PROCEEDINGS OF

THE ASIA-PACIFICREGIONAL WORKSHOP ON
INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
AND NATURAL DISASTERS
7-9 December 2018, Sendai, Japan

International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)PROCEEDINGS OF

THE ASIA-PACIFICREGIONAL WORKSHOP ON
INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
AND NATURAL DISASTERS
7-9 December 2018, Sendai, Japan

International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)Edited by
Wataru Iwamoto and Yoko Nojima
Published by
INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH CENTRE FOR INTANGIBLE CULTURALHERITAGE IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION (IRCI)
2 Mozusekiun-cho, Sakai-ku, Sakai city, Osaka 590-0802, Japan
Phone: +81-72-275-8050 Fax: +81-72-275-8151
Website: https://www.irci.jp/
e-mail: irci@irci.jp
Printed by Yubunsha

Date of Publication: March 2019
© International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural
Heritage in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI) 2019

P R E FA C E
The International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region(IRCI) was established in 2011 within the National Institutes for Cultural Heritage (NICH),
Japan, as a Category 2 Centre under the auspices of UNESCO. Since its establishment, IRCI
has undertaken extensive work to enhance research to safeguard intangible cultural
heritage (ICH) in the Asia-Pacific region through implementing research projects incooperation with research institutes, museums, NGOs, and government sectors within andoutside the region.
For its Medium-Term Programme 2016–2020, IRCI has set a new activity focus on ‘Researchon ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management’ in consideration of UNESCO’s focus on
dealing with post-conflict and post disaster situations, and has begun exploring thesituation of ICH in relation to natural hazards and in conflict-affected countries through two
research projects. This proceedings is the final outcome of one of these projects:
Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and the Disaster-Risk Management in the AsiaPacific Region and the major activity that was conducted in FY 2018, the Asia-PacificRegional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters, which served as aconclusion of the current ‘preliminary’ phase of research on this theme by allowing
researchers to further share and discuss various issues of the region and present
recommendations for further activities.
The workshop was held from 7–9 December 2018 in Sendai, with an excursion in
Onagawa, Miyagi Prefecture. It was a great honour and pleasure for me as the DirectorGeneral of IRCI to welcome all the researchers and specialists who came from Australia,
Bangladesh, Fiji, Myanmar, New Zealand, the Philippines, Vanuatu, and Vietnam in the AsiaPacific Region, as well as UNESCO and its category centres in China, the Republic of Korea,
and also Peru in Latin America, and to engage in discussions with all of them over thecourse of the workshop.
From the early stage of the workshop planning, the Tokyo National Research Institute forCultural Properties, another research institution under NICH, and IRCI’s collaborator on thisproject since 2016, assisted IRCI as the co-organiser. Its expertise and professional
commitment in the post-disaster recovery process of ICH in Japan was crucial in developing
the contents of the workshop, particularly the session on Japan and the excursion to
Onagawa. The Center for Northeast Asian Studies at the Tohoku University also supported
the workshop as the cooperating body and contributed substantially to discussions. I would
like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude for their professional support for
convening the workshop successfully.
My personal experience of working at the Tohoku University in Sendai at the time of theGreat East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami in 2011 taught me the important role culture
plays in the process of the recovery of human lives and the region. In this sense, being
able to hold this workshop in Sendai and Onagawa, areas that were severely damaged by
the 2011 earthquake and tsunami and the communities of which are still in the process ofirecovery, was also of great significance for us. In this regard, I would like to extend myappreciation to Mr Eiichi Hiratsuka, Mr Tadashi Abe, and Mr Shigeo Suzuki for staging
unforgettable experiences during the excursion in Onagawa and the community of
Takenoura, demonstrating the vital role of ICH for community recovery. The workshop was
made possible by the fund donated to NICH for the protection of cultural heritage that has
also supported this project since 2016. Given that the workshop was elaborated on thebasis of our preliminary activities during 2016–2017, all the researchers and organisations
that interacted with IRCI in the past years are also acknowledged for their valuable inputs
in the course of the development of the project.
In recent years, the Asia-Pacific region has experienced an increasing number of extreme
hazards, some of which have resulted in disasters. Therefore, it is extremely important tosafeguard ICH from various disasters and to mobilise the community’s ICH in risk reduction
and recovery. Practical efforts and the concrete framework for this purpose are yet to beundertaken and strengthened. In my view, linking ICH and disaster risk reduction is a key
issue for the realisation of sustainable development globally. I am convinced that thisworkshop was able to provide a valuable opportunity for researchers to exchange casestudies and ideas for enhancing research on safeguarding ICH in the context of natural
disasters. It would be a great pleasure to see this publication as well as therecommendations adopted at the workshop become widely used, and various research
programmes jointly initiated by researchers in the field of ICH and disaster risk reduction to
be implemented in respective countries and regions.
Thank you all for your generous cooperation and contribution in this project, and I hope
you continue to support forthcoming IRCI projects.

Wataru Iwamoto
Director-General
International Research Centre for Intangible
Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)ii

TABL E OF CON T E N TS
PREFACE

Wataru Iwamoto

TABLE OF CONTENTS

iiii

INTRODUCTION TO THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONAL WORKSHOPON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND NATURAL DISASTERS

001

Yoko Nojima
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

005

WORKSHOP PAPERS
SESSION 1: NATURAL HAZARDS/DISASTERS AND THE TRANSMISSION OF ICH

THE IMPACTS OF DISASTER ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE (ICH):LONG TERM TRANSFORMATION CASE STUDY OF ICH IN MYANMAR

023
025

Mya Mya Khin
ICH MANAGEMENT AND DRR IN VIETNAM

032

Phan Phương Anh
REMEMBERING DISASTERS: THE ROLE OF ICH IN DISASTER MEMORY

038

Soledad Natalia M. Dalisay
SESSION 2: CHALLENGES AND LESSONS LEARNT FROM DISASTER EXPERIENCES,
AND THE POTENTIALS OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE

INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND DISASTER IN NEPAL

043
045

Yamuna Maharjan
VANUATU CULTURAL CENTRE, INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
AND DISASTER RISK REDUCTION IN VANUATU

048

Richard Shing
TU NA INIMA, LUVU NA WAQA:
AN ITAUKEI PERSPECTIVE ON DISASTER RISK REDUCTION

055

Melaia Tikoitoga

iii

BETWEEN THE KING AND THE SCIENTIST:MOUNT MERAPI ERUPTION, EARLY WARNING SYSTEM,
AND THE POLITICS OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE

060

Fadjar I. Thufail
SESSION 3: ENHANCING DIALOGUE BETWEEN ICH AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT

065

INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE (ICH) AND NATURAL DISASTER INBANGLADESH: EXISTING POLICIES AND STRATEGIES FOR SAFEGUARDING

067

Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood
CHALLENGES IN MAINSTREAMING ICH INTO DISASTER RISK REDUCTION
IN VIETNAM

072

Vu Canh ToanPARTICIPATORY 3D MAPPING IN BRIDGING THE INTEGRATIONOF INDIGENOUS RESILIENCY CULTURE INTO COMMUNITY-LED
DISASTER RISK REDUCTION: THE CASE OF TUBLAY, PHILIPPINES

077

Abner O. Lawangen
SPECIAL SESSION: EFFORTS OF POST-DISASTER REVITALISATION OF ICH IN JAPANICH CONTRIBUTING TO POST-DISASTER REHABILITATION

087
089

Hiromichi Kubota
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF RESCUING INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE

095

Ryusuke Kodani
COMING TO TERMS WITH DISASTER RECOVERY THROUGH FOLKPERFORMING ARTS: THE CASE OF FUKUSHIMA PREFECTURE

102

Tomoko Ichiyanagi
REVIVING FISHERY TECHNIQUES: THE FISHING INDUSTRY IN
POST-DISASTER SHINCHI-MACHI, FUKUSHIMA PREFECTURE

105

Shuichi Kawashima
THE ROLE OF INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE DISASTERRECOVERY IN FUKUSHIMA

109

Hiroki Takakura
REPORT ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTERS IN LATIN AMERICA AND
THE CARIBBEAN

THINKING ABOUT ICH AND NATURAL DISASTERS: PERSPECTIVESAND CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN REGION
Regional Centre for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritageof Latin America (CRESPIAL)

iv

119
121

COMMENTS BY RAPPORTEUR AND RESOURCE PERSON129PEOPLE, PLACE AND STORY: CONTEXTS FOR ICH IN DISASTER MITIGATION

131

Meredith Wilson
INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND DISASTER:PERSPECTIVES FROM DISASTER STUDIES

143

JC Gaillard

ANNEXESANNEX 1 Statements and Recommendations for Safeguarding ICH in Disasters
and Mobilising ICH for Disaster Risk Reduction

149

ANNEX 2 PROGRAMME

153

ANNEX 3 LIST OF PARTICIPANTS

156v

INTRODUCTION TO THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONAL WORKSHOPON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND NATURAL DISASTERS
Yoko Nojima

International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)

Background and Objec�ves
The Asia-Pacific region is one of the most disaster-prone regions in the world, andvarious hazards such as typhoons/cyclones, storms, floods, droughts, volcanic
eruptions, earthquakes, and tsunamis sometimes trigger disasters that affect people
living in the region. Although various knowledge and practices for dealing withhazardous events and situations have been accumulated in the region over time, themore pronounced influence of climate change in recent years is making such event
more extreme and unpredictable. The rapid acceleration of globalisation, urbanisation
and associated development, and social and cultural changes prominent in many
places in the region contribute to increased vulnerability and disaster risks, and they
are also major factors threatening the viability of intangible cultural heritage (ICH)
alone.
Against this background, the International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural
Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI) launched the project ‘Preliminary Research on
Intangible Cultural Heritage and Disaster Risk Management in the Asia-Pacific Region’in 2016 as a new initiative to understand ICH in relation to natural hazards anddisaster risk management (DRM).
The project captured the momentum of the increasing international awareness on
disaster risk reduction (DRR) and sustainability, and by extension, disaster risk
management and responses for cultural heritage. The Sendai Framework for Disaster
Risk Reduction 2015–2030 adopted at the Third UN World Conference on Disaster Risk
Reduction in 2015 emphasises the importance of protecting cultural heritage (article
30(d)), and lists culture as one of the measures to reduce vulnerability to disaster,increase preparedness, and strengthen resilience (article 17). Also in 2015, the 2030
Agenda for Sustainable Development was adopted by UN member states with 17
Global Goals for Sustainable Development (SDGs); Goal 11 (Sustainable cities andcommunities) stipulates that actors should ‘strengthen efforts to protect andsafeguard the world’s cultural and natural heritage’ (11.4), and ‘… substantially
increase the number of cities and human settlements adopting and implementing
integrated policies and plans towards inclusion, resource eﬃciency, mitigation andadaptation to climate change, resilience to disasters, …’ in line with the Sandai
Framework (11.B). However, major efforts taken for protecting and safeguarding
cultural heritage are still largely centred on ‘tangible’ cultural heritage, and practicalstrategies and frameworks for ICH are yet to be explored.

INTRODUCTION

001

Concerning culture and heritage in this context, UNESCO’s medium-term strategy(37C/4) emphasises the importance of post-conflict and post-disaster responses. This
assertion was further strengthened in the latest biannual Programme and Budget
2018–2019 (39C/5). Concurrently with IRCI’s project, UNESCO also started tostrengthen activities in the area of ICH; ‘Intangible cultural heritage in emergencies’has been discussed in the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of theIntangible Cultural Heritage since 2016, in which the need to foster links between
disaster risk reduction and ICH has been stressed. In addition, a desk study was
carried out by Wilson and Ballard (2017) upon UNESCO’s request. As a category 2
centre under the auspices of UNESCO, IRCI aims to contribute to this international
development through the implementation of this project.
This project began by assessing the state of affairs in various countries in the AsiaPacific region, examining how ICH, culture, and communities are considered in thecontext of DRM and how ICH safeguarding and management deals with the risk andimpacts of disasters. The activities also focused on cultivating cooperative relationships
and networks of researchers within the region. We then took steps to deepen our
understanding of this issue through the implementation of field surveys to assess thesituation of ICH in relation to natural hazards and disasters (see Iwamoto, Ohnuki, andNojima eds. 2018). This Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage
and Natural Disasters (7–9 December 2018) culminated IRCI’s achievements over thesethree years.
This project has two major areas of interests: 1) how natural hazards and disasters
impact ICH and its transmission, and 2) how ICH could be mobilised for DRR. These
points were further explored in the workshop sessions as they provide a foundation
for the further development of discussions and practical programmes for thesafeguarding and mobilisation of ICH for DRR.
While the project attracted considerable interest from researchers and specialists inculture and heritage including museum personnel and government oﬃcials, it has
become clear in the course of the project that ICH researchers’ interest andcommitment to the subject of ‘ICH and natural hazards and disasters’ remain limited.
Therefore, one of the most important aims of the workshop was to encourage theactive involvement of ICH researchers and specialists in work on the subject toenhance research and safeguarding programmes that are specifically focused on ICH in
the context of natural hazards and disasters. In this respect, recent efforts in Japan of
post-disaster recovery of ICH a�er the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami in2011 that involved a considerable number of researchers on ICH and culture arehighly effective in showcasing how ICH contributes to the reconstruction of disasteraffected communities and how researchers can contribute to this process. The
workshop aimed to share these cases from Japan through a special session andexcursion to enhance participants’ understanding of the subject.

002

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AND NATURAL DISASTERS

Workshop Structure
The workshop was programmed over three days to discuss issues related to intangible
cultural heritage (ICH) in the context of natural hazards and disasters in the AsiaPacific Region. Recognising that the commitment of ICH researchers and specialists inthe process of disaster risk management (DRM) has been extremely limited through
IRCI’s preliminary research activities in 2016–2017, this workshop aimed to encourage
the active involvement of ICH researchers and culture sectors in this process, while
instigating further research on ICH in relation to natural hazards and disasters.
Accordingly, DAY 1 (7 December 2019) of the workshop was devoted to a series ofpresentations by participants from the Asia-Pacific region (Bangladesh, Fiji, Indonesia,
Myanmar, Nepal, the Philippines, Vanuatu, and Vietnam) in three interrelated sessions
of: Natural hazards/disasters and the transmission of ICH (Session 1); Challenges andlessons learnt from disaster experiences, and the potentials of local knowledge(Session 2); and Enhancing dialogue between ICH and disaster risk management(Session 3).
While exploring diverse cases and issues from various countries in the region, theworkshop also aimed to share cases of ICH revitalization and the recent developmentof related research activities in Japan, notably a�er the Great East Japan Earthquake
and Tsunami in 2011. For this purpose, an excursion to Takenoura community in
Onagawa, Miyagi Prefecture was scheduled on DAY 2. On this excursion, participants
engaged in field observations, lectures, and interactions with people in thecommunities to learn about how the revitalisation of ICH contributed to thecommunity’s recovery a�er the 2011 tsunami disaster. Following this field experience,a special session, ‘Efforts of post-disaster revitalisation of ICH in Japan’, was scheduledin the morning of DAY 3. Furthermore, owing to the participation of the Regional
Centre for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Latin America(CRESPIAL), who was also very keen to work on this subject, participants had an
opportunity to learn about the situations of ICH and disasters in Latin America and the
Caribbean.
All the points addressed at the workshop were integrated in the outcome document‘Statements and Recommendations for Safeguarding ICH in Disasters and Mobilising
ICH for Disaster Risk Reduction’ (see Annex 1), while individual papers and reports
presented at the workshop by participants are published in this volume.

Workshop at the Intersec�onThis workshop was organized at the intersection of ICH safeguarding and DRM/DRR,
and also at the intersection of the risk management of tangible and intangible cultural
heritage. There has been considerable interest in incorporating traditional local
knowledge or indigenous knowledge in DRR (e.g. Dekens 2007; Mercer et al. 2010;
Shaw et al. 2009). Defined as ‘the understandings, skills and philosophies developedby societies with long histories of interaction with their natural surroundings’(UNESCO 2017), such knowledge and practices could be effective tools for reducing

INTRODUCTION

003

risk, and they constitute a part of ICH. Therefore, the cultural and historical contexts
in which they are put into practice and through which they are transmitted have to bebetter understood, especially by DRR practitioners who are actively working in thefield. In addition, bringing in ICH perspectives and mobilising ICH for DRR will be more
effective and meaningful by collaborating with researchers and practitioners in DRR.
Inviting a number of researchers in the field of DRR along with ICH researchers andspecialists, this workshop intended to create a space for productive dialogues that are
positive and mutually respec�ul.
As previously mentioned, disaster risk management for cultural heritage has
progressed with a strong emphasis on tangible, built heritage, the damage anddestruction of which is evident. For the most part, ICH has been le� behind in thisgrowing trend, in part because of its intangible nature, the damage of which is o�enle� unrecognised, but also because no tools or strategies have been available toassess such damage. However, ICH is gaining more recognition in recent years in thecontext of protecting and safeguarding ‘tangible’ cultural heritage, as heritage values
and landscape are managed and maintained by intangible cultural practices. ICH
required for the reconstruction of heritage in Nepal is a good example (Government of
Nepal 2015). Although this workshop did not directly address the relationshipbetween tangible and intangible heritage, this is certainly an area that should befurther discussed. The ‘People, Place, and Story’ model proposed by Wilson (see thisvolume) as well as the concept of ‘living heritage’ coined by UNESCO during theworkshop could encourage the development of discussions on integrated approaches
for safeguarding tangible and intangible cultural heritage from disasters, and thesafeguarding of heritage as a whole.

R���������
Dekens, J. (2007). The snake and the river don’t run straight: Local knowledge on disaster
preparedness in the Eastern Terai of Nepal. Kathmandu: International Centre for Integrated
Mountain Development (ICIMOD).
Government of Nepal (2015). Nepal Earthquake 2015 Post Disaster Needs Assessment Vol. B: Sector
reports. Kathmandu: National Planning Commission.
Iwamoto, W., Ohnuki, M. and Nojima, Y. (eds.) (2018). Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding andDisaster Risk Management in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region: Project Report for FY 2016–2017. Osaka:
International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI).
Mercer, J., Kelman, I., Taranis, L. and Suchet-Pearson, S. (2010). Framework for integrating indigenousand scientific knowledge for disaster risk reduction. Disaster 34(1):214–239.
Shaw, R., Sharma, A. and Takeuchi, Y. (2009). Indigenous knowledge and disaster risk reduction: Frompractice to policy. New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
UNESCO (2017). Local Knowledge, Global Goals. Paris: UNESCO.
Wilson, M. and Ballard, C. (2017). Safeguarding and Mobilising Intangible Cultural Heritage in theContext of Natural and Human-induced Hazards. Desk Study. Paris: UNESCO.

004

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONAL WORKSHOP ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
AND NATURAL DISASTERSEXECUTIVE SUMMARY‘The Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural
Disasters’ was convened from 7–9 December 2018 in Sendai, Miyagi Prefecture, Japan.
Workshop sessions were held on DAY 1 and DAY 3 at the Sendai International Centre,
while DAY 2 had an excursion scheduled to visit the coastal town of Onagawa (Miyagi
Prefecture) (see Annex 2 for the detailed programme of the workshop). The workshop
was organised by IRCI in cooperation with Tokyo National Research Institute forCultural Properties (as co-organiser) and the Center for Northeast Asian Studies,
Tohoku University (as cooperating body).
Participants were invited by IRCI from various countries in the Asia-Pacific region
including Australia, Bangladesh, Fiji, Indonesia, Japan, Myanmar, New Zealand, Nepal,
the Philippines, Vanuatu, and Vietnam. The workshop also welcomed therepresentative of UNESCO and the UNESCO Category 2 Centres in the Asia-Pacificregion, namely CRIHAP (China) and ICHCAP (the Republic of Korea). Another UNESCO
Category 2 Centre in Latin America (CRESPIAL) also contributed to the workshop. The
workshop was not open to the public; however, a certain number of observers were
accepted through pre-registration. Accordingly, a total of 45 researchers andspecialists in the fields of culture, heritage, and DRM attended the workshop (Figure1) (see Annex 3 for the list of participants). The discussions over the three days
concluded with the adoption of ‘Statements and Recommendations for Safeguarding
ICH in Disasters and Mobilising ICH for Disaster Risk Reduction’ (Annex 1).
A summary of the three days of the workshop is presented below. Details ofpresentations and reports by participants are included in this volume1.

DAY 1

7 December 2018
Meeting Room 8, 3rd floor, Conference Bldg., Sendai International Center

Opening remarks
The workshop started with opening remarks by Wataru Iwamoto, Director-General of
IRCI, who welcomed the participants and expressed his expectations that theworkshop would become a valuable opportunity to exchange various case studies andideas among researchers, contributing to the enhancement of further research forsafeguarding ICH in the context of natural hazards and disasters. He also noted thesignificance of holding the workshop in Sendai, which was devastated by the Great
East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami in 2011, and where the ongoing international1

All papers were submitted by participants based on presentations made at the workshop. The titleof the paper may be different from the presentation title on the workshop programme (Annex 2).
The editors of this volume engaged in minimum editing of these papers, and each author is
responsible for the contents of his/her paper.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

005

framework for DRR, ‘Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015-2030’ hasbeen adopted.
Then, Emiko Yamanashi, Acting Director-General of Tokyo National Research Institutefor Cultural Properties, which co-organised the workshop, took her turn to deliver her
opening remarks. Referring to the Institute’s commitment to the heritage rescue andheritage doctor programmes that commenced about a month a�er the 2011
earthquake and tsunami disaster, which were largely focused on tangible cultural
heritage, she noted that there were also many intangible elements such as rituals andfestivals that were affected by the disaster and that the revitalisation of suchintangibles actually encouraged the recovery of the affected people and communities.
She stated that she hoped that the workshop would enhance our understanding of
the importance of ICH in DRR.
Finally, on behalf of UNESCO, Himalchuli Gurung (Programme Specialist for Culture,
UNESCO Oﬃce in Beijing) explained UNESCO’s perspectives on the theme of ICH inemergency situations with reference to the sustainable development goals (SDGs) andthe Sendai Framework. Using the term ‘living heritage’ to enable a better
understanding of the nature of ICH, she explained the importance of ICH in crisis
management: while ICH is subjected to protection by the DRR framework, therichness and diversity of living heritage provide community-based, culturally sensitive,
and sustainable resources for preventive, preparedness, and response measures. Beingin the process of conceptualising and transforming the knowledge and experiences
acquired into methodological guidance for the state parties, she expressed that
UNESCO welcomes efforts of the international communities such as this workshop to
explore and understand creative ways of maintaining ICH through dialogues, and thatthe outcome of the workshop would provide valuable insights.

Figure 1006

Workshop participants.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONAL WORKSHOP ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
AND NATURAL DISASTERS

Introduction to the workshop
Before the workshop sessions began, Yoko Nojima (IRCI) briefly explained the projectbackground and objectives (as summarised in the introductory paper in this volume),
and programmes scheduled over the three days (Annex 2). She also introduced thedefinitions of key terms that would be frequently used during the workshop:‘intangible cultural heritage (ICH)’, ‘local (or indigenous) knowledge’, and ‘(natural)
disaster’. While referring to the definitions by UNESCO and UNISDR as examples, she
stated that these concepts are considered as broadly and flexibly as possible in theworkshop to accommodate various viewpoints and opinions.
She noted criticism concerning the term ‘natural disaster’ especially in the field of
DRR, stating that a disaster occurs when a natural hazard disrupts people in someways and that there are always human factors in disasters. She remarked that
although the term is still commonly used internationally and was also used in the titleof the workshop, it refers to ‘a disaster caused by natural hazards’. Similar statements
regarding avoiding the term ‘natural disaster’ were also made in the course of theworkshop by other participants such as Fadjar I. Thufail (Research Center for Regional
Resources, Indonesian Institute of Sciences) and JC Gaillard (The University of
Auckland), and this was also noted by Meredith Wilson (Stepwise Heritage andTourism Pty Ltd) (this volume).
She also distributed the first dra� of the recommendation to the participants to seek
their input. This dra� was revised by organisers a�er DAY 2 to reflect findings of theworkshop, and was again distributed to the participants on the morning of DAY 3 to be
used in the final discussion.
Session 1: Natural hazards/disasters and the transmission of ICH
In the first session facilitated by Hiroki Takakura (Center for Northeast Asian Studies,
Tohoku University), three papers were presented by anthropologists from Myanmar,
Vietnam, and the Philippines.
Mya Mya Khin (University of Yangon) introduced three case studies she had
conducted in Myanmar: agricultural practices of Anaul Phwa Saw near Bagan; pottery
traditions in Twentay (southwest Yangon); and ICH, including religious beliefs in Thidar
village in the Ayeyarwady region. While reporting on the impact of climate change on
soil productivity and agricultural practices near Bagan, investments in the area led thevillages to abandon their agricultural land. Similarly, Khin pointed out the high impactof ‘manmade’ factors on the transmission of ICH, such as the construction of Twantay
canal that blocked the potters’ access to clay sources, as well as the�, violence, andcorruption by the government.
Introducing current ICH policies in Vietnam, Phan Phuong Anh (Vietnam National
University) pointed out limitations of existing ICH management as a top-down,
product-oriented approach without suﬃcient consideration of the drivers of viability,
sustainability, or the decline of ICH, as well as the tendency to capture ICH as a fixed
object regardless of its changing socio-cultural and environmental contexts, drawing
on the case of Bá Trạo, a ritual opera that is essentially a part of whale worship. She

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

007

also pointed out the limited linkages between ICH and DRM in Vietnam, such as a lackof capacity and interest from the culture sector in DRM, and a lack of recognition
among the DRM sector of the role of ICH, and called for the development of new
tools and frameworks to support the integration of ICH in DRR policies and practices
and vice versa.
Soledad N. Dalisay (University of the Philippines-Diliman) approached the transmissionof ICH from a different angle: ‘remembering disasters’. Introducing a series ofpractices in response to disastrous typhoons in the Philippines such as Yolanda(Haiyan) in 2013 and Reming (Durian) in 2006, she demonstrated the vital role of bothmaterial culture and certain domains of ICH as tools for remembering andcommemorating. She noted that disaster events sometimes add new narratives to oldlegends (i.e. the stories of Sam Ryan in Guiuan), or even create new heritage
conveying the memory of disaster, such as the crosses in Albay, the astrodome andbeached ship in Tacloban, and community-wide commemorative events like thecandle-lighting ritual.
Discussion:
Several points were discussed during the session.
Concerning the story introduced by Phan that related that more than 100 villagers
survived a landslide that buried the village because one man who identified a crack inthe surroundings urged the villagers to evacuate, Wilson questioned whether thisstory had been formalised in some way for disaster knowledge, or whether it could beconsidered ICH, as it reflects that person’s understanding of that particular place. Phan
responded that this could be considered a new form of ICH – knowledge of a disasterand memory of a disaster – but more research is required to confirm this point. Vu
Canh Toan (ISET-International) expressed his view that knowledge and experiences ofdisasters are very important, as they can contribute to resilience; however, hecautioned that relying on past experience could become problematic in the context ofchanging climate as well as changing socio-economic conditions and urbanisation,
which change the nature of disasters. Dalisay added the point the culture is adaptive
and cultural knowledge and practices are also changing as presented in her casestudy; therefore, it is necessary to document changes in both landscape and culture.
Takakura asked Khin and Phan the role of communities in ICH safeguarding in
Myanmar and Vietnam, as their presentations emphasised the role of thegovernment. In the same vein, he asked Dalisay, who discussed the role ofcommunities, the role of the government and international agencies. Khin answeredthat in Myanmar, where the military government dominates, the abilities of local
communities are limited. Phan noted that there are some good practices, but inprinciple, ICH safeguarding in Vietnam takes place in a top-down manner, and theelements that have been inscribed in UNESCO lists become state assets andproperties, o�en without communities being aware of these consequences. Dalisay
said that many programmes are implemented by international organisations, especiallyin relation to SDGs. Wilson expressed her viewpoint that ICH safeguarding plans are
essentially meant to be defined in association with the community; we as researchers

008

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AND NATURAL DISASTERS

may be able to play a role in ge�ng people to think about disasters and their impacts,
but ultimately, the plan needs to protect the integrity and viability of ICH according to
the community.
From the DRR point of view, Gaillard questioned how we manage to incorporate
culture and ICH, which are so fluid and flexible, into DRR frameworks that are morerigid. This was a question that could be further explored in Session 3. Phan andDalisay both emphasised the importance of cooperation and multidisciplinary
dialogue, saying that all, not just those in natural sciences and technology, shouldcome together to dra� DRR plans. Dalisay further asserted that a good plan shouldhave flexibility to incorporate local perspectives and other elements that occur in theprocess of implementation. Phan added that ICH safeguarding also has problems withmany frameworks and policies, but it is a part of management and is thus operational.
Referring to the flood managing system in Bangladesh, Amanullah Bin Mahmood(former staff of FAO Oﬃce in Dhaka) added that there are some cases in which local
traditional knowledge and engineering is very effective and that this should beconsidered as an option.
Session 2: Challenges and lessons learnt from disaster experiences, and thepotentials of local knowledge
In session 2 facilitated by Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National Research Institute forCultural Properties), participants from Nepal, Vanuatu, Fiji, and Indonesia presented
papers, drawing on certain disaster events and experiences in their respective
countries, some of them highlighting the recent re-evaluation of traditional, local
knowledge.
Yamuna Maharjan (National Museum of Nepal) reported the impact of the Gorkha
Earthquake in 2015. While the earthquake destroyed or damaged a wide range oftangible heritage properties such as temples, stupas, monasteries, and historicalbuildings, she noted that intangible elements such as religious practices and cultural
festivals were thriving in the post-disaster context. However, it should be noted thatthe earthquake brought about drastic changes in tangible and intangible cultures in
Barpak, a tiny settlement near the epicentre of the earthquake, such as the loss of
traditional architecture and building materials, which also reflects changing lifestyles
and cultural consciousnesses.
Richard Shing (Vanuatu Cultural Centre) emphasised the importance of traditional
knowledge in the Vanuatu context and introduced the recent efforts of the Vanuatu
Cultural Centre to promote ICH knowledge and practices in the country, which
focused on traditional architecture, subsistence systems, and food preservation. Lastly,
he reported the ongoing volcanic eruption on Ambae, which relocated the island’s
entire population to the neighbouring islands of Santo and Maewo, noting that the
Vanuatu Cultural Centre has just conducted an assessment of their ICH, and that there
is a strong will among the evacuated people to return to the island, which includes
the expectation that the ash fall will contribute to increasing the fertility of the soil.
Melaia Tikoitoga (iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Fiji) presented ways in

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which iTaukei (=indigenous people in Fiji) knowledge and practices could assist andcontribute to existing DRR in Fiji. Pointing out the limitations of current DRR systems,
such as the dissemination of warnings and the distribution of food supplies to remoteareas, she highlighted the role of the traditional chiefly system of governance,
traditional architecture, and traditional system of early warning, with particularattention to the impact of tropical cyclones. She concluded that these ideas should be
re-examined in the context of DRR, and those that are beneficial in the contemporary
context should be promoted.
Fadjar I. Thufail focused his presentation on the story of Mbah Maridjan, who was the
local leader and a ‘caretaker’ of Mt Merapi, and whose death in the 2010 eruption
provoked a controversy between the scientists and the local people, and gave rise to
the discussion on how the early warning system was shaped in Javanese cosmology.
He emphasised that the recognition of ICH should take into account the humannonhuman relationship, such as the ability to talk to the mountain, and that certain
spaces should be guaranteed for local people to continue this communication when
there is an intervention by scientists or the government.
Discussion:
Questions were raised concerning the specific situations in each presentation.
Concerning Nepal, Gaillard asked whether wildlife is considered a part of heritage andhazards, recognising that DRR is currently trying to incorporate wildlife. Maharjan
responded that in Nepal, wildlife is important in rituals as sacrifices to the gods, whileat the same time they are considered vehicles of gods. Takakura asked if the country
had any legal policy to safeguard traditional practices before ratifying the 2003
Convention for ICH, given that the term ‘folklore’ had been used. Maharjan
commented that there was no national policy, but there were community-levelsystems to safeguard ICH practices.
For Vanuatu, ongoing volcanic eruption events on Ambae was highlighted. A�er being
requested by Wilson, Shing explained the process of relocation, stating that the
government designated the island of Maewo as the major destination given the strong
connections between the two islands; however, many locals preferred to go to Santo,
the second-biggest urban centre in Vanuatu, as they had relatives or family members
there.
Responding to Ishimura’s comment that Vanuatu showcases the resilience of local
communities, Shing emphasised that all casualties at the time of Cyclone Pam were
due to imported, non-traditional materials such as corrugated iron, which iscommonly and improperly used for roofing. He also added some information about
the earthquake that occurred near Vanuatu just a few days before the workshop,
saying that the island of Aneityum was hit by a 4–5 m tsunami but there were nocasualties, as everyone had been evacuated, although houses and properties weredamaged.
Yu Fukuda (Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University) asked about

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programmes for passing down ICH other than school education. Shing responded thattraditional methods for learning ICH are through spending time with elders in local
communities via conversations, actions, and practices. However, children are becoming
dissociated from local culture as they attend schools around provincial centres; thus,
the Cultural Centre has been attempting to maintain their interest.
Concerning the traditional indicators for early warning systems in Fiji, Abner O.
Lawangen (Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Oﬃce of Tublay, Philippines)
asked if there are indicators with specific yearly patterns that have changed or are nolonger applicable in the context of changing climate patterns in recent years. Tikoitoga
responded that they remain accurate in Fiji at the moment especially in rural areas.
She also noted that certain indicators such as particular varieties of bananas orbreadfruit are no longer available in urbanised areas.
Finally, Iwamoto questioned about the value of local knowledge, how it could be
differentiated from superstition, and if there is any evidence to confirm its value.
Thurail, referring to his study on the story of Mbah Maridjan, responded that forscientists, it would be considered a superstition without any evidence, but emphasisedthat the important part is not the evidence but the actors who take part in thisprocess, and to understand the local context.
Session 3: Enhancing dialogue between ICH and disaster risk management
Session 3, facilitated by Yoko Nojima, consisted of three presentations by researchers
in the field of DRM and environmental science in Bangladesh, Vietnam, and thePhilippines, to understand their viewpoints on ICH for enhancing positive dialogue andfuture cooperation.
Amanullah Bin Mahmood reported the recent DRM policy development in Bangladesh.
It is noteworthy that new policies and programmes started to address thesafeguarding of ICH more directly, including the new National Disaster Management
Policy (2015) and the 7th Five Year Plan (2016-2020). However, he pointed out that
there are no policies or strategies that are dedicated to safeguarding ICH from disasterrisks, and thus more effort in the field of ICH is required, including inventories,
educational programmes, and campaigns for raising awareness.
Outlining the current DRR policies and organisational structures in Vietnam, Vu Canh
Toan explained challenges in mainstreaming ICH into DRR practices and policies inVietnam. He pointed out that DRR in Vietnam is still dominated by top-down andtechnocratic approaches, which limits the involvement of communities and ICH
holders in decision-making, and sometimes results in adding risks and disasters
instead of reducing risks. Also noting different perceptions of risk – typically, floods are
beneficial and are a source of livelihood for the people in the Mekong Delta rather
than a hazard – he stressed the need of DRR that is socially and culturally constructed
and accepts different forms of knowledge.
Abner O. Lawangen introduced a community project integrating indigenous resiliency
culture into the community’s DRR through ‘participatory three dimensional mapping

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(P3DM)’, which was implemented in the municipality of Tublay in Benguet, Northern
Philippines. He demonstrated that P3DM is an interactive and inclusive tool thatencourages the participation of various stakeholders. Interestingly, the mapping
included cultural landmarks and places, which enabled the local people to discuss
their risks and capacities, including local knowledge and ICH, and to integrate these
aspects in resiliency efforts.
Discussion:
A major discussion centred on metrics – how we measure ICH or local knowledge, orwhether we should measure it. Noting that the Sendai Framework acknowledges local
culture and local knowledge and that governments need to submit reports, Gaillard
first questioned how we could include culture and ICH, for instance, to the loss
database. Vu suggested the possibility of breaking down the concept of ICH into
knowledge, people, and space/location, and then examining each component.
Mahmood noted that some elements could be valued in terms of economic activities
or ecosystems. Lawangen stressed the importance of defining specific values to allow
people to regard ICH as something valuable for them and stated that we would needsome methodology or tool to do this; however, he added that considering the ‘living’nature of ICH, deeper analysis would be required. Agreeing with this point, Vu also
called for the need for organisations that could play a facilitator/knowledge-brokerrole between culture and DRM sectors between local people and at the higher level,referring to the limited effectiveness of international programmes in Vietnam that are
generally implemented with limited knowledge of local contexts.
Citing the case of the Cyclone Pam in Vanuatu that killed only a few people, Wilson
questioned how we could measure the extent to which local knowledge prevented theloss of life, and wondered whether metrics are required for that or whether we needincreased collaboration and understanding on both sides. Responding to her question,
Vu stated that having some sort of documentation demonstrating the contribution androle of local knowledge and ICH for reducing risks would be beneficial for convincing
people in the DRM sector. Gaillard stated that metrics can be used to get attention,a�er which we can move to emphasise intangibles over figures and numbers.
In relation to community-based disaster risk reduction, Wilson raised a question aboutcommunity consultation – who you would need to speak to in order to talk about DRR
in communities, while in ICH we need to identify the right practitioners. Vu responded
that they would speak first with local leaders who are influential to gain a better
understanding of other community members. Gaillard commented that this issue isrelated to power relations at the local level and that would be applied for ICH, as ICH
holders may not be willing to disclose everything.
Concerning the P3DM presented by Lawangen, Shing noted its visual effectiveness in
helping local people to understand and exchange information about disasters,
reflecting on his observations of a similar model in Vanuatu. Lawangen further
explained its purpose, emphasising that it was meant to be an interactive, living tool
for the community that would be constantly updated by the community. Wilson asked
if there is any way to include historical dimensions in the map. Lawangen agreed that

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a history of disasters would be a good component of P3DM, as it is necessary for
capturing resilience.

