The First Globalization and the US-East Asian
Locomotive Trade: Focusing on Baldwin
Locomotive Work and Frazar & Co. in Japan
August 2021
ISS Discussion Paper Series
F－196

Naofumi Nakamura ∗∗ Professor of Business History, Institute of Social Science, the University of Tokyonaofumin@iss.u-tokyo.ac.jp0The First Globalization and the US-East Asian Locomotive Trade:
Focusing on Baldwin Locomotive Works and Frazar & Co. in Japan

Naofumi Nakamura(Institute of Social Science, University of Tokyo)
Abstract
In this paper, I have explained the locomotive supply arrangement that supported the rapid
development of Japan’s railway industry at the turn of the century while focusing on the
independence of Japanese mechanical engineers and the export of American-made locomotives
to Japan. As a result, this paper clarified how American locomotive manufacturers dismantled
the British monopoly, and penetrated the Japanese market, by paying attention to changes intechnological development and business systems on the demand side of the railways, and therole of the international trading companies that mediated the supply of locomotives and rollingstock. In particular, I examined the case study of Frazar & Co. as an agent of Baldwin
Locomotive Works by investigating cooperation related to the marketing activities of trading
companies and makers in the locomotive industry. The trading companies, such as Frazer &Co., introduced the locomotive manufacturers to the engineers of railway companies,
government officers, and academics in Japan, China, and elsewhere. In the emerging market,
the search and transaction costs between makers and customers were very expensive. The
trading companies in Japan or China had information related to the emerging market andcontributed to lowering these costs to increase overall profits.

Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to reexamine the international background to thedevelopment of Japanese railways by investigating the dynamics of the supply
mechanism for railway rolling stock, especially steam locomotives, which made possible
the rapid development of Japan’s railway industry in the period from the 19th to the 20th
centuries.
1Jones (2005) has, from a long-term perspective, termed the unprecedented scale of theintegration of the world economy that occurred in the late 19th century as the “first global
economy.” In particular, the integration of the product market proceeded with alacrity due
to the arrival of the transport revolution in the transition period of the 19th to 20th
centuries, causing export competition to intensify among the Western advanced countries.
Providing an overview of the world market for locomotives, American and German
locomotive makers fought to keep pace with British makers, who had pioneered
locomotive exports, bringing about a relentless struggle for market share throughout theworld. The main market also shifted from Europe and South America in the 1880s to theearly 1890s, to East Asia in the late 1890s, and then to British and French colonies in the
1900s. What should be emphasized among these shifts is that the importance of the East
Asian market grew from the 1890s onward, with the core of that market being Japan.
It is thought that intensification of international competition over the Japanese market
allowed the railway companies, the prospective customers for locomotives, to reduce thecosts and delivery times for material procurement and expand the scope of technologicalchoice. In that sense, it can be presumed that there existed in the background to the rapid
development of Japanese railways an international environment as well as a material
procurement system that made possible a stable supply of railway materials at moderatecost. Railways, in an island country such as Japan, were considered to be an entirely
domestic venture by previous studies. However, we can say that the issue of railway
development within one country cannot be discussed without a study of the backgroundof globalization during that era. Therefore, I clarify the various international momentum
related to the establishment of Japan’s railway industry by focusing on steam
locomotives, which represent one of the most important inventions of the 19th century
and were the most advanced machines around the turn of the 20th century.
In addition, it is also necessary to pay attention to the role played by trading
companies in mediating the import and export of locomotives to emerging markets, such
as East Asia, in the early 20th century. We have to consider why trading companies
were needed, both by the locomotive manufacturers and their client railways.
Research on steam locomotives in Japan has been carried out in various disciplines.
In the field of economic history, Minoru Sawai provided a comprehensive descriptionof the formation and development of Japan’s railcar manufacturing industry (Sawai
1998). However, the focus of Sawai’s research was the establishment process of therailcar manufacturing industry as an example of a building-type of machine industry,
which differs from this paper’s focus on the supply of locomotives, which were essential
to the railway industry’s expanded reproduction process. For this reason, the turn-of2

the-century period that is the main focus of this paper (the 1890s and 1900s) is treated
only as pre-history in Sawai’s seminal work on railcar manufacturing history.
On the other hand, one of the best books on steam locomotives in the US is the casestudy of the Baldwin Locomotive Works by John Brown (Brown 1995). Steven J.
Ericson examined marketing activities by American locomotive manufacturers in Japanand competition among British, American, and German locomotive manufacturers in
the Japanese market based on the diary of Willard C. Tyler who was a travel agent of
the Schenectady Locomotive Works (Ericson 2005). This is the important previous
research related to marketing activities of American locomotive makers around the turnof the century.
In addition, a substantial amount of research has been accumulated on the importation
activities of Japanese and international trading companies around the turn of the
century. One example of such research on international trading companies is Kanji
Ishii’s study of the Jardine Matheson & Co. (Ishii 1984). Ishii examined the activities
of foreign trading companies by analyzing company documents at the account ledger
level of Jardine Matheson, and clarified the state of “external economic pressure” during
the period of reform at the end of the feudal system. However, Jardine Matheson's
documents were of limited value as historical records since records for the 1890s andlater when the trade-in locomotives became active are extremely rare and contain very
few references to transactions related to railways materials (Ishii 1984, 403-405). With
regard to Japanese trading companies, robust research has accumulated on the businesshistory of the Mitsui & Co. and other Japanese trading companies (Asajima 2001). For
example, in the process of analyzing Mitsui & Co. transactions related to machinery,
Shoichi Asajima also conducted a detailed examination of transactions involving
railway materials including locomotives. Taking this previous research into account, in
this study, I investigate the business activities of Japanese and international trading
companies responsible for the import and export of locomotives and also delve into thenature of the trade mediation by these companies.
Keeping the above points in mind, this paper takes up locomotives and examines the
structure of competition among locomotive makers and trading companies in the Japanesemarket from the end of the 19th century to the early 20th century. For this purpose, thelocomotive, the representative railway rolling stock, and mechanical products during thisperiod, will be taken as the main case study to answer the following two researchquestions:

31) Why was it possible for Japanese railways to achieve smooth procurement oflocomotives and rapid railway development during the first global economy when thecompetition was particularly harsh?
2) How was it possible for a newly developing country at that time, like the U.S., to enterand expand its share in the East Asian locomotive market, once dominated by British
firms?
Moreover, this paper will draw fully upon the strength of primary historical sources
both in Japan and the US, including records of NARA and the major American locomotive
makers.
1. Development of Japanese railways during the first globalization

