Independent Research Project

Arava Institute for Environmental Studies

Technology Transfer and Sustainable Development:
Implications for Local Culture
Rachme Village, Aqaba Province, Jordan

by Nadav Feuer

January 31, 2006

1.0

INTRODUCTION

The kibbutzim of the Southern Arava are not surrounded by monumental triplelayered fences of barbed wire simply to keep the children from straying outside of thegrounds. Rather, these fences are now only a reminder of a time when the political
relationship between Israel and Jordan was based entirely on security. These days, the oaseskibbutzim of the Hevel Eilot Regional Council are thriving examples of communal
agricultural living, adaptation to arid conditions, and, most importantly, of an assurance ofpeace with neighboring Jordan. A fence traverses the border and guards still patrol, but they
do so with a backdrop of healthy stands of date palm, fruit trees, and experimental orchards.
Since the mid-1990’s, passes in the border have begun to appear along the 500 kilometer
stretch of uncrossable zone between Israel’s southernmost crossing with Aqaba and northern
Beit She’an. The gate recently erected near Kibbutz Yotvata as the result of the IsraelJordan Peace Agreement of 1994 reads, “Go in peace, return in peace,” expressing astrengthening culture of transnational collaboration.
With the fruition of agricultural projects initiated by the Jordan Valley Authority andHevel Eilot Research and Development Station in Israel, the Jordanian side is beginning tosee new growth in agricultural development. Between the village of Rachme, Jordan andKibbutz Grofit in Israel, in particular, it is becoming increasingly more difficult to see where
each nation’s agricultural lands end and the other’s begins. Rachme, which was used as thepilot program for the agricultural development collaboration initiative between Israel andJordan, has seen more than 50 hectares of previously undeveloped land put into productive
use. The resulting political externalities of these developments have undoubtedly been
positive, but the overall success of these projects to improve living conditions in the
predominantly Bedouin-populated Wadi Araba is still in question. This report is aimed at
uncovering the behavioral patterns of behavior and perceptions that have changed in Rachme
village since the founding of the project and since the cooperation with Israel began.
1.1

The Geography of the Arava Valley

Extending northward from the Gulf of Aqaba, the Arava Valley is home to a numberof closed-community kibbutzim with a total population of around 3,000 and small Bedouin
settlements numbering approximately 3,500 (Greenberg, correspondence). The valley itself
is flanked by the Edom Mountains in Jordan and the less dramatic mountains of the Southern
Negev in Israel. The temperature in the valley is extreme, ranging from 7°C in the winter to
45°C during the summer, with particularly low humidity during the summer months. The
average rainfall, at 20-30 mm/year is well below the designation of arid (Arava R&D). The

geology reflects this environment, being primarily composed of sand and coarse stone eroded
from the adjacent mountains.
In addition to competing with the fierce sun and rocky soil devoid of organic material.
agriculture must also cope with the very high salinity of the water, which prevents or slows
the growth of many types of cash crops. At one time, the Mediterranean Sea used to cover
this valley and is the primary reason for the residual salinity. The high salinity is exacerbatedby human application of fertilizers, which leave additional chemical salt residues, and theaccumulation of saline chemicals from the recycling (as opposed to drainage) of saline water(Greenberg, correspondence).
Water is primarily drawn from artesian wells that access aquifers as deep as 900
meters. Water for agriculture is of lower quality, and significantly more saline than drinking
water. Accumulation of these waters has caused salt flats to form at various pockets of lower
elevation in the Arava Rift Valley. One additional source of agricultural water is the sewage
water from Eilat, and Aqaba, which a few of the kibbutzim and neighboring farms use fororchard agriculture.
1.2

History of the Agricultural Development in Rachme

After peace was negotiated between
JordanandIsrael in 1994, avenues opened up
Rachme Road
for sharing information and mutual help acrossthe border. Concurrently, Jordan itself wasdeveloping plans under the auspices of the
Jordan Valley Authority (JVA) and Al Haq
Farms (a private enterprise) to redevelop Wadi
Araba after an unsuccessful attempt in the
1980’s. Amnon Greenberg, the director of theHevel Eilot Regional Council Research andDevelopment (R&D) Station, used thisopportunity to offer expertise in arid agriculture
to the development of a pilot project in Rachme, Jordan. Delegations from the World Bank,
European Union, and the Peres administration in Israel visited during 1996-97 and looked
favorably at the project, although they ultimately made no funds available. Monies andpolitical support were eventually made available by the Eilat Office of Security and theGerman-Israel Federation for Research and International Development (GIFRID), in addition
to the primary funding of the Jordan Valley Authority.
A four-step process was suggested by the R&D Station, involving supervised
construction, continuous soil quality monitoring, training, and wider dissemination of
information from successful projects. The goal of the Israeli collaboration was to introduce
the latest designs and methods from Israel and supply contingent advice so that Rachme’s
agricultural sector could leapfrog the 30-50 years spent in agricultural development in Israel.
On the Jordanian side, Al Haq Farms was employed as the primary management body andresponsible for the day-to-day running of the project (Heidtmann 2001). Al Haq is a quasigovernmental farming company with a large presence in Jordan and specifically near Aqaba,
where they operate a 70 hectare date orchard fed by treated wastewater (Al Ghazawi et al.
2003). In 1997, the first three-month training at Kibbutz Yotvata attracted Bedouins ofRachme and agronomists from Amman, and led into successful crops of melons, followed
over the years by tomatoes, onions, table grapes, lemons, mango, and date palm. One of theBedouins trained at Yotvata is now a manager of the tomato fields, and has seen four of hischildren sent to the university in Amman. But among those trained in Yotvata, and especiallyamong the Rachme villagers, some relate that advancement has not been forthcoming or they
have grown dispirited with the company. To this day, in an effort to maintain follow-up on
the project, the R&D Station continues frequent soil quality monitoring in Jordan andmaintain regular contact with Al Haq Farms. The project was considered a success and theprocess was repeated in other communities around the Southern Arava.
According to an initial evaluation conducted by Miriam Heidtmann (1998), a German
masters student, the project initially did not
succeeded on a few key areas. For one, shepoints to a number of reasons why theabundant orchards and fields of Rachme did
not significantly benefit the citizens ofRachme. The initial workforce employed in
the project, for instance, were generally not
locals. Instead, they were Jordanians ofvarious professional experience from
Amman, Israeli experts, and Egyptian
workers. Only a handful of the residents of
Al Haq Farms Headquarters
Rachme were initially involved. Perhaps for
cultural reasons, many of the Bedouins, whowere given priority in getting jobs, did not elect to work and thus were replaced by Egyptian
workers. In her follow-up report three years later, Heidtmann (2001) observed that theEgyptian workers were employed, despite explicit goals to involve Rachme villagers. By theclosure of 2005, this circumstance had changed significantly in favor of the local villagers,
although Egyptians were retained for certain jobs.
From an ecological standpoint, Heidtmann (1998) also points out that the water
consumption of the project relies on rapidly diminishing supplies from non-replenishable
aquifers. The R&D Station confirmed this result in 1999 and the village began petitioning
the government for additional wells. In general, Heidtmann (1998) states that the project wasprematurely deemed a success. In her follow-up study, she confirms the success of the
agricultural side of the project through the year 2000 on certain dimensions, but suggests thatthe social integration of the project has had mixed results. One of the primary problems is thepoor rate of participation in agricultural projects.
1.3

