2007・19
An Empirical Study on Career Development and Systems
in the Traditional Culture Industry- Training of Geiko / Maiko and the Systems of “hanamachi” in Kyoto Kumiko Nishio
Toshihiro Kanai

An Empirical Study on Career Development and Systems
in the Traditional Culture Industry- Training of Geiko / Maiko and the Systems of “hanamachi” in Kyoto Kumiko NISHIO
Toshihiro KANAI

1. Subject matters
Commonly known as geisha, geiko (Kyoto dialect for geisha) and maiko (geisha
in training) in hanamachi (the Kyoto term for geisha district) areas within Kyoto areworld-famous icons of Japanese culture1. In fact, geiko and maiko as occupations dateback to over 350 years ago2. A school system for the professional training of geiko andmaiko has a long history in Kyoto, in the form of nyokoba (vocational schools) whichwere established some 130 years ago for these traditional artist-entertainers in the fivehanamachi areas in the city that remain to this day. In these areas of Kyoto, there arebusinesses known as ochaya, strictly regulated member-exclusive tea houses that accept
new members only through an introduction from a regular customer, and it is this kind of
establishment that arranges banquets in a manner that best satisfies customers. Taking
into consideration such criteria as the purpose of the banquet, guest list, and season inwhich the banquet is given, the ochaya orders dishes appropriate for the occasion from ashidashiya (caterer) or ryoriya (Japanese-style restaurant) and contacts the okiya (geisha
house) for the services of geiko and maiko that they believe will meet the tastes ofcustomers.
This study is intended as a social scientific investigation as to why in Kyoto3
alone hanamachi areas have maintained their traditions and survived to this day, when
1

Recent publications overseas concerning geiko and maiko in Kyoto include a commentary (Aihara, 2000),
novel (Arthur, 1997), and autobiography (Iwasaki, 2002). Arthur’s story was adapted for a Hollywood film
“Memoirs of a Geisha,” which premiered simultaneously in Japan and the US in December 2005.
2
Akita (1994) maintains geiko and maiko in Kyoto were established as an occupation during the Edo period(1603 – 1867).
3
Gion-kobu, Gion-higashi, Ponto-cho, Miyagawa-cho, and Kamishichiken. Maiko can be found only in these
five nahamachii areas.

most other hanamachi areas around the country lost their competitiveness as an industry
and went downhill, with a focus on the two unique features mentioned above. During thisprocess, special note was taken of geiko and maiko as a skilled workforce, as well asochaya and other systems in hanamachi areas, most notably the policy “refusing ofservice to customers without an introduction.”With a view towards examining more heuristic facts on the basis of data, thefollowing three subject matters were selected:
1. In terms of what transactional relationships are the careers of geiko or maiko
developed in the hanamachi community?4
2. Who are the members of Kyoto’s hanamachi communities? How does the system of
dealings between those members function?
3. How does this system of dealings in Kyoto’s hanamachi communities relate to thecareer development of geiko and maiko?
Before going any further, one of the authors would like to state briefly how she
became interested in this research subject. She came from a merchant family5 lasting over
five generations, located within thirty to forty minutes’ walk from four of the fivehanamachi areas in Kyoto. Because of her family business, she often caught glimpses ofgeiko and maiko at Japanese-style restaurants that were hosting banquets. Also, because
she had lived with her grandmother (born in the more traditional Meiji-era society) fromher childhood up until immediately before the age of twenty, she understands the
traditional customs in Kyoto and is capable of speaking Kyoto dialect and discerning
even slight differences in meaning. Furthermore, having had several years of experiencein classical Japanese dance during her childhood,6 she was given the opportunity to learn
about the relationships between master and apprentice, and those among apprentices in
the world of traditional performing arts. These personal experiences led the author todevelop her interest in this subject.

4Here, the local practice of training geiko and maiko may possibly lead to a global practice of forming
hanamachi communities. (Wenger, 1998)
5thThis family has been a time-honored rice dealer in Shimogyo-ku, Kyoto since the late 19 century, sellingrice to ryoriya and shidashiya in the Kiya-machi and Shijo, areas connected with the hanamachi community.
6
In Kyoto, tradition holds that you make rapid progress if you start learning the performing arts on June 6, at
the age of six, by the old Japanese system. Following this legend, one of the authors started to take lessonsin traditional Japanese dance from a master teacher.

