論文 Article号（２０２３）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.12 (2023)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第12

人類学・考古学における「大きな理論」と「現場の理論」

The Sri Tanjung Text by Prijono and the Interpretive
Communities
Akiko NOZAWA*
In 1938, Indonesian scholar Prijono published a study of the classic literature Sri Tañjung: Een Oud
Javaansch Verhaal. From the perspective of Interpretive Communities of cultural description/practice, thispaper discusses the institutional context of the “publishing community” in the colonial academia that shaped
Prijono’s text making of the Sri Tanjung manuscripts, comparing it with the “ritual communities”: local groups
that have transmitted the story through performing arts in Java and Bali.
It first examines Prijono’s attribute as a contact zone, which supported his involvement in both interpretive
communities. Born into the family of a courtier in Yogyakarta, he built an identity as priyayi (elite local)
through Dutch/Western education via the Ethical Policy and practice of Javanese dance with locals. The duality
brought about Prijono’s diverse activities encompassing internationalism and nationalism, or literacy educationand the promotion of traditional performing arts.
Scrutiny of the Sri Tanjung text—the embodiment of Prijono’s literacy training at Leiden—reveals two
important points. The first is that the encounter between Prijono and the Sri Tanjung was predetermined by thehistoric accumulation of Leiden, where all the manuscripts had been archived in the library collection. Second,
Prijono was put in the position of inheriting the work of Dutch linguist H. N. van der Tuuk, who left handwritten notes in most of the manuscripts. Following the “collective decision” of the academic milieu, Prijono textualized the Sri Tanjung manuscripts from Bali, which originally formed a “text for reciting poetry,” into “abook to read,” applying van der Tuuk’s thought and colonial discourses to his analysis. The academic output
consequently incorporated Prijono’s view of East Java as the origin of the Sri Tanjung story into the construction of Javanology. Meanwhile, Prijono’s text making accompanied his devotion to Javanese performing arts
as part of his nationalistic activism, which became more radical after becoming a minister of Indonesia.
The text investigation clarifies the mission of Prijono’s publication as part of the series of “letterpress lontar”
of Leiden’s publishing community. Still, the author’s dilemma between text making and cultural practices
suggests the significance of “new interpretive communities” in bridging academic texts and indigenous
knowledge. From the perspective of musical anthropology, the Sri Tanjung text still has potential for rediscovery, such as the “Wukir/Adri meter” presented by Prijono: an archaic style of recitation that might be surviving
in Balinese physical memory.
Keywords
Javanese/Balinese Lontar Manuscript, Performing arts, Colonial Academia, Text Making, Interpretive
Communities
Contents
I
II

Introduction
The Sri Tanjung Story and Prijono in a TheoreticalContext
1 Transmission by Publishing/Ritual Communities
2 Prijono as the Contact Zone
III Looking into Prijono’s Sri Tanjung Text
1 The Structure

2 The Points at Issue
Institutional Contexts: Reading, Writing, and Living the Sri
Tanjung
1 As a successor of van der Tuuk’s work
2 Prijono’s Reality between the Two Worlds
V ConclusionIV* Nagoya University / Nanzan University82

I

caused me to realize the difference in how “writers” andIntroduction“performers” of culture interact with a text; in this case,the former “reads” the lontar text as a semantic con-has been transmitted through performing arts such as

struction while the latter “recites” it as a living poem.

ritual songs and dramas in Java and Bali, Indonesia. The

Ironically, my field of musical anthropology is in thepoem is also inscribed in traditional manuscripts called

ambiguous position of describing the oral/aural ele-lontar that were discovered in Banyuwangi (East Java)ments of musical practice through written language

1and Bali . In 1938, the study of the Balinese manuscripts

mediated by academic discipline.

was published in Dutch by Indonesian scholar of litera-

Prijono’s practice, which is reminiscent of theture Prijono (1907–1969), who later became Minister ofdilemma of musical anthropology, is a typical case to

Education and Culture of Indonesia. This article dis-turn to when reconsidering the matter of “writing

cusses Prijono’s textual practice, focusing on the colo-

culture” in the post-modern humanities. As a promising

nial academic context that shaped the theoreticalIndonesian intellectual in the colonial era, Prijono textu-

framework of the text, adopting Stanley Fish’s theory ofalized the Sri Tanjung tale in Dutch, conforming his“Interpretive Communities” (Fish 1980).

thought to the Western scholarly paradigm while exert-

This case study draws from my concern associateding his Javanese identity in promoting the performingwith musical anthropology, which was inspired by myarts both in the Netherlands and Indonesia. Whileinterdisciplinary project on temple ruins (candi) in

acknowledging that Prijono’s text of the Sri Tanjung has

2Java . As part of the project, the local team produced abeen an issue of philological study, this article applies

film that introduces the Sri Tanjung, combining the tra-anthropological insight to reexamine the institutional

ditional drama and some narrative reliefs of candi,

context and historical dynamism behind the canonicalwhich include the image of the story. In the film, what

text. It seeks to explore interdisciplinary perspectives

surprised me most was the song of Sri Tanjung as sungthat would rediscover the potential of the humanities forby a young woman at the beginning; it was as beautiful

cultural transmission; in particular, musical anthropol-as Amazing Grace echoing from heaven. The excellent

ogy as an intersection between writers and performers.

singer, Ms. Sesarina Prima Yudhaningtyas, has practiced

Since the publication of Clifford and Marcus’s

traditional Javanese song (kidung) from an early age inWriting Culture (1986), textual/ethnographic practices

Kediri, East Java. According to the staff, the song in thehave been a “traditional” issue of cultural anthropology.

