The 45th Annual Meeting of the IWC
in Kyoto, Japan
1993

IWC/45/SEST1HOW DIFFERENT ARE SMALL-TYPE AND
LARGE-TYPE COASTAL WHALING?
The Government of Japan
1993

During discussion at IWC44 more than one delegation
stated that it was unable to see a distinction between
Japanese small-type coastal whaling (STCW) and largetype coastal whaling (LTCW). This continuing inability tomake a satisfactory distinction, especially in regard to
distribution of the whale product, was given as the basis
for not supporting an interim relief quota for Japanese
STCW on that occasion.
This short paper will review important distinctions
between the Japanese STCW and LTCW fisheries (before
the latter was totally disbanded in 1987). There is anextensive scientific literature on this topic, so only asummary is presented here, though references to the moredetailed reports are also provided.
The rationalization occurring in Japanese STCW and
LTCW operations following WWII have been presented in
Ohsumi 1975, and the various differences between Japanese
STCW and LTCW are explicitly addressed in IWC
documents TC/41/STW2 [subsequently published as
Takahashi et al. 1989], TC/42/SEST3, and Kalland andMoeran 1990 [distributed to delegations at IWC42 by theGovernment of Japan, and subsequently published as:
Kalland and Moeran 1992, see pp. 79-133].
Detailed relevant information on Japanese STCW isprovided in IWC documents, e.g. IWC/40/23, TC/41/
STW1, and TC/42/SEST9.

Monthly and annual reports on whaling operations mustbe submitted to the Government of Japan; such reports shallspecify, e.g., date and location of whales caught; whalesightings; name of catcher boat and harpooner; time leaving
and returning to port; prevailing sea conditions; species,
sex, length, stomach content of whales caught, whether afoetus is present, etc. Additional operational data required
to be submitted annually includes quantity and value ofcatch (as meat, oil, other products), payments to crew, andrevenues and expenditures from each whaling operation.
Under Japanese government regulations LTCW boats
were prohibited from hunting minke whales (or pilot andbeaked whales), which are species exclusively reserved for
STCW operations in Japan's coastal waters.

THE SCALE AND NATURE OF JAPANESE
COASTAL WHALING OPERATIONS
Principal differences between STCW and LTCW relate
to the scale of operations in each of these two forms offishery, reflected in the technology and manpower
requirements, as well as the quite different ownership,
financial and management dimensions of the operations anddistribution patterns for the harvested product.
Technology. Given the size difference between the sperm
and baleen whales caught in the former LTCW fishery,compared to the pilot, beaked and minke whales taken in
the STCW fishery, it is to be expected that catcher boats
will be markedly different in size. Thus STCW boats
average 36 tons (range: 15-49 tons), compared to LTCW
catcher boats ranging from 600 to >750 tons.
The STCW boats have a maximum range of ca. 150
miles and for safety reasons return to port each night; LTCW
vessels are oceangoing, capable of transoceanic voyages
and operating at sea for more than one month without
refuelling or returning to port.
Consequent to these size differences, there are
significant operational distinctions between the STCW and
LTCW fisheries. The distance from shore whales are caught
in these two fisheries are significantly different: whereas>95% of STCW takes occur within 40 miles of shore, fewer
than 23% of LTCW catches occurs within that range, withthe majority taken twice as far offshore as STCW boats
can operate (TC/42/SEST3: Table 5).
These differences between STCW and LTCW catchingpractices, expressed both as mean distances from shore ofwhale harvested and as harvest-distance frequency
distributions, are statistically different at >0.0001
probability levels in each case (i.e. there is a >99.99%

THE ADMINISTRATIVE DISTINCTIONS
According to the Schedule of the International
Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (ICRW), no
definition of LTCW is provided. However, small-typewhaling is defined as:“Catching operations using powered vessels withmounted harpoon guns hunting exclusively forminke, bottlenose, beaked, pilot or killer whales.”Government of Japan regulations strictly control thisfishery within Japanese nearshore waters. STCW constitutes
a limited-access fishery with no more than ten STCW
licences issued since 1968, though at the present time only
nine STCW licences are issued annually. The catching of
sperm whales and baleen whales (except minke) is forbidden.
Additional operational regulations, e.g. limit the calibreof the harpoon gun, specify that only government-licensed
whaling stations may process whales, prohibit killing
females with calves, limit the whaling season to a six-month
period defined by species and areas, prohibit towing acarcass caught by another catcher boat, and require that all
whales caught must be completely utilised.
247

IWC/45/SEST1

probability that differences in these harvesting patterns
could not have occurred by chance).
The slow speed (9 knots) of STCW boats compared to
LTCW boats (16 knots) precludes the use of sonar (todetect whales) by the slower STCW boats: sonar emissions
cause the whale to flee at too great a distance to allow the
STCW boats to catch up with the whale. Consequently
visual sighting is carried out by crew members from themasthead or wheelhouse roof on STCW boats, though an
acoustic transmitter (without a receiver) is used to cause
whales to surface. This non-locating device is necessary
to ensure that female-calf pairs are not inadvertently hunted
and to greatly reduce the time between sighting andharpooning of the whales.
Despite the skill of the whalers once whales have beensighted, about 37% of minke whale hunts are unsuccessful
due to limited sighting range under frequently prevailingsea conditions (TC/42/SEST3: Figure 5). On the other
hand, LTCW vessels can remain at sea and hunt effectively
with sonar under weather conditions that will keep STCW
boats in port.
Manpower. The eight Japanese STCW companies aremostly small family-owned businesses that employ few
workers; before lay-offs caused by the zero-catch quotas,
the average number of paid workers per STCW operation[in 1987] was 10, which includes the boat owners’ wives,
sons and their spouses (TC/42/SEST3: Table 1). In mostcases these workers are residents of the same whaling village
as the boat owner (ibid: 6).
The LTCW operations were markedly different: LTCW
operations formed part of large national (as opposed to small
local community-based) companies, and LTCW workers
were recruited from locations throughout Japan (ibid: Table2). The last season LTCW operated [1987], and despite theprogressive shrinkage of LTCW operations in theimmediately preceding years, the average number ofsalaried workers was still about 100 fulltime and 25 parttime per LTCW company (ibid: 8).
The qualifications of crew members are also markedly
different. Crew members on STCW boats do not require
formal training (except for the captain), and they are generally recruited locally and obtain their skills on the boat itself.
In the case of LTCW operations, crew members wererecruited through national advertising or through thecolleges where they received their formal training. The
large-sized LTCW crews (22-25 men) include many
specialized positions due to the need to service these oceangoing ships and their complex electronic and mechanicalequipment whilst on extended voyages. Whereas on STCW
boats most crew members can fill most positions (except
harpooner and engineer), this is not the case on the LTCW
boats where distinct and highly specialized roles (requiring
specialized training) exist for most functions and are strictly
maintained at all times.
Ownership and Management. Six of the eight STCW
companies are owner operated; one company is a wholly
owned subsidiary of a now-disbanded LTCW company(though all management decisions are made by the local
boat operator); the eighth STCW operation is managed bya local fisheries cooperative. Seven of the eight companies
own a single STCW boat, and one company operates twoboats.
Since the imposition of a minke whale zero-catch quota
in 1988, these local operators have attempted to diversify
their local businesses, including e.g. fish-farming, set-net
operations, etc. (TC/42/SEST2). In contrast, large-scale
diversification was a normal part of the LTCW parent
companies operations. These national diversified
companies, with head offices in Tokyo, were engaged invarious national and overseas fisheries, as well as fish
product processing and marketing, fish-farming, fertilizer
and pharmaceutical manufacture, and various overseas joint
venture operations.
The LTCW companies were public companies, withelected boards, publicly traded shares, and large numbersof shareholders’ financial interests to consider. The STCW
operations, on the other hand, are family run, without publicboards, annual meetings or shareholders to satisfy (except
in the single, small-scale case of the community-based
fishery cooperative-managed STCW operation).
Distribution of Whalemeat. The critical differences
between distribution of whale product in STCW and LTCW
was also addressed last year (in IWC/44/SEST3).
The principal reasons for the critical distinctions
existing between STCW and LTCW whale productdistribution systems are:(1) differing production scale of the two fisheries,(2) differing consumer needs being served,(3) differing ownership and decision-making
structures.
In brief, due to the small and irregular supply of whale
meat landed at the designated STCW landing ports, only
local buyers (serving local/prefectural customers) wereordinarily present to undertake commercial distribution.
STCW consumers preferred fresh meat and this was quickly
distributed through an efficient network of buyers as wellas through a widespread gifting network within and adjacentto the producing community (see below).
This STCW distribution system is in contrast to the
LTCW situation which operated in some of these samecommunities, where the large quantities of meat produced
on a daily basis by the LTCW operation was too great for
local consumption needs. To handle the large volume of
product, LTCW landing stations could freeze, cook and can,salt, and otherwise process the edible whale products, whichin that form could be marketed nationally in areas not servedby the STCW fresh minke meat market.
The principal difference between STCW and LTCW
product distribution however, results from the manner bywhich this commercial distribution was controlled. LTCW
companies undertake capture., processing, distributing andwholesale marketing of the whale product and control eachphase of the operation thus excluding various local andnon-local middlemen. In order to control market forces
248

