Reviving Japanese “Traditional” Industries: Prospects and Strategies for AsianRegional Integration.
Jennifer Beamer, Ph.D. Candidate Interdisciplinary Studies – Material
Culture/Sociology, University of Alberta, Canada.
Abstract
In the 1980s, most Asian traditional craft industries severely declined, deeply impacted by theprocess of globalization (Robertson, 1997; Tomlinson 2001). Japan’s craft industry was no exception, and inlooking for new ways to expand the shrinking domestic market for craft, Japan’s Ministry of Economy Tradeand Industry (METI) began to look for opportunities outside its borders. Several prospects emerged in theform of cooperative and developmental craft exchanges designed to raise awareness and create appreciationof traditional commodities among Asian neighbors.
While research to date concerning Asian regional integration has focused mainly economic
analysis (Fujita, 2008) this paper argues that focusing the social and cultural benefits of such craft
cooperatives is a more effective means for successful regional integration and the advancement of Asian
community building. Furthermore as traditional crafts are material objects that can represent aspects oflocal, ethnic or cultural identity, and therefore, symbolize the not only the economic, but also social andcultural elements of a society (McCracken, 1990; Tilley, 2003) they can be part of the discourse of grassroots
integration focused away from the elite.
This paper investigates the case of one of these of a regional community initiative Japan’s Kiso
Lacquerware Technical Cooperation Project and educational exchange with the Union of Myanmar in 1998.
As an initial investigation this paper will suggest preliminary strategies for regional cooperation and thesurvival of traditional industries.

Introduction
In the 1980s, most Asian traditional crafts industries severely declined, deeply
impacted by the process of globalization. 1 For most developed nations the cause of thedecline were, the rapid economic growth of the post-World War II era, the introduction of
new technologies, and the full-fledged mass production of products made of new synthetic
materials. Japanese traditional goods were no exception, though still produced today, those
goods have been delegated as traditional crafts and their production and distribution
domestically is in a state of crisis. This is confirmed in a statement according to Takuya in
2004, a member of the Association for the Promotion of Traditional Crafts Industries andresearcher at the School of Policy Studies, Hosei University,

1

Robertson, Roland and Anthony D. King. 1997. Social theory, cultural relativity and the problem ofglobality. In Culture, globalization and the world-system: Contemporary conditions for the representation ofidentity, ed. Anonymous:69. Minneapolis: U Minnesota Press. and Tomlinson, Alan and Christopher Young.
2006. National identity and global sports events : Culture, politics, and spectacle in the olympics and thefootball world cup. Ed Anonymous. Suny series on sport, culture, and social relations; suny series on sport,
culture, and social relations. Albany: State University of New York Press.

“One major factor behind the slump the demand for traditional crafts inJapan is the preference towards homogenization that has affected culture
and lifestyle as a result of expanded globalization. The mass production andmarketing of standardized industrial products at low prices, the role oftraditional crafts in daily life continues to decline, with demand
domestically for traditional crafts dithering, new avenues of distribution
and consumption must be found”. 2
This paper argues, that those traditional crafts are not only a commodity to beviewed in an economic light, but could be used as a tool and a strategy to enhance theprocess of Asian regional integration; to build more than just an economic community. The
production of traditional crafts and the cooperation of craftsperson’s could be thefoundation for mutual understanding of values and culture thereby increasing Japan’s
opportunities for regional integration activities.
Comparable craft traditions exist for lacquerware, ceramic, and textiles in Asian
countries and regions such as China, Taiwan, South Korea, Thailand, Myanmar, Vietnam
and Bhutan. Historically some of these craft production processes have been imported andexported to Japan from these countries. Japan possesses a rich and diverse craft industry,
which in sharing with the region could be the a bridge of common values in an effort tobuild more than just an economic region. I propose that these types of craft cooperation
initiatives could be regarded as the core of integration within the Asian region and willcontribute to better enhancement of social and economic development of the member
countries through focusing on craft as agent of development and of social cohesion. It is
obvious that people-to-people contact is an important bond and basis for cooperation
between states and thus, diversified cultural exchanges together with Japan’s neighboring
countries should be undertaken.
In order to more fully explore this issue, I will first explore cultural theoretical
approaches to globalization and regionalism, where it is argued that much of the scholarly
literature focuses on processes of regionalism as related to economics 3. Then I describe
craft as something with an identity and value of is own and as a tool for integration. Finally2

Takuya, Urushihara. 2004. The prospects for traditional Japanese crafts. Economy, Culture & History Japan
Spotlight Bimonthly 23, no. 4: 48-49.
3
Fujita, Masahisa. Economic integration in East Asia : perspectives from spatial and neoclassical economics.
Cheltenham : Edward Elgar, 2008.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 2

