Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting
in Ethiopia
Country of Origin Information Report

May 2022

Manuscript completed in April/2022
Neither the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) nor any person acting on behalf of the
EUAA is responsible for the use that might be made of the information contained within thispublication.
Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2022
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FEMALE/GENITAL MUTILATION CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA – COI REPORT

Acknowledgements
This report was written by the COI Sector of the EUAA. The following departments andorganisations have reviewed the report, together with EUAA:•The Netherlands, Immigration and Naturalisation Service, Office for Country
Information and Language Analysis (OCILA)•

Belgium, Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons,
Cedoca – Documentation and Research Center•

Norway, Landinfo, The Norwegian Country of Origin Information Centre

It must be noted that the review carried out by the mentioned departments, experts ororganisations contributes to the overall quality of the report but does not necessarily imply
their formal endorsement of the final report, which is the full responsibility of EUAA.

3

EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUMContents
Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................ 3Contents .......................................................................................................................................... 4
Disclaimer ........................................................................................................................................ 6
Glossary and abbreviations ........................................................................................................... 7
Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 8
Methodology ......................................................................................................................................... 9
Defining the terms of reference ................................................................................... 9
Collecting information ..................................................................................................... 9
Quality control ................................................................................................................. 10
Sources ................................................................................................................................................. 10
Structure and use of the report...................................................................................................... 10
Map of the regions and zones of Ethiopia .................................................................................. 11
General information on genital mutilation in the Ethiopian context ........................................12
1.

The Legal Framework .......................................................................................................13
1.1. National legislation.....................................................................................................................13
1.2. International obligations .......................................................................................................... 15
1.3. Enforcement of the law ............................................................................................................ 15
1.4. Policy framework and the new Charities Proclamation .................................................. 16

2.

National statistics and trends ..........................................................................................192.1. Overview ...................................................................................................................................... 19
2.2. Forms of FGM in Ethiopia ....................................................................................................... 20
2.2.1 Age of cutting ....................................................................................................... 23
2.2.2 Re-infibulation ..................................................................................................... 23
2.3. FGM/C performers ................................................................................................................... 24
2.3.1. Traditional performers ...................................................................................... 24
2.3.2 Medicalised genital mutilation ........................................................................ 24
2.4. Cross border FGM/C practice ............................................................................................... 25
2.5. Dataset limits, under-reporting, and self-reporting ......................................................... 26

3.

Societal attitude and drivers ........................................................................................... 28

4.

Social and legal protection mechanisms ........................................................................31

4

FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

4.1. Family and girls agency ............................................................................................................31
4.2. Consequences for refusing to undergo FGM ................................................................... 32
4.3. Social and legal protection mechanisms ............................................................................33
5.

Regional and other variations ......................................................................................... 35
5.1. Age, religion, residence, education, wealth, and other factors ................................... 35
5.1.1. FGM/C across ethnic groups .......................................................................... 36
5.1.2. FGM/C hotspots ................................................................................................. 38
5.2. Situation in the Somali Regional State................................................................................ 38
5.3. Situation in Afar......................................................................................................................... 40
5.4. Situation in Oromia .................................................................................................................. 42
5.5. Situation in Benishangul-Gumuz ........................................................................................... 44
5.6. Situation in SNNPR................................................................................................................... 45
5.7. Situation in Amhara .................................................................................................................. 46
5.8. Situation in Gambella .............................................................................................................. 48
5.9. Situation in Tigray ..................................................................................................................... 49
5.10.

Situation in Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, Harari ......................................................... 50
5.10.1.Addis Ababa ........................................................................................................ 50
5.10.2. Dire Dawa ....................................................................................................... 50
5.10.3. Harari................................................................................................................. 51

Annex 1: Bibliography .................................................................................................................. 53
Oral sources ....................................................................................................................................... 53
Written sources ................................................................................................................................. 53
Annex 2: Terms of Reference ...................................................................................................... 58

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

Disclaimer
This report was written according to the EUAA COI Report Methodology (2019) 1. The report isbased on carefully selected sources of information. All sources used are referenced.
The information contained in this report has been researched, evaluated and analysed withutmost care. However, this document does not claim to be exhaustive. If a particular event,person or organisation is not mentioned in the report, this does not mean that the event has
not taken place or that the person or organisation does not exist.
Furthermore, this report is not conclusive as to the determination or merit of any particularapplication for international protection. Terminology used should not be regarded asindicative of a particular legal position.
‘Refugee’, ‘risk’ and similar terminology are used as generic terminology and not in the legal
sense as applied in the EU Asylum Acquis, the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967
Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees.
Neither the EUAA, nor any person acting on its behalf, may be held responsible for the use
which may be made of the information contained in this report.
The drafting of this report was finalised on 29 April 2022; however the reference period of thereport covers the period from 2016 to March 2022, or earlier whenever relevant. Any event
taking place after this date is not included in this report. Some additional information wasadded during the finalisation phase in response to feedback received during the quality
control process, until 29 April 2022. More information on the reference period for this report
can be found in the methodology section of the Introduction.

1 1

EASO, EASO Country of Origin Information (COI) Report Methodology, June 2019, url
6

FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORTGlossary and abbreviations
Term

Definition

ACSO

Agency for Civil Societies Organizations

CSOs

Civil Society Organisations

DHS

Demographic and Health Survey

FGM/C

Female Genital Mutilation/Circumcision or Cutting

GAGE

Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence, GAGE Project at theOversees Development InstituteGudnika Faronika

Infibulation

HTPs

Harmful Traditional Practices (e.g. early marriage, FGM/C)

ICNL

International Center for Not-for-profit Law’s

KebeleMunicipality, the smallest administrative division in Ethiopia

MoWCY

Ministry of Women, Child and Youth

ODI

Oversees Development Institute

SNNPR

Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region

SRS

Somali Regional State

Sunna (Type I)

Clitoridectomy, partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or the
prepuce7EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

TermDefinition

UNFPA

United Nations Population Fund

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Introduction
The purpose of this report is to provide relevant context information in view of the assessmentof international protection status determination, including refugee status and subsidiary
protection.
The report provides background information and mapping of FGM/C practices and trends atnational and regional level in Ethiopia for the then-9 regions and two chartered cities coveredby the last Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) conducted in 2016. 2 While relying on thelast DHS as a starting point, the report complements, contrasts and/or corroborates it withmore recent studies and research carried out and published mostly in the period 2015 - 2022.
The report provides details on the legal and policy framework, national statistics and underreporting issues, societal attitudes, information on FGM performers, and cross-border
practices. Finally, the report engages with regional variations and current trends/attitudes.

Methodology
The reference period is from 2016 to March 2022. The information gathered is a result of desk
research and expert interviews and input until 31 March 2022. Some limited additional
information was added during the finalisation of this report in response to feedback received
during the quality control process, until 29 April 2022.
This report is produced in line with the EASO COI Report Methodology (2019) 3 and the EASO
COI Writing and Referencing Style Guide (2019). 4

Defining the terms of reference
The terms of reference of this report build on internal and external consultations with experts,
with EUAA network members, and the relevant most recent literature on the topic. Terms ofreference for this report can be found in Annex 2.

Collecting information
The information gathered results from two main sets of sources: extensive desk researchusing predominantly public, specialised paper-based, and electronic sources until 31 March2022; interviews with experts conducted by EUAA for the purposes of the report in March
2022. All these sources were duly referenced and described.
The sources used are referenced in the

Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. xxx, 2
EASO, EASO Country of Origin Information (COI) Report Methodology, June 2019, url
4
EASO, Writing and Referencing Guide for EASO Country of Origin Information (COI) Reports, June 2019, url
2
3

9EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

Annex 1: Bibliography. Wherever information could not be found within the timeframes fordrafting this report after carefully consulting a range of sources, this is stated in the report.

Quality control
To ensure that the authors respected the EASO COI Report Methodology and that the Termsof Reference were comprehensively addressed, a review was carried out by COI specialists
from the countries and organisations listed as reviewers in the Acknowledgements section. Allcomments made by the reviewers were taken into consideration and almost all of them were
implemented in the final draft of this report, which was finalised on 29 April 2022. EUAA also
performed the final quality review and editing of the text.

Sources
In accordance with EASO COI methodology, a range of different published documentarysources have been consulted on relevant topics for this report. These include: academic
publications, think tank reports, and specialised sources covering Ethiopia; COI reports bygovernments; information from civil society, advocacy groups, humanitarian organisations, andNGOs; reports produced by various bodies of the United Nations; Ethiopian and regionallybased media.
In addition to using publicly available documentary sources, two oral sources (experts) were
contacted for this report. They were interviewed in March 2022. See the Bibliography for
additional details.

Structure and use of the report
The report is divided into a general introductory part and five chapters. After having
introduced the topic in the Ethiopian context, the report goes on in the first chapter to address
the legal framework in force and state of law enforcement. The second chapter engages withavailable national statistics while also dataset limits and under-reporting issues are discussed.
The third and fourth chapters are about the dominant societal attitude towards FGM/C and thepresence/availability of social and legal protection mechanisms. Finally, chapter five engages
extensively with regional and other variations that are particularly relevant in the Ethiopian
context, by means of contrasting and/or corroborating national statistics with more recent
regional studies and research projects.

10

FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Map of the regions and zones of Ethiopia
Figure 1. Map of the regions and zones of Ethiopia
Yemen
Eritrea
Northwestern

Sudan

Western

Southeastern
Wag
Hemra

CentralGondarWest
Gondar

Agew
Awi

Asosa
KamashiWest
Welega

Mao
Komo
Kelam
WelegaItang

Illubabor

East
Welega

Anuak

Keffa
Bench Sheko(Bench Maji)

South
Sudan

West
Shewa

Mirab Omo(West Omo)

SomaliNorth Wollo

OromiaDjibouti

Awsi Rasu(Zone 1)

Addis AbabaSouth West
Shewa

GambelaSouthern Nations,
Nationalities and Peoples'
SidamaWest
Hararghe

East
Shewa

South West Ethiopia Peoples'
Harari

Sitti

Chartered cities

Dire Dawa

HarariEast Hararghe*

HadiyaKonta* Dawro Wolayita
Gofa
Basketo*South Omo

Erer

Alaba*
East Bale

HadiyaWest Arsi

Dollo

Nogob

SidamaKoraheBale
Gamo
Derashe*Amaro*

Alle*

Konso

Somaliland

Jarar

Arsi

Silt'eSpecial woreda

Fafan

GurageKembata
TembaroSheka

Benishangul-Gumuz
Southern

Argobba*South Wollo
OromiaEast
Zone
GojjamHari Rasu(Zone 5)North
Gabi Rasu
Shewa(Zone 3)(Amhara)North
Horo
GuduruFinfine Shewa(Oromia)
Welega Special Zone

Jimma Yem

Mezhenger

AmharaWest
GojjamBuno
BedeleNuer

Afar

MekeleKilbet Rasu
(Zone 2)

Fanti Rasu
(Zone 4)South Gondar

MetekelEastern

CentralNorth
GondarRegions
TigrayGedeo

Burji*

Shabelle
Guji
Afder
Liben

BorenaSomalia
UgandaKenya© NordNordWest, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike License 3.0, url

11EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUMGeneral information on genital mutilation in
the Ethiopian context
As indicated in the UNICEF FGM Country Profile on Ethiopia (2020), the country is ‘home to 25
million girls and women who have experienced FGM’ (Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting), thelargest absolute number in Eastern and Southern Africa. 5 Based on the last Demographic
Health Survey (DHS) conducted in Ethiopia in 2016, about 16 million of these are to be found in
the Oromia and Amhara regions. Another 9 million are distributed, among others, across the
SNNPR (Southern Nations Nationalities and People’s Region), Somali, Afar, and Tigray regions,while about 1 million is concentrated in the capital city Addis Ababa. 6 Despite the fact that the
Revised Criminal Code of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (9 May 2005) explicitly
criminalises FGM/C (Articles 565-6), 7 the practice is still widely prevalent in the country (65% atnational level according to the DHS 2016), 8 although with significant regional variations. 9 See
Figure 2 below for an overview on prevalence at regional level.
Campaigns and interventions against harmful traditional practices, including FGM/C, havebeen carried out in Ethiopia in the last two decades, with varying degrees of success. To thisend ‘a small number of organisations’ have collaborated with the Ethiopian Ministry of
Health. 10 However, the number of these organisations diminished substantially after the
adoption in 2009 of the Proclamation for the Registration and Regulation of Charities andSocieties. 11

UNICEF, A profile of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia, 2020, url, pp. 5, 6
UNICEF, A profile of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia, 2020, url, p. 5
7Ethiopia, The Criminal Code of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No. 414/2004, 9 May
2005, url
8
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 315
928 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 1
10
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, pp. 1, 3
11
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 3
5

6

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

1.

The Legal Framework

1.1.

