HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS
Hiroshima Peace Institute Vol.7 No.1 July 2004

The Iraq War and Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution
By Takeshi Ishida
The occupation of Iraq by U.S. forces is often compared with theoccupation of Japan immediately after World War II. Whenever I comeacross such comparisons, I remember my interview with Prof. William
Macmahon Ball in his office at Melbourne University in the summer of1964. During the postwar occupation of Japan, Prof. Ball served as therepresentative of the British Commonwealth on the Allied Council for
Japan, an advisory body to the Allied forces concerned with theoccupation and governance of Japan. The Council comprised
representatives of the United States, the Soviet Union, China and theBritish Commonwealth. During the interview, he said something like thefollowing:“During the Council meetings, General MacArthur became
irritated whenever he heard remarks of which he did not approve. On
such occasions, he would walk around the room with his pipe still lit in
his mouth, scattering ash all over the carpet. I would then follow him insilence, trampling the ash to keep the carpet from burning, waiting for
him to calm down.”
Some people say that Japan was effectively occupied by the UnitedStates alone, but in actuality, there were institutionalized policy-making
bodies, the Allied Council for Japan and, above it, the Far Eastern
Commission based in Washington D.C. (comprising representatives of,initially, 11 and, later, 13 Allied nations). In this sense, the arrangement
was very different from the current occupation of Iraq by U.S. forcesalone.
Today, many Japanese argue that the Constitution of Japan, with its
war-renouncing Article 9, was imposed on the country by the occupation
authorities. Some then go on to suggest that the Constitution must
therefore be revised. But it was only on the Japanese government at thetime, which insisted on adopting an anachronistic draft constitution, suchas the one prepared by the Matsumoto Committee, that the Constitutionof Japan was imposed. Moreover, those who imposed the document on
the Japanese government included not only the Allied Powers but also
the Japanese people who demanded a democratic constitution like theprivate draft prepared by a former University of Tokyo professor,
Iwasaburo Takano.
The Constitution of Japan refl ected the strongly pacifi stic
international and domestic public opinion of the early postwar period. Its
Preamble states: “We, the Japanese people, . . . resolved that never again
shall we be visited with the horrors of war through the action of
government.” Renunciation of war in Article 9 embodied the sameaspiration for peace.
If the foregoing interpretation is correct, the current U.S. occupationof Iraq should be compared, not to the occupation of Japan after WorldWar II, but to Japan’s rule of the “State of Manchuria” or its subsequent
occupation of several parts of China.
In this connection, I would like to relate a personal wartime
experience. In the late autumn of 1943, just before I left home to join thearmy as a student draftee, my father took me to the office of his closefriend, Shumei Okawa, who was director of a research institute locatedin Osaki, Tokyo, and attached to the Manchurian Railways Department

CONTENTS
The Iraq War and Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution by Takeshi Ishida …………………… 1
Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Bikini H-bomb Test by Seiichiro Takemine … 2~3
More Engagement for the Opening of North Korea by Sung Chull Kim ……………………… 3
A Role for Hiroshima in the Rehabilitation of Cambodia by Kazumi Mizumoto …………… 4~5
Southeast Asia’s Democratic Moment by Narayanan Ganesan ………………………………… 5
HPI Research Forum
A View on the North Korean Problems by Jin Xide ………………………………………… 6
Forgetting a Past: Hiroshima and Canadian Memory by John Price ………………………… 6
Research Project
Prospects for East Asian Nuclear Disarmament ……………………………………………… 7
Comparative Research into Genocide and Mass Violence …………………………………… 7
Forthcoming International Symposium:“Reflections of the Enola Gay: Symbolic Representations of War and Destruction, 1945-2004” … 8
Diary …………………………………………………………………………………………… 8
HPI Moved to New Address …………………………………………………………………… 8

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.7 No.1 July 2004of East-Asian Economic Research. At the office, which was believed to
be a training school for special intelligence operatives, Okawa, allegedly
a spiritual leader of right-wingers, said, “Tojo is such a jackass. In
Nanjing, the Japanese army occupies all the best-equipped buildings,
forcing the Wang government to use quarters in the quarantine hospitalfor patients with infectious diseases. If Tojo believes he can gain support
from the Chinese public in that way, he is absolutely wrong.” I was
horrifi ed by Okawa’s remarks, no doubt overheard by a man who
appeared like a high-ranking army officer and who sat right behind us
waiting for his turn to meet Okawa. Whether Okawa’s remarks werebased on correct information or not, the point to be made here is that theoccupation of China by the Japanese army relied wholly on military
power, which helped only to spur anti-occupation nationalism among
the Chinese people.
During the Vietnam War, Japanese anti-war activists ran full-page
ads in The New York Times and The Washington Post. One of theirmajor points was that the United States was making the same mistakethat Japan had made in Asia. Exactly the same thing can be said now
about the Iraq War.
Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan, based on repentance for thewars of aggression the nation had waged in the past and supported byinternational public opinion for peace, faced a series of challenges
during the Cold War, particularly after Japan began to rearm itself
following the outbreak of the Korean War. Ever since, we have seencontinuous conflict between two groups: one arguing that Japan should
augment the Japan-U.S. military alliance, even revising the Constitution
if need be; the other trying to block military expansion by invoking
Article 9.
Following the terrorist attacks in the United States on September
11, 2001, an Anti-terrorism Special Measures Bill and a Special
Measures Bill for Iraq were passed by the Japanese National Diet,
further facilitating military cooperation with the United States andeffectively gutting Article 9 of the Constitution. To argue under thesecircumstances that the Constitution should be revised because it does not“reflect reality” is to try to force the Japanese people to accept the fait
accompli. I do not believe that the United States has explicitly asked
Japan to revise its Constitution, but I do believe that the assumption that
it is imperative for Japan to cooperate in the use of force unilaterally
decided by the United States implicitly forces us to agree to the alleged
need to revise the Constitution. To undertake constitutional revision
under these circumstances, whether de facto or de jure, is to let anendless chain of violence set in, provoked by the war cry “Never
Surrender to Terrorists!”
Poised against both external and internal pressures to revise theConstitution of Japan, however, is a counter-force of a global scale. The
world-wide public opposition to the war against Iraq represented bydemonstrations around the world staged on February 15, 2003, wasnamed by The New York Times a superpower equal to the United States.
On that day, representatives of a group of families who had losttheir members in 9/11, Peaceful Tomorrows, spoke at a rally held in New
York under the slogan “The World Says No to War.” The group had been
campaigning to prevent additional lives from getting lost as a result ofuse of force by a state or states in retaliation for 9/11, which would only
foster more inhumanity. Its members visited Afghanistan as a second
Ground Zero and forged solidarity with victims of the Afghan War. They
then came to Hiroshima, the original Ground Zero.
The members of the 9/11 families group no doubt wished that theideal of peace embodied in Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan to berevitalized and spread around the world. I sincerely hope that theHiroshima Peace Institute, located in the cradle of the postwar Japanesepeace movement, will make steady progress in its research activity andmeet the expectations of people around the world who aspire topermanent world peace.
Ishida is professor emeritus, University of Tokyo−1−

