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213「アジア統合のロードマップ」
天児 慧（早稲田大学教授、拠点リーダー）

Ⅰ、われわれの目指すものは何か
19 世紀の中ごろから、西欧の衝撃(ウエスタン・インパクト)に襲われて以来、今日に至るまで世界史の中心は常に西洋世界であった。20 世紀の初頭からアジアの大国となった日本は果敢に西洋中心主義に挑戦したが、アジアに大きな傷跡を残しつつ第二次世界大戦の敗北であえなく挫折した。第二次大戦後の冷戦世界も、冷戦後の米国一国覇権とグローバリゼーションの波もまた欧米を軸に展開している。もっとも 1960～70 年代の日本、８０年代のNIEs と ASEAN、90 年代以降の中国といった東アジア地域の目覚ましい経済発展は、今や｢世界経済の推進力｣、｢成長のセンター｣と呼ばれるようになっている。
にもかかわらず、1997 年の｢アジア通貨危機｣を思い起こすまでもなく、アジアで発生した問題をアジア各国の政府や人々が解決のために実質的に協力し合うといった情景はあまり見られなかった。地域紛争では国連安全保障理事会が、貧困問題や人権問題では IMF や世界銀行、あるいは国連人権委員会、難民高等弁務官事務所、ユニセフなどが中心的に活動している。地域協力が最も進んでいるといわれる経済分野でも、まだ FTA、EPA 締結の段階で、依然「デファクトとして進む地域統合」といわれるにとどまっている。
我々はこうした状況にこれからも甘んじ続けるべきではない。アジアが成長のセンターであり続けようとするな
ら、アジアの抱える課題・問題もまたアジア人が中心となって共に考え、解決できるようにならなければならない。
そしてそのための枠組み＝「アジア共同体」創りにも本格的に取り組まねばならない。もちろんそのことはアジア以外の国・地域の人々を排除することを意味しない。アジア統合に理解を示す各国政府との連携・協力は言うまでもないが、さらに国連諸機関で様々な活動をしている人々、多国籍企業として、あるいは NGO 団体としてアジア域内で仕事をしている非アジア系の人々などもアジア共同体を支える重要な構成メンバーである。しかしアジアの問題ではアジアがイニシアティブをとれる態勢が必要である。そのためにこそ、それを担える高度な専門的な人材をアジアの中から育成することが枠組み作りと同時に不可欠になってくる。

Ⅱ、アジア共同体構想と「アジア的価値」
まず自ら問わねばならない重要な問題は、未来のアジア共同体をどのようなものとして描き、いかなるロードマップを作成するかということである。アジア共同体を考える場合、アジア的価値をめぐる論争がある。これに呑み込まれてしまうことは避けるべきだが、これを無視するわけにもいかない。今日アジアの知識人たちの中で広く読み返されている竹内好は『方法としてのアジア』のなかで、「西欧的なすぐれた文化価値を、より大規模に実現するために、西洋をもう一度東洋によって包みなおす。逆に西洋自身をこちらから変革する、この文化的な巻き返し、あるいは価値の上の巻き返しによって普遍性を創りだす。
・・・・その巻き返す時に自分の中に独自なものがなければならない。
」と語っている。
まさに西洋と東洋を相対化し、主体化したうえで両者のダイナミックなインターアクションを通じて、より高次の人類的価値の創造を目指そうとしたことが理解できる。インド建国の父といわれるマハトマ・ガンジーは「山の頂は 1 つだがそこに辿り着く道は様々にある」という有名な言葉を残し、「多様性の中の統一」を説いた。ここでも「アジア的価値」は頂上に登る「多様な道」、すなわち方法的価値におかれている。
もちろん古代ギリシャで生まれ、ルネサンスでよみがえったヒューマニズムやデモクラシーの精神などはアジアにとってもまた普遍的な重要性を持っている。
しかしアジアでもまた、人間の平等と慈悲の心の尊さを説いた仏教、礼節など人間の修養と文化的権威の形成から社会秩序を説いた儒教、日本古来の独特な自然と人間の調和哲学など214

からも、人間社会に内在する普遍的価値を十分にくみ取ることができるだろう。アブドラ・マレーシア首相は「平和・中庸・弱者救済はイスラムの基本原則である」と指摘しているが（『日経』07，5.25）、それは仏教にも儒教にも通じる考え方である。
あえて言うなら、私は最近「方法としてのアジア」だけでなく、「価値としてのアジア」もあるのではないかと思うようになっている。例えば普遍的概念である「秩序」「平和」について考えてみよう。西洋における代表的秩序観
は次の 3 つである。①ホッブス的秩序観＝人間の自然状態は混沌であり社会契約によって人間の諸権利を巨大な怪物・リヴァイアサン(国家)に委ねることによって秩序、平和が生まれると説く。②ロック的秩序観＝人間の自然状
態は自由、平等でかつ平和な状態であり、政府は社会契約によって人民の権利を擁護するするが、それは受託者にとどまると主張。③カント的秩序観＝人間の内面的な道徳的自由ではない恣意行為に対して外から強制的に制裁を加える必要があり(外面的合法性)、そのような法の維持と保障のために国家が存在すると主張。内面的自由を獲得
した自律的な近代的人間はその理性のもとに永久平和を目指すべき（規範的思考）で、その先に国家を超える統治制度の必要性をと説く。どのように人間および社会を見るかは３者互いに異なるが、「秩序」「平和」を維持する手段として契約、法、制度そして国家などを設定している点は共通している。
これに対して、アジアでは「秩序」「平和」は伝統的には必ずしもこのような契約、法、制度などからつくり出さ
れ、保証されるものとは考えられてこなかった。アジアにおける人間社会の安定的な関係＝「秩序」は、主に以下のような要因によって生み出される。①儒教的統治論などのように人為的に作られる文化的権威への服従、②自然などに対して内発的に育まれる畏敬、尊厳への服従、③相互の扶助行為・共同作業などによって生まれる相互依存・信頼、④お上とか他の集落といった相手と自分との距離感(自分とは無縁)を意識し、その関係を安定的に維持しようとする思考（小国寡民思想＝伝統的村落共同体）などである。すなわちアジアにおける伝統的な秩序観とは、自然的であるか人為的であるかはともかく人々が他者との所与の関わり、関係を持続的に維持しようとする相関的な指向性、関係性（ネットワーク）によって形成される「状態」として認識される。
こうした秩序観は、今日アジアで唯一の制度化された統合組織とも言える ASEAN の中にも生きている。すなわ
ちよく知られているように ASEAN Way は合意事頄の非拘束化、組織の非制度化、内政不干渉、全会一致のコンセンサスによる意思決定などを重視し、できるだけ規範的な法や制度からの拘束を排除することによって ASEAN
における安定、秩序をもたらしてきた。それは国家主権を制限し、統合の制度化・法制化を進めてきた EU とは対照的であった。
グローバリゼーションが急速に広がる今日、アジアにおいても西洋的な法・制度による規範化が否応なく浸透している。昨年、2015 年に繰り上げて ASEAN 共同体を創設すると宣言した ASEAN 首脳会議は、同時に前文と 13
章 55 条から構成され「域内最高規範」となる「ASEAN 憲章」を採択した。民主主義や法の支配、人権と自由などを原則として、地域のあるべき姿や意思決定の方法などを明文化し、法にのっとった高度な地域機構を目指すことを謳った。しかし、依然として「デファクトとして進む経済統合」と言われるように、アジアでは法や制度以外に機能する重要なファクターを見落とすことはできない。

Ⅲ、アジア共同体は重層的な人間のネットワークを核にすべし
では、法や制度以外に機能する重要なファクターとは何か。単純化を恐れずに言うならば、それは様々なレベル、領域で現実に物事を動かし関係をつくっている人間のネットワークである。アジアにおいても、もちろんルールや法、制度が重要であるが、現実に規範としてそれらが機能するか否かは良くも悪くも、それを動かしうる有能な人間がいるか否か、そのような人間群の相互作用があるかどうかが決定的に重要である。例えばどのような素晴らし
い環境保護法を作ったとしても、それを守らせる、また守ろうとする人がいなければ環境悪化を防ぐことはできない。逆に極論するならば、環境の重要性を十分に理解している人々や考え方があれば法律、制度はなくても環境保215

護は可能である。
ここで言うネットワークの対象となる人間は必ずしも一般的な人という意味ではなく、強い志・問題意識・状況
分析力・専門的知識・行動力・組織力などをもったリーダー的な人間である。アジアの地域協力を持続させ発展させるためには、国を超えてこうした人間のネットワークを様々な分野で構築させ、それらの有機的な連携を推進し、横断的包括的に効果のある協力を恒常化、すなわち制度化していくことがとくに重要であると考える。いわゆるインテレクチュアル・ネットワークである。ASEAN の成功もその担い手である参加国のリーダー、シンクタンク・メンバーなどが幾度も会議外交やフォーラムを展開しネットワークを充実化し、重要な意味を持たせてきたところにある。
アジアにおいては依然として経済格差、教育格差、社会的不公平などが大きく、中間層の成長に伴う自律的存在としての市民（社会）の形成も遅れている。様々な NGO が急速に成長しているとはいえ、市民的権利意識と法やルールに基づいて物事を処理するメカニズムが未だ十分に形成されていないのがアジアである。そこでは各分野における知的な専門性を持つ人間、リーダー的な人間のネットワーク構築の意味は他地域以上に大きい。こうした人材の育成を長期的な戦略のもとに本格的に実施してこそ、既に存在し機能している様々な地域協力機関・メカニズ
ムを効果的に運用することができ、さらには協力のための新しい意味のある人間のネットワークを構築することが可能となってくるのである。
アジアが直面し特に協力を必要とする問題を課題別に考えてみるなら、さしあたり以下の３つのタイプに分けられる。
第 1 に、課題解決協力型ネットワークである。
今日のアジアにおける主なものとしては、①貧困・社会問題解決協働メカニズムと、②環境保護協働メカニズム、③省エネルギー化協働メカニズムがあげられる。それぞれ世界銀行、アジア開発銀行（ADB）、国連各関連機関、
各国政府、NGO などですでに取り組まれており、一定のメカニズムが構築されている。例えば①では、ADB が進めてきた GMS（グレーター・メコン流域開発計画）、インドシナ東西回廊建設などは国を超えたインフラの整備、共同開発により貧国削減を進め東南アジア地域の一体化を図ろうとするものである。日本も ODA 援助、ADB への出資などを通じてこうした方面での積極的協力を進めてきた。
さらに貧困を内発的アプローチによって克服しようとするノーベル平和賞受賞者のムハマド・ユヌス氏の提唱した「グラミン銀行ネットワーク」は、ビジネスの目的を利益の最大化から社会の貧困削減、豊かさの追求に転換させようとしたもので、マイクロ・ファイナンス、ソーシャル・ビジネスの普及といわれ、今やバングラディシュ一国を超えた運動となりつつある。そのほか社会的弱者の人権保護、感染症、大規模自然災害などでの政府、専門家、民間などでの人間のネットワークの構築と連携が強く求められている。
②では、目覚ましい経済発展とともに大気汚染が急速に進むアジアでの取り組みが注目されている。とりわけ中国は来年度には CO2 排出世界 1 位が確実視され、また大気汚染深刻都市世界 20 位中 16 の都市を占め、都市人口の 4 億人が深刻な状況に置かれている。また淡水資源の不足も徐々に重大視され始めている。大気汚染防止、水質保護では森林資源の拡充が不可欠である。こうした問題に対しては政府関係期間、専門家の協力と同時に、環境保護に積極的な民間初団体の役割も大きい。2006 年 12 月に開かれた「アジア太平洋水サミット」では事務局長でシンガポール政策研究所会長のトミー・コー氏は「メコン川、ガンジス川など大型河川流域国の「水の統治」の協議
体の必要性を訴えると同時に、そのためには「政府機関だけでなく、NGO や ADB、世銀など国際機関の参加が必要だ」と強調している（『日経』07，7.14）。
③では、省エネ化の技術協力は政府・専門機関の協力を強化していくことが軸になる。堀井伸浩アジア経済研究
所研究員は、日本の省エネ基準・管理士の普及などソフト面を含め、日本が推進役となって「アジア省エネルギー・
環境技術協力機構」といった多国間枠組みを立ち上げる時期に来ていると強調している（『朝日』07，2，6）。しか216