1-1. Technological independence of Japanese railways
In 1871, the first ten locomotives arrived in Japan one after the other from Britain.
Operation of the government railway line between Tokyo (Shimbashi) and Yokohama,the first railway in Japan, was launched the following year in 1872. At the time, theconstruction and operation of the government railway relied almost entirely on foreign
employees, the vast majority of whom were British. The director, engineer-in-chief,
locomotive superintendent, secretary, and others in managerial positions had theauthority to decide specifications for railway construction and for procuring materials.
For this reason, as of 1887, British locomotives accounted for 99% of all locomotives
in Japan and held a monopoly on the locomotive market (Table 1).
From the late-1870s to the early-1880s, the Imperial Government Railways (IGR)
undertook rapid localization of various technologies, especially those related to civilengineering. Let us examine this point in terms of the change over time in the numberof foreign engineers that were employed by the government railway (Figure 1). As canbe seen from the figure the number of foreign engineers peaked at over 30 during thelatter half of the 1870s, and fell dramatically to under 10, in 1878.
Underlying such efforts were the cessation of foreign investments stemming fromfears of being colonized and the drying up of funds for railway construction resulting
from the inflationary pressures following the Satsuma Rebellion, which had depleted
governmental coffers. Both of these circumstances made it difficult to hire expensive
foreign employees. The replacement of foreign engineers by Japanese engineers became4

an urgent challenge for the financial survival of the government railway. Having
managed to overcome this threat through the establishment of a cadre of Japanese civilengineers, the government railway took subsequent steps to further eliminate foreigndependence. In the latter half of the 1890s, British employees with the authority to
procure materials, including the British directors, engineers in chief, and locomotive
superintendents were dismissed, and the authority to select and procure railway
materials was transferred from British to Japanese personnel. Japanese engineers andmanagers who had experienced studying abroad in the US played a pivotal role in thistransition.
With regard to managers in the Railway Operations Bureau in the latter half of the
1890s, of the six engineers and administrative officials ranked class 3 or higher, four
had experience studying abroad in the US 1. The eventual replacements for the hired
British employees were Japanese engineers and managers who, for the most part, hadstudied in the US. It is also notable that the individuals responsible for materials
procurement, the Director (Sōichiro Matsumoto) and the head of the accounting section(Tamiyoshi Zushi), both had experience studying in the US. This had a favorable impact
on the inflow of American products to the railway materials market in Japan.
Next, let us examine the sudden rise in prosperity of the private railways. The first
railway boom occurred in the mid-1880s, followed by a second boom in the mid-1890s,
both of which led to the establishment of numerous railway companies. As a result, in the
1890s, the number of locomotives under private operation was greater than that under
government operation (Figure 2), resulting in the collapse of the government railway’s
monopoly on locomotive technology. Except for Nippon Railway, the majority of theprivate railway companies did not receive technical support from the government railway
and had to secure engineers and railway materials on their own. Kyūshū Railway, forexample, hired a German engineering consultant and procured all materials from
Germany. Similarly, Sanyo Railway and other private railways in Western Japan began
proactively purchasing American-manufactured locomotives at the start of the 1890s. The
reason why Sanyo Railway was able to become the first railways to escape the influenceof the government railway and to procure locomotives on its own had to do with theformation of a cadre of Japanese mechanical engineers centered around Hikomatsu
Iwasaki (a graduate of the Imperial College of Engineering).

1

Naofumi Nakamura, Umi wo wataru kikansha (Trading locomotives: The first globalization and thedevelopment of Japan's railways, 1869-1914), (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbun-kan, 2016), p.153.

5

Another factor contributing to the diversification in the source of locomotives was
the sequential adoption of open, competitive, and selective bidding arrangements byboth the government railway and private railways, which led to the creation of acompetitive materials procurement system. For example, the Sanyo Railway’s “goods
procurement regulations” allowed for both selective bidding and negotiated (limitedtender) contracts, indicating that competitive bidding was also being used by privatecompanies. The intensification of competition, in terms of price and lead time brought
about by the introduction of competitive bidding, was favorable to American andGerman manufactures that had succeeded in reducing costs and manufacturing times
through the development and implementation of American-style interchangeable parts
manufacturing. In contrast, the British manufacturers, who were fixated on high-quality
production through skilled manual work, were unable to compete in terms of cost andlead time. As a result, in 1897, the number of new locomotives purchased from the US
exceeded that from the UK; and the share of new locomotives purchased from Germany
also began to increase in the 1900s (Table 1).

1-2. Procurement of locomotives on a global market
In addition, the intensification of international competition in the supply of railway
materials resulting from the first phase of globalization enabled both the government
railway and private railways to optimize the procurement of locomotives on a global
scale. Specifically, this led to a dramatic increase in the purchase of American-madelocomotives by private railways. Concerns regarding the circumstances at the time andthe penetration of American-made locomotives into the Japanese market are expressedin the following report by the British Consular to Japan dated July 16, 1894:
For railway locomotives, of which there has also been an increased import, theJapanese private railway companies appear inclined to have recourse rather to theUnited States than to England; and in one recent instance, at least a private company
disposed of several of their English built engines to the Government railways,

6

supplying their place with newly-imported American engines at a cost greatly inexcess of the proceeds realised by the sale of the old ones 2.
In the midst of the second railway boom, the British Secretary of Legation in Tokyo,
Gerard Lowther, composed two detailed reports titled Report on the Railways of Japan
in 1896 and 1897, which he sent back to his home country. In these reports, Lowtherdescribes the circumstances surrounding the railway boom in Japan and, in addition,
warning British locomotive manufacturers not to miss out on this business opportunity 3.
And he pointed out that the British monopoly in the Japanese market is starting to
crumble and urges the British manufacturers to prepare for coming competition in thelocomotive export market 4.
The US was not the only challenger to British dominance. Among the railways thatwere newly established during the first railway boom, some companies such as the Iyo
Railway and the Kyūshū Railway imported technology from Germany. For example, atthe same time as its establishment in 1888, Kyūshū Railway hired a German engineering
consultant, Hermann Rumschöttel, and purchased the full array of railway materials
including rails, bridge materials, and locomotives from the Gutehoffnungshütte
Ironworks via the C. Illies & Co. trading company. In turn, the Gutehoffnungshütte
Ironworks outsourced the manufacture of locomotives to the Hohenzollern and Krauss
companies 5.
If we consider the diversification of locomotives, whereas, in 1887, all but two
locomotives in Hokkaido were British-made (the other two being American-made), by
1897, the number of American-made locomotives had increased to 33.8%, and thenumber of manufacturing countries had diversified to include Germany, Switzerland,
and Japan (Table 1). As a result of the government railway and private railways
independently procuring railway materials from various countries around the world, a2Foreign Office (UK), “Report on the foreign trade of Japan for the year 1893”, Diplomatic andConsular Reports, 16 July 1894, p.9.
3
Gerard Lowther, “Report on the railways of Japan”, Foreign Office 1896 miscellaneous series,
Consular reports on subjects of general and commercial interest, No.390, (London: Her Majesty’s
Stationary Office, 1895).
4
Gerard Lowther, “Report on the railway of Japan”, Foreign Office 1897 miscellaneous series,
Consular reports on subjects of general and commercial interest. No.427, (London: Her Majesty’s
Stationary Office, 1897).
5
Shigenobu Usui, Kikansha no keifu-zu 2 (Genealogy of locomotives vol.2), (Tokyo: Kōyu-sha,1973), p.211.
7

great variety of different locomotives, with varying specifications, operated in Japanaround the turn of the 19th century,
2. American locomotives in Japan: Baldwin Locomotive Works and Frazar & Co.

