HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS
Hiroshima Peace InstituteVol.26 No.2 March 2024

H P I P u b l i c L e c t u r e S e r i e s AY 2 0 2 3

Thinking about the War in Ukraine from Hiroshima

Chie Shijo

From October 20 to November 23, 2023, the Hiroshima Peace Institute (HPI) held its public lecture series AY2023. As in the previous series, thelectures were pre-recorded and made available online so as to allow people of all ages, and as many people as possible, to access them. Under thecommon theme of “Thinking about the War in Ukraine from Hiroshima,” and following on from the G7 Hiroshima Summit, which was held in May
2023, five lecturers offered participants an opportunity to re-examine the war in Ukraine and nuclear issues from Hiroshima, where an atomic bomb
was dropped 78 years ago.

1st lecture: Oct. 20–Oct. 26, 2023, in Japanese“An Overview of the History of Nuclear Weapons: From the Manhattan
Project to the War in Ukraine”

Yasuhiro Yamada, Professor at HPIThis lecture reviewed the approximately 80 years of history of thescience, technology, and international relations surrounding nuclear
weapons, from the discovery that atomic nuclei could actually be
split to the Manhattan Project, the goal of which was to develop an
atomic bomb, and through to the present day. The aim of the lecture
was to explore clues for examining the historical significance of theannouncement by the leader of the country that started the war in
Ukraine in 2022 that the use of nuclear weapons was a possibility.
To achieve that objective, the lecture took the form of an
overview of developments involving nuclear weapons, providing achronological breakdown of about 80 years of history. This approachprovided viewers with an opportunity to think about the current
state of international relations concerning nuclear weapons from ahistorical point of view.
There were two turning points in the history of nuclear weapons,

and these milestones divide that history into three major eras. The
first was the use of the atomic bomb by the United States in 1945,
while the second was the emergence of the “mutually assured
destruction” scenario and the establishment of a framework fornuclear nonproliferation around 1970. Yet while such developments
have occurred, the reality is that international relations concerning
nuclear weapons have continued largely unchanged since the days of
the Cold War. These relations are characterized by the maintenance ofpolicies that seek to rely on nuclear deterrence as a means of security,and declarations of readiness to use nuclear weapons by states thatpossess them.
The lecture therefore attempted to place the war in Ukraine
within the historical context of international relations involving
nuclear weapons.

2nd lecture: Oct. 27–Nov. 2, 2023, in Japanese“Collapse of the Empire and Secession of New States: The Search for
National Identity”

Yoko Aoshima,
Associate Professor at Slavic-Eurasian Research Center, Hokkaido University

The Russian Federation and Ukraine are emerging states that came into
being with the collapse of the Soviet Union, and each has continuously
searched for a new national identity. Immediately after its independence,
Ukraine took a relatively neutral position, but it gradually began toforge its own path, distancing itself from Russia. Russia, meanwhile,
made a brief attempt at liberalization and Westernization during the
Yeltsin era, but with the advent of the Putin administration, it began toemphasize continuity with the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union.
In the course of these developments, frictions between Ukraine andRussia increased, leading to Russia’s annexation of Crimea and theoutbreak of war in the Donbass region following 2014 Euromaidan
protests. Since 2014, Ukraine has increasingly identified itself as partof “Europe,” while Russia continues to search for its own distinctive
anti-“Western” identity as the successor state to the Soviet Union.
With the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, Ukraine becomesincreasingly aware of itself as a victim of Russian imperial rule as it
passed a “decolonization” law. In response, Russia insists that in fact
the Western powers, not Russia, are the “colonialists,” claiming that
Russia is a unique “multiethnic nation” in which various ethnic groups
work side by side to develop the country under strong state authority.
The lecture thus discussed the circumstances underlying the twocountries’ identities, which changed after the collapse of the Soviet
Union and continue to change, with a particular focus on their recent
developments.

Contents

HPI Public Lecture Series AY2023
Thinking about the War in Ukraine from Hiroshima
Chie Shijo …………………… 1-2
Dissolution of Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh), a Phantom StateGen Kikkawa ………………… 3-4
Reflections on My Work at HPI and Stay in Hiroshima
Narayanan Ganesan ………… 5-6
HPI International Workshop: “Hiroshima, the Origin of Antinuclear Activism” ………………………………………………………………………… 7
The Second Online Briefing Session on Admission to the Graduate School of Peace Studies 2023
Makiko Takemoto ……………… 7
Diary ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 8

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1

3rd lecture: Nov. 3–Nov. 9, 2023, in Japanese“The Logic of President Vladimir Putin’s War in Ukraine”