film is not an existing one but her own improvisation

Still, it is prudent to recognize that “anthropologists offrom an academic text that she received before thethe early to mid-twentieth century hardly acknowledged

recording. It is the transliteration of the manuscript fromthe (mostly) colonial links which enabled them to be

Banyuwangi that was published for linguistic or philo-present in these societies and in fact sometimes to con-logical studies (Aminoedin et al. 1986). Thus, the suc-tribute to bringing new practices, including writing, tocessor of kidung, who had engaged in “words as a song”

these societies” (Barton & Papen 2010: 5). Significantly,

for a long time, naturally found the beautiful melody

Prijono was active during the transitional period whenfrom the prosodic law in the original text that had been

native scholars were absorbing such outsider meta-nar-

the object of academic discourse. This experience

ratives for their cultural interpretations. However,1

Regarding the two versions, the Balinese manuscripts are made of palm leaf following the traditional style of lontar, but the manuscripts from Banyuwangi are written on paper in Perso-Arabic script. Nevertheless, all of these texts are called “lontar Sri Tanjung” (theSri Tanjung’s lontar) among local scholars.
2 This was an interdisciplinary project for the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (No: 15KK0048, 2016–2017) that I carried out
with Indonesian archeologist Yohanes Hanan Pamungkas and Indonesian musicologist Bambang Sugito. The film titled “The Song of
Sritanjung: Story of Spirit Journey in Hindu-Javanese Cosmology” is available at the library of the National Museum of Ethnology inOsaka, Japan.

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The Sri Tanjung Text by Prijono and the Interpretive Communities

The Sri Tanjung is a human-nymph marriage tale that

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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.12 (2023)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第12

instead of confining the topic of writing to anthropologi-transmission of the Sri Tanjung and Prijono in the theo-cal self-inspection, this article contextualizes it within

retical framework of interpretive communities. The

Fish’s concept of “interpretive communities” in textual

second section demonstrates the structure of Prijono’s

studies. The idea is due to the fact that the transmission

1938 publication Sri Tañjung: Een Oud Javaanschof the Sri Tanjung has been largely supported by two

Verhaal (Sri Tanjung: An Old Javanese Story). The thirdgroups: researchers and local performers. The two

section examines Prijono’s institutional contexts, cen-actors were known to Prijono and were surely the source

tering on the scholarly/publishing community and hisof social communication whereby he developed various

extensional activities in conjunction with the raising

activities in the fields of literacy and cultural practice. In

power of nationalism.

this sense, connecting them with the common conceptof “interpretive communities” can serve to avoid

II The Sri Tanjung Story and Prijono in a
Theoretical Context

neglecting the counterpart and to relativize social
diversity in cultural perception/representation, which

1 Transmission by Publishing/Ritualeven inhabits one personality. By doing so, the article
highlights Prijono’s literacy milieu, which I define asCommunities“publishing communities,” while mentioning the “ritual

As follows, Fish discusses the notion of “interpretive
community” that underlies text making:communities” who have transmitted the local performing arts within ritual contexts.
This framework also corresponds to the joint research

Thus the act of recognizing literature is not con-theme “Grand Theories and Local Theories instrained by something in the text, nor does it issue

Anthropology/Archeology (in Japanese: Junruigaku,from an independent and arbitrary will; rather, it pro-

Koukogaku no Ookina Riron to Genba no Riron)” by theceeds from a collective decision as to what will count

Anthropological Institute at Nanzan University (project

as literature, a decision that will be in force only so

period: April 2019 to March 2022). There are myriad

long as a community of readers or believers continues

potential discussions regarding the two theories, such as

to abide by it. (Fish 1980: 11)

universalism versus cultural relativism, or structuralism
versus post-structuralism. Within the purview of thisIn terms of the relational nature of text, which evencase study, I apply the sub-concept of “Western knowl-

blurs the border between “author” and “reader,” one canedge and non-Western knowledge,” used by M. R. Dovesee two streams that have transmitted the Sri Tanjung

et al. in the study of resource-use systems (2009), to thestory: the “publishing communities” and the “ritualissue of cultural resources, including ancient local texts.

communities.” The former emerged at the beginning ofGiven the colonial context of Prijono’s practices, one

the Dutch colonialization in Indonesia in the seventeenth

can relate his text making as Western literacy-training tocentury, with the increase of ethnographies by travelers,

the former/grand theories, and his devotion to Javanese

officers, and missionaries. Then, after the launch of

performing arts to the latter/local theories, which could

Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en

be called “indigenous grammar” (Makeham 2012). In

Wetenschappe (The Royal Batavian Society of Arts andthis context, I set out the premise that the contrasting

Sciences) in 1778, “writing culture” became the mainknowledge also implies the intellectual manners of theactivity of colonial scholars. It was particularly acceler-

two interpretive communities; it thus offers the Sriated by the publication of the journal Tijdschrift voor

Tanjung text, allegedly the product of modernity, as a

Indische taal-land en volkenkunde (1853–1952) and thespringboard for global concerns regarding the sustain-

Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië (1838–1894), inable development of cultural heritage in collaborationaccordance with the continuous innovations of printing

with indigenous knowledge.

technology in the era. In addition to the Royal Batavian
Society, the KITLV (Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-,

From this perspective, the first section situates the84ness for the term “ritual” that characterizes these com-

Land and Ethnology) had actively published academic

munities: while most of the cases in Bali are associatedmonographs while collecting local manuscripts fromwith Hindu rituals, the Javanese kethoprak, whichacross the Dutch East Indies since 1852; in 1908, thesederived from wayang wong, is a form of entertainment

were integrated into the archive of Koloniale Bibliotheek

drama in today’s Islamized society. However, following(the Colonial Library) in Leiden. These movements

the theory of S. F. Moore and B. G. Myerhoff, I set thenaturally formed a huge network of publishing commu-

function of the ritual as a collective event to share cul-nities centering on Leiden, and Prijono’s 1938 philologi-

tural memory through specific physical expressions.

cal study of the Sri Tanjung was published in this cradle.

