The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus

Volume 11 | Issue 35 | Number 3 | Article ID 4173 | Sep 01, 2013

Nuchi Du Takara, Okinawan Resistance and the Battle for
Henoko Bay ぬちどぅ宝 抵抗する沖縄、辺野古・大浦湾の闘い
Jon Mitchellbeneath their feet.3

On 13 August 2004, a U.S. Marine Corps
transport helicopter crashed onto the campusof Okinawa International University, Ginowan
City, injuring the three service members on
board and sparking a large fire. Although theaccident occurred on civilian soil, U.S. forces
cordoned off the scene and blocked access toJapanese police investigators; according tosome reports the only local representatives
allowed through the blockade were delivery
drivers bringing pizzas to the American MPs.
That night, the national Japanese TV news
networks either failed to cover the crash orafforded it scant attention.1

In a 2012 survey conducted by the prefecture
and made public this January, 74% of
Okinawans said they felt the large militarypresence on their island amounted to4
discrimination. In a healthy democracy, these
Okinawans would be able to rectify theirgrievances via the ballot box. But the island has
a long, well-documented history of electoralinterference - first by the CIA during the 1960s
when the island was under U.S. administrationand then, ever since, by Tokyo-orchestrated
economic threats, bribes and dirty-tricks
campaigns.5
With their democratic means exhausted,
Okinawans have been forced to seek alternative
ways to express their anger. And here - likenowhere else in Japan - resistance manifests
itself in many forms.

To many Okinawans, the lessons of the accident
seemed clear: the U.S. military felt it could
operate with impunity on their island and themainland didn’t give a damn.
A decade later nothing has changed – except
that, in many ways, the situation has becomemuch worse.

The most visible expressions are the protests
which occur almost daily outside the gates of
Okinawa’s larger U.S. installations - CampGonsalves, Camp Schwab and MCAS Futenma.
Demonstrators line the roadsides holdingcolorful banners calling for the bases’ closureand tying to the fences red ribbons - the colorof Okinawan anger. One of the most famous ofthese demonstrations is the weekly Saturdaynight candlelight vigil held outside Camp
Schwab on Henoko Bay, which has been held
since November 2004.

Despite repeated promises from Tokyo to
reduce the military burden on Okinawa, U.S.
bases still take up 10% of the prefecture (and
18% of Okinawa Island) but give back less than
5% to the local economy. Military aircraftcontinue to crash, lose chunks of fuselage andmake emergency landings - to which themainstream media turn a blind eye. 2 At thesame time, increasing awareness ofenvironmental contamination created by thebases - including dioxin, PCB and lead pollution- has made many residents fearful not only ofthe dangers from the skies but the very land

Many Christian groups are involved in thesepeace campaigns; for instance, outside
Futenma, there is a weekly protest involving
gospel singers. Since June, Catholic nuns have1

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also joined the seven-year long sit-in at Takae
where the Pentagon has been building large
Osprey landing pads in the pristine Yamburu
6jungles.
Following a military crash or crime, thesesmall-scale demonstrations swell exponentially.
After the 2004 helicopter crash, 30,000 people
protested; in September 2012, a demonstration
against the deployment to Okinawa of Osprey
tilt-rotor aircraft drew more than 100,000.
Many of the participants in thesedemonstrations are in their seventies andeighties - possible proof that Okinawans’
renowned longevity is fueled not only by a dietrich in tofu and goya but also a healthy dose ofcivil disobedience.

On the edge of the newly-createdexclusion zone on Henoko Bay“The elderly protesters are especiallypassionate,” explains Kazue Nakamura-Huber,a co-founder of grass roots peace movement
New Wave to Hope. “Their enthusiasm caneven intimidate younger Okinawans. The
younger generation feels just as angry as theirelders (about the military presence) but withjobs or children to look after they’re sometimes
too busy to attend rallies.”

Humour has always been a timeless tool tosubvert authority - think Mark Twain, Bill Hicks
and Jon Stewart - and Okinawan comedy
troupe, Owarai Beigun Kichi, performs skits tosell-out audiences lampooning daily life
alongside military fencelines. Included in thegroup’s 2014 line-up are two new mascots: thecutely-punned Mesprey (in Japanese, the suffix“mes” is used for female animals and “os” formales) and a barrel of Agent Orange
spluttering defoliants.

