MARITIME WARFARE IN A MATUREPRECISION-STRIKE REGIME

ANDREW F. KREPINEVICH

2014

ABOUT THE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND BUDGETARY ASSESSMENTS

The Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) is an independent, nonpartisan policy research institute established to promote innovative thinking and debate
about national security strategy and investment options. CSBA’s analysis focuses on key
questions related to existing and emerging threats to U.S. national security, and its goal isto enable policymakers to make informed decisions on matters of strategy, security policy,
and resource allocation.

© 2014 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. All rights reserved.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Andrew Krepinevich is President of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.
He assumed this position in 1993, following a 21-year career in the U.S. Army.
Dr. Krepinevich has served in the Department of Defense’s Office of Net Assessment, andon the personal staff of three secretaries of defense. He has also served as a member of the
National Defense Panel, the Defense Science Board Task Force on Joint Experimentation,
the Joint Forces Command Advisory Board, and the Defense Policy Board. He currently
serves on the Chief of Naval Operations' (CNO's) Advisory Board and on the Army Special
Operations Command's Advisory Board.
Dr. Krepinevich frequently contributes to print and broadcast media. He has lectured before
a wide range of professional and academic audiences, and has served as a consultant on military affairs for many senior government officials, including several secretaries of defense,
the CIA’s National Intelligence Council, and all four military services. He has testified frequently before Congress. Dr. Krepinevich has taught on the faculties of West Point, George
Mason University, Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies,and Georgetown University.
Dr. Krepinevich's most recent book is 7 Deadly Scenarios: A Military Futurist Explores
War in the 21st Century. His other recent works include Strategy in a Time of Austerity:
Why the Pentagon Should Focus on Assuring Access; The Dangers of a Nuclear Iran;and The Pentagon’s Wasting Assets, published in Foreign Affairs; and CSBA monographs:
Cyber Warfare: A “Nuclear Option”?; Strategy in Austerity; AirSea Battle: A Point-of-Departure Operational Concept (co-author); and The Road Ahead (co-author). Dr. Krepinevich received the 1987 Furniss Award for his book, The Army and Vietnam.
A graduate of West Point, Dr. Krepinevich holds an M.P.A. and Ph.D. from Harvard
University. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author would like to thank Commander (Ret.) Bryan Clark, Colonel (Ret.) Mark
Gunzinger, Captain (Ret.) Karl Hasslinger, Robert Martinage, Commander Phillip
Pournelle, Dr. John Stillion, Captain (Ret.) Jan van Tol, and Colonel (Ret.) Barry Watts
for reviewing and commenting on drafts of this report. Thanks are also in order to Zack
Cooper, Chris Dougherty, Eric Lindsey, Nicholas Setterberg, and Abigail Stewart for theirresearch and editorial support. Eric Lindsey also provided graphics support that greatly
enhanced the assessment’s presentation. Last, but certainly not least, thanks are owed to
the report’s editor, Keith Tidman, for enhancing both the style and substance of this report.
Any shortcomings in this assessment, however, are solely the author’s responsibility.

CONTENTS

1

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY11

INTRODUCTION

11

Why This Assessment?

16

The Competitive Environment: Key Assumptions

21

THE PAST AS PROLOGUE: CASE STUDIES OF THE MARITIME COMPETITION

22The Advent of the Machine Age

26

The Rise of Aviation and Radar

28

Case Study: Mediterranean Operations in World War II

36

Case Study: The Kamikazes

41

Case Study: The Cold War and the Mediterranean No-Go Zone47

The Outer Air Battle

53

Case Study: The Falklands War

58

Case Study: The First Gulf War and Mines59

The Changing Maritime Geography: Undersea Economic Infrastructure

63

THE FUTURE MARITIME COMPETITION: CHARACTERISTICS

77

MARITIME MISSIONS IN A MARITIME PRECISION-STRIKE REGIME

82

Paths to a Mature Maritime Precision-Strike Regime

83

Reviewing the Bidding

87

Maritime Missions in a Mature Maritime Precision-Strike Regime

105

Break Out?

107

RESTORING MARITIME FREEDOM OF MANEUVER

109

Option 1: Win the Scouting Campaign

112

Option 2: Deplete the Enemy’s Long-Range Strike Systems

116

Option 3: Pursue Prompt Attrition

119

Option 4: Pursue Protracted Attrition: Cutting off Commerce

123

NEXT STEPS127

ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This paper provides a preliminary assessment of the prospective characteristics of amature maritime precision-strike regime and explores some of its implications. Thissubject is of increasing importance for senior U.S. defense policymakers. For over two
decades, the U.S. military has enjoyed a near-monopoly in precision-guided weaponry
and their associated battle networks. Recently, however, the proliferation of these capabilities to other militaries and non-state entities is gathering momentum.
The extended period during which the U.S. military has enjoyed a major advantage inthis aspect of the military competition suggests it may be slow to appreciate the progressive loss of this advantage. Nowhere is this more the case than in the maritime domain,
where U.S. freedom of maneuver has rarely been challenged in conflict since World War
II, and then with only modest effects. This era, which now stretches over nearly seventy
years, may make it more difficult for the U.S. military to adapt to the “new normal” inwhich existing and prospective enemies have precision-guided munitions (PGMs) and,in some cases, the associated battle networks and long-range strike systems that form
what the Russians termed “reconnaissance-strike complexes.”1
Further complicating matters is the fact that the maritime competition has long since
moved beyond purely a contest of ships and submarines at sea. Since the early days ofWorld War II, land-based aircraft have played a major role in the maritime balance,
followed by missiles of ever-greater range, speed, and lethality. In recent years, military capabilities and systems in space and cyberspace have become major factors in

1

For a discussion of “reconnaissance-strike complexes,” see Mary C. FitzGerald, “The Impact of New
Technologies on Soviet Military Thought,” in Roy Allison, ed., Radical Reform in Soviet Defence Policy:
Selected Papers from the Fourth World Congress for Soviet and East European Studies (New York: St.
Martin’s Press, 1992). See also Marshal N. V. Ogarkov, “The Defense of Socialism: Experience of History and the Present Day,” Красная звезда [Red Star], May 9, 1984; translated by the Foreign Broadcast
Information Service, Daily Report: Soviet Union, Vol. III, No. 091, Annex No. 054, May 9, 1984, p. R19.

2

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

determining the balance, further complicating efforts to assess the competition. Thus
while naval forces, strictly speaking, are those that operated on or below the surface of
the water, the maritime competition is influenced by forces operating in all domains.
Further increasing the “degrees of difficulty” in assessing the emerging mature maritime precision-strike regime are changes in the character of the maritime domain itself.
Maritime geography has undergone a marked transformation since the last time U.S.
maritime power was seriously challenged in war. This stems from the expanding undersea economic infrastructure. A state’s economic assets at sea were once thought of primarily as cargo-bearing ships. Today, undersea continental shelves in many places hosta complex energy extraction and transport infrastructure that is increasingly accessible,
even to non-state entities. Add to this a thickening web of undersea telecommunications cables. Aside from the challenge of defending this undersea infrastructure, there
are concerns that some states with expansive views of what constitutes their exclusive
economic zone (EEZ) could also affect the competition in ways that would limit freedomof maneuver in the maritime domain, including a maritime power’s ability to map theundersea and maneuver in neutral states’ EEZs in wartime.
As has been the case for millennia, maritime access will likely remain contested moststrongly in littoral regions. Similar to the Royal Navy’s experience when it encounteredtorpedo boats and torpedoes, mines, and submarines—the first modern anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) defenses—in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
today’s U.S. surface fleet may find it prohibitively costly to operate in the littoral regions
against adversaries in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. And since modern
scouting and strike systems can operate over much greater distances than those of acentury ago, a robust maritime A2/AD defensive network could extend out hundredsof miles from the shore, intersecting with a rival’s similar network to create a no man’sland or “no-go zone” of operations. This would affect a wide range of maritime missions,to include sea control and denial, strike, presence, commerce raiding and defense, andblockade and counter-blockade.
While it is easy to make the case for a mature maritime precision-strike regime differing from today’s maritime environment, actually spelling out those differences poses
many problems. The first concerns the broad development of military capabilities
beyond those assumed in this assessment—that is, the diffusion of precision-guided
munitions and development of extended-range scouting forces linked to strike forces
through battle networks. Recent promising advances in directed energy (DE) could
greatly enhance communications along with air and missile defenses. New generationsof nuclear weapons could enable their use while creating far less destruction than those
associated with Cold War “Armageddon” arsenals. Hypersonic missiles, should they
prove practicable and affordable in substantial numbers, could greatly reduce engagement times. Cyber weapons may prove able to fracture battle networks and corrupt
information provided by scouting forces. Advances in artificial intelligence could enableMaritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

3

robotic systems to conduct complex operations independent of human control, movingfrom an era of unmanned weaponry controlled by humans to autonomous weaponry.
The broad advance of military capabilities greatly increases the uncertainty entailed
in describing the salient characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime.
This assessment is further limited by a lack of data. It has been roughly seventy years
since two major maritime powers fought each other. In that time the advances in maritime capabilities have been dramatic. Yet the data on the relative value of these newcapabilities are meager, culled from minor conflicts that may stimulate as many false
conclusions as useful insights.
The challenge is further compounded in that the more advances there are in militarycapabilities, the wider the range of paths competitors might pursue in exploiting theirpotential within a mature maritime precision-strike regime. While some light might
be shed on this matter by examining a competitor’s geographic position, strategic culture, stated geopolitical objectives, economic and technical resources, and the ability tomobilize them for military purposes, at best it reduces uncertainty at the margins. As
several prospective key competitors—India, Iran, and Japan, in particular—have yet tomove aggressively toward fielding the forces that would characterize a mature maritime
precision-strike regime, it seems ill-advised to predict what path they may pursue, letalone the ultimate outcome.
There is the matter of operational concepts. Competitors may choose a certain path infielding new capabilities (and blending them in with existing capabilities), but this does
not necessarily tell us how competitors will employ those capabilities in war.
While these barriers to predicting the character of a mature maritime precision-strike
regime are formidable, they are not an excuse for failing to try. An informed assessmentof such a regime that takes these conditions into account can serve two useful purposes.
First, it can reduce the level of uncertainty, though modestly, as to what will characterize the competition. Second, an assessment can provide an informed point of departure—a “Mature Maritime Precision-Strike Regime 1.0”—at the outset of what must be
an ongoing, persistent, iterative process to refine and enhance our understanding of
this emerging competitive environment.
Absent a major break in the arc of history, there is no uncertainty about at least one
aspect of a mature maritime precision-strike regime: it will emerge in time. What mightcharacterize the competition in a mature maritime precision-strike regime? Among the
major findings of this assessment are the following:•

The seas, especially for the United States, will become more highly contested
than they have at least since the Cold War. The gradual expansion of what wetoday call A2/AD zones that began over a century ago will continue, following
what appears to be a period of aberration since the Cold War’s end.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

4

2

•

Advances in military capabilities since World War II, such as satellites, sensors,very long-range intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), and strike
platforms and missiles, have created the potential to “shrink” the world’s oceans
to what we might call “Mediterranean Size.”•

There will be different classes of maritime powers. Modest maritime powers will
be able to strike fixed targets in their littoral region, whereas a smaller number
will have the ability to strike fixed targets at extended ranges, defined as beyond
the littoral and perhaps out to a 1,000 nautical miles (nm) or more. Althoughmore advanced powers will be able to strike mobile targets, only some will beable to do so on a significant scale at extended range. Maritime powers will also
be distinguished by their ability (or lack thereof) to attack the undersea infrastructure and mobile undersea targets, and to do so at extended range. The ability to frustrate and defend against this range of attacks will also differentiate themaritime powers from one another.

•

The vulnerability of surface vessels—warships and merchant ships—will increase dramatically in such an environment. Absent a major breakthrough inanti-submarine warfare (ASW) and undersea craft—submarines, unmanned
under-sea vehicles (UUVs), and autonomous undersea vehicles (AUVs)—will
preserve their stealth.

•In this environment, attempting to operate surface warships and merchantships in the enemy’s littoral regions, at least early in a conflict, will likely be prohibitively costly for even the most formidable maritime power. Even beyond thelittoral, the growth of extended-range scouting and precision-strike forces may
find competitors creating a “no man’s land” for surface ships.

•

In such a wartime environment, a surface fleet may spend most of its time operating outside the enemy’s A2/AD maritime “bastions”2 (and perhaps no man’sland as well), conducting periodic short-duration dashes inside the enemy’s A2/
AD perimeter to launch strikes and execute other missions. The fleet’s ability to
do so will be influenced greatly by the range and stealth of its strike systems, by
its ability to counter the enemy’s command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (C4ISR) systems—its battle
network—that supports its weapons, and by its ability to survive an attack.

•Thus although today aircraft carriers possess the U.S. fleet’s greatest combat
potential, unless they can project that potential over much greater ranges thanis currently possible, they will run a high risk of detection and damage or destruction in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. Under these conditions,
smaller surface platforms with longer-range, survivable strike elements may be
A bastion can be generally defined as a maritime region where an enemy can operate in wartime witha high degree of freedom, and where friendly maritime forces operate at great peril. In this assessment
friendly maritime bastions are referred to as “rear areas,” to differentiate them from enemy bastions.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

5

attractive for a fleet in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. During theinterwar period aircraft carriers were able to conduct effective strikes at ranges
far greater than could the other ships in the order of battle. The advent of themissile age, particularly the rise of precision-guided missiles, however, has significantly altered—if not reversed—the situation: Some missiles can now outrange the aircraft on today’s American carriers, and will continue to do so for
the foreseeable future, at least with respect to manned aircraft.
•

While surface warships may have the option of not steaming in harm’s way,transport ships that provide badly needed supplies may not have that option.
Indeed, with the range of scouting and strike systems (including nuclear-powered submarines) having increased so dramatically, commerce protection may
prove difficult or even impractical in a mature maritime precision-strike regime.
If so, a competitor’s level of economic self-sufficiency could represent a majoradvantage, especially in an extended conflict. Those competitors who are relatively self-sufficient may be incentivized to posture themselves for protracted
war, and be content to keep their seaborne commerce outside an enemy’s effective scouting and strike ranges. Those who are not highly self-sufficient may
be compelled to posture for a short campaign, undertake a major (and costly)
program to stockpile strategic materials, or both.

•

While precision offers accuracy independent of range, it does not offer range
independent of cost. Thus only maritime powers of the first rank are likely topossess significant numbers of extended-range scouting and strike systems tothreaten mobile targets, as well as the battle networks to enable the effective
coordination of their activities. Hence a key aspect of initial operations between
two first-class maritime powers will likely involve efforts to seize control of themaritime no man’s land that is contested primarily by their extended-range
scouting and strike forces as a precursor to defeating their A2/AD forces.

•

In this fight, as in much of the overall struggle for maritime supremacy, winning
the “hider-finder” or scouting competition will prove crucial to establishing amaritime balance sufficiently favorable for a competitor to accomplish key missions at and from the sea. Winning or at least dominating this competition willalmost certainly be essential for maritime forces to strike mobile targets effectively and avoid wasting strikes on low-value fixed targets. The ability to “scout”
by reading the enemy’s codes through cryptanalysis, jamming of communications links, or deleting or corrupting an enemy’s scouting data through cyber
operations could prove decisive.

•

When scouting forces are mutually degraded, mobile targets may need to beengaged quickly, especially at extended range where scouting forces are likely
to be minimal. This may put a premium on arming the scouting elements where
possible, or, engaging with missiles, as opposed to munitions carried by air plat-

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

6

forms, given that missiles—particularly ballistic missiles—can travel substantially faster than any aircraft or, with submarines employing homing torpedoes.
•

Aside from preserving one’s own scouting force, a major challenge for competitors will be to determine when the enemy’s scouting force has been defeated ordepleted. Thus accurate battle damage assessment (BDA) will be critical; however, it will also likely prove challenging, especially in the case of cyber and electronic attack. If a competitor has high confidence in his BDA against the enemy’s
scouting element, he can move forces that would otherwise be highly vulnerable
into no man’s land or even the enemy’s A2/AD maritime bastions. Given theimportance of effective scouting in a mature maritime precision-strike regime
however, friendly forces must anticipate that the enemy may feign a loss of his
scouting ability, particularly in the cyber and electromagnetic domains, in theattempt to draw friendly forces into an ambush.

•

As increasing the range of precision strike forces cannot be achieved independent of cost, these forces will likely be in relatively short supply and limited toonly the most advanced maritime powers. This suggests there may be a need torethink the relative value of surface warships’ staying power, including not only
active air and missile defenses, but also armor and damage control. Put anotherway, measures such as armor and damage control may drive up significantly the
number of scarce extended-range strike assets required to achieve a mission killor to sink a ship.

•

What will likely be plentiful are advanced sea mines. Moreover, over time it
seems increasingly likely that the distinction between “smart” mines and UUVs
will blur, making mines even more formidable. Yet the cost of even the mostadvanced mines will be only a small fraction of that for a modern warship. Thissuggests that mines will become an increasingly important part of a maritime
competitor’s A2/AD littoral defense force, particularly if they can be emplaced
in deeper waters.

•

The undersea domain is almost certain to play an increasingly important rolein a mature maritime precision-strike regime for several reasons. First, submarines (especially nuclear-powered submarines) are likely to be one of the few
naval assets (in addition to extended-range missiles and long-range carrier aircraft) capable of operating at acceptable risk in the maritime no man’s land andpenetrating the enemy’s A2/AD defenses. Submarines may continue evolving
into “mother ships,” carrying AUVs, UUVs, mines, towed payload modules, andspecial operations forces (SOF), along with their traditional complement of torpedoes and missiles—creating an undersea “combined arms” force capable ofconducting a range of missions, albeit on a relatively modest scale. Second, since
the last clash between major maritime powers in World War II, an undersea
economic infrastructure has emerged centered primarily on energy extraction
and communications cables. This infrastructure will likely prove an attractive

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

7target in future wars. To the extent multiple competitors are involved in such awar, a major challenge for a competitor attempting to defend his infrastructure
may be accurately identifying the source of an attack.
Despite the many uncertainties regarding the competition, if history is any guide it will
involve many of the weapon systems and other military capabilities that are either inthe competitors’ armed forces today, or in their current procurement programs. This isdue in part because competitors are often hesitant to scrap expensive existing capitalstock, such as major surface warships and submarines, aircraft, and satellites whose
service life spans decades. The problem may be compounded for many traditional major
maritime powers, the United States in particular, that have entered a protracted periodof fiscal limits, in part owing to a dramatic rise in personnel costs and an increasingly
dysfunctional weapons acquisition system. Ironically, those maritime powers with themost maritime capital stock—the United States especially—may have the least flexibility in terms of fielding new capabilities. This may be mitigated, however, to the extent
that a maritime platform is designed with an open architecture that enables enhancedor alternate sensors, electronics, weapons, and other payloads to be upgraded quickly.
That said, history suggests that even a modest shift in the composition of maritime
capital stock when combined with appropriate operational concepts can make an enormous difference in the overall balance. This was demonstrated by Germany’s small
submarine force at the outbreak of World War I and the handful of carriers possessedby the U.S. and Imperial Japanese navies at the beginning of World War II in the Pacific.
Hence an important factor in determining the future maritime balance will be the abilityof the competing military institutions to innovate, or transform (innovate on a scalesufficient to exploit a military revolution), with advantage accruing to those competitors that identify the best methods (i.e., operational concepts) for employing existingand emerging capabilities to their advantage. Thus the ability to identify, test (throughanalysis, gaming, simulation, and exercises), and refine these concepts is often crucial
to maintaining or enhancing a competitor’s position. Limitations on manpower—bothits quantity and quality—will be a major factor in limiting and shaping a competitor’s
approach to the mature maritime precision-strike regime.
There are several operational concepts that have merit in advancing thinking beyond
the environment assumed here—that is, one in which the spread of precision-guided weaponry has reached its mature stage along with corresponding scouting forces(such as UAVs and satellites) and battle networks. While a detailed assessment of theseconcepts is beyond the scope of this assessment, several general operational concepts
associated with maritime missions are outlined.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

8

A key part of the competition will involve restoring maritime freedom of maneuver byreducing an enemy’s long-range A2/AD capabilities and seizing control of the maritime
no man’s land. How might this be accomplished? Options include operational concepts
centered on:•

Winning the “scouting campaign,” in part by introducing attractive false targets, making real targets less detectable (such as through stealth and curtailing
electronic emissions), degrading enemy communications, and injecting false information into the enemy’s battle network. This will permit the employment ofmaritime forces and “shell-game” tactics, enabling forward land-based forces tooperate at an acceptable cost;•

Depleting the enemy’s long-range strike systems that, given their cost, are likely
to be a relatively small part of its force structure, thereby enabling friendly forces to operate relatively freely in no man’s land and to operate more aggressively
within the enemy’s A2/AD defenses, or maritime bastion;•

Drawing the enemy out from his maritime bastion through, for example, distant
blockade, to compel him to seek a quick resolution to the conflict; and•Engaging in peripheral campaigns (e.g., physically seizing key areas outside theimmediate area of competition, such as sources of key resources for the enemy).
This may compel the enemy to over-extend his military resources (especially his
extended-range scouting and strike systems), while enabling friendly forces toconcentrate theirs at the key point of decision.

In brief, U.S. planners will likely confront an increasingly dynamic environment inwhich they must address both how the emergence of a mature maritime precision-strike
regime will affect the U.S. military’s ability to conduct maritime missions and whatcountermoves the United States could undertake. The objectives of these countermoves
should be to improve the U.S. competitive position, and include those actions that could
shape the competition’s path in ways favorable to U.S. interests.
Where do we go from here in understanding the emerging maritime competition? Ifhistory is any guide, success will require persistent effort over time. This assessment
is only a first step in what will be a long and fitful path toward the mature maritime
precision-strike regime.
To the extent this assessment has merit, it can inform the debate within the professional military and strategic studies community regarding the regime’s characteristics.
The debate can be further enriched by considering how some of the key variables—such as DE, electronic warfare, advanced-design nuclear weapons, cyber munitions,and competitor paths—could significantly shape and influence the regime and the U.S.
competitive position. Priority should also be given to identifying how the United States
would like to see such a competition evolve over time. Success here will enable further
thought as to how the United States might influence competitors to pursue competitive

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

9

paths less threatening to U.S. interests. This effort has historically been facilitated byfirst developing operational concepts that enable maritime forces to address challenges
and exploit opportunities that might emerge in the new regime. Since the competitiveenvironment is dynamic, and since analysis of the operational concepts should provide
additional insights into their strengths and weaknesses, these concepts must be regularly refined. This can be accomplished through well-designed wargames, simulations,and maritime exercises.
The process described here need not be expensive; indeed, the savings realized fromsuch an effort are potentially substantial. Accurately gauging the characteristics of amature maritime precision-strike regime could help the U.S. military avoid investingin capabilities ill-suited to meet future challenges, thereby allowing resources to beallocated to areas that provide the United States with a distinct and enduring competitive advantage.
Although the benefits of embarking on such an effort are clear, it will occur only if seniorleaders—particularly senior civilian policymakers and U.S. Navy leaders—take up thechallenge and find a way to institutionalize the process described here. This is theirgreat opportunity to sustain U.S. maritime dominance. Should they fail to seize it, they
run the risk that U.S. dominance will not endure in the coming decades.

INTRODUCTION[T]he whole naval art has suffered a revolution beyond all previous experience, and
it is possible the old practice is no longer a safe guide.
Julian S. Corbett3
With regard to estimating military power there seem to be only problems and very few,
well-accepted adequate methods of making such estimates. There are conceptual problems in defining appropriate measures of military power, and many practical problems in carrying out even those partial formulations that seem appropriate. Indeed
there are so many problems and difficulties that I can touch on only a few of them.
Andrew W. Marshall4

Why This Assessment?
The history of military affairs consistently demonstrates that technology diffuses overtime. No competitor has ever been able to maintain an enduring monopoly over an
important new military technology or capability.
While the United States has maintained a near-monopoly in precision-strike capabilities5 for over two decades, recent trends indicate that this advantage is waning. Oncethe advantage is lost, it will be lost forever, and the U.S. military will find itself operating
in a far less permissive maritime environment than it has over the past several decades.
3

Julian S. Corbett, Principles of Maritime Strategy (Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2004), p. 124. Originally published as Some Principles of Maritime Strategy (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1911).

4

A. W. Marshall, Problems in Estimating Military Power, P-3417 (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, August1966), p. 1.

5

As used in this assessment, the term “precision-strike capabilities” refers to an ability to scout and strike effectively
many targets over extended ranges within a relatively short period of time with a high degree of accuracy.

No competitor has
ever been able
to maintain an
enduring monopoly
over an important
new militarytechnology orcapability.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

12

The U.S. military either adapts to maintain its ability to sustain power in the new environment, or finds its options greatly limited and its level of risk greatly increased. How
might the U.S. military best adapt? The answer to this question depends a great deal
on the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime. As used in thisassessment, the term “mature maritime precision-strike regime” refers to a state inmilitary affairs when the major maritime competitors have advanced ISR as well as
precision-strike capabilities all linked together to form a battle network—what Soviet
military theorists referred to as a “reconnaissance-strike complex”—and where minor
maritime powers and even some non-state entities have those capabilities as well, albeit
on a significantly lesser scale and with a more modest range of capabilities.
This assessment seeks to describe these characteristics and, in so doing, hopefully ease,
if only modestly, the work of those responsible for determining the characteristics of thecountry’s future maritime forces. Some argue that it might be better to wait to undertake such an effort, as a mature maritime precision-strike regime may not arise foranother decade or two. There is some merit in this argument. This assessment argues,
however, that given the long lead times involved in adapting the U.S. military to new
ways of operating and introducing new equipment, it makes sense to try and anticipate
at least the general characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime.
Absent such an effort there is a danger that the U.S. military may fail to position itself
to compete effectively during the emergence and maturation of such a regime. There
are reasons for concern. The extended period of U.S. dominance in precision warfare
and the declining resources likely to be available for defense may raise barriers to suchan effort. Moreover, American military leaders have spent most of their careers and allof the last two decades in a world where the United States has all but been ceded thefield when it comes to precision warfare. Consequently the U.S. military has generally
become accustomed, among other things, to:•Enjoying maritime “sanctuaries” in littoral regions and at naval bases;•

Operating in relatively safe operating environments for aircraft carriers (hereafter“carriers”), resulting in a preference for carrier aircraft whose strike ranges today
are not significantly greater than their World War II ancestors, even though therange of land-based combat aircraft and missiles has increased greatly since then;•Emphasizing kinetic missile defenses as the preferred means for defending its
surface combatants, even though development and deployment of missile defenses is more expensive than missile offense; andMaritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime•

13

Discounting offensive mining operations, even though mine capabilities have
improved markedly in recent decades and have shown themselves to be a highly
cost-effective weapon when employed properly.6

This combination of a low-threat environment and an expanding defense budget7 provided the U.S. military with a maritime “comfort zone” that it will be reluctant to abandon. This reluctance will likely be strengthened by the prospect of decreasing defense
budgets. When budgets are being cut, the Services, particularly in the absence of strong
civilian leadership, tend to protect what they have rather than divesting capabilities
whose value will likely depreciate dramatically in the new environment (i.e., a mature
maritime precision-strike regime) in order to invest in more relevant capabilities.8 The
complexity and inefficiency of the U.S. defense acquisition process further exacerbates
this problem. Absent significant streamlining of the current process, the U.S. military’s
ability to adapt quickly to adversarial fielding of mature regime capabilities is very muchin doubt.
Moreover, as we shall see presently, the U.S. military’s efforts to adapt successfully toan emerging mature maritime precision-strike regime will depend to a significant extent
on the willingness of all of its Services to adapt. Once the exclusive province of naval
forces, the maritime domain is now shaped by capabilities operating in the land, air,cyber, and space domains as well. Thus, any concept for operating in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime must take these capabilities into account.
This assessment explores the characteristics of a mature precision-strike regime in themaritime domain, and assesses some of its strategic implications from a U.S. perspective. The maritime domain is chosen both to limit the scope of what is an ambitious
undertaking and because it is the focal point of military competition in the Western
Pacific and the Persian Gulf, the two regions where vital U.S. interests are being most
severely contested.

6

Sophisticated mines (e.g., those capable of “counting” ships and those with acoustic signal discriminators that enable them to hit only certain kinds of vessels) have been around since the early 1980s. At present the U.S. Navy has no surface mine-laying capabilities, and the U.S. Air Force has the country’s only
“high-volume” ability to lay mines. Mines accounted for fifteen of the nineteen U.S. Navy ships damaged
since World War II. Between them, Russia, China, and North Korea have roughly 400,000 mines witha wide range of capabilities. Scott D. Burleson, David E. Everhart, Ronald E. Swart, and Scott C. Truver, “The Advanced Undersea Weapon System: On the Cusp of a Naval Warfare Transformation,” Naval
Engineers Journal, March 2012, p. 60; and Scott C. Truver, “Taking Mines Seriously: Mine Warfare in
China’s Near Seas,” Naval War College Review, Spring 2012, pp. 32, 35.

7

The base U.S. defense budget grew 59 percent in real terms from the low in FY 1998 to the peak in FY
2010. Data derived from Office of Management and Budget (OMB), The President's Budget for FY 2013
(Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2013), Historical Table 5.1; and Department of
Defense (DoD), National Defense Budget Estimates for FY 2013 (Washington, DC: DoD, 2013), p. 34.

8This is sometimes referred to as the “Volunteer’s Dilemma.” Its premise is that if a Service offers to cut
some capability out of its budget in order to invest the savings in more relevant (i.e., effective) capabilities, it runs a high risk that its savings will be “banked” to bring the defense program in balance with ashrinking budget.

14

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

Describing the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime is a challenging undertaking. There are many factors and uncertainties that bear on the future
maritime competition. Among these uncertainties are: the durability of stealth; progressin directed-energy and hypervelocity-projectile weapons systems such as rail guns; therelative value of manned and unmanned aircraft and missiles versus strike aircraft; theability of artificial intelligence to enable the fielding of autonomous (robotic) systems
and robust battle networks; the durability of satellite architectures in war; and the roles
advanced-design nuclear weapons, advanced forms of electronic warfare, and cyber operations will play in conflicts.
The prospect for shifting geopolitical alignments must also be considered, as well as thepaths existing and prospective rivals to pursue in developing capabilities for the maritime competition and the doctrines devised for their employment. Moreover, given theirenormous destructive potential and concerns over nuclear proliferation and advanced
nuclear weapon designs, the possible employment of these weapons in a mature maritime precision-strike regime cannot be discounted. Although these factors hardly represent an exhaustive list of those that would exert significant influence on the character ofa mature maritime precision-strike regime, they make clear the difficulty of attempting
to predict the character of such a regime with a high degree of precision.
This does not mean, however, that thinking about such a regime is a useless enterprise. A
willingness not only to challenge the existing way of “doing business” but also to advancea vision of a new way of conducting military operations appears to be essential to enabling
the military to transition effectively to a new warfare regime, such as would occur withthe emergence of a mature precision-guided weapons regime. Crafting a vision informedby rigorous analysis can reduce the level of uncertainty a competitor confronts, thereby
making planning less of a “crap shoot.”
Consider, for example, the so-called “Dreadnought Revolution” in naval warfare that
occurred in the early years of the twentieth century. Aside from leading to the launching of the first modern battleship, HMS Dreadnought, it saw the emergence of a rangeof other capabilities, such as submarines, torpedoes, the global cable telecommunications network, oil-fired propulsion, and new engine types.9 The Royal Navy’s successin effecting the transformation to a new form of warfare saw its leading proponent,

9

The Dreadnought Revolution is described in detail in Nicholas A. Lambert, Sir John Fisher’s Naval
Revolution (Colombia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1999).

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

15Admiral John “Jackie” Fisher, challenge the centuries-old dominance of the battle shipof-the-line, declaring,
There is good ground for enquiry whether naval supremacy of a country can
any longer be assessed by its battleships. To build battleships merely to fightan enemy’s battleships, so long as cheaper craft destroy them, and prevent
them of themselves protecting sea operations, is merely to breed Kilkenny cats
unable to catch rats or mice.10

Fisher went on to advance a new and comprehensive vision known as “the scheme.” A
key element of Fisher’s vision involved exploiting advances in torpedoes and submarines. He argued that “[I] don’t think it is even faintly realized—the immense impending
revolution which the submarines will effect as offensive weapons of war.”11
Similarly, the U.S. Navy succeeded between the world wars in positioning itself to transform from a fleet centered on battleships to one that adapted quickly to a carrier-centric fleet after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Success was enabled in no small
measure because of the vision advanced by Admiral William Sims, who challenged thebattleship admirals comprising the Navy’s “Gun Club.” Sims stated that:
A small, high-speed carrier alone can destroy or disable a battleship alone… afleet whose carriers give it command of the air over the enemy fleet can defeat
the latter. [Consequently], the fast carrier is the capital ship of the future.12

Although Sims made his prediction in 1925, years before the U.S. Navy had even built
a carrier,13 his foresight was borne out during World War II when the U.S. Navy reliedheavily on aircraft carriers to defeat the Japanese in the Pacific.
While the visions advanced by both Fisher and Sims were imperfect, in the main they wereremarkably accurate. Since predicting the future is a fool’s game, their objective—and theobjective here—is a modest one: to have a clearer vision, or understanding, of what factors
will dominate the future maritime competition in a mature precision-strike regime.
Our understanding of the characteristics of this regime will, of course, need to be
updated as circumstances change and as our picture of the future becomes clearer.
This requires creating a “virtuous circle” consisting of a baseline vision of the competitive environment that is then refined through informed debate among the professional military through wargames, planning exercises, and, ultimately, field (or fleet)exercises and high-fidelity simulations at the operational (i.e., campaign) level of war.
The insights derived from these efforts can be used to update the vision and inform thedevelopment of doctrine and equipment. The process is constant and iterative. This is10

Lord John “Jackie” Fisher, Memories and Records, Vol. 2 (New York: George Doran Company, 1920), p. 143.

11

Geoffrey Penn, Infighting Admirals (London: Leo Cooper, 2000), p. 96. Emphasis in the original.

12

See William Tuohy, America’s Fighting Admirals: Winning the War at Sea in World War II (St. Paul,MN: Zenith Press, 2007), p. 39; and Clark G. Reynolds, The Fast Carriers (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1968), p. 1.

13

The first U.S. carrier built from the keel up, the USS Ranger, did not join the fleet until 1934.

16

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

what President Dwight Eisenhower meant when he declared, “Plans are worthless but
planning is everything.”14 Since the United States’ ultimate objective is to establish andsustain a favorable military balance relative to its competitors and since the competitionis dynamic and interactive, planning must also take into account the paths rivals are
pursuing to gain advantage in the maritime competition.

The Competitive Environment: Key Assumptions
To bound the assessment, provide transparency, and facilitate further analysis of key
variables affecting the competition, it is important to present its key assumptions regarding the environment that will shape the mature maritime precision-strike regime. Someof these assumed characteristics have a high probability of occurring; others are far lesscertain. Their common characteristic is that they all have the potential to affect the future
maritime competition in a significant way.
This assessment’s fundamental assumption is that over the next ten to fifteen years theproliferation of guided weaponry will accelerate such that major powers, minor powers,
and even non-state entities possess them, though in varying quantities and levels of
sophistication. We assume advanced competitors will also employ sophisticated battle
networks, with minor powers fielding more modest versions. Each competitor, however,would follow its own path in developing and fielding these capabilities.
We also assume that the emergence of a mature maritime precision-strike regime willfind the United States and China remaining the world’s two principal economic powers,
with Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, and South Korea occupying the second tier.
Among the other principal economic powers will be Brazil, Canada, India, Italy, andRussia. All of these countries are assumed to be technologically advanced and heavily
dependent on maritime trade to sustain their economic health. Economic might andtechnical proficiency, while enabling those countries to field sizable and sophisticatedmaritime forces, does not necessarily mean they will do so.
We further assume that the overwhelming majority of trade continues to move by sea,
including the Persian Gulf energy trade, and that shipping continues the trend toward
ever-larger cargo ships (e.g., “Malaccamax” ships).15 Given the breakthroughs in natural
gas extraction technology, such as through “fracking,” it appears reasonable to believethat the seaborne trade in liquefied natural gas (LNG) will increase significantly, alongwith the infrastructure needed to support this trade.
14

David A. Nichols, Eisenhower 1956 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011), p. 7. Should an emergency
arise, Eisenhower counseled, “The first thing you do is to take all the plans off the top shelf and throw
them out the window and start once more.” Planning, he felt, prepared your mind “to do the normalthing when everybody else is going nuts” in a crisis, or period of stress.

