NIDS China Security Report 2023

China’s Quest for Controlof the Cognitive Domain andGray Zone Situations
Yamaguchi Shinji
Yatsuzuka Masaaki
Momma RiraNational Institute for Defense Studies, Japan

Authors
Yamaguchi Shinji
Senior Research Fellow, China Division, Regional Studies Department
Responsible for: Introduction, Chapter 1 [1 to 3], Chapter 2 [1 to 3], Chapter 3 [3(3)], Conclusions
Major Publications: Mao Zedong’s Strategy for a Stronger Country 1949–1976 (Keio University Press, 2021, in Japanese, Asia-Pacific Award Grand Prize); “China’s Air and Maritime ISR in Coastal Defense and Near Seas Operations,”
in Joel Wuthnow, Arthur Ding, Phillip Saunders, Andrew Scobell, and Andrew N.D. Yang, eds., The PLA beyond
Borders: Chinese Military Operations in Regional and Global Context, Washington D.C.: National Defense University
Press, 2021, pp. 127-150; “Strategies of China’s Maritime Actors in the South China Sea: A Coordinated Plan under the
Leadership of Xi Jinping?” China Perspectives, No. 3, October 2016, pp. 23-31.

Yatsuzuka Masaaki
Senior Research Fellow, China Division, Regional Studies Department
Responsible for: Chapter 3 [1 to 3 (2), 4]
Major Publications: “China’s Efforts to Seize Control of Discourse Power in Cyberspace,” Asia-Pacific Review, Vol.
29, No. 1, Spring 2022, pp. 13-31; “PLA’s Intellingentized Warfare: The Politics on China’s Military Strategy,” Security& Strategy, Vol. 2, January 2022, pp. 17-36; “Can China Practice Major Power Diplomacy in the Middle East?” JIIA
Research Report, 28th June 2021.

Momma Rira
Director, Regional Studies Department
Responsible for: Chapter 1 [4], Chapter 2 [4]Major Publications: Security of Taiwan, co-editor (Keio University Press, 2016, in Japanese); Strategy Theory 7: Mao
Zedong, co-editor (Fuyo Shobo Shuppan, 2004, in Japanese); “Taiwan Affairs,” East Asia (Kazankai Foundation, inJapanese, monthly since September 2010).

Editorial Team: Aita Moriki, Hasegawa Takeyuki, Hayashi Koichi, Ishihara Yusuke, Iwamoto Hiroshi,
Nakagawa Misa, Seto Takashi, Takeuchi Toshimasa, Yamazoe Hiroshi

NIDS China Security Report 2023
China’s Quest for Control of the Cognitive Domain and Gray Zone Situations
Authors
Yamaguchi Shinji, Yatsuzuka Masaaki, Momma Rira
Published by
The National Institute for Defense Studies
5-1 Ichigaya Honmura-cho, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 162-8808 Japan
Website: http://www.nids.mod.go.jp/english/
Translated by INTERBOOKS
Copyright © 2022 by the National Institute for Defense Studies, JapanAll rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form without written, prior permission from thepublisher.
The China Security Report 2023 comprises NIDS researchers’ analyses and descriptions based on informationcompiled from open sources in Japan and overseas. The views expressed herein do not necessarily represent
the official position of the Government of Japan or the Ministry of Defense.
ISBN 978-4-86482-115-5 Printed in Japan

Summary

NIDS China Security Report 2023

China’s Quest for Controlof the Cognitive Domain andGray Zone Situations
Yamaguchi Shinji, Yatsuzuka Masaaki, Momma Rira
How is China conducting cognitive domain operations and maritime gray zone operations?
The Xi Jinping regime has implemented organizational restructuring of the military, centered around strengthening
the leadership of the Party. Through these changes, it attempts to more powerfully leverage cognitive domain
operations and organizations such as the China Coast Guard (CCG) and the maritime militia.

Chap t er

1

China’s Military Reorganization andStrengthening of Non-military Means
The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is the Party’s army. It follows the Party’s command and defines its most important role asprotecting the Party’s regime. Until President Xi Jinping’s military reforms, the Party exercised control over the military mainly
through the PLA’s political work organizations, including the General Political Department, and political commissars. Suchindirect control, however, was susceptible to communication issues and hindering the execution of joint operations, and caused
widespread bribery and corruption in the PLA.

Central MilitaryCommission

NID S C h i n a S e c u r i t y Re p o r t 2 0 2 3

Figure 1.1 PLA prior to Reforms

State Council

Four General Departments
General Staff Department

General Political Department

General Logistics Department

General Armament Department

Military
Regions

PLA Navy
Headquarters

PLA Air Force
Headquarters

PLA Second
Artillery
Headquarters

People’s Armed
Police (PAP)

GroundForcesNaval
ForcesAir Forces

PLA Second
Artillery Forces

PAP Forces

Source: Compiled by the authors.

iSummary

Xi Jinping’s military reforms drove the restructuring of Chinese military organizations, and in this context, the leadership of theParty has been strengthened. More emphasis is placed on direct control by the Chinese Communist Party, with focus especially on
the implementation of the chairman responsibility system of the Central Military Commission (CMC) and the Party committees in
the military. Furthermore, military governance through laws and rules is underscored. The Party’s leadership has been reinforced
not only over the PLA but also over other military organizations, and mechanisms are being developed for coordination between
the military and other governmental actors. These measures were developed also as a response to modern forms of conflict that
actively use non-military means.

Figure 1.2 China’s Military Organizations after Reforms
Central Military Commission
ChairmanVice Chairmen
Members
General Office
Joint Staff Dept.
Political Work Dept.
Logistic Support Dept.
Equipment Development Dept.
Training and Administration Dept.
National Def. Mobilization Dept.

Discipline Inspection
Commission
Political and Legal Aff.
Commission
Science and Tech.
Commission

State Council
Strategic Planning Office
Office for Int. Military
Cooperation
Reform andOrganization Office
Audit Office
Agency for Offices
Administration

Theater Commands (TC)Services

Schools

People’s Armed Police

Eastern TC

PLA Army

Academy of Military Sciences

Internal Security ForceSouthern TC

PLA Navy

National Defense University

Mobile Contingents

Western TC

PLA Air Force

China Coast Guard

Northern TC

PLA Rocket ForceNational University of Defense
Technology

Central TC

Ministry of
National Defense

Militia

PLA Strategic Support Force
PLA Joint Logistic Support Force

Sources: Compiled based on Office of the Secretary of Defense, “Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments
Involving the People’s Republic of China 2020,” August 21, 2020, among other sources.

For influence operations, the Strategic Support Force (SSF) was established. The SSF appears not only to integrate functions
related to cyber, electromagnetic spectrum, and outer space, but also to be deeply engaged in the struggle for the psychologicaland cognitive domain.
For gray zone operations, the People’s Armed Police (PAP) and the CCG were reorganized. The PAP was placed under the soleleadership of the CMC, while the CCG became subordinate to the PAP and in turn was also placed under the leadership of the
PLA. As a result of the reorganization, the PAP specializes in maintaining public security in peacetime and contributes more easily
to PLA joint operations in a contingency.

ii

Chap t er

2

China’s Increasing Influence Operations
China has stepped up military activities associated with the Party’s overall influence operations in the name of fighting in thepsychological and cognitive domain. For China, the struggle for information and influence is a struggle for ideological security
and dominance with the West. Beijing must not only correct Western “misperceptions” but also actively disseminate the Chineseperspective and narrative at home and abroad. China can counter Western attempts at infiltrating its ideology by propagating the
Chinese narrative in domestic and global discussions. In this way, Beijing is strengthening its influence operations both in China
and overseas. For this reason, propaganda work, united front work, as well as social media activities have increased.

Figure 2.6 D
 iagram of the cognitive warfare approachesof the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)

CCP

Propaganda Model

Nationalist Model

Content Farm
Model

Collaboration Model

Official MediaInternet Water Army

Algorithms for Profit
MakersLocal Collaborators

Readers and audiences
of official media

Random group ofpeopleTargeted group ofpeopleTargeted group ofpeoplePurposeGenerate favorable postures for the CCP

NID S C h i n a S e c u r i t y Re p o r t 2 0 2 3

Source: Compiled based on Editorial Committee, 2021 National Defense Report, Republicof China, ed., 2021 National Defense Report, Republic of China, Taipei: Ministry of
National Defense, 2021, p. 46.

While the Party’s influence operations are primarily at the strategic level, the military’s activities span both the strategicand operational levels. The PLA has a tradition of emphasizing psychological warfare, and more recently, the “Three Warfares”
of public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. Today, the Three Warfares are thought to be conducted bymilitary organizations at various levels. There is a base specialized in the Three Warfares, while there are also units that execute
the Three Warfares. Party activities and military activities have increasingly overlapped in recent years. The recent advent ofartificial intelligence (AI) and other emerging technologies has led to the exploration of shifting to intelligent warfare which fully
leverages the technologies. Against this backdrop, the concept of operations in the cognitive domain emerged as an extensionof psychological warfare.
A most conspicuous example of the struggles in the psychological and cognitive domain is the influence operations against
Taiwan. They include spreading fake news through cyberspace and personal connections, alongside outreach to Taiwanesepeople, including members of the military. Influence operations by the Party and the PLA are wide ranging and present a major
threat to Taiwan.

iii

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Means

Summary

Chap t er

3

China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations
China has attempted to change the status quo through low intensity conflicts in the maritime domain. In order to avoid war
and create a favorable posture, China uses the PLA Navy as a deterrent force, while at the same time utilizing the CCG law
enforcement agency and the maritime militia to manage the intensity of the dispute so that it does not lead to armed conflict, andexert pressure on the adversary, thereby gradually expanding China’s rights and interests.
The specific missions of the maritime militia are considered to be the following. First, the maritime militia, taking advantage
of its large number and equipment, is primarily tasked with asserting maritime rights and interests—activities which are difficult
to coordinate and carry out by each respective actor. Secondly, the maritime militia plays a mediating role between the military,administrative organizations, and the civilian sector. In addition, compared to the CCG and the PLA, maritime militia units play arole in shallow waters, can operate smaller and more mobile vessels, and can conduct a wide range of surveillance activities withmany fishing vessels. The Chinese government may believe that mobilizing the maritime militia can control the escalation of acrisis, rein in the adversary, avoid military skirmishes, and expand China’s effective control.

Figure 3.2 Missions of the Maritime Militia
Peacetime

Independent Activities

In Cooperation with Law Enforcement Agencies

In Cooperation with the PLA

Daily fishery production activities
Maritime rights protection activities throughoperations in disputed waters
Surveillance and information gathering on suspicious vessels in disputed waters

Gray Zone

warming around the Senkaku• SIslands(2016)

Medical and equipment maintenance support for the PLA• Swarming around Whitsun Reef (2021) • Impeccable incident (2009)
Sabotage and information gathering on foreign scientific research vessels,reconnaissance vessels, and fishing vessels
China-Vietnam oil rig incident• (2014)
Wartime maritime rights protection missions

Transportation of
military supplies

Participation in information operations including
diversionary operation

WartimeCooperation with defense operations• Paracel sea battle (1974)

Sources: Compiled by the authors.

In order to become a “great maritime power” and maintain and expand maritime rights and interests, the Xi Jinping regime
has striven to coordinate maritime actors, namely, the PLA Navy, the CCG, and maritime militia, based on the concepts of militarypolice-civilian and “five-in-one” joint actions. Furthermore, by integrating the chains of command of the CCG and maritime militia
into the military and building up their equipment, China has improved its gray zone operations capabilities in disputed areas.
Following Xi’s assumption of power, progress was made especially in the integration of the CCG and maritime militia into themilitary chain of command. By integrating maritime actors into the military, the Chinese leadership seeks to create gray zone
situations constantly and exert pressure on the opponent while avoiding military clashes with other countries. This is to expand
China’s rights and interests gradually while restricting the sovereign rights of foreign countries.
In order to enhance operations capabilities in such gray zone situations, China has expanded its outposts in contested waters,
enlarged and armed the CCG’s vessels, and strengthened the operational abilities of the maritime militia. In the 2010s, theintegration of the equipment procurement plans of the CCG made marked progress, while larger CCG vessels were constructed. In
particular, the CCG rapidly increased its fleet of vessels with a displacement of 500 tons or more, which are capable of conducting
long-term rights and interests protection activities in the open sea. Newly built CCG vessels have been observed with helicopters,
fast interceptor boats, deck guns, and high-output high-pressure water cannons.

iv

NIDS China Security Report 2023

Contents

Summary∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ iAcronyms and Abbreviations∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 4
Introduction∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 6
Chapter 1: C hina’s Military Reorganization and Strengtheningof Non-military Means
1. Military Organizational Issues before the Reforms∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 10(1) Basic Structure of Party-Army Relations prior to the Reforms∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 10(2) Issues∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 11
2. Strengthening of Party-Army Relations under
Xi Jinping’s Military Reforms∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 14(1) Reestablishment of the CMC Chairman Responsibility System∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 14(2) Emphasis on the Leadership of Party Committees∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 15(3) Independent Inspection Departments in the Military∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 16(4) Introduction of a Patrol System∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 18(5) Reduced Role of the Political Work Department∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 19
3. Establishment of the Strategic Support Force∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 20
4. Implications of the Reorganization of the People’s Armed Police
and the China Coast Guard∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 21(1) The PAP under the Central Military Commission’s Unified Command∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 21(2) A Streamlined PAP without Professional Forces andPublic Security Related Units∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 22(3) Dismantlement of 14 Mobile Divisions and Establishmentof Mobile Contingents∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 23(4) Reorganization of the PAP Headquarters Modeled after the PLA∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 24
(5) The China Coast Guard as a Subordinate Unit of the PAP∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 24
(6) The PAP for Communist Rule∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 25

1

Chapter 2: China’s Increasing Influence Operations
1. China’s Influence Operations∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 28
2. The Chinese Communist Party’s Battle for the Psychologicaland Cognitive Domain∙ ∙ ∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 30
(1) Propaganda Work∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 31
(2) United Front Work∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 32
(3) Social Media Campaigns∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 33(4) Covert Activities∙ ∙ ∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 34(5) Organizations∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 35
3. The PLA’s Battles in the Psychological and Cognitive Domain∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 37
(1) The Psychological and Cognitive Domain in the PLA’s
Informatized Warfare∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 37(2) Three Warfares (Public Opinion Warfare, Psychological Warfare,and Legal Warfare)∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 39(3) Cognitive Domain Operations∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 45
4. Case Study: China’s Influence Operations in Taiwan∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 46
(1) Cyberattacks∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 47
(2) Pressure Exerted through Media Reports∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 47(3) Influence Operations through Taiwanese People∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 50(4) Maneuvering on Multinational Corporations and Military Officers∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 50

Chapter 3: China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations
1. China’s Gray Zone Situations∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 54
2. Organization of Maritime Militia Units∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 55
(1) The Maritime Militia, its Chain of Command, and its Relationshipwith the Party∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 55
(2) The Role of the Maritime Militia∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 58

2

3. Expanding Activities by the China Coast Guard and the Maritime Militia∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 63
(1) China Coast Guard: Equipment Reinforcement andExpanded Activities∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 63(2) Maritime Militia: Support and Organization∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 66
(3) Cooperation between Maritime Actors∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 68
4. Differences between Gray Zone Operations in the Eastand South China Seas∙ ∙ ∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 70

Conclusions∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 74
Notes∙ ∙ ∙ ∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ ∙ 783

Acronyms and Abbreviations

4AI

artificial intelligence

AIS

Automatic Identification System

AMS

Academy of Military Sciences

APT

advanced persistent threat

BDS

BeiDou Navigation Satellite System

CCG

China Coast Guard

CCP

Chinese Communist Party

CGTN

China Global Television Network

CMC

Central Military Commission

COLREG

Convention On the InternationaL REGulations for Preventing
Collisions at Sea

COVID-19

novel coronavirus disease

CSIS

Center for Strategic and International Studies

CUPP

Chinese Unity Promotion Party

DPP

Democratic Progressive Party

EEZ

exclusive economic zones

GEC

U.S. State Department’s Global Engagement Center

IMO

International Maritime Organization

IoT

Internet of Things

IRSEM

Institute for Strategic Research of the Military School

JCG

Japan Coast Guard

PAP

People’s Armed Police

PLA

People’s Liberation Army

PLAN

PLA Navy

PRC

People’s Republic of China

SSF

Strategic Support Force

WHO

World Health Organization

NIDS China Security Report 2023

China’s Quest for Controlof the Cognitive Domain
and Gray Zone
Situations

Xinhua News Agency/Kyodo News Images

Introduction
Yamaguchi ShinjiIntroduction

Introduction
As China achieves rapid economic growth and develops into a strong country, it has increasingly challenged the United States-centered international order. At its basis has been Chinese military modernization built on its growing economic power and technological capabilities. Yet Beijing has actuallyused non-military means, such as influence operations in the psychological and cognitive domains,
as well as maritime gray zone situations. What has been China’s approach to these means, and whatorganizational structure has been adopted to pursue them?
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) marked its 100th anniversary in 2021 and has its sights
set on China becoming a superpower on par with the United States. The “Two Centenaries” goal put
forward by the CCP defines 2021, the centenary of the CCP’s establishment, as the year for realizing
a “Well-off Society” (a moderately prosperous society) in all respects and 2049, the centenary of thefounding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), as the year for completing socialist modernization.
Furthermore, at the 19th National Congress of the CCP in 2017, the Party declared that the latter timeline would be shortened to basically complete socialist modernization by 2035, and that China as agreat modern socialist country would have comprehensive national power and international influencecomparable to the United States by the middle of this century.
Xi Jinping’s regime perceives that a dramatic shift in the balance of power is fundamentallychanging the traditional international structure. In China’s view, the relative position of the UnitedStates has fallen significantly, while the trend toward multipolarity is unstoppable. China refers tothese structural changes in international politics as “great changes unseen in a century.” Moreover, theregime considers that the pandemic since 2020 accelerated the “great changes unseen in a century,”which could lead to the United States losing its status as the sole superpower and bring an end to U.S.
hegemony.
At the same time, Beijing’s distrust of the United States has increased. Washington’s IndoPacific strategy and creation of Quad and AUKUS are viewed by China as moves for strengthening
military alliances against the country. In China’s eyes, the United States poses a major threat byattempting to enhance ideological penetration in authoritarian nations and launch color revolutions.
China has thus deepened its rift with the United States amidst the opportunities and crises presented
by the great changes unseen in a century.
Modern conflicts are not only fought between highly integrated militaries. They may also
employ a range of tools, such as intelligence, law enforcement agencies, economic measures, and othernon-military means, blurring the line between wartime and peacetime.1 Russia is known to use hybrid
warfare that skillfully combines various means to achieve a goal, as was observed in the Russian operation in Crimea in 2014.2 As part of its aggression against Ukraine since February 24, 2022, Russia
has conducted information warfare, disseminating disinformation to influence perceptions about the6Introduction

adversary. Spreading a narrative of a country to delegitimize other countries has become essential incontemporary international relations.3
Like Russia, China has sought to achieve its goals through a mix of military and non-militarymeans. Since the latter half of the 2000s, China has conducted gray zone operations in the East andSouth China Seas, stepping up naval activities and intensifying pressure on neighboring countries via
maritime law enforcement agencies.4 Gaining dominance in the psychological and cognitive domains
has become critical amidst the advances in informatization. China has carried out a number of influ-

Chapter 1

ence operations against Taiwan, including disinformation campaigns that spread fake news on social
media.5
How is China employing these non-military means? How are they being combined with military means? It is not easy to coordinate numerous military and government organizations to conduct
integrated activities. China’s stove-piped bureaucracy has notoriously been a major impediment tocoordination. China’s political system is referred to as “fragmented authoritarianism” in which the
CCP has a monopoly on political power, but authority in the actual political process is fragmented anddisjointed. It is known that policy decisions are not necessarily made by the Party leaders in a unified

Chapter 2manner and undergo a more complex process.6
China is carrying out the most sweeping reforms of its military organizations since the foundingof the PRC.7 How has the progress of the military reforms affected China’s actions in psychologicaland cognitive domains and the gray zone? What is the organizational structure for implementing theseactions? How has the implementation structure evolved through reforming national defense and thearmed forces and restructuring organizations? Alongside the changes in the military itself, the effortsof the Party-state as a whole must be examined.
This report contends that the restructuring of China’s military organizations centered around the

Chapter 3

CCP’s guidance to the military has reinforced operations in the psychological and cognitive domains
and the gray zone. China’s military organizations include not only the People’s Liberation Army
(PLA) but also paramilitary organizations—the People’s Armed Police (PAP), the China Coast Guard(CCG), and Militia. China refers to them collectively as the “Armed Force.” Such military organizations have been reorganized as an outcome of Xi Jinping’s national defense and military reforms since2015, which in turn has changed the relationship between the military and other CCP and government
agencies and made coordination among them smoother. That said, this does not uniformly apply to all
domains. Coordination among maritime actors has made considerable progress under the military’s

Conclusions

leadership, while on the contrary, influence operations became more fragmented and inter-organization cooperation has not necessarily improved.
Chapter 1 outlines the restructuring of China’s military organizations. It provides an overview
of how the CCP’s guidance to the military has been enhanced through reforming national defense
and the armed forces from late 2015. Focus is placed especially on the establishment of Xi Jinping’s
authority and the guidance provided by Party committees in the military, where changes from the7

Introduction

previous control mechanism are evident. This chapter also examines collaboration between the PLA
and other military and government actors.
Chapter 2 presents the CCP’s overall influence operations and related military activities framed
as conflicts in the psychological and cognitive domains. The PLA has a tradition of emphasizing
psychological warfare and, more recently, the “Three Warfares” of public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. These military activities make up, however, only a part of the overall
efforts of the Party-state. China has traditionally emphasized propaganda work and united front work.
Such Party activities have increasingly overlapped with military activities in recent years. This chapter
attempts to distill and analyze concepts that relate to CCP and military activities in the psychologicaland cognitive domains, as well as associated organizations. In addition, this chapter explains influence
operations in Taiwan as a case study. Taiwan already has a history of confronting Chinese influence
operations, and shedding light on its experience will provide important insights.
Chapter 3 deals with maritime gray zone situations. China has employed organizations such as
the CCG and the maritime militia to routinely trigger gray zone situations and put pressure on othercountries. This chapter analyzes how China has conducted these activities and intensified the activitiesof the maritime militia and the CCG. It also examines the key question of how far cooperation has
progressed among the PLA Navy, the CCG, and the maritime militia. China advances a five-in-one
model that links the Party, government, military, police, and civilians.
This report aims to furnish basic knowledge needed to understand China’s actions that use
non-military means, as well as academic and policy research insights. From an academic perspective,
this report may serve as a case study for understanding how China’s “fragmented authoritarianism”
has changed under the Xi Jinping regime. From a policy research perspective, how closely organizations will cooperate in wartime, and whether or not there is inter-organization cooperation, areessential questions for states that are in dispute with China to properly assess its intentions and goals.
Furthermore, understanding the status of China’s inter-organization cooperation and where problems
exist is critical to planning their countermeasures.
The progress of China’s national defense and military reforms has been attracting significant
interest from the international community. Last year’s China Security Report 2022 analyzed improvements in joint operations capabilities, focusing on changes in organizations and training. China
Security Report 2023 can be considered a continuation of this analysis. We hope that this report willcontribute to a more objective understanding of China and better-informed policy discussions basedon this understanding.

8

NIDS China Security Report 2023

China’s Quest for Controlof the Cognitive Domain
and Gray Zone
Situations

Reuters/Aflo

Chapter

1

China’s Military Reorganization andStrengthening of Non-military Means
Yamaguchi Shinji and Momma Rira

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Means

1. Military Organizational Issues
before the Reforms(1) Basic Structure of Party-Army Relations prior to the Reforms
The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is the Party’s army. It follows the Party’s command and defines
its most important role as protecting the Party’s regime. In democratic regimes, the mission of thearmed forces is defending the state, not a particular political party, and in many cases, their main duty
is to defend against foreign aggression. In China, however, the most important mission of the army is
to bring and keep the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in power. Conversely, ensuring the military’s
loyalty to the Party is an indispensable guarantee for the CCP to stay in power.
Prior to Xi Jinping’s military reforms, the basic mechanisms by which the Party exercised
control over the military consisted of the following components.
First, the chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) continued to be a key post heldby the Party’s supreme leader. Following Jiang Zemin’s rule, the Party secretary concurrently served
as president of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and CMC chairman in order to concentrate ahigh degree of power in the secretary.
The second component was the existence of three systems: the General Political Department
system; the PLA Party committee system; and the political commissar system. The General Political
Department, which was in charge of political work, was established as the single agency responsible
for Party-related activities and political work in the PLA. Until the military reforms, the politicalwork carried out by political organs consisted primarily of: 1) ensuring implementation of the Party’s
guidelines, policies, state laws, and the CMC’s directives and orders and steering ideologies in the
military; 2) managing organizations; 3) cadre administration; 4) security and military justice work; 5)
propaganda and cultural activities; 6) discipline inspection; 7) mass work (building relationships withthe masses); and 8) liaison work (intelligence and collusion with the adversary).1
Party committees in the military are responsible for decision making in military organizations.
The CCP has established Party organizations in the Chinese government and enterprises throughwhich it exercises firm control. Similarly, Party cells have been established in the military. There
are Party committees in units and organizations at the tuan (regiment) level and above, grassroots
Party committees in units and organizations at the ying (battalion) level, and Party branches in units
at the lian (company) level. Party committees in the military are responsible for making decisions ineach unit and military organizations. Party committees include all key cadres of units, such as military commanders and political commissars, with the latter usually serving as secretaries of the Party
committees.
Political commissars have the same rank as military commanders and have engaged in decision
making as secretaries of PLA Party committees. Military organizations were designed to have a dual

10

Introduction

Figure 1.1 PLA prior to Reforms
Central MilitaryCommission

State Council

Four General Departments
General Staff Department

General Political Department

General Logistics Department

General Armament Department

PLA Navy
Headquarters

PLA Air Force
Headquarters

PLA Second
Artillery
Headquarters

People’s Armed
Police (PAP)

GroundForcesNaval
ForcesAir Forces

PLA Second
Artillery Forces

PAP Forces

Chapter 1

Military
Regions

Source: Compiled by the authors.

Chapter 2

leadership system, comprised of military commanders and political commissars under the commandof Party committees. Political commissars were mainly responsible for ideological education andmanagement of units, enforcement of military regulations, cadre work under the command of Party
committees, and security.2 That is, ideological indoctrination, personnel and organization management, and inspections were carried out as political work to ensure that the Party had command of themilitary.