National legislation

At constitutional level, the Ethiopian constitution does not contain an explicit ban on FGM/C.
However, it contains several articles that are relevant to or prohibit harmful traditional
practices (HTPs), such as Artt. 16, 18, 25, 35, 36. 12 In particular Art. 35 – Rights to Women,
recites:‘1. Women shall, in the enjoyment of rights and protections provided for by thisConstitution, have equal right with men.
2. Women have equal rights with men in marriage as prescribed by thisConstitution.
3. The historical legacy of inequality and discrimination suffered by women in
Ethiopia taken into account, women, in order to remedy this legacy, are entitled toaffirmative measures. The purpose of such measures shall be to provide special
attention to women so as to enable them to compete and participate on the basisof equality with men in political, social and economic life as well as in public andprivate institutions.
4. The State shall enforce the right of women to eliminate the influences ofharmful customs. Laws, customs and practices that oppress or cause bodily or
mental harm to women are prohibited.’ 13
Within this constitutional framework, the Revised Criminal Code of the Federal Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia, which was adopted with Proclamation No. 414/2004 (9 May 2005),14
criminalises explicitly most forms of violence against women and girls, including FGM/C(Articles 565-6). 15 At Chapter III, which is titled ‘Crimes committed against life, person, andhealth through harmful traditional practices’, the code stipulates [emphasis added]:‘Article 565. Female Circumcision.
Whoever circumcises a woman of any age, is punishable with simple imprisonment
for not less than three months, or fine not less than five hundred Birr.
Article 566. Infibulation of the Female Genitalia.
(1) Whoever infibulates the genitalia of a woman, is punishable with rigorous
imprisonment from three years to five years.
28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, pp. 2-3; LIFOS, Etiopien – Kvinnlig könsstympning[Ethiopia – Female Genital Mutilation], 14 March 2019, url, p. 19
13
Ethiopia, Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, 21 August 1995, url
14
ILO, Ethiopia – Criminal and Penal Law, n.a, url
15
Ethiopia, The Criminal Code of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No. 414/2004, 9 May
2005, url
1213EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM(2) Where injury to body or health has resulted due to the act prescribed in subarticle (1) above, subject to the provision of the Criminal Code which provides for amore severe penalty, the punishment shall be rigorous imprisonment from five
years to ten years.
Article 567. Bodily Injuries Caused Through Other Harmful Traditional
Practices.
Whoever, apart from the circumstances specified in this Chapter, inflicts uponanother bodily injury or mental impairment through a harmful traditional practiceknown for its inhumanity and ascertained to be harmful by the medical profession,
shall, according to the circumstances of the case, be liable to one of the penalties
prescribed under the provisions of Article 561 or Article 562 of this Code.’
Additionally, Artt. 569-570 stipulate:‘Article 569. Participation in Harmful Traditional Practices.
A parent or any other person who participates in the commission of one of thecrimes specified in this Chapter, is punishable with simple imprisonment notexceeding three months, or fine not exceeding five hundred Birr.
Article 570. Incitement Against the Enforcement of Provisions Prohibiting
Harmful Traditional Practices.
Any person who publicly or otherwise incites or provokes another to disregard theprovisions of this Code prohibiting harmful traditional practices, or organizes a
movement to promote such end, or takes part in such a movement, or subscribes
to its schemes, is punishable with simple imprisonment for not less than threemonths, or fine not less than five hundred Birr, or both.’
Besides being a criminal offence, performing any action that causes bodily harm is also a civil
offence under the Ethiopian Civil Code (1960). 16
Complementing this picture, the Ethiopia Ministry of Health, with a circular passed on 4
January 2017, banned medicalisation of FGM in all public and private medical facilities in the
country. As per this circular, medical personnel who engage in any form of FGM in medical
facilities will be subjected to legal action. 17 However, as reported by UNICEF in its report fromFebruary 2021 on medicalised FGM in Ethiopia (among other countries in the Horn), ‘there isno national legislation that explicitly criminalizes health professionals who condone, perform,
attempt to perform, or assist in the practice.’ 18
Moreover, as reported by 28 Too Many, in a report on Law and FGM in Ethiopia from 2018, theCriminal Code fails to ‘specifically criminalise the failure to report FGM, whether it is planned

Trans-lex, Ethiopian Civil Code, 1960, url, Art. 2067
WHO, Ethiopia bans medicalization of female genital mutilation (FGM), 31 January 2017, url
18
UNICEF, The Medicalization of FGM in Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, February 2021, url, p. 13
16
17

14

FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORTor has taken place’, and ‘fails to protect uncut women (and their families) from verbal abuse or
exclusion from society’. 19

1.2.

International obligations

In addition to the national regulations, Ethiopia is obliged to comply with several
international conventions for the rights of children and women. Ethiopia has ratified theConvention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (1979)(CEDAW), the African Charter on Human & Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR, Banjul Charter), and
the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC). 20
Additionally, Ethiopia has acceded to the International Covenant on Civil & Political Rights(ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social & Cultural Rights (ICESCR), theConvention Against Torture & Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment(CTOCIDTP), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). 21 In July 2018 Ethiopia has
also ratified the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of the Women in
Africa (ACHPRRWA, Maputo Protocol). 22
Among the recalled international tools, the CRC recognises FGM/C as a violation of the‘best interest of the child’ standard and a violation of children’s rights. The ACRWC(Maputo Protocol) requires states parties to prohibit and condemn all forms of harmful
traditional practices (HTP, such as child marriage and FGM/C) which negatively affect thehuman rights of women and which are contrary to recognised international standards. 23

1.3.

Enforcement of the law

The UNICEF/UNFPA annual reports Accelerating Change, which focuses on the achievementsof the two agencies’ Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation (acrossseventeen countries), 24 provide for an overview of the enforcement of FGM legislation in
Ethiopia in the period 2015-2018, 25 and 2008-2015. 26 In 2018, in the whole Ethiopia, there
have been 13 arrests, 9 cases brought to court, and 4 FGM related convictions/sanctions. In
the period 2015-2017 there had been 280 arrests, 77 cases brought to court, and 2

28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 3;
28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 10; see also Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to
End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, pp. 14, 30-31
21
28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 10; see also Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to
End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, pp. 14, 30-31
22
AU, List of Countries which have signed, ratified/acceded to the protocol to the African Charter on human andpeople’s rights on the rights of women in Africa, 16 October 2019, url
23
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 30
24
UNFPA, UNFPA-UNICEF Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation, 18 November 2021, url
25
UNFPA-UNICEF, Accelerating Change, Annual Report 2018, Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female
Genital Mutilation, August 2019, url, pp. 74-79
26
UNFPA-UNICEF, Metrics of Progress Moments of Change, Accelerating Change Annual Report 2015, Joint
Programme on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation, October 2016, url, pp. 20-23
19

20

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

convictions/sanctions. 27 In the period 2008-2015, still based on data from the UNICEF/UNFPA
Joint Programme Monitoring database, there had been in Ethiopia a total of 279 arrests and 1
conviction. 28
Among other authors, Presler-Marshall and Jones, researchers at the ODI and members of the
GAGE Project (Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence), state in their most recent
publication on FGM/C practices in Ethiopia (January 2022) that ‘laws are rarely enforced,
because many local officials value the social norm of FGM/C more than they value the law
prohibiting it. Arrests – much less prosecutions and convictions – are extremely rare.’ 29
In a recent paper (2020) on the prevalence and barriers to ending FGM in Ethiopia, theauthors Abebe et al., after engaging with the national legislation in force, maintain that ‘FGC is
not explicitly called out in other relevant articles of the Ethiopian criminal code’. In their views‘this inconsistency leaves room for discretion in legal proceedings, which can make womeneven more vulnerable to the harms of FGC.’ 30 In the same article the authors note that ‘FGC
frequently goes unreported due to the community level stigma and fears of social isolation’. 31
Against this backdrop, the legal protocol in force, such as the ‘requirement of evidence’, canhinder case reporting and law enforcement. Moreover, given the fact that FGM/C often takes
place in secret, in distant and remote areas,32 and ‘out of sight… it is unlikely that there arewitnesses who can testify in court’. 33
28 Too Many, in its report on the law and FGM/C in Ethiopia from July 2018, indicates that,‘there is a reluctance by local officials to fully enforce the law’ and that ‘in many ruralcommunities, it is not the police or courts that people naturally turn to: disputes are more likely
to be settled through traditional or informal justice systems such as those run by elders.’ 34
For more information on this point see section below 3. Societal attitude and drivers.

1.4.

Policy framework and the new Charities
Proclamation

Over the last three decades, Ethiopia has developed several policies and strategies, and hastaken institutional measures to ending FGM/C in the country. These include the National
UNFPA-UNICEF, Accelerating Change, Annual Report 2018, Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female
Genital Mutilation, August 2019, url, p. 76; see also UNFPA, Beyond the crossing – Female Genital Mutilation
Across Borders, November 2019, url, p. 29
28
UNFPA-UNICEF, Metrics of Progress Moments of Change, Accelerating Change Annual Report 2015, Joint
Programme on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation, October 2016, url, p. 21
29
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 130
Abebe et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara Regions ofEthiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 631
Abebe et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara Regions ofEthiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 13
32
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 7
33
Abebe et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara Regions ofEthiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 1434
28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 6
27

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Policy on Ethiopian Women (1993) and the National Strategy and Action Plan on HTPs against
Women and Children in Ethiopia (2013), which employed three strategic pillars - prevention,
protection, and provision - with ad-hoc interventions to end child marriage and FGM/C undereach of them. 35 Other adopted tools are the Ethiopian Women’s Development and Change
Package 2017, and the Ministry of Women, Child and Youth (MoWCY) GTP II Sectoral Plan
(2015/16–2019/20) whose goal was to reduce child marriage and FGM/C in Ethiopia by 50% by
2020. 36 Also the National Social Protection Strategy of Ethiopia 2016 called for campaigning
and awareness raising activities for the prevention of abuse, violence, neglect, andexploitation of women, including FGM/C. 37
More recently, the National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024,
which was launched in 2019, represents a key guiding document. 38 It stresses the pivotal
importance of awareness-raising on legal frameworks, 39 the crucial role played by education,school establishments and associated profiles/venues, 40 the strategic involvement of local
and religious leaders as change agents, as well as of key interpersonal stakeholders such as
mothers and traditional practitioners.41 The roadmap also details monitoring, evaluation, andaccountability guidelines, as well as reporting and communication mechanisms. 42 In order toend child marriage and FGM/C by 2025, the National Roadmap adopts a multi-sectorial
collaboration approach (education, health, justice and other sectors), 43 whose implementationis coordinated by the MoWCY together with its partners. 44
Against this general policy framework, however, ‘Ethiopia’s civil society space was severely
restricted when the then-government enacted’ the Charities and Societies Proclamation No.
621/2009 45. 46 ‘The Charities and Societies Law excluded international organisations fromdirect involvement in the implementation of FGM/C programmes’, limiting their role ‘toproviding financial and technical support to local NGOs and government agencies’. 47 The
Proclamation also barred ‘local NGOs from implementing rights-based programmes if they

Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, pp. 14-15, 31
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 14
37
Abebe et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara Regions ofEthiopia, 29 October 2020, url, pp. 6-7
38
Ethiopia, Embassy of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (London, UK), National plan to end childmarriage, FGM by 2025 launched, 14 August 2019, url
39
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, pp. 15,
32,35
40
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, pp. 32, 3435
41
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 7
42
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 7; see also Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child
Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, pp. 15-16, 35-38
43
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 15;
44
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 7
45
Ethiopia, Federal Negarit Gazette, 13 February 2009, url
46
CIPE, A Users’ Manual on Registering and Operating CSOs, BMOs, and Business Start-Ups in Ethiopia, 30 March
2021, url
47
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 14
35

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generated more than 10% of their annual budget from abroad, leaving government agencies
as the primary actors with the freedom to implement anti-FGM/C programmes.’ 48
A new Civil Society Organizations Agency Proclamation (No. 1113/2019) 49 was approved on 7
March 2019 in the House of Peoples’ Representatives. The main objective of this Proclamation
is to create ‘an enabling environment to enhance the role of civil society organizations’: ‘areasthat were off-limits for resident/foreign CSOs (Civil Society Organisations), such as promotionof human and democratic rights […] are now expected to be open to be undertaken by
CSOs’. 50
With this new law both foreign and local CSOs are anticipated to be able to raise funds fromany legitimate source, while restriction on ownership and disposition rights of CSOs areprojected to be lifted. 51 However, the Ethiopia Council of Ministers, as of 14 January 2022, isstill considering a draft CSO regulation, which is to give effect to the new CSO Proclamationand finally replace the Charities and Societies Regulation No. 168/2009. 52 This draft CSO
Regulation ‘governs, among other matters, the establishment and registration of CSOs, theCSO Board, and self-regulation in the sector’. 53 At the same time the new Agency for Civil
Societies Organizations (ACSO), the old Federal Charities and Societies Agency, 54 ispreparing a number of directives. 55 Based on the International Center for Not-for-profit Law’s(ICNL) monitoring and analysis of this new legal framework, the new CSO Proclamation posesa number of new barriers to CSOs: barriers to entry (civil society organisations have to reregister with ACSO), barriers to operational activity (ACSO supervision and investigative poweron their activities), and barriers to resources (prior approval of ACSO for accessing them). 56

Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, pp. 3, 14
49
Ethiopia, Federal Negarit Gazette, 12 March 2019, url
50
NGO Source, Spotlight on Ethiopia: The New Charities and Societies Law and Trends, 26 May 2019, url
51
NGO Source, Spotlight on Ethiopia: The New Charities and Societies Law and Trends, 26 May 2019, url; see also
Demissie, K. D., The 2009 and 2019 CSO Laws in Ethiopia: From Hinderance to Facilitator of CSO Activities?,
December 2019, url, pp. 28-29
52
ICNL, Civic Freedom Monitor - Ethiopia, 14 January 2022, url
53
ICNL, Civic Freedom Monitor - Ethiopia, 14 January 2022, url
54
NGO Source, Spotlight on Ethiopia: The New Charities and Societies Law and Trends, 26 May 2019, url
55
ICNL, Civic Freedom Monitor - Ethiopia, 14 January 2022, url
56
ICNL, Civic Freedom Monitor - Ethiopia, 14 January 2022, url
48

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2.

