特に食物とセクシュアリティ規範を組み合わせたモチーフは、ポストコロニアル時代の人々の経験の特異性と、変化に対応しようともがく姿を表現するために用いられている。

28

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Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature
Chutima Pragatwutisarn
Rape is one of the most under-represented crimes in Thai society. Silence about rapeis mainly caused by the cultural norms that stigmatize women and blame them for theassaults. In her content analysis of rape news circulating in Thai society, Suwannee
Kalayanasant (1993) finds that:
The media constructs either the eccentric behavior of the rapists or thetempting rape victims as the motives for rape. In addition, the media constructs
the location of the rape with the atmosphere of darkness and isolation. This
representation of rape by the media reinforces the patriarchal ideology that
restricts women to the domestic sphere and to the traditional roles of wife andmother.
Similarly, Juree Vichit-Vadakan (1999) notes how the propensity towards sexual
violence amongst the public is exacerbated by the media that normalize its threatening
eﬀects. In her discussion of the rape scenes in Thai soap operas, Juree states that therape of the heroine usually occurs when the hero is in a drunken state. The heroine asa victim of rape feels anger and hostility towards the hero only to find herself graduallyfalling in love with the man who raped her. “This theme,” says Juree, “seems to absolve
the wrong-doing of rape, almost as if drunkenness is an excuse for sexual misconduct
and that rape motivated by love is excusable. It also seems to imply that rape victims
could learn to love their assailants” (p. 198). The representation of rape by the media
reinforces the rape myths that large segments of Thai society widely endorse. Under
such circumstances, the disclosure of rape becomes a diﬃcult task the victim must face
as she struggles to articulate her experience.
Self-inflicted silence is the response of many women to the violence they experience.
Womenʼ s stories of sexual abuse reveal the paradoxical nature of the representation of
trauma. As Brenda Daly (1998), an incest victim, reports:

30

The poisonous lesson of my childhood was that I could speak, I even could
cry out, but no one would hear me, no one would listen. In what sense, then,did I possess language? What was the point of speaking and writing if no one
listened? At the same time, I wanted more than anything else, to be heard andbelieved. (p. 5)
Victims are torn between a strong desire to tell their stories and an equal impulse
to conceal them. They realize that their traumatic experience is unspeakable, resistantto, and yet dependent on, narrativity. Their narrative structures reflect the process that
Harvard psychiatrist Judith Herman (1992) describes as “the conflict between the will todeny horrible events and the will to proclaim them aloud…. People who have survived
atrocities often tell their stories in a highly emotional, contradictory, and fragmented
manner which determines their credibility and thereby serves the twin imperatives oftruth-telling and secrecy” (p. 1). In contrast with scholars and academic researchers who
easily turn rape into a topic of discussion, those who have direct experience of rape
have diﬃculty recalling their traumatic past, and many avoid talking about it altogether.
Also, when rape is committed by family members, it is closely guarded as a family
secret. According to Juree, Thai women from the upper classes may avoid sexual
violence caused by non-family members more easily than their middle and lower classsisters. “However,” says Juree, “sexual assault and rape within the family and amongacquaintances do occur among upper socioeconomic classes in Thailand as they also
happen in other countries. But to preserve family honour and stature in society, such
events tend not to be made public but are dealt with through internal mediationand negotiation” (p. 186). Denying that rape could have occurred in the family helps
those in the upper class “keep face” in society at the expense of the rape victims.
Moreover, since the family is considered the most important social unit in oneʼ s lifeand since children have been taught to obey their parents, many abuse victims, feelingthemselves responsible for breaking up the family, refuse to report their assaults to thepolice.
Many point out how breaking the silence is an act of self-empowerment for abuse
victims. As Susan D. Rose (1999) argues,

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Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

In the process of breaking silence, survivors are not only finding their own voices;
they also are collectively creating new narratives that challenge the individualand collective denial of abuse and the reproduction of violence. In dialogue
with others who can bear witness, survivors are redefining the experiences thatonce rendered them powerless” (p. 165).
For the abuse victims to break this silence, it is not simply a matter of articulating
their experience. Victims recounting their own stories challenge the cultural myths
about sexual abuse and begin the process of recovery. Others, however, show how
breaking the silence involves risk as well as promise. As psychiatrist Dori Laub (1992)
explains, “If one talks about the trauma without being truly heard or truly listened
to, the telling might itself be lived as a return of the trauma̶a re-experiencing of
the event itself” (p. 67). The ʻtruthʼ about the abuse is complex. It is not easily told
and, when hesitantly articulated, it may include silences and gaps that are open to
misinterpretation by listeners. Linda Alcoff and Laura Gray-Rosendale (1996) cite thecase of TV talk shows to illustrate how the victimsʼ resistance is eradicated from theirdiscourse in public recounting which involves the host directing the guestsʼ narratives
and experts interpreting the narratives for the audience.
It is the danger and promise of speaking out that I want to explore in this paper.
Democratization and women ʼ s activism are two important factors that raise awarenessof womenʼ s issues in Thai society, including sexual violence against women and otherminority groups1. There is an increasing number of literary works dealing with the issuesof sexual violence. However, one of the dangers emerging from the breaking of silencein the public sphere is that there is a tendency to read the stories of abuse victims as an“authentic” account̶one that records the triumph of the abuse victims over repression.

Therefore, freedom and expression are placed in opposition to politics and repression.
However, as Michel Foucault (1990) reminds us, speaking is not always liberating andthe proliferation of sexual narratives is also an eﬀect of power. In his critique of what hecalls “repressive hypothesis,” Foucault says,
Sexuality must not be thought of as a kind of natural given which power tries
to hold in check, or as an obscure domain which knowledge tries gradually

32

to uncover. It is the name that can be given to a historical construct: not a
furtive reality that is diﬃcult to grasp, but a great surface of network in which
the stimulation of bodies, the intensification of pleasures, the incitement todiscourse, the formation of special knowledges, the strengthening of controls
and resistances, are linked to one another, in accordance with a few major
strategies of knowledge and power. (pp. 105-06)
In this sense, the emerging voices of abuse victims are not in opposition to repression
but are embedded in the discursive flow of power; they should be understood as eﬀects
of negotiations. The rape victims when telling their stories are using discourses available
in the dominant culture to construct their experiences. Ken Plummer (1997) says, “Rapeis always historically and culturally specific, and how it is understood depends upon theframework of storytelling” (p. 63). I have selected two novels, On the Mouth of the World(2003) and Behind a Cloud-Patterned Screen (2002), to discuss how rape is represented ina Thai literary context and how knowledge about rape produced in these texts is caught
within power relations. The issue here is not to define womenʼ s stories of sexual abuse
as an expression of truth but to understand the relation of production and consumption
which frames them for us.
On the Mouth of the World, written by SEA Write award-winner Anchan2, is Jonʼ s
personal narrative about Ang, his lover. In the opening paragraph, Jon asks the reader
to bear witness to his account about Ang whose story may inspire in them unknown
and unidentifiable feelings. Jon begins his narrative with a depiction of Ang as a young,beautiful, upper class woman who flaunts her sexuality and has aﬀairs with countlessmen. Unlike Ang, Jon presents himself as innocent and inexperienced. In his account,
Ang is the one who introduces herself to him and finally seduces him. Upon discoveringthat Ang is pregnant after one of her affairs, Jon offers to marry her and adopt her
fatherless child. Ang rejects Jonʼ s oﬀer and reveals a secret: her past sexual encounterswith her stepfather, her grandmotherʼ s driver and her school teacher. In her account,Ang presents herself as the seducer instead of the seduced. Angʼ s final confession
details her seduction of Jon. After listening to Angʼ s story, Jon decides to leave her. He
meets another woman and then marries her after learning of Angʼs tragic death. Unable

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Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

to forget her, Jon names his new born daughter “Ang” in memory of the woman heloved most.
Jon is not only a narrator but also an interpreter of Angʼ s story. His narrative
focuses on Angʼ s physical appearance: “Besides her beautiful name, Ang possesses anunforgettable beauty. Her face is oval, her nose is high, her cheeks are full, her eyebrowsand chin fit in with the other features on her face” (p. 14). However, he finds that there
is something sinister about Angʼ s beauty. Her eyes, Jon warns us, “are molded notfrom sweet honey but from the boiling water of melted iron” (p. 15). Encountering thisambiguity, Jon splits her into the stereotyped opposition of good girl / bad girl. In Jonʼ s
imagination, Ang appears to be an innocent girl when Jon desires her:Ang is standing humbly, wearing a shirt and a cream color long skirt. She looks
like a sweet, lovely girl…with rosy radiant cheeks…holding a pure white rose…
That day I became a greedy pig devouring its food although Ang surrendered
her body to fulfill my hunger. (p. 55)
However, the image of an ogress substitutes for the image of a naïve girl when Ang
expresses her excessive sexual desire:We are attracted to each other again. But this time it is Ang who is the initiator.
She stripped me oﬀ naked and pushed me to lie down on the bed and have sex
with me…As I lay down looking deep into her eyes, I felt shocked because it
seemed that through those mirrors I saw an ogress smiling back with its waterymouth before jumping out to devour my flesh and blood̶an image that caused
my hair to stand up suddenly. (p. 68)
Jonʼ s depiction of Ang reflects the traditional Thai belief that a good woman has
no sexual appetites. While it is possible for Thai men to boast about their sexualadventures, women are forbidden to speak about sex or to express their sexual feelings.
Those who violate these norms are highly stigmatized and are frequently discussed in34

terms of disgust and abhorrence. As a result, when Ang expresses herself as sexuallyactive, she is compared to an ogress who devours food disgustingly.
Though the story ends with Jonʼ s abandonment of his lover and her tragic death,the ending is justified by narrative devices that support the readerʼ s identification withthe male protagonist. Jon reads Angʼ s confession as an expression of truth rather thanpaying attention to the contradictions embedded in her account. For Jon, Ang reveals
through her narrative the truth of who she is: a whore, an ogress, a seducer. Since its
focus is on the dark force of Ang ʼ s sexual desire and seduction, Jonʼ s reading denies
the reader an interpretation of childhood abuse that might otherwise be denoted. Jon
consequently allies himself with those who, he believes, were seduced by Ang, andsympathizes with them:
I think of her stepfather, her grandmotherʼ s driver, her female schoolteacher,hundreds of Angʼs lovers including me…Each of them will know very well as I did
that those eyes have the power to turn a man into an animal. No matter whereor when they find themselves, each knows very well that neither a god nor any
sacred being can save them for even a single moment when left with the person
who possesses those eyes (p. 152).
Though Jon reveals a moment of his doubt about Angʼ s stories, he quickly dismisses
it. By reading Angʼ s story as one of her sexual desire, Jon also claims his own innocence.
After all, like others, he is a sympathetic victim of seduction.
Jonʼ s narrative demonstrates what happens to the heroine when she transgresses
sexually. Ang was found dead and her body bears the evidence of rape and torture.
Her death is a logical end to the patriarchal plot in which a fallen woman has only two
choices: redemption or death. In Angʼ s case, she has fallen and does not repent her sin.
She rejects the bond of marriage Jon oﬀers and insists on writing her own plot. Since
Ang is beyond redemption, she logically deserves a violent death at the end. Thus,
what the narrative highlights is not Angʼ s pain but rather Jonʼ s pain and suﬀering fromthe loss of his lover. However, his loss is redeemed at the end by having Ang return
to him in the image of an innocent child. Jonʼ s narrative is brought to a satisfactoryclosure by the violent erasure of the womanʼ s story and her body. Not only is her death

研究論文 : 語りえないことへの呼びかけ：タイ文学に見るレイプの語り 35
Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literatureappropriated as a warning for transgression and punishment; it also serves anotherpurpose of Jonʼ s narrative in maintaining what Katheleen Rowe Karlyn (2004) calls “corebeliefs about the benevolence of patriarchy, the sanctity of the family, and the traditionof romantic love,” which is often invoked to defend sexual abuse (p.76).
The recovery of womanʼ s story and the world of the rape survivor
Although Angʼ s voices are heard in the narrative, it is Jon who is the author andinterpreter of her story. Reading Ang from a masculine point of view, Jon misrepresents
her as a woman whose perverted sexual desire causes her violent death. Thus, thetragedy of the story is not Jon ʼ s loss of his beloved but his failure to recognize awoman's story and consequently his inability to understand Ang. Maria Lugones (1994)
uses the term “ʻworldʼ -traveling” as a metaphor for the production of knowledge that
implicates both self and other. For Lugones, to know the other, it is imperative that weleave our world and meet them in their own contexts. Lugonesʼ ʻworldʼ -traveling is a
critique of what she calls “arrogant perception”

̶an act of attempting to “graft” theothersʼ substance onto oneʼ s own without “the possibility of identification” (p. 128).
Like an arrogant observer, Jon “grafts” Angʼ s story onto his own but his inclination is toreinforce his privileged status, rather than provide himself with an occasion to question
his masculinity.
Since Angʼ s story is embedded in Jonʼ s, to listen to her voice it becomes necessarythat we approach Angʼ s story from the other side. This can be done by re-reading Jonʼ s
account of her story from the womanʼ s point of view in order to uncover what has beenburied or silenced that makes Jonʼ s narrative possible in the first place. When re-readfrom the other side, that which appears to Jon as insignificant and irrelevant now takes
on significant meanings. One of the recurrent images in Angʼ s account is the presenceof a mysterious world. In a dream she told Jon, Ang discovers herself in a strangely
familiar world where everything exists in opposition to the real world like images in anegative film. Ang discovered this world when she was young and lived abroad in her
stepfatherʼ s house. At a party held by a neighbor for Cathy, a girl who was killed in an
accident, everyone brings a green balloon because Cathy ʼ s mother believes that her
daughter is not yet dead but lost in another world. When the green balloons with thebirthday cards reach that world, they will turn red. The presence of the other world in36

opposition to the real one fascinates Ang and she dreams of the balloons taking heraway to this other world. Ang discovers that she herself can create that world when shebuilds a snow palace on the beach one winterʼ s day:
The image of the palace on the snow covered beach amid the bellowing soundof the waves arouses my feeling of wonderment. The image looks like a scene
in an absurd drama where objects are out of place and contradictory. At thatmoment, I knew that the green balloon brought me here…on the mouth of theearth where the palace is made of snow instead of sand, where the sunlight isblack while the shadow is white…From that day on, the balloon takes me along
to wherever it floats … It takes me to a place unknown to the rest of the world.
Why is this possible? Because that place exists in the dark recesses of my mind”(pp. 105-06).
Angʼ s escape to “a place unknown to the rest of the world” is associated with thetrauma of childhood abuse. Her confession includes a scene in which she describes her
first sexual encounter with her stepfather:
I saw myself climbing the curve of painful feeling until I reached the highest
point in the sky and saw a bunch of balloons within my reach. At that moment,
pain split my body apart … and I thought the last minute of my life wasapproaching. Then, in that last minute, I would lose the balloons I was looking
for. Realizing this, I struggled to grasp the balloons before I ran out of breath andsaw that they gradually changed their color. …Then, a new feeling enveloped
me…. This feeling was an intense as the pain that had spread all over my body.
But I began to forget most of the pain and remembered only the new feelingwhich was so arousing that I could not stop myself crying out” (pp. 127-28).
Although Ang does not define her experience as rape, it is clear that the experience is
one shared by many rape victims. Susan D. Rose (1999) uses the term “dissociation” todescribe how victims of sexual abuse seek safety by transcending their body.

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Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

Dissociation, which gives rise to a form of temporary transcendence, is one of
the major defense mechanisms resorted to by traumatized children. The mindor spirit leaves the body and the child may come to feel no pain, may leave
the scene entirely, neither experiencing the abuse at the time nor remember
it afterwards. The escape from the self ̶from what is being done to the self̶creates a safe space, a retreat. It may be temporary or longerlasting, dependingon the severity and frequency of abuse. (p. 167)Ang ʼ s response to extreme fear and near-death experience can be seen as
dissociation. The dream-like quality of her experience results from her being so violated
that she psychologically escapes in order to avoid destruction. Her focus not on rape,
not on her body, but on the outside̶the other world where everything is opposite towhat is perceived as reality, might be seen as her eﬀort to protect herself in the midst ofpain.
Angʼs secret world unknown to the rest of the world is shared by many raped women.
Rape is a world-shattering experience because it brings not only pain and sufferingto the victims but also changes their perception of reality. The abuse victim often
discovers that the father the protector is also an attacker. Similarly, home as a place ofcomfort and protection often becomes a venue for violence. When taking into accountthe presence of the other world, the re-reading of Angʼ s story discloses the stark realityof sexual abuse embedded in Jonʼ s account of her story as one of her own sexual desire.
In other words, hidden behind Angʼ s fantasy of seduction is the traumatic story of ahelpless child unable to escape from sexual violence.
How, then, to make sense of Angʼ s seduction fantasy? The scenario she narrates
to Jon with great pleasure contrasts sharply with the reality of sexual violence. Ang
wants to tell Jon what happened to her in the past, yet in her confession, she instead
recounts a story in which she becomes an agent of seduction. The contradiction inAng ʼ s story is a result of the struggle of the abuse victim for self-expression in thecontext of the production and reception of women ʼ s accounts of sexual abuse. One
aspect of the struggle in womenʼ s abuse narratives was their resistance to positioning
themselves as passive victims. Avoidance of victim status is reflected in their refusal
to label themselves as abuse victims and their experience as abusive (see, i.g. Hesford,38

1999; Hooks, 1989). By narrating an account in which she is seductive, Ang is able tochallenge those who are looking for a story of female victimhood in order to reinforce
the stereotypes of female powerlessness.
However, her reversal strategy is still limited because it maintains her resistancewithin the confines of patriarchal ideologies. Moreover, her denial of abuse makes
invisible the problem of sexual violence against women. If exploring the darkness
in order to claim the part she left behind as a child is for abuse victims “a strategy̶
a therapy̶for emotional, spiritual, and cognitive survival” (Daly, p. 42), any hope of
healing for Ang is also denied. In rejecting the vulnerable and violated part of her self,
Ang assumes the role of the abuser. Though she pretends not to be affected by theabuse, she does in fact suﬀer from post traumatic symptoms including nightmares andsleeplessness, risky sexual behavior, risk taking and suicidal impulses, and promiscuity.
Angʼ s death is not an outcome of her perverted sexual desire but of her self-denial andinability to heal.
My discussion of Anchanʼ s novel shows how the politics of representation aﬀects thetelling of sexual stories. Here, Angʼs story of sexual abuse is subjected to misreading andto appropriation by Jon, the male narrator, for self-constitution. In this section, I want toturn to a discussion of Behind a Cloud-Patterned Screen, a novel by contemporary female
writer Piyaporn Sakasem3. Unlike Anchanʼ s novel, Piyapornʼ s work focuses on the issueof rape from the perspectives of female characters who are abuse victims and from an
omniscient narrator who sympathizes with them. Thus, Piyaporn presents the heroineof the novel as a character in her own right rather than a product of the male narrator's
imagination as the reader finds with Ang. Despite the authorʼ s concern about sexual
violence as a serious issue and her sympathy for abuse victims, her representationof sexual violence is still problematic. By prioritizing gender over other categories,
the author subsumes differences among rape victims under the bond of female
relationships and their shared experience of sexual vulnerability.
Behind a Cloud-Patterned Screen is the story of a pure, innocent, beautiful and young
woman called Fah. Because her parents died when she was still young, Fah was raisedby her grandparents, Doctor Jit and Val, and grew up in the highly protective home ofan upper middle class family. Fah appears to be the perfect woman many men havedreamed of. After she graduates, her grandparents make arrangements for her to marry研究論文 : 語りえないことへの呼びかけ：タイ文学に見るレイプの語り 39
Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

an eligible young man, Kris. However, Fah shuns Krisʼ s sexual advances and runs awayon their wedding night. A subsequent investigation of her strange behavior reveals thedark reality of sexual abuse hidden behind her facade of perfect purity.
Through the voices of her female characters, Piyaporn criticizes the rape myths that
distort the reality of sexual violence. She emphasizes that women of all classes and alltypes of personalities are vulnerable to sexual violence. As she makes one of her female
characters say,What culture has informed us about rape is definitely not true. Rape can happen
at any time and in all circumstances and social classes. Not a single woman
may settle comfortably with the belief that rape will never happen to her in her
lifetime. … Not a single woman, no matter what circumstance she finds herself
in, will be confident about her own safety as long as she is living in the world of
diﬀerent sexes!” (p. 266).
The authorʼ s conviction that rape is an imminent danger that can happen to anyone
at any time is reflected in her decision to present the heroine in the novel as a rape
victim and to interweave the heroineʼ s story with the stories of other female characters
who also share the experience of sexual abuse.
In the storyʼ s main narrative, the author explores how patriarchal, familial ideologies
perpetuate sexual violence in society. Among Thai people, especially those of theupper classes, virginity is highly prized as a feminine virtue and is closely guarded
before a woman is married⁴. The valorization of female virginity makes it diﬃcult for
women to break the silence about their sexual abuse. Rape which brings about the lossof virginity becomes a stigma and women who were raped tend to see their body as
unclean or impure and therefore question their suitability as future wives and mothers.
As a member of the upper middle class, Fahʼ s grandfather, Doctor Jit wants to hide thesexual abuse that occurred to his granddaughter when she was young. In an attempt tomake her forget the past, he not only changed her name but also reconstructed a newmemory for her. Thus, Fah grew up believing that her parents were killed in an accident
and that she herself was injured in the head and stomach. Dr. Jitʼ s denial of sexual
violence could be regarded as a desire to protect his granddaughter from the pain of

40

her traumatic experience. However, it could also be a result of societal pressures onmembers of the established patriarchal family to maintain family honor and prestige.
Krisʼ s reaction to Fahʼ s history of sexual abuse is similar to Dr. Jit's. Kris takes pride in
his rationality and good judgment, reflected in his decision to choose Fah as his wife. As
the narrator says, “He reasonably evaluates everything, measures all the consequencesof his decision, considers appropriateness, and then chooses only the best, the mostprofitable for himself ” (p. 31). A young, middle class entrepreneur, Kris adheres topatriarchal, bourgeois ideologies which take precedence over love and understandingin his arranged marriage with Fah. His idealism, however, is shattered when he discovers
that Fah, the woman he believes to be the best and perfect choice, has a flaw. Beneathher perfect appearance is something mysterious and unknown that manifests itself
through her irrational behavior. This dark reality troubles him; it not only reminds him of
the shaky ground upon which he lays his faith in masculine idealism but also forces him
to realize his own liability to imperfection. Like Jon, the protagonist in Anchanʼ s novel,
Kris distances himself after his discovery. Fah recalls the barriers erected between Krisand her “as if their intimate relationship during years of their engagement had never
happened!” (p. 320).
Another cause of the perpetuation of sexual abuse is the judicial system. The author
explores this issue in two subplots of the novel: Jirananʼ s and Daoʼ s stories of sexual
abuse. An upper middle-class young woman like Fah, Jiranan is out-going, modern,
independent and self-confident. She was assaulted by Jim, a man she knew throughan introduction by her friends. Disappointed and humiliated by her indifference tohim, Jim sexually assaults her for revenge. Through Jirananʼ s story, the author rewrites
the popular stories of rape which are fundamentally about “male sexual release andwomenʼ s provocation” by showing how the story is actually one of “power and genderrather than sex and desire” (Plummer, p. 67). She was rescued but decided not to report
the assault to the police. “All abused women,” says the narrator, “are caught between
the desire to assert their rights as humans and to claim equal rights and justice forthemselves, and their impulse to let things go and forget the abuse” (p. 274). The factthat society tends to blame the victim rather than the abuser for the crime and thatthe law discriminates against abuse victims in a manner that would not be tolerated by
victims of other crimes deters women from seeking justice for themselves: “Even such

研究論文 : 語りえないことへの呼びかけ：タイ文学に見るレイプの語り 41
Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literaturea woman as Jirana̶a self-confident woman who always makes claim and insists ongetting what she wants must accept her defeat in this case” (p. 275).
Jiranan is more fortunate than Dao, a factory worker who was gang raped by her
coworkers. Unlike Jiranan, Dao was aided by a support group organized by womenand filed a lawsuit against her perpetrators. Her courage to bring the case to the public
eye reveals the socio-economic differences among victims of abuse. Given the factthat women could be held in shame and disgrace, no one is willing to take the risk ofreporting the crime. However, it is easier for Dao to come out and seek justice because
as a member of the working class she has not much to lose when compared to Jiranan
whose revelation may destroy her social status and her familyʼ s reputation. Despite her
refusal to be silenced and her determination to identify both the abuse and the abuser,
the slow, laborious process of the trial she went through exhausts her. The difficulty
for Dao in reporting the crime is compounded by the callousness and machismo she
encounters from police and lawyers. They doubt her motives and seek to discredit her
by pointing out her drunkenness when the gang-rape occurred. The torment, both
physical and emotional, that she goes through finally forces her to find an easy way
out by accepting the compensation money and dropping the charges against her
perpetrators.
What also differentiates Piyaporn ʼ s novel from popular accounts about sexual
violence found in the media is that its focus is not on the event of rape itself but on its
eﬀects on the victims and on the process of healing. As the narrator says,
Rape is not incidental in one ʼ s life. From women ʼ s point of view, rape iscompared to murder. Rape is violation̶an act that dehumanizes the victims.
What matters about rape is not the loss of virginity…but the psychologicaldamage, the social disgrace and the loss of honor the rape victims suﬀer. (p. 396)
The author explores the traumatic eﬀects rape has on victimsʼ lives and their journeys
to recovery through her heroineʼ s story. Citing Judith Herman (1992), Jane Kilby(2002) states that “the experience of trauma is most likely forgotten by the very people
expected to remember, the force of the event being such that the victim is left without
any memories to speak of. Amnesia is deemed to be the ordinary response to traumatic

42

event” (p. 205). As a rape victim, Fah does not remember the traumatic experience ofrepeated victimization, though she has a vivid memory of her childhood. However, thetraumatic past does not totally go away. Her mysterious behavior, such as her fear ofsex and her blacking out, are signals of a troubled mind which later identified as rape
trauma syndrome. The traumatic past, therefore, is not something one easily recovers
from. Thus, the healing process involves a reunion of the split self rather than theforgetting of the past.
Fah ʼ s journey towards self-recovery is not just an individual act but a collective
process. Because her memory of sexual violence was blacked out, the recovery of thepast is aided by two close family members: Doctor Manta and Grandma Val. The story
details how Fah collaborates with these relatives to search for clues to her past. The
process of recovery brings her close to other rape victims, especially to Dao, a factory
worker and a victim of gang rape. By participating in a rape support group for women
and witnessing the pain and struggles of other rape victims, Fah comes to realize that“she is struggling but not alone. There are many other women out there who like her

are struggling” (p. 400). This statement signals a shift from the “I” of the heroine to join
the “we” of the women who are raped on the basis of a shared experience of gender
oppression. A sense of hope grows out of their dialogues with other women as they
together redefine the meaning of sexual violence and transform themselves frompassivity to self-empowerment.
The journey to her past brings a new knowledge or consciousness to redefine her selfand her relationship with others in the present. Fah realizes that the denial of sexual
abuse in the name of patriarchal protection brings more harm to the abuse victim. She
exposes the underside of protection by showing how a familyʼ s honor and prestige
could be maintained only at the expense of the silencing of sexual abuse and thecontinued oppression of women. At the moment that the crucial piece of evidence will
be discovered and the truth about the past emerges, Manta wants to spare Fah fromthe pain of self-discovery. However, Fah insists that the past be disclosed, reminding
him, “Donʼ t you realize that you are over-protective of me like my grandpa, Doctor Jit”
(p. 430). Her new knowledge empowers her to seek a divorce from Krit, her husband,
declaring to him that “I have changed into a new person; I am no longer the same
woman as the one you wanted to marry” (p. 474). The divorce from Kris marks her

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Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

growth and maturity. By rejecting Kris, Fah also rejects the pretension and hypocrisy ofthe middle-class idealism that Kris values more than love and understanding of his wife.
Should we read the coming to consciousness of a heroine who is sexually victimized
during childhood in terms of repression/ liberation? Does this mean that the author'srole is to give voice to universal female consciousness? Fah shows her strength anddetermination to be healed; however, as Ken Plummer reminds us, “The power to tella story, or indeed to not tell a story, under the conditions of oneʼ s own choosing, is part ofthe political process” (p. 26). While rape remains unspeakable for Ang, the heroine in
Anchan's novel, in Fahʼ s case the opportunity to speak out against gender oppression
is aﬀorded and even encouraged by her family members who help her search for thepast, by the psychiatrist who assists her in healing, and by a support group for female
victims of sexual abuse. Not only the presence of a group of sympathetic listeners
and supporters, but also the fact that her perpetrator and her grandfather are all dead,provides her with the safe environment that makes possible the telling of her rape story.
However, her openness is selective and limited to a small circle of family members,
close friends, and organized groups of women. She does not tell her story publicly
and politically⁵ Because society still holds prejudices against rape victims, Fah seeks
protection from the dangers of speaking out in public by offering her knowledge tosome but not to all comers.
Also, the author has not created a literary work which transcends time and place.
Piyaporn draws a lot of her material from Rape and Sexual Abuse in Thai Society: aHotline Study (2000), written by psychiatrists Ornanong Intarajit and Narin Karinchai.
She also structures the heroineʼs story using what Ken Plummer calls a “major pattern [oftelling sexual stories that] has proliferated and developed most rapidly in the latter partof the twentieth century” (p. 49). Plummer argues, “Rape stories…were once hard to tell.
They still are. But over the past twenty years a new story has become more and moreheard, more and more visible. This takes the initial suﬀering, breaks the silence aroundit (usually with the help of other women) and then uses the traumatic experience asa mode of radical change̶to become a survivor” (p. 51). As a carefully constructeddiscourse, the representation of rape in Piyapornʼ s novel is historically specific.
The emergence of Piyaporn ʼ s novel should be considered within the social andpolitical context of production and circulation. Behind a Cloud-Patterned Screen has

44received positive popular acceptance. Piyaporn is admiringly praised for her efforts
at breaking the taboo against sexual violence. This taboo-shattering is most evident
in her portrayal of a heroine who is raped. Traditionally, no one else, except the maleprotagonist, could break the virginity of the heroine, so the heroine remains chaste andvirginal until she meets and marries the hero. Piyaporn breaks this literary tradition
by presenting a heroine who is raped when she was young. However, it must be
noted that although Fah is no longer a virgin, she is not yet a “wife” . She leaves Kris,
her husband, on the night of their marriage and does not consummate it with him.
When we disregard the fact that she is raped, she is eligible for Manta, the hero of thenovel. In addition, the author also takes care not to include any details too distastefulfor the sensibility of her middle class target audience. According to Kathleen C. Basile(2005), the impact of rape on the victims ʼ behaviors includes “alcohol and drug abuse,risky sexual behaviors, and smoking” (p. 112); Piyaporn selects for the heroine those
psychological eﬀects such as the fear of sex and fainting which her middle class readers
find acceptable. Therefore, the reader could still identify and sympathize with theheroine because she is otherwise a perfect embodiment of feminine virtues except that
she was raped.
The author focuses on female consciousness as an outcome of womenʼ s sharedgender oppression. All female characters in the novel are aware that as women they
are vulnerable to rape and other sexual assaults. However, the positive response touniversal female consciousness tends to override the multiplicity of diﬀerences among
women and the ways in which female consciousness reinforces and conflicts with otherforms of consciousness. The problem of universal female consciousness is reflectedin the treatment of two sexually abused characters: Jiranan and Dao. Both function in
the novel as foils to the heroine. Jiranan is described as an independent, modern andoutgoing woman. She contrasts sharply with Fah, a conservative, virtuous heroine. As
a result, the reader feels less sympathy for Jiranan than for Fah, even though Jirananʼ sstory is appropriated to highlight the courage of the heroine in her breaking of silence.
Doaʼ s story is important in that it highlights the failure of the legal system to bringjustice to women who want to fight back against sexual violence. The pain and suﬀering
she goes through parallels that of the heroineʼ s journey of self-discovery. However, it is
not Dao, but Fah, the heroine, on whose pain the novel focuses and who needs healing.

研究論文 : 語りえないことへの呼びかけ：タイ文学に見るレイプの語り 45
Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

For example, Manta compares the fear reported by a rural girl to the fear in Fahʼ s case.
The fear of the rural girl is of little importance to him because it does not interfere withher everyday life, while the fear expressed by Fah is perceived as more urgent because
it threatens to disrupt her married life. Here, the rape is a tragic loss for Fah whose value
lies in her sexuality, not for Dao, a factory worker, whose value is measured by her labor.
Conclusion
In this paper, I examine how sexual abuse has been a silent issue in Thai society. In
our culture, it is men who have occupied the privileged position. They are the ones withthe authority to define reality. Although in some cases abuse victims are encouraged
to tell their stories, the complexity and ambiguity of their narratives are reduced by
the literary convention that takes the emerging voice of the rape victims as authentic
in opposition to social repression. It is such a framing of the womenʼ s sexual stories as“repressive hypothesis” that we should reject. According to this hypothesis, one is led

to believe that rape stories are the psychological outcome of oppression. The critics
valorize the emergent voices of rape victims as expressions of truth. By concentratingon the self as authentic, they overlook social determinations about production andconsumption which would allow us to interrogate the persistence of discrimination in
relation to other factors such as class, ethnicity and so on.
What On the Edge of the World reveals is that it does matter who speaks of rape. Ang's
story of abuse is suppressed when framed by the patriarchal plot of Jonʼ s narrativeand consequently it remains an untold story. To unearth the voice of the female abuse
victim in the novel, it is necessary that the reader pays attention to silences, dreams,
and other gaps deemed as insignificant and irrelevant by Jon, the male narrator. Ang's
voice, emerging from the struggle between the rape victimsʼ desire to tell their story
and the authoritative discourses intent on silencing them, is complex and ambivalent.
In her confession, Ang not only tells Jon of her traumatic experiences but also withholds
from him some parts of them. Her account is a contested site where speech and silence,
the real and the fantasy, are intertwined. However, Jon (mis)reads Angʼ s account as an
expression of truth, denying any complexity and ambiguity in Angʼ s story as part of her
struggle to make sense of rape and identity.

46

In Behind a Cloud-Patterned Screen, Piyaporn explores how the silence about sexual
violence is a result of a privilege of the ideal over the actuality in the dominant culture.
Instead of looking at sexual abuse as an aberration of the norm, Piyaporn insists that
we need to question its place and purpose within that norm. Violence is denied in thestory and its denial allows the unequal power relations between men and women tocontinue. By placing the experience of women before the ideal, we acknowledge thereality of sexual violence and no longer regard it as a taboo but as a serious problem
that needs to be solved. The author also explores the coming to consciousness of thefemale characters who share the experience of sexual abuse. In the novel, changes in
consciousness arise from negotiations. It is “not a matter of finding the one, authentic
or monolithic self, but rather of recognizing the multiplicity and complexity of one's
experiences and the continual evolving of identity” (Rose, p. 171). When taking into
account the cultural framework in which stories of sexual abuse are produced, we areable to disclose the prejudices embedded in the author ʼ s representations of sexual
abuse.
Note
1The contemporary period in Thai society is characterized by the establishment of
womenʼ s groups and organizations in response to national and international interests
in womenʼ s issues. They were successful in calling for the enforcement of new laws
to protect basic womenʼ s rights. However, as Amara Pongsapich. (1997) points out,
the concern about women in Thai society had not been dealt with seriously untilinternational pressure brought these issues concerning women forward.
2Anchan is the pen name of Anchalee Vivatanachai. Her collection of short stories
entitled Anyamanee Haeng Chewit (Jewels of Life) was chosen for the 1990 S.E.A. WriteAward.
3Piyaporn Sakasem is the pen name of Nuntaporn Santikasem. She graduated from
Chulalongkorn University and currently works as a teacher. She is one of the mostprolific writers of the contemporary period.
⁴As Sumalee Bamrunsook (1995) maintains, “Central Thai women have long been taught
to regard their virginity as the most precious possession in their life. ʻWomen are goodor valuable only when they are virginsʼ was the ideal in Suphasit Soʼ n Ying [Thai didactic
literature for women]. Parents, teachers, writers, and advice columnists have continued
to prescribe this concept to young people” (p. 127).
⁵According to Ken Plummer (1997), “[Coming out] can be seen to capture four criticalprocess (which are not a fixed sequence): coming out personally, in which a selfconversation emerges which clarifies who one is; coming out privately, in which thefirst steps are to tell specific others ̶family, friends, work peers̶in delimited spheres;coming out publicly, in which many others are now told the story, and indeed it

研究論文 : 語りえないことへの呼びかけ：タイ文学に見るレイプの語り 47
Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

may become public knowledge out of the selfʼ s own control; and finally coming out
politically, in which the story is sued very widely as a means of social change ” (pp.
57-58).
References
Amara Pongsapich (1997). "Feminism Theories and Praxis: Womenʼ s Social Movement inThailand", in Virada Somswadi and Sally Theobald, (Eds.), Women, Gender Relations andDevelopment in Thai Society Volume One (3-51). Chiang Mai: Womenʼ s Studies Center,
Chiang Mai University Press, 1997.
Anchan (2003). On the Mouth of the World. Bangkok: Guymarud.
Basile, Kathleen C. (2005). "Sexual Violence in the Lives of Girls and Women.", in Kathleen
Kendall-Tucket, (Ed.), Handbook of Women: Stress and Trauma (pp. 101-122). New York:Brunner-Routledge.
Daly, Brenda (1998). Authoring a Life: A Womanʼ s Survival In and Through Literary Studies.
Albany: SUNY University Press.
Felman, Shoshana, and Dori Laub, M.D. (1992). Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in
Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History. New York: Routledge.
Foucault, Michel (1990). History of Sexuality Volume 1: An Introduction. Trans. Robert
Hurley. New York: Vintage.
Herman, Judith (1992). Trauma and Recovery. New York: Basic Books.
Hesford, Wendy S. (1999). "Reading Rape Stories: Material Rhetoric and the Trauma ofRepresentation", College English, 62 (2), 192-221.
Hooks, Bell (1989). "Violence in Intimate Relationships: a Feminist Perspective", in Talking
Back. (pp. 84-91). Massachusetts: South End Press.
Juree Vichit-Vadakan (1999). Violence against Women: A Thai Perspective. In Fanny M.
Cheung [et al.], (Eds.), Breaking the Silence: Violence against Women in Asia. (pp. 185-204).
Hong Kong: Equal Opportunity Commission.
Katheleen Rowe Karlyn (2004). “Too Close for Comfort” : American Beauty and the Incest
Motif. Cinema Journal, 44 (1), 69-93.
Kilby, Jane (2002). "Redeeming Memories: The Politics of Trauma and History." Feminist
Theory, 3, 201-210.
Linda Alcoff and Laura Gray-Rosendale (1996). "Survivor Discourse: Transgression or
Recuperation?" In Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, (Eds.), Getting a Life: Everyday Uses ofAutobiography (198-225). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Lugones, Maria (1994). "Playfulness, ʻWorldʼ -Traveling, and Loving Perception", in D.
Soyini Madison, (Ed.), The Woman That I Am (626-637). New York: St. Martinʼ s Press.
Ornanong Intarajit and Narin Karinchai (2000). Rape and Sexual Abuse in Thai Society: aHotline Study. Hotline Institute of Psychology: Bangkok.
Piyaporn Sakasem (2002). Behind a Cloud-Patterned Screen. Bangkok: Double Nine.
Plummer, Ken (1997). Telling Sexual Stories. New York: Routledge.
Susan D. Rose (1999). "Naming and Claiming: The Integration of Traumatic Experienceand the Reconstruction of Self in Survivors ʼ Stories of Sexual Abuse", in Kim L. Rogers,
Selma Leydesdorff, and Graham Dawson, (Eds.), Trauma and Life Stories: International
Perspectives (160-179). London: Routledge.
Sumalee Bamroongsook (1995). Love and Marriage: Mate Selection in Twentieth-Century
Thailand. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press.

48

Suwannee Kalayanasant (1993). A Content Analysis of Rape News. Unpublished masterʼ sthesis. Chulalongkorn University, Thailand.

