Proceedings of the Out of Eurasia Hawaiʻi Conference, March 02-03, 2023

Trekking Shores, Crossing Water Gaps,
and Beyond:Maritime Aspects in the Dynamics of"Out of Eurasia" Civilizations
Edited by Akira GOTO and Naoko MATSUMOTO

Pukapuka, a remote atoll in the northern Cook Islands
Photo courtesy by Mr. Kolee TINGA

Grant-in-Aid for Scientiﬁc Research on Innovative Areas (2019-2023)

Integrative Human Historical Science of Out of Eurasia
Exploring the Mechanisms of the Development of Civilization

=======================================================================
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas (2019–2023)
Integrative Human Historical Science of “Out of Eurasia” Exploring the Mechanisms of theDevelopment of Civilization=======================================================================

Proceedings of the Out of Eurasia Hawaiʻi Conference,
March 02-03, 2023
Trekking Shores, Crossing Water Gaps, and Beyond:Maritime Aspects in the Dynamics of "Out of Eurasia" Civilizations

Edited by
Akira GOTO
Naoko MATSUMOTO

1ⅰ

Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas (2019–2023) JP19H05731
Integrative Human Historical Science of “Out of Eurasia”
Exploring the Mechanisms of the Development of Civilization
http://out-of-eurasia.jp©2024 by the Individual Authors.
ISBN: 978-4-910223-19-3 (Print edition)
978-4-910223-20-9 (Online edition)
Editors: Akira GOTO (Nanzan University)
Naoko MATSUMOTO (Okayama University)
Publishing Office
Research Institute for the Dynamics of Civilizations
Okayama University
3-1-1 Tsushima-naka, Kita-ku, Okayama, 700-8530, JAPAN
Phone +81-(0)86-251-7442

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CONTENTS
Conference Participantsvivi

Preface1

Akira GOTO and Naoko MATSMOTO
Keynote Lecture
Seth QUINTUS
What Polynesian Agriculture Teaches Us About Niche Construction

6

Part 1 Exploring Maritime Migration: Methods and Materials
Loren DAVIS
Searching for Submerged Late Pleistocene Archaeological Evidence
23

Along the Northern Pacific Rim
Matthew DES LAURIERS
Form, Function, and Design of Terminal Pleistocene shell fishhooks of the Pacific Rim:
Coincidental convergence or shared knowledge?

35

Hideyuki ŌNISHI
Aleutian Kayak under the Colonisation of the North Pacific Coast: Techniques of the Body
concerned with Building and Steering Aleutian Kayak in the Russian Colonial Era

51

Tsuyoshi WATANABE and Atsuko YAMAZAKI
Corals: A high-resolution Window for Mature and Human Memories

62

Akira GOTO
The Watercraft of Out-of-Eurasia Groups: A Review, a Re-evaluation and Prospects

70

Part 2 Human Body and Cognition
Michael PIETRUSEWSKY
Review of the Peopling of the Pacific: A Craniometric Perspective

89

Noriko SEGUCHI“Pacific Paradox” Revisited: Using Osteometric Data.

101

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Taro YAMAMOTO
Unique Hemoglobin Dynamics in Female Tibetan Highlanders

103

Takumi ISHII and Naoko MATSUMOTO
Mutual Permeation Model of Things, People, and the Supernatural: Insights from Jomon Pottery
108

and Dogu Figurines
Jun SAIKIHow Do Cultural Artifacts Shape Visual Attention? A Computational Model Analysis of Cultural

117

Variability in Visual Search
Takehiko MATSUGIMonument, Ritual, Worldview, and Social Stratification in Prehistoric and Protohistoric Japan from

129

a Aaritime and Water Perspective
Part 3 Innovative Research Methods
Kazuhiro SEKIGUCHI141

arcAstro-VR for Archaeoastronomy
Joseph RYANLiDAR Surveying of Ancient Mounded Tombs (kofun) in Japan

154

Douglas C. COMER
Uncovering the Environmental Conditions at the Nan Madol World Heritage Site throughAirborne LiDAR and Satellite SAR Data: The Development of a Monumental Stone Landscape165

Mitchell PORTER
Satellite Data Demonstrating the Need for Refined Navigational Knowledge Essential to Cultural
180

Development in the Caroline Islands
Part 4 Landscape and Monuments: New Insight
Tomo ISHIMURA
Ancient Sea Scape of Japan: Burial Mounds as Navigation Points

195

Jennifer KAHN
Multisensory Experiences of Māʻohi Marae: An Ethnohistorical and Archaeological Study of
Political Theater in the Pre-Contact Society Island Chiefdoms

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204

Toru YAMAGUCHI
Direct Historical Approach to Ritual Landscape in Tongareva Atoll, the Northern Cook Islands

219

Yoko NOJIMA
Ceremonial landscape in Island Melanesia: The gamal complex of the Banks Islands, Northern
229

Vanuatu

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Proceedings of the Out of Eurasia Hawaiʻi Conference,
March 02-03, 2023
Trekking Shores, Crossing Water Gaps, and Beyond:Maritime Aspects in the Dynamics of "Out of Eurasia" Civilizations

List of Participants
Hirofumi KATO

Hokkaido University

Matthew DES LAURIERS California State University, San Bernardino
Loren DAVIS

Oregon State University

Hideyuki ŌNISHI

Doshisha Women's College of Liberal Arts

Akira GOTO

Nanzan University

Pāʻanaakalā BAYBAYAN TANAKA

Hui o Waʻa Kaulua, ʻOhana Waʻa, Polynesian Voyaging
Society

Tsuyoshi WATANABE

Hokkaido University

Atsuko YAMAZAKI

Nagoya University

Noriko SEGUCHI

Kyushu University

Michael PIETRUSEWSKY University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa
Yoshiyuki UEDA
Jun SAIKI

Kyoto University
Kyoto University

Naoko MATSUMOTO
Takumi ISHII

Okayama University

National Museum of Japanese History

Taro YAMAMOTO

Institute of Tropical Medicine, Nagasaki University

Seth QUINTUS

University of HawaiʻiKazuhiro SEKIGUCHINational Astronomical Observatory of Japan

Douglas C. COMER

Cultural Site Research and Management Foundation

Joseph RYAN

Okayama University

Tomo ISHIMURATokyo Institute of Cultural Assets

Takehiko MATSUGINational Museum of Japanese History

Yoko NOJIMAIRCI (International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the
Asia-Pacific Religion)

Barry ROLETT

University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa

Hisashi NAKAO

Nanzan University

Tetsuya INAMURAThe Open University of Japan

Mitchell PORTER

Cultural Site Research and Management Foundation

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Preface
Homo sapiens originated in Africa and migrated eastwards across Eurasia by northward andsouthward routes. From the eastern edge of Eurasia, they migrated to the Americas and to the islandsof Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania. It is agreed that the migration from Sundaland to Sahul (anancient continent consisting of the island of New Guinea and the Australian continent) in the islandsof Southeast Asia was by sea.
In Japan, obsidian from Kozushima in the Izu Islands was transported by sea to Honshu Island
38,000 years ago. This demonstrates two facts: (1) humans had already migrated to the Japanesearchipelago 38,000 years ago, and (2) they already had the ability to sail to the open sea. There arethree possible routes of human migration to the Japanese archipelago. (1) Hokkaido Island, which waspart of the Pleistocene glacier Sakhalin, could have been reached on foot. (2) Northern Kuyshu, which
may or may not have been connected to the Korean peninsula. In both cases, some form of watercraftmust have been used to cross aquatic (sea or wetland) environments. (3) The Ryukyu Islands wereseparated from the Eurasian continent by the sea, and it was necessary to cross the sea to reach theseislands (see 1-5 paper).
The migration to America was thought to have taken place on foot across Beringia during the
Pleistocene Ice Age, but a new theory has been proposed in recent years. In fact, during the existenceof the Laurentide Ice Sheet, people who reached Alaska were able to move southwards, since thePacific coast of the New World already had settlements at that time. This phenomenon is explainedby the fact that migration along the Pacific Ocean was possible (see 1-1 and 1-2 papers).
Although there are still many problems to be solved, these archaeological phenomena indicatethat one of the characteristics of the Out-of-Eurasia groups was maritime migration, and this was themain theme of a two-day international meeting held at the Hawaiʻi Imin International ConferenceCenter at Jefferson Hall, East-West Center of the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa on March 2-3, 2023.
This volume contains most of the papers presented at the second major international research meetingof the “Integrative Human Historical Science of ‘Out of Eurasia’: Exploring the Mechanisms of theDevelopment of Civilizations”, a five-year research project supported by MEXT Grants-in-Aid for
Scientific Research on Innovative Areas that started in 2019 (https://out-of-eurasia.jp/). In addition to
15 project members from Japan, three invited researchers from Japan, seven invited researchers fromthe United States including Hawai’i, and a Hawaiian colleague from the Polynesian Voyaging Society(see the list of participants). As our project focuses on the interaction of matter and mind through thebody, it was important for us to actually gather in Hawaiʻi to discuss the issue. It was a valuable
experience that we could deepen our discussions while experiencing Hawaiʻi 's landscape and material
culture while visiting the Bishop Museum, Waimea Valley, and the Polynesian Center on thefollowing day.
During the two-day conference, we shared the latest information on the sea routes used during
these maritime migrations and discussed how humans originated in Africa, walked along the coast,1crossed water gaps and moved further out of sight.
In our Out-of-Eurasia project, we have used a triadic niche construction model to identify theimportance of these processes. This model explores the process of niche construction in which humans
change their environment on their own, and these changes influence the evolution of subsequent
generations.
Take Polynesia as an example. Technological changes that enabled Polynesians to undertake long
voyages to unexplored remote islands were probably coupled with changes in physical characteristics
to withstand and survive the long voyages. At the same time, Polynesian ancestors learned to readnatural signs and make inferences to estimate the location of islands and the direction of the sea route.
In addition, on the new island, Polynesian ancestors encountered new environments and resources andadapted to this new niche. Although land resources were often limited, Polynesian ancestors thentransformed the environment and created a new niche by introducing crops and livestock brought from
Eurasia.
Then, in some parts of Polynesia, such as Hawaiʻi, Tahiti, or Tonga, society evolved into complex
chiefdoms or "states" comparable to ancient civilizations around the world. Many symbolic objects ofprestige, monuments, rituals, myths, and so on developed. These changes further modified the social
environment and created a new niche.
The keynote lecture by Seth Quintus addresses this very problem of niche construction in the islandcontext of Polynesia. He has shown how niche is constructed through perturbation and relocation,
which in turn lead to inception and counteraction. These changes are inherited through threemechanisms: genetic inheritance, cultural inheritance, and ecological inheritance. They are in turn
integrated into the emergence of niche construction. He further explores the meaning of ecosystemengineering as a key concept and discusses how organisms, including humans, become entangled in
ecological webs with each other and need to respond to the nature of these changing entanglements
using agricultural systems on Mangaia in the Cook Islands and Oʻahu in the Hawaiian Islands.
Part 1 presents new methods for elucidating human maritime migrations.
Loren (1-1) proposes a new approach to the submergence of landforms and archaeological sites
due to sea-level changes from the Pleistocene to the Holocene to search for traces of early migration
to the Americas. Des Lauriers (1-2) provides a detailed analysis of the morphology and technologicalprocess of making fishhooks recovered from Terminal Pleistocene sites on the west coast of North
America, highlighting the role of boat-using populations living on such islands as Okinawa and thewestern Pacific coast rim in the early migration to North America. Ōnishi (1-3) discusses the socioeconomic significance of animal-skin boats, Kayak or Baidarka (Russian), which may have been used
for migration to the Americas, from an ethnoarchaeological perspective based on missionary records.
Watanabe and Yamazaki (1-4) work on reconstructing high-resolution paleoclimates by analyzingcoral fossils in tropical waters and explore their relationship to human maritime migrations. Goto (1-25) reviews the ethnography of indigenous boats on the Pacific rim and islands,and explores thepotential for experimental archaeology of grass bundle boats, bamboo/log rafts, and dugout canoes
that may have been used during early human maritime migrations.
In Part 2, the problem of body and mind, i.e., physical and psychological aspects in non-Eurasiangroups, was discussed.
Pietrusewsky (2-1) provides an overview of craniometric analyses showing the presence of two
major divisions, (1). Australia, Tasmania, and geographical Melanesia, and (2). East Asia, Southeast
Asia, and Polynesia. The results show a separate origin of the inhabitants of these two major
geographic regions, a finding that is consistent with archaeological, historical linguistic, and genetic
models. Following this discussion, Seguchi (2-2) reviews the current status of human remains researchin the Pacific, including ethical issues.
Yamamoto (2-3) discusses another feature of non-Eurasian populations, highland adaptation, using
hemoglobin dynamics among Tibetan highlanders. As a result, he has suggested the possibility of sex
differences in the optimal adaptation mechanism with respect to their hypoxic environment.
The remaining three papers are more concerned with the psychological and cognitive aspects ofhumanity.
Ishii and Matsumoto (2-4) have dealt with a unique artifact of the Jomon, Japan: the dogu figure.
They argue that the worldview behind the dogu consists of the mutual interaction of three worlds: thesupernatural, the natural, and human society. Contrary to the modern view of "artifact making," clay,
clay spirits, and humans are all involved in the production of both dogu and Jomon pottery.
Saiki (2-5) attempts to explore the difference in cognitive tendency to space and coordinate
systems by comparing the cognition of geometric figures between Americans and East Asians.
Experiments show differences in perceptual span based on orthographic system and asymmetry searchwith line-length search. He argues that the interaction with material culture will also be an importantfactor in explaining cultural variability.
Matsugi (2-6) points to the symbolic importance of long-distance maritime trade rather than the
Marxist model of a social hierarchy based on increasing productive forces. In particular, the relianceon maritime trade in ironware created a worldview unique to the Japanese archipelago in terms ofsocial status. This suggests that the Japanese archipelago achieved a social complex unique to maritime
societies, distinct from mainland China and the Korean peninsula.
Part 3 focused on the recent practice of LiDAR research in Japan and the Pacific Islands.
Sekiguchi, Iwashiro, and Hojo (3-1) demonstrated a newly developed system called arcAstro-VR,
which integrates DTM obtained by LiDAR with the astronomical simulation system Stellarium. They
applied this system to the settlement site of Yoshinogari (Yayoi period) to investigate how theorientation of the site was related to astronomical phenomena. Ryan (3-2) shows the results of LiDAR
research on Kofun mounds in the Okayama Plain. In particular, he shows the spatial framework of the3mounds together with ancient major roads.
Comer et al. (3-3) pioneered LiDAR research on Nan Madol, Pohnpei, the largest stonemonuments in the Pacific. Their research, which analyzed the topographic context of Nan Madol, has
led to a significant finding that this religious city was supported by a complex agricultural system built
on the adjacent island, Temwen. Potter et al. (3-4) have provided a new approach to elucidate thedevelopment of navigational knowledge in the Caroline Islands of Micronesia. They used a
combination of satellite data to model the complexity of ocean dynamics and examined satellite
images of ocean currents, wave and bathymetry patterns, sea surface temperature (SST), and windproducts to understand indigenous navigational cues from ocean dynamics.
Part 4 discussed monuments of Japan and the Pacific Islands.
Ishimura (4-1) has analyzed the seascape of the Kofun period of Japan by using topographic
simulation (Kasimir) and proposed that coastal burial mounds could serve not only for religious
purposes but also as navigational markers (traditional yama-ate method, i.e., triangulation byobserving mountain peaks).
Kahn (4-2) has combined ethnohistorical, linguistic, and archaeological data to explain
multisensory perceptions of scents, sounds, and visual spectacles in the development of religious
monuments in the Society Islands. In particular, she has analyzed how chiefs and priests designed thereligious space in which the ʻOro war cult was performed as a national-level ceremony.
Yamaguchi(4-3) used a direct historical approach based on written documents of marae
ceremonies by Western explorers. He has shown in detail how and why such documents were written
by examining the interaction of several agents, such as chiefs, priests, ordinal inhabitants, andWesterners.
The presence of megalithic monuments is widespread in Melanesia, but their study has lagged
behind that of Polynesia. Nojima (4-4) has approached the reality of an ethnographically recorded
rank-grading system (suqe) through ethnoarchaeological analysis of men's meeting place andtraditional dance in the Banks Islands.
Thus, the two-day conference may have raised more questions than it answered, but we believe it
was a success in testing new geophysical, archaeological, ethnographic, physical anthropological,
physiological, cognitive, and psychological methods for approaching the Integrative Human Historical
Science "Out of Eurasia".
This conference gave us many clues on how to approach the issue of human migration, especiallymaritime migration, and how to understand the formation of civilizations in different regions.
<Acknowledgement>
We would like to express our sincere gratitude to the participants of the two-day conference at theEast-West Center and to the authors of this collection of papers.

4

Our thanks are also directed to the staff of the East-West Center of the University of Hawaiʻi for
their assistance in making the conference possible, Mr. Eric Komori, who introduced Dr. Yosihiko
Sinoto's achievements during the excursion, and Ms. Shoko Hisayama, the secretary who acted as anintermediary. We are also deeply indebted to Ms. Chihiro Shimada for her editorial work.
Akira GOTO
Naoko MATSUMOTO

5

What Polynesian Agriculture Teaches Us About Niche Construction
Seth QUINTUS
Department of Anthropology, University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa

Introduction
Humans are successful because we are able to construct our own environments that counteract
conditions that would otherwise inhibit our ability to survive (Boivin et al. 2016; Ellis 2015; Smith 2007).
This is most evident in how we change the environment to promote the growth of plants (Quintus andAllen 2023). We share the ability to construct environments suitable to our species with other organisms;
this general behavior and the evolutionary process it gives rise to are called niche construction (Odling
Smee et al. 2003). Simply, niche construction is the process by which organisms modify their own
evolutionary trajectory or that of other organisms through their own behavior. Organisms co-create theirenvironment so that the selective context of that generation and subsequent generations are modified.
The islands of Polynesia have long been thought of as laboratories or model systems for theinvestigation of ecology and human-environment dynamics (Kirch 2007; Vitousek 2002). Model systems
are particular cases that exemplify well some process in such a way that it is likely that the case provides
insights into the process more generally. Here, I argue that Polynesian agriculture is one such model
system for the process of niche construction. As a model system, it exemplifies the process of niche
construction and provides insights that other examples do not given the unique cultural and ecologicalcharacteristics of Polynesia. In particular, I draw attention to the notion of emergent attractors.
Niche Construction Theory
All organisms, even those that are small and short-lived, have some effect on the surrounding
environment. The process of niche construction occurs when those environmental changes cascade toaffect the evolution of that organism or other organisms (Laland et al. 2019). Such niche construction canwork in two ways: perturbation and relocation (Odling Smee et al. 2003). Niche construction throughperturbation occurs when an organism modifies the environment, thereby counteracting or creating new
selective pressures working on itself or other organisms. Relocation refers to the creation or counteractionof selective pressures through the movement of an organism. Within these categories are two otherdimensions: inception and counteraction. Inception occurs when novel selective pressures are the outcomeof the organism’s behavior, whether intentional or not. In contrast, counteractive niche construction occurs
when a behavior is meant to counteract selective pressures caused by rapid changes in external conditions.

6Figure 1. The islands of the eastern Pacific with Mangaia and Oʻahu labelled.

7

Evolutionary change requires some mechanism of inheritance. Conventionally, such inheritance has
been through genes or cultural learning. Niche construction adds a third form of inheritance in ecologicalinheritance (Odling Smee and Laland 2011). Through ecological inheritance, outcomes of perturbations

Figure 2. An excavated boundary wall in the Kāʻu Field System, Hawaiʻi Island.

8

(ecosystem engineering) or relocation are experienced by the organisms or other organisms. Similar to
cultural learning, ecological inheritance can occur across generations, not just between generations. Unlike
most examples of cultural learning, the effects of changes in the environment caused by different
organisms can accumulate or counteract each other. All these elements are inherited, not just thoseelements that are the result of a single species. In essence, organisms become entangled in ecological webs
with each other and need to respond to the nature of those changing entanglements.
There are few practices where entanglements are more clearly seen than in agriculture (Ingold 1995).
By its nature, agriculture involves several organisms and changes to the environment (Fuller et al. 2011).
While human engineering is rightfully the focus of investigation, other organisms also influence elementsof the environment that are cultivated (Quintus et al. 2023b). Humans and other organisms respond to theaccumulation of these modifications, both behaviorally and biologically. It is this reciprocal causation that
produces trajectories of agricultural change (Morrison 2014; Quintus and Allen 2023).
Polynesia and Polynesian Agricultural Niche Construction
The Polynesian triangle occupies a vast region of the southern and eastern Pacific, ranging fromNew Zealand to Rapa Nui and Hawaiʻi. Within the region are two cultural areas: West and East
Polynesia (Figure 1).
West Polynesia is the geographically smaller of these two areas, constituted by Tonga, Sāmoa, Niue,‘Uvea, Futuna, and adjacent smaller islands. These islands are closer together than those in East Polynesia,
though there is still substantial geological complexity as the region straddles the resource-importantandesite line. The expansive nature of East Polynesia encompasses both geological and ecologicalcomplexity, ranging from the subartic islands of southern New Zealand to the tropical environments ofCentral East Polynesia.
The entire region shares a linguistic heritage, leading to the definition of Polynesia as a cultural area
in a classic sense (Kirch 2020), but there are substantial temporal differences in settlement. West Polynesia
was first settled by groups using Lapita pottery, a material cultural marker of the first settlement of Remote
Oceania that appears in the Mussau group of the Bismarck Archipelago some 3200-3400 BP (Kirch 2021)
and in Remote Oceania by 2900-3000 BP (Sheppard et al. 2015). The earliest record of Lapita in West
Polynesia comes from Tonga at 2850 BP (Burley et al. 2015) and, then, Sāmoa shortly thereafter (Petchey2001). Populations spread across West Polynesia at this time, eventually abandoning Lapita ceramics(Burley et al. 2015; Clark et al. 2016; Petchey and Kirch 2019), but did not extend to the east for at least
1700 years. Central East Polynesia appears to have been settled around 1100-1000 BP at the earliest (Searet al. 2020). The ends of the Polynesian triangle were settled later, with Hawaiʻi occupied by 1000-800
BP (Athens et al. 2014), Rapa Nui around 800-700 BP (Hunt and Lipo 2008), and New Zealand by 700650 BP (Bunbury et al. 2022).

9

While there has been some recent debate (Wilson 2018), there is general agreement that populations
that inhabited East Polynesia ultimately derive from West Polynesia on linguistic and biological grounds(Kirch and Green 2001). This shared heritage provides an opportunity to assess the evolution of onceshared cultural practices across vast environmental variability (Kirch 2020). This is true, especially, ofagricultural change (Kirch 1982; Quintus and Cochrane 2018). A shared set of techniques was inheritedand used across the region, originally brought to each island by voyagers at different times. As Yen (1973)
remarks, the colonists to each island inherited an accumulating endowment along each proceeding step.
This endowment, which is also referred to as a transported landscape of tangible and intangible
components, was subject to novel environmental characteristics at each island destination. These
characteristics of shared cultural heritage, environmental variability, and movement make the region a
useful place to explore and refine notions of niche construction (Quintus and Cochrane 2018).
Nothing speaks to the power of niche construction more than the relocation and adaptive radiation ofcultural practices. It is by human agency that those transferred cultural practices are exposed to novel
selective environments in that new location (Quintus and Cochrane 2018). Indeed, it may have been thisinitial introduction that produced the catalyst for the long-term development of agronomic diversity (Kirch
1982; Yen 1973), as such the same kinds of techniques were adapted for use in a wide range ofenvironments. The development of lithic mulches (Figure 2) , for instance, was only beneficial in the arid
environments outside the core tropics of Polynesia (Allen 2004; Barber 2010; Wozniak 2001). Likewise,
the use of tree crops took on variable roles on different islands to align with unique patterns ofenvironmental characteristics (Quintus et al. 2019).
Relocation, though, is not restricted to regional movement. Rather, local movements play a role inthe development of agronomic diversity, such as the staggering of planting locations (Lepofsky 2003).
Such staggering takes advantage of different environmental conditions, such as the different seasonalityof rainfall, to alleviate constraints to community growth. This can result in genetic and morphologicalchanges to plants, a kind of gene-culture evolution, manifested in substantial varietal development that
responds to different ecological conditions and that play different social roles. Furthermore, thesestrategies may require the evolution of cultural systems to enhance cooperation or collaboration (KagawaViviani et al. 2018).
Relocation also brought about environmental change as humans cleared land for cultivation andsettlement. This resulted in a well-documented processes of hillslope erosion and coastline or valley
infilling (Spriggs 1997). As argued by Spriggs, this process redistributed key environmental resources andreduced marine productivity in favor of terrestrial expansion (see also Kirch and Yen 1982). This seems
to have been a ubiquitous process across Polynesian high islands and may have been one of the more
important factors driving initial communities to invest more heavily in agricultural lifestyles (Kirch 1988,
2006; Quintus 2018; Quintus et al. 2023a; Spriggs 1997). While such geomorphological changes may have10

been beneficial, at least for some, other unintentional changes were less useful. This includes the reduction
or elimination of seabird populations, which modified nutrient cycles and made some areas less productive.
This is the case, especially, on geologically old islands (Swift et al. 2018) but has also been documented
on younger islands (Swift et al. 2021), though a nutrient rebound was documented in the latter case. Thesechanges, which start at the beginning of cultural sequences, cascade and accumulate across the rest ofcultural sequences to have profound impacts on the environment and cultural practices of individual
islands.
Polynesian agriculturalists employed a wide range of techniques to manipulate the environment
within which they cultivated. Many of these techniques dealt with the management of water and moisture.
This included techniques to retain moisture (Ladefoged et al. 2003), transport water (Kirch and Lepofsky1993), and drain excess water (Quintus et al. 2016). In turn, these techniques alleviated key constraints ofthe environments within which communities lived and produced new sets of selective environments forthe development and long-term evolution of plants. The construction of infrastructure cascades throughthe social system. Once infrastructure was in place, less labor is required for the continued cultivation of
the area (Kirch 1994, 2006). It also made landscapes more attractive to subsequent generations.
Landscape Change, Emergent Attractors, and Politics in Polynesia
What has received less attention in the niche construction literature is the production of environments,
through past ecosystem engineering, that attract human settlement by concentrating resources,
infrastructure, or labor. However, this is a well-documented process in the archaeological literature and aprocess well illustrated across Polynesia. The attraction acts to modify the trajectory of cultural evolution
by producing environments that may be more conducive to political control, defense, agriculture, or otherbehaviors. While several cases could be used to illustrate these patterns, I will use the cases of PunaluʻuValley on Oʻahu and Mangaia, Cook Islands (see locations in Figure 1).
Punaluʻu
Punaluʻu is located on the windward coast of Oʻahu. Archaeological research in the valley has
generally been limited, though several recent projects have built a cultural sequence (Filimoehala et al.
2015; Morrison et al. 2022; Quintus et al. 2023a). Much of this work has targeted agricultural landscapes,
especially those on the colluvial slopes with more limited investigation on stream-side irrigation systems.
The earliest agricultural practices in the valley appear to be related to water control. Small,rudimentary alignments were built across Punaluʻu stream in the 12th to 13th century AD (Quintus et al.
2023a). These alignments served two purposes. First, they likely slowed the flow of water by acting as
check dams. Second, these alignments likely aided in the accumulation of fine sediments because of theiraction as check dams. Over time, the accumulation of sediments that began with the construction of
rudimentary alignments in a stream or along a stream bank led to the development of an arable landform11

Figure 3. A buried alignment interpreted as a retaining wall in Punaluʻu Valley, Oʻahu.

perched above the stream itself (Figure 3). This, in turn, led to further investment in the landform in theform of formalized pondfield systems (loʻi). These systems were largely in place by the end of the 15th
century with further maintenance through the rest of the precontact sequence.
A different trajectory is visible on the colluvial slopes of the valley. There, agricultural activities may
have begun as early as the 14th century AD, but substantial investments did not occur until the 16th century12AD and later (Morrison et al. 2022). These systems were rain-fed and integrated arboreal species (Kirch
1977), though the nature of the system likely changed through time. The pace of construction increased
through time and non-agricultural infrastructure was placed in the field system. This includes a large heiau(ritual structure) (Filimoehala et al. 2015) that is physically integrated into the surrounding agriculturallandscape.
The sequence of agricultural development in Punaluʻu follows predictions of an ideal free distribution
wherein more marginal or less productive areas were used after more productive ones (Quintus et al. 2023).
Irrigation in Polynesia is far more productive than rain-fed agriculture, even in a windward valley thatreceives substantial precipitation (see Kirch 1994). Still, later developments in the valley suggest that rainfed agriculture began to be prized and, perhaps, indirectly controlled or managed by elites. Large heiau
are symbols of power in late precontact Hawaiʻi (Kolb 1994), and their construction was a means toestablish claims to land or resources.
The attraction of rain-fed landscapes was emergent through a process of niche construction. Initially,
investments in colluvial slopes were in the form of arboreal species (Morrison et al. 2022). These arboreal
species are attractive since they are productive but require little labor investment (Kirch 2006). They arealso persistent and can be transgenerational (Quintus et al. 2019). The presence of arboreal species at thestart of the rain-fed sequence begins a positive feedback loop wherein increased production facilitatedincreased population growth, which facilitated more investment in agricultural facilities and further
investment. Rain-fed production is labor limited, but the large land available meant that it had substantial
productive potential once labor was available. Furthermore, production was enhanced by the introductionof and experimentation with sweet potato sometime after the initial settlement of the islands. The
combination of labor, the product of prior agricultural change and the development of infrastructure on
the landscape, and the availability of sweet potatoes, relocated from South America through Central East
Polynesia, enhanced the attractiveness of colluvial slopes. The end result was that communities and leaderssought the once more marginal zone as it offered opportunities for expansion. It is not that irrigation
became less productive, as it did not. Rather, opportunities for expansion and surplus production were incolluvial slopes and other dryland locations as labor grew and sweet potatoes became available.
Mangaia
Mangaia represents a different trajectory, one that involved the consequences of substantial
unintentional ecological change (Kirch 1996). Located in the Cook Islands, it is on the western boundaryof East Polynesia. The island is unique in that it is geologically old and is skirted by upraised limestone,
the remnants of a former fringing reef, that abuts the original volcanic landmass. This limits the kinds ofresources available for exploitation, but also presented some opportunities throughout the culturalsequence.

13

Food production at the beginning of the sequence is suggested to have been relatively expansive, withshifting cultivation used as a primary strategy across the hillslopes of the island (Kirch 1994). Likeelsewhere in Oceania, the use of shifting cultivation, specifically the clearing of vegetation, produced
extensive erosion. These early settlers also relied on wild fauna, which led to the reduction, extirpation, or
extinction of bird species (Steadman and Kirch 1990). There are two important outcomes of this. First, thereduction in seabird populations modified the cycling of nutrients on these old volcanic islands, which are
posited to have resulted in declines of P and N (Kirch 2017). Second, the loss of land birds disrupts
previously intact mutualism, such as seed and pollen dispersal, which impacts the reproduction of someforest species. This, combined with the loss of nutrients on hillslopes through erosion, resulted in
substantial forest loss on the volcanic hillsides. This also resulted in a loss of productivity on thesehillslopes. At the same time, sediments that eroded from the hillslopes were deposited in a set of alluvial
valleys across the island, increasing opportunities for irrigation and agroforestry (Kirch 1994).
Alluvial valleys are circumscribed in the sense that they are dense concentrations of resources
surrounded by areas of low productivity. This configuration of resources is predicted to give rise toterritoriality as communities seek to obtain access to productive land (Field 2003), and territoriality is wellattested in the oral traditions of Mangaia (Goldman 1970). In fact, the nature of political and religious
systems were substantially changed on Mangaia in response to the concentration of resources. Leaders
became those who were successful in warfare, as a marker of mana (supernaturally-derived power). Rongo,
whose cognate across East Polynesia Lono was the god of fertility and some forms of agriculture, became
the god of both agriculture and warfare; a unique combination that highlights the power of both forms ofhuman behavior on the island (Kirch 2017; Kirch et al. 1995).
The emergent attraction of agricultural lands on Mangaia, largely produced through a process offaunal exploitation, soil erosion, and alluvial valley formation, led to a substantial change in the trajectoryof a host of other cultural practices. Instead of being a location, however, where labor was brought to work,
the emergent attraction of the alluvial valleys of Mangaia produced a different pattern of negativedespotism wherein people were excluded (Weitzel and Codding 2022).
Conclusions
Social and environmental changes to agricultural landscapes ramify throughout those social systems
and environments across generations (Morrison 2006, 2014). The changing attractiveness of landscapesand resources through time is one example of this process. Landscape attractiveness is a product of theresources available, the labor necessary to modify the landscape, the subsistence techniques that could be
used, and the other options available to a community. Each of these factors are subject to change throughtime, including through ecosystem engineering. As illustrated in the cases of Mangaia and Punaluʻu,
ecosystem engineering leads to changes in the evolution of political systems and food production as

14

landscape changes cascade and begin to interact at larger spatial and social scales. It is the cultural
evolutionary impact of this ecosystem engineering that makes this an example of the niche construction
process.
As landscape attractiveness is not just a factor in human decision-making or settlement, extending tomost animals, emergent attraction is like a process found in non-human organisms as well. While dynamic
versions of ideal distribution models have been used to examine human decisions, such models could be
extended to explain changes in non-human behavior in constructed environments. In this way, aconsideration of human niche construction, in this case from Polynesia, can provide novel predictions of
non-human behavior.

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Part 1
Exploring Maritime Migration: Methods and Materials
Part 2
Human Body and Cognition
Part 3Innovative Research Methods
Part 4Landscape and Monuments: New InsightSearching for Submerged Late Pleistocene Archaeological Evidence
Along the Northern Pacific Rim
Loren G. DAVIS
Department of Anthropology, Oregon State University,

Abstract
The Coastal Migration Theory posits that the earliest human migration to the Americas occurred
during the late Pleistocene along the northern Pacific Rim and as such, the earliest sites in theAmericas should be found in coastal settings. The unique archaeological challenges associated withidentifying and analyzing submerged sites are addressed, as these locations are often hidden or
degraded due to marine transgression and associated geomorphic actions. However, through targeted
exploration of key archaeological zones—including protected embayments, submerged river valleys,
and underwater caves—meaningful insights into early human migration routes and adaptations tovarying environments can be uncovered. Central to this research strategy is the use of advanced
methodologies, such as side-scan sonar, sub-bottom profiling, marine coring, and the analysis ofcored sediments to find and study submerged archaeological sites. This approach to finding earlycoastal sites can be built upon by discovering and examining resource rich areas like late Pleistocene
estuaries throughout the northern Pacific Rim region. This comprehensive approach has the potential
to further illuminate the complexities of the CMT, significantly expanding our understanding of early
human history, migration patterns, and environmental adaptations.

Introduction

The archaeological questions of how and when humans initially travelled to the Americas issignificant and associated studies have primarily focused on an overland route through Beringia
and southward past North American continental glacial ice via an “ice-free corridor” (IFC)(Haynes 1964, 1980; 1982; 1987; Haynes 2002; Potter et al. 2018) or instead around the westernedge of the glaciers along the northern Pacific coastline (Figure 1; Heusser 1960; Macgowan and
Hester 1962; Laughlin 1967; Bryan, 1978; Fladmark 1978, 1979; Easton 1992; Busch 1994; Dixon
1993, 1999; Gruhn 1994; Mandryk et al. 2001; Erlandson 2002; Erlandson et al. 2007; Braje et al.
2017, 2020; Davis and Madsen 2020). The overland model has been traditionally used to explain theappearance of the Clovis Paleoindian Tradition shortly before 13,000 cal BP (e.g., Haynes 2002; Potter
et al. 2018), which for some signals the initial entry of humans into North America and, as such, issometimes called the “Clovis-first hypothesis”.In contrast, the Pacific coastal route of entry has

23

Figure 1. Map of the north Pacific region during the late Pleistocene, showing the extents of Beringia,
North American ice sheets, and the hypothesized coastal migration route along the edge of theCordilleran Ice Sheet (CIS) from east Asia to the Americas (orange dashed line) (map modified from
Davis and Madsen 2020).Davis and Madsen 2020).

featured prominently in models that argue for human presence in the Americas before the appearanceof the Clovis Paleoindian Tradition (e.g., Dillehay 1997; Dillehay et al. 2008, 2012; Waters et al. 2018;
Williams et al. 2018; Davis et al. 2019, 2022). Recently, Davis and Madsen (2020) argued that thearchaeological discovery of repeated instances of human occupation south of the North American
continental ice sheets predating the appearance of the Clovis Paleoindian Tradition and before any
possible opening of an IFC between the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets has falsified the longheld Clovis-first hypothesis. The authors note that an array of geological, paleoenvironmental, andarchaeological data is now sufficiently large that it requires an organizational framework within whichto consider the processes and chronology underlying the only reasonable alternative for the initial
Pleistocene peopling of the Americas: A Pacific coastal migration along and ultimately south of North
America’s continental ice sheets.
Davis and Madsen (2020:2-4) articulate a Coastal Migration Theory in this way:
1. The progenitors of the First Americans were Early Upper Paleolithic(EUP) foragers who originated in interior northeast Asia and made their way
by various land and sea routes, including a northern route, possibly down
the Amur River valley (Izuho et al., 2020; Jeong et al., 2016) and throughnorthern China, and a southern route, possibly through southern China andTaiwan (Gakuhari et al., 2019; Izuho et al., 2020), to coastal Pacific areas
ranging from South Korea to the Japanese archipelago and to its extension
in the convergent island area that emerged during late Pleistocene marine
regression known as the Paleo-Sahkalin-Hokkaido-Kuril (PSHK) area.

24

These populations merged prior to LGM, giving rise to daughter populationsin the PSHK area which eventually evolved into such diverse groups as the
Jomon in more southerly Japan, northeastern Siberians such as the Itelmen
and Chukchi, and ancient Native Americans (Jeong et al., 2016).
2. Between ~40-30 ka these foragers adopted mixed and variable terrestrial,
near shore, and maritime subsistence adaptations along this northwestern
Pacific coastal margin, with the degree of specialization differing from area
to area.
3. Starting in the EUP period, they developed both a stone tool technology
characterized by unifacially and bifacially-worked stemmed projectile
points and sea-going vessels capable of reaching pelagic fishing grounds andobsidian source areas scores of kilometers from the coast. A number of these
populations may have become isolated in the PSHK region, allowing for
genetic bottlenecks to develop via genetic drift.
4. By about 20 ka, sea levels as much as 130 m lower than modern, andcorrespondingly shorter travel distances between islands and refugia,
allowed ocean-going coastal foragers in the PSHK to begin to expand along
the Kamchatka peninsula to the southern margin of the Bering Land Bridgeand Aleutian Islands to the coastlines of southern Alaska and British
Columbia.
5. Sometime between ~20-16 ka these gradually expanding Late Upper
Paleolithic populations reached coastal margins south of the Cordilleranglaciation. Once there, they applied generalized coastal fishing/foraging
adaptations to wetland, terrestrial, nearshore, and maritime resources, whichallowed more specialized daughter populations to expand rapidly inland,along major waterways and onto lake-margin habitats, and down the coast
to South America through a variety of differing coastal habitats. Over thecourse of the next 3000-5000 years these populations expanded inland fromthe coast, developing specialized terrestrial hunting and gather adaptations
which eventually led to later Clovis and other Paleoindian complexes.
Determining whether this Coastal Migration Theory is viable requires, as with any theory,
explicit tests of its various implications. In the case of the Coastal Migration Theory, most of thetestable hypotheses involve the discovery and exploration of geological deposits and archaeologicalsites around the northern Pacific Rim dating to the last glacial period from ~23-16 ka. Simply put, if
the First Americans initially migrated from northeast Asia into the Americas along the northern Pacific
Rim during this time, then we should find the earliest archaeological sites in preserved paleolandscape25

features that predate ~16,000 cal BP. However, if this hypothesis is false, then no such evidence will
be found in last glacial period deposits along the coastlines of southern Alaska and British Columbia.
Finding archaeological evidence of an initial coastal migration is challenging because postglacial
marine transgression and glacioisostatic adjustments worked in tandem to submerge, erode, andotherwise obscure such sites, if they indeed exist. How then should archaeologists search forarchaeological evidence along the theorized Pacific coastal migration route?
The U.S. Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) and the U.S. National Oceanic andAtmospheric Administration (NOAA) have provided funding in recent years to conduct offshore
investigations to evaluate whether late Pleistocene terrestrial landscape features and any
archaeological sites they may contain exist along the Washington, Oregon, and California coastlines(ICF International et al. 2013; Braje et al. 2019; Klotsko et al. 2020). These projects have led to thedevelopment of a methodological approach that focuses on modeling submerged coastal landscapes,
deploying marine geophysical survey techniques to find submerged and buried paleolandforms, coring
potential submerged paleolandforms, and seeking to recover associated archaeological evidence from
intact submerged contexts. In the sections that follow, I provide a summary of the methods and resultsof our recent work and offer suggestions for how the search for submerged landscapes and associatedarchaeological sites could be expanded to evaluate the Coastal Migration Theory more fully.
One Approach to Finding Submerged Pleistocene Coastal Sites
The discovery of submerged late Pleistocene coastal sites can be facilitated through asystematic, multifaceted approach that combines advanced technology and geological knowledge.
The first step involves constructing a digital model of the ancient coastal paleolandscape. In the
BOEM and NOAA-funded projects mentioned above, we employed the following steps. First, we
combined bathymetric information and relative sea level history data to build a coastal
paleolandscape model of the terrestrial landscape that existed on the now-submerged continental
shelf. Once this model is created, the next step is to develop a site location potential model for thesubmerged paleolandscape (Figure 2).
Here, high probability areas for archaeological occupation are identified, hinting at regions wheretraces of ancient human activities might be found. The third step focuses on collecting marine
geophysical data (Figure 3).

26

Figure 2. Maps showing reconstructions of relative sea level (at left) and site location potential (at right)
along Oregon’s central coast.

Figure 3. Diagram showing the marine geophysical technologies used to map the seafloor and see into
its deposits.

27

Figure 4. Diagram showing the use of a vibracore to sample submerged and buried landform deposits.
The core at right is an example of the kind of terrestrial stratigraphic sequence that might be expected
to come from a cultural shell midden buried by aeolian dune sands and soil development (cf. Kirkpatrick2019).