Current Trends in Rachme
New agricultural production from Wadi Araba has increased the local economy byapproximately $500,000 since the inception of the
project (Greenberg, correspondence). Rachme, as
the key pilot program, has received the largest
share of this benefit, enjoying healthy trade tomarkets for high-quality goods in places such as
Aqaba, Saudi Arabia, Israel, and Amman(Heidtmann 2001). For the scope of the project,
relatively few villagers are directly employed, andonly rarely have local villagers advanced fromworker standards. The rest are generally drivers,
Women in the fields
security personnel, office workers, or receive
other forms of urban employment in Aqaba

(Greenberg, correspondence).
And like most desert agriculture in this region, produce matures earlier here and isable to capture the very lucrative pre- and off-season markets. A future goal of Rachme’s
agricultural sector is to adhere to the strict ecological standards of the European Union inorder to be able to access the markets in the bulk of Western countries. Doing so would havethe additional benefit of initiating reform in pesticide and fertilizer application and stepping
the village toward a more integrated and sustainable agricultural system. But as yet, primarily
regional markets in Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and Israel have received imports from
Jordan.1
Due to infrastructure improvements initiated by the Jordan Valley Authority, and inno small part to the indirect support of the improved agricultural sector, services in Rachme
have improved markedly since 1998. A post office has been established, and landline phones
capacity has been installed. An affordable medical center has been renovated; the school has
been upgraded and teachers now live locally2; the police services have also been rebuilt.
Infrastructure improvements to the electricity and water system have allowed the majority of
the citizens lacking these services to receive them.
The improvements in the late 90’s were dramatic, and echoed a sense of growing
cooperation between Israel and Jordan since peace was brokered in 1994. In the periodleading up to the Second Intifada in Israel, progress was continuous and proceeded along
many lines. King Abdullah referred to the Wadi Araba as “peace valley,” and an Americangroup of entrepreneurs and philanthropists headquartered the new “Bridging the Rift
Foundation” in Rachme. Due to the deteriorating political situation in Israel, the aims of the
project were abandoned and effort is still being made to rekindle the optimism of the late 90’s
(Heidtmann 2001).
1.4

Ecological and Social Impact of Israeli Agriculture

The remarkable success of Israel’s kibbutz-based arid agriculture system can easily beseen on the stretch of highway 90 leading north out of Eilat. Stands of highly productive
vegetation suited to the desert climate are attached to each of nine kibbutzim in the Southern
Arava Valley, and continuous development and improvement is underway. The Hevel Eilot
Research and Development Station, which generally reflects the current level of advancementin agriculture, is the primary liaison between Rachme and Israel, providing advice and often
direct consultation visits. And while the privately-owned Al Haq Farms manages andimplements the agricultural project in Rachme, a significant portion of the expertise is drawn
from the Israeli side. Additionally, the set up and procedures attached to the technology andmethods passed along by Israeli agronomists have already adapted to a relatively strict andbureaucratic regulatory system in Israel and advance upon the bureaucratic demands in
Jordan. In the few years leading up to 2006, there has even been a reversal of expertise trade,with Al Haq providing useful tips to the R&D Station. To the extent that this expertise isbeneficial and ecologically sound, this has been a positive development.
However, in many cases the unsolved environmental impacts, in addition tounintended social impacts, from Israeli agriculture have been transmitted to the various
projects in Jordan. Pesticide and fertilizer use, as well as overly optimistic water
consumption practices are an unfortunate norm for much industrialized agriculture. In other1

Certain Eastern European countries not requiring EUREP-GAP have also received specific imports.
Although teachers now live locally, the majority are from larger urban areas in Jordan and generally have little
connection with the community after many years of living among the Bedouin in Rachme. It is also useful topoint out that Rachme villagers who have received training to be teachers are still on the waiting list for
positions in Rachme and outside.
2

words, the bads and the goods of the Israeli experience have been passed along andpotentially threaten the sustainability of the development in Rachme. Fortunately, there
exists a very good working relationship between the R&D Station in Israel and Rachme,
which leads to issues being resolved fairly quickly and a parallel growth in agriculture
technology and development. Over-salination from excessive fertilizer use as well as
depletion of groundwater already threaten the project in Rachme, in addition to the wellknown hazards pesticide use. Furthermore, as in many programs in Western countries,
agriculture has become dependent on hired (immigrant) labor. In the Southern Arava, thislabor is primarily Thai or other Asian descent. While labor shortage and/or cost of labor are
not as relevant in Rachme, there are issues with transplanting certain production methods thathave implicit social and labor institutions embedded in them. This issue already came to thefore when Rachme Bedouins elected not to work for cultural reasons and Egyptian workers
had to be brought in. A colleague of the author concurrently produced a report detailing the
newly-established role of women in the labor pool and the social implications for theadvancement of Rachme.
1.5

