THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF CONVICTTRANSPORTATION ON THE WESTERN
AUSTRALIAN ECONOMY 1850-1900: AN
ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION

Alyce Haast

Department of Archaeology
University of Western Australia

This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of
the Masters of Professional Archaeology
November 2014

DECLARATION
I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research, written in the fullknowledge of what constitutes plagiarism and documented accordingly, and contains
as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any
university. I consent to the publication of this document on the internet via a UWA
site..

Signed:______________________________________________________________

Date:_________________________________________________________________

Alyce Haast, BSc BEc
University of Western AustraliaiABSTRACTThe introduction of the convict system in 1850 into the Western Australian (WA)economy resulted in a large injection of capital into the colony, thedissemination of which cannot be overlooked when considering thetransformative effect of the convict system on the WA economy. This injection
resulted from the purchase of goods and services by the penal system which
ultimately transferred money from the British Crown into the local market; thebreakdown of which would have necessarily resulted in certain industries
receiving larger benefit then others. This thesis will act as a pilot study toconsider the potential of using archaeological evidence in conjunction witheconomic models in order to consider the transformation caused by this capital
expenditure. Using a two scaled approach and focusing on the time period
between 1850 and 1900, a combination of historical and archaeological data isused to develop an understanding of the breakdown of spending by the penal
system. Fremantle Prison will act as the base of the archaeological analysis,
testing the variation in commodities seen between collections relating toadministrative purchases of the system as well as the purchases made by ahigh level wage earner and their family. By considering whether purchases
represented local commodities or imports it is possible to see how the capitaltransferred to the local economy and how much of that spending leaked out of
the economy through imports. In doing this, it highlights the range of methods
through which penal system capital entered the colony, and how the agency
available to specific aspects of the system altered how the capital was used andultimately its impact on the colony.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis would not have been completed without the help and support or awonderful group of people.
To my Supervisor, Dr. Sean Winter for being the person who took mefrom the uninformed second year who could barely identify a context andmolding me into, I hope, a fairly competent archaeologist. Without yourguidance, and willingness to accept and work with my existing passions, thisthesis would not be what it is today.
To Dr. Tom Whitley for providing two years of guidance and endless
anecdotes, who taught me that being a ‘professional archaeologist’ was asmuch about your ability to work with people as being able to analyse a site, and
who was an ever present force reminding me of the value of statistics, despite
my best efforts.
To Dr. Michael McClure for sparking my interest in Western Australianeconomic history and providing me with the link to the economic historianperspective that was so vital to contextualizing this study in relation to previous
work
To Dr Tiina Manne, for giving me a crash course in faunal analysis and toJohn Adney for providing extensive amounts of time researching aspects of myceramic collection and providing me with his personal reference collection
To Olimpia Cuility, and the staff at Fremantle Prison for providing me withaccess to both their archival resources and artefact collections, your willingness
for research to be undertaken and prompt replies to my many queries
throughout the process certainly made the research process significantly
easier.
To Kirsty Gilmore, Shannon Henderson and Catherine Reynolds foraiding me in the analysis and accessioning of my artefact collection, without you
three I would likely still be drowning in a never ending collection of artefacts.
To Samara Allen, Jess Doyle and Rebecca Anderton for being there to
ask me if I was okay, for reassuring me that everything was and generally forbelieving in me.

iii

To Christina Bunton and Emily Edwards, for helping me to find the words
when words stopped making sense, for responding to countless messages
relating to grammar and sentence structure and generally pushing me to dowell.
To Pip Hunter, Kate Robertson and Varteny Boyadjian, my comrades inarms, we laughed, we cried, we spent so many hours together over the last two
years that I’m honestly surprised when I don’t hear from you guys for a few
days. Master’s would not have been the same without you.
To Elselynn Leighton for understanding what I wanted to do with myproject before even I did. For listening to me as I ranted about economics andarchaeology and many subjects in between, for providing me tea, and hugs anda rational voice but mostly for sitting with me and reading through this thing one
last time, and providing many suggestions that took my words and made thembetter.
And finally, and perhaps most importantly, to my parents, who supportedme through my schooling and encouraged me to follow my passion as opposed
to playing it safe. I could not have survived this year with my sanity intact
without you. Even though you may not always understand just how valuable
your influence has been, know that, by feeding me, listening to me andsupporting me you have given me the strongest foundation from which I’ve
been able to learn to be confident in my own abilities.

iv

CONTENTS
1.

INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 1

2.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ................................................................... 7
2.1 PRE-CONVICT ECONOMIC SITUATION ............................................................ 8
2.2 CONVICT SYSTEM ...................................................................................... 13
2.3 POST-CONVICT SYSTEM ............................................................................ 16

3.

REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND THEORY .............................................. 18
3.1 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................. 18
3.1.1 Convict Archaeology ........................................................................ 19
3.1.2 Western Australian Convict Archaeology ......................................... 21
3.1.3 Fremantle Prison and the Archaeology of Institutions ...................... 23
3.1.4 Economic Theory and its Efficacy within Historical Archaeology ...... 24
3.2 THEORETICAL BASIS .................................................................................. 29
3.2.1 Circular Flow of Income .................................................................... 30
3.2.2 Keynesian Multiplier ......................................................................... 34
3.2.3 Staple Theory ................................................................................... 35
3.2.4 Applying Economic Theory to the Archaeological Record ................ 38

4.

METHODS ................................................................................................ 40
4.1 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE ......................................................................... 41
4.1.1 Sources Relating to the Overall Demand of the Penal System ........ 42
4.1.2 Statistical Analysis............................................................................ 47
4.1.3 Biographical Sources ....................................................................... 47
4.2 ARTEFACT ANALYSIS ................................................................................. 48
4.2.1 Artefact Collections .......................................................................... 48
4.2.2 Artefact Analysis .............................................................................. 50
4.2.3 Sampling .......................................................................................... 51
4.2.4 Identification ..................................................................................... 51
4.2.5 Dating ............................................................................................... 53
4.2.6 Functional Analysis .......................................................................... 53
4.2.7 Ideological Analysis .......................................................................... 56v

4.3 SYNTHESIS ............................................................................................... 57
5.

RESULTS ................................................................................................. 58
5.1 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE ......................................................................... 58
5.1.1 Convict Finance Board Salary Records............................................ 59
5.1.2 Tenders ............................................................................................ 62
5.1.3 Evidence of Tenders not Being Filled Locally ................................... 68
5.1.4 British Parliamentary Papers ............................................................ 70
5.2 ARTEFACT ANALYSIS ................................................................................. 73
5.2.1 Empirical Analysis ............................................................................ 73
5.2.2 Dating ............................................................................................... 74
5.2.3 Functional Analysis and Commodity Analysis .................................. 78
5.2.4 -Health and Hygiene/ Medicine ........................................................ 90
5.2.5 Subsistence ...................................................................................... 92
5.2.6 Indulgence...................................................................................... 102
5.2.7 Commodity Analysis ....................................................................... 103

6.

DISCUSSION .......................................................................................... 111
6.1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS: ........................................................................... 112

7.

CONCLUSION ........................................................................................ 120
7.1 LIMITATIONS: ........................................................................................... 122
7.2 POTENTIAL FOR FUTURE RESEARCH: ......................................................... 123

8.

REFERENCES.………………………………………………………………..124

9.

APPENDIXES…………………………………………………………………138vi

LIST OF TABLESTABLE 2-1: TOTAL YEARLY EXPORT AND IMPORT FIGURES FOR THE SWAN RIVER
COLONY) .................................................................................................... 12
TABLE 3-1: CHARACTERISTICS OF LINKAGE EFFECTS ............................................ 37
TABLE 4-1: LIST OF SOURCES USED IN DOCUMENTARY ANALYSIS ............................ 43
TABLE 4-2: NEWSPAPER SAMPLING STRATEGY ...................................................... 45
TABLE 4-3: FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES USED IN ANALYSING TENDERS ...................... 46
TABLE 4-4: FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES USED IN ARTEFACT ANALYSIS ..................... 55
TABLE 5-1: RECOMMENDED DAILY RATION TO CONVICTS....................................... 63
TABLE 5-2: EMPIRICAL SUMMARY OF ARTEFACT ASSEMBLAGE ............................... 74
TABLE 5-3: FUNCTIONAL BREAKDOWN OF ARTEFACT COLLECTIONS........................ 78
TABLE 5-4: SUMMARY OF FOOD PREPARATION AND SERVING DISHES ..................... 80
TABLE 5-5: SUMMARY OF CERAMIC MAKERS MARKS FPTP ................................... 85
TABLE 5-6: SUMMARY OF CLOTHING .................................................................... 86
TABLE 5-7: ESTIMATED MINIMUM NUMBERS OF SHOES BASED ON INDIVIDUAL
ELEMENTS .................................................................................................. 87
TABLE 5-8: SUMMARY OF HEALTH AND HYGIENE ARTEFACTS ................................. 91
TABLE 5-9: SUMMARY OF FAUNAL REMAINS PRESENT ........................................... 93
TABLE 5-10: MINIMUM NUMBER OF QUARTERS REPRESENTED IN FPPG - BEEF ...... 99
TABLE 5-11: SUMMARY OF NON FAUNAL SUBSISTENCE ARTEFACTS ..................... 101
TABLE 5-12: SUMMARY OF INDULGENCE ARTEFACTS ........................................... 103
TABLE 5-13: SUMMARY OF COMMODITIES WITH PRICE INFORMATION - FPTP ........ 105
TABLE 5-15: SUMMARY OF COMMODITIES - FPPG .............................................. 108
TABLE 5-14: SUMMARY OF COMMODITIES W ITHOUT PRICE INFORMATION - FPTP.. 109

vii

LIST OF FIGURESFIGURE 2-1: W ESTERN AUSTRALIAN POPULATION FIGURES ILLUSTRATING THE
INCREASING POPULATION IN THE CONVICT PERIOD .......................................... 10

FIGURE 3-1: MODEL OF THE MOVEMENT OF PEOPLE, INFORMATION AND GOODS WITHIN
THE PENAL SYSTEM, REPRODUCED FROM W INTER .......................................... 22

FIGURE 3-2: THE CIRCULAR FLOW MODEL, BASED ON CROMPTON ET AL 2006, P.191.................................................................................................................. 32
FIGURE 4-1: MAP OF FREMANTLE PRISON INCLUDING LOCATIONS OF EXCAVATIONS .. 49
FIGURE 5-1: EXCERPT OF CONVICT FINANCE BOARD W AGE SPENDING FEBRUARY
1898 .......................................................................................................... 59
FIGURE 5-2 GEOGRAPHIC BREAKDOWN OF PENAL EXPENDITURE 1870 .................... 61
FIGURE 5-3: GEOGRAPHIC BREAKDOWN OF PENAL EXPENDITURE IN 1898 ............... 61
FIGURE 5-4: BREAKDOWN OF TENDER TYPE BY FUNCTIONAL CATEGORY 1850-1880.................................................................................................................. 62
FIGURE 5-5: TENDER ADVERTISED IN THE PERTH GAZETTE .................................... 64
FIGURE 5-6: FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS OF GOODS ADVERTISED FOR TENDER ............. 68
FIGURE 5-7: COMPARISON OF PARLIAMENTARY ESTIMATES AND 1870 SUMMARYREPORT ...................................................................................................... 70
FIGURE 5-8: BREAKDOWN OF ESTIMATED EXPENDITURE 1852-1870 ...................... 72
FIGURE 5-9: DATE RANGE OF ARTEFACTS FROM FPPG ........................................ 75
FIGURE 5-10: DATE RANGE OF ARTEFACTS FROM FPTP ....................................... 76
FIGURE 5-11: PINDER BOURNE AND CO - BOUQUET PATTERN ................................ 81
FIGURE 5-12: TEA CUP AND SAUCER SET ............................................................ 81
FIGURE 5-13: REFERENCE SHOE CURATED AT FREMANTLE PRISON ....................... 88
FIGURE 5-14: SHOE SOLE RECOVERED FROM FPTP ............................................. 88
FIGURE 5-15: SIZE OF SHOE HEELS ..................................................................... 90
FIGURE 5-16: SIZE VARIATION IN SHOE HEELS ILLUSTRATING MEASUREMENTLOCATION ................................................................................................... 90
FIGURE 5-17: MEDICINE BOTTLE W ITH BROAD ARROW ......................................... 92
FIGURE 5-18: ILLUSTRATION OF NISP FOR FAUNAL SPECIES AT EACH SITE ............ 94viii

FIGURE 5-19: ILLUSTRATION OF MNI FOR FAUNAL SPECIES AT EACH SITE .............. 94
FIGURE 5-20: TYPE AND QUANTITY OF FAUNAL ELEMENT - MUTTON ....................... 95
FIGURE 5-21: SKELETAL ELEMENTS OF SHEEP PRESENT AT FPTP ........................ 97
FIGURE 5-22: SKELETAL ELEMENTS OF SHEEP PRESENT AT FPPG ........................ 97
FIGURE 5-23: TYPE AND QUANTITY OF FAUNAL ELEMENT - BEEF ............................ 98
FIGURE 5-24: SKELETAL ELEMENTS OF COW PRESENT AT FPTP ......................... 100
FIGURE 5-25: SKELETAL ELEMENTS OF COW PRESENT AT FPPG......................... 100
FIGURE 5-26: CHUTNEY BOTTLE - FPTP ............................................................ 101

ix

LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix 1: Artefact catelogue – provided as electronic copy…………………NA
Appendix 2: Breakdown of Tenders……………………..………………………..137
Appendix 3: Convict Finance Board Salary Figures…………………………….140
Appendix 4: Summary of Convict Expenditure – Report 1870……………...…140
Appendix 5: Penal System Expenditure………………………………………….141x1. INTRODUCTION“Convict transportation to WA was a tremendous success for those
who employed convicts or were able to access some of the£1.8million in British treasury spent in the colony between 1850 1860”(Millett 2009, p. 241)

According to Keynesian economic theory, consumption directs how an economy
develops as producers adapt to local demands in search of profit. The
introduction of the convict system in 1850 to the Western Australian (WA)economy resulted in a large injection of capital into the colony, thedissemination of which cannot be overlooked when considering thetransformative effect of the convict system on the WA economy. This study
aims to use archaeological and historical evidence to examine the impact of theconvict system on the WA economy in the second half of the 19th century, by
focusing on the goods and services purchased by the penal system. Unlike
other archaeological studies of convictism that concentrate on the lives ofconvicts, this study examines the economic impact of the penal system itself on
the colony.

1

The penal system provided economic benefit to the WA economy through theinjection of capital and labour and tied the colony into wider global penal andtrade networks ( Winter 2013c). This study will consider how the changing
administrative role of the penal system between the convict and post-convict
period impacted the avenues through which funds were injected into the local
economy and, subsequently, the changing role of the penal system as an
economic force from 1850-1900.

As a pilot study, this thesis will use a historical archaeological approach toassess the potential of using archaeology as a method of determining thenature of that benefit and its linkage with existing networks. To achieve this it
will focus on the goods consumed as part of the penal system and the linkageof these goods to increased demand for specific local industries. Using theconcept of ‘linkages’ developed in the economic-based Staple Theory (Altman
2003;McCarty 1964) the injection of funds into the WA economy will beanalysed as a ‘quasi-export’, given that the convict system was supported by
British funds. Material culture will be used as evidence of the transfer of British
capital in exchange for goods and services purchased by the penal system inthe form of institutional- or wage-based expenditure. By considering whether the
penal purchases represent spending on imported goods or local produce it ispossible to estimate the value of this capital injection to the domestic economy.
It is also of interest to examine how that spending changed along with thedevelopment of the convict system and the subsequent transition to colonial
control.

This study will focus on two scales of approach in its analysis: macro and micro.
Historical data will be used to develop an understanding of the overall (macro)
allocation of funding and demand of goods by the penal system as represented
in advertised tenders and financial reports found within the British Parliamentary
papers and Convict Finance Board records. This part of the analysis will
highlight the various outlets for British funds in a broad manner to consider the2variation within the penal system and wide reaching impact of the capital
injection
Archaeological material will be used to test the value of considering individual
aspects (micro) of the penal system when considering how the consumption
choices of the penal system impacted the local economy. The two sites
analysed represent two aspects of the penal system between 1850 and 1900:
material collected from a privy within the home of a high ranking administrator
within Fremantle Prison and their family; and the consumption of the inmatescollected from a rubbish pit found within the grounds of the prison. These
assemblages highlight the difference between institutionalised and wage-basedpurchases and the variation that occurs within the penal system based on
circumstance as well as the temporal period under consideration.

Historical archaeology has long considered economic factors in its analysis ofpast societies, often seeing capitalism and colonialism as driving factors behind
the increasingly globalised nature of the world post 1500a.d. (Orser 1994a).
Prior analysis of consumption as a measure of global interconnectedness has
been seen in previous studies such as Nayton (2012) in her study of colonial
North West Western Australia and its links to British trading networks, as well as
Groover(2003) in his study the Gibb’s family homestead. Both highlight theevidence of global trade networks despite the apparent isolation of their study
areas. The analysis of the Western Australian penal system in relation to its
spending has been considered by authors such as Gibbs(2001, 2006) and
Edgar(2014) who have highlighted the value of the penal system as not only asource of labour but as a force that developed the economic and social situationof the colony through the variety of economic, political, and social changes that
occurred. This research follows on from these ideas in focusing on the specificavenues through which capital entered the economy and which industries
benefitted from the injection.

While the Swan River colony was initially established to be free from convicts, it
struggled from a lack of labour and capital. In 1849, at the request of the colony,3

it was converted to penal status, under which the British Crown would be
responsible for convict maintenance (Statham 1981a). In doing so the penal
system, organised around Fremantle Prison, was used as a mechanism toinject convict labour and imperial funds into an otherwise highly impoverishedcolony.

Until the gold rushes of the 1890s, the penal system was the majortransformative event that occurred in Western Australia. During this postconvict period the penal system was converted from a mechanism sustained by
the British government which interacted with, and subsequently stimulated, theWA economy; into an isolated system in whose centre, Fremantle Prison,
attempted to be self-sufficient with minimal funding from the local government.
This conversion resulted in a significant change in spatial layout of the system
as well as a complete shift in the source of funding for Fremantle Prison. The
difference in funding sources would have accompanied varied goals andpriorities for the maintenance and use of prisoners resulted in a changing
economic impact. In order to consider the impact of the convict system on the
WA economy during the convict and post-convict periods I will consider thefollowing research questions:

1. What does the material and documentary record tell us about the impactof the penal system on the WA colonial economy between 1850 and
1900?
2. At what point in the production cycle were materials sourced from the
WA Economy? How does this vary in the convict and post-convict
period?
3. How did the material demanded by the penal system vary between
institutional and private (wage-based) consumption?

Given the preliminary nature of this study, an additional research question
relating to methodological potential was posed:

44. Can individual artefact assemblages be linked to specific aspects of thecolonial economy? If so, how closely?

This pilot study aims to test the potential of using archaeological evidence inconjunction with established economic models to understand the impact ofconsumption choices on the development of an economy. It is primarily
intended to test the feasibility of using archaeological material and historic datato trace consumption to production processes, either locally or internationally,
and uses this analysis to measure economic impact. The penal systemrepresents an extremely varied economic entity, with varying levels ofinteraction with the WA economy based on institutional circumstances and theagency of individual consumers. By comparing the consumption choices andsubsequent impact on suppliers of two distinct aspects of penal system, it ishoped that the variance in economic impact of these specific aspects can be
acknowledged; highlighting the value of considering the penal system using
varied scales of analysis. Additionally, by highlighting the changing
consumption choices of the penal system over time, represented in these
artefacts, this research will attempt to highlight the variance seen not only
through distinct entities of the system, but also in commodities occurring overtime within a site. The use of this methodology within these two sites is intended
to provide an example, which highlights the potential of considering the penal
system using economics as a theoretical background that subsequently can beapplied to further sites within the penal system to develop a morecomprehensive analysis.