This process is integral to improving our understanding of the seafloor's surface, as well as
assessing the buried stratigraphic record for signs of preserved paleolandscape features and potential
archaeological sites. Following the geophysical data collection, marine cores from selected targets
are gathered and their contents are studied (Figure 4).
Analysis of the core samples provide an opportunity to characterize the physical sedimentary
properties of observed geophysical signatures, establish a chronostratigraphic sequence for landscapechange from subaerial coastal to submerged marine environments, and hold the potential for
discovering archaeological evidence of late Pleistocene human occupation along the North Pacificcoastline.
Thinking about site formation in submerged settings
With the warming climate and melting ice at the end of the Pleistocene leading to rising sea levels,
coastal landscapes were gradually submerged, first flooding low-lying areas and then higher elevations,causing a direct loss of human habitation, and forcing human migration to higher ground or areas moreinland. Archaeological sites on these now-submerged landscapes faced various fates: some were
washed away, some buried under sediment layers, while others were preserved in place. The
underwater conditions, while sometimes causing disturbance and degradation of artifacts, can, in someinstances, preserve organic materials not usually conserved in terrestrial sites. Today, these submerged
Pleistocene-era archaeological sites, found globally in diverse underwater contexts, provide rich28

historical insights. They can be found on the continental shelves, exposed during the last glacial period
and offering vast habitation spaces; in submerged river valleys, which were crucial human migration
paths and settlement areas during the Pleistocene; and in underwater caves, which sometimes
safeguard well-preserved traces of human occupation, such as artifacts, cultural features, and humanskeletal remains.
The survival of archaeological sites positioned in island archipelago areas amidst marinetransgressions hinges on a variety of factors that protect these sites from erosion or complete
destruction. A primary factor is rapid burial - if a site is swiftly buried by sediment instead of being
subjected to erosion during the initial stages of transgression, it can effectively be shielded from any
subsequent erosive forces of waves and sea action. This blanket of sediment preserves both thearchaeological context and materials. Geomorphic features also play a critical role in protecting andpreserving sites. Archaeological sites located within caves, rockshelters, or dunes are provided with anatural shield against marine transgression and a stable preservation environment. Human intervention
can sometimes protect sites as well. The construction of buildings, walls, landscape modifications, oreven the intentional burial of sites could offer some defense against rising sea levels. However, suchdefenses are not expected to have been created by late Pleistocene coastal forager societies. In certain
regions, the process of isostatic rebound, wherein the Earth's crust rises in elevation due to the meltingof ice sheets, could counteract sea-level rise, preventing specific areas from submersion and thereby
protecting archaeological sites. Finally, natural ecosystems like mangroves and coral reefs can serveas barriers against wave action and erosion, assisting in the preservation of nearby archaeological sites.
Even with these protective factors, marine transgression can still lead to the loss of numerous coastal
and island archaeological sites. Therefore, urgent efforts are needed to identify, document, and if
feasible, excavate these threatened sites.
Archaeological sites perched on elevated landforms were most likely subjected to erosion due totransgressive wave action, potentially resulting in the obliteration of the archaeological record in large
areas. Conversely, archaeological materials that collected in lower landscape areas such as stream
valleys or bays might have been preserved as alluvial and estuarine sediment aggraded in conjunction
with marine transgression (Figure 5).
This process could subsequently lead to the burial of any archaeological evidence situated close
to sites found on neighboring shorelines or riverbanks, thereby protecting it from the erosive forces ofmarine transgression. Concentrating our efforts on uncovering submerged and buried alluvial andembayment deposits from where estuaries would form provides a promising avenue for unearthing
artifacts, features, and even sedimentary ancient DNA (sedaDNA) related to late Pleistocene coastal
peoples.
The exploration for sedaDNA in submerged estuaries on the Pacific continental shelf presents acompelling opportunity for archaeologists studying Pleistocene human occupation of the northern
Pacific Rim. Estuaries, with their confluence of salt and freshwater and frequently anoxic conditions,can be ideal environments for DNA preservation. Historically, such areas have seen intensive human29Figure 5. Diagram showing a hypothetical active cultural state of coastal occupation that contributes
archaeological materials to estuary deposits and adjacent interfluve shoreline areas. Following marinetransgression and submergence, the interfluve area may have experienced significant erosion anddegradation of its associated archaeological record, while deposits in the adjacent estuary zone may
have buried by aggrading alluvial sediments prior to marine transgression.

activity and settlement due to the rich availability of resources such as fish, shellfish, and waterfowl,suggesting the likelihood of Pleistocene human presence. Analysis of sedaDNA offers an invaluablelens into this past human presence and their dietary habits, as DNA from plant and animal species
utilized for food or other activities, or even ancient human DNA introduced into estuary environments
via surficial runoff from nearby settlements, could be uncovered. Beyond this, sedaDNA can help inreconstructing past environments, indicating the presence of specific plant and animal species, andtracking changes over time, thereby illuminating the environmental contexts and adaptations ofPleistocene humans. Importantly, with the end of the Pleistocene marking significant sea-level rises,
many human habitation sites were submerged, transforming the continental shelf and submerged
estuaries into an underexplored archaeological frontier. The study of sedaDNA in these locations could
unlock access to these elusive submerged sites. Lastly, considering the northern Pacific Rim's
speculated significance in human migration routes during the Pleistocene, sedaDNA evidence could
provide critical insights into these migration patterns. Despite the inherent challenges, these factors
make a strong case for archaeologists to delve into the study of sedaDNA in submerged estuaries on
the Pacific continental shelf.

30

Conclusion
While intact archaeological sites containing late Pleistocene-aged artifacts, features, and othercultural evidence may yet be found in submerged landscapes along the northern Pacific Rim, having
escaped the destructive power of rising post-glacial sea levels, searching for this evidence is arguably
a specialized field of study that will require the development of methods for narrowing down andidentifying submerged and buried site evidence in areas where taphonomic processes favored site
formation and preservation. Because much of the late Pleistocene coastal landscape of the northern
Pacific Rim is submerged at depths below which traditional underwater archaeology methods may be
used with ease, we must imagine other ways of conducting research. An alternative approach to findingarchaeological evidence of early cultural occupation along the Pleistocene northern Pacific coastline
would be to search for, identify, and sample through marine coring estuarine deposits that may retain
artifacts, features, and sedaDNA (Figure 6).

Figure 6. A coordinated research program involving geophysical surveys, marine coring, and study ofcored sediments (for artifacts and sedaDNA) in estuarine environments around the northern Pacific Rim
may lead to the discovery of late Pleistocene human presence in now-submerged landscape contexts.

Acknowledgments
This research was supported by a U.S. Bureau of Ocean Energy Management Cooperative Agreement
Award (No. M15AC00012), the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s Office of
Exploration and Research (award NA16OAR0110197), the Bernice Peltier Huber Charitable Trust,and the Keystone Archaeological Research Fund.

31

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4(7)Form, Function, and Design of Terminal Pleistocene Shell Fishhooks of
the Pacific Rim: Coincidental Convergence or Shared Knowledge?
Matthew R. DES LAURIERS1, Loren G. DAVIS2 and Antonio PORCAYO MICHELINI3
Department of Anthropology, California State University, San Bernardino

1

Department of Anthropology, Oregon State University

2

Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Baja California, México

3

The Terminal Pleistocene was a period of remarkable change for humanity, within a relatively
short span of a few millennia, events would unfold that would lay the human ecological foundations
for the historical processes that continue to shape our present day lives. Both people and the world
they lived in were at a tipping point of irreversible change and movement. Widespread extinctions,migrations, displacements, floods of legendary scale, and the second and last genuine “discovery” ofcontinental scale landmasses by behaviorally modern humans all happened between 16,000 and
13,000 years ago (e.g. Clark et al. 1996; Smith et al. 2022; Neri et al. 2015). The cultural traditions ofhunting and gathering people all around the western Pacific Rim – accumulating for tens of thousandsof years – were tested, transformed (e.g. Nakazawa et al. 2011), and displaced (see Norman et al.
2024), but not destroyed. Along the shore of the Western Pacific, there were communities of skilled
boatwrights and fishermen that lived along the beaches and islands strewn along an immense Eastfacing coastline that looked out over deep, blue ocean that seemed to have no end. These populations
had been expanding for thousands of years, as evidenced by occupation of even relatively smaller
offshore island archipelagos like the Ryukyus (see Kaifu et al. 2020).
Their movements along the Pacific Rim – both clockwise and counterclockwise – clearly began
before the Terminal Pleistocene climate crises became acute (e.g. O’Connor 2007; Kuzmin and
Glascock 2007; Buvit et al. 2016). but what began as a trickle of population movement, became aflow once the collapse of Beringia’s ecological systems began (Faith 2011; Murchie et al. 2021), andpopulations would have been not only driven, but drawn along in their migration routes and later
dispersal, metaphorically resembling a gravity driven siphon.
Early sites in the Americas like Cooper’s Ferry in Idaho, dating to just shy of 16,000 years ago(Davis et al. 2019) indicate that occupation of the Western Hemisphere began before the drowning of
Beringia, but the number of sites seems to explode in the Americas after 14,500 BP (the date mostcommonly cited for the meltwater pulse 1A event, Clark et al. 1996). This may indicate that early“pioneering” populations reached the Americas slightly earlier (Gruhn 2023), only to be followed bysubsequent waves of migrants fleeing the inundation of coasts and islands of the North Pacific (Buvit
et al. 2016; Dobson et al. 2021; Cassidy et al. 2022). This complex, multi-staged process would fit
more closely with most documented and/or archaeologically identified migrations in human history.

35

Figure 1. Map of the Pacific Rim and adjacent regions. 1. Folsom archaeological type site, New
Mexico; 2. Page-Ladson Archaeological Site, Florida; 3. Paisley Caves, Oregon; 4. Gault/FriedkinClovis Site; 5. Monte Verde, Chile; 6. Triquet Island, British Columbia, Canada; 7. Espiritu Santo
Island, Baja California Sur, México; 8. Cooper’s Ferry, Idaho; 9. Isla Cedros, Baja California,
México; 10. Lake Baikal, Russia; 11. Hokkaido, Japan; 12. New Ireland and New Britain, Papua New
Guinea; 13) Isla Alor, Indonesia and East Timor; 14. Sakitari Cave, Okinawa, Japan.

The post-Pleistocene history of Ireland (see Woodman 2011; McLaughlin et al. 2016) provides one
such example, where over time, multiple groups sequentially contributed to initial settlement,
technological developments and genetic diversity of later populations. It may be that the old modelof 100 people showing up at the south end of the Ice Free Corridor and being the sole ancestors of alllater First Nations is no longer very tenable, for reasons other than the route itself (e.g. Fix 2005;
Moore 2001; Waters 2019) .
So, if this is the story that we developed, how shall we test its veracity? The sample size ofancient DNA data points is increasing (Bisso-Machado and Fagundes 2021), but still very small (seeRaff 2022). Far too small, in my estimation, for them to be used as sole arbiters of hypotheses.
Additionally, the time resolution of those genetic data are still inadequate to provide more than very
general connections between populations (e.g. da Silva Coelho et al. 2021), especially when you havesamples separated by gaps of thousands of years with no corroborating evidence to fill in that empty

36

data space. Radiocarbon dates provide simple presence-absence data but tell us little about whether
our model of how-and-why is close to the mark.
If we want to know about our hypothesized boatwrights and fishermen, what betterarchaeological marker for them than their fishing tackle? We can identify some of the earliest
fishhooks in the world along the Western Pacific Rim (Fujita et al. 2016; Langley et al. 2023), andshortly after the earliest people arrive in the Americas, we see the earliest unequivocal fishhooks in
the Americas along the Eastern Pacific Rim margin of the continents (Des Lauriers et al. 2017; Fujita
2014; also Alcalde and Flores 2020, though somewhat later in time). We here describe some of theseearly hooks from Isla Cedros, Baja California, México (Figure 1) and compare them to other
Pleistocene fishhook assemblages from the Pacific. We propose that this technological tradition waseither brought as part of the early migrants’ conceptual toolkit, or that the knowledge of and designfor these objects was transmitted during the ‘settlement’ phase (see Rockman and Steele 2003)
following initial entry of earlier pioneering populations into the Americas.
The populations of the Western Pacific Rim must have been expanding in the Late Pleistocene,
especially since permanent occupation of small offshore island groups (see Ihara et al. 2020) does not
typically occur if populations are contracting, nor during periods when island size itself was decreasing– as would have been the case during eustatic sea level rise (Cherry and Leppard 2018). Populations
across this region, from Okinawa to Indonesia were making and using shell hooks by the beginning of
the Terminal Pleistocene (e.g. Kealy et al. 2020). We do not presume that the hooks in Indonesia andOkinawa had separate origins, why should we assume that the Eastern Pacific examples are
independent, especially given the demonstrable direction of population movement from west to east
along the Pacific Rim (see Davis and Madsen 2020)? Early hooks are present over at least 1000
kilometers of coastline in Baja California, as evidenced by their presence On Espiritu Santo island(Fujita 2014), on the mainland between Playa Tecolote and La Paz (Fujita and Ainis 2018:297), andthe robust assemblage recovered from Isla Cedros (Des Lauriers et al 2020). This was not an isolated
idiosyncratic development of a single community, but a tradition shared across a wide area. Althoughdates firmly placing this technology in the Terminal Pleistocene are currently unavailable from SouthAmerica, the technology is very much present there during the Early Holocene (Llagostera 1992;
Scheinsohn 2003) and may simply require further research to push the antiquity back to the range
identified on the Baja California Peninsula. If so, this technological tradition would have been sharedfrom Northern Chile to Central Baja California at the very least.
This is particularly interesting if we think about the cultural implications of such a widely
shared tradition. Obviously, different styles of hook have advantages for catching different kinds offish and for different fishing techniques (see Stewart 1977 for a unparalleled compendium of thisnotion for the Northwest Coast of North America). This is not necessarily true for terrestrial weaponry,
as a spear tipped with almost any style of point can be used to kill a giant ground sloth or a Pleistocene
kangaroo or a camel. There is a specificity to maritime technologies that is not fully replicated in mostterrestrially deployed weaponry. Even specifically aquatic projectile weaponry has unique design37

Figure 2. Single-piece, shell fishhooks from Isla Cedros, Baja California, México (top), and Okinawa
Japan (bottom). Bottom image from Fujita et al. 2016.

characteristics (e.g. leisters vs. toggling harpoon heads, see Ballester 2018:70). The fact that the early
Pacific Rim hook assemblages are so remarkably similar in design (Figure 2) means that the peopleusing them were likely using the same kinds of techniques to catch similar kinds of fish, so thesimilarity is not just in the technology, but in the application. This would strongly argue against theindependent development of this tradition on Isla Cedros, around La Paz, and in Coastal Peru andChile. Just as it makes sense to imagine that the Okinawan and Indonesian hooks share a common
cultural tradition, it makes sense that the early hook traditions of the Pacific coast of the Americas are
likewise related to one another.

38

Figure 3. Single-piece mussel (Mytilus sp.) shell fishhook from the Cerro Pedregoso site (PAIC-44)
Isla Cedros, Baja California. Note the well-preserved evidence of manufacturing techniques and the“waist” below the top of the shank created by grinding.

Unlike later Polynesian (e.g. Allen 1996) and Alta California (e.g. Vance 2000) examples, noknob or notch was carved into the shaft for hafting of the Baja Californian or South American
examples, indicating that the line attachment was of a fully lashed variety, and would have had an axisof tension obliquely transverse to the shank of the hook, rather than parallel. This is supported by wellpreserved examples (Figure 3) displaying a “waist” below the end of the shank, especially in themussel-shell variety. Abalone examples are almost always of green abalone (Haliotis fulgens) andoccasionally of pink abalone (H. corrugata) the epidermis of which species are rough and ribbed,
creating friction and purchase for the lashing, in addition to the creation of the ‘waist’ as a haftingzone. One effect of this on the function of these hooks would have been to create increased resistanceto the downward pull on the tip of the hook as more tension is applied, as well as maintaining the force
more parallel to the laminae of the nacreous shells used. This would have contributed to less force
being applied perpendicular to the laminae, focusing downward force along the strongest axis of thehook base material.
The hooks within this assemblage vary in size more than in overall design, though two variants
can be proposed, some approach a J-shape, while others are closer to circular or C-shaped (Figure 4).
The largest examples indicate that quite large fish were targeted by these hooks, while smaller hooks
would have been for commensurately smaller fish. The J-shape is more commonly manufactured frommussel shell, while the circular examples are more frequently made from Abalone. They lack barbs
or major degrees of recurve, meaning that once a fish was hooked, constant pressure would have had

39

Figure 4. Single-piece abalone (Haliotis sp.) shell hook from the Richard’s Ridge (PAIC-49) site on
Isla Cedros, Baja California. This example shows the ‘C’ shaped configuration more common at
Espiritu Santo Island in contrast to the ‘J’ shape of many other examples in the Isla Cedros
assemblage.

to be maintained on the line, suggesting that they might have been more difficult to use in water zones
with heavy swash or surge like sandy surf or rocky intertidal.
We have a fair idea of the manufacturing chaîne operatoire, based upon numerous unfinishedexamples found broken or abandoned partway through the process. The makers appear to haveselected the flattest portion of the shell in both mussel and abalone raw material sets. For the mussel,
this meant that they were selecting a portion nearest the newest part of the shell. Additionally, theiroriented their mental template of the finished product so that the bottom curve of the hook would
parallel the natural growth bands of the shell. For the abalone, the orientation seems to have focusedon locating the natural ripples and valleys of the epidermis of the shell perpendicular to the long axisof the shank of the hook. This was almost certainly to facilitate more secure line attachment. Oncethe raw material had been selected and a blank obtained by breaking away the more curved or irregularportions of the shell, the general form of the hook was achieved by chipping rather than cutting, drilling,or sawing.
This is interesting, since later Holocene examples from Alta California utilize drills and reamers
to create the central perforation, and this may emphasize their more circular form. It is even possiblethat the manufacturing method influenced the final form as much as any intentional design did. Think
about the difference between wheel thrown pots vs. coiled or otherwise hand-built. Given that these40

Figure 5. Small grooved-pebble line weight from Cerro Pedregoso, Baja California, México.

hooks appear to have been individually crafted, it means that the makers were free to create them towhatever dimensions or shapes they desired, making them each the product of intentional crafting
rather than dependent upon a mold or die.
Following chipping them to their general form, great care was taken to grind them down to afine point at the hook and very smooth margins for the shank and curve. Faceting is present in thisgrinding, indicating that it is not simply the 2 dimensional outline that matters, but the smoothing andevening out of the curve. As with other examples of technologies finished through grinding, having asmooth, even surface even increases the strength, by grinding down any small cracks or divots
produced during the roughing-out phase.
These hooks were also used in conjunction with stone line weights, the most common form
being carefully grooved pebbles (Figure 5). This type of weight would have been located at theterminal end of the fishing line, indicating that the hooks would have either been integrated into themain line or attached via leaders, since the “end” of the line was occupied by the weight. Whilesufficient for allowing the line to be cast and travel to the bottom, these weights are not so heavy thatthey would have allowed a hook to maintain position in the surf zone, providing another argument
against their use in that microenvironment. It also suggests that the targets of these hooks included
fish that were not exclusively surface feeders.
Experimental replication and use of Late Holocene Alta California shell fishhooks (McKenzie2007) has strongly indicated that these hooks are excellent at catching fish with particular mouth
anatomy, and ineffective at catching fish with different configurations. Fish with protrusible jaws are
the most likely target for these hooks, while cartilaginous fish and fish with thick tissue surrounding
the mouth are less easily caught – if at all – by these hooks. Seabass, perch, halibut, and even small
grouper can be caught with shell hooks, while cartilaginous sharks and rays, as well as fish with more

41

Figure 6. Well-made stone ring from Cerro Pedregoso. These items – of varying thicknesses andweights – have been recovered from three separate early sites on Isla Cedros, thought their function
remains enigmatic.

distinctive mouths like moray eels and triggerfish would not be appropriate targets for shell fishhooks(McKenzie 2007).
Additionally, fish with heavy jaws and teeth capable of crushing shell would not have beencaught by these hooks. California sheephead (Semicossyphus pulcher), which preys upon shellfish
and crustaceans, would have made short work of these hooks. The highly consistent presence of thesefish in the assemblages from all time periods on Isla Cedros indicates that these hooks were only oneof the methods used by the early Islanders to catch a remarkably diverse set of icthyofauna. Harpoonsand nets were almost certainly used as well.

42

Figure 7. A sample of the finished bifaces/projectile points from Terminal Pleistocene contexts on
Isla Cedros.

Evidence for nets is strongly suggested by the abundance of very small fish vertebrae identified
the smelt family in most of the Terminal Plesitocene midden deposits, and further confirmed by the43

presence of larger notched stone weights. Enigmatic stone rings (Figure 6) have also been recoveredat multiple Terminal Pleistocene sites, including PAIC-44 and -88. These are of unclear function, butseveral of the hypotheses include their use as ring weights for bottom nets for crab and lobster (bothidentified in some frequency in early faunal assesmblages), or involved in the manufacture of cordage,line, and rope. These nets could have been deployed along sandy beach stretches whose presence isindicated by the frequent occurrence of Pismo clams (Tivela stultorum) or possibly from boats.
According to local fishermen, their use in rocky open stretches of shoreline would not have been
productive, and would have certainly led to significant damage to the “costly” and time consuming
nets.
The use of harpoons or spears for some fishing is inferred by several lines of evidence otherthan the obvious presence of bifacial projectile points (Figure 7). 1) sheephead would not have beencaught by single piece shell hooks due to their aforementioned crushing jaws; 2) They are ambush
predators of the kelp forests and thus not very susceptible to being caught in nets – in fact, in repeatedtrips with modern net fishermen on Isla Cedros, I have never seen a sheephead caught in a weighted
set net. 3) The presence of both Red (H. rufrescens) and Pink (H. corrugate) abalone in earlymolluscan assemblages indicates that early islanders were diving to obtain these species which arealways found below low tide water levels. In many areas where traditional diving techniques were
documented or continue to be practiced, the use of the natural environment to aid divers is well
documented (e.g. Martinez 2004; Lim et al. 2012). Whether it be the coral reefs, vertical walls, or as
is likely in the case of Isla Cedros, long, vertical kelp (Macrocystis pyrifera) stalks, traditional divers
will make use of these features to be able to dive deeper or longer to better exploit submarine resources.
So the presence of the habitually ‘deeper’ species of Abalone, combined with these other factors, lead
us to propose that at least some of the fish in the Isla Cedros assemblages were being hunted by diving
spear fishermen (e.g. Mesquita and Issac-Nahum 2015).
One additional point is worth highlighting. From multiple lines of evidence, including thedesign of the hooks and their use in a non-terminal location on the line along with the presence of fish
species such as Ocean whitefish (Caulolatilus princeps) which are not known, - not by traditional
fishermen on Isla Cedros nor Departments of Fish and Game management in Baja or Alta California– to be caught from shore (Bellquist et al. 2008), we can confidently infer the presence of open-watercapable watercraft on Isla Cedros during the Terminal Pleistocene. Ocean Whitefish also are notknown to occupy the kelp understory nor the space between the kelp and the shore. This means thatto catch them, early Cedros Islanders were travelling in their boats as much as 2km offshore just to
fish. This does not suggest a limit to the watercraft’s capabilities, but merely a “floor” of seaworthiness.
Additionally, many of the fish species recovered – Ocean whitefish included (Esgro et al. 2020) – arenot found in shallow water where they could be seen like trout or salmon in a river, but in deeper water
up to 80-90 meters. To ability to consistently know where to fish in deep water seems magical to theuninitiated, as anyone who has even spent time with knowledgeable fishermen can attest. Such

44

seemingly intuitive understandings are almost always the product of multigenerational wisdom (sensu
Ingold 2021).
The fact that they were fishing deepwater species means that the early islanders had to produce
large lengths of cordage, since tying and splicing short sections is cobbled together and ineffective,
particularly for longer lengths of cordage. The nets would have required immense amounts of cordage,
since they were catching very small fish with some of them, implying relatively small gauges for these
nets. The production of masses of processed fiber and its use in the spinning of large quantities ofstring, twine, rope, and fishing line would have been a ubiquitous sight in the settlements of the
Terminal Pleistocene on Isla Cedros. An addendum to this is that they early Islanders had access to a
species of Agave for their principal fiber source (see Hulle et al. 2015). This was fortunate, since
Agave plants produce one of the plant fibers with high tensile strength, display excellent lashingproperties, and display resistance to deterioration in saltwater (Bakar et al. 2020).
The fact that hook and line fishing was daily practice for early Cedros Islanders, who were also
deploying large nets from boats, coupled with their diving from these substantial craft (possibly similar
to those described by Des Lauriers 2005) to access the understory of the kelp forest where the abalone
thrive speaks of a rich and truly maritime tradition of subsistence. These are not people who justarrived from the plains of West Texas, nor likely to have been the descendants of hunters of the frozen
conifer forests of Siberia. These were people of the Sea. Even to those who love her, the ocean canbe fickle, and is always slow to give up her secrets. The knowledge of how to exploit the full panoplyof the sea’s resources, from the shore to the depths, and from the humblest periwinkle to powerfulcetaceans and pinnipeds takes time. The breadth of experience evidenced by the full faunal assemblage
from the early Isla Cedros sites is staggering, and in an odd twist of history, eclipses even Late
Holocene sites for the range of maritime environments and species exploited (Des Lauriers 2010).
This is part of what is meant when we say that to gain further insight into the processes that led
to the peopling of the Americas, we must apply an historically contextualized, anthropologically
relevant and environmentally situated model for the migration and settlement of the Americas. We
must go beyond simply noting the presence of people on an island, because identifying andundertstanding their capabilities vs. their challenges and opportunities will allow us to better
understand both the decision-making process and the lived experience of these ancestors of the First
Nations of the Americas.
By focusing on their technological systems and implied concomitant knowledge systems (seeIngold 2013), we can demonstrate their intention and ability to actually explore and settle coastlines
and islands. The mere presence of people can occur in any number of ways, from the purposeful tothe unintentional, and even non-human colonization of islands by mammoth occurred on the
paleoisland of Santa Rosae off of Alta California (e.g. Muhs et al. 2015).
However, the ability to distinguish between the “good places” from the not-so-good issomething borne of experience, and trial and error probably does not result in expansive, successful
colonization from British Columbia to Tierra del Fuego in under 2,000 years. We are actually at a45

very good position from a research perspective, since we are left with only two reasonable hypotheses
to explain this data; 1) people were here much longer that currently understood, or 2) they brought ahuge amount of knowledge with them, and at least in the case of the inhabitants of the Pacific Coast,
important pieces of that knowledge may have travelled from as far away as the Ryukyu Islands.

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50

Aleutian Kayak under the Colonisation of the North Pacific Coast:
Techniques of the Body concerned with Building and Steering Aleutian
Kayak in the Russian Colonial Era
Hideyuki ŌNISHI
Doshisha Women's College of Liberal Arts
Keywords: Aleut, baidarka, body technique, fur trade, Russian-American Company.

Introduction
Western Europe's imperialism had significant impacts globally and affected various societies in
the peripheral zones of Asia, Africa, Oceania, and Latin America. Notably, the sociocultural structuresof the indigenous groups in those areas have been drastically altered and reconstructed to this day from personal ideologies to behavior. In the interdisciplinary studies on colonialism, including
anthropology and history, acculturations caused by imperialism are one of the main study concernsand have produced various findings.
Founding on this consideration, this paper examines the influence of Western colonialism, basedon modern civilization, on the personal bodies and minds of the indigenous societies on relatively
remote islands in the Pacific zone. It focuses explicitly on the Aleutian Kayak building and steering
mechanism during the Russian colonial era, investigating the relationship between technical choices
and colonialism. This examination aims to explore through a case study to comprehend one of thenon-verbal histories embodied in folk articles. These include material cultures extending to the
producing techniques inherited by bodies of the indigenous people - unrecorded in historical
documents nor bequeathed orally. Thus, this study has the potential to provide a new perspective on
the relationship between Russian imperialism and the indigenous societies in the Arctic zone of theNorthern Pacific, providing existing findings based on linguistic data.
Aleutian Kayak of the Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples
In this paper, the Aleutian Kayak: Baidarka (Russian), displayed at the Hakodate City Museumof Northern Peoples, Japan1), is the leading object motivating this study (Figure 1) It has been
conjectured that the Kayak was collected on Simushir island at the center of the Kuril Islands by agroup of Japanese inspectors in 1876. This was the following year of the conclusion of the Treaty ofSaint Petersburg, in which the Kuril Islands were given to Japan by Russia in exchange for Russia
taking control over the entirety of Sakhalin Island (Baba 1943). In other words, due to this treaty, theJapanese inspectors were dispatched to Simushir island; therefore, the Aleutian Kayak housed in the51

Figure 1. Aleutian kayak owned by the Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples, Japan

Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples, Japan, at present, was collected.
It is presumed that the Unangan or the Unangas built this collection, the indigenous people of
the Aleutian Islands, known as the Aleut, as named in the colonial era (Jochelson 1933)2).
Unsurprisingly, this Kayak's builder was the indigenous people of the Aleutian Islands; however, it is
intriguing that it was collected on Simushir island, far from the homelands of the Aleut people. Thisbackground will be discussed subsequently, as this problem is crucial. Incidentally, the three-hatch
model of this Kayak is known to be displayed in just three collections worldwide today. Such a rare
structure of this collection is essential in comprehending the impact of colonial influences; hence, thisdetail will also be explored further.
This paper will begin by grasping the basic information on the native Aleut history and society to
study the background of this collection extensively. Until today, the native Aleut are known as theindigenous people in the Aleutian Islands, Northern Pacific. After the mid-18th century, the native
Aleut were acceleratingly affected by imperial Russia. Notably, Russian colonialism and capitalism
urged the native Aleut to produce fur as commodities for trade as they were excellent sea mammal
hunters. The fur trade in the Arctic zone and the Northern Pacific coast were carried out under one of
the colonial rules of Western European imperialism. This movement operated as a factor inconstructing the world system beginning in the 16th century (cf. Oswalt 1980; Crowell 1997).

52

Figure 2. Map of the relation areas with this article

Therefore, imperial Russia eventually forced the migration of the native Aleut to the Kodiak
Island, or Simushir and Urup of the Kuril Islands, for the production of fur trade commodities(Fedoroba 1973: 205). The native Aleuts were engaged in sea mammals, especially sea otters, hunting
with other indigenous groups, including the Kuril Ainu and the Alutiiq3) (Figure 2).
In 1875, the Treaty of Saint Petersburg resulted in the Russian Kuril Islands becoming theterritory of Japan; thus, the Japanese inspectors visited the Simushir island in 1876 and collected the
Kayak4). With this historical background, it can be suggested that the Aleutian Kayak displayed in the
Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples was brought about by Russian colonialism.
Form and Structure of Aleutian Kayak
Considering these socio-historical backgrounds, this paper attempts to grasp the characteristicsof the form and structure of this Aleutian Kayak. The following data is based on the March 2010 coexamination with Ikunori Suzawa, a canoe builder and canoeist. In this examination, opinions were
exchanged about the form and structure of the Aleutian Kayak, as well as building and steering
techniques. However, the main facts on the building and steering techniques are established on undue
reliance on Suzawa’s perspectives and investigations as a canoe builder and a canoeist (Oya andSuzawa 2013).
(1) Boat Form
The most remarkable feature of this collection is the long and lean boat shape constructed by theextremely narrow beam (Figure 3). Nevertheless, this feature of an extremely long and narrow boat
shape can also be recognized as typical of Aleutian Kayaks in comparison to other indigenous Kayaks,
including the Alutiiq and the Chugach (Oya and Suzawa 2013: 12, 14) (Table 1).

53

Figure 3. Boat shape and structure of the Aleutian kayak at the Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples(original information from Hasebe 2003: 158)

Table 1. Comparative chart of boat shapes of kayaks owned by museums at present(adapted from Oya and Suzawa 2013: 12)

On the sea, such a feature shape is poor for stability but retains high sailing speed. In other words,
this boat shape is suitable for high-speed and short-range navigation but unsuitable for safe long-range
navigation. From such findings, Aleutian Kayaks have an advantage in travelling at high speed to a
fixed destination in a short range; however, they are unsuited for safe navigation in long-range travels
due to inflexible adaptation to changes in weather and tidal currents.
(2) Boat StructureThis collection is constructed by the frame structure,mainly the keel, considered the common feature of the
Aleutian Kayaks. Notably, the keel of the Aleutian Kayak
is assembled by parts composed of two or three pieces(Laughlin 1980: 34-36). It can be seen in Figure 4 that the
Figure 4. block construction of stem
(original information from Oya andSuzawa 2013: 13)54

feature of the hull construction, the keel, stem, and sternon the block construction are all composed ofvarious parts.
This structure can alleviate the impact andpressure of wind or waves, preventing upsetting
and wrecks. In addition, gunwales of thiscollection are not directly joined with stem andstern; the stem is constructed by different parts,
which are composed of the lower side, unified withthe keel with the upper side separated (Oya andSuzawa 2013: 13). These constructions can also be
considered as same devices to alleviate the impact
and pressure of wind or waves and prevent

Figure 5. deck beams on the ship side
(original information from Oya andSuzawa 2013: 13)

upsetting.
An observation can be made that the side of the ship has no specific construction for protecting
wind and waves, except for deck beams (Figure 5). In addition to the extremely narrow boat shape,
this side structure is vulnerable to impacts and pressures from both sides, compared with the front andback.
Studying these features, the design concept and construction of the Aleutian Kayak can flexibly
respond to impacts and pressures from the stem and stern side, while both sides are relatively frail.
The curiosity about the chosen design concept and construction with such contrasting differences is
crucial; Thus, this issue will be revisited accompanied by the relationship with Russian colonialism.
(3) Cockpit Form and Structure
The cockpit is commonly characterized as a significant feature of the Aleutian Kayak. The entire
shape of the cockpit on this collection's deck is oval, contrasting with the circular shape of the Alutiiq’s
and the Chugach’s Kayaks. This oval is a signature feature of the Aleutian Kayaks and is understood
to be influenced by the traditional seating posture of the native Aleut.
The embarkation and steering of the Aleutian Kayak are by knee extension posture (Jochelson
1933: 11) (Figure 6), as opposed to the straight sitting posture of the Alutiiq and the Chugach. It canFigure 6. Inside of the cockpit(original information from Oya and Suzawa 2013: 15)55

be seen from the ethnographic records that the native Aleut mocked the sitting posture of the Alutiiq;
therefore, those postures have been recognized as unique to each ethnic group. Borrowing from the
French sociologist M. Moss’s theory, “techniques of the body” (Moss 1936), the Aleutian Kayak’s
embarkation and steering posture is an organic process of embodiment based on a lifetime ofsociocultural training.
In addition, an ethnographic record shows that Russian colonialists struggled to sit in an Aleutian
Kayak with the same posture as the native Aleut (Veniaminov 1984: 160). Furthermore, the aim of
this lifetime training is embodying: by embracing the "techniques of the body,” the knee extension
posture is not only to steer the Kayak but also to build lithe muscles - this is necessary to hunt sea
mammals, as the harpoon is thrown with the spear thrower while in this posture (Laughlin 1980: 2829).
It is difficult for other people to embark on the Aleutian Kayak, as generally, the forms andstructures of the seats are molded to adjust to the embarkation posture of a specific person (Lantis
1984: 173). Therefore, the fabrication of deck beams must be arranged for the body size of each owner,
catering to the various leg lengths and knee positions.
However, the deck beams of this collection are equally arranged and are built to embark on
various body shapes, securing a relatively wide space around the cockpit. These results indicate thelikelihood of this collection being built not as an order-made for a specific person but ready-made forthe general. This possibility identifies a remarkably different feature compared to what is reported in
ethnographies of typical order-made Aleutian Kayaks.
Background of Technical Choices under Colonialism
Considering the results of examinations, this paper attempts to investigate the relationshipbetween the Aleutian Kayak and colonialism. It was assumed that the proportion of Aleutian Kayaks
with extremely long and narrow boat shapes was chosen to acquire high sailing speed in exchange forstability on the sea. However, the cruise by an Aleutian Kayak was originally for more than just shortrange navigation for hunting at a specific site - before Russian colonization, long-range navigation
was common during an extended period for interregional exchanges or exploration and tracing of sea
mammals (Oshima 1996: 87).
A question is raised from a contrasting environment before and after the Russian colonization:
Why are the Aleutian Kayaks, built after the Russian colonization, constructed to prioritize high speed
at the cost of stability?
A possible argument for such a technical choice could be the Russian colonial rule pressured by
the requirement of capitalism. As is well known, Russian imperialism’s primary purpose in expanding
to the North American continent was to monopolize the fur trade bringing great wealth to the world
market (Veltre 1990: 176; Fisher 1996: 123). Russia had to depend on the native Aleut and otherindigenous people, as the capturing of sea mammals (including sea otters and seals) as fur tradecommodities required highly skilled hunting and sailing techniques (Townsend l975: 563; Crowell56

l997: 13)5). Therefore, with colonial rule, Russian capitalism (mainly the Russian-American
Companies) forced the natives in the Aleutian Islands to focus on hunting sea mammals solely as fur
trade commodities.
It can be assumed that such a situation also affected the Aleutian Kayaks and caused significant
changes for the utilizers. Under Russian colonial rule, indigenous people, including the native Aleut,were restricted from pursuing subsistence activities for food production and long-distance navigation
to obtain living and luxury goods. This means they were forced to exclusively seek the production of
fur trade commodities by Russian-American Company. Additionally, such utility of Kayaks reduced
necessities and opportunities for long-distance navigation. Trade commodities of sea otters and seals
were easily hunted, compared with large sea mammals for food production, which demanded
extensive searching and chasing for long distances (Laughlin 1980: 32-33)6).
As compensation, the native Aleuts were supplied luxury items, prestigious goods, and foods andnecessities for daily life by colonialists. As a result, in complete disregard of their wishes, engagementin their daily activities of food production and lifestyle necessities grew unnecessary.
With these historical movements, the drastic social change of the native Aleut, induced by
Russian colonialism and capitalism, is a plausible leading force in building the Aleutian Kayak
represented in the Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples, Japan collection. For example, theKayak presents the features of the release from subsistence activities, including food production anddaily necessities, and long navigation became redundant. In exchange, natives in the Northern Pacificunder Russian colonial rule increased the production of fur trade commodities; therefore, to a degree,
it shows that the native people had to engage in sea mammal hunting even under bad weather7).
These backgrounds directed the native people’s craftmanship in constructing boat design basedon resisting wind and waves from front and back and both sides with their watermanship (Laughlin
1980: 43-44). Because cruising by the Aleutian Kayak in the colonial era could concentrate on shortrange movement for hunting sea mammals alone, their boat steering skills were trained to cope with

Figure 7. A ship model seated the western colonialist at the center cockpit (original information from
Iqyax - Own work, GFDL, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=11247891)

57

wind and waves under bad weather, resulting in selecting a boat shape extremely narrow and long forhigh speed.
In the same way, boat building shifting from order-made to ready-made can also point out the
influence of colonialism. It is recorded in ethnographies that these boats have seated various
colonialists, including merchants, administrators, even missionaries, and others, at the center of thethree-hatch model (Figure 7). This is why a relatively wide space for the embarkation of unspecified
persons is made in the center of the three-hatch model. In sum, excluding the front and back cockpits8),
the central seat did not require a build to be order-made.
Conclusion
These investigations can lead to a conclusion that the Aleutian Kayak’s technical choices in thecolonial era reflect Russian imperialism and capitalism represented by Russian-American Company.
Specifically, the native Aleut society was reconstructed by Russian imperialism - a sustainable
lifestyle consisting of highly intensive sea mammal hunting resulting in the Kayaks’ building andsteering technical choices adopting specialized speed for short distances at the expense of stability on
the water.
This study briefly demonstrates the theoretical perspectives on utilizing Aleutian Kayaks atplaces forced of emigration. The native Aleut were undoubtedly engaged in sea mammal hunting by
Russian-American Company with the Kuril Ainu or the Alutiiq, who were indigenous at eachsettlement from ethnographic and historical documents.
However, the "techniques of the body” have been discussed - the steering of the Aleutian Kayak
and the native Aleuts’ hunting skills were manifested from the long-term training from childhood.
Hence, it explains the difficulties for other ethnicities to practice the same hunting activities as
Aleutian Kayaks; therefore, the Aleutian Kayaks were introduced and built in places that forced thenative Aleut to emigrate. In other words, the introduction to and instructions for the Aleutian Kayaks
were indispensable to pursuing the production of the fur trade. This implies that other native people,
excluding the native Aleut, struggled to steer and carry out sea mammal huntings on the Aleutian
Kayaks. Hence, the Aleutian Kayaks that landed on the Central Kuril Islands, far from the AleutianIslands, were for the Aleut’s hunting purposes. Additionally, the Central Kuril Islands are famous asone of the voyage choke points due to fast sea currents and uncertain weather. To pursue theproduction of fur trade commodities in such an environment, the Kayak-building and steering
techniques of the native Aleut were crucial. This is especially why the Russian colonialists forcibly
emigrated the Aleut.
Moreover, the native Aleut were engaged in the division of labor with various ethnicities at the
Kuril Islands and the Kodiak Islands. Through the cockpit, boat form, and structure, it is assumed thatthe collection at the Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples was built as a ready-made Kayak forboarding by nonspecific persons. Considering this finding, there is the possibility that other ethnic
groups, together with the native Aleut, had sat on this Kayak collection and engaged in sea mammal

58hunting to produce fur trade commodities.
However, the steering of the Aleutian Kayak is suspected to be difficult for other ethnic groups,
except for the native Aleut; thus, the contribution of other indigenous people’s are assumed to belimited. For example, other ethnic groups, such as the Antique and the Kuril Ainu, may have played arole as younger novices seated at the front cockpit in the colonial era. The Aleutian Kayaks represented
in the Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples collection were indeed utilized multiculturally andinitiated by Russian imperialism.
The form and structure of the Aleutian Kayaks built during the Russian colonial era have been
elucidated through discussion. They were chosen not only by simple environmental adaptations andcultural traditions but also by strong influences from Russian imperialism, including, RussianAmerican Company. In other words, it is plausible that colonial powers persuaded required technicalchoices.
These findings were led by the sociocultural environment surrounding indigenous peoples. The
producing and utilizing Aleutian Kayaks under colonization were ascribed through examinations oftechnical practices on steering and building as activities of human bodies. It is not an exaggeration tostate that such a result could be regarded as a non-verbal history embodied in folk articles. On existing
anthropological and historical research, colonial histories are studied through comparatively large
perspectives over individual-level-based history and ethnographic records. For that reason, theapproach based on material culture, which has been neglected for a long time in anthropologicalstudies, can become the new frontier in investigating non-literate societies' histories.

Acknowledgements
This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number JP17K03301, JP19H05735,
JP19H05731. This paper was significantly revised and rewritten in English from the original Japanese
article below.
ŌNISHI Hideyuki 2014. Shokumichi-shihai ga Sematta Gijutsu-sentaku: Baidarka ni Kizamareta
Robeishokai no keiei. Kokusai Jominbunka Kennkyusosho, 5: 47-58. (Choice of Technology Enforced
on Colonialism: The Employment and Production of Aleut Baidarka Under the Control on RussianAmerican Company. International Center for Folk Culture Studies Monographs, 5: 47-58.)
Yokohama: International Center for Folk Culture Studies, Kanagawa University.