Water Use, Modern Agriculture, and Politics

In part due to the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, the Israeli
Ministry of Environment is embracing the concept of cross-boundary cooperation inenvironmental stewardship. As an extension to this, sustainably developing arid areas
without jeopardizing resources or ruining land has become a primary concern in Israel, as
well as Jordan. According to the Israeli MoE annual report The Environment in Israel, “Amajor focus of development is the Jordan Rift Valley (JRV) whose development potential,
coupled with resource constraints such as limited availability of water, hot desert climate, andfragile environment, create a unique development challenge” (Gabbay 2002, 68). The Negev
and Arava pump a total of 88 MCM (million cubic meters) of groundwater, most of which(67%) is saline, with the recognition that only a little over 60% of this water is replenishable
to any extent.3 Israel also subsidizes agricultural water costs heavily. The cost of the shortage(shadow cost) and the marginal cost of water are subordinate to the demands of the
agricultural sector—the primary water consumer. Economics and ecological reasoning
together agree that this is an unsuitable situation (MoE 1999; 60).
Al Haq Farms in Jordan receives similar agricultural water subsidizes and, as a quasigovernmental business, probably additional incalculable benefits. In fact, as a quasigovernmental organization pumping locally, it is unclear that any functional economic
constraints limit Al Haq Farms water consumption. However, real economic costs reveal that
there is a striking divergence between the rising costs for pumping diminishing (and lower
quality) water resources and the optimistic outlook for growth and expansion of the farm on
into the future. What Rachme inherits from Al Haq following privatization may be a
structurally sound farm, but one with multidimensional problems of water sourcing,salination of ground and water, and loss of government benefits. If these problems go
attended, not only will salinization will increase, but nitrate pollution will go up, drinking
water quality will go down, yields may suffer, and recession may slip in (MoE 1999; 72).
As the Ministry of Environment (1999; 276) in Israel defines it, “Sustainable use ofwater will enable the preservation and conservation of the soil, physical conservation of land
reserves and conservation of soil quality.” While significant advances have been taken in
Israel, with the advent of drip irrigation, and more locally in the Arava, with the creation of
3

Data from Gabbay (2002), using water data from 1999/2000. Saline water is defined as exceeding 400 mg/Lof chloride concentration.

arid ecotypes, there is still a distance to go before a truly sustainable water usage pattern
emerges. To imagine the fate of Jordan in the future, it is possible to look at Egypt outside of
the Nile Valley, which is a similarly endowed land populated by those of primarily Arab
descent and marked by high population growth. Martin Hvidt (The Middle Eastern
Environment 1995; 90) reports that, without problematic extrapolation, Egypt is threatened tolose the capacity to irrigate 60% of land currently under irrigated by 2025.
The Hevel Eilot R&D Station located in Yotvata has the most direct link to Rachme
and therefore the success of its advice, methodology, and technology in bringing aboutsustainable development in Rachme. It is important to point out that some of the kibbutzim
within the domain of the Hevel Eilot Regional Council in Israel depart significantly inpractice and ideology from that of the R&D Station. Dr. Elaine Solowey, founder of theCenter for Sustainable Agriculture at the Arava Institute for Environmental Studies, has beendeveloping low-impact orchard and field agriculture that, in many cases, differs widely fromthe crops chosen for Rachme by the R&D Station. In her recent book, Small Steps Toward
Abundance, she outlines the theory and practice of managing irrigation crops in an arid andsaline environment, as well as describing responsible methods of pest control andfertilization. Because many of these theories have not been adopted by the R&D Station,
they are not transmitted to Rachme.
1.6

Research Question

All residents of an arid environment face a very unique and challenging path towardsustainable development. By looking at the results of collaboration between Israel andJordan on the pilot agricultural project in Rachme, what is the sustainability potential for suchtechnology transfers on the long-term economic, social, and ecological development insimilar environments? Issues that will be investigated will be: social progress (particularly
female labor force participation), sustainable and non-sustainable agricultural practices, local
involvement, and whether or not the benefits and disadvantages accrue locally.
1.7

Study Area

Besides the port and tourism city of Aqaba (pop. 50,000), and Eilat (pop. 45,000) only about
7,000 people live in the Southern Arava. Of the settlements on the Jordanian side, Rachme isone of the largest, with approximately 1,500 residents of Bedouins. The most common tribal
affiliations are: Huweitat, Saidiyin, Ammarin, and Heewat (Heidtmann 1998). Of theresidents, there are approximately 300 working-age males and about an equal number offemales. The remainder are school age children and elderly residents. Most of the residents(over 80%) have electricity and adequate drinking water, and schools in Rachme are more
local than similar sized villages in the Southern Arava. On the Israeli side of the Southern
Arava though, 9 kibbutzim with a population of around 3000 people reside, mostly
agricultural communities harvesting vegetable, fruit and flowers. The research station of
Arava R & D is located next to Kibbutz Yotvata, only 5 km west of the Rachme project’s
headquarters.

2.0

METHODOLOGY

Step 1 - Visiting with major stakeholders on the Israeli side, and the Jordanian side; Informalinterviews
Stakeholders include representatives from the Hevel Eilot Research and Development
Station, personnel staff in Kibbutz Ketura, the tribal sheiks in Rachme, project managers in
Rachme, and supervising farmers. Approximately 20 informal interviews with a range ofcitizens, prominent figures, and businesspeople were conducted in addition to the major
stakeholders. These interviews were free-note taking sessions and not guided byquestionnaire.
Step 2 - Demographic survey [Questionnaire Part 1]
This survey was conducted in Rachme as a pre-assessment portion of the individual
household interview. Demographic data was also sought from local authorities, such as
sheiks, school directors, project managers, and basic services technicians.
Specifically, information was gathered relating to:- population characteristics- housing arrangements and living conditions- labor participation and trends- livestock- access to services (health, education, electricity, water, etc.)- age of the population, marriage statistics, family size, natural increase rate
- leadership and politics- cultural events, festivals
Step 3 – Interviews with villagers [Questionnaire Part 2]
Twenty interviews were conducted during December 2005 and January 2006, covering morethan 100 individuals from random stratified samples from various economic/social groups inRachme. The interviews were conducted with adult males (usually household heads).
Interviews lasted between 1-2 hours.
This part of the questionnaire is a mix of fixed answer questions, dummy variable questions,ranking questions, and free answer. The primary purpose of the questionnaire will be toassess socioeconomic circumstances, attitudes and opinions vis-à-vis the agriculturaldevelopments and ensuing social (and employment) changes.
3.0