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Commemoration of the 50th Anniversaryof the Bikini H-bomb Test “Bravo-shot” : Questions Raisedby the Nuclear Test Site, the Marshall Islands
By Seiichiro Takemine
Introduction
This year marks the 50th anniversary of the Bikini hydrogenbomb test “Bravo” (“Bikini Incident”) that took place on March 1,
1954. A Japanese tuna boat named the Fifth Lucky-Dragon (Daigo
Fukuryumaru) was exposed to the fallout and, as a result, the crew
subsequently fell ill, one man died, and a nationwide movement
against atomic and hydrogen bombs arose in Japan. The nuclear
test site was the Marshall Islands located in the Middle Western
Pacific. In the Republic of the Marshall Islands, March 1 has been
named the “Nuclear Survivors Remembrance Day” and celebrated
as a national holiday; a ceremony and related events are held in thecapital city, Majuro. This article surveys the situation in the
Marshall Islands 50 years after the nuclear test and considers somequestions raised by the “Bikini Incident.”
Nuclear Testing in the Marshall Islands
A- and H-bomb tests were conducted 67 times on Bikini andEnewetak atolls between July 1946, or less than a year after theatomic bombing of Hiroshima, and August 1958. In February 1946,
Navy Commodore Ben H. Wyatt visited Bikini to survey the testsite and ask the local population to leave their home island “for thegood of mankind and to end all world wars.” Ultimately, theresidents were forced to evacuate, and the first nuclear test after the
Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings was conducted on Bikini inJuly 1946. In November 1952, the first H-bomb test took place on
Enewetak while the residents were also evacuated. The U.S.
ambassador to the Marshall Islands, Greta N. Morris, remarked at
the local ceremony commemorating the 50th anniversary of the“Bikini Incident” on March 1, 2004: “On behalf of the U.S.
government and the American people, I want to express my mostsincere appreciation to the people of the Marshall Islands for theircontribution to the protection of the Free World during the Cold
War era through the nuclear testing program.”
On March 1, 1954, fallout fell on the indigenous people of the
Marshall Islands, as it did on the crew of the Fifth Lucky-Dragon.
As a consequence, 86 people on Rongelap Atoll, 180 km east of
Ground Zero, and 157 people on Utrik Atoll, 500 km away in thesame direction, were directly exposed to radioactive fallout. With
the change of their policy in 1994, the U.S. Department of Energy
allowed easier access to their official documents. As a result, it has
gradually become known that residents in a much broader area
were exposed. For instance, 401 Ailuk people, who were 525 km
away to the southeast of the test site, were directly exposed to as
much external radiation as Hiroshima survivors at 2 km from
Ground Zero.

Local Movement to Confront the Nuclear Issue
The situation in the Marshall Islands appears to be one ofstagnation. In some communities, the people are utterly dependent
on payments and aid provided by the U.S. A closer look, however,reveals indigenous efforts to confront the problems and fi ndsolutions. For three days prior to the commemoration of the 50th
anniversary of the “Bikini Incident,” survivors organized their firstindependent workshop on their own. The sponsor was ERUB, asurvivors’ organization established in 2003, with participation ofchurch leaders from Hawaii and the U.S. mainland. On March 1, a
ceremony was conducted and the whole communities of Ailuk andLikiep atolls, which had never been officially acknowledged as anarea damaged by the nuclear program and therefore never received
any compensation from the U.S., attended for the fi rst time.
Senators from the two atolls attended the ceremony and declared:“Today, the commemoration of the 50th anniversary marks a newstart.” About 100 Rongelap people also took part in the ceremony
wearing uniform shirts printed “Project 4.1,” a logo symbolizing➡

Victims of the Process of Nuclear Development:“No War Use of Nuclear Weapons” Does not Mean
“No Nuclear Victims”
The nuclear victims in the Marshall Islands suffered damage
caused by events that occurred in the process of nuclear
development. They differ from the victims of nuclear weapons usedin war as in Hiroshima’s case, but they are living evidence that theassumption that “no war use of nuclear weapons equals no nuclear
damage” is wrong. Nuclear weapons are inherently detrimental not
only in their use but also during their development and in storage.
Understanding this fact, it is clear that the strategy of nuclear
deterrence has been continued at the expense of the peaceful livesof the people forced to the periphery of nuclear power politics.

Comprehensive Picture of Damage:Multiple Problems Caused by Radioactive Material
The day-to-day lives of many survivors in the Marshall Islands
are threatened by radioactive materials. Some Marshallese are still
unable to live on their beloved home islands. They have been
compelled to relocate to places quite different from the original
habitat of home atolls and, as a result, experienced a decline in theirtraditional culture and their ability to sustain an independent way oflife. The radioactive materials spread over the islands by the nuclear
testing have damaged their health as well. Dealing with the healthproblems never seen before the tests, the people live in continual
psychologicalanxiety surroundedby what they call“poison.” Many ofthese nuclear
survivors live withunhealed injuries
in their minds. As
in Hiroshima, theeffects of thebombs werewide-ranging,extending far
beyond specifi charm done tohuman bodies or
nature in a narrow
sense. In the Marshall Islands, theim- pact on culture
h a s b e e nenormous. The
present state of the
Marshall Islands
warns us of thetotal destruction Participants from Ailuk Atoll at ceremony on Bikini Atoll onr a d i o - a c t i v e March 1, 2004.
m a t e r i a l s c a n Photo by Miyuki Ito.
cause.

