HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS
Hiroshima Peace Institute Vol.10 No.2 November 2007

Re-committing to Nuclear Disarmament:
Symposium From Central Asia to East Asia
HPI

Pursuing the Road to Denuclearize East Asia
The Hiroshima Peace Institute held a symposium entitled “Re-committing to
Nuclear Disarmament: From Central Asia to East Asia” on August 5 at theInternational Conference Center Hiroshima. An audience of 220 citizens
including students and foreigners attended and listened to the presentations anddiscussions given by six panelists including a keynote speaker.
The main purpose of the symposium was to hold discussions among
panelists from different nations on the conditions necessary for and obstacles in
the way of establishing a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (NWFZ) in East Asia,
based on the successful conclusion of the treaty on a NWFZ in Central Asia in
September 2006, which represents a significant achievement in the field ofinternational nuclear disarmament.
The current environment differs greatly in Central Asia compared to East
Asia. The five Central Asian states (C5) used to be part of the former Soviet
Union and Russia still maintains considerable influence in the politics,
diplomacy and security of the region. The Soviet Union had built a nuclear testsite and deployed nuclear weapons in Kazakhstan but those weapons were latertransferred to Russia and now all the C5 are non-nuclear states. The majority ofpeople in the C5 are Muslim, share a similar culture and the size of their
populations is relatively small: 2.7 million people in Uzbekistan, 1.5 million in
Kazakhstan and 4-6 million in the other three countries. They are rich in natural
resources, including oil fields located near the Caspian Sea, but there seems to
be currently no significant military threat to them.
In East Asia however, there is the nuclear state of China and the nuclearsuspicious state of North Korea. South Korea and Japan are under the nuclear
umbrella of the U.S. The U.S. and Russia, the two nuclear giants, also have
major interests in the politics, economy, diplomacy and security of the region.
Instability on the Korean Peninsula and in Taiwan could easily become a serious
security concern.
In the symposium, Mr. Tsutomu Ishiguri, Director of the U.N. Regional
Center for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, made a keynote
speech on the conclusion of the treaty on a NWFZ in Central Asia and its
significance. Ishiguri and his center supported the 10 year process of negotiation
for the treaty. In his speech, he referred to the collective security of the region,
including the nuclear umbrella provided by Russia, and proposed a solution ofcreating a consultation mechanism for the nuclear states outside the treaty. He
also emphasized the importance of the strong leadership exercised by somepresidents of the C5 at critical points during the negotiations.
Then the five speakers made presentations. In his speech entitled“Challenges to the Second Generation of NWFZs,” Dr. Jargalsaikhan
Enkhsaikhan, Director of the Mongolian NGO “Blue Banner” and former
ambassador to the U.N., expressed the importance of establishing second
generation NWFZs in areas currently experiencing conflict or tension, such as
the Middle East, South Asia and Northeast Asia. He also proposed that to solve
the issue of the U.S. nuclear umbrella in East Asia, Japan and South Korea
should seek single-nation non-nuclear status similar to that of Mongolia.
Dr. Wang Shan, Deputy Director of the Institute of Japanese Studies, China
Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, argued that the ongoing SixParty Talks to solve the North Korean nuclear issue should be linked to thebuilding of an overall security mechanism for the region. He also maintained

By Kazumi Mizumotothat confidence building based on common ideas and values in East Asia andestablishing a multilateral consultation mechanism to overcome rivalry among
the big powers are of necessity for the region.
Dr. Ha Young-Sun, Professor at Seoul National University, Department ofInternational Relations, referred to the contradictions and dilemmas that arehindering the denuclearization of East Asia. He proposed that as a goal for the
short term, a peace process based on the implementation of the 1992 Basic
Agreement of North and South Korea should be established and a four-party
agreement should fully replace the 1953 Armistice that ended the Korean War.
Mr. Motofumi Asai, President of HPI, urged the Japanese government, as
preconditions for the denuclearization of East Asia, to comply with the three
non-nuclear principles, convert from the U.S.-Japan military alliance including
the nuclear umbrella, and seek an apology from the U.S. government for the
dropping of the atomic bombs on Japan.
Ms. Haruka Katarao, a member of staff of the “Global Article 9 Conference
to Abolish War,” highlighted two approaches that members of the younger
generation can take to engage with peace and nuclear issues: these were in
research and peace activities. She introduced her own experience of both
approaches during her middle/high school and college/graduate school years,
presented a documentary film in which she appeared, and reiterated thesignificance of communicating the atomic bombing experience and sending themessage of peace from Hiroshima to the world.
Can the experience of Central Asia be applied to that of East Asia? We
could not reach a clear-cut conclusion on this difficult question. However, thepresentations of the panelists from the U.N., Mongolia, China, South Korea, andJapan/Hiroshima were commonly committed to the need for a gradual approachto realize the denuclearization of East Asia, rather than dismissing it as a
daydream concept.
Treaty on a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in Central Asia
A treaty to establish a NWFZ in Central Asia, signed by Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyz, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan in September 2006 in
Semipalatinsk, Kazakhstan, with Preamble, 18 articles, and Protocol.
Article 3 prohibits the five states from conducting research on,
developing, manufacturing, stockpiling and possessing nuclear weapons,and Article 5 prohibits the carrying out of nuclear weapon test explosions.
Article 6 supports the rehabilitation of territories contaminated by nuclear
materials, considering the existence of the former nuclear test site of
Semipalatinsk and the uranium mines located in many of the countries of
the region.
Regarding the possibility, in case of emergency, of deploying Russian
tactical nuclear weapons in the region under the current engagement offour Central Asian countries in collective security with Russia, Article 12
makes clear that the “Parties shall take all necessary measures for effective
implementation of the purposes and objectives of this Treaty,” whereas it
also admits that the “Treaty does not affect the rights and obligations of theParties under other international treaties” previously concluded.

Mizumoto is associate professor at HPICONTENTSHPI Symposium on August 5, 2007
“Re-committing to Nuclear Disarmament” …………………………… 1~3<Reflections from Hiroshima: The 6th in a Series>
Gen is Angry by Keiji Nakazawa ……………………………………… 4~5
HPI’s 6th Lecture Series for Citizens of Hiroshima ……………………… 6<HPI Research Forum>
The Contemporary Significance of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution … 7<Publication of HPI Research Project>
Myanmar: State, Society and Ethnicity …………………………………… 7
Diary ………………………………………………………………………… 8

