The Collaboration of the Asian Community and Social Change in the Asia-Pacific War；theInteraction of Imperialism, Nationalism and Socialism
Kawaji, Kinuyo(Waseda University)
Introduction
This paper explores history of the political thought of Asian Community in the period of
the Asia-Pacific War from the viewpoint of socio-cultural change. This thought,――

cooperativism(kyodo-shugi), is the attempt of social integration in Asia by state powerfrom above and popular mobilization from below through a long process of total war. In
this process, common problems and aims are set; de-colonization and autonomy would
realize by cooperation and interdependence in the region, which means modernization andsocialization to overcome modernity as imperial-nationalism. It is the paradoxical but
some intentioned effect of the war. Of course, the Asianistic thought was ideology to veil
Japanese imperial invasion, and that is needed to be more strictly analyzed for reflective
knowledge to reconcile and establish mutual trust among nations in Asia that is the
product of modern history of colonialism. In the same time, it is the unfulfilled dream thatmust be handed down to our generation. In addition, it would be suggestive to post-cold
war system that the regional order is designed as the third way between liberal capitalism
and communism, because both were equally based on national particularism underimperial cosmopolitanism. The end of the regional order was to avoid conflict andinequality, and to construct the transnational system of security and symbiosis practically,guaranteeing autonomy in the overlapping levels of region, states, social organizations orgroups and individuals in the world.
The logic of cooperative social body in “the position of society as a whole”, penetrated
inside and outside the nation, for going into partnership in Asia should need the change ofJapanese society. Having doing so, the Asia regional order would change the world system.
Therefore, this paper shall examine the theory of cooperatiovism in Asia and inside Japan,
concentrating

on

two

major

ideologists;

Ozaki

Hotsumi(1901-1944)
―

and

Miki

―

Kiyoshi(1897-1945), both were the members of the Showa-Kenkyukai which was thinktank advising Konoe Fumimaro(1891-1945) and theorizing this logic.
1. Thoughts of the East Asian Cooperative Community and the Greater East Asia
Co-prosperity Sphere
In the modern history of Japan, there were many thoughts of Asian solidarity which were1

linked to Japan’s imperialistic expansion in Asia. These thoughts are collectively called
Asianism(Ajia-shugi)1. But in the process of Asia-Pacific war, integration of Asia liberated
from imperialism of the West as formal slogan was set first. This meant critical change inidea and recognition of Asia and in Japan herself in terms of politics, economy, society andculture, for the 20th century’s total war needed mobilization of people in all realms of life.
Popular mobilization also needed voluntary cooperation of people within and acrossnation-state in Asia. It could be realize only by the means of rendering resistancecollective conversion through autonomic self-control of intermediate associations thatfunctioned as a “puppet” like Manchukuo. As Kamei Katsuichiro(1907-1966) said below at―

the intellectual conference of “overcoming modernity” (kindai-no-tyokoku), which theme
gave meaning to the Pacific War, the so-called “Greater East――

Asia War”(dai-toa-senso) atthat time in Japan, and functioned as the main part of “ideological warfare” in the totalwar.
It [modernity] subsists in ourselves and doesn’t clearly exist in the symptom of
consciousness, and so, a person is willing to become sacrifice for it. Today so-called theenemy ideology of Britain and America is nothing to this magic. It would be the firstimportance to discern whose puppet is me imagining that I am doing ideological warfare
by sermon, propaganda and slogan.2“Ideological warfare” really was the war against immanent self, modernity. Modernity
connotes the imperial-colonizing power of unification or standardization in Japan where
various cultures by class or status, locality of community etc. used to coexist. By
modernization, these differences were rendered disproportion between progress andstagnation inside Japanese society, in the then word, “dual lives”. Then, fromdisproportional development, these pre-modern remnants were imagined the lost
Japanese culture against “exoticism”, modernity. In the same time, these were objectified
as inefficient and irrational ones to overcome, too.
. Total war couldn’t escape this trend, or rather, head for complete modernity, preachingovercoming modernity by reviving traditional Japanese spirit. Preaching the liberationfrom colonization and poverty, Japan tried to colonize and standardize the society ofimperial territory from the center to the periphery, and vice versa; Gleichschaltung.
1

In

In contrast to conventional honorary treats as Asian pioneer, Takeuchi Yoshimi treated―“Ajia-shugi” as a whole. See, Takeuchi Yoshimi, Nihon to Ajia, Tokyo: Chikumashobo,
1993.
2 Kamei Katsuichiro, “Gendai Seishin ni kansuru Oboegaki ”, Kawakami Tetutaro,――

Takeuchi Yoshimi, et al., Kindai no Chokoku, Tokyo: Fuzanbo, 1979, p.6.
2

the material level, control economy as war footing accelerated industrialization led bymonopoly capital (zaibatsu). And with it, war-time socialized welfare system ofredistribution, medicine, sanitation, recreation and the rest normalized people’s lives
through social organizations of corporation and local community3. Social organizations towhich individuals necessarily belonged for life and rise of status was functional taker andsupplierofdistribution

andredistributionofpublicpolicy,representing

individual-organizational interests, led by and utilizing officials, and leading individual
members as sharing common destiny. Welfare is material, but, by deficiency of necessaries,
it became mostly movement of ideology to generate people’s needs for it.
―

In the mental level, the policy and campaign of the subjectification to the Emperor( kominka)

gave

identity

as

the

same

and

equal

being

under

the

Emperor ’s

reign(ikkun-banmin),even though there were many differences and inequalities ofhierarchically social structure.