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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.7 No.1 July 2004

More Engagement for the Opening of North Korea
By Sung Chull Kim
In the midst of talks searching for a solution to North Korea’s
crisis, two events took place that demand our attention. One was
Kim Jong-il’s visit to China, the other was the Ryongchon
explosion. Common to both of these events is secrecy. We haveheard speculation regarding a talk between Chinese and North
Korean leaders, but the only official news was that North Korea
would continue to participate in the six-party talks. Likewise, thecause of the explosion in Ryongchon remains a mystery. All we cansee from outside is that elementary school children appear to havebeen the main victims of the incident. Observers and media
criticized this secrecy saying that it interferes with international aid
and reduces trust in North Korea.
This secrecy is a means by which the government seeks tomaintain order in a society ruled by monolithic power. Secrecy isan essential tool not only for dividing the people but also for
disrupting the fl ow of information between domestic andinternational arenas.
The question is how to change this practice of manipulating
the citizenry through secrecy. While attributing the problem to theregime centered on Kim Jong-il, many observers criticizing thesecrecy tend to cautiously present a wishful scenario of regimechange that will ensure increased political freedom. However, such
wishful thinking is based on a false presumption about politicalchange: that toppling the leader would lead to a significant shift inregime structure.
In reality, true regime change normally takes a long time, anda democratic government can be established only after numerous
trials and errors. In Asia in the 1970s and 80s, political disturbances- for example, the assassination of Park Chung-Hee in South
Korea, the ousting of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines failed to bring about a speedy democratic transition. Furthermore,as seen in Russia and Eastern Europe, regime breakdown was
accompanied by socio-economic disruptions and increased
economic disparities among the people. Iraq after Saddam Hussein
is another example. The legacies of the previous political leader
remain in the nation’s political culture and institutions. Not only
old political practices but also norms and values can survive theleader and authority structure.
Leading North Korea to open to the international community
will require more engagement, particularly by the United States
and Japan. Increased fear of the outside world will simply close thecountry even more tightly and drive it toward greater secrecy. The
secrecy is attributable to regime characteristics, but the solution can
only be active engagement. Nonpolitical exchange andhumanitarian aid could serve as fi rst steps toward the gradualdissolution of secrets. In particular, humanitarian assistance at the
nongovernmental level could bring close contact with people atvarious levels in the isolated society. This engagement approach
would soften the hard shell of the regime and contribute to averifiable solution of the nuclear issue as well.
Kim is associate professor at HPI➡

the suspicion that the nuclear tests had in fact been experiments ofthe effects of radiation on human beings. Many survivors areconvinced that “they used us as guinea pigs,” based on the treatment
they have received from the U.S. for the last half century. The
Rongelap mayor spoke of his hope to pursue this suspicion anddemand a full explanation from the U.S.

to work anew toward the elimination of nuclear weapons as well assuggesting how to build peace to bombed and contaminated areas.
We cannot be satisfied with stopping nuclear tests. The declarationof The First World Conference against Atomic and Hydrogen
Bombs in Hiroshima in 1955 noted “Relief [for survivors of A- andH- bombs] must be hastened through a worldwide movement. Thisis the true foundation of any movement against A- and H-bombs.”

Conclusion
Half a century has passed since the “Bikini Incident.” But the
Marshall Islands, like Hiroshima, continue to struggle with theeffects of the nuclear tests. Their situation today provides us a spur

Takemine is a PhD student at
Waseda University Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies

Marshall Islnds
AlaskaRussian Federation

San Francisco

Pacific Ocean
China

Tokyo

Los Angels
Hawaiian Islands

Northern
Mariana Islands
Federated States ofMicronesia

Marshall Islands

Palau
Kiribati

Tahiti

Australia

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.7 No.1 July 2004

−3−

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A Role for Hiroshima in the Rehabilitation of Cambodia
By Kazumi Mizumoto
For several years I have been working with a study group organized by
Hiroshima Prefecture and composed of scholars in Hiroshima and Tokyo
which seeks to develop international peace-building programs on theinitiative of the Hiroshima community. The shared interest of themembers is in building peace rather than simply praying for it. Numerous
peace activities are already being undertaken by citizens in Hiroshima,
especially in fields related to the atomic bomb and nuclear disarmament.
However, we believe there are other fields not yet fully addressed.
The study group has concluded that the biggest challenges the world
will face in the 21st century are not caused by nuclear weapons but bycivil wars, violent conflicts, and terrorism originating in frictions between
ethnic groups, religions, and cultures. The group also believes that one of
the most important tasks in building peace is reconstruction andrehabilitation after violence and destruction and reconciliation between
the parties to the conflict.
When we talk about peace in Hiroshima, we tend to focus on theatomic-bomb experience. However, reconstruction after the destruction
by the atomic bomb is also an important issue, which interests especiallyvisitors from developing countries. Can the lessons of reconstruction andrehabilitation in Hiroshima be applied to reconstruction and rehabilitationin other nations in the 21st century? After many discussions of thisquestion at our group’s meetings, Hiroshima Prefecture published areport entitled “Plans for Peace from Hiroshima” in 2003. In this report,
several measures were proposed that are designed to help the whole
Hiroshima community- from local government to ordinary citizens,
NGOs, universities, research institutes, and medical and educationalorganizations-contribute to international peace-building. As the firststep toward implementing this proposal, we intend to launch an aid
project in Cambodia.

of bankruptcy, are just barely sustained by aid from donor nations,international organizations, and NGOs.
On the domestic political front, a new cabinet has yet to be formed
10 months after the general election held in July 2003, due to rivalry
between the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, the royalist FUNCINPEC
party, and the main opposition party Sam Rainsy.
Under these conditions, improvement of primary education andmedical/health care systems is the most urgent public service tasks. The
rate of school attendance at the primary school level is around 60% andthe literacy rate is between 60 and 70%. While the birth rate is high, theinfant mortality rate is the highest in Southeast Asia.
The HIV/AIDS epidemic is an extremely serious issue. Infection of
2.6% of Cambodia’s adult population in 2002 was the highest inSoutheast Asia. More than 80,000 people have died of the disease, and it
is estimated that 160,000 may be infected. The main mechanism oftransmission shifted from sexual intercourse between men and “sexworkers” in the early 1990s to mother-baby transmission in the late
1990s. The presence of an estimated 50,000 to 60,000 AIDS orphans has
emerged as a new and very serious problem for Cambodia. While 70% of
the population reputedly know how to avoid infection, the actual rate ofcondom usage is lower than 20%, according to a recent survey. The lowlevel of basic education may be an important factor.
The issue of landmines, used so commonly during the civil war andonce numbering as many as 5 to 10 million, has recently become
somewhat less serious with the marking of all the hazardous zones.
Complete demining will take half a century or more, but the incidence ofannual casualties caused by the landmines is falling significantly.