15

The trend in shipping has been toward ever-larger container ships. The term “Malaccamax” refers to
the maximum size a ship can be and still safely transit the Strait of Malacca, one of the world’s key
shipping chokepoints.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

17

Importantly, this assessment assumes that the undersea economy, focused primarily onenergy extraction, includes the South China Sea, Southern Atlantic Ocean (Brazil), Eastern Mediterranean Sea, Gulf of Mexico, and Gulf of Guinea, among others. As countries
develop these undersea resources, they will likely seek to expand the authorities granted
to them under international law in their EEZs, in part to protect their economic assets,
but also for military purposes as well. Toward this end, we assume that undersea sensor
grids have become increasingly widespread as a means of monitoring and defending
EEZs, particularly in areas where advanced powers have substantial undersea infrastructure, such as communications cables and gas and oil production and distribution
systems. The undersea economic infrastructure issue is so integral to the competition
in a mature maritime precision-guided weapons regime that it will be elaborated onlater in this assessment.
Given this assessment’s focus, assumptions relating to military-technical developments
are perhaps the most important. We assume that a range of PGMs are widely available
in significant numbers to major military powers (e.g., China, India) and lesser powers(e.g., Iran), and that short-range PGMs—that is, guided rockets, artillery, missiles (toinclude anti-ship cruise missiles), and mortars, or G-RAMM—are available to minor
powers and irregular proxy forces.
This assessment further assumes that first-tier economic powers that choose to compete
as a first-class maritime power have battle networks capable of targeting both fixed andmobile targets, including major surface combatants at extended distances (i.e., 500 to
1,000-plus nm). Lesser powers will likely have more modest battle networks. Advanced
battle networks are highly dependent on space-based systems against mobile targets in
non-permissive environments. Moreover, these space-based systems in low Earth orbit
are highly vulnerable to “mission kills”—for example, unable to perform their C4ISR
functions owing to non-kinetic activities such as cyber attacks, jamming, “blinding” oftheir sensors by lasers, and physical damage inflicted by lasers. At present some major
powers have either the ability or the potential to destroy satellites, such as throughdirect ascent missile attacks.16 In brief, the space competition heavily favors the offense.
Consequently, owing in part to the relatively high vulnerability and expense of spacebased systems, in a mature maritime precision-strike regime, major powers will likely
have invested in significant numbers of unmanned systems to perform C4ISR functions as well as to support (and in some cases conduct) strike operations. In this way
unmanned systems will serve as a hedge against the loss of space-based assets. Terrestrial-based systems also provide capabilities that space cannot, such as the ability to focus
on a particular target, to employ sensors that cannot function effectively from space(e.g., sonar), to fuse data from multiple sensors (e.g., electronic intelligence [ELINT]
and imagery intelligence [IMINT]) that could not all be located or accomplished on one
16

Minor powers or even non-state entities may be able to procure ASAT capabilities such as lasers, though
in modest form.

18

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

satellite, or to provide cueing and tracking data at long ranges, such as by linking landbased over-the-horizon (OTH) radars and passive ELINT collection systems.
In addition to unmanned air-breathing systems, we can expect many competitors tofield an array of UUVs and AUVs, as well as mobile, relocatable, and fixed underwater
sensors.17 The assessment assumes that minor powers will have these systems, but inrelatively small numbers and at lower levels of sophistication. Non-state actors suchas drug cartels and proxy forces such as Hezbollah could have them as well, albeit inrelatively modest numbers and technical sophistication.
This assessment further assumes that advanced “smart” anti-ship mines are widely
available to any government that can afford them, and to their non-state proxies. Importantly, just as UUVs and AUVs have taken on more of the characteristics of submarines,
blurring the distinction between the two, so have smart mines taken on some of theattributes of unmanned and autonomous systems. Although not currently as mature
as PGMs, UUVs and AUVs along with the munitions they carry will likely be capable ofserving as integral parts of the mature precision-strike regime.18
It also seems increasingly likely, and is assumed here, that directed-energy weapon(DEW) systems would provide significant enhancements to kinetic defenses against
cruise missiles and aircraft, but not against ballistic missiles (owing to their high speed
and hardened warheads). This is a significant development. Current projections find solid-state laser interceptor "shots" cost far less than their kinetic interceptor counterparts(ranging tens of dollars to less than $1 a shot compared to up to $3 million per SM-6
missile).19 Moreover, the assessment assumes that electromagnetic rail guns could offersome limited ballistic missile terminal defense capability, and at far less cost per shot
than contemporary kinetic interceptors.20 It is particularly significant for maritime combatants, which are capable of generating high power levels compared to their mobile land(ground combat vehicles) and air force (combat aircraft) counterparts. And as at least
some maritime combatants (nuclear-powered submarines or carriers) have long-lasting
power supplies (i.e., nuclear reactors), they can “rearm” their DEW magazines repeatedly, which is not currently the case with conventional, "kinetic" rounds.

17

Unmanned underwater vehicles require data links to a remote controller in order to perform their mission with minimal effectiveness, whereas autonomous underwater vehicles are capable of doing so even
if their data links are broken. The U.S. Navy now fields relocatable underwater systems that can beconnected to fixed systems that provide power and enable communication.

18

For a general overview of mines, see Truver, "Taking Mines Seriously."

19

Ronald O’Rourke, Navy Shipboard Lasers for Surface, Air, and Missile Defense: Background andIssues for Congress, R41526 (Washington, DC: CRS, 2014), p. 2.

20

The U.S. Navy is hoping to field an electromagnetic rail gun (EMRG), a 32-megajoule weapon, in 2017.
It is designed to have the ability to defeat cruise missiles and possibly ballistic missiles as well. As opposed to kinetic interceptors like the SM-3, which cost roughly $3,000,000 per missile, a shot from the
EMRG would cost around $25,000, or less than 1 percent the cost of an SM-3.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

19

Similarly, there are notable advances being made in the area of high-powered microwave (HPM) weaponry. A recent test conducted by the Counter-electronics High-powered Microwave Advanced Missile Project (CHAMP) produced impressive results.21 Thissuggests that over the next ten to fifteen years—the time frame of this assessment—it
may be possible to neutralize an enemy’s electronic systems (e.g., radars and computers) with a form of miniature electromagnetic pulse (EMP) that produces little direct
collateral damage.
One key aspect of the maritime competition that is assumed to not change dramaticallyis stealth, although significant effort will have to be made to sustain it at roughly its
current level of effectiveness. This assessment assumes that new generations of aircraft,
both manned and unmanned, will generally be capable of surviving in defended air space
through the combination of passive signature reduction (i.e., stealth) and advanced electronic warfare capabilities. Nevertheless, stealthy aircraft will be challenged by the emergence of out-of-band detection capabilities, such as S-band, high-frequency (HF) andvery high-frequency (VHF) radars, and infrared search and track (IRST)-like22 sensor
systems. The same holds for submarines. Modern boats like the U.S. Virginia-classnuclear attack submarines are assumed to remain very difficult for ASW forces to detect,
track, and engage. What is less clear is how the growing practice of embedding sensors
undersea, particularly along the world’s continental shelves, will affect subsurface operations. This issue is elaborated upon briefly later in this assessment.
Perhaps the area of greatest uncertainty when it comes to military capability concerns
is cyber warfare. Here we assume that all major powers, many minor powers, and a few
non-state entities (e.g., terrorist groups) have a broad cyber warfare capability—that
is, the ability by itself to inflict significant damage on a rival military’s C4ISR systems
and battle network, and to inflict substantial, although not catastrophic, damage onan enemy state’s critical infrastructure. We make a similar assumption with respect tothese groups’ relative proficiency in biological warfare.

21

The test, undertaken by Boeing’s Phantom Works, shut down the targeted electronic systems (computers
and their monitors) along with the cameras put in place to record the results. The systems were down
for only a matter of seconds, but depending on how the computer network is configured and the kind ofcomputers and peripherals employed, a CHAMP-like weapon generating a larger electromagnetic pulse
could disable the system for a far longer period, perhaps even permanently. Liam Stoker, “Electromagnetic Pulse Weaponry: Boeing CHAMP Video and Jammer Grenades,” Army-Technology.Com, November
27, 2012, available at http://www.army-technology.com/features/featureelectromagnetic-pulse-weaponry-boeing-champ-jammer-grenades/; and Devin Coldewey, “Boeing’s New Missile Takes Down Electronics Without Touching Them,” NBC News, October 24, 2012, available at http://www.nbcnews.com/
technology/boeings-new-missile-takes-down-electronics-without-touching-them-1C666618.

22

Infrared search and track (IRST) is a passive, long-range sensor system that employs infrared technology to search for, detect, and track airborne systems. It is reputedly immune to efforts at electronic
deception. Moreover, because the system is passive, unlike radar systems it does not emit radiation,
making it difficult to detect. See “IRST Sensor System: Providing Warfighters the See First, Strike First
Advantage,” Lockheed Martin, n.d., accessed at http://www.lockheedmartin.com/content/dam/lockheed/data/mfc/pc/irst/mfc-irst-pc.pdf.

20Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

The assessment further hypothesizes that the nuclear trump card will remain in force
in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. Unfortunately, from a U.S. perspective,
the number of nuclear-armed actors will likely increase over the next ten to fifteen
years, while the types of nuclear weapons will likely grow as well. We assume that somenuclear powers will follow the path of Russia and introduce into their arsenals very lowyield nuclear weapons, thereby blurring the distinction between precision-guided andnuclear weapons.23 This has the potential to complicate greatly the competition withina mature maritime precision-strike regime.
Finally, as in the case of every military revolution over the past century or so, the mature
maritime precision-strike regime that emerges ten to fifteen years from now will findthat the principal maritime competitors will retain many of the systems and capabilities they have today, as well as those that are currently in production or underdevelopment. Simply stated, while many of the new capabilities described above are
hypothesized to have worked their way into the maritime competition, there will remain
large numbers of legacy systems as well.
Given these assumptions, this assessment explores the characteristics of a mature precision-strike regime in the maritime domain and offers some of its strategic implications
from a U.S. perspective. Following this introduction, Chapter II describes the major
developments in the history of the modern maritime competition, including six historicalcase studies—maritime operations in the Eastern Mediterranean during World War II;
the impact of Japanese kamikazes, arguably one of the first precision-guided weapons,on the U.S. Navy in the Pacific theater of World War II; the advent of rudimentary no-gozones in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Cold War; the Falklands War and theuse of anti-ship missiles; the U.S. Navy’s outer air battle concept with respect to Soviet
A2/AD capabilities in the latter stages of the Cold War; and the First Gulf War and the
problem of mines. After examining these historical antecedents, Chapter III combines
insights from these cases with trends in the maritime competition to describe a mature
maritime precision-strike regime’s characteristics. Chapter IV assesses how some maritime missions may be altered as we shift from the current regime to the mature regime.
Chapter V turns to what might enable competitors to restore freedom of maneuver in themaritime domain in an environment where major competitors have long-range scouting
and precision-strike capabilities, and where even minor competitors have these capabilities, although in more modest forms. Chapter VI presents some findings and insights
regarding the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime, along withsome suggestions for future analysis.

23

For a detailed discussion of this issue, see Barry D. Watts, Nuclear-Conventional Firebreaks and the
Nuclear Taboo (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2013).

THE PAST AS PROLOGUE: CASE STUDIES OF THE
MARITIME COMPETITION

The only new thing in the world is the history you don’t know.
President Harry S. Truman24
Victory will smile upon those who anticipate changes in the character of war, not upon
those who wait to adapt themselves after changes occur.
General Giulio Douhet, The Command of the Air25
The challenge of assessing the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike
regime is exacerbated by a lack of experience regarding the competitive dynamics ofsuch a regime. We have no experience as to how the systems, munitions, and sensors
fielded by the various competitors in such a regime will perform. History suggests thata significant proportion of them will perform either substantially better or worse than
expected, while some may perform quite well, but in accomplishing tasks for which
they were not originally designed. Simply put, the technology associated with the maritime competition has changed dramatically since the last major clash of first-classnavies almost seven decades ago. Consequently, those militaries intending to compete
in a mature maritime precision-strike regime must make important decisions that will
greatly affect their competitive posture for decades to come in the absence of detailed
and accurate information regarding the prospective effectiveness of new military systems and operational concepts. Similarly those seeking to define a mature maritime
precision-strike regime’s characteristics are also hamstrung by the relatively high levelof ambiguity regarding the path major maritime powers are pursuing toward fielding
the capabilities that would mark their entry into such a regime.
24

Samuel W. Rushay, Jr., “Harry Truman’s History Lessons,” Prologue, Spring 2009, available at http://
www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2009/spring/truman-history.html, accessed on January 4, 2013.

25

Giulio Douhet, The Command of The Air, translated by Dino Ferrari (Washington, DC: Air Force History and Museums Program, 1998).

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

22

Defense planners have confronted this problem in the past. In many instances, they
have relied in part on the scraps of data gleaned from even the smallest maritime conflicts.26 For example, in the years leading up to World War I contemporary maritime
analysts engaged in exhaustive examinations of the few engagements (most notably
the Battle of Tsushima) during the 1904–05 Russo-Japanese War. The reports of thesebattles were dissected in the greatest detail by analysts starved of data following nearly
half a century of peace between the major maritime powers at the very time when an
unprecedented revolution in maritime capabilities was occurring.
Today’s planners face a similar problem. There has not been a major war at sea between
great maritime powers in over sixty-five years to provide what arguably would be reliabledata on the relative effectiveness of military capabilities associated with the current maritime competition. Thus those attempting to assess the competition in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime confront far greater uncertainty than their predecessors on theeve of the two world wars. When combined with the rapid advance of technology andthe diffusion of the maritime competition to military forces operating in all domains, thetask of declaring with a high degree of confidence how all these uncertainties will play out
challenges even the best military analysts. The problem is particularly acute for U.S. military planners, who must address a wider array of contingencies with varying geography,
wartime objectives, forces, and adversaries than any other maritime power.
This does not mean the situation is hopeless. It does mean we should understandboth the opportunities and limitations inherent in exploring the characteristics of amature maritime precision-strike regime. The opportunity is not to eliminate uncertainty, but to reduce uncertainty where possible, developing clear operational concepts based on well-informed judgments of what we do know, and developing hedges
or capability options that can be exercised if our best assessment fails to prove out.27
A useful first step in this effort involves conducting a military archeological dig ofsorts. We begin with a brief discussion of the early period of the so-called maritime
Machine Age, followed by examination of a select number of historical case studies
in the hope that they will shed some light on where the competition may be headed.

The Advent of the Machine Age
The maritime competition has evolved over several millennia, marked by occasional
periods of disruptive change or military revolutions. The incidence of these disruptive periods has become more frequent since the advent of what Bernard Brodie called

26

An example is the work done by Wayne Hughes. See Wayne P. Hughes, Jr., Fleet Tactics and Coastal
Combat, 2nd ed. (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2000).

27

In addressing this challenge, see Andrew F. Krepinevich, Defense Investment Strategies in an Uncertain World (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2008).

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

23

the “Machine Age,” which had its origins in the Industrial Revolution.28 Leading up tothat period the maritime competition had been dominated over a protracted period byships of the line of battle, or “battle ships,” often classed in terms of the numbers ofcannon they carried. For most of history, a state could achieve command of the maritime domain by defeating the fleet of its enemy, either through direct fleet engagement,such as at the Battle of Trafalgar, or by bottling it up in port through close blockade, as
the Royal Navy had undertaken along the Dutch coast in 1653. This view is summed up
well in the Royal Navy’s position that:
The primary object of the British navy is not to defend anything, but to attack
the fleets of the enemy, and by defeating them to afford protection to British
Dominions, supplies and commerce. This is the ultimate aim … The traditional role of the Royal Navy is not to act on the defensive, but to prepare to attack
the force which threatens—in other words to assume the offensive.29

Once the seas had been swept of enemy warships (or if the enemy fleet refused to sally
forth from its bases), the victorious fleet could operate with impunity up to the coastlineof its rivals. During the early period of the Machine Age maritime powers had naval
mines, but they were primitive and did not occupy a major place in calculations of themaritime balance. Shore-based forces, such as forts armed with cannon, also exercised
minimal influence over maritime affairs, as the range of their guns was exceedingly
modest. At the dawn of sea power in the Machine Age, the “gray zone” between landand sea was a thin three-mile strip along a country’s littoral established as its territorial
waters, a ruling first advanced in the 1702 publication of Cornelius Bynkershoek’s De
Dominio Maris (On the Rule of the Seas). There is evidence that this “three-mile limit”
may well have derived from the limits of contemporary cannon range, that is, the distance shore-based weaponry could exert influence over the seas.30
The onset of the Machine Age triggered a series of changes that, when combined with
the Information Revolution in the late twentieth century, reverberates to this day. By
the mid-nineteenth century the world’s two principal maritime powers, Great Britain
and France, were transforming their battle fleets from wooden vessels powered by sailto ironclad warships driven by steam propulsion. The use of coal to fuel warships’ steam

28

Bernard Brodie, Sea Power in the Machine Age (New York: Greenwood Press, 1969). Originally published in 1941 and 1943 by the Princeton University Press.

29

Geoffrey Till, Seapower: A Guide for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Routledge Press, 2009), p.
61. The Admiralty advanced this view in preparation for the 1902 Colonial Conference.

30

See H. S. K. Kent, “The Historical Origins of the Three-Mile Limit,” The American Journal of International Law, October 1954, pp. 537–53. This established limit has been referred to as the “cannon-shot”
rule. Were one to apply this rule today, states could logically claim sovereignty over waters much farther
off their coasts. This could represent an important precedent for maritime competitors in a mature precision-strike regime who also have an undersea economic infrastructure along their continental shelf.
Given both the considerable economic value of this infrastructure and the ability to defend it from landbased forces, competitors with these capabilities may assert that their sovereignty now extends far out
to sea. This issue will be elaborated upon later.

The onset of theMachine Agetriggered a seriesof changes that,when combinedwith the Information
Revolution in the latetwentieth century,
reverberates tothis day.

24

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessmentsboilers required major navies seeking to operate on a global scale to create a worldwide
network of coaling stations.
Progress across a range of technologies, including metallurgy, propulsion, and explosives, produced a rapid turnover in warship classes as rival navies sought to exploit theongoing improvements in armor, firepower, and engines. The broad march of militarytechnology compelled a rethinking of the capital ship, or battleship. This led to what has
been termed by some as the Dreadnought Revolution, in reference to the Royal Navy’s
construction of the first modern battleship, HMS Dreadnought, launched in 1906. The
Dreadnought, inspired by the Royal Navy’s First Sea Lord, Admiral “Jackie” Fisher,
employed turbine engines in lieu of the standard reciprocating engines of the time.
Along with enhanced reliability, this capability gave it unprecedented speed. Advancesin metallurgy enabled the construction of ever-more powerful guns to the point that byWorld War I the range of naval artillery employing 15-inch guns extended to 20,000
yards, or nearly 10 nm.31 This enabled the British to arm the Dreadnought uniformly
with large-caliber guns, which permitted the ship to engage with far greater firepower
than its predecessors at unprecedented ranges.
But the big-gun battleship was only part of the story in the new century’s first decade.
At the time, great strides were being made in terms of communications in the form ofundersea telecommunications cables and wireless.32 Together these advances provided
an orders-of-magnitude leap in maritime forces’ strategic situational awareness. Submarines, torpedoes, and mines, while military novelties for much of the nineteenth
century, were also rapidly maturing as effective weapon systems. While mines were
employed with some success in the Crimean and American Civil wars, it was not until
the late nineteenth century that many countries began employing them as their primary
coastal defense weapon. Along with mines, small craft armed with torpedoes known,
appropriately, as torpedo boats made it increasingly risky for a rival’s battle fleet toattempt a close blockade. Torpedo boat destroyers—the forerunners of the destroyer—
were designed to address the problem, but failed to do so as the risks of mounting aclose blockade skyrocketed with the introduction of contact mines. Mines proved theirvalue during the 1904–1905 Russo-Japanese War when they destroyed one Russian
battleship, two Japanese battleships, and one Japanese cruiser.33
The proliferation of new military capabilities at the dawn of the twentieth century greatly
complicated thinking about the maritime competition. Even operations associated withthe traditional line of battle were thought to be outdated and in need of reevaluation.
31

John T. Kuehn, Agents of Innovation (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2008), p. 79. Between theworld wars, the U.S. Navy explored modifying the turrets of World War I-era battleships, like those of
the USS Florida and USS Utah. By increasing their main guns’ elevation to 30 degrees, the Navy concluded their range could be more than doubled to over 33,000 yards, or over 16 nautical miles.

32

The term “wireless” was common at that time. The more familiar term today is “radio.”33“Naval Mine,” available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naval_mine#Early_20th_century, accessedon December 11, 2012.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime25

By 1909 one of Admiral Fisher’s acolytes, Rear Admiral Reginald Bacon,34 was moved
to declare that:
The battleship as now known will probably develop from a single ship into abattle unit consisting of a large armoured cruiser with attendant torpedo craft.
Line of battle, as we now know it, will be radically modified…The tactics ofsuch units open up a vista of most exhilarating speculation.35

Bacon proved right. By the time of the Battle of Jutland in 1916, battle fleet maneuvers
to battleships, or "dreadnoughts," but also included battle cruisers and destroyers, withthe ships relying on wireless to impose some degree of command and control amid thechaos of battle. The Royal Navy was also at the vanguard of naval aviation during WorldWar I and had a seaplane tender at the battle to provide aerial reconnaissance as well as
airships, although they did not see action. More broadly, the Royal Navy modified ships
to carry aircraft and conducted strike operations from them. HMS Argus, completed in
September 1918, was the first true aircraft carrier.
The naval revolution was not limited to the battle line. Submarines transformed commerce-raiding and blockade missions, operations once reserved for cruisers and thebattle fleet, respectively. When combined with torpedo boats and mines, submarines
made it highly risky for surface warships to enter coastal waters. Thanks to their stealth,increased range, and great advances in torpedoes, they were able to menace commerce
at sea, and in so doing created a new form of blockade.
The proliferation of submarines, mines, and torpedoes aided inferior maritime competitors, enabling them to field what might be described as a proto maritime A2/AD force.36
Britain, the dominant naval power of the time, also recognized the defensive benefits ofthese instruments of war. As one senior official in the British Admiralty put it,
The introduction of [the submarine and torpedo]…will strengthen our position. We have no desire to invade any other country; it’s important that weourselves are not invaded. If the submarine proves as formidable as someauthorities think is likely to be the case, the bombardment of our ports, andthe landing of troops on our shores will become absolutely impossible.37

At the outset of World War I in 1914, the combination of German mines, torpedo boats,and modern submarines made it too hazardous for the Royal Navy to approach Germany’s
naval bases and major ports. Consequently, the Royal Navy was compelled to abandon its
traditional operation of close blockade when confronted by Germany’s A2/AD threat. Yet
34

Fisher chose Bacon to be the first captain of the Dreadnought.

35

Reginald Bacon, “The Battleship of the Future,” Transactions of the Institute of Naval Architects, 1910,
pp. 1–9.

36

For the purposes of this paper, anti-access (A2) capabilities are defined as those associated with denying
access to major fixed-point locations, especially large forward bases, whereas area-denial (AD) capabilities are those that threaten mobile targets over an area of operations, principally maritime and airforces, including those beyond the littorals.

37

Lambert, Sir John Fisher’s Naval Revolution, pp. 49–50.

The naval
revolution was
not limited tothe battle line.
Submarinestransformed thecommerce-raiding
and blockade
missions,
operations once
reserved for
cruisers and thebattle fleet.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

26

fortune smiled on the British fleet in the form of geography, which enabled it to adopt a
distant blockade stretching from Britain to Scandinavia and across the English Channel.

The Rise of Aviation and Radar
Following World War I, navies of the major maritime powers experimented with operational concepts and new warship designs within the confines of the Washington Naval
Treaty arms limitations to exploit the opportunity that arose with the advent of theDreadnought Revolution and extended-range gunnery. This advantage in range could
be fully realized only if it could be brought to bear accurately. Prior to the war, the Royal
Navy had attempted, with mixed success, to improve gunnery accuracy with systems
such as those proposed by Arthur Pollen and Sir Frederic Dreyer.38 Following the war,
the leading navies found that rapid advances in aviation technology enabled aircraft tobe used as spotters, greatly enhancing the accuracy of long-range gunnery.39
The sustained rapid pace of advances in aviation technology enabled carrier-borne aircraft to increase their range, endurance, and payload. As this occurred, attack aircraft
operating off carriers provided an order-of-magnitude leap in maritime forces’ effective striking range, from tens of miles to hundreds of miles. Their bomb payload also
increased substantially. Beginning in the late 1920s, U.S. carrier aircraft began evolving
beyond reconnaissance and spotting missions in fleet exercises (known as “fleet problems”) to conduct strike operations as well. Moreover, through experimentation the U.S.
fleet determined that its strike aircraft had a remarkably high likelihood of successfully
striking their targets via dive bombing and torpedo bombing—if they could penetrateenemy defenses.40 Consequently, by the late 1930s some argued the carrier’s strike arm
provided the fleet with a potential means of destroying or neutralizing capital ships at
far greater ranges than was possible with naval gunfire.

38

For a detailed treatment of this issue, see John Tetsuro Sumida, In Defence of Naval Supremacy: Finance, Technology and British Naval Policy, 1890–1914 (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989).

39

In March 1919 the U.S. Navy battleship USS Texas conducted a main-battery gun exercise employing air
spotting. The results were “many times better than was done by ship’s spotters.” Highly impressed withthe results, the captain of the Texas, N. C. Twining, stated flatly that “the Fleet that neglects aviation development will be at an enormous disadvantage in an engagement with a modern enemy fleet.” Suddenly,
aircraft assumed great importance, as did the aircraft carrier, since it was the carrier alone that had the potential to provide the necessary numbers of aircraft. Commanding Officer, USS Texas, letter to Commander
in Chief, Atlantic Fleet, March 10, 1919, read into the record of General Board Hearings (GBH), 1919, p. 926,
cited in Charles M. Melhorn, Two-Block Fox (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1974), p. 37.

40

The U.S. Navy developed dive-bombing techniques in the 1920s. By the late 1930s the Navy had fieldeda radio-controlled drone aircraft that could simulate a dive-bombing attack. Tests soon revealed fleet
defenses against this form of attack were “quite inadequate.” See Thomas C. Hone, Mark D. Mandeles,
and Norman Friedman, The Introduction of Carrier Aviation into the U.S. Navy and Royal Navy: Military-Technical Revolutions, Organizations, and the Problems of Decision (unpublished paper: May
12, 1994), pp. 103–4; Thomas Wildenberg, Destined for Glory (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press,
1998), p. 194; and Thomas C. Hone, Norman Friedman, and Mark D. Mandeles, American and British
Aircraft Carrier Development, 1919–1941 (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1999), p. 164.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

27

Of course, the greater an aircraft’s range, the greater the area over which strikes could
be conducted. Searching this greatly expanded area for attractive targets became a challenge in itself. For example, by extending the strike range of both sea- and land-based
forces from roughly 20 nm (the distance that the most powerful naval guns could reach,such as those of Japan’s Yamato-class 18.1-inch guns and the United States’ Iowa-classsixteen-inch guns) to some 300 miles (the furthest reach of 1940s-era carrier strike
aircraft) the prospective search area increased, not by a factor of fifteen, but by a factorof over two hundred. Naval commanders now confronted the formidable problem oflocating the enemy fleet over such an expansive area.41
Thus it became that in the Pacific theater during World War II, U.S. and Japanesesea-based and land-based patrol and scouting42 aircraft were used principally to findthe enemy fleet, not to guide fires from their own fleet’s battle line, and to direct strike
aircraft to the enemy’s location. The ability to strike at greatly extended ranges combined with the ability to scout over vast areas represented, in a crude form, what Soviet
military theorists would later refer to as a “reconnaissance-strike complex.”43
The absence of an effective early warning system consisting of radar and long-range
radio detection finding in the year after.44 The competition favored the offense. As such,locating the enemy fleet to enable a first strike was the top priority at battles such as theCoral Sea and Midway. In the latter battle, cryptanalysis provided critical information to
the Americans regarding Japanese intentions and the likely location of their fleet, which41

Of course it is often possible to anticipate an enemy fleet’s likely general position or path of approach,making the search problem more manageable. However, as in land and air warfare, this gives the enemy
an incentive to take an unexpected route where possible.

42

As used in this assessment, the term “scouting” is as defined by Wayne Hughes: "Scouting is information gathered by any and all means—reconnaissance, surveillance, cryptanalysis, or any other type ofwhat some call information warfare. But the scouting process is not complete until the information isdelivered to the tactical commander." Wayne P. Hughes, Jr., “Naval Tactics and Their Influence on
Strategy,” Naval War College Review, January–February 1986, p. 8.

43First Soviet and later American military theorists used the term “reconnaissance-strike complex” todescribe system-of-systems capable of locating and accurately striking distant targets more or less independent of range. Ogarkov, “The Defense of Socialism: Experience of History and the Present Day,”
p. R19. This theme was picked up in, among other American writings, Andrew F. Krepinevich, The
Military-Technical Revolution: A Preliminary Assessment (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic andBudgetary Assessments, 2002). The latter document originally appeared in July 1992, produced by the
Defense Department’s Office of Net Assessment.

44

U.S. carriers and battleships did have primitive air search radars, but their range was quite limited. This,
combined with the approach speed of enemy attack aircraft, precluded the reinforcement of any friendly
combat air patrol aircraft or the massing of anti-aircraft assets on other ships to aid in the defense.

28

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

greatly eased the U.S. scouting problem, thereby increasing the chances of a successful
U.S. first strike against the opposing carriers. The result was a decisive U.S. victory.45
Between the world wars, advances in radio and the invention of radar provided a starting point for further advances during World War II. Once the United States incorporated radar, radio, and thick layers of air defense guns into the fleet, the situation in the
Pacific theater was reversed. Radar enabled the U.S. fleet to develop an effective early
warning system against Japanese air attack, and progress in radio operations enabled
improved coordination between interceptor aircraft and the U.S. fleet’s Combat Information Centers (CIC) that vectored combat air patrol (CAP) fighter aircraft to intercept
incoming aircraft. The U.S. commander’s ability to wait until the approach of enemy
aircraft before vectoring and reinforcing defensive combat air patrols greatly enhanced
fleet defense. To exploit these advantages, U.S. commanders substantially increased
the number of fighter aircraft relative to strike aircraft in the carrier air wing.46 Dense
anti-aircraft batteries on ships further enhanced the fleet’s protection from air attack.47
As the case studies that follow further demonstrate, the dramatic advances in maritime military capabilities between the two world wars greatly altered the competition.
Moreover, the pace of change remained brisk after World War II, in no small measure
because of the intense competition between the United States and the Soviet Union
during the Cold War.

Case Study: Mediterranean Operations in World War II
Advances in military capabilities since World War II have created the potential toshrink the world’s oceans to what we might call “Mediterranean size.” These capabilities range from satellites to sensors; long-range ISR; strike platforms and missiles;

45

While U.S. cryptologists greatly eased the fleet’s scouting problem, it did not eliminate it. There wasmore than a trivial amount of chance associated with the U.S. strike aircrafts’ locating the Japanesecarriers. While aircraft from Enterprise and Yorktown were successful, the Hornet’s scouting effort
failed entirely to locate the enemy carriers.

46

See Hughes, Fleet Tactics and Coastal Combat, pp. 107, 114–16, 117–44. Between 1942 and 1944 thepercentage of fighter aircraft making up a U.S. carrier air wing increased from roughly 25 percent to 65
percent. Hughes shows how “good sensing and scouting could overcome better firepower.” In particular,
he demonstrates how radar, radio, and communications intelligence, when properly combined withother elements of the maritime force (including land-based systems), represented a major source ofcompetitive advantage. This shift in the carrier air wing’s composition was also due to the decline of theImperial Japanese Navy’s carrier forces following the Battle of Midway. With fewer Japanese carrierson the prowl, there was less need to maintain as strong a strike arm on U.S. carriers. The Americans
placed greater emphasis on providing close air support to Army and Marine Corps ground forces ashore,
which also involved fighter aircraft flying escort for the attack aircraft. I am indebted to my colleague
Bryan Clark for this observation.

47

Of particular importance was the United States’ introduction of anti-aircraft munitions with radio-frequency (RF) proximity fuses, which by at least one estimate produced a sevenfold increase in the effectiveness of American anti-aircraft defenses. Vannevar Bush, Pieces of the Action (New York: William
Morrow and Company, Inc., 1970), p. 109.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

29

advanced battle networks to filter, organize, analyze, and transmit high volumes ofdata and information; and more accurate munitions along with the ability to deliver
them along increasingly compressed timelines. Thus the maritime competition in the
Mediterranean, from Italy’s entry into the war in June 1940 until the collapse of the
Axis position in North Africa in the spring of 1943, may represent a kind of “precursor”
war, providing useful insights regarding maritime operations where the challenge offinding enemy surface combatants and transports is small compared with what it wasin the Atlantic or Pacific theaters of operations at that time.
Between the two world wars, land-based air power began exerting a significant influence on thinking about the maritime competition. For the first time, weapon systems
operating in and striking from a different domain (land and air, respectively) became
important in assessing the maritime balance. Land-based air power was generally lessexpensive than sea-based air power. Land-based systems were also less constrained intheir size. They could operate from much larger bases and off much longer runways thana carrier “base,” which meant they could fly longer ranges, have greater endurance, andcarry heavier bomb loads.
The long range of land-based aircraft meant they could scout targets over greater distances and areas. Advances in radio technology enabled them to report sightings of enemy
ships almost instantaneously to their command elements. Finally, code breaking could,
and did, at times significantly enhance the “scouting” efforts of the warring powers.48
The combination of land-based air power with enhanced scouting and command andcontrol by exploiting the radio frequency (RF) spectrum exerted a major influence on
the maritime competition, nowhere greater perhaps than in the Mediterranean theater.
Indeed, a major feature of World War II maritime operations in the Mediterranean
centered on the difficulty surface warships and cargo ships had in avoiding detection.
The challenges of operating in the Mediterranean in the wake of rapid advances inaviation and radio technology were anticipated by navies, most notably Great Britain’s
Royal Navy, long the region’s dominant naval power. Prior to the war, the Admiralty
grew increasingly concerned over its ability to conduct effective operations in the eventof war with Italy. Admiral Dudley Pound, the commander-in-chief of the Mediterranean
Fleet from 1935 to 1939, observed that “with present-day communications and longrange aircraft the Mediterranean has become a very small place.” He forecast that, in theevent of war, even “the movement of a single auxiliary from, say, Malta to Alexandria
will become a major operation.”49
Once Italy entered the war against Britain, the combination of Italian and (later)
German reconnaissance and strike aircraft with submarine patrols made movement48

Norman Friedman, Network-Centric Warfare: How Navies Learned to Fight Smarter through ThreeWorld Wars (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2009), pp. 10–11, 27–29.

49

Christopher M. Bell, The Royal Navy, Seapower and Strategy Between the Wars (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000), p. 120.

For the first time,
weapon systems
operating in andstriking from adifferent domain(land and air,respectively)
became importantin assessing themaritime balance.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

30

by surface warships or transports a risky business. This was particularly the case in thecentral Mediterranean, where Britain’s island base at Malta was sandwiched between
Axis forces in Italy and Libya. The Axis powers also laid down mine belts extending
from Sicily to Tunisia, further complicating Royal Navy surface ships’ efforts to interdict
supplies moving from Italy to support Italian and German forces in North Africa, andto move supplies from Gibraltar or Alexandria to Malta. This compelled the British
to rely increasingly on aircraft and submarines for interdiction.50 Consequently, theoverwhelming majority of Axis merchant shipping sunk during Italy’s involvement in
the war resulted from attacks by allied aircraft and submarines. During the climactic
battles in North Africa from January through May 1943, Allied air and submarine forceswere responsible, either by themselves or in combination, for over 96 percent of Axis
transports sent to the bottom, whereas attacks by surface warships were responsible
for less than 4 percent of the losses (see Table 1).

TABLE 1: AXIS MERCHANT SHIPPING SUNK, JANUARY–MAY 194351
Ships Sunk/
Tonnage Sunk

By Surface
Ships

By Aircraft

By Submarine

Shared

Total

Ships

8

87

52

25

172

Tonnage

19,070297,825

159,448

77,016553,359

3.4%

53.8%

28.8%

13.9%

Percentage ofTotal Tonnage

Note: The percentages do not total 100, due to rounding to one decimal place.

While the British relied heavily on submarines and aircraft for strike operations, theirown supplies and troops could only be moved by transports. The handful of critical Allied
convoys that had to move across the Mediterranean, often between Gibraltar and Malta,
and between Malta and Alexandria, were compelled to use deception and night movement in attempting to avoid being detected by enemy aerial reconnaissance. Even assigning carriers to escort the transports offered no guarantee of success against land-based
reconnaissance and strike aircraft. In January 1941 the British carrier Illustrious wasseverely damaged by German Junkers Ju-87 “Stuka” dive bombers while convoying.52

50

Britain’s successful breaking of Germany’s Enigma code was crucial in enabling aircraft and submarines
to locate their targets.

51

Vincent P. O’Hara, Struggle for the Middle Sea (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2009), p. 207.

52

John Weal, Junkers Ju 87: Stukageschwader of North Africa and the Mediterranean (Oxford: Osprey
Publishing Ltd., 1998), pp. 7–9.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

31

According to maritime scholars, “[T]he fate of the Illustrious suggests that the roleof carriers as both power projectors ashore and fleet-defense vessels was sharply circumscribed when confronted by [comparable] land-based airpower.”53 Carriers experienced particular difficulty in protecting either themselves or the ships around themfrom determined dive-bombing attacks. Given the risks involved, many British convoys
heading for Egypt were routed around Africa owing to the high risk of running theMediterranean gauntlet.
On more than one occasion code breaking enabled one side to gain a major “scouting”
advantage. The British were at times able to leverage their cryptanalysis—the breaking of German Enigma codes through Ultra decryptions.54 For example, in March 1941
Ultra code breakers informed the Royal Navy of planned Italian fleet movements. This
enabled Admiral Cunningham to intercept the Italian fleet at the Battle of Cape Matapan off the southwest coast of Greece on March 27–29, 1941. In the battle, the Italians
lost three heavy cruisers and two destroyers, and had one battleship heavily damaged
at the cost of only minor damage to four Royal Navy light cruisers.
The battle, which produced Italy’s greatest at-sea defeat 55 in the war, revealed its
deficiency in air “reconnaissance-strike” operations. Vice Admiral Angelo Iachino,
who served as the Regia Marina’s fleet commander from December 1940 throughApril 1943,56 saw the battle as revealing Italy’s “inferiority in aero-naval cooperation and the backwardness of our night-battle technology [i.e., radar].” 57 In thewake of its defeat, the Regia Marina was directed “not to venture outside land
fighter aircraft range, and…to avoid night clashes until…equipped with radar.”58

53

Lisle A. Rose, Power at Sea: The Breaking Storm, 1919–1945 (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri
Press, 2007), p. 369. The term “comparable” is key here. Obviously if the naval force comprises many
carriers and the land force has but a few obsolescent aircraft, the balance will favor the former. The
rationale for choosing the period from June 1940 to May 1943 is that the military balance was arguably
roughly equal during that time.