Accompanying extension of imperialistic war in

Asia-Pacific region, this ideology was expanded from Japan to Asia-Pacific as “eight cords,―

one roof” (hakko-ichiu) i.e., all the world under one roof, which term was quoted from theJapan chronicle edited in 720 but reinterpreted as the universal idea of humanism. It was
not only to justify Japanese invasion of Asia but also to be accepted by the entire world as――noncolonial interdependent regional system for coexistence and co-prosperity (kyozon-kyo

ei).
Under these conditions, the imperial nation including old and new colonies, were coerced
to be “willing to become sacrifices” as subject for nation-state, and resistance was
oppressed as non-nation (hikokumin) inside community to self-control as the “puppet” of―sovereign state or, in Hujita Shozo’s word, petit-emperor (sho-tenno)4. So, in Japan, there
have been the senses of victim of the war for which many Japanese were deprived of lives
as human resources, forms national identity and pacifism since post-war period. Secured
by bilateral alliance between America and Japan under the Cold War system, the national
pacifism lacked dialogue about responsibility of the war for Asian people, even thoughpost-war settlement was done in inter-governmental level by reparations or economic
assistance with apology and regret. It generates the differences of recognitions andunderstandings for each other, which express conflict of nationalism over historical issues5.
However, in retrospect, the differences were deep-rooted, probably since the opening of

3―

See, Yamanouchi Yasushi, Koschmann, J. Victor and Narita Ryuichi eds., Soryokusen―

to Gendaika, Tokyo: Kashiwashobo, 1995.
―
4 Hujita Shozo, Tennosei Kokka no Shihai Genri, 2nd ed., Tokyo: Miraisha, 1974.
5 This historical problem in present Japan, see, Takahashi Tetsuya eds., “Rekishi―
Ninshiki” Ronso, Tokyo: Sakuhinsha, 2002.
3

each country to the world, the West and Asia, in the late nineteenth century. In the sametime, as the double effects of the war, long-time misrecognition and so misunderstanding
each other were reflected and revised for real need to resolute for deterioration ofChina-Japanese relations and for the problem of governance that was caused and enlarged
by no end Japanese expansion.
The Pacific War, for which beginning the conference of “overcoming modernity” held, wasbroke out from the Attack of the Pearl Harbor in Hawaii in 1941, and intelligence bureau
of Japanese government officially named it “Greater East Asia War” including the
China-Japan War from 1937, which name was also prohibited with censorship by GHQ in1945. But it was begun in the process of the Japanese invasion of China to constructcooperative wider-sphere, Groberaum, in East Asia since the Manchurian Incident in 1931.
According to Japanese opinion led by the Army in that time, encountering the GreatPowers’ economic blocs of protectionism since the Great Depression in 1929, and theunexpected, prolonged Chinese War of Resistance against Japan assisted by the GreatPowers, Japan was excluded in this trade bloc, and so the immediate need for Japan was
expansion of life-sphere, Lebensraum, to the China continent, and after the deadlock of
the China-Japan war, to Southeast Asia and the Pacific islands to break so-called ABCD
Coalition(America, Britain, China and Dutch). However, in Ozaki’s word, “this very course
has been probably necessary result of the way of development of Japanese capitalism sinceover 70 years”6; Japanese urge to expand was caused by the needs to prevent all risks ofmodernization 7 . Trying to illuminate this , Ozaki argued that Japanese policy forcontinent “ results from Japanese urge forces for continent, and adds up to correspond toincrease of capitalist Japanese state powers=forces of production”8.
Deriving “necessary way” from the progress of industrialized capitalist society, that is,modernization in terms of socio-economy, Ozaki attempted to explain inclusively thatJapanese urge for expansion to the China continent was caused by the way of Japanese
specific development, that was “high speed” and so “more disproportional than majorindustrialized states of British and America”9, saddled various risks in this modernization

6
―

―

―

―

Ozaki Hotsumi, “Choki Kosen no Yukue”, Ozaki Hotumi Chosaku Shu, vol.2, Tokyo: Keis―oshobo, 1977, p. 95.
7 Concerning the idea of “prevention” that prevailed in Japan during inter-war period, see,―――

Serizawa Kazuya, “Ho” kara Kaihosareru Kenryoku, Tokyo: Shinyosha, 2001. In thepresent day, the idea of “risk” to prevent covers all of the world society. In different terms,
Beck treats this condition. See, Beck, Ulrich, Azuma Ren trans., Kiken Shakai, Tokyo:
Nikishuppan, 1988.
―

