INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

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In my inaugural address, I committed to engage with the world once again, not to meetyesterday’s challenges, but today’s and tomorrow’s.
Our world is at an inflection point. Global dynamics have shifted. New crises demand ourattention. And in this moment of accelerating global challenges — from the pandemic to theclimate crisis to nuclear proliferation to the fourth industrial revolution — one thing is certain:
we will only succeed in advancing American interests and upholding our universal values
by working in common cause with our closest allies and partners, and by renewing our own
enduring sources of national strength.
That begins with the revitalization of our most fundamental advantage: our democracy. I
believe we are in the midst of an historic and fundamental debate about the future directionof our world. There are those who argue that, given all the challenges we face, autocracy is thebest way forward. And there are those who understand that democracy is essential to meeting
all the challenges of our changing world.
I firmly believe that democracy holds the key to freedom, prosperity, peace, and dignity. We
must now demonstrate — with a clarity that dispels any doubt — that democracy can still
deliver for our people and for people around the world. We must prove that our model isn’t
a relic of history; it’s the single best way to realize the promise of our future. And, if we work
together with our democratic partners, with strength and confidence, we will meet every
challenge and outpace every challenger.
Achieving these goals rests on a core strategic proposition: The United States must renew its
enduring advantages so that we can meet today’s challenges from a position of strength. We
will build back better our economic foundations; reclaim our place in international institutions;lift up our values at home and speak out to defend them around the world; modernize our
military capabilities, while leading first with diplomacy; and revitalize America’s unmatched
network of alliances and partnerships.

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INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCEAnd as we do this work, we must also demonstrate clearly to the American people that leading
the world isn’t an investment we make to feel good about ourselves. It’s how we ensure theAmerican people are able to live in peace, security, and prosperity. It’s in our undeniableself-interest.
When we strengthen our alliances, we amplify our power and our ability to disrupt threats
before they can reach our shores. When we invest in the economic development of countries,
we create new markets for our products and reduce the likelihood of instability, violence, andmass migrations. When we strengthen health systems around the world, we reduce the risk of
future pandemics that can threaten our people and our economy. When we defend equal rights
of all people — of women and girls, LGBTQI individuals, indigenous communities, people withdisabilities, and people of every ethnic background and religion — we help ensure that thoserights are protected for our own children here in America.
Today, I am issuing this interim guidance to convey my vision for how America will engage
with the world. I direct departments and agencies to align their actions with this guidance,even as we begin work on a National Security Strategy. We have no time to waste. The simple
truth is, America cannot afford to be absent any longer on the world stage. And under the
Biden-Harris Administration, America is back. Diplomacy is back. Alliances are back. But weare not looking back. We are looking irrevocably toward the future and all that we can achieve
for the American people — together.
Let’s get to work.

President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.

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RENEWING AMERICA’S ADVANTAGESInterim National Security Strategic Guidance

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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The Global Security Landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Our National Security Priorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

9Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Today, more than ever, America’s fate is inextricably linked to events
beyond our shores. We confront a global pandemic, a crushingeconomic downturn, a crisis of racial justice, and a deepening climate
emergency. We face a world of rising nationalism, receding democracy,
growing rivalry with China, Russia, and other authoritarian states, and atechnological revolution that is reshaping every aspect of our lives. Ours
is a time of unprecedented challenges, but also unmatched opportunity.
This moment calls upon us to lean forward, not shrink back – to boldly engage the world tokeep Americans safe, prosperous, and free. It requires a new and broader understanding of
national security, one that recognizes that our role in the world depends upon our strengthand vitality here at home. It demands creative approaches that draw on all the sources of
our national power: our diversity, vibrant economy, dynamic civil society and innovativetechnological base, enduring democratic values, broad and deep network of partnerships
and alliances, and the world’s most powerful military. Our task is to ensure these advantages
endure, by building back better at home and reinvigorating our leadership abroad. From a
position of renewed strength, America can meet any challenge.
Together, we will demonstrate not only that democracies can still deliver for our people, butthat democracy is essential to meeting the challenges of our time. We will strengthen and standbehind our allies, work with like-minded partners, and pool our collective strength to advanceshared interests and deter common threats. We will lead with diplomacy. We will renew ourcommitment to global development and international cooperation, while also making smart,disciplined investments in our national defense. We will address the crises of today while
promoting resilience, innovation, competitiveness, and truly shared prosperity for the future.
We will recommit to realizing our ideals. We will modernize our national security institutions
and processes, while ensuring we take advantage of the full diversity of talents required toaddress today’s complex challenges. And in everything we do, we will aim to make life better,safer, and easier for working families in America.
The crises we face are daunting. But America is undaunted. Throughout our history, Americans
have turned periods of crisis into times of renewal and opportunity. The same is true today. We
have a chance not just to build back, but to build back better. By leaning into our strengths, wewill shape a better future.

INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCEThe Global Security LandscapeWe cannot pretend the world can simply be restored to the way it was 75, 30, or even four
years ago. We cannot just return to the way things were before. In foreign policy and national
security, just as in domestic policy, we have to chart a new course.
Recent events show all too clearly that many of the biggest threats we face respect noborders or walls, and must be met with collective action. Pandemics and other biologicalrisks, the escalating climate crisis, cyber and digital threats, international economic
disruptions, protracted humanitarian crises, violent extremism and terrorism, and theproliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction all pose profoundand, in some cases, existential dangers. None can be effectively addressed by one nation acting
alone. And none can be effectively addressed with the United States on the sidelines.
At a time when the need for American engagement and international cooperation is greaterthan ever, however, democracies across the globe, including our own, are increasingly
under siege. Free societies have been challenged from within by corruption, inequality,
polarization, populism, and illiberal threats to the rule of law. Nationalist and nativist trends– accelerated by the COVID-19 crisis – produce
an every-country-for-itself mentality that leaves
us all more isolated, less prosperous, and less

IN FOREIGN POLICY AND
NATIONAL SECURITY,JUST AS IN DOMESTIC
POLICY, WE HAVE TO
CHART A NEW COURSE.

safe. Democratic nations are also increasingly
challenged from outside by antagonistic
authoritarian powers. Anti-democratic forces use
misinformation, disinformation, and weaponizedcorruption to exploit perceived weaknesses andsow division within and among free nations,erode existing international rules, and promote
alternative models of authoritarian governance.

Reversing these trends is essential to our national security. The United States must lead by thepower of our example, and that will require hard work at home – to fortify the founding pillarsof our democracy, to truly address systemic racism, and to live up to our promise as a nation of
immigrants. Our success will be a beacon to other democracies, whose freedom is intertwinedwith our own security, prosperity, and way of life.
We must also contend with the reality that the distribution of power across the world is7

INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

changing, creating new threats. China, in particular, has rapidly become more assertive. It
is the only competitor potentially capable of combining its economic, diplomatic, military,and technological power to mount a sustained challenge to a stable and open international
system. Russia remains determined to enhance its global influence and play a disruptiverole on the world stage. Both Beijing and Moscow have invested heavily in efforts meant tocheck U.S. strengths and prevent us from defending our interests and allies around the world.
Regional actors like Iran and North Korea continue to pursue game-changing capabilities andtechnologies, while threatening U.S. allies and partners and challenging regional stability.
We also face challenges within countries whose governance is fragile, and from influential
non-state actors that have the ability to disrupt American interests. Terrorism and violent
extremism, both domestic and international, remain significant threats. But, despite thesesteep challenges, the United States’ enduring advantages—across all forms and dimensions ofour power—enable us to shape the future of international politics to advance our interests andvalues, and create a freer, safer, and more prosperous world.
This work is urgent, because the alliances, institutions, agreements, and norms
underwriting the international order the United States helped to establish are being
tested. Amid rapid change and mounting crisis, the system’s flaws and inequities have become
apparent, and gridlock and inter-state rivalry have caused many around the world—including
many Americans—to question its continued relevance. The United States cannot return tobusiness as usual, and the past order cannot simply be restored. But this, too, presents anopportunity – to act, adapt, reform, and embrace bold initiatives that bring like-minded statesand influential non-state actors together in new ways. Together with our allies and partners,
we can modernize the architecture of international cooperation for the challenges of thiscentury, from cyber threats to climate change, corruption, and digital authoritarianism.
Finally, running beneath many of these broad trends is a revolution in technology thatposes both peril and promise. The world’s leading powers are racing to develop and deploy
emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing, that could
shape everything from the economic and military balance among states to the future of work,
wealth, and inequality within them. The future potential is enormous: advances in clean energy
technologies are essential to slowing climate change; biotechnology could unlock cures fordisease; next generation telecommunications (5G) infrastructure will set the stage for hugeadvances in commerce and access to information. Rapid changes in technology will shapeevery aspect of our lives and our national interests, but the direction and consequences of thetechnological revolution remain unsettled. Emerging technologies remain largely ungoverned8INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

by laws or norms designed to center rights and democratic values, foster cooperation, establish
guardrails against misuse or malign action, and reduce uncertainty and manage the riskthat competition will lead to conflict. America must reinvest in retaining our scientific andtechnological edge and once again lead, working alongside our partners to establish the newrules and practices that will allow us to seize the opportunities that advances in technology
present.