This dissertation will consist of 7 chapters and begins in chapter 2 with an
historical overview of the time period under analysis with a focus on theeconomic activity of the Swan River Colony. As part of this chapter the
introduction of the convicts and subsequent transition from the penal system tocolonial rule is considered in relation to its economic impact on the colony rather
than its use as a system of punishment. Chapter 3 consists of both a Literature
review and a theoretical background which highlights previous archaeological5

approaches to convictism as well as highlighting how economics has been
applied to archaeology. The economic theory used as a basis for this analysis
is also introduced. Chapter 4 highlights the methodology used within thisanalysis, illustrating the varying roles of the documentary and archaeologicalsources and how the artefact and historical evidence will be used to illustrate
the impact of the penal system on the colonial economy. Evidence collectedfrom both sources will be presented and analysed in chapter 5, separating theresults into ‘macro’ documentary-based and ‘micro’ artefact-based evidence.
Chapter 6 will synthesise the information provided and discuss the implicationsof the results in relation to the research questions. Finally, Chapter 7 will
evaluate the outcomes of this study in relation to global research as well as
comment on the limitations of this analysis and potential for future research.

62. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
While the Swan River colony was initially established to be free from convicts, it
struggled from a lack of labour and capital, and at the request of the colony, thedecision was made in 1849 to convert it to penal status in which the British
Crown would have responsibility for the maintenance of the convict population(Statham 1981a). In doing so the penal system, organised around Fremantle
Prison, was used as a mechanism to inject convict labour and imperial funds
into an otherwise highly impoverished colony and subsequently spur on
development.
“The mechanics of which the economist Keynes might haveapproved were there – both the pump priming expenditure and thedemand creation – but it was also the psychological trigger needed tosnap the colony from its vicious cycle of despondency”(Lourens 1979, p.22)

Between the initial colonisation of WA in 1829 and the gold rushes of the 1890s,
the penal system was the major transformative event that occurred in Western
Australia. It can be broken into two phases: the convict system from 1850-1886;
and the post-convict system which occurred after the remnants of the system,
which had rapidly declined after the cessation of transportation in 1868,were7handed over to the colonial government during a protracted post-convict period
from 1886-1900.

2.1 Pre-Convict Economic Situation
The Swan River Colony was initially founded and settled in 1829 as the first
British colony in Australia established to be an entirely free settlement (Statham
1981c). The conditions of settlement were designed to minimise British
government expenditure, attract private investors and ensure that land granted
was productively utilised. Initial land grants provided 40 acres of land for every£3 invested in physical assets considered applicable for land use or for theassisted passage of indentured labour and their families (Bush 2012, p.45).
Money itself was not considered an asset that would aid in the improvement of
the land and as such did not qualify colonists for land under the system. Given
this, there was little benefit in transporting cash stocks to the colony (Appleyard
1981; Burke 2004, p.359; Dept. of Treasury and Finance 2004).

By 1830 reports of inhospitable conditions had reached London and, combinedwith the cessation of the land grant program in 1832, emigration had stagnated(Bush 2012, p.48), removing the benefit of an increasing population to the local
market. In addition, shipping and access to the wider global trade network wassignificantly restricted by both population size of the colony and by the
Navigation Acts which limited potential trade opportunities to those available
from British or Colonial ships (Broeze 1975, p. 583). By the mid 1830’s only a
few vessels arrived from overseas ports each year, and even after the
Navigation Acts were repealed trade was dominated by imports from Britain(Staniforth 2003, p. 126). The combination of decreased population growth andlack of shipping limited the economic growth of the Swan River colony to an
extent where the colony was still heavily dependent on crown support 20 years
after colonisation (Staniforth 2003, p.126).

8

These conditions caused many settlers to attempt to support themselves on asmall range of settlement activities, namely intensive agriculture (Statham 1996,p.42). As such the colony was heavily homogenised and lacked thediversification of goods and services and the size necessary to form an effective
market. Additionally, the lack of land-based transport limited the movement ofgoods to maritime transport or dray cart, both of which were not only expensive
but also limited the distance goods could travel before it became unviable to sell
at a profit (Cameron 1981; Nayton 2012, p. 32). Physical assets brought withthe colonists were largely mismatched with local conditions with many earlycrops failing, forcing the government to use their small amounts of available
capital to purchase supplies from Van Diemen’s Land (Bush 2012, p.46) andJava (Statham 1996, p.42). Without cash available in the economy these
supplies were distributed based on an exchange for future crops system(Statham 1981c, p.188), trapping settlers into continued (inefficient) grain
production to pay off their debts.

Early settlers were largely urban-based in background and skill level (Cameron
1981;Statham 1981c, p.185): however some were able to adapt quickly to theirsurroundings, in many cases altering the local environment and adapting
available technology to better suit the local conditions (Burke 2004, p.365). The
first colonial industries were those related to local building material, though thecapital shortage meant that much of the trade in these goods was carried out bybarter (Hartley 1995).
While sheep had become the first viable export industry in the late 1830’s, thecolony’s isolation and limited trade networks continued to restrict access to theinternational market. Locally the small and highly homogenised market lacked
the necessary population to diversify or drive increased production. The
introduction of the convict population was considered as an avenue that would
provide a cheap and subservient labour force and provide the colonial
government the labour and capital required to undertake substantial capital
works. However, this was not the overall opinion of the majority of the colonial

9

workforce, many of which saw no benefit in the introduction of the convict
population but rather the concentrated effort of an influential few (Statham
1981a, p. 8).

Figure 2-1: Western Australian Population Figures illustrating the increasing Population in
the Convict Period (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2014)

Between 1845 and 1847 influential citizens of the colony represented by theYork Agricultural Society and several merchants lobbied the colony’s Legislative
Council to petition the British Government to consider converting the colony topenal status. These pastoralists were the main agitators for convict labour
reacting to the high cost of labour in the pastoral industry and the defiance of
the working class that had resulted from the ability to bargain for better wages
and conditions (Nayton 2012, p.18). The York Society argued that the shortageof labour was hindering the development of the colony, particularly thedevelopment of infant industries producing wool and timber (Campbell 2011,
p.1.3). In addition, it was argued that the convicts could be used for theconstruction of public works which had previously been a slow and expensive
process.
The Swan River Colony’s request for convicts was received at a time in which
the other Australian Colonies were refusing further transportation (Shaw 1966,10p.325). Simultaneously British penal ideology and legislation had begun to focus
on reformative penal theory and a move towards Incarceration in lieu ofTransportation. Despite this, Transportation was still considered strategicallybeneficial under specific circumstances (Winter 2013b, p.4) and as such, thecrown endorsed the proposal to convert the Swan River Settlement into a penalcolony. The Colony requested that any convicts sent had enough time left ontheir sentence to be used for public works; and that financial maintenance of thesystem be the responsibility of the Crown (Thomas & Stewart 1978, p.32). Thisis emphasised in a dispatch sent from Governor Fitzgerald to the Colonial officeon the 3rd March 1849:“A supply of labour alone is insufficient to meet the wants of the colony
while the existing scarcity of capital exists.” (Fitzgerald 1849, cited in
Statham 1981b, p.16)

Eventually it was settled that the maintenance of the convict population would
be the sole responsibility of the Crown: including the payment of wages forguards, administrators and the assisted migration of settlers to offset the genderimbalance provided by an all-male convict system (Hartley 1995, p.13).
Additionally the Imperial Government would provide 2/3rds of the funding for thepolice force which, until the introduction of the convict force, had been small anduncoordinated (Edgar 2014, p.144). In doing so they would provide the capitalthat the colony desperately required through the purchase of goods andservices used in all aspects the convict system and the spending of those it
employed.

In December 1849, Earl Grey informed the Governor that the Swan River
Colony would receive a ‘moderate number’ of convicts, carefully selected, who
had passed the reformation phase of their sentence (Campbell 2011, p1.3).
These men would be initially under the control of the colonial government for
public works before earning their ticket of leave and being released to findgainful employment within the private sector.

11

By 1850 the Swan River Colony’s level of economic activity was still significantly
lower than the other Australian Colonies. Comparatively, it had taken themmore than 20 years to develop to the same point that the Port Phillip Colony inVictoria had achieved in 5 years (Staniforth 2003, p. 126) or that Port Jackson
in New South Wales had achieved in 10. While primary exports in the form ofwool, timber, sandalwood, whale products, and livestock were beginning to beexported in small numbers the WA Colony maintained a negative balance oftrade and was still heavily dependent on Crown support (Statham 1981c, p.
181). The combination of reliance on imports, small population, lack of capital,
and infrequent and expensive shipping provided significant barriers that
depressed development within the colony.
Year

Total Exports (£)

Total Imports (£)

Ratio EXP/IMP

1844

13363

36440

0.37

1845

13354

20350

0.38

1846

20223

25959

0.78

1847

24535

25463

0.96

1848

34324

45411

0.76

1849

31558

53881

0.56

1850

29857

52351

0.57

Table 2-1: Total Yearly Export and import Figures for the Swan River Colony Highlighting
the Disparity Between Capital Entering and Leaving the Colony, Reproduced from Hartley(1995, p.10)

The convict system provided an instantaneous boost to the domestic market for
consumables, with the population increasing from 4,622 in 1848 to 29,708 in
1881 (Caldwell 1987; Van Driesen 1986).This includes the transportation of justunder 10,000 male convicts (Millett 2003, p.11) and over 5,000 assisted
migrants (Hartley 1995, p.13). From 1851-1860 the convict system spent£906,000 in wages, salaries, and foodstuffs (Statham 1985), much of which
cycled through the local economy via the purchase of local goods and services,12

either administratively or through wage spending. Some authors havesuggested that the colonists had found a ready market for all the food they
could produce with the introduction of the convict establishment (Somerville n.d,p.282): in reality, the convict establishment sourced its goods based on amarket tender process with some of their supplies coming from external sources
such as the South Australian colony. This caused tension within the colony withsome colonists believed they had accepted the ‘taint’ of convictism without
receiving the full benefit (Thomas & Stewart 1978, p. 37).

2.2 Convict System
The priorities of the Western Australian convict system were the development ofa cheap, regionally dispersed labour force and capital and infrastructure to
improve the Colony’s fortune (Gibbs 2007, p. 58; 2006). The convict system
was organised with Fremantle Prison at the core and the regional hiring depot
system representing the periphery, which emphasised reform and punishment
at its centre and settler access to labour in the outlying areas (Winter 2013a,p.62). The development of the regional convict depots responded to thedifficulties of organising ticket of leave labour in the wide spread colony. For theconvict system, work formed an integral part of the reform and punishment
process for convicts as well as a mechanism to provide labour to the wider
population (Bavin 1994).

Prisoners inside Fremantle Prison were classified in multiple ways, primarily
relating to whether or not they were a Colonial (local) prisoner under the rules
and regulations created by the WA Legislative Council, or an Imperial(transported) prisoner with treatment based on the laws of British Parliament(Millett 2003, p 209). This affected which government paid for prisoner
maintenance and their treatment upon release from prison. Imperial convicts
received a set of clothes and accrued funds earned from work while in prison

13and a Ticket of Leave upon release; in contrast, Colonial prisoners were largely
abandoned (Millett 2003, p. 209).

Daily life for the inmates of the convict period was defined by hard labour basedaround the dominant penal ideology of the time which focused on rehabilitation
through work and religious instruction (Foucault 1975). Convicts were officiallyprovided with a calorie-heavy diet proportional to the level of work assigned,
however, reduction of rations was one of wide array of punishments used inorder to maintain discipline (Millett 2003) Additional variation in the everyday lifeof inmates developed through unofficial networks including the trafficking ofcontraband between warders and prisoners, the sourcing of contraband during
work assignments (Bosworth 2004, p.33), and the bribing of inmates bymerchants to ‘pass’ substandard produce (Thomas & Stewart 1978, p. 56).
Workshops formed an integral part of training and reformation at Fremantle
Prison, influenced by Protestant Ideology that ‘honest labour’ had a reformative
effect on the criminal mind- and the desire to minimise the running costs of thesystem. The workshops were the first buildings erected on the site of thepermanent prison, beginning with carpentry and blacksmithing and later
developing into printing, tailoring, and shoe making (Kerr 1992, p.56.)

Once newly arrived convicts had been indoctrinated into the penal system at theFremantle Convict Establishment they would be eligible to work under
supervision outside the prison walls. After an allotted time, and dependent on
good behaviour, a convict would be assigned a Ticket of Leave allocating him toa work district granting him eligibility to be hired by settlers through the regional
hiring depot system (Gibbs 2006, p.72). The utilisation of convict labour byprivate settlers was vital to the success of convicts in Western Australia withsettler access prioritised over security at the convict depots (Gibbs 2007; Winter2013a, p. 339). The Ticket of Leave system allowed the convicts the power tonegotiate wages and conditions with employers while allowing the system tomaintain some level of control of the movements of the labour force (Appleyard
1981; Winter 2013a).

14The Ticket-of-Leave men provided dual benefit to the economy acting as bothproducers and consumers in the rural areas they were assigned. The Ticket ofLeave system provided men with some rudimentary skills in building and trades
which allowed them to quickly gain employment within the private sector (Bush2013, p. 320). As agents with economic freedom their wages could in turn be
used to purchase consumables and articles to supplement items officially
supplied as part of the convict system, such as alcohol, food condiments, andmedicines (Winter 2013a, 318-319). This helped to stimulate the local economy
by increasing the market demand for goods and services.

Over time the number of convicts transported to WA steadily dropped until in
1886, with less than 50 convicts still interned at Fremantle Prison, it was
officially handed over to the Colonial authorities where it continued to be usedas the state’s major prison until 1991 (Gibbs 2001; Mein 2012, p.20). While theprison remained operational, the rest of the convict system and the wider
benefits provided through the convict labour force and assisted emigration were
wound down over time. The convict depots and road stations, which had been
undergoing a process of downsizing in the 1860’s, were abandoned in the early
1870’s in favour of a consolidated system centralised at Fremantle Prison. At
this point the majority of the convict work force had been assigned their Ticketof Leave and were already working in wider colony without the regional
administrative base that had been provided by the convict depots. Additionallythe support provided to the colony by assisted emigration also ceased in 1869
(Erickson 1992, p. 90). In doing so, the prison transitioned from the centre of astate-wide convict system with multiple avenues of economic benefit to its own
closed system.

In general the convict system had a transformative effect on an otherwise slowly
developing extremely isolated colony. Through the injection of a large
additional population, additional capital expenditure and the focus on public

15

works the convict system was able to support the economy by providing thebasic factors of productivity required for the local economy to grow.

2.3 Post-Convict System
During this post-convict period the penal system was converted from amechanism which interacted and subsequently stimulated the WA economy
through its state wide system of labour and punishment into an isolated system
focused solely on imprisonment with Fremantle Prison at its centre. British
capital investment into the penal system continued, though at significantly
smaller levels then during the convict period as the Colonial Office continued toprovide for Imperial convicts and the pensions of Imperial Officers who were nottransferred into Colonial service (Stevenson 1983, p.26).

As the convict system was wound down the amount of work available for theprisoners diminished considerably given that prison labour was no longer
accepted or needed by the community (Thomas and Stewart 1978, p.49).
Additionally Superintendent George in 1898 as part of his first annual report
recommended a more oppressive regime, stating that all work outside theprison should cease given the passing of contraband which was considered tostem from a convict’s access to the outside of the prison (Thomas & Stewart
1978, p.49).

Within the Prison cellular confinement became a much larger aspect ofimprisonment. With the gold rushes of the 1890’s a once dwindling prison
population boomed and as such small cell size became a much more prevalentissue with confinement changing to be much more heavily based around time inthe cell (Mein 2012, p.17).

In 1899 the conditions were subject to a Royal Commission into the Western
Australian penal system which noted a variety of issues with the existing prison
facilities including lack of space for confinement and lack of proper employment

16

within the prison (Thomas & Stewart 1978, p.69). This Commission resulted ina number of developments in the fabric of the prison and treatment of prisoners
which continued into the early 1900’s.

The contraction of the convict system and eventual handover resulted in the
penal system having a significantly reduced economic impact based primarilyon the scale of operation that remained in the later period. While the Ticket-ofLeave men remained in the wider colony and continued to act as bothproducers and consumers of goods and services, the significantly reduced
number of both interned prisoners and new Ticket-of-Leave men resulted in asignificantly reduced level of capital expenditure and output by the penal systemthat continued until the prison population once again increased in association
with the gold rush.

17

3. REVIEW OF LITERATURE
AND THEORY
3

3.1 Literature Review
Convict transportation falls within the thematic sphere of a wider global
migratory trend which drastically increased in scale from the 17th century. Whileconvict transportation was a global process, archaeological investigation of thephenomenon has largely been conducted within the Australian context (Winter2013a, p. 78). Western Australia represents the final Australian development of
the Transportation phenomenon and is unique in its instigation after the initialdevelopment of the colony and subsequent existence as a specific portion of awider colonial system. This literature review will begin with an overall analysisof research into Australian convictism before highlighting specific studies into
the Western Australian convict system and Fremantle Prison. There has beenminimal work undertaken considering either the penal system or the convicts asa source of economic demand in the literature. As such previous use of
economic analysis throughout Australian convictism and colonial Western
Australia will be considered to understand how economics has previously beenused to inform analysis of historical and archaeological studies.

18

3.1.1 Convict Archaeology

Convict studies in archaeology have largely concentrated on convict systems in
relation specifically to the convicts themselves. In contrast, this study isinterested in the impact of the system on the colonial economy. Convict
transportation was primarily motivated by British strategic interests, and while
each colony received different benefits, both economic benefit and convict
storage were always significant influences on Transportation. There isconsiderable difference in the introduction and historical perception of convicts
between the Eastern states and WA and until recently the WA story has been
largely ignored in convict studies (Millett 2003; Reece 2009; Winter 2013a).

There has been a significant amount of work completed in relation to convictarchaeology in eastern states of Australia. Gojak (2001, p.73) and later Gibbs(2012) in their overviews of New South Wales’ convict archaeology demarcatedthree main areas of previous research: the living conditions and experiences of
the convicts (e.g, Godfrey & Cox 2008; Nicholas & Shergold 1988); penal
institutions and punishment (e.g. Casella 1997, 2000, 2001; Dircks 2013;
Davies and Buckley 1987; Hamilton 2013; Starr 2001); and the development ofsociety based on convict exploitation (e.g. Karskens 1997, 2003).