How Different Are Small-type and Large-type Coastal Whaling?
affecting the profitability of the operation, all decisions
were made at corporate headquarters at a distance fromthe landing or processing site (IWC/44/SEST3).
In contrast, the STCW operators merely produce themeat (and in some cases may flense the whale); however,they do not engage in processing, distributing or marketingthe products, phases of the operation carried out by local
processors and distributors who have their own networks
leading to the local consumers. The STCW producers haveno direct influence over factors affecting market prices(see, e.g. IWC/40/23: 89, where for the beaked whale
STCW fishery, the selling price was set by the producer
at the very start of the whaling season and did not change
during the season).

43/SEST1; IWC/44/SEST4).
Cultural Identity. Culturally appropriate means of using
local food resources over time provides one of the mostenduring means of fashioning a distinctive local or regional
identity.
The historic movement of Japanese whalers fromwestern Japan to eastern and northern Japan (particularly
during this century) has enabled individuals to continue theirfamily occupations as whalers (IWC/40/23: 16), and has
allowed the spread and ensured the continuity of whalebased cuisines having considerable antiquity yet local
distinctiveness (ibid: 66-73). The relationship between thislocally based distinctiveness and cultural identity has beenemphasized in several studies (e.g. IWC/42/SE3: 29-36;
Kalland and Moeran 1992: 156).
Gift Exchange in Whaling Communities. Whale meat,
being a traditionally valued food item is used extensively
in gift giving and occurs in both the STCW and LTCW
context. However, it is particularly instructive to note thesignificant differences occurring between the STCW and
LTCW situation.
As has been stated elsewhere (e.g. TC/42/SEST3: 22)
the quantity of meat gifted is not the most importantconsideration when trying to understand the significanceof the gift. Nor does it matter if items are purchased for the
purpose of being given as a gift.
What is significant however, is the community-wide
extent of the exchanges that occur between STCW boatowners and crew members to their relatives, neighbors,
friends and associates, and then from these gift receivers
out further to yet others in the community. This extensive
community-wide activity occurs not just occasionally, butevery time a whale is landed in the STCW community, andfrequently involves exchanges between local residents andshrines and temples, consequently having enormous social,religious and cultural importance (e.g. IWC/41/SE1: 1014; IWC/43/SE3: 21-24; Takahashi et al. 1989: 128).
This extensive and frequent system in STCW is inmarked contrast to the quite limited and infrequent gift
giving occurring in the LTCW fishery. In the LTCW
situation only certain people (ordinarily the flensing station
owner and a few neighboring households) receive gifts ofmeat from the boat operator, and these gifts do not occur
each time a whale is landed, but rather, about once a monthwhile the station operates (TC/42/SEST3: 22).

FURTHER CRITICAL ASPECTS OF STCW
AND LTCW DISTRIBUTION PATTERNS
Additional features of the distinctive STCW distribution
system, including important gifting and exchange
institutions, have been fully described in earlier reports,e.g., IWC/40/23: 32-51; IWC/41/SE1; IWC/41/SE3; TC/
41/STW1; TC/42/SEST7; TC/42/SEST8; TC/42/SEST9;
see also Kalland and Moeran 1992: 141-45.
The important socio-cultural distinctions flowing fromthe localized distribution of whale products in the STCW
case in contrast to the centralized distribution in the LTCW
case are summarized below.
The Local Food Culture. In the STCW case, the local
food culture in the vicinity of the whaling communities issignificantly based upon the STCW fresh-meat fishery fora large part of the year. Indeed, despite the seasonal
consumption of other types of whale meat, the exacting
requirements of the local food culture provide one of themost important reasons why STCW continued to co-exist
in some of the same communities as LTCW fisheries. For
whereas LTCW operations provided cheaper and more
plentiful supplies cf whale meat, this meat did not provide
suitable ingredients for the locally valued traditional foodculture based upon STCW production.
The relationship between the availability of culturally
appropriate whale meat and this locally centred distribution
system has been emphasized elsewhere (Takahashi et al. 1989:
128). The reasons for linking the availability of the appropriate
foods to the social and religious wellbeing of the STCW
communities has been documented by social scientists at successive IWC meetings (e.g. IWC/40/23: 66-74; IWC/41/SE3:
14-25, 27-31, 38-39; TC/41/STW1: 8-9, 21-27; TC/42/
SEST8: 6-7, 25-33); see also Glass and England 1988; Kalland and Moeran 1992: 145-49; Ashkenazi and Jacob 1992.
In TC/43/SEST1 and IWC/44/SEST2, social scientists’understanding of the critical role of everyday (whale meat)food use [documented quantitatively for one STCW
community in TC/42/SEST8], is thoroughly presented. It
is apparent that everyday food use critically influences suchimportant aspects cf social development, family life andcommunity solidarity as, e.g. socialization and roledifferentiation, moral ordering and cultural identity (TC/

WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS OF
THESE OPERATIONAL DIFFERENCES?
Clearly, from a whale-fishery management perspective
these significant differences between STCW and LTCW
operations indicate that quite different management regimes
may be appropriate in each case.
The difference of scale is significant, because smallboats and small crews mean smaller capital and operating
costs, no shareholders' dividends or directors’ fees to be
paid, and therefore the likelihood that economic viability
can be assured with a relatively small catch quota as was
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IWC/45/SEST1REFERENCES CITED

the case in the immediate past. For example, STCW
companies landed an average 106 tons of edible whale
product annually (1982-87 data) in comparison with 1,489
tons annually for one LTCW company (1983-87 data; TC/
42/SEST3: 10).
Second, the small range of the STCW boats ties themclosely to designated landing ports. The slow speed of theboat and the requirement that the whale be quickly
processed to ensure a high quality product reaches market(STCW minke whale consumers expect fresh, not frozen
meat, to be available) results, in most cases, in a single
whale being taken per trip (TC/42/SEST3: Table 6). Under
these circumstances, given the public nature of the flensing
operations (open shed or slipway flensing), inspection of
the catch and enforcement of catch limits is easily insured.
Third, given the irregular availability and relatively
small quantities of whale meat available on any given day
at the designated STCW landing ports, distribution of theedible products could be restricted to traditional whale meatdependent communities, in most cases within the prefectureof the landing port.
Indeed, a STCW Management Plan which anticipates
cooperation between IWC, national and local management
bodies has already been tabled at IWC by the Government
cf Japan (TC/42/SEST7). This plan aims to:— maximize the efficient and humane catchingof whales for human consumption andcommunity wellbeing on a sustained basis;— minimize loss of whales and product quality;— ensure that the social and cultural benefits ofconsuming whale meat are maximized in
STCW communities (by restricting
distribution of edible products to distant urban
centers);— ensure administrative efficiency, responsible
local involvement and independent inspectionof STCW operations;— ensure optimal collection of scientificinformation concerning the stock and thewhaling operations for management purposes.
A quantitative assessment of the cultural need for minke
whale meat in the Ayukawa-based STCW fishery has also
been completed (TC/42/SEST8) based upon a methodology
accepted by IWC for the Alaskan bowhead fishery andappropriately adapted to the cultural circumstancesprevailing in Ayukawa.
The above text summarizes five years research andconsiderable subsequent discussion of these tabled research
reports at Technical Committee Sub-Committee andWorking Group meetings.
It is hoped this present review of the extensive relevant
documentation will provide an accepted basis at this time
for a just decision to be made in respect to meeting the
documented cultural and community needs in the STCW
communities.

Ashkenazi, M. and J. Jacob 1992. Whale Meat as a
Component of the Changing Japanese Diet in
Hokkaido. Ben-Gurion University of the
Negev, Israel
IWC/40/23. Small-type Coastal Whaling in Japan: Reportof an International Workshop (by T. Akimichi
et al.)
IWC/41/SE1. Socioeconomic Implications of a Zero-Catch
Limit on Distribution Channels and Related
Activities in Hokkaido and Miyagi Prefectures,Japan (by T.C. Bestor)
IWC/41/SE3. Small-Type Coastal Whaling in Ayukawa (byL. Manderson and H. Hardacre)
IWC/44/SEST2. Summary of Whale Meat as a Componentof the Changing Japanese Diet (by Governmentof Japan)
IWC/44/SEST3. Commercial Distribution of Whale Meat:
An Overview. (by Government of Japan)
IWC/44/SEST4 The Importance of Everyday Food Use (byGovernment of Japan).
Glass, K. and K. England 1988. Why the Japanese are so
Stubborn about Whaling. Oceanus 32: 45-51
Kalland, A. and B. Moeran 1990. Endangered Culture:
Japanese Whaling in Cultural Perspective.
Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Monograph
Series No. 61, Copenhagen
Kalland, A. and B. Moeran 1992. Japanese Whaling: Endof an Era? Curzon Press, London
Ohsumi, S. 1975. Review of Japanese Small-Type Whaling.
Journal of the Fisheries Research Board of
Canada 32: 1111-1121
Takahashi, J., A. Kalland, B. Moeran and T.C. Bestor 1989
Japanese Whaling Culture: Continuities and Diversities.
Maritime Anthropological Studies 2: 105-133
TC/41/STW1. Contemporary Socio-Cultural
Characteristics of Japanese Small-Type Coastal
Whaling (by S.R. Braund et al.)
TC/41/STW2. Japanese Whaling Culture: Continuities andDiversities (by J. Takahashi et al.)TC/42/SEST2. Socio-Economic Countermeasure in the
Four Japanese STCW Communities (byGovernment of Japan)
TC/42/SEST3. Distinguishing Between Japanese STCW
and LTCW in Relation to Coastal Whale
Fishery Management (by Government of Japan)
TC/42/SEST7. Operational Plan for Japanese Small-Type
Whaling (by Government of Japan)
TC/42/SEST8. Quantification of Local Need for Minke
Whale for the Ayukawa-Based Minke Whale
Fishery (by S.R. Braund et al.)TC/42/SEST9. Japan's Answers to Questions on Japanese
STW (by Government of Japan)
TC/43/SEST1. The Cultural Significance of Everyday FoodUse (by Government of Japan)

250

IWC/45/SEST2

LIST OF DOCUMENTS RELATED TO JAPANESE SMALL-TYPE
COASTAL WHALING AND THE SOCIO-ECONOMICIMPLICATIONS OF A ZERO-CATCH LIMITThe Government of Japan1993

which also includes a proposed amendment to Schedule
Paragraph 13(b).
Small-Type Coastal Whaling in Japan: Report of anInternational Workshop.
T. Akimichi, P.J. Asquith, H. Befu, T.C. Bestor, S.R.
Braund, M.M.R. Freeman, H. Hardacre, M. Iwasaki, A.
Kalland, L. Manderson, B.D. Moeran and J. Takahashi
1988. (IWC/40/23)
To provide a factual assessment of the historical andsocio-cultural significance of Japanese STCW, aninternational workshop was held in April 1988 attended by
twelve social scientists from six countries (Australia,
Canada, England, Japan, Norway and the U.S.). The
workshop report (published in English as Occasional Paper
No. 27, Boreal Institute for Northern Studies, Canada, 1988
and in Japanese as Kujira no bunka jinruigaku: Nihon no
kogata engan Hogei, by Kaimeisha, Tokyo, 1989) is based
upon intensive fieldwork in the four STCW communities
and a thorough review of the relevant literature.
With its roots in 17th century net whaling, STCW is
the most recent expression of the Japanese whaling culturecomplex. In its contemporary form, STCW is a small-scale
stable fishery, based in four whaling communities close to
the principal nearshore whaling grounds.
The distribution of whale products from these
operations involves both monetized and non-monetizedsystems of exchange. Complete utilization of the whale
carcass as food is characteristic of Japanese STCW. The
customary whale-based cuisine maintained in the whaling
communities serves important symbolic, ceremonial, andsocial needs within these societies.
Important aspects of the religious life of these small
whaling communities are associated with whaling, including
rites practised by whalers, their families and other membersof the community. Such observances are the means bywhich peaceful repose of whale souls is assured and thespiritual soundness of the community maintained.
The report concludes that the distinctive history, meansof production and distribution, food culture, ceremonial andreligious characteristics of STCW when considered
together, constitute a form of whaling that whilst sharing
certain elements with both commercial and aboriginal/
subsistence whaling, nevertheless is clearly distinguishable
from both.