RESULTS

Conducting interview work of this type was marked by a variety of challenges which should
be outlined for the reader. First and foremost, due to availability and personal choice, many
intended interviews were not conducted, which may skew the data. And because there was an
attempt to randomly sample within certain artificially-specified subpopulations in Rachme(such as farm workers, business people, unemployed, etc.), this cannot be considered asample appropriate for extrapolation to Rachme village as a whole. Second, and despite
attempts to be represented as academic researchers, some interviewees assumed a
relationship or association with the Al Haq farming company existed. This has clear
implications for responses relating to the farm. Third, an overall atmosphere of suspicion isaccorded to Caucasian foreigners, and particularly so in a village within a military zone andresident to a quasi-governmental farm. Simple fear of the government and government
agents appeared to be a factor for some interviewees. That being said, most interviewees
seemed honest and enthusiastic to speak about the situation in their village.
3.1

Demographics and Socioeconomics of the Sample

Rachme could be seen as somewhat of a flagship town by the Jordan Valley
Authority—a fairly satisfied and sedentarized Bedouin community with a large and growing
population, full services, including electricity, piped water, garbage collection, and sewage,
as well as the location of a productive 50 hectare farm exporting to international markets. A
deeper look at the socioeconomic trends displays a slightly different picture and a brief lookat the history of the village disrupts this satisfying picture yet further.
While one can say that the government of Jordan did not neglect the southern
Bedouin, it is anecdotally clear that the effort to fully network the village with water andelectricity, andFigure 1
even build a gas
Education Distribution in Rachme for Adults
station, was20
driven by theNuneeds of the farm.
m
In terms of the
be 15rfunctionalofsocioeconomic
Vill10
result, the farmag
ershould be thankedsfor putting the(A 5
pressure on thege
18
government and,0
by demanding
0
5
10
15
services,
Years of Education
indirectly
Source: Rachme Labor Survey
providing thefinal push forfully servicing the village. Heidtmann (2001) reported an astonishing increase in services
over just three years in her post-project evaluation of Al Haq Farms. All interviewees,
almost without exception, have all basic services and report that these services are ubiquitous.
Other indicators of socioeconomic standing are not as optimistic.
Education, in particular, is a problematic area. Adult villagers remain largely
uneducated (see Figure 1), and seem to have chosen either to remain illiterate or to “go all
the way” and try to reach the level of high school graduation. Women, in particular, fall into
these two extremes. Perhaps because of this decision, many of the teachers (largely
urbanites) joke that the villager who reaches 8th grade is looked at as a PhD in the village.
While the demographic statistics show that children are now always sent to school, it is hardto determine what their actual level of involvement is. And given the boyish contempt theteachers collectively held for students in the village, it is also worth considering what thesestudents are getting from school.

. Economically, there is significant consistency among the villagers. Working
villagers tended to receive between 110-170 JD monthly, although 35% reported being in a
lot of debt. Even retirement benefits from the military (a major source of pension for
Bedouin) falls within this salary range. A representation of adult occupations within thesample can be found in Graph 2—although it should be mentioned that all women capturedby the sample were housewives. Land ownership is also very homogenous, with mostfamilies living on a 1.5 dunam piece—the standard set by King Hussein during the foundingof Rachme. Recent properties built by King Abdullah are smaller pieces of land with more
modern housing. More deeply than salary, 90% sampled Rachme villagers cook with gas andhave a television set. Variation can be seen for ownership of other items: 20% have satellite
dishes, 55% of families have at least one cell phone, and 35% of families have a car.

Figure 2

3.2

Home livestock andfood production are at very
low levels in Rachme,echoing a number ofcultural shifts among theBedouin and increasing
reliance on a cash economy.
Less than 50% of sampled
households have more than
one goat, although thosethat do tend to obtain milk
and meat from theiranimals. Only one third ofresidents have a garden,
despite the large land plots
and free water, and further,even less actually receive
produce from their gardens.

Quality of Life Indicators

From a classic world development perspective, Rachme village is a good example ofsuccessful rural development and advancement in basic human rights. The town is fully
serviced and health care is affordably
Perceived Quality/Taste of Drinking Water
available—a major stride incomparison
to other poor communities.
Figure 3
Very
Very
By the standards of world
good
poor
10%
development, Al Haq Farms is also the10%15%
champion of development: bringing
Goodjobs, bringing pressure on the40%
government for services, and liberating
femalelabor. But for the villager
25%
livinginRachme villager, all of these
Poor
Sufficientclassic improvements may not have hit
home—in fact, they may have gone ina direction opposite of his or her viewSource: Rachme Labor Surveyof development. Therefore, it iscritical to look at the perceptions of the people as well as the infrastructure and “measurable”
improvements. While some issues are clear winners as physical ideas (electricity, water
piping, schools), the quality of these services is equally as important.
Although villagers all have water,
Perceived Cleanliness of Village
and the water is of technically higher
quality (antiquated piping system was
replaced two years ago), the villagers are
Figure 4
Poor
upset with the quality (see Figure 3). The
high salinity leaves a poor taste and a trail
10%of dental problems throughout life. This is
15%30%
in direct contrast to how they perceive thecleanliness of their village, which in many
Very
Sufficient
Bedouin communities is a major problem
good(see Figure 4). In Rachme, they haveregular trash disposal service and thevillage is, even by Western standards, veryGoodclean.
45%
Social services in the village haveclearly improved from a technical aspect in
the past few years, and by the numbers, it
Source: Rachme Labor Survey
seem as though approval of at least
education and health care is soaring (seeFigure 5). Although many teachers have
Perceived Quality of Education
low aspirations for their Bedouin students,
thisdoes not prevent them from giving
Figure 5 Very
Veryproper instruction. The reality, as one
good
poor
Bedouin explained, is not as much related
to the quality of the teachers, but to the10%10%
options one has set before him in life.
Health services receive a very highSufficient
rating—and represent the area of mostsatisfaction in terms of social services.
25%
55%

Good

Perceived Quality of Health
Care

Figure 6

Poor
5%

Source: Rachme Labor
The two doctors that serve Rachme are welltrained and proper, and have quickly learned
how to make their services more accessible tothe villagers. The only problem is that drugs
that were highly subsidized (down to a fractionof their retail price) have crept back up anddiscouraged a lot of potential Bedouin patients.
Equally problematic is the culturalconsideration attached to receiving treatment
from the Western medical center. Bedouin