I will provide a brief review of the current situation of traditional craft in Japan, andprovide strategies for integration based on my initial investigation of a the case of the Kiso
Lacquerware Cooperative with Myanmar.
Theoretical Approach
Where is the “Social” in Asian Regional Integration?
The volume of literature on Asian Regional Integration to date emphasizes the rolethat economic features in regionalism. Higgots 4 for instance, defines regionalization as aprocess of “integration that arise from markets, private trade and investments flows andfrom the policies and decisions of companies rather than the predetermined plans ofnational or local governments”, while Breslin 5 observes that regionalization involves“processes by which societies and economies become integrated – particularly but not onlyin the economic sphere”.
However to a sociologist such as myself, interested in the construction of societies
and regions, which have the potential embrace a common set of values, a genuine lack of
discourse on the non-economic aspects of regional integration appears to exist. Few
scholars’ have addressed how regions with economic and political arrangements 6, haveenhanced their social cohesion, and or determined issues of relations concerning distinct
cultural groups. 7
In sociology cultural approaches to economic growth are not new, especially incomparative research. Max Weber drew conclusions regarding the relative strengths ofreligious cultures for economic expansion. However, in the wake of the Cold War and therapid rate of change in the ‘age of globalization, cultural discourse has become particularly
popular and controversial. With in sociology there are two broad arguments.

4

Higgott, Richard. 2006. The Theory and Practice of Region: The Changing Global Context. In Douglas
Webber and Bertrand Fort; Eds. Regional Integration in East Asia and Europe: Convergence or Divergence.
Centre for the Study of Globalization and Regionalization. New York: Routledge. p.24.
5Breslin, Shaun. 2006. Theorising East Asian Regionalism(s). In Melissa Curley and Nicholas Thomas;
editors. Advancing East Asian Regionalism. Abingdon, Oxon, UK ; New York: Routledge. p.27 - 30.
6
For example, Lawrence E. Harrison, Who Prospers? How Cultural Values Shape Economic and Political
Success (New York: Basic Books, 1992); Thomas Sowell, Race and Culture: A World View (New York:
Basic Books, 1994).
7
Ibid.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 3

First, with the weakening of global and politic ideological conflicts, economic andpolitical regionalism has become more common. Of course this has not been immediate but
a process of gradual development over a number of decades. 8 Parallel to this ideologicaldebate, a cultural debate has arisen and has been attached to various political and economic
indicators, but it has also been argued to bolster economic and political friction. For
example Huntington states;“the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily
ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind
and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural... [The] principal
conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups ofdifferent civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global
politics.” 9Therefore, socially or culturally based arguments often underscore thehomogenizing consequences of the forces of globalization. In some cases, they highlightthe unpleasant affects of this process; that is regions and the people in them become moreaware of their differences as cultures interact with each other. They hypothesize that thishas been heightened by a resurgence of traditional identity and values resulting from theuncertainties of socio-political change in some societies.
The second, more popular argument holds that culture and regional values are
declining as a result of domestic and international politics in the context of the pressures ofglobalization 10. The process is discouraging traditional values and institutions, while
producing a convergence of cultures through communication, travel and trade: a fledgling
homogenizing “world culture” as a consequence of increasing shared experiences or as
explained by Havel, creating an “amalgamation of cultures” in a “transcendent global
ethos.” 11 Therefore scholars’ believe that the meeting of political and economic practices
and the spread of democracy have similarly led to arguments of which hold the suggestion
for cultural differences. Fukuyama argues that the spread of free market economics and8Wallerstein, Immanuel Maurice. 2004. World-systems analysis: An introduction. Ed Anonymous. Durham:
Duke University Press.
9
Samuel P. Huntington, "The West: Unique, Not Universal", Foreign Affairs 75, no. 6 (1996).
10Befu, Harumi. 2003. Globalization theory from the bottom up: Japan's contribution. Japanese Studies 23,
no. 1: 3-22.
11
Vaclav Havel, "The Need for Transcendence in the Postmodern World", The Futurist, July-August 1995, p.
47.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 4