DAY 2

8 December 2018
Onagawa Town Government Building, and Takenoura Community Center

On DAY 2, an excursion, ‘Revitalisation of shishifuri folk performance in Takenoura
Community, Onagawa Town (Miyagi Prefecture)’, was programmed, and participants
took a trip to Onagawa. The excursion was divided into two major programmes: 1)
introductory lectures at the Onagawa Town Government Building (in the morning),
and 2) the visit to the Takenoura community to learn about local people’s efforts torevitalise their shishifuri performance.
Upon arrival at the Onagawa Town Government Building, participants observed thetown centre of Onagawa that was still under reconstruction and heard stories about
the destruction of the entire town by the massive tsunami triggered by the Great East

Figure 2

Participants walk up the slope to theshrine in Takenoura. The signboard
on the wall indicates the height thetsunami reached on 11 March
2011. (Source: IRCI)

Figure 3

Figure 4

Scenes from the shishifuri experience at the Takenoura Community Center. On the right,
Shigeo Suzuki shows a lion head that was made with a cushion and slippers just a few
months a�er the disaster while evacuation was still in place. (Source: IRCI)The precinct of the shrine, where
people were evacuated during thetsunami. (Source: IRCI)EXECUTIVE SUMMARY013

Japan Earthquake on 11 March 2011.
In the lecture room, Hiromichi Kubota (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural
Properties) first explained the background of shishifuri/shishimai, or lion dance
performances in the region, including their history and variations, noting that similar
performances are widespread and can be found in other countries in Asia.
Subsequently, Eiichi Hiratsuka (Secretariat of the Onagawa Town Committee for the
Reconstruction of shishifuri Performance) talked about the revitalisation of shishifuri
performances in the communities in Onagawa a�er the 2011 earthquake and tsunami
disaster, including the damage caused by the tsunami, how the community received
support to restore necessary tools, and the footage of the recovery. He emphasisedthat shishifuri performances that were upheld in each community in Onagawa have an
important role in forming strong solidarity among the community members, and thus,
the recovery of the performance is closely linked to the recovery of the community.
In the a�ernoon, participants moved to Takenoura, which is located approximately 5.5
km east of the town centre, to observe its shishifuri performance. Led by Shigeo
Suzuki (Leader of the Takenoura community) and Tadashi Abe (member of thecommunity and leader of the Takenoura Committee for the Preservation of shishifuri
performance), participants had an opportunity to walk to the local shrine where themajority of the community members found refuge when the tsunami hit (Figures 2 &3). Photographs taken by Abe at the time of the disaster were posted at the site,which visually recounted the devastation at that time.
At the Takenoura Community Center, participants were welcomed with a performanceof shishifuri by community members including the elderly, youth, and children. The
day in fact coincided with the occasion on which the community members and thechildren practised their performances, and they took turns practising on drums andflutes (Figure 4). Participants also joined the performance and had the precious
opportunity to communicate with community members. Suzuki explained that
Takenoura’s shishifuri had been open to girls even before the 2011 tsunami disasterand children have been practising it every month, demonstrating the viability of thepractice in this community. ‘No festival, no reconstruction’, said the members of thecommunity.
Cited below are some reflections made by the participants:• Shishifuri ICH played a vital role in revitalising Onagawa and uniting people a�er
the disaster. There is a symbolic dimension of ICH restoration: the revitalisationof ICH reflects the actual rehabilitation of life in a post-disaster context.
• The restoration of ICH itself gathers the community on a common journey,
including fundraising, performance, and training activities.
• In Onagawa and Takenoura, community members did not wait for others to
help; the revitalisation of ICH was started proactively by the community. ICH
restoration needs to come from the community, as they know what is best for

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them.
• As a researcher, I asked myself how I could introduce community members’
necessities to local/state governments to protect their ICH.
• ICH need to be safeguarded for people, not for itself.
• This is a good example of how ICH contributes to increasing social capital,
which is important for DRR. This can be a good lesson for other communities in
responding to DRR and in preserving and revitalising their ICH.
• Rehabilitation has always been portrayed as physical, but it is important toconsider the mental stability of the victims.

DAY 3

9 December 2018
Conference Room ‘Shirakashi’ 1, 3rd floor, Conference Bldg., Sendai International Center

Special session: Eﬀorts of post-disaster revitalisation of ICH in Japan
This session was composed of a series of papers on case studies by Japanese
researchers who have been committed to research on ICH in the Tohoku region. The
majority of presentations focused on cases of folk performing arts a�er the Great East
Japan Earthquake and Tsunami in 2011 (Figure 5). The session was facilitated by
Hiromichi Kubota, who also presented a paper.
As the first presenter in the session, Kubota referred to the case of the shishifuri
performances in Onagawa that were observed in the excursion on DAY 2 and pointed
out that the revival of the performance provided emotional support and also
contributed significantly to community cohesion. In this respect, safeguarding ICH,
especially those maintained by the community, is analogous with safeguarding thecommunity for sustainable development. He also proposed a framework for
categorising ICH in terms of contributing to post-disaster restoration, in which hehypothesised the following three categories: 1) those maintained by the community(o�en related to religion/spirituality); 2) those requiring specialised skills or techniques
performed by certain individuals or dedicated associations (often related tooccupation and livelihood); and 3) those upheld unconsciously as part of everyday life,
including local knowledge.
Drawing on the case of Ogatsu-hoin-kagura in the Ogatsu area of Ishinomaki (Miyagi
Prefecture) that has been designated as a national intangible folk cultural property,
Ryusuke Kodani (Tohoku History Museum) advocated the ‘heritagisation of local
culture’, through which certain ICH elements are disconnected from the local culturalcontext while the heritage recognition/designation gives greater opportunities forpreservation and protection. He also cited cases in which tiny shrines for Myojin-sama(the god that protects homes) were rebuilt on the destroyed house compounds intsunami-affected areas. Such local traditions and beliefs are considered trivial, but havebeen an essential part of the lives of the people there; therefore, it is important tolook into and recover such modest local cultural elements along with heritagisedelements, as they are also part of local communities and are indispensable for thetransmission of ICH into the future.

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Tomoko Ichiyanagi (Koriyama Women’s College) presented two cases of Taueodori
performances in the areas of Hamadori (Fukushima Prefecture): the Murakami
Taueodori Society and the Murohara Folk Performing-Arts Society, noting thepsychological effect of performing arts that evoke the desire to come together. Parts
of Hamadori were severely affected by the nuclear accident that followed the tsunami
in 2011 in addition to the damage caused by the tsunami itself. In these cases, postdisaster recovery is still an ongoing process and people are unable to return;therefore, the continuation and transmission of Taueodori remains a challenge.
Interestingly, the society in Murakami loosened its membership requirements tocontinue its performance; whereas the Murohara society has held its performance
every seven years without accepting any outsiders.
Shuichi Kawashima (International Research Institute of Disaster Sciences, Tohoku
University) introduced the case of the revival of fishery techniques in Shinchi-machi(Fukushima Prefecture), which was affected by both the 2011 tsunami and the nuclear
accident, through the strictly controlled implementation of a ‘trial fishing’ system by
the government to monitor radioactive contamination, while providing opportunities
for fishermen to maintain their livelihoods. While the fishermen endure many
restrictions, he noted that the traditional system of mutual cooperation among them
contributed significantly to restarting fishing operations, and that more attention
should be paid to intangible factors such as the customary practices of the fishingcommunities.
The final presenter, Hiroki Takakura, questioned why disaster-affected people perform
rituals in the post-disaster context and examined the role of ritual-related ICH in postdisaster contexts using the cases of shishimai of Shimoniida village (Iwaki city) andNagareyama dance in Futaba town in Fukushima Prefecture, introducing EvansPritchard’s concepts of ‘ecological time’ and ‘structural time’. Agreeing with otherstudies that point out ritual performances’ role of evoking a sense of daily life and forsocial integration, he added that the historical-geographical depth of rituals
contributes to the renewal of social relations.
Discussion:
Dalisay questioned whether there has been any case of revitalisation or resurgence of
ICH in resettlement areas, as diaspora studies note many instances in which culturalactivities are programmed among immigrant communities. Kubota responded that
there are many such instances and noted that young people who have moved to alarger city return to their hometowns to participate in ICH performances. Kodani
added the case of toramai being practised among the immigrants from Miyagi
prefecture in Mexico, which is also a case of ‘heritagisaion’, in which toramai has beentransmitted in a new context.
Issues concerning the use of the term ‘cultural properties’ were raised by Thufail, whostated that its standardised use is generally associated with the state, and that theconcept should be decentralised to acknowledge communities. Explaining thebackground that the concept has been used in the Japanese government’s cultural
policy for many decades, Kodani noted that owing to the introduction of the concept

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Figure 5
Session on DAY 3.
(Source: IRCI)of ICH, the notion of ‘cultural properties’ has been shi�ing to include the communitycentred view, and in this new context they have been able to conduct emergency
research of intangible folk cultural properties in the tsunami-affected communities in
Tohoku.
Takakura noted that the categorisation of ICH as posed by Kubota is a very important
point and further argued. Unfortunately, the time was too short to discuss this issue;
however, recognising its importance, this point was included in the Recommendations(see 4.1 of Annex 1).
While our discussions on DAY 1 centred on ICH for disaster prevention and risk
reduction, this session was more on the role of ICH in recovery. Reiterating this point,
Kubota expressed his hope that these cases in Japan could add another angle tofurther discussions.
Report on ICH Safeguarding and Disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean
The workshop welcomed two participants from the Regional Centre for the
Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Latin America (CRESPIAL), Adriana
Molano and Lucas Roque Dos Santos, who shared the situation of ICH safeguarding
and disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean, noting that this was the first
approach by CRESPIAL to understand the ICH-disaster situations in the region.
Reviewing the ICH-disaster situations for Ecuador, in which PDNA was applied for ICHa�er the earthquake in 2016; Peru, in which the influence of El Niño is pronounced;
the Uru people and water management in Bolivia; the initiatives in the Caribbean
region that take ICH into account in disasters; and identifying major challenges,
CRESPIAL proposed to develop a consultancy in Latin America to diagnose ICH in
disasters and multinational projects on this subject.
Final Discussion
The final discussion was divided into two parts: (1) a summary of the workshop by therapporteur and general comments by the resource person, and (2) a discussion based

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017

on the dra� recommendation to be adopted at the end of the workshop.
(1) Workshop summary and general comments
First, as the resource person and rapporteur of the workshop, Meredith Wilsonsummarised a wide range of ideas and viewpoints presented at the workshop whilereferring to the findings from her desk study prepared for UNESCO ICH Headquarters
in 2017 as well as her collaboration with IRCI since 2016. She summarised major
issues limiting our ability to embed ICH in a DRR context, such as the greater
emphasis given on tangible heritage; ICH being defined and understood in terms of
DRR, disregarding its local context; and the absence of national DRR policy relating tocommunity-led DRR and ICH. She also mentioned the heritagisation of culture, thepoint raised by Kodani, stating that we need to be mindful about what we privilege,
and respect living culture. Re-presenting the model of ‘People, Place, and Story (PPS)’,
she lastly proposed a framework through which ICH and DRR fields may work
together.
Subsequently, JC Gaillard as resource person provided comments from the perspectiveof disaster studies. First, he noted the importance of local researchers andpractitioners talking about their own localities and experiences in the workshop,
contrasting disaster studies and DRR fields that are dominated and biased by Western
researchers and epistemologies. He then specified current challenges in the field of
disaster studies, which are also challenges in the ICH field, as well as challenges forbringing both fields together. These include the issues surrounding listing or labelling
things and people, and the tension between moral imperative and respecting local
culture that might further marginalise certain people. He also noted that toincorporate ICH in DRR, we need to look at ICH as a form of capacities and groundthis in the regular social fabric to strengthen people’s livelihood.
Some discussions followed concerning Western bias on DRR. Thufail, acknowledging
Gaillard for raising this issue, expressed that we need to move forward beyond thehegemony to reach some sort of practical understanding, saying that local knowledge
is also problematic in some ways. He agreed regarding the issue of listing, andrequested that the participants not take the lists that UNESCO has created for
granted, but try to work in between the lists to find alternative lists that address the
problems they find on the ground.
Agreeing on the important role of local researchers and understanding the reflective
view of Western science, Takakura continued that we should cooperate internationallyin implementing DRR, given that the purpose of disaster studies is to contribute to
local people’s recovery and risk reduction. Gaillard, in response, added that current
DRR practices are too o�en driven by outside researchers without local partners,
which in the end limits their contribution and impact, despite their goodwill.
(2) Recommendations for safeguarding ICH in disasters and mobilising ICH for DRM
To encourage active participation in the discussion, all participants, including
observers, broke up into four groups to discuss the points listed on the dra�
recommendations (Figure 6). Group discussions proceeded section by section, taking

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AND NATURAL DISASTERS10–15 minutes each; each group was provided with a magnified copy of the sectionsof the dra�, blank papers, and a marker. A�er discussing a section, each group briefly
reported some points to be added or deleted, then moved on to discuss the next
section.
Beginning with Section 1) understand the nature of disaster impacts on ICH, the group
discussion examined Section 2) understand and further explore the active roles of ICH
in community-based disaster risk management and post-disaster recovery; Section 3)
further promote community-based safeguarding and mobilisation of ICH in disaster
context; and Section 4) further enhance ICH-DRM dialogue to ensure that ICH andother cultural factors are incorporated into DRM planning at local and national levels.
During the group discussion, Wilson and Nojima examined the revisions made byparticipants and displayed them on the screen.
A�er the group discussions were completed and the proposed revisions weredisplayed as a dra� on the screen, Iwamoto, as the Director-General of IRCI, took thefloor to ask whether the recommendations discussed above could be adopted as theoutcome document of the workshop. Given that there were no substantial changes tothe dra�, he sought the participants’ authorisation to the secretariat in consultation
with Wilson and Gaillard to finalise the document a�er adding cosmetic changes on
wording and expressions without changing the substance, and to be sent to theparticipants within a week. The floor agreed to his proposal, and thus, ‘Statements
and Recommendations for Safeguarding ICH in Disasters and Mobilising ICH for
Disaster Risk Reduction’ was adopted (see Annex 1 for the final version of the
document).
Takakura then questioned how IRCI would distribute the document. Iwamoto said that

Figure 6

Group discussion examining the recommendations (right).
(Source: IRCI)EXECUTIVE SUMMARY019

it would be made accessible on IRCI’s website and also included in the proceedings tobe published by the end of March 2019, which will be widely distributed to UNESCO
and its member states, national commissions, and related researchers. Gaillard
suggested that the document could also be shared through the PreventionWeb by
UNISDR, which is the major portal and repository for DRR that are widely accessed byacademics, practitioners, and policymakers. Gurung also added that in addition to the
IRCI secretariat, each participant is responsible for disseminating the document once
they receive it.
Closing
To conclude the workshop, Hiroki Takakura, on behalf of the Center for Northeast
Asian Studies of Tohoku University, thanked the participants for their active
discussions over the three days of the workshop. As he and his research centre joined
this workshop as a cooperating body, he proposed further collaboration anddiscussions on this theme of ICH and disasters, with extended geographical focuses,
including Northeast Asia, the Northern Pacific-rim, and indigenous communities inNorth America, which should enable us to devise stronger and more universal
statements, theories, and policy suggestions.
Finally, Iwamoto took his turn to express his gratitude to all the participants for theiractive discussions. Citing an episode in The Legends of Tono (Tono monogatari)
published in 1910 by the Japanese folklorist Kunio Yanagida, in which a man who lost
his wife in the 1891 tsunami in the Tohoku region meets her ghost with her former
lover, he suggested that, if ICH is a vehicle of memory contributing to thesustainability of communities, it is our task to consider how we can transmit thismemory to future generations. Before ending his closing remarks, he extended his
gratitude to the Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, the Center
for Northeast Asian Studies of Tohoku University, simultaneous interpreters, logistic
supporters from the Inter Group Cooperation Sendai Oﬃce, and the members of the
IRCI secretariat for organising the workshop.

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SESSION 1 :NATURAL HAZARDS/DISASTERS
AND THE TRANSMISSION OF ICH

THE IMPACTS OF DISASTER ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE (ICH):LONG TERM TRANSFORMATION CASE STUDY OF ICH IN MYANMAR
Mya Mya Khin (University of Yangon)

ICH MANAGEMENT AND DRR IN VIETNAM
Phan Phương Anh (Vietnam National University, Hanoi)

REMEMBERING DISASTERS: THE ROLE OF ICH IN DISASTER MEMORY
Soledad Natalia M. Dalisay (University of the Philippines–Diliman)

Facilitator:

Hiroki Takakura (Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University)

THE IMPACTS OF DISASTER ON INTANGIBLE CULTURALHERITAGE (ICH): LONG TERM TRANSFORMATION CASESTUDY OF ICH IN MYANMAR
Mya Mya Khin

University of Yangon

Introduc�on
Myanmar has many experiences of disasters, such as those influenced by climatechange, natural environmental change, deforestation, flood and droughts. This paper,
focusing on human factors, highlights the relationship between local people and theirenvironmental resources; particularly, how cultural development influences theirintangible cultural heritage (ICH). The aim of this research is to describe the impacts
of disasters on ICH in Myanmar. Specific objectives are: 1) to examine how the native
people maintain, transmit and transform their ICH, 2) to explore how they tried tocope and adapt for their survivals and transform their tangible and intangible cultural
heritage as their properties when they met disaster – natural disaster and manmade
disaster – in their life and 3) to analyze local people’s performativity for safeguarding
strategies on their ICH.
Three cases were selected to discuss local people’s performativity for safeguarding
strategies on their ICH: Anauk Phwa Saw Village, located near Bagan in the Mandalay
Region; Twentay, located in the Yangon Region; and Thidar Village, near Thidakonepyinin the Ayeyarwady Region of Myanmar.

Anauk Phwa Saw and its Residents’ Knowledge about Cul�va�on
Background history of Anauk Phwa Saw
The research in Anauk Phwa Saw Village took place in 2007, 2016 and 2017. Bagan isa famous place in Myanmar. Queen Phwa Saw is also well known from this area. She
donated buildings such as the Sutaungpyae Pagoda, stone inscriptions, monasteries
and Buddhist ordination halls, which are seen in the Sutaungpyae Pagoda’s compound
even today. She established the village of Phwa Saw and lived there with her
followers, supporting the various needs of the pagoda, the Buddhist monks, andothers. Later the village was divided during the period from 1970 to 1980 andbecame Ashae (East) Phwa Saw village and Anauk (West) Phwa Saw village. Anauk
Phwa Saw is 3 miles from Nyaung-U and 1 mile east of New Bagan. Lying to its east is
Ashae Phwa Saw and lying to its west is the Pagan-Nyaung-U road. Phayani, theSutaungpyae Pagoda, the Shitmyathnar Pagoda, the Thamahtee monastery, theThantithukha Dhamma house, a lacquer ware training school and a middle school canbe found.
Big earthquakes damaged Anauk Phwa Saw in 1975 and again in 2016. There were no

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catastrophic effects to the religious buildings except to the Phayani pagoda, which wasrestored by the Archaeology Department, Ministry of Culture. But local people sufferfrom the impact of climate change, affecting the productivity of soils for agriculture.
They had to abandon their plots because they could not profit from cultivation. Somebusinessmen and wealthy persons bought the empty plots and fenced these lands.
These are investments because some people saved their money by buying land orhouse or gold. People living in Anauk Phwa Saw village sold their cultivating lands andchanged their livelihood. This change of livelihood and land-ownership is one of themain reasons to choose it as a study area.
There are 120 houses with a total population of 592 (male 272 and female 320) in2017. Among them, 20 males and 30 females were selected as key respondents. Mostof the informants were over 60 years-old since they are the ones who can explain thehistory of their village and the changes in their society.
Natural hazards and ICH in the area
One of the key informants explained that the soil became dry and lost its fertility year
by year. The cultivators are not able to grow any plants on that kind of land. Thanks to
the tourism campaign of Visit Myanmar Year (1996), business people started to cometo invest their money for hotels and tourism. The ruling military government (from1990 to 2010) also planned Anauk Phwa Saw village to be designated as a model
village and managed to maintain Bamar’s traditional living styles such as housing style,people’s costume style and so on to act as a showcase or tourist attraction. The
villagers had to keep their housing style as Bamar’s traditional housing style. While
one or two storied houses were allowed to be built in that village, they did not get achance to construct modern concrete buildings in those days. When they wanted to
repair or rebuild their houses, they had to get permission from the Ministry of
Culture, and most villagers had to follow the government’s instruction, although they
did not like that program.
According to a key informant, General Khin Nyunt also directed them to wear Bamar’s
traditional dresses and hair style. Most mothers did not want their children to wear
traditional hair style and clothing style, because when they went to school, otherchildren from other villages made jokes about their children as being old-fashioned.
Besides, Bamar’s traditional hair style is not suited to modern clothing. They wanted
their children to wear beautiful and modern fashions like the other children. They also
wanted to build their houses with modern styles by using concrete and decorated
with colors.
There were 590 acres for cultivation in 2007: 46 acres for peanut, 150 acres for
sesame, 15 acres for cotton, 45 acres for mung bean (pe:naù/pe:di:sein:), 10 acres forpigeon seed (pe:zin:ngoun) and 314 acres for millet. These represent the main cropsof that village. Their main livestock animals were cows, goats, and chickens. However,their cultivated areas totaled only 60 acres in 2016. Some had sold their cultivatedlands and began other businesses. Some people saved their money in the banks, three
persons bought cars to be rented for tourists, 15 persons invested in lacquer ware
workshops and four persons bought oil machines to produce peanut oil (Khin 2017).

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In 2017, their main crops were beans, pigeon seed (pe:zin:ngoun), cow pea (pe:lun:),horse gram (pe:bi zá), mung bean (pe:naù), hsu:bou (a kind of vegetable with a strongodor), groundnut, sesame, corn and millet. There are also cultivated tamarind trees,cotton plants, a medium-sized tree providing edible leaves and flower buds (me:za li),jujube trees (zi:bin), thorny trees with whitish bark growing in dry regions (hta nau:),lead trees (aweija) and Gandara trees. Their main livestock animals are cows, goats,and pigs. Dogs are also raised to work as guard dogs.
According to the laws governing the protection and preservation of the cultural
heritage region (1998), Bagan is a cultural heritage zone, in which Phwa Saw village
also lies within. If Bagan is designated as a world heritage site, then we should
consider the basic economic situation of the residents of that area. The primaryeconomy of residents is based on cultivation, which is also regarded as ICH for thesepeople. If they turned their farm lands into modern hotels, motels, inns andrestaurants, questions would arise on how to maintain and transmit their agricultural
ICH, and how to maintain and produce their staple foods and their related traditional
beliefs, customs and practices. In particular, there are questions about who has
responsibility to control, maintain and preserve their local economy based on
cultivation and what kinds of research are necessary to preserve the cultivation
technology as part of their cultural heritage.
Most people have now sold their farm lands and changed their livelihoods. With thechanges in infrastructure, they also accepted the changes of their lifestyle andlivelihood. Policies of the central government affected their livelihoods and lifestyles ortheir socio-economic and socio-cultural changes.

Twentay and its Po�ery
Background history of Twentay
Twentay is a town 20 miles from the southwest edge of Yangon. The Hlaing River is on
its west. It includes the Twentay canal, which is the longest manmade canal in
Myanmar (22 miles), connecting the Yangon River and the Ayeyarwady River. Thereare 220 Villages, 65 Village Tracts and 8 urban wards in the Twentay Township of the
Yangon Region. Twentay is famous in Myanmar for its pottery, especially in the south.
Twentay and Twentay-ware cannot be separated from each other. The local people’s
economy is based on fishing, farming and pottery production.
The oldest pottery in Myanmar was found in the Padah-lin Caves, a late Hoabinhiansite, in the area between Nyaunggyat and Yebok villages in Ywa-Ngan township,
Taunggyi district, Southern Shan State that date to 11,000 years ago. The corded
earthenware culture of the Neolithic age (6000–4000 years ago) has been found invarious places within the great basin of the Chindwin and Ayeyarwady Rivers (Myo2003). Myo and his group discovered the oldest kiln at Kangyikone, a village beside acreek named the Kyaukphyasan, which is about 2 miles southeast of Twentay. A�er
reporting their findings to the Department of Archaeology, they started to excavatethe site in 1999 and 2002 and concluded that the Twentay pottery existed as early as
the 7th century AD.

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Hazards and ICH in the Area
According to recent interviews conducted in 2018, some owners of pottery factories
continue their business with the aid of INGOs and NGOs. One of their main products
is water jars, which are in need in the Ayeyarwady region and in Rakhine State a�er
Cyclone Nargis (2008). They produce water jars by pu�ng filters to purify water andsent them to their customers a�er the disaster. There are some pottery shops inTwentay that buy pots from Kyaukmyaung, Shwebo and other places. They sell bothproducts of Twentay and other regions.
Leslie White said that technology creates cultural development (Moore 2004). Somescholars have discussed culture’s influence on the environment and also how theenvironment influences culture. Some emphasize the dialogic interplay of environmentand human culture. In this case study, the technology has changed the environmental
situation. The government constructed the Twentay canal to connect Yangon city andthe Ayeyarwady delta. Because of this canal, some parts of the Ayeyarwady landscapeand local people’s economy or livelihood were changed. The effects of this canal on
Twentay pottery have been observed.
During my visit in August 2018, the factory owners told me that their big diﬃculty is
to get the raw material (clay) for making pottery, which is dug near the Twentay canal.
A�er the canal was completed, the potters had to stop digging clay because of thedecision by the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation. This decision affected theowners’ ability to maintain, preserve and distribute traditional Twentay pottery. They
need land for their pottery. They preferred the clay near the Twentay canal, but
illegally obtaining it is dangerous as they might be arrested by the authorities from the
Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation.
Some scholars, archaeologists, and historians value the local and national culture as
something that should be protected, maintained and transmitted for future
generations. The state and regional governments also pay attention to their own
cultural heritage and now have started to conduct research concerned with naturaland cultural heritage of their local areas. In particular, the Yangon regional
government has organized scholars, keepers of traditional knowledge, and skilled
practitioners to collaborate in this research.

Thidar Konepyin and Its ICH
Background history of Thidar village
The village is located in Yeykyi Township and the Ngathaingchaung Sub Township of the
Ayeyarwady Region. On its east is the Pathein – Monywar Road and the Thidar Creek.
On its west is the Ngawun River, the Pathein River and the Rakhing Mountain ranges.
Its north is bounded by the Thidar creek, forest and mountains. The Ngathaichaung –Gwa Road marks its south. There are 95 villages and 14 village tracts. Its total area is75.25 square miles. Transportation here is based on waterways and roads. The
population is 2,205 (1,015 males and 1,190 females) in 650 households (Survey,2018). Key respondents for the study included 10 pagoda trustees, three shamans,
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the study area, its history, and local strategies for continuing their livelihood.
Thida Konepyin was built by King Wahthudatta in AD 174. It can be regarded as anancient city or even possibly as a small state. It was renamed in 1623 Kyaityathi
during the reigns of King Nandabaya and Queen Thupabar Deiwi. They were regarded
by their people as a good ruler with clean governance. A�er they passed away in
1637, people continued to believe that they still protect and look a�er their people,
and called them Thidar Maunghnyitma (Maunghnyitma means brother and sister).
They built three pagodas: Myatheintan in 1627, Shwedanu and Shwekuni during the
14 years from 1623 to 1637 (Nyo 2016).
This village area was under the control of the colonial government in 1852. Its color
code changed from black (1962 to 1973) to brown area (1973 to 1975) and finallywhite a�er 19751. The village has a long history and a variety of tangible andintangible cultural heritage. The local residents explained that there are ruins of citywalls, pagodas, monasteries, shrines and historical documents there. However, thearea is not particularly famous in Myanmar history.
Hazards and ICH in the area
There were very few effects of Cyclone Nargis in 2008 because the local residents
believe that they are under the protection of the Buddha, his Dhamma law, and his
Sangha community. They also believe their early king and queen of the 1600s still
protect them.
The Myatheintan pagoda had been overgrown with bushes when U Lwin Pyay, who
was living in Letpanpin Village, cleared the overgrowth and restored the pagoda in
1869. The religious specialist Daw Thidar (natkadaw in Myanmar, shaman in English)
told the villagers that the King and Queen existed in their village and pointed out theirplaces, and said that even though the royals had passed away, their spirits are still
alive and continue to protect the villagers. Since 1871 when the villagers went to seek
the king and queen, they found them and started to pay respect to the Thidar
Maunghnyitma (king and queen). The shrines were constructed near the Myatheintan
pagoda and their statues were placed there. People believe that Natkadaw Daw
Thidar also became a spirit for this village a�er she passed away. A shrine for her was
built by the U Sarnan and Daw Kyam family in 1916, and her statue was sent to her
shrine by Ye Aung in 1962.
The Thidatkonepyin daytha (region in English) is a 393 years old city and the old walls
and gates to the city and the palace can still be seen today. The Myatheintan pagoda
festival is the most famous one in this area and it is celebrated three times a year: in
Tapaung (March), then in Kason (May), and finally in Tawthalinn (September). The
pagoda festivals in Tapaung (March) and Kason (May) are called Kone Pwe (Kone island and Pwe is festival), and the one in Thawthalinn (September) is called Yey Pwe
1Black means that the area was under the control of anti-government leaders. Brown means thatthe area was under the control of both the government and the anti-government. White meansthat that area was under the control of Government forces.

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(Yey is water).
When they conduct the pagoda festivals, they also celebrate traditional entertainment
such as Zat Pwe, cane ball matches, Piekyawchin, volleyball, soccer, rowing and Nat
Pwe (spirit worshipping) and others. There is no conflict, fighting, or quarrelling during
festivals because of the protection of the Thidar Maunghnyitma and the Amay Thidar.
Most villagers are also strong believers in Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha. So in the
Myatheintan Pagoda compound, the villagers have donated 162 bronze inscriptions fora Dhamma Zayti (pagoda) since 1914. These are the Buddha teachings known as thethree Vinaya (Buddhist ethics) reproduced on the bronze tablets. These inscriptions
were stored in a building Bidakataik, but they were stolen by a thief. They had beenburied under the Thidar creek and one day discovered by children who were playing
in the water. Eventually the villagers restored them to the same building.
A�er finding the bronze tablets, they secured them against thievery by mounting
them into the foundations within the concrete walls. The upper parts were secured byiron bars. They needed a knowledgeable person of Buddhist teaching, especially for toarrange the three Vinaya tablets in sequence. One of the tablets is stored in the
pagoda trustee oﬃce to show a sample to the scholars. One was brought by arepresentative of military to inform the government about the treasured words andthen this one was stored in Military History Museum in Yangon. But now the villagers
want this tablet to be returned, to restore it in their pagoda with other tablets.
Thidakonepyin has long history that has been influenced by political situations in thosedays. People living in this area also have interesting worldviews. Why the residents relyon the Thidar Maunghnyitma former king and queen for their socio-economic
situation; or why they celebrate pagoda festival three times in a year; or why theyvalue the bronze Buddhist tablets are derived from the local people’s perception of
their cultural heritage (tangible and intangible). Climate change and natural hazards
can crush their lives and property in a short time, but they can restore their lives
again and again. However, the manmade disasters of violence or corruption are moredangerous for them.

Conclusion
This paper explored impacts of disaster on ICH by looking at case studies in order tounderstand the long term transformation of ICH in Myanmar.
At Anauk Phwa Saw, the local people are faced with climate change and cannot
continue their cultivation in the same way as before. Almost everybody hasabandoned their farming and sold their lands in order to adjust their livelihoods. Is
this the right response for them? Who will take responsibility for worsening thequality of life? And how can local residents protect their village which is rich intradition? How best can they promote their traditional village way of life while raising
their living standard? These questions will require further research in this area.
In the case of Twentay pottery, we learned several things that are necessary for

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSmanaging the protection and preservation of traditional ICH in Myanmar, including
access to the raw material for pottery, marketing, and sustainable forms ofdevelopment by the owners and the potters. Organizations like the Myanmar CeramicSociety, the Myanmar Pottery Society, the regional government, the national
government and its Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture, INGOS, NGOs andinternational experts are also important to protect against the effects of both naturaland manmade disasters.
In Thidar village, manmade disaster is the main threat for maintaining, preserving andtransmi�ng villagers’ ICH: in particular, their need for good, transparent government
free from corruption, cooperation between residents and government oﬃcials, thebelief system and habits of behavior that raise their socio-economic conditions.

A��������������
I would like to express my sincere thanks to all persons who helped me and who provided theopportunity to present my research experience in this workshop. Particularly, my special thanks go to
the Rector and the Pro-rectors of the University of Yangon, all colleagues in the Department of
Anthropology, key informants and the Ward Level administrators, elder persons from my researchareas, and all of my beloved friends.

R���������
Moore, J. D. (2004). Leslie White: Evolution Emergent. In: Visions of Culture: An Introduction to
Anthropological Theories and Theorists (2nd Edition), Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,
pp. 179–193.
Mya Mya Khin (2017). The Changing of Food Culture of Anauk Phwa Saw, Bagan A�er Natural
Disaster. Available at: https://www.soas.au.uk [Accessed 25 Jan. 2019].
Myo Thant Tyn (2003). East and Middle East, the Convergence of East and Middle East Glazed Ceramic
Traditions in Myanmar. Yangon: SEAMEO Regional Center for History and Tradition.
Nyo Min Zan Thar (2016). Nga ZIn Kar, Thidar and Myatheintan Razawin. Yangon: Saypyaypyokhinnthit
Press.