2-1. The entry of Baldwin Locomotive Works into JapanThe main protagonist of the expansion of American locomotive manufacturers into Japanin the late 1890s was the Baldwin Locomotive Works, headquartered in Philadelphia. As
described earlier, Baldwin Locomotive Works underwent rapid growth from the 1860s to
the 1870s in the context of America’s extremely large domestic market. By the end of the1870s, the company had started expanding into overseas markets and began full-fledged
export in the early 1880s. As can be seen in Table 2, as of 1884, Baldwin Locomotive
Works was exporting 39.6% of its total production volume, with the primary destinations
being Brazil, Argentina, and other countries in Latin America. Exports declined for ashort period in the late 1880s due to the prosperity of America’s domestic market by its
railway boom. Stagnation of the domestic market in the mid-1890s led once again to a
rapid increase in exports, with exports accounting for 40 to 50% of production volume
in 1894 onward. During this period, Baldwin Locomotive Works developed aninternational sales network by signing agreements with sales agents in Havana, Rio deJaneiro, Melbourne, and Yokohama, and by establishing a branch office in London.*6
The agent in Yokohama at the time was Frazar & Co. (described in detail later). As canbe seen in Table 2, by 1897, exports to Japan accounted for 23% of Baldwin Locomotive
Works’ total production volume, making Japan the company’s largest export market.
Baldwin Locomotive Works first entered Hokkaido, which saw railway constructionin 1887 using American technology. As can be seen in Table 3, Baldwin Locomotive
Works received orders for two C tank locomotives for sulfur mines in Hokkaido on March
8, 1887. The price for each locomotive was 6,250 USD, with the intermediary, Frazar &Co., receiving a commission of 5%. A sales contract was entered into wherein 1/3 of thetotal price was to be paid upfront by Frazar & Co., with another 1/3 being paid upon
shipment, and the final 1/3 being paid upon arrival of the locomotives (in Yokohama). In
all cases, payment was to be made by wire transfer. In 1888, Baldwin received an order

6 Brown, John K., 1995, The Baldwin Locomotive Works: 1831-1915, Baltimore: John Hopkins
University Press, pp.44-46.
8

for two 1C tender locomotives from Horonai Railway. This was followed by an order in1890 for two 1B1 tank locomotives and ten 1C tender locomotives from Hokkaido
Colliery and Railway. In the latter case, the intermediary was Takada Shokai, which was
not paid in the form of a commission but, rather, in the form of a shipping discountequivalent to 5% of the locomotive price. 7 A one-time payment for the locomotives wasto be made in cash (check guaranteed by the Yokohama Specie Bank, Ltd.) within 10
days of shipment. This arrangement differed from that made through Frazar & Co. in1890 (as in the cases of the Imperial Government Railways and Chikuho Kogyo Railway),wherein payment was to be finalized after the arrival of the products in Japan (Table 3).
This difference in arrangement suggests that, by 1890 or thereabouts, Frazar & Co.
already had the trust of Baldwin Locomotive Works, and that it was seen as something
akin to a company agent in Japan.
The next entry point for Baldwin Locomotive Works was Kyushu, which, similar
to Hokkaido, had a thriving coal mining industry. On July 18, 1889, Baldwin
Locomotive Works received an order for one B1 tank locomotive and one B tanklocomotive from Chikuho Kogyo Railway through Frazar & Co. Baldwin Locomotive
Works was able to deliver these locomotives in a little over three months and received
high praise for their rapid turnaround. Thereafter, Chikuho Kogyo Railway became avalued customer for Baldwin Locomotives Works, ordering two more locomotives in
October of the same year followed by three locomotives in July 1892. In each case,Frazar & Co. received a commission of 5% per locomotive for their work as theintermediary; one-third of the total payment was made upfront in cash, with theremaining 2/3 being paid upon arrival of the locomotives in Japan (Kobe). This
arrangement became the standard practice for transactions involving Baldwin
Locomotives Works brokered by Frazar & Co.
After their foray into Kyushu, Baldwin Locomotive Works finally entered theJapanese main island, Honshu, in 1890. In December 1889, Baldwin Locomotive Works
received an order for two 1C tender locomotives from the government railway through7 Philip Scranton, who analyzed the order books of the American machine tool manufacturer G. A.
Gray, explained that discounts awarded by manufacturers to dealers were used as a means of paying
the dealers’ sales commissions (Scranton, Philip, 1997, Endless Novelty: Specialty Production andAmerican Industrialization, 1865-1925, Princeton: Princeton University Press). In the case of
Baldwin Locomotive Works, however, either commissions or discounts were used depending on the
dealer. Based on the fact that orders where the dealers received commissions were aggregated under
the category “ordered through agency,” in this book, “commissions” are distinguished from thetypical brokerage fees paid to dealers and are interpreted as intermediary brokerage fees paid toagents. For more information on the above, see “Baldwin Locomotive Works Orders for Engines:
1890-1892” (Smithsonian Institution Archives Collections, Baldwin Locomotive Works Collection#157) and Table 4.
9

Frazar & Co. These 1C tender locomotives were shipped in March 1890. For thegovernment railway, this was a trial introduction of American-made locomotives. As
discussed earlier, thanks to the enthusiastic endorsement of Baldwin locomotives by
Sanyo Railway’s Kiyoshi Minami, the manufacturer received orders for 47 locomotives
over the three years from 1892 to 1894, from Chikuho Kogyo Railway, Bantan Railway,
Hoshu Railway, and other railways connected with Minami (Table 3). In the late-1890s,
large numbers of Baldwin locomotives began to be used by the Imperial Government
Railways, Nippon Railway, and other private railways that had previously reliedprimarily on British locomotives. By 1897, both the Imperial Government Railways andNippon Railway had become important Baldwin Locomotive Works customers, with thetwo railways ordering 38 and 44 locomotives, respectively, that year.
Trials comparing British and American locomotives conducted by F. H. Trevithickin 1894-95 played a significant role in the rise of Baldwin locomotives.* 8 The
experiments conducted from 1894 to 1895 comparing British (Beyer, Peacock & Co.
and Nasmyth, Gaskell & Co.) and American (Baldwin Locomotive Works) 1C tender
locomotives led to the assessment that, whereas the British locomotives were superior
in terms of fuel efficiency, American locomotives were superior in terms of pulling
power and speed 9. After the experiment, Japanese railways began selecting British or
American locomotives based on these characteristics and their suitability for specificpurposes.
2-2. Frazar & Co. as an agent for Baldwin Locomotive Works
Frazar & Co., which served as the intermediary for the majority of exports by
Baldwin Locomotive Works to Japan, was an American trading company founded in
Guangdong (Canton) in 1834 by George Frazar who was an American owner of aclipper ship.*10 In 1878, in addition to dispatching a partner, John Lindsley, to establish
8

Naofumi Nakamura, 2009,’Seiki tenkanki niokeru Kikansha Seizo-gyo no Kokusai-

kyoso’(International Competitions among the Locomotive manufacturers in the turn of the 19-20
centuries), T. Yuzawa, T.Suzuki, T.Kikkawa, and S.Sasaki eds.,Kokusai Kyoso-ryoku no Keiei-shi(Business Histories of International Competitiveness), Tokyo: Yuhi-kaku, pp.45-47.
Nakamura 2016, pp.54-55.
10 Mitsui Bussan Head Office, Machinery Division ed.,1920(?), Chosa Iho Higo, Hantaisho no
9