2. Methodology
Ochaya in hanamachi areas of Kyoto refuse service to customers without an
introduction, creating a considerable barrier for first-time customers. Since geiko, maiko
and the people within the hanamachi community are prohibited from revealing secrets
made known to them during the course of performing their business7, one of the authors
took advantage of the connections she had established when she associated with geikoand maiko at a certain ochaya on several occasions.8 The author asked this ochaya tointroduce her to geiko and maiko who could help her with this research, and alsointerviewed former maiko, as well as people in related businesses.
One of the authors also conducted participatory fieldwork on occasions such as aparty to celebrate the misedashi (debut as a maiko) of a maiko (planned and organized bya support group of ochaya) in November 2004, and a party in celebration of erigae9 (amaiko’s promotion to geiko, a turning point in the career of geiko and maiko) in June
2005. Participatory fieldwork records were compiled by referring to the authors own
experiences, memos, and photos from these occasions, as well as videotapes filmed byother participants of those parties where the she were also present. Between April andNovember 2005, one of the authors visited a classical Japanese dance performance heldat each hanamachi area10, in order to compare their programs, costumes, and responses
from the audience.
There were seventeen major informants, who were interviewed more than onceand shared their comments repeatedly with one of the authors during the participatory
fieldworks.
7

The fundamental rule is that one must not reveal what one has seen or heard in the banquet room, which
is one of the reasons why ochaya are chosen venues for entertaining customers and holding private talks. In
order to conceal a guest’s identity, they may also address their guests by the first letter of their last name.
8
For the past few years one of the authors has visited this ochaya with friends and acquaintances once or
twice per year. Initially allowed in only by referral from an acquaintance, she was allowed to visit the placealone the following time. Now she qualifies as a regular customer, who can in turn introduce new first-time
customers.
9
So called because maiko wear a red neckbands with embroidery, whereas geiko wear white neckbands(the standard neckband of Japanese clothes). When promoted to geiko, maiko undergo major changes intheir appearance: they use wigs instead of their own hair, and they wear a short-sleeved kimono rather thana long-sleeved one. But it is not just different appearances, but a higher level of skills that are required. For
instance, unlike maiko, a geiko is supposed to be capable of entertaining guests with an exchange of cleverrepartee and showing an advanced level of accomplishments.
10
The Miyako Odori (Gionkobu), Kyo Odori (Miyagawa-cho), and Kitano Odori (Kamishichiken) dances areheld in April, the Kamogawa Odori (Ponto-cho) in May, and the Gion Odori (Gion-higashi) in November.

The interviews were conducted in a semi-structured manner, meaning that
although a list of questions was prepared beforehand, spontaneous questions were also
asked in keeping with informants’ speech styles as was considered appropriate. Before
the interviews, the informants were notified both in writing and orally that any recorded
data would not be used for purposes other than this research, and that a pseudonym would
be used to remove any risk of them being identified. With permission from the informants,
the interviews were recorded onto an audiotape, which was then converted into text
format. In cases where interviewees refused to be recorded, data were compiled based on
one of the authors’ memos. To analyze the data of such interviews, information from thememos taken from these informants were first sorted out in accordance with the questions
on the list, and then later made note of. The records of the interview data and those of theparticipatory fieldwork were then analyzed in terms of their respective subject matters.
Chart 1 shows the number of geiko, maiko, and ochaya that form a part of thehanamachi communities in Kyoto as of March 31, 2005. The number of geiko and maiko
has remained relatively unchanged over the last decade.