(2) Issues
Chapter 3

Until the 1980s, political and military leaders exercised unified command through their experienceof the revolution and espoused a common ideology. Such Party-Army relations were referred to as“symbiosis.” 3 From the 1990s, however, political and military leaders were increasingly differentiated, and the PLA became a group with its own interests.4 Furthermore, ideology no longer played asimportant a role as in the past,5 and political commissars and the political work department, which had
been mechanisms for ensuring the Party’s leadership over the military, became more embedded in the
PLA.6 As a result, a number of problems had beset Party-Army relations as of the start of Xi Jinping’s
regime.

Conclusions

First, CMC chairman had become a position merely in name. The Constitution of the PRC
contains the phrase, “The Central Military Commission shall practice a chairman responsibility
system.” It means the CMC chairman makes the final decision of the CMC. By having the supremeleader, who is also the general secretary of the CCP and PRC president, double hat as CMC chairman,
the Party had final decision-making authority over the military. In reality, however, the inner workings of the CMC’s chairman responsibility system had changed. Jiang Zemin and his successor, Hu

11

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Means

Jintao, had no military experience and did not necessarily have significant authority over the military.
Jiang Zemin, at least at the beginning of his regime, could not control the military without relying
on military officers Liu Huaqing and Zhang Zhen, who were CMC vice chairmen installed by Deng
Xiaoping. When Hu Jintao became CCP general secretary in 2002, Jiang Zemin did not vacate the
CMC chairman post, thwarting Hu’s establishment of authority in the PLA. Even after he became
CMC chairman in 2004, Hu was unable to exercise full authority in the military, as real power lay
in the hands of Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou, two CMC vice chairmen who had the support of Jiang
Zemin.7
Secondly, the mid-level organizations held power, with the four general departments (General
Staff Department, General Political Department, General Logistics Department, and General
Armament Department) seizing most of the actual functions of the military. In particular, the General
Political Department had internalized the functions related to military inspection, such as disciplinary
inspection, safety, court procedure, and prosecution, and this created various problems.
These issues of political control generated a number of problems in the military.
The first was communication and information sharing problems. With real power in the handsof the four general departments, the military had some control over which information was reported
to the political leadership. This, at times, is believed to have resulted in withholding necessary information from political leaders or delaying the sharing of such information.8 General Secretary Hu
Jintao, for example, was reportedly unaware of the details of China’s J-20 fighter test flight that was
conducted while U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates was visiting China in 2011.9
Secondly, the PLA’s nature as the Party’s army had the potential of obstructing efficient execution of operations. Military commanders and political commissars were of equal standing in the PLA,
and decisions must go through Party committees. Such a system was unsuited for modern warfare that
require immediate decisions and actions. Eliminating this system, however, could weaken the Party’s
control of the military. This presented a major dilemma for the Party.
The third was the problem of bribery and corruption. Corruption was a serious problem in the
PLA due to the inadequate functioning of military oversight. Illicit buying and selling of land,
as well as bribery for career advancement, were
rampant.10 Notably, Xu Caihou from the General
Political Department amassed wealth and powerby privatizing personnel selection authority andthe inspection function.11 Widespread militarycorruption can slacken military discipline andRight: Xu Caihou, former CMC vice chairman. Left: Bo
Xilai, former secretary of the CCP Chongqing Municipal
Committee, who was also ousted from the Party (March2012) (Photo: Reuters/Aflo)

12

seriously impede the execution of operations.
Even greater problems were the trivializationof professional and educational qualifications.

Introduction

Promotions were influenced by personal relationships and bribery, rather than ability and performance. As a corollary, it is likely that this hindered the promotion of cadres with the skills needed to
win a war and did not contribute to improving combat efficiency.12
The fourth problem was slackening of ideology and discipline due to social pluralization andlack of war experience. As a result of pluralization of Chinese society, young people with diverse
backgrounds and education began to join the military, making it more difficult to integrate theirthoughts and ideologies. Furthermore, China has not had a major war since the Sino-Vietnamese War

Chapter 1of 1979. This has reportedly caused not only lack of experience, but also a tendency among military
personnel to avoid war in the hope of peace, or to take peace for granted such that they cannot envision
the possibility of war.13
The fifth problem, related to the above, was concern over U.S. ideological penetration. Amid
gradually deepening U.S.-China rifts, there was growing suspicion that the United States would not
only encircle China militarily, but also employ ideological penetration to erode China from within.
This suspicion has long been held by China, but it is acutely felt by Xi Jinping. In the context of “thehostile forces’ intensified penetration and subversion against China,” Xi has repeatedly expressed

Chapter 2

alarm, especially over the military, that these hostile forces are infiltrating perspectives such as“de-partyization and de-politicization of the armed forces” and “nationalization of the armed forces,”and thereby, attempting to weaken the absolute leadership of the Party.14
For these reasons, organizational reform of Party-Army relations was essential for solving the
problems with political control over the military. It was also inevitable for building an army that is
capable of winning wars.

Chapter 3
Conclusions

13

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Means

2. Strengthening of Party-Army Relations under
Xi Jinping’s Military Reforms
Figure 1.2 China’s Military Organizations after Reforms
Central Military Commission
ChairmanVice Chairmen
Members
General Office
Joint Staff Dept.
Political Work Dept.
Logistic Support Dept.
Equipment Development Dept.
Training and Administration Dept.
National Def. Mobilization Dept.

Discipline Inspection
Commission
Political and Legal Aff.
Commission
Science and Tech.
Commission

State Council
Strategic Planning Office
Office for Int. Military
Cooperation
Reform andOrganization Office
Audit Office
Agency for Offices
Administration

Theater Commands (TC)Services

Schools

People’s Armed Police

Eastern TC

PLA Army

Academy of Military Sciences

Internal Security ForceSouthern TC

PLA Navy

National Defense University

Mobile Contingents

Western TC

PLA Air Force

China Coast Guard

Northern TC

PLA Rocket ForceNational University of Defense
Technology

Central TC

Ministry of
National Defense

Militia

PLA Strategic Support Force
PLA Joint Logistic Support Force

Sources: Compiled based on Office of the Secretary of Defense, “Annual Report to Congress: Military andSecurity Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2020,” August 21, 2020, among othersources.

In carrying out the most sweeping military reforms since the PRC’s founding, President Xi Jinping has
placed particular emphasis on strengthening the Party’s leadership over the military.
Xi Jinping’s military reforms largely transformed the PLA and its organizational relationships.15
The organizational structure for joint operations has already been covered in China Security Report
2022 and will not be rediscussed. Here, focus is given to the changes in the Party’s leadership overthe military. Figure 1.2 shows the PLA’s organizational relationships after the military reforms. The
post-reform changes in military control are elaborated below.

(1) Reestablishment of the CMC Chairman Responsibility System
Xi Jinping’s control over the military is characterized by his attempt to reestablish the authority of the
CMC chairman post which he holds. The supreme leader is to assume the CMC chairman post throughwhich he commands and controls the military. In reality, however, it takes time for a political leader
without a military background to establish authority in the military, and in the meantime, military
officers take command of the CMC.
In order to eliminate these adverse effects, Xi reestablished the CMC chairman responsibility

14

Introduction

system. The system is a bedrock for establishing the absoluteness of the status and authority of thechairman in the CMC, and for preventing real power from falling into the hands of military officers.
In November 2012, shortly after he was appointed general secretary of the CCP and CMC
chairman, Xi Jinping revised the “Regulations on Central Military Commission Work” so that the
CMC chairman responsibility system was specified. In addition, in April 2014, the CMC enacted the“Opinions on Establishing and Developing Work Mechanisms Related to the Implementation andExecution of the Central Military Commission Chairman Responsibility System,” which stipulated

Chapter 1

the establishment of mechanisms for instructions reporting, supervision and inspection, and information provision.16
It was not until the Political Work Conference held in Gutian, Fujian Province in 2014 that theimplementation of the CMC chairman responsibility system was emphasized.17 At this conference,
CMC Vice Chairman Fan Changlong vowed to “defend and carry out the CMC chairman responsibility system resolutely and consciously.”18 CMC Vice Chairman Xu Qiliang also stated, “Wemust complete and implement the relevant institutional mechanisms for the realization of the CMC
chairman responsibility system, and ensure that all conduct of the entire PLA follows the command ofChapter 2

the Party leaders, the CMC, and President Xi.”19
The anti-corruption campaign expelled military officers who did not agree with Xi Jinping’s
wishes, and a CMC chairman responsibility system characterized by the military’s obedience to Xi
was completed. In November 2017, the CMC issued the “Opinions on Comprehensively Implementing
the CMC Chairman Responsibility System.” The opinions called for implementing Xi’s thought onbuilding a strong military and implementing the fundamental principle and system of the Party’s
absolute leadership over the military. Additionally, the opinions underscored that, by guaranteeing the
CMC chairman responsibility system “in politics, ideology, organization, system, and work style,”

Chapter 3

the entire military would follow the command of and be responsible to Xi Jinping, enabling Xi to feelreassured.20 It signified the execution of ideological and institutional measures that would allow for
the implementation of the CMC chairman responsibility system. In response, the CMC General Officecalled for PLA-wide education for its implementation.21 The 19th CCP National Congress in 2017
marked the establishment of the CMC chairman responsibility system, and the system was written into
the revised Party charter (constitution).

(2) Emphasis on the Leadership of Party Committees
Conclusions

Xi Jinping values the leadership of Party committees in the military and highlights the need to build
Party cells in the military. When Xi attended the CMC Party Building Conference in August 2018,
he stressed the significance of building Party cells in the military, especially Party committees in the
military. Xi reaffirmed that the PLA’s dual leadership system under the command of Party committees
would be maintained, and that “All work will be conducted under the unified leadership of Party
committees, and all important issues will be studied and decided by Party committees.” At the same

15

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Meanstime, for improving combat capability, Xi statedthat Party committees in the military would focus
on the main responsibilities and tasks of war
preparation and war execution.22
Xi argued that by enhancing the Party’s
leadership, organizational, and executive capabilities, the Party’s political and organizational
superiority can be converted into warfare superiority. In particular, he underscored the importance and significant responsibility of high-level

CMC Chairman Xi Jinping at the PLA 90th anniversary military parade (July 2017) (Photo: Xinhua News
Agency/Kyodo News Images)

Party committees at or above the corps level, anddemanded that high-level Party committees elevate five capabilities for war preparation, namely, strategic planning, real combat, reform and innovation, scientific management, and execution capabilities.
Interestingly, various media reports suggest that, in these same remarks, Xi Jinping talked aboutproblems with Party building in the military, which he referred to as the “seven weakenings.” They are:1) the weakening of political awareness and political capability; 2) the weakening of centralized andunified leadership by Party committees; 3) the weakening of leadership over war preparations and war
execution; 4) the weakening of the principles and combat capability of Party cells; 5) the weakening ofmanagement of Party cadres and personnel; 6) the weakening of revolutionary will and combat spirit;and 7) the weakening of responsibility for implementing Party management and Party governance.23
In this regard, Xi expressed the view that strengthening the leadership of Party committees is key toboth the Party’s command of the military and the Party’s combat capability.

(3) Independent Inspection Departments in the Military
Xi Jinping seeks to promote governance in the military and give power to inspection departments tostrengthen objective control. He calls this the “fundamental transformation of the military governancesystem.” 24 Under the previous four general department system, all inspection departments, such as
discipline, law, and financial management, were placed in the General Political Department and wereunable to exercise independent inspection capabilities. As part of the military reforms, efforts weremade to enhance the inspections.
In February 2015, the CMC issued the “Decision on Deeply Promoting Law-based Governanceof the Military and Strict Enforcement of Discipline in the New Situation.”25 “Law-based governanceof the military and strict enforcement of discipline” refers to the goal of achieving stable governancein the military through the strict application of law and Party discipline. This decision emphasizes thestrategic importance of a law-based military governance and affirms its principles and missions.
Organizational reforms were undertaken to effectively promote governance. That is, as partof the reforms of national defense and the armed forces, inspection departments that had been

16

Introduction

internalized by the four general departments were given independent status. With the dismantling of
the four general departments, the CMC Discipline Inspection Commission, the CMC Political andLegal Affairs Commission, and the CMC Audit Office were established in the CMC.
The CMC Discipline Inspection Commission was established in 1980 and was reorganized
into the Discipline Inspection Commission of the General Political Department in 1990. The CMC
Discipline Inspection Commission, which became independent by the reorganization in 2016, sent 10
inspection teams to 15 CMC departments and to each theater command for the first time since the PLA’s

Chapter 1

founding and began inspection activities.26 The inspections focused on: 1) the implementation status of
directives to develop and bolster the Party’s ways and attitude (verify problems, such as not doing evenwhen ordered to, not stopping even when prohibited, not fully adhering to regulations, implementing
selectively, and allowing for flexibility); 2) the integrity of cadres; 3) compliance with regulations on
encouraging saving and opposing wasteful spending; and 4) supervision over the management anduse of official military vehicles.27 Other efforts to strengthen the discipline inspection system include
establishing a discipline inspection commission in each military service and branch, as well as having
a full-time secretary of the discipline inspection commission, which used to be a concurrent position

Chapter 2

with deputy member of the Poltburo.28 Song Dan, deputy secretary of the CMC Discipline Inspection
Commission, emphasizes the importance of inspection work in real combat training.29
At the theater command level, a dispatch mechanism has been established. This is not an internalmechanism in the theater command but a dispatch mechanism of the CMC Discipline Inspection
Commission. Responsibility for discipline inspection lies with the central state, not the theatercommand. The “Regulations on Discipline Inspection,” revised in March 2018, lists 10 categories of
discipline inspections, namely, political discipline, organizational discipline, operational discipline(obedience to orders and commands), training discipline (supervision of training), work discipline,

Chapter 3

safety discipline, integrity discipline, financial discipline, mass discipline (attitude toward civilians),
and life discipline.30 As the above indicates, discipline inspections are not limited to political loyalty
and are highly broad in scope, extending to operations and training.
Training inspection, too, is being strengthened. In building an armed forces capable of winningwars, it is important to standardize training and acquire capabilities as intended by the central state.
In this context, supervision of training has been enhanced, including enacting regulations on training
inspections. While the CMC Training and Administration Department oversees the training inspections, actual inspections are carried out also by the CMC Joint Staff Department, the CMC Discipline

Conclusions

Inspection Commission, and the CMC Agency for Offices Administration, with the Training and
Administration Department playing a central role.31 As this fact reveals, the CMC Discipline Inspection
Commission is engaged in training and operations as well.
In comparison, the CMC Political and Legal Affairs Commission underwent a more subtle
transition. In 1982, the Political and Legal Affairs Leading Small Group was established in the General
Political Department. This became an all-military political and legal affairs commission in 2007, but

17Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Meansit remained under the jurisdiction of the four general departments. Although the reorganization in2016 gave it independent status as the CMC Political and Legal Affairs Commission, its authority is
considered weaker than that of the CMC Discipline Inspection Commission. According to the regulations, while a political and legal affairs commission is established in each theater command and in
the military services and branches, its secretary post is held by a deputy political position (e.g., deputy
Politburo member).32 Their duties are different between the theater commands and the military services
and branches. In the case of theater commands, the duties of secretaries include overseeing politicaland legal affairs work in wartime and during major military activities, cooperative legislation of law
enforcement authorities, and coordination between theater command areas. In the case of military
services, branches, and other units, the duties include overseeing crime prevention, comprehensive
governance, as well as the purity, safety, and stability of the units.

(4) Introduction of a Patrol System
The CCP further seeks to strengthen its direct monitoring of organizations and regions by introducing
a patrol system. The PLA enacted the “Regulations on Patrol Work” in January 2018. According to theregulations, patrol work is mainly conducted to monitor the discipline of high-level Party committees
in the military. At the central state level, the CMC Patrol Work Leading Small Group was established
to lead the patrol work. The CMC vice chairman is the head of the small group, the secretary of the
CMC Discipline Inspection Commission is the managing deputy head, and the director of the Political
Work Department and the secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission are the deputy
heads. An administrative organization is established in the CMC Discipline Inspection Commission.
The patrols cover the Party committees of CMC departments, theater commands, military services andbranches, the National Defense University, the Academy of Military Sciences, and the People’s Armed
Police (PAP). Furthermore, a Patrol Work Leading Small Group is established in the military services
and branches and the PAP. The respective Party committee secretaries serve as the head of the small
group, the secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commission as the standing deputy head, and the
director of the political work organization as the deputy head. Patrols at this level cover Party committees at or above the corps level and at or above the affiliated division level, as well as the department
Party committees of the military services and branches and of the PAP.33 As this arrangement shows,the patrol system is headed by the leader of the Party committee in the military, and the secretary of theDiscipline Inspection Commission is responsible for the implementation work.
In addition, the CMC presented the “Opinions on Patrol Inspection Work” in April 2020.34
Regarding the difference between the words “patrol” [巡视] and “patrol inspection” [巡察], the headof the leading small group explained that “patrol” covers Party committees at or above the affiliatedbrigade level of the military services and other units, whereas “patrol inspection” also extends to thesubstratum levels in the field.35
The purpose of the patrol inspections is fourfold: 1) supervising and giving guidance on the18Introduction

implementation status of theoretical armament and real combat training under the leadership of Party
cells, measurement of their effectiveness, and whether Party cells and cadres are supporting the core
(Xi Jinping) and adhering to the Party’s command; 2) supervising whether Party cells are taking
proactive responsibility in promoting war preparation and war execution, and supervising measurements of the actual effectiveness of the training and units’ fulfillment of combat capability standards;
3) understanding and resolving small issues, such as what officers and soldiers are opposed to andwhat they consider as hardships, and what the focus of their patrol inspections is; and 4) training theChapter 1

substratum Party cells and cadres through the process of patrol inspections.36(5) Reduced Role of the Political Work Department
The CMC Political Work Department, which took over the main activities of the General Political
Department, has reduced its authority and role considerably. First, as mentioned above, the Discipline
Inspection Commission and the Political and Legal Affairs Commission in the military were given
independent status. In addition, it was stipulated that the ultimate responsibility for political work
rested with the CMC, and the Political Work Department was positioned as an enforcement body.

Chapter 2

Furthermore, it appears that the political work organization at the theater command level has
reduced functions. Military regions prior to the reforms had a political department staffed by a fulltime director. In the post-reform theater commands, while a political work department is established,
its director is no longer a full-time post, with a deputy member of the Politburo dual hatting as the
director.
In addition, as mentioned above, the leadership of the Party committees at each level over thepolitical work organs of the same level has been strengthened. It likely signifies weakening coordination between the upper and lower-level political work organs. This is because the authority of the

Chapter 3

same-level Party committees is currently being increased, whereas in the past the General Political
Department had strong leadership power over lower-level political work organs.
What are the implications of this tightening of Party control over the military for China’s
external activities? First, this tightening of Party control seems to be a vital means of reforming themilitary and creating an armed forces capable of conducting joint operations and fighting. It is very
difficult for military organizations to carry out reform on their own. Especially for an organization likethe PLA with rampant bribery and corruption, this requires powerful external intervention, which Xi
Jinping is attempting to achieve by bolstering the Party’s leadership.

Conclusions

Also of note is that strengthening the Party’s leadership offers a means of enabling coordination
between the military and other organizations. Such strengthening of the Party’s leadership is essential
for understanding China’s activities in the maritime gray zone and in the psychological and cognitive
domain.

19

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Means

3. Establishment of the Strategic Support ForceThe PLA organization that presides over information warfare, including cyber warfare, electronic
warfare, and outer space operations, is the Strategic Support Force (SSF), which was established inlate 2015.37 The SSF is a military service that was newly established as part of Xi Jinping’s militaryreforms, demonstrating Xi’s attachment of importance to information.
The SSF’s mission is intelligence gathering, technical reconnaissance, electronic countermeasures, network offense and defense, and psychological warfare, indicating that the SSF is in charge ofpsychological warfare related to information technology.
According to media reports and other sources, the SSF includes the Staff Department, which
provides integrated joint operations support, logistics support, and training; the Political Work
Department, which is believed to be in charge of political guidance and the Three Warfares; theEquipment Department, which manages facilities and equipment; and the Discipline Inspection
Commission, which cracks on corruption in the organization. The SSF’s organizations that conduct
operations are the Space Systems Department, which supports outer space operations, and the Network
Systems Department, which is in charge of cyber warfare.38 The Network Systems Department
includes network units, such as the 61726 Unit (Wuhan) and the 61786 Unit (Beijing), as well as anelectronic countermeasures brigade.39 In addition, the 311 Base that carries out the Three Warfares is
directly under the SSF. Furthermore, the SSF Information Engineering University and the SSF SpaceEngineering University are educational institutions directly under the SSF.
The SSF integrates functions related to cyber, electromagnetic spectrum, and outer space. The
three are essential for the acquisition and transmission of information, and are spaces where control
of information is contested. Furthermore, control of information has effects on the psychological andcognitive domain. Hence, the SSF will be deeply engaged in the struggle for the psychological andcognitive domain. It appears that, for this reason, some functions related to the Three Warfares havebeen transferred to the SSF. For example, the 311 Base in Fujian Province, known as a base specializing in the Three Warfares, is believed to have been transferred from the General Political Department
to the SSF (see Chapter 2).

20

Introduction

4. Implications of the Reorganization of
the People’s Armed Police andthe China Coast Guard
In various laws including the National Defense Law of the People’s Republic of China and the Law on
the PAP of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese People’s Armed Police (PAP) is identified as

Chapter 1

one of China’s armed forces, along with the PLA (including reserves) and the militia. The status andorganization of the PAP have changed dramatically, as part of the military reforms that began at theend of 2015, described as the most sweeping reforms since the PRC’s founding. This section attempts
to shed light on the circumstances surrounding the reorganization of the PAP and its subordinate China
Coast Guard (CCG), and analyze where the PAP’s reorganization fits in the context of the militaryreforms. This analysis shows that the PAP has been reorganized to specialize in maintaining public
security in peacetime and contribute more easily to PLA joint operations in a contingency, and thatthe reorganization was intended to strip the state of its armed forces and reassign them under the CCP.

Chapter 2(1) The PAP under the Central Military Commission’s Unified Command
The PAP prior to the military reforms can be broadly characterized as follows. 1) The PAP was under
the dual command of the CMC and the State Council. The former was primarily responsible forthe organizational structure, cadre management, command, training, and political work of the PAP
Forces, while the latter was responsible for assigning daily missions to the PAP Forces and providing
expenses and supplies support.40 2) The PAP had a complex structure with the Professional Forces incharge of production and construction not directly related to maintaining public security, and Public

Chapter 3

Security Related Units in charge of border security and protection of VIPs. These characteristics of
the PAP owe to then CMC Chairman Deng Xiaoping, the highest authority in the 1980s. Deng sought
to downsize the PLA by shedding its public security and production related missions and to lessen theburden on the PLA, which was hurrying to reorganize into an army capable of executing “local wars
under modern conditions.”41
Under the dual command of the CMC and the State Council, it was not uncommon for theminister of public security to concurrently serve as PAP first political commissar. In addition, during
General Secretary Hu Jintao’s era, Zhou Yongkang, a member of the Standing Committee of the CCP

Conclusions

Central Politburo, served as secretary of the CCP Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission,
which is a high-level leadership body of the Ministry of Public Security, and had authority to move the
PAP and the People’s Police.42 Furthermore, the heads of public security departments at the local levels
were able to exercise command authority over the PAP by leveraging their status as the first politicalcommissar of the PAP’s local contingents and detachments. Thus, from the 1990s to the 2000s, the PAP
was frequently mobilized for local missions, such as suppressing mass public protests.43 Assuming the21

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Meansrole of the vanguard of mass repression led to significantly undermining the image of the PAP.44
The PAP also exerted influence over the Professional Forces by having the heads of relevant
State Council departments serve as the first political commissar of the Professional Forces, as in thecase of the minister of water resources of the State Council concurrently serving as the first politicalcommissar of the Hydropower Force.
This situation began to change markedly in line with the military reforms initiated in the end of
2015. In January 2016, the CMC released the “Opinions on Deepening Reform of National Defense
and the Armed Forces.” They stated that the CMC would strengthen the centralized and unified leadership of the armed forces, adjust the command and control system of the PAP, and optimize the structureand formation of the units.45 Furthermore, at the 19th CCP National Congress held in October 2017,
Xi Jinping emphasized deepening the reform of the PAP Forces and building a modernized PAP.46
The opinions reiterated China’s intention to advance PAP reform alongside the military reforms. On
December 27 of the same year, a decision was announced to adjust the command structure of the PAP
Forces, and from January 1, 2018, the PAP Forces were incorporated under the unified command of the
CMC, eliminating dual command with the State Council.47 The PAP Forces commander and politicalcommissars were conferred the flag of the PAP Forces by CMC Chairman Xi Jinping on January 10of the same year.48
The CMC’s unified command of the PAP has brought about significant changes. First, it hasenabled the CMC to exercise absolute authority over the PAP’s personnel affairs. The post of first political commissar at each level, which had been filled by the minister of public security and other public
security related personnel, has been eliminated. This is evident in the changes made to the promotion
ceremony for PAP generals. In the past, while the premier of the State Council never attended promotion ceremonies for PAP generals, the names of the appointing authorities were nominally listed in theorder of premier of the State Council and CMC chairman. After the CMC assumed unified command,
however, the State Council’s name disappeared. Expense management, too, was placed under thecontrol of the CMC. Additionally, local governments no longer have the authority to command PAP
troops. If the central state organs, local Party committees, or governments need the help of the PAP
Forces, they must now apply to the CMC.49 Thus, achieving the CMC’s unified command was instrumental in stamping out the influence of public security factions and local governments from the PAP.

(2) A Streamlined PAP without Professional Forces and Public Security
Related Units
The Professional Forces and Public Security Related Units, which had been a major characteristic of
the PAP, were removed from the ranks of the PAP Forces.
Accordingly, the PAP was born anew as an organization comprised of three forces: the Internal
Security Force; Mobile Contingents (discussed below); and the CCG. In addition, the “Regulations
on Armed Forces Audit,” revised from January 2017, was applied to the PAP. It abolished the audit

22Introduction

body which had been established by the PAP, and stipulated that audits of PAP units of all levels andinfluential cadres would be conducted in accordance with regulations.50 This resulted in tightening the
CMC’s control and management of PAP expenses.51

Table 1.1 Destination of PAP Forces after Reforms
Force

Remained in the PAP; comprises the main force of the PAP Forces
Moved to the Ministry of Natural Resources; in charge of exploring the nation’s
metallic mineral resources

Forestry Force

Moved to the Ministry of Emergency Management; in charge of emergency rescue
missions such as extinguishing forest fires

Hydropower Force

Moved to the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission of theState Council; in charge of hydraulic engineering construction

Transportation Force

Remained in the PAP and incorporated into the internal security forces

Border Defense Force

Moved to public security organizations, and all active units were incorporated into
the People’s Police

Firefighting Force

Moved to the Ministry of Emergency Management; in charge of firefighting, rescue
and other emergency relief work

Guards Force

Moved to public security organizations, and all active units were incorporated into
the People’s Police

Chapter 2Gold Force

Chapter 1

Internal Security Force

Destination and Primary Mission

Source: Compiled based on 谢游麟 [Hsieh Yu-Lin], “析論中國大陸武警改革之意涵與發展 [TheImplication and Development of China PAPF’s Reform],” p. 133.