Gen Kikkawa, Specially Appointed Professor at HPIIn February 2022, Russia began its invasion of Ukraine in present
times when the use of force against countries is prohibited. Russia,
a nuclear superpower, resorted to a war of aggression. What is
the logic of Russia’s justification for the war, or, the “Kosovo
precedent”?
Russia, which had tried to position the Organization for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) as the cornerstone ofa European security regime, has distanced itself from OSCE for its
use as a mechanism for assisting with democratization in former
Soviet Union countries. Russia became geopolitically isolated
within the CSCE/OSCE, partly because its democratization had
stalled, and also owing to the United States’ “dual strategy” toward
Russia. The U.S. set a medium- to long-term strategy of building a
European security regime that excluded Russia, while promising theSoviet Union that NATO would not expand to the east and become
politicized. Contrary to those pledges, both NATO and the EU

expanded eastward, strengthening Russia’s perception that it faces
a crisis in terms of security. Compounding this situation, the OSCE,
which was pursuing democratization, transitional justice, andlustration (expulsion of public officials), posed a threat to Putin’s
government.
Russia launched its war against Ukraine to keep Ukraine in its
circle of influence at all costs. Following the “Kosovo precedent”
of using force to liberate people facing a humanitarian crisis andrecognizing their independence as an exercise of people’s right toself-determination, ethnic Russian residents vote in a referendum,
thereby exercising their right to self-determination, and becoming
independent. What comes next is territorial annexation to reunify
them with their ethnic compatriots. This new method of territorial
expansion informs the logic for the justification of the war in
Ukraine.

4th lecture: Nov. 10–Nov. 16, 2023, in Japanese“The War in Ukraine and Attacks on Nuclear Facilities”

Shinsuke Tomotsugu, Associate Professor at the Center for Peace, Hiroshima University

In Ukraine, three nuclear facilities - the Chornobyl nuclear power
plant, the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, and the Kharkiv
Institute of Physics and Technology - came under attack by Russia.
These assaults are highly likely to have been violations of Protocol
I of the Geneva Conventions, under which it is forbidden to attack
installations containing dangerous materials. The Chornobyl nuclear
power plant was eventually recaptured from Russia by Ukraine, but
external power to the spent nuclear fuel storage facility was lost
during the period of Russian control. The Zaporizhzhia nuclear power
plant, meanwhile, remains under the control of the Russian military
as of September 2023. The plant has reportedly been rigged with
explosives, so considerable caution will be required to retake it. At
the Kharkiv Institute of Physics and Technology, an experimental
accelerator-driven subcritical reactor built with support from theUnited States was destroyed.
When contemplating this series of attacks, it is worth recallingthat Ukraine has long been a heavy user of nuclear power. Westerncountries such as the U.S. and Japan, had been providing money
and technology to Ukraine to expedite the cleanup of Chornobyl andthe construction of new nuclear power plants to replace it. Just prior
to the military invasion, the plan was for even Russian-designed
reactors to be supplied entirely with nuclear fuel from the U.S.
company Westinghouse. As if to buck this trend, after the seizureof the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, the Russian government
announced that from now on it would be loaded with nuclear fuelfrom Russia. There are pro-Russian politicians in Ukraine who value
the country’s links to Russia and have resisted the growing influenceof Western nations in its nuclear energy industry, but the influenceof these people declined in the wake of the Euromaidan Revolution.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine also reflects Russia’s frustration with
Ukraine that has been severing its traditional ties and moving closer
to the West.

5th lecture: Nov. 17–Nov. 23, 2023, in Japanese“The War in Ukraine and Energy”

This lecture examined the impact of the war in Ukraine on Japan, acountry with a low level of energy self-sufficiency.
Japan’s primary energy self-sufficiency rate (as of 2020) stands
at 11.3%, which is considered low by international standards. Energy
security is therefore a key issue for Japan as it relies on imports forenergy. Europe, especially Germany, has been highly dependent on
Russia for energy, while Japan has been much less reliant, and the
Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) imports is supplied under long-term
contracts. Therefore, the war in Ukraine has not put as much pressure
on Japan’s energy supplies as it has on Europe’s. Furthermore, thespike in fossil fuel prices has now passed its peak. The war, however,has presented a new challenge: the risk of attacks on nuclear power
plants. The U.S.-China relationship is also a variable that will need to
be closely monitored, as the war in Ukraine has heightened the riskof the world economy splitting into rival blocks and becoming more

Tadashi Okimura, Professor at HPI
exclusionary. Short- to medium-term measures being taken by Japan
include the ending of fossil fuel imports from Russia and creatinga system to enable energy firms with surplus raw fuel to supply it
to others that are experiencing shortages. The Ukraine war has also
spurred a rethink on nuclear energy policy, marking a possible breakfrom the tighter regulatory standards that were imposed after the
Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident. However, it will be necessary
to devise and implement measures to deal with potential attacks on
nuclear power plants, a new risk highlighted by the war in Ukraine.
As a medium- to long-term direction for Japan, promoting
energy saving and renewable energy will help address the energy
crisis triggered by the Ukraine war, and will also be beneficial in theshift toward decarbonization. Therefore, GX (Green Transformation)
policies and energy-centered diplomatic policies to develop anddiffuse next-generation energy will also be vital going forward.