し同時にエネルギー節約の教育や代替エネルギーの普及などの面では民間ネットワークの協力と地道な活動が重要な役割を担っている。
第２は、共同利益創出型ネットワークである。
主として①経済発展、②成長と社会環境充実、③安全保障などの共同利益が考えられる。まず①経済的共同利益
創出の枠組み作りでは、いくつもの具体的で顕著な動きがあり特に多く説明しない。が、1 つはアジア域内での多国籍企業の急増による利益共有の広がりである。
2 つには未だ進展にばらつきはあるものの今や2 国間のFTA、EPAから「アジア地域 EPA」
「東アジア FTA 構想」に踏み込む段階に入りつつある。さらに 3 つには、経済共同利益創出のためには、いずれアジアの共通通貨の創造が問われる。アジア金融危機の時日本が提唱した「アジア通貨基金(AMF) 構想」
、2000 年の通貨スワップ方式で合意した「チェンマイ・イニシアチブ」、ADB などが提唱するようになった通貨バスケットの「ACU」(アジア通貨単位)など、前向きな構想が尐しずつ出されるようになっている。
もっともADB の06 年年次総会で自ら算出したACU 提案に対して各国から評価算出をめぐり種々の異論が噴出し、国の壁が依然と厚いことが再認識された。
②では持続的な経済成長と社会環境充実の両立こそがアジア共通の利益になってきた。そのためには「クリーン開発メカニズム（CDM）」の発展と活用、新エネルギーの共同開発、エネルギー共同備蓄体制の構築などが重要課
題として浮かんでくる。また今や地球温暖化への取り組みは国を超え、まずは近隣アジアで取り組み、それを通じて共同利益を創出できる課題となってきた。岡部直明日経主幹は「アジアを成長と環境を両立させるモデル地域にできなければ、グローバルな危機は深まる。アジア統合では“環境・エネルギー共同体”の創設を先行させるべき時だ」（『日経』07，5.21）と力説している。1988 年設立の国連組織「気候変動に関する政府間パネル」は地球温暖化についての調査と政策提言でその重要性を増しているが、こうした枠組みの中でアジア各国が問題解決のために共同して取り組み、それを通して共同利益を実現することができる（『毎日』07.5.29）。
③として、現段階では自主防衛、同盟など依然従来型の安全保障が基軸になってはいるがハードな安全保障、ソ
フトな安全保障ともいずれアジア地域を包括する協調的安全保障枠組みの創造が求められるようになってくるであろう。
第 1、第 2 のネットワークづくりでは、各分野でのフォーラムやワーキング・グループを組織し、それらにおいて、①現状の分析と認識、②将来見通し（展望）、③戦略と政策の作業部会を設置し、それぞれの作業の上で、各分野を超えた総合的な連携作業を基本的な作業内容としてルーティン化し、相互のネットワークの連携を強めことによって重層的ネットワークのシナジー効果を引き出すべきである。
第 3 には、生活･文化アイデンティティ創出ネットワークである。
問題解決型も共同利益創出型も、確かに共同作業を通してお互いの理解や信頼が深まり、お互いの関係を緊密化していくことになるだろう。しかし「我々意識」はこうした共同作業だけからはなかなか生まれてこない。共同意
識に関しては生活とか文化が密接にかかわってくる。この点では確かに伝統的なアジアに共通性した思想・文化を指摘することは容易である。が、むしろここで強調すべきはそれ以上に、今日アジア各国間の人の移動、情報の移動、文化交流などは従来になく活発化し、それぞれの国の人々、特に若者が他国の実情や人々の考え方や感情を理解することが飛躍的に高まってきており、そうした中でアジアに共通した文化や思考、生活慣習などを再確認し、さらには他国の文化を自分の文化の一部として取り入れようとする風潮が強まっていることである。例えば日本のアニメ漫画、ポップ・ソング、ファッションのアジア流出、韓流と呼ばれる韓国ドラマの流行などはそうした典型であろう。また日本も韓国も台湾もアジア域内での国際結婚に一段と加速がかかり、企業の外国人雇用と合わせ多民族共生の空間が拡大している。アジアにおいて言語と歴史の壁が大きく崩れ始め、何となく欧米と異なるアジア
世界、アジア・アイデンティティーが芽生えつつあるように見える。
以上を踏まえながら、まとめてみると第 1 を包括するプロセスを通して「相互扶助ネットワーク」、第 2 の活動
217

を通して「利益共有ネットワーク」、第 3 の交流や試みを通して「生活文化共有ネットワーク」が恒常的に機能するようになれば、そうした重層的な組み合わせの中に「アジア共同体」を展望することができるのではないだろうか。

Ⅳ、アジア共同体形成に向けてのアプローチ
ではどのように進めるべきか。ここでは特に３つのアプローチを提起しておきたい。
第１は、機能主義的アプローチである。課題解決型および共同利益創出型に関しては機能主義的アプローチが、現実的であり効果的でもある。もちろん以下で触れるボトムアップ式もこれら 2 つのネットワーク構築においては重要である。
第２は、戦略的調整的アプローチである。ハードな安全保障協力のシステム化あるいはエネルギーの共同開発・共同備蓄などをどう戦略的に推進し調整していくかというアプローチである。東アジア地域には、日米安全保障条
約が秩序維持や平和構築において機能している。また、米韓安全保障条約もある。地域の安全保障協力メカニズムとしても、朝鮮半島における６カ国協議やＡＲＦ（ASEAN 地域フォーラム）、上海協力機構（ＳＣＯ）など、さまざまなプロセスが進んでいる。これらを戦略的にどう調整していくかがこれからの重要な課題となるであろう。
第３は、ボトムアップ式アプローチである。環境保護、感染症予防、貧困や人権の改善など人間の安全保障における教育、環境改善などソフトな部分での試みは主に民間のボランティア的な活動、特に NGO の協力をどうネッ
トワーク化しシステム化していくかということが重要になる。無論人間の安全保障でも、環境改善でも専門家集団
や政府の役割が重要であることは言うまでもない。したがってボトムアップを効果ならしめるのは、何らかの形で彼らとの相乗効果的な連携を図ることである。その意味では第 2 の戦略調整的アプローチをここでも使う必要がある。
このようにアジア共同体形成に向けてのアプローチを整理してみると、経済分野を中心とする機能主義的アプロ
ーチの積み重ねだけでは、今後の展望が開けないのではないかと考えられる。特にこれからますます重大になってくる人間の安全保障の取り組みを考えた場合、ボトムアップ式アプローチを特に強化し幅の広いものにしていく必要がある。さらにこのアプローチは人間の安全保障の充実に必要だけでなく、生活文化共有型においても民間主導の文化・教育・スポーツ交流、教育カリキュラムなどの共有、多民族の共生促進などまさにボトムアップ式アプローチが主流になるべきである。
以上、「アジア共同体」構築に向けての基本的なアプローチを論じたが、大切なのは上でも触れたように機能主義的アプローチ、戦略的調整的アプローチ、ボトムアップ式アプローチのどれが良いかを三者択一的にとらえるのではなく、それぞれを並行して行っていくこと、そしてそれぞれを常に有機的に関連付けながら包括的・戦略的に推進していく発想を強く持つべきである。もしこうした発想を持ち効果的に連携できるようになれば、共同体構築をめぐってゼロ・サム的なイニシアティブ争いは急速に減尐し、信頼関係の構築につながり、不必要な対立を減尐させプラスサム的な地域協力の積み上げ、重層的で包括的な協力枠組みの制度化が進んでいくだろう。
以上が私自身の強い希望的観測も含めた、アジア共同体建設に向けての大まかなロードマップである。

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East Asian Integration from the Perspective of ASEAN
Dr. SURIN Pitsuwan
Ladies and Gentlemen
1. We live in a time when everyone is ‗futurizing Asia‘. By ‗futurizing Asia‘ one is referring to thetendency to reduce Asia into a growth center or pole of the 21st century. Often, those who‗futurizes‘ Asia are inclined to point to the total foreign reserves of China, Japan, and South
Korea, indeed also member states of ASEAN.
2. Others go one step further to refer to the phenomenal trade surpluses of these countries with
the West; invariably the seeming ability of China to manufacture almost anything at ‗China
prices.‘ The latest issue of Harvard Business Magazine had a lead article that affirmed, rather
matter-a-factly, that ―between now and 2030, China will account for one-third of the world's
GDP growth.‖
3. In private sector and without, there is also a cottage industry that speaks of Asia in
vainglorious terms. They range from the rise of China to India. In the latest National
Intelligence Council report on ―Mapping the Future‖, which is based on analysis provided by 16
intelligence agencies in the US, the growth of India and China, has been considered a ―virtualcertainty.‖
4. Most other forecasts indicate that by 2020 China‘s gross national product (GNP) will exceedthat of individual Western economic powers except for the United States. India‘s GNP will
have overtaken or be on the threshold of overtaking European economies.
5. In 2003, in a widely quoted research, the investment bank Goldman and Sachs, further
attests to the trajectory of Asia to keep growing almost unstoppably, though. By 2030, the GDP
of China and India combined will exceed that of US and European countries. I think I havemade my point.
Ladies and gentlemen
6. Yet, in more ways than one, one can say that I haven‘t made my point too. Those are future
projections of the world in 2020 and 2030. And, as one Japanese proverb goes: ―In politics, aninch ahead is darkness.‖ When so much of the future is associated with Asia, the present ismissed too.

