DETROIT
III.2---------------------------------------------------STUDIEN / STUDIES 2
Oktober / October 2005–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Ein Initiativprojekt der Kulturstiftung des Bundes in Kooperation mit dem
Projektbüro Philipp Oswalt, der Galerie für Zeitgenössische Kunst Leipzig, der Stiftung Bauhaus Dessau und derZeitschrift archplus.
Büro Philipp Oswalt, Eisenacher Str. 74, 10823 Berlin, T: +49 (0)30 81 82 19-11, F: +49 (0)30 81 82 19-12,
mail@shrinkingcities.com, URL: www.shrinkingcities.com

III.2 | 

INHALTSÜBERSICHT / TABLE OF CONTENTS---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------3
Shrinking Representations							
	Robert Beauregard
8	The Paedomorphic Landscape (And Its Material Consequences)		
	Andrew Zago
16
Land Use: The Persistence of Agriculture in the City of Detroit			Regina Reichert
20	Yarning Detroit									lucky kitchen/Alejandra Salinas, Aeron Bergman
24	THROW-AWAY CITIES
Jerry Herron
27	Editorische Notiz und Impressum / Editorial note and colophon

III.2 | 3������������ �������������
„Städte können nicht für sich selber sprechen, sie müssen repräsentiert werden“. Anhand derEntwicklung amerikanischer Städte im 20. Jahrhundert geht Robert A. Beauregard der Fragenach, inwieweit Geschichten über eine Stadt dazu beitragen, Verfall und Schrumpfung zu
beschreiben und die Wahrnehmung zu prägen.
��������� ���������������
“Cities cannot speak for themselves; they have to be represented.” By explaining thedevelopment of American cities in the 20th century, Robert A. Beauregard follows thequestion in how far stories about a city contribute to the explanation of decline and shrinkage
and how they constitute the perception of these processes.
Robert A. Beauregard, *1945, Stadt- und Regionalplaner/ city and regional planner, New
School University, New York City, beauregr@newschool.edu

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������������� ���������� ��� ���������� ��������� ���� ���� ���� ������� ���� ���� ������ ���������� ��� ���� ���������� ��� � ����� �� ������ �������������� �� ����� ����� ���� �� �������� ��� ������ �������� �� ���� ������ ���� ��������� ��� ����� ������� ������� ��� ��������� ��������� ��� ������� �� �������������� ��� �������� ����� ������� �� ��� �������� ��� ������� ���� �������� ��� ����������� ��� ������ ��������
���� ������������ ������� ��� �������������� �������������� ������� �������� ���� �������� ��������� ���� ���������� ��� ���������� ��� ������� ����� ��� ����������� �� ���� ����� �� ���������� ��� �������� ���������� �� ��� �������� ��� ����� �����

DETROIT / SHRINKING REPRESENTATIONS

III.2 | 7��� ������� �� ��� ������ �� ��� ���� ����� ������� ��� ��������� �� ��������� ��������� ���������� ����� �� �������������� ����� �� ������������ ��������� � ���������� �� ��� ���� ������������ ������� ��� �������� ������ ������ ������ ��� ������������ ��������� �������� ����� ���� �� �������� ������������ ��� ����� �������� ������ ���� ��� ������� ������ ������������ ������� �������� ��� ������������ �� ��� ������ ��� ������ ������ ���� �������������� ������� ��� ����� ��� ���������� �������� ��� ������� ������ ������ ����� ������� ������� ��������� ��� ���� ���������� ���� ����� ��� ��� ���� �� ���������� ������ ������ ������ �� ����� ������� ��������� ��������� ������� ��� �������� ������� �� ������ ���������������� ������� ���� ������� ������� �� �������� ����� ��� � ���� ���� �� ������������������ �� ��� ������� ������ ������������ ��������� ��� ������� ��� ������������
�������� ���������� ������ �� ���� ����� �������������� �������� ���� ��������� ��� ���������� ����� ���� �� ��� ������ ����������� �� ����� ��� ������ ��� ��� ����� ����������
���� ����� ����������� ��� �������������� ����� ���� �� ��������� ��� ���� ���� �������
���������� �� ������ �������������� ������ ������� ��� �������� ���������� �� � ���� � �������
������� ������� �� ��������� ��� ��������� ���� � ��� ��� ������� ���� ��� ����� ��� ���������
��������� �� � ���� �� �������� �� ��� ��������� ������� ������� ������ ���� ����������� ������
���� ��������� �� ����� ��������� ����� �� ��������� ��� ��������� �� ��� ���� ��� ��� ������������
��������� ������� ���� ������ ������� ���� ������ �������� ����� ��������� ��������� ���������� ������ ������ ����� ��� ����������� ���� ���� �� �� ������������ ���� �������
��������������� ��� ����� ���������� �� �������������� ����� ��� � ������ ����� �� ��� ��������� ����� ������� �� ���������� �� ��� ���� ����������� �� ������ � ��������������� �� �� � ������ �� � ������ ��� ����������������� ������
�������� ��� ������ ��� �������� ��������� ����� ������� ������ ������ ��� ��� ���������
������� ������ ������������� ���� �� �������� �� ���������� ���������������� �� �� ������������� ����� ��� �������� ����� ���� �� �������� ��� ������������ ���� �� ����� ��������� ������� ��������� ������� ���� ������� ��� �� ���� ����� ��������� ������� ���� ������� �������������� ������� ���� �� ������ �������� ���� � ��������� ��������� ���� ��� ����� �������
������ ������ ���� �� ���� ����� ��� ��������� ��� ��������� ������� �������������� ���� ������� �������� � ������ �������� �� ���� ����������� ���

III.2 | 8

DIE PÄDOMORPHE LANDSCHAFT (UND IHRE MATERIELLE KONSEQUENZ)
Flucht und Vermeidung sind nach Ansicht des Architekten Andrew Zago die maßgeblichen
Beweggründe für die enorme Ausbreitung der amerikanischen Städte. In seinem Artikel
begründet er dieses Handeln mit dem Begriff der Pädomorphologie. Dieser aus der Zoologie
stammende Begriff wird für das jugendliche Verhalten domestizierter Tiere durch das
Vorenthalten von Erfahrungen im Erwachsenenalter verwendet.
THE PAEDOMORPHIC LANDSCAPE (AND ITS MATERIAL CONSEQUENCES)
Escape and avoidance are according to the architect Andrew Zago the predominant reasonsfor the enormous sprawl of the American cities. In his article he substantiates this acting withthe term paedomorphology. This zoological term is used for the juvenile behavior ofdomesticated animals which were kept back from experiences obtained in adulthood.
Andrew Zago, *1958, Architekt/ architect, Detroit, New York, zago@zagoarchitecture.com