Small-Type Whaling in Japan’s Coastal Seas
Government of Japan, 1986 (TC/38/AS2)
The localized and small-scale nature of Japanese
STCW, together with the socio-economic and cultural
importance of whalemeat production and consumption inthese small coastal communities is described. The reportemphasizes the similarity, in social and cultural terms, of
this local dependence upon whaling to that found in various
aboriginal/subsistence whaling communities, and warns thatthe cessation of whaling will similarly undermine thesolidarity and integrity of these traditional Japanese coastal
communities.
History of the Consideration of Aboriginal/
Subsistence Whaling
Government of Japan, 1987 (IWC/39/26)
The history of IWC use of the aboriginal exemption insetting catch quotas indicates that the emphasis has changed
from earlier concerns with capture technology to recent
emphasis upon exclusive local consumption of the productsof the hunt (irrespective of who does the catching and thetype of gear used) in order to meet whaling communities’
nutritional, subsistence and cultural needs.
The report concludes that these changes in understanding
have been necessary to account, for example, for changes
taking place in modern whaling technology, hunting by nonaboriginal whalers to reduce efficiency of food capture, andthe limited commercial exchanges now an essential part ofmodern aboriginal societies. It is suggested that as these
traditional societies continue to change it will become
increasingly difficult to distinguish between ‘aboriginal’ andother traditional coastal whaling societies.
Japan’s Small-Type Subsistence Whaling
Government of Japan 1987, (IWC/39/25)
This report provides a summary of Japan’s position
that several important similarities exist between small-type
coastal whaling (STCW) and subsistence whaling carriedout elsewhere by various aboriginal groups. An importantcommon element existing in both categories of whaling is
the local dependence upon whale meat production andconsumption, and the part these activities play inmaintaining a distinctive traditional cultural identity. The
small amount of whale meat required to maintain these
local cultural traditions in the case of the four Japanese
STCW communities is made quite explicit in the report,

251IWC/45/SEST2

Women’s Tales of Whaling: Life Stories of 11
Japanese Women who Live with Whaling
J. Takahashi, Japan Whaling Association, 1988 (Report
distributed for information by the Government of Japan at
the 41st IWC Annual Meeting)
Although whale production is traditionally an
exclusively male-based activity, women play an
indispensable supportive role as the wives as whalers, andas flensers, distributors of whale products and consumers.
This report introduces eleven women whose lives in one
way or another are or were involved with whaling. These
women’s role in the production phase center upon theirimportant family-based supporting responsibilities. Whenconsidering the consumption phase however, their roles
become even greater.
These accounts express a wide range of concerns,
including worries about the psychological and social stressexperienced by their children and husbands occasioned by
the loss of security and the need to move to cities in searchof work, of bewildering attacks on their respected traditions,and their assessment of international politics as it has cometo affect their lives in these peripheral coastal communities.
Report to the IWC Working Group on SocioEconomic Implications of a Zero-Catch Limit
Government of Japan, 1989 (IWC/41/21)
This report examines the socio-economic implicationsof the zero-catch quota which was imposed on pelagic andlarge-type coastal whaling operations in 1987 and upon the
STCW minke whale operation in 1988. These zero-catch
quotas, in addition to causing a series of socio-economic
impacts have affected the spiritual, psychological, physicaland cultural wellbeing of many people who are dependent
upon the products of whaling. The report characterizes thesocio-economic dislocations at four levels: the individual,
the family, the community, and beyond.
The zero-catch limit has affected individuals
economically, socially, culturally and, in some cases, inrespect to health. Effects have been manifested in the
failures of small family businesses in the whaling villages,
job losses, the lack of suitable re-employment options andthe consequent need to accept unsatisfactory low-paying
seasonal or temporary positions which in some cases involvefamily separation or relocation. The difficulties faced bylaid-off whalers, resident in small and remote communities,
when seeking new jobs result from the specialized natureof their occupational skills, their age, and the particularities
of Japanese employment and fishery practices which, interalia, severely restricts opportunities for self-employment.
As whalers enjoyed prestige in their communities, job
loss invokes especially acute social and psychologicalstresses for both the workers and their families. Within thefamily, newly-created interpersonnel stresses occur, which
are having harmful effects on children. Apart from financial
losses to families and to local businesses (including thoseunconnected with whaling), the survival of such criticalvillage institutions as local Fishery Cooperative

Associations is seriously undermined.
Tourism, as a source of revenue for these remotecommunities, is highly dependent upon the local availabilityof whale meat, which also plays an important role in various
religious and community celebrations vital to the maintenanceof social solidarity. These socio-economic and cultural
impacts in their various forms pose a serious threat to thecontinued survival of these small traditional communities.
Socio-Economic Implications of a Zero-Catch Limiton Distribution Channels and Related Activities in
Hokkaido and Miyagi Prefectures, Japan
T.C. Bestor, 1989 (IWC/41/SE1)
Anthropological field research on the lives of people
directly involved in STCW operations, as well as in the
distribution of its products and related activities, wasundertaken in Hokkaido and Miyagi prefectures in 1988,
the first year when the taking of coastal minke whales was
totally banned. The imposition of the zero-catch limit has
had a noticeable impact on whaling communities in thesetwo prefectures in such areas as employment, the viabilityof family enterprises, customary social relations, social
rituals, the viability of key local institutions in the generalmaritime economy in Ayukawa (i.e. the local Fishery
Cooperative Association), the economic foundation ofcommunity life, and strongly held customary patterns ofwhale meat consumption. Problems associated withattempts to mitigate these serious negative impacts are also
discussed.
Small-Type Coastal Whaling in Ayukawa: Draft
Report of Research
L. Manderson and H. Hardacre, 1989 (IWC/41/SE3)
This report is based upon fieldwork undertaken by theauthors in the period December 1988 - January 1989. The
period of fieldwork allowed the researchers the opportunity
to participate in the New Year-associated religious andceremonial life of Ayukawa village. The report contains
extensive descriptions of public and domestic ritual andeveryday celebrations, whilst drawing especially upon dataobtained through 250 hours of interviewing some seventy
local informants. The report focuses attention upon anumber of significant areas of village life: e.g., gift exchange(in which whale products are essential), the local whalebased cuisine, the effects of greatly reduced employment
in socio-culturally and economically important whalingrelated occupations. The report concludes that the severe
reduction in whaling is creating serious hardships, both toindividual families and to various community-wide
institutions, such that these impacts together threaten thecontinued existence of the village as a viable community.
Contemporary Socio-Cultural Characteristics ofJapanese Small-Type Coastal Whaling
S.R. Braund, M.M.R. Freeman and M. Iwasaki-Goodman,
1989 (TC/41/STW1)
Based on a variety of documentary sources andfieldwork in the four Japanese STCW communities, thisreport summarizes the socio-cultural importance of STCW