Kinjyo,Dai-ni (Secret Research Reports, the Recent Situation of Competitors, Vol.2), Tokyo:
Mitsui & Co., pp.43-46, Morita, Chukichi, 1910, Yokohama Seiko Meiyo Kagami(Who's Who
Directory in Yokohama), Yokohama: Yokohama Shoukyo Shinpo-sha, pp.831-832, and W.
10

a branch office in Yokohama, Frazar & Co. began importing American machines into
Japan. With G. Frazar’s retirement, the founder’s son Everett Frazar assumed
directorship of the company and moved the headquarters to Yokohama, and Lindsley
became the head of the New York branch office. Frazar & Co.’s main customers(agents) as of 1898 were as follows.*11
New York & National Board of Marine Underwriters
Atlantic Mutual Insurance Co. (New York)
Baldwin Locomotive Works (US)Westinghouse Electric & Manufacturing Co. (US)Newport Engine & Ship Building Co. (US)Niles Tool Works (US)From this, it is evident that Frazar & Co.’s main business was to import machineryand electrical appliances from American manufacturers and that it served as an agent for
not only Baldwin Locomotive Works but, also, major electrical appliance manufacturers
such as Westinghouse and Newport. Furthermore, the composition of Frazar & Co.
employees shown in Table 5 indicates that, in addition to the main office in Yokohama,
the company had branch offices in Kobe and New York, and that it comprised 17 staff
members including four partners. In addition, the Yokohama main office also had apermanent sales engineer (W. H. Crawford) from Baldwin Locomotive Works whose job
was to sell railcars. As will be explained in greater detail later, this sales engineer played
an extremely important role in the marketing activities of American locomotive
manufacturers.
In 1900, the Frazar & Co. partnership was dissolved and the company was reestablished as an incorporated company with a capital stock of 800,000 JPY. Upon thedeath of E. Frazar in the following year, 1901, the son, Everett W. Frazar took overmanagement of the business. In 1902, he acquired the shares owned by Lindsley and

Feldwick ed.1919, Present-day Impression of Japan, Yokohama: The Globe Encyclopedis Co.,
p.215.
11 Yokohama Seimei-roku Hakko-sho ed., 1898, Yokohama Seimei-roku Zen (Biographical
Dictionary of Yokohama), Yokohama: Yokohama Seimei-roku Hakko-sho, p.72.
11thus gained full control over the company. Thereafter, in 1904, Frazar & Co. wasmerged with C.V. Sale to form Sale and Frazar Co.
As of 1919, Sale and Frazar Co. had blossomed into a trading company
headquartered in Tokyo with locations (branch offices, sub-branches, agents) in
Yokohama, Osaka, Kobe, London, New York, Sydney, Shanghai, Beijing, Tianjin, andDalian. The company’s operating structure around 1920 was described by Mitsui Bussan
as follows.
In addition to brokering the import of all types of machinery, metal goods, canned
foods, phonographs, typewriters, automobiles, aeroplane components, and ships, thefinance division of Frazar & Co. is currently expanding into the buying and sellingof all manner of public debt. Since the recession of March 1920, Frazar & Co. hasconducted steady business by carefully selecting clients and collecting deposits forordered goods. To manage its expanding business, Frazar & Co. has opened a subbranch in Hakodate and contracted agents in Beijing and Tianjin. The annual valueof goods traded by Frazar & Co. is 20 million JPY. Among its peers, it is a top-notch,
extremely well-trusted company. As of April 1919, it had a capital stock of 1 million
JPY, which increased to 2 million JPY in January 1920. Payment of this sum has
been completed.*12
As can be seen from the above, Sale and Frazar Co., while maintaining its main
business of importing/exporting machinery, ventured into financial transactions during
the interwar period and grew into “a top-notch, extremely well-trusted company.”
Continuous transactions with Baldwin Locomotive Works played an extremely
important role in the above-described growth of Sale and Frazar Co. When we examine
the change over time in the composition of intermediaries that brokered exports by
Baldwin Locomotive Works in Table 4, the sale of 234 locomotives was brokered by
Frazar & Co. over the 11 years from 1890 to 1900, making it the third most prolificintermediary for Baldwin Locomotive works next to Simon J. Gordon (370 cars) whichmainly provided locomotives to Trans-Siberian Railway and the Norton Megaw (324),
which dealt with business in Latin America. It is further evidence that, whereas thevalue of transactions brokered by the top two trading companies fluctuated dramaticallydepending on the time of year, Frazar & Co. transactions remained constant over time.
In 1897, during the period when purchases by the government railway and Nippon

12

Mitsui Bussan Head Office, Machinery Division ed.,1920, pp.45-46.
12

Railway increased dramatically, Frazar & Co. brokered, if only temporarily, more than
56% of Baldwin Locomotive Works’ total global exports.
It is through such continuous transactions that Frazar & Co. became an agent in East
Asia for Baldwin Locomotive Works, which even went so far as to dispatch a sales
engineer to the trading company in the latter half of the 1890s. Okura & Co. described
this special relationship between Frazar & Co. and Baldwin Locomotive Works as of1901 as follows.*13
On my trip to Philadelphia the other day, I also visited Baldwin Locomotive Works.
Mr. Converse, whom I had met on my earlier visit was not there. However, I wasable to meet with Mr. Johnson. Contrary to what Mr. Converse had said, Mr.
Johnson explained that, because Frazar & Co. has been an agent of Baldwin
Locomotive Works for many years, it would be difficult for Baldwin Locomotive
Works, as a practical matter, to provide a price quote for any trading company otherthan Frazar & Co.
It can be seen from this description that, at least at the time, Frazar & Co. wasindispensable to Baldwin Locomotive Work’s entry into the East Asian market.
2-3. Marketing activities of American locomotive manufacturers: Focusing on
Baldwin Locomotive Works
Baldwin Locomotive Works’ marketing strategy of dispatching a sales engineer to its
agent Frazar & Co. to conduct sales while also responding to customers’ technologicaldemands was not unique to Baldwin Locomotive Works but was a common characteristicof American manufacturers. A report by the British Consulate in Japan filed on February
22, 1896, discusses this point as follows:
As a concrete instance of the result of this experiment in one case only, that ofAmerican locomotives may be mentioned. Railways owe their original introduction
into Japan to English capital. The only foreign that has ever been employed onthem has been English, and it is from English instructors that every Japanese
engaged in railway construction or management from the Director-in-Chief down to
13 Letter from New York Branch (Majiro Yamada) to Tokyo Head Office on 13 August 1901,'Tokio Letter No.1 (1901-1902)', RG131/A1/Entry-124/856 Okura (NARA), pp.21-24.
13