National statistics and trends

2.1.

Overview

Figure 2. Average FGM prevalence in Ethiopia by region among women aged 15-49

Based on DHS data from 2016, the national FGM/C prevalence among Ethiopian women aged
15-49 was 65.2%. 57 28 Too Many, in its FGM country profile for Ethiopia from 2021, indicates(still based on the DHS 2016) that:(1) FGM/C is practised across all regions, religions and ethnic groups in Ethiopia;(2) ‘Cut, flesh removed’ is the most common type of FGM practised;(3) almost all FGM/C is carried out by ‘traditional practitioners’;(4) the region with the highest prevalence is Somali, at 98.5%, while the lowest prevalence isin Tigray, at 24.2%;(5) prevalence in rural areas is higher (68.4% of women aged 15-49) than in urban areas(53.9%);

57

Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 315-327
19

EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM(6) the Somali and the Afar are the ethnic groups with the highest prevalence of FGM/C
among women aged 15-49 (above 98%), while the ethnic group with the lowest prevalenceis the Tigray (23%);(7) across religions, prevalence is as follows: 82.2% of Muslim women aged 15-49, 65.8% ofProtestant women, and 54.2% of Orthodox women;(8) in terms of trends, in the period 2005-2016, the overall prevalence fell from 74.3% to65.2% (still for women aged 15-49); more in particular the overall prevalence for women
aged 15-19 fell to 47.1%, compared to 75,3% for women aged 40-49. This would ‘suggestthat the practice is declining’. 58
In particular, the chartered city of Dire Dawa would have experienced the most significant
decline. Based on DHS 2016, FGM/C prevalence in this city has reportedly passed from 92% in2005 to 75% in 2016.59 However, as noted in the National Costed Roadmap to End Child
Marriage and FGM/C 2020-2024, while in all but two regions (Gambella and Somali), ‘there isa decline in the practice’, ‘some declines are insignificant and point to stasis in FGM/C
prevalence rates in regions such as Afar (92% 2005 versus 91% 2016) and Harari (85 versus82%)’. Additionally, as noted in the DHS 2016, ‘the notable decline observed among younger
women may be in part a reporting issue. FGM/C was criminalized in 2005, which may lead tounderreporting of the practice to avoid legal consequences’. 60
For more information on DHS 2016 dataset limits and underreporting issues see section 2.5
Dataset limits, under-reporting, and self-reporting, as well as section 5. Regional and othervariations for further info on research and surveys at regional level.
In terms of absolute numbers, according to 28 Too Many, with an overall population of nearly
104.5 million, Ethiopia is second only to Egypt in the total number of women and girls who
have experienced FGM/C. 61 The Overseas Development Institute (ODI, GAGA programme)
speaks about ‘the world’s second largest total number of women and girls’. 62 Within thiscontext, as per the UNFPA-UNICEF projection, ‘recent estimates indicate that nearly 6.3
million girls will be at risk of FGM [in Ethiopia] between 2015 and 2030 if current trends in theincidence of FGM continue’. 63

2.2.

Forms of FGM in Ethiopia

WHO classifies four main types of FGM/C:

28 Too Many, Ethiopia (Country Profile), 2021, url
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 25
60
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 317
61
28 Too Many, Ethiopia (Country Profile), 2021, url
62
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 1; see also
UNICEF, A profile of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia, 2020, url, p. 8
63
UNFPA-UNICEF, Accelerating Change, Annual Report 2018, Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female
Genital Mutilation, August 2019, url, pp. 74-75
58

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Table 1. WHO classification of FGM/C 64

Type I

I. Clitoridectomy: partial or total removalof the clitoris and/or the prepuce

I.a Removal of the clitoral hood or prepuce
only
I.b Removal of the clitoris with the prepuce
II.a Removal of the labia minora only

Type II

Type III

Type IV

II. Excision: partial or total removal of theclitoris and the labia minora, with orwithout excision of the labia majora

II.b Partial or total removal of the clitoris andthe labia minora

III. Infibulation: narrowing of the vaginalorifice with creation of a covering seal by
cutting and apposition of the labia
minora and/or the labia majora, with orwithout excision of the clitoris

III.a Removal and apposition of the labia
minoraIV. All other harmful procedures to thefemale genitalia for non-medical
purposesII.c Partial or total removal of the clitoris, thelabia minora and the labia majora

III.b Removal and apposition of the labia
majoraFor example, pricking, piercing, incising,scraping and cauterization

As per the DHS 2016, Section 13 on FGM/C, 65 women aged between 15-49 were asked thefollowing questions (among others) with corresponding survey results (affirmative replies):
Table 2. DHS 2016 questions about FGM/C and survey results, EUAA elaboration 66
Questions

Results

Have you ever heard of female circumcision?

92,7%

Have you yourself ever been circumcised?

65,2%

Was the genital just nicked without removing any flesh?

2,6%

Was any flesh removed from the genital area?

73%

Was your genital area sewn closed?

6.5%

Did not know about type of circumcision

17,9%

As indicated by UNICEF in its FGM/C country profile for Ethiopia (still based on the samedataset, DHS 2016), ‘removing flesh is the most common form of FGM in Ethiopia’. However
regional variations are quite substantial: infibulation for instance is quite common in the Afar
WHO, Eliminating Female genital mutilation – An Interagency Statement, 2008, url, p. 24
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 458-459
66
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 320-321, 458
64

65

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

and the Somali regions, where respectively 69% and 62% of the women (aged 20-24) with
FGM/C have undergone it, but it is rare elsewhere. 67 At the same time, according to Nicola
Jones, Ethiopia expert on FGM issues at ODI, 68 in many parts of Oromia and of the SNNPR,‘removal of considerable chunks of flesh is quite the normal, even if there's not infibulation’.
Among others, this is the case for instance in the Oromia belt closest to the Somali border,
which includes Hararghe, and in the Wolayta and Kembata zones in SNNPR. 69
The clitoridectomy or sunna type of cutting (Type I), towards which, at regional level, somecommunities have reportedly shifted their practices, 70 especially in urban areas 71 - see section
5 Regional and other variations for more details - is at times not even acknowledged as a formof FGM/C. 72 Jones reports that in parts of Oromia, Somali, and Afar regions, people assume,
when asked whether the practice still exist, that FGM is only about infibulation: ‘if sunna is stillpracticed it is not considered a form of FGM’. 73 Moreover, still on the sunna type of cutting, ajournal article published already in 2006 discussed the ‘reliability of self-reported form of
female genital mutilation and WHO classification’. The authors, Elmusharaf et al., concluded,
based on their sectional study, that ‘the reliability of reported form of FGM is low’ and that‘there is considerable under-reporting of the extent.’ More in details, these authors argued
that ‘this should be considered in the interpretation of studies based on interviews showing achange in practice towards less severe forms’ and that their ‘results indicate an extensive
over-reporting of the “sunna” form’. 74 Additionally, as indicated in the National Costed
Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM (2019), ‘25 per cent of girls aged 15–19 years do notknow what type of FGM/C has been perpetrated on their bodies, making it difficult to ascertain
whether the type of FGM/C is shifting to “milder” forms over time’. 75
For further details on regional variations, including more recent datasets and research findings
with a regional focus, please refer to section 5 Regional and other variations.

UNICEF, A profile of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia, 2020, url, p. 9
Jones, N., Director of the DFID-funded nine-year global mixed methods Gender and Adolescence: Global
Evidence research programme. Her expertise lies in the intersection of gender, age and social inclusion andsocial protection. Video interview, 22 March 2022
69
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
70
Abebe et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara Regions ofEthiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 5; Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude toward female genital mutilation among
Somali and Harari people, Eastern Ethiopia, 6 October 2016, url, p. 560; Jones, N., et al., Adolescent bodily
integrity and freedom from violence in Ethiopia, May 2019, url, p. 2; Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes infemale genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices among communities in Fafan and West Arsi
zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, pp. 32-33; Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C
practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, pp. 3, 8, 11; 28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url,
p. 7
71
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, pp. 32-33; Presler-Marshall, E. et al.,
Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 11
72
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022; Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital
mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices among communities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3January 2020, url, p. 29
73
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
74
Elmusharaf, S., et al., Reliability of self reported form of female genital mutilation and WHO classification: crosssectional study, 27 June 2006, url, pp. 1, 3
75
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 23
67

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2.2.1 Age of cutting
As per the DHS 2016, in Ethiopia, FGM/C is performed throughout childhood, with following
breakdown per age group: 76
Table 3. Age of cutting FGM/C in Ethiopia
Age of cutting
Younger than 5
years old

5-9 years old

48.6%

10-14 years oldOlder than 15
years

Don’t
know/missing

18%

5.9%

5.8%

21.7%

Source DHS 2016, EUAA Elaboration

Same as for the type of FGM/C, age at cutting varies substantially by region and religion (inbrackets percentage of girls cut before 5 years of age): in Amhara (92%), Afar (89.5%), andBenishangul-Gumuz (76.5%) most children undergo the practice when they are younger than 5
years of age, whereas in Oromia (31.8%), SNNPR (30.6%), and Somali (12.8%) thesepercentages are much lower, as in these regions the practice of cutting is more spread acrossage-groups. 77 Moreover, as indicated in the National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage
and FGM, ‘Women in Amhara, Gambella, and Tigray, on the other hand, have the highest rates
of not knowing what type of FGM/C they have experienced (40% or more), most likely
because the practice is predominantly carried out in infancy and early childhood’. 78
For further details on regional variations, including more recent datasets and research findings
with a regional focus, please refer to section 5 Regional and other variations.

2.2.2 Re-infibulation
According to Jones, in locations where infibulation is the norm, including in the Somali region,
re-infibulation is relatively common, especially after the first marital nights or post-childbirth.
This would be the case also in Dire Dawa for instance, where there is a sizeable Somali
population. 79 In Afar instead, re-infibulation seems relatively rare, also in more remote rural
locations. In Afar, infibulation practices are in fact somewhat different, they do not necessarily
imply stitching, they can be done in terms of the ‘scar tissue that is then allowed to growtogether’. 80

Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 318, 322
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 322; see also UNICEF, A profile ofFemale Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia, 2020, url, p. 10
78
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 23
79
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
80
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
76
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2.3.

FGM/C performers

2.3.1.

Traditional performers

As per the DHS 2016 data nearly all FGM/C in Ethiopia are performed by traditional
practitioners: be they traditional agents or circumcisers (up to almost 98% of cases), or
traditional birth attendants (between 2 and 3 % of cases). 81 On this same point a recent
UNICEF report indicates that ‘[t]he vast majority of FGM in Ethiopia are carried out bytraditional cutting practitioners and traditional birth attendants’. 82

2.3.2 Medicalised genital mutilation
UNICEF in its recent report titled The Medicalization of FGM in Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia, andEritrea (2021) provides for a definition of this practice: ‘the term ‘medicalization’ is used to referto the involvement of any kind of medical or health professional in the practice of FGM,
whether at home, in a public or private clinic, or elsewhere. It also includes the procedure of
re-infibulation (Type III), which can take place at any point in a woman’s life.’ 83
As per the DHS 2016 data, ‘medical professionals’, be they doctors, nurses, midwifes or other
health professional, perform FGM/C in Ethiopia in 1.9% of cases for girls aged 0-14, and 1% ofcases for women aged 15-49. 84
UNICEF’s report, which still relies on the data of the DHS from 2016, reiterates that thepractice in Ethiopia involves medical professionals in only 2% of cases. However, the situation
would be different in the SNNPR, where in 2016 it was reported that 10% of girls and women
between the age of 15-49 who had undergone FGM/C ‘had been cut by a doctor, nurse,
midwife or other health professional.’ 85 On this point see additional info and details in section
5.6 Situation in SNNPR, 46 5.7 Situation in Amhara, and in general in section 5 Regional andother variations for further info on research and surveys at regional level.
In terms of absolute numbers, 28 Too Many reported already in 2013 that despite the fact that
medicalisation of FGM/C did not appear to be significant across most of Ethiopia, ‘according toa 2011 survey, in Addis Ababa health workers carry out over 20% of FGM on girls under 15,
and in SNNP and the city of Harari that figure was more than 10%’. 86 It was cautiously noted

Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 325
UNICEF, The Medicalization of FGM in Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, February 2021, url, p. 13
83
UNICEF, The Medicalization of FGM in Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, February 2021, url, p. 3
84
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 325
85
UNICEF, The Medicalization of FGM in Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, February 2021, url, p. 13; see also
Amado, A. A., Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): The Prospective Form Angacha District Kembata
Community; SNNPRS, Ethiopia, August 2021, url, p. 75; Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital
mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices among communities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3January 2020, url, p. 26
86
28 Too Many, Country Profile: FGM in Ethiopia, October 2013, url, p. 45; see also 28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law
and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 4
81

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

back then that ‘this may represent a trend towards the medicalisation of FGM within Ethiopia,
particularly in the urban areas’. 87
More recent information on medicalisation trends at national and urban level could not befound within the time limits of this research.