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ICH MANAGEMENT AND DRR IN VIETNAM
Phan Phương Anh

Vietnam National University, Hanoi

Introduc�onDuring the last two decades, the Vietnamese government has made a significant effort
to the preservation and promotion of Intangible Culture Heritage (ICH). A large
number of projects and programs have been implemented to conduct inventories toclassify and restore lost and endangered ICH. The country has also prepared andsubmitted ICH related files to UNESCO for inscription on the Representative List of ICH
of Humanity. The promotion of ICH elements aims at raising awareness of the local
communities about their own heritage as an important part of cultural identity and theneed to preserve this heritage. In addition, the dissemination of ICH as cultural assets
is used as a strategy to strengthen the local economy through tourist development. In
doing so, some local authorities separate ICH from its context and culturalenvironment. This approach is criticized because ICH, as living culture, needs to be
nurtured within the communities that have created and/or held the heritage andshould be regarded and managed as a total social phenomenon. The role of disasterrisk reduction (DRR) in ICH management and preservation and vice versa is apertinent example. Recent studies have shown that ICH has a close relationship with
DRR. On the one hand, past experience and local knowledge about the universe, living
environment play an important role in the community’s resilience to disasters.
Specifically, social-cultural norms and religious beliefs influence the perception of risks
and thus the way communities respond to natural hazards. Furthermore, cultural
practices such as rituals, lineage and religious institutions contribute to strengtheningsocial capital that is an important element of the community’s resilience. On the other
hand, natural hazards have posed significant threats to ICH elements such as ICH
holders (e.g. local communities, artisans, etc.) and cultural buildings where cultural
practices take place and thus part of ICH.
Despite the close relationship between ICH and DRR, DRR has been poorly consideredin ICH preservation, protection and promotion policies and practices in Vietnam andvice versa. This paper examines current ICH management policies and practices and its
implication for DRR, and propose some recommendations on how the synergy
between ICH and DRR in Vietnam can be improved.

The Concept of ICH in Vietnamese Legal Documents and the Role of StateIn the 2001 Vietnamese Law on Cultural Heritage, ICH is defined as ‘spiritual productsof historical, cultural or scientific value, being saved in memory or in scripts, handed

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down orally and through professional teaching, performance and other forms ofsaving and handing down, including speech, scripts, literary, art or scientific works,
oral philology, folk oratorio, life style, way of life, rites, traditional cra� know-how,knowledge about traditional medicine and pharmacy, about gastronomic culture,
about traditional costumes, and other folk knowledge’ (Art. 4, Law# 28/2001/QH10).
This law highlights the role of the State (articles 17 to 26) and allows very limited
room for community involvement in ICH’s protection and promotion activities.
The 2001 Law was amended in 2009 in which ICH is redefined as ‘spiritual products
associated with related communities, individuals, objects and cultural spaces, which
are of historical, cultural or scientific value, express the identity of communities, areconstantly recreated and transmitted from generation to generation orally, throughcra� teaching, performing arts or in other forms’ (Law#32/2001/QH12, underlines
added by the author). This new definition was influenced by the 2003 Convention for
the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003 Convention), ratified by
Vietnam in 2005 (as the 22nd country). It is observable that, for the first time, thenotions of community, individuals, community identity, and culture spaces are
introduced. This adjustment makes the concept of ICH less abstract and has important
implication for the management of ICH.

ICH Management in Vietnam
Key policies, focus and achievement
The Vietnamese Government has been paying a lot of attention to ICH management.
A decade a�er the introduction of reform policy Đổi mới in 1986, the 1st Program on
the ‘Protection and Promotion of Intangible Cultural Values’ focusing on theendangered ICH elements and ICH of small ethnic groups (under 10,000 people) wasapproved under the National Target Program for Culture (NTPFC) in 1997 (Nguyễn ChíBền 2005). The NTPFC is renewed every five years and always has one section on ICH
safeguarding and promotion. In 2016, this NTPFC has the new name National Target
Program for Culture Development.
In addition to the NTP for culture sector and the Law on Cultural Heritage, a numberof policies and programs have been developed and implemented. These policies covera range of activities, which can be grouped into the following areas: (i) investigate,collect, research and analyze the value of ICH; (ii) develop a data bank of Vietnamese
cultural heritage including texts, photos, audio, and video; (iii) disseminate andpromote the collected data; and (iv) disseminate ICH internationally.
To date, Vietnam has made significant achievements. A systematic inventory of ICH
elements throughout the country has been conducted. Hundreds of projects forrestoration, protection and promotion have been implemented (with 500 projects per
five years program as an objective). Ten years a�er the 2003 Convention, two databanks were established at the national level and 15 satellites in provinces (Nguyễn ThếHùng and Nguyễn Kim Dung 2014). In addition, being known as one of the mostactive UNESCO member states, Vietnam has 12 ICH elements inscribed in the UNESCO
Representative List of ICH of Humanity up to 2018 (Figure 1).

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Figure 1

Bài Chòi Performance by artists from Bình Định Province in Hanoi. The art of Bài Chòiin Central Viet Nam was inscribed in 2017 on the Representative List of the Intangible
Cultural Heritage of Humanity. (Source: Phan Phương Anh 2012)

Besides the policies that are directly linked to ICH, the Culture sector also develops
annual plans for DRM for the sector at the national and provincial level.
Approaches and Gaps
1) Top-down approach and product oriented instead of process driven
Although Vietnam has made significant efforts in ICH preservation and promotion,
there are still some big gaps. ICH policies are developed and implemented based on
the top-down and sector-oriented approach. There has been limited room for an
active and meaningful engagement of the community and other stakeholders/sectors.
For example, while ICH has been strongly affected by natural hazards, thecollaboration between agencies in charge of ICH and those responsible for DRM/DRR
is very limited.
In addition, ICH management is o�en driven by product-oriented approach. Limited
attention has been paid to relevant processes. For instance, the national government
set the objective to conduct the inventory of ICH for the whole country (Cục Di sảnVăn hoá 2019) and the implementing agency only focuses on having the physical listof ICH (there are 288 ICH elements classified on the national list up to January 2019)(Hoàng Phúc 2019). Questions such as how this list should be established, how ICH
has been changed and what are the drivers of the viability/sustainability or decline of
ICH are o�en not considered.
2) ICH managed separately from its socio-cultural environment and (changing) context,
and also from the people
In Vietnam, ICH is o�en considered as fixed object even though it is continuously
recreated and transformed. The support for the process of archiving ICH into books,
audios and videos is useful for keeping the memory of endangered ICH elements andfor research. However, this approach may also pose the risk of freezing ICH that is aliving culture and need to be nurtured in its living context (Lê Thị Minh Lý 2010). In
addition, the inventory and archiving process may separate ICH from the changing
context and environment that contributes to the evolution/transformation of ICH. The
case of Bá Trạo, a ritual opera taking part of the whale worship practice is a pertinent
example. This worship includes multiple aspects related to the perception of risk and

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Figure 2

Cá Ông (Whale) temple and altar in Sông Đốc, Cà Mau.
(Source: Phan Phương Anh 2012)

the recovery process a�er disasters of the fishermen community (Figure 2). However,
only the Bá Trạo opera (instead of the whole whale worship) was inscribed separately
to the national list of ICH in 2016. The promotion of such classified ICH is driven
mainly by economic and tourism development purposes (See also Lê Thị Minh Lý
2010; Lê Hồng Lý et al. 2014). As a result, ICH elements are decontextualized from its
environment and broader sociocultural contexts.
3) Limited linkages between DRM and ICH management
Past experience and local knowledge about the universe and living environment play
an important role in the community’s resilience to natural disasters. Specifically, socialcultural norms and religious beliefs influence the perception of risks and thus the way
communities respond to natural hazards. Furthermore, cultural practices such as
rituals, lineage and religious institutions contribute to strengthening social capital thatis an important element of the community’s resilience. At the same time, natural
hazards have posed significant threats to ICH elements such as ICH holders (e.g. local
communities, artisans, etc.), and cultural buildings and spaces where cultural practices
take place. Despite the close relationship between ICH and DRR, DRR has been poorly
considered in ICH preservation, protection and promotion policies and practices inVietnam and vice versa.
As a legal requirement, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism has to establish anannual DRM action plan for the culture sector. However, this action plan is o�enpoorly implemented especially with regards to ICH. The term ‘intangible cultural
heritage’ is even not mentioned in the DRM action plan of the culture sector. In
addition, DRR is o�en not considered in any legal documents related to ICH
safeguarding and promotion. Our report on case study in Lào Cai province, reviewing
policy documents from 2010 to 2016, also shows evidence of this gap (Phan Phuong
Anh and Vu Canh Toan 2018). To date, there has been no work conducted by thesector to assess the impact of natural hazards on ICH. As a result, there is no plan andaction to protect ICH holders and cultural spaces from natural hazards.
On the other side, the role of ICH is also underconsidered in DRR policy and practice.
Most DRM/DRR policies, projects and programs only consider tangible heritages. In thelist of the inventory of damages caused by major disasters, ICH is not evenmentioned. From research perspectives, few studies have examined the impacts of

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natural hazards on ICH, although there are some studies looking at the role of local
knowledge in DRR and climate change adaptation activities.
The limited linkages between the ICH and DRM sectors can be explained by several
reasons as following:• the intangible nature of ICH makes the integration of ICH into DRM policies andpractices challenges• a framework to support the integration of ICH and DRR is not in place yet• lack of capacity and also interest of government oﬃcials working in the culture
sector in relation to DRM/DRR• lack of recognition of the role of ICH in DRM by DRM oﬃcials/sector

Conclusion and Recommenda�ons
By examining the current state of ICH management in Vietnam, this paper points out
the key limitation of the existing ICH management policies as being top-down, sector
based and product driven approaches that limit the participation and engagement ofother sectors and stakeholders especially the communities who hold ICH, and thatconsider ICH as fixed objects that can be managed independently from its changing
context and environment. This limitation can be a major cause of the lack ofconsideration of natural hazards and its impacts on ICH management policies andpractices. To fill this gap, it is recommended that:
1) ICH should be developed and implemented based on a holistic and process driven
approach that: manages ICH with close consideration of its context andenvironment as well as of the changing conditions that influence the existence,transformation and recreation of ICH; and that engages other relevant sectors andtakes into account the voice of ICH holders and practitioners in a meaningfulmanner;2) the role of ICH in DRM should be better recognized and the impact of natural
hazards on ICH should be better understood;3) new tools and framework to support the integration of ICH into DRR policies/
practices and vice versa need to be developed;
4) the evolution and the drivers of changes/losses of ICH should be investigated during
the process of ICH inventory.

R���������
Cục Di sản Văn hoá [Department of Cultural Heritage] (2019). Danh mục Báo cáo kiểm kê Di sản văn
hoá phi vật thể (List of Inventory Reports of Intangible Cultural Heritage). Available at: http://
dsvhpvt.dsvh.gov.vn/HeritageReport.aspx. [Assessed 20 Feb 2019].
Hoàng Phúc (2019). Công bố Danh mục di sản văn hóa phi vật thể quốc gia đợt XXVI (Announcementof the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage at the 26th National Classification). Cục Di sản văn hóa(Department of Cultural Heritage). Available at: http://dch.gov.vn/pages/news/preview.

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aspx?n=1654&c=4. [Assessed 20 Feb 2019].
Lê Hồng Lý et al. (2014). Bảo tồn và phát huy di sản văn hoá trong quá trình hiện đại hoá: Nghiên cứutrường hợp �n ngưỡng thờ cúng Hùng Vương (Phú Thọ), Hội Gióng (Hà Nội), Tháp Bà Poh Nagar(Khánh Hoà) và văn hoá cồng chiêng của người Lạch (Lâm Đồng) (Safeguarding and Promoting
Cultural Heritage against the Backdrop of Modernization: Case Studies of the Worship of HùngKings (Phú Thọ Province), Gióng Festival (Hanoi), Poh Nagar Tower (Khánh Hoà Province) and theGong Culture of the Lạch People (Lâm Đồng Province)). In: Lê Hồng Lý and Nguyễn Thị Phương
Châm (eds.), Di sản văn hoá trong xã hội Việt Nam đương đại (Cultural Heritage in Vietnam
Contemporary Society). Hanoi: NXB Tri Thức, pp. 11–79.
Lê Thị Minh Lý (2010). Bảo vệ di sản văn hoá phi vật thể, quá trình nhận thức và bài học thực tiễn(Safeguarding the Intangible Cultural Heritage, Cognitive Process and Lessons Learned). Di sản văn
hoá (Cultural Heritage), số 1 (30): pp. 42–45.
Nguyễn Chí Bền (2005). Di sản văn hoá phi vật thể, từ sưu tầm, nghiên cứu đến bảo tồn và phát huy(Intangible Cultural Heritage, from Collection and Research to Conservation and Promotion). In:
Bảo tồn và phát huy di sản văn hoá phi vật thể ở Việt Nam (Conservation and Promotion of
Intangible Cultural Heritage in Vietnam). Hanoi: NXB Văn hoá Thông tin, pp. 75–95.
Nguyễn Thế Hùng and Nguyễn Kim Dung (2014). Tổng kết 10 năm thực hiện công ước UNESCO 2003về Bảo vệ di sản văn hoá phi vật thể ở Việt Nam (10 years of implementation of the 2003
UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in Vietnam). In: 10
năm thực hiện công ước bảo vệ di sản văn hoá phi vật thể của Unesco, bài học kinh nghiệm vàđịnh hướng tương lai (10 Years of Implementation of UNESCO’s 2003 Convention for the
Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage: Lessons Learned and Visions for the Future),
Conference Proceedings. Hanoi: NXB Khoa học & Kỹ thuật, pp. 170–188.
Phan Phuong Anh and Vu Canh Toan (2018). ICH and Natural Disasters in Black Hà Nhì and Red Dao
Communities in Lào Cai Province, Vietnam. In: Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding andDisaster Risk Management in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region: Project Report for FY 2016–2017. Sakai:International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI), pp.
153–174.

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REMEMBERING DISASTERS:THE ROLE OF ICH IN DISASTER MEMORY
Soledad Natalia M. Dalisay

University of the Philippines–Diliman

Good morning everyone. I am going to present some case studies that I havegathered as part of other research work on intangible cultural heritage (ICH) anddisasters in the Philippines.

Why the Need to Remember Disasters
Why is there the need to remember disasters? First of all, remembering andcommemorating can be cathartic, especially for those who have gone through a very
traumatic experience with disasters. Memories of disasters may contain valuablelessons which can be lifesaving. Memories become a shared past that can fortify
group identity and can lead to the development of strong social capital that may spurcollective action in a positive sense in the future. Memory has the potential forincreasing risk awareness and it builds on resilience towards future encounters withdisasters.
I would like to explain further the individual memory and collective memory nexus.
Memories are framed within the owner’s personality and life experiences, and they
contribute to collective memory. An individual also acts within a group, thus is able toevoke and maintain memories that are of interest to the group. Memories of otherpeople evoke an individual’s own memories as well; and collective remembrances are
hinged on individual memories. Otherwise, it would be diﬃcult for one to find content
or meaning in his or her own memories. They are also attached to feelings or
emotions. That is why it is important to remember not only events but associatedfeelings and emotions as well.
It is important to move from remembering to commemoration, because
commemoration entails shared meaning and affect. It incorporates rituals enacted asa group, and the recognition of material objects as remembrances of their sharedexperiences. Commemoration entails shared experiences, thus shared memories andcollective action. Moreover, commemoration is formalized and characterized bymemorialization and recurrence. That is why there are calendrical events associatedwith commemoration and these are repeatedly done usually on a yearly basis or evenmore o�en.

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Cultural Memory
I would like to introduce you to the concept of cultural memory, which of course
draws from my own discipline in anthropology. I will be going into discussions ofmaterial culture and ICH in disaster context as framed by cultural memory,
highlighting culture as shared and adoptive and transmitted.
It has been argued that memories formed in the mind can be transferred to tangible
objects, particularly through material culture which precipitate in remembrances.
Objects serve as indexes or reminders of the past. They help instigate the act ofremembrance. They act as mnemonic devices, and are promoted by social practice;hence, the need for collective commemorative practices. Meaning is created throughsocial discourse, as represented in material culture, and it is critical for theremembrance, performance and maintenance of the tradition.
Let me go into some of the examples of material culture that have been formed,
developed, or constructed, in relation to some of the disasters that occurred – natural
hazards that have resulted in disasters in the Philippines.
One of the examples of disaster memorials is the crosses in Albay that commemorate
Typhoon Reming which devastated the province in the latter months of 2006. Several
memorials were likewise constructed in Typhoon Yolanda (2013) hit areas, such as themarker in the Astrodome and the beached ship which was made into a marker. Bothcan be found in Tacloban City. There is an article that lists several other ways in which
Typhoon Yolanda is being commemorated. Both material culture and ICH are vital inremembering and commemorating disasters.

The Role of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Remembering and Disaster
Resilience
Now I will go to some of the examples in ICH and disaster memory. What I have here
are by no means complete. There are many more examples that can be drawn fromthe literature and from studies that have been done in the Philippines. But I would liketo focus on some that I have worked on in my research in the past.
Religious rites and rituals
The first example is the festival of the Nuestra Senora de Salvacion (the Lady ofSalvation) in Albay, a province in the Philippines. Every third Saturday in August in oneof the towns in Tiwi Albay, the image of the Nuestra Senora de Salvacion is paradedaround the town. It crosses a river and the path that the image passes through is
considered to be sacred during the procession. It crosses a body of water, a river, andthe water in the river is also considered as sacred at that time. It is a very popularfestival. It can last for a week or more, depending on the different activities that havebeen lined up by the local government and other private groups during the festival. It
also draws pilgrims not only from within the province but also from other parts of thePhilippines and even from abroad. So, there was even a time when because there
were several hazards that passed through the province and the festival was held twice

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in that year.
Another example is the Pagluluwa, or prayer, for the Lady of Caysasay in Batangas
Province. Unlike the Neustra Senora de Salvacion, the festival for our Lady of Caysasay
is limited to a smaller group of devotees. But what is interesting about the festival isthat it involves artisans of prayer called the nagluluwa – I consider them as ‘weaversof words’ because they are considered as experts in prayer-making, specifically for theLady of Caysasay. People pray to her, to save them against natural hazards and otherdisasters. So, the devotion to the Lady of Caysasay encompasses both natural hazards
and personal problems.
Local knowledge
And also, there is local knowledge; and the sharing of memories of experiences withlocal knowledge, especially when successful, can reinforce belief in the local
knowledge.
Local knowledge can encompass animal behavior, signs from the constellations, andsigns from the physical environment. I am sure you can contribute a lot more. There
are many examples in the literature on local knowledge and how they could stem theoccurrence of disasters.
New narratives in old legends
There are also evidences of the incorporation of new narratives in old legends. We
have the story, for instance, of Sam Ryan on Homonhon Island, and in Guiuan, Eastern
Samar.
Sam Ryan is an old legend that has been transferred from generation to generation,
but a�er typhoon Yolanda, new stories or narratives emerged.
There are lessons imparted through the legends. At that time there was a pouring of
aid from many different sources not only from within the country but also fromoutside, and there was a need to organize the delivery of this aid that is coming fromeverywhere. The story of Sam Ryan cautions people from accepting aid from just any
donor or entity.
Community commemorative events
Here I am introducing two of several commemorative events listed for Typhoon
Yolanda. For instance, the candle-lighting ritual which was done every year a�er thetyphoon; and the commemorative walk in the areas that have been affected by thetyphoon.

Issues in Remembering and Commemora�on for DRR
I would like to point out some of the issues in remembering and commemoration fordisaster risk reduction (DRR). First of all, there is great variance in memory andmeaning among individuals. Disasters will have different meanings for different
individuals depending on how you have been affected by the disaster. Meanings and

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSmemories may vary within a person’s lifetime as well; they may transform and fadeaway. And of course, there is also the politics of remembering and commemoration,
because memories have been used for political ends like elections, for instance, andthe commercialization of memory for personal gain. There is also the pain of
remembering. Some individuals take time to get over the pain of remembering. That
is why the DRR programme have to be holistic. There is value in remembering but also
there has to be other programmes like, for instance, psycho-social intervention.
So, what needs to be done? These are just some of the recommendations:• The need to find out ways through which ICH can sustain memories of disasterfor DRR and to document this in various cultural contexts• The need to document how memories of disaster contribute to sustaining ICH
in various cultural contexts

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SESSION 2 :CHALLENGES AND LESSONS LEARNTFROM DISASTER EXPERIENCES,
AND THE POTENTIALSOF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE

INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND DISASTER IN NEPAL
Yamuna Maharjan (National Museum, Nepal)

VANUATU CULTURAL CENTRE, INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND
DISASTER RISK REDUCTION IN VANUATU
Richard Shing (Vanuatu Cultural Centre)

TU NA INIMA, LUVU NA WAQA: AN ITAUKEI PERSPECTIVE
ON DISASTER RISK REDUCTION
Melaia Tikoitoga (iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Fiji)

BETWEEN THE KING AND THE SCIENTIST: MOUNT MERAPI ERUPTION,EARLY WARNING SYSTEM, AND THE POLITICS OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE
Fadjar I. Thufail (Research Center for Regional Resources, Indonesian Institute of Sciences)

Facilitator:

Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties)

INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND DISASTER
IN NEPAL
Yamuna Maharjan

National Museum, Nepal

Nepal is a small country having an area of 147,181 sq. km. The country is sandwiched
between two big Asian countries: China in the north and India in three sides. It isalmost rectangular in shape stretching 800 km in east-west direction and from 140 to
210 km north-south. Nature has divided the country geographically into three parts:
alpine region of Himalayan Mountains in the north, hilly region in the middle,
followed by the flat lands in the south. The highest point of the country is Mt Everest,
also the highest on Earth (8,848 m – Everest) and lowest point reaches merely 58 m
above sea level. The country has no sea-shore at all and is thus a landlocked country.
Nearly 29 million people live in the country that is divided into diverse ethnic groups
of more than 100. The people speak 123 local languages and dialects. Nepali is the
lingua franka within the country and English is spoken by educated people.
Every country has its own history and culture. Cultural heritage is divided into twoparts: tangible and intangible. Nepal is best known by both. Despite the damages
made by deadly Nepal earthquake of 2015 on tangible heritages, intangible heritages
are still intact and thriving.
Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is a relatively new term and concept in Nepalese
academic field. Previously the domains of ICH were discussed under the general term
‘folklore’. In 2003, UNESCO adopted the Convention for the Safeguarding of theIntangible Cultural Heritage to be ratified by UNESCO member states, which focusedon the significant role of ICH, and highlighted the need to safeguard ICH. Nepal
became a State Party to this Convention by ratifying it in the year 2010. The
Convention defines ICH as ‘practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills …
that communities … recognize as part of their cultural heritage’. UNESCO specifies that
there are five domains of ICH: oral traditions, performing arts, social practices,knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe, and traditionalcra�smanship.
Nepal is prone to different natural hazards, especially earthquakes, landslides, annual
flooding, and avalanche, and is highly susceptible to climate change that is likely to
exacerbate in particular the risks of annual droughts and floods. Furthermore, being
located in the most at-risk seismic zone, Nepal is the 11th most earthquake prone
country in the world.
On 25 April and 12 May 2015, Nepal was hit by two devastating earthquakes (Gorkha

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earthquake) with magnitudes of 7.8 and 7.3 Richter scale, respectively. These
earthquakes and their a�ershocks have killed nearly 9,000 people and injured nearly
22,000. It led the immense damages of cultural heritages, buildings andinfrastructures all around the country. Much of the historic fabrics in the city center islost. The epicenter of the earthquake was at Barpak, Gorkha district. The hypocenter
was at the depth of approximately 8.2 km. The earthquake damaged a large numberof heritage properties like temples, stupas, monasteries, palaces, museums historicalhouses, rest houses and so on. Small shrines, statues and community temples wereburied under the debris of collapsed buildings. Barpak is a tiny, vibrant settlement of
about 1,200 homes of Gorkha district. The place is mostly home of the Ghale people,
an ethnic group known for their martial prowess; many of its members join the British
Gurkha regiment. Today, Barpak is almost entirely destroyed; 90 percent of 1,000
homes and huts reduced to rubble.
A�er the 2015 Earthquake, one can see the drastic changes in Barpak, changes intangible and intangible cultures, no more traditional architecture and building
materials are use (Figures 1 and 2). The fear of shakes results in this. The forces of

Figure 1
Barpak before 2015
Earthquake (top); anddrastic change a�er theearthquake (bo�om). No
more traditional architecture
and building materials.
(Source: Udesh Lal Shrestha)

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globalization are uprooting local cultures. The cultural consciousness of Nepal has
always been evolving and will continue to do so. Their priorities have been shi�ing,
and their preferences for lifestyles, value systems, educational systems, work
environments and working styles have been changing. Of course, cultural erosion is avery slow process.
Although the 2015 earthquake might have caused widespread damage to the tangible
heritage of Nepal, the intangible heritage elements are still intact and thriving. For
instance, people still observe and celebrate religious and cultural festivals as they used
to. When intangible culture is endangered or totally lost, it is preserved in themuseums. The museum is a non-profit, informal education center. The museum is themirror of one´s country, so it collects, preserves, conserves, and exhibits the whole
nation´s art, culture, and history.
The government of Nepal has taken an active role in initiating several activities tosafeguard and promote ICH. Many surveys and research have been carried out by the
Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation, all over Nepal. The ministry andinstitutions such as the Nepal Academy have launched documentation programmes tomotivate the new generation, academic and the general people, in understanding thecountry´s history including tangible as well as intangible culture, and there is a need tofacilitate their study and involvement in the practice, preservation and promotion ofculture.

Figure 2

Barpak kitchen before (le�) and a�er (right) 2015 Earthquake.
(Source: Udesh Lal Shrestha)

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VANUATU CULTURAL CENTRE, INTANGIBLE CULTURALHERITAGE AND DISASTER RISK REDUCTION
IN VANUATU
Richard Shing

Vanuatu Cultural Centre

ICH – Relevance and ImportanceIntangible Cultural Heritage (ICH), or traditional knowledge is the information,
intelligence, ideas, wisdom, skills, awareness, understanding, manners, beliefs andpractices that are developed, sustained and passed on from generation to generation
within a society, o�en forming part of its cultural and spiritual identity.
Traditional knowledge in Vanuatu includes types of knowledge about technologies ofsubsistence (tools and techniques for agriculture and hunting), ethnobotany, foodpreparation (Figure 1), ecological knowledge, traditional medicine, celestial navigation,
weather and climate. These types of knowledge are crucial for subsistence andsurvival, and are generally based on the accumulation of empirical information andlong-term interaction with the environment. In traditional Vanuatu societies,
knowledge is passed orally for generations from person to person, and find expression
in the form of stories, legends, folklore, rituals, songs and customary laws.
Our traditional way of life is an accumulation of thousands of years of adapting withand in their respective environments, and through trial and error, our traditional
cultures have been formulated and refined to achieve perfection in our lifeways in our
respective environments and sustainability of the resources that provide these

Figure 1048

ICH in food preparation. Cooking ﬁsh andshellﬁsh in coconut shells.
(Source: Vanuatu Cultural Centre)

Figure 2

ICH in food production.
Planting water taro inswamp. (Source: Vanuatu
Cultural Centre)

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONAL WORKSHOP ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
AND NATURAL DISASTERS

livelihoods. It is embedded in culture
and is unique to a given location orsociety. Traditional knowledge is an
important part of the lives of the poor.
It is the basis for decision-making ofcommunities in food security (Figure 2),human and animal health, educationand natural resource management.
Traditional Knowledge is still significant,in this time and age, in that it is stillused to provide livelihood for many ofour people residing in rural areas andnot employed in the formal economic
sector. It is still being used in the
agricultural sector in the different
traditional crops patterns (or how toplant different crops in different areas atdifferent times), cultivation (how togrow different crops), food preservation
Figure 3 ICH in traditional architecture.
and food preparation. It is still being(Source: Vanuatu Cultural Centre)
used in infrastructural constructions inthe sourcing of material and thetechniques of traditional architecture (Figure 3). There is a type of traditionalarchitecture in Vanuatu that is cyclone resistant, which is built in the shape of an
upturned canoe, with the roof low to the ground, and is very much resistant to strong
winds and earthquakes. It is still used in health, in the sourcing and utilisation of
traditional medicines, and in rural areas where access to medical facilities are diﬃcult,traditional medicines and traditional healing practices and still significant. It is still usedin land, water and marine and terrestrial resource management. It has a significant
role in our social structures, social relationships and social interaction in our
indigenous societies. It is still used in mitigation of risk before, during and a�er
disasters, such as cyclones, floods, droughts and famine, and all the benefits oftraditional knowledge mentioned previously, can be utilised to mitigate risk, before,
during and a�er natural disasters.
Living in island nations where not everyone is fully part of the formal economic
system, in that most of our people do not make enough money to sustain themselves
and to provide for their daily needs and wants, our traditional knowledge acts as a‘safety net’ for our people to live sustainably within their natural and social
environment, and in times of disasters.
Knowledge management is increasingly being recognized as the key to reduce impactsof climate change and disasters. Effective knowledge management requires policy andimplementation guidelines. We have seen significant advancements in science andtechnology in recent years, and disaster related technology development is no
exception.

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Though we rely much on Western scientific technology and knowledge, to live ourlives and survive sustainably in our island environment (i.e. in the mitigation ofdisaster risk) there is a limitation to what can be achieved. Our traditional knowledge
acts as a means of ‘the last mile’ to ensure that livelihood is sustained. There is,therefore, a need to combine both scientific and traditional knowledge to mitigatesocial and environmental concerns.
Though traditional knowledge is still very much part of our everyday lives, we areseeing a decrease in interest, practice and usage of TK in our societies. When wecompare the traditional knowledge apparent in our societies today to what waspracticed and available 50 or 100 years ago, we can see that much has been lost.
In 2006, the UK-based New Economics Foundation published ‘The Happy PlanetIndex: An index of human well-being and environmental impact’ in which countries
were ranked in relation to three indicators of well-being: life satisfaction, life
expectancy, and ecological footprint. These three indicators were chosen by theFoundation to represent the ecological eﬃciency of delivering human well-being
within the constraints of equitable and responsible resource consumption. The report
declared Vanuatu to be the ‘happiest country in the world’.
Vanuatu was and still is worthy of such a title. However, Vanuatu is currently classified
by the United Nations as one of the world’s most impoverished countries and islabelled by the organization as ‘economically handicapped’. The Happy Planet Indexbrought forth awareness in the region of the need for new indicators to be developedthat take into account the income-neutral factors contributing to Melanesian wellbeing, rather than continuing to rely solely on GDP growth to measure success orprogress.
In 2012 Vanuatu embarked on a project called the Alternative Indicators of Wellbeing
where we measured other qualities which we believe constitutes better well-being or
quality of life, based upon the respondent’s perception. The project measured:
Subjec�ve Wellbeing: how people understand the quality of their own lives –measured happiness, satisfaction, stress
Resource Access: measured access to customary land, land tenure structure, landsize, land use, supporting capacity of land, leasing of customary land, access toforest resource, access to marine resources, resource access and happiness
Cultural Prac�ce: assessed the strength and significance of various aspects ofculture in Vanuatu through the perceptions of respondents towards basic culturalelements – measured language, traditional knowledge and wisdom, traditional
skills, traditional wealth access, ceremonial practice, cultural practice andhappiness
Community Vitality: examined interactions and relationships within communities
in order to capture social capital contributions to well-being – measured

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community meeting, community support, trust, leadership, safety, family vitality,
valuesCommunity Wellbeing: measured outlook of traditional leaders, outlook ofwomen leaders, outlook of church leaders, ceremonial activities
Overall, TORBA Province, the furthest to the north of the country and the province
with the least economic activities and income, measured highest on the scale foralternative indicators of wellbeing, and this is attributed mainly to their continuous
utilisation of their traditional knowledge for sustenance.

ICH and Disaster Risk Reduc�on
ICH or traditional knowledge, has an important role in the mitigation of risk, in times
of extreme natural hazards and I will be presenting a few examples of the use of
traditional knowledge on food and architecture in disaster risk reduction before anda�er a cyclone. Food and architecture are used as examples in this presentation sincethese are two essential components of human survival which the Vanuatu Cultural
Centre (VKS) has identified that affect most populations in times of disaster, especiallycyclones, since they are more frequent and destructive than other natural hazards.
ICH before natural disaster
Vanuatu is situated in a cyclone prone part of the world, as we all know, andtraditionally people would prepare months in advance before the cyclone season at
the end and beginning of the year. Food can be dried, smoked (dried breadfruits in the
Banks/Torres islands and dried putongi (fish) on Futuna) or fermented (banana andbreadfruit in south Vanuatu) (Figure 4) and this can provide ongoing sustenance or canbe kept for times when there is adrought or a�er a cyclone.
To dry breadfruit and fish, they are first
baked on ground ovens with hot stones
until all the moisture has been
removed, then they are hung up over a
fireplace where the smoke and heatkeeps them dry. To ferment banana or
breadfruit, they are peeled, pitted,
soaked in water and placed in half ametre deep pits near rivers of the sea,
in a covering of banana leaves. This canbe le� for years but the water has to bechanged every three to four months. To
prepare, it is normally wrapped inbanana leaves and baked or boiled. It
smells awful but has a so� cheese-liketexture. Just prior to the cyclone,people will also cut down banana trees

Figure 4

ICH in food preservation. Fermenting
banana.
(Source: Vanuatu Cultural Centre)

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and manioc tops so that they can survive the strong winds and will still provide fooda�er the cyclone.
Prior to European arrival, all forms of traditional architecture had low stooping roofs
or roofs imbedded into the ground. With the appropriate materials and construction
techniques, these houses were highly cyclone resistant. Today many people build local
houses with higher walls to provide more space. A survey carried out by the VKS and
UNESCO a�er Cyclone Pam showed that in many villages on Tanna and in theShepherds Islands, many of these traditional houses with low roofs survived whereasmuch of the traditional houses with higher walls collapsed. On Tanna there areaccounts of whole communities finding shelter in these cyclone resistant traditional
houses.
A recent project completed on the island of Tanna involving Kyoto University, theMinistry of Education and Training and RTCs, came up with an assessment of thestrengths and weaknesses of the nimalatan (Tannese name for these cyclone resistanthouses), and collaborated with the locals to come up with further ideas on how toadvance the nimalatan with respects to strength, durability and comfortability.
ICH after natural disaster
What kinds of ICH are still being used a�er cyclones? A�er a cyclone, most food crops
can last for a few days, but otherwise crops like banana and breadfruit have to befermented so they can last longer. In addition to the normal traditional food crops weeat, there are numerous edible plants that people can eat during times of scarcity,such as black palm (Figure 5), giant taro, and edible ferns.
In March 2019, VKS in collaboration
with other government stakeholders,such as the Ministry of Agriculture,
Lifestock, Forestry, Fisheries andBiodiversity, and the Ministry of Health,will be hosting the second Slow Food
Festival on the island of Maewo, toshowcase different traditional edible
produce and different food preparation
techniques in Vanuatu. In addition, theFestival aims to promote traditional
food as a means of reducing
dependency on imported food a�er
disasters. This Festival will be bringing
together traditional practitioners fromall over Vanuatu who will bedemonstrating their various traditional
knowledge on food.