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7. Indeed, if we survey the current international scene with the goal to link it to Asia, there aremany issues that have only grown in importance. Take poverty, for instance. Of the fifty fivecountries that are condemned by Oxford economist Paul Collier as incapable of saving theirpeople from poverty, Asia has three: Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. One does not necessarily
have to agree with Collier. In the 1960s, when Gunnar Myrdal, the Swedish economist spoke ofthe ―Asian Drama,‖ he was no less pessimistic. Yet, events over the past forty years have shown
Asia producing one economic ‗miracle‘ after the other.
8. Be that as it may, Collier‘s larger point cannot be missed: the current international system
has ―deadlocks and stalemates‖ that cannot be easily resolved. Over the last ten years alone, inspite of the ―rise of Asia‖ there has been no resolution to the problems we faced.
9. The failure of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to reform the financial system despite
the lesson gained from the Asian financial crisis in 1997. The G8 is still without China, andIndia, Brazil, South Africa. The UN Security Council still without Japan. Perpetual
disagreement over the value of some Asian currencies, coupled with the resistance block Asia
from having Japanese yuan as the key trading currency. The trade and currency deficit of the
US against China and Japan. All these problems have emerged with the rise of Asia. Yet theinternational system remains inadequate to the task of addressing them now.
10. Invariably, what can Asia contribute in the resolution of them ? What initiatives among the
Asian countries to begin to construct our own architecture for better governance in Asia and theworld ? Can there be an Asia driven process of reinventing of the international institutions ?
These are important questions that we have to engage, rather than be lulled into believing in
the inevitability of our own future as the future growth center. Indeed, it is often forgotten thatto have a positive future, we need to understand and engage the present forces by which East
Asia is now being shaped. Dealing with them requires an understanding of integration first.
Ladies and gentlemen
11. The lesson begins by understanding one crucial point, however: All regional integration may
or may not occur as the result of conscious policy. This includes East Asia. Hence one often
speaks of the difference between de facto versus de jure integration. While the former is aprocess of regionalization that occurs in spite of government intervention, due to the freer flowof capita, trade, information, goods and services, the latter comes about throughgovernment initiated schemes and plans.
12. However, since de facto and de jure integration can occur together, whereby the government
tries to keep up with what the market forces demands and expects, any meaningful discussionof Asian integration would have to reconcile the gap of the two. In other words, what isotherwise occurring naturally in Asia, that the member states, especially those represented by
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ASEAN, are seeking to jointly do without which the markets by themselves would not havebeen able to achieve ?
13. Answering this critical question requires one to look at four elements. Identity; PowerInterest; Institutions; and market interactions. More precisely, it requires us to look at their
spillover effects. Let us now proceed to explore them one by one.
Ladies and Gentlemen
14. Even if the Asian market forces can bring all of us together, in that they allow people acrossdifferent nationalities, creeds and colors, to trade well and equitably with one another, it is clearthat excessive market forces will split our Asian identity apart.
15. When market forces intervene, they can be very intrusive. Sovereign funds in Singapore canbuy into the telecommunication sector in Thailand; and similarly Thailand‘s pop entertainment
can penetrate Cambodia and Laos too. As events have shown in recent years, on both occasions
these developments have brought about a whiplash national effects, where Thais begin tosuspect the true motive of Singaporeans; while Cambodians and Laotians begin to question the
predominance of Thailand in Indo China.
16. It is due to what economists call the ―negative externalities‖ of market forces, some of whichcannot be seen or understood until they manifest themselves in streets demonstrations andviolence, that an entity like ASEAN----which seeks to equitably represent the interest of old andnew members alike, even China, Japan and South Korea in ASEAN Plus 3---must be there to
inject reason and rigor into the process of integration. Barring such a role, the process of an
Asian identity would not be suitably formed; since it will be skewed by market forces. Some
Asian countries will be able to ride on the market forces better than others, leading to pent up
resentment.
Ladies and Gentlemen
17. When Asian integration is allowed to proceed through technological imperative, or market
driven forces purely, at certain points power imbalances will occur; as indeed has happened too.
The capacity to trade well, and extensively, allow countries to generate enormous reserves.
Translated into simple terms, these are money that can be used for a variety of purposes. They
range from foreign acquisition to defense modernization.
18. Indeed, 80 % of the intra regional trade in East Asia are now concentrated in China, Japan,
and South Korea. The trajectory looks set to continue in view of the perpetual empowerment of
the Middle Class. This has led the likes of Mentor Minister Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore to
speak of ―two Asia‖; one relatively rich; and by the same token, one relatively poor.
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19. When power is concentrated so heavily in one part of the region, and not the other, thencountries that are worst off would be confronted with the option of forming a coalition ofcountries to counter check the emergent power. In Asian international relations, the tendency
to rely on the United States, or to form a league of democratic countries to put a check on the
more authoritarian members, represent such trends.
Ladies and Gentlemen
20. When power imbalances occur, the tendency to balance and counter check the other isextremely strong. This is due to the fear of being dominated and over-whelmed. In and ofthemselves, markets cannot create multilateral institutions to address such imbalances. At best,
markets can only foster corporate social responsibility (CSR). But they won‘t be able to create
public goods like peace, collective security, fair institutions, and clean environment.
21. Rather, to ensure that these public goods are not spoiled, or further undermined, it would
redound on the governments, or the likes of ASEAN, to provide a framework of win-win
cooperation.
22. Militarily, one of the ways to pre-empt unhealthy chain reaction of counter-balancing, orcompetitive arms races, for example, would be to create viable multilateral institutions that canaddress the tensions, fears, and suspicions at play. Within the context of East Asia, such a roleis fulfilled through the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which seeks to promote a region-wideassurance---rather than a zero sum---game.
Ladies and Gentlemen
23. Excessive market interactions could also lead to uncontrolled flow of people, goods, services,
capital and information. Some of these flows may be positive, while on other occasions, they
may be driven by organized crime, money laundering, illegal human traffic and unregulated
flow of capital. Germs and pathogens also travel more easily than ever due to the advent of
human travel. At any rate, each of these developments could bring about an adverse impact on
the economy and social political structure of the neighboring countries.
24. Over the last ten years, we have seen how Asia has confronted the Asian financial crisis(1997-1998), the haze problem (1999), the terrorist bombings in Kuta, Bali (2002), SARS (2003)
and the sporadic outbreak of bird flu (2005-2006). Each of these events has gained in velocity
and magnitude by virtue of intense market interactions before, which create a rapidtransmission belt of problems.
25. It is therefore clear that even as de facto integration is occurring, the negative ramifications
are hard to ignore. Thus, it is vital for governments in the region---no matter how asymmetrical222

their relations may be at this point---to jointly analyze and think through some of the problems
as a result of their embrace of liberalism and Westphalian form of international relations.
Ladies and Gentleman
26. Naturally, when one thinks about regional integration, it is natural to cast one‘s eyes on
ASEAN---granted that it has had forty years of experience in fostering a basic sense of―we-ness‖ in Southeast Asia.
27. To the extent the responsibility is placed on ASEAN---to be the driver of East Asian
integration through modalities like East Asian Summit, and ultimately East Asian
community----there is a need to understand whether the process is horizontal or vertical?
Indeed, should the process be prioritized?
28. Horizontal integration is what Southeast Asia has gone through, as when the original
pioneers of ASEAN accepted Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Myanmar into its fold tocreate one region. Guided by Bali Concord II agreed in 2003, member states are now attempting
to create a security, economic and social cultural communities. When the leaders of China,
Japan and Korea agreed to work hand-in-hand with leaders of Southeast Asia to create ASEAN
Plus 3 in 1997, one is witnessing horizontal integration too.
Ladies and gentlemen
29. It is vital to understand de facto, de jure, and horizontal integration---and I have taken someten minutes to explain these concepts---because the three processes are indeed occurring in theregion from ASEAN perspective.
30. What is, however, not occurring is vertical integration, whereby power is ceded to a supremeor cardinal authority, so that one decision made at the top, as is the case with the European
Council of Ministers, can apply to all members of ASEAN Plus 3.
31. So, when one speaks of integration, one has to ask oneself both a positive and normative
question: Is it necessary to have Asian integration of the vertical form one day, if not, why not ?
Ladies and gentlemen
32. Although the question seems simple, it is not one that anyone---even an ASEAN Secretary
General---can answer with any measure of conviction and equanimity. To begin with, Asia isdiverse not merely in terms of cultures, and religions, but more specifically, in terms of regime
types.

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33. Each country has a different political system. And, that is only formal political system.
Informally, various Asian countries are governed and run by power interest, cliques, andpersonalities that one may not even be aware of, not unless one does a very systematic andthorough study of where the nerve centers of power truly are.
34. One cannot answer when, or how much vertical integration can occur, because the very
success of such an endeavor is contingent on all countries flourishing into real democracies,
where referendums, polling, surveys and exit polls can be held at different intervals to assess
the extent to which the citizenry of Asia can---or cannot---accept a certain decision from the top.
Ladies and Gentlemen
35. Granted that Asia is, in the interim, handicapped by structural forces and cultural diversity
at play to be able to consider vertical integration in a systematic, and thoughtful manner, thestrategy before us would have to be more creative almost by political necessity.
36. However, if necessity is the mother of invention, the degree to which one may succeed inmarrying de facto integration and de jure integration in an equitable manner, depends deeply
on human ingenuity and the speed with which one reacts to the demands of global events aswell. Here, the record of ASEAN has been very good.
37. When President Richard Nixon announced the Guam Doctrine in 1972, followed by thewithdrawal of American troops from Vietnam in 1975, leaders of ASEAN emerged from theirearly preoccupation with domestic events, to gather at the first Bali Summit in 1976. Although
this was a full nine years after the formation of ASEAN in 1967, it paved the way forcooperation, camaraderie, and a spirit of conviviality to be fostered. The fact that ASEAN
leaders all spoke English did help matters somewhat in clearing the misunderstanding.
Ladies and Gentlemen
38. The ability to listen to the suggestion of other countries is also helpful in fostering regional
integration, when vertical form of integration cannot be considered yet. Influenced by thewisdom of the Fukuda Doctrine in having a ―heart to heart diplomacy‖, the ASEAN Post
Ministerial Meeting (AMM) was formed in 1976. The event was formalized after the JapaneseForeign Minister had found the heart to hear dialogues with the original member states likeIndonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines and Thailand to be helpful in regulating therelations between Japan and Southeast Asia.
39. Subsequently, due to the end of the Cold War, AMM was transformed into the ASEAN
Regional Forum (ARF) in 1993; once again through the suggestion of the Japanese government224

of which the likes of Ambassador Yukio Satoh, now the president of the Japan Institute ofInternational Affairs (JIIA) played a major role.
40. ASEAN's free trade agreements with China, Japan, and Korea, which would be concludedin full with all three member states by 2010, are also triggered by the seeming lack of progressin the deregulation initiatives of the World Trade Organization (WTO); once again showing the
speed with which member states of ASEAN Plus 3 react to external events.
Ladies and Gentlemen
41. That said, having the ability to listen and react well, sometimes, is not enough too. There
must be the attempt to improve the very proceedings that are used to replace the need forvertical integration for now. The ARF, for example, is held every June. And, it has been aroundfor more than twelve years. Yet, the success of ARF is often measured in terms of thepresence---and absence---of the US Secretary of State. In this sense, ARF has not outgrown theneed for external endorsement, nor become a substantive policy arena.
42. The ARF is too short too, as it is held over four days; barely enough to address the concernsof great; medium; and small powers alike even as market forces drive their growth rates andGini co-efficient apart, both of which have a decided impact on balance of power.
43. Policy ideas generated at ARF are otherwise logged, and recorded, at the ARF Unit in
ASEAN Secretariat----often with immense over lap as to what had been discussed before, withno further attempts to expedite them into enforcement. Thus, over the last decade, member
states of ARF has stuck to the gun of discussing confidence building measures, when in fact,
they should be venturing into preventive diplomacy (PD) as agreed in 1994. If repeated, overthe long run, ARF could be super-ceded by random acts of mass terrorism, and concurrently,
any progressive changes in the force structures and trajectories of member states.
Ladies and Gentlemen
44. In more ways than one, Asia is already a force to be reckoned with. The latter is plausible interms of the cache it possesses in the form of multi-billion sovereign funds; and the USD $ 1
trillion US denominated T bills to which various Asian countries continue to hold in abundance.
45. But, once again, before one can all excited about the growth, it is vital to understand if thecurrent generation of Asians are indeed laying the right foundation to understand their
Asian-ness ?
46. For close to five centuries, before Asia became an awe-inspiring point of geopoliticalreference that it is today, it was also variously described as the Orient; Cathay; the Far East;
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and to the extent the focus was on China; the Sick Man of Asia. Indeed, Asia was actually not
Asia. Rather, it was described, narrated, and stereotyped into units convenient to the politicalimagination and, one can safely say, the agenda of Europe/the West.
Ladies and Gentlemen
47. Indeed, the origin of the term "Asia" goes back to ancient Greece even, where Asia denoted
the areas across the Aegean Sea from Greece, being separated from Africa at Nile river. In
particular, medieval European geographers attributed to the Greek's view of three continents,
Europe, Asia and Africa, a religious connotation by linking each continent with a child of(Prophet) Noah.
48. And, it gets better: During the Renaissance period, this early Greek names and continental
scheme was given a scientific status by geographers and utilized as an authoritative frame tocategorize human societies and their characteristics. During the age of discoveries, geographers
defined new boundaries for Asia, Africa and Europe. The latter is what modern scholars called
Orientalism--the exercise of defining the Other for the sheer benefit of one's psychological,
political, cultural, societal and economic interest.
49. To truly make Asian integration meaningful, we have to meet not at the market place, but
at the interstices of our minds. In other words, we have to know each other through our history,
culture, and ontological consciousness; specifically how Asians become Asians, and how we seek
to capitalize on what we have now to contribute to world civilizations.
Ladies and Gentlemen
50. The task of doing so, I like to believe, is contingent on Asia having a well networked ASEAN
Secretariat first; followed by what I called the Global Communities in Asian Nations (GCAN).
Allow me to proceed with the former.
51. At various points, ASEAN has been called a "talk shop"; an "elite organization"; and a"neoliberal front." Whatever the misgivings of ASEAN, it is an entity that seeks to make thebest of this imperfect world. And, the records do reflect this 'true' nature of ASEAN.
52. Documents which are easily accessible online at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta,
Indonesia, clearly show that ASEAN has, time and again, reacted to some of the most pressing
issues in international relations through strong political statements. They have revolved on
Cambodia, Myanmar, North Korea, South China Sea sea, human rights, terrorism, even onapartheid in South Africa, and the imbroglio in Israeli-Palestinian peace too.