2.4.

Cross border FGM/C practice

As indicated by 28 Too Many in their latest report on Ethiopia, ‘in some countries [including
Ethiopia] where FGM has become illegal, the practice has both been pushed underground andacross borders to avoid prosecution’, thus causing the movement of families and traditional
practitioners across national boundaries for the purpose of FGM/C. 88
On this same point, in its report on Cross-border FGM/C (2019), the Community of Practice on
FGM notes, while quoting a previous study, that the practice has three main aspects revolving
around movement across borders: the movements of circumcisers, the movement of families,
and the concurrent movement of both. Reportedly, the main drivers behind this practice are
the need to avoid persecution, family/ethnic/and cultural bonds, and the need to avoid
disputes over the practice in the ‘home’ place. 89 To this regard, UNFPA (2019) notes that
because FGM/C is deeply rooted as a social norm, ‘this crossborder practice is one of thestrategies for communities to ensure that the FGM is done in secret or without risks ofprosecution’. 90
Most anti-FGM/C laws in Africa, including in Ethiopia, do not specifically address the issue ofcross-border FGM/C. 91 Yet, as stressed by UNFPA in a thematic report from 2019 with focus on
Ethiopia, among other countries, ‘the geography of FGM and the distribution of communities
and ethnic groups are inextricably linked and determine the distribution of FGM across theregion’, 92 for both, those who supply the service and those who seek for it. 93 In the case of
East Africa, regions with high prevalence are often concentrated in areas that span several
countries such as the border areas of Kenya Ethiopia and Somalia… and of Ethiopia, Djibouti
and Eritrea’. 94 Within this context the Somalis who reside in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia are anotable example. 95

28 Too Many, Country Profile: FGM in Ethiopia, October 2013, url, p. 45; see also 28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law
and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 4
88
28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 4
89
The Community of Practice on FGM, Cross Border Female Genital Mutilation, December 2019, url, p. 3
90
UNFPA, Beyond the crossing – Female Genital Mutilation Across Borders, November 2019, url, p. 25
91
The Community of Practice on FGM, Cross Border Female Genital Mutilation, December 2019, url, p. 5
92
UNFPA, Beyond the crossing – Female Genital Mutilation Across Borders, November 2019, url, p. 18
93
UNFPA, Beyond the crossing – Female Genital Mutilation Across Borders, November 2019, url, p. 25
94
UNFPA, Beyond the crossing – Female Genital Mutilation Across Borders, November 2019, url, p. 7
95
UNFPA, Beyond the crossing – Female Genital Mutilation Across Borders, November 2019, url, p. 18
87

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2.5.

Dataset limits, under-reporting, and self-reporting

The last DHS in Ethiopia, which includes information on prevalence of and attitudes towards
female genital cutting (FGC module), was conducted in 2016. 96 As of February 2022 a new
standard DHS is on-going in Ethiopia, with envisaged fieldwork to take place in the period
October 2022- February 2023 and an overall sample size of 18 885 women (20 272
households). 97
Referring to the DHS 2016, 28 Too Many notes, on its on-line Ethiopia’s country profile, that‘small sample sizes were used in many of the regions and figures therefore may not be
accurate’. 98 A point that is also stressed by Presler-Marshall et al. in their latest report on FGM
in Ethiopia published at the beginning of 2022, 99 and confirmed by Jones on occasion of theinterview conducted for the purpose of this report. 100
Still Presler-Marshall et al. maintain that while the DHS 2016 highlights Ethiopia’s ‘slow but
steady progress towards eliminating FGM/C… it cautions that apparent progress may be due
to under-reporting due to criminalisation of the practice in 2005’. 101 On this same point 28 Too
Many in its latest report on The Law and FGM in Ethiopia (2018) indicates that ‘reportssuggest… that rural families have increasingly carried out FGM in secret to avoid the law’, andthat, along with ‘low awareness of the law in remote rural communities’ another main reasonof concern is ‘the fear [that] women and girls have of reporting FGM’. 102 Abebe et al., in thejournal article from 2020 already mentioned above, maintain that as a result of the new legal
framework in force (since 2005), ‘many have resorted to practicing FGC at home either by themother herself or by the grandmother’, and, as a quoted key informant puts it, they do so‘“hidden inside their home without calling anyone… which makes the identification andreporting very complicated”’. 103 Against this backdrop, Boyden et al., in the context of theirseminal research project on childhood poverty called Young Lives, commented already in2013 on the reliability of the Ethiopia DHS dataset (from 2011 back then): ‘given that thepractice is illegal and that enforcement through punishment does occur in some areas, it
seems likely that there may be some under-reporting in this and other surveys’. 104 In a later
Policy Brief (no. 21, 2014) of the same Young Lives project, which relied on DHS Datasets from2000, 2005, and 2011, the same research group noted that although ‘there is clear evidenceof a decline in both child marriage and female circumcision… there is likely to be underreporting’ given the illegality and the sensitivities of the practice.’ 105

USAID, The DHS Program, Ethiopia, n.a., url
USAID, The DHS Program, Ethiopia, Standard DHS 2022, n.a., url
98
28 Too Many, Ethiopia (Country Profile), 2021, url
99
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 1, footnote
no. 1
100
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
101
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 1
102
28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 7
103
Abebe et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara Regionsof Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 9
104
Boyden, J., et al., Harmful Traditional Practices and Child Protection: Contested Understandings and Practices ofFemale Child Marriage and Circumcision in Ethiopia, February 2013, url, p. 13
105
Young Lives, Child Marriage and Female Circumcision (FGM/C): Evidence from Ethiopia, December 2014, url, p. 3
96
97

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Social desirability issues also play a crucial role as demonstrated by a study conducted by
Gibson et al. in 2018 in Ethiopia. They argue that people, when questioned directly about
FGM/C, are anticipated to hide their true support for the practice, being it a sensitive and‘illegal’ topic. 106 In fact, by comparing directly-stated versus privately-held views in support of
FGM/C, the authors found out that - in their research area in West Arsi, Oromia - while bothgenders express low support for FGM/C when questioned directly, indirect methods revealed
substantially higher acceptance of cutting both daughters and daughters-in-law. 107 Yet, as theynote, ‘to date most studies exploring FGC behaviour have relied on self-report data derived
from direct questioning methods, with many [of these] indicating that rates of (and interest in)
FGC are broadly in decline’. 108 However, ‘the disparity between clinical and self-report data,
confirms that people may be inclined to conceal FGC behaviour (and their support for it) insurveys’. 109 On this same point and on reported forms of FGM/C (notably the sunna type) see
section above 2.2 Forms of FGM in Ethiopia.
Another practice with considerable implications for (under)reporting is cross-border FGM/C,
see section below 2.4 Cross border FGM/C practice.
Another set of limitations affecting the DHS 2016 are intra-regional variations. As Jones puts it‘regions themselves are often the size of countries, Oromia region has 40 million people,
Amhara has close to 30 million people, and there are many different practices and norms
within each of these’. 110 She also mentions data collection capacities in the more under-served
areas, and the presence of FGM/C hotspots across regions. Despite these limitations, shemaintains that the regional statistics published with the DHS 2016 can work as a ‘usefulstarting point’: they provide basic parameters about prevalence, or very rough estimates
about type and age of cutting, that can be used to orient the best approach to eradicate thepractice locally. 111 For further details about DHS 2016 shortcomings and regional variations inlight of more recent research projects/outputs see section 5. Regional and other variations,
including section 5.1.2 FGM/C hotspots.

Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url, p. 1
107
Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url, p. 1
108
Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url, p. 2
109
Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url, p. 2
110
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
111
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
106

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3.

Societal attitude and drivers

As indicated by Abebe et al. (2020) the social norms in vogue in the Ethiopian society‘prioritize the protection of culture and customs over government initiatives, including antiFGC interventions.’ 112 On this same point, 28 Too Many reports that ‘despite national
legislation being in place, those working in communities to end FGM report continuingchallenges around knowledge and enforcement of the law’. Moreover, law awareness is still‘very poor, even among those in law-enforcement agencies’, while ‘local community leaders
still support traditional practitioners who cut girls’. 113
As per the DHS 2016, among women and men aged 15-49 who have heard of FGM, 79.3% of
women and 86.7% of men believe that the practice should not be continued. 114 However, as
noted in the National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM (2019), ‘there is asignificant disconnect between the percentage of women who report that they believe FGM/C
should continue and the (higher) percentage who have daughters who are cut’. 115 Within thiscontext, it would be difficult to ascertain ‘how much of the gap is due to women [and men]reporting what they “should” say, versus genuine differences in beliefs versus practices, ormore recently evolved beliefs against FGM/C’. 116
Moreover, still based on the DHS 2016, societal attitude varies quite substantially acrossregions. For instance, in the Afar and Somali regions, 54.8% and 52.2% respectively of women
aged 15-49 who have heard of FGM/C, still believe that the practice should continue, while thesame applies to 36% and 34.2% of men. In Tigray, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambela, SNNPR, andAddis Abeba less than 20% of women who have heard of FGM/C in each region believe thatthe practice should continue, and the same applies to less than 20% of men in each region. 117
However, as already discussed above and in section 2.5 Dataset limits, under-reporting, andself-reporting, social desirability issues and community pressure have an impact on hidden
truly held views.
In terms of main drivers of FGM/C, the National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage andFGM (2019), summarises them along these lines:‘FGM/C, like child marriage, is primarily driven by gender norms that seek tocontrol women’s sexuality. These norms may be tied to religious beliefs, andFGM/C is still believed by many to be a religious requirement. FGM/C may also be
so embedded in cultural practices that it is held in place, even when parents
believe that it should be eliminated, by fear of being socially sanctioned by thecommunity. Uncut girls are attributed with negative qualities including having an
uncontrolled libido and may be ostracized by their peers. Critically, given the
Abebe et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara Regions ofEthiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 13
113
28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018, url, p. 7
114
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 327
115
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 25
116
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 25
117
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 327
112

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

central role of marriage and motherhood to girls’ future lives, in many Ethiopian
contexts uncut girls are perceived to be unmarriageable.’ 118
In practice, as noted by Boyden et al., FGM/C ‘tends to be seen as a necessary precursor’ tomarriage, 119 particularly by families and communities most likely to engage in child marriage. 120
While constraining girls’ ‘errant sexual behaviour’, and thus shaping their conduct, FGM/C
practices ‘safeguard their social standing and marriageability’. 121 FGM/C assures social
belonging and girls’ purity, 122 but also social integration and girls protection. 123
Within this context Jones et al., a research team at ODI, in a back-then forthcoming researchstudy quoted in the National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM (2019), foundout about interesting regional variations. In Amhara, for example, they reported that ‘many
respondents believe that uncut girls cannot have sex, because uncut female anatomy
precludes male penetration’. In Afar, ‘they found that girls who are not cut are consideredharam (forbidden by religion)’. In Oromia, having undergone FGM/C is a crucial step prior to‘impending adulthood’, and connotes ‘readiness for marriage’, to the extent that some girls
demand to be cut so that they will fit in with their group of peers and stick to the expected
cultural norms. 124
Another example of regional variations, also captured by the DHS 2016, revolves aroundreligion as a possible FGM/C driver. 125 Overall, 23.6% of women aged 15-49 who have heard of
FGM/C believe that the practice is required by religion, with following breakdown across main
religious affiliations: Muslim 40.9%, Orthodox 17%, Protestant 12.6%, Catholic 19.6%. 126 As
indicated by McCauley and van den Broek in a research paper from October 2018 on theeradication of the practice, ‘no religious scripts prescribe the practice of FGM/C, although
there are variations in how different religious leaders regard FGM/C’. While some promote it
and resist change, others consider it irrelevant to religion, and others advocate actively for its
elimination. 127 More in particular, in Ethiopia, as indicated by Mehari et al. in 2020, newdevelopments are observed whereby some religious leaders and faith based organisations
have denounced the religious basis of the practice (the Evangelical Churches Fellowship ofEthiopia, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, the Ethiopian Catholic Church, and the Islamic
Affairs Supreme Council in Afar region). 128

Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 28
Boyden, J., et al., Harmful Traditional Practices and Child Protection: Contested Understandings and Practices ofFemale Child Marriage and Circumcision in Ethiopia, February 2013 url, p. 4
120
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 28
121
Boyden, J., et al., Harmful Traditional Practices and Child Protection: Contested Understandings and Practices ofFemale Child Marriage and Circumcision in Ethiopia, February 2013 url, p. 18
122
Boyden, J., et al., Harmful Traditional Practices and Child Protection: Contested Understandings and Practices ofFemale Child Marriage and Circumcision in Ethiopia, February 2013 url, p. 18
123
Boyden, J., et al., Harmful Traditional Practices and Child Protection: Contested Understandings and Practices ofFemale Child Marriage and Circumcision in Ethiopia, February 2013 url, pp. 13, 41
124
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 28
125
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 319, 326
126
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 326
127
McCauley, M., & van den Broek, N., Challenges in the eradication of female genital mutilation/cutting, 29 October
2018, url, p. 1
128
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 7
118

119

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

All this notwithstanding, regional variations are indicative of how much religion can permeate
the practice. In the Afar and the Somali region, about 61.7% and 57% respectively of women
who have heard of FGM/C believe that the practice is required by religion. In Tigray,
Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambela, SNNPR, and Addis Abeba the percentage of women who
believe that the practice is required by the religion varies between a minimum 6.2% in Addis
Abeba and a maximum of 20.1% in Tigray. 129 As noted in the National Costed Roadmap to End
Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020-2024, ‘more people [in Ethiopia] believe that FGM/C isrequired by religion than believe it should continue, highlighting the critical importance ofworking with faith leaders to help shift social and gender norms’. 130 For further details on thispoint as well as on regional variations in societal attitudes see section 5. Regional and othervariations.