Ozaki, “Nihon no Tairiku Seisaku to Manshu-Hokushi Mondai, op. cit., p. 26.
9 Ibid.
8

4

process. The recognized political, economic and social risks that structured real needs for
Asia was such as deficiency of resources, relatively small market for overproduction andoversurplus capital, surplus population of the poor including peasant lost land and theunemployed, class conflict and Soviet’s threat from the route of North China―Manchuria―Korean Peninsula as a whole. It was thought that these risks could be resolved or
prevented by forming Asian regional order.
Like this, total war entailing general mobilization ultimately aimed at change of―modern society. In the Showa-Kenkyukai’s pamphlet titled “Principles of Thought for a
New Japan”, the objective was insisted below.
The extension of China Incident has led to revealing the impossibility to resolve theIncident without national reformation increasingly. Indivisible relation between the
resolution of the Incident and national reformation requires that the problem of national
reformation should be also grasped from the viewpoint not only of nation but of unity of
East Asia including Japan, Manchukuo and China.10
Because in Asia, especially in China, there were complex interests of imperial states
including Japan, so-called “international relations”11, the innovation of Asia would need
one of Japan and the world, and have the “world historical meaning”12.

For Japan, theWorld WarⅡ was the Asia war from the first to the last, and meant the war for liberationof Asia from the Western imperialistic supremacy by Japanese imperial power of“leadership” to assist independent development in regionally interdependent system. Of
course, allied Western states such as Germany and Italy were Japanese partners of thewar, unless they intervened in Asia. Therefore, for conscientious or innovative
intellectuals were apprehensive that this war might be the war between establishedPowers of imperialism over Asia. Because, from intuition and their knowledge of socialism,
many intellectuals knew that class domination of bourgeoisie, landowner or imperial stateover the weak with oppression and exploitation must have been injustice. Even thoughsocialism was oppressed and abandoned, “innovation” of Japanese Fascism whichmovement, in part, targeted “defeating privilege”(tokken-daha) was expected by theconverted as the effect of the war. In fact, to win “ideological warfare” against the Western
power in Asia, that is, making the war have the “world historical meaning”, and to get
―

―

―

―

Showa-Kenkyukai ed., Shin Niihon no Shiso Genri, in Miki Kiyoshi Zenshu, vol.17,
Tokyo: Iwanamishoten, 1968, p. 507.
11 The theory of “international relations” in Japan during inter-war period and after, see,
Sakai Tetsuya, Kindai Nihon no Kokusai Titsujo Ron, Tokyo: Iwanamishoten, 2007.
12 Ozaki, Zikyoku to Taishi Ninshiki, op. cit., p.69.
105

support and cooperation of Japanese and Asian people by presenting reliable universal
idea, Japan had to change herself from mimic character of the Western imperialism, eventhough it would result in failure. Its ideology could date back to the theory of the East―――

Asian Cooperative Community (Toa-kyodotai ) in the late 1930s;
The integration of East Asia was enabled by China’s liberation from the yoke of theWestern imperialism, and Japan must devote herself to this China’s liberation throughthis time Incident [Japan-China Incident]. Needless to say, Japan must not commit
herself in imperialistic invasion. Rather, taking the chance of this Incident, Japan herself
is required to proceed to new system beyond commercialism of capitalistic economy. The
resolution of the problem of capitalism is the most important issue for all states of thepresent world……Thus, in speaking of the time, resolution of the problem of capitalism,
and in speaking of the space, realization of integration of

East Asia, are the world

historical meaning that this Incident should have.13
In the effort to form Asian solidarity through Asia-Pacific War, the possibility of socialchange from inside Japan and Asia to the entire world was discovered.
Therefore, this ideology should become real meaning for conscientious intellectuals wholearned the modern Western knowledge and had ambivalent thought for it; Kamei said
that “ since the Japan-China Incident , it have warned not to submit to theexoticism……At least, it is no doubt that the Greater East Asia War gives rise to thedecision against conventional confusion.”14――

2. The Geneology of Showa-Kenkyukai’s thought
Takeuchi Yoshimi insisted that “overcoming modernity” which was the ideology ofso-called――“Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” (Daitoa-kyoei-ken) had appearedsince 1941 after the frustration of “East Asian Cooperative Community” in the late 1930s 15.
However, it didn’t appear suddenly to justify Japanese aggressive war. Of course, it had
missed a important part of previous thought such as the effort of awaking voluntary
movement from below and avoiding the war by mutual negotiations, and, therefore, had
led to fanatical ultra-nationalism which was criticized as Japanese pre-modern character