052

Figure 5

Disaster food. Black palm trunk.
(Source: Vanuatu Cultural Centre)

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSICH and Less Dependence
The more people living in their traditional environments rely on their traditional
knowledge for food and appropriate traditional shelters, gradually, the more rural
Vanuatu will become less dependent on food and shelter and the less the government
will have to spend on these two necessities.
On the other hand, as we continue to develop, there is a great danger that much of
traditional knowledge will eventually become marginalised and overlooked. There is agreat need for investment in programs aimed at encouraging Ni-Vanuatu to retain,
utilise and pass on important aspects of our ICH, especially regarding DRR. It is in thecontinual practice and sharing of ICH that important parts of our ICH regarding DRR
can be retained and developed to ensure better resistance to natural disasters.

ICH and Educa�on – A Way Forward
As we continue to develop more and more as Pacific Nations, there is a great danger
that much of traditional knowledge will eventually become disregarded. The majorityof our children today are exposed to so much external influences and it is possiblethat in the next few generations, traditional knowledge will be something we readabout only in books.
Most of our rural societies still rely on the resources within their environmental
surroundings and there is risk that our education system does not provide adequate
teaching to assist those students that do not end up working in the formal economy
but teaches them to yearn for a kind of livelihood that they aspire towards but do nothave the financial means to afford.
In recent years, the VKS has embarked on some
initiatives to assist the Ministry of Education by
the creation of a set of curriculum on
traditional knowledge for grades 2, 4 and 6(Figure 6). The aim was to assist teachers toteach traditional knowledge in schools. Due tothe diversity of cultures in Vanuatu, there was
no way to write about a specific culture, and so
the curriculum set comprises of guidelines on
how to teach traditional knowledge, andexamples from parts of Vanuatu where
teachers could use as a guide to teach theirstudents in the local cultures and traditions intheir respective areas. The teaching materials
produced by the Vanuatu Cultural Centre has
already been provided to the education but it
is not yet compulsory for the schools to use.
In addition, as the repository for cultural

Figure 6

Year 6 Teachers Guide toteaching ICH. (Source:
Vanuatu Cultural Centre)

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heritage in Vanuatu, VKS has a wide
range of literature, videos, artefacts andphotographic resources, available to thegeneral public which is used by students,
teachers, researchers and the generalpublic to access cultural, historical,
anthropological, archaeological andethnographical information.
Many rural primary schools have one or
two hours each week dedicated to
cultural activities. Some secondary
schools are already including cultural
Figure 7 Lycee students constructing
traditional house.
activities into their curriculum and the(Source: Vanuatu Cultural Centre)
Lycee Louis Antoine de Bougainville is agood example of a school that has
introduced cultural activities as an optional part of the school curricular, and has
grown in student participation, interest and variation of cultural activities (Figure 7).
It is imperative that traditional knowledge and cultural heritage is continually taught inschools in that they provide a means of adapting to the natural and social
environment, sustainability to the resources available and to provide resilience topopulation during and a�er disasters.
Thank you for your patience and I hope that what I have presented has assisted in our
understanding of the importance of traditional knowledge.

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSTU NA INIMA, LUVU NA WAQA:
AN ITAUKEI PERSPECTIVE ON DISASTER RISK REDUCTION
Melaia Tikoitoga

iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Fiji

The Poten�als of Local Knowledge
Although classified as non-scientific, local knowledge have accumulated a�er centuries
of extensive trial and error experiences from which people have learned. The
knowledge system o�en passed by word of mouth is a broad knowledge of indigenous
people on how to live sustainably.

iTaukei Measures in Disaster Risk Reduc�on
Traditional governance system
Governance in the indigenous Fijian landscape can best be described as consisting ofseveral autochthonous chiefdoms. Habitually, no overall chief holds total dominion
over the indigenous traditional governance, even though there have been claims in thepast by one or two. This is where the role of the traditional herald comes into play.
The herald’s position is as mediator between the chief and the people and vice versa.
However, in some remote islands where accessibility to such an information is limited,
the Provincial Oﬃce upon hearing the alerts/warnings contact the turaganikoro1 ofneighbouring islands to relay the news. This is at times diﬃcult especially given the
remoteness of some islands and the ignorance of villagers to adhere to alerts/
warnings of impending cyclones. Hence, the need to include the traditional social
structure into cyclone policies. The inclusion of matanivanua or herald as means of
information dissemination is vital. This position is not taken lightly by the members of
the tribe. And yet through the words of Opetaia Dreketirua, we can see how
beneficial the idea of the matanivanua would be to contemporary society: The
matanivanua] are the chords of the land (wa ni vanua) binding together the people
and their leaders. They press down (bika) and hide within their own hearts the angry
words of the chiefs about the people, and they hide also in their hearts the angry
words of the people about the chiefs; and for this reason they are called the‘Stomach of Evil’ (kete ni ka ca) for their first responsibility is to preserve the land. As
spokesperson, he is skilled in the art of persuasion and can sway the villagers to takeheed of precautionary measures. In collaboration with the turaganikoro, he can informthe chief together with other clan leaders and in turn they inform the members of
their clan. Clan leaders are respected by its members and hence will quickly mobilize
reducing vulnerability.
1

Turaganikoro: The village headmen also known as a government administrator and representativein the village.

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Figure 1

Proposed structure of information dissemination.

Traditional architecture
The overriding problem in withstanding the high winds of a tropical cyclone is that theconnections between different elements of the building get damaged. Because of thatthe structural integrity or coherence of the building diminishes and the parts of it aredestroyed. According to an article prepared by Vrolijks (1998), it is diﬃcult to makesharp separation between a ‘traditional’ construction and a disaster resistant ‘modern’housing as many of the principles for safe construction have been learnt fromtraditional construction methods. As earlier mentioned, bure normally have athatched roof which are high and use a hipped configuration. This is held together
with strong vines that tighten by smoldering over the years. The corner posts,
according to Vrolijks, are fairly strong and buried suﬃciently to resist upli�. If in casethe roof collapse, there is ample room for occupants to crawl under it for theremainder of the cyclone.
According to Tuiteci (2018), the fixings in a
traditional house is built for tropical cyclones.
Compared with solid structures of modern housing,traditional houses are fixed to move. This is theresult of organic materials used. He further
elaborated that the so� raw materials absorb thewind pressure, allowing it to move into the houseand then gets dissipated inside, this nullifies thepressure. In addition to this, tying still maintains thestrength of the wood whereas hammering it has the
opposite effect. This ductility or the ability to bend
and sway without collapse is why the traditional
method of house construction can cope withcyclone hazards and also earthquake (Vrolijks
1998).

Figure 2
Traditional house proposed
as evacuation centres

Traditional early warning system
Traditional Knowledge system on early warning system is vast and below is but a
portion on how the ancestors of the 4 villages in Udu predict of incoming cyclone. (It056

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Table 1 Traditional Knowledge indicators of cyclone as according to elders in the Nagasauva,
Yasawa, Nabouono and Vunikodi
Indicator
iTaukei nameAnomalyCommon nameScien�ﬁc nameVaimanta rays

Manta birostris

Sign of impending cyclone: jumping manta
rays on a clear day with calm seas

Balagiyellowsurgeonfish

Acanthurus
xanthopterus

schools found near the shallow end

Rastrelliger spp.

a lot of mackerelle swim near the shallowa) waitui (sea)Salalachub mackerel

cakau

the coral reefs

ua

waves

-

difference in the wave pattern i.e. Small
waves between bigger waves

sici

univalves

Trochus nilotucus

The univalves are harder to pull as they
are firmly stuck to the rocks when women
try to remove it with a knife during low
tides

babaledolphins

Delphinidae
stenellafrequent sighting – ‘as if they areplaying’
These birds are usually found out at sea
but when they’re low-flying and nearland, this change in behaviour is anindication of cyclone

waves crashing onto the reef can be heard
from the village – ‘like a thunderous noise
at night’b) lomalagi (stratosphere/air)Manumanu ni cagi
mvk
1. qiqi
2. kasaqa‘birds of the wind’e.g.
1. Fiji white eye
2. Frigate bird

1. Zosterops
explorator
2. Fregata aerialkatakata na draki

weather too hot-

Unexplainable hot weather for morethan a week

vula

moon

-

A ring around the moonoclouds-No longer going in the same direction

matanicagi

wind direction-

always changing

beka

Tongan fruit bat
Samoan fruit bat

Pteropus tonganus,
Pteropus samoaensis

The bats mysteriously disappear fromfrequent resting spotmanumanu vuka(any) high flying
birds

-

Birds fly lower than normal

gogoBlack noddy

Anous minutus

This bird is usually found at sea but
nearing a cyclone it is found flying
towards land (like ‘birds of the wind’)

Gasau

reeds

Eulalia japonica

sprouts at the wrong timePiyellow-jacket
hornetPolistes olivaceus

Yeloow-jacket hornets usually build
their nest on to branches (away frompredators) however if it builds its nest
near the ground, this is a sign of cyclone

Draunivudi

plantainMusa spp

In normal condition, plaintain shoots
flower before it bends if the youngshoot bents before it flowers, this is asign of cyclone

Uto mvk buco,
Asalea, ocoiRabe

breadfruit

Artocarpus altilis

The breadfruit bears more than threefruits in a branch (this is abnormal)

Tikau

Pacific yam, hard/strong yam

Dioscorea
nummularia

the shoots deviate back (i.e. it grows
upwards but halfway through it, it does a‘U-turn’ and goes back towards the earth)c) vanua (land)

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Figure 3 Timeline of cyclone according to traditional indicators supplied by the informants in Udu

is important to note that the indicators cannot foretell the wind speed). From the datacollected, iTaukei traditional can be classified under three categories; waitui (sea),
lomalagi (stratosphere/air), and vanua (land). The categories are determined by theenvironment in which the indicators are located (Table 1). This is best understood byFigure 3.
Apart from this, the iTaukei people for centuries know that there is a calendar used by
the elders. This is taught in primary vernacular classes and shows how our elders
navigate themselves as according to the time of the month it is. Hence, cyclone
period is believed to be from November – April and o�en referred to as Vula/
Cagilaba or Cyclone month. Hence, the need to recognize and identify traditional early
warning systems in Fiji as a means for preparation for impending bad weather is vital.
Traditional Knowledge from land, air and sea indicators (in this order) occur a month/
week/days before a cyclone, this help prepare the community and in turns utilizes theFiji Meteorological Service to validate local knowledge indicators.

Conclusion
To conclude, not all Pacific ideals or ways of being are appealing or beneficial tocontemporary society, but they must be allowed to be brought to the fore, discussed,
and understood. Those that fit in with Pacific peoples’ contemporary notions of wellbeing, health, and security should be promoted, if only for the practical purposes of
avoiding civil conflict and its associated costs. It is wasteful for international andregional organizations, bilateral and multilateral funding sources, nongovernmentalorganizations, and national governments (and taxpayers) to spend millions of dollars
trying to ’clean up‘ devastated societies a�er the fact, when common sense dictatesallowing those societies the time and opportunity to articulate their own approaches
to the world and its multitude of developments. Many will argue that this is a luxury
for which the modern world does not allow time. But if we in the Pacific do not taketime, we will continue to suffer from the ’maldevelopment‘ that is presently affecting
the region, as highlighted in the many reports issued by UN agencies, the AsianDevelopment Bank, the World Bank, and regional organizations. We need to take stock
now and to listen to the voices that have remained silent for so many years.

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R���������
Tuiteci, S. (2018). Personal communication.
Vrolijks, L. (1998). Disaster Resistant Housing in the Paciﬁc Island countries. Available at: https://www.
sheltercluster.org/sites/default/files/docs/disaster_resistant_housing_in_the_pacific.pdf [accessed
14 January 2018].

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BETWEEN THE KING AND THE SCIENTIST:MOUNT MERAPI ERUPTION, EARLY WARNING SYSTEM,
AND THE POLITICS OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE
Fadjar I. ThufailResearch Center for Regional Resources, Indonesian Institute of Sciences

October 26, 2010. For several days, Mt Merapi had been active, thick smoke had been
billowing to the sky and lava flowing along the slope. Volcanic tremors were frequent,indicating an upcoming eruption. People had been evacuating their villages on themountain slope, moving to goverment-built shelters a few kilometers down. But in
Kinahrejo village, the village closest to the volcanic crater, a man decided to stay andrefused to leave despite request from his fellow villagers and instruction from therescue team. This man was Mbah Maridjan,1 a respected traditional leader, a mancalled the ‘guardian’ of Mt Merapi. At 17:35, the mighty Mt Merapi erupted, sending
pyroclastic ashes and cloud to the sky, followed by pyroclastic cloud running down theslope with lightning speed, destroying anything in its path, including Mbah Maridjan’shouse and a small mosque near the house where his body was later found. When the
rescue team reached the site, they found him in a kneeling position, facing the south
direction as though he was praying when the heat wave struck him.
Mt Merapi lies in Central Java province, about 40 km north of college town
Yogyakarta. Archaeological remains show the oldest recorded eruption dated back to
the 9th century A.D. The 2010 eruption was among the biggest events, it produced
pyroclastic cloud that wiped out anything 20 km south of the volcano. Volcanic ash
covered areas within the radius of 30 km from the mountain. 275 people died and287,699 took refuge at temporary shelters. The estimated damages cost USD
2,500,000 of rice fields, gardens, and community forests, and USD 647,000,000 ofprotected forest and natural parks.
In addition to the scale of destruction, the 2010 eruption le� a deep cultural
resonance for people living in Yogyakarta area and a dilemma among national
scientists. When Mbah Maridjan surrendered to the power of the mountain a�er
successfully ‘guarded’ the mountain for many years, his sacrifice provoked anemotional controversy. Scientists and government oﬃcials blamed Mbah Maridjan forgiving a bad example by refusing to evacuate despite the emergency warning. On theother hand, families of Mbah Maridjan, local villagers, and cultural activists defended
his decision to stay as he was simply performing his sacred duty as the guardian of the
volcano. The public controversy stems from a more critical debate over the authorityof knowledge in shaping disaster early warning system.

1060

Mbah is a Javanese honorific title assigned to a respected and wise person. It literally means elder
or grandfather.

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Research on local knowledge as intangible cultural heritage o�en neglects how
knowledge reflects a complex assemblage and negotiation between ‘traditional’ and‘scientific’ forms of knowledge. On the one hand, government scientists and policy
makers devise a tool to rationalize early warning knowledge regardless where it isapplied. On the other hand, for local people, early warning knowledge means a set ofskills to ‘read’ the signs of nature, how the volcanos, the animals, the trees, or thewaves ‘behave’. I will argue in this presentation that any recognition of intangible
cultural heritage should take into account this human-nonhuman relationship andshould not overlook the role of the nonhuman as an agent that may influence local
practical knowledge on threats and hazards. The example of Mt Merapi eruption
shows that the existence of intangible cultural heritage as knowledge in dealing with
Mt Merapi would depend on a guaranteed space given to local people to continue‘talking’ with the mountain. When scientists, government oﬃcials, or activists
intervene to stop the ‘conversation’, not only will they eradicate the cultural heritage,
but they will alienate local people from their familiar method of coping with disasterrisks.

Mt Merapi and Javanese Cosmology
Mt Merapi holds a special place in local Javanese cosmology. The Javanese believethat the mountain possesses supernatural power that could influence human affairs toa significant degree, even changing political regime. In the 16th century, attack on
Yogyakarta’s Mataram Kingdom by the vassal sultan from Demak (coastal north Java)
had been thwarted with the help of what the legend says Merapi spirit. The enemy
troops set up a military camp near the Mataram territorial border, but when they
were about to ambush the Mataram palace, Mt Merapi erupted and threw volcanic
rocks that destroyed the campground. The Sultan of Demak and his troop had noother choice than retreating and returning to Demak, and the Mataram Kingdom was,once again, safe. Many other important historical events are said to happen aroundthe time when the volcano is active.
Mt Merapi is one of three sacred sites (Mt Merapi, the Yogyakarta Palace, and theSouth Sea) connected by a mythical imaginary line that runs across the former
Mataram territory. The line maintains a symbolic balance among the three sites, a
disturbance in one of the sites would throw the imaginary line off balance and disturb
the other sites. Therefore, the task of the Sultan of Yogyakarta is to maintain thesacred equilibrium, he has to make sure that the symbolic connection is not severed
to the degree that can disturb the equilibrium. In so doing, he must maintain a close
relationship with Ratu Kidul (Queen of the South), the ruler of the South Sea, and thespirits residing on Mt Merapi. Legend has it that in order to maintain a good relation
with the Ratu Kidul, the sultan must have regular sexual encounters with the mythicalfigure in addition to presenting offerings in annual ceremony held on the south coast.
To look a�er and communicate with Mt Merapi spirits, the sultan has appointed arespected, wise, and knowledgeable abdi dalem (court retainer). Mbah Maridjan was
assigned by the Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX to take the role as the guardian of Mt
Merapi, a crucial symbolic post to watch over and restore the balance of theimaginary line. If Mt Merapi behaves ‘out of control’, the cosmological equilibrium

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could be disturbed.
Mbah Maridjan acted as a mediator of the human and the nonhuman worlds. He
delivered messages from Mt Merapi spirit to the people (including to the sultan) andfrom the human to the Merapi spirit. He was a mediator and, at the same time, atranslator of divine and mundane messages. This supernatural role of Mbah Maridjan
was the focus of controversy and conflict between Mbah Maridjan’s circle against
geologists and disaster scientists, who disregarded Mbah Maridjan’s cultural role andblamed him for propagating ‘unscientific’ knowledge.
Local cosmology depicts Mt Merapi and its surrounding areas as an invincible town,
the mountain’s crater is the inner palace. A wall surrounds the ‘town’ with gateslocated in east, west, north, and south sides. Spirits live inside the wall, create a‘society’, and have normal activities such as going to a market, playing music, or
having marriage ceremony. When the spirit holds an event, people notice the volcano
would ‘behave’ differently and Mbah Maridjan would interpret the ‘behavior’ for thepeople. What is more important in this local cosmology is not the volcano but what
the spirits do as reflected on the volcano, and Mbah Maridjan’s job is to make surethat what the spirits do stays within the limit of human capacity to bear. If the spirits
are preparing a big event, such as a wedding ceremony, it might affect the living
world, then Mbah Maridjan’s task is to warn the people to move away.

Cosmology and Early Warning
Redi Merapi, menawi bade mbangun, sampun damel margi piyambak
When (the spirits of) Mt Merapi is building, it will create its own path
Just like what happens in the living world, the palace on Mt Merapi also needs regular
repair or maintenance, and sometimes it requires new buildings to be built. When thespirits of Merapi are at work, the volcano shows signs people can observe. From time
to time, Mbah Maridjan had to find out what was going on inside the ‘palace’, then hewould give instruction to local villagers whether or not they need to evacuate thevillages. In performing the duty, the guardian of Merapi closely monitored the ‘gates’(regol) especially those located in the south side of the volcano. If the regol opens alittle, the situation remains safe, no big work taking place inside the palace, maybe
small constructions here and there. But if the regol has been widely opened, people
living on the mountain slope should be cautious and ready to leave. It means Merapi
is preparing a major construction work or a big wedding ceremony. In the situation
when the regol has been widely opened, Mbah Maridjan had only two options. He
could hold a ritual to appeal the spirits to lessen the scale of the work or should tellthe villagers to evacuate their villages as soon as possible.
Prior to the 2010 eruption, Mbah Maridjan had successfully carried his duty to guard
the mountain and the people. During previous eruptions, he communicated with thespirits and managed to ask them to minimize their work, or he had been able toinform people to leave affected areas right on time. However, in the 2010 eruption he
was unable to do both. His ritual failed to appease the spirits, therefore he failed to

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warn villagers to save their properties in time. Pyroclastic cloud descended rapidly andburn livestock and people’s belongings, including Mbah Maridjan’s house (Figure 1).
The guardian was killed inside the small mosque next to the house.
Mbah Maridjan’s decision to stay despite the impending danger incites conflicting
interpretations on the reason why he chose such a deadly option. Scientists point out
Mbah Maridjan’s ‘traditional’ approach has in fact been ineffective to mitigate thedisaster. His death adds to strengthen the scientists’ claim that it is very risky todepend on illogical knowledge or mythical belief in responding to the risk. On thecontrary, people in Kinahrejo village (Mbah Maridjan’s village), his family, and culturalactivists interpret his decision to reflect a guilty feeling for failing to perform his mostimportant and sacred duty to maintain the balance between the human world and thenonhuman world. In other words, Mbah Maridjan was not a victim of the disaster as
the scientists assert, he could escape if he wanted. Instead, he has deliberately
sacrificed his life to redeem the failure.

Figure 1

Kinahrejo village. (Source: F. I. Thufail)

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The Ontology of Intangible Heritage
The Javanese cosmology of Mt Merapi is an ontological world constituting human andnonhuman beings. The ontology links the past, the present, and the future ofJavanese aristocratic cultural heritage and blurs nature-culture boundary. Whensomeone like Mbah Maridjan or the Sultan of Yogyakarta is capable to maintain aharmonious relationship between the human and the nonhuman worlds, theontological knowledge continues to exist and it becomes heritage knowledge. The
cosmology locates hazard within the ontological proper, embedded in communicative,
semiotic exchanges between the human and the nonhuman beings. Mbah Maridjan’s
continuous interactions with Merapi spirits turn the categories of culture and nature
into events. In the moment when the communicative exchange fails, the event would
turn hazard into disaster.
Scientists relate to nature from an asymmetrical position, they want to dominate andcontrol the nature. Science always talks about human-nature, or culture-nature
difference and the scientists exercise a mission to rationalize the difference byapplying scientific rule and standard to set the human apart from the nature. This is
how geologists and seismologists learn the knowledge on how the nature behaves
and, whenever possible, find ways on how to control it. On the contrary, Javanese
cosmological knowledge stresses the importance of maintaining an equal position ofhuman and nonhuman – animals, spirit, earthly materials. Many Javanese rituals arecommunicative practices between the human and the nonhuman, but these are
nonverbal communications based on the ability and promise of sharing and decoding
signs. If scientists with their scientific tools and formulas impose their interpretationon the nature, Javanese actors (such as Mbah Maridjan) are mediators and translatorsof signs of nature/nonhuman. The Javanese actors use different sets of tool tointerpret the signs without privileging their interpretation. The open-ended, some will
say precarious, mode of interpreting stands in stark contrast with scientific certainty
required by the scientists.
In this brief writing, I suggest that intangible heritage goes beyond cultural form. It isa cultural practice and in the context of disaster and hazard mitigation, it is a practice
to talk to nature, learning how it communicates signs of danger. As the controversy
over Mbah Maridjan’s death shows, communicating with Mt Merapi means ge�ng
deeper into the Javanese ontological cosmology. Intangible heritage as practicalknowledge teaches one to listen to what the nature says about impending danger tothe living world. As Mt Merapi says:‘Aku ora ngalahan, tur yo ora pengen dikalahke. Nanging mesti tekan janjine,mung nyuwun pangapuro nek ono sing ketabrak, keseret, lan kegowo kintir,kebanjiran, lan kleleb mergo ngalang-ngalangi dalan sing bakal tak liwati
I don’t want to dominate, but don’t want to be dominated either. When the time
arrives, I apologize if someone got hit, dragged, flooded, and drowned, should
they stand on my way.

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSSESSION 3 :ENHANCING DIALOGUE BETWEEN ICH
AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENTINTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE (ICH) AND NATURAL DISASTER INBANGLADESH: EXISTING POLICIES AND STRATEGIES FOR SAFEGUARDING
Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood (Former staff of FAO Oﬃce in Dhaka)

CHALLENGES IN MAINSTREAMING ICH INTO DISASTER RISK REDUCTION
IN VIETNAM
Vu Canh Toan (ISET-International)

PARTICIPATORY 3D MAPPING IN BRIDGING THE INTEGRATION OF
INDIGENOUS RESILIENCY CULTURE INTO COMMUNITY-LED DISASTERRISK REDUCTION: THE CASE OF TUBLAY, PHILIPPINES
Abner O. Lawangen (Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Oﬃce of Tublay,
Philippines)

Facilitator:

Yoko Nojima (IRCI)INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE (ICH) AND NATURALDISASTER IN BANGLADESH:
EXISTING POLICIES AND STRATEGIES FOR SAFEGUARDING
Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood1

Introduc�on
Bangladesh is a country with rich cultural diversity. It has a great deal of Intangible
Cultural Heritage (ICH), which contributes to strengthening social beliefs, building
resilience and recreation as well as economic development. Of the ICH of Bangladesh,four elements have already been added to UNESCO’s Lists. Bangladesh, however, is
one of the world’s most vulnerable countries in terms of the adverse effects ofdisaster and climate change. Among other disasters, Bangladesh is the country mostvulnerable to tropical cyclones and the sixth most vulnerable to flooding (BCCSAP2009). Its unique geographical location makes the country more vulnerable todifferent natural disasters and climate change.
The country has a rich variety of ICH, but a number of ICH properties are under threat
due to the effects of disaster and climate change. Presently, Bangladesh is
implementing two important related conventions, the Convention for the Safeguardingof the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003) and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk
Reduction 2015–2030. Moreover, a newly prepared disaster-related plan, the National
Plan for Disaster Management 2016–2020, is also at the implementation stage.
Although disaster management is one of the most pressing issues in the country, few
drawbacks exist at the policy level for safeguarding ICH against disaster and climate
risk. Where the issues of safeguarding ICH from the effects of disaster and climatechange are addressed, this is done so indiscriminately and indirectly in different
related policies. For the effective management of disaster and safeguarding of ICH, it
is essential to align these on a single pla�orm.
Against this backdrop, this presentation mainly discusses the existing policies related
to the safeguarding of ICH from disaster and climate risk and identifies gaps. In
addition, the presentation emphasizes the scope of effective policy in this regard.

Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) of Bangladesh
Bangladesh is a South Asian country with a rich thousand-year history of cultural
diversity. The country has a distinguished history of protecting its culture against
different aggressors, notably the Language Movement in 1952 and the Liberation War
1

Formerly, Investment Planning and Monitoring Specialist, Food and Agriculture Organization of theUnited Nations, Dhaka, Bangladesh (October 2017–October 2018).

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in 1971. Although there are numerous significant ICH properties in the country, theterm ‘intangible cultural heritage’ is comparatively new and mostly used in theacademic sphere (Khalid and Chowdhury 2016).
There are four eminent ICH elements of the country that are inscribed in UNESCO’s
Representative List: the Baul Songs, an oral tradition which was inscribed in 2008; theTraditional Art of Jamdani Weaving, traditional cra�smanship inscribed in 2013; theMangal Shovajatra on Pahela Baishakh (Rally for Hope held on the Bengali New Year’sDay), a festive event inscribed in 2016; and the Traditional Art of Shital Pati Weavingof Sylhet, traditional cra�smanship as well as knowledge and practice concerning
nature and the universe inscribed in 2017. Other traditional knowledge, skills,
cra�smanship and performing arts that are considered ICH also exist in the country,
such as handloom weaving, traditional jewelry, pottery, bamboo and cane cra�s,nakshi katha (stitching art), Jatra (local opera), etc.

Disaster Proﬁle of Bangladesh
According to OCHA (the United Nations Oﬃce for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Assistance), Bangladesh is the second most disaster-prone country in Asia and thePacific. In 2012, 5.6 million people were affected by different disasters caused bynatural hazards. As per the Disaster Risk Index (2017), which uses scores from 1 to 10(1 being the lowest and 10 the highest), Bangladesh gets a score of 8.5 forearthquake risk, 10 for flood, 8.5 for tsunami, 7 for tropical cyclones, and 5.1 fordrought. In 10 years from 2005 to 2015, a total of 46 million people were affected bydisaster, and around 6,900 died due to floods, droughts, landslides and storms (OCHA2015). Among the top 10 global disasters in terms of human fatalities, two occurred in
Bangladesh: around 500,000 people died in two cyclones that occurred in 1970 and1991 (Duryog Nivaran 2016).

Figure 1068

Disaster Calendar of Bangladesh.

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The main disasters affecting thecountry are floods (flash flooding
and riverine flooding), tropical
cyclones, droughts, landslides,
India
India
riverbank erosion, storms,
lightning, excessive rainfall andcold waves. As seen in Figure 1,
which shows the disaster
calendar of the country, the mostIndiavulnerable months are April and
May in terms of the risks ofdifferent types of disasters.
However, the vulnerable months
India
are April–May and October–
November for tropical cyclone
threat and June–September due
LEGENDto the risk of flood. In the multiFlood
River Bank
hazard map (Figure 2), the south,
MyanmarFlash Flood
Land Slidesoutheast and southwest areas
Droughtof Bangladesh are frequently
CycloneSalinity Zone
affected by tropical cyclones. The
Figure 2 Multi-hazard map of Bangladesh.
southeast hilly areas are usually(Source: MoDMR 2015)
affected by landslides,
northeastern areas are affectedby flash flooding, the central area and main river basins are affected by regularflooding, the north and north-central areas are affected by drought and both sides ofthe main rivers (shown in red) are affected by riverbank erosion.
In 1988 and 1998, there were severe riverine flooding events, and almost 60% of theland area of the country was flooded. In 1970 and 1991, two catastrophic cyclones
with tidal surges devastated the coast and around 500,000 died. In 1973 and 1996,
681 and 700 people died due to tornadoes and northwesterly high winds. Due toriverbank erosion, 5% of the land area of the country has been damaged every year.

Major Risk to ICH Due to Disaster
Displacement is one of the major risks for ICH in Bangladesh, and the main causes ofdisplacement are the direct and indirect effects of disasters, notably, tropical cyclones,
tidal surges and riverbank erosion. ICH is strongly linked to the community or society
in a specific geographic area or natural environment. When a community of people isdisplaced from its familiar environmental se�ngs, its ICH is also lost or disappears. A
recent study found that 236 upazilas (sub-districts) are affected by tidal floods andcyclones, and among the affected population, 64% are displaced locally and 27% aredisplaced to other areas of the country including the city of Dhaka. Moreover, 179
upazilas are affected by riverbank erosion, and 26% of the affected population isdisplaced to different areas of the country including Dhaka (Displacement Solution,2012).

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Policy Issues
The three government ministries and their agencies that are most concerned with ICH
and disaster-related policies and strategy issues are the Ministry of Cultural Affairs(MoCA), the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief (MoDMR) and the Ministryof Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC). Presently, a number ofpolicies, plans and strategies exist to protect ICH against the risk of disaster; however,
the majority of policies, plans and strategies only broadly address the issue, notingthat ICH should be protected from disasters.
The National Culture Policy 2006 emphasizes the need to take actions for safeguarding
culture, and to take necessary steps to promote it. Moreover, the policy also stresses
the need to take necessary steps to properly disseminate the national culture as partof national development, while preserving tribal culture.
The National Disaster Management Policy 2015 has been developed based on the
Disaster Management Act of 2012 (Section 19), aligned with the National Disaster
Management Plan 2011–2015 and Standing Order on Disaster 2010 (Revised). In theobjectives of this policy, the issue of safeguarding ICH has been addressed,
encouraging readiness and mitigation-related programs aligned with local-levelknowledge, culture and values. The Bangladesh Climate Change Strategies and Action
Plan 2009 (BCCASP) also indirectly address ICH. Among the six pillars of this strategy,
pillar 1 (Food Security, Social Protection and Health) mentions the protection of
livelihoods in ecologically fragile areas and pillar 4 (Research and Knowledge
Management) encourages the monitoring of internal and external migrations ofadversely impacted populations as well as providing support to them for capacity
building in the new environment. The Country Investment Plan for Environment,
Forestry and Climate Change 2016–2021 (EFCC-CIP) also emphasizes communitybased co-management and eco-system-based adaptation.
The 7th Five Year Plan (2016–2020) directly mentions the issue of safeguarding ICH.
The plan emphasizes that many ICH elements like literature, language, arts,
performing arts, music and other domains of ICH are at risk and careful attention isneeded for their restoration, preservation and digitalization.

Gaps, Requirements and Recommenda�ons
Although there are a number of policies addressing the safeguarding and promotionof ICH at different levels (directly or indirectly), there are no dedicated policies or
strategies to safeguard ICH from disaster risk. A complete inventory of ICH at thenational level is a primary requirement for such safeguarding, but such an inventory
has not even been completed. It is also required to take necessary steps for theproper implementation of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–
2030 (SFDRR) and the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage (2003).
A detailed, national-level policy and planning analysis has to be conducted to identify

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the policy gaps and requirements as well as to prepare an action plan for safeguarding
ICH, especially from disaster risk. Harmonizing among related ministries anddepartments (MoCA, MoDMR and MoEFCC) would be also helpful in developing plans
for safeguarding ICH from disasters. A certain gap also exists at the awareness level of
ICH, especially in terms of disaster risk and safeguarding issues. For this reason, more
efforts in the field of ICH, including ICH-related education programs and campaigns forawareness would be required.
In this respect, it should be noted that the UNESCO Dhaka Oﬃce, Bangladesh
Shilpokala Academy and the Ministry of Cultural Affairs (MoCA) are currently
implementing a three-year project titled ‘Strengthening National Capacities for
Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage for Sustainable Development in Bangladesh(2016–2019)’. Several training sessions on ‘Community-based intangible cultural
heritage inventorying’ and the ‘Capacity building training workshop on ICH
nomination’ have been completed.

R���������
Akter, S. S. (2007). Intangible Cultural Heritage Related Law- in the case of Bangladesh. Asia-PacificDatabase on Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) by Asia-Pacific Cultural Centre for UNESCO (ACCU)
Duryog Nivaran Secretariat (2016). South Asia Disaster Report. Srilanka. Available at: http://www.
duryognivaran.org/images/Reports/sadr/SADR%202016_v6.pdf
OCHA (2017). Bangladesh Country Proﬁle. Available at: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/
resources/CP_Bangladesh_250117.pdf
GoB (2013). Final Report, National Workshop on implementation of UNESCO convention for thesafeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Khalid, M. S. and Chowdhury, M. S. A. (2016). Representation and Dissemination of Intangible Cultural
Heritage of Bangladesh through Social Media. In: M. Kozak, & N. Kozak (eds.), Proceeding Book:
4th Interdisciplinary Tourism Research Conference (pp. 468–473). Anakara: An International
Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Research.
Displacement Solutions (2012). Climate Displacement in Bangladesh: The Need for Urgent Housing,Land and Property (HLP) Rights Solutions. Available at: https://unfccc.int/files/adaptation/groups_
committees/loss_and_damage_executive_committee/application/pdf/ds_bangladesh_report.pdf
MoCA (2006). Bangladesh Culture Policies 2006. Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Government of thePeople’s Republic of Bangladesh, Dhaka.
MoDMR. (2017). National Plan for Disaster Management (2016–2020). Ministry of Disaster
Management and Relief, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, Dhaka.
GED. (2015). 7th Fiver Year Plan: FY 2016–FY 2020: Accelerating Growth, Empowering Citizens.
General Economic Division, Planning Commission, Government of the People’s Republic ofBangladesh.
MoEF (2017). Country Investment Plan for Environment, Forestry and Climate Change (2016–2021),
Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.

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CHALLENGES IN MAINSTREAMING ICH INTO
DISASTER RISK REDUCTION IN VIETNAM
Vu Canh Toan

Institute for Social and Environmental Transition (ISET-International)

Natural Hazards in Vietnam
Vietnam is a disaster-prone country that is suffered from multiple hazards such as
typhoon, flooding, flash flood, landslides, drought, coastal/river erosion, saline
intrusion, forest fire, and earthquake, etc. (Figure 1). These hazards have caused
significant human and material losses for the country. According to the Central
Committee for Natural Disaster Prevention and Control of Vietnam, more than 2,000
people lost their lives and 2,200 people were missing due to natural hazards during
the period from 1997 to 2007. In the same period, Vietnam lost nearly 1 Billion dollars
per year in term of economic damages. This situation will likely worsen as natural
hazards are becoming more and more severe and unpredictable (MoNRE 2016).