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Ladies and Gentlemen
53. That ASEAN dares to speak out, often with un-even results, suggests a group guided byprinciples, rather than hoisted by power purely. Granted that Southeast Asia has beenthoroughly penetrated by colonial and power politics before, there is a limit to what thesestatements can do.
54. Furthermore, each regime has a different way of handling social and political problem,
which frequently are not given to common articulation, let alone, common solution.
55. Under such trying circumstances, the best way to foster common consciousness---or
Asian-ness---is for ASEAN Secretariat to function as the network by which Track 1, 2, and 3
dialogues could be fostered. The Asian Human Community (AHC) project at Waseda University,
though academic and intellectual in nature, could seek the help of the Secretariat in designingconferences or seminars that meet the needs of scholars, students and diplomatic practitioners
alike. In other words, instead of designing the meetings in isolation, ASEAN Secretariat canleverage on its vast networks in all track to lend a helping hand.
Ladies and gentlemen
56. On surface, although ASEAN do have Plus 3 dialogues, these dialogues are arranged
sequentially with each of the three countries, and other Dialogue Partners too, during theASEAN Summit at the end of each year. Therefore, the notion of East Asia as acollectivity---where leaders meet, and debate together----is still distant. To be sure, leaders of
ASEAN are aware of the short comings, and have agreed to meet twice a year.
57. At the track 2 and track 3 levels, think tanks that have served the region well are also facing
problems of manpower shortage and generational shifts; all of which are occurring at a time
when more, rather than, less analysts and advocates are needed to consolidate what have beenachieved a decade or two prior. From the above, it can be seen that Asian integration remains"work in progress".
58. In order for East Asian community to come into fruition, more efforts should be expended
at creating the Greater Communities of Asian Nations (GCAN); ideally by creating more nodes
and networks that can connect with, and to, the ASEAN Secretariat.
Ladies and gentlemen
59. Each local GCAN will have a national chapter of five members (ideally scholars, orjournalists of senior standing) ultimately led, or chaired, by a panel of five eminent grist (i.e.
former foreign ministers or PMs) on ASEAN and Asian affairs.
22760. Forming a collaborative relationship, each member of GCAN would be expected to relay theinsights, thoughts and views of the eminent persons on how East Asian integration can be put
forward, in addition to their own. Their reports can be shared with others in ASEAN
Secretariat and also senior officers through out the region.
61. The selection and pairing of members of GCAN with the panel of eminent grist will be donewith the advice of ASEAN Secretariat. Each GCAN member can renew their membership in
GCAN upon the recommendation of the ASEAN Secretariat Foundation. If need be, using theirresources at the respective universities, members of GCAN can also encourage their graduate
students to form virtual think tanks that would encourage blogging, reports and analysis on
how to improve Asian integration.
Ladies and Gentlemen
62. Among others, the role of GCAN is to plug the weaknesses of various meetings fromconceptualization, discussion to execution. This is done by serving as de facto policy
ombudsman. Reports of GCAN will be circulated to:
I.ASEAN Secretariat;
II. Senior officials of various ministries assigned to work with and on ASEAN;
III. The parliamentary secretaries who advise their respective ministers in various portfolios;
IV. The political secretaries and aides to the Prime Ministers, and Presidents; andV. The chancellors and deans of various universities
integration.

responsible for Asian studies andLadies and Gentlemen
63. For those familiar with Asian international relations, the diplomatic moniker of Plus 3, Plus
6 or Plus Plus, signifies the readiness to which pivotal powers like China, India, Japan, South
Korea, the United States, commit themselves to creating a regional community along the lines
of open regionalism.
64. Of the three 'modalities' above, China, Japan and South Korea have been among the first toagree to the importance of working with---and through---ASEAN in the creation of a regional
community.
65. But how ASEAN is able to live up to the responsibility is dependent on the trilateralrelationships of the great powers too. Tohyo Gyoten, an experienced Japanese diplomat and228thinker, has affirmed the importance of good Sino-Japanese relations as well as Sino-US and
US-Japanese relations as the rudiments of a stable region. This view has been seconded by thelikes of senior diplomats like Morton Abramowitz at the Carnegie Endowment of International
Peace.
Ladies and Gentlemen
66. Asian integration is not something to be trifled with. Aside from joint concern with thespillover effects of market forces, uneven formation of Asian identity, which could be skewed bywealth and income imbalances, there is a need to encourage great powers to have good
triangular relations with one another too. Only then would Asian integration be able to proceedsmoothly, without being penetrated by great power rivalry; as had been the case during theCold War.
67. Indeed, the same Asian integration that we speak of today, could have been explored during
Cold War. But the ideological atmosphere was too polarizing, and mis-guided different
countries to taking opposite positions, when in fact they should have thought of nothing else
except one Asia for all.
68. Narrow ideology, extreme power rivalry and zero sum mentality---all of which prevalent
before---can therefore wrack havoc on Asian integration. Therefore, in order for Asia to claim its
status as the leading economic locomotive in the world, it has to set its priorities in order. By
this token ASEAN has to transform into a network secretariat that also promotes GCAN.
69. Invariably, I encourage Waseda University, which has long been the bastion of elite Asian
education, to work closely with ASEAN Secretariat to create a more stable, and prosperous
Asian human community. Indeed, it is to the credit of all the faculty members of Waseda
University to be so determined and passionate in fostering a common Asian identity.
70. Without a doubt, this is a noble goal, as we are seeking to unite and improve the lives ofclose to 1/3 of the world‘s total humanity. Hence, if we all gather our networks, minds, andbeliefs there is much that all of us can achieve together.

229

Four Scenarios of Asia Regional Cooperation
Amitav Acharya

23010 issues regarding East Asian cooperation: A Chinese Scholar‘s perspective
Wang Yi Zhou

First of all, I would like to clarify my own thinking, the following 10 questions regarding the East Asian
cooperation have no strict relations with each others, and the order they are presented is according to theauthor‘s understandings and immethodical ideals . Also there is no consensus about these 10 issues among
Chinese scholars, who are just beginning to quest for the answers. I believe these 10 questions have a great
potential for theoretical discussions, including deep perspectives in a global point of view, particularly among
the thinkers and intellectuals.

1.

Should East Asian cooperation extend to the Pan-East-Asian cooperation, or confine to the area of East
Asia?

Presently there are huge disputes on the geographical extension of East Asian cooperation, should it be within
East Asia only, or Pan-East-Asian area? In my own opinion, at the beginning stage, especially the commercial
cooperation and free trade, it should start only within the East Asia, a comparably small and easily controllable
area. As it goes on well, for instance, when the bilateral free trade reaches a higher phase, the East Asian
cooperation would be able to extent to a wider area, inviting more countries. It does not simply mean to exclude
the United States. It is just a careful thought on the needs for a stable development of East Asian cooperation.
It is always helpful to start from an easier point.

2.

How to settle or ease the disputes over sovereignty, which is a main obstacle to the cooperation?

East Asia is one of the areas which have most of the disputes over sovereignty.
Those troubles and conflicts would easily undermine communications and cooperation between countries.
Almost between every major power in this area (the Korean Peninsulas, Japan, Russia, China and ASEAN)
there have been large or small disputes. Some of them had military conflicts in the past, which are still235

troubling. China is probably facing the most difficult challenge. To settle the disputes over sovereign is one of
the keys for a significant progress in East Asian cooperation. Deng Xiaoping once brought forward an
insightful propose ―to put aside disputes and go in for joint development‖ on settling this issue. But evenstanding from current situation, it appears that, to achieve this goal, we still need the joint efforts of all
countries.

3.

How to balance the priority, between the traditional security (military security and territory disputes) andnon-traditional security (global climate changes and financial crisis)?

It is a disturbing agenda for the East Asian cooperation, and it also makes this area distinctive from the others.
For instance, in Europe and South America, there are basically no easily provoked territory disputes andmilitary conflicts. (It is generally believed that the sovereign dispute between Turkey and Greece over the
Aegean Sea would never end in war.) East Asian countries need to seriously balance and consider the delicate
relationships between the traditional security threats and non-traditional ones. We have to, not only ease thesovereign disputes, but also avoid financial crisis and the climate issue changing into major disasters.

4.

How to learn the experience and lessons from EU and other regional integrations?

There are at least 4 aspects: First of all, trade and business cooperation should be placed as the pioneer, as it isthe very area that effects are easy to achieve. Secondly, deep trade and business cooperation may be capable ofproducing spillover effects, exemplified by the historical compromises between France and Germany. Thirdly,
establishment of mutually recognized cultures and ideals is an important and long-term goal, serving as
foundation stones. At last, formation of the legal system and security fields would be results in a superior phase,but security community is a must. No matter what specific formation is, these lessons should be referred byeach East Asian country.

5.

How and when will the Cold War structure, which still exists in the East Asian Integration, be ended?

One of the particularities about East Asian is the legacy of the Cold War still exists. A typical one is the military236confrontation and latent conflicts in the Korean Peninsulas. In my opinion, as long as the Cold War structure
exists, there would be no more progress on the security or prosperity in East Asia. But the question remains,
how will we end the Cold War? (For instance: via confrontation or dialogue? should it start from the Korean
Nuclear issue or the regional free trade?) And when will we complete it? I am welcoming all the productive
comments and opinions on this issue.

6.

How to set up institutionalized, mechanized, consultative relationship in regional cooperation?

Some American scholars believe that the success of EU lies in the cooperation between countries guided by thelaws and progressive institutions. The foundation of EU is mainly a process of expanding and deepening thelaws. On the other side, in East Asia, the traditions and cultures incline towards a consultative manner, which
flexibly promotes the cooperation between countries and sub-regions. This is the difference between the two
cultural backgrounds. We shall not simply discriminate the merits. Moreover, there is also no easy way tochange them in a short-term. So how we evaluate this?

7.

Would the Six-Party Talks on Korean Nuclear Issue be institutionalized, becoming a common
mechanism?

Some of the Chinese and Americans hold a opinion that , the Six-Party Talks could gradually be able totransform into a standardized, long-term and extended security mechanism, which may solve more problems: it
can not only handle the Nuclear Proliferation issue, but also ensure the military transparency, prevent
maritime conflicts and hold multi-joint military exercises. Presently it is only under discussion, far away fromthe policy-making level. I would appreciate to hear more opinions and suggestions, to verify this view.