Titles and affiliations of lecturers are as of the time of the lectures.
The lectures were successfully delivered this year as well, thanks to the support of many
participants, with 303 applicants. I would like to express my immense gratitude to all thelecturers and participants.
(Associate Professor at HPI)2

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.26 No.2, March 2024

Dissolution of Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh),a Phantom StateGen Kikkawa
1. What attracted me to Nagorno-Karabakh
A state is about to disappear, although it is an unrecognized one that has
never appeared on any world map. The announcement of the governmentof the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic) that it would
dissolve all its organizations from January 1, 2024 has triggered a mass
exodus of its inhabitants to neighboring Armenia. Nagorno-Karabakh,which has not been recognized even by Armenia, a state governed by
the same ethnic group, is very small for a state, with a population of just
150,000 and an area nearly equal to that of Yamanashi Prefecture, Japan.
After 30-plus years of existing “neither in war nor in peace” while
retaining 50,000 troops (many of whom were mercenaries from Armenia
or from among the overseas diaspora) stationed along the border with
Azerbaijan to protect its territory, the state finally declared that it would
dissolve itself.
This republic was founded at the foot of the Caucasus Mountains
in the territory of Azerbaijan about 30 years ago. In the early 1990s, twosocialist federal republics—the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia—wereeach split into multiple republics that declared their independence. They
included “autonomous republics” and “autonomous provinces or oblasts”
governed by indigenous ethnic minorities based on a government
guarantee. Among them were, in Yugoslavia, the Autonomous Provinceof Kosovo within the territory of the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of
Serbian Krajina within the territory of the Republic of Croatia, and in theSoviet Union, the Autonomous Republic of Crimea within the territoryof the Republic of Ukraine, the Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia
within the territory of the Republic of Georgia, and the Nagorno-Karabakh
Autonomous Oblast within the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
Despite their declaration, most of these self-proclaimed sovereignstates have not been recognized by the international community andhave therefore remained phantom states that no world maps legitimate.
Before the outbreak of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War (1988–1994),
the population of Nagorno-Karabakh was 190,000, including 145,000
Armenians (76%) and 40,000 Azerbaijanis (21%). During this war, the40,000 Azerbaijanis were the target of ethnic cleansing.
When I read the memoir of Mikhail Gorbachev, the first and lastpresident of the Soviet Union, I learned that one of the causes of theFirst Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict was a university issue, which caught
my attention. That was because I was interested in the relationshipbetween ethnic conflict and universities, knowing that the ethnic conflict
between Albanians, concentrated in the northeastern part of Macedonia,
which had become independent from Yugoslavia, and the Macedonian
government had been triggered by an attempt to establish an Albanian
university. That interest made me visit this “state” up to seven times.
My first visit to Nagorno-Karabakh was in September 2004. Afterobtaining an entry visa in Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, I hired a
Yerevan State University student as my guide and headed to NagornoKarabakh by taxi. On our way, we went through the newly built Lachin
corridor while looking at Mt. Ararat on the right and entered the former
territory of Azerbaijan. While viewing partly ruined villages through thetaxi window, I imagined the lives the village residents had led before
suffering from ethnic cleansing. When we approached Stepanakert, thecapital of Nagorno-Karabakh, we found traces of the war everywhere,
including tanks, armored vehicles, and other kinds of military vehicles
abandoned on the roadside. The nine-hour taxi ride cost me $60 (whenthe average monthly income of Nagorno-Karabakh residents was $10).

“Lachin Corridor” by the author“Stepanakert suburbs” by the author
2. Three different fates of three“unrecognized states”
Why has Nagorno-Karabakh never existed on any world map? There
was a reason for it. When the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia each split up
into republics in the early 1990s, the European international community
had agreed on two basic principles regarding the recognition of their
independence. One of those principles was that recognition would
be given only to the constituent republics of the two former federal
republics and would be denied to autonomous entities governed by
ethnic groups, such as autonomous republics, provinces, and oblasts. The
other principle was that recognition would be denied to national entities
that had achieved de facto independence using armed force. Since then,the European international community has repeatedly issued statementsthat it does not recognize the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh,which became independent from Azerbaijan with military support
from Armenia. Two other entities were also treated in the same way as
Nagorno-Karabakh: the Autonomous Province of Kosovo, which had
achieved de facto independence from Yugoslavia as a result of NATO’s
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3armed offensive against Yugoslavia (1999), and Abkhazia, which had
achieved de facto independence from Georgia as a result of the RussoGeorgian War (2008).
Since then, however, the three “unrecognized states” of Kosovo,Abkhazia, and Nagorno-Karabakh have followed different paths.
When Kosovo declared independence again in 2008, Western countries
immediately recognized it as a state. To date, Kosovo has received
recognition from 113 countries. While Abkhazia has been effectively
annexed by neighboring Russia, Nagorno-Karabakh will dissolve inJanuary 2024 after more than 30 years of existence as an unrecognizedstate, as mentioned above. Not only the name of the state but also its
government organizations and people will soon disappear completely.
This is because this region will be integrated into Azerbaijan, with
Azerbaijanis going to settle there to replace Armenians.
3. Ethnic identity and university issues
3.1 Official language issue at university
Although the three unrecognized states of Kosovo, Abkhazia, andNagorno-Karabakh met different fates, the three ethnic conflicts inwhich they were involved had the same reason behind them: university
issues. University issues as a trigger for ethnic conflicts can be generallyclassified into the following three types according to the time of theiroccurrence.
The first type of university issue occurs when oppression of
ethnic minorities intensifies. More specifically, it occurs when the useof an ethnic minority’s language at a university is suddenly banned,
and the university staff and students are forced to use the languageof the majority in its place. During the Kosovo War, as one of themeasures to oppress the Albanian ethnic group, the use of Albanian
was suddenly banned at the University of Pristina in the capital of
the Autonomous Province of Kosovo, with the forced use of Serbianin place of Albanian. In response to the ban, Albanian professors andstudents all left the campus, resulting in the de facto closure of theuniversity. This caused Albanians in Kosovo to suffer a crisis overtheir ethnic identity, accelerating the ethnic conflict. That was also thecase with the university issue in Abkhazia. In 1988, when perestroika
was underway in the Soviet Union, Abkhazians began to demand thatthe status of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Abkhazia be restored,
which meant that the Abkhaz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republicwould be upgraded to a constituent republic of the federal republic. Inthat situation, the Georgian government formulated a new Georgianlanguage policy program, and in December 1988, as part of thisprogram, the government announced a plan to establish the Sukhumi
Branch of Tbilisi State University in Sukhumi, the capital of Abkhazia,
and use Georgian as the medium of instruction there. This measure
triggered sporadic armed clashes between Abkhazians in opposition to
the establishment of the Sukhumi Branch and Georgians. At almost thesame time, the Georgian Supreme Soviet resolved to enact an official
language law that positioned Georgian as the sole national languageof the Republic of Georgia, which made the ethnic conflict more
intractable.
3.2 Establishment of a new university
The second type of university issue occurs when an ethnic groupto which the status of an ethnic minority is attached in a newsovereign state faces an identity crisis. One example is the issue ofthe establishment of a new university by Albanians positioned as an
ethnic minority in Macedonia. One of the factors behind ethnic conflict
between Albanians and Macedonians was the issue of whether or not auniversity would be approved. After Macedonia became independent
from Yugoslavia, Albanians living there were positioned as an ethnic
minority and had no university that provided education in Albanian,
their own language. When Macedonia was part of Yugoslavia, they wereable to receive education in Albanian at the University of Pristina in
Kosovo. However, Macedonian independence made Kosovo a provinceof a foreign country. Albanian Macedonians then made several attempts