Ibid., p. 510.
Kamei, Kindai no Chokoku, p. 5.
15 Takeuchi, op. cit.
13
14

6

with “overcoming modernity” caricatured in the post-war period.16 Thus, Asianism wasmemorized as the main cause of Japanese Fascism with evil image. But now the memoryof the war is gradually fading.
However, the ideology of “overcoming modernity” was also generated through all
intellectual’s fortunes, and marked with each of previous thoughts. Including romanticist
like Kamei, many conscientious intellectuals had once learned Marxism as a kind of
fashion or common sense in the academic community during the inter-war period.
Although recognizing the need of modernization to make a clean sweep of semi-feudal
remnant in disproportional development of Japanese modernization, they converted its
negation of modernity into negation of the West and affirmation of non-Western or
pre-modern self in the process of expansion of the war under thought control; they
returned to the Japanese and the Asian as magnified self with nostalgia to reject imported
modernity including liberalism and socialism, in a integrated word, to “overcome
modernity”, which was enabled only “by modernity”.17 This conversion forced by police
state power, however, was not simply submission to the logic of Kokutai, the national
polity meaning the Emperor system, and not necessarily “disguise”18, but self-reflection
and cultivation of critical sense for modernity and formal Marxism seen as “abstract
cosmopolitanism”, discovering the chance of social change in the process of war.
―

For example, the members of Showa-Kenkyukai were young ace intellectuals those who
experienced conversion from liberalism or communism, and gathered around Konoe
Fumimaro whose leadership as prime minister executing the program of control andmobilization against the established powers―such as political party, bureaucracy, themilitary, new and old bourgeoisie of monopoly, medium sized and small companies,
landowner and so on―on the basis of the mass organization was expected. Therefore,―

intending realization of their policy plan, Showa-Kenkyukai became think tank of Konoe

―

―

―

For example, Maruyama Masao, Gendai Seiji no Shiso to Kodo, enlarged edition,
Tokyo: Miraisha, 1964.
16―

As to Japanese romanticist, see, Hashikawa Bunzo, Nihon Romanha Hihan Josetsu,
Tokyo: Miraisha, 1965. “Overcome by modernity” was Kobayashi Hideo’s word at theconference of “overcoming modernity”, and its feature of Japanese Fascism is examined by
H. Harootunian. See, Harootunian, Harry, Overcome by Modernity: History, Culture, andCommunity in Interwar Japan, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000.
17

18

―

As to determination of “disguise-conversion”, see, Shiso no Kagaku Kenkyukai eds.,
―

―

―

―

Tenko: Kyodo Kenkyu, vol.1-3, Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1959-1962. In this work, Tsurumi
Shunsuke treats Ozaki Hotsumi as “disguise-conversion” (vol.2, pp.74-91). But thisdetermination is based on the charge sheet from the viewpoint of the end of Ozaki’s
activity. So, it is needed to see Ozaki’s words more deliberately, not as false, and tounderstand Ozaki’s character which differs from ordinary Marxist.
7

―cabinet. The Showa-Kenkyukai was formally set out with expectation to the formation of
Konoe cabinet in 1936 and was dissolved in 1940 following the formation of
Taisei-yokusankai, the Imperial Authority Assistance Association, which was aimed atnational consensus of all wings and the practical organization for voluntary-cooperative
participation/mobilization of all the nation, too.
―

As one of the members of Showa-Kenkyukai, Miki Kiyoshi, humanistic Marxist, wasarrested for sheltering communist friend and was dead in cage in 1945. And as the same
member’s Ozaki Hotsumi, Asianistic Marxist, was arrested and executed in 1944 forso-called Sorge Incident, giving confidential information to spymaster Richard Sorge forSoviet. Converted but retaining some Marxian thought by their conscience, they advocatedthe “innovation” of social formation to cooperative one, calling for “the time of―

emergency”(hijo-ji).
As Carl Schmitt theorized “Ausnahmezustand ” (the state of emergency) and supported
the Nazis19, the advocates for this idea tried to break through a standstill of liberalismthat had meant pluralism, internal split and the Great Powers-centered internationalism
during the inter-war period, especially after the Great Depression in 1929, and to prevent
communism that was inner risk of liberalism persisting only by destruction and creation;
revolution. Fascism was often explained as “quasi-revolution”; based on the middle classturning conservative as the central agent; class struggle turned to be the needs ofstandard living and the sphere of life, Lebensraum, against the economic bloc of “ownerstates”, deriving a hint from the thought and movement of socialism, especially fromsyndicalism and its philosophy of life20. It appears to be contradiction and, therefore, isoften forgot with the memory of massacre that, in the period of total war, the value of life,
objectified as human resources and subjectified as human rights, was mostly emphasized
before everything, and social welfare system has been established ever since.
Cooperativism should have been “Oriental humanism”, explained by Showa-Kenkyukai
in its pamphlet of “Principles of Thought for a New Japan”, which was mainly described byphilosopher, Miki Kiyoshi.