54

In June 1941 the British military intelligence adopted “Ultra” as the designation for signals intelligence obtained by breaking high-level encrypted enemy radio and teleprinter communications at the Government
Code and Cypher School (GC&CS) at Bletchley Park. The designation was subsequently adopted by western
Allies and used throughout the remainder of the war for all such intelligence. F. H. Hinsley, Codebreakers:
The Inside Story of Bletchley Park (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. xx.

55

It bears noting that the Italian losses suffered from the British air attack on its naval base at Taranto in
November 1940 were far greater.

56

Italy was at war from June 1940 until September 1943.

57

The Italian air force and navy, although in some ways possessing equipment superior to that of the British,
proved incapable of establishing effective coordination during the war. The problem was highlighted at
the Battle of Cape Matapan, when little of the air support expected by the Italian fleet commander arrived.
Angelo Iachino, Tramonto di una grande marina [Sunset of a great navy] (Verona: Alberto Mondadori,1966), p. 245, cited in O’Hara, Struggle for the Middle Sea, p. 98.

58

Iachino, Tramonto di una grande marina, p. 245; cited in O’Hara, Struggle for the Middle Sea, p. 98.

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Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

FIGURE 1: SELECTED MARITIME OPERATIONS IN THE
MEDITERRANEAN THEATER

Traditional naval power in the form of surface warships also proved incapable of fending off an island invasion against an enemy that controlled the air, even when supported by naval aviation forces. When German airborne forces assaulted Crete in May 1941
they paid a high price in casualties. But the Royal Navy paid an even higher price. Forced
to concentrate near Crete to oppose the German assault, the British greatly eased theLuftwaffe’s scouting problem. Admiral Cunningham, who commanded British naval
forces in the Mediterranean during the critical stage of the war in that theater from 1940
to 1943, concluded that in a “trial of strength between the Mediterranean Fleet and theGerman Air Force . . . [the] enemy command of the air unchallenged by our own air
force in these restricted waters with Mediterranean weather is too great odds for us.”
He also concluded that:
The experience of three days in which two cruisers and four destroyers havebeen sunk and one battleship, two cruisers and four destroyers severely
damaged shows what losses are likely to be [should the fleet be ordered tomaintain control of the seas around Crete without the benefit of sufficient air
cover]. Sea control in the Eastern Mediterranean could not be retained after
another such experience.59

59

Rose, Power at Sea, p. 374. The British suffered these losses even though intercepts of the Luftwaffe’s
Enigma codes gave the Royal Navy two weeks’ advance notice of Germany’s intention to assault Cretewith paratroopers.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

33

As noted above, the vulnerability of surface ships, even carriers, against air forces led
both the British and the Italians to resort to other forms of maritime power, such assubmarines and mines. Moreover, the Italians also employed torpedo boats along with
their submarine forces to good effect, particularly in narrow waters. Italian special operations forces undertook several raids with impressive results, including an attack byfrogmen on the British naval base at Alexandria in December 1941 in which they sankthe Royal Navy battleships Queen Elizabeth and Valiant.60
What insights might we derive from an examination of the maritime competition in the
Mediterranean regarding the prospective characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime? Several suggest themselves.
First, in a mature maritime precision-strike regime the dramatic improvements in landand space-based scouting systems (and in undersea sensor arrays) will “shrink” the oceanic maritime domain to “Mediterranean-size,” and in so doing make operating surface
combatants and transports within these systems’ effective range a risky proposition (seeFigure 2). This is not to say that all surface ships and shipping will be swept from the seas,
but that those ships operating in such an environment will likely experience attrition
more comparable to that suffered by the Royal Navy and the Regia Marina in the Mediterranean during World War II than the U.S. Navy has suffered in the major regional
conflicts since that war.
The aphorism “A ship’s a fool to fight a fort” applies here. While the term originated in
the age of cannon and sail, it held true during the Mediterranean campaigns in WorldWar II and seems likely to hold true in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. A
land-based fort could mass greater firepower and stock a deeper magazine than a manof-war, and a land-based “reconnaissance-strike” complex made up of scouting andstrike aircraft could best a surface fleet. Similarly, the extended ranges and high accuracies of the missiles that will characterize a mature maritime precision-strike regime
will find surface ships vulnerable to shore-based weaponry at distances ranging fromhundreds to perhaps to a thousand miles or more.61 While some land-based strike forces
will operate from fixed “forts” (e.g., air bases) and be relatively easy to locate and strike,others, such as mobile missile launchers and their complement of missiles, may provefar more difficult to find and engage successfully than a major surface warship at sea.62

60

Rose, Power at Sea, p. 377. These ships were later raised.

61

Again, the statements here regarding the character of the competition assume that both sides have roughly
equal resources. Obviously a large fleet could defeat a weakly armed and defended “fort,” or minor military
power. The ability to leverage technology could also play an important role. For example, since magazine
size is to a significant degree the basis of the fort’s advantage, this could change if a fleet were to introduce
directed-energy systems (lasers and rail guns) unavailable to its land-based rival. Such an asymmetry could
do much to redress the magazine imbalance. Yet one also suspects that land-based directed-energy systems
could be made far more powerful than those based on surface warships, and that a monopoly in such systems
would be difficult to sustain over a protracted period. Moreover, a fort could almost certainly be “hardened”
against directed-energy attacks far more easily and cheaply than a surface warship.

62

Land air bases can be hardened to a much greater degree than a surface ship, and their runways cantypically be more easily and rapidly repaired than a ship’s superstructure or a carrier’s flight deck.

34

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

FIGURE 2: COMBAT RADIUS AND RANGE OF MODERN LAND-BASEDSYSTEMSIn a mature
maritime
precision-strike
regime, major
powers may havea strong incentive
to increasesignificantly theratio of undersea
to surface striking
capacity.

Second, as a direct result of land-based forces and the relatively small size of the Mediterranean, surface warships essentially “sat out” much of the Mediterranean campaign
owing to the high risk of operating within an enemy’s land-based air scouting and strikeelements. When they did not, surface ships were often badly bloodied even in those rarecases where they brought their own carrier-based air with them. Translating this insightto the time frame of this assessment, absent a breakthrough in active defenses, asymmetries in the magazine depths between shore bases and surface warships will likely
make it difficult to project power against a first-class military power’s land-based scouting and strike forces, especially if they are dispersed and mobile, even if the fleet possesses its own extended-range air and missile forces. Undersea forces, however, would
be far less exposed to land-based ISR and strike elements. In a mature maritime precision-strike regime, therefore, major powers may have a strong incentive to increasesignificantly the ratio of undersea to surface striking capacity.
While surface warships may have the option of not steaming in harm’s way, the option
may not present itself for transport ships that provide badly needed supplies, militaryor otherwise, to critical destinations located within an enemy’s A2/AD threat range.
While the British employed novel tactics in some cases to slip their convoys throughto Malta, at times they simply had to route them around Africa if they wanted to reachMaritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

35

Suez from Britain, though at a considerable cost in materiel, cargo capacity, and time.
As with surface warships the threat stemmed not only from land-based air but from submarines and mines as well. And while Britain was able to win the Battle of the Atlantic
against Germany’s commerce-raiding submarines and employ “workarounds” in the
Mediterranean, the favorable weight of resources the Royal Navy enjoyed in the former
theater and the geographic advantage it had in the latter theater (the ability to take asafe alternate route around Africa) may not be available to those relying on seaborne
trade in a mature maritime precision-strike regime.
Indeed, with the range of scouting and strike systems (including nuclear-powered submarines) having increased so dramatically since World War II, geography may offer
little if any advantage save perhaps at greatly extended (1,000 nm-plus) ranges. Shouldcommerce protection prove difficult, or perhaps even impractical in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime, a competitor’s level of autarky could represent a major advantage, especially in a protracted conflict. Those competitors who are relatively self-sufficient may be incentivized to posture themselves for protracted war, and be content toremain outside an enemy’s effective scouting and strike ranges. Those who are not may
posture themselves to achieve victory in a short campaign, or undertake a major (andcostly) program to stockpile strategic materials.
Then there is the matter of maritime “outposts”—including countries—that are behindan enemy’s A2/AD lines. Britain proved unable to defend the island of Crete against
German assault in May 1941. Despite its great advantage in naval power, Britain could
not prevent a successful German airborne assault on the island, enabled by land-based
Luftwaffe air support. Conversely, Britain’s ability to maintain sufficient land-based air
power on the island of Malta helped prevent its falling to the Axis powers despite its
close proximity to Sicily, Italian and German land-based air, and the Regia Marina’s
local (though short-lived) predominance. It may be that not just islands but countries,
even major island countries (like Japan and Taiwan), risk becoming “outposts” within
range of an enemy’s maritime scouting and strike forces. Against a major adversary,these outposts may be difficult if not impossible to defend in the event of war.
As the Italians discovered, the ability to scout at great range and to engage at great
range is of far less value—especially against mobile targets at sea—if the scouting information cannot be quickly communicated. Just as radio communications proved of key
importance to effective scouting, and by extension fighter vectoring and maritime strike
operations, the ability to communicate along similar lines will be important in a mature
maritime precision-strike regime, particularly in areas where the scouting and strikedistances are far greater than they were in the Mediterranean.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

36

At first blush this would appear to put a premium on engaging with missile forces, as
opposed to munitions carried by air platforms, given that missiles—particularly ballistic missiles—can travel substantially faster than any aircraft or submarine employing
homing torpedoes. However, given the high cost of long-range missiles, the need tominimize the delay between identifying a target and striking it, and reductions in PGM
size and weight, militaries will likely find it increasingly attractive to combine the scouting and striking function on the same platform where possible, as the U.S. military has
done by placing munitions on its Predator scouting drone.63
Given the importance of communications, just as Ultra at times provided a major scouting advantage for the allies in the Mediterranean theater, cryptanalysis and cyber warfare may prove important—and perhaps decisive—in a mature maritime precision-strike
regime where operations must be coordinated over vast distances and at times along
very tight timelines (e.g., in engaging surface combatants at very long range).

Case Study: The Kamikazes
Since the mature maritime precision-strike regime is defined in part by the widespread
proliferation of precision-strike munitions and delivery systems, it may be useful to
examine the first (and to this point, only) extensive use of munitions that possessed
many of these characteristics by one major maritime power against another. Interestingly, these weapons fused both the “scouting” and the munitions on one platform. We
refer, of course, to Japan’s employment of its kamikaze forces against the U.S. fleet in
the Pacific theater of operations in World War II.
By 1944 American forces had effectively crippled Japan’s fleet air arm. As the U.S. Navy
moved closer to Japan’s home waters, however, Japan’s defense perimeter correspondingly contracted. Consequently Japan’s reconnaissance problem was alleviated significantly as its depleted scouting forces had far less area to search for the approaching U.S.
fleet, especially since the American campaign centered on seizing Japanese-held islands
to use as bases for future U.S. operations.
With its air strike capabilities depleted following defeats in a series of battles and campaigns stretching back to the Battle of Midway, in desperation the Japanese employed“precision-guided” weaponry in the form of its kamikaze pilots. The Kamikazes, from theJapanese for “divine wind,ˮ were pilots who used their aircraft to conduct suicide attacks
on allied warships during the closing months of World War II. These aircraft were among

63

Many submarines can employ both anti-ship missiles and homing torpedoes, which should also be
regarded as precision-guided weapons. If ships are close enough to be engaged with torpedoes, thescouting-to-shooting lag time is not likely to be a significant issue, although diesel submarines (and, toa lesser degree, their nuclear counterparts) must get into proper firing position relative to the target inorder to have a high-probability-of-hit shot. Conversation with Captain (U.S. Navy, retired) Jan van Tol,
March 15, 2014.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

37

the earliest precision-guided weapons, but at the price of sacrificing their human pilots.
One could thus describe the kamikazes as human-guided cruise missiles. Japan conducted some 2,800 kamikaze attacks toward the end of the Pacific War in 1944–45.64
The U.S. (principally) and British fleets put up strong defenses against kamikaze attacks.
They included a picket line of destroyers on the periphery of the fleet. These radar pickets typically comprised several destroyers and some support ships. They provided theoutermost part of a defense-in-depth that included radar detection and cuing, airborne
interception and attrition, and massive anti-aircraft barrages. Despite these defenses
during the Philippines Campaign and at Okinawa, roughly fourteen percent of kamikaze fighters survived to score a hit on a ship.65 Of those ships hit, forty-seven vessels,
or roughly 8.5 percent, sank, whereas over 300 ships suffered significant damage.66 In
the opinion of Admiral Raymond Spruance, who commanded U.S. forces at both thePhilippines in 1944 and at Okinawa in 1945, the kamikazes were the ultimate guided
weapon.67 The ability of allied ships to absorb hits and survive is a tribute to their crew’s
damage-control training and equipment, and the quality of their construction, including
the ability to incorporate lessons learned earlier in the war.68
The lightly armored ships along the picket line bore the brunt of the kamikaze attacks.
There were only thirty-seven kamikaze attempts on battleships and forty-two attempts
on cruisers; none of these more heavily armored ships that were hit sunk. There were
303 attempts on destroyers and 428 on auxiliary and landing ships. The preference forattacks on these ships may have been because the Japanese encountered the picket line
ships first, or because they believed striking such ships offered the greatest chance of
creating a mission kill or actually sinking their target. With respect to destroyers, ninety-two kamikazes made successful hits, sinking twelve ships. There were 121 successful
64

Richard P. Hallion, “Military Technology and the Pacific War,” in Jacob Neufeld, William T. Y’Blood,and Mary Lee Jefferson, eds., Pearl to V-J Day: World War II in the Pacific (Bethesda, MD: Air ForceHistory and Museums Program, 2000), p. 85.

65

Difficulty in obtaining data on the kamikazes has produced some significantly differing estimates regarding their operation and performance. For example, a postwar assessment concluded that roughly
one-third of all kamikaze fighters that left their bases succeeded in hitting a ship—a success rate seven-to-ten times that of a conventional sortie, but also more than twice the rate cited in other assessments. Nicolai Timenes, Jr., Defense Against Kamikaze Attacks in World War II and Its Relevance toAnti-Ship Missile Defense Volume I: An Analytical History of Kamikaze Attacks Against Ships of theUnited States Navy During World War II, Operations Evaluation Group Study 741 (Washington, DC:
Center for Naval Analyses, November 1970), pp. 60–64, cited in Ronald H. Spector, At War, At Sea(New York: Viking Press, 2001), p. 312.

66

Timenes, Defense Against Kamikaze Attacks in World War II and its Relevance to Anti-Ship Missile
Defense, p. 78.

67

Hal M. Friedman, “The Quiet Warrior Back in Newport: Admiral Spruance, the Return to the Naval War
College, and the Lessons of the Pacific War, 1946–1947,” Naval War College Review, Spring 2011, p. 122.

68

Most of the U.S. Navy’s ships were not particularly well armored, the fast battleships being an exception.
The latter’s heavy armor was a result of their being designed and built just prior to the war when it was
still envisioned that they would have to absorb punishment from the heavy shells fired by enemy battleships in a traditional battle-line engagement.

38

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

kamikaze strikes on auxiliary and landing craft, with twenty-five sinking.69 Most of theships that were sunk by kamikazes were not sunk by the impact, but rather by the fires
they created.
Given their significant role in the Pacific theater, it is worth noting that three U.S. escort
carriers were sunk by kamikaze fighters. Their demise largely resulted from their lackof armor.70 Not only were no heavily armored U.S. warships sunk, but British aircraft
carriers with their armor-plated decks proved highly resilient to such attacks, especiallycompared to their wood-deck U.S. counterparts. When a kamikaze struck the Royal Navy
carrier Indefatigable’s deck, the ship suffered only a three-inch dent in its armor plate.
In contrast, attacks on the U.S. carriers Bunker Hill, Franklin, and Enterprise knocked
them out of the war.71 As a U.S. naval liaison officer aboard the Indefatigable reported,
When a kamikaze hits a U.S. carrier it means six months of repair at Pearl[Harbor]. When a kamikaze hits a Limey [British] carrier it’s just a case of“Sweepers, man your brooms.”72

One can arguably
view the kamikaze
attacks as
precursors to thekind of attacks
surface warships
can expect frommodern guided
ASCMs.

How might our thinking about the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike
regime be informed from an examination of the kamikaze attacks in the closing days of
the Pacific campaign in World War II?
As the preceding narrative suggests, one can arguably view the kamikaze attacks as precursors to the kind of attacks surface warships can expect from modern guided anti-ship
cruise missiles (ASCMs ). For example, one aircraft used for kamikaze attacks, the Ohka
Model 11, had a maximum dive speed of 576 mph (927 km/h) and carried a 1,200 kg
warhead.73 This is comparable to an SS-N-2 Styx, which has a speed of Mach 0.9 (1,103km/h) and a payload of about 500 kg.74

69

These data are derived from Timenes, Defense Against Kamikaze Attacks in World War II and Its
Relevance to Anti-Ship Missile Defense, p. 78.

70

The large, fast U.S. carriers of the Essex class were not particularly well-armored either, as they were notexpected to be engaged by enemy surface ships, and emphasis was placed on active air defenses (i.e., radar-vectored combat air patrols and large numbers of anti-aircraft artillery firing radio-frequency-fusedrounds. These carriers’ lack of armor (especially the flight decks) is what made many of the kamikaze
hits on CVs so devastating, putting the carriers out of action for long periods.

71

Arthur Herman, To Rule the Waves (New York: Harper Collins, 2004), pp. 546–47.

72

Kenneth Wheeler, The Road to Tokyo (Chicago: Time-Life Books, 1979), p. 153.

73

Chris Bishop, The Encyclopedia of Weapons of WWII: The Comprehensive Guide to Over 1,500 Weapons Systems, Including Tanks, Small Arms, Warplanes, Artillery, Ships, and Submarines (New York:
Metrobooks, 2002), pp. 326, 394.

74

Thomas G. Mahnken, The Cruise Missile Challenge (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, March 2005), p. 9. Of course there is a trade-off between warhead weight, missile
range, and missile speed. The Styx’s warhead size could be increased to match more closely that of the
Ohka 11’s at the expense of reducing its speed advantage over that aircraft.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

39

That said, warhead designs have improved dramatically since World War II, enhancing
their kinetic effects.75 Moreover, dramatic improvements in ASCM performance may bein the offing. For example, the BrahMos ASCM being developed by India and Russia is
projected to have a speed of Mach 3 (3,675 km/h) and a payload of 300 kg, enabling it
to deliver a significantly more powerful hit than a kamikaze.
Then there is the matter of range. The Missile Technology Control Regime prohibits
the export of missiles with ranges exceeding 300 km (186 miles). It is believed that the
BrahMos missile could easily have incorporated greater range, but that it was intentionally limited to facilitate exports. According to the Project 2049 Institute, China isdeveloping the HN-2000 ASCM with a much longer range.76
There is no inherent barrier to simply building an extended-range ASCM carrying more
fuel and a larger warhead, while still achieving high speed. The Soviet SS-N-12 Sandbox and Soviet SS-N-19 Shipwreck, two of the fastest ASCMs fielded, achieved Mach 2
speeds and carried warheads exceeding 1,000 kg and 750 kg, respectively. The ASCM’ssize, however, can limit its deployment on certain platforms (surface combatants, submarines, and aircraft). This might find such missiles being based primarily on land, atleast until naval and air delivery platforms could be modified to accept the larger missiles.77 It also costs more to build such a weapon, a reminder that while precision guidance provides accuracy independent of range, it does not provide range independent ofcost. All other things being equal, this could reduce the number of long-range ASCMs
in a competitor’s inventory. Another factor that should not be ignored is scouting. It
makes little sense to have a missile capable of engaging targets—particularly mobile
targets such as surface ships and transports—at ranges exceeding 300 miles without
the ability to locate these targets and track them. These ASCMs would likely require
more scouting resources (because their engagement area would be far greater thanshort-range ASCMs) and more costly scouting forces (as they would need to scout overgreater distances, and closer to the enemy’s own scouting and strike forces).
Finally these missiles still must hit the “right” target in what may be a cluttered environment, either in reality or because the defender has created false signatures.78 The
problem of dealing with enemy attempts at deception was greatly attenuated in the case75

Ibid., p. 11.

76

Ian Easton, The Assassin Under the Radar: China's DH-10 Cruise Missile Program (Washington, DC:
Project 2049 Institute, October 1, 2009), available at: http://project2049.net/documents/assassin_under_radar_china_cruise_missile.pdf, accessed on January 12, 2013.

77

Both U.S. SSGNs and the Virginia-class nuclear-powered submarine (SSN) Payload Module (VPM)
provide for larger ASCMs. Email exchange with Captain (Ret.) Karl Hasslinger, March 3, 2013.

78

The U.S. Navy, for example, fielded a 250-nm Tomahawk Anti-Ship Missile (TASM) in the 1980s, but
withdrew it from service because the targeting problem proved too challenging. Indeed, even targeting the shorter-range Harpoon missile can be a challenge. Philip Ewing, “Research begins on new anti-ship missile,” Navy Times, July 13, 2009, available at http://www.navytimes.com/news/2009/07/
navy_missile_071309w/, accessed on February 12, 2013.

40

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessmentsof the kamikazes, as human pilots solved the problem that is now given to sensors andartificial intelligence. Assuming a competitor is willing and able to pay the additional
cost (and has access to the requisite technology), producing a stealthy missile that canloiter for an extended period in a target area with less risk of being engaged successfully could enhance the attacker’s efforts to defeat attempts at deception. These missiles
could also employ multiple means to find targets and discriminate among them. All
this suggests that the competition will be dynamic given the pace of advances in stealth,sensor, and deception technologies.
If the cost of fielding large numbers of such ASCMs is sufficiently high, they may only be
procured in relatively small numbers. This could significantly influence how a militaryorganization might go about designing its surface combatants and defenses to deal withthe threat within the overall context of operational concepts designed to accomplish
key maritime missions (e.g., sea control, sea denial, commerce defense, and presence).
This suggests there may be value in increasing surface ship staying power, or resilienceagainst the ASCM threat. These defenses could be passive (such as a ship’s single- or
double-hull armor, automated battle damage control, and electronic countermeasures)or active (such as kinetic and directed-energy interceptors). Given the rapid advances
being made in DEW, a key part of the competition may require that ASCMs be hardened
to offset enhanced DEW defenses. This may be a losing proposition, however, if DEW
enhancements, such as in power and beam control are both significant and sustaining(i.e., the advances persist over an extended period of time, similar to the advances inaviation between the world wars or the advances in computer processing power associated with Moore’s Law).79
A combination of enhanced armor protection and advanced damage control, along withwidely distributed internal sensors, weapons, and propulsion systems could enable surface ships operating at extended ranges to absorb ASCM attacks with a significantly
greater chance of avoiding either being sunk or becoming a victim of mission kill. This
being said, there are a lot of “ifs” associated with assuming that surface combatants
can reverse the long trend in which the competition increasingly favors the attacker.80
As with the Mediterranean case study, the kamikaze example drives one’s thinking
toward the need to explore the ASCM-surface ship competition within the broader con-79

See Mark Gunzinger and Chris Dougherty, Changing the Game: The Promise of Directed-Energy
Weapons (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2012). Moore’s Law wasstated by Gordon E. Moore in 1965. It asserts that the number of transistors on integrated circuits
doubles every two years. Moore’s Law was based on his observation that since their invention in 1958,
the number of transistors on integrated circuits had, in fact, doubled roughly every two years. His prediction that this would continue has proven remarkably accurate for nearly fifty years.

80

Many ship sensor and communications antennas and waveguides are located on its superstructure andare quite fragile. It is not clear how they could be effectively hardened against kinetic and nonkinetic
forms of attack. Nor it is clear that, assuming these items could be replaced quickly following an attack,spares could be purchased and maintained at acceptable cost.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

41

text of an overall operational concept involving specific prospective adversaries. We willaddress the issues of competitor paths, specific contingencies, and operational concepts
later in this assessment.

Case Study: The Cold War and the Mediterranean No-Go Zone
Following his experience in World War II, Admiral Spruance concluded that although
the U.S. Navy’s principal mission in wartime was exercising sea control where needed,accomplishing it would become increasingly difficult. He believed this to be true primarily
because submarines and aircraft were making forward naval bases increasingly vulnerable to attack and because of the growing range and sophistication of aircraft, submarines,
and mines.81 In brief, Spruance can been understood as expressing concerns over theongoing development of what today are referred to as anti-access/area-denial forces.
With the onset of the Cold War, the Soviet Union emerged as the pacing threat in nearly
all areas of the military competition, including the maritime domain. Reflecting Spruance’s concerns, a series of U.S. Navy fleet exercises beginning in the mid-1950s can beseen as an attempt to solve the problem first confronted by the British and Italian navies
operating in the Mediterranean during World War II, when aircraft and submarines
emerged as the principal ship killers in the maritime competition.
Just as parts of the Mediterranean had been a virtual no-go zone for the Royal Navy’s
surface fleet during World War II, a similar problem emerged for the U.S. Navy during
the Cold War. Locked in a bloodless struggle with the Soviet Union, the United Statessought to contain Soviet influence around the globe, including in the Eastern Mediterranean. To this end, the U.S. Navy’s Sixth Fleet maintained a presence in the region.
Should war erupt, one of the fleet’s principal missions involved launching air attacks
on the Soviet Union, including strikes with nuclear weapons. Given the range of U.S.
carrier strike aircraft, the Sixth Fleet was compelled to maneuver into the Eastern Mediterranean to launch its attacks. This would bring U.S. carriers within range of Soviet
land-based strike aircraft far more capable than those encountered by the Royal Navy
during World War II. In addition to the threat of land-based aircraft, the U.S. Navy had
to consider the Soviet Union’s submarine force, which by the latter half of the 1950s had
begun to challenge the Sixth Fleet’s dominance of the Middle Sea. A key issue emerged
for the U.S. Navy: Could the fleet sortie far enough into the Eastern Mediterranean longenough to launch its attacks, recover its aircraft, and depart before the Soviets could
locate and engage it?

81

Hal M. Friedman, “The Quiet Warrior Back in Newport: Admiral Spruance, the Return to the Naval War
College, and the Lessons of the Pacific War, 1946–1947,” Naval War College Review, Spring 2011, p. 132.

Just as parts of theMediterranean had
been a virtual no-gozone for the Royal
Navy’s surface fleet
during World War II,a similar problem
emerged for theUnited States Navy
during theCold War.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

42

From 1956 to 1972, the U.S. Navy experimented with a number of concepts designed toanswer this question. Two of these concepts—Haystack and UPTIDE—are summarized
here.82 These experiments enabled the Navy to adapt new modes of operation to reduce
the threat imposed by Soviet advances in land-based aviation and submarines. The
exercises resulted in the Navy fundamentally altering its tactics by adopting dispersed
operations under emission control (EMCON) and employing acoustic decoys. The lessons from the Navy’s efforts offer insights as to how major maritime powers can respondto adversaries’ emerging A2/AD capabilities, such as China’s anti-ship ballistic missiles
and information warfare tactics, as they pertain to the maritime competition.
Haystack
Beginning in 1956 the Sixth Fleet conducted a series of exercises involving experiments
designed to increase the survival time of its carriers in the event of war with the Soviet
Union. The exercises were stimulated by the work of a young Navy lieutenant and an
operations analyst who believed the fleet’s strike mission could best be accomplished bycomplicating the Soviet’s most difficult challenge in preventing it: detecting the U.S. carriers. They asserted this could be achieved by dispersing fleet elements, operating moreautonomously, employing deception methods, and minimizing communication. Appliedin concert, these tactics, techniques, and procedures constituted a concept dubbed “Haystack,” a reference to the adage “as difficult as finding a needle in a haystack.”
The fleet began testing the Haystack concept in 1957. Three major exercises took place:
Haystack Charlie, Delta, and Echo. Two aircraft carriers, their escorts, and their logistics
support ships participated against an “enemy” force of conventional submarines, andland-based attack and ISR aircraft. In contrast to their practice of forming task groups,
which characterized carrier operations toward the end of the Pacific campaign in WorldWar II, the carriers operated 250 miles apart. They launched simulated nuclear strikes
while enemy forces undertook to find and engage them. In the first exercise, Haystack
Charlie, the carriers were able to launch roughly thirty strikes before they were locatedand engaged. The exercise showed that the fleet’s use of cruisers and destroyers as
decoys was partially successful in diverting the enemy; however, when ships were in thegeneral proximity of the carriers, their presence aided the enemy in locating the carriers.
These lessons were incorporated into Haystack Delta.
Haystack Echo found the fleet exercising amid the many small islands in the Aegean Sea.
The idea was to exploit the islands’ potential to confuse enemy forces and complicate
their efforts to distinguish major surface combatants from the islands. The results were82

The summary of Haystack and UPTIDE presented here is based on a more detailed discussion in Robert
G. Angevine, “Hiding in Plain Sight: The U.S. Navy and Dispersed Operations under EMCON, 1956–
1972,” Naval War College Review, Spring 2011. See also Operations Evaluation Group (EOG), The Sixth
Fleet Concept and Analysis of Haystack Operations, OEG Report 77 (Washington, DC: Office of the
CNO, 24 January 1958).

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

43

discouraging. Enemy forces easily intercepted tactical air navigation (TACAN) electronic emissions during night operations, facilitating their efforts at detecting the carriers.83
Thus the Navy concluded this approach represented a dead end.
The series of exercises helped refine the Haystack concept and aided the fleet’s efforts
to extend the time before the carriers were detected and engaged. Prior to the exercises,
carriers operating in the Eastern Mediterranean were projected to avoid detection for
two hours. By the end of the exercises, the carriers operating in fleet task forces employing the refined Haystack concept were avoiding detection for at least eight hours; half
were avoiding detection for fifteen hours.
UPTIDEThe maritime competition between the United States and the Soviet Union was dynamic, as each side sought to gain or maintain the upper hand against the other. By theearly 1960s the Soviets began deploying nuclear-powered submarines (SSNs), adding
to the threat posed by their land-based aviation forces. Nuclear submarines presented
a fundamentally greater threat than did the handful of Soviet conventional submarinesthat patrolled the Mediterranean in the 1950s. Soviet SSNs were armed with SS-N-3A(“Shaddock”) ASCMs with a range of 250 nm, whereas the Sixth Fleet’s carrier battlegroup defense perimeter extended only some hundred nautical miles from the carrier.
Yet while Soviet submarines appeared to have the advantage in strike range, they had a“scouting problem:” finding and identifying their targets while avoiding being detected
themselves.
Despite the Soviet SSN scouting problem, it was clear the Haystack concept of defending the carriers was, by itself, no longer sufficient. The U.S. Pacific Fleet took the leadin addressing the challenge through a series of exercises known as UPTIDE (Unified
Pacific Fleet Project for Tactical Improvement and Data Extraction). As with Haystack,
UPDTIDE’s objective was to exploit the Soviet SSNs’ scouting problem rather thanattempting to engage and destroy them. Put another way, the measure of effectiveness(MOE) employed by the U.S. fleet was to reduce the Soviet SSNs’ detection rate ofAmerican surface ships—the carriers in particular. This indirect approach was seen as
the best way to counter the threat of Soviet submarine missile and torpedo attacks. To
accomplish this, the fleet emphasized acoustic deception.
The U.S. Navy conducted Project UPTIDE in three phases from 1969 to 1972. The firsttwo phases pitted an aircraft carrier and its associated aircraft and a destroyer squadron
against a combined force of nuclear and conventional submarines. The final iteration,
Phase III, introduced additional capabilities for both sides. The battle group received

83

Operating among the Aegean islands proved more of a hindrance to the fleet than to “enemy” aircraft. This
was likely due to the limited operating areas, navigation hazards, and many coastal vessels in the area.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

44

land-based patrol aircraft, towed passive sonar arrays, and helicopter-equipped destroyers, while its “enemy” received integrated surface, subsurface, and air forces. As with
Haystack, UPTIDE’s Phase I set the time to detection as the metric for success. It established a baseline of nine hours, on average, before a carrier was located and engaged.
New forces and tactics employed in Phase II enabled the fleet to lengthen this period toseven full days by employing dispersion, acoustic and electromagnetic emission control,
and active acoustic deception techniques.
The results of the first Phase II exercise, which lasted seven days, were striking. The carrier avoided all efforts to detect it. A new acoustic deception device introduced during
the second exercise proved effective, and enabled the carrier to survive undetected foreighty-seven hours despite the “enemy’s” efforts to apply “lessons learned” from its
experience in the earlier exercises. During the fourth exercise the U.S. Navy reverted to
its “standard” tactics to reestablish a baseline between it and the gains made in Phase I
of UPTIDE. The aggressor force detected the carrier within five hours.
The final phase, Phase III, introduced a new metric: miles safely traveled. The resultsof Phase III were impressive: acoustic deception devices coupled with UPTIDE tactics enabled the carrier to avoid detection except when many of the acoustic deception
devices broke down.84
Like the Haystack exercises before it, and like the series of Fleet Problems conducted
between the world wars, the UPTIDE series enabled the U.S. Navy to adapt and, in somecases, radically transform its methods of operation to address an emerging challenge toits dominant maritime position.85
One of the biggest challenges confronting the U.S. Navy during both the Haystack and
UPTIDE exercises centered on commanding and controlling widely dispersed forces
operating under EMCON. Although workarounds were identified, such as communicating with signals, using aircraft to carry messages, and relying on line-of-sightultra-high-frequency (UHF) transmissions, these alternatives often delayed communi-

84

Angevine, “Hiding in Plain Sight,” p. 88.

85

The U.S. Navy continued to build on the findings of Haystack and UPTIDE, through exercises and wargames. See, for example, James F. Murphy, Report of War Game IV: Cover and Deception (Arlington,
VA: Office of Naval Research, July 1977). The game, a Pacific scenario involving five U.S. carrier task
groups against Soviet forces in East Asia, was conducted in two phases—Seadog I and Seadog II. The results confirmed the growing importance of cover and deception. They found that, “The decoys, assumed
to be functioning, reliable, and correctly manned, helped the users significantly. In no excursion, did
any task group with the devices suffer damage to its carrier,” [emphasis in the original]. Experiments
and exercises focusing on detection avoidance continued until the Cold War’s end. In 1986, for example,
the U.S. carrier Ranger battle group steamed from San Diego to the Western Pacific under EMCON,
while successfully avoiding detection by Soviet forces. Later that year, in August and September the
carrier Carl Vinson steamed through Japanese waters, the North Pacific, the Bering Sea, the Sea of
Okhotsk, and the Sea of Japan/East Sea while also avoiding detection by the Soviets. Edward J. Marolda, Ready Seapower: A History of the U.S. Seventh Fleet (Washington, DC: Naval History & Heritage
Command, 2012), p. 96.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

45

cations, necessitating extensive pre-exercise planning. This planning enabled the fleet
to maintain radio silence when necessary as directions and movements had been predetermined. It also reduced commanders’ abilities to alter their plans to better fit thesituation. Moreover, to the extent the fleet has come to rely on a battle network for its
effective operation, EMCON may be a losing proposition over the long term unless new
forms of secure communication (e.g., laser communications) can be fielded.
Haystack and UPTIDE focused on the challenge of surface naval forces operating in a
progressively more hostile environment enabled by advances in extended-range scouting and strike forces. In so doing, they offer insights on the character of the competition
in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. Although the maritime competition’s
character may change over time, a fundamental challenge—particularly for surface warships—remains the same: How can naval forces conduct effective operations while dispersing widely and minimizing communications to avoid detection and attack? Under
EMCON, information exchange is inherently inefficient but other communication
methods may be employed to mitigate the problem.86 Most important, however, is that
faced with an increasingly non-permissive environment, the fleet preserved its ability
to execute its mission with respect to carrier strike operations. Its ability to sustain thiscapability in a mature maritime precision-strike regime may depend a great deal on its
willingness to persistently engage in the kind of thinking and experimentation characterized by Haystack and UPTIDE.
One key to operating surface ships effectively in a mature maritime precision-strike
regime may require adapting the methods used by the Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean
as a point of departure. In wartime a surface fleet may spend most of its time operating outside the enemy’s A2/AD maritime systems, conducting periodic short-duration
dashes inside the A2/AD perimeter to launch strikes and execute other missions. If
this is the case, then the MOEs chosen by the U.S. Navy as indicators of success in its
planned operations in the Eastern Mediterranean may be relevant in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime. One of the two dominant metrics is the length of time a surface
strike system can operate within the enemy’s A2/AD defenses before detection. This
assumes that the combination of high-speed, precision-guided enemy missile forces
and the absence of effective missile defenses creates a situation where to be seen is tobe subjected to disabling attack. The second metric, miles steamed before detection, islikely the preferred metric, as the maritime surface strike platforms will need to move
within range of their targets, and thus transit a certain distance to do so. Moreover, thegreater the distance that can be traveled within an enemy’s A2/AD zone, the greater the86

Ships operating under total EMCON can receive communications without revealing their location. For
example, U.S. carrier strike groups sometimes operate this way, employing their E-2D airborne early
warning aircraft, both to operate its radar and to transmit information. Over time a fleet may be able toexploit advances in aerostats, unmanned aerial vehicles, and laser communications to transmit priority
information in sufficient quantity and at the necessary speed to accomplish the mission while denying
the enemy a scouting advantage.

Although themaritime competition’s
character may
change over time,a fundamental
challenge—particularly
for surface warships—
remains the same:
How can naval forces
conduct effective
operations while
dispersing widelyand minimizing
communications
to avoid detection
and attack?