Significant attention has been paid to the living conditions and experiences of
the convicts. Often this has been initiated as a critical examination of thehistorically negative perception of the convicts as hardened criminals, theconvict system as brutal, and convict labour as inefficient and providing little
economic benefit to the colonies (Godfrey & Cox 2008; Nicholas & Shergold
1988; Somerville n.d). Statistical analysis has been used to consider thedemographic breakdown of the convict system and often focuses on the age
and stated occupation of the convicts (Butlin 1994; Robson 1994; Shaw 1966).
Alternatively studies have focused on the living conditions experienced as partof the convict system and how often official living conditions were partiallymotivated by maintaining the convict’s capacity to work and subsequent value19

as an asset (Nicholas 1988b). Some studies of convictism have looked at
coerced convict labour, focusing the value of the skilled and unskilled labour
they provided to the economy (Tuffin 2013; Silliman 2006; Casella 2007, 2001;
Maxwell-Stewart 1990; Meredith 1988). Convict labour has been considered in
multiple worker scenarios ranging from work gangs on projects such as theGreat North Road (Nicholas 1988a; Karskens 1986) to allocations in the private
sector (Perkins 1988), as well as the Ticket of Leave system which was theprimary labour allocation method used in Western Australia.
Karskens’ (1997, 2003) analysis of the Rocks, Sydney has illustrated the role ofcommodities within the lives of convict households. Her analysis revealed asociety that exhibited traits of both pre- and post-industrial societies in which theprocurement of supplies was both related to the development of cottage
agriculture and a reliance on shop based purchases. In her analysis the Rocks
showcased a localised reaction to the global development of capitalism andmass consumption, a system in which the convicts both participated in andadapted to their own needs. Her analysis is supported by a historical study ofSydney consumer patterns completed by Elliot (1995). Using a variety ofhistorical documentation including shipping logs, shopkeepers records, andaccount books, James was able to show that not only did the convict population
demand a variety of commodities, many of which were conspicuous in nature,
but also that the market, in particular importers, were catering specifically for theconvict and middle classes in their business. These sources highlight the valueof considering the convicts as more than a source of labour: rather as
consumers who through their choices have impacted business choices anddevelopment.

20

3.1.2 Western Australian Convict Archaeology

Western Australian archaeological studies have looked at the convicts both forthe economic value of the convict labour itself (Bush 2012; Gibbs 1997) and in
relation to their lifeways and experience both within (Bavin 1994; Burke 1998;
Nayton 1998) and outside of the institution of Fremantle Prison ( Gibbs 2007,
2001; Winter 2013a).

Gibbs (2001, 2006) provides an outline of the extent and structure of the convict
system in Western Australia, in which he separated convict places into threebroad categories: first, those directly related to the operation of the system suchas the places where the convicts lived and worked as seen in work such as
Winter (2013a); second, those relating to housing and administration for those
who assist in maintaining the system such as pensioner guards cottages (Burke
2007; Gibbs 1991); and third, the public works created by convict labour (Gibbs
2001, p. 61). Each of these aspects of the convict system provides a distinct
economic benefit to the colony, and while many of these studies briefly mention
economic function, they rarely emphasise the connection between consumption
choices and economic impact.
Bush’s (2012) study investigated the impact of Ticket-of-Leave men on the built
environment of Western Australia. Prior to her study the impact and extent of
the convict system in an archaeological sense had been limited to the areasthat were able to be conclusively linked to the convict system such as the sites
mentioned in Gibbs (2001). Her study focused on the impact of the convict
system on the built environment in the private economy by examining changes
to building practices and architecture between pre-convict and convict era
buildings. She concluded the large Ticket-of-Leave workforce allowed for theconstruction of larger more durable modern structures. As the skills required forconstruction were imparted through training provided by the Royal Engineers21

under the convict system, the introduction of the Ticket-of-Leave men as aworkforce represented an injection of skilled labour into the economy,
measurable through the built environment.
Winter’s (2011, 2013a, 2013c) work focused on the analysis of regional convict
depots to consider the varying impact of the ticket-of-leave system on aspectsof a convicts life. He found in general that a regional convict had economic
freedom which they primarily used to improve their diet and health. AdditionallyWinter (2013a) developed a model which highlighted the global transfer ofgoods, people and information that occurred as part of the penal system, a
global connection which is relevant to both the penal system and wider global
trade throughout the historic period.

Figure 3-1: Model of the Movement of People, information and Goods within the Penal
System, Reproduced from Winter (2013a, p.31)

22

3.1.3 Fremantle Prison and the Archaeology of Institutions

Fremantle Prison has had a considerable amount of archaeological work
completed within its walls, the majority of which has been commissioned in
response to compliance based outcomes relating to Fremantle Prison’s
conservation and management plan (Building Management Authority of Western
Australia 1990) and as such has had minimal interpretation (See Bindon &Raynal 1993; Bolton 2005; Burke et al 2009; Fleming 2008; Fleming & Burke
2009; Fyfe 2011; Eureka Archaeological Research and Consulting 2010, 2011;
Kerr 1992; McIlroy 1990; Winter et al 2010). In addition the 2012 Memorandumof Understanding between Fremantle Prison and the University of Western
Australia has seen a number of teaching field schools completing excavations
and surveys within the prison compound (Haast et al 2013a, 2013b).

Several major research projects have been completed in relation to Fremantle
Prison. Bavin (1994) focused her research on the experience of prisoners
throughout the 19th century through her analysis of the three main prisons within
the Swan River colony at the time. Bavin (1994) concluded that control andpunishment were paramount in the physical structure and prisoner treatment
procedures of the prisons. The construction of Fremantle Prison as a public
works prison was largely considered to conform to developments in penal
ideology seen in Britain which reflected the importance of moral management
through religious instruction and reform through constructive employment(Bavin 1994, p. 474). On an economic front Bavin (1994) highlighted thecontinued evidence of the importance of cost-management and the developing
importance of self-sufficiency at Fremantle Prison. This was primarily
acknowledged through the vast difference in internal production between theworkshop industries of Fremantle Prison and comparative absence of them at
Perth Gaol and the Round House. Bavin considered the workshops torepresent a cost reduction technique rather than an earnest training facility
given the poor quality output of the workshops seen through her excavations.
23

In addition, the uniformity of goods recorded within the analysis was interpreted
to relate to the increasingly private nature of the prison environment in the 19th
century; both as a punishment as well as a way to separate the prison
population from the wider community.

Both Mein (2012) and Nayton (1998) excavated the space underneath floorboards within the main cell block, recovering material culture from private
spaces within the prison in contrast to Bavin’s public spaces (Burke 1998).
Nayton’s analysis, among other findings, reported evidence of smuggling
through the vent system between prisoners, illustrating the internal illicit
economy that existed within the prison. Mein (2012) criticised the analysis ofboth Burke (1998) and Nayton (1998), citing a lack of consideration of historical
documentation and site formation processes in their analysis. Her analysis
highlighted the multitude of items within her assemblage that were available forpurchase from the prison store and considered this as evidence of the prisoners
working within the established monetary based reward system to ameliorate theboredom of prison life and express their identity. Both Mein (2012) and Nayton(1998) highlight the potential mechanisms in which both official and unofficial
economic systems have existed within the prison, highlighting the economic
variation that exists despite the institutionalised experience.

3.1.4 Economic Theory and its Efficacy within Historical
Archaeology

Pertinent to any consideration of the WA colonial economy is the ability to link
the local area of study to the global processes of capitalism and colonialism. A
global approach to archaeology, as advocated in works such as Orser(1994b,2008) and Deagan (1988), highlights the necessity of consideringvarious scales of influence in historical archaeology given the increasingly
globalised nature of the world post-1500. While this school of thought has been
criticised as ignoring the small scale in favour of developing an overall picture24

(Gilchrist 2005), proponents argue that individual sites are influenced by avariety of community links: as such individual sites are a localised
representation of larger scale phenomena (Carroll 1999). Capitalism as a
global concept has been interpreted as an ideological phenomenon which isrecognised through the routine practices of individual proponents of that
ideology (Daglish 2001). Evidence of these routines, as seen in archaeologicalremains; represent the localised outcome of an interaction between global
ideologies and the impact of local environmental factors. For the purposes ofthis study, the sites under consideration are representative of specific actions
based on the priorities of the penal system and WA economy, which has in turnbeen informed by capitalist and colonial ideals.

Capitalism and colonialism are largely considered as the triggering factors thathave resulted in a level of global interconnectedness in which people, goods,
knowledge, and ideology have been transmitted worldwide through international
trade networks. The analysis of these global networks must begin with authors
such as Wallerstein (1983), who developed his World Systems Theory basedon exchange relationships between core and periphery states and the relianceof these states on one another for the transference of primary andmanufactured goods. Under Wallerstein’s model Australia has been interpreted
as a semi-peripheral nation which exploits the capital of the core nation todevelop production ability while having a similar culture and living standard(Jeans 1987, p. 59). This model provides an initial understanding of therelationship between the Western Australian colony and the Crown in its early
production ability and an understanding of the value of raw material production
both locally and to the global economy.

In order to consider the economic value of the penal system to the Western
Australian economy archaeologically, material culture must be considered as
the remains of commodities and as evidence of an exchange relationshipbetween the penal system and the wider Western Australian economy. The
commodification of goods that developed with the spread of capitalism has

25resulted in the ability to analyse artefacts as evidence of the item’s role as acommodity to both the consumer and producer of the good (Orser & Fagan
1995, p.87; Staniforth 2003). By considering artefacts as commodities, they
can be used as evidence of larger scale trade networks and can link the role ofthe individual to wider economic and social networks (Riordan and Adams
1985). From this perspective artefacts are evidence not only of individual
agency but also their position and interaction with multiple scales of social andeconomic processes (Orser 1994a).

Archaeology has long drawn from Marxist ideology in relation to capitalism,
analysing the social effects that developed in relation to a commodified society
and its reflection on material culture, in particular the separation of worker andland owner (Croucher & Weiss 2011, p.8, Silliman 2006). Marx defined
capitalism as a social relationship in which workers must sell their labour to theowners of resources and argued that, given the central role of labour inproduction, discussions of commodities should consider the social conditions
through which those items were produced. Following Marx, major studies ofcapitalism in historical archaeology have focused on the social structure andcultural behaviour associated with capitalist production modes.

Criticalarchaeology, beginning with the research of Mark Leone (1987, 1990) was built
from a Structural Marxist approach which emphasised the power of ideology, or
the assumptions people have about society, as the force that maintains
exploitative relations between the dominant and subordinate classes withinsociety. The Annapolis project and the development of the ‘Georgian order’ isperhaps the most well-known example of this school of thought (Leone 1990;
McGuire 2006, pg. 131). The project attempted to show that architecture,landscape, and material culture of the city established and reinforced the‘Georgian order’ of individualism, rationalism. and discipline and had been
manipulated to reinforce the ideology of modern capitalism (Johnson 1999;
Paynter 1988; Deetz 1977).

26

While consumption of material culture was initially seen by archaeologists as apassive reflection of the resources and commodities available within acommunity, studies have since developed to consider consumption as an active
social process (Cook et al 1996). The purchase of goods is now commonly
considered as a communicative act in which people represent themselves aswell as maintain and develop social relations (Carroll 1999). Commodity
consumption has been used within archaeological research as a symbolic
representation of established social distinctions and identity that does not solely
reflect socioeconomic differences (Mullins 2008, p.196). While consumption by
the penal system is the central focus of this thesis, it is the transfer of capital in
exchange for the consumer goods between the penal system and the wider WA
economy which is the target of this study, as opposed to an analysis of thesymbolism behind the items consumed.

The analysis of Australian convictism by economic historians has focused on
the debate relating to the motivations of the British in relation to theestablishment of Botany Bay as a penal colony. While early scholars acceptedthat settlement was primarily motivated by the urgent need to rid the homecountry of an overflow of felons, economic historians (Blainey 2001; Frost
1975a, 1975b; Gillen 1982) argue that the removal of convicts alone was not
sufficient justification for the development of the penal colony. Analysis of NSWtransportation has focused on the consideration of the wider economic andstrategic needs of British at the time. Given that transportation to NSW
commenced 60 years earlier then Western Australia, under significantly
different ideological and strategic reasoning (Winter 2013a, p. 38), theeconomic analysis used to consider the value of the convict system in the
Eastern States cannot be considered to be representative of the Western
Australian situation.

Statham (1981a, 1981b, 1981c, 1985,1996) is largely alone in her economic
analysis of the introduction of convicts to Western Australia. Her work focuses
on relating colonial attitudes surrounding the introduction of convictism into27

Western Australia to economic considerations. Specifically she considers the
economic situation of the Western Australian colony from initial colonisation
through to the beginnings of industry in the 1830’s and which aspects of society
benefitted from the introduction of the convict system. Statham’s analysis
dismisses the claim that convictism saved the Western Australian economy
from collapse instead opting for a much more reserved analysis highlighting thebenefit to the economy based on the three key benefits of increased population,
increased market, and the construction of public works (Statham 1981b). Heranalysis is limited by the insistence of considering the convict system primarily
in binary terms of either required, and therefore a positive impact, and not
required, and therefore negative limiting the significance ascribed to the convict
system.

Previous economic studies relating to the Western Australian colonial economy
in general have focused on the impact of isolation on the development of theeconomy (Blainey 2001) the development of the key export ‘staple’ industries ofwhaling (Heppingstone 1973), wheat, wool (Lourens 1979), mining (Gibbs
1997), and sandalwood (Statham 1990), as well as the use of forced labour inthe development of industries such as pearling in the state’s north-west (Hartley
1995; Nayton 2012; Paterson 2011). The focus on primary production byeconomic historians is indicative of the state of the Western Australianproduction ability prior to the convict period. Manufactured material was limited
primarily to building materials with the market remaining too small to support the
local development of other manufactured goods and the isolation of the colony
resulting in minimal access to the global trade network (Statham 1981a; Winter2013c, p.143).

While the analysis of the convict system as an expansion of the local market forgoods has been considered by Gibbs (2001), Hartley (1995), and Statham(1985, 1981a, 1981b), these works provide little detail into the specificmechanisms through which the introduction of capital infiltrated the economy.
As such the previous studies are largely limited to broad statements regarding28

the economic value of increased population on the local market and theexpenditure that occurred as part of the establishment of the bricks and mortarof the system. While many studies have highlighted the purchase of food andother essentials as the main stimulus to the local market, this study is interested
in using archaeological material to provide specific details on the items
purchased through varied aspects of the penal system to highlight the potential
variation in expenditure based on circumstance. While the assemblages
sampled are related specifically to aspects of Fremantle Prison, they are
considered in this study as an initial investigation into potential variation within
the penal system, and subsequently a consideration of the value of providing
further detailed analysis of specific consumption choices related to varied
aspects of the penal system.

3.2 Theoretical Basis
The economic impact of the penal system on the West Australian economy,
specifically the goods and services demanded by the system, will be examinedthrough the use of several macroeconomic concepts which will form thetheoretical focus of this thesis. Traditional views of convictism in WA havefocused overwhelmingly on the consideration of convictism as a binary conceptof either positive or negative, with the negative school downplaying the impactof the convict system in an attempt to erase its importance from history (Millett
2003, p.13). Recent approaches have instead highlighted the nature of theconvict system as a transformative force on the colony. An assessment of theeconomic transformation will enable a finer grained analysis of thistransformation by highlighting how varying aspects of the penal system had
difference impacts on the economy.

It has previously been established that the penal system represented a large
influx of capital into the local economy (Gibbs 2006; Statham1981a; Winter2013a) based on the payments required to maintain the penal system in theform of both wages and institutional purchases. The following concepts

29

highlight the method through which an injection of capital circulates and grows
within a local economy based on widely taught Keynesian economic models.
The production and use of models within economic theory relies on theidealisation from reality in which concepts are abstracted, omitted, or simplified
in order to reduce economic practices to pure rational processes (Morgan
2008). In doing this economists isolate specific economic processes from thecomplication of multiple economic phenomena occurring simultaneously within
the real world. Economic models act as an intermediary between theoreticalconcepts and the data that the theories are applied to: in doing so creating an
idealised understanding of an economic process based on a simplified versionof real world practices (Morgan 2008, p.4) While economic theories are used
to interpret and understand real world behaviour the models will always belimited by the abstraction away from reality that must occur in order to isolate
specific phenomena (Lucas 1980, p. 697).

3.2.1 Circular Flow of Income

The Circular Flow of Income is a model which explains the reciprocal
relationship between the supply of goods and services and the circulation ofcapital and monetary flows (Crompton et al 2006; Gillibert 2008; Murphy 2003).
This model explains how the injection of capital from the penal system cycles
through the economy multiple times, and how the purchase of imported goods
reduces the impact of that expenditure by removing the capital from the local
economic cycle. This model also illustrates why the WA economy struggled todevelop prior to the introduction of the convict system, as previously consideredin chapter 2.
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is measured as the sum of all transactions that
occur within the circular flow and is the most common measure of a country’s
economic performance based on the value of all final goods and services
produced within that economy (Costanza et al 2009, p.3). By considering theimpact of the penal system on WA’s GDP, an informed understanding of how
the penal system impacted the colonial economy can be developed. The
30

Circular Flow model illustrates that the transfer of capital in exchange for goods
and services is a continual process between firms (the producers) andhouseholds (the consumers) and that the commodities found in the historicaland archaeological record can be used as evidence of how the transfer ofcapital from the penal system to the local economy occurred.

31

Figure 3-2: The Circular Flow Model, Based on Crompton et al 2006, p.191

32

The simplest form of the circular flow model looks at the closed economy. There
are no imports or exports of goods, services, or money. The model assumes all
goods produced are purchased and that the income derived from thosepurchases is distributed and subsequently spent in its entirety on further goods
and services in the local market in a continuous cycle: In this, one man’s
spending becomes another’s income.

Expanding this model to incorporate an international sector gives a more
realistic picture. In an open economy, portions of capital will be lost from thedomestic cycle through the purchase of imports, personal savings or
government taxes: these represent ‘leakages’ to the circular flow. Leakages
result in the removal of capital from the circular flow and the reduction of
economic output. In the years leading up to the introduction of the convict
system the Western Australian market was dominated by the leakage of capitalout of the economy through the purchase of imports without the ability to offset
this leakage with a corresponding capital injection as is represented by thenegative balance of trade in earlier colonial life (Hartley 1995). Conversely,
capital can be injected into the economy through exports, government
spending, and investment which increase the amount of capital cycling throughthe economy and results in a higher economic output (Crompton et al 2006).
The spending of the penal system subsequently represents an injection into thecircular flow and consequent increase in income for the businesses that supply
the goods and services bought using British funds. By analysing how thecapital of the penal system was initially injected into the economy and whichaspects of that dispersion represented a leakage in the form of imported
commodities it will be possible to highlight specific areas of spending that had alarger impact on the local economy and how different purchasers had a different
impact based on their spending priorities.

33

3.2.2 Keynesian Multiplier

Any portions of capital injected into the colony by the penal system, that were
not immediately leaked out through imports, would trigger the Keynesian
multiplier effect due to the cycles of spending that occur triggered by the
spending of this initial capital (Amadeo 2008; Vaggi and Groenwegen 2003,
p.299).The underlying assumption of the multiplier is that an increase in income
results in an increase in consumption, in what Keynes considered afundamental law of human action:“The fundamental psychological law, upon which we are entitled todepend with great confidence … is that men are disposed, as a ruleand on the average, to increase their consumption as their income
increases, but not by as much as the increase in their income.”(Keynes 1939, p.36)

Essentially, when a person is paid additional money he will then spend at leasta portion of it- which increases the next person’s pay, and spending: ‘oneman’s spending becomes another’s income’. The multiplier highlights thegrowing impact of the initial injection into the economy as it flows through as
increased income, and subsequently increased expenditure. The impact of themultiplier – and thus the impact of the injection - is limited by practices thatremove capital (leakage effects) from the circular flow including taxes, savings,
and imports. By considering whether the consumption of the penal systemrepresented the purchase of local or imported goods it is possible to consider
not only what industries represented the focus on the penal system’s
expenditure, but also whether that expenditure remained in the colony in its
initial spending cycles

34

3.2.3 Staple Theory

While the circular flow model highlights the impact of the capital injection on thecolonial economy it fails to acknowledge the benefits of the penal system that
resulted from the use of the convicts as a labour source and other nonmonetary economic benefits that occurred as part of the penal system. Staple
theory was developed as a methodology for explaining economic growth
associated with the development of primary exports of newly developed colonial
economies. Initially designed to explain the Canadian reliance on cod and fur
trades (Watkins 1963), the ‘staples thesis’ has since been used to examine thegrowth of several colonies which have a relatively small population compared toan abundance of land (Altman 2003). Staple theory assumes that the staple
export represents the leading sector of the economy and as such sets the paceand direction of economic growth and public policy (Choy & Sugimoto 2013;
McCarty 1964, p6).