研究論文 : 語りえないことへの呼びかけ：タイ文学に見るレイプの語り 49
Research Articles: Naming the Unspeakable: Representing Rape in Thai Literature

語りえないことへの呼びかけ：タイ文学に見るレイプの語り
チュティマ・プラガットウティサーン
性的虐待が文学研究で取り上げられるようになったのは最近の現象である。しかし，性的虐待の物語の稀少さはタイ社会で性的虐待がほとんど起きていないことを意味するものではない。性的虐待の語りの最も重要なテーマの一つは，虐待の体験者たちが見せる，自らの物語を語ることへの欲望と，その物語を語り得ないことに対する無念さとの狭間の緊張である。性的虐待の問題は，それを表現する媒体としてだけでなく，虐待の意味性を構築し挑戦する役割を果たすものとしての言語の問題と切り離すことはできないのだ。重要になるのは，語りと事実の間の呼応関係ではなく，ある歴史的状況のもとに物語が生産され消費される，その文化的枠組みの中に虐待の語りを位置付け考えることだろう。文化的現象としての性的虐待の語りの登場は，体験者の声と支配的言説の間に緊張を生み出し，そこにおいて私たちは体験者の役割と支配的文化における治癒力を考察することができる。
この研究では，性的暴力がタイ社会で声を奪われていた理由を，SEA 賞の受賞者であるアンチャンの最新小説である On the Mouth of the World（2003）におけるレイプの表象を通じて考えたい。この小説は性の問題を正面から取り上げた数少ない文学作品の一つである。前書
きの中で作者は執筆意図をタイ社会に置いてタブーとされてきた性の問題に光を当てることだと明言している。この小説は，アンという名の女性の物語が男性のナレーターのジョンによって語られる。ジョンによれば，アンは上流家庭に生まれた若く美しい，性的魅力のある女性である。彼女は反伝統主義者であり，ジョンを含む数え切れないほどの男性と遊びまわり関係を持つことで性差の既成概念を超越している。物語の転換点は彼女が妊娠に気付いた時点である。
自分が父親かもしれないと考えたジョンは，彼女を助けようと考え結婚して家族を持とうと彼女に申し出る。しかし，彼女はその申し出を断り，代わりに子供時代に体験し現在のセックスに対する中毒を招くこととなった，義父や祖母付の運転手，自分の教師との性体験を告白する。
アンの語りを聞いたジョンは彼女から離れる決意をする。彼は自分の語りを，おそらく変質的な性的欲望によって引き起こされたであろう彼女の悲劇的な死の報告と，ニーという女性との結婚から生まれた女の子をアンと名づけたことで締めくくる。
この小説はタイ社会における性的虐待の典型的な受容と理解を表現した模範的なテクストとして読み解くことができる。アンについての物語であるが，彼女の物語の書き手となり自らの視点から彼女を解釈し評価するのは，男性の語り手であるジョンである。彼の語りにおいてジョンはアンを善良な少女か悪い少女のどちらかとして捉え，彼女のセクシュアリティに対する不安と，それを従属させたいという自らの欲望をその 2 項対立に反映させる。自らの物語

50を語ることを押し通し父権的社会からは容認されていない役割を身に着けることで，アンは困
難な状況にある女性を助け出す英雄というジョンのロマン主義的概念を打ち壊し，彼の物語が直線的な語りと整った結末を達成することを妨げる。アンの死は，既存文化の語りに自らの物語をはめ込むことを拒否する女性への父権の暴力を象徴していると言えるだろう。フェミニス
ト批評がもたらした解釈戦略によって，アンの物語を読み直し，男性的な語りの中に埋め込まれた女性のプロットを再発見することが可能になった。知識生産の状況に注目することによって女性の物語を発掘することができるのだ。奇妙に近しさのある虐待体験の世界から響くアンの声は，変質的な性的嗜好を持つ堕落した少女というよりは，無力で怯えた性暴力の被害者の物語を語る。この小説における真の悲劇は，アンの語りを読み理解することができず，結果として彼女を救うことに失敗するジョンにある。
性にまつわる物語を語ることは簡単ではなく，リスクと期待が共に伴う。明白にレイプの証言であるアンのジョンに対する告白は，彼女が自分自身を誘惑の対象ではなく誘惑者であると主張する，ねじれた結末がある。一般的には物語の虚構性の証明と見なされるこのような矛
盾は，被害者が自らの体験に意味性を与えようとする苦悩を表わしているのだ。ここに見られるのは，体験を乗り越え生き残るための被害者の関与と戦略だけではなく，虐待側が無垢を主張し虐待された側が恥と罪悪感を背負うというレイプの神話を被害者自身が内在化するという，複雑な過程である。つまり，学者や専門家が沈黙の打破を抵抗の現われとして称揚するのに対し，アンの告白から浮かび上がることは，レイプの言葉と男女間関係性の支配的構造が女性の抵抗を通じて自らを語り続けているということである。

研究論文 : インドにおけるジェンダー表象概論 51
Research Articles: An Overview of Gender Representation in India

An Overview of Gender Representation in India
Parthasarathy Rajalakshmi
Indian social reality is intermeshed with diverse cultures that are reflected in variant
gender relations ranging from patriarchal forms to matrilineal practices in different
parts of India. With the exception of a few communities like the Khasi and Garos of the
Meghalaya and the Nairs and Maapillais of Kerala (where people rejoice when a girl isborn; where a woman proposes marriage; where a house bears the name of a woman;
where the child takes the motherʼ s initials and her clanʼ s name; and where a family
without a daughter is considered a dying clan) all other communities and caste divisions
follow a patriarchal system in which male domination and female subordination is thenorm.
The patriarchal social structure was introduced into India by the Aryans who werealso the founders of the Hindu society which has survived from the Vedic period to thisday. The Aryans were essentially experimenters who were seeking the best formulafor a group of people to live harmoniously with each other. Their experiment and final
decision on the role of men and women in society, along with various foreign invasions
and the consequent amalgamation of cultures, have shaped the destiny of Indian men
and women for the past three thousand years. It is worth understanding the process indetail.
The nucleus of Aryan society was the joint family. The Aryans also introduced amonumental spiritual heritage through the Vedas and the Upanishads that included
hymns of sacrificial rituals, instructions for invocation during ceremonies, descriptive
passages praising different deities, and of discourses on religious philosophy. It is byinference from these sources that we have come to know of the status of women andmen.
It appears that during the Vedic period, the Aryan settlers had a high regard for theirwomen. The Aryan wife was not servile as she was destined to be later on. The Aryans
gave their daughters equal opportunities with their sons for receiving education. Girls
had the choice to get married (Sadyodavahanis) or pursue their studies and remain
unmarried (Brahmavadinis). Women were trained in academic, war, medical, andadministrative skills. However, with the Hindu societyʼ s proclivity towards favouring girls

52

who married and produced children, the education of girls began to erode. Graduallya woman became her own worst enemy because she stayed on the path of least
resistance and chose to become a dependent, rather than learn to be self-sustaining.
The laws of the Manu Smriti further degraded the status of women. Manu, the famous
law-giver of 200 B.C. emphasized womanʼ s secondary role in life and the necessity tokeep her dependent upon men from the cradle to the grave (in childhood on her father,in youth on her husband and in old age on her son). Manu prescribed early marriage
for girls (between the ages of 8 and 10) and declared that a married woman could own
no property. Manu was also responsible for the deification of the husband. Even whena husband is a drunkard, leper, sadist or wife-beater, he is to be worshipped as God. The
next logical downward step for women was ʻsatiʼ – the immolation of the wife on thefuneral pyre of her husband. Gradually the practices of destroying female children atbirth, infant marriage, polygamy, prostitution, mass burning of widows upon defeat in
war became common and sanctioned by religion. Gautama Buddha, in the 5th century
B.C. , disapproved of child marriage and ʻsatiʼ but did little to ameliorate the sorry stateof Indian womanhood. The Buddhist emphasis on celibacy made women appear to be
the seducers of good men.
Muslims began invading India from about 1000 A.D. and ruled large parts of thecountry for the next 700 years. Although Islamic law entitled a woman to own property
and to divorce her husband, most Hindus who were converted to Islam continued
to observe their own customs. Property and divorce remained the prerogative of themale. Muslims also introduced the institution of purdah, and the seclusion of womenin harems. The poorer classes and a section of the upper caste treated widowhood as
an abomination. Their heads were shaved; they were not allowed to wear jewellery andcould dress only in the plainest white.
A big breakthrough came when a small band of enlightened Indians like Rammohun
Roy brought reforms against certain orthodox Hindu practices. Gradually laws werepassed against ʻsatiʼ , child marriage, dowry, and polygamy. Annie Besant and Margaret
Cousins were responsible for founding many womenʼ s organizations of which the mostactive today are the National Commission for Women, the National Council of Womenof India and the National Federation of Indian Women. Woman now in the Independent
India attempts to alter her relationship with man in order to accumulate self-respect,

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and regain her lost equality with him but with great diﬃculty. Women are expected tomaintain traditional customs and practices. Being unable to compromise between old
customs and new life styles some women live with an eternal sense of guilt and remorse.
Their own educational and career achievements fail to give them self confidence and asense of fulfillment.
Indian Constitution guarantees equality of status and opportunity to all citizens ofIndia regardless of sex, caste, and creed. The Indian parliament has passed appropriate
bills like the Special Marriage Act, the Dowry Prohibition Act, and the Act against Eveteasing. These legal measures, along with access to education and careers, have led
many people to think that Indian women have won the battle of equality long ago
and are making steady progress, especially after national independence. This myth
has primarily grown out of some visible improvements in the life of women from theurban educated middle class over the last century or so. There has been no obvious
discrimination against women in professions in matters of pay and other facilities. The
first few women police oﬃcers, judges, film makers, parliamentarians, and women pilots
have, far from facing visible discrimination, been given distinct encouragement. The
press, too, has given a great deal of sympathetic coverage to such women, projecting
them as role models, creating a feeling that there is little a woman cannot do, no
position she cannot reach, provided she has the ability and will power. The reality is thateven in such professional circles, women are in the minority and must struggle in order
to assert their will and make their voices heard and counted.
Even among the urban middle class, the power exercised by the family structure
and the kin group over the lives of women in the name of customary practices has
been, and is, a potent weapon in keeping women oppressed and powerless. Neither
formal education nor the ability to earn an independent income has brought about
the expected changes in the lives of urban educated women. Their education is usually
tailored to the requirements of the marriage market. Even those few women who earn asubstantial income seldom are able to have real control over their own or their family's
income. Most of them have to go through arranged marriages and there is evidence
that the dowries given for well-educated and working women are often more exorbitant
than for less-educated or illiterate women. This is partly because parents have to seek
even ʻbetter qualifiedʼ husbands for their ʻhighly qualified daughtersʼ .

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In fact, a working woman may have to be doubly subservient in order to prove thatworking outside the house and bringing in an independent income have not corrupted
her or caused her to deviate from the traditional womanly role. Even highly educatedand well employed women often have to hand their entire salary over to their husbands
or mothers-in-law and receive a small amount for daily expenditure. Except for a
handful of women in elite professions, by and large, most urban educated middle classwomen remain confined to lower grade professions, for example, as nurses, secretaries,
typists, receptionists, and primary school teachers. In these professions, they remain at
the lowest rungs where they cannot influence decision-making and where avenues ofpromotion scarcely exist.
Thus, the equality and freedom that the modern Indian woman is supposed to enjoy
have been, by and large, potential factors, not facts. Laws, rights, and privileges are not
intrinsically useful if they stay in statute books. Their application has to be enforced
and protected. It is when through usage they become traditions that they acquire an
abiding characteristic. And this requires usage, not by just a few alert individuals, but by
all the women and men of the country. It is true that there are women chief ministers
of states like Ms. Mayavati, Ms. Mamtha Banerji, Ms. Jayalalithaa, Ms. Sheila Dixit and
Ms. Vasundara Raje. Mrs. Sonia Gandhi, the leader of the ruling coalition party is also
a woman. Yet it cannot automatically be assumed that this is a uniform and lasting
progress for the remainder. Women are still struggling to get 33% of representation in
the parliament. More than 70% of women are illiterate and are below the poverty line.
It is again a fact that there are elected women leaders in the rural administrative bodies.
But in many places, the male relatives of the women leaders practically take the powerin their own hands. Even the women chief ministers do not show any significant strategy
diﬀerent from that of male ministers in governing their states. These women are foundto be emulating their male counterparts in their political dealings which are mostly
corrupt and self-serving. Their justification of such a state of aﬀairs seems to be that inorder to survive in politics, the domain of men, they have to resort to similar strategies
used by men.
While eﬀorts to change the condition of life of Indian women are confined to narrowstratums of urban, educated middle-class women, the vast majority of Indian women
who live in rural areas have been largely ignored. Vast diﬀerences distinguish the lives

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of women in different parts of the country and within different caste, class, religious
and ethnic groups. Unless the bulk of the Indian female population progresses withconscientious effort, it will not be a permanent change or development. The mootquestion is, what is it that is preventing them from giving up outdated and irrelevant
traditional practices? The answer lies in the influence that Indian mythology has on the
Indian psyche, especially with reference to their gender consciousness.
Myth and Religion
In India, religion is an integral part of Indian psyche and way of life; thus, almost allart forms and cultural practices are religious and are based on Indian mythology andfolk legends. In the process of being and becoming a man and a woman in Indiansociety, the rich heritage of folklore, myths, epics and sagas play a vital role. In spite ofchanging mores and life-styles, Indian men and women are still expected to conformto the role models projected by Indian popular myths. Women continue to be deified,defiled, and enslaved by the role models defined by cultural lore. They continue to live
within themselves and the heritage of the past. However, recently Indian women, while
continuing to hold onto some of their rich heritage, also want to create a new world
with a different quality of relatedness to men. Some women writers have challenged
the representation of women and men in mythology. They feel that women have todeconstruct the existing mythology and reconstruct a new mythology in order todiscover the reality of women.
According to the Indian mythology availab le to us, women are expected to remain
within the threshold of a boundary line constituting marriage and family. If they want
to go beyond the Lakshman Rekha, dangers are lurking. The images of Seeta, Renuka
and Ahalya are deeply embedded in the psyche of Indians striking a note of warningthat women should always be within the control of the men in their family. Women can
attain divine stature if they worship and serve their husbands. As evidence to such aʻtheory,ʼ the stories of Nalayini, Anusuya, and Kannagi are cited. But the fact remains that

there are no male role models for the Indian men to emulate except the epic hero Rama,
who symbolizes an ideal son, brother, student and emperor. Unfortunately, he falls shortof the requirements of an ideal husband from a feminist point of view.

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The concept of ʻArthanareeswaraʼ (androgyny) has been an acknowledged category
in India from ancient times, stemming from the Vedas, the very basics of Indian thought.
The ʻArthanareeswaraʼ image in traditional discourse goes beyond gender, beyond
identity. It is the emergence of the idea of bisexuality, which is present in every humanbeing – the complementary traits of the male and the female, which are inevitable. But
this image which speaks of a harmonious man-woman relationship is found among thetemple sculptures and not among the daily lives of people.
Literature
The attitude of a culture is reflected in its literature, which not only represents men
and women as they are but also shows how they are moulded into their stereotypes.
If the touch-stone method of Arnold is used to study gender representation in Indian
literature, one can easily aﬃrm that the literature produced in any one region of India
can certainly vouch for the similarity and uniformity of cultural representation of thewhole of India. For an analysis of gender representation in Indian literature, Tamil
literature is taken up here.
Tamil culture and literature have been popular since prehistoric times. When one
analyzes Tamil proverbs and well-known ancient literary works, one can see how anattitude of pity, condescension, indulgence, indiﬀerence, neglect and mock-exaltation
is expressed in the portrayal of women. The birth of a girl seems to have often
brought disappointment in the family circle. Due to the dowry menace, and the great
responsibility involved in bringing up daughters safely in society and safeguarding
their virginity, people often prefer sons to daughters. The patriarchal belief that onlya son can perform the funeral rights of his parents also is a reason for the preferenceof a son who is expected to take care of his parents in their old age. People consider
it below their dignity to stay in the house of their married daughter for more than afew days. Some Tamil proverbs bring out the fact as to what value is accorded to thesons and daughters in Tamil society: ʻEven a king with five daughters would become amendicantʼ ; ʻAn honorable house needs only a girl to ruin itʼ ; ʻBring up a boy sternly but
a girl with indulgence, as the boy is the preserver of the familyʼ s prestige while the girl isa decorative pieceʼ .

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According to Tamil culture, the natural traits of a woman are supposed to befear, ignorance, shyness, sobriety and modesty. Laughter is not associated with thepersonality of a ʻgood womanʼ . A laughing girl and a weeping boy cannot be trusted,says a proverb. But when it comes to any reference to a mother, the following proverbs
glorify her image: ʻThere is no temple greater then a motherʼ ; ʻThirst can be quenched
only with motherʼ s milkʼ . The next step to glory for a woman is ideal wifehood. Literaryworks in Tamil reflect the very same social values that the proverbs speak of. Girlhood
is a preparatory ground for marriage and wifehood is the best state to be in. A woman's
entire early life trains her to aspire for marriage and, once married, to remain so since
only that will bring her glory. She should respect her husband even if he happens to bea piece of stone or a blade of grass.
Marriage being the most important destiny for a woman, the code of conduct for awoman is safeguarding her chastity. Tirukkural, the bible of the Tamilians emphasizes
the image of a woman primarily as a wife who is a home-maker and husband-worshiper.
A wife who worships not god but her husband every morning could bring rains at her
command. But for a man, his profession comes first. The ʻmanlyʼ thing is not to listen to
the words of women. The Thirukkural says that even a coy woman is better than a man
who takes orders from a woman, and a sane man will never attach himself to a woman(quoted in Lakshmi, C.S., The Face Behind the Mask 3).
When one considers the present literary scenario in Indian writing in English, women
writers seem to outnumber men writers. Some of the popular contemporary Indian
women writers who write fiction in English are Nayanthara Saghal, Anita Desai, Shashi
Deshpande, Bharathi Mukerjee, and Gita Hariharan. Arnthathi Roy, the Booker Prizewinner for her book The God of Small Things has become a full-time social worker
supporting the cause of socially downtrodden women. These writers have represented
the issues faced by upper and middle-class, educated women in their writings.
Regional writers from every state do touch upon the miserable position of the doubly
marginalized women from the lower classes and castes.
Mass MediaThe responsiveness of the media to gender can be captured through indicators
ofgender diversity and gender portrayal. Gender portrayal cannot exist independently of

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the market or the hierarchical socio-cultural realities. Basically, traditional gender types
are represented in various mass media. The complex range of gender subjectivities canprovide an appearance of media's simultaneous sensitivity and bias on gender issues.
The prevalence of gender discourse in the Indian context has ensured that the impactof gender differentiating structures in terms of atrocities such as sati, rape, female
foeticide, dowry deaths, denial of access to facilities and resources, and the poor qualityof participation in availed avenues are well reported. Such coverage is interspersed withimages of typed male-female roles - beauty as an empowering product and female
honour as the epitome of Indian culture while physical strength and authoritarian
attitudes are the predominant traits of masculine identity. However, when one studies
the representation of women in diﬀerent media, it is mostly the urban, educated, middle
class women, who are represented and hence an illusion is created that womenʼ s status
has been radically changed in India.
In the absence of well defined and institutionalized policies, procedures andmechanisms guided by gender-just concerns among media persons, the messages
conveyed fall in the realm of individual attribution of meaning. The reporting of a rapecase may be perceived to be a woman's due for flouting the code of social conduct, awarning or mobilization for grievance redress depending on the audience. Moreover,the lack of formalized structure allows the media to selectively appropriate andrepresent gender issues contextually in conjunction with dominant socio-politicalnorms. Thus, gender representation in the media in India is open to the influence ofcompeting tendencies, be it the market, cultural capital, communalism, electoral politics
or women's empowerment articulations.
Visual Media: Television
Due to poor access to knowledge and information on developmental programs,social and cultural barriers, and the low level of confidence in seeking and using
knowledge, women ʼ s participation in TV programmes presents a low profile. Women
appear frequently as announcers and news readers on television. The next role forthem is to compeer light programmes as stop-gap arrangements in between regularfeatures like the news, serials, movies, and educational programmes. They also appear
as interviewers but only to interview persons from the cinema field or medical lines.

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Interviews with politicians, heads of large firms, or popular sporting figures are often
done by men. In such interviews, sometimes there may be a young woman present
along with the male interviewer just to add some glamour to the scene.
The images of men and women presented in TV serials are contrary to reality. It is
generally accepted that in many ways they reflect menʼ s fantasy. Consistently andsystematically, women are being exploited to the advantage of menʼ s self esteem.
Advertisements especially are used to build the macho image of men. Whatever theforces may be -commercial, political, or cultural- they are dominated by men. Hence
what one could find on TV is reality wrapped up in the ideals imagined by men in
influential positions. In the present cultural context of the empowerment process of
women, the aggressive reactions of men are reflected in the portrayal of women as
negative characters - ʻvindictive or weakʼ . These characters are projected as worse
enemies of the women themselves.
With regard to the drama serials, almost all are women oriented. But women areoften projected in dual images: on the one hand they are weak, dull, docile, sacrificial,and emotional who try to protect traditional values and on the other, they arecunning, egoistical, volatile, and tend to destroy traditional values. The concept of truly
emancipated and empowered women as discussed in womenʼ s forums and academia
is yet to enter the stories that are written mostly by men. Again, women are often
characterized as being money minded and for the sake of money they will sink even to
the extent of committing criminal acts. While the villainous females indulge in personal
vendettas, the weaker women are always seen swimming in an ocean of tears. The
villainous female character is represented in such attractive and powerful roles that theyoutshine the virtuous and traditional female characters.
In most of the serials, the male characters are mere shadows and they are easily
manipulated into being accessories of the villainous female characters. Some malecharacters are projected as oppressors while some are shown as victims of their own
oppression. Men are represented as corrupt politicians, rich business crooks, drunken
and oppressive husbands, faithful household servants, benign fathers and fathers-in-law
in contrast to tyrannical mothers and mothers-in-law, brutish policemen, and so forth.
Such portrayals of men, like those of women, do not give a true picture of men.

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Most of the advertisements suggest that women are supposed to perform household
duties and only some women could work outside as well, while men only work outside
and rarely perform household duties. Women are shown as consumers capable ofstaying beautiful and cheerful even while washing clothes, cleaning utensils, or cooking
and caring for family members. It definitely sounds like the dream-girl of the opposite
sex, who could respond to fantastic demands without really much effort on his own
side except that some men are still shown either as a he-man, a protector of thefamily or a macho-man. In order to sell their products, advertisers try to please men
by perpetuating the myth that women are accepted by men, only because of their
attractive physical appearance and intensive services. The worst advertisement is one inwhich a motor cycle is described as a womanʼs body and how a man can derive pleasure
while driving it. When women are shown in their domestic roles as brides, wives,
mothers and mothers-in-law, men are shown in a variety of roles like sports persons,company executives, drivers, construction workers, doctors, architects, lawyers, andof course as husbands and fathers too. In commercial advertisements, women appear
for cosmetics, food and cleaning products. Even advertisements for bathing soaps andshampoos invariably convey the message that women bathe for beauty and men forcleanliness.
This unrealistic and unfair representation of men and women by advertisers does
great harm since the commercials are repeated over and over again often within thesame hour. This repetition reinforces certain attitudes in the minds of the viewers andtherefore serves to reinforce society ʼ s attitude towards men and women.
CinemaCinema is a powerful medium that can make or mar a society. It is often said to reflect
the society in which it is produced. Cinema is an integral part of modern Indian culture
and the Indian film industry is the largest in the world. Indian cinema characterized by
the diversity of its genre, language, regionality, and budget, can be seen as a crucial
resource for understanding the dynamics of gender and sexuality in contemporary
India. The stereotypical representation of women as dependent upon men characterized
the cinematic landscape for a large part of the twentieth century. Except for a very
few movies that were made with consideration for feminine sensitivities, post colonial

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cinema has been dominated by hero-oriented movies with women reduced to mere
props for adding glamour and dance sequences. Men are always represented as virile
and powerful, protective of women who are projected as vulnerable and weak. The
films are evidence of the brute reality of hundreds of millions of women internalizing
the roots of their own destruction. Women are simultaneously looked at and displayedwith their appearances coded for strong visual and erotic impact so that they can besaid to connote ʻto-be-looked-at-nessʼ . The song-and-dance sequences of the Indiancinema serve mainly to present the female body as a spectacle to satisfy the voyeuristic
pleasures of the male gaze. Most of the films are shot to make money. Feminists see
cinema as a key carrier of contemporary cultural myths. Cinematic representations ofmen and women are far from reality.
In recent years a few women have made their presence conspicuous by producing
movies which focus on womenʼ s issues. Deepa Mehtaʼ s film FIRE (1996) has tackled
the theme of lesbianism among dissatisfied urban Indian wives. Though this film
obtained international acclaim in India, it was considered a blot on Indian culture
and womanhood. Indian cinema mostly represents women in stereotyped binary
oppositions-the goddess and the whore. The goddess categories are revered mothers;
devoted wives, demure sisters; and the romanticized girlfriends. The whore categories
are villainous and fallen women who are sensuous vamps, courtesans, and prostitutes.
Among these stereotyped women, the ʻrealʼ Indian woman is often lost or ignored. The
popular theme in present-day cinema is ʻromantic loveʼ in its diﬀerent dimensions. Since
the cine field is very much in the control of men, women are represented as objects ofdesire and possession. All the longings, frustrations, fantasies and hopes of men arereflected in the films.
Print Media - Newspapers and Magazines
Media/journalists are a part of society and consume the same cultural values; hence
they cannot escape their influence. Even if they hold individual values and views, they
have to conform to the social concurrence. Violence against women has been a major
issue on the feminist agenda. But we cannot say that the media is equally concerned
about this issue. Events like bride-burning, rape, mysterious/unnatural death, eveteasing, domestic violence, kidnapping, police atrocities, and infanticides are reported

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as occurrences and not discussed as ʻissuesʼ , except in stray articles in special editions
published on weekends. Such stories are largely gathered from police records or
hospitals and published with the newspaper bylines. They are investigated mainly
when the victim comes from an affluent family or has political connections or when
the story has a political or communal angle to it. Women in most incidents of violence/
crime appear as passive actors, quoted by oﬃcials. In these cases, women may not be
the sources providing news. It may be said that mainly two kinds of events related to
women make news: sensational news of violence/crime and reformatory news dealing
with oﬃcialsʼ activities towards reforms which concern womenʼ s lives.
The front page of a newspaper rarely carries news related to womenʼ s issues. The
items on womenʼ s news are mostly found on unclassified pages. A meagre percentageof womenʼ s news is found on the sports, economy and business pages. Interestingly
the articles in the Saturday and Sunday magazine sections/supplements are mainly
written by women. The authors are women academicians, women activists, and womenjournalists. It may be noted that in the case of editorials also there is meagre coverageof womenʼ s issues on the agenda as the most important item in any newspaper.
Nonetheless, it is encouraging that the media takes note of feminist books, plays, andarticles for reviews.
The media draws from a ready reservoir of gender diﬀerentiating stereotypes, myths,
legends and symbols. This becomes more dangerous when it is represented by a media
that is considered egalitarian and secular since no filters are used while decoding theirmessage.
The factors that give rise to this low coverage of women ʼ s issues include maledomination in the media profession, the lack of women in power positions, the generallack of interest in womenʼ s issues, and the vested financial interests of newspapers.
While the state media has defined gender guidelines and policies, these remain
unstated in most private media institutions. These policies are women-centred, rather
than gender-centred. In order for the media to reflect gender rights in a sustained andcogent manner, gender sensitive guidelines and mechanisms have to be evolved. Whileadherence to principles of equality can be lauded, procedures and systems evolved topromote empowerment must be screened through the assumption of gender rights.

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Gender diversity within the media is an effective strategy only when supported bygender sensitivity and the integration of gender-just norms.
Conclusion
Indian men and women still have to discover their basic identity which should beneither male nor female but human. This identity encompasses the other two identities
and is a liberating and life-giving force which can revitalize the whole of human society.
The womanʼ s identity is to go beyond the threshold of social transition so as to get
in touch with her being and personhood on the psychological level. There should bemutual respect and recognition on the part of man and woman and both must develop
their concern and consideration for each other. Only a gender fair society can become
an ideal human society.
Bibliography
Arya, Sunanda. Mass Media and Public Opinion in India. Jaipur: Printwell Publishers, 1989.
Bathla, Sonia. Women, Democracy and the Media. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1998.
Chanana, Karuna, Ed. Socialisation, Education and Women: Explorations in Gender Identity.
New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1988.
Joshi, Ila. Women Dimension on Television. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Co., 1991.
Joseph, Joni .C. Mass Media and Rural Development. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1997.
Lakshmi, C. S. The Face Behind the Mask: Women in Tamil Literature. New Delhi: Vikas
Publishing House Pvt Ltd., 1984.
Naipaul, V.S. India: A Million Mutinies Now. New York: Penguin Books, 1990.
Oʼ Flaherty, Wendy Doniger. Women, Androgynes, and Other Mythical Beasts. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 1982.
Parikh, Indra. J & Pulin K Garg. Indian Women: An Inner Dialogue. New Delhi: Sage
Publications, 1989.
Reddy, P.A. & Jayalakshmi. M. Exposure of Women to the Mass Media. New Delhi: ClassicalPublishing Co., 2004.
Glossary
Ahalya – the wife of Gautama, was seduced by Indra and then released from her
husbandʼ s curse by Rama.
Anusuya - a virtuous woman who is referred to in the Ramayana. She is the wife ofSage Atri. When the three Gods, Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva try to humiliate her, shetransformed them into babies with her power of chastity.
Arthnareeswara – Lord Shiva wears a male earring in one ear, a female one in the other,symbolizing his dual nature (Arthnareeswara, half-man, half-woman). It is believed that
He is half himself and the other half constituting of his wife Parvathi.
Kannagi – In the epic Cilappatikaram, Ilanko depicts the transformation of the chaste
wife Kannagi into a goddess after she avenges the unjust death of her husband.

64

Kauravas: Sons of King Dhritarashtra in the Mahabharata
Lakshman Rekha – the line drawn by Lakshmana, the younger brother of Rama in the
Ramayana for protecting Seetha, Ramaʼ s wife against any danger.
Manu Smriti: Manu Smriti or Laws of Manu, a renowned code of Hindu law said to haveconsisted of 100,000 verses. The primary purpose of the book, which contains rules forthe observance of ceremonies and rituals, and moral and social instruction, appears tohave been to strengthen the institution of the caste system in India.
Nalayini – the faithful wife who took her leper husband to the prostates house.
Renuka – wife of sage Jamadagni and mother of Parasurama, an avatar of Lord Vishnu.
She was killed by her son at the order of her husband who thought that she had been
disloyal to him.
Seeta- Lord Ramaʼ s wife in the Ramayana for whose sake a war was fought.

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インドにおけるジェンダー表象概論
パルタサラティ・ラジャラクシュミ
このペーパーではインドにおける現代に至るまでのジェンダー表象およびグローバル化の中での変化のありかたの包括的分析を行う。インドの社会実情は多文化混在性と密接に結びついており，それは地域により父権主義的なものからから女系制まで存在するジェンダー関係の現状にも反映されている。ここでは，ジェンダー観の発達および内在化に強い影響を与えた 5個の要素に焦点を当てて議論したい。具体的には，インド神話体系・宗教・歴史・文学およびマスメディアを取り上げる。
多面的なインド文化では，多くの対立的要素，例えば伝統とモダニティ，都市文化と地方文化、精神主義と現実主義、識字文化および非識字文化といった事柄が共存するパラドクスが見られる。他言語・他宗教・他民族・階層社会というインド社会の多様性にも関わらず，そこにある統一的アイデンティティが確実に存在しているのは，やはり文化活動の影響に負うところが大きいだろう。神話体系はインド文化にとって最も豊饒な基盤のひとつであり，現在に至るまでインド社会の精神性の根源はヒンドゥー教聖典であるプラーナの編まれた時代にある。
ジェンダーによるステレオタイプや役割の発展過程の研究において，叙事詩や民話，伝説が参照される要因はここにある。
インド社会内の父権的構造によって採用されてきた宗教原理や伝統についての議論は，ジェンダーによる差異化がいかに着実に男性の社会における優位性を確立し女性の生を周縁化してきたか，また寡婦殉死や持参金制度，女児殺し，寡婦や未婚婦人の蔑視，強姦をはじめとする女性に対する暴力全般などの社会悪の根源がここにあることを明らかにする。
外国勢力の侵入の歴史を辿ると，紀元前 325 年のギリシャによるパンジャブ地方浸入および紀元 747 年のアラブ浸入，15 世紀に始まるムガール帝国による支配，イギリスによる植民地支配などによる数次にわたる男性優位性思想導入の影響を見て取ることができる。
文学はそれを生んだ社会を映す鏡の役割を果たす。一般大衆向け作品に見られるジェンダー
表象は男女に対するステレオタイプ化されたイメージとアイデンティティの変化を見せてくれる。過去において，そしておそらく現在においても，女性に対するイメージには両義的なものがあり，神格化されたイメージと侮蔑的で貶められたイメージが並立して見られる。男性キャ
ラクターの描かれ方と照らし合わせるとき，現代社会における女性の地位および役割の変化の
中，アイデンティティクライシスが進行しつつあることが見て取れるだろう。
映画やテレビドラマ，広告や印刷メディアが男女の生活におよぼす影響は非常に大きい。
映画は現在の社会の傾向を指し示す理想的なメディアである。年間製作本数の膨大さにおいて

66

インド映画界は世界最大規模を誇る。メディアテクストの多義的な意味性に女性性の現実ではなく男性の幻想の反映を見て取るのは難しくない。娯楽映画では，男女を伝統的アイデンティ
ティのもとに表現するため，さまざまな方策をとっている。採算性が最優先されるため，男性
観客向けアピールとしてセックスと暴力に力点が置かれている。インド社会全域に浸透しているテレビも映画に影響を与えている。連続ドラマの多くは女性を中心に据えているが，否定的な側面が強調されている。そこでは女性は悪意に満ちているか，あるいは弱い人間として描かれる。広告で男性の下着からトイレ・浴室用製品にいたるまで，グラマラスな人形として女性イメージが多用されている。
締めくくりとして，インド社会の精神性と文化構造の継続性および安定性が，黙々たるイ
ンド女性によって保たれてきたことを示したい。この文脈において，女性の人生は徳性の担い手として娘・妻・母としての義務と役割を果たすことにあると考えられてきた。全人格的存在としての個人が役割の枠組みから離れることは許されず，女性の多くが，既成の枠組みを超えるのではなく，その枠組みを尊厳あるものとして扱い，結果としてそれを保持してきた。しかし現在，成長と生活の場には新しい状況がある。現在女性が立っている空間はいまだかつて存在たことのない場所だ。そこには新しい指針が打ち立てられなければならない。女性が旧来の世界を脱却し，新しい世界に足を踏み入れ，新しい意味性を獲得し作り出すためには，まず自らの内面に潜む因習を乗り越える必要がある。現在の世界的および地域的状況は，女性と男性が対話に基づき，平等で幸福な人間社会を協力して築くことを行動に移す環境を整えつつある。

フィールドセクション : 視線の政治 : 見られる・消費される女性のイメージ 67
Field Reports:The Politics of Gaze: on the Relationship of Seeing/Being Seen

視線の政治 : 見られる・消費される女性イメージ
深澤純子

A 商業メディアと女性の視覚イメージ
私はこれまで、25 年以上、主に商業メディアに現れる女性の視覚イメージを、女性差別という視点から観察してきた。その間、映像技術や表現技術は大幅な進歩を遂げ、視覚イメージ
が私たちの生活に供給される機会と量、質が圧倒的に増え、そのアプリケーションも広がり、多様なイメージが商品や情報として広がった。しかし、女性の差別的表現は残念ながら少しも減っていく傾向がみられない。

80 年代初め、私は通勤途上の電車内の吊り広告やポスターを観察し写真に撮りはじめた。
当初目についたのは、私鉄沿線にいくつもある結婚式場のポスターだった。イメージは白人モ
デルのウェディングドレス姿ばかりで、男性モデルが登場せず、中身のない、理想の結婚が強調され、「結婚は女の幸せ」は純白のウェディングドレスとおもちゃのようなチャペルに象徴され、宣伝されていた。しかし広告したい事業、商品とイメージは全く無関係ではなかった。

80 年代半ばには、銀行、信用組合という金融機関が、夏のボーナス預金のキャンペーンに、
各社こぞって水着の女性モデルを使った大判ポスターを使用した。当時は、お堅い金融機関が、水着という「ソフトムード」のポスターを作った、ということだけが話題になった。
そのころから、広告出稿量は、80 年代末のバブルの頂点に向けて、加速度的に増え、消費者側から見ても、いかにも手の込んだ豪勢な、大判のポスターが、壁面にいくつも連続的に貼られていたのが印象に残っている。もちろん、広告媒体どうしを連動させたキャンペーンで、同様のイメージのテレビコマーシャルや雑誌広告、POP1 広告で、私たち消費者がイメージに接する機会はより増加していった。
そのような現象を観察しながら、私は、なぜ商品と関係のない、女性の性的なイメージ（肌の露出、体の一部を切り取り玩具のように扱う、また媚びを売る表情や性を強調するポーズ）
が広告に使われているのかを、「広告効果」の観点から考えていた。露出の量が増えれば、認知度、記憶度が上がるのは当然であろうが、それらの女性イメージが、アイキャッチャーとして、シンボルとしての効果、企業イメージを作るという以上に、売り上げに貢献しているという直接的な効果について、広告主や広告制作者の側から報告したものは探し当てることができなかった。

1995 年より、マスメディアが供給している女性のイメージが示す意味を読み取るワーク
ショップを全国で 100 回近く実施してきた。広告主や制作者の側から見るのでなく、消費者、受け手としての私たちが、メディアの女性イメージを見て、主体的に何を感じ取り、発見でき68

るかというプロセスをワークショップとしてプログラムにしたものである。ワークショップ
ファシリテーターとしての経験から、またそこで観察された結果から考えたことについて述べる。ワークショップを実施した場所、機会は、国や地方自治体の女性センターや社会教育施設の企画する講座やセミナー、行政職員や企業の職員研修、労働組合での学習会、役員研修会、自主グループ活動等である 2。

B ワークショップの手法について
1995 年にワークショプを開始してからのこの 10 年間、メディアの供給する大量の女性イ
メージは、性役割を強調したものや、男性の性的な対象とされる「見られる性／女性」がほとんどであり、男女共同参画社会基本法やそれにともなう政策的な男女共同参画社会作りが進められていても、メディアの領域ではほとんどその影響が見られないといえる。メディアは、

21 世紀になっても女性を見られる性として取り扱ったものばかりを供給しつづけている。
大きく変化したのは、男性の視覚イメージが、男性に向けて大量に供給されるようになってきたことである。それは、ファッションやアクセサリー、自動車、スポーツ、旅行、日常的に使用する製品の消費を促すためのイメージである。
ワークショップを行う際に、手にいれやすさ、取り扱いやすさから、紙媒体の新聞、雑誌を素材にメディアの状態を観察することにしている。
まず、手法を簡単に説明しよう。
１． 共同作業で行うが、1 グループ少なくとも 5 人はいたほうがよい。観察対象とする雑誌（たとえば女性誌）を集め、ホッチキスや糊を取り除いて、ページをすべてばらば
らにし、集めた雑誌すべてのページをシャッフルし、雑誌類がまんべんなく混ざるよ
うにする。
２． ランダムに紙を抜き取り、そこにある人物のイメージ（写真がほとんどだが、イラス
ト、マンガも）を、一人、複数人に限らず、全て切り抜く。この時、イメージの性別は考えない。各自 20 点程度。
３． グループで切り抜いた写真を集め、女性、男性、両方が混じっているもの、性別が特定できないもの、の 4 種類に分ける。
４．男女別にイメージを年齢で 3 段階に分け、模造紙のそれぞれのスペースに貼っていく。
５． 完成した作品を掲示し、観察する。グループ内で気づいたことをことばにし、話し合
いながら進め、より多く、新しい事柄を発見／再発見する。
６． イメージやジェンダーについて気づいたことがらを全体でシェアする。

フィールドセクション : 視線の政治 : 見られる・消費される女性のイメージ 69
Field Reports:The Politics of Gaze: on the Relationship of Seeing/Being Seen

C 女性と男性のイメージの作られ方を比較する
女性読者を想定した雑誌（以下女性誌と記述）は、年齢、既婚か未婚の区別、ライフスタイル、
経済力、居住地、などで性格づけられ、細かくグループ化されている。女性雑誌は、は広告への依存率が高いからであり、一冊のうち 2 分の 1 から 3 分の 1 が広告ページであり、「カタログ雑誌」ともいわれるように、本文ページも、衣服、アクセサリー、バッグ、靴、化粧品、美顔、美容整形、ダイエット、痩身の記事におおわれている。
特徴をまとめてみると以下のようになる。