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HPI Symposium

Re-committing to Nuclear Disarmament

Conclusion of the Treaty on a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone
in Central Asia and Its SignificanceTsutomu Ishiguri, Director, U.N. Regional Center for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the PacificIn the current international climate where progress
towards nuclear disarmament is facing considerable
challenges, including the recent nuclear test conductedby North Korea, the conclusion of the treaty on a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone
in Central Asia (CANWFZ) is an outstanding achievement after a long absencein this field. An idea of the establishment of CANWFZ was first proposed in
the Almaty Declaration of the Heads of State of Central Asian States in
February 1997. The Statement of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the fivestates (C5) of the region in Tashkent, September 1997 and the U.N. General
Assembly resolution adopted in December 1997 also supported the idea.
After the holding of several U.N.-sponsored Expert Group meetings ofrepresentatives of the C5, the final draft was completed in Samarkand in
September 2002. Contrary to the wish of the C5, the conclusion of the treaty
was delayed due to opposition from the U.S., the U.K. and France, although
the other two nuclear-weapon states, China and Russia, supported it. It was
finally concluded in September 2006 when Foreign Ministers of the C5 met in
Semipalatinsk for the signing of the treaty. The C5 requested the U.N. (myCenter) to assist them to draft a CANWFZ treaty as they had not yet amassed
sufficient diplomatic expertise during the short period after they gained
independence from the former Soviet Union. In order to promote consultations
and negotiations of the treaty among the C5 I organized coffee break meetings.
For the signatories, the main body of the treaty prohibits their research,development, manufacture, stockpiling, acquisition and possession of nuclear
weapons. For the five nuclear-weapon states, signing the attached protocol to
the treaty obliges them to pledge not to use nor threaten to use nuclear
weapons against any signatories. The treaty is unique in that it establishes thefirst NWFZ in the northern hemisphere, it contains a former nuclear-weapon
state, Kazakhstan, and it refers to the environmental rehabilitation of
territories contaminated by previous nuclear tests and related activities.

The position of the three nuclear-weapon states, the U.S., the U.K., andFrance (P3), is that such a treaty cannot be supported without their consent.
However, a NWFZ should be established on the basis of an arrangement
freely arrived at among the states of a given region. Therefore the C5 shouldbe free from any pressure or intervention of the P3. Besides, the nuclearweapon states are likely to benefit from a NWFZ, for example, it caneffectively control the proliferation of nuclear weapons and related
equipments and materials within the region.
The P3 are also concerned that under the 1992 Tashkent Collective
Security Treaty, Russia might deploy tactical nuclear weapons within theregion. In response to their concern, the treaty states that, whereas thisCANWFZ treaty does not affect the rights and obligations of previous
international treaties, the “Parties shall take all necessary measures for
effective implementation of the purposes and objectives of this Treaty inaccordance with the main principles contained therein.” If Russia’s tactical
nuclear weapons are the core of the P3’s concern, where necessary, aconsultative mechanism should be formed involving Russia and the P3.
As to the question of whether the experience of CANWFZ can beapplicable to East Asia, the following points should be considered. This treaty
has materialized based upon an arrangement freely arrived at among the C5.
As for its background there exists common desire, to establish a NWFZ,
pursue nuclear abolition, strengthen the independence and sovereign rights ofthe small nations that achieved independence from the former Soviet Union,
and to revitalize multilateral disarmament negotiations which had been incrisis. Some presidents exercised strong leadership at critical points during thenegotiation process despite being under enormous pressure from the P3. As a
U.N. body, my office supported them by organizing meetings on more than
60 occasions. In order to examine an idea of the establishment of a NWFZ inother regions, these factors can be seen as vital preconditions.

Challenges to the Second Generation of NWFZs :Northeast Asia and Single-State Zones
Jargalsaikhan Enkhsaikhan, Director of “Blue Banner”
From Latin America to Central Asia, five regional
NWFZs have so far been established, which I call thefirst generation, and I am now considering theestablishment of a second generation of NWFZs. In particular, the Middle
East, Central and Eastern Europe, South Asia and Northeast Asia, areas ofregional conflict or tension that affect the interests of nuclear-weapon states,
are currently under consideration, as are single states including Mongolia.
Of all the second generation zones, establishing a NWFZ in Northeast Asia
is clearly a matter of urgency. At a meeting organized by Blue Banner andother NGOs held in Mongolia in June, all the experts present agreed tosupport the denuclearization of Northeast Asia. In order to facilitate theestablishment of a NWFZ in Northeast Asia efforts should in the first instancebe focused on the ongoing Six-Party Talks, and civil society including NGOs,

citizens, and think tanks should be encouraged to support this process.
Regarding a single state zone in Mongolia, we encouraged bilateralnegotiations with the P5 nations following the end of the Cold War and thenappealed to the international community through the U.N., and the singlestate non-nuclear status was approved by the U.N. General Assembly. We
also enacted domestic laws to penalize individuals and states that violate these
new national conditions.
There is a definite challenge ahead to establish a second generation of
NWFZs, but it could lead to the creation of a new regional security
architecture. Strengthening the network of existing NWFZs is also needed.
Both governments and civil society should form effective coalitions topromote the establishment of new NWFZs in the runup to the forthcoming
2010 NPT Review Conference.

Nuclear Issues in East Asia and Security Policy of China
Wang Shan, Deputy Director, Institute of Japanese Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations
As North Korea’s nuclear weapon exists as athreatening tool to ensure its survival, it does not
represent a direct military threat to the U.S. The U.S.’
biggest concern is North Korea’s potential export ofnuclear weapons and nuclear materials. To North Korea, the purpose of
nuclear development is to bring about normalization of its relations with the
U.S. in exchange for a renunciation of nuclear weapons, which would likely
bring an end to its isolation. We need to link the negotiations of the Six-Party
Talks to the creation of a regional security mechanism.
In 2005, China published a White Paper on arms control, disarmament andnon-proliferation in which China expressed its position to support thepromotion of security in the region through multilateral cooperation. In the
new 21st century environment, two academic positions are discernible: one
focuses on non-proliferation rather than disarmament, and the other on
supporting existing disarmament efforts. In order to bridge the contradiction
between these two positions, it is necessary to create a new security
mechanism for Northeast Asia. However, the prospects for the creation ofsuch a mechanism are currently poor.
There are three problems associated with creating such a mechanism. Firstly,
mutual understanding based on common ideas and values is indispensable.
China supports the view that Northeast Asia requires a mutually-acceptable andinclusive conception of security. Secondly, security strategies which pursue
arms buildups through military alliances cannot guarantee regional or global

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security. Thirdly, a multilateral security mechanism in Northeast Asia should be
able to deal with a wide range of issues including trade, energy, the environment
and natural disasters. In addition, it should bring about multilateral cooperation
through the overcoming of existing rivalry between the great powers.