III.2 | 9��� ������������ ��������� ���� ��� �������� �������������
������ ����The rise and evolution of suburbs is a defining feature of American life since the Second
World War. From their inception they have been an object of scrutiny and comment.
American suburbs have been disparagingly described as soulless non-places that promote
racial and economic homogeneity while they gut our cities of their urban life. They have been
criticized for their profligate consumption of undeveloped land and for their promotion of a
car-dependent lifestyle. Alternately, recent apologists have turned these arguments on theirheads insisting instead that suburbs are the manifestation of an innate American restlessness;that they evidence an expansive impulse that has historically been central to America’s
success.
These arguments have become well established. However, suburban development is far frombeing novel. As it enters its late mature phase new questions suggest themselves: What is theconsequence of the proliferation of non-place when it reaches a saturation point? What drives
the impulse to homogenize difference? Is the impulse to expand into the horizon an inviolable
feature of American consciousness and imagination? If so, what becomes of that
consciousness and imagination once the horizon is consumed?
In tandem with the growth of suburbs is a transformation of the urban core in American cities.
It too has been exhaustively studied over the last fifty years. In particular, an inverse
relationship has been observed in which the traditional spatial qualities of American cities
find their antithesis in the suburbs, and the growth of the suburbs finds its counterpoint in the
decline of the urban core. Urbanists have bemoaned the widespread irruption of suburban land
use patterns within traditional urban fabrics while sociologists have produced startling
statistics on the endemic racial segregation and disinvestment that characterizes many ofAmerica’s largest cities.
But as with the suburbs, these observations are superceded by new questions: Does traditional
urban form impart an intrinsic quality to urban life? Has urban form abetted inequitable social
practices? As contemporary notions of form and space evolve, can new forms of urban life
emerge? Given the current fascination with the explosive growth of global cities, how does
one account for American cities that stagnate or are in decline?
The current form of many American cities arise as pathological responses to a stagnateddream; a paedomorphic urban landscape that allows for the denial of difference and strife forsome people while marginalizing others. Metropolitan Detroit is an extreme case of thiscondition. In Detroit, the mechanisms of industrial production - and their attendant urban
transfigurations - have been, half-consciously, the conduits of a stymied fiction of unlimited
expansion. In Detroit, more than any other American city, the consequences of acting out thisfiction have their starkest manifestation.
Understanding this urban condition requires an acknowledgement that the central relevant factof cities is their ���� and consequently their �����. To give prominence to the form of cities
may seem to imply a conservative, if not reactionary, view of cities. It suggests reverting to an
era when stable physical referents - architectural ensembles and master plans - defined urban
space. The physical referents of space have not disappeared - a factor too often dismissed byurban theorists - but contemporary understandings of form and space have clearly expanded
beyond these classical parameters. To speak relevantly about the present state and future ofDETROIT / THE PAEDOMORPHIC LANDSCAPE (AND ITS MATERIAL CONSEQUENCES)

III.2 | 10

Detroit and other American cities, one must account for these contemporary conceptions ofform and space.
Detroit was the premier industrial city of the twentieth century. With Detroit, an entire region
was transformed into a production facility for a single product - the automobile - giving theworld both the perfection of the mass production model of manufacturing and the machine bywhich virtually every city in the world was to be transformed. Detroit shares a similar historyof development and hence characteristics with other northern industrial cities in America.
Cities such as Detroit, Chicago, Cleveland, and Milwaukee saw their most dramatic growth in
the first half of the twentieth century; they conceded a large measure of their economic
diversity to the singular demands of industrial production; they experienced a measure of
decline; and they became and continue to be starkly segregated metropolitan areas. Because
they have experienced a particularly clear set of transformations over the last 100 years, theirurban pattern takes on a diagrammatic clarity that is not always seen in other American cities.
In Detroit, this urban pattern achieved its most extreme rendition, with the forces acting on it
being larger, and more often singular than in other cities. Owing to the scale of the industry
involved, and the extent to which the city ceded itself to industrial production, these changes
coalesced to create more than textbook postindustrial urbanism. In Detroit, thissynchronization has also created a categorically new urban condition.
A drive into Detroit reveals an urban landscape in an unthinkable state of abandonment anddisuse. Beginning, in many places, at the city’s border and continuing intermittently into its
center, one sees large rambling swaths of disintegrated urban fabric. Whole neighborhoods ofthis once trim city lie fallow. Within these swaths, the buildings that remain - haphazardly
suggesting once intact blocks - are as often vacant as they are occupied. They have the ragged
and exhausted quality of buildings awaiting their demolition. Buildings gape with holes, andmissing windows, roofs, and walls. They contort with sagging beams and racked walls. The
remains of burned houses slump in charred silence with open doors. Between buildings
unchecked vegetation and piles of refuse begin to suggest their own urban arrangements,
blurring distinctions between individual properties and between private parcels and public
streets. Even relatively intact portions of the city seem strained; fighting against the dendrites
of failed infrastructure and arson that probe for soft urban tissue in which to expand.
Paradoxically, new development - accelerating in recent years - does little to alter this moodin the city. It lends, at best, an odd air of sterility where it occurs, seen, as it is, against the
backdrop of unabated out-migration and intractable poverty.
Leaving the city, conditions change abruptly. Often in as little as one block the disfigurementof extreme urban decay is replaced by the recognizable features of stable suburban
communities. Here neatly maintained homes, arterial roads with landscaped medians, retail
shopping strips, and national franchises are found in carefully isolated arrangements. The
sense that physical referents have been methodically neutralized - the distinctive characterlesscharacter of American suburbs - is the primary impression here. More fundamentally, incontrast to Detroit one sees the features of normal cities: functioning traffic lights, operating
retail stores, occupied houses. In marked contrast too is the demographic change as one movefrom an overwhelmingly black city to overwhelmingly white suburbs.
Statistics match and even magnify the contrast between Detroit and its suburbs: By someestimates, 40 percent of Detroit land is either vacant or abandoned, and even after anaggressive campaign to demolish the city’s abandoned building stock, 38.668 of the city’s
375.096 buildings were vacant in 2000. An estimated 40.000 parcels of previously privately