the humblest mechanic, has learnt all he knows. Originally, all railway plant of
every descried was obtained solely from England. But, during the last 5 years, fully
one hundred American locomotives have been introduced into Japan both for
Government and private railways, and that this has been so is very largely owing,according to one of most experienced merchants in Tokio, to fact that the leading
firm of makers in the United States has, for several years past, maintained anenergetic export in Japan, who has throughout worked in association with amercantile firm in Tokio. 14
In this report, the British consul points out that, over the past five years, 100
American locomotives were delivered to both the government railway and private
railways, and emphasizes as a reason for this development the fact that, starting several
years prior, American manufacturers had been working aggressively with trading
companies based in Tokyo to export locomotives to Japan.
The aggressive marketing activities of American manufacturers carried out bytrading companies acting as quasi-agents were also a topic of discussion in Japan. For
example, Tetsudo-Jiho [The Railway Times] described Kansei Railway’s competitive
bidding process in 1897 as follows.
The trend is for each American locomotive manufacturer to have its own contracted
agent in Japan. These agents compete on price to create good relations with bothpublic and private railways. On the 20th of the previous month (September 1897), at
the competitive bid held by Kansei Railway for the purchase of six new locomotives,
China-Japan Trading Co. based in Kobe won the contract by submitting the lowest
bid price of 8,540 USD per locomotive. This is 100 USD lower per locomotive than
the transaction price offered by Takata Shokai, which won the competitive bid heldby the Railway Bureau on the 25th of the month before last. Furthermore, theordering of these locomotives looks to be a bit more troublesome.*15
Regarding such direct marketing efforts by American locomotive manufacturers inJapan, one well-known example is the promotion of locomotive sales in the East Asianmarket by Willard C. Tyler representing the Schenectady Locomotive Works, as reported
14

Foreign Office (UK), 1896, Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance, Annual
series, No.1695, p.44
15 “Competitions in the Supply of Locomotives”, Kogyo-zasshi (Engineering Magazine), No.133,
November 1897, p.23.
14

by Ericson1998.* 16 Tyler lived in Japan from 1898 to 1902 as a traveling agent for
Schenectady ALCO, during which time he poured his energy into selling American-madelocomotives to the government railway and Nippon Railway, which had previously been
within the sphere of influence of British locomotive manufacturers. In his diary, Tyler
mentions a W. H. Crawford, who was a sales engineer for Baldwin Locomotive Works,
as a trailblazer in terms of selling American locomotives in Japan. 17 With this in mind,
let us take a more granular look at the marketing activities of American locomotive
manufacturers in Japan through the example of Baldwin Locomotive Works.
In 1897, Baldwin Locomotive Works produced a hard-cover catalog of narrowgauge locomotives for Frazar & Co.*18 In this catalog, Baldwin Locomotive Works
provided the information needed to make sales pitches, including an explanation ofstandard gauges as well as careful explanations aimed at sales agents of the ordering
method and telegram codes to be used when ordering. A large number of pages weredevoted to explaining the Vauclain compound locomotive, which was the company’s
newest model at the time. It can be surmised that the presence of sales engineers withspecialized knowledge was also essential to the selling of new products such as the
Vauclain compound.
As mentioned above, the first sales engineer dispatched by Baldwin Locomotives
Works to Frazar & Co. was W. H. Crawford. 19 Crawford played a major role inpromoting the export of American locomotives to Japan, selling 200 locomotives to thegovernment railway and private railways in 1897. In addition, he supervised the buildingof the Mikado-type (1D1 tender) locomotive for Nippon Railway and assisted Sanyo

16

Ericson, Steven J.,1998, ‘Importing Locomotives in Meiji Japan: International Business andTechnology Transfer in the Railroad Industry’, Osiris, second series Vol.13.pp.146-147.
17 This was a different Crawford from Joseph Ury Crawford, the former consulting engineer for the
Hokkaido Development Commission, who had returned to the US and was living in Philadelphia asof 1901 (Ericson, Steven J., 2005, 'Taming the Iron Horse: Western Locomotive Makers andTechnology Transfer in Japan, 1870-1914', G. L. Bernstein, A. Gordon, and K. W. Nakai eds. Public
Spheres, Private Lives in Modern Japan, 1600-1950, Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press,
p.203).
18 Burnham, Williams & Co.1897, 'Baldwin Locomotive Works Narrow Gauge Locomotives,
Japanese Edition, Frazar & Co. of Japan Agents, Yokohama', Philadelphia: J.B.Lippincott
Co.(SMU, TJ625, B41, 1897ja)
19 As of 1898, W. H. Crawford was stationed in the Frazar & Co. Yokohama office as an engineer
for Baldwin Locomotive Works, where he engaged in the marketing of Baldwin locomotives in Japan(Yokohama Seimei-roku Hakkosho (eds.) 1898, p. 72)
15

Railway in switching from British locomotives to Baldwin locomotives.*20 Crawford’s
successor, who was dispatched to Japan in 1904, was Samuel M. Vauclain Jr.
Vauclain Jr. was born in 1880 in Philadelphia. His father was Sir. Samuel M.
Vauclain, the man who designed the Vauclain compound locomotive. In 1904, the elder
Vauclain was serving as the president of Baldwin Locomotive Works. Vauclain Jr., apromising young engineer, was dispatched to Japan at the age of 24 as a sales engineer
for Japan and Australia. However, after falling ill in mid-1905, he returned home andprematurely passed away eight years later in 1913.*21 Among the documents related to
Baldwin Locomotive Works held by the Southern Methodist University are Vauclain
Jr.’s diary and notebook from 1904.* 22 These documents give a clear picture of
Vauclain Jr.’s activities in Japan and Australia. In the section below, we elucidate themarketing activities of Baldwin Locomotive Works by tracing the steps of Vauclain Jr.
in 1904 based on Table 6.
Vauclain Jr. left Philadelphia on February 3, 1904, and arrived in Yokohama via
Hawaii on April 20. He began working at Frazar & Co. immediately after arriving inJapan, and left the area for his first business trip, an eight-day trip to Hokkaido, on June
1. On this trip, Vauclain Jr. traveled via Nippon Railway, crossing over to Hokkaido from
Aomori, where he visited Sapporo, Muroran, Iwamizawa, and Asahikawa and met withlocomotive superintendents of Hokkaido Colliery and Railway and the Hokkaido
Government Railway Division. The objective of the business trip was to obtain
information from the Hokkaido Government Railway Division regarding bidding on two
Mogul type 1D1 tender locomotives and related components. Vauclain Jr. participated in
bidding in Tokyo on June 20 along with members of Frazar & Co. including E.M. Barnby,
Everett Frazar, Inuzaki, and Idzumi [Table 5].
Soon thereafter, on June 25, Vauclain Jr. left for a business trip to Yawata Iron
Works in Kyushu. However, on June 27, he suddenly returned to Yokohama after
receiving a telegram from Baldwin Locomotive Works at the Frazar & Co. Kobe branch.
It is unclear what business drew him back to Yokohama at this point; the fact that hesubsequently headed back to Kobe from June 30 to July 2 and then traveled to Australia

20

Ericson 2005, pp.202-203.