Moore and Myerhoff define the category of collective

Given the aforementioned “a collective decision” byritual as a “traditionalizing instrument” to “traditional-

Fish, it is fitting to consider the workings behindize new materials as well as perpetuate old traditions.”

Prijono’s text making. The most notable would be the

They also point to six factors that make a ritual “an ideal

historical interpretation; indeed, the empirical study ofvehicle for [the] conveying of messages in an authenti-

the archipelago’s history was a common task among thecating and arresting manner.” These are “Repetition,”

colonial scholars. As for Prijono, as I argue later, he“Acting,” “Special behavior or stylization,” “Order,”refers to previous discourses and assumes East Java as“Evocative presentational style; staging,” and “Thethe origin of the text written in the manuscript from Bali

collective dimension” (Moore & Myerhoff 1977: 7–8).

(Prijono 1938a/b: 16–7). His text thus became the

The Sri Tanjung story in today’s Bali exemplifies how

trigger for the Sri Tanjung story to be internalized into

the style of performance has changed over time.

Javanese collective memory by adding subsequent

Regarding the manuscript from Bali, Prijono presents

researchers (Aminoedin et al. 1986; Indiarti 2020) who

three features of the text: “language: Middle Javanese,”studied another manuscript from Banyuwangi, East

“style: kidung,” and “meter: Wukir” (Prijono 1938a/b:Java. The collaborative projects of the Hindu/Buddhist

1–5). As far as I have observed, however, these are nottemple ruins by philologists and archaeologists (repre-

applied today. The story has been performed as a drama

sented by J. L. A. Brandes and N. J. Krom) also boosted(arja) in some villages, but the most common style

new narratives of medieval Javanese culture. Following

today is the form of geguritan: it is sung in Balinese

the study of the Sudamala relief of the Candi Tegowangi(everyday language: basa kepara) and belongs to theby P. V. van Stein Callenfels (Callenfels 1925; Nozawa

rudimentary poetry genre (sekar alit). Geguritan usually2021), the Sri Tanjung story was interpreted as the relief

applies one of the three meters (pupuh padalingsa,

motif of some temple ruins built by the Majapahit

pupuh pada, and pupuh carik), and there are many ver-3

Kingdom : Candi Surawana, Candi Penataran, andsions of lyrics, including contemporary works that

Candi Jabung (Suleiman 1976; Worsley 1986; Kieven

recount the Sri Tanjung story. Traditionally, a palm-leaf

2013, et al.). Prijono’s text came to be incorporated into

manuscript called lontar has been used by singers at thethe image of the Hindu-Java or the Majapahit era in thisperformance. However, it is becoming more common toway, as part of the construction of “Javanology” thatuse notebooks in which individual works are written.

was initiated by colonial scholars.

Regarding the performing context, it appears more often

On the other hand, the “ritual communities” havein rites of passage (manusa yadnya) than in temple cer-transmitted the Sri Tanjung through performing arts likeemonies (dewa yadnya). This situation would be thethe singer previously mentioned. In Java and Bali, theresult of the long-term minor modifications by whichmemories of this story have been performed in forms of

local communities have selected the better “vehicle” toritual song/poetry (kidung) and drama (kethoprak andconvey the aesthetic of the narrative.

arja). In fact, it is hard to find a standard of religious-

3

This is the Hindu kingdom that flourished in East Java from 1293 to circa 1500 C.E.

85

The Sri Tanjung Text by Prijono and the Interpretive Communities

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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.12 (2023)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第12

quadrilingual man with proficiency in Javanese,

As detailed above, the two communities have woven

Indonesian, Dutch, and French. This backgroundthe narratives of the Sri Tanjung story using different

enabled his multi-aspect activities in relation to Westernmanners and interpretations. Fish consequently states

thought and the Indonesian mind, or publishing andthat “the identification of what was normative for theritual communities. As a son of priyayi (local elite)

members of one community would be seen as strange (ifworking for the court, he was privileged to be educatedit could be seen at all) by the members of another” (Fishin Dutch at HIS and AMS as part of the Ethical Policy

1980: 15–6). However, it is significant to note that the(Ethische Politiek). At the same time, he cultivated his

two communities overlap in some regards. It is of course

Javanese identity by engaging in local performing arts,

the case that local performers are also text producers,which evolved into his later nationalistic activities forwhether using lontar or paper, and that their old works

the promotion of traditional culture. He finally settled inwere incorporated into Prijono’s academic text as the

Leiden and became a member of the philological com-“authentic manuscripts.” On the other hand, the publish-

munity represented by J. L. A. Brandes (1857–1905), R.

ing communities also include some ritual aspects. One

M. L. Poerbatjaraka (1884–1964), and P. J. Zoetmulder

example is the sharing of publications related to personal(1906–1995). He was also involved in the student asso-social life (company newsletters, class papers, etc.),

ciation (Perhimpoenan Indonesia), wherein young

which is a topic that H. Hasegawa takes up. He observes

priyayi encouraged one another as the future of

the features of those publications as the media “inter-Indonesia while working hard to reinterpret and repre-

twined with information transfer and ritual,” thus rein-

sent their own culture in Dutch. In this academic milieu,

forcing the sense of community membership (Hasegawa

as one of the Indonesian bureaucratic candidates,

2003: 31–5). This could be applied to academic journals

Prijono fulfilled his doctoral course with the Sri Tanjung

too. Furthermore, one should note that the activities ofstudy in 1938.