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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.26 No.2, March 2024

to establish a university using Albanian as a medium of instruction in
Tetovo, where Albanians were concentrated—all in vain due to theMacedonian government’s intervention. After this failed attempt, theissue of the establishment of a new university for Albanians becamea major trigger of ethnic conflict in Macedonia. At that time, newly
independent states faced the urgent challenge of establishing ethnic
universities using minority languages as media of instruction because
universities were institutions that would hand down ethnic culture
and literature and foster an ethnic elite. Subsequently, demand for theestablishment of a university using Albanian as a medium of instruction
was fulfilled with the establishment of South East European University
with the support of the EU.
3.3 Upgrading to a university
The third type of university issue is related to the upgrading of an
educational institution to a university at the time of the transfer of anautonomous republic, province, or oblast from one federal republic toanother. One example is a university issue in Nagorno-Karabakh. In thelate 1980s, when perestroika was in progress, Nagorno-Karabakh saw
a surge of ethno-nationalism, with public demand for transfer of theautonomous oblast to Armenia. At the same time, Armenians in NagornoKarabakh also demanded that a pedagogical institute in Stepanakert, thecapital of the oblast, be upgraded to a university. This was because they
believed that ethnic self-determination and self-government required
the development of ethnic leaders and an ethnic elite, and a university
serving that purpose. Behind the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict was
the memory of the history of genocide. The memory of the Armenian
massacre in Baku in 1905 and the Armenian genocide in Turkey in1915 has been passed on together with the historical ethnic hatred ofArmenians toward Turks and Turkish Azerbaijanis. In the NagornoKarabakh Autonomous Oblast, Armenians’ attempts to protect their own
cultural rights have triggered ethnic conflict, including repairs madeby them to Christian churches, their reception of Armenian-language
broadcasts from Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, their publicationof Armenian books, and the establishment of an Armenian-medium
university by them. Immediately after Nagorno-Karabakh achievedde facto independence, the new government established Artsakh State
University with the highest priority.

“Artsakh State University” (Stepanakert) by the author
Nagorno-Karabakh has striven to shape itself into a full-fledged
modern nation state by establishing a university, a constitution, apresidential system, a parliament, and even a ministry of foreign affairs
in anticipation that it would receive international recognition someday.
Nevertheless, it is now on the verge of ending its ephemeral existence
like dew in the Caucasus in only 30 years.
(Specially Appointed Professor, HPI)

Reflections on My Work at HPI andStay in Hiroshima
Narayanan Ganesan

I joined the Hiroshima Peace Institute (HPI) as a researcher

foreign scholars for essential services like housing, the arrangement

specializing in Southeast Asia in January 2004. Prior to theof utilities and banking. Such assistance was critical to those who

appointment I was teaching in the Department of Political Science

were unfamiliar with local norms and unable to communicate inand the Southeast Asian Studies Programme at the National

the Japanese language. All staff at the HPI were fluent in English

University of Singapore from 1990 to 2003. Acceptance of the job

and could easily deal with the international scholars who joined it.

also meant that I had to relocate from Singapore to Japan. It wasProfessor Fukui himself was a liberal internationalist who provided

a rather big decision and my wife strongly supported me whichgood leadership at the intellectual and social levels. He was also

made the move much easier. Previously I had spent three months

an old friend of Mayor Akiba Tadatoshi and the good relationshipin Tokyo at the Japan Institute for International Affairs (JIIA) as an

between them also meant that we had strong support from theASEAN research fellow from November 1997 to February 1998.

city government at the highest levels. In fact, in the early days weHence, I was somewhat familiar with Japan and to some extent

sometimes had annual social gatherings at the Mayor’s residenceTokyo but not Hiroshima.

or would meet him at Fukui sensei’s apartment during Christmas.