Many of these younger Okinawans take adifferent approach to resistance.

To circumvent what they perceive as media
censorship of Okinawan voices, many in theyounger generation harness technology including Twitter, Facebook and live-streaming- to broadcast their anger. This approach bore
fruit when, in February, 60 university students
organized a flash-mob to coincide with U.S.
Ambassador Caroline Kennedy’s first visit to
the island.

Take for example, hip-hop artist
Kakumakushaka who raps about the U.S.
occupation of Okinawa - including Tami no
Domino, a blistering track about the 2004
helicopter crash. Then there are the designers
for fashion label Habu Box whose t-shirtsfeature bright hibiscuses flowering from thebarrels of G.I. rifles and jackets embroideredwith U.S. Ospreys clashing with giant shiisa the mythical lion-dog that can often be seen
guarding Okinawan rooftops.

“This peace campaign was a first for Okinawa,”
explains New Wave to Hope member, Ginoza
Eiko. “Many people joined in and it was a new
and different expression. From now on, I think
young people will continue to find new ways toexpress (their feelings against the bases.)”
From teenagers and pensioners to fashion2

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designers, comedians and musicians, the peace
movement on Okinawa is remarkable in its
diversity, but one philosophy unites it: a beliefin Nuchi du takara, life is precious.

been severely traumatized by the Battle of
Okinawa - and the people there know that the
military only attracts violence and death,instead of peace and stability.”

Legend dictates that the words were uttered by
the last king of Okinawa Sho Tai upon being
banished from the island after the Japanese
7annexation of Okinawa in 1879. But the words
took on deeper meaning two generations later
during the Battle of Okinawa when in thespring of 1945, between a quarter and a thirdof the island’s civilian population was
slaughtered.

In particular, this World War Two suffering
affords Okinawans a perspective on today’sresurgent Japanese militarism lacking among
many mainlanders. While PM Abe promisesthat a stronger military will help to protect
Japan, Okinawans recall the last time Japan’s
leaders marched the country into war - theImperial Army bases in their communities madethem a target and when fighting began,Japanese soldiers looted food, forced families
from the safety of their caves and pressured
hundreds to commit group suicide.8“Now the Japanese government is claiming toprotect us from China,” says New Wave to
Hope member Kinjo Naomi, whose uncle waskilled and father wounded in the Battle of
Okinawa. “But both the U.S. and Japan havestolen our human rights for decades. They
should use our tax money for education andhealthcare - but instead they’re wasting it on
the new base.”
The new base Kinjo mentions is the oneplanned alongside Camp Schwab at Henoko
Bay, Nago City.

“War is miserable. But it is not a natural
disaster - it is manmade. That means if we all
work together, we can overcome it,” explains
Jahana Etsuko, the curator of the peacemuseum House of Nuchi du Takara located on
Iejima, the birthplace of Okinawa’s civil
disobedience movement.

First dreamed up by the Pentagon during theVietnam War when Okinawa was a key
launchpad for bombing during the conflict,plans were soon abandoned due to the cost.
Resurrected in the 1990s, now the Japanese
government is pushing forward aggressively
with construction - despite latest polls showing
opposition standing at 80% and a local electionin Nago in January which returned Mayor
Susumu Inamine, a staunch opponent ofconstruction.9

According to Jahana, the Battle of Okinawa also
accounts for why there are so many women in
the Okinawan peace movement: widowed by
the war, “They took those tough experiences
and naturally became strong.”
Satoko Oka Norimatsu, co-author of ResistantIslands, points out that “On Okinawa, the WorldWar Two generation and the subsequent
generations (through collective memory) have3

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demonstrations in the world. 1 1This summer, Henoko has once again become
the prime focus for peace campaigners.
One stormy day in June, outside Camp Schwab,
60 protesters waved banners as passing
motorists tooted their horns in support.
Meanwhile at the sit-in tent, campaigners
explained about the bay’s unparalleledbiodiversity to 100 mainland visitors.
Further down the beach, near Camp Schwab’s
fence line, a scene took place which must havemade military police monitoring the security
cameras first reach for their glasses - and then
their panic buttons.

