HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS
Hiroshima Peace InstituteVol.25 No.1 September 2022

Russian Invasion of Ukraine:
Russia, Humanitarian Crisis, International Law

Research ForumGen Kikkawa

On February 24, 2022, immediately after the close of the Beijing
Winter Olympics, Russian forces began to invade Ukraine.
Concerning the reason for this military attack, President Putin of
Russia said, “Since Russia’s security was threatened, this (special
military operation) was the only option available to us.” What did
President Putin mean by citing a threat to Russia’s security? Why
does he regard Ukraine’s membership in North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) as a threat to Russia? Above all, why did heresort to such an act of violence?
On March 29, 2022, the Hiroshima Peace Institute (HPI)
held an emergency online research forum titled, “The Invasionof Ukraine: Russia, Humanitarian Crisis, International Law.” At
this forum three speakers discussed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine
from various viewpoints. Toshiya Umehara (Ph.D. student at theGraduate School of Peace Studies, Hiroshima City University;
former London Bureau Chief Correspondent, European Editor andmember of the editorial board of the Asahi Shimbun) discussed
it from the viewpoint of nuclear issues and as a humanitariancrisis, Mihoko Kato (lecturer at HPI) gave a presentation fromthe standpoint of Russian foreign relations, and Tetsuo Sato
(specially appointed professor at HPI) discussed the issue fromthe framework of international law. The following synopses were
submitted by the speakers:
1. Umehara: From the Viewpoint of Nuclear Issues
and as a Humanitarian Crisis
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine comprises a multi-layer crisis. Firstof all, the humanitarian crisis that is taking place on the front lines
is extremely challenging. At the time of this forum, one in four
Ukrainians have been displaced and are living within or outside thecountry as either an internally displaced person or a refugee. The crisis
is exceptional in terms of both the scale and exacerbating speed.
An even more structural crisis is taking place along
multiple layers. Russia tries to justify its invasion by delivering
a completely illusory message that Ukraine has been “Nazified,”and continues to deny its responsibility for inhumane acts. Suchremarks are eroding our belief in fact and truth. Moreover, we cannever overlook the risks involved in acts that violate establishedinternational norms, such as the norm that prohibits changes ofnational borders by means of force. There is also a mid- to long-term risk of the collapse of the international order, which can leadto the instability of international society.
Russia insisted that Russian Ukrainians, who comprisea minority group, were being oppressed by the Ukrainian
government and that it was necessary to intervene in order toprotect these people. This assertion, however, is completely untrue.
Even though there are many Russian-speaking people in Ukraine,
they regard themselves as European citizens, and the majority ofthem do not desire the integration of their country with Russia.
After the end of the Cold War, due to political corruption,
Ukraine was on the verge of becoming a failed state, at least interms of governance. In the Euro-Maidan Revolution, which took
place in 2014, a popular uprising culminated in the overthrow of the
Ukrainian government at the time. Fearing the influence the incident
might have on Russia, President Putin commenced the first militaryintervention, which began with the annexation of Crimea.
In the current invasion, to secure Russia’s advantage inmilitary operations, President Putin threatens international society
by implying the possible use of nuclear weapons. This can erode
the norms or traditions that have prevented the use of nuclear
weapons for more than 76 years. The so-called “nuclear peace
theory” that is based on nuclear deterrence is no longer valid in
the present crisis in Ukraine. As part of its efforts to justify theintervention, Russia even suggested that Ukraine was developing
weapons of mass destruction, with no basis in fact. Under thepresent circumstances of the war, which are not favorable for
Russia, it is hard to deny the possibility that Russia will adopt theso-called “escalate to de-escalate” strategy and launch a limited
nuclear attack as a “gamechanger.”
After the end of the Cold War, Ukraine made the decision
to abandon its nuclear weapons and acceded to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Even though Russia
provided security assurances to Ukraine at that time, the nuclear
power one-sidedly canceled this agreement and threatened Ukraine
by implying the possible use of nuclear weapons. This in turn has
impacted the global norm of nuclear non-proliferation. Before
discussing this issue, I would like to remind you of the fact that thenuclear arsenals that remained in Ukraine at that time were kept
at bases of the former Soviet Union and that they were constantly
under Russian control. Although a few Japanese people believe

Contents

Research Forum
Russian Invasion of Ukraine: Russia, Humanitarian Crisis, International Law
Gen Kikkawa ………………… 1-2
Symposium
East Asia on the Move
Tadashi Okimura ……………… 3
Public Lecture Series
A Hiroshima Approach to Peace Studies
Makiko Takemoto ……………… 4
What Is the “Peace Memorial City”?
Shota Moriue …………………… 5
Hello from HPI
Yasuhiro Yamada ……………… 6“Genbakugo no 75 nen—Nagasaki no Kioku to Kiroku wo Tadoru”
Chie Shijo ……………………… 6
Hello from GSPS
Going My Way to Study
Masayo Eguchi ………………… 7
The First Online Briefing Session on Admission to the Graduate School of Peace Studies 2022
Makiko Takemoto ……………… 7
The Forthcoming Online Briefing Session on Admission to the Graduate School of Peace Studies …………………………………………… 7
Diary ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 8

Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

1that if Ukraine had not abandoned its nuclear arsenal, it would nothave been invaded by Russia, this view is not based on fact.
While the non-nuclear theory upheld by Hiroshima andNagasaki faces a serious challenge, it is still valid. In addition to
overcoming the humanitarian crisis happening right now on thefront lines as quickly as possible, we must also work to restore thenorms of the non-nuclear theory based on fact.
2. Kato: From the Viewpoint of Studies on Russian
Foreign Relations
To describe the background to the current full-scale war, I
explained about the Euro-Maidan Revolution (February 2014),
which was triggered by Russia’s attempt to prevent Ukraine fromsigning the Association Agreement with the European Union(EU), the annexation of Crimea by Russia (March 2014), andsubsequent armed conflict between pro-Russia separatists and the
Ukrainian government in Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts (Donbas
region) in eastern Ukraine. During the period between 2015 and2019, the Ukrainian Poroshenko administration promoted a shift
away from Russia. The Zelensky administration, which was
inaugurated in April 2019, continued the anti-Russian policiesof the former president and sought membership in the EU and
NATO. Throughout the year prior to the Russian invasion, tension
was rising in the Donbas region, and the conflict was intensifying
between the Zelensky administration and the Putin administration,
the latter one-sidedly insisting that Ukraine could obtain true
sovereignty only under its partnership with Russia.
Next, from a broader perspective, I explained the internationalsituation that contributed to the Russia’s intervention. After theinauguration of the Biden administration in January 2021, the U.S.
and Russia agreed to extend the new Strategic Arms Reduction
Treaty (START) and to continue negotiations. The withdrawal of
U.S. forces from Afghanistan in August 2021, however, clearly
showed that the presence of the U.S. as a global power wasdiminishing. This likely made the Putin administration believethat the U.S. would not intervene in conflicts within the regionsof the former Soviet Union. In addition, the Putin administrationcommitted a serious misjudgment, having been misled by its stringof successful military operations, including the second Chechen
war, the Russo-Georgian war, the annexation of Crimea, and theintervention in Syria, along with the enhanced presence of Russia
in a broad region from the Middle East to South Asia. Based on the
misconception of Russian power, the Putin administration might
have predicted that Russia would be able to recover its sphere of
influence through a short-term operation.
Finally, it is worth noting that responses to the Russian
invasion differed from country to country. While Westerncountries, led by the U.S., demonstrated unprecedented solidarity
in imposing sanctions against Russia and aiding Ukraine, somecountries (Turkey and Saudi Arabia) blamed Russia but did not
impose sanctions, other countries (China, India, member states of
the Collective Security Treaty Organization, Vietnam, Iran, Iraq,etc.) adopted a neutral position and did not impose sanctions, andstill others (Belarus, Syria, North Korea, etc.) supported Russia. It

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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.25 No.1, September 2022

cannot be denied that the war was caused partly by the obsession
and distorted view of history personally held by President Putin.
The difference in responses to the war, however, possibly reveals
the fact that there is another aspect of the war. For some people,
the war might represent an explosion of negative energy derived
from the frictions and discontinuity between nations of democratic,
dictatorial, and authoritarian systems, as well as by frustrations ofpeople against the security orders built in Europe, the Middle East,
Eurasia, and East Asia after the end of the Cold War. Needless tosay, the utmost priority should be placed on stopping the Russian
military operation right now. However, if Western countries further
isolate Russia, the country is likely to reinforce its relations withthe so-called failed states and countries under conflict. We must
understand that this in turn could lead to the instability of theinternational order and inflict a negative impact on the West.
3. Sato: From the Viewpoint of International Law
In the reports on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, we often see many
terms and concepts of international law. In my presentation, I tried
to offer systematic, brief, and easy-to-understand explanations aboutmajor issues and points of dispute related to the Russia’s invasion of
Ukraine from the viewpoint of international law. At the same time, I
also lectured on basic knowledge of international law to lay citizens.
To understand international relations in the light ofinternational law, it is important to distinguish the following
three levels or types of relations: first, bilateral relations between
Russia and Ukraine; second, the responses of third parties, suchas Western countries, Japan, and China; and third, the responses
of international organizations and institutions, such as the United
Nations (UN). I discussed various issues related to internationallaw by sorting them into these three categories.
First, regarding bilateral relations, Russia’s invasion of
Ukraine is a military attack, which violates the principle ofrefraining from the use of force. Russia cannot justify its actions
by stating that it exercises the right of self-defense. The military
operations undertaken by Russia comprise a typical case ofinvasion as it is defined. Moreover, indiscriminate attacks by
Russia are considered to be war crimes.
Next, on the level related to third parties, including Westerncountries and Japan, international law permits the third parties
to exercise the right of collective self-defense on the request of
Ukraine, which is the victim of the military attack. However, thesecountries have refrained from exercising this right in fear of therisk of escalation into a full-scale war with Russia. Meanwhile,the third parties have imposed broad economic sanctions against
Russia. Surprisingly, the grounds for such sanctions are not clearlystipulated by law. Concerning Belarus’s support of Russia’s
invasion, judging from the content of its support, we can say that
Belarus is also participating in the invasion.
On the third level, while the UN Security Council is
responsible for maintaining international peace and security,
because of the veto power of Russia, one of its permanent
members, the council does not function properly. This leads
to a question: “Why is the right of veto granted to permanent
members?” Next to the Security Council, the UN General
Assembly should be responsible for maintaining international
peace and security. Accordingly, the content of its resolutions
should have great significance.
At present, multiple international courts are concurrently
involved in providing responses to the incident. The International
Court of Justice (ICJ) rendered its provisional measures order in an
application brought by Ukraine, demanding that Russia suspend its
military operations immediately. Russia, however, refused to obey
the order. Meanwhile, many state parties, including Japan, referred
the invasion of Ukraine to the International Criminal Court (ICC),
and ICC prosecutors are investigating the matter.
Given the decentralized structure of international society
today, it is difficult to control the illegal acts of superpowers. Even
amid this environment, it is essential that countries around theworld work together and continue to cooperate with one another inorder to uphold the rule of law.
(Specially Appointed Professor at HPI)