Central Asia and neighboring countries
RussiaAstanaKazakhstan

Georgia−2−

Caspian Sea

Armenia
Azerbaijan

Bishkek
Tashkent

Turkmenistan
Ashgabat

Iran

KyrgyzChina

Uzbekistan
Tajikistan
Dushanbe

Afghanistan

Pakistan
India

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.10 No.2 November 2007

Re-committing to Nuclear Disarmament

HPI Symposium

North Korea’s Nuclear Dilemma and Complex Peace Process
Ha Young-Sun, Professor, Department of International Relations, Seoul National University
After the failure of the 1994 U.S.-North Korea
Agreed Framework that was aimed at bringing about
a renunciation of North Korea’s nuclear
development, on September 19th 2005 the Six-Party
Talks agreed on a joint statement for the denuclearization of North Korea.
However, in contravention of this statement, North Korea carried out missile
tests in July 2006 and nuclear tests in October 2006 which were soon
followed by resolutions passed by the U.N. Security Council to impose
economic sanctions.
To break the deadlock, in February 2007 the Six-Party Talks approved an
Initial Action Agreement for the implementation of the September 19th Joint
Statement. In the first phase, North Korea is to shut down its nuclear facilities
at Yongbyon in return for the delivery of 50,000 tons of crude oil and theintroduction of five major working groups. In the next phase, North Korea isto declare all its nuclear programs and disable all its nuclear facilities in returnfor 950,000 tons of heavy fuel oil and progress in activities of the working

groups. However, North Korea has yet to fully implement this agreement.
Four major dilemmas exist behind the scenes: the clash between North
Korea’s military-first policy and the goal of denuclearization; the priority ofachieving the normalization of U.S.-North Korean relations and therenunciation of nuclear weapons by North Korea; China’s ambivalent position
in respect of the desire to denuclearize North Korea and its concern about an
unstable North Korea; South Korea’s unilateral engagement with the North,including the provision of economic assistance, which cannot of itself
guarantee denuclearization.
The ultimate denuclearization of North Korea should need the following
peace process on the Korean Peninsula: North Korea’s renunciation of its
military-first policy; implementation of the 1992 Basic Agreement on
Reconciliation, Nonaggression, Exchanges and Cooperation between theSouth and North; the establishment of North East Asian peace and theutilization of global governance principles for the peace and prosperity ofNorth Korea in East Asia.

On Realistic Approach
Motofumi Asai, President, Hiroshima Peace Institute, Hiroshima City University
As Japan has experienced atomic bombings, it shouldplay an important role in creating a NWFZ in East
Asia. For this purpose, Japan has to learn from theexperience of Kazakhstan, which has been victimized
by nuclear tests, on how to establish a NWFZ in Central Asia. However,China and Russia, which both supported the establishment of a NWFZ inCentral Asia, might adopt greatly differing positions with regard to a potential
NWFZ in East Asia, and we therefore cannot necessarily expect them tosupport it. The expected negative stance of the U.S. may undoubtedly makethe situation more complex.
Nuclear development on the part of North Korea can be seen as a strategy
to protect itself from a hostile U.S., and China’s current nuclear policy is
aimed at tackling the Taiwan issue and the Missile Defense architecture of the
U.S.-Japan Alliance. Therefore, in order to change the nuclear policies ofNorth Korea and China, U.S. policies should be changed as a matter ofprimary importance. South Korea and Japan’s policy of relying on U.S.

nuclear deterrent forces should also be reshuffled. In addition, although thecurrent problematic situation in East Asia is directly related to U.S. nuclear
policy, the U.S. has shown no regrets for the atomic bombings and is now
actually seeking usable nuclear weapons for the “war on terrorism,” and it isquite regrettable to admit that we cannot expect much policy change on thepart of the U.S.
Considering all of the above, we need to change the unethical stance of theJapanese government which has been citing the two contradictory policies of
the three non-nuclear principles while relying on U.S. nuclear deterrence andat the same time appealing for the “ultimate” abolition of nuclear weapons.
We should link “No More Hiroshima” to “No More War.” We should demandthat the Japanese government observe strictly the three non-nuclear principles
and scrap the policy of relying on the “nuclear umbrella” and the U.S.-Japan
military alliance. We should also seek sincere repentance from the U.S.
government for the dropping of the atomic bombs. Without the actions mentioned
above, it is highly unlikely that a NWFZ will be established in East Asia.

The Role of Youth in Nuclear Disarmamentand My Activities for the “Global Article 9 Conference to Abolish War”
Haruka Katarao, Staff of the “Global Article 9 Conference to Abolish War”
I was born in Hiroshima in 1982 at a time when there
was a global wave for nuclear abolition around theworld. I undertook peace education at my middle andhigh schools, majored in nuclear disarmament at both college and graduate
school at the same time as joining various NGO and citizens’ group activities
for peace and nuclear abolition. Last year I had the chance to experience aninternship at the United Nations Department for Disarmament Affairs.
As a result of my experience, I have identified two ways in which young
people can engage with nuclear issues: in research and in peace activities. In
the field of “research,” I examined the NWFZ in Africa for my graduation
thesis and the development and abolition of nuclear weapons in South Africa
from the viewpoint of politics and diplomacy for my Masters thesis. With
regard to nuclear weapon abolition in South Africa, several factors including
the transition of administration from majority White to Black rule have been
identified as significant. Were we able to draw a general theory for nuclear

elimination, the experience of Central Asia could potentially be applied to thatof East Asia.
In the field of “peace activities,” as an example, in the 12th grade I joined
an interchange program for Japanese, Indian and Pakistani youth to discuss
nuclear issues. At college I participated in a citizens’ group supporting
nuclear abolition, visited the U.S. to join meetings of victims of the 9/11
attacks and the Hibakusha, and attended the 2005 NPT Review Conference. I
also appeared in a documentary film about survivors of the atomic bomb
produced by a U.S. director in which I visited some of the nuclear-weapon
states and had the opportunity to discuss nuclear issues with young people
there.
The Hibakusha have been enduring the suffering caused by the atomic
bombing for 62 years whereas I have merely touched the surface of nuclear
issues during my short life of 25 years. I would like to continue the task ofsending messages of peace from Hiroshima in the future.

●Q & A
Q1 Can we expect leadership strong enough to establish a NWFZ in East Asia?
Ishiguri: Prior to that, nations in the region should share wishes to realize denuclearization and the total elimination of nuclear weapons, and make efforts to consolidate visions andwill for the establishment of a NWFZ. As referred to in my statement, strong leadership is required at the critical phase of negotiation.
Q2 Is there a possibility that U.S. forces or nuclear weapons will be transferred to Mongolia?
Enkhsaikhan: By establishing itself as a single-state non-nuclear state, Mongolia is seeking to secure assurances that our territory will not be used for conflict by the nuclear states.
It will be actually impossible for the U.S. to introduce its nuclear weapons to Mongolia because China and Russia have already agreed not to do so.
Q3 If Japan calls for the renunciation of nuclear weapons from its neighboring countries, is it persuasive considering Japan’s historical relationship with them?
Wang: While China and Japan are pursuing the development of their mutual relationship within the strategic framework, if Japan initiates diplomacy on the basis of its own values or
if Japanese political leaders argue for Japanese possession of nuclear weapons, China will take it very seriously.
Ha: In spite of its historical experience with nuclear weapons, Japan has not been very successful in playing a major role in the denuclearization of East Asia due to the lack of its
international leadership in the region. To exercise stronger leadership in East Asia, considering the current size of its economy as the second largest in the world, Japan should
redefine its national interest within a wider and more sustained perspective of East Asian symbiosis.
Q4 Is the threat/danger posed by China and North Korea underestimated? Are those who profess a non-nuclear policy seriously thinking about security issues?
Asai: A good answer to this kind of question is that even the U.S., which many Japanese people are relying on to provide its security, has no scenario in which North Korea or China
initiate war against Japan. The U.S. actually sees no real threat from China or North Korea.
Q5 How do you evaluate “peace education” being taught at middle/high school in Hiroshima?
Katarao: From “peace education” I learned detailed information about the past history of Hiroshima, including from the viewpoint of Japan as an aggressor. Rather than merely learning
passively, I also had the experience of explaining this history to students who were on their school excursions or who had come from abroad. As a result of conducting researchmyself and sometimes teaching and having discussions in English, I believe I can promote peace education through actively expressing messages of peace.