25%

Very good
Good

70%

Source: Rachme Labor Survey

usually attempt to treat themselves using traditional methods and often come when conditions
have only worsened. Even if a certain course of drugs reduces the system, the Bedouins often
discontinue use before the end of the course and lower the effectiveness of the medication.
3.3

Politics and Tribal Relations

The role of the dominant social system in Rachme has a direct bearing not only on thesocial response to the introduction of large-scale farming, but how the farm interacts andresponds to the community throughout its lifetime. In this respect, the Al Haq Farms
correctly gauged the local tribal and political leaders—eith er through cooperation or otherincentive, both the sheik of the largest tribe, Hayawatt, and the local mukhtar, the elected
political head, are allies of the farm. The tribal leaders are, by in large, charged withmaintaining open lines of communication with the farm, so as to stay abreast of each other’s
needs. The mukhtar, on the other hand, has relationship with Al Haq Farms based moreexclusively on economic factors. Infrastructure improvements and social service upgrades,
for instance, are likely mediated through the mukhtar. In interview with the mukhtar himself,
it seemed that he has been particularly effective in building off of the entrepreneurial spirit
the farm has brought to the village—and his more recent social programs and organizations
are characteristic of this.
Although of a tribe without significant representation in Rachme (Drousche), themukhtar clearly persuaded the village of his capability to adequately and progressively handle
local politics. Besides his ability to diplomatically leave many of his personal grievances andpreferences aside, which is important for dealing with a largely unfamiliar farming operation,
he has humbly brought many positive influences to the village. The Cooperative Associationof Rachme, a joint project he arranged with the Jordan River Association (headed by Queen
Rania), brought the community-o wned and operated ostrich farm to Rachme. Almost by
default, all villagers agree that the project is interesting and good, although many cannot
afford the initial investment required (50 Jordanian Dinar upfront), or are intimidated by the
Association’s domination by Hayawatt members. He also created the Rachme Charity
Association, which is now a progressive force in the community run entirely by women.
They carry out trainings in computer skills, sewing, and have initiated small cottage industry
and high-value projects, such as a oyster mushroom cultivation project. His future goals
include revamping the abandoned police station into a youth club, a sorely needed source ofentertainment for the younger generation, initiating a cow dairy, and establishing a local
council in order to distance themselves from the political problems in the Aqaba
municipality.
Although at the discredit of the mukhtar himself, it is safe to say that not only did
bring villager-centered activities to fill the social gaps created by the farms, but he did so bybuilding upon the energy and freshness of the farm. In many ways, high-tech modern
agriculture, complete with irrigation pipelines, computers, chemicals, and fancy packaging islocked away from poorer people, who are overwhelmed by the complexity and social
distance of the project (Amanar 55). Even workers who claimed they learned a lot about
cultivation of certain crops are still, by and large, awed by the enormous investment required
to start down the path of modern agriculture. The mukhtar, to his credit, was able to section
off some of the “eminent domain” created by the enormous complexity and resources of Al
Haq Farms and channel it toward creative and more locally appropriate projects (Colchester80). Even some of the progress toward local benefits are probably indirectly, if not directly
attributable to the mukhtar and the voices behind him. The farm now provides green fodder

(scraps) from harvested fields and allows workers to take a few kilograms of fresh produce
home each week—two clear improvements upon existing conditions.
3.4

Farm Perceptions and Social Progress

As an institution that has brought about significant changes to the physical as well associal landscape in Rachme village, the ability of Al Haq Farms to draw support or alienate
people is a fundamental indicator of social welfare in the community. Among the sampled
population, which is biased slightly toward farm workers at Al Haq, there is a 65% approval
rating of Al Haq’s practices in the past year. However, this only indicates temporal
improvement in conditions or outlook in the past year(s), and not an overall level ofsatisfaction with the farm. While some substantial economic reasons can be cited for the
majority approval rating, such as increased employment due to expansion, and moregenerosity in terms of free vegetables and providing green animal fodder, most discussion isabout a few specific key issues that are debated on and viewed sometimes radicallydifferently by different people. Please see the series of two charts (Chart 7 and 8) below to
examine the overall distribution in responses.
A closer look at the responses provided by villagers indicates that villagers have morethoroughly rehearsed and deeper convictions about the drawbacks brought to the village by
Al Haq Farms. By in large, the benefits cited by citizens were related to the slight
improvements in social service infrastructure (parks, clinics, schools), as opposed to culturalor broad economic reasons. The author considered removing the benefit “employment”
because, by nature of the project, one cannot remark that “less people are employed”—
whereas the goal of probing employment was to determine if villagers felt Al Haq Farms
employment practices (number and conditions) went above and beyond what they expected.
There is also a good argument for removing the “park” as a benefit, because, as many
villagers report, it remains locked for large periods. But, as in the case of employment, one
cannot say that Al Haq did not build a park that is occasionally used. What are left are minor
reports of sampled villagers receiving green scraps as animal fodder and those considering
the gifting of vegetables to workers as a village-wide benefit. Finally, although villagers
often reported the farms playing a role in bringing public attention to Rachme, it is unclear if
this has manifested in real benefits for the village or simply become a convenient icon of
pride.
The drawbacks of the farm’s presence in Rachme are more varied, nuanced, andrepresent a divergence of opinion as to what are the major issues. Far more people report that
Al Haq does not provide vegetables as opposed to those who cited it as a benefit (16% versus2%). Many villagers went on to explain how Al Haq Farms has a three-tiered system of
produce quality, the poorest quality of which (Tier III) is destroyed rather than given to the
local community. This system was corroborated by Al Haq personnel, who proudly reported
that Tier I crops were made available to Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, and Eastern Europe;
Tier II was sent to regional population centers, such as Amman and Aqaba; and Tier III was“unusable” crop. From an economic standpoint, the crop destruction prevents a dilution of
the market in Aqaba, but from a social standpoint is a major disappointment for thecommunity. The author confirmed piles of burnt dates and other dump spots where
vegetables were rendered unusable by tractor. The vegetable issue alone represents 30% of
the comments against Al Haq Farms.
Disruption of culture and the presence of outside or female workers overlap to acertain extent in describing dissatisfaction with the social changes resulting from theintroduction of the farm. Other villagers reported that the pest problem has becomeunbearable since the introduction of water works—although the mukhtar rightly points outthat cleanliness can solve this and, more to the point, what did the villagers expect? A
surprising drawback mentioned by some villagers was the existence of discrimination on thepart of Al Haq Farms. Those who reported this were by and large connected to someone who
claims mistreatment by Al Haq, although the specific reasons for the feeling were notprovided. Among these were some of the Rachme villagers who were trained at Yotvata
during the optimistic first years of the project and have since grown dispirited with thecompany—perhaps for reasons of lack of advancement or no real future outlook for a hard,
traditionally non-Bedouin type of work.