democratic politics is a process, which “guarantees an increasing homogenization of all
human societies, regardless of their historical origins or cultural inheritances”. 12
What Function Could Social And Cultural Values Serve For The Prospect Of
Integration?
The answer to this question is still underexplored and seems ambiguous at best.
What seems to be unclear is the prospect of creating a common social or culturalcommunity, what is necessary to define or even understand what those values orcommonalities might be? This quest for understanding what common ‘Asian Values’
might be is central I believe to the lack of social or cultural argument. The concept ofcommon ‘Asian values’ relies upon a number of assumptions, which have serious
methodological and practical problems. In fact the phrase ‘Asian values’ implies that thesocial, economic and political characteristics of certain Asian countries is based upon ashared value system which is identifiable and distinct and which transcends national,
religious and ideological differences. The arguments presented thus far in the literaturepresent Asia is presented as a value system in the context of an East-West dichotomy.
Those arguments maintain that cultural values have underpinned the growth rates of Asian
countries and conditioned the orderly social and political characteristics of the region. 13
The role of common values, and identity and regionalism, however, is still a matterof debate. Scholars such as Leifer, who adopted a perspective on formed on international
relations, minimized the importance of values, seeing them as being “convenient
instruments of states.” 14 In spite of this view, the importance of the social and the cultural
or common values cannot be easily discounted with respect to the ideas of Asian regional
integration. Early functionalists like Karl Deutsch 15 identified the formation of common
identity as the driving force of regional institutional integration.
Regional integration appears to occur at the level of the official and elite, where
value struggles seem to most often the economic aspect of regionalism. This effectively
12

Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Praeger, 1992), p. xiv.
Befu, Harumi. 2003. Globalization theory from the bottom up: Japan's contribution. Japanese Studies 23,
no. 1: 3-22.
14
Liow, Joseph & Emmers, Ralf. 2006. Introduction. In Joseph Liow & Ralf Emmers; eds. Order andSecurity in Southeast Asia: Essay in Memory of Michael Leifer. New York: Routledge Order.
15
Jehoon, Park; T. J. Pempel; Gerard, Roland. 2008. Political Economy of Northeast Asian Regionalism:
Political Conflict and Economic Integration. Edward Elgar. p. 52.
13

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 5

dismisses the concept of a grassroots level regionalism, or regionalism among the people.
The tendency is to emphasize the role that economic aspects play in regionalism. Higgots 16
for instance, defines regionalization as a process of “integration that arise from markets,
private trade and investments flows and from the policies and decisions of companies
rather than the predetermined plans of national or local governments.
While I recognize that it may be naive to overstate the importance of identity andvalues in the process of regionalism and regionalization. It is understood that regionalorganizations, especially in Asia, are forged due to the national interests its regional
members that take into account first and foremost their economic and geopolitical interestsof the region rather than a sense of shared belonging. Though, these interests are often
economic in nature, which explains why the economic aspects of regionalization andregionalism are often stressed. Nonetheless, citizens of individual member states who
distrust or hold negative attitudes towards one another will make it difficult for regionalorganizations to work effectively on nontraditional security issues that carry a humandimension – for example the case of illegal migration or transnational crime. According to
Acharya 17 writing in the context of Southeast Asia observes:“The success or failure of Southeast Asian regionalism is explained not justby the great power balance, but also by ideational forces; including norms
and the politics of identity building. Norms and identity matter; while they
are not the only determinants of regionalism in Southeast Asia, they are acentral determinant…while norms do matter, and they do not necessarily
matter in a positive, progressive manner. They can matter negatively, by
creating barriers or obstacles to change.”
In summary, I suggest then that examining regional integration requires acomprehensive, balanced analysis of its formal and informal characteristics. At theinstitutional level, which addresses “official” aspects like economy and security, while thelatter refers to as Rumley suggests, “a sense of belonging or feelings of community in a

16

Higgott, Richard. 2006. The Theory and Practice of Region: The Changing Global Context. In Douglas
Webber and Bertrand Fort; eds. Regional Integration in East Asia and Europe: Convergence or Divergence.
Centre for the Study of Globalization and Regionalization. New York: Routledge. p.24.
17
Acharya, Amitav.2006b. Do norms and identity matter? Community and power in SEA’s Regional Order.
In Joseph Liow & Ralf Emmers; eds. Order and Security in Southeast Asia: Essay in Memory of Michael
Leifer. New York: Routledge. p. 81-83.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 6