46

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessmentsarea that can be subjected to maritime strikes. This suggests that distance traveled (or“depth of penetration”) into the enemy’s A2/AD zone may be a more useful MOE thantime spent within it. Of course, the longer the range of the strike elements (i.e., aircraft
and missiles) on U.S. surface warships, the less time or distance these ships will haveto transit in order to accomplish their missions.
Another insight derived from the Haystack and UPTIDE efforts is the importance ofship “signatures” in the hider-finder competition. A ship’s radiated signature can be
described as a set of signals, usually electromagnetic or acoustic, generated by a source(the ship or, in the case of a carrier, its aircraft as well). These signals can be emitted
unintentionally, such as noise onboard, or intentionally, such as sonar pings, radarenergy, or radio communications. Prospective adversaries can collect these signals passively to locate and track ships. In addition, both passive sensors (such as visual andinfrared) and active sensors (such as radar) can detect the ship and its wake.87

Given theplethora of waysthat maritime
combatants can
now be detected,
the “finder” seems
to have the upper
hand in thecompetition relative
to the “hider.”With this information, an opponent can determine not only the type of ship, but often
its speed and direction as well. If, in a mature maritime precision-strike regime, thesuccess of a mission depends heavily on the ability to avoid detection, reducing ship
signature is critical. Given the plethora of ways that maritime combatants can now be
detected (e.g., from space, manned and unmanned aircraft, underwater sensors, andshore-based over-the-horizon radars), the “finder” seems to have the upper hand in
the competition relative to the “hider” (the surface ship). To reduce some of the “finder’s” advantage, a maritime force might profitably experiment with various methods of“hiding” its fleet’s signature. Drawing on the insights of the UPTIDE project, the fleet
may consider employing active jamming and deception to delay or completely preventthe detection of its surface ships. As the U.S. Navy’s experience with the Soviet threat
indicates, such efforts would not be new, as they were commonplace for the fleet in thelatter stages of the Cold War. What appears likely is the reemergence of these kinds ofoperations, though on a more sophisticated level, with the rise of a mature maritime
precision-strike regime.
In addition to exploring sophisticated solutions to the problem of masking surface ship
signatures, navies might also consider low-tech options, including constructing smaller
surface vessels. While carriers possess the U.S. fleet’s greatest combat potential, unlessthe range at which they can project that potential increases dramatically, thanks inlarge part to their enormous size (both the Nimitz and Ford classes of carriers have adisplacement of roughly 100,000 tons) they will run a relatively high risk of detection
and destruction in a mature maritime precision-strike regime.

87“Signatures and Silencing: An Overview,” Global Security, available at http://www.globalsecurity.org/
military/library/report/2002/mil-02-03-wavelengths01.htm, accessed on December 21, 2012.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

47

Depending on the level of risk one is willing to accept, however, a combination ofsmaller surface platforms armed with missiles whose range greatly exceeds those ofcarrier-borne aircraft may be an attractive proposition for a fleet in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. During the interwar period, for instance, carriers wereable to conduct effective strikes at ranges far greater than could the other ships in theorder of battle. The advent of the missile age, particularly the rise of precision-guided
missiles, however, has significantly altered—if not reversed—the situation: some missiles can now outrange the aircraft on today’s American carriers. Moreover, as longas submarines retain their relatively high level of stealth, their ability to penetrate an
enemy’s A2/AD defenses to launch attacks will enable them to employ relatively shortrange (and inexpensive) missiles.
These conditions appear likely to persist over the foreseeable future, especially withrespect to manned aircraft.88 Thus it may be that relatively greater emphasis may need
to be accorded to increasing the range of carrier scouting and strike systems and tomaritime missile forces—particularly those deployed on undersea platforms—than has
heretofore been the case. This suggests that further conceptual development and experimentation with respect to the fundamental design of fleets may be in order.89

The Outer Air Battle
Competition in the North Atlantic
The Cold War competition between U.S. and Soviet maritime forces was not limited to
the Mediterranean or Soviet efforts to preclude U.S. Navy carrier strike operations. The
two superpowers engaged in vigorous competition in undersea warfare, nuclear strike
operations, and commerce raiding. A key element of this maritime competition centered on the United States’ need, in the event of war, to ship reinforcements to Europe
across the Atlantic.90
Recognizing the importance of U.S. reinforcements to the NATO-Warsaw Pact militarybalance, the Soviets sought to enhance their sea-denial capabilities beyond the Greenland-Iceland-United Kingdom (GIUK) line into the North Atlantic Ocean. Toward thisend, the progressive buildup of Soviet maritime forces that transformed the competitive88

The range of at least some anti-ship ballistic and cruise missiles will likely continue to exceed that of carrier-based manned aircraft for the foreseeable future. Whether the same situation is true for unmannedsystems, however, remains to be seen. Of course, missiles can also be fired from platforms other thansurface ships, including submarines, aircraft, and locations ashore.

89

For an example of this kind of conceptual development, see Hughes, Fleet Tactics and Coastal Combat,
pp. 266–309.

90

See Jeffrey I. Sands, On His Watch: Admiral Zumwalt’s Attempts to Institutionalize Strategic Change(Alexandria, VA: Center for Naval Analyses, 1993), pp. 11–18.

Depending on
the level of risk
one is willing toaccept, however,a combination ofsmaller surface
platforms armed
with missiles whose
range greatly
exceeds thoseof carrier-borne
aircraft may be
an attractive
proposition for a
fleet in a mature
maritime precisionstrike regime.

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Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

environment in the Mediterranean during the 1950s had, by the 1970s, enabled the Red
Navy to pose a serious threat to U.S. shipping in the Atlantic. Not only was Moscow’s fleet
substantially larger than its 1950s incarnation, but more technologically advanced as well.
The basic character of the maritime competition between the Soviet Union and theUnited States in the Atlantic centered on U.S. Navy planning to operate its carrier battlegroups forward, with the Soviet Navy and naval air forces attempting to stop themthrough a combination of wide-area sensors for cueing and vectored conventional (and,potentially, nuclear) armed ASCMs. The conventional wisdom held that whichever side
won “the battle of the opening salvo” would gain a significant advantage. Both sides also
understood that winning the scouting competition would be essential to winning thebattle of the opening salvo.
The Soviets Look to Create a Maritime No Man’s Land
With that in mind, the Soviets went to work in building a battle network that would
enable them to create a maritime no man’s land not only in the Arctic Ocean north of the
GIUK line, but into the North Atlantic as well. Reflecting the dynamic character of themaritime competition between the two superpowers, the Soviets sought to overcome
the problems posed to their scouting efforts through the U.S. Navy’s use of EMCON,
decoys, and other tactics developed through the Haystack and UPTIDE exercises tofrustrate Soviet passive detection efforts.
By the 1970s, the characteristics of this competition had evolved substantially, with anincreasing reliance on satellites for wide-area surveillance and communications, andan emphasis on compressing the time between “sensor and shooter,” that is, between
the time a target is detected and the time that information reaches the maritime force’s
strike element. The Soviets responded to the U.S. Navy’s efforts at EMCON and its shift
to satellite communications91 by developing active and passive space-based wide-areacueing, known as the Radar Ocean Reconnaissance Satellite (RORSAT) and the ELINT
Ocean Reconnaissance Satellite (EORSAT). EORSAT provided the Soviets with an
adjunct to their land-based direction-finding systems that could detect a broader rangeof emissions. Relying on satellites also meant that there would be periodic gaps in the91

As noted earlier, Haystack and UPTIDE had shown that by maintaining strict EMCON, carriers could
evade detection for days at a time. However, when radios, and particularly HF communications, wereused, the carriers became highly vulnerable to being located by Soviet surface vessels (known as “tattletales”) or by land-based bombers. Over time the lack of HF communication hampered the U.S. fleet’scommand and control, particularly as the threat of ASCMs with tactical nuclear warheads pushed surface forces into increasingly dispersed formations. The fleet’s dispersion, combined with limits on early
warning radar emissions, created potential gaps in coverage, leaving the fleet even more vulnerable. To
mitigate the problem, the U.S. Navy looked to space. In the 1960s, the Navy began to develop shipboard
satellite communications through the Defense Satellite Communications System (DSCS) and the Fleet
Satellite Communications System (FLTSATCOM). By the 1970s, work had progressed sufficiently toenable the fleet to reduce its dependence on HF communications, as the narrow-band UHF communications with satellites were far more difficult to intercept.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

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coverage over areas of interest, such as the North Atlantic. Given the satellites’ predictable orbits, the U.S. fleet could employ EMCOM when EORSATs were overhead. EachRORSAT, on the other hand, used a small onboard nuclear reactor to power a synthetic
aperture radar array to identify surface warships. Although RORSAT did not rely on aship’s emissions for detection, it too suffered from gaps in its coverage. These gaps weremade worse by the satellite having to operate in very low orbit. This significantly limited
both the RORSAT constellation’s coverage area and its satellites’ operational lifespans,
which were measured in days.92
In addition to these satellite constellations, the Red Navy’s scouting efforts were
supported by the Soviet Ocean Surveillance System (SOSS), which used radio direction-finding for wide-area surveillance to cue its interception forces. Despite their limitations, these satellites—in conjunction with the rest of the SOSS—provided the Soviets
with sufficient wide-area cueing for surface targets at long range without the use ofhigh-frequency direction finding (HF/DF). Combined with radar targeting data provided by Soviet Tu-95R and Tu-22R reconnaissance aircraft, this scouting architecture
enabled the Soviet Navy and naval aviation forces to attack the carriers at significantly
greater ranges than had previously been possible in the North Atlantic.
As for the “shooters,” the Soviets introduced the long-range, supersonic Tu-22M “Backfire” bomber and the Kh-22 (designated by NATO as the AS-4) and Kh-15 (AS-16)
long-range supersonic ASCMs.93 The combination of the bombers’ range along withthe extended ranges of their ASCMs enabled the Soviets to orient forces rapidly basedon cueing data and strike extended ranges beyond the U.S. Navy’s existing combat air
patrol (CAP) defending the carrier. In brief, the Soviets were looking to gain the upper
hand in the scouting competition and, in so doing, enable their strike forces to engage
the U.S. fleet—its carriers in particular—by launching their ASCMs outside the rangeof its defenses. This last factor was critical. Although the U.S. Navy had enhanced its
defenses by developing the Aegis Combat System and the Close-In Weapons System,
their ability to intercept significant numbers of Kh-22s or Kh-15s remained limited. Putanother way, modern scouting forces and cruise missiles were shifting the balance that
had favored the defense at Okinawa back to the offense.

92

While the Soviets had difficulty maintaining persistent broad-area RORSAT coverage, it was believedthat in a crisis or in preparing for war they would have launched additional RORSAT satellites. See Norman Friedman, Seapower and Space: From the Dawn of the Missile Age to Network-Centric Warfare(Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2000), p. 196.

93

These missiles traveled at extremely high speeds—the Kh-15 was capable of achieving a terminal speedof approximately Mach 5. Also, the accuracy of the missiles’ targeting data and their inertial guidancesystems meant that they did not need to use their terminal seekers until very late in their approach to
the target, which made jamming less effective as a means of defense. Additionally, some variants of the
Kh-15 had antiradiation seekers designed to target the radars on the carriers.

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50

Shooting the Archer
The U.S. Navy had been grappling with defending the fleet from air-launched ASCMs
since the 1950s. This included incrementally improving the range of its surface andairborne radars, increasing the effectiveness of the CAP and pushing it a greater distance from the carrier, and liberally using decoys and deception. Yet the Soviet effort
to create a maritime no man’s land rendered these efforts inadequate. Consequently,
the U.S. Navy decided to alter its approach to the competition. Rather than attempting
to persist in an unfavorable competition—defending itself against ASCM attacks—the
U.S. fleet would focus its efforts on attacking the Backfire bombers themselves. In Navyparlance this became known as “shooting the archers, not the arrows.” Not only wasit easier to hit the much larger and relatively slower bomber, but shooting down one
bomber also eliminated multiple ASCMs and valuable crew. If successful, what became
known as the Outer Air Battle would both protect the carrier battle group and cripple
the striking power of Soviet naval aviation, thereby restoring the fleet’s freedom of
maneuver (see Figure 3).
This was easier said than done. The arrival in the fleet of the F-14 Tomcat and the longrange AIM-94 Phoenix missile in the 1970s gave the carrier battle group the theoreticalability to intercept aircraft as far as 600 nm from the carrier.94 At this range, however,
the CAP of F-14s would have little time on station. The Navy’s tactical solution wasreferred to colloquially as “the chainsaw” (see Figure 4). It called for the carrier’s F-14s
to fly near the limit of their combat range before turning back or rendezvousing with
an aerial tanker orbit to be refueled, then pushing out again in a constant cycle.95 Upon
inspection, this tactic was incredibly resource-intensive, as it required arranging thecarrier and its entire air wing to support Outer Air Battle operations. The result was tocreate a kind of “self-licking ice cream cone,” where the carrier’s sole purpose was todefend itself. According to Norman Friedman,
By 1982 it was possible to envisage Outer Air Battle tactics using the F-14s, but
it was clear that they would be difficult to carry out. It would take hours to configure a carrier’s aircraft to support the Outer Air Battle; for example, the carrier would not be able to conduct air strikes (among other things, all her tankers
would be occupied supporting F-14s on distant CAP stations). Even so, theOuter Air Battle stations could not be maintained for long. Moreover, muchdepended on estimating the direction from which the raid would approach.96

94

This is the combined combat radius of the F-14 and the maximum range of the AIM-94. Robert Work andThomas Ehrhard suggest that the F-14/Phoenix combination was not stretched this far with, “F-14 CAP(s) out
to 400 nm from the carrier, allowing missile engagements out to 500 nm.” Thomas P. Ehrhard and Robert O.
Work, Range, Persistence, Stealth, and Networking: The Case for a Carrier-Based Unmanned Combat Air
System (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2008), p. 88.

95

Conversation with Captain (U.S. Navy, retired) Jan van Tol, March 15, 2014.

96

Friedman, Seapower and Space, p. 238–39.

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FIGURE 3: THE OUTER AIR BATTLE OF THE 1980s

FIGURE 4: THE OUTER AIR BATTLE AND THE "CHAINSAW"

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52

Friedman’s last point demands explanation. Simply put, even the “chainsaw” tactic would
require the fleet to make a difficult choice as to where to allocate its aircraft. In order tocounter a major Soviet attack, the carrier’s strike aircraft would need to mass at the pointof attack. But where was the point of attack? The range at which the F-14s were expected
to operate would be well beyond the sensor range of the battle group’s E-2 aircraft, its
primary long-range sensor. Making matters worse, the Backfires, with their long range
and high supersonic dash speed, expanded the Soviet’s possible attack approaches, taking
indirect, unexpected azimuths of attack while still reaching their ASCM launching point(between 150 nm for the Kh-15s or 250 nm or more for the Kh-22s) before the carrier’s
interceptors could respond.97 The Outer Air Battle would therefore require sensors capable of detecting the approach of Backfires at the earliest possible moment. This meant the
U.S. Navy would need to compete with its Soviet counterpart into wide-area over-thehorizon cueing to win the all-important scouting battle.
The Navy had made some forays into space-based ISR over the preceding decades withthe canceled Clipper Bow space radar and the White Cloud ELINT system, but the Outer
Air Battle was going to require a system capable of persistent coverage of key areas suchas the Kola Peninsula. Despite increased funding for the Navy, Secretary John Lehman
decided that a Navy space radar to support the Outer Air Battle would be too expensive, and instead decided to install ground-based Re-locatable Over the Horizon Radar(ROTHR) stations in Scotland and the Aleutian Islands.98 The ROTHR could provide
a rough track of the Backfires once they were airborne, but the battle groups required
even more warning.
Fortunately for the Navy, the Defense Support Program (DSP) had a geostationary satellite constellation designed to detect Soviet missile launches from space using sensitive
infrared sensors. These satellites could also detect afterburning Backfire engines, which
the DSP had come to refer to as “slow walkers.” The name stuck, and the Slow Walker
program began feeding its information to the fleet through the Slow Walker Reporting
System.99 This information, combined with tracks from the ROTHR, would be fed into
the battle group’s Tactical Flag Command Center (TFCC), correlated with other data
sources, and used to vector the battle group’s F-14s to meet the incoming Backfires.
This information could also be passed between the carrier, the E-2s, and the F-14s via
the Joint Tactical Information Distribution System (JTIDS, Link-16). The responsiveness and total system speed of this battle network—consisting of ROTHR, Slow Walker,
TFCC, JTIDS, E-2s, F-14s (and their sensors), and AIM-94s (and their terminal sensors),
as well as the personnel operating these systems—were absolutely critical.

97

Ibid., p. 169.

98

Ibid., p. 239.

99

As opposed to satellites, which they called “fast walkers.” Ibid., p. 242; and Friedman, Network-CentricWarfare: How Navies Learned to Fight Smarter through Three World Wars, p. 215; and Jeffrey T.
Richelson, America’s Space Sentinels: DSP Satellites and National Security (Lawrence, KS: Universityof Kansas, 1999), pp. 104–6.

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EndgameBy the mid-1980s, the U.S. and Soviet navies had developed two superficially similar
approaches to finding, fixing, and striking mobile targets over long ranges on or above
the open ocean. These two battle networks never interacted during combat; therefore
it is difficult to ascertain which side would have “won” if the Outer Air Battle had been
put to the test. From the strategic perspective of the United States, the Outer Air Battle
could be considered a success in that it was part of a larger, more aggressive military
strategy that applied pressure to the ailing Soviet system. Although these two networks
did not clash during war, the nature of their peacetime competition and development
suggest some interesting insights for the maritime warfare precision-strike regime, as
will be elaborated upon presently.

Case Study: The Falklands War
On April 2, 1982, Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands, seeking to resolve in its favora 150-year territorial dispute with Great Britain. The military junta ruling Argentina at
the time believed the British would not respond militarily.100 They were mistaken.
In an operation code-named “Corporate,” British forces mobilized to retake the Falklands. By April 12 there were over one hundred British ships en route to the islands.
A few days later the majority of the force converged at Ascension Island, the halfway
point between Britain and the Falklands. This task force consisted of two small aircraft
carriers; three modern destroyers; three modern frigates; six submarines, of which
three were nuclear-powered; and numerous other destroyers, frigates, and transport
ships.101 The Royal Navy, however, was hardly optimized to conduct operations close
to a country possessing a substantial land-based air arm. Influenced by thirty years ofCold War, the British maritime force had been shaped to counter the Soviet maritime
threat, which, at the time, was principally centered on the Red Navy’s submarine fleet.
Argentina, on the other hand, looked to present the Royal Navy with a difficult challenge.
The Argentine air force represented a seemingly formidable foe, counting over one
hundred fighter jets in its inventory, including Mirage III interceptors, Israeli-madeMirage 5 fighters (Daggers), American-made A-4 Skyhawks, and French-built Super
Étendards.102 The Argentines also possessed a substantial number of missiles, although
apart from some Étendards equipped with the French-built, radar-homing, sea-skim-

100

Harry D. Train, “An Analysis of the Falkland/Malvinas Islands Campaign,” Naval War College Review,
41, No. 1, Winter 1988, p. 36.

101

Max Hastings and Simon Jenkins, The Battle for the Falklands (New York: W. W. Norton & Company,
1983), p. 83. The two aircraft carriers were the Invincible and the Hermes; the three Type 42 destroyers
were the Coventry, the Glasgow, and the Sheffield; and the three Type 22 frigates were the Battleaxe,
the Broadsword, and the Brilliant.

102

James S. Corum, “Argentine Airpower in the Falklands War: An Operational View,” Air & Space Power
Journal, 16, No. 3, Fall 2002, p. 3.

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Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

ming, Exocet anti-ship missiles, few were precision guided. Thus the Argentine air force
was constrained in its ability to execute precision attacks, relying instead primarily on
unguided “dumb” bombs in its strike operations. Moreover, to conduct operations aroundthe Falklands its aircraft would have to operate at the limits of their combat ranges.103
In some respects the situation resembled Britain’s experience in the Mediterranean
theater during World War II, especially in its defense against the German airborne
assault on Crete, and the U.S. Navy’s experience at Okinawa. In both cases the enemy’s
scouting problem was greatly eased by the presence of an island that was the objectiveof a major operation. The Germans knew the Royal Navy would have to concentrate its
fleet near Crete to oppose its assault, just as the Japanese knew the Americans had toconcentrate their fleet in order to assault Okinawa. Similarly the Argentines were confident the British would need to concentrate their forces near the Falklands, effectively
denying the Royal Navy the ability to exploit the “scouting problem” to its advantage.
Having declared a 200-mile maritime exclusion zone around the Falklands on April
7, the Royal Navy employed its three SSNs to enforce it. Once these submarines werein position, the British planned to establish air and sea superiority, rolling back any
Argentine maritime defenses, thereby laying the groundwork for an amphibious assault
to retake the islands.
As noted above, out of necessity dumb iron bombs dropped by low-flying, fast aircraft
were the Argentines’ weapons of choice. They enjoyed some success, sinking more ships
through these means than by employing the more sophisticated Exocet missiles. Again,
this was due in large measure to the fact that the Argentines had a very small inventory of
Exocets—fewer than ten—and similarly few delivery platforms capable of carrying them.104
Nevertheless, the handful of Exocets was able to greatly disrupt and complicate British
planning. Unsure of how many Exocets the Argentines possessed, the British had toprepare their defenses accordingly. In reality, however, rather than confronting a formidable threat like the German Luftwaffe in the Mediterranean, the Royal Navy was
now facing a much inferior adversary with an almost insignificant missile inventory andan obsolescent (by NATO standards) navy.
In fact, it was the British, not the Argentines, who first employed air-to-surface missiles (ASMs). On May 3, 1982, two British Lynx helicopters from HMS Coventry and
HMS Glasgow attacked the Argentine patrol boats Alférez Sobral and Somellera.105 The
helicopters were equipped with the untested Sea Skua missiles that had been hastily
installed on them as the task force sailed south from Ascension Island. Each helicopter

103

The distance between the Argentine mainland and the Falklands is roughly 400 miles.

104

France cooperated with British efforts to deny Argentina from acquiring any more Exocets on theworld’s arm market and also advised the British on ways to counter the missiles.

105

Hastings and Jenkins, The Battle for the Falklands, p. 151.

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fired two missiles at the patrol boats, sinking the Somellera and inflicting heavy damageon the Alférez Sobral.
The British fleet’s defenses were somewhat similar to those employed by the U.S. fleet
at Okinawa. The Royal Navy employed a layered approach made up of a series of fiveconcentric rings with the aircraft carriers and amphibious assault ships at the center.
Moving outward, the second ring consisted of Type 22 frigates, with older ASW destroyers and frigates beyond them in the third ring. The fourth ring included the newer Type42 destroyers armed with the Sea Dart air defense system, which were capable of intercepting missiles. Like the picket line of U.S. Navy destroyers at Okinawa, these ships
stood to take the most damage. Beyond them were Harrier aircraft.
The Royal Navy’s first major loss occurred when the HMS Sheffield, one of Britain’s
three modern Type 42 destroyers, was sunk. On the morning of May 4, two Argentine
Super Étendards each fired an Exocet missile at the British fleet, hoping to hit one of
the two aircraft carriers. One missile, fired from point-blank range (around six miles),managed to hit the Sheffield but failed to detonate.106 The impact of the blast, however,was powerful enough to ignite a fire, ultimately forcing the crew to abandon ship.107 Dueto the lack of early warning, the Sheffield did not take any countermeasures against theincoming Exocets. Moreover, Type 42 destroyers were only equipped with the Sea Dart,
which, while it did post a few kills against low-flyers, was supported by an old Type 965
radar that had trouble picking up low-flying aircraft.108

106

Ibid., p. 153.

107

The other missile failed to acquire a target.

108

Hastings and Jenkins, The Battle for the Falklands, p. 152.

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FIGURE 5: ROYAL NAVY LOSSES IN THE FALKLANDS(Ships underlined were lost to ASCMs)

Another major event involving the use of Exocet missiles led to the sinking of theAtlantic Conveyer, a British merchant navy ship requisitioned during the war. On May
25, the Argentinians launched a major air assault against the British naval force guarding the entrance to the Falkland Sound near San Carlos where the British had madetheir amphibious landing a few days earlier. Flying A-4 Skyhawks and Super Étendards,
the Argentinians hoped to deal a devastating blow to the Royal Navy by sinking one orboth of its aircraft carriers. While the Skyhawks attacked the picket ships, the Étendards
penetrated the outer layers of the defense in attempting to strike the main British fleet.
At first sight of a large target, the HMS Ambuscade, the two Argentine pilots each
fired one Exocet missile. Detecting the incoming Exocet before impact, the crew of the
Ambuscade fired off chaff radar decoys, which diverted the missiles. Unfortunately, theExocets then acquired a new target—the defenseless Atlantic Conveyer.109 One of the
Exocets hit the ship, causing extensive damage, including the destruction of most of its
cargo of eleven helicopters and fourteen aircraft, and in so doing significantly compromising British plans for the land campaign.110

109

Hughes, Fleet Tactics and Coastal Combat, p. 153.

110

Hastings and Jenkins, The Battle for the Falklands, p. 227.

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The last Argentinian air-launched Exocet missile was fired on May 30 when an Argentine Étendard attacked British ships, including the HMS Avenger. In a remarkably quick
response, the Avenger shot down the missile with its 4.5-inch gun, thus rendering theattack unsuccessful. Having exhausted its supply of air-launched Exocets, the Argentine
Air Force was without its most formidable weapon for the remainder of the war.
In addition to air-launched Exocet missiles, the Argentinians had two shore-based Exocets, firing one at the HMS Glamorgan on the morning of June 11. The Exocet detonatednear the helicopter hangar, killing thirteen sailors and wounding many others. The
damage to the ship, however, was minimal and within thirty-six hours the Glamorgan
was back in action. A few days later, on June 14, 1982, the Argentinians surrendered.
As with the other case studies, any conclusions drawn from the Falklands War regarding the maritime competition should be qualified. Although the Royal Navy was still asignificant maritime force at the time, it was hardly a maritime power of the first rank,
whereas its opponent, Argentina, barely registered on the scale.
Caveats aside, there are a number of important insights that may be derived from the
Falklands War. First, while the Argentines’ Exocet ASCMs inflicted a remarkable levelof damage on Royal Navy ships, their effectiveness was aided significantly by the particularly favorable circumstances in which they were employed. The Argentines’ scouting
problem could have been far worse than it was.111 The situation for the Argentinians
was enhanced considerably by their knowledge that the British had to concentrate theirfleet near the Falklands. The absence of integrated British air defenses also worked in
the favor of the Argentine Exocets.112 This suggests that the Argentine military might
have been able to greatly enhance its performance if it had given priority to improving
its scouting forces and to investing in a large ASCM arsenal prior to the conflict. While
the Argentine air force inflicted more damage on British ships with unguided bombs
than ASCMs, it suffered catastrophic losses in the course of doing so.113 Thus the shiftthat occurred in 1943–44 in which air defenses seized the advantage in the maritime
competition was sustained in the Falklands War. Yet in both cases—the United Statesagainst Japan and Great Britain against Argentina—the defenders faced adversaries
who were significantly weaker than they. Moreover, missile forces, either in the formof the Exocets or Japan’s kamikazes, stressed fleet defenses, even when employed by
the weaker side. In situations where the rivals were comparable (Great Britain against
Germany and Italy in the Mediterranean during World War II and the United Statesagainst the Soviet Union during the Cold War), the offense appears to have enjoyed the111

The official British history of the war finds that Argentina’s “reconnaissance effort continued to be frustrating: they could find neither the carrier battle group nor the amphibious force and were having difficulty with the serviceability of their surveillance aircraft.” Lawrence Freedman, The Official History of
the Falklands Campaign, Volume 2: War and Diplomacy (London: Routledge, 2005), pp. 264–65.

112

Wayne P. Hughes, Jr., Fleet Tactics: Theory and Practice (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1986), p. 7.

113

Hughes, Fleet Tactics and Coastal Combat, pp. 154–55.

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Nearly lost amid
growing concerns
over the majorchanges nuclearpowered submarines
and anti-ship
cruise missiles
were imposing
on the maritime
competition was thegrowing importanceof anti-ship mines,
even though mines
have exerted asignificant andgrowing influenceon war at sea forover a century.

upper hand. Finally, this case study reinforces the assessment that the principal threat
to surface warships has long since ceased to be other surface warships, but rather submarines and aircraft, in this case aircraft armed with missiles.

Case Study: The First Gulf War and Mines
We have lost control of the seas to a nation without a navy, using pre-World War I
weapons, laid by vessels that were utilized at the time of the birth of Christ.
Rear Admiral Allen E. Smith114
Nearly lost amid growing concerns over the major changes nuclear-powered submarines and anti-ship cruise missiles were imposing on the maritime competition was thegrowing importance of anti-ship mines, even though mines have exerted a significant
and growing influence on war at sea for over a century. For example, at the turn of thetwentieth century mines played a significant role in convincing the Royal Navy that its
preferred close-blockade operation was no longer viable. During World War I, Turkish
mines in the Dardanelles stopped the initial British and French attempts to force thestrait in February 1915. During World War II, mine belts stretching from Sicily to North
Africa exacerbated British efforts to operate in the Central Mediterranean Sea. The only
four U.S. naval vessels sunk during the Korean War were the result of enemy mines.115
When it undertook tanker escort operations in the Persian Gulf in 1988 during the IranIraq War, the U.S. Navy frigate Samuel Roberts suffered over $100 million in damage
when it struck a mine employing a design dating back to World War I.116
The advent of sophisticated countermine operations, however, has done little to diminish
the advantages of mines. During the First Gulf War, two U.S. Navy warships—the USS
Princeton and USS Tripoli—struck mines despite extensive mine reconnaissance operations both prior to the war’s outbreak and during the war.117 The U.S. Navy intended tomap these minefields and avoid them when conducting maritime operations, including
a possible amphibious assault, but was unable to do so. In the two decades since, the U.S.

114

Tamara Moser Melia, “Damn the Torpedoes”: A Short History of U.S. Naval Mine Countermeasures,
1777–1991, Contributions to Naval History, No. 4 (Washington DC: Naval Historical Center, 1991), p.
76, cited in Truver, “Taking Mines Seriously,” pp. 30–31. Admiral Smith was referring to the laying ofmines by North Korean forces during the Korean War.

115

Edward J. Marolda, “Mine Warfare,” Naval History & Heritage Command, available at http://www.
history.navy.mil/wars/korea/minewar.htm, accessed on December 21, 2012. During the war, UN minecountermeasure forces constituted only 2 percent of its naval forces, but suffered 20 percent of thecasualties. Truver, “Taking Mines Seriously,” p. 31.

116

Truver, “Taking Mines Seriously,” p. 31.

117

All but four of the eighteen U.S. ships sunk or damaged by enemy ordnance since World War II havebeen the result of mines. U.S. Navy Department, 21st Century U.S. Navy Mine Warfare: Ensuring
Global Access and Commerce (Washington, DC: PEO LMW/N85, June 2009), pp. 7–8. The Princeton,
an Aegis cruiser, suffered a “mission kill” from a multiple-influence mine that cost roughly $25,000.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

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Navy appears to have made little progress in addressing this challenge. Although China,
Italy, and Russia sell such advanced mines on the open market, and there are concernsthat buyers may have further modified these mines to enhance their effectiveness, theU.S. Navy has traditionally viewed countermine operations as “an inconvenience, or inmany cases ignored [them] during fleet exercises and routine deployments.”118
The lessons to be derived from mine warfare are less about U.S. losses in the First Gulf
War than about the progression of mine technology over the course of the last century or
so, and the successful use of mines in littoral waters to impose substantial costs on surface
warships. Modern mines are far more sophisticated than those that inflicted damage on
the world’s most advanced navy in 1991.119 Over time it seems increasingly likely that thedistinction between mines and UUVs will blur, making mines even more formidable. At
the same time, the cost of the most advanced “smart” mines is only a small fraction ofthat for a modern warship. This suggests that mines will become an increasingly important part of a maritime competitor’s A2/AD force, particularly if they can be emplaced indeep waters or move either continuously or periodically. Either approach would severelycomplicate minesweeping operations.

The Changing Maritime Geography: Undersea Economic Infrastructure
The Admiralty should never engage itself to lock up a single vessel even—not even a
torpedo boat or submarine—anywhere on any consideration whatever. The wholeprinciple of sea fighting is to be free to go anywhere with every d—d thing the Navypossesses. The Admiralty should…reserve entire freedom of action.
Admiral John “Jackie” Fisher, First Sea Lord, Royal Navy120
Shortly after the end of World War II, a growing number of countries, led by the UnitedStates, began developing offshore energy fields along their continental shelves andin other areas where shallow waters permitted such construction. The ever-growing
demand for energy fueled the undersea economic infrastructure’s continued expansion
118

James D. Bahr, Damn! The Torpedoes: Coping with Mine Warfare in the Joint Maritime Environment(unpublished paper: May 10, 2007), pp. 2, 7. On an encouraging note, the U.S. Navy’s attitude may bechanging. In recent years, the fleet has conducted two international mine warfare exercises and is investing in upgrades to its mine countermeasure capabilities as well as in new unmanned mine warfare
systems. The Navy’s new class of Littoral Combat Ships (LCSs) has been designed with mine countermeasure operations as one of their principal missions.

119

Contact mines were among the most widely used mines in the two world wars. As the name indicates,
they detonated when they came in contact with a ship’s hull. Magnetic mines were developed by both
Germany and Great Britain during World War I, with improvements made between the two world wars.
As their name suggests, these mines detonated when a passing ship’s magnetic force repelled a magnet
in the mine, detonating it. During World War II, both acoustic and pressure mines were employed aswell. The former relied on detecting a passing ship’s propeller noise to trigger a detonation, while thelatter detonated based on the change in water pressure from a ship passing above.

120

Till, Seapower: A Guide for the Twenty-First Century, p. 351.

Modern mines
are far moresophisticatedthan those that
inflicted damageon the world’s
most advanced
navy in 1991.

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60

to the point where U.S. offshore capital assets (oil rigs, production platforms, subsea
pipelines, and related production assets) are now valued at roughly $150 billion.121
The growth of a global undersea economy and its associated infrastructure motivatedmany states to establish sovereign economic rights over these areas. These rights were
codified in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS), which
established EEZs extending 200 nm out to sea from a state’s coastline.122 Part III of thetreaty, UNCLOS III, lists several categories of waters, along with their states’ associatedsovereign rights (see Table 2 for a summary).

TABLE 2: PRINCIPAL ELEMENTS OF UNCLOS—VARIOUS
ZONES AND ASSOCIATED RIGHTS & LIMITSType of Water

Definition

RightsInternal Waters

Waters on the landward side of thebaseline (e.g., bays and rivers)

Full sovereignty as they are treated like land
territory

The waters inside the baseline ofa country deemed an archipelago
under UNCLOS requirements

The rights are a combination of those of internal waters and the territorial sea (i.e., there
exists the right of innocent passage); however,archipelagic states have the right to establisharchipelagic sea lanes

Waters that extend up to 12 nautical
miles from the baseline

Complete sovereignty with the exception of theright of innocent passage for foreign vessels

A zone that is contiguous to the territorial sea extending no more than
24 nautical miles from the baseline

Limited control for the purpose of: 1) preventing the infringement of customs, fiscal,
immigration, or sanitary laws and regulations
within a state’s territory or territorial sea and2) punishing infringement of the aforementioned laws and regulations within the a state’s
territory or territorial sea

Waters that extend 200 nautical
miles from the baseline

Sovereign rights to explore, exploit, conserve,
and manage living and non-living resources(i.e., rights that are resource-related)

Archipelagic Waters

Territorial Sea

Contiguous Zone

EEZ

Extension of EEZs: A state has the right under UNCLOS to extend its EEZ (up to 350 nautical miles) if its
continental shelf extends beyond 200 nautical miles. The continental shelf is composed of the seabed and subsoilof the submarine areas that extend beyond its territorial sea. Submissions to extend EEZs must be supported byscience and research.
High Seas: High seas derive from maritime law and include all parts of saltwater that are not part of the territorial sea or internal waters of a state. These are outside the jurisdiction of any one nation.
Landlocked States: Also, under UNCLOS, landlocked states are granted rights of access to and from the sea
without taxation by transit states.

121

Based on a conversation with a representative from Douglas-Westwood, a leading provider of energy
business strategy, research, and commercial due-diligence services.

122

For UNCLOS definitions, see “United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,” United Nations, available at http://www.un.org/Depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/unclos_e.pdf, accessedon January 4, 2013.

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Since the treaty came into force in 1994, over 160 states have signed the convention.
Notably absent from the signatories is the United States, the world’s dominant maritime power. The establishment of EEZs under UNCLOS was seen as a major achievement in identifying and protecting the economic potential of maritime states both large
and small. Even some small island states have claimed areas exponentially greater insize than their territory for their exclusive economic benefit.
Yet some assertions made by states citing UNCLOS have met with fierce resistance. For
example, consider the case of the Paracel and Spratly Islands in the South China Sea,
where sizable energy resources are believed to be located.123 China, the Philippines, andVietnam have claimed sovereignty over islands in those seas, as have Brunei, Malaysia,
and Taiwan. This has led to friction in the relations between the latter two states andChina. The problems associated with competing offshore economic claims may be evenmore acute in the Eastern Mediterranean and Persian Gulf where for decades instability and hostility between states has been the exception rather than the rule. Similartensions may arise over time in the Arctic Ocean as a consequence of global warming.
The melting of Arctic ice caps could make its waters more navigable, and the resourcesin the seabed below more accessible, resulting in several countries already positioning
themselves to lay claim to sovereignty in preparation to exploit those resources.
The growth of an undersea economic infrastructure for the purpose of extracting valuable resources has not only led to a growing competition between states that have competing claims to these resources, but to concerns about the infrastructure’s security.
These concerns stem in part from the ability of major maritime powers to inflict damageon the infrastructure, much as they have traditionally done in wartime against economic targets on the surface, in particular, cargo shipping. The diffusion of both manned
and unmanned underwater systems (autonomous underwater vehicles, or AUVs, andunmanned underwater vehicles, or UUVs) is giving even non-state actors the potential
to attack the infrastructure.124 Given the increasing capabilities of advanced (“smart”)
mines that have enabled them to take on some of the attributes of AUVs and UUVs, theyalso could emerge as a major threat to the undersea infrastructure.125

123“Q&A: South China Sea Dispute,” BBC News, available at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-13748349, accessed on January 4, 2013.