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List of Documents Related to Japanese Small-type Coastal Whaling and the Socio-Economic Implications of a Zero-catch Limit
in contemporary Japan. This form of whaling represents
the most recent manifestation of the historical whaling
tradition in Japan, meets important contemporary needs
associated with, e.g., the high symbolic value of whales
and whaling, the high dietary value placed on whale
products, the high value of whale meat in gift exchanges
and for various other ceremonial purposes, the maintenanceof distinctive regional cuisines and identity, occupationalprestige, the importance of transferring traditional skills,
values and attitudes intergenerationally, and in maintaining
the spiritual bonds that have long been celebrated between
whales and whalers.
Japanese Whaling Culture: Continuities andDiversities
J. Takahashi, A. Kalland, B. Moeran and T.C. Bestor, 1989
(TC/41/STW2)This report (subsequently published in Maritime
Anthropological Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2: 105-133, 1989)
details the historical background of pre-modern andmodern whaling in Japan and describes the three maintypes of whaling practised there in recent decades: largetype coastal whaling, pelagic whaling, and STCW. By
comparing these three forms of whaling, the reportdemonstrates that there are distinct sets of productionrelated activities that exhibit a high degree of continuity
within both the catching and processing phases of whaling.
At the same time, various distinctive social and cultural
institutions serve to bridge the differences that do exist
between these different forms of whaling. The continuities
and similarities between the different forms of whaling,
together with the distinctive bridging institutions, provide
the rationale for recognizing that an integrated whaling
culture exists in Japan.
The Spread of Whaling Culture in Japan
A. Kalland, 1989 (TC/41/STW3)
This report analyses the ways in which whaling
operations and the associated culture was transmitted fromsouthern to northern regions of Japan through the centurieslong history of Japanese whaling. The widespread diffusionof the Japanese whaling culture is a direct consequence ofthe mobility of the whaling operations. Transmission of
specialized skills and the recruitment patterns for skilledworkers have been important elements in this diffusion
process, together with the mobility of whaling fleets,
technological expansion and group exclusivity. Thus despite
the geographical expansion of whaling, the continuity andcoherence of the Japanese whaling culture has beensuccessfully maintained over several centuries.
Socio-Economic Countermeasure in the FourJapanese STCW Communities
Government of Japan, 1990 (TC/42/SEST2)This report sets out to answer questions concerning thedegree to which countermeasures have been implemented
in order to minimize or offset the various impacts associatedwith the zero-catch quotas imposed in 1988 on minke
whaling in Japan's coastal waters. Numerous counter-measures have been put into effect at three distinct levelsin the four STCW communities: (1) individual initiatives(e.g. salmon farming), (2) community initiatives (e.g.
tourism development) and (3) national government
initiatives (e.g. economic transfers, and distribution of byproduct from the Antarctic research operation).
An evaluation of the numerous attempted
countermeasures indicates that quite limited benefits haveresulted, other efforts are clearly unsustainable, and theprognosis for future benefits are poor for a number ofgeographical and ecological reasons. The zero-catch quota
for minke whales continues to seriously undermine thesustainability of the formerly stable and small-scale coastal
whaling operations which, by means of radical restructuring,
have instituted a sort-term adaptation to the current reduced
whale catch quotas.
Distinguishing between Japanese STCW and LTCW
in Relation to Coastal Whale Fishery Management
Government of Japan, 1990 (TC/42/SEST3)
By reference to a variety of sociological, operationaland management-related characteristics of Japanese largeand small-type coastal whaling operations, thedistinguishing features of these two quite distinct fisheries
are made explicit. The paper sets out a sufficient numberof definitional and operational criteria, relating more
especially to the significantly different scale of operations,enabling a rational formulation of a management plan
exclusively applicable to small-scale STCW operations. The
exclusivity of such a management plan would, throughdetailed regulatory requirements, maintain effective
separation between the industrial-scale nationally-centred
LTCW operations and the small-scale community-based
STW operations.
Operational Plan for Japanese Small-Type Whaling
Government of Japan, 1990 (TC/42/SEST7)This paper details a community-based management planfor small-type whaling (STW) developed by community
leaders in Ayukawa (Miyagi Prefecture) and Abashiri(Hokkaido Prefecture). The plan, conforming to nationaland IWC directives, is designed to ensure that STW remains
small-scale and locally centred so as to be unambiguously
distinct from all other forms of coastal and pelagic whaling.
The management plan proposes ways to maximize whale
conservation as well as ensuring maximum cultural andsocio-economic benefits derived from whaling remain
within the local whaling communities. These particular
benefits are considered necessary for the continued survivalof these threatened local societies, and consequently theoperational plan has resulted from the cooperation of anumber of relevant community associations and local
government departments.
Quantification of Local Need for Minke Whale for the
Ayukawa-Based Minke Whale Fishery
Government of Japan, 1990 (TC/42/SEST8)
A questionnaire survey was designed and carried out(by S.R. Braund and Associates, Anchorage, Alaska) in

253

IWC/45/SEST2

Oshika, Onagawa and Ishinomaki (communities within the
traditional whale meat consumption area supplied by
Ayukawa-based whaling operations). The survey was basedon methods successfully developed to quantify culturally
important uses of whale meat in Alaska. Modifications insurvey design and delivery, deemed necessary to suit theparticular cultural and practical circumstances existing inJapan, were incorporated and validated through a pre-test
survey in the communities.
Occasions when whale meat has cultural importanceoutside of customary, everyday, use include 15 classes ofoccasion with Buddhist and Shinto significance, nine
predominantly secular events having minor religious
significance, three events celebrating kin-based reunions,and two events when formal hospitality is provided nonkin guests. There were some further locally important
culturally significant uses involving, e.g., whale-boatowners’ gifting obligations and community institutions’
need for whalemeat for particular occasions. Based upon
the results of this survey, the total number of minke whale
consumed for culturally and socially significant purposes(in an appropriately selected sample year) was 40 in Oshika,
30 in Onagawa and 146 in Ishinomaki, for a total of 216
minke whale, or about 250 tonnes of whale meat.
Japan’s Answers to Questions on Japanese STCW
Government of Japan, 1990 (TC/42/SEST9)This paper provides answers to ten questions asked by
the United Kingdom through the IWC Secretariat in 1989
related to: catch records, quantity of edible meat produced,
quantity of edible meat used for human consumption,amount of meat used for non-commercial purposes (e.g.
gifting or domestic use), proportion of meat entering direct
sale or via an intermediary, the monetary value of thecommercial exchange, quantity of edible meat discarded,annual per capita consumption of whale meat, length oftime cold-storage supplies of whale meat remains useable,
the non-whaling economic activities of the small-type
coastal whalers.
Whaling Towns and Tourism: Possibilities forDevelopment of Tourism at the Former Whaling
Towns — Taiji, Wada and Ayukawa
N.H.H. Graburn, 1990 (Report distributed for information
purposes by the Government of Japan at 42nd IWC Meeting)
The potential for tourism development at the former[sic] whaling towns was assessed in the light of the recent
boom in rural tourism occurring in Japan. The symbolicand practical considerations associated with successful
tourism development in Japan were reviewed. The study
concludes that Taiji stands as a test case for the other two
whaling towns which lack the necessary attractions for
successful tourism development as well as requiring very
costly improvements in transportation infrastructure andpromotion as tourist destinations.
However, even if such developments were to be
successfully implemented, they will provide very limited