DETROIT / THE PAEDOMORPHIC LANDSCAPE (AND ITS MATERIAL CONSEQUENCES)

III.2 | 11

owned land have reverted to city ownership through abandonment. The population of the cityof Detroit is less than half of what it was in 1950 falling to 951.270 in 2000 from a high of
1.859.568. During this same period, the population of Metropolitan Detroit rose 55 percent tonearly 5,3 million. Racially, Detroit is nearly 90 percent black while most of its suburbs are
more than 80 percent white.
Considered in isolation, suburban Detroit is unremarkable. It is composed of the same rangeof suburban development types seen in other northern industrial cities: concentric rings ofolder inner suburbs, newer peripheral suburbs, and new exurban outposts. What is remarkable
is the jarring contrast of these suburbs with the severe urban condition of the city. They are
more than two extremes states of one urban area, they are different worlds. In the 1980’s it
was suggested that Detroit had more in common with postcolonial African nations than with
its suburbs. This was not hyperbole - it was an accurate assessment of the gulf that separated
the city and its suburbs. The juxtaposition raises questions not only about the condition of
Detroit, but also about the mechanisms of disinvestment and the nature and sense of suburban
development.
Detroit’s suburbs grew through the evolution of mechanisms - regulatory, economic, social
and technological - that have come to shape most American cities. A panoply of forces
ranging from the implementation of modernist planning principles and the development ofinterstate highways to increased middle-class affluence and new home lending practices havecreated patterns of development through which cities continue to expand their urban peripheryand renegotiate the relationships among the exurban extremity, the suburban middle, and theurban core.
Cities evolve through interplay between explicit formal strategies and immaterial policies andprocesses; the one deflecting and redirecting the other. Postwar America is unique in the
degree to which immaterial policies and processes have come to dominate urban growth,
acting as surrogates for urban form. These new mechanisms of growth are disembodied. They
are not employed with a sense of their spatial consequences and are, in fact, intended tosuppress spatial consequences and neutralize the urban environment. This is futile in that the
production of form and space - especially in cities - is an inescapable byproduct of humanactivity. As a result, the suppression of space doesn’t stop its production. Rather, it causes it
to appear as the unintended consequences of other actions. In the context of American cites it
appears as aberrations and leads to the disturbing condition of space attempting to deny or be
oblivious to its own presence.
Two distinct types of forces have come to shape our cities; intentional and unintentional,
conscious and unconscious, premeditated, and not. While it is difficult to consider theseforces separately they nonetheless persist and, in American cities, have different values
ascribed to them. Those forces that are overt, intentional, and planned are considered thecorrect and valuable mechanisms for urban planning. The others either remain
unacknowledged, or are discredited as inconsequential, or are stigmatized as blight. As aresult, through the application of overt mechanisms of planning - born of localized public
policy, individual lifestyle decisions, and the economic calculations of developers - different,
unintended, cities have resulted. There seems to have been no conscious decisions to have
American cities grow as they did or be as they are.
Much recent scholarship has considered the enigma of urban growth. It has been suggested
that cities are an �������� ������, like an ant colony, in which an organization-wide
intelligence propels a system forward coherently by way of innumerable local decisions. In

DETROIT / THE PAEDOMORPHIC LANDSCAPE (AND ITS MATERIAL CONSEQUENCES)

III.2 | 12

many ways cities are such a system, but humans are not ants. In an ant colony, no
consciousness or volition is ascribed to individual ants. We see a measure of intelligence inthe system and this stands in marked contrast to the lack of intelligence in its constituent
parts. With cities this is not the case. While individual actions can be taken without aconscious sense of how they shape larger patterns, they are the product of intelligence andvolition. Conversely, large scale strategic plans are carried out in cities and any bottom-up�������� ������ must interact with it. In an environment such as contemporary America,
where form, as an explicit urban strategy, is avoided, how does this volition and intelligencemanifest itself? Considering the resultant nature of the urban space, American cities appear tohave acted out a scenario that is more psychic and pathological then premeditated or rational.
Space is produced as a palimpsest of an unconscious agenda.
We play the game SimCity fascinated by its ability to replicate the complex interaction ofvariables in an urban environment. The unexpected and unintended result of the game mirrors
the perplexing and incongruent consequences we see rising from a set of directed andintentional actions in cities. It corresponds to our intuitive sense of how cities work. It
frustrates our desire for control while not entirely neutralizing our ability to do so. It suggests
an alternative to direct instrumental control; an urban system that develops quasiautonomously. Instrumentality is not lost in SimCity; rather, it is deflected. It creates virtual
urban scenarios that waver between order and chaos, control and autonomy, closely matching
our contemporary understanding of cities.
SimCity however has a precise limit. With its degree of verisimilitude, we observe the game,
we interact with it, we are fascinated by it, but we are not moved by it. Its limit is ���� - orrather its absence. There are consequences but not �������� ������������ in the sense that thegame does not produce novel and resonant material structures. The permutations are openended yet play out within a rigidly circumscribed set of spatial possibilities. This limit
suggests that the real nature of cities involves more that the interaction of abstract variables
and it points to the deep role of form in cities. This role of form is not generally
acknowledged. Indeed, for architects and urbanists, cites today present a paradox: ����,traditionally a measure of an architect’s core expertise, is challenged by the model ofurbanism that views cities as emergent eco-systems. This model sees little use for theintentionality of form and considers instead urban growth and transformation as products ofcollective intelligence, inflected by the marketplace, social practice, and public policies. Thismodel convincingly exposes form’s repeated failure to engender urban life. Through this new
insight we have come to see city, a noun, more properly as a verb: to city.
With this insight, Jane JACOBS was correct to assert in 'The Death and Life of Great
American Cities' that “the city is not a work of art”. That assertion, however, is not sufficient
given that architecture has had a demonstrable affect on the life, even the conception of city.
JACOBS’ assertion must be joined to difficult questions about the nature and limits of form,
about the persistence of art, about the public experience of art, and about the nature ofarchitecture as an art form.
Art has never been proven to be true, yet we understand its utterances as valid when it
registers with a deeper structure of things; foregrounding, as it were, the background noise ofexistence. More fundamental than the satisfaction of proofs, art constructs a framework which
relates the world to individual consciousness. Art isn’t useful, it’s essential. It is as necessary
and constant a feature of human existence as eating and sex, though it stems from the special
birthright and burden of self-consciousness.