Chart １ the number of geiko, maiko, and ochaya in Kyoto
hanamachi
Gion-kobu
Miyagawa-cho
Pont-cho
Kamisichiken
Gion-higashi
total

geiko
85
40
43
16
11
195

maiko

ochaya
28
29
4
9
5
75

74
38
32
11
11
166

3. Analytical findings concerning career development
3.1 Career path of geiko and maiko
Both geiko and maiko are registration-based occupations valid only in hanamachi

areas. As such, their career path is clearly defined. To cite a typical case, a girl whocomes to a hanamachi area upon graduation from junior high debuts as a maiko at the ageof 15-16, and is promoted to geiko when she is over the age of twenty. After her term ofservice 11 is up, she may decide to quit her job as a geiko whenever she chooses to. Thereis no mandatory retirement age for geiko. When they decide to discontinue their career as
geiko or maiko, they hand out hiki’iwai12 to those within the hanamachi community toclearly announce how they will continue relations between themselves and thehanamachi community. Reasons for discontinuation can be roughly divided into marriage
or change of occupation. After their retirement, many pursue new careers as business
managers in hanamachi areas (ochaya, okiya, bars, etc.) or outside of them (food services,etc.), or tap into their past careers as geiko or maiko to engage in the service business.
The following career path can be considered typical for a girl who enters the geisha world
directly out of middle school.

Shikomi (probationary period) Æ Minarai (apprenticeship) Æ(1 year)(1 month)

Misedashi (debut as a maiko) Æ Maiko Æ(4~5 years)
Erigae (preparatory stage for becoming a geiko) ÆGeiko Æ(total of 6~7 years, including time as maiko)Completion of required term of service Æ Selection of future career

11

The term of service is between five and six years. This is intended to be a period of apprenticeship, andthey receive no salaries but live and work on the okiya premises. They have two regular holidays per month.
12
Handing out shiromushi (plain steamed glutinous rice) as hiki’iwai is a declaration of their intent to neverreturn to the hanamachi community again. On the other hand, sending shiromushi that contains some sweet
red bean rice or azuki beans indicates that they may return to the hanamachi community again.

3.2 Pseudo parent-child / sister relationships
To be geiko or maiko, they require an onesan, or an elder sister, with whom theypledge sisterhood over a cup of sake, and who exercises the greatest influence on new
geiko and maiko when they debut on the hanamachi scene. Another requirement is thatcandidates for geiko and maiko must belong to an okiya, and they also need to establish a
pseudo parent-child relationship with the okasan (manager of their okiya). Shown in
Figure1 are the pseudo parent-child and sisterhood relationships.
The onesan also serves as a foster mother for their “younger sister,”13 and thispseudo relationship lasts for as long as they are in the business. Taking constant care of
their younger sisters at ozashiki banquets and in the hanamachi community, they are
absolute authority figures for the younger sisters. An elder sister has to take responsibility
for whatever her younger sister does14, which can be a considerable burden. All the morebecause of this, the “elder sister” figure is important when a junior works in thehanamachi community: a younger sister can seek her elder sister’s advice anytime and, if
anything should happen, they may consult with their elder sister concerning the processof growing up as a full-fledged member of the hanamachi community. Although geikoand maiko who debuted at the same time share a similar consciousness of their lateralrelationship, the sisterhood relationship forms part of the hierarchy of the world of geikoand maiko, namely that the earlier the debut is, the higher in the hierarchy they are placed.
Accordingly, anyone who has become geiko or maiko earlier than oneself is regarded as
one’s onesan. By becoming a part of the family relationships of the hanamachi
community, consisting of pseudo sisterhood and parent-child relationships, fledgling
geiko and maiko may develop their careers further.
Figuer 1 shows the pseudo parent-child and sisterhood relathionships inhanamachi community.

13

When one of the authors attended an misedashi party, the author frequently witnessed the onesan tidying
her younger sister’s kimono and taking care of her diligently.
14
For instance, if a younger sister drops a fan while dancing at a performance in a hanamachi, she visits her
senior onesan and ochaya to make an apology on the following day, accompanied by her personal onesan.

Figure１

The pseudo parent-child and sisterhood relationships
Hanamachi(geisha district)
okiya

okiya

okasanokasanmeonesanyounger

onesansisteronesan

okiya

okiya

okasanokasanyoungersisteronesanyoungersisterFor "me"(new comer), all the persons that became a geiko or a maiko early at least one
day are onesan (elder sisters), so I am called an imout (younger sister) by them inhanamachi geisha district. The onesan who pours each other's cup (Japanese traditional
ceremony for making a special human relationship, for example wedding ceremony) andconnects sister relations when coming out as a geiko or a maiko is the highest-impact.
The onesan of this cup is not necessarily in the same okiya. When those who get used
to onesan are not in okiya, other sister relations with a senior geisha of okiya areconnected. Moreover, with the okasan (manager) of an okiya who belongs, since it lived
in, it becomes a pseudo parent-child relationship.

