HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS
Hiroshima Peace InstituteVol.26 No.1 September 2023

HPI Public Lecture Series AY2022

Hitoshi Nagai

Introduction
The Public Lecture Series AY2022, organized by the Hiroshima Peace Institute (HPI), was held from November 18 to December 20, 2022. The
common theme of the five lectures was “Enhancing Cultures of Peace.” In consideration of the impact of COVID-19 and in order to welcome moreparticipants, the lectures were offered online (on-demand delivery with advance recording), as in the previous series.
The purpose of this academic year’s lecture series was “to explore the cultures that build peace from the perspectives of peace theory, the historyof war and reconciliation, thoughts on peace, peace education for the next generation, and various policy initiatives related to peace” (excerpt from thelecture guide).
Summaries of each lecture are as follows. The titles of the lecturers are indicated as at the time of the presentations.

1st lecture: Nov. 18–22“Peace Research and the Culture of Peace”

Ryo Oshiba (Director and Specially Appointed Professor at HPI)

Examining the meaning and implications of the “culture of peace”
that is often mentioned in Hiroshima City.
In Peace Declaration 2022, Mayor Kazumi Matsui of Hiroshimareferred to “a ‘culture of peace’ that rejects all forms of violence,”
while Mayor Tomihisa Taue of Nagasaki talked about “a ‘culture ofpeace’ that spreads trust, respects others and seeks resolutions throughdialogue.”
Since the concept of peace can be polysemic, we are referring todiscussions in peace studies here. Johan Galtung counterposes peacewith violence and presents three forms of violence: direct violence,
structural violence, and cultural violence. Only when these formsof violence are denied and removed will there be peace. When weremove the mindset that affirms direct and structural violence, thencultural peace without cultural violence is attained. When a situationthat can be called cultural peace spreads throughout a society, it leads
to a state that can be called a “culture of peace.”

What did the A-bombed cities try to incorporate into their“culture of peace”? In lecturer’s opinion, what Tadashi Ishida referred
to as the anti-A-bomb thought is one such thing. The A-bombs
thoroughly destroyed human dignity. Nevertheless, to ensure thatthe deaths of those who lost their lives in the atomic bombing were
not in vain, A-bomb survivors have conveyed their experiences andmemories and called for the abolition of nuclear weapons. They
have also referred to Japan’s responsibility for the war. Each of these
efforts will lead to the development of a “culture of peace.”
There have been discrepancies between the self-image of thepeople in the A-bombed cities and the way people in other regions
perceive them. It is also important to consider why this is the case.
Many people are still exposed to violence, such as the war
in Ukraine and the Great East Japan Earthquake. Efforts in the
A-bombed cities can encourage these people.

2nd lecture: Nov. 25–29“Hatred and Forgiveness: After Warfare in Hiroshima and Manila”

Hitoshi Nagai (Professor at HPI)World War II scorched many parts of the world, resulting in enormous
loss of life. One example is the Battle of Manila, which began in
February 1945 and saw fierce fighting between Japanese and U.S.
forces, as well as the massacre of local residents by Japanese troops.
On the other hand, Hiroshima City was devastated by the atomic
bomb dropped by U.S. forces in August of the same year and many
citizens met an untimely death from the blast, heat rays, and radiation.
When someone is injured by an enemy and the life of his/herfamily members or friends is taken, it is not uncommon for the victim
to feel anger towards the enemy. As such, much anger was expressedin Manila and Hiroshima. In Manila, citizens repeatedly cursed andthrew stones at Japanese soldiers who surrendered. In the hypocenterarea of Hiroshima, words of “taking revenge on the U.S.” were heard,and some people threw stones at American prisoners of war who had
also experienced the atomic bombing to vent their anger at them.

While anger and hatred generated by war can be an impediment topeace, it is not easy to keep such negative emotions at bay. Many war
survivors probably lived through the postwar period with physical andmental pain and anger in their hearts and minds.
After an overview of the Battle of Manila and the atomic
bombing of Hiroshima, the lecture traced the emotional journeys
of Elpidio Quirino and Juan Rocha, whose families were killed by
Japanese troops in the Battle of Manila, and Shinji Mikamo, Toshiko
Tanaka, and Masahiro Sasaki, who were hurt and lost their families
in the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, as examples of war survivors
who demonstrated an attitude of confronting hatred. Through them,it was observed that the opening of the circuit of empathy for others(former enemies) and the consciousness of trying to break the “chainof hatred” that hinders the creation of peace in the next generation
acted as a shift in their value system.