20 代の女性がほとんどで、中年、高年の女性が登場するのは、数えるほどで写真も小さい。

20 代女性の写真は、顔の大写し（化粧品の広告）か全身（衣服の紹介）、モデルには白人も多く、髪は長く、完璧に化粧をしており、サングラス以外のメガネをかけた女
性はほとんどいない。太った女性もいない。表情は、媚び売るような半開きの口、笑顔、けだるい表情、カメラ目線かあるいは遠くをぼんやりと見るような定まらない視線等々。逆に、にらみつけるような視線ばかりが登場する時期もあり、撮られる表情にも、ちょっとした流行があることがわかる。
登場人物の職業を観察すると、モデル、タレント、女優、アイドル等、「見られること」
が職業の人々ばかりである。その他の仕事をしている場面の女性は申し訳程度にしか登場することがなく、ただ「撮られる・見られる」ためだけか、商品を紹介するためにモデルとして登場していることがほとんどである。そのためか、個人のアイデンティ
ティ、独自性を感じさせる人は少なく、無名な存在の印象であり、男性が、仕事、社会的な業績、スポーツの結果等の、成し遂げたことで登場しているイメージばかりであることときわめて対照的である。
登場する女性たちのイメージには、生活感というものが全く表れていない。背景に何も写っていない写真が多いが、それはスタジオ内撮影だと考えられる。入念なライティ
ングがなされ、邪魔な陰影が出ないように工夫され、姿勢、表情もいくつも変え、撮影者やディレクターの意図、広告主の意図を反映したイメージが作られていく。シャッ
タースピードは野外撮影に比べて遅く、モデルはあまり大きな動きはせず、必然的に静的なイメージができあがる。広がりのない、閉じた空間におかれ、外との関係は断ち切られている。女性イメージは、このように虚構として演出され作られていく。
男性のイメージが撮影される場所は、その男性の仕事場や活動の場所であり、その行為、活動の最中を、カメラは捉えようとする。被写体は、運動や活動をしており、それに合わせてシャッタースピードは速く、イメージは動的なものとなる。

70

女性＝静、男性＝動、というジェンダーをなぞらえた男女で正反対のイメージが再生産されている。
そして、女性雑誌の特徴のひとつは、男性の写真の掲載数が極端に少ないことである。
女性は男性のイメージを鑑賞しない、という前提、編集方針があるかのようである。
そして、繰り返しになるが、上に列記した特徴は、1995 年からの 10 年間で、量的にも質的にも減る傾向も、変わっていく傾向もほとんどみえないのである。
男性読者を想定した雑誌（以下男性誌と記述）のうち、20 代、30 代のサラリーマン向けとして編集されているものは、1995 年以降、性毛を露出した裸の女性を撮影したグラビアが、各誌に毎号 10 ページ前後は載っている。また買春産業の記事（あるいは広告）が満載の雑誌には、さらに多くの女性の裸があり、性器を露出したものもたくさんある。ホテルの部屋、ベッド、布団、風呂場、水辺、庭等々、女性が、裸や裸に近い下着、布、水着で、性的に誘う姿態
で、撮られている。これらは、男性の性的欲望に応えるためにあり、マスターベーションの際にも用いられるものであることはよく知られている。女性たちは、無名であり、性的な欲望の対象として見られることのみの目的で登場している。全般的に写真のサイズは大きく、身体を不自然にひねったりしているものも多い。これらは雑誌の構成の中では「エンターテインメン
ト」とされている。
反対に、男性誌の中の男性の写真は、政治、経済、スポーツ、各種事件等の記事内容に関係し、名前が知られている人物たちが多い。顔だけの写真も多く、撮影のための特別な演出がこらされているのは、広告写真かファッションの紹介写真、あるいは特別なインタビューや人物紹介記事である。男性の写真を点検すると、手や口が動いているものなど、全体的に演説、講演、インタビュー、記者会見等々、話しをしている場面が多いことに気づく。それに比べると女性
イメージは、話しをしている場面はほとんどなく、「沈黙」「無音」のイメージといえるだろう。
つまり男性の写真には、現在進行中の時代性があり、女性のイメージには「今日的」という生きた時代は見られないものが多く、時代性は外見の装いの流行で示されるだけと言っても過言ではない。女性の外見のイメージを作ってきたのは、女性の感性ではなく消費であり、女性のイメージが操作可能なものであることを基本とした製造、流通、メディアである。そして男性のイメージの分析結果にあるように、男性は、権力と経済力と筋肉力と意志で、女性を含
む社会をコントロールできるものと想定されている。

フィールドセクション : 視線の政治 : 見られる・消費される女性のイメージ 71
Field Reports:The Politics of Gaze: on the Relationship of Seeing/Being Seen

D コントロール可能な女性イメージ
男性は、女性の虚構のイメージをコントロールすることで、女性がコントロール可能なものであることを、学習し続けている。
つまり

1． 女性は年齢が若いほうが、価値が高い。
2． 女性は外見が美しいほうが、価値が高い。
3． 女性はいつでも、男性の都合のよいときに、性的欲望の対象とされる。
4． 女性は各部分に切り分けて部品化し、好きなように変形させ、好きな場面に登場させて取り扱うことができる。

5． 女性の意志・意思を無視して、いつでも好きな時に、好きなように見てよい。
6． 女性は自分の意志・意思を表明しないで、黙っていればよい。
7． 女性は、見る主体として期待されていない。
8． 女性の生活や仕事、意志、思想など、生きている女性の存在は関係ない。
バーチャルリアリティ（仮想現実）とはコンピューターグラフィックス（CG）で作り出した 3 次元の現実味の強い虚構空間であり、モチーフが動いたり、視点の移動によって、空間が変わったりするものもある。コンピュータゲームに登場する若い女性キャラクターや、人間のアイドルと同じようにテレビ CM に出る等の露出をする CG で作られた女性キャラクターは、

1990 年代末に「バーチャルアイドル」と呼ばれ、年をとらない、文句もいわない、病気もしない、
自分勝手な行動をしない、24 時間働くアイドルという強力な商品であることが話題になった。
ＣＧで、人間のように微妙で複雑な造形や動きのイメージを作り出すのは、いまだに難しい作業であり、巨額のその開発費が投入されているが、表現技術を手にすれば、そのアプリケーショ
ンで、巨大な利益を手にできる。なぜ、それらは、「女性」でなければならなかったのか。

20 世紀に、女性のイメージをコントロールできることをより身近にした要因として、写真技術や印刷技術、西洋美術運動の中での「オブジェの発見」という、表現対象を徹底的に解体する手法によって、メディアの表現に載りやすくし、さらに精神分析理論を根拠として、表現を性的欲望と関連づける思考法など、20 世紀西洋美術の果たしてきた役割を考慮しないわけにはいかないだろう。この稿はそれを詳しく説明する場ではないのだが、男性の性的な欲望を視覚イメージによって、コントロールし、さらに昂進させ、イメージを再生産させ・・・という現在のメディアのイメージ供給サイクルが作り出された。20 世紀末から現在の日本のように、女性の性的なイメージが大量に溢れ、巨大なマーケットを築いており、さらに将来もその成長が期待されているという事態は、男性に対しては男性の性的欲望を使って消費を促し、女72

性に対しては、男性の欲望の受け手としてジェンダーを強化するメッセージに満ちた女性像が送られ、女性もその影響を受けているという、変則的な位置関係、ベクトルがそこにみえている。

E 自分に自信がもてない日本女性？
（株）ユニリーバジャパンが「女性の美しさに関する調査」を実施し、その結果をホームペー
ジで発表している。
調査は、ハーバード大学の教授ナンシー・エトコフ氏とロンドン経済大学教授のスージー・
オーバッハ氏の協力で、アメリカ、カナダ、イギリス、イタリア、フランス、ポルトガル、オ
ランダ、ブラジル、アルゼンチン、日本の 10 ヶ国の合計 3200 名を対象に 2004 年度に行われた電話アンケートで、年齢は 18 歳から 64 歳まで、そのうち日本人は 300 名である。
この調査によると、日本女性は、「自分自身の生活の中で満足していることは？」という質問に対して、家族関係 66％、健康 62％、恋愛関係 16％、仕事上の成功 18％、容姿（体重、体型）

17％、美しさ 13％、外見的魅力 14％、経済的魅力 20％であり、調査対象国の中で全ての項目で最下位である。さらに「他の女性と比較すると、あなたはご自身についてどう感じますか？」という質問では、他の人より美しいと思っている人が 10％、平均的だと思う人が 53％である
が、これも調査対象国中最下位。「他の人より劣っている」と感じている人が 26％で、これは10 カ国のうちで一番高い。「美しい」「かわいい」と思っている人は 0％で、「ナチュラル」と思っている人が 43％で、フランスと同率 1 位である。
そして「女性を美しくする上で、重要な要素は？」という質問には、「メイクアップ・化粧」の答えが 55％で 10 ヶ国中 1 位である。「肌の状態」は 70％で 5 位、「服装などのセンス」は63％で 5 位である。
「もし娘がいたら、「女性は何歳でも美しくなれる」と思っている日本女性は 74％で最下位、自分を美しく感じてほしい」と思っている人は 61％で、やはり最下位 3。
上記調査によれば、日本女性は、自分の外見や容姿に自信が持てず、肌の手入れや、化粧が上手になって、服装センスを磨けば美しくなれると思っているが、その目標はナチュラルであり人並みになることである。恋愛や仕事、経済力に大いに不満があるが、家族や健康には多少満足していると思っていても、他国の女性に比べて、その率は低い。「何歳でも美しくなれる」と思っている人も、化粧や肌の手入れ、服装のセンスを磨かなければいけないのである。
この調査が肌や髪のケア商品のメーカーによって行われたことを考慮すれば、この結果が次の商品開発計画に結びつけられていくことは当然であろう。そして、日本の女性誌が化粧や流行の服装、肌の手入れやダイエット等商品の記事や広告で、誌面のほとんどが占められていることと、見事に呼応している。メディアは、女性にむけて、消費を通じて自己実現をはかり、

フィールドセクション : 視線の政治 : 見られる・消費される女性のイメージ 73
Field Reports:The Politics of Gaze: on the Relationship of Seeing/Being Seen

他人にすかれる女性となれと繰り返しメッセージを送っている。メディアによる、或いはメディアを使った資本の要求で、女性の意識は再生産されようとしていることがよくわかる。

F 男性のセクシュアリティとジェンダー
これまで述べてきたように新聞、テレビ、雑誌、広告媒体、ビデオ、コミック、ゲーム、インターネット等々を通じて、大量に供給される視覚イメージは、私たちの日常の意識や行動、ジェン
ダーやセクシュアリティのあり方に強い影響を与えている。しかしその数十年間、私たちは、イメージを読み取る訓練を十分にせずに、あるいは批判的に読む経験を意識的にすることなく、右から左へとイメージを消費し、受け取り続けてきたのではなかったか。

2005 年春、複数の若い女性に動物用の首輪をつけて自宅やホテルで数ヶ月間にわたり監禁していた 24 歳の男性が逮捕された。彼の行動は、出会い系サイトで知り合った女性を暴力で脅して監禁し、自分に従う動物のように飼育し調教するロールプレイングゲームを模したものだといわれている ⁴。この事件は虚構と現実の区別がつかない特殊な人物の妄想の所業とかたづけることはできないと私は考えている。なぜなら現在の日本社会は、女性の性的なイメージ
がそこここに横溢し、女性は他者＝男性がコントロール可能なものとして呈示されているからだ。
最近、「萌える」という言葉が、ゲームやアニメ、フィギュアと呼ばれる人形などの「美少女キャラクターへの愛情表現」として使われ、それらの製品は、大きなマーケットを形成している。家電製品、コンピュータの販売店が集中していた東京・秋葉原が、「萌え系ユーザーの町」
として注目を集めている。フィギュアを扱う店では「客の 9 割以上が 20 代後半から 30 代後半までの男性」で、「以前は観賞対象だったが、今はフィギュアそのものに愛情を感じているようだ」という ⁵。この現象を、ササキバラ・ゴウ氏は「思春期以上の人間に向けられた多くのキャラクターは性的な意味を持っており、これが大人も巻き込み、市場の裾野を広げた」と分析している ⁶。観賞、つまり目で見て楽しむだけでなく、性愛の対象となっているというのだが、女性のイメージを観賞＝見て楽しむことと、性的対象としてみていることは、大きく異なっているわけではない。実際、「美少女」キャラクターを使い、内容はポルノグラフィーであるコンピュータゲームは多数に作られ、流通している ⁷。
また、やはり「彼ら」の需要をねらって秋葉原で繁盛しているのがメイド喫茶」なる商売である。若い女性が黒いミニやロングスカートのワンピース、フリルの縁取りのある白いエプ
ロン、髪にはヘッドドレスなど、古典的なメイドの衣装をアレンジしたユニフォームを着て、ウェイトレスをする喫茶店に行列ができているという。店に入ると、「いらっしゃいませ」という代わりに、「お帰りなさいませ、ご主人さま」と客に声をかける。また派遣メイドなる商

74

売も登場し、メイドの格好で、個人の家に出向き、掃除や洗濯など頼まれた家事をし、やはり三つ指ついて「ご主人さまのために、なんでもいたします・・・」という様子が紹介されている 。ここまで来たら、買売春まであと一歩であることは明白であり、視覚イメージという付加価値によって性の商品化のバリエーションはいくらでも増やせるわけだ。
２０世紀後半から２１世紀に入って、女性のイメージは、メディアが多様な形態で流通させ、身近な商品として、作られ、売られ、消費されてきた。イメージとしての女性は、頭、顔、目、口、耳、髪、胸、胴体、尻、手、足、性器、セクシュアリティ、声、性格や行動等、すべてをばらばらにして部品のように取り扱うことができるように提示されており、さまざまな部品の中から好きなように選んで買って、組み立てる、あるいはそのように構成された膨大なバリエー
ションの商品のなかから「お気に入り」「自分専用」を購入し所有することが可能な体系となっている。それらを買い集める経済力さえあれば。現実の生きている存在としての女性は、それらの虚構のイメージの不完全な模倣か、あるいは新たなパーツのイメージを発見したり、反映
させたりする素材でしかなくなる。
コンピュータゲームでは、自分（ゲームのプレーヤー）を主人公にして、ストーリーが展開していく。台詞が対話で進められ、女性はそれに反応していく。プロセスを踏むことで、プレーヤーの脳の中にイメージの女性像、観念的／概念的な像が容易にできあがっていく。
このようにして、女性のもの化、部品化＝フェティシズムは、継続し深化していく。
「見る／作る／操作する」のは男性であり、「見られる／操作される」のは女性イメージである。

フィールドセクション : 視線の政治 : 見られる・消費される女性のイメージ 75
Field Reports:The Politics of Gaze: on the Relationship of Seeing/Being Seen

脚注

1Point of Purchase の略。 広告の手法のひとつで、販売する商品の近くにおく店頭広告
2 初期に書いたものとして、「メディアの女性イメージ」（かながわ女性ジャーナル 16 号、特集メディアと女性の人権、神奈川女性センター、1996 年）がある
3http://www.nipponlever.com/（2005 年 10 月）
⁴「少女を監禁、容疑の男を逮捕 ネットで知り合う 警視庁」
『朝日新聞』、2005 年 5 月 12 日、

朝刊
⁵「萌えって何？ 美少女キャラへの愛情 オタク文化の中心概念」『日本経済新聞』、2004 年
10 月 28 日付け、夕刊、タウンビート欄
⁶ ササキバラ・ゴウ『＜美少女＞の現代史 「萌え」とキャラクター』（講談社新書）、講談社、
2004 年
⁷ たとえば「魔法戦士プリンセスティア」アイチェリー社、「遠隔操作」Guilty 社
⁸「メイド掃除でモテ部屋に あのコスチュームで掃除してくれる新サービスを利用してみた
ら」『AERA』2005 年 5 月 30 日号、朝日新聞社

76

The Politics of Gaze: on the Relationship of Seeing/Being Seen
Junko Fukazawa
In the spring of 2005, a young man was arrested for the imprisonment of several
young women for prolonged periods, both at his own place and in hotel rooms,
equipped with collars and chains. It has been said that his behavior was copied fromgames of ʻkeepingʼ and ʻtrainingʼ women to obey, treating them like animals. In today's
Japanese society where sexual images of women are exposed in ordinary life, it is not
appropriate to trivialize this incident as an isolated incident of a crime committed by
one man deluded between fiction and reality.
We cannot possibly deny the strong influence exercised on our everyday actions,thought patterns, gender and sexual relationships by the overwhelming amount ofvisual images disseminated by newspapers, magazines, TV programs, advertising media,
videos, the internet, or games.
I have been examining female images in the mass media for over twenty five
years from the perspective of discrimination against women. Since 1995, I have also
conducted a number of workshops in which participants engage in reading thesemantics of female images supplied and consumed by the mass media. During theseten years, neither the quality nor the quantity of female images have changed in any
significant manner: despite the political instalment of an egalitarian society for men
and women, images of women circulated by the media in quantities have remained as
those with strong gender connotations or those of sexually objectified for menʼ s gaze.
What has changed is the growth in male images directed at male consumption. They
are images to promote the sales of products for everyday consumption such as clothes,accessories, cars, or sporting and travel goods. Exposure to such images has created adesire for self-realization , most notably among the male younger generation.
The question which arises here is: Will the process of womenʼ s consumption of maleimages as objects of gaze progress forward, as it has with menʼ s consumption of female
images? I shall argue that in order to push the move forward, women should recover theseeing entity. Seeing too is an act formed through cultural exercise.

フィールドレポート : 日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化 : 新しいジェンダーを求めて 77

Field Reports: Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? :Transitions in the Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese 'Anime'

日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化---- 新しいジェンダーを求めて ---村瀬ひろみ
１. はじめに――「戦う女の子」の台頭と「萌え」日本の商業アニメで描かれる女性像は、日本アニメの隆盛に伴い、ますます多様なキャラ
クター造形となっている。黎明期のステレオタイプな女性像にはさまざまな批判がなされたが、今日のアニメーションにおいては、従来のような「従順・従属的・自己犠牲的・消極的」といったキーワードで表現される一面的な女性像が描かれることは少ない。たとえば、小学校低学年（
1 2004-2005 現在は『ふたりはプリキュアマックスハーの女児に人気の『ふたりはプリキュア』
ト』として続編が放映中）という作品においては、文字通り体を張って「戦う」女の子たちが主人公である。彼女たちは「守られる」存在ではなく、「守る」存在であり、自身の考えで動く主体的なキャラクターとして描かれている。それらの作品においては、男性の存在感そのものが希薄であり、打破すべき敵の中にわずかな成人男性の造形のキャラクターが存在するだけである 2。
このように主体的な女性主人公による物語の系譜の中で、「戦う女の子」のモチーフは大変好まれ、さまざまな作品中に何度も登場する。積極的であること、孤立していないこと、実行力があること、主体的に動くこと…といった「戦う女の子」の属性は、自立した女性像として大変わかりやすい。
しかし、「戦う女の子」を取り巻く状況を考えれば、その「戦う女の子」が自立した女性のシンボルとして存在するという見方はより楽天的で一面的にすぎないことがわかる。視聴する
女児、もしくはその親にとっては、自立した主体的な女性像であるとしても、それとは異なる見方が一方で存在しているのである。そのような見方は「萌え」と呼ばれ、「市場は２９００億円」と試算される 3。「萌え」文化は、日本アニメの輸出や多くの文化産業とともに、世界に広がろうとしている。（堀田 2005）「萌え」文化の中で、「戦う女の子」はどのように語られ、解釈されているのだろうか。「萌え」的視線に晒され、再度客体化されるキャラクターたちは、従来のジェンダー構造から見れ
ば、まさに性的搾取の対象となっている。しかし、そのような単純なわかりやすい図式は、実際に「萌え」を担う人たちの実感に即していないことも多い。
２.「萌え」という視線

S. ホールによれば、オーディエンスが主体的に作品を解釈し、それによって作品を再構築するのであって、作品があって解釈がオーディエンスに押し付けられるのではない。

78（Turner1996=1999:16）同様に、「戦う女の子」も受け取るオーディエンスによって、別の解釈が可能である。そのさまざまな解釈を生み出す代表的な場としてよく知られているものは、
同人誌活動である。そこには、多様な物語の再構築がある。
同人誌活動の担い手は、本来のターゲット視聴者（『プリキュア』の場合は女児）ではなく、
成人男性、成人女性が多くを占めており、さまざまなパロディ作品を創出している。その中でもっとも大きなジャンルのひとつが性的な題材のもので、「戦う女の子」を対象としたものはその多くを占めている ⁴。
主体として存立する主人公の女の子を、今一度オーディエンスが性的な対象として読み替え客体化していくというパロディのあり方は、もっともありふれた同人誌活動のひとつである。
（その火付け役として、『美少女戦士セーラームーン』1992-1997 についてはさまざまな論考がある ⁵）。そのような同人活動における読みを支える一つの欲望のありかたとして、「萌え」がある。
「萌え」とは、「原作の物語とは無関係に、その断片であるイラストや設定だけが単独で消費され、その断片に向けて消費者が自分で勝手に感情移入を強めていく、という別のタイプの「萌え」は、キャラクターの構成要素を分解し、消費行動」（東 2001:58）とも言われる。つまり、背後に存在する大きな世界観や物語構造とは切り離したところで、キャラクターの構成要素や設定に対して、グッズの収集や同人誌製作などの二次創作へと向かうことと言ってもよいかもしれない。たとえば、「萌え」は、メガネっ娘や三つ編、ネコ耳、セーラー服、ミニスカート、巫女さんスタイル、戦う女の子 ･･･ などのキャラクターの要素であったり、親子関係でのトラ
ウマ、対人関係でのトラウマ、兄妹、異母兄弟、などといった泣き要素といわれる状況設定であったりする。そして、それぞれの要素をオーディエンス自身が自分の好みに合わせて、二次創作をしたりグッズ製作や販売という生産活動、もしくはグッズや二次創作作品の収集といった消費活動に励むこととなる。もちろん、「萌え」という行為は、男性のオーディエンス、女性のオー
ディエンスともに見られ、「萌え」＝女性への差別、女性の物象化と短絡することはできない。
また、それらの行為の倫理的妥当性を問うことは本稿の主題ではない。
しかし、たとえば「萌え」を前提とした――言い換えれば、「萌え」のための要素を盛り込み、「萌え」られることを目的とした裏の設定を持つ――女児向けと銘打ったテレビアニメ作品があるのも事実である ⁶。そして、それは決して少なくなく、女児にも大変人気が出ることが多い ⁷。建前では、明るく、楽しく元気に、かわいく、主人公たちは「戦う女の子」をやるのだが、その裏では、その主人公の全体性や、作品の物語ではなく、部分部分の要素（たとえば、服装や髪型などの特徴「萌え要素」⁸ といわれる）が成人のオーディエンスに流通していることは明白である。

フィールドレポート : 日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化 : 新しいジェンダーを求めて 79

Field Reports: Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? :Transitions in the Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese 'Anime'

本来のオーディエンスとしての女の子たちは、それらの「萌え」には気づかないかもしれない。しかし、いまは気づかなくても、将来はどうだろうか。自分たちが自己投影していたキャ
ラクターたちの別の意味に気づくときが、いつかは来るかもしれない。
自分たちの敬愛する主人公が、「萌え」という視線によって、要素にバラバラに分解されて成人男性に愛玩されていることに気づくという経験が、女の子のオーディエンスにどのような影響を与えるかよくわかってはいない。それは、共通の話題を持つ異性の異世代との交流として無邪気に楽しいものかもしれないし、そうでないかもしれない。
しかし、「この国に栄える “萌え文化” は男子が女子に感じる魅力を記号化し、要素として積み上げて共有する文化」（堀田 2005:150）とするならば、自分たちが憧憬の対象としてきた「戦う女の子」が、やはり従来の客体化を経て市場へと回収されていくことに、違和感を覚えるのである。「戦う女の子」の解釈の二面性についてはすでに指摘されているが ⁹、その二面性を自覚しつつ「戦う女の子」の未来を考えてみたい。
３．一つの「萌え」ジャンルとしての「戦う女の子」
テレビアニメの「戦い」は、戦闘によって自立や主体性が問われる作品世界においては、女の子にとってひとつの社会参加であり自己実現だった。しかし、アニメブームを経て思春期の視聴者を対象とするようになった作品の多くでは、「戦い」の意味や「正義」の根拠が問われるものも多くなった 1⁰。無邪気な勧善懲悪は純粋な子ども向けとして残ってはいるが、じょじょに姿を消しつつあり、キャラクターたちがもし「戦う」のならば、そのための動機や意味が必要となっている。
多くのテレビアニメでは、やむにやまれず戦闘に参加する女性たちや、好き好んで参加する職業軍人として女性たちなどがたくさん描かれている。しかし、SF アニメの衰退とともに、典型的な戦闘をテーマとした作品は減少傾向にある。それでも、現在 (2005 年 ) 放映中の『ふたりはプリキュアマックスハート』の「戦う女の子」たちは大人気であり、彼女たちこそが、『セー
ラームーン』の衣鉢を継ぐ 11。むろん、女児にも人気、成人にも人気という、想定される 2 種類のオーディエンスのあり方をも継承しているのである。このような「萌え」の要素をたくさん散りばめ、多くのファンを掴むやり方は、日本のテレビアニメの大きな潮流のひとつとなっている。
『プリキュア』の主人公は、ちょっとドジで無鉄砲ななぎさと優等生のほのか。彼女たち
は、決してあきらめない。理不尽な暴力を発動する「ジャアクキング」との戦いの物語を背景に、普通の女子中学生の日常にある葛藤が描かれる。将来への夢、家族との絆、友だちとの交流、出会いと別れ。二人を取り巻く女性陣も個性豊かである。祖母、母、新婚の担任の先生、

80

会社勤めをやめ移動カフェを切り盛りする先輩などなど。それらの人間関係を背景に、淡々としたどこにでもありそうな日常の風景を切り取ることで、「男子が女子に感じる魅力」（堀田 :2005:150）という限定された魅力ではなく、現代社会に生まれ、成長していく一人の人間としての魅力を描くことを可能にしている。「萌え」にとどまらない魅力、子ども向けの物語の楽しさがそこにはある。
他にも、「萌え」の対象となりつつ、そこを越えていくパワーのある作品は数多い。「萌え」として計算され効率的に作られた作品としての魅力を超えた魅力が、そこにはある。たとえ「萌え」として、解体され、愛玩されようとも、女の子のオーディエンスたちのもとには、生きることへの物語の確かな手ごたえが届けられる。その手ごたえが確かならば、本来のオーディエ
ンスである女の子たちが将来「萌え」文化と直面し、自身の移し身である主人公が客体化されている事実に出会っても、その危うい視線に囚われることはないのではないだろうか。そもそも「戦う女の子」は、自立と主体性を手中に収めた女の子たちだ。それらを手に入れた後、女の子たちは「性」といずれ向き合わなくてはいけない。自らの性的欲望、性的ふるまいの規範、性的な身体の自覚、自分たちの性的魅力とともに自分たちが性的に搾取される可能性にも目をつぶることはできない。
「萌え」は、ひとつの性的なパッションに支えられている。「戦う女の子」も所詮は女だと侮蔑するか、「戦う女の子」の性的身体を再確認するか。同じ性的なパッションであっても、受け取り方ひとつで意味は変わる。性的側面だけを強調して他を見ないのではなく、性的側面を隠してしまうのでもなく、性的身体を持った丸ごとの存在としての「戦う女の子」。その可能性は、オーディエンスのさまざまな読みにある。「萌え」もその読みのひとつかもしれない。
４．「萌え」のもう一つの側面「萌え」は従来のジェンダー構造から考えると、女性の客体化であり、女性像の性的な搾取であるとも言える。しかし、「萌え」には、別の側面もある。女性像を一方的に性的に搾取するマスキュリンな情熱がイコール「萌え」なのではない。「萌え」の根底に流れるものは、確かに性的なパッションではある。作品世界や特定のキャラクターに対する一方的でしかあり得ない偏愛と、その愛を表現する旺盛な生産活動と消費活動が「萌え」の本質であり、ここで、注目したいのは「萌え」が非常に多様性に富むこと、複雑であることである。
「萌え」のジャンルはさまざまなものに及ぶ。それは、従来、女性に対して感じる魅力とされた「優しさ、従順」というステレオタイプでは説明することができない。さまざまなキャラ
クターが、個人の好みに応じて、それぞれに魅力的とされる。それは、「可愛い、美しい」外
見の画一性とは裏腹に、「優しく従順可憐な幼馴染」「生意気な妹」から「孤高の委員長」「ツフィールドレポート : 日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化 : 新しいジェンダーを求めて 81

Field Reports: Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? :Transitions in the Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese 'Anime'

ンツンしたそっけない態度の女の子」「優等生でライバル」といった多様な性格のキャラクター
たちがいる。
「萌え」キャラクターは実に多様で、さまざまな外見、さまざまな内面を持っている。その中に、「戦う女の子」のような自立した女の子たちも含まれうるわけである。もちろん、人気のジャンルはあるが、単純にステレオタイプな女性像が愛好されているわけではないことは、
特記すべきだろう。
もちろん、「萌え」られるキャラクターには、一定の原則がある。それは、外見である。多様な特徴（メガネ、セーラー服など）があるのだが、その外貌は押し並べて可愛いらしい（少数派として、美しい外見をもつキャラクターもいないことはないが）。ほとんどすべての「萌え」キャラクターの外見は、可愛くデフォルメされている。大きな瞳、小ぶりの鼻、小さなもの言
いたげな口。多様とはいえ、「萌え」に興味のない人間にとってその多様性を見抜くのは容易でないが、可愛い外見をつぶさに観察すればその奥にある性格設定や状況設定は、ステレオタ
イプで説明することが難しいことがわかる。
＜従来＞
視線

⇒

可愛い（美しい）外見⇒素直、従順、優しい、無垢

可愛い（美しい）外見⇒素直、従順、優しい＜「萌え」以降＞
視線⇒⇒ドジ、おっちょこちょい⇒生意気、勝気、わがまま⇒優等生、マドンナ⇒孤独、不幸⇒無垢、純真⇒勇敢、無鉄砲⇒・・・などなど
ステレオタイプな女性像は女性を抑圧する装置として機能する。しかし、ここでは、個人
個人の偏狭な「萌え属性」は個人の内面の問題であって、全体として「女性はかくあるべし」という結論を導かない。あまりにも多様な一人一人の「このタイプの娘が好き」という欲望の表出として見れば、「萌え」＝女性の抑圧と単純に言うことはできない。
一点だけ、可愛い（美しい）外見が常に求められる。そのことを、女性に対するステレオタイプと見ることが可能である。しかし、女性のオタクたちもカッコイイ（美しい、可愛い）82

男性キャラクターに「萌え」ることが多々ある 12。外見の可愛さ（美しさ）を求めることは、図像がメインとなるオタク文化では男女ともに変わりはない。
従来の抑圧的ステレオタイプは、沢山存在する「萌え要素」のひとつにすぎず、絶対的なものとしてはすでに機能していない。「萌え」は様々な要素を複雑に組み合わせて、作られる。
理想の女性（男性）は、人それぞれなのである。生意気（従順）でも、有能（無能）でも、孤独（社交的）でも、愛されうるのである。
外見の可愛さ（美しさ）さえ、あれば誰でも愛される。男女問わず。
５．「萌え」とジェンダー「萌え」は、相手を所有するひとつの方法でもある。「萌え」の対象となる二次元作品におけるキャラクターには決して触れることはできない。そのキャラクターに少しでも近づくための手段として、二次創作やグッズ収集といった活動があることはすでに述べた。所有は、ある意味で非常にマスキュリンな行為である。女性を所有することによって男性の優位は明らかになる。
しかし、ここでもいくつかの転倒と、複雑化がある。
第一に、「萌え」のマーケットを形成するのは男性だけでないということ。マスコミで取り上げられる「萌え」は、消費主体は必ず男性という図式がある。男性が、女性を客体化して消費するという非常にわかりやすい図式がそこにある。たとえば、オタクの町秋葉原で注目される「メイドカフェ」が最もわかりやすいだろう。「おかえりなさいませ、ご主人様！」とメイ
ド服に身を包んだ店員が来店者にお辞儀をするとき、想定される客は男性である。実際にマス
コミにはメイドカフェに来る女性の客はあまり取り上げられない。が、メイドカフェは男性専
用ではないし、女性客は少なくない。その場合は「おかえりなさいませ、お嬢様」と挨拶されることになるが、ここで、「ご主人様」と「お嬢様」の非対称性はあまり問題にならないだろ「ご主人様」に対応する女性の呼称がないのであるから 13。メイドカフェが好う。そもそも、きな女性たちの存在を無視することはできない。また、メイドコスチュームを「可愛いから着てみたい」と無邪気な感想も多い 1⁴。そこには、メイドという職業が持つ「従属」といった暗い側面はなく、「従属の様式を売るサービス、労働」という資本主義の原則があるだけである。
メイドカフェのメイドをしている女性たちが、実際に男性客に従属しているわけではない。
メイドカフェに限らず、表層で騒がれる「萌え」は男性主体ではあるが、女性主体のマーケッ
トは確実に存在する。「やおい」「ボーイズラブ」といったジャンルを愛好する女性たちは、男性を愛する男性に「萌え」ているし、その中にも様々なサブジャンルがある。彼女たちに対し

フィールドレポート : 日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化 : 新しいジェンダーを求めて 83

Field Reports: Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? :Transitions in the Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese 'Anime'ての、「男性を客体化しているからよろしくない」という単純な批判は、ここでも当たらないだろう。
第二に、「萌え」る男性の欲望のあり方はマスキュリンで女性に対して抑圧的だと簡単に断じることが難しいということである。秋葉原を歩くと様々なコスチュームに身を包んだ「コスプレーヤー」（コスチュームプレイを楽しむ人）とすれ違う。その中には、女性キャラクター
のコスチュームに身を包んだ男性がいる。彼らは、キャラクターへの愛から、そのような格好をするのだという。「萌え」に関する番組（知識を競うコンテスト）に出てきた男性は、次のように言う。「２次元美少女は人としての理想の姿が込められているので、幻想の世界は僕に
生きる希望、生きる情熱を与えてくれる存在です 1⁵。」
「美少女系コスプレ男」と紹介される 19 歳の彼は、セーラー服、スカートなどのコスチュー
ムも自由に着こなす。彼は、「萌え」の対象となるキャラクターには、「人としての理想が込められている」と言う。そして、そのキャラクターになりきることで、「生きる情熱」を得るというのである。
そこにあるのは、対象としての女性像を所有したいという欲望ではない。あるのは、人としての理想と一体化したいという願望である。その願望によって、彼は、自分の属するジェン
ダーすらもやすやすと超えてしまう。男性はスカートを着ないものという規範など、彼にとってはどうでもよいことなのだ。笑顔がチャーミングな「美少女系コスプレ男」にとっては、「萌え」の対象となる「2 次元美少女」こそが、ひとつの人間のあり方の理想であり、その理想像
は、従来の「男」や「女」を超えている。見かけはもちろん「女」ではあるが、彼に「女になりたいのか？」と問えば、違うという言葉が返ってくるだろう。「女」になりたいのではなく、「2 次元美少女」になりたいのだ。
「萌え」の対象となるような「2 次元美少女」になりたいと男性が願うとき、そこには、男性というジェンダーを超えようとする何かがあるのではないだろうか。女性を対象化していく
視線ではなく、自らの男性性も投げ打って、「2 次元美少女」へと一体化していく自己意識のあり方は、ひとつの新しいジェンダーを示唆している。
「萌え」という行為の中には、対象となる相手を所有したい、性的に奪いたいというマスキュ
リンなパッションがある。しかし、一方で美しく、可憐な「2 次元美少女」と一体化しようとするパッションもある。その情熱は、肉体の「男」、「女」を超えた形で（自分のジェンダーを超えた形で）存在するのである。このように、「萌え」の一部には、従来のジェンダー観を超える部分があり、それを無視することはできない 1⁶。

84

６．「萌え」のゲットー化――「戦う女の子」から「美少女ゲーム」へ
今まで、アニメに表現された女の子と「萌え」文化が生み出す新しいジェンダーについて
概観してきた。しかし、2005 年の現在、アニメ作品に対する「萌え」はその主流を退きつつある。そもそも「萌え」はアニメ作品の二次元のキャラクターへの届かぬ愛を語るためのものだった 1⁷。決して触れることのできないキャラクターを思い、そのグッズを集めたり、キャラ
クターについて熱く語ったり、パロディを製作することが「萌え」のはじまりだ。それから30 年あまり、いまや「萌え」は男性ばかりでなく女性にも広がっている。女性も好きなキャ
ラクターに「萌え」ることができるのだ。さらに、その対象となる作品も確実に変化している。
いくつかの「萌え要素」を売り物とした市場で、いま最も「萌え」なものは、「美少女ゲーム」
である。PC の普及にともない爆発的に市場を拡大し、いまや同人誌の主流は「美少女ゲーム」の美少女キャラクターが占めているのだ。
堀田は、著書『萌え萌えジャパン』の中で、さまざまな「萌え」現象を取材している。たとえば、それは「メイドカフェ」であり、「抱き枕」であり「等身大フィギュア」などである（堀田 2005）。その下敷きとなるキャラクターはやはり美少女ゲームが多い。美少女ゲームのキャ
ラクターを抱き枕にしたり、その等身大フィギュアを作成したりするなかで、キャラクターへの愛をはぐくむというわけである。また、前出のササキバラは 90 年以降の潮流として美少女ゲームを挙げている。（ササキバラ 2004:158）
美少女ゲームは、エロティックな目的で効率よく「萌え」が組み込まれたゲームであり、インタラクティブな要素を持つ。登場キャラクターにはセーラー服、ネコ耳、眼鏡っ娘などといった「萌え要素」が、ふんだんに組み込まれている。それらのキャラクターをいかに攻略するか――が、ゲームの最重要ポイントであり、主人公（＝プレイヤー）は常に様々なタイプの女性キャラクターに取り囲まれているという状態である 1⁸。また、ヒット作の中にはポルノグ
ラフィックな使用を目的としないものもある。性的な目的は、あまり重要でないとする指摘も多く、性的な描写のない一般向けの美少女ゲームも存在している 1⁹。そこで重要視される「萌え」は、前出の東の「データベース化」への欲望とともに、キャラクターの内面への「萌え」が前面に出ている。女の子の部分部分に「萌え」るのではなく、女の子とのシチュエーションそれ自体に「萌え」るのである。たとえば「「うさぎのぬいぐるみを抱えた女のコが、校舎の前で僕を待っていて、時々かじかむ手にはぁっと息を吹きかけて温めている情景に惹かれる気持ち」「いつも自分の恋の相談に乗ってくれる幼馴染みが、あるとき一生懸命涙をこらえながら “コイツぅ、ボクだって女のコなんだゾ” とつぶやいたときに生じる気持ち」」（堀田 2005:200）と記述される。

フィールドレポート : 日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化 : 新しいジェンダーを求めて 85

Field Reports: Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? :Transitions in the Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese 'Anime'

ほのかな恋情、青春の一コマ。決して戻ることのない、異性に憧れた初恋のころの胸の高鳴り。それらを再体験させてくれるツールとしての「萌え」なのである。ポルノとしての最終
目標は後景に退き、いかにその甘く切ないプラトニックな恋愛を堪能するかというところに向かう人も多い。
このような美少女ゲームは、すでにナンパを楽しむシンプルなゲームではなく、恋愛というドラマの中でプレイヤーに擬似的に主体性を体験させる「バーチャル実存体験システム」にまで進化しています。（ササキバラ 2004:167）
美少女ゲームの隆盛とともに、多様なゲームが作られている。そのすべてが、プラトニッ
ク恋愛を志向しているわけではなく、さまざまなパターンのさまざまな「萌え」を盛り込んだ
あらゆるシチュエーションのゲームが発売されており、ポルノ論の見地からはやはり問われるべきであろうことは忘れてはならない。が、一方で、女の子たちの見かけに「萌え」るだけでなく、彼女たちの物語、外傷（トラウマ）に「萌え」る人たちが増えていることも事実である。
いわゆる「泣きゲー」と呼ばれるものもその中に入る。
「萌え」の世界で、アニメはもう古いマイナージャンルなのである。たしかに、美少女ゲー
ムは、記号的なアニメ絵で表現されるが、それはアニメではない。テレビアニメの向こうには、生身の女の子のオーディエンスがいる。そのオーディエンスのリアリティと、「萌え」は一致しない。だが、現実の生身の女の子たちの読みと、「萌え」的読みは、ねじれながら共存し、
読みの多様性を作り出す。このように、多様な読み込みが可能な、重層した物語が、アニメ的には良い作品として評価される傾向にある。
たとえば、『エヴァンゲリオン』の包帯少女綾波レイに「萌え」た男性たちは、同時に宇宙規模で巨大化する綾波レイという物語も同時に手にする。もちろん、彼らが「萌え」るのは巨大化レイではなく、彼女の痛々しい包帯姿だったりその笑顔だったりするわけだが。「萌え」の文脈では巨大化レイの物語は捨てられて、美少女綾波レイの側面ばかりがとりあげられるが、その背後に巨大化レイの物語があることは、決定的に重要である。
その男性たちが美少女ゲームへと基盤を移すとき、「萌え」は唯一の正しい解釈としてプレイヤーに提示される。そこには生身の女の子の視線は想定されてはいない。他の読みの可能性もほとんどが打ち捨てられる。「萌え」の予定調和の中で、男性たちは孤独に「萌え」ることになる。