Speeches and Q&A: Summarized by Kazumi Mizumoto

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.10 No.2 November 2007

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＜Reflections from Hiroshima: The 6th in a Series＞

Keiji Nakazawa, Cartoonist

Gen is Angry
Interview and editing by Motofumi Asai
(Interviewed on August 20, 2007)

Mr. Keiji Nakazawa, the cartoonist who created Hadashi no Gen［English
edition: Barefoot Gen］, experienced the atomic bombing in Hiroshima, on
August 6, 1945 when he was just a first grader in elementary school. In
1968, he published his first A-bombing related cartoon, which was entitledKuroi Ame ni Utarete［Exposed to the Black Rain］. Since then, he has
drawn a large number of cartoons on the theme of the atomic bombing andwar, inviting positive as well as negative reactions. The most renowned andoutstanding product among his works is Barefoot Gen, whose main
character Gen could be said to be his alter ego. Barefoot Gen and otherworks of Nakazawa firmly convey his severe anger and sharp criticism
toward those responsible for the atomic bombing and Japan’s war of
aggression―both the U.S., which dropped the atomic bomb, and the Showa
Emperor and Japanese war leaders, who fought such a reckless and hopelesswar that led to the atomic bombing on Hiroshima―as well as toward postWar Japanese politics which has entirely neglected to seriously address the
war responsibilities.
Father’s Influence on My Thoughts
Nakazawa: My father strongly affected my way of thinking. He told me
again and again when I was just a first grader, “This war is wrong” or “Japan
will definitely lose the war. When you get older, Japan will be in such andsuch a situation. The time will surely come when you can eat as much white
rice and buckwheat noodles as you want.” I couldn’t imagine such gooddays would come, because all we could have back then was locusts or stalksof sweet potatoes. But now, I think that my father might have foreseen allthese things. As he foresaw prophetically, Japan lost the war and it is in anage of affluence now.
My father was a member of a theater group affiliated with the leftleaning Shinkyo theater group, or one of the biggest theater groups for a“new drama,” led by Osamu Takizawa. The group held their performances
at Hiroshima Doctors’ Institute in the Shintenchi area, selecting a novel or aplay like Yoakemae［English edition: Before the Dawn］by Toson Shimazaki
or The Lower Depths by Maxim Gorky. The left-leaning group was
definitely marked and watched by the militarist authorities. One day all themembers of the group were rounded up in one swoop and thrown in jail. I
was terrified on the day my father was caught. It was my most terrifying
experience. It was 1944 then and I was 5 years old. My mother was shaking
and swinging her hair, which made me realize that something bad had
happened to my family. I have never forgotten the sense of terror at thattime. My father was in a jail for almost a year and seemed to have been
tortured terribly. When he came back home, his teeth were loose or broken.
Still, he continued to say, “This war is wrong” as he had done before. He
was straightforward and adamant. The torture did not transform him.
August 6: Deaths of My Father, Sister and BrotherI was the third oldest son in my family, following the oldest brother,elder sister, and elder brother. I also had a younger brother and younger
sister, the latter was born on that fated August 6 and died 4 months later. On
August 6, my mother was fully pregnant and the baby was expected within
the month. When the atomic bomb was dropped, I wasn’t at home where myfather, elder sister, and younger brother died. But because my motherdescribed in full detail how they died, I know what it was like. So, I drew ascene in Barefoot Gen, in which Gen was there trying to save them.
My mother was always troubled by the nightmare of the scene of ourfamily dying. The body of my younger brother was stuck under thecollapsed house and she could not pull him out no matter how hard she tried.
After a while, the fire closed in. My younger brother started to scream “It’shot” and my father shouted “Do whatever.” My mother did not hear thevoice of Eiko, her elder daughter, who was probably crushed to death
instantly between a pillar and the house. Though my mother was crying andsaying that she was going to stay and die with her family, a passer-by fromthe same neighborhood, by a stroke of luck, talked her into escaping withhim. He said, “Give them up. You shouldn’t die together with them.” When
my mother looked over her shoulder while running away, the house fell in a
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younger brother, “It’s hot, mom!” My mothertold me these grief-ridden episodes. It is truly
brutal for them to have been killed that way.
Shortly afterwards, my mother told me to go
back to the house and dig up the remains of myfamily. With my eldest brother, I brought abucket and shovel and went to the site where myhouse used to stand. The skull of my younger
brother was uncovered at just the location where
my mother said he had died. A skull of a child isquite intact. But when I held the skull under the
Keiji Nakazawa
scorching sun, I really felt a chill. I felt that thehairs had stood up on the back of my neck, imagining that my younger
brother, who was stuck under the collapsed house and could not move hishead, was burned little by little. Then, I dug up the skull of my father in thefour and a half-tatami mat room, and the skull of my sister in the six-tatami
mat room in the back. The skull of a girl has a certain expression. It has agentle look. I thought “Ah, a skull has a facial expression.” My mother said,“It was good for Eiko to die instantly. I’m glad that she died quickly.”
Scenes from Hell After the Atomic Bombing
When we dug up the remains of my family, the stench of dead bodies
filled the air around my house. The dead bodies were scattered all aroundand stank, because they were not completely burned. What surprised memost was that people died showing their human emotions until the very lastminute. A mother died holding her child tightly within her arms. The face ofthe child was sunk in the mother’s body, because their bodies were swollen
from water.
Water tanks around the downtown in the Dobashi area were filled withdead bodies. There were some licensed red-light districts there. Those
people must have slept in these districts when the atomic bomb was
dropped. So, when they were surrounded by fire, many people probably
jumped into these water tanks. On my way home, I walked throughHiroshima City with my oldest brother. I noticed that the seven rivers in
Hiroshima were all covered with dead bodies. As I drew in my cartoon,
bellies of dead bodies were swollen up like balloons with their guts rotted.
The gas was bursting out of them, making a popping sound. The water thenpoured into these burst bellies and sank the dead bodies.
What terrified me most was that maggots bred at a frightening pace andturned into flies. There were tons of flies at that time. The air was so
blackened by these flies that I could not open my eyes. These flies, or theblackened air, attacked me. Strange as it may sound, flies were alive evenafter the atomic bombing. And maggots bred so quickly. All of a sudden,
maggots were everywhere. I hadn’t imagined that human bodies were
infested with so many maggots. Some things moving above my head were
flies moving in groups. Nothing but smoke from burning dead bodies andflies traveling in groups moved in Hiroshima during those days.
We suffered from not only the atomic bombing but also a food shortage
after the bombing. My family stayed in the Eba area for a while. Hunger
really tortured us after the war. In Eba, at low tide, an endless array of ribsof dead bodies appeared at the mouth of a river. Scooping up sand underthese ribs, lots of Manila clams came out one after another. They weregrowing, living on these dead bodies. We desperately picked up these clams
to keep hunger away.
Anger Against the Emperor System
I do not trust the people who keep their mouth shut about the emperor
system. Japanese people should ponder deeply about the horror of thesystem, and the fact that the system still exists today.
I remember very well when the Emperor visited Hiroshima in 1947.
Because my father often told me about the emperor system, I thought, “Thisguy destroyed my family and ruined our lives,” feeling a hot surge of anger.
On the day of his visit to Hiroshima, I was in the front row of children, whostood on the side of Aioi Bridge to welcome the Emperor. The Emperor
came by in a black Ford car. At the sight of him, I thought that he had ruined−4−