(3) Dismantlement of 14 Mobile Divisions and Establishment of Mobile
Contingents
Chapter 3

Internal security forces are assigned to all provinces except Hong Kong and Macao, directly-controlled
cities, and autonomous regions. The contingents in Beijing and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous
Region were designated as corps leader grade[zhengjun ji, 正军级], while the other contingentswere designated as corps deputy leader grade[fujun ji, 副军级]. The Beijing contingent protects
the capital, while the Xinjiang contingent is inConclusions

charge of areas in China where oppression of
the Uyghurs could spark a large-scale disturbance. Prior to the reorganization, 14 mobile
divisions transferred from army divisions to the
PAP were deployed in various regions. In 2018,all of these were dismantled and reorganized

The PAP conducting a military parade in the Xinjiang
Uyghur Autonomous Region (February 2017) (Photo:
Reuters/Aflo)

23

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Means

into and deployed as the 1st Mobile Contingent (headquarters: Shijiazhuang) and the 2nd Mobile
Contingent (headquarters: Fuzhou) and other internal security forces across China. The 1st and 2nd
Mobile Contingents have 16 detachments, respectively. The 1st Mobile Contingent has nine mobile
detachments, three special operations detachments, two transportation detachments, one helicopter
detachment, and one engineering/chemical defense detachment, while the 2nd Mobile Contingent hasnine mobile detachments, two special operations detachments, three transportation detachments, one
helicopter detachment, and one engineering/chemical defense detachment.52 Usually, the commander
is a PAP major general. Under the detachments are battalions (or companies), platoons, and squadrons.
When President Xi Jinping visited the 2nd Mobile Contingent in March 2021, training was held in
the operation of anti-explosive equipment, decontamination for chemical protection reconnaissance,
application of construction equipment, and bridge building. President Xi’s directive to strengthen“training and war preparation”53 provides a glimpse of the role that the PAP will play in wartime.

(4) Reorganization of the PAP Headquarters Modeled after the PLA
In March 2016, the Staff Department, Political Department, and Logistics Department, which had
been placed under the PAP headquarters, were reorganized into the Staff Department, Political
Work Department, Logistics Department, and Discipline Inspection Commission. Furthermore, theEquipment Department was added in 2017. Thus, the PAP headquarters was reorganized in the samecontext as the dismantling and reorganization of the four general departments of the PLA.54
The Discipline Inspection Commission was elevated from a unit of the former Political
Department and was given greater autonomy by the Political Work Department.55 Many top PAP
cadres have been arrested and dismissed for corruption, including former commander Wang Jianping
and political commissar Xu Yaoyuan. As to the causes of widespread corruption in the PAP, Taiwanesescholar Lin Ying Yu points to the PAP’s close ties with the regions compared to the PLA, as well as
to the PAP’s complex relationships with the Party and central government, local governments, socialgroups, and the people, which created relationships and opportunities constantly conducive to themutual exchange of interests.56 Under the guise of strengthening corruption crackdown, it became
easier to remove officers who were appointed during Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao’s rules and to assign
officers close to President Xi Jinping to the PAP headquarters and seize domestic control, leveraging
the PAP’s ability to maintain public security. The crackdown on corruption in the PAP may have, tosome extent, helped to restore its image, which had been damaged in the process of suppressing massprotests throughout China.

(5) The China Coast Guard as a Subordinate Unit of the PAP
In the PAP reform process, the biggest change that emerged from the reorganization was the assignment of “maintaining maritime rights and interests” as one of its new missions. The “Decision on
temporarily adjusting and applying relevant legal provisions during the reform period of the Chinese

24Introduction

Figure 1.3 CMC-PAP-CCG Chain of Command following the Entry into Forceof the Coast Guard Law
Central Military
国 務Commission
院

State Council

PLA
Theatercommands

Peacetime

Services

Chapter 1

Mobile units

Internal security
units

CCG

Other units(related to public security andinfrastructure)

People’s Armed
PoliceOperationalunits
Wartime operations and non-militaryactivities conducted jointly with the PLA

The latest legislation prescribed its scope of authority

Sources: Compiled based on Sugiura Yasuyuki, NIDS China Security Report 2022:
The PLA’s Pursuit of Enhanced Joint Operations Capabilities, Tokyo:
National Institute for Defense Studies, 2021, p. 46; website of the Ministry

Chapter 2of Defense of Japan.

People’s Armed Police Force,” which was passed at the 30th Meeting of the Standing Committee ofthe 12th National People’s Congress in November 2017, listed “maintaining maritime rights and interests” and defense operations as the PAP’s new missions, along with counter-terrorism and emergency
relief.57 The subsequent “Decision on Deepening Reform of Party and State Institutions” issued by the
CCP Central Committee in March 2018 stated that the CCG would become a subordinate unit of the
PAP.58 It meant that the CCG was detached from the State Council’s State Oceanic Administration andChapter 3

placed under the CMC’s command.59
The organization in charge of maintaining public security on land, together with the organization in charge of maintaining maritime law enforcement and rights and interests, have been placed
under the command of the CMC. This has undoubtedly made it easier for the two organizations tocoordinate with the PLA. As with PAP personnel, the commanders of the CCG are filled by officers
from the PLA Navy (PLAN), which is likely to be favorable for their coordination.
Article 83 of the Coast Guard Law of the People’s Republic of China, which came into effectin February 2021, states that the CCG shall carry out defense operations and other missions in accor-

Conclusions

dance with the National Defense Law, the PAP Law, and other relevant laws and regulations as well as
CMC orders.60 A PLAN frigate has been converted into an official vessel of the CCG,61 illustrating its
strengthening relationship with the PLAN (see Chapter 3 for more information on the CCG).

(6) The PAP for Communist Rule
The placement of both the PAP and the CCG under the command of the CMC has, inevitably, made25

Chapter 1 China’s Military Reorganization and Strengthening of Non-military Means

the CCG one of the Chinese armed forces. President Xi Jinping instructed the PAP to accelerate
the integration of the entire armed forces into the joint capabilities system.62 Although the primary
purpose of the PAP and the CCG is maintaining public security, they will presumably play a role injoint operations capabilities, which are being strengthened by the PLA. As it has become evident, thereorganization of the two into subordinate units of the CMC was an effort by the CCP to strip the stateof its armed forces and place them under the control of the Party.
Furthermore, the CCP regime’s attempt to increase control over the PAP and the CCG, whichhave public security functions, is explained by the significant importance the CCP attaches to defending
its regime against domestic threats.63 The PAP and the CCG are indispensable for this purpose. They
could very well send a large contingent to large-scale live-fire exercises and the PLA’s integrated
exercises in the future.
As is already the case with the PAP, the CCG may become less of a law enforcement agency
and more of a paramilitary organization that supports the PLA. The introduction of an official CCG
vessel and the successive commissioning of large CCG vessels also suggest the further strengtheningof armed forces.

26

NIDS China Security Report 2023

China’s Quest for Controlof the Cognitive Domain
and Gray Zone
Situations

Chapter2

China’s Increasing Influence Operations
Yamaguchi Shinji and Momma Rira

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

1. China’s Influence Operations
In recent years, attention has focused on the security implications of state activities in the psychological and cognitive domain, known as influence operations. In today’s highly informatized political,
social, economic, and military affairs, control of information gives states not only significant influencein the real world but also influence to shape and control psychology and cognition in the human
psychological and cognitive domain.
The systems that collect, process, disseminate, or act on information (information environment)
consist of the physical domain (physical dimension), the informational domain, and the psychologicaland cognitive domain. The physical domain includes newspapers, books, cables, the electromagnetic
spectrum, PCs, smartphones, and any other objects that transmit and process information. The informational domain is centered on data, which is collected, processed, and disseminated. The psychological and cognitive domain refers to the minds of individuals or groups that receive, transmit, andrespond to information or make decisions (see Figure 2.1).

Figure 2.1 Information Systems
Information Environment

Psychological andCognitive Domain
Human-centric

Informational
DomainPhysical
DomainData-centricReal world

Source: Compiled based on “Joint Publication 3-13: Information Operations,” Joint
Chiefs of Staff, November 2014.

Various activities in the physical and informational domains can influence the psychologicaland cognitive domain to confuse, shape, or control the mind and affect decision-making. Such activities conducted mainly by state actors are called influence operations.
China is a well-known example of a state actively engaged in influence operations. Indeed,Beijing has traditionally emphasized propaganda work, and from early on, the People’s Liberation
Army (PLA) has advocated the “Three Warfares” of public opinion warfare, psychological warfare,28

Introduction

and legal warfare.1 Foreign policymakers have keyed on these developments and heightened theiralert.
However, it is unclear what these operations actually entail. Despite the tendency to understandall Chinese actions as the Three Warfares, or as falling under the notion of unrestricted warfare, thisunderstanding is not necessarily based on objective facts.2 The “Three Warfares,” for instance, isan official PLA concept whereas unrestricted warfare is not.3 The Three Warfares were written into
the 2004 “Political Work Regulation.” Furthermore, organizations, personnel, and training exist for

Chapter 1

carrying out the Three Warfares. As they illustrate, the military has taken visible steps toward theirimplementation. Conversely, unrestricted warfare is a concept put forward by military scholars in
1999. It has neither been mentioned by the PLA or the state, nor appeared in any official document.
Such confusion may be due in part to the many ambiguities in China’s concepts and activities
as well as their numerous overlaps. China’s activities are varied, implemented across an array oforganizations, and not well-defined conceptually, making them further prone to confusion for outside
observers.
China does not have a collective concept for activities that exert international influence, for

Chapter 2

example, a concept that corresponds to influence operations. The term “cognitive warfare” has been
employed recently as an umbrella concept but has yet to gain traction.
A number of related concepts deals with the analysis, and they first need to be distilled.4 We
divide them into strategic-level influence operations and operations-level information operations.
Here, strategic-level influence operations refer to activities that influence the psychology, cognition,
or decisions of state leaders or the general public, and thereby, throw a political regime or government
into turmoil or induce them in desired directions while defending one’s state against such activities.
They include both military and non-military.5 In contrast, operations-level information operations

Chapter 3

refer to activities that influence the psychology, cognition, or decisions of the adversary’s operationscommander and troops, and thereby, throw forces into turmoil or induce them in desired directions

Figure 2.2 Relationship between Influence Operations and Information Operations

Information
operations

Conclusions

Influence
operations

Source: Compiled by the authors.

29

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

while ensuring decision-making by one’s army.6 The two are not always clearly distinct; rather, there
is considerable growing overlap in today’s technological environment.
According to this distinction, Party-state influence operations can be considered as strategic-level influence operations. The Party-state’s propaganda work and united front work aim to exert
political influence on the politicians and people of the target country.
Meanwhile, the PLA’s relevant activities are diverse in scope. The military’s Three Warfares
encompass a broad range of activities, as is evident from the presence of Three Warfares implementing
organizations at all levels of the military. Nevertheless, not all PLA activities are consolidated in
the Three Warfares. Especially since informational domain operations influence the psychologicaland cognitive domain, their core operations in cyber, the electromagnetic spectrum, and outer space
involve psychological and cognitive aspects. These operations are thought to influence the psychology
and cognition of the adversary’s operations commander and troops, and therefore, are considered as
operations-level information operations.
China hardly conceives of “cyber warfare” as a stand-alone category. Rather, it views cyber
warfare, electromagnetic spectrum warfare, and psychological warfare all as information warfare.
This is similar to Russia.7 The need for such a holistic approach is also discussed in the United States.8

2. The Chinese Communist Party’s Battle for
the Psychological and Cognitive Domain
For China, the struggle for information and influence is a struggle for ideological security and dominance with the West. Beijing has perceived the West as trying to spread universal values such as humanrights and democracy around the world and transform authoritarian states like China into regimes thatare desirable for the West.9
A key concept in China’s ideological battleis “话语权 [huayu quan].” It refers to “discourse
power” or “discursive power,” i.e., the power
to create discourse and make it internationallyaccepted.10
China increasingly believes that strengthening its domestic and global “discourse power”
is essential for its battle against the West.
That is, Beijing must not only correct Western“Wolf warrior diplomat” Zhao Lijian, foreign ministry
spokesperson (October 2020) (Photo: ©Todd Lee/ZUMA Wire/Kyodo News Images)

30“misperceptions,” but also actively disseminate
the Chinese perspective and narrative at home

Introduction

and abroad. Expanding domestic and international influence and maintaining domestic stability are
directly interlinked. China can counter Western attempts at infiltrating its ideology by propagating
the Chinese narrative in domestic and global discussions. In this way, Beijing is strengthening its
influence operations both in China and overseas.
Influence operations can be divided into those that are overt and those that are covert. There isno clear dichotomy between the two. Like a gradation, influence operations are classified by the degreeof covertness based on the openness of the information source.

Chapter 1

Overt influence operations encompass publicity activities, propaganda, and dissemination ofdisinformation. They promote a positive image of China and outspokenly criticize discourse criticalof the country. They include global publicity campaigns through official media, investment in foreign
newspapers, cultivation and purchasing of friendly foreign media outlets, official publicity in social
media, and activities by diplomats.
Covert influence operations encompass dissemination of disinformation and information
warfare linked to espionage. They include spreading disinformation on social media, as well as information warfare combined with an advanced persistent threat (APT), meaning a cyberattack conducted

Chapter 2

by a sophisticated hacker group.

(1) Propaganda WorkWe first examine overt activities, particularly external propaganda work. China has attached importance to external propaganda since the 1980s. External propaganda aims to dispel the China threat
theory and increase its soft power. The missions of external propaganda are: 1) to tell China’s narrative
to the world and publicize Chinese government opinions and Chinese culture; 2) to counter foreign
Chapter 3

propaganda; 3) to counter Taiwan independence movements and activities by their supporters; and 4)
to propagate China’s foreign policy.11
The Xi Jinping regime has boosted external propaganda under the banner of “great external
propaganda.” Xi stressed the importance of the battle for the ideological domain at the 2013 National
Propaganda and Ideology Work Conference, and external propaganda too has been strengthened
according to this directive.
Sarah Cook at Freedom House, an international NGO, outlines that the Xi regime promotes
external propaganda in the following ways:12

Conclusionsa) Expanding the presence of state media: The government has emphasized the global expansionof state media with the rise of China. China Global Television Network (CGTN) was establishedby merging CCTV International and other international language channels in 2016. CGTN issaid to be modelled on Russia’s state media RT and serves as the central platform for China’s
overseas content dissemination. In 2019, the U.S. Department of Justice registered CGTN as aforeign agent.

31

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operationsb) Disseminating official views through foreign media: Dissemination through foreign media
primarily includes submission of op-ed articles by diplomats, publication of paid Chinese news
in major foreign newspapers, and provision of free content by Xinhua.
c) Cultivating foreign media friendly to China: China’s diplomats and members of the media
deepen friendly relations with members of foreign media, encouraging them to write articles
favorable to China.
d) Purchasing foreign media outlets: In documented cases, radio stations have been purchased in
Mexico, Hungary, Italy, and elsewhere.
e) Social media campaigns and activities by diplomats(2) United Front Work
United front work is a strategy of countering a major adversary by creating internal rifts in the major
adversary and gaining friendly allies. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has emphasized united
front work in the process of seizing power, commended its effectiveness, and called it a “magic weapon[fabao, 法宝].”Xi Jinping places particular emphasis on united front work. Since 2015, Xi has advocated the“Great United Front” and endeavored to reinvigorate united front work under a unified leadership.
Rather than leaving united front work solely up to the United Front Work Department of the Party’s
Central Committee, the Great United Front positions united front work as an important work of theentire Party and vows to strengthen coordination among the relevant departments under the Party’s
enhanced leadership.13
There are 12 categories of united front work targets: members of minor parties (parties otherthan the CCP which are permitted to exist); people with no party affiliation; non-Party intellectuals;
ethnic minorities; religious figures; members of the non-public ownership economy (private economy);members of new social strata; overseas and returned overseas students; compatriots in Hong Kongand Macao; compatriots in Taiwan and their relatives in the mainland; overseas Chinese, returned
overseas Chinese, and relatives of overseas Chinese; and others who need to be liaised with. Many of
the categories concern national integration in China. On the other hand, overseas Chinese and overseas
Chinese students have direct overseas associations, and ethnic minorities and religious figures are
not confined to China. In addition, united front work with private entrepreneurs and members of newsocial strata will have impacts overseas in line with the global development of the Chinese economy.
Taiwan’s unification with the mainland is also a long-time wish of China, and the united front will be
critical to bringing Taiwan closer to the country.
United front work began to draw international attention when it became apparent that influence
operations have an effect on overseas politics, education, and other areas. The most well-known is thecase in Australia where Chinese businessman Huang Xiangmo gained influence by developing close
ties with Sam Dastyari of the Labor Party and providing him funds.14 Similar cases are also found in32

Introduction

countries such as New Zealand.15(3) Social Media Campaigns
Social media campaigns are a new domain in which propaganda work, united front work, and militaryactivities overlap.
According to Puma Shen (Shen Boyang) at National Taipei University, China’s social media
activities can be categorized into the following four types.16

Chapter 1a) External propaganda: Dissemination by official media.
b) Activities by nationalists: Cyberattacks and information activities by Chinese nationalists who
are not under the direct command of the Party-state.
c) Content farms: Websites that create and disseminate large volumes of disinformation and propaganda. These may be created by enterprises with ties to the Central Committee’s United FrontWork Department. They may also be operated by ordinary people for increasing visitors andgenerating advertising revenue without knowing that they are part of Chinese propaganda.17
Recent emphasis has been on video websites.

Chapter 2d) Collaborators: Pro-China individuals, groups, and political parties in Taiwan and elsewhere

Table 2.1 Number of Followers of Chinese Media’s Official Accounts on Major Social
Media Platforms (as of September 2022)
Language

Facebook

Twitter

Instagram

YouTube

Weibo

CGTN

English

110 million

13.28 million

2.37 million

2.91 million

5.98 million

China Daily

English100 million

4.22 million

1.46 million

53,300Chinese52,000XinhuaEnglish93.17 million

12.23 million

1.55 million

56,000中国日报 [China Daily]

新華社 [Xinhua]

People’s Daily

人民日报 [People’s Daily]

人民网 [People’s Daily Online]

人民網 [People’s Daily Online]

Global Times环球时报 [Global Times]环球网 [Global Times Net]CCTV English

CCTV中文China News中国新闻网 [China News Net]

1.31 million

Japanese

50,000English85.08 million

6.81 million

95.67 million
1.31 million

409,000

Chinese

150 million

Chinese2.76 million

Japanese

160,000

English70.05 million

800,000
1.90 million

Chinese21.05 million

Chinese55.81 million

6,000

English49.40 million

1.01 million

Chinese4.17 million

Japanese

83.13 million
79,60030.92 million
26.75 million

500

English1.35 million

630,000

Chinese1.14 million

480,000

933,000

475,000

73,0001.48 million
141,000

Conclusions

環球網 [Global Times Net]

Chinese

Chapter 3

新华网 [Xinhua Net]

64.94 million

76.69 million(Unit: people)

Source: Compiled based on the number of followers of each media organization’s official social media accounts(approximate figures).

33

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

that cooperate with China’s united front work to disseminate information. In some cases, thedisinformation is both created and disseminated outside of China.
China publishes propaganda on Western social media platforms, in Chinese to some extent but
mainly in English. This tells us that overseas Chinese and Chinese nationals are not necessarily theprime targets of the content. Additionally, dissemination in non-English/Chinese languages is not a
great strength of China. In particular, dissemination in the Japanese language is very weak, and thenumber of followers and other factors indicate it has not garnered attention.
Chinese diplomats have also actively disseminated content in foreign languages on Westernsocial media platforms, often using extreme rhetoric to ridicule foreign governments and proliferating
fake news. Content disseminated by diplomats on social media and content disseminated by state
media and other outlets are coordinated. In 2019, China stepped up its information campaigns on
Western social media platforms.18 This was likely aimed at countering the growing protests in HongKong. Many of the accounts created at this time began to promote China’s views on the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) and criticize Western viewpoints. The increased dissemination by diplomats is linked to these developments. On Twitter, for example, Chinese diplomats opened 4 accounts
in 2017, 3 in 2018, and 19 in 2019. Furthermore, Chinese embassies and consulates opened 3, 3, and
13 accounts in the respective years.19 According to the U.S. State Department’s Global Engagement
Center (GEC), the number of Twitter accounts created by China’s diplomatic corps increased by morethan 40 from September to December 2019 alone.20 While each of the above is thought to adopt
different calculation criteria, they nonetheless demonstrate that China ramped up diplomatic Twitter
activity in 2019.

(4) Covert Activities
In addition to overt activities, there is covert spread of disinformation. The use of fake accounts andbots on social media is an example.
Many of the suspect Twitter accounts linked to the Chinese government appear to have beencreated through OneSite, according to a study by ProPublica, a U.S. investigative media outlet. OneSite
is a market research company that supports the overseas social media activities of Chinese enterprises
and the Chinese government and is reportedly under the command of the CCP Central Committee’s
United Front Work Department. Originally, the accounts made numerous posts criticizing the Hong
Kong protests. From January 29, however, they began to make posts that justify China’s position on
the novel coronavirus, criticize foreign countries, and promote the theory that the virus originatedoutside of China.21
Last but not least is the concern about acts which combine cyberattacks and information
warfare. According to Taiwan’s Team T5, they are seeing the emergence of an “APT + InfoOp” model
combining information operations with hack and leak of confidential data by Chinese APT groups,22

34

Introduction

citing a case in which an APT group hacked a messaging app of a Taiwanese research institute andleaked its information on a Taiwanese social media platform.

(5) Organizations
How are China’s influence operations conducted and through what chain of command? Simply put, amyriad of actors is engaged in China’s influence operations, and they cannot be covered exhaustively.

Chapter 1

Figure 2.3 China’s United Front Organizations
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Taiwan Work Organizational Chart
The National Committeeof the Chinese People’s Political
Consultative Conference (PCC)

CCP National CongressNational People’s
Congress
Standing
Committee

Central Committee

Central Taiwan
Work Leading
Small Group

CentralSecretariat

National Supervisory
Commission

Standing Committee

Supreme People’s
Procuratorate

Central Military Commission

Supreme People’s
Court

Central Politburo

StateCouncil

Provinciallevel People’s
Government

Chapter 2

Provincial-level State
Security Office (Bureau)

Provincial-level
Government TAO

Provincial-level Party
Committee TWO

Standing
Committee

Prefecture/City-level
People’s Congress
Prefecture/
City-level
People’s
Government

Township/Town-level
People’s
Government

Standing
Committee

County-level
People’s Congress

Chapter 3

County-level
People’s
Government

Key County State
Security Bureau

County-level
Government TAO

County-level Party
Committee TWO

County-level Party
Committee PD

County-level Party
Committee UFWDCounty-level
PCC

Prefecture/City-level
State Security Bureau

Prefecture/City-level
Government TAO

Prefecture/City-level
Party Committee TWO

Prefecture/City-level
Party Committee PD

Departments and committees and their subordinate
Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan affairs offices

Ministry of State
Security

Association for Relations
Across the Taiwan Straits

State Council Taiwan Affairs
Office (TAO)

Central Taiwan Work Office(TWO)

Provincial-level Party
Committee PD

Prefecture/City-level
Party Committee UFWD

Taiwan-related research institutes, e.g., Chinese Academyof Social Sciences’ Institute of Taiwan Studies

Provincial-level Party
Committee UFWD

Taiwan-related media and websites, e.g.,
Voice of the Strait and Huaxia Jingwei Net

Central Propaganda
Department (PD)Central United Front Work
Department (UFWD)

Local branches of Party factions

China Association for
Promotion of Culture

Taiwan-related democratic factions,e.g., TDSL, RCCK

Liaison Bureau

China Institute forInternational Strategic Studies

Prefecture/
City-level PCC

Local chapters of national socialorganizations

Political Work
Department

Intelligence
BureauProvincial-level
PCC

Taiwan-related social organizations,e.g., All-China Federation of
Taiwan Compatriots

Joint Staff
Department

Committee on Liaison with Hong Kong,
Macao, Taiwan and Overseas Chinese

Provincial-level
People’s CongressStanding
Committee

Township/Town-level People’s
Congress

Integration of the two offices
LegendGuidance andcommandOperational
guidance

Guidance andcoordination

Conclusions

Note: TDSL: Taiwan Democratic Self-Government League; RCCK: Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese
Kuomintang.
Sources: 
Investigation Bureau, Ministry of Justice, Republic of Taiwan, ed., 中國大陸綜覽2018年版 [Overview
of Mainland China 2018], New Taipei City: 展望與探索雜誌 [The Publisher of Prospect & Exploration

Magazine], June 2018, p. 190; 陳德育 [Chen Te-Yu], “從中共「組織戰」探討對我國之「統戰」作為 [Discussion
on the CCP’s Current Utilization of the United Front against Taiwan from Organizational Warfare],” 海軍學術雙月刊 [Navy Professional Journal ], Vol. 56, No. 2, April 1, 2021, p. 54.