3.3 Relationship with customers
Customers are people outside of the hanamachi community, but they continuously
participate in the community as users of the ochaya’s services. They take the opportunityof an ozashiki banquet to personally receive services from geiko and maiko. As they
continuously become involved in the community, they may have geiko and maiko whomthey favor or patronize. On the relationship between customers and geiko or maiko, one
informant commented that customers also play the role of “spoiling” them and treatingthem tenderly, taking them away from their seniors such as okasan and onesan. One
okasan of an okiya-cum-ochaya, who was an experienced geiko and maiko herself, told
about the joy she experienced when someone praised her for the improvement of her
skills. For customers, geiko and maiko are not simply objects of their sexual affection15,
about which some curious people often gossip, but of their fatherly affection to protect
and nurture them, exercising a positive impact on their career development. In explaining
the emotional support that customers offer to young geiko and maiko, one customer said,“I personally endorse fledgling maiko, but don’t hold any amorous feelings for them.
Some I have known since they started their apprenticeships, and they are like mygranddaughters. I sometimes take them to noted places in Kyoto, if they have come fromother parts of the country and have never been there. This is because they might become
embarrassed if they cannot give the names of those places when a customer asks them atan ozashiki banquet.”
As stated above, their relationship with customers also plays a role in shaping the
career of geiko and maiko.
3.4 Brief summary
The following are heuristic facts concerning the career development of geiko and15

One may associate being a customer with becoming a danna (patron), but it is hard for him to be a danna
if he only has amorous feelings towards geiko or maiko but doesn’t know much about their performing artsand customs in hanamachi areas. This is because of a belief in the hanamachi community that becoming adanna is virtually a synonym for unsparing support for their devotion to the performing arts. Several
interviewees shared an opinion that the number of danna is on the decline because the financial support forgeiko and maiko that covers kimono and performing arts lessons can be astronomical, and because tax
authorities no longer allow them to pay for entertaining costs spent in the hanamachi areas out of an
expense account.

maiko:1. Geiko and maiko build their careers while being assisted by many different parties
that assume various roles in the development process. The span of time that they are
involved in the process, their intimacy with the geiko and maiko, and the significanceof their roles differ among the various parties.
2. Skills that geiko and maiko are expected to be adept in can be divided into:
fundamental skills, or the mastery of the traditional performing arts essential for theirbusiness; the art of impromptu conversation suitable for different places and customers,a must for a professional in customer relations; and the norms of hanamachi
communities, which enable geiko and maiko to express their stylish femininity, an
epitome of the traditional culture of Japan.
3. Skills of geiko and maiko in a narrow sense of the word include the basic skills andhe art of impromptu conversation, which they can be aware of, and those in a broader
sense of the word, including the norms in hanamachi areas as well.
4. Systems in hanamachi communities of Kyoto
4.1 Business relations with customers
It is often said that the system of “turning away first-timers” survives inhanamachi communities of Kyoto because it allows ochaya to customize their services(what dishes to use, which geiko and maiko to call, the furnishings of the zashiki room) toindividual customers who use these services regularly over a long period. One owner ofan ochaya-cum-okiya said that it is for security reasons – namely that they live in a housethat also serves as a place of work, and only women live there, so they do not want toallow strangers in. Another customer said that he wants an ochaya to be closed to theoutside world, becoming a place where he expects to see only trustworthy people and isthus able to truly relax.
In terms of ochaya’s transaction system, since these establishments do not
expressly state their service fees, there is the possibility that the amount billed maychange depending on their relationship with individual customers. To describe in moredetail, the ochaya pays on the customer’s behalf all of the costs that include food anddrink at the ochaya, fees and gratuity to the geiko and maiko, and, if they visit a second
party as part of the ochaya’s arrangement, transportation to the second venue and thecosts incurred there. The ochaya then claims payment of these costs from the customer at
a later date. The customers have no need to bring a wallet, but rather they can simply
enjoy the pleasures of the ochaya. However, they will not know how much they spent
there until they receive the bill later.
Although nowadays bills are normally sent one or two months after the customer
has used the ochaya’s service, there have long been practices of long-term credit payment
of seasonal (sekki-barai) and semiannual payments in hanamachi areas, indicating thatthe service fees might be different somewhat depending on the length of the transactional
relationship with individual customers. In other words, ochaya maintain favorable, stable
relationships with customers as they take into account the depth of relationships withindividual customers, including the length of the relationship and personal chemistry
between them, when they determine how much they charge.
4.2 Transactional relationships with other members of the hanamachi community
The hanamachi community in Kyoto comprises in a narrow sense the group ofpeople involved in the career development of geiko and maiko, including the owners ofochaya and okiya, their staff, and the geiko and maiko themselves, as well as a group ofoutsiders who continuously participate in this community, including customers andinstructors of the performing arts. These members are deeply involved in the skills which
geiko and maiko offer in hanamachi areas. Many cases were heard in the interviewees’
accounts, describing their relationships with geiko and maiko during the process ofdeveloping their skills.
To carry out the kinds of services unique to hanamachi areas, it takes others in
related businesses that make up a part of the hanamachi community in a broader sense.
One of the authors’ interviews and participatory fieldwork helped identify thesemembers: shidashiya and ryoriya who cater to ochaya; a group of businesses who supply
the furnishings of ochaya, including flower shops, electrical engineers, tatami mat
makers, and carpenters; kimono fabric and notion dealers for women in hanamachi areas;
and otokoshi, who dress geiko and maiko, along with their cosmetics artists. The