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.10 No.2 November 2007

＜Reflections from Hiroshima: The 6th in a Series＞

our lives and killed my father. The thought made me want to jump on him. I
could not forget the impulse yet. The teacher told us over and over to throw
our arms in the air and shout “Banzai.” Retorting silently, “Don’t be silly!”
I kicked the broken piece of a roof tile with my wooden clog. The piece hit
a tire of the car and sprang back at quite a pace. My blood was boiling and I
was feeling, more strongly than ever, that my whole body was burning up
like a fire. I really felt like strangling him to death.
Asai: People in Hiroshima, who welcomed the Emperor, seem tohave had no anger or hatred toward him. What do you think is
the reason?
This is because of the education in prewar days. The education before
the war greatly changed Japanese people. There must have been somepeople who had had fierce anger against the Emperor. But I’m afraid that allof them might have died in jail during the war. Another reason is
Hiroshima’s conservatism. There seems to be very little we can do to change
this peculiar character of Hiroshima people.
I can never forgive the emperor system. Japanese people, forthemselves, have not brought the Emperor to justice yet. It is not too late.
We have to think about the catastrophe the Emperor brought about to Japanand confront the emperor system, the fundamental cause of the catastrophe.
A-bomb Survivors and Discrimination Against Them
Asai: The population in Hiroshima sharply declined after the atomic
bombing, but expanded rapidly in the postwar period. Given
that the number of A-bomb survivors did not change, the swift

recovery of the population was attributable to the increase of
non-A-bomb survivors. I’m afraid that the postwar
reconstruction of Hiroshima was advanced, at the price of the
A-bomb survivors being pushed to the margins of society.
Discrimination against A-bomb survivors started at that point. The
discrimination silenced A-bomb survivors about their A-bombed ghastly
experience. The awful discrimination was so pervasive that nobody could
raise his/her voice in protest against it. I lived in Takajo-machi, or presentday Honkawa-cho, and often heard that female survivors in theneighborhood had hanged themselves.
One of my acquaintances got married with a woman in Tokyo and held
a wedding party there, only to find that nobody attended the party. Once
non-A-bomb survivors learned that you were an A-bomb survivor, they felt
a sense that you were somehow dangerous. Such a sense of danger wasexactly what the authorities wanted. If discrimination silences A-bomb
survivors, it serves the interests of the authorities. The authorities could use
the discrimination to oppress A-bomb survivors so that these survivors
could not draw attention to themselves.
I moved up to Tokyo in 1961. I had controlled myself to close my eyesto the atomic bombing until my mother died in 1966. A-bomb survivors
suffered severe discrimination in Tokyo. When I once casually said in agroup that I had experienced the atomic bombing, a grotesque expressionrose to the faces of those present. I had never seen such a cold look. I felt that
there was something wrong with it. When I told this episode to a member ofthe Hiroshima Prefectural Confederation of A-bomb Sufferers
Organizations, she said that many people in Tokyo are ignorant about theatomic bombing. She also said that once you said you had suffered from theatomic bombing, they tried to avoid touching the tea cup you had held andwould not come near you, believing that radiation would be transmitted tothem. Then, I thought, “It makes sense to me now.” I decided not to talkabout the atomic bombing any more.
I tried to live in Tokyo to make that place my final home with theintention of keeping silent about the atomic bombing. But when she died in
1966, I realized that I had managed to live thanks to her. The death of mymother, a big part of my life, was so shocking that I rushed back home.
Because I have dug up the remains of my family before, I could imagine
what would be left after a human body is cremated. But after the cremationof my mother’s body, I merely found several dotted white fragments ofbones, which made my blood boil instantly; “Radiation took everything,even the bones of my dearest mother. Give me back her bones!” The onlymeans I had to express myself then was cartooning. So, I decided to do what
I could do through cartoons.
My Thoughts About Hiroshima
Until 10 years ago, I never came back to Hiroshima. The town ofHiroshima reminded me of the dreadful past, which I did not want toremember. For instance, the sight of a river brought back to my mind thesight of piles of white bones. The walk around the city reawakened
memories of what it was like at different places. I could not stand toremember the stench of dead bodies. The stench is truly beyond description.
I had the feeling that I did not want to come near Hiroshima. But my former
teacher lives in Hiroshima and my old classmates get together for hisbirthday party, which started to draw me to Hiroshima again. Probably time
has washed away the earlier bad memories. Now I’m determined to make
Hiroshima my final home.
As I said, I think that people in Hiroshima are very conservative. Thisconservativeness should be changed. For that purpose, each individual
needs to make some diligent effort. I am a cartoonist. So, I have no choice
but to fight with cartoons as my weapon. The only way to change theconservativeness is that each person in each position tries to appeal tosociety. Though I have strong negative feelings that the conservativeness of
Hiroshima is not easy to change, I encourage myself with the belief thatchange is possible. I do believe that Hiroshima has to advocate the cause ofhuman dignity more and more, as the keepers of Auschwitz do.
Asai is president at HPI

Barefoot Gen Vol.1 : A Cartoon Story of Hiroshima, P272 (Last Gaspof San Francisco, 2004)

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.10 No.2 November 2007

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HPI’s Sixth Lecture Series for Citizens of Hiroshima“Global Peace Thoughts and Practices:
Its Universality and Diversity”
HPI began its 6th lecture series for the citizens of Hiroshima at the end of
May. The opening series of five lectures was held, as last year, at theHiroshima City Plaza for Town Development through Citizen Exchange.
We chose “Global Peace Thoughts and Practices: Its Universality andDiversity” as the title for the first set of lectures, the intention being to
examine anew what exactly “peace” is and how peace building can beachieved. With clear awareness of the global perspective, we attempted to
explore the universality and diversity of peace and the possibility for
actually building peace. The efforts of movements against war and forreconciliation in areas such as Africa, Europe, Latin America, the Islamic
world and Asia were examined.
First lecture: The Experience of the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission of South Africa
Lecturer: Yoko Nagahara, Associate Professor, Tokyo University ofForeign Studies
Date: May 24