8.

What is the relationship between the Central Asian, South Asian, as well as other Asian regional
cooperation and East Asian cooperation?

I believe that they are parallel and without interference with each other, such as the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization. The Central Asian cooperation focuses on the prevention of international terrorism, religious

237

extremism and ethnic separatism. The South Asian cooperation has just started, having few connections to theEast Asian. In a long term, it is necessary and useful to have connections across areas. But due to the culturaland geographical difference, it is necessary for East Asia to make a suitable agenda for its own development
firstly, and then promote other Asian sub-regional cooperation.

9.

How to assess the leadership of the cooperation in East Asia and the role of United States in this region?

Most of the people believe that, there must be a leading country or at least core countries (like France andGermany in EU, the United States in North American) during the regional integration. But it is more
complicated in East Asian. There seems to be no single leading country during the development of ASEAN.
Also it is hard to distinguish a leader from China, Japan and Korean. Even being the world‘s superpower, theUnited States is facing difficulties in grabbing the leadership in East Asian cooperation. China does not exclude
the United States from participating in this area, but I personally believe that the US should remain as an
appropriate, constructive role, not hegemony.

10. What is the basic objective of China on the regional cooperation?
From my opinion, the main objective of China on promoting the regional cooperation is to secure a friendly
neighborhood, which is good for its own reform, development and constructions. We may expect China‘sparticipation in every single deed beneficial to this main aim. China also hopes to witness East Asian‘stransformation to a peaceful, prosperous and progressive area, to embrace a better and safer place in the futureworld. China will never expect East Asia to be so-called Tributary State System or ―Central Kingdom‖.
Nowadays the Chinese elites know it clearly what the price and difficulties are to be hegemony, they will neverand ever make such mistakes.

These are my personal views. I would appreciate that if they may evoke more comments and discussions fromall of you, so as to verify them. Thank you very much.（2008/01）

238

Modeling Asian Integration: Education & Cultural Perspectives
Kai-Ming Cheng

239

Modeling Asian Integration
Education & Cultural Perspectives

Kai-ming Cheng
The University of Hong Kong
Waseda University, Jan 18, 2008

Starting from Education …

1
Common Trends & Paradigm Shifts
in Higher Education
Asia and Beyond

Major items on the Higher Education agenda• Rebuilding the national system– Expansion of higher education– Establishing elite institutions• Re-conceptualizing student learning– Reforming the learning modes– Providing diversity of learning experiences• Enhancing private participation– Re-positioning the private sector– Fostering the philanthropic culture• Internationalizing higher education– Globalizing the institutions– Cross-border trades of education services

Industrial Society: the PyramidHigher Education

Industrial Institutions
Higher
Education

Engineers
Technicians
Craftsmen

Operatives

Degrees
Diplomas
Vocational
Training

Basic
Education

Post-industrial: Workplace
Project Groups/Task Forces

Small Enterprises
Free-lancers

Higher Education

On-going processes of– Re-engineering– De-layering– Down-sizing– Out-sourcing– M&A– ClosureEducation in Industrial Society• People are prepared as manpower• People are classified and ranked• People & jobs are matched thro’ signaling• Signaling is realized through credentials• Schooling prepares credentials• Hence exams, syllabuses, classes, timetables,
schools, ……
Students are processed by schools!

However, in post-industrial era …
• Mismatch between education and work
• Preparation for multiple careers• Emphasis on generic capacities• Just-in-time and on-demand learning• Expectations on innovations and creativity• Emphasis on human/social competence• Demand on self-confidence/-management• Challenges in ethics, values, emotions, …
Credentials can no longer
embrace social expectations!

Lives in Higher
Education

Study
ClassesLearning Experiences

Academic
Classes
KnowledgeMajor items on the Higher Education agenda• Rebuilding the national system– Expansion of higher education– Establishing elite institutions• Re-conceptualizing student learning– Reforming the learning modes– Providing diversity of learning experiences• Enhancing private participation– Re-positioning the private sector– Fostering the philanthropic culture2International Interactions

International Interactions• Overseas studies• Off-shore campuses• “Brain-drain”

Overseas studies• Massive scale of students abroad• Unique providers at undergraduate level• Even more in post-graduate studies• Largely outside Asian• Increasing mobility among AsianOff-shore campuses• Basically an import• An economic discourse• Cultural sensitivity• Education Hubs

“Brain Drain”• Diverse patterns of returning• Relations to the home economy• “Brain bank”

3
Culture vis-à-vis Integration

Culture vis-à-vis Integration
Diversity in Cultures• The Chopsticks Culture• The South Asian Culture• The Moslem Culture• Other cultures
c.f. Christianity in Europe

Culture vis-à-vis Integration
Collective Culture• Emphasis on Human-Human relations– Rather than human-nature relations• Coherence within cultures,
Indifference between cultures• Diversity in political cultures

Thanks you!
kmcheng@hku.hk

Modeling a Scenario of Asian Integration: Political, Economic and Cultural Approaches55
Tereso S. Tullao, Jr. PhD56
De La Salle University-Manila
January 2008
I. Concept of economic regionalism
Globalization as well as liberalization measures have heightened regionalism, which has been broadly defined
as a preferential trade agreement among a subset of nations (Bhagwati, 1992).
The establishment of the European Free Trade Area in 1959 ushered the initial stage of regional
cooperation and integration. The second stage was brought about by the transformation of Western Europe
into a single market and the active participation of the US in regionalism with the formation of the North
America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The Asia-Pacific soon caught up in 1992 with the formation of theASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA).
However, there are major differences in these two of regionalism in terms of scope and focus. The firststage stressed on tariff reductions and preferential treatment of member countries while the second phase of
was focused on outward-looking orientation beyond tariff reductions which has a deeper impact on regional
integration (Austria, 2003).
The literature on regional integration started with the seminar paper by Viner (1950) by analyzing themerits and costs of removing tariffs among member countries in terms of trade creation and trade diversion.
The removal of customs tariffs can lead to a trade creation effect by moving resources within the union wherecost of production is most efficient. On the other hand, a trade diversion effect is the displacement of the mostefficient producer which is not part of the regional trade accord.
There are conditions for maximizing the net benefits of a customs union including thecompetitiveness of the products being traded, the level of tariffs, the role of intra-regional trade, and thesimilarity of the level of development of member countries.
II. Economic, social and demographic differences: basis of East Asian integration

55 Paper read at the International Symposium on Asian Cooperation, Integration and Human Resources. Waseda

International Conference Hall, Waseda University, Tokyo, Japan. January 17-18, 2008. This paper was drawn from apaper entitled ―Economic, Social and Demographic Diversity in Southeast and East Asia: Hindrance orOpportunities for Regional Integration‖ submitted to the Yuchengco Center of De La Salle University. Research
assistance provided by Edward Tullao and John Paolo Rivera is greatly appreciated.
56

Professor of Economics at De La Salle University-Manila.

244

The East and Southeast Asian region is probably the most economically dynamic region in the world today. It
has a number of economies that has been significantly transformed in the last three decades including Japan,
South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan. China, on the other hand, has emerged from the lethargy ofinward-looking economic policies of the past and is considered one of the fastest growing economies in theworld today. On the other extreme, included in the region are some of the poorest nations in the world like Laos,
Myanmar, Cambodia, East Timor and North Korea. In the middle of these extreme economies are emerging
economies including Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam with sustained economic
growth, relatively stable macro-economic fundamentals, improving infrastructure that has attracted foreign
direct investments. However, in spite of the relative performance of these economies, a sizable portion of their
population is still poor (Tullao, 2007).
Because of the diversity of the socio-economic and demographic make-up of the region, the basis ofregional cooperation and integration is complementation. In trade, because of the mixed level of economic
development countries the pattern of trade is not founded on the similarity of products but on productcomplementation as shown by the significant increase in intra-regional trade brought about by intra-firm trade
and the rise of the region as a hub for regional production networks (RPN).
In the area of macro-economy, successful regional coordination cannot be pursued aggressively
because of variations in the movement of macroeconomic variables, differences in objectives of macroeconomic
policies, and the absence of well developed financial sector. As a result the surplus funds in the region are notbeing channeled through the regional capital markets for use of countries and companies with deficient funds.
Instead of through financial intermediaries the imbalances in regional funds are being addressed through theflows overseas development assistance (ODA) by the public sector and foreign direct investments (FDI) by theprivate sector.
In addressing regional labor and demographic asymmetries, the exhaustion of the labor reserves ofJapan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Taiwan is met by neighboring Southeast Asian countries with lessdynamic economies but with abundant labor supply (Abella, 2004). This movement of workers across theregion is a response to the asymmetries in demography and labor markets.
In the provision of regional public goods, common concerns have pressured countries in Southeast andEast Asia to cooperate. The financial crisis together with environmental concerns, the spread of avian flu andmore recently, cross-border crimes and international terrorism have emphasized the need to join forces and ahave common stand on these cross-border issues and problems.
However, fostering cooperation among countries on the provision of regional public goods is rather
difficult because of a problem of valuation. Countries of different economic development may value thebenefits of cooperation and public goods differently, which makes it difficult to coordinate the production of thesecross border goods (Ferroni, 2004).
245

III. The need for regional efforts towards socio-economic convergence
Southeast Asia together with East Asia is an extremely diverse region in terms of income levels,
living standards, cultures, governments, and overall socio-economic conditions. These various
forms of asymmetries are restricting the region in maximizing the potential gains it could reap
from regional integration.
However, current regional cooperation has been faced with problems. In stabilizing themacro-economy, coordination of monetary policies are making it more difficult to attain becauseof the diversity of the policy goals extending beyond economic stability in many low andmiddle income countries. In addition, the reluctance of low income countries to tradeliberalization may stem from their apprehension on the employment and income dislocation of
key sectors in the economy. In the promotion of public goods particularly environment, it may
be difficult to convince developing countries in the region to pursue regional goals since the levelof economic development dictates to a great extent the countries preference for these long-termand cross border goals.
Given that complementation has been the current motor for regional cooperation andintegration, there is need to address socio-economic disparities and move towards regional
convergence since uneven economic development has the potential of impeding regional
integration. To deepen regional cooperation and integration the countries in East andSoutheast Asia should go beyond exploiting the opportunities of various socio-economic anddemographic asymmetries and focus their efforts towards socio-economic convergence.
In the regional production networks, if regional integration will proceed along existing asymmetry inproduction cost, poorer and middle countries may become vulnerable as production sites may shift because ofchanges in location advantages. To prevent such vulnerability, local suppliers and sub-contractors should begiven a chance to graduate from being mere assemblers based on low labor cost and become contract
manufacturers based on highly specialized human capital. This can only occur if the brand leaders in theseregional production networks will transfer technology to the local sub-contractors in middle income countries.
On the other hand, the local manufacturers should also have the capacity to absorb the technology beingtransferred for technology transfer to be successful. The absorptive capacity, in turn, is based on a regional
human resource cooperation meant towards convergence in human capital.