DETROIT / THE PAEDOMORPHIC LANDSCAPE (AND ITS MATERIAL CONSEQUENCES)

III.2 | 13

Architecture is the art form that impinges itself most directly on human affairs and thus has a
special relationship to life and to cities. In architecture, art’s un-provable truth becomes public
infrastructure, reaching its apotheosis in the architecture of cities. While often useless tourbanism, architecture is far from being outmoded; it is urbanism’s indispensable dispensablefeature. Form has always been the vehicle and the substance with which architecture achieves
this. As CHURCHILL noted: “we shape our buildings; thereafter they shape us”.
Architecture’s continued relevance to urbanism is no longer assured, nor is the future ofurbanism as an art form. Non-physical referents have come to define our daily lives. Space isformed independent of aesthetic and cultural intentions and this has altered our sensibilities
and our reality. Forces that shape cities and our perception in cities are today more often theintangible webs of information and the dynamic calculations of development than masterplans and architectural ensembles. The conventional notion of form as a quality wedded to theshape of objects comes to be viewed as a minor byproduct of larger forces. These changes
indicate the eclipse of the primacy of form by the primacy of event.
The paradox is that we have, on one hand, a compelling and valid picture of city as apulsating, permutating matrix of supra-conscious creation and on the other, urban architecture
as a birthright and burden of self-consciousness whose intentionality shapes our core
conceptions. But this is not a paradox to resolve, it is a paradox to embrace as the foundationof a new - expanded - conception of form.
American cities no longer provide frank encounters - a necessary foundation for social andcultural maturity - but instead, either entertainment or isolation. The essential humanity of andnecessity for space - as a product of creative imagination - has been annulled by a society
with an uneasy sense of its own ethical vulnerability. America’s oldest metropolitan areas
have - hanging over them - the pallor of an immorality of space. No longer considered a naive
pleasure, this pallor re-frames suburban expansion as an orchestrated - if unconscious mechanism of racial subjugation, and a perpetuation - in the landscape - of a psychic
adolescence for the white middle and upper class. American space - a term that once evokedan easy, thrilling, unselfconscious impulse - has become pathology.
Zoologists observe, in domesticated animals, phylogenetic change that involves the retentionof juvenile characteristics in the adult. This change is called ������������� and is thought toresult when animals are removed from a range of maturating experiences in theirenvironment. An example in humans is the feature we call being ����������. As the spatial
intuition that had fueled America encountered its own ethical and aesthetic limit, it mutatedinto a caricature of itself. Expansion became escape and avoidance. Analogous tomorphologic consequences of animal husbandry, this mutation brought about phylogenetic
change to cities, transforming them into ������������ ����� ����������.
The ������������ ��������� is an environment of avoidance but it is also a mechanism of
oppression. The soft, subsidized urbanism of the suburbs and the 'lifestyle' urbanism ofgentrification are constructed to contain - and remove from consideration - the undesiredelements of difference and the unsightly material consequences of development. Banality andnostalgia - the operating principles of development interests in America today - are opiatesthat distract from the realization that America’s early ideals are undermined by the structured
hypocrisy of our cities. This hypocrisy is revealed most graphically in metropolitan patterns
distribution - more starkly and completely segregated today than thirty years ago. It isrevealed in the absence of occasions for public space not as entertainment but as arenas forDETROIT / THE PAEDOMORPHIC LANDSCAPE (AND ITS MATERIAL CONSEQUENCES)

III.2 | 14

frank encounters. It is revealed in a pattern of urban civil unrest that has punctuated life in
American cities since the civil war.
In 'Unknown Quantity', Paul VIRILIO observes that every technology creates its own�������� as an unstated but unavoidable corollary to its achievements; first as a potential andlater as inevitability. We think of accidents as sudden - compressing events into seconds oreven a split second. But if we imagine accidents in a new way - as the tacit corollary oftechnology with material consequences - we can also imagine them unfolding in time acrossdecades. The current morphology of Detroit - the product of decisions and forces ofdevelopment, industrialization, land planning, and racism - are such an accident.
��������� produce form and space; not via static objects but through dynamic vectors. They
retain an indissoluble link to intentional actions yet freely generate their own unanticipatedarrangements. At an urban level they are the most visceral and poetic force in contemporary
cities; the art form that hovers between chaos and control. It resonates with our contemporary
sense of the structure of space, providing precisely the quality absent in SimCity.
There a strong and disturbing beauty in Detroit that is born of its experience - a density thatparadoxically arises out of its dissolution. This beauty should not be ignored nor trivialized; it
is a hard-won quality that gives Detroit a depth of character that few American cities match.
The irony is that the extreme deterioration of Detroit - as �������� - may provide a prescient
glimpse of a new urban potential.
In contemporary life we glimpse the contours of a radical density in which the mechanismsthat isolate the background armature of existence from the foreground structure of life lived,
weaken. It is, at its core, an urban potential growing from a new, expanded, sense of ���� as
the simultaneous interaction of structure and substance manifested in time. In this new sense���� is understood as the sum total of the manifestations of ���� - from its material presence tothe stochastic processes underpinning and conjoined to that presence. It is this totality thatgives it its density. It folds individuals, discrete objects, actions, pasts and presents into a
thick roiling mat. It is radical in that it can render perceptible the continuum that links our day
to day experiences with the deep horizon of our consciousness. As potential, however, theemergence of this form is not assured and its precise sense is not determined. As always,����������� will propel this intuited sense from potential to its specific instantiation and ���
will give it its vital sense.
The social ills and ethical shortcomings of contemporary American cities are real and acute.
One can, and should, feel a responsibility to address these problems, working towards a more
equitable future. However, independent of one’s moral responsibility for direct action is themore general dilemma of imagination. In a large measure, America was the fruit of modern
thought and the engine of the modern transformation of the world. The powerful fiction oflimitless expansion into the horizon fueled this transformation since the time of Renaissance
explorers. That trajectory of the modern world, however, has run out of space. As aconsequence, a spatial impulse that was once an act of imagination is now pathology.
American cities are no longer the efflorescence of our culture nor are they vital works of art.
Their form exists more as medical charts to be diagnosed and accident scenes to beinvestigated. In Detroit we see an urbanism that is a phrenological landscape of adolescentdenial, subjugation, and escape.
Architecture - like urbanism - deals in danger. The removal and suppression of difference, ofconditions that require frank encounters with space and with others, deadens our experienceDETROIT / THE PAEDOMORPHIC LANDSCAPE (AND ITS MATERIAL CONSEQUENCES)

III.2 | 15

of life. It renders us psychically immature and incompletely formed. Our architecture andurbanism has lost its profundity and we are left with an environment where banality andnostalgia are the only palatable expressions. The broad potential of urban space to becathartic, equitable, civil, inspiring, liberating, erotic, and terrifying is curtailed by our own
reluctance towards frank exposure and our avoidance of the material consequences of ourcities. While this is a dilemma for architects, it is a catastrophe for Americans.
In Detroit, we observe an urban structure that has grown to resemble pathology of arrested
development - � ������������ ��������� - and, simultaneously, have developed the newurban form of ��������. This condition should not be denied or ignored as it contains both theend-state and future hope of American cities.