19―

Schmitt, Carl, Abe Teruya and Murakami Yoshihiro trans., Kenpo ron, Tokyo:―

Misuzushobo,1974, and also Schmitt, Tanaka Hiroshi and Harada Takeo trans., Seiji
Shingaku, Tokyo: Miraisha, 1971.
20 There are many determination of Fascism, totalitarianism, corporatism, mass society,state monopoly capitalism, total war system and so on. All attempt to explain the same
phenomena, from different positions and viewpoints. In the earlier period of post-war
times, Fascism was given negative images such as anti-liberalism and anti-communism
both were the main axis of collision. The notice of middle class was traditional method of
the theory of class conflict.
8

Contrary to Western humanism based on the thought of “humanity”, Oriental humanism
was rather based on the thought of “nothingness” or “nature” or “the heavens”. Moreover,
Oriental humanism tries to attain rational order of society through the ethical way basedon self-discipline. It also valued everydayness……[it] goes to the way beginning fromthings near to self……Because Oriental culture in general has the characteristic of theculture of Gemeinschaft, it is appropriate for the ground of the culture of new cooperative
community. Especially, its humanism has the meaning beyond nations, and reflection forit should become the foundation to form new culture of East Asia.21
This “Oriental humanism” would be followed to Nishitani Keiji’s “subjective
nothingness”(shutaiteki-mu), and philosophy of cooperativism to philosophy of the world
history which was theorized by Kyoto school, Kyoto University’s philosopher aroundNishida Kitaro. Nishitani described that “the position of subjective nothingness is the way
consistent with three realms of technique, ethics and religion, the religious position suchas to be opened through national ethics under actual vocational activity”. 22 Harry
Harootunian precisely pointed, “subjective nothingness” could redirect “people back to adisposition where they would voluntarily “dissolve the self and serve the public(messhi h――oko)”” 23. And the total national power of this volunteer would be mobilized by “moralish
energy” , which led to spiritualism.
However, it was the same project of cooperativism. The public, the position of society as awhole, was emphasized increasingly over fifteen years of the “time of emergency”, andjustified programmatic policy of social control presuming future welfare of all person andforced people to be “willing to become sacrifice”. Because the public was in crisis and“crisis of conscience”―conscience is the imperative of the social value―, which was seenas the result of liberalism, individualism, capitalism and socialism as only selfish,particular interests of the society as a whole. The sense of the crisis had been shared bothconservative and progressive elite of officials, the military and intellectuals etc. sinceinter-war period, and nationalized as needs for war-time social control order.
“Subjective nothingness” did not mean negation of subjectivity which had been lacked in
traditional community or Buddhism’s selfless moral. So, the development of “personality”
was continued to be needed, that wasn’t selfish and atomic individual but valuable for the
public society such as technical accomplishment, capability of living and working. In the
―

―

21

Showa-Kenkyukai, op. cit., p. 514

22

Nishitani Keiji, “ Kindai no Chokoku shiron”, Kawakami Tetutaro, Takeuchi Yoshimi, et――al., Kindai no Chokoku, Tokyo: Fuzanbo, 1979, p.27.
23 Harootunian, Harry, op.cit.,, p. 37.
9

pamphlet of “Principles”, “liberalism as egoism must be keep out, but liberty must be
respected……Commercialism must be controlled, but personal self-discipline, originality
must be respected. And about political liberty……its essential significance to take up the
public opinion must be made the most of”24. Its basis was, as Tosaka Jun pointed then25,
liberalism; the dualism of liberation and oppression of self-control.
3. Cooperativism and the Effect of the China-Japan War―

When the China-Japan War began in 1937, Konoe was prime minister to whom Sho―――

wa-Kenkyukai advanced policy as think tank. The members of Showa-Kenkyukai opposed
extension of this war, and advised Konoe to go into peace negotiations with China and the
US that were the principal opposition to Japanese invasion in the Chinese continent, andto decide to conclude “conventional confusion” of internal and external situations. However,―supreme command was in the hands of the Emperor( tenno); under Meiji constitution,prime minister was only “primus inter pares” , a mere fellow minister assisting theEmperor. Nevertheless, it could be said that no one of political responsible persons for the
war endeavored to reconcile China with Japan and to avoid war against the US except him.
Because he tried to be nationally political leader, and killed himself as war criminal
understanding his responsibility for failure of the Japan-China Incident disposal26. In thesame time, he was also like a “puppet” for those who hope to realize respective visions
through his leadership in specialized societies.
The Konoe government changed the policy for China from the announcement of “No deal
with the Nationalist government” on January 16, 1938 to one of the “New Order in East―

Asia”(Toa-shintitsuzyo) to China on November 3, 1938 below.
[The construction of the New Order was that] Japan, Manchukuo and China collectively
construct the relation of mutual aid partnership over politics, economy and culture etc.,
as a core, aiming at the establishment of international justice, joint prevention against
communism, the creation of new culture and economic integration in East Asia. This is
the reason to stabilize Asia and contribute to progress of the world27.

―

―

24

Showa-Kenkyukai, op. cit., p. 524.

25

Tosaka Jun, Nihon Ideorogi Ron, Tokyo: Iwanamishoten, 1977.