This method posits that development is based on the export of a regional,
widely available resource. The expansion of industries that are linked to thatcore export- through the development of the factors of production (land, labour,
capital) - is required to sustain increased levels of output (Pomfret 1981).
Staple theory maintains that a strong export is required for growth in colonial
economies given the lack of a large local market to sustain growth (McCarty
1964). When demand for the staple product increases internationally, thequantity supplied by the country increases in response, resulting in an increase
in income for the exporting country. This cycles through the economy via wage
spending and investment- as is expected through Keynes’ Circular Flow Modeland income multiplier.

In the case of Australia, economists identify the staples as being whaling,sealing, wool, and - significantly to this thesis - convicts (Pomfret 1981, McCarty
1964). The convict system can be considered as a ‘quasi’ export in which thecolony was exporting a ‘convict-minding service’, and receiving British capital to35

do so. This convict-minding system led to the immediate growth of linked
industries – theoretically, those related to the subsistence requirements of theconvict population. It is hypothesised that an examination of the artefact andhistorical record will illuminate the industries which were directly impacted by
the penal system and subsequently the avenue through which capital wastransferred from the penal system to the colony. Following the circular flow
model the initial injection of capital from the support of the convict system wasthen disseminated throughout the economy through additional cycles ofpurchases‘Linkage effects’ within staple theory refer to industries and services thatdevelop in response to increased demand as a result of increased use of boththe inputs and outputs of the staple industry (Altman 2003, p.285). There arethree types- backward, forward, and final demand (Table 3-1) and while only
backward linkages will be considered within this study, each linkage type
represents avenues available for considering the economic benefit of the penal
system36

Linkage Type

ImpactExample within the penal
system

Backward linkages

Increased production

Food and clothing

and investment inrequirements of the

products which form

penal system

inputs into the staple
Forward linkages

Industries that develop

Convict labour and their

which use the output ofuse on public works

the staple as part of theirproduction process
Final Demand linkages

Industries that develop in Development of local
response to an increase

production of medicine

demand throughout thebased on the local

economy for consumer

markets increased

goods driven by thepurchasing powerincreased income ofthose producers who
benefited from the otherlinkages
Table 3-1: Characteristics of Linkage Effects

These linkages have varying impacts on the local economy based on how
significant the linkage was in relation to proportional expenditure and how thatlinkage dispersed the capital through the production process (Watkins 1963,
p.145). Industries and goods that source portions of their production process
through imported material decrease the economic impact of the injection ofcapital by removing portions of the capital from the circular flow; conversely,industries that produce exports create further capital injections.

37

3.2.4 Applying Economic Theory to the Archaeological Record

Given the reciprocal relationship between the supply of goods and the
movement of capital throughout the economy, material culture found andanalysed as part of the archaeological process is representative of the initialtransfer of capital from the penal system to the wider Western Australianeconomy. Analysis of the material record is intended to highlight consumption
patterns, which represent specific linkage industries that received the majority of
the initial benefit related to the consumption of the penal system, as well as how
the distribution of expenditure varied between institutional and personal
consumption.

Given the historical background of the WA colony, and its heavy reliance on
imports, the material and historical record will be used as an indication of how
much of the purchases related to imported materials - either in their final form or
as part of the production process. In considering which purchases represent aleakage of capital out of the economy, and how significant these purchases arecompared with the overall consumption of the penal system, there is thepotential to consider whether the injection of capital resulted in greater benefit
than its initial monetary value.

The relationship highlighted between a staple industry and its linkages will form
the overarching theoretical basis of this thesis, with the items consumed by thesystem analysed to consider how much of the economic benefit would havebeen transferred to the wider economy. While ultimately the sample usedwithin this study cannot provide a comprehensive analysis of expenditure by thepenal system in the years considered; the analysis of these two samples canprovide evidence as to the variance between how expenditure related to theinstitutional and private consumption of the penal system was distributed
amongst the Western Australian economy, as well as how much of this benefit
was lost through the impact of imports. If successful, the application of thisanalysis in further aspects of early colonial industry is intended to reveal the38mechanism from which the injection of capital is incorporated into the wider
economy.

39

4. METHODSThis chapter highlights the methodology used to connect the archaeological andhistorical record of the WA penal system to an increased demand for locally
produced goods over the study period. In order to achieve this, this study
focused on two methods of investigation in an attempt to consider the penal
system using multiple scales of information. The influence of the penal system
was considered both as a large scale entity as well as a system that contained
multiple groups, each of which had their own economic signature, and of which
two examples are considered within this study.

Initially, to examine the penal system as a large-scale macro-entity, a criticalanalysis of financial records and tenders to the public was completed in order tounderstand how the system allocated expenditure and sourced goods as an
overall entity. Secondly, an artefact analysis of archaeological material found in
two rubbish pits within Fremantle Prison was undertaken. These assemblages
reflected two distinct interactions with the local economy: those of theadministrated requirements of the prison; and those of an individual’s wage
based consumption habits. The information from these two sources were thensynthesised to provide evidence of the economic value of the commodities
demanded by the penal system with reference to the various scales of influenceand the context of the purchase. This study hypothesised that through the40

combination of the analysis of the archaeological and historical record thatspecific goods and industries would be found to represent large proportions of
the penal system’s expenditure.

This methodology was developed with the intention of using the synthesis ofarchaeological evidence and documentary sources as part of pilot study toconsider the feasibility of using economic theory as an interpretive framework to
expand on archaeological analysis. In particular this preliminary approachconsidered whether artefacts can be traced through their production process as
an indication of economic significance to the producer of the goods as opposedto the traditional consideration of artefacts in relation to those who consumethem.
4

4.1 Documentary Evidence
Documentary evidence served a dual purpose in this thesis providing the
primary data for the broad scale analysis while also being used to contextualise
the archaeological record in relation to colonial availabilities of thosecommodities represented. Historical records were largely sourced from online
databases with a focus on Trove for tender documents and advertising records
as well as the House of Commons Parliamentary papers which provided yearlyreports on the convict system. Additional information was also sourced fromphysical archives at the State Records Office and Fremantle Prison library.
Documentary evidence suffers from a range of biases in additional to the
traditional biases brought to an analysis during interpretation by archaeologists.
Documents, especially those entered as official correspondence, have an
inherent bias given the conscious composure of the source that must be
considered when considering accuracy of the information (D’Agostino 1995;
Little 2006). Information available within the official records sourced for thisstudy focused on large scale statistical returns, including expected expenditure,
and was largely limited to the convict period in which the penal systemremained distinct from wider colonial spending.

41

4.1.1 Sources Relating to the Overall Demand of the Penal System

The vast majority of documentary sources relating to the convict systemcomprises of official administrative documents relating to the operation ofFremantle Prison and the general operation of the convict system (Winter2013a the, p. 115). Analysis of recorded expenditure over time was used toshow the changing priorities of penal system expenditure and highlight how
funds were allocated throughout the various aspects of the system, specificallythe breakdown of wages compared to commodity purchases throughout theconvict and the post-convict periods. This analysis was used to develop a
broad understanding of the variety of goods demanded by the penal system,
how significant this expense was in comparison to wage expenditure and how
the change in control in 1886 affected the types of expenses accrued by thesystem.

42

Source

Advertised

SourceSampling

Start

End

Comments

Location

Strategy

Date

Date

Trove

Single most1850 1880 Penal tenders

Westernprominent

combined with

Australiannewspaperlarger colonial

Tenderssource oftenders

penal tenders
for each year
sampledevery 5 years
starting 1850
BritishHouse of1852-1870,

Parliamentary

Commons

ExcludingPapersParliamentary 1853, 1855,

Papers cease toPaperscontain

1865-1866

1852 1870 British
Parliamentary

expenditurereports post 1871,
Reports lacking
standardisation or
unavailable wereomitted fromanalysis
Convict FinanceWesternSingle sample

Department

Australian

from Convict

Records resulted

Salary Books

State(1870) andin extremely

Records

Post Convict

limited sampling

OfficePeriod (1898)

UWA Library

Entire source

Janet Millets
Biography

1870 1898 Uncatalogued

1863 1869 Local biographicalaccount used tocontextualisecolonists opinion

Table 4-1: List of Sources used in Documentary Analysis

43

Tender documents were sourced using the Trove database of historicalnewspapers accessed via https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper andsystematically sampled based on a 5 year interval beginning in 1850, as theyear the first convict ship arrived in Western Australia and continuing until 1880,
in which the tenders documents for the penal system were merged with thewider colonial government requirements (The Herald 24/10/1885, p.3). The
sample interval was chosen with the intention of highlighting how broadfunctional requirements were tendered for over the entire period given thetenders use as an analogy for the types of materials sourced by the penal
system. Tender documents retrieved from the trove search were only included
within the sample if they incorporated specific reference to convictism, theConvict Establishment or Fremantle within the advertisement. This strategy
was developed in order to remove tenders that potentially related to otherCommissariat functions that could not be confirmed to relate to the penal
system during analysis. Given the overlap of tenders observed simultaneously
advertised in multiple newspapers, each year was sampled using advertisingfrom a single newspaper based on the newspaper that represented the mostprevalent source of penal system tenders for the year sampled. Searchterminology was amended to remove reference to the Commissariat insearches post 1870 given the observed change in terminology observed during
sampling and the lack of search results using previous parameters. The
newspapers sampled and search terminology used for each year is featured intable 4-2.

44

Year

Newspaper Sourced (Circulation Dates)

Search Terminology

1850

The Perth Gazette (1833-1874)

Convict Tender Commissariat

1855

The Perth Gazette (1833-1874)

Convict Tender Commissariat

1860

The Perth Gazette (1833-1874)

Convict Tender Commissariat

1865

The Perth Gazette (1833-1874)

Convict Tender Commissariat

1870

The Perth Gazette (1833-1874)

Convict Tender Commissariat

1875

The Western Australian Times (1874-1879)

Convict Department Tender

1880

The Inquirer and Commercial News (1855-

Convict Department Tender

1901)
Table 4-2: Newspaper Sampling Strategy

Given the lack of quantities attached to a large proportion of the tenders, each
item was recorded using a binary opposition methodology, assigning a point toeach functional category for each distinct item requested within the tender (seeappendix 2). These points were subsequently converted to a percentage oftendered items for each sample year in an attempt to discern patterns in items
tendered for based on function. Each item was assigned a functional category
using similar categories applied to the artefact analysis with an additional
category added to relate to the tender for the performance of services (Seetable 4.3). This was completed in order to be able to compare the functional
breakdown of the goods that were tendered for to that of the artefact analysis.

45

Domestic:

Tenders relating to the supply of items used in a domestic
setting including those related to hygiene, heating, lighting,bedding, and clothing

Structural:

Tenders related to the supply of construction material.

Subsistence:

Tenders relating to food or beverages

Labour:Tenders that involved the request for outside labour as part of
the tender, includes tenders such as those for cleaning andgrain grinding

Indulgence:

Tenders relating to alcohol or tobacco consumption ordevelopment

Industrial:

Material related to industrial scale processes within the penal
system, includes machinery and tenders for horse and carts

Other

Tender for materials that do not fall under any other category

Table 4-3: Functional Categories used in Analysing tenders

The British Parliamentary papers provided a report on multiple aspects of thepenal system during Imperial control relating mostly to the administrativerequirements of both the prison and the wider convict system (Winter 2013a, p.
118). Financial records were included in all half yearly Parliamentary reports
and varied between reports of estimated and actual expenditure which wasused to consider how the capital injected into the penal system was spent inrelation to the administrative categories of the penal system. Parliamentary
papers were sampled yearly from 1852-1870 omitting 1853, 1855, 1865
and1866 due to lack of available information. The analysis considered three
types of financial reports found within the British Parliamentary papers,
consisting of initial estimates of yearly expenditure (E), estimates approved by
the convict finance board (A) and actual expenditure (C) reported in the year
after the expense occurred. A figure relating to actual expenditure wasprioritised in years in which multiple types of reports were available.

464.1.2 Statistical Analysis

Expenditure figures provided from the yearly reports were subsequently
compared to reported expenditure for the entire period found in the 1870
Parliamentary report which summarised the total yearly expenditure of theconvict system from 1850-1870 (Wakeford 1870, p.544). A KolmogorovSmirnov comparison of the two data sets was completed in order to determine
whether the variation between the estimated expenditure and the 1870 report
was statistically significant. The Kolmogorov-Smirnov test measures thestatistical probability that the values presented in the 1870 report would occur
given the expected values reported in the estimates. The test provides aprobability (p) value as an output which highlights the probability that if both
samples were from the same data source that the variation would be as or more
extreme then observed.

p>0.05 = Cannot disprove the null hypothesis that both datasets are from thesame source.
p<0.05 = Null hypothesis disproved, the variance between the two datasets is
considered statistically significant

4.1.3 Biographical Sources

The biography completed by Janet Millett (1980) relating to her time spent in thecolony from 1863 to 1869 was included as corroborating evidence relating toattitudes of the colonists in relation to supplying goods for the convict system aswell as towards to convict system in general. Her biography highlights thecolonial attitudes towards various tender types and preferences towards
supplying certain goods. While much of her evidence relates to life in the
agricultural area of York and as such is biased towards an agriculturalist
attitude, she highlights the varying level of enthusiasm through which tenders
were sought.

47

While these sources provided a wealth of information relating to the scale andvarious types of expenditure allocated by the penal system, they can only
provide a broad generalised understanding of the officially publicised demandsof the convict system. As such while these sources were used to develop anunderstanding of the official expenditure of the penal system on a broad scale itis acknowledged that these sources provide an incomplete outline. This
analysis was used to provide a basic understanding of the various avenues
through which the penal system allocated funds and the mechanisms used tointeract with the local economy on a large scale (Little 2009, p.403).

4.2 Artefact Analysis
4.2.1 Artefact Collections
Three artefact collections from previous excavations conducted on behalf ofFremantle Prison were considered for this thesis, with two being used within theanalysis after an initial examination excluded the third collection as dating tooutside the study period. The assemblages were systematically sampled basedon prior analysis of the stratigraphic data in order to target specific use periods
within the excavations (Orton 2000, p.21) The first assemblage was recoveredin 2008 during excavations which aimed to discover the remains of the c.1862
metalled road within the Fremantle Prison parade ground (Burke et al 2009).
The second was an assemblage from a privy excavated from the residence ofNo. 14, The Terrace, used to house administrative officers and their families
throughout the time period (Sparkes-Santos and Stedman 2011). Preliminary
analysis of these assemblages suggested that they were deposited in the mid tolate 19th century and as such were appropriate for analysis given the target
time period of both the convict and immediate post convict period.
While these two assemblages will be used as a basis to test the feasibility ofthis analysis they cannot be seen as an effective sample of the whole economy.
They are intended primarily to be indicative of the type of variety in economic

48

impact that can be seen at the micro scale of analysis as well as attest ofprocess involved in tracing the artefacts as representations of commodities.

Figure 4-1: Map of Fremantle Prison including Locations of Excavations

Fremantle Prison Parade Ground (FPPG)
Excavation of the FPPG material used in this analysis occurred as part of alarge scale excavation of the Fremantle Prison Parade ground run by Eureka
Archaeology and Consulting in 2008 (Burke et al 2009). The excavation
exposed a mixed rubbish pit which contained a variety of metal, ceramic, glassand bone artefacts, the majority of which were faunal remains. The pit itself
was stratigraphically interpreted to be lying adjacent and potentially cutting into
the limestone context considered to represent the remains of the metalled road;this interpretation in conjunction with initial observations during fieldwork
suggests that the material removed from the pit dates to the mid to late 19 th

49

century. Given the size of the deposit and the uniformity of material, inparticular the large proportion of faunal material it is likely the assemblage
relates to materials used by the prisoners and as such has been used torepresent institutional based purchases.
Fremantle Prison No14, The Terrace (FPTP)
Excavation of the FPTP material occurred as part of the 2011 Watching briefand excavation related to No 14, The Terrace. No 14 was constructed in 1855,
with additions made in 1897 and served initially as the Deputy Superintendent’s
living quarters (Sparkes-Santos and Stedman 2011, p.7). The privy associatedwith number 14 was excavated using single context recording and diagnostic
elements analysed and dated as part of the initial analysis. The deeper
deposits within the excavation contained a variety of cultural material dating to
the mid to late 19th century and included a multitude of consumer goods
including ceramic plate sets, toys and clothing. Given the location of the privy
within the assigned living quarters of high ranking officers of Fremantle Prison it
is likely the refuse in the privy is related to the inhabitants of the officers housing
and their guests, and subsequently has been used as evidence of wage based
consumption choices.

4.2.2 Artefact Analysis
Archaeological analysis was undertaken in order to provide a detailed
understanding of the material culture demanded by specific aspects of the penal
system that the documentary record alone could not represent. This wascompleted in order to test the potential for variance between the priorities ofconsumption of two explicit aspects of the penal system, those of an institutional
based purchase and those relating to the wage based consumption of a highranking officer and their family.

Fremantle Prison was chosen for analysis given the high level of documentary
information available relating to officially mandated spending and purchases.
While various forms of illicit and unrecorded economic practices potentially have50

existed within the prison system at various times, this analysis does notdifferentiate between materials obtained through official or illicit means past theacknowledgement of artefacts found that cannot be accounted for in official
literature and may represent an alternate source. The material under analysis
can both be confidently assumed to have been sourced by the penal system
during the study period as well as represent a portion of the system which isheavily reported within the historical documentation and is thus ideal for
analysis. Following Lawrence (1998), analysis operated on three levels: that ofidentification; function; and ideological associations.

4.2.3 Sampling
While the majority of the artefacts available were considered in their entirety,
the assemblage from FPPG contained multiple large bags of unsorted 3mmsieve residue containing large proportions of faunal material and limestone
residue in excess of the analysis capacity of this research. A random samplingstrategy was created which involved sorting 5 of 10 bags of material which
included the re-sieving of material using a 1mm sieve to remove dust that had
developed from artefact decomposition. Given the large population of faunal
remains, the 0.50 sampling fraction was undertaken in order to provide asample in excess of the minimum amount required to be considered
representative accurate to a 95% confidence interval (Orton 2000, p.22). Faunalmaterial was subsequently separated into identifiable and non-identifiablefragments based on the priorities of the faunal analysis that required faunal
remains to have the potential to be identified both taxonomically as well as
skeletally.