III.2 | 16��� ������������ ��� �������������� �� �������
Detroit ist als Autostadt mit den Marken Cadillac, Ford und General Motors weltberühmt.
Vielen ist ebenfalls die Vielzahl an Freiflächen in der Innenstadt bekannt. Weniger geläufig
ist hingegen die enge Verbundenheit Detroits mit der landwirtschaftlichen Nutzung dieser
Flächen im Stadtgebiet. Regina Reichert stellt die über 300jährige Geschichte derAgrarnutzung in Detroit vor.
���� ���� ��� ����������� �� ����������� �� ��� ���� �� �������
Detroit, the Motor City, is world famous for brands like Cadillac, Ford and General Motors.
To many it is also known for the phenomenon of urban blight. Much less common is theknowledge about the close ties between the city and the agricultural use of vacant inner citylots. Regina Reichert presents 300 years of agricultural history in the city of Detroit.
Regina Reichert, *1974, Architektin/ architect, Hamtramck, Michigan,ginareichert@comcast.net

III.2 | 17���� ���� ��� ����������� �� ����������� �� ��� ���� �� �������
������ ��������
The urban agriculture movement is not a new development in the city of Detroit. Farming has
played a critical role in the politics, planning, and progress of the city since the French arrived
in the eighteenth century. A reflection of the diverse ethnic groups who now call Detroit
home, agriculture has persisted through the economic ebb and flow of the metropolitan area
for centuries having a major influence on the history and culture of the city.
��� ����� �� ��� ����The American fur trade at the end of the seventeenth century meant power and wealth andFrench fur traders sought to secure the trade route along the Detroit River. When Fort
Pontchartrain was established by the French explorer Cadillac in 1701, he brought farmers
and artisans to the settlement in order to illustrate the intentions of the expedition to theIndians and Jesuit priests working in the region. This was not to be another trading post but
rather a permanent, self-sufficient colony.1 Agriculture was used as a political tool to stabilize
the fort and lay claim to the land.
As the town inside of the fort grew, farmers were given land outside its walls. These farms
and their division of the land established the form of the city itself. The long, thin tracts ofland extended back from the riverfront, some for miles, and became known as ‘French ribbon
farms.’ Family names like Chene, Brush, Campau, Livernois and Cass labeled these farms as
they label the city streets of Detroit today.
A series of historical events in which Detroit played varying roles would soon set off a stringof boom and bust cycles marking the city’s development. The European Potato Blight of the1840’s brought a flood of immigrant labor to the region in search of work. They were“followed by small farmers and agricultural laborers who, at the close of the Civil War, werebankrupted by the flood of American wheat and corn that cascaded into Europe.”2 The end of
the Civil War also brought freed slaves to Northern cities, including Detroit, which had
housed stops along the Underground Railroad and now presented prospects for work infactories and heavy industry. The Panic of 1873 and subsequent Depression halted European
migration momentarily but American Railroad expansion, peaking in the 1880’s, and canalconstruction projects in the Midwest provided job opportunities and new East-West travel
routes. By the 1880’s, “in Detroit a third of the 216,000 people were foreign born. A majorityof the foreign-born were industrial workers and their families.”3 What started in 1701 as aFrench fort along the river had developed into a diverse population including Chinese,
German, Polish, Swedish, Italian, Latino, and African-by-way-of-the-American-South. These
citizens brought with them diverse agricultural practices and in some instances introduced
foreign vegetation to the area, such as the Chinese sumac (commonly referred to as the ‘Tree
of Heaven’) that continues to flourish in the city.
���� ����
As the population grew, so did the demand for new housing. From 1857- 1892 many of theFrench family farms were sold for development in large real estate deals. Subdivided and soldat auction, advertisements for new residences and modern houses littered the newspapers as
the city expanded outward. But in 1893 another crisis halted the U.S. economy: “The wealthyhoarded their gold. The treasury’s stock of gold fell below the legal minimum. Six hundredbanks closed their doors. In July 1893, the Eerie Railroad went into bankruptcy, to befollowed by 155 other railroads, including the Northern Pacific. One fifth of the total
American railroad mileage went into receivership. The effect on Detroit was catastrophic.