―

―

―

―

―

Sakai Saburo, Showa-Kenkyukai, Tokyo: Chuokoronsha, 1992.
27 “Kokumin Seihu to Iedomo Kyohisezarumune no Seihu Seimei ”, November 3rd,1938,
26

―

―

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs ed., Nihon Gaiko Nenpyo narabini Shuyo Bunsho, 2nd vol.,―Tokyo: Harashobo, 1966, p. 401.
10

The “New Order” in Asia and Japan would be formed by organizing people’s needs thatwere converted and led by state power, as the access of top-down, through community orsocial organization, such as family, local area community, trade union and company tonations, as the access of bottom-up. Cooperativism was back up this “New Order”. In
national level, “what cooperativism emphasizes is voluntary cooperating. Cooperativism
requires realization of the whole control by forming organization from below……the leader
required by cooperativism is not despotic autocrat and not the person who is out of touchwith the masses, but rather the person who goes into nation, educates nation, takes up
nation’s demands and organizes them by leadership”28 . And in Asian regional level,“cooperativism thinks that the world is realized only by mediation of independent nations,and, therefore, national cooperation is needed at first, and cooperation of nations isrealized through like cooperation of East Asia nations, based on restraint of geographic
and historical conditions initially”29. And what the new idea of “leadership” meant wasthat “the New Order in East Asia is constructed by the Japanese initiative”30; the leader
was not sovereign but like educator or assistant, and rule was invisible and some
hospitable.
The theory of the East Asian Cooperative Community is modified and idealistic thought,
and incomplete dream. But its limitation is the assumption of Japanese hegemony andend up to comfort guilty conscience for ruling.
As seen the appearance of Asian “New Order” or “Community”, the chance of Japanesemodification of the thought, ironically, came from the Japan-China Incident in 1937. As
Ozaki pointed out, “ “the East Asian Cooperative Community” that appeared as means torealize the “New Order” under the present condition is certainly the historical product ofthe proceeding process of China Incident” 31 . Calling for cooperation to constructcommunity of mutual interdependence mostly received resistance from China.
In fact, Japan couldn’t survive without China and the US opposing Japanese policy for
the Chinese continent. Both were the largest trade partners for Japan, and exchange ofgoods fostered mutual penetration of culture. Moreover, insecurity of Asian neighboring
countries where main actors were the World Powers gave threat to Japan. Japan was theactor in Asia, too. And, without China and the US, Japan couldn’t but quest new trade
partners in Asia on behalf of them, if Japan wanted to keep the level of development or――

Showa-Kenkyukai, op. cit., p. 582.
29 Ibid., p. 580.
30 Ibid., p. 588.
28

31

―

―

―

Ozaki, “ “Toakyodotai” no Rinen to Sonoseiritu no Kyakkanteki Kiso”, op. cit., p.310.
11

grow more. However, the self-contradicted insistence of one-sided solidarity with invasion
was not accepted. Hence, Japan encountered the limitation of the logic of “Japanesemanner” prior national interests to dialogue, imperial nationalism, which wasn’t acceptedby Chinese nationalism 32 . In reality, it was needed to modify the recognition andunderstanding for Chinese politics, economy, society, culture, and, in immediate but mostimportant dimension, humanity with sympathy, all of which formed Japanese policies forcontinent and China-Japanese relations in both public and private sectors. In Ozaki’s
journalistic sense, Chinese “national question” was most important appearance, which
inclusively represented all of the factors featuring Chinese society; Ozaki grasped that
Chinese nationalism of thorough resistance against Japan would be the movement of thepeople to unify the state and nation, and of unique modernization which should liberate
China herself from the fetters of Chinese “semi-feudality” and “semi-coloniality” caused byimperial capitalism33. “In the process of the war of resistance”, Ozaki pointed, “it is thefact that China was politically and economically weakens the powers as a whole, but it
was seemed that national cohesion was enhanced greatly”34 . Moreover, “in effect, China ispaying off feudal powers one by one”35, and “there is possibility that the unification in
China combines with the course to non-capitalistic development” 36 , because thedestruction of market economy by Shanghai Incident and Japanese invasion needed
inland economy with industrialization and land reformation, and the power of Chinese
Communist Party was increased by mobilization of peasant’s approval.
Corrective recognition and understanding of China and other Asian region was alsoneeded for the design of the third way between liberalism and communism. This design
would be realized by Asian social solidarity. Because Asian society was commonly coerced
to be semi-feudal structure and semi-modernization by subordination to the West WorldPowers whose colonial policy was liberalism, and because modern liberal society was atcrisis by its own contradiction, proving its limitation in the Great Depression and social
conflict, common aims in Asia should be independent of imperialism and interdependentamong Asian region for the autonomic development. This project seems to be another way
to “grand theory” of world history on progress and development represented with theideology of liberalism and communism. The theory of the East Asian Cooperative
Community was to criticize both ideologies as “abstract cosmopolitanism” that led to

32
33

Ozaki, “Shina Jihen Daisanki”, op. cit., p. 112.
Ozaki, op.cit., pp.48, 65, 69-72, 87,――