Contents

HPI Public Lecture Series AY2022
Hitoshi Nagai ………………… 1-2
The 2021 Myanmar Military Coup and Its Domestic and Regional Impact
Narayanan Ganesan …………… 3
Climate Change Issues and Conference of the Parties
Tadashi Okimura ……………… 4
Robert Jacobs …………………… 5
The 6th HPI Public Lecture Series in English Held
Japan, I, and Peace Studies Research
Eonyong Lee …………………… 6
HPI Research Forum
Sebastien Philippe Reconstructing the Radiological Impact of Nuclear Weapon Testing March 7, 2023……………………………………… 7
The First Online Briefing Session on Admission to the Graduate School of Peace Studies 2023
Makiko Takemoto ……………… 7
Diary ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 8

Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

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3rd lecture: Dec. 2–6“Peace and Culture in Germany”
Looking back at German history from the end of the 19th century to
the second half of the 20th century, this lecture reviewed the historyof the peace movement and then discussed peace and culture.
Amid the political tensions in Europe during the age ofimperialism, the peace movement in Germany began at the end of the
19th century with the establishment of a peace organization. In thisperiod, “peace” meant “absence of war,” and international cooperation
was the main issue. During the period of the Weimar Republic afterWorld War I, the peace movement was more active than before,
partly due to the experience of all-out war. “Peace” was also linked
to the internal affairs of the Republic and came to be perceived as arelationship between the individual and the state. After World War
II, in West Germany, the experience of the Nazi regime and theHolocaust led to a strong awareness of “peace” as a human rights

Makiko Takemoto (Associate Professor at HPI)
issue. At the same time, anxiety over nuclear war turned the peace
movement into a grassroots movement seeking safety and security.
The lecture presented examples of literary works, as well asactivities by writers, journalists, and others, that sought peace froma cultural perspective in the midst of these historical changes in thepeace movement. It also referred to the Japanese peace movement of
the same period, explaining the differences between the Japanese andGerman peace movements and discussions on peace, the collaborationand interactions between the movements in the two countries,
and how Hiroshima was perceived in West Germany. In light ofthese points, the lecture concluded with the need for a common
understanding of “peace,” since what is meant by the word “peace”
varies from culture to culture, era to era, and region to region.

4th lecture: Dec. 9–13

“Peace and Disarmament Education in the ‘Era of the Treaty on the Prohibitionof Nuclear Weapons’”
Keiko Nakamura (Associate Professor at Research Center for Nuclear Weapons Abolition, Nagasaki University)

In July 2017, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons(TPNW) was adopted at the UN Headquarters in New York with theapproval of 122 countries. Entering into force in January 2021, it is
the first disarmament treaty to stipulate the importance of education.
This lecture reviewed the current situation of peace and disarmament
education in the era of the TPNW and discussed future challenges.
Since the beginning of the 21st century, small and mediumsized countries and civil society have spearheaded a movement tofind a path to nuclear abolition on the basis of the “inhumanity of
nuclear weapons.” Whether or not to move toward a world without
nuclear weapons—the TPNW is a legal norm that has provided a
way forward on this difficult question. The preamble to the TPNW
notes “the importance of peace and disarmament education in all its
aspects.” This was also the result of the international community’slongstanding discussions on disarmament education and its emphasison the “empowerment of each individual” for transformation andchange toward a world that does not depend on military power.
Meanwhile, it is difficult to say that sufficient education onpeace and disarmament is currently being provided both in Japanand abroad. For example, looking at Japan’s national university
corporations (62 universities), there are very few opportunities tolearn about disarmament, nuclear weapons, and the atomic bombingsof Hiroshima and Nagasaki in lectures offered in AY2020. Today, with
the TPNW in force, it will be important for national governments,
international organizations, educational and media organizations,
local governments including the A-bombed cities, and NGOs to work
together to spread and expand peace and disarmament education to
all layers of society in all its forms. What is required for this purposeis the development of programs and educational materials that focus
on the “inhumanity of nuclear weapons” and that are tailored tothe characteristics and realities of each region, based on a security
perspective that is people-centered, not state-centered.

5th lecture: Dec. 16–20“Mayors for Peace and the Culture of Peace”

Takashi Koizumi (Chairperson of Hiroshima Peace Culture Foundation, Secretary General of Mayors for Peace)

Mayors for Peace was established in 1982 when the Mayor of
Hiroshima called for cities throughout the world to transcend
national borders and join in solidarity to work together to press forthe abolition of nuclear weapons at the 2nd UN Special Session on
Disarmament. As of November 2022, 8,222 cities in 166 countries/
regions [at the time of the lecture; 8,265 cities as of July 2023 - Nagainote] are members. The President City, Hiroshima, and the Executive
Cities, including Nagasaki, play a central role. As a course of action
to attain lasting world peace, in 2021 Mayors for Peace adopted
the Vision for Peaceful Transformation to a Sustainable World (PX
Vision), which outlines the three objectives of “Realize a world
without nuclear weapons,” “Realize safe and resilient cities,” and“Promote the culture of peace.” In partnership with member cities,
efforts are being undertaken in a multi-layered manner at the national,
city, and citizen levels.
In 1999, the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration on a
Culture of Peace thanks to the efforts of its chair, former UN UnderSecretary-General Anwarul Chowdhury, which led to the widespreadrecognition of the concept of a “culture of peace” in the international

community. The Declaration provides guidelines for transforming aculture of war and violence into a culture of peace and nonviolence.
It is comprehensive in its content, including women’s empowerment,
and also resonates with the philosophy and goals of Mayors for Peace.
There are still many nuclear warheads in the world and thetheory of nuclear deterrence, which relies on the threat of force,is gaining momentum. Mayors for Peace believes that, in order toovercome the current situation where the “logic of force” dominates,
it is essential to deeply cultivate the “culture of peace” to take root in
civil society, where each citizen thinks and acts about peace in their
daily life to foster peace awareness. The City of Hiroshima designates
November of each year as the Month for the Culture of Peace andundertakes initiatives that lead to the sharing of thoughts of peace
through the arts, sports, and other cultural activities.
Promoting the culture of peace is not a quick way to nuclear
disarmament; it will require ongoing efforts to be effective. Mayors
for Peace will continue to work closely with its member cities andcitizens to promote the culture of peace with persistence.