DETROIT / LAND USE: THE PERSISTENCE OF AGRICULTURE IN THE CITY OF DETROIT

III.2 | 18

One after another, the railroad-equipment manufacturers, the stove works, the shipbuildersall the heavy industries- either shut down or continued operations with only skeleton crews.”4
The Mayor of Detroit at this time, Hazen S. Pingree, was a Progressive reformer who won the1890 election fighting for the rights of immigrants and laborers. With an estimated 25,000
unemployed workers out of a population of less than 250,000 the city’s social services werequickly exhausted. “Pingree noted that, as a result of real estate speculation in the previous
boom, plots of land held for a rise in value were standing idle all over town. He made a publicappeal to the owners to permit the use of their properties for vegetable gardens.”5 And so wasborn the Pingree ‘Potato Patch Plan’. The plan was successful enough to get the poor andunemployed through the worst years following the 1893 money crisis and to be admired andduplicated by other cities across the country and in Europe. Pingree saw the immediate needsof the population and acted to put them ahead of idle real estate speculation.
The automobile industry began to take shape at the turn of the century and Detroit once again
found itself undergoing explosive growth in both industry and population. By 1910 there were
38 automobile companies registered in the city. In 1914 Henry Ford announced factory wages
at $5 for an eight-hour day and news spread quickly across the country as thousands ofworkers moved to the metropolitan area. The population rose sharply from 466,000 in 1910 toover 1,720,000 in 1930 due to the dominance of the automobile industry on the nation’s
economy and the demand for workers in the new factories.6 The instability of Europe
surrounding the First World War instigated a new wave of immigrants to the States and many
to Detroit due in part to Ford’s recruiting throughout Europe and the Middle East. Ethnic
groups grew to include Belgian, English, Finnish, Yugoslavian, Czechoslovakian, Greek,
Syrian & Lebanese populations.
In addition to his automotive industry, Henry Ford was also building a vast real estate empire.
Having been raised on a farm (although never caring much for the labor involved in being a
farmer) Ford valued land. He had a motto: "No unemployment insurance can be compared toan alliance between man and a plot of land." An agriculturist in his own right, Fordchampioned the “Victory Garden” propaganda administered by the Federal government
during World War II when gardening became every family’s civic wartime duty. Just as
obsessed with production and efficiency of working the land as he was with labor in his
factories, Ford published pamphlets and company newsletters with detailed instructions
including lists and diagrams for planting the most practical produce in the most effective
configuration.
As the fervor of the war subsided, Detroit began losing its economy and the population
followed. Between 1948 and 1967, the city lost nearly 130,000 manufacturing jobs.7 Factories
within the city limits closed their doors, like the Packard Plant in 1956, the same year that theFederal Highway Act was passed. As the job market in the city plummeted, new roads andsuburban housing led the way for white citizens of Detroit to prosper north of the Eight MileRoad border. Entire neighborhoods in the city were razed and residents displaced in the nameof ‘urban renewal’ that included interstate highway construction, but these planning projects
led to further alienation of the city from the suburbs and the real estate value of property inthe city became worthless.
“Much of the land planned for renewal stood vacant for long periods of time. As a result,vacant land became (and continues to be) a pervasive and accepted part of the Detroit innercity landscape. This land took on various hues and physical characteristics, from bare earth
and weeds, to green, rural-like tranquility, to western sagebrush, and to a Detroit specialty,

DETROIT / LAND USE: THE PERSISTENCE OF AGRICULTURE IN THE CITY OF DETROIT

III.2 | 19

white wooden fences, which gave vacant blocks in the heart of the city the appearance of
Kentucky horse farms.”8
Into this landscape, the “Farm-A-Lot” program was introduced in 1974 under Mayor
Coleman Young’s administration. Participation was initially targeted to senior citizens andthe purpose was to make use of vacant land and improve quality, quantity and availability offresh vegetables in Detroit citizens’ diets.9 Similar to Mayor Pingree’s Potato Patch program,
Farm-A-Lot sought to make use of the city’s vacant lots as productive parcels of land andopportunities for the underserved of the community at a time when property was being held
for a rise in market value. The Farm-A-Lot program continues today with little enthusiasm or
support from the city government while maintaining a waiting list that includes newparticipants and veterans alike.
Throughout the history of the city, local government has turned to farming when its citizenry
was in dire need and then dismissed its importance as simply a provincial digression when the
curve reversed itself. The fact remains that Detroit in the twenty-first century is home to a
growing number of agriculturists and community organizations geared toward farming. A
deep-rooted part of the city’s culture going back over three hundred years, urban agriculture
provides an opportunity for the city to turn its volatile history to its advantage instead ofburying it beneath the pavement.
Detroit is once again gaining the attention of real estate developers and those who have been
waiting for over thirty years to cash in on property holdings. Some see the urban farmer as
having given up on the city while many agriculturists see the city government as catering todevelopers at any cost. Finding value in both building and landscape, reconsidering therelationship between both built space and open space in the city, is necessary if Detroit
expects to experience a healthy growth cycle.
1

Arthur M. Woodford, ���� �� �������� ��������� (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2001), 17.
Robert Conot, �������� �������� � ������ ������� �� ������� ���� ������� ��� ���� �� � ����� ���� (New York: William
Morrow & Company, 1974), 97.
3
Ibid.� 98.
4
Ibid.� 112.
5
Don Lochbiler, “The Shoemaker Who Looked Like a King,” �������� ������� � ������� �� ��� ������� ����� 2001.
6
Steve Babson, ������� ������� (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1986), 27.
7Thomas J. Sugrue, ������� �� ��� ����� ������� ���� ��� ���������� �� ������� ������� (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1996), 143.
8
Arthur M. Woodford, ���� �� �������� ��������� (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2001), 169.
9
Excerpt from an interview with the former director of Farm-A-Lot.
2

III.2 | 20������� �������
Detroit ist weithin für seine als extrem verarmt und heruntergekommen geltende Innenstadt
bekannt – geprägt von Kriminalität, Korruption und Verfall. Trotz dieses negativen Images
leben auch hier Menschen friedlich miteinander ein ganz normales Leben. Die in Barcelona
lebenden Künstler Aeron Bergman und Alejandra Salinas untersuchen das Leben in Detroit
aus dem Blickwinkel dreier Detroiter Bewohner. Die drei Protagonisten wohnen in einem
Viertel, in dem gemeinnützige Vereine und Nachbarschaftsklubs sich bemühen, die Stadt
wieder sauber und bewohnbar zu machen. ������� ������� bietet eine persönliche undpositive Sichtweise auf die Leben einzelner Bewohner; die Geschichten, die hier erzählt
werden vermitteln einen großen Optimismus und zeugen vom Willen der Menschen, dieeigenen Lebensträume trotz der teilweise schwierigen Lebensumstände in der Motor City zu
verwirklichen. ������� ������� besteht aus Interviewmitschnitten, handgemalten Schildern,die einer der Protagonisten angefertigt hat und Zeichnungen, die die Künstler auf Grundlage
der Interviews, der Schilder und alter Motown Liedtexte angefertigt haben.
������� �������
The City of Detroit is known worldwide as the epitome of a neglected, impoverished innercity, where crime, corruption and desolation rule. Despite its negative image, however, this is
still a place where people go about their daily business in peace and lead meaningful lives.
Barcelona-based artists Aeron Bergman and Alejandra Salinas look at life in Detroit throughthe eyes of three of these 'ordinary' citizens. The protagonists live in a neighborhood where
non-profit organisations and local block clubs are rebuilding and cleaning up the city. �������
������� takes a positive, personalised look at the lives of these individuals – presenting stories
that provide a sense of optimism and resilience against the harsh realities of the Motor City.
������� ������� consists of audio-recordings of three interviews, hand-painted signs by one ofthe protagonists and drawings that take their inspiration from the interviews, the signs and oldMotown music lyrics.
Alejandra Salinas, *1977, Künstlerin/ artist, Barcelona, aaland@luckykitchen.com
Aeron Bergman, *1971, Künstler/ artist, Barcelona, aaland@luckykitchen.com

DETROIT / YARNING DETROIT

III.2 | 21

Steve Christensen. A 34 year old law school graduate and Detroit resident. He worked for
Habit for Humanity for several years before moving on to another non-proﬁt organisation thathelps local residents weatherise their homes for the long, cold Detroit winters. He describes
his home, a run down old mansion on Detroit’s west side, built for the auto executives of lastcentury.