Prof. Nagahara first explained the historical development of Apartheidin South Africa and addressed the reconciliation issue through theexperience of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which was
founded following the abolition of Apartheid. The Truth and Reconciliation
Commission focuses on recovery from the damage of human rights
violations brought about by Apartheid, calls for “restorative justice,” andstrives to share each individual’s experience as a part of national memory.
The Commission could be seen as a model case for a post-civil war society.
However, there are many problems still to be solved in relation to it, such as
an accurate definition of severe human rights violations, delay of reparationfor victims, economic disparity between Blacks and Whites, and ongoingissues over gender structure which date back to precolonial days. Nagahara
pointed out that colonialism, that in turn led to Apartheid, was itself a crime
against humanity. The overarching crime has yet to be addressed.
Second lecture: German Pacifism in the 20th Century
Lecturer: Makiko Takemoto, Research Associate, HPI
Date: May 31

Takemoto served as the lecturer for the second lecture. Due to the factthat Germany is well-known for the brutality of the Nazis, research on theGermany of this period has largely focused on the side that caused the war.
Contrary to this trend, this lecture took up the period of the 1920s, which
occupies a significant place in the history of the German peace movement,
focusing on the people who had sought peace during the period. The lecture
located the concept of “peace” in German history, explaining that the word
“pacifism” or “pacifist” began to be used in the 20th century and thatpacifists before World War were, for political interests, taken advantage
of by both East and West Germany during the Cold War.
Third lecture: Tiny Battle Between Grandchildren
Lecturer: Midori Iijima, Associate Professor, Rikkyo University
Date: June 7

Fourth lecture: International Affairs and Islam: On Islamic Fundamentalism
Lecturer: Masaki Uno, Professor, Hiroshima City University
Date: June 14

Prof. Uno first explained several concepts of Islam, which as a religion
and way of life, is often misunderstood in Japan. Then he explained thattoday’s understanding of Islam is mainly offered from a European
perspective and that European judgments of Islam are frequently imposedon the rest of the world. He argued that the main cause of the current
conflicts over national borders lies in the creation of modern nation states
and the principle of nationalism, issues which were largely championed by
the countries of Europe. He also argued that the current movement ofIslamic fundamentalism should be understood as an outcome of wars thattook place in the 20th century. In addition, Uno stressed that religion, as aworld view, should not be designated as unorthodox in an understanding ofIslam. He also mentioned the necessity of having insights into history andwar, and the importance of understanding others and fostering mutual
understanding.
Fifth lecture: Transformation of Anti-war Narrative
Lecturer: Yoshiaki Fukuma, Associate Professor, Kagawa University
Date: June 21

Prof. Fukuma dealt with “anti-war movements” in the battle of
Okinawa. In his book Hansen no Media Shi [Anti-war Mass MediaHistory], published by Sekaishisosha, 2006, he examines Japan’s post-war
mass media, focusing on the themes of “front line and home front” and“atomic bombings” from the perspective of “public opinion,” and rational
arguments about public affairs such as politics, from the perspective of“popular sentiments.” In the lecture, he examined movies such as Himeyurino To [Himeyuri Lily Tower] and Okinawa Kenji Tai [Okinawa Boys’
Squad ]. He analyzed what was portrayed in the movies, how these movies
were received by the public, and what was and was not accepted by themwith the help of historical materials such as cinematic reviews. He argued
that the desire of popular nationalism in post-war Japan, exemplified in the
Okinawan issue and linked to issues relating to nationalism and gender,
should be understood through an examination of these historical materials.
He also stressed that we should critically examine the complex andinterconnected desires that surface in discussions of war or the anti-war
movement, as well as those relating to subterranean authority.
The lecture series was well attended, as was the case with the previous
lecture series. Many questions and opinions were presented following thelectures, indicating the audience’s strong will to engage with the issues
discussed. The series turned out to be very exciting. As requested by somemembers of the audience, we should concentrate on peace issues in morediverse areas in order to learn more about global pacifism and its practice inthe world. We hope to continue to grapple with this issue in future lecture
series.
By Makiko Takemoto, research associate at HPIProf. Iijima, a specialist in Latin American history, regards the 20th
century for Latin America as an era of “U.S. intervention as force majeure”
and civil wars. In her lecture she focused on Latin American and especially
Chilean history, and the problem of reconciliation in a society politicallydivided. It became evident on the death of General Pinochet that the legacyof military dictatorship had been handed down to the grandchildren of those
who had antagonized one another. It is decidedly difficult to resolve
resentment caused by a civil war, or a war against a domestic enemy, thatis, in effect, a war against one’s own neighbors. Moreover, in many cases in
Latin America, a culture of violence has often been accentuated, noteliminated, under the “peace accord” or “power transition to civilian rule”
since the military has been such an important institution in its history.
Bringing about reconciliation has proven extremely difficult even in the
Chilean case. Iijima discussed these issues as seen from the perspective of
the battle between the grandchildren, making reference to Chile’s relations
with Spain and the U.K.

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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.10 No.2 November 2007

HPI Research Forum
relationship between the national principle of non-violence and aguarantee of citizens’ basic human rights.
Amongst these nations, two─the Federated States of Micronesia andthe Republic of Palau─clearly express a non-nuclear stance in theirconstitutions. The constitution of the Federated States of Micronesia, acountry that established autonomous government in 1979, prohibits any
experiment, storage, use or handling of nuclear weapons. The constitutionof the Republic of Palau, established in 1981, also includes similar nonnuclear clauses. However, Palau’s non-nuclear stance was virtuallymutilated by a bilateral agreement with the U.S., which once had plans toestablish a military base on this island and thus fiercely opposed theinclusion of a non-nuclear declaration in Palau’s constitution.
An examination of the constitutions of other nations with no armed
forces reveals that, even if their constitutions proclaim pacifism or nonnuclear principles, the constitution itself is useless without persistent
popular efforts to promote peace in various ways.
Considering the current situation of Japan, in which Article 9 is being
step by step eroded by state actions, Maeda emphasizes the importance of
popularizing the idea of peace and non-violence through grass-roots
movements, e.g., making local municipal governments issue a “peace andopen city declaration.”