Many of those interviewed for this article
believe the reason behind Tokyo’s insistence issimple: in the coming years, the new base will
be used for a revived Japanese military - either
solely or jointly with the U.S. in what the
military dubs “interoperability”. 10

Across the sands, two dozen people
accompanied by a massive shiisa were in close
pursuit of PM Abe Shinzo and LDP secretary
general, Ishiba Shigeru. As the crowd whoopedand blasted trumpets, the shiisa chomped its
teeth forcing the terrified politicians to stumble- until finally, with nowhere else to run, they
were driven into the sea.

“It’s clear the Japanese government eventuallywants to use the Henoko base as its own. And
now that it has committed itself to the plan, it
can’t lose face by backing down,” says Hideki
Yoshikawa, of the NGO Citizens’ Network for
Biodiversity in Okinawa and International
Director of Save the Dugong Campaign.
Norimatsu agrees.
“The U.S. and Japanese military have become
more and more integrated. For example one of
the Japanese cabinet’s key phrases is‘seamless’ operation. This seamlessness between both peace time and war time, andbetween the U.S. and Japanese military - isreally behind all the changes that the US andJapanese governments are trying to bringabout. ‘Seamlessness’ is the key and for that
purpose Japanese bases will be used by the
U.S. and vice versa.”“That’s a wrap!” shouted Ishikawa Mao,
Okinawa’s most famous photographer.12

To prevent this from happening, Okinawan
campaigners have been staging a protest sit-innear the proposed site at Henoko for the past
10 years - one of the longest running

Moments later, as the men playing thepoliticians took off their rubber masks and theshiisa’s two occupants wriggled free from their4

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costume, she explained her thinking behind thishallucinatory tableau.

Earthjustice filed a lawsuit with a federal courtin San Francisco, demanding that construction
14of the Henoko base be halted.

“I want these photographs to show the manydifferent ways that Okinawans protest - as wellas the full range of their anger.”

Instead of waiting for the outcome of these
legal cases, the Japanese government has
stooped to new lows in dealing withdemonstrators. Last month, with U.S. backing,it created a 2-km exclusion zone in the seasaround Henoko and threatened to prosecuteanyone entering it under the keitokuhō, a longmothballed criminal law dating back to 1952
when the Japan-U.S. security treaty first cameinto existence. In addition, Tokyo ordered the
National Police Agency to create a special teamto suppress protesters and installed sharp
metal grills outside Camp Schwab to prevent
sit-down demonstrations from blocking thegates.15“On Okinawa, the shiisa is like a god that
protects us and chases away bad things. The
Japanese government has done so many bad
things to Okinawa. It truly is the lowest of thelow.”
As powerful as the shiisa is, it may be anotherequally mythical animal that wins the day for
Henoko: the dugong, a cousin of the manatee.
“In Okinawan mythology, the dugong has divine
status - it is a messenger of the sea gods. But
today, there are only between 3 and 10 alive,”
explains Yoshikawa.
Between May and July, 110 dugong grazing
trails were discovered near Henoko and despite
Japanese government assertions that the newbase will not impact them, these feeding areas
will almost certainly be destroyed by the 21
million cubic metres of landfill slated for the
new base.
Whereas Tokyo seems happy to allow theendangered dugong to die out, support hascome from an unexpected quarter - the U.S.
judiciary.
In 2008, the District of Northern California
Court ruled in the Dugong vs Rumsfeld lawsuitthat the dugong was protected as a naturalmonument and the Department of Defense - if itwent ahead with the base construction - would
be failing to take into account the preservationof the dugong.13

Japan Coast Guard Battles Citizen
Demonstrators in Kayaks

With the stakes so high, the battle for Henoko
Bay looks set to challenge the Okinawanprotest. However, what seems certain is that
campaigners young and old will remain
dedicated to nonviolent civil disobedience andthe spirit of nuchi du takara.

Currently, lawyers on both sides of the Pacificare feverishly attempting to ascertain whether
the Pentagon has complied with this ruling. On
July 31, for example, representatives from U.S.
environmental law nonprofit organization“The Japanese government has looked down on
5

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With the clock ticking down to the election,
Tokyo is rushing to complete preliminary
stages of the new base as quickly possible. It
has dispatched more than 100 vessels to thearea to deter protesters from taking to the seasand started drilling the sea-bed at two of
sixteen planned spots to ascertain whether the
ground will be able to withstand the 21 million
cubic metres of landfill it plans to dump in thebay.