“I was born in the city of Detroit, but my parents, they left. They left with the whiteﬂight of the late ‘70s and... didn’t turn back. Well, my dad worked in Detroit. He always loved
Detroit, but he didn’t want to live here. But I chose to make Detroit my home. Lord knows
there’s plenty of work to be done. But there’s plenty of people willing to do the work. A lotof people were real racist towards Coleman Young (ex mayor of Detroit) and said that he’dscrewed up the city. But they didn’t look at the other reasons why the city was screwed up.
One thing’s for certain, its not an easy city to live in.
And this house where I live was built in 1890, so it’s 110 years old. It’s a 3 story house. At
one time it was a boarding house. There’s a Commonwealth Street address for this building.
And then there’s a Willis Street address. The Willis Street address was a fruit seller. And ashoe repair guy, a cobbler had a business down underneath, but now its just a regular old
basement. And in the mid 60’s or early 70’s it was a big ol’ heroin place. There was a drug
dealer that lived here for years and years and years... And when he ﬁnally got caught and got
sent to jail he ripped out all the leaded stained glass and sold it to pay for his legal fees. So
that is why there’s no leaded stained glass in this house. So you are walking through our little
foyer here. kitchen... This is the back stairway. Beautiful house, it’s all wood trim and... I
think... I’m pretty sure it’s haunted. For some reason I don’t think my room’s haunted, but the
middle room is deﬁnitely haunted. I think. I get that feeling. A lot of crazy stuff went on inthis house especially back when the drug dealer lived here.”DETROIT / YARNING DETROIT

III.2 | 22

Tanya Henderson. A 27 year old single mother. She and her son Anthony are recent
homeowners as part of a Habitat for Humanity redevelopment zone in a struggling neighborhood
on Detroit’s west side. In the interview, she describes the neighborhood when she was growing
up compared to the present.

“I grew up in this neighborhood. Just two blocks over on 25th. I was born and raised
here. My mother and father came here from the south. There was a lot of houses occupying
these vacant lots. There was a lot of elderly people in the neighborhood, there was a lot ofkids. We rarely had places to play, but it was safe. We always had a title for grown-ups name.
Mr. Washington what can you do? I remember the elderly people being very friendly. If weknocked on their door and said would you like something from the store, they were eager
for us to come in. And then as time went past a lot of the drug activities moved into theneighborhood trust from the elderly people went down, they wouldn’t even come out. I haveseen the neighborhood go from good, worse, to getting a little bit better. So, I’m really looking
forward to the neighborhood becoming what its supposed to be, not what it used to be. But
I’m so comfortable here the way things are. I have a bell. Here it’s only one. But if you ring
my ﬁrst bell from the front. I can know who’s ringing the door bell from the back. Let me go
try this. (Bell sound). As we walk through here I have my dining room and my living room
adjacent together, which is ﬁne. Our eating privileges are here, and relaxing... This is mylinen closet. I have a bonus room which I call the computer room. But if I have my son do his
homework he’s ﬁne here. I have a phone jack here. Which is great. This is my son’s room.
Step in here. He chose this because he liked to look out the window. Now he can actually
look and see what the weather is gonna be like. He knows exactly what to put on. Whether it’sraining or snowing.”

DETROIT / YARNING DETROIT

III.2 | 23

Carl McGruder. A 74 year old retired sign painter living in a refurbished Habitat for Humanity
home on Detroit’s east side. Although he talks about struggling with racism growing up as a kid
and struggling with urban blight as an adult, he is positive that things are better than ever. His
trade was hand painting signs for local businesses.

“I was born in Detroit. In that area, McDougal, Cheyne, in that area. I don’t know if
you have ever heard of Joe Lewis? (The boxer). He used to live down the street from me on
McDougal. He was one of the most important persons in our lives, yea he was. Well... coming
up as a kid myself. It changed a whole lot for the kids now... by being black. Black people hada rough time here ‘cause it was oppressive. Why? I don’t know. I couldn’t understand it. (Bellrings). Be right there! It’s not like it used to be. It’s almost against the law now. I opened thedoor up for a lot of kids, I think, black kids today by going ahead and accepting, to a certain
extent... And not to get angry, not to get frustrated and not just to go ape. I just took what I
had to take... and went ahead on. Because if the black man didn’t take a lot of that crap there
wouldn’t be enough of us here today. When I moved to this neighborhood it was bad. You
heard about dope, crack, cocaine? They had crack houses all down the street. Prostitution...
right in the neighborhood. Aw man, it was really a mess. We just wanted to know how to get
rid of it. The only way we could get rid of it was to come together. That’s when I formed theBlock Club. Together people can do it. The way we would do it, we had a list of everybody in
the Block Club, their name and telephone number. We have a bad house down the street, kids
coming in and out of it, acting crazy, smoking them old crazy, crazy, those crazy cigarettes,
we need something done. We got everybody behind it calling; we busted that dog-gone placeso quick, ha. I’ve been threatened on that corner. But I didn’t let that bother me. Because if it
happens it happens. But I’m going to do what I have to do. Now, I just felt so relieved. I justfelt good. I wanted everybody to be happy because I was happy. I wanted to see a smile onother people’s faces. Because man... I got out there and started helping others. I would do this,I would do that. I started building little white picket fences. Then my neighbor saw it. I built
them a fence across the street. You bet. People all down in the garage helping me put stuff
together, nailing, putting stuff together and ... it just turned out to be swell.”III.2 | 24

THROW-AWAY CITIES
Cities are different from nature, where nothing is throw-away. The city is the opposite. The
point of the city is to be disposable.
EINWEG-STÄDTE
Städte sind anders als die Natur, in der nichts zum Wegwerfen gedacht ist. Die Stadt ist sogar
das genaue Gegenteil. Der Sinn einer Stadt ist, dass sie wegwerfbar, verfügbar ist.