Figure 1072

Map of hazard zone in Vietnam. (Source: SRV 2004)

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Disaster Risk Management (DRM) in Vietnam – Organiza�onal Structure
Vietnam has a long tradition of responding to natural hazards. The country has set up
a comprehensive government system on disaster risk management (Figure 2). At thenational level, the Central Steering Committee for natural disaster prevention andcontrol (NDPC) led by the Minister of the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural
Development (MARD) with members coming from all national ministries including the
Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Sport (MCTS) and other organizations such as theVietnam Fatherland Front, Vietnam Red Cross, Vietnam Television and Radio provides
directions for and make important decision on disaster risk reduction activities. MARD
is the standing agency of the Central Steering Committee for NDPC. A similar structure
is applied at the provincial, district and commune levels. The only difference is that, atthe local level, the chairman of People’s Committee takes the lead of the NDPC
committee. A committee for NDPC is also established in each ministry.
While the NDPC committee’s responsibility covers all aspect of DRR, the Central
Committee for Incidents and Disaster Response, and Search and Rescue is mainly incharge of emergency activities.
Although MCTS is also a member of the NDPC national Steering Committee, their roleis rather small. In addition, the ministry has been not very active in DRM/DRR
activities especially in relation to ICH.

Figure 2

Organizational structure of DRM in Vietnam. (Source: Vu Canh Toan)

DRM Policies in Vietnam
In addition to a comprehensive organizational structure, Vietnam has approved andimplemented a number of policies and programs related to DRM/DRR. The key DRM/
DRR policies include:

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• Law on natural disaster prevention and control approved in 2013
• National strategy on natural disaster prevention, response and control to 2020
approved in 2007
• 5 year and annual plans for natural disaster prevention and control aredeveloped both at the national and provincial levels. These plans are also
developed by each ministry for their own sector.
• Decision No. 1002 on community awareness raising and community-based
disaster risk management (CBDRM) approved in 2009
• Circular No. 43/2015/TTLT-BNNPTNT-BKHĐT guiding the inventory andassessment of losses caused by natural disaster. Human losses in general anddamages related to tangible heritage are considered in the inventory list.
However, damages related to ICH, ICH’s holders/practitioners are not counted in
the oﬃcial inventory.
In addition to policies directly linked to DRM/DRR, some important climate change
related policies have been endorsed and implemented including:• The national strategy on climate change• The national target program to respond to climate change• The national action plan on climate change• Sectoral and provincial level action plan to respond to climate change.
Although climate change adaptation/resilience and DRM/DRR are closely linked, these
two areas are under the responsibility of two different ministries (i.e. MARD and
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment). To date, the collaboration between
these ministries seems to be limited (AIT-UNEP-RRC.AP 2010).

Challenges in Mainstreaming ICH into DRM/DRR prac�ces/policies in Vietnam
Although the Community Based Disaster Risk Management practices has beenpromoted in Vietnam, the dominant approach for DRM/DRR in Vietnam is still verymuch top-down and technocratic. This approach presents major challenges for
integrating intangible cultural heritage (ICH) (local and traditional knowledge andexperience) into DRM/DRR activities because:• It favors scientist and technical experts and top leaders’ views that consider
natural hazards and risk as a single dimension concept. It means that problems,risks and solutions are o�en defined by these groups. Other actors such ascommunities and ICH holders who may have other views/knowledge about
disaster risks have limited room to be involved.
• It o�en focuses on the ‘nature’ driver of disaster and thus relies mainly ontechnology and inflexible concrete infrastructures such as dykes and dams.
According to a recent plan, around 91% of the budget for DRR during theperiod 2018–2020 is allocated for building and upgrading hard infrastructure

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(MARD 2017). These solutions are o�en decided and designed by technicalstaff and experts with limited consideration of knowledge/understanding abouthuman and social drivers of risk/vulnerability and of other options to respond todisasters (such as strengthening social capital, improving knowledge about theweather). As a result, a number of DRR interventions have transferred anotherdisaster risk instead of reducing it.
Other challenges for the lack of integration of ICH into DRM/DRR practices andpolicies may also include:• lack of collaboration between scientists and practitioners in the two fields of
ICH and DRR• ICH is an intangible concept while there has not been any appropriate tool tosupport its integration into DRM/DRR processes and practices• limited understanding and capacity of ICH-related government staff andpractitioner about DRR and vice versa

Need of Framework/Tools to Facilitate the Dialogue and Integra�on between
ICH and DRM/DRR
To better facilitate the integration between ICH and DRM/DRR, the following
recommendations are suggested:• The approach for DRM/DRR should move away from top-down andtechnocracy-oriented ones to better engage all relevant stakeholders in all
stages of DRM/DRR processes where their views, experience and local andtraditional knowledge are accepted.
• Disaster risk reduction need to be seen as socially and culturally constructedconcept/approach in which different forms of knowledge are accepted.
• DRM/DRR efforts need to focus on reducing damages and vulnerability andbuilding resilience• Problems should be defined by all relevant groups, especially the affected
people, and solutions developed with consideration of their experience as well
as local and traditional knowledge
A framework that takes into account the recommendations above is needed tosupport the integration between ICH and DRM/DRR.

R���������
AIT-UNEP-RRC.AP (2010). Scoping Assessment on Climate Change Adaptation in Viet Nam. Bangkok:
Regional Climate Change Adaptation Knowledge Pla�orm for Asia.
MARD (2017). Report prepared for the national plan for natural disaster prevention and control for theperiod 2018–2020 (báo cáo Kế hoạch phòng, chống thiên tai quốc gia giai đoạn 2018–2020). Ha
Noi: Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development.

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MoNRE (2016). Vietnam Climate Change and Sea Level Rise Scenarios. Ha Noi: Ministry of Natural
Resources and Environment.
SRV (2004). National Report on Disaster Reduction in Vietnam. Report prepared for the World
Conference on Disaster Reduction, Kobe-Hyogo, Japan, 18–22 January 2005. Ha Noi: Social
Republic of Vietnam.

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PARTICIPATORY 3D MAPPING IN BRIDGING THE INTEGRATIONOF INDIGENOUS RESILIENCY CULTURE INTO COMMUNITY-LED
DISASTER RISK REDUCTION: THE CASE OF TUBLAY, PHILIPPINES
Abner O. Lawangen

Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Oﬃce of Tublay, Philippines

A very good day to everyone! I will be presenting our local project in our municipality
on bridging the integration of indigenous resiliency culture into community-led
disaster risk reduction through participatory three dimensional (3D) mapping. Tublay is
an indigenous town in the province of Benguet in Northern Philippines, with about
18,000 inhabitants belonging to three ethnic tribes. It is the most economicallydeprived town among the thirteen municipalities of the province, highly depending on
agriculture. In our municipality, we believed that disasters caused degradation of
intangible cultural heritage (ICH) either by damaging ICH physical assets or bydisplacing the community, which further lead to degradation as people findthemselves in new environment and societies (Figure 1). The new environment is
totally different from their way of living, thereby restricting them from practicing theirusual day to day activities and leading to the incremental loss of ICH.
This situation is not new to the Philippines. Being a country frequented by different
types of disasters, significant efforts have been made to protect the people and theproperties. Unfortunately, there is a huge dichotomy of approaches between
significant players – local communities, technical and policy sectors (Figure 2). If you
zoom in, there are various potentials and opportunities offered by these sectors, yetle� unutilized due to fragmentation of programmes. The local communities arerepositories of rich indigenous resiliency efforts, tested overtime, flexible, locallyappropriate and more importantly connected to the people. These are practicalFigure 1

ICH-disaster operational framework of the project.

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Figure 2

Local-technical-policy integrated nexus in DRRM of Tublay.

adaptations normally transmitted orally and non-written knowledge. Due to theincreasing and intensifying impacts of disasters and climate change, these local
adaptations are overwhelmed. These local practices and knowledge are promising
approaches in resiliency building but are significantly threatened by disasters. Yet, they
are o�en neglected by disaster risk reduction and management (DRRM) efforts. On
the one hand, the technical sector offers promising futuristic state of the art,
sophisticated, high technologies generated from researches. Yet, the system ofdevelopment, transmittal and dissemination o�en is locally non-friendly. They are
academically structured and o�en engaged few specialists in the development. Mostof these technical innovations embed technical data and form that are hard to beinterpreted by lay people. Moreover, the local communities are not familiar with thetechnologies. These instances result to poor support from the locals as they felt
alienated and no sense of ownership on the programs. On the contrary, the policies
are o�en copied or based on external contexts, most are top-down in approach,non-flexible and are untested if its relevant to the local communities. Policies are o�en
prepared by technical people and local inputs are rarely considered. These limitationsin the current policy development resulted in legislations that are less responsive, lessengaging and are less accepted and supported by the public.
It is now one of the objectives of the municipality of Tublay to strengthen local DRRM
and promote safeguarding and nurturance of this intangible cultural heritage or local
knowledge and practices by integrating them on local programs and policies. Within
this framework, the local government initiated a local project in partnership withresearchers from the University of Auckland, New Zealand and the University of thePhilippines-Diliman.
This project dubbed ‘Participatory 3 Dimensional Mapping (P3DM) in resiliency
building’ showcases the integration of local sectors in DRRM programs particularly on
hazard and risk assessment, vulnerability and capacity identification and intervention
development (Figure 3). It has four components: a) 3D map development; b)
participatory hazard and risk assessment; c) local resiliency profiling; and d)
integration of indigenous knowledge, system and practices (IKSP) and ICH in DRRM.

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Figure 3 Local stakeholders brainstorming during the P3DM. (Source: Lawangen 2016)

Figure 4Children (le�) and women (right) participating during the P3DM.
(Source: Lawangen 2016)

This tool is very interactive and inclusive and encourages the participation of different
sectors including young people, women and other minorities and more importantly, it
breaks the dichotomy of technical and local efforts (Figure 4). This P3DM commenced
with the development of the 3D scale model of the municipality which was preparedusing scaled map prepared by the mapping unit of the municipality and an elevation
map from the online digital elevation model (DEM). The 3D map was prepared by the
stakeholders using local materials like bamboo sticks, common nails, push pins, yarns,
paper and Styrofoam.
The different geophysical features of the municipality were reflected on the 3D map
starting from rivers, forests, roads, public spaces and infrastructures, farms, houses,
schools and others (Figure 5). Disaster prone areas were also identified by thecommunity based on actual experiences. The places where disasters occurred wereplotted and the assets, families and resources affected were identified. Technical

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Figure 5

The 3D scale model of the municipality (le�); the legend for the features (center); andthe disaster historical proﬁle (right). (Source: Lawangen 2016)

people based on their assessment also indicated risky areas. This now leads to theidentification of local hazards, which include typhoons, monsoon rains, drought,
earthquakes, infrastructural fires and pest and diseases. These hazards then wereranked according to their significance based on agreed criteria, which are 1) frequencyof occurrence and 2) impacts. The risks of the individual hazards were also identified
and consolidated making it available for the community and to local government
oﬃces. Most serious risks of the different hazards include:
1) Damage of crops
2) Low production/income and bankruptcy
3) Damage of properties and farms/facilities
4) Decrease in the local food supply and food shortage (at home)5) Reduce capacity to buy/access suﬃcient and nutritious foods and malnutrition
6) Increase in diseases
7) Landslides, loss of vegetation
8) Scarcity of water and injuries and deaths9) Socio-cultural disruptionA�er plo�ng the different land uses and houses, and the high risk areas, thecommunity started to profile assets and resources at risk. Families on these areas
were tagged as priorities. With the 3D map providing a visual reference, it is now
easier and convincing for the communities to determine elements at risk. Informationand data from this activity were recorded by the participants and copy furnished to
the local government for use.
Interestingly, the community were asked on the specific impacts of these disasters to
ICH. They mentioned the following observable impacts:
1) Accelerated loss of ICH and indigenous practices2) Disconnection of people to the land/space where these ICH and practices arelinked (i.e. farms, rivers, forests, etc.)
3) Pressure among local people to move to new communities with different culture4) Stoppage of oral transmittal to generations
5) Assimilation of the practices and cultural heritage

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A�er risk assessment, the participants were asked how the different land uses andresources stayed intact despite the numerous disasters that occurred in thecommunity. This leads to the identification of local adaptation and resiliency efforts.
The following are some of these ICH identified that are contributory to local
resiliency.
1) The ‘Ampasit and the forest’This is an example of indigenous world view and belief linked on their natural
resources. Ampasit(s) is/are supernatural being living in the pristine forest. They
are the overseer of this natural landscape. They have the power to makesomeone who harms their home ill. The high respect to these supernatural beings
that live in this natural ecosystem and the belief that something bad will happen
to anyone who harms these forests contributed to the preservation andprotection of these ecological resources. The outcome of this belief contributes tothe minimization of landslides and erosions at the same time improve local
hydrology and availability of water, which are among the primary risks of disasters
identified. Ecologically speaking, the more intact the forest, the more resilient it is(Figure 6).

Figure 6
Protected forest.
(Source: Feliciano 2017)

2) Daw-es and Am-am
These are cultural rituals related to disasters. Daw-es is a cleansing ritual a�ercalamities or accidents while Am-am is generically a thanksgiving and offeringritual for good fortune, good health or a good harvest. These are usuallycelebrated by the families affected (on their own homes) and in extreme
occasions (say a�er a severe disaster or mass casualty accident) participated by
the whole community. Usually, a Mambunong (shaman priest) presides theserituals. Animals (usually chicken or pig) are butchered and shared by the people

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who attended. These rituals provide avenues for community and familysocialization and opportunity for family members and acquaintances to see eachother.
3) Aduyon/alluyon/kamal
These are innate social practices among indigenous communities. These arevoluntary participations of community members in civic activities strongly
observed during diﬃcult times like disasters and emergencies and other activities
for public welfare such as sourcing and installation of water system and roadclearing.
4) Uma and payew (indigenous upland farm and rice ecosystems)
Indigenous farming system has been scientifically recognized as sustainable andresilient. In Tublay, indigenous rice farming (payew) and upland farming (uma) still
exist. These two farming systems are integrated local technologies carefully
designed to optimize biophysical and socioeconomic resources and opportunitiesof the farm (Figure 7). It showcases sustenance of ecological balance andeconomic viability of the farm, conservation of agrobiodiversity and continuationof social-cultural farming traditions, which are fundamentals in the sustainability
and resiliency of the farm. The sound co-existence of these different farmcomponents creates compensating and supplementing interactions among themto withstand environmental perturbations. This farming system addresses some ofthe primary issues during disasters including economic loss, food shortage,
landslides on farms, soil and fertility loss and other.
5) Tuﬁng (indigenous slope protection)
Tuﬁng is skilful slope protection and engineering technology of the indigenous
people in the Cordillera region in the Philippines including the ITublays. It is apreventive and conservation technology adapted in the high elevation and steep
upland farms to prevent erosion and landslides at the same time conserve water,

Figure 7
Indigenous vegetable andrice farm in Tublay.
(Source: Cangsan 2018)

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Figure 8
Tuﬁng along farm slopes in
Benguet.
(Source: Benguet Tourism
Oﬃce 2015)

soil nutrients and soil particles. Indigenous farmers skilfully stacked stones alongslopes of terraces creating resilient and picturesque farms (Figure 8).
6) Kuwelo (indigenous low cost water impoundment and water conservation)
This is a local water conservation
adaptation along high elevation
farms where water supply is
scarce. This is a very simple
strategy where farmers dig
earthen impoundment andprovide plastic linings on the sideto prevent water from sepage.
The capacity of the impoundment
depends on the avaiability ofspace in the farms and thepreference of the farmer. O�en,these impoundments wereprepared before the onset of therainy season, which coincides withland preparation of most farms.
This local innovation adresses the
problem of the farmers on water
scarcity, especially during drought(Figure 9).
Figure 9 Kuwelo (water impoundment).
(Source: Balinggan 2018)

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7) Food preservation
Indigenous communities have rich technologies and practices on foodpreservation. These technologies and practices enabled them to cope with theworse environmental and climatic conditions. Unfortunately, these practices are
deteriorating hastily due to convenience brought by modern technologies. In thelocality of Tublay, there are few remaining practices but on the verge ofdegradation. These include kini-ing/kinuday and bekol/bu’ko (Figure 10).
The kinuday/kini-ing is an ancient way of preserving meat (usually pork, beef orcarabeef) by smoking and drying while the bu’ko is a local system of preserving
sweet potato by sun drying it in chips. These are indigenous ways of foodstockpiling. Historically, these were practiced to ensure food availability during thelean season, which usually during extreme hydro meteorological or social
conditions. Sweet potatoes cannot be produced throughout the year; hence,
drying some of it during abundance is the most adapted way of preserving for thelean period. These local food preservations and stockpiling strategies can address
food shortage and inaccessibility to food supplies during disasters, which wereidentified by the people as among the common concern during disasters.
A�er understanding the local hazards, risks and the local resiliency efforts, we now
have a better understanding of the interconnectivity of these interests. The local
government strategized on how to ensure the integration of these local knowledge
and ICH to DRRM policies and programs and had come up with four activities. These
are through:1) Local ordinances and policies – the output of this activity and related innovations
were shared with local legislative bodies for consideration in the developmentof policies.
2) Integrated program (Seal of good barangay governance) – under this program,

Figure 10 Kini-ing/kinuday (indigenous meat preservation) (le�); and bu’ko (right).
(Source: Maddela 2010; The Cordillera Connection 2013)

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the use of local innovations and knowledge in local development is one of thecriteria3) Recognition of best practices on local government – incentives were provided
to local barangays with innovative programs showcasing local resiliency
4) Community based program (Brigada sa barangay) – is a municipal wide program
aimed at furthering local knowledge in risk warning and preparedness
Thank you very much.

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SPECIAL SESSION :EFFORTS OF POST-DISASTERREVITALISATION OF ICH IN JAPANICH CONTRIBUTING TO POST-DISASTER REHABILITATION
Hiromichi Kubota (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties)

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF RESCUING INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
Ryusuke Kodani (Tohoku History Museum)

COMING TO TERMS WITH DISASTER RECOVERY THROUGH FOLKPERFORMING ARTS: THE CASE OF FUKUSHIMA PREFECTURE
Tomoko Ichiyanagi (Koriyama Women’s College)

REVIVING FISHERY TECHNIQUES: THE FISHING INDUSTRY IN POSTDISASTER SHINCHI-MACHI, FUKUSHIMA PREFECTURE
Shuichi Kawashima (International Research Institute of Disaster Sciences, Tohoku
University)

THE ROLE OF INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE DISASTERRECOVERY IN FUKUSHIMA
Hiroki Takakura (Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University)

Facilitator:

Hiromichi Kubota (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties)

ICH CONTRIBUTING TO
POST-DISASTER REHABILITATION
Hiromichi Kubota

Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties(Translation by Helga Janse)

Introduc�on
The discussions during the first day of the workshop were largely focused on the roleof intangible cultural heritage (ICH) in disaster risk management (DRM). Many
participants seemed to agree in emphasizing the need to incorporate ICH in DRM, andnotably the need to re-evaluate local knowledge. This perspective is undoubtedly very
important.
However, looking at the reconstruction a�er the Great East Japan Earthquake, there
were no examples of ICH playing a part in that reconstruction. As seen through theexcursion to Onagawa in Miyagi prefecture, earthquake disaster restoration work
consisted of large scale public works restorations. ICH had no part to play in that. In
Japan, it is hard to include traditional ICH into DRM.
Does that mean that ICH has no value in disaster contexts? In this paper, I would liketo look at this issue from the opposite perspective; instead of thinking of ‘the role of
ICH in DRM’, I would like to focus on ‘the role of DRM in ICH’. As an example, let us
look at the lion dance (shishimai or shishifuri) of Onagawa that we visited during theexcursion. In terms of disaster prevention, the lion dance had no part to play.
However, for the disaster-stricken local community, it played an important role in therevival of the community. From an emotional aspect, ICH clearly has a role to play. For
example, ICH can play a role in reducing the risk of young people moving away fromthe local community a�er a disaster. In other words, under normal circumstances,local communities are developed in a sustainable way, in conformity with the locality;
however, when a disaster strikes, this sustainable development is disrupted. ICH canreduce such risk on local communities. In the case of Onagawa, the lion dance playedthat part. There are multitudes of ICH worldwide that can fulfil such a part. It is also
possible that things other than ICH play such a part. By focusing on cases from Japan,
I would like to initiate a discussion on what kind of ICH exists in different countries
that can contribute to the post-disaster restoration.

Categories of ICH
Before starting the discussion it should be pointed out that there exists many different
types of practices and traditions within the concept of ICH. Categorizing ICH is diﬃcult,and within UNESCO the following five categories are used: (a) oral traditions andexpressions; (b) performing arts; (c) social practices, rituals and festive events; (d)WORKSHOP PAPERS
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knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe; and (e) traditionalcra�smanship.
However, while this categorization takes into account the typological characteristics of
ICH traditions and is based on an ethnological perspective, it cannot depict the full
picture of ICH. For instance, performing arts that are constantly changing physicalexpressions, and traditional cra�smanship that is manifested in the creation of
tangible objects, are quite different in their nature of practices. Furthermore,considering the cases of oral expressions and knowledge without any physicalexpression or a resulting tangible object, it is diﬃcult to discuss all categories from thesame point of view. Also, for example, an oral tradition performed in front of an
audience can be recognized as performing arts. Such discrepancies may also dependon the domains of ICH, of which an element is a part – whether it is performing arts,
religious traditions or customary practices. The concept of ICH covers many types ofpractices that differ greatly.
Given that the concept of ICH covers a wide range of practices and knowledge, it isnecessary to build a framework where the categories are developed based on the
topic of the discussion at hand. In this paper, where the topic is to contribute todisaster restoration, the following three categories are hypothesized:
1. Practices/traditions maintained by the local community; o�en related to religion
and/or the spiritual world.
2. Practices/traditions requiring specialized skills or cra� techniques, performed bycertain individuals or dedicated associations; o�en related to occupation andlivelihood.
3. Practices/traditions/knowledge upheld unconsciously as part of everyday life
Category 1 applies primarily to festivals and folk performing arts. During the Great
East Japan Earthquake, this was the type of practice that demonstrated the largest
effect in supporting the revival of the communities. In Japan, there is a large numberof festivals and folk performing arts maintained by the local communities. I would liketo raise the question of what kind of similar ICH practices, maintained by the local
communities, exist in other countries.
Category 2 concerns ICH practiced not by the local communities, but by professionals.
Primarily cra� productions are applicable for this category. Performing arts practiced
by professionals are also included in this category, while cra� techniques upheld by
local communities should be regarded as Category 1. In the context of natural
disaster, the primary challenge in this category is how to revive these cra�s and arts incase their practice is damaged, rather than these practices contributing to therestoration.
Category 3 concerns practices which are part of everyday life, and are not usually
performed in front of strangers, such as annual events, day-to-day events, and

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practices concerned with the basic necessities of everyday life such as clothing, food
habits and housing. So-called local and traditional knowledge (zairaichi) also belong tothis category. Especially from the perspective of ICH supporting disaster restoration,
traditional knowledge (senjin no chie) useful for disaster prevention and mitigation has
been highlighted.
For example, in the areas struck by the Great East Japan Earthquake, a traditional
saying called ‘Tsunami tendenko’ exists. It is a teaching telling people to think about
their own safety first and flee, and not to get caught by the waves by looking for theirfamily and loved ones. This is a local and traditional knowledge; on the other hand, it
is also a tradition resulting in an action or behaviour.
Local knowledge such as disaster resilient lifestyles and traditional architectural
techniques exist in various countries. While it is possible to think of them in terms of
local knowledge, it is also possible to place traditional architectural techniques in
Category 2. Furthermore, there is also local knowledge pertaining to natural
phenomenon, such as reading signs indicating that an earthquake or tsunami will
occur. Rather than being something performed, practiced or used to produce
something, this type of ICH can be said to be pure knowledge. Local knowledge
pertaining to disaster may be diﬃcult to be recognized as ICH from the outside.
Rather, it should be identified through the perspectives of disaster studies in theregion.
To sum up the categories 1, 2, and 3, Category 1 involves, rather than the disaster
itself, ICH that can support the revival of the disaster-stricken community. Category 2
concerns ICH that in itself can be damaged by disaster, and the point in question is
how to revive or transmit its practice in the post-disaster context. Category 3 concerns
ICH that should be identified from the point of view of DRM research. In the following
section I examine examples of Category 1 from Japan.

The Revival of Performing Arts and Fes�vals a�er the Great East Japan
Earthquake
In Japan there is a large number of performing arts and festivals practiced throughout
the country. There are approximately 9,000 ICH practices that are designated bynational and local government as ‘intangible folk cultural properties’, according toJapanese heritage legislation, and most of them are performing arts and festivals.
Furthermore, although the actual number of ICH practices that are not designated as
heritage properties is unknown, the number of such performing arts alone surely
counts in tens of thousands. In fact, in the area struck by tsunamis in the Great East
Japan Earthquake, there were approximately 1,000 elements of performing arts, ofwhich only 10% were designated heritage properties.
However, it should be noted that the designation as an intangible folk culturalproperty does not guarantee financial support. In the Japanese system of intangible
folk cultural properties, the civil societies/organizations preserving the practice do notreceive any regular financial support. There are rare cases of monetary support for

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example for the repairs of tools, but there is no regular funding. So how are thepractices maintained? It is the practitioners and the local communities themselves thattake care of upholding the practices.
For example, in the case of the lion dance in Onagawa, the lion dance procession goesaround the district during the New Year, visiting house by house, performing the lion
dance, and receiving money as reward. The money received is used as funding for thecontinued activity of the lion dance group. For example, if each household pays
10,000 yen (approximately 90 USD), a village of 100 households would gather 1
million yen (approximately 9,000 USD). However, that money is also used for otherlocal festivals and assigned for costs related to the activities of the local children’sorganizations and senior citizens’ assemblies. In other words, ICH is incorporated into
the system of local economy.
Needless to say, not all performing arts gather money in this way. That being said,
both festivals and performing arts are usually upheld and maintained by the local
communities themselves, who pay for the expenses. Why is that? One answer could
be religious reasons. Because of the religious (Shinto and Buddhist) context/
background of the practices, there is an urge/willingness to perform the events even
if it involves paying for the expenses. However, that is surely not the only reason. The
practices are perhaps primarily upheld because they are considered fun and becauseof a sense of societal duty, rather than religious reasons.
It is necessary to understand this background to explain why this ICH can play a role inpost-disaster revival. In Onagawa, lost and damaged equipment and tools were finallyreplaced and restored two years a�er the earthquake disaster. A�er the lion dance
had been revived, the following information was posted on the town’s website: ‘This
year, the lion dance was performed in the remaining houses and in the assembly hallsof the temporary housings, bringing such great joy that some people were moved totears. Tradition is, for the people living in a local community, an undetachable part oftheir everyday life’.
The revival of the lion dance of Takenoura, a coastal village we visited during theexcursion, is a symbolic example. Immediately following the earthquake disaster, whenmasses of people were taking refuge at a hotel, a lion dance was performed with alion head made of a floor cushion and a pair of slippers, bringing comfort to thepeople seeking shelter. This episode shows how ICH can provide emotional support topeople in times of disaster. Furthermore, the residents of Takenoura were living
scattered in temporary housings for six to seven years before the town was restored.
During those years, there were two occasions per year when the residents of thecommunity could gather – the lion dance and the local festival (also featuring the lion
dance). It was the lion dance that kept the hearts of the scattered villagers connected.
It is hard to evaluate this type of emotional effect objectively, as it cannot easily bemeasured quantitatively. However, this is an important example demonstrating how
ICH could contribute to disaster revival.
However, this example is not necessarily applicable to all countries. Local festivals and

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folk performing arts are commonly occurring events throughout the regions of Japan,
and it is against this cultural background that this example should be understood. The
matter of identifying what ICH can contribute to community revival in the event ofdisaster must be considered carefully for each country or locality, with consideration
to the concerned local communities.
There are also examples from Japan where regional post-disaster restoration has notbeen well linked with ICH. The people of Namie town in Fukushima prefecture wereforced to evacuate due to the accident at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant
following the Great East Japan Earthquake. Many folk performing arts used to exist in
this area. However, the entire town was forced to evacuate, and the community wasdispersed as some members of the community were relocated to regions all over thecountry, while most of them sought their new home within the prefecture. Even nowa�er eight years have passed since the accident, there are many people who cannot
return, and some areas still remain restricted because of the risk of radiation.
In the Kariyado district, for example, there existed a deer dance (shikamai), a folk
performing art similar to the lion dance. Now it is on the brink of disappearing. The
primary reason for that is that the practitioners were separated by evacuating over awide region. A�er the radioactivity decontamination work was finished, the district
become liveable again in 2017. However, many former residents are anxious about
radioactive contamination and are hesitant to return. That means that even for thepeople who want to practice the deer dance, it is diﬃcult to gather since people areliving spread out over a wide area, separated from each other. Then their motivation
to perform the deer dance decreases, and it has become diﬃcult to pass on thistradition. Furthermore, since there are few opportunities to train children and young
people, the transmission of the tradition to the future is at risk. As a result, the deerdance has been performed only three times since the accident.
These types of problems do not only occur a�er nuclear accidents. All over thecountry, a great number of rural villages are being depopulated because people aremoving to urban areas. The same problems are occurring in such depopulated rural
areas. In other words, the disruption of local communities could be caused by various
reasons, such as disasters, accidents, depopulation, as well as decreasing birth rates
combined with an ageing population. The part that ICH can play in dealing withdisasters is therefore also connected to the role that ICH can play to cope withvarious problems threatening the continuity of the local community.

The Value and Role of ICH
So far, I have focused on the perspective of ICH contributing to the revival of the local
community. This type of ICH is easily linked to local identity, increasing the sense of
belonging for the residents of the region. In a town such as Onagawa, where each
district has its own lion dance, everyone thinks that their own lion dance is the best.
When this type of local identity is heightened, quarrels sometimes break out between
the districts. If such disputes are amplified, they can develop into political disputes
and ethnic conflicts. We must not forget that ICH is potentially associated with thisWORKSHOP PAPERS
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type of risk.
However, as have been exemplified in this paper, ICH can also play a role ofstrengthening the bonds of a local community. Because of the Great East Japan
Earthquake, such important roles of ICH started receiving recognition in Japan, andnow there is a growing recognition that ICH should be included in the disaster rescue
framework of cultural properties. However, for that purpose, it is important to first
thoroughly inventory what ICH exists where. Then, the second task is to create
networks to share information promptly when disaster strikes, on what has beendamaged and what support exists. However, a methodology for doing this has not yet
been established. Furthermore, even if the necessary tools are restored or recreated,
it is not certain whether the tradition can be revived, and even if the tradition isrevived, it is not certain whether it can be upheld. This means that it is also importantto have a long-term perspective to fully understand matters relating to thecontinuation of the practice in question.
In this process, supporters who are able to have a long-term commitment and getfamiliar with the locality are necessary. This type of support can be carried out not
only by national and local government bodies, but also by people in various positions,such as researchers, teachers and education specialists, journalists, as well as those inreligious institutions. ICH enthusiasts could be involved as well. Ties among thepractitioners who share the common challenges are also important. A sustainablenetwork connecting these various actors and stakeholders would be necessary. Thiscan become a countermeasure not just for safeguarding ICH from disasters, but also
for safeguarding ICH that is disappearing for other reasons, such as globalization andurbanization, as well as depopulation and decreasing birth rates combined with anageing population, issues that are pronounced in Japan.
Furthermore, in addition to safeguarding ICH, this should also become a means ofprotecting the local communities. Recently, opinions are emerging that having ICH
makes communities more viable. ICH is receiving increased recognition not only fromthe perspective of supporting disaster recovery, but also from the point of view ofsocial welfare. What can be said for certain, as mentioned earlier, is that ICH canbecome a means of reviving sustainable development of local communities a�er being
damaged by disaster. Furthermore, ICH can also become a measure in coping withrisks threatening a local community’s sustainable development caused by otherreasons than disaster. Therefore, safeguarding ICH is to safeguard the community.

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THE SIGNIFICANCE OF RESCUING
INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
Ryusuke Kodani

Tohoku History Museum / Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University

Introduc�on – The Impact of Disasters on Culture and Cultural Proper�es/
Heritage
The tsunami disaster, which occurred on 11 March 2011 as a result of the Great East
Japan Earthquake, destroyed people’s everyday lives and swept their properties out tosea. Besides sweeping away their cultural properties, the tsunami erased many things
people in the region needed for their lives.
‘Cultural property’ mainly refers to properties that are designated as such under the
Law for the Protection of Cultural Properties in Japan. Rescue work was undertaken
for these cultural properties, and many of them were rescued in areas affected by thedisaster. A characteristic of the concept of cultural properties in Japan is that they not
only include art and cra� products with high aesthetic and historical value, but theyalso include folk cultural properties. ‘Folk cultural properties’ are defined in the Law
for the Protection of Cultural Properties as cultural assets ‘essential for theunderstanding of developments in the everyday lives of the Japanese people’,including tools used in daily life, and tools and equipment used for traditional customs
and festivals. Furthermore, these folk cultural properties are not just tangible assets
such as tools, but include intangible assets such as festivals and rituals.
The cultural properties damaged in the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami
Disaster were targeted for rescue work. It can be understood that rescue measures
were taken for the tangible cultural properties that had been physically damaged.
However, what sorts of measures were taken for intangible cultural properties? I
would like to introduce the situation in the areas affected by the Great East Japan
Earthquake and Tsunami Disaster.

Measures for Rescuing Intangible Cultural Heritage
To understand intangible cultural heritage in relation to natural hazards, first, it isnecessary to consider how ‘intangible’ cultural heritage is damaged by disaster.
First, let us consider the destruction of the tools and other items used. This can beunderstood as an extension of the cases of damage to ‘tangible’ cultural heritage.
Simultaneously, the seriousness of the damage to intangible cultural heritage can beseen in the loss or cessation of traditional performances and festivals as aconsequence of the destruction of local communities.

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The areas that were inundated by the tsunami in the Great East Japan Earthquake andTsunami Disaster maintain an extremely large number of traditional folk performing
arts, called ‘minzoku geino’, that are held and transmitted among local communities,
and many of them were affected. Therefore, in coordination with the work of rescuingtangible cultural properties, various types of support were also extended to rescue
intangible cultural properties. For example:• A wide range of support was made to restore/renew tools and equipment.
• Cultural events inviting affected performers/practitioners were held in many
places.
• Events substituting traditional festivals/ritual events were programmed.
• Increased visit to learn cases of the revitalization of traditional rituals andfestivals• Increased number of volunteers to support festive events

The Case of Ogatsu-Hoin-Kagura
So, what is the significance of these kinds of activities? I would like to address thisusing the example of Ogatsu-hoin-kagura, which is a folk performing art tradition thathas been handed down in the Ogatsu region, in Ishinomaki, Miyagi Prefecture, and has
been designated as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property by the governmentof Japan. Kagura is a stage performance that re-enacts mythological stories. The
dancers perform while speaking lines, in synchronization with the music of drums anda flute. Kagura is generally performed at festivals and rituals in local communities. Youmight think that many people enjoy Ogatsu-hoin-kagura because it has been
designated as a national cultural property. However, the community people treat thiskagura as an essential part of a festival ritual on a special day set apart from everyday
life, calling it ‘okagura’.
The Ogatsu region suffered huge losses in the Great East Japan Earthquake andTsunami Disaster, and most of the items used to stage kagura were swept away in thetsunami. Despite such diﬃcult situation, the kagura performers (kagurashi) decided toresume their kagura as early as April 2011, and to restore tools and equipment thatare necessary for the performance.
Inspired by the will of the kagura performers, many people supported them andprovided funds so that the restoration of the equipment progressed smoothly. What is
crucial to this series of actions is that the performers succeeded in reviving the kagura
through their own will and efforts. They did not take orders from the Agency for
Cultural Affairs as a nationally designated cultural property. The significance of theiractions is that they did this entirely on their initiative.
Figure 1 shows the festival before the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami
Disaster. You can see that all ages from children to the elderly are watching, but it is apretty thin crowd for a nationally-designated cultural property. In other words,

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Figure 1 Ogatsu-hoin-kagura before the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami Disaster (le�);and the festival in the same community that was resumed in 2012 (right). Note thatthe la�er is more crowded with visitors outside the local community.
(Source: R. Kodani)

Ogatsu-hoin-kagura was embedded within everyday life. It was not something thatyou sat and watched with full attention.