129
130

Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 326
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 24
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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

4.

Social and legal protection
mechanisms

4.1.

Family and girls agency

According to Jones, the scope for girls’ agency is generally quite limited in most parts of thecountry, except where some sort of groundswell of opposition gains momentum and someanti-FGM/C champions speak out against the practice. Normally, only where there is asizeable minority refusing to undergo the practice - a group of girls who come together andpublicly refuse it – there is scope for agency. However, in contexts where prevalence is high,this is ‘much more challenging’. 131 This limited scope is also explained by the young age at
which girls usually undergo the practice (roughly, the majority of them under 10 years ofage). 132 Moreover, in those contexts where the practice takes place in early or midadolescence – between 10 and 15 years of age – such as in Oromia and in the SNNPR, Jonesand her research team have witnessed a downward pressure on age. In a number of localities,
the age of cutting is coming down as a strategy to evade girls’ agency. 133
On this same point, according to Landinfo, in its latest report on FGM/C (2021), families’
agency about whether to undergo FGM/C is determined by different factors, the mostimportant of which is ‘the prevalence in one's own ethnic group’. 134 When prevalence is low ormoderate, family and community’s expectations including pressure on families and girls arelower than in communities or groups where prevalence is higher or ‘universal’. In ethnic
groups like Somali and Afar ‘not carrying out FGM would be a radical choice’, which requires‘knowledge of and resistance to the practice’ as well as resilience and resources to hold tothis decision. 135
Urban or rural residence, and in general proximity and level of social control performed by the
local community, are another important factor determining this level of agency. In urban
settings, where people are less likely to follow the actions of others, to know each other andbe socially sanctioned for not sticking to social norms, it would be easier to escape thepractice. 136 Jones is of the same opinion when she states that in urban settings, such as Addis
Ababa or Bahir Dar, the situation can be quite different for girls. Here, with higher levels of
education and wider consideration of FGM/C as a problem, there would be scope for agency.
However, she would distinguish between those who have lived in urban areas for quite sometime or who have been born there, and those who have recently migrated from rural contexts,
often in distress, and whose level of agency would be quite limited too. Additionally, she notesthat population composition of urban centres is also quite crucial in determining the level ofagency: in Dire Dawa for instance there is a large Oromo population, especially from the East
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
Jones, N., Video interview, 22 March 2022
133
Jones, N., Video interview, 22 March 2022
134
Landinfo, Ethiopia - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), 22 June 2021, url, p. 22
135
Landinfo, Ethiopia - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), 22 June 2021, url, p. 22
136
Landinfo, Ethiopia - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), 22 June 2021, url, p. 22
131

132

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

Hararghe zone, which is quite conservative, as well as a large Somali population, where
FGM/C is almost universal and infibulation is still practiced. 137
As indicated by Landinfo, other important factors to take into consideration are the level of
education, especially of the mother but also the father, the socio-economic status of thefamily, and potential experiences of migration. 138 However, still on education as a factor
affecting held views about FGM/C, Gibson et al, in their seminal study on ‘hidden support for
FGM’ (2018) with focus on ethnic Arsi Oromo, found that ‘it is elders, particularly educatedmen, who hold some of the strongest views in favour of the practice’ (>45% privately endorseit). Although this group represents a tiny portion of the overall population (around 12%), its
members usually hold positions of authority and leadership in the community, while
supervising ‘key social rites’. As the authors put it ‘concealed support and pressure tocontinue FGC from this powerful and influential group of elders could explain the stubborn
persistence of the practice in this and similar communities’. 139
Overall, though, when there is some level of agency, ‘it is mostly for mothers, and especially
young mothers, to exercise it’, notes Jones. It is for them to decide whether their infants, little
babies in the case of the Amhara, or toddlers in other parts of the country, have to undergo
the practice. Being that levels of early marriage are quite high across the country, thesemothers are often girls, young girls. 140
On another note, Jones underlines that if young girls have managed to avoid the practice atyounger age, this does not prevent them from being exposed to it later. Under renewed socialpressure, in a large number of cases they may then be forced to undergo it at the point ofmarriage. 141 This can happen either just before marriage or during child delivery as Jones andher research team have noted in East Hararghe (Oromia). 142 Mehari et al. have noted similar
dynamics in West Arsi Zone (Oromia), where if on the one hand they have observed enhanced
levels of girls’ agency to abandon the practice, on the other hand they have also noted(mothers-)in-law pressure to force uncut married women to reconsider their decision. 143
For more details on these and other factors affecting FGM prevalence see section 5.1 Age,religion, residence, education, wealth, and other factors.

4.2.

Consequences for refusing to undergo FGM

Landinfo notes that ‘breaking with established social norms can be controversial, and in manycases may provoke reactions from the environment. What and how great the social costs will

Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
Landinfo, Ethiopia - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), 22 June 2021, url, p. 23
139
Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url, p. 11
140
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
141
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
142
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
143
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, pp. 27-28
137

138

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

be for parents who oppose circumcision and their daughters, will vary’ based on the attitudes
of extended families and the local community. 144
Jones indicates that social ostracisation is the most significant consequence for refusing toundergo FGM/C, in that girls will be labelled as being ‘unclean’, ‘clumsy’, ‘unfit’ for domestic
work, or ‘having uncontrolled sexuality’, and thus as being unmarriageable. Given thepervasive gender norms and what is valued in the society, these ‘insults’ can be taken very
seriously, with many girls fearing them. 145
Indeed, as reported by Landinfo, as the FGM/C practice is usually linked to ideas of purity,
virginity, and marriageability, one first consequence for the girls would be unsuitability for
marriage. Another potential consequence would be exclusion from the social community andsocial stigma. 146
In the same way, mothers who do not force their girls to undergo the practice, may also be
ostracized. Within this context, Jones notes, things can become quite challenging for them assoon as the time for marriage proposals is approached. 147

4.3.

Social and legal protection mechanisms

The National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM 2020-2024 foresees, amongst
other strategies, the enhancement of girls’ education as well as of ‘girl-friendliness andresponsiveness of services’ as a way to end the practice. Reportedly these include schoolbased services such as safe spaces, case reporting, and referral linkages. 148 Also, as indicatedby Presler-Marshall et al., students learn or should learn in school about HTPs, including
FGM/C, in the curriculum as well as in girls’ clubs. 149 Kassegne et al. indicate though that at the
local level ‘schools do not have resources to undertake anti-FGM/C activities (e.g. drama) on aregular basis’. 150
Against this backdrop, Jones indicates that girls who refuse to undergo the practice andsearch for some form of protection can in theory report the case in school: either to the ‘girls
club leader’ where they exist, or to the ‘health extension worker’, or to the ‘school principal’. 151
She notes that while this mechanism is activated more frequently in the case of child marriage,
many fewer cases are brought to the attention of these actors in the case of FGM/C, mainly
because of the age at which the practices are prevalently undergone. Moreover, theLandinfo, Ethiopia - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), 22 June 2021, url, p. 23
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
146
Landinfo, Ethiopia - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), 22 June 2021, url, p. 23; Jones, N., Video interview 22
March 2022
147
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
148
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 35
149
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, pp. 5, 9, 14
150
Kassegne, A. B., Yes I do - Gaining insight into the magnitude of and factors influencing child marriage, female
genital mutilation/ cutting and teenage pregnancy in Ethiopia, August 2018, url, p. 52
151
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
144

145

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

effectiveness of this mechanism depends on how ‘proactive’ these health or education
officials are in taking it to the district level. 152
In principle, the Ethiopian criminal law, at Article 443(1) states that ‘anyone knowing thecommission of, or the identity of the perpetrator, a crime punishable with death or rigorous
imprisonment, fails to report such things to the competent authorities is punishable with a finenot exceeding 1000 Birr, or by simple imprisonment not exceeding six months.’ 153 However,the prevalent social culture, whereby FGM/C is interlinked with cultural and religious norms,
prevents the triggering of legal repercussions. 154 As indicated by Abebe et al., ‘families andcommunity members frequently feel unsafe disclosing the identity of cutters and other families
who practice FGC due to stigma and social isolation’. 155 The same authors note that ‘reportingcases to local authorities is viewed negatively as it threatens the livelihood of the cutter andher family’, while the same applies to police officers, who are supposed to report FGM/C
cases. 156 Boyden et al. indicate that at times girls may even organise their own circumcision andtake responsibility to protect their families and traditional practitioners from legal action, such as inOromia. 157 Still Abebe et al. note that, in certain communities, such as in the Afar Region, ‘it isconsidered unacceptable to refer a member of the community to a legal body for wrongdoing’. 158
In fact, as a way to accelerate the eradication of FGM/C, Jones et al., in their GAGE report on
Adolescent bodily integrity and freedom from violence (2019), recommend the development ofschool- and community-based reporting chains that could be accessed anonymously by girls orother women. 159
Other potential social protection mechanisms are the one-stop centres, which are relevant for
any form of gender-based violence, including FGM/C, and which are being rolled out in the
major urban centres across all regions. In this respect, Jones mentions: ‘in Addis Ababa for
instance there is one, and it tends to be just one in a major urban area’. These work as
shelters that also provide legal and psycho-social support. When girls manage to findprotection there, ‘this is often just for a very limited period of time’.160
For more information on the enforcement of the law that criminalises FGM and the prevalenceof social norms over the legal framework see section 1.3 Enforcement of the law.

Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
Ethiopia, The Criminal Code of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No. 414/2004, 9 May
2005, url154
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 11
155
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 11
156
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, pp. 12-13
157
Boyden, J., et al., Harmful Traditional Practices and Child Protection: Contested Understandings and Practices ofFemale Child Marriage and Circumcision in Ethiopia, February 2013, url, pp. 37-38
158
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 13
159
Jones, N., et al., Adolescent bodily integrity and freedom from violence in Ethiopia, May 2019, url, p. 35
160
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
152
153

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

5.

Regional and other variations

5.1.

Age, religion, residence, education, wealth, andother factors

Yismaw et al. in their analysis of FGM/C factors and spatial distribution across Ethiopia (2021),
still based on the DHS 2016, show that ‘variables such as respondent’s age group, religion,
residence, husband’s education, wealth index, and region [are] important determinants offemale genital cutting’. 161 As also confirmed by Alemu’s study (2021), FGM/C prevalence
increases as age increases, due to the fact, most probably, that younger groups benefit fromgovernment-led and other initiatives to stop FGM/C and improve the health status of girls. 162
However, as noted by Landinfo, for the age group 1-14 years, DHS 2016 figures are
preliminary, as girls in this age group might not yet have been circumcised at the time of thesurvey but might undergo the practice at a later time. 163
At the same time sources agree that following other factors play a role: 164
Table 4. Determinants of FGM/C

Factors
Age group
Religion

Impacts
An increase in women’s age is associated with higher
odds of FGM/C; 165
Muslim religious followers are more likely to undergo
circumcision than Protestant, Catholic, 166 and Orthodox
religion follower; 167

Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age
women in Ethiopia: Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 3
162
Alemu, A. A., Trends and Determinants of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia: Multilevel Analysis of 2000,
2005 and 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Surveys, 2021, url, p. 26; Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial
distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age women in Ethiopia:
Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 5
163
Landinfo, comment received during the peer-review process of the present report, 12 April 2022
164
Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age
women in Ethiopia: Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, pp. 4-5; Alemu, A. A., Trends and Determinants ofFemale Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia: Multilevel Analysis of 2000, 2005 and 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and
Health Surveys, 2021, url, pp. 22-23, 25-26
165
Alemu, A. A., Trends and Determinants of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia: Multilevel Analysis of 2000,
2005 and 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Surveys, 2021, url, pp. 24, 26; Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial
distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age women in Ethiopia:
Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 5
166
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321
167
Alemu, A. A., Trends and Determinants of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia: Multilevel Analysis of 2000,
2005 and 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Surveys, 2021, url, p. 26; Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial
distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age women in Ethiopia:
Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 5; Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016,
July 2017, url, p. 321
161

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

Factors

Impacts

Residence

Women living in rural areas are more likely to undergo
FGM/C as compared to their counterparts in urban
areas; 168

Education

Primary educated husbands decrease the likelihood of
FGM/C as compared to husbands without education. 169
Increasing women’s educational level reduces thepercentage of FGM/C; 170

WealthWomen in the richest wealth index are less likely toundergo FGM/C compared to women from poor(er)households; 171

Region

Women living in Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somalia,
Benishangul, SNNP, Harari, Addis Ababa, and Dire
Dawa are more likely to undergo FGM/C compared to
women living in the Tigray Region. 172

EUAA elaboration of Yismaw et al. (2021, pp. 4-5) and Alemu, A. A. (2020, pp. 22-23, 25-26)

For more details on variations across the regions of Ethiopia see sections below.