social or cultural sense—that is, it is a construct associated with identity”. 18 Additionally it
is also important to shift efforts from discussing integration at the elite level to that ofnon-state actors. As Thomas observes, “If a regional community is to be forged, then it has
to go beyond the policy elites to include the peoples, societies and nations [of theregion].” 19 Even if, a regional sense of values, though vague in Asia, is necessary to further
common interests and initiatives, I contend that dwelling on these types of arguments only
seem to stall the process of building social relations, rather there needs to be a common
place to start.
Japanese Traditional Crafts; Common Ground for Integration
Traditional crafts could be considered unique in comparison to other commodities
as are frequently used in the construction of a society’s local national or global identity. In
my following analysis of traditional craft, I follow the route of anthropologists who take‘objects seriously’ like Douglas who regards material objects as ‘carriers of meaning’ 20 andMiller who emphasizes objects are constructed as social forms. 21 Crafts are defined as
products that are produced either completely by hand or with the help of tools. Crafts are
made from raw materials and can be produced in unlimited numbers. Such products can beutilitarian, aesthetic, artistic, creative, culturally expressive, decorative, functional,
traditional, religiously and socially symbolic and significant. 22 According to Schlereth,objects such as crafts can reflect the beliefs, values, ideas, attitudes, and assumptions of aparticular community or society at a given time. 23 The common assumption underlying
those craft objects, made or modified by humans, can reflect the belief patterns of18

Rumley, D. 2005. The geopolitics of Asia-Pacific regionalism in the 21st century. The Otemon Jounal ofAustralian Studies, vol.31, pp.5-27. p.6.
19
Thomas, Nicholas. 2006. Regionalism Beyond an Elite Project: The Challenge of Building Responsive
sub-regional economic communities. In Melissa Curley and Nicholas Thomas; editors. Advancing East AsianRegionalism. Abingdon, Oxon, UK ; New York : Routledge. p. 5)
20
Douglas, M. and Isherwood, B. (1979) The World of Goods: Towards an Anthropology of Consumption.
New York: W.W. Norton & Co. p.49
21
Tilley, Christopher Y. 2006. Introduction. In Handbook of material culture, ed. Christopher Y. Tilley:1 11. London: SAGE.
22
Adapted from the definition for crafts/artisan products at the UNESCO/ITC International Symposium on“Crafts and the International Market: Trade and Customs Codification”, Manila, Philippines, October 1997
23
Schlereth, Thomas J. 1985. Social history scholarship and material culture research. In Material culture : A
research guide, ed. Kenneth L. Ames and Thomas J. Schlereth:155 - 195. Lawrence, Kan.: University Pressof Kansas.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 7

individuals who made by extension, the belief patterns of the larger society of which they
are a part. It could then be said that material objects produced and consumed by large
collective groups of humans, or nations, could offer insight into how those individuals andgroups sustain life and society, how they reproduce or transform their social relations, andhow they can mediate differences in interests and values. 24
At present, traditional Japanese crafts are said to be a reflection of Japan’s‘traditional past’ and promoted as symbols of local identity, serving to thwart the threat ofculture and identity loss engendered by globalization. At the same time, these crafts areasserted to be somehow different from similar traditions found in other Asian countries.
Craft has a long history in Japan, and is a modern marker of identity because it contrasts
with traditions of western countries, and is also presented as distinctive from production inother Asian areas. Craft is able to fulfill this identity function although it is neither one
could asserted that many crafts to be indigenous to Japan, nor thought to be unique toJapan—some asian crafts processing having long been part of many Asian societies. Crafts
elsewhere have similarly been used as symbols of national identity. For example, in boththe United States and Canada quilting becomes a symbol where craft and concepts ofnational heritage merge. That quilting can be embraced by both societies as a culturalsymbol representing a particular historic tradition shows that a craft need not be unique to agiven society to be embraced as a symbol of cultural identity.
There are parallels surrounding economic segregation in modern societies, and theparadoxical nature of consumerism surrounding craft. Acknowledged by Creighton thedesire to re-capture crafts, or to engage in them as craftspeople, often also involves anideological rejection of commercialism and consumerism. 25 However, despite such desires,
these processes are infused throughout the place of craft in modern societies, seen in
examples such as craft tours, the marketing of craft classes, the selling of craft products,
and the survival of craft techniques in the market. The economics in which craft isembedded still evoke considerations of identity and values. For William Morris
24

McCracken, Grant David. 1990. Chapter 7: The evoctive power of things. In Culture and consumption :New approaches to the symbolic character of consumer goods and activities:104 - 117. Bloomington Indiana
University Press,.
25
Creighton, Millie. 1997. Consuming rural Japan: The marketing of tradition and nostalgia in the Japanese
travel industry. Ethnology, 1997, 36, 3, summer 36, no. 3: 239-254.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 8