Jerry Herron, *1949, Director of American studies, Wayne State University, Detroit

III.2 | 25�����������������
������������
I live in a throw-away city, the most thrown-away city that humans have ever built. But this isbeside the point. The point is that throw-away is the telic destination toward which all cities
are headed. And this is what makes cities different from nature, where nothing is throw-away,
or at least where nothing ever, finally, gets thrown away. Within that ecological regime,
everything is always already still here, matter never being either created or erased. The city is
the opposite. The point of the city is to be disposable, to put itself at the disposal of things andevents and people that are desirable precisely because they won’t last. Because they will bethrown away, and because everybody knows this from the start, regardless of what contrary
proposition they pretend to believe. The only difference, then, between other people’s cities
and ours — between historic cities and the “generic” city apparatus (after Koolhaas) that
Americans disseminate globally — is that their cities are either more or less botchedimitations of the throw-away logic that reaches perfection in ours, with there being no more
perfect example of throw-away than Detroit, which has been thrown away by more people
than any other city on planet earth.
Here’s what I mean. Historically speaking, the only reason for coming to a city, and similarly
the only reason for remaining in a city, or building a new city, is to be able to throw away
things from the past you didn’t want to keep around, including the city itself. (The Brasilia
Effect, it might be called.) That’s the deep truth in the old Hanseatic maxim, about city air
making people free. It’s true. The city does free people, potentially at least, from anything
related to the past, and in that way it remains the only real alternative to the dismal (and often
deadly) re-cyclings of nature. Think about great novelists of the city: Balzac, Zola, Dreiser.
The thing that gives the city its erotic charge, making it crucially different from the country, isthe calculated impermanence of everything there, so that identity (including the identity of thecity itself) is moment by moment being renegotiated, discarded, thrown away, on behalf ofwhatever it is that will come next. And that’s the profit of the city, both real and metaphoric:it disposes of things so effectively that people come to rely on disposability itself as the only
believable, and believably renewable, stay against impermanence and chaos.
“Historic” cities — Paris, London, Prague, Berlin — only look different. They really aren’t
different from ours, not if the truth were told. Baron Haussman disposed of Paris (just as
Corbusier wanted to do a century later), and by disposing of the past, ended up creating themetropolis that people now naively think of as the evolved epitome of city life itself when the
only thing that really evolves is the equipment for getting rid of the past. Which is to say thatthe power of things that are old-streets, neighborhoods, houses, public buildings does notreside in the things themselves (an obvious point, if constantly overlooked) but in the mindsof people who transact the city as discourse, sentiment, nostalgias of various kinds. The
reason we say we like the past is that such statements make us feel better about erasing theequipment that created it, which again is why people bother with cities, which are the only
alternative we have to the inescapable past of nature, and the natural wasting that overtakes us
all individually. Death, I mean. We enjoy throwing other things away because it gives us afeeling of being in control, because it protects us from the truth that we too are throw-away,
and we can’t help it.
The history of the city is a history of forgetting how to remember the past, the past of nature,of the city itself. That’s a different project entirely from simple forgetfulness. It implies
intention, design, a strategic dismantling of the equipment required to preserve the past as away of seeing. That’s what throw-away means; it’s no accident, but a positive plan. And this

DETROIT / THROW-AWAY CITIES

III.2 | 26

plan is distinctive to each city, and unique, and the opposite of the generic sameness toward
which everything new is tending. All cities are alike in their future; they are likewise headed
toward the generic vanishing point of throwaway sameness. What makes each one distinctiveis the precise mechanisms by which it reaches that telic destination. Here, no two are alike.
What sitespecific engines of demolition arise at each location? Racism, freeways, a war,reconstruction, natural disaster, politicians, Henry Ford? That is where the real history of thecity is being written: by the vernacular forgetting machines that render the past natively unrememberable. Not the fact that it’s all about throw-away, but the means by which thethrowing away gets done. That’s what makes city people free.

III.2 | 27

WORKING PAPERS–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––I IVANOVO ................................................................................................... I.1 Studien / Studies 1 (rus/dt)				 											 I.2 Studien / Studies 2															 I.3 Ausstellungsbeiträge / Exhibition Contributions
II MANCHESTER / LIVERPOOL .......................................................... II.1 Studien / Studies 1															 II.2 Studien / Studies 2															 II.3 Ausstellungsbeiträge / Exhibition Contributions
III DETROIT ................................................................................................. III.1 Studien / Studies 1															 III.2 Studien / Studies 2															 III.3 Ausstellungsbeiträge / Exhibition Contributions
IV HALLE / LEIPZIG ............................................................................... IV.1 Studien / Studies 1															 IV.2 Studien / Studies 2															 IV.3 Ausstellungsbeiträge / Exhibition Contributions
V STÄDTE IM VERGLEICH / CITIES BY COMPARISONVI KULTURELLE STUDIEN / CULTURAL STUDIES .................... VI.1 Musik / Music															 VI.2 Film															 VI.3 Literatur / Literature															 VI.4 Vandalismus / Vandalism															 VI.5 Eigentum / Property															 VI.6 Rechtsextremismus / Right-wing Extremism
VII Vermischtes / Miscellaneous–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––Im Frühjahr 2006 erscheint außerdem Shrinking Cities: Complete Works 2, Interventionen/Interventions, die die zweite Phase desProjekts dokumentieren.
–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Shrinking Cities: Complete Works 2, Interventionen/Interventions, a documentation of the second phase of the project, will be publishedin spring 2006.

Editorische Notiz/Editorial note
Die Beiträge wurden so wie von den Autoren zur Verfügung gestellt ohne redaktionelle Bearbeitung publiziert. Das Copyright liegt bei den
Autoren. Fast alle Pdfs sind im A4 Format (vertikal) und können zum lesen und archivieren auf jedem Drucker ausgedruckt werden.
–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
The contributions were published as supplied by the authors and have not undergone any additional editing. The copyright lies with the authors. Almost all of the PDFs are in A4 (portrait) format and can be printed on any printer to be read and archived.
Impressum/Colophon
Shrinking Cities: Complete Works 1, Analyse/Analysis. Herausgeber und Konzeption: Philipp Oswalt im Auftrag der Kulturstifung desBundes. Unter Mitarbeit von: Andrea Andersen und Kristina Herresthal. Grafik: Tanja Wesse und Hansjakob Fehr. Erschienen im Arch+
Verlag GmbH, www.archplus.net–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Shrinking Cities: Complete Works 1, Analyse/Analysis. Edited by: Philipp Oswalt for the Kulturstifung des Bundes. With the assistance of:Andrea Andersen and Kristina Herresthal. Graphic design: Tanja Wesse and Hansjakob Fehr. Published by: Arch+ Verlag GmbH,www.archplus.net