relief for those recently laid off from whaling. The
development of successful tourism appears to depend upon
continued whaling in these otherwise non-noteworthy
villages. In the absence of continued whaling as amarketable unique local cultural highlight, attempts to basetourism upon historic connections to whaling puts thecommunities into competition with each other for tourismdevelopment resources.
Endangered Culture: Japanese Whaling in Cultural
Perspective
A. Kalland and B. Moeran, 1990 (Monograph distributedby the Government of Japan for information purposes at
42nd IWC Meeting)This report (subsequently published as a book, JapaneseWhaling: End of an Era?, by Curzon Press, London 1992)
provides an anthropological account of the Japanesewhaling culture and discusses what happens when that
culture is threatened. The historical development of whalingin Japan and the work organization of those employed in
the different forms of Japanese whaling are described,
together with the role of the whaling companies in the local
and national economy.
Attention is given to the role of whales in establishingand maintaining local community identity, through suchimportant cultural institutions as the food culture, ritual andceremonial observances, and gift-giving (all of which retain
great significance in contemporary Japan). The book also
explains the basis of recent growth of non-Japanese culturalattachment to the whale and how this has been transformed
into political action affecting management decisions thathave culminated in the IWC whaling moratorium.
The Cultural Significance of Everyday Food Use
Government of Japan, 1991 (TC/43/SEST1)
This report is in two parts. Part I provides the current
scientific understanding of the social and cultural
importance of everyday food use in human societies, based
upon an extensive review of the most pertinent research inthis area. Part II provides a detailed account of the use ofwhale meat and blubber in Japanese small-type whaling
communities within the appropriate context, namely thedistinctive structure of the Japanese meal.
The report concludes that the social and cultural value
accorded a fundamental core-food item in a complex
traditional cuisine is of far greater significance to that society
than the nutritional importance of that particular food. The
high values in question are rooted in a variety of historical,
symbolic, aesthetic, social and locational considerations thatwhen unfulfilled represent a profoundly damaging loss tothe communities in question.
Socio-Economic Implications of Zero-Catch Limit:
Some Examples of Small-type Whaling
Government of Japan, 1991 (TC/43/SEST2)This report comments on the several negative impacts
continuing to be experienced at the level of small-typewhaling (STW) boat owner, crew member and community

254

List of Documents Related to Japanese Small-type Coastal Whaling and the Socio-Economic Implications of a Zero-catch Limit
as the zero-catch quota on minke whales is prolonged.
Despite various efforts undertaken to mitigate these impacts,
these have not improved the progressively deteriorating
situation in the communities. Apart from the distress caused
to the eight STW boat owners and crew members involvedin small-scale coastal whaling, the future of the associatedlocal non-whale fisheries in some of these communities isequally imperilled. The important difference between thissituation and that occurring in other countries due to collapseof various fish stocks is noted.
Summaries of Documents on Socio-Economic
Implications and Small-type Whaling
Government of Japan 1991, (TC/43/SEST3)
This report consists of an annotated list of some of thereports submitted by the Government of Japan over the past
six years to the Technical Committee Working Group on
Socio-economic Implications and Small-Type Whaling(STW).
The reports variously provide information on thehistorical role, geographical distribution and contemporarysocio-cultural significance of STW in Japan, thedifferences between STW and large-type whaling in Japan,
and a proposed operational plan for STW that whilst
conforming to national and IWC directives is designed toensure that STW can be defined and managed so as tomaintain it's unambiguous distinction from large-scalecommercial whaling. Also included in the fifteen official
IWC reports briefly described and identified in this paper
are a number that detail the various implications (atindividual, family and community level) caused by theminke whale zero-catch quota.
Age Difference in Food Preference with regard to
Whale meat: Report of a Questionnaire Survey in
Oshika Township
Government of Japan, 1991 (TC/43/SEST4)
This report provides analysis of a survey conducted in
one small-type whaling district during 1988. A three-pagequestionnaire was administered to a randomly selected
sample of 500 adult community members and to the entire(N=94) 14-year-old student population in local schools. A
series of 13 questions allowed a quantitative assessment of
the extent of whale meat use in the everyday diet, thepreference people in different age groups expressed toward
whale meat, the effect of the whaling ban upon their dietary
habits, and the acceptability of substitutes for whale meat.
The report illustrates the important attachment to whale
meat that continues to exist in these traditional whaling
districts, and the extent to which youth, as well as adults,
share these views.
Summary of Whale Meat as a Component of the
Changing Japanese Diet
Government of Japan, 1992 (IWC/44/SEST2)This report summarizes the results of a detailed
investigation, made available as Whale Meat as a
Component of the Changing Japanese Diet in Hokkaido,

M. Ashkenazi and J. Jacobs, Ben Gurion University, 1992).
This research was based upon extensive interviews andhousehold questionnaires administered in six Japanese cities
in 1990-91.
The study provides an anthropological understandingof the role of whale meat in the contemporary Japanesefood culture, and concludes that the Japanese people favor
whale meat for particular stated reasons. Eating whale meatis undeniably a part of Japanese culture and has special
significance at the regional and local level. This report also
discusses the relationship currently existing between thecustomary whale-based cuisine and local peoples' identity
as members of small-type whaling communities.
Commercial Distribution of Whale Meat: An Overview
Government of Japan, 1992 (IWC/44/SEST3)
This paper provides answers to a number of questions
about Japanese small-type whaling (STW) asked at the 43rd
IWC meeting. Answers to each of these questions provides
references to earlier IWC documents where more empiricaldetail is provided.
Answers to the following questions are provided: (1)Why are some parts of the meat from STW operations soldin distant markets, and what is the recent estimation of thequantity of meat sold outside the (producing) region? (2)What is the difference between the commercial distribution
resulting from STW and other types of whaling? (3) Whatis the nature of commercial distribution of whale meat from
STW? (4) What is the noncommercial distribution of whale
meat in the STW communities?
The paper concludes by commenting critically on theusefulness of continuing to pursue this line of questioning,and suggests that the approach pursued by social scientists
in dealing with these and similar questions has more
validity and usefulness in seeking a complete
understanding of STW.
The Importance of Everyday Food Use
Government of Japan, 1992 (IWC/44/SEST4)
The whalemeat dependence of various coastal
communities in Japan is only in small part derived fromthe high nutritional value of whalemeat as a dietary staple.
Far greater dependence derives from the distinctive culturalvalues associated with harvesting, processing, distributing,preparing and consuming this customary foodstuff.
This report considers only the cultural importance ofconsuming whalemeat. Reference is made to the extensivesocial science literature supporting theory that relates thefundamental social and cultural importance of everyday
food patterns to the maintenance of harmonious humangroup life. This relationship is particularly marked inhierarchical societies (where social rank is formallyrecognized) a notable example of which is Japan.
The difficulty certain Japanese communities experiencein maintaining their social vitality during protracted
interruptions in supplies of fresh whalemeat customary in
the local diet becomes understandable in relation to the255IWC/45/SEST2