Symposium

East Asia on the Move

Tadashi Okimura

On December 4, 2021, the Hiroshima Peace Institute (HPI) coorganized an online symposium titled, “East Asia on the Move,”together with the Hiroshima Peace Media Center of the Chugoku
Shimbun and the Research Center for Nuclear Weapons Abolition,
Nagasaki University (RECNA). Approximately 170 people
participated in the event. On behalf of the co-organizers, greetings
were delivered by Director Ryo Oshiba of HPI, Chief Editor
Katsuhiko Shimoyama of the Chugoku Shimbun, and Director
Fumihiko Yoshida of RECNA. Following their greetings, Professor
Gen Kikkawa of HPI explained the purpose of the symposium
as follows: “To share recognition of the changing state of East
Asia, as seen in the U.S.-China conflict and North Korea’s
nuclear development, and to discuss the role that Japan can play
to build peace in East Asia.” Subsequently, keynote speeches
were delivered by Professor Takuya Sasaki of Rikkyo University,
Professor Akio Takahara of the University of Tokyo, and Professor
Lee Jong Won of Waseda University. After the panel discussion,
the three keynote speakers expressed their views concerning thecomments given by panelists and inquiries from audience members
who had asked questions in advance. An outline of the keynote
speeches and the panel discussion are as follows.
Professor Sasaki, who specializes in U.S. politics and foreign
relations, evaluated the Biden administration’s policy in the East
Asia and Pacific region since the policy was established in orderto keep China contained. According to the professor, the difference
between the Biden administration and the Trump administration isthat the former prioritizes partnerships with its allies and friends.
Specifically, the Biden administration seeks to reinforce the U.S.
partnership with Japan and South Korea, and seeks the effective
use of multilateral frameworks such as the Quadrilateral Security
Dialogue (Quad) between Japan, the U.S., Australia, and India;
the trilateral security partnership between Australia, the U.K., andthe U.S. (AUKUS); G7, and NATO. The administration has alsodecided to rejoin the Paris Agreement. While these policies differ
from those of the Trump administration, the Biden administration
maintains the previous administration’s trade and investment
policies for China based on the so-called China threat theory
and cautiousness against China’s military power. Meanwhile,
inside the U.S., many citizens are not satisfied with the current
administration’s economic and employment policies, measuresagainst price hikes, and those against the COVID-19 pandemic.
The professor considers that such public dissatisfaction canpossibly erode the stability of the administration. Based on thisanalysis, he concluded that although the Biden administration
has revived the diplomacy that is in line with the principle ofinternational cooperation and is promoting its China policies
through partnership with U.S. allies and friends, because of themountain of domestic challenges, it is difficult to foresee howmuch attention and resources the administration can continue toallocate towards realizing the Free and Open Indo-Pacific visionand maintaining the U.S.-led international order in the Asia-Pacificregion.
The second keynote speaker was Professor Takahara, aspecialist in contemporary Chinese politics. His lecture was about
the confidence and anxiety of the Xi Jinping administration.
According to the professor, due to the outbreak of COVID-19 in
Wuhan, Xi Jinping’s authority was briefly on the verge of crisis,but before long, the Chinese leader recovered his authority bycontrolling the epidemic with state power. After revitalizing
China’s economy quicker than that of other major countries,
China celebrated the centennial of the founding of the Chinese
Communist Party. Moreover, in November 2021, the party adopted
its third “historical resolution,” which, the professor believes, waseffective in reinforcing Xi Jinping’s political power. He notes,
however, that this resolution reveals the lack of confidence of theXi Jinping administration since the resolution only emphasizes
the party’s successful achievements and virtually ignores its
failures. Based on this view, the professor considers that the lackof legitimacy in governance is the Achilles’ heel of the Chinese
Communist Party and its leaders. Moreover, noting that China
is faced with various domestic challenges, including the need tosecure ongoing job opportunities, a declining birthrate and an aging
population, the professor asserted that China needs to accelerate
its modernization to gain people’s support. On the other hand,
he believes that while it is essential to build a democratic, lawabiding, and market-oriented society with appropriate systems andsufficient transparency in order to modernize the country, this does
not comply with the supreme priority of the Chinese Communist
Party, i.e., to firmly uphold its leadership and governance over the
public. Based on this view, the professor considers that China isbecoming increasingly dependent on its people’s nationalism. To
enhance its influence on international society, China is endeavoring
to give the impression that it is an open and confident nation, whileat the same time being a modest and peaceful country. In actuality,
however, the professor believes that China will maintain its “wolfwarrior” diplomacy.
Finally, Professor Lee of Waseda University, a specialistin studies on the contemporary Korean Peninsula, provided alecture about the intersection and interlocking of the old and new‘Cold Wars.’ In this lecture, he discussed the emergence of a new
Cold War (between the U.S. and China) in East Asia coupledwith an exit from East-West Cold War on the Korean Peninsula.
Concerning North Korea’s nuclear programs, although the Biden
administration continues to uphold the complete denuclearizationof the Korean Peninsula as its ultimate goal, the professor considers
that the administration is likely to adopt a-step-by-step approach,comprising of the process of nuclear disarmament and arms control.
Concerning the background to this change in approach, he describedthe difficulty in immediately achieving denuclearization due tothe progress of North Korea’s nuclear programs, recognition of
the limits of hardline policies by the Trump administration, and a
decline in the priority attached to North Korean issues associatedwith a shift towards prioritizing measures against China’s threat.
Based on this view, the professor considers that the U.S. has changed
its policy toward North Korea to so-called “management mode.”
As regards North Korea, on the other hand, the professor believes
that the country is accelerating the development of tactical weapons
rather than strategic arms while maintaining the self-reliance policy
within the nation. Towards the U.S., he believes that North Korea isunlikely to agree to hold negotiations, but will continue to demandthat the U.S. abandon its hostile policy toward the country. In otherwords, the professor regards the current North Korean policy as its
own version of “strategic patience.”
In the panel discussion, Professor Yoshida of RECNA,
discussed the risks of nuclear proliferation, the shift of priorities
in security policies to disarmament, and views on the world ordersought by the U.S. and China. Ms. Hiromi Morita, an editorial writerof the Chugoku Shimbun, focused on the viewpoint of victimsof the atomic bombing, stressing the importance of imaginationin order to share the human misery experienced by real people in
the affected areas. Finally, Lecturer Mihoko Kato of HPI discussed
possible responses of the U.S. in a case where two armed conflicts
take place simultaneously, one between Russia and Ukraine and theother between China and Taiwan. There was also a question from an
audience member about the possibility of China using force against
Taiwan. In response, the keynote speakers expressed their viewson various related topics, including the uncertainty over the types
of world order being sought, the vital importance of stabilizing
political and diplomatic relations, the importance of China’s role inshifting arms escalation to disarmament, and the need for Japan’s
wise stewardship in the fluid situation of the East Asian region,
particularly around the Taiwan Strait.
This symposium, held two and a half months prior to theRussian invasion of Ukraine, featured lively discussions on
the changing situation in East Asia. At the time of writing thisarticle, we see turmoil in Europe, in addition to East Asia, whichindicates that international society has entered a turbulent era.
The Hiroshima Peace Institute plans to organize more symposia
on topics involving changing trends both around the world and inJapan. We would very much appreciate your continued support andparticipation.
(Professor at HPI)
Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