Okinawans for many years,” says Yoshikawa.
“Now we are up against those in power in the
US and the media, too. But we’ll keep fighting.
We won’t give up - we can’t.”
8.23 - The March on Henoko
Yoshikawa’s words proved prescient: on August
23 thousands marched on Henoko.
In the biggest show of anger to date, more than
3600 people lined the road outside Camp
Schwab. Farmers. Fishermen. Families.
Teachers. University students. World War Two
survivors. They crowded the pavements andhillsides, chanting “Stop construction” and“Save the Bay”.

However, these moves appear only to havestrengthened protesters’ resolve.
Ashitomi Hiroshi, one of the leaders of the
Henoko peace movement, explained that
nonviolent resistance against construction
would escalate in the weeks to come.

Many carried placards printed “Nuchi du
Takara.”“PM Abe’s government will keep piling thepressure on us but we won’t give up. The world
needs to know the sufferings of Okinawa - bothduring World War Two and today. We wantpeace in Asia and no military bases here on ourisland,” he said.

At the start of the demonstration, Okinawan
legislators and peace campaign leaders gave
impassioned speeches against Prime Minister
Abe Shinzo’s re-militarization of Japan and thediscrimination against Okinawans.

Dozens of local residents have established a
new sit-in tent outside the gates of Camp
Schwab - and on August 19, they claimed amajor victory against the authorities when theysucceeded in turning away deliveries of
construction materials to the base.

Nago Mayor Susumu Inamine received thestrongest welcome. Fresh from a trip to explain
Okinawa’s plight to South Americans, hemounted the podium wearing a cape decorated
with multicolored dugong and greeted thecrowd in Okinawan.

Meanwhile, flotillas of kayakers daily take tothe sea to protest construction. More than adozen of these have so far been detained by
Japanese authorities - later to be released
without charge.

Inamine likened the situation on Okinawa toWorld War II - but this time, the island wasunder attack not by the U.S. military, but by
the Japanese government.
“We all need to work together to save Henoko
Bay,” he said. “You can all help. We’ll nevergive up.”

On August 22, 32-year-old canoeist Iwata
Katsuhiko received spinal injuries while being
restrained by Japan Coast Guard officers after
he was pulled from his boat.

The scale of the demonstration - and the angerof those in attendance - suggests tough times
ahead for PM Abe’s plans to push throughconstruction of the new base before Okinawa’s
gubernatorial election in November.

“When the media aren’t watching, the coast
guard turns violent. This isn’t how civil
servants should behave,” he said. “But wewon’t give up and as soon as I recover, I’ll head6

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protesters?

back to sea."

Their actions are far from heroic.
On August 20, House of Councilors member for
Okinawa Itokazu Keiko took the Japanese
government to task at a special meeting
focused on racial discrimination at the United
Nations in Geneva. Calling for a halt to theconstruction at Henoko and Osprey helipads inthe nearby Yanbaru jungles - she told thecommittee that the Japanese government
discriminates against Okinawans and ignores
their human rights.
Okinawa’s memorials to peace

View Okinawan Memorials to War, Peace and Protest in alarger map

Iwata KatsuhikoWith its perpetual flame for peace and slabs ofgranite inscribed with the names of the morethan 241,000 people who died on all sides
during the Battle of Okinawa, the Okinawa
Peace Memorial Park in Mabuni is theisland’s most famous monument - but also one
of its most controversial. Critics argue that it
whitewashes responsibility for the war bylisting the innocent dead alongside the soldiers
who killed them; moreover, in 1999, prefectural
officials altered displays at the park’s museum
to downplay atrocities committed against
islanders by the Japanese military. Norimatsu
and McCormack also note how President Bill
Clinton in 2000 used his visit to the park not topromote peace but to justify the Pentagon’s
ongoing presence on the island.16

The mobilization of the Japanese coast guard
against peaceful protesters has angered many
Okinawans including a contingent of elected
officials who surveyed the planned construction
site on the sea on August 22. While inspecting
the bay’s coral beds and dugong grazing trails,
they were gruffly ordered to leave the area bycoast guard members.
The officials, including Arakaki Seiryo,
chairman of Okinawa Prefectural Assembly's
special committee on U.S. bases and Okinawa
Assembly Member Yamauchi Sueko, hailed thecoast guards on loudspeakers and accusedthem of putting the interests of the U.S.
military ahead of the Japanese and Okinawan
citizens they’re supposed to be protecting.