Notes
1) The basic information on the Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples, Japan, can be seen in
the following URL.
https://www.hakodate.travel/en/sightseeing-spots/historic-building/hakodate-city-museum-ofnorthern-peoples/592) Aleut was the ethnonym named by Russian and other European colonialists. They call themselves
Unangax, Unangan, and Unanga at present.
3) As a side note, the Kuril Ainu are the indigenous people of this area. Still, the Alutiiq named, suchas Koniag Eskimo by European colonialists, were also forced to migrate for sea mammals hunting
from Kodiak Island by imperial Russia.
4) In the report of this group of Japanese inspectors, the observation and purchase of a skin boat
made from sea mammals for hunting sea otters in Urup of the Central Kuril Islands were recorded(Sato 1875). Despite different islands, this boat is assumed to be a collection owned by the
Hakodate City Museum of Northern Peoples through the researched document.
5) On condition of calm at sea under fine weather, even European colonialists could steer a baidarka
sufficiently. However, navigating the Baidarka to conduct sea mammal hunting, particularly on
the rough sea, was very difficult, except for the native Aleut (Laughlin 1980: 43). Thus, fur tradecommodity production depended on indigenous people, including the native Aleut’sindispensability.
6) In the case of whales and large sea mammals, after the harpoon head pierced games, wrestling
was generally necessary with those on the sea for a long time and distance. Additionally, large sea
mammals were more important for their subsistence than small ones, such as sea otters, due totheir more significant caloric contents.
7) As pointed out earlier, the native Aleut can steer stable sailing on rough seas under severe weather.
8) Aleutian Kayaks were originally single and double-hatch models only, and the triple-hatch models
were not built before Russian colonisation. Incidentally, expert hunters were seated in the backcockpit for training younger novices in the front, so double-hatch models held significant
purposes.

References
Baba, Osamu. 1943. Chishima niokeru Aleut-zoku. Minzokugaku Kenkyu, 1(9): 877-890.
Crowell, Aron L. 1997. Archaeology and the Capitalist World System: A Study from Russian America.
New York: Plenum Press.
Fedorova, Svetlana G. 1973. The Russian Population in Alaska and California from the Late
Eighteenth Century to 1867. Fairbanks: University of Alaska Press.
Fisher, Robin. 1996. The Northwest from the Beginning of Trade with Europeans to the 1880s. In
Bruce G. Trigger and Wilcomb E. Washburn (eds.) The Cambridge History of the Native Peoplesof the Americas Vol. 1: North America Part 2, pp. 117-182. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Hasebe, Kazuhiro. 2003. Aleut no Kawabune. In K. Otsuka (ed.) Kitataiheiyo no Senjuminkoeki to
Kogei. pp.158-162. Kyoto: Shubunkaku.
Jochelson, Waldemar. 1933. History, Ethnology, and Anthropology of the Aleut. Washington:

60

Carnegie Institution of Washington.
Lantis, Margaret. 1984. Aleut. In David Damas and William C. Sturtevant (eds.) Handbook of North
American Indians, Vol. 5, Arctic. pp.161-184. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Laughlin, William S. 1980. Aleuts: Survivors of the Bering Land Bridge. New York: Holt Rinehart &Winston.
Mauss, Marcel. 1936. Les Techniques du Corps. Sociologie et Anthropologie. Paris: Presses
Universitaires de France.
Oya, Kyosuke and Ikunori Suzawa. 2013. Shiritu Hakodate Hakubutsukan shozo "Three Hole
Baidarka" no Seisakugijutsu nikannsuru Ichikousatsu. Shiritu Hakodate Hakubutsukan
Kenkyukiyo, 23: 9-16. (Consideration about a fabrication method of ‘Three Hole Baidarka’collected at Hakodate City Museum. Bulletin of Hakodate City Museum, 23: 9-16.)
Oshima, Minoru. 1996. Subsistence and Culture of the Aleuts as Island Dwellers: EthnographicalViewpoint. The 10th International Abashiri Symposium: Peoples and Cultures in the Northern
Islands. pp.85-94. Abashiri: Hokkaido Museum of Northern Peoples.
Oswalt, Wendell H. 1980. Kolmakovskiy Redoubt: The Ethnoarchaeology of a Russian Fort in Alaska.
Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology.
Sato, Hideaki. 1875. Chisima Kiko. Owned by Hakodate City Central Library.
Townsend, Jan B. 1975. Alaskan Natives and the Russian-American Company: Variations in
Relationships. In Jim Freedman and Jerome H. Barkow (eds.) Proceedings of the Second
Congress, Canadian Ethnology Society Vol. 2. pp.555-570. Ottawa: National Museums of
Canada.
Veltre, Douglas W. 1990. Perspectives on Aleut Culture Change during the Russian Period. In Barbara
S. Smith and Redmond J. Barnett (eds.) Russian America: The Forgotten Frontier. pp. 175-183.
Tacoma: Washington State Historical Society.
Veniaminov, Ivan. 1984 (1840). Notes on the Islands of the Unalaska District. Kingston: Limestone
Press.

61

Corals: A high-resolution Window for Mature and Human Memories
Tsuyoshi WATANABE1,2,3,4 and Atsuko YAMAZAKI3,4
1Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, 2Faculty of Science, Hokkaido University, 3Graduate

School of Environmental Studies, Nagoya University, 4KIKAI Institute for Coral Reef Sciences
Reef corals are distributed present today in tropical and subtropical oceans. They can be foundin a significant fraction of the geologic record, with a range extending back to 500 million years ago.
Their carbonate skeletons grow with tree-like annual rings, and its microstructural and geochemical
analysis along the direction of coral growth can reconstruct the environmental changes on a weekly
to monthly scale over centennial to millennium years of corals alive. In other words, reef corals
precisely record climatic and environmental information on the time scale experienced as the humanlife scale. The precise dating and geochemical records of coral fossils make possible a directcomparison between high-resolution environmental information and human history after the late
Pleistocene. We demonstrate a new method for the comprehensive reconstruction of coral and humanmemories using combined approaches by high spatiotemporal resolution geoscientific analysis oncoral reefs and phenomenological reduction in drama and theatre to understand the relationshipbetween the vulnerability and resilience to environmental changes between nature and human fromthe past to future.
Keywords: Coral annual bands, High-resolution paleoenvironment reconstruction, Drama andtheater, Phenomenological reduction

The relationship between nature and humans in the past and future
Global environmental change in the Anthropocene is determined by the complex interplay ofnatural and social changes. What will the relationship between humans and nature be like in the future?
Climate change has greatly affected marine and terrestrial ecosystems and has significantly impacted
human life, including migration, settlement, lifestyle, and culture. In addition, the frequency andmagnitude of regional-scale environmental changes, such as typhoons, floods, droughts, earthquakes,
and volcanic eruptions, have significantly impacted how people think and live by influencing the
dynamics of local communities, their lifestyles, and their economic sustainability. On the other hand,
economic development through industrialization and the unification of information and lifestyles
through globalization have made our lives more vulnerable to climate change and environmental
events. We should explore the resilient human-nature relationship in rapidly changing global
environments in the future with multiple layers at different spatiotemporal scales.

62

Similarities and differences of structures with spatial and temporal scales between corals andhumanity
Figure 1. Similarity and differences in space and time between coral and human memories.

Corals have long drawn great interest due to their geological, ecological, and biologicalimportance and usefulness to humans, animals, and plants in marine and land ecosystems.
Their skeletons continuously grow, with different shapes of coral colonies and topography of coral
reefs, up to one of the most significant biological architectures, which supports a wealth of diverse life
in nutrient-poor regions. Corals are surviving and adapting to the drastic change in Earth’s history andcreate nanometres to planetary scale complex structures throughout geological time, including 1) the
calcification process in each coral polyp, 2) growing and changing morphology in coral colonies, 3)creating a coral ecosystem with co-existence of different coral species and other organisms, 4)developing coral reef topography with accumulating living and dead parts of skeletons andother sedimentary materials, and 5) forming coral island and archipelago with uplifted activities and/or
sea level changes. Such multi-level structures and phenomena observed in corals resemble those in
human being with the developing processes and interactions among human individuals, families,
communities, and societies (Figure 1). Both corals and human beings grow and survive in different
environments with spatial and temporal progress of extension and development. In contrast withstructures and phenomena, the strategy for surviving abrupt environmental changes seems very
different between coral reef ecosystems and human societies.
Corals as high-resolution memories for environmental changes
Corals continuously accumulate calcium carbonate skeletons as they grow, providing a record ofenvironmental conditions throughout the colony's lifespan. Coral sclerochronology, a combined
approach using physical and chemical analyses along the major growth axis, can provide a wealth of
information about the environmental and physiological changes experienced by corals for hundreds63

of years (e.g., Gagan et al.,2000). Isotopic, geochemical, and skeletal growth analyses of certain
massive corals (e.g., Porites, Orbicella) in tropical shallow reefs have been successfully used toreconstruct seasonal- to century-scale variation in environmental parameters (e.g., temperature,salinity, light intensity, nutrient dynamics, marine pollution, and ocean pH) and coral growth (e.g.,skeletal density, linear extension rate, and calcification rates). The stable oxygen isotope ratio (δ18O)
in shallow-water corals, even their fossils, is widely used to reconstruct sea surface temperature (SST)and sea surface salinity (SSS) because the δ18O in the carbonate minerals that comprise the coralskeleton reflects both the water temperature and the chemical composition of the surrounding seawater(e.g., Epstein et al., 1953, Watanabe et al., 2011). Coral δ18O is biologically mediated and precipitatedunder isotopic disequilibrium from seawater δ18O (e.g., Weber and Woodhead, 1970); however, theoffset from equilibrium is assumed to be relatively constant within the same coral species. Carbon
isotope ratios (δ13C) preserved in coral skeletons have also been used as an indicator for environmental
parameters such as sunlight and dissolved inorganic carbon (DIC). However, the factors controlling
coral δ13C are more complicated due to the complex pathways and sources of carbon from the ambient
seawater to the coral skeletons (e.g., Watanabe et al., 2017). The skeletal barium to calcium ratio could
record the changes in upwelling events from deeper water layers to the surface ocean (e.g., Yamazaki
et al., 2021). Ocean transportation and wind direction are also recorded as the changes in amplitude of
Δ14C and manganese concentration in coral skeletons (e.g., Grottoli and Eakin, 2007, Shen et al., 1992).
Nutrient dynamics and ocean currents are also reconstructed by analyzing δ15N signals in the organic
materials in coral skeletons. Because reef corals live in coastal areas between land and ocean, the coral
records could capture both global marine environmental changes (e.g., global warming, ocean
acidification) and loral to regional scales of events on land and coastal areas (e.g., earthquake, Tsunami,
typhoon, volcanic eruption, drought, coastal development).
The rapid calcification rates of reef coral skeletons and their precise geochemical indicators allow
the marine environment experienced by reef corals to be compared on the same scale as human lives.
Moreover, the long-lived massive corals could survive during several hundred years with tracking
century-scale environmental changes (Figure 2).
We introduce some examples from our works. Yamazaki et al. (2015) reconstructed 51-yearchanges in the origin of nitrogen inflows through rivers from reef coral skeletons at Shiraho Coral
Reef on Ishigaki Island. We revealed that the concentration of nutrients flowing into coral reefs varies
with changes in coastal land use. From the seasonal variations in water temperature in Omani fossil
reef coral skeletons, we found a correspondence between the disappearance of the Mesopotamian
civilization's largest empire and the strength of winter storms (Watanabe et al., 2019). In long-lived
sclerosponges, which grow a calcium carbonate skeleton like reef corals, we captured the evolution oflead pollution's origin in the atmosphere, revealing the impact of human activities on the environment(Ohmori et al., 2014). The world's largest bivalve, the giant clam, which forms a daily growth band,
can reconstruct past typhoons, showing that it is possible to capture weather phenomena that humans
experienced (Watanabe et al., 1999, Komagoe et al., 2018). Our future challenge is to superimpose

64Figure 2. Long-lived massive Porites coral colony at Kikaijima Island. The hermatypic corals growwith annual rings in their skeletons, and the growth rate is ~1 cm/year.

these high temporal-resolution paleoenvironmental indicators with human memories.
Phenomenological reduction in drama and theatre
We demonstrate a new method for the comprehensive reconstruction of coral and humanmemories using combined approaches by high spatiotemporal resolution geoscientific analysis oncoral reefs and phenomenological reduction in drama and theatre to understand the relationshipbetween the vulnerability and resilience to environmental changes between nature and human fromthe past to future. Skeletons of reef-building corals record environmental information during their
lifetime at very high resolution, from weekly to seasonal, providing natural environmental data at theexact temporal resolution as human life.

On the other hand, further back into the past, the temporal

resolution of information on people's daily life is less available than those for environmental data
recovered from coral skeletons. Therefore, the time gap in people's daily life in the past iscomplemented by imagination and aggregation through phenomenal reduction by utilizing drama andtheatre. The information about people and nature required in the theatrical process is feedback to theresearchers, then science and art are iterated to complement each other in time, human action, and life.
After watching the play, the researcher will develop a research theme to enhance information
resolution in their research field further and enhance the resolution of the play through informationfrom the memories, customs, and daily life of the residents.

In addition, researchers and residents

will hold workshops to create future scenes together with artists to embody their vision of the future
as future collective knowledge.

65

Drama and theatre in Kikaijima Island, Amami islands in Japan
Kikaijima Island in the Amami Islands, Japan, has been uplifted over the past 100,000 years,
exposing coral fossils from various periods. Humans have stayed on Kikai Island for at least the past
8,000 years. Modern, it also has a rich coral reef ecosystem at the boundary between tropical andtemperate seas and more than 30 settlements that have been maintained for a very long time by water
stored in the limestone springs of the coral reefs. Kikaijima Island has maintained its cultural diversity
in the face of drastic changes in environmental and social variables. The population is also declining
and aging. It is a place that could serve as a model for future aging societies. The fossil coral records
from Kikaijima Island revealed the changes in the East Asian monsoon over the past 8000 years (Garaset al., 2022), and archaeological sites have been discovered from prehistoric to medieval times,
allowing a direct comparison of the environment experienced by the island's inhabitants. We obtained
the high spatiotemporal resolution geoscientific data using high-resolution and precision coralgeochemical analysis along with coral skeletal annual bands (e.g., δ18O and Sr/Ca ratio) and highspatiotemporal hydrodynamic model simulation to compare with the community-based life histories
deduced from field works and interviews with residents, human and social science fields of scientists
such as anthropologist and sociologist, and artists in Kikaijima Island. We generated a life-based
database that combined environmental factors in climate/environmental changes and human behavior
and lifestyle on local and regional scales of social changes. We applied drama and theatre to synthesize
all kinds of scientific and societal data, knowledge, and narratives together in the drama-making
process (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Long-lived massive Porites coral colony at Kikaijima Island. The hermatypic corals growwith annual rings in their skeletons, and the growth rate is ~1 cm/year.

66

Drama is one of the oldest arts of human beings and a way to express the change and trouble that
occurred inside the individual or group at various times and places. All processes of making, playing,watching, discussing, and revising the drama could be involved different fields of scientists, artists,and residents in local communities with different generations. Throughout such processes,
phenomenological reduction in drama and theatre would be occurred by visualizing conditions andenvironments in which human-made their decision and the psychological and emotional structures.
We evaluated the reaction and propagation in community members of sciences, artists, and residents
using tracking propagation of emotion, behaviour pattern, and decision changes. Combined
approaches using high-resolution coral records and phenomenological reduction in drama and theatre
would help better understand the relationship between nature and humans in unpredictable future Earthand among people of different abilities and generations on a local community scale.
Collective future knowledge with inter to transdisciplinary research among scientists, artists,and local communities.
We hypothesize that individuals, groups, and societies have been transformed and maintained in
response to climate and environmental change experienced over generations. Their indigenous
knowledge would be unique to each region responding to environmental changes and disasters.
However, the local environmental changes due to global environmental issues do not become personaland collective because of the differences in scale and problem awareness between global and regionspecific issues. To transparent from global environmental issues to personal affairs, the approaches
will approach identifying and solving local problems through a mechanism that enables science, art,and community to emerge and collaborative knowledge for the future. This study compares therelationship between climate/environmental change and people/society from the past to the present
using coral and other high-resolution environmental proxies on a scale of one day to several years.
Through the various processes of theatrical performances, we will develop a high-resolution historyof the "high-resolution relationship between humans and nature" in the region, showing how global
environmental change and local environmental incidents have changed the thoughts, actions, and livesof people and formed conventional knowledge in the region today.

Furthermore, we propose a future

vision (future collective knowledge) that promotes empathy and collaboration among researchers fromdifferent fields and local stakeholders and an environmental adaptation strategy close to our own
experience using a theatrical process. The resolution and imagination of each discipline are enhanced,
and a collective future-oriented collaboration involving local communities would be established byusing drama to bring together the perspectives and methods of different research fields in the naturalsciences and the humanities, and social sciences.

67

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Ohmori, K., Watanabe, T., Tanimizu, M., Shirai, K. (2014). Lead concentration and isotopic
composition in the Pacific sclerosponge (Acanthochaetetes wellsi) reflects environmental lead
pollution. Geology, 42(4)， 287- 290. https://doi.org/10.1130/G34316.1
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indicator of trade wind reversal in corals from the western tropical Pacific, Journal ofGeophysical Research, 97(C8), 12689–12697. https://doi.org/10.1029/92JC00951
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69

The Watercraft of Out-of-Eurasia Groups:
A Review, a Re-evaluation and Prospects
Akira GOTO
Anthropological Institute, Nanzan University
Abstract
Coastal migration and transcending water bodies is an important topic in the human history of
the Out-of-Eurasian populations. A necessary part of the discussion is the evaluation of the means ofwater transportation, namely boats. A boat here refers to a primitive means of transportation
propelled by natural forces using natural materials, i.e., plants and animals. Plant materials can
include wood, branches, bark, and grass. Animal materials can be animal hides, entrails, or bones.
Natural propulsion can be river currents, ocean currents, wind, and human power. Classic studies byHans Suder (1930) and Gerd Koch (1984) on the global distribution of boats show a diverse andcomplex distribution of boats in the Pacific Rim, where the Out-of-Eurasia group's spread. This
presentation will review research on the nested distribution of boats in the ethnography of the New
World, and Sunda/Sahul continents. I will then discuss the current status of early migrations to theJapanese archipelago and report on the results of an experimental archaeological study in the Ryukyu
Islands 30,000 years ago. Different types of boats were tested in this experiment: grass-bundle boats,
tamboo rafts and dugout canoes. A successful paddling voyage from Taiwan to Yonaguni Island was
finally made by dugout canoe. However, several problems remained: (1). diversity of island
environment (e.g. availability of logs for constructing dugout canoe), (2). transportation of domestic
and semi-domestic animals (e.g. Ryukyu wild boar), (3). presence/absence of sail, (4).
cognitive/navigation aspects (e.g. invisibility of Yonaguni Island during the voyage).
I will explore these problems in relation to 3D niche construction model.
Keywords: boat, watercraft, grass-bundle boat, bamboo raft, dugout canoe, Ryukyu Islands

Indigenous Watercraft of the Pacific Rim
Coastal migration and crossing water gaps are important themes in the human history of Out-ofEurasia groups (e.g. Leppard & Runnels 2017). The migration of human groups from EurasianContinent to islands of Southeast Asia (e.g. Sundaland in the late Pleistocene) and further to Oceania
was inevitably made by watercraft. Recently, it has become increasingly recognized that earlymigrations to the Americas were also by sea and required watercraft. So we are faced with the necessityof the evaluation of the means of water transportation, i.e., boats (e.g. Leppard et al 2022).

70

Figure 1. Distribution of Indigenous Boats in North America (modified from Koch 1984: Abb.1 on page202)

The boat is defined as a primitive means of transportation propelled by natural forces using
natural materials, i.e., plants and animals. Plant materials include wood, branches, bark, and grass.
Animal materials can be animal hides, entrails, or bones. Natural propulsion can be river currents,
ocean currents, wind, or human power.
A worldwide study of indigenous boats is given by Hans Suder (1930), Gerd Koch (1984), andmost recently by Sean McGrail (2001).
The primitive watercraft would be a float. McGrail's model for the creation of buoyancy, whichis essential for boats, includes two types of boats (McGrail 2001: Fig.1.4): rafts and grass bundle boats,in which a number of individually buoyant elements are put together; and single boats, such as
roundwood, bark, or hide boats, in which a hull is built. He classified them into two broad categories.
Then let us examine the details of the type and distribution of boats by looking at examples from
Americas.
In the Arctic region of North America, the Inuit and Aleuts are using skin-boat, kayak-umiyak.
The material used is marine mammal skins, which are formed into a boat shape using a wooden orbone frame. South of that, inland and the Atlantic coast of Canada, bark boats are widely used. On theother hand, in the Pacific Northwest coast of Canada where lumber is abundant, dugout boats had
developed.
Dugouts are also a dominant type in the lower Mississippi Basin. In the middle and upper
Mississippi River, animal skin boats, especially round boats made of buffalo skins, are characteristic.
In the dry areas from the West Coast to Mexico, grass bundle boats predominate. However, the71Figure 2. Distribution of Indigenous Boats in North America (modified from Koch 1984: Abb.1 on page
238)

Chumash and other tribes off the southwestern coast use plank boats (Figure 1).
Heizer and Massey (1938) had provided more detailed distribution of various types of boats,such as, grass-bundle boats, log rafts, dugouts and plank canoes on Californian Coast.
In South America, bark boats are used in the Amazon lowlands, and also by the Yagan people inthe southern tip of South America. In the Amazon, dugout boats are also used. On the Peruvian coast,grass bundle boats made of reed or log rafts made of balsa wood are used. Unique type of grass bundle
boats was used on Peruvian coast and Lake Titikaka. Skin boats made from seal skins were also used
(Figure 2).
These complex distributions of boats along the Pacific rim of the Americas provide hints about
the migration of the Out-of-Eurasian populations. Boats of different principles may represent waves
or layers of human migrations at different times. Although the Inuit who use animal skin boats are latecomers, it is possible that animal skin boats were used for transportation along the southern coast of
Beringia, where early migrations may have taken place. On the other hand, the oldest sites of theAmericas have been found along the Pacific coast of South America as far as Chile. If the earlymigration of the Americas took place along the Pacific coast, the dugout, grass bundle boats, or log
rafts are the candidates as the means of transportation.
At the same time, however, such a distribution may indicate human plasticity. In other words,
for the purpose of moving along the coast and crossing water gaps, humans may have built boats of72

Figure 3. Bark Boats of Borneo and Solomons (Vairo 1995: p. 109 & 107)

various structures and forms, using locally available materials. This may indicate the plasticity ofhuman abilities and technology.
The distribution of boats on the western side of the Pacific rim is also complex, and I will take abrief look at the distribution of indigenous boats in Southeast Asia and Oceania.
Human settlement in Oceania is divided into two stages. The first stage is the migration from
Sundaland to Sahul, by the Homo sapiens groups who are the ancestors of the Australian Aborigines
and Papuans. This took about 40,000 to 60,000 years ago in the Late Pleistocene. In ethnography,
the Australian Aborigines used bark boats and log rafts, while the Tasmanians used a special type ofboat called a bark-bundle raft. Several experiments have been already conducted on the use ofbamboo rafts, in order to cross from Sundaland to the Sahul continent (Bednarik 1998, 1999).
A. Horridge argued the possibility of raft with sail used in early Austronesian migration (1984:
Fig.91), and A. Anderson et al. suggests the possibility of raft with sail for the migration to Remote
Oceania (Anderson et al. 2006).
We do not exclude the possibility of raft in these early migration periods, dugout boats or canoes
are predominant from the islands of Southeast Asia to Oceania. In parts of Polynesia and Melanesia,
double canoes or multi-hull canoes were used for migration and trade. Most people agree that
outrigger-canoes were used in the second stage of human migration, i.e. the migration of theAustronesian groups, about 5,000 years ago. The most conspicuous feature of Austronesian canoes isthe attachment of outrigger for stabilizing the narrow hull.
Double-outrigger type is dominant in Southeast Asia, and single-outrigger type is used in Oceania,
although in calm waters in Solomons and Aotearoa (New Zealand), the canoes tend to lose outrigger

73

device. But the double/single contrast should be understood as functional as well as historical: in someparts of Indonesia, fishermen detached one side of outrigger to the easy use of fishing nets loweredfrom that side of the canoe.
Some argue that the outrigger of the Austronesian groups was sought on the Chinese mainland,
although Austronesian Taiwan aborigines’ boats lack outrigger (Wu 2021). Although the origin of
outrigger in Asian continent should not be denied, we should re-evaluate the significance of coexistence of bark boats, log rafts, and grass bundle boats in Southeast Asia and Oceania, where
outrigger canoes predominate (Goto 2023). Bark boats were used in tropical forest areas, such as,
Borneo and Solomons (Figure3) (Vairo 1995), and grass-bundle boats were used by Australianaborigines, the Rapa Nui, and New Zealand Maori (Figure 4) (McGrail 2001).

Figure 4. Maori gras-bundle boat (Toitu Otago Settlers Museum in Otago; photo by Akira Goto)74

Figure 5. Bamboo raft used for fishing on Ilocos Coast of the Luzon, the Philippines; photo by Akira
Goto)

Most widely used watercraft other than outrigger canoe is rafts. Rafts were used in relatively
warm water between 40 degrees North and South. In Ilocos coast of Luzon, the Philippines, bamboo
rafts have been used for coastal fishing together with double-outrigger bangka boats (Figure 5). Thisis a part of bamboo raft tradition Bashi Strait in which Taiwan Amis’ raft is a counterpart (Goto 2023).
In Oceania rafts continued to be used together with outrigger canoes for specific purposes, such asa means of escape and as a boat for women to be used during menstruation period (Schori 1959).
A few have suggested that the early migration of Austronesian groups to Oceania was by raft,
and that the Lapita group used rafts with sails (e.g. Anderson et al. 2006). A. Horridge argued thatrafts with sail in Brazil originated in Asian type (Horridge 1968).
Again, the coexistence of diverse boats shows the possibility of representing different waves ofhuman migration and/or the flexibility of technology to suit the right material for the right purpose.
A Nautical Experiment 30,000 Years Ago in JapanThe oldest Paleolithic sites in the Japanese archipelago have been dated with certainty to 39,000years
ago. There proposed three routes to the Japanese Archipelago: the first was a route from Sakhalin to
Hokkaido Island that was connected to Sakhalin and Eurasia Continent during the late Pleistocene; thesecond was a route from Korean Peninsula via Tsusima Island to northern Kyushu Island; the third
was a route from Chinese Continent to which Taiwan was connected at that time to Ryukyu Islands(Figure 6).Although human groups could walk from Sakhalin to Hokkaido (but could not cross the
Tsugaru Strait until 20,000 B.P.), the second and third route must have been overcome by crossing thesea (Kaifu 2016).

75

Figure 6. Three Earliest Routes to the Japanese Archipelago. (Kaifu 2016: Fig.5-6)

Even at this earliest date (circa 38,000 B.P.), obsidian from Kozushima Islands was used on the
Honshu Islands, and therefore the earliest human groups in the Japanese archipelago already had anability to cross the sea.
Concerning the 3rd route, the Ryukyu Islands were isolated islands at that time, and it wasnecessary to cross the sea to reach them. We conducted an experiment on the sea crossing. The
candidate site was assumed to be Taiwan, where there are Paleolithic sites such as Pahsientung (八 八八 ). Taiwan was a part of the Chinese Continent at that time.
Based on buoy discharge experiments, observation data of the Kuroshio Current, and computer
simulation, we believed that it would be impossible for humans to reach the Yaeyama Islands in thesouthern Ryukyu Archipelago from Taiwan only by drifting.
In 2013, Yosuke Kaifu and colleagues began experiments on Yonaguni Island, the island closest
to Taiwan, assuming that the island was the first stopover of a group of people coming from Taiwan(Kaifu 2016). Since there is no direct evidence of Paleolithic boats, we decided to experiment with76

Figure 7. Grass-bundle Boat made on Yonaguni Island, 2015 (photo by Akira Goto)

Figure 8. Experimental Voyage to Iriomote Island, 2017 (Kaifu 2022: Figure 4)

three types of boats that could be made using materials available on the island, 30,000 years ago. Barkboats, which were mainly used in inland waters, and animal skin boats, which would not have been
suitable for warmer waters were both excluded. At the beginning, dugout boats were because there
was little evidence of appropriate stone tools (e.g. adze) to carve them around 30,000 B.P.

77

We first experimented with a grass bundle boat of reed mace, which could be collected from themarsh on the island by using only hand or shells. Reed mace was tied up with ivy, which can be foundon the island. We asked Mr. Jin Ishikawa, who had learned to make reed boats on Lake Titicaca in
Bolivia, to instruct us. He is now working with native people of the west coast of North America, inorder to reconstruct an indigenous reed boat (Figure 7).
After two years of experimentation in nearby waters, two grass bundle boats set out on an ocean
voyage in 2016 to Iriomote Island, where human groups who arrived at Yonaguni Island might firstmigrate to. Each boat was rowed by eight crews including a woman (Figurer8). Two boats departed
in August, but on the day of departure, a branch of the Kuroshio Current flowed between two islands.
Examining sea current data by Japan Coast Guard, it is known later that strong current swept north,and this is why the boats drifted north. Although this voyage was not successful, we learned that grass
bundle boats become heavy when built large enough to withstand ocean voyages, and that their form
makes them easily swept away by ocean currents.
In 2017 and 2018, the next experiments were conducted by using bamboo rafts in Taiwan withthe help of the Amis people (Figure9). Crude stone flakes modeled on those found in the Pahsientung
site were used for cutting bamboo (Phyllostachys bambusoides). In 2017s’ model, the width of theraft was made as narrow as possible to increase speed. This raft was launched for aiming for theoffshore Green Island, but was swept away by the Kuroshio Current and were unable to reach it. The
next year, a wider but lighter raft was built, but still could not cross the Kuroshio Current. Anotherproblem was, bamboo tended to be broken earlier than expected during the experiments (Kaifu et al
2020)

Figure 9. Indigenous Ami Bamboo Raft: a Model of Experimental Voyage by Bamboo Raft (photo by
Akira Goto)78

Figure 10 Dugout Boat used for Experimental Voyage from Taiwan to Yonaguni Island, 2019
(courtesy of Yosuke Kaifu)

At that time, there came the information that a partially polished stone axe had been found inAustralia, which could be used to make a dugout boat. Then the next possibility was to experiment tomake dugout boats. Mr. Amemiya, nicknamed "Jomon Carpenter," took the lead in the production of
the dugout hull of cedar wood (Figure 10). After several experiments in Japan, the dugout boat was
further milled and lightened, and set sail from north of Taitung on Taiwan's east coast in 2019 (Kaifu
et al 2019).
The voyage of the dugout boat paddled by six people including a woman took two nights, and it
was a success. The captain, taking into account the influence of the Kuroshio Current, rowed in asoutheasterly direction and eventually reached Yonaguni Island in the northeast under the force of theKuroshio Current (NHK Close-Up Gendai Project Team 2019).
Although there is a discussion on the possibilities and the imitation of this type of experiment(Cherry and Leppard 2015), we have obtained several insightful findings. By testing three different
types of boats, it has been shown that the Kuroshio was a major obstacle and that it would be difficult
to cross it without a dugout boat. In addition, considering sea currents in South China Sea between
Luzon, Taiwan and Ryukyu Islands, unintentional drift is improbable as a reason of initial migration
over the sea (Kaifu at al 2020). This was also true for the transporting obsidian from KozushimaIsland in the earliest days of human occupation of Japan.
The voyage was a success, but there are some problems to be discussed further (cf. Leppard et al2022).
Discussion and Prospects(1). The islands of Oceania are equally diverse. On the high volcanic islands with large trees,
outrigger canoes are built on the basis of dugout boats. On smaller islands such as Tuamotu and the79Figure 11. Canoe made by stitching driftwoods from Tuamotu (Tahiti Museum; photo by Akira Goto)

Marshall Islands, however, the lack of large trees has led to the development of stitched boats withhulls made of driftwood and other materials. The figure shows a canoe made by stitching driftwoodfrom Tuamotu (Figure 11).
Chumash canoes may be in the same situation.
The Ryukyu Islands are qualitatively different islands, and their resources are not homogeneous.
As suggested by Oceanic cases, on islands with limited terrestrial resources such as the coral islands,
the technology to build boats must have been qualitatively different from that on high/volcanic islands.
In order to continue pursuing this question, we have started a new experimental voyage projecton Kikai-jima Island, Kagoshima Prefecture, a raised coral island in 2021. Since large trees are notavailable on Kikai-jima Island, we have experimentally built a grass bundle boat using pampas grass
available on the island. It was modeled after the Seri canoes of the Baja California (Figure12).
In the second experiment of last summer, adopting an idea by M. Des Lauriers (2005), we built
a hybrid type of boat using driftwood collected at the beach as a bottom, and found it to be more stableand faster than a pure grass-bundle boat (Figure 13). We first made two small bundles of wood, andtied each bundle to the log. Then we made two big bundles and tied them to small bundles (Figure14). The boat has a maximum speed of 3 knots, and we are planning to cross to the neighboring
Amami-Oshima Island in the near future (Figure 15).
(2). The second issue is how to explain the arrival of not only humans but also relatively large
animals such as Ryukyu wild boars and deer. Although dugout boats have high wave running ability,
their narrow hulls are not suitable for transporting livestock such as pigs and dogs. If the main purpose
is to transport, a wider raft would be more advantageous, or it is possible that the deck was built likethe Polynesian double-canoe. Okinawa islanders, using savani, whose original form was dugout, made80

Figure 12. Grass-bundle boats of Seri Tribes, Baja California (Koch 1984: Abb.15 on page 209)

two to four hull boats to transport cattle and large sake pots to Kyushu Island (Figure 16)(3). The navigation experiments were conducted only by paddling, but the possibility of use of
sail remains. Although rafts with sails were recorded by explorers in South America, there is acontroversy whether the first inhabitants of the New World who came from Eurasia used sails or they
did not, since there is little evidence of indigenous sails in North America (e.g. Doran 1971). In relation
to this problem, I would like to mention that only branch with leaves could serve as a sail on Halmahera
Island, Indonesia (Figure 17), and I think that primitive sails woven with straw may have been possible,
and that it is worthwhile to produce grass bundle boats and rafts with such sails.
(4). Finally, we should discuss the cognitive aspect. When the air is clear, the high mountains of
Taiwan are visible from Yonaguni-jima Island. At the same time, Kaifu has confirmed that Yonagunijima Island is also visible from high mountains in Taiwan very occasionally (Kaifu et al 2020).
Nevertheless, although the first people crossed the sea because they saw Yonaguni-jima Island, when
they went out to sea, they could not see the island during the voyage. It takes at least two days from
Taiwan to Yonaguni-jima Island, and so there is a time when the target is not visible. In that case, how
did they maintain their course? In order to solve this question, it is necessary to refer to the Polynesiancase of keeping course when the islands were out of sight.

Figure 13. A Hypothetical Hybrid Boat (Des Lauriers 2005: Figure 3)

81Figure 14. A Hybrid Boat Experimentally made on Kikaijia Island, 2022 (photo by Akira Goto)

In conclusion, crossing the sea and reaching a new environment is a complicated problem. The
3D niche model that integrates the evolution of brain, technology, body will lead to new cognition isuseful to solve how Out-of-Eurasia groups could trek the shore, cross the sea and migrate to invisible
islands.

82

Figure 15. Experimental Paddling of the Hybrid Boat on Kikaijima Islnad, 2022 photo by Akira Goto)

Figure 16. Double-hulled Sabani with sail, Kerama Maritime Museum (photo by Akira Goto)83

Figure 17. Canoe using Branch as a Sail, Halmahera Island (photo by Akira Goto)

References
Anderson, Atoll, John Chappell, Michael Gagan and Richard Grove1 (2006) Prehistoric maritime
migration in the Pacific islands: a hypothesis of ENSO forcing. The Holocene 16(1), 1- 6.
Bednarik, Robert G. (1998) An experiment in Pleistocene seafaring. The International Journal of
Nautical Archaeology 27(2), 139-149.
Bednarik, Robert G. (1999) Nale Tasih 2: journal of a Middle Palaeolithic raft. The International
Journal of Nautical Archaeology 28(1), 25-33.
Cherry, John F. & Thomas P. Leppard (2015): Experimental archaeology and the earliest seagoing:
the limitations of inference, World Archaeology, DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2015.1078739
Des Lauriers, Mattew R. (2005) The water craft of Island Cedros, Baja California: variability andcapabilities of indigenous seafaring technology along the Pacific Coast of North America. American
Antiquity 70(2), 324-360.
Doran, Edwin (1971) Sailing raft as a great tradition. In: C.R. Riley et al (eds.), Man across the
Sea (pp. 115-138). Austin: University of Texas Press.
Goto, Akira (2023) Indigenous Boats of the Rim and Islands of the Pacific: a Prelude to the Out-ofEurasia Anthropological History. Monograph Series of the Anthropological Institute, Nanzan
University, Vol. 1 (In Japanese)
Heizer, Robert F. and William G. Massey (1938) Aboriginal navigation off the coast of Upper andBaja California. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 151, 282-311.
Horridge, Adrian, G. (1987) Outrigger Canoes of Bali and Maruda, Indoensia. Honolulu: Bishop
Museum Press.

84Kaifu, Yosuke (2016) Where did Japanese Come From. Tokyo: Bunge Shunnjyu (In Japanese)
Kifu, Yosuke (2022) A synthetic model of Palaeolithic seafaring in the Ryukyu Islands, southwesternJapan. World Archaeology, DOI:10.1080/00438243.2022.2121317
Kaifu, Yosuke (2023) The upper Palaeolithic Japanese islanders as “seafarers.” Kokogaku Journal
777, 19-23. (In Japanese)
Kifu, Yosuke, Chih-hsing Lin2, Akira Goto, Nobuyuki Ikeya, Masahisa Yamada Wei-Chuan Chiang,
Masaki Fujita1, Koji Hara, Toiora Hawira, Kuo-en Huang, Chih-huei Huang, Yoshimi Kubota,
Chiung-hsi Liu, Kumino

Miura1, Yasumasa

Miyazawa, Osamu

Monden, Minoru

Muramatsu,Yunkai Sung, Katsuaki Suzuki, Nobuyuki Tanaka, Cheng-hwa Tsang, Saki Uchida& Pi-ling Wen(2019) Palaeolithic seafaring in East Asia: testing the bamboo raft hypothesis.
Antiquity 93(372), 1424–1441
Kaifu, Yousuke, Tien‑Hsia Kuo, Yoshimi Kubota, Sen Jan (2020) Palaeolithic voyage for invisible
islands beyond the horizon. Nature Research, ScientificReports 10, 19785(https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-76831-7)
Koch, Gerd (1984) Boote aus Aller Welt. Berlin: Müseum für Völkerkunde.
Leppard, Thomas P. & Curtis Runnels (2017) Maritime hominin dispersals in the Pleistocene:
advancing the debate. Antiquity 91(356): 510–519
Leppard, Thomas P., Ethan E. Cochrane, Dylan Gafney, Corinne L. Hofman, Jason E. Lafoon,
Magdalena M. E. Bunbury, Cyprian Broodband (2022)
Global Patterns in Island Colonization during the Holocene. Journal of World Prehistory 35:163–232
McGrail, Seán (ed.) (2001) Boats of the World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
NHK Close-Up Gendai Project Team (2019) Where Did Japanese Come From: To Solve the Enigma
of Voyaging 30,000 Years Ago.Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten (in Japanese)
Schori, Dieter (1959) Das Floss in Ozeanien. Ph.D. dissertation of Göttingen University. Göttingen:Ludwig Händtzschel.
Suder, Hans (1930) Vom Einbaum und Floss zum Schiff. Veröffentlishungen des Institute für
Meereskunde B-7.