3

Public Lecture Series

A Hiroshima Approach to Peace Studies

Makiko Takemoto

The Hiroshima Peace Institute held a public lecture series for the academic year 2021, from January to February in 2022. Usually, thepublic lecture series is held face-to-face with an audience, however due to the COVID-19 it was not possible to organize the lectures in
AY2020. In AY2021, the lecture series was offered in the form of online lectures for the first time. Since the English public lecture series,
which has been held at the Satellite Campus of Hiroshima City University annually since 2015, could not be offered either, the two-lecture
series were integrated and offered as one course of lectures.
The AY2021 lecture series was designed to present an approach to peace studies that HPI compiled in the book A Hiroshima Approach
to Peace Studies: 13 Lectures on War and Peace (edited by the Hiroshima Peace Institute, Kyoto: Horitsu Bunka Sha, July 2021). Five HPI
researchers gave lectures based on their own research topics and provided the latest information about war and peace in the world.
Brief outlines of each lecture are as follows. All of the lectures were delivered on demand on YouTube for a week each, from Friday to Thursday.
"Atomic Bomb Damage and Newspaper Coverage" (Jan. 7 – Jan. 13, 2022, in Japanese)
Chie Shijo, Associate Professor at HPIIn the first lecture, Associate Professor Chie Shijo gave a lecture on the atomic bombing and contemporary newspaper coverage. During
the 76 years since the atomic attacks in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the attitude of newspaper coverage was shaped the most in the firstmonth after the attacks. In her lecture, Professor Shijo carefully followed newspaper coverage related to the atomic bombing from thecase of a local newspaper in Nagasaki, the Nagasaki Shimbun. She analyzed the influence of censorship on the newspaper articles under
the U.S.-led Allied Occupation and examined the relationship between censorship and freedom of speech today.
"Nuclear Weapons and the Constitution of Japan, Article 9" (Jan. 14 – Jan. 20, 2022, in Japanese)
Akihiro Kawakami, Associate Professor at HPI
The second lecture was given by Associate Professor Akihiro Kawakami. First, he pointed out that the experiences in Hiroshima and Nagasaki
became a background to establish Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. Then, he explained the Japanese government’s interpretation andlogic regarding the possession and use of nuclear weapons and the use of force. Finally, he analyzed the discussion of these in the Diet aswell as the discussion on the security-related legislation (2015), and reexamined the problems of possession and use of nuclear weapons.
"Hiroshima & Peace Studies: To Review the Stereotypical Relationship" (Jan. 21 – Jan. 27, 2022, in Japanese)
Kazumi Mizumoto, Professor at HPIIn the third lecture, Professor Kazumi Mizumoto gave a lecture in a dialogue with Professor Chie Shijo. He presented an overview ofthe historical background of Hiroshima’s recognition as a “city of peace” and examined the role of the former military city “Hiroshima”
during the Pacific War, and the problem of Japan’s war responsibility. “Hiroshima” and “peace” are often taken for granted as being tied
together, but he reminded the audience that we must learn about different perspectives and that we need to discuss peace not only in
relation to nuclear weapons but also to the inhumanity of war.
Professor Mizumoto retired from the Hiroshima Peace Institute in March 2022 and became an emeritus professor at Hiroshima City
University in April. This lecture was his last public lecture as a member of the Hiroshima Peace Institute.
"The February 2022 Military Coup in Myanmar: Its Impact on Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy" (Jan. 28 –Narayanan Ganesan, Professor at HPI
Feb. 3, 2022, in English)
In the fourth lecture, Professor Narayanan Ganesan analyzed the latest situation in Myanmar. After giving an overview of Myanmar’s
history and the democratization process as a background, he examined the process of the 2021 military coup and the regime change aswell as the intentions of the military. He also explained the major problems caused by the military coup and provided us with different
perspectives to consider on the Myanmar coup and its impact on domestic and international politics.
"The History of the Global Hibakusha" (Feb. 4 – Feb. 10, 2022, in English)

Robert Jacobs, Professor at HPI
The fifth and final lecture was on the history of Global Hibakusha by Professor Robert Jacobs. He gave a summary of how hibakusha
were produced in many ways such as nuclear weapons, nuclear tests, nuclear production, nuclear accidents, and radiation exposure from
nuclear waste. He also explained the problems which global hibakusha face, radiation-related health problems after the Cold War, as wellas the negative legacies in society and the environment caused by radiation.