The Situation in Cambodia
A nation in Southeast Asia, the Kingdom of Cambodia has apopulation of 13.8 million, approximately one-tenth that of Japan. Its
land area is 181,000 square kilometers, almost half that of Japan.
Cambodia was torn by internal conflict for more than 20 years, beginningin the early 1970s. A large percentage of its arable land was devastatedduring that period. Furthermore, it is estimated that about two million of
its people were killed while the Kampuchea Communist Party (Khmer
Rouge) led by Pol Pot was in power between 1975 and 1979.
The civil war continued after Vietnam invaded Cambodia in 1979 tooust the Pol Pot regime and establish a pro-Vietnamese administration
led by Heng Samrin. The four factions that had been fighting agreed to aceasefire based on the Paris Peace Accords signed in 1990. As envisioned
in those accords, the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia(UNTAC) started operations in 1992, and the new Kingdom of Cambodia
was born in 1993 after a successful general election supervised by
UNTAC. The civil war ended in 1998 when the last of the Pol Pot troops
finally surrendered to the government. Since then, general elections were
held in 1998 and 2003 with a high voter turnout of more than 90%.

Rehabilitation

Cambodian children at an elementary school in a village near Thai border in January 2003.
Photo by Kazumi Mizumoto

Hiroshima and Cambodia
There is an old Buddhist temple called Wat Ounalom in downtown
Phnom Penh. On the grounds of this temple, a new five-story building
named Hiroshima House is under construction. The House, being
constructed with donations made by citizens of Hiroshima, who initiatedthe fundraising drive after the 1994 Asian Games held in their city, will➡

These days when we talk about “confl ict,” the most common
countries mentioned are Iraq, Palestine, Afghanistan, and East Timor.
Our memory of Cambodia seems to have faded some ten years after the
UNTAC operation. However, Cambodia is still struggling with many
problems. With its $3.7 billion Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and per
capita national income of $280, Cambodia remains one of the poorest
nations in Asia.
Agriculture, a key industry in Cambodia, is still crippled by anirrigation system destroyed during the Pol Pot regime. The ratio ofnational tax revenue to GDP is among the lowest in the world due todelays in institutionalizing tax collection. National finances, on the verge

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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.7 No.1 July 2004

Southeast Asia’s Democratic Moment
By Narayanan Ganesan
The parliamentary election in Indonesia has just ended, and runoffs later
this year will directly elect a President - the first since the collapse of
the Suharto government in 1998. Just last March, Malaysian Prime
Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi led the United Malays National
Organization (UMNO) and his ruling National Front coalition to an
overwhelming victory, primarily at the expense of the Pan Malaysian
Islamic Party (PAS). There is little doubt that Badawi, with his clean
image and consensual style, will heal some of the political rifts left byhis predecessor, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. But the Indonesian and
Malaysian elections are only the first two of four to be called in Southeast
Asia. Yes, 2004 is indeed the year when four Southeast Asian countries- Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand - have called orwill call elections. The sheer number of countries and people involved in
the democratic process make it a significant year for Southeast Asianpolitics. In fact, until the late 1980s, Indonesia, the Philippines, andThailand were ruled by authoritarian military regimes.
The Indonesian presidential election will be the most interesting towatch. It will be vital to consolidating the fledgling democratic process
in that country and will gauge how the parties and public will respond tothe change from an electoral college to direct presidential elections.
Coalition-building among the various parties has already started.
President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who came to power following theimpeachment of her predecessor, Abdurrahman Wahid, has recently lost
popularity and the polls now indicate a resurgence of support for
GOLKAR, the party associated with Suharto. The Indonesian military,with its long history of association with GOLKAR, is being closely
watched as the contest unfolds. GOLKAR has just entered Wiranto as itspresidential candidate, who will no doubt be plagued by his alleged
complicity in the mob violence that preceded the independence of East
Timor.
Other important issues that may come to the fore in the course of
the Indonesian elections include the haunting specter of ethnic, religious,and sectarian violence that has characterized parts of Java and eastern
Indonesia. Expressions of religious extremism and an escalation of theconflict in Aceh are other worrisome possibilities. The mere fact that thecountry spans 5,000 kilometers from tip to tip with a population of 220
million makes this election important. The outcome will reverberate
through maritime Southeast Asia, especially Malaysia and Singapore
since Indonesia has traditionally claimed a proprietary right to direct
regional order.
By comparison, the Philippines abandoned its authoritarian legacy