4.2.4 Identification
Initially material was considered from a basic empirical perspective. All
artefacts within the sample were identified and accessioned in to an excel
database recording specifically form, dimensions, completeness, manufacture
date and diagnostic features (Appendix 1). Identification of artefacts to the level
in which they could be directly compared to commodities was paramount to51

linking the artefact record to economy. Particular attention was paid to thefaunal remains in which butchery marks, evidence of preparation, species andelement were considered to develop an understanding of the preparation andlikely source of meat. While most faunal remains were identified to species,
bird and fish bone were only identified to class given the lack of referencematerial available. Faunal remains were identified using a variety of referencematerial (Adams & Crabtree 2011) including a preliminary training session in
faunal identification provided by Dr. Tiina Manne. Additional resources wereconsulted for significantly fragmentary pieces including the use of comparativecollections sourced through Murdoch University’s Anatomy museum as well as
the creation of a chicken reference skeleton through a process of de-fleshing ashop purchased chicken carcass through prolonged simmering.
Non faunal artefacts were identified using reference guides available for
ceramics, metal and glass (Arnold 1992; Birmingham 1987; Boow 1991;
Fletcher 1976; Godden 1999; Lindbergh 1999) with additional assistancesourced from amateur ceramic collectors through the Transfer Wares Collectors
Club message boards (http://www.transcollectorsclub.org/). Identification
focused on the potential of identifying manufacture location as well as originaluse in order to determine at what point in the production process the item
entered the penal system.

Given the high proportion of fragmentation and refit potential of large portions of
the ceramic and bone material, artefacts that refitted were accessioned as
single items noting both the number of fragments and number ofvessels/elements represented. Artefacts within the sample were given
individual accession numbers and information recorded based on level of detailavailable from the artefact. Artefacts with no diagnostic information wereaccessioned in groups based on common features. Those artefacts that
contained no identifiable features past designation of material type were
weighed, counted, and recorded as a bulk finds.

52

4.2.5 Dating
Accurate dating of each assemblage was vital to assessing the commodities inrelation to their market price and therefore relative economic significancecompared with the other commodities within each assemblage. Primary age
ranges for both assemblages were developed based on stratigraphic analysis
as well as additional reference provided through historical maps. Given theminimal information provided from both excavations and the historical record
relating to these artefacts, material was primarily dated using formal
characteristics of the artefacts themselves as described in Burke and Smith(2004, p.377-379). In addition ceramic material was dated using makers marks
and technological typologies using reference guides available in Godden(1965)
and SHA(2014). South’s (1972) mean ceramic methodology was applied to theentirety of the datable assemblage and used as an indication of overall age ofthe deposit as well as a way to consider whether the variation in dating could
relate to multiple depositions within the feature.

4.2.6 Functional Analysis
Material was subsequently analysed for function based on broad functional
categories (Table 4-4)developed using spending categories found in reports
submitted through the British Parliamentary papers as well as categories foundin the analysis used in similar works such as those by Winter (2013) and
Casella (2001).

Functional analysis is the standard archaeological tool used widely in Australian
historical archaeology which was primarily introduced to enable artefact
collections to be considered based on their use as opposed to as evidence oftypological development or their ability to date sites (Brooks 2005, p.7). In thisstudy functional analysis was used to develop an understanding of what aspectof the prison system the assemblage represented in order to contextualise theartefacts and their place within the penal system, both chronologically andthematically. This was important given the running theme within the thesis that53

archaeological remains provide a micro view of a small part of the system andas such each collection provided evidence of varying levels of significance tothe economy based on both which personnel and what aspect of the system it
represented.

By convention it was assumed that the function of an item was reflective of its
primary ‘purchase’ use unless evidence of a secondary use was present. Whilepolyfunctionality is a common consideration and highly likely in an isolated
settlement, secondary use is difficult to pinpoint within artefact analysis and it
has been argued that even when objects are used for a secondary purpose,most often they are also used for the purpose that they were made (Refer to
Brooks 2005 p.10; Casey 2004, p. 32; South 1977; Lawrence 1998). In addition
decorative items with otherwise utilitarian functions were grouped according totheir utilitarian function despite potentially being motivated by social factors.

54

Domestic:

Materials used in a domestic setting, but not created to be apermanent feature in the landscape. These items included
clothing and household items such as light bulbs and furnishings
as well as items used in the preparation of and consumption offood and drink.

Structural:

Material used in the construction of a permanent feature on thelandscape such as those related to buildings and other general
construction. This category included items such as nails, brick
and window glass.

Subsistence: Material consisting of the remains of food or beverages including
the remains of the food items themselves and the materials used
to contain the food or drink. This included remains of tin cans,condiments jars and faunal remains. As a convention,
fragmented bone and metal were assumed to be related tosubsistence if otherwise unidentifiable.
Medicinal:

Material related to health or healing, included surgical equipment
and glass bottles and jars with diagnostic Features indicating
their use for medicinal purposes.

Indulgence:

Material related to activities completed for enjoyment. Includedin this are items related to games and leisure activities as well as
materially potentially relating to contraband and smuggled
goods. This included Alcohol, Tobacco, Writing implements, andgame pieces.

Industrial:

Material related to production activities completed as part of theworkshop industries within the prison facilities.

Other:

Items identified but unable to be incorporated into the above
categories.

Unknown:

Items that had no identified function.

Table 4-4: Functional Categories Used In Artefact Analysis

55

4.2.7 Ideological Analysis
Documentary sources were used in addition to artefact characteristics todetermine what commodities represented in the assemblage were sourced
locally as well as how much of the production cycle was a local process.
Artefacts considered within the assemblage were analysed and interpreted as aminimum number of commodities represented by the fragmented remains whichwere then compared to documentary sources to determine likely origin andpotential cost of the commodities represented. This was attempted in order toprovide a market value based valuation of the assemblages in order to compare
the proportionate significance of various consumption choices to various local
industries as a standardised monetary value of increased sales.

Shipping reports and materials recovered from shipwreck analysis such as
those in Souter (2007) and Staniforth (2003) as well as newspaper
advertisements were used in conjunction with the analysis of spending available
in the British Parliamentary papers to attempt to determine what type ofartefacts were imported into the colony and whether or not the import was theresult of merchant requirements or directly sourced by the crown bypassing the
local economy entirely

Each stage of the production process was assumed to add value to the item
based on the labour theory of value developed by Marx (1887). For this initial
analysis each stage of the production process (raw material procurement,
manufacture and merchant selling) was weighted equally for the analysis. Whilein actuality each item demanded by the penal system would have significantly
varied weighting for each aspect of the production cycle based on seller specificconditions, this cannot be accounted for using the evidence considered in thisanalysis. As such this analysis will not attempt to comparatively rank the benefit
to each industry but rather consider each industry individually, to develop anunderstanding of what points in the production cycle were local for each artefact
56

type and as such which sectors of the economy benefitted by the items
purchase.

4.3 Synthesis
A synthesis of the larger scale macro evidence and the micro evidence wasused to highlight the variance between the overall impact of the system and theindividual sections that result from the delineation of the system into separate
tasks, locations and personnel. By matching the artefact record to its production
process and industry the additional growth of the economy provided by thecapital expenditure could be considered in terms of specific industrial benefits or‘linkages’. Tracing the artefacts through its production process allowed thebenefit to the economy of the increased capital to be directly attributed to thespecific items demanded of the local market. Following the circular flow model,
commodities in which the entire production process is based locally will result in
the entire economic benefit from the purchase of that good or service being
integrated into the local economy, while items in which portions of production
are completed internationally will provide limited benefit to the local economy.
By determining which items were produced within the colony and which items
were imported it was possible to highlight industries which had a greater
economic significance to the colony and how varying aspects of the penal
system interacted with these linked industries

57

5.
5

RESULTS

5.1 Documentary EvidenceThis section presents the results of the primary document review, focusing on
the information provided in the British Parliamentary Papers, Convict financeboard salary records and tenders advertised in Western Australian newspapers.
This analysis aimed to illustrate the scale of detail relating to penal expenditure
available through primary documents, and subsequently highlight the value andlimitations of considering the penal system from this broad scale. Eachdocumentary source was used to highlight the level of detail represented in
official documents kept as part of the penal system as well as the evidence
available relating to commodities demanded as part of the tender process. Bothtender documents and portions of the record discerned from the British
Parliamentary record are evidence of expected expenditure as opposed to
officially recorded purchases, however they were both considered indicative ofthe types and variety of spending seen within the penal system.

58

5.1.1 Convict Finance Board Salary Records

While information regarding the geographic distribution of the penal system’s
expenditure is not available within either the convict or post convict period, thegeographic breakdown of salaries as provided in the convict finance board
salary records provides a basic representation of the geographic spread ofexpenditure. In particular, the variation between the two highlights the transition
between the state wide convict system with multiple administrative avenues
including the maintenance of public works programs and convict depots to asystem in which only the management of the prisons themselves were theresponsibility of the penal system. This contraction subsequently focused
spending around the hubs of Perth and Fremantle with small wages spent inrelation to the maintenance of regional gaols.

Figure 5-1: Excerpt of Convict Finance Board Wage Spending February 1898 59

Given the uncatalogued nature of the salary records a single sample was takenfrom both the convict period and post convict period to use as a basecomparison and illustration of the geographic contraction of the penal systemthat occurred in the 1870’s. As part of this, salary figures were rounded to thenearest pound and calculated as a proportion of total spending for the expense
period. Roles highlighted within the salary records without specific geographic
responsibilities were considered as part of the executive administration andseparated from regional sites and the combined central base figure
representing Fremantle and Perth (see appendix 3). As evidenced by figures 52 and 5-3 there is a stark transition between the convict and post convict period,in particular in reference to regional spending which decreases from 38.5% of
the salary expenses in 1870 to a mere 2.3% in 1898. Additionally the decreasein administrative spending from 26.7% to 4.1% would suggest limited
requirements for staff outside of realms of Perth and Fremantle in the postconvict period. These figures, while brief, provide evidence as to the stark
geographic contraction of the penal system and growing importance ofFremantle and Perth in the post convict period. In particular these figures
highlight the movement of funding away from the regional areas, as theextended functions of the penal system was reduced to the basic prison
functions.

60

Figure 5-2 Geographic breakdown of penal expenditure 1870

Figure 5-3: Geographic breakdown of penal expenditure in 1898

61

5.1.2 Tenders

59 newspaper tenders were analysed following the sampling methodology
outlined in chapter 5. From this 261 items were recorded as having been
advertised for during the sample period using a variety of tender methods
including time based contracts and quantity requests.

Figure 5-4: Breakdown of Tender Type by Functional Category 1850-1880

When considering type of tender advertised (either a specific quantity or a
prolonged supply), there is a clear functional basis separating how tenders wererequested from the market. Given the varying requirements of the different
types it is likely that tender type impacted to type of merchant who responded tothe advertisements. Colonial attitudes highlighting a larger incentive towards
time based ration contracts are highlighted by Millett’s biography:

62

“Inasmuch, however, as to eat is a daily necessity and each prisoner andeach warder whose business it is to look after him represents a person
requiring to be fed, the government building contracts are somewhat lesseagerly competed for than the contracts for supplying road parties andconvict depots with rations.” (Millett 1980, p. 328)
Breakfast

DinnerSupperOther-

1/6 oz, tea-16oz. meat-

1/6 oz, tea-

10/16 oz. soap-

3/4 oz. sugar-16oz. potatoes-

3/4 oz. sugar-

1/4 oz. tobacco-

12 oz. bread-6 oz. bread-

8 oz. bread-1/2 oz. salt
- 1/4 drachm pepper- 1 pint soup,
thickened with 1 oz.
rice, barley oroatmealTable 5-1: Recommended Daily Ration to Convicts based on Rennie (1857, p.65)

Both subsistence items and domestic items were found to represent large
portions of the tendered requirements in all the years sampled except 1860 and
1880 (Figure 5-4). The vast majority of items within this category were items
representing the intended daily rations provided to the convicts including bread,salt, sugar, tea, meat, soap and clothing with additional tenders occasionally
included for coffee, dairy products, vinegar and seasoning oil. While themajority of these tenders would suggest a focus on convict provisions thesourcing of blue broad cloth, crown buttons and key pouches indicate that
supplies tendered through this method extended past the supply of basic
provisions for the convicts.

In 1860, 2 of the 5 advertisements did not specifically the types of goodrequested, instead providing instructions for potential suppliers to obtain63

information for the goods required from the commissariat. Tenders that did
provide detail within the advertisement related to either specific single
purchases such as seen in the tenders for construction of a boat ramp (The
Perth Gazette, 16/3/1860), for a working horse (The Perth Gazette, 6/4/1860) or
alternatively the supply of an item that had previously not been tendered forsuch as seen in the tender for coffins (The Perth Gazette, 6/4/1860).

Figure 5-5: Tender Advertised in the Perth
Gazette, (1/11/1850 p.2)

Despite the available labour seen in the convict population, direct labour wastendered to the colony in each sample from 1855-1875. The most common ofthese tenders related to the cleaning and maintenance of both the privy andchimney systems representing 37.5% of tenders for labour throughout theperiod with tenders including both the labour and removal of waste material aspart of its requirements (see The Perth Gazette 9/11/1855, 21/1/1870,64

29/1/1875). While initially colonial labour had been tendered for tasks such as
washing clothes, building fences and to transport provisions and convicts to theregions; the use of colonial labour decreased significantly in scope post 1865,
with the cleaning and removal and waste material becoming the sole service
role tendered for perhaps representing the decrease in scope of the penal
system at the time. All of the tenders for labour can be interpreted as
unsuitable tasks to be completed by the convict force based on required tools,
skills and potentially consideration of gender roles. Of the 12 tenders that
included labour, 7 required the supply of goods or equipment as part of thetender that made it unfeasible for the convicts to complete the task, thisincluded grain grinding services tendered for 3 times, transport of provisions
tendered for twice and construction tendered for twice. While the construction
tasks did not necessarily represent extremely high skilled tasks, the additional
requirement to supply the construction material and relatively small scale of the
projects potentially highlights the motivation behind tendering for these labour
projects. 6 of the tenders involved the cleaning and removal of waste, including
the emptying of ash and cess pits. The three tenders for clothes washing seen
in 1865 represent the only labour activity that could be considered a particularly
gendered role however the lack of continuation for this tender through timesuggests that gender appropriateness was not the motivation behind the tender.

Several items were requested throughout the tenders in several different stagesof the production process which was most prominently seen in the tenders forgrain and clothing. The first recorded tender for grains was advertised on 14 thof June 1850 (The Perth Gazette) which requested tenders for the supply ofbread for the Convict Establishment. By the 12th July 1850, a new tender had
been issued for the supply of flour to the convict system which resulted in no
submissions being received. In 1855 all tenders requested submissions for a
year’s supply of grain which was subsequently withdrawn given the high priceand inability of local millers to process the grain. In the following sample years
the tender for flour represents the most repeated tender within the sample year
being present in 5 of the 10 tenders in 1865 and 6 of the 10 tenders in 1870

65

potentially indicating continued difficulty sourcing local flour either due to pricefactors or general shortages or an unwillingness of local suppliers to support thepenal system
The production and repair of both clothing and shoes were at different time’s
part of the internal workshop systems of Fremantle prison (Young 1988).
Initially tenders indicate that uniforms were made internally as indicated by thetender for a large variety of fabric as opposed to pre made clothing in 1850 (The
Perth Gazette 29/11/1850). By 1865 tenders requested pre made clothing aswell as boots in large quantities reflecting the inability of the convict population
to continue to create their own clothing. The market continued to provide highprices for these requirements, as highlighted in the Despatch from Governor
Hampton suggesting that clothing be imported directly from Britain given thehigh price and inconvenience of the local market.
“The suggestion of the accountant of stores, in the memorandum
attached to the estimates, with reference to clothing being sent out on
convict ships, is well deserving of favourable consideration, as
inconvenience and increased expense have been produced by thenecessity which has recently arisen for extensive purchases being madein the colony where the supply is limited” (Hampton 1863, p. 11)

This appears to have occurred with annual clothing requirements ordered from
London merchants, while local merchants were only contracted to if supply ran
low (Young 1988, p.79). By 1875 fabric was once again being tendered forthrough the colony as well as a variety of materials required for the internal
production of boots including shoemakers flax, leather kip and shoe bristles.
The presence of these items is evidence of an internalisation of production
perhaps coinciding with the reduction in public works and contraction of thepenal system.

66

Indulgence items, in this case alcohol and tobacco were rarely tendered for
representing 3% of the tenders issued over the sample period. Despite being
part of the official ration provided to convicts, tobacco and smoking pipes weretendered for only once within the analysis in 1870 (The Perth Gazette
16/12/1870 p.2). This would suggest that tobacco was sourced directly from
London and transported by the convict ships as suggested by Commissariat
officer W.F Mends in 1852.
“As the convicts consume a very large quantity of tobacco, and the priceof this article is at all times very high in this colony… I have the honour tosubmit for the consideration of the Lords Commissioners of her Majesty’s
Treasury whether it would not be advisable to send out, by every convict
ship, a quarter of a ton.” (Mends 1852, p. 233)

The lack of tenders prior to 1870 would suggest that tobacco and smoking pipes
and were only tendered to the local market after the convict ships ceased in
1868.

67

Figure 5-6: Functional Analysis of Goods Advertised for Tender

5.1.3 Evidence of Tenders not Being Filled Locally

While the advertisement of large proportions of the subsistence and domestic
needs of the penal force would suggest a local focus in regards to sourcing
material, various records indicate tenders not being filled locally either from lackof availability or through exorbitant local prices and low quality goods. The lackof response to tender is indicated early within the tender record with no tenders
being received for the supply of flour on 12th July 1850 (The Perth Gazette).
68Later that year the York Agricultural society held a meeting to discuss therejection of the wheat tenders by the government. Government response to
their enquiry highlighted the lack of availability of millers willing to grind any
supply of wheat, with only one of the colony’s millers responding their inquiries
making the purchase of wheat imprudent (The Perth Gazette, 13/12/1850).
This interaction highlights the agency available to both producers andconsumers and how individual choices effect otherwise purely economic
decisions.

Lack of local availability and exorbitant prices was also highlighted

as a problem in the 1864 Memo to Parliament which highlighted that the price ofclothing within the colony where “the supply is very limited and price muchhigher than in England.” (Hampton 1863, p.11) While this particularly seems
relevant in the earlier years with tenders on basic provisions, the increasing
complexity of items tendered for suggests that over time the market had grown
to accommodate a larger variety of requests. This is seen readily in thecomparison of tenders for spices and condiments between 1850 and 1875
which transition from requests for salt, pepper and vinegar to requests including
linseed oil, lime juice, soda and arrowroot in addition to the previously tendered
requests. Also seen in the later tenders were items such as basic machineryand the raw materials used in both boot making and cart wheel construction,
this level of specialisation suggests the market was much more interconnected
to global trade and subsequently able to source specialist goods.

While the tenders represent the intended purchases of the penal system there
is variety of interactions and agency available to individual consumers andsuppliers in the colony and in Britain that impact the fulfilment or non-fulfilmentof the advertised tenders locally. In addition the tenders often fail to provide
detail relating to the specifics of the commodities that were required andultimately received reducing the information to broad commodity types. The
tenders highlight the changing requirements of the penal system, in particular
the level of production expected internally as seen with both clothing and grains.
In addition the absence of material from tenders provide evidence of the69

sourcing of material from outside of the colony highlighting the variation seen in
production location and commodity source based on item type

5.1.4 British Parliamentary Papers

The British Parliamentary Papers on Convict Discipline and transportation
provided yearly estimates relating to the predicted expenditure required tomaintain the penal system on a biannual basis. Parliamentary papers wereanalysed from 1852-1870 with selected years omitted due to a lack ofstandardisation or data available (see figure 5-8).