5.1.1.

FGM/C across ethnic groups

At the time of the DHS 2016, Ethiopia was ‘split into nine ethnic-based regional states’ (Afar,
Amhara, Benishangul Gumuz, Gambela, Harari, Oromia, Somali, Southern Nations,
Nationalities, and People’s Region - SNNP and Tigray) and two chartered cities (Addis Ababa
and Dire Dawa). 173 In February 2021, the Sidama Regional State, until then a Zone within the
SNNPR, was officially inaugurated as a regional state on its own. 174 Few months later, on 1
November 2021, the SNNPRS Council handed over power to the South West Ethiopian

Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age
women in Ethiopia: Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 5
169
Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age
women in Ethiopia: Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 5
170
Alemu, A. A., Trends and Determinants of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia: Multilevel Analysis of 2000,
2005 and 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Surveys, 2021, url, pp. 24, 26
171
Alemu, A. A., Trends and Determinants of Female Genital Mutilation in Ethiopia: Multilevel Analysis of 2000,
2005 and 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Surveys, 2021, url, p. 23; Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial
distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age women in Ethiopia:
Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 5
172
Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age
women in Ethiopia: Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 5
173
Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age
women in Ethiopia: Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 2
174
Ethiopia Monitor, Sidama Regional State Officially Inaugurated, 22 February 2021, url
168

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

People’s Regional State, which was officially recognized as the 11th state by the House ofFederation following the September 30 referendum. 175
The table below, based on DHS 2016 data, offers a comparison between prevalence acrossmain Ethiopian ethnic groups and (corresponding) regions: 176
Table 5. FGM/C prevalence across main Ethiopian ethnic groups and (corresponding)regions
Ethnic Group

PrevalenceAfar
AmharaOromo
Somali
TigrayWelaitaHadiyaGuragie
Sidama

98.4
60.5
77.1
98.5
23
92.3
92.3
78.3
87.6

Others38.1(Corresponding)
RegionAfar
AmharaOromiyaSomali
Tigray
SNNPR
SNNPR
SNNPR
(ex) SNNPR
Benishangul-Gumuz
GambelaRegional
Prevalence
91.2
61.7
75.6
98.5
24.2
62.0
62.0
62.0
62.0
62.9
33

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321

For most regions, the difference between regional and ethnic prevalence was minimal. 177 While
bearing in mind all due caveats and with the exception of Oromia and SNNPR among otherregions, Jones maintains that regional prevalence as per DHS 2016 is a decent proxy of ethnic
prevalence. 178
Data on ethnic groups is crucial for regions such as SNNPR which is the home of more than 45
ethnic groups. 179 Here FGM/C prevalence is 62% which is much lower than the prevalence among
the Sidama for instance (87.6%), 180 or the Wolaita (Welaita) and the Hadiya (both 92.3%) 181, which
are ethnic groups in the same region. 182 As indicated in the National Costed Roadmap to End Child
Marriage and FGM (2019), ‘national level figures hide significant ethnic and regional variation’. 183

Addis Standard, Southern State hands over power to newly constituted South West Ethiopian People’s State, 3November 2021, url
176
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321
177
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 5
178
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
179
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
180
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 5
181
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321
182
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 2
183
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 24
175

37

EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

5.1.2.

FGM/C hotspots

In 2021 Geremew et al., by conducting a cross-sectional data analysis using secondary datafrom the DHS 2016, evaluated whether the pattern of FGM/C is ‘clustered’, ‘dispersed’ or‘random’ across Ethiopia. 184 They came to the conclusion that FGM/C hotspots were detectedin northern, eastern, and north-eastern parts of the country, particularly in Afar, Amhara, Tigray
and Oromia regions, but also in Somali, Benishangul-Gumuz, and SNNPR regions including
Dire Dawa town. 185 Another research team, led by Tesema, identified in 2020, still based on
the DHS 2016, a total of 581 significant primary and secondary clusters. Moreover, the hotspot
analysis detected significant hotspot areas by comparing the DHS 2000, 2005, and 2016,
which were consistently located in the entire Somali, Afar, Harari, and border areas of Somali
regions. 186 A similar research study, conducted by Yismaw et al. in 2021, engaged also withspatial distribution analysis and associated factor of FGM/C in Ethiopia. 187 This time theresearch team came to the conclusion that FGM/C spatial distribution is ‘random’ in Ethiopia. 188
As reported by Landinfo in its 2021 report on FGM/C in Ethiopia, while quoting Geremew’s
study, ‘in addition to a large variation between regions’, FGM/C prevalence also varies withinregions: ‘interactions between factors such as ethnicity, religion and community
understanding of FGM can form clusters of high prevalence at the local level’. 189

5.2.

Situation in the Somali Regional StateAs per the DHS 2016, average prevalence in the Somali region (Somali State or Somali
Regional State, SRS) is 98.5% for women aged 15-49 (225 circumcised women over 229
respondents). The regional breakdown per age group and type of FGM/C is as follows: 190

Geremew, T. T., et al., Hotspots of female genital mutilation/cutting and associated factors among girls in
Ethiopia: a spatial and multilevel analysis, 2021, url, pp. 1, 2, and 3
185
Geremew, T. T., et al., Hotspots of female genital mutilation/cutting and associated factors among girls in
Ethiopia: a spatial and multilevel analysis, 2021, url, p. 12
186
Tesema, Trends and Spatio-temporal variation of female genital mutilation among reproductive-age women in
Ethiopia: a spatio-temporal and multivariate decomposition analysis of Ethiopian demographic and healthsurveys, 2020, url, pp. 10, 12, 14
187
Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age
women in Ethiopia: Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 2
188
Yismaw, A. E., et al., Spatial distribution and associated factors of female genital cutting among reproductive-age
women in Ethiopia: Further analysis of EDHS 2016, 2021, url, p. 4
189
Landinfo, Ethiopia - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), 22 June 2021, url, p. 21
190
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
184

38

FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Table 6. SRS, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

12.8%

61.3%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

23.8%

0.4%

Don’t
Know/Missing
1.7%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation
73.1%

Cut, flesh
removed24.7%

Cut, no flesh
removed
1.7%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
0.5%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

More recently (2019), Mehari et al., a group of Ethiopian researchers, conducted a study about
shifting norms and practices among various communities in Ethiopia, including Fafan in the
SRS. The inquiry was a cross-sectional qualitative study which involved in-depth interviews
and focus group discussions. 191 The situation in the Somali study setting was described asfollows:‘Significant alterations of FGM/C norms and practises were not observed. The
association between FGM/C and marriageability, purity, virginity, and respect isstill very strong. Uncut girls are considered haram (impure/unclean) and excluded
from social responsibilities. FGM/C is considered to be a process of purifying girls.
Community awareness of the health risks associated with FGM/C have not led toabandonment of the practice. Abandoning FGM/C involves a high social risk as
sanctions against uncut girls/women include exclusion from social interactions andreligious activities.’ 192
The study highlights that ‘Somali girls continue to be excluded from FGM/C-related decisionmaking’ and that their agency regarding ‘their circumcision is constrained by religious andcultural norms that cherish FGM/C’. 193 Additionally, in the Somali setting, the very meaning of
FGM/C is contested, because for some people only infibulation is considered to be FGM/C,
and thus illegal, whereas sunna is perceived as a legal practise. As a result, abandoning
FGM/C is considered to be abandoning the severe type of FGM/C and shifting to the sunna
cut.194 Reportedly religious leaders encourage this practice and people consider the sunna cut
a religious requirement as well as a process of purifying girls/women. 195
Against this societal backdrop, the study showed ‘slight changes towards a supposedly lesssevere type of FGM/C (the sunna cut) especially in urban areas’, while, ‘infibulation, popularly
known as Gudnika Faronika, is generally still highly cherished and widely practised in the
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 9
192
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 32
193
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 28
194
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 29
195
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 29
191

39

EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

study community despite FGM/C interventions.’ 196 In 2015 Abathun et al. conducted aqualitative research study of the attitudes towards FGM/C among male and female focus
group participants (32 in the SRS and 32 in Harari) aged 18-65 years. 197 Back then the majorityof focus group participants in the Somali region stated that ‘the majority of those who practice
infibulations [have] shifted to practice the less extensive or “Sunna” type’. 198
In terms of societal attitudes in the SRS, according to the DHS 2016, 57% of women who haveheard of FGM/C believe that the practice is required by religion, and 52.2% maintain that thepractice should continue (34.2% among men). 199 As already noted this percentage is far lower
than the actual prevalence of the practice in the region, calling into question social desirability
issues (see section 3. Societal attitude and drivers). 200 Mehari et al. note in this regard that ingeneral parents and girls (in Fafan) ‘are subjected to strong social pressure to conform to FGM/Crelated social norms’. Most of them believe that other girls and women have undergone thepractice, hence confronted with such empirical expectations they comply with the norms. 201
Still on this point, from October to December 2015, Abathun and his research team conducteda school-based cross-sectional quantitative study in the SRS (and Harari Regional State),
aimed at investigating the attitude towards FGM/C among young people. The study showed
that, out of 238 respondents (male and female aged 16-22), only 20.6% were in favour of thecontinuation of the practice, 202 while 77.3% stated that FGM/C was against the law. 203 Quite
interestingly, the study also found that more than half, 58.6%, of young boys in both study
areas preferred to marry uncircumcised girls (uncut). 204 However, as indicated by the authorsof the research article, the study had a number of limitations, including the fact that ‘selfreported answers’ might have been biased by social desirability issues. 205

5.3.

Situation in Afar

In Afar, as per the DHS 2016, average FGM/C prevalence is 91.2% for women aged 15-49 (61circumcised women over 67 respondents). The regional breakdown per age group and FGM/C
type is as follows: 206

Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 32
197
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude toward female genital mutilation among Somali and Harari people, Eastern
Ethiopia, 6 October 2016, url, p. 559
198
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude toward female genital mutilation among Somali and Harari people, Eastern
Ethiopia, 6 October 2016, url, p. 560
199
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
200
Ethiopia, National Costed Roadmap to End Child Marriage and FGM/C 2020–2024, August 2019, url, p. 25
201
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 32
202
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude towards the Practice of Female Genital Cutting among School Boys and Girls in
Somali and Harari Regions, Eastern Ethiopia, 2017, url, p. 3
203
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude towards the Practice of Female Genital Cutting among School Boys and Girls in
Somali and Harari Regions, Eastern Ethiopia, 2017, url, p. 6
204
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude towards the Practice of Female Genital Cutting among School Boys and Girls in
Somali and Harari Regions, Eastern Ethiopia, 2017, url, p. 7
205
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude towards the Practice of Female Genital Cutting among School Boys and Girls in
Somali and Harari Regions, Eastern Ethiopia, 2017, url, p. 7
206
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
196

40

FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Table 7. Afar, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

89.5%

4.6%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

3.2%

0.2%

Don’t
Know/Missing
2.5%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation
63.6%

Cut, flesh
removed24.1%

Cut, no flesh
removed
7.2%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
5%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

Other more recent studies offer a different picture. Abebe et al.’s study, which was conductedin April 2020 in three adjacent districts (Kewat, North Shoa Zone, in the Amhara Region, andTelalak and Dewe in the Afar region), found that almost all women participating in the survey,
398 out of 405, or 98%, underwent FGM/C. 207 Prevalence in the Afar districts (Telalak andDewe) was 100% (204 out of 204 surveyed women). 208 Moreover, the prevalence of FGM/C
among the female children of all participants (in Afar and Amhara) was 74%, and 65% of theparticipants’ youngest daughters (last born) had undergone FGM/C. 209
A pool of ODI researchers contributing to the multiannual GAGE project published at the beginningof 2022 the results of their field research on ‘Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in
Ethiopia’. 210 The report focuses on Zone 5 (Afar Region) among others, and draws on mixedmethods research undertaken by GAGE in rural and urban sites. 211 For Zone 5 it relies on aquantitative sample of 802 adolescents in two age cohorts (older adolescents, aged 17–19,
and younger adolescents, aged 12–14), and a qualitative sample of 64 core adolescents. 212
Among the age group 17-19, 84% of girls reported to have experienced FGM/C, compared to92% of younger girls (12-14 years of age) according to their female caregivers. Moreover,across age groups in Zone 5 of Afar girls underwent FGM/C at the average age of 1,5 years. 213
Based on this research there have been shifts in practices from Type 3 to Type I FGM/C,
especially in more central kebeles (municipalities), while in more remote kebeles progress has
been more mixed. 214

In Afar, as per the DHS 2016, 61.7% of women who have heard of FGM/C believe that thepractice is required by religion, and 54.8% maintain that the practice should continue. 215 Basedon the research findings of the ODI GAGE project (2022), 71% of girls aged 17-19 in Zone 5
believe that the practice is required by religion and 72% believe that it should continue. 216
Abebe et al. report that about 54% of their 405 respondents (across the three surveyed
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 3
208
Abebe, S., email exchange, 4 March 2022
209
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 8210Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 1
211
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 3
212
Jones N., email 15 March 2022
213
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 10
214Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 11
215
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
216
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 10
20741

EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

districts, see above for details) believe that FGM/C is obligatory to the practice of theirreligion. 217 They also indicate that in some districts women consider ending-FGM/C initiatives
as mere government goals which actually conflict with their own religious beliefs andpractices. 218
The same research group reports that ‘in Afar, ‘Sunna’ is considered as part of Islamic
religious obligation’ and some families force traditional birth attendants to practice it. 219 A
combination of ‘internalized stigma at the individual level’ and ‘restrictive social norms’ at thefamily level enables FGM/C practice to continue, while the interlinkage of FGM/C with culturaland religious beliefs poses a significant barrier to social change. 220 Moreover, still Abebe et al.
report that ‘challenging FGC and reporting cases to local authorities is viewed negatively as itthreatens the livelihood of the cutter and her family.’ 221 Additionally they report that ‘FGC often
takes place in secret and out of sight’ which is full of implications for legal prosecution. 222

5.4.