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Part 1
Part 1
Exploring Maritime Migration: Methods and Materials
Exploring Maritime Migration: Methods and Materials
Part 2Part
2 Cognition
Human Body
and
Human Body and Cognition
Part 3
Part 3 Methods
Innovative ResearchInnovative Research Methods
Part 4
Part 4Landscape and Monuments:
New InsightLandscape and Monuments: New InsightReview of the Peopling of the Pacific:
A Craniometric Perspective
Michael PIETRUSEWSKY
University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa
Abstract
This paper reviews what is known about the peopling of the Pacific, and more specifically theorigins of Polynesians, based on the application of multivariate statistics to measurements recordedin crania from the Pacific-Asia region. Craniometric analyses demonstrate the presence of two great
divisions, one that contains all the cranial series from Australia, Tasmania, and geographical
Melanesia, and a second that includes cranial series from East Asia, Southeast Asia, and Polynesia.
The results argue for a separate origin of the inhabitants of these two major geographical regions, afinding that is consistent with archaeological, historical linguistic, and genetic models. Further
indicated is an ancestral Polynesian homeland in the islands of Wallacea. Recent work involving
measurements recorded in the earliest Neolithic, and more recent Indigenous Taiwanese; and PacificIsland crania and mandibles are examined. The results obtained from craniometric analyses arefurther discussed in the context of evidence from recent genomic analyses. Morphometric data
continue to reveal important insights into the peopling of the Pacific.
Keywords: Polynesian origins, multivariate statistics, craniometric data, Asia-Pacific, aDNA

Pacific Islands: Geography, Prehistory, and Linguistics
Although based on a faulty perception of Pacific Island culture history (Kirch, 2017), Dumontd’Urville’s (1832) tripartite division of the Pacific: Melanesia (“dark islands”), Micronesia (“tinyislands”), and Polynesia (“many islands”), will be used chiefly as geographic referents here. Only theindigenous inhabitants of Polynesia, people who occupy the islands scattered over the central andeastern southern Pacific Ocean, share a common history and culture. The culture-history of inhabitantsof Melanesia and Micronesia is more complicated.
Two more useful terms for understanding the prehistory of Pacific peoples based on historicallinguistics and archaeology are Near Oceania and Remote Oceania (Pawley & Green, 1973). Near
Oceania, comprises New Guinea, the Bismarck Archipelago and the Solomon Islands as far as San
Cristobal Island (excluding the Santa Cruz Islands) in the western Pacific. Remote Oceania,
encompasses all the Pacific islands north, east, and southwest of Near Oceania. The islands in Near
Oceania are generally larger in size and in closer proximity to one another than those of Remote89Oceania. Because of their smaller size, wider distribution, and lack of island intervisibility, advanced
navigational skills and transport of horticultural crops and domesticated animals was necessary for the
successful colonization of Remote Oceania.
Human occupation of Near Oceania commenced approximately 40-50,000 years ago when thefirst humans crossed Wallace’s Line in Island Southeast Asia, an imaginary boundary that runs
between Borneo and Sulawesi and Lombok Strait in Indonesia that separates faunal species found inAustralia and Papua New Guinea from those found in Southeast Asia (Kirch, 2017). A more recent
major human colonization event brought the first people into previously unoccupied Remote Oceania
beginning approximately 3200-3500 years BP. Modern Pacific Islanders derive from a mixture ofthese two highly divergent ancestral groups, those found in Near Oceania (the so-called “Papuans”, aterm used to describe the peoples of New Guinea, Bismarck Archipelago, and the Solomon Islands),
and a later group that is more closely related to the inhabitants of mainland East Asia.
Focusing on Polynesia, the second more recent major expansion was associated with an eastward
expansion of Austronesian-speaking people intertwined with the Lapita cultural complex, a culturalcomplex known for its distinctive dentate-stamped pottery, obsidian tools, horticulture, and maritime
technology, and navigational skills (Kirch, 2017; Petchey et al., 2010). From its immediate origins in
the Bismarck Archipelago, perhaps as early as 3350 BP, the Lapita culture expanded through theSolomon Island chain and other islands in eastern island Melanesia, eventually reaching Tonga andSamoa in western Polynesia (Petchey et al., 2010). After a pause of as much as a thousand years, theseearly Pacific navigators went on to colonize the rest of Polynesia reaching some of the more marginalislands (e.g., Easter Island, Hawai`i, and New Zealand) as late as 700-800 years BP (Hunt & Lipo,2006). As reported by Hung et al. (2011), the first human expansion into Remote Oceania may havepreceded the Lapita expansion by one to two centuries (approximately 3450 BP) with the colonizationof the Mariana Islands in geographical Micronesia by way of the northern Philippines.
There is now major consensus among historical linguists, archaeologists, and physical/biologicalanthropologists that the ultimate origin of these two great colonization events was Southeast Asia.
However, the timing and other details regarding the appearance and dispersal of Lapita culture andpeople, the focus of this review, are still widely debated. Several competing models have been
advanced to explain the origin of Polynesians. The “Express Train” model argues that the ancestorsof Polynesians, Lapita people, are linked to a relatively rapid expansion of Austronesian-speaking
farmers who left mainland Asia or Taiwan approximately 4000 years ago, people who mingled little
with indigenous people they encountered along the way in Near Oceania (i.e., Papuans) before goingon to colonize Remote Oceania and Polynesia within the last 3000 years (Bellwood, 2023). A genomewide study of ancient DNA from prehistoric Polynesians supports this scenario (Skoglund et al., 2016).
An alternative model, the “Slow Boat” model, originally based primarily on Y-chromosome data,
proposes the proto-Polynesians emerged within Island Southeast Asia as early as 20,000 BP and thenmoved slowly eastward into Remote Oceania beginning approximately 12,000 BP resulting in90

significant admixture with the people of Near Oceania before expanding further eastward into
Polynesia (e.g., Oppenheimer & Richards, 2001). Alternative models suggest maritime contacts, someas early as 12,000 years ago (Solheim, 2006), between the peoples of Southeast Asia and Near Oceania.
The Triple I model emphasizes the combination of the intrusion of new people and ideas along withintegration with the indigenous inhabitants of Near Oceania as well as the innovation of new andunique elements in this region (Green, 1991). Other models have been proposed (see e.g., Kirch, 2010).
Craniometry and Biological Distance Studies
Studies of human skeletons, which provide the most direct evidence for examining the biologicalrelationships of past populations, have a long history in anthropology (Pietrusewsky, 2014, 2019).
Studies of cranial morphology, most notably traditional morphometrics (craniometry), continue tomaintain a central role in modern biological distance (biodistance) studies. The objectivity ofrecording cranial measurements, their conservative nature, and amenability to sophisticatedmultivariate statistical procedures have contributed to their continued popularity in biodistance studies.
Further, unlike DNA molecules, cranial measurements are not subject to decay with time. Whilemorphometric variation is subject to nongenetic or environmental influences, there is generalconsensus that cranial variation is largely shaped by neutral evolutionary processes thus allowing thiscategory of variation to be used as a proxy to genetic data (von Cramon-Taubadel, 2014). The
demonstration of a significant genetic component and strong geographic patterning of morphometricvariation in humans have further strengthened the use of this category of variation in studies thatexamine population structure and history.
Multivariate Statistics
Multivariate statistics comprise a family of related mathematical procedures that allow thesimultaneous analysis of multiple interrelated variables recorded in individuals from one or moregroups. Among the most commonly used multivariate procedures for analyzing traditional andgeometric morphometric variation are principal components analysis (PCA), discriminant function(canonical) analysis, and Mahalanobis distance. Various clustering algorithms (e.g., Unweighted Pair
Group Method with Arithmetic mean-UPGMA) and other scaling techniques are useful for visualizing
the results of multivariate analyses.
Polynesian-South American Relationships
A study by Pietrusewsky and Ikehara (2001) that applied multivariate statistics to craniometricdata failed to find evidence for an Amerindian origin of Polynesians. The cranial series from Polynesia
and Fiji were well differentiated from South/North America and Greenland (Inugsuk Eskimo) cranial
series. This and other analyses of craniometric data corroborate a Polynesian homeland in Southeast
Asia, not one in the Americas (e.g., Howells, 1990; Stefan, 2001).

91

Figure 1. Canonical plot of 63 group means on the first two canonical variates that result fromapplying stepwise discriminant function (canonical) analysis to 27 measurements recorded in 2,805
male crania from all parts of Oceania, Australia, Southeast Asia and East Asia. [Permission to use thisfigure, originally published in Pietrusewsky (2005), was given by RoutledgeCurzon (London)]However, there is convincing evidence for Polynesian contact with South America through theidentification of aDNA and dating of pre-Columbian chicken bone from a site in south-central Chile(Storey et al., 2007). Following this study, six adult crania from Mocha Island off the coast of Chile,
described as possessing Polynesian morphological features, were analyzed using linear discriminant(LDA) and nearest neighbor discriminant analyses (NNDA) (Matisoo-Smith & Ramirez, 2010). Fourof the crania in the study classified with high probability as South American, one as a Buriat (Siberia),
and one more as a Latte Period female from Guam. While the authors suggest there is evidence forpossible Polynesian contact with South America, the timing and consequences of this contact remains
unknown. A provocative new study, that sampled genes of modern peoples living across the Pacificand along the South American coast, argues Polynesians and Native Americans made contact some
800 years ago well before the arrival of Europeans in the Americas and before the settlement of Easter
Island (Rapa Nui) (Ioannidis et al., 2020). Fatu Hiva in the Marquesas was cited as the earliest location
for contact between Native Americans and Polynesian. Again however, it could not be determined if

92journeys made by Polynesians, Native Americans, or both, were responsible for the observed resultsof this DNA study.
Pacific-Asia Relationships
In order to place Polynesians in a boarder context, the results obtained from applying multivariate
statistical procedures to 27 cranial measurements recorded in a total of 2,805 male crania representing
a 63 Asian-Pacific groups are presented (Pietrusewsky, 2005).
A plot of the group means for 63 male groups on the first two canonical variates generated by
stepwise discriminant analysis (Figure 1) reveals three distinct clusters. The first includes all the
cranial series from Australia, New Guinea, and geographical Melanesia. A second cluster includes all
the cranial series representing Polynesia and two from Micronesia (Guam and Marshall-Kiribati).
Cranial series from Southeast Asia and East Asia form a third major constellation. The cranial series
from the Southern Moluccas, and Admiralty Islands occupy an intermediate position between thelargely Polynesian and Australian-Melanesian cranial series. One of the cranial series from Micronesia(Caroline Islands) falls within the Australian-Melanesian grouping.
Applying the UPGMA clustering algorithm to Mahalanobis distances results in the dendrogramin Figure 2. Again, the primary division is between the cranial series from Australia and Melanesia
and another that contains all the cranial series from Polynesia, Southeast Asia and East Asia. Withinthese major divisions there is internal differentiation that generally mirrors geography. It is also worth
noting that New Zealand Māori (Polynesia) and Southern Moluccas (Island Southeast Asia) cranial
series form a cluster, one that ultimately connects with the Australian-Melanesian branch in thisdiagram suggesting possible Papuan influence in Polynesia. Guam, representing the Mariana Islands,
groups with Hawaii and Tonga-Samoa while two other cranial series from Micronesia (Caroline
Islands and Kiribati) cluster with New Ireland, Solomon Islands and other Melanesian cranial series.
Australia/Melanesia versus Southeast/East Asia and Remote Oceania
The presence of two major divisions demonstrated in these results supports archaeological,
linguistic, and genetic models that the indigenous inhabitants of Australia, Tasmania, and geographical
Melanesia share a common origin that is unrelated to that for the modern inhabitants of Southeast Asia,
East Asia, and Polynesia/Micronesia. The sharp separation between Polynesian and AustralianMelanesian series further reinforces archaeological and linguistic models that hypothesize an earlier
colonization of Australia, New Guinea, and neighboring regions of Near Oceania and a much latercolonization that eventually led to the peopling of previously uninhabited Remote Oceania.
Island Southeast Asia/Polynesian Homeland
The results of craniometric analyses point to an ancestral Polynesian homeland in
East/Southeast Asia and not one within geographically adjacent Melanesia. The connection between

93New Zealand Māori (Polynesian) and the Southern Moluccas (Island Southeast Asia) cranial
series supports a probable Island Southeast Asian homeland for Polynesians. With the exception of
the inclusion of the New Zealand Māori series in the Australian clade, there is little to support
admixture between the ancestors of the Polynesians and the indigenous inhabitants of Melanesia or
the Bismarck Archipelago region of the Pacific. Further, there is no support for a close biologicalconnection between Polynesians and the Ainu series from Japan advocated by some researchers (e.g.,Brace et al., 1990). A biodistance study of mandibles, including some from the SAC Lapita site on
Watom Island in the Bismarck Archipelago, supports a Polynesian homeland in Wallacea, a group of
mainly Indonesian islands that lie between the Sunda and Sahul continental shelves (Pietrusewsky, etal., 2014).
Taiwan Connections
The results of a craniometric analysis that compared five Indigenous Taiwan groups with modern,
and near modern crania from the Pacific-Asia region found only the Iron Age series from Taiwan,
Shihsanhang site, had a biological connection to Polynesian cranial series (Pietrusewsky & Chang,2003). The remaining Taiwan Indigenous groups included in this study were found to be more closely
related to series from East/Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia.
Mandibular Data- Earliest Neolithic Skeletons from Taiwan
A biological distance analysis involving mandibular measurements found that the earliest
Neolithic (Nankuanli East site) series from Taiwan were closest to Ryukyu Islands, and othermandibular series from East and North Asia and showed little or no connection to the inhabitants ofRemote Oceania, especially Polynesians (Pietrusewsky et al., 2016). The mandibles associated with
the Iron Age Shihsanhang series, on the other hand, while generally related to northern Asian series(e.g., Siberia, Mongolia), also demonstrated connections with some of the Pacific Island series,
specifically Hawaii, New Zealand, and the Northern Marianas Islands. Overall, Neolithic and Iron
Age Taiwanese were observed to be more closely related to several North Asian groups than to
Oceania.
DNA Studies
A study by Skoglund and colleagues (2016), which examined ancient DNA from early Lapita
skeletons from Vanuatu and Tonga (3000 to 2500 BP), revealed that the first people in Remote
Oceania and Polynesia were distantly related to Neolithic southeastern Chinese and, more closely
related to modern and ancient Indigenous Taiwanese and present-day groups found in north-central
Philippines. Further, unlike the results of earlier DNA studies, this study showed little Papuan ancestry
among Remote Oceanians. The authors argued that the presence of Papuan ancestry observed amongmodern people of Remote Oceania is likely due to secondary expansion of Papuan people, who trace94

Figure 2. The diagram of relationship that results from applying the UPGMA clustering algorithm toMahalanobis’ distances based on 27 measurements. Two major divisions represented are those that
include 1) Southeast Asian, East Asian, and Polynesian cranial series, 2) Australian, Tasmanian, New
Guinea and the Melanesian cranial series. [Permission to use this figure, originally published in
Pietrusewsky (2005), was given by RoutledgeCurzon (London)]95

their ancestry to New Guinea, the Bismarck Archipelago, and the Solomon Islands, into Remote
Oceania. Another genomic study, involving the earliest Lapita skeletons form Vanuatu and elsewherein the South Pacific, demonstrated Papuan expansion into Remote Oceania beginning circa 2,500 BP,
an expansion that resulted in the almost complete replacement of Lapita-Austronesians in Remote
Oceania (Posth et al., 2018). A follow-up study (Lipson et al., 2020) confirmed the results of earlier
genomic analyses that reported the ancestry of the modern inhabitants of Vanuatu was influenced bythree major migrations of people over the last 3000 years, including East/Southeast Asian, Papuan,
and Polynesian-derived sources.
The population history for Micronesia, also part of Remote Oceania, is more complicated thanthat for Polynesia. A study that analyses ancient and modern DNA revealed five migratory streams
into Micronesia (Liu et al., 2022). Interestingly, the people of the Mariana Islands may derive all of
their precolonial ancestry from East Asian sources, making them the only Remote Oceanians without
Papuan ancestry.
Comparisons of Craniometric and DNA Evidence
Analyses of craniometric and DNA data demonstrate similarities and differences inreconstructing the population history of the Pacific. Craniometric and DNA evidence demonstrate adichotomy between inhabitants of Near and Remote Oceania, suggestive of separate origins. There isfurther agreement that Polynesians are distantly related to East and Southeast Asians. Analyses of
craniometric and DNA data also demonstrate that the biological relationships among Micronesians arecomplicated with evidence of Papuan, Polynesian and East Asian influence in this region of Remote
Oceania.
Among the differences, craniometric results point to an eastern Island Southeast Asian homelandfor Polynesians rather than Taiwan and/or East Asia as advanced by recent analysis of DNA. Whilemost DNA studies indicate a minimum of twenty-five percent Papuan ancestry in present-day
Oceanians, biological distance studies involving cranial measurements find little evidence of Papuan
ancestry in Polynesians.
Conclusions
The main focus of this review is to examine biological relationships among the inhabitants of the
Pacific and the origins of Polynesians, mainly through the application of multivariate statistics tomeasurements recorded in crania and mandibles. Limited comparisons with evidence from recent
modern and ancient DNA are further made.
Traditional craniometric and genetic data agree that there is a sharp differentiation between the
inhabitants of Australia and geographical Melanesia and those living in East/Southeast Asia, Polynesia
and Micronesia, a distinction that implies separate origins for the indigenous inhabitants of these tworegions.

96

The results of craniometric and DNA analyses also agree that Polynesians are distantly related toEast and Southeast Asians. Biodistance studies using craniometric data further suggest an ancestral
Polynesian homeland in Island Southeast Asia or Wallacea, a group of mainly Indonesian islands
stretching between the Asian and Australian continental shelves. The Southern Molucca, or Maluku,
Islands (e.g., Buru and Seram) in eastern Indonesia reveal salient connections with New Zealand Māori
in analyses of traditional craniometric data. The sharp differentiation between Polynesian and thepresent-day inhabitants of island Melanesia, found in the results of analyses of both craniometric and
DNA data, suggests that was little or no admixture between the ancestors of Polynesians and the people
they encountered as they passed through island Melanesia on their way to Polynesia. The population
history of Micronesia, which includes some of the earliest inhabitants of Remote Oceania, is more
complicated showing influence from Papua New Guinea, Polynesia, and East Asia in results based on
craniometric and genetic analyses. Additional samples from regions of the Pacific not included inprevious analyses would greatly improve our understanding of the population history of the Pacific.
Finally, this review demonstrates the great utility of traditional morphometrics for examining the
population history of past groups such as those of Polynesia and Remote Oceania.

Acknowledgements
My thanks to Dr. Noriko Seguchi, Dr. Akira Goto, and the organizers of the Integrative Human
Historical Science of “Out of Eurasia” Exploring the Mechanisms of the Development of Civilization,
Hawaiʻi Conference 2023 for inviting me to present an oral version of this paper. As always, my very
special thanks to Dr. Michele Toomay Douglas for her helpful comments and suggestions on a
penultimate version of this paper.

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“Pacific Paradox” Revisited: Using Osteometric Data
Noriko SEGUCHI Ph.D.
Faculty of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University, Japan
Department of Anthropology, the University of Montana, Missoula, USA

Ethical considerations
The movement to repatriate indigenous peoples’ remains is becoming increasingly widespread.
Anthropologists worldwide acknowledge the demand for the repatriation of human remains as a humanrights-based claim, with the goal of holding researchers accountable, making up for past injustices, andrestoring humanity.
In my presentation entitled “Pacific Paradox Revisited: Using Osteometric Data” at the International
Symposium in Honolulu Hawaii held on March 2, 2023, I shared my analysis of various Polynesians’
postcranial metric data which were collected by an anthropologist from the American Museum of Natural
History, New York City, NY, and the National Museum of Natural History (Smithsonian Institution),
Washington D.C. in 2005. Recently, it has become encouraged to work with native descendantcommunities who have an interest in learning about their own history of their ancestors. However, I havenot asked permission from the descendant communities of Polynesians to use and study this data.
Legally, I can publish my manuscript of the proceedings. However, the use of data without obtaining
permission from the descendant communities will perhaps be questioned in this climate. Also, this study
using data from Polynesian ancestral remains may possibly offend the indigenous people and theirdescendant communities.
Now that I am acquainted with Dr. Edward Halealoha Ayau, Hui Iwi Kuamo‘o, the Native Hawaiian
organization’s executive director, and the federal NAGPRA Review Committee, I have learned about their 33year-long repatriation efforts. Currently, they are requesting the repatriation of unlawfully acquired ancestral
remains housed in one Japanese University to their home.
My goal is to interact with lineal descendants, ancestral communities, descendant communities, andcommunities of care to gain knowledge on how to handle human remains and data in an ethical andrespectful manner.
In conclusion, I choose not to publish my research in this case.

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Lunch time at the conference

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

Unique Hemoglobin Dynamics in Female Tibetan Highlanders
Taro YAMAMOTO
Department of International Health and Medical Anthropology, Institute of Tropical medicine,
Nagasaki University
Hypoxic Adaptation in Tibetan highlanders
There are more than 140 million people living above 2500 m worldwide (Moore, 2001). In
Tibetan highlanders, Hb concentrations doesn’t increase even at very high altitudes (over 4500 m),
and it remain the same or are only slightly elevated above the sea-level mean. These observations
suggest that high-altitude erythrocytosis is not an adaptive response among Tibetan highlanders (Beall,
2006; Erzurum et al., 2007). Accordingly, Moore et al. (Moore, Niermeyer, & Zamudio, 1998) argued
that Tibetans are better adapted to high altitudes than Andeans because adaptation is a time-dependent
process, and Tibetans have inhabited high altitudes for 25,000 years or possibly even 50,000 years,
while Andeans have inhabited high altitudes for only 10,000 years (Lu et al., 2016; Ossendorf et al.,2019; Rademaker et al., 2014; Zhang et al., 2018). Even among Tibetan highlanders who have acquired
such a hypoxic adaptation, a slight increase in Hb is seen as the altitude increases, and some people
are classified as having polycythemia (Tashi et al., 2014). In the case of Tibetan highlanders, it has
been reported that Hb concentrations may also increase due to an imbalance of the hypoxic adaptation
mechanism resulting from aging and changes in eating habits (Okumiya et al., 2016). However, Hblevels generally tend to decrease with aging (Mahlknecht & Kaiser, 2010). Similarly, it is assumed
that the ability of Tibetan highlanders to synthesize Hb decreases with aging.
Tsarang village, Mustang district, Nepal, used to be in the Mustang Kingdom (Figure 1). The
ancestors of Loba people living in Mustang is same with other Tibetans (Darnal, 2017). Moreover, theMustang Kingdom restricted interactions with outside populations for a long period of time (Erzurum
et al., 2007). Therefore, by conducting a survey in Tsarang, where the population retains the genetic
characteristics and has not yet been strongly influenced by modernization and changes in eating habits,
we sought to clarify the pure relationship between aging and Hb levels in a hypoxic environment
among Tibetan highlanders (Arima et al., 2021).
Field survey in Tsarang
We conducted health checkups and questionnaire survey for Tsarang residents in 2017. Age,body mass index (BMI), SpO 2 (%), systolic blood pressure (SBP, mmHg), diastolic blood pressure(DBP, mmHg), grip strength (grip, kg), Hb (g/dL), HbA1c (%), and vascular diameter (VD, mm) werethe variables used for analysis. Pulse pressure (PP, mmHg) was calculated as the difference between
the SBP and the DBP. Increased pulse pressure, which is systolic blood pressure minus diastolic bloodpressure, is recognized as a risk of arteriosclerosis and cardiovascular disease (Stembridge et al., 2019).

103

Figure 1. Linear regression analysis of Hb and each variable in males.
Each variable was plotted against the Hb concentration in male participants. The p value indicates theresult of linear regression analysis of Hb and each variable. Only vascular diameter was found to besignificantly correlated with Hb.The multidimensional poverty index (MPI) developed by the United Nations Development Program
was adopted to evaluate the poverty level of residents. The deprivation score (D score), representing
the poverty level of individuals, was calculated using the three dimensions of education, health, andstandard of living. We used D score as poverty index of individuals in this study. Poverty was defined
as a D score of 0.33 or higher.
Anthropometric and biochemical characteristics of participants by sex
In this study, we focused on Hb; the data from 76 males and 103 females as final objects wereused. A summary of the medical examination results, which comprises the values of 10 items
including age, body mass index (BMI), oxygen saturation (SpO 2), systolic blood pressure (SBP),
diastolic blood pressure (DBP), pulse pressure (PP), vascular diameter (VD), hemoglobin (Hb),glycated hemoglobin (HbA1c), and deprivation score (D score), is shown in Table 1. There was noage difference between the sexes (p = 0.4238). Additionally, BMI, SpO 2, HbA1c, and D scores did
not differ significantly between males and females. There were significant sex-based differences in
SBP, DBP, PP, VD, and Hb, and these values were higher in males than in females.

104

Table 1. Anthropometric variables, biochemical data and poverty index by sex. 
Values are presented as the mean ± SE or median (1st quartile–3rd quartile). Data were analyzed byStudent's t-test or the Wilcoxon ranksum test. The D score was considered poor at ≥ 33.3%.
a: 2 participants could not be measured due to severe deformation of finger joint or machine troubles b: 14 participants could not be measured due to blood viscosity or machine troubles.
c: 2 participants did not answer the question with questionnaire.

Figure 2. Linear regression analysis of Hb and each variable in females.
Each variable is plotted against the Hb concentrations of female participants. The p values indicate theresults of the linear regression analysis of Hb and each variable. Age, SpO 2, pulse pressure, vascular
diameter and deprivation score were significantly correlated with Hb.

105

Table 2. Results of the multiple regression analysis with Hb as the objective variable. 
Only vascular diameter was found to be significantly correlated with the Hb value in males. In females,age, pulse pressure, vascular diameter and deprivation score were strongly correlated with the Hb value.

Hb dynamics and related variables
The correlations between Hb and other variables were examined by linear regression analysis.
The results for males are shown in Fig 1, and the results for females are shown in Figure 2. Only VD
was associated with the Hb level in males. In females, age, PP, and the D score were positively
correlated with Hb, and SpO2 and VD were negatively correlated. Based on these results, a multivariate
analysis was performed to detect the variables correlated with the Hb value that were not influenced
by confounding factors (Table 2). SBP and DBP were excluded as explanatory variables, and only PP
maintained an association with blood pressure. In males, only VD was correlated with the Hb value,
but in females, age, PP, D score, and VD were strongly correlated with the Hb value.
Conclusions
We identified new hemoglobin dynamics among Tibetan highlanders. The Hb level in female
inhabitants of Tsarang did not decrease but rather increased with increasing age. As seen in these Hb
dynamics, there may be sex-based differences in the optimal adaptive mechanism in Tibetan
highlanders with regard to their hypoxic environment.

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Mutual Permeation Model of Things, People, and the Supernatural:
Insights from Jomon Pottery and Dogu Figurines
Takumi ISHII1 and Naoko MATSUMOTO2
1National Museum of Japanese History, 2Okayama University,

The value scale and worldview of the people of the civilization-forming period differedsignificantly from the worldview of modern people, which is based on subject-object dualism andmind-body dualism. Analysis of words and concepts in ancient Japanese literature reveals thatancient Japanese islanders before the 8th century considered non-humans autonomous entities
equal to humans. The worldview can be represented in a model in which supernatural, natural,and human society mutually permeate each other. According to this model, pottery and dogu clay
figurines in the Jomon period are considered to be hybrids that emerged at the center of theintersection of the members of the three societies. Clay, clay spirits, and humans are all involvedin producing these artifacts. The body of the clay and the body of the potter physically intermingle
by touching each other, the spirits of both become mutually infiltrated and the subject and object
mutually interchange as the production proceeds. It is essential to recognize that this is entirely
different from our method of making artifacts, in which people unilaterally control materials. The
pottery and clay figurines produced by such mutual permeation of three parties are not only twinsof clay but also children of clay spirits and human beings. A new understanding of the artifacts is
obtained by examining the Jomon pottery and clay figurines from the perspective of the mutual
permeation model. As the pottery and clay figurines are twins made from clay, which is of the samerank as humans, void images of the human, or animal, body, i.e., cranium, digestive organs, andwomb, are projected on them. These were superimposed on the void images of containers to
produce a variety of pottery and clay figurines for more than 10,000 years. They all consist of a
combination of the above four void images. The analysis suggests that pottery and clay figurines
are easily fused as they are closely related as twins in the Jomon worldview.

What the word “mono” represents in ancient period and now
The value scale and worldview of the people in Ancient Japan are very different from those ofmodern people, whose worldview is based on subject-object dualism and mind-body dualism. In
modern Japanese, "mono" means either a person as a subject or an object (Figure 1). It rarely means
supernatural beings and spirits. The usage of "mono" in the 8th century encompasses the following

108

Figure 1. The meaning of “mono” in modern Japanese (Source: Takumi Ishii).

three (Figure 2):
1. mono: things
2. mono: supernatural beings, spirits
3. mono: person
It suggests that the people of the ancient Japanese archipelago did not separate subjects and objects asmodern Japanese do.
Mutual permeation model of things, people, and the supernatural
Unlike the modern hierarchical understanding of the world with humans at the top, the ancientJapanese islanders had a worldview consisting of the following three societies (Figure 3).
1. a supernatural society: countless supernatural beings
2. a natural society: plants, animals, andother natural things and phenomena
3. human society.
The three societies are closely related,borderless, and mutually infiltrating. Nonhumans

areconsideredautonomous

entities equal to humans. Although thismodel may not be directly applied toprehistoric people, it helps us to understandJapanese prehistoric pottery and clay
figurines from a new, more appropriate
perspective, as one of the hybrids located at
the center of the intersection of themembers of the three societies.

Figure 2. The meaning of “mono” in ancient Japanese(Source: Takumi Ishii).

109

Pottery ≒ Clay figurines
Pots and figurines are twins with clay as
their mother. Clay, the spirit of clay, and thepotter are each involved in the production
proactively (Figure 4).
Ethnography of the Pueblo pottery
making: Clay or clay spirit tells the potter
what it wants, and the potter makes the pottery
accordingly. While kneading the clay, thepotter repeatedly interacts with the clay tomake pottery. The body of the clay and the
body of the potter physically intermingle bytouching each other; both spirits mutually
infiltrate, and production proceeds as subject
and object continuously interchange (Tokui

Figure 3. Source: Takumi Ishii.

1990). Such a sense differs from the currently
popular understanding of making artifacts, inwhich the person unilaterally controls thematerial.
The clay ≒ People
People dug clay from the earth toproduce pottery and figurines with it. People
eat foods stewed in pots to survive. Suchexperiences make people think that clay is apart of the human body and that humans are apart of clay. Clay and human beings areconnected through the earth. Clay is not an
object to be controlled by human beings, butclay and humans mutually permeate eachother physically and psychologically (Figure
5).
The myth that man was created fromearth or clay is distributed worldwide. Deadare often buried in the earth. This cycle of life
is essential to understand pottery and clay
figurines.

110

Figure 4. Source: Takumi Ishii.

Anothercritical

aspectoftherelationship between clay and humans is thecirculation of digested material between
humans and pottery through the earth. The
digested food from the pottery goes throughthe human digestive system and returns to
the earth like the buried dead. Clay
excavated from the earth is transformed intopottery or figurines, thus establishing a cycleof pottery and people through the earth

Figure 5. Source: Takumi Ishii.

(Figure 6). Strictly speaking, this seems
irrational because decomposed organic
matter does not immediately turn into clay,
but it aligns with the concept of "original
oneness" held by the northern huntergatherers (Irimoto 2010).
A combination of void images
So far, we have considered therelationship between clay, people, pottery,andfigurines

based

on

the

MutualPermeation Model. Next, we want toexamine how these are expressed in the
Jomon

period'spotteryandclay

anthropomorphic figurines (dogu). The
image of a void or container is the key to

Figure 6. Source: Takumi Ishii.

understanding the long-term development of
the Jomon pottery and dogu figurines. The human (woman) body has three main voids: cranium,
digestive organs, and womb. These were superimposed on the images of containers to produce avariety of pottery ≒ dogu figurines over more than 10,000 years. Because of the close relationshipbetween pottery and clay figurines, they easily fused with each other. We tend to see pottery and clay
figurines as mere tools. From this point of view, many people would consider the hybridization ofpottery with figurines to be a case of anthropomorphism. However, the Mutual Permeation Model
suggests that people consider them as subjects of action; therefore, it is natural that each has various
unique voids.
Jomon pottery and dogu figurines develop in tendem
Over about 10,000 years, the forms of the twin Jomon pottery and clay figurines have changed111

Figure 6. Source: Takumi Ishii.

Figure 7. Jomon pottery and Dogu figurines: Incipient and Initial Jomon Period (Source: No. 1,
Yokohama 1995. No. 2, Shiga 2014. No. 3, Mie 1997. No. 4, Sugihara 1964. No. 5, Higashi-Osaka
1987. No. 6, Funabashi 1991).

in tandem. The earliest Jomon pottery and clay figurines do not represent faces and limbs. The
figurines represent only the upper part of the body and sometimes have a void, possibly representing
a digestive organ. Pottery and clay figurines were similar overall, combining conical or triangularshapes (Figure 7).
In the early Jomon period, a representation of a face appeared on some pottery, and a waist-likecurve and a foot or pedestal appeared as well. Clay figurines changed in the same way, beginning to
express faces and legs. Nevertheless, they could not stand on their feet as their shape was flat (Figure
8).
Around 3500 B.C., in the early Middle Jomon period, clay figurines developed limbs andsuddenly became able to stand on their own. This development began the fusion of pottery and clay
figurines (Figure 9). The head of some figurines was formed like a bowl-shaped vessel. Some of the
figurines have swelled bellies, which may be an emphasis on the uterus void or the digestive organs
void.
These are other examples of pottery-figurine fusion in the Middle Jomon period. Japanesearchaeologists have called them pottery decorated with figurines or human faces. However, in manycases, pottery is actually a part of the body of a clay figurine converted into a container. It is more
appropriate to regard them as "clay figurine-shaped pottery."Figure 8. Jomon pottery and Dogu figurines: Early Jomon Period (Source: No. 8, 9, 10, Annaka 1998.
No. 11, Miyagi 1986. No. 12, 13, Annaka 2014. No. 14, Rikuzentakata 2006. No. 15, Iwate 1982).

112

There are scattered instances of figurines with an actual representation of the digestive canal asa hole that runs from the mouth of the figurine through the inside of the body to the lower end. It is anexpression of explicit awareness of the digestive organs. This kind of expression continues to the endof the Jomon period. In the Late Jomon period, the hybridization pattern of pottery and figurine became
more diverse. These "anthropomorphic containers" OR "containerized figurines" are consciously
designed to contain liquids or fine solid substances poured from the head. Perhaps it was essential to
the Jomon people to pass the contents through the head to digestive organs and the uterine void of the
figurine.
A fascinating example is a large, hollow clay figurine of the Late Jomon period excavated fromthe Chobonaino site in Hokkaido, Japan. It has two holes on its head, which initially had two hornlike parts, like a similar example from the Tabatahigashi site. If you pour liquid into the hole in thehead, it will drain through the hole between the legs. Pottery with the same function is widelydistributed in the Japanese archipelago during the late Jomon period. Probably it is thought that theliquid is collected in the void of the clay figure's body and expected to impart special power to theliquid by passing through the digester of the clay figure.
An extreme example of hybridization between pottery and dogu figurine
The awareness of the VOID in pottery and figurine hybrids continued to the end of the Jomon
period. Large, hollow, clay figurines of the Late Jomon period consisted of the image of multiple
vessel types that have existed since the Late Jomon period. The cranial void of the Shakoki-dogu fromthe Final Jomon period is shaped like an incense burner, and the limbs are like upside-down vessels.
If the figurine combines the symbolism of these vessels, we may consider the possibility that the holes
in the lower half of the body also have symbolic meanings. It has an open head and holes in the mouth,
navel, vulva, and anus. These holes are generally considered air holes to prevent rupture during firing,but they are also essential outlets for the digestive organs and the uterus void. Therefore, as with the
Chobonaino example, the holes in this figurine were probably intended to allow the liquid poured from

Figure 9. Dogu figurines with voids: Fusing the images of container and human body (Source: No. 16,
Yamanashi 1987. No. 17, 18, Yao 1985).

113

the head to pass into the body and be excreted through the anus and pubic region.
Transformation from dogu figurines to dogu-shaped pottery
In the Yayoi period, when rice paddy cultivation and metalware were adopted in the Japanesearchipelago, figurines were transformed. In the Yayoi period, clay figurines lost their feet, and theholes in the body's lower half were closed to form a flat bottom. It eventually turned into a jar with aface. The contents of the vessel do not pass through the body but are just contained inside the body. It
suggests that the symbolism of the digestive void is overshadowed, and the symbolism of the uterus
void is emphasized. In this case, these clay figurines may have been vessels to pray for the rebirth ofthe dead, or they may have been thought of as a kind of guardian of the dead since they contain thebones of the dead. The body of the vessel may have been thought of as a substitute for the body orouter skin of the dead. These pottery figures lose their external orientation when the holes in theirlower bodies are blocked. They become tools for strengthening the internal ties of human society,linking the relationships between the living and the dead. In other words, these physically closed
containers function only within a closed human society. Considering this from the Mutual permeation
model, the partition between human society and other societies was strengthened in the Yayoi period,and human society was transformed into a closed society. In other words, as human society grewlarger ,the flat relationships and ties between things, people, and the supernatural that had existed
before have begun to be broken down by humans.
Conclusion and questions
This presentation discussed how humans interacted with various materials to create tools andenvironments and construct their world and mind by examining the Jomon period pottery and clay
figurines. This study is an attempt to update the triadic niche construction model, which is thetheoretical foundation of the “Out of Eurasia” project (Iriki and Taoka, 2012; Iriki et al., 2021;
Matsumoto, 2022), based on actual archaeological analysis. The formation of interpenetrating
relationships among people, clay, pottery, and human-shaped artifacts undergirded the Jomon people's
worldview and society. The collaboration between the materiality of clay and humans led to theconstruction of a new cognitive niche.
On the other hand, the groups that expanded into the Pacific started out with pottery but lostthem along the way. Did this have any effect on their worldview and identity? What were theinteractions with materials and the production of artifacts that formed the core of the Polynesianislanders' worldview and the sense of being human after they lost their pottery? To what extent are thedifferent characteristics of the core material influential in shaping society and culture? These questions
need to be examined in the future.

114

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How Do Cultural Artifacts Shape Visual Attention?
A Computational Model Analysis of Cultural Variability in Visual Search
Jun SAIKI1 and Yoshiyuki UEDA2
Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies

1

2Kyoto University, Institute for the Future of Human Society, Kyoto University

Abstract
Cultural variability in cognition has often been accounted for by general concepts such as holisticanalytic processing based on social learning. However, more implicit and automatic behaviors, such as
visual attention and eye movement, appear to be difficult to learn through imitation, and alternative
accounts based on interaction with material cultures (such as letter use) are possible. The current study
contrasted these two accounts by saliency-map model simulations of recent evidence for stimulus-specificcultural difference in visual search. Recently, Ueda et al. (2018) reported that search asymmetry for linelength, that is, the search for a long line being more efficient than the search for a short line, was observed
among American participants, but it disappeared with East Asians. This lack of search asymmetry in East
Asians is stimulus-specific, such that asymmetry with tilt-vertical search was significantly stronger with
East Asians than Americans. The current study used a saliency map model that can account for search
asymmetry. and manipulated perceptual span. The holistic-analytic processing account predicts a larger
span in East Asians than Americans, while the orthographical system account predicts a smaller span in
East Asians than Americans based on reading studies. The simulations revealed that observed search
asymmetry can be accounted for by assuming that perceptual span is larger among Americans than East
Asians, which is consistent with the orthographical system account. The simulation also predicts a novel
phenomenon of reversed search asymmetry with line-length search, more efficient search with a short line
target, with even smaller perceptual span, which is recently observed with Taiwanese participants. These
results suggest that stimulus-specific cultural difference in visual search likely reflects differential
perceptual span derived from reading experiences, rather than the holistic-analytic processing. Theinteraction with material culture may be a more important factor to explain cultural variability in visual
cognition than previously considered.

117

Introduction
Physical and social environments have profound effects on our cognitive processes and produce
substantial variability across cultures, including thinking (Nisbett et al., 2001), moral judgment (Awad etal., 2020), emotion (Jack et al., 2009), attention (Masuda and Nisbett, 2001) and perception (Segall,
Campbell and Herskovits, 1963). In particular, recently studies on cultural universal and variability usinga large-scale corpus data have been conducted with language (Jackson et al., 2019), human songs (Mehret al., 2019) and other human behavior. Also, experimental studies on cultural transmission are using tasks
involving tool use and tool making (Caldwell & Millen, 2009; Derex Bonnefon, Boyd & Mesoudi, 2019).
These studies have been investigating human overt behavior, and a major theoretical framework to accountfor the cultural variability and cultural evolution of cognition is social learning (Mesoudi, 2011), learning
through observation, including imitation, education and group activities. Although they are important
determinants of cultural diversity in higher level cognitive processes, it remains elusive whether social
factors can also account for cultural variability in early level cognitive processes including attention andperception.
In contrast to overt behavior, covert behavior such as attention, working memory and cognitive
control is typically not observable from behavior, suggesting that social learning may not be a major factorof cultural variability and cultural evolution. An alternative underlying mechanism is interaction with
cultural artifacts such as tools, buildings and letters. In cognitive archaeology, Malafouris (2013) proposedmaterial engagement theory, emphasizing the role of the interaction with cultural artifacts in cultural
evolution. In the current study, we focus on our recent finding of cultural difference in covert behavior invisual search tasks, and offer an account for the cultural variability based on interaction with cultural
artifact, namely, letters. In the following, we briefly introduce reading studies revealing the effect ofwriting system on cognitive processes. Then, we describe our recent findings of stimulus-specific culturaldifferences in visual search, followed by our simulation experiment using a computational model toaccount for the behavioral data. Finally, we discuss the implications and future directions.
Writing systems modulates cognitive processes in reading
Interaction with letters includes writing and reading, which eliminates spatiotemporal limits of
speaking and listening. Reading is related to both explicit and implicit aspects of our cognitive processes.
Through reading, we acquire lexical, syntactic, semantic and world knowledge, which is explicit andsocially transmitted. Thus, cultural variability related to knowledge is likely built through social learning.
In contrast, reading is based upon various general cognitive processes including attentional and eye
movement control, working memory and executive control. These general cognitive processes are largely
implicit and automatic. Letters have shown substantial effects on general processes in visual cognition(Dehaene and Cohen, 2007). Different orthographical systems used by different cultures impose cultural118

variability in perceptual span in reading (Inhoff and Liu, 1998; Li et al., 2022), Stroop interference(Biederman and Tsao, 1979), symmetry judgment in object recognition (Pegado et al., 2014) and brain
activity during reading (Bolger, Perfetti and Schneider, 2005; Nakamura et al., 2005; Szwed et al., 2014).
Among them, modulation of perceptual span in reading is relevant to the current study, thus we briefly
introduce the general findings.
Perceptual span is the amount of information that can be processed with a single fixation. Perceptual
span of English readers is 18-20 characters, whereas that of Chinese readers is 5 characters (Inhoff andLiu, 1998; Li et al., 2022), reflecting the complexity of alphabetical and Chinese characters. One remaining
question is whether cultural difference in perceptual span is specific to reading behavior, or the difference
affects cognitive processes other than reading. If the cultural difference in perceptual span affects othercognitive processes, it may account for our recent finding of stimulus-specific cultural difference in visual
search. Next, we describe our finding of stimulus-specific cultural differences.
Stimulus-specific cultural difference in visual search
Recently, evidence for cultural difference in processing of basic visual features has been reported
using visual search tasks (Cramer, Dusko and Rensink, 2016; Ueda et al., 2018). In the literature of visual
search, search asymmetry is a robust phenomenon such that swapping target and distractor items produces
great change in search efficiency. For example, searching for a circle with a bar among circles is quite
easy, whereas searching for a circle among circles with a bar is quite difficult. Recent studies (Cramer etal., 2016; Ueda et al., 2018) revealed that search asymmetry is not culturally universal. Search asymmetry
for line-length search, that is, search for a long line is more efficient than search for a short line, wasobserved with American participants, replicating previous works (Treisman and Souther, 1985), but it
disappeared with East Asians (Ueda et al., 2018). Moreover, the lack of search asymmetry in East Asians
is stimulus-specific, such that search asymmetry with tilt-vertical search was significantly stronger with
East Asians than Americans (Ueda et al., 2018). Asymmetry with line-length search is reduced in recent
immigrants to Canada, suggesting that duration of exposure to Western culture modulates the strength of
search asymmetry (Cramer et al., 2016).
Stimulus-specific cultural differences in search asymmetry impose great challenges to theories
accounting for cultural differences in cognition. A dominant view in cultural psychology in which social
learning is a major determinant of cultural differences cannot explain why direction of cultural differenceschanges with stimuli. A major account of cultural variability of cognition is holistic and analytic cognitive
styles: Americans tend to employ analytic cognitive style, whereas East Asians tend to employ holisticstyle (Nisbett et al., 2001). Holistic and analytic cognitive styles are independent of stimuli perceived,
leading to a failure in accounting for the results. Similarly, a view emphasizing roles of interaction withartifacts has difficulty in accounting for the stimulus-specific cultural difference, because line length and119tilt are basic and culturally universal features, which apparently unrelated to perceptual span derived fromletter complexity.
The literature revealed that visual search is composed of complex interactions of stimulus-driven andgoal-directed mechanisms (Wolfe, 2001), and it is not straightforward to predict how a single factor suchas perceptual span or holistic and analytic processing affects visual search behavior. Therefore, to explain
the stimulus-specific cultural difference in search asymmetry, analyses based on computational modelingof visual search are necessary. A standard computational model for visual search and eye movement is thesaliency map model, which represents saliency of each point of visual scene and guides attention and eye
movement to the most salient point (Itti and Koch, 2001). Saliency map models can successfully simulate
eye movement in visual search and behavioral characteristics in visual search such as pop out in featuresearch and inefficient conjunction search. In the current study, we chose Attention as Information
Maximization (AIM) model as a platform, because it successfully simulated search asymmetry with simple
shapes (Bruce and Tsotsos, 2009). Unlike many computational models including a classic saliency map
model (Itti and Koch, 2000), the AIM model can simulate search asymmetry by using a set of basis
functions derived from natural images.
In the simulation study with the AIM model, we addressed perceptual span as a potential mechanism
underlying cultural differences. With regard to the perceptual span, the analytic-holistic and theorthographical system accounts provide the opposite predictions. The analytic-holistic account (Nisbett etal., 2001) predicts that Americans and East Asians correspond to models with small and large perceptualspans. In contrast, the orthographical system account predicts that Americans and East Asians correspondto models with large and small processing spans, respectively, because letters used by East Asians are
more complex, and perceptual span in reading is known to be wider with alphabetical readers than with
Kanji character readers (Inhoff and Liu, 1998; Li et al., 2022). In the AIM model, span of visual processing
can be implemented by information pooling area, which defines area of feature pooling for the saliency
computation.
Methods
Experimental data to be simulated. Results of two cultural comparison experiments using line-lengthand tilt-vertical search tasks (Ueda et al., 2018) were simulated. Both compared the magnitude of search
asymmetry between participants in Japan and in North America (USA and Canada). In the line-search task,
participants from North America showed significant search asymmetry with the advantage of long line
search, whereas participants from Japan showed no asymmetry. In the tilt-vertical search task, Japaneseparticipants showed significantly stronger search asymmetry with the advantage of tilted line search than120

Figure 1. Examples of search displays used in the simulation. Left column denotes displays for the linelength search task: Long target display (top) and Short target display (bottom). Right column denotes
displays for the tilt-vertical search task: Tilt target display (top) and Vertical target display (bottom). Searchdisplays were formed using the same algorithm as Ueda et al. (2018). Beside set size 12 shown above, set
sizes 3 and 6 were also used.