members of this broad hanamachi community can be divided roughly into those who
provide parts of the services that ochaya offer16 and those which add value to humanresources in hanamachi areas17. They both continuously carry out monetary transactionsin hanamachi areas.
It is the manager of the ochaya (called okasan) who plays a pivotal role in thesecommercial transactions. Making contact with customers, the okasan organizes theentirety of services they offer, according to which she decides on who offers the mostappropriate service amongst the businesses with which they have continuous transactions,and purchase their services. From the point of view of ochaya, geiko and maiko, and theokiya to which they belong, are another group of related businesses to choose from and so
are in the same position as other businesses in this respect.
4.3 System of transactions with ochaya
Although the ochaya maintains a long-term credit payment system with customers,
the two interviewees from related businesses both said that they settle business related
bills on a monthly basis, and that payment is mostly made in cash. Although the ochaya
tends to have a long-term relationship with related businesses as they do with theircustomers, their terms of payment with those businesses is short, contrary to theircollection terms vis-à-vis their customers.
The same applies to the relationship between ochaya and geiko, maiko, and okiya.
The hanadai (flower fees) for geiko and maiko are placed in the charge of the kenban
union office of the hanamachi area every day, and direct transactions between geiko andmaiko and customers, and between geiko and maiko and ochaya, are strictly prohibited.
Early in the New Year, the rankings of the ochaya’s revenues and geiko’s and maiko’s
flower fees for the past year are announced, based upon which geiko and maiko arecommended 18 . The business data is announced throughout the hanamachi area, thus
16

Ryoriya, shidashiya, flower shops, tatami mat makers, carpenters, electrical engineers, okiya (including
geiko and maiko), etc.
17
Kimono fabric dealers, notion dealers, clog dealers, otokoshi, makeup artists, hairdressers, instructors of
performing arts.
18
At the opening ceremony of a vocational school in each hanamachi area in January, ochaya, geiko andmaiko, whose revenues have ranked high in the past year, are given an encouragement award. In somehanamachi areas, a ranking table is distributed, displaying each ochaya’s total revenues (in terms of the total