Our National Security Priorities
The vital national interests of the United States have endured since the founding of the
Republic. Today, advancing these interests requires a new approach updated for the challengesof our time. It is our most solemn obligation to protect the security of the American people.
This requires us to meet challenges not only from great powers and regional adversaries, butalso from violent and criminal non-state actors and extremists, and from threats like climatechange, infectious disease, cyberattacks, and disinformation that respect no national borders.
We have an enduring interest in expanding economic prosperity and opportunity, but wemust redefine America’s economic interests in terms of working families’ livelihoods, rather
than corporate profits or aggregate national wealth. That places an imperative on an economic
recovery grounded in equitable and inclusive growth, as well as investments to encourage
innovation, strengthen national competitiveness, produce good-paying jobs, rebuild American
supply chains for critical goods, and expand opportunities for all Americans. And we mustremain committed to realizing and defending the democratic values at the heart of theAmerican way of life. That means more than simply sustaining the status quo – it means
reinvigorating our democracy, living up to our ideals and values for all Americans, and standing
up for our values abroad, including by uniting the world’s democracies to combat threats tofree societies.
At its root, ensuring our national security requires us to:🛡Defend and nurture the underlying sources of American strength, including
our people, our economy, our national defense, and our democracy at home;🛡Promote a favorable distribution of power to deter and prevent adversaries
from directly threatening the United States and our allies, inhibiting access to
the global commons, or dominating key regions; and🛡

Lead and sustain a stable and open international system, underwritten bystrong democratic alliances, partnerships, multilateral institutions, and rules.
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INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

We can do none of this work alone. For that reason, we will reinvigorate and modernize
our alliances and partnerships around the world. For decades, our allies have stood by
our side against common threats and adversaries, and worked hand-in-hand to advanceour shared interests and values. They are a tremendous source of strength and a unique
American advantage, helping to shoulder the responsibilities required to keep our nation
safe and our people prosperous. Our democratic alliances enable us to present a common
front, produce a unified vision, and pool our strength to promote high standards, establish
effective international rules, and hold countries like China to account. That is why we will
reaffirm, invest in, and modernize the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and ouralliances with Australia, Japan, and the Republic of Korea – which, along with our other global
alliances and partnerships, are America’s greatest strategic asset. We will work with allies toshare responsibilities equitably, while encouraging them to invest in their own comparativeadvantages against shared current and future threats.
Beyond our core alliances, we will also double down on building partnerships throughout
the world, because our strength is multiplied when we combine efforts to address common
challenges, share costs, and widen the circle of cooperation. As we do, we will recognize thatour vital national interests compel the deepest connection to the Indo-Pacific, Europe, and
the Western Hemisphere. And we will be mindful of both our values and our interests as weengage partner nations. We will deepen our partnership with India and work alongside New
Zealand, as well as Singapore, Vietnam, and other Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN) member states, to advance shared objectives. Recognizing the ties of shared history
and sacrifice, we will reinforce our partnership with Pacific Island states. We will recommit
ourselves to our transatlantic partnerships, forging a strong, common agenda with theEuropean Union and the United Kingdom on the defining issues of our time.
Because the vital national interests of the United States are inextricably bound to the fortunesof our closest neighbors in the Americas, we will expand our engagement and partnerships
throughout the Western Hemisphere—and especially with Canada and Mexico—based onprinciples of mutual respect and equality and a commitment to economic prosperity, security,
human rights, and dignity. This includes working with the Congress to provide Central
America with $4 billion in assistance over four years, and taking other steps to address the root
causes of human insecurity and irregular migration, including poverty, criminal violence, andcorruption – problems made exponentially worse by COVID-19 and the deep recession anddebt crisis it has wrought throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. And we will cooperate

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to confront the regional effects of climate change, while helping our neighbors invest in good
governance and democratic institutions.
In the Middle East, we will maintain our ironclad commitment to Israel’s security, while
seeking to further its integration with its neighbors and resuming our role as promoter of a
viable two-state solution. We will work with our regional partners to deter Iranian aggression
and threats to sovereignty and territorial integrity, disrupt al-Qaeda and related terrorist
networks and prevent an ISIS resurgence, address humanitarian crises, and redouble ourefforts to resolve the complex armed conflicts that threaten regional stability. But we do notbelieve that military force is the answer to the region’s challenges, and we will not give ourpartners in the Middle East a blank check to pursue policies at odds with American interestsand values. That’s why we have withdrawn U.S. support for offensive military operations in
Yemen and backed UN efforts to end the war. Our aim will be to de-escalate regional tensions
and create space for people throughout the Middle East to realize their aspirations.
We will also continue to build partnerships in Africa, investing in civil society andstrengthening long-standing political, economic, and cultural connections. We will partnerwith dynamic and fast-growing African economies, even as we provide assistance to countries
suffering from poor governance, economic distress, health, and food insecurity exacerbated by
the pandemic. We will work to bring an end to the continent’s deadliest conflicts and preventthe onset of new ones, while strengthening our commitment to development, health security,environmental sustainability, democratic progress, and rule of law. We will help African
nations combat the threats posed by climate change and violent extremism, and support theireconomic and political independence in the face of undue foreign influence.
In addition to recommitting to our alliances and partnerships, the United States will again
embrace international cooperation toward a better, safer, more resilient, and more prosperous
world. We will move swiftly to earn back our position of leadership in international
institutions, joining with the international community to tackle the climate crisis andother shared challenges. We have already re-entered the Paris Climate Accord and appointed
a Presidential Special Envoy for climate, the first steps toward restoring our leadership andworking alongside others to combat the acute danger posed by rapidly rising temperatures.
The climate crisis has been centuries in the making, and even with aggressive action, theUnited States and the world will experience increasing weather extremes and environmental
stress in the years ahead. But, if we fail to act now, we will miss our last opportunity to avert