the two communities are realized upon a certain
common language as the premise of cultural/social

III

communication. In the colonial period, in particular,

Looking into Prijono’s Sri Tanjung Text

1 The Structure

Dutch language ability had the absolute power to divide

Prijono’s thesis Sri Tañjung: Een Oud Javaanschthe hierarchy/community of Indonesian society.
In this context, Prijono spent his whole life in the

Verhaal was issued in the same year by two publishers:

contact zone. He was born in 1907 in Yogyakarta, thethe Nederlandsche Boek-en Steendrukkerij (1897–1998)

ancient capital in Central Java. In the environment

in Den Haag and the Burgersdijk & Niermans-Templum

where his father worked as a courtier (abdi dalem), he

Salomonis (1894–) in Leiden. There are some differ-learned the court (keraton) culture from childhood whileences between the two versions. The former (Prijono

joining the Javanese dance school, Krido Bekso Wiromo.

1938a) includes a dedication page and a book acknowl-

Meanwhile, he studied at the Dutch-based primaryedgements page, while the latter (Prijono 1938b) does

schoolinnot. However, the latter includes a two-page “Additions

Yogyakarta and graduated from the secondary school

and Corrections (Toevoegsels en Verbeteringens)”(AMS: Algemeene Middelbare School) in Surakarta in

section for the fifty-two local terms before the table of1929. Afterwards, he moved to Paris and completed thecontents (Inhoud). The title page of the former features

French course (Cours Mayon) in 1932 at the age of 25.

a note containing information about the doctoral thesis

His strong interest in literature brought him to the(e.g., the chairman of the board trustee and the date ofNetherlands, and he studied at the Department ofdegree conferment), but the latter’s title page only

Oriental Literature at Leiden University until 1936

includes the publisher’s emblem. These differences(Sumardi 1984: 11–5).

would mean that the former is composed of the whole(HIS:

Hollandsch-Inlandsche

School)doctoral thesis made into a book as a collection of uni-

This biography relays Prijono’s hybridity as a86

versity libraries; the latter was revised later for public

transcription)

availability (even for limited intellectuals) by adding thetwo pages of notes on local terms.

Regarding this stanza, Prijono explains the underlined
three terms referring to previous studies: The Taja bayu

of contents: “Inleiding/Introduction” (pp. 1+–33+), “Tekst/(magical power and vitality) from Kleen & Angelino’s

Text” (pp. 1–62), “Vertaling/Translation” (pp. 63–155),

1922 Mudra’s op Bali: Handhoudingen der Priesters,“Aanteekeningen/Notes” (pp. 156–256), “Lijst der

the Kartika (the first month of the wuku year) from H. A.

Voornaamste Afkortingen/ List of Main Abbreviations”

van Hien’s 1912/1913 De Javaansche Geestenwereld, 5(pp. 257–8), “Lijst van Eigennamen en Termen/ List of

deelen, and the Gurw/Guru (the third day of the eight-

Proper Names and Terms” (pp. 259–60), andday week or Astawara) from van Hien’s abovemen-“Woordenlijst/Glossary” (pp. 261–73).

tioned book and H. N. van der Tuuk’s 1987–1912

All of Prijono’s discussions on the text are included in

Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek.

the introduction. The section “Text” contains the

As a resource for these interpretations, the subsequent

Romanized transcription of the Sri Tanjung manuscripts“List of Main Abbreviations” specifies the bibliographic

from Bali that were written in Javanese character; I will

information pertaining to the reference materials, thedescribe the multiple manuscripts used for this tran-

names of which are abbreviated in the previous section;

scription in the next chapter. The transcribed text isfor example, “K. B. W.” of van der Tuuk’s 1897 Kawi-

composed of seven cantos: Canto I (66 stanzas), Canto

Balineesch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek. Thus, thisII (39 stanzas), Canto III (55 stanzas), Canto IV (12section presents a bibliography of twenty-eight items

stanzas), Canto V (188 stanzas), Canto VI (47 stanzas),over two pages that corresponds to a list of references inand Canto VII (86 stanzas); one stanza is a group of 9

today’s academic writings.

lines. These are translated into Dutch in the next section,

2 The Points at Issue“Translation.”
The following sections, “Notes” and “List of Main

Prijono’s argument in the introduction can be sum-Abbreviations,” relate to each other. In “Notes,” Prijono

marized into three points. The first concerns the author

further explains the passages in the “Text” andand the origin of the story. Following the text in stanza 1“Translation” chapters. These mainly support the con-of Canto I (see above), which was also mentioned by

textual meanings of original words by quoting reference

van der Tuuk (1881: 54–6), Prijono assumes that the Srimaterials. For example, stanza 1 of Canto I is written as

Tanjung manuscripts from Bali would be a derivative

follows:

work of the Sri Tanjung by Chitragotra, who wrote theSudamala story beforehand (Prijono 1938a/b: 11–3).