The HPI was initially located on the 10 Floor of the Mitsui

My research interest is in sources of interstate and intrastate

Bank Building in Otemachi before its relocation to the Heiwa

tensions and conflict in Southeast Asia. With my relocation to HPIBuilding across from the city government some 6 months later.

I was free to focus purely on research. Previously in Singapore,

Professor Fukui Haruhiro who had retired from the University

I had to teach mainstream undergraduate and graduate classesof California at Santa Barbara was the Director of HPI then. He

over and above research, publications, and administrative work.

was a renowned scholar on party politics in Japan and had been

Consequently, the breadth of my research expanded substantially.

at Tsukuba University before he was recruited to head HPI. As

Whereas much of my earlier research was on maritime Southeast

Director, he was responsible for recruiting many of the staff thenAsia and in particular Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore, I began

and was helped by an international advisory panel for personnel

to research more on mainland Southeast Asia and in particular thematters, from appointments and promotions to the awarding ofdomestic politics and foreign policies of Myanmar and Thailand.

tenure.

This development was aided and abetted in no small measureth

In the period prior to HPI’s corporatization as part of theHiroshima City University (HCU) in 2013 when it was relocatedby the important changes that were taking place in the domestic
politics of both countries.

again to the HCU’s campus, it served primarily as a research

In the case of Myanmar, the slow transition towards an elected

institute. During that time, staff were focused on research activities

government in 2010 yielded opportunities for both research andand the publication of their results. Some staff had expertise indirect involvement with the domestic political process. Some of mygeographical areas or individual countries like South Korea or

academic colleagues from Singapore became influential during the

China while others were experts in themes like nuclear issues, wartransition period. Additionally, opportunities for academic training

crimes and genocide.

also presented themselves. As a result of this confluence of events

Administrative support for HPI came from the cityand the availability of German funding through my own contacts

government which was complemented by a number of part timein the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS), I became deeply involved

staff. They performed both general duties and provided support

in designing and leading the Social Science Summer School forfor workshops and other scholarly activities. From the timeacademics at Yangon, Mandalay and Yadanabon Universities fromof its inception HPI had a strong relationship with the city’s

2015 up until the time of the military coup in 2021.

hibakusha community and publicizing findings on nuclear issues

Funding was also made available to enhance public

was an important mission. Similarly, issues related to peace andsector capacity building during the time of transition towards

conflict, especially in Asia, were also regarded important. Several

democratic governance from 2010. KAS generously supported

activities were central to the dissemination of staff research withup to 6 training sessions a year that were held across all the majora view to engaging the public. Such activities included an annual

cities in Myanmar. From 2015 that training became centralized

International Symposium that served as the highlight of activities

in the administrative capital Naypyitaw. These sessions wereand a public lecture series that drew strong public participation.

also terminated after the military coup albeit my research and

HPI staff were also extremely helpful in aiding incoming

publications on Myanmar has continued.
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5The political changes in Thailand that altered the domestic

about HPI and its institutional culture and demands. They are all

template of politics and policy making was the success of Thaksinequally familiar with the bureaucratic rigours and demands of the

Shinawatra’s Thai Rak Thai party in the 2001 elections and his

HCU and the public sector in general as well.

subsequent entrenchment in Thai politics. His populist policies

Outside of teaching and research at HPI I have been fortunate

and displacement of traditional elite from the monarchy, military,with housing arrangements and live in the suburb of Mitaki

bureaucracy, and business community led to military coups

Honmachi which is famous for its many temples. It is an old

against him in 2006 and his sister Yingluck Shinawatra in 2014.

neighbourhood that also boasts a large number of sakura trees that

These dramatic developments led to the polarization of politics

attract crowds during the hanami season in early spring. The firstand society in the country and provided ample opportunities forhouse where I stayed was one made available for HCU Faculty

research and publications as well.

near the Mitaki Golf Course. Subsequently, and at the urging of mySoutheast Asian international relations were also confronted

supportive wife we invested in purchasing a mansion in the samewith broad changes resulting from the collapse of the Cold War inarea near the Seiganji Buddhist Temple. The mansion provides

the late 1980s, the expansion of ASEAN in the 1990s, the Asiana spectacular view of the Ota River and the city behind it and is

Financial Crisis in 1997 and the emergence of an Asia Pacificconveniently located a short walk away from Yokogawa Station.

community led by the United States. Hence, at the broader regional

Just like the staff at HPI my neighbours in Mitaki are also

level, there were also tremendous opportunities for research andvery kind and helpful. My close neighbour Sadamori Satoru usedpublications. Hence, all in all, the region that I specialized in

to be an oyster farmer in Miyajima Island and took an early andoffered tremendous opportunities for scholarship after I joined

keen interest in me and HPI. Together with his wife Nobuko we

HPI. From 2011 to 2013 I was invited by Professor Shiraishi

dined together frequently, and they also visited Singapore andTakashi to teach a graduate course on the Government and Politics

stayed at my home there. Sadamori san even joined me in a trip toof Southeast Asia at the National Graduate Institute for Policy

the remote areas of Myanmar and Chiangmai in Thailand. In theStudies (GRIPS) in Tokyo.

early days they used to host oyster parties for HPI staff too.