Situation in Oromia

As per the DHS 2016, average prevalence in Oromia is 75.6% for women aged 15-49 (2 178
circumcised women out of 2 881 respondents). The regional breakdown per age group andtype of FGM/C is as follows: 223
Table 8. Oromia, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

31.8%

27.4%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

23.4%

8.5%

Don’t
Know/Missing
9%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation
1.6%

Cut, flesh
removed
83.8%

Cut, no flesh
removed
2%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
12.6%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 12
218
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 12
219
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 11
220
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 11
221
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 12
222
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 14
223
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
217

42

FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Mehari et al., a group of Ethiopian researchers, conducted a study about shifting norms andpractices across two different communities in Ethiopia, in the West Arsi zone in Oromia andthe Fanfan zone in the Somali region. The inquiry was a cross-sectional qualitative study which
involved in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The results of the study were
published in 2020. 224 The authors, with regards to FGM/C practices, describe the situation inWest Arsi as ‘more dynamic and changing’ as compared to Fafan. 225
The study shows that in West Arsi ‘changes in norms and practises are manifested in various
ways: the number of girls abandoning FGM/C is increasing, uncut girls are getting married,social pressure on uncut girls and their parents is declining, and uncut girls are considered tobe modern and educated.’ Within this context ‘community values and norms related tomarriageability, purity, and respect —perceived advantages of FGM/C—are challenged’. 226
However, despite these changes, ‘uncut girls are exposed to challenges in their marital homemainly propagated by [mother] in-laws and people related to their husband’s clan’ who wantthem to conform to the practice. 227 On this same point Jones reports that in parts of Oromia,
such as in the East Hararghe Zone, given the very high prevalence of the practice, even if girls
have managed to resist pre-marriage FGM/C, they may get forced to undergo FGM/C either
just before marriage, ‘and then it becomes very painful’, or ‘during child birth’. 228
A more recent report of ODI researchers (January 2022) titled ‘Exploring the diversity of
FGM/C practices in Ethiopia’ provides a different picture in terms of general trends in
Oromia. 229 The report focuses on the East Hararghe zone in Oromia, among other regions,and draws on mixed-methods research undertaken by GAGE in rural and urban sites. 230 For
East Hararghe it relies on a quantitative sample of 2 255 adolescents in two age cohorts(older adolescents, aged 17–19, and younger adolescents, aged 12–14), and a qualitative
sample of 99 core adolescents.231 The survey found that 89% of girls aged 17-19 admitted tohaving been cut – ‘a significantly higher rate than that reported by the 2016 DHS for Oromia
as a whole (76%)’. These girls had experienced FGM/C at an average age of 9.6 years. 232 The
qualitative findings suggest that ‘although most [girls] undergo the practice between the agesof 9 and 12, some experience it before the age of 5, apparently because younger girls tend to
be more compliant and also because it is easier to conceal the practice.’ 233 Moreover, while
Type 1 seems to be the most widespread form and most adults report that infibulation had
been abandoned a long time ago, ‘a sizeable minority of girls undergo the removal of both theinner and outer labia (in addition to the clitoris) and a smaller minority are still infibulated’. 234

Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 9
225
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 32
226
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 32
227
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, pp. 27, 32
228
Jones, N., Video interview 22 March 2022
229
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 1
230
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 3
231
Jones N., email exchange, 15 March 2022
232
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 7
233
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 7234
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, pp. 7-8
224

43

EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUMIn Oromia, as per the DHS 2016, 27.2% of women in general who have heard of FGM/C
believe that the practice is required by religion, and 19.2% maintain that the practice should
continue. 235 Based on the research findings of the ODI GAGE project (2022), 71% of girls aged
17-19 in East Hararghe believe that the practice is required by religion and 49% believe that itshould continue. 236 About West Arsi zone, Mehari et al. report that ‘due to strong culturalvalues and beliefs attached to FGM/C, programme implementers experience challenges in
persuading community members, especially women, to abandon the practice’. 237 In 2016
Gibson et al. carried out a seminal study on hidden support for FGM/C in South Central
Ethiopia, which was published in 2018. 238 They administered a socio-demographic household
survey to 1 620 adults living in rural sub-districts of Arsi and East Shewa zones, southern
Oromia, among ethnic Arsi Oromo. 239 They made a comparison of FGM/C attitudes obtained
from direct and indirect questioning methods, which ‘provided a measure of the extent towhich privately-held views differed from those openly-stated’. 240 Based on their researchfindings, ‘true support was three times higher, at approximately 22.4%’ compared to what
otherwise stated by respondents through direct questions (7.7%). 241

5.5.

Situation in Benishangul-Gumuz

According to the data of the DHS 2016, average prevalence in Benishangul-Gumuz is 62.9%
for women aged 15-49 (47 circumcised women out of 75 respondents). The regional
breakdown per age group and type of FGM/C is as follows: 242
Table 9. Benishangul-Gumuz, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

76.5%

10.4%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

5.6%

3%

Don’t
Know/Missing
4.5%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation
3.2%

Cut, flesh
removed66.2%

Cut, no flesh
removed
5.9%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
24.7%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 7
237
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 28
238
Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url
239
Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url, pp. 3, 5
240
Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url, p. 4
241
Gibson, M. A., Indirect questioning method reveals hidden support for female genital cutting in South Central
Ethiopia, 2 May 2018, url, p. 6
242
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
235

236

44

FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORTIn Benishangul-Gumuz, as registered in the DHS 2016, 14.9% of women who have heard of
FGM/C believe that the practice is required by religion, and 9.7% maintain that the practice
should continue. 243

5.6.

Situation in SNNPR

According to the data of the DHS 2016, average prevalence in SNNPR is 62% for women aged
15-49 (1 024 circumcised women over 1 653 respondents). The regional breakdown per age
group and type of FGM/C is as follows: 244
Table 10. SNNPR, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

30.6%

25.9%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

30.6%

10.2%

Don’t
Know/Missing
2.7%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation
4.3%

Cut, flesh
removed88.7%

Cut, no flesh
removed
2.8%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
4.1%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

A more recent study by Asebe Awol Amado, a lecturer and researcher at Dilla University in
Ethiopia on FGM/C in SNNPR was conducted in the Angacha District of the Kembata Tembaro
Zone from September 2019 to May 2020, and it involved 278 women aged 15-49. 245 Based on
the study’s research findings, FGM/C is widely practiced in both literate and illiterate groups ofthe community: 257 women (92.4%) confirmed that FGM/C is still practiced in the community,and 216 (77.7%) affirmed that they had undergone it. Quite exceptionally for Ethiopia, in
SNNPR, 130 women (46.8%) reported that ‘health professionals’ perform the practice(according to the data of the DHS 2016 health professionals perform only 2% of cases in
Ethiopia, and 10% of cases in SNNPR, see section 2.3 FGM performers for further details). The
study authors report about focus group discussants disclosing that ‘the prevalence of FGM
has an increasingly alarming rate in the community’ and that ‘circumcision (FGM) is performedby health professionals at night-time in rural villages’. 246 Increasing medicalisation trends werealso observed in the West Arsi zone in Oromia by Mehari et al. in their recent study (2020). 247
The research study by Amado mentioned above shows that ‘Protestants are dominant FGM
victims in the study area, and students, aged 15 to 25 years old, are mostly the victims of theEthiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
245
Amado, A. A., Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): The Prospective Form Angacha District Kembata
Community; SNNPRS, Ethiopia, August 2021, url, p. 76
246
Amado, A. A., Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): The Prospective Form Angacha District Kembata
Community; SNNPRS, Ethiopia, August 2021, url, p. 79
247
Mehari, G., et al., Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices amongcommunities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia, 3 January 2020, url, p. 26
243

244

45

EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

practice’. 248 In general, more than 68% of girls undergo the practice between the age of 11 and20 (52.2% 11-15 years of age, 16.2% 16-20 years of age). 249
Another study, carried out in March 2018 in SNNPR, in the Damot Gale woreda (district),
Wolayita zone, complements the picture above. 250 The primary data sources were responses
from married women, 333 in total, aged 18 to 49, who were interviewed in their homes. 251 296(88.9%) of the total responders had undergone FGM/C, whereas 37 (11.1%) had not. The
majority of FGM/C was performed when children were aged 1 to 5, accounting for 171
instances of FGM/C (51.4 %). While all types of FGM/C were practiced in the study area,
clitoridectomy was the most common type of FGM/C (286 cases, or 85.8%), and traditional
circumcisers performed the majority of the circumcisions at home (282 cases, or 95.5%). 252
According to the data of the DHS 2016, in SNNPR 18.1% of women who have heard of FGM/C
believe that the practice is required by religion, and 15.6% maintain that the practice should
continue. 253 Amado, in his recent research conducted in the Angacha District in the Kembata
Tembaro Zone (2020), indicates instead that 61.9% of the respondents have a plan tocircumcise their daughter in the future. 254 Moreover, according to qualitative data of the same
study, marriage would be the most influential push factor of FGM/C in the community, whilequantitative data show a combination of various elements that ensure that the practicecontinues to exist: including respect of norms and traditions, increasing chances of marriage,
accessing womanhood. 255 Anjulo and Lambebo, in their study carried out in the Wolayta zone
(2021), report that 46.2% of their respondents believe that the practice should continue, and84.1% that they will continue to circumcise their daughters. 256

5.7.

Situation in Amhara

As per the DHS 2016, average prevalence in Amhara is 61.7% for women aged 15-49 (1 127
circumcised women over 1 826 respondents). The regional breakdown per age group andtype of FGM is as follows: 257
Amado, A. A., Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): The Prospective Form Angacha District Kembata
Community; SNNPRS, Ethiopia, August 2021, url, p. 78
249
Amado, A. A., Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): The Prospective Form Angacha District Kembata
Community; SNNPRS, Ethiopia, August 2021, url, p. 79, Table 2.
250
Anjulo, B. B., & Lambebo, A. F., Prevalence and associated factors of Female Genital Mutilation among
reproductive age women’s of Wolayita Zone, Southern Ethiopia: A cross sectional study, 23 October 2021, url,
p. 92
251
Anjulo, B. B., & Lambebo, A. F., Prevalence and associated factors of Female Genital Mutilation among
reproductive age women’s of Wolayita Zone, Southern Ethiopia: A cross sectional study, 23 October 2021, url,
p. 93
252
Anjulo, B. B., & Lambebo, A. F., Prevalence and associated factors of Female Genital Mutilation among
reproductive age women’s of Wolayita Zone, Southern Ethiopia: A cross sectional study, 23 October 2021, url,
p. 94
253
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
254
Amado, A. A., Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): The Prospective Form Angacha District Kembata
Community; SNNPRS, Ethiopia, August 2021, url, p. 80
255
Amado, A. A., Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): The Prospective Form Angacha District Kembata
Community; SNNPRS, Ethiopia, August 2021, url, pp. 80-81
256
Anjulo, B. B., & Lambebo, A. F., Prevalence and associated factors of Female Genital Mutilation among
reproductive age women’s of Wolayita Zone, Southern Ethiopia: A cross sectional study, 23 October 2021, url,
pp. 94-95
257
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
248

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Table 11. Amahara. Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

92%

3.6%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

0.9%

0.6%

Don’t
Know/Missing
3%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation
2.8%

Cut, flesh
removed55.1%

Cut, no flesh
removed
1.8%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
40.2%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