7．おわりに――『電波男』を読む「もはや現実の女に用はない。真実の愛を求め、俺たちは二次元に旅立った。」という刺激的な帯の謳い文句。オタクである本田透の『電波男』（本田 2005）には、愛よりも「顔、金」86

で男を選ぶ生身の女性への恨み節が炸裂する。オタクの「萌え」は、すべてを商品化する「恋愛資本主義」への絶縁状とも読める。
確かに、異性を選ぶのに「顔、金」という基準しか持たないのは、貧しい。それは、思考停止であり相手を卑しめる行為である。
しかし、待てよ――と思う。
「顔」で異性を選んできたのは、男性のほうではなかったか。「顔」で女性に優劣がつく世界に嫌気が差して、女性は男性にも「顔」を要求し始めたのではないか。『電波男』の表紙には、著者のパラダイスが表現されているが、はべらせている女性キャラクターたちはすべて美少女である。（従来、男性は「顔」だけでなく、「家事能力」や「従順さ」で女性を測ってこなかったか。であるから、彼らの女性に対する要求が「美しいメイドさん」というのはあまりにもわ
かりすぎることなのである）。もちろん、二次元の存在であるキャラクターたちは家事などやらないので、「顔」が最重要課題となる。彼女たちの顔は、記号絵でありリアルとは言えないが、どのキャラクターも可愛く美しく、可憐ですらある。
女性には選別の視線を投げ、厳しく査定しておきながら、自身の外面が視線にさらされることは許せないという、ダブルスタンダードのにおいがする。そのことの責任を、この『電波男』の著者個人に問うつもりはない。が、次のように書く人がなぜそこに気づけないのか、理解に苦しむ。
しかし、オタクはどれだけ女に傷つけられても、和田サンにはならない。スーフリ

DQN（知性欠如の人間のこと : 引用者注）族にはなりたくないのだ。なぜなら、オタクは女性を人間として尊敬しているからだ。愛したいのだ。愛してほしいのだ。スーフリ DQN 族になって女性を肉壷扱いするよりも、フィギュア萌え族になって女から嘲笑されているほうが、まだマシだ。そう思えるのが、オタクの優しさなのだ。（本田2005:338）
二次元のキャラクターを愛することは、責められるべきではない。その愛に、「女は顔。家事もやってほしいけど。料理とか ･･･」という打算が透けて見えることが、私を傷つける。
「萌え」には、このような古典的な女性像への回帰（女は顔、家事能力）も含まれているのだということをまざまざと見せ付けている。「萌え」文化を女性の抑圧だと批判することは可能だし、ある意味では必要なことなのかもしれない。しかし、本稿で概観したとおり、女性の抑圧、性的搾取といった側面ばかりではないことも一考の余地があるだろう。
本田は「萌え」に自閉していくことで、自分自身を救おうとしているように見える。傷つけられ罵られるリアル社会の生き難さを、「萌え」ることによって軽くしていこうとしている。
でも、「萌え」だって、リアル社会との関係の中からしか生まれない。「萌え」ることが、リアフィールドレポート : 日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化 : 新しいジェンダーを求めて 87

Field Reports: Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? :Transitions in the Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese 'Anime'

ル社会とのかかわりを変えることもあるだろう。「美少女系コスプレ男」の彼は、自分が「男である」ことに囚われない何かを見つけている。
愛するって、なんだろう。その答えを、アニメで育ってきた私は、アニメの中に見つけたような気がしたのだ。「顔」でもない。「金」でもない。もちろん、「従順であること」「料理が上手なこと」でもない。答えは、「萌え」なのだろうか。
「萌え」は、古典的な男性の欲望や、女性の抑圧といった従来のジェンダー構造を過剰になぞりながら、多様な読みを提示することで新しいジェンダーへの道筋を見せてくれているように、私は思う。男女という古いジェンダーに囚われず「萌え」ること。それはひとつの愛の形なのかもしれない。
脚注

1『ふたりはプリキュア』東堂いづみ原作、東映
2 敵陣営には成人男性のみならず、成人女性もいる。この構造に関しては、（斎藤美奈子
1996）に詳しい。
3 野村総研による試算。
⁴ ただし、後に詳述するが、2005 年現在、同人誌活動の主流は「美少女ゲーム」に移っており、

テレビアニメに関するものは年々減少している。
⁵ たとえば（小林 1999）など。
⁶「萌え」という読み替えをした積極的なオーディエンスが、プロとなり作り手となることはよくある事実。
⁷ たとえば『東京ミュウミュウ』2002-2003（講談社・征海未亜・吉田玲子）
⁸ どのような「萌え要素」に萌えるのかによって、オーディエンスの「萌え属性」が決まる。
⁹ 小谷真理は、「戦う女の子」の表象において、「戦闘美少女」系と、フェミニスト的な視点を内包した「超少女」系という二系統の解釈があることを述べている（小谷 2003）
1⁰ 古くは 1972 年『海のトリトン』でも指摘されている。（大塚・ササキバラ 2001）
11『セーラームーン』は戦闘といっても、魔法的なものが多くを占めたのに対し、『プリキュア』
では、身体を駆使した女の子の力強い戦闘が見物である。
12 たとえば、男性同士の恋愛に「萌え」る女性たちがいる。彼女たちは「やおい」「腐女子」と呼ばれ（もしくは自称して）、オタクマーケットの大きな部分を占めている。
13「奥様」は、ご主人様と対に使われるが、ご主人様と違って単独で使われることはない。ご主人様は独身者でも可能であるが、奥様には常に夫がいる。自立した女性に対する尊称はなかなかない。
1⁴ これは、筆者の周りの十代二十代の女性の声である。
1⁵『TV チャンピオン』「アキバ王選手権」テレビ東京（2005 年 9 月 15 日放映）
1⁶ もちろん、近年のネット環境の発展も、肉体の性別にとらわれないジェンダーの構築に一役買っているだろう。「2 次元美少女」をひとつのジェンダーとするならば、対極にあるのが「漢（おとこ）」という概念である。これも肉体の性別とは関係なく使われ、「漢らしい」と言えば、外見に囚われない、ダイナミックで勇敢、体力自慢といった属性を持つことが示唆される。「2次元美少女」や「漢」といった人間像は、肉体の性別を問わない点で、新しいジェンダーと言うことができるかもしれない。
1⁷『海のトリトン』に女性たちが熱狂したのが最初の「萌え」だとする説もある。（ササキバ
ラ 2004:24）

88

1⁸ 主人公（＝プレーヤー）は、その中から攻略できる（好みの）女の子を見つけてプレイしていくことになる。

1⁹『CLANNAD』KEY など。また、PC の美少女ゲームとして人気を得たゲームは、ポルノグラ

フィックな側面が捨てられることによって、コンシューマ機に移植されることも多い。

引用文献
東浩紀（2001）『動物化するポストモダン オタクから見た日本社会』講談社現代新書
Coles, Diana（1983）Clever Princess, Sheba Feminist Publrs. = グループ・ウィメンズ・プ
レイス訳 (1989)『アリーテ姫の冒険』学陽書房
エヴァンゲリオンシスターズ（1997）『エヴァンゲリオン LOVE ２宣言』廣済堂文庫
本田透（2005）『電波男』三才ブックス
堀田純司（2005）『萌え燃えジャパン』講談社
小林義寛（1999）「テレビ・アニメのメディアファンダム――魔女っ子アニメの世界」、伊藤守編『テレビジョン・ポリフォニー――番組・視聴者分析の試み』世界思想社、一八二頁‐
二一五頁
小谷真理「おたクィーンは、おたクィアの夢を見たワ。」、東浩紀編著『網状言論 F 改』青土社、一一五頁‐一二七頁
大塚英志・ササキバラ・ゴウ（2001）『教養としての＜まんが・アニメ＞』講談社現代新書
斎藤美奈子（1998）『紅一点論』ビレッジセンター出版局
斎藤環（2000）『戦闘美少女の精神分析』太田出版
ササキバラ・ゴウ（2004）『＜美少女＞の現代史 「萌え」とキャラクター』講談社現代新書
Turner, Graeme （ 1996 ） British Cultural Studies: An Introduction, Second Edition,
Routledge.= 溝上由紀・毛利喜孝・鶴本香織・大熊高明・成実弘至・野村明宏・金智子訳（1999）『カルチュラル・スタディーズ入門 理論と英国での発展』作品社

フィールドレポート : 日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化 : 新しいジェンダーを求めて 89

Field Reports: Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? :Transitions in the Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese 'Anime'

Warrior Princesses, How Far Will You Go? Transitions in the
Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese ʻAnimeʼ
Hiromi Murase
The characterization of female figures in so-called Japanese ʻanimeʼ , or commercial
animations, continues to diversify as the genre flourishes. Today, we rarely see
traditional stereotypes of obedient, submissive, self-sacrificing, and non-assertive
women in recent works, various criticisms being lodged on such one-sided treatment in
the early productions: one example for the newer category is The Two of Pricure (2004~),
a popular program for girls under ten, in which two girl main characters literally andbodily ʻfightʼ against opponents. These girls are shown with their own initiatives in theirrole as protectors rather than being the protected. The male presence is generally weakin this ʻfighter girlsʼ genre, and often confined to the opposing force to be dealt with by
the main characters. In the case of The Two of Pricure, it should also be noted that the
opponents are often in the shape of male and female.
The image of ʻfighting girlsʼ is highly popular so that it repeatedly appears in thegenre of stories with independent heroines. The qualities given to these heroines –assertiveness, companionableness, and resourcefulness – are easily recognizable as thebasic attributes for independent females.
Yet, once we start to examine the context surrounding the image of ʻfighter girlsʼ , thesuperficiality of the notion that this image symbolizes feminine independence becomesapparent; there is a drastically diﬀerent way of reception cultivated by a separate groupother than that of its primal target, the young girls and their parents.
Stanley Hall has argued that a text is fundamentally a reconstruction created by its
audience through the process of forming their own reception; there does not exist a
primal text that commands a set reception from the audience: ʻfighter girlsʼ could invite
diﬀerent receptions. Fanzines, a flourishing new media, are the exercise field of thosealternative receptions. Varieties of parodies are created by its participants, who aremostly adult male and female. The biggest genre in these parodies is that of a sexuallyoriented one and many of them are based on the ʻfighter girlsʼ genre.
Treating a girl heroine not as an entity but as a subjective presence, using the image
as a receptacle of the audienceʼ s sexual interest, is the most popular genre in Japanesefanzine culture (the earlier object of such treatment is the much commented upon Sailor

90

Moon(1992-1997) ). However, the centre of the practice has shifted on to mo-e, a kind of
situational fetish which has reduced ʻfighter girlsʼ to just another subject for mo-e.
A derivation of the verb moe-ru, which means the first leaf buds of the year to open,
mo-e is a term for the practice of cultivating a strong partiality on highly selective
elements picked out from a larger structure. Mo-e could be directed at situational
elements as well as more simply at physical characteristics such as eyeglasses, pigtails or
sailor-collared school uniforms. Essentially, it is a transposition /reassembling of favoreddetails into a new context of the audienceʼ s own preferences, entirely independent of
the original context.
Mo-e is exercised by both male and female audiences, so it would be inappropriate tocall it a simple discrimination and reification against women. It is equally oﬀ the point toexamine the ethical validity of such acts.
Rather, our attention should be directed at the practice of producing programs,
ostensibly aimed at a girl audience, but intentionally incorporating mo-e elements tocater for the alternative adult reception. Despite the bright, eager, fun-loving and sweet
disposition given to ʻfighter girlsʼ in the plot elements, their other attribution as sexual
objects aimed at adult consumption is belied by the physical presentation of thesecharacters – for example, in their hairstyles or costumes.
The notion that these contradictory receptions can stay separate and that young girls
remain unaware of the presence of this mo-e reception seems ungrounded in the faceof media exposure and the communication between generations.
The influence of the girl audienceʼ s exposure to the deconstruction and sexual
reification of their favorite (and often identification with) anime characters has not beenstudied fully. Yet, it is not diﬃcult to imagine that it would not serve to ease the life ofgirls.
Is there any possibility of producing characters less likely to attract the gaze ofmo-e? The answer would be both negative and positive; the process of mo-e originatesfrom detaching minute details from its context in order to derive highly sensualized
sensations out of them, and any subject can yield some such details. On the other hand,several ambitious projects have been staked to subvert the mo-e attempts.
One trendis that of Princess Alite (2000), which places a solid worldview that
overwhelms other story elements so that extracting and segmenting characters away

フィールドレポート : 日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化 : 新しいジェンダーを求めて 91

Field Reports: Warrior Princesses, How Far will You Go? :Transitions in the Characterization of Female Figures in Japanese 'Anime'from that worldview leaves little to attach mo-e. Another trend is that of Situationof His and Hers (1998-1999) where excessive subjectivity is given to the heroine by a
meticulous high lightening of her consciousness, thereby prohibiting the projection of
the audienceʼ s desires.
It is apparent that the shift in feminine stereotypes in the anime, from that of a
waiting princess to a warrior princess has been a natural development. Girls are capableof anything and everything: they are not a friendless, isolated presence; it is up to themto choose to be a leader or a warrior. Anime has started to present girl images that breakout from the traditional obedient, non-argumentative sweet things.
The future of these warring princesses shall be determined by the way new programs
address the presence of the gaze of mo-e.

92フィールドノート : アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障 : 女性と教育 93
Field Reports: Gender and Human Security in Asia: Women and Education

Gender and Human Security in Asia:
Women and Education
Mana Tanaka
Introduction
When I received the invitation to this "Gender and Human Security" workshop, I
was first puzzled by the remote connection between my local community activity
and "human security". The day-to-day struggle and the girl's education programme inrural Rajasthan of India seemed to have little relevance to this new concept of "humansecurity", an idea that emerged from the recent history of internal civil conflicts. Global
security issues entailed a complicated set of ideas such as national sovereignty, balanceof power, nuclear deterrence and collective security. For someone like myself, working
among illiterate women and children in a minority Muslim community, these issues
seemed like the concerns of upper-class people in another world.
Through reading the Final Report of the Commission on Human Security and otherconceptual notes, however, this mysterious trinity -community development, humansecurity and national security- somewhat became clearer in my mind. As Sadako Ogata,
the Co-Chairman of the Commission on Human Security, stated, the “nature and scale ofʻinsecurityʼ and ʻcrisisʼ have changed drastically over the decade.” In the past ten years,

international conflicts have becoome rare while internal civil conflict has victimized
civilians all over the world. September 11th certainly reminds all of us that the real
menace is not outside but inside the national boundary.1 Hunger, poverty and social
inequality create insecurity among individuals, become a platform for violence, andthreaten a nation from within.
It is in this context that the conventional framework of national sovereignty andthe state's role of protecting its citizens was severely challenged. With her ten years ofexperience as the High Commissioner of Refugees (UNHCR), Ms. Ogata appealed, "wecannot rely on a state alone to protect human rights2". An endorsement of nationalsovereignty and a heavy military setup for self-defense no longer ensure national andsocial security. Rather, it is the empowerment of the people at the bottom of society –individual and community – that will be aggregated into social and national security.
Although the concept of "human security" is new and yet distant to development

94

field workers, the issues of "empowerment" and the "bottom up approach" are quite
familiar. In fact, development workers experienced this paradigm shift, from the "trickle
down" to the "bottom up", long before the security experts.3 The purpose of this reportis to highlight the issue of womenʼ s empowerment from the development workers'
perspective. The first two sections briefly sketch the relationship between women andpoverty. The other sections narrate the real stories of the women and the girls in rural
India. A critical analysis of women and education is made in the penultimate section,
which reflects the anxiety of the field worker. This is not a comprehensive report on
women and education in India, but rather, my own personal story and reflection upon
women and education in a minority Muslim community of India.
Who are the Deprived?
Hunger and poverty are not new phenomena. Since the 1970s, billions of dollars of
foreign aide have been spent on developing nations for economic growth and poverty
alleviation. The amount of bilateral aid was reduced after the Cold War, yet the amountof loans through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was neverreduced. What is new, however, is the sense of failure among policy makers to outreachthe poor and to reduce their numbers.
It is widely recognized that the gap between the rich and the poor grew in the 1990s.
On a macro level, the top thirty percent of people control the majority of wealth in theworld. According to the Final Report of the Commission on Human Security,⁴ 1.2 billion
people still live below the poverty line of one dollar per day and two-thirds of them
live in Asia. On a micro level, a study published in the Economic and Political Weekly
magazine found that a mere two percent of people have moved out from poverty overa period of 25 years.⁵ This household survey and interview within Andhra Pradesh ofIndia, of course, did not depict the whole picture of rural development in India. Thisfinding, however, endorsed many local practitioners' observations that the poor remainpoor over generations.
In addition to this ever-increasing gap between ʻhavesʼ and ʻhave-notsʼ , anothercharacteristic of poverty was highlighted in the 1990s: the serious deprivation of
women. On a macro level, internal civil conflicts left their utmost impact upon women
who lost their husbands, houses, and source of income, as well as being subjected toフィールドノート : アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障 : 女性と教育 95
Field Reports: Gender and Human Security in Asia: Women and Education

physical and sexual assault. Now, the majority of refugees are women and children.
On a micro level, all the statistics indicate the growing, persistent gap between men
and women in the population,⁶ infant mortality and literacy rates in India. The Human
Development Report of 1995 encapsulated this phenomenon: "Poverty has a woman's
face."⁷ Clearly, the majority of people swimming or sinking in the pond of poverty are
women and children.
Reaching Out to the Deprived
Despite the reports and statistics that emphasize the relationship between poverty
and women, "poverty" is often not enough to cover all the miseries of women. Economic
dispossession is just a part of the misery in rural Rajasthan where I work. A woman at thebottom of society has many other faces: she is illiterate, lives in a rural area, works in thefield, is married early, has five to ten children, has never been to school, has never voted,
always feels depressed, has no self-esteem, and dies as early as fifty years of age. Robert
Chambers,⁸ in his early book, provides five useful clusters of disadvantages that shedlight on the other faces of woman.
1.Poor (few assets / no land)
2.Weak (sickness / malnutrition)
3.Isolated (from information and support)
4.Vulnerable (to changes in situation / natural calamities)
5.Powerless (exploited)
Chambers argues that policy outreach becomes more and more diﬃcult the higher
the number is from 1 to 5.⁹ It is relatively simple to provide money, shelter and healthcare to the weak and poor, but reaching isolated tribes or protecting illiterate womenfrom local exploitation is not. In the development sector, working among "deprived" orworking for "empowerment" means tackling these diﬃcult aspects of poverty (isolation,
vulnerability, powerlessness). As the above-mentioned study of Andhra Pradesh
suggests, lifting people out of the poverty pond is extremely diﬃcult. This is a strenuous
task and you may end up saving just two women out of a hundred over 25 years. Worse,
you may end up sinking or swimming in the pond yourself while trying to save others.1⁰
Having stayed in rural Rajasthan as a local NGO worker, not as a researcher, I havelittle knowledge of the size and depth of this poverty pond. In other words, I have little

96

interest in measuring the scale of poverty or identifying its causes. Many institutions aswell as prominent economists have been working on poverty alleviation strategies inIndia, yet the poor remain poor over generations. To save the poor in the poverty pond,
one needs to swim in the same pond. My story is about the day-to-day struggle in rural
Rajasthan: about the women, the girls and the challenges in education.
Women, Girls, Challenges in Education
The State of Rajasthan is located in the west corner of India, sharing the longest
border with Pakistan. It was also the land of the Maharaja and the warriors who left
behind beautiful forts, palaces and legends. The Thar desert stretches from Pakistan
to Rajasthan. Naturally, water is scarce in the state. The climate is extreme: summer
temperatures can reach 45-50 degrees Celsius; winter can be as cold as 4-7 degrees
Celsius. Although the land is a popular tourist spot in India, many outsiders do notrealize the extent of poverty and illiteracy in Rajasthan, as they do not visit the poor
backward inlands there. The Mewat area where I worked is one of the most deprived
areas in the state.
Mewat is synonymous with Meos, the predominant Muslim population in the area.
Although the Muslim population in the state of Rajasthan is around 10 percent, over 70
percent of Mewat residents are Meo-Muslims. Meo scores especially low on the social
indicator scale. Women have 7 to 8 children on average, significantly more than 4 to
5 among the low castes in the region. The sex ratio is as low as 840 females per 1,000
males, indicating the high rate of female infanticide in the area.
Tradition and custom carry a lot of weight in rural Rajasthan. Child marriage and thecustom of dowry are widespread despite federal law.11 In the Mewat area, the averageage of marriage ranges from 12 to 14, at times even younger. Parents often takeadvantage of marrying oﬀ the younger daughter with her elder sister to the same family
to reduce the dowry.12 Unlike other Muslim communities, marriage is arranged with aboy in another village, thus isolating the girl from her own family. The purdah system,
the covering of heads and faces with shawls, is also prevalent even with girls as young
as 5 or 6. After marriage, women must bend their shawls forward as a sign of submission
when they meet with their husband and their in-laws.13

フィールドノート : アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障 : 女性と教育 97
Field Reports: Gender and Human Security in Asia: Women and Education

Meo women are known for their hard work. While men are killing time smoking
water pipes and playing cards, women take charge of all the agricultural work, animalhusbandry and household tasks. Being close to the desert, fetching water and collecting
firewood requires tremendous labor. Consequently, women seek help from the eldest
daughter to look after the younger children and the household. It is women and girls
who do most of the fieldwork of sowing, weeding, harvesting, thrashing, and stacking.
The buffalo, their precious asset and source of income, also add to the workload:collecting and cutting fodder, watering, bathing and milking.1⁴
Although they are categorized as "Muslims", they have adopted many Hindu andindigenous customs. On one hand, they follow the rule of fasting, prayer and Muslim
festivals, but on the other side, they celebrate Hindu festivals, spending excessive
amounts for wedding and dowry in contrast to the traditional Muslim custom of brideprice.1⁵ Meo women seem to bear a double disadvantage by both Hindu and Muslim
male-dominating customs. When two Afghan women, both faithful Muslims, visited our
project site for exposure in March 2004, they were stunned by the oppressive practices
in this rural area. During the field visit and discussion, issues of sexual violence, incest,
forced marriage and alcoholism among men were repeatedly mentioned by village
women. They were also surprised by the amount of field labor women perform, as mostMuslim women in Afghanistan do not even go out to the local market. "Women may bemuch better oﬀ in Afghanistan (than in Rajasthan)", one said.1⁶
A girl childʼ s wellbeing is largely negated in Meo due to extreme subordination
practices. Girls spend most of their time engaged in domestic labor: pitching waterfrom wells, feeding the buffalo, collecting firewood, preparing food, and taking careof younger siblings. These girls do not have time for school; following in the footstepsof their illiterate mothers. Even when they have a chance for an education, the qualityof education is extremely poor in rural government schools. In our NGOʼ s target areaof Mewat, one teacher looks after 80-150 students in one classroom. These teachers
are often absent from school or do not give any guidance to students. Consequently,
children learn very little over the years. Some cannot even write their own names. Thisaccounts for the high dropout rate and the functional illiteracy1⁷ of government school
children.

98

The Long Road Ahead for Girls' Education
Due to the extreme backwardness mentioned above, the well-meaning intentionsof NGOs to educate girls is not well accepted by the Meo community. Villagers werealready disillusioned by malfunctioning government school education and very
cautious about outsiders who may do wrong to their women and girls. On top of these
suspicions, there is a hardcore belief that “education does not make a good farmer.”
Agrarian life requires lots of manual labor, including washing buﬀalo, making fuel outof their dung, and fetching water from far away wells. Educated boys and girls frownon the dung and urine of buﬀalo, and look down on physical labor and illiterate elders.
With the scarcity of job opportunities outside their villages, virtually none for girls, thecommunity sees no benefit in educating their children.
To earn the trust of these disillusioned villagers, local NGOs start their work bybuilding confidence. Initially, local field supervisors keep open dialog with thecommunity, form women's Self-Help-Groups (SHG) for collective savings and gradually
win the trust of village women. SHG and micro-finance programmes require a lot of
input: how to count money? Who will keep the account? Who will borrow the money?
What if she cannot repay the amount? Regular meetings and training sessions createa solid bond among illiterate women. By the time the women learn how to sign theirnames in an account book or visit a bank to open a group account, they have gained
enough confidence to deal with other challenges in their villages.
Taleemshala, a non-formal school supported by NGOs, is introduced once theabove process is completed. Women are consulted about building a village school
where they can send their daughters. The NGO conducts a baseline survey and forms
a Village Education Committee (VEC) in each village. VEC members and SHG womenare responsible for: sending their daughters to school, providing a learning space,active involvement in meetings, and contributing grains and money to school events.
Women become active and enthusiastic about Taleemshala in a village where they cansafely send their daughters. It is the NGO that is responsible for recruiting and training
teachers, providing study materials and maintaining the cost of running the school.
This scenario is exactly the path Ibtada1⁸ has taken in the past seven years. An
organization was established in 1997, and it supported a micro finance project thatcovered over 60 villages. An education programme was launched in 2000, three yearsフィールドノート : アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障 : 女性と教育 99
Field Reports: Gender and Human Security in Asia: Women and Education

after the formation of SHG. Quality education now reaches over 1,000 students in 26
villages.
Education with No Discount
One of the advantages of non-formal education is an absolute freedom in its
pedagogy and curriculum design. Generally, in non-formal or alternative education
sectors, the purpose of education is narrowly defined. The emphasis is on writing lettersor applications, reading street signs or newspapers and keeping the accounts of the
mazduri (labor fees). Literacy and numeracy are essential in productive life, but do notnecessarily make the individual an active participant in society. The main objectiveof primary education should be to encourage children to learn and to develop theirconfidence, skills and capabilities. Being a minority Muslim, it is more crucial for girls tolearn how to work with diverse groups and accept diﬀerent religions than it is to acquire
simple literacy. Ibtada adapted its pedagogy and texts from an experienced education
NGO, Digantar,1⁹ to bring up students as independent thinkers and self-learners.
Taleemshalaʼ s education is unique: a multi-level learning system with no exams orcompetitions and an absolute egalitarianism between a teacher and 30 students. Its
curriculum aims at making students vocal and rational. Therefore, almost 60 percent ofschool activities are spent on group discussion and oral exercises where students brushup on their reasoning and communication skills. Unfortunately, it is too complex toshare the entire philosophy and pedagogy of Ibtadaʼ s primary education programmein this paper. This section focuses on one aspect of its education programme: therecruitment and training of teachers.
The quality of education largely depends on the quality of teachers, so recruitment
and training are critical. From a management perspective, it is relatively simple toprepare the “hard” items for education: negotiation of the location of the school within
the community, ordering the study materials from Digantar, and distributing stationery
and books to village schools. Recruiting teachers is the difficult and risky part of theoperation: Who is capable? Who is culturally sensitive? How long will they stay? For mostcandidates, working in rural Meo-village is quite a challenge. One needs to commuteto a village under the extreme climate of Rajasthan and endure all the responsibilities
of both teaching students and facilitating community meetings. Although the ideal

100intervention is to recruit local people from a village itself and train them, this option islimited as not many Meos are qualified.
In the past four years, Ibtada has conducted teachers' recruitment six times andprovided training for nearly 100 candidates. However, there is always the dilemma offinalizing teachers, as those who scored well in exam – commonly non-locals - will notstay long, while the local candidates perform extremely poorly. Female candidates are
more than welcomed but their retention rate is low. The salary provides motivation but
those who solely look for higher payment often lack the cultural sensitivity required toapproach Muslim girls. There seems to be no golden formula to find committed andcapable candidates in rural areas.
Teacher training is the most crucial part of school quality management. All candidates
have to go through a 40-day residential training or three-month in-service training.
Training covers five subjects (Hindi, Mathematics, Science, English and Art) in addition to
the pedagogy of ancient Greek, local folk songs and poems, intensive group discussions
and even the proper way of cleaning toilets. The purpose of training is to build skills andsensitize the attitude of teachers who will directly serve the Meo-community.2⁰
Frankly speaking, it took me a while to understand why such intensive training isrequired to teach a little child in school. When I was in Japan, I always felt comfortable
tutoring elementary students at a cram school (juku), even though I had received noformal training. Later, however, I realized one basic principle in education throughobservation: one could only teach the way one learned. Those candidates whothemselves received poor quality education at school were ill equipped to handle alarge number of students without raising their voices, repeating thesame instructions,and using physical punishment at times. Simultaneously, I realized that the primaryeducation I received in Japan was extremely good in quality: most of the teachers were
well-educated and patient, used many colorful teaching materials and paid attention to
the progress of individual student. Ibtadaʼ s intensive training is an eﬀort to bring local
teachers up to the level of those in Japan.
In spite of such endeavors, there remains other problems for Ibtada to wrestle with.
Notably, the recurring costs of the teachers' salaries and the frequency of meetings
and training sessions are high compared with other local NGOs working in non-formal
education.21 Results, in terms of student attendance and community appreciation, areフィールドノート : アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障 : 女性と教育 101
Field Reports: Gender and Human Security in Asia: Women and Education

also not authentic. Although village women enthusiastically invited the Taleemshala,
their habits of using elder girls for seasonal labors and house works did not change
so quickly. When girls turn 14 or15 years of age, parents automatically withdraw themfrom school for early marriages or housework. Teachers and field supervisors have thestrenuous task of visiting parents and talking to VEC members. This never ceased overthe four years. It could have been easier to reduce the number of subjects or schooltime, but no appeasement was made to accommodate the local tradition. It is, after all,the constitutional right of every child to receive good quality primary education.
The Reality Behind Empowerment
There are few counter arguments against the notion that education empowers
people. The Co-Chairman of the Commission on Human Security, Amartya Sen,elaborated the link between basic education and human security in his speech.22
Although he defines basic education as narrowly as literacy and numeracy, he expects
much from this: access to the law, political participation, employment, and increaseof ownership and income of women. The Final Report of the Commission on Human
Security also devotes one chapter to knowledge, skills, values and human security.23
It highlights the educated womenʼ s positive impact on family and health. Although the
Final Report is not as ambitious as Amartya Senʼ s speech about the benefits of basic
education, both agree that the returns on educational investment are higher in womenthan men. Although I do not completely disagree with this notion, what is illustrated on
paper seems like too rosy a picture of women and education, not entirely reflecting thebitter reality.
First of all, basic education does not directly contribute to income generation andemployment.2⁴ In rural India, there are millions of educated men who can not get
employment outside their villages. On the other hand, there are millions of illiterate
women who are self-employed and able to generate income out of their small
businesses in South Asia. The success of micro finance project such as thethat of
the Grameen Bank proved that it was not the lack of basic education, but the lack of
capital that kept women away from entrepreneurship. The micro finance project of
Ibtada witnessed the empowerment of illiterate women many times. Examples of thisempowerment include some SHG groupscalling on a bank manager (clearly an upper

102

caste male) for a loan and another group forci8ng the closure of an illegal liquor shopin their village. In a rural society, numbers count. Women who learn the strength ofcollective power can voice their issues without hesitation.
Secondly, property ownership and legal protection have almost nothing to do withthe educational background of women. The majority of women whether they are
educated or uneducated, do not seek legal support against unjust actions done tothem. Victims of rape and sexual assault would rarely file the cases in court, because
they are afraid of tainting their family name. The cost of justice is so high that blackmailto the family, rumors about the victimized girl and insensitive investigations continue
until the day of final judgment, which only comes 5-10 years later. Numerous cases ofdowry harassments and massacres are also rarely brought to court but settled between
families. The precondition of property rights and legal support for women is the rule oflaw, protection of privacy and swift judgment. If none of these exist, what is the use ofbasic education?
Last but not least, education does not necessarily make women happy or secure
in society. A predominant reason for not sending a girl to school in a rural village isthe fear of her gaining the ability of articulation. Educated girls start asking manyquestions and often speak out against men. In extremely male dominated societies, thisis not welcomed at all. An outspoken girl may have a hard time in securing a marriage
arrangement. If a woman is extremely vocal but her family is too poor to provide many
dowry items, she can be ostracized by her in-laws. For educated woman themselves,
it is quite frustrating to live in a traditional society after many years of education andexposure to a new world through media and books: there is no job outside the home
for woman, no educated friends to talk with, and no choice of when and whom tomarry. At least in rural Rajasthan, unfortunately, women are more secure being illiterate,
obedient to men, and quiet at home.
Then why do we need to educate girls? Working in the primary education programmeover the past two years, I still do not have a good answer, except that basic education isa fundamental human right. The majority of our studentsʼ families are illiterate farmers.
Raising a first generation learner2⁵ is always diﬃcult. There is always almost no support
or understanding from the family, no role model in the village and little chance topursue higher education. Having being an English teacher for village girls, I worried a lotフィールドノート : アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障 : 女性と教育 103
Field Reports: Gender and Human Security in Asia: Women and Education

about the future of these outspoken angels. All of us treated the girls with respect, but
respect is something they would probably never receive in their new married lives. Their
desire of pursuing higher education may never be fulfilled.
However, despite my concerns, the very girls who studied at Taleemshala are positiveand confident about basic education. Our first batch of 29 girls delivered their messages
before their graduation. From hearing their voices, I realized that besides basic literacy
and numeracy, they have learned to think, to speak, to laugh and cry, to clean up,
to read the time, to make a phone call and to work with others at Taleemshala. As
for their future dreams, a variety of images came out: to learn how to drive a car andmotorcycle, to visit new places faraway from the village, to learn stitching and sewing,
to become fluent in English, and to continue studying at school. The social environmentis extremely harsh for women, but when these girls strived to fulfil their wishes, theresults also embraced them. This April, 29 girls surprised all of us with their incrediblyhigh scores in the first 5th Standard Exam. What surprised us more were the 26 families
who agreed to send their daughters to Class 6 of the government school. Never before
did we expect the Meo-community to send their unmarried daughters outside theirvillages. Now some girls are studying at a school in the city, commuting from theirrelatives' homes.
Empowerment is not a linear process. Whether it is an individual or community,
we sometimes do not see much change while we are working hard. Empowerment
is often compared with the process of heating water: you do not see the change until
water boils. Only when it hits boiling point, a community is transformed. What we cando, at least, is to keep providing good quality non-formal education for girls as longas possible. When Ibtada educated 1,000 or 2,000 girls and sent them back to thecommunity, the stream of girlsʼ education become irretrievable. Our micro financeproject became the platform for 2,500 women in the Meo-community over a period ofseven years. Taleemshala would be the platform of change in the next decade.
Conclusion
In the past two years, I had the opportunity to work with a grass-roots NGO in rural
Rajasthan and witnessed the empowerment of women and children. Not many Indians
have a chance for such an in-depth experience of the field. Adjusting my life to local

104

customs was not easy, but through that process, I learned the social norms, Hindi
conversation and even how to ride a motorcycle through the chaotic traﬃc in India. For
foreign aid workers, it is always diﬃcult to reach the poor and find out their real needs.
Looking back on my thirty months in India, I am content with the path I took to see thereality.
Today, many international organizations have become keen on participatorycommunity development and the empowerment of women. Little however is known
about the reality of these rural people and the strenuous work done by local NGO
workers. Stories of empowerment are not as vivid as they are reported. Effects ofbasic education on womenʼ s employment, ownership and security are not as clear
as they seem. Many international donors tend to overlook these bitter realities andjust publicize the “positive reaction” of the community as a sign of empowerment.
This is inherent to the short project cycle and result-oriented approach adopted bymany donor agencies. Real empowerment requires strenuous work and long-term
commitment. The study of gender and human security needs to focus on the realempowerment process and the real people working at the bottom eschelons of society.
Regarding the lives of women and children in other parts of India, I am not as fluent
as one particular American journalist who spent six years in India. Her honest anddetailed reports about women's lives provided me with many fresh insights. Her words
below perfectly synchronize with the very feeling I have right now. I hope this paper on
women and education will draw your attention more to the lives of women in SouthAsia.
But slowly I realized that the way Indian women live is the way the majorityof women in the world spend their lives: it is Americans who are peculiar.
Ultimately, I realized my journey to India was a privilege. Rather than going to
the periphery, I had come to the center.
Elizabeth Bumiller2⁶

フィールドノート : アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障 : 女性と教育 105
Field Reports: Gender and Human Security in Asia: Women and Education

Endnotes
1Ogata, Sadako. "Human Security and Global Security," Speech at Columbia University,
March 2002.
2In my mind, "human rights" and "human security" are almost synonyms, yet the latter
refers to an elementary human right such as the "right to live". For the distinction, pleaserefer to Sen, Amartya. Basic Education and Human Security, 2002.
3The "trickle down eﬀect" is a classic theory of economic development. It suggests thatnational economic growth and its benefit would "trickle down" from the top to thebottom. India adopted this approach in the1960s for its Five Year Plan, but the eﬀect
was widely disproved and replaced by bottom-up approach in the 1970s.
⁴The Commission on Human Security. Human Security Now: Protecting and Empowering
People, 2004
⁵ Krishna Anirudh. Economic and Political Weekly, 17 July 2004
⁶The latest census data shows that the sex ratio in India has fallen from 945 (1991) to927(2001) per 1000 males. Census 2001 is available at http://www.censusindia.net/
⁷UNDP "Human Development Report 1995," UNDP, New York
⁸ Robert Chambers is probably the biggest academic figure in the development sector
today. He focuses on the knowledge and capacity of local people and enhances
their active participation in situation analysis, policy making, and implementation.
His empirical studies heavily relies on fieldwork in rural India and the local workers'
approach to poor illiterate peasants. This approach and method are called Participatory
Rural Appraisal (PRA), later referred as Participatory Learning and Action (PLA). PRA-PLA
had a great impact on the development sector in the 1990s.
⁹Chambers, Robert. Rural Development: Putting the Last First, Longman Publishing Group,
1983.
1⁰Grameen Bank is the micro credit pioneer which reached over 43,000 villages acrossBangladesh. Grameen's borrowers are almost exclusively women, 96 percent, withno access to other credit. Founded in 1983, its loan recovery rate still remains at a
miraculous 99 percent (Muhammad Yunus 2004). Little reported however, is the numberof field supervisors who outreached the bottom and went bankrupt. Those local workers
who themselves possess little, sometimes repaid the money instead of the borrowers.
This emotional attachment or obligation is the challenge of any field worker who
directly caters to the poor.
11The Dowry Prohibition Act (No. 18 of 1961) stipulates a penalty of seven years
imprisonment and a fine for giving or taking dowry. The minimum age of marriage isstated by the Indian Constitution as 18 years of age for women and 21 years for men.
12In rural Rajasthan, poor farmers commonly practice arrangedmarriages of two
daughters with two sons from another family. This saves the amount of dowry items money, motorcycle, color TV and other furniture - at one time.
13 Literature on Meo-Muslims is almost non existent. Hashim Amir-Ali's socio-economic

106

survey (1970)provides details about Meo's socio-economic background. Almost 35 years
after publication, the social codes and practices noted in this book are still dominant in
the area. Another recent baseline study iwas conducted by SRIJAN in 2000.
1⁴ Northern Indians consume lots of milk for tea. In Rajasthan, milk is mostly takenfrom buﬀalo not from cows. The dairy programme, which form women's group for
milk collection and selling, is popular in Rajasthan and the adjunct state in Gujrat.
Institutionalization of these local dairies became a major movement in Gujrat in the
1970s. Counter to the "Green Revolution (agricultural renovation)" in the 1960s in
Punjab, this community mobilization is referred to as the "White Revolution" in India.
1⁵ In Muslim custom, the groom has to pay a high bride-price at the time of marriage. At
the time of divorce, he is also responsible for paying the living expenses of his ex-wife.
1⁶ Monitoring and Evaluation Department, Aga Khan Foundation Afghanistan. Towards a
Gender Strategy – Report on Women's Tour of Rajasthan, April 2004
1⁷Functional literacy indicates self-learning abilities such as reading newspaper sor
books. It contrasts to simple literacy in which one can just write one's own name andaddress. In India, all school-enrolled children are considered as "literate" regardless of
their actual attendance and literacy level. This policy hides a lot of functionally illiterate
students underneath the literacy data.
1⁸ Ibtada means "beginning" in Urdu. Meo-Muslims have a strong attachment to Urdu
in which the Holy Book of Qu'ran is written. Many Meos migrated to Pakistan during thepartition between India and Pakistan in the 1940s.
1⁹ Digantar is a distinguished resource agency of primary education and teacher training.
They developed their own curriculum and numerous teaching and learning materials.
Their multi-level learning and egalitarian system borrowed a lot from the Japanese
schools KUMON and Tomoe Gakuen, the alma mater of actress Ms. Tetsuko Kuroyanagi.
2⁰The trinity of "skill", "knowledge" and "attitude" is required of any facilitator or service
provider working in local communities. In the field of social work and PRA-PLA in India,
the major focus is on proper attitude and communication skills.
21In Ibtada, per student annual cost is around 45 US dollars in comparison to 30 US
dollars in other education NGOs such as BLACK in Bangladesh and Gyan Shala in India.
22Amartya Sen “Basic Education and Human Security,” Speech at Kolkata University,
January 2002
23The Commission on Human Security. "Chapter 7: Knowledge, Skills and Values for
Human Security," Human Security Now: Protecting and Empowering People, 2004.
2⁴UNESCO conducted a comprehensive experiment regarding literacy and productivity
in the 1970s. Empirical studies in 15 countries did not find a clear link between them. For
the details, please see the Experimental World Literacy Programme (EWLP) Final Reportissued by UNESCO and UNDP, 1976.
2⁵Many studies proved the benefits of second-generation learners, however, as first
generations create the path and make sure to nourish and educate their children.
2⁶Bumiller, Elisabeth. May You Be a Mother of a Hundred Sons. Penguin Books, 1991.