(1834–1896), leader in Britain’s nineteenth century craft re-vitalization movement, thecommitment to craft ultimately fostered a commitment to socialist thought. He believed
alleviating economic differentiation was necessary to reach the ideal of paradise on earth,and allow all people to appreciate the beauty that potentially can exist in everyday life
through close interface with crafted material goods. 26 However, making a living from craftin the present economic climate usually means catering for an affluent elite. 27
The Present Condition Of Japanese Crafts And The Need For Integration
Japanese formal authorities have been vigorously involved in protecting andreproducing ‘traditional’ cultural properties. Commencing in the 1950s the Japanese
government has been protecting intangible cultural properties such as traditional craft
techniques and the people who make them, who were designated by the government as‘human’ or ‘national’ treasures. 28 ‘Traditional’ production locations are also protected by
Japanese authorities, as in the case of the Japanese Folklore Society designating places
with titles such as the ‘most traditional village left in Japan’. 29
Nevertheless the annual production value of traditional crafts, according to the
Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), maintained a monetary value of 500
billion yen throughout 1980s, although a gradual decreasing trend occurred. However inthe 1990s, the rate of decrease suddenly accelerated, and in 10 years, that figure wasslashed in half, dropping to about 260 billion yen in 2000 (see Table 1 for a more detailed
breakdown of the decline). This decline had serious economic and social repercussions forJapan’s traditional craftwork industry. The decline is obvious in the regions wherelarge-scale traditional craftwork industries have historically been located. For example,
Yamanaka lacquerware in Ishikawa Prefecture, its volume of production per year has
26

William Morris, On Art and Socialism: Essays and Lectures (London: J. Lehmann, 1947).
See Millie Creighton, ‘Nostalgia, Identity, and Gender: Woven in 100 Per Cent Pure Silk’, in Gloria A.
Hickey (Ed.), Making and Metaphor: A Discussion of Meaning in Contemporary Craft (Ottawa and Hull:
The CanadianMuseum of Civilization and The Institute for Contemporary Canadian Craft, 1994), pp.
100–113.
28
Moeran, B. (1984) Lost Innocence: Folk Craft Potters of Onta, Japan. Berkeley,CA:
University of California Press.
29
Martinez,D.P. (1990) ‘Tourism and the Ama: The Search for a Real Japan’, in E. Ben-Ari, B. Moeran and
J.Valentine (eds) Unwrapping Japan: Society and Culture in Anthropological Perspective, pp. 97–116.
Manchester: Manchester University Press.
27

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 9

decreased from 40 billion yen in 1989, to 18.5 billion yen in 2001. This decrease inproduction volume can also be seen in Wajima City, a well-known production region oflacquerware, decreasing its amount from 14.8 billion yen to 7.6 billion yen in the same
period of time (see Figure 1).
Table 1. The Present Condition of Japan’s Traditional Craftwork Industry
Item
The number of people engaged
in the craft
The number of companies
The amount of production

2006
93,000 People

Reference Value (Peak Year)
290,000 People (1979)

16,700 Companies
1,773 Hundred million yen

Percentage of craftsperson’sunder 30 years old

6.1%

34,043 Companies (1979)
5,400 Hundred million yen(1983)
28.6% (1974)

Source: Association for the Promotion of Traditional Craft Industries, Japan 30

Figure 1. Changes in the Production of Laquerware: Three Japanese Locality
Examples

Source: Association for the Promotion of Traditional Craft Industries, Japan 31

30
31

http://www.kougei.or.jp/english/ - accessed July 1, 2009
Ibid.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 10

The decrease in demand for traditional crafts has thus reached a state of crisis,
shaking the very foundations of the economic, social, cultural livelihood of traditional
Japanese craftspeople. To counter this situation, measures aimed at promoting crafts
domestically were also implemented by METI and local governments, according to the
Law for the Promotion of Traditional Craft Product Industries enacted in 1974 andre-reformed again in 2004. For example, to date, the Ministry has identified over 200 typesof traditional crafts that must meet its five conditions (see Table 3), and the Association for
the Promotion of Traditional Craft Industries, the primary body backing the craft making
business, has certified over 5,000 master craftspeople.
Table 2. Five Conditions for “Traditional” Authorization
A condition item
1
The article must be used mainly in everyday life.
2
The article must be primarily manufactured by hand.
3

The article must be manufactured using traditional techniques.
The materials should be mainly those which have been traditionallyemployed.
The industry must be of a regional nature.