Other more recent studies offer a different picture. Abebe et al.’s study, which was conductedin April 2020 in three adjacent districts (Kewat, North Shoa Zone, in the Amhara Region, andTelalak and Dewe in the Afar region), found that almost all women participating in the survey,
398 out of 405 or 98%, underwent FGM/C. 258 The prevalence in the Kewat District of theAmhara Region was 96.5% (194 out of 201 surveyed women). 259 Moreover, the prevalence of
FGM/C among the female children of all participants (in Afar and Amhara) was 74%, and 65%of the participants youngest daughters (last born) had undergone FGM/C. 260
The research of the ODI GAGE project (2022) focuses on the South Gondar Zone (Amhara
Region) among others, and draws on mixed-methods research undertaken by GAGE in ruraland urban sites. 261 For South Gondar it relies on a quantitative sample of 2 482 adolescents in
two age cohorts (older adolescents, aged 17–19, and younger adolescents, aged 12–14), and aqualitative sample of 101 core adolescents. 262 Of the older cohort, ‘only 25%’ of girls reported
to have been cut (with 70% of these not able to say at what age), while for the younger girls‘female caregivers reported that 35% had experienced FGM/C’. 263
While, ‘[a]dolescents and adults agreed that awareness-raising about the deleterious healtheffects of FGM/C has been responsible for progress’, 264 the authors of the research are morecautious about it. They maintain that ‘incidence rates are most likely considerably higher thanreported – especially in more remote kebeles’ for fear of legal ramification on the one hand,
and, on the other hand, as a consequence of the fact that ‘the practice is moving
underground, which makes it difficult to monitor’. 265 On this point see also section 2.5 Dataset
limits, under-reporting, and self-reporting.
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 3
259
Abebe, S., email exchange, 4 March 2022
260
Abebe, S., et al., Prevalence and Barriers to Ending Female Genital Cutting: The Case of Afar and Amhara
Regions of Ethiopia, 29 October 2020, url, p. 8261Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 3
262
Jones N., email exchange, 15 March 2022
263
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 4
264
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 5
265
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 5
258

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

The authors report that, ‘in line with the DHS and government categorisation’, their researchfound that in South Gondar, ‘most FGM/C involves cutting with flesh removed’ and that‘exactly what flesh is removed varies, and includes both Type 1 and Type 2 FGM/C’.
Reportedly, of all girls undergoing FGM/C, most undergo Type 1 (clitoridectomy). 266 Moreover,the same authors report that while nearly all cases of FGM/C in South Gondar are performedby traditional cutters, there are signs indicating that the practice is becoming more
medicalised as a reaction to health awareness campaigns. 267
In 2018, Kassegne et al. published a baseline report on factors influencing child marriage,
FGM/C and teenage pregnancy in Ethiopia, with focus on the Amhara region. The study was
conducted in two woredas (districts): Qewet woreda in North Shewa Zone (Amhara) and
Bahirdar Zuria woreda in West Gojjam Zone. 268 1 602 respondents aged 15-24 (804 in
Bahirdar and 792 in Qewet, plus other 6), were administrated an household survey. 269 Basedon this survey, 607 among all female respondents (1 132), or 53.6%, affirmed to have been
circumcised, ‘with little differences across woredas’, 24.4% stated that they had not been
circumcised and 21.9% reported not to know whether they had been circumcised. 270
In Amhara, as per the DHS 2016, 22% of women who have heard of FGM/C believe that thepractice is required by religion, and 16.7% maintain that the practice should continue. 271 Basedon the research findings of the ODI GAGE project (2022), 12% of girls aged 17-19 in South
Gondar believe that the practice is required by religion and 12% believe that it should
continue. Among the female caregivers of the younger girls (aged 12-14) instead, 26% believethat it is required by religion and 17% that it should continue. 272

5.8.

Situation in Gambella

As per the DHS 2016, average prevalence in Gambella is 33% for women aged 15-49 (7circumcised women over 22 respondents). The regional breakdown per age group and typeof FGM is as follows: 273

Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 4
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 6
268
Kassegne, A. B., Yes I do - Gaining insight into the magnitude of and factors influencing child marriage, female
genital mutilation/ cutting and teenage pregnancy in Ethiopia, August 2018, url, p. 15
269
Kassegne, A. B., Yes I do - Gaining insight into the magnitude of and factors influencing child marriage, female
genital mutilation/ cutting and teenage pregnancy in Ethiopia, August 2018, url, p. 17
270
Kassegne, A. B., Yes I do - Gaining insight into the magnitude of and factors influencing child marriage, female
genital mutilation/ cutting and teenage pregnancy in Ethiopia, August 2018, url, p. 31
271
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
272
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 4
273
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
266
267

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Table 12. Gambella, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

63.4%

17.6%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

6.8%

2.3%

Don’t
Know/Missing
9.9%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation

Cut, flesh
removed

4.8%

43.7%

Cut, no flesh
removedDon’tknow/Missing

/

6.6%

44.9%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

In Gambella, as per the DHS 2016, 14.7% of women who have heard of FGM/C believe that thepractice is required by religion, and 7.6% maintain that the practice should continue. 274

5.9.

Situation in Tigray

As per the DHS 2016, average prevalence in Tigray is 24.2% for women aged 15-49 (131circumcised women over 540 respondents). The regional breakdown per age group and typeof FGM is as follows: 275
Table 13. Tigray, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

93%

1.1%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

0%

0.5%

Don’t
Know/Missing
5.4%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation
7.1%

Cut, flesh
removed43.3%

Cut, no flesh
removed
9.9%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
39.7%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

Gebre et al. conducted a study (2020) on the prevalence of gender-based violence andharmful traditional practices against women in the seven administrative zones of the Tigray
region. 276 The study’s questionnaire was administered to a total of 1 253 respondents in theage group between 16 and 83 years (mean age 35.66). 277 Based on the survey results, FGM/C
was found to have an occurrence rate of 11.7%. At the same time, 72.8% of the respondents

Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
276
Gebre, T., et al., The Prevalence of Gender-based Violence and Harmful Traditional Practices against Women in
the Tigray Region, Ethiopia, 2020, url
277
Gebre, T., et al., The Prevalence of Gender-based Violence and Harmful Traditional Practices against Women in
the Tigray Region, Ethiopia, 2020, url, p. 60
274

275

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

believed that the practice was still continuing, although decreasing (79.3% believed so), and31.4% of the respondents claimed that it was supported by the community. 278
In terms of societal attitudes, as per the DHS 2016, 20.1% of women who have heard of FGM/C
believe that the practice is required by religion, 7.9% maintain that the practice should
continue, and 88.5% that it should stop. 279 Gebre et al.’s study indicated instead that 75% of
the respondents were reportedly against the practice. 280

5.10. Situation in Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, Harari
5.10.1.

Addis Ababa

As per the DHS 2016, average prevalence in Addis Ababa is 54% for women aged 15-49 (251circumcised women over 466 respondents). The regional breakdown per age group and typeof FGM is as follows: 281
Table 14. Addis Ababa, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

69.3%

16.8%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

5.4%

0.4%

Don’t
Know/Missing
8.2%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation

Cut, flesh
removed

1.4%

65.4%

Cut, no flesh
removed
5.1%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
28%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

In Addis Ababa, according to the data of the DHS 2016, 6.2% of women who have heard of
FGM/C believe that the practice is required by religion, and 3.7% maintain that the practice
should continue. 282

5.10.2. Dire Dawa
As per the DHS 2016, average prevalence in Dire Dawa is 75.3% for women aged 15-49 (35circumcised women over 47 respondents). The regional breakdown per age group and type of
FGM is as follows: 283

Gebre, T., et al., The Prevalence of Gender-based Violence and Harmful Traditional Practices against Women in
the Tigray Region, Ethiopia, 2020, url, pp. 68, 72
279
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
280
Gebre, T., et al., The Prevalence of Gender-based Violence and Harmful Traditional Practices against Women in
the Tigray Region, Ethiopia, 2020, url, p. 72
281
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
282
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
283
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
278

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Table 15. Dire Dawa, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

39.5%

22.5%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

28.8%

4%

Don’t
Know/Missing
5.2%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation

Cut, flesh
removed

10.1%

78.1%

Cut, no flesh
removedDon’tknow/Missing

/

3.3%

8.5%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

In a recent ODI research study conducted, among other urban and rural locations, in Dire
Dawa, 46% of girls aged 17-19 years reported having been cut. 284
In Dire Dawa, as per the DHS 2016, 36.4% of women who have heard of FGM/C believe thatthe practice is required by religion, and 24.2% maintain that the practice should continue. 285

5.10.3. Harari
According to the data of the DHS 2016, average prevalence in Harari is 81.7% for women aged
15-49 (15 circumcised women over 18 respondents). The regional breakdown per age groupand type of FGM is as follows: 286
Table 16. Harari, Age of cutting and FGM/C prevalent typeAge of Cutting
Before 5 years ofage

Between 5-9

13%

51.4%

Between 10-14

Older than 15

28%

1.1%

Don’t
Know/Missing
6.6%

FGM Prevalent Type
Type
3/Infibulation
4.5%

Cut, flesh
removed92.2%

Cut, no flesh
removed
0.6%

/

Don’t
know/Missing
2.7%

EUAA elaboration of Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, p. 321-322

In terms of societal attitudes in Harari, as per the DHS 2016, 31.1% of women who have heardof FGM/C believe that the practice is required by religion, and 15.9% maintain that the practice
should continue. 287 From October to December 2015, Abathun and his research teamconducted a school-based cross-sectional quantitative study in the Harari Regional State of
Presler-Marshall, E. et al., Exploring the diversity of FGM/C practices in Ethiopia, January 2022, url, p. 13
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
286
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 321-322
287
Ethiopia, CSA and ICF, Demographic and Health Survey 2016, July 2017, url, pp. 326-327
284

285

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EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR ASYLUM

Ethiopia (and the SRS), aimed at investigating the attitude towards FGM/C among young
people. The study showed that, out of 240 respondents (male and female aged 16-22), only
7.9% were in favour of the continuation of the practice, 288 while 82.9% stated that FGM/C wasagainst the law.289 Quite interestingly, the study also found that more than half, 58.6%, ofyoung boys in both study areas preferred to marry uncircumcised girls. 290 However, as
indicated by the authors of the research article, the study had a number of limitations,
including the fact that ‘self-reported answers’ might have been biased by social desirability
issues. 291 At the same time, Abathun’s research team conducted a qualitative research studyof the attitudes towards FGM/C among male and female focus group participants (32 per eachregion, SRS and Harari) aged 18-65 years. 292 Back then (2015) the majority of focus group
participants in the Harari region stated that ‘practice is diminishing with the exception of rural
areas where “Sunna” type of circumcision is being practiced’. 293

Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude towards the Practice of Female Genital Cutting among School Boys and Girls in
Somali and Harari Regions, Eastern Ethiopia, 2017, url, p. 3
289
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude towards the Practice of Female Genital Cutting among School Boys and Girls in
Somali and Harari Regions, Eastern Ethiopia, 2017, url, p. 6
290
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude towards the Practice of Female Genital Cutting among School Boys and Girls in
Somali and Harari Regions, Eastern Ethiopia, 2017, url, p. 7
291
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude towards the Practice of Female Genital Cutting among School Boys and Girls in
Somali and Harari Regions, Eastern Ethiopia, 2017, url, p. 7
292
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude toward female genital mutilation among Somali and Harari people, Eastern
Ethiopia, 6 October 2016, url, p. 559
293
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude toward female genital mutilation among Somali and Harari people, Eastern
Ethiopia, 6 October 2016, url, p. 560
288

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FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING IN ETHIOPIA - COI REPORT

Annex 1: Bibliography
Oral sources
Jones, Nicola, Director of the DFID-funded nine-year global mixed methods Gender andAdolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) research programme. Her expertise lies in theintersection of gender, age and social inclusion and social protection. Video interview, 22
March 2022, email exchange 15 March 2022.
Abebe, Syntayehu, Reproductive, Maternal, Child, Adolescent and Youth Health Program
Manager, Amref Health Africa in Ethiopia. Email exchange 4 March 2022.

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28 Too Many, Ethiopia (Country Profile), 2021, https://www.28toomany.org/country/ethiopia/,accessed 29 March 2022
28 Too Many, Ethiopia: The Law and FGM, July 2018,https://www.28toomany.org/static/media/uploads/Law
Reports/ethiopia_law_report_(july_2018).pdf, accessed 29 March 2022
Abathun, A. D., et al., Attitude toward female genital mutilation among Somali and Harari
people, Eastern Ethiopia, 6 October 2016,
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Amado, A. A., Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): The Prospective Form Angacha
District Kembata Community; SNNPRS, Ethiopia, August 2021,
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53

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Annex 2: Terms of Reference
Introduction and methodology
General information on genital mutilation in the country
1.

The Legal and policy frameworka. National legislation: Constitutional protection, criminal and civil law
b. International obligations
c. Enforcement of the law
d. Policy framework

2. National statistics and trends
a. Overview
b. Forms of FGM
c. FGM Performers
d. Dataset limits and underreporting
3. Societal attitude and drivers
4. Social and legal protection mechanisms
5. Regional and other variations
a. Age, education, wealth, urban and rural areas, marital status, occupation, ethnic
group, religion
b. Regional states

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