フィールドノート : アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障 : 女性と教育 107
Field Reports: Gender and Human Security in Asia: Women and Education

ReferenceAmartya Sen “Basic Education and Human Security,” Speech at Kolkata University,
January 2002.
[Report is available at http://www.humansecurity-chs.org]
Anirudh Krishna. Economic and Political Weekly. 17 July 2004
Census of India [Census 2001 is available at http://www.censusindia.net/]
Commission on Human Security. Human Security Now: Protecting and Empowering
People, 2004
[Report is available at http://www.humansecurity-chs.org/index.html]
Elisabeth Bumiller. May You Be a Mother of a Hundred Sons. Penguin Books, 1991.
Hashim Amir-Ali. The Meos of Mewat – Old Neighbors of New Delhi. Oxford and IBH
Publishing Co., 1970.
Monitoring and Evaluation Department, Aga Khan Foundation Afghanistan. Towards a
Gender Strategy – Report on Women's Tour of Rajasthan, April 2004
Muhammad Yunus. Economic and Political Weekly. 9 September 2004
Robert Chambers. Rural Development: Putting the Last First. Longman Publishing Group,
1983.
Robert Chambers Whose Reality Counts?: Putting the First Last. Intermediate Technology
Publications, 1998.
Sadako Ogata. "Human Security and Global Security" Speech at Columbia University,
March 2002.
[Report is available at http://www.humansecurity-chs.org]
SRIJAN. Unlocking a Potential – Finding from a Baseline Survey of Mewat, August 2000.
UNESCO/UNDP. The Experimental World Literacy Programme: a critical assessment. The
UNESCO Press / UNDP, 1976.
UNDP. Human Development Report ,1995. UNDP, New York.

108

アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障―女性と教育―田中真奈「ジェンダーと人間の安全保障」をテーマとした報告の依頼を受けたときは多少困惑した。
インドの片田舎で行っているコミュニティー活動が世界の安全保障と一体何の関係があるのだ
ろうか？人間の安全保障に係る最終報告書を読み進めるうちに、その疑問が氷解していった。
過去 10 年に世界各地で勃発した国内紛争の数々は、安全保障の問題が国内の貧困や不平等と密接に関わることを示す。従ってアジアにおける人間の安全保障を考えるとき、社会の底辺で暮らす人々のエンパワーメントの問題が重要となる。
国家の治安や集団安全保障は遠い世界の話であるが、貧困と不平等はインドに暮らす自分にとって身近な問題である。本レポートはインド・ラジャスタン州におけるイスラム子女の初
等教育の取り組みを通じて、貧困とエンパワーメントについて現場のレベルから思うところを述べたものである。
開発分野では『貧困』や『欠乏』についての多くの考察がなされてきた。なかでもロバー
ト・チェンバースの著書にある貧困の分析は、搾取や危機に対する脆弱性といった構造的な問題を明示している。この難しい課題に対して、息の長い活動と質の高い教育で応えるローカル

NGO がインドには数多く、私が 2 年半を過ごした団体もそのひとつである。
イスラム子女への教育活動を通じて学んだことは、教育―とりわけ女子教育とエンパワー
メントの関係が一般的に論じられるほど明確でないことである。家族や地域の理解も将来の展望も無い状況で、読み書きができることに一体どれほどの意義があるのか？むしろ自分の置かれた状況に疑問に感じたり、書籍を通じて外の世界に触れたりすることで、その後の人生が余計に苦しいものになりかねない。
エンパワーメントというのは女子の就学率や識字率といったことでは測れない。教育を受けた女性が、差別や抑圧のなかで他の非識字女性と変わらぬ短い一生を送るのだとしたら、それが何の” power” と呼べるだろうか。しかし開発機関の中には数値の上昇やコミュニティー
の反応といった一過性のものにとらわれ、本質的な変化 (Transformation) の重要性を看過するものも多い。アジアにおけるジェンダーと人間の安全保障の研究が、将来に渡って貧困や差別の中に暮らす人々の視点から行われることを望んでいる。

書評 : 川橋範子・黒木雅子 著『混在するめぐみ：ポストコロニアル時代の宗教とフェミニズム』 109
Book Reviews:Kawahashi, Noriko and Masako Kuroki, Mixed Blessings: Feminism & Religion in the Postcolonial Age

書評：川橋範子・黒木雅子 著『混在するめぐみ：ポストコロニアル時代の宗教とフェミニズム』（東京：人文書院、2004 年）
評者：加藤恵津子
いずれの宗教かにかかわらず、一般に「信心深い女性」は「男性に対して従順な女性」だと想像されがちである。このような想像は、ある面、現実から派生している。実際多くの場合、女性は、「神・仏・超自然の存在に対して従順」であることと、「神職や神学を占有する男性たちに対して従順」であることを、抱き合わせで要求される。だが、女性たちが「みんな」「何の疑問も持たず」「嬉々として」このような要求を受け入れていると思ったら、それは想像者の頭の中のステレオタイプの問題である。
本書は、一般人や（男性）聖職者たちの抱くこのようなステレオタイプ的・一枚岩的な「女性信徒」像を覆そうとする試みである。執筆者の一人・川橋は、宗教学者・文化人類学者として、また曹洞宗の僧侶の「つれあい」として、仏教寺院内に生きる女性たち―僧侶の妻や尼僧―の声を丹念に拾い上げ、仏教界を支配する家父長制の限界を描き出す。もう一人の執筆者・黒木は、社会学とフェミニスト神学の立場から、サンフランシスコに住む日系アメリカ人キリスト
教女性たちの声を集める。そして彼女たちが、男性が定義した神や正義にも、白人女性が唱えるフェミニズムにも疎外感を感じる中で、自分なりの（部分的）キリスト教信仰をつむぎ出す様を描く。本書はこのように、専攻も調査対象も、対象となる人々との関係も違う二人の研究者が、理論的枠組を提示する冒頭二章は共同執筆し、続く中核の二章は各自が専門のフィールドについて執筆するという形式で書かれている。
個々のフィールドの興味深さもさることながら、本書の理論的枠組において特筆すべきは、この本が「宗教」「フェミニズム」「ポストコロニアリズム」という「トリロジー」（三つ巴）の上に成り立っているという点である。まず、「宗教」と「フェミニズム」はこれまで「不幸な関係」にあったと執筆者は言う。フェミニズムは宗教を、家父長制が女性支配のために用いる「主人の道具」であると見なしてきたし、また宗教学も、他の学問分野にも増してフェミニ
ズムの思想に抵抗を示してきたからである。だが、宗教学において声を聞かれることの少なかった女性信徒に光を当てるには、この親和性の薄い二つの分野を融合させる必要がある。
ではなぜここに「ポストコロニアリズム」も加わる必要があるのか。この部分の議論に、本書の真骨頂がある。これまでのフェミニズムにおける宗教批判は、「白人」フェミニストが、宗教（よく槍玉にあがるのはイスラーム教）と結託した「第三世界」の男性の女性への抑圧を批判する、といった白人中心主義的・植民地主義的態度と不可分だったからである。このようなフェミニズムの磁場においては、「有色」の女性は、「（宗教による、また男性による）被抑圧者」

110

として描かれがちである。「白人」フェミニストによる「有色」の女性たちのこのような表象に対しては、「第三世界」ないしイスラーム文化圏に（部分的にでも）身を置く女性知識人たち自身から、すでに疑問や批判が投げかけられている。女性学のチャンドラ・モハンティ、文化人類学のリラ・アブ＝ルゴッドなどはその好例である。
そうであれば本書の執筆者たちが、日本人・日系人女性信徒らを描くにあたっても、フェミニズムをもって家父長的な宗教制度に挑戦するだけでは、白人フェミニストが既に抱いている「同民族の男性に抑圧されたかわいそうな日本人・日系人女性」というステレオタイプを強化してしまう危険がある。この点で、白人中心主義的フェミニズムもまた「主人の道具」である。これを避けるには、フェミニズム内部のパワー関係の批判も同時に行わねばならないのである。
有色女性の表象に関するポストコロニアルな問題は、宗教というトピックを超えて重要である。この第三の足場を取り入れることを発想できたのは、両執筆者ともアメリカのアカデミ
アで過ごし、現地の研究者との間で違和感や葛藤を経験し得たからだろうと想像する。だが、そういった具体的な体験が本書にはほとんど書かれていないのは残念である。アメリカにおけるそれまでの日本人・日系人女性の表象や研究、研究者の態度に関して、両者ともしかるべきスペースを割いてより具体的に、より丁寧に論じるべきと感じる。そうでなければ、日本の読者がこのポストコロニアルな問題を「自分のこと」として感じることは難しいし、下手をすると日本の読者が自らの立場の独特さに無頓着に、イスラーム圏やいわゆる「第三世界」の女性との安直な連帯感を感じてしまいかねない。
さて、メインの章の一つで、まず川橋は、今日多くの仏教宗派において僧侶の妻（「寺族」）たちが、「黙認されているが公認されない」あいまいな存在として、負い目を持って生きなけ
ればいけない現状をあぶり出す。彼女たちがその存在を公には認められない背景には「虚偽の出家主義」、すなわち表向きには僧侶は独身であらねばならないという考えがある。さらにこの考えの根本には、男性が歩む仏の道を妨げる存在としての女性への非難がある。そして当の妻たちは、うしろめたさの中にも僧侶を「裏方」として支え、寺の後継者たる男子を出産・養育するという役割はしっかりと担わされる。寺院を非日常の聖域としてロマン化しがちな外部
読者にとって、これらは目を疑いたくなるような報告である。だが今日、寺族・尼僧・その他の女性たちはネットワークを作り（川橋はその運動の一端を担う）、家父長制から自由な仏教を創り出す活動を行っている。彼女たちは仏教の中にとどまり、仏教の刷新に主体的に関わっているのである。コロニアリスト的態度の研究者には気づきにくい、「現状に満足している」のでも「かわいそうな被害者」でもない女性たちの姿がそこにある。同時に川橋は、異なる宗書評 : 川橋範子・黒木雅子 著『混在するめぐみ：ポストコロニアル時代の宗教とフェミニズム』 111
Book Reviews:Kawahashi, Noriko and Masako Kuroki, Mixed Blessings: Feminism & Religion in the Postcolonial Age

派に属する寺族や、尼僧など、異なる立場にある女性たちの声を自己反省とともに拾いあげ、寺院に生きる女性が一枚岩でないことも示す。もう一つの重要なポイントである。
続く章で黒木は、アメリカ国内では「マイノリティ女性」である日系人（キリスト教）女
性たちの自己規定の語りに焦点を当てる。社会学者らしく黒木は、彼女たちの多様な語りを、
ジェンダー（女性であること）、エスニシティ（日系アメリカ人であること）、宗教（クリスチャ
ンであること）という三つのファクターの多様な組み合せとして分析する。実際、彼女たちの語りは必ずしも宗教ないしキリスト教というトピックに限定されない。ここで注目されるのは、ある者は男性中心主義的な牧師の語りに耳を貸さず、またある者は、キリスト教と他の東アジア的宗教（仏教や儒教）を組み合せた信仰を持つと言い、またある者は、白人フェミニストから受けた夫婦関係に関するアドバイスを「文化的感受性」ゆえに部分的にしか受け入れず、またある者は、永年フェミニズムよりも人種問題を重要視してきたと語る。これらの語りから共通して見えてくるのは、彼女たちが自らを「（白人および日系人）男性とも違うが、白人女性とも違う」と考えているさまである。フェミニスト神学は「女性の経験」の重要性を主張する
が、エスニシティによって「女性の経験」も異なる以上、すなわち「女性」が一枚岩でない以上、ここにポストコロニアル研究的視点が不可欠であることを、日系キリスト教徒女性たちの語りは示している。
これら中核の二章は、フィールドワークに基づくだけあって迫力がある。だがあえて批判を呈するならば、せっかく宗教をメイントピックとし、現場の女性信徒たちの声を集めているにもかかわらず、女性たちが、具体的にそれぞれの宗教の教義のどの部分を心の支えにしてい
るのか、どの部分に男女平等の希望を見出し、その宗教から立ち去らないことを選んでいるのかが見えにくい。特に黒木の章では、「キリスト教」は「仏教」「儒教」「ジェンダー」「エスニシティ」などと並ぶキーワードの一つとなっており、インタビュイー一人一人が教義の具体的などの部分に共鳴したり、どのように自分なりに解釈したりしているのかの記述がない。川橋の場合は、釈尊の教えの自分なりの解釈を提示している（曰く、釈尊は性別・人種といった「生まれ」に基づく差別を戒めた、また「すべてが関係性の中にあり、たえず変化するという真理」
は、「男女の性差を不可変で普遍的なものと決め付ける」言説を戒めるはずである）。願わくは、
ネットワークに属する他の女性たちの解釈も聞いてみたいものである。
さらに本書全体の批判を述べるならば、二人の研究者が明快な一つの方向に読者を導いているとは言い難い。抽象的なレベルでは多くの理論を分かち合っているように見える二人も、各自の章を読むと、理論の具体的な使い方や最終的な主張においては部分的にしか共通点がな
いことがわかる。例えば川橋の章に登場するのは、寺院内で生活する、宗教と生活が不可分な関係にある女性たちであり、彼女たちにとって仏教の刷新は、文字どおり人生をかけた問題で112ある。一方、黒木の章に登場する女性たちにとってキリスト教は、先述の仏教女性たちと同じ意味で人生を左右するものではなく、自分というパレットにおける絵の具の一つ、すなわち他の宗教と混合させたり、遠ざかったりすることのできる、いわば自分のアイデンティティ形成のために自由に交渉できるファクターの一つであり、教会制度の中核に切り込んで行く必要性
までは彼女たちに感じさせないもののようである。いずれの女性たちも「彼女たちを周辺化してきた宗教伝統のなかに」「踏みとどまる道を選んだ」（155 頁）といっても、宗教との日々の具体的な関わり方はかなり異なる。こういった諸所の細かな点で、読者は混乱を免れない。
もっとも執筆者たち自身、これらの不整合は承知のようで、二人の立場の違いを「ずれ」「ポリフォニー」といった言葉で説明し、これら自体を本書の「めぐみ」としている。読者の一人としてはそれほど肯定的な捉え方はできないのだが、それでも本書を、未踏の分野への挑戦であり、たとえ抽象的なレベルでではあっても、まずは大掛かりな理論的枠組を提供し、さらに
たとえ不整合はあっても、フィールドワークによる複数の具体的分析例を提示しようとした最初の試みであると捉えれば、勇気ある一歩として評価できる。この本は、「宗教」と、「フェミニズム」または「ポストコロニアリズム」のうちどちらかを結び付けて論じようとする今後の日本での議論に、「三つ目」の視点が必要であることを警告して止まないだろう。

書評 : 川橋範子・黒木雅子 著『混在するめぐみ：ポストコロニアル時代の宗教とフェミニズム』 113
Book Reviews:Kawahashi, Noriko and Masako Kuroki, Mixed Blessings: Feminism & Religion in the Postcolonial Age

BOOK REVIEW:Kawahashi, Noriko and Masako Kuroki
Mixed Blessings: Feminism and Religion in the Postcolonial Age.
Tokyo: Jinbun-shoin, 2004.
REVIEWER: Etsuko Kato
It is generally believed that ʻreligious womenʼ are ʻsubmissive women to menʼ . Thisbelief does in part derive from reality. In actual practice, women are often expected tobe submissive to God, Buddha, or other deities as well as to the men who rule religious
institutions. However, the assumption that this is ʻwillinglyʼ and ʻwithout questionʼ
accepted by all women is a stereotype.
This book is an attempt to counter the stereotypical, monolithic image of ʻreligious
womenʼ held by the general public and clergymen. One of the authors, Kawahashi, isa theologist and anthropologist as well as the wife of a Soto school Buddhist priest.
She collects the stories of female priests and priestsʼ wives to depict the limitations ofpatriarchal Buddhism. The other author, Kuroki, writes from the perspective of sociology
and feminist theology. She gives voice to Japanese-American Christian women in San
Francisco who, feeling alienated from both male-centered theology and White womancentered feminism, create their own (partly) Christian beliefs. Thus, the book is a resultof a collaboration between two researchers of different academic backgrounds andresearch positions and who relate diﬀerently to their research subjects. They write thefirst two theoretical chapters together and the following two fieldwork-based chapters
individually.
An interesting aspect of this bookʼs theoretical fieldwork is that it is based on a ʻtrilogyʼ
of religion, feminism and post-colonialism. The authors first point out how religion andfeminism have so far had a ʻdismalʼ relationship. Feminists have criticized religions as ʻthemasterʼ s toolʼ , used by the patriarchy to oppress women. Theology, in turn, has showed
more resistance to the concepts of feminism than any other academic discipline. Thus,
for this book to highlight the stories of women in religion, a reconciliation between
these two academic fields is critical.
But why must post-colonialism also become involved here? The feminist approachto religion has so far been inseparable from white-centric, colonialistic attitudes.
Feminists have criticized the oppression by men of women in the so-called Third world,
often Islamic societies. Such depictions have already been questioned and critiqued by

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intellectual women from these societies such as the feminist Chandra Mohanty and thecultural anthropologist Lila Abu-Longhod.
Against this background, if the authors were to depict Japanese womenʼ s challenge
towards the religious patriarchy from a feminist standpoint, they are likely to only
intensify the White women ʼs stereotypes of the ʻpitiable Japanese womenʼ oppressed by
the men in their culture. In this respect, white-centric feminism is also ʻthe masterʼs toolʼ.
In order to avoid this, the authors must therefore simultaneously critique the power
relations within feminism.
Post-colonial problems relating to the depiction of non-white women go beyond
the issue of religion. In my opinion, the authors ʼ excellent idea of introducing postcolonialism to the book must be a result of their own academic experience in the UnitedStates and the gulf they felt between themselves and their North American colleagues.
However, it is unfortunate that they did not write about their own direct experiencesof depictions and attitudes towards Japanese/ Japanese American women in thebook. Without that, Japanese readers would find it diﬃcult to personally relate to thepostcolonial problems in their book and may fall into the trap of seeing it from a safe
distance as a problem for women of Islamic societies or the ʻThird Worldʼ .
In her chapter, Kawahashi elucidates the ambiguous status and guilt-ridden lifeof the wives of priests in many Buddhist sects today. The women ʼ s existence is notoﬃcially admitted because of the ʻfalse celibacyʼ of the priesthood, behind which is thecondemnation of women as a seductive, hindering existence for men following theBuddhaʼ s way. Still the wives are fully expected to support their priest husbands ʻfrombehindʼ , and to bear and raise the male children who will eventually become successorsof these temples. (This may come as a shock for those readers who tend to romanticize
the temple as a world away from the mundane.) However, the women depicted here
are neither ʻcontentʼ with the status quo or ʻmiserably oppressedʼ , as colonialistic
researchers may assume; they have established their own network (of which Kawahashi
herself is a part) and are actively working to create a patriarchy-free Buddhism. At thesame time, Kawahashi shows an awareness of the polyphony of the voices of womenfrom diﬀerent sects.
In the next chapter, Kuroki focuses on Japanese-American Christian women who
tend to be viewed, for their ethnicity, as ʻsubmissiveʼ , ʻminorityʼ women in their country.

書評 : 川橋範子・黒木雅子 著『混在するめぐみ：ポストコロニアル時代の宗教とフェミニズム』 115
Book Reviews:Kawahashi, Noriko and Masako Kuroki, Mixed Blessings: Feminism & Religion in the Postcolonial Age

As a sociologist, Kuroki analyzes the womenʼ s discourses on identity according to threefactors - gender, ethnicity and religion. It was interesting that the women identify
themselves away from both White or Japanese-American men and White women. For
example, one woman talks about how she refuses to listen to a ministerʼ s male-centric
sermons, one claims that her faith is a fusion of Christianity and East Asian religion,
another woman says she accepts only part of the white-feminist discourse, while yet
another stresses that she has long considered problems of human rights, rather thanfeminism, as a priority. Their stories highlight the need to critique mainstream, malecentered theology from a post-colonial perspective, as opposed to traditional feminist
criticisms which emphasize the significance of ʻwomenʼ s experienceʼ but overlooks
actual diﬀerences among women.
These two chapters have a powerful impact as they are based on actual fieldwork.
Still, one drawback is that the authors do not clarify the aspects of their religions inwhich these women find salvation or see hope for gender equality, and which makethem continue with their faith. Especially in Kurokiʼ s chapter, ʻChristianityʼ is just one of
the key terms alongside ʻConfucianismʼ , ʻgenderʼ , and ʻethnicityʼ ; the author does notdiscuss what parts of the Bible the women sympathize with, or in what unique ways
they may interpret it. Although Kawahashi presents her own interpretation of Buddhaʼ steaching that would support gender equality, I would have liked to read about the other
womenʼ s interpretations as well.
Another shortcoming is that the book as a whole does not lead readers in one
clear direction. The two authors appear to share a common ground on the abstractlevel of theory but are quite diﬀerent when it comes to applying the theories in actual
practice as well as in their conclusions. For instance, for the women residents of temples
depicted by Kawahashi, life is inseparable from their religion so reform in the religion
is a vital issue. Meanwhile, for the women in Kurokiʼ s research, religion is just one of thefactors that they can negotiate freely for the sake of forming their identity. Thus, theways the two groups of women interact with their religions are quite different, even
if the authors conclude that ʻthey chose to remain in their religionsʼ which have ʻlong
marginalized themʼ (p.115). This, and other discords in detail, cannot help but confuse
readers.

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Not surprisingly, the authors themselves are aware of this discrepancy and explain itas ʻgapsʼ or ʻpolyphonyʼ that are ʻblessingsʼ for the book. As a reader, I cannot accept theargument in such a positive way. However, this book can also be viewed as a courageous
first step into an innovative new field. They first construct a theoretical framework (even
if only on an abstract level) and then present actual cases (albeit inconsistent) based onfieldwork. This book therefore highlights the need to incorporate the ʻthirdʼ perspectiveof ʻpostcolonialismʼ in the previously dichotomous debate between ʻreligionʼ andʻfeminismʼ .

国際ワークショップ 2005: アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー : 人文科学の視点から 117
International Workshop 2005: Human Security and Gender in Asia: Perspectives from the Humanities

アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー：人文科学の視点から―――アジアのジェンダー表象―――
2005 年 9 月 16 日（金）− 18 日（日）国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター（CGS）では、今年、第二回目となる国際ワークショップ『アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー：人文科学の視点から―――アジ
アのジェンダー表象』を 2005 年 9 月 16 日から 18 日の三日間に渡り、開催いたしました。
2004 年に開催された第一回目のワークショップは社会科学の視点に焦点を置き、人間の安全保障という概念から女性がしばしば排除されていることを取り上げましたが、今回のワークショプでは、安全保障を人文科学の視点から見つめ、マスメディアや文化的産物の中で作り出されるイメージが、私たちの生にどのような影響を与えているかなど、文化表象とジェンダーの問題を多角的に捉える試みとなりました。特にアジアにおけるジェンダー表象に注目し、共通点や差異を学びあう貴重な場となりました。
三日間のプログラムは多岐にわたるものでした。一日目には、アジア各国からの参加者が、それぞれの地域におけるジェンダー表象の実態をレポートしてくださいました。また、映画『30 年のシスターフッド』の上映会と、制作者トークを開催しました。ウーマンリブ運動に関わった女性たちのポートレイトは、実に生き生きとしており、運動についてよく知らなかった学生たちにも共感を呼ぶ企画となりました。またフォーラム・シアターの企画の中では、学生たちが日本のよくある情景を演じ、それに参加者たちが反応を出し合うというものでしたが、アジアといっても様々な価値観が存在することがわかる活発な議論が展開されました。
二日目にはテーマ別の発表とディスカッションが行われ、言語と権力、美、セクシュア
リティーとジェンダーの問題が話し合われ、さらには新しい表象の可能性を検討するセッションも持たれました。
三日目は、アジアの女性監督作品を集めた短編映画上映会を催し、それぞれの上映と監督のトーク、そしてパネル・ディスカッションと続きました。この企画は特にどなたでも参加できるものとして、外部においても広報に勤めた結果、200 人以上の参加がありました。ジェンダーというものをアカデミックな枠内に押し込みたくないというＣＧＳの活動
が、ひとつ実った感がありました。また表象の力を実感した出来事でもありました。ともすれば、偏見を持って捉えられてしまう「ジェンダー」という言葉ですが、文化的なアプロー
チを取ることによって、より多くの人に届けることができるのではないかと可能性を感じることができ、今後のＣＧＳの活動のひとつの柱が見えてきたように思われます。
ＣＧＳが今年のワークショップで目指したことは、大きくまとめて三点ありました。一つ目は、アジアのジェンダー表象について語り合う場を提供することです。ジェンダー表象
については、アジアの様々な地域で研究されていますが、その多くは地域内部にとどまっており、また国際的に発信される場合でも欧米に向けての発信が主となっているように見受けられます。私たちは今こそアジアの隣人たちが互いに情報を発信し、類似点や差異から学びあうことが重要と考えました。このワークショップには、研究者、詩人、作家、映画監督、評論家、ジャーナリストなど、アジアで文化表象に関わる様々な人々が集まりましたが、それぞれの社会の事情について、私たちがお互いにいかに無知であるか、再認識することとなりました。そして学びあうことの重要さを認識すると同時に、映像や文学作品などを媒介として語り合うことができる楽しさや喜びを発見することもできました。アジアに存在する同質性と多様性を、互いに尊重しながら、助け合い、教え合うことができ

118

ると実感しました。
もう一つ目指したことは、上述の点と関連していますが、アジアのジェンダー研究／女性
学にかかわる研究者、教育者、活動家の間の協働ネットワーク作りにあります。私たちは、
このようなネットワークが、アジアにおける今後のジェンダー研究、女性学の発展、研究
活動と現場の橋渡しに、大きく寄与すると考えます。実際今回のワークショップには、アカデミックな研究者だけではなく、自主映画製作にかかわる方々や、新しい演劇の形を追求する方々、アクティヴィストの方々、そして学生たちが多く参加・協力してくださり、
アカデミックにとどまらず、社会に広がっていく可能性を持つものに少し近づけたのではないかと思っています。
また、もう一点私たちが大切にしたかったことは、学生が参加できるワークショップにするということでした。常日頃からＣＧＳの活動に協力してくださっている学生の皆さんが、このワークショップの準備と会期中の実務に関しては、非常に大きな力となってください
ました。また、これまでＣＧＳに来たことのなかった学生の方々も、映画や演劇の企画を通して参加してくださったことは、非常に嬉しいことでした。所員の授業を履修している
学生たちも、ワークショップのディスカッションに参加し、昨年とは少し異なったワーク
ショップになったのではないでしょうか。大学キャンパスでこのような国際ワークショッ
プを行うからには、将来の日本を作っていく若者たちに参加してもらいたいと考えましたが、予想以上に多くの方が参加してくださいました。ありがとうございました。
ようやく二回目を迎えるＣＧＳ国際ワークショップです。反省点も多く存在します。できるだけ多くのことを学び合いたいという気持ちが強く、なかなかプログラムを減らすという行為に至れなかったのですが、スケジュールの過密や、ディスカッション時間の不足は、
特に今後の改善点となるでしょう。しかし、ジェンダーと表象の深い関わり、また社会に及ぼす影響の強さを、強く印象づけられたワークショップとなりました。同時にそれは、表象を通じて、社会に働きかけていく可能性をも示唆しています。様々な文化活動に関わる参加者たちの強くて希望に満ちた姿に、大変勇気づけられた気がいたします。参加してくださった皆様、協力してくださった皆様に、厚く御礼申し上げます。今後とも、ＣＧＳの活動にご理解とご協力を賜りますよう、よろしくお願い申し上げます。
国際ワークショップ 2005 コーディネーター
生駒 夏美
プログラム
セッション概略

9 月 16 日（金）セッション 1 アジア各国のジェンダー表象概論１

Session 1 Overviews of Gender Representation in Asia I
日本の美術界について
報告：北原恵（甲南大学文学部）
今日の日本において、最も保障されず、報道されず、一方で歪めて伝えられている＜女＞
は誰だろうか？ それは、従軍慰安婦問題であり、元慰安婦の女性たちだと言えるだろう。

国際ワークショップ 2005: アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー : 人文科学の視点から 119
International Workshop 2005: Human Security and Gender in Asia: Perspectives from the Humanities

2000 年末の女性国際戦犯法廷は、世界各国から大勢のメディアが注目し報道したが、日本国内の主流メディアはほとんど黙殺した。そのなかで、唯一テレビで特集を企画したのが、NHK のドキュメンタリー番組だったが、実際に放映された番組は、法廷の基本的情報すら伝えなかったばかりか、慰安婦の歴史を大きく歪曲するものだった。放映後、上層部や政治家の圧力と右翼の脅迫によって番組が改ざんされた事が明るみに出た。真先に消されたのは姜徳景さんによる《責任者を処罰せよ！》という絵であった。戦後日本のタブーに激しく挑戦するものであったためであろう。
美術界では、1990 年代後半に「ジェンダー論争」と呼ばれるジェンダーバッシングが起こった。これは、日本の美術系のミニコミ誌上で「ジェンダー」の視点に立つ美術展や、美術史学の方法の有効性をめぐる論争へと発展し、現在に続くジェンダーバッシングを「先取り」していたとも言える。だが一方で美術界における＜女＞の活況もある。この夏のヴェネチ
アビエンナーレの日本館の展示や、栃木県立美術館の展覧会「前衛の女性 1950 − 1975」などは、着実に制作と研究などの活動を続けてきた実績の上に成り立つ成果である。逆風にめげないこれらの女性たちの活動は、1990 年代末からさかんになった韓国との交流など、他国との交流によって、ますます活性化してきている。
Report on CGS International Workshop 2005
日本の文学について
報告：北田幸恵（城西国際大学人文学部）
現在、性役割、セクシュアリティの規範など、全般にわたって日本のジェンダーは大きく揺らぎ変容している。晩婚化、非婚化による少子高齢社会が進行し、女性たちの社会進出、高等教育への進学も著しい。女性作家たちは家族制度の桎梏、女性の差別打破、女性の権利の獲得などを掲げ、近代の出発期からその時代の進歩的な思想や運動と連携しつつ、支配的な男性中心文化からの解放をめざす女性の声を表現してきた。現在も大庭みな子、河野多恵子、富岡多恵子、津島佑子、山田詠美などの女性作家が既成のジェンダーやセクシュ
アリティ規範に挑戦する作品を発表しつづけている。また大庭みな子、米谷ふみ子、多和田葉子などは、狭隘なナショナリズムから脱出し、広い国際舞台でジェンダーを検討する作品を発表し、在日韓国文学者柳美里は日本の中の性や民俗の他者性を追求し、重要な日
本文学の分野を担っている。
一方、アジアの女性の歩みを阻害した戦争の負の遺産に取り組む作家もいる。林京子の小説『長い時間をかけた人間の経験』と『トリニティからトリニティへ』の二作品は、女性被爆者が被害者の立場から歩み出て、二十世紀から未来へと続く人類の経験を言語によって表象する語り手へと深まりを見せる。日本、アジア、世界の民族や国家の問題と、ジェンダーの問題は、深く関連し、相互に規定しあいつつ展開している今日、アジアの女性の表象を語ることは、今日の人類の困難と希望を語ることに他ならない。
韓国について報告：イ・ヒャンジン（シェフィールド大学・立教大学）
２０世紀最後の 10 年は、現代韓国政治史にとって大きな節目である。国威をかけた政治改革にも関わらず、97 年、韓国は世界通貨基金に多額の援助を求める羽目に陥ったのである。
その後も困難な時代は続き、韓国では社会経済システムの有効性を疑問視する声が上がった。この疑問はやがて儒教的家父長制の理想を堂々と否定する流れにつながってくる。民主的で対等な社会へと変貌を遂げる韓国で、大衆は混乱のさなかにあるが、ジェンダー表
象はその混乱を映しとる。人気小説やドラマでは、理想的なジェンダー関係や家族の絆の120

実現のためにはいまでも伝統的な家父長権威が重要な役割を果たす。繰り返されるそのモチーフは、まるで家父長のリーダーシップや親の保護といったものへの、センチメンタルなノスタルジーを示しているようである。一方、現実にある家父長制への不信も、メディアには反映されている。伝統的な家族関係やジェンダー観への渇望と否定が、このように共存している点にこの発表は焦点を当てる。
中国について
報告：ヤン・リシン（南京師範大学）

80 年代半ばまで、中国の学術界はフェミニズムへの偏見を色濃く持ち、誤解・抵抗があった。
この点と、中国の女性解放運動の特徴、またフェミニズムのポスト近代化的要素が中国では学術的に合わないとみなされていた点が合わさって、中国におけるフェミニズムの浸透が妨げられてきた。これは西洋におけるフェミニズムの隆盛と大きな対比を見せる。また
中国の文学批評家たちに起こった「新方式ブーム」とも大きく異なる。これらを考慮する
ことが、中国におけるフェミニズム論とその発展の理解には不可欠である。
セッション 2 アジア各国のジェンダー表象概論２
マレーシアについて
報告：ウォン・ユエンメイ （マラヤ大学）

70 年代以来、マレーシアのフェミニストや女性運動 NGO 関係者、また消費者組織は、メディアの女性表象や、ジェンダー表象を、絶えず批判の対象としてきた。女性を貶める表現や、
ジェンダーステレオタイプが取り上げられ、政府やメディア会社に、よりバランスのとれたジェンダー表現を求める際の資料として使われている。特に女性にとってのジェンダー
表象の重要性を認識し、メディア制作、経営、クリエイティブの現場にいる女性を応援する方策がとられてきた。女性が発言できる場所をどのように作っていくかということが、ますます重要な問題となってきている。しかし残念ながら、表現の自由を求める女性たち
はマレーシアでは国家に対して反動的とみなされ、しばしば規制の対象とされている。本発表では、マレーシアのメディアの民主化にとって、女性の表現する権利がいかに鍵を握っているかを検討する。
インドネシアについて
報告：アドリアナ・ヴェニー（プレムプアンジャーナル編集長）
性的搾取、幼児性愛、人身売買、そして性教育の不足、またメディアにおける物質主義の悪影響などを受け、インドネシアの１０代の少女は極めて大きな問題に囲まれている。しかし、インドネシアのメディアには、青少年の権利を保護するための規制法が存在していない。政府による規制、あるいは少なくとも監視システムが必要である。西洋的な美の概念の普及や、社会問題に対する認識を増すような公共広告の不在、過剰に性的であったり
暴力的な表現の増加、などがその問題の一端である。インドネシアには放送委員会があるが、これは何の罰則も課さないため、機能していない。そして政府は女性保護の活動も全く行っていない。この国では分娩時死亡率も高いし、DV 法も発効していなければ、人身売買防止法も発効していないのだ。女性を暴力から守る法律を作るため、理解を求め、認知を高めるキャンペーンが今非常に必要となっている。

国際ワークショップ 2005: アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー : 人文科学の視点から 121
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インドについて
報告：パルタサラティ・ラジャラクシュミ（レディ・ドーク大学）
インド社会の現実は多岐にわたる文化が入り混じっているため、ジェンダーを巡る関係性
も家父長的から母系的なものまで、様々である。この発表は、インドにおけるジェンダー観を作るのに影響を及ぼす 5 つの主要な点に焦点を当てる。それらは、インドの神話伝説、宗教、歴史、文学、そしてマスメディアである。インド文化は、多言語、多宗教、そして様々な階級や共同体レベルが混在するにも関わらず、ある種の統合性を持つが、社会の倫理を支えるものの一つがインドの神話体系である。宗教と伝統的慣習とは、父権の確立と女性の周縁化に貢献した。しかし外国による侵略の歴史もまた、女性の地位の更なる下落へとつながっている。インドの人気小説には、男女のステレオタイプなイメージがみてとれると共に、その変わりつつある様子もうかがえる。インドのマスメディアは問題含みである。
それは彼らが人気を求め、セックス、暴力、ステレオタイプのイメージを流すからである。
このような文化的背景の中で、女性たちは自分たちの役割を超越するというよりは、むしろ威厳を持って守り続けているようである。だが全く新しい世界になったのであるから、まずは内なる妄執を捨て去る必要があるだろう。
セッション 3 アジア各国のジェンダー表象概論３
タイについて
報告：チュティマ・プラガットウティサーン（チュラロンコン大学）
最近になるまで、ジェンダー研究はタイ社会では広く行われていなかった。この数十年はタイの女性に対する学術上の、またアクティヴィストの注目が集まってきたが、ジェンダー
そのものへの注目度は低かった。タイの学術会であまり取り扱われてこなかったジェンダー
問題に、本論では光を当て、現代タイ文学におけるジェンダー表象を見ることにする。改革以来、タイの文学には「モダン・ウーマン」が描かれ続けているが、その内容は時代によって微妙に異なる。文明改革により女性の教育が普及したが、理想の女性像は、教育はある
ものの主婦としてとどまる女性であった。60 年代以降の社会経済上の変化によって、外の社会で働く女性像が作られたが、それは家族を支えるために働く女性であり、よき理解者でありつつ伝統的な価値観を守る存在であった。70 年代になり、活発な民主化運動によって、政治的にアクティブな女性が登場する。現代はさらに国際的な女性運動に影響を受け
た強くて開放的な女性が描かれ、彼女たちは伝統的な役割を拒絶する。しかしその表象は、
決して好意的なものではなく、社会が抱くアンビバレンスを象徴している。
フィリピンについて報告 マリア・ジョセフィン・バリオス（フィリピン大学）
本論はまずフィリピン女性が自国の文化の中で、どのように構築されてきたかに注目し、次に女性作家やアーティストたちが、それらのステレオタイプに挑戦する像を創造することによって、どのように彼女たちは再構築されてきたかを分析する。フィリピン女性は、
植民地支配、帝国主義、グローバル化の経験を経て、幾つかのカテゴリーに分類されてとらわれている。１）スペインによる植民地化がもたらしたカトリックの影響を受けた、マーテル・ドロローサのような苦しむ母の像、２）夫の不貞や子供の欠点に堪える、殉教者の

122

ような妻、母像、３）家族の借金を支払うために、家政婦などとして働かされる女性像、４）ロマンスに影響された人物像で、優しい心を持つ売春婦像、５）フィリピン社会で曖昧な存在感を持つ愛人像、６）独身女性や狂った女性、反抗的な女性などの、異分子としての女性、などがその型である。「髪」をメタファーとして見ると、これらの女性の外見的な要素は、その女性の徳のあるなしに対応したものとして使われており、ひいては、その女性の社会での受容を示していることがわかる。例えばマーテル・ドロローサは常に髪をきちんとまとめているが、借金を支払う女は誘惑的な長い髪を腰まで伸ばしている（昼間はまとめているが、夜はおろす）し、売春婦は派手な髪型をしている。現代的な女性はボブス
タイル、外国人労働者は染めた髪といった具合である。これらの女性像は、主にフェミニスト作家やアーティストの努力によって、批判され、新たに作り変えられてきている。
ベトナムについて
報告 ファン・フエン・トゥ（ドキュメンタリー映画監督・詩人）
ベトナムでは、かつて女性の地位が比較的高く、男性とほぼ同権だった。もっとも尊敬を集める女神、聖なる母は、ベトナムの農耕社会に重要な性的エネルギーの源泉とみなされていた。歴史的にもベトナムは、女性の偉人、為政者を輩出している。しかし 15 世紀に儒教がベトナムに輸入され、状況は一変した。女性が再び男性と同じように社会活動に参加できるようになるのは、第二次世界大戦後のことである。60 年代のフランスとアメリカとの戦争を経て、女性たちは少しずつ地位を回復していく。今日では政界を含む様々な分野
で女性リーダーが活躍している。経済発展によって家族制度が変化し、独身の独立した女性が増加してきたが、男性にとっての理想の女性像がなかなか変わらないことが、ベトナ
ム女性にとって大きな問題となっている。彼らの理想３N は、少々まじめ、少々美人、少々
愚か、というものである。現代ベトナム女性は、この３N の理想に合わせて結婚するか、独立と発言力を守るかの二者択一を迫られる。後者を選んだ女性が、しばしば私生活で苦しんだり、家族からのバッシングを受けるとことが、問題となっている。
セッション 4 言葉、表現、パワー
20 世紀の中国女性文学における言説のポリシー
ヤン・リシン（南京師範大学）