[Javanese text] Teja bayu kaki wangsitipun/ tan sipi

Furthermore, given that the Sudamala story is depictedlawase/ Sudamala duk kinawi/ pupuṭut kang angapus/

at the Candi Tegowangi built in the mid-fourteenth

Citragotra parabipun/ Kartika-masa tanggale/ purnama

century, his thought develops into speculation that the

Gurw ing Prangbakat/ Sudamala duk rinipta/ baṭari

story was created by that time and that its prosperity

sampurnâjiwa. (Prijono 1938a/b: 1)

supposedly occurred from the sixteenth to the seventeenth century (Prijono 1938a/b: 17–9). Regarding[English translation] Magical power and vitality, Lord,

origin, he first presents his view that the manuscripts

are my secret words. It is not long ago that the Sudamalafrom Bali written in Middle Javanese are not necessarily

was written by a hermit named Citragotra, in the montholder than the Banyuwangi’s manuscript written in New

of Kartika, on the 15th of the month, on the day Guru,

Javanese (Prijono 1938a/b: 3). He concludes that the Sriin the wuku Prangbakat. That is when it was written, theTanjung story was likely created around Banyuwangi

story of Sudamala and the Goddess who were restored

based on several reasons (Prijono 1938a/b: 16–7) that I

to life. (Translated by the author from the Dutch

mention in the next chapter.

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Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.12 (2023)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第12

The second point at issue is the style of poetry. Given

The third point at issue is the story line. There are

the Wukir meter described in stanza 2 of Canto I (seemany differences between the manuscripts frombelow), Prijono clarifies the pattern of vowel sounds in

Banyuwangi and from Bali (Aminoedin et al. 1986:

the end syllable, which underlies the stanzas as follows:16–8). The former, which is believed to have beencreated after the Islamization of Java, is characterizeda. 10u (i); b. 6e (a, o); c. 8i (u); d. 7u; e. 8u; f. 8e (o,by handwritten Arabic script and therefore includesa); g. 8u (a); h. 8a; i. 8aterms derived from the Middle East. However, the twolargely share the same storyline. Prijono describes theEach stanza is composed of 9 lines (a–i). For

story of Sri Tanjung in prose format after presenting theexample, “10u” of “line a” means that the line consists

outline of the Sudamala story, the alleged Chitragotra’sof 10 syllables and ends with the vowel “u.” The follow-

previous work (Prijono 1938a/b: 6–10). The following

ing (i), the vowel in parentheses, is the exceptional

is the summary of the Balinese text:

change of the end syllable. Below are the lyrics in stanza
2 of Canto I (Prijono 1938a/b: 1), which abides by the(1) Sidapaka, a nobleman who serves King Sulakramasame rule as stanza 1, written above. The underlinedof the Sinduraja kingdom, visits the hermit

vowels are the ending syllables.

Tambapetra, who lives in Prangalas (the place formountain asceticism), in search of a special medi-[Javanese text]

cine at the king’s command. In Prangalas, he falls

a. Ana carita ginurit kidungb. ring rajya sangkane

in love with Tambapetra’s granddaughter Sric. apupuh kang tambang Wukir
d. ki Sidapaksa jalu

Tanjung and takes her home as his wife.

e. istrine dewi Sri Tañjung

f.

(2) Hearing that a woman of great beauty has married

atutur micara mangke
g. baṭari Sri kang winuwus
janma,

Sidapaksa, the king feels very jealous and lays ah. tumurun amiṇḍa

conspiracy; he gives Sidapaksa the challenge ofi. anggawe pangewan-ewan.

receiving the three treasures from the gods inheaven. Afterwards, to help prevent Sidapaksa[English translation] There is a story that was composedfrom being at a loss, Sri Tanjung gives him theas kidung in the palace and sung in the Wukir meter. The“magic feather mantle” that she inherited from her

man’s name is Sidapaksa and his wife is Sri Tanjung.

father.

This is the miracle of a goddess who descended from

(3) After Sidapaksa flies to heaven wearing the feather

heaven in the shape of a human. (Translated by the

mantle, the king tries to seduce Sri Tanjung but isauthor from the Dutch transcription)

rejected. On the other hand, Sidapaksa succeeds inacquiring the treasures with the help of the gods

However, the meter called Wukir, which is quoted

who are allied with the hermit Tambapetra; he thenfrom the original text, is not known in Java and Bali

returns to the capital.

today. Prijono mentions that “The meter is known as(4) When Sidapaksa is offering the treasures to the

Adri in today’s Bali” in the footnote (Prijono 1938a/b:

king in the court, the king tells a lie that Sri Tanjung5). The original text uses the local term “apupuh,”

committed unfaithfulness in the absence of her

which is equal to the Western concept of meter. The

husband. Sidapaksa, with uncontrollable rage,“apupuh” is generally called “pupuh” today, and there

returns home immediately. Then, he takes his wifeare various types of pupuh in traditional Javanese andout of the house to the graveyard and stabs her with

Balinese kidung. According to G. E. Marrison, thea sword. When she is going to die, she says, “If I

pupuh Adri has the same pattern as Wukir among

were innocent, my blood would smell good.” Just

approximately fifty pupuh existing in Bali (Marrison

after that, a pure fragrance spreads from the blood.

1987: 494–7).

Sidapaksa despairs with deep regret.