Ozaki, “Choki Kosen no Yukue”, p. 99.
35 Ibid., p. 101.
36 Ozaki, “Haiboku Shina no Shinro”, op.ct., p.87.
34

12

unified control, colonization over the world37.
However, this theory couldn’t help ending to abstract idealism.
Japanese imperial nationalism that the theory attempted to overcome by intervening in
Asia problem, not by observing, had realism for abstract idea of self interests and risks ofself-colonization; modern knowledge.
4. Ozaki’s eyes for the real and future
In recent years, as the background of China-Japan closer relations, Ozaki’s recognition
for China has been reviewed 38 . Ozaki’s characters immanent in objectively cognitive
method are above-mentioned journalistic sense to grasp the time’s current and its whole
image, and extraordinary sympathy for China which can be seen between the lines
everywhere. About his background, he grew up in Taiwan with seeing Japanese rule andgovernance of colony. After graduation of Tokyo Imperial University, he enter Asahi
shinbun newspaper, and stayed at Shanghai as correspondent of this company during
1927-1932 39. He was devoted to communism from about 1925, but he didn’t join JapaneseCommunist Party. So, his action was another way to communist in Japan, including――collective conversion in 1933. Then he joined Showa-Kenkyukai during 1937-1941, andworked as pert-time employee of Konoe cabinet in1938-1939. He was close to the center
persons of government, and so, he could acquire or hear the information of state policy
including secret classified one. Therefore, regardless of news control by state, his realism
was based almost correct knowledge. However, because his viewpoint is for Chinese people,
his analyses of Japanese policy and Chinese society seem to be objective even now.
Probably, although he insisted the need of Japanese correct re-cognition for real China to
end up to the China-Japanese War, he might have expected the effects of destruction in
Chinese and Japanese societies by the war that could sweep away “feudal” remnants andparasitic capital, and of Japan’s defeat by Chinese resistance that would awake Japanesefor self mistake of Japanese imperialistic consciousness and its history for the first time. If
making the power of the masses increasing by the war, his project of social change would
be realized below;――

Showa-Kenkyukai, op. cit., pp. 522-526.
38 Asada Kyoji, Nihon Chishikijin no Shokuminti Ninshiki, Tokyo: Azekurashobo, 1985,
37―

Imai Seiichi and Hujii Shozo eds., Ozaki Hotsumi no Chugoku Kenkyu, Tokyo:
Ajiakeizaishuppankai, 1983.
―

―

―

―

―

Ozaki Hideki, “Ozaki Hotsumi to Chugoku”, Ozaki Hotsumi Zenshu, vol. 3, Keisoshobo,
1977, p. 386.
39

13

To make Japan realize change in the relations of antagonism against British andAmerican imperialism, Soviet’s assist would be needed, and, moreover, it is seemed to beideal form that three members of China where the Chinese Communist Party would
completely grasp hegemony, Japan where exodus would be realized, and Soviet would
accomplish close alliance. As the core of the close union of three nations above, theestablishment of national community of East Asia nations will be aimed for at first.
Because the present East Asia includes a lot of colony or semi-colony, it is not realistic tothink that these nations are immediately united as socialist states. As the core of closeand friendly alliance, India, Burma, Thailand, Dutch Indochina, French Indochina,
Philippine and others will enter politically, economically and culturally close alliancewith three core bodies above.40
Ozaki’s unique design of regionally communist union is based on this recognition ofunique character of Asian social problems.
It was too much comprehensible to Ozaki that the nature of Asian regional community
was metamorphosis of Japanese imperialism. Hence, Ozaki criticized such tendencies as“resource-pursuitism” of economic-military invasion, very which made Asian society“semi-feudal” and “semi-colonial” structure. For Ozaki, national autonomy to establish
self-foundation for was necessary condition, and, in the same time, regional solidarity wasneeded to assist formation of this condition, for the world society increasingly
multipolarized and opened the other as functional differentiation was globalizing. He was
not simply realist but idealist holding the grand design above that enabled him torecognize Asia more objectively with love. For him, the possibility of Asian alliancedepends on presumption of internal revolution of the main regional parts of China, Japanand Soviet. This necessary condition or measure for Asia integration was his purpose, too.
The actual conditions of high ideal of construction of the New Order in East Asia areliberation of farmers at first by dismantling feudal agricultural society that constitutes
content of Oriental societies……Japan should innovate herself and, in the same time,create the conditions for high union of nations.41
Showing his understanding and direction to reformation of Chinese society that was

―

―

―

“Kenji Jinmon Chosho” , Gendaishi shiryo, vol.2, Tokyo: Misuzushobo, 1962, pp. 203204.
40

―

―

―

―

―

Ozaki, “Toakyoeiken no Kitei ni Yokotawaru Zyuyomondai”, Ozaki Hotsumi Zenshu,
vol.3, 1977, p.303.
41