Fortunately for visitors looking for alternative and less sanitized - memorials, there are over
400 other monuments to war and peace on
Okinawa. Many of these pull no punches inchronicling civilians’ suffering during WorldWar Two - as well as cataloguing post-war
injustices committed by the U.S. authorities
and islanders’ ongoing dedication to nonviolent
civil disobedience.

Also, peace campaigners have begun playing on
their boats’ loudspeakers the theme song of the
popular Japanese movie series “Umizaru”
which glamorizes the work of the Japan Coast
Guard.
The message to those now assailing peaceful711 | 35 | 3

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The best place to start a tour of these lesserknown museums is the House of Nuchi du
Takara on Iejima Island, the birthplace of
Okinawa’s peace movement. Upon entering,
visitors are confronted with a small set ofbloodstained clothes and the description thatthey belonged to an Okinawan child stabbed by
Japanese troops to silence it when U.S. soldiers
were in the vicinity. The museum was foundedby Ahagon Shoko - the Gandhi of Okinawa - andother displays record the postwar “Bayonets
and Bulldozers” period when, in the 1950s, thePentagon violently seized farmers’ land to turnthe island into a bombing range. Exhibits
include photographs of islanders’ homes razed
by U.S. troops and several dummy nuclear
bombs dropped on the island during Cold War
17training drills.

Han no Hi - depicts the suffering of Korean
labourers brought forcibly to Okinawa during
the war to work for the Japanese military.
Another at Chibichirigama cavecommemorates the forced suicide of 83
Okinawans in April 1945; this memorial struck
such a nerve with Japanese far-rightists thatthey attempted to destroy it in 1987. Today it
has been rebuilt behind protective bars.
To the east, within the grounds of Miyamori
Elementary School in Uruma City, there is areminder of why many Okinawans protest so
strongly against the military presence on theirisland. On June 30 1959, as the pupils sat down
for their daily milk break, an F-100 fighter jet
plowed into the school killing 18 children andadults. The American pilot parachuted tosafety. A simple stone memorial listing those
who died stands at the scene of the crash permission to visit can be obtained from theschool office.19

Due to the obliteration of Hiroshima andNagasaki, the storage of nuclear weapons on
Okinawa has long been a sore point in Japan to which the Pentagon responds with blanket
neither-confirm-nor-deny statements. The
Monument to World Peace in Onna village
helps to lift the veil on this secret history.
Housed within a former nuclear missile silo
built by the U.S. in the early 1960s, themuseum details the presence of more than
1200 atomic devices on Okinawa prior to its
reversion to Japan in 1972. Among its exhibits
is a display based on Jon Mitchell’s interviews
with former U.S. nuclear technicians stationedon the island during the Cuban Missile Crisis.
According to the veterans, the presence of U.S.
weapons of mass destruction turned Okinawa
into a target; furthermore, Pentagon plans tolaunch an atomic attack on China at the heightof the Cuban Missile Crisis would have plunged
the entire region into war.18

Proof of the ongoing risks of operating military
hardware within crowded civilian communities
is the charred tree standing on the campus of
Okinawa International University, Ginowan
City. Damaged in the August 2004 helicopter
crash, today it is the scene of annual memorialservices in which local residents call for the
closure of the adjacent MCAS Futenma base in 2003 dubbed by Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld as the most dangerous in the world.
The Okinawan peace memorial that is mostdifficult to access is also the most inspirational.
Sited a 3-hour drive from Naha in the northern
Yambaru jungles, the stone monument in Ada
village pays tribute to the hundreds of local
villagers who, in 1971, blocked USMC live-fireexercises in the area.20 Following their lengthy
sit-in at the heavy gun emplacements andtarget areas, residents eventually forced themilitary to abandon its drills. Today a large
memorial near the scene immortalizes their
victory - Japan’s only monument to the power ofpeople’s protest.

Further south, Yomitan village is home to
Okinawa’s most famous sculptor, Kinjo Minoru,
and dotted among the sugarcane fields aremany of his statues which deal with historicalevents that some in the current Japanese
government would rather forget. One statue 8

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4

Mao Ishikawa’s photo exhibition on the historyof Okinawan injustices - Dai Ryukyu Shasshin
Emaki - will be held at Naha Shimin Gallery,
Naha, from September 16 to 21.