In macro-economic stability, there is a need to develop the financial system andinstitutions as well as the regulatory framework and institutions in poorer countries so thatthey can easily participate in regional undertaking on stabilizing the economy. Low-income
countries must strengthen the structural, institutional foundations of their economic systems
through building both hard infrastructure such as transportation and telecommunications
246

facilities and soft infrastructure such as legal, judicial and governance systems and develop
skilled human resources. (Kawai and Wignaraja, 2007).
In migration, the transfer of technology of migrant workers can proceed if trainees areencouraged to return to their home countries after their stints in developed countries. As
convergence proceeds, the massive dislocations brought about by migration of professionals andother important laborers from low and middle income countries may be mitigated. If ever, anylabor dislocation will be insignificant and temporary.
In the field of education cooperation, transfer of technology and convergence may bringabout the return of recipients of educational scholarships to their home countries and contributeto the human resource development particularly in education of their home countries andparticipate in regional efforts in understanding and studying regional concerns.
Economic and social disparities in the region are widening due to unequal linkages to
the global economy. Inadequate access to markets, finance and technology prevents somecountries from benefiting from regional growth. Moreover, with the changing global investment
trends, Asia must strengthen its comparative advantage to compete. Firms are looking less forcheap labor, and more toward economies that can offer a skilled workforce, adequate
infrastructure, stable and efficient legal and financial systems, competent suppliers, andinstitutions that can effectively harness technology in order to attract investment. In many
parts of Asia, this will best be achieved by combining forces at a regional level.
The more immediate concern in strengthening regional integration in East andSoutheast Asia is to address socio-economic and demographic asymmetries and work toward
regional convergence. There is a need for developed economies in the region to take an activerole in financing, through overseas development assistance, various programs and projects thatwould narrow the socio-economic and demographic gaps among the diverse countries in theregion.

247

References
Abella, M. (2004). Labor migration in East Asian Economies. International Labor

Organization. Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics. The World
Bank. Belgian Development Corporation
Austria, M. (2003). Austria, M. (2003). Regional Economic Cooperation in East Asia.
CBE Working Paper Series. Center for Business & Economics Research & Development. De La Salle
University, Manila
Bhagwati, J. (1992). Regionalism versus Multilateralism. The World Economy.
15(5):535-555.
Ferroni, M. (2004). Regional Public Goods & the Regional Development Banks.
Retrieved from http:/www.eclac.cl/portofspain/noticias/noticias/8/4868ferronipub.pdf
Kawai and Wignaraja. (2007). ASEAN +3 or ASEAN +6 Which Way Forward. ADB
Institute Discussion paper #77.
Tullao, T. (2007). Transforming the ASEAN + 3 into an Asian Community: Prospects

and Impediments. Yuchengco Center. De La Salle University-Manila.
Tullao, T. (2008). ―Economic, Social and Demographic Diversity in Southeast and East
Asia: Hindrance or Opportunities for Regional Integration‖. Yuchengco Center, De La Salle
University-Manila.

248

Modeling a Scenario of
Asian Integration:

Political, Economic andCultural Approaches
Tereso S. Tullao, Jr., Ph. D.
De La Salle University – Manila
January 2008

Economic Regionalism► Globalization & Liberalization Measures
 Heightened REGIONALISM► broadly defined as a preferential trade agreement among a subset

of nations (Bhagwati, 1992)► European Free Trade Area (1959)
 Ushered the initial stage of regional cooperation and integration.
 Stressed on tariff reductions and preferential treatment ofmember countries► North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)

and ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA).

 The second stage of regional cooperation and integration.
 Focused on outward-looking orientation beyond tariff reductions
which has a deeper impact on regional integration (Austria,
2003)Regional Integration► The literature on regional integration started withthe seminar paper by Viner (1950)

 Analyzed the merits and costs of removing tariffs among
member countries in terms of trade creation and trade diversion.
 Removal of customs tariffs► Trade creation effect moving resources within the union where cost of production is mostefficient.

► Trade diversion effect the displacement of the most efficient producer which is not part of theregional trade accord.

► Conditions for maximizing the net benefits of acustoms union

 competitiveness of the products being traded level of tariffs
 role of intra-regional trade
 similarity of the level of development of member countries.

Basis of East Asian integration► Economic, social and demographic differences The East and Southeast Asian region is probably the mosteconomically dynamic region in the world today.
 It has a number of economies that has been significantly
transformed► Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan► China emerged from the lethargy of inward-looking economic policies of the past It also includes some of the poorest nations in the world► Laos, Myanmar, Cambodia, East Timor and North Korea.

 It also includes emerging economies► Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam

 sustained economic growth relatively stable macro-economic fundamentals
 improving infrastructure that has attracted foreign direct investments.
 a sizable portion of their population is still poor (Tullao, 2007).

Basis of East Asian integration► COMPLEMENTATION

 Basis of regional cooperation and integration due to thediversity of the region► In trade: the pattern of trade is not founded on the similarity of
products but on product complementation► In the area of macro-economy

 imbalances in regional funds are being addressed
through the flows overseas development assistance(ODA) and foreign direct investments (FDI)

Basis of East Asian Integration► In addressing regional labor and demographic

asymmetries

 the exhaustion of the labor reserves of Japan, South Korea, Hong
Kong and Taiwan is met by neighboring Southeast Asian countries
with less dynamic economies but with abundant labor supply (Abella,2004).

► In the provision of regional public goods
 common concerns have pressured countries in Southeast and East
Asia to cooperate and join forces► financial crisis► environmental concerns► spread of avian flu► cross-border crimes and international terrorism

 problem of valuation► Countries of different economic development may value the benefits ofcooperation and public goods differently, which makes it difficult tocoordinate the production of these cross border goods (Ferroni, 2004).

Socio-Economic Convergence► Current regional cooperation has been faced withproblems.

 coordination of monetary policies► because of the diversity of thepolicy goals extending beyond economic
stability in many low and middle income countries.

 reluctance of low income countries to trade liberalization► stem from apprehension on the employment and income dislocation of

key sectors in the economy.

 promotion of public goods particularly environment► difficult to convince developing countries in the region to pursue

regional goals since the level of economic development dictates to agreat extent the countries preference for these long-term and crossborder goals.

► Solution:
 Complementation
 To deepen regional cooperation and integration:► go beyond exploiting the opportunities of various socio-economic anddemographic asymmetries► focus efforts towards socio-economic convergence.

Socio-Economic Convergence► In the regional production networks
 brand leaders should transfer technology to the local subcontractors in middle income countries.
 local manufacturers should also have the capacity to absorb thetechnology being transferred The absorptive capacity, in turn, is based on a regional humanresource cooperation meant towards convergence in humancapital.
► In macroeconomic stability
 Develop the financial system and institutions
 Develop as well as the regulatory framework and institutions inpoorer countries
 Low-income countries must strengthen the structural, institutionalfoundations of their economic systems (Kawai and Wignaraja,2007).

Socio-Economic Convergence► In migration

 the transfer of technology of migrant workers canproceed if trainees are encouraged to return to theirhome countries after their stints in developed
countries.
 As convergence proceeds, the massive dislocations
brought about by migration of professionals and otherimportant laborers from low and middle income
countries may be mitigated.

► In the field of education cooperation

 transfer of technology and convergence may bringabout the return of recipients of educational
scholarships to their home countries and contribute to
the human resource development

Conclusion► Economic and social disparities due to unequal linkages to the global economy.
► Inadequate access to markets, finance and technology
 prevents some countries from benefiting from regional growth.
► With the changing global investment trends:
 Asia must strengthen its comparative advantage to compete.
 Firms are looking less for cheap labor, and more toward economies
that can offer a skilled workforce, adequate infrastructure, stableand efficient legal and financial systems, competent suppliers, andinstitutions that can effectively harness technology in order toattract investment.
 Address socio-economic and demographic asymmetries and work
toward regional convergence.
 Role of Developed Countries:► Take an active role in financing, through overseas development

assistance, various programs and projects that would narrow thesocio-economic and demographic gaps among the diverse countries in
the region.

Bottom Up Contribution to Regional Integration in East Asia: An Appraisal
PHAR Kim Beng
Bottom-up regional integration, in and of itself, seems to be an un-problematic concept. Very simply, it
refers to citizen and civic initiatives---with or without the consent of the authorities in the region---tofoster cross border relationships either tangibly, or otherwise (i.e. through intellectual advocacy).
Used in East Asia, however, bottoms-up regional integration is a concept that may invite skepticism too.
This is because most parts of East Asia remain ruled, and governed, by authoritarian and semiauthoritarian regimes; including illberal democracy. In other words, there is no dynamic civil society, letalone, a nationalised labor movement to drive any regional processes forward to begin with.
For example, despite more than ten years of constant lobbying, the junta in Myanmar remains as
entrenched as ever; this in spite of rhetorical support from other member states too. While Track 2
diplomacy has made progress on fostering regional dialogue to improve confidence building, other thandefusing the tension, and delaying the resolution, it has not achieved any progress at all on the South
China Sea dispute; for that matter moved the region from the confidence building phase of the ASEAN
Regional Forum (ARF) to preventive diplomacy or regional peacekeeping.
The non existential progress on Myanmar, further reflects the extent to which power, and capital, havesapped, if not subverted, the well spring of civic energy in most Asian societies from the top to the bottom
too.
If and when local perturbation leads to dramatic outburst of displeasure or sustained street
demonstration, the initiatives almost always come from the moral authority of the King (i.e. Thailand);the Church (i.e. the Philippines); the religious scholars (i.e. Indonesia); and the charisma of the opposition
leader (i.e. Malaysia).
Barring the above, bottom up civic initiatives often do not succeed locally, let alone in East Asia. The
recent ASEAN Charter, for example, allowed the ASEAN Eminent Persons Groups and the ASEAN
High Level Task Force on ASEAN Charter to speak to a variety of civic organizations during their twoyear deliberations from 2005-200757. In the end, it was the views and positions of the Senior Officials
Meetings (SOM) that held sway, however; leading critics to accuse the ASEAN Charter as a "watereddown version."

57

Kindly refer to Solidarity for Asian people‘s Advocacy (SAPA), Working Group on the ASEAN

Submission on the Economic Pillar for the Eminent Persons Group on the ASEAN Charter, 28 June 2006,
Singapore.
260

That said, bottom up regional integration is not necessarily a lost cause in East Asian integration. Here,
we need to equilibrate the earlier minuses with some pluses too.58 Invariably, the extent to which groups
can make an impact on the policy depends on four conditions. Although they exist in no particularsequence or order of priorities, all are necessary conditions. In other words, they must exist altogether toenhance any long term prospect of bottom up regional integration being meaningful at all.
1.The ideological proximity of the groups to the governments (e.g. ASEAN Chamber of Commerce and
ASEAN ISIS);
2.The willing-ness to tolerate the absence of any discernible policy change over the short and mid-term(e.g. ASEAN Civil Society Conference I and II; ASEAN People Assembly I, II and III)
3.The strategic dexterity to penetrate local, national and regional politics in other ways (e.g. the electionof Dr Surin Pitsuwan, an erstwhile Thai politician and democratic advocate, as the New Secretary
General).
4.The readiness to see economics and security issues as inter-linked, rather than separated.
Under condition 1, ASEAN Chamber of Commerce, since 1972, and ASEAN-ISIS, since 1992, haverespectively urged the member states in the region to adopt a more integrationist strategy; thoughspanned over the longer term.
Under condition 2, the ASEAN Civil Society Conference and the ASEAN People Assembly have further
impressed upon the member states of ASEAN, of their seriousness in not being taken lightly.
Under condition 3, the likes of Dr Surin Pitsuwan, who having served as the former foreign minister ofThailand at the height of the Asian financial crisis, is also one of the most discerning Thai intellectuals tohave been elected by the select committee in his home country to promote ASEAN. Dr Surin Pitsuwan,
in various places, including this conference in Waseda, has referred to the importance of creating a
Networked ASEAN Secretariat that marries the energy and initiatives of Track 1, 2 and 3; and also theputative Global Communities of Asian Nations or GCAN which seek to promote Asian Solidarity further.
Under condition 4, the paradigm of human security advocated by the United Nations Development
Program (UNDP) has also been adopted; thus allowing civil society and member states in the region tosee economic growth and state and national security as two sides of the same coin. The latter has allowed
the member states to take the views of Track 2 and Track 3 more earnestly; even while other issues
verging on sovereignty remains unsolved.