35

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

The chain of command is also complex. As this suggests, while the Party Central Committee determines China’s overarching actions, coordination appears to be inadequate, and the operations are
implemented in a stove-piped manner.
Of the multitude of actors engaged in China’s influence operations, three major groups are
identified here.
The first is the united front work group. Organizational strengthening has been undertaken toeffectively lead the Great United Front promoted by Xi Jinping. At a meeting held on July 30, 2015,
the CCP Central Politburo decided to establish the Leading Small Group on United Front Work in
the Party. Wang Yang, member of the Politburo Standing Committee, serves as the head, and You
Quan, director of the United Front Work Department of the CCP, as the deputy head. Xiao Jie (secretary general of the State Council), Xia Baolong (vice chairman and secretary general of the Chinese
People’s Political Consultative Conference and director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office),
Bagatur (vice chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, deputy directorof the United Front Work Department, and chairman of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission), Wang
Zuoan (deputy director of the United Front Work Department and director of the State Administration
for Religious Affairs), and others are members of this group, which is believed to be responsible forthe overall coordination of united front work.
Furthermore, the functions of the United Front Work Department have been significantly
enhanced. In the 2018 reform of the Party’s political organizations, three previously independent
governmental agencies were placed under the leadership of the United Front Work Department of
the Central Committee, strengthening the Party’s command of the departments (the State Council’sOverseas Chinese Affairs Office, State Ethnic Affairs Commission, and State Administration
for Religious Affairs). Since 2015, the United Front Work Department has scaled up remarkably,
establishing the following bureaus in the department: New Social Strata Individuals Work Bureau(Bureau 6); Xinjiang Work Bureau (Bureau 8); Overseas Chinese Affairs General Bureau (Bureau 9);Overseas Chinese Affairs Bureau (Bureau 10); Religious Work General Bureau (functional responsibilities) (Bureau 11); and Religious Work Bureau (responsible for specific religions) (Bureau 12).23
Responsibility for policies concerning overseas Chinese and Chinese nationals was transferred from
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the United Front Work Department.
The second is the propaganda group. The Central Leading Small Group for Propaganda
and Ideology (headed by Wang Huning) provides overall guidance and coordinates propaganda
work. The 2018 reform of the Party’s political organizations also strengthened the authority of theCentral Propaganda Department. The press/publication and film management functions of the State
Administration for Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television, which had been under the jurisdiction of the State Council, were transferred to the Central Propaganda Department, giving it centralized
control over content.
The third is the military group. Its activities are elaborated in the next section and beyond. The

36

Introduction

PLA’s actions are all-encompassing. However, its chain of command is completely separate from thatof the united front and propaganda groups, and a robust mechanism seems to be lacking for coordinating military activities and Party and government activities.
Numerous other organizations are also involved. The Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission
is at the top of the organizations responsible for cybersecurity of the entire Party-state. The commission is headed by Xi Jinping and comprised of cadres from major bodies, including the PLA. Zhuang
Rongwen, deputy director of the Central Propaganda Department of the CCP, is the head of the office

Chapter 1

in charge of the commission’s administrative functions. The Central Propaganda Department is influential in day-to-day operations. Other relevant Party and state bodies include the Ministry of State
Security, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Taiwan Affairs Office, and the Ministry of Educationof the State Council as well as the International Department and the Communist Youth League of theParty.

Chapter 2

3. The PLA’s Battles in the Psychological andCognitive Domain(1) The Psychological and Cognitive Domain in the PLA’s Informatized
WarfareThe PLA has a tradition of emphasizing not only the execution of military operations, but also thegeneration of psychological and cognitive confusion to dishearten the opponent. The PLA has conventionally focused on political work. Political work included elements of psychological warfare to propa-

Chapter 3

gandize one’s position, deny the legitimacy of enemy forces, and confuse them with disinformation.
Recent informatized warfare has placed emphasis on gaining information superiority (information dominance). Simultaneously, attention has also been given to the psychological and cognitive
aspects of information. Amid the recent developments in information technology, the side with information superiority is thought to influence the psychology and cognition of the opponent in order tocompel them to make decisions favorable to one’s army.24
Observations and analyses of U.S. wars reinforced this Chinese perception. The air strikes in
Kosovo in the 1990s and the Iraq War in 2003 highlighted the power of informatization and psycholog-

Conclusions

ical warfare. The Iraq War affirmed the importance of informatization with greater urgency, and studies
were conducted on information superiority (information dominance) and psychological warfare.25 In
2004, China presented the strategic policy of “local war under the informatized conditions” and began
to consider an information-centered military doctrine.26 It was anticipated that wars in the future would
be informatized warfare where information takes a more central position.
Chinese theorists believed that informatization would prompt changes in the nature of warfare.

37Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

In particular, early theorists believed that it would usher in a new era of warfare that would not use
military force.
Is informatized warfare a “new war” that does not use military force and uses other means toachieve political objectives? Some analysts advocate a vision for new war in which information alone
has strategic effectiveness and determines the outcome of the war. Others stress the importance of
information but seek more operational effects in combination with firepower.
The book Unrestricted Warfare (1999) by Qiao Liang and Wang Xiangsui is an example of the
discussion of the vision for “new war.” The starting point of the discussion is that, modern technological innovation is lowering the barriers that have created divisions in traditional warfare, such as space,means, and dimensions, and eliminating restrictions. Traditional warfare, on the other hand, has clear
distinctions, such as forward and backward; military and non-military; and land, sea, and air forces.
Moreover, war is to be fought between armed forces on the battlefield. The changes brought about
by technological innovation are breaking down these restrictions, and the delimitations of traditional
warfare are disappearing.
As a result, the means of war are diversifying. Diversification of means expands the concept ofwar, which in turn expands the domain of war operations.27 War employs all means, including armed
and unarmed, military and non-military, and lethal and non-lethal, in order to coerce the adversary toadvance one’s interests.28 A national security paradigm based on a geopolitical concept will become
obsolete in such a world. Increasingly important will be economic and financial actions, terrorism, andother activities by non-state actors.29
The other argument that emphasizes operational effectiveness is Dai Qingmin’s “Integrated
Network Electronic Warfare.” Unrestricted warfare was no more than a concept proposed by militaryscholars and has not been adopted by the PLA. More important discussions emerged from the departments involved in operations in the military. An example is “Integrated Network Electronic Warfare”(early 2000s) proposed by Dai Qingmin, director of the Fourth General Staff Department (electronic
countermeasures and radar department).
As the name implies, Integrated Network Electronic Warfare is an operations concept that
attempts to conduct cyber warfare and electronic warfare or electromagnetic spectrum warfare in an
integrated and comprehensive manner.
Dai focused on countering the U.S. style of warfighting based on information superiority andexploiting its vulnerabilities. He believed that information and information systems would not be
confined to assisting firepower in future wars and would become a critical area of struggle.30 According
to this belief, the intangible information domain consists of the electromagnetic domain, the network
domain, and the psychological domain, and outer space will become important as a site of the struggles over these domains. The acquisition of information dominance, meaning a superior position in
the information domain, will become the foundation and premise for gaining air and sea dominance.31
Interestingly, Dai argued that information warfare must be coupled with firepower, despite

38

Introduction

believing that the former would play a leading role in future wars. In future wars, the information
domain will certainly play a more important role, will further elevate its status, and gradually play aleading role that supersedes firepower. Nevertheless, Dai believed that traditional means (firepower)
will never become unnecessary in future wars.32 In this sense, information warfare cannot replace
traditional means. Rather, in Dai’s opinion, “The final outcome of the struggle in the intangible information domain will be manifested in tangible space,” and information warfare would be a leading
operation and would be present consistently in all stages of the war.33

Chapter 1

Dai noted that superiority in the information domain has strategic significance and can serve asa means for “winning without a fight.” Yet his discussion focused on the aspect of supporting military
operations and increasing their might.34
For the PLA’s actual conceptual formation and subsequent military reforms, Dai Qingmin’s
argument was more important than the discussion of unrestricted warfare. This was because Dai occupied the key post of director of the Fourth General Staff Departments and played a central role inshaping the concept of informatized warfare in the PLA. The comprehensive approach presented by
Dai was an idea that inspired the establishment of the Strategic Support Force (SSF).

Chapter 2(2) Three Warfares (Public Opinion Warfare, Psychological Warfare, andLegal Warfare)1) What Are the Three Warfares?
The Three Warfares, consisting of public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare,approach the psychological aspects of informatized warfare from the Chinese tradition of politicalwork.35 The Three Warfares are applied broadly from the strategic level to the operations level.
The Three Warfares are an official concept that China formally introduced in the 2003 Political

Chapter 3

Work Regulation. In November 2003, Jiang Zemin, chairman of the Central Military Commission(CMC), received a summary report from the PLA regarding the Iraq War and instructed giving focus to
public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. Research on the Three Warfares wasthen conducted. On July 28, 2004, the General Political Department held a PLA roundtable on public
opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. At around the same time, the Academyof Military Sciences (AMS) held a forum on the Three Warfares. The AMS established a specialized
team based on the roundtable and conducted studies on the Three Warfares.36
Efforts ensued to incorporate the Three Warfares into the operations. In August 2005, the Public

Conclusions

Opinion Warfare Outline, the Psychological Warfare Outline, and the Legal Warfare Outline were
issued to the military.37 The “Opinions on Strengthening Political Work in Military Training,” whichwere issued by the General Political Department in 2006, proposed incorporating Three Warfares
training into the education and training system. In December 2008, the four general departments
released the “Opinions on Ensuring the Implementation of the Public Opinion Warfare, Psychological
Warfare, and Legal Warfare Outlines of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army” to the military. The

39

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

opinions stated that the Three Warfares are integral for coordinating the state’s politics, diplomacy, andmilitary struggle, are a component of the integrated joint operations under informatized conditions,and are a vital part of wartime political work. They confirmed the importance of the Three Warfares
and underscored that they should be incorporated into the preparations for military struggles.38
The three non-military means of warfare—public opinion warfare, psychological warfare,and legal warfare—are concepts that could have emerged in any age. In other words, shaping public
opinion to one’s advantage, influencing the adversary’s psychology, and using law for struggles werelikely employed in ancient wars.
Nevertheless, the PLA presents the Three Warfares as a special operation of informatized warfare
that emerged in the informatization age. Contests over the cognitive system are intense in the age of
informatized warfare. In this environment, shaping public opinion, mounting psychological attacks,
and battling over law will become the main means of confrontation of the cognitive system, the PLA
says.39 Psychological and propaganda warfares from past wars were effective only at the tactical level.
In the age of informatized warfare, however, their effectiveness has extended to the strategic level.40
In informatized warfare, the execution of public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal
warfare has become indispensable to gain the political initiative. The Three Warfares can be waged
against the frontline forces or against the rear forces, and can be conducted in wartime or peacetime.
The Public Opinion Warfare Outline gives the following definition. “Public opinion warfare
is struggles for creating a favorable public opinion environment in order to achieve military victoryby using public opinion as a weapon, comprehensively using media tools and information resources,
stimulating the fighting spirit of one’s side, influencing the adversary’s judgment of the situation,
weakening the adversary’s will to fight, and seizing the political initiative, based on strategic intent
and operational tasks of the Central Military Commission.” 41 In recent years, the term “public opinion
struggle” has been used. The 2020 edition of Science of Strategy edited by the National Defense
University positions public opinion struggle as: “a multiplier of political influence, mental lethality,
and military deterrence and a war action with special power. It has an important position and function
in guiding and controlling social opinion and creating a public opinion situation favorable to oneself
and unfavorable to the enemy.” 42
The Psychological Warfare Outline defines psychological warfare as “operations using specificinformation and media to influence the target’s psychology and behavior through rational propaganda, intimidation, and emotional outreach in order to advance the achievement of political andmilitary combat objectives, based on strategic intent and operational tasks of the Central MilitaryCommission.” 43 The 2020 edition of Science of Strategy uses the term “psychological offense anddefense,” stating that it “influences the perception and policy decisions of the adversary and its armed
forces and breaks them down mentally.” The primary missions of psychological offensive and defensive activities are to weaken and break down the adversary’s combat capabilities, break up the enemy
camp, establish one’s psychological defense, and contribute to national strategy and military action

40

Introduction

decisions. It is deemed that psychological offensive and defensive activities, which can be conductedindependently and deliver enormous operational effectiveness, are the “fourth mode of operation
distinguished from land, sea, and air operations.” 44
Legal warfare, according to the definition in the Legal Warfare Outline, is “struggles forachieving legal principle superiority, the political initiative, and military victory through means andmethods such as legal intimidation, legal strikes, legal counterattacks, legal restraints, legal sanctions,and legal protection, using laws as weapons, based on strategic intent and operational tasks of the

Chapter 1

Central Military Commission.” 45 The 2020 edition of Science of Strategy uses the term “legal principle struggle,” describing it as “a struggle using legal means to achieve legal principle superiority, thepolitical initiative, and military victory.” According to this text, legal principle struggle applies to laws
including domestic law, international law, and the law of war, where domestic law extends to that ofthe parties or belligerents and of non-intervening states or neutral countries.46
The Three Warfares are expected to employ tactics of the kind listed in Figure 2.4.

Figure 2.4 Tactics of the Three Warfares
Chapter 2

Public Opinion Warfare(1) Preemption and first impression (shaping the public opinion through preemptive offensive communication)(2) Concentration and scale formation (building up momentum through concentrated propaganda and overwhelming with scale)(3) Focused breakthrough (narrowing the focus and making a breakthrough on a single issue)(4) Penetration (penetrating ideology, culture, and value principles)(5) Amplification and suppression (amplifying favorable information and suppressing unfavorable information)(6) Pressure (threatening the opponent’s public opinion)(2) Threats (threatening to use force)(3) Emotional influence (appealing to emotions and antipathy to war)(4) Deception (spreading disinformation)(5) Estrangement (aiming to break up the opponent’s alliances)(6) Special strikes (precision strikes against key persons and structures to inflict psychological damage)

Chapter 3

Three Warfares

Psychological Warfare(1) Psychological propaganda (propaganda aimed at psychological effect)(1) Legal intimidation (pressuring the adversary by warning one’s intention to challenge the enemy and demonstrating theLegal Warfare

legal legitimacy of one’s military actions)(2) Legal blow (exposing the illegality of the enemy’s actions and advocating the legality of one’s military actions)(3) Legal counterattack (counterattacking the enemy’s legal warfare against oneself)(4) Legal restraint (constraining the enemy’s military actions and third countries’ military interference)(5) Legal sanctions (pursuing responsibility for war crimes)(6) Legal protection (guaranteeing the legal legitimacy of one’s military actions)

Source: 程 宝山 [Cheng Baoshan], ed., 舆论战心理战法律战基本问题 [The Fundamental Issues of Public Opinion

Conclusions

Warfare, Psychological Warfare and Legal Warfare], pp. 91-105, 106-121, 122-133.

Of note is that China stresses the execution of the Three Warfares in conjunction with the use ofand the threat to use military means. While the Three Warfares are an essential element in informatizedwarfare, they cannot be executed separately from military means.47 The Three Warfares are considered
the central component of political work in informatized warfare and are effective when coupled with

41

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

joint operations.48 The Three Warfares are thus not considered a stand-alone substitute for militaryforce; rather, the Three Warfares and military force are always jointly employed.
2) Organizations Associated with the Three Warfares
Since the General Political Department had jurisdiction over law, propaganda, and political work, it
was not unnatural that the department has jurisdiction over the implementation of the Three Warfares.
However, the military reforms dismantled the General Political Department, and the functions related
to the Three Warfares were also split. Today, the Three Warfares are thought to be conducted by military organizations at various levels. There is a base specialized in the Three Warfares, while there arealso units that execute the Three Warfares.
a. CMC Political Work Department
Even today, the political work of the CMC Political Work Department covers “public opinion-legal
principle struggles and psychological offensive-defensive measures,” suggesting that all functions
have not been transferred to the SSF necessarily.
The CMC Political Work Department is thought to be in charge of domestic and global open
propaganda. The PLA’s official media outlets, including the PLA Daily, are under the jurisdiction of
the Central Committee’s Political Work Department. Related organizations in the department include
the Propaganda Bureau (director: Zhang Yutang), the Network Public Opinion Bureau (director: Xu
Yunpeng49), and the PLA News Dissemination Center. The Propaganda Bureau is in charge of military-wide propaganda work and ideological construction, and its personnel participate in the external
spokesperson system. The Network Public Opinion Bureau is believed to be primarily responsible
for guiding online public opinion in the military. The PLA News Dissemination Center oversees the
PLA’s official newspaper, the PLA Daily, as well as TV propaganda, websites, and a publishing houseaffiliated with the PLA.
b. Strategic Support Force
How is the SSF associated with the Three
Warfares? As mentioned above, the SSF
handles the information domain comprehensively, and by extension, its mission
encompasses the psychological and cognitive
domain.
This is made clear by the 311 Base in
Fujian Province. Established in 2005, the 311
Base is a frontline base for the Three Warfares
against Taiwan and is believed to be directly

42

CMC Chairman Xi Jinping visiting the SSF (August2016) (Photo: Xinhua News Agency/Aflo)Introduction

subordinate to the SSF following the military reform.
The 311 Base had overseen the Three Warfares since 2011 under the leadership of the General
Political Department. With the 2015 military reform, the 311 Base was transferred from the General
Political Department to the SSF and appears to be under the command of the Political Department or
the Network Systems Department.50
According to a report by France’s Institute for Strategic Research of the Military School(IRSEM), the 311 Base has under its umbrella: media companies, such as Voice of the Strait, China

Chapter 1

Huayi Broadcasting Corporation, and Haifeng; and units, such as Unit 61070, Unit 61198, and Huaxin
Training Center. In addition, the 311 Base conducts psychological warfare through other related organizations, targeting Taiwan in particular.51
c. Wartime Political Work and Three Warfares at the Unit Level
The Three Warfares at the unit level are conducted as part of wartime political work and will be more
operational. The entities responsible for them are likely the Party committees and branches, politicalorgans, political commissars, and personnel dedicated to the Three Warfares.

Chapter 2

The first group consists of Party committees, grassroots Party committees, and Party branches
in the military. Party committees in the military are said to provide unified leadership for the Three
Warfares.52 Party committees are established in units at the regiment level and above, grassroots Party
committees at the battalion level, and Party branches at the company and lower levels. The internal
structure of these Party organizations is unclear. Outlined below is the organizational structure of a
Party branch, which is presumed similar to that of Party organizations at the other levels. A Partybranch is comprised of a secretary (political commissar), deputy secretary (military commander),organization commission members, propaganda commission members, youth commission members,

Chapter 3

discipline inspection commission members, security commission members, mass work commission
members, and enemy forces work commission members (appointed when necessary).53 Among them,those involved in the Three Warfares are enemy forces work commission members and propaganda
commission members. Enemy forces work commission members are responsible for: 1) educationon the disintegration of enemy forces and on public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, andlegal warfare; 2) training and exercises in public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal
warfare; and 3) formulation of plans for the disintegration of enemy forces work, which is carried out
in combination with the military struggle.54 As is evident, education and training on the Three Warfares

Conclusions

are included. Propaganda commission members have the important responsibility of carrying out
internal propaganda.
The second group is political organs. Their duties are to collect information, assist the Party
committees’ decision-making, and supervise the execution of the Three Warfares.55 The wartime political organs established in wartime implement the Three Warfares systematically. Not all of the Three
Warfares are, however, carried out by units. The Integrated Command Platform, which is employed to43

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

conduct joint operations, has components dedicated to and used for wartime political work. In public
opinion warfare and legal warfare, wartime political organs at the corps and higher levels utilize
the dedicated components, whereas division and brigade-level units do not. In short, psychological
warfare is implemented at all levels, while public opinion warfare and legal warfare are carried out by
wartime political organs at the corps and higher levels.56
The third group is political commissars. Politburo members (regiment level and above) conduct
all of the Three Warfares. In contrast, political instructors (battalion level) and political directors(company level) are mainly responsible for ideological and political education as well as psychological service work.57 It indicates that high-level political commissars are engaged in all of the Three
Warfares, while cadres at the battalion level and below are primarily responsible for managing ideologies and psychological conditions in their units.
In addition, an official history of political work states that one to three specialists on the Three
Warfares were assigned to units at the company level and above.58 It is unknown whether such specialists are still assigned to all units above the regiment level.
d. Militia and Reserves
Militia and reserves are also expected to play a certain role in the Three Warfares. For example, a three
warfares militia squadron has been established in Bao’an District in Shenzhen City. The squadron hasgathered together 78 highly educated militia members, including lawyers, journalists, psychologists,teachers, military personnel, and civil servants, 8 of whom have master’s degrees and 27 bachelor’s
degrees.59 Furthermore, the Party committee of the Civil Aviation University of China has organized a three warfares reserve unit under an agreement with the Tianjin Army’s 1st Regiment of theReserve Antiaircraft Artillery Division. It consisted of a 16-member public opinion warfare squadron,a 6-member legal warfare squadron, and a 66-member psychological warfare squadron.60 They are
Figure 2.5 The PLA’s Mechanisms for Implementing the Three Warfares
Level

Implemented Activities

Implementing Organizations

Central and strategic

Public opinion warfare, psychological warfare,legal warfare

Strategic Support Force, Central MilitaryCommission’s Political Work Dept.

Group army

Public opinion warfare, psychological warfare,legal warfare

Political Dept., Party committees, politicalcommissars, Three Warfares specialists

Regiment

Psychological warfare (psychological protection),
propaganda

Political Dept., Party committees, politicalcommissars, Three Warfares specialists

Battalion and company

Psychological warfare (psychological protection),
propaganda

Grassroots Party committees and Partybranches, political instructors and politicaldirectors, militia

Source: Compiled by the authors.

44

Introduction

likely expected to fulfill their role in stabilizing public sentiment in a contingency, but it is unclear how
useful they will be in an offensive operation.
3) Education and Training
How do military organizations provide education and training on influence operations? Securing andcultivating personnel poses a significant challenge for the PLA. Talent cultivation is a major issue,
given that influence operations cannot be conducted without a high level of knowledge.

Chapter 1

A look at Three Warfares education and training shows that emphasis has been placed on cultivation of Three Warfares personnel. The 2009 Outline of Military Training and Evaluation specified
the incorporation of the Three Warfares into education and training. The general departments andmilitary region-level organizations would provide Three Warfares command training at the strategic
and campaign levels, while corps level and below would provide Three Warfares education, psychological protection training, and training in identifying public opinion information. Additionally,
Three Warfares units (311 Base is considered to be in mind) would provide specialized training for
improving Three Warfares attack capabilities. Furthermore, the outline stipulated that organizations

Chapter 2

conducting public opinion warfare and legal warfare would strive to enhance their public opinion andlegal principle struggle capabilities. The four general departments have prepared common teachingmaterials for Three Warfares education, indicating that efforts had been made to incorporate the Three
Warfares into education and training.61 However, it is unclear how education and training are currently
conducted following the military reform. It was not possible to confirm whether the 2018 new Outlineof Military Training contained a section on the Three Warfares.

(3) Cognitive Domain Operations
Chapter 3

The recent advent of artificial intelligence (AI) and other emerging technologies is thought to necessitate a transition to intelligent warfare which fully leverages the technologies.62
These circumstances have given rise to the concept of operations in the cognitive domain.63
Such operations are an extension of conventional psychological warfare and aim to shape or control
the adversary’s cognition, thought process, and decisions. According to an article published in the
PLA Daily, operations in the cognitive domain consist of the three layers of suppressing, shaping,and controlling. Suppressing cognition refers to concealing one’s behavior, weakening the adversary’s perceptive abilities, and depriving the adversary of such abilities. Shaping cognition means

Conclusions

disseminating false information based on full knowledge of the thinking habits, operations capabilities, and operations objectives of the adversary in order to steer their decisions and behavior in the
direction of one’s projections. Controlling cognition refers to altering the opponent’s decision-making
mechanisms and directly manipulating the thinking and decision-making chain of command of theadversary’s operations personnel.64
In future wars, penetration and counter-penetration, attack and counter-attack, and control and45

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

counter-control in cognitive space will become more intense than struggles in physical space andinformation space. Military confrontation in cognitive space uses means such as cultural propagation,
public opinion induction, and biological weapons to destroy the cognitive capabilities of the opponent; protect one’s cognitive capabilities; gain the initiative, control, and discourse power in cognitive
space confrontations; and acquire information as well as control policy decisions that affect operationscommand.65 Zeng Huafeng and Shi Haiming at the National University of Defense Technology callsuch dominance in the cognitive domain “mental/cognitive dominance.” 66
Cognition control is a new operation which will manifest itself in the era of intelligentizedwarfare and is considered to be the highest form of cognitive domain operations. With the rise of
emerging technologies, the application of AI and other advanced technologies to warfare has become
more prominent. China views this as the beginning of intelligentized warfare. Intelligentized warfare
is “integrated warfare waged in land, sea, air, space, electromagnetic, cyber, and cognitive domains
using intelligent weaponry and equipment and their associated operation methods, underpinnedby the Internet of Things (IoT) information system.” Recently, the term “intelligence dominance”
has increasingly replaced “mental/cognitive dominance” to refer to control over the intelligentizeddomain.67
As indicated, the discussion on operations in the cognitive domain is an extension of past
discussions on informatized warfare and the Three Warfares. Some argue that actual operations in
the cognitive domain will be embodied primarily in the Three Warfares. In other words, the Three
Warfares are expected to be an effective tool so long as operations in the cognitive domain are aimed
at degrading the adversary’s cognition, emotion, and will.68
Concepts such as “cognitive domain operations” and the related “mental/cognitive dominance”
concept are discussed in the context of the PLA’s future warfare vision and are significant in this sense.
That said, these have not yet been adopted as official concepts, nor have corresponding operations ororganizations been established.

4. Case Study: China’s Influence Operations in
TaiwanTaiwan is an inseparable territory that constitutes a “core interest” of China. Unification with Taiwan isconsidered integral to the realization of the “Chinese dream” of the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese
nation.” Meanwhile, Beijing projects that a PLA invasion of Taiwan would be extremely difficult tocarry out if the U.S. military were to intervene in a Taiwan Strait contingency. As such, in Taiwan’sview, China endeavors to “win without a fight” and conducts “cognitive warfare” as a means to thisend. According to an assessment by Taiwan’s defense ministry, in cognitive warfare the PLA will use

46Introductionmeans, such as spreading fake news, paralyzing key targets in Taiwan, boosting military activities,
coordinating troop deployment, conducting exercises, and sailing naval vessels in the contiguous zoneof the main island of Taiwan, which will cause psychological panic and disturb and oppress public
sentiment in Taiwan.69 This section attempts to analyze specific cases of influence operations executedby China and the PLA against Taiwan.