Institutional and funding support from HPI and HCU after

Another couple who lives across the road from my building

2013 was very helpful in organizing international workshops andare Shinagawa Katsuzo and his wife Keiko who are also goodthen publishing the research findings. Such collaboration helped

family friends. Shinagawa san who is an established landlord inbuild strong international linkages and recognition for HPI. The

the area was very kind to offer use of a large plot of land withoutleadership at HPI had also undergone changes over the years.

charge to grow vegetables. Hence, I have acquired a new hobby

After Fukui Haruhiro, the next Director was retired diplomat Asai

since moving to Hiroshima which is vegetable farming and have

Motofumi who joined us from Meiji Gakuin University. He waslearnt much on growing a variety of vegetables based on thealso very kind and supportive of the staff.

season. The plot regularly provides a bountiful harvest that I share

The third Director during my term was Kikkawa Gen whowith my office colleagues and neighbours. In the past we also usedjoined HPI from Sophia University in Tokyo. Under him there

to occasionally travel to Kaminoseki in Yamaguchi prefecture towere several important changes to HPI. The first and perhaps mostcharter a boat to fish in the inland Sea of Japan. Species of fish thatimportant of these was the setting up of a Graduate School of Peace

we regularly caught included mebaru or rock cod, tai or red sea

Studies in 2019. At the outset the School offered Masters degrees

bream and hamachi or yellowtail kingfish. Finally, the neighbours

and two years later in 2021, it began offering doctorate degrees as

are also very generous in sharing the fruits that they grow which

well. Other activities that have been added on are the publication

include figs, oranges, persimmons, and yuzu lemons.

of an annual Journal with articles in English and Japanese and an

Vegetable farming is a good way to stay physically fit andEnglish Language Lecture series for public at the HCU Satellite

healthy so there are benefits that go beyond a good harvest. It is

campus in Otemachi. Professor Oshiba Ryo from Aoyama Gakuin

a very engaging hobby and one that will certainly take up a lot

who specializes in international governance succeeded Kikkawa

more of my time post-retirement. The neighbourhood is special

sensei in 2019. By this time HPI had become firmly established inin a number of other ways as well. It is home to a wide variety of

the HCU campus and operated as part of the University.

flowers that include azaleas, magnolia, narcissus, peach and plum

Apart from the academic staff HPI administrative support isblossoms and hydrangea to name a few. Spring is a time when theprovided by staff from the city government who are complemented

air wafts with the sweet smell of these flowers and the chirpingby long serving part time staff as well. Just like how all theof many birds. Some of the animals and birds like the tanuki

Directors have been extremely kind and supportive of theor racoon dog and ravens can be loud and damage crops in theacademic staff, the administrative staff are also very competent andgarden. They are both fond of cucumbers and tomatoes and quite

supportive. In fact, a good number of them have served through theskillful in getting them notwithstanding the use of nets.

entire term of my employment and they include Yoshihara Yukiko

In reflecting on the past two decades my wife and I agreed

who retired in 2023, Nomura Miki who will also retire like methat moving to Hiroshima, working at HPI, and sinking roots inin 2024 and Yamashita Yoshie. Hence, we have been fortunate to

Mitaki Honmachi are perhaps the best decisions of our lives.

have had many long serving part time staff who are knowledgeable

6

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.26 No.2, March 2024

(Professor at HPI)