Heritagiza�on of Local Culture
Cultural heritage (cultural properties) are defined as elements the government has
decided to preserve and to be transmitted to future generations. On the other hand,
culture is something that is shaped by constant changes. These changes occur ineveryday life, gradually with the flow of time. In other words, changes are not noticed
as they occur. Therefore, one of the challenges in Japanese cultural property
protection administration is how to relate cultural change to the preservation andsafeguarding of heritage.
A�er the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami Disaster, a movement to save
cultural properties was evident, regardless of whether they were tangible orintangible, to be transmitted to future generations. The projects of rescuing culturalproperties was not just for tangible cultural properties, but also included intangible
cultural properties. It was a movement in which cultural elements that should beprotected from disasters and transmitted to future generations were discovered andpreserved as cultural heritage. I call this ‘the heritagization of local culture’.
An important point here is that cultural heritage (or cultural properties) is to bepreserved and transmitted to future generations, whereas local culture is somethingthat changes over time. In the very concept of intangible cultural heritage, there is noelements of intangible cultural heritage that does not change. However, for a certain
cultural element to be defined as a cultural heritage it becomes necessary to specify
what exactly is to be preserved, and in this respect culture takes on the nuance ofossification. The movement has grown in this context, in which elements that were
not recognized as cultural properties have become recognized as cultural heritage andtargeted for preservation.

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Figure 2
Ogatsu-hoin-kagura being
performed on stage.
(Source: R. Kodani)

Figure 2 shows Ogatsu-hoin-kagura being performed on stage. You can see that theatmosphere in which it is performed differs greatly from the community festival wesaw on Figure 1. For a folk performing art that has been held and transmitted in local
communities, in particular, becoming cultural heritage means that it is separated fromthe local community to be performed on a stage, as seen here. This is because thisparticular component of the event is what has been defined as cultural heritage.
Therefore, ‘heritagization of culture’ also means that the element could be preserved
independently of the local community.
From a viewpoint emphasizing its link to the local community, it is not preferable foran element to be separated from the local community by heritagization. Conversely,
becoming an independent cultural heritage could be an advantage when settlements
were lost, as was the case for the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami Disaster.
In other words, protecting culture as cultural heritage enables to preserve at least apart of the local culture even if the local community physically disappears. However,protecting cultural heritage actually enables to preserve the local culture, leading to
the reestablishment of new local communities? This is the final point I would like todiscuss.
Figure 3 shows a scene of Ogatsu-hoin-kagura being performed before the disaster. An
old man who had too much to drink got on the stage and started to dance, telling the
kagura performer, ‘hey you, you’re a terrible performer, let me take your place’. A
person would be really brave if he could do that on the fancy stage we saw on Figure
2. That kind of happenings are quite common at the okagura in the Ogatsu region;even the kagura performers say that these are the most thrilling and enjoyable part ofthe okagura.
Such relationship between the performers and the community members is the biggest
difference between the okagura that is part of daily life in the community and theOgatsu-hoin-kagura as intangible cultural heritage. Protecting only the heritage aspect

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Figure 3
A scene of Ogatsu-hoinkagura before the Great East
Japan Earthquake andTsunami Disaster.
(Source: R. Kodani)of Ogatsu-hoin-kagura would lead to the loss of its connectedness with the people ofthe local community. For protecting and safeguarding intangible cultural heritage a�er
the disaster, it is very important to consider how such community-linked aspects ofkagura could be maintained and transmitted.

Importance of Qualita�ve Survey in Disaster-Aﬀected Areas
Values of some cultural elements was recognized in the post-disaster context by being
or becoming cultural properties; however not all cultural elements became culturalproperties. From an anthropological standpoint, what is called for is to grasp as muchas possible a diversity of cultural phenomena in the local communities, and to identify
based on that knowledge what must be preserved and what is better to be preserveda�er a disaster. While rescuing cultural elements such as performances and festivals
that are more recognizable as cultural heritage or cultural properties, how do we deal
with other elements that are rather unnoticeable? Therefore, it would be desirable toperform a qualitative survey, not just to target existing cultural properties, to gain aholistic view of a diversity of culture that grounds the society and the people’s daily
life in a given community. Based on that, elements that should be continued in therecovered community, that are beneficial for revitalizing the community, and that are
too close to the people’s daily lives and their importance is not recognized, areidentified for safeguarding.
Figure 4 shows scenes that can be found here and there when you walk around theareas affected by the tsunami. Photo on the le� shows the remains of a house that
was about 100 m from the coast, and you can see a small shrine stands alone in thecorner. This is Myojin-sama, the god that protects the house and the compound. This
scene suggests that the god has to be re-enshrined even when people are devastatedby tsunami and evacuated far away from their ground. The image on the right side is
the Myojin-sama I came across at Minamisanriku-cho. The god appears to have been
properly enshrined by tying tree branches together in the shape of a torii gate. It

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Figure 4

A small shrine for Myojin-sama inside the remnant of a house (le�); and the one seenin Minamisanriku-cho. (Source: R. Kodani)

looks like the members of the household that worshiped this shrine were all killed in
the tsunami, and the neighbors have re-enshrined this god, even though the people
who had once looked a�er it are gone.
Since the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami Disaster, no one is permitted tolive in these housing areas, and the people have been required to move elsewhere.
However, in the meantime, they continue to make these temporary shrines for thegods. You can see the depth of the local tradition regarding the protective gods oftheir home and land. The culture surrounding the Shinto and Buddhist beliefs as
described here is too trivial to be incorporated into the oﬃcial plan for disasterrecovery. However, it is an essential part of their lives for the people who used to live
there.

Pre-Disaster Local Culture in A Context of New Post-Disaster Communi�es
It would be necessary, along with transmi�ng cultural heritage, to create amechanism to transmit this kind of local cultural elements that are not recognized by
the community people as their own unique culture. Given that such cultures are
fostered spontaneously, it is of course possible to think that local culture would
gradually take shape in a different form in the new community. However, I believe that
including those elements in the process of recovery would be highly beneficial forbuilding a new community and local society more smoothly.
Figure 5 shows a diagram of this process. Cultural properties are one part of the local
culture, and by rescuing cultural properties, some prominent part of local culture
could be transmitted (Figure 5, le�). As a matter of course, it is not possible to rescue
everything, but if only a small part is preserved, the amount of culture that aretransmitted becomes smaller. Conversely, it would be necessary to preserve as much
culture as possible for transmi�ng local culture in the process of forming a newcommunity.
Preserving local culture as cultural heritage makes it possible to transmit large areas of100

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Local culture
Limited transmissionof local culture a�er
recovery
Cultural proper�es
Figure 5

Local culture

More local culture transmi�eda�er recovery
Cultural proper�es

Diagram showing the range of local cultural elements that could be transmi�eda�er recovery.

culture a�er a disaster. On the other hand, modest elements of local culture are also
an important part composing local communities, and we could say that anaccumulation of these modest elements creates local communities. They are
indispensable for the transmission of cultural properties to the future generations.
Those of us who are working in the academic fields such as Japanese folklore studies
and anthropology that study local communities should clarify the relationship between
the two aspects of culture, and communicate the importance of both to the people ofthe local communities recovering from disasters.

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COMING TO TERMS WITH DISASTER RECOVERY THROUGHFOLK PERFORMING ARTS:THE CASE OF FUKUSHIMA PREFECTURE
Tomoko Ichiyanagi

Koriyama Women’s College

Fukushima Prefecture is a region in which numerous folk performing arts have been
passed down through the generations. In the Great East Japan Earthquake of 2011,
the Hamadōri area was stricken by multiple disasters, both natural and manmade,which affected many folk performing arts. From the perspective of disaster mitigation,
I will report on disaster victims’ use of folk performing arts as a means of
psychological support for coming to terms with the realities of the middle phase ofdisaster recovery and on their efforts to pass these folk arts down to the next
generation.
This report focuses specifically on case studies of two Taueodori societies in areas of
Hamadōri affected in distinct ways by disasters – the Murakami Taueodori Society andthe Murohara Folk Performing-Arts Society – and discusses their conditions before anda�er the earthquake as well as the restoration process undertaken thus far. The ‘taue’of Taueodori (taue dance) refers to the work of cultivating rice. Taueodori has been
passed down exclusively in the Tohoku region; however, there are geographic
variations even within this region, and it is a highly entertaining dance.
Both forms of Taueodori passed down by the two societies belonged to the cultural
sphere of the Souma Nakamura fiefdom in the early modern period and havenumerous similarities, including dance styles, costumes, songs, and the fact that bothare performing arts (see Figures 1 and 2). However, there are also many differences
between Murakami and Murohara Taueodori, such as their means of transmission
through generations, their dancers, their methods of administration, and theirrelationships to religious rites.

Figure 1102

Murakami Taueodori (2012).
(Source: T. Ichiyanagi)

Figure 2

Murohara Taueodori (2017).
(Source: T. Ichiyanagi)

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Figure 3

Conceptual diagrams of areas with evacuation orders (as of 1 April 2017) (le�); andareas ﬂooded by tsunami (right).

To get a sense of the geographic challenges faced by these societies, we must
examine the areas of Hamadōri of Fukushima Prefecture, where evacuation orders
remain in effect due to the nuclear power plant disaster (Figure 3, le�). The red areas
currently remain as diﬃcult-to-return zones due to nuclear disaster damage. The areas
shaded with green diagonal lines are those wherein evacuation orders have beenli�ed. The map on the right cross-references the area in the rectangle in the le�, withareas of tsunami damage (indicated in orange).
The Murakami region, where the Murakami Taueodori Society is located, is part of thearea shaded with green diagonal lines in Figure 3 (le�) and part of the orange area in
Figure 3 (right). Although evacuation orders have been li�ed, the area has been
designated a disaster risk area due to tsunami damage, and residents are unable tobuild their dwellings there. On the other hand, the Murohara region, where the
Murohara Folk Performing-Arts Society is located, avoided tsunami damage due to its
inland location (see Figure 3, right); however, due to the nuclear disaster damage, italso remains as a ‘diﬃcult-to-return zone’ (see Figure 3, le�).
Thus, both societies are facing the challenge in attempting to pass down their
Taueodori dancing traditions while their members being unable to return to their
homelands. In order to perform their folk dances, the members of the societies mustleave their disparate evacuation points and gather together. Outside their homelands,
they maintain the relationships that existed within their original communities andcontinue passing down their dances to the next generation.
Before the earthquake, the Murakami Taueodori Society was already admi�ng a few
society members and dancers from neighboring districts; since the earthquake, they
have continued passing down their art form by loosening the membership
requirements. The Murohara Folk Performing-Arts Society, on the other hand, has
never admitted a single person from outside the society, neither before nor a�er the

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earthquake, and continues to hold events just once every seven years. However, bothsocieties have managed to preserve their folk performing arts in forms similar to those
preceding the Great East Japan Earthquake.
The Great East Japan Earthquake was an unprecedented catastrophe, but the peopleof these societies have made it through the period immediately following theearthquake. Now, thanks to their efforts at gaining a sense of recovery by resuming
the forms of cultural transmission they practiced before the disaster and bycontinuing to operate the societies, as well as their efforts at reassembling the samecommunities from disparate evacuation points for the purpose of performing folk
dances, the people of Murakami and Murohara seem to have come to terms with thecurrent instability of the middle phase of disaster recovery and to have gained a senseof psychological ‘disaster mitigation’ through folk performing arts, because folk
performing arts evoke among the disaster victims the desire to come together and to
do their best.

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSREVIVING FISHERY TECHNIQUES:THE FISHING INDUSTRY IN POST-DISASTER
SHINCHI-MACHI, FUKUSHIMA PREFECTURE
Shuichi Kawashima

International Research Institute of Disaster Sciences, Tohoku University

The coastal area of Fukushima Prefecture suffered a ‘double’ disaster in the Great East
Japan Earthquake, first in the form of a disaster caused by the massive tsunami, andsubsequently by the nuclear accident of Tokyo Electric Power Company’s Fukushima
Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant, which was a man-made disaster. From June 2012, a yeara�er the earthquake, a ‘trial fishing’ system was implemented along with a system ofinspection, including the selection of fish species and fishing ground, and controlled
management of the shipping system. The purpose of this ‘trial fishing’ is to monitor
whether fish are contaminated by radioactive materials, throughout the processes
from catching to marketing, and at the same time to increase the opportunities forfishers to maintain their livelihood.
Although they are mechanized, fishery operations still require skills such as selecting
fishing grounds and understanding water conditions, and trial fishing is also essential
for maintaining and passing down these skills and techniques. However, trail fishing
operations are far more restricted than normal operations in that any bycatch of
non-target species is banned, and individual fishing boats are not allowed to decide on
their own to operate or not under certain weather conditions. There are fewer fish
markets where fishermen can unload their catch, and they must transport theircatches to the markets by themselves. In fact, such inconvenience imposed by thissystem is far from the original fishing practice.
At Shinchi-machi in Fukushima Prefecture, for example, there were many fishing boats
sized around 6 tons doing net fishing, and of the 44 fishing boats at the time of theearthquake, 32 survived the tsunami by escaping offshore. Some boats were
subsequently retired, while six were built a�er the earthquake. Currently, 32 boats are
participating in the trial fishing.
Changes a�er the earthquake in the size and the quantity of the catch are as a matterof course related to the changes in fishing techniques. For instance, the overall size offish off the coast of Fukushima Prefecture is ge�ng bigger. As trial fishing isundertaken only once or twice a week, not only the number of fish but also their size
is increasing. In the case of gillnets for fishing karei (righteyed-flounder) before the
New Year, their mesh size has been changed to 6 sun 3 bu (using traditional
measurements, approximately 19 cm), compared to their pre-tsunami size of 5 sun(approximately 15 cm) wide. Improvement of fishing net as such has happened
recently in the fishing communities in southern Miyagi prefecture, which isneighboring Shinchi-machi. It is the fishermen near the border of Fukushima

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Figure 1
A ﬁshing boat cooperating inthe ‘sampling survey’.
(Source: S. Kawashima, 31
October 2018)

Prefecture such as Shinchi-machi who are most frustrated because, despite the fish
are growing bigger and in quantities, the restriction set by trial fishing that only
permits fishing once or twice a week, and the fish population that grew bigger off thecoast of Fukushima Prefecture migrate to Miyagi Prefecture.
In addition, bycatch of certain fish varieties such as kounago (young Pacific sand lance)and shirauo (whitebat) are prohibited under trail fishing to begin with, although suchbycatch is not so common due to differentiated fishing methods. Regulation of theSoma Harakama Fisheries Cooperative stipulates orders to release non-target fish
species, such as: ‘the owner of the operating boat must release the fish and shellfish
that were caught as bycatch, except for the target fish species, and never take themhome’ (on trial fishing of kounago 2018), and ‘never land bycatches other than thetarget species; the captain should take responsibility to release the bycatch from theboat’ (on shirauo trial gillnet fishing 2018).
In fact, fishermen are generally satisfied with their catches of the day that are given
by God, and it is hard for them to think about discarding some fish just because they
are non-target species. To the contrary, there is also a saying that ’it is always the
sample survey when catches are less’ (Figure 1). This is a sort of precept among thefishermen that is widespread across Japan, that if you have a strong desire to catch
fish, you will not gain many, which is similar to a common jinx that says ‘therequested fish will not be caught’. A captain of a fishing boat in Shinchi-machi says ‘ifyou load an empty tank (to store the catches) on your truck, you would not be able tocatch any fish’. Another fisherman says ‘if you bring a lot of ice (to keep the catch) on
the boat, you will not catch many fish’. It seems that, if you express your intention tocatch a lot of fish, God will not bless you with fish. Considering these ways ofthinking, the ban on bycatch in ‘trial fishing’ and ‘resource management’ are bothpeople-centered ways of dealing with the sea, although there is a slight difference ofcatching a lot or less.

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Figure 2
Fishermen returning to thebank a�er tying up theirboats away from the quay atright angle, to avoid damage
from a storm.
(Source: S. Kawashima, 10
June 2018)

While fishermen endure restrictions such as not being able to decide on their own thedays to fish, fishermen communities of Tsurushihama and Odohama in Shinchi-machi
still maintain traditional practices of mutual assistance called yuiko, in which members
join forces when, for instance, a boat is taking longer to unload takings, or when
repairing a member’s fishing net. Some customary practices led by the boat-owners’
associations such as tsunakake and ‘se�ng boats on a right angle (fune-wo tate-nisuru)’ (Figure 2) are also carried out within the same cooperative system. Boats at the
harbor are generally anchored alongside the quay, either on the starboard or the portside. However, as a low pressure or a typhoon approaches, ropes are stretched in amatrix in the middle of the harbor, within which boats are aligned to avoid themhi�ng the quay and ge�ng damaged. This cooperative work is the tsunakake and‘fune-wo tate-ni suru’. By hanging dubs (port fenders) on both sides of the boat, they
will not hit each other.
As described above, ‘a fishery technique become successful only when a series ofoperations of people, boats and fishing gears are united as a whole and activatedorganically’ (Shibusawa 1962), which in a broad sense includes the fisheryorganization and management. In other words, as was the case in Shinchi-machi, suchtime-honored work practice has most significantly contributed to the prompt recovery
of local fishing operations a�er the 2011 earthquake. It demonstrates that postdisaster rehabilitation is not the sole preserve of NPOs and urban engineering
specialists, who suddenly appeared in affected localities in the wake of the tsunami
disaster.
Also, most of the fishermen in Shinchi-machi lost their homes to the tsunami and had
to be relocated collectively, mostly to Jingokita (Odohama) (approximately 70
households) and Gangoya (approximately 30 households). At these newly-adopted
home, community members maintain their traditional customary practices such as
mukaebi (welcoming fire) for the Bon festival. As a result, the mukaebi ritual, which is
no longer common in central parts of Shinchi-machi, is practiced simultaneously at
two separate locations: Jingokita, and Gangoya to the west of the central area of
Shinchi Town, closer to the mountain side.

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On the monument of Nagare-sen kuyō (a memorial for wrecked boats), which was
relocated from Tsurushihama to Odohama a�er the tsunami in 2011, the names areengraved of 30 individuals who lost their lives in nine disastrous events at sea, ranging
from the massive tsunami in 1902 to the recent one in 2011.
Coastal communities such as Tsurushihama and Odohama have always been exposed
to sea accidents and disasters, which could have contributed to maintaining strong ties
between the living and the dead. This explains why Bon rituals including the mukaebi
have been so important and carefully practiced in these communities. Whatsociologists call the ‘disintegration of community’ cannot be applied here.
For fishery to revive as a livelihood, not only do practical fishing techniques need to betransmitted but attention must be paid to intangible factors that supported fishingtechniques, such as the fishermen’s a�tude towards fish and the customary practicesof the fishing communities.

R���������
Shibusawa, K. (1962). Nihon tsuriryo gijutsushi shoukou (Some thoughts on the history of fishingtechniques in Japan). Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten.

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THE ROLE OF INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
IN THE DISASTER RECOVERY IN FUKUSHIMA
Hiroki Takakura

Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University

Introduc�on
Does culture contribute to disaster recovery, and if it does, how would this occur? Thisis a core question of the present paper. As reported in both domestic andinternational mass-media a�er the 3.11 Great East Japan Disaster (March 11, 2011),
society in post-disaster Japan regards intangible cultural heritage (ICH) such as local
performing arts and rituals as a key element of disaster recovery. The survivors havean opportunity to commemorate the victims and to reflect on the future throughthese heritage activities in local se�ngs. Correspondingly, in the context of disasterrecovery the government and private companies also financially support these events.
The sudden increase in focus on the role of ICH in the post-disaster recovery is adistinguished feature of the 3.11 Japan Disaster (Kimura 2016; Hashimoto 2015;
Lahournat 2016; Takakura 2016, 2018; Takizawa 2019).
On a related note, the sociologist Kyoko Ueda posed an insigh�ul question. ‘Why dothose affected by the Great Earthquake conduct traditional events under the
emergent conditions?’ She argues the reason for this is that the ritual provides aconcept of repetitive time to people who have to deal with practicalities in an
irreversible timeline provided by the reconstruction policy. These rituals encourage thepeople to return their everyday lives (Ueda 2013). In addition, I would like to point out
the integrative function of ritual, which serves to bond individuals to society (Michell1996). The rituals that are part of ICH have two functions: the evocation of a sense ofroutine and the function of social integration, both of which contribute to therecovery of post-disaster society.
The present paper starts to rephrase this issue in the context of Fukushima disasterand to examine the role of rituals or ICH in the post-disaster context. The type of ICH
focused on here is more or less the local religious rituals of Shintoism, which include
the local performing arts like kagura or shishimai and some related festivals. My
argument focuses on the role of ritual in cultural heritage in the post disaster se�ng,
and to this end I ask the following questions. How does ritual serve the disasterreconstruction following the Fukushima nuclear accident? Why do people conductlocal performing arts and festivals? From this standpoint how do anthropologists
contribute the cultural policy of the disaster reconstruction? And, can we propose topolicy makers the idea of better management for this type of ICH?

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The Diﬃcul�es in Fukushima Disaster
There has been much anthropological research on the effects of the disaster following
the explosions at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant a�er the Great East
Japan Earthquake in 2011. These studies argue there is a social influence ofradioactivity and examine how it damages social reliance and local identity (Gill 2013;
Ikeda 2013; Iwagaki et al 2017; McNeil 2013; Uchiyamada 2017; Yamaguchi 2016).
One distinct feature of this research is the study of mother-children evacuation(Horikawa 2018; Morioka 2013; Oikawa 2018; Tatsumi 2014). This is the issue of
distrust of government and science, which in turn damages the cohesion of family, kin,and local community. While the government decides levels of safety in terms ofradiation based on what they consider ‘scientific’ knowledge, members of a familyo�en cannot agree to accept this information in the same manner. Mothers who haveinfants or young children in particular would be sensitive to the effect of nuclear
radiation on their children.
Yoriko Tatsumi (2014) described how mother-child evacuees risk isolation from theirfamilies and local communities. Due to the differentiated risk evaluation of radiation
among husbands and wives and the conditions of employment among family
members, mothers and children o�en are evacuated separately from their husbands
in areas further from the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. This behavior
sometimes provokes the criticism of the evacuated mother from those who alreadyaccept (believes) the governmental judgements on safety. The explosion at the
Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant therefore has injured the social reliance infamily and local community.
How can we explain this phenomenon theoretically? The main reason is the healthrisk perception of nuclear radiation: this could be called biological citizenship, which isa key idea of Adriana Petryna as related to Chernobyl anthropological studies. The
biological citizenship is ‘a massive demand for, but selective access to, a form of social
welfare based on scientific and legal criteria that both acknowledges injury andcompensates for it’ (Petryna 2002). While Petryna describes the predicament of thoseaffected by the Chernobyl disaster, she also argues that biological citizenship is a key
for building process of civil society in opposition to the socialist regime (Petryna
1995). On the other hand, in the Fukushima disaster we can identify that biologicalcitizenship rather brings the destruction of social tie for family and kin throughdisabling social consent in anticipation of future events. Sociologist Ulrich Beck statesthat ‘poverty is hierarchic, while smog is democratic’ in the contemporary risk society(Beck 1998: 50). The poverty has been distributed to/formed social classes andtherefore class struggle would be an important element of the solution. Democratic
smog or radiation nullifies the ‘traditional’ type of solidarity against risk.
Let us combine the predicaments of Fukushima disaster with the role of ritual indisaster recovery. The question to be addressed is how ritual, with its evocation ofsense of routine, and the function of social integration work to restore the damagedsocial ties and community reliance in Fukushima. In other words, should
anthropologists propose policy recommendations for disaster recovery emphasizing

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the role of rituals that are part of ICH, and detail how these activities work to restore
damaged solidarity in the affected communities? My concern is whether my researchon ritual activities in ICH may discourage mothers seeking to evacuate from areas
affected by Fukushima Disaster, because the emphasis of these ICH rituals in disasterrecovery may act as pressure for social integration for those who may be hesitant toevacuate. In the following, I will ethnographically describe two types of ICH ritual
activities and examine their effects in the disaster recovery process. Lastly, I also
consider the possibility of policy recommendations in terms of ICH ritual activities inpost disaster condition.

Two Cases of Intangible Cultural Heritage
Case 1: The first case involves local performing arts, the shishimai dance in the mid ofAugust. It is a part of a ritual, which is conducted every four years at Suwajinja Shinto
Shrine at Shimoniida village in Iwaki city (Figure 1). The origin of this ritual backs to17th century (1634). Dancers in three different types of deer-styled masks perform thedance for the local Shinto gods on behalf of rich harvest and off-spring prosperity. It is
impressive that approximately twenty men perform the opening dance with wooden
miniature phalluses before the deer mask dance. The dance groups and a band withJapanese flute first dedicate the dances to the Shinto shrine and parade through thevillage streets during the daytime1.
The youth-men association (seinenkai), and the executive member of the ujiko –parishioner of the local shrine undertake the leading roles in organization and

Figure 11Group picture of the Shimoniida shishimai dance (August 2015). (Source: Takakura
Photo Studio)

The ethnographic film of this shishimai edited by the author is available at the following website:
http://hbdl.handle.net/10097/63692

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111

management. The ujiko is deeply related to the village history. The oﬃcers are electedfrom each street association (tonarigumi) every four years. The street association is aneighborhood organization for mutual collaboration of funeral and landscaping whichdates back to the era of the Tokugawa Shogunate. The members of the youth-men
association come from these street associations. Two weeks before the ritual, they
begin to prepare the necessary prepare tools and training. These men gather for
preparation at the youth-men association house every evening a�er the work even in
weekdays.
Shimoniida village, where this ritual is held, is located 35 km from Fukushima Daiichi
nuclear power plant; here the condition for residence is categorized as ‘safe zone’ by
the Japanese government. Therefore, there are some people who have evacuated to
Iwaki city from regions close to Fukushima Daiichi, which are now classified as‘restricted residence zones’ or ‘diﬃcult to return to zones’. On the other hand, somepeople might even evacuate from Iwaki city and relocate to further regions. The year
2011 is an event year. Despite the disaster that occurred in March the local
communities decided to organize their festivals, because they wanted to conduct
them as usual, although there was some disagreement on this point. Most of the local
residents believe that the implementation of the festival somehow contributes tocommemoration and recovery.
During my fieldwork I was very surprised at the level of activity of the local socialorganizations. The youth-men association has an extraordinary role in the integrationof community members. The association also implemented a well-organizedcollaboration with the senior citizen executives who were Shinto parishioners. Above
all, the phallus representation or the extraordinary open expression of sexual behavior
was quite notable. I believe that this shishimai dance is a typical of ritual – providing
to people the sense of communitas or the liminal phase in the rites of passage. It
certainly innovates life and activates/renews the way of communication inside local
community.
Case 2: The second case concerns the Nagareyama dance in the town of Futaba(Figure 2). This is dance where women wear samurai costumes and sing local ballads
in the annual summer festival in Futaba, which is organized by the Futaba women’s
association. According to local history, the dance was originally male performance;
however, women participated in the performance even in 1960s (Fukushima ken
1964: 1001–1005). The community is located at 5 km from the nuclear power plant.
The territory of Futaba is categorized as a ‘diﬃcult to return to zone’; thus, even now
in 2018 the level of danger is high. The residents of Futaba are now spread acrossdifferent locations in Japan.
When the nuclear accident happened, Futaba residents evacuated from their homes;
one of the places residents went was Tsukuba city, 160 km south from Fukushima
Daiichi. Here, Tomiko Nakamura, a leader of the local women’s association initiatedthe ballad dance activity because the association wanted to give a show of thanks forthe hospitality of Tsukuba’s citizens. The community members had settled in various
places, so Ms Nakamura needed to reorganize the dance group. First she needed to112

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Figure 2
Snap shot of Nagareyama
dance (January 2016).
(Source: H. Takakura)organize a class to teach the dance and to prepare the special costumes. Due to ashortage of participants some men also joined the dance group a�er the disaster. Ms
Nakamura’s activity functions as a node of meeting for those living in different places.
Did this activity help members of the dance group restore the ordinary sense of
everyday life they had before the nuclear accident? When the dance was performed,
former residents must have imagined life before the disaster and associated this withthe tragedy of evacuation and the fact that it is almost impossible to return home. On
the other hand, when I continued the interview with Ms Nakamura, I discovered someinteresting historical background. According to her, this ballad dance is originally a
special program of the annual summer festival of Soma-Nomaoi, which is a nationallywell-known Shinto festival which includes samurai costume horse racing and thecompetition of flag-scramble. The main organizer of the festival is the ujiko – theparishioner of the local shrine for the citizens of the Soma city. The members ofFutaba women’s association participated in performing the Nagareyama dance at
Soma-Nomaoi festival as well as in six other neighboring local communities. The
approximate 80 women from Futaba town participated to the Soma-Nomaoi festival.
The dance group in each community has a chance to participate in Soma-Nomaoi
every six years due to the rotation of these six locations. Besides the six years
opportunity, the local group performs their dance in the annual summer festival ineach community. The reason for this participation of six local communities in the
Soma-Nomaoi festival lies in regional history. These rural communities administratively
belonged to Soma city during the Tokugawa Shogunate period (17–19th centuries).
The maintenance of the Nagareyama dance affords the recognition of the regional
historical legacy from the samurai period and the structured space division once
governed by the Soma clan domain (Figure 3).

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Figure 3

Historical-Cultural Legacy of Social Organization in Fukushima Coast

The Nuer and Fukushima: Two Time Concepts in Intangible Cultural Heritage
I would like to consider the role of ritual in disaster recovery and to further explore
the interpretation of the cases to pose the familiar anthropological concept of timestated in the canonical African ethnography of the Nuer by E. E. Evans-Prichard. He
describes two different time concepts. The first is ecological time – a reflection of the
Nuer’s relations to their environment: ‘it appears to be, and is, cyclical … the daily
timepiece is based on the round of pastoral tasks … such as milking, driving of theadult herd to pasture’. The second one is structural time – a reflection of theinteraction of social groups: ‘(t)he Nuer has another way to stating roughly when
events took place … by reference to the age-set system. Distance between events is
reckoned in terms of structural distance, being the relation between groups ofpeoples. It is therefore entirely relative to the social structure’ (Evans-Pritchard 1969:95, 105).
How can we consider the theoretical implication of the Nuer’s conception of time tounderstand the Fukushima case? First we can easily identify the concept of ecologicaltime in both cases. In the case of Fukushima, the cyclical nature that is a feature of
ecological time can be seen in the way it may afford people a rhythm of life similar tothat before the nuclear disaster, the same argument as in the previous studies on therole of ritual in post disaster se�ng. On the other hand, I would like to emphasize theelements of structural time seen in the two cases in Fukushima. The collaboration
among the young men’s association and the street association, and ujiko-Shinto
parishioners in shishimai dance every four years and that the collaboration of six local

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communities participating in Nagareyama dance groups in six-year rotation should be
noted. Both rituals are considered in terms of structural distance, being the relation
between the groups participating in the events on different years. The participants areable realize the historical-geographical relations between communities, which havenow become diﬃcult to discern. The ritual provides the participants with a sense ofstructured historical-cultural depth embedded in everyday life. It establishes a sense of‘here and now’ among people and, on the other hand, awakens the possibility ofalternative multifaceted relationships between people.
The structural time in ritual provides a new way of social integration that goes beyond‘here and now’, which may be critical in repairing damaged solidarity or supporting
mothers and children who have evacuated due to radiation risk. I would like toconsider the political implication of the ritual type of ICH for the evacuees. Both theshishimai and Nagareyama dances provide a perception of routine livelihood andsocial relationships yet also simultaneously demonstrate alternative time-spaceconcepts and potential for new ways of communication. The ritual does not always
force people to aﬃrm the context of a given community. Rather it can renew thesocial structure with some degree of time and space for future. In particular, thepractice of Nagareyama dance is a trial both for recovering the once existing historicalstructure represented by the livelihood of the residents of Futaba and for renewing
the social relations of the evacuees from homes in the radioactive areas.
In a post-disaster society, rituals highlight the structured legacy of human life, which
are a historical-geographical basis of current everyday life. If one considers the powerof rituals that are part of ICH in terms of their contribution to innovations in social
structure, it is important to place them at the forefront of future development in arevised form of social organization.

Conclusion
The core question of this paper is how do cultural traditions afford the people a senseof recovery? While I describe the features of the disaster surrounding the Fukushima
nuclear accident, I examine a way that rituals as part of ICH work in the post-disastersociety. One of my conclusions is that there is a new role of culture or ICH rituals in
disaster recovery. Previous studies point to the evocation of sense of routine andsocial integration as a key for recovery, a phenomenon that is almost identical to theecological time concept of the Nuer. This paper uncovers the structural time concept
in the Nuer and the historical-geographical depth in ritual which may renew previous
ways of social integration.
Another conclusion of this study relates to the policy recommendation fromanthropologists concerning the advantage of structural time in rituals that are part of
ICH. If we consider the role of culture in post-disaster se�ngs, culture should containnot only traditional activities but also modern festival such as pop concerts. I don’t
deny the effects of the latter. However, anthropologists could advocate for the rituals
in ICH because the structural time concept changes ways of social integration. In
addition, voluntary leadership based on traditions in rituals is a key for local initiatives

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in disaster recovery. The rituals in ICH may be an unparalleled social instrument incertain conditions.

A��������������
This work was supported by MEXT/JSPS Kakenhi Grant Number JP: 17K03270 and by the Core
Research Cluster of Disaster Science in Tohoku University (Designated National University).

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Institutions of a Nilotic People. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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prefecture. In: T. Gill, B. Steger and D. Slater (eds.), Japan Copes with Calamity, Oxford: Peter Lang,
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volume, Folk culture). Fukushima: Fukushima ken.
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arts: a key for post-disaster recovery). Osaka: Otemon gakuin University Press.
Horikawa, N. (2017). Displacement and hope a�er adversity: Narratives of evacuees following the
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Disaster, New York: Routledge, pp. 66–78.
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REPORT ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND
DISASTERS IN LATIN AMERICA AND
THE CARIBBEAN

THINKING ABOUT ICH AND NATURAL DISASTERS: PERSPECTIVES AND
CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN REGION
Regional Centre for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage of
Latin America (CRESPIAL)

THINKING ABOUT ICH AND NATURAL DISASTERS:PERSPECTIVES AND CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA
AND THE CARIBBEAN REGION
Regional Centre for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural
Heritage of La�n America (CRESPIAL)

Introduc�onThis text is the result of the first effort
by the Regional Centre for the
Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural
Heritage of Latin America (CRESPIAL) to
organize secondary data and primary
information regarding intangible
cultural heritage (ICH) and natural
disasters in Latin America and the
Caribbean region.
A brief presentation of CRESPIAL helps
to understand how this work wasdeveloped. Created in February 2006,
CRESPIAL aims to support the regional
integration towards the safeguarding
and the protection of ICH in Latin
Figure 1 CRESPIAL.
America. Its creation results from thesubscription of the Constitution
Agreement of CRESPIAL, signed between UNESCO and the Peruvian Government, aCategory 2 Center, under the auspices of UNESCO. Currently, 15 countries are
members and take part on activities: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa
Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, andVenezuela (Figure 1).
The CRESPIAL has five Programs:• Multinational Projects – Almost ten years of implementation, and three large
projects: Aymara Indigenous People, Afro-descendent Communities and Guarani
Indigenous People. In 2019, two new projects of CRESPIAL will focus on Natural
Disasters and on Armed Conflict.
• Program of Incentives for the ICH Safeguarding – Almost seven years, offers twocalls per year to finance civil society projects in the region.
• Community Management – It is considered a priority; it aims to encouragecountries to value traditional knowledge and to include the community

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management process into the public policies implementation. Among otheractivities, CRESPIAL elaborates material to help countries to promote effective
community participation in the ICH safeguarding process.
• Capacity-Building Program – Articulated with the UNESCO’s Global Strategy to
Capacity Building. It consists of systematization and elaboration of capacity
building material with different subjects, for a diverse audience. In 2019,
CRESPIAL will promote training of trainers’ workshop to improve regional
capacities in the ICH management.
• Knowledge Management – Implies in the systematization of knowledge about
ICH in the region, encompassing the State of the Art elaboration, which is an
overview about ICH policies, actions, instruments to ICH safeguarding in the 15
Countries.
Considering the importance of natural disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean
region, CRESPIAL intends to start a consultancy for the construction of a diagnosis in
the region about this theme and the different experiences in Latin Americancountries. Subsequently, this consultancy will generate inputs to elaborate the bases ofa multinational project in which the 15 member countries of CRESPIAL will take part.