Reported Benefits of Al Haq
FigureFarms7
local vegetables
school improvements

Reported Drawbacks of Al Haq Farms
Figure 8
discrimination

2%

water overuse

8%
16%

38%

19%

public awareness of Rachme
employment
27%

new park

2%
4%

health care13%

no provision ofvegetables for Rachme

health problems (pests)
19%

none

6%
15 %

animal fodder

Source: Rachme Labor Survey

8%

15%

outside workers
and/or female labor

8%

destruction of edible crops

cultural disruption
Source: Rachme Labor Survey

As a relatively new phenomenon in Rachme, the issue of outside workers and female
labor is one that has fundamentally changed the landscape of labor and traditional roles inBedouin society. The process ofOpinions on Egyptian Workers at Al Haq
sedentarization, which began in
Are you accepting of the Egyptians working
the 1940’s and was clinched in
at Al Haq Farms?
1975 when Prince Hassan of
Jordan officially called the
Figure 9settlement Rachme, was the firstof such major changes to happen
11%
to the Bedouin. Although giving
up a pastoral, nomadic lifestylewould seem to imply an
21%
adoption of agriculture, this is
not the case for the Southern
58%
Jordanian Bedouin, for whom
plant agriculture remained a11%foreign concept. When the farmproject began in 1998,
agriculture (more specifically,
modern agriculture) was literally
thrust upon the Bedouin with all
Don't agree
Accepting, butof its social implications andat allwith reservations
structural changes. Although the
AcceptingNo opinion
workers at Al Haq Farms areprimarily Bedouin now, there
was a period where farm
Opinions on Female Workers at Al Haq
managers relied on Egyptianlabor because, as they claim,
Figure 10
laborers from the village were
not forthcoming. This is logical,
15%
given that such a major change
30%
likely initiated a slow adaptationfrom the Bedouin in Rachme.
But in addition to the upheaval
associatedwith the new30%
agricultural project, two new25%
social dynamics arose and areapparently here to stay: female
labor and Egyptian workers.
The precedent for foreign
workers in Rachme is not
Accepting, but
Do not accept thisentirely new, although the scalepersonally disagree
situation at all
Accepting, encourage
Only from necessity
adopted by Al Haq in the early
more integration
should a woman work
years was on a large scale.
Syrian workers have been
employed at the local brick factory for over 10 years. The benefit of these workers is clear:
they live on site, work very hard, are loyal, and do not have the adaptation idiosyncrasies of
the Bedouin villagers. That being said, foreign workers are not particularly welcomed by the
Bedouin (See Figure 9). The majority are not welcomed at all, although some admit that it isuseful to have Egyptians around to do “women’s work” or other jobs beneath the dignity of
the Bedouin culture (such as working in the kitchen at Al Haq’s headquarters).
The perspective on the recent influx of female Bedouin farm workers (who outnumber
the men now during certain seasons) is more divided among the Bedouin (See Figure 10).
The majority (60%) of the sample are accepting of the women to some extent, usuallyencouraging or at least sympathetic to the socioecnomic circumstances that drove them toseek employment at the farm. As a result, there is overlap with the 15% who believe only adesperate situation should justify females working at the farms. Only a quarter is fervently
against this cultural change. This is very good progress for short a short time period eventhough there seemed to be almost no other choice but to adapt to the new social order broughtby the farms.
The drawback of water overuse as perceived by the villagers is also a topic thatdeserves more exploration. Al Haq Farms was not forthcoming about its water consumption,although it admits they are depleting resources fast, and therefore discussion with thevillagers relating to water overuse was dependent entirely on personal information and on ahypothetical game simulating water overuse scenarios. According to perceptions alone, 13%of drawbacks of the farm was attributed to water overuse, although this was a drawback
reported by 40% of the interview sample. Even if the interviewee did not report water
overuse as being a problem, a mini-game was conducted attempting to establish how high hevalued theunderground water
Water Overuse Scenario
resources of the village
Figure 11
in relation to the farm(See Figure 11). A
littlemore than one28%
quarter said that, underno circumstances,39%
would they close thefarm. Many of theseanswers were33%
appended by sayingthat Allah is in controlof the water, not them.
The remainder agreed
they would close the
Close wells if it hurts me
Do not close the wells
farm if the wells ran
Close wells if it hurts my children
dry during their
Source: Rachme Labor
lifetime, and an
additional 39% said
they would close the wells if they ran dry during their children’s lifetime. Many of these
responses were prefaced by comments such as “water is G-d’s gift” or “water is the basis oflife” and may indicate a growing anxiety over the rapid water depletion. A more thoroughecologically discussion of the water consumption in Rachme will be discussed in the next
section.
3.5