May 18, 2007

Title: The Contemporary Significance of Article 9of the Japanese Constitution: Learning fromThose Nations Which Do Not Possess Military
ForcesSpeaker: Dr. Akira Maeda, Professor, Tokyo Zokei University
On 14 May, 2007, a national referendum bill
stipulating the procedures for revising theconstitution was enacted in Japan. It is widelybelieved that Japan’s peaceful constitution has so
far played an important, although not entirely
satisfactory, role in maintaining Japan’s post-war
peace and democracy. However, many people are
now seriously concerned about the danger of losing
Dr. Akira Maeda
the pacifist clauses if it is amended. Maeda, who is
now actively promoting the idea of examining the Japanese constitution
in the light of a comparative analysis of other nation’s constitutions, was
our guest speaker and presented a paper on this pressing issue.
Japan’s constitution is unique in the world, in that, in the Preamble itexplicitly proclaims the right of Japanese people to a peaceful life. In
addition, Article 9 proclaims the nation’s absolute pacifism. However,there are other nations, which adopt the principle of no armed forces,
pacifism, permanent neutralism, or a non-nuclear policy in theirconstitutions. Maeda therefore emphasizes the importance of comparing
Japan’s constitution with the constitutions of such nations.
It is not widely known that there are in fact 27 nations in the world,which possess no armed forces. They are all small nations, but theyamount to 15 percent of the entire sovereign nations in the world. Not allthese nations clearly proclaim pacifism in their constitutions. Yet, most ofthem are democratic nations with a high standard of human rights
including women’s rights and education, and many of them haveabolished the death penalty from their legal systems. In general, thesenations have a relatively well-founded peaceful culture, implying a close

By Yuki Tanaka, professor at HPI

Publication of HPI Research Project

Narayanan Ganesan and Kyaw Yin Hlaing, eds.,(Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007)

Myanmar: State, Society and Ethnicity
This book is the outcome of two workshops
held at the Hiroshima Peace Institute in2005. The collection of papers was
published by the Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies in Singapore in February
2007.
The book explores a number of issues
that are central to a proper understanding of
Myanmar and the reasons for its current
state of being. Chapters 2 and 3 discuss
Myanmar in relation to other countries inSoutheast Asia. The issues addressed inthese preliminary chapters are the nature ofstate-society relations, and minorities and their involvement in statebuilding. The issue of ethnic minorities is rather important in the case of
Myanmar since approximately 140 different ethnic groups were
catalogued by the British colonial authorities prior to independence.
Chapters 4 and 5 examine historical developments and theirsubsequent impact on the course of political developments in the
country. Chapter 4 by Robert Taylor emphasizes the accidental natureof colonial political developments and how British colonial policy wasneither discrete nor consistent. The following chapter by Kei Nemoto
looks at the Japanese invasion and occupation of Burma: it outlines the“special relationship” that has existed between the countries in the postWar period and the critical role of the Japanese Minami Kikan, a secretorganization, in furthering the relationship. The chapter also identifies

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS, Vol.10 No.2 November 2007

and examines the various groups of Myanmar nationals to be found inJapan and their activities and affiliations.
Chapters 6 and 7 elaborate on various aspects of political andeconomic development in Myanmar. The first of these chapters byDavid Steinberg traces how the concept of political legitimacy is
obtained and exercised in Myanmar. The subsequent chapter fleshes out
the intricacies of associational life in the country and how the severe
restraints placed on group activities have affected the political-economy
of state-society relations. The final chapter in this cluster identifies thestate of human security in Myanmar, looking at relevant aspects ofhuman well-being such as food, health, economic and environmental
availability and the limitations upon them.
The last group of chapters identifies and traces developments
pertaining to three of the largest ethnic minority groups in Myanmar;
they examine the Karen, Kachin and Shan communities. Importantly,
these chapters also provide first-hand information on how the Karen andKachin ethnic insurgent groups negotiated ceasefire agreements withthe military government. Additionally, the chapters examine how thesecommunities are trying to rebuild their lives peacefully after more than
five decades of conflict. The final chapter of the book contains animpassioned plea against the Western sanction regime, arguing thatsanctions have only hurt the well-being and livelihoods of ordinary
citizens rather than the elite which they have been aimed at.

−7−

By Narayanan Ganesan, professor at HPIVisit HPI’s website at http://serv.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/English/index.htm

July 1, 2007-October 31, 2007
◆J u l. 9 Hitoshi Nagai gives lecture on “Loser’s Justice” at Center for Study ofPeace and Reconciliation, Graduate School of Social Sciences, Hitotsubashi
University.
◆J u l.9-15 Hiroko Takahashi conducts research on U.S. Atomic Energy
Commission documents at National Archives in Washington D.C. area, U.S.
◆J u l.14 Yuki Tanaka gives lecture on “State, Sexual Violence in War, andManhood” at workshop organized by Center for New European Research,
Hitotsubashi University, at Hitotsubashi University.
◆J u l.19 HPI President Motofumi Asai gives lecture on “World Peace” at training
course for new section chiefs at Hiroshima City Hall, organized by Hiroshima City
Training Center, in Hiroshima Prefecture.▽Kazumi Mizumoto gives lecture on“Current World Situation of Nuclear Weapons and Hiroshima” for peace educationlecture series at Hiroshima International University in Higashihiroshima City.
◆J u l.20 Yoshiaki Sato gives lecture on “Articles on the Organization and the
Measures of Action of Draft Charter of East Asian Community” at CREP
international workshop organized by Institute of Social Science, at University ofTokyo.
◆J u l.21 Asai attends, as panelist, conference “What We Will Learn from the Iraq
War” at 60th Anniversary Symposium for Japanese Constitution, organized by theJapan Federation of Bar Associations, in Tokyo.▽Sato gives lecture on Draft Charterof East Asian Community at CREP International Symposium on “Future East AsianRegionalism” organized by Institute of Social Science, at University of Tokyo.
◆J u l.28 Mizumoto gives lecture on “Nuclear Weapons Today and Perceptions of
the Atomic Bombings” at Peace Club for Junior High and High School Students at
Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum.
◆J u l.30 Mizumoto gives lecture on “Hiroshima and Peace” for training programfor journalists organized by Hiroshima City, at International Conference Center
Hiroshima.
◆Aug. 2 Asai gives lecture on “Developments in Nuclear Issues on the Korean
Peninsula and Tasks for Denuclearization” at 2007 World Conference against A&H
Bombs for Scientists, organized by Kyoto Branch of Japan Scientists Association,
in Kyoto.▽Mizumoto attends, as chief judge, presentation contest “Junior andSenior High School Students, Passing on the Message of Peace from Hiroshima”
organized by the Board of Education, Hiroshima City, in Hiroshima Prefecture.
◆Aug. 3 Asai gives lecture on “Deepening Crisis in the Japan-U.S. Alliance andArticle 9 of the Japanese Constitution” at 2007 World Conference Against A&H
Bombs, organized by Japan Council Against Atomic and Hydrogen Bomb
(Gensuikyo), in Hiroshima Prefecture.▽Takahashi comments on residual radiation
issues at “Screening of Documentary TV Program on the A-bomb” by study meetingfor Peace Film and Hiroshima Peace Film Festival, in Hiroshima Prefecture.
◆Aug. 5 HPI holds international symposium, “Re-committing to Nuclear
Disarmament: From Central Asia to East Asia” at International Conference Center
Hiroshima.
◆Aug. 6 Sung Chull Kim presents paper on “Changes in Systemic Identity andInternational Cooperation” at 51st annual meeting of International Society for
Systems Sciences, at Tokyo Institute of Technology.
◆Aug. 7 Asai gives lecture on For Those Who Create Peace” at study meetingorganized by Friendship Society in Hiroshima, in Hiroshima Prefecture.
◆Aug.8-10 Narayanan Ganesan gives lectures on “Political Developments in
Myanmar” and “Authoritarianism in Southeast Asia” at South-South Summer
Institute in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, organized by Asian Political and International
Studies Association.
◆Aug.10 Takahashi talks on “The Control of the A-bomb Information by the U.S.
Government” at supporting organization for a collective lawsuit by Hibakusha, in
Hiroshima Prefecture.
◆Aug.11 Asai gives lecture on “To Think About the Japanese Constitution from
Hiroshima” for participants of “Trip to Think About Hiroshima,” organized byYoung Women’s Christian Association of Japan, in Hiroshima Prefecture, and gives
lecture on “Mixture of Damages” at study meeting organized by Kudamatsu Catholic
Church, in Yamaguchi Prefecture.
◆Aug.12 Robert Jacobs organizes and facilitates public forum for Japan America
Student Conference and gives lecture on “Lessons from Hiroshima,” in Hiroshima
Prefecture.
◆Aug.13-14 Mikyoung Kim collects data on North Korean refugees in Seoul,
South Korea.
◆Aug.14 Yuki Tanaka gives lecture on “Oda Makoto’s Philosophy and 14 August
1945” at meeting of the organization called Civilian Voices 30, in Osaka Prefecture.
◆Aug.15 Asai gives lecture on “Masao Maruyama” at meeting for “Going Back,”
organized by publisher of “Masao Maruyama’s Notebook,” in Tokyo.