A Kolmogorov-Smirnov test was applied to compare of the estimatedexpenditure records to the 1870’s parliamentary report on convict spending inorder to statistically confirm whether there was significant variation between theestimates used for analysis and actual expenditure figures. The comparison
confirmed that the variation between the two datasets was not statisticallysignificant (p=0.49) indicating that statistically the yearly estimates provides ananalogous representation of expenditure despite some variation.

Figure 5-7: Comparison of Parliamentary Estimates and 1870 Summary Report

70

The expenditure estimated within this analysis equates to £1,726,410 within the
13 sample years. In all years provisions represent a significant proportion of
expected expenditure, equating to 36.2% of the entire estimated spending.
Analysis highlighted the large proportion of funds allocated to both the salaries
of administrative officers and the monetary support of the magistrate office andpolice force representing 23.7% and 16.2% of overall expenditure respectively.
Funding provided to the Police force was subsequently allocated to wages,
provisions (including forage) and rent (Hampton 1863, p.17-18). The highproportion of salaries highlights the ability of individual wage based workers tohave contributed to the demands of the penal system based on their wage
based purchases. Expenditure relating to building and works and prisoner
gratuities decrease over time reflecting the construction requirements andconvict wage system at each point over the sample period

Medicine was not listed within expected expenditure until 1858, after which
expected expenditure on medicines was largely consistently budgeted for
ranging between £87 and £125 until 1868 in which medicine was reduced
heavily. As medicine was not tendered for in local advertising the continued
presence of a budget for medicine within the parliamentary records indicate an
external source for the medicine needs of the convict system.
The breakdown of expenditure highlights the significance of salaries within the
expected expenses of the penal system, as highlighted by the 6 categories that
include some aspect of wage earning as part of its spending (superintendence,
medical treatment, religious instruction, transport of provisions, police andmagistrate, gratuities to convicts). The commodities purchased by these wages
are a benefit rarely considered within the literature, which instead focuses on
the role of providing provisions to the penal system through administrative
purchases. Through the archaeological examination of the remains of thecommodities purchased by these wage earners a more developed71understanding of the variety of way the penal system provided capital to the
local economy can be developed.

Figure 5-8: Breakdown of Estimated Expenditure 1852-1870

72

5.2 Artefact Analysis
Artefacts collected from the parade ground and terrace privy underwent threestages of analysis. Initially material was catalogued empirically and analysed
for functional characteristics in order to provide evidence of the contextual
relevance of the material to the penal system as well as attain approximate
dates for both assemblages. From this both assemblages were analysed inorder to reduce the artefact collection to a listing of recognisable commodities
that were subsequently used to analyse the economic implication of the material
remains represented by these assemblages.

5.2.1 Empirical Analysis
A large amount of material was recovered from both sites, however only
artefacts from contexts previously determined to relate to contexts between
1850 and 1900 were considered. In total 6718 artefacts were accessioned
using 796 accession numbers (Table 5-2). 9 Accession numbers wereassigned to undiagnostic bulk finds with no recorded count amounting to 1505g
of metal and 15,223g of Bone recorded but not analysed as part of FPPG’s
artefact collection. While FPTP analysed two contexts the find of several refits
that combined both contexts led to the contexts being analysed as a single
assemblage. Despite this, the majority of the artefacts from FPTP were sorted
maintaining the initial contextual information and only combined in cases ofrefitting material. The entire artefact assemblage from both sites is attached as
appendix 1.

73

Site

No. of Accession

No. ofAverage Artefacts

Numbers

Artefacts

per Accession
Number

FPPG

281

4152

14.8

FPTP

517

2630

5.1

Total

798

6784

8.5

Table 5-2: Empirical Summary of Artefact Assemblage

5.2.2 Dating
While stratigraphy and historical information provided preliminary date ranges
for the artefact collections, dating of the material largely focused on using
diagnostic characteristics within the artefacts themselves.
Material recovered from the FPPG was dated stratigraphically to being
simultaneous or younger then the context interpreted as the metalled roadunder investigation during the excavation (Burke et al 2009). The earliest
description of the proposed road in the historical record dates to c.1862 which
describes a road parallel to the main cell block in a communication between the
Superintendent of Fremantle Prison and the Comptroller General (Lefroy 1862,
pp. 178-179). Few artefacts recovered from FPPG exhibited any datablecharacteristics recovering only cut and wire nails with wide dates of use andextended potential for deposition given their use as a structural material and asingle clay pipe fragment without any specific datable features. The button
recovered with insignia designating it to Condit and Launder, Perth was dated
using supplementary evidence relating to the development of the tailoringbusiness ultimately bracketed by both the arrival of Condit in to the colony in1895 (Western Mail, 18th July 1903) as well as the sale of the business and his
subsequent death in 1903 (The Daily News, 10th September 1903) Given thelarge date range of clay pipes which would skew a mean date analysis, dating
was primarily based on the button which was given an estimated date ranging
from 1895 to 1905 based on the potential for a lag period to exist in the use of74

buttons both by the producers who bought the business in 1903 as well as theowners of the clothing garment. Subsequently, an estimated date of 1900 wasused for the analysis of FPPG.

Figure 5-9: Date Range of Artefacts from FPPG

75

Figure 5-10: Date Range of Artefacts from FPTP

76

The Privy was initially dated to post 1855 based on its first appearance within
historical maps. Preliminary on site dating of artefacts recovered from thesurface contexts of the privy indicate that it was filled in the late 19th to early 20th
centuries. Given the high number of artefacts recovered from the privy withdateable characteristics, Souths (1977) mean ceramic formula was applied toartefacts in which accurate TAQ and TPQ dates could be determined usingreference material
The average TAQ amongst datable artefacts alone was 1838 highlighting theeffect of continued use of artefacts and potential time lags between production
and sale given the earliest possible occupation date of 1852, the year
construction of the prison began. The average TPQ was calculated as 1875.
Given that construction of Fremantle did not begin until 1852 this was used as
the TAQ within the Mean Ceramic Estimation resulting in a mean date of 1864
for the FPTP assemblage which was subsequently used in analysing the
production potential of the colony relating to the commodities of FPTP.

77

5.2.3 Functional Analysis and Commodity Analysis
Material was analysed using a functional basis in order to highlight the varianceof the two assemblages. Table 5-3 shows the functional allocation of artefacts
between both sites. While both sites have significant proportions of domestic,
subsistence and structural artefacts there is a clear variation in functional
priorities of occupation as highlighted by the variance in the indulgence andmedicinal categories. Both the domestic and subsistence categories are
significantly skewed in the results of FPPG given the omission of the bulk bonematerial from the artefact count for the subsistence category and the count ofeach individual brass shoe tack that inflates the relative significance of thedomestic category.

Site
FPPG

FPTP

Function

No.

%

No.

%

Domestic

2882

69.4

953

36.2

Subsistence

387

9.3

464

17.6

Structural

637

15.3

422

16.0

Indulgence

3

0.1

655

24.9

Industrial

29

0.7

0

0.0

Medicinal

8

0.2

43

1.6

Unknown

150

3.6

90

3.4

Other

58

1.4

3

0.1

Total

4154

2630

Table 5-3: Functional Breakdown of Artefact Collections

78

Structural
The building of Fremantle Prison, including the accommodation and working
areas for both staff and prisoners was the responsibility of the overall convict
system, and while the purchase of material required to build the prison
represented commodities in its own right, the remains available of structural
material are not representative of variation in agency between the two groups
analysed for this study but rather an overall construction process.
Subsequently while structural material was recorded and calculated as part ofthe empirical analysis no attempt was made to interpret these materials in
relation to commodities.
Domestic Material
Domestic artefacts represented the most abundant functional category of both
assemblages which in turn could be demarcated into several sub categories offunction including: food preparation and serving, clothing, heating and lighting
and health and hygiene.

Food Preparation/ Serving
Given the highly identifiable nature and potential for refit seen in the ceramicmaterial recovered from FPTP ceramics were accessioned per vessel where
possible and temporarily refitted in order to provide an understanding of thetype of vessels represented by the assemblage. Of the 375 ceramic fragments
50 distinct vessels were recovered representing a large variety of vessel types
and including both group serving dishes and individual plates. By comparison
FPPG recovered only 8 fragments of ceramic, the majority of which had no
diagnostic features that could be used to determine vessel type (see table 5-4).
In addition to the ceramic material, FPTP recovered a variety of cutlery
including dessert and tea spoons as well a variety of serving glasses including
general tumblers and stemmed glasses.

Some artefacts present evidence to suggest that they were brought in to thecolony either by the penal system or as part of the baggage passengers carried79

on their voyage. This is highly likely in the case of the Yellow ware baking dish,given that it was manufactured between1821-1838, long before Fremantle
Prison was occupied. Some commodities were also salvaged as illustrated by
the transport of 31 table forks by the convict ship Lord Raglan which were
subsequently reused by the Commissariat (Bosworth 2004, p. 16). Thesematerials have no economic impact on the local economy given that theirproduction and transport to the colony did not involve any interaction with thelocal market.

Food Preparation/

Material

Artefact

Serving Dishes

FPPG

FPTP

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

Glass

Serving Dish

0

0

4

3

Glass

Drinking Glass

0

0

31

5

Metal

Fork

0

0

2

2

Metal

Dessert Spoon

0

0

2

2

Metal

Tea Spoon

0

0

1

1

Metal

Bowl

0

0

1

1

Bone

Knife

0

0

1

1

Ceramic

Generic Vessel

7

na

64

na

Ceramic

Plate

1

1

117

14

Ceramic

Bowl

0

0

43

8

Ceramic

Cup

0

0

10

3

Ceramic

Egg Cup

0

0

9

5

Ceramic

Jug

0

0

3

3

Ceramic

Container

0

0

17

5

Ceramic

Saucer0

0

7

1

Ceramic

Teacup

0

0

58

6

Ceramic

Baking Dish

0

0

8

1

Ceramic

Serving Dish

0

0

38

3

Ceramic

Lid

0

0

1

1

8

1

413

62

Total
Table 5-4: Summary of Food Preparation and Serving Dishes

80Several of the ceramic vessels recovered from FPTP contained maker’s marks
or identifiable patterns which enabled manufacturing location to be discerned(See table 5-5). All ceramic vessels that were able to be matched to a
manufacturer originated from Staffordshire or Derbyshire in England indicatingthat a large proportion of the ceramics were imports. Subsequently thesematerials provided some economic value to the economy through the profit
made through local merchants however the production costs involved in thevessels would have leaked out of the economy.

Figure 5-11: Pinder, Bourne and Co - Bouquet PatternFigure 5-12: Tea Cup and Saucer Set

81

While presence of individual high value ceramics has traditionally been used as
evidence of status, Brooks and Connah (2007) suggest that the Australianmarket had little influence on the type of ceramic sent to the colony instead
becoming a dumping ground for English ceramic in the time after the American
revolutionary war. Subsequently they caution against using the presence oftypically high status ceramics such as fine transfer wares and porcelain to
indicate status. Lawrence et al (2009) in furthering this analysis highlights thevalue of considering both size and variability of ceramic assemblages indetermining status difference in particular evidence of sophisticated dining apartial dinner service consisting of 1 large serving dish, 2 large plates and 3
small plates. The design of the set is intricate in its scalloped design andtransfer print and represents 1 of 3 designs manufactured by Pinder, Bourne
and Co within the assemblage. In addition there are multiple patterns of tea
cups including a matching tea set consisting of 2 tea cups and a saucer. The
presence of numerous ceramic vessels representing multiple varieties of dining
sets including vessels for breakfast, dinner and tea suggest that the inhabitantsof No.14 adhered to elaborate dining rituals. The value placed on owning thelarge variety of vessels indicated by these items highlight the value placed onadhering to these dining rituals by the inhabitants and subsequently
represented an increase in demand for elaborate ceramics in matching sets inthe local market.

82

Example

Manufacturer/ Manufacturing Pattern

VesselNo.

Place Of

Vessels

Date Range

Name

Type

1862-1882

BoquetServing 1

OriginPinder,Bourne and

Dish

Co ,

Large

Staffordshire,

2

Plate

England
Small

3

Plate
Pinder,1862-1882

Rouen

Bowl

3

1862-1882

Dulcamara

Small

1

Bourne andCo ,Staffordshire,
England

Pinder,Bourne and

Plate

Co ,
Staffordshire,
England83

J. Pankhurst

1850-1883

Fern Leaf& Co ,

Small

1

Plate

Staffordshire,
EnglandThomas1821-1838

Yellow

Bakingware

Dish1829-1859

GenevaPlate

1~1840-1920

Flow Blue

Bowl

2

Sharpe,1

Derbyshire,
EnglandThomasDimmock ,Staffordshire,
England

Originally
Staffordshire,
England84

SpodeWillow II

Plate

1

Rosewreath Bowl

2

Ceramic
Works,
Staffordshire,
England
Unknown

Table 5-5: Summary of Ceramic Makers Marks FPTP

Clothing
An assortment of buttons, suspenders and shoe remnants were recovered fromboth sites. While these commodities are represented within both sites,
differences in preservation have resulted in significant variation in the artefacts
found from each site.

The majority of the buttons from both assemblages were generic and provided
little information in regards to production method. A single button from FPTP
was embossed with the crown insignia as seen in warden uniform buttons andsubsequently would have been provided throughout the commissariat orderprocess. The approximate date of FPTP places the buttons in a time period inwhich clothing was either imported directly from England by the commissariat(Young 1988) or requisitioned pre tailored from the colony. FPPG contained abutton embossed with Condit and Lander, Perth, a local tailoring company.
While both of these buttons potentially represent garments tailored within thecolony in both cases the fabric required for the garments was imported assuggested by the lack of textile companies reported in the 1898 statisticalregister (The West Australian 2/2/1900, p.7)

85

Domestic

Clothing

Material

Artefact

FPPG

FPTP

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

Metal

Button

5

5

6

6

Metal

Eyelet

316

304

3

3

Metal

Shoe Heel

84

48

2

2

Metal

Shoe Tacks

2422

2422

0

0

Metal

Shoe Base

0

0

4

1

Metal

Suspender

13

9

2

2

Metal

Hairpin

0

0

2

2

Bone

Hairpin

0

0

1

1

Metal

Pop Stud

5

5

2

2

Cloth

Unidentified

0

0

3

1

Cloth

Felt

1

1

0

0

Leather

Sole

0

0

70

18

Leather

Heel

0

0

4

4

Leather

Lace Holes

0

0

59

1

Leather

Shoe Fragment

0

0

152

1

Mother of

Button

0

0

2

2

Wood

Shoe Fragment

0

0

1

1

Ceramic

Button

0

0

1

1

2846

2794

314

48

Pearl

Total
Table 5-6: Summary of Clothing

86

FPPG

Per

Estimate FPTP

Shoe

Per

Estimate

Shoe

Eyelet

304

10

30.4

3

8

1

Shoe Heel

48

1

48

2

0

0

Shoe Tacks

2422

~100

~24

0

0

0

Sole

0

0

0

18

1

18

Heel

0

0

0

2

1

2

Overall Estimate

48

18

Table 5-7: Estimated Minimum Numbers of Shoes Based on Individual Elements

FPPG had a poor level of preservation resulting in only the metal elements inthe eyelets, shoe tacks and shoe heels remaining within the assemblage whilea large amount of leather material including the soles of shoes were recoveredfrom FPTP. In order to develop a rough estimation of the amount of shoes
represented in each assemblage each element was compared to a shoe
containing identical design elements found in Fremantle Prison’s curated
material (Figure 5-13). Given the highly fragmentary nature of the leather
remains, only shoe soles and heels were considered for analysis. Subsequent
analysis estimated a minimum of 48 shoes (24 pairs for FPPG and 18 shoes (9pairs) for FPTP.

87

Figure 5-13: Reference Shoe Curated at Fremantle Prison

Figure 5-14: Shoe Sole recovered from FPTP88

A comparison of shoe size was also completed in order to indicate how theshoes recovered from FPTP compared to those recovered from FPPG; inparticular the distribution of sizes was used as an indicator of children andwomen being present within the assemblage. Measurements were compiled bymeasuring the distance between the internal section of points of each heel, or
the corresponding nail marks when measuring the leather soles. While thesample size was extremely varied with only 4 samples from FPTP and 48
samples from FPPG there is a clear bias towards larger sizes in the FPPG
assemblage. The size of the smaller heels from FPTP indicate extremely small
shoes likely those of children or women suggesting that these shoes at the least
were obtained from a different source than those in FPPG.

Advertising analysis of 1864 indicate that shoes, specifically ladies andchildren’s shoes as seen in FPTP were imported. There is no evidence tosuggest that supplies for women and children were included within
Commissariat requisitions from England and as such are likely sourced throughlocal merchants. The shoes relating to FPPG by comparison are heavily
standardised and given the approximate date of the assemblage likely relate tointernal workshop industry production. The sourcing of raw materials required
for shoe making such as leather and shoe tacks potentially could have been
locally sourced owing to the presence of several tanneries and boot makers
within the colony however conflicting information available in the West
Australian through letters to the editor suggest both that local leather was
unavailable or alternatively in large supply. (The West Australian 23/8/1900,
p.6)

89

5.2.4 Figure 5-15: Size of Shoe Heels

Figure 5-16: Size Variation in Shoe Heels Illustrating Measurement Location90

Health and Hygiene/ Medicine

While Medicine represented a low proportion of artefacts in both assemblages;
the artefacts recovered from FPTP contained a small concentration of medicine
bottles and variety of hygiene implements including toothpaste, combs and achamber pot. The complete lack of these items within FPPG and minimal
fragments of medicinal glass despite the historical presence of medical
treatment within Fremantle prison suggests that FPPG does not represent the
medicinal aspects of the prison system given the presence of medical officers
within the prison and the yearly provision for medicine indicated in the expected
expenditure reports.
Domestic

Material

Artefact

FPPG

FPTP

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

Poison Bottle

0

0

8

2

Metal

Comb

0

0

3

1

Bone

Comb

0

0

1

1

Ceramic Chamber Pot

0

0

1

1

Ceramic Toothpaste

0

0

1

1

8

3

36

7

Health/Hygiene Glass

Container
Medicine

Glass

Medicine Bottle

Table 5-8: Summary of Health and Hygiene Artefacts

Within FPTP, 3 shards of medicinal glass contained the broad arrow symbolwith one including the characteristic ‘W.D’ of the British War department. Thesebottles provide evidence of not only the use of imported medicines but the useof medicines provided and owned by the British government which
subsequently bypassed the local merchant process. Jones and Smith (1985, p.
113) suggest that many bottles used within the military and associated services
were identical to items used by the public and that it is only the identifying
marks of military service that specifically identify a bottle as being provided by
the British government.
91

Figure 5-17: Medicine Bottle With Broad Arrow

5.2.5 Subsistence
Evidence of subsistence was dominated throughout both assemblages by theremains of animal bones, with additional subsistence material found through theremains of food cans and condiment bottles.
Faunal Remains.
Mammal, bird and fish bone were recovered from both deposits with all faunal
remains interpreted as being related to human consumption. While shell was
found within both deposits it was not considered a subsistence material given
the availability of shell material within the natural limestone deposit surrounding
the prison and the decorative nature of the shells recovered. As the focus of
the analysis was to determine both what type of meat was used by the penal
system and what stage in the butchery process meat was procured analysis
focused on the identification of species, bone element and butchery markspresent. Butchery was analysed using British butchery techniques assuggested by Colley (2006, pg. 47) to be applicable to Australian historicalsites. In particular attention was paid to butchery marks in addition to theprimary quartering that is considered standard initial practice. Cut marks onlong bones in areas of joint connection that would generally be avoided in92

favour of a separation at the joint were considered evidence that the butcher
was relatively unskilled (Colley 2006, p. 48).