“2012 survey reveals that 74 percent of
Okinawan people view the concentration of
U.S. military bases in Okinawa as
discrimination,” Ryukyu Shimpo, January 29,
2014. Available here.

Jon Mitchell is a visiting researcher at theInternational Peace Research Institute of Meiji
Gakuin University, Tokyo and an Asia-Pacific
Journal contributing editor. In 2012,“Defoliated Island: Agent Orange, Okinawa andthe Vietnam War” - a Japanese TV documentary
based upon his research - won an award forexcellence from Japan's Association ofCommercial Broadcasters. A Japanese-language
book based upon his research into Agent
Orange on Okinawa is scheduled for
publication in Tokyo in 2014.

5

For example, see Gavan McCormack and
Satoko Oka Norimatsu, “Resistant Islands Okinawa Confronts Japan and the UnitedStates,” Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham, 2012.
Pp. 137~158.
6“Women religious plan coordinated protests
over American forces in Okinawa,” UCA News,
July 3, 2014. Available here.

Recommended citation: Jon Mitchell, “Nuchi Du
Takara, Okinawan Resistance and the Battle for
Henoko Bay,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 11,
Issue 35, No. 3, September 1, 2014.

7

McCormack and Norimatsu, p.4.

8For example, see Ibid., p.21.

9

See Gavan McCormack, "The Front Line in the
Struggle for Democracy in Japan – Nago City,
Okinawa," Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 12, Issue 4,
No. 3, January 27, 2014. Available here. For thelatest opinion poll on opposition to the Henoko
plan, see here.

Related articles• Gavan McCormack and Urashima Etsuko,
Okinawa’s “Darkest Year”

10

For an exploration of the faux justifications of
the Pentagon’s plans for Asia see Stephen
Harner, “The NYTimes' 'China Threat' Myth,The 'Pivot To Asia,' And Obama's Foreign Policy
Legacy,” Forbes, June 22, 2014. Available here.

• Gavan McCormack, Okinawa Facing a Hot
SummerNotes

11

See for example Kikuno Yumikoand Norimatsu Satoko, "Henoko, Okinawa:
Inside the Sit-In," The Asia-Pacific Journal,
8-1-10, February 22, 2010. Available here.

1

For example, see James Brooke, “A Crash, andthe Scent of Pizzatocracy, Anger Okinawa”,
New York Times, September 13, 2004; Miyume
Tanji, “Myth, Protest and Struggle in Okinawa,”
Routledge, New York, 2006.

12

For more on Mao Ishikawa, see Jon Mitchell,“Okinawa shutterbug captures varied reactions
to Hinomaru”, Japan Times, November 19,
2011.

2

For a partial list of U.S. military accidents, seefor example this link from “Close The Base”
here.

13

See Hideki Yoshikawa, “Urgent Situation at
Okinawa's Henoko and Oura Bay: Base
Construction Started on Camp Schwab,” The
Asia-Pacific Journal, July 8, 2014. Available
here.

3

See Jon Mitchell, "Okinawa - The Pentagon’s
Toxic Junk Heap of the Pacific," The AsiaPacific Journal, Vol. 11, Issue 47, No. 6,
November 25, 2013. Available here.
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14

Midnight': U.S. Nuclear Missile Pioneers on
Okinawa Break Fifty Year Silence on a Hidden
Nuclear Crisis of 1962," The Asia-Pacific
Journal, Vol 10, Issue 30, No. 1, July 23, 2012.
Available here.

For an account of the latest lawsuit see thisJuly 31 article by Earthjustice.
15

Yoshikawa, 2014.

16

McCormack and Norimatsu, pp.42-43.

19

For example, see “Memorial held for 55th
anniversary of U.S. military jet crash into
Miyamori Elementary School”, Ryukyu Shimpo,
June 30, 2014. Available in English here.

17

Jon Mitchell, "Beggars’ Belief: The Farmers’
Resistance Movement on Iejima Island,
Okinawa," The Asia-Pacific Journal, 23-2-10,
June 7th, 2010. Available here.
18

20

Jon Mitchell, “Rumble in the Jungle”, Japan
Times, August 19, 2012. Available here.

Jon Mitchell, " 'Seconds Away From10