North Americans.
Computational model. I utilized the Attention as Information Maximization (AIM) model (Bruce andTsotsos, 2009) using 25 features of 21×21 filter size, with the following modifications. We used basic
image-based basis functions that is equivalent to Bruce and Tsotsos (2009), sampling random 100 patchesfrom 3600 natural images drawn from the Corel stock photo database depicting outdoor natural scenes.
To examine the effects of information pooling area, standard deviation of Gaussian envelop was
systematically manipulated ranging from 1 pixel to 30 pixels, corresponding to 0.027° to 0.81° of visual
angle with the search display in the experiments.

121

Figure 2. An example of line length search display of long line target with set size 12, and saliency maps
with various σ values. As σ increases, the difference in the maximum saliency for long and short lines
becomes more apparent.

Simulations. Search displays for simulations were constructed with the same procedure as theexperiments showing cultural difference (Ueda et al., 2018). Search display subtended 16.3° wide and 9.7°
high. Set sizes were 3, 6, and 12, and search items were randomly distributed in a 4×4 invisible matrix,
and their location was randomly jittered within each cell. Search items were white on the black background.
For line length search, long and short lines were 1.1° and 0.7°, respectively. For the tilt-vertical search,
the length was 1.2°, and the tilt item was 15° rotated clockwise. Examples of line-length and tilt-verticalsearch displays are shown in Figure 1. For each set size and target condition, 20 search displays were used.
Only target present displays were simulated. For each search display, saliency map was obtained with σof Gaussian envelop from 1 to 30 pixels, resulting in 30 maps.
Search asymmetry index. For each search display, the index called Rmax, reflecting search efficiency,
is defined as the ratio of the maximum saliency value in the region of target to the maximum saliency of
distractor region. Search asymmetry index (SAI) for a pair of search displays with target A and B is log(Rmax(A)/Rmax(B)). Thus, positive and negative SAIs indicate more efficient search with target A andtarget B, respectively, and zero SAI means no search asymmetry. Variability of SAI is evaluated by taking
60 pairs of displays having the same set size with different targets.

122Results
Figure 2 shows examples of saliency map for a line-length search display with different information
pooling areas (σ). As σ becomes larger, the saliency map becomes diffused and the difference of saliency
between target and distractor becomes more apparent.
Effects of perceptual span.

Figure 3. Search Asymmetry Index (SAI) as a function of σ values. Magenta and cyan denote line-lengthand tilt-vertical search, respectively. SAI value of 0 indicates no search asymmetry, and positive andnegative values indicate asymmetry for long or tilt, and for short or vertical, respectively. Shaded areas
denote 95% CI. With the assumption that American and East Asian participants have perceptual span of 30
pixels (0.8° in visual angle) and of 15 pixels (0.4°), respectively, empirical results can be successfully
reproduced.

SAI as a function of σ (Figure 3) shows that line-length search and tilt-vertical search revealed
distinctive effects of σ on search asymmetry. In the line-length search, SAI for long line target shows its
peak with the largest σ, around 25-30 pixels, corresponding to 0.7°-0.8° of visual angle in the experimental

123context. Furthermore, with smaller , peaked at 10 pixels, there was a substantial reversed search
asymmetry, reflecting the advantage of short line. In contrast, in the tilt-vertical search, SAI for tilt target
shows its peak around 13 pixels, which is substantially smaller than the line-length search, and SAI
gradually declines as σ increases. Notably, the interaction of σ and search task in SAI nicely fits with theobserved stimulus-specific cultural differences in search asymmetry. If we assume that American and East
Asian participants have  of 0.8° and of 0.4°, respectively, the model simulation can account for
substantial search asymmetry with both line-length and tilt-vertical for Americans, and the lack ofasymmetry with line-length but even stronger asymmetry with tilt-vertical search for East Asians.
Discussion
Simulations using the AIM model revealed that a difference in perceptual span can account for the
stimulus-specific cultural differences in visual search asymmetry: the lack of search asymmetry with linelength search, and the stronger search asymmetry with tilt-vertical search with East Asians compared with
Americans (Ueda et al., 2018). This pattern of empirical data can be simulated with the assumption that
Americans have larger perceptual span in saliency computation in visual search than East Asians. The
simulation results are consistent with the orthographical system view (Li et al., 2022), postulating that East
Asians have smaller perceptual span than Americans, but are the opposite to the prediction from theholistic-analytic cognitive style view of cultural difference (Nisbett et al., 2001), which postulates that
East Asians have larger span than Americans.
Novel prediction from the simulation results
The current simulation study revealed one unexpected result: reversed search asymmetry with linelength search. As shown in Figure 3, the search asymmetry index is substantially negative, peaked at 10
pixels of σ. This puzzling finding is in fact a piece of supporting evidence for the orthographical systemview, because recently we discovered a significant reversed search asymmetry with Taiwaneseparticipants (Ueda et al., 2019). In Taiwanese participants, short-line search was more efficient than longline search. Note that this finding is consistent with the perceptual span data for Japanese and Taiwanese.
Taiwanese people are known to have even smaller perceptual span than Japanese, reflecting the fact that
Taiwanese people use complex Chinese characters, whereas Japanese people use mixture of Kanjicharacters and Kana.
Attention, saliency map and search asymmetry
Saliency map models have been proposed as a representation of saliency distribution in the whole visual
field to guide overt and covert attention (Bruce and Tsotsos, 2009; Itti and Koch, 2000). Eye movement
and/or focused attention are assumed to be deployed to the point of highest saliency, to examine whether124

it is a search target in visual search. Thus, the manipulation of information pooling area in the current
study in fact examined the nature of parallel computation for attentional guidance, which differs fromtheoretical arguments in the literature of culture and cognition. The perceptual span in the reading study(Inhoff and Liu, 1998; Li et al., 2022) addresses the span of foveal processing of text reading, and theholistic-analytic cognitive style account (Nisbett, et al., 2001) addresses the width of attention in object
and scene recognition.
The simulation results of the current study indicating a larger perceptual span in Americans than East
Asians are consistent with the results in the reading studies, supporting the orthographical systems account.
However, some issues remain to be addressed. The most important one is whether perceptual span withthe foveal vision is generalizable to peripheral vision. Our life in modern society, in which texts arescattered around a visual scene and need to be efficiently detected and searched, suggests that it may be
the case, but this is an empirical question to be examined with future experiments. Another important issue
is domain specificity of perceptual span in reading. The culturally different perceptual span may be
specific to reading, or may have more general impacts. This issue is related to a more general question of
the plasticity of human cognition by interactions with cultural artifacts (Malafouris, 2013). The interaction
may modulate cognitive processes directly related to the artifact use, or may have wider impacts on
cognition.
The holistic and analytic style account remains ambiguous regarding the underlying cognitive
processing. Although smaller perceptual span is naturally associated with narrower focus of attention,different relationship can be postulated. For example, narrower focus of attention may be the result ofcompensatory mechanism for coarse stimulus-driven representation. A saliency map constructed with alarge perceptual span becomes more spatially blurred, and subsequent attentional processing needs to havea narrower focus. Although the larger processing span and analytic attention are not necessarily
contradictory, more detailed mechanisms need to be defined for further discussion.
Implications for cultural differences in visual cognition
Both cultural psychology and cultural evolution studies emphasize the role of social factors, such as
interpersonal relationship and social learning, in cultural differences in cognition (Mesoudi, 2011; Nisbett
et al., 2001). Although social factors play important roles in various culturally specific cognitive processes,
the current study indicates another important factor, interaction with cultural artifacts. Visual words are
known to play significant roles in our visual cognition (Dehaene and Cohen, 2007), and the current study
suggests that their effects are not limited to language related functions such as reading, but visual cognitionin general. We still need more direct causal evidence for the role of visual word processing in culturaldifference in visual search, but it is worth noting that culturally mediated physical environment is an
important factor to understand how human beings are adapted to their culture (Malafouris, 2013).

125

Social learning and interaction with artifacts are not mutually exclusive, and they contribute different
aspects of cultural evolution of cognition according to their characteristics in an adaptive fashion. Social
learning, which needs to be observational, acts on explicit aspects of human cognition, such as tool making,social interaction, and group decision making. Interaction with artifacts contributes to form more implicit
aspects of human cognition, such as perception, attention and eye movements. Although perception andattention include both explicit and implicit components, explicit control of perception and attention israther limited, and we lack explicit knowledge about the majority of everyday behavior. For example, wehave poor memory for our own eye movement in visual search (Võ, Aizenman and Wolfe, 2016). Thus,
we have difficulty in imitating other person’s eye movements and visual search behavior, which makessocial learning of eye movements and visual search difficult. Cultural variability in our visual cognition
likely emerges from interaction between explicit social learning and implicit learning through artifact use,
and future studies need to elucidate its underlying mechanisms.

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128

Monument, Ritual, Worldview, and Social Stratification in Prehistoricand Protohistoric Japan from a Aaritime and Water Perspective
Takehiko MATSUGINational Museum of Japanese History
There was a major shift at the end of the 20th century in the so-called traditional “prime mover”
argument about what caused the social complexification of the prehistoric and proto-historic periodof the Japanese archipelago.
Until the 1980s, under the strong influence of Marxism, the prevailing theory was that the monopolyof the surplus created by the increase in agricultural production led to the growth of the ruling class,or that the uneven development of agricultural productive forces led to stratification among groups(Kondo 1983). In contrast, since the 1990s, there has been much discussion about how thedevelopment and control of long-distance trade, as well as the increase in agricultural productivity,
has promoted stratification and social integration (Tsude 1991).
In this discussion, iron was considered to have been the most important material which could beobtained through long-distance trade. Archaeological and written sources indicate that before themiddle of the 6th century AD, people in the Japanese archipelago used iron materials imported mainly
from the Korean peninsula for production tools such as farming implements and weapons, as iron
could not be obtained domestically. In other words, from the first century BC, when iron became to
be used widely, until the sixth century AD, when it became possible to produce domestically, theeconomic structure of the Japanese archipelago was dependent on external societies for its main
resources (Tsude 1991, Matsugi 2001).
This period coincides with the process of development of social complexes in the Japanesearchipelago, from the emergence of local chiefdoms to the establishment of the early state over a wide
area. This tells us that the main economic mover which led to the promotion of social complexity in
the Japanese archipelago was long-distance trade, mainly in iron. As the Japanese archipelago is

Figure 1. Stages of social complexity of the Japanese archipelago
129

Figure 2. Socio-political formation of the Japanese archipelago in 1c.BC and 3-6c.AD(from Matsugi 1995)

surrounded by sea, its long-distance trade was ocean-based. The aim of this paper is to outline thedevelopment process of this long-distance trade using archaeological material.
The stages of social complexity and long-distance trade
The stages of social complexity of the Japanese archipelago are showed in a single diagram(figure.1). The social complexity of the Japanese archipelago has been reconstructed mainly by theprocess of monumental development of the elite burials. Most of the social complexity processes in
the Japanese archipelago were not accompanied by cities. Nor did they develop military systems tocontrol large domains. The reason for this is that the Japanese archipelago is an island country, andsmall areas along its coasts were originally highly independent. Controlling the distribution of goods
and commodities that linked them together was important for creating political power. Maritime isessential for the distribution of goods in island countries.

130

As
 the first stage of social complexity in the Japanese archipelago, local chiefdoms emerged in As the

Figure 3. Stone chamber and its exotic offerings of Yukinoyama burial mound(from Tsude etc (eds.) 1996)



131

As the first stage of social complexity in the Japanese archipelago, local chiefdoms emerged innorthern Kyushu (present Fukuoka prefecture) in the 1st century BC, stimulated by the Chinesecontinent and Korean peninsula across the sea. These chiefdoms were hierarchically linked with theacquisition and distribution of iron materials from the Korean peninsula, with the two most powerfulchiefdoms on the Hakata Bay coast as the core (shown in blue in figure 2). The chiefs showed theirauthority with locally produced bronze weapons, as well as bronze mirrors from China and shellbracelets from the southern Ryukyu islands. Showing a connection to the distant world was importantto their status (Matsumoto 2000).
The second stage was the establishment of a broad-based coalition of chiefdoms centred on Kinki
region in the middle of the 3rd century (present Nara and Osaka prefectures). It is indicated by theextensive construction of chiefly burial mounds (kofun) with a common style. There was a paramountchief buried on the largest mound in Yamato in the central Kinki region, but local chiefs buried on the
mounds of reasonable size also maintained their independence and participated in the coalition (shownin red in figure 2). This coalition is considered to be supported by long-distance trade (Tsude 1991).
Iron materials from the southern part of the Korean peninsula were the most important, supporting
production of each community in the Japanese archipelago before the middle of 6th century, wheniron materials began to be extracted in the archipelago. As they were transported by ship, it must be
appreciated that the Japanese archipelago was essentially a maritime society up to the middle of 6th
century. This point is often overlooked.
Furthermore, drawing on traditions from the Yayoi period, bronze mirrors from China and finestone products in the shape of shell bracelets from southern Ryukyu islands were also offered to thechiefs’ burials to show their authority. It can be argued that the authority of the chiefs in prehistoricJapan, a maritime society, was preserved by showing that they had differential access to and from the
distant world (Matsumoto 2000).
As a typical example, in the Yukinoyama burial mound in Shiga prefecture, overlooking Lake
Biwa which was an important transport route connected to the sea by the Yodo River, Chinese bronze
mirrors and iron helmets, and a shell-shaped fine stone bracelet showing the connection with thesouthern sea were offered to the chiefly burial (figure 3). Such examples were standard among thechiefly burial mounds from the 3rd and 4th centuries and are too numerous to enumerate.
Distribution of chiefly burial mounds and the worldview
In recent years, chiefly burial mounds showing a close relationship with the sea and the water
systems connected to it have attracted attention as 'maritime-type burial mounds (Hirose 2015 etc.).
They were very numerous until the 3-5th century (figure 4), when iron materials were imported fromthe Korean peninsula and became less common from the 6th century onwards (figure 5), when they
could be produced domestically.
Furthermore, recent attempts at cognitive archaeology and landscape archaeology have revealed132

that the largest and most elaborate of these burial mounds, in the late 4th and early 5th century, arethemselves constructed to create a connection with the distant world by sea.

Figure 4. Distribution of maritime-type burial mounds in southwestern Japan in 3-5c. AD(from Kanagawa Archaeology Foundation (ed.) 2015)


133

Figure 5. Distribution of maritime-type burial mounds in southwestern Japan in 6c. AD(from Kanagawa Archaeology Foundation (ed.) 2015)


These mounds have a real or virtual water surface surrounding them created by a moat or an
empty moat. An island or land-tied island is built at the point where the mound is reached from outside
the moat. Their fronts are sometimes shaped like a cove, and waterfowl or boat-shaped haniwa terra-134cotta figures are placed on and by them. They indicate that a boat which crossed the surface of thewater arrived here. The dead chief arrived at the mound with his or her boat and was buried at the topof the mound (figure 6, board of education (ed.) 2005)

Figure 6. Mound, moat and land-tied island of Suyama burial mound(Kouryou town board of education (ed.) 2005)


135

Table 1. Interaction by sea and land (from Matsugi 2007)

Wada 2009, Matsugi 2024 in print). The waterfowl has been identified as a migratory swan or
goose, which also symbolized the distant world. In other words, it is assumed that the burial moundsof this period were recognized as the other world beyond the water and were built as such. It is thoughtthat there existed a worldview in which the chief, who was a mediator between the other world before
his or her death, was positioned in that other world after the death. The motif of a boat carrying thedead chief appears repeatedly throughout the Kofun period. The actual boat which is thought to haveactually carried the body of the chief was excavated from the moat of the Suyama burial mound in
Nara prefecture.
Conclusion
As we have seen above, the authority of the chiefs in the Japanese archipelago was created bytheir economic and cognitive traffic with the distant world. In particular, the Japanese archipelago issurrounded by the sea, and many long-distance trades and traffic were mediated by the sea. Table 1
shows how sea-mediated long-distance trade has higher cognitive inducement than land-mediatedtrade. The representations and discourses related to sea-mediated long-distance negotiations were so
powerful that they created a worldview unique to the Japanese archipelago related to social status.
This, combined with the economic dependence on iron materials imports through long-distance trade,indicates that the Japanese archipelago achieved a social complex unique to the maritime societies,
different from mainland China and the Korean peninsula.

136

References
Kanagawa Archaeology Foundation (ed.) (2015), The age of maritime-type burial mounds, Doseisha,Tokyo. (in Japanese)
Kouryou town board of education (ed.) (2005), Outline Report on the survey of the Suyama burial
mound: Excavation of the Land-tied Island Remains, Gakuseisha, Tokyo. (in Japanese).
Matsugi, T. (1995). Warfare and social developing process in the Yayoi period, prehistoric Japan,
Quarterly of Archaeological Studies (Kōkogaku Kenkyū), 42(3), 33-47. (in Japanese).
Matsugi, T. (2000). Why do humans fight? : Warfare from an Archaeological Perspective, Kodansha,
Tokyo. (in Japanese).
Matsugi, T. (2007). “Yayoiization” of the mind, the beginning of the warfare, Osaka Prefectural
Museum of Yayoi Culture Catalog ,35, 92-95. (in Japanese).
Matsugi, T. (2024). “Water” in the worldview of Kofun burial mounds in protohistoric Japan, Bulletinof the National Museum of Japanese History. (in Japanese) (in printing).
Matsumoto, N. (2000). A Tentative theory on the Jomon-Yayoi transformation and long-distance
trade: Helms's Theory and the south sea shell-bracelet trade, People and Cultures of Ryukyu andEast Asia, A Collection of Essays in Commemoration of the 70th Birthday of Prof. Hiroe
Takamiya, (in Japanese).
Hirose, K. (2015). Considering maritime-type burial mounds, In Kanagawa Archaeology Foundation(ed.), The age of maritime-type burial mounds (pp.1-38), Doseisha, Tokyo. (in Japanese).
Tsude, H. (1991). An Introduction to the state formation theory in ancient Japan: A proposal for the
keyhole-shaped burial mound system. Journal of Japanese History 343, pp.5-39. (in Japanese).
Tsude, H., Fukunaga, S., & Sugii, T. (eds.) (1996), Study of Yukinoyama Burial Mound, Youkaichicity board of education. (in Japanese).
Wada, S. (2000). The otherworld view of the kofun burial mounds. Bulletin of the National Museumof Japanese History 152, pp.247-272. (in Japanese).

137

Exploring Maritime Migration: Methods and Materials
Exploring Maritime Migration: Methods and Materials
Part 2Part
2 Cognition
Human Body
and
Human Body and Cognition
Part 3
Part 3 Methods
Innovative ResearchInnovative Research Methods
Part 4
Part 4Landscape and Monuments:
New InsightLandscape and Monuments: New InsightarcAstro-VR for Archaeoastronomy
Kazuhiro SEKIGUCHI1, Kuninori IWASHIRO2 and Yoshitaka HOJO3
1

National Astronomical Observatory of Japan, 2scienceNODE, 3Tokai University

We are developing arcAstro-VR, a computer system that reconstructs archaeological remains from
actual measurements and records and allows us to experience the simulations of past astronomical
phenomena in a virtual 3D space. arcAstro-VR is based on Stellarium, an open-source desktop
planetarium software package that can accurately reproduce the past starry sky. It can be visualisedwith astronomical data, and various verifications of the relationship between the archaeologicalremains and background celestial phenomena can be performed by moving freely in the VR space andchanging the settings. The latest version (Ver0.17.3, released on December 22, 2022) is compatible
with Meta Quest (Oculus Quest), and by connecting to a PC with MetaLink, we can experience a VR
space through an HMD. In addition, a compass map display function centred on the marker that is
the starting point of the auxiliary line, a dome master output that can be projected 360 degrees on thedome with a fisheye lens, and a function that simulates the reflection from the water surface by setting
the water surface at any location, etc. have been added. arcAstro-VR is open source, licensed under
the terms of the GNU General Public License version 3, and available for Windows (Windows 8 andabove) and macOS (macOS 10.14 and above). (See https://arcastrovr.org/en/ for details). As an
example of using arcAstro-VR, a virtual reproduction model of the Yoshinogari ruins in Saga
Prefecture, Japan, was constructed.
Keywords: archaeoastronomy, Virtual reality (VR), 3D simulations

Introduction
Ancient people constructed monuments aligned with specific directions for various reasons,many related to their beliefs and practices. One common reason was to align the monument with the
movements of the sun, moon, planets, and stars [Belmonte, 2015; González-García, 2015; Ruggles,
2015a, b]. For example, many ancient civilisations constructed structures aligned with the solstices
and equinoxes, which were important events in their calendars. Another reason for buildingmonuments aligned with specific directions was to reflect cosmological beliefs. For instance, someancient cultures believed specific directions were associated with particular deities or powers, so theybuilt their monuments accordingly. Similarly, some cultures believed that aligning a monument withcertain celestial bodies or directions could confer spiritual or magical power.
Sometimes, aligning a monument with a specific direction also serves practical purposes. For
example, some monuments were aligned with prevailing winds or important trade routes [Martinsson-

141Wallin, 2014]. Overall, the reasons for building monuments aligned with specific directions werelikely varied and complex and often reflected the beliefs and practices of the cultures that created them.
Many ancient civilisations did not leave behind written records explaining their monuments' purpose
or design intentions. As a result, researchers have to rely on indirect evidence and interpretations tounderstand astronomical and other means of connections.
For several reasons, verifying the relationship between a monument's alignment and the stars'
movements can be difficult. The Earth's rotation axis undergoes long-term cyclic changes known as
precession. Over thousands of years, this can alter the positions of stars in the night sky relative to the
Earth's surface. As a result, even if a monument was accurately aligned with certain stars or celestial
events at the time of its construction, it may not align precisely with those same objects today. In
addition to changes in the apparent position of celestial bodies in the past, the state of preservation of
the remains itself is not necessarily good. It may also be necessary to investigate places that are noteasily accessible or where historic structures have been destroyed by natural disasters such as
earthquakes or deliberate human actions. Furthermore, it is difficult to observe over months or years,
requiring investigations at specific dates such as the solstice. Therefore, developing a computer systemthat can reconstruct interesting remains from actual measurements and records and experience theeffects of past astronomical phenomena simulations in a virtual 3D space is desirable.
arcAstro-VR, a simulation software that can be used for archaeoastronomy, began developmentin 2019 to meet such needs (Sekiguchi & Takata, 2020). Initially, we planned to use the Teotihuacan
ruins in Mexico to test functionality. However, due to the corona crisis, acquiring data from the
Teotihuacan ruins did not proceed as expected. To test the usefulness of arcAstro-VR, in 2021, thebeta version was verified using data from the Yoshinogari ruins in Saga Prefecture, Japan. Based on
the results, we have made necessary improvements and added useful functions, and this time we reporton the version updated as Ver0.17.3, released on December 22, 2022. In Ver0.17.3, new functions
such as VR experience using HMD, compass map display function, 360-degree dome projection using
a fisheye lens with dome master output, water surface reflection, etc., have been added.
This paper briefly introduces the goals of arcAstro-VR development, what this software can do,
newly added functions, and examples using the Yoshinogari ruins data.
arcAstro-VR development goals
Our objective is to create software capable of simulating and verifying the orientation of ancientruins and the relative positions of celestial bodies in the historical sky. To that end, the following
development goals were set:
1. Astronomically correct sky simulation, which applies to prehistoric studies.
2. Gives realistic simulations of daylight, twilight, and night skies and presents the horizon withpanoramic views.
3. A panorama view can be created from on-site photographs or renderings of 3D models from eachviewpoint to study the architectural line of sight along the axis of the building (or, similarly, a row

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of upright stones, etc.).
4. When a known point or structure needs to be investigated in virtual space, it can load or extend toload 3D landscapes.
5. Accurately georeferenced 3D models can be loaded into virtual space, and the ability to identify
and observe the line of sight combined with past sky reproductions and simulations to reconstructarchaeological structures and accurately reproduce virtual 3D models. It can be loaded into a
computer system at any time.
6. Can clearly explain and demonstrate these phenomena to a large audience.
7. Allows virtual reconstruction to recreate a site's appearance as it might have been in the past rather
than its current degraded state.
8. Possible to reconstruct not only a single building but also a large-scale collection, such as a town,
by using a real-time simulation that allows the user to move around in it freely.
arcAstro-VR
arcAstro-VR is a VR application designed for PC, offering a captivating experience that replicates
topographical landscapes, 3D data of archaeological remains, and astronomical occurrences (Figure.1).
Utilizing LiDAR and photogrammetry survey data enables users to immerse themselves in a realistic
3D visualization. The software allows unrestricted movement within the virtual reality space, allowing
users to adjust settings and perform diverse verifications, enhancing the exploration and understandingof various terrains and celestial events. "The formats that can be read as terrain and building data are
GeoTIFF file formed for terrain (Figure.2) and 3D file formats such as obj, fbx, ply, etc., forbuilding data (Figure 3).
Terrain data
Figure 4 gives the data flow chart of various survey measurements. arcAstro-VR utilizes shaderelief data in a raw 16-bit grey image file format, divided into nine tiles arranged in a 3x3 grid on awide-area base terrain to form the VR space. Each tile can be expanded to cover an extensive rangeof 100 x 100 kilometres, creating a total terrain size of 300 x 300 kilometres. Additionally, the shading
data within a single tile can have a horizontal resolution of 24 meters for the wide-area terrain, as it
can contain up to 4096 x 4096 pixels. The vertical resolution, representing heights from -1000m to
9000m, is 15.26 centimetres, calculated based on the 16-bit (65536) height representation. The wide
area terrain data must undergo orthorectification, spherical correction, and optical correction(equivalent to Earth format correction). Additionally, users can create small terrains with customizable
resolution and variable extent, with the smallest possible terrain being one tile measuring 4096 x 4096
pixels. Each pixel's resolution can be specified within a 0.1 to 10 meters range. To facilitate thecreation of wide and narrow area topography, the "terrain4aAVR" plugin for the GIS software "QGIS"
can be downloaded from the Plugin Download page of the arcAstro-VR WEB

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Figure 1. PC monitor display example of arcAstro-VR

Figure 2. GeoTIFF: Planar image data with elevation in grayscale144

Figure 3. 3D data in which points, lines and planes are arranged with xyz coordinates.

Figure 4. The flow of data creation from various survey measurements(https://arcastrovr.org/download.html?id=plugin).

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In addition to this wide-area topography and narrow-area topography, 3D models of remains (insome cases, topography such as tunnels that cannot be represented by elevation data) are superimposed
and reproduced in VR space (Figure 5).
Wide-area and narrow-area topography are superimposed at the centre coordinates, and the centre
coordinates are defined as the coordinates specified by centre in dataset.txt. Coordinates can be
specified in WGS84 (latitude and longitude), planar rectangular coordinate system (19 system), or
UTM coordinate system. When creating terrain with QGIS, specify and create the above centre
coordinates. For details on the settings, see sections 4-3 of the arcAstro-VR Manual Version 0.17,“Creating a setting file (dataset.txt)".

Figure 5. Terrain reproduction in arcAstro-VR

Astronomical projection
In collaboration with the astronomical simulator Stellarium (http://stellarium.org), we present a
way to replicate the celestial panorama in arcAstro-VR. Stellarium is free software for Windows, Mac,and Linux and offers standard compatibility with VSOP87 (Bretagnon & Francou, 1988) for
calculations from -2000 to 6000 years. Moreover, we have extended the support to include DE430(Folkner et al., 2014), enabling detailed calculations from 1550 AD to 2650 AD, and DE431 (Folkner
et al., 2014), covering a wide range from -13,200 BC to 17,191 AD. Leveraging Stellarium's Remote
Control (Plugin) and Skybox Tiles (Script) functions, we seamlessly transfer Stellarium sky images toarcAstro-VR, facilitating their display within the virtual environment (Figure 6).
Stellarium provides standard support for VSOP87/ELP2000-82B to calculate solar systemobjects, along with higher accuracy extensions DE430 and DE431. The VSOP87 model ensuresaccuracy within 1″ for Mercury, Venus, and the centre of gravity of the Moon-Earth system over 4000

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years before and after 2000 AD, with a guaranteed accuracy of 6,000 years before and after. On theother hand, DE430 and DE431 are lunar and planetary ephemerides compiled and published by JPL(Jet Propulsion Laboratory), an agency of NASA, primarily for planetary exploration (Folkner et al.,2014). DE430 covers the time range from December 21, 1549 (Julian day: 2287184.5) to January 25,
2650 (Julian day: 2688976.5), while DE431 spans from August 15, 200 BC (Julian day: -0.3100015.5)
to March 15, 17191 (Julian day: 8000016.5). Notably, the expression accuracy in arcAstro-VR is lower
than the calculation accuracy of VSOP87, making the incorporation of DE430 or DE431 unnecessary.
What you can do with arcAstro-VR
arcAstro-VR can import 3D model data, manipulate and customise 3D models by displaying,hiding, and moving them, and adding markers and auxiliary lines for enhanced analysis. The VR spaceoffers free movement options through various input methods, such as a mouse, keyboard, and gamecontroller, granting a seamless and interactive experience. One of the most important features ofarcAstro-VR is its ability to provide highly accurate reproductions of astronomical events from 2,000
B.C. to 6,000 A.D., enabling users to witness celestial scenes throughout the ages. Additionally, thesoftware ensures realism by verifying sunlight, shadows, and water surface reflections using the sunand moon as light sources. To discover the full potential of arcAstro-VR, visit the official website athttps://arcastrovr.org/en/.

Figure 6. Linkage diagram of arcAstro-VR (Unity program) and Stellarium

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Overview of the functions added to Ver0.17.3
Compass Map Feature:
A new function has been introduced to make visualizing the building’s alignment easier inarcAstro-VR, allowing the recording of direction information for improved building orientation
visibility. By pressing the "Map" button on the right side of the auxiliary line information, a compass
map centred on the starting point marker of the auxiliary line is presented (Figure 7). This enables
users to easily comprehend the direction of the building in relation to its surroundings. To facilitate
data management, users can utilize the "Copy Information" button at the bottom left of the information
window, which captures the information displayed and saves it to the clipboard. The copied data isorganized in a tab-delimited format, making it easy to paste into spreadsheet software, where it isautomatically divided into separate cells for clarity. Furthermore, users can store the modified or newly
added information by clicking the "Save" button at the bottom right of the information window,
creating a new dataset.txt with the relevant changes or additions. This functionality, which includes
an ortho map directly above the building with the added direction, significantly improves the accuracy
and convenience of analyzing architectural layouts in arcAstro-VR.

Figure 7. Compass Map Feature of arcAstro-VR

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Dome master output support:
The latest feature in arcAstro-VR introduces support for Dome Master output, revolutionizing
projection capabilities. This new functionality allows users to achieve immersive 360-degree
projections on domes using a fisheye lens in the specialized Dome Master format (Figure 8).
The angle of view can be precisely specified, allowing customized visual perspectives. Additionally,users can set the azimuth angle, enabling precise orientation and alignment of the projection. The
advanced direction can also be fixed, enhancing the projection's accuracy and stability. With thesetools, arcAstro-VR can recreate ancient scenes, simultaneously bringing experiences to more people.
HMD support:
arcAstro-VR uses a Head Mount Display (HMD) to provide users with a highly immersive viewing
experience, offering 6 degrees of freedom (6DOF). The supported HMDs include Meta (Oculus) Rift,
Quest, and Quest2, which can be connected to a PC in Quest Link or Air Link mode. To ensure smooth
operation, the PC must support OpenXR. However, it's important to note that OpenXR is currently notsupported on Mac systems, so only Windows PCs are compatible. Additionally, users should be awarethat running arcAstro-VR with OpenXR requires a high-performance GPU and ample memory. For
checking PC compatibility with each HMD, please refer to the compatible PC table provided by the
manufacturer.

Figure 8. Dome master output of arcAstro-VR

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Water representation:
In arcAstro-VR, the representation of water surfaces introduces a new level of realism andaccuracy to the virtual environment. Users can easily install water surfaces at any desired location,enhancing the immersive experience (Figure 9).
The software also provides a sophisticated simulation of reflections on water, adding depth anddimension to the visuals. Furthermore, arcAstro-VR utilizes a directional light source to achieve
lifelike shadows based on celestial bodies' azimuth altitude like the sun, moon, and Venus. These
angles are calculated using Stellarium, ensuring high-precision lighting and shadow effects.
Stellarium's reliance on VSOP87 guarantees the accuracy of calculated angles for Venus, Earth, andthe Moon within 1″ (0.00028 degrees) over a wide period of 4000 years before and after the year 2000.
arcAstro-VR's parallel light source setting further refines the angular accuracy, offering a 0.001-degree
precision. This level of accuracy allows the simulation of light and shadows in arcAstro-VR to matchthe celestial sphere's diurnal motion, rotating at 15 arcseconds (0.004 degrees) per second, achieving
a time resolution of approximately 0.25 seconds. As a result, arcAstro-VR creates realistic lighting andshadow effects.

Figure 9. Water representation of arcAstro-VR

3D modelling of the “Yoshinogari” ruins
Beta version (Ver0.14.4) of arcAstro-VR was released on April 1, 2022, to identify software
defects, points that need improvement, and functions that need to be added through trial use. At the
beginning of the development plan, we planned to use arcAstro-VR to verify the Teotihuacan ruins,but due to the corona disaster, we could not go to the site and collect data as expected. Instead, we

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Figure 10. Aerial survey of the “Yoshinogari” Ruins: South Area

tested using data from the Yoshinogari ruins in Japan.
Between 2021 and 2022, a comprehensive 3D survey and modelling of the Yoshinogari ruins

took place (Figure 10), involving collecting spatial data to create a point cloud classified into different
categories such as terrain, trees, and buildings. Noise reduction techniques ensured accuracy, and alow-polygon terrain model was automatically generated. Manual methods were used to create lowpolygon models for buildings based on the classified point cloud data. Normal maps were employed
to enhance visual quality and add detailed features to the low-polygon structures, while texture maps
further refined the models. The final result was a fully completed 3D model, visually representing the
Yoshinogari ruins. The survey utilized three 3D conversion methods: photogrammetry with drones,
360-degree camera video shooting, and LiDAR scanning with iPhone/iPad. Combining thesetechniques and utilizing Agisoft Metashape software generated high-precision models for terrain andbuildings, while low-polygon models were optimized with normal maps. The 360-degree camera and
LiDAR scanning complemented the photogrammetry process and enabled accurate representations insome otherwise difficult conditions. The building 3D models were created and textured using
integrated point cloud data, CG software Blender, and Metashape, resulting in accurate and visuallycaptivating renditions of the structures.
Caution must be taken that ArcAstro-VR has certain limitations when dealing with 3D data,
particularly when the entire Yoshinogari area is converted to 3D, as the highest polygon output
becomes too heavy to handle efficiently. High resolution for finer detail and a balance between keeping
the model manageable and responsive, i.e. a low polygon count is needed. Considering the hardware
specifications required for the smooth functioning of arcAstro-VR, such as a Radeon Pro 580 GPU,

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Intel Core i7 CPU, and 20GB of memory in a desktop PC (e.g., iMac from 2017), it is reasonable toaim for a total of 2 million polygons or less for a model to work efficiently within the platform. By
adhering to these constraints, users can create and experience 3D models in arcAstro-VR optimized
for performance without sacrificing quality or functionality.
Conclusion
arcAstro-VR is now fully operational and can be utilized effectively in archaeoastronomical
investigations. The recent test conducted on the Yoshinogari ruins demonstrated its ability to achievesufficient accuracy in fulfilling its purpose. In the next update, we would like to add functions such asimporting wide-area terrain data from Cesium ion, etc., and fix various bugs while fully releasing andsupporting it. During the "4th Archaeological Astronomy Conference" on December 19, 2021, at
Yoshinogari Historical Park in Saga Prefecture, Y.H., a co-author of this paper, presented the findingsof investigating the correlation between the Yoshinogari site and celestial body movements using
arcAstro-VR (Hojo, Y. 2022). The following year, at the "6th Archaeological Astronomy Conference"
held on December 25, 2022, in the same location, 3D data of the south inner enclosure was included,
unveiling the structures of the Yoshinogari site along with the presentation of sunrise and moon
calendars.
The verification results were shared as videos https://arcastrovr.org/movie/yoshinogari2021.mp4
and https://arcastrovr.org/movie/yoshinogari2022.mp4, showcased during the concurrent event"Yoshinogari Hikari no Hibiki" at Yoshinogari Historical Park and made available on the arcAstroVR Web page.
Acknowledgments
The Yoshinogari site data used in this paper was obtained with the cooperation of the Yoshinogari
Historical Park.
References
Belmonte, J. A. (2015). Solar Alignments – Identification and Analysis. In C. L. N. Ruggles (Ed.),
Handbook of Archaeoastronomy and Ethnoastronomy (pp. 483-492).
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6141-8_36
Bretagnon, P., & Francou, G. (1988, August 1). Planetary theories in rectangular and sphericalvariables: VSOP87 solution. Astronomy and Astrophysics, 202, 309–315.
https://ui.adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/1988A&A...202..309B
Folkner, W. M., Williams, J. G., Boggs, D. H., Park, R. S., & Kuchynka, P. (2014, February 15). The
Planetary and Lunar Ephemerides DE430 and DE431. The Interplanetary Network Progress
Report, 42(196), 1–81.
González-García, A. C. (2015). Lunar Alignments - Identification and Analysis. In C. L. N. Ruggles

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(Ed.), Handbook of archaeoastronomy and ethnoastronomy (pp. 493–506).
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6141-8_37
Hojo, Y. (2022). Rituals at the Yoshinogari Ruins and the Northern Full Moon. In Human History of
Objects, Things, and Words - An Inquiry into Comprehensive Anthropology - Retirement
Commemorative Collection of Dr. Akira Goto (pp. 285-299). Yuzankaku.
Martinsson-Wallin, H. (2014). MONUMENTS AND PEOPLE – AN INTRODUCTION. In
Martinsson-Wallin, H., & Thomas, T. (Eds.), Monuments and People in the Pacific (pp. 9-44).
Studies in Global Archaeology no. 20.
https://uu.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A769726&dswid=6868
Ruggles, C. L. N. (2015a). Long-term changes in the appearance of the sky. In C. L. N. Ruggles (Ed.),
Handbook of archaeoastronomy and ethnoastronomy (pp. 473–482).
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6141-8_35
Ruggles, C. L. N. (2015b). Stellar Alignments - Identification and Analysis. In C. L. N. Ruggles (Ed.),
Handbook of archaeoastronomy and ethnoastronomy (pp. 517–530).
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6141-8_39
Sekiguchi, K., & Takata, H. (2020, February 27-28). Visualization of Archaeological Structure Datawith Astronomical Objects. In M. Naoko, S. Sugiyama, & C. Garcia-Des Lauriers (Eds.),
Landscape, Monuments, Arts, and Rituals Out of Eurasia in Bio-Cultural Perspectives (pp. 5362). Research Institute for the Dynamics of Civilizations, Okayama University.
http://out-of-eurasia.jp/activity/mexico/pdfs/full.pdf

This work was supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS), KAKENHI,
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas JP19H05732 “Integrative Human Historical
Science of "Out of Eurasia".
This work was partially supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS),
KAKENHI, Grant number 19H00544, 2019-2022, Archaeology and Ancient History Research
Methods Based on Collaboration with Astronomy.