More than 340 people applied for the lecture series, including students and academic researchers. The comments of the participants showa high level of interest in the research at HPI. In this sense, the advantages of online formats were fully utilized by having participants not
only from Hiroshima but also from different regions in Japan and overseas.
The contents of this lecture series were published in a booklet which was issued in July 2022. Separately from this booklet, an English
booklet was also published for the two lectures conducted in English. PDF files of the Japanese and English booklets are available on thewebsite of HPI. If you are interested in reading them, please visit our website.
(Associate Professor at HPI)4

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.25 No.1, September 2022

What Is the “Peace Memorial City”?
Shota Moriue
Three Legal Aspects of Hiroshima City
Hiroshima City, home to the Hiroshima Peace Institute, has avariety of attractive culture such as culinary culture represented
by okonomiyaki savory pancakes and oyster dishes; sports culture
highlighted by the professional baseball and soccer teams basedin the city, and historic culture with such tourist destinations as
Hiroshima Castle and the Atomic Bomb Dome.
In this article, I would like to diverge from these cultural
aspects and view Hiroshima City from a legal viewpoint, whichbrings about three major aspects that characterize this city.
First, Hiroshima City is one of more than 1,700 municipalities(cities, towns, and villages) in Japan. As one of 792 cities, it
provides a variety of administrative services to residents to support
their daily lives (e.g. collecting garbage every morning andproviding COVID-19 vaccinations).
Second, Hiroshima City is one of 20 ordinance-designatedcities (major cities granted special rights by government
ordinance). It was the 10th to be designated as such in 1980. Ever
since, the city government of Hiroshima has offered a broad rangeof administrative services on virtually the same level as prefectural
governments (e.g. granting licenses to restaurants and operating
children’s welfare centers).
Third, Hiroshima City is known as the Peace Memorial City.
On August 6, 1949, exactly four years after the atomic bombing,the Hiroshima Peace Memorial City Construction Act (hereinafterreferred to as “the Act”) was enacted with the aim of reviving
Hiroshima City as the Peace Memorial City. This feature is uniqueto Hiroshima and forms part of its identity. After preparationof the Basic Plan of Hiroshima City in 1970, however, the city
set “International Peace Culture City” as the ultimate goal of its
development plans. Consequently, the term “Peace Memorial City”
is rarely used today. This is probably because the Act is regarded
merely as a tool to promote post-war reconstruction. Regardlessof the validity of such recognition, the Act is still in effect, whichmeans that Hiroshima remains the Peace Memorial City at least inlegal context.
In the Act, which comprises seven articles, there is no article
that stipulates the concept of Peace Memorial City. To clarify themeaning of Peace Memorial City, it is therefore necessary to searchfor views on the Peace Memorial City embraced by people at thetime of the enactment 73 years ago.
Two Types of Views on the Peace Memorial City
With this view in mind, I have been studying the law-making
process of the Act at the Doctoral Program of the Graduate
School of Peace Studies (GSPS) at Hiroshima City University.
After devoting myself to this study for a year, I have reacheda provisional conclusion that people at the time did not have acommon recognition of the Peace Memorial City.
Even so, their views on the Peace Memorial City could beroughly classified into the following two categories: first, theview that the atomic bombing over Hiroshima City led to theend of World War II and consequently peace in the world. (Thisview has been criticized as one of the myths related to the atomic

bombing.) People holding this view tried to reconstruct Hiroshima
City as a memorial city of the end of the war. For example, Tsunei
Kusunose, who became the governor of Hiroshima Prefecture
in October 1945, contributed an article to Chugoku Shimbun
newspaper. In this article, published on December 19, 1945, he
described his vision of reviving Hiroshima as follows: “I want toraise reconstruction funds and materials from people around theworld to make Hiroshima a peace memorial city to commemorate
the termination of the war.” (Underlined by the author.)
Second, irrespective of the effect of the atomic bombing
on ending the war, some others sought to reconstruct Hiroshima
as a city that would symbolize the vision and ideal of thepacifism stipulated in the Constitution of Japan. For example,
Tadashi Teramitsu, then the Director General of the Proceedings
Department of the House of Councillors, who is said to be thedrafter of the Act, wrote in his book The Hiroshima Peace City Act
that the spirit of the Act was completely unrelated to the atomic
bombing of Hiroshima on August 6, and that the essence of the
Act was to build a new city on this planet, a “city to symbolize thehuman ideal of sincere pursuit of genuine and lasting peace.”
As I have described thus far, there are two types of views
about the Peace Memorial City: one as a city that commemorates
the end of the war, and the other as a city representing genuine andlasting peace.
Is There a Mirror that Reflects the Image of thePeace Memorial City?
Having said that, the question is what concrete images of the city
these two types of view would present.
From the first view (i.e. the Peace Memorial City shouldcommemorate the termination of the war), the fact that the atomic
bombing terminated the war ought to be emphasized, therefore thePeace Memorial City should at least clarify and pass on to future
generations the actual state of Hiroshima after the bombing as wellas the historical impact of the incident.
Concerning the second view (i.e. the Peace Memorial City
should symbolize genuine and lasting peace), Teramitsu, theadvocator of this view, wrote in his book as follows:
Once you step into Hiroshima City, you will see every tree
and every blade of grass symbolizing permanent peace. Even
pebbles on the ground represent world peace. And the aroma
of international peace fills the air all over this city of peace.
This is the vision of Hiroshima that it should realize someday,
a city that represents peace both spiritually and physically.
Furthermore, in a commemorative lecture held soon after
the enactment of the Act, Teramitsu encouraged all citizens ofHiroshima to become idealists (Chugoku Shimbun, published on
May 14, 1949).
In any case, there is no mirror that reflects the image of thePeace Memorial City. Hiroshima City therefore must seek to create
its own image itself.
(Ph.D. Student at GSPS)
Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