Approximately 350 people applied to listen to the lecture series this year. All lectures was successfully delivered, thanks to the support of theenthusiastic participants. Finally, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to all the lecturers and participants.
(Professor at HPI)2

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.26 No.1, September 2023

The 2021 Myanmar Military Coup andIts Domestic and Regional Impact
Narayanan Ganesan
The Myanmar military staged a coup on 1 February 2021 and usurped
power from the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led elected
government helmed by Aung San Suu Kyi. Shortly after the coup, themilitary cited the military drafted 2008 Constitution to impose a 2-year
long state of emergency to stabilize the domestic political situation. It
then appointed a State Administration Council (SAC) that was led by
the army chief General Min Aung Hlaing and his deputy. When theemergency expired in February 2023, the military extended it by another6 months.
Domestic developments related to the coup
Domestic resistance to the coup was indeed swift and widespread. The
civilian population immediately embarked on a Civil Disobedience
Movement (CDM) that was notably strong in the education and healthsectors leading to a collapse of both the sectors. Banging of pots and thethree fingers salute reminiscent of the Thai opposition to the military
coup of May 2014 by General Prayuth Chan-ocha were also popularforms of resistance. Over time, and with encouragement from the electedcivilian government-in-exile, the CDM morphed into armed resistanceagainst the military called People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) in May 2021.
Shortly afterwards, the SAC labelled the PDFs terrorist organizations.
There is a shadow government-in-exile helmed by members of
the NLD who have gone into hiding and calls itself the National Unity
Government (NUG). The NUG is active in collaborating with like-mindedorganizations and individuals that oppose the military coup. It has won
the support of a number of Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) that havefought the military for a long time. Such groups draw on the country’s
ethnic minorities and include the Karen National Union (KNU) and its
armed affiliates, Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA),
Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and its armed affiliates,
Chin National Front (CNF) and armed affiliates. These ethnic armies
collaborate with the NUG and offer training and weapons to the PDFs.
The political violence between the military and the PDFs and
EAOs is widespread and especially intense in Chin, Kachin, Kayah,
northern Shan states and the Magwe and Sagaing regions. The army hasconceded that the security situation is challenging while the NUG claims
to control more than half the country’s territory. The military regularly
uses random and indiscriminate violence to try and suppress the armed
resistance. As a result of the ongoing situation, over 4,000 civilians havelost their lives with some 1.8 million internally displaced persons. EAO
and PDF-led ambushes and attacks have been rising and the military has
responded with aerial attacks using aircraft and helicopters.
The SAC is determined to stage an election and seek victory forthe party that represents the military’s corporate interests – the Union
Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). To facilitate this development,
it has appointed a new Union Election Commission (UEC) and required
political parties to register again to compete in the planned elections. The
NLD and many other parties have neither the intention nor the interest in
participating in this staged election to legitimize the coup and ongoingmilitary rule. The NUG has raised its international profile and draws
funding from the Myanmar diaspora abroad. In 2023 it has raised $100
million and hopes to eventually raise a total of $250 million.
Both the SAC and the NUG/PDFs/EAOs regard each other as
terrorist organizations and are unwilling to compromise. Additionally,
there are no ongoing attempts to negotiate a truce. Hence, the death anddestruction has continued unabated and in fact worsened over time. The
consensus is that the conflict will be long and drawn out.
Regional impact and reactions to the conflict
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) of which
Myanmar has been a member since 1997 convened a meeting in April