124

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, The Future of Undersea Warfare: Trends, Vulnerabilities and Opportunities (unpublished paper: April 2008), p. 91.

125

Ibid., pp. 88–89.

The growth of anundersea economic
infrastructure
for the purposeof extracting
valuable resources
has not only led
to a growing
competition
between states thathave competingclaims to theseresources, but toconcerns about
the infrastructure’s
security.

62

In a mature
maritime precisionstrike regime
an extensive
and expensive
undersea economic
infrastructure may
be a lucrative
target for its
owner’s enemies,
ranging frommajor maritime
powers to radical
terrorist groups.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

In a mature maritime precision-strike regime an extensive and expensive undersea
economic infrastructure may be a lucrative target for its owner’s enemies, ranging frommajor maritime powers to radical terrorist groups.126
Some states are arguing that UNCLOS does not go far enough in securing their sovereign rights over the seas off their shores. These states are looking to prevent foreign
militaries from conducting operations within their EEZ. As can be seen in Figure 6,
if this movement succeeds, it would greatly limit major maritime powers’ freedom of
maneuver in peacetime, and perhaps in war as well.

FIGURE 6: WORLD EXCLUSIVE ECONOMIC ZONES

What are we to make of these trends in the maritime competition? What insights canthey offer regarding the characteristics that will define a mature maritime precision-strike regime? The following chapter sheds some light on these two issues.

126

While the undersea infrastructure is vast, there are some high-leverage targets (e.g., narrow channels
like the Houston Channel; locations where methane is injected into big pipelines as at Port Fourchon;large oil-drilling platforms; and the growing number of key undersea components, such as large wellhead manifolds) that are the product of greater integration of the undersea infrastructure. To the extent
that there are relatively few undersea targets that, if destroyed, will result in disproportionate destruction of the undersea infrastructure, it may increase the number of competitors able to present a major
threat to the infrastructure. See Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, “The Future of Oil &Gas Exploration in the GOM: The Regulators Perspective,” Gulf of Mexico Wargame PowerPoint Presentation, NORTHCOM HQ, Peterson AFB Colorado Springs, CO, September 17–20, 2007.

THE FUTURE MARITIME COMPETITION: CHARACTERISTICS

As the preceding discussion reveals, the ongoing maturation of the precision-strike
regime in the maritime domain is but the latest in a series of disruptive changes affecting war at sea stretching back over a century. It is no exaggeration to say that the lastcentury or so has witnessed profound changes in maritime affairs driven to a large
extent by advances in technology. Given the current pace of technological change, it
seems reasonable to assume that the emergence of a mature maritime precision-strike
regime is likely, if not inevitable, over the next decade or so. Before outlining the prospective characteristics of such a regime, it is useful to review these trends.
Complexity
The complexity of maritime operations has increased dramatically since the onset of theMachine Age. The maritime competition has long since expanded beyond naval forces
operating on the ocean’s surface. An adequate assessment of today’s maritime balancemust include a range of systems and capabilities operating in all domains—land, air,sea, undersea, space, and cyber space. Any net assessment of the maritime balancemust account for all of these forces and capabilities. Moreover, while a century ago
maritime powers were only beginning to envision the “combined arms” battle line that
included cruisers and destroyers in addition to various types of dreadnoughts, today thepossible combinations of military systems that can be brought to bear on the maritime
competition are far greater than those of a century ago, further complicating efforts toassess the balance—or to describe in detail the characteristics of the competition several
decades from now.

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Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

Operational Concepts
The military effectiveness of this increasingly wide range of capabilities will depend,
to a great extent, on how they are employed through operational concepts that overtime are established as a new way of fighting, that is, as doctrine. Integrating naval
aviation, nuclear-powered submarines, satellites, autonomous and semi-autonomousvehicles, and cyber warfare to create new operational concepts that confer competitive
advantage in a mature maritime precision-strike regime will be no small feat for military planners. Since the combinations of these capabilities ensure a wide range of possible operational concepts, contemporary planners may find it extremely challenging
to blend them together to find the “right” mix. Given the availability of many options,many competitive paths are open to maritime powers seeking competitive advantage
in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. This, along with other factors that influence the development of operational concepts— for example, geography, state and scaleof economic development, and the technical competence of the manpower base—also
imposes substantial limits on efforts to define with accuracy a mature maritime precision-strike regime’s characteristics.
The Shrinking—and Expanding—Maritime Domain
Over the past century the world’s oceans and seas have “shrunk” thanks to the abilityof military forces to scout and strike at progressively greater ranges. In the nineteenth
century a surface ship could often hide at sea with little prospect of being detected.
As the Cold War competition between the United States and Soviet Union demonstrated, this has become increasingly difficult to accomplish against a major maritime
power. “Hiding” will likely be more difficult still in a mature maritime precision-strike
regime, even allowing for the stealth associated with the new-technology Zumwalt-classdestroyer and quiet submarines. Correspondingly, the area ashore that can be scouted
and attacked by maritime forces has also expanded, and will likely grow larger as theprecision-strike regime matures. Yet, as noted above, land-based forces will likely enjoy
advantages relative to maritime forces in this competition.
Moreover, over the past sixty years the world has witnessed the rise of a large-scale
undersea infrastructure of great economic value, both in terms of the capital stockmaking up the infrastructure and the resources extracted by it. Given that economic
assets at sea have been legitimate targets in war, it seems reasonable to assume thatthe undersea economic infrastructure will likely emerge as a prime target in a conflictwaged by adversaries in a mature maritime precision-strike regime.
Evading Detection
Electromagnetic means for scouting were introduced in the early twentieth century.
Over time scouting has become progressively more dependent on computer-aided

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processing, automation, and coordination. Computer-aided dissemination of scouting
information on targets has emerged to coordinate the actions of widely distributed
strike elements, be they platforms, munitions (e.g., missiles), or cyber weapons. Thisevolution opened up new possibilities for influencing the scouting process through both
wireless and wired means.
Just as scouting has become an increasingly vital factor in assessing the maritime competition, frustrating the enemy’s scouting efforts has assumed greater importance as
well. Passive tactics such as dispersing friendly forces, employing decoys, or employing
electronic emission controls seem likely to assume greater prominence in maritime
operations. The ability of stealth aircraft and submarines to avoid electronic detection
has increased their value relative to non-stealthy aircraft and surface warships, for thesimple reason that owing to their reduced probability of detection, stealthy platforms
are less likely to suffer high attrition rates during scouting and strike operations. Similarly, operations aimed at destroying, degrading, or corrupting enemy C4ISR forces(such as satellites, radars, and sensors) to win the scouting competition will likely
remain a core element of maritime warfare.
Range Costs
As Italian naval officer Lieutenant Romeo Bernotti noted a century ago, “A weapon,
the action of which cannot be repeated except at considerable intervals of time, and ofwhich the supply is very limited, must be employed only under conditions that assure
notable probability of hitting.”127 Long-range precision-guided weapons fit Bernotti’s
description, as range exacts a cost in both resources and time.
The range at which maritime engagements can occur has increased by orders of magnitude over the last century, from the horizon to the globe—from direct-fire engagements between surface warships, to long-range strikes far beyond visual range byaircraft, to prospective missile strikes at intercontinental range (see Table 3).128 The
greater the range at which strikes can occur, the greater is the area that can be subjected to such strikes. The greater the area that can be subjected to attack, the greater
is the area that can, and (assuming the enemy has a comparable capability) must be
scouted. As noted above, this places a premium on scouting effectively, and avoiding
detection. Simply stated, the “hider-finder” competition is a central part of the overall

127

Romeo Bernotti, The Fundamentals of Naval Tactics (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1912), p.
14, cited in Hughes, Fleet Tactics and Coastal Combat, p. 83.

128

American and Russian SSBNs can do this today. The missile technology is well established. There isnothing to preclude changing the warheads on these missiles and deploying conventional munitions inlieu of nuclear warheads.

Just as scouting
has become anincreasingly vital
factor in assessing
the maritime
competition,
frustrating theenemy’s scouting
efforts has
assumed greater
importance as well.

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66

maritime competition, and will almost certainly remain so in a mature maritime precision-strike regime.129

TABLE 3: GROWING NAVAL STRIKE RANGE130
PeriodRange

Age of SailLess than half a mile

Dreadnought Era

8-10 miles

Aviation Regime

300-plus miles

Missile Age

7,000-plus miles

Accuracy: Precision Strike
The ability to strike at ever-greater range has been an important characteristic of themaritime competition over the past century or so. As it does little good to have such acapability if the ordnance cannot be delivered accurately, especially as one pays a premium to attack at extended distances, the early years of the twentieth century also saw anincreased emphasis on accuracy, including range finding and gunnery. The accuracy atwhich fires could be applied improved by an order of magnitude between 1900 and theend of World War II, as witnessed by the first use of precision-guided weaponry such,as the kamikazes, German weapons,131 and the maturation of dive bombing.

129

See Krepinevich, The Military-Technical Revolution: A Preliminary Assessment, pp. 14–15. Krepinevich argued that “targets that can be identified and tracked (if they are mobile) will run a high risk ofbeing destroyed, not only at or near the forward edge of the battle areas (a term which itself may beon the verge of becoming an anachronism), but over the entire breadth and depth of an enemy state or
coalition.” This aspect of the competition has become increasingly important over time. In the Age ofSail, for example, a fleet had to close within visual range of its enemy’s fleet in order to engage it. Although one fleet might be at a disadvantage (e.g., with respect to the weather gage), it could still engage
the enemy fleet. This has not been the case since at least the early years of World War II, when aircraft
enabled the engagement of a fleet without the opposing fleet’s ships being at risk of attack by surface
warships (e.g., at Taranto in November 1940, Pearl Harbor in December 1941, Coral Sea in April 1942,
and Midway in June 1942).

130This chart’s “Aviation Regime” reflects that of World War II era carrier-based aircraft. Today’s F-18E/F
and F-35C aircraft have somewhat longer ranges, whereas the A-6E (which is no longer in service) had
considerably greater range. Note that many World War II-era land-based bombers used for maritime
patrol and attack (e.g., Condors, Betties, B-24 Liberators, and B-25 Mitchells) also had considerably
greater ranges. In the Missile Age, ballistic missiles became capable of far outranging any unrefueled
aircraft. As noted earlier in this assessment, most cruise missile ranges are considerably more modest.

131

See Barry D. Watts, Six Decades of Guided Munitions and Battle Networks: Progress and Prospects(Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2007), pp. 3–4.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

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PGMs were not employed in large numbers until the United States used them during
the Vietnam War. Since then, in conflicts such as the First Gulf War, PGMs have beenused extensively. Their increased popularity can be attributed to their effectiveness.
The number of “dumb bombs” required to accomplish a given mission relative to PGMs
can be an order of magnitude or more.132 Obviously, this greatly reduces the number ofdelivery systems required as well.
Speed
No aspect of the maritime competition has experienced more change than the role ofspeed. A little over a century ago, at the time of Admiral Jackie Fisher, the value of
speed was seen primarily in terms of warships. In this he echoed Corbett’s observationthat “the fleet that sails the fastest has much the advantage, as they can engage or not
as they please, and so always have in their power to choose the favorable opportunity
to attack.”133
Hence Fisher’s view that:
The desideratum of all…is Speed!…You don’t go into the Battle to be safe!
No, you go into the Battle to hit the other fellow in the eye first so that hecan’t see you. Yes! You hit him first, you hit him hard and you keep on hitting.
That’s your safety! You don’t get hit back!…Because you want to fight when
you like, where you like, and how you like! And that only comes from speed—
Big Speed.134

But over time the value of naval combatant speed has become much less importantcompared with other forms of speed. As Corbett noted, “With the advent of wirelessin the early twentieth century, the speed of conveying naval intelligence has increased
in a far higher ratio than the speed of sea transit.”135 The ability to strike at extended
distances and the increased importance of scouting were closely associated with theability to move the information discovered by scouting to the strike element. (At times,of course, they can be one and the same.)
The manner in which speed is viewed in the maritime (indeed, military) competition
has also changed owing to the speed of engagement. Aircraft can close on an enemy
fleet far more quickly than any ship, and missiles further boost the speed of engagement.
Fisher could argue for ship speed, but what happens when the speed of information andmunitions platforms (e.g., aircraft) far exceeds the speed of the ship? Simply stated,

132

Thomas A. Keaney and Eliot A. Cohen, Gulf War Air Power Survey: Summary Report (Washington,
DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1993), pp. 243–44.

133

Corbett, Principles of Maritime Strategy, p. 124.

134

Jon Tetsuro Sumida, “British Capital Ship Design and Fire Control in the Dreadnought Era: Sir John Fisher, Arthur Hungerford Pollen, and the Battle Cruiser,” Journal of Modern History, June 1979, pp. 226–27.

135

Corbett, Principles of Maritime Strategy, p. 124.

Simply stated,
the time has longsince passed whena ship’s speed
was decisive insetting the terms ofengagement.

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68

the time has long since passed when a ship’s speed was decisive in setting the termsof engagement. Rather, the ability to scout effectively, to move scouting information
quickly, and to strike both quickly and at great distances have become a key competitionin the maritime domain, offering a far better set of metrics by which to judge the sidethat enjoys the speed advantage. This is what Russian military theorists were describingin their discussions of a “reconnaissance-strike complex.”136
An alternative way to leverage speed is by increasing the speed of the strike element,such as by firing hypervelocity projectiles (from rail gun-type weapons) or employing hypervelocity missiles that fly faster than combat aircraft. Still another way is topre-position strike elements, capable of surviving inside an adversary’s A2/AD threatring, such as submarines armed with short-range missiles. Finally, the ultimate way toleverage speed is to fuse the scouting and strike elements together, as has been done,for example, with the U.S. Predator and Reaper unmanned aerial vehicles.
Scouting
Effective scouting that enables one side to maneuver to a position of advantage andto strike the first blow has often provided an important advantage in maritime warfare. At the time of Fisher, great value was attached to identifying the enemy fleet’s
location so that the friendly fleet could maneuver to maximize its firepower advantage(i.e., “crossing the T”) and engage first, thanks to the all-big gun armament of Britain’s dreadnoughts and battle cruisers. The advantage increased between Jutland andMidway, where a combination of scouting and luck enabled U.S. naval aircraft to locate
and attack the Japanese carriers first. The Haystack and UPTIDE exercises reflected theimportance of the Sixth Fleet getting in the first blow before its carriers could be locatedand attacked by the Soviets. This trend seems likely to continue in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime. Even a modest degradation of an enemy’s scouting capabilities
could produce disproportionate advantages to the attacker as one side maintains its
ability to “see” the other while the other side’s “vision” is poor or lacking entirely, at least
for a time. This is particularly true in a regime where the offense has the advantage.137

136

Speed may still matter in maritime actions such as evading torpedoes (i.e., outrunning or exhausting
the torpedo’s fuel before it can reach the ship), or for deploying special operations forces covertly into
position. Speed may also offer some marginal advantage when conducting “dash-and-strike” operations
within an enemy’s A2/AD defensive zone.

137

When two competitors have roughly the same resources, and it is more advantageous to invest in offensive capabilities than in defensive capabilities, the regime is “offense dominant.” For example, thenuclear competition is offense dominant in that it requires far more in the way of resources to defend
successfully against an attack by nuclear-armed ballistic missiles than it does to field nuclear forces
capable of defeating such defenses. Land warfare on the Western Front in World War I can be viewed as
defense dominant. Some competitive regimes (e.g., the nuclear competition) are highly stable, whereas
others (e.g., submarine commerce raiding versus commerce defense in World War II—the Battle of theAtlantic) are dynamic, with advantage shifting back and forth, from offense to defense.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

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As the author observed over two decades ago, in a mature precision-strike regime,
Warfare will become more of a competition between “hiders” and “finders.”
Targets that can be identified and tracked (if they are mobile) will run a highrisk of being destroyed, not only near the forward edge of the battle area… but
over the entire breadth and depth of an enemy state or coalition.138

That being said, the longer a strike platform’s or munition’s (e.g., missile’s) range, thehigher its cost, thus the increased premium on accuracy. The ability to strike at extended range also implies a much larger search area and the need for good scouting. If, in
an era of precision warfare, to be seen is to be hit, then it becomes important to findthe enemy before he finds you. In an environment where the speed of engagement may
be highly compressed (particularly in the case of mobile targets), the ability to understand and act quickly upon the information provided by scouting forces, including code
breaking and cyber warfare, may be critical—hence the high desirability of fusing thescouting and strike elements on a single platform or munition. Combining scouting andstrike capabilities in this manner is far preferable to relying on potentially vulnerable
data links to enable scouting systems to trigger strike elements with a significant timeof flight.
Yet in some instances, such as when scouting information is provided by a satellite,
or via cyber operations, combining scouting and strike elements may not be feasible.
There may also be cases where it is not clear where strike forces should be concentrated. For example, at times scouting forces may have to be dispersed in an effort to findthe enemy’s main assets of interest. Only after scouting elements identify these targets
can strike assets be massed. Depending upon the ability to mass the fused strike/scout
force relative to other means of bringing the necessary volume of fires to bear, the latterapproach—involving the separation of scouting and strike elements—may prove preferable. This suggests that, as with fleet design, there is much in the way of profitable
analysis that might be undertaken to identify and assess the future types and relative
mix of maritime scouting and strike systems.

138

Krepinevich, The Military-Technical Revolution: A Preliminary Assessment, p. 14.

If, in an era of
precision warfare,to be seen is to be
hit, then it becomes
important to findthe enemy before
he finds you.

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Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

Bombs, Missiles, and Staying PowerThe evolution of increasingly impressive striking power has led to relatively littleemphasis over the past hundred years or so139 on what Wayne Hughes has described
as a ship’s “staying power,” which he defines as “the number of hits that a unit or force
can absorb before being placed out of action.”140 This is a function not only of a ship’sarmor, but also of other factors such as its capacity to conduct effective damage-control
operations. Jackie Fisher, for example, was willing to sacrifice much of his capital ships’armor protection to increase their firepower and, of course, their speed. And despite
the Royal Navy carriers’ superior ability to remain operational even when sufferingkamikaze hits, the U.S. Navy’s leadership never regretted sacrificing its carriers’ staying
power in order to maximize their speed and offensive punch (i.e., their complement ofaircraft) during World War II.141
Although the trend toward placing lesser value on ship speed and staying power142 hascharacterized the maritime competition since World War II, it may be time to reassess
the merits of investments in staying power as the precision-strike regime matures. As
noted above, two major advantages of reduced armor have been to provide a ship withincreased speed and firepower, as was the case with Admiral Fisher’s battle cruisers.
Speed was useful to enable ships to maneuver to gain positional advantage over theenemy’s ships (e.g., “crossing the enemy’s ‘T’” in the line of battle). With the adventof long-range reconnaissance and strike, and aircraft and missiles, this advantage hascome to count for less and less. Furthermore, with the advent of extended-range scouting and strike capabilities, we may have reached the point where, in the case of surface
139

The shift from sail to steam and from wooden to metal hulls in the mid-nineteenth century did spawn
a spirited debate over whether a ship’s staying power would trump advances in armament—that is tosay, whether a ship’s defenses would achieve the upper hand over its enemy’s offensive capabilities. For
example, the four-hour exchange at close range between the ironclads USS Monitor and the CSS Virginia (originally the USS Merrimac) at the Battle of Hampton Roads in March 1862 found both ships
still afloat. This suggested to some that staying power would be more important than firepower. The
Battle of Lissa in 1866 saw Austrian ironclads ramming their Italian counterparts owing in part to theineffectiveness of gunfire against armor-plated ships. Thus it is not surprising that there was a healthy
debate over whether the defense would achieve the upper hand. Brodie, Sea Power in the Machine Age,pp. 86, 172–73; and Hughes, Fleet Tactics and Coastal Combat, p. 64.

140

Michael D. Johns, Steven E. Pilnick, and Wayne P. Hughes, Jr., Heterogeneous Salvo Model for the
Navy after Next (Monterey, CA: The Institute for Joint Warfare Analysis, Naval Post Graduate School,
January 2001), p. 9.

141This trend toward sacrificing staying power has continued into current times, and for good reason. The
results of several independent studies suggest that the “kill curve” is relatively flat—that is, that modern
warships are highly vulnerable to suffering a mission kill or even being sunk after suffering only a few
hits from torpedoes, bombs, or missiles. Even capital ships such as carriers and battleships required
only a few more hits than a cruiser, suggesting an unfavorable trade off between increased ship armorand enhanced staying power. For a fuller treatment of this issue, see Hughes, Fleet Tactics and Coastal
Combat, pp. 157–68.

142

For nearly seventy years the U.S. Navy, by far the world’s dominant maritime force, has emphasizedweapon and sensor capacity in the absence of a serious maritime threat. This has increased its scouting
and strike potential relative to its survivability.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

71

combatants, we might consider trading off some of its speed in exchange for increased
protection against PGM attack, in the form of either bombs or missiles. Put another way,is there a case for emphasizing greater staying power in the design of surface warships?
There is merit in at least identifying the conditions under which the value of a ship’s
staying power would increase significantly in the maritime competition. If, for example, the key engagements in a mature maritime precision-strike regime were to occur
at greatly extended ranges—say, along the outer limits of where the competitors havea significant strike capacity143—then emphasizing the fleet’s staying power may be an
important means of shifting the long-range strike competition in one’s favor, either byreducing the effectiveness of the enemy’s long-range strike element144 or by imposing
costs on the enemy.145
Simply stated, could enhancements to staying power impose a high “tax” on the enemy’s
ability to conduct effective long-range engagements? The odds of this happening may
increase if the enemy relies primarily on missile strikes rather than bombs or missilesdelivered by aircraft. The longer the engagement range and/or the faster the missile,the more fuel it requires relative to its explosive warhead. If a larger warhead wererequired to achieve the necessary level of damage, then under these circumstances theenemy would need to make sacrifices in terms of either missile range, speed, or both.
This could enable a surface fleet either to operate at its original range from the enemy
at reduced risk of destruction, or to operate at reduced range to the enemy at current
levels of projected damage.
There is, of course, a counterargument. An enemy whose primary long-range strikeelements are based on land would likely be able to increase the size and capability of his
strike element, whether aircraft or missiles, as he would not confront the problems of
sea-based forces (e.g., smaller ship runways; and standard vertical launch system (VLS)
tubes and the limits they impose on missile design). Realizing significant enhancements,
such as active defenses, armor, and automated damage control in surface warship staying power will occur only over a long period of time as new ships enter the fleet. While
this is not an absolute barrier to staying-power enhancements, should they be pursued
143

As will be elaborated upon presently, given the fielding of A2/AD defenses and the creation of a contested no man’s land where they overlap, maritime freedom of maneuver may well be restored progressively in the form of a rollback strategy that finds one side seizing general control over no man’s landby depleting the enemy’s long-range strike forces. If this were to occur then, as described here, a ship’s
staying power could increase in importance relative to other design parameters.

144

This assumes the enemy would require a significantly greater strike element to achieve the same level ofdamage to friendly ships possessing enhanced staying power. This might be the case if one is comparing
two surface fleets of comparable size and composition. It may not be the case when a surface fleet isgoing up against land-based maritime forces, or undersea forces (e.g., submarines).

145

Cost would be imposed if, for example, the enemy had to restructure much of his long-range strike force
in order to redress the problem created as a consequence of enhancements to surface warship staying
power—and if those costs were substantially greater than those incurred to achieve the improvements
to staying power.

Emphasizing thefleet’s staying
power may be an
important meansof shifting thelong-range strikecompetition in
one’s favor, either
by reducing theeffectiveness of theenemy’s long-range
strike element or by
imposing costs on
the enemy.

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72

Since the U.S.
military first
conducted intensive
precision-strike
operations in theFirst Gulf War, its
evolving battle
networks havefunctioned solely inhighly permissive
environments,
rarely being
attacked and, eventhen, only feebly.

the full results may not be realized for several decades or longer. Then there is thematter of how the joint force plans to operate. It may be that friendly land-based longrange strike elements (e.g., bombers and forward-based strike aircraft operating fromhardened bases) may damage the enemy’s long-range strike forces with sufficient speed
and effectiveness that the fleet can advance at acceptable risk without having to sacrifice
speed and armament to enhance staying power.
Finally, there is the matter of active defenses. At present, the competition favors theoffense. The U.S. Navy, for example, allocates significantly more resources to field andmaintain the ships, battle network, aircraft, and missiles intended to defend a carrier
strike group in an area in which access is contested than an enemy would require to fieldoffensive forces to penetrate these defenses. Simply put, in the missile attack/missile
defense competition, the attacker has the advantage. Will this persist in a mature maritime precision-strike regime? Perhaps. Yet the U.S. fleet is exploring first-generation
DEWs that offer the promise of shifting the competition in favor of the defense. Should
DEWs prove out over the next decade or so, they could greatly influence the characterof the maritime competition.
In an era of rapid and rich technological change, these factors should be subjected to rigorous
analysis, persistent wargaming, and frequent fleet exercises to determine the future design,mix, and disposition of maritime forces as a component of the U.S. military.
Battle Networks
Both the importance and the challenge of informing, controlling, and coordinating maritime forces have increased over the past century. With maritime forces’ growing ability
to strike with precision at extended ranges, especially against time-critical mobile targets,146 surface warships will likely need to disperse to complicate the enemy’s scouting efforts while also retaining the ability to coordinate their actions effectively. Moreover, the limits of a competitor’s ability to rely on artificial intelligence in the form of
unmanned and autonomous systems will almost certainly be tested as enemies attempt
to break or corrupt their command links.
Two critical questions emerge. First, can battle networks be defended sufficiently well toenable maritime forces to accomplish their missions? Second, can the battle networks
be operated effectively in support of friendly scouting and strike operations in a mannerthat does not reveal the location of friendly forces to enemy scouts?
Since the U.S. military first conducted intensive precision-strike operations in the First
Gulf War, its evolving battle networks have functioned solely in highly permissive environments, rarely being attacked and, even then, only feebly. Yet history strongly sug-

146

Advances here seem to have come primarily with respect to high-value individual targets—for example,
al-Qaeda leaders.

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73

gests this happy state of affairs will not persist for long. For example, once the Royal
Navy began capitalizing on its new technology—wireless communication—the German
military worked tirelessly to jam the Royal Navy’s system at the Battle of Jutland. The
security that their codes afforded Imperial Japan and Germany in World War II disappeared when compromised, resulting in a major defeat for Japan at Midway and significant German and Italian losses in the Mediterranean theater and elsewhere. Today’s
battle networks have capabilities—and vulnerabilities—far beyond those of the comparatively primitive battle networks of the early twentieth century. Not only has cryptanalysis progressed (thanks in part to the rapid advances in information technologies), thecreation of the Internet and associated networks have opened up an entirely new areaof the competition in the form of cyber warfare. Particularly worrisome is that, as with
the U.S. penetration of Japan’s codes and the British breaking of the German codes
during World War II, the victim may have no knowledge that such a break had occurred.
Robotics
Closely related to the issue of battle networks is the rise of robotic systems. The latterpart of the twentieth century saw the advent of semi-autonomous and autonomous
systems, whose development has accelerated in recent years with the introduction of
unmanned air, ground, sea, and undersea vehicles.147 With advances in artificial intelligence, unmanned systems directed remotely by humans could evolve into autonomous systems capable of performing relatively sophisticated operations independent of
human control. These systems offer a number of potential benefits, including reducing
the need to place humans at risk, lower cost, and greater performance. (Examples are
drones that can maneuver in ways too stressful for the pilots of manned aircraft, as
well as drones and undersea systems that have greater range and endurance since they
do not experience fatigue and do not need to accommodate the weight of a human andthe associated life support equipment.) Unmanned systems can also provide access toareas larger manned platform cannot reach due to navigational draft or vulnerabilities
to mines or seabed sensors (because of the larger platform’s higher signatures).
In the past decade, the U.S. military’s familiarity with and use of these systems has
increased tremendously. During the Iraq War, Afghan War, and in operations against
radical Islamist groups, drones have come to be viewed as important and effective platforms. Although remotely operated assets have proved their mettle on the battlefield,
as with the battle networks that enable them they have done so in relatively benign
environments. Their data links have rarely been attacked, and even then the attacks
have been very modest in their sophistication, scale, and effectiveness.

147

The U.S. Navy has been conducting some experiments with small surface vehicles. Department of theNavy, The Navy Unmanned Surface Vehicle (USV) Master Plan (Washington, DC: Department of theNavy, July 23, 2007), p. 89.

With advancesin artificial
intelligence,
unmanned systems
directed remotely
by humans
could evolve into
autonomous
systems capableof performing
relatively
sophisticatedoperations
independent of
human control.

74

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

It is far from clear whether these systems will be able to function with anything
approaching comparable effectiveness if the battle networks they rely on are subjected
to intensive attack by an enemy with the resources of a nation-state at its disposal, letalone those of a major military power. Operating effectively in such non-permissive
environments—such as those created by an A2/AD force—may require maritime powers
to field far more sophisticated—and expensive—unmanned and autonomous systems.
These costs may come in the form of incorporating stealth; enhanced or redundant command-and-control links; and improved defenses against cyber attacks, including closed
supply chain development and manufacture of artificial intelligence software and the
hardware on which it resides. In summary, while recent trends indicate an ever-greater
reliance on robotic systems, there is no guarantee this will persist in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime.
Lack of Data
Not only is the challenge of assessing the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime becoming more complex, it is also made more difficult owing to alack of data. Data are lacking not only on the wide range of systems and capabilities thatnow exert a significant influence on the military balance, but also from actual warfare
in the maritime domain. In the case of the former, detailed and accurate information
regarding the characteristics and specifications of space-based systems, cyber weapons,
battle network effectiveness, and autonomous systems, to name but a few, can be difficult if not impossible to come by. Divining the effectiveness of such systems operatingas part of an integrated battle network is even more difficult.
Those seeking data from actual wartime operations to assess key trends in the maritime
competition have had to work with the scraps of data gleaned from wars between major
maritime powers and greatly inferior powers going back two decades or more (such as
Britain and Argentina in the Falklands War, and the United States and Iraq in the two
Gulf Wars). In the period leading up to World War I, the 1904–05 Russo-Japanese
War provided a relative treasure trove of data to contemporary maritime analysts after
nearly half a century of peace between the major maritime powers marked by the dramatic improvements in maritime capabilities cited earlier in this assessment. Yet eventhen there was considerable debate over the true “lessons of Tsushima.”
Now consider the current situation. There have been advances across an array of military capabilities affecting the maritime competition across multiple domains. Yet there
has not been a major war at sea between great maritime powers in over sixty-five years
to provide what arguably would be the best data—the greatest clarity—on the relative
effectiveness of military capabilities in the current maritime competition, let alone on

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75

the competitive environment a decade or more in the future.148 Thus those attempting
to assess the competition in a mature maritime precision-strike regime confront far
greater uncertainty than their predecessors on the eve of the last century’s two world
wars. This makes it especially difficult to state with a high degree of confidence how allthese uncertainties will play out. This is especially true in the case of the United States,
the world’s dominant maritime power. This is because relative to other competitors,
American analysts need to address a wider array of different contingencies, with varying
geography and wartime objectives, against adversaries fielding forces that are different
in scale, composition, positioning, and doctrine from their own.
With this in mind, our goals in assessing the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime are necessarily modest. Yet history strongly suggests that evenmodest insights into this regime and the uncertainties surrounding it can offer significant competitive advantages. Put another way: the objective here should not be todevelop a transparent picture of the mature maritime precision-strike regime; rather,it should be to ensure that one’s picture is less cloudy than the competition’s. It is thisissue—the competition in a mature maritime precision-strike regime—to which we now
turn our attention.

148

Indeed there have been no major conflicts involving large numbers of offensive missiles and kinetic missile defenses. Thus there is little empirical data concerning the effectiveness of some of the conventional
weapon systems that have received a substantial share of defense investments since the 1950s.

Relative to othercompetitors,
American analysts
need to addressa wider arrayof different
contingencies, withvarying geography
and wartime
objectives, against
adversaries fielding
forces that are
different in theirscale, composition,
positioning, anddoctrine fromtheir own.

MARITIME MISSIONS IN A MARITIMEPRECISION-STRIKE REGIME[F]orecasts for planning purposes and estimates which involve implicit estimates of
military power beyond about four to five years in the future require an understandingof the decision-making behavior of military organization that we do not have.
Andrew W. Marshall149
One way of reducing the uncertainty associated with assessing the characteristics of amature maritime precision-strike regime is to examine the paths the principal (or key)competitors are taking toward that regime. Maritime history strongly suggests that eachcompetitor will pursue its own path. These paths will deviate to a greater or lesser extent
from each other owing to important asymmetries between the competitors, including
their geostrategic objectives, geography, economic might, technological sophistication,
existing defense capital stock, and strategic culture.
Few countries have both the resources and the will to pursue all possible main paths at ahigh level of effort toward a mature maritime precision-strike regime.150 Therefore, eachwill necessarily choose, either out of design or through some other mechanism, to emphasize some aspects of the competition while hedging against or ignoring other aspects.

149

Marshall, Problems in Estimating Military Power, pp. 14–15.

150

For example, during the period leading up to and through World War II, competitors pursued various
paths in exploiting the rapid advances in mechanization, aviation, and radio. The British developed anadvanced integrated air defense battle network and long-range strategic bombing forces. The Japanese
did neither of these; instead they developed carrier task forces. The Germans focused primarily onmechanized air-land operations, whereas the Japanese did not. The United States was able to compete
in all of these emerging areas of military operations, save for integrated homeland air defenses (forwhich, it had no need). Of course the United States alone undertook the most ambitious and far-reaching effort of all: the development of nuclear weapons.

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78

The path (or paths) a competitor chooses to pursue will oftentimes provide insight into
how it plans to compete. For example, in the period between the two world wars, theGerman Army emphasized capabilities that would enable it to wage a war of mobility
relying extensively on elite forces. To do this, they placed great emphasis on the ability of radio communications to coordinate the operations of mechanized land forces
integrated with tactical air forces. Germany’s principal rival, France, took a different
path, emphasizing static defense and firepower over mobility. This led to several major
asymmetries emerging between the two sides’ approach to land warfare, which worked
much in Germany’s favor in 1940.151
Similarly, the world’s three principal maritime powers at that time, Great Britain, theUnited States, and Japan, took different paths in exploiting the emergence of naval air
power. The latter two powers took paths oriented on the Pacific theater of operations
and, in so doing, came to emphasize offensive air power at the expense of both active andpassive defenses for their carriers (i.e., “offense is the best defense”). The Royal Navy felt
it had to prepare for war in the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, as well as the Mediterranean
Sea. As the case study on maritime operations in the Mediterranean during World War
II shows, the relatively small size of that theater made it risky to operate surface ships, as
the scouting problem of enemy land-based aircraft and submarines was greatly reduced.
This in part led the Royal Navy to emphasize active and passive defenses for its carriers
at the expense of strike aircraft, among other things. For this and other reasons the pathtaken by the Royal Navy in developing naval aviation led to a British fleet that was suboptimized for war in the Pacific, as events in 1945 would demonstrate.152
In attempting to identify the paths which the major maritime competitors are pursuing,
one must know what kind of “tracks” to look for. Put another way, what are the key capabilities associated with a mature maritime precision-strike regime? The following set ofcapabilities is provided to serve as a point-of-departure for assessing the competition.
Fixed Targets
The first and most basic capability is that of striking fixed targets on the Earth’s surface
with precision at extended ranges. This can be viewed as an “entry-level” capability into
the mature maritime precision-strike regime, as the level of technological sophisticationand force integration required to do so is relatively modest. It requires only precision
guidance and the coordinates of the target—as well as the ability to penetrate an adver-151

See Ernest R. May, Strange Victory: Hitler’s Conquest of France (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000), pp.
448–64. May notes not only the differences in the two sides’ doctrine and equipment, but also in otherfactors such as intelligence, leadership, and surprise. Together these factors helped produce a rapid
German victory not only over France’s military but the militaries of France’s Belgian, British, and Dutch
allies as well.

152

Hone, Friedman, and Mandeles, American and British Aircraft Carrier Development 1919–1941,
p. 198–99.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

79

sary’s defenses. An example of such a capability would be a ballistic or cruise missile, oran aircraft carrying PGMs, attacking ships or facilities at a naval base.
An important sub-element is the ability to execute such strikes at extended ranges.
While such terms as “long range” and “extended range” are imprecise, as used in thisassessment they are strikes conducted at distances exceeding 500 miles. As noted earlier in this assessment, long-range systems and munitions (e.g., cruise missiles like theU.S. Tomahawk Land Attack Missile, or TLAM) are quite expensive compared with theirshort-range counterparts, and thus more difficult for minor military powers to acquirein large numbers.153
Another important sub-element of this category is the ability to strike fixed undersea
targets with precision. This ability enables a competitor to operate in the expanded
geography of the maritime competition. Subsurface strike elements could include submarines, unmanned and autonomous underwater vehicles, and towed payload modules.154 The ability to strike fixed undersea targets at extended range may impose costs
similar to those incurred in striking fixed surface targets, thereby limiting the abilityof all but the richest and most technically proficient competitors from doing so on amajor scale.
Mobile Surface Targets
A second broad capability within a mature maritime precision-strike regime is theability to strike mobile targets effectively with precision. The experience of the U.S.
military—the leader in precision-strike warfare—in recent conflicts indicates that the153

As of Fiscal Year (FY) 2013, the average unit cost of 4,201 Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles (TLAMs)
and 4,951 Tactical Tomahawks procured by the U.S. military is over $1.6 million. The average unit costof the 172,815 Joint Direct Attack Munitions (JDAMs) procured is roughly $25,000. The cost ratio of
long-range missiles is nearly sixty-five times greater than that of short-range precision munitions. One
also must consider the delivery platform. In this example, TLAMs and Tactical Tomahawks are typicallydelivered by expensive platforms—surface warships or submarines—whereas JDAMs are delivered bycombat aircraft, which are also expensive. This need not be the case. For example, munitions can bedelivered from a range of other platforms whose price could significantly influence the overall cost ratio.
Barry D. Watts, memorandum to Andrew W. Marshall, “Some Broader Implications of the Maturing
Precision-Strike Regime,” September 30, 2012, pp. 6–7.