(1) Cyberattacks
Chapter 1

Cyberattacks take a range of forms, including penetrating a target’s network system to destroy data,
stealing information from within the target, and confusing the opponent through the disseminationof harmful information. Taiwan’s key political, economic, and military entities were hit by morethan 1.4 billion cyberattacks from September 2019 to August 2020.70 It was also revealed in March
2020 that Facebook (Meta) had removed more than 60 accounts of Chinese cyber forces that werespreading disinformation about the novel coronavirus to Taiwan. The majority of the accounts used by
the Chinese cyber forces used traditional Chinese characters in their names and posed as Taiwaneseusers. It is unclear whether these accounts had direct ties to the Chinese government.71 Malicious

Chapter 2cyberattacks from China and Russia against Taiwanese companies, such as CPC Corporation andFormosa Plastics, have also increased, according to the deputy chief of general staff /communications,electronics and information of Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense in his remarks at the Legislative
Yuan.72
Cyberspace has also been used to mount indirect attacks on Taiwan. In April 2020, Tedros
Adhanom Ghebreyesus, director-general of the World Health Organization (WHO), claimed that
he had been receiving racist slurs on the Internet from Taiwan for three months.73 According to theInvestigation Bureau of Taiwan’s Ministry of Justice, criticisms against Tedros were made from China

Chapter 3

under the guise of Taiwanese people.74 It can be interpreted that this was an attack with elements of an
influence operation to control the thought process of Director-General Tedros.
The Investigation Bureau of the Ministry of Justice has presented that 70% of the fake news
originated from China, and that many were circulated from the end of February to March 2020.75 Whenmany “apologies” to Tedros were later posted online by “Taiwanese people,” the bureau announced
its opinion that the people were actually not Internet users in Taiwan but Internet users in China.76 The
Investigation Bureau has also been turned into a center of fake news, with fake official documents
circulated on Facebook and Twitter stating that the bureau wished Thailand to consider incitement of aConclusions

revolution. The bureau’s investigation revealed that the disinformation was circulated by a Taiwanese
man trained in China and was reportedly aimed at undermining the international image of Taiwan.77(2) Pressure Exerted through Media Reports
U.S. President Joe Biden was quick to declare that he would not send U.S. forces to Ukraine, even before
Russia began its aggression against the country in February 2022. Soon after Russia commenced its

47

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

aggression, the Global Times, a newspaper under the People’s Daily, reported that Taiwanese pro-independence advocates could not rely on the United States for independence, arousing the concerns of
the Taiwanese people.78 In an opinion poll conducted by the Taiwanese Public Opinion Foundation in
March 2022, 55.9% of the respondents did not believe that the United States would join the war in theevent of a Taiwan contingency. When the foundation conducted the same survey in September 2020
and October 2021, the percentages were 33.4% and 28.5%, respectively. Taiwanese confidence in the
United States had clearly dropped due to the U.S. response to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.79
While it cannot be said with certainty that Taiwanese people were directly swayed by the Global Times
editorial, it can be said that China is adept at exploiting such situations.
Additionally, the COVID-19 pandemic has been seized as an opportunity to deal a blow to
the Tsai Ing-wen government. At the beginning of the outbreak, China reported, “Taiwan has banned
the entry of passengers and students from the mainland, temporarily suspended entry through thexiaosantong route, and prevented Taiwanese businesspeople who had remained in Hubei Province
from returning to Taiwan.” 80 The reports tarnished Taiwan’s image by mixing truth and lies.
Proactive dissemination of false images is another method used by China. The PLA publishedfalse images of an H-6K bomber flying with Taiwan’s highest mountain, Yushan, in the background.
In another example, Chinese television showed footage of PLA soldiers marching toward a structure resembling the Taiwan Presidential Office during an exercise conducted in the Inner Mongolia
Autonomous Region in 2019.81
Furthermore, China is believed to be exerting strong influence on Taiwanese media, penetrating
influence over Taiwan’s traditional media.82 Notably, Taiwanese businesspeople with businesses in
China have taken over mass media outlets and intervened in news reports. In addition, direct communication between the Chinese government and media companies has become the norm. Taiwan’s CTi
News television channel ceased broadcasting at midnight on December 12, 2020 because the renewalof its broadcast license was not approved. The parent company of CTi News is Want Want China TimesMedia Group, which is considered to have pro-Chinese inclinations. CTi News had been punishedseveral times by the National Communications Commission, which supervises the broadcasting business, for the content of its news reports. During the 2018 election for mayor of Kaohsiung, more than
90% of the coverage was about candidate Daniel Han (Han Kuo-yu), who has a conciliatory stancetoward China. Other pro-China news coverage had also been noted.83
At the Fourth Cross-Strait Media Summit in Beijing on May 10, 2019, Wang Yang, chairmanof the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, commented to
the following effect: “Media on both sides have a responsibility to promote the peaceful developmentof cross-Strait relations. We expect the media will contribute to realizing the great rejuvenation of theChinese nation.” 84 According to a leaked recording, Wang also stated, “The United States will not cometo (Taiwan’s) aid” and “We depend on the efforts of our friends in the media to achieve peaceful reunification and one country, two systems.” 85 The summit was organized by China’s Beijing Daily News

48

Introduction

Table 2.2 China’s Information Manipulation in Cognitive Warfare
Phase ofmanipulation

Target ofmanipulation

Level ofmanipulation

Method ofmanipulation

Information format

Enemy masses

Peacetime

Masses inChina

1. Triggering enemy
contradictions and conflicts
2. Domestic stability

1. Selective facts
2. Disinformation
3. Mixture of truth
and lies∙ Internet
penetration

3. Winning international public
support∙ Cognitioninterference

1. Erroneous decisions bycommander

Battlefield units∙ Electronic
warfare attack

2. Exerting psychologicalpressure on the battlefield

Enemy masses∙ Internet
penetration

3. F ostering anti-war consciousness
among the masses

Enemy elites

Chapter 1∙ National
strategy∙ Military
strategy∙ Campaign
tactics

International
community

Wartime∙ S teering public
opinionPurpose of manipulation

Source: Compiled based on 林疋愔 [Ya-Ying Lin], “中共認知戰操作策略與我國因應作為 [The Chinese Communist

Party’s Cognitive Warfare Operations Strategy and China’s Measures],” 國防雜誌 [National Defense], p. 10.

Figure 2.6 Diagram of the cognitive warfare approaches of the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP)
Chapter 2

CCP

Content Farm
Model

Collaboration Model

Official MediaInternet Water Army

Algorithms for Profit
MakersLocal Collaborators

Readers and audiences
of official media

Random group ofpeopleTargeted group ofpeopleTargeted group ofpeoplePurposeConclusions

Nationalist Model

Chapter 3

Propaganda Model

Generate favorable postures for the CCP

Source: Compiled based on Editorial Committee, 2021 National Defense Report, Republic of China, ed., 2021
National Defense Report, Republic of China, Taipei: Ministry of National Defense, 2021, p. 46.

49

Chapter 2 China’s Increasing Influence Operations

Group, with the cooperation of Taiwan’s Want Want China Times Media Group, and held at Beijing
Hotel. Nearly 100 media outlets and 200 people attended from both sides of the Strait. Participantsfrom Want Want included Chairman Tsai Eng-meng and Vice Chairman Jason Hu (Hu Zhiqiang).86
Vincent Chen (Chen Wen-fan), deputy director-general of the National Security Bureau, has
explained that the content, reporting style, point of view, and tone of some Taiwanese media reports
are synchronized with China’s intimidating discourse toward Taiwan.87(3) Influence Operations through Taiwanese People
There are numerous methods for criticizing the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government
through Taiwanese people. As we have seen in countless examples, pro-China celebrities have maderemarks in the media in support of unification. In addition, senior members of Taiwanese pro-unification
parties, such as the New Party and the Chinese Unity Promotion Party (CUPP), have made pro-China
statements and participated in anti-DPP protests. In December 2020, the Taipei District Prosecutors
Office filed charges against He Jianhua, general secretary of the Chinese Female Association, andothers for violating the National Security Act, alleging that they had received financial support froma Chinese information agency to form a group and collect information on Taiwan pro-independence
forces. In the January 2020 legislative elections, she ran as the number three candidate on the proportional list for CUPP, which supports unification with the Chinese mainland. At that time, she was
accused of violating the election law by inviting voters on a low-cost trip to Kinmen and Xiamen,
which was regarded as bribery. It was discovered then that she had been in contact with a Chinese
information agency. According to prosecutors, she had been engaged in a series of activities since May
2017. In cooperation with China, she formed the Chinese Female Association in Taiwan, which wasa group of Chinese spouses and others and campaigned for cross-strait unification and one country,
two systems advocated by China. Furthermore, under instructions from China, she allegedly gathered information regarding visits to China by Taiwanese pro-independence advocates. Prosecutors
note that she spread disinformation unfavorable to Tsai Ing-wen, who was seeking reelection in theJanuary 2020 presidential election. She actively waged a negative campaign accusing President Tsaiof academic fraud. In return, she received 30,000 yuan from Huang Xinyu, vice president of the
Taiwan Scholar Association, a Chinese organization.88
Individuals like her may instigate chaos from within Taiwan, such as by requesting assistancethat would elicit China to take military action to reunify Taiwan, or succeed the government after theincumbent government is overthrown.

(4) Maneuvering on Multinational Corporations and Military Officers
CCP branches have reportedly been established in foreign industry, academic, and political circles.
According to a report, CCP members are employed by at least 10 foreign consulates in Shanghai.
Party members are also at foreign firms, such as Standard Chartered Bank, Pfizer, Boeing, and major

50

Introduction

Taiwanese companies (Delta Electronics and Formosa Plastics), and a total of 79,000 CCP branches
have been established inside them. A branch must be opened at a company with three to four Party
members. Some scholars have pointed out that tensions in cross-strait relations and U.S.-China relations may trigger Party branches inside companies to infiltrate them and become the focal point of
united front work and political campaigns against Taiwan.89
China’s maneuvering also extends to military officers. Taiwan’s Army Lieutenant General Liu
De-liang, a reserve member, retired from his post as director of the Military Intelligence Bureau of the

Chapter 1

Ministry of National Defense and had just begun working as president of a natural gas company when
he received a letter from a Chinese firm stating that it was looking for a partner. Liu knew instinctively that this was a typical espionage technique and immediately reported it to the National Security
Bureau and the Investigation Bureau of the Ministry of Justice. Giving priority to the situation, theTaiwanese Investigation Bureau and the military’s China intelligence corps conducted an investigation and found that the sender’s address and company were fake. The contact and other methods werealso typical techniques used by spy agents.90 Liu was a central figure of Taiwan’s espionage activities
and is the only person in Taiwan banned from traveling to China for 10 years following his retirement

Chapter 2

under Beijing’s designation.

Chapter 3
Conclusions

51

52

NIDS China Security Report 2023

China’s Quest for Controlof the Cognitive Domain
and Gray Zone
Situations

Yomiuri Shimbun/Aflo

Chapter3

China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations
Yatsuzuka Masaaki and Yamaguchi Shinji

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

1. China’s Gray Zone Situations
The term “gray zone situation” is used to describe China’s activities for asserting maritime rights
and interests, but it is not in the parlance of the Chinese government.1 This terminology began toappear in Japanese and U.S. policy documents in around 2010.2 Since its inception, the term has
referred to China’s actions for expanding its interests and sovereignty, as defined in Japan’s National
Defense Program Guidelines released in December 2010: “confrontations over territory, sovereignty
and economic interests that are not to escalate into wars.” 3 A gray zone situation is basically a strategy
employed by the side changing the status quo, and the objective is to undermine the power, legitimacy,
and will of the adversary while not leading to armed conflict. Frank G. Hoffman of the National
Defense University in the United States describes operations which give rise to a gray zone situation
as “deliberate multidimensional activities by a state actor just below the threshold of aggressive useof military forces.” 4
Hybrid warfare, a term which came into widespread use in the wake of Russia’s operations in
Crimea, differs from gray zone operations. Hybrid warfare is defined as the simultaneous and adaptive
employment of a fused mix of conventional weapons, irregular tactics, catastrophic terrorism, andcriminal behavior in the battlespace to achieve political objectives.5 The aim of hybrid warfare is touse military means more effectively by combining them with non-military means, such as “political,
economic, information, humanitarian and other measures.” 6 Whereas gray zone situations represent a
particular form of conflict escalation, hybrid warfare emphasizes diversity of means. Hybrid warfare
also encompasses fighting in an armed conflict, and is often considered to fall under an area of conflict
which is more intense than the gray zone.
In China, strategic directives akin to gray zone operations can be found in close-to-official
documents of the Xi Jinping regime and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). China’s Military
Strategy (China’s white paper on national defense), published by the Xi regime in 2015, states, “Aholistic approach will be taken to balance war preparation and war prevention, rights protection andstability maintenance, deterrence and warfighting, and operations in wartime and employment ofmilitary forces in peacetime. They will lay stress on farsighted planning and management to create afavorable posture.” 7 In addition, the 2020 edition of Science of Strategy edited by the PLA National
Defence University lists the following key elements of China’s strategic thinking on active defense
strategy: “actively create a favorable strategic environment,” “attach importance to crisis managementand deter war,” and “attach importance to safeguarding national development interests.” 8 That is, inpeacetime and in the pre-conflict phase, the strategic directive calls on China to expand the nation’s
developmental interests while both avoiding war and creating an advantageous strategic environment.
China’s above strategic directive may translate as follows in the maritime domain. In order toavoid war and create a favorable posture, China will use the PLA Navy (PLAN) as a deterrent force,

54

Introduction

while at the same time utilizing the China Coast Guard (CCG) law enforcement agency and the maritime militia to manage the intensity of the dispute so that it does not lead to armed conflict and exertpressure on the adversary, thereby gradually expanding China’s rights and interests. By employing
the CCG and the maritime militia, China seeks to change the status quo as it desires, while triggeringcrises of low intensity that do not lead to armed conflict.
Of course, unlike wars including high-intensity military operations, such low-intensity conflicts
in an attempt to change the status quo cannot significantly alter the situation in a short timeframe.

Chapter 1

However, low-intensity conflicts can inflict military and political costs over a long period of time bywhich a state asserts its reinterpretation of the situation and gradually changes the circumstances as
it desires. Herein lies the reason why China’s rights expansion behaviors are referred to as “salami
slicing strategy” and “creeping expansion.”
To achieve the goal of becoming a “great maritime power,” the Xi Jinping regime has increasingly asserted its maritime rights and interests. Furthermore, grounded on the concepts of militarypolice-civilian and “five-in-one” joint actions, Beijing has made efforts to strengthen and enhancecoordination among the PLAN, the CCG law enforcement agency, and the maritime militia.9 In addi-

Chapter 2tion, by integrating the chains of command of the CCG and maritime militia into the military andbuilding up their equipment, China has improved its gray zone operations capabilities in disputed areas.

2. Organization of Maritime Militia Units(1) The Maritime Militia, its Chain of Command, and its Relationship with
the Party
Chapter 3

In April 2013, President Xi Jinping visited a maritime militia force in Hainan Province. Subsequently,
the Chinese government stepped up support for the organization of maritime militia units and broadened their activities. Maritime militia forces have increased their activity linked to China’s maritime
expansion. While this has raised concern and drawn the attention of neighboring countries, many
aspects remain unclear about the maritime militia.
In China, the National Defense Law amended in December 2020 states that the militia, “under
the command of military agencies, shall assume war preparation missions, non-war military action

Conclusions

missions, and defense operation missions.” Additionally, Article 2 of China’s “Regulations on Militia
Work” stipulates, “The militia is an armed organization of the masses not divorced from production
under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, is a component of the armed forces of thePeople’s Republic of China, and is an assisting and reserve force of the Chinese People’s Liberation
Army.” In other words, China’s militia is an official armed organization that is an auxiliary of the
PLA.1055

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

There were 750,000 maritime militia
personnel (140,000 vessels) in 1978 according
to an estimate. However, no official numbers
are available at this time.11 According to China’s
FY2010 white paper on national defense, there
were 8 million primary militia members, and as of2016, there were reportedly 9.48 million people
in China engaged in fishing, including in riverareas.12 Maritime militia units have been organized in a range of coastal areas facing seas such

Militia training in Sansha City, Hainan Province (July
2015) (Photo: Xinhua News Agency/Aflo)as the South China Sea, the East China Sea, andthe Yellow Sea, including Guangdong Province (Zhanjiang City and Taishan City), Hainan Province(Sansha City), Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region (Beihai City), Fujian Province (Ningde City and
Mawei District, Fuzhou City), Zhejiang Province (Zhoushan City, Ningbo City, Yuhuan County, andXiangshan County), Shandong Province (Lanshan District, Rizhao City; Weihai City; and Rushan
City), and Hebei Province (Qinhuangdao City).13
With regard to the chain of command, Article 5 of the “Regulations on Militia Work” of thePeople’s Republic of China stipulates, “Under the leadership of the State Council and the Central
Military Commission, militia work nationwide is supervised by the General Staff Department of theChinese People’s Liberation Army (note: since the military reforms, the National Defense Mobilization
Department of the Central Military Commission),” while “the provincial military districts, military
subdistricts, and the people’s armed forces departments at the county level serve as local militarycommand bodies and supervise militia work in their areas.” In short, while the militia is under thecommand of the National Defense Mobilization Department of the Central Military Commission(CMC) in the chain of command, more specific commands are provided by the provincial military
districts, military subdistricts, and the people’s armed forces departments in the counties, which are
the departments in charge of wartime mobilization.
China’s maritime militia receives orders not only from the military but also from the government. The central and local governments are responsible for militia building, including subsidizing thecost of ship repairs, fuel, training, and other expenses of the maritime militia. In exchange for thesesubsidies, it appears that local governments may call out the militia.14
In addition to the military and the government, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) also has
influence on the maritime militia. Like other social sectors in China, Party cells are established in
the maritime militia for enforcing the directives of the CCP. For example, in Yueqing City, Zhejiang
Province, a CCP member who is a senior official of the city’s health department concurrently serves as
the head of a Party small group in the local maritime militia’s emergency relief division, and four Party
members belong to the small group.15 In June 2021, the CCP Central Committee conferred the July56

Introduction

1 Medal to Wang Shumao, deputy commander of the maritime militia company in Tanmen, Hainan
Province where Xi Jinping had visited. Wang double hats as secretary of the Party branch in Tanmen
Village, Tanmen Town, Qionghai City.16 CCP and government officials are appointed to senior positions in maritime militia organizations, presumably to relay the commands and orders of the Party, themilitary, the CCG, and other law enforcement agencies to their affiliated fishermen.
Moreover, the militia has function-specific chains of command in order to systematically provide
guidance from the top to each fishing vessel. The maritime militia has function-specific divisions,

Chapter 1

such as a reconnaissance division, an emergency relief division, and a maritime support division, androles are allocated to each of them. A military officer has proposed to establish multi-layered units,
such as Squad → Platoon → Company → Battalion (a squad consists of one ship; an upper echelon
unit consists of three to five lower echelon units).17 Many Chinese fishermen who join the maritime
militia are employed by local fishing enterprises (including fishing, food processing, ship building,and port construction), and these enterprises serve as the parent entity that systematically manages the

Figure 3.1 Chain of Command of the Maritime Militia
Chapter 2

Chinese Communist Party
Central Military Commission (CMC)

Chairman Xi Jinping

CMC

State National Defense
Mobilization Committee (NDMC)

State Council

State Committee of Border andCoastal Defense (CBCD)
CMC National Defense
Mobilization Department(CMC-NDMD)

Theater
NDMC

Provincial MilitaryDistrict

Provincial
NDMC

Chapter 3

CMC-NDMD
Militia Reserves Bureau

Theater Command

Provincial
Government

Provincial CBCD

People’s
Armed Police

Municipal
NDMC

Military Subdistrict

Municipal CBCD

PLAN
China Coast
Guard

Municipal
Government

People’s Armed
Forces Department

CountyNDMCCounty/District
Government

County CBCD

Conclusions

Grassroots People’s Armed Forces Department –Work Unit/Enterprise/Townships/Party Branch
Direct command and control
Situational command and control

Maritime Militia Unit

Coordination

Source: “Exhibit 06. Command and Control of the People’s Armed Forces Maritime Militia,” in Erickson andMartinson, eds., China’s Maritime Gray Zone Operations.

57

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

fishermen (recruitment, mobilization, and provision of fishing boat equipment and compensation). In
recent years, local governments have also promoted the recruitment of military veterans.18 The maritime militia is expected to conduct not only fishing operations in peacetime but also reconnaissance of
foreign fishing operations in disputed waters and reconnaissance of foreign naval movements, somehave proposed incorporating not only fishing vessels but also pelagic merchant vessels for intelligence gathering.19 As described above, the maritime militia is not simply a group of fishermen; it iscomprised of personnel with various backgrounds, including fishery processors, shipbuilders, port
builders, medical personnel, veterans, local government officials, and members of the CCP.
Thus, China’s maritime militia can be defined as an armed force that is usually engaged in fishing-related industries but, as necessary, is also engaged in various maritime rights protection activities,
systematically receiving directives from the PLA, the government, as well as the Party.

(2) The Role of the Maritime Militia
What is the specific role of the maritime militia? According to China’s FY2013 white paper on national
defense, the role of primary militia, which receives military training as a militia, is “to form emergency
response detachments; provide support to units through joint air defense, intelligence, reconnaissance,
communications support, engineering rush-repair, transportation, and equipment repair; and replenish
units through combat, logistics, and equipment support.” Commander Wang Zhiping of the Zhoushan
Security District in Zhejiang Province outlined the following three roles of the maritime militia forprotecting maritime rights and interests:20
1) Support for the PLA: (a) participation in information operations including diversionary operation;(b) transportation of military supplies; (c) medical and equipment maintenance support for thearmy; (d) cooperation with defense operations
2) Cooperation with law enforcement agencies: (e) creation of situation favorable for maritime rights
protection activities through operations in disputed waters; (f) sabotage and information gathering
on foreign scientific research vessels, reconnaissance vessels, and fishing vessels
3) Independent maritime rights protection activities: (g) daily fishery production activities as wellas surveillance and information gathering on suspicious vessels in disputed waters; (h) maritime
rights protection missions in wartime.
With regard to the abovementioned support for the PLA, PLA officers and others have identified
four maritime operation missions of the maritime militia: 1) maritime guerilla operations (maritime
reconnaissance warning, maritime camouflage, low-intensity maritime sabotage, and securing prisoners of war at sea); 2) cooperation with maritime operations forces (cooperation with extraordinary
inspections, support for ensuring the concealment of operations forces, cooperation with reconnaissance forces, and cooperation with mine forces); 3) supporting maritime operations forces in areas
such as medical care, search, transport, supply, and repair; and 4) “Three Warfares” activities at sea.21
Mindful of such cooperation with military operations, live-ammunition exercises and various other58

Introduction

drills and exercises including rescue, reconnaissance, and logistics support exercises are conducted
regularly, mainly during the fishing closed season, by which the command and order system for the
maritime militia has been strengthened.22 However, some point out that many of the attributes andcharacteristics of the maritime militia are highly useful in gray zone operations but are unsuitable forcoordination with the PLAN in high intensity and wartime operations.23
The above characteristics infer that the maritime militia envisions a variety of missions which
support both the government and the military. However, as actual operations will involve a multitude

Chapter 1of agencies, the chain of command and coordination mechanisms are likely to be quite complex. For
example, another military officer made the proposal below on how the maritime militia might cooperate with other agencies in the respective activities.24
When the maritime militia: 1) independently carries out maritime information surveys andreconnaissance warning, a provincial military district takes command; 2) joins emergency relief
efforts, a maritime search organization (presumably the CCG) or a local government takes the lead,and a provincial military district system takes part; 3) carries out maritime rights protection activities,
a provincial military district system systematically commands together with relevant local depart-

Chapter 2

ments, under the guidance of a local Party committee and government; 4) cooperates with maritime
law enforcement, the CCG takes command and the provincial military district system cooperates,
under the unified guidance of a local Party committee and government; and 5) assists naval activities, the PLAN exercises unified command, and the provincial military district system cooperates.
These missions may be performed in a flexible manner according to each situation. Within the maritime militia, it appears that divisions are organized and roles are assigned to them. For example, themaritime militia in Sanya City, Hainan Province has formed a reconnaissance division, a specialized
emergency relief division, and other divisions in each district.25

Chapter 3

The maritime militia usually conducts operations as fishermen, making it difficult to determine
whether it is precisely a militia or not. Nevertheless, since the so-called Battle of the Paracel Islands
in 1974, when China seized the Paracel Islands from South Vietnam, the maritime militia has been
employed in maritime disputes and seemingly continues to be involved in various disputes. Table 3.1
below lists the incidents in which the maritime militia is believed to have been involved, their region,and the activities of the maritime militia.

Conclusions

59

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

Table 3.1 Maritime Disputes Allegedly Involving the Maritime Militia
Year

Incident / Region

Target Country / Target Ship

Activity

Paracel sea battle South Vietnam

Operated around the islands, landed on
the islands, set up facilities, fired on
enemy forces

1978

East China Sea
Japan(Senkaku Islands)

A total of 357 fishing boats intruded into
Japan’s territorial waters surrounding the
Senkaku Islands and operated illegally

1985

South China Sea

Philippines

Five fishing boats landed on Scarborough
Reef

South China Sea

Philippines

Harassed Philippine fishing boats off
Scarborough Reef

2002

Yellow Sea

U.S. Navy(USNS Bowditch)

Collided with a towed array sonar

2009

Yellow Sea

U.S. Navy
Tailgating(USNS Victorious)

2009

South China Sea(near Hainan
Island)U.S. Navy(USNS
Impeccable)

Interfered with navigation

2011

South China Sea

Norwegiansurvey vesselInterfered with oil and gas surveys

2012

South China Sea

Philippines

Operated near Scarborough Reef, rescue
training with China Coast Guard’s
participation

2013

South China Sea(Spratly Islands)

2014

South China Sea

2015–

South China Sea(Spratly Islands)

Surge of Chinese fishing boats operatingfrom artificial islands in the South China
Sea

2016

East China Sea
Japan(Senkaku Islands)

200 to 300 Chinese fishing boats
swarmed around the Senkaku Islands

2018South China Sea(Thitu Island)

Philippines

Chinese fishing boats swarmed the area,
Philippine fishing boat collision

2021

South China Sea(Whitsun Reef)

Philippines

Swarming by 220 Chinese fishing boats

1974

1999

Yellow
Sea
East China
Sea
Senkaku Islands

China

TaiwanHainan Island

South China
Sea

Paracel Islands

ScarboroughReef
Philippines

Thitu Island

VietnamSpratly Islands

Whitsun Reef

Malaysia

Construction of artificial islands by
dredgers
VietnamProtected a Chinese oil rig, Vietnamesefishing boat collision

Source: Compiled by the authors basedon various materials.

The specific missions of the maritime militia in relation to other maritime actors (see Figure
3.2) are considered to have the following characteristics. First, the maritime militia, taking advantage
of its large number and equipment, is primarily tasked with asserting maritime rights and interests—
activities which are difficult to coordinate and carry out by each respective actor. In other words, themaritime militia is expected to engage in a wide range of paramilitary activities that could escalate acrisis if undertaken by the military, are too costly for law enforcement agencies to carry out, and are
difficult for ordinary fishermen to perform due to equipment, management, and other requirements.
The maritime militia uses its unique status as “both soldier and civilian” to assert sovereignty throughfishing and other activities in disputed areas for strengthening China’s effective control in peacetime,
and to act as an auxiliary organization to the military in wartime by coordinating with the military andparticipating in diversionary operations.
Secondly, the maritime militia is thought to play a mediating role between the military, administrative organizations, and the civilian sector. The militia, while stipulated as a military organization in
the chain of command, is expected to coordinate with administrative organizations in specific missions.