2021 to deal with the coup. General Min Aung Hlaing who attended
this meeting agreed to a Five Points Consensus (5PC) plan that involves
dialogue with all stakeholders in the country, cessation of violence andpolitical reconciliation. ASEAN is also attempting through its current
chair Indonesia to assist Myanmar achieve the goals of the 5PC throughhumanitarian assistance and the appointment of a Special Envoy tofacilitate dialogue.
ASEAN member countries have been unhappy with the ongoingsituation and since late 2021 have barred members of the Myanmar
military government from attending Ministerial level meetings. Instead,they have requested the presence of senior bureaucratic representatives.
The SAC has simply responded by not sending any representatives tothe meetings to express its displeasure in turn.
Within the ASEAN member countries there appear to be a split
position on how to deal with the Myanmar crisis. Indonesia, Malaysia,
the Philippines and Singapore from maritime Southeast Asia havebeen more critical of the SAC and refused to deal with it. Malaysia is
the harshest critic that has begun dealing with the NUG government
publicly.
Countries neighbouring Myanmar in mainland Southeast Asia
appear more willing to deal with the SAC government suggesting that defacto power may confer political legitimacy. Cambodia, Laos, Thailand
and until more recently, Vietnam fall into this category. Thailand has
traditionally borne the brunt of political violence in Myanmar in theform of refugees and undocumented migrants. The country also relies
on Myanmar for workers in the agriculture, construction, marine,
plantation, and service sectors and has typically been home to some 2
million Myanmar workers. Over and above this dependency, up to 20
percent of Thai energy needs is provided by fossil fuels from Myanmar,
especially gas from the Yadana field.
In the broader region India has borne some brunt from a refugee
influx from Chin state in western Myanmar into the northeastern statesof Assam and Manipur. China, that has a long and porous border with
Myanmar, maintains ties with the SAC and some of the EAOs fromthe northern Shan and Kachin states. China and Russia have shielded
Myanmar from negative diplomatic fallout internationally. Russia has
also been a major arms supplier of fighter aircraft and helicopters to
Myanmar more recently.
Japanʼs special relationship and position
Japan has always claimed a special relationship with Myanmar that dates
back to the struggle for the country’s independence against the British.
The 30 Comrades that led the independence movement and included
Aung San were trained by the Japanese army. Hence, even after the onsetof a lengthy military authoritarian government under General Ne Winthat lasted till 1988, Japan always maintained bilateral relations with
Myanmar. This relationship was impervious to Myanmar’s isolationist
foreign policy of passive neutrality adopted then as well. During thesemi-democratic period that spanned the 10 years before the 2021 coup,Japan’s bilateral relations with Myanmar grew considerably.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe provided very generous financial
assistance following the lifting of sanctions against Myanmar from 2011
and appointed Yohei Sasakawa as Special Envoy of the Governmentof Japan to the country. He was responsible for reaffirming the truce
between the Arakan Army in Rakhine state and the Myanmar military.
Japan has allowed Myanmar nationals to stay on in the country since thecoup on humanitarian grounds. Many Myanmar nationals in exile thinkthat Japan is the only country trusted by both the NUG and the SAC anduniquely placed to broker a truce.
(Professor at HPI)

Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

3Climate Change Issues and Conference of the Parties
Tadashi Okimura
Many people probably share the feeling that the impacts of climatechange have recently become more familiar in Japan, with stronger
typhoons, heat waves, and heavy rains. Starting in 2019, in
addition to weather warnings, Alert Level information for disasterprevention is now provided. In addition, quick update systems by
various media outlets have also been developed. These have madethe risk of weather and natural disasters both more common andmore apparent. Furthermore, news of heat waves exceeding 40°C,
wildfires, typhoons, heavy rains, and floods are coming from allover the world. The entire planet is now facing extreme weather
and the risks associated with it on a daily basis.
To mitigate climate change, the international system under
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change(UNFCCC) has long worked to curb and reduce greenhousegas emissions and strengthened global efforts such as the Kyoto
Protocol and the Paris Agreement. However, the results so far havenot been sufficient. The increase in the global average temperatureis already assessed to be 1.1°C above pre-industrial levels; itwill not be easy to achieve the 1.5°C target that the international
community has committed to in the Paris Agreement and the 2021
Glasgow Climate Pact. Under such circumstances, the 27th sessionof the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP27) was
held in Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt, in November 2022. Along withthe strengthening of decarbonization efforts, the two topics thatreceived most attention were adaptation to the adverse effects ofclimate change, which will become more severe in the near future,and the loss and damage associated with climate change. With
regard to the latter, in recent years, mainly developing countries,
such as Small Island Developing States and African countries,
have positioned the adverse effects of climate change that cannot
be avoided even with adaptation efforts as “loss and damage” andhave sought funding. At COP27, the parties agreed to establish afund to respond to loss and damage, taking into consideration theclaims of countries vulnerable to climate change.
In the past, climate change negotiations have had aconfrontational structure, between developed and developing
countries; but in recent years, the situation has become more
complex. Among developing countries, oil-producing countries
and Small Island Developing States take diametrically opposed
positions in their decarbonization efforts. Also, with regard to
the limited amount of funding provided by developed countries,
there is a kind of rivalry between emerging countries that seek
funding for decarbonization and Small Island Developing Statesand Least Developed Countries that seek funding for climatechange adaptation and for loss and damage. In the climate

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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.26 No.1, September 2023

change negotiations, there are a variety of subgroups among
the developing countries, including regional subgroups such as
African and Arab countries, and subgroups consisting of countries
in the same situation such as Small Island Developing Statesand Least Developed Countries, as well as a subgroup called theLike-Minded Developing Countries. In the past, when the main
theme was the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, developing
countries often took a unified stance in challenging developed
countries with high emissions. However, as emissions from China
and other emerging countries have been increasing recently, somedeveloping countries are calling to take actions from emerging
countries in addition to developed countries. Furthermore, for new
topics such as adaptation and loss and damage, each subgroup
maintains a different position and negotiations are slow. At COP27,
the negotiations were further complicated by a combination ofinternational political factors, including the U.S.-China conflict
and Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.
While there has been slow progress in climate change
negotiations, private sector efforts toward decarbonization areprogressing, and as such, the raison d'être of the UN climatechange negotiations may be questioned. This idea also overlaps
with the dysfunction of the UN Security Council in response to
the aggression against Ukraine as well as the decline in trust in
the global community and the international system due to the riseof unilateralism. However, the actual negotiations show a highlevel of enthusiasm with numerous participants from the private
sector in addition to governments from around the world, and very
few participants doubt the importance of the UN climate change
negotiations. The reasons for this enthusiasm include that fact that
the COP is functioning as a forum for the exchange of information
on various ongoing initiatives in many fields by both the public
and private sectors, which will no longer move backward in theirdecarbonization efforts. The issue of climate change is firmly
established as a theme that requires international cooperation and
one that will foster international cooperation even when interstate
relations are strained by other issues.
Unfortunately, the adverse effects of climate change arelikely to continue to spread and threaten human security. This iseven more so in regions vulnerable to climate change and in areasof conflict. In order to ensure human security from a long-term
perspective, discussions will be held at the upcoming COPs. It is
important to keep a close eye on the outcome of these discussions
and to proceed with actions accordingly.
(Professor at HPI)The 6 th HPI Public Lecture Series in English Held