The faunal remains from FPPG were significantly more fragmentary then theremains of FPTP potentially related to a burning process in situ as evidenced by
the significant amount of charcoal found within the context. Over both
assemblages 305 bones were identified to species and anatomical feature with
121 artefacts sided. Initial analysis highlighted the access of FPTP to a larger
variety of faunal material as evidenced by the pig, bird and fish remains foundwithin the assemblage (Figure 5.18). None of the historical documentation
examined supported the tender or acquisition of fish or bird species within an
administrative capacity. It is likely that these faunal remains were directly
sourced from the local market allowing both the income provided through the
production and selling of the carcasses to flow into the local economy.

Binomial Name

CommonNISP -

NISP-

Name

FPPG

FPTP

Bos taurus

Cow

155

8

Ovis aries

Sheep

69

33

Sus

Pig

0

1

Aves

Bird

0

25

Fish

Fish

0

15

Table 5-9: Summary of Faunal Remains Present

93Figure 5-18: Illustration of NISP for Faunal Species at Each Site

Figure 5-19: Illustration of MNI for Faunal Species at Each Site

94

Mutton Consumption
While both sites had a large proportion of mutton within their faunal material
there is a clear disparity between the two in terms of variety and proportions offaunal elements (Table 5-9). While the sheep bone recovered from FPPG
represented 18 different elements including a variety of tarsal bones thematerial recovered from FPTP was made up of only 7 elements. Theseelements are easily understood in terms of specific butchery cuts, the majorityof which are representative of leg roast cuts as seen in the recovery of the large
proportion of femurs representing 39% of the sheep bone recovered from
FPTP.

Figure 5-20: Type and Quantity of Faunal Element - Mutton

95

The variation is highlighted by diagrams 5-21 and 5-22 which both the variationin faunal element present is represented but also the relevant frequency of eachelement. The faunal remains from FPPG is indicative of mutton purchased aswhole carcasses as shown through the approximately equal proportion of eachquarter in addition to the tender requirement indicated in the 1870 tender
requirements (The Perth Gazette 16/12/1870, p.3). While the absence of
cervical vertebrae and metatarsals/metacarpals indicates that these elements
were removed as part of initial butchery within the colony there is no evidence
to suggest that mutton was quartered prior to entering the prison complex
despite many of the vertebrae having central line butchery marks. These
carcasses represent a minimum level of butchery prior to entering the prison
and as such the economic value of the purchase lies largely in the value of the
carcass itself as opposed to preparation costs.

96

Figure 5-21: Skeletal Elements of Sheep Present at FPTP, (Green: Sided, Blue: Un-sided)

Figure 5-22: Skeletal Elements of Sheep Present at FPPG, (Green: Sided, Blue: Un-sided)97

Beef Consumption
As is seen with the mutton consumption within FPTP, faunal elements
recovered from the assemblage represent specific individual cuts of meat.
While 20 distinct elements are represented by faunal remains of FPPG (Figure5-22) only 5 distinct elements are seen from the material recovered from FPTP
(Figure 5-21). Conditions of tender reported in The Perth Gazette on the 16 th
December 1870 provide strict instructions regarding the supply of both Beef andLamb to the convict system. While mutton was to be delivered by the carcass,
Beef was required to be delivered in quarters, alternating between thehindquarters and forequarters. In addition military officers were given the optionof drawing one pound of meat per family member from the suppliers per day
provided they pay for the goods received. Given these instructions beef was
separated into evidence of individual quarters of meat.

Figure 5-23: Type and Quantity of Faunal Element - Beef98

Quarter

MNI

Left Forequarter3

Right Forequarter

4

Left Hindquarter

7

Right Hindquarter

1

Table 5-10: Minimum Number of Quarters Represented in FPPG - Beef

This breakdown provides a strong indication that beef was provided to thecolony in quarters given the strong disparity between left and right hindquarters
while maintaining the proportion requirements of forequarters to hindquarters.
The sourcing of beef as quarters indicates that preliminary butchery took place
within the market while the reduction of the carcass to individual cuts was aninternal process. Further evidence of this is provided by cut marks found on
femoral heads that do not adhere to the standard butchery methods suggested
by Colley (2006) which provide little benefit to the butcher This internalisationof butchery removed part of the production process from the local market in turn
reducing the economic value of the commodity by reducing the income thatwould derive from its purchase.

99

Figure 5-24: Skeletal Elements of Cow Present at FPTP, (Green: Sided, Blue: Un-sided)

Figure 5-25: Skeletal Elements of Cow Present at FPPG, (Green: Sided, Blue: Un-sided)

100Condiments and Canned Food
Condiments were recognisable by their decorative design features and were
often composed of green tinted glass. Chutney was identified based on thewide finish on the bottle. While the fragments identified as food cans werehighly fragmented they were identified based on the curvature of the metal andthickness which matched several food cans available in the UWA referencecollection. 47.4% of the subsistence related items recovered from FPTP related
to food items in the form of condiments, chutneys and the remains of food cans.
By comparison only 3.4% of the subsistence items recovered from FPPG
related to condiments and canned food. These food items were generally
sourced as imports and provided economic benefit primarily to merchantimporters.

SubsistenceMaterial Artefact

FPPG

FPTP

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

Glass

Condiment

1

1

46

9

Glass

Chutney

0

0

62

3

Iron

Can

12

1

112

1

Table 5-11: Summary of Non Faunal Subsistence Artefacts

Figure 5-26: Chutney Bottle - FPTP

101

5.2.6 Indulgence
Artefacts relating to the indulgence class represent the most distinct variation
between the two sites, representing only 0.1% of the assemblage at FPPG
while representing 24.9% of the assemblage at FPTP. Items within thiscategory were found to relate to a large variety of indulgence purchases
including cosmetics, alcohol, tobacco, and gaming items. The largest category
represented within this class related to alcohol bottles represented by aminimum vessel count of 37 bottles within the FPTP assemblage based on thesum of bottle finishes available within the assemblage.

Tobacco smoking was well represented within the assemblage of FPTP with 5
stem fragments and 9 bowl fragments recovered from the assemblage including
2 bowls identified as ‘Ben Nevis Cutty’ Pipes sourced from Scottish pipe
producers and 2 pipes with the square and compass motif attributed to thefreemasons. By comparison, FPPG contained only a single clay pipe stemwithin the assemblage. Given that tobacco was sourced directly from Englandas part of the rations provided to convicts until after the cessation ofTransportation, it is likely that officers were also provided with both pipes andtobacco directly from the commissariat supplies. Given that the commissariat
was the direct importer of both clay pipes and tobacco their consumption
provides no benefit to the local economy.

The gaming items found within the assemblage provide strong evidence of thepresence of children with in the premises with multiple gaming items interpreted
as children’s dolls and toy sets. In addition to the children’s toys a bottle ofKay’s Cue cement used for snooker highlights the use of gaming material by awider demographic within the household. These like the women’s andchildren’s shoes would have been sourced from merchant importers as
opposed to through official commissariat channels.

102Indulgence

Material

Artefact

FPPG

FPTP

NISP

MNV

NISP

MNV

Alcohol

Glass

Bottle

1

1

575

37

TobaccoCeramic

Clay pipe

1

1

14

8

Writing/ Reading

Slate

Slate Pencil

1

1

16

16

Slate

Writing Slate

0

0

12

1

Ceramic

Inkwell

0

0

1

1

Cosmetic/

Glass

Cosmetic Bottle

0

0

2

1

Jewellery

Glass

Perfume Bottle

0

0

3

2

Glass

Bead

0

0

6

6

Ceramic

Bead

0

0

1

1

Glass

Cosmetic Jar

0

0

2

1

Glass

Game Bottle

0

0

1

1

Glass

Marble0011Ceramics

Figurines

0

0

10

7

Stone

Marble

0

0

6

6

Bone

Whistle

0

0

3

1

GamingTable 5-12: Summary of Indulgence Artefacts

5.2.7 Commodity Analysis
Following functional analysis, the artefact collection was further reduced toindividual commodities based on interpretations discerned from the artefact andhistorical record. Prices for each commodity as well as additional information
regarding the items status as a local produce item or import was subsequently
sought using newspaper searches on trove. Prices were unavailable for a large
majority of items with advertisers often citing possession of items as opposed toprices in advertising.

103

Table 5-13 represents a summary of the commodities found within FPTP and
information gathered relating to their status as an import or local product basedon data gathered from advertising in Western Australian newspapers from 1864
as well as prices relating to the wholesale purchase of these items. A large
proportion of the commodities were unable to be traced to a price and instead
were considered solely for their status as an export or colonial product. Table
5-13 lists the commodities within this collection from which price information
could not be discerned.

104

Commodity

Varieties

Quantity Production Process/ Sale

£

s.

d.

0

16

6

3

0

0

1

0

0

Gin

1

0

0

Sherry1

10Champagne

3

0

0

0

0

5

0

0

4

0

0

5

MethodAlcohol

Ale

37

Imported, Sold per dozen

Port
Rum

MuttonRoast

Imported, Sold per gallon

12

Locally raised,slaughtered and

Ribs

8

butchered. Cuts
potentially purchased
under wider convict
tender price, price per
pound

Beef

Roast

1

Locally raised,slaughtered and

Chops

2

butchered. Cuts

0

0

5

Ribs

3

potentially purchased

0

0

4

1

0

0

0

12

0

0

15

6

under wider convict
tender price, price perpound
Condiment

Condiment

9

BottleImported, priced
wholesale per dozen
pints of salad oil

Chutney

MustardBottle3

Imported, priced per
dozen bottles various

PickleTable 5-13: Summary of Commodities with Price Information - FPTP

105

Material

Commodity

Quantity Local/ Import

Metal

Metal Button

6

Single buttons not advertised, Local
tailoring of imported material available aswell as imported clothing

LeatherShoes

9 pairs

Boots both imported and available throughlocal producers

Metal

Metal

2

Imported

Suspender
Metal

Hairpin2

No Advertising records

Bone

Hairpin

1

No Advertising records

Metal

Pop Stud

2

Buttons alone not advertised, Local tailoring

Mother of Pearl

Button2of imported material available as well as

Ceramic

Button1

imported clothing

Oil Lamp

1

Imported

Glass

Poison Bottle

2

Imported

Metal

Metal Comb

1

Imported

Bone

BoneComb

1

Imported

Ceramic

Chamber Pot

1

Imported

Ceramic

Toothpaste

1

John, Cosnell and Co, London Imported,

Container

No Advertising Record

Glass

Serving Dish3

Imported, Merchants selling from London

Glass

Drinking

5and Melbourne in addition to Local
Merchants

Glass
Metal

Fork

2

Metal

Dessert2

Spoon

Imported or directly sourced from convict
ships/ Commissariat

Metal

Tea Spoon

1

Metal

Bowl

1

Imported, Merchants selling from London

106

Bone

Knife

1

and Melbourne in addition to Local

Ceramic

Plate

14

Merchants

Ceramic

Bowl

8

Ceramic

Cup

3

Ceramic

Egg Cup

5

Ceramic

Jug

3

Ceramic

Container

5

Ceramic

Saucer1

Ceramic

Teacup6

Ceramic

Baking Dish

1

Ceramic

Serving Dish

3

Ceramic

Lid

1

Ceramic

Clay pipe

8

Imported, Ben Nevis pipes Scottish, Likely
directly sourced from Commissariat

Slate

Slate Pencil

16

Imported

Slate

Writing Slate

1

Imported

Ceramic

Inkwell1

Imported

Glass

Cosmetic

1

Imported2

Imported

Imported

BottleGlass

PerfumeBottle

Glass

Bead

6

Ceramic

Bead

1

Glass

Cosmetic Jar

1Imported

Glass

Game Bottle

1

Imported from London

Glass

Marble1

Imported and sold by local merchants

Ceramics

Figurines

7

Stone

Stone Marble

6

Bone

Whistle1

Unknown107

GlassMedicine

7

BottleBroad arrow marked bottles property of
British Navy, directly sourced, No local
market involvement

Table 5-14: Summary of Commodities - FPPG

Both tables highlight that the majority of items represented within the FPTP
assemblage represent imports with only 15% of the goods having evidence of apotentially local source within either the artefacts diagnostic features or throughadvertising.

Advertising was considered from the year 1900 in relation to the material from
FPPG. Commodities were once again compared to advertising however thedevelopment of the local market had shifted advertising to focus on information
about specific products and specialist services. Given the significantly larger
connection level between Western Australia and global markets goods were nolonger specifically advertised as local or colonial. Similarly prices quoted innewspapers often referred to the outcome of trade with international markets as
opposed to local merchants who instead focused on distinguishing their goods
from their peers

108Commodity

Varietie

Quantit

Production Process/ SalesyMethodMetal Buttonsna1

Local and imported clothing

Metal Button - Best Ringna

3

available, Imported fabrics

na1

Local tailor using imported

£

s. d.

Edge
Metal Button- Condit &Launder Perthfabrics

Pop Studsna5

Local and imported clothing

Suspendersna

9available

24

Local and Imported boots

pairs

available, possibly made

Boots
na

internally
Ceramic Platena

1

Unknown

Oil Lampna1

Imported

Alcohol Bottlena1

Imported

Clay Pipena

1

Imported

Slate Pencil

na

1

Local slate mine, imports alsoavailable

Medicine Bottlena3

Imported

Quarters of Beef

Mutton15

Local production sold per

5.2

pound

5

Lamb
Mutton full carcass

Beef
Veal

7
7

Local production sold per

5

pound

Table 5-15: Summary of Commodities Without Price Information - FPTP

109

This chapter has analysed two scales of information in relation to the penal
system highlighting the various types of information available and limitations
provided through both scales. The analysis of FPPG and FPTP has provided alarge level of comparative information in relation to the penal system andhighlighted the variation between institutional spending and wage basedpurchases while also highlighting the importance of comparative information in
relation to the production capabilities of the colony.

110

6.

DISCUSSION

When Pamela Statham analysed the colonial attitudes toward the introductionof convicts in WA (1981a) she acknowledged that the various types of economic
agent, from merchant to artisan to agriculturalist, could have received benefits
from the introduction of the convicts relevant to their industry. This study's
analysis followed that line of reasoning by introducing the economically based
concepts of staple theory and the circular flow model in order to trace thepurchases made by the penal system, showing increased income for those who
the commodities were bought from.

Staple theory provided the mechanism for understanding the impact of thepenal system in terms of how the introduction of the convicts increased
production within the local market, both from increasing the demand for goods
as well as being used to increase production capacity, which would haveprompted economic growth. The development of industries and products thatused the convict force as an input (a forward linkage under staple theory) has
been thoroughly considered in other archaeological research; For example,
Bush’s (2012) analysis of building developments related to construction
completed by ticket of leave men, and Winter’s research (2013a) highlighting
the value of the regional labour force. This research on the other hand,considered the development of industries that provided goods for use by the111

convict system, and highlighted the value of tracking the flow of funds from the
British to the colony when determining the transformative effect of the convict
system.

This study hypothesised that specific local industries would represent large
proportions of the expenditure of the penal system and subsequently be themechanism through which the British capital entered the economy.
6

6.1 Research Questions:6.1.1 At what point in the production cycle were materials
sourced from the WA Economy? How does this vary in the convict
and post-convict period?
The methodology posed as part of the theoretical basis of this study separated
the production cycle simply into raw material procurement, manufacturing, andmerchant on selling, with each stage of the production process benefiting
specific industries. While both FPPG and FPTP represented significantly
different patterns of spending, both impacted the economy in similar ways.
FPPG, given the later time period and more developed market had a larger
variety of material that had the potential to be sourced locally. Despite thesignificant time difference between the two sites meat was the only item within
the assemblages in which the entire production process was local, in suchproviding full benefit of the expenditure to the local economy. The presence of
unusual butchery marks was interpreted as evidence that the meat within FPPG
was butchered to a further degree within the prison by comparatively unskilled
butchers when compared to the remains as seen in FPTP. The lower level ofbutchery is indicative of the internalisation of parts of the production process
undertaken within the colony and subsequently less spending based on thelower level of work required.

112

The largest difference in sourcing between the convict and post-convict period
relates to a complete bypass of the local market by the penal system during theconvict period. There is significant evidence provided through historical
documents to suggest that the local market was unable, or unwilling, to provide
certain goods at the required standard throughout the convict period, likely acontributing factor in the decision for some goods to be sourced directly fromEngland. This was first seen in 1850 when the colony failed to submit any
tenders for flour in response to advertising, and also seen in relation to thepurchase of clothing and shoes, which were reported to be available within thecolony at an advance of 30-40% of English prices or alternatively available at aninferior quality (Young 1988, p. 81) This phenomenon is seen in a multitude ofartefacts and historical documents including evidence of the direct sourcing of
tobacco, medicines, and clothing, as well as the salvage of commodities fromconvict ships. This process ceased when Transportation ended. Subsequently
a larger variety of commodities including the aforementioned tobacco weretendered to the colony, while simultaneously the tender for raw material used inboot making, and the tender for base fabrics, indicate the intention to internalisesome of the manufacturing processes to reduce costs.

In the convict period the majority of items requiring manufacturing that were notdirectly imported by the convict system were manufactured internationally andadvertised as complete products. This is evidenced by newspaper advertisingthat identified which materials were locally produced and which were imported,and noting specifically which ship the cargo for sale had come from. These
commodities only include the merchant on selling within the local market and assuch a large proportion of the cost of the item would have been leaked out of
the economy. Winter (2013a) in his analysis of convict depots also found avariety of imported goods used to improve the health and diet of the convicts.
These items would have provided a larger proportion of benefit to the local
economy given the increased cost of transporting the commodities to theregional areas.

113

By the post-convict period the local market had developed significantly, as
evidenced by the diversification of advertising which ceased to acknowledge theorigin of the commodity, seen in the advertising sampled in relation to the goodsof FPPG. While the diversification in advertising shows the development ofWestern Australia in respect to international trade and the availabilities of thelocal market, analysis of commodities in terms of production became difficult
given the multiple locations goods could potentially have originated from. The
exception to this was seen in the textile and boot making industries which had
developed local manufacturing industries; however fabric was still an imported
commodity as indicated by the absence of textile companies in the 1898
statistical register. In addition, clothing was still imported fully made making theidentification of production based on generic clothing items difficult. One of the
buttons from FPPG is embossed with Condit and Lander, a local tailoringbusiness suggesting that at least some of the production of clothing within theprisoner population had been sourced through local tailors. Given that the
fabric to construct the clothing was imported a portion of the value ofcommodities was leaked out of the economy however the benefit attached tothe manufacture and sale of the items was injected in to the local market.