60

Introduction

Major general Fu Yi, commander of the Zhejiang Provincial Military District, notes that a chain ofcommand and a mutual communication system should be established connecting the maritime militia
and the people’s armed forces departments (local marine and fishery departments), military subdistricts (security districts), and PLAN units.26 Of further note is that the organizations with which themaritime militia collaborates are likely to vary depending on the crisis situation. As shown in Figure
3.2, the maritime militia coordinates with official government vessels for asserting maritime rights andinterests in relatively less intense gray zone areas, such as communicating operations in disputed areas

Chapter 1

and surveillance of foreign fishing and research vessels. In contrast, the maritime militia coordinateswith military organizations to conduct not only intelligence cooperation with the military in gray zone
areas and interdiction activities against foreign military vessels, but also relatively intense paramilitary operations, such as support and replenishment for the military in wartime and participation in
military operations.
In addition, compared to the CCG and the PLA, maritime militia units play a role in shallow
waters, can operate smaller and more mobile vessels, and can conduct a wide range of surveillance
activities with many fishing vessels. For this reason, from the perspective of conducting monitoring

Chapter 2

and reconnaissance of foreign fishing vessel operations in disputed waters and of foreign naval activities, some have proposed incorporating into the maritime militia not only fishing vessels but alsopelagic merchant vessels and other vessels for the purposes of information gathering.27
The Chinese government may believe that mobilizing the maritime militia can control the escalation of a crisis, rein in the adversary, avoid military skirmishes, and expand China’s effective control.
For example, in the Impeccable Incident in 2009 and the Freedom of Navigation Operation in 2015,

Figure 3.2 Missions of the Maritime Militia
Chapter 3

Peacetime

In Cooperation with Law Enforcement Agencies

Independent Activities

In Cooperation with the PLA

Daily fishery production activities
Maritime rights protection activities throughoperations in disputed waters
Surveillance and information gathering on suspicious vessels in disputed waters

Gray Zone

warming around the Senkaku• SIslands(2016)

Medical and equipment maintenance support for the PLA• Swarming around Whitsun Reef (2021) • Impeccable incident (2009)
Sabotage and information gathering on foreign scientific research vessels,reconnaissance vessels, and fishing vessels
oil rig incident• China-Vietnam(2014)

WartimeConclusions

Wartime maritime rights protection missions

Transportation of
military supplies

Participation in information operations including
diversionary operation
Cooperation with defense operations•

Paracel sea battle (1974)

Sources: Compiled by the authors.

61

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

the Chinese side reportedly interfered with U.S. Navy operations, not by mobilizing the PLAN but
mobilizing nearby Chinese fishing boats. They can be understood as examples in which the Chineseside deployed the maritime militia to obstruct and check U.S. military actions and communicate
China’s intentions while avoiding military escalation.
If, hypothetically, a small country rather than the U.S. Navy is the adversary, the maritime
militia can carry out extreme provocations to lure the adversary’s armed forces to take military action
and justify its own military actions, which could result in heightening military tension under China’s
initiative. Indeed, in the so-called Battle of the Paracel Islands in January 1974, when China seized
the Paracel Islands from South Vietnam which until then had effectively controlled the islands andoccupied them, Chinese fishing boats suspected to be part of the maritime militia repeatedly engaged
in provocative behavior in the nearby waters even before the military skirmishes. The boats are also
said to have played an important role during the war, such as providing early warning, participating in
information operations, and supporting landing operations by the military.
By deploying the maritime militia in such situations interweaving between a contingency andpeacetime, it is believed that the Chinese government is attempting to place a burden on the countermeasure decisions of other countries and delay a prompt response, as well as to seize the initiative for
expanding and protecting China’s rights and interests.
The maritime militia’s status under the international law is unclear. Article 29 of the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea stipulates, “‘warship’ means a ship belonging to the armed
forces of a State bearing the external marks distinguishing such ships of its nationality, under thecommand of an officer duly commissioned by the government of the State and whose name appears
in the appropriate service list or its equivalent, and manned by a crew which is under regular armed
forces discipline.” Thus, whereas a warship is discernible from its external appearance, an outsider
cannot instantly distinguish the maritime militia from ordinary fishing vessels when they are mixed
together. The legal status of the maritime militia operating in disputed waters is also unclear. Suchambiguities may give leeway to the operation of China’s maritime militia, as well as burden foreign
law enforcement responders by clouding their judgment.
In addition, U.S. Naval War College Professor James Kraska and Michael Monti note thatinterference with legitimate activities (marine research, fishing) on the high seas and in the exclusive
economic zones (EEZs) of neighboring countries violates various rules of the International Maritime
Organization’s (IMO) Convention on the International Regulations for Preventing Collisions at Sea(1972 COLREG).28 For example, intentionally unsafe operations conducted by Chinese fishing vessels
and the maritime militia in the South China Sea or East China Sea, which create the risk of collisions,
violate COLREG’s Rule 8 “Action to avoid collision.”29

62

Introduction

3. Expanding Activities by the China Coast Guardand the Maritime Militia(1) China Coast Guard: Equipment Reinforcement and Expanded Activities
Restructuring of maritime agencies into the CCG proceeded in the 2010s under a policy of becoming agreat maritime power. The integration of the equipment procurement plans of the CCG made marked

Chapter 1

progress, while larger CCG vessels were constructed.30 In particular, the CCG rapidly increased its
fleet of vessels with a displacement of 500 tons or more, which are capable of conducting long-termrights and interests protection activities in the open sea. Newly built CCG vessels have been observedwith helicopters, fast interceptor boats, deck guns, and high-output high-pressure water cannons.31
According to Japan Coast Guard (JCG) data (Figure 3.3), the number of CCG vessels of 1,000 tons ormore capable of long voyages in distant waters has more than tripled in the past decade, a remarkablerate of increase even compared to that of the JCG.32 In addition, the CCG began operating two large,
over 10,000-ton Zhaotou-class patrol vessels in 2015 and 2017. Also, the China Maritime Safety

Chapter 2

Administration, which is responsible for maritime traffic management at the Ministry of Transport ofChina, deployed a 10,000-ton-class patrol vessel in October 2021.33 Already the CCG is the largest
maritime law enforcement force in the world.34

Figure 3.3 Fleet Expansion of the CCG(No. of vessels)
160
140

131

126

132*2

Chapter 3

120

JCG patrol vessels, 1,000 tons or more(gross tonnage)
CCG and other Chinese vessels,
1,000 tons or more (full displacement)

100

82

80
60
40

69
54

51

70*1

62

40

30
0

2014

2016

2020

2021

(Year)

Conclusions

2012*1 No. of vessels at the end of FY2021.
*2 No. of vessels as of December 31, 2021. Estimates based on publicly available information (subject
to change).
Source: Japan Coast Guard Annual Report 2022, Japanese edition, p. 16.

63

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

In addition to building new CCG vessels, PLAN vessels are being refurbished and transferredto the CCG for increased armament. The transfer of PLAN vessels began prior to CCG integration.
In order to fill gaps in patrol capabilities that law enforcement agencies lacked at the time, auxiliary
vessels such as a cable layer, a mine layer, and intelligence collection ships were transferred withmost guns and electronic equipment removed.35 Even recently, more than 10 frigates and other PLAN
vessels have reportedly been refurbished without missiles but still equipped with 76mm guns, 30mm
machine guns, and fire control radar.36
The CCG has deepened its coordination with the PLAN not only in equipment but also inmaritime operations and training. For example, the East China Sea Cooperation 2012 exercise washeld in 2012, in which then China Marine Surveillance and Fisheries Law Enforcement Command
jointly patrolled the East China Sea with the support of the PLAN’s East Sea Fleet command.37 In
May 2018, PLAN and CCG ships and a local general law enforcement ship conducted a five-day
joint patrol around the Paracel Islands. In this way, the military, the CCG, and local governments areenhancing their cooperation and exchanges.38 In early July 2020, the CCG and the PLAN conducteda joint exercise on Woody Island (Yongxing Dao) of the Paracel Islands, in which a landing operation
exercise was allegedly conducted with the participation of the PLAN’s Type 071 landing ship andother vessels.39
Following integration into the People’s Armed Police (PAP) in 2018, the CCG has more actively
spearheaded the expansion of China’s rights and interests in the South China Sea. According to reports
from the U.S. think tank, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), CCG vessels havetaken actions to secure exclusive rights and interests in disputed waters, such as escorting Chinesescientific research vessels sailing for seismic surveys in Vietnam’s EEZ and harassing Malaysian
drilling and supply ships conducting surveys in Malaysia’s EEZ.40 In addition, through the construction of artificial islands on the Spratly Islands in the mid-2010s, military facilities and other outposts
have been built, and China’s PLAN and CCG vessels began to regularly call at Fiery Cross, Subi,
Mischief, and other reefs. This is said to have caused an explosion in the number of maritime militia
ships regularly sailing in these waters.41 The expansion of PLAN and CCG activities in the area isconsidered to have propelled Chinese fishing vessels, which are operating in the disputed waters as
maritime militia, to actively assert rights and interests without fear of being captured by foreign law
enforcement agencies.
CCG activities off the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea began to be seen sporadically after
the CCG intruded into Japan’s territorial waters in December 2008. Provocative acts also began to beobserved, such as the pursuit of a JCG survey vessel by the then China Marine Surveillance, 320 kilometers northwest of Amami-Oshima Island in May 2010. The CCG’s assertions of maritime rights andinterests off the Senkaku Islands became routine, triggered by the Japanese government’s purchaseof ownership rights of three of the Senkaku Islands from their private owner in September 2012
and the government’s subsequent ownership of the islands. From around this time, two to four CCG

64

Introduction

vessels intruded into Japan’s contiguous zone fora few hours on 30 occasions in a single monthand also intruded into territorial waters on about
three occasions, marking a gradual increase in thenumber of CCG vessels intruding into the waters,
their frequency, and the number of days that thevessels stayed in the area.42 China’s Coast Guard

Chapter 1

Law, which requires the CCG to protect maritime
A CCG vessel patrolling around Scarborough Reef anda Filipino fisherman sailing in the area (April 2017)(Photo: Reuters/Aflo)rights and interests in waters under China’s jurisdiction, entered into force in February 2021. Since
then, the CCG’s activities around the Senkaku

Islands in the East China Sea have not increased significantly so as to deviate from their routine, as
shown in Figure 3.4, but nevertheless, future trends should be monitored closely.
The Chinese government appears to be using the PLAN-supported CCG to strengthen andexpand China’s rights and interests claims through law enforcement while avoiding the risk of armed
Chapter 2

conflict. A representative example is China’s use of maritime law enforcement agencies in 2012 toseize Scarborough Reef, which was effectively controlled by the Philippines.43 The vessels of Chinese
maritime enforcement agencies (which were then the China Marine Surveillance and the China
Fisheries Law Enforcement Command) interfered with Philippine naval frigate’ attempt to arrest
Chinese fishing vessels anchored in Scarborough Reef in April 2012 on suspicion of illegal operation,and subsequently a standoff continued with Philippine Coast Guard vessels. The Chinese government
demanded that the Philippine vessels withdraw from the area and also applied economic pressure
by imposing de facto import restrictions on Philippine bananas. The Philippine vessels were forced

Chapter 3

Figure 3.4 Number of Days Observed in the Contiguous Zone and Number ofIntrusions into Territorial Waters by CCG and Other Vessels
Jul. 2013
CCG established

No. of intrusions into
territorial waters
No. of days observed within
the contiguous zone30

20

Dec. 2008
Chinese vessels sailed
in territorial waters forthe first time

27

27

23 23

Sep. 2010
Chinese fishing boat
suspected of interferingwith JCG duties

19

12
9

8

7

5

5

4
11

3
1

2
1111

3 3
2 22
1 1111 1

7 7

4 4

6

6
3

3

4

1111

25

Jul. 2018
CCG incorporated
into PAP

24 24

21

20

19

18 1818
16

15

14

12

13

9

13

11
10
9

14

16

14
12

7

6

6

7

8

24

28

27
28
25

28

31 31
30 30

27
26
25

23
22 22

29
272727
26

23

22
20

19 19

18

17

17

8

7
6

25

22

16
15

15

10

25
23

29
28

16
15

1515
13
12
10

Conclusions

13

27

22
2121

17

17

15

29
28

28
27

25

24

Sep. 201222
Japanese government’s 22
21 21 21 21
decision to acquire
20
ownership of three of
the Senkaku Islands
18

31 31 31
30 30
30

31

29

25

Feb. 2021
Coast Guard Law
entered into force

Jun. 2020
Revised PAP Law
entered into force

35

8
6

44
4
3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 33 33 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 33 33 33333
3333 3 3 3 333
33 3 33
3
22 22 22222
2 2 2 2 22222
2 2 2 2 2 2 22 2 2 22
1
111
1 1
1
1 11

0
2008 2010 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

2020

2021

Year

* No CCG or other Chinese government vessels were observed in the contiguous zone surrounding the Senkaku Islands from January 2009 to August 2010.

Source: Japan Coast Guard Annual Report 2022, Japanese edition, p. 16.

65

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

to withdraw, and China seized control of Scarborough Reef from the Philippines. Law enforcement
agencies alone were successfully able to expand China’s rights and interests in a gray zone without
leading to war. It also provided the background for the Chinese government to strengthen the capabilities of the CCG.
The recent enlargement and armament of the CCG could conceivably impact the nature of grayzone situations. The Coast Guard Law stipulates the authority to use weapons as “police authority.”
PLAN frigates, refurbished and converted into ships equipped with 72mm guns, are designed andbuilt based on PLAN standards to withstand a certain amount of wartime bombardment and missile
attacks as warships. They are equipped to prevail in skirmishes with foreign law enforcement vessels.44
China’s policy of strengthening the CCG could encourage foreign law enforcement responders to
become larger and more armed, and as a result, heighten intensity within the scope of the exercise of“police authority” that does not lead to an “armed attack,” i.e., extend the top of the gray zone area.
As the enactment of the Coast Guard Law revealed, the CCG usually exercises police authority
under the Coast Guard Law, whereas in wartime, it is required to perform defense missions as an armed
force under the command of the CMC and the PAP pursuant to the National Defense Law. However,
the terms and procedures have not been clarified for changing of the authority of the CCG from law
enforcement missions for the protection of maritime rights and interests as stipulated in the Coast
Guard Law, to defense operation missions as required by the National Defense Law.45 Such duality
and ambiguity of the CCG’s status are expected to put pressure on the law enforcement agencies andnavies of neighboring countries.

(2) Maritime Militia: Support and Organization
Following Xi Jinping’s 2013 visit of the maritime militia force in Hainan Province, the Chinese
government stepped up its support for the maritime militia operating in the South China Sea. Gregory
B. Poling and other analysts at the CSIS note that the Chinese government provides at least four typesof subsidies: 1) fuel subsidies for fishing vessels operating in waters around the Spratly Islands; 2)
subsidies for the construction and repair of fishing vessels operating in waters around the Spratly
Islands; 3) subsidies for the construction of professional maritime militia vessels; and 4) subsidies forthe installation and renovation of communication, navigation, and safety equipment on board fishingvessels. According to Poling et al., the Chinese government also provides subsidies for maritime
militia personnel and subsidies for the recruitment of PLA veterans.46 Local governments, for theirpart, have striven to increase their presence in the open sea by providing funds to the maritime militia
for ship repairs, fuel, and moving to remote islands. For example, in August 2014, the city of Sansha
in Hainan Province invested 2.8 million yuan in a subsidy program for fishermen to move to remoteislands and engage in commercial activities. The city began offering a daily “residence allowance” of
35–45 yuan for those who live in the Paracel Islands for 180 days or longer, and 80 yuan if they have
lived in the Spratly Islands for 150 days.47 According to the National Bureau of Statistics of China, the66Introduction

average daily wage of agricultural, forestry, herding, and fishery workers at urban private enterprises
in 2015 was approximately 80 yuan at the time. The residence allowance is thus expected to provide
fishermen with some incentive to earn extra income.
Furthermore, the maritime militia until then operated by renting vessels owned by fishermen,
but new vessels have been built for some maritime militia units.48 According to a report released by
the U.S. Navy and others in 2020 (Figure 3.5), the number of CCG vessels has increased rapidly sincethe 2010s, as mentioned above, while the number of maritime militia vessels has likewise increased

Chapter 1

rapidly, with some 80 vessels already said to exist.49
Meanwhile, the Chinese government also faces challenges in managing and controlling themaritime militia. For example, according to a 2015 survey conducted in China, 46% of maritime militia
members wished only for a political position that came with militia status, and they neither understood
nor fulfilled their duties and missions as militia.50 In order to strengthen its management and controlof the maritime militia, the Chinese government has been installing the BeiDou Navigation Satellite
System (BDS) on Chinese fishing vessels. Coupled with local government subsidies for BDS terminal
equipment, 70,000 fishing vessels and law enforcement vessels, such as CCG ships, are said to have

Chapter 2

already installed BDS terminals. The widespread installation of BDS on Chinese fishing vessels willlead to the formation of the maritime militia and their increased activities, and to strengthening cooperation with the PLAN and CCG. BDS supports the navigation, supervision, and port entry and exitof fishing vessels, as well as provides message communication functions (about 1,200 characters on

Figure 3.5 Number of PLA Navy, China Coast Guard, and Maritime Militia Vessels(No. of vessels)

900

PLA Navy

China Coast Guard

Maritime militia

Chapter 3

700
600
500
400
300
200

Conclusions

PLA Navy, China Coast Guard, and maritime militia vessels

800

100
0
2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

2025

2030 (Year)

Note: Projected figures for 2020 and beyond.
Source: U.S. Marine Corps, U.S. Navy and U.S. Coast Guard, Advantage at Sea: Prevailingwith Integrated All-Domain Naval Power, December 2020, p. 4.

67

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

the latest models).51 At the same time, these functions are becoming indispensable to China’s maritime expansion. For example, it is said that BDS-equipped vessels have already rescued more than
10,000 people in maritime rescue operations. In Hainan Province, which has jurisdiction over mostof the South China Sea, BDS is actively used for the management of fishing vessels. Fishing vessels
equipped with BDS terminals are prohibited from turning off the BDS function without permission
during the closed season, and each vessel in violation is fined 5,000 yuan (over 80,000 Japanese yen).
Furthermore, ever since the Military-Civil Fusion Development Strategy was made a national
strategy in 2015, there has been the issue of how to legally regulate the protection of civilian status,
property, and information, all the while aiming to utilize civilian resources. In this regard, the military
policy and institutional reforms unveiled in August 2020 proposed 58 policy and institutional reforms,
and indicated that systematic institutional reforms, including legal reforms, would be completed by2022 under the leadership of the CMC’s Leading Small Group for Deepening National Defense and
Military Reform.52 In this context, in August 2021, the Military Service Law, which is superior thanthe “Regulations on Militia Work” and stipulates militia status, was revised to remove militia related
provisions.53 At the National People’s Congress, it was mentioned that new regulations on militia
activities would be enacted into law. However, it appears that the legal status of military-civil relations
is still being explored amid the release of the Military-Civil Fusion Development Strategy.54(3) Cooperation between Maritime Actors
Cooperation among maritime actors increased since the latter half of the Hu Jintao regime, and coordination mechanisms have been further developed during the Xi Jinping regime.
At the top level, the State Committee of Border and Coastal Defense is the most important
coordinating body.55 The Committee, which brings together organizations engaged in border andcoastal defense, was established as the State Committee of Border Defense in 1991 under the directive of the State Council and the CMC.56 The Committee’s administrative office was established in
the Operations Department of the General Staff Department. The military managed day-to-day operations, but the secretary of the CCP Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission concurrently
served as the director, the top post of the Committee. This position has been assumed by the ministerof national defense ever since Minister of National Defense Liang Guanglie was appointed director in2008.57 On the one hand, this represented a downgrading of the Committee’s level. That is to say, Luo
Gan and Zhou Yongkang, who double hatted as secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs
Commission and director of the State Committee of Border and Coastal Defense, were members of
the Standing Committee of the Central Politburo, whereas Liang Guanglie was not even a member of
the Central Politburo. On the other hand, this change in the director position made it clearer that theState Committee of Border and Coastal Defense is managed by the military, and this may have served
as a catalyst for deepening cooperation between the military and other organizations, especially in themaritime field.

68Introduction

Following the military reforms, the administrative office is believed to be located in the Bureau
of Border Defense of the CMC National Defense Mobilization Department. It has been confirmedthat the Bureau of Border Defense of the Operations Department, General Staff Department, which
had served as the administrative office, was transferred to the CMC National Defense Mobilization
Department, and that Sheng Bin, director of the National Defense Mobilization Department, concurrently serves as the deputy director of the State Committee of Border and Coastal Defense58 (due tohis retirement, Liu Faqing has been the director of the National Defense Mobilization Department andChapter 1

deputy director of the State Committee of Border and Coastal Defense since December 2021). Jiang
Xianzhi, deputy director of the Office of the State Committee of Border and Coastal Defense, is the
director of the Bureau of Border Defense of the CMC National Defense Mobilization Department.59
China is trying to advance cooperation among the Party, government, military, police/PAP, andcivilians/militia [dang-zheng-jun-jing-min, 党政军警民] or a five-in-one model in border and maritime
defense. This is an evolution of the military-police-civilian three-in-one cooperation model promoted
in Sansha City (created in 2012) in Hainan Province, which claims to have most of the South China
Sea under its control. Party leadership was strengthened in the five-in-one model.60

Chapter 2

The Fifth Conference on National Border and Coastal Defense Work was held on June 27,
2014. Meeting with the delegates of the conference, Xi Jinping stressed the importance of border andcoastal defense in safeguarding national sovereignty and security, and asked delegates to leverage thefeatures and advantages of defense through military-police-civilian cooperation.61
The Central Politburo meeting on April 23, 2018 officially adopted the five-in-one model as amethod of border defense. The meeting recognized that the five-in-one model is an exemplary model
distinctive to China, and declared that it has a profound meaning for strengthening the Party’s unified
leadership in and achieving the strategic goals of border and coastal defense.62 In December 2018,

Chapter 3

Wei Fenghe (minister of national defense and director of the State Committee of Border and Coastal
Defense) explained the roles of the respective organizations in the quinity: Party committees establish
the overall direction, the government provides overall coordination, the military is the main force, thepolice is responsible for governance, and the civilians are the foundation.63
As a whole, the five-in-one cooperation model may be described as an evolved form of the coordination mechanism among the military (central party), law enforcement agencies, and the militia, andaccordingly, a model with enhanced Party leadership and strengthened coordination functions of thegovernment.

Conclusions

We do not know how cooperation will unfold in wartime. We suspect that theater command
officers are members of the State Committee of Border and Coastal Defense and cooperate with eachother from peacetime. A reference book on theater command-level joint operations published by the
National Defense University asserts that military-police-civilian cooperation is a component of joint
operations, emphasizing that “the theater joint operation is a comprehensive operation based on military-police-civilian linkages and unification of ground, sea, air, space, electromagnetic spectrum, and69

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

Figure 3.6 The Five-in-One Cooperation Model

Local Party
Committees
Decision andGuidance

Local
Governments
Comprehensive
coordination

Five-in-One

Militia andCivilians

Military(Provincial
military districts)
Center of
implementation

People’s
Armed Police(China Coast Guard)
and Public Security
Organizations

Source: Compiled by the authors.

cyber realms.” 64 As the military plays a central role in border and coastal defense in peacetime and in
the gray zone, there will likely be some degree of military-police-civilian cooperation in theater joint
operations in wartime.
Information sharing is essential for these various agencies to take coordinated actions. The CCG
and the maritime militia employ a variety of communication tools with the PLA, e.g., the Automatic
Identification System (AIS), BDS, VHF radios, and smartphones.65 In the eyes of the PLA, one of themost important roles of the CCG and the maritime militia is reconnaissance surveillance, especially
active patrolling.66
Currently, focus is on building information infrastructure. The problem of uneven progress ininfrastructure development and informatization in border and coastal defense has been raised frombefore.67 A meeting to promote national border and coastal defense infrastructure construction work
was held from October 14 to 15, 2021. The meeting underscored elevating the science and technology
level and promoting data sharing in border and coastal defense.68 Informatization is progressing inborder and coastal defense. At the same time, a platform for military-police-civilian cooperation using
information network technologies, such as surveillance camera network and blockchain, has beencreated, enabling smoother coordination among the various agencies.69

4. Differences between Gray Zone Operations in
the East and South China Seas
Activities by China’s maritime actors for asserting maritime rights and interests vary between thosein the East China Sea and the South China Sea. In the latter, Chinese fishing vessels suspected to be70

Introduction

the PLAN, CCG, and the maritime militia are engaged in a wide range of activities. In particular, thePLAN, CCG, and the maritime militia have been increasingly asserting rights and interests after thecreation of artificial islands in mid-2010 established outposts in waters around the Spratly Islands.
Moreover, China’s activities for claiming maritime rights and interests in the South China Sea have
not only demonstrated China’s presence; through CCG crackdowns and intimidation by the maritime militia, the activities have also tended to deter countries in the area from using resources in theEEZ.70 Furthermore, maritime militia units have repeatedly interfered with the U.S. Navy’s Freedom

Chapter 1of Navigation Operation. The PLAN, which in the past had no more than tracked and monitored
U.S. Navy vessels sailing in the South China Sea and East China Sea to avoid accidental military
skirmishes with the U.S. Navy, is now said to be taking more aggressive actions, such as demanding
the U.S. Navy to leave waters under China’s jurisdiction.71
In the waters around the Senkaku Islands, in contrast, while the PLAN is nearby and the CCG
repeatedly intrudes into Japan’s contiguous zone and territorial waters to assert Chinese rights andinterests, fishing and research activities are restricted in fewer instances compared to the South China
Sea, i.e., activities in the EEZ on the Japanese side of the Japan-China median line, not including theChapter 2waters surrounding the Senkaku Islands. In addition, while there were incidents in 1978 and 2016
in which a large number of Chinese fishing vessels gathered in the waters surrounding the Senkaku
Islands, provocative operations by Chinese fishing vessels in which the involvement of the maritime
militia is suspected are not daily occurrences, excluding the aforementioned unforeseen incidents.
Meanwhile, China, regardless of Sino-Japanese agreements, has conducted unilateral development
activities of natural resources in waters on the Chinese side of the Japan-China median line, accelerating the construction of drilling facilities, surveying, and oil and gas drilling efforts.72
A factor contributing to these variations may be the differences in environment between the

Chapter 3

two waters. In the East China Sea, the effectiveness of the JCG responses and the Maritime SelfDefense Force patrol activities in the waters surrounding the Senkaku Islands may narrow the Chinese
government’s options for gray zone operations. Some analysts also point out that a fisheries agreement
framework in the East China Sea narrows the possibility of maritime militia activities.73 Furthermore,since the Obama administration, the Japanese andU.S. governments have repeatedly confirmed that
Article V of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, which
stipulates U.S. defense commitments, applies

Conclusions

to the Senkaku Islands, and this too may havedeterred provocative actions by China that would
escalate into military skirmishes. Accordingly, thegray zone operation that Beijing could carry out
is long-term maintenance and strengthening of
its presence, led by the CCG, in order to weaken

Japan’s JCG patrol vessels and China’s CCG vessels near
the Senkaku Islands (September 2013) (Photo: Kyodo)

71

Chapter 3 China’s Maritime Gray Zone Situations

Japan’s administrative right in the waters surrounding the Senkaku Islands.
In the South China Sea, on the contrary, the disputed area is vast, and a significant capability
gap exists between the law enforcement agencies of China and neighboring Southeast Asian countries. Additionally, there is a general perception in China that its rights and interests in the South
China Sea are being challenged (or even undermined) by Southeast Asian countries’ increasing control
over uninhabited islands and by the Freedom of Navigation Operation of the U.S. forces. Based on
this perception, China’s maritime actors may be demanded domestically to adopt a more aggressive
response. While avoiding direct confrontation with the U.S. forces, the CCG and the PLAN are urged
to normalize patrol activities to maintain China’s rights and interests in the South China Sea andenhance its ability to respond to sudden incidents.74 In this case, China’s gray zone operation is topromote its own economic activities in the disputed waters, while at the same time, obstructing the
economic activities of Southeast Asian countries. Its means are wide-ranging and involve the CCG,
the maritime militia, and Chinese civilian ships.
For this reason, even in gray zone situations, priority is given to the CCG taking the lead inmaintaining and strengthening China’s administrative presence in the waters surrounding the Senkaku
Islands in the East China Sea. In the South China Sea, in contrast, both the CCG and the maritime
militia put pressure on foreign vessels in disputed waters, and have a tendency to escalate moves inorder to force other countries to abide by China’s jurisdiction and privileges. Whereas the situation ofeffective control in the South China Sea is variable, actions for asserting rights and interests in the East
China Sea have become routine, making them relatively predictable.