HPI International Workshop:
Hiroshima, the Origin of Antinuclear Activism
On December 8 and 9, 2023, the Hiroshima Peace Institute(HPI) held an international workshop, “Hiroshima, the Origin
of Antinuclear Activism” at the International Conference Center
Hiroshima. The workshop was organized within the research
project “Current Research Trends of Antinuclear Movements”(project members: Makiko Takemoto and Robert Jacobs) and coorganized by the Global Peace Research Network, based at theOpen University and the University of Sheffield, and funded by the
UK Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC). It forms partof a project to establish a research network on the history of global
antinuclear activism, initiated by Luc-André Brunet (senior lecturer
at the Open University) and Eirini Karamouzi (senior lecturer at
the University of Sheffield).
This workshop re-examined the meanings of Hiroshima in thehistory of the antinuclear movement and from the perspective of
the global hibakusha. About 20 people participated in the workshop
on both days. On the first day, after the participants visited theHiroshima Peace Memorial Museum and Park, Luc-André Brunet
gave an overview of the network on the history of antinuclear
activism, followed by Keiko Ogura’s A-bomb testimony in English.
In the session of “Global Hibakusha 1,” Robert Jacobs (Professor at
HPI), Maika Nakao (Associate Professor at Hiroshima University),and Peter Blow (Documentary Filmmaker) gave presentations, andKyoko Matsunaga (Associate Professor at Hiroshima University)offered comments.
On the second day, after Luc-André Brunet’s presentationon the project of a digital peace archive on global antinuclear
activism, Makiko Takemoto, Toshiya Umehara (Doctoral
Candidate, Graduate School of Peace Studies, Hiroshima City
University), Chie Shijo (Associate Professor at HPI) and Yuko
Takahashi (Research Fellow at Osaka Metropolitan University)
served as the speakers and Yuko Kawaguchi (Professor at Hosei
University) as the commentator in the session on “Hiroshima as theOrigin of the Antinuclear Movement.” In the final session, “Global
Hibakusha 2,” Jackie Cabasso (Executive Director of the WesternStates Legal Fund, participated online) and Pinar Temocin (Project
Assistant Professor at University of Tokyo) gave presentations andProf. Jacobs served as a commentator.
The ancillary parts of the workshop such as the reception were
funded by the AHRC to promote the building of a network among
researchers and activists which enabled participants to deepen their
discussions on the antinuclear movements and Hiroshima.
Makiko Takemoto, Associate Professor, HPIThe Second Online Briefing Session on Admission to the
Graduate School of Peace Studies 2023

Makiko Takemoto

The Hiroshima Peace Institute (HPI) held the second online briefing session of AY 2023 on the admission to the Graduate School of
Peace Studies (GSPS) via Zoom on October 6, 2023. We were pleased to have four participants this time.
As in the previous online briefing sessions, an outline of the GSPS, and the entrance examination system were introduced in
the beginning. Then, the possible career paths of graduates, scholarship possibilities, and the status of the acceptance of international
students were explained. Three current graduate students in the master’s and doctoral programs at GSPS shared their experiences on
study and research at GSPS as well as student life in Hiroshima. In the second half, the participants talked individually with faculty
members, graduate students and administrative staffs using Zoom’s breakout room function.
(Associate Professor/Admission Committee at HPI)The Forthcoming Online Briefing Session on Admission to the Graduate
School of Peace Studies in 2024 ──────────────────
The first online briefing session on admission to the GSPS for AY 2024
will be held on June 7, 2024. Everyone is welcome, not only those who
would like to study at the GSPS from October 2024 but also those who
would like to get information about the entrance exam for the April 2025
enrollment. We will be better able to answer your questions if you could
send them in advance. English explanations are also available.

Date and Time: June 7, 2024, 6:30–8:00 p.m. (Japan Standard Time)
Meeting format: Online (Zoom meeting)Fee for the participation: Free
Deadline of the application: May 31, 5 p.m.
Contact: office-peace@m.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp
For further information, please visit the HPI website.

Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

7

DIARY
2023◆Jul. 18 Robert Jacobs participates in a meeting of HOPe
(Hiroshima Organization for Global Peace) hosted by theHiroshima Prefectural Government, in Hiroshima.
◆Aug. 3 Jacobs presents the Keynote Lecture, “Nuclear Issues
and the Environment,” at the 2023 Peace Forum at Hiroshima
Jogakuin High School.
◆Aug. 6 Jacobs facilitates a two-day immersive meeting of the2023 Disaster Haggyo 2023 seminar of the Korean Advanced
Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST), in Hiroshima.
◆Aug. 17 Chie Shijo gives a presentation entitled “The Atomic
Bomb Damage in Hiroshima/Nagasaki and the Unspoken Things”
at the 2023 Japan-Korea Next Generation Forum, Center forJapanese Studies, Sejong Institute and Hiroshima Peace Institute
Seminar on “Building Institutional Devices for Sustainable JapanKorea Relations” held at the HCU Satellite Campus in Hiroshima.
◆Aug. 25 Mihoko Kato contributes an article entitled,“Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy” (Chapter 11, pp. 176-192),
in Mari Aburamoto and Shuhei Mizoguchi eds., Contemporary
Russian Politics: First Step in Area Studies (Houritsubunkasha).
◆Aug. 29 Narayanan Ganesan conducts a field research trip
to Singapore and Thailand from 29 August to 21 September
to interview academics, policy makers and members of the
Myanmar diaspora for ongoing research on Myanmar politics
and ASEAN responses to the 2021 military coup.
◆Sep. 3 Kato gives a presentation entitled, “Russia and
ASEAN: Background to the Strategic Partnership,” at the “2023Study Group on Russian Issues” organized by the Japan Instituteof International Affairs (JIIA), via Zoom.
◆Oct. 6 Xu Xianfen presents a lecture, “Japan-China relationsin Asia,” to students of the School of Global Humanities andSocial Sciences at Nagasaki University.
◆Oct. 20 Yasuhiro Yamada presents a lecture titled “Brief
Overview of Nuclear History: From the Manhattan Project to
the Present” in the public lecture series on the web AY2023
organized and given by Hiroshima Peace Institute, Hiroshima
City University (online)◆Oct. 23 Ganesan arranges a Social Science training programfor 37 trainers from Myanmar NGOs and teaches a course on
Public Policy Formulation sponsored by the German Konrad
Adenauer Stiftung.
◆Oct. 27 Kato presents a paper entitled, “Lost Friendship
Revived?: Decisions of Russia and Its Eastern Neighbors,” at the2023 Aleksanteri Conference, “Decolonizing Space in the Global
East,” hosted by the Aleksanteri Institute, University of Helsinki.
◆Oct. 28 Ryo Oshiba presents a lecture titled, “International
Relations and International Interdependence,” at the OpenSymposium, “Rethink on ‘Peace’” held at Hiroshima Study
Center of the Open University of Japan.
◆Nov. 3 Gen Kikkawa presents a lecture titled, “The Logic of
President Vladimir Putin’s War in Ukraine,” in the public lecture
series on the web AY2023 organized and given by Hiroshima
Peace Institute, Hiroshima City University (online).
◆Nov. 4 Tetsuo Sato presents the Opening Address in theInternational Symposium, “Accountability and Power in the
Law of International Organizations,” held in a hybrid format (inperson and online via Zoom) in Tokyo.
◆Nov. 9 Yamada and Shijo participate in interviews by studentsof Nagoya University Affiliated Lower Secondary School on theInternational Understanding and Peace Study Tour, at Hiroshima
City University.
◆Nov. 10 Tadashi Okimura presents a paper entitled,