21

Samuel M. Vauclain and Earl Chapin May, 1930, Steaming Up! The Autobiography of Samuel

M. Vauclain', New York: Brewer & Warren Inc., pp.194-200, and 'Vauclain family papers andgenealogical research material', Collection 3666, The Historical Society of Pennsylvanial.
22

Samuel Matthew Vauclain Jr., 'Japan Diary 1904' and 'Japan and Australia Diary 1904'(SMU,

A2011/0020)
16

suggests that the reason was related to Australian business. At this point, Vauclain Jr.
left the comment on the diary, “Baldwin engines doing all the hard work,” hinting at
the demanding nature of his work. On July 12, Vauclain Jr. left for a 3-month businesstrip to Australia. During this trip, he carried out marketing activities all around
Australia, stopping by Hong Kong, Guangdong, and the Philippines to conduct market
research.
Soon after returning to Yokohama on October 2, 1904, Vauclain Jr. began
enthusiastically making the rounds to customers in the Kanto area, visiting Hiroshi
Hiraoka of Kisha Seizo Co., Ltd. and Tokyo Electric Railway Company in Tokyo on
October 15 and Narashino Horse-drawn Railway in Chiba on the 19th of the same month.
From October 23 to 29, he traveled to Moji, Osaka, and Kyoto, making the rounds toKyushu Railway, Sanyo Railway, Kisha Seizo, Osaka Electric Railway, and Kyoto
University. In particular, in the case of Kyushu Railway and Sanyo Railway, he met withthe likes of Mitsugi Sengoku (President of Kyushu Railway), Sojiro Suzuki (chiefengineer, head of the Kyushu Railway Manufacturing Dept. and head of the Kokura
plant), and Hikomatsu Iwasaki (head of the Sanyo Railway Locomotives Section) to
discuss details about component and locomotive orders. For example, on October 28 at
Sanyo Railway, he discussed a report comparing the performance of Mallet and Vauclain
compound locomotives.*23
Even after entering November, Vauclain Jr. continued to enthusiastically call on
customers, visiting the Imperial Japanese Army Nakano Railway Battalion, Kobu
Railway, the Railway Bureau, and Tokyo Electric Railway in Tokyo on consecutive days
from the 15th to the 18th and again traveling to Fukuoka, Kobe, Osaka, and Kyoto fromthe 23rd to the 30th to visit the Kyushu, Hakatawan, and Kansei Railways. During thistrip, on November 25, he spoke with President Sengoku and Kokura plant director Suzuki
to confirm the information on the production of 500 freight cars and received blueprints
for coal cars from the chief engineer.* 24 From December 7 to 12, he again visited
Hokkaido via Nippon Railway, where he visited the Hokkaido Colliery and Railway
Temiya plant in Otaru and Iwamizawa.
As can be seen from the above, in the nine months between April and December
1904, Vauclain Jr. was away on business trips inside and outside Japan, including
Australia, for a total of 126 days. The destinations of those trips included major railway
companies including the Railway Bureau, the Hokkaido Government Railway Division,

23

Vauclain Jr. 'Japan Diary 1904' Oct.28.

24

Vauclain Jr. 'Japan Diary 1904' Nov. 25.
17

Nippon Railway, Hokkaido Colliery, and Railway, Kyushu Railway, Sanyo Railway,
Kansei Railway, Kobu Railway, and Hakatawan Railway, as well as other sites such as
the government steelworks, the Imperial Japanese Army, electric railway companies,
steam locomotive manufacturing companies, and universities. The purposes of thesevisits varied widely from participation in bidding, discussion of order details, exchange
of information, collection of customer information, or confirmation of contract details.
One noteworthy point is the majority of orders received by Vauclain Jr. were forreplacement parts rather than for new locomotives themselves. Once locomotive
manufacture had sold a locomotive to a customer, they were able to receive additional
orders for parts for maintenance continually. Accordingly, agents of the trading company
or manufacturers would periodically make rounds with their customers. Whenever hevisited railway companies, Vauclain Jr. was able to meet with the heads and chiefengineers of locomotive sections and, in the case of Kyushu Railway, even to becomeacquainted and exchange information with President Sengoku. From the railway
companies’ perspective, the technical information possessed by sales engineers
dispatched from the manufacturers was extremely valuable. In Vauclain Jr.’s case, thesales engineer was the first son of the president of Baldwin Locomotive Works, the worldrenowned engineer S. M. Vauclain. Thus, there was value for the top management, andnot just individuals with direct business interests, to interact with Vauclain Jr. That said,
there is no doubt that the marketing activities that involved traveling on business forhalf a year constituted “grueling work.” This busy work schedule was likely one of thecauses of Vauclain Jr. falling ill.
Conclusion
In this paper, I have explained the locomotive supply arrangement that supported therapid development of Japan’s railway industry at the turn of the century while focusing
on the independence of Japanese mechanical engineers and the export of Americanmade locomotives to Japan. As a result, this paper clarified how American locomotive
manufacturers dismantled the British monopoly, and penetrated the Japanese market, by
paying attention to changes in technological development and business systems on the
demand side of the railways, and the role of the international trading companies thatmediated the supply of locomotives and rolling stock. In particular, I examined the casestudy of Frazar & Co. as an agent of Baldwin Locomotive Works by investigating18

cooperation related to the marketing activities of trading companies and makers in thelocomotive industry.
In conclusion, I would like to answer two research questions, 1) the reasons why
Japanese railways were able to achieve smooth procurement of locomotives during the“first global economy,” 2) the factors that allowed the U.S. makers to enter the
locomotive market and expand its share in East Asia and Japan.
To answer the questions, we have to consider the aspects which are domestic andinternational factors. For the domestic factors, there were the following 4 aspects.
①the technological independence of railway engineers in the 1890s.
②the introduction of a competitive bidding system③the successful raising of capital in the domestic financial market④the growth of Japanese and foreign trading companies
As for the international factors, they were as follows;⑤global competition between British, American, and German locomotive makers⑥global activities of the traveling sales engineers of American locomotive makers⑦cooperation between trading companies and locomotives makers
Of course, all of them were important, but, in this paper, we had focused on the ①, ④,⑥, and ⑦.
The factors ① and ④ were the foundation of Japanese railway development andrelated to the answer to the first research question. In the 1890s, the Japanese engineers
became to write the specifications of railway materials, and freely order them throughtrading companies that were both Japanese and foreign. It was the important factor toachieve a smooth procurement of locomotives, and one of the preconditions for thedevelopment of Japanese railways.
The factors ⑥ and ⑦ were tools of marketing of American locomotive makers andconnected to the answer of the second question. During the second railway boom (1893
to 1899), the emergence of large numbers of new railway companies and the expansionof existing railway companies resulted in a sudden jump in demand in Japan for
locomotives. It was Baldwin Locomotive Works, and other American manufacturers,
which responded promptly to this increase in demand and expanded their share of theJapan locomotive market. At that time, American locomotive makers dispatchedtraveling sales engineers to Japan, and these engineers cooperated with their local
agents. This type of direct marketing activity was original to American locomotive
makers and exercised great effect on the development of the emerging market. And, as aresult, it was one of the reasons why the British manufacturers had fallen behind them.