Ecological and Social Balance

Of the drawbacks cited by the villagers of Rachme in relation to Al Haq Farms, theissue of ecological sustainability of the project only arose indirectly, in discussions

concerning workers safety, employment efficiency, and water overuse. These discussions areunderpinned by the fact that annual per capita share of water in Jordan has dropped
precipitously from 3,400 m3/cap/year following Jordan’s independence to 155 m3/cap/year inrecent years (Ayesh 2005). As communicated prior, Al Haq Farms is not forthcoming withwater usage statistics, although they provided the author with enough consumption
information for each individual crop to assemble a coherent picture of aggregate pumping at
the farm (see Al Haq Farm Layout in Appendix II). Assuming an 8-month annual growing
period (two seasons), Al Haq Farms intends to deliver approximately 733,200 M3 of water toits fields. Allow for a conservative wastage ratio and holding evaporation percentage of 20%
combined and add water needs of the windbreaker trees, water consumption nears 1 MCM
annual (see Appendix I for specifics of this calculation). All in all, Al Haq is operating on awater efficiency of approximately 0.5M3 water per pound of food.
The question of whether such water consumption is justified can be characterized bycomparing this consumption to other alternatives. Specifically, per dunam water
consumption by Al Haq will be looked at in reference to a permaculture project southeast of
the Dead Sea. This project is unique in that it is completely Jordanian-initiated and is locatedon a piece of land with comparable characteristics to Wadi Araba.
One of the first references used by Mohammad Ayesh (2005) relates the story of
successful participatory water (irrigation) projects in the North of Jordan Valley. These
examples were in sharp contrast to the very top-down, distant approach employed by Al Haq
Farms—which incidentally teaches the village very little about water resource usage andaquifer depletion. The other social benefits of permaculture vis-a-vis chemical agriculture
are clear issues that have a bearing on Al Haq Farms, namely the role played by agriculture inpoverty alleviation and hazardous chemical avoidance, waste, and cultural consideration.
The system of agriculture developed for the permaculture project is at once similar
and in another radically different than the strategy employed by Al Haq. Crop diversity was
employed very heavily as a pest and weed control agent in the permaculture project, and the
project even strategically planted useful herbs as alleopathic (weed preventative) and pest
repelling agents. Some sort of biological control, primarily using tobacco, onion, garlic, orneem sprays were applied to control residual pests. Al Haq uses the standard agroindustrial
approach, namely monocropping in plots and use of generic pesticides. Some of the fertilizer
being applied to the Al Haq project is warranted, given the absolute barren quality of the landprior to implementation—although standard agricultural practices would aim to discontinue
use after a balance of organic material and natural fertilizing elements are reestablished.
While there is a possibility for composting at Al Haq, there is the competing demand from thevillagers for green material as livestock fodder.
Education became a key component of the permaculture project. Locals were
specifically taught how to understand the methods, use the tools, and actively learned thetechniques in such a way that they could do much of the planting, soil conservation,
agricultural patterning, composting, and water management by themselves (Ayesh 2005). Al
Haq performed a similar noble deed—bringing a handful of Rachme villagers to Kibbutz
Yotvata for training purposes. But the overly technical and theoretical nature of the learning
experience at Al Haq, combined with the lower level of education found in the Rachme
villagers who went, prevented them from taking home anything “useful” home, as a few of
the younger villagers reported. The role of women in the two projects is also comparable:
women were given special focus and responsibility—which, the author reported, createdgrowing successes. The women at Al Haq, on the other hand, are seasonally employedworkers who are not provided any training and have no personal connection to the project.
The choice of plants chosen by the two extremes of agriculture are also telling of theirlocal community impact. Permaculture is predicated on extremely high diversity of species,

with consequential high diversity of plant uses (herbs, spices, religious plants) as opposed toagroindustry, which is focused primarily food crops such as tomatoes, cucumbers, andpeppers. Examples of permaculture include: olive, fig, date, guava, pomegranate, eucalyptus,
jasmine, albizia, various legumes, eggplants, tomatoes, onion, garlic, Jew’s mallow, barley,sesame (in total there are at least 30 “major” species under cultivation, with minor alleopathic
plants planted for pest control). Al Haq Farms cultivates approximately 8 products—all
primary or staple food plants. In effect, Al Haq achieves less local usefulness and opens its
monocropped products up to pest invasion and, given inclement conditions, widespread
failure. The question, however, is how are the yields per water inputs from the permaculture
project lacking artificial fertilizers and those of an industrialized farm? Unfortunately no
direct crop comparisons are available—although most of the products under permaculture
cultivation were between 0.2 and 0.6 m3/dm/day, while most products at Al Haq were in therange 4.0 to 10.0 m3/dm/day—about a savings of over 1000%. Should direct plant-to-plantcomparisons be made, all water costs included, the water savings from permaculture might
would lower but still significantly better than those from conventional agriculture.
Water saving practices undertaken by Al Haq and the permaculture project are a goodcomparison, because the permaculture system still relied on irrigation (some are naturally
propagated). Ayesh (2005) managed to bring irrigation scheduling down to once per week,
used mulching to prevent evaporation and salt accumulation, and estimates he saved 40% ofwater used in conventional agriculture. This is an epic savings, but comes at no surprisegiven the goals of the project. According to the agronomists at Al Haq, irrigation schedules
ranged from 3 times per week to every day, although granted the humidity conditions areharsher in the southern Wadi Araba.
3.6

Israeli Cooperation

Opinions on Israeli Cooperation in Agricultural Development
How do you feel about the agricultural cooperation with Israel?

Figure 12
15%

10%

15%
35%

25%

Source: Rachme Labor Survey

Unaware of thisNo problem with thisAgree and encourage this cooperation
Not sure how I feel about thisGovernment says to normalize relations

For many parties, the agriculture project in Rachme is only a noteworthy project
because of the Israeli-Jordanian involvement that engendered it. But despite Israeli
confidence that the project would not have gotten off its feet without Israeli support, there
was already movement at the Jordan Valley Authority that was making Rachme a potential