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the most dire consequences of climate change for the health of our people, our economy, oursecurity, and our planet. That is why we will make the clean energy transformation a central
pillar of our economic recovery efforts at home, generating both domestic prosperity andinternational credibility as a leader of the global climate change agenda. And, in the coming
months, we will convene the world’s major economies and seek to raise the ambition of allnations, including our own, to rapidly lower global carbon emissions, while also enhancing
resilience to climate change at home and in vulnerable countries. Alongside these efforts, wewill help partners around the world mitigate and adapt to the effects of climate change, andwe will stand prepared to provide humanitarian and development assistance to nations andcommunities affected by natural disasters.
We will also join with the international community to combat the continuing threat posed by
COVID-19 and other infectious diseases with pandemic potential. We will lead at the World
Health Organization, working to reform and strengthen the organization. As we do, we will
push for reforms to improve the agency and the role of the United Nations in confronting thispandemic and preparing for the next. We have already begun to mobilize an international
response to COVID-19 with an initial $2 billion contribution to COVAX along with a pledge toprovide an additional $2 billion in the coming months and years. Working alongside the UN,
the G-7, the G-20, the European Union, and other regional organizations, through the Global
Health Security Agenda, and with international financial institutions, we will provide support
for much-needed medical supplies and access to diagnostics, therapeutics, and vaccines. We
will join with others to address the grave challenges stemming from or aggravated by the
pandemic, including growing debt, rising poverty, deteriorating food security, and worsening
gender-based violence. We will revitalize and expand global health and health security
initiatives for all nations to reduce the risk of future biological catastrophes, whether naturally
occurring, accidental, or deliberate.
America’s interests at home are strengthened by improving lives globally. Our strength ismultiplied when we combine efforts to address common challenges, share burdens, andbroaden the circle of cooperation. Through our development agencies and financing tools, wewill provide foreign assistance to promote global stability and offer an alternative to predatory
development models. We will invest in climate-conscious food and water security and resilient
agriculture, preventing disease and improving public health and nutrition. We will work toensure high-quality and equitable education and opportunities for children and youth. We
will advance gender equality, LBGTQI+ rights, and women’s empowerment as part of our

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broader commitment to inclusive economic growth and social cohesion. Global development isamong our best means to articulate and embody our values, while simultaneously pursuing ournational security interests. In short, our foreign assistance programs and partnerships are both
the right and the smart thing to do.
Because the United Nations and other international organizations, however imperfect, remain
essential for advancing our interests, we will re-engage as a full participant and work to meet
our financial obligations, in full and on time. Across a range of crucial issues – from climatechange to global health, peace and security, humanitarian response, revitalizing democracy
and human rights, digital connectivity and technology governance, sustainable and inclusive
development, and forced displacement and migration – effective global cooperation andinstitutional reform require America to resume a leadership role in multilateral organizations.
It is also critical that these institutions continue to reflect the universal values, aspirations, andnorms that have underpinned the UN system since its founding 75 years ago, rather than an
authoritarian agenda. In a world of deepening rivalry, we will not cede this vital terrain.
As we re-engage the international system, we willaddress the existential threat posed by nuclear
weapons. We will head off costly arms races and

WE WILL MAKE SMART
AND DISCIPLINED

re-establish our credibility as a leader in arms
control. That is why we moved quickly to extend
the New START Treaty with Russia. Where

CHOICES REGARDING

possible, we will also pursue new arms control

OUR NATIONAL DEFENSE

arrangements. We will take steps to reduce the

AND THE RESPONSIBLE
USE OF OUR MILITARY,
WHILE ELEVATINGDIPLOMACY AS OURTOOL OF FIRST RESORT.

role of nuclear weapons in our national security
strategy, while ensuring our strategic deterrent
remains safe, secure, and effective and that our
extended deterrence commitments to our allies
remain strong and credible. And we will engage
in meaningful dialogue with Russia and China
on a range of emerging military technologicaldevelopments that implicate strategic stability.