72

NIDS China Security Report 2023

China’s Quest for Controlof the Cognitive Domain
and Gray Zone
Situations

Xinhua News Agency/AfloConclusions
Yamaguchi Shinji

Conclusions

Conclusions
This report has examined the relationship between military organizational reforms and struggles using
non-military means. A number of conclusions can be drawn from the analysis.
First, Xi Jinping’s military reforms drove the restructuring of Chinese military organizations
and strengthened the Party’s leadership over them. Previously, the Party controlled the military mainly
through political work organizations and political commissars in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA).
Today, more emphasis is placed on direct control by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Focus is on
especially the implementation of the Central Military Commission’s chairman responsibility systemand the Party committees in the military. Furthermore, military governance through laws and rules
is underscored. The Party’s leadership has been reinforced not only over the PLA but also over othermilitary organizations, and mechanisms are being developed for coordination between the militaryand other governmental actors. These measures were developed also as a response to modern forms ofconflict that actively use non-military means.
We gauged the situation of the restructuring of the People’s Armed Police (PAP) and its subordinate China Coast Guard (CCG), and analyzed where the reorganization of the PAP fits in the context
of the military reforms. The analysis revealed that the PAP has been reorganized to specialize in maintaining public security in peacetime and easily contribute to PLA joint operations in a contingency,
and that the reorganization was intended to strip the state of its armed forces and reassign them under
the CCP.
Second, in the psychological and cognitive domain, the military is increasingly engaged in
activities associated with the Party’s overall influence operations. The PLA has a tradition of emphasizing psychological warfare, and more recently, the “Three Warfares” of public opinion warfare,psychological warfare, and legal warfare. However, these military activities are no more than acomponent of the overall Party-state efforts. Although the military activities can be considered part ofthe entire Party’s influence-operation ecosystem, the military is not necessarily at its center. China has
traditionally emphasized propaganda work and united front work. These Party activities have increasingly overlapped with military activities in recent years. While the Party’s influence operations areprimarily at the strategic level, the military’s activities span both the strategic and operational levels.
The cooperation relationship between the military and other Party governmental organizations is not
all that clear. In reality, the Party, the government, and the military may not necessarily be conducting
activities in an integrated manner under a consistent system of command. Instead, each actor may be
operating under the overarching policies of the Party.
A most conspicuous example of such struggles in the psychological and cognitive domain is theinfluence operations against Taiwan. Influence operations by the Party and the PLA are wide ranging
and present a major threat to Taiwan.

74

Introduction

Third, in order to become a “great maritime power” and maintain and expand maritime rights
and interests, the Xi Jinping regime has striven to coordinate various maritime actors, namely, the
PLA Navy, the CCG, and maritime militia, based on the concepts of military-police-civilian and “fivein-one” joint actions. Following Xi’s assumption of power, particular progress was made in the integration of the CCG and maritime militia into the military chain of command. By integrating maritime
actors into the military, the Chinese leadership seeks to create gray zone situations constantly andexert pressure on the opponent while avoiding military clashes with other countries. This is to expand

Chapter 1

China’s rights and interests gradually while restricting the sovereign rights of foreign countries. In
order to enhance operations capabilities in such gray zone situations, China has expanded its outposts
in contested waters, made the CCG’s vessels larger and more armed, and strengthened the operational
abilities of the maritime militia.
The conclusions of this report offer the following insights. First, the Party’s leadership is criticalto China’s external actions. The Xi Jinping regime strengthened the Party’s leadership in all domains
as well as over the organizations engaged in external actions including the military. This is considered
not only necessary for maintaining the Party’s rule but also for implementing more strategic external

Chapter 2

actions. By strengthening the Party’s leadership, the Xi regime succeeded in easing to some extent the
problem of “fragmented authoritarianism” which was discussed in the Introduction.
Nevertheless, the Party’s coordination function remains weak depending on the domain.
Influence operations are one example. Rather than the Party, the government, and the military implementing the operations in an integrated manner under a consistent system of command, each actor
may be more or less conducting activities based on the Party’s overarching policy. This is because
the propaganda work department and the united front work department in the Party and the politicalwork of the military have evolved separately in a fragmented manner. Moreover, their similarities

Chapter 3

and overlaps were an outcome of recent technological changes, before which there was little need for
coordination.
Meanwhile, mechanisms for maritime cooperation have evolved. China can apply pressure in
the gray zone due to the coordinated activities of maritime actors. If the actions were completely uncontrolled, the possibility of unintended escalation increases. Perhaps the challenge now for neighboring
countries is deeper integration of China’s CCG and maritime militia into the operations. The CCG may
become less of a law enforcement agency and more of a paramilitary organization supporting the PLA.
Second, what problems and weaknesses face China’s use of non-military means? China has

Conclusions

strengthened the Party’s leadership over the military and governmental agencies and developed coordination mechanisms. However, they will not function if the Party itself weakens or falls into chaos.
In this sense, the CCP can be both a major strength and a weakness for China’s external actions. Thereis also no robust mechanism to correct any misjudgments that the CCP might make. Information that
goes against the will of the Party is not reported precisely because the Party’s leadership has beenstrengthened.

75

Conclusions

In particular, influence operations always entail the possibility of being overrated. The effects
of influence operations are difficult to identify. There is not necessarily coordination among the departments, making the measurement of effectiveness even more challenging. The departments involved
tend to overrate the effects of influence operations, and information to the contrary is not reported. Thishas caused counterproductive propaganda and information dissemination to continue uncorrected, andby extension, growing antipathy toward China.
Third, it is of interest to see how the Russia-Ukraine War will affect Chinese thinking. From
the war’s outset, China has closely followed how the Russian military will conduct cognitive domain
operations. Li Minghai, a professor at National Defense University’s National Security College,
argued that the essence of modern warfare is cognitive domain operations and that such elements are
manifested in the Russia-Ukraine War. In short, he noted that both sides made efforts to spread theirnarratives as soon as the war began, that cognitive domain operations are critical in hybrid warfare,and that an area to watch closely is how artificial intelligence (AI) and other emerging technologies
are employed.1
All things considered, Russia has not gained an advantage over Ukraine and the West in cognitive domain operations. Ukraine and the West have carefully studied Russian information warfare
methods and have taken countermeasures. This has proven to be effective. The United States, forexample, disclosed information about Russia’s war preparations and continued to warn about theaggression, reducing the effectiveness of a surprise attack and giving the United States an edge overRussian intelligence. Ukraine for its part engaged in information warfare, paying meticulous attention
so as not to give the initiative to the Russian narrative. In addition, tech companies were cooperative toward Ukraine. Google and YouTube inhibited the spread of Russian disinformation. Businessmagnate Elon Musk provided the satellite Internet service Starlink, guaranteeing Internet connection
in Ukraine. Starlink was also used for drone operations by the Ukrainian Army’s aerial reconnaissanceunit. Additionally, a consensus had formed on Twitter and other social media platforms that only information on Russian military units would be analyzed and disseminated, not the situation of Ukrainian
military units. Satellite image analyses proliferated on social media, and information was confirmed inreal time. For this reason, disinformation, especially that released by Russia, was denied immediately
and proved to be ineffective.
Such Russian struggles with influence operations shocked China, and the impression of U.S.
information superiority may have been imprinted strongly upon Beijing’s mind. They called into question the effectiveness of China’s influence operations which share many similarities with Russia’s.
Russia failed to win the influence operations and has consequently struggled in the military
operations for which it had not fully prepared. China was shown the limits of using non-militarymeans. It is worth following how China is observing and analyzing the Russia-Ukraine War and what
military operational considerations it will make.
A final point of interest is how technological innovation will affect influence operations and76Introduction

maritime gray zone activities. The PLA and other governmental agencies have already begun to use
AI and big data and are expected to do so to a greater extent going forward. Deep fakes and othertechnologies could be utilized more extensively and skillfully in future influence operations. Even in
the maritime gray zone, technological innovations will be applied broadly to monitor the situation andshare and analyze information. Meanwhile, defenders will need to leverage such technologies. In thisrespect, technology competition is expected to become a key aspect.

Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Conclusions

77

NotesIntroduction
1

2

3

4

5
6

7

Regarding great power competition that leverages non-military means, see: Thomas J. Wright, All Measures Shortof War: The Contest for the Twenty-First Century and the Future of American Power, New Haven and London:
Yale University Press, 2017; Shida Junjiro, Haiburiddo Senso no Jidai: Nerawareru Minshushugi [The Age ofHybrid War: Democracy in Target], Tokyo: Namiki Shobo, 2021.
Koizumi Yu, Gendai Roshia no Gunji Senryaku [Military Strategy of Modern Russia], Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo(Chikuma Shinsho), 2021; Oscar Jonsson, The Russian Understanding of War: Blurring the Lines between War
and Peace, Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2019.
Yamamoto Yoshinobu, “Gensetsu no Taiko to Beichu Kankei: Rekishi, Riron, Genjo [Contestation of Discourse andU.S.-China Relations: History, Theory, and Current Situation],” PHP Research Institute, March 2021; Naganuma
Kazumi, “Warfare in the Cognitive Domain: Narrative, Emotionality, and Temporality,” NIDS Commentary, No.
163, March 30, 2021, http://www.nids.mod.go.jp/english/publication/commentary/pdf/commentary163e.pdf.
National Institute for Defense Studies (NIDS), ed., NIDS China Security Report 2011, Tokyo: NIDS, 2012;
Andrew S. Erickson and Ryan D. Martinson, eds., China’s Maritime Gray Zone Operations, Annapolis: UnitedStates Naval Institute, 2019.
Paul Charon and Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer, “Chinese Influence Operations: A Machiavellian Moment,”
Institut de Recherche Stratégique de l’École Militaire, October 2021.
Kenneth G. Lieberthal and David M. Lampton, eds., Bureaucracy, Politics, and Decision Making in Post-Mao
China, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992; Lim Jaehwan, “The End of Fragmented Authoritarianism?
Evidence from Military-Civil Fusion Policy under Xi Jinping,” The Japan Forum on International Relations
Commentary, January 23, 2021, https://www.jfir.or.jp/en/studygroup_article/3519/.
Regarding military reforms during the Xi Jinping era, see: Sugiura Yasuyuki, NIDS China Security Report 2022:
The PLA’s Pursuit of Enhanced Joint Operations Capabilities, Tokyo: NIDS, 2021; Joel Wuthnow and Phillip
C. Saunders, Chinese Military Reform in the Age of Xi Jinping: Drivers, Challenges, and Implications, China
Strategic Perspectives 10, Washington D.C.: National Defense University Press, 2017; Phillip C. Saunders,
Arthur S. Ding, Andrew Scobell, Andrew N.D. Yang, and Joel Wuthnow, eds., Chairman Xi Remakes the PLA:
Assessing Chinese Military Reforms, Washington D.C.: National Defense University Press, 2019.

Chapter 1
1
2
3

4

5
6
7
8
9
10

78

徐才厚 [Xu Caihou], ed., 当代中国军队的政治工作（下） [Political Work of China’s Modern Armed Forces (Vol. II)],
Beijing : 当代中国出版社 [Contemporary China Publishing House], 1994, pp. 337-339.
Ibid.
Amos Perlmutter and William M. LeoGrande, “The Party in Uniform: Toward a Theory of Civil-Military
Relations in Communist Political Systems,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 76, No. 4, December 1982,
pp. 778-789.
Isaac B. Kardon and Phillip C. Saunders, “Reconsidering the PLA as an Interest Group,” in Phillip C. Saunders andAndrew Scobell, eds., PLA Influence on China’s National Security Policymaking, Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 2015, pp. 33-57.
Andrew Scobell, “China’s Evolving Civil-Military Relations: Creeping Guojiahua,” Armed Forces and Society,Vol. 31, No. 2, Winter 2005, pp. 227-244.
Kardon and Saunders, “Reconsidering the PLA as an Interest Group.”
Xiaoting Li, “Cronyism and Military Corruption in the Post-Deng Xiaoping Era: Rethinking the Party-Commandsthe-Gun Model,” Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 26, No. 107, 2017, pp. 696-710.
Andrew Scobell, “Is There a Civil-Military Gap in China’s Peaceful Rise,” Parameters, Vol. 39, No. 2, Summer
2009, pp. 4-22.
Andrew Scobell, “Testimony: The J-20 Episode and Civil-Military Relations in China,” Written Testimony
Submitted to the U.S. China Economic and Security Review Commission on March 10, 2011.
Peng Wang, “Military Corruption in China: The Role of Guanxi in the Buying and Selling of Military Positions,”
China Quarterly, Vol. 228, December 2016, pp. 970-991; Li, “Cronyism and Military Corruption in the PostDeng Xiaoping Era.”

11
12
13
14

15

16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37

38

39

40
41

Li, “Cronyism and Military Corruption in the Post-Deng Xiaoping Era,” pp. 703-705.
Wang, “Military Corruption in China”; Peng Wang and Jingyi Wang, “How China Promotes Its Military Officers:
Interactions between Formal and Informal Institutions,” China Quarterly, Vol. 234, June 2018, pp. 399-419.
中国国防报 [China National Defense Daily], March 20, 2019.
Political Work Department, Central Military Commission, “毫不动揺坚持党对人民军队的绝对领导: 纪念古田会议胜利
召开90周年 [We Will Uphold the Party’s Absolute Leadership over the People’s Army without Wavering Even the
Slightest: In Commemoration of the 90th Anniversary of the Gutian Conference],” 求是 [Qiushi Journal], No. 24,
2019, December 2019.
Phillip C. Saunders and Joel Wuthnow, “Large and In Charge: Civil-Military Relations under Xi Jinping,” inPhillip C. Saunders, Arthur S. Ding, Andrew Scobell, Andrew N.D. Yang, and Joel Wuthnow, eds., Chairman
Xi Remakes the PLA: Assessing Chinese Military Reform, Washington D.C.: National Defense University Press,
2018, pp. 519-555.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], November 6, 2017.
Gutian is where Mao Zedong established the principle of the Party’s command of the military. In this sense, thesymbolic meaning Xi Jinping gave to this conference is significant.
The Central People’s Government portal website, November 3, 2014, http://www.gov.cn/guowuyuan/2014-11/03/
content_2774196.htm.
人民日报 [People’s Daily], November 4, 2014.
人民日报 [People’s Daily], November 6, 2017.
Xinhua Net, February 26, 2017, http://www.xinhuanet.com/mil/2017-02/26/c_1120532105.htm.
Xinhua Net, August 20, 2018, http://www.xinhuanet.com/mil/2018-08/20/c_129935640.htm.
军队党的生活 [The Party Life of Army], November 7, 2018, http://www.81.cn/2018zt/2018-11/07/content_9345004.
htm.
Xinhua Net, January 10, 2021, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2021-01/10/content_5578659.htm.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], February 27, 2015.
中国军网 [China Military Net], May 5, 2016, http://www.81.cn/jmywyl/2016-05/05/content_7036411.htm.
国防部网 [Ministry of National Defense Net], February 2, 2016, http://www.mod.gov.cn/topnews/2016-02/02/
content_4639775.htm.
财新网 [Caixin Net], September 27, 2016, https://china.caixin.com/2016-09-27/100991796.html.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], August 9, 2016.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], April 18, 2018.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], December 27, 2019.
北京青年报 [Beijing Youth Daily], July 26, 2016.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], January 17, 2018.
人民日报 [PLA Daily], April 13, 2020.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], August 31, 2020.
Ibid.
Regarding the Strategic Support Force, see: Yatsuzuka Masaaki, “China’s Cyber Strategy,” in National Institutefor Defense Studies (NIDS), ed., NIDS China Security Report 2021: China’s Military Strategy in the New Era,
Tokyo: NIDS, 2020, pp. 27-31; John Costello and Joe McReynolds, China’s Strategic Support Force: A Force fora New Era, China Strategic Perspectives 13, Washington D.C.: National Defense University Press, 2018.
According to John Costello, it appears that the former General Staff Department Third Department was moved
to the SSF, and that the Information Communications Bureau which was directly under the Central MilitaryCommission was annexed. John Costello, “The Strategic Support Force: Update and Overview,” China Brief, Vol.
16, No. 19, December 21, 2016, pp. 6-14.
It is known that the head of the SSF Electronic Countermeasures Brigade Medical Corps attended an internal
working meeting of the PLA. 中国军网 [China Military Net], May 16, 2017, http://www.81.cn/zghjy/2017-05/16/
content_7603928.htm.
謝游麟 [Hsieh Yu-Lin], “析論中國大陸武警改革之意涵與發展 [The Implication and Development of China PAPF’s
Reform],” 展望與探索 [Prospect & Exploration], Vol. 17, No. 2, February 2019, p. 124.
Regarding the situation and history of the Armed Police prior to reforms, see: Momma Rira, “Chapter 2 The

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Notes

42

43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56

57
58
59
60
61
62
63

History and the Future of the People’s Armed Police,” in NIDS, ed., NIDS China Security Report 2014, Tokyo:
NIDS, 2015.
林韦呈 [Lin Weicheng], “武警改革对习近平巩固政权之探讨 [Study of Armed Police Reforms in Response to Xi
Jinping’s Regime Strengthening],” 宪兵半年刊 [Military Police Academic Biannual Periodical], No. 91, December
2020, p. 23.
Joel Wuthnow, China’s Other Army: The People’s Armed Police in an Era of Reform, China Strategic Perspectives
14, Washington D.C.: National Defense University Press, 2019, p. 7.
Hsieh, “The Implication and Development of China PAPF’s Reform,” p. 130.
Xinhua Net, January 1, 2016, http://www.xinhuanet.com/mil/2016-01/01/c_1117646695.htm.
Xinhua Net (Japanese), October 28, 2017, http://jp.xinhuanet.com/2017-10/28/c_136711568.htm.
Xinhua Net, December 27, 2017, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2017-12/27/c_1122175909.htm.
文匯報 [Wen Wei Po], January 11, 2018, http://pdf.wenweipo.com/2018/01/11/a06-0111.pdf.
Hsieh, “The Implication and Development of China PAPF’s Reform,” p. 133.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], December 23, 2016.
Lin, “Study of Armed Police Reforms in Response to Xi Jinping’s Regime Strengthening,” p. 26.
Wuthnow, China’s Other Army, p. 14.
Xinhua Net, March 26, 2021, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/leaders/2021-03/26/c_1127260328.htm.
Hsieh, “The Implication and Development of China PAPF’s Reform,” p. 125.
Wuthnow, China’s Other Army, pp. 10-11.
林穎佑 [Ying Yu Lin], “大陸觀察: 近期中共武警部隊的調整 [Observations of the Chinese Mainland: Recent Adjustments
to the Chinese Armed Police],” 觀策站 [Viewpoint Taiwan], October 17, 2017, https://www.viewpointtaiwan.com/
columnist/%E4%B8%AD%E5%85%B1%E6%AD%A6%E8%AD%A6%E9%83%A8%E9%9A%8A%E5%B0%87%E5%9B%9E%E6%AD%B8%E5%B0%88%E6%A5%AD/.
Ibid., p. 134.
Xinhua Net, March 21, 2018, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2018-03/21/c_1122570517.htm.
The State Oceanic Administration was abolished, and its functions were integrated into the new Ministry of
Natural Resources by the State Council reform of March 2018.
Ministry of Defense of Japan, “The Coast Guard Law of the People’s Republic of China,” March 16, 2021, https://www.mod.go.jp/en/d_act/sec_env/ch_ocn/index.html.
Ryan D. Martinson, “China Maritime Report No. 2: The Arming of China’s Maritime Frontier,” CMSI China
Maritime Reports, June 2017, p. 12.
文匯報 [Wen Wei Po], January 11, 2018, http://pdf.wenweipo.com/2018/01/11/a06-0111.pdf.
Matsuda Yasuhiro, “Dai 2 Sho Shu Kinpei Seiken ni okeru ‘Seiji Anzen’ to Kokunai Anzenhoshohosei [Chapter
2 ‘Political Security’ and Domestic Security Legislation under the Xi Jinping Regime],” Shu Kinpei Seiken ga
Chokumensuru Shokadai [The Challenges Facing the Xi Jinping Regime], The Japan Institute of International
Affairs, March 2021, p. 7.

Chapter 2
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Elsa Kania, “The Ideological Battlefield: China’s Approach to Political Warfare and Propaganda in an Age ofCyber Conflict,” in Christopher Whyte, A. Trevor Thrall, and Brian M. Mazanec, eds., Information Warfare in theAge of Cyber Conflict, London: Routledge, 2020, pp. 42-53.
For example, Robert Spalding, Stealth War: How China Took Over While America’s Elite Slept, Portfolio, 2019.
Josh Baughman, “‘Unrestricted Warfare’ is Not China’s Master Plan,” China Aerospace Studies Institute, April 25,
2022, https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/CASI/Display/Article/3004313/unrestricted-warfare-is-not-chinas-master-plan.
Kuwahara Kyoko, “‘Ningen no Ninchi’ wo meguru Kainyu Senryaku: Fukuzatsuka suru Ryoiki to Shudan,
Senryakuteki Komyunikeeshon Kyoka no tame no Ichikosatsu [‘Human Cognition’ Intervention Strategies:
Increasingly Complex Domains and Means, a Consideration for Strengthening Strategic Communications],”
Roles Report No. 12, July 2021.
For a more detailed definition, see: Eric V. Larson, Richard E. Darilek, Daniel Gibran, Brian Nichiporuk, Amy

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Richardson, Lowell H. Schwartz, and Cathryn Quantic Thurston, Foundations of Effective Influence Operations:
A Framework for Enhancing Army Capabilities, Santa Monica: RAND Corporation, 2009, pp. 2-4.
This definition is based on: “Joint Publication 3-13: Information Operations,” U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, November
2014.
Russia also does not have a stand-alone cyber warfare concept. It treats it as part of information warfare, which
consists of information-technical warfare and information-psychological warfare, or information conflict. Oscar
Jonsson, The Russian Understanding of War: Blurring the Lines between War and Peace, Washington D.C.:
Georgetown University Press, 2019, pp. 94-123.
Martin Libicki, “The Convergence of Information Warfare,” Strategic Studies Quarterly, Vol. 11, No. 1, Spring
2017, pp. 49-65; Michael Senft, “Convergence of Cyberspace Operations and Electronic Warfare Effects,”
Cyber Defense Review, January 4, 2016; “Convergence of Cyberspace Operations and Electronic Warfare,”Congressional Research Service, August 13, 2019.
Yamaguchi Shinji, “Chugoku Shu Kinpei Seiken no Ideorogii wo meguru Toso: Wahei Enpen Karaa Kakumei
e no Taiko to Kokusaiteki Wagoken [The Chinese Xi Jinping Regime’s Struggle over Ideology: Opposition to
Peaceful Evolution and Color Revolution and International Discourse Power],” Roles Report No. 17, January 21,
2022.
Regarding discourse power, see: Takagi Seiichiro, “Chugoku Gaiko no Shinkyokumen: Kokusai ‘Wagoken’ no
Tsuikyu [A New Phase of Chinese Diplomacy: The Pursuit of International Discourse Power],” Aoyama Kokusai
Seikei Ronshu [The Aoyama Journal of International Politics, Economics and Communication], No. 85, 2011, pp.
3-19; Eto Naoko, “Fuhenteki Kachi wo meguru Chugoku no Katto [China’s Struggle over Universal Values],”
Ajiken World Trend, No. 266, December 2017, pp. 26-33; Kamo Tomoki, “Seidosei Wagoken to Atarashii
Gokanen Kikaku [Institutional Discourse Power and New Five-year Plan],” Chugoku Seikan [Perspectives on
Chinese Politics], The Kanzankai Foundation, August 20, 2020.
David Shambaugh, “China’s Propaganda System: Institutions, Processes and Efficacy,” China Journal, No. 57,
January 2007, pp. 25-58.
Sarah Cook, “Beijing’s Global Megaphone: The Expansion of Chinese Communist Party Media Influence since2017,” Freedom House, January 2020.
习近平 [Xi Jinping], “深刻认识做好新形势下统战工作的重大意义 [Having a Deep Awareness of the ImportantSignificance of Steadily Executing United Front Work in the New Situation],” in CCP Central Committee Party
Literature Research Center, ed., 十八大以来重要文献选编（中） [Selected Important Documents since the 18th
National Congress (Vol. II)],” Beijing: 中央文献出版社 [Central Party Literature Press], 2016, pp. 556-563.
Clive Hamilton, Silent Invasion: China’s Influence in Australia, Melbourne: Hardie Grant, 2018.
Anne-Marie Brady, “Magic Weapons: China’s Political Influence Activities under Xi Jinping,” Wilson Center,
September 18, 2017, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/magic-weapons-chinas-political-influence-activities-under-xi-jinping.
沈伯洋 [Puma Shen], “中國認知領域作戰模型初探：以2020臺灣選舉為例 [A Preliminary Study of China’s Cognitive
Domain Operation Model: Taking the 2020 Taiwan Election as an Example],” 遠景基金會季刊 [Prospect Quarterly],
Vol. 22, No. 1, January 2021, pp. 1-66.
New Bloom, January 6, 2020, https://newbloommag.net/2020/01/06/puma-shen-interview/.
Axios, August 23, 2019, https://www.axios.com/2019/08/23/social-media-platforms-reveal-chinas-disinformation-reaching-the-west.
BBC News, December 29, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-50832915.
U.S. Department of State, May 8, 2020, https://2017-2021.state.gov/briefing-with-special-envoy-lea-gabrielleglobal-engagement-center-update-on-prc-efforts-to-push-disinformation-and-propaganda-around-covid/index.
html.
ProPublica, March 26, 2020, https://www.propublica.org/article/how-chinabuilt-a-twitter-propaganda-machine-then-let-itloose-on-coronavirus.
Che Chang and Silvia Yeh, “China’s Social Manipulation outside the Great Firewall,” Team T5, October 15, 2020.
Alex Joske, “The Party Speaks for You: Foreign Interference and the Chinese Communist Party’s United Front
System,” Policy Brief Report, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, No. 32, 2020, pp. 10-11.