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LiDAR Surveying of Ancient Mounded Tombs (kofun) in Japan
Joseph RYAN
Okayama University
Abstract
Airborne LiDAR surveying allows for the detailed mapping of areas that were long difficult
through traditional surveying methods, either because of the extensive dimensions or prohibitive
terrain and vegetation. Commonly utilized around the world, LiDAR technology has been increasingly
employed in recent years within Japan, as well. The Department of Archaeology at Okayama
University has been conducting LiDAR surveys of Kofun-period (mid 3rd to early 7th century AD)
mounded tombs located within Okayama Prefecture over the past three years, including the Zōzan
mounded tomb group, Sakuzan mounded tomb, Tottori-kamitakatsuka mounded tomb, Sarayama
mounded tomb group, and the Tenjin mounded tomb group. In this paper, the author presents theresults of the LiDAR surveys conducted at the Zōzan mounded tomb group and addresses areas forfurther research.
Introduction
Airborne LiDAR surveying allows for the detailed and accurate mapping of areas that would
otherwise be difficult through traditional surveying methods. It is a useful method of surveying thatcan be used for expansive areas or areas with difficult terrain or heavy vegetation. Commonly used inarchaeology around the world, LiDAR is now increasing in use within Japan, as well. The team from
Okayama University (MITSUMOTO Jun, SEIKE Akira, YAMAGUCHI Yuji, and Joseph RYAN) has been
conducting LiDAR surveys of mounded tombs belonging to the Kofun period (mid 3rd to early 7th
century AD) throughout Okayama Prefecture. In this paper, the author presents the results of the
LiDAR surveys conducted at the Zōzan (Tsukuriyama) mounded tomb group.
1. Mapping of archaeological sites in Japan
Traditional methods of surveying archaeological sites in Japan include the plane table and thetotal station. While the former is analog and the latter digital, they both entail physically traversing infull the area to be surveyed. While this allows the archaeologist to directly experience subtle shifts interrain and utilize those experiences in the creation of a survey map, it can be difficult in areas of dense
vegetation or uneven terrain.
The use of laser scanners to digitally map archaeological sites is becoming more common. In 2014,
Okayama University utilized a tripod-mounted laser scanner (Faro Focus 3D) to digitally map the
Tsukura mounded tomb, a 38.5m-long square keyhole tomb located in Okayama City, Okayama
Prefecture (Mitsumoto 2020). While such laser scanners allow for the convenient capture of ground154

data, the extent of capture is limited as the device is mounted to a tripod. Additionally, low-lying
vegetation must be removed for suitable ground point capture.
This limitation can be overcome by mounting the scanner on an aerial vehicle, whether a drone
or airplane. A well-known example in Japan of the use of aerial surveying is the Red Relief Image
Map produced by Asia Air Survey Co., Ltd. of the Niizawa-senzuka mounded tomb cluster in
Kashihara City, Nara Prefecture. This dense cluster of around 600 tombs dating to the end of the 4th tothe middle of the 6th century would be difficult to survey using traditional methods. Aerial surveying
allowed for a comprehensive understanding of the tomb cluster and the relationship between the tombs
and their surrounding topography, in addition to the discovery of new tombs.
Aerial laser surveying of archaeological sites has increased since around 2010. However,equipment, insurance, and other maintenance expenses are costly. The specialized nature of UAV
equipment and software also makes it not typically feasible for archaeological institutions to own andutilize LiDAR equipment. Archaeologists therefore usually end up commissioning surveying
companies. Such reliance on external companies, however, requires the close coordination of thearchaeologists and technicians, as the research questions, goals, and desired data can significantly
differ between the two.
Since FY 2019, the Out of Eurasia project has enabled the Okayama University team to purchasethe necessary equipment and implement LiDAR surveys across Okayama Prefecture. Within Japan,
LiDAR can be used to effectively map lowland archaeological sites, hillforts, mounded tombs, andmedieval castles. Of these various uses, the Okayama University team has applied a LiDAR approachto the ancient mounded tombs (kofun) of the Okayama area.
Kofun were mounded tombs that were built between the middle of the 3rd century to the beginningof the 7th century. It has been estimated that over 160,000 earthen mounded tombs were built during
the Kofun period, over 5000 of which were of the characteristic keyhole shape. It has been suggested
that the sociopolitical ranking system of the Kofun period was manifested in tomb shape and size
(Tsude, 1991). Kofun can therefore be highly instructive for understanding ancient Japanese society.
But in order to fully utilize them as tools to interpret the past, it is necessary to analyze their shape,size, and relationship to the surrounding landscape – LiDAR proves highly effective for this purpose.
2. Drone-based airborne LiDAR survey
LiDAR stands for “light detection and ranging”. Like sunlight through the leaves, laser pulses
sent out from the drone hit the ground and rebound to the sensor, allowing the acquisition of
coordinates. 100,000s of laser pulses a second are sent and received, allowing highly accurate anddetailed survey maps even under thick vegetation. Attaching LiDAR to a drone allows for aerial laser
surveying and the efficient capture of detailed topography over extensive areas. This presents asignificant departure from traditional surveying methods, which required the direct traversing of thesurvey area.
The Okayama University team utilizes a Phoenix LiDAR Systems miniRANGER attached to a155

DJI Matrice 600 Pro. The Trimble R2 is utilized as a GNSS receiver. LiDAR surveys have been
conducted on major Kofun-period tombs and tomb groups throughout Okayama Prefecture: Multiple
surveys were conducted of the Zōzan tomb group in Okayama City, from March 20-21, 2020, July 45, 2020, and February 6, 2021; one survey was conducted of the Sakuzan (Tsukuriyama) mounded
tomb in Sōja City on November 28, 2020; one survey was conducted of the Tottori-kamitakatsuka
mounded tomb and its environs in Akaiwa City on April 18-19, 2021; one survey was conducted of
the Sarayama tomb cluster in Tsuyama City on January 22 and 25, 2022; and one survey was conductedof the Tenjin tomb cluster on January 11-12 and 17, 2023.
A software called Litchi is used to prepare a drone flight plan. Battery life limits a single flightto around 15 to 20 minutes or approximately 4.5 km. Drone flight speed depends on the necessary
point cloud density: in areas of thick vegetation, the drone is flown at a slower speed (5 m/s) in order
to increase the number of returns; in cases where an extensive area must be covered, the drown isflown at a faster speed (8 m/s). The Okayama University team typically adopts a drone altitude of 65
m above ground level at all times.
After point cloud capture, software (Inertial Explorer and Spatial Explorer) is utilized for postprocessing GNSS/IMU and LAS exporting. Subsequently, Terrasolid TerraScan (or a similar software)is utilized for point cloud classification and filtering. This process removes vegetation, buildings, andother captured objects that do not belong to the archaeological site, leaving only the ground surface ofthe mounded tomb. Seasonal vegetation can greatly affect point capture: For example, during thesummer months, thick undergrowth can obscure the actual ground surface and complicate the filtering
process. It the case of Japan, higher quality ground point capture can be achieved by surveying duringcolder months.
3. LiDAR survey of Zōzan
In this section, let us review previous surveys conducted of the Zōzan (Tsukuriyama) mounded
tomb and its surrounding subsidiary tombs before introducing the LiDAR survey conducted by the
Okayama University team. The research results presented below can be found in more detail in ourprevious publication (Mitsumoto et al., 2023).
The Zōzan tomb group is located in Okayama City, Okayama Prefecture (Figure 1).Zōzan is a keyhole mounded tomb measuring approximately 350 m in length. It is the fourth largest
tomb throughout Japan and the largest tomb outside of the Kinki region. It is surrounded by six smaller
subsidiary tombs. In addition to archaeological excavation by the Okayama City Board of Educationand the Okayama University Department of Archaeology, several surveys have been conducted of thetombs.
The first modern survey was an aerial photography-based mapping commissioned in 1985 byOkayama City and Okayama Prefecture (Figure 2A; Okayama-ken-shi Hensan-iinkai, 1986). A
contour map was produced from aerial photos and adjusted as necessary based on on-site

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Figure 1. Location of the Zōzan mounded tomb (Mitsumoto et al., 2023).

confirmation. Subsequently, a plane table-based survey was conducted in tandem with a total stationbased digital survey under Professor Niiro Izumi of Okayama University in order to compare andcontrast these methodologies and their results (Figure 2B; Niiro, 2008, 2012). A DEM produced fromaerial photographs was subsequently combined with the digital mound data acquired through thisproject in order to situate the tombs within the landscape (Figure 2C; Teramura, 2008). In 2014, theOkayama City Board of Education conducted additional surveys utilizing aerial photography anddigital survey methods (Figure 2D; Okayama-shi Kyōiku-iinkai 2014). While these surveys haveproduced high-quality maps of the mounded tombs, they have mostly relied on aerial photography or
a combination of total station-based digital surveying and existing municipal maps. While a
consideration of the relationship between the tombs and the surrounding landscape requires directsurvey of the surrounding terrain, the expansive area across which these tombs are located has
prevented such efforts utilizing traditional survey methods. A deeper understanding of the tomb groupin relation to the surrounding topography requires a comprehensive mapping of both the tombs andthe surrounding landscape. It was against this backdrop that the Okayama University team conducted
LiDAR surveying of the Zōzan tomb group and its environs. An approximately 1 km2 area wassurveyed through a combination of 11 flights (Figures 3 & 4).

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Figure 2. A history of surveys conducted on Zōzan and its environs: A) after Okayama-ken-shi
hensan-iinkai, 1986: supplementary fig. 1; B) after Niiro, 2008: fig. 2; C) after Teramura, 2008: fig.9;
D) after Okayama-shi Kyōiku-iinkai, 2014: fig. 16 (Mitsumoto et al., 2023).

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Figure 3. Orthophoto of the Zōzan tomb group and its surroundings. Subsidiary tombs are indicated bynumbers (Mitsumoto et al., 2023).

After filtering, the point cloud comprised 28,120,002 points, or approximately 20 points per m2. Whilediffering in total area, this represents a significantly more detailed point cloud than that acquired via
the Faro Focus 3D survey of the Tsukura mounded tomb mentioned above (319,375 points).
LiDAR surveying of the area allows consideration of the relationship among the tombs of thetomb group and between the tomb group and the surrounding terrain. The first area that can beconsidered is order of tomb construction and alteration of the landscape. Previous trench excavations
revealed that the construction of Zōzan involved the considerable leveling, cutting, and working of thehill to the south (Niiro, 2012). It is apparent from the LiDAR data, however, that construction of thewhole tomb group must have required large-scale development of the natural hill. Combining the
LiDAR data with the order of tomb construction suggested from typochronological research on the159

Figure 4. LiDAR map of the Zōzan tomb group and its environs. Black arrows indicate rice paddies
and land plots that have been interpreted as remains of the moat in the modern landscape (Mitsumoto
et al., 2023).

haniwa that adorned the mound surfaces (Yasukawa, 2019) reveals that tombs were constructed fromhigher to lower elevation (Figure 5). Interestingly, the ancient San'yō thoroughfare, which was built inthe late seventh century as part of a national infrastructure project, runs directly between Tombs 5 and6. Although the tombs had been built long before the late seventh century, the location of the threelargest fifth-century keyhole tombs of the region (Zōzan [350 m], Sakuzan [282 m] and Ryōgūzan[206 m]) along this highway suggests that a road had long existed there. While it is feasible that the
highway was later built to pass by these impressive mortuary monuments, the fact that keyhole tombs
had all but lost their sociopolitical significance by the 7th century rules against this possibility.
Additionally, as it would have been logistically difficult to build a thoroughfare between the closely
located tombs without damaging them, we can infer that an existing thoroughfare had been repurposedin the 7th century infrastructure project.

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Figure 5. Bird's-eye view of the tomb group. Arrows indicate order of construction. Typochronologicalphases of haniwa after Yasukawa, 2019 (Mitsumoto et al., 2023).

This would suggest that the cutting away of the hill to make the tomb group was not simply a

project to construct the burials of powerful regional elite, but also involved the construction of a majorroad, which was likely one element of a burgeoning transportation network. Construction of the Zōzan
tomb group was therefore likely situated at the crossroads of politics, economy, and ritual.
The second area of inquiry that our LiDAR data can contribute to is the debate over whether amoat once surrounding Zōzan. The paramount tombs of the Kinki political center (the Mozu-Furuichi
tomb group in Osaka, now a UNESCO World Heritage Site) were equipped with a moat surrounding
their mounds and this mortuary style was often adopted by subservient elite throughout the Japanesearchipelago, as the fundamental sociopolitical mechanism of center-periphery interaction was basedon the sharing of mortuary ritual and mounded tomb culture. The question of whether Zōzan was also
equipped with a similar surrounding moat is intimately related to the level of political connection
between the Kibi region and the Kinki political center.
The results of previous trench excavations of the areas directly outside the mound have beeninterpreted as suggesting the existence of a surrounding moat and this interpretation is further
supported by the shape of the modern rice paddies and land plots to the east and northeast of the mound(Figures 4 & 6; Niiro, 2012). While no such moat can be inferred from the standardized layout of themodern rice paddies on the western side of the mound, a map from 1887 reveals that similar curved
rice paddies once existed there as well (Okayama-shi Kyōiku-iinkai 2014: Figure 7). Debate continues
over the existence of a moat, however, with some suggesting that the features found througharchaeological excavation belonged not to a moat but to a natural waterway (Kusahara, 2014).
The microtopography reconstructed from our LiDAR data reveals sagging in the area of the
proposed moat (Figure 6).

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Figure 6. Cross-section of the area of the proposed moat: A) a–b line indicated on survey map of Zōzan(after Niiro, 2012: fig. 2.23; B) LiDAR point cloud, with location of a–b line indicated; C) cross-sectionof the a–b line shown in original (top) and 10x vertical magnification (bottom) (Mitsumoto et al., 2023).



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This depression may be explained by the settling of backfill into a once-open moat. While not definite,
it would seem likely that Zōzan had indeed between equipped with a moat similar to the paramounttombs of the political center. The Okayama University team is currently conducting a series of surveys
utilizing multispectral imaging in order to further consider the possible existence of a moat; thisapproach analyzes differential growth of vegetation both inside and outside the area of the proposedmoat in order to clarify the existence of a previous channel of water.
Conclusion
Drone-based airborne LiDAR survey is fast, accurate, and efficient compared with traditional
mapping methods. It allows for the comprehensive and extensive mapping of a site in unison with thesurrounding topography; with traditional surveying methods, this was difficult due to the various typesof terrain and elevation levels. It also facilitates new understandings of archaeological sites: Thisapplies not only to the discovery of new sites, but also to new understandings of existing sites. This
may include clarifying the size and shape of tombs, which can lead to understanding ancient society
and politics, quantitative analysis of mound volume, which can help answer such questions as “howmuch soil was piled up to build these funerary monuments?”, and understanding the relationshipbetween sites or mounded tombs and the surrounding landscape, which allows for a data-basedlandscape-archaeology approach.
References
Kusahara, T. (2014). Tsukuriyama kofun no kisō-teki kenkyū. Okayama-shi Maizō-bunkazai SentāKiyō, 6, 71–101.
Mitsumoto, J. (Ed.). (2020). Tsukura Kofun. Okayama-daigaku kōkogaku kenkyūshitsu.
Mitsumoto, J., Ryan, J., Yamaguchi, Y., & Seike, A. (2023). LiDAR survey of the fifth-century
Tsukuriyama mounded tomb group in Japan. Antiquity, 97(391), E6. doi:10.15184/aqy.2022.167.
Niiro, I. (Ed.). (2008). Okayama-shi Tsukuriyama kofun sokuryō-chōsa gaihō. Okayama: Okayamadaigaku shakai-bunka-kagaku kenkyūka.
Niiro, I. (Ed.). (2012). Okayama-shi Tsukuriyama kofun-gun no chōsa gaihō. Okayama: Okayamadaigaku shakai-bunka-kagaku kenkyūka.
Okayama-ken-shi Hensan-iinkai (Ed.). (1986). Okayama-ken-shi 18: Kōko shiryō-hen. Okayama:
Okayama-ken.
Okayama-shi Kyōiku-iinkai (Ed.). (2014). Shiseki Tsukuriyama kofun dai-ichi, ni, san, yon, go, roku
kofun hozon-kanri keikakusho. Okayama: Okayama-shi kyōiku-iinkai.
Teramura, H. (2008). GIS wo mochiita iseki no dejitaru-sokuryō to iseki-kūkan dētabēsu no kōchiku,
in Dai-14-kai kōkai shinpojiumu Jinbun-kagaku to dētabēsu jikkō-iinkai (Ed.), Dai-14-kai kōkai
shinpojiumu Jinbun-kagaku to dētabēsu happyō-ronbun shōrokushū (pp.21–28). Kyōto: Jinbunkagaku to dētabēsu jikkō-iinkai.

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Tsude, H. (1991). Nihon kodai no kokka keisei-ron josetsu: Zenpōkōenfun taisei no teishō. Nihon-shi
kenkyū, 343, 5–39.
Yasukawa, M. (2019). Okayama: Zōzan kofun, Sakuzan kofun, Ryōgūzan kofun, in Seike, A. (Ed.),
Nihon kōkogaku kyōkai 2019-nendo Okayama-taikai kenkyū-happyō shiryōshū (pp. 143–54).
Okayama: Nihon kōkogaku kyōkai.

This work was supported by Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas
JP19H05732 “Integrative Human Historical Science of "Out of Eurasia"”.

164

Uncovering the Environmental Conditions at the Nan Madol World
Heritage Site through Airborne LiDAR and Satellite SAR Data:
The Development of a Monumental Stone Landscape
Douglas C. COMER, Jacob A. COMER, Mitch PORTER, Bruce D. CHAPMAN, Benjamin
HOLT, Adrian BORSA, Larry RAIGETAL, Brittany LOCKHART, Eleanor ALVAREZ,
Natya REGENSBURGER, Kelsey DRISCOLL
Here we examine models created from airborne LiDAR data and a wide variety of satellite sensors
that reveal the environmental conditions on the island of Pohnpei in the Federated States ofMicronesia, with a specific focus on the Nan Madol World Heritage Site. These environmental
conditions greatly rewarded the investment of human labor to create landesque capital in the form ofwealth, food security, and prestige. These environmental conditions so conducive to the formation oflandesque capital are described and discussed. As labor investments and landesque capital increased
over hundreds of years, Nan Madol was constructed.

Nan Madol is a World Heritage Site located on the western Pacific Island of Pohnpei in theFederated States of Micronesia. It is the highest of the four high volcanic island groups in the Federated
States of Micronesia, and it is hundreds of miles from the other three. It is surrounded more closely
by more than one hundred coral atolls. The site of Nan Madol is built on a coral reef flat on Temwen
Island, which nearly touches the main island. It consists of about 100 humanly contrived islets, mostof which have structures built atop them. Many of these structures are elaborate, having chambers forliving areas, rituals, and burials. The islets and structures were primarily built of columnar basalt,
which is found on the adjacent main island, and coral.
This ritual and political center is about 1.25 x 0.5 km. Some argue that it is the earliest stonemonumental landscape in the Pacific (McCoy et al., 2016). Why would this impressive, sophisticatedfeat of engineering that clearly required an enormous number of hours of human labor be found on atiny island in Remote Oceania, in the far western Pacific? We argue here that it is because ofenvironmental factors that are almost unique in Micronesia and that yielded outsized returns on laborinvestments. This is a hypothesis whose testing awaits further research on the magnitude of
agricultural intensification on Pohnpei. However, we present here reasons to think that final evidence
to support it can be found, possibly through fieldwork such as the analysis of soil samples.
Due to their isolation, the islands of remote Oceania are ideal laboratories for the study of humanenvironmental interaction. Satellite and airborne technologies offer tools that can provide
unprecedented insights into this relationship. In our study, the implications of what is seen in theimages and models created from data collected from satellites and aircraft was greatly enhanced by

165

Figure 1. Nan Dowas at Nan Madol displaying the columnar basalt from which it was constructed.

working with holders of indigenous knowledge, who can identify what is seen in these data productswith the knowledge used in traditional navigation.
Co-Production
Here we acknowledge the vital collaboration with master traditional navigator Larry Raigetal,
who provided crucial interpretations of what is seen in the images and models generated from remotelysensed data. We refer to this collaboration here as co-production. Co-production between traditional
knowledge holders and developers, on the one hand, and users of remotely sensed data, on the other,has just begun, but it may provide huge benefits to understanding the natural and cultural processes
that have shaped the world we live in. We can hope that this understanding can contribute to finding
solutions to the myriad of existential threats to humanity that have resulted in large part because
colonial powers have disrupted the network of humans and nature that had largely sustained livable
environments.
Using Remotely Sensed Data
Archaeologists have traditionally examined the material left by past societies, often by
conducting excavations that irreversibly disturbed the material evidence left behind by previous
inhabitants of the earth. Today, using airborne and satellite remote sensing technologies, entire166

landscapes, and seascapes, can be studied. These technologies are non-destructive. At the scale ofland- or seascapes, or at even greater scales, remote sensing data can be used to identify areas thatoffer special attractions for human occupation. Even more to the point of this paper, data products andmodels can be interpreted by traditional knowledge holders to identify those land- and seascapecharacteristics that are of greatest importance to people. Such characteristics might relate to a land- or
seascape’s potential to yield increased food security or prestige with a relatively minimal input ofhuman labor. Both food security and prestige motivate groups occupying marginal locations within agiven region to form alliances. These alliances, in turn, are necessary to protect the enhanced
productivity and subsequent wealth that is amassed in especially productive environments fromgroups that remain unallied.
Nan Madol and Landesque Capital
Enhanced food security and prestige are potential yields of labor that is invested in thedevelopment of landesque capital. The concept of landesque capital originates in the work of Amartya
Sen (1959). It has been further employed by Hakansson and Widgren (2014) and later used bygeographers and anthropologists in exploring storage structure as it relates to exchange in the serviceof food security and prestige economy (Bayliss-Smith and Hviding, 2015, 2012). It refers to the choiceof land use techniques that serve important economic, social, and ritual purposes (Hakansson and
Widgren, 2014).
We offer the World Heritage Site of Nan Madol as an example of how complex, monumental
landscapes tend to emerge at certain locations. Such locations must possess the resources that can beenhanced by labor to increase landesque capital return at lower marginal cost than at competing
locations. We suggest that if such a location occurs within a backdrop of environments that do notpossess such resources to an equal or greater degree, then that location becomes the most attractive
target for investment in landesque capital. These optimal locations offer opportunities that are clear tohuman groups who seek such benefits as the security of the wealth provided by abundant sources offood and defense against groups that would take that food.
The approximately 100 islets and the structures built on them at the site of Nan Madol, inscribedon the World Heritage List in 2016, are remarkable in many ways: as an engineering feat, as anaesthetic achievement, and as a testament to the enormous investment of human labor that was required
to construct it. Until now, only a few scholars have suggested that agricultural intensification waspresent on Pohnpei to a degree that would provide a sound base for the socio-cultural complexity seen
cast in stone at Nan Madol (Ayres, et al: 2015). This is understandable because our survey of historicaccounts (those dating from the advent of the colonial era on Pohnpei) record only that agro-forestry
was practiced. Also, exploration by survey using small excavation test units would not reveal thepattern of terraces and fields that bear witness to intensive agriculture, lacking the synoptic viewprovided by remote sensing.

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The scarce discussion of the possibility of agricultural intensification on Pohnpei might also be
due to the widely accepted and admired idea of the Breadfruit Revolution (Petersen, 2006). The central
argument is that the introduction of the breadfruit in Micronesia was the catalyst of a uniquely
Micronesian culture. It made possible the human habitation of the hundreds of atolls that emerged
between circa 4,000 and 2,000 years ago by providing a crucial source of food that, along with fish,coconut, and eventually small patches of wet taro, could support small populations on atolls. It isrelevant to the points raised in this paper that, even so, life was likely precarious given the frequent
extreme weather events in Micronesia. On each of the atolls, human populations number in thehundreds at most, and their past populations left behind no monuments constructed of durable, longlasting materials. We acknowledge here that Petersen’s proposal of a Breadfruit Revolution is avaluable contribution to understanding how the islands of Micronesia were populated and how they
were knit together culturally to some extent by this common subsistence base, but we propose herethat the Breadfruit Revolution would not have provided a sufficient economic base or incentive forthe socio-cultural complexity that is suggested by the fact of the construction of Nan Madol.
Nan Madol in the Context of Human Movement into Micronesia
Remote sensing data collected from satellite and airborne sensors are used here to elucidate how
the post-mid-Holocene drawdown likely influenced the seascape in ways that influenced thechronology and pattern of human occupation of the islands of Micronesia.
The special environmental conditions apparent in images and models generated from datacollected by aerial and satellite platforms over Nan Madol and the island of Pohnpei illuminate thedifferences between environmental conditions there and those of the hundreds of atolls in the Central
and Eastern Caroline islands in Micronesia. Pohnpei offered much greater environmental diversity
than did these atolls, and it is especially important that some environmental features could be modified
in ways that greatly increased wealth and prestige with a relatively small input of human labor. These
differences, we argue, would not only have made Temwen Island an attractive location for themonumental construction, but they also would have provided incentives for populations on atolls toform alliances with Nan Madol.
Navigation and the post-mid-Holocene Drawdown
This interaction of human groups from different islands was possible only after masternavigators refined navigational knowledge in ways that opened pathways among coral atolls and highvolcanic islands. Hundreds of atolls emerged during the post-mid-Holocene drawdown. Also,
following the drawdown, the environmental dynamics of the areas surrounding these newly emerged
atolls changed, and seamounts had greater influence on the seascape in their near vicinities. Certain
species of animals, including fish, mammals, and birds, were attracted to the habitats that developed
near seamounts and coral atolls. These served as additional waypoints used by traditional navigators

168

(Raigetal, personal communication, 2022). Atolls and seamounts also changed ocean dynamics
including wave and current patterns.

Figure 2. Bathymetry of Micronesia. During the post-mid-Holocene Drawdown, Coral Islets Emerged
and Seamounts had Greater Influence on Surrounding Ocean Environments, Altering the SeascapeFigure 3. Hypothesized Dispersal of Humans into Micronesia.

169

As people learned to navigate in this area of Remote Oceania, they inhabited the atolls and thefew high volcanic islands (less than 1% of all the islands). The highest of the volcanic islands is
Pohnpei, which offered much greater environmental diversity than did the atolls, could support muchlarger populations, and overall, provided an environment that would produce great returns in terms ofwealth and security. This would not be possible on any of the atolls.
Certain extreme effects of the post-mid-Holocene drawdown on human activity in the region are
due to the complexity of the bathymetry of Micronesia. An area of high tectonic plate activity and thelocation of hotspots, many bathymetric protuberances were transformed into atolls and shallow
seamounts by the drawdown. The high volcanic islands, notably Nan Madol, had emerged millions ofyears before.
Once master navigators had mastered the seascape that emerged after the post-mid-Holocene
drawdown,

the following environmental features on Pohnpei attracted settlement at Nan Madol,

providing incentives for the investment of labor to enhance the productivity of the area in terms ofboth wealth and prestige.
Location of Nan Madol within the Pohnpei Island Fringing Reef
Nan Madol is located at the only place on Pohnpei where the land directly abuts a fringing reefthat is exposed to the open ocean. This means that Nan Madol is situated such that it enjoyed proximity
to several environmental zones—dry land, shallow coral reef, mangrove habitat in surrounding bays,
and an unusually deep area (see Figure 7) all within the fringing reef. This provided ready access to agreat variety of crustaceans and both coral reef and pelagic fish. The most productive coral reefs are

Figure 4. The Fringing Reef at Nan Madol

170

those that receive a great flow of cooler water from the open ocean, with highest performing reefs
being those where waves and tides drive the flow rate from the ocean to the reef (Rogers, et al., 2016).
Natural Defense Against Destructive Weather EventsThe location also provides protection from storms. Seasonal strong winds come from thenortheast or east. These can blow at a constant rate of 30 or more miles per hour, with much stronger
gusts. Nan Models is protected from storm surges, which can be especially destructive during
unusually high tides and strong winds by an array of natural defenses: small islands, shallow water,and reefs. These natural buffers seem to have been enhanced by aligning basalt boulders along theedge of the coral reef flat upon which Nan Madol was constructed, as seen in figures 6.a and 6 b.
An Area of Micronesia Less Prone to Typhoons
The western Pacific is the region of the earth with the greatest number of typhoons, including
those termed super typhoons, and tropical storms of all kinds Encyclopedia Britannica Online,
https://www.britannica.com/science/tropical-cyclone/Tracking-and-forecasting). Pohnpei, and thus
Nan Madol, is in a subregion where such storms have occurred, but are historically rare.
Natural Defense Against Attack
The location of Nan Madol also offered significant barriers against attack from competing groups.
It can be expected that the site’s wealth and prestige would have offered ample motive for such attacks.
The same small islands and shallow water that buffered winds and tides were integral to this defense.
The easiest approach by sea to Nan Madol is through a narrow opening among the small islands andFigure 5. Typhoon Paths from 2000 to 2011171

Figure 6. Typhoon Paths from 2000 to 2011

Figure 7a. Basalt Boulders on the Edge of the Coral Reef Flat Where Nan Madol Was Built

172

areas of shallow water. Attackers using this route would first have to get past the small islets, which
could be used as redoubts. Once through the narrow opening to Nan Madol formed by islets andshallow water, attackers could be caught in a crossfire as they would have to pass between the islets
and Nan Madol.
Ready Supply of Stone Pre-formed for Construction of Islets and Monuments
Columnar basalt occurs naturally on Pohnpei. The basalt columns are usually hexagonal but may
have from 3 to 12 sides. The columns are remarkably similar in size and shape, and so they can bestacked to form foundations and structures much like cut logs used to build a log cabin. Thus, the labor
required to use the columns as building materials is much less than what would have to be expended
to use stones that were not so conveniently shaped by nature. The shaped stones used in Inca, Greek
and Roman architecture, those used in the construction of Medieval cathedrals in Europe, SouthAmerica, and elsewhere, or those used on the wats of Southeast Asia are a few examples, among many,of the historical use of building stone more costly in terms of labor. Oral history states that those who
built Nan Madol settled at Sokehs Ridge first, but that the environmental conditions there were notideal, so they moved in a clockwise direction to the location of Nan Madol. Columnar basalt at or nearlocations on the shoreline such as Sokehs Ridge could have been loaded on rafts and moved to Nan
Madol (McCoy et al., 2016 found, based on pXRF analyses, that basalt pieces used to build Nan Madolwere quarried from Sokehs, among other locations on Pohnpei). Assembling the columnar basalt into
foundations and columns would have been facilitated by the ability to move rafts through the shallow
waters on the coral reef flat where Nan Madol was built.

Figure 7b. The Placement of Basalt Boulders on the Edge of the Coral Reef Flat

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A Landscape Adjacent to Nan Madol Suited to Agricultural Intensification
Temwen Island is a volcanic caldera, one that was formed about 15 million years ago (Spengler,1990). As such, the circumference of the caldera is in the form of concentric rings falling away insteps. These may have provided the basis for the raised mounds and depressions in between that are
visible in Figures 9.a. and 9.b. The lower, wetter areas may have been suitable for raising taro, while
the higher, drier ones may have been suitable for other crops, including yams, bananas, and coconuts.
Water need not have been diverted from streams for irrigation, because annual rainfall on Pohnpei
ranges from four to five meters per year (Primo, 1992), though in certain cases, drainage may havebeen necessary. A well-watered terraced agriculture system can be much more productive than theswidden agriculture that is often practiced in heavily vegetated environments: Spriggs (1984) suggeststhat irrigated systems for growing taro can generate yields at least four times higher than what is
possible with swidden agriculture. On coral atolls, taro is typically grown in terraced pits, which are
lined with rocks and filled with a mix of soil and organic matter. The pits are designed to capture andretain rainwater and to provide a fertile growing medium for the taro plants (Levin, et al. (2019). One
can compare the expected yield from small pits on atolls with the relatively immense area covered by
Temwen Island with what by many indications appear to be terraced agriculture and pond fields.
A vast archaeological landscape was revealed by a 2019 LiDAR survey of Nan Madol and theadjacent Temwen Island (Comer, 2019). Models generated from LiDAR data revealed features thatcomprise terrace-like features, water channels, and earthen berms. Field inspection revealed channels
that were positioned in such a way as to potentially drain areas that may have been suitable for taro
cultivation. An agricultural landscape extensively exploiting most of Temwen Island’s surface would

Figure 8. Natural Defenses at Nan Madol

174

Figure 9. Sokehs Ridge Source of Columnar Basalt

have contributed to the food security of the group that managed it. Further, even when storms remove
all aboveground vegetation used for food, wet taro constitutes a storehouse of food that can be
consumed until other crops grow back. We suggest that these environmental conditions—including
the extent of cultivable land (particularly in such proximity to the reef and ocean), the caldera
landform, and the volcanic soils—made Temwen Island an ideal choice for the allocation of landesquecapital investments.
The geometric patterns seen in the center of Temwen Island closely resemble field systems seenin Near Oceania. One example is found in New Caledonia, where wet taro was cultivated in wet ditches
between raised mounds, upon which dryland crops were planted (Sand, 2012). Recent LiDAR survey
in locations in Remote Oceania not as far removed at Pohnpei has also identified evidence of intensive
agriculture, such as has been found at the island of Efate in Vanuatu (Bedford et al., 2018)175Figure 10a. Results of 2019 LiDAR Displaying Archaeological Landscape of Nan Madol and Temwen
IslandFigure 10b. Closeup of LiDAR Image from 2019 Survey Showing Apparent Agricultural Features176

Conclusion
We apply here the concept of landesque capital as a partial explanation for the appearance of theremarkable monumental landscape of Nan Madol, with its many stone structures built on
approximately 100 humanly constructed islets. Nan Madol represents a monumental landscape of amagnitude and complexity that is almost unparalleled in the islands of the Pacific. The confluence ofenvironmental characteristics identified here sets Temwen Island apart from other locations on
Pohnpei and from the region’s atolls and, we suggest, offered gains in food and prestige at lower
marginal cost than at competing locations, making it an ideal choice for landesque capital investment.
As an achievement, the construction of Nan Madol may be less appreciated than it might have been
had it not been in a distant area of the Pacific, away from other major islands and continental
landmasses, and covered with dense vegetation that conceals the magnitude and fine engineering andworkmanship that was required for its construction.
The earliest dates obtained from Nan Madol are from approximately 50 CE, taken from an oldbeach surface beneath one of the islets (Ayres, 1993). This date is consistent with the chronology ofthe post-mid-Holocene drawdown, providing time for the expert navigators of that era to learn tofollow a route marked by the coral reefs and seamounts after the drawdown, and to thereafter
institutionalize this navigational knowledge and practice. Our hypothesis is that once this had beenaccomplished, the environmental assets outlined in this paper offered great return on labor investment
for centuries; over those centuries, landesque capital increased, and Nan Madol was constructed.

Figure 11. Wet Taro Pondfields and Raised Berms for Dryland Crops in New Caledonia

177

Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank the United States Ambassadors Fund Large Grant Program and the NASAInterdisciplinary Science Program for their generous support, which made the research that produced
the article possible.
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Satellite Data Demonstrating the Need for Refined Navigational
Knowledge Essential to Cultural Development in the Caroline Islands
Mitch PORTER, Doug COMER, Jake COMER, Ben HOLT, Brittany LOCKHART, Bruce
CHAPMAN, Adrian BORSA, Larry RAIGETAL, Eleanor ALVAREZ, NatyaREGENSBURGER, Kelsey DRISCOLL
Abstract
The World Heritage Site of Nan Madol in Pohnpei, Micronesia, an archaeological landscapeinscribed on the World Heritage List in 2016, exhibits abundant material evidence of a highly complex
culture in the Caroline Islands. We argue that such cultural complexity in the Caroline Islands
resulted partly from the institutionalization of advanced navigational knowledge. This navigational
knowledge was essential to the maintenance of economic, political, and social connections among thehigh volcanic islands and the myriads of economically vulnerable humanly populated coral atolls in
the Caroline Islands. Maintaining these connections required highly sophisticated navigational
knowledge that allowed its holders to move among the atolls and high islands including Pohnpei andNan Madol. We used a combination of satellite data including multispectral and SAR to model thecomplexity of ocean dynamics in the equatorial zone near Pohnpei. We examined satellite imagery ofocean currents, wave and bathymetry patterns, sea surface temperature (SST), and wind products tounderstand ocean dynamics and navigational cues used by traditional navigators. The analysis of bothlarge- and small-scale ocean features illustrates the significance of refined traditional navigation inestablishing and sustaining an inter-island network in the Caroline Islands.

Introduction
The present study aims to investigate the navigational factors that led to the institutionalizationof navigation and complex cultures in the Caroline Islands. Nan Madol, a unique archaeologicallandscape built on a coral reef flat and inscribed on the World Heritage List in 2016, provides abundantmaterial evidence of a highly complex culture. The initial settlement c. 2500-2000 BP (Ayres, 1990;
Levin, 2016; Seikel, 2011) and the construction of Nan Madol itself dates back approximately 1000
years (Ayres and Sheller, 2003; Seikel, 2011). The Saudeleur dynasty, a succession of rulers thatmaintained a preponderance of power over Pohnpei between approximately 1200 and 1600 CE, built
Nan Madol and established a political and economic center in one of the planet's most remote regions(Bernart, 1977; Hanlon, 2019). We contend that the institutionalization of advanced navigational
knowledge was a significant contributing factor to the complexity of this seafaring culture. Our
research delves into the traditional marine knowledge passed down from generation to generation
through oral history and songs, taking hundreds of years to perfect the art of sailing in the highlyvariable equatorial Pacific. In particular, we focus on how ocean currents and surface features served180

as wayfinding points when navigating Micronesia and the Caroline Islands (Lewis, 1994; Rowe, 2007).
By employing various modes of satellite data to model the complexity of ocean dynamics in theequatorial zone near Pohnpei, we aim to visualize the ocean surface features used as navigational aids
when trading within the Carolines. Co-Production
An important collaborator on this project is Larry Raigetal, a practicing master navigator from
Lamotrek atoll in Yap, Micronesia. Mr. Raigetal’s extensive knowledge and expertise in traditionalnavigation strategies have proved invaluable to our research, enabling us to corroborate or refine
information provided by imagery and models generated from satellite data. The models highlight the
waypoints and ocean dynamics that he employs in navigation. This is knowledge that he hasreceived from scores of generations of master navigators and that he is passing along to succeeding
ones.
Study Area and Datasets
The study area of our research is the Caroline Islands, an archipelago of small islands and atolls
scattered across the Federated States of Micronesia. This region is distinctive due to its remote location
within the highly variable intertropical convergence zone, amid a complex oceanic landscape marked
by numerous bathymetric features. The bathymetry of Micronesia is notably intricate, characterizedby hundreds of shallow seamounts and atolls (Lewis, 1994). Our investigation will primarily focus on
the Central and Eastern Caroline Islands, shown in Figure 1.
Data employed in our research was collected by Sentinel-1 and -2, ALOS-PALSAR-1 and -2,
Planet satellites, General Bathymetric Chart of the Oceans (GEBCO), as well as datasets in NASADAACs, including Ocean Surface Current Analysis Real-Time (OSCAR) from PODAAC and NASA
National Snow and Ice Data Center Distributed Active Archive Center (NSIDC DAAC).

Figure 1. GEBCO bathymetric chart of the equatorial Pacific, with the central and eastern Caroline
Islands contained in the purple box.

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Figure 2. Sea level history in meters (m). Top - large-scale view in thousands of years. Bottom - detail oflast 4000 years most relevant in Pacific.

Settlement of Micronesia
The bathymetric features of Micronesia are of great significance, as they played a crucial role in thesettlement of remote Oceania around 3000 years ago, and more specifically, the settlement of Pohnpei in the
Caroline Islands approximately 2000 years ago. These dates correspond with the onset of the post midHolocene drawdown, which began over 3000 years ago seen in Figure 2.
The first wave of settlement originated from southern geographic Melanesia around 3000 years ago,followed by a second wave approximately 2000 years ago, which led to the settlement of central and eastern
Micronesia (Carson, 2014, 2018). As sea levels decreased, shallow seamounts became atolls or drew closer
to the surface, resulting in altered wave patterns and surface features that served as important navigational
aids. Generations of navigators accumulated knowledge of bathymetric features in conjunction with othernavigational methods, thereby enabling the settlement of Micronesia and, ultimately, Pohnpei.
Figure3 illustrates our hypothesized dispersal of Austronesian people that ultimately resulted in thesettlement of the Caroline Islands. We emphasize that the late Holocene drawdown facilitated the emergenceof new wayfinding points like atolls and shallow seamounts, followed by the successful settlement ofMicronesia over hundreds of years.

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Institutionalizing Traditional Navigation
Highly pertinent to our observation that ancient navigators would have over time learned to deal
successfully with the complexities of navigation through a maze of winds, currents, and wave patterns thatmust be mastered to find one’s way to the Carolines north of the equator - and then to sail among them - isthe evidence of institutionalization of those skills that persists today. Traditional navigation knowledge isstill vital in Micronesia. Master navigators, such as Raigetal, have kept the complexities of navigation alive,
passing the knowledge necessary to move among hundreds of islands in Micronesia from generation to
generation.
By institutionalization, we refer to the embedding of behavior and practices as norms in a society. By
the eighteenth century, Western observers provided accounts of large schools where training in navigation
was provided. Among the most well-documented was a school in Tahiti. During Captain Cook’s voyage on
the Endeavor in 1769, he encountered Tupaia, a master navigator who taught at a school in Taputapuatea, asite that was considered to be sacred in the Society Islands. Tupaia demonstrated that he had knowledge of
130 islands and the means by which to sail to them (Winkler, 1901). Tupaia was a high chief, a priest, and anavigator (Lewis, 1994). J.R. Forster noted that, in Tahiti, “geography, navigation, and astronomy were
known only to a few (Richards, 2008). Winkler noted in 1901 (page 505) that in the Marshall Islands it was“strongly and religiously forbidden to divulge anything concerning this art [navigation] to people.” Ve'ehala
told D. Lewis that the secrets of Tongan astronomy were held in secret by a hierarchy of chiefly families;

Figure 3. Hypothesized dispersal of Austronesian peoples across Near and Remote Oceania.