Renewed American nonproliferation leadership will also be essential to reducing the dangers
posed by nuclear weapons. Working with allies and partners, we will pursue principled
diplomacy to address the Iranian nuclear program and its other destabilizing activities. We will
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INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

empower our diplomats to work to reduce the threat posed by North Korea’s growing nuclear
and missile programs, standing shoulder-to-shoulder with the Republic of Korea and Japan.
We will also renew efforts to lock down fissile and radiological materials across the world.
In advancing America’s interests globally, we will make smart and disciplined choices
regarding our national defense and the responsible use of our military, while elevating
diplomacy as our tool of first resort. A powerful military matched to the security
environment is a decisive American advantage. The United States will never hesitate to use
force when required to defend our vital national interests. We will ensure our armed forces areequipped to deter our adversaries, defend our people, interests, and allies, and defeat threatsthat emerge. But the use of military force should be a last resort, not the first; diplomacy,development, and economic statecraft should be the leading instruments of American foreign
policy. Military force should only be used when the objectives and mission are clear andachievable, when force is matched with appropriate resources and as part of an integrated
strategy, when it is consistent with our values and laws, and with the informed consent of
the American people. Decisions will be grounded in our strong tradition of civilian control ofthe military and healthy civil-military relations. And, when force is required, we will employ
it alongside international and local partners wherever possible to bolster effectiveness andlegitimacy, share burdens, and invest others in success.
Defending America also means setting clear priorities within our defense budget. First andforemost, we will continue to invest in the people who serve in our all-volunteer force andtheir families. We will sustain readiness and ensure that the U.S. Armed Forces remain the best
trained and equipped force in the world. In the face of strategic challenges from an increasingly
assertive China and destabilizing Russia, we will assess the appropriate structure, capabilities,
and sizing of the force, and, working with the Congress, shift our emphasis from unneeded
legacy platforms and weapons systems to free up resources for investments in the cutting-edge
technologies and capabilities that will determine our military and national security advantage
in the future. We will streamline the processes for developing, testing, acquiring, deploying,and securing these technologies. We will ensure that we have the skilled workforce to acquire,integrate, and operate them. And we will shape ethical and normative frameworks to ensure
these technologies are used responsibly. We will maintain the proficiency of special operations
forces to focus on crisis response and priority counterterrorism and unconventional warfare
missions. And we will develop capabilities to better compete and deter gray zone actions. We
will prioritize defense investments in climate resiliency and clean energy. And we will work toensure that the Department of Defense is a place of truly equal opportunity where our service
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INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

members do not face discrimination or the scourge of sexual harassment and assault.
The United States should not, and will not, engage in “forever wars” that have cost thousandsof lives and trillions of dollars. We will work to responsibly end America’s longest war in
Afghanistan while ensuring that Afghanistan does not again become a safe haven for terrorist
attacks against the United States. Elsewhere, as we position ourselves to deter our adversaries
and defend our interests, working alongside our partners, our presence will be most robust in
the Indo-Pacific and Europe. In the Middle East, we will right-size our military presence tothe level required to disrupt international terrorist networks, deter Iranian aggression, andprotect other vital U.S. interests. A Global Posture Review will guide these choices, ensuring
they are in keeping with our strategic objectives, values, and resources. And we will makethese adjustments consistent with the safety of ourpersonnel and in close consultation with our allies
and partners.

OUR TRADE AND

As we make good on our promise to place theAmerican people – and especially working families– at the center of our national security strategy,
our policies must reflect a basic truth: in today’s
world, economic security is national security.

INTERNATIONALECONOMIC POLICIESMUST SERVEALL AMERICANS,

And the strength of the American middle classNOT JUST THE– the backbone of this nation – is a longstanding

PRIVILEGED FEW.

American advantage. For that reason, our tradeand international economic policies must serve
all Americans, not just the privileged few. Trade policy must grow the American middle
class, create new and better jobs, raise wages, and strengthen communities. We will make surethat the rules of the international economy are not tilted against the United States. We will
enforce existing trade rules and create new ones that promote fairness. We will ensure thatthe growth we promote through our international commercial, trade, and investment policies
is durable and equitable. We will work with our allies to reform the World Trade Organization
so that it functions to support both American jobs and the values that we share with millions
around the globe – including labor rights, equal opportunity, and environmental stewardship.
We will only pursue new trade deals after we have made investments in American workers andcommunities. And as we negotiate with other nations, we will stand up for American workers
and small and medium-sized businesses, even as we continue to ensure that all Americancompanies can compete successfully abroad. We will have labor and environmental groups
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INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