19Finally, we have to consider the role of trading companies in the locomotive trade in
East Asia. Of course, the sales engineers, such as Samuel Vauclain Jr., could not speak
Japanese or Chinese and did not have personal connections with their customers. The
trading companies, such as Frazer & Co., introduced them to the engineers of railway
companies, government officers, and academics in Japan, China, and elsewhere. In theemerging market, the search and transaction costs between makers and customers werevery expensive. The trading companies in Japan or China had information related to theemerging market and contributed to lowering these costs to increase overall profits.

20

Table 1 Nationalities of locomotives in Japan: 1872-1912.
(cars)
Year British

Americannumber increase number

1872
1877
1882
1887
1892
1897
1902
1907
1912

10
36
47
95
240
484
684
966
983

26
11
48
145
244
200
282
17

2
26
282
524
908
995

Swiss

Germany

Japanese

Total

increase number increase number increase number increase number

increase

10
36
47
97
294
835
1,319
2,140
2,377

26
11
50
197
541
484
821
237

2
24
256
242
384
87

28
55
70
160
226

28
27
15
90
66

3
11
11
11

Source: Minoru Sawai, Nihon tetsudō sharyō kōgyō-shi, op. cit , p. 27.

3
8
0
0

11
30
95
162

11
19
65
67

f or ei gn engpanese engineese assistant engineer
1870
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892

5
15
20
22
29
25
19
9
7
7
6.5
6
6
5.5
5.25
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5

2
2
2
3
3
3
2
2
2
2
3
4
7
9
11
22
19
26
25
21
25
24

15
27
40
41
43
38
31
29
39
41
44
42
45
48
64
68
77
67
63
47
52
46

men

Figure 1 Number of engineers in the IGR: 1870-1892

90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0

foreign engineer

Japanese engineer

Japanese assistant engineer

Source: Naofumi Nakamura, Umi wo wataru Kikansha, op. cit, p.94.

IGR
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906
1907
1908
1909
1910
1911
1912
1913
1914

10
10
22
32
34
38
38
38
36
45
47
48
46
50
57
64
78
97
117
123
133
142
167
171
183
258
317
343
387
407
453
513
552
594
1,357
1,926
2,031
2,174
2,231
2,305
2,381
2,500
2,611

private railwrailway distance (km)2929Figure 2 Railway distance and number of locomotives in Japan
cars
km
62
14000
3,000
62
105
105
12000
2,500
105
118
10000
123
2,000
162
185
8000
7
303
1,500
12
332
6000
16
487
25
603
1,000
30
866
4000
55
1371
82
1829
500
140
2251
2000
169
2761
185
3028
0
0
211
3119
1872 1874 1876 1878 1880 1882 1884 1886 1888 1890 1892 1894 1896 1898 1900 1902 1904 1906 1908 1910 1912 1914
273
3409
351
3686
IGR
private railways
railway distance (km)
395
4034
636
4745
Source: Minoru Sawai, Nihon tetsudō sharyō kōgyō-shi, op. cit, p.6, 16.
786
5503
871
5721
892
5999
943
6230
974
6554
1,031
6914
1,092
7202
1,123
7793
570
7700
111
7870
125
8079
131
8256
135
8661
162
9095
197
9679
265
12401
351
13405

Table 2 Products and Exports of Baldwin Locomotive Works
Year

1884
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
total

Employee Products Exports
men
2,377
2,411
2,879
3,329
3,579
4,493
4,440
4,039
4,313
2,150
2,551
3,490
3,191
4,888
6,336
8,208

cars
429
550
653
737
898
946
899
731
772
313
401
547
501
755
901
1,217
11,250

cars
170
42
43
95
212
144
292
127
162
132
161
289
205
348
374
365
3,161

Export ratio Destinations (cars)

US
North South Central
Europe(Domestic) America America America
39.6%
7.6%
6.6%
12.9%
23.6%
15.2%
32.5%
17.4%
21.0%
42.2%
40.1%
52.8%
40.9%
46.1%
41.5%
30.0%
28.1%

259
508
610
642
686
802
607
604
610
181
240
258
296
407
527
852
8,089

6
－
1
3
9
3
13
1
1
4
1
5
10
63
41
32
193

111
－
17
19
114
46
166
56
78
56
105
92
36
25
9
25
955

17
－
23
68
83
76
46
57
55
38
18
33
16
37
65
70
702

Source: 'Baldwin Locomotive Works Oders for Engines',1884-1900 and Brown1995, p.241.
Notes: Japan include Taiwan and Korea. Chinese Eastern Railway was included by Russia (Europe).

3
－
0
0
1
3
1
8
1
2
22
126
8
164
134
139
612

0
－
2
2
3
12
6
3
27
30
13
31
115
7
9
8
268

Africa,Oceania Middle
East
0
33
0
－
－
－
0
0
0
0
3
0
0
2
0
0
1
3
0
55
5
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
2
0
0
2
0
0
2
6
0
27
24
45
0
55
14
1
43
138
59
130

South
Asia

Japan China
0
－
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
12
1
16
33
62

Table 3 Baldwin Locomotive Works' exports to Japan: 1887-1892
Year

Name ofpurchaser

Hokkaido
1887 Sulfur
MiningName of Type ofenginesagent

Date oforder

C tank2 1887/2/21 1887/3/8

1C tender

2

Frazar

B1 tankFrazarDate ofshippedPrice($)

Commission Note
1/3 in advance from which FRT & INS are
F(Frazar) & Co paied. 1/3 by cable transfer
5.0% when ealy for shipment. 1/3 on dely at
Yokohama. (4/22/87. $100 Mexican worth$75.50 US gold @ 30 days)

1887/6/13

6,250

1 1889/8/27 1889/7/18

1889/10/26

4,450

B tank

1 1889/8/27 1889/7/18

1889/10/26

4,100

FrazarB tank2 1889/11/10 1889/11/17 1890/1/4

3,750

1890 IGR, Japan

Frazar

1C tender

1 1889/10/23 1889/12/10 1890/3/28

13,0001890 IGR, Japan

Frazar

1C tender

1 1889/10/23 1889/12/10 1890/3/28

11,450ChikuhoRailway

Frazar

1C1 tank

2 1889/9/24 1889/10/11 1890/8/23

7,350

Takata1B1 tank

2 1890/5/5

1890/4/25

1890/10/1

4,900

Takata1C tender

4 1890/5/5

1890/4/25

1890/10/1

7,000

5.0%

Takata1C tender

6 1890/12/19 1890/12/19 1891/7/25

6,600

5.0%

5% discount to Takata & Co. Cash 10 days
after shipment.

Frazar

1C tender

2 1892/5/25 1892/7/2

9,600

5.0%

Order from Kiyoshi Minami, 5% to Frazar &Co.

Frazar

1C conpound
tender1

10,250

5.0%

Horonai
RailwayChikuho1899
RailwayChikuho1899
Railway
Mitsui
1890
Mining Co.

FrazarNo. of Date ofcars quote

1888

1890

Hokkaido
1890 Coal Mining
Railway
Hokkaido
1890 Coal Mining
Railway
Hokkaido
1891 Coal Mining
RailwayChikuho1892
RailwayChikuho1892
Railway

1892/10/7

1892/7/2

Source: 'Baldwin Locomotive Works Oders for Engines',1884-1900 and Usui 1972.