154

A Towed Payload Module (TPM) is a submarine hull section containing large-diameter tubes arrayedvertically. Each tube is capable of launching kinetic weapons as well as ISR payloads. As its namesuggests, a TPM is unmanned and operates under sea. The TPM would ideally have both nose- andtail-cones to reduce drag. A TPM would function as an AUV in the sense that it could autonomously
maneuver, communicate, and conduct automated damage control operations. It could be programmed
to conduct automated launches of weapons, sensors, and other payloads if desired. As envisioned, theTPM would surface upon command to launch strikes with missiles or other weapons, initially against
fixed targets ashore. Given its ability to carry a variety of payloads, it could also launch UUVs or longrange torpedoes, for example, to strike seabed infrastructure targets. Karl Hasslinger and Paul Everson,“Junior Officers Design the Submarine Force for the Next Hundred Years,” Undersea Warfare, Summer
2000, available at http://www.navy.mil/navydata/cno/n87/usw/issue_8/future_force.html, accessedon December 11, 2012.

80

Despite investingenormous resourcesin developing
and fielding
forces capableof destroying
time-criticalmobile targets,
the U.S. military
has displayed thiscapability only
against minor
powers or non-state
entities, and only inhighly permissive
environments.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

ability to strike mobile, moving, emergent, or time-sensitive targets from extended
ranges in near real-time represents a step-function increase in the ability to wage war
in a precision-strike regime. Striking these targets requires a battle network capable ofeffective scouting, moving the information gathered by scouting quickly to strike elements, and guiding those strike elements sufficiently close to the mobile target before
the scouting force loses track of it or the weapon’s terminal homing guidance system
acquires it. Alternatively, as illustrated by the weaponization of the Predator UAV prior
to Operation Enduring Freedom followed by the introduction of the Reaper UAV, competitors may opt to combine the scouting and striking function into a common “armed
scout” platform. The latter offers three significant advantages for engaging mobile
and time-sensitive targets: increased responsiveness owing to a shorter time of flight;
reduced reliance upon potentially vulnerable data links; and reduced cost (direct-attack
munitions and short-range missile are less expensive than longer-range ones).
Finding, tracking, and engaging mobile surface targets requires a level of technicalsophistication that may limit a competitor’s ability to accomplish this task even if it iswilling to invest the resources necessary to acquire the battle network’s various “pieceparts.” Moreover, the battle network must also be fielded on a scale sufficiently large tocover the search area. This suggests that only the most technologically advanced andwealthiest maritime powers155 will field a force capable of striking mobile targets on thesurface of the seas at extended ranges.156
Despite investing enormous resources in developing and fielding forces capable ofdestroying time-critical mobile targets, the U.S. military has displayed this capability
only against minor powers or non-state entities, and only in highly permissive environments. Thus the resilience of a battle network, even one as advanced as the U.S.
military’s, against a major military power remains highly uncertain.
Third, there is the matter of how these strikes would be conducted. Precision-guided
kinetic munitions can be delivered by a strike platform (aircraft or submarine), by amissile, or by a UUV or AUV.157 The strike platform can be manned or unmanned (i.e., a

155

Major, technically advanced maritime powers can provide these capabilities to lesser powers. Syria, forexample, has the ability to passively detect surface ships at extended ranges off its shores and to engage
them at ranges exceeding 150 miles with the Russian-built Yakhont ASCM. I am indebted to RobertMartinage for this observation.

156

A related capability involves a naval force’s ability to strike mobile targets on land. Executing this mission would likely prove considerably more demanding than striking mobile targets at sea. Unlike targets
at sea, targets on land benefit from a wide range of ground clutter, or terrain types—such as urban areas,
jungles, and forests—that they can exploit to conceal their movement from attempts at visual, electronic(e.g., radar), or at times even thermal (infrared) detection. Note also that sea platforms do not generally
do their own targeting at extended ranges. For example, TLAM targeting information comes from external sources. This again serves as a reminder that the maritime competition involves capabilities drawn
from all domains.

157

With the blurring of the distinction between UUVs and mines, the latter could be viewed as a weapon carried by the former. At some point mines could also be a form of AUV, moving and operating autonomously.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime81

UAV in lieu of an aircraft and a UUV in lieu of a submarine). In all cases, it is necessary
for both the platform and the weapon to penetrate the adversary’s defenses successfully.
Given the diffusion and maturation of integrated air defense systems both on land andat sea, that challenge will intensify over time, placing a premium on signature reduction,
advanced electronic attack, and deception. During the time frame under discussion
in this assessment the maritime competition may also be characterized by precision
strikes employing directed-energy weapons (e.g., chemical and solid-state lasers) andcyber munitions.158
Mobile Undersea Targets
If scouting and striking mobile targets on the surface of the world’s seas, particularly
at extended ranges, will test even the world’s major dominant maritime powers, thenconducting the same kinds of operations against mobile undersea systems is likely toprove even more challenging.
New technologies and greater commercial and scientific interest in the undersea will
make finding mobile undersea systems easier, while offering opportunities to disperse
undersea operations to more platforms. Given current trends, we will witness a large
increase in both the number and variety of systems and sensors populating the undersea
domain. Over the next several decades many companies, researchers, and military competitors are planning to field an array of unmanned underwater systems. Military efforts,
in particular, may be expanded to defend undersea infrastructure such as communication cables and gas and oil distribution systems from attack. The United States, Russia,
and now China all have acoustic sensors on the ocean floor and we can also expect to see
the proliferation of mobile sensors. Moreover, even minor powers and more advanced
non-state entities such as drug cartels and proxy forces (like Hezbollah) will likely haveaccess to sophisticated underwater systems. Simply put, the undersea is destined to
be a far more crowded domain than it is today, especially in extended coastal regions.

158

Either directed-energy weapons or cyber weapons could induce major disruptions in the maritime competition should they realize the potential ascribed to them. For example, while “range costs” when it
comes to striking with kinetic munitions, there is no variation in cost associated with range in cyberattacks. A full treatment of DEW and cyber weapons is beyond the scope of this assessment. That said,
assuming this assessment provides a baseline for thinking about a mature maritime precision-strike
regime, future assessments, wargames, etc., should undertake excursions to explore more fully how
these emerging means of conducting strike operations (including these weapons’ role in defense) might
affect the competition. See, for example, Andrew F. Krepinevich, Cyber Warfare: A “Nuclear Option”?
(Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2012); and Gunzinger and Dougherty, Changing the Game: The Promise of Directed-Energy Weapons.

The undersea isdestined to be a
far more crowded
domain than it istoday, especially inextended coastal
regions.

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82

Viewed from this perspective, especially if we are reaching the limits of acoustic quieting,159 this, along with the proliferation of undersea sensors combined with UUV and
AUV “scouts,” could make even advanced submarines significantly more vulnerable todetection and engagement. It seems plausible that, given the cost disparity between
a small UUV or AUV and a modern submarine, maritime competitors could arm anddeploy them as undersea “kamikaze” devices or delivery systems for ASW munitions.
This undersea competition would likely be most intense along the world’s continental
shelves, where sensor networks are most dense and where UUV and AUV scouting andstrike operations could be best supported. Even under these circumstances, however, for a given amount of resources successfully locating and engaging mobile targets
beneath the waves would present a significantly greater challenge than those on thesurface, whether they are located in the littoral regions or in the open ocean.

Paths to a Mature Maritime Precision-Strike Regime
Given the range of plausible paths competitors might pursue in fielding maritime battle
networks of varying capabilities, the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike
regime will likely be influenced greatly by the paths they choose to follow in order toachieve their strategic objectives. What can we say about the paths key competitors are
pursuing? Other than stating the obvious—that the United States has staked out a clear
lead in sea-based precision-strike networks—what else can be observed from the actionsof the major maritime powers? To identify the paths these powers may travel and thepossible end-states of their efforts, this assessment employed the following metrics:

159•

Principal maritime missions emphasized;•

Mix of precision-guided munitions and delivery systems (e.g., bombs and missiles, aircraft, surface ships, submarines, ballistic and cruise missiles) that makeup their forces;

A submarine’s ability to avoid detection is, to a significant extent, a function of its ability to minimize its
acoustic signature. Many sources contribute to this signature. The noise from a submarine’s machinery
enters the water through the hull and radiates in all directions. A submarine’s propeller vibrates whenrotating. In so doing it offers anti-submarine warfare forces another acoustic source. At shallow depths
or high speeds, the tips of the propeller blades also produce bubbles, or cavitation, which generates
noise when the bubbles collapse. This provides still another source for ASW forces. And the turbulent
flow of water around the ship can excite the hull itself. Each type of noise has a unique pattern, which
can differ with speed, depth, and water conditions, and each can aid ASW forces to distinguish a submarine’s noise from other sources, such as ambient noise from the motion of the ocean’s surface, shipping,and sea life. While progress on quieting technologies continues, it appears to have slowed in recent
years, especially when contrasted with developments in the ASW realm. See Federation of American
Scientists, “Run Silent, Run Deep,” Updated December 28, 1998, available at http://www.fas.org/man/
dod-101/sys/ship/deep.htm. At the same time, detection techniques are improving that do not rely on
the submarine’s acoustic signature. These include low-frequency active sonar. See G. D. Tyler, “TheEmergence of Low-Frequency Active Acoustics as a Critical Antisubmarine Warfare Technology,” John
Hopkins APL Technical Digest, January-March 1992; W. Garrett Mitchener, Gretta Bartels, and FredWang, Using Ambient Noise Fields for Submarine Location, Math Modeling Contest (unpublished paper: Duke Math Union, 1996), available at http://www.mitchenerg.people.cofc.edu/mcm96paper.ps.gz.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

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Types of targets (fixed, mobile, undersea, surface) they intend to engage; and•Characteristics of the battle network.

The further along a competitor is in developing its strategic objectives and doctrine (themaritime missions to which it accords high priority and how it envisions conductingthem), and the capabilities to support them (systems, munitions, networks), the easier
it is to have a sense of the path it is pursuing toward a mature maritime precision-strike
force. Those competitors who have not moved very far along the path present a challenge in divining the characteristics of their mature maritime precision-strike force.
Until such indicators emerge, defense analysts may gain insight into a competitor’s
thinking from the writing of its military theorists and personnel, much as Admirals
Fisher and Sims laid out their vision of a disruptive shift in the maritime competition
nearly a century ago, or as described by the authors in Peng and Yao’s edited volume,
The Science of Military Strategy.160 But visions are not always pursued, let alone pursued to their completion. Finally, if history is any guide each competitor will likely arrive
at a mature maritime precision-strike capability with many “legacy” systems. The question of how these systems will be combined with the new is an important issue, though
one seldom addressed. Simply stated, it is impossible to ascertain in detail how existing
and latent maritime powers will go about developing mature precision-strike complexes.

Reviewing the Bidding
How might the conduct of traditional maritime missions change in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime? History suggests the changes could be profound. The following discussion explores possible answers to this question, after a brief review of theassessment’s basic assumptions and preliminary observations about the overall competition. This assessment of the mature maritime precision-strike regime began by making
two fundamental assumptions. First it assumes that in such a regime maritime precision-strike forces and capabilities are widely available to all major maritime powers,
and to a lesser extent to minor powers and some non-state groups. The assessment also
assumes that major competitors have advanced battle networks that enable them toengage both fixed and mobile targets on the surface at extended ranges, and that minor
maritime powers have more modest battle networks limited at best to engaging thesetargets at relatively short-range.

160

Peng Guangqian and Yao Youzhi, eds., The Science of Military Strategy, English Version (China: Military Science Publishing House, academy of Military Science of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army,2005). The Science of Military Strategy is a compilation of essays by academicians at the Chinese
Academy of Military Science (AMS). It examines Chinese military strategy from historical, cultural, andcontemporary vantage points. The book's editors are major generals in the People's Liberation Army
(PLA). The preceding is paraphrased from Timothy L. Thomas, “The Chinese Military’s Strategic MindSet,” Military Review, November-December 2007, pp. 47–55.

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As noted above, given the range of possible paths competitors might pursue, and thenumber of potential competitors, the mature maritime precision-strike regime will likely
produce major asymmetries between competitors.161 This stems from a variety of factors.
Given the great expense of fielding the capabilities described in this assessment thatcomprise the elements of a mature maritime precision-strike regime, cost will be a major
limiting factor for most and perhaps all competitors. Long-range systems and stealthysystems will be in great demand; they are also expensive. This suggests (as does history)
that even the wealthiest maritime competitors may be limited in their ability to field
extensive extended-range scouting-strike forces linked by battle networks.162 Moreover,the long life of much of the capital stock (ships, submarines, aircraft, satellites, etc.)
means that a mature maritime precision-strike regime may have a low percentage ofadvanced scouting and precision-strike capabilities relative to the whole, particularly
early in such a regime. Thus the competition will almost certainly be waged with a mixof old (or “legacy”) and new capabilities.163 In the case of the “old,” these systems may
undergo substantial modifications in order to emphasize their need to support different
missions in different ways than those for which they were originally designed and built.
Just as battleships in World War II were adapted to support the air defense mission
rather than to establish sea control through their actions in the line of battle, tomorrow’s carriers might place more emphasis on long-range unmanned scouting and strikesystems as opposed to their long-standing emphasis on an air wing made up of comparatively short-range manned aircraft.
For less sophisticated maritime powers that must make do with modest resources, minesand short-range missiles may prove attractive—especially when one considers the prospective cost of countering them. The same might prove true for unmanned underwater
systems and diesel submarines in lieu of large surface combatants and carriers.

161

For example, the U.S. and Japanese fleets in World War II were symmetrical in that they had both madeheavy prewar investments in battleships but quickly adjusted toward carrier-centric fleets after witnessing the lethality of aircraft against even battleships. By contrast, while the U.S. fleet remained centeredaround the carrier during the Cold War that followed, its principal rival, the Soviet Union, placed far
greater emphasis on surface combatants, submarines, and land-based naval aviation. Thus the U.S.-Soviet maritime competition was much more asymmetric than was the preceding U.S.-Japan competition.

162

For example, consider the U.S. Navy’s small scouting and strike elements at the time of the Japanese
attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. At that time the Navy had only eight carriers out of a combined
fleet strength of 790 ships. A year later it had sixteen carriers, still a tiny percentage of a fleet that had
grown to 1,782 ships. “U.S. Navy Active Ship Force Levels, 1886–Present,” Naval History and Heritage
Command, available at http://www.history.navy.mil/branches/org9-4.htm#1917, accessed on January
2, 2013.

163

For example, the U.S. fleet that had transformed itself around fast carrier task forces in World War II
still included warships built as far back as World War I. In the attack on the U.S. fleet at Pearl Harborin December 1941, among the battleships damaged or destroyed were the Arizona, Nevada, Oklahoma,
Pennsylvania, and Tennessee. All had been commissioned over a quarter of a century earlier. See “Battleships: Overview and Special Image Section,” Naval History & Heritage Command, available at http://
www.history.navy.mil/photos/usnshtp/bb/bb.htm, accessed on December 14, 2012.

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As has often been the case in the past, a competitor whose military objectives require theprojection of power over a relatively modest distance will enjoy an advantage over anenemy who must project power over much longer distances to counter him. Moreover,regional maritime powers with local objectives may also enjoy significant advantages
over a global maritime power with global responsibilities. The regional power will enjoy
a cost advantage in that it costs more to project and sustain power over long distances
than short distances. The regional power will also have an “optimization” advantage, inthat the regional power can optimize its maritime force to operate with maximum effectiveness in its region. A global maritime power, on the other hand, is precluded from
optimizing for operations in one area, as it must design its forces to operate effectively
across multiple regions involving more diverse missions.
Moreover, contemporaneous with the emergence of a mature maritime precision-strike
regime, a range of other prospective technological developments that lie outside thescope of this assessment seem likely to exert significant influence on the character ofthe maritime competition. As noted earlier, ongoing advances in laser technology could
greatly boost the reliability of line-of-sight communications and enhance a competitor’sability to maintain battle networks in the face of determined efforts to degrade them.164
Advances in directed-energy weaponry could greatly enhance air and missile defenses.165
At the same time, competitors are developing technologies that threaten the battle network’s connectivity. For example, the emergence of high-power microwave weapons
has the potential to disrupt or destroy many of a battle network’s elements, as could
narrowband digitally controlled RF jammers and cyber weapons.166
Moreover, it is now possible to use digitally controlled RF energy to transmit a signal
into an antenna that will generate a false target, obscure an actual target to render
it undetectable, or send a signal to alter the operation of components of the battle
164

A major challenge for maintaining the integrity of a battle network is to move high volumes of informationand to do so securely. Laser-based communications offer a possible solution in that light can carry much
more information than other forms of wireless communication and is more secure. Its security comes fromthe laser’s very narrow beam. The information in the beam cannot be compromised unless the interceptor is
directly in its path. This is a marked contrast to radio waves, which produce "lobes" near the point of transmission that make it possible for an enemy to listen in. Both the U.S. Air Force and the U.S. Navy among
other military organizations are exploring the potential of laser communications. Some modest laser communications systems have been established at the U.S. Air Force base in Bagram, Afghanistan. Office of Naval
Research, “Laser Communications,” August 2008, available at http://www.onr.navy.mil/en/Media-Center/
Fact-Sheets/Laser-Communications.aspx, accessed on January 13, 2012; “New Radio: Laser Beams,” Discovery News, December 13, 2012, available at http://news.discovery.com/tech/gear-and-gadgets/laser-communications-121024.htm, accessed on January 22, 2013; and Stew Magnuson, “Game-Changing Laser Communications Ready for Fielding, Vendors Say,” National Defense, January 2013, available at http://www.
nationaldefensemagazine.org/archive/2013/January/Pages/Game-ChangingLaserCommunicationsReadyForFielding,VendorsSay.aspx, accessed on January 22, 2013.

165

Gunzinger and Dougherty, Changing The Game: The Promise of Directed-Energy Weapons, pp. 22–29.

166

David Axe, “How ‘Revolutionary’ Is CHAMP, New Air Force Microwave Weapon?” AOL Defense, November 28, 2012, available at http://defense.aol.com/2012/11/28/how-revolutionary-is-champ-newair-force-microwave-weapon/, accessed on December 16, 2012.

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network.167 Cyber weapons, like air power in the interwar period, are shrouded in a fogof uncertainty regarding their prospective capability at the tactical, operational, and(especially) strategic levels of war.168 In an environment like the mature maritime precision-strike regime posited in this assessment, where scouting and battle networks playa major role, the potential of high-power microwave, digitally controlled RF jammers
and cyber weapons to deny, destroy, or provide misleading information could exert amajor influence on the competition. It is no exaggeration to say that scouting in theelectromagnetic and cyber domains may be more critical to a competitor’s effectivenessthan scouting in the physical world.
Artificial intelligence (AI) could emerge as a fallback option to enable a maritime competitor to conduct strikes with an acceptable level of effectiveness while the battle network is disrupted, in the undersea domain where communication options are limited,or where electronic emissions would render stealthy platforms vulnerable to detection—for example, unmanned systems that can leverage AI to function at a substantial
fraction of their potential even when communications and data links are interrupted orsevered. In this way they can buy time for these links to be restored while still undertaking important missions.

Militaries
operating within
the context of amature maritime
precision-strike
regime will not beable to ignore thepossibility that theirenemy may employ
nuclear weapons.

Prospective advances in propulsion fuels and battery technology could exert an enormous influence on the competition to the extent they enable platforms to operate overlong distances or for protracted periods of time before they need to be refueled.
This may be particularly important for stealthy unmanned systems, such as UUVs and
UAVs that do not need to return to base at relatively short intervals because of limitations on human crews.169 This could have important consequences for these systems’ability to employ more capable sensors such as synthetic aperture sonar or operate
either over long distances for protracted periods, or both.
One relatively mature technology being continually enhanced by at least some maritime
competitors is nuclear weapons. Militaries operating within the context of a mature
maritime precision-strike regime will not be able to ignore the possibility that their
167

Digital Radio Frequency Memory (DRFM) is an example of how digitally controlled RF can be employed. DRFM electronically captures, stores, alters, and retransmits an RF signal. As the retransmitted
signal is a coherent representation of the original signal, the transmitting radar will not be able to distinguish the DRFM-generated return from other legitimate signals it receives and processes as targets.
Thus an enemy using DRFM can generate targets to the transmitting radar where, in reality, there arenone, and fail to present targets where they actually exist. In this way digitally controlled narrow-band
RF energy can change the electromagnetic “landscape” depicted by a battle network’s scouting element.
I am indebted to Bryan Clark for this observation.

168

Krepinevich, Cyber Warfare: A “Nuclear Option”?, pp. 9–14.

169

For example, the limiting factor of aircraft with a single pilot is endurance (about eight to twelve hours).
Even though the aircraft can be refueled in flight to extend its time aloft for days or even weeks, thehuman in the cockpit cannot withstand the stress of such a long period aloft and still perform at a highlevel. Unmanned systems, however, do not have this problem, and therefore the ability to remain aloft
is much more a function of their fuel capacity and the amount of energy the fuel can provide per unit ofweight. Christopher J. Bowie, The Anti-Access Threat and Theater Air Bases (Washington, DC: Center
for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2002), pp. 11–13.

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enemy may employ nuclear weapons. There are several reasons for this; the first isthat the number of existing or prospective significant maritime powers that are nuclear powers has grown since the end of the Cold War. Since that time three states havejoined the nuclear club, and more seem likely to do so. Second, states are developing
new generations of nuclear weapons, including some with very low yields, which areblurring the distinction between nuclear weapons and precision-guided munitions.170
Third, the military doctrine of certain nuclear-armed states suggests they will employ
nuclear weapons as a means of offsetting their inferiority in conventional capabilities.171
Fourth, given the development of nuclear weapons with very low yields, at least somemaritime competitors may see little difference in employing “precision nukes”—particularly those that generate a localized electromagnetic pulse—at sea where there is
likely to be little collateral damage. The temptation to employ such weapons may beparticularly strong if a competitor is at the point of exhausting its magazine of nonnuclear PGMs and sees nuclear use as an effective alternative. The incentive to employ
nuclear weapons may also be strong if one very low-yield nuclear weapon can do thework of multiple conventional PGMs or address targets that are too deeply buried or
hardened for conventional PGMs. This incentive may be heightened if the strikes are to
be conducted at long-range, as inventories of conventional systems for such missions
will likely be modest, given their relatively high cost.

Maritime Missions in a Mature Maritime Precision-Strike Regime
Command of the Sea

The object to naval warfare must always be directly or indirectly either to secure thecommand of the sea or to prevent the enemy from securing it…[T]he most common
situation in naval war is that neither side has the command [of the sea]; the normal
position is not a commanded sea, but an uncommanded sea.
Julian Corbett172
As Corbett observed at the dawn of the Dreadnought Revolution, maritime forces traditionally have only been able to command the seas where their fleets or ships were
physically located. They could also command the seas indirectly by either sinking theenemy fleet or blockading it in port. As used in this assessment, “command of the sea,”or “sea control” (the terms will be used interchangeably), refers to a competitor’s ability
to secure its own access to the maritime domain while denying its enemies the same.
Command of the sea thus enables one’s forces to move through the controlled seas at

170

See Watts, Nuclear-Conventional Firebreaks and the Nuclear Taboo.

171

See Vipin Narang, “Posturing for Peace? Pakistan’s Nuclear Postures and South Asia Stability,” International Security, 34, No. 3, Winter 2009/10; and Dima Adamsky, Russian Regional Nuclear Developments (unpublished paper: Long Term Strategy Group, September 2010).

172

Corbett, Principles of Maritime Strategy, p. 87.

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Rather than surface
ships being thenearly exclusive
participants in thecompetition forcommand of thesea, as they werein Corbett’s time,
the competition ina mature maritime
precision-strike
regime involves
forces operating inor from all domains.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

will, whereas all competitors are denied this ability, or do so at an unacceptably high risk(e.g., an inferior fleet attempting to break through a blockade to the open seas would
incur a substantial risk of catastrophic damage). In Corbett’s time the very short ranges
over which maritime forces could scout and strike, and the relatively few ships available
to police the enormous area covered by the seas, meant that most of the ocean’s surface
went unpatrolled—or “uncommanded.”This situation has changed dramatically beginning with the rise of aviation and advances in the ability to scout and then strike, promptly, over great distances. This is particularly important within the overall context of an A2/AD force posture. In the mature
maritime precision-strike regime, scouting and striking ability extends to locating andattacking mobile targets at sea—ships. But the situation is more complicated than that.
Rather than surface ships being the nearly exclusive participants in the competition forcommand of the sea, as they were in Corbett’s time, the competition in a mature maritime precision-strike regime involves forces operating in or from all domains.
As competitors create and enhance their scouting and precision-strike capabilities residing in all the warfighting domains, the result will be a progressive shrinking of “uncommanded” seas and the continuing expansion of areas of contested sea control or, what
seems more likely, mutual sea denial—a maritime “no man’s land” for surface vessels,
be they warships or cargo vessels, over large areas. Thus a high priority in the competition in a mature maritime precision-strike regime will center on identifying operational
concepts that enable a competitor to restore his freedom of maneuver in the maritime
domain, whether in selected places for a specified time, or more generally as the enemy’s
A2/AD forces are rolled back. (The rollback issue will be addressed presently.)
This is not to say that all maritime surface vessels will be readily identified and easily
engaged—warfare remains too messy for that. Rather, deploying surface warships andcommerce on the high seas within this A2/AD network will likely become a far riskier
proposition than today. In a mature maritime precision strike regime—as long as eachside’s battle network remains operational—in areas where they overlap, command of
the sea will likely prove difficult, as both sides have the capacity to scout and effectively
engage at extended ranges. Even absent the battle network, semi-autonomous or autonomous systems—such as submarines, mines, and AUVs—may make movement on the
sea’s surface problematic. Of course, to the extent one side has a decided advantage inthe quantity or quality of its scouting and strike forces—such as when a maritime poweris within range of its enemy’s A2/AD forces—the maritime forces compelled to operate
far from its bases would likely be at a decided disadvantage.
Forward Presence
Forward presence has long been a principal mission for the forces of major maritime
powers, as a means both of deterring or intimidating prospective enemies and of reassuring ally and partner states. Warships were particularly useful in this role, as theyMaritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

89

could appear on the horizon—outside the “three-mile limit”—as a tangible sign of theirstate’s power and interest. Unlike land forces, ships need not infringe upon an enemy’s(or ally’s) sovereignty in order to present a show of military might, and they can bequickly and easily withdrawn. And unlike ground (and later air) forces that requirebases on land, naval forces do not require the permission of any third party to conduct
combat operations.
In a mature maritime precision-strike regime, however, naval forward presence will
likely undergo a fundamental change. As a surface fleet moves closer to a prospective
enemy’s coastline, it comes within range of progressively more enemy A2/AD forces.
Given the exceedingly short warning and engagement times associated with missile
attacks (both anti-ship ballistic and cruise missiles), and the growing challenges posedby mines, UUVs, and AUVs, a forward-deployed maritime surface task force could represent a tempting target rather than a source of intimidation to rivals and assurance toallies. The temptation for an adversary to employ its precision fires may be particularly
acute during a crisis, just when the need for both deterrence and assurance is greatest.
This temptation to attack may be further heightened since forward-deployed maritime
forces are within range of an adversary’s relatively plentiful short-range precision-strikeweapons and present a relatively easy problem for scouting forces.
Given these considerations, greater emphasis will inevitably need to be placed on forcesthat can deploy forward and evade detection, as well as on forces that can accomplish
their missions at extended range.173 Both, of course, would have to possess sufficientcombat power lest they represent little more than a bluff. Submarines, owing to theirstealth, can operate in relative safety close to a rival’s shore, as can UUVs and AUVs. But
they have small magazines. Submarines may also be able to transport towed payload
modules carrying missiles, sensors, or other cargo that can take station on the seabedalong an adversary’s continental shelf or remain attached to the submarine to enhance
its payload capacity. When stationed on the seabed, these undersea missile pods could
be monitored by a combination of fixed sensors and sensors aboard patrolling UUVs
and AUVs to ensure against tampering.
While worth exploring, employing submarines and undersea missile pods for forward
presence fails to provide a visible physical manifestation of maritime power. Given theirstealth, how do rivals or partners know if submarines are present to provide “presence”

173

A third option exists, namely employing small vessels possessing little combat value. This would makethem expendable in wartime and prospectively an attractive option if the cost to the enemy of destroying these vessels far exceeds their value. It is difficult to envision, however, an enemy devoting disproportionate resources to defeating a weak force, especially if the destruction of such a force would
require a highly disproportionate expenditure of resources. As will be discussed presently, it is also
possible—indeed, likely—that competitors finding themselves in these circumstances will look for ways
(e.g., novel operational concepts, new capabilities, or combinations of the two) to restore freedom of
maneuver for maritime forces.

Unlike land forces,
ships need not
infringe upon an
enemy’s (or ally’s)
sovereignty inorder to present ashow of militarymight, and they
can be quickly andeasily withdrawn.

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90

unless they surface, for example, to conduct port visits?174 The same can be said regarding sensor and strike modules emplaced on the seabed. In both cases, to reveal theirpresence is to disclose their location and lose the stealth that enables their effective
forward deployment in the first place. Long-range strike systems suffer from a similar
problem in that they represent “distant presence,” not “forward presence,” and thus
will likely lack the deterrent and assurance value traditionally associated with maritime
forward presence forces.
Thus satisfying “forward” presence requirements may require novel approaches (such as
rotating a small number forward), as well as educating allies and partners (and rivals aswell) regarding the new approach. This may drive the forward-presence mission more infavor of systems that are expensive owing to the high cost of either their stealth (submarines) or extended range (e.g., long-range carrier-based aircraft and long-range missiles),or that are novel, such as hardened land-based forces or undersea-based systems. In thiscontext, it bears repeating that the maritime competition has long since ceased being theexclusive province of naval forces. With the advent of air and missile power in the early andmid-twentieth century, the ability of land-based forces to influence the maritime competition has grown dramatically, as this assessment’s Mediterranean theater case studies andothers show. Linked to battle networks engaged in maritime scouting, land-based forces canpotentially match or even outrange any ship-based strike systems or munitions, including
missiles. Forward-based, land-based forces can also be made more survivable than similarly deployed surface ships, given that they can use land terrain for passive defense (e.g.,
cover and concealment, mobility, and hardening).175 In summary, just as enemy land-based
systems have contributed to the fielding of A2/AD forces that increase the risk of friendly
naval forces operating at sea, so too can friendly forward-deployed land-based forces at least
partially offset the loss of surface maritime forces in the forward-presence mission (and, as
will be elaborated upon presently, in other missions as well).
Naval Force Strike
Over the past seventy years or so the ability of naval forces to strike at ever-greater ranges
has been a major feature of the maritime competition. The U.S. Navy has dominated thiscompetition in a way rarely seen in history. From aircraft capable of carrying modest
bomb loads over a few hundred miles in the Korean and Vietnam wars to the TLAMs

174

Another way to detect submarines or UUVs occurs in the event they need to transmit information. One
possible way of avoiding detection in such circumstances would be to release a buoy to transmit a message. An enemy might detect the signal, but the location would be that of the buoy, not the submarine
or UUV.

175

Unless forward-based forces are deployed on sovereign territory, their employment may be hostage tosecuring the host nation’s approval, limiting their ability to deter or assure. On the other hand, if they
are deployed on an ally’s territory for defensive (as opposed to power-projection or offensive) purposes,
their effectiveness in terms of both deterrence and assurance could be quite robust.

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employed in the First Gulf War, from carrier aircraft striking land-locked Afghanistan176
in the months after 9/11 to SSBNs armed with ballistic missiles that can strike at targets
thousands of miles away, U.S. naval forces have greatly expanded their ability to strikeover vast distances and, in so doing, greatly enhanced their combat potential.
One of the reasons for this dominance has been the absence of a major naval rival. Overthe past sixty years or so the U.S. fleet has not encountered a major threat from anenemy surface fleet.177 During this time the U.S. Navy’s strike operations have been conducted under conditions where the seas have been a sanctuary from enemy attack. In
instances where access was contested (for example, the Eastern Mediterranean during
the Cold War), executing strikes from the sea against land-based targets posed substantial challenges. These challenges will be magnified in the face of an enemy’s A2/AD
forces in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. The problem will be exacerbatedas fleet elements that make up the overwhelming majority of the U.S. fleet’s strike capability—carriers and other surface warships armed with relatively short-range combat
aircraft or missiles—are likely to be well within the range of an enemy’s extended-range
strike elements, whether they operate from land or sea.178
A competition in which maritime no man’s lands is one of its principal characteristics
will likely find competitors shifting their emphasis away from fleets built around surface
combatants and toward forces and systems oriented on penetrating and defeating theenemy’s long-range scouting and strike systems, and A2/AD defenses. Systems that are
stealthy (e.g., nuclear-powered submarines and towed payload modules); land-based(e.g., mobile or hardened ASCM batteries); seabed-based (e.g., emplaced towed payload modules and sensor arrays); or that have extended range (e.g., bombers, as wellas ground- and submarine-launched ballistic missiles) would appear to be relatively
attractive for this purpose. That said, submarines may prove the least attractive of thesealternatives should it prove difficult or costly to link submersibles (e.g., submarines,
AUVs, and UUVs) to the battle network conducting the scouting and cueing functions.179
With respect to AUVs and UUVs, while they will certainly become more important for

176

Note that these aircraft required multiple aerial refueling operations in order to accomplish this feat,and that these operations were conducted in a benign (uncontested) aerial environment.

177

The principal Soviet threat was in the form of its submarines and land-based air forces.

178

The Navy’s Tomahawk Land Attack Missile (TLAM) has a range of roughly 900 nm, whereas the combat
range of its new F-35C strike aircraft is roughly 600 nm. In addition to range, there is a scale problem.
The U.S. Navy has allocated much of its surface warship VLS tubes and carrier deck space to missiles
and aircraft, respectively, with missions other than strike (such as air and missile defense).

179

The concern here is the battle network’s durability. American attack submarines, for example, haveexperienced little difficulty in receiving information. They have fired numerous TLAM strikes without
difficulty, as mission data are generated off-board, and arrive via extra-high-frequency (EHF) communications. The picture changes if the submarines must raise their signatures by transmitting information to accomplish their mission (such as scouting or to control UUVs).

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specific tasks and missions, they will most likely remain limited by their size (i.e., capable only of carrying small payloads), endurance, reliability, and communications.180 Significant AUV and UUV limitations in fuel and power supplies suggests they will alsoneed to be transported close to their assigned mission areas and refueled on station—
perhaps by a nuclear-powered “mother ship,” such as an SSGN.
If this new mix of naval strike elements, consisting of penetrating systems (submarines
and towed payload modules armed with missiles, and stealthy181 long-range carrier-borne
strike aircraft—both manned and unmanned), proves effective, it may, combined with theland-based systems described in the preceding paragraph, open the door to the subsequent employment of more traditional forms of maritime strike (carriers with short-range,
non-stealthy aircraft; and surface combatants with large numbers of VLS tubes) later inthe conflict.
This is important for two reasons. First, as noted earlier, thanks to the long service livesof legacy systems (and U.S. fiscal woes) the U.S. Navy is likely to have a substantial
number of such systems as short-range, non-stealthy aircraft and large non-stealthy
surface combatants. Second, the systems described above as being potentially more
effective in operating under the initial conditions of a conflict occurring in a mature
maritime precision-strike regime are likely to represent a significantly more costly way of
conducting strike operations than is currently the case. Thus, as with the German Army’s
panzer divisions in France in 1940 and the U.S. Navy’s fast carriers at Midway in 1942,
a relatively small—though expensive—force may be relied upon to create the conditions
under which the rest of the force, including many legacy systems, can carry out their
missions effectively at an acceptable level of risk.182

180

Given current technology, a UUV’s endurance would be limited mostly by low-energy-density power
supplies like batteries. Fuel cells are better in some respects but have their own shortcomings. Anotherlikely major UUV limitation is reliability. Unlike an unmanned aircraft changing altitude, UUVs, because of the density of water, must take on or discharge ballast as it changes depth. This requirement
will increase as UUVs grow in size to carry more energy, sophisticated sensors, and payloads. This added weight exacerbates the reliability problem. A stuck ballast valve that a submarine crew could easily
override could be fatal to a UUV. I am indebted to Captain (Ret.) Karl Hasslinger for this insight. There
are some U.S. Navy UUV designs similar to a small diesel submarine, with a range in excess of 3,000 nm
and an endurance of roughly six months. The UUV would need to snorkel periodically, adding anothersignificant design challenge to those listed above.

181

In this case stealthy refers to the aircraft having sufficient signature reduction to detect desired targets
with onboard sensors at sufficient stand-off range from adversary SAMs to survive and launch a shortrange, stand-off weapon.