5Hello from HPI
Yasuhiro YAMADA
Professor

Please allow me to introduce myself. My name is Yasuhiro Yamada. I
became a faculty member of the Hiroshima Peace Institute on April 1,
2022. I specialize in the contemporary history of U.S. foreign relations,focusing on the history of U.S. foreign relations concerning nuclear
weapons. My research topics include the atomic bombings of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki in 1945 and changes in U.S. diplomacy and security
policies driven by the development of hydrogen bombs and long-range
ballistic missiles. In the autumn of 2018, I began an investigation at the
National Archives (United Kingdom) in London in search of clues toclarifying what type of relationship the U.S. and U.K. had built aroundthe time when the former dropped atomic bombs over Japanese cities
and why the two nations had built such a relationship. Unfortunately,
however, I was obliged to suspend my research activities in London in2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
I was raised in a small town located 40 km east of Sapporo at
the eastern margin of the Ishikari Plain. In 1982, I entered Hiroshima
University and lived in Hiroshima for eight years as an undergraduate
and later as a graduate student. I spent most of my time in districts
south of National Highway Route 2, particularly in Ujina where I

lived, Higashisenda-machi where the university was located, andaround Takanobashi, home to the movie theater “Salon Cinema.”During the 1980s, Tenmaya Department Store was still in Hacchobori.
I also remember well that Koji Yamamoto and Sachio Kinugasa(baseball players belonging to the Hiroshima Toyo Carp) hit homeruns
when I went to see a Carp game for the first time at the former
Hiroshima Municipal Baseball Stadium. At that time, Hiroshima City
University was yet to be founded, as was the Astram Line (a rubbertired transit system). Instead, street-cars were in service with thefare amounting to 110 or 120 yen for travel within the city. As I havebegun to live in Hiroshima again after so many years, I am surprised
to see many bicycles traveling along sidewalks downtown. It used to
be much safer to walkin the downtown area.
As I have assumed
a new post here in
Hiroshima, which hasradically changed, I
truly hope that I will beable to fulfill my new
missions here.

N ew P ublications“Genbakugo no 75 nen ̶ Nagasaki no Kioku to Kiroku wo Tadoru"(Seventy-five Years after the Atomic Bombing: Tracing Records and Memories of Nagasaki) by the Association
to Document the Postwar Histories of the Nagasaki Atomic Bombing, co-edited by Takeshi Shinki, Katsuya
Kinaga, Yusuke Kusano, Chie Shijo, Maika Nakao, and Hibiki Yamaguchi, published by Shoshi Tsukumo in 2021.

Chie Shijo

When we hear the phrase “atomic bomb damage,” we often think of the damage that took place at the moment of the bombing and
immediately after the event. While many books on atomic bomb damage have been written and published in Nagasaki, this book sheds
light on such damage over the longer span of the postwar era. Part 1 of the book records the results of a personal interview survey of 28
people, including both hibakusha (atomic bomb survivors) and other activists engaged in various related campaigns. For these people,
interviews were conducted on various themes, including the hibakusha movement, the peace movement, peace administration, programs
to collect testimonies and documents, hibakusha surveys, and peace education campaigns. Being the first such publication to record
interviews given by five organizations of hibakusha, the book sheds light on the commitment of the individuals who have been engaged
in the survey of hibakusha and who have gathered their testimonies and related documents. The interviews, given by a broad range of
people, are complemented by heartfelt explanations provided by Takeshi Shinki on the background to the interview survey.
Part 2 comprises reports on documents regarding atomic bomb damage. In Nagasaki, neither the prefectural/municipal governments
nor universities have archives of such documents. Because of the lack of public organizations to collect, preserve, and seek effective useof related documents, it is difficult to collect adequate information about them. In this context, even though this book does not completely
cover all the necessary information, it works as a valuable guide for researchers since it introduces major collections of documents on theissue, in addition to the results of a questionnaire survey given to 146 groups and organizations in Nagasaki Prefecture regarding theircollections of documents on atomic bomb damage.
Many of those involved in the postwar reconstruction and hibakusha movement in Nagasaki are now elderly. Unfortunately, a
few people who gave interviews in the survey project passed away before the book’s publication. Amid this environment, the bookwas compiled by a team of authors who were born after the end of World War II. They, including the author of this article, conductedinterviews and surveyed related materials to clarify the 75-year history from the atomic bombing. The book is the outcome of theiractivities, representing their efforts to document the experience of hibakusha and compile a postwar history of Nagasaki. To readers whoare interested in atomic bomb damage and the present situation of Nagasaki in relation to the bombing, I would like to recommend thisbook together with its companion volume: Genbakugo no 70 nen—Nagasaki no Kioku to Kiroku wo Horiokosu (Seventy Years after the
Atomic Bombing: Uncovering Records and Memories of Nagasaki).
(Associate Professor at HPI)6