The General Context of the Theme of ‘ICH and Natural Disasters’ in the Region
The information presented in this document is based on the ‘Impact of disasters in
Latin America and the Caribbean, 1990-2013’ report, elaborated by United Nations
Oﬃce for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), Regional Oﬃce for the Americas, andOSSO Corporation. This report encompasses 22 countries. Other documents andreports were offered by the aﬃliated countries as per contribution to amplify theregional knowledge on ICH and natural disasters in the region.
According to the UNISDR report, between 1990 and 2013:• From the total of more than 100,000 records of disasters, less than 1% (562
records) corresponds to intensive manifestations of the risk.
• On average, there are 23 intensive disasters per year.
• Each intensive disaster has an average of 37 human lives lost, 21,000 people
affected, 1,064 homes destroyed and 1,302 homes damaged.
• For each intensive record, there are 177 extensive. This is equivalent to 4,100
extensive records per year.
• From the general total, Mexico and Colombia had the highest occurrence ofrecords (43%), people killed (44%) and affected (65%), homes destroyed (44%)
and damaged (73%), which in turn account for 52% of the population of the 16
countries analysed. However, Guatemala and Ecuador, countries with smaller
populations, also recorded high losses and damages during 2012 and 2013.
Despite these impressive numbers, improvements in risk management are observed,
although they are not evenly distributed in the countries. This justifies the urgency in

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organizing efforts to improve our capacity to prevent and minimize the impacts ofthese events in the region and to offer methods of inventorying and safeguarding ICH
manifestations affected by disasters.
There are few analyses and systematized experiences on ICH and natural disasters in
the region, since the studies are often focused on material, tangible, andarchaeological heritage. This fact makes it diﬃcult to accurately understand theimpact of these natural phenomena on ICH of the 15 member countries of CRESPIAL.
Information on Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru and the Caribbean region is presented below.
Bolivia
The Lake Poopó is located more than 3,600 meters above sea level, in a desert andsalted region of the Oruro Province, between Bolivia and Peru. This lake was once
considered Bolivia’s second-largest lake and an important fishing resource for local
communities, the Uru. The Uru people inhabited extensive territory in northeastern
Bolivia and the southern highlands of Peru around lakes Titicaca and Coipasa, and also
along the Desaguadero River (Figure 2).
Throughout the 20th century, Poopó was completely dry between 1939 and 1944 andbetween 1994 and 1997, while between 1969 and 1973 it was reduced to a few salty
puddles. Events such as El Niño and La Niña, climate change, the low fluvial rainfall,
and river contamination by mining activities have aggravated the situation, and, in
2015, the lake dried up.
On top of that, the access to the Uru territory is limited because it is surrounded byother communities, which prevent the Uru people from accessing their traditional
territory and therefore their natural resources. The identity of this population is deeply
rooted in the water use and management they carry out, which means canalization,
management of small, water distribution, strategies to provide drinking water to theanimals, among other key elements for their economy.
The water management system is organized and planned by communities in advance,
and it is sustained by ceremonial acts. In recent times, this system has shown its

Figure 2

Lake Poopó (le�); and Urus indigenous people (right).
(Source: Ministry of Culture, Bolivia)

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limits, due to the prolonged drought and the change in other factors. The Ministry of
Culture of Bolivia is working on the declaration as ICH of the Plurinational State of
Bolivia of the knowledge and ways of life linked to the water of the original nation Uru(Qhas´- qot ´Zoñi). This effort seeks to make visible the relationship between climatechange, vulnerability and ICH, through the strengthening of the role of traditional
knowledge of indigenous communities for the resilience of the ecosystems where they
live.
EcuadorOn 16 April 2016, the Ecuadorian coast was shaken by a 7.8 magnitude earthquake,
whose epicenter was in Pedernales province of Manabí. This epicenter zone includes
a large concentration of heritage places in different cities and also has two
manifestations inscribed on UNESCO’s Representative List of Intangible Cultural
Heritage: marimba music and traditional songs and dances from the Colombian regionof the South Pacific and the Ecuadorian province of Esmeraldas (2015) and traditional
weaving of the Ecuadorian toquilla straw hat (2012).
In this occasion, the post disaster needs assessment methodology was applied to thetangible, intangible, archeological heritage, and cultural industries. The Ministry of
Culture and Heritage (MCyP) and the National Institute of Cultural Heritage
implemented a mechanism of inter-institutional coordination, the Ecuadorian Action
Strategy, in order to collect, consolidate and report periodically the information about
the impacts in the field of culture and cultural heritage at the national level. Somerelevant outcomes of this work are:• First response actions (emergency)• The policy of post-disaster reconstruction and recovery for cultural heritage• Diagnosis of effects on the intangible cultural heritage
The intangible cultural heritage diagnosis showed that with more than 200,000 people

Figure 3

124

Traditional weaving of the Ecuadorian toquilla straw
hat (le�); and Marimba music and traditional songs
and dances from the Ecuadorian province of
Esmeraldas. (Source: Ministry of Culture, Ecuador)

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AND NATURAL DISASTERS

affected, including artisans, entrepreneurs of traditional cuisine, popular artists andcultural managers, 40% of the ICH inventoried in the region was affected. One of themost affected sectors was handicra�s, especially those related to the weaving of straw
hats from toquilla. About 500 families of weavers in the region would have been
affected in the value chain, especially in the distribution and marketing of theirproducts. The earthquake also influenced recreation, and the processes ofintergenerational transmission of the intangible cultural heritage came to a standstill,which caused a major rupture in the social fabric of these territories. The heritage
festivals were interrupted, negatively impacting the economy.
The Plan for the Reconstruction and Recovery of the Culture and Heritage Sector
proposes short, medium and long term actions on three fronts of action:• Intervention and protection of cultural heritage and repositories of social
memory• Strengthening of cultural enterprises for the socio-economical activation of theterritory• Brigades and cultural accompaniment points for community emotional
containment through art and culture
The Plan strategies for the mitigation and recovery included:• Offering technical support to the ICH practitioners and to the local governments
to facilitate processes of community participation in the transmission ofknowledge and the execution of the festive calendar• Promoting workshops to the development of local traditional dance and music
such as marimba, and oral expressions• Creating space for a meeting of traditional games in the affected communities• Promoting meeting for local narrators for the oral transmission of heritage in the
shelters• Formulation of plans to safeguard manifestations at risk, especially thoserelated to cra�s, traditional building techniques, and cuisine heritage
Peru
The Peruvian territory is frequently affected by torrential rains, severe landslides, andfloods, associated with the phenomenon known as El Niño. In February 2017 thenorthern Peruvian coast, regions of Piura, Lambayeque and La Libertad suffered theconsequences of one of these events. The regions are rich in heritage sites –especially archaeological heritage – and intangible expressions, and host some of thecountry’s most important museums and many of their inhabitants live from thetraditional cra�s sector.
The Culture Sector of the Lima UNESCO Oﬃce, the UNESCO Emergency Preparedness
and Response Unit at the headquarters in Paris, and the Ministry of Culture
conducted post-disaster needs assessment (PDNA) for the Culture Sector in the

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region. To prevent the extensive damage o�en caused by El Niño, Peruvian Ministry of
Culture launched a disaster risk prevention program known as ENSO 2014. The
prevention program was developed in 63 sites of the affected region and through theapplication of a set of management measures. Certain sectors also received the directintervention.
The assessment encompasses: a) the creative industries and handicra�s, and b)
intangible traditions and practices, since for the Peruvian State they are part of thesame system of recognition and protection. Manifestations both recognized and notrecognized at the National level were assessed. The most affected manifestations were
those not recognized at the National level, in all the three regions.
The assessment showed that the natural disaster mostly affected cultural
manifestations through:• The diﬃculty of access to raw material• Damages of housing or oﬃces• Damages or loss of furniture and tools• Reduced accessibility• Diﬃculty to access market and points of sale
• Shrinking of tourism
Caribbean region initiatives
There are some initiatives being taken in the region, among them:• The Dutch Caribbean (composed of the six islands of Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao,
Saba, Saint Eustatius, and Saint Maarten) and Suriname held a consultative
meeting having ‘intangible cultural heritage and natural disasters’ as one of its
themes. Short pilot inventories were made in these territories.
• CARBICA (the Caribbean regional section of the International Council of
Archives) establishes a Caribbean disaster heritage network. This initiativeencompasses intangible heritage in the region.
• MOWLAC, the Regional Committee for Latin America and the Caribbean for the
Memory of the World Program, in its annual meeting, organized a workshop on
strategies for young people on human rights, memory, resilience, and natural
disasters.
• Cuba mapped ICH as a heritage management tool with application in disaster
preparedness.

General Impacts
General aspects of the impacts of natural disasters on ICH identified across Latin
America and the Caribbean region are here presented. Importantly, this is the first
institutional approach to the theme in the region, and does not have the intention to

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trace generalizations.
The most relevant impacts of natural disasters on the ICH of the communities in theregion were on livelihoods of ar�sans, with an increase of poverty levels. The
impacts on sites of historical value and the loss of resources also affect a range ofpractices and have the potential to cause the loss of cultural value and diversity inthe communi�es. These losses lead artisans to look for cheaper alternatives to
produce more and at lower prices, considering that their economy is weak. They may
also choose to abandon the activity, and tradi�onal cra�s lose value.
Many cultural manifestations that are closely related to economic income, such as
artisans’ practices and knowledge and the development of festivals and carnivals, areseriously affected by the breakdown of value chains and the decrease in tourism.
The increased frequency of El Niño episodes has meant a greater risk of young people
abandoning the cultural traditions of their communities. This situation provokes, forinstance, the loss of spaces where tradi�onal ac�vi�es are developed and theinterrup�on of educa�onal ac�vi�es that encourage young people to prac�ce theirtradi�ons. Adding to that is the lack of diﬀusion of places to prac�ce music anddance contributes to decrease the young people’s connection to their culture.
All these aspects put community sustainability at risk as well. The loss or low
accessibility to adequate inputs for artisans to maintain traditional practices isaggravated in cases of uprooting, when severe impacts on the territories impose
displacement which affects the social fabric of communities.

Challenges
The effort endured by CRESPIAL and presented here allowed the identification of thechallenges to preserving ICH in the face of natural disaster in Latin America and the
Caribbean region. They are:• Ar�culate ICH and risk management. Priorities in emergency contexts focus onproviding basic needs to the affected population. Achieve inter-sectoral actions
to seek comprehensive attention to the ICH in emergencies is a need.
• Measure the damage. In many cases, the evaluation is based on material
aspects of ICH, disregarding the intangible aspects that consequently are notincluded in the planning of emergency actions. ICH tools such as Safeguard
Plans or inventories could be used.
• Generate clear protocols and procedures for care in the prevention, emergency
and post-disaster contexts are essential.
• Generate strategies of memory and transmission of knowledge associatedwith ICH in an emergency situa�on.
• Strengthen networks for the exchange of experiences that help the systems ofanticipation, emergency, and post-disaster in the cultural sector.

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• Consider tradi�onal knowledge as input in rese�lement process, including
worldviews, access to natural resources, traditional organizations andcommunity’s relation with the environment.
• Demonstrate that ICH can contribute to the preven�on of natural disasters.
To make visible the fundamental role of communities’ traditional knowledge inthe prevention and anticipation of the impacts that natural disasters cangenerate.
• Demonstrate that ICH can contribute in post-disaster scenarios. Not only must
safeguarding actions be carried out to recover practices, manifestations andcultural expressions of the communities, these practices can also help in turn togenerate processes of adaptation and easier resilience of the populations intheir territories.

CRESPIAL Proposals
In a context of Multinational Program, CRESPIAL makes the following proposals:• To develop a consultancy for the construc�on of a diagnosis in the region
about ICH and natural disasters and the diﬀerent experiences in La�n
American countries.
• To develop mul�na�onal projects on the subject of ICH and natural disasters
in the 15 states members of CRESPIAL.

R���������
Aruba National Comission for UNESCO (2018). Inventory List of Intangible Cultural Heritage related to
Natural Disaster. Aruba: UNESCO.
Aruba National Comission for UNESCO (2018). Report on the Inventory List Knowledge and Practices
relevant to Natural Disasters in Aruba. Aruba: UNESCO.
United Nations, Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Lima oﬃce (2017).
Evaluación de las Necesidades Post-Desastre Cultura. Lima, Perú: UNESCO.
United Nations Oﬃce for Disaster Risk Reduction – Regional Oﬃce for the Americas (UNISDR AM),
Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID) and Corporación OSSO (2016).
Impacto de los desastres en América Latina y el Caribe 1990-2013. Ciudad de Panamá, Panamá:
UNISDR, AECID, Cooporación OSSO.

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSCOMMENTS BY RAPPORTEUR
AND RESOURCE PERSONPEOPLE, PLACE AND STORY: CONTEXTS FOR ICH IN DISASTER
MITIGATION
Meredith Wilson (Stepwise Heritage and Tourism Pty Ltd)INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND DISASTER: PERSPECTIVES FROMDISASTER STUDIESJC Gaillard (The University of Auckland)

PEOPLE, PLACE AND STORY:CONTEXTS FOR ICH IN DISASTER MITIGATION
Meredith Wilson

Stepwise Heritage and Tourism Pty Ltd

Introduc�on
Presented on the final day of the Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible
Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters, this paper was designed to summarise andreflect on the diversity of ideas presented by intangible cultural heritage (ICH) anddisaster scholars, practitioners and policy makers who presented at this forum. It is
increasingly acknowledged within disaster studies that culture (including ICH) has animportant role to play in disaster risk reduction (DRR), and that it is necessary toconsider how individuals and communities produce risk and respond to disasters(Bankoff et al. 2015). Recognising that risk and disaster responses are culturally
embedded, this paper proposes both a theoretical and a practical framework forenabling the culture and disaster fields to work together to support the use of ICH in
reduce disaster risk reduction, and to strengthen and safeguard ICH or ‘living heritage’
exposed to disasters.
Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is a relatively new concept both in the publicdomain and in the disaster risk reduction (DRR) field, where it is seldom explicitly
identified as ‘ICH’. In the literature on disasters, the concepts of ‘local knowledge’,‘indigenous knowledge’, ‘traditional knowledge’ and ‘traditional ecological knowledge’
are more widely used and understood, and serve as a synonym or proxy for ICH.
There is a growing body of literature, and numerous examples and case studies, that
demonstrate how local knowledge and, by extension, ICH can play a crucial role inmitigation at every step of the disaster management cycle, from preparedness
through to response and recovery.
The processes whereby disasters impact ICH are less well understood. Currently, PostDisaster Needs Assessments (PDNAs) provide the only formal mechanism by which
impacts to ICH are measured (Selter 2017). However, PDNA impacts are largely
calculated in economic terms, in the context of overall ‘damage and loss’ to a
country’s cultural sector. Such calculations might give us insight into the effect of thedisaster on, for instance, the ability of a practitioner to continue practicing his or her
ICH in the immediate a�ermath of disaster, but generally cannot tell us whether theoverall viability of an ICH element – the ability for it to continue being practiced – hasbeen compromised.
Previous investigations of the relationship between ICH and DRR have concerned therole of ICH in disasters and the impact on ICH of disasters. The IRCI workshop

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provided a forum for expanding this bipartite view, recognising that disasters have thecapacity to transform landscapes and lives to the extent that ICH is created or
re-created through the disaster process, reflecting the fluidity of the cultural process
and its relationship to individual and communal identity formation.
In this paper I re-present the People, Place, Story (PPS) model outlined in Wilson and
Ballard (2017) as one possible mechanism for understanding how disaster knowledge
is culturally constituted over the long-term, and for determining how disasters impact
ICH. The paper concludes with a proposal for a pilot study, bringing together
communities, ICH and disaster researchers, practitioners and policy makers togenerate the baseline information required for embedding ICH within DRR
frameworks, and for safeguarding ICH in the context of disasters.

The Role of ICH in Disaster Risk Reduc�onOver the course of the workshop and during the fieldtrip to Onagawa Town (Miyagi
Prefecture), participants were exposed to numerous examples of the specific andgeneral roles that ICH plays in disaster mitigation and the building of disaster
resilience in the Asia-Pacific region. Emphasis was placed on disasters that areassociated with or triggered by natural hazards. There is increasing doubt about thevalidity of the term ‘natural disaster’ as it implies an absence of human agency(Cannon 2016: 26). A disaster associated with natural hazards is o�en caused by risks
and vulnerabilities that exist within the impacted community and the local
environment.
Numerous examples of the ways in which ICH is mobilized in disaster contexts are now
available (Dekens 2007; Shaw et al. 2009; Wilson and Ballard 2017). Local disasterknowledge is commonly developed, modified and refined over long periods of time, in
response to the experience of successive disasters. In this volume, Soledad Dalisay
discusses how places of commemoration have played a significant role in defining
individual and collective responses to disasters in the Philippines. Several contributors
from Japan, including Hiromichi Kubota, Ryusuke Kodani, Tomoko Ichiyanagi, andHiroki Takakura, describe the critical role of performance and ritual in disasterrecovery a�er the 2011 tsunami. Melaia Tikoitaga illustrates how the iTaukei
governance system in Fiji is crucial for maintaining resilience in disaster contexts andconcomitantly reducing dependence on external aid.
ICH is never static, with both subtle shi�s and major transformations in ICH practices
occurring following or as a result of disasters. The 2011 tsunami in Japan led to thedecimation of key individuals and ICH practitioners involved in local rituals, as well as
key performance locations, forcing communities to rethink how best to proceed with
their ICH practices in the face of such loss. The recording and analysis of thesecommunal decision-making processes in the post-disaster context is fundamental tolearning about both the impact of disasters on ICH and how ICH figures in postdisaster recovery. In Japan’s tsunami-affected regions communities gravitated towards
their rituals, viewed by many as having played a substantive role in restoring a senseof daily rhythm to people’s lives (see Hiroki Takakura this volume).

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Understanding the processes involved in rebuilding, reconfiguring and transmi�ng ICH
in post-disaster contexts is fundamental to supporting disaster recovery and requires
interdisciplinary collaboration. It is crucial that the culture and disaster fields work
collaboratively in post-disaster environments to understand how ICH, ‘living heritage’,contributes to the ongoing health and wellbeing of disaster affected communities.
In the same vein, we must be mindful that resilience is unevenly distributed acrosssocieties. Certain individuals or sectors of society may not be privy to ICH disasterknowledge for political, cultural, economic or other reasons. As noted by Julie Dekens(2007: 32), ‘[w]e are not equal regarding access to, and benefits from, knowledge andinformation’.

Disasters and the Emergence of ICH
In addition to highlighting the role of ICH, the Sendai workshop shone a light on
instances in which new ICH emerges or is created in the context of disasters. As
former cultural landscapes are physically reconfigured by disasters, humanrelationships to their environment are likewise transformed. Former landscapes arerelegated to memories while disaster landscapes become the new reality; a tangible
signature of the disaster event. While communities proactively restore or rebuild theirenvironments as part of the recovery processes, certain disaster-made features can be
purposefully retained. Following the 2004 tsunami in Banda Aceh, Indonesia, some of
the boats washed inland were memorialized and converted to tourist destinations.
One boat perched on the top of a house in Lampulo village is revered for having saved
the lives of 59 individuals (Beverage 2014).
Trinidad Rico (2014) regards heritage that emerges through and beyond disasterevents as shi�ing the emphasis away from a ‘heritage at risk’ framework, which
preferences the preservation and management of pre-tsunami landscapes andheritage, to the recognition of new or emerging ICH which is mobilized by communities
to support their recovery and long-term resilience. As the 2003 ICH Convention
recognizes and valorises heritage creation and re-creation over time, it is particularly
well suited to examining the ways in which disasters and ICH reflect one otherthrough time and reveal the human capacity for resilience in emergency situations.
Notably, however, ‘disaster heritage’ does not always serve the victims of disaster. The
case of the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake in China is a cautionary tale of what happens
when heritage is hijacked for political or economic gain. In Beichuan County,
destroyed landscapes were turned into state-led tourism relics to support economic
recovery, failing to take account of the impact of the heritagization of former homes
and townships on local victims struggling to recover from the pain and trauma of thisdisaster (Mentec and Zhang 2017). Post-disaster contexts thus provide insights into thedifference between ‘disaster as opportunity’, whereby communities use their new
circumstances to reflect on and strengthen their capacity to deal with new disasters,and ‘opportunistic’ uses of disasters, involving the appropriation anddecontextualization of heritage for political or other purposes (see Meskell 2018 for an
in-depth discussion of the politics of heritage).

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In this volume, Phan Phuong Anh emphasizes how certain ICH elements from Vietnam
inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity
have been appropriated for performance, stripped of their context and function andmade immutable. Phan described this in her presentation as the ‘theatricalization of
ICH practices’. While ICH can emerge or be harnessed as a disaster recovery or risk
reduction measure for custodial communities (as demonstrated by Aceh’s tsunami
boats), it can also be repackaged and repurposed as disaster tourism, or as theatre,primarily for the gaze of outsiders. However, as Ryusuke Kodani observes in thisvolume, there is also a danger implicit in not listing ICH practices: listed heritage
elements that have been thoroughly documented tend to be afforded greater
protection in disaster contexts than those not formally recognized or registered insome way.

ICH Impacted by Disasters
As well as playing a role in disaster mitigation, the Sendai workshop provided further
cases of how ICH is negatively impacted by disasters. For instance, Md. Amanullah Bin
Mahmood (this volume), describes the impact of regular flooding on the richly diverse
ICH of Bangladesh, exacerbated by the amplifying effects of climate change and thewidescale displacement of populations. However, in other parts of the Asia-Pacificthere are examples of disasters having positively impacted ICH, through the promotion
and renewal of ICH practices. A�er the 2015 Ghorka earthquake in Nepal, and despitedevastating loss to human life and extensive damage to built structures, ICH practices
persisted, in some cases supporting the recovery and reconstruction process (seeYamuna Maharjan this volume; Government of Nepal 2015).
We need to be mindful that the vulnerability of ICH in disaster contexts varies
depending on the type and scale of the disaster and its impact on the different
components of ICH. While a disaster might destroy the tangible aspects of an ICH
element, such as the location in which a ritual performance takes place, knowledge ofthat performance can survive a disaster unscathed. Such knowledge might be held by
bearers and practitioners, or by knowledge repositories such as museums, archives,and databases. Disaster risk is not uniform for ICH, impacting its different components(people, places, and stories) in variable ways.
It is also important to be clear about what we refer to as impact, and what is claimed
to be a ‘disaster’. As noted by Bankoff et al. (2015: 3), ‘[r]isk is a result of societal
perceptions, decisions and actions and, therefore, a social construct’. Vu Canh Toan
illustrated this point in his presentation with respect to flooding in Vietnam. In someparts of the country seasonal flooding plays an important role in supporting local
agricultural systems, and people have adapted their houses and lifestyle toaccommodate flood conditions. In such cases a flood is not perceived as a ‘disaster’but a vital component of the agricultural cycle.
Similarly, the director of the Vanuatu Cultural Centre, Richard Shing, spoke during theworkshop about the potential benefits of ash fall on the fertility of soil andproductivity of crops on the island of Ambae, recently evacuated by the Vanuatu

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government due to the eruption of the Manaro Voui volcano. While the scale of theeruption has caused widespread damage to villages and gardens, many of the 11,000
evacuees from Ambae would view this as a temporary relocation until it is safe toreturn.
It is also important that natural hazards are considered in their broader historicalcontext and not just as destructive events (Bankoff et al. 2015: 6). Cyclone Pam, which
struck Vanuatu in 2015, provided the catalyst for the community to reflect on its own
responses to the cyclone and how it might improve their outcomes next time (Ballard
et al. 2019). In the Lelepa region on Efate, in the vicinity of the World Heritage area ofChief Roi Mata’s Domain, the role of chiefs in recent disaster-related governance wasdeemed to have been extremely weak. The post-disaster period compelled thecommunity to examine vulnerabilities in their governance systems that have escalated
over time. In this instance, the effect of the disaster was to expose flaws in ICH
practices, such as community governance, and to provoke reflection on possible
remedies.

Current Roadblocks to the Regulated Use of ICH for DRR
While the previous discussion canvasses the inextricable and important relationshipbetween ICH and DRR, how might this relationship be harnessed to reduce thevulnerability of communities and contribute to local, regional or national DRR
programs? There are several interrelated issues, raised during the workshop andelsewhere, that have been shown to limit our ability to embed ICH within national
conversations on DRR.
Preferencing the tangible
One issue is that the heritage field has directed most of its attention to the impact ofdisasters on tangible heritage, which is relatively easy to quantify and cost.
Assessments of disaster impact on ICH are also undertaken rapidly, usually within one
month a�er a disaster (such as during a PDNA). However, to be able to gauge
whether an ICH element has been affected by disaster requires a deep knowledge ofthe history of the element, including how the element has been sustained,
safeguarded and transmitted through time (Selter 2017).
Equally, national DRR frameworks o�en privilege the ‘tangible’ (infrastructure) andtechnological interventions that mitigate the impacts of disaster (Vu Canh Toan and
Abner Lawangen, this volume). Such interventions provide assurance that efforts arebeing made to control the impact of hazards but are o�en invoked via top-down
approaches and government-based decision-making processes. While acknowledging
that technical interventions play a fundamental role in DRR, intangible communitybased knowledge and decision-making processes are o�en ignored. However, as
Howell (2003: 4) states,
despite various systems (national warning systems, red crescent cyclone
preparedness programme), household preparedness and survival potential appear
to be very much dictated by economic and social circumstances.

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The example of the participatory three-dimensional mapping (P3DM) project in the
town of Tublay (Northern Philippines) demonstrates that there are tools at thedisposal of both heritage and disaster practitioners that might allow them to harness
the strengths of both tangible and intangible approaches to disaster (Lawangen thisvolume). If carefully applied, such approaches have the capacity to build bridges
between local community and government DRR policies and practices.
DRR-deﬁned ICH
Another limiting issue is that the disaster field tends to conceive of ICH or local
knowledge in DRR terms only; specifically, the technical role that ICH plays in disastermitigation (see for instance the breakdown of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) for DRR in
Shaw et al. [2009], such as ‘IK for river management, or ‘IK for coastal ecosystems’).
Conceived in this way, ICH runs the risk of being removed from its broader culturalcontext and thus potentially misunderstood.
An example is the Pacific meeting house (the Vanuatu nakamal, the Fijian bure andthe Tongan fale) which, alongside its many other social and cultural functions o�enserves as an effective cyclone shelter. Yet it is becoming increasingly diﬃcult to findthese structures in the Pacific because their broader role in society is diminishing.
Specialists in both the cultural heritage and disaster fields have become more awareof these structures in recent years; the cultural heritage field because they are
becoming an increasingly rare feature of Pacific cultural landscapes, and the disasterfield because of their role in cyclone protection. This growing awareness has
kickstarted international conversations about whether vernacular architecture should
be revived, particularly as a disaster mitigation measure. The materials used to build
these structures tend to be local, replaceable, and sustainable, so reviving themwould seem to make both practical and economic sense.
However, if we are to engage in conversations about reviving the Pacific meetinghouse for disaster mitigation purposes it is important to understand how thesestructures are embedded within broader social and political contexts. The disastermitigation function of these structures is secondary to their role as locales for chiefly
decision making and the transfer of cultural knowledge to young members of society.
Moreover, the social, cultural, political and economic conditions of Pacific countries
have changed in recent decades. The traditional meeting house has largely been
replaced by the church – which tends not to be built using customary methods ormaterials – and community governance arrangements have also transformed. It is notpossible to revive these structures without understanding these contexts, norsafeguard them appropriately. The revitalization of ICH for disaster mitigation purposes
needs to be approached though�ully, recognizing that disaster knowledge is deeply
embedded within broader systems of knowledge.
Likewise, if there is to be a conversation about the role of science in DRR, such as
early-warning systems in the case of Mt Merapi in Central Java (see Fadjar Thufail thisvolume), a respect for traditional early-warning systems is essential, as these systems
are o�en positioned within a much broader system of knowledge, connections to land
and relationships to other forms of ICH. It is important that communities are central

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSto decision-making with respect to the introduction and adoption of new ideas, andthat external organisations are aware of the impact of introduced technologies on
local ICH and culture more broadly, and the cultural appropriateness of theirinterventions.
An absence of DRR policy relating to ICH
A further issue concerns DRR policy, particularly at the State Party level. National
policies frequently acknowledge the important role that culture plays in DRR, butrarely is there a clear articulation of the functional relationship between
community-led DRR, the contribution of NGOs, and national-level DRR frameworks. A
frequently cited example of poor integration between these groups is when a wellmeaning aid organisation provides shelter to communities that have lost housing,unwi�ngly replacing local vernacular architecture and, in the longer term, theunderlying building knowledge. A similar point is made in Shuichi Kawashimi’s paper(this volume), in which he describes how ‘trial fishing’ and testing by disaster agencies
in Shinchi Town (Fukushima Prefecture) a�er the Great East Japan Earthquake failed totake account of the communal fishing knowledge of local fishermen, undermining
their fishing practices and their potential to contribute to the recovery process.
As noted by Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood (this volume), we need an alignment ofprocedures that integrate ICH and DRR-related policies. This integration needs to bemeaningful rather than perfunctory, and ground-up rather than top-down.
ICH and globalization
Finally, global issues such as climate change pose a dilemma for ICH as a DRR
measure. Some communities have discovered that their ICH toolkit is insuﬃcient tocope with unseen climatic events (see the example of climate change impacts on
cultural productivity in Anauk Phwa Saw, Myanmar [Khin this volume]). On the islandof Gaua, in Vanuatu, people are perplexed by the speed at which environmental
change is occurring. Along with experiencing unprecedented periods of drought,
garden pests unfamiliar to the local community are destroying staple crops and there
are no known local strategies for mitigating their effects (Wilson and Nojima 2018).
The absence of specific ICH to deal with global climate change has been raised several
times in this volume, and underscores a need to collaborate with outsiders to findglobal solutions to unprecedented disaster scenarios.

Finding an ICH-DRR Dialogue through People, Place, and Story
Today, the Asia-Pacific region is described as ‘disaster alley’ (Dunlop and Spratt 2017).
It is predicted that climate-related disasters in this region will become increasingly
dangerous and lead to migration on a mass scale. For ICH this is critical. As
demonstrated in the case of both Vanuatu and Bangladesh, when people are
extricated from their land they inevitably lose ICH, particularly that which is connected
to place. However, as Hiromichi Kubota (this volume) mentions, continued practice of
ICH (such as the lion dance) can play a crucial and reassuring role amongst displacedor diasporic populations as they settle away from their homelands, either temporarilyor permanently. ICH has the capacity to support social integration and cultural

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cohesion in the context of population displacement, and is therefore an essential DRR
measure. However, if ICH is to be integrated within DRR frameworks at the national
level, the ICH and DRR fields must find a shared pla�orm for dialogue, and ways ofunderstanding the linkages between disaster and culture.
Disaster knowledge is not easily extracted from its cultural context. Likewise, there isno discrete domain of disaster knowledge. A Pacific meeting house plays a role indisaster mitigation but has multiple other functions. One model for understanding therelationship between ICH and disaster is the People, Place and Story (PPS) framework,
which emerged through conversations with the community at the World Heritage siteof Chief Roi Mata’s Domain in Vanuatu (Wilson and Ballard 2017).
People, place and story are three essential modes of ICH that come together in theperformance and expression of an ICH element. If any one of these modes – each ofwhich can take a different form (see Table 1) – are missing, the performance or
expression of the ICH element can be substantially curtailed or compromised. The
health and vitality of people, place and story are equally essential to the articulation,transmission and safeguarding of ICH, and must be factored into our understanding of
the impact of disasters on ICH, as well as the role of ICH in DRR.
Figure 1 is an example of ICH-related disaster knowledge being transmitted by aknowledge-bearer, at a specific vantage point in the cultural landscape of Chief Roi
Mata’s Domain World Heritage property, and a potent illustration of the binding
relationship between people, place and story. Napsinfor is a casuarina tree located on
the sacred off-shore island of Artok where Chief Roi Mata was buried around 400
years ago (Republic of Vanuatu 2006). In the photograph to the le�, Richard Matanik
is explaining through sand drawing how cyclone events are predicted by measuring

Table 1138

People, Place, Story: a framework for knowledge transmission and safeguarding

Modality

Form →

Ar�cula�on →Transmission →Safeguarding

PeopleIndividuals,
communities,
agents,transmitters,
transactors,
institutions, states

Performance,
expression,
language, practice,mobilisation,
production

Space:
Intra-group,
external,
exchange, trade,the�, conquest

Place

Material or
tangible se�ngs,
sites,
environments,
resources,
settlements,
objects, artefacts

Local, national,
regional andinternational
strategies tosafeguard theforms, articulationand transmissionof ICH

Story

Immaterial orintangible,
knowledge,
narrative, tradition

Time:Inter-generational,
monumental,archival, memory

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Figure 1

Richard Matanik, Chair of the local World Heritage Management Commi�ee,demonstrating the path of the se�ng sun in relation to napsinfor. (Source: M. Wilson)

the distance between napsinfor and the se�ng sun in November and December eachyear, viewed from a particular location on neighbouring Lelepa Island. It is notpossible to relay information about this traditional weather prediction method at analternative location, or by individuals not versed in this knowledge.
This is not to say that relationships between the people, places and stories of ICH
remain fixed. We have seen from the various case-studies in this volume that disasters
trigger substantial changes to ICH. These changes are usually negotiated, rationalized,
and sanctioned by the practicing community, which has an intimate understanding of
the flexibility of its own traditions – see for instance the discussion by Florence
Lahournat (2017: 329) on the post-disaster ‘bricolage’ of the Japanese shrine festival
known as kagura. Takakura (this volume) also describes how elastic the boundaries of
ICH practices can be in his paper on structural time. However, while the viability of ICH
remains healthy if its elasticity is defined and expressed by practitioners andcommunities, once vital links between people, place and story are broken – throughprocesses of heritagization or decontextualization for instance – ICH is effectively
removed from meaningful, community-defined contexts and its viability becomescompromised (see the discussion by Ryusuke Kodani on the ‘ossification’ of culture,
this volume).