early, when Ferdinand Marcos fled the country in 1986. However, theMarcos legacy lives on. His wife Imelda is a Congress woman and herson, Bongbong, a provincial governor. Arroyo’s initial coyness in runningfor the presidency stemmed from the fact that she has already held theoffice for four years since the impeachment of her predecessor, Erap
Estrada. The post-Marcos Philippine Constitution stipulates thatpresidents may serve only a single six-year term. Adding another six tothe four already served may not be in the spirit of the post-authoritarianreformist aspirations. Besides, her track record has not been particularly
impressive. The economy is faring poorly, the violence in the south hasreignited, and she has lost a number of prestigious supporters. Last year,
a mutiny led her to declare a state of emergency.
In a sense, Thailand and Malaysia are in similar situations.
Incumbent Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra will have little difficulty
steering his Thai Rak Thai (Thai Love Thai) Party to victory. He
managed to persuade a smaller coalition parties to dissolve and join his
own, and he hopes to secure 400 out of the 500 seats available in the Thai
Parliament. Notwithstanding the favorable odds, however, he faces a
number of nagging political problems. These include a signifi cantescalation of violence in the deep south (home to the Malay-Muslim
minority), allegations of cover-ups and incompetence in the handling of
the bird flu outbreak, widespread charges of corruption and nepotism
involving party members, and Thaksin’s perceived authoritarian
personality. His foreign policy problems are related to a strengthened
security relationship with the United States, including troop deployments
in Iraq, and a soft approach in dealing with the military junta in
Burma/Myanmar.
Most political analysts regard certain institutions and developments
as central to the spirit of democracy. Among these are transparent
procedures as well as representative and accountable government. For
these requirements to be satisfied, certain “hard” and “soft” aspects ofgovernance must be fulfilled. By “hard aspects” we typically refer tobasic institutional structures - legislative, executive, and judiciary. “Softaspects,” on the other hand, refers to the evolution of civic cultural norms
conducive to nurturing democratic values. These include high levels of
education and awareness that imbue society with tolerance and respectfor differences. Given these opportunities to entrench democratic values
in the region and create models for other Asian countries, 2004 will be a
crucial year for democracy in Asia.
Ganesan is associate professor at HPI➡
become the centerpiece of Hiroshima citizens’ aid projects. People in
Hiroshima, who experienced the mass killing by an atomic bomb, beganthese activities in order to share the sorrow and hardships of Cambodian
people who suffered the genocide of the Pol Pot period. They represent a
new extension of peace activities in Hiroshima, which used to focus only
on conveying its own citizens’ experience to the world without paying
much attention to events outside Japan. Early completion of theHiroshima House and development of a program of additional activities
are in urgent need.
As mentioned already, the aid projects for Cambodia fall into two
fields: education and health/medical care. In education, training forteachers of primary schools and improvement of literacy in rural villages
are the main activities. In health/medical care, the most urgent needs are
medical teams’ visits to rural villages, public health education, andtraining for medical professionals. The key is to initiate long-term aid.
Though small in scale, the plan is to promote the self-sufficiency of theCambodian people, rather than simply and temporarily providing money
and goods.
Though it has an abundance of human resources specialized in

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.7 No.1 July 2004

education and medical science, Hiroshima lacks actual experience inproviding long-term international aid, either via local government or
NGOs. Thus, the smooth and successful implementation of the aid
project for Cambodia will represent a significant departure for the cityand its citizens.
First, people in Hiroshima will greatly benefit from their encounter
with the reality of a post-conflict society and the actual challenges ofpeace-building in the 21st century world. Second, many people andorganizations in Hiroshima have been eager to participate in aid activities
overseas but opportunities have been limited. The network andframework created and coordinated by Hiroshima Prefecture will make itmuch easier for both organizations and individuals to participate ininternational aid work. These new experiences will in turn help invigorate
civil society and NGO activities in Hiroshima.
With the aid projects in Cambodia expected to begin successfully
next year, I hope Hiroshima-based peace activities will gain in bothdiversity and international influence.

−5−

Mizumoto is associate professor at HPIVisit HPI’s website at http://serv.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/English/index.htm

HPI Research Forum
March 19, 2004

Title: A View on the North Korean
Problems
Speaker: Professor Jin Xide (Visiting Professor in
the Department of Advanced Socialand International Studies, University ofTokyo)

Professor Jin Xide’s paper was a unique analysis of the so-called North
Korean problem, refl ecting his personal background as a Chinese
Japanologist.
His basic stance on this subject is that a comprehensive approach is
required in analyzing the normalization process of the Japan-North
Korean relationship. This is because the negotiations between the twonations have been conducted within a three-part framework, i.e., thedomestic concerns of each nation, the bilateral inter-actions, and thestructure of international politics.
At the summit talks which took place in Pyongyang in September
2002, North Korea made a considerable concession on the abduction
issue, hoping that, in return, Japan would quickly move on tonegotiations for the normalization of the bilateral relationship. With thischange in attitude, both North Korea and Japan at one stage assumed
there would be a great leap of progress in the relationship. Yet, thenegotiations stumbled over the abduction issue, and subsequently
became further entangled because of the nuclear missile issue. To breakthis deadlock situation, Professor Jin suggests that Japan should take amore rational approach and deal comprehensively with the issues of war
compensation, abduction and security rather than focusing
single-mindedly on the abduction problem.
Professor Jin sees the origin of the nuclear missile crisis of the
Korean Peninsula in the international isolation of North Korea. It is thisisolation, he claims, that led North Korea to take extreme measures fornational security, although such a policy is against the international
norms and clearly conflicts with the interests and security of neighboring
nations. He suggests that the fundamental solution to the problem
April 14, 2004

Title: Forgetting a Past: Hiroshima andCanadian Memory
Speaker: Dr. John Price, Associate Professor ofHistory, University of Victoria, Canada

Canada’s roles in atomic bomb development and decision-making inregard to the atomic bombing of Japan have been little studied.
Likewise, analyses of Canadian historians’ views of the atomic bombing
in 1945 and the fact that many indigenous Canadians were exposed touranium radiation during the development process are rare. On April 14,
2004, Dr. John Price, Associate Professor of the University of Victoria,
Canada, gave a presentation titled “Forgetting a Past: Hiroshima andCanadian Memory,” spotlighting the “forgotten” involvement of Canada
in the atomic bomb project.
As evidenced in the historic controversy over the Enola Gay
exhibition at the Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum in 1995,
many Americans tend to justify the use of the atomic bombs in
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. In contrast, Dr. Price suggested that “thepreponderant view among (U.S.) scholars is a critical assessment of theuse of the bomb.” In Canada, however, according to Dr. Price, themajority of historians ignored the controversy triggered by theSmithsonian exhibition, though a few former Canadian diplomats had
previously questioned the morality of the bombing. Dr. Price stated thatmany Canadian historians support the view that the atomic bomb was
effective in ending the war. He also pointed out that few academic papers
discuss Canadian involvement in atomic bomb development anddecision-making in regard to the use of the bombs.
Based on his research in the National Archives of Canada anddiplomatic papers published in the series Documents on Canadian
External Relations, Dr. Price confirmed that in 1942 Canada’s National
Research Council established the Montreal Laboratory for nuclear
testing as a joint project of Canada and Great Britain. This, according to
Dr. Price, attests to the significant role played by Canada in developing
atomic bombs. “One key aspect of Canadian involvement in the atomic
bomb development was its role in providing uranium,” Dr. Price said,