◆Aug.17 Mikyoung Kim chairs session on “Japan and Northeast Asia Relations”
at Japan Studies Association of Canada (JSAC) annual meeting in Toronto, Canada.
▽Takahashi participates as panelist at Hiroshima Peace Film Festival 2007
Symposium “From Hiroshima to Hiroshimas in the World,” in Hiroshima
Prefecture.
◆Aug.17-18 Asai attends, as co-researcher, sectional meeting “Tasks for Peace
Education in Social Studies” at Educational Meeting 2007, organized by executive
committee of Educational Meeting to Create Future for the 21st Century, in
Hiroshima Prefecture.
◆Aug.19 Mizumoto gives lecture on “Peace and Anti-war Thoughts in Japan and
Their Transition” at meeting of Social Studies Research Group, organized byprivate high schools in Hyogo Prefecture, at Hiroshima National Peace Memorial
Hall for the Atomic Bomb Victims.▽Mikyoung Kim presents paper on “History
Textbook Controversies in Northeast Asia,” at JSAC annual meeting in Toronto,
Canada.
◆Aug.20-29 Mikyoung Kim collects data on U.S. policy towards Northeast Asia in
Washington, D.C., U.S.
◆Aug.21-Sep.5 Mizumoto visits Cambodia for ex-ante adjustment of Reconstruction
Aid Project in Cambodia, organized by Hiroshima Prefecture and JICA.
◆Aug.22-23 Mizumoto gives lecture on “Hiroshima” at Sophia Asia Center for
Research and Human Development in Siem Reap, Cambodia.
◆Sep. 1 Mikyoung Kim presents paper on “China and Human Rights Debates” atAmerican Political Science Association annual meeting in Chicago, U.S.
◆Sep. 5 Tanaka gives lecture on “Crime and Responsibility” at public lectureorganized by Medical Association for Prevention of War, Australia, at Medical
School of Melbourne University.
◆Sep. 7 Tanaka gives lecture on “Oda Makoto and 14 August 1945” at JapaneseStudies Center, Monash University in Melbourne, Australia.
◆Sep. 9 Takahashi gives lecture on “The Control of the A-bomb Information by
the U.S. Government” at seminar organized by Meiji Gakuin University andUniversity of California, in Hiroshima Prefecture.
◆Sep.18 Asai gives lecture on “To Confront History and Consider Peace” at peace
guide training course, organized by CO-OP Tokyo, in Tokyo.
◆Sep.29 Asai gives lecture on “Special Anti-terrorism Law” at study meetingorganized by Hiroshima Peace Study Group, in Hiroshima Prefecture.
◆Sep.30 Asai gives lecture on “Scheme to Revise Japanese Constitution” at 10th
general meeting of Fukuoka Prefectural Branch of “One Million Signature
Campaign to Block the Road Leading to War,” in Fukuoka Prefecture.
◆O c t. 3 Mizumoto gives lecture on “How to Conduct NGO Activities” at
Hiroshima Asia “JUKU” Seminar, organized by and held at Hiroshima International
Center.
◆O c t. 8 Asai gives lecture on “To Foster Precious Lives” at meeting to consider
peace, welfare and future of education, organized by National Conference to Support
the Life and Right of Disabled Persons, in Osaka Prefecture.
◆O c t.13 Asai gives lecture on “Japanese Constitution” at peace study meetingorganized by Hiroshima Prefectural Employee’s Union, in Hiroshima Prefecture.
▽Takahashi gives lecture on “Civil Defense Program in Japan and U.S.” at study
meeting for A- bomb Literature at Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum.
◆O c t.16 HPI holds the 2nd meeting of Peace Research Institute Network ofWestern Japan, at HPI.
◆O c t.17 Mizumoto attends, as discussant, and Mikyoung Kim gives lecture on“Remembering Hiroshima and Gwangju” at international conference “Democracy,
Human Rights, Peace in Gwangju and Hiroshima 2007” organized by Honam
University in Gwangju Metropolitan City, South Korea.
◆O c t.19 Asai gives lecture on “Sense of Otherness as Foundation of Peace” atsectional meeting for “Peace,” of Japan Women’s Conference 2007, organized by its
executive committee, in Hiroshima Prefecture.
◆O c t.27 Asai gives lecture on “Abolition of Nuclear Weapons” at meeting for
U.N. Disarmament Week, organized by Osaka Gensuikyo, in Osaka Prefecture.
−Visitors to HPI−
◆J u l.30 Wuiling Cheah, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, National Universityof Singapore.
◆Aug. 3 Kim Ok-Lyoul, Executive Editor, The CNU Press, Chonnam National
University and three other members, plus five students.
◆Aug. 4 Niu Qiang, Secretary General, Chinese People’s Association for Peaceand Disarmament, Wen Desheng, Council Member, China-Japan Friendship
Association, and two other members.

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS

Vol.10, No.2 November 28, 2007
Copyright 2007 HPI All rights reserved●Publisher: Hiroshima Peace Institute, Hiroshima City University; Editor: Ayako Yoshida
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