Change, Transmission and the ICH-Disaster Biography
A historical frame is essential for appreciating the way that the PPS components of ICH
evolve and change over time, particularly in cases where traditional practices havealready been impacted under the conditions of colonialism or environmental
transformation (see, for instance, John Campbell [2015] who describes changes to foodsecurity over successive disaster events). Longer-term changes that impact upon andshape ICH are critical to determining the health of an ICH element entering into andemerging from a disaster event. Likewise, understanding processes of ICH transmission– how and why particular forms of ICH are passed on – is fundamental to knowing
whether ICH remains viable. What are the social, economic and political conditions for

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transmission and are these fundamentally threatened or enhanced by a natural hazard
or other disaster?
Biographies of ICH that situate elements historically by defining their relationship to
cultural and environmental change through time, and that understand the shi�ing
mechanisms by which elements are transmitted through time and across space, areessential to developing plans or models for safeguarding ICH (Wilson and Ballard2017). ICH and disaster discourse cannot be understood in terms of a single disasterevent, separate from these broader temporal and spatial contexts.

Prac�cal Steps for Engagement across the Disaster and ICH Fields
The set of recommendations that have emerged from the IRCI project (this volume)offer key areas of research and practice that are essential if we are to: improvesafeguarding of ICH exposed to disaster; recognize the role of ICH in DRR contexts;
and integrate ICH within DRR policy frameworks. A number of these recommendations
could be usefully explored through a series of pilot studies that explore therelationship between categories of ICH and types and scales of disasters experienced
throughout the world.
The following table outlines a possible process for undertaking pilot studies that
integrate DRR and ICH with the intent of improving outcomes in the research andpractice of both fields. Currently, our approach to disaster monitoring for ICH is highly
reactive, occurring in the post-disaster phase and in the absence of baseline ICH
inventories and safeguarding plans.
The pilot study approach outlined here proposes a pre-emptive methodology in which
the baseline data is established, post-disaster assessments of ICH (people, place, story,
enactment, and transmission) can be more accurately ascertained, and communities
are central actors in the safeguarding of their ICH.
Steps for a combined ICH-DRR pilot study
Pre-disaster steps

140

1

Identify the criteria for the pilot studies, including a mix of disciplinary perspectives andexpertise; engaged communities; hazard types (type, scale, duration, recurrence); highlikelihood of imminent threat; existing historical data for ICH and disasters.

2

Select the pilot study areas and identify culture and disaster specialists based on criteria.

3

Communities prepare detailed and comprehensive ICH inventories with the support ofculture and disaster specialists.

4

Communities model threats or risks (cultural and environmental) to ICH elements. Threats tothe three modalities of ICH (people, place and story) are considered, as well as to theenactment/performance of elements, and their transmission.

5

Communities map appropriate methods for safeguarding ICH elements threatened bydisasters based on historical, local and global safeguarding approaches.

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6

ICH that plays a role in DRR is identified. ICH and DRR specialists work together to identify
cross-overs between ICH and DRR categories (e.g. governance). Some ICH elements may
already have been identified at Step 3.

7

Determine whether ICH elements used for DRR are still active; how they are constituted(people, place, story); when they’re enacted; and the processes of transmission involved.

8

Establish safeguarding strategies for ICH elements used for DRR purposes. This might involvethe inclusion of provisions in national or regional DRR and cultural policy frameworks.

Post-disaster steps
9

At an appropriate moment post-disaster, culture and disaster specialists support
communities to review and update the inventories and safeguarding plans for ICH elements
based on the impacts of the disaster event.

10

Communities take ownership of the ongoing assessment of disaster impacts on their ICH
and the role of ICH for DRR purposes, as reinforced through the previous steps.

Conclusion
This overview paper reflects on key points that have emerged over the course of the
Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters
and throughout this volume. These points are mirrored in the workshop
recommendations (see Annex 1 this volume) which propose domains of future cultural
and DRR research and practice that might inform our understanding of theinterconnections between these two broad fields, and improve the long-term
outcomes of communities exposed to disasters.
The People, Place, Story (PPS) model offers a framework for understanding thecomplex biographies of ICH elements over time, and across a range of hazards anddisaster cycle. Given the complexity of the lives or ‘biographies’ of ICH elements,
understanding how they are impacted by disasters, or mobilized during disasters,
requires a detailed record and appreciation of how they are embedded within sociohistorical contexts and governed by processes of transmission.
The establishment of baseline inventories and safeguarding plans for ICH, particularly
in places frequently exposed to disasters, is essential for ensuring that culturally
informed and appropriate ICH safeguarding practices are implemented. Pilot studies
that involve the integration of ICH and DRR approaches for safeguarding ICH in
disaster contexts would generate sorely needed data, for assessing the health of ICH
elements and for supporting targeted allocation of funding for ICH revitalization or
renewal.

A���������������
I am grateful to the International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-PacificRegion (IRCI) for inviting me on several occasions to provide research support for their signature
project, ‘Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in the Asia Pacific

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Region’. Thanks to the Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties and the Centre forNortheast Asian Studies at Tohoku University for their role in staging the Asia-Pacific Regional
Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters and the associated fieldtrip to the2011 tsunami-impacted town of Onagawa. Visiting the community of Tekenoura, who showcased their‘lion dance’ (shishifuri), was an unforgettable highlight of the workshop, providing insight into thecritical role of performance and ritual in the tsunami recovery process. I also extend my gratitude to
the participants of the workshop for sharing their ideas and understanding of the vital interplay
between ICH and DRR.

R���������
Ballard, C., Wilson, M., Nojima, Y., Matanik, R. and Shing, R. (In press). Disaster as Opportunity?
Cyclone Pam and the Transmission and Transformation of Cultural Heritage. Anthropological
Forum.
Bankoff, G., Cannon, T., Krüger, F. and Schipper, E.L.F. (2015). Introduction. Exploring the Links between
Cultures and Disasters. In: Krüger, F., Bankoff, G., Cannon, T., Orlowski, B. and Schipper, E.L.F. (eds.),
Cultures and Disasters: Understanding Cultural Framings in Disaster Risk Reduction. Routledge.
Beverage, C. (2014). The Boat that Landed on a Roof and Saved 59 People. BBC World News
Magazine, 24 December 2014. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-30542317[Accessed 29 January 2019].
Campbell, J.R. (2015). Development, global change and traditional food security in Pacific Island
countries. Regional Environmental Change 15(7): 1313-1324.
Cannon, T. (2016). Understanding Disasters and Culture to Protect Heritage: What Can and Cannot Be
Done, and Who Should Do It? Harmonizing Actions to Reduce Risks for Cultural Heritage in Asiaand the Paciﬁc Conference Report 7-9 December 2015 Georgetown, Penang, Malaysia. Paris:
UNESCO, pp. 26-27.
Dekens, J. (2007). Local Knowledge for Disaster Preparedness: A Literature Review. Kathmandu:
International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD).
Dunlop, I. and Spratt, D. (2017). Disaster Alley: Climate Change Conﬂict and Risk. Melbourne:
Breakthrough Publications, National Centre for Climate Restoration.
Government of Nepal (2015). Nepal Earthquake Post Disaster Needs Assessment. Kathmandu: National
Planning Commission, Government of Nepal.
Available at: http://www.npc.gov.np/images/category/PDNA_volume_BFinalVersion.pdf [Accessed 27
February 2019]
Howell, P. (2003). Indigenous Early Warning Indicators of Cyclones: Potential Application in Coastal
Bangladesh. London: Benfield Hazard Research Centre, UCL.
Meskell, L. (2018). UNESCO, World Heritage, and the Dream of Peace. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Republic of Vanuatu (2006). Chief Roi Mata’s Domain. Nomination by the Republic of Vanuatu forInscription on the World Heritage List.
Rico, T. (2014). The Limits of a ‘Heritage at Risk’ Framework: The Construction of Post-Disaster Cultural
Heritage in Banda Aceh, Indonesia. Journal of Social Archaeology 14(2): 157-176.
Selter, E. (2017). Post Disaster Needs Assessment Culture. Practical Guide for Implementation. CLT/
HER/EPR. Paris: UNESCO.
Wilson, M. and Ballard, C. (2017). Safeguarding and Mobilising Intangible Cultural Heritage in theContext of Natural and Human-induced Hazards. Desk Study. Paris: UNESCO.
Wilson, M. and Nojima, Y. (2018). An ICH-Disasters Dialogue on Gaua Island, Vanuatu. In: Iwamoto, W.,
M Ohnuki, and Y. Nojima (eds.), Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk
Management in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region. Project Report for FY 2016-2017. Osaka: International
Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia Pacific Region (IRCI), pp. 97-114.

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AND NATURAL DISASTERSINTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND DISASTER:PERSPECTIVES FROM DISASTER STUDIESJC Gaillard

The University of Auckland

Good day everyone! I have been tasked to provide some reflections on our
discussions from the perspective of disaster studies and disaster risk reduction.
First and foremost, it has been very useful and insigh�ul for me to attend thismeeting. I did not really know where I was going because I am beyond my comfort
zone here. I have no background whatsoever in heritage nor folklore studies. I am ageographer with a background in disaster and development studies and have realizedthat our field has a lot to learn from living heritage, ICH and heritage studies at large.
I think it is not so much about the contents, that are ICH and living heritage, because
disaster studies and disaster risk reduction consider most of what we have beentalking about over the past few days. Many things that are relevant to our discussions
here have indeed been in the disaster literature since the 1950s.
I think it is more about the process and how you do things in your field, both in termsof research and policy/practice, that we may learn a lot from you. This was reflectedin our discussions and seeing local researchers, local practitioners, talking about theirown experiences, talking about their own localities, wherever it is in the world, wasvery refreshing because we seldom have that kind of se�ng in disaster studies anddisaster risk reduction. Disaster studies and disaster risk reduction are the playgroundof Western researchers and Western ideas. Our field is skewed and biased by Western
epistemologies. I am going to give you just a couple of figures to illustrate that.
Over the past 40 years, 93% of people who died in disasters were living in countries
that are not members of the OECD. I am using the OECD as a proxy for the West. I
know it does not really work for Japan, Chile and Mexico, but this is the closest I canthink of. So, 93% of those who died in disasters over the past 40 years were living in
non-OECD countries. At the same time, you look at the authorship of papers
published in the leading journal in our field, which is titled Disasters, and you realizethat 84% of the lead authors are aﬃliated with institutions located in OECD countries.
There is a huge discrepancy to the point that with some colleagues we have beentalking about a ‘gold rush’ of researchers flocking to places affected by disasters in lesswealthy countries, doing research there with so many biases and skewed assumptions
about what is happening. This is problematic. I think seeing local researchers, local
people, talking about their own experiences is something that has been veryrefreshing during this meeting, especially because we, in our field, claim to be radical.
We claim to do things differently but we are not as radical as we claim we are. We

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have changed for the better, I promise, over the past 40 years. We have moved froma hazard-focused and technological approach to an approach which is more peoplefocused, everyday life-focused. But we are still reproducing a neocolonial, or sort oforientalist approach to studying disasters and doing disaster risk reduction.
Just look at the concepts we use. The very concept of disaster is a very Westernconcept. It was challenged 40 years ago as something which is very hard to translate
in most languages of the world. In the Philippines, for example, we do not have anexact translation in many local languages. The same is valid for vulnerability.
Vulnerability was suggested 40 years ago, in the mid-1970s, as a prompt to change
the way we look at disasters, to move from the hazard perspective to a more peoplecentered perspective. But in no way we were meant to roll out the concept elsewherein the world because it does not work; it does not translate. But this is what we arestill doing 40 years a�erwards.
So, we claim to be radical – but we are not, especially in terms of the process, how
we research and how we do disaster risk reduction. You are showing us the way, I
think, in how you do things in your field of heritage studies. I think there are a lot ofthings to learn on our side.
I have been personally encouraging people in our field to engage in some sort ofsubaltern disaster studies. I am not sure if you are familiar with subaltern studies. It
was suggested in the 1980s by a number of South Asian, mostly Indian, historians whowanted to study South Asian history away from colonial sources, colonial records, andaway from colonial epistemologies. The likes of Guha and Spivak who conductedfantastic studies in the 1980s and 1990s. I think we should encourage people to dothat in disaster studies. Local researchers, local practitioners, studying their own
locations, their own disasters from their own perspectives and trying to design policies
and practices from their own perspectives.
I think you are going in this direction by encouraging local researchers. This issomething we have seen over the past three days and there have been many
examples of this kind of approach. I am going to use Fadjar (Thufail)’s study of Merapi
as a sort of highlight, because we have a lot of studies of Mt Merapi in disasterstudies. Most of these studies have however been conducted by American, French,
German, Belgian and British researchers while very few have been carried out by local
Indonesian researchers. Fadjar’s study was so refreshing, pitching the whole topic froma very different perspective, a very sophisticated theoretical approach. It shows that it
is possible. I mean, our ideas in the West are not the only way. I include myself in
those people who need to be challenged here because I have been using theconcepts of vulnerability and disaster and I am a culprit as much as others. But it was
so refreshing to see such a study of Mt Merapi. I think we should go in this direction
and there is a lot to learn from you.
So, a lot of opportunities, but as well, I think, some challenges ahead if we want tobring our fields together. The challenges I see in terms of pulling things together or
learning from you are actually challenges we are both facing at the moment in our

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respective fields. I am just going to focus on three of these challenges. There could be
more, but three will be enough for the little time I have.
The first one is the kind of imperative we feel to list or label things and people. You
have your UNESCO lists. We have our lists of vulnerable people. Section V of the
Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, for example, lists a number of people
deemed vulnerable in disasters. People with disabilities, women, children, older
people, migrants and indigenous people. Should we actually label these people asvulnerable? Should we actually list them? The upside is that is we steer attention, andobviously NGOs get traction. They can get funding because the governments need toreport on what they have done to foster let’s say women’s participation in disaster risk
reduction. But at the same time what about those who are le� out? I work withprisoners at the moment. I also work with homeless people. They are not in any lists.
There is therefore a threshold of attention. They get further marginalized.
At some point it is good to label people, to list things, and I guess it is the same foryour heritage lists. However, what about the places, the practices, the cooking recipes
and everything that is not on the list? Do they get noticed? Or do they get further
marginalized because we think that we have captured everything? There is a real
challenge here. So, we have to be careful if we think of importing your list of ICH andlist of whatever into disaster risk reduction or into disaster risk assessment or postdisaster needs assessment. We have to be careful of being exhaustive. That leads me
to my second challenge which is somehow related.
It is a tension that I have felt very strongly about as both an academic and apractitioner over the past three years. It is the tension between the moral imperative
we feel to care for the most vulnerable but at the same time an obligation to respect
local culture. My question to you is what if, by safeguarding ICH we, in the end,
further marginalize and make some people more vulnerable than they already are?
I could use many examples of such dilemma. However, I am going to use just one
from Australia. We are currently doing some work on a very remote island in the
Northern Territory. It is an Aboriginal community located one hour and a half east of
Darwin by plane. We are doing some participatory mapping, exactly what Abner(Lawangen) showed us on Friday, for water management. In that particular place, weneed to work with the traditional owners of the land, the TOs, and it is a completely
fair requirement to respect Aboriginal culture. I fully believe in this. But, by doing so,
it means that we do not get any women’s input on the map. If women in thisparticular place have to fly over the island, they have to cover their eyes because they
are not entitled to look at some particular places that are sacred places. So, we
respect local culture, we respect ICH, we maximize ICH by building on the TOs
knowledge of the land but we further marginalize women. How do we deal with sucha situation?
It is a classic humanitarian dilemma. Think of people working in a famine-type se�ng,
in a patriarchal society, for example, where you have a very strong leadership of theelders, male elders. If you want to respect local culture and ICH then you have to go

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through the male elders but in the end you may starve those who are most in need
and who are possibly the women and the kids. If you want to feed the most in needthen you have to bypass local culture. This is a challenge in terms of ICH. If we wantto emphasize ICH, we may further marginalize some people. I do not have any definite
solution but we need to think about such dilemma across our fields.
The third challenge is the balance we need to strike between what we talked about on
Friday, which was safeguarding ICH (which is definitely very important) and what wetalked about this morning, which is more about fostering ICH, or building on ICH, toactually foster disaster risk reduction or foster recovery. ICH, I would say, is part ofwhat we call people’s capacities. I have not heard the word capacities during thismeeting. It is a Western concept again; biased, skewed. But we use this concept tocapture the skills, knowledge, resources that people use to deal with hazards and to
overcome disasters. This concept is important because capacities are endogenous (notindigenous). You are made vulnerable by how power and resources are shared withinsociety but you hold your own capacities. So, it is much easier, from a practitioner’s
perspective, to enhance capacities than to reduce vulnerability.
These capacities are the extension of people’s everyday life. Every one of you thismorning referred to the concept of, or the idea of everyday life, especially Ryusuke(Kodani). You emphasized the importance of everyday life and how we should groundpeople’s experience in everyday life. This is what capacities are about. It is theextension of people’s everyday life.
We know that disasters are the extension of everyday life too. Disasters are in no way
extreme and rare events dissociated from the regular social fabric. They are just theextension of this social fabric. That is why all these festivals, rituals, we heard about
this morning are so important in terms of ge�ng ICH into disaster risk reduction. Not
as one more vulnerable thing to consider because if we go down that road ofsafeguarding only ICH, then it is going to be one more box to tick in our proposals andreports. A few years ago, we had gender. Gender, ticked. Then now we have ICH. ICH,
ticked. We have to go beyond that. We have to look at ICH as a form of capacities andground this in everyday life, ground this in the regular social fabric and build towards
strengthening people’s livelihoods and lives on an everyday basis. I think this issomething that you have shown very strongly over the past few days.
In conclusion, I think that it has been a very useful experience for me to attend thismeeting. I did not really know, as I said, where I was going. But it has been very
useful. So, thank you very much.

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ANNEX 1

Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage
and Natural Disasters (7-9 December 2018, Sendai, Japan)
International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)Statements and Recommendations for Safeguarding ICH in Disasters
and Mobilising ICH for Disaster Risk Reduction
Preamble
The Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters wasconvened in Sendai, Japan, 7-9 December 2018. The workshop was organised by theInternational Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)
as its research project in FY 2018, in cooperation with the Tokyo National Research Institutefor Cultural Properties (co-organiser), and the Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku
University (cooperating body). The workshop was attended by more than forty Intangible
Cultural Heritage (ICH) and Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) researchers, policy makers, andobservers from Australia, Bangladesh, China, Fiji, Indonesia, Japan, Myanmar, Nepal, New
Zealand, Philippines, Republic of Korea, Vanuatu, and Vietnam within the Asia-Pacific region,
Peru in Latin America, the UNESCO Office in Beijing and three UNESCO Category 2 Centres in
the field of ICH (ICHCAP, CRIHAP, and CRESPIAL).

Statements
Reflecting on the discussions held at this three-day workshop, the workshop participants
made a series of statements and recommendations. While these are specifically intended for
ICH and DRR researchers they are relevant to all sectors working at the intersection ofculture and DRR. Workshop participants noted the following features of the relationshipbetween ICH and DRR:
•
•

•
•
•
•

ICH-related DRR strategies have been developed, refined, and transmitted overcenturies, reflecting long-term relationships between people and theirenvironments.
ICH practices, such as religious rites, ceremonies, stories and legends, and othercommunity-based activities, are an effective tool for DRR, including post-disasterrecovery.
Certain ICH elements have been identified as playing a highly specialized role in DRR
and community resilience, such as traditional weather and hazard indicators, andtraditional food preservation.
Traditional forms of building, engineering and agricultural knowledge that rely on
the use of locally-sourced raw materials can be effective in both reducing disasterrisk and supporting and strengthening community resilience.
ICH embodied in museums, monuments and other commemorative institutions andobjects, sustains and transmits a collective memory of disasters.
The effectiveness and applicability of ICH in support of DRR depends on a range offactors, including the nature of the hazard, the scale of disaster, and the social
context in which they occur.

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Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters(7-9 December 2018, Sendai, Japan)•

In a context of changing environmental conditions, the efficacy of certain ICH
practices and knowledge is being questioned. It is unclear how traditional indicatorsof impending disaster, or DRR practices, operate under these new conditions.

Recommendations
1. Understand the nature of disaster impacts on `ICH` or living heritage.
1.1. Due to the ‘intangible’ nature of ICH, it is not always easy to identify how it is impacted
by disasters associated with natural hazards. In many instances, impacts are assessed interms of damage to the tangible features of ICH, such as the places where ICH ispracticed or performed, or the equipment and raw materials used.
Further studies are required to determine ways of assessing the positive and negative
impacts of disasters on the intangible aspects of ICH elements.
1.2. ICH inventories are not always available as baseline data for assessments by cultural ordisaster specialists. Moreover, there are many elements that are not recognized by
local communities as ICH. These may play a role in DRR.
There is an urgent need to develop and regularly update ICH inventories, covering all
categories of ICH, that provide baseline information on ICH in vulnerable localities,
including elements that are important to communities and contribute to DRR.
1.3. Standardized measures for determining the impact of disasters on ICH are essential for
post-disaster assessments. However proposed measures, such as the ICCROM/Prince
Claus Fund handbook First Aid to Cultural Heritage in Times of Crisis (2018), have yet to
be tested and widely adopted. Determining the impact of disasters on ICH provides asolid foundation for developing ICH safeguarding strategies.
Once baseline inventories are developed, further studies are required to test
proposed frameworks for assessment and monitor changes to ICH following
disasters.
1.4. Given that ICH is held and transmitted by people, the importance of protecting
individuals who practice ICH is paramount.
Safeguarding strategies should make provisions for the protection of the individuals
and communities who possess and practice ICH and its transmission.
1.5. In cases where community-based ICH knowledge is being lost, museums, archives andother repositories of knowledge can play a crucial role in its storage and transmission.
Safeguarding strategies should make provisions for the protection of knowledge
repositories and their role in transmission.
1.6. ICH elements can be negatively affected during post-disaster recovery, particularly
through the interventions of humanitarian agencies: the replacement of traditional
local materials with foreign products, the re-organization of local economic activities,

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Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters(7-9 December 2018, Sendai, Japan)

and the bypassing of local governance structures, are some of the ways in which postdisaster interventions can negatively impact on ICH.
The impacts on ICH of externally-driven disaster relief and recovery interventions
should be further investigated and understood.
1.7. ICH has always been exposed to pressures exerted by globalization, urbanization, andlifestyle shifts. Disasters often accelerate or enhance these impacts, leading to thereconfiguration, transformation, or abandonment of ICH practices.
Recognising that ICH is subject to a diverse range of impacts over time and space,further research should examine the contexts and processes that shape the longterm transformations of ICH, in which disasters are treated as one amongst several
causative factors.

2. Understand and further explore the active roles of ICH in community-based DRR andpost-disaster recovery.
2.1. ICH can be highly effective in contributing to DRR, post-disaster recovery, andsustainable development.
Further studies are required that examine how local communities participate inusing, transmitting, maintaining, resuming, reviving, reconfiguring and transforming
ICH in the context of disaster, across all dimensions of DRR.
2.2. ICH can be generated as a direct result of disasters, such as the development of newforms of memorialization or new DRR practices.
Studies are required that identify examples of ICH generated as a result of disasters,
and that understand their role in community-based DRR initiatives.
2.3. The revitalization of local performing arts by communities and multi-sector social
actors can greatly assist in post-disaster recovery, uniting people displaced by disasters,
and exerting positive psychological effect on human and societal well-being.
Opportunities for communities to practice and revitalise their ICH following disasters
need to be maximised.

3. Further promote community-based safeguarding and mobilization of ICH in DRR,
including post-disaster recovery.
3.1. Cultural knowledge and practices that are used in disasters often form part of day-today lives and are difficult to perceive as ICH. Given that ICH is still a relatively new
concept, it is often challenging for people working in fields outside cultural heritage,
such as DRR professionals, government officials, and community members, to fully
grasp the role of ICH in disasters.

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Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters(7-9 December 2018, Sendai, Japan)

DRR and ICH stakeholders are strongly encouraged to continue learning about andpromoting the importance of ICH safeguarding and the potential role of ICH in DRR,
including post-recovery.
3.2. Insufficient understanding of ICH limits the extent to which impact assessments takeaccount of cultural loss and damage, and the extent to which ICH contributes to DRR,
including post-disaster recovery.
Review and regularly update existing ICH inventories and safeguarding plans toreflect what has been learned through the experience of disasters.

4. Enhance ICH-DRR dialogue to ensure that ICH and other cultural factors are further
incorporated into DRR planning at regional, national and international levels.
4.1. Major DRR programmes intended to increase community resilience have often
overlooked the integration of local DRR knowledge and practices, sometimes replacing
them with introduced ideas and technologies.
Community-based inventorying of disaster-related ICH knowledge and practices
should involve a diverse array of stakeholders, including local and external experts inboth ICH and disaster. These stakeholders should work together, in a relationship ofmutual respect, to define domains of cultural knowledge and practice that will assist
in identifying ICH that is relevant to DRR, and to understand this living heritage
within its socio-cultural context.
4.2. ICH research in DRR contexts remains limited. Likewise, disaster is not always
addressed in ICH safeguarding. Recognizing that disasters can affect the viability of ICH
is essential. ICH and disaster specialists are encouraged to work together to find waysof integrating and supporting both fields to improve the resilience of communities andto reduce the risk of disaster on ICH.
Research and practice should emphasize a ground-up approach to optimize ICH
safeguarding, acknowledging the importance of the Convention for the Safeguardingof the Intangible Cultural Heritage, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk
Reduction, and the Sustainable Development Goals, as well as the development of
DRR policies at regional, national and international levels.

(Adopted on 9 December 2018, Sendai, Japan)

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Asia-Paciﬁc Regional workshop on Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters
7-9 December 2018, Sendai, Japan
International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)PROGRAMME

DAY 1 (7 December 2018) Workshop Session
Venue: Meeting Room 8 (3rd floor, Conference Bldg., Sendai International Center)
9:00-10:00

Registration

10:00-10:15

Opening remarks
Wataru Iwamoto, Director-General of IRCI
Emiko Yamanashi, Acting Director-General of Tokyo National ResearchInstitute for Cultural Properties
Himalchuli Gurung, Programme Specialist for Culture, UNESCO Beijing Oﬃce

10:15-10:30

Introduc�on to the workshop
Yoko Nojima (IRCI)

10:30-12:00

Session 1 (Asia-Paciﬁc focus): Natural hazards/disasters and the transmissionof ICH
Facilitator: Hitoki Takakura (Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku
University)
The impacts of Disaster on ICH: The case study on a long term transforma�onof ICH in Myanmar
Mya Mya Khin (University of Yangon)
ICH management and DRR in Vietnam: current situa�on, gap andrecommenda�on
Phan Phuong Anh (Vietnam National University)
Disaster memory: Intangible cultural heritage as tools for remembering andcommemora�ng for disaster resilience
Soledad N. Dalisay (University of the Philippines-Diliman)

12:00-13:00

Lunch break

13:00-15:00

Session 2 (Asia-Paciﬁc focus): Challenges and lessons learnt from disaster
experiences, and the poten�als of local knowledge
Facilitator: Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural
Properties)
Intangible Cultural Heritage & Disaster in Nepal
Jayaram Shrestha/Yamuna Maharjan (National Museum of Nepal)
Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disasters in Vanuatu
Richard Shing (Vanuatu Cultural Centre)
Tu na inima, luvu na waqa: An iTaukei perspec�ve on Disaster Risk Reduc�onin the events of a Tropical Cyclone
Melaia Tikoitoga (iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Fiji)PROGRAMME

153

Between the King and the Scien�st: Mount Merapi Erup�on, Early Warning
System, and the Poli�cs of Local Knowledge
Fadjar I. Thufail (Research Center for Regional Resources, Indonesian Instituteof Sciences)
15:00-15:15

Coffee break

15:15-16:55

Session 3 (Asia-Paciﬁc focus): Enhancing dialogue between ICH and disasterrisk management
Facilitator: Yoko Nojima (IRCI)
Intangible Cultural Heritage and Natural Disaster in Bangladesh: Exis�ng
Policies and Strategies for Safeguarding
Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood (Former staff of FAO Oﬃce in Dhaka)
Roles of and challenges in mainstreaming Intangible Cultural Heritage inDisaster Risk Reduc�on processes in Vietnam
Vu Canh Toan (ISET-Vietnam)Par�cipatory 3D mapping in enhancing community–led disaster resiliency:
The case of Tublay, Philippines
Abner O. Lawangen (Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Oﬃce of
Tublay, Philippines/University of Portsmouth)

16:55-17:00

Closing of DAY 1

17:30-19:30

Reception (Venue: Meeting Room 4, Exhibition Bldg., Sendai International
Center)DAY 2 (8 December 2018) Excursion:
Revaitalisa�on of shishifuri folk performance in Takenoura Community, Onagawa Town
(Miyagi Prefecture)
9:00-

Departing Sendai to Onagawa (by hired bus)

11:00-12:00

Lectures (Venue: Meeting room, Onagawa Town Government Building)Introduction to the folk culture in Onagawa Town (Hiromichi Kubota, Tokyo
National Research Institute for Cultural Properties)
Revitalisation of shishifuri performances in Onagawa Town (Eiichi Hiratsuka,
Secretariat of the Onagawa Town Committee for the Reconstruction ofshishifuri Performance)154

12:00-13:00

Lunch

13:30-15:30

Visit to Takenoura Community for talks and shishifuri experience(Venue: Takenoura Community Center)
Talk on Takenoura community’s recovery and shishifuri performance by
Shigeo Suzuki (Leader of Takenoura Community) and Tadashi Abe(Takenoura committee for the preservation of shishifuri performance)
Shishifuri performance and lessons by community members

16:00-

Departing Takenoura to Sendai

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONAL WORKSHOP ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
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DAY 3 (9 December 2018) Workshop Session
Venue: Conference Room ‘Shirakashi’ 1 (3rd floor, Conference Bldg., Sendai International Center)
9:00-10:00

Registration

10:00-12:00

Special session: Eﬀorts of post-disaster revitalisa�on of ICH in Japan
Facilitator: Hiromichi Kubota (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural
Properties)
ICH contribu�ng to Post-disaster Rehabilita�on
Hiromichi Kubota (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties)
Signiﬁcance of Rescuing Intangible Cultural Heritage
Ryusuke Kodani (Tohoku History Museum)Coming to Terms with Disaster Recovery through Folk Performing Arts: The
Case of Fukushima Prefecture
Tomoko Ichiyanagi (Koriyama Women’s College)
Reviving Fishery Techniques: The Fishing Industry in Post-disaster Shinchimachi, Fukushima Prefecture
Shuichi Kawashima (International Research Institute of Disaster Sciences,
Tohoku University)
The Role of Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Disaster Recovery inFukushima
Hiroki Takakura (Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University)

12:00-13:00

Lunch break

13:00-13:30

Thinking about ICH and Natural Disasters: Perspec�ves and Challenges inLa�n America and the Caribbean Region
Adriana Molano and Lucas Roque Dos Santos (Regional Center for the
Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Latin America (CRESPIAL))

13:30-15:20

Final discussion (1): Workshop summary and General comments
Rapporteur’s summary report and comments
Meredith Wilson (Stepwise Heritage and Tourism, Australia)
Resource person’s comments
JC Gaillard (University of Auckland)
General discussion

15:20-15:40

Coffee break

15:40-16:50

Final discussion (2): Recommenda�ons for safeguarding ICH in disasters andmobilising ICH for DRM

16:50-17:00

Closing remarks
Hiroki Takakura, Director of Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku
University
Wataru Iwamoto, Director-General of IRCIPROGRAMME

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ANNEX 3

L I S T O F PA R T I C I PA N T S
Name

Aﬃlia�on

Presenters
DAY 1
Mya Mya Khin

Department of Anthropology, University of Yangon, Myanmar

Phan Phuong Anh

Department of Anthropology, University of Social Sciences andHumanities, Vietnam National University of Hanoi

Soledad N. Dalisay

Department of Anthropology, University of the Philippines-Diliman

Jayaram Shrestha

National Museum of Nepal

Yamuna Maharjan

National Museum of Nepal

Richard Shing

Vanuatu Cultural Centre

Melaia Tikoitoga

iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Fiji

Fadjar I. ThufailResearch Center for Regional Resources, Indonesian Institute of
Sciences (LIPI)

Md. Amanullah Bin
Mahmood

Former personnel of Food and Agriculture Organization of theUnited Nations (FAO), Dhaka Oﬃce, Bangladesh

Vu Canh Toan

Institute for Social and Environmental Transition-International,
Vietnam Oﬃce (ISET-Vietnam)

Abner O. Lawangen

Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Center Tublay, Philippines/ University of Portsmouth, UK

DAY 3
Ryusuke Kodani

Tohoku History Museum, Japan

Tomoko Ichiyanagi

Koriyama Women’s College, Japan

Shuichi Kawashima

International Research Institute of Disaster Sciences, Tohoku
University, Japan

Adriana Molano

Regional Center for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritageof Latin America (CRESPIAL), Peru

Lucas Roque Dos Santos

Regional Center for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritageof Latin America (CRESPIAL), Peru

Resource Person
Meredith Wilson(Rapporteur)

Stepwise Heritage and Tourism, Pty, Ltd., Australia

JC Gaillard

School of Environment, The University of Auckland, New Zealand

UNESCO
Himalchuli Gurung

Programme Specialist for Culture, UNESCO Beijing Oﬃce, China

Observers

156

Yuichi EBINA(DAY 1 only)International Research Institute of Disaster Sciences, Tohoku
University, Japan

Masami Iwasaki

Hokkai-Gakuen University, Japan

Setsuko Sato
(DAY 3 only)

Miyagi University of Education, Japan

Masayuki Imai(DAY 1 only)

Cultural Properties Division, Miyagi Prefectural Educational Bureau,
Japan

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONAL WORKSHOP ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
AND NATURAL DISASTERS

Aiko Yoneoka

Cultural Resources Utilization Division, Agency for Cultural Affairs,Japan

Aoi Sugiura(DAY 1 only)

Cultural Resources Utilization Division, Agency for Cultural Affairs,
Japan

Chen Xiaoxi

International Training Center for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the
Asia-Pacific Region (CRIHAP), China

Xu MingjiInternational Training Center for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the
Asia-Pacific Region (CRIHAP), China

Boyoung Cha

International Information and Networking Centre for Intangible
Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (ICHCAP)

Yunsuk Jang

International Information and Networking Centre for Intangible
Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (ICHCAP)

Co-organiser: Tokyo Na�onal Research Ins�tute for Cultural Proper�es
Emiko Yamanashi

Acting Director-General, Deputy Director-General

Mitsuru Iijima(DAY 1 only)

Director, Department of Intangible Cultural Heritage

Hiromichi Kubota

Head, Intangible Folk Cultural Properties Section, Department ofIntangible Cultural Heritage

Tomo IshimuraHead, Audio-Visual Documentation Section, Department ofIntangible Cultural Heritage

Megumi MaeharaHead, Intangible Cultural Properties Section, Department ofIntangible Cultural Heritage

Masaki Sano

Research Fellow, Department of Intangible Cultural Heritage

Janse Helga Sara Katarina

Assistant, Intangible Folk Cultural Properties Section

Coopera�ng organisa�on: Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University
Hiroki Takakura

Director, Center for Northeast Asian Studies; Graduate School ofEnvironmental Studies, Tohoku University

Yu Fukuda

Assistant Professor, Disaster Humanities Unit

Sakura Koretsune

Research Fellow, Disaster Humanities Unit

Organiser/Secretariat: Interna�onal Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the
Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)
Wataru Iwamoto

Director-General

Misako Ohnuki

Deputy Director-General

Yohei Hayashi

Chief Oﬃcer

Yoko Nojima

Associate Fellow

Tomoko Kato

Associate Fellow

Yasushi Tezuka(Inter Group Corporation, Sendai)

Hiroko Kuroi(Support Staff, Inter Group Corporation)

LIST OF PARTICIPANTS

157