guaranteeing transparency of business.
Although ochaya maintain long-term business relationships with both customers
and related businesses, they make it a rule to make quick payments for the services they
have procured in order to provide their own unique services, so that they can determine
the value they provide for the prices they charge for each transaction. The ochaya acts as
a connoisseur of the services needed, selects skilled providers, and purchases thenecessary services from them. Their relationship with these related businesses tends to belong and secure. In hanamachi areas, ochaya’s okasan customarily deal with businesses
that they believe meet their aesthetic sense and the level of services which they hope tooffer, and they do not easily switch from one business to another simply because of prices.
That being said, the long-term relationship may be discontinued at any time if they fail tomeet okasan’s expectations. Presumably they wish to be sure that accounts are always
settled completely so that they can switch to alternative services if they are unsatisfied
with the current ones, regardless of the common practice of long-term relationships.
Sometimes okasan tell their related businesses explicitly the desired level ofservices, but in most cases those providers are strongly encouraged to perceive this fromthe circumstances. Even if one has skills, if they fail to demonstrate these skills in amanner suitable to the specific situation, okasan may decide not to purchase services
from them.
4.4 Discussions
One fact discovered from this research is that the ochaya plays the pivotal role in
the transaction system of hanamachi communities, and its owner – okasan – holds the
key. When looking at a hanamachi community in a broad sense, including related
businesses, one can see that okasan at ochaya purchase services from related businesses
in the community, using their own sensitivity to coordinate the services in a way that suits
the ochaya setting, in order to offer the most appropriate hospitality to their customers.
The freedom of coordinating services is ensured by the long-term relationships withcustomers and related businesses, and by the fact that they employ different terms ofnumber of flowers) for the past year. For the commendation of geiko and maiko, they are not separated but
rated equally for ranking within the hanamachi area they belong to.

payment (collection) for different parties. Confident in their ability, okasan at ochaya
have built up a relationship of trust, where they play a central role in the social
infrastructure that enables them to offer optimal services.
How exactly do okasan at ochaya hone their abilities? The important thing to be
noted here is the relationship between the ochaya and their customers. Expecting
customized services at ochaya, customers visit them on a regular basis. It is therefore
necessary for the okasan to judge whether the services they provide meet or surpass
customers’ expectations by measuring their response. It is speculated that in order forthem to do so, they have long followed a long-term practice of credit payment, so as not
to discontinue the relationship with customers.
Another consideration is that the customer demographic in hanamachi areas of
Kyoto is somewhat different from that at other similar areas. Some customers are in the
traditional textile industry in Muromachi or Nishijin, an essential industry for all womenin hanamachi areas, while others are employed in the traditional cultural industries, suchas tea ceremony and flower arrangement. Certain customers may also have profoundknowledge of temples and shrines, and still others come from the entertainment
businesses, including kabuki and movie actors. In order to not only meet these discerning
customers’ demands, but also amuse them by offering something that surpasses their
expectations, okasan at ochaya observe reactions from customers over a long period oftime.
In so doing, okasan at ochaya are able to determine their ability and the quality ofservices that they can offer based on these abilities, assess the value of their ability intheir own hanamachi area, and then put prices to their services. This is also relevant toother members of the hanamachi community, including geiko and maiko 19 , ryoriya,
shidashiya, flower shops, notions dealers, and kimono fabrics dealers. In other words,
members of the hanamachi community in Kyoto can be divided into ochaya, which
specialize in the evaluation of skills, and others who are expected to hone their own skills.
These hanamachi areas enjoy the reputation of representing the essence of Kyoto, as each19

Maiko’s dresses are special in that they can only be seen in hanamachi areas of Kyoto. They are littlethdifferent from those seen in pictures taken from the late 19 century. This is presumably because a system
has been established where new apprentices of maiko are most conspicuous, wearing the most expensive,
flamboyant dresses so that they always draw attention in the hanamachi areas and are encouraged to honetheir skills.

member improves their specialist skills, which are reconfigured in the setting of an
ochaya in such a way as to suit individual customers’ preferences. Led by the ochaya,hanamachi areas in Kyoto have cherished a unique sense of values that are shared inthose areas, including the beauty and skills of maiko and geiko, and the aesthetic sense
required from related businesses, and have put them to good use towards humanresources (geiko and maiko), dishes, and furnishings. This enables the community toprovide an atmosphere unique to these areas in Kyoto, and despite occasional changes inthe demographic and development processes of geiko and maiko, to continuously produce
these talented women who are by far the most recognizable symbols of the hanamachi
aesthetic.
［2007.3.31 810］

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