182

Similarly, in a more recent example, the use of its relatively small (and expensive) force of stealth aircraft and precision-guided munitions (including TLAMs) at the outset of the First Gulf War created theconditions in which nonstealthy aircraft could operate at an acceptable level of risk. With respect to expense, U.S. carriers (including their complement of aircraft) in World War II were not appreciably more
expensive than battleships; however, they were among the fleet’s most expensive capital stock. The
combination of expense and long construction time made it difficult to move quickly to a fleet optimized
for the new way of war. While the U.S. Navy had but a handful of carriers in 1942, it would have nearly
100 of all types by war’s end. Germany, lacking America’s industrial might and suffering from attacks
on its industrial base, was never able to shift to a predominantly mechanized force during the war.

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Scouting Competition
Warfare will become more of a competition between “hiders” and “finders.” Targets
that can be identified and tracked (if they are mobile) will run a high risk of being
destroyed, not only near the forward edge of the battle area…but over the entire
breadth and depth of an enemy state or theater of operations.
Andrew Krepinevich, 1992183
This assessment has defined scouting as described by Wayne Hughes. Thus scouting is:…information gathered by any and all means—reconnaissance, surveillance,
cryptanalysis, or any other type of what some call information warfare—andis completed when the information is delivered to the commander.184

As the Russians and, later, the Americans discovered, in an environment where thespeed of engagement may be highly compressed (i.e., reconnaissance-strike complexes
or scouting-strike battle networks), the ability to understand and act quickly upon what
the information that scouting forces provide may be critical. Hence linking scouting
and strike forces when possible is highly desirable, particularly when targeting mobile
targets such as surface warships or even cargo ships.
Moreover, effective scouting that enables a competitor to strike the first blow has provenincreasingly important in naval combat in light of the increased lethality of anti-ship
ordnance. This is especially the case in offense-dominant regimes where to strike firstagainst an enemy’s scouting forces can make it much more difficult for him to locate andtrack one’s own. At the Battle of Midway, for example, the Americans’ ability to locate
the Japanese carriers first enabled them to execute a devastating first strike with U.S.
carrier aircraft. By according priority to sinking the Japanese carriers the Americans
destroyed the Japanese navy’s ability to strike at long range and its ability to scout overextended distances as well.185 Revealingly, the Haystack concept and UPTIDE exercises
during the Cold War were designed primarily to negate the effectiveness of the enemy’s
scouting force (i.e., prevent enemy scouting forces from detecting the fleet) as opposed
to destroying it.
The growth of emphasis on battle networks and the exploitation of the electromagnetic
spectrum strongly suggest that the need to win the scouting competition is almost certain to be even greater in a mature maritime precision-strike regime, where the ability to
strike with precision means that to be seen is to be hit—assuming the weapon can get to183

Krepinevich, The Military-Technical Revolution: A Preliminary Assessment, p. 14. This is a 2002 reprint of the original, unpublished paper completed in 1992 for DoD's Office of Net Assessment.

184

Hughes, “Naval Tactics and Their Influence on Strategy,” p. 8.

185

The U.S. carrier raids against Japanese naval bases from 1943 to 1945 that gave priority to destroying
land-based long-range patrol planes and bombers used as scouts lends weight to the importance attached to defeating the enemy’s offensive strike capability and his ability to scout effectively.

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the target quickly enough. It will likely benefit the defender more to prioritize avoiding
detection, reducing the precision of detection, preventing communication of detections
from reaching strike forces, and reducing the effectiveness of terminal seekers than toemphasize destroying scouting forces.
While the assertion merits further analysis, it appears that even a modest degradation ofan enemy’s scouting capabilities—through passive or active measures—could produce
disproportionate advantages to friendly forces.186 For example, it might create additional “holes” or gaps in an enemy’s scouting coverage, enabling friendly forces armed
with short-range scouting and strike elements to surge forward and shift the militarybalance in their favor, even if only temporarily as the enemy shifts assets to close the gap.
Yet the competition could shift quickly and dramatically. Recall that in World War II
the introduction of long-range radar and radio communications between Fighter Direction Centers (part of CIC) and fighter aircraft, along with reconfiguring the carrier air
wing and equipping surface ships with massive numbers of air defense guns, enabled
the Americans to shift the balance in the maritime strike competition from offense
to defense in the Pacific theater. The same could occur if dramatically more effective
defenses, either active or passive, are fielded.187 They could reduce the value of scouting
and the incentive to strike first in a mature maritime precision-strike regime.
That being said, the competition here as elsewhere is likely to be dynamic, not static.
Militaries will continually look for opportunities to improve the effectiveness of theirscouting forces. For example, advances in missile stealth could render directed-energy
weapon defenses ineffective by undermining the scouting forces’ ability to detect themissile in the first instance—"you can’t shoot at what you can’t see.” Assuming the costof incorporating advances like enhanced stealth into missiles was comparable to or significantly less than the cost of fielding effective scouting forces against them, it would
shift the balance back toward the offense.
The potential for cryptanalysis and cyber operations to have a major effect on the scouting competition should not be underestimated. Code breaking played a major role in
World War II in enabling the Allies to achieve a competitive advantage in both the European and Pacific theaters of operation.188 American signals intelligence (SIGINT) proved

186

Assuming this is correct, it would further undermine traditional methods of employing naval forces to
conduct forward-presence operations. Unless scouting forces were viewed as expendable, they would beparticularly tempting targets operating so deeply within an enemy’s A2/AD zone.

187

Such enhancements in the defense could arise from improved missile defenses (particularly in the areaof directed-energy weapons), decoys and deception (as the U.S. fleet employed in the Haystack and
UPTIDE exercises), better ship armor, and improved damage control.

188

The U.S. Navy’s decisive victory at the Battle of Midway in June 1942 was, in part, the product of superior U.S. strategic and operational intelligence derived from breaking the Japanese war code. Hughes,
Fleet Tactics and Coastal Combat, p. 114; and Spector, At War, At Sea, p. 199.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime95

an important source of intelligence during the Cold War.189 Cyber operations have thepotential to glean important intelligence from the enemy regarding his disposition offorces. Moreover, cyber operations can also delete or corrupt a battle network’s data,
destroying information or inducing it to provide false information.
Should corruption or denial of data or information cause a competitor to lose confidence
in his scouting element or battle network, it could produce a catastrophic failure, particularly in his ability to strike mobile targets or targets at extended range. This would almost
certainly result in a major shift in the maritime balance. Important questions arise fromthis possibility. For example, could a battle network and its scouting functions be quickly
restored following such attacks? Could the effects of an attack be localized so that otherelements of the battle network could continue to perform and provide reliable information, or would a massive attack of this kind produce catastrophic levels of damage to (andto the confidence in) the battle network? Might quickly restoring the battle network in
the wake of such an attack prove difficult and perhaps impossible?
Correspondingly, feeding an enemy’s scouting forces false information could lure him
into engaging false targets and, in so doing, depleting his magazines of expensive, precision-guided munitions that he would find difficult to replace. Given such concerns, andthe uncertainties surrounding both cyber warfare and modern cryptanalysis, arriving
at a better understanding of the potential—and limitations—of one’s own capabilities,
including cyber attacks, as well as those of the competition should be accorded high andpersistent priority.
Commerce Raiding and Defense—Shipping
It is commerce and finance which now more than ever control or check the foreign policyof nations . . . Modern developments and changes in shipping and naval material haveindeed so profoundly modified the whole conditions of commerce protection, that there
is no part of strategy where historical deduction is more difficult or more liable to error.
Julian Corbett190
Corbett wrote these words over a century ago. But they still apply to the matter ofcommerce defense when examining the changes that will transpire between current
conditions and those in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. Just as Corbett was
writing during the last phase of the great wave of economic globalization that emergedin the nineteenth century, the world today is riding an even stronger wave of global economic trade that has bound economies together more tightly than ever before. Globalization has also increased many states’ economic vulnerability to having their maritime
trade threatened or cut off.
189

See, for example, the accounts of the U.S. Navy’s tapping of Soviet undersea communications cables
during the Cold War in Sherry Sontag and Christopher Drew, with Annette Lawrence Drew, Blind Man’s
Bluff (New York: Public Affairs, 1998), pp. 125, 158–63, 211–20, 236–52, 311.

190

Corbett, Principles of Maritime Strategy, pp. 95, 269.

Should corruption
or denial of data or
information cause acompetitor to lose
confidence in his
scouting element
or battle network,
it could produce acatastrophic failure,particularly in his
ability to strike
mobile targets or
targets at extended
range.

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Today the overwhelming majority of international trade continues to move by sea. A
mature maritime precision-strike regime defined by the ability to strike both fixed andmobile targets on the Earth’s surface at long-range, effectively and with precision, will
require major adjustments in our thinking about commerce defense. History reminds
us how risky it was for ships to transit across the Mediterranean during much of WorldWar II in the face of enemy land-based air reconnaissance and strike elements, submarines, and mines. Moving cargo in a mature precision-strike regime promises to be evenmore daunting, given improved scouting and how fast attacks can occur.
There are, of course, differences from the Mediterranean case study that need to betaken into account. On the one hand World War II ship-killers employed comparatively
cheap ordnance (such as “dumb” gravity bombs and torpedoes) from close range. If
commerce raiding in a mature maritime precision-strike regime centers on expending costly, scarce PGMs to attack shipping at extended ranges, the direct and indirect
opportunity costs may prove daunting. Yet some maritime targets, such as oil supertankers, could well merit the high cost of engagement, depending on the value of theship and its cargo to the enemy. Alternatives may be sought as well. For example, submarines may provide an excellent means of penetrating an enemy’s A2/AD defenses
to prey on shipping. Or long-range precision strikes may be employed directly against
ports in the knowledge that any ships located there could be destroyed, or that the lossof port infrastructure will make it difficult or impossible to offload cargo.
Assuming both sides in a commerce war have deployed robust A2/AD forces, we mayview commerce defense as occurring in one of three general areas (see Figure 7). One,the rear area, is defined as being within the friendly force’s own A2/AD umbrella andoutside of the enemy’s, save for his long-range scouting and strike forces. This includes
enemy submarines that must transit long distances to penetrate deeply within the friendly force’s A2/AD defenses. The high cost of long-range scouting and strike forces would
keep their inventories at modest levels for both sides, making them reluctant to employ
them against low-value targets such as individual merchant ships or lesser combatants.191
Under these conditions, it may be possible to move seaborne cargo in relative safety inhome waters. (Yet even this could prove difficult if the enemy can emplace and replenish
smart mines in littoral waters.) The existence of a rear area assumes, of course, thatthe two maritime competitors are quite distant from one another. The United States
provides a good example of a competitor whose geographic position gives it a large reararea, as its littorals and continental shelf are remote from other major maritime powers.
The same would not apply, for example, to China or Japan, given their proximity to each

191

While a submarine commander would be reluctant to use an MK-48 Advanced Capability (ADCAP)
torpedo (whose cost is roughly $1 million) to kill a coastal merchant, there may be times and places
where it is warranted. For example, sinking a ship either by torpedo or with a mine could prove a strong
deterrent against those who seek to transit coastal waters. Or it could compel an adversary to escort
merchant shipping, prohibiting these key assets from accomplishing other missions.

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other, where the competitors would both operate in the teeth of each other’s A2/AD
forces, as well as the large U.S. maritime forces in the Western Pacific.
Beyond the rear area, forces might enter a maritime “no man’s land,” defined as any
maritime region where only the long-range maritime scouting and strike force capabilities of both competitors overlap. As the name suggests, operating on the ocean’s surface
in this area is a risky proposition for both sides. In a mature maritime precision-strike
regime, parts of the Western Pacific, including around China, Japan, and forward-based
U.S. maritime forces, could become a maritime no man’s land.
Beyond no man’s land, friendly maritime forces would encounter the enemy’s maritime
bastion, the area where enemy A2/AD defenses are concentrated but beyond the effective range of most friendly maritime forces.192 The enemy’s bastion is the equivalent of
the friendly force’s rear area. From a U.S. perspective, a Chinese maritime bastion might
exist in the Western Pacific if Japan were to dissolve its alliance with the United Statesand if the remnants of U.S. maritime forces were limited to distant outposts in places
like Australia and Hawaii. The same condition could arise if U.S. maritime forces losttheir access to the Persian Gulf.193

FIGURE 7: MARITIME ZONES

192

A bastion can be generally defined as a maritime region where the enemy can operate in wartime with ahigh degree of freedom and friendly maritime forces operate at great peril. In this assessment friendly
maritime bastions are referred to as “rear areas,” to differentiate them from enemy bastions.

193

Recall that, as used in this assessment, maritime forces include not only those that operate on the surface or under the sea, but also those forces that can influence the competition at sea. Just as naval forces
can influence the military competition in other domains (such as land, air, and space) so too can forces
operating in these domains influence the maritime competition. Thus losing access to the Persian Gulf
can include loss of access for forces based on land (e.g., shore-based ASCM batteries, mine-clearing
helicopters, air and missile defenses supporting the defense of warships, and merchant ships operatingin the Gulf), in the air, and in space (e.g., ground-based tracking stations).

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Friendly maritime commerce defense operations will likely prove challenging in no
man’s land and daunting when operating in an enemy’s bastion. In the former casemaritime powers might apply some of the lessons learned by the Royal Navy in the Mediterranean theater during World War II. The British relied considerably on deception
and cryptanalysis to gain an advantage over when and where the Italians and Germans
would attempt to move supplies. The same will likely hold true in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime. Furthermore, cyber and other operations that undermine theeffectiveness of an enemy’s scouting efforts could prove critical.194
Yet even then, assuming the enemy has a robust battle network and scouting force
employing multiple means of identifying ships at sea—for example, space-based sensors,manned and unmanned aircraft, AUVs and UUVs, sensors embedded in smart minesor buoys, and undersea sensor grids similar to SOSUS195—it may be difficult to renderan enemy’s scouting force and battle network ineffective. Hence efforts to maintainprewar levels of trade will prove difficult and perhaps impossible against a major maritime adversary. The more relevant question is likely to be: Is it possible to keep criticalsupplies flowing in sufficient quantities to sustain the war effort?
How might this be accomplished? Given our definition of a mature maritime precision-strike regime, keeping such supplies flowing is likely to prove both difficult andhazardous. To be sure, during the world wars convoys proved capable of sustaining anadequate level of goods for Great Britain. Yet during both world wars the Allies sufferedheavy losses from German attacks, and moving small maritime tonnage through the Mediterranean Sea proved difficult from 1940 to 1943.196 The U.S. Navy conducted a highly
successful commerce-raiding campaign against Japan in World War II, primarily withsubmarine forces, while Germany’s U-boats brought Great Britain perilously close todefeat in both world wars, although at high cost to the submarine forces of both navies.197

194

A major challenge with these kinds of counter-scouting operations will be developing effective meansof conducting “battle damage assessments.” How do friendly forces know when the enemy’s data havebeen destroyed or corrupted? What level of confidence is required before sending a convoy on its way?

195

The term SOSUS stands for the Sound Surveillance System, a chain of underwater listening posts deployed between Greenland, Iceland, and the United Kingdom during the Cold War. Its purpose was to
track the movement of Soviet submarines into the Atlantic Ocean. Other more modest undersea sensor
networks were established at other locations.

196

The British often routed the far greater distance around the Horn of Africa and through the Red Sea toSuez in order to avoid the dangers of sending convoys through the Mediterranean.

197

Nearly 20 percent of U.S. submarines were lost during World War II, the highest proportion of any
U.S. forces. German U-boat losses were roughly 70 percent, the highest casualty rate of any Serviceof any combatant during World War II. William P. Gruner, “U.S. Pacific Submarines in World War II,”
Historic Naval Ships Association, available at http://www.hnsa.org/doc/subsinpacific.htm, accessedon February 12, 2013; and “British and German Submarine Statistic of World War II,” Naval Historical
Society of Australia, available at http://www.navyhistory.org.au/british-and-german-submarine-statistics-of-world-war-ii/, accessed on February 12, 2013.

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Then there is the matter of geography. To the extent trade routes require shipping totransit chokepoints (such as the Strait of Gibraltar, Suez Canal, Malacca Strait, andStrait of Hormuz), this will go a long way toward solving the enemy’s scouting problem. The enemy can then concentrate his limited scouting assets (particularly if thechokepoint is at an extended distance from friendly force bases) on chokepoints knowing that merchant shipping cannot avoid transiting through them. Moreover, whether
chokepoints exist or not, merchant ships must ultimately dock at a port. Thus the setof major ports comprises another known chokepoint, further reducing the enemy’s
scouting problem. As will be elaborated upon presently, two keys to effective commerce
defense of shipping will be defeating the enemy’s scouting forces and effective ASW.198
Commerce defense may also be aided by creating stockpiles of strategic materials or by
employing alternative methods of moving critical cargo, such as by sending it along landroutes (by truck, rail, or pipeline). During the early years of World War II, for example,
Germany was able to defeat Great Britain’s efforts to stifle its seaborne commerce byobtaining supplies over land from the Soviet Union or via local waters, such as Swedishiron ore via the Baltic Sea. Even then, naval forces armed with long-range strike elements
could be employed to support a “land blockade” by striking onshore supply routes.199
Finally, if moving cargo through no man’s land will be challenging in a mature maritime
precision-strike regime, attempting to accomplish this in the enemy’s maritime bastion
would likely be suicidal, with catastrophic levels of attrition in both merchant shippingand surface naval escorts. Ostensibly the only reason for even attempting such operations will be to move small amounts of badly needed cargo to a force or an ally that is
absolutely essential to the war effort. An example of this is found in the Royal Navy’s
efforts to slip convoys through to Malta, particularly in 1941–42 when Axis forces in the
Mediterranean were at their strongest. One can envision such an operation to reinforce
U.S. Army outposts defending along the First Island Chain in some future conflict.200

198

To this we might add effective air and missile defenses. However, absent major breakthroughs that enable a major shift in the competition from the offense (which it currently favors by a significant margin)
to the defense, this does not appear to be a profitable area in which to compete for those seeking toprotect seaborne commerce.

199

The U.S. Navy has already demonstrated such a capability. During the First Gulf War, for example, it
fired TLAMs against targets deep inside Iraq. Following the 9/11 attacks, carrier-based aircraft conducted sustained strikes in Afghanistan, a land-locked country.

200

For example, during the Japanese siege of U.S. forces on the island of Corregidor during World War II,
the Americans received small supplies of munitions transported by submarine. This was the only meansof moving cargo at an acceptable level of risk, as Japanese forces controlled both the air and sea aroundthe island. The Americans also employed their submarines to transport critical cargo off the island, toinclude much of the Philippine government’s gold and silver bullion. Edward Michaud, “Corregidor:
The Treasure Island of World War II,” 1999, available at http://corregidor.org/chs_trident/trident_02.
htm. A few PT boats were also used to transport small amounts of critical cargo, including General
Douglas MacArthur, from the island. In the future, a Towed Payload Module might be used to transport
small amounts of critically needed supplies.

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Commerce Defense—Undersea Infrastructure
As discussed earlier in this assessment, a competitor’s economic assets at sea no longer
consist of only seaborne cargo it is either exporting or importing.201 The ongoing development of an undersea economic infrastructure that began in the years immediately
following World War II represents a valuable asset—and therefore an attractive target—
for many major maritime powers.
Most of a state’s principal undersea economic infrastructure lies along its continental
shelf. So in many cases the infrastructure may be in the state’s maritime rear area.
This would be the case, for example, with U.S. assets in the Gulf of Mexico, as there isno major maritime power within the region. Yet it would still be possible to attack an
enemy’s undersea infrastructure located in its rear area by employing systems capableof operating with stealth, and at long ranges, such as nuclear-powered submarines andany SOF, AUVs, and UUVs they might carry. There may also, however, be undersea
infrastructure in highly contested maritime zones. For example, the emergence of amature maritime precision-strike regime may well coincide with major undersea economic development in the Eastern Mediterranean and South China Sea, areas that
could both easily be categorized as maritime no man’s lands, or perhaps where two
major maritime powers are in close proximity to one another, as with China and Japan.
In such instances where bastion zones overlap, both sides will find themselves operating
in a maritime no man’s land where the full weight of their forces can be brought to bear.

In a conflict involving
multiple competitors,
a major challenge
for a competitor
attempting to defend
his infrastructure
may be accurately
identifying thesource of an attack.

In a conflict involving multiple competitors, a major challenge for a competitor attempting to defend his infrastructure may be accurately identifying the source of an attack.
This is because a third maritime power—including one not actively engaged in the conflict—may be able to trigger a catalytic war between the other two powers or to influence
the course of a conflict covertly by executing attacks on one state’s infrastructure thatare misattributed.202
Systems like SSNs, SSGNs (including those carrying SOF), towed payload modules,
UUVs, and AUVs may be among the more attractive ways of both scouting and striking
undersea infrastructure. The scouting problem may be minimal as most targets arelikely to be fixed, and the areas in which they are located will be well defined. To theextent these scouting and strike systems are stealthy (e.g., quiet to avoid acoustic detection), they may be able to avoid a rival’s defenses. Should this condition obtain, it then201

This cargo may be carried in ships that do not belong to firms based in the competitor’s state, or evenships flying the flag of his state. This in itself could present difficulties in protecting commerce, sinceprivate firms, both foreign and domestic, may be reluctant to risk their ships in a war zone.

202

For example, a war could result if two powers, A and B, are at a crisis point. A third power, C, could
attempt to trigger a conflict between A and B by conducting an attack on A that A’s leaders attribute toforces belonging to country B. The premise here is that A will then retaliate against B, and the war will
be on. During the conflict C might continue trying to influence the outcome by conducting covert attacks against one side or the other, or even both. The attribution problem merits attention, particularly
in a mature maritime precision-strike regime where many states, and even some non-state entities, will
have the means to scout and strike undersea targets at considerable distances, and with precision.

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becomes a question for the defender of its undersea infrastructure’s active defenses andresilience (level of hardening, asset distribution vice centralization of operations, etc.)
in the face of attacks.
How might one deter such attacks? If reliable attribution is possible (or, more to thepoint, if an enemy believes that its rival can accurately identify its attacks), then it may
be possible to deter them through the threat of retaliation. Deterrence might be reinforced if the enemy has extensive undersea infrastructure and believes that it can beplaced at similar risk of damage or destruction in retaliation for any attacks he might
conduct on the infrastructure of his rival. It is far from clear, however, that either condition will obtain in a mature maritime precision-strike regime.
Assuming deterrence is not a particularly sturdy pillar on which to base the security of one’s undersea economic infrastructure, it is appropriate to ask: How might astate defend itself against such attacks? The answer appears to be “with great difficulty.”
While the answer to this question depends to a significant extent on the circumstances
surrounding a given contingency, erecting a SOSUS-like barrier around an undersea
economic domain would seem both technically challenging and expensive.203 Still, an
array with active sources might be effective, especially in small geographic areas.
A defense employing sensors and kinetic or directed-energy defenses could take various
forms, such as a perimeter defense that, as the name suggests, would run along theperiphery of critical undersea economic infrastructure. Depending upon its characteristics, it might prove desirable to emplace a point defense that would concentrate defense
assets at key vulnerabilities in the infrastructure. Of course, a competitor might opt fora layered defense combining perimeter and point defenses. The defense might include
passive elements (barriers such as nets, hardening, and redundancy in key parts of theinfrastructure) and active elements (from patrols by systems ranging from submarines,
to AUVs and UUVs, to mines).204 Most likely a competitor would deploy some combination of these defenses.
The effectiveness of a defensive sensor barrier would likely be affected by the noise generated from the economic activity inherent in offshore energy extraction and shipment.
Of course, in such an environment an enemy might generate noise to divert or decoy
attention from his efforts to scout, map, and conduct strikes on the infrastructure. Moreover, an attacker employing UUVs or AUVs with their low signatures, when coupled withlimited sensor ranges on defending systems, would derive a significant advantage.

203

The SOSUS relied on passive detection; it detected target noise. In the case considered here, such asystem would encounter several major challenges. First, the noise level in coastal areas is high. Second,small undersea systems like AUVs and UUVs will not generate much noise. Even if detected, it is notclear how these systems would be tracked and engaged. Nets might prove useful, but the netting required to cover an EEZ would be enormous and prohibitively expensive.

204

Most active defense systems would also incorporate sensors as well.

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To the extent both scouting and strikes against the undersea economic infrastructure
can be accomplished anonymously, or within the context of plausible deniability, efforts
would be made in peacetime to map a prospective enemy’s undersea infrastructure—and perhaps mine it as well.205 Given the prospect of undersea towed payload modules, it is feasible that small explosive charges could be emplaced by the very systems
undertaking scouting and mapping activities, especially where defenses are weak or
perhaps even nonexistent. In a mature maritime precision-strike regime where an enemy’s undersea economic infrastructure is likely to reside in its maritime bastion, wellbeneath his A2/AD umbrella, the only way to attack it promptly and effectively in war
may require undertaking these kinds of preparatory activities in peacetime.206
Assuming the absence of an effective defense, the defender will have to deal with theconsequences of successful attacks. How can damage best be limited if defense fails?
How long will it take repairs to bring the infrastructure back on line? What are thecosts of failing to quickly restore economic activity? The answers to these questions
lie beyond the scope of this assessment, but they could exert a significant influence on
the maritime balance, particularly if the economic costs of such attacks are high, which
seems likely.207 Given the preceding discussion it seems likely that the ability to threaten a competitor’s undersea economic infrastructure will be an effective cost-imposing
strategy—especially if most of the costs of scouting, mapping, and emplacing munitions
are incurred in peacetime, thereby avoiding the use of scarce long-range assets for thispurpose in wartime.

205

There is some precedent for this kind of activity. During the Cold War, U.S. submarines conducted
operations in which they penetrated Soviet waters to conduct surveillance. See Sontag and Drew, Blind
Man’s Bluff.

206

This matter merits persistent analytic focus to determine the characteristics of the undersea competition with far greater clarity than has been presented here. For example, many energy firms employ
UUVs and AUVs to monitor their undersea infrastructure. Depending on these systems’ effectiveness, it
may be difficult to emplace munitions prior to a conflict.

207

As an example, it cost over $14 billion to remediate the damage caused by the oil spill that occurred
when a British Petroleum undersea well-head exploded in the Gulf of Mexico on April 20, 2010. Selina
Williams, “BP Remains in Troubled Waters Over Oil Spill,” Wall Street Journal, November 15, 2012,
available at http://blogs.wsj.com/source/2012/11/15/bp-remains-in-troubled-waters-over-oil-spill/,
accessed on January 3, 2012. The U.S. government settled for a payment of $4.5 billion from BP in
November 2012. “BP Settles with U.S. Government for $4.5B in Gulf Oil Spill,” Fox News, available at
http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/11/15/bp-settles-with-us-government-for-45b-in-gulf-oilspill/#ixzz2HIYfP0VK, accessed on January 3, 2012. Other estimates place the actual cleanup costs,
including remediating the environmental damage, at roughly $19 billion. “BP’s Potential Pricetag for
Gulf Oil Spill,” Insurance Journal, March 5, 2012, available at http://www.insurancejournal.com/
news/national/2012/03/05/238184.htm, accessed on January 3, 2012.

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Blockade
The "proper place” for our battle-fleet had always been “on the enemy’s coasts,” andnow that was precisely where the enemy would be best pleased to see it.
Julian Corbett208
Corbett was speaking of the dangers posed for naval forces operating in littoral waters
by the introduction of submarines and torpedo boats armed with torpedoes, and of theuse of mines. Owing to their stealth (torpedo boats typically were deployed at night)
these systems made it risky for maritime forces to operate close to shore. Consequently,
in World War I the Royal Navy abandoned its long-standing preference for close blockade in favor of distant blockade.209
The problem confronted by the British fleet nearly a century ago would remain, albeit
in a much altered form, in a mature maritime precision-strike regime. With both enemy
scouting and strike capabilities vastly greater than those confronted by the Royal Navyin World War I, a friendly force’s ability to execute a blockade over the maritime activity occurring within an enemy’s maritime bastion could prove both difficult and costly.
Friendly SSNs could patrol within this zone and prey on shipping, either directly, suchas by firing torpedoes or ASCMs,210 or by emplacing mines.211 Friendly long-range,
stealthy cruise missiles and unmanned aircraft might be able to loiter along maritime
bastion trade routes scouting for targets and striking them when they are discovered.
These resources, however, are likely to be among the most expensive in a competitor’smaritime force, and thus in scarce supply. It is not clear that given competing mission
priorities these resources will be available in sufficient numbers to conduct blockade
operations within the enemy’s A2/AD defenses.
This could change, however, if the two warring powers were in close geographic proximity to one another so that the seas between them were in each other’s maritime bastions—that is, where the bulk of their A2/AD forces overlapped. As noted above, such a
condition would exist in at least some maritime areas lying between China and Japan(Figure 8), for example, or for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in a conflict

208

Corbett, Principles of Maritime Strategy, p. 122.

209

The difficulties associated with a blockade of maritime commerce are many indeed, and are not limited
to military operations alone, but are intertwined with them. See, for example, Nicholas A. Lambert,
Planning Armageddon (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012).

210

Current ASCMs may prove effective in creating “mission kills” against large merchant ships, creating
damage requiring several months to repair. They may not, however, be very effective as “ship killers.”
Yet as noted earlier there is nothing to prevent a competitor from fielding ASCMs with larger warheads,
or with warheads specifically designed to sink even the largest merchant ship.

211

Mines would be particularly effective at maritime chokepoints. Yet with the advent of “smart mines”—
mines that are mobile and incorporate sensors enabling them to detect and track their targets—it may
be possible for a just a few mines to threaten far larger areas than is currently the case. Of course one
may also anticipate advances in countermine operations as well.

104

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessmentswith Iran. The ability of both sides to employ the full range of their maritime forces, atboth short and long range, could find them engaged in intensive blockade operations.212

FIGURE 8: CHINA-JAPAN MARITIME ZONES

In a global economy, a considerable portion of a major power’s maritime trade is likely
to occur beyond its littoral, transiting beyond its maritime bastion and through no
man’s land.213 Here the potential to conduct distant blockade operations within thecontext of a mature maritime precision-strike regime appears to be far greater, both inenhanced effectiveness and reduced cost.

212

A version of this occurred during World War II when geographically close rivals, Germany and GreatBritain, both engaged in blockades against each other. For several reasons, not least of which is distance,
Germany never seriously contemplated a blockade of the United States, nor did Great Britain think oftrying to blockade Japan. Only a maritime power with the economic might of the United States was able
to undertake very long-range blockade operations. Even in this case, however, the U.S. fleet benefited
from a growing number of forward bases from which to operate.

213

The enemy may not be able to project scouting and strike forces beyond its own maritime bastion. For
example, in a mature maritime precision-strike regime where a war occurs between the United Statesand Iran, large portions of the maritime domain may be outside the range of any U.S. A2/AD forces andany Iranian long-range scouting and strike forces. This situation is not elaborated upon in this assessment, as there is an absence of competition in this area.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

105

In a maritime no man’s land, surface ships of all stripes on both sides of a conflictattempting to run a distant blockade would appear to be at great risk. This situation
would be comparable to commerce raiding, only instead of sinking ships bound forenemy ports, the ships could be told not to enter what might be viewed as a maritime“free-fire” blockade zone. Another difference is while commerce raiding can be expected
to involve actions against ships actively defended by the enemy (such as by the presenceof convoys of some type), blockade assumes local sea control where cargo ships either
avoid steaming in the proscribed area or, if they do, are intercepted and routed awayfrom enemy ports rather than being sent to the bottom.
One of the problems encountered by the Royal Navy in shifting to a distant blockadein the face of Germany’s proto-A2/AD forces centered on the enormous increase in thenumber of ships required to enforce it.214 The means employed in conducting blockade
operations would be different in a mature maritime precision-strike regime than in“traditional” blockades. The great improvements in scouting, for example, would enableships to be tagged and tracked by satellite and by air (e.g., manned aircraft and UAVs)
as they leave port and move through maritime chokepoints. These ships can be orderedout of restricted areas via electronic communications and, if need be, engaged at great
distances and with precision by maritime forces. In remarkable contrast to the Royal
Navy’s problem a century ago, it may be possible to conduct an effective extended blockade with very few naval combatants, that is, by employing primarily non-naval means.

Break Out?
The general contours of a mature maritime precision-strike regime presented above
suggest that war at sea will likely become far more lethal and power projection much
more difficult. This prompts the question of whether such a regime will prove stable—
creating an enduring “new normal” for the maritime competition. Or whether, owing toadvances in other areas of the military competition ranging from artificial intelligenceand cyber warfare to directed-energy and novel nuclear weapon designs, a way can befound to restore freedom of maneuver in the maritime domain. This is the subject of
the following chapter.

214

The number of ships required to reduce the number of successful blockade runners in a close blockade was small compared with the number of ships required to achieve comparable results in a distant
blockade, primarily owing to the much greater distances that had to be covered. See Lambert, Sir John
Fisher’s Naval Revolution, p. 179.

The general
contours of amature maritime
precision-strike
regime presented
above suggest that
war at sea will likely
become far morelethal and power
projection much
more difficult.

RESTORING MARITIME FREEDOM OF MANEUVER[B]ecause of the growing expense of deep-strike systems and munitions, a crucial measure of effectiveness for the deep strikes that exploit information dominance will be an
ability to identify a relatively small number of targets that, when successfully engaged(or engaged on a recurring basis), cripple an enemy’s effectiveness or capacity to resist.
Andrew Krepinevich215
Even when the author wrote this over two decades ago, there was a sense that longrange scouting and strike systems would not be plentiful once the military revolution
spawned by the information revolution had matured. Consequently, as in previous erasof military competition, such resources would have to be employed carefully to ensure
they achieved the maximum possible effects.
In World War II, for example, the U.S.-British Combined Bomber Offensive found thetwo allies debating with themselves and each other over which targets—oil, electricity,
arms production, transportation, etc.—to strike in Germany, knowing that only a small
fraction of the overall target base could be attacked.216 Similarly, another high-cost asset,
aircraft carriers, was employed primarily against the most critical targets (the main
body of the Imperial Japanese Navy) in the Pacific theater.217 Many of the systems and215

Krepinevich., The Military-Technical Revolution: A Preliminary Assessment, p. 30.

216

See James G. Roche and Barry D. Watts, “Choosing Analytic Measures,” The Journal of Strategic Studies, June 1991, pp. 165–209.

217

Destroying the primary striking power of the Imperial Japanese Navy in the form of its carriers wasconsidered the top priority when such strikes were possible (i.e., when Japanese carriers were within
range of U.S. carrier striking power)—as, for example, at the battles of Midway (June 1942), the Eastern
Solomons (August 1942), Santa Cruz (October 1942), and the Philippine Sea (June 1944). Carrier task
groups performed other missions as well, however, especially after the U.S. Navy had broken the backof Japan’s naval air power. These missions included attacks on island air bases, invasion support, andland attack missions against Formosa (Taiwan) and Japan itself.

108Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

capabilities that can scout and strike over long distances (such as satellites, stealthy
long-range manned and unmanned aircraft, submarines, manned and unmanned
submersibles, and sensor arrays) are expensive and, consequently, available in correspondingly limited numbers, even among the militaries of the wealthiest maritime
powers. These capabilities—which constitute the key sources of military effectivenessin a mature maritime precision-strike regime—will therefore need to be employed mostjudiciously in war.
The answer to how they should be employed depends on whether or not the emergenceof a mature maritime precision-strike regime will usher in a “new normal” in the military competition described here. By “new normal” is meant a maritime regime whose
defining characteristics will endure for a protracted period of time (i.e., a decade ormore). If so, the rise of A2/AD defenses and maritime no man’s lands will make it far
more difficult for surface warships and merchant ships to move about on the seas thanis currently the case—especially for the United States—while the undersea economic
infrastructure will no longer enjoy sanctuary. In summary, the maritime competition
would have shifted substantially in favor of the defense—except in the undersea infrastructure competition, where the offense seems likely to dominate.
It is far from clear, however, that should such a competitive environment emerge, itwill endure. At least some maritime powers will have a strong incentive to displace
it. Advances in technology, new methods of conducting war (operational concepts), or
some combination of the two may enable maritime powers to restore, at least partially,
their freedom of maneuver.
How might this be accomplished? What might the next move in a mature maritime precision-strike regime be? As stated at the beginning of this assessment, the paths toward
a mature maritime precision-strike regime are likely to be varied, most competitors havenot moved very far along these paths (although their momentum seems to be increasing),
and promising developments (such as in directed energy, cyber weapons, artificial intelligence/robotics) in military capabilities may mature over the next ten to twenty years.
Because of these circumstances, it is difficult to describe with confidence the initial stateof the new maritime competitive environment. Describing prospective countermoves
therefore presents an even greater challenge.
That being said, if the mature maritime precision-strike regime conforms to the description presented above, one can imagine some ways in which competitors might restore
freedom of maneuver to project maritime power. Four possibilities are presented here.
They are not mutually exclusive. Two of the four options focus on elements of the “reconnaissance-strike” network—specifically, the enemy’s ability to scout effectively and his(presumably) limited arsenal of long-range strike weapons. Of course, there is nothing toprevent a competitor from suppressing enemy extended-range scouting and strike forces
simultaneously, save for his own limited ability to conduct effective long-range strikes.
The other two options focus on relatively crude strategies of prompt and protracted
attrition, respectively.