explanations provided in this paper.
A Critical Evaluation of the Relationship between
Cash Economies and Subsistence Activities
Government of Japan, 1992 (IWC/44/SEST5)
Controversy and confusion surrounding the term‘subsistence’ results from its widespread misuse in everyday
speech as well as in many jurisdictional (including IWC)
situations, where the term is applied in the absence of an
appropriate definition. Despite this confusion, the term
subsistence is usually well-defined and unambiguously usedin the recent (specialist) scientific literature.
This paper provides a full explanation of how the term
is currently defined and used in recent scientific studies,and makes clear the relationship existing between
subsistence and those monetized economic systems withwhich it is integrated in varying degree.
In view of the common belief that ‘subsistence’ and‘commercial’ categories provide a sound basis for whale
management, this paper indicates the erroneous anduntenable nature of that particular belief in relation to current
scientific understandings.
Similarities and Diversity in Coastal Whaling
Operations: A Comparison of Small-Scale Whaling
Activities in Greenland, Iceland, Japan and Norway
Government of Japan, 1992 (IWC/44/SEST6)This report (published as Volume II, Report of the
Symposium on Utilization of Marine Living Resources for
Subsistence, Institute of Cetacean Research, Tokyo, 1992)
results from the deliberations of an International Study
Group (chaired by Professor Brian Moeran, University of
London) that met in January 1992.
The relevance of recent sustainable development
strategies for achieving a moderated ecological relationshipbetween human societies and their needed local resources
was the starting point for considering improved ways ofproviding a sound (i.e. sustainable and equitable) whale
management regime.
The group considered the relationship between
technology, resources, personnel organization, productdistribution patterns, local cultural practices, andcommunity identity as found in small-scale whaling
operations carried out in Greenland, Iceland, Japan and
Norway.
In light of recent criticism that IWC does not employ
current, enlightened, thinking concerning living resource
management, the working group recommended reexamination of current practice, according to four specificcriteria that would address the most glaring inadequacies.
Proposal for Definition of Small-Type Whaling
Government of Japan, 1992 (IWC/SEST/WP1)
In view of the considerable time and effort expended
in discussing the extensive documentation made available
on Japanese small-type whaling (STW) over the past sevenyears, this paper provides a working definition as follows:
STW operations are small-scale, locally managed

and operated, with the distribution of whale
products being locally centralized. The STW fisherysustains customs and institutions which are socially,
culturally, economically and nutritionally importantto the local whaling communities.
The paper suggests a number of future objectives for
the Technical Committee Working Group on SocioEconomic Implications and Small-Type Whaling (IWC/
SEST) following reinstatement of a minke whale harvest.
APPENDIX:RESEARCHERS INVOLVED WITH
GOVERNMENT OF JAPAN STUDIES ON
STCW & SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACTSTUDIESDr. T. Akimichi, Professor of Anthropology, National
Museum of Ethnology, Japan
Dr. R.R. Andersen, Professor of Anthropology, Memorial
University of Newfoundland, Canada
Dr. M. Ashkenazi, Lecturer in Anthropology, Department
of Behavioral Sciences, Ben Gurion Universityof the Negev, Israel
Dr. P.J. Asquith, Associate Professor of Anthropology,
University of Calgary, Canada
Mr. S.R. Braund, President, S.R. Braund & Associates,
Anchorage, U.S.A.
Dr. H. Befu, Professor of Anthropology, Stanford
University, U.S.A.
Dr. T.C. Bestor, Associate Professor of Anthropology & East
Asian Studies, Columbia University, U.S.A.
Dr. M.M.R. Freeman, Henry M. Tory Professor of
Anthropology, University of Alberta, Canada
Dr. N.H.H. Graburn, Professor of Anthropology, Universityof California, Berkeley, U.S.A.
Dr. H. Hardacre, Professor of Modern Asian Studies,
Griffith University, Australia
Ms. M. Iwasaki-Goodman, Doctoral Candidate in
Anthropology, University of Alberta, Canada
Ms. Jeanne Jacob, Scientific Editor, Faculty of Health
Sciences, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev
Dr. A. Kalland, Senior Research Fellow, Nordic Instituteof Asian Studies, Denmark
Dr. J.A. Kruse, Professor of Public Policy, University of
Alaska, Anchorage, U.S.A.
Dr. L. Manderson, Professor of Tropical Health(Anthropology), University of Queensland,
Australia
Dr. B.D. Moeran, Professor of Japanese Anthropology,
University of London, United Kingdom
Mr. C.W. Nicol, Special Advisor, Ministry of Environment,
Japan
Ms. K. Ohmagari, Doctoral Candidate in Anthropology,
University of Manitoba, Canada
Dr. J. Takahashi, Associate Professor of International
Studies, Obirin University, Japan256

List of Documents Related to Japanese Small-type Coastal Whaling and the Socio-Economic Implications of a Zero-catch Limit

SMALL-TYPE WHALING AND THE SOCIOECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS OF A ZEROCATCH LIMIT

Based Minke Whale Fishery
Japan’s Answers to Questions on
Japanese STCW
No number
Whaling Towns and Tourism:
Possibilities for Development ofTourism at the Former Whaling
Towns — Taiji, Wada andAyukawa
No numberEndangered Culture: JapaneseWhaling in Cultural Perspective
1991 TC/43/SESTI The Cultural Significance ofEveryday Food Use
TC/43/SEST2 Socio-Economic Implications of
Zero-Catch Limit: Some Examplesof Small-type Whaling
TC/43/SEST3 Summaries of Documents on
Socio-Economic Implications andSmall-type Whaling
TC/43/SEST4 Age Difference in Food Preferencewith regard to Whale Meat: Reportof a Questionnaire Survey in
Oshika Township1992 IWC/44/SEST2 Summary of Whale Meat as a
Component of the Changing
Japanese Diet in Hokkaido
IWC/44/SEST3 Commercial Distribution of Whale
Meat: An Overview
IWC/44/SEST4 The Importance of Everyday Food
Use
IWC/44/SEST5 A Critical Evaluation of theRelationship between Cash
Economies and Subsistence
Activities
IWC/44/SEST6 Similarities and Diversity in
Coastal Whaling Operations: A
Comparison of Small-Scale
Whaling Activities in Greenland,
Iceland, Japan and Norway
IWC/44/SEST/WPl
Proposal for Definition of Smalltype Whaling
No number
Whale Meat as a Component of the
Changing Japanese Diet in
Hokkaido
TC/42/SEST9

Documents Submitted by Japan to the IWC 1986-92
1986 TC/38/AS2
Small-type Whaling in Japan’s
Coastal Seas
1987 IWC/39/25
Japan’s Small-type Subsistence
Whaling
IWC/39/26
History of the Consideration ofAboriginal Subsistence Whaling
1988 IWC/40/23
Small-type Coastal Whaling inJapan: Report of an International
Workshop.
No number
Women’s Tale of Whaling: Life
Stories of 11 Japanese Women who
Live with Whaling.
1989 IWC/41/21
Report to the Working Group on
Socio-Economic Implications of a
Zero Catch Limit
IWC/41/SE1
Socio-Economic Implications of a
Zero-Catch Limit on Distribution
Channels and Related Activities in
Hokkaido and Miyaki Prefectures
IWC/41/SE3
Small-type Coastal Whaling in
Ayukawa: Draft Report of
Research
TC/41/STWl
Contemporary Socio-Cultural
Characteristics of Japanese Smalltype Coastal Whaling
TC/41/STW2 J a p a n e s e W h a l i n g C u l t u r e :Continuities and Diversities
TC/41/STW3 The Spread of Whaling Culture inJapan1990 TC/42/SEST2 Socio-Economic Impact Countermeasures in the Four Japanese
STCW Communities
TC/42/SEST3 Distinguishing between Japanese
STCW and LTCW in Relation to
Coastal Whale Fishery
Management
TC/42/SEST7 Operational Plan for Japanese
Small-type Whaling.
TC/42/SEST8 Quantification of Local Need for
Minke Whale for the Ayukawa-

257

IWC/45/SEST2

258

IWC/45/SEST3ACTION PLAN FOR JAPANESE COMMUNITY-BASED WHALING(CBW)The Government of Japan
1993

3.