Visit HPI’s website at http://serv.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/English/index.htm

requires a positive policy that will enable North Korea to break out of
this isolation.
In other words, Professor Jin recommends discarding altogether any
containment policy based upon the idea of a “rogue nation” or a“self-destructive nation.” Instead, countries such as the U.S., Japan,
South Korea, China and Russia should encourage an open-door policy
and provide an international environment that would promote the gradualsocial reformation of North Korea. Professor Jin reminds us that thepresent openness in China was the result of the favorable international
environment that Japan, the U.S. and other countries had created for
China. He suggests, therefore, that Japan should be brave enough topersuade the U.S. to provide a similar environment for North Korea.
Professor Jin also points out that Japan should realize that its
exclusive military alliance with the U.S. is a crucial hindrance to thenormalization of the Japan-North Korea relationship. Most necessary inNortheast Asia at present is, he claims, innovative ideas on how tochange the traditional concept of “security through military deterrent” tothat of “security through regional cooperation.” He suggests that, inorder to project such new ideas, Japan should utilize its strengths inpeace policies and economic power to their full extent. At the same time,
Professor Jin calls on Japan to overcome such weaknesses as perennial
diplomatic dependency on the U.S. and denial of its own history ofwrongdoing in neighboring Asian nations.
China maintains independent relationships with North Korea on the
one hand and with the U.S., Japan, and South Korea on the other. By
actively taking advantage of this position, China has been playing animportant role as mediator. It is expected that China will make further
contributions to solving the North Korean crisis. On the contrary, Japan
has a habit of following U.S. policies not only on North Korea but also
on China. If Japan does not change its current foreign policies, whichreflect a severely constricted vision, to independent policies based upon
pacifism, as Professor Jin suggests, we will soon fall far behind China asbuilders of peace in Northeast Asia.
By Yuki Tanaka, professor at HPI

explaining that in 1944, the Canadian government nationalized theuranium mining corporation to supply uranium ore. The first victims of
the atomic program were people of the “First Nation” (indigenous
Canadians), who were mobilized to carry the heavy sacks of ore. Manyof these ore carriers died of cancer caused by exposure to uranium.
To demonstrate Canadian involvement in the decision to drop
atomic bombs, Dr. Price stated that on July 4, 1945, C.D. Howe,
Canadian Minister of Munitions and Supply, officially participated in the
Combined Policy Committee meeting at which use of the atomic bomb
was discussed. Dr. Price also noted that prior to the bombing, Canada’s
Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King was well aware that thebomb would kill many innocent civilians. Yet, in his recollections,referring to the bombing as “the greatest achievement in science,”
Mackenzie King wrote, “It is fortunate that the use of the bomb shouldhave been upon the Japanese rather than upon the white races ofEurope.”Dr. Price emphasized that such evidence demonstrates that, thoughatomic bomb development was led by the United States, both GreatBritain and Canada played active roles. In other words, “The atomic
project was from its beginning a transnational project, one of the first ofwhat today is often called a coalition of the willing.” Dr. Price explained,“This was, to be sure, a U.S.-led coalition, but the values expressed in it,that is, the willingness to use total war, to obliterate cities and civilian
populations, was shared by many in positions of power.” According to
Dr. Price, to thus show that U.S. decision-making was not unilateral does
not dilute U.S. responsibility, but rather helps us to “understand thepolitico-cultural dimension of Empire.” Dr. Price concluded his
presentation with the following statement: “Such an emphasis (on acoalition of the willing) helps us to explore the seams along the borderof the Empire, and in particular, to explore and ultimately to defeat theideological underpinnings of hegemony.”
Dr. Price’s presentation did indeed raise significant questions about
Canadian views of the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. He led theaudience to explore the factors that drove atomic development, thebombing, and the use of a weapon capable of slaughtering countless
civilians. Thus, he encouraged the audience to build and maintain a“coalition of the unwilling” to stand in opposition to those factors.

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By Hiroko Takahashi, research associate at HPIHIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.7 No.1 July 2004

HPI Research Project

Prospects for East Asian Nuclear Disarmament

The first workshop for the HPI project, “Prospects for East Asian
Nuclear Disarmament” was convened on March 11-12, 2004. The
project goal is to answer the question: “How have developments inEast Asia eroded current efforts toward global nuclear disarmament,
and what actions in the region could effectively promote this goal?”
The project research program consists of four components: 1) anassessment of existing nuclear policies for all East Asian states(especially the United States), 2) a close look at the implications ofNorth Korean nuclear ambitions, 3) an examination of short-termways to improve regional security relationships, and 4) an
exploration of longer-term ideas for building cooperation toprogress toward regional nuclear disarmament.
To undertake project research, the project coordinators
identified one or more persons with expertise in each of thesecomponent research areas from each of the four countries: Japan,
China, South Korea, and the United States. Each participant
worked from a detailed research topic designed both to provide
self-contained research objectives and to incorporate numerous
points of linkage with the work of other project participants.
The functions of the first workshop were:・Presentation of the research results of each participant, withfollow-up discussion.
・Shared analyses of recent developments and current policy
issues.
・International engagement and dialogue to foster bettercross-national and cross-cultural understanding in moregeneral terms.
・Participant review and discussion of project goals, methods
and planned activities.

HPI Research Project

Project researchers provided their research papers early to be
distributed to the other participants by e-mail for their review prior
to the workshop. The agenda for the workshop was organizedaccording to the four project components. A total of 21 presentations were made in the workshop’s four sessions. Each session
also included at least one hour for questions and comments on thepresentations, and for broader discussions of the issues.
Due to the variety of participants and topics, the workshop
presentations were highly informative and the discussions vibrant.
On the fi rst day, particular attention was paid to the broader
regional consequences of U.S.-North Korea confrontation overnuclear issues and the prospects for the current “six-party talks”
being coordinated by China. On the second day, wide-ranging
discussions of possible positive steps generated a consensus thatthe time is right for renewed attention to proposals for developing
an East Asian nuclear-weapon-free zone. Participants reaffirmed
their enthusiasm for the core project goals and for the next phase of
research, which will focus on methods of promoting global nuclear
disarmament through practical progress at the regional level.
For more information on the project and the workshop,
including links to the research papers, visit:
http://serv.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/eproject/project7.htm (Japanese)
http://serv.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/English/eproject/project7.htm (English).
By Wade Huntley, associate professor at HPI