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109

Option 1: Win the Scouting Campaign
Given the growing vulnerability of surface warships and transport ships, most major
maritime powers will presumably have an increasing portion of their naval forces
moving and operating beneath the surface of the seas. Thus surface warship operations
will be limited primarily to a competitor’s maritime rear area and perhaps no man’sland. As for transport ships, nearly all maritime commerce occurs on the surface ofthe seas, since transporting it undersea is not economically feasible. Undersea transport (such as by submarine) has occurred rarely and only when surface transport wasdeemed too risky and the movement of the cargo in question was deemed to have thehighest priority.
Yet if a maritime power can substantially degrade its enemy’s ability to scout effectively,
his mobile maritime assets may be able to operate with much less risk of sustaining
damage or being destroyed.
Priority in a campaign to win the scouting competition would likely be given to securing
one’s maritime rear areas and no man’s land.218 It seems likely that most of a competitor’s maritime commercial traffic would occur in these areas, and therefore thegreatest benefit would arise from degrading the enemy’s scouting capabilities in theseareas. Success here may also be easier to achieve given that the enemy’s scouting assets
capable of operating at long range will likely be relatively few compared with those thatcan operate only at short range, that is, within the enemy’s A2/AD defensive zone ormaritime bastion.219
The campaign to win the scouting competition will likely involve a series of kinetic,
cyber, and (perhaps) directed-energy strikes. Given their ability to scout over wide
areas, their cost, and the long lead times associated with their construction and deployment, neutralizing or destroying an enemy satellite's ability to scout will likely beaccorded high priority. The ability to attack satellites employing kinetic interceptors
and directed-energy weapons has already been demonstrated, and it may be possible
to disrupt or corrupt their functions through cyber attacks. An enemy’s scouting forcesthat are located at fixed facilities—for example, long-range stealthy UAVs located at
an air base, OTH radars located at fixed sites, and satellite ground stations—would be
relatively easy targets for friendly long-range systems to engage and218

As noted earlier, it is possible that maritime competitions may occur between belligerents where there
are overlapping maritime zones (e.g., China and Japan). For the purposes of this assessment, an example encompassing all three zones is employed.

219This is not to say that all enemy scouting undertaken in a no man’s land and the enemy’s maritime
bastion are conducted using long-range systems (e.g., satellites, submarines, and long-range manned
and unmanned aircraft). Forward-based systems and weapons (e.g., UAVs operating from austere land
airfields, cyber “logic bombs,” and embedded undersea sensors) may provide scouting information.

Given their ability
to scout overwide areas, theircost, and thelong lead times
associated with
their construction
and deployment,
neutralizing or
destroying an
enemy satellite'sability to scout will
likely be accordedhigh priority.

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Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

destroy, as the scouting effort associated with locating them would be modest.220 Thereis always the matter, however, of the size of the enemy force and the need to overcome defenses. How large is the enemy’s basing structure and force relative to ourmeans for destroying them? What kind of active and passive (e.g., hardening) defenses
must be overcome? Finally, assessing the battle damage from such strikes could prove
more challenging for friendly forces. Was the target destroyed? Has it been repairedor replaced?
Simultaneous with the attacks on space-based scouting systems and fixed land-based
systems, friendly forces would undertake operations aimed at suppressing a wide rangeof other enemy scouting forces, such as manned and unmanned aircraft, undersea sensor
grids, and enemy agents. These agents could range from those planted within friendly
intelligence organizations to individuals simply forwarding whatever scraps of information they can gather, such as warships departing their home port or a convoy’s movement.
Winning the scouting campaign will also extend to securing information on the enemy’s
scouting plans and operations and destroying or corrupting the information provided by his scouting operations. This would probably involve cryptanalysis to break theenemy’s codes, or engaging in cyber operations to exfiltrate unencrypted data, thereby
gaining insight into how and where he plans to employ his (hopefully diminishing)extended-range scouting assets. If success can be achieved here, it may be possible toidentify the “holes” in the enemy’s scouting coverage, or at least to predict with someconfidence areas of reduced risk to friendly forces and cargo. (As noted earlier, a major
challenge for friendly forces involves achieving high-quality battle damage assessment,
or BDA.) This operation would also see efforts to feed the enemy false information
regarding friendly operations, as well as cyber attacks designed to corrupt enemy scouting data, ideally to the point where he loses confidence in major elements of his scouting
capabilities and battle network.
Finally, the campaign to degrade the enemy’s eyes and ears can be supported by friendly
forces’ efforts to develop a competence in electronic emissions control (EMCON) andengage in other defensive measures, such as enhanced cyber defenses and narrow-beamlaser communications. As demonstrated in the Haystack and UPTIDE Cold War era
exercises, these counterscouting efforts can significantly hamper the enemy’s efforts.
Assuming the campaign proceeds as described, it should be possible to introduce awider array of friendly scouting and strike forces, particularly in the maritime no man’slands. Establishing control over no man’s land could, over time, enable friendly forces
to contest the enemy for control of his maritime bastion, to include enabling surface
warships (and high-priority convoys) to operate at acceptable risk by exploiting gaps
created in the enemy’s scouting umbrella.
220

For a discussion of a notional scouting (or “blinding”) campaign, see Jan van Tol, Mark Gunzinger, Andrew Krepinevich, and Jim Thomas, AirSea Battle: A Point of Departure Operational Concept (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2010), pp. 56–63.

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For example, it may be possible to conduct scouting and strike operations by forces thatenter the “gapped” area for a brief time and then depart before the enemy can close thescouting gap. Again, recall the Haystack and UPTIDE exercises that sought to do thesame for U.S. carrier strike operations in the Mediterranean. These operations would
also be somewhat reminiscent of the Doolittle Raid in April 1942.221 Carriers (especiallythose with long-range aircraft) and surface ships armed with long-range missiles able tooperate at acceptable levels of risk in a maritime no man’s land where enemy scouting
forces have been suppressed could make a valuable contribution to taking down theenemy’s maritime bastion defenses. Of course, the greater the range of their aircraft
and missiles, the less time they would have to remain in the maritime no man’s land—
which is why the Doolittle Raid was conducted using long-range Army bombers and not
Navy aircraft, which had far less range.222
To be sure, even if friendly forces are able to “win” the scouting campaign, they are
unlikely to eliminate the enemy’s scouting ability entirely, or his ability to regenerate
at least some portions of it. This strongly suggests that the enemy will not be “blinded”
in the sense that a person who is blinded has lost his sight entirely and is very unlikely
to recover it. Rather, the competition may be more analogous to throwing sand in theenemy’s eyes, causing him to blink and to suffer impaired vision while clearing his eyes
to enable his vision to return to normal. The distinction between “blinding” the enemy

221

The Doolittle Raid conducted on April 18, 1942, was the culmination of a series of raids by U.S. carrier forces following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. The U.S. carrier Hornet
steamed within Japan’s inner maritime defenses to a position roughly 650 miles away from the homeland and launched sixteen Army Air Corps bombers for an attack on Tokyo—the heart of the Japanese
empire. Intensive scouting preceded the U.S. strike to ensure that Japanese scouting forces had not
uncovered the operation. Submarines were sent deep into Japanese waters, while the carrier Enterprise sent scout aircraft out to determine if the U.S. task force had been spotted. Enterprise and Hornet detected several “enemy surface craft” as they approached the attack launch point. Upon sighting
one within visual range the attack was immediately launched—still roughly 250 miles away from theplanned launch point. (The boat was one of those in a picket line consisting of some fifty radio trawlers
on an arc about 700 miles to the east of Japan, part of a long-range layered scouting system that also
included aircraft and submarines.) While the attack imposed trivial damage on Tokyo, it did cause theJapanese to withdraw considerable naval forces, including carriers, to home waters. Moreover, three
Japanese Army air groups were established to provide for homeland defense, and two new fightergroups were added. A total of four fighter groups were maintained in Japan throughout 1942 and 1943.
George W. Baer, The U.S. Navy: One Hundred Years of Sea Power (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1993), pp. 216–17; Rose, Power at Sea, pp. 200, 250–51; and Norman Polmar, Aircraft Carriers(Dulles, VA: Potomac Books, 2006), pp. 205–6, 209. See also Roche and Watts, “Choosing Analytic
Measures,” pp. 184–89.

222

This is the principal reason the Doolittle Raid was executed by Army Air Corps bombers and not naval
aircraft. The bombers’ range far exceeded that of their naval counterparts. Interestingly, the Japanesepicket line did succeed in warning of the approaching attack; however, the Japanese air defense command assumed that the strike would be conducted by naval aircraft and, based on the reported sightingsand shorter range of naval carrier-based strike aircraft, believed the attack would occur one or two days
later than it did. Polmar, Aircraft Carriers, p. 206.

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Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

and degrading his scouting forces is critical, as it has significant implications for the
conduct of operations and the second-order implications for doctrine, capabilities, force
mix, and basing.
Finally, a key metric in winning the scouting campaign will center not only on degrading
the enemy’s ability to scout, but also to know when this has been accomplished, andto what degree, and for how long. The key questions are: How do you know when you
have been successful? And if you know, how long will success last before the enemy
restores his scouting ability? In military terms this translates into effective BDA. Given
the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime, determining with ahigh degree of confidence that an enemy’s scouting ability has been degraded to an
acceptable level promises to be challenging.

As in the case of
winning the scouting
competition,
depleting theenemy’s inventoryof long-range PGMs
and associatedsystems could
enable friendly
forces to enjoy agreatly enhanced
ability to maneuverin no man’s land at
an acceptable risk.

In some cases, such as when kinetic munitions destroy an OTH radar, BDA may be easy.
Yet even in these cases friendly forces, such as satellites, stealthy UAVs, and SOF must
be able to scout the area, which may prove difficult as it seems reasonable to assume theenemy will give priority to degrading friendly scouting forces. If PGMs are used, suchas small-diameter bombs that minimize collateral damage, it may be difficult to ascertain with sufficient confidence that the target has been rendered inoperable. Given theimportance of effective scouting in a mature maritime precision-strike regime, friendly
forces must anticipate that the enemy may feign a loss of his scouting ability in theattempt to draw friendly forces forward into an ambush.

Option 2: Deplete the Enemy’s Long-Range Strike Systems
Another option for restoring freedom of maneuver in the maritime domain centerson neutralizing or destroying an enemy’s extended-range strike platforms and weapons, including his land-based missiles or their launchers, strike aircraft (manned andunmanned), aircraft carriers, submarines (including AUVs and UUVs), and surface
ships armed with missiles. This could involve both offensive and defensive operations,as well as deception. The logic here is that the enemy’s loss of much of his ability to
strike, especially at extended ranges, would reduce dramatically the risks not only tomobile forces (e.g., surface warships) but also to those maritime forces at fixed locations(e.g., naval bases, air bases, and satellite ground stations).223 As in the case of winning
the scouting competition, depleting the enemy’s inventory of long-range PGMs andassociated systems could enable friendly forces to enjoy a greatly enhanced ability to223

Winning the scouting competition may reduce the risk to forces at fixed locations, but not as dramatically. This is because the loss of the ability to scout a fixed location would not reduce the enemy’s ability
to strike it. The loss of scouting capacity might, however, find the enemy striking fixed targets in a
suboptimal way, such as striking at an air base that had flushed its complement of aircraft, as opposed
to attacking the base to which they had relocated.

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113

maneuver in no man’s land at an acceptable risk. This could enable friendly forces withshorter-range strike elements to contribute to the defeat of enemy forces concentrated
in his maritime bastion.
How might this be accomplished without correspondingly depleting the magazines offriendly long-range strike forces in the process? One competitor would not appear togain an advantage by depleting an enemy’s long-range strike forces at the expense ofdepleting its own. While it cannot be ruled out that there may be an unequal trade-off
that favors the attacker, it would be particularly risky to assume such an advantage
even before the first major engagement in a mature maritime precision-strike regime.224
In order to husband one’s own long-range strike forces while encouraging the enemy
to deplete his own, other means and methods should be explored. To the extent they
prove effective, several possibilities merit consideration.
One involves operational deception against an enemy’s scouting efforts. Decoys, forexample, have long been a part of war and have been employed to great effect. If successful, a decoy will draw an attack on itself instead of on the target whose signature
the decoy is designed to mimic. During the Cold War the U.S. Navy experimented withacoustic decoys to mislead the Soviets as to the true location of its carriers. In a mature
maritime precision-strike regime, for example, nuclear-powered submarines might dispense relatively “cheap” UUVs that emit acoustic signals mimicking those of the submarine, and at a higher sound level. If the ploy is successful, enemy ASW forces might
expend substantial resources to attack the decoy and not the submarine.225 Similarly,
against an enemy relying heavily on either unmanned systems or missiles to executelong-range strikes, carrier strike groups might attempt a similar deception, hoping to224

Given possible asymmetries in other areas of the competition (e.g., in short-range scouting and strikesystems, and dependence on overseas resources), it may be advantageous for one competitor to tolerate
the mutual degradation of both its enemy’s long-range systems and its own. For example, if a competitor
has a commanding advantage in short-range scouting and precision-strike capabilities, he may welcome
the mutual drawdown of his and his enemy’s long-range scouting and precision-strike capabilities inorder to better exploit his advantage in short-range systems. An assessment of this and related scenarios,
is beyond the scope of this preliminary assessment. Another possibility is that there is an asymmetrictrade-off in the attacker’s favor in at least some cases where friendly long-range strike forces are employed against the enemy. A classic example is found in the U.S.-Soviet nuclear competition, where one
nuclear weapon employed against a strategic bomber air wing at an air base could result in the destruction of dozens of enemy nuclear weapons. Another example is found in the competition between U.S. andJapanese naval aviation forces during World War II. Early in the war the Japanese apparently believed acarrier air wing could sink two enemy carriers in a single strike. As the competition shifted increasingly
in favor of the defense, this assumption proved faulty. As Wayne Hughes observed, the Japanese “gambled, likely even believed, that one carrier [air wing] could sink two [carriers]. Even though wrong, thiswas a good gamble at the beginning of 1942. By the end of 1942 it was a very bad gamble.” Hughes, Fleet
Tactics and Coastal Combat, p. 115. Of course one reason this was a bad gamble was that the UnitedStates enjoyed a huge advantage in its ability to build carriers, making an even trade-off disastrous for
the Japanese. In this case the asymmetry worked against the attacker.

225

Depending on progress made in AUVs and UUVs, it may be possible for submarine forces to deceive anenemy into diverting ASW forces into one theater when in fact friendly submarine forces are concentrated in another.

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Other de facto
missile sinks could
emerge in the formof hardened air
and naval basesthat require far
greater expenditureof scarce precision
munitions anddelivery systems
to achieve desired
levels of damage ordestruction.

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments

draw attackers away from them and toward the false targets, creating a “missile sink”
of sorts.226
Other de facto missile sinks could emerge in the form of hardened air and naval basesthat require far greater expenditure of scarce precision munitions and delivery systems
to achieve desired levels of damage or destruction. Ideally, the cost (and opportunitycost) to the enemy in conducting the attacks would exceed that incurred by friendly
forces from defensive efforts such as hardening and rapid repair/remediation.227 If theenemy cannot or will not target such bases, it may be possible to position friendly shorter-range strike forces in maritime no man’s lands and even within the enemy’s bastion(i.e., on forward bases within the enemy’s A2/AD defensive zone), further shifting the
strike balance in friendly forces’ favor.
Geography permitting, if the scouting and strike competitions are waged in tandem, andif the scouting campaign is successful in substantially degrading the enemy’s capabilities, friendly forces may benefit from employing multiple bases, shifting their operations among them so as to create a shell-game problem for the enemy. Given that friendly forces would operate from only a fraction of the total bases available to them, theenemy—forced to operate with weakened scouting forces—could be compelled to strike
all the bases simultaneously to destroy a significant fraction of friendly forward-based
strike forces.228 Should the cost of striking the bases in this manner outweigh the costof friendly forces adopting such a posture (by including the cost of second-order effects
in both cases), this may prove an effective means of depleting the enemy’s long-range
strike forces.
Yet another means of compelling the enemy to expend his long-range strike elements
involves horizontal escalation. This would be possible if a competitor was able to compel
his maritime rival to fight for an objective outside both the enemy’s thickest A2/AD
defenses (his maritime bastion) and no man’s land. Under these conditions friendly forces
could rely solely on their short-range scouting and strike forces, whereas the enemy iscompelled to employ his long-range systems if he wants to contest the objective. This
could occur, for example, in a conflict between China and India, where India is able tocontest for control of the Strait of Hormuz by employing primarily short-range scouting
and strike forces whereas China must rely much more heavily on forces that can operate at
extended ranges see Figure 9). Another example would be in a U.S.-China conflict where226

In pursuing this concept, it may be necessary to ensure that certain elements of the enemy’s scouting
force remain operational, in order that they have the capacity to be deceived.

227

The benefit could be even greater if the repairs can be done quickly, thus requiring the enemy to copewith a higher “revisit rate” of strikes in order to keep the base out of operation.

228

The enemy might choose to employ relatively novel forms of scouting, such as spies providing information via the Internet or cell phones. This assumes that friendly forces have not taken effective steps toaddress this element of the scouting campaign. It also assumes that it is still possible to communicate
via cellular transmissions and the Internet in the midst of an intense electronic combat to gain information superiority.

Maritime Warfare in a Mature Precision-Strike Regime

115

forward-based American maritime forces in the Persian Gulf region enjoy a pronounced
advantage over Chinese forces in contesting for control of the Strait of Hormuz.

FIGURE 9: CHINA-INDIA MARITIME ZONESDefenses may also play an important role in efforts to degrade the enemy’s extended-range strike forces. As described earlier, PGMs may offer accuracy independent ofrange, but they do not offer range independent of cost—and range costs, especially whenpart of the mission involves penetrating enemy A2/AD defenses. The side that can
mount the more effective defense of its maritime forces—particularly surface warships—
may enjoy several advantages. First, in a duel of long-range fires, friendly forces with adefensive advantage will require fewer strikes to achieve the same level of destruction
to the enemy’s ships. Alternatively, under these conditions friendly forces can operate
at closer range, accepting the risk of incurring greater damage—but also increasing theirability to inflict more damage by bringing more weapons to bear.

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How might this defensive advantage be achieved? Several possibilities come to mind.
These possibilities are of value to the extent that within the concept of operations anticipated for them, they will prove effective against attack. That is to say, it will cost theattacker more to defeat improved defenses than the cost of the improvements themselves.229 One possibility involves improvements in surface ship passive defenses, suchas increased armor and enhanced damage control. Another entails the use of various
means of deception to draw off enemy missile attacks from true targets. Still another
involves active defenses—although at present the competition appears to heavily favor
the attacker. This could change significantly, however, with the maturation and introduction of directed-energy weapon defenses, such as chemical, solid-state, fiber, andfree electron lasers; high-powered microwave weapons; and electromagnetic rail guns.
Employing these prospective defense enhancements in combination could impose evenmore disproportionate cost on the attacker, depending upon the mission being undertaken and how the forces are used (the operational concept).

Option 3: Pursue Prompt Attrition
This option will prove unattractive for maritime competitors, who will see this as theleast bad option to be pursued under difficult circumstances. A maritime competitor
will likely pursue this option only when he has a major advantage in resources and feels
compelled to undertake a mission at all hazards. An example of this option is found in
the Royal Navy’s willingness to run the gauntlet to reinforce Malta during World War
II. In the future, there may be similar “Maltas” situated in the enemy’s A2/AD defensive zone (maritime bastion) or in no man’s land that cannot be abandoned without
incurring a severe operational or even strategic defeat. This might occur, for example,
in a U.S. defense of Japan in the event of aggression by China, which could necessitate
American maritime operations in China’s bastion or in no man’s land.

229

Measuring the effectiveness of defenses is likely to be more complex than whether a ship can sustain
more hits after the improvements are made than it could before—that is to say, by simply calculating
the cost of the additional strikes against the cost of the defensive improvements. For example, given
the limited number of long-range strike systems available, there are opportunity costs to consider. Employing three missiles instead of one to sink a ship, for example, also involves an opportunity cost. How
effectively could both sides have used the resources devoted to enhance attack or defense? Were theresources taken from military capabilities that offered little combat potential, or did the opposite occur?

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FIGURE 10: CHINA-UNITED STATES MARITIME ZONESTake another example, this one from a possible future contingency involving a conflict
between China and the United States in a mature maritime precision-strike regime (seeFigure 10). If the United States has committed to defending the First Island Chain in
the Western Pacific, for example, by deploying ground forces on some of the islands,
they will likely lie well within China’s maritime bastion. The choice confronting Washington may be similar to reinforcing the Philippines following the onset of the Pacific
War in December 1941. Unlike the British and Malta, the Americans decided that they
did not have the capability to sustain the Philippines. The last U.S. forces in the Philippines surrendered in May 1942.

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These two examples pose two questions. First, is a maritime power willing to pay a disproportionate price to restore freedom of maneuver in a mature maritime precision-strike
regime? Second, if so, is it able to accomplish its mission if it sustains such costs? As thisapproach implies a willingness to suffer disproportionate costs, it will be employed rarely,
only when the stakes are high and all other options have been exhausted, and even thenwith great trepidation.230
The freedom of maneuver described here is generally at the tactical or operational level.
Can a particular mission be accomplished? But what about restoring maritime freedom of maneuver on a broad scale, where a competitor has established command of theseas? The simple answer is that the prompt attrition option is likely to be pursued only
if one competitor has an enormous advantage over another in the maritime balance
and time is of the essence. Such a contingency in a mature maritime precision-strike
regime might arise if Iran attempted to cut off the flow of oil from the Persian Gulf byblockading the Strait of Hormuz and threatening to destroy the oil production and export
infrastructure of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)231 states. These acts would compel
the United States and other major maritime powers to act quickly in order to preventthe destruction of the energy infrastructure, restore the flow of oil from the Gulf, andprevent severe damage to the global economy. Given that the U.S.-Iran maritime balance
would be greatly tilted toward the United States, the option of prompt attrition of Iranianmaritime forces may be both attractive and capable of being executed when time is theprimary factor, even at the cost of accepting higher losses than otherwise tolerated.

230

The comparison to human wave attacks may not be entirely apt here, as there have been instances where
one side enjoyed a huge manpower advantage over its enemy (e.g., the Chinese People’s Liberation Armyin the Korean War and Soviet armies against the German Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front in the latterdays of World War II). Maritime operations are far more capital intensive. As such there are likely to be
severe limitations on the ability of any maritime power to mobilize the level of capital stock necessary to
overwhelm a major maritime power’s bastion defenses, save for on a very selective basis, and perhaps
only late in the war when one side has greatly depleted the maritime forces of the other. Another example
would be the Luftwaffe’s willingness to sustain far greater losses than the Royal Air Force in the Battleof Britain, in both aircraft and pilots. Germany’s advantage in men and materiel enabled this, and given
the prospective payoff—the invasion and conquest of Great Britain—the cost was arguably justified. Yetanother example is the Tet Offensive, where North Vietnam leveraged its advantage in manpower andU.S. aversion to casualties in a campaign that saw Communist forces sustain casualties at roughly a 25:1
ratio and yet succeed in breaking the American political leadership’s will to achieve its stated objectives.
Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr., The Army and Vietnam (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1986), pp. 238, 248. The U.S. forces suffered roughly 1,500 killed in action. The U.S. command asserted
the Communists experieced casualties including some 32,000 to 37,000 killed and 6,000 captured.

231

The GCC is a political and economic union of the Arab states that lie along the southern littoral of the
Persian Gulf, and it includes, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates.

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Option 4: Pursue Protracted Attrition: Cutting off Commerce
The attempt to seek the enemy with a view to a decisive action was again and again frustrated by his retiring to his own coasts [i.e., within his maritime bastion], where either
we could not reach him or his facilities for retreat made a decisive result impossible… It
was soon perceived that the only way of dealing with this attitude was to adopt somemeans of forcing the enemy to sea and compelling him to expose himself to the decision
we sought. The most cogent means at hand was to threaten his commerce.
Julian Corbett232
The option of prompt attrition can be attractive (or at least acceptable) when time is
not on your side. When time is on your side the option of pursuing a blockade can be
attractive, especially if the other options described above are not.
Traditional blockade operations (those conducted primarily by surface ships) in amature maritime precision-strike regime are likely to be undertaken at extended range(a distant blockade), since to try and impose one either within the enemy’s maritime
bastion risks incurring substantial and possibly unsustainable costs. This is not to saythat blockade operations in an enemy’s bastion could not occur. For example, depending upon the value of the target, submarines operating within the enemy’s A2/AD bastion defenses may venture forward to attack high-priority cargo including “leaker” shipsthat manage to evade the distant blockade conducted in no man’s land. Submarines
may also prove essential in interdicting the flow of littoral or coastal shipping—in effect,
waging a close blockade. Major enemy ports can be attacked with long-range missiles
or stealthy strike aircraft, either to destroy the port’s cargo-handling facilities or key
transportation nodes leading to and from the ports, or to damage or destroy the ships
moored or anchored in the port. Munitions on towed payload modules may prove usefulin attacking high-value, predesignated fixed targets, especially if these munitions havebeen prepositioned, such as by emplacing them on the seabed along the enemy’s continental shelf prior to the war. Offensive mining may also be a means of conducting aclose blockade, assuming the mines can be deployed in adequate numbers and at theright locations, are sufficiently “smart” to be triggered only by the “right” kinds of shipping (high-value ships), and are difficult to clear.

232

Corbett, Principles of Maritime Strategy, p. 160.

When time ison your side theoption of pursuinga blockade canbe attractive,
especially if theother options
described above
are not.

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If the network of undersea fiber-optic cables provides an enemy state with an essential
link to the outside world for the purpose of conducting commerce, cutting these cables
may be a high-priority mission, particularly against enemies with few good alternatives
for high-capacity communications flows.233 If so, it may be easier to cut the cables close
to shore where they may be easier to locate and access, as opposed to doing so at sea
or at their terminal point.234 Submarines carrying special operations forces, UUVs or
AUVs, or some combination could conduct cable-cutting operations.235 Such operations
may need to be repeated depending upon the length of the war and the enemy’s ability
to restore his cables quickly to operation.

Just as close
blockades in amature maritime
precision-strike
regime will likely bevery different fromthose conducted in
the two world warsof the last century,
the same can besaid of distant
blockades.

Just as close blockades in a mature maritime precision-strike regime will likely be very
different from those conducted in the two world wars of the last century, the samecan be said of distant blockades. In both cases surface ships seem destined to play amuch-reduced role, a consequence of their greatly increased vulnerability. In a distant
blockade, on the other hand, friendly maritime forces would likely operate almost exclusively outside the range of enemy extended-range scouting and strike systems, beyond
the maritime no man’s land where possible. Such blockades may be more efficiently
conducted than in the past, since satellites, unmanned aerial vehicles, and manned
aircraft may be able to perform the bulk of the scouting function. If chokepoints exist,
ground forces and land-based air forces may be able to monitor them. Surface warships
may be useful in boarding or sinking merchant ships; however, helicopters or special
operations forces can also conduct boarding operations, and, if need be, those ships canbe sent to the bottom by land-based aircraft and shore-based missiles.
If the enemy escorts his shipping or attempts to run the blockade, his methods fordoing so are also likely to be quite different from those in the major conflicts over the
past century. For example, the enemy may employ long-range missile strikes on fixed
forward land bases guarding chokepoints, or employ attack submarines to deplete naval
forces supporting the blockade. Enemy submarines may also engage in ASW operations
to keep friendly submarines from feasting on the convoy transports.236 As noted in thediscussion of commerce raiding, even with these efforts an enemy is likely to find it233

One of the first acts of war by Great Britain against Germany in 1914 was to cut its overseas telecommunications cables. On August 5, 1914, the Royal Post Office CS Alert cut the five German Atlantic
submarine telegraph cables. Jonathan Reed Winkler, Nexus: Strategic Communications and American
Security in World War I (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press: 2008), pp. 5–6, 10. Jan van Tol
notes, “The dependency on undersea cables for long-distance communications during World War I
was very high, with radio eventually helping to undercut that extreme dependency. Huge amounts ofcommunications travel via undersea fiber-optic cables today, but many countries will have considerable
alternative capacity via, for example, land fiber optics and satellites. So there may not be the equivalentdependency (depending on the country in question), but cable cutting would certainly appear useful for
adding ‘friction.’” Email communication with the author, January 13, 2013.

234

Cutting the cables at their overseas terminal point may involve violating the sovereignty of another state.

235

Currently employing SOF (in shallow waters) or a submarine’s anchor are the only methods currently
available to U.S. maritime forces for cutting seabed cables.

236This may be another way of encouraging the enemy to deplete his relatively small inventory of longrange strike systems (e.g., submarines) and munitions (e.g., long-range missiles).

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challenging to sustain convoys beyond its maritime bastion as long as it has not seized
control over no man’s land.
An example of this situation might occur in a conflict between China and the UnitedStates in which no man’s land ends somewhere between the First and Second island
chains. In this case, U.S. maritime forces may impose a distant blockade beginning at
the Indonesian archipelago and stretching back to China’s overseas trading partners,
such as the oil exporting states of the Persian Gulf. In this example, the prospect ofChina’s navy escorting oil tanker convoys through the Strait of Hormuz all the way toChina seems suicidal against a maritime power like the United States, even if it wereable to undertake the kind of operations described above. As with many other aspectsof the mature maritime precision-strike regime, however, one would want to examinea range of prospective contingencies involving various competitors before arriving at
informed conclusions as to how the competition might play out.
Another contingency worth exploring involves blockade operations between two maritime competitors in close geographic proximity to one another, such as in the case of
China and Japan. Here nearly all of the two competitors’ maritime capabilities can bebrought to bear upon each other; consequently these operations—effectively competing close blockades—would be waged with far greater intensity than those involving a
distant blockade. In such contingencies, a state’s stockpile of critical materials (suchas oil, gas, key metals, and food) or its ability to secure supplies over land routes could
significantly influence the effectiveness of a blockade.
Thus in the case of a conflict between China and Japan, China will enjoy a major geographic advantage. Some of China’s maritime areas will likely fall outside Japan’smaritime bastion, which may not be the case with Japan, given China’s long coastline that extends farther from the Home Islands than does Japan’s coastal areas from
China. Moreover, China has enormous strategic depth and its remote borders abutthe world’s largest continent, giving it the option of resupply over land transportationroutes, including pipelines and cables.237 Finally, history suggests that blockades can becomplex enterprises, as they affect not only the economy of the blockaded state, but of
those states—some being both neutral and formidable—that trade with it.238

237

This is one reason that Germany proved much less vulnerable to blockade in World War II than it didin World War I, when the Allied blockade contributed significantly to its defeat. For the first twenty-two
months of World War II the Germans could rely on the Soviet Union for raw materials, which greatly
reduced the effectiveness of the British blockade. Russia was an active ally of Britain from the beginningof World War I.

238

For a detailed treatment of the potential complexities associated with executing a blockade against amajor power, see Lambert, Planning Armageddon.

NEXT STEPSThe gods refuse the crown of victory to those who rest content after a single triumph.
They give it to those who exert themselves in peace-time training, who have therefore
won before any fighting begins.
Admiral Heihachiro Togo239
Efforts to identify and describe major shifts in the military competition can be successful. Consider that Admirals Sims and Fisher predicted such shifts with remarkable
precision. Less than a decade after Admiral Fisher predicted that submarines would revolutionize maritime warfare, squadrons of German submarines conducted an ambitious
blockade of Great Britain. Fifteen years after Admiral Sims declared the aircraft carrier
the capital ship of the future, a British carrier group executed a devastating attack on
the Italian fleet at Taranto.
Although their visions proved remarkably accurate, they were also imperfect. Whilecarriers did emerge as the capital ship of World War II, night surface operations werestill much the province of battleships, cruisers, and destroyers. And submarines, notcarriers, came remarkably close to winning the Battle of the Atlantic while the U.S. submarine fleet inflicted enormous damage on both Japan’s fleet and her commerce. Fisher’s emphasis on a ship’s speed over its armor proved only partially correct, as the performance of the Royal Navy’s battle cruisers at Jutland demonstrated. The same might
be said of Fisher’s emphasis on long-range fires. It would take further developments
in naval aviation, which were not realized until after World War I, before long-range
gunnery could realize the significant leap in accuracy that Fisher thought possible.240239David C. Evans and Mark R. Peattie, Kaigun (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1997), p. 124.

240

For a discussion of Admirals Fisher and Sims and their visions of a transformation in maritime warfare,see Lambert, Sir John Fisher’s Naval Revolution; and Andrew F. Krepinevich, Transforming to Victory: The U.S. Navy, Carrier Aviation, and Preparing for War in the Pacific (Cambridge, MA: The Olin
Institute, 2000).

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These examples strongly suggest that even if the description of a mature maritime precision-strike regime presented in this assessment is generally correct, it will still containflaws that will emerge only over time. In contemporary parlance, then, what we have isperhaps “Version 1.0” of the mature regime’s characteristics.
Where do we go from here in our efforts to understand the emerging maritime competition? If history is any guide, success will require persistent effort over time. Sims’s
vision, as well as Fisher’s, was subjected to vigorous (and often heated) debate among
the officer corps in their respective Services. These debates spilled over into the publicdebate as well. A stream of analytic assessments served to inform, and were informed by,
the debate. Science and industry helped in gaining a sense of what new and enhanced
military capabilities were possible and when they might be made available. Wargames
were conducted regularly to gain a sense of the dynamics of the maritime competition
among the various competitors. Efforts were made to understand how existing andprospective rivals envisioned the competition and the paths they were taking—in theform, for example, of doctrine, capabilities, and basing—to enhance their competitive
position. These efforts culminated in fleet training and exercises, which offered theclosest environment to war itself to test out new capabilities and operational concepts.
As this process was sustained over time, both the Royal Navy and the U.S. Navy reduced
the level of uncertainty surrounding the new maritime regime’s key characteristics wellenough to succeed when the ultimate test came in 1914 and 1941, respectively.
This assessment represents one of the early efforts in what will be a long and fitful path
toward the mature maritime precision-strike regime. To paraphrase President Eisenhower: assessments are useless; persistent efforts to revise and improve our assessments are everything. As Andrew Marshall noted nearly fifty years ago, in dynamic
times such as these it is difficult to estimate with any precision the military postures ofcompetitors ten or fifteen years into the future. What Marshall and Eisenhower realized is that assessments and estimates of this sort should not be the end but rather the
beginning of the kind of sustained iterative process described above.
To the extent this assessment of a mature maritime precision-strike regime has merit, it
can provide grist for a debate among the professional military and strategic study community regarding the regime’s characteristics. The debate can be enriched by considering
how some of the key variables mentioned in this assessment—directed-energy weapons,
artificial intelligence, advanced-design nuclear weapons, hypersonic weapons, cybermunitions, and competitor paths, among others—could significantly shape and influence the competition and the U.S. competitive position as a result. Priority should also
be accorded to identifying how the United States would like to see such a competition
evolve over time. Success here will enable further thought as to how the United Statesmight influence competitors to pursue competitive paths less threatening to its interests.

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While the process described here will take time, it need not be an expensive endeavor;
moreover, the savings to be realized from such an effort are potentially substantial. Accurately gauging the characteristics of a mature maritime precision-strike regime could
help the U.S. military avoid investing in capabilities that are ill-suited to meet futurechallenges, thereby allocating resources to areas that provide the United States with adistinct and enduring advantage in the new competitive environment. Thus the gains inmilitary effectiveness realized through this process could significantly enhance the U.S.
military’s ability to accomplish its maritime missions at reduced risk to national security.
Although the benefits of embarking on such an effort are clear, it will likely occur only
if senior leaders—within both the civilian defense community and the U.S. Navy—takeup the challenge and find a way to institutionalize the kind of process described above.
This is their great opportunity to sustain U.S. maritime dominance or, should they failto seize it, run the risk that this dominance will not long endure.

Accurately gauging
the characteristics ofa mature maritime
precision-strike
regime could help
the U.S. military
avoid investing incapabilities that are
ill-suited to meet
future challenges,
thereby allocating
resources to areasthat provide theUnited States with adistinct and enduring
advantage in the
new competitiveenvironment.

ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

A2/AD

Anti-Access/Area Denial

AI

Artificial Intelligence

ASAT

Anti-Satellite

ASCM

Anti-Ship Cruise Missile

ASM

Air-to-Surface Missile

ASW

Anti-Submarine Warfare

AWAC

Airborne Early Warning and Control

AUV

Autonomous Underwater Vehicle

BDA

Battle Damage Assessment

C4ISR

Command, Control, Communications, Computers,
Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance

CAP

Combat Air Patrol

CHAMP

Counter-electronics High-power Microwave
Advanced Missile Project

CIC

Combat Information Center

DE

Directed Energy

DEW

Directed-Energy Weapon

DSCS

Defense Satellite Communications System

DSP

Defense Support Program

EEZ

Exclusive Economic Zone

EHF

Extra-High Frequency

EMCON

Emission Control

EMP

Electromagnetic Pulse

GCC

Gulf Cooperation Council

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G-RAMM

Guided Rockets, Artillery, Missiles, and Mortars

HPM

High-Powered Microwave

IMINT

Imagery Intelligence

ISRIntelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance

JDAM

Joint Direct Attack Munition

LCS

Littoral Combat Ship

LNG

Liquefied Natural Gas

MOE

Measure of EffectivenessNATO

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

OTH-R

Over-the-Horizon Radar

PGM

Precision-Guided Munitions

PLA

People’s Liberation Army

POL

Petroleum, Oil, and Lubricant

RFRadio Frequency

SAM

Surface-to-Air Missile

SIGNIT

Signals Intelligence

SLOC

Sea Lines of Communication

SOF

Special Operations Forces

SOSUS

Sound Surveillance System

SSBN

Ballistic Missile Submarine

SSGN

Cruise Missile Submarine

SSN

Nuclear Submarine

TACAN

Tactical Air Navigation

TASM

Tomahawk Anti-Ship Missile

TFCC

Tactical Flag Command Center

TLAM

Tomahawk Land Attack Missile

UAV

Unmanned Aerial Vehicle

UCAV

Unmanned Combat Air Vehicle

UHF

Ultra-High Frequency

UNCLOS

United Nations Commission on the Law of the Sea

UPTIDE

Unified Pacific Fleet Project for Tactical
Improvement and Data Extraction

UUV

Unmanned Underwater Vehicle

VLS

Vertical Launch System