Robert Jacobs

After a two-year hiatus based on safety concerns related to the
COVID pandemic, the HPI 6th Public Lecture Series in English
was held in person earlier this year at the Satellite Campus ofHiroshima City University in downtown Hiroshima. During those
two years, English language lectures were included in the online
Public Lecture Series presented annually by HPI. However, thisyear, a full program of English language lectures was delivered andopen for public attendance. While it was good to still be able tohave our lectures reach people in their homes during the pandemic,
it was especially warm to be able to gather together in “real life”
as a community to hear researchers present their work and engage
in dialogue with Hiroshima community members in person once
again. It was engaging and comforting.
The series began on Friday January 20 and continued weekly,
concluding on February 10. I presented the first lecture, titled,“Radioactive Fallout and Dirty Bombs.” The idea for the lecture
was based on recent events in the Russian war on Ukraine thathave raised global anxieties over the possible use of “dirty bombs.”
The lecture included discussions on what exactly dirty bombs are
and then explored the nature of dirty bombs, how they are different
than regular bombs and nuclear bombs, and what kinds of hazards
they present. It began with a discussion of radioactive fallout
clouds and particles, to help understand why dirty bombs present
radiological risks.
The second lecture featured Professor Narayanan Ganesan of
HPI. Professor Ganesan spoke about recent political developments
in Southeast Asia with a lecture titled, “ASEAN Policy Responses
to the Military Coup in Myanmar.” The Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN) recently has had to deal with the fallout
from the military coup against the civilian elected government of
Myanmar in February 2021. A collective response called the FivePoint Consensus was agreed together with the Myanmar military
regime in April 2021, followed by Cambodian attempts to broker
the dispute as the ASEAN Chair in 2022 together with a United
Nations Special Envoy. Professor Ganesan described how all theseattempts have failed thus far and that there is growing evidenceof disagreements among member countries on how to deal withthe situation. The situation has remained tense since the talk andresolutions still seem distant.
Our third lecture was presented by Lecturer Mihoko Katoof HPI. Kato’s lecture was titled, “Russia-Ukraine War and the
non-Western Countries,” and examined a broad range of national
responses to the war. Lecturer Kato considered the policies ofseveral countries, and their relationships with Russia. These
included many nations that were formerly in the Soviet Union,
whose history, culture and trade have a profound effect on theirpolitical positioning during this conflict. Even more compelling
was her discussion of the positions of large, non-Western nations
such as China and India, both of which have abstained fromany criticism of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing war.
She painted a rich picture of the dynamics and tensions that lay
behind these relationships, and addressed prospects regarding therestoration of international order and the restoration of relations
between Russia and various of its former Soviet states.
The lecture series concluded with a fascinating talk byProfessor Kyoko Matsunaga, an associate professor at Hiroshima
University, and a former Fulbright fellow at the University of
Nebraska-Lincoln. She specializes in Indigenous American
literature, nuclear/atomic literature, and environmental literature.
Her recent publications include essays in Reading Aridity inWestern American Literature (2020), Journal of Transnational
American Studies (2020), Ecocriticism in Japan (2017), and
her Japanese book American Indigenous Writers and Nuclear
Literature: From Apocalypse to Survivance (2019).
Professor Matsunaga spoke on “Indigenous Nuclear Literature
in North America: from Uranium Mining to Nuclear Waste.” Shedescribed how much of the uranium mining and milling, nuclear
testing, and radioactive waste disposal takes place on or near lands
belonging to Indigenous nations. Indigenous (and non-Indigenous)
writers and artists in North America have responded to this reality
in a variety of genres including novels, poetry, drama, graphic
novels, painting, and film. She gave a detailed and fascinating
journey through how writers/artists living in Canada and theUnited States deal with nuclear colonialism on Indigenous lands.
Each lecture saw a full and diverse audience of members ofthe Hiroshima community and was followed by a lively question
and answer session and spirited dialogue on the issues at hand.
Discussions even spilled out into the hallway and sidewalk after
the lecture was concluded.
Plans are already underway for next year’s 7th Public Lecture
Series in English. As always it will feature lectures by myself andProfessor Ganesan, as the series’ organizers. We will invite two
additional lecturers from among the HPI staff and local academic
communities to continue to present stimulating and challenging
discussions of cutting-edge research by Hiroshima based scholars.
(Professor at HPI)

Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

5Japan, I, and Peace Studies Research

Eonyong Lee

I majored in political diplomacy at a Korean university andearned a Master’s Degree in Political Science with “Research on
the decision-making process of Japan’s Official Development
Assistance (ODA) policy.” The objective of my master’s thesis wasto analyze the policy-making process of the ministries at the centerof Japan’s ODA policy (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministryof Finance, and Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry) andto propose a governance structure to overcome the opacity ofthe policy-making system. To this end, I analyzed cases of theJapanese government’s provision of ODA to China to understandthe non-application of the aid philosophy and principles of the
ODA policy and the interests among policy-making groups thatemerge in the ODA policy-making process. In particular, I focusedon investigating how political and security factors, such as the
Tiananmen Square protests and nuclear testing in China, influenced
Japan’s ODA policy decisions.
When I was a graduate student, I was selected for a training
program for graduate students by the Japan Foundation (JF) andreceived four months of intensive Japanese language training
with graduate students from 20 countries around the world.
Through this program, I also had the opportunity to visit the Japan
International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and interview relevant
personnel. I dreamed of studying in Japan while preparing mymaster’s thesis, and after obtaining a Master’s Degree in Political
Science, I studied at the Graduate School of International Public
Policy, Osaka University. However, the economic crisis in East
Asia made it impossible for me to continue my studies as aninternational student, so I worked for three years as a Coordinatorfor International Relations at the International Relations Divisionof the Kagoshima Prefectural Government, which had a sister-stateagreement with my hometown. There, I served as an interpreterand translator at various meetings, including the Japan-Korea
Governors’ Conference and the Japan-Korea Tourism Federation
Conference, guided groups visiting Japan, gave Korean language
lectures to prefectural residents, and served as an interpreter andtranslator for Kagoshima Prefecture’s public relations activities.
After returning to Korea, I worked for the Ministry of Culture,
Sports and Tourism (MCST), which handles the government’s
cultural and arts policies, and the Presidential Committee on the
Fourth Industrial Revolution (PCFIR), which advises the President on
advanced technology and digital policies. While at MCST, I plannedand organized cooperative projects for the preservation of Asian
cultural diversity and mutual coexistence, as well as Secretary-levelmeetings with other Asian countries. At PCFIR, I was responsible fororganizing global conferences, meetings with high-level (Secretarylevel) officials, and international cooperation with relevant ministries
in the U.S., China, the U.K., Sweden, and Denmark.
While performing these duties, I became interested in studies
that would contribute to peace in East Asia through cooperation in
culture, art, science, and technology. In 2019, the so-called “Huawei
issue” came into full swing and the U.S. asked its allies to join in
sanctioning Huawei. Thus, U.S. allies, including Japan, Korea, andAustralia, had to respond appropriately to the case. In this process,the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry of Japan announced“export control” measures for some semiconductor-related
components to Korea, which plunged Japan-Korea relations intoa crisis. I was interested in researching ways in which Korea andJapan could reduce security risks and cooperate with each otherthrough scientific and technological innovations.
I have long had the dream of becoming a scholar who
researches and educates as a transmitter of living knowledge
combining theory and practice. After looking into various
universities in Korea and abroad, I came across the Graduate
School of Peace Studies at Hiroshima City University. The
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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.26 No.1, September 2023

graduate school, which conducts various academic research
activities on themes such as “peace and security” and “peaceand nuclear weapons in Asia,” has a network of domestic andinternational universities and research institutions, and provides
scholarships for Korean students. The City of Hiroshima promotes
itself as an International Peace Culture City and hosts many
international events such as the G7 Summit, making it an ideal city
for researching Northeast Asian peace cooperation plans.
My research theme at the Graduate School of Peace Studies,
Hiroshima City University is “Japan’s advanced technology
strategy in the competition for technological supremacy between
the United States and China.” The objective is to analyze, basedon international political theory, the response strategy presented
by the Japanese government in the structure of the race fortechnological supremacy between the U.S. and China. In particular,
I am focusing on the Huawei case, one of the most prominent
examples showcasing the cross-section of U.S.-China competition
for technological supremacy in 5G (5th generation mobile
communication system) technology and platforms.
Huawei had the top market share for global telecommunications
equipment in 2018 and was recognized as being ahead of the U.S.
in some areas of 5G technology. The U.S. cannot afford to missout on the new technology of 5G in order to dominate in the battle
for technological supremacy, and perceives Huawei as the greatest
threat to U.S. hegemony. 5G is a core technology that enables the
fourth industrial revolution, including AI and automated driving,based on its ultra-high speed and transmission capabilities.
Preemption of the 5G standardization brings tremendous economic
benefits and has a significant meaning in international politics interms of gaining control of the global telecommunications network.
My research is characterized by a focus on the strategy of Japan, a
middle power that has tended to be overlooked in the accelerating
struggle for technological supremacy between the two major
powers, the U.S. and China.
The competition for advanced technology has significant
meaning as a threat to peace, and the race for technologicalsupremacy between the U.S. and China will have a strong impact onpeace in Northeast Asia. What strategy is Japan, as part of Northeast
Asia, forming and developing in this international environment?
How is Japan, as a middle power, approaching the U.S.-China
competition for technological supremacy? Examining Japan’s
strategy is important not only for the study of Japanese diplomacy
but also for the study of peace in Northeast Asia. In addition,
theoretically, I would like to extend the existing discussions byexamining what impact middle powers can have, as most discussions
on technological supremacy focus on major countries.
(Ph.D. Student at Graduate School of Peace Studies)

At the Japan-Korea Next Generation Forum in June 2023.
The author is fourth from the right.