at the table and insist that all economic agreements have elevated labor and environmental
protections. We will work with like-minded nations to advance an international trading
system that promotes a global transition to clean energy. We will ensure our international
economic policies reinforce our domestic policies to support workers, small businesses, andinfrastructure, and we will integrate measures to address transitional and distributional
challenges. We will renew our commitment to partnership with the private sector in ourdevelopment investments, and seek to create investment opportunities for American firms indeveloping countries. And we will place a high priority on detecting, preventing, and managing
global economic shocks that hit American families hard.
At a time of multiple, intersecting crises, we must recognize that our strength abroadrequires the United States to build back better at home. A dynamic, inclusive, innovative
national economy with a flourishing population is a critical American advantage that must
be renewed. That starts by decisively responding to the public health and economic crises
unleashed by COVID-19. Our national strategy—reinforced by the 12 initial executive actions
issued by President Biden in his first two days in office—centers on restoring trust with theAmerican people; mounting a safe, effective, and comprehensive vaccination campaign; andmitigating disease spread through masking, testing, an expanded public health workforce, andbetter data. We will increase emergency relief, exercise the Defense Production Act, safely
reopen schools and businesses, and promote safe travel. Our efforts to tackle COVID-19 will
focus on protecting those most at risk, advancing equity, and communicating credible publichealth guidance led by science. To address the economic crisis, we will work with the Congressto provide sustained relief to workers, families, small businesses, and communities and begin
to make far-reaching investments to create millions of good-paying new jobs in infrastructure,
manufacturing, technology, and caregiving.
As we take the urgent steps required for near-term recovery, we must also seize the historic
opportunity in front of us to build back in ways that make America more resilient andsecure over the long run. That is why we will rebuild and strengthen federal, state, andlocal preparedness to handle not just this pandemic, but also the next one. We will work to
restore U.S. leadership on global health and health security, and build the world’s collective
preparedness and capacity to detect and rapidly contain infectious diseases and biologicalthreats. We will invest in critical stockpiles and ensure that supply chains for pharmaceuticals,
medical equipment, and other critical materials required during a crisis are not overly reliant
on overseas networks prone to disruption. And we will make our economy more resilient toglobal shocks, like COVID-19 and those emanating from climate change.
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INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

Building back better also requires an updated social contract that treats American workers
and working families as essential at all times, not just times of crisis – with higher wages,
stronger benefits, collective bargaining, and equitable and safe workplaces. We will mobilize
U.S. manufacturing and innovation to ensure that the future is made in America, and in all of
America. We will leverage American ingenuity to build modern infrastructure and ensure ourinvestments create good, union jobs that expand the middle class.
Central to this agenda is building an equitable, clean, and resilient energy future, whichis urgently required to head off the existential risk posed by the climate crisis. Doing so isessential to spark innovation, grow high-paying jobs, and ensure U.S. competitiveness inthe decades to come. We will dramatically increase investments in technology research,development, and deployment that will power the low-to-no carbon future that we seek –where global leadership is up for grabs and where American innovation can generate jobs andgrowth in filling global market needs. We will use
federal procurement to jumpstart demand for

OUR STRENGTHABROAD REQUIRESUS TO BUILD BACKBETTER AT HOME.

critical clean technologies like electric vehicles.
And we will support the accelerated growth inrenewable energy deployment, invest in climatefriendly infrastructure, build resilience to climatechange, modernize our energy grid, and provide
the international leadership required to encouragecountries around the world to do the same.

More broadly, we will sustain America’s innovation edge to improve the lives of all
Americans. We will double down on science and technology investments, including inresearch and development, foundational computing technologies, and domestic leading-edge
manufacturing, to enable the pursuit of numerous national strategic objectives, including in theeconomic, health, biotech, energy, climate, and national security domains. We will protect ourinvestments with vigilance and foresight, to forge and extend enduring strategic advantages.
We will expand our science and technology workforce by investing in STEM education, where
America is currently losing ground, and restoring our nation’s historic strengths by ensuring
our immigration policy incentivizes the world’s best and brightest to study, work, and stay in
America. We will build 21st century digital infrastructure, including universal and affordable
high-speed internet access and secure 5G networks. We will explore and use outer space to thebenefit of humanity, and ensure the safety, stability, and security of outer space activities. We
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will shape emerging technology standards to boost our security, economic competitiveness,and values. And, across these initiatives, we will partner with democratic friends and allies toamplify our collective competitive advantages.
As we bolster our scientific and technological base, we will make cybersecurity a top priority,
strengthening our capability, readiness, and resilience in cyberspace. We will elevatecybersecurity as an imperative across the government. We will work together to manage andshare risk, and we will encourage collaboration between the private sector and the government
at all levels in order to build a safe and secure online environment for all Americans. We
will expand our investments in the infrastructure and people we need to effectively defend
the nation against malicious cyber activity, providing opportunities to Americans of diverse
backgrounds as we build an unmatched talent base. We will renew our commitment tointernational engagement on cyber issues, working alongside our allies and partners to upholdexisting and shape new global norms in cyberspace. And we will hold actors accountable fordestructive, disruptive, or otherwise destabilizing malicious cyber activity, and respond swiftlyand proportionately to cyberattacks by imposing substantial costs through cyber and noncyber means.
Building back better requires us to commit ourselves to revitalizing our own democracy.
America’s ideals of democracy, equality, and diversity are a fundamental and enduring sourceof advantage – but they are not a given. Embracing that advantage means living up to thefounding promises of our nation, strengthening and renewing our democratic processes andideals, and demonstrating by our actions that democracy is essential to meeting the challengesof our time. We will combat voter suppression and institutional disenfranchisement. We will
require transparency and accountability in our government, root out corruption, and confront
the distorting role of money in our politics. We will recommit to the rule of law, restore respect
for the constitutional separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary, renew faith
in the apolitical nature of federal law enforcement agencies, the intelligence community, ourdiplomats, civil servants, and military, and reaffirm the importance of free speech, freedom of
the press, the right to peacefully demonstrate, and other core civil rights and liberties.
At a time when millions of Americans have braved COVID-19 to demand racial justice, andwhen the pandemic and the economic crisis have fallen particularly hard on Black and
Brown Americans, truly building back better is impossible without advancing racial equity.
This necessitates deep reforms to policing and our criminal justice system, and urgent steps
to ensure voting rights for all. But that is not enough. Combating systemic racism requires
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aggressive action to address structures, policies, and practices that contribute to the wealthgap, to health disparities, and to inequalities in educational access, outcomes, and beyond.
We must also remember and celebrate that we are a nation of immigrants, strengthened athome and abroad by our diversity. We must renew our promise as a place of refuge, and ourobligation to protect those who seek shelter on
our shores. That is why we ended the previous
administration’s family separations policy anddiscriminatory travel ban. We will not be able