58 Jurgen Ruland, The Contribution of Track Two Dialogue towards Crisis Prevention, ASIEN, October

2002, 85, s, 84-96.
261

That said, how do we understand the effectiveness of bottom up regional integration in East Asia beyond
knowing the four conditions above ? Indeed, how do we locate the locus of their involvement or
activities ?
One must begin by understanding different forms of regionalisms first, and the extent to which, theseregionalisms are further embedded--and concurrently promoted---by local and foreign government andnon governmental entities together.59
According to Donald Weatherbee at Stanford University East Asia has seven forms of "regional
configurations" that have manifested themselves into different institutional personalities over the pastand present:a.Sub-regional MAL-SIN-INDO i.e.economic triangles in Batam, Johor, and Singapore
b.regional ASEAN
c.inter-regional Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM)
d.selectively sub-and-extra-regional Five Power Defense Agreement (FPDA)
e.regional hub-and-spoked ASEAN plus 1
f.selectively enlarged extra regional ASEAN plus 3 (i.e. APT) and APEC
g.selectively enlarged super-regional East Asian Summit (EAS)
Of the seven forms below, ASEAN (or, b) is considered the most prominent and useful forms ofregionalism. China, Japan and South Korea support it, and have formed ASEAN Plus 3 meetings too;indeed since December 2005 also the EAS as well. Inter-regional meetings like ASEM, or super-regional
events like APEC, are in the "news" only if and when there is an impending summit.
The scope, prospective success and scale of bottom up regional integration surprisingly follow the"thrust" of the member states and foreign governments first.
Therefore, instead of challenging, say, the military agreements of FPDA, which is a colonial throwback
anyway, groups like Solidarity for Asian Peoples‘ Advocates (SAPA) tend to focus their disapproval and
59 Donald Weatherbee, Southeast Asian Pacific Frameworks: What do they frame and what work do they

do ?, a paper drafted to stimulate discussion at a roundtable on ―Old Wine, New Bottles ? Regional
Frameworks in the Asia-Pacific‖ at the 47th Strategy for Peace Conference, Stanley Foundation, Airlie
Center, Warrenton, Virginia, 12-21 October 2006.
262

dissent on ASEAN only.
Naturally, by focusing on ASEAN, it is hoped that it can focus its critique on all other forms of imperfectregionalism that have substantial over-lap with ASEAN; or are currently led in a titular manner by it (i.e.
APT; ASEAN Plus 1; EAS).
To this extent, one can say that the political economy of critique is geared, or bias towards, a frontal
engagement of ASEAN to the exclusion of all other forms of regionalisms.
What is ironical about this strategy is that groups like SAPA, which is represented by other nongovernmental organizations too, assume almost automatically---if not by de fault---that regional
integration will be most "impactful" or decisive when led by ASEAN, albeit in relative terms i.e. ascompared to other ―regional configurations.‖
Just why do perfectly rational non governmental organizations make this all important criticalassumption is vital. And, it requires some systematic treatment to understand the issue further.
According to Alexander Chandra at the Institute of Global Justice in Jakarta, Indonesia, there are
numerous reasons for a direct civil society engagement with ASEAN. The first and foremost reason "is
ASEAN‘s intention to establish an ASEAN Community by 2020, as enshrined in the Bali Concord" II.
Indeed, in 2006, this schedule has been accelerated to 2015.
This agreement promotes political, economic and socio-cultural co-operation through the ASEAN
Security Community (ASC), the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural
Community (ASCC) respectively.
Many observers in Track 1, 2 and 3 regard the ASEAN Community as ASEAN‘s most ambitious plan;
one that has forces civil society organizations to take ASEAN more seriously.
Secondly, "Southeast Asian civil society organizations are increasingly of the opinion that ASEAN is aplatform from which to influence policy at the regional level; especially when ASEAN signs a bilateralfree trade agreement with economic behemoths like China that can influence the welfare and fate ofall."60
Going by the above logic, one can almost conclude that ASEAN and ASEAN civil society organizations

60

Alexander Chandra, Southeast Asian Civil Society and the ASEAN Charter: The Way Forward,

Institute for Global Justice (IGJ) and Solidarity for Asian People‘s Advocacy (SAPA) Working Group on
ASEAN Charter.
263

are now on the verge of being ‗locked in a policy debate‘. The tone of this debate may, on surface, be
adversarial, even critical of ASEAN. ASEAN may, for example, be labeled an elitist organization, or a
neo-liberal front.
But in the long run, it is these arguments that would compel ASEAN to take the ASEAN civil society
organizations more seriously.
Although ASEAN, to date, remains poor at listening to the views of non governmentalorganizations---except traditionally designated think tanks like ASEAN ISIS; Pacific Economic
Cooperation Council (PECC); Council the Council for Security and Cooperation in Asia Pacific (CSCAP)
and also the Network of East Asian Think Tanks (NEAT)---the fact that it was willing to initiate theexistence of ASEAN People Assembly and ASEAN Civil Society Conference represents a step in the right
direction.
Granted that bottom up regional integration in an ―illberal Asia‖ is a dependent---rather than an
independent variable---there is of course no telling how effective can their critique and dissent be.61 But if
the more outspoken fringe of civil society organizations are willing to mobilize their resources to critique
not just the policy of ASEAN, but the neo-liberal assumptions of other forms of regionalism, the prospectof a sustained, and constructive, dissent, may be what Asia needs to face globalization more equitably,rather than to throw its gates wide open to free trade all the time, even when its societies are ill equipped
for such hyper competition.
Endnotes:
1. Alexander Chandra, Southeast Asian Civil Society and the ASEAN Charter: The Way Forward,
Institute for Global Justice (IGJ) and Solidarity for Asian People‘s Advocacy (SAPA) Working
Group on ASEAN Charter.
2. Jurgen Ruland, The Contribution of Track Two Dialogue towards Crisis Prevention, ASIEN,
October 2002, 85, s, 84-96.
3. Donald Weatherbee, Southeast Asian Pacific Frameworks: What do they frame and what work

do they do ?, a paper drafted to stimulate discussion at a roundtable on ―Old Wine, New Bottles ?
Regional Frameworks in the Asia-Pacific‖ at the 47th Strategy for Peace Conference, Stanley
Foundation, Airlie Center, Warrenton, Virginia, 12-21 October 2006.
4. Solidarity for Asian people‘s Advocacy (SAPA), Working Group on the ASEAN Submission on the
Economic Pillar for the Eminent Persons Group on the ASEAN Charter, 28 June 2006,
Singapore.
5. David Capie, Rival Regions ? East Asian Regionalism and Its Challenges to the Asia Pacific,
unpublished/undated paper.

61

David Capie, Rival Regions ? East Asian Regionalism and Its Challenges to the Asia Pacific,

unpublished/undated paper.
264

Bottom-Up Approach to Regional Integration
ボトムアップ・アプローチからの統合論
李 起豪（Yi Kiho）

265

Bottom-Up Approach to Regional Integration
ボトムアップ・アプローチからの統合論:

Kiho Yi
Sungkonghoe Univ. Research Professor
Nautilus Institute@Seoul, Director
yikiho21@gmail.com

11. Parts of Asia

Top down

Asia of States
Asia of CapitalCompeting place

Asia of Knowledge
Asia of Culture

Asia of Local Civil Society

Bottoms’ up
22. Changes in Asia
1) Change of Territory:
Territory as Curiosity and Borders (by Westerners):
 Territory as Life (by Asians) and Transborders: Locals as Life Worldand Working Place; Cultural Cyber Places(CCPs); Sympathy and Enjoy(暮らす場、働く場、遊び場、サイバー文化体験場としてアジアの領域の変化）

2) New Challenges: Traditional Security  New Security: Human Security;
Global Climate Change; New Disease(AI, HIV, AIDS etc)
3) Transformation of Nation State within the Context of Democratization,
Modernization and Globalization: Strong State by the Return of New
Conservatism vs Civic State/Green State/Peace State/Local State

4) Competing Hegemony in Asia to build up and reform the Regime
ASEAN+3+3, ARF, APEC, 6 Party Talks, etc
33. Efforts for Reconstructing Time and Space in Asia
1) History: Common History book Published by China, Japan and Korea
Common efforts by the citizens’ from Japan, China and Korea against ‘New History
Text Book’ by Fusosha, which has been since 2002 March Nanjing Meeting to 2005
March publication through more than 11 times transnational meeting.
 Common History based on Universalism like human right and Peace rather than
National History based on National Supremacy.

42) Peace: GPPAC(Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict)
2-1: GPPAC is an international network of civil society organizations
working for conflict prevention worldwide. It was formed in response
to a call by (then) United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan for
civil society to take more initiative and help build a new international
consensus on the prevention of violent conflict and peacebuilding.
2-2: Action Agenda- Building a regional system for peaceful coexistence throughdisarmament and demilitarization- Promoting humanitarian assistance and development assistance- Building a society that recognizes justice, human rights and diversity- Realizing a sustainable economy and economic justice53) Ecology / Green: APGN (Asia Pacific Green Network)
Just days before the effective start date of the Kyoto Protocol Treaty on Climate
Change in 2005, more than 100 Greens gathered from 23 Asian and Pacific nations,along with 300 more from Japan, and Green observers from Europe and theAmericans.
The primary aim of Kyoto in 2005 was to now formalize the Asia Pacific Greens
Network, with its
primary functions to
1) Facilitate informationexchange and networking2) Cooperate politicallytowards implementationof the Global Green
Charter3) Participate in the
Global Greens64. The Roles of Intellectuals for ARI

1) To Overcome the Cold War System

2) To Rethink Democracy after Democratization

3) To Save and Strengthen Publicity from the Commercialization

4) To Grow up Flexible Citizenship as (East) Asians (東アジア人)
to Cultivate the Common Place (Public Space)71) To Overcome the Cold War System

Cold War System yet left in Asia still activate the alliance diplomacy whichneeds to suppose ‘enemy’. ‘N.K issue’ is to be said the very symbol of Cold War
System in Asia. Also this enables the USA unilateralism and intervention in Asia.
If we look deep into the concept of Asia, to define Asia is very competitive not
only in discourse but also IR(international Relation) reality as named like APEC,ASEAN, ASEAN+3(+3), EAC, ARF etc.

However without any answer to how to deal with N.K and how to dismantle thecold war system it is not easy to build up Asian Human Community.

82) To Rethink Democracy after Democratization

Democratization replace sudden political changes by gradual reforms in Asia,
however democratization in Asia has been processed by globalization based on
neoliberalism.
Paradoxically democratization weakens the energy of social movement or civilsociety and expanded indifference to politics. Also less commitment to politics
reinforce more social gap(bipolarization).

On the other hand, the role of political party began to play more crucial role,
however political parties became very apt to play to popularity without
accountability.

93) To Save and Strengthen Publicity from the Commercialization

Publicity could be considered as public value, public space or sector, public
service and public intellectuals or people.

Unfortunately ‘publicity’ is seriously contaminated or initiated bycommercialization. One of the main reasons, I think, is that public intellectuals
on the whole transformed into client intellectuals. This also means that
intellectuals having influence to political decision makers do not have their own
grassroots filed or they’re essentially commercialized.