88

(5) When Sri Tanjung arrives at the world of death, she

IV Institutional Contexts: Reading,Writing, and Living the Sri Tanjung

is shocked by the sight of the souls suffering in
hell. She meets Dorakala, the god of death. But

1 As a successor of van der Tuuk’s work

Dorakala sends her back to the ground, saying,

The manuscripts of the Sri Tanjung story, which was“It’s not time to die yet.”originally intended for “reciting as poetry,” were textu-

graveyard. The witch Ranini revives Sri Tanjung’s

alized by Prijono into a narrative form of a “book tolife and brings her to the hometown Prangalas.

read” according to this structure. Examining the details,(7) In unhealed despair, Sidapaksa decides to kill

one can find its mission as the successive work of H. N.

himself in the graveyard. On arriving, Ranini tells

van der Tuuk (1824–1894) in the interpretative com-

him of Sri Tanjung’s revival and suggests he meetmunity of philology in Leiden.
This usage is exemplified by the materials (table 1).

her again in Prangalas.
(8) In Prangalas, Sri Tanjung refuses to meet

Prijono textualized the story as a compilation of multiple

Sidapaksa, who visits her home, saying, “You canmanuscripts, and, as summarized in the table, named

meet me only if you get the head of King

these manuscripts A to K (without I) at the end of the

Sulakrama.” Sidapaksa then organizes a troop withpreface (Prijono 1938a/b: 19–32). Prijono mainly

the saints and the gods to attack the king and finallyapplies himself to manuscripts A to G in his analysis,

wins.

dividing them into two groups: “A1–C3” and “D–G.”
The difference is that the former contains strophe that

Today, the Sri Tanjung story is handed down not only

cannot found in the latter, while the latter contains pas-through the performing arts but also in the form ofsages that the former does not include. Furthermore,picture books for children; however, many of theseeven within the same group, there are many differencesemphasize conjugal love and risking one’s life for eachin expressions and unclear points due to physicalother, and the end of the request for the king’s head has

damage. Therefore, it is mentioned that the remaining

been deleted or modified.

manuscripts “H–K” are used as the third form of supplementary material.
Of the fourteen items, one can see five lontar manu-

Table 1 The Resources of Prijono’s Sri Tanjung Text
MarkCatalog Information (Number/Code, Supervisor, Volume, Page)

Material

A1

3801, Juynboll, I, 259; 1046, Brandes, III, 101

lontarA2

4499, Juynboll, I, 260; 1045, Brandes, III, 100–101

paper

B

4500, Juynboll, I, 260; 1047, Brandes, III, 101

paper

C1

3623, Juynboll, I, 260; 1052, Brandes, III, 104

lontarC2

3866, Juynboll, I, 260; 1051, Brandes, III, 104

paper

C3

3863, Juynboll, I, 260; 1050, Brandes, III, 103–104

paper

D

(Collection of Roermond City Library)lontarE1

3749, Juynboll, I, 261; 1054, Brandes, III, 106

lontarE2

4503, Juynboll, I, 260; 1053, Brandes, III, 104–105

paper

F

4504, Juynboll, I, 261; 1055, Brandes, III, 106

paper

G

4505, Juynboll, I, 261; 1056, Brandes, III, 106–107

paper

H

3126, Vreede, 394–395

lontarJ

4502, Juynboll, I, 260; 1049, Brandes, III, 102–103

paper

K

4501, Juynboll, I, 260; 1048, Brandes, III, 101–102

paperThis is based on Prijono’s Sri Tañjung: Een Oud Javaansch Verhaal, pp. 19–32, 1938.

89

The Sri Tanjung Text by Prijono and the Interpretive Communities(6) Sri Tanjung’s soul returns to her corpse in the

号（２０２３）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.12 (2023)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第12

scripts4 and the nine paper manuscripts at the right end

taken from the library collections listed in Juynboll’sof the table. “Lontar” is the traditional palm leaf manu-

1911 (vol. II) catalog (Prijono 1938a/b: Table ofscript made of borassus flabellifer in Indonesia; it is acontents).

set of tied long strips (length: around 5 cm, width:

In connection with the title of Brandes’ 1915 catalog,

30–60 cm) on which horizontal writings and drawingsof particular significance is the fact that the six manu-

are inscribed. The paper manuscripts include the copies

scripts (A2, B, E2, F, J, and K) contain handwrittenof the lontar’s descriptions, such as “A1→A2,” “C1→C2

annotations by H. N. van der Tuuk (Prijono 1938a/b:

and C3,” and “E1→E2.” In addition, the texts of these

19–32): a Dutch linguist who worked in Bali for twenty

paper manuscripts (A2, B, C1, C2, E2, F, G, J, and K)

years with the title of “civil servant for the study of

written in Balinese letters are transcribed in Beschrijving

Indonesian languages (ambtenaar voor de beoefening

der Javaansche, Balineesche en Sasaksche hand-

van Indische talen)” (Scalliet 2011). According toschriften aangetroffen in de nalatenschap van Dr. H. N.

Prijono, “When this thesis was nearing completion, I

van der Tuuk, en door hem vermaakt aan de Leidsche

suddenly remembered that there were many manuscripts

Universiteitsbibliotheek (Description of the Javanese,at Kirtya Liefrinck (the lontar museum) in Singaraja,

Balinese and Sasak manuscripts found in the estate ofwhich had been established by Dr. van der Tuuk. I

Dr. H. N. van der Tuuk, and bequeathed by him at theurgently asked the museum to send a copy of the manu-

Leiden University Library) by J. L. A. Brandes (1915:

script, and later I found that the content of the copy,

5

100–7) .

named L, was almost the same as item B” (Prijono

The table shows that everything was prepared for

1938a/b: 33). However, this is just an additional

Prijono’s text making. As seen in the “Catalog

episode. Prijono often refers van der Tuuk’s discourse inInformation,” the brief information on these manuscripts

the introduction as the first study that mentioned the(except for D) is described in Catalogus van deorigin and storyline of the Sri Tanjung (van der TuukJavaanscheder1881: 54–56). It is also noteworthy that P. V. van Stein

Leidsche Uiversiteits-bibliotheek (Catalog of theCallenfels developed the study of the Sudamala story