THIS AGENDA WILL

to solve all of the challenges we face at the

STRENGTHEN OUR

southern border overnight. But we will ensure

ENDURING ADVANTAGES,

that we create a process that is safe, fair, and

AND ALLOW US TO

conducted in accordance with our values.

PREVAIL IN STRATEGIC
A vibrant democracy rejects politically

COMPETITION WITH

motivated violence in all of its forms. Despite

CHINA OR ANY OTHER

significant successes against international

NATION.

terrorism, a diffuse and dispersed threat
to Americans remains. Domestic violent
extremism challenges core principles of ourdemocracy and demands policies that protect public safety while promoting our values andrespecting our laws. We must adapt our approach to counterterrorism, including by aligning
our resources to evolving threats. We will work as a coordinated, unified federal government
to use the full array of tools at our disposal in concert with state, local, tribal, private sector,
and foreign counterparts. Robust law enforcement and intelligence capabilities, as well as
strong cooperation and appropriate information sharing, will be critical to understanding andaddressing the broad spectrum of violent extremism America confronts today.
Our work defending democracy does not end at our shores. Authoritarianism is on the global
march, and we must join with likeminded allies and partners to revitalize democracy
the world over. We will work alongside fellow democracies across the globe to deter anddefend against aggression from hostile adversaries. We will stand with our allies and partners
to combat new threats aimed at our democracies, ranging from cross-border aggression,
cyberattacks, disinformation, and digital authoritarianism to infrastructure and energy
coercion. We will take special aim at confronting corruption, which rots democracy fromthe inside and is increasingly weaponized by authoritarian states to undermine democratic
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institutions. We will defend and protect human rights and address discrimination, inequity,and marginalization in all its forms. We will crack down on tax havens and illicit financing that
contribute to income inequality, fund terrorism, and generate pernicious foreign influence.
We will coordinate the use of economic tools, leveraging our collective strength to advanceour common interests. We will work together to impose real costs on anyone who interferesin our democratic processes. We will join with like-minded democracies to develop anddefend trusted critical supply chains and technology infrastructure, and to promote pandemic
preparedness and clean energy. We will lead in promoting shared norms and forge newagreements on emerging technologies, space, cyber space, health and biological threats, climate
and the environment, and human rights. And we will convene a global Summit for Democracy
to ensure broad cooperation among allies and partners on the interests and values we holdmost dear.
Taken together, this agenda will strengthen our enduring advantages, and allow us toprevail in strategic competition with China or any other nation. The most effective way
for America to out-compete a more assertive and authoritarian China over the long-term is
to invest in our people, our economy, and our democracy. By restoring U.S. credibility andreasserting forward-looking global leadership, we will ensure that America, not China, sets theinternational agenda, working alongside others to shape new global norms and agreementsthat advance our interests and reflect our values. By bolstering and defending our unparalleled
network of allies and partners, and making smart defense investments, we will also deter
Chinese aggression and counter threats to our collective security, prosperity, and democratic
way of life.
At the same time, revitalizing our core strengths is necessary but not sufficient. In many areas,
China’s leaders seek unfair advantages, behave aggressively and coercively, and undermine
the rules and values at the heart of an open and stable international system. When the Chinese
government’s behavior directly threatens our interests and values, we will answer Beijing’s
challenge. We will confront unfair and illegal trade practices, cyber theft, and coercive
economic practices that hurt American workers, undercut our advanced and emerging
technologies, and seek to erode our strategic advantage and national competitiveness. We will
ensure that our supply chains for critical national security technologies and medical supplies
are secure. We will continue to defend access to the global commons, including freedomof navigation and overflight rights, under international law. We will position ourselves,
diplomatically and militarily, to defend our allies. We will support China’s neighbors andcommercial partners in defending their rights to make independent political choices free of20