45Source: Association for the Promotion of Traditional Craft Industries, Japan 32

In recent years the decreasing production value of traditional crafts has resulted in a
sharp drop in the number of practicing handicraft firms as well as craftspeople. Despite theimplementation of rigorous promotional measures, the atrophy afflicting the craft making
business has not been effectively stemmed. In order to prevent the decline and to urge
development of traditional craftwork industry, various attempts at revival have been linked
with other industries such as tourism and the development of innovative traditional goods all over Japan.
The Association for the Promotion of Traditional Craft Industries recognizes
Japanese craft as more than just commodities to be sold; they believe that the attachment of
individuality of handicrafts, fineness and expression of aesthetic appreciation of Japanese

32

Ibid.

ideals is an essential part of the products that are produced. It is critical for the products tosurvive as reflected in this statement;“METI's efforts to promote traditional Japanese crafts is done in the hopethat the Japanese people as well as the people of the world do not forget thequality of handwork and keep a place in their hearts for the unassuming andinnocent products of direct human effort as well as the products ofcontemporary technology. Handmade objects are not a thing of the past,
however economic factors may increase their market price, but are ourcontact with something basic and profoundly precious.” 33
Outside of Japan, while the demand for Japanese crafts is somewhat limited, thedemand for Japanese craftsperson’s to share or evaluate the level of craft of other nations
has been notable. The Council for Local Authorities (CLAIR) is among several agencies inJapan that has been the most active in pursuing opportunities for international cooperation
projects that relate to traditional craft. CLAIR states,“International exchange between local governments has begun to movebeyond “international exchange” and other exchanges of goodwill. Stillbuilding upon the established foundations of goodwill, local authorities are
now actively developing “international cooperation projects” by making
use of the special human resources and expertise they possess.” 34
Since 1996, the goals of such cooperation activities have been well defined by
CLAIR and involve the cooperation of both Japanese and various Asian local governments
which state that the objectives of such cooperative projects should:(1) Be diverse and take advantage of unique regional characteristics;(2) Have increased citizen participation;(3) Be undertaken by local governments and their partners as equals;(4) Be carefully crafted to meet the wishes of cooperative partners. 35
Recently examples of some of the local cooperative projects have included in 2007,
Japan-China Friendship Forum in Kitakami; 2006, Japan Specialist dispatch project on
Pottery in Cambodia; and 2004, The Kiso Lacquerware Cooperative.

33

Ibid.
CLAIR: Local Authorities International Cooperation Promotion Projects ("Model Projects")
http://www.clair.or.jp/e/sien/model.html assessed July 1, 2009
35
Ibid.
34

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 12

Case Study: The Kiso Lacquerware Cooperative
Background and History
One type of protected craft that has a following outside of Japan is that
Kiso-lacquerware. In 1975 the processes of producing and the final products of the style ofKiso lacquerware and several craftsmen were designated as traditional crafts by METI
(then MITI). According to the local government in the Kiso Valley, in Nagano Prefecture,
Lacquerware has been produced in considerable quantities for around 600 years. Unlike
other lacquerware industries in Japan, this region produces large items of lacquerware
including low tables, dining tables, screens and folding screens. According to its remaining
craftsperson’s the greatest distinguishing feature of Kiso Lacquerware is the way in which
items are lacquered in many layers with many designs and painted using different colors oflacquer. 36 A large workforce of craftsmen produces unique pieces such as trays, lunchboxes and tiered boxes, making a major contribution to the economy of the region (seeFigure 2.)

Figure 2. Example of Kiso Lacquerware

Source: Association for the Promotion of Traditional Craft Industries, Japan 37

The idea for the Kiso Myanmar Cooperative began in 1994, when the Myanmar
Governor General, who overseas small and medium sized enterprises, visited the village or
Narakawa-mura and signed a statement of mutual agreement for technical cooperation.
The Narakawa-mura village office then dispatched an exploratory commission to36
37

http://www.kougei.or.jp/english/ - accessed July 1, 2009
Ibid.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 13

Myanmar and beginning in 1998, three delegations of master craftspeople were sent to
impart their technical skills to local Myanmar craftspersons. In addition, trainees from
Myanmar were sent to receive technical instruction in lacquerware production at the Kiso
lacquerware craft high school. In order to implement the project, the lacquerware district inKiso utilized a support system co-sponsored by Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Japan
International Cooperation Agency and the Council of Local Authorities for International
Relations. Initially this is type of cooperation is part of the Specialist Dispatch Project,which is international cooperation project initiated by CLAIR. Under the project, an
employee (including those who are retirees) of a Japanese local authority with specialized
knowledge or experience is being dispatched upon receiving request from an ASEAN local
government, in order to improve technology in the local area, train local personnel, andpromote friendly cooperative relations between Japanese and ASEAN's local governments.
The objects of the Specialist Dispatch Program is to:(1) Survey the raw materials of the locality(2) Survey the level of skills by observing the craftsperson performing processes where
the level of their skills, and also them problems that are commonplace in the
traditional methods of manufacturing pottery in the village were surveyed.
(3) Training on craft techniques(4) Training on marketing know-how: Participants were given insights on theimportance of understanding lo cal needs in order to market their products
effectively.
As part of the series of cooperative schemes, the project put into effect strategies
that involved local Japanese residents, such as female villagers’ study trips to othercountries and conducting elementary school classes aimed at raising global understanding,
These served to raise appreciation among the Kiso residents of the lacquerware that was
produced.
Myanmar Lacquerware is also thought to have had a long history of production,and originated form techniques imported from China in the 11th century. The techniques
used in Myanmar production are similar to that of the Kiso craftsman’s (see Figure 3.).
Lacquerware in Myanmar is a cottage industry and there is a training school that was set up
under the Department of Home Industry in the post- Independence period has been