Javanese and Madura’s Manuscripts of the Leiden(Callenfels 1925), which had been described by van derUniversity Library). Except for item H in the first

Tuuk as “Citragotra’s work before the Sri Tanjung” (vanedition by A. C. Vreede (1892: 394–5), the twelve items

der Tuuk 1881: 54–56). It was forty-four years after van

are listed in the supplementary edition (vol. I) by H. H.

der Tuuk’s 1881 article and ten years before Prijono’s

Juynboll (1907: 259–61) and in Brandes’ 1915 catalog.

arrival at Leiden. These facts exemplify the situation

Therefore, it is obvious that it was not Prijono who col-wherein the young Javanese intellectual was welcomed

lected the first materials in Indonesia; rather, the aca-by the vast amount of material (manuscripts on paper,

demic space of Leiden connected Prijono with the Sripalm leaf, drawings, etc.), which had been left unorga-

Tanjung story by offering the abundant manuscripts,

nized after being donated to the Leiden University

either lontar or paper. In particular, Juynboll’s 1907

Library by the will of van der Tuuk (dated February 14,

catalog, in which most of the information of the related

1885). The historic accumulation of Leiden thus

materials is listed within three pages, indicates theimplicitly directed Prijono to complete the work left bysmooth acquisition of materials at the library.

the famous linguist.

en

Madoereesche

handschriftenInterestingly, Prijono also states that the three images in

Therefore, Prijono’s view that the Sri Tanjung story

the chapter Vertaling (Prijono 1938a/b: 97, 129) are

originated from the Banyuwangi area, the most signifi-

4

However, Prijono gives the further classification based on the lontar’s shape as follows.
“cakĕpan” (C1 and H): a bunch of lontar strips sandwiched by two wooden covers called cakĕpan.
“ěmbat-ěmbatan” (D and E1): lontar strips tied through a thread without a cover (cakĕpan).
“lempiran” (A1): dozens of lontar strips without thread or covers.
5 Only manuscript G is written in Middle Javanese character, but it also includes interlinear commentaries in Balinese character.

90

cant point among his arguments, is affected more or lessof the series of “letterpress lontar” of Leiden.

by van der Tuuk’s description of “Bañuwangi, where it

2(the Sri Tanjung) was probably composed at a time

Prijono’s Reality between the Two Worlds
It is also significant to consider Prijono’s involvement

faith” (van der Tuuk 1881: 54–55). As Bernard Arp criti-in the activities of the performing arts; namely, the ritual

cally argues, Prijono develops this idea on the basis ofcommunities. Prijono spent his academic life in Leiden

four reasons: The language of the text is written inamid the rising nationalism among Indonesian students,

Javanese; when Sidapaksa flies to the heaven, he sees

as represented by the launches of the SVIK

the sea in the north, south, and east, but not in the west;(Studentenvereeniging ter Bevordering der Indonesische

the story is not known in Java outside Banyuwangi;

Kunst/Student Association for the Advancement ofmany animal names in the text appear to be known only

Indonesian Art) in 1935 and the political associationin Banyuwangi. Though Arp points out that neither

Roekoen Peladjar Indonesia in 1936 (Stutje 2016: 227).

argument is convincing, he agrees that the archaic fea-

Prijono particularly exerted himself in the cultural pro-tures do not necessarily mean that Prijono’s text is older

motion of Indonesia at SVIK, which gave him the title

than the text from Banyuwangi (Arp 1992: 126).

of “honorary member” in 1938 (Poeze et al. 2008: 264,

However, van der Tuuk also notes, “According to the284). For Prijono, who had built ethnic identity throughtradition, Bañu (water) waṅi (well scented) has its nameJavanese dance, physical expression of traditionalfrom her, but the poem itself says nothing about this”

culture might have constituted the “retrieval of inner(van der Tuuk 1881: 56). Nevertheless, Prijono

sovereignty.” Such awareness corresponded with thestrengthened the relation between the Sri Tanjung andincrease of performing arts organizations in Java since

Banyuwangi, referring to Franz Epp’s reports about

1918 (Rahardjo 2013). Prijono’s 1940 paper written in

Banyuwangi and the local legend there (Epp 1849: 261;

Dutch states the significance whereby Indonesian intel-

1852: 496). This relation eventually constructed thelectuals “know the end of the era when they thought

value of the Sri Tanjung as a “cultural memory of

imitating European culture was ‘chic’,” and “take amedieval East Java,” in conjunction with the subsequentbalance so that they promote the preservation and thestudies of the Banyuwangi text and the relief interpreta-

development of our culture” (Prijono 1940: 149). In thetions of temple ruins in East Java.

Japanese occupation period (1942–45), he actively sup-As a successor of van der Tuuk’s work, Prijono pub-ported the Jakarta branch of the Javanese dance school,

lished the extensive text following the disciplinary tradi-

Krido Bekso Wiromo, where he composed a dancetion of philology. The text surely includes the originality

drama titled “Banjaran Sari.” After national indepen-that comes from seeing through local eyes, particularly

dence, he promoted many overseas performances ofin its comparison of New Javanese and Middle JavaneseIndonesian music and dance as Minister of Education(Prijono 1938a/b: 13–5). However, as mentioned in theand Culture (Sumardi 1984: 13–5) and published aprevious chapter, it is also true that its interpretation

book, “Indonesia Menari=Indonesia Dances” (Prijono

largely depends on discourses accumulated through1982). Furthermore, Minister Prijono set out a cultural

Western lenses (see the “Notes” in II–:). Given thispolicy that idealized “aesthetic representation of peo-

context, it could be said that Prijono faithfully embodied

ple’s real life” under Soekarno’s socialistic administra-

the “collective decision” of the philological/publishingtion. As the result, various dance works of laborcommunity, not only as the writer but also as the

movements, such as Balinese “Nulayan” and “Tenun,”“reader” of the Sri Tanjung that had been rediscovered

were produced during the period (Umeda 2009: 47–8).

by van der Tuuk more than four decades before. In otherPrijono also worked hard as a literacy practitioner.

words, like the original manuscripts defined as “re-After serving higher education in Jakarta from 1938, heedited texts of the existing folklore,” Prijono also pro-

was promoted to a national civil servant and one of the

duced a sequel to Callenfels’ study of Sudamala as partfounding members of Gadjah Mada University in 1946.