Comparative Research into Genocide and Mass Violence

The second workshop of the genocide project was held at HPI from
22-26 March, 2004. The participants, chosen from among the mostprominent scholars in the field, discussed a number of case studies
and issues relating to genocide and mass murder.
- Israel Charny (Israel), editor-in-chief of the Encyclopaedia of
Genocide, spoke on “The Holocaust and Other Genocides by
the Nazis Revisited through the Prisms of a Genocide Early
Warning System and a Classification of Multiple Types of
Genocide.”- Paul R. Brass (U.S.) presented a sharply critical paper “On
the Study of Riots, Pogroms, and Genocide in Contemporary
India: From Partition to the Present,” with general remarkson the study of various forms of mass collective violence.
- Robert Cribb (Australia) elaborated on “The 1965-66
Massacres in Indonesia,” sharing insights into the study of
genocide in a broader perspective; he pointed out that thedistinction between ethnic and political killings may be
fuzzier than generally assumed.
- Adam Jones (Canada, Mexico), Executive Director,
Gendercide Watch, contributed a wide comparative accountof “Gendercide: The State of Study,” spelling out key
research questions he intends to study in the fi eld ofgender-specific mass killing.
- Geoffrey Gunn (Australia, Japan) focused on “International
Accomplices in Genocide: Case of East Timor” as an angle
for studying East Timor-Indonesia relations, including acomparativist way of re-examining and going beyond theIndonesia case.

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.7 No.1 July 2004

- Yuki Tanaka (Japan) presented the latest research findings basedon archival work on the history of indiscriminate bombing
since the year 1914 and a debate on genocidal state terrorism
and the crime of terror bombing.
- Christian Scherrer (Switzerland, Japan) spoke on “Comparing
the Four Total Genocides in the 20th Century,” pointing out
numerous similarities identified by a 22-point comparison of
key issues and contexts/circumstances.
The discussion at the workshop focused on the interface
between genocide, mass murder, and war crimes. Scherrer’s
compilation of “Genocide and Mass Murder 1945-2003: Genocides,
Politicides, Terror Bombing, Aggression, Wars, Other Mass Murderin 11 Stages,” which has been widely discussed ahead of theworkshop by e-mail, was further debated.
Based on each participant’s presentation on the salient featuresand issues in his/her respective study area, the debate sought tosynthesize common elements, patterns and indicators, generating
important ideas for preventing and eliminating genocide. The
contemporary relevance of this project cannot be overstated.
Unfortunately, genocide is not a thing of the past. Gross humanrights violations, atrocities, and even outright genocides continue tocause havoc in different parts of the world, forcing whole
populations to live in fear and trauma. Violence not only kills but
also limits life’s possibilities for those who survive.

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By Christian Scherrer, professor at HPIVisit HPI’s website at http://serv.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/English/index.htm

International Symposium

Reflections of the Enola Gay:

Symbolic Representations of War and Destruction, 1945 - 2004
The bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki typifies two kinds of crime
against humanity -indiscriminate bombing and mass killing-which arecommon to many modern and contemporary wars and ethnic conflicts aswell as such terrorist acts as the September 11 attack. The Enola Gay, theplane that carried the atomic bomb dropped on civilians in Hiroshima, isamong the most powerful symbols of indiscriminate bombing and mass
killing, practices that have been repeated over and over again since WorldWar I.
The exhibition of the Enola Gay with no reference to this historicalcontext appears to justify these crimes against humanity that have been
repeatedly committed for more than a century in various parts of the world.
It also appears to condone such attacks that may be committed in future,whether committed by military forces or by some other violent
organizations. Instead, the Enola Gay should be viewed as a reminder of ourcommitment to strive for universal peace and human fulfillment.
This symposium will examine from various perspectives the symbolic
meanings of the Enola Gay, which has been on permanent display in the
United States since December 2003.

Panelists:
Tony Coady
Lawrence Wittner
Laura Hein
Takashi Kawamoto
Yuki Tanaka (moderator)

Professor, University of Melbourne
Professor, State University of New York
Professor, Northwestern University
Professor, University of Tokyo
Professor, Hiroshima Peace Institute, Hiroshima
City University
Date and Time: July 31 (Sat.), 2004 1:30 p.m.-5:00 p.m.
Venue: Himawari Room, second basement (B2)International Conference Center (Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park)
1-5 Nakajima-cho, Naka-ku, Hiroshima
Host: Hiroshima Peace InstituteCollaboration: Hiroshima Peace Culture Foundation
How to Attend: Send a postcard to reach Hiroshima Peace Institute by July
28. Write your name, address, and telephone and fax numbers. Reservations
can be made also by phone, fax or email. Up to 200 people can beaccommodated on a first-come, first-served basis.
Address: Hiroshima Peace Institute, Ote-machi Heiwa Building 9th floor,
4-1-1, Ote-machi, Naka-ku, Hiroshima 730-0051, Japan
Tel : +81-82-544-7570 Fax : +81-82-544-7573
Email: office-peace@peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp