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS● Published by● Printed by

8

July 1, 2023 ― December 31, 2023

“Governance of Diversified Goals in Climate Change Issues,”
at the Environmental Studies section I of the 2023 Annual
Convention of the Japan Association of International Relations
held at Fukuoka International Congress Center.
◆Nov. 11 Sato presents the Keynote Lecture, “The United
Nations and Security: Theory, Reality and Challenges of theCollective Security by the United Nations,” in the Sixth Public
Lecture Series, “Security and International Law,” hosted by theJapanese Society of International Law, Zoom webinar.
◆Nov. 12 Oshiba participates as a discussant in the Round
Table, “The World Bank,” at the 2023 Annual Conference of theJapan Society for International Development held at the Yotsuya
Campus of Sophia University.
◆Nov. 12 Yamada serves as the chair for Session 11, “The
Nuclear Taboo in International Relations,” at the 2023 Annual
Convention of the Japan Association of International Relations
held at Fukuoka International Congress Center.
◆Nov. 19 Makiko Takemoto presents a paper titled, “Diffusionof Hiroshima: Focusing on the Case of Germany,” at the 20th
meeting of the Research Society for Peace Sociology, via Zoom.
◆Nov. 24 Kato contributes an article entitled, “Foreign Policy of
the Fourth Putin Administration: Focusing on Asia-Pacific Policy,”
in Russia & NIS Business Monthly, Vol. 68, No. 12, #1092.
◆Nov. 27 Kikkawa presents a lecture titled, “Why President of
Russia Putin Invaded Ukraine: The Inside Story of the Collapse of
the Post-Cold War European International Order,” in the lecture
series “Community Service and Science, and SDGs,” held in a
hybrid format (in-person and online via Zoom) at Tsuruoka Campusof Tohoku University of Community Service and Science.
◆Dec. 5 Shijo gives a presentation entitled “Possibilities
for Japan-Korea History from the perspective of the Damage
Caused by the Hiroshima/Nagasaki Atomic Bombings” at theNortheast Asian History Foundation, Institute for International
Relations and Historical Dialogue, and Hiroshima Peace
Institute Joint Seminar “The Politics of Memory: The Search for
Mutual Understanding between Japan and Korea” held at theHCU Satellite Campus in Hiroshima.
◆Dec. 8–9 HPI Research Project “Current Research Trendof History of Antinuclear Movements” (Organizer: AssociateProf. Takemoto) holds a two-day workshop, “Hiroshima, theOrigin of Antinuclear Activism,” at the International ConferenceCenter Hiroshima in collaboration with the Global Peace
Research Network, the Open University and the Universityof Sheffield funded by the UK Arts and Humanities ResearchCouncil. Jacobs gives a presentation entitled, “How Nuclear
Weapon States Choose Nuclear Test Site Locations,” Shijo gives
a presentation entitled, “Yukaku (The Red-Light District) in
Hiroshima City Damaged by the Atomic Bomb,” and Takemoto
gives a presentation entitled, “The Antinuclear Movement inHiroshima and its Globalization.”◆Dec. 10 Kikkawa presents a paper titled, “The War in
Ukraine and the Future of the International Peace Order,” at theInternational Symposium “Confronting the Danger of Nuclear
War: Hiroshima, Nagasaki, G7 Summit and the Future,” cohosted by Hiroshima Peace Institute, Chugoku Shimbun and
RECNA, held at International Conference Center Hiroshima.
※For other entries of the DIARY,
please visit our website.

Vol.26 No.2（March 25, 2024）

Editorial Committee (Narayanan Ganesan, Xianfen Xu, Mihoko Kato), Hiroshima Peace Institute, Hiroshima City University
3-4-1, Ozuka-higashi, Asaminami-ku, Hiroshima, 731-3194 Japan
Phone: +81（0）82 830 1811
Fax: +81（0）82 830 1812
E-mail: office-peace@m.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp
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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.26 No.2, March 2024

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