91

The Sri Tanjung Text by Prijono and the Interpretive Communities

when a great part of East Java still adhered to the IndianFor these achievements, he was inaugurated as Minister号（２０２３）

Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute Vol.12 (2023)『人類学研究所 研究論集』第12strong influence on Prijono’s thought.

of Education and Culture of the Soekarno Cabinet on

It is worth noting that Prijono was writing the thesis

April 27, 1957 (Sumardi 1984: 12–3). He exercised hisin the vortex of these antiestablishment ideologies andministerial power first in the Indonesian orthography

returned to the homeland from the Netherlands wherebased on IPA characters Ejaan Prijono-Katoppo in

the invasion of Nazi Germany was imminent. Then, in

1957. The biggest challenge for him was improving the1939, he married an Indonesian woman fromnation’s literacy rate, which used to be only 7% (Prijono

Pandeglang (West Java) whom he met in Leiden

1964a: 12). As a man of letters, he also introduced(Sumardi 1984: 12–3). In light of the political dynamism

foreign literature such as Romanian folk tales (Prijonoof the time, it would not stretch the point to read

1964b) to connect Indonesia and the world. Furthermore,

between the lines of the Sri Tanjung text; in other words,

as part of the revival of narrative culture in national andhow Prijono “lived” within this story during the text

local languages, he wrote a children’s book of Javanese

making and what “justice” he envisioned by overlap-

folktales (Prijono 1954) and the Javanese poem Seratping himself with Sidapaksa: a hero who fought against

Djakasura-Tresnawati: Mawi Sekar (Prijono 1966)

evil to be true to his love for Sri Tanjung.

under the pseudonym of Prijana Winduwinata.

In his 1963 speech, Prijono introduces the Sri Tanjung

Prijono’s Sri Tanjung text is certainly a colonial

as a story about “the loyalty of people to their beloved

vestige. Meanwhile, his manifold practices between

one that resembles Tristan and Isolde or Romeo andnationalism and internationalism suggest the “dualJuliet” (Prijono 1964a: 16–21). It is prefaced by thenature” of the text. For example, the academic milieu inview that “if we republish books on regional and tradi-

Leiden in the 1930s was at the peak of anti-colonialism

tional literature, we do so not only to point out the posi-and communism. One of the influencers was Roestam

tive sides of the heroes and heroines, but also to expose

Effendi: the then-president of Indonesian students’

the defects of feudalism which should never be restored”

association Perhimpoenan Indonesia to which Prijono

and “here is a fundamental difference between thebelonged. Considering the later intimacy between

national and colonial or neo-colonial governments

6

Prijono and the Murba Party , he is likely to have been

which try to maintain feudalism wherever they can”

deeply involved in these ideologies. If so, just as Effendi(Prijono 1964a: 12). These statements leave room torepresented his criticism on Dutch colonialism throughconsider how Prijono came to imagine the Sri Tanjung

the Ramayana story in his work Babasari, one can infer

story after becoming a government bureaucrat of thesuch a metaphorical aspect embedded in the Sri Tanjung

new republic. To emphasize the aim of disseminatingtext by Prijono; even if it includes ambivalence between

the narrative culture of the world, he concludes theobedience and resistance. Another noteworthy individ-

speech with a hope that the new Indonesian generation

ual is “Mrs. E. C. Alings—van Mels,” who is mentioned

will “overcome difficulties that we are facing” andon the acknowledgments page as Prijono’s only

“help create a new world free from imperialism, colo-acquaintance outside of family (Prijono 1938a).

nialism, and neo-colonialism for the sake of true world

Although little information is available about her, there

peace” (Prijono 1964a: 26). However, he passed away inare some records indicating that she was an activist of

1969 in adverse circumstances after the 30th September

7gender equality and democracy , which suggests a

Movement (G30S).

6The Murba Party is a communist political party founded by Tan Malaka et al. in 1948, which was merged into the Indonesian
Democratic Party in 1973. It was included as one of the ten legal parties under Soekarno’s Guided Democracy. Though the Murba Party
was an opponent of the PKI (the Communist Party of Indonesia), which became the target of the mass purge after the G30S, the party
was also pressurized under Suharto’s New Order regime due to its pro-communist ideology.
7 The edition of the newspaper Leidsch Dagblad dated February 23, 1937, includes the name E. C. Alings—van Mels as one of themembers of the Democratic Party of the Leiden district. The publication Archief Comité voor eene Gemeenschappelijke Actie tot
Hervorming onzer Huwelijkswetgeving by the Action for the Reform of Marriage Law also includes her name as a correspondent (1920:
198).

92

by interweaving academic texts with indigenous

V Conclusion

knowledge.

This paper examined how the Balinese manuscripts

Acknowledgmentof Sri Tanjung were textualized by Prijono within theThis work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI (grant number:collective decision of the colonial academia, which had

19K00249).

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