20 世紀の中国女性文学の発展は、3 段階に分かれる。五月四日運動から 40 年代、70 年代
末から 80 年代初期にかけての「新時代」、そして 80 年代末から 90 年代にかけての時期である。第一期の女性作家たちは、母性愛を礼賛し、家父長文化の枠内で表現の権利を獲得することに成功した。彼女たちは、弱い母像を捨て、女性自身の伝統の基礎作りに貢献した一方、主流文化へのアクセスも確保した。しかし性的言説が欠如しており、彼女たちが封建的モラリティーにしばられていたことがわかる。また彼女たちは家族や社会におけるジェンダーの問題も、扱うことができなかった。80 年代になると、ヒューマニズムの価値観と西洋のフェミニズムの影響もあり、中国女性は性の問題により意識的になる。「新時代」の女性作品に繰り返し登場する「病気の女」のイメージは、現実社会に対抗する身体メタ
ファーのひとつとして読むことができる。90 年代になると、性や女性の身体に関する物語
が Cixous の強い影響下であふれる。しかし 90 年代半ばになると、「身体」は既に家父長社会の俗なエロティック欲望と商業主義を満たすための、搾取の場となってしまう。焦点はやがて「パーソナルな」作品へと移るが、ナルシスティックな繰り返しや、相対性の欠如などが批判されている。言説のポリシー変化は、このように、中国における女性文学の

国際ワークショップ 2005: アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー : 人文科学の視点から 123
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発展を示すだけでなく、その弱点や課題をも明らかにする。
伝統の翼にのって飛び立とう
ファン・フエン・トゥ（ドキュメンタリー映画監督・詩人）
ベトナムでは現在、世代間ギャップが深刻な問題である。古い世代は伝統的価値の保持を主張し、若い世代が抱える新しい問題や価値観に気づかない。特に議論の種となるのが、性の問題である。私が参加する「若い詩」運動は、新しいスタイルを用いて、個人的経験などの新しいテーマを扱い、これらの新しい価値観を反映している。新しい言語使用によって、性を改革しようともしている。この運動は若い世代の共感を呼ぶ一方、激しい批判にもさらされている。私自身は、性の問題も核の一つであるものの、新しい言語の創造により関心を持つ。ベトナムの言語は音やメロディー、イメージの豊富な美しい言語であるが、ベトナム人が現在用いるアルファベットによる表記では、この言語の特性を表現できない。
ベトナム詩人たちは、長期にわたってこの問題を無視してきたため、既に美しい言語の一部は失われてしまっている。私は古代の言葉をよみがえらせ、それらを新しい言葉と並べることによって、古いフレーズや観念と現代の感情を結び付けようとしている。伝統的なベトナム語の美しさと現代語を組み合わせることで、今日のベトナムを表すのに適当な表現が作れると考えている。
日本人の名前とジェンダー
日比谷潤子（国際基督教大学）
本発表では「明治安田生命保険名前ランキング」を主たる資料として、1945 年以降に生まれた日本人名の年代差をジェンダーの視点から考察する。具体的には、1945 年から 2004
年までの 60 年間を第 1 期：1945 年〜 1959 年、第 2 期：1960 年〜 1974 年、第 3 期：
1975 年〜 1989 年、第 4 期：1990 年〜 2004 年の 4 期に分け、上位に登場する名前の特徴をみていく。第 1 期と第 2 期の男性名は、勝（まさる）、勇（いさむ）、進（すすむ）、博（ひろし）、茂（しげる）、隆（たかし）、誠（まこと）のような漢字 1 文字 3 拍のものが多い。
漢字は、成功・出世・前進・健康・知性などを表すものが大半を占める。
これに対して女性名は、和子（かず＋こ）、幸子（さち＋こ）、洋子（よう＋こ）、恵子（けい＋こ）のような漢字 1 文字 2 拍＋添え字「子」のものが圧倒的に優勢で、幸福・平和・愛・
正直・寛容などを意味する漢字がよく用いられている。第 3 期に入ると、健太（けんた）、
翔太（しょうた）のような「大・太」のつく男性名が増加し、スケール感が重視されるようになる。この時期前半の女性名は、第 1 期、第 2 期とあまり変わらない。しかしながら、後半になると、恵（めぐみ）、愛（あい）、麻衣（まい）、美穂（みほ）、彩（あや）のように多様化、個性化が進み、添え字のつく名前が衰退する。第 4 期は、名前の中性化の時代と言える。男女とも海斗（かいと）、拓海（たくみ）、蓮（れん）、美咲（みさき）、萌（もえ）のように、自然に関連する漢字を含む人名が増え、女性名では植物を連想させるものも多い。
以上の分析結果は、特定の会社の生命保険に加入している人々の名前のみを対象としたものであるが、関東地方・近畿地方にある中学・高校の同窓会名簿で第 1 期から第 3 期に当たる卒業生の名前を調べたところ、ほぼ同様の結果が得られたことから、ある程度の一般性があると考えられる。

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セッション 5 アートとは何か ?: 身体、美、ジェンダー
日本の文化行政はどのように女性身体を見せているか？
−公共彫刻におけるジェンダー表象
西山千恵子（東京国際大学）
日本で公共の場に彫像が設置されるようになった明治以降から第二次世界大戦までは、近代国家における国民意識の形成、国家主義、軍国主義的なイデオロギーの見地から、偉人を賛美する彫刻、銅像が多く作られてきた。男性像がほとんどで、女性像はまれにある場
合でも、内助の功を尽くして夫の成功を助けた妻、献身的にわが子に仕えた母親など、限定されたステレオタイプの女性像である。大戦後は、戦後日本の国是とされた「平和」「発展」、「健康」、「産業振興」などの価値を表象する男女の裸像、特に母子像が平和の象徴として、また母性愛そのものの賛美として、全国の都市に設置され続けた。さらに、高度経
済成長を経て今日まで、公共彫刻は芸術的価値重視の傾向へと移行しつつその数を増やし、その多くが若い女性のヌード彫刻である。
現在、戦前タイプの公共彫刻と戦後に設置された公共彫刻が混在し、そこには明確なジェンダーの対比が生じている。それらの特徴を簡略化すると以下のようである。①女性はヌード、男性は着衣。②女性は若く、男性は多様な年齢。③女性は自然、男性は文化。④女性は無名で普遍的存在、男性は個別的存在。⑤女性は空間配置において下位（地）、男性は上位（天）。⑥女性は無為、男性は行為・力・緊張。⑦母子像は多いが父子像は少ない。
また、女性像は多くヌード像であることとあいまって、ことさらにエロチックに性的文脈で描かれることが多い。
公共彫刻は、芸術の名を借りたステレオタイプなジェンダー表現の温床であり続けている。
日本の文化行政は、公共彫刻設置事業によって、ジェンダー強化政策、女性身体の性的客体化政策を各地で推し進めてきたともいえよう。
ネオ・コロニアルなグローバル化された身体：フィリピンの芸術文学における女性の体に関する考察
マリア・ジョセフィン・バリオス（フィリピン大学）
現代のフィリピン女性の体は、ネオ・コロニアルでグローバル化されていると表現することができる。その肉体は、16 世紀にローマ・カトリック教がフィリピン人の生活に浸透し、肉体を「罪の棲家」として糾弾し、隠されるべき、触れざるべき存在としてしまって以来、スペインとアメリカの植民地時代を経て変容してきた。スペイン植民地時代には、熱帯性気候であるにも関わらず、フィリピン人は何枚もの服で身を包まなければならなかったことに特徴的である。19 世紀に入りアメリカの支配下に移ると、フィリピン人の肉体は商品となり、また商品の受容者となった。酒やタバコの宣伝にフィリピン人の体が使われる中、
フィリピン人の肉体は西洋的な美に基準を合わせ、化粧品やシャンプー、コンディショナー、
最新流行のファッション、アクセサリーを消費するようになる。現在、フィリピン人の肉体はこのようなネオ植民地化現象に影響されつづけている（美白やダイエット法の流行などに明らかである）。フィリピン女性を、花嫁として、あるいはケアワーカー、使用人として宣伝するウェブサイトを見ると、前者では彼女たちの肉体はエキゾチックなものとして提示され、後者ではフィリピン人の大人しさ、貞淑さが強調されている。こうして、グロー
バル化の中で、植民地の「レッスン」はまだ生き続けているのである。

国際ワークショップ 2005: アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー : 人文科学の視点から 125
International Workshop 2005: Human Security and Gender in Asia: Perspectives from the Humanities

セッション 6 性とセクシュアリティーの表現について
韓国での性とセクシュアリティ表象について
イ・ヒャンジン（シェフィールド大学・立教大学）
本論は日本と韓国映画を文化交差的に分析し、ジェンダー表象の特徴の共通点と差異を見出そうとするものである。日韓映画の比較は、その緊密な歴史的関係ゆえに非常に意味深い。特に、儒教的な文化伝統、外圧による急速な西洋化、国家主導の近代化などの共通点が、これらの映画言説がおかれるコンテクストを共に構成している。本論が扱う四本の映画は、伝統的な共同体中心の人間関係と、「西洋的」な理想とのはざまで、矛盾を抱え、おかしな行動に走る普通の人々を描いたナンセンスコメディー、伊丹十三の『お葬式』（1984 年）と『タンポポ』（1986 年）、パク・チョルスの『Farewell, My Darling』と『301,302』である。
この四作品に見える日韓社会のアイデンティティーの危機について扱いながら、これらの映画で男性の視点から表象される、女性のセクシュアリティと役割の対立に焦点を当てる。
日韓の映画の伝統に展開される家族ドラマを、クリエイティブに実験的に表現した伊丹とパクは、共に食べ物を象徴的に用い、また男女間の空間的分断を強調する。描かれる女性像の多様性は、家父長制が伝統と近代社会の理想の間に揺れ動き、求めるものも相互矛盾を引き起こしていることを示している。特に食物とセクシュアリティ規範を組み合わせた
モチーフは、ポストコロニアル時代の人々の経験の特異性と、変化に対応しようともがく姿を表現するために用いられている。
マレーシアにおける女性のセクシュアリティ：争論の場
ウォン・ユエンメイ （マラヤ大学）
マレーシアでは、女性のセクシュアリティは文化的・政治的論争の場と化している。よく見ると、女性の肉体をめぐって、マレーシアでは地域的、国家的、そして世界的規模での引力が複雑に絡み合っていることがわかる。特に一般メディアでは、女性のセクシュアリ
ティは消費文化、大衆文化の交差点となっている。その肉体はセクシュアライズされ、客体化され、女性のセクシュアリティが欲望、快楽、客体化の場となっている。一方、政治的文化的な権利闘争が、女性の身体、特にセクシュアリティとの関係で形作られもしている。
政治・宗教団体は、団体として嫌悪する性行動やジェンダー行動様式を設定することにより、一致団結しアイデンティティを堅固なものとする。こうして女性のセクシュアリティ
は様々な規範や規則の元に縛られることとなる。政治的表現すらもセクシュアライズされ、逆に女性のセクシュアリティが政治化された。皮肉にも、女性の肉体をめぐる表現や言説は、女性たち自身による自己批判や身体の意識化現象を生んでいる。女性たちは自己表現や論争を通じて、自分のセクシュアリティとアイデンティティを変えたり、探求しようとしている。本論は、女性の身体とセクシュアリティに働きかける様々な社会政治的な要因の相互影響力と、そこから発生する多義性、矛盾、パラドックスについて検討する。
視線の政治 見る／見られるの関係をめぐって
深澤純子 （港区コミュニティーカフェ・ヒューマンサービスセンター）

2005 年春、複数の若い女性に首輪をつけて自宅やホテルで数ヶ月間にわたり監禁していた男性が逮捕された。彼の行動は、女性を監禁して自分に従う動物のように飼育し調教するゲームをなぞったものだといわれている。女性の性的なイメージが日常に氾濫している現在の日本社会にあって、この事件は「虚構と現実の区別がつかない特殊な人物の妄想」の所業とかたづけることはできないだろう。

126

新聞、テレビ、雑誌、広告媒体、ビデオ、インターネット、ゲーム等々、大量に供給される視覚イメージによって、私たちの日常の行動や思考、ジェンダーやセクシュアリティ
のあり方にも強い影響があることは、いまや誰も否定できない。
私はこれまで、25 年以上、メディアに現れる女性イメージを女性差別という視点から観察してきた。また、1995 年よりメディアが供給し、消費されている女性のイメージが示す意味を読み解く作業を、ワークショップ形式にして、多数回実施してきた。この１０年間、ジェンダーの視点から見て、メディアの供給する大量の女性イメージは、性役割を強調したものや、男性の性的な対象とされる「見られる性／女性」ばかりで、政策的な男女共同参画社会が進んでも、その量や質において大きな変化は見られなかった。変化したのは、
男性の視覚イメージが、男性に向けて大量に供給されるようになってきたことである。それは、ファッションやアクセサリー、自動車、スポーツ、旅行、日常的に使用する製品の消費を促すためのイメージである。特に若い男性たちに、モデルを提示することで、商品による自己実現の欲望が作り出されていく。
では、女性たちが、男性のイメージを見る対象として消費する行為が、男性が女性イメー
ジを作り消費していきたように進行していくであろうか。女性たちは見る主体を回復しなければならない。見る行為も文化的な学習により形成されるものだからである。
語れないことを語る：アンチャンの小説の中のレイプを読む
チュティマ・プラガットウティサーン （チュラロンコン大学）
性暴力は最近まで、文学論のトピックではなかった。しかし性暴力についての語りの少なさが、タイ社会における性暴力の少なさを意味するわけではない。むしろ、性暴力を扱った語りの最大の特徴は、暴力被害者が体験を語りたい欲求と、世間にその語りが受け入れられるかという不安の、微妙な緊張関係にある。性暴力の問題は、言語のそれと不可分なのである。言語は表現手段のみならず、暴力の意味が構築され、脱構築される手段でもあるからである。本論では、文学賞も受賞したアンチャンの『On the Mouth of the World』（2003 年）の分析を通して、タイ社会でなぜ性暴力が語れないものだったかを探る。
この小説はアンという女性についての物語だが、語り手はジョンという男性である。彼がアンのストーリーの著者であり、彼女を彼の視点から解釈し評価するのである。彼の語りの中で、アンは良い女性あるいは悪い女性のどちらかとして描かれる。彼女のセクシュ
アリティに対するジョンの不安と、それを支配したい欲求の二つを反映している。
セッション 7 新たな地平線へ : ジェンダー概念を再定義する
インドの短編小説に見る脱・再神話化
パルタサラティ・ラジャラクシュミ（レディ・ドーク大学）
フェミニスト作家たちは以前から、女性をエンパワーする神話の復興または創造を唱え、神話そのものに興味を持ってきた。本論は現代の二人のインド作家シャシ・デシュパンデとアンバイ・デシュパンデが、インド神話のテーマや登場人物を、重要な文学装置としていかに利用しているかを見る。『ラーマーヤナ』や『マハーバーラタ』などの古典は、インド作家に普遍的なテーマを供給するテクストやサブテクストで満載である。これらの文化
神話を創造したり解釈することで管理してきたのは、これまで長きにわたり、男性たちであった。しかし興味深いことに、今日の女性作家たちは、古い神話が提唱する社会価値やジェンダー要素について、疑問を投げかけたり、それらのステレオタイプを脱構築することにより新たな神話的キャラクターを作り出し始めている。彼女たちの作品は、伝統的な神話

国際ワークショップ 2005: アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー : 人文科学の視点から 127
International Workshop 2005: Human Security and Gender in Asia: Perspectives from the Humanitiesの別の読みを提供すると同時に、その転覆をも提供している点で、ポストモダンととらえられるだろう。インド社会では、ヒンズー教の神話的テーマやキャラクターが、理想の行
動規範の見本として利用されてきたが、本論で扱う二人の作家はそれらを使って、家父長制イデオロギーの差別構造を暴露する。彼女たちは国家全体の思考過程に、根本的な変化をもたらすには、神話の再解釈が極めて重要であると指摘している。なぜなら神話は宗教、世代、ジェンダーを超越して人々を結びつける力のある媒介だからである。
情熱的、不道徳、それとも抵抗の文学か？インドネシア文学における女性性を再定義する
アドリアナ・ヴェニー（プレムプアンジャーナル編集長）
非常に家父長的なインドネシア社会において、女性はしばしば特定のジェンダー役割へと抑圧されている。女性たちが自らの考えやセクシュアリティを表現することは、困難であったが、女性作家の中にはこれまでタブーとされてきたことについて、口を開くものも出始めている。しかし彼女たちは不道徳な文学一派とレッテルを貼られてしまっている。本論
ではステレオタイプの道徳やタブーに抵抗する三人の女性作家を分析したい。アユ ･ ウタミ、
ディエナ・メーサ・アユ、オカ ･ ルスミニである。ウタミの作品は、女性の立場から率直にセクシュアリティを扱っている。アユの作品は性暴力の問題を扱っている。またルスミニは、詩人でもジャーナリストでも作家でもあるが、抵抗の文脈を常に提供し、女性たちがあきらめて犠牲者になってしまうことなく、生存者となるように、応援をし続けている。
日本の商業アニメにおける女性像の変遷と「萌え」文化：新しいジェンダーを求めて
村瀬ひろみ （山口大学非常勤講師）
日本の商業アニメで描かれる女性像は、日本アニメの隆盛に伴い、ますます多様なキャラ
クター造形となっている。今日のアニメーションにおいて、従来のような「従順・従属的・
自己犠牲的・消極的」といったキーワードで表現される一面的な女性像が描かれることは少ない。たとえば、「戦う」女の子たちがいるが、彼女たちは「守られる」存在ではなく、「守る」存在であり、自身の考えで動く主体的なキャラクターとして描かれている。主体的な女性主人公による物語の系譜の中で、「戦う女の子」のモチーフは大変好まれ、何度も登場する。積極的であること、孤立していないこと、実行力があること、といった「戦う女の子」の属性は、自立した女性像として大変わかりやすい。
一方、主体として存立する主人公の女の子を、性的な対象として読み替え客体化していくというパロディのあり方や、キャラクターの構成要素を分解し、それらの要素にこだ
わり好みのものを支持していく「萌え」の現象もある。「萌え」は、男性、女性ともに見られ、「萌え」＝女性への差別、女性の物象化と短絡することはできないが、たとえば「萌え」を前提とした女児向けと銘打った作品があるのも事実である。建前では、明るく、楽しく
元気に、かわいく、「戦う女の子」をやるのだが、その裏では、その主人公の全体性や、作品の物語性ではなく、部分部分の要素（たとえば、服装や髪型）が性的対象として流通している。自分たちの敬愛する主人公が、「萌え」という視線によって、要素にバラバラに分解されて性的な対象物となるという経験が、女の子にどのような影響を与えるかよくわかってはいない。ただ、それが、女の子たちを「生きやすくする」側面を持っているかどうかというと、かなり難しいのではないだろうか。

128International Workshop 2005
Human Security and Gender in Asia: Perspectives from the Humanities
Gender Representation in Asia
16-18, September 2005
CGS held its second international workshop on September 16-18, 2005. It is our
second in the series, in which last year we focused on perspectives from the social
sciences in considering Human Security. This year the focus is on humanities aspects,
and the many-layered attempts to grasp the relationship between gender andcultural representation, how images created in media and culture as a whole aﬀect
our daily lives. Our emphasis was especially on gender representation in Asia.
The three-day program was variously approached. On the first day, we hadparticipants from all over Asia present the current situation in each of their own
countries. We also had a film viewing of Thirty Years of Sisterhood and a talk was given
by its producers Chieko Yamagami and Noriko Segawa. The film's portrayal of thewomen of the Womenʼ s Liberation Movement in Japan was very vivid and impressed
even those who knew nothing about the movement. In the Forum Theatre session,
ICU students offered a skit in which they reproduced scenes from their daily lives.
The participants in return responded to the skit, and the heated discussion which
followed proved how many various views were present in the Asian context. On
the second day, we had presentations and discussions according to various themes.
On the third day, we had a film showcase, in which we were privileged to show four
short films with a talk by each director afterwards. We also had a panel discussion in
the afternoon. This program was open to the public, and we had over 200 people inattendance. It was one of the moments in which the activities of CGS in trying not
to confine Gender Studies in the closure of the academic came to fruition. Also, wewere happy to realize the power and possibility of visual representation, and it willcertainly be one of the core activities of CGS in the future.
One of the purposes of this workshop was to offer a place to talk about gender
representation in Asia, as gender in Asia is studied but remains focused quite
domestically, and when international communication is ever done, it is mainlywith the US or Europe. We feel that our Asian neighbours need to know about
and communicate with each other and to learn from our sameness as well as ourdifference. We are grateful that people with various backgrounds attended thisworkshop and let us realize how ignorant we are about each other and how joyful totalk with each other through the medium of cultural products. We are sure we will beable to respect each other and learn more from our diversity.
Another goal, related to the above, was to build a network among Asian researchersandactivists. We consider such a network to be a valuable contribution to the future
progress of Gender Studies and Womenʼ s Studies, as well as various revolutionary
movements. We were happy to see not only many academics, but film-creators,
acting groups, activists, and students in our workshop, as a significant step forward
for the permeation of gender studies in society.

国際ワークショップ 2005: アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー : 人文科学の視点から 129
International Workshop 2005: Human Security and Gender in Asia: Perspectives from the Humanities

One more vital goal was to make this workshop a collaborative event with ourstudents. We owed so much to the students who have been involved in various
activities of CGS, who helped us with this workshop too. Also we are thankful tothose newcomers, and those who participated in the theatre and film sessions. It
made quite a diﬀerence and it meant a great deal. We had been hoping to welcome
young people, and were very happy to see more than we had expected.
The workshop posits many points of reflection, however. Because of our strong
wish to learn as much as possible, the schedule was overloaded, causing a lack of
discussion time, which needs to be rectified for the next workshop. However, it wasa success in that it made us more aware of the close connection between genderand representation and the power it has on society as a whole. It also suggests
the potential of representation as our means to work on society. We feel we were
empowered greatly by the participants who are actively and energetically involved invarious meaningful activities. We would like to express our gratitude to those kindly
attended and helped our workshop. We are hoping to see you again in our future
activities.
International Workshop 2005 Coordinator
Natsumi IKOMA
Current Japanese Art

KITAHARA, Megumi (Konan University)

Who are the least protected, least reported(or, if reported, very biased) women in
todayʼ s Japan? It is “Comfort Women.” The trial of the war crime against womenin late 2000 was the focus of international coverage, but the major media in Japan
did not report it. The only broadcasting company that featured this trial was NHK,though their documentary distorted the historical facts of “comfort women” severely.
Afterward, it was revealed that the program was changed under threat by somepoliticians and the right-wing. The first to be eliminated was the paintings made by a
Korean artist, which confronts a taboo of postwar Japanese society.
During the late 90s, “gender debate” occurred in the Japanese art world. It was aform of gender bashing. It turned into a discussion on the validity of art exhibitions
from gender perspectives and of the methods of the study of art itself. On the other
hand, women in Japanese art are more than ever active. The women are working
against the main current, with the help they obtain from collaboration with Korean
and other international artists.
On Japanese Literature

KITADA, Sachie (Josei International University)

The idea of gender in Japan has been much transformed lately. Late-marriage, or
non-marriage changes asociety into an aged one with few children. Women havestarted to go into the public sphere, and they are as educated as men. Japanesewomen writers, since the beginning of modernity, have been expressing their wish tosubvert the male-centred tradition, emphasizing the problems of the family system,

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gender discrimination and womenʼ s rights. Today, also, we see many female writers
contfonting the existing norms of gender and sexuality. Some even broaden theirissues globally. Another current of Japanese literature is an attempt to reconcile with
the negative heritage of World War II. Gender issues, as they demonstrate, are closely
connected to racial issues and Japan as a nation. To talk about the representation of
Asian women, thus, means to deal with diﬃculties and the hopes of human beings intodayʼ s world.
On Korea

LEE, Hyangjin (Sheﬃeld University / Rikkyo University)

The last decade of the twentieth century marked a watershed in contemporary
Korean political history. National pride in successful political reforms was seriously
damaged when the country was forced to seek 58 billion dollars from theInternational Monetary Fund in 1997. The following yearsʼ diﬃculties pushed Koreansto further question the capability and eﬀectiveness of their social-economic systems.
The growing scepticism about social systems eventually led to the open disavowalof the ideals of Confucian patriarchy. I will discuss the ways in which gender
representation in South Korea reflects and expresses the confusing status of ordinary
citizens regarding the rapid restoration of democratic social orders, towards equal
human relationship. The traditional authority of the patriarch is still indispensable
in materialising the ideal gender relations and familial bonds in popular films anddramas. The indiscriminative representations almost synchronise to induce thenostalgic sentimentalism on his powerful leadership and parental protection. On theother hand, media fantasy cannot avoid scepticism on patriarchal social orders inreality. This paper will highlight this ironic co-existence of craving and denial of thediscriminative familial relationship and gender identification reinforced by tradition.
Feminist Poetics in China: Double Contrast and A Culturological Analysis
YANG, Lixin (Nangjing Normal University)
Until the mid-1980s, the Chinese academia had been showing prejudice against
feminism, misreading and resisting it. This, coupled with the characteristics ofwomenʼ s liberation in China and the post-modernity elements of feminism that wereregarded as an academic misfit in China, explained the rather slow progress in thedissemination and practice of feminism in China, which was in double contrast to thedevelopment of feminism in the west and to the ʻnew methodology boomʼ among
Chinese literary critics. The double contrast has conditioned, if not determined, thebasic form of feminist poetics and its trend of development in China.
Beyond Representation: Women and Media in Malaysia
WONG, Yuen Mei (Malaya University)
Since the 1970s, the feminist scholars, womenʼ s NGOs and consumer organizations

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in Malaysia have been engaged in a constant critique of media representation of
women and gender relations in the mainstream media industries. Various womenimages in the media were cited to demonstrate the under-representation of womenand the perpetuation of gender stereotypes in the media. These women images havebeen used as evidence to negotiate with, or to lobby, the government agencies andcorporate media companies for a more balanced gender representation. Recognizing
the importance of gender representation for women, various strategies have been
deployed to empower womenʼ s participation in media production, management andcreative work. Increasingly, the issues of creating spaces for women to make their
voices heard have become more significant. But unfortunately, women's pursuit of
freedom of expression in Malaysia have been perceived as subversive by the stateand various restrictions have been imposed to silence them. This paper will argue
how womenʼ s rights for communication and representation are the key to media
democracy in Malaysia.
Young Women on Indonesian TV Screens
VENNY, Adriana (Cheif Editor of Journal Prempuan)
Problems of Indonesian teenage girls now have become critical, as we face thespread of sexual exploitation, paedophilia, and human-trafficking, not to mention
insufficient sex education, and the bad influence of the media on consumerism.
However, the Indonesian media does not have the regulatory system to protect therights and interests of children. The presenter suggests the need for governmental
control, or at least, some governmental monitoring system. The problems include
the prevalence of the Western concept of beauty; the lack of an Advertising Council
to raise awareness of social issues; over-sexual expressions; the prevalence of violent
expressions in media. The Indonesian Broadcasting Commission is not working as it
does not impose any penalty fee. So far, the government has done nothing to protect
or save women. The mortality rate at birth is still high; the anti-domestic violence law
has not been enacted; the anti-traﬃcking law has not been enacted either. What isstrongly needed is an awareness raising campaign to support the enactment of laws
which protects women from violence.
On India

RAJALAKSHMI, Parthasarathy (Lady Doak College)

Indian social reality is intermeshed with diverse cultures that are reflected in variant
gender relations ranging from patriarchal forms to matrilineal practices. This genderdiscourse focuses on five major factors that have influenced Indian psyche in evolving
and internalizing gender concepts. They are Indian mythology; Religion; History;
Literature; and Mass Media. There is a certain unity in Indian culture in spite of its
multi-lingual, multi-religious, multi-communal and class setup and Indian mythology
is a primary ethos of Indian society. Religious beliefs and traditional practices
contributed to the establishment of male superiority and marginalization of women.
But it is also the history of foreign invasions that situated the degradation of womenʼ
s status. Representation of gender in some of the popular Indian Literature brings

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out the stereotyped male and female images as well as their changing identities.
Indian mass media are problematic as they seek popularity through the images ofsex, violence, and stereotypes. In such cultural settings, many women have kept
dignifying their roles rather than transcending them. However, they are livingin aworld that has never been before, and it is first necessary to banish the bogies of theirinner hidden world.
PRAGATWUTISARN, Chutima (Chulalongkorn University)
Little research has been done on gender issues in Thai society until recently. Not
surprisingly, the last few decades have seen much scholarly and activist attention
paid to Thai women but less attention has been given to gender. This paper deals
with an aspect of gender that has been underrepresented by Thai scholars, namely
the representation of gender in modern Thai literature. Though Thai literature fromthe Revolution to the present portrays an image of modern women, what exactly
is meant by “modern women” varies from one period to another. The beginningof the civilizing reforms has brought about the education of women but the imageof “modern women” has remained that of housewives, albeit educated. Socioeconomic changes from the 60s onwards aﬀected womenʼ s images, since women
were encouraged to work outside to help support the family. The ideal image thenbecame that of a good companion who also keeps traditional values. The 70s saw the
emergence of active democratizing movements, and the image of politically active,
idealist women appeared. Contemporary images, of strong liberated women who
reject traditional roles, are aﬀected by international womenʼ s movements. However,their portraits are not always favourable, thus showing the social ambivalence
towards such women.
Know Her Through Her Hair: Notes on the Construction/ Reconstruction of the Filipina
in Art and Literature
BARRIOS, Maria Josephine (University of the Philippines)
The paper looks into firstly how the Filipino woman has been constructed in
Philippine culture, and secondly how the Filipina has been reconstructed by womenartists and writers, creating characters and sketches that challenge stereotypes.
The paper argues that Filipino women have been trapped into categories by theexperiences of colonialism, imperialism and globalization: 1) the suffering mothersuch as Mater Dolorosa as influenced by the Catholic religion imposed by Spanish
colonization; 2) the martyr wife and mother who bears her husbandʼ s infidelities andher childrenʼ s shortcomings; 3) the “bayad-utang” or debt payment – a woman sent
to work in the house of the landlord or as a domestic worker to pay oﬀ family debts;
4) the prostitute with the golden heart, a character influenced by the romance mode;5) the mistress who is both acknowledged/unacknowledged in Philippine society;6) the strange/unfamiliar woman – the woman alone, the crazy woman, the rebel.
Using the “hair” as metaphor, the paper shows how the womanʼs physical appearance
is equated with her virtue or lack of it and with her acceptability/unacceptability inPhilippine society. For example, the Mater Dolorosa image is usually shown with

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her hair neatly tied in a bun, the debt-payment woman with seductive long hair up
to her waist (usually tied during day but flowing at night), the prostitute with big
hair; the modern woman with bobbed hair; and the overseas worker with dyed hair.
These woman characters in Philippine literature, art, cinema and theater have beencountered or reconstructed largely through the eﬀorts of feminist writers and artists.
Spiritual Violence in Vietnamese Families

Phan Huyen Thu (Film Producer, Poet)

Vietnam was originally the country where women have relatively high status andequal rights to men. The most worshipped goddess is the Holy Mother, Lieu Hanh,
whose sexual power is thought to be vital in the farming society of Vietnam. Many
prominent female figures and reigns can be found in Vietnamese history, though theintroduction of Confucianism in 15th century China changed the situation. It was
only after WWII that women were allowed to participate in social activities as men.
Women have slowly regained respect during the 60 year-long wars with France andAmerica, and todayʼ s Vietnam sees many female leaders in every field, including
politics. Economic growth also has brought changes in the family system, and anincrease of single, independent women, but menʼ s concept of desirable womenremains epitomized by the “3Ns” in Vietnamese, i.e. a bit dutiful, a bit beautiful anda bit silly, which troubles todayʼ s Vietnamese women between two choices: conformto the “3Ns” and get married or keep oneʼ s own independence and exert someassertiveness. It is of great concern that those who choose the latter often have tosuﬀer in their private lives, being maltreated or punished by their partners.
Discourse Policies of 20th-Century Chinese Womenʼ s Fiction
YANG, Lixin (Nangjin Normal University)
The development of 20th-century Chinese womenʼ s fiction went through threestages. The first stage, from the May 4th Movement to the 1940s; the second
stage, the ʻNew Periodʼ that began in the late 1970s and the early 1980s; the third
stage, from the late 1980s to the early 1990s. Women writers in the first stage
celebrated maternal love and won the right to express themselves within themilieu of patriarchal culture. They defied the image of the weak mother and laid
the groundwork for constructing womenʼ s own tradition, while they successfully
gained access to mainstream culture. But the absence of sexual discourse indicatedthat the writers were still constrained by feudal morality, and they failed to address
the issue of gender roles in family and society. In the 1980s, with the restoration ofhumanistic values and the influence of western feminism, Chinese women became
more conscious of sexual issues. The recurrent image of ʻsick womenʼ in ʻNew Periodʼ
womenʼ s fiction is a form of body metaphor that revolts against the reality and theculture. In the 1990s, stories about sex and the female body flourished under thestrong influence of Hélène Cixous, but by the mid-1990s, ʻthe bodyʼ became anotherexploitative field to cater to banal erotic desires and the commercialism of patriarchal
society. Then the focus was moved to ʻpersonal writing,ʼ which, however, comes

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under criticism because of its repetitive narcissism and its lack of relativity. Thechange of discourse policy thus shows not only the development of 20th-century
Chinese womenʼ s fiction, but also its weaknesses and predicament.
I want to fly upon traditionsʼ wings

Phan Huyen Thu (Film Producer, Poet)

In todayʼ s Vietnam, the generation gap is a serious problem; the older generation
insists upon the maintenance of traditional values, while unaware of the newproblems and new sets of values facing the younger generation. Especially thecontroversy revolves around the issue of sex. The “ Tho tre ” or “ Young poetry ”
movement, of which I myself am a part, reflects the new sets of values, using newstyles and dealing with new themes such as their personal experiences. It tries
to revolutionalize sex through new usage of language. It attracts the younger
generation as well as fierce criticism. My main concern is more on the creation of a
new language, though sex is also one of the focal points. The Vietnamese language
is infinitely copious and beautiful, rich in sounds, melodies and images. However, thealphabets we use do not correspond suﬃciently and Vietnamese poets have ignored
the polysemic characteristics of the language too long, thus caused the loss of beautyin the language. I resurrect some ancient words, putting them side by side with abrand new word. I try to describe feelings of the modern life by classic phrases andconcepts. By combining modern words with the beauty of the Vietnamese traditional
language, I believe I can come up with the expressions suitable for todayʼ s Vietnam.
Japanese Names and Gender

HIBIYA, Junko (International Christian University)

This presentation analyzes the trend of names in Japan after 1945 and its gender
implications. The period is categorized into four groups, 1)1945-59, 2)1960-74,
3)1975-89, 4)1990-2004. The top few on each list show the gender tendency in each
respective period. For instance, in the period 1) and 2), the male names are often
composed of one Chinese character and 3 syllables. The characters chosen are thatof success, promotion, advance, health, and intelligence. On the contrary, the female
names are mostly composed of two Chinese characters (one meaningful and anothermeaning “child” ). The characters used are for happiness, peace, love, honesty, andgenerosity. In the period 3), the male names with the characters meaning “big” or“wide” shows how the society cherished the idea of scale in men. The period 4) sees
the appearance of genderless names. And the characters used are often related tonature.
How is Womanʼ s Body represented by the Japanese Cultural Administration?: Gender
Representation of Sculptures in Public SpaceNISHIYAMA, Chieko (Tokyo International University)
In Japan, sculptures have been installed in public spaces since the Meiji Era. From

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then up until World War II, they were mainly of male historic figures to aid in thecreation of anationalist and militarist ideology. The few female sculptures werelimited to stereotypes of a wife helping her husbandʼs career or of a mother sacrificing
herself for her child. After the war, the newly established goals for postwar Japan wasreflected in male and female sculptures that represented “peace,” “economic growth,”“health,” and “development.” Also, many mother-child sculptures were installed,
as they were the symbols of peace, and also of maternal love itself. Since then, thenumber of sculptures is on the increase, while, after the period of rapid economic
growth, the ideology shifted to the promotion of art. And the main figures portrayed
are of young women in nude.
The sculptures we can see today are a mixture of pre-war and post-war products,
and there are clear diﬀerentiations of gender in them. The characteristics of genderin those sculptures are: 1) women are in nude, men in clothes; 2) women are young,men are at various age; 3) women represent nature, men are culture;4) women arenameless and universal, men are individuals; 5) womenʼs space is below (earth), men's
above (sky); 6) women are stasis, men are action, tension, and power; 7) mother-child
sculptures are common, but father-child ones are rare. In addition to these, womenare often eroticized and sexual connotation can be found.
As is shown, public sculptures are sites for the propagation of gender stereotypes
under the guise of cultural promotion. The Japanese cultural administration has been
asopting policies to further the objectification of womenʼ s body.
The Neo-Colonial Globalized Body: Notes on the Filipino Womanʼ s Body in Philippine
Art and Literature
BARRIOS, Maria Josephine (University of the Philippines)
The paper argues that the contemporary Filipino womanʼ s body can be describedas both neo-colonial and globalized. The paper traces how the body has beentransformed by Spanish and American colonization starting in the 16th century when
Roman Catholic religion dominated Philippine life and condemned the body to bea “temple of sin” and thus should be hidden and untouched. This was characterized
by the layers of clothing Filipinas had to wear during the Spanish colonial periodin spite of the tropical heat. At the turn of the 19th century, when Spain ceded thePhilippines to the United States, the Filipina body then became both a commodity
and the receptacle of commodities. As the Filipina body was used to advertise liquor
and cigarettes, it also had to continue to conform to Western standards of beauty
through beauty products such as make-up, shampoos and conditioners, and thelatest fashion styles and accessories. At present, the Filipina body not only continues
to be influenced by neo-colonization (thus the proliferation of whitening products
and South beach diet providers). The paper looks into websites showing “beautiful”
potential Filipina brides,” and patient/caring care-givers and domestic workers. In
the former, the Filipina body is exoticized while in the latter, the Filipinaʼ s docility isemphasized. Thus, even with globalization, the “lessons” of colonization lives on.