1. DEFINITION:
Community-based whaling is small scale yet having
significant socio-economic, cultural and dietaryimportance within local communities. This communitybased whaling shares to a large degree socio-culturalcharacteristics found in many subsistence-based societies.
These characteristics include, e.g. local residence of boatowners and crew members, the widespread gift and ritualexchanges of whale products within the community, andgifts to kin members and friends residing outside thecommunity, and the transmission of whaling lore and skills
from generation to generation within the community. As
with other hunting societies practicing subsistence,
profound social and cultural significance is associated withcatching, processing, distributing, consuming andcelebrating the catch in conformity with local tradition(IWC/44/SEST5) to the extent that interference with thesepractices seriously endangers the viability and vitality of these
traditional societies (e.g. IWC/41/SE1; IWC/41/SE3).
The products of community-based whaling areprimarily to be consumed in these existing whaling
communities. The sizes of the vessels used by thecommunity-based whaling are not more than 26 metres inlength, less than 50 tons in weight. The area in which thecommunity-based whaling operates does not exceed 50
nautical miles off the Japanese coasts.

2.

SPECIFICATION FOR OPERATIONS OFCOMMUNITY-BASED WHALING:(1) The port of landing the whaling products:
1) Abashiri City on the north-east coast of Hokkaido
in the Sea of Okhotsk in the Sub-Area 11 specified
by the North Pacific minke whale trial by IWC
Scientific Committee (IWC/45/4)
2) Akkeshi-cho off south-east coast of Hokkaido,
provided the products landed there are immediatelytransferred to Ayukawa, Taiji and Wada in the SubArea 73) Ayukawa off Sanriku, on the Pacific Coast of
Oshika Peninsula in the Sub-Area 7(2) Areas of Operation
Areas of operation are generally identified as shaded
area in the Annex to this paper. They are all within 50 miles
off the coastal line of Japan.

4.

DISTRIBUTION AND CONSUMPTIONOF MINKE WHALES TAKEN BY THE
CBW

The minke whales caught by the CBW shall be
exclusively distributed and consumed in the local
communities specified in the Paragraph 2 above. The term
and the conditions for such distribution and consumption
shall be as follows:
1) 80% of the whalemeat should be consumed in therespective community identified in the Paragraph
2 above for the exclusive use by the community.
2) 20% of the whalemeat may be distributed andconsumed in the adjacent areas of the respective
community identified in the Paragraph 2 above by
the relatives and the related facilities and locations
which have historical adherence to the CBWcommunities.

IDENTIFICATION OF THE
COMMUNITY-BASED WHALINGCOMMUNITIES:The following four coastal communities are identified as
the community-based whaling communities. The whale
products taken by the community-based whaling are
exclusively for local consumption by the four communities
identified below.
1) Abashiri in north-eastern Hokkaido
2) Ayukawa on the north-eastern tip of Oshika
Peninsula in Miyagi Prefecture, Honshu
3) Wada on the Pacific coast of Chiba Prefecture,
Honshu4) Taiji on the Pacific coast of Kii Peninsula,
Wakayama Prefecture, Honshu

5.

ESTABLISHMENT OF CATCH LIMITS:

1) Catch Limit shall be established, in principle, by
calculation using the Catch Limit Algorithm
specified in the Revised Annex H (RMP) of theReport of the Scientific Committee (IWC/45/4).
However, until such time as the catch limits are259

IWC/45/SEST3

7.

established according to the above method, catch
limits of the Interim Relief Allocation (IRA) shallbe established according to the best available
scientific evidence obtained by the IWC/SC Comprehensive Assessment and the Report of the North
Pacific minke whale stock trial Working Group
under the RMP.
2) Catch Limits to be established for the Interim Relief
Allocation as specified above are as follows:(1) Sub-Area 11......... 13 animals (July-September)(2) Sub-Area 7...........37 animals (April-September)Those catch limits are set fully taking into account ofstock identification and fishing season in which no mixing
occur from the Sea of Japan stock to Sub-Area 11 and SubArea 7.

6.

SURVEY AND MONITORING:

Japanese Government shall continuously conduct
research on the stock abundance and monitoring inaccordance with the Guideline for Conducting Survey of
RMS.

8.

NUMBER OF VESSELS:

A maximum of 9 vessels only belonging to the CBWcommunities identified in the foregoing Paragraph 2 andlicenced since 1954 shall be used.

9.

VERIFICATION:

Each vessel shall be equipped with the Global
Positioning System (GPS) to identify the location of theoperating vessel on real-time basis and the location shallbe monitored by a national inspector at all times.

SUPERVISION AND CONTROL:
10. REPORTING:

Each land station shall accept a national inspector andan international observer to fully make sure the operations
comply with the Revised Management System. Such an
inspector shall collect the data specified in RMS.

Figure 1

A national inspector shall report catch data and otherdata collected from each vessel required by the minimum
data standard under RMS to IWC Secretariat.

Map showing location of past whaling grounds and the 13 sub-areas chosen for the
implementation trials (see text)

Okhotsk Sea

60°

52°
50°

Sea of Japan

12
10

Yellow Sea
40°

6

AyukawaWada

5
East China Sea
131"

13

141"
Abashiri(Hamanaka)

7

8

9

3

4

Taiji

30°

1
120°

127"

2
130°

140°

260

150°

157"

160°

170°

IWC/45/SEST/WP1

STATEMENT FROM YOJIRO TOBACHAIRMAN, JAPAN SMALL-TYPE WHALING ASSOCIATIONFOR THE WORKING GROUP ON
SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPLICATION AND SMALL-TYPE WHALINGThe Government of Japan
1993
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. People who do not want us to go whaling are saying that Japan
does not need to go whaling because Japan is a modern developed country, and Japanese do notneed to eat whale meat.
Yes, of course, Japan is a major economic power in the world today. The economic might ofJapan’s cities is one symbol of our country. But the cities are just one symbol. Another is the small
communities like mine, one in which the local fishermen are dependent for their livelihoods on
the resources of the sea near our homes. Our lives are culturally simpler, economically simpler
than the lives of those in Japan's cities. But we too are part of the history and the modern life ofJapan.
Those of you here from many countries have important jobs for the national and international
responsibilities of your countries. I respect that. We respect that. We recognise that IWC is one ofthose important responsibilities of your work.
But we in simpler communities also have responsibilities. We provide food for the people
who share our lives. In this way we make our contribution to society. And we are proud that we
make this contribution.
It is also our responsibility, our duty, and our wish, to pass on to the next generations this wayof living, of contributing.
And those who have nothing to do with our way of life in local communities have no right totry to deny us this responsibility. They must not use international conferences about the environment
to deprive us of our way of life.
Ladies and gentleman, we have tried hard for many years to work with IWC. I have been
coming to meetings of IWC for several years. So have many other Japanese whalers. But if IWC
refuses to understand how important it is to us and for us to ensure the continuity of our communities'
way of life, if IWC refuses — again — to grant our reasonable interim request for only 50 minke
whales, then, I promise you, we shall do all we can to see that Japan finally withdraws from IWC.
Our lives, and those of our children and grandchildren will depend on it. Please understand.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

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