farming site. The JVA had failed to successfully execute a project in Rachme before, butthere is no reason to believe that the JVA would try again unless they had proper reason tobelieve they would succeed. The Israeli assistance, then, was a guarantee that the project
would work—technically. And herein lies the major distinction between Israeli assistanceand Israeli technology sharing. Israeli assistance would first have involved more funds thanthe Israelis actually put toward the project and would also have involved a deeper level ofparticipation. That being said, it is not clear that a true “cooperation,” in every sense of theword, was even technically feasible at the time. A technology sharing arrangement was themost Israel could hope for.
One of the main problems that develops under a technology transfer development
situation is the failure or unwillingness to recognize that a technology is replete with thesocial implications of its holder. Yes, the technology is better, but is the social arrangement
embedded in the technology appropriate or even just to transplant into a foreign culturalmilieu? Optimism in technology transfer lies on the so-called “leapfrog” phenomenon,
wherein non-technical civilizations skip wasteful or inefficient steps in technologicaldevelopment and “catch-up” with modern civilizations. It has been proved that this can bedone—cell phones work better in developing countries than the burden of installing
landlines...but can a social system leapfrog just as the technology? In the context of the
traditionally conservative Bedouin society, is this hope even more unlikely? And besides,
what about the fact that these Bedouins hold a non-neutral, probably antagonistic view
toward the bringer of the technology?
Extracting how the Bedouin feel about the Israeli involvement in setting up (and alittle continual assistance) Al Haq Farms in Rachme is not an easy task. In the case of a
Caucasian interviewer, there is a clear reason to be suspicious of both the intentions of theinterviewer and for the interviewer to be suspicious of the responses he receives. That being
noted, the results of this portion of the interview is as follows (see Figure 12): 60% have noproblem with Israeli involvement or even encourage it, while 30% are reticent about the
involvement but not against it, and 10% were not aware it was happening. Given the
Bedouin penchant for talk, it unlikely a single person in the village did not know that Israel,of all places, was involved in the new farm. But the genuine honesty and willingness to shareof most interviewees shows that, for the most part, this is indicative response. Moreinteresting are the responses and prefaces furnished to the interviewer. Many remarked that,“any help is good” – the desperation answer, also given in reference to female labor in thefarms. Others said, “if I had the choice, I might have done a cooperation with another Arabcountry, but it’s not that big of a deal.” And yet others, including the mukhtar, remark that,“smart people than us made the decision to have peace with Israel. If they say we should
normalize relations with the Israelis, then we will.” This is a very dignified response,
representing either the trust in the national government’s strategic decision-making abilities,
or the need to avoid speaking freely.
The level of knowledge about the Israeli involvement, and even the interest level,
seems to have gone down. For many of the Bedouins, the Israelis working with Al Haq are
just as inaccessible and ephemeral as the upper management of Al Haq. In other words, theBedouin can only appreciate the idea that Israel is involved in their village, but notunderstand the implications of it.
4.0

CONCLUSIONS

Due to the rapidity of the farming development and the simultaneous response by thegovernment to make long-needed infrastructure improvements in Rachme village, it is a

unique place to examine the social, ecological, and economic impacts of a rural development
initiative. The variable of Israeli cooperation is an added dimension that makes the project
particularly interesting from a geopolitical perspective. What is clear is that the advent of Al
Haq Farms in Rachme has spawned a series of new social changes in Rachme, influenced theeconomy slightly for the better, and challenged the way the Bedouins see their community
developing into the future.
As a catalyst for change, the farms have had a very fast influence. Egyptian workers
invaded the village for a time, female labor sprouted and even proliferates, and newentrepreneurial projects have been created in the wake of the farm. The ostrich farm, the very
possibility of the all-women Rachme Charity Association, and new plans for a youth club,and dairy seem to have grown out of the idea that, “yes, some pioneering spirit can get
something done out here in the desert.” And it helps that the political and economic inertia of
the farming company pushed the government to put in place a qualified set of basic services
in Rachme.
But the top-down, overly technological approach of the farm has also spawned somedifficult ecological and social questions. It is clear that the benefits of the farm are notaccruing locally—enormous amounts of vegetables and money are exported out of Rachme,
while the pests and the drained aquifer remain in. Some villagers have jobs, but the
Figure 13

Overall Change in Living Conditions
Did conditions in Rachme village improve and
why?
17.5%

12.5%

50%

10%
10%

People worked
Businesses did
No improvement,

Public services
Good

Source: Rachme Labor Survey

opportunities for advancement are low and, for some disgruntled workers, even diminishing.
The idealized benefit of emancipating women has been realized in a particularly roughmanner for the female laborers at Al Haq Farms... but one could always say it is a start.
Israeli involvement has been seen as a neutral to positive factor for many of the Bedouin,
although it is clear that parts of the agricultural system transplanted to Rachme was a social
stretch for the Bedouin villagers. Most unfortunate is the poor ecological performance of thefarms: fertilizers, pesticides, nuisance pests in the town, aquifer drain, and no real benefit of
the farm operation itself to the town (employment is a given; the park being built is external;
green animal fodder is too marginal).

The deeper question is what will the younger generation do with this institution in
their midst. Will it engender more progressive social movement, cause more yearning forcosmopolitan, bustling towns, or serve as an economic or entrepreneurial hub for the future
development of Rachme. Villagers report widely varying accounts of their predictions for the
younger generation—although all agree that the fate of education, transparency of the farm,and success of current entrepreneurial arrangements will play a major role.

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Appendix I
Using information gathered from Al Haq agronomists, it is possible to assemble a cubic meter(M3) demand for each dunam of every crop. The values are as follows:
Crop Type
Dates (all varieties)
Tomatoes (cherry)Tomatoes
Sweet peppers
Cucumber
Table grapes
Lemon
Mango

-

M3/Dunam/Day
6
12
7
13
7
4
8
8

Daily Consumption: 3,055 M3 / Day (733,200 annual)
Based on average yields for each crop as reported by the Jordan Department of Statistics for
2004, Al Haq farms produced approximately 744 tons of diverse produce. A very rough ratioof water efficiency is 0.5M3 Water per pound of produce.

Appendix II
Al Haq Agricultural Zone - Rachme Village, January 2006

FIGURE A.

Mejoul Date Palm - 30 dm

KEY:Berhai Date Palm - 30 dm

Plastic House

Cherry Tomato - 5 dm

Glass Greenhouse

Cucumber - 5 dm

Open Field

Aqaba

Bell Pepper - 5 dm
Bell Pepper - 5 dm

Amman

Cucumber - 5 dm
Table Grapes - 4 dm
Cucumber - 5 dm
Table Grapes - 4 dm

Berhai Date Palm - 40 dm

Cucumber - 5 dm

Tomato - 10 dm
Tomato - 10 dm

Table Grapes - 10 dm
Table Grapes - 10 dm
Table Grapes - 10 dm
Table Grapes - 10 dm
Berhai Date Palm - 10 dm

Berhai Date Palm - 40 dm

Tomato - 10 dm

Berhai Date Palm - 10 dm

Lemon - 11 dm
Mango - 12 dm
Mango - 12 dm
Berhai Date Palm - 60 dm
Berhai Date Palm - 60 dm

Berhai Date Palm - 40 dm

Lemon - 11 dm

Israeli Border

Tomato - 5 dm