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according to Lewis, a member of the Tuita navigator said to Ve'ehala that his secrets were such that only heand the devil knew them (Lewis, 1994).
Thus, navigational knowledge was embedded in the ideology of the Pacific Islands. Colin Richards, ananthropologist greatly influenced by phenomenological thought, puts it this way: “voyaging is argued to bea strategy for the negotiation and transformation of Polynesian social identity through a phenomenologicalintersection of materiality, cosmology and practice” (Richards, 200815: 206). In any case, it should be clearthat navigation had become a source of prestige, one that would be lost if navigators were to cease voyaging.
Such institutionalized navigational knowledge would have allowed people to move confidently andfrequently among the islands of Micronesia. Almost all of those islands, more than 99% of them, were coral
atolls. On each coral atoll, human habitation would have been difficult or impossible to sustain without links
to other islands. Human populations grow during weather cycles that provide abundant nourishment, butsuch nourishment can be drastically reduced by climate cycles and severe weather events. Institutionalized
navigation made possible trade and kinship networks that could provide support when severe weather events
depleted food stores, or when inter-island conflicts arose. As Carson (2018: 280) notes, typhoons pose aconstant threat in Micronesia, more than in any other part of the Pacific, and in some regions they occur
every few years. Storm surges often destroy homes and crops, while intense winds strip trees and vegetation.
Micronesia is also an area where droughts occur at unpredictable intervals. Inter-island networks were also
necessary to provide marriage partners for inhabitants of coral atolls, where population numbers weretypically small.
In the Caroline islands, the development of institutionalized navigational knowledge and trade networks
was necessary for survival on atolls dispersed throughout the archipelago. The islands' unique geography
and oceanography presented numerous challenges to navigators, who developed specific and reliable
wayfinding techniques. These included using marine life and seabirds as geolocators, gaining a master
understanding of wave patterns and the influence of shallow bathymetric features on these patterns, andusing celestial bodies to navigate and stay on course Lewis, 1994; Rowe, 2007). It is important todifferentiate land-finding techniques between navigating by the swells in the open sea and land-finding
techniques based on the distortion of swells by islands. Our analysis focused primarily on wave distortion,
distinguishable in satellite imagery.
Ocean Dynamics and Climatology Indicated by Satellite Systems
Carolinian navigators have decoded the labyrinth of currents spanning the Pacific Ocean's expansive
1900-mile east-west and 840-mile north-south expanse through centuries of accumulated wisdom andobservation at sea. This mastery over the ever-changing seascape reflects in their sailing skills and advanced
culture.
To understand ocean current dynamics in our study area, we employed the Ocean Surface Current Analysis
Real-time (OSCAR) dataset to model seasonal ocean currents in the Western Pacific at the four volcanic
high islands from 1993 to 2020: Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae. These islands provided enormously moreenvironmental diversity than coral atolls (Paulay, 1994), and thus were logically attractors for humanpopulations. We visualized ocean currents during different seasons and climate modes – El Nino Southern
Oscillation (ENSO) and Pacific Decadal Oscillation (PDO) - to understand the complexities traditionalnavigators faced while settling and establishing trade networks with these four high islands in the Western
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Pacific. ENSO and PDO are important climate modes that are classified by SST patterns. ENSO is aninterannual climate pattern that is classified by SST patterns in the central and eastern Pacific, and PDO is alonger-term climatic cycle that is classified by SST patterns in the North Pacific. ENSO and PDO both haveglobal oceanic and atmospheric teleconnections, so we investigated the seasonal impacts of these events in
the Caroline Islands.
Our study focused on PDO impacts on winds and equatorial currents in the Western Pacific, in
combination with the ENSO cycles, and what these suggest in terms of Pacific navigation among islands inand near the equatorial zone. The Caroline Islands, located 5-10 degrees north, are uniquely positioned to bestrongly influenced by the seasonal shift of the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) and equatorial
currents (Waliser & Gautier, 1993). PDO events are classified as positive (negative) when SST in the North
Pacific are anomalously warm (cool) according to the NOAA PDO index. Similarly, ENSO events areclassified as El Niño (La Niña) when SST values in the eastern and central Pacific are anomalously warm
(cool) according to the Niño 3.4 index.
Our findings reveal that the equatorial counter current (ECC) and south equatorial current (SEC) exhibit
significant spatial and temporal intensity variations throughout the year. An inverse relationship between
ECC and SEC becomes apparent when comparing positive and negative PDO events within the same season.
Specifically, we observed a stronger ECC and a weaker SEC during positive PDO events than negative PDO
events.
When analyzing OSCAR data, positive and negative zonal velocity values are important tounderstanding ocean currents. Positive (negative) velocity values indicate the intensity of ocean currents
moving west-to-east (east-to-west). Because our study area is the ITCZ, positive (negative) zonal current

Figure 4. Zonal velocity currents during a) Summer El Niño, b) Summer La Niña, c) Autumn El Niño, andd) Autumn La Niña. Red (blue) represents intensity of currents moving west to east (east to west).

185velocities are indicative of regions in the ECC (NEC or SEC). We identified the following trends when weanalyzed seasonal OSCAR data during positive and negative PDO events:
1) Kosrae exhibits the highest variability in mean zonal velocity (-0.11 m/s to 0.32 m/s), primarily
due to its latitude at 5 degrees North. Kosrae shifts in location between the north equatorial current(NEC), the middle of the ECC, and the SEC depending on the PDO event and season.
2) Pohnpei (-0.15 m/s to 0.08 m/s) and Chuuk (-0.05 m/s to 0.10 m/s) display moderate mean current
velocity variability, oscillating in location between the NEC and ECC depending on the season and
PDO event.
3) While there is limited spatial variability between positive and negative PDO events within thesame season, the intensity varies significantly between PDO events.
Using the OSCAR dataset, we conducted a similar analysis of ocean currents during ENSO events. We
modeled the seasonal ocean currents of the Western Pacific during El Niño and La Niña ENSO events. The
ECC showed a stronger intensity during El Niño events than La Niña events, particularly during the summer
and autumn (Figure 4).
We observed an inverse relationship between the ECC and SEC when comparing El Niño and La Niña
events within the same season. We identified several key findings:
1) Kosrae again demonstrated the highest seasonal variability in mean zonal velocity (-0.13 m/s to
0.36 m/s), with a mean current difference of 0.32 m/s between El Niño (0.36 m/s) and La Niña (0.04m/s) events in the autumn (this difference primarily arises from the spatial variability of the ECC).
2) There is significant variability in the location and intensity of the currents between El Niño and
La Niña events within the same season.
3) During El Niño (La Niña) events in the summer and autumn, the ECC is extensive and strong(narrow and weak), while the SEC reduces in intensity (intensifies) and shifts entirely south (north).
Our study's findings on the variability and strength of equatorial currents in the Pacific Ocean,
specifically the equatorial currents, hold significant implications for voyaging and navigation in the Caroline
Islands. Notably, these insights shed light on the remarkable navigational knowledge of Micronesian land
finders who have been navigating Remote Oceania for over a thousand years.
The dynamics of the currents throughout the Carolines make it an exceptional region, where the average
set direction cannot simply be inferred from prevailing winds or steady currents. Gladwin (2009) suggeststhat accounting for these currents is integral to the navigation instructions between island pairs in the
Carolines. Our remotely-sensed satellite data and interdisciplinary approach underscore the nuanced
understanding of these currents Micronesian way finders hold. Lewis (1994) highlights an example ofnavigators understanding highly variable currents in the Carolines. When sailing from Truk to Puluwat anddepending on the current, voyagers may encounter either Tamatam located 20 miles north, or Uranie Bank,a deep reef extending southeast from Puluwat. The ability to adapt to such contingencies reveals the skill
and adaptability of Micronesian way finders as the voyage necessitates navigation strategies that account for
the variations in current directions.

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Figure 5. Bathymetric chart adapted of the Caroline Islands, with seamounts less than 100 meters in
depth shown by red triangles.

The high islands of Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae are uniquely positioned within the influence of
the NEC, ECC, and SEC, which exhibit dynamic spatial and intensity variations throughout the year,
particularly during Positive and Negative PDO events and El Niño and La Niña ENSO events.
The Micronesian way finders' ability to navigate these waters, especially given the substantial
variability in mean zonal velocity around islands such as Kosrae, testifies to their remarkable navigational
knowledge passed down through generations. Influenced by climate modes and seasonal changes, theinterplay between the NEC, ECC, and SEC presents a complex navigational challenge that these way-finders
have mastered through generations of observational learning and adaptation.
Wave Diffraction
Expanding our investigation into the bathymetry of the Caroline Islands, we delve deeper into theinterplay between local equatorial currents and bathymetric influences on ocean surface characteristics.
Figure 5 shows the complex bathymetry of the central Caroline Islands. An abundance of shallow
bathymetric features in Micronesia provided valuable navigational markers (Genz, 2014; Lewis, 1994).
Shallow seamounts less than 100 meters below the ocean surface significantly impact surface characteristics.
Shallow seamounts extend from the central Carolines to Pohnpei and led to the formation of sea lanes

187between the east and central Carolines over time. Sea lanes like this are created through systematicallyexperiencing and embedding knowledge of the surrounding ocean cycles and the influence of seamounts,
atolls, and islands on wave diffraction (Genz, 2014).
In "We, the Navigators," (1994), David Lewis thoroughly explains the processes of refraction andreflection that occur when an island disrupts open ocean swells. As land friction slows the inshore ends ofswells, they refract, gradually bending until aligned with the coast. Divided by the island, these refracted
portions navigate both sides of the island, meeting on the leeward side. This convergence creates an area
where, as the Gilbertese describes, 'the waves move up and down' (Lewis, 1994). Conversely, waves towards
a perpendicular coast are reflected from where they came. These reflected and refracted waves can bedetected from tens of kilometers away (Genz, 2014). The synthetic aperture radar (SAR) images from
Sentinel-1 (Figure 6) and ALOS-1 (Figure 7) demonstrate the reflection and refraction phenomena describedby Lewis. White lines within these images represent areas of rough ocean surfaces resulting from thedominant northeastern swell, while blue arrows indicate the wave direction. Notably, in the upper right of
Figure 6a, distinct wave patterns directed toward Pohnpei can be observed. Swells distant from the island
maintain a southwest trajectory, while those near the island are diffracted by the island's bathymetric features,

Figure 6. ALOS-1 SAR imagery of an atoll in Near Oceania,
demonstrating wave diffraction and refraction.

Figure 7. Sentinel-1 SAR imagery showing wave direction and diffraction. Blue arrows indicate direction ofwaves, and yellow boxes cover the same area in a) and b).

188adopting a southeastern orientation. This phenomenon is also apparent on the west side of Pohnpei and Ant
Atoll. Here, incoming waves are diffracted towards the southeast. The intersection of the diffracted waves
with the primary swells south of the island results in a crosshatch pattern seen south of Pohnpei in Figure 6b.
The crosshatch pattern of overlapping waves would result in waves that ‘move up and down’, as describedby the Gilbertese. This conjunction of diffracted waves and the primary swell is an essential navigational
tool for traditional voyages. Navigators could infer their proximity to land or shallow seamounts byobserving distortions in the main swell caused by diffracted waves.
Analyzing the highlighted areas in the SAR imagery verifies the impact of the diffracted waves from
Pohnpei and Ant Atoll on the primary swell. This type of wave interaction is an important navigational
marker that Micronesian navigators, such as master navigator Larry Raigetal, have learned to recognize andutilize in the Carolines.
While wave diffraction techniques are utilized less in the Carolines than in other islands like theMarshalls, they still play a vital role in traditional navigation. The presence of birds, cloud formations, andother environmental cues often complement the information provided by wave patterns, giving navigators aholistic view of their environment. Satellite data, such as the SAR imagery presented, provide a unique andpowerful insight into the complex science of traditional navigation. By observing the patterns of waves
around various bathymetric features, we can decipher the subtle cues that navigators have been trained torecognize and interpret. Moreover, the availability of such data from different periods and weather conditions
allows us to discern the versatility of these navigational methods and how they adapt to varying oceanic
environments.

Figure 8. Rough white lines appearing outside the outer reef southwest of Pohnpei. These features areindicative of bathymetric patterns and used in traditional navigation.

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Figure 9. a) ALOS-1 imagery showing a white line of enhanced surface roughness over 1 degree in latitude,
and b) Overlay of SST and OSCAR currents at the same location and time as the ALOS-1 image in part a.

Lines in the Sea
The utility of Sentinel-1 SAR imagery in analyzing ocean surface features expands beyond theunderstanding of diffracted waves and swells, and provides insight on shallow bathymetric features andlocalized currents. The discernment between rough and smooth surfaces at sea becomes a pivotal aspect indetecting shallow bathymetric features. Figure 8 illuminates this, presenting a series of white lines outside
the reef. These rough white lines are waves breaking beyond the typical wave break, indicating the presenceof shallow bathymetric features during events with larger waves. Similar phenomena have been observed
surrounding atolls and shallow seamounts throughout Micronesia. Consequently, these shallow areas withsurface roughness hold potential as navigational markers throughout the region because of the abundance ofshallow bathymetric features in the Micronesian seascape.
Extending our exploration into open water, the ALOS-1 SAR image offers insight into surface featuresassociated with productive fronts for open ocean fishes. A striking feature is the presence of a white line,
over 1 degree latitude in extent, which is associated with convergence zones and highly productive fronts.
Overlaying this white line onto a SST map and ocean current vectors reveals a temperature filament of 2
degrees Celsius and a substantial current gradient (Figure 9). Navigators who understand these patterns
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utilize these white lines, which appear as roughened waves, to locate productive fishing areas (Raigetal,
Personal Communication 2023), thereby contributing significantly to the local food systems, given theimportance of fishes like tuna as a key protein source and a highly valued trade item within the Caroline
Islands.
Summary and Conclusion
By studying these satellite images, we begin to understand the complexity and efficiency of thenavigational knowledge possessed by traditional navigators. Their ability to read the ocean's surface,understand the influence of underwater formations on wave patterns, and integrate this knowledge with otherenvironmental cues demonstrates a remarkable understanding of their maritime environment.
Our investigation has successfully identified the navigational aids on the ocean surface, utilizing
satellite imagery and insights from expert master navigators. The research findings underscore the impact of
the late Holocene drawdown on the Micronesian settlement, attributing it to the escalating significance of
seamounts and atolls on the ocean surface. The demonstrated wayfinding techniques shed light on the multigenerational efforts dedicated to institutionalizing navigational knowledge, attesting to the remarkablenavigational skills of the Micronesian navigators who established a trade alliance network, operating within
the highly variable intertropical convergence zone.
The ongoing research into traditional navigation techniques using modern satellite technology alsooffers knowledge preservation opportunities. As these conventional methods are passed down throughgenerations primarily via oral tradition, there is a risk of losing this intricate knowledge over time.
Documenting the science behind these techniques using modern technology can ensure this knowledge ispreserved and understood by future generations.
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Part
2 Cognition
Human Body
and
Human Body and Cognition
Part 3
Part 3 Methods
Innovative ResearchInnovative Research Methods
Part 4
Part 4Landscape and Monuments:
New InsightLandscape and Monuments: New InsightAncient Sea Scape of Japan: Burial Mounds as Navigation Points
Tomo ISHIMURA
National Institutes for Cultural Heritage, Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties
Introduction
Tens of thousands of burial mounds were constructed in the Japanese archipelago from the 3rd
to 6th centuries. This period is called the Kofun period in Japanese history, and the term of Kofun
literally means burial mound. The most characteristic type of burial mound in this period is the
keyhole-shaped plan view, the largest of which exceeds 500 meters in length. The gigantic burial
mounds look like artificial hills and were built as monuments to show the power of kings and chiefs.
The places where burial mounds were built are diverse; some were built on hills and ridges, otherson plains and coasts. In particular, burial mounds built along the coast are called ‘seashore type burial
mounds’ and are considered to have been built by chiefs who were involved in maritime economy andtransportation (Hirose 2015). Some scholars consider that the ‘seashore type burial mound’ was also
used as a target for navigation (Mori 1986). With a few exceptions (Ishimura 2017), however, few
studies have shown what these burial mounds actually look like from the sea.
In this paper, we use GIS software to show how these burial mounds actually look from the sea.
We also show that these burial mounds are located at key points of maritime routes, such as ports andstraits. Furthermore, we show that these burial mounds were built during a relatively limited time
period, from the first quarter to the third quarter of the 4th century. In the background, we consider
that there was a historical event that the political power of the Yamato dynasty in the Kinai region
advanced the seizure of maritime traffic in the Japanese archipelago.
Sea scapes and ancient navigational skills
Navigation in ancient Japan was basically coastal navigation. Therefore, it was important to beable to visually recognize characteristic landmarks on the land from the sea. By measuring the angleof multiple landmarks from a navigator’s point of view, she/he was able to identify her/his position.
This skill is called “yama-ate” in Japan, and even today with the development of GPS, some older
fishermen can still use this skill (Figure 1). When we are on the sea, however, we cannot see a wide
range since the earth is round. Considering the size of an ancient boat and assuming that a navigator’sviewing height is 1 meter above sea level, she/he can only see a circle with a radius of 3 kilometers.
Anything outside of it will be hidden behind the horizon. As a result, only the parts of distant islands
above the horizon are visible, and the parts below it are not visible (Figure 2). Visibility from the sea
is limited, so it is common for a high mountain to be used as landmark for navigation. A target at low
elevation near the coast may be hidden below the horizon, so the navigator can only see it whenapproaching it. For these reasons, burial mound used as a navigation point must actually be located in

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Figure 1. Model of “yama-ate”

a place visible from the sea. In this paper we verify that such burial mounds can actually be seen fromthe sea by analysis using GIS.
Method and materials
In this paper, GIS software of ‘Kashimir 3D®’ is used to reproduce the images how the burial
mounds look from the sea. This GIS software can display landscapes in 3D from arbitrary points andaltitudes. We set the altitude to 1 meter to reproduce the view from the sea, for considering the size ofboat at that time, it is likely that the height of the viewpoint at sea was quite low.
The following four sites of ‘seashore type burial mound’ are analyzed; the Goshikizuka burial
mound (Hyogo prefecture), the Yanai Chausuyama burial mound (Yamaguchi Prefecture), theShinmeiyama burial mound (Kyoto prefecture) and Amino Choshiyama burial mound (Kyoto

Figure 2. Eyesight from the sea (after Uchida 2009)196

Figure 3. Map of research area and locations of the sites

prefecture) (Figure 3). The first two are located by waterways and the latter two by ports.
In this paper the Kofun period was subdivided into four phases: the first half of the Early Kofun
period (ca. AD 250-300), the latter half of the Early Kofun period (ca. AD 300-375), the Middle Kofun
period (AD 375-475), and the Later Kofun period (AD 475-575), based on the difference of burial
facility and diagnostic burial goods (Table 1).
Case study 1: Goshikizuka burial mound
The Goshikizuka is a key-hole shaped burial mound with a length of 194 meters (Figure 4). It isestimated to have been built in the latter half of the Early Kofun period (ca. AD 300-375).
Phase

Date

Burial facility

Early KofunPeriod

AD 250-300

Vertical stone chamber with Chinese bronze mirrors
wooden coffin(first half of)
Early KofunPeriod

AD 300-375

Vertical stone chamber with Variety of Japanese bronze
wooden coffin(latter half of)Middle Kofun Period

Diagnostic burial goods

AD 375-475

mirrors

Vertical stone chamber with Iron armors
stone coffin

Later Kofun Period

AD 475-575

Horizontal stone chamber

Decorated swords

with stone coffin
Table 1. A chronology of the Kofun period

197

Figure 4. Photo of the Goshikizuka burial mound (after URL: https://www.feel-kobe.jp/)

Figure 5. Topographic map around Goshikizuka

198

Figure 6. Seascape around Goshikizuka

It is located on the coast of the mainland Honshu overlooking the Akashi Strait (Figure 5) andcan be seen well from the sea (Figure 6). The Akashi Strait is the entrance to the Osaka Bay and is oneof the rough spots in the Seto Inland Sea with fast currents. The Goshikizuka is positioned in one of
the most important places on the sea route of Seto Inland Sea.
Case study 2: Yanai Chausuyama burial mound
The Yanai Chausuyama is a key-hole shaped burial mound with a length of 80 meters. It isestimated to have been built in the latter half of the Early Kofun period (ca. AD 300-375).

Figure 7. Topographic map around Yanai Chausuyama

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Figure 8. Seascape around Yanai Chausuyama

It is located near the entrance of a channel that once existed (Figure 7). This channel was a
shortcut for avoiding the need to go around the Murotsu peninsula, and was an important point formaritime traffic. The Yanai Chausuyama burial mound can be easily seen from the sea near theentrance of the channel (Figure 8).
Case study 3: Shinmeiyama burial mound
The Shinmeiyama is a key-hole shaped burial mound with a length of 190 meters. It is estimatedto have been built in the latter half of the Early Kofun period (ca. AD 300-375).
It is located near a lagoon that once existed (Figure 9). It is considered that this lagoon was once

Figure 9. Topographic map around Shinmeiyama

200

Figure 10. Seascape around Shinmeiyama

used as a good natural harbor. Since the Shinmeiyama burial mound can be easily seen from offshore(Figure 10), we assumed that it was a target for navigation that indicated the position of the port.
Case study 4: Amino Choshiyama burial mound
The Amino Choshiyama is a key-hole shaped burial mound with a length of 201 meters. It isestimated to have been built in the latter half of the Early Kofun period (ca. AD 300-375).
It is located near a lagoon that once existed (Figure 11). It is considered that this lagoon was once
used as a good natural harbor, like the case of Shinmeiyama. Since the Amino Choshiyama burial
mound can be easily seen from offshore (Figure 12), we assumed that it was also a target for navigationthat indicated the position of the port.

Figure 11. Topographic map around Amino Choshiyama

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Figure 12. Seascape around Amino Choshiyama

ResultFrom the above for case studies, the following four outcomes are shown. Firstly, these ‘seashore
type burial mounds’ can actually be easily seen from the sea. Secondly, these burial mounds are locatedat important points for sea routes such as waterways and ports. Thirdly, it is likely that they were built
as navigational landmarks. Lastly, these burial mounds were constructed in a certain period, that is, inthe latter half of Early Kofun Period (AD 300-375).
The above outcomes suggest that there was a common factor behind the construction of these‘seashore type burial mounds.’ In other words, it is possible that the construction of these burial
mounds reflected the political situation at that time. This is because the burial mounds, which aremonuments that symbolize power of chiefs, were essentially political products.
Discussion
The period when these ‘seashore type burial mounds’ were built was also the period when majorchanges occurred in maritime traffic, which is a change in the route from the Japanese archipelago to
the Korean peninsula. The fact that rituals on Okinoshima began during this period suggests thatchange.
Okinoshima is a small island located between Kyushu Island of the Japanese archipelago and the
Korean Peninsula. The Okinoshima rituals are ceremonies to pray for safe voyages on the island of
Okinoshima, which were held from the latter half of the 4th century to the end of the 9th century.
Along with the rituals, Chinese bronze mirrors and various treasures were dedicated to the island’s
rocks and rock shelters. These materials are common to the burial goods of tombs, and many of them
are distributed mainly in the Kinai region, which was the political center at that time. Based on thesefacts, it is considered that rituals on Okinoshima were led by an elite group of in the Kinai region. Its
purpose is thought to be to establish a new route from the Japanese archipelago to the Korean Peninsula.

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The conventional route to the peninsula was an island-hopping route via Iki Island and TsushimaIsland; however, compared to that, the route via Okinoshima is a shortcut.
We consider that the change that occurred during this period was due to the fact that the politicalpowers of the Yamato dynasty in the Kinai region promoted to seize the maritime route. It is probablethat the ‘seashore type burial mounds’ discussed in this paper were built by local chiefs with thesupport by the powers in the Kinai region, in order to improve maritime route within the Japanesearchipelago. It is highly probable that these burial mounds served as targets for navigation, not only
in a practical sense, but also as a visual demonstration of the control of maritime traffic by powers in
the Kinai region.
References
Hirose, K. (2015). The Period of Seashore Type Burial Mounds. Tokyo: Doseisha. (in Japanese)
Ishimura, T. (2017). Reconstruction of Ancient Port: A Geoarchaeological Study. Tokyo: Yoshikawa
Kobunkan. (in Japanese)Mori, K. (1986). Excavating port and lagoon. In T. Obayashi ed. Ancient Japan 3: Interaction beyond
the Sea, pp. 39-82. Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha. (in Japanese)
Uchida, M. (2009). Sea Kayak Textbook. Tokyo: Kaibundo. (in Japanese)203

Multisensory Experiences of Māʻohi Marae:
An Ethnohistorical and Archaeological Study of Political Theater in the PreContact Society Island Chiefdoms
Jennifer G. KAHN
Associate Professor of Anthropology, College of William & Mary

Abstract: In the last decade, archaeologists have turned to understanding political theater, arguingthat the development of large centralized polities would have been impossible in the past without heavy
reliance on public events. In this paper, I examine public ritual events at chiefly centers and marae(temples) in the late pre-contact Society Islands. Historic documents and archaeological data
illustrate the spread of a new war and fertility cult in the Societies in the mid-seventeenth century. The
ʻOro war cult brought significant shifts in ceremonial architecture and public ritual and led to anincrease in chiefly power. Using ethnohistoric, linguistic, and archaeological data, I examine howlarge scale religious ceremonies associated with the ‘Oro cult developed into a new form of politicaltheater, one rooted in multisensory perceptions of scents, sounds, and visual spectacles. At such
spectacles, varied socio-ritual elites asserted their roles as moral leaders and embodiments ofcommunity integration. I use diverse lines of data, including site placement, architectural layout, thesurrounding natural environment, and the use of fire, sounds, and elaborate elite attire, to paint a
multisensory picture of late pre-contact Mā‘ohi political theater. As I argue, ‘Oro rituals not only
heightened the visibility of rulers and separated those allowed to participate intimately from others
who could not, but they likewise created contexts for the imposition of ideology and its constantnegotiation among and between social strata.

Keywords: Political Theater, Ritual, Multisensory, Archaeology, Ethnohistory, Society Islands,
Eastern Polynesia

In the last two decades, archaeologists have turned to understanding political theater, arguing thatthe development of large centralized polities would have been impossible in the past without heavy
reliance on public events. In archaeological contexts, Inomata (2006:806-807) has broadly definedpolitical theater as theatrical events including communication between performers and an audience
who observe and evaluate the act(s). The theatricality of performance relates both to the use of the
body and material images as expressions of shared semiotic systems. It is important to try to accessthe materiality of such performances, including their sensory experiences and the architecture within
which they took place, as the smells, tastes, and sounds of the event have shared meaning. So too the204architecture of a place restricts and affords movement, and the hearing and viewing of the event by
the audience, resulting in a shared experience (Inomata and Coben 2006), whether from near or far.
Theatrical performances can be transformative in that they serve as cultural capital, or as valued
cultural knowledge that can be converted into political power. Aspects of performative theater, whenexperienced as shared ritual events, serve as a means of community building, while those in bothsecular and ritual contexts can clarify and reify hierarchical relations of power (Demarrais 2014). As
Demarrias has noted, such events often add gave stability and legitimacy to transitory cultural
constructs, and as such, had the ability to both structure social orders and transform them. Likewise,
performances and political theater bring attention to asymmetrical power relations in highlighting thespecialized knowledge of ritual and craft specialists, as the objects and costumes used in visuallystunning multisensory performances often required specialist skills, knowledge, valued materials, andlabor for their production (DeMarrais et al. 1996). Political theater is then both a source of integrationand conflict. Such processes were central to the management and transformation of centralized polities,a shift common to many complex societies (Inomata 2006; McCoy 2018).
In this paper, I examine public ritual events at chiefly centers and marae in the late pre-contact
Society Islands of French Polynesia. Historic documents and archaeological data illustrate the spreadof a new war cult and fertility cult in the Societies in the mid-seventeenth century. The ʻOro war cultbrought significant shifts in ceremonial architecture and public ritual and led to an increase in chiefly
power. Using ethnohistoric, linguistic, and archaeological data, I explore how large scale religious
ceremonies associated with the ‘Oro cult developed into a new form of political theater, one rooted in
multisensory perceptions of scents, sounds, and visual spectacles. I use diverse lines of data, includingsite placement, architectural layout, the surrounding natural environment, and the use of fire, sounds,
and elaborate elite attire, to paint a multisensory picture of late pre-contact Māʻohi political theater.
As I argue, ‘Oro rituals not only heightened the visibility of rulers and separated those allowed toparticipate intimately from others who could not, but they likewise created contexts for the impositionof ideology and its constant negotiation among and between social strata.

Background to the Society Islands
The Society Islands are centrally located in Eastern Polynesia (Figure 1). Settled c. A.D. 950, Māʻohi
populations lived primarily along the coastline during the first 300 years of settlement. Around A.D.
1250, there was widespread movement into interior contexts and the building of domestic andagricultural site complexes. Around the start of the fifteenth century, the first formalized religious sites,
including marae and smaller and less elaborate shrines, appear. Such sites become larger and moreformalized through time, providing proof for the advent of stratified chiefdoms in the Society Islands(Lepofsky and Kahn 2011; Maric 2012, vol. 1).
Starting as early as A.D. 1650, a new religion, the ʻOro cult, became a driving force for politicalexpansion, domination, and ultimate consolidation of the Society Islands into ever larger polities

205

(Kahn 2010; Maric 2016). This new religion ignited an intense period of chiefly competition that
resulted in more elaborate styles of monumental and ritual architecture, new settlement patterns, andthe intensification of subsistence strategies and sociopolitical hierarchies (Kahn in press). To worshipʻOro, Māʻohi began building specialized styles of marae with imposing ahu (altars) and new,sprawling chiefly centers on the coast and inland. I have argued that by the late eighteenth century,
this cult had become a “quasi-state” state religion, or high religion restricted to the elites, and a key
vehicle whereby elites centralized their secular and ritual power (Kahn in press).
Māʻohi Cosmologies and Ontologies
Like many other indigenous societies worldwide, the Māʻohi had impermeable views ofrelationships between the natural world, the spirit world, and humans as well as relationships between
humans, animals, and other material things. Māʻohi ontologies made a basic distinction between
people and spirits (ghosts, gods, demi-gods, and the ancestors), who occupied different rooms of theuniverse (Oliver 1974, 56). While the spirits lived in the darkness, they had to be kept close in orderto receive humans’ prayers and offerings, thus they were invoked in rituals at temples, shrines, andsacred parts of the landscape. In addition, varied objects or things in the human world, like god figures(ti‘i), sculpted wooden planks (unu), the wind, heavy rains, trees growing within temple enclosures,or animals (octopus, eels, sharks, birds, among others), could be animated by the spirits (Henry 1928;
Oliver 1974). Such beliefs draw our attention to how the natural landscape, including the weather, andits colors, sounds, and smells, and that of animals surrounding Māʻohi temple sites, and in particular
their specific configuration during key ritual events, were an integrated part of the multisensory
experience of Māʻohi political theater.

Figure 1. Map of Polynesia, differentiating Western Polynesia from Eastern Polynesia. Note theSociety Islands central location in Eastern Polynesia.

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The ‘Oro Cult and Political Theater: Ethnohistoric Data
Historic sources document how the ʻOro cult was intimately associated with ritualized cultceremonies that marked the changing seasons, rites of passage for the ruling chiefs and their families,
the start of war, and other extraordinary events. At such rituals, high priests and high chiefs, the latteradorned in elaborate costumes, orated in highly formalized manners. Only high chiefs associated withthe ‘Oro cult could be outfitted in clothing benefiting the status of the gods, such as the red and yellow
colored feathered loin cloths, and the fau (chief’s headdress), feathered items resembling the firstfeathered clothing of the god Atea (Alevêque 2018). So too, only the highest chiefs could officiate at‘Oro ceremonies with royal sacra, notably the toʻo, the material representation of ‘Oro clothed in its
own red feathers, while offering human sacrifices to the god (Babadzan 2003; Eddowes 1991a:100 101; Henry 1928: 135). Such rituals were practiced at temple sites with processual ramps and restrictedentryways, thus the architectural form of the temple sites created another element of drama. Certainly,
the use of visually stunning, and ritually symbolic specialized costumes, in addition to the use of ritualsacra in temples with dramatic settings, would have emphasized the pageantry of ‘Oro events.
One of the most important seasonal rites for the ‘Oro cult was the matahiti, a multi-scalar, multiday festival celebrating the new year where surplus goods were funneled from the commoners to land
managers, then to the subchiefs, then to the high chiefs, reinforcing the class hierarchy (Morrison 1935,
262-263). Opened by the high chiefs, matahiti ceremonies featured the arrival of canoes from eachsociopolitical district carrying ʻarioi, fertility cult members associated with ‘Oro. Grand flotillas ofcanoes laden with material goods play a prominent role in European explorersʻ accounts, supporting
how such events were visually striking to both the islanders and outsiders alike (Oliver 1974: 918, f
25). The protracted ceremony included the public presentation of food staples and prestige goods suchas mats, canoes and tapa (barkcloth), and the making of sacrifices and other offerings to the gods,
chiefs, and priests at royal district marae (Babadzan 1993b, 244, 259; 260-261; Kahn and Kirch 2014,
38; Moerenhout 1837, 518-521; Oliver 1974). Several days of feasting, festivities like dance, singing,theater, and sporting events, like wrestling and archery, ensued (Babadzan 1993: 253-254, 268, 1993b,
245-247; Henry 1928, 177; Oliver 1974, 923, 1001-1002). Given the communal nature of such
ceremonies, and their wedding of highly visual rituals with secular spectacles, we can confidently
define such ‘Oro cult ceremonies as forms of political theater.
The ‘Oro Cult and Political Theater: Archaeological Data
The actual places and spaces where ʻOro rituals were carried out were also key elements of theirpolitical theater. The ‘Oro cult was associated with the construction of ever larger and more elaborate
temples and ritual chiefly centers, where the religion’s rituals were carried out. Society Island marae,

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Figure 2a. ScMo-171F, a simple marae, note the stone enclosure, stone uprights, and lack of interior
ahu; 2b: Marae Arahurahu on Tahiti Island, note the use of worked rounded stones in the stepped ahu
and in the enclosing walls, photo courtesy of the author; 2c: Marae Mahaiatea on Tahiti Island, as
seen during the voyage, lithograph from Wilson 1799.

or temples, start out relatively small and include a stone court or plaza, often enclosed by a walled
enclosure (Figure 2a). More elaborate temple forms developed through time and include a stone raisedaltar at one end of the enclosure. The altar or ahu is often fronted by lines of stone uprights which
represent the gods. Through time, and particularly after the advent of the ‘Oro war cult, we see changes
in the size and elaboration of Society Island marae, many having to do with ahu style. Temples afterAD 1650 incorporate coral facing and coral blocks in their ahu (Figure 2b). Ahu also become steppedin form (Figure 2b, 2c) and include the use of rounded stones (Figure 2b). These rounded stones
signaled highly tapu contexts where offerings, including human sacrifices, were made to the gods
during ‘Oro rituals (Kahn 2010; Maric 2016). Such offerings to the gods not only reinforced the chiefs’
political and economic power, but so too visually represented how their political power could be used208

Figure 3. Visual Representation of a Royal District Marae dedicated to ‘Oro. A. Sculpted wooden
unu in front of the ahu are seen in red; B. Stepped ahu constructed from blocks of coral.

towards coercive ends. Thus, the elaborate temples where ‘Oro style rituals were carried out represent
a key avenue towards understanding the role of political theater in this complex chiefdom.

Multisensory Analysis of ‘Oro Style Rituals
How are we to present analyses of Society Island ‘Oro temples and chiefly centers that depict thevaried sensory experiences that ritual participants had? Archaeological, ethnohistoric, and historic data
are useful in thinking through these concepts, as are visual reconstructions, as presented in Figure 3.
Descriptions of royal ʻOro temples situated on the coast, which were used by only the highest of elitechiefs and priests who embodied the most mana (or sacred power), are rare. Tobin (1797), a European
explorer, visiting such a royal coastal marae in 1792, noted that
The marae was a platform about a foot high, sixty four feet long by forty two feet broad.
At one end, it was raised 4-5 feet (this would be the ahu, which the red arrow points to)in steps decorated with carved wooden figures, some of them representing birds andlizards (these are the red sculptures seen here on the court in front of the ahu). A few

209

upright stones were fixed in different parts of the pavement, (the green circle shownhere) and breadfruit and coconut trees were growing amongst them. (text in parentheses
are my additions).
We can consider the use of the carved wooden sculptures, or unu (see Figure 3[A]), set in the temple
court, as a visual signal to bring ritual participants’ attention to the most ritually important part of thetemple, the ahu [B]. But components of royal marae, like the sculpted unu boards depicting birds,
were more than just material representations. Symbolically, birds were considered avatars of thedeities; their presence on unu signified how the god ‘Oro was receiving sacrifices. Birds were also
considered givers of good fortune. Unu were placed on temples to bring birds into these spaces, as away to bring the gods and ancestors into these spaces and to entice the birds, and the gods, to feed
upon sacrificial food offerings. At coastal marae then, not only must we envision the glint of the sunon white bleached coral, and the sounds of waves crashing on the coral reefs nearby, but a cacophonyof birds, some sacred like the kingfisher and the heron, feeding upon food offerings.
European explorer and missionary descriptions of Society Island temples tend to emphasize theirsize and layout and offer only basic descriptions of the rituals carried out in them. Archaeological andsurvey data can be used to flesh out the sensory experiences of such sites, if we take an interpretive
landscape approach (see Hamilton et al. 2016). Coastal marae of the ‘Oro style often had coral blocks
incorporated into their architecture. The example here (Figure 3) has both coral blocks in the ahu
shown with the red arrows and in the base stones of the enclosure walls, whereas dark grey basalt
stones were used as the predominant construction materials. The white to light gre y color of coral
would have been magnificently offset in the day’s sun from the blue of the ocean and the blue of thesky. But coral was more than a visual treatment in Society Island temples. It symbolized Māʻohi
culture’s strong connections to the ocean and to voyaging (Handy 1927; see Molle et al. 2023). The
color white also was related to the sacred and to death (Kahn and Kirch 2014; Molle et al. 2023). The
use of coral offerings at marae and use of coral in marae architecture likewise transferred mana fromthe ocean to temples, marking them as highly sacred spaces and as agents of fertility (see Henry 1928).
In this way, we can view the materials used to construct ‘Oro style marae as sensual mediums for the
expression of culturally shared symbolic ideas (see also Hamilton et al. 2011).
If we shift to lived experiences at temples in interior contexts, such as the back of the ‘Opunohu
Valley on Moʻorea, descriptions of temple events there often suggest a more somber experience(Eddowes 1991). Historic accounts suggest inland marae, particularly those associated with elitelineages, were places to be feared and places of silence. For example, Henry states that “Terrible werethe marae of the royal line, their ancestral and national marae! They were places of stupendous silence,
terrifying and awe inspiring, places of pain to the priests, to the owners, and to all the people.” (Henry
1928: 151). Yet archaeological data sometimes suggest otherwise. One such example is site complex
ScMo-124 high in the upper reaches of the valley. The clustering of large numbers of elaborate temple

210sites, with other elite structures like council meeting platforms, is indicative of a secondary elite center.
Direct linkage between Māʻohi chiefs’ political power, economic prowess, and religious authority was
firmly established in the mid-17th century, when first fruit rituals conducted at royal marae and at thesesmaller secondary complexes, ensured the land’s potency and fertility.
Tahitian

Description

Scale ofMaterial Items

References

gloss

Event/Locale

Fa‘aariʻir Office taking,Large scale, public;

Large quantities of feast

Henry 1928;aʻa

investiture of theRoyal Regional,

foods, rolls of high-Oliver 1974,

chief

Royal District, or

quality tapa cloth,1015-1024

Community maraeclothing with feathereddecoration, canoes

TauruaPublic feast

Large scale, public;

Tapa cloth, canoes, pigs,

Corney 1918;

associated with

Royal Regional,

human sacrifice

Oliver 1974,

the elites

Royal District, or

1295-96

Community marae
Matea,

Political andLarge scale, public;

Human sacrifices (to the

Ellis 1831;

maui

religious

Royal Regional,gods), barkcloth, fine

Oliver 1974, 385

faʻatere,

ceremonies priorRoyal District marae

mats, pigs (to the priests)

haea mati to commencing a dedicated to ʻOrobattle----Mourning

Public; for elites at

Large quantities of pigs,

Corney 1918,

ceremony andCommunity maraeother food stuffs, rolls of

183-195

feastsPararaʻaFirst fruits

matahititapa
Community marae

Tribute and feasting

Babadzan 1993,(harvest

goods, brought to the237–240; Henry

ceremony)

temple; large quantities of 1928, 177;hogs, deep sea fish,

Moerenhout

turtles, baked vegetables, 1837
starchy puddings, mats,rolls of cloth, feather
ornaments

Table 1. Large public ceremonies, feasts, and rites of passage in Māʻohi society at the time ofEuropean contact.

211

By then, the numerous terms for Māʻohi elite feasts and rites of passage likely pointed to not only theimmense mana of chiefs and their families but to the long-standing histories of such traditions (seeTable 1). The large size, and public nature of these rituals, replete with the presentation of tribute,sacrificial rites, and offerings became an embodiment of political theater. In one sense, ʻOro fertility
rites stimulated resource abundance and reproduction. Yet such rites also guaranteed that theuppermost echelons of society, or the paramount chiefs, high priests, and members of the fertility cult,drew more benefit from the annual ritual cycle than did commoners. Seasonal rituals reinforced theideological bonds between paramount chiefs and ʻOro, paving the way for the extraction of surplus
from commoner laborers. By the seventeenth century, if not before, ideology had driven a hard
dividing line between socio-ritual elites and the rest of the population, a process that was likewise
facilitated by political theater.
How would these inland secondary centers been experienced in the past? Some of the temples
here, including 124J, seen in this 3D image (Figure 4), were expansive, at 11 m long, with a high ahu
constructed of stepped coral blocks rising c. 3+ m up to the sky. We have to imagine such large andimposing temples under the rustling of tree branches with the late afternoon winds. Imagine thedappled sunlight that would shine in between the patches of shade under the towering Banyan trees
and the late afternoon visits of birds and their singsongs. Later in the day, sites would be plunged into
darkness with the rapid setting of the sun, creating the somber effects described in the historic accounts.
Some temples, like 124T, had worked rounded stones marking their designation as ‘Oro war culttemples (Figure 5a). Surface architecture at this site illustrates that there was a stone lined ramp or
entryway just below the temple, outlined in Figure 5b in yellow. This ramp can be viewed as anindexical marker of prestige.
It marked space as not only sacred but as special, only to be used by the highest of elites. It also
formalized movement in accordance with spatialized strategies of authority, signaling this as a
restricted, highly tapu place only for those with much mana or spiritual authority. My excavations at
124T revealed extensive evidence for the burning of candlenut (Aleurites moluccana) along thisramped entryway. This was likely related to the use of the temple for nighttime ceremonies, where fire
was used to signal to others in the valley that this site was in use for a tapu ceremony.
Other structures, like this raised stone pavement (124X) may have been used in extensive andhighly tapu mourning ceremonies (Figure 6). Thus, sensory experiences of the sites would track bothwith the changing times of the year and with extraordinary events. After the deaths of chiefs, theirsemi-embalmed bodies would have been laid out for public viewing in houses for the dead seen in thelower right. High priests then led lavish mourning ceremonies to elevate high chiefs to the order of thegods in the afterlife (Corney 1918(III):93, 205; Oliver 1974). The high priests donned elaborate
mourning masks and costumes, seen at the upper right, for a several day ceremony full of spectacle.
In these glinting pearl shell costumes, they carried sculpted war lances tipped with shark’s teeth.
Others painted in black, red, and white, held shell tappers in their hands to create a ruckus as a warning212

Figure 4. Plan view of ScMo-124 secondary chiefly center, ‘Opunohu Valley, Moʻorea. Note 3D
digital image of marae ScMo-124J, which is the larger of the two marae that the arrow points to, in
addition to the two Banyan trees in this chiefly center (marked by Xs).

symbol. The cacophony of noises would have stood in stark contrast to the days just preceding the
public ceremony, when oppressive laws of silence had to be followed (Robineau 1985:114; Salmond2009). Mourning ceremonies could last days to even months, at the end of which the chief’s bones
were put in a secluded place. At site 124 they were tucked under large boulder overhangs.
Discussion
While preliminary, I have tried to use multiple lines of data to get at the lived experiences oftheatrical performances at Society Island marae and chiefly centers. The study of ritual theater allows
archaeologists to examine interrelations between political, social, and cultural factors. It also illustrates
how ritual sites were used for much more than religious ceremonies. It is very likely that the highly
ritualized ‘Oro ceremonies, both sacred and secular, at both primary and secondary chiefly centers
clearly marked those with high mana (sacred power) from those without. At such spectacles, variedsocio-ritual elites asserted their roles as moral leaders and embodiments of community integration.

213

Figure 5. Plan view of ScMo-124 secondary chiefly center, ‘Opunohu Valley, Moʻorea. A: Photo of
124T enclosing wall, taken to the East. B: Bird’s eye view of 124T, yellow lines highlight where theentry ramp is located on the terrace facing the marae.