6.1.2 What does the material and documentary record tell us
about the impact of the penal system on the colonial WA Economy
between 1850 and 1900?
The material and documentary record highlights the extremely varied nature of
expenditure seen in the WA penal system. The macro analysis of the convict
system undertaken through the analysis of tenders and the British
Parliamentary papers highlight a system in which a large variety of tasks were
supported by British funds. This funding breakdown developed and changed
over the lifespan of the convict system and subsequent transition to closed
penal system. The convict system went through stages of development whichhave been acknowledged by authors such as Winter (2013a) and were reflectedin the changing tender methods over time. Initially as the convict systemestablished itself, tenders were regular and generally requested small groupings114

of goods focusing on the short term needs of the system with commodities
relating largely to rations and building requirements. By 1860 the system hadstabilised as indicated by tender advertisements that didn’t list theirrequirements suggesting that both the colony and the convict system clearly
understood what type of goods were regularly required. After Transportation
ended in 1868 the convict system was beginning to scale back operations,however the system began to diversify the goods that were requested of thelocal market, likely due to the cessation of directly imported goods that weretransported on convict ships. This is seen in the tender for tobacco andcrockery which had not been tendered for prior to 1870. This movement
towards local producers reflects not only the increased ability of the local
market, but also the reduction of direct trade ties with England maintained aspart of the penal system. Instead the system had begun to shift to a locallysupplied process which would continue with the transition to colonial control. In
addition at this time early indications of the internalisation of some production
was beginning to be seen through the tender for boot making material andfabric.

The development and reduction in scale of the penal system over time is also
highlighted in the breakdown of spending, with the expenditure on wages andthe police and magistrates increasing over time until 1870, while provisions forrations and building and works peaked in 1854 and was subsequently reduced.
While analysis post-1870 was not available within the British Parliamentary
Papers the severe reduction of administrative staff within the penal system in
the 1870’s as noted in Edgar (2014, p.150) highlights the continued reduction inadministrative power of the penal system. While in 1870, the convict system
maintained a staff of 150 people, by 1875 that number had shrunk to 51 staff
members. This highlights the transition of the penal system from a colonialwide administrative body in the convict period to a localised system based inFremantle that was responsible only for the prison system, which is also seen inthis study through the brief comparison of Convict Finance Records.

115

Bavin’s (1994, pg 414) analysis of faunal material found within the prison
grounds highlighted the increasing proportion of cattle and fowl bone over time,
she interpreted as a response to changing rehabilitation techniques at the
beginning of the 20th century.. While the Parade Ground assemblage in thisstudy also highlighted the large proportion of bone dated to the beginning of the20th century, specific reference requesting beef within meat supplies dated backto 1970, suggesting the diversification of meat began earlier then Bavinsuggested. These guidelines reported in the (The Perth Gazette,16/12/1870) in
1870 required the proportion of meat supplied to be 4:3 in favour of beef as
opposed to mutton, with beef carcasses to be sold as quarters in equal
quantities between forequarter and hindquarter. The analysis of FPPG,
conforms to this requirement, the specificity of which was used as evidence ofpotential secondary uses of the beef carcasses.

This study interpreted the introduction of beef as an attempt to internalise
production processes and gain larger efficiency from the purchases based on
the possible use of the tallow for candles and soap. By introducing the beef
which retailed locally at approximately the same price per pound as mutton theprison would have reduced costs by using prison labour to create products that
otherwise would have been purchased from the local economy. Theinternalisation of boot making is largely supported throughout the historical
record, both in the tender for shoe resin and leather seen in 1875 and the reestablishment of boot making as an internal workshop industry by 1901(Thomas
and Stewart 1978), by comparison evidence of candle making is comparatively
limited. Tallow candle moulds were tendered for in 1850 and faunalassemblage of cattle bones seen in FPPG consists largely of extremely
fragmented and burnt long bones in comparison to the corresponding tarsal andrib collection. This signature closely matches remains of the tallow rendering
process used in candle making (Pavao-Zuckerman 2011), however thispossibility would have to be examined further. By internalising the boot making
process and purchasing cattle with only basic butchering the penal system was116

removing possible sources of income from the local economy and subsequently
reducing its impact on suppliers.

6.1.3 How did the material demanded by the penal system vary
between institutional and private (wage based) consumption?
Significant difference was seen between the assemblage considered
institutional (FPPG) and that of the wage based consumption at No 14 (FPTP).
While the institutional assemblage undoubtedly represented only a portion of
the commodities consumed through the institutional process there was a distinct
lack of indulgence or status based items seen in the assemblage whencompared to FPTP. The comparison of the assemblage must consider the
distinct sampling bias present, and the representativeness of each assemblageof the range of commodities used by each consumer. Given the distinctive
differences seen in both preservation and type of consumption indicated,
analysis can only be considered as indicative of the types of consumption seenby the two as opposed to the full picture.

For the wage based purchases, the high proportion of indulgence purchases
reflects the purchase of goods outside of the production capability of the colony
which was largely restricted to agricultural pursuits at the time. Subsequently alarge proportion of the commodities represented within this assemblage were
imported materials which as previously discussed provide benefit to the colony
only in relation to merchant’s profit margin. Imported material within the privy
artefact assemblage was sourced solely from the United Kingdom despite thelocal market having access to goods from a variety of locations. The choice tosource commodities that were both from Britain and represented British
consumption patterns and rituals indicates the importance of maintaining a levelof British identity within the new colony as evidenced by the adherence toEnglish dining and hygiene rituals.

117

The items that were sourced locally were largely represented by the faunal
remains and represented individual cuts of meat, in which there is no evidenceof unrefined butchery techniques, unlike those seen in FPPG. This suggested
that meat was sourced as individual cuts from the market resulting in the entire
production process being local. In this case while the assemblage represents
an influential and wealthy wage earner within the colony, through the artefact
analysis it is clear that a significant proportion of income spent on thesepurchases would have left the colony based on the high level of imports.
In comparison, the institutional assemblage has evidence of clothing madelocally in the button from Condit and Launder as well as the vast assemblage of
faunal remains which remained a local purchase throughout the entire study
period. The lack of domestic consumption items within the assemblage suggestthat the assemblage provides a biased sample of prisoner consumption, withthe strong possibility of other aspects of a prisoners access to commodities
being deposited elsewhere. Winter (2013a, p.) has suggested that prisoners
ate off metal plates which potentially are represented in part by the undiagnostic
metal within my assemblage, adding an additional preservation bias to theanalysis. Given the standardisation of size and construction seen in the heels
recovered from the institutional assemblage as well as the single eyelet foundthat was still in its ‘blank’ pre used state it is likely that these fragments
represented boots constructed within the prison as opposed to through local
dealers, highlighting the internalisation of production processes that were once
again beginning to develop by 1900.

The analysis has highlighted that both the agriculturalists and merchantsbenefited significantly from the penal system. While in economic terms thepurchase of imported goods in comparison to commodities produced entirely inthe colony injected limited capital into the local market, the growing demand forimported material would have led to the growth of the transport network. In turnthis would have allowed developing industries to have wider access tointernational markets which represents a significant linkage effect of the penal
system. Local industries were largely restricted initially to those for basic118

consumables, predominantly meat, vegetables and flour of which the colony
was not always able to fill locally. Over time the market grew and by thecessation of Transportation it had developed to a level in which it could supporta larger variety of commodities. This development was driven by the increased
population which enabled infant industries to become viable, maintained by alarge import sector; however by this point the penal system was attempting tointernalise parts of its commodity requirement reducing the benefit to the local
economy. The study has highlighted that different portions of the penal system,at different times, provided benefits to a variety of industries throughout thepurchases they made. There is significant potential to continue this researchwith a wider range of sites in order to develop a more comprehensive analysis
of how capital entered the economy based on the convict system and thespecific aspects of that system that was provided with funds.

119

7.

CONCLUSION

This study set out to test the feasibility of using archaeological and documentary
evidence to examine the penal system from an economic viewpoint using
concepts developed in staple theory and the circular flow model. This chapter
assesses the results of this pilot study in relation to existing literature
concerning the transformative effect of the convict system in WA and thepotential of artefacts to inform on global trade networks. In addition thischapter will highlight the limitations of this study and assess the potential valueof extending the scope of this line of analysis.

The analysis has highlighted the importance of imported and local commodities
to the penal system: both as part of the official administrative requirements; andto the staff whose earnings were spent on a variety of industries. The demand
created through these avenues provided an effective method for transmitting
capital to the local market, as well as creating an increased demand for trade
networks between England and Western Australia.

Orser (1994a) highlights the connection of artefacts and sites to long range
trade networks and the flow of specific types of commodities. In turn, the typesof commodities imported are indicative of the values of those who purchasethem and the relationship between the local society and the society through120

which imports are sourced. The capacity of the colony to access global markets
was significantly limited prior to the convict period given its isolation and small
size. The introduction of the convict system and subsequent population growthenabled WA to be integrated into the global trade network largely through theincreased demand for imports (Staniforth 2003). This study highlights thesignificant institution-based connection of the penal system to English
merchants during the initial stages of the convict system, which can be seen
through the bypass of the local market when sourcing tobacco, clothes, andmedicines. This connection has been shown to wane over time in favour of theinternalisation of aspects of the production process and the increased variety ofcommodities sourced directly from the local market.

The material sourced by wage earners indicates that imports allowed for the
maintenance of social customs, including hygiene and dining rituals, which
would not have been possible given local production at the time.

Over theconvict period the availability of imports in the local market transitioned from an
economy primarily based around the import of basic speculative cargoes to an
economy highly interconnected with overseas markets. The increase inpopulation caused by the convict system, and in particular the proportion offunds that was cycled through merchant importers, provided the necessary
base to develop the import industry. By 1900 the market had evolved to include
a large variety of merchants specialising in specific produce that was no longer
hampered by the need to wait extended periods of time for transport.

Locally the convict system transformed multiple aspects of the colony boththrough the injection of labour (Bush 2012; Winter 2013a) and through thedevelopment of much needed public infrastructure (Gibbs 2001, 2006, 2007).
Local industries, particularly those related to agriculture and construction, were
provided with an increased demand for their goods allowing the development of
those industries. Over time the local market developed the ability to source alarger variety of commodities, based on increased shipping networks (Winter2013b) and the maintenance of the demand for a wider range of goods partially121

motivated by the supply of the convict system. This study falls in line with theserecent interpretations which focus on the transformation caused by the penal
system, as opposed to analysing the system based on positive or negative
dichotomy, and shows the variety of methods through which crown capitalentered the local economy.
7

7.1 Limitations:
The analysis highlighted several limitations that must be considered should thisstudy progress further. The analysis of the convict and post-convict periods
provided unique limitations due to the changing nature of the documentary
evidence and subsequent lack of clarity regarding the production capabilities ofthe market. The documentary record relating to convict spending until 1870 isrelatively comprehensive: the lack of availability of annual reports following thetransition from the convict period to colonial control results in minimal
standardised information regarding penal system expenditure. While someofficial documentation relating to the post-convict period is available from thestate records office, the lack of cataloguing and consistency made it unviable toconsider these documents within the scope of this analysis.

The ability to accurately trace artefacts to specific commodities also presented alimitation on the analysis. This restricted the study on two levels: primarily thehigh level of fragmentation, especially in relation to the materials recovered from
FPPG, resulted in a limited ability to identify diagnostic characteristics thatwould aid in positive identification. Secondly once identified, some items had
the potential to represent several different commodities with significantly
different prices and production methodologies; this undermined the ability to
trace the commodities to their manufacture location.

Changing trends in newspaper advertising in the post-convict period,
particularly in the aftermath of the gold rush, also limited the available
information on production methodologies. While newspaper advertisements
sampled from 1864 commonly acknowledged whether goods originated locally122

or as an import, by 1900 advertising had shifted in not only the amount ofmerchants advertising, but also the way that their goods were advertised basedon item quality. The interconnectedness of trade between the colony andinternational ports made it difficult to determine whether items were imports or
locally produced given that by 1900 many items potentially could have been
made from either source. Subsequently, future research using thismethodology must focus on time periods in which there is significant potential tomatch commodities to manufacturing location based on the technologicalproduction possibilities of the local colony.

7.2 Potential for future research:
While there are several limitations within the analysis, this study has shown thepotential variation in the economic impact of the penal system both through themacro- and micro-analysis. Should highly diagnostic and securely dated
artefact collections become available relating to the WA convict system thismethodology has the potential to be used as a way of understanding the extent
and variability seen in the convict system and its subsequent transformative
effect on the local economy.

While only two artefact assemblages were able to be targeted by this analysis,
this study has highlighted the potential of using the archaeological record inreference to understanding the impact of the convict system on both the local
market and international trade networks. An expansion of the current
methodology to include a wide range of artefact collections relating to various
time periods, spatial areas, and levels of agency would allow the developmentof a much finer-grained understanding of the mechanisms through which British
capital entered the Western Australian market, and ultimately of how the
introduction of the convicts transformed the local economy.

123

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137

Date of TenderType of Tender
Meat
Grains
Dairy
Fruit/Vegetables
Condiments/Seasoning
Subsistence
Other
Alcohol
Indulgence
Smoking
Metal
Nails
BricksTimber
Structural
Other
Lighting/Heating -Fuel
Lighting/ Heating - Other
HygieneClothing
BeddingServing Dishes/ Cutlery
FabricDomestic
Other
Live Stock
Industrial
Machinery/ Tools
Construction
Subsistence
Washing Clothes
Cleaning
Transport

Labour Services
Other

Q

7/6/1850
T1

7/6/1850

14/6/1850

14/6/1850

14/6/1850

21/6/1850

21/6/1850

28/6/1850

12/7/1850
6/9/1850
T

18/10/1850

Q

1/11/1850

Q

1/11/1850

Q

8/11/1850

Q

15/11/1850

T

15/11/1850

Q

29/11/1850

T

9/11/1855T

16/11/1855

T

23/11/1855

Q

16/3/1860T

6/4/1860Q

11/5/1860O

9/11/1860O

16/11/1860

1
3

Q

1
3

2
2
2
1

Q

1
3

2
2
2
1

1
1

T

2
2
2
1

1
1

T

1

T

1

2
1
1

T

1

1

2
1
1

T
1

2

2

1

2
1
1

1

T
1

2

1

1
1
1

1

Q
1
1
1
1
3

2
2

APPENDIX 2 – Breakdown of Tenders

1

1
1
2
2

15

1
1
1

1

14/6/1850

1

1

1
1

1
1
1

1

138

Date of TenderType of Tender
Meat
Grains
Dairy
Fruit/Vegetables
Condiments/Seasoning
Subsistence
Other
Alcohol
Indulgence
Smoking
Metal
Nails
BricksTimber
Structural
Other
Lighting/Heating -Fuel
Lighting/ Heating - Other
HygieneClothing
BeddingServing Dishes/ Cutlery
FabricDomestic
Other
Live Stock
Mechanical
Machinery/ Tools
Construction
Subsistence
Washing Clothes
Cleaning
Transport

Labour Services
Other

13/1/1865

20/1/1865

27/1/1865
3/2/1865

10/2/1865

17/2/1865

24/2/1865

24/2/1865
9/6/1865

8/9/1865

7/1/1870

14/1/1870

21/1/1870

28/1/1870
4/2/1870
T

11/2/1870

T

18/2/1870

T

2/9/1870

T

9/9/1870

T

16/12/1870

T

15/1/1875

T

29/1/1875

Q

27/4/1875

Q

7/5/1875Q

11/5/1875

Q

14/5/1875

Q

18/5/1875

Q

16/7/1875

Q

30/7/1875

T

20/8/1875

Q

15/10/1875

Q

22/10/1875

Q
1

T

1

T

1

11/2/1880

3
1

1

1
1

T

1

1

T

1

1
1

T

1

1

1

1

3
2

1

Q

1

1
2
2

Q
1

1
2
2

1
1

T
1

1
2
2

1
1

T
1

1
2
2

1
1

T
1

1
1

T
1

1

1
3

1

T
1

2
2
4
1
4
7
3
2

1

1

T
1

1
3
2
1

3

1

1

Q

1

1

1

1

Q

1

8
3

1

8
3
4
1

1

4
1

1

1

139

Q Quantity Tender

Legend - Appendix 2

Tendered for time based contract

Tendered for specific quantity of goods

Time Based Tender

Tendered for item in early production stage indicating additional production requiredT
O Open Tender
Fully produced
commodity
Raw/ Early Production
Stage Commodity

Tendered for colonial version of good

Tendered fully provided to final production stage

Tender advised interested parties to contact convict service

Colonial Commodity

140

£

£

453
590
139
195
71
249

28
646
4
4
4
4

%

%

38.5

%
26.7
34.8
26.7
34.8
8.2
11.5
4.2
14.7

2.3

%
4.1
93.6
4.1
93.6
0.6
0.6
0.6
0.6

APPENDIX 3 – Convict Finance Board Salary Figures
1870
Executive Administration Executive Administration
Fremantle/PerthFremantle/ Perth
Guildford
Eastern District
Regions
AlbanyNorthern and Southern District

1898
Executive Administration Executive Administration
Fremantle/PerthFremantle/Perth
Bunbury
Vasse
Regional
Newcastle
York

1850
Military
10760
Convict
4497
Civil Service 6800
Total
22153

1862
28525
49481
860
78866

1851
13276
34103
6960
56339

1863
29464
69019
337
108849

1852
39961
45024
7372
56339

1864
31573
72215
495
104110

1853
42107
52665
8230
103002

1865
31573
80420
415
112247

1854
53124
76537
2936
132597

1866
32100
70380
668
114209

1855
35286
77874
2037
111697

1867
32269
80232
408
114209

1856
31126
61645
167
93477

1868
37427
78201
1010
116668

1857
34126
57196
0
101322

1869
33880
71064
2080
107024

1858
48629
51081
7435
108045

1870
31436
67809
2585
101800

1859
34007
53871
4195
92072

APPENDIX 4 – Summary of Convict Expenditure – Report 1870

1861
Military
32113
Convict
49481
Civil Service
860
Total
78866

1860
33077
48014
440
81551

141

Salaries and Allowances -Superintendence
Salaries and Allowances -Religious Instruction
Salaries and Allowances -Medical Treatment
Provisions
Transport of Provisions
Medicines
Fuel and Light
Clothing, Bedding and Prison Stores
Works, Building and Stores
Miscellaneous
Gratuitities to Convicts
Police and Magistrates
Total

75408

72400

77493

57466

54041

47209

50117

57318

72303

78580

67073

E-1856
E-1857
A-1858 A-1859 E-1860
C-1861 A-1862 A-1863 E- 1864 C=1868 C=1870
13926
15300
13980
11964
9863
10329
10789
11193
13911
18313
1138
1500
1827
2258
2386
2126
2617
2727
2727
3235
1053
1300
1137
1257
1267
1255
1355
1506
1681
2336 19697
33209
30000
31565
24930
16492
14321
14812
17786
19633
28420
24550
2934
2000
2058
1845
1569
1646
1565
1769
3606
1449
1453
0
0
87
100
100
0
125
100
100
10
1
1888
1800
2243
1650
1290
831
1000
900
950
2824
2375
1000
1200
4913
400
3000
303
834
2506
8365
0
55
5983
8500
8831
3149
4160
2593
3659
5313
5313
1921
202
1768
1526
1526
1626
1553
1323
1836
1216
1020
0
1362
3448
934
972
650
1740
1990
1000
1000
2880
1300
650
9021
8340
8354
9585
10621
10487
10893
11302
12117
19634
16720

APPENDIX 5 – Penal System Expenditure Records

11481
40127
3714
0
2883
2000
15154
4403
4434
8056

E-1854

8600
18500
6500
0
700
0
13600
2000
7000
5700
92217

E-185257400

142