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.25 No.1, September 2022

Hello from GSPS
Going My Way to Study
Masayo Eguchi
I was an elementary school student when the Iran-Iraq War broke out
in 1980. It shocked me to realize that war was not a past or a declining
phenomenon like the Vietnam War, but one of the global issues in thereal world. Looking up at the starlight beyond the cosmos, I asked
myself: Why do human beings fight and kill each other on this planet?
That might be the origin of my current research questions.
When I was a high school student, I wondered which careermight be better, to study International Relations or to study to becomea practitioner working in the field of international cooperation. Hmm,
can anything change in the world under this Cold War? Therefore, I
chose the latter. Then suddenly, the Berlin Wall collapsed. What isgoing on? Maybe the world is drastically changing... And my dreamplan for international cooperation never came true because I got sickdue to overwork. Finally, I came back to the alternative of studying
International Relations, after a quarter of a century, at the Open
University Japan as a graduate student. In a special lecture there, I cameacross “peacebuilding,” which became my research subject.
Academic approaches provide us with diverse perspectives andenrich our lives. This helps us to interpret not only distant conflicts
but also our own experiences. In my case, for example, the concept of“structural violence” helps me to understand the toll that overworking
had taken on me. To give another example, after writing on social

enterprises in my first Master’s thesis, I was able to apply thisframework when building a business model for my occupational healthconsultant’s office.
After graduating from the Open University Japan, I studied
peacebuilding at a certain national university as a graduate student andenjoyed good connections with classmates and researchers. Ironically,
what I learned there guided me to withdraw from this academic program.
When I endured harassment, the lack of support by the supervisor andthe university administration so alarmed me that I decided to leave toprotest the human rights violation against me, and to caution to prevent
such harm for the next generation. How fortuitous that it was just at thistime that HPI established the doctoral program at the Graduate Schoolof Peace Studies (GSPS), I felt as if it was personally opening a door tofacilitate my path forward!
It is encouraging that we can take academic approaches to grapple
with the reality of protracted conflicts, or of a Japanese society full of
structural violence. However, I still lacked an academic discipline. I now
endeavor to master a specific discipline with the aim of contributing toa peaceful future for children all over the world. Thus, my long, long
journey will continue.
(Ph.D. Student at GSPS)

The First Online Briefing Session on Admission
to the Graduate School of Peace Studies 2022
Makiko Takemoto
The Hiroshima Peace Institute (HPI) held the first online briefing session of AY2022 on admission to the Graduate School of Peace Studies(GSPS) via Zoom on June 3, 2022.
We had participants not only from Japan, but also from Rwanda. In the first half of the session, an outline of the GSPS, and the entrance
examination system were introduced. Possible career paths of graduates and the procedures for the acceptance of international students werealso explained. In addition, three current graduate students in the master’s program at GSPS shared their experiences about student life.
In the second half of the session, participants were divided into ten breakout rooms where they could talk with the faculty members of
HPI, master’s and doctoral graduate students at GSPS, and administrative staff members. There were lively sessions with many questions, forexample about how to prepare for the entrance exam as well as about the life as a student in Hiroshima.
(Associate Professor/Admission Committee at HPI)The Forthcoming Online Briefing Session on Admission to the Graduate School of Peace Studies
The second online briefing session on admission to the GSPS for
AY2022 will be held on October 7, 2022. Everyone is welcome,for example, those who would like to study at the GSPS, or those
who would like to get information about the entrance exam. Those
who would like to enroll on the Master’s or Doctoral Program from
April 2023 are especially encouraged to participate. If you could
send your questions when applying, the faculty members of HPI,
our current students in the Master’s and Doctor’s courses and theadministrative staff members will be better able to answer themduring the session. You can talk personally with the professors

whom you might like to consult. The students will also talkabout their studies at GSPS. Please do not miss this opportunity.
Date and time: October 7, 2022 (Friday), 6:30–8:00 p.m.
How to hold the event: Online (Zoom meeting)Fee for the participation: Free
Deadline of the application: September 30, 2022
(Friday), 5 p.m.
Contact: office-peace@m.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp
For further information, please visit the HPI
website.

Visit HPI’s website at https://www.peace.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp/