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Dean Cheng, Cyber Dragon: Inside China’s Information Warfare and Cyber Operations, Santa Barbara andDenver: Praeger, 2017.
M. Taylor Fravel, Active Defense: China’s Military Strategy since 1949, Princeton: Princeton University Press,
2019, p. 228.
Fravel, Active Defense, p. 225.
乔良、王湘穂 [Qiao Liang and Wang Xiangsui], Chogensen [Unrestricted Warfare], trans., 刘琦 [Liu Qi], Tokyo:
Kadokawa Shinsho, 2020, p. 73.
Ibid., p. 66.
Ibid., pp. 1, 47.
戴清民 [Dai Qingmin], 求道无形之境 [A Search for Ways for Invisibility], Beijing: 解放军出版社 [People’s Liberation
Army Publishing House], 2009; 戴清民 [Dai Qingmin], 战争新视点 [A New Perspective on Warfare], Beijing: 解放军出版社 [People’s Liberation Army Publishing House], 2008; 戴清民 [Dai Qingmin], ed., 直面信息战 [Facing
Information Warfare Head-On], Beijing: 国防大学出版社 [NDU Press], 2002.
Dai, ed., Facing Information Warfare Head-On, p. 160.
Ibid., p. 163.
Dai, A Search for Ways for Invisibility, p. 41.
Ibid., pp. 96-97.
Cheng, Cyber Dragon, pp. 44-53; Kania, “The Ideological Battlefield.”
Its outcome was: 程宝山 [Cheng Baoshan], ed., 舆论战心理战法律战基本问题 [The Fundamental Issues of Public
Opinion Warfare, Psychological Warfare and Legal Warfare], Beijing: 军事科学出版社 [Academy of Military
Science Press], 2004.
肖裕声 [Xiao Yusheng], ed., 中国共产党军队政治工作史（下卷） [History of the Political Work of the Chinese
Communist Party’s Armed Forces (Vol. II)], Beijing: 军事科学出版社 [Academy of Military Science Press], 2011,p. 1020.
Ibid., pp. 1022-1023.
Cheng, ed., The Fundamental Issues of Public Opinion Warfare, Psychological Warfare and Legal Warfare, p. 15.
Ibid., p. 50.
Xiao, ed., History of the Political Work of the Chinese Communist Party’s Armed Forces (Vol. II), p. 1020.
肖天亮 [Xiao Tianliang], ed., 战略学 (2020年修订版) [Science of Strategy (2020 rev.)], Beijing: 国防大学出版社 [NDU
Press], 2020, p. 240.
Xiao, ed., History of the Political Work of the Chinese Communist Party’s Armed Forces (Vol. II), p. 1021.
Xiao, ed., Science of Strategy (2020 rev.), p. 241.
Xiao, ed., History of the Political Work of the Chinese Communist Party’s Armed Forces (Vol. II), p. 1021.
Xiao, ed., Science of Strategy (2020 rev.), p. 241.
Cheng, ed., The Fundamental Issues of Public Opinion Warfare, Psychological Warfare and Legal Warfare, p. 3.
马平 [Ma Ping], ed., 联合作战研究 [Joint Operations Research], Beijing: 国防大学出版社 [NDU Press], 2013, p. 346.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], March 8, 2021.
Paul Charon and Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer, “Chinese Influence Operations: A Machiavellian Moment,”
Institut de Recherche Stratégique de l’École Militaire, October 2021, p. 99.
Ibid.
Cheng, ed., The Fundamental Issues of Public Opinion Warfare, Psychological Warfare and Legal Warfare, p.
219.
刘显邦 [Liu Xianbang], ed., 军队党支部工作指南 [Guide on Armed Forces and Party Branch Work], Beijing: 军事科
学出版社 [Academy of Military Science Press], 2009, p. 28.
Liu, ed., Guide on Armed Forces and Party Branch Work, pp. 60-61.
Cheng, ed., The Fundamental Issues of Public Opinion Warfare, Psychological Warfare and Legal Warfare, p.
221.
Sugiura Yasuyuki, NIDS China Security Report 2022, Tokyo: National Institute for Defense Studies (NIDS),
2021, pp. 85-86.
Ibid., p. 75.

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Xiao, ed., History of the Political Work of the Chinese Communist Party’s Armed Forces (Vol. II), p. 1022.
南方日报 [Nanfang Daily], July 5, 2016.

Party Committee Organization Department, Civil Aviation University of China, July 8, 2015, https://www.cauc.
edu.cn/zzb/info/1164/1168.htm.
Xiao, ed., History of the Political Work of the Chinese Communist Party’s Armed Forces (Vol. II), p. 1024.
NIDS, ed., NIDS China Security Report 2021, Tokyo: NIDS, 2020.
Iida Masafumi, “Chugoku ga Mezasu Ninchiryoiki ni okeru Tatakai no Sugata [The Battle Form Aspired by China
in the Cognitive Domain],” NIDS Commentary, No. 117, June 29, 2021, http://www.nids.mod.go.jp/publication/commentary/pdf/commentary177.pdf.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], September 17, 2020.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], January 28 and February 20, 2020.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], December 31, 2013.
Yatsuzaka Masaaki, “PLA’s Intelligentized Warfare: The Politics on China’s Military Strategy,” Security &Strategy, Vol. 2, January 2022, pp. 17-36.
吴达、刘力、刘兴堂 [Wu Da, Liu Li, Liu Yutang] et al., eds., 信息化战争导论 [Introduction to Informatized Warfare],
Beijing: 科学出版社 [Science Press], 2019, pp. 65-66.
Momma Rira, “Taiwan ni yoru Chugoku Jinmin Kaihogun no Tai Taiwan Togosakusen e no Hyoka to Taiwan no
Kokubotaisei no Seibi [Does ‘Taiwan Can Help’ Apply to Taiwan Itself? Taiwan’s Assessment of the People’s
Liberation Army’s Joint Operations against Taiwan and the Development of the Taiwan’s National Defense
System],” Anzenhosho Senryaku Kenkyu [Security & Strategy], Vol. 2, No. 2, March 22, p. 9.
Ibid.
Focus Taiwan (Japanese), March 17, 2020; Insikt Group, “Chinese Influence Operations Evolve in Campaigns
Targeting Taiwanese Elections, Hong Kong Protests,” Recorded Future, April 2020.
自由時報電子報 [Liberty Times Online], May 6, 2020, https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/politics/breakingnews/3156420.
NHK News Web, April 11, 2020, https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20200411/k10012381581000.html.
自由時報電子報 [Liberty Times Online], April 10, 2020, https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/society/breakingnews/3129078.
中央通訊社 [Central News Agency], April 6, 2020.
Focus Taiwan (Japanese), April 10, 2020.
自由時報電子報 [Liberty Times Online], December 12, 2020, https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/politics/paper/1418413.
环球时报 [Global Times], February 24, 2022.
Taiwanese Public Opinion Foundation, “俄烏衝突、兩岸危機與台湾民主 [Russia-Ukraine Military Confrontation,
Cross-Strait (China-Taiwan) Crisis and Taiwan Democracy],” March 22, 2022.
林疋愔 [Ya-Ying Lin], “中共認知戰操作策略與我國因應作為 [China’s Cognitive Warfare Strategy and Taiwan’sCountermeasures],” 國防雜誌 [National Defense Journal], Vol. 36, No. 1, March 2021, p. 13.
Momma Rira, “Does ‘Taiwan Can Help’ Apply to Taiwan Itself? Taiwan’s Assessment of the People’s Liberation
Army’s Joint Operations against Taiwan and the Development of the Taiwan’s National Defense System,” p. 11.
Kawakami Momoko, “Taiwan Masumedia ni okeru Chugoku no Eikyoryoku no Shinto Mekanizumu [Political
Economy of ‘China Factors’ in the Taiwanese Media Industry],” Nihon Taiwan Gakkaihou, No. 17, September
2015, pp. 91-109.
Focus Taiwan (Japanese), December 12, 2020.
Xinhua Net, May 10, 2019, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/leaders/2019-05/10/c_1124478643.htm.
風傳媒 [The Storm Media], May 11, 2019, https://www.storm.mg/article/1274352.
工商時報 [Commercial Times], May 11, 2019, https://readers.ctee.com.tw/cm/20190511/a08aa8/979273/share.
Focus Taiwan (Japanese), May 2, 2019.
Focus Taiwan (Japanese), December 8, 2020; 風傳媒 [The Storm Media], December 9, 2020, https://www.storm.
mg/article/3280067.
Radio Free Asia (Chinese), December 16, 2020, https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/yataibaodao/gangtai/
jt-12162020162738.html.
中時新聞網 [China Times Net], August 9, 2021, https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20210809000348-260118?chdtv.

83

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Chinese scholars use the term “gray zone” but in the context of analyzing the defense policy of the Japanese
government. Recently, scholars have used “gray zone” to refer to the United States’ “freedom of navigation”
operations, describing them as a means to challenge China’s assertion of rights and interests without exercising
military force. An example of the former is: 高兰 [Gao Lan], “日本‘灰色地帯事态’与中日安全困境 [Japan’s ‘Gray
Zone Situations’ and the China-Japan Security Predicament],” 日本学刊 [Japanese Studies], No. 2, 2016, pp.
12-28. An example of the latter is: 刘美 [Liu Mei], “海上军事活动的界定与美国南海‘灰色地帯行動’ [Classificationsof Maritime Military Activities and the United States’ ‘Gray Zone Actions’ in the South China Sea],” 国际安全研究[International Security Studies], No. 3, 2021, pp. 102-131.
The United States’ QDR2010 used the phrase, “the ambiguous gray area that is neither fully war nor fully peace.”
Department of Defense, Quadrennial Defense Review Report, February 2010, p. 73.
“National Defense Program Guidelines for FY 2011 and Beyond,” December 2010, p. 3, https://japan.kantei.
go.jp/kakugikettei/2010/ndpg_e.pdf. Michael J. Mazarr, Mastering the Gray Zone: Understanding a Changing
Era of Conflict, Washington D.C.: U.S. Army War College Press, 2015.
Frank G. Hoffman, “The Contemporary Spectrum of Conflict: Protracted, Gray Zone, Ambiguous, and Hybrid
Modes of War,” The Heritage Foundation, October 5, 2015, p. 26.
Hoffman, “The Contemporary Spectrum of Conflict,” p. 29.
Lawrence Freedman, The Future of War: A History, New York: Public Affairs, 2017, p. 224.
The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, China’s Military Strategy, May 2015,
http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2015/05/27/content_281475115610833.htm.
肖天亮 [Xiao Tianliang], ed., 战略学 (2020年修订版) [Science of Strategy (2020 rev.)], Beijing: 国防大学出版社 [NDU
Press], 2020, p. 32.
The Central People’s Government, People’s Republic of China, “中共中央、国务院、中央军委印发 ‘关于经济建设
和国防建设融合发展的意见’ [CCP Central Committee, State Council, and Central Military Commission Print andDistribute ‘Opinion on the Integrated Development of Economic and Defense Construction’],” July 21, 2016,
http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2016-07/21/content_5093488.htm.
Yamamoto Katsuya, “Chugoku no Kaijo Minpei (Minbin) [China’s Maritime Militia (Min-Bing)],” March 9,2017, JMSDF Command and Staff College, https://www.mod.go.jp/msdf/navcol/navcol/mcc/col-088s.html.
Andrew S. Erickson and Conor M. Kennedy, “China’s Maritime Militia,” Center for Naval Analyses, March 7,
2016, https://www.cna.org/cna_files/pdf/chinas-maritime-militia.pdf.
“Number of people engaged in fishing and aquaculture in China from 2005 to 2016,” Statista, https://www.statista.
com/statistics/248770/number-of-fishers-and-fish-farmers-in-china/. If aquafarmers are included, the number isabout 14.5 million people. According to China’s National Defense in 2010 (March 2011) published by the StateCouncil Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, more than 90,000 militia members participate inguarding bridges, tunnels, and railroad lines each year, and more than 200,000 militia members participate injoint defense patrols by the armed forces, police, and militia. In addition, more than 900,000 militia members are
said to participate in emergency relief operations in response to large-scale natural disasters, and nearly 2 million
militia members participate in comprehensive maintenance and management of social security in urban and rural
areas. The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, China’s National Defense in 2010,
March 2011, http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2014/09/09/content_281474986284525.htm.
Sato Koichi, “Chugoku no Kaiyo Kosei: Kaikei Gyosen no Katsudo wo meguru Shomondai [China’s Maritime
Offensive: Issues of China Coast Guard (CCG) and Fishery Boats],” Ajia Taiheiyo Tokyu [Journal of Asia-PacificStudies], No. 30, January 2018, p. 11.
Conor M. Kennedy and Andrew S. Erickson, “China Maritime Report No. 1: China’s Third Sea Force, The
People’s Armed Forces Maritime Militia: Tethered to the PLA,” CMSI China Maritime Reports, March 2017, p. 3.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], November 30, 2015.
中国检察网 [China Prosecution Net], January 10, 2022, https://www.12309.gov.cn/llzw/fengcai/202201/
t20220110_541332.shtml.
周洪福 [Zhou Hongfu], “适应海洋强国要求 加强海上民兵建设 [Strengthening the Development of the Maritime
Militia Based on the Needs of a Great Maritime Power],” 国防 [National Defense], June 2015, p. 47.

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Gregory B. Poling et al., “Pulling Back the Curtain on China’s Maritime Militia,” Center for Strategic andInternational Studies, November 18, 2021, pp. 15-20.
周厚江 [Zhou Houjiang], “坚持实战牵引 问题倒逼落实 推进海上民兵情报信息工作深入发展 [Maintain Traction throughActual Warfare, Ensure Implementation of Pressing Reforms for Solving Problems, and Promote Advances in the
Maritime Militia’s Information Work],” 国防 [National Defense], No. 1, 2018, p. 50.
王治平王治平、汪勇健 [Wang Zhiping and Wang Yongjian], “民兵参加海上维权斗争的几点思考 [Some Thoughts on the
Militia’s Participation in Maritime Rights Protection Struggle],” 国防 [National Defense], No. 6, 2013, pp. 54-55.
刘自力、陈青松 [Liu Zili and Chen Qingsong], “海上民兵参加海战的任务与行动 [On the Tasks and Operations ofMaritime Militia Engaged in Naval Warfare],” 国防 [National Defense], No. 11, 2018, pp. 50-51.
For example, Yatsuzuka Masaaki, “China’s Advance into the Sea and the Maritime Militia,” NIDS Commentary,
No. 53, July 15, 2016, http://www.nids.mod.go.jp/english/publication/commentary/pdf/commentary053e.pdf.
Morgan Clemens and Michael Weber, “Rights Protection versus Warfighting: Organizing the Maritime Militia for
Peace and War,” in Andrew S. Erickson and Ryan D. Martinson, eds., China’s Maritime Gray Zone Operations,
Annapolis: United States Naval Institute, 2019, p. 149.
徐海峰 [Xu Haifeng], “适应新形势 全面规范海上民兵建设 [Adapting to New Circumstances: Comprehensively
Standardize Maritime Militia Construction],” 国防 [National Defense], No. 2, 2014, pp. 65-66.
中国军网 [China Military Net], May 24, 2012, http://chn.chinamil.com.cn/jwjj/2012-05/24/content_4874247.htm.
傅怡 [Fu Yi], “适应形势任务发展 大力提升新形势下海上民兵建设质量 [Focus on Improving the Quality of the Maritime
Militia in New Situations by Evolving the Missions according to the Situation],” 国防 [National Defense], No. 10,
2013, p. 59.
Zhou, “Maintain Traction through Actual Warfare, Ensure Implementation of Pressing Reforms for Solving
Problems, and Promote Advances in the Maritime Militia’s Information Work,” p. 50.
James Kraska and Michael Monti, “The Law of Naval Warfare and China’s Maritime Militia,” International Law
Studies, Vol. 91, 2015, pp. 450-467.
Rule 8 “Action to avoid collision”: (a) Any action taken to avoid collision shall, if the circumstances of the caseadmit, be positive, made in ample time and with due regard to the observance of good seamanship. Ministry ofForeign Affairs of Japan, https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/treaty/pdfs/B-S52-0125_1.pdf.
Joshua Hickey, Andrew S. Erickson, and Henry Holst, “China Maritime Law Enforcement Surface Platforms:
Order of Battle, Capabilities, and Trends,” in Erickson and Martinson, eds., China’s Maritime Gray Zone
Operations, p. 114.
Ibid., p. 109.
Japan Coast Guard, Japan Coast Guard Annual Report 2022, Japanese edition, Tokyo: Nikkei Printing Inc., 2022.
Ministry of Transport of the People’s Republic of China, October 25, 2021, https://www.mot.gov.cn/tupianxinwen/202110/t20211025_3622918.html.
Office of the Secretary of Defense, “Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving
the People’s Republic of China 2018,” May 16, 2018, p. 71.
Hickey, Erickson, and Holst, “China Maritime Law Enforcement Surface Platforms: Order of Battle, Capabilities,
and Trends,” p. 114.
NHK News Web, February 1, 2022, https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20220201/k10013460371000.html.
The Central People’s Government portal website, October 19, 2012, http://www.gov.cn/jrzg/2012-10/19/
content_2247473.htm.
Xinhua Net, May 4, 2018, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2018-05/20/c_1122858765.htm.
Radio Free Asia, June 1, 2020, https://www.rfa.org/english/news/china/exercise-southchinasea-07012020194330.
html.
“Update: China Risks Flare-up over Malaysian, Vietnamese Gas Resources,” Asia Maritime Transparency
Initiative, Center for Strategic and International Studies, December 13, 2019, https://amti.csis.org/china-risksflare-up-over-malaysian-vietnamese-gas-resources/; “China and Malaysia in Another Staredown over Offshore
Drilling,” Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative, Center for Strategic and International Studies, November 25,
2020, https://amti.csis.org/china-and-malaysia-in-another-staredown-over-offshore-drilling/; Ryan D. Martinson,“Early Warning Brief: Introducing the ‘New, New’ China Coast Guard,” China Brief, Vol. 21, No. 2, January 25,
2021.

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Notes

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Poling et al., “Pulling Back the Curtain on China’s Maritime Militia,” p. 7.
Japan Coast Guard, Japan Coast Guard Annual Report 2022.
Regarding the Chinese government’s policy decision-making process for the Scarborough Reef incident, see:
Iida Masafumi, “China’s Policy Process with regard to the Expansion of Control Over Scarborough Shoal,”
The Japan Forum on International Relations Commentary, January 25, 2021, https://www.jfir.or.jp/en/
studygroup_article/3521/.
Ryan D. Martinson, “Deciphering China’s Armed Intrusion near the Senkaku Islands,” Diplomat, January 11,
2016, https://thediplomat.com/2016/01/deciphering-chinas-armed-intrusion-near-the-senkaku/.
金永明 [Jin Yongming], “论我国 ‘海警法’ 的实施、影响与完善 [Discussion of the Implementation, Impact andExpansion of China’s Coast Guard Law],” 人民论坛・学术前沿 [People’s Forum: Academic Frontier], November
2021, p. 129.
Poling et al., “Pulling Back the Curtain on China’s Maritime Militia,” pp. 15-20.
信報 [Hong Kong Economic Journal], August 9–10, 2014 and July 31, 2015.
Office of the Secretary of Defense, “Annual Report to Congress,” p. 72.
U.S. Marine Corps, U.S. Navy and U.S. Coast Guard, Advantage at Sea: Prevailing with Integrated
All-Domain Naval Power, December 2020, p. 4, https://media.defense.gov/2020/Dec/16/2002553074/-1/-1/0/
TRISERVICESTRATEGY.PDF.
杨建波 [Yang Jianbo], “紧贴南海权益斗争实际 做好海上民兵政治工作 [Closely Follow the Situation of the South
China Sea Rights and Interests Struggle, Ensure Implementation of the Maritime Militia’s Political Work],” 政工学刊 [Journal of Political Work], No. 3, 2015, p. 44.
Yatsuzuka Masaaki, “‘Hokuto’ Riyo de Kyoi Masu Kaijominpei [The Maritime Militia Faces a Growing Threatwith Use of BeiDou],” Wedge ONLINE, June 14, 2021, https://wedge.ismedia.jp/articles/-/23152.
“国防部：军事政策制度改革有序推进 [Ministry of National Defense: Gradual Promotion of Military Policy
Institutional Reform],” 国防部网 [Ministry of National Defense Net], August 27, 2020, http://www.mod.gov.cn/
jzhzt/2020-08/27/content_4870220.htm.
Yamamoto Katsuya, “Taiwan Kaikyo Yuji to Jikokumin Hogo: Kaijominpei to shite no Chugoku Shosen [Taiwan
Strait Contingency and Protecting One’s People: Chinese Merchant Ships as Maritime Militia],” International
Information Network Analysis (IINA), The Sasakawa Peace Foundation, November 15, 2021, https://www.spf.
org/iina/articles/yamamoto_09.html.
“关于‘中华人民共和国兵役法（修订草案）’的说明 [Explanation of the ‘Military Service Law of the People’s Republicof China (Draft Revision)’],” The National People’s Congress, August 23, 2021, http://www.npc.gov.cn/npc/
c30834/202108/8d263150fd9f4d63825551f9b75d32cb.shtml.
National Institute for Defense Studies (NIDS), ed., NIDS China Security Report 2012, Tokyo: NIDS, 2012, pp.
32-35.
大公報 [Ta Kung Pao], May 8, 2012.
新浪 [Sina], May 3, 2012, http://mil.news.sina.com.cn/2012-05-03/1055689404.html.
People’s Air Defense and Border and Coastal Defense Office of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, April
19, 2021, http://rfbhf.gxzf.gov.cn/xwzx_46927/dflz_59663/yw_38879/t8596910.shtml.
Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Mongolia, September 7, 2019, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/ce/cemn//
chn/sghd/t1695512.htm.
Regarding the three-in-one model, see: Shinji Yamaguchi, “Strategies of China’s Maritime Actors in the South
China Sea: A Coordinated Plan under the Leadership of Xi Jinping?” China Perspectives, March 2016, pp. 23-31.
Regarding the development of Sansha City, see: Zoe Haver, “China Maritime Report No. 12: Sansha City in
China’s South China Sea Strategy: Building a System of Administrative Control,” CMSI China Maritime Reports,
January 2021.
人民日报 [People’s Daily], June 28, 2014.
Xinhua Net, April 23, 2018, http://www.xinhuanet.com/2018-04/23/c_1122727588.htm.
Xinhua Net, December 12, 2018, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2018-12/12/c_1123843999.htm.
刘伟 [Liu Wei], 战区联合作战指挥 [Theater Command Joint Operations Command], Beijing: 国防大学出版社 [NDU
Press], 2016, p. 164.

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Andrew S. Erickson and Conor M. Kennedy, “China’s Maritime Militia,” in Michael McDevitt, ed., Becoming a
Great “Maritime Power”: A Chinese Dream, Arlington: CNA Corporation, June 2016, pp. 62-83.
Ibid.
Xinhua Net, December 12, 2018, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2018-12/12/c_1123843999.htm.
The Central People’s Government, People’s Republic of China, October 15, 2021, http://www.gov.cn/
guowuyuan/2021-10/15/content_5642879.htm.
解放军报 [PLA Daily], October 13, 2021.
Lyle J. Morris, “Gray Zone Challenges in the East and South China Sea,” Maritime Issues, January 7, 2019,http://www.maritimeissues.com/politics/gray-zone-tactics-and-their-challenge-to-maritime-security-in-the-eastand-south-china-sea.html.
Ryan D. Martinson and Conor Kennedy, “Using the Enemy to Train the Troops: Beijing’s New Approach toPrepare its Navy for War,” China Brief, Vol. 22, No. 6, March 25, 2022.
Katsuya Yamamoto, “The East China Sea: Future Trends, Scenarios, and Responses,” in Erickson and Martinson,
eds., China’s Maritime Gray Zone Operations, p. 233.
Conor M. Kennedy, “Gray Forces in Blue Territory: The Grammar of Chinese Maritime Militia Gray Zone
Operations,” in Erickson and Martinson, eds., China’s Maritime Gray Zone Operations, p. 172.
胡波、张良福、吴士存、朱锋、李卫海、金永明 [Hu Bo, Zhang Lianggfu, Wu Shicun, Zhu Feng, Li Weihai, and Jin
Yongming], “‘中国海洋安全的现状与前景展望’笔谈 [Comment on the ‘Current Situation and Future Outlook of
China’s Maritime Safety’],” 中国海洋大学学报 [Journal of Ocean University of China], No. 1, 2022, p. 7.

Conclusions
1环球时报 [Global Times], March 17, 2022.

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