Unit 3. The Social History of Books
FUJISANE Kumiko, National Institute of Japanese Literature

Summary
In this unit, you learn how to use historical methods (particularly, source criticism andchronology) and archivology (particularly regarding diverse information resources that both
bibliographers and historians value as a mass, constituting groups of historical sources orchronological orderings), to gain insights into the relationship between literature and people inearly-modern Japan (1568–1867).

1. Background for Literary Research
During the 1980s, media transformed amid innovations in digital communication. This
experience inspired literary historians to incorporate global perspectives. One historian who
proved particularly influential was Roger Chartier. Chartier’s stance on the history of books canbe summarised as follows:
The history of books is not just the history of the text; one must consider the book as aphysical object and the people involved with it all as one package and consider how these
relations change across history.
Since then, literary historians have increasingly sought to expand their focus from the history of
publishing to the political and cultural history (the history of politics, economics, thought, andeducation).
Presaging this trend, Shigehiko Toyama argued that texts manifest themselves and transform
within a readership and a society that accepts them. Those words deserve renewed consideration.
SourcesChartier, Roger. Dokusho no bunkashi 読書の文化史. Trans. Fukui Norihiko 福井憲彦. Shin-yo-sha
Publishing, 1992.
Toyama Shigehiko 外山滋比古. Ihonron 異本論. Orig. pub. in Misuzu Shobō, 1978. Repr. in Toyama
Shigehiko. Ihonron. Chikuma Bunko, 2010.
Sato Takahiro 佐藤貴裕. Setsuyōshū shi no shomondai 節用集史の諸問題. Kyūko Shoin, 2021.

2. Bookmaking Sites in Japan
After Chinese printing technology was introduced to Japan, book printing became the preserve of
Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines for many years. Only for a brief period of history (1590–
1620) did rulers engage in the printing business. They did so for several reasons. The first reason
concerned the publication of printed Christian literature in Japan. After Gutenberg invented theprinting press, his protégés continued his work, eventually putting the press to commercial use.
Some years later, the press had become a tool for disseminating Lutheranism in Europe. The
Roman Catholic Church, for its part, valued the press as a tool for disseminating Catholicism inAsia. Consequently, the effect spread to Japan. The second factor concerned Toyotomi
Hideyoshi’s invasion of Joseon (Korea) in 1592, known as the Imjin Disturbance. During theinvasion, Hideyoshi ordered his forces to seize the metal, moveable-type printing presses locatedin Hanseong (now Seoul), along with the workforce. Hideyoshi then donated the booty toEmperor Go-Yōzei.
Emperor Go-Yōzei used a wooden moveable-type press to print two decrees: the Bunroku Choku
Han 文禄勅版 (no longer extant) and the Keichō Choku Han 慶長勅版. Tokugawa Ieyasu
created two printing presses: the Fushimi Ban 伏見版 and the Tsuruga Ban 駿河版. The latter
was a metal printing press. Toyotomi Hideyoshi printed a book called the Teikan Zusetsu 帝鑑図説 1608. In Takagamine in Rakuhoku, a group of townsfolk, including Hon’ami Kōetsu, printed
a series of books called Sagabon 嵯峨本. Although such undertakings occurred within arelatively short period of history, it laid the foundations for the rise of the book trade in Kyoto.
Sources

Watanabe Shōjiro 渡辺勝二郎. Kami no hakubutsushi 紙の博物誌. Shuppan Nyūsu, 1992.
Insatsushi Kenkyūkai 印刷史研究会, ed. Hon to katsuji no rekishi jiten 本と活字の歴史事典. Kashiwa
Shobō, 2000.

3. Commercial Publication and its Contexts
Although some of the Kyoto book traders turned to the moveable wooden type, which had comeinto fashion at the time, they reverted to a more traditional woodblock technique that had comeinto use in the medieval period (1185–1568). Under this technique, known as seihan 整版, fixed
woodblocks were engraved on wooden plates. Seihan made it considerably easier to print themixed scripts in Japanese (a mixture of Chinese characters and Japanese kana syllabary). The
technique also lent itself to commercial customs—printers could craft the lettering as they
desired, and their ownership of the physical woodblocks (hangi) provided a clear indication ofinterest relations.
Kyoto’s publishing industry took off in the mid-17th century. During that period, all theconditions for publishing were in place: Japan had moved from a period of warring states to thatof peace under Tokugawa, enabling stable trade in goods and prompting a search for new norms.

Around the end of the 17th century, the publishing sector faced a new problem: pirated books.
Book traders of Kyoto and Osaka joined forces to suppress the piracy. Their first strategy was toopen bookstores in Edo, a hotbed for the publishing and selling of pirated books, as well as anuntapped market. The second strategy was to form intra-industry arrangements that would
provide a form of collective defence. In Osaka, publishers prevailed upon book distributors toparticipate in the defensive arrangements, with the backing of an official sanction from theŌsaka machi-bugyō 大坂 町奉行所 (‘Osaka constabulary’), the local public authority of theTokugawa shogunate.
SourcesYayoshi Mitsunaga 弥吉光長. Mikan shiryō ni yoru Nihon shuppan bunka 未刊史料による日本出版文化 1. Yumani Shobō, 1988.