7

DIARY2022◆ Feb. 16 Robert Jacobs presents a Keynote lecture, “Nuclear
Fieldwork in the Global Hibakusha Project,” as part of the“Ethics & Ethnography in Nuclear History” workshop,
University of South Wales, UK, via Zoom.
◆ Mar. 3 Gen Kikkawa presents an online lecture entitled,“Ethnic Politics and Military Aggression,” at the Webinar
for Institute of International Relations and Area Studies at
Ritsumeikan University.
◆ Mar. 6 Mihoko Kato’s interview appears in the article,“Russia’s Attack on the Nuclear Power Plant is a Blackmail,Protest from the Atomic Bombed City Hiroshima,” published in
the Asahi Shimbun.
◆ Mar. 7 Akihiro Kawakami gives a lecture titled, “TheConstitution of Japan and Our Lives,” hosted by the Article 9
Society Hiroshima for Childcare Workers, via Zoom.
◆ Mar. 11 Kikkawa publishes an essay entitled, “Putin’s
Perception of Security Crisis and Ukraine War,” for the Column
and Commentary of International Relations and Area Studies at
Ritsumeikan University.
◆ Mar. 16 Jacobs participates in a round-table discussion on the
topic, “Cities of Peace,” as part of the Global Media Festival 2022
hosted by Georgia Institute of Technology in Atlanta, USA, via
Zoom. ▽Makiko Takemoto translates into Japanese the article“Remembering War, Forgetting Hiroshima: ‘Euroshima’ and theWest German Anti-Nuclear Weapons Movements in the Cold
War” by Holger Nehring in Kokusai Heiwa Kenkyu Hiroshimano Jidai, Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2022, translation supervised
by Kiichi Fujiwara and Wakana Mukai (Original Title is The
Age of Hiroshima, edited by Michael D. Gordin and G. John
Ikenberry, Princeton University Press, 2020).
◆ Mar. 25 Chie Shijo presents a lecture titled, “‘Inheritance of
the Atomic Bomb Experience’ from Documentary Materials:
Issues in Hiroshima and Nagasaki,” at the meeting for jointly
reviewing Seventy-five Years after the Atomic Bombing: Tracing
Records and Memories of Nagasaki at Hiroshima University.
◆ Mar. 28 Takemoto gives a Zoom lecture on German andJapanese peace movements to Nagasaki Youth Delegation.
◆ Mar. 29 Toshiya Umehara presents a lecture titled, “From theViewpoint of Nuclear Issues and as a Humanitarian Crisis,” Kato
“From the Viewpoint of Studies on Russian Foreign Relations,”
and Tetsuo Sato “From the Viewpoint of International Law,” ina research forum titled, “Russian Invasion of Ukraine: Russia,
Humanitarian Crisis, International Law” organized by theHiroshima Peace Institute, held online.
◆ Mar. 30 Ryo Oshiba publishes an article entitled, “Approaches
to Global Governance,” Political and Legal Studies of Japan,
no.4, March 2022, pp. 77–92.
◆ Apr. 15 Kato participates in a round-table talk on, “Where
Does This War Come from and Where Does It Go?” publishedin a special edition of journal Sekai.
◆ Apr. 17 Sato attends the Board of Councilors of the JapaneseSociety of International Law, held online.
◆ Apr. 19 Hitoshi Nagai attends the 690th NHK International
Broadcast Programs Council, held online.

HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS● Published by● Printed by

8

January 1, 2022 ― June 30, 2022

◆ Apr. 23 Kawakami gives a lecture titled, “The Meaning of theConstitution of Japan in World History,” at the Niho Community
Center.
◆ May 5 Jacobs presents a lecture titled, “Nuclear Bodies: The
Global Hibakusha,” to the Science & Global Security Seminar at
Princeton University, via Zoom.
◆ May 10 Nagai publishes The War Crimes Trials and JapanPhilippines Relations, 1945–1953 (on demand) from Iwanami
Shoten.
◆ May 12 Oshiba and Tadashi Okimura welcome H.E. Mr.
Stefán Haukur Jóhannesson, Ambassador of Iceland to Japan,
and introduce the work of the HPI.
◆ May 17 Nagai attends the 691st NHK International Broadcast
Programs Council, held online.
◆ May 18 Takemoto attends a meeting of the International
Youth Conference for Peace in the Future Committee, organizedby the Youth Support Department of Hiroshima City Board of
Education, via Zoom.
◆ Jun. 1 Oshiba contributes an article based on an interview,“G7 Summit in Hiroshima,” to the Chugoku Shimbun.
◆ Jun. 2 Kikkawa presents an online lecture entitled, “Current
Situation and Issues of Security in East Asian Countries,” at theWebinar for Peace and Resilience Building in Education from
Educational Policies and Course Perspectives: Experience fromJapan, by UNESCO International Institute for Capacity Buildingin Africa.
◆ Jun. 6–21 Narayanan Ganesan conducts an online course on
public policy formulation for 55 Myanmar students of the Centre
for Diversity and National Harmony, Myanmar coordinated by afaculty at Cornell University in New York.
◆ Jun. 18 Xianfen Xu presents a paper titled, “Chinese
Peninsula Policy and Six-Party Talks,” at a meeting hosted by
the research project of the East Asian Armistice Regime, via
Zoom.
◆ Jun. 20 Shijo contributes a book review entitled, “Creating
and Passing Down War Experiences,” in Journal for Sociologyof Warfare, Vol. 6 (June 2022): pp. 275–278.
◆ Jun. 23 Kato gives a presentation titled, “War in Ukraine
and the Security in East Asia,” in the Special Roundtable, “Warin Ukraine and Its Impact on Asia,” at the Seventh Annual
Conference of the Asian Borderlands Research Network (ABRN)
at Chung-Ang University (Seoul, Korea), via Zoom.
◆ Jun. 26 Sato attends the Board of Councilors of the JapaneseSociety of International Law, held online.
◆ Jun. 27–29 Ganesan conducts an online course on Thai
politics and foreign policy for 55 Myanmar students of
the Centre for Diversity and National Harmony, Myanmar
coordinated by a faculty at Cornell University in New York.

※For other entries of the DIARY,
please visit our website.

Vol.25 No.1（September 30, 2022）

Editorial Committee (Robert Jacobs, Xianfen Xu, Mihoko Kato), Hiroshima Peace Institute, Hiroshima City University
3-4-1, Ozuka-higashi, Asaminami-ku, Hiroshima, 731-3194 Japan
Phone: +81（0）82 830 1811
Fax: +81（0）82 830 1812
E-mail: office-peace@m.hiroshima-cu.ac.jp
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HIROSHIMA RESEARCH NEWS Vol.25 No.1, September 2022

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