104) To Grow up Flexible Citizenship as (East) Asians(東アジア人)
and to Cultivate the Common Place (Public Space)

State in Asia has been absolute community concept rather than any othercommunity. Especially State in Asia after WWII, was supreme value to secure its
people and develop economy, however very separately and competitively.
Nature of State, however, has faced new challenges when it should open andcooperate with neighboring countries. Now ‘state’ is standing in turning point.
One way is to return to nation-state again with emphasizing ‘nationalism’ and‘strong state’, the other one is to reframe or transform ‘nation-state’ into civic
state, peace state or green state.

The perspective of new state might be in the level of blue print or discourse only.
But such imagination by intellectuals should be the fundamental force andenergy to transform the state.

11

5. Agenda for ARI

P eaceFriendship
Solidarity E cology

Reconciliation
Cooperation
Sustainability
Diversity
Self-identity

A utonomy GovernanceC enter forE ast Asia

12

6. Strategy of ARI
Go Board(囲碁)Chess board(将棋)• Position:
Even and Relative• Position:
Hierarchy and Absolute• Rule:Make more than one house(hole)!

•Rule:
Kill the King !

• Discipline:
Network !

•Discipline:
Remove!

13

7. The Infrastructure of the ARI

Asian Think Tank
(Discourse & Vision)

Asian Court of Law(Moral Discipline)

ARI

Asian Civil Society
Learning Center(Human Empowerment)

Asian Civil Society
Grantmaking
Foundations or Banks
14

8. EA_PSI (Peace Space Initiative)
Based on Civil Societis of Korea Japan, China
Korea
CSOs

Public Opinion
Policy Making
Social Organizing

SMOs
University
ReligionC：
EA_Community
B：
EA_Civil Society
CSOs

China

New
Intellectual

Enlightenment Movement
Limited International Activity
Partnership through GONGOA：
EA_PSI

CSOs
Local
Citizens

Japan

Local Revitalization
Creation of Alternative Public Goods
Translocal Cooperation

15

9. Bottoms-Up Design of ARI

ARI
Eastern
Window

Publicize(公)
Talking to People
Bridging People
Making discourse

Guest House& Offices

Publishingcompany

Cafe

Western
Window

Education& Research

Travel Center
Field Trip

Independence(共)Encouraging People
Sharing Experiences
Networking Future16オールタナティブな発展論と NGO 協力－Alternative Development and NGOs－
2008.1.18 村井吉敬（上智大学教授・早稲田大学客員教授）

はじめに
20 世紀システムの「崩壊」は従来の発展論・開発論の枠組みをも崩壊させているのではないだろうか。ここでは1970 年代あたりから芽生えてきたオールタナティブな発展論と、そこに深く関わる実践者としての NGO について論じてみたい。

Ⅰ. 20 世紀システム(近代システム)の「崩壊」とは何なのか？
20 世紀システム*国家と企業が作り出した 20 世紀 戦争と進歩*東西冷戦体制 イデオロギーの戦争*成長主義・開発主義 それを支えた経済イデオロギー（ケインズ主義、新古典派、マルクス主義など）
崩壊への流れ*環境の天井 ローマ・クラブ「成長の限界」 公害*格差の広がりと貧困化*ジェンダー意識の台頭*国境を越える人 難民、労働力移動など*国境を越える感染症 HIV、SARS、鳥ウィルスなど

Ⅱ. グローバル化の本格化 1990‘s 以降

自由貿易 TNC
金融・為替自由化
IT 情報の自由い移動

人びとの越境難民

価値の普遍化 民主主義、自由、人権、公正など
252オールタナティブな発展論の模索
成長主義・開発主義 それを支えた経済イデオロギー（ケインズ主義、新古典派、マルクス主義など）
単系発展段階論(近代化論)↓
自力更生論、集団的自力更生論、従属論、内発的発展論
貧困の再定義、ジェンダー論、ラディカル・デモクラシ
ー論、越境参加民主主義論 etc.

Ⅲ． NGO の目指すもの
NGO アドボカシー型 NGO
開発教育型 NGO
開発協力型 NGO
緊急救援型 NGO
事例）*Abantu(ケニア)*PP21（１）人間と自然－破壊から調和へ－（２）抑圧からの解放－新しい社会と文化をつくる－（３）強者の支配をくずす－国家をかえる、国際関係をかえる－（４）経済をとりもどす－モノとモノの関係からひととひとの関係へ－（５）共同の未来へ－民衆のたましい、民衆の連帯－*ジュビリー2000*OXFAM*日本の NGO
開発協力型 JVC、シャプラニール、APEX など
緊急救援型 ピースウィンズ・ジャパン、AMDA など
アドボカシー型 PARC、JATAN、日消連、アジアと水俣を結ぶ会、置賜百姓交流会など

参考文献
グレアム・ハンコック著／武藤一羊監訳『援助貴族は貧困に巣喰う』朝日新聞社、1992 年)
渡辺利夫「自助努力支援の理念を高く掲げよ」『中央公論』1991 年 10 月号
高谷好一『新国際秩序を求めて；２１世紀への生態史観』中央公論社（中公新書）、1993 年253

鶴見和子・川田侃編『内発的発展論』東大出版会、1989 年
村井吉敬『サシとアジアと海世界』コモンズ、1999 年
村井吉敬 1996「『持続可能な発展』と日本の選択」『平和研究』（21, 6-16）、1996 年
村井吉敬 1997 「住民の豊かさと開発」川田項造ほか編『いま、なぜ開発と文化なのか』 岩波書店(177-195)
村井吉敬「東南アジアの開発と環境問題」（安成哲三・米本昌平編『地球環境とアジア』所収 講座 地球環境学 2）
岩波書店、1999 年 5 月、207-233 ページ
村井吉敬「国際 NGO の行方：20 世紀システムの破綻と 21 世紀への模索」（岩波講座 世界歴史 27『ポスト冷戦から 21 世紀に』
）岩波書店、2000 年．
村井吉敬.2005「地域と余所者の支援」新崎盛暉・比嘉政夫・家中茂編『地域の自立 シマの力』（上）(227-249)
村井吉敬.2006『グローバル化とわたしたち』岩崎書店
花崎皋平『民衆主体への転生の思想：弱さをもって強さに挑む』七つ森書館、1989 年
ピープルズ・プラン 21 世紀オールタナティブ委員会編『ピープルズ・プラン 21 世紀 1989 年夏・国際民衆行事
報告集』1989 年
ピープルズ・プラン世紀・北海道世界先住民族会議編集委員会編『歴史を担って未来へ向かう 世界先住民族会
議・記録集』1989 年.
北沢洋子『利潤か人間かグロ－バル化の実態と新しい社会運動』コモンズ、2003 年.
アマルティア・セン、石塚雅彦訳『自由と経済開発』、日本経済新聞社.

254

Pursuing human security from below: Agenda for academic community
Chantana Banpacirichote-Wungaeo

255

Pursuing human security
from below: Agenda for
academic community
Chantana Banapsirichote Wungaeo
Faculty of Political Science
Chulalongkorn University
Bangkok, Thailand
18 January 2008
At Waseda University

Transcending Traditional Security
 Demystifying traditional security
 From state to people’s security
 From national to common regional interest

Transforming Security :Agenda SettingBuilding Regional humanized community
Visibility of people’s organizations
Alternatives

Monitoring changes

Rediscovery of real security issues
Trans-disciplinary policy innovation
New governance for cross-border andtransnational human security issues

Transnational social movements
World social forum

















1730 organizations registered, 492 groups, 1370 activities, 4615
individual
50,000 participants in WSF 2007 in Nirobi

Human rights protection, ESCR
Environmental protection, global warming
Peasant’s and labor union movements
Anti-Free trade area, global justice movements
International migration and IDP
Stateless people
Peace and non-violence
Women and development
Water and natural resources governanceIndigenous people
SVN social venture network on CSRPeople’s initiatives
 World Social Forum Asia (another world is possible,
Act together now, identity expression)

 SAPA (solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy on ASEAN Charter ) APA (Asean’s People Assembly on security issues by ASEAN
ISIS)

 Compulsory licensing exercise for heartand AIDs drugs by Consumer org networkof HIV infected people Mekong memorandum on traffickingworking group on child trafficking

Child Trafficking
1.
2.
3.
4.

5.

6.

Trafficking incidences
local rescue of victims
National policy forum
Mekong Sub-regional consultation(bilateral)
Memorandum on child and woman
trafficking
Women and children reintegration backin origin communities

Compulsory licensing exercise
 Call for drugs by patients
 Network of patients and NGOs (consumer
protection foundation and HIV network) Linkage of national NGOs and INGO
(Medicines Sans Frontieres) Global norm on trade (Trips)
 NGO- GO cooperation, policy on CL Drug delivery

Levels of interactions
Regional community/ international organizations(Global norms)
National government
International NGOs, Regional NGOs
NGOs/People’s Organizations
PeopleWhat and where is Asian Public Space ? Where do people
voice their concern and where do they interact and link













In regional organization, ASEAN, APEC, or floating
What and where are the sources of inspiration for the people of
Asia
What is the authority of NGOs in the national and int community
What is the level of solidarity ?
What are resources of people’s power ?
Where and what is the platform for actions or deliberation
Virtual public space ?
The quality of regional civil society rest upon the country politicalconditions ?
Limited and fragmented actions
Lack of regional knowledge and perception, starting from theuniversity
How people of Asia relate to one another?

Regional public space ??
 Limited face to face interaction
 No official platform Floating locations
 Oversea Networking
 Cyber space

Regional values and humansecurity I Another world is possible (World Social Forum) Diversity and multiculturalism Democracy and protection of human rights
 Sustainable development: poverty andenvironment
 Gender equality
 corporate social responsibility

Regional values and humansecurity II: SAPA’s Non-Conventional Security Issues
1.
2.

3.
4.
5.
6.

7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.

Banned weapons;
Trans-boundary environmental issues (e.g. haze and pollution, overextraction);Transnational crimes;.Drug trafficking;Trafficking in persons (including women and children for prostitution andlabor);
Terrorism;
Transnational Corporate crimes;
Enforced slavery;
Economic crimes;
Trans-boundary health problems (e.g. SARS, HIV/AIDS, etc.);
Internal conflicts (including issues on refuges and internally displaced
persons);
People’s mobility, including undocumented migration;
Non-objective security threats (e.g. food security, economic/structuraladjustments); etc.

Asian Citizenship and new values
 Can people in Asia become one inregarding shared culture and theprotection of rights and violence?
 Asserting on rights and responsibility
 Enhancing freedom of mobility

Political opportunity of social actors
Favorable environment
 Expanding and emerging networks
 Emerging CSR in private sector
 ASEAN Charter ??
Constraints
 Inadequate awareness of regional connections
and implications
 Asymmetric State-civil society relations
 Stability of national politics

SAPA’s identification of
stakeholders
Peoples Movements/organizations
 Trade Unions
 NGOs Media Parliamentarians
 National Human Rights Institutions/domestic
human rights institutions
 Academic institutions
 Private sector: corporate social responsibilityInitial Assessments of transnational
networks in Asia
Radical actions with incremental change mass-based organization, no longer havepeasants movement
 Vulnerable, depending on resources from thewest Fragile voluntarism
 Trust Institutional constraints
 Limited and unstable national and regional
democratic spaceAgenda for Academic Community: reinforcing humansecurity from below (I)Rediscovery of real security issues (security
discourse) Recognize and sensitize small people’s efforts
 Share, assess and propagate people’s agenda
 Constructing theory of human securityPolicy community
 Initiate policy platform dealing with concrete

problems
 Encompass people’s initiatives
 Multi-stakeholders participation
 Inventing innovative trans-border policy platform

Agenda for Academic Community: Reinforcing
human security from below (II) Mechanism for regional social learning Teaching, knowing one another Cross cultural exchange Face to face interaction

 New Asian values
 Becoming Asian citizen