Yet at the same time, members of the general community would have been well aware of events fromwhich they were restricted, as the sounds, colors, and smells of such events would have been highly
visible and easily experienced in residential neighborhoods near ritual centers. Such analyses call into
question the larger socio-political implications of theatrical performances, including their role instrengthening social cohesion while at the same time reifying principles of mana and tapu (taboo, or
restrictions) that were the basis of hierarchies of exclusion in the late pre -contact Society Island
chiefdoms.
Theatrical performances at secondary ritual centers in the ‘Opunohu Valley likely served as aform of competitive signaling between spatial adjacent communities. The valley has five secondary
chiefly centers, four of which are circled in Figure 7, each within relatively close proximity to one
another. Here, we can envision that the sites, sounds, and colors of major ritual events, gave physicalreality to social communities in competition with one another.

214

Figure 6. Plan view of ScMo-124 secondary chiefly center, ‘Opunohu Valley, Moʻorea. X marks thelow stone pavement likely used as a foundation for a mourning platform. There, a high priest would
have donned the mourning costume (upper right) to perform mortuary ceremonies for the high chiefat a fare tupapau (bottom right).

We can envision episodes of cyclic competitive events embodied as theatrical performancebringing these four neighborhoods into constant socio-political, ritual, and economic engagement.
Sacred participants not only witnessed the bodily presence of others, but their shared experience.
Participants, both within the same neighborhoods as the event, and outside of them, would have also
experienced elements of the political theater from afar. This reminds us that human sociality is rooted
in the sensory perceptions of others.

215

Figure 7. Four secondary chiefly centers in close association, Tupauruuru sector, ‘Opunohu Valley,Moʻorea.

Acknowledgements
Many thanks to Yoko Nojima for the invitation to contribute to the Out of Eurasia Conference and to
Barry Rolett for facilitating that invitation.

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Babadzan, A. 1993. Les dépouilles de dieux: Essai sur la religion tahitienne à l’époque de ladécouverte. Paris: Editions de La Maison des Sciences de L’Homme.
Corney, B. G. (editor and translator). 1913, 1914, 1918. The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti by
Emissaries of Spain During the Years 1772-76. 3 vols. London: The Hakluyt Society.
DeMarrais, E. 2014. Introduction: the archaeology of performance. World Archaeology 46(2): 155163.
DeMarrais, E., L. J. Castillo, and T. Earle. 1996. Ideology, materialization, and power strategies.
Current Anthropology 37(1): 15-31.
Eddowes, M. 1991. Ethnohistorical Perspectives on Marae of the Society Islands: The Sociology ofUse. Unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Auckland.

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Direct Historical Approach to Ritual Landscape in Tongareva Atoll,
the Northern Cook Islands.
Toru YAMAGUCHI
Keio University
Keywords: coral atolls, East Polynesia, marae, ceremonial structures, ethnoarchaeology

Introduction
Ceremonial structures are widely distributed among the islands of East Polynesia. They are calledmarae, me'ae, heiau or ahu. Many of them share basic morphological elements such as "an enclosed
or otherwise delineated courtyard, elevated altar area (ahu), and upright stone slabs or carved images"(Kirch 1982: 80), although they are also diversified in their size, orientation, and location. Because of
their number, the monumental size of many of these structures, their similarity and their diversity,these ceremonial structures have been viewed as one of most marked cultural phenomena of East
Polynesia (Garanger 1967: 383).
The majority of more reliable information was not accumulated until the 1920's when the Bishop
Museum systematically carried out archaeological and ethnological surveys (Emory 1943: 9). It isvery evident by that time that most of islands were strongly westernized and had lost or were in theprocess of losing their traditions about such matters as ritual and cosmology. In this situation, salvage
surveys of the Bishop Museum yielded a mass of invaluable records. In keeping with this accumulationof archaeological and ethnographic information, both studies of the ceremonial architecture itself andinterpretations of prehistoric island societies using it have progressed by employing several
perspectives, each reflecting world archaeological trends. They can be classified into threeperspectives the culture-historical, processual, and interpretive.
Emory of the museum surveyed 240 archaeological sites throughout the Society Islands andclassified marae of the Windward Islands into tree types: inland, intermediate, and coastal. He
identified another type for marae in the Leeward Islands. His intention of the quadripartiteclassification was to propose the developmental and chronological framework of ceremonialarchitecture; from the simpler inland type through the intermediate and the Leeward types to the moresophisticated coastal type (Emory 1933: 40-1). He vigorously continued a series of surveys and set
out morphological similarity and difference in ceremonial structures to infer its developmental anddiversifying sequence in East Polynesia (Emory 1943, 1970). His culture historical perspective viewed
morphological types as indicators of diffusion of cultural norms.
In the 1960's, the different method of survey has started to be applied to the Polynesian prehistory.

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Figure 1. Map of Oceanic atolls

This spatial archaeology included intensive surveys of a given area such as a valley locale, andexcavations to reconstruct local cultural sequences. Green demonstrated that some types of marae havecontemporaneously functioned in terms of the social differentiation and stratification of 'Opunohu
valley in Mo'orea (Green et al. 1967: 162). Thereafter, ceremonial architecture of East Polynesia has
mainly appeared in the processual studies of social archaeology aiming at the reconstruction of sociopolitical structures and focusing on the indices of architectural elaboration. There would have been ashared intention to build a model of evolutionary process of socio-political integration common tovarious islands (e.g. Kirch 1984).
While most processual studies have referred to marae as an important means, Green & Green(1968), referring to eyewitness historical descriptions and drawings recorded by Europeans as well as
ethnographic accounts, exhibited that several archaeological types of marae in the Windward Society
Islands were associated with a specific god, Oro. This study demonstrates that a variety of meanings
would be encoded in various characteristics and patterns which archaeologists can observe inceremonial structures. However, such a direct historical approach of ethnoarchaeology has not been
fully explored yet in Oceanic studies. Thus, I try to describe Tongarevan marae as a sort of material
culture to have invented the social relationship among inhabitants of this atoll who bodily experienced
these structures, through the record of direct observations of E.H. Lamont who stayed there in 1853.

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Environmental diversity of seemingly uniform atoll islets
There are scattered many coral atolls within the Pacific trade wind zone, the landform of which
consists of unconsolidated sand and gravel. Tongareva, lying at the eastern margin of the Northern
Cook Islands, is one of such atolls (Figure 1.). Its low and flat islets have the limited vegetation. The
visual scene is less colorful, mainly composed with ocean blue, white sand and gravel of beach, green
shade of coconut trees, and then reversely white beach and marine blue of lagoon. The subaerial
landform of islets is markedly simpler even among Oceanic atolls, but several micro-topographic
features are discernible. In the tidal zone of ocean side, cemented beach-deposits (beach rock) occur.
This formation is cross-stratified along the beach slope, and conglomerate slabs can be easily quarried
from it for marae constructions. There is a mass of coarse debris along the ocean shore, known asstorm ridge, which is up to 4 m high above sea level in places. Behind the ridge to the lagoon beach,the flat inland extends. Coral gravel occurs beneath the humus soil, with reducing grain size towards
the lagoon. Long islets are provided with brackish or freshwater ponds. These change the saline tobrackish pond because of rainfall, but milkfish (Chanos chanos) has traditionally been farmed in sucha severe environment.
The least modified communities of plants have rarely more than about 15 species. Coconut trees(Cocos nucifera) account for about 90 percent of total vegetation (Linton 1933). Where the forest is alittle more open, Pandanus tectorius is often common and Morinda citrifolia is usually present as a
subcanopy species. We can observe the more marked, spatial shift of vegetation at margins of islets,
especially those of the oceanside. These areas are usually covered with small trees and shrubs.
The drastic changes of Tongarevan society
The people had been dispersed on habitable islets before the European contact, until the mid-19th
century AD at least. A historical document states that small households, generally consisting of lessthan 20 inhabitants, were scattered on these islets (Lamont 1867: 116). The united assemblage ofseveral households formed districts called Huaanga, each of which was controlled by a chief.
The first contact of Tongareva with the European occurred in 1816 AD. Since then, Tongarevansociety has suffered some drastic changes. The people instantly converted to Christianity, after the
London Missionary Society sent pastors from Rarotonga in 1854 AD (Campbell 1984). They lived in
six villages including Mangarongaro, marae in which is discussed later, and each village wasconstructed around a chapel. In addition, a Peruvian slaver vessel visited Tongareva in 1862 AD andtransported a lot of people to plantations in Peru causing the island's population to decline rapidly tojust 88 inhabitants (Maude 1986). By 1870 AD, it had recovered to 300, but this number included 111
Gilbertese who were dumped on Tongareva by other Peruvian vessel, and 130 Tongarevan people
returning after a period spent working on Tahiti (Campbell 1985). Through this historical process there
are currently the only two Villages in the island, Omoka and Te Tautua. All ceremonial structures,thus, have been destructed or buried under the bushes.

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Archaeological characteristics of Tongarevan maraeAmong architectural features in this atoll, rectangular courtyards called marae are the mostimpressive ones in number and size (Yamaguchi 1995, 2000). The number reaches 23 sites, and thelargest one is about 1600 m2 in size, and the average size reaches nearly 740 m2. Tongarevan marae
are generally defined as having a rectangular courtyard, uprights and an inner component of either
platform type or stone arrangement type.
The general design of courtyards is similar to that of marae recorded from the Society andTuamotu group, but Tongarevan marae have several unique characteristics which are not discernible
in other island groups. One of them is a morphological type of inner component. Eight sites have aplatform at an end of courtyards, but more than the half of sites have a set of double stone arrangements
existing at the equivalent position to that of platform. The uprights of beach rock slabs stand around
peripheries of marae courtyards. Many uprights shaped in various ways such as flanged, knobbed,
notched, shouldered, medial curved and perforated shapes. The shaping of uprights suggests theculture historical relation of Tongareva with the Tuamotu Islands (Emory 1934: 6-7), but uprights
standing around peripheries of marae courtyard are uncommon in the latter group.
It is evident that most marae lie close to shores, in particular, of the oceanside. Inland areas oflarger islets are densely covered with uniform forests of coconut trees reaching 20 m in height, but theoceanside margins of islets are more open and occupied with subcanopy species of less than 5 m inheight. Over the more marginal strand areas are predominant shrubs like Scaevola taccada, Pemphis
andacidulaTournefortia argentea.
Interestingly,
oceanside

all

the

marae

are

located on such open
spaces, and it means thespatial separation fromdwelling spaces whichwere in the shade ofcoconut palm grove on
the lagoonside beachridge. The difference ofvegetation

certainly

enhancestheimpressiononspatialseparation

between

marae

the
and

settlements as well as
Figure 2. Spatial orientation of Tongarevan marae

222

does

the

physicaldistance.
Tongarevan marae exhibit a common characteristic in orientation. Spatial orientation is here
defined as the direction of perpendicular axis to the rear of marae which is identifiable from proximity
of inner component and existence of taller uprights. Twenty-one sites providing reliable information
are oriented toward the ocean (Figure 2.); their perpendicular axis to the rear of courtyard meets atright angle with the adjacent shorelines. In addition, what is more interesting is that even some marae
located closer to the shoreline of lagoon — and from which the ocean is not visible — are also oriented
toward the ocean. This fact, in addition of prevailing marae location on the ocean side, demonstrates
that a common religious meaning which was related to the ocean would be encoded in mostTongarevan marae.
Many ethnographic accounts from East Polynesia delineate that the ocean was recognized as“highest marae” in the ancient Tahitian society (Henry 1928: 143). The souls were believed to reach
the world of the dead by passing on, over, or under the ocean, in many islands or island groups such
as Tuamotu (Williamson 1933: 82), Marquesas (Williamson 1933: 62-3) and Rarotonga in thesouthern Cook Islands (Gill 1876: 193). The general relation of gods with the ocean has been reported
from many islands in various forms: gods who is the ocean (Tahiti); the home of gods under the sea(Cook Islands and Hawaii); a god living in coral reef (Tahiti); the divinity departing in the boat overthe sea (Hawaii); sea gods (throughout Polynesia); and so forth (Kirtley 1971: 3-33). These accounts
suggest that the ocean was linked with the Tongarevan concept of sacredness as well.
Encounter of a European trader with islanders
In the early morning of January 7th, 1853, an American sailing vessel, the Chatham, wasunknowingly heading for Tongareva Atoll. E.H. Lamont, who had no American citizenship but a
substantive owner of the vessel, was a trader who used to work in California and decided to visit thesouth Pacific islands during the off-peak fall and winter seasons. On the return way to California after
his trading around Marquesas, Society and Southern Cook Islands, the vessel was unfortunately stuckon the oceanside reef, and he and his crews forced to stay in the atoll for nearly a year. After rescuedby an American whaling vessel, Lamont (1867) published a book ‘Wild Life among the PacificIslanders’ based on his diary written during the voyage. It was evaluated as an extremely useful
ethnography by a noted anthropologist, Peter Buck (Te Rangi Hiroa), the director of Bishop Museum
in the first half of the 20th century, who also surveyed the Tongareva Atoll in 1929 (Buck 1932).
The Chatham was shipwrecked on the coral reef stretching along the southwestern islet,
Mangarongaro. The coral reef around here is only about 100m in width at most including the reef edge.
Some male inhabitants, noticing the vessel, soon appeared on the beach, shouting menacingly with
their frightening looks, and approaching with spears and clubs in hand (Lamont 1867: 106-108). They
surged and climbed onto the edge of the vessel and stood on the deck. All of them were excited to see
strange things for them, but soon found coconuts in the hold and rush them out. When a person who
seemed to be the chief gave a command, everyone stopped their hands and began a fantastic dance to223

the song. As soon as it was over, they resumed looting.
From this series of events, Lamont had a strong impression of "savage" on the inhabitants, but they
may have not seen Lamont and his crews as pitiable prey. As Sahlins (1993) argued about Captain
Cook in ‘Islands of History’, it is possible that the people objectified as a sort of gods the Westerners
who suddenly appeared on a huge sailing vessel from the far reaches of the ocean. Polynesian gods,
represented by a visiting god Lono in Hawaii, are elder brothers to humans. while these gods wereviewed awful because of their strong mana, the people thought them to bring the fertility, whichhumans could ritually take away. It is unknown whether the Tongareva people considered thewesterners to be gods, but it is certain that they tried to understand Lamont and his crews through theirindigenous logics and knowledge. Virtually, the next day, the people ritually adopted the three
representatives, including Lamont, through a ritual ceremony held at a marae in Mangarongaro.
Lamont’s experience of marae
Lamont was taken to the northern part of Mangarogaro by a group (Lamont 1867: 116-119).
There were a cooking shed and three huts, in one of which he stayed overnight (Probably TON-26).
The next morning, the people, with spears and clubs in hand, marched toward a larger settlement(probably TON-28), protecting the front and rear of Lamont. Along the way, the inhabitants emerged
from small huts scattered in the shade of grove and joined the Lamont's group. When the people ofMangarongaro and the crews of the Chatham were all assembled there, they set out again towards theocean. After about 15 minutes, the party came to a wasteland of coral gravel and boulder. It was
overgrown with pandanus trees, darker than other places, but some upright stones of marae (TON-28
marae) were seen beyond the bush. The Lamont's description finally continues with the ritual
ceremony at this marae (ibid.: 120-121).
As the marae were approached, the women and children, who had not been allowed into its
courtyard, stopped with looks of fear, while the rest of the men continued onward. All the people hada serious look on their faces. Some even turned pale with fear. Four young men with spears rushed
towards the edge of the courtyard, and they faced each other, screaming something like incantations
as if to drive away the evil being. Then, all the remaining men rushed into the courtyard. Two priests
walked further into its backward with the four young men, splitting on either side, each seated near atall upright. After the preparations were complete, all the men stepped forward in front of the platform
lying at the rear of the courtyard, and the scene advanced to the climax of the ritual:
0 Packa, as this chief and high priest was called, on receiving one of the cocoa-nut gods,
ascended the altar, and, seating himself in front of a large stone, while he held his god in both
hands, began to glance wildly round in every direction, his eyes wandering over the crowd of
bowed figures before him. A trembling motion, commencing in his hands, extended throughhis whole body till every limb shook in the most violent manner, the muscles working and theveins swelling almost to bursting – a sign, as these ignorant creatures believed, that he was224possessed by a spirit. After uttering a few incoherent sentences, which subsided to a low
prayer, he lifted his leafy god and struck him violently against the stone before him, repeating
the same process with all three. The idols, having thus done their part in the ceremony, wereunceremoniously thrown aside amongst a heap of rubbish. (Lamont 1867: 122)

Figure 3. Map of Mangarongaro

After the ritual was over, Lamont and other two men were sitting by the courtyard. The threecoconuts, which had been placed on the platform, were also taken out of the courtyard. The husked
coconuts were brought there and given to Lamont and two men to eat. As Lamont later learned, they
now formally adopted through this ritual ceremony as the sons of either leading person respectively.
Conclusive remarks
The above-mentioned ritual ceremony was held at the marae, which was situated roughly in thecenter of Mangarongaro, the southwestern islet extending in a gentle arc (Figure 3.). The islet is about
3.2km in length and less than 300m in width. The marae would have been the archaeological structure
lying on the oceanside of TON-28 settlement which was firstly reported by Bellwood (1978: 185).

225

The inhabitants of small settlements, which were dispersed in the islet, joined together with
Lamont and his group as they passed by, and finally all gathered in the central settlement. Since
Mangarongaro is a long and narrow islet, it can be easily guessed that the walking distance to themeeting point varied depending on where they lived. From there the whole party marched through thecoconut groves toward the oceanside. It is only about 200m distant from the central settlement tomarae in a straight line, but if it took 15 minutes as Lamont described, they might have taken a detour
route to the side of the courtyard. In any case, it is the spatial separation of marae from the settlement
does not mean a dichotomy between sacredness and secularity. Rather, the people should be viewed
as having bodily experienced a gradual transition from the latter to the former by walking.
The people would have had different experiences of the courtyard respectively as well. The
women and children stayed at the outside, while the men proceeded into the inside. Two priests andfour young men further stepped forward to the tall uprights standing close to the platform to perform
some preliminary rituals. Only the highest chief of Mangarongaro stepped onto the platform at the far
end of the courtyard. It is closest to the storm ridge, and its slope makes the platform appear higher inthe courtyard. The position of Lamont and other two men is less clear, but they would have beensituated between the two priests and in front of the platform. Thus, it can be thought that the distanceto the platform, which was the stage for the ritual climax, varied from person to person (Figure 4.). In
other words, the ritual ceremony would have been an opportunity for each inhabitant to recognize his
own social position by bodily experiencing the relative distance to the platform, which was the focal
point attracting attention of everyone. Lamont and his fellows must have also been involved in thisweb of social relationships according to their positions.
The awe-inspiring expressions of the people could be better understood in terms of the common
Polynesian concept of mana, rather than the demons and spirits that Lamont envisioned. Mana is likeenergy or "procreative power, derived from an ultimate source and diffused, transmitted, andmanifested throughout the universe" (Handy 1927: 27). It comes "into individuals or objects only
through the medium of gods or spirits" (ibid.: 26). However, a careless contact of a lower person witha higher chief would be dangerous. The superior is drained of his energy, and the inferior suffers"injurious effects as a result of the overload or surcharge" (ibid.: 28). Thus, chiefs and priests must
attenuate the mana transmitted by the gods, probably appearing at marae from the ocean, throughproper rituals so that their people can enjoy the benefits. Based on this concept of mana, the relative
distance to the platform, which is above-mentioned as the index of social relationship, could be alsointerpreted as the relative strength of mana possessed by each one who attended the ritual ceremony.

226

Figure 4. Schematic drawing of marae rituals

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Buck. P.H. 1932a. Ethnology of Tongareva. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 92. Honolulu.
Campbell, A.R.T. 1984. Impressions of Tongareva (Penrhyn Island). Suva, University of South
Pacific.
Campbell, A.R.T. 1985. Social relations in ancient Tongareva. Pacific Anthropological Records, No.
36. Honolulu, Bernice P. Bishop Museum.
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Emory, K.P. 1970. A re-examination of East Polynesian marae: Many marae later. In R.C. Green &M. Kelly (eds.), Studies in Oceanic culture history, vol. 1. Pacific Anthropological Records 11: 7392. Honolulu, Bernice P. Bishop Museum.

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M. Kelly & Y.H. Sinoto (eds.), Polynesian culture history, Essays in honor of Kenneth P. Emory.
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Gill, W.W. 1876. Life in the southern isles; or scenes and incidents in the South Pacific and New
Guinea. London, the Religious Tract Society.
Green, R.C. and K. Green. 1968. Religious structures (Marae) of the windward Society Islands: thesignificance of certain historical records. The New Zealand Journal of History 2: 66-89.
Green, R.C., K. Green., R.A. Rappaport., A. Rappaport., and J.M. Davidson. 1967. Archaeology on
the Island of Mo'orea, French Polynesia. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, Vol. 51, Part 2. New York.
Handy, E.S.C. 1927. Polynesian religion. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 34. Honolulu.
Henry, T. 1928. Ancient Tahiti. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 48. Honolulu.
Kirch, P.V. 1982. Advances in Polynesian prehistory: Three decades in reviews. Advances in World
Archaeology 1: 51-97. Academic Press.
Kirch, P.V. 1984. The evolution of the Polynesian chiefdoms. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Kirtley, B.F. 1971. A motif-index of traditional Polynesian narratives. Honolulu, University of Hawaii
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Lamont, E.H. 1867. Wild life among the pacific islands. London, Hurst and Blackett Publishers.
Linton, A.M. 1933. Notes on the vegetation on Penrhyn and Manihiki Islands. The Journal of the
Polynesian Society 42: 300-307.
Maude, H.E. 1986. Slavers in paradise: the Peruvian labour trade in Polynesia, 1862 - 1864. Suva,
University of the South Pacific.
Sahlins, M. 1985. Islands of History. Chicago and London, the University of Chicago Press.
Yamaguchi, T. 1995. Archaeological monograph of Tongareva (Penrhyn) Atoll. In M. Chikamori, S.
Yoshida & T. Yamaguchi (eds.), Archaeological Studies on the Cook Islands, Series 1, pp. 17-106.
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Ceremonial landscape in Island Melanesia:
The gamal complex of the Banks Islands, Northern Vanuatu
Yoko NOJIMAInternational Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region

Introduction: Monuments in Melanesia
Ceremonial constructions such as marae in Central Polynesia and heiau in Hawaii have been an
integral part of archaeological research. Notably, such constructions were treated as an importantcomponent to explain the emergence, development and transformation of prehistoric Polynesianchiefdoms (Graves and Sweeny 1993, Earle 1991, Kirch 1990, Kolb 2006, Goto 1989, 1994, and more).
In contrast, the development of monumental constructions as well as related archaeological studies arelimited in Melanesia. The classic monograph by Riesenfeld (1950) compiles a wide range of‘megalithic culture’ in Melanesia, including monoliths, dolmens, stone walls, and alignments.
However, such structures did not become the focus of research. This could be partly because they wereconsidered rather trivial in terms of the scale of their constructions, but also because Melanesianarchaeology has for many decades a strong emphasis on the research on human dispersal and early
settlements associated with the Lapita cultural complex. Another factor would be the lesser
development of chiefdoms or sociopolitical integrations in Melanesia, as traditional Melanesiansocieties were characterized by competitive big man societies that were principally tribal andegalitarian (Sahlins 1963). This might have contributed to the exclusion of Melanesia from theinvestigation of prehistoric sociopolitical evolution and transformation, in which monumental
constructions were treated as important material evidence.
However, there has been a development of research projects dealing with monuments in
Melanesia since the early 2000s: such as the study of stone monuments on Uneapa Island, West New
Britain (Byrne 2005); Woodlark Island in Milne Bay (Bickler 2006, Bickler and Ivuyo 2002), and the
project investigating the Roviana chiefdom in New Georgia, Solomon Islands (Thomas et al 2001,
Walter and Sheppard 2001). In Vanuatu, Vanuatu Cultural Centre and a few researchers have recordedlate prehistoric and proto-historic sites as part of the sites survey and archaeological programmes(Bedford 2019, Nojima 2015a.b, VCHSS 2004). In this paper, the author describes the cases ofmonumental constructions in the Banks Islands, northern Vanuatu. The Banks Island structures, alongwith those on Malakula, display the most prominent formations of monumental landscapes in Vanuatu.

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Banks Islands in the Context of Northern Vanuatu Cultural Diversity
Vanuatu, located in central Melanesia, is composed of more than 80 islands of volcanic origin.
The Banks Islands along with the Torres Islands constitute the northernmost province of Torba, andthey are the most remote and isolated areas in Vanuatu (Figure 1).
Vanuatu has a population of approximately 300,000 according to the census in 2020. Despite its
small population, Vanuatu is linguistically diverse and more than 130 indigenous languages are
distinguished (François et al 2015). Such linguistic diversity is more pronounced in northern Vanuatu,
and larger islands such as Malakula and Santo have dozens of indigenous languages. Even for the
Banks Islands, which is just a small group of islands with a total population of 10,000, 15 languages
are identified, including a few nearly extinct languages. Neighbouring languages are mutually
intelligible, and the chain s of languages eventually link the entire islands in the north (Tryon 1996).
This indicates that in northern Vanuatu autonomous local groups were in communication with eachother by differentiating the others, which explains considerable cultural diversity (Bonnemaison 1996).
Such interactions and communication spheres are exemplified the extensive inter-island
exchange networks ethnographically reconstructed in northern Vanuatu (Huffman 1996). Various
goods and resources were once exchanged through this network, including pottery, mats, dyes, pigs,
root crops (taro, yams), and shell money among others. The Banks Islands were somewhat isolated
from this extensive web of exchange, but the shell money produced on small low-lying islands andislets in the Banks (such as Reef Island, Ravenga, and Motalava) was distributed to the other islands.
Furthermore, it is likely that the people in the Banks and Torres Islands had interactions with
Polynesian outliers’ communities in the southeast Solomons such as Anuta and Tikopia. In fact, theseislands are part of the world recognized by traditional Banks Islanders (Vienne 1984), and theprehistoric interaction between the Banks Islands and Tikopia has been confirmed through the
distribution of obsidians of the Banks Island origin (Kirch and Yen 1982; Spriggs et al 2010).

Figure 1. Southwest Pacific and the location of Banks Islands

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Table 1. Suqe titles recorded in the Banks Islands

Figure 2. Relationship between suqe and tamate

Ethnographically, island communities in northern Vanuatu were not socio-politically integrated
into chiefdoms. Yet, ethnographers and anthropologists highlighted the existence of distinctive
systems of leadership based on grades. Unlike chiefly titles that are inherited hereditary, hierarchicallyordered titles in the systems of grade-taking could be acquired one by one with personal abilities, eachtime by killing certain number of pigs. A greater number of pigs and wealth are required to achieve
higher status. Such systems were once practiced throughout northern Vanuatu. While specific details

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of the systems are somewhat different by islands, they are roughly divided into two larger groups
depending on how the system is called: namely, maki, mangi or nimanggi in north-central islands, andsuqe in the areas further north (Jolly 1991).
Interestingly, the most prominent development of monumental constructions in Vanuatu is
known in the north in association with the system of grade-taking, not in the area integrated bychiefdoms. The hierarchical order according to the ranks in the systems of grade-taking wasrepresented in the men’s meeting house called gamal (or nakamal in Bislama), which served as a place
for individuals who entered the system to be educated. This is one of the major structures that
constitute the ceremonial landscape associated with this system. This paper introduces the cases of
ceremonial stone structures and the landscape developed in the Banks Islands, which was coined byRivers (1914) as ‘the gamal complex’.
The system of grade-taking in the Banks Islands
The system of grade-taking in the Banks Islands is called suqe and characterized by a significant
number of titles that are hierarchically ordered (Table 1). The number of ranks and titles are
exceptionally rich in the Banks Islands, and major titles and their orders are shared throughout the
Banks Islands. This suggests that, even though entering the suqe and achieving higher titles werepersonal endeavors, the basic framework of the system was shared throughout the Banks Islands.
Chiefly status begins from the title of mwel (‘cycad’ symbolizing chief), lan, qoroqorolav, and finallywometeloa, meaning ‘the eye of the sun.’ Pigs play a crucial role in suqe, as in the equivalent systems
found on other islands in northern Vanuatu, in which pigs (tuskers) are ceremonially killed as sacrifice.
In Codrington (1891: 55), such chiefs are called tavusmele/etvusmel, meaning ‘the man who kills(pigs) for mele’ (François 2013). In the Banks Islands, shell money (som) also becomes as importantas pigs. For a man to be successful in suqe in the Banks Islands, he has to be rich with many pigs andshell money.
In the Banks Islands, suqe has been argued in relation to another institution known as tamate, or
secret societies (Vienne 1996). As its name indicates, tamate is related to the dead, ghosts, and spirits.
Typical dance performances in the Banks Islands are accompanied by distinctive masks andheaddresses, which are the outcomes of tamate societies rather than suqe. These two institutions arein contrast with each other (Figure 2). Suqe defines the social norms and orders in the living world,
whereas tamate is about the world of the dead. Both institutions are restricted to men and the members
only; therefore, it is taboo for women and non-members of the society to enter the group’s place ofgathering, which is gamal (men’s meeting house) for suqe, and salagoro for tamate. The gamal was
one of the basic village components and probably the most prominent architecture when the suqe wasin practice, having a raised stone platform and many decorative elements to display the status. Even
though specific activities inside a suqe society are hidden inside the gamal and among its members,
achieved ranks and titles have to be announced to the public through feasts and various insignias toexercise political influence over the community. In this sense, suqe is open to the public.

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For advancing in suqe, a man needs to have an economic ability to accumulate pigs and shellmoney, as they are necessary for acquiring each rank. A greater number of pigs and shell money are
required as he attains higher ranks. Interestingly, the name and meaning of highest titles such as
wometeloa and liwantamat (see Table 1) imply that they are related to some sort of supernatural
powers. Such spiritual aspects associated with higher ranks must have been obtained throughparticipating in tamate societies. Although suqe and tamate are different institutions with different
objectives, there are some links between them.
Highly elaborated stone structures to be described in this paper are the remnants of this system
recorded in the early Banks Islands ethnographies (Codrington 1881, 1891, Rivers 1914, Speiser 1996
(1923)).
Components of ceremonial space in the Banks Islands
Stone structures in the Banks Islands are one of the most prominent constructions developed in
the late prehistoric and proto-historic periods in Vanuatu, along with massive stone features known inMalakula (Layard 1942; Riesenfeld 1950). These constructions were developed in association withthe systems of grade-taking. The existence of sophisticated stone structures in the Banks Islands has
been known, and brief surveys were carried out by Vanuatu Cultural Centre in the early 2000s(VCHSS 2004), which led the government of Vanuatu to submit ‘The Nowon and Votwos of
Ureparapara’ to the tentative list of UNESCO World Heritage in 2005. However, specific details of
structures have been only partially recorded by simply referring to visible structures, and the spatial
distribution of structures and the nature of ceremonial landscape associated with suqe remain largely
unknown.

Figure 3. Rectangular mound with finely piled façade and ladders (Tentur, Southwest Vanua Lava)

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Figure 4. Structure at Yepyou known as ’12 steps’ (Ureparapara)

Against this background, detailed recordings involving the mapping of structures have been
conducted by the author in cooperation with Vanuatu Cultural Centre to better understand thecharacteristics of ceremonial landscape in the Banks Islands. Major information was collectedduring2010–2013 on the islands of Vanua Lava and Motalava (Nojima 2015a.b). Subsequently,
another survey focusing on Ureparapara was conducted in 2019–2023 1. During the survey by theauthor, the team tried to identify the layout of the entire ceremonial complex. As the mapping of
selected sites were carried out on the islands of Vanua Lava and Motalava, it became clear that allsites have shared basic components.
1) Terraces/mounds with brickwork façade and ladders
The most typical ceremonial structures in the Banks Islands are rectangular mounds and terraces,
whose frontal side are finely piled with basalt slabs like a sort of brickwork and furnished with steps
or ladders of prolonged slabs that were implanted into the finely piled façade (Figure 3). Suchstructures are called vetkolkol (Vanua Lava), vetwos, wona (Ureparapara), or nowonwon (Motalava);
1 The author’s research in the Banks Islands was funded by the Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research(C) 23520939 ‘Archaeological investigation of ceremonial stone structures and late prehistoricsocieties in in northern Vanuatu’ (2011–2013), and the Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research on
Innovative Areas 19H05732 ‘Creation of Artificial Landscape and Development of Spatiotemporal
Cognition’ (2019–2023).

234

however, the proper term to describe the structure itself remains ambiguous as the word won or
wonwon means ‘to pile up stones.’ For instance, wona on Ureparapara means the façade of any housefoundation piled with basalt slabs, rather than referring to the entire structure. However, it is thismasonry of finely piling up basalt slabs and the attachment of ‘ladder’ structures that make ceremonialconstructions in the Banks islands highly distinctive. While some structures were constructed asrectangular mounds on relatively flat ground surface, prominent features were constructed as terraces
utilizing natural slopes of hilly terrain as typically seen on mountainous islands of Vanua Lava andUreparapara. The most spectacular feature is probably the stepped terraces at Yepyou in northwest
Ureparapara, known with the nickname of ’12 steps’ (Figure 4). According to the explanation of thelocals, the height of the structure and especially the number of ‘ladders’ correspond to the number ofranks achieved in suqe.
2) Gamal foundations
For most cases, the foundation of gamal is constructed adjacent to the high stone structures withladders or other prominent mound structures. Gamal is the meeting house for the suqe members andcharacterized by a very long foundation of the house (generally, 5–6m wide and 15–40m long) thatare divided into small compartments corresponding to the number of ranks. Compartment boundaries
are marked by aligning stones or placing logs, and each division is equipped with its own fire pit andcooking stones. Divisions for higher ranks are on the frontside of the longhouse and neatly constructedwith basalt slabs, whereas divisions for lower graders are on the backside and rather coarsely linedwith cobbles and boulders. The frontside of the gamal is almost always facing the dance ground, whichis the community space. For this reason, the frontal foundation of the gamal is often raised and finely
finished with wona brickwoks, to display the host’s abilities and ranks achieved.
3) Dance grounds, other structures and associated objects
In front of these highly notable stone structures is a flat and empty space, or a dance ground, where
various public activities took place when the site had been inhabited in the past. Surrounding the dance
ground, some additional structures such as house foundations, platforms, and upright stones arearranged to form a sort of small village. Occasionally, there are a series of low platforms paved withbasalt slabs; however, all other structures are low in their height and house foundations could be
identified as an alignment of cobbles and boulders. Such structures are mostly hidden within dense
vegetation, which has made them extremely difficult to locate.
In addition to various stone structures as described above, there are some other features related
to the activities at the site. Items related to a high, chiefly status such as conch shell trumpets (bubu)
and circled pig tusks are commonly found on top of raised stone structures. Some sites also contain
Western materials such as ceramic plates, metals (especially adzes and muskets) and glass objects.

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Figure 5. Objects found at ceremonial sites A: stones placed on Tridacna shell (Qetneg, Motalava); B:‘Tapie’ stone (Yepyou, Ureparapara); C: round stone placed inside a boxhole (Beoyi, Ureparapara)236

Occasionally, some objects associated with food magic are found (Figure 5). One of theprominent examples is found at Qetneg in east Motalava, where varieties of stones resembling foodcrops were filled inside a clamshell. At Yepyou on Ureparapara, a round stone placed on top of a largestone table (known as ‘Tapie’) was said to have been used for praying for the food, while there wasalso an opinion among contemporary villagers that the set of stones were used for changing weather.
On Ureparapara, round stones were found being rested inside a small boxhole or niche created amid
the brickwork façade of raised mound/terrace structures, suggesting that such stones had magicalfeatures that could have been only enacted through specific individuals who obtained certain ranks insuqe. Such boxholes are so far found on the structures on Ureparapara only, and some are said to havehoused a human skull in the past.
Finally, it should be noted that there once were all sorts of upper house structures, decorative
objects, and musical instruments such as slit drums that were all made of wood or other plant materials.
In the Banks Islands, wood carvings and paintings involving elaborated anthropomorphic expressions
are known ethnographically (see photographs on Speiser 1996 (1923)), and such features once
decorated the upper structure of the gamal as posts and as part of walls.
Conceptualizing the ceremonial space associated with suqe
Ceremonial spaces that accompany mounds and terraces with brickwork façade of basalt slabs
and structures with ladders are typically located inland, near agricultural lands. This trend is obvious
on hilly islands such as Vanua Lava and Ureparapara, and the site such as Tentur in southwest Vanua
Lava has abandoned taro irrigation terraces and canals in the vicinity. In the case of Motalava, suchsites are only found in the east, where gardens for the entire population of the island are located. Given
that pre-Christian settlements were dispersed inland, and people used to live in much smaller groups
in the area closer to the source of livelihood, it is understandable that major ceremonial complexes
were built around the agricultural land.
Sites with gamal remnants do exist on coastal areas; however, unlike inland sites, they do nothave any mound/terrace structures using basalt slabs and those with ladders. Instead, structures suchas the alignment of large and flat upright stones are more commonly found on coastal areas. Further
survey focusing on coastal sites is necessary to provide any concrete explanation, but it might bepossible to relate the formation of these sites with the groups who were the major producer of shellmoney that was indispensable for suqe ceremonies in the Banks Islands.
Interestingly, all sites display similar spatial layouts, even though the number and the variety ofstructures are somewhat different from each other (Figure 6). As already noted, core features of
ceremonial spaces are 1) mound and terraces with brickwork façade and ladders displaying the status,
2) the gamal, and 3) the dance ground. In most cases, ceremonial spaces are separated into two sides:
the suqe side and the side for all the others or the public.

237

Figure 6. Spatial patterns of gamal complex

Generally, structures associated with suqe ranks, such as the mound/terrace with ladders and thegamal, are concentrated on one side of the dance ground at the centre. This side could be madephysically higher with the raised foundation and terraces. Natural slopes are often modified to createhigh terraces, which would have required less labours than building mounds of the same height. For
instance, at Tentur on southwest Vanua Lava, its gamal was facing downhill and only the frontal halfof its foundation was shaped as a terrace.
In contrast, other structures that are located on the other side of the dance ground are all lower
and mostly house foundations, either having a low raised foundation or simple stone alignment. These
structures were built with pebbles and boulders, and basalt slabs were rarely used. This is in striking
contrast with structures associated with grade-taking, where basalt slabs were effectively used forbeautifying the structure to display the status achieved in suqe. Some sites such as Qetneg on East
Motalava and Pegerqo in East Vanua Lava have foundations of relatively large houses on the opposite

238

side of gamal, which could have been a house for the community including women, children, and nonmembers of the suqe.
Ethnohistoric account depicting the grade taking ritual
While it is widely known that in suqe or other equivalent systems of grade-taking, individuals
obtain high ranks by ceremonially killing pigs. In Banks Islands, shell money also played a significant
role, and it is said that all supporters and individuals contributed to the suqe ceremony were paid withshell money. However, such knowledge and stories are too abstract and fragmented to understand therituals associated with grade-taking, and how the ceremonial space furnished with stone structures was
utilized. In this respect, an account cited in Rivers (1914) based on the observation by the missionary
provides valuable information.
It depicts a ceremony held in the village of Vatrata in southwest Vanua Lava, in which arenowned high chief named Charles Wunau ascended to the highest rank of wometeloa. Notable points
are summarized as follows:
1) C. Wunau had to renovate his gamal in advance, to add a new room corresponding to the
new rank of wometeloa.
2) As part of the ritual, he had to pay a lot of shell money and pigs to an old man who is alreadyon the rank of wometeloa. This old man initiated the ritual.
3) On the first day, C. Wunau, standing at the centre of the dance ground, receives many
bundles of shell money as payments for his past support such as providing food, and so on.
In the evening, he had to count the accumulated shell money to make 200 fathoms ready forthe payment to the old man. Members of C. Wunau’s father’s clan supported him in making
up for a shortage.
4) Singing and dancing continued at the dance ground in the evening, while a stone oven was
prepared in the tavatsuqe division of the gamal.
5) In the next morning, a group of dancers arrived from a neighboring village to dance withbow and arrows, which was followed by the solo performance by C. Wunau holding shellmoney and pig’s jaws.
6) The second day was mostly for ritually presenting shell money and pigs to the old wometeloaman. Pigs were supposed to be killed, but they were just given to the old man after the
gesture of tapping the back of each pig.
7) Finally, he lit fire on the wometeloa oven in his gamal to cook his food, and a cycad tree
was planted in front of the gamal to celebrate his new rank.
The description tells in detail the process of paying shell money and killing pigs that were ritually
performed in public. However, the ritual was considerably affected by Christianization, as pigs were
not killed in the ceremony. The story also suggests that gamal structures were occasionally reformed
to add new division as the person’s rank in suqe progressed; however, it didn’t describe how vetkolkol
or vetwos structures were used in the ritual.

239

Conclusion
Ceremonial structures in the Banks Islands could be seen as visible expressions of ranks in suqe,
which were principally achieved by individual abilities and capacities. It could have been thiscompetitive nature of the system of grate-taking that made the construction of refined ceremonial
structures more significant. However, the author has not been successful in obtaining sufficient datathat explains the chronological development of ceremonial structures and spaces in association withthe development of the unique system of grade-taking over time.
Suqe is no longer practiced in the Banks Islands. However, gamals still exist in contemporary
villages for men’s or community meetings, and salagoros are maintained in secrecy as a place forlearning kastom dances and other cultural traditions and expressions. Remnants of old gamal
structures and other ceremonial constructions as reported in this paper are inherited through the clan,
and due to the durable and visible nature of structures built with stones, they function even today as
landmarks for descendants to claim the land ownership.
For many sites, memories and stories concerning structures have been long lost; however, thespiritual power associated with suqe chiefs are still feared and respected as tabu (taboo) by many
villagers. Such respect for the sites certainly contributed to the preservation of major structures aspart of the history of the island. Being located inland, many sites have been severely damaged by the
regrowth of vegetation after the sites were abandoned as people moved down to coastal villages tojoin the missionary. In addition to physical damages to the structures, loss of knowledge and stories
associated with these places are the major challenges for protecting them as the island’s heritage.
On the small island of Ureparapara, masonries employing basalt slabs are still inherited, andthere are some young villagers who have recreated stone-paved platforms with ladders, mimicking
old ceremonial structures. They are not for taking grades in suqe, but exemplifies how they value such
structures and masonries as their heritage. It is hoped that the work by the author and Vanuatu Cultural
Centre would contribute to promoting the significance of these sites as heritage.

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Pu'uhonua O Honaunau
Photographed by Tomo ISHIMURA

Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas (2019–2023) JP19H05731
Integrative Human Historical Science of “Out of Eurasia”
Exploring the Mechanisms of the Development of Civilization
http://out-of-eurasia.jp©2024 by the Individual Authors.

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