ＤＩＡＲＹ
March 1, 2004 - June 30, 2004
Feb. 26-Mar. 12 Hiroko Takahashi conducts research on the 1954 Bikini nuclear testin the Republic of the Marshall Islands.
Mar. 1 Takahashi attends the ceremony for the “50th Commemoration of the Nuclear
Survivors Remembrance Day.”
Mar. 6-12 Ikuko Togo conducts research and interviews with NGOs and governmentrelated institutions in Republic of Korea for “Theoretical Investigation of Conflict
Resolution/Prevention and Process of Civil Society Formation: Examples from Asian
Nations” project.
Mar. 11-12 First workshop of HPI Research Project “Prospects for East Asian
Nuclear Disarmament” is held.
Mar. 19 Jin Xide, visiting professor in Department of Advanced Social andInternational Studies, University of Tokyo, gives lecture on “A View on the North
Korean Problems” at HPI Research Forum.
Mar. 20 Takahashi reports on “The U.S. government’s control of the A-bomb
information and the Lucky Dragon Incident” at Student/Young Pugwash Japan at Meiji
Gakuin University.
Mar. 21-27 Kazumi Mizumoto visits Phnom Penh, Sisophon, Poi Pet, Siem Reap in
Cambodia as a member of the Consulting Team for Reconstruction Support Project inCambodia, organized by Hiroshima Prefecture.
Mar. 22-26 Second workshop of HPI Research Project “Comparative Research into
Genocide and Mass Violence” is held at HPI.
Mar. 22-Apr. 9 Wade Huntley conducts research on nuclear disarmament and the
U.S.-North Korea security conflict, Berkeley, California.
Mar. 27 Yuki Tanaka presents paper entitled “How to confront with the NPT, thetreaty that has been transforming itself from a double-edged to single-edged sword” atthe Conference on Proposals for the 2005 NPT Review Conference, organized by
Hiroshima Association for Nuclear Weapons Abolition and held at Hiroshima Peace
Memorial Museum.
Apr. 2-May 5 Christian Scherrer conducts research in Rwanda on the contemporary
functions of the traditional court of justice known as gachacha and interviews the chiefjustice, officials of the Gachacha Deapartment Ⅶ and the Rwandan Supreme Court,
and local scholars and NGO leaders.
Apr. 4-6 Scherrer attends the International Conference on Genocide held in Kigali incommemoration of the 10th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, discusses the
responsibilities of international accomplices in genocide, and participates in theformulation of recommendations to the Rwandan government.
Apr. 8 Mizumoto gives lecture on “The Importance of Having a Dream” at “Spring
Breeze” Camp, held in Chiyoda Town, Hiroshima, for freshmen of Hiroshima KokutaijiHigh School.
Apr. 14 John Price, associate professor of history at the University of Victoria,
Canada, gives lecture on “Forgetting a Past: Hiroshima and Canadian Memory” at HPI
Research Forum.
Apr. 20 Takahashi gives lecture on “50th Commemoration of the Lucky Dragon
Incident” at the 18th general meeting of the Kyoto Association for Pursuing the
Non-nuclear Government at Hartpia Kyoto.
Apr. 25 Takahashi reports on “The reaction of the U.S. government to the Lucky
Dragon Incident” at the Society for the Study of American History in the Kansai region
at Kyoto Campus Plaza.
Apr. 29 Huntley conducts interviews related to the U.S. -North Korea security
conflict and recent developments in Seoul, South Korea.
Apr. 30 Takahashi gives lecture on “The control of the A-bomb information by U.S.
government” at seminar organized by Meiji Gakuin University and the University ofCalifornia at Hiroshima Aster Plaza.
May 6 Midori Iijima, associate professor of Latin American Studies, Rikkyo University,and Daniel Hernández-Salazar, photographer, give lecture on “What Does ‘Peace’ Mean ina Post-Civil War Society?: The Case of Guatemala” at HPI Research Forum.

May 14-16 Scherrer participates in the Rome Meeting for the International
Coordination of the World Tribunal on Iraq held at the Lelio Basso Foundation andpresents paper on “Unresolved WTI Issues and Procedures.”Jun. 5 Mizumoto gives lecture on “The Current State and Tasks of Peace Research”
at a training session for Level Ⅱ registered nursing care managers held by theHiroshima Prefectural Nursing Association.
Jun. 12 Tanaka gives lecture on “Japan’s Comfort Women: Militarism and theControl of Sex” at International Symposium “Gender and Nation: Historical
Perspectives on Japan” organized by German Institute for Japanese Studies andHiroshima City University, held at Tokyo Womens Plaza.
Jun. 19 Mizumoto gives lecture on “The A-bomb Experience of Hiroshima and theIssues of Weapons of Mass Destruction in the 21st Century” in Hiroshima/Nagasaki
joint course entitled “What Does Peace Mean in the World of the 21st Century?”offered by the Open Education Center of Waseda University.
Jun. 29 Mizumoto gives lecture on “The Meaning of the A-bomb Experience for
Peace in the 21st Century” in a peace study course on Hiroshima and Nagasaki at
Kwansei Gakuin University.
- Visitors to HPI Mar. 17 Maria Wagrowska, research fellow, Center for International Relations,
Poland.
Mar. 18 Dr. Lamberto Zannier, director, Organization for Security and Co-operationin Europe Conflict Prevention Centre.
Mar. 26 Paul Chandler, researcher for Advocates for Survivors of Torture & Trauma(ASTT), graduate student at University of Baltimore.
May 13 Dr. Elspeth Jones, dean, Leslie Silver International Faculty, Leeds
Metropolitan University. Dr. Koichi Maekawa, executive vice president (Finance),
Hiroshima University.
May 21 Dr. Jerry C.L. Chang, founder and president, Humanity United Globally.
May 24 Dr. Andrew J. Rotter, professor and chair, Department of History, Colgate
University. Dr. Osamu Yoshida, professor, Graduate School of Social Sciences,
Hiroshima University.

Notice of Change of Address
HIROSHIMA PEACE INSTITUTE HAS MOVED TO A NEW ADDRESSOld Address
Hiroshima Mitsui Bldg. 12th Floor,
2-7-10 Ote-machi, Naka-ku, Hiroshima
730-0051, Japan
New Address
Ote-machi Heiwa Bldg. 9F/10F 4-1-1
Ote-machi, Naka-ku, Hiroshima
730-0051, Japan(Opposite Hiroshima City Hall).
* Telephone and fax numbers
unchanged.

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS

Astram Lne

A-bomb
Dome
Peace
MemorialPark

Kamiya-cho

Hacchobori

Hondori
Fukuromachi
Peace Boulevard

Ote-machi
Heiwa Bldg.
Shiyakusho-mae■City Office

Please take No.1 street car to Hiroshima Port from
Hiroshima station and get off at Shiyakusho-mae.

Vol.7, No.1 July 22, 2004
Copyright 2004 HPI All rights reservedl Publisher: Hiroshima Peace Institute, Hiroshima City University; Editor : Ayako Yoshida
TEL +81-82-544-7570 FAX +81-82-544-7573
l Ote-machi Heiwa Bldg. 9F/10F 4-1-1 Ote-machi, Naka-ku, Hiroshima 730-0051, Japan. E-mail:office-peace@peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp
l Printed by Nishiki Print co., ltd.

Visit HPI’s website at http://serv.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/English/index.htm−8−

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.7 No.1 July 2004