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 14

upgraded to institute-level by the present Government and trainees are recruited fromaround the area. They receive stipends and scholarship grants from the Government.
Though I was unable to obtain statistics, according to Myanmar’s Department ofTourism states “With the promotion of local and foreign tourism, the adoption ofmarket-orientated economy and accession of Myanmar into the ASEAN (in 1997,
lacquerware making has become a thriving industry.” 38
Figure 3. Example of Myanmar Lacquerware

Source: Myanmar Tourism Promotion Board 39

Prospects and Challenges for the Cooperative
According to CLAIR’s final report “both the socio-economic impacts of the
projects were numerous”. 40 Additionally the Myanmar Government stated;“to have greatly appreciated the exchange program to dispatch technicalinstructors and to receive trainees, and is thought to be useful in improving
crafts production skills. The fruits of the programs have started to show in
the quality of the lacquerware being produced. New buds of exchange havestarted to sprout such as in future discussions for more overseas training.” 41

38

Myanmar Tourism Promotion Board http://www.myanmar-tourism.com/ Assessed July 1, 2009
Ibid.
40
Takuya, Urushihara. 2004. The prospects for traditional Japanese crafts. Economy, Culture & History
Japan Spotlight Bimonthly 23, no. 4: 48-49.
41
Ibid.
39

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 15

However, the Kiso Cooperative Project was not entirely without challenges.
According to CLAIR the Kiso project and future exchanges with Myanmar have beensuspended because,“As it is a small-scale local governmental program, the greatest challenge
is securing funds for the cooperative exchange programs. Fortunately wehave received understanding and cooperation from the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, CLAIR, etc., for adoption into their programs each time, making it
possible to continue our programs.” 42With local government finances strained, financing is also difficult to secure at thevillage office level. Moreover, the lacquerware making businesses are unable to identify
any justifiable economic merits to the program. As well due to the high value placed on
Kiso Lacquerware domestically, Japanese official had concerns about cheaper lower
quality Myanmar-made products flooding the Japanese market as a result of thecooperation project. And as for the expansion of Lacquerware sales overseas, stable
distribution channels have yet to be established.
Is That All? : Future Strategies For Cooperation
While for local government officials the cooperative was not entirely a success interms of its economic outcomes, for CLAIR the social and economic is somewhat
dependant upon one another;“International exchange is regarded as the promotion of mutual
understanding, with emphasis placed on human interaction. However, it's
becoming increasingly necessary to consider such exchange in terms of its
benefits to the regions, especially to regional economies. Given thissituation, it's getting more important than ever to achieve specific outcomesin the activities of CLAIR. CLAIR will support in particular the promotionof economic exchange between local governments in Japan and those in
ASEAN, regions which are increasingly gaining the attention of Japan andthe world for their expected higher economic growth.” 43
For the people, those involved in the cooperative, the artists and trainees,
they believed it was more that an economic prospect. One craftsperson is
42
43