HPI Research Forum
March 7, Reconstructing the Radiological Impact of2023
Nuclear Weapon Testing
Sebastien Philippe

On March 7, 2023, the Hiroshima Peace Institute held a Joint
Research Forum, co-hosted with the research project of Nagasaki
University, STAR Research Platform for Collective Survivalin the Anthropocene (NURECSA), at the main campus ofHiroshima City University. The lecturer, Dr. Sebastien Philippe,
is an Associate Research Scholar on Science and Global Security
at Princeton University. He has been conducting intersectional
research on science, technology, and policy, focusing on nuclear
non-proliferation, arms control, and disarmament issues. He is
especially well-known for joint research on French nuclear tests in

the South Pacific and their various effects on people living in thisarea.
In his lecture, he reexamined the radiological consequences ofpast nuclear tests as well as potentially significant implications forcompensation and remediation combining current understandingsof nuclear weapon explosions, the simulation of radioactive fallout
using modern computational tools, and archival research. As an
example, he showed a case study on the radiological consequencesof French atmospheric nuclear testing in the Pacific which involves
extensive simulations of radioactive fallout. According to Philippe,
the study found that 90% of the French Polynesian population
living near the test site at the time of the atmospheric testing could
have received doses greater than current compensation thresholds
under French law. These results led French President EmmanuelMacron to acknowledge that France owed a debt to the Polynesian
population, to call for the improvement of compensation for thevictims, and for the opening of “all” related government archives.
Regarding this point, in the Q&A session, he also indicated thatthe recent improvements in the compensation process in France isrelated to the struggle for influence on the Pacific islands among
the superpowers.
(Newsletter Committee of HPI)The First Online Briefing Session on Admission to the
Graduate School of Peace Studies 2023

Makiko Takemoto

The Hiroshima Peace Institute (HPI) held the first online briefing session of AY 2023 on the admission to the Graduate School of
Peace Studies (GSPS) via Zoom on June 2, 2023.
After the introduction on the entrance examination system, the possible career paths of graduates, scholarship possibilities, and thestatus of the acceptance of international students were explained. As with the online session in the last year, two current graduate students
in the master’s program and doctoral program at GSPS shared their personal experiences in the university and in the city of Hiroshima. In
the breakout room section, faculty members, administrative staffs and graduate students answered questions from ten participants.
(Associate Professor/Admission Committee at HPI)The Forthcoming Online Briefing Session on Admission to the Graduate
School of Peace Studies in 2023 ──────────────────The second online briefing session on admission to the GSPS for AY
2024 will be held on October 6, 2023. Everyone is welcome, not only
those who would like to study at the GSPS but also those who would
like to get information about the entrance exam for the future enrollment.
Please feel free to ask questions. We will be better able to answer yourquestions if you could send them when applying to participate. English
explanations are also available.

Date and Time: October 6, 2023, 6:30–8:00 p.m. (Japan StandardTime)How to hold the event: Online (Zoom meeting)Fee for the participation: Free
Deadline of the application: October 3, 2023, 5 p.m.
Contact: office-peace@m.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp
For further information, please visit the HPI website.

Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

7

DIARY
2023◆Jan. 5 Narayanan Ganesan conducts a field research trip to
Singapore and Thailand to interview academics, policy makers
and members of the Myanmar diaspora for a research project on
ASEAN responses to the military coup in Myanmar.
◆Jan. 6 Gen Kikkawa presents a lecture entitled, “The OSCE
Common Security and the Issues of Transitional Justice,” at the
Speakers Series of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences,
University of Tokyo.
◆Jan. 7 Akihiro Kawakami participates as a discussant in the
public lecture series, “A Looming Crisis of Nuclear War and Us:
A Quest for Abolition of Nuclear Weapons and Spreading Article
9 of the Constitution of Japan to all Countries of the World,” cohosted by the Pugwash Japan, World Conference Religions for
Peace Japan and International Peace Research Institute, Meiji
Gakuin University, via Zoom.
◆Jan. 18 Mihoko Kato contributes commentary entitled,“Emerging Informal Alliance? – Japan’s Responsibility to Avoid
Conflict in East Asia,” to the website of Nippon Institute for
Research Advancement (NIRA). [in Japanese]◆Jan. 23 Makiko Takemoto gives a lecture on “German andJapanese Peace Movement” at a seminar for students from
Kyungpook National University, held at Hiroshima City University.
◆Jan. 27 Ganesan delivers a lecture in English entitled “ASEAN
policy responses to the military coup in Myanmar,” as part of the
HPI English lecture series at the HCU satellite campus.
◆Feb. 3 Kato gives an English public lecture entitled “RussiaUkraine War and the non-Western Countries,” at the HCU
satellite campus.
◆Feb. 17 Kikkawa welcomes Francisco de Santibanes, Vice
President of the Council of International Relations of Argentina,
and Global Fellow of Wilson Center, to HPI, and exchanged
opinions on the international security environment of East Asia.
◆Feb. 20 Robert Jacobs presents a Higher Seminar on his
book, Nuclear Bodies: The Global Hibakusha at the RoyalInstitute of Technology (KTH) in Stockholm, Sweden.
◆Feb. 26 Hitoshi Nagai gives a lecture entitled, “The Battle of
Manila: Focusing on its Historical Facts and the Memories,” atan online meeting organized by Philippines-Hiroshima Exchange
through History and Peace Education Projects (PHETHAPEP).
◆Mar. 1 Chie Shijo contributes an article entitled, “Document researchat the Hiroshima Prefectural Archives using databases,” in Hiroshima
Kenritsu Monjokan Dayori, Vol.47 (March 2023): pp. 2–3.
◆Mar. 15 Jacobs presents a lecture entitled, “Learning to see
the global hibakusha hidden in the Cold War’s shadows,” atSciences Po in Paris, France.
◆Mar. 26 Tetsuo Sato attends the Board of Councilors of theJapanese Society of International Law, held online.
◆Mar. 27–30 Jacobs and Tadashi Okimura appointed as
facilitators for Hiroshima G7 Summit Junior Conference.
◆Mar. 30 Ryo Oshiba contributes an article entitled, “International
Theory and Contemporary International Relations: Economic
Interdependence and US-China Relations,” in Kokusai KeizaiRodo Kenkyu (International Economy and Work Monthly), Vol.
78, No. 3, pp. 5–11.

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS● Published by● Printed by

8

January 1, 2023 ― June 30, 2023

◆Apr. 1 Oshiba co-edited a book entitled, Studies of International
Relations (3rd edition, complementary) published by Yushindo
Publishing Co., with Prof. Kenji Takita and Prof. Yasuko Tsuru.
◆Apr. 17 Hyun Jin Son presents a lecture entitled, “North
Korean Human Rights Issue: Focusing on the issue of NK
defectors,” at Kinki University, Japan.
◆Apr. 26 Jacobs moderates a public session of the Hiroshima
G7 Youth Summit, sponsored by ICAN, held at the Hiroshima
Peace Memorial Museum.
◆May 16 Nagai attends the 702nd NHK International Broadcast
Programs Council meeting, held at the NHK Broadcasting
Center (Tokyo).
◆May 17 Son contributes an article based on an interview,“Japan to lead the abolition discussion at G7 Summit,” to the
Chugoku Shimbun.
◆May 20 Kato contributes an article on the G7 Hiroshima
Summit, “Fear of nuclear use if wrong decisions are made,” tothe Chugoku Shimbun.
◆May 27 Shijo gives a lecture entitled, “Atomic Bomb Damageof Deaf Persons: Unnarrated Atomic Bomb Experiences,” aspart of the Hiroshima Peace Forum Lecture Series 2023, at theHiroshima Peace Memorial Museum.
◆Jun. 1 Son presents a lecture entitled, “Politics, Military
Issue,” at the 2023 Korea-Japan symposium of Korea-Japan
Cooperation Plan for Promoting Freedom, Peace and Prosperity,
in Kobe, Japan.
◆Jun. 12–16 Ganesan teaches a module on Public Policy
Formulation for 28 academics from Myanmar as part of theSocial Science Summer School coordinated from the U.S. andfunded by the German Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, via Zoom.
◆Jun. 18 Oshiba serves as a discussant for a panel on
Disarmament and Security Issues at the Spring Convention of thePeace Studies Association of Japan, held at Nara University, via Zoom.
◆Jun. 18 Sato attends a meeting of the Board of Councilors of
the Japanese Society of International Law, via zoom.
◆Jun. 20 Nagai attends the 703rd NHK International Broadcast
Programs Council meeting and Japan International Broadcasting(JIB) Council meeting, held online.
◆Jun. 20 Takemoto contributes an article entitled, “Peace
Studies in Japan: Co-evolution of Knowledge and Practice,”in the Special Issue of Asian Journal of Peacebuilding (Seoul
National University) “Development of Peace Studies in the
Asian Context: Trajectories and Complexity in the Post-Cold
War” Vol. 11, No. 1, pp. 59–74.
◆Jun. 20 Takemoto and Yamada contribute the articles, “Antinuclear Movement” (Takemoto), “A Myth of the Atomic
Bombings of Japan” (Yasuhiro Yamada) to Japan Peace
Association (ed.), Encyclopedia of Peace (Tokyo: Maruzen
Publishing, 2023).
※For other entries of the DIARY,
please visit our website.

Vol.26 No.1（September 30, 2023）

Editorial Committee (Narayanan Ganesan, Xianfen Xu, Mihoko Kato), Hiroshima Peace Institute, Hiroshima City University
3-4-1, Ozuka-higashi, Asaminami-ku, Hiroshima, 731-3194 Japan
Phone: +81（0）82 830 1811
Fax: +81（0）82 830 1812
E-mail: office-peace@m.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp
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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.26 No.1, September 2023

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