4. Regulating the Publishing Industry: The
1722 Edict and how it Wavered
The Bakufu (Tokugawa Shogunate) had, in the mid-17th century (the Kan’ei reign of 1625–44),
stipulated guidelines for the publication of military texts in Kyoto. However, it was not until thereign of the eighth shogun, Tokugawa Yoshimune (in office 1716–45), that the Bakufu started
regulating books in earnest. The edict in question, issued in 1722 (Kyōhō 7), is commonly
known as the ‘edict for the control of printed words’ (shuppan torishimari rei 出版取締令).
However, it is more accurately described as the ‘edict for the control of books’ (shobaku
torishimari rei 書籍取締令) because it covered manuscripts as well as printed books. This edict
was instrumental in ushering in a new era in literature and introducing an institutional order forbooks.
The edict introduced the following regulations:
1. Okugaki and kanki must indicate the actual name of the person involved in thecommercialisation of the book (the author or publisher).
2. The local head of the area where the publisher (hanmoto 板元) resides is jointly
liable if the okugaki or kanki stated a false name.
3. The matter of who owns what publishing rights (hanken 板権) is to begenerally settled by an independent nakama 仲間 (merchant association).
4. For the purpose of 3, the nakama is to be managed by a representative referee.
5. For the purpose of 3, existing publishing rights are to be protected.
Owing to the fifth provision, those book traders who joined the kabunakama 株仲間 (a merchantguild authorised by the BakufuBakufu) of Kyoto, Osaka, or Edo would enjoy privilegedmonopoly over their trade. The Kyoto kabunakama had around 200 members. The kabunakama
of Osaka and Edo had, at their peak, around 300 and 59 members, respectively. The figure for
Osaka includes businesses that just distributed books without owning a woodblock press, whilethat for Edo includes only those who owned a woodblock press. Although this discrepancy
prevents an exact comparison and casts some doubt on whether we should consider the numbers
large, the figure for Edo suggests that there was never an explosion in membership there, but the
number of members remained within a range where trust business could be maintained.
Not all members were equal. Their relationships were entangled in a multi-layered way, with thepresence of members known as otonashū 老衆, who had served as a referee, and with household
units being organised and ranked in order of status, such as honke 本系, bekke 別家, andjunbekke 推別家.
It was against this backdrop of hierarchical dynamics that publishing rights were settled.
After the edict for book control was issued, Edo’s publishing industry expanded dramatically.
The Bakufu had sought to monitor industry members by officially sanctioning guilds of popularbook purveyors (jihon donya 地本問屋) as part of the Kansei reforms and sanctioning bookrental shops (kasha-hon 貸本) during the Bunka reign. However, the Kyōhō reforms broke up
the kabunakama guilds and gave the Bakufu direct control over inspecting and censoring books.
This experiment in economic management ended in a failure, and the kabunakama werereintroduced in 1851, some ten years later. However, the Bakufu continued book inspections.
SourcesAsao Naohiro 朝尾直弘. “Kinsei Kyōto no ‘machi’ to machibure” 近世京都の「町」と町触. In Asao
Naohiro chosaku shū 朝尾直弘著作集 6. Iwanami Shoten, 2004.
Mori Mutsuhiko 森睦彦. “Bansho shirabesho no shuppan kenetsu” 蕃書調所の出版検閲. In Hōseishi
gaku 法政史学 17, 1965.
Fujisane Kumiko 藤實久美子. “Edo shomutsu donya no nakamakabu ni tsuite” 江戸書物問屋の仲間株について. In Jūhasseiki Nihon no bunka jōkyō to kokusai kankyō 一八世紀日本の文化状況と国際環境, ed.
Kasaya Kazuhiko 笠谷和比古. Shibunkaku Shuppan, 2011.
Fujisane Kumiko. “Santo no honya nakama” 三都の本屋仲間. In Shuppan to ryūtsū 出版と流通, thefourth part of 文化史 Bunkashi, ed. Yokota Fuyuhiko 横田冬彦. Heibonsha, 2016.

5. Book Distribution Networks
On the matter of book distribution networks, many scholars have focused on systems fortranslating and publishing books from China (tōsen mochi-watashi sho 唐船持渡書) and thosefrom the West (yōgakusho 洋学書) in pre-modern times. I am more interested in developments
after Japan ended its isolationism. In June 1858, Japan signed the Treaty of Amity andCommerce between Japan and the United States. By June 1859, the Bakufu had tightened control