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coercion or undue foreign influence. We will promote locally-led development to combat the
manipulation of local priorities. We will support Taiwan, a leading democracy and a critical
economic and security partner, in line with longstanding American commitments. We will
ensure that U.S. companies do not sacrifice American values in doing business in China. And
we will stand up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity, including in Hong Kong,
Xinjiang, and Tibet. On all these issues, we will work to forge a common approach with likeminded countries.
We also recognize that strategic competition does not, and should not, preclude working with
China when it is in our national interest to do so. Indeed, renewing America’s advantages
ensures that we will engage China from a position of confidence and strength. We willconduct practical, results-oriented diplomacy with Beijing and work to reduce the risk ofmisperception and miscalculation. We will welcome the Chinese government’s cooperation on
issues such as climate change, global health security, arms control, and nonproliferation where
our national fates are intertwined. As we do, we will rally our allies and partners to join us,pooling our negotiating leverage and showing our collective power and resolve.
Finally, for our national security strategy to be effective, it is essential to invest in our
national security workforce, institutions, and partnerships, inspire a new generation
to public service, ensure our workforce represents the diversity of our country, andmodernize our decision-making processes. Executing an effective national security strategy
requires expertise and informed judgment. Yet, in recent years, the experience, integrity, andprofessionalism of our national security institutions and workforce, though resilient, has been
severely tested. We must acknowledge this for the national security challenge it is and act
quickly to address it.
As we get the COVID-19 pandemic under control, we will ensure our national security
workforce can continue to operate safely and effectively. We will protect public servants;
rebuild our human capital to ensure a strong corps of diplomats, development professionals,
intelligence officers, service members, and civil servants; and recruit and retain the next
generation of national security specialists. We will enhance diversity, equity, and inclusion,and prioritize flexibility and improve training across our national security workforce. We will
create new opportunities for non-career experts to serve our government for a finite period oftime, and we will attract critical talent from the private sector on issues as diverse as climatechange, global public health, emerging technologies, and China, and incentivize them to workin the federal government. We will provide our workforce with the cutting-edge technology

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they need, while encouraging new organizational structures and the culture of innovation
required to address today’s complex challenges. And we will take urgent action to ensure that
our national security workforce reflects the full diversity of America and all the strengths itbrings. As we take these steps, we will emphasize professional integrity, accountability, andtransparency.
America accomplishes more when we lead with our full diplomatic, economic, health, anddevelopmental toolkit. For that reason, and to avoid overreliance on the U.S. military to carryout tasks and missions better suited to others, our national security budget will prioritize new
resources for diplomacy and development. We will also invest in our Intelligence Community,
reinforcing its capacity to deliver the timely analysis and warning required to inform policy
making, identify opportunities, and head off threats before they turn into crises.
Because traditional distinctions between foreign and domestic policy – and among national
security, economic security, health security, and environmental security – are less meaningful
than ever before, we will reform and rethink our agencies, departments, interagency processes,
and White House organization to reflect this new reality. We will ensure that individuals
with expertise in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, economics and finance,and critical languages and regions are fully integrated into our decision-making. Because thefederal government does not, and never will, have a monopoly on expertise, we will develop
new processes and partnerships to ensure that state, municipal, tribal, civil society, non-profit,
diaspora, faith-based, and private sector actors are better integrated into policy deliberations.
And we will develop new mechanisms to coordinate policy and implementation across thisdiverse set of stakeholders.

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Conclusion
This moment is an inflection point. We are in the midst of a fundamental debate about the
future direction of our world. To prevail, we must demonstrate that democracies can still
deliver for our people. It will not happen by accident – we have to defend our democracy,
strengthen it and renew it. That means building back better our economic foundations.
Reclaiming our place in international institutions. Lifting up our values at home and speaking
out to defend them around the world. Modernizing our military capabilities while leading with
diplomacy. Revitalizing America’s network of alliances, and the partnerships that have madethe world safer for all of our peoples.
No nation is better positioned to navigate this future than America. Doing so requires us toembrace and reclaim our enduring advantages, and to approach the world from a position ofconfidence and strength. If we do this, working with our democratic partners, we will meet
every challenge and outpace every challenger. Together, we can and will build back better.

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