Ibid.
http://www.clair.or.jp/e/forum/index.html - assessed July 1, 2009

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 16

quoted as saying “For Japan, I feel it is necessary to establish and respect
local cultures and values while engaging in global collaboration andsystematization, teaching someone who is interested in my craft is a good
way to do this.” 44Though the tension between the economic and the social will always exist and firstand foremost on the minds of officials will be its economic prospects, is imperative for takean interest in the traditional crafts of the world, and approach the idea of traditional crafts
with a global vision in order to foster the development of traditional crafts on a regional
level. Craft can be a tool for this as lacquerware is produced in many of Japan’s neighbors
such as China, Taiwan, South Korea, Thailand, Myanmar, Vietnam and Bhutan.
Owing to the exchanges with Myanmar, states Takuya, the local citizenry has
acquired a better understanding Japan, and the experiences gained have led to thedevelopment of new products. 45 For Japanese craftspeople share techniques should not be
point of distress rather having a point of contact with other cultures could breed ideas for
new crafts. The answer shall not present itself in the looking solely at the economic
benefits alone, together there may be ways to thwart the influx of overseas products whileat the same time building mutual understanding of another’s identity, values and culture.
Moreover, as Japan relies heavily on foreign sources of raw materials, the entire production
process cannot be domestically self-contained. The need to widen the scope of vision anddraw together the respective energies of the various actors, ideas for fostering the
traditional craft industry should be generated from a “regional” point of view, and it isessential that the resulting measures also be implemented from that perspective.
The objective of these types of cooperation’s should not be wholly focused on
economic outcomes or the setting up of institutions. Rather, emphasis on enhancing
regional co-operation in terms of culture, promotion of better understanding of Asia's
civilization, arts and culture and possibly common craft heritage. Craft collaboration has
the potential to promote mutual respect and greater understanding of Japan and its
neighbor’s diverse cultural backgrounds so as to strengthen the foundations for making an

44

Takuya, Urushihara. 2004. The prospects for traditional Japanese crafts. Economy, Culture & History
Japan Spotlight Bimonthly 23, no. 4: 48-49.
45
Ibid.

GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 17

Asian regional community more cohesive, strong and competitive. Further strategic
objectives should also consider
1. The support for intercultural dialogue within the region, by means of
ensuring the preservation of cultural heritage and have promoting
contemporary cultural productions.
2. The fostering cultural and artistic cooperation among regions with regard tocultural activities related to arts, architecture and literature as well as
promotion activities namely exhibitions and festivals;
3. The promotion of cross border, bilateral and multilateral cooperation
among.
Initiatives that keep these strategies in mind cannot help but to create a communityof common values that exist for the preservation of cultural heritage as an instrument ofsocial, human and economic development.
Conclusions
A difficult challenge for Japan and East Asia in the twenty-first century is totranscend ‘the economic’ aspects of regional integration and attempt to understand theidentities, values and culture of its neighboring nations. Perhaps as in the case of regional
collaboration in the form of traditional craft cooperation Asian countries in the next few
decades, it may not only be made stronger via economic ties but also pave the way for a
promising Asian community in which common values and cultural underpinnings arecentral. It is evident that social cooperation amongst nations could enable opportunities thefor an expansion of ASEAN’s traditional mandates of high-level political and security
issues to issues that are more relevant on a grassroots level. The new vision could be that ofa people’s centered ASEAN, where a government-driven economic regional association toa people-centered regional community exists. Where a regional awareness of identity andcommon values, would lead to regional cohesion and level of cooperation among likely
member states at the grassroots level.
Perhaps even a long term greater objective might be to collaborate with its
neighbors to create crafts not unique Japanese identity and pride, but rather as emblems ofa greater Asia -- engaging, appealing and profitable beyond its shores. If that scenario were
GIARI Summer Institute 2009, Beamer, J Draft 18

to come to fruition, it will may create a more meaningful discourse about the traditional
crafts of Asia and not merely that say of China or Japan. However future research andinitiatives need to be undertaken to understand the concerns of the craftsmen and localorganizations. Many questions remain concerning the role of identity, value and culture.
Whether and how much does identity and values matter as an independent variable toregional integration? What constitutes an Asian identity if anything at all? Further study isalso needed on the types of approaches that might be mutually beneficial for both Japanese
crafts and its cooperation’s, to protect techniques and its human resources so that they feel
comfortable sharing tradition.
I maintain however, that traditional craft embedded with notion of identity andvalues and culture, has the potential to enhance long term efforts towards community
building, especially when economic integration takes place. It may be in the best interest of
not to face Asia faces the dual challenges of identifying a common identity or common
culture but rather focus on grassroots commonalties beginning with traditional goods thathave meaning and value in them. There is hope as the governments of South Korea, Japanand China agreed to celebrate 2007 as the year of cultural exchanges, in fact many of those
proposed cultural exchanges were based on pop culture exchanges, objects with meaning
and identity of the various regions. 46 While continued economic prosperity will accelerate
the formation of regional integration, an understanding of a common culture or common
identity will be susceptible to domestic political whims if it is found only at the elite level,
there is greater strength when values are shared by average people throughout the region.
Only then can regional integration be secured.

46

Leheny, D. 2006. A narrow place to cross swords; Soft power and the politics of Japanese popular culture
in East Asia. In Katzenstein, Peter J. Ed. Beyond Japan : the dynamics of East Asian regionalism. Ithaca :Cornell University Press, 2006. p.211 -233.

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