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Representing Sex and Sexuality in South Korea
LEE, Hyangjin(University of Sheﬃeld, UK/Rikkyo University, Japan)
This study adopts a cross-cultural analysis of Japanese and Korean cinemas, in orderto evaluate the unique and common characteristics of gender representation. A
comparison of Japanese and Korean cinemas merits for this research with their close
historical relationships. In particular, the shared ʻConfucianʼ cultural traditions, therapid Westernization process driven by external forces and the intensive experiencesof the state-led modernisation process attest the contexts in which the cinematic
discourses are situated. The films chosen for this study are four nonsensical comedies
about the unpredictable behaviour of ordinary people who contradict themselveswith the commitment to traditional community-oriented human relationships andtheir exposure to, or pursuit of, ʻWesternʼ ideals: Death, the Japanese Style (Ososhiki,1984) and Tampopo (1986) made by Itami Juzo, Farewell, My Darling (Haksaeng Bugun
Sinwi, 1996) and 301, 302 (1996), made by Park Chulsoo. In discussing the identity
crisis in contemporary Japan and Korea represented in the four films, this study
focuses on womenʼ s sexuality and role conflicts represented from male points ofview. The creative and experimental imaginations of Itami and Park in interpretingthe family melodramatic assets in the Japanese/Korean cinematic traditions areencapsulated in the symbolic usage of food and space division between the diﬀerent
genders. The various images of heroines portrayed disclose the contradictory needsof the patriarchy in adopting the ideals of tradition and modernity. Especially, themotifs of food combined with the codes and conventions of sexuality are used toexpress the absurdity of the colonial and post-colonial experiences of the people
who seek to cope with the changes.
Womenʼ s Sexualities in Malaysia: Site of Contestations
WONG, Yuen Mei (University of Malaya)
In Malaysia, womenʼ s sexualities have become the site of cultural and politicalcontestations. When examined closely, we will be able to identify the complex andintricate play of local, national and global forces on the body of women in Malaysia.
In the mainstream media, womenʼ s sexualities become the nexuses of consumer
culture and popular culture. Womenʼ s bodies are widely sexualized and objectified,
and womenʼ s sexualities are the sites of desire, pleasure, and objectification. On theother hand, the struggles over political and cultural autonomy are often figured inrelation to the womenʼ s bodies, especially womenʼ s sexualities. Political and religious
groups consolidate its identity by projecting the sexual practices and gender
behaviours it deems abhorrent. Womenʼ s sexualities are then subjected to various
disciplining forces and regulations. Political expression itself becomes sexualized andwomenʼ s sexualities become politicized. Ironically, the display and discourse of thewomenʼ s bodies engender greater bodily self-consciousness as well as self-scrutiny
among women themselves. Women attempt to change, explore their sexualities andidentities through self-expression and contestation. This paper looks at the polemics,
contradictions and paradoxes arise from the interplay of the various socio-political

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forces mediating the womenʼ s bodies and sexualities.
The Politics of Gaze: the Relation between the Gazer and the Gazed
FUKAZAWA, Junko (Minato-ku Community Human Service Center, Tokyo)
In the spring of 2005, a man was arrested for keeping several women in confinementwith a dog-collar for long and short periods of time. His behaviour is seen as asimulation of a certain game, in which you train a woman as if she is a domestic
animal to obey you. In the midst of todayʼ s Japanese society, where womenʼ ssexualized images are everywhere, this case cannot be put away by saying it is only ʻapeculiar case of an 'odd person who cannot distinguish fantasy from reality.ʼ Nobody
cannot deny the influence of mass visual images brought to us ifrom newspapers, TV,magazines, advertisements, videos, the internet, and games which pervade our daily
activity and thoughts, as well as the concepts of gender and sexuality.
I have been analyzing the images of women in the media from the perspectiveof discrimination against women for more than 25 years. Since 1995, I held several
workshops to decode the meanings behind the images of women, provided by the
media and consumed by the public. Though the policies of equal opportunities
was installed, the images provided by the media have continued to emphasize
the gender role, and women as sexual objects for men, i.e., the sex to be looked at.
There has been little change in the quality or quantity of those images. The changethat has occurred is that visual images of men have started to be provided for men
themselves. These images are used to promote commodities, such as fashion,accessories, cars, sporting and travel goods. They create the desire of self-realization
among especially young men, by oﬀering a model to aspire to.
Then, do women start to consume the male images just as men consume female
images? To do that, they need to recover the subject of the gaze, because the act oflooking can only be learned through cultural repetition.
Naming the Unspeakable: Reading Rape in Anchanʼ s On the Mouth of the WorldPRAGATWUTISARN, Chutima (Chulalongkorn University)
Sexual abuse has not been a topic of literary study until recently. The scarcity ofsexual abuse narratives does not mean that sexual violence is rare in Thai society,however. In fact, one of the most important characteristics of narratives about sexual
abuse is the tension between the desire of the abuse survivors to tell their stories
and the anxiety that their narratives cannot be told. Here the issue of sexual abuse isinseparable from the issue of language, which is not only a medium of expression but
a means by which the meaning of abuse is constructed and contested. This research
paper examines why sexual violence has been unspeakable in Thai society by looking
at the representation of rape in On the Mouth of the World (2003), the latest novel by
Anchan, a SEA Write award winner. Although On the Mouth of the World is a novel
about Ang, it is Jon, the male narrator, who is the author of Angʼ s story and whointerprets and evaluates her from his point of view. In his narrative, Jon constructs
Ang either as a good girl or a bad girl, a dichotomy that reflects his anxiety about her
sexuality and his need to subjugate it. By insisting on telling her story and assuming

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a role unrecognized by patriarchal society, Ang disrupts Jonʼ s romantic notion ofa hero rescuing a woman in distress, and prevents his story from achieving thesatisfactory closure of a linear narrative. Ang ʼ s death at the end thus symbolizes thepatriarchal violence against women whose stories are not assimilated into existing
cultural narratives. Angʼ s voice, articulated from the strangely familiar world of theabuse victim, tells the story of a powerless and terrified victim of sexual abuse rather
than a bad girl with perverted sexual desire.
De/Re Mythification in the short stories of Shashi Deshpande and Ambai
RAJALAKSHMI, Parthasarathy (Lady Doak College)
Feminist writers have long been interested in myth, arguing for either the recovery
or invention of empowering myths for women. This paper discusses the treatment
of Indian mythical themes and characters by contemporary Indian women writers,
Shashi Deshpande and Ambai. Deshpande and Ambai make use of myths as animportant literary device. The great epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharatha
are loaded with texts and subtexts that perennially supply universal themes to theIndian creative writers. For generations, men have been in control of their cultural
myths by creating as well as interpreting them. Interestingly many women writers
today are found to question the truth behind some of the gender implications
and societal values advocated by the ancient myths and reconstruct the mythicalcharacters by deconstructing their stereotyped images. Their stories may beconsidered postmodern because they offer a double reading of traditional myths
and their simultaneous subversion. Both writers draw upon the Hindu mythologicalthemes and characters not for the representation of ideal behavioural paradigms
as they are commonly used by the Indian society, but to expose the discriminatory
patriarchal ideologies. They establish the idea that to bring any substantial change
in the thinking process of a nation as a whole, a reinterpretation of the myths is quite
necessary as it is a powerful medium that connects regions, generations and genders.
Passion, Immorality or Resistance Literature? :Redefining Women Sexualities inIndonesian Literature
VENNY, Adriana (Cheif Editor of Journal Prempuan)
In such a very patriarchal society as Indonesia, women are often repressed to certain
gender roles. It has been diﬃcult for women to express their ideas and sexualities,
but some female writers have started to speak up oagainst what was considered in
the past as taboos, though they are labeled as an immoral stream of literature. In thispaper I would like to analyze three female writers who oﬀer resistance to taboos andstereotyped morality: Ayu Utami, Djenar Maesa Ayu and Oka Rusmini. Utamiʼ s stories
deal openly with womenʼ s sexuality from a womanʼ s point of view. Ayuʼ s stories deal
with the issues of sexual violence. Rusmini, poet, writer and journalist, consistently
commits to resistance, encouraging women not to be fatalistic as victims, but to be
survivors.

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Where do Combat Princesses go? The Changing Image of Women in Japanese ANIMEMURASE, Hiromi (Yamaguchi University, Adjunct Instructor)
The image and characterization of women in Japanese ANIME are becoming more
and more varied as the industry itself strives in the world market. The traditional
stereotypical characterisation of “docile, submissive, self-sacrificing, negative” girls
is rarely seen today. For instance, the “combat” heroines are not the girls to “beprotected” but “to protect” , and are characterized as active ones who follow theirown will. They have been particularly favoured among the newly created tradition ofstories with active female protagonists. Their characteristics such as activeness, nonisolation, ability of self-realization, are the easy emblem of the independent womenof today.
However, we need to take into account their parodies that treat these combat
heroines as sexual objects, and also the recent trend called “MOE” in which theconsumer segmentizes the heroines into many factors and favours only a few. This
“ MOE ” trend is seen in both men and women, and, therefore, cannot be simply
labelled as the objectification of women, hence discrimination against women. But
it is also true, that some ANIME for girls are actually created to be consumed in the“MOE” trend. Such ANIME appears to be innocent dramas of combat heroines who
are active, positive, pretty and independent, but behind the scenes, the wholenessof the heroines or the stories themseves are rendered completely irrelevant, and thesegmentized parts of their bodies (i.e., hair or eyes) are consumed as erotic objects.
It is unknown how it aﬀects girls when they find out their adored heroines are, in fact,
cut up like this and consumed as a sex toy. But, at least, one can claim that it does
not contribute to making the lives of the girls any easier.

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働く女性の日米ワークショッププロジェクト：二回のワークショップを終えてＣＧＳセンター長 田中かず子
Ⅰ . はじめに「働く女性の日米ワークショッププロジェクト」は、デトロイトのウェイン州立大学とＩ
ＣＵがプロジェクトの受け入れ大学となり、２００４年度から２年間国際交流基金日米センター（Japan Foundation, the Center for Global Partnership (CGP)）の助成を得てはじまった。２００５年度には、日本国際基督教大学基金（Japan ICU Foundation）からも助成金を得ることができた。第一回ワークショップは２００４年９月にデトロイトのウェイン州立大学で開催し、第二回目は２００５年７月にＩＣＵで開催した。第三回目は
２００６年３月に再度ＩＣＵで開催予定であるが、その前に二回のワークショップを振り返り、まとめと展望を報告しておきたい。
Ⅱ . 働く女性の日米ワークショッププロジェクトの背景：
プロジェクトの目的：
このプロジェクトは、参加者全員にとって利益となるような実用的なプロジェクトに一緒に取り組むことで、（１）国際的な女性労働者ネットワークを構築し、強化していくこと、そして（２）ネットワークを構成する個々の組織団体自体を強化するという二つの大きな目標をもってはじまった。その実用的なプロジェクトとして、今回は組織のメンバー同士が学びあえる教育マニュアルをつくることにした。
プロジェクトが出発した背景：
特に９０年代以降、経済のグローバル化が加速度的に進み、労働市場の規制緩和が進んだ
ことによって、女性の雇用環境が急速に悪化してきた。すでに日本女性雇用者の半数以上が非正規で働いており、近年さらに有期雇用化がすすみ、不安定で低賃金な仕事が増加している。男性もこの影響を受けているが、女性のほうが圧倒的に非正規化の影響が大きい。
しかも、グローバル化がすすんだ世界において、女性たちが自分たちの働く環境を改善していくためには、もはや一国内だけでは対処できなくなってきており、働く女性たちが国境を越えてネットワークを広げていく必要性が急速に高まった。そのような危機感が、このプロジェクトの背景にある。
一方国内で日本の女性労働者の組織が直面している問題は、個々の女性労働者が抱える問題を解決することに時間とエネルギーを取られてしまったり、新メンバーの参加が停滞したりして、組織や運動が拡大していかないことである。女性ユニオン東京でも、そのメンバー
は２５０人前後で推移している。働く女性を支援する女性ユニオンや団体などは、既存の労働組合から袂をわかって新しく活動を始めた組織である。それゆえに、活動資金などの資源が脆弱であり、個別の相談に対応する人が特定され情報が偏在し、対等で民主的な関係で出発したはずなのに、組織内に力の不均衡な関係がでてくるようになり、入会者も自分の問題が解決すると退会してしまうなど、民主的な組織作りや組織の活性化が滞りがちな状況に陥っていた。このような状況を打破し、活力ある組織化を進めるための模索が始まっていた。
このプロジェクトは、ウェイン州立大学で教えているハイジ・ゴットフリードさんと、「連帯のインク (Solidarity Ink)」というＮＰＯを立ち上げたライターのアン・ザカリア・ウォルッ
シュさんが出会い、ＣＧＰからの助成金を確保して実現した。そもそものきっかけは、ア146

メリカの労働運動の経験があるザカリア・ウォルッシュさんが来日された時、アメリカにはない形で活動している女性ユニオン東京に大変興味を持ったことにあった。女性ユニオ
ン東京の直面している問題を理解する中で、アメリカの労働運動の教育プログラムを日本で使ってみたらどうか、またアメリカの女性労働者も日本の経験から学ぶことが大きいのではないかと思い立ち、女性ユニオン東京に誘いかけたのだ。女性ユニオン東京の人たちに、彼女の熱い思いを通訳した、０２年の暑い夏の日のことを思い出す。
ゴットフリードさんは、当時パートタイムなど女性の非正規雇用化の問題に取り組み、日本とアメリカ、ドイツなどとの比較研究をしていらしたことを知っていたので、私はザカ
リア・ウォルッシュさんにゴットフリードさんを紹介した。ウェイン州立大学は、全米でも有名な労働教育センターがある大学で、日本でも労働運動に関心のある研究者や活動家には良く知られている大学である。このような経緯で同じ関心を持っている二人が出会ったことにより、このプロジェクトの構想が急速に膨らんでいったのである。人と人の出会いが次々につながって、それが大きな運動に発展していくという、好例であろう。
当初日本側の参加者たちからも、経済のグローバル化が進む中、働く女性たちは国境を越えてネットワークを作る必要があるとしても、なぜ「日米」なのかという質問がよくでた。
これは、ワークショップの助成金を申請した基金が、日米センター（ＣＧＰ）という日米共催プログラムを助成する機関だったからだ。日米に限定せずに、当然アジアにおける、また世界における女性労働者のネットワークを視野に入れている。今回のプロジェクトでも、第二回目には、香港からのファシリテータとして、メーベル・オーさんをお迎えするなど、日米の枠を超えたネットワークの展開が始まっている。さらに、このプロジェクトに参加しているメンバーの有志は、２００５年１０月に韓国の女性労働者の組織や団体を訪問し、働く女性たちの組織化と教育に関する意見交換をしてきた。その際、韓国でも日本で作ろうとしているような教育マニュアルを作って組織化を進めてきていることがわかった。民主的な組織化を進めるために必要とされている教育内容は、基本的に各国共通していることが認識されることになった。
直面する問題と教育マニュアル：
女性ユニオン東京は、第一回ワークショップで自分たちが直面する問題について報告することが求められていたので、２００４年の夏合宿を利用して自分たちの活動の問題点を徹底的に検証した。その結果、「一人ひとりの組合員のエンパワーメントをして有機的なネットワークを作っていくことができていない」という結論に達した。具体的には、特定のスタッフへの依存が大きく、一人ひとりのエンパワーメントになっていないこと、若いメンバーも増えているのに、経験を伝えることができていないことなど、ユニオン拡大の障害物が明らかになった。個別紛争の処理に終わっている活動をみなおして、社会的に大きな影響力を発揮できるようになるためには、一部のスタッフに依存するのではなく、メンバー
同士が教育しあえるような教材マニュアルが必要であるという気づきにつながった。
ここでいう教育マニュアルというのは、女性労働者の組織メンバーが活動的で連帯感がありエンパワーされたメンバーとなるために、必要な基礎的スキルや知識を提供する教育プ
ログラムのことである。民主的な組織では、メンバーに必要な情報はみなで共有することが不可欠である。移民の国アメリカでは、異なる背景の人たちが行動を同じくするために、手順など明文化したマニュアルが必須であったので、これまで膨大なマニュアル作りのノ
ウハウが蓄積されてきた。アメリカの大学では、労働教育センターのある大学もあり、労働組合のメンバーのための教育プログラムを発展させてきた。また、女性労働者も自分た

国際ワークショップ 2005: アジアにおける人間の安全保障とジェンダー : 人文科学の視点から 147
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ちのための教育マニュアルを作り、スキルを身につけるやり方に磨きをかけてきた。このプロジェクトは、日本の女性労働者の組織や団体のメンバーがそのノウハウを学び、自分たちのための教育マニュアルをつくることを目的としている。そして、そのマニュアルづ
くりという実践を通して、自らがエンパワーし、そのことによってそれぞれの組織内のメンバー間のネットワークを深め、さらに組織間のつながりを深めるというダイナミックな企画でもある。
日本側の参加者：
今回の女性労働者ネットワークに参加している組織団体は、女性の労働組合だけではなくて、女性労働者のための団体も含まれている。日本からの参加者は次のような団体や組織に所属している：働く女性の人権センターいこる、北海道ウィメンズユニオン、女性ユニ
オンプラス、女性ユニオン東京、アジア女性資料センター、名古屋ふれあいユニオン、せんしゅうユニオン、おんな労働組合関西、均等待遇アクション２１、ＣＡＷネットジャパン、
女性労働問題研究会、ワーキング・ウイメンズ・ヴォイス、そして出版メッツ。北海道から九州までをカバーする女性労働者のＮＰＯが、このように一同に会するなど、３, ４年前には想像もできないほどの画期的なことであった。
Ⅲ . 第一回ワークショップ in デトロイト
第一回ワークショップは、２００４年９月２４日と２５日の二日間、ゴットフリードさん
が教鞭をとるウェイン州立大学で開催された（当日のスケジュールは、文末に添付）。第一回目のワークショップでは、日本と合衆国の間で情報の共有をはかることが第一義的な目的であった。日本からの参加者は、女性ユニオン東京、おんな労組関西、女性の人権センター
いこる、北海道ウィメンズユニオン、ワーキング・ウィメンズ・ヴォイス、女性労働問題研究会など新しい運動を担ってきた組織で中心的に活躍している人たちであった。合衆国からの参加者も、労働組合女性連合（ＣＬＵＷ）のＧ．ジョンソン、全米勤労女性協会（９ｔｏ５）のＬ．メリック、全米自動車労組女性部のＣ．スイフト、そしてウィメンズ・ユ
ニオン・スクールのＴ．イーウィング、デュポール大学労働教育プログラムのＥ．ローゼ
ンバーグなど、そうそうたるメンバーであった。
一日目はザカリア・ウォルッシュさんが冒頭に「合衆国と日本の労働運動の再構築について」というタイトルで熱く語り、「合衆国における女性労働者の意識」というセッションでは、合衆国における女性労働者に関する労働運動の歴史的背景などの報告があった。午後の「日本の女性労働者の労働組合」というセッションでは、日本の労働組合、特に女性労働組合の現状について、日本側から報告があった。
二日目には、「合衆国の女性労働問題」と、「日本の女性労働問題とその挑戦」というセッションを設けて、それぞれの国で女性労働者が直面している問題について理解を深めた。最後に、「合衆国における労働教育と労働組合組織力開発」のセッションを設け、労働教育のプロたちからそれぞれの特色ある活動について報告してもらったが、日本の女性ユニオンや女性団体が自らの活動を活性化させるために有効な手段について多くの示唆を得ることができた。
日本側の参加者が得た大きな成果は、二つあった。一つは、このワークショップに参加するために、各女性ユニオンや団体が、それぞれの直面する問題点を検討する作業を行ったことである。特に女性ユニオン東京は、夏の合宿を使ってこれまでの活動における問題点を徹底的に検討した結果、自分たちの抱える問題を明確にすることができた。もう一つは、

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合衆国における具体的な活動を知ることによって、自分たちの直面する問題を相対化する
ことができた点である。
Ⅳ . 第二回ワークショップ in 東京
第二回目は、2005 年７月 22 日から２４日まで、ＩＣＵで開催された。この第二回目のワークショップが開催されるまでの１０ヶ月間に、日本では参加メンバーを増強して、
２００４年１１月と２００５年３月に二回会合を開催した。そして、教育マニュアルの具体的なテーマを、コミュニケーションスキル、エンパワーメントスキル、そして組織化ス
キルの三つに絞り込んだ。この三つのテーマにそって、合衆国から三人のファシリテータを迎えて、それぞれのミニワークショップを開催し、教育マニュアルについて実体験することになった（ワークショップのスケジュールは、本文末に掲載）。
各ファシリテータは、それぞれ担当するテーマに関し、事前に適切な教育方法と教材を準備し、ワークショップの日本側参加者は双方向的な教育、徹底的に参加型教育の実践を体験した。そして、このワークショップに実際に参加することによって、教育マニュアルを作成するということはどういうことなのか、どういうふうにマニュアルは使えるのか、自分たちはなにをやろうとしているのか、初めてはっきりと把握することができた。
小グループにおける参加型教育の実践なので、各グループのサイズは通訳をいれて１０人以下であった。コミュニケーションスキルのグループ（ファシリテータ：Ｅ．ローゼンバー
グ）は、人前で話す話し方から、組織の内部でのファシリテーションスキル、また差別と戦うということを攻撃的にではなくアートで表現し、コミュニティーの人たちに訴える方法など、実践を通して学ぶことができた。第二の組織化グループ（Ｃ．エーデルソン）では、組織を活性化し拡大していくためのスキルとして、一対一のコミュニケーションスキルを身につけ、組織のメンバー間のつながりを深く掘り下げ、そして若い人たちや新メンバー
が自由に活動できるような場を造っていくためのスキルを実践した。そして、エンパワー
メントスキルのグループ（Ｔ．イーウィング）では、参加型成人教育で最も重要なことは参加者の「尊厳」の重視にあることが強調され、ブレインストーミング、モノローグとダ
イアローグ、共同作業などを体験しながら、それぞれの人がもつ可能性を引き出す方法を学んだ。
二年間の助成金を得て開催する３回目のワークショップは、２００６年３月にＩＣＵで行うことが決まっている。そのときには、今回ミニ・ワークショップにわかれて経験したワー
クを、今度は全員が経験し、それをもとに日本の現状にあったトレーニング・プログラムの作成に向けて、試行錯誤をはじめることになるだろう。２日間半のワークショップでは充分に参加型教育を理解しえなかったところもあるので、三回目のワークショップではファ
シリテータの人たちにその点を中心にフォローアップしてもらい、もう少し深く理解できる機会になるよう計画する予定である。
Ⅴ . ２回のワークショップに参加して：
このプロジェクトの目的は、女性労働者の組織や団体がさらに組織を活性化し拡大させていく手段としての教育マニュアルを自分たちの手で作ることだ。そのために、第二回のワークショップでは合衆国からプロのファシリテータを呼び、小グループによる参加型の教育実践を体験する機会をもった。このワークショップの一番の成果は、参加者自身がエンパワーされ、コミュニケーションスキルをつけ、組織の拡大や活性化は１対１の関係性、信報告：働く女性のための日米ワークショップ 149

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頼関係を築くことからはじまることを、自らのケースとして実感したことであろう。参加者が実践的な教育経験から体得したスキルは、日本の現状に合った教育マニュアルづくりに反映されるに違いない。
この教育マニュアル作りという共同作業を通して、全国の女性ユニオンや団体が顔の見える関係を作ることができた。今後この関係が、二年間のワークショッププロジェクトが終了したあともさらに拡大し、柔軟でかつ強固な全国的ネットワークの展開につながってい
くことが期待される。

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The US-Japan Working Womenʼ s Workshop Project:
Report on the First and Second Workshops
I. Introduction
The US-Japan Working Womenʼ s Workshop Project, hosted jointly by Wayne State
University and ICU, was started in 2004 with funding from the Japan Foundation'sCenter for Global Partnership (CGP). In 2005 we also received a grant from theJapan ICU Foundation. Our first workshop was held in September 2004 at Wayne
State University in Detroit and the second in July 2005 at ICU. Here, I would liketo summarize and report on the results of these two workshops before the thirdworkshop which is scheduled for March 2006 at ICU.
II. Background
Objectives of the Project:This project began with two major objectives - (1) to set up and build on aninternational network of female workers and (2) to strengthen each individual groupwithin the network. As part of its aim to be of practical benefit to all its participants,
the project focused on the creation of a learning manual through which the members
could learn from each other.
Origins of the Project:
Working conditions for women have rapidly deteriorated with the rise of economic
globalization and deregulation of the workplace, especially after the 1990s. Already,over 50% of the female workers in Japan are not in full-time employment. Moreover,
the trend toward fixed-term employment in recent years has led to an increase in jobsof poor stability and low pay. Although men have also been aﬀected by deregulation,
the effects on women have been much worse. Furthermore, in this world of rapid
globablization, there is an increasing need for working women to form networks
across national borders in order to improve their working environment.
Working womensʼ groups in Japan are faced with problems which limit the expansionof their organizations and their activities, such as time and energy being spent
mainly on resolving the problems of individual workers and the stagnation of new
membership. For example, even the Tokyo Women ʼ s Union (arguably one of the mostvisible and active unions for women in Japan) has less than 250 members. Women's
unions and other groups which support working women are organizations thatoriginally broke away from the existing labour unions and initiated new activities.
However, funding and resources are limited, skills and knowledge are unevenly
distributed and there are problems with the specification of people for resolving
individual cases. Despite having started off on an equal footing, the building of
democratic, vital organizations has become plagued by problems from within, suchas unequal power relations and the resignation of members upon the resolution of
their own problems. Thus, there is a growing movement to find ways to overcome
such problems and to revitalize these organizations.
This project was realized through the meeting and collaboration of Wayne State
University lecturer Heidi Gottfried and Solidarity Ink founder Ann Zacharias-Walsh,報告：働く女性のための日米ワークショップ 151

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with funding secured from the CGP. The initial idea for the project was conceived
by Ms. Zacharias-Walsh when she became interested in the activities of the Tokyo
Womenʼ s Union which were so different to her own experience with labour
movements in the U.S. While striving to understand the issues faced by the Tokyo
Women ʼ s Union, she began to wonder whether the learning programs developed byAmerican labour movements could be used in Japan. She also felt that there could
be much that American womenʼ s workers could learn from the Japanese experience.
I still recall her earnest proposal to the Tokyo Womenʼ s Union, for which I acted asinterpreter, on a hot summerʼ s day in 2002.
Wayne State University is famous in the U.S. for its Labour Education Center and iseven well known in Japan by researchers and activists involved in labour movements.
I introduced Ms. Zacharias-Walsh to Dr. Gottfried who I knew was at that time
involved in comparative research of Japan, the U.S. and Germany, in the rising trend
toward irregular women ʼ s employment such as part-time work. From there, theproject continued to grow and develop. Thus, this project is a prime example of how
great movements can be fostered through successive encounters and connections
between individual people.
So why ʻ US-Japan ʼ ? While recognizing the need for working women to build
networks across national borders in a world of increasing economic globalization,
this was a question asked by many of the Japanese participants in the initial stagesof the project. This was because funding received for the project was from the
US-Japan Center (CGP), an organization which funds joint US-Japan programs.
However, the perspective is not limited simply to Japan and the U.S., but considers
networks of working women in Asia and the world.Thus, this project also initiatedthe development of networks beyond the US-Japan framework, for example,
by welcoming a facilitator from Hong Kong, Mabel Au in the second workshop.
Furthermore, a number of our participants visited womenʼ s labour organizations in
Korea in October 2005 to exchange views on working womenʼ s organizations andeducation. The group learnt that there was a similar movement in Korea to develop
learning manuals and promote labour organizations. They also realized that the kindof learning programs necessary for the development of democratic organizations are
essentially the same in each country.
Issues Addressed/ Learning Manual:
For the first workshop, the Tokyo Womenʼ s Union was asked to report on thevarious
problems they faced. At a 2004 summer retreat, they examined in detail the problemsof their activities and came to the conclusion that they lacked the empowerment ofeach of its members to develop a well-structured, systematic network. The obstacles
to the expansion and growth of the union became clear. There was a tendency todepend too much on specific members rather than a focus on empowering eachindividual member, and experience was not effectively passed on to the growing
numbers of younger members. It was necessary to rethink their activites which were
centered too much on resolving individual disputes and to consider how the union
could have greater influence and impact in society at large. For this aim, they realizedthat there was a need for a learning manual which could be used by their members
to teach each other.

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The ʻlearning manualʼ discussed here refers to an educational program which teaches
the fundamental skills and knowledge to develop members in working womenʼ sorganizations who are vital, active, and empowered with a sense of solidarity. In a
democratic organization, it is essential for all the members to share the informationnecessary to themselves. The U.S., being a nation comprised of immigrants, has
accumulated extensive know-how on manual creation through their need tofind ways for people of diverse backgrounds to work together. Many American
universities have labour education centers and have developed education programs
for labour organizations. Moreover, working women have also created and improved
upon learning manuals for themselves. This project aims to pass on that knowhow to working womenʼ s organizations and groups in Japan so that they can create
their own learning manuals. It is a dynamic project which will empower each of its
participants through the practical experience of the manual creation process; this willthen lead to the strengthening of networks between members within their groups
and ultimately between the groups as well.
Participants from Japan:
The groups participating in this working womenʼ s network project are not restricted
to womenʼ s labour unions but also involve groups for working women.The Japaneseparticipants come from diverse groups: Ikoru Center for Working Womenʼ s Rights,
Hokkaido Womenʼ s Union, Womenʼ s Union Plus, Tokyo Womenʼ s Union, Asia Womenʼs Resource Center, Nagoya Fureai Union, Senshu Union, Kansai Womenʼ s Labor Union,
Equal Treatment Action 21, CAW Net Japan, The Society for the Study of Working
Women Issues, Working Womenʼ s Voice, Publication METS. Thus, the project brings
together NPOʼ s of working women throughout the nation from Hokkaido to Kyushu.
It is a great initiative which could not have been imagined three or four years ago.
III. First Workshop, Detroit
The first workshop was held over two days, September 24 and 25, 2004, at Wayne
State University (the workshop schedule is attached below). The primary objectiveof this first workshop, was the sharing of information between Japan and the U.S.
Participants from Japan were those who have been taking a central, active role in
new movements, including members of the Tokyo Women ʼ s Union, Kansai Women'sLabor Union, Ikoru Center for Working Womenʼ s Rights, Hokkaido Womenʼ s Union,
Working Womenʼ s Voice, and The Society for the Study of Working Women Issues.
Participants from the U.S. included many eminent names such as Gloria Johnsonfrom the Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW), Linda Merrick from the National
Association of Working Women (9 to 5), Carla Swift from the Womenʼ s Division of theUnited Auto Worker's Union, Tess Ewing from the Womenʼ s Union School, and Emily
Rosenberg from the DePaul University Labor Education Program.
On the first day, Ms. Zacharias Walsh first spoke on the topic “ Rethinking
LaborMovements in the U.S. and Japan.” This was followed by a session, “Working
Womenʼ s Awareness in the U.S.” , at which we learned of the historical backgroundof working womenʼ s labor movements in the U.S. In the afternoon session, “Working
Womenʼ s Labor Unions in Japan” , the Japanese delegation spoke about labor unions,particularly womenʼ s labor unions, in Japan.

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The sessions on the second day, “Working Womenʼ s Issues in the U.S.” and “Issues
and Challenges for Working Women in Japan” , aimed to further understandingof the problems faced by working women in the respective countries. At the final
session, “Development of Labor Union Organizations and Labor Education in the U.S.”,
professional labor educators informed us of their particular activities, which were very
helpful in prompting new ideas on eﬀective ways to fuel the activities of Japanesewomenʼ s unions and organizations.
The workshop had two significant outcomes for the Japanese participants. Firstly, in
preparing to participate in this workshop, each womenʼ s union or ogranization had
to go through a process of examining the problems they faced. The Tokyo Womenʼ s
Union in particular were able to reach a clearer understanding of their own situation
at their summer retreat when they completely overhauled the problems of theirorganization. Secondly, by gaining concrete, specific knowledge of the U.S. situation,
the groups were able to see their own problems from a more relative perspective.
IV. Second Workshop, Tokyo
The second workshop was held at ICU from July 22 to 24, 2006. Ten months before theworkshop, more participants were recruited within Japan and meetings were held in
November 2004 and March 2005. The themes for the learning manual were narrowed
down to Communication Skills, Empowerment Skills, and Organizational Skills. Threefacilitators were invited from the U.S. to conduct mini practical workshops on eachtheme for the learning manual. (The workshop schedule is attached at the end of thisreport)Each facilitator came prepared with appropriate learning methods and materials
for their particular theme. The Japanese participants of the workshop were not only
given a taste of a new kind of participatory learning experience, they also finallygained a clear understanding of what was involved in creating a learning manual,
how it could be used, and what it was that they were actually trying to achieve.
It was a hands-on learning experience based on small groups consisting of up to ten
members, including the interpreters. The Communications Skills Group (facilitatedby E. Rosenberg), focused on the practical application of public speaking skills andfacilitation skills within an organization, as well as learning how to fight discrimination
through creative expression rather than agrression and how to appeal to people inthe community. The Organizational Skills Group (facilitated by C. Edelson) focused on
ways to expand the members and activities of organizations by gaining one-on-one
comunication skills and strengthening the bonds between members within groups,
and thereby creating a place in which young people and new members can be free
and active. The Empowerment Skills Group (facilitated by T. Ewing). In participatoryor hands-on adult education, the ʻdignityʼ of participants is what is most emphasized.
The group learned how to bring out the potential of each individual by practicing
brainstorming, monologues and dialogues, and teamwork.
Funding for the project was granted for a period of two years. The third workshop
will be held in March 2006 at ICU. This time all the participants will experience what
was previously done in small groups and this will be directed toward developing a
training program to suit the current Japanese situation. Thus, it marks the beginning154

of an endeavour which will involve a great deal of trial and error. Since it was diﬃcult
to fully understand the concept of hands-on learning in a workshop of just two anda half-days, we would like the facilitators to follow up and focus on this at the thirdworkshop.
V. Reflections on the First and Second Workshops
The aim of this project was to create a learning manual by and for working womenʼ sorganizations as a means of expanding the groups and their activities. Therefore, thesecond workshop provided an oppportunity for a practical learning experience in theform of small participatory groups and the help of professional facilitators from the
U.S. The greatest achievement of this workshop was that the participants themselves
were empowered, gaining valuable communication skills and learning for themselvesthat the expansion of their groups and their activities begins with the developmentof trust and one-on-one relations amongst themselves. The skills gained by theparticipants through this practical learning experience will undoubtedly be reflectedin the creation of a learning manual adapted to the Japanese situation.
Through the co-operative work of creating a learning manual, womenʼ s unions andgroups across the nation were able to develop relationships based on face-to-facecontact. We hope that even after the end of this two year workshop project, these
relations will continue to expand and grow into a strong, dynamic national network.
Kazuko Tanaka, CGS Director

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働く女性の日米ワークショップ①プログラム（2004 年 9 月 24 日〜 25 日 於 デトロイト・ウエイン州立大学）
第 1 日目 9 月 24 日
9:00-9:10 歓迎のあいさつ マーガレット・ウインターズウエイン州立大学副学長
9:10-9:15 はじめに ハイディ・ゴットフリート、ウエイン州立大学
9:15-9:30 働く女性の日米ワークショップ：合衆国と日本の労働運動の再構築について

アン・ザカリアス・ウォルシュ
9:30-10:15 労働運動フェミニズムの歴史 ドロシー・スー・コブル ラトガース大学
10:15-10:30 質疑応答・討論
10:30-10:45 コーヒーブレイク
合衆国における女性労働者の意識

10:45-10:50 はじめに セッション議長 エリザベス・ファウ
10:50-11:15 労働組合女性連合 [CLUW] グロリア・ジョンソン
11:15-11:40 全米勤労女性協会 [9 to 5] リンダ・メリック
11:40-11:50 質疑応答
11:50-12:15 全米自動車労組女性部 カーラ・スイフト
12:15-1:00 質疑応答・討論
1:00-2:15 昼食
日本の女性労働者の労働組合
2:15-2:20 はじめに セッション議長 田中かず子 日本とアメリカの労働組合の比較対照 木下武男 女性労働問題研究会
2:45-3:10 女性ユニオン東京 伊藤みどり
3:10-3:35 おんな労組［関西］：いこる 屋嘉比ふみ子・赤羽佳代子
3:35-3:50 質疑応答
3:50-4:00 コーヒーブレイク
4:00-4:25 北海道ウイメンズユニオン 近藤恵子
4:25-4:50 ワーキング・ウイメンズ・ボイス 佐崎和子・成瀬穫実子
4:50-5:00 質疑応答・討論
5:00-5:15 第１日目のまとめ
夜：ウエイン州立大学労働博物館（女性と社会正義展示会場）の見学・レセプション
第 2 日目 9 月 25 日
合衆国の女性労働問題
9:00-9:05 はじめに セッション議長 ハイディ・ゴットフリート
9:05-9:30 同一価値労働同一賃金 ロニー・スタインバーグ
バンダービルト大学
9:30-9:55 セクシュアルハラスメント ルイーズ・フィッツゲラルド
イリノイ大学、アバナーシャンペンキャンパス
9:55-10:10 質疑応答
10:10-10:35 請負、パートタイム労働 シンシア・ネグレイ ルイビル大学
10:35-10:45 質疑応答・討論
10:45-11:00 コーヒーブレイク

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日本の女性労働問題とその挑戦
11:00-11:05 はじめに セッション議長
アン・ザカリアス・ウォルシュ
11:05-11:25 スナップショット 日本の女性労働者の現状 居城舜子
11:25-11:50 ケーススタディ 女性ユニオン東京の成長と生き残りへの阻害と挑戦 谷恵子
11:50-12:15 質疑応答・討論
12:15-1:30 昼食休憩
合衆国における労働者教育と労働組合組織力開発
1:30-1:35 はじめに セッション議長 ミッシェル・フェクトウ
1:35-2:00 女性の労働組合学校 テス・イーウイング マサチューセッツ大学
2:00-2:25 大学における労働教育 エミリー・ローゼンバーク デュポール大学労働教育
プログラム
2:25-2:45 質疑応答
2:45-2:55 コーヒーブレイク
3:00-3:25 エール大学事務職労働組合 [HERE Local 34] 代表 ローラ・スミス
3:25-3:50 全米電機ラジオ機械工労組 [UE] リー・フリード
3:50-4:30 質疑応答・ディスカッション
4:30-4:45 コーヒーブレイク
4:45-5:15 まとめと次の会議について
働く女性の日米ワークショップ②プログラム（2005 年７月 22 日〜 24 日 於 国際基督教大学）
第１日目 7 月 22 日
9:00-9:30 登録：本部棟
9:30-10:30 開会 司会 田中かず子（国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター長）
9:30-9:45 開会あいさつ 田中かず子
9:30-9:45 歓迎のあいさつ ビル・スティール（ICU 教養学部長）
9:45-10:00 参加者自己紹介
10:00-10:30 プロジェクトの概要 アン・ザカリアス・ウォルシュ（ソリダリティーインク，国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター）
グループワークショップ・第１グループ：基本コミュニケーションスキル；エミリー・ローゼンバーグ [ERBII・301 号室 ]・第２グループ：組織化のための基本スキル；キャロル・イーデルソン [ERBII・201 号室 ]・女性のエンパワーメント；テス・ユーイング [ERBII・304 号室 ]10:45-12:30 グループワークショップ：セクション１
12:30-1:30 昼食（学内）
1:30-5:15 グループワークショップ：セッション２
第２日目 7 月 23 日
9:00-12:00 グループワークショップ：セッション３
12:00-1:00 昼食（学内）
1:00-3:30 グループワークショップ：セッション４
3:45- 到達した成果の報告及び今後の作業計画の発表
司会 ハイディ・ゴットフリート（ウエイン州立大学）

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3:45-4:15
4:15-4:45
4:45-4:50
4:50-5:20
5:20-5:45
5:45-6:15

第１グループの報告
第２グループの報告
通訳休憩
第３グループの報告
オープン・ディスカッション（作業計画へのフィードバック）
まとめと閉会（次回へ持ち越し） ハイディ・ゴットフリート

第３日目 7 月 24 日
9:00-11:30 アジアの女性団体のネットワーキング區美賓（オー・メイ・ポー） 香港ピープル・アライアンス（HKPA）

司会

メーベル

司会

アン・ザカリアス・ウォルシュ

11:30-12:00 まとめと閉会（次回への持ち越し）

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The US-Japan Working Womenʼ s Workshop 1st program
Date: 24-25 September, 2004
Venue: Wayne State University, Detroit
Day 1 Friday, September 24
Introductions
9:00-9:10 Welcome :Margaret Winters, Associate Provost, Wayne State University
9:10-9:15 Introduction: Heidi Gottfried, Wayne State University
9:15-9:30 US-Japan Working Womenʼ s Workshop: Reinventing Labor Movements in
the U.S and Japan, Ann Zacharias-Walsh
9:30-10:15 History of Labor Feminism Dorothy Sue Cobble, Rutgers University
10:15-10:30 Q & A/Discussion
10:30-10:45 Coﬀee BreakWorking Womaenʼ s Organizations in U.S.
10:45-10:50 Introduction : Session Chair Elizabeth Faue
10:50-11:15 Gloria Johnson, Coalition of Labor Union Women [CLUW]
11:15-11:40 Linda Merrick, National Association of Working Women[9 to 5]
11:40-11:50 Q & A
11:50-12:15 Carla Swift, United Automobile Workers Womenʼ s Depertment
12:15-1:00 Q & A/Discussion
1:00-2:15 Lunch
Labor Unions for Working Women in Japan
2:15-2:20 Introduction: Session Chair Kazuko Tanaka,
2:20-2:45 Comparing /Contrasting Japanese and American Unions:Takeo Kinoshita, Society for the Study of Working Women
2:45-3:10 Midori Itoh, Womenʼ s Union Tokyo(WUT)
3:10-3:35 Fumiko Yakabi and Kayako Akabane, Kansai Womenʼ s Union; ICORU
3:35-3:50 Q & A
3:50-4:00 Coﬀee Break
4:00-4:25 Keiko Matsushita, Sapporo Womenʼ s Union
4:25-4:50 Kazuko Sazaki and Emily Naruse, Working Womenʼ s Voice; 21st CenturyUnion
4:50-5:00 Q & A/Discussion
5:00-5:15 Wrap-up of Day 1
Evening: Reception and guided viewing of the WSU Labor Archiveʼ s exhibit on
women and social justiceDay 2, Saturday September 25
Working Womenʼ s Issues in the U.S.
9:00-9:05 Introduction: Session Chair, Heidi Gottfried
9:05-9:30 Comparable Worth : Ronnie Steinberg, Vanderbilt University
9:30-9:55 Sexual Harassment: Louise Fitzgerald, University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign

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9:55-10:10 Q & A
10:10-10:35 Contract, Part-time Labor: Cynthia Negrey, University of Louisville
10:35-10:45 Q & A/Discussion
10:45-11:00 Coﬀee BreakWorking Womenʼ s Issues and Challenges in Japan
11:00-1::05 Introduction: Session Chair, Ann Zacharias-Walsh
11:05-11:25 Snapshot: Current situation of working women in Japan:
Shunko Ishiro, The Society for the Study of Working Women
11:25-11:50 Case Study: Obstacles and Challenges to WUTʼ s Growth and Survival :Keiko Tani
11:50-12:15 Q & A/ Discussion
12:15-1:30 Lunch BreakLabor Education and Union Skills Development in U.S.
1:30-1:35 Introduction: Session Chair, Michelle Fecteau
1:35-2:00 Womenʼ s Union Schools: Tess Ewing, WILD
2:00-2:25 University-Based Labor Education: Emily Rosenberg, Depaul University
Labor Education Program
2:25-2:45 Q&A/ Discussion
2:45-2:55 Coﬀee break
3:00-3:25 Laura Smith, UNITE-HERE Local34
3:25-3:50 Leah Fried, United Electrical Workers of America
3:50-4:30 Q & A/ Discussion
4:30-4:45 Coﬀee Break
4:45-5:15 Summary and Next Conference
The US-Japan Working Womenʼ s Workshop 2nd program
Date: July 22-24, 2005
Venue: International Christian University
Day 1
July 27, 2005
9:00-9:30 Registration: Administration Building
9:30-10:30 Opening ceremony
Chair: Kazuko Tanaka, Director, ICU Center for Gender Studies
9:30-9:45 Opening Address Kazuko Tanaka
9:30-9:45 Welcome Address Bill Steele, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, ICU
9:45-10:00 Introduction of participants
10:00-10:30 Project Overview
Ann Zacharias Walsh, Solidarity Ink and ICU Center for Gender Studies
Group Workshops
・Group 1：Essential Communication Skills; Emily Rosenberg；[Rm 301, ERBII]
・Group II：Essential Organizational Skills；Carol Edilson [Rm 201, ERBII]
・Group III : Womenʼ s Empowerment；Tess Ewing [Rm 304, ERBII]

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10:45-12:30 Group Workshops：Session 1
12:30-1:30 Lunch (on campus)
1:30-5:15 Group Workshops : Session 2
Day 2
July 23
9:00-12:00 Group Workshops：Session 3
12:00-1:00 Lunch (on campus)
1:00-3:30 Group Workshops：Session 4
3:45- Presentations by each group: Report on results and future prospects
Chair: Heidi Gottfried, Wayne State University
3:45-4:15 Group 1 Report Summary of Theme
4:15-4:45 Group 2 Report Summary of Theme
4:45-4:50 Break for Interpreter
4:50-5:20 Group 3 Report Summary of Theme
5:20-5:45 Open discussion (feedback on plan of action)
5:45-6:15 Summary and Closing Address（Carry over to next workshop）:
Heidi Gottfried
Day 3
July 24
9:00-11:30 Networking for Womenʼ s Associations in Asia
Chair: Mabel Au, Hong Kong Peopleʼ s Alliance（HKPA）
11:30-12:00 Summary and Conclusion（Prospects for the next workshop）
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2005 年度ジェンダー研究センター（CGS）活動報告
The Center for Gender Studies, ICU
2005 年度ジェンダー研究センター（CGS）活動報告■春学期

4 月１日（金）CGS ニュースレター 003 号発行

ジェンダー・セクシュアリティ研究プログラム (PGSS) 開始

4 月 13 日（水）〜 15 日（金）CGS 春のオープンセンター（学生を招いての茶話会）
4 月 15 日（金）CGS ジャーナル準備号発行
4 月 18 日（月）〜 CGS 春学期読書会
1.「男性学、女性学」

編者：伊藤公男
期間：4 月 20 日〜（毎週水曜日）
2.「クローゼットの認識論」
著者：イヴ・Ｋ・セジウィック
期間：4 月 21 日〜（毎週木曜日）
3.「アンティゴネーの主張」
著者：ジュディス・バトラー
期間：4 月 18 日〜（毎週月曜日）

5 月 9 日（月）エベリン・リンドナー・レクチャー “Gender and Life Decisions in a Global Perspective”
講師：エベリン・リンドナー JICUF 客員教授
場所：本館 251 号室（PGSS「ジェンダーと社会構造」コースにて）
5 月 27 日（金）ジェンダー・セクシュアリティ研究プログラム開設記念
上野千鶴子講演「ジェンダー・セクシュアリティ研究になにができるのか？」
講師：上野千鶴子 東京大学大学院人文社会系研究所教授
場所：旧ディッフェンドルファー記念館オーディトリアム
6 月 6 日（月）CGS オープンレクチャー「『性同一性障害』を通して性を考える」

講師：山内俊雄（埼玉医科大学 学長）
場所：本館 213 号室（PGSS コース「ジェンダー研究へのアプローチ」にて）

6 月 16 日（木）CGS オープンレクチャー “Women in Power of Current Trend in Gender Studies in the

162

USA”
講師：Mary Hartman (Professor, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, Director,
Institute for Womenʼ s Leadership at Douglass College, Rutgers University)
6 月 19 日（日）〜 24 日（金）第９回国際学際的女性会議（韓国・ソウル）(CGS より所員３名・副手２名・院生１名・学部生 6 名が参加。所員２名による The
Future of Womenʼ s Network in Asia: Academia and Beyond と称するワークショップを開催 )7 月 22 日（金）〜 24 日（日）日米女性労働者 NGO ワークショップ

場所：国際基督教大学
共催：CGS・ウェイン大学（アメリカ）（センター長田中かず子がファシリテーターとして参加。CGS は全面的にロジスティックを
担当）
■ 秋学期
9 月 16 日（金）〜 18 日（日）第二回 CGS 国際ワークショップ「アジアにおける人間の安全保障」
場所：国際基督教大学

9 月 20 日（火）〜 CGS 秋学期読書会
1.「ジェンダー化される身体」

著者：荻野美穂
期間：9 月 21 日〜（毎週水曜日）
2.「知への意思」
著者：ミッシェル・フーコー
期間：9 月 20 日〜（毎週火曜日）

3.Undoing Gender
著者：Judith Butler
期間：9 月 22 日〜（毎週木曜日）

10 月 5 日（水）CGS 所員・教員親睦会
場所：CGS (ERB301 号室 )10 月 14 日（金）〜 10 月 28 日（金）「日本における性行動や性意識に関するアンケート」
共催：「比較社会学特別研究」（田中かず子）調査プロジェクトチーム・CGS
10 月 21 日（金）男女賃金差別裁判「公序良俗に負けなかった女たち」
講師：宮地光子（住友電工男女賃金差別訴訟弁護団主任弁護士）
西村かつみ（同訴訟原告）
場所：本館 262 号室報告：働く女性のための日米ワークショップ 163

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共催：CGS・就職相談グループ
10 月 26 日（水）運営委員特別会議
講師：川島慶子（名古屋工業大学助教授：１８世紀フランス／ジェンダーと科学専門：同日に開催されたキリスト教と文化研究所特別講演会「科学史フォーラム」講師）
場所：CGS（ERB 301 号室）( 来年度 9 月に開催予定の第三回 CGS 国際ワークショップのテーマが「ジェンダーと自然科学」のため、ジェンダーと科学が御専門の川島先生をお招きし、様々な助言をいただいた )10 月 28 日（金）三鷹市広報誌「コーヒー入れて！」特集記事「話しことばの女性像・男性像」インタビュー
11 月 30 日（水）CGS ニュースレター 004 号発行■冬学期
12 月 8 日（木）・9 日（金）CGS 冬のオープンセンター（学生を招いての茶話会）

12 月 13 日（火）〜 CGS 冬学期読書会
1.「触発する言葉」

著者：ジュディス・バトラー
期間：12 月 13 日〜（毎週火曜日）
2. テキスト：「ジェンダートラブル」
著者：ジュディス・バトラー
期間：12 月 14 日〜（毎週水曜日）

2006 年 1 月 12 日（木）〜 2 月 16 日（木）CGS ワークショップ
1 月 12 日（木）上野千鶴子講演会ビデオ上映
1 月 19 日（木）「公序良俗に負けなかった女たち」講演会ビデオ上映
1 月 26 日（木）セクシュアリティ入門講座
2 月 9 日（木）ICU LGBIT サークル「シンポシオン」ワークショップ
時間：7 限後 19:10 ー
場所：ICU 本館 262
1 月 14 日（木）ジュディス・バトラー教授を囲む座談会
講師：ジュディス・バトラー（カルフォルニア大学バークリー校教授）
司会：田中かず子（CGS）
コメンテーター：岡野八代（立命館大学助教授）
斉藤純一（早稲田大学教授）
場所：ICU アラムナイハウス
共催：ICU COE プログラム「平和・安全・共生」
お茶の水大学 COE プログラム「ジェンダー研究のフロンティア」

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ICU CGS1 月 16 日（月）CGS オープンレクチャー「言語上のネゴシエーション :「オネエ言葉」と日本語のジェンダー ( 談話 ) 言説」
講師：クレア・マリィ（津田塾大学助教授）
場所：ICU 本館 172 号室

1 月 31 日（火）〜 2 月 3 日（金）ヤウ・チン JICUF Visiting Scholar（映画監督・台湾政治大学助教授）招聘
関連行事
1 月 31 日（火）映画 "Letʼ s Love Hong Kong” 上映会＆トーク
場所：ICU 本館 213 号室
講師：ヤウ・チン
共催：日本国際基督教大学基金（JICUF）CGS
2 月 3 日（金）「ヤウ・チン監督を囲む会」
場所：ICU 教育研究棟（ERB）347 号室
上映作品：I'm Starving (1999/12 分 / 英語 )Suet-sin's Sisters (1999/8 分 / 広東語 英語字幕 )共催：日本国際基督教大学基金 (JICUF)
国際基督教大学 COE
CGS

2 月 6 日（月）〜 20 日（月）ジェンダー研究センター・Sumposion 共催 読書会
日時：月・水・金 ランチ（12：50-13：40）
場所：ERB 301 ジェンダー研究センター

テキスト：尾辻かな子著『カミングアウト〜自分らしさを見つける旅』（2005, 講談社）

3 月 3 日（金）〜 5 日（日）「働く女性のための日米ワークショップ」
場所：国際基督教大学本部棟・ERB II
共催：ジェンダー研究センター・東京女性ユニオン・ウェイン大学（アメリカ）
3 月 8 日（水）・10 日（金）18 時
講演会「キリスト教と性的マイノリティ」事前準備勉強会
準備会１
場所：ジェンダー研究センター
テキスト：リサ・ソール・ケーヒル「同性愛̶道徳理論の事例研究として」( ジェフリー・サイカー編『キリスト教は同性愛を受け入れられるか』森本あんり監訳、日本キリスト教団出版局、2002 年、第５章 )、ジェームズ・Ｂ・ネルソン「身体神学の典拠̶
テストケースとしての同性愛」（同上所収・第６章）

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準備会２
堀江有里「『レズビアン存在』と『シスターフッド』̶̶日本基督教団・女たちの抵抗を事例に」日本女性学研究会『女性学年報』第 23 号 136&#8722;154 頁

3 月 14 日（火）ジェンダー研究センターニュースレター 005 号発刊
3 月 16 日（木）〜 17 日
講演会「キリスト教と性的マイノリティ」
講師：堀江有里（日本教団牧師・「信仰とセクシュアリティを考えるキリスト者の会」代表）
講演１ 「キリスト教と性的マイノリティ：現状と課題〜日本基督教団を事例として」
日時：3 月 16 日（木）14 時〜 17 時
場所：国際基督教大学 ERB 347 号室
講演 2 「神学的解釈と性的マイノリティ〜『レズビアン』という生き方」
日時：3 月 17 日（金）15 時〜 18 時
場所：国際基督教大学 ERB 347 号室
共催：CGS, ICU COE, Sumposion
注1.CGS 公式ウェブサイト「CGS Online」の情報更新は随時行っている。

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AY 2005 Activity Report, ICU Center for Gender Studies（CGS）■ Spring Term
Friday, April 1, 2005
-Publication of CGS Newsletter vol. 003-Commencement of the Gender and Sexuality Studies Program (PGSS)

Wednesday, April 13 – Friday, April 15- CGS Spring ʻOpen Centerʼ (students invited for tea and discussion)
Friday, April 15- Publication of the CGS Journal, preparatory issue
From the week of April 18
CGS Spring Term Reading Group
1. Danseigaku, joseigaku (Male studies, Female studies)
Editor: Kimio Itoh
Period: from April 20, (every wednesday)
2. Epistemology of the Closet
Author: Eve K. Sedgwick
Period: from April 21, (every thursday)
3. Antigoneʼ s Claim
Author: Judith Butler
Period: from April 18, (every monday)
Monday, May 9
Evelyn Lindner Lecture
Lecturer: Evelyn Lindner (JICUF visiting scholar)
Place: Room 251, Honkan
Friday, May 27
Special Commemorative Lecture for the Establishment of the Program in Gender andSexuality Studies“What Can Gender and Sexuality Studies Achieve?”
Lecturer: Professor Chikako Ueno, Graduate School of Humanities and Social Science,
Tokyo University
Place: Auditorium, Diﬀendorfer Hall
Monday, June 6
CGS Open Lecture, “Reconsidering Sexuality through Gender Identity Disorder”
Lecturer: Professor Toshio Yamauchi, President, Saitama Medical School
Place: Room 213, Honkan (as part of the PGSS course "Approaches to GenderStudies)"
Thursday, June 16
CGS Open Lecture, “Women in Power - Current Trends in Gender Studies in the USA”

2005 年度 CGS 活動報告 167
CGS Activity Report AY, 2005

Lecturer：Professor Mary Hartman (Director, Institute for Womenʼ s Leadership at
Douglass College, Rutgers University and Professor, The State University of New
Jersey, Rutgers.)
Sunday, June 19 – Friday June 24
The 9th International Academic Womenʼ s Conference (Seoul, Korea)
Participation by 3 committee members, 2 assistants, 1 graduate student, and 6
undergraduate students from CGS. Two of the CGS professors conducted a workshop
entitled “The Future of Womenʼ s Network in Asia: Academia and Beyond”
Friday, July 22- Sunday July 24
Japan-US Working Womenʼ s NGO Workshop
Co-hosts：CGS and Wayne University (U.S.)CGS was in charge of the logistics and Director Kazuko Tanaka acted as facilitator.
■ Fall Term

Friday, September 16 – Sunday, September 18
The 2nd CGS International Workshop, “Human Security in Asia”
Place: International Christian University
From the week of September, 20
CGS Fall Term Reading Group
1.Jendaaka sareru shintai (The Genderized Body)
Author: Miho Ogino
Period: from September 21, (every wednesday)
2.The Archaeology of Knowledge
Author: Michel Foucault
Period: from September 20 (every tuesday)
3.Undoing Gender
Author：Judith Butler
Period: from September 22, (every thursday)
Wednesday, October 13
CGS Party for Committee Members and Professors
Place: CGS, Room 301, ERB
Friday, October 14 – Friday, October 28“Sex and Sex Awareness Survey in Japan”
Co-hosts: “Special Studies in Comparative Social Science”Survey project team (Kazuko
Tanaka) and CGS
Friday, October 21
Gender Wage Discrimination Case, “Women Who Did Not Give In To Public Order and
Morality”
Lecturer：Mitsuko Miyaji (Head Counsel for the Plaintiﬀs in the Sumitomo Electrics

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Gender Wage Discrimination Case) and Katsumi Nishimura (Plaintiﬀ in the abovementioned case)
Place: Room 262, Honkan
Co-hosts: CGS and the Employment Assistance Group
Wednesday, October 26
Special Meeting of the CGS Committee
Lecturer: Assistant Professor Keiko Kawashima, Nagoya University of Technology;
specialization: France in the 18th Century, Gender and Science; she was also a guest
lecturer at the “Science History Forum” hosted by the Center for Christianity andCulture on the same day
Place: CGS, Room 301, ERB
Professor Kawashima was invited to advise us on next yearʼ s 3rd CGS International
Workshop, scheduled in September, as the theme will be “Gender and the Natural
Sciences”
Friday, October 28
Feature Article “Female/ Male Images in Spoken Language” in the Mitaka City
Newsletter Kouhii Irete! (Give me Coﬀee!)
Wednesday, November 30
Publication of CGS Newsletter Vol. 004■ Winter TermThursday, December 8 and Friday, December 9
CGS Winter ʻOpen Centerʼ (students invited for tea and discussion)

From the week of December, 20
CGS Winter Term Reading Group
1. “Burning Acts, Injurious Speech”
Author: Judith Butler
Period: from December 13, (every tuesdays)
2. Gender Trouble
Author: Judith Butler
Period: from December 14, (every wednesdays)
Thursday, January 12 - Thursday. February 16, 2006
CGS Workshop- Thursday, January 12 Video Screening of Chikako Ueno Lecture- Thursday, January 19 Video Screening of “Women Who Did Not Give In To Public
Order and Morality” Lecture- Thursday, January 26 ʻIntroduction to Sexualityʼ course- Thursday, February 9 ICU LGBIT Circle “Sumposion” Workshop
Time: After 7th period, 19:10 Place: Room 262, Honkan, ICU

2005 年度 CGS 活動報告 169
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Thursday, January 14
Round-table Discussion with Judith Butler
Lecturer: Professor Judith Butler, UCLA Berkeley
Facilitator: Kazuko Tanaka, CGS
Commentators: Assistant Professor Yayo Okano, Ritsumeikan University
Professor Junichi Saitō, Waseda University
Place: Alumni House, ICU
Co-hosts: ICU COE Program “Peace, Security, Co-existence” , Ochanomizu University
COE Program “Frontiers of Gender Research” , and ICU CGS.
Monday, January 16
CGS Open Lecture“Language Negotiation: ʻOnee Languageʼ as Gender Discourse in the Japanese
Language”
Lecturer: Assistant Professor Clair Maree, Tsuda College
Olace: Room 172, Honkan, ICU
Tuesday, January 31 – Friday, February 3
Invitation of Prof. Yau Ching as JICUF Visiting Scholar
Related events:
Tuesday, January 31
Film Screening and Discussion: Letʼ s Love Hong Kong
Place：Room 213, Honkan, ICU
Lecturer：Prof. Yau Ching (film director and Assistant Professor, Taiwan University of
Politics)
Co-hosts: Japan International Christian University Fund（JICUF）and CGS
Friday, February 3“Round Table Discussion with Director Yau Ching”

Place: Room 347, ERB
Film Screenings：I'm Starving (1999/12min/English)
Suet-sin's Sisters (1999/8min/Cantonese, English Subtitles)
Co-hosts: Japan International Christian University Fund（JICUF), ICU COE and CGS
Monday, February 6- Monday, February 20
CGS and・Sumposion Joint Reading Group
Dates：Lunchtime（12：50-13：40）,Mondays, Wednesdays, Fridays
Place：CGS, Room 301, ERB
Text：Otsuji, Kanako. Coming Out: A Journey of Self Discovery, Kōdansha,2005.
Friday, March 3 – Sunday, March 5
Japan- U.S. Working Womenʼ s Workshop
Place: Administration Building and ERB II, ICU
Co-hosts: CGS, Tokyo Womenʼ s Union, Wayne University (U.S.)

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18:00, Wednesday, March 8 and Friday, March 10
Lecture: “Sexual Minorities and Christianity” Preparatory Study Group
Date: Wednesday, March 8
Place：CGS
Text：Cahill, Lisa Sowle "Homosexuality: A Case Study in Moral Argument" in Jeﬀrey
S. Siker, ed., Homosexuality in the Church: Both Sides of the Debate, (Louisville KY:
Westminster John Knox Press, 1994), 61-75. Morimoto, Anri (trans) , United Church of
Christ in Japan Publishing, 2002. Nelson, James B.Sexuality and the Sacred: Sources
for Theological Reflection（ibid. Chapter 6）
Friday, March 10
Horie, Yuri. “Lesbian Existence and Sisterhood – A Case Study of Womenʼ s Resistanceand the United Church of Christ in Japan” in Association of Womenʼ s Studies in Japan,
Josei gaku nenpō (Womenʼ s Studies Bulletin) Vol. 23, 136&#8722;p.154
Tuesday, March 14
Publication of CGS Newsletter vol. 005
Thursday March 16 – Friday March 17
Lecture: “Sexual Minorities and Christianity”
Lecturer：Reverend Yuri Horie（Minister, United Church of Japan and Representativeof the Study Group for Religion and Sexuality）
Lecture １ “On the Current Situation and Issues Concerning Sexual Minorities andChristianity：– A Case Study of the United Church of Japan”
Time：14:00 – 17:00, Thursday, March 16
Place：Room 347, ERB, ICU
Lecture 2 “Sexual Minorities and Theological Interpretation: Life as a Lesbian”
Time：15:00 – 18:00, Friday, March 17
Place: Room 347, ERB, ICU
Co-hosts: CGS, ICU COE, Sumposion
Notes:
1.Information on the CGS Website “CGS Online” is regularly updated

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CGS Activity Report AY, 2005

CGS2006 年度活動予定
尾辻かな子講演会「虹色」の社会をめざして
日時：2006 年 5 月 23 日 12 時 30 分ー 14 時 30 分
場所：国際基督教大学
今日の日本において、性的マイノリティ（レズビアン・ゲイ・バイセクシュアル・インターセックス・トランスジェンダーなど）の人々は、依然として社会の差別・偏見・無関心に基づく困難な状況におかれています。しかし、これが人権問題として取り組むべき課題であることは、まだ十分に認識されているとはいえません。
今回の講演では、大阪府議会で最年少の女性議員として活躍している尾辻かな子さん (31)をお招きします。尾辻さんは 2005 年にレズビアンであることをカミングアウトして、同性パートナーシップへの法的保障（同性婚など）、就学期の性的マイノリティに対するメン
タルヘルスケアなどのサポートの必要性などを議会の枠を超えて訴えています。
女性、若者、そして性的マイノリティの声を届けたい。政治の場に飛び込んだ尾辻さんがめざす「虹色」の社会とは？ジェンダー・セクシュアリティ・政治・人権・心理・教育・法などに関心のある、多くの方々のご来場をお待ちしています。

Kanako Otsuji LectureʻTowards a Society that Celebrates Diversityʼ
Time: 12:30 – 14:30, May 23, 2006
Venue: International Christian University
In Japan today, sexual minorities such as lesbians, gays, bisexuals, inter-sexes,
transgenders face many diﬃculties due to the discrimination, prejudice, or disinterest
which still prevails in the society. This problem has not yet been fully recognised as ahuman rights issue.
For this talk, we invited Ms. Kanako Otsuji (31) who is the youngest female member of
the Osaka Prefectural Assembly. Ms. Otsuji publicly came out as a lesbian in 2005 andhas been active, both in and out of her Assembly duties, in working to secure morelegal support for those in same-sex relationships (such as legal recognition of samesex marriages) and establishing a psychological care system for school-age sexual
minorities.
Wanting to give voice to women, youth, and sexual minorities – this was what led Ms
Otsuji to jump into the political arena. So what is a ʻsociety that celebrates diversityʼ ?
We warmly welcome all of you who are interested in issues of gender, sexuality,
politics, human rights, psychology, education, and law to come and listen andcontribute your thoughts on this topic.

172

石田法子講演会
日時：2006 年 9 月予定
場所 : 国際基督教大学

Noriko Ishida Lecture
Time: September 2006 (tentative)
Venue: International Christian University

国際ワークショップ 2006 ー自然科学的視点からー
日時：2006 年 10 月 6 − 8 日
場所：国際基督教大学

CGS が 004 年から毎年行っている国際ワークショップ、第一回は「社会科学的視座」から、第二回は「人文科学的視座」から、それぞれアジアにおけるジェンダーと、広い意味での平和・安全・共生を扱ってきました。2006 年度の第三回は「自然科学的視座」から検討します。
自然科学は自然界の普遍的法則を扱う学問とされ、ジェンダーとは一見無関係のように思われています。しかし、自然科学の持つ普遍性こそが今最もジェンダーという視点から再点検が必要な領域です。生命科学においてこれまで検討されることなく用いられてきたオス／メスという区別がどれほど男性／女性という現在の強固なジェンダー規範に大きく影響を与えたかと考えるべきでしょう。自然科学はまた、アジアという地域性と関連付けられることも稀です。例えばアジアにおいて土着でかつ固有の医療技術、知識は最近になってようやく医療行為の一環として認知されるようになりました。なぜならばここ一世紀医療行為とはアジアにおいて西洋医学のことにほかならなかったからです。生命科学、すな
わち人間の性や生殖に関わる技術や知識 ( 出産や避妊の技術、男女別医療など ) は各地域に偏在しています。加えてその地域独自の技術や知識は、西欧型のそれとの間にも複雑な関係を保ちながら現存しています。これらの研究は、近年ようやく目を向けられ始めた分野といえます。今回のワークショップでは、このアプローチに新たな可能性を見出すために
日本国内外から研究者や活動家などの専門家を招聘し、各国からの現状報告やトピック別セッションを行う予定です。詳細は夏前を目安に随時 HP にて発信していく予定ですので、ご確認ください。

International Workshop 2006 – Perspectives from the natural science –Time: October 6 – 8, 2006
Venue: International Christian University
Since 2004, we have conducted an International Workshop each year. The firstworkshop focused on "Perspectives from the Social Sciences" and the second on"Perspectives from the Humanities". They each dealt with the issues of gender in Asia
as well as peace, security and co-operation in the region. The third workshop, in 2006,
will focus on "Perspectives from the Natural Sciences". As Natural Science deals withthe universal laws of the natural world, it does not at first seem to be a discipline
which has much in common with Gender Studies. However, it is precisely thisuniversality present in the Natural Sciences which needs to be re-examined from agender perspective. The male/ female division which has been used unquestioningly2005 年度 CGS 活動報告 173
CGS Activity Report AY, 2005

in biology must be re-considered in terms of its influence on the gender framework
between men and women today.
The Natural Sciences can also be re-examined from a regional viewpoint. For
example, various indigenous medical skills and knowledge are recently becoming
recognized as part of medical practice. In the past century in Asia, the perceptionof proper medical practice has been restricted to western medicine. Skills andknowledge regarding human sex and reproduction (childbirth, abortion, genderspecific medicine, etc.) are unevenly distributed across the regions. Thus, traditional
skills and knowledge still co-exist in a complicated relationship with those of western
medicine. This issue in recent years has become a focus of research as a new field.
The upcoming workshop seeks to explore fresh possibilities for this approach.
Researchers, activists and specialists will be invited from Japan and overseas and theprogram will include country-specific reports as well as sessions on diﬀerent topics.
Please check our homepage for further details which are scheduled to be released
before the summer.
堀江有里講演会
日時：2006 年秋頃予定
場所：国際基督教大学

Yuri Horie Lecture
Time: Autumn, 2006 (tentative)
Venue: International Christian University

174

174

執筆者紹介

Author profiles
Hyangjin Lee
Lecturer in Korean Studies, University of Sheﬃeld; Adjunct Professor, Koryo University,
Korea
Cultural Identity, Political Culture and Mass Media in North and South Korea
Chutima Pragatwutisarn
Lecturer, Comparative Literature, Chulalongkorn University
Women and Minority Literature, Postcolonial Writing, Third World Feminism
Hitomi Murase
Yamaguchi University, Adjunct Instructor
Images of the Female Body in the Media

村瀬ひろみ
山口大学 非常勤講師
メディアにおける女性身体イメージ

Junko Fukazawa
NPO Human Service Center
Women and Art, Media and Gender

深澤純子
NPO ヒューマンサービスセンター
女性とアート、メディアとジェンダー

Parthasarathy Rajalakshmi
Professor & Head of the Department of English, Lady Doak College
Images of Men, Changing Trends in Gender Sensitization in Asian Countries
Mana Tanaka
Taleemshala Alternative Education Program, Indian Local NGO, Ibtada
Women and Poverty issues in Asia

田中真奈
タリームシャラ もう一つの教育プログラム、NGO
アジアにおける女性の貧困問題

Etsuko Kato
Division of International Studies, ICU
Cultural Anthropology/ Gender Studies
加藤恵津子
国際基督教大学、国際関係学科
文化人類学／ジェンダー研究付記 175

Notes

CGS 編集担当所員
CGS editorial staff
JUNG, Insung
鄭 仁星

Educational Technology and Communications
Division of Education, ICU
IKOMA, Natsumi
生駒夏美

Contemporary English Literature, Representation of the Body in British and Japanese
Literature
Division of Humanities, ICU
Chief Editor

編集長

TANAKA, Kazuko
田中かず子

Sociology, Gender studies, Gender Stratification, Care Work
Director, Center for Gender Studies Division of International Studies, ICU
国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター運営委員

The Steering Committee Members of CGS, ICU
BESIAT, Jean-Pierre M
ベジア , ジャンーピエール
Linguistics/Teaching of French as a Foreign Language/CALL
Division of Languages
IKOMA, Natsumi

生駒夏美

Contemporary English Literature, Representation of the Body in British and Japanese
Literature
Division of Humanities
JUNG, Insung

鄭 仁星

Educational Technology and Communications
Division of Education
KATO, Etsuko
加藤恵津子

Cultural Anthropology/ Gender Studies
Division of International Studies

176

MIKANAGI, Yumiko
御巫由美子

Gender and International Relations
Division of Social Sciences
CGS Director
TANAKA, Kazuko
CGS センター長
田中かず子

Sociology/ Gender studies/ Gender Stratification/ Care Work
Division of International Studies
WASILEWSKI, Jacqueline

ワシレウスキー , ジャクリーヌ

Intercultural Relations and Communication/ Multicultural Coping and Adaptation/
Multicultural Problem Solving
Division of International Studies
国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター所員

Regular Members of CGS, ICU
FUJITA, Hidenori

藤田英典

Sociology of Education/ Comparative Education/ Gender and Education
Division of Education
HIBIYA, Junko

日比谷 潤子Language variation and change, Language contact and change, Phonology andPhonetics
Division of Languages
IWAKIRI, Shoichiro

岩切正一郎

French Literature
Division of Humanities
ITO, Aki伊藤 亜紀

Storia dell'arte italiana, Storia del costume italiano
Division of Humanities
KAMITO, Takehiko

上遠 岳彦

Biology
Division of Natural Sciences

付記 177

Notes

KIBE, Takashi
木部 尚志

Normative Political Theory, Positive Political Theory,Philosophy of Social Science
Division of Social Sciences
KIKUCHI, Hideaki

菊池 秀明

The Social History of China in the 17-19th Century
Division of Social Sciences
LANGAGER, Mark

マーク ランガガー

Comparative Education, International Education
Division of Education
MALARNEY, Shaun

ショウン マラーニー

Cultural Anthropology
Division of International Studies

NASU, Kei
那須 敬

History of Religion, cultures and politics in Early modern England.
Division of Social Sciences
SASAO, Toshiaki

笹尾 敏明

Psychology
Division of Education
OISHI, Nana

大石 奈々

Labor Migration, Globalization, Gender
Division of Social Sciences

TAKAZAWA, Norie

高澤 紀恵

Social History of Early Modern Europe
Division of Social Sciences

KRISTEVA, Tzvetana I.

ツベタナ I. クリステワ

Japnaese Literature
Division of Humanities

178

ICU ジェンダー研究所ジャーナル
Gender and Sexuality
投稿規定
2006 年 3 月現在

１）ジャーナル概要「Gender and Sexuality」は、国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究所が年一回発行するジェ
ンダー・セクシュアリティ研究分野の学術誌である。研究部門では、ジェンダー・セクシュ
アリティ研究における実証的研究や理論的考察に関する論文を掲載する。フィールド部門
では、活動家によるケーススタディ、組織・国内・国際レベルにおけるジェンダー関連活動に関する報告を掲載する。
２）第二巻発行日： 2006 年 12 月
３）第一巻論文投稿締切： 2006 年 9 月 30 日（土）当日消印有効
４）原稿提出先： 国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター編集委員会
郵送： 〒 181-8585 東京都三鷹市大沢 3-10-2 ERB301
電子メール： cgs@icu.ac.jp
５）応募要綱a) 原稿提出
・本誌に投稿される原稿は、全文あるいは主要部分において、未発表であり、他誌へ投稿されていないものとする。
・原稿は、電子ファイルと印刷コピー両方を提出するものとする。
・電子ファイルは、MSWord 等の一般的な文書作成ソフトで作成し、電子メールに添付して提出すること。
・印刷コピーは、A4 用紙にダブルスペース・片面印刷したものを 3 部提出すること。
・添付ファイルおよび印刷コピーのテクストは完全に一致しなくてはならない。
・原稿投稿後、原稿に修正を加えた場合、修正原稿は電子メールに添付して提出すること。
・使用言語は日本語または英語に限る。
b) 原稿
・原稿（研究およびフィールド部門）は、図表、図版、参考文献および注なども含めて 16000 〜 20000 字の長さで、Publication Manual of the American Psychological
Association （2001 年発行第５版）のスタイルで執筆すること。
・姓名・所属・住所・電話およびファックス番号は別紙による表紙に記載すること。審査過程における匿名性を守るため、原稿の他の部分では執筆者氏名は一切伏せること。
・タイトルは最長 40 字とする。簡潔明瞭で、主要なトピックを抑えたものであることが望ましい。
・500 字の要旨およびキーワードを 5 つ以内、別紙にて添付すること。
・前掲の規定にそわない原稿は、改訂を求めて返却される。
・本誌が国際的に発表される学術誌であることを踏まえたうえで原稿を執筆すること。
c) 図表および図版・図表は別紙で添付すること。本文内に取り込まないこと。
・図版は直接印刷に耐える画質のものを添付すること。
・本文中における図表・図版のおおよその位置を原稿上に示すこと。

6）校正
校正用原稿が執筆者に送付された場合、校正のうえ、提出期限内に返送すること。

付記 179

Notes7）審査過程
投稿原稿は編集委員会が指名する 3 人の審査者によって審査される。審査では独自性、学術性、論旨の明快さ、重要性および主題のジェンダー・セクシュアリティ研究に対する貢献度が考慮される。原稿の改稿が求められる場合、審査意見および編集コメントが執筆者に伝えられる。投稿の受理・不受理の最終判断は編集委員会が下すものとする。
8）著作権投稿を受理された論文の著作権は、他の取り決めが特別になされない限り国際基督教大学
ジェンダー研究センター編集委員会が保有するものとする。自己の論文および資料の複製権および使用権に関して、執筆者に対する制限は一切なされないものとする。
9）リプリント
個々の論文のリプリントをジェンダー研究所に注文することができる。掲載された執筆者には一冊 （複数執筆者がいる場合は 3 冊まで）の該当誌が送られる。
10) 注文購読の申し込みは cgs@icu.ac.jp までに。

当規定は改定されることがある。

180

The Journal of the Center for Gender Studies, ICU
Gender and Sexuality
The Journal Regulation
as of March, 2006
1) About the Journal
Gender and Sexuality is published annually by the Center for Gender Studies at theInternational Christian University in Japan, focusing entirely on research and practicein Gender and Sexuality studies. The Research section features well-documented
articles on the practical aspects of research as well as applied theory in gender &sexuality studies. The Field Reports section includes practitioner-based case studies
and articles concerning the design and development of gender-related activities andapplications at institutional, national and international levels.
2) Date of Publication for the first issue: December, 2006
3) Application deadline for the first issue: September 30 (Sat), 2006
4) Send to: The Editorial Board of the Center for Gender Studies,
ERB 301, International Christian University
3-10-2 Osawa Mitaka-shi ,Tokyo, 181-8585 Japan
cgs@icu.ac.jp
5) Guidelines for Contributors:a) Manuscript Submission•Submission of a manuscript to this journal is understood to imply that it, or
substantial parts of it, have not been published, accepted for publication, or
submitted for consideration elsewhere.
•Manuscripts should be submitted electronically and in paper copy.
•Electronic submissions should be sent as e-mail attachments using a standard word
processing program, such as MS WORD.
•Three paper copies of your manuscript should be submitted on A4 paper withdouble spacing, using one side only.
•The text on e-mail attachments must match the manuscript precisely.
•When the accepted paper is submitted in final form, please send it as an e-mailattachment.
•Papers will be accepted both in English and Japanese.
b) Manuscript Preparation•Manuscripts (for both the Research Articles and the Field Reports sections) should
be between 5,000 words and 7,000 words in length (including tables, figures,references, footnotes and pictures) and must conform to the style of the Publication
Manual of the American Psychological Association (5th ed., 2001).
•The name(s), aﬃliation(s), address(es), and phone and fax number(s) should appear
on a separate cover page. To ensure anonymity in the review process, name(s ) of theauthor(s) should not appear elsewhere in the manuscript.

付記 181

Notes•The title should be short (12 words maximum), informative and contain the major
keywords.
•An abstract of 100-150 words and up to 5 keywords should be typed on a separate
page.
•Manuscripts that do not conform to these specifications will be returned.
•Contributors should bear in mind that they are addressing an international
audience.
c) Tables and Figures•Tables must be typed out on separate sheets and not included as part of the text.
•Figures submitted must be of high enough standard for direct reproduction.
The approximate position of tables and figures should be indicated in the manuscript.
6) Proofs
Page proofs are sent to the designated author. They must be checked carefully andreturned within a definite period of time.
7) Review Process
Submissions are refereed by three individuals identified by the Editorial Board. A
manuscript is judged on the basis of originality, scholarship, clarity of discourse, andsignificance, as well as the degree to which the subject matter contributes to the fieldof gender and sexuality studies. Refereesʼ notes and editorial comments are usuallycommunicated to the author when revision is requested. The Editorial Board retains
final authority in accepting or rejecting manuscripts.
8) Copyright
Papers accepted become the copyright of the Editorial Board of the Center for
Gender Studies, unless otherwise specifically agreed. No limitation will be placedon the personal freedom of authors to copy or to use, in subsequent work, material
contained in their papers.
9) Reprints
Reprints of an individual article may be ordered from the Center for Gender Studies.
A complimentary copy of the issue will be mailed to each author (up to three formultiple authors).
10) Order
To subscribe to the journal, please send an e-mail to: cgs@icu.ac.jp*These regulations may be further changed or modified.

182

編集後記
生駒夏美
やっと、という感のある第一号。執筆者の方々、ならびに編集作業に従事してくれた CGS
助手の方々、また刊行に協力してくださった多くの方々に、深く感謝いたします。不慣れな作業の連続であったため、お届けするのが予定より遅くなりお待たせしてしまって大変申し訳ありません。今後はもっとスムーズな刊行を目指したいと考えています。今回は国際ワークショップの成果を生かし、表象系の論文やフィールドノートが多くなりましたが、
ジェンダーとセクシュアリティを巡る問題に鋭くメスを入れる気鋭の論が集まり、読み応えがあるものとなったと自負しております。しかし今後、より一層多岐にわたるものを、院生や若手研究者、またアクティビストの皆さんからもどんどん投稿していただき、日本のアカデミーに一石を投ずるジャーナルに育てていただけたらと祈念しております。今後とも一層のご支援・ご教示を賜りますよう、御願いいたします。

Afterword from the Editors
Ikoma, Natsumi
At long last, we present the first issue of the CGS journal! Our deep gratitude goes tothe authors of the articles, the CGS assistants who have worked so tirelessly in editing
the journal, and the many others who have helped us in various stages of our work.
We apologize for the delay in publication, due to our own inexperience in this kind of
endeavour. We hope to work more quickly and smoothly in future.
The present issue is comprised largely of papers in the field of representation studies
and of notes from fieldwork projects. They represent the fruits of the International
Workshop hosted by CGS and share a cutting-edge approach and sharp focus on the
broader issues of gender and sexuality.
We eagerly await articles for future publications from activists, post-graduate
students, and young researchers. It is our earnest hope that the CGS journal will
become a strong, independent, critical voice in Japanese academia.
Finally, we would like to express our appreciation for your continuous support andadvice on our journal.

付記 183

Notes

184

Gender&Sexuality
The Journal of the Center for Gender Studies,International Christian
University
Printed and Published in March 31, 2006
EditorPublisher

Printing

International Christian University
Center for Gender Studies Editorial committee
International Christian University
Center for Gender studies
ERB301 3-10-2 Osawa, Mitaka city, Tokyo 181-8585 JAPAN
Tel& Fax +81-422-33-3448
cgs@icu.ac.jp
http://subsite.icu.ac.jp/cgs/
Mainichi Shinbun Tokyo Center Co.,Tokyo
Tel + 81-3-3212-0479
Copyright in Japan, 2005
by the Center for Gender Studies, all rights reserved.

国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター ジャーナル『ジェンダー＆セクシュアリティ』
2006 年 3 月 31 日 印刷・発行
編集
発行

印刷

国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター編集委員会
国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター〒 181-8585
東京都三鷹市大沢 3-10-2 ERB301

Tel& Fax 0422-33-3448
cgs@icu.ac.jp
http://subsite.icu.ac.jp/cgs/㈱毎日新聞東京センター

Tel 03-3212-0479

著作権は論文執筆者および当研究センターに所属し、著作権法上の例外を除き、許可のない転載はできません。