14

composed of farm village mostly was indirectly for Japanese one. The common problem toresolve in China and Japan, or Asian region as a whole was found the agriculturalsocial-political structure that called “the Asian”, “feudality” or “coloniality” ; what Ozaki
pointed out as the Chinese=Japanese problem in agricultural structure was that networkof landowner, commercial leech capital, bureaucracy or local leader and military clique
were dominant over the masses of the poor peasant, and so “feudal” relation of community
persisted and was reinforced by imperialistic capitalism that was more and more parasitic
in colonies or “semi-colonial” developing area by giving loan to assist economic
development in exchange for foreign liability caused by low price of exports, low wages ofthe poor and increasing interest payment for abroad, utilizing “feudal” despotism andsegmented communities.
Therefore, he argued that “what must be important one of basic conditions for
fundamental solidarity of Japanese-Chinese nations is fundamental resolution forJapanese-Chinese agriculture keeping step each other to some degree”. 42 “Asianstagnation” must be modern phenomena that are unevenly distributed in Japan and
China, even the West. It was expressed as “semi-feudal” and “semi-colonial” character bymany modern intellectuals. Then, Ozaki showed that this character was connected with
global imperial-capitalist system. If his recognition remained only recognition, nihilism
would come. Fascism is nihilistic “innovation” that modern “risk society” cannot but dowithout revolution. In fact, the design for the future is no longer national design thatwould be broken by the iron wall of the real structured powers and knowledge ofestablished nation-state. Therefore, in modern Japanese society, it was enabled Japaneserevolutionist to think the future society as Asian design. Asianism was rightly or wrongly
anarchy and free thoughts from national restraints by nature, seeking a new heaven andearth. In the same time, for Asianism has a possibility that internal change would bepressured from Asia, the thoughts of Asia solidarity would come to bear living meaning.
5. Conclusion
As the proverb goes, to struggle with the opponent needs to know the opponent.
Historical irony is that the Asia- Pacific War generated a lot of area studies not only to win
the war but to construct peace after the war. In the process of the war, as spheres tocontrol was extended, the Japanese powers encountered resistance and unexpecteddifficulty about regional and domestic governance. Attempt to form order ended todestruction of it. The 20th century’s total war was thoroughly massacre internal and42

Ibid., p.211.
15

external people. Experienced disorder of the world and nation-state inside, internationalorganization and regional trade sphere under the East/West bloc after WWⅡ were formed.
In advanced nations, a happy wedding of economic growth with national welfare wasbased on regional disproportion and was threatened by the oil crisis. Now, after collapse of
the Cold War system, globalization generates a new disorder or risks that reappear ininternal society with the tear of welfare state. Therefore, regionalism also reappears to――form autonomic but opened order across nation-states. As Showa-Kenkyukai pointed out,
“on conventional East Asian history, there were not the same unity as Europe unified bytradition of Greek culture, Christianity, modern scientific culture and so on……..The
unification of East Asia is now a new challenge to realize”43.
Of course, culture including tradition and modern science is not limited to one region,
because it has been formed by mutual exchange and sharing among groups, and changed――by the times and spaces. Those who gathered in Sh o wa-Kenky u kai familiarized
themselves with modern science, Western classics or culture. Although each person hadvarious thoughts, they formed a kind of small but opened intellectual community hoping
to reform in system and to construct national and East Asian community 44 .

It isimpossible to organize and integrate people forcibly like Fascism. In the same time, it is
the problem that a lot of people are alienated from making a decision between elites. The
old problem between “liberty from” and “freedom to” has yet to be resolved. Above all, thelatter have been seen as freedom to nation; “daily referendum”. In Fascism, voluntary or
subjective mind and action were needed to mobilize, but, in actual sense, participation to
the public not to mobilize but to exist meaningfully must be secured. It has power toconstruct a “New Order” with constant deconstruction and reconstruction, because theconstruction of relations among different persons necessarily includes constant conflicts
and reconciliations to coexist.
Finally, I want to think the meaning or reason to reflect the history of Asianism andAsian regionalism. As mentioned above, Asian regionalism for Japanese has ambivalence
between invasion and solidarity, anti-modernism or anti-Western universalism andfacilitation of modernization with the model of global standard, anti-Western imperialism
and Japanese imperialism inside regional and domestic societies and so on. In other words,
regionalism plays a role in ambiguous reply for the conflict of dualism, seeking the third
way that enabled the established Powers to change in globalizing social system.
In the same time, historical context is also important, in which regionalism appears or
disappears. Compared with the pre-war period, material condition is quite different now,
―

―

43

Showa-Kenkyukai, op. cit., p. 509.

44

Showa-Dojinkai eds., Showa-Kenkyukai, Tokyo: Keizaioraisha, 1968, p. 27, 64.

―

―

―

―

―

16

and features of regionalism change and depend on times and spaces. However, the idea of
Asian regionalism was all present in the war period, and the idea resulted in only idea.
This is not only “historical problem” among nations which caused conflict of nationalism,
but also frustrated dream. Both meanings are our legacy to reflect.

17