Ship by steamer via Suez. Terms of
5.0% payment: cash within 7 days after delivery
in Yokohama. 5% to Frazar & Co.
5.0%
Ship by steamer via Suez Canal to Kobe toarrive about October. Terms: 1/3 cash in
5.0% advance, 2/3 on delivery in Kobe. 5%com(mission) on base price, exc of FRT &INS to Frazar & Co.
5% shipping discount to Takata & Co.
5.0% Payment guaranted by the YokohamaSpecie Bank.

Table 4 Export agents of Baldwin Locomotive WorksName of agent

1890

1891

1892

1893

1894

Simon James Gordon
Norton Megaw
Frazar
Sanders
Axel von Knorring
W. G. Irwin
R. Towns
Edward Mahony
Reynolds Carter & Reynolds
Hemerway & Browne
VionnetChas Denby, Jr.
C. S. Christensen
G&O Braniff
Charles Jameson
Edward Benn
NewellBeecheSamuel B. Hale
Krajewski PesantFecheimer
Emiho F. Wagner
YensenWilliams Dimond
London Office
Exports by Agents
Total exports
Agent ratio
Frazar & Co. ratio

1895

1896

1897

1898

1899

22

122

7

126

60

10
6

47
6

15
3

56
24

40
20

50
12

58
31

29
115

17
7

3

5
47

1

1

1

1

3

4

24
5

2

4

8

2

4

1
1
12

7
3

2
91
14
5
24
3

17
1

7

4

4
16
4
5

6
1

6

2
4
1

2
2

1
1
21
144
14.6%
4.2%

118
292
40.4%
2.1%

3
26
127
20.5%
2.4%

85
162
52.5%
14.8%

(出典)'Baldwin Locomotive Works Oders for Engines',1890-1900

63
132
47.7%
15.2%

106
161
65.8%
7.5%

232
289
80.3%
10.7%

171
205
83.4%
56.1%

197
348
56.6%
2.0%

229
374
61.2%
0.5%

(cars)
1900 1890-1900 Destinations
total(Territories)
Russia (include
33
370
Chinese Eastern Rly)
2
324 South America
234 Japan and East Asia
8
127
218
25
63 Russia
18
47 Hawaii
47 Australia
44
28
31 Africa
17 Chili
16 Europe
16315
6
15 Central America
12 China
4
10 South America
1
10 Australia
8841
4 Central America
241
2 Europe
2
2 Europe
1 Hawaii
3 Europe
269
1,517
365
2,599
73.7%
58.4%
2.2%
9.0%

Table 5 Partners and Employees of Frazar & Co. in 1898 and 1904
Name
Everett Frazer
John Lindsley
Everett W. Frazer
W.A Crane
E. Meregalli
W.B. Curtis
H.K.A. Onderdonk
W. H. Crawford Jr.
W.A. Brenner
E.M. Barnby
A.W. Upton
M. Campbell
William H. Crawford
H.J.Rothwell
G.W. Barton
C.H. Waters
M. Marshal
A.W. Crombie
S.M. Vauclain Jr.
Keitaro Nakamura
C.E. Kirby
Greig
O'may
InuzakiIdzumiSuzuki

BranchYears

Note
Owner. George Frazar(founder)'s son, head of
Yokohama
1898
Shanghai Branch from 1856, died in 1901.
Partner. Head of Yokohama Branch from 1878,
New York
1898
retired in 1901.
Partner(signs. per. pro.). Everett Frazar's son,Yokohama 1898,1904
owner from 1901, later managing director.
Yokohama
1898
Yokohama
1898
Yokohama
1898
Yokohama
1898
Yokohama
1898
Yokohama 1898,1904
Yokohama 1898,1904
Yokohama
1898
Yokohama
1898
Yokohama
1898 Engineer, Baldwin Locomotive Works
Kobe
1898 Partner(signs. per. pro.). Head of Kobe Branch?
Kobe
1898
Kobe
1898
Kobe
1898
Kobe
1898
Kobe
1904 Engineer, Baldwin Locomotive Works
Yokohama
1904 Japanese employee. Later director
Yokohama
1904
Yokohama
1904
Yokohama
1904
Yokohama
1904 Japanese employee
Yokohama
1904 Japanese employee
Yokohama
1904 Japanese employee

Source: Yokohama Seimeiroku Hakkosho 1898, p.72,
Mitsui Bussan Head Office, Machinery Division ed.,1920(?), pp.43-46,
W. Feldwick ed. 1919, Present-day Impression of Japan , p.215,
Yokohama Kaikou Shiryo-kan ed., 1998, Zusetsu Yokohama Gaikokujin Kyoryu-chi(Illustration manual of the foreign settlements in Yokohama), p.90,
Samuel Matthew Vauclain Jr., 'Japan Diary 1904' and 'Japan and Australia Diary 1904'(SMU, A2011/0020)

Table 6 Business trips by S.M.Vaulclain Jr. in 1904
Date
2/3～4/20
6/1～8
6/20
6/25～27
6/30～7/2
7/12～10/2
10/15
10/19
10/23～29
11/15～18
11/23～30
12/4
12/7～12
Total days

No. ofdays

Destinations

Notes

from Philadelphia to Yokohama via
coming to Japan
Honolulu
Hokkaido (Sapporo, Muroran,
by rails (via Nippon Railway), visit to Hokkaido Coal Mining Railway Co. and8
Iwamizawa, Asahikawa etc)
Railway Division of Hokkaido Prefectural Officeparticipanting to the tender of locomotives and parts (for Railway Division of
1 Tokyo
Hokkaido Prefectural Office)on the way to Yawata Steel Works, returned from Kobe to Yokohama due to3 Kyushuan emergency telegram
3 KobeAustralia, China (Hong Kong,83
market research
Guangdong etc) , Philippines
1 Tokyovisit to Kishaseizo-kaisha (president H.Hiraoka) and Tokyo Electric Railway.
visit to Narashino Horse-drawn Railway
1 Chiba (Tsudanuma)
visit to Kyushu Railway (president M.Sengoku), Sanyo Railway(locomotive
Kyushu (Moji), Kwansai (Kobe,
7
superintendent H.Iwasaki), Kishaseizo-kaisha, Osaka City Electric Railway,
Osaka, Kyoto)
Kyoto University(professor S.Tomonaga)
visit to Department of the Army, Kobu Railway, Imperial Government
4 TokyoRailways, Tokyo Electric Railway
Kyushu(Fukuoka, Moji),
8
visit to Kyushu Railway, Hakata Bay Railway, Kwansei Railway etc.
Kwansai(Kobe, Osaka, Kyoto)
1 Tokyo
6 Hokkaido(Otaru, Iwamizawa etc) visit to Temiya Works of Hokkaido Coal Mining Railway etc
203
126 days after coming to Japan.
77

Source: Samuel Matthew Vauclain Jr., 'Japan Diary 1904' and 'Japan and Australia Diary 1904'(SMU, A2011/0020)