over lodges for foreigners, using the dōshin 同心 (police constables) of the gaikoku-gakari 外国
掛 (‘foreigner department’), under the Edo machi bugyōsho. Eventually, the Bakufu officiallyrecognised nine foreigner lodges, which would be policed by the dōshin on a rotating basis.
When foreigners purchased goods, they would be delivered to the official residence and, if
necessary, inspected by a yoriki 与力 (police sergeant) of the gaikoku-gakarii. A record of theinspection was entered in a ledger titled Gaikokujin Kaimono 外国人買物 (‘foreign residents’
shopping articles’), held by the National Diet Library. The internal structure of this source
reveals that more than 60% of the contents were devoted to Akabane Setsugusho (a lodge forPrussians). A lodge journal suggests that Akabane Setsugusho compiled a separate ledger
exclusively for reporting deliveries. It seems that the way records were managed affected
whether historical sources would survive intact. After accounting for its properties, researchers
could analyse Gaikokujin Kaimono to derive insights into the kinds of books foreigners bought.
SourcesMori Mutsuhiko 森睦彦. “Tenpō kaikaku to yōgakusho no shuppan.” In Hōseishigaku 法政史学 18, 1966.
Ōba Osamu 大庭脩. “Edo jidai ni okeru tōsen mochi-watashi sho no kenkyū” 江戸時代における唐船持
渡書の研究. Bulletin of the Institute of Oriental and Occidental Studies, Kansai University (1967).
Fujisane Kumiko 藤實久美子. “Ansei 6 Manen gannen no machi bugyō sho gaikoku gakari shitayaku no
sho kiroku” 安政 6・延元年の町奉行所外国掛下役の諸記録. Bulletin of the National Institute ofJapanese Literature, Archives Research 17 (2021).

6. Phases of Access to Books: Collecting,
Buying, Lending, Hoarding, Using,
Bequeathing
Researchers of libraries in early-modern Japan have largely focused on the Tokugawa shogunal
library, known as the Gobunko 御文庫 (later known as Momijiyama Bunko 紅葉山文庫).
Among the traditional research on libraries, there are numerous studies on the library of theImperial Palace. Conversely, much remains unknown about shogunate libraries. Likewise, there
is still much to be studied about the libraries of Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines.
Incorporating gender perspectives will open up possibilities for reconstructing this body ofliterature.
Sources

Fukui Tamotsu 福井保. Momijiyama Bunko 紅葉山文庫. Tōkyō Gōgaku Bunko, 1980.
Tajima Isao 田島公 (ed.). Kinri Kuge bunko kenkyū 禁裏・公家文庫研究 1 – 7. Shibunkaku Shuppan,
2003–2020.
Fujisane Kumiko 藤實久美子. Kinsei shobaku bunka ron 近世書籍文化論. Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2006.



Fujimoto Kōichi 藤本孝一. Hon o sen nen tsutaeru: Reizeike zōsho no bunkashi 本を千年つたえる―冷泉家蔵書の文化史. Asahi Shimbun Publications, 2011.
Maeda Tsutomu 前田勉. Edo no dokushokai. Heibonsha, 2012.

7. The Meiji Regime and Publishing
24 April 1868

Preparations began for establishing a new civil administration in Edo

19 May 1868

Shisei saibansho 市政裁判所 (municipal magistrate court) wasestablished in Edo

1 July 1868

Edo Fu 江戸府 (Edo prefecture) was established

8 July 1868

Edo Chindai Fu 江戸鎮台府 (Edo military HQ) was established
Edo Chindai Fu confiscated the Bakufu records

24 February 1869

Daijō-kan 太政官 (Great Council of State) moved to Tokyo

May 1869

Publishing ordinance was issued (preserving nakama guilds)

August 1871

Commoners permitted to marry kashizoku 華士族 (hereditary peers:
nobility and ennobled former samurai)
Kashizoku and commoners were given freedom to change theirresidence and occupation (four hereditary castes abandoned)
Following these developments, many former samurai entered the book
trade

September 1875

Publishing and newspaper ordinances were revised (effectively
reversing protection of the nakama guilds)

Article 2: When a publisher publishes an original book or a translated
edition of a book, that publisher shall have exclusive right to sell thebook for thirty years. This exclusive right is called a ‘copyright’ (hanken
版権).
The revision:-

Conferred copyright to publishers-

Conferred this right for a period of 30 years-

Stipulated that the Interior Ministry (Naimu‐shō 内務省) was to be in charge of processing publication
notices, applications for publishing rights, granting
publication licences, and inspecting books

November 1876

The trade in second hand books was licensed under the Public Safety
Commission (kōan iinkai 公安委員会) of the Police Bureau
Consequently, by the modern era (1868–1945), the book tradecomprised, in some cases, publishing, book retail, and second-handbookshops. Book traders had to choose one of the following as theirprincipal business: publishing, bookselling, book distribution,
newspaper business, or trading in second-hand goods.

1887

Book trade was effectively brought under the official regulatory
guidance
Consequently, the dependence on private sector diminished

Needless to say, 1868 proved to be an epochal juncture. However, to understand this transition in book trade, wemust consider the developments that occurred until 1897.

SourcesNagao Masanori 長尾正憲. Fukuzawa Yukichi no kenkyū 福沢屋諭吉の研究. Shibunkaku Shuppan, 1988.
Miyachi Masato 宮地正人. Bakumatsu ishin ki no shakaiteki seijishi kenkyū 幕末維新期の社会的政治史
研究. Iwanami Shoten, 1999.
Hakoishi Hiroshi 箱石大 (ed.). Boshin Sensō no shiryōgaku 戊辰